Annals of Wyoming

The Cover Photograph

'Cowboy Dinner, Laramie County"

Photograph by J. E. Stimson

Collections of the Wyoming State Archives,

Department of State Parks and Cultural Resources, Cheyenne

Cheyenne photographer ./. E. Stimson shot scenes fi-om throughout Wyo-
ming. Born in I irginiu and trained in photography in Wisconsin, he
came to Cheyenne in 1889 and remained there the rest of his life. Many
of his photographs, including this cover picture, were made from
glassplate negatives. In 1953. the 7.560 glassplates. along with pic-
tures made from other forms of negatives, were purchased by the State
of Wyoming. The Stimson photographs became the foundation for the
superb photographic collection held by the Wyoming State Archives.
Department of State Parks and Cultural Resources. Cheyenne. The cover
image dates from the beginning of the 20th century.

I

Information for \\ liters

The editor ot.-)/»w/.!o/ I) i'om;);.s; welcomes manuscripts and photographs on ever> aspect ot the historv olWNoniing and the West Appropriate
lor submission are unpublished, research-based articles uhich provide new intbrmation or which otter new interpretations of historical events.
First-person accounts based on personal experience or recollections ofevents will be considered tor use in the "W\oming Memories" section.
Historic photo essays lor possible publication in "Wyoming Memories ' also arc welcome. Articles are reviewed and refereed by members olthe
journal's Editorial Advisory Hoard and others, .Articles previously appearing on the internet or in other publications will not be accepted.
Decisions regarding publication are made b\ the editor. Manuscripts (along w ith suggestions for illustrations or photographs) should be submit-
ted on computer diskettes in a format created by one of the uidely-used word processing programs along v\ith two printed copies. Submissions
and queries should be addressed to Editor, .innals of llyoming. P. O. Box 4256. University Station. I.aramie WY 82071. or to the editor by e-
mail at the tbilowing address, philry uwyo.edu

Editor

Phil Rolierts

Assistant Editors

Sarah Bohl
Annif Prouts

Book Review Editor

Carl Hallheru;

Editorial Advisory Board

Barbara Bogart. Evanston

IVlal>el Br'<i\vn. Newcastle/Chcyfnnc

Katherine Curtiss, Sheridan

Dudley Ciardner, Rock Sprmsrs

Sally F. Cn-ifiith, Liisk/Ha\ertnwn. Pa

Don Hodi^son, Totrint^ton

Loivn .Itist, Riverton

James R. Land, Wapiti

Mark Miller. L.naiiiie

Mark NeKoii. (.reeii Rner

Sherry L Smith. Moose'Dallas, Tex

Thomas F Stiomk. t asper

Lawrence \1 W,.,,ds. Woiland

Wyoming State Historical Society
Publications Committee

Rick F\\ il;", Laramie

David Kathka. Rock Springs

Sherry L. Smith. Moose

Ann' Law i>'IH e. LalMlllle

Nant \ Curtis, ( ilemlo

Dick Wilder. Cody (e\-..iriclo)

Loien .Icist, Rixerton (e\-olfici.))

Phil Rolierts, Laramie (e\-ofticio)

Wyoming State Historical Society
Exccuti\e Committee

nkU Wilder. President. Park County
Clara Vainer, 1st Vice Pres , Weston Co,
Patty Myers, 'Jnd Vice Pres , Platte Co
Linda Faliian. Seuetary Pl.itte C'oiintv
.lames Van Sunk.. Treasurer. Star Valley
.■\m\' LawreiKe, ,\ll>an\' (. ount\'
C"inth' Brown, Laramie Count\'
.lohn Waggenei". .MItain' Count\'
.ludy West. Meml.ershi|i Cooixlinator

Governor of Wyoming

Da\ id Freiidenthal

Wyoming Dept. of State Parks and
Cultural Resources

Phil Nohle. Director
Cultural Resoiu'ces Division

Wendy Breilehotl. .Aelministratoi

Wyoming Parks & Cidtural Resources
Commission

William Diiltois, (. he\enne
Enieison W Siott. .Ir. Biifhilo
Diann Reese, Lyman
Vern Vi\ion, Rawlins
David Reetz. Powell
Herb French, Newcastle
Erne.st C^. Over, Pavillion
Carolyn BiifK Casper
-leri'ilynn Wall, E\anston

University of Wyoming

Philip Dubois, President
Oliver Walter, Dean,

College of .Arts and Sciences
Kristine I'tterback. Chair, Dept. ot History

Arnnals of

WYOMING

The XV^'oining Histoiy Journal
Winter --2003 Vol. 75, No. 1
Studying History Through Biography: Editor's Comment J

Rosemary Quinn: Profile of a Teacher

By William H. Dubois 3

Two sisters. Rosemary and (iracc Marie (,Hiinn. moved to C heyennc to teach school in
the middle lQ20s- Historian William R Dubois writes of their careers based on
Rosemary's own words Oral histor> interviews ofher arc held in the collections of the
.American Heritage Center. Universilv ot'Wvominy

Bert Lampitt and Big Horn Basin Murders, 1909 and 19'21

13v KsttT Johansson Murray 7

Lampitt. a sheepherder suspected in the murder ol a C ud\ man in 1404. moved to
Grass Creek to work in the oil fields In 1^2 I . he killed two men at the oil compnay
camp He was convicted and sent to prison for this crime Murray tells the true storv of
two heinous crimes sparked h\ iealoiisv

Traces of George Harper, Laramie Plains Rancher

Hy Richard Willc ...r...rr::^ Hi

Who was this once prominent lormer mavor of l-arai'iile'' RicTiard Walle completes a '.
quest to uncover the traces of Harper from dues letl at his ranch and from the written
record

Wyoming's Estelle Reel: The First Woman Elected to -'''
a Statewide Office in America v '^..-^-^

By Sarah R. Bohl :.::' 2i2

When Estelle Reel was elected State Superintendent of Public Instruclion in V\ \omina
in 18*54. she made histor\ for becoming the first woman anywhere elected to a state-
wide office In mid-term, however, she resigned to accept a high-ranking position in
the federal government She never returned to live in Wyoming Sarah Bohl writes of
Reel's election and service as superintendcnt-the "Wvoniing part" ofher life

Book Reviews 37

Leonard, Lynching in Colorado. IS5,S-I9I9, reviewed by Michael J Pfeifer
Nugent. /))/(.) ihe ll'esl Tlie Story of lis People, reviewed hy Don Hodgson
Nash. Tlie Federal Landscape An Economic Hislon- ot ihe Jlllh Century West, rev iewed
by Mike Mackey

Index +0

Wyoming Picture hisulc-liack coxt-p

.4nnal.toflVvoniing The Wyoming Hisloiy Journal hpubWihed quarterly by the Wyoming State Historical
Societv in association with the Wyoming Department of State Parks and Cultural Resources, the .Ameri-
can Heritage Center, and the Department of Histor). University of Wvoniing f he journal was previously
published as the Oiiarlerly Biillelin ( 1 '523-1 "525). .Annals of Wyoming ( l'325-l'5'53). Wyoming .Annals
( 1'543-|Q95) and Wyoming Hisloiy Joiirnal{\995-\'i96) The .iiinals has been the official publication of
the Wyoming State Historical Society since 1953 and is distributed as a benefit of membership to all
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$40: contributing, $100-249; sustaining. $250-499; patron. $500-999; donor. $1,000+. To join, contact
your local chapter or write to the address below. Articles in .Annuls ofll'voining are abstracted in Histori-
cal .Ahslrucis and .America llislnry and Life

Inquiries about membership, mailing, distribution, reprints and back issues should be addressed to Judy
West. Coordinator. Wyoming State Historical Societv. PMB# 184. 1740H Dell Range Blvd . Cheyenne
WY 82009-4945. Editorial correspondence should be addressed to the editorial office of Annals o/ 11 Vfi-
mmg. American Heritage Center. P. 0, Box 4256. Universitv Station. Laramie WY 82071
Our e-mail address is: philr<(uwvo edu Printed by Pioneer Pi intmg. Cheyenne

Copyright 2003, Wyoming State Historical Society ISSN: 1086-7368

Editor's Comment

Studying History through Biography:
Life Stories of Wyomingites

Biography increasingly is gaining
acceptance from historians as a legiti-
mate means of writing about histors. Not
only will a well-written biography de-
scribe and anah ze a single individual's
role in history, but also place the indi-
vidual into the context of the times.

Few W\ omingites have been the sub-
jects of full-length biographies, al-
though the deailh of such studies has
begun to change in recent years. For
example, in the next year or so. full-
length biographies will be completed on
Nellie Tayloe Ross and Thumian Arnold,
both W\ oming figures w ho became na-
tionally prominent in the 20th century.'
Irrigation pioneer Elwood Mead, rancher
John Clay, editor Asa Mercer, photog-
rapher J. E. Stimson, druggist/collector
Jim Gatchell. geologist Samuel Knight,
and botanist Aven Nelson are among
the subjects of recent monograph-
length studies.- Articles about lesser
known Wn oming figures have appeared
in recent issues of Annals of Wyoming,
including pieces on restauranteur Harry
Hynds. Jackson Hole resident Verba
Lawrence, sisters Amalia and Annie
Simons. Buffalo merchant Robert Foote.
Natrona County sheepman Marvin
Bishop. Sr.. German publisher F. W. Ott.
schoolteacher Glendolene Kimmell and
outlaw Geneva Collett. and rancher R.
S. Van Tassell.' Aspects of the careers
of attorney Arnold and Supreme Court
Justice Fred Blume were featured in re-
cent issues of the Wyoming Law Re-
view.^ Several compilations of biogra-
phies have appeared over the years,
containing the brief sketch "biogra-
phies" of many hundreds of Wyoming
residents— many with just the essential
facts in a person's life without examin-
ing much more while others are rich
sources of little-known information no
longer available elsewhere."

In this issue. Annals presents a se-
ries of article-length biographies of sev-
eral Wyomingites— some famous and
some lesser known. At least two are "no-

torious," while the others drew the in-
terest of historians through good w orks
and memorable deeds. While each ar-
ticle is billed as "biography," the ap-
proaches taken in each work are quite
different. Two are "chapters" of longer

I Teva Scheer is completing the first full-
length hiograph\ of Ross. ientati\ ei\ set
for puhlication next year, and Spencer We-
ber Waller's biograph\ of Thurman Arnold
\\ ill be published the following year. See also
fori Van Pelt. "Discovering Her Strength;
The Remarkable Transformation of Nellie
Ta> loe Ross." Annals of Wyoming 74 (Win-
ter 2002). 2-8; and the introductory, biogra-
phy in Gene M. Gressley. I'oilaire and tlie
Cowboy: Tlie Letters of Tiuiniian Arnnid
(Colo. Assoc. Univ. Press. 1977).

- James Kluger. Turning on Water with a
Sliovel: Tlie Career of Elwood Mead {A\bu-
querque; VNM Press. 1992); L. Milton
Woods. John Clay. Jr.: Commission Man.
Banker and Rancher (Spokane; Arthur
Clark. 2001 ): and Woods. Asa Shinn Mer-
cer: Western Promoter and Newspaperman
CSpokane; Arthur Clark. 2002): MarkJunge.
J. E Stimson. Photographer of the )l't'.>;/( Lin-
coln; Univ. of Nebraska Press. 1986): Gil
Bollinger. Jim Gatchell. The Man and the
Museum ( Buffalo; Gatchell Museum Assoc.
1999): Frederick W. and JoAnn B. Reckling.
Samuel Howell "Doc" Knight. Mr. Wyoming
l'niversit^• (Laramie; UW Alumni Assoc.
1998): Roger Williams. .4ven Nelson of Wyo-
ming (Boulder; Colo. Assoc. Univ. Press.
1984).

' See. for example; Robert V. Goss. "A
Tale of Two Sisters; Pr\ or and Tischman In
Yellowstone in The Best and Worst of
Limes." Annals 74 (Spring 2002): Paul
Richardson Fleming. ""Ridgway Glover. Pho-
tographer." Annals 74 (Spring 2002):
.Murrav L. Carroll. "Robert ["oote; A For-
gotten W\ oming Pioneer." .Annals 74 (Win-
ter 2002): Larr\ K. Brown. "Murdered b\
Madness: The Case of Geneva Collett.". -1)7-
nals 74 (Winter 2002). 24-35: Shirley E.
Fl_\ nn. "Che_\ enne's 1 larrv P, Hynds; Black-
smith. Saloon Keeper. Promoter. Philanthro-
pist." .Annals. 73 (Summer 2001). 2-11:
Miguel A. Resales. "A Mexican Railroad
Family in Wyoming." Annals 73 (Spring

studies still in progress, while others
probably are the "final word" on the in-
dividuals profiled. Each article provides
a fascinating glimpse of Wyoming his-
tory told through biography.

-Phil Roberts

2001 ). 28-32: Carol L. Bowers. "School Bells
and Winchesters; The Sad Saga of
Glendolene Mvrtle Kimmell. ".•f»ij;(:7/.s( Win-
ter 2001 ). 14-32: Carl Hallberg. "Finding His
Niche; F. W. Ott. A German Publisher."
Annals 72 (Spring 2000). 2-13: D. Claudia
Lhompson. "Amalia and .Annie; Women's
Opportunities in Cheyenne in the 1870s."
Annals 72 (Summer 2000). 2-9; Gil
Bollinger. "The Gatchells; Frontier News-
papermen.".■)«/!a/5'( Autumn 2000). 12-17:
Jetferson Glass. "Mar\ in Lord Bishop. Sr..
Pioneer Sheep Rancher. .Annals 72 (Autumn
2000). 27-35: Shirley E. Flynn. "Renesselaer
Schuyler Van Tassell. ".-l)!/7(3/5 71 (Summer
1999). 2-7: Sherr> L. Smith. "A Jackson
Hole Life; Verba Law rence." Annals 7 1 ( Sum-
mer 1999). 35-43: Mike Mackey. "Thomas
Harrison and the Search for Oil in North-
west Wyoming. 1908-l916.".4;»;a/570(Au-
tumn 1998). 32-45.

^ Michael Golden. "Joume_\ for the Pole;
The Life and Times of Fred H. Blume." Land
and Water Law Rev. 28 (1993). 195-270:
5 1 1 -592: Spencer Weber Waller. "The Short
Unhappv Judgeship of Thurman Arnold."
Wyoming Law Review 3 (2003 ). 233-256.

^ H. H. Bancroft. History of Nevada, Colo-
rado and Wyoming {San Francisco: The His-
tory Co., 1890). was among the first of this
genre with biographies appearing in exten-
sive footnotes. 1. S. Bartlett. Histoiy of Wyo-
ming (Chicago; S. J. Clarke. 1918). and
Frances B. Beard, Wyoming from Territo-
rial Days to the Present {Chicago: American
Historical Societ\ . 1 933 ). each contained two
volumes of profiles and portraits of W_\ o-
mingites. For a few recent examples of bio-
graphical compilations, see; Mabel Brown.
First Ladies o/HVom;«g (Cheyenne: Wyo.
Commission for Women. 1 99 1 ); Jean Mead.
Wyoming m Profile {'Qou\i^ex: Pruett. 1982):
and Lori Van Pelt. Dreamers and Schem-
ers: Profiles from Carbon County.
Wyoming's Past. (Glendo; High Plains.
1999).

Wyoming Memories

ROSEMARY QUINN:

Profile of a Teacher

By William R. Dubois

Rosemary Quinn came to Cheyenne in 1923
to teach art in the junior high school. Her sis-
ter Grace Marie arrived in 1924 to teacli fourth
grade. Rosemary also taught fourth grade for
many vears. Both of them taught more than 40
years, departing in 196^.

The Quinn sisters were born in Arkansas and
reared in Morrilton. for a time, they lived in
Vian, Oklahoma. Their father was a freight
agent for the Missouri Pacific Railroad. Grace
Marie died in 1987. Rosemary, at this writing
in 2003. is still in excellent health. She is 104 —
her birth date was Jan. 4. 1899. At the age of
97, she made eight tapes telling of her life, and
this article deals M'ith her years in Wyoming.
The tapes and a transcript of them are avail-
able at the American Heritage Center. Univer-
sity of Wyoming.

Both of the Quinn sisters graduated from Northeast-
ern College in Oklahoma. Rosemary was two years
older. Both were under five feet and nian\ thought
they were twins even thougii Rosemary iiad auburn
hair and Grace Marie was brunette. Rosemary said
she was offered a Job in Miami, Okia., but when they
discovered she was Catholic, the school officials said
they could not use her because "'society" in that town
did not accept Catholics. Instead, she moved to Sapulpa,
Okla.. and taught there for two years. Her mother told
her she had to sta\ in a contract for two years, so it
was after that when she moved to Nampa, Idaho, where
she taught for two more years. After graduation. Grace
Marie taught in Nampa. but for Just one year. The two
planned to be "tramp teachers" and move from place
to place.

Stories About Travel

En route to Nampa. they passed through Cheyenne
for the first time. They arrived from Colorado and it
was almost night. It iiad been raining and site said tiie
viaduct was "ricketv and friuhteninii to cross." Thev

saw the sign for the Plains Hotel and managed to get a
room there for the night. They decided Cheyenne e\ en-
tualK was where they wanted to teach — even though
their friends "threw up their arms in horror" at hearing
the plan.

Rosemary tells of crossing Wyoming — passing the
tree-in-the-rock. seeing the wildtlowers and the many
animals along the road such as antelope and rabbits.
The\ were fascinated by Ames Monument. She told of
staying overnight in Rock Springs when en route to
Nampa. While she said they enjoyed their time in Idaho,
they still wanted to return to Cheyenne to teach.

Tourist couils were in fashion then — little indi\ idual
houses with one room equipped with a small stove. Lin-
ens were furnished as well as pots and pans for cook-
ing. The Quinns always chose to eat at cafes or in the
hotels. Roads in those days were mud and gravel, but
in a few years, governments began oiling them and travel
became easier. The Oiiiims always returned to Arkan-
sas in the summers to help care for relatives there.
They always drove, but at Christmas, when they re-
turned for the holidav s. the\ took the train.

In the early \ears. a driver needed a "little blue book"
to tell how far to go and where the ne.xt stops were.
Highway markers came at a later date, she said. One
time their car got stuck in a puddle of mud. The sheriff
came along and told them he had a prisoner in the car
and that the prisoner would help them get out of the
mud. Neither of the men would accept an\ mone\ for
helping. Rosemar\ mentioned that truck dri\ers were
"always helpful in telling you information" and which
towns not to stop in — where to stay and eat.

One time the\ were returning from Vedauwoo west
of Cheyenne when they were flagged down b\ the
game warden. He needed to use their spare tire be-
cause two of his tires had been ruined. He gave the
sisters some beautiful trout which the\ distributed to
their friends in Cheyenne who wondered where the\
had caught them. They said they had "caught them with
a spare tire" and never explained further!

On one trip, the car lights failed as they were dri\ ing

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

along the highway. A train stopped and the trainman
told them he could take a message to Cheyenne. The
Quinns told him to go to Walton Motors and the firm
would send out a "service battery." A short while later,
the service person arrived with the battery and the
Quinns were not charged for the service.

One time the Quinns were going "home" for Christ-
mas on the train. They went with a friend to the Plains
Hotel for dinner. They planned to walk over to the de-
pot, just a block away. A senator from northern Wyo-
ming stopped them and invited them to come to his room
for a drink. They said they couldn't because they had
to catch the train. They found out. however, that the
train was going to be at least I 1/2 hours late so they
went back and had the drink. In the interim, the train
made up time. By the time they returned to the depot,
the train had already left. They had to stay in Cheyenne
for the night. That meant getting Dinneen's to get their
car out of storage, take them home, and come back for
them the next morning. (Car dealers stored cars in those
days and Dinneens was one garage that did that for
customers). Rosemary said that when they got to Ar-
kansas, their father "gave them the works" about miss-
ing the train.

During World War 11, it was not always easy to get a
train ticket. She said the soldiers were always very nice

and helped them to get on. Many times, the two sisters
just stayed in the observation or club car.

Rosemary and her sister enjoyed going to Little Bear
Inn which, at that time, was about 25 miles north of
Cheyenne. It was owned by Larry and Helen Murray.
One night, a terrible blizzard came up and their car got
stuck between two trees. Murray arranged for strang-
ers to take them back to Cheyenne. The sisters heard
the sound of gurgling coming from the back of the car
and they concluded that the driver was taking whiskey
to a nearby "dry" state. They told the driver to drop
them off two blocks from their apartment because they
did not want the strangers to know where they lived.
On another occasion, they had to stay overnight at the
Brown Palace in Denver because of the weather. An-
other time, they went to Laramie for a baby shower
and had a terrible return trip through a storni. One time,
they were stranded on a bus coming from Denver. A
truck filled with fruits and vegetables stopped and the
driver gave everyone in the bus something to eat.

The Community and Social Events

The Quinn sisters loved Cheyenne {and. I might add,
Cheyenne loved them). They enjoyed horseback riding
and became capable riders. They often went out to Ed
McCarty's ranch. (McCarty provided the stock for

Cheyenne Apartments, home to the Quinn sisters when they lived in Cheyenne.

Winter '2003.

Cheyenne Frontier Days, the Denver and Fort Worth
stock shows, and the Pendleton Roundup). The sisters
would go out to watch the stociv being unloaded. They
saw famous bucking horses there including Midnight.
Five Minutes to Midnight, and the Brown Bomber.

In the winters, the Quinn sisters took up snow -shoe-
ing and skiing. They loved the outdoors and enjoyed
seeing the wildlife.

She said the\ always enjo\ed the cocktail parties and
dances — even during Prohibition. The sisters often w ent
to "the Fort" — than Fort Russell, but after 1930, Fort
Warren and now Warren Air Force Base — but after
1 930 known as Fort Warren. There, they attended par-
ties and rode horses. One ride got Rosemars into trouble.
She rode the colonel's horse named "Hamish" and fed
him sugar cubes with her toe. The colonel rode the horse
for review one day and Hamish wanted a sugar cube.
When he did not get it. he threw the colonel off After
that, Rosemary was forbidden from gi\ing the horse
any more sugar.

In Cheyenne in those da\ s, big parties were held about
twice a month and theQuinns also liked to give smaller
parties in their home at the Che\ enne Apartments w here
they lived. (The apartments are now known as The
Landmark). The Quinns were popular young women.
Rosemary once dated Milward Simpson, who many
years later became Wyoming governor and senator. She
said that "he found out I was a Democrat and a Catho-
lic and that was the end of our dating." The Quinns
were especially fond of dancing at the Officer's Club.
All of the women wore long dresses. One time, the
entire party was stranded overnight at the club b\ a
blizzard. Rosemary said the_\ "looked prett\ funn\ com-
ing to breakfast in their evening clothes."

The Quinns enjoyed dances at the Elks Club and also
at neighboring ranches where dances were held in the
barns. Hay bales were placed along the sides for seat-
ing. People would bring their babies. Ia\ them on the
bales where the children would sleep. Fiddles and gui-
tars furnished the music and they danced waltzes, two-
steps, tangos, and the Charleston. The\ did not square
dance. Dances often were held on Saturday nights be-
cause they could last until 2 or 3 in the morning. Rose-
mary said they often went to Mass at noon after a night
on the town.

As teachers they associated with townspeople as well
as their fellow educators. They dated airline pilots —
ones who carried the mail across the United States.
The pilots stopped in Cheyenne and flew to Salt Lake
City or Omaha. Some of the pilots would party with
them and "they always had good whiskey." The pilots
got it while laying over at various stops for rest days.

They would fly in a load of Canadian whiskey and give
it to friends or sell it. One time, a pilot thought he was
going to crash so he threv\ the whiskey out of the air-
plane. He would have been fired if he had li\ed and
the> found out he had the whiskev . Rosemar\ said that
before the runwa_\s were lighted, the planes tiew onl\
in the day time. If a plane came in late, people were
asked to drive out to the runwa\ and turn the car lights
on to make the field bright enough for the plane to land.
A pilot li\ ing in their apartment building was killed. The
Quinns asked the apartment manager to let them in so
they could retrieve .several empt> liquor bottles from
the apartment. She said he was Mormon and the\ did
not want his parents to think he had drunk all of the
liquor. He v\as not a drinker but onl\ a bottle collector.

When they were in college, the Quinns learned how
to make wine — from dandelions. Oklahoma was a "dry
state" at that time. Rosemar\ said that during Prohibi-
tion in Cheyenne, the> made w ine from chokecherries.
It was quite delicious, she said. Also. the\ made the
chokecherries into a liqueur that was like cherry her-
ring.

The\ liked a southern truit called red haws — berries
from hawthorn bushes. One time the_\ saw some near
Wheatland when the> were there for a teachers' meet-
ing. They were afraid to ask the landowner if the\ could
pick a few of them so they waited until after dark and
then went gathering.

While li\ ing in Che\enne. the> once attended an Irish
wake. Even though they were half Irish, they were not
familiar with the custom. The\ went to one for a man
whose son and wife were friends who lived in the same
apartment house. The place had to be cleaned and the
curtains washed and ironed. A huge feast was pre-
pared with lots of food and drink. The deceased was in
one room with no furniture except for chairs around the
room and the casket in the center. ">'ou could go in and
kneel down b\ the casket and sa\ a prayer, and then
you went over and sat in one of the chairs." Rosemar\
said. Each person told of all of the nice things they could
about the deceased. As the chairs vacated, more people
came in. "After \ou went in and said a pra\er, you
would go eat and drink and sta> as long as >ou cared
to." Some people even stayed the entire night. Every-
one laughed and talked. The\ would then have the fu-
neral the next day.

Teaching

Rosemary said she found teaching fourth graders to
be quite different from teaching junior high students.
She told of a little girl in her class whose grandmother
ran a house of prostitution in Cheyenne. (It was illegal.

Annals of Wyoming; The Wyoming History Journal

but they existed in Cheyenne, often catering to soldiers).
One day. while teaching the class, Rosemary looked
out of the window and saw the little girl sauntering along.
It was almost time for the bell to ring — the tardy bell —
and the principal "had a fit when children were tardy."
Rosemary yelled to the little girl to run, but she acted as
though she hadn't heard the teacher. At recess, Rose-
mary asked the little girl, "Why did you not run?" The
little girl told her she was "too tired to run." She ex-
plained that it was "all she could do to get up and go to
school" that morning. She said, "My grandmother had
an awful busy night last night. There were cars all
around and people coming and going. ...and the neigh-
bors thought someone had died." Then the little girl told
Rosemary, "it was so busy that if you had made up as
many beds as 1 did last night, you'd be too tired to run,
too."

One time Rosemary decided to have a pet show for
her class. Each child was to bring an animal. One little
bo\ brought a lamb. The lamb had ticks on it and the
children were having a great time pulling ticks from the
lamb instead of looking at the other animals! Not all
children had pets so the next time, Rosemary changed
the plan and had a foreign doll show. In the social stud-
ies class, they studied different countries. Each child
would choose a county and study it, dress a doll to rep-
resent the country, and write something about the coun-
try. The student could get all the help they wished in
making the doll clothes. Even the boys participated in
the show.

Eventually, Rosemary added a Wyoming history unit
and it became one of the most popular subjects. She
said that one of her students became a history teacher
and taught Western history at Central High School in
Cheyenne. He said his interest in history came from
her in the fourth grade. (That story is true — I am the
person).

In Rosemary's classes, students learned to combine
art skills with history. Each Christmas, the girls would
make sagebrush pins for their mothers for presents.
The boys would make sagebrush candles. Rosemary
said she was pleased that Clarice Whittenberg wrote a
book on Wyoming history that was useable by fourth
grade students. She said the only part she had to em-
bellish was the ranching unit. One time she told a story

about how a man cured a cow by splitting its tail and
pouring salt and pepper on it and wrapping it up. The
cure would get rid of "doodlebugs." A Cheyenne rancher
did not believe her, but later, he was in Texas and found
out that it was true.

One time her principal thought the children needed
more entertainment and organized a dance. She said
the teachers enjoyed it more than the students so that
ended that plan! Since she had a southern accent, she
said sometimes students would say they missed spell-
ing words because they could not understand her. IVIany
times, they just asked her to repeat words since they
liked to hear how she pronounced them.

Rosemary Qiiinn's stories of growing up in the
South and her family life are interesting for further
reading. Certainly, she and her sister left a wonder-
ful legacy with many young people in Cheyenne.
When she celebrated her 100th birthday, six of us
from Cheyenne attended her party. One former stu-
dent. Ruth Finch Powers, was nearly 92 years old
when she died in spring 2003. When she had her
90th birthday, .she said she found it hard to believe
that she got a card from a former teacher!

William R. "Bill" Dubois III taught American and
frontier history in the Cheyenne schools for 37
years. He has a baccalaureate degree from North-
western Universit}' and a Masters in history from
the University of Wyoming. He helped to write The
Magic City of the Plains in 1967 and Landmarks
of Cheyenne in 1976. He recently published a
\ book on the Plains Hotel, co-written with Shirley
Flynn. His grandfather was the architect of the
hotel. Dubois serves on the board for Cheyenne
Historic Preservation, the United Medical Center,
the Historic Governor 's Mansion, the Cheyenne
Concert Association, and the American Heritage
Center. He is past president of the Wyoming State
Historical Society and the Laramie County chap-
ter. Director of the board that created the Old West
Museum, he also has served on the Centennial
Commission and the board of the State Parks and
Cultural Resources Department.

Bert Lampitt
and Bi^ Horn
Basin Murders,
1909 and 1921

W-^^^.^^--:

:*#^-^. i^/

B^PtLAMPirt

4 ^L^ TORMED" is one of eleven cryptic words chis-

V^P eled in Mesa Verde sandstone on a mountainside
near Cody, Wyoming. The carvings on a south-facing
cliff are at the comfortable height fora fairly tall man to
stand and pound them carefully out of the timi rock
probably tapping a small chisel with a stone or hammer.

These eleven words and two dates have been pre-
served by being on private land with limited access.

The blocky print capitol letters average about four
inches high. At the top of the group is the one word
"STORMED" and directly under that are two words,
"TEN. DAYS.", with a period after each word. Then
the rock carver's name appears, "BERT LAMPITT".
Beneath the man's name are dates: "5-22-30-1906".
Presumably, it stormed from May 22 to 30, 1906.

To place these words in context of the weather of
that time, the Cody newspaper, the Stockgrower and
Farmer, mentions how mild the winter had been at the
Wapiti ranger station. But snow fell in April. The May
9, 1906, edition of the paper had two items about the
breaking drought. The first stated, "Soft snow storm
occurred last Friday moistening the range in good shape
and insuring a speedy growth of grass." And it was
important enough to repeat in another column: "A re-
cent rain and soft snow did untold good to the country."
But on May 24, 1906, the paper again mentioned the
weather, noting that a terrible windstorm had come up
on Sunday evening caused cancellation of the young
people's Epworth League meeting at the Methodist
church. And it was during the above ten-day period

The chiseled words

Author's photograph

that the "bad weather" caused cancellation of the wild
west rodeos at Marquette.'

After ten days of late May moisture, one can imagine
the flourishing growth of grass on the range. This fact
provides meaning for the last three words of this six-
line message — words that do not seem to make sense
or have been misinterpreted by viewers through the
years. The words are "A. BEEF STAKE." As guid-
ance to its meaning, one must consider the old-time
phrase. "Grub Stake," which could be used both as a
verb and as a noun. A grubstake was money and/or
supplies furnished to someone as an investment or to
provide a start in some endeavor such as mining. Would
it not make sense then that knee high range grass lushly
growing after ten days of moisture could be a Beef
Stake for a stock grower?

This is not the end of the chiseled words, nor the end
of the story. There are three more words and one more
date. These are located to the lower right and added an
unknown number of years after the above inscription.
The incised printing is similar but not exactly the same
as the work produced above. It has the look o\~ less
precision. Another person probabK did it.

These words are ominous with meaning. The word
"KILLED" is just above the name "DOC ASH" and
lastly the year " 1 909" with no periods. -

' The tilling of the Shoshone Reser\oir with water in 1910 eov-
ered the settlement at Marquette.

- The abo\ e photograph of the inscription has been highlighted to
bring out the car\ ings.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

On the frigid, snowy night of December 6, 1 909,
a man was murdered in Cody.' The main char-
acters involved in the incident were the murder victim,
Seth Arthur Ash. known as "Doc" Ash; the accused,
(Albert) Bert Lampitt; and Dorothy "Dot" Newton.

Born on a farm near Storm Lake, Iowa, on Decem-
ber 3, 1869. Ash aspired, persevered, and graduated
from Highland Park College. Des Moines, Iowa, as a
pharmacist and analytical chemist. Everyone called him
"Doc" but he was not a medical doctor. Earlier in life
he had married and, in 1902, divorced in Storm Lake.
He moved around, settling for a time in Anoka, Minne-
sota. From there, he moved to Cody, overcoming health
problems by spending time in the mountains. Later, he
worked for Cummins Store, a general merchandise store
that included a drug store."*

Ash had no family in Cody, but he was not entirely a
stranger in town." He had known Justice of the Peace §
C. W. Dibble when both men lived in Storni Lake. By =
1909, Dibble had known Ash for some twenty years. In "
Cody, "Doc" lived in a small ten-by-twelve foot cabin J
just behind the Dibble bakery on the south side of <
Rumsey Avenue in the block between 2nd and 3rd
streets, (as the town grew the streets were renumbered
1 2th and 1 3th). About 1 905, Dibble had "moved his Little
Gem restaurant to Lot 5 in Block 50," later turning the
business into a bakery.^

After a few years in Cody, Ash bought a one-third
share of the Western Drug Store which stood in the
200 (later changed to 1200) block, west of the (old)
Shoshone Bank on the north side of Sheridan Avenue.
It was but a short distance from the back door of the
Western Drug, across the east-west alley to Ash's cabin.
Dallas A. Tinkcom owned the other two-thirds of part-
nership he and Ash had formed in 1907. Tinkcom had
been an Ash schoolmate in Storm Lake.

At the time, the growing town of Cody provided plenty
of jobs. Some of these new businesses included the
sulfur reduction plant across the river, south of DeMaris
Springs; the Roller Flour Mill at the northwest comer of
present-day 1 2th Street and Wyoming Avenue; and most
of all, the federally- funded Bureau of Reclamation Dam
in the Shoshone Canyon, where workmen blasted out a
road through the Canyon and filled a narrow wedge in
the canyon with concrete, resulting in the world's high-
est dam.

By 1 909 Doc Ash, at the age of 40, tended toward
middle-aged stoutness. Nonetheless, Cody residents
considered him good-looking with a fashionable black
moustache. As a Main Street businessman, he usually
wore a three-piece suit and tie. He hunted successfully

"Doc " Ash ami his trophy bear hide

and a studio photograph shows him with a trophy griz-
zly bear hide.

In the late 1 9th century, the northern Big Horn Basin
had been "cattle country." After the great die-off of
cattle during the winter of 1886-1887. sheep-raising
gained in popularity. The Wyoming Woolgrowers had

The account ofthe Ash murder comes from contemporar>' news-
paper reports in the Cody Stockgrower and Farmer: the Northern
Wyoming Daily .\>u'i ( Worland): the Basin Republican: and undated
and unidentified newspapers in the file on Ash held in the Park
County Historical Archives. The murder, not altogether unusual in
the annals ofthe West, provided materials for a fictional murder —
that of Mormon Joe in Caroline Lockhart. The Fighting Shepherd-
ess (Boston: Small. Ma>nard & Co.. 1919). The Cod_\ author not
onl> used the technique, location, and the weather at the time, but
also colorful details ofthe case in her popular Western tale.

■" Biographical information is drawn from the files on Ash held in
the Park County Historical Archives.

- Besides relatives in Iowa, he had a brother. Dr. Eugene Ash. in
government service in the Panama Canal Zone, and a sister. Alice
Calhoun, living in Boston.

'' In 2002 the City of Cody owned Lot 5 which is now a narrow
parking lot. just east of an old north and south alley. Cody Eagle
Lodge ow ned the property east ofthe rectangular parking lot. Martha
Marston Newton bought the little cabin and moved it north across
Rumsey Avenue to its present location behind 1 232 Bleistein when
she owned that property. Where the Dibbles lived at that time has
not been ascertained, but in April 1909. Charles W. and Stella A.
Dibble bought property. Lot 1 6 in Block 9. from Hany B. Robertson.

Winter ^2003

gained considerable clout in Wyoming, and the Big Horn
County Woolgrowers in 1909 urged its members to at-
tend the 6th Annual Convention in Cheyenne. The State
Board of Sheep Commissioners was active in the fall
of 1909. and at one meeting. William L. Simpson spoke
out to end the quarantine of sheep for "lip and leg ulcer-
ation," later called hoof and mouth disease.'

By the first decade of the 20th century, sheep raising
surpassed cattle ranching in the area.** Many sheepmen
had become prosperous and prominent. A. C. Newton.
Santford C. Watkins, Henry D. Fulton. Reuben
Hargraves. were some of the nearby sheep raisers. The
Chapmans of the Two Dot and Dave Dickie had herds
farther afield.

The Newtons had two children. Their daughter. Dor-
othy Deane Newton, had been born in Johnson County.
Nebraska, on December 12. 1 89 1 . and brought to Cody
at the age of 14 months. In 1906. a Codv newspaper,
noted that "The pretty daughter of Mr. and Mrs. A. C.
Newton, won a contest of most popular young lady in
Wyoming."" The 14-year-old Dorothy Newton won the
state-wide contest, sponsored by the Chevciine Tri-
bune and. with it. the first prize of a $450 piano and a
gold watch. In reporting the story, newspapers called
her father, A. C. Newton, a "wealthy flockmaster."'"

The third individual involved in the drama was Bert
Lampitt. born in 1 883. who had come from Plainfield.
Nebraska, to the Big Horn Basin in 1900. Lampitt. an
experienced sheepherder, worked in Cody for six months
in 1 906 for Roger McGinnis of the Cody Lumber Com-
pany. Through his many years of previous experience.
Bert knew all of the area sheepmen and their families.

In Cody during the decade, people worked hard and
socialized. During the spring of 1906,
the local paper advertised a great
many dances: the Military ball; a
Mask Ball; Bachelor Club dance.
There is no evidence that 1 5-year-old
Dorothy Newton attended these pub-
lic dances, but she would have danced
in homes and informal gatherings. It
is doubtful if eccentric sheepherder
Bert Lampitt. a loner, went to dances.
it could have been about this time that
Lampitt worked briefly as camp ten-
der for A. C. Newton and when he
developed an infatuation with the
"pretty and popular" Dorothy New-
ton. (While the date is uncertain, the
date he recorded on stone indicates
that he was working north of Cody in
May, 1906).

The marriage of A. C. and Flora (Flo) Newton, par-
ents of Dorothy (Dot), was on the rocks by 1909. (It
wasnotterminated. however, until April 15. 191 1 ). About
the time that Dorothy Newton reached marriageable
age, she had been singled out by "Doc" Ash as a pos-
sible wife. Doc was significantly older than Dorothy,
but he was considered one of Cody "s most eligible bach-
elors.

' Simpson, the father of Gov. /Sen. Milward Simpson, is credited
with ending the rift between the tlockmasters and agriculturalists.
Before 1910 Big Horn County included Washakie and Park Coun-
ties and the towns of I en Sleep and Cod\ . No problems occurred in
the west end of Big Morn count>. the cattlemen set a "deadline"
between upper Rattlesnake Creek and I rout Creek Basin to keep
Newton's sheep east of it and they did not cross the line. T. A.
1 arson wrote. 'Detectiv es employed by the Wyoming Woolgrowers
.Association were a deterrent to raids thereafter, and cattlemen quit
murdering sheepmen and herders." Larson. Htstoiy oj Wyoming.
(Lincoln; L'niversit> of Nebraska F'ress). 1965. 371

" In April. 1909. the so-called Spring Creek raid near Ten Sleep
resulted in the deaths of three sheepmen. Sheriff Felix Alston and
Prosecuting Attorney Percy Metz ""began a thorough investiga-
tion" and the culprits were tried, convicted and sentenced. See .lohn
W , Dav is. ,4 I ast Amoiiiit of Trouble A llisloiy o/ ihe S/viiig Creek
/?(/;</ (Niwot: Colo. Assoc. Univ. Press. 1993)

' Cody Stockgrower and Farmer. June 7. 1 906,

'"How could a 14-year-old girl in a remote comer of Wyoming
win a state popularitv contest promoted by a Che\enne newspa-
per'^ According to a telephone conversation u ith Oorothv's daugh-
ter .leanne Kuiper on .lanuary 3 1 . 2002. .leanne said. " 1 he contest
was actually between the cattlemen and sheepmen of Wyoming.
Dorothy was the daughter of a sheepman and her main opponent
was the daughter of a cattleinan in the southern part of Wyoming,"
Jeanne further explained. "The piano was one of Ihe best Kimball
oak pianos w ith elaborate hand-car\ ed oak lea\ es adorning the frame.
It was shipped out to Cod\ on a flatcar from Chicago," She did not
know what became ofthe watch, but she still had the piano in her
home in Denver.

viewed fram the east. In 2003. it was located at 1232 Bleistein.

10

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Ash had become friends with Flo Newton, Dot. and
Dot's younger brother Brownie. At this time Flo and A.
C. were estranged, so when Ash sought Dorothy's hand
in marriage he talked it over with Flo instead of Dorothy 's
father. Plans had been laid for a coming-of-age birth-
day party for Dorothy at which time her betrothal to
Doc Ash would be announced. (She would turn 1 8 on
December 1 2). At that event. "Doc" would present her
w ith the diamond engagement ring.

The winter of 1 909- 1910 turned out to be extremely
cold. Newspaper accounts reported the death of sheep;
even some herders froze to death."

On Monday evening, December 6, 1 909, six days be-
fore Dot's birthday, her prospective fiance was mur-
dered. Local newspaper accounts vividly describe the
story . Near Second Street ( 1 2th) and Rumsey Avenue,
shortly after 1 1 :30 p.m.. a gun shot blast was heard,
followed by piercing screams. The commotion awak-
ened at least one man, G. A. Pulley, the Iowa-born
ov\ner of Cody's "lovva Store." who threw on outer
garments and went outside to investigate. Pulley lived
north of 12th and Rumsey and when he stepped out-
side, he saw a man staggering down the alley toward
the house of Frank Campbell (now 1 320 Bleistein Av-
enue) and formerly occupied by Dr. Louis Howe.'-
Another neighbor. Jakey Allen, joined Pulley just as the
victim fell on Howe's porch. The two men were horri-
fied to recognize the fallen man as Doc Ash of the
Western Drug.'-

As he laid on the porch. Ash was holding his hands
tightly across his stomach and groaning with agonizing
pain. He explained an assassin had shot him as he en-
tered his house. Joe Isham, night policeman, and two
Perry boys joined the group. The assembled men de-
cided to carry the stricken man across the alley to the
Waples Hospital, a three-story building (now 1321
Rumsey Avenue). '"* They aroused Dr. Waples and car-
ried Ash inside and up the stairs to the operating room
on the second floor. Barely ten minutes had passed.
They sent for another doctor, W. S. Bennett, and Ash's
friend, Charles W. "Sandy" Dibble. After examining
the victim it became obvious his end was near. The
buck shot had struck him just below the diaphragm, liver
and spleen were lacerated, his intestines were cut to
ribbons and part of these intestines protruded from the
gaping hole in his stomach; it was that which he was
attempting to hold in when first found.

One of the physicians asked, "Who shot you?" "Some
son of a bitch in my house," Ash answered. About this
time, his close friend Dibble rushed into the room and
shouted. "My God, Ash. what has happened?" He re-

peated the previous answer and told Dibble that he tried
to escape the assassin whom he believed was still in his
cabin, but he tripped over the woodpile, leaving a bloody
trail as he staggered eastward. When the doctors tried
to minister to him he stopped them. "Never mind me, I
want to make a will," Ash told them.

Someone grabbed a sheet of Waples Hospital statio-
nery and someone scrawled the words:

" Lockhart emphasized the cold and snowy weather at the time
of the murder of Mormon Joe in her novel. Lockhart based Kate, the
heroine of the book, on a combination of Caroline herself and Dor-
oth> Newton Efner. See Lockhart. The Fighting Shepherdess. 88,
89.97.

'- Dr. Louis Howe had been treating Ash for "appendicitis" dur-
ing 1909 and later presented a sizeable bill to the Ash Estate. Dr.
Howe later reduced the bill by two thirds to $33.

" Which alley is difficult to ascertain because at present in the
1 200- 1 300 blocks of Rumsey. Bleistein. and Salsbury Avenues, the
allev s run east and west as well as north and south.

'"■ This three-stor\ building in 2002 was owned b\ Ann Simpson,
wife of Alan, who is grandson of William L. Simpson.

Dorothy Newton holding a cat. This may be Dorothy 's
graduation picture.

Winter '2003

11

I hereby will all my property to Dorothy Newton. S.
A. Ash. [Illegible scratches apparently were Ash's at-
tempt to sign.]

Witnessed by: C. W. Dibble W. S. Bennett Chas. H.
Stump, [signatures]. Made at 12:36 a. m.( Dec. 7. 1909).

Ash gasped his last words to his friend Dibble, "Sandy,
I'm done for." A few minutes later, he was pronounced
dead, having lived one hour and twenty minutes after
the gun shot blast.

Immediately the ne.xt day, the county coroner
empanelled three men for an inquest. Designated were
rancher A. J. Martin of the Southfork; Ash's partner
Dallas Tinkcom; and young Harr>' Thurston, Forest
Ranger. Prosecuting Attorney Percy Metz and Deputy
Sheriff Ed Cusack of Basin attended the inquest.

The verdict of this jury on December 7, 1909, de-
clared S. A. Ash died by a trap set gun. Examination of
the cabin revealed the manner of his death. A single-
barrel twelve-gauge shot gun, using a Winchester shell,
had been placed on the stove and aimed directly at the
door. Attached to the trigger were three pieces of cot-
ton cord tied together, so arranged and fastened to the
knob of the door that its opening caused the weapon's
discharge. An open window from which the screen had
been removed showed the route of entrance and exit.
Extensive tramping in the snow around the cabin oblit-
erated any incriminating tracks.

They held the funeral Thursday under the direction
of the Odd Fellows (lOOF) and Eagles (FOE) lodges.
The townspeople turned out to pay their respects to the
well-liked citizen and he was laid to rest in Riverside
Cemetery."

Ash's spur-of-the-moment death bed will was to cause
lengthy litigation that took years to settle. A month af-
ter the funeral, on .lanuary 8, 1910, Ash's brother and
sister filed a legal objection to the death bed will and
contested it on grounds the "decedent was not of sound
mind" when it was written. They hired William L.
Simpson as their lawyer. Dot Newton did not turn 18
until a few days after the murder. Consequently, Flo
Newton, her mother, had to act as her legal guardian.
She hired C. A. Zaring of Basin as her attorney.'"

About the same time. Dot placed an ad in the
Stockgrower cuid Farmer offering a reward for ap-
prehension of Ash's murderer. She said she would sell
everything he had left to her, except the keepsakes, for
the reward. But there were no takers.

Townspeople wondered who could have cominitted
such a cowardly assassination, it didn't take long for a
suspect to be found. Bert Lainpitt was suspected for
three reasons: it was known he was infatuated with

pretty Dot Newton: he was known to be adept at set-
ting trap guns (at one time, he had killed a bear with a
set gun); and he had been hanging around town that
evening, leaving between 1 I :30 and midnight. When he
came to town earlier that day, he had tied his horse to
the support of a large signboard at the top of the Mill
Hill near what is now 12th and Wyoming Avenue about
three blocks from the location of Ash's cabin. '^

After leaving town that night, Lampitt rode down off
the two benches between Cody and the river, his horse
thumped across the wooden bridge and climbed the
matching hills north of the river. He then rode northeast
across the Hargrave Bench to the Hargrave's Ranch
on Cottonwood Creek, a distance of four miles from
Cody. A well-known trail ran from Cottonwood Creek
on to Eagle Nest and Powell, at that time, unimpeded
by any fences. '* Many people chose that route to Powell
and it is possible that Lampitt rode on to his wagon and
sheep at Eagle Nest, even though it would have been a
long, cold and risky ride. He most likely stopped at

'' His grave lay neglected and mostly forgotten until 1925 when
a nephew had the body removed to Storm Lake. Iowa. His good
friend. C. W. Dibble, was appointed special administrator of the
estate, estimated to be about $2000. His personal items were me-
tieulousK itemized, including some 37 books, cribbage board, cloth-
ing, dow n to how many of handkerchiefs were white and how many
were blue. He had kept some of his property at Newton's Trail
Creek Ranch, including a phonograph and records, field glasses, a
buggy, a watch, and various other items including the diamond en-
gagement ring he planned to give to l^ot al the party planned for
December 1 2. During the author's telephone interview with Jeanne
Newton Kuiper. when asked if she knew what had happened to the
engagement ring, she replied. "I'm wearing it on my finger right
now." Jeanne is Dorothy's daughter. On November 12. 1910. the
court appointed Victor Lantry administrator of the Estate and Dibble
turned over the legal matters to him. On May 28. 1912. V. G. Lantry
died and on January 7. 1914. Dorothy Newton was appointed to
succeed Lantry. On April 18. 1915. Dorothy married George
Bonaparte Efner. On October 11. 1915. the Ash estate was finally
settled. Dorothy received $25 as administratri,\ and $144.51. all
that remained of the Ash Estate. Legal bills had eaten up the rest of
the approximately $1 700 in five years, including for some reason,
bills for Victor Lantry "s last illness. Dorothy gave birth to twins
July 17. 1918. a boy and a girl, but only the girl. Jeanne, survived.
George Efner died April 2. 1919. and Dorothy died July 2.3. 1919.
Their child. Jeanne Efner was adopted by her grandfather. A. C.
Newton, and called Jeanne Newton.

'" William L. Simpson "read for the law" under Douglas Preston
of Lander and passed the State Bar examination. He moved his
family to Cody in 1907 and lived in the red brick hou.se at the
northwest end of Bleistein Avenue. C. A. Zaring graduated from the
University of Indiana Law School in 1896 and came west to Basin
in 1901. Park County Historical Archives.

"Caroline Lockhart described the murderer in her story as wear-
ing a mackinaw coat and a cap with ear flaps, and carry ing a coil of
rope. axe. and gun in a gunny sack. Lockhart. 87.

'* Louis Moore, interview bv author. March 1. 2002

12

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Hargrave"s ranch and then settled into his herding rou-
tine the next day.

Big Horn County Sheriff Felix Alston sent Deputy
Sheriff Rice Hutsonpillarand Town Marshal Tom Kane
after Lampitt on Saturday morning. They arrested him
at Eagle Nest as he was coming back from Sand Cou-
lee. When one of the officers told Lampitt. "You are
under arrest," Lampitt asked, "What for?" The officer
answered, "You can guess can't you?" He did not an-
swer. The officers brought Lampitt to Cody and jailed
him.

Proving the owner of the set gun would provide key
evidence. It was a cheap, single-barrel shotgun with
rubber stock pistol grip. Many witnesses remembered
that young Willard Rucker had been given the gun by
his father. W. W. Rucker of "The Wonder Store." The
Rucker family had moved to Portland, Oregon, but be-
fore leaving Wyoming, had sold off much of their house-
hold and personal effects, including the gun. No one but
Rucker knew to whom he sold the gun, but when Sher-
iff Alston traveled to Portland to question him, the man
refused to talk.

As Lucille Patrick later told the story in Best Little
Town by a Dam Site. "After a week in jail, with ru-
mors flying and talk of lynching prevalent, Lampitt's
father arrived in town accompanied by his own lawyer,
C. E. Lear."'"

The preliminary hearing went forward before Sheriff
Alston returned from Portland. Without solid evidence,
the county attorney had no case. They released Lampitt
to go back to herding Hargrave"s sheep, much to the
relief of Hargrave who had taken over the job himself
while Lampitt was in jail.

Despite the evidence pointing to Lampitt as Ash's
murderer, the man had a clean record. Many people
couldn't believe he had set the gun and some testified
that he was frugal, had a bank account, neither smoked
or drank or used profane language.-"

As years went by, the folk tales of Bert Lampitt
faded.-' How long Lampitt continued to herd sheep
around Cody is not known.-- It is clear that by 1 9 i 8. he
had changed careers and was working for the Ohio Oil
Company. He worked in 1919 in the Kirby Oil field.
Despite the distance, he returned to Cody often. At
some point, he had become infatuated with a friendly
waitress at the Standard, a short order restaurant. And
this was to figure into the next criminal incident in
Lampitt's life.

At 1 :30 a.m. May 7. 1 92 1 , a loud detonation and
terrific explosion destroyed the Ohio Oil Camp
bunkhouse at Grass Creek, Wyoming. The fairly new
bunkhouse consisted of six small single apartments.
Harry Foight occupied apartment # 1 , and his friend W.
C. Seaton had apartment #2. J. A. Crandle, Charles
Wilcox and Edward Schroeder occupied 3, 4, and 5.
Apartment #6 was unoccupied. Explosives had been
placed directly beneath the room occupied by Harry
Foight and his dog. The detonation tore off the dog's
head and legs and disintegrated Foight's body. The blast
also killed and dismembered Seaton who had been in
his apartment next door. The three other men, Crandle,
Wilcox and Schroeder, were badly injured. Knocked
unconscious by the blast, the men's bodies were dropped
to earth 100 feet from where the bunkhouse stood.-'

''' Lucille Nichols Patrick, Best Little Town by a Dam Site (Chey-
enne: Flintlock Publishing Co.. 1 968). 259.

'" This was not the belief of author Caroline Lockhart who used
the mechanism of the set gun in her novel. The Fighting Shepherd-
ess. 89. Nowadays Lampitt probably would have been convicted
by using "behavioral profiling" and "signature analysis." methods
investigators use for "getting into the mind of offenders." Lampitt's
responses would now classify him as "emotionally flat", and he
would be labeled a "stalker." Caroline Lockhart called him "men-
tally subnormal." For explanation of these methods, see John Dou-
glas and Mark Olshaker. Mind Hunter. (New York: Lisa Drew Pocket
Books. 1995), 259. Lockhart also recalled in her newspaper in 1921.
that during the Ash murder case Tom Kane. Cody's Town Marshal,
worked hard to prove the ownership of the cheap, single-barrel
shotgun, but was unsuccessful. In frustration Kane "threw down
his badge on the table before Mayor Frank Houx and resigned." In
her fictional story of the murder of Mormon Joe in The Fighting
Shepherdess. Mayor Tin Hom Frank calls Sheriff Lingle off the
case because he said continuing to speak of it would hurt the town's
image. Potential settlers would be afraid to come. Lockhart. 1 50.

'' One year after the murder. C. W. Dibble wrote a memorial
piece published in the Park Count}' Enterprise. It was directed "To
Honest People" and brought out the fact the crime had gone unpun-
ished. Enterprise. December 7. 1910. For a later reference to the
case, see Cody Enterprise. May II. 1 92 1 .

" Louie Moore of Cody, who turned 90 in 2002. recalled a story
handed down from his parents. Mrs. Charles (Neva) Stump had
parked her car on Main Street and was standing on the sidewalk
holding her arm when Bert Lampitt came along. He asked. "What's
the trouble?" Neva answered. "This damn Ford broke my arm."
These cars were started by using a front end crank, and had a terrible
kick, the crank had flipped back striking her arm. Instead of helping
her get to a doctor Lampitt was going to teach the Ford a lesson. He
grabbed the crank and actually lifted the front end of the Ford off
the street. Louie said. "Lampitt was exceedingly heavy built." Moore
interview.

'' John C. Thompson, in his "In Old Wyoming" column, in an
undated H'yoming State Tribune, wrote. "Lampitt. unsociable of
disposition and shunned because of evil reputation, lived alone in a
little shack nearby." Actually, the shack was nearly a mile from
town.

Winter i2003

13

O «#»*i

i

unnfRnnrr

* 'va-

lh?»^

? 'V

•^

. *

-i^,''

''*»A*!o»

Ohio Oil Contpuny camp. Grass Creek, Wyoming, c. 1922

Just as in the Ash murder 12 years earher. the mo-
tive apparently involved a love triangle. Harry Foight.
who had died in the explosion, was one of the three. He
was a World War I veteran who had been working as a
tool dresser at the Grass Creek field, working for driller
George McGrady of Ohio Oil.-^

The second person in this triangle was Mrs. Grace
Lee. waitress in the cookhouse and caretaker of the
biinkhouse. It was well-known that Grace Lee preferred
Foight over the many other admiring unattached males
in camp. All stepped aside e.xcept for one — Bert
Lampitt, who had quit sheepherding and gone into oil
field work.

Grace Lee had known Lampitt from the time she
worked as a waitress in the Standard Restaurant in
Cody. She admitted in the preliminary hearing that she
had had a platonic friendship with Lampitt. The two
had gone to Yellowstone Park on one occasion, but the
friendship waned when Lampitt starting showing an ugly
streak. Grace complained to her sweetheart. Lampitt
and Foight exchanged words and threats. In the verbal
exchange, Foight accused Lampitt of the Ash murder.
Lampitt replied, "They didn't get me for it."

After the verbal encounter, Lampitt's anger contin-
ued to fester. He went out to the oil well where McGrady
and Foight were working. According to Elizabeth Nuhn,
McGrady's daughter; "Bert Lampitt came to the drill-

ing rig in the afternoon and quaireled w ith Hany Foight.
My dad said to Lampitt, 'Bert, this is no place to fight.
We are on company time. Solve your problems after
hours. ""-^

That night, explosives placed directly beneath Foight's
apartment exploded. The 1 :30 a.m., blast brought e\er},
uninjured resident of the camp to the spot — except
Lampitt. Someone called the Hot Springs County Sher-
iff George W. Holdridge and county coroner Peter H.
Knight in Thermopolis. Rain had fallen most of the night
and the 40 miles of muddy roads slowed their travel.

Because Lampitt was conspicuously absent from the
crowd, the Sheriff went to Lampitt"s shack, nearly a
mile from town, and knocked. Lampitt opened the door
rubbing his sleepy eyes. The coroner led him to the
crime scene where he was shown the dismembered
bodies. "Here are the men you killed last night." the
coroner told him, but Lampitt showed no interest or
emotion. Aftera preliminarv investigation, Lampitt was
arrested and jailed.

The evidence was circumstantial, but seemed con-
clusive. The tire tracks at the crime scene were the
same as those made by Lampitt"s car and footprints

" Elizabeth McGrad\ Nuhn. "Memories of an Oil Field." .An-
nals of Wyoming 5?, (Spring 1986). 3.4.
-' Ibid.

14

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

mOMING STAiE PENITENTIABV
RAWLINS. WYO.

_SSA

fS./

/fA iii.'/^

JAA

/¥.¥

-/^.7

//^'.O

2.^\ yf,^

rnmr ii. ,?,-y^/-^7^,^^gg^^

^■^.Sc

wripht / 7.5/^ Build t-flR<^£.

Complexion _£2.^/£Z£?. Moustache ,

Arrested ^ -p^ — I ^

f,..,.,^^...„-p,//::A/n/?A/ r,OtJA/-rY I ^

The prison record for Bert Lampitt (above) and his
prison portrait, made when he was received at the
penitentiary in Rawlins, 1922.

matched Lampitt's. The powder magazine where the
Ohio Oil Company kept high explosives had been bur-
glarized. Marks in the woodwork of the doorwav where
the lock was forced open matched an iron bar in
Lampitt's car. When he was questioned, his car was
ready to roll, loaded with camping gear and food.

Lampitt had come into an inheritance of undisclosed
amount and no cost was spared in hiring legal aid which
cost him $4,500. His brother from Omaha attended the
trial. Attorney General W. L. Walls of Cheyenne led
the prosecuting team and William L. Simpson of Cody
led the defense assisted by C. A. Zaring of Basin and
Lin I. Noble of Thermopolis. Despite the most expen-
sive lawyers for Lampitt, the case for the State seemed
air-tight.-"

The trial, set for January 1 , 1 922, bogged down over
choosing the jury. The names of women who were listed
on the county's tax rolls were included forthe jury pool.
Supporters of the effort to win jury service for women
in the county called it a "hard fought battle," but, ulti-
mately. Judge Percy Metz ruled that only men could be
chosen for the jury.

After opening statements, the prosecution introduced
the preliminary hearing testimony of Grace Lee. She
had testified at the preliminary hearing in May 1921
about the rivalry between Foight and Lampitt. At that
time, she quoted Lampitt as saying, "I will kill both of
you." She stated that Lampitt believed in getting even:
"Bert Lampitt believed in getting revenge." She again
stressed that her recreational trips with Lampitt in his

car were "purely platonic." She was not present to tes-
tify at the trial, however. After the preliminary hearing
in May, Grace Lee left the state to return to her old
home in Kansas. She refused to return in January to
testify.

For the prosecution, John Winters of Cody testified
that Lampitt was an expert with explosives and trap set
guns. William Murray, employee of the Cody Trading
Company, produced a sales slip dated April 21, 1921,
showing Lampitt bought five feet of fuse. Photogra-
pher W. H. Bates testified that he had seen Lampitt
dynamite caves. Bert Cogswell of Cody testified
Lampitt rented a small bam from him wherein had been
several sticks of dynamite which later were missing.
Deputy United States Marshall Joe LeFors, famous
Wyoming detective, took the stand and unequivocally
stated Bert Lampitt was the murderer.-'

Lampitt gave his occupation as "rancher, plumber, oil
field worker, auto repairer." No mention was made of
his occupation twelve years earlier in Cody when he
herded sheep. He proffered a story about the fuse, claim-
ing he bought the fuse to blow some rocks down to
cover a cave into which sheep had been falling. This
cave was located on Trail Creek near Red Butte, north
of the old A. C. Newton ranch. Apparently, if his testi-

^' Northern Wyoming Herald. Feb. 8. 1922.

" The Northern Wyoming Herald, posted a daily bulletin of the
trial in their office. The reports were printed in summary form in
the weekly papers on Feb. 8 and Feb. 15. 1922.

Winter '2003

15

mony is to be believed, he had been hanging around his
old herding territory.

The prosecutor asked Lampitt point blank in the trial,
"Did you cause the explosion on May 7?"

Lampitt answered, "No." Nonetheless, the circum-
stantial evidence continued to grow.

Caroline Lockhart. writing in the Cody Enterprise.
reported: "When Bert Lampitt testified, he proved he
was a man of iron nerve."-* She described him as
"changing from a burley, sandy haired youth to a hag-
gard middle-aged man." Another comment, "...for
twelve years this fiend has been at large. .."and further
descriptions included, "mentally subnomial" and of "mo-
rose and sullen nature." The consensus of opinion of
him in Grass Creek agreed, "He was not of the disposi-
tion to make many friends, was well known, and al-
though considered eccentric was a man of industrious
habits." Although apartment #6 was vacant in the men's
bunkhouse. Bert preferred to live alone in his shack
away from the town.

The case went to the jury at 5:30 p.m., on February
! 0, 1 922, and the jury returned with the verdict at 9:25
p.m. Lampitt had already returned to his cell and had
gone to sleep. He was summoned, dressed, and ap-
peared in the courtroom. Lockhart wrote, "He looked
sleepy." He retained his coolness and seemed to have
no concern for his fate. Judge Metzread thejur>"s ver-
dict. The jury found him guilty of first degree murder in
the deaths of Foight and Seaton.

The next day Bert Lampitt appeared before Judge
Metz for sentencing. The judge gave him life imprison-
ment with hard labor and fined him $900 and court costs.

After the sentence was announced. Judge Metz asked,
"Have you anything to say?" Lampitt answered, "No
sir, your honor." He was delivered to Rawlins on Fri-
day, February 18, 1922.-"

Bert Lampitt remained in prison for 25 years for
the brutal, premeditated murders. In 1947, when
he was 63 years old, Bert Lampitt was released from
prison."' He left the Wyoming State Penitentiary and
drove north to Montana and obscurity.

-* Lockhart owned the Cot/vE/irf'-pn^e in 1922, She had a great
interest in the trial and covered it in detail.

-'' Most of Lampitt's prison records are. unfortunately, restricted.
The only records available were front and side photograph of pris-
oner 3303. clean shaven showing heavy set. stolid, expressionless
face. slightK bulging eyes and heavy head of hair. Brief statistics
supplied information on "Lampitt. Albert. No. 3303. Crime: First
Degree Murder; Age: 38; Height: 5 ft. 103/4 in.: Weight: 173 rj.
Build: Large; Hair: Lt. Red. Sandy; Eyes: Yellowish Slate; Complex-
ion: Florid; Born: Dec. 15. 1883. Nebraska; Occupation: Auto
Mechanic; Received from Big Horn County; Sentenced Feb-1 1-
1922-Life." The records are held in the State Penitentiary prisoner
nies in the Wyoming State Archives. State Parks and Cultural Re-
sources Department. Cheyenne,

"' In his report to the Secretary of the State Board of Charities
and Reform, the warden v\role: "1 have to report as follows as to
Convict LAMPITT. ALBERl. No 3303 discharged May 5. 1947.
bv reason of Expiration of sentence while at prison," Typed in
middle of page: "Using his own automobile for transportation he
stated that he was going up into Montana. "Convicts Discharged or
Removed - State Penitentiary. Rawlins." record held in the Wyo-
mine Stale Archives. Chev enne.

Ester Johansson Murray is a native of Cody,
the daughter of an old-time guide on Park
Count}' dude ranches. She is a graduate of the
University of Wyoming. Her work has ap-
peared in Annals of Wyoming on several oc-
casions, the most recently in the summer. 2001.
issue— an article titled "Earlv Cody Bands. "

Traces of
George Harper:

Site of George Harper 's homestead, Carbon County

Laramie Plains Randier

By Richard Walle

Discovery and Obsession

On a clear blue-sky morning in the Medicine Bow
Mountains, I was in the woods, on a flat spot, in a
clearing, next to a creek, just two days before the
100th anniversary of the man's death, whose life
had become my obsession. According to a map from
the early 190O's at least two structures once stood
here, but shards of glass, smashed and rusted tin
cans, rifle cartridges, and odd pieces of metal scat-
tered on the ground were all that remained. I had
come to this place after seeing it labeled on a Gen-
eral Land office map from the I870's: Harpers Mill,
it read. Harper.'' Who was Harper?

I wcjs born at least two centuries too late. I should
have been born during the Age of Discovery, but I
compensate for my tardy birth by perusing historic
maps and reading pioneer journals. It makes me
feel like an explorer of old, but such exploring loses
meaning unless one goes out to find those places
that begin as names in diaries or on maps. That sense
of exploration took me to Harper 's Mill, and after
finding the spot, it became imperative that I discover
Harper 's story.

I had no clue where to begin my quest for Harper
until by luck I found a map that not only had
Harper 's Mill on it, but also Harper 's Ranch. I

searched land ownership records at the county court-
house under the township and range of the ranch.
George Harper (figure I ) was the first name en-
tered at the top of the first page. Several weeks later,
ffoiind Wyoming Place Names by Mae Urbanek. on
a bookshelf at the Carbon County Museum in
Rawlins. ' I turned to the index and scanned the list-
ings under the letter "H": "Harper - a station house
named for George Harper stockman and mayor of
Laramie 1895. "

I reasoned that if Mr. Harper was the mayor of
Laramie, he was likely buried there. I was correct:
the cemetery records showed that George Harper
died on June 24, 1897, and was buried in Laramie 's
Greenhill Cemetery on June 28.- The date of his
death, naturally, led me to his obituary, which was
quite lengthy, a statement of his position in the
Laramie community. Subsequently, I consulted other
sources— books, maps and information from other
researchers such as the diligent Elnora Frye and
the helpful people from St. Matthews Episcopal
Church, the Wyoming State Archives, the American
Heritage Center at UW, and the Bureau of Land
Management in Cheyenne. What follows are my find-
ings.

Winter '2003

17

In the five years since the research began. I found a
line here and there, just traces of George Harper.
He was born in Yorkshire. England, on March 10. 1 83 1 .
and married Elizabeth Leaman in 1852.' The couple
had five children, but only three are identified in the
record. Perhaps the other two children died as infants
in England. The three living children were: Ann Alice
(who later married Robert Marsh, another prominent
rancher on the Laramie Plains) who was born in 1 853;
Edward, born in 1855: and Ellen, born in 1858.^ Be-
cause Harper was able to study medicine, becoming a
physician and surgeon, it is likely that his family was
financially well off"

George Harper came to the United States in 1 859 as
a physician on a ship called the Bellwood.'" Elizabeth
and the children, however, stayed in England until 1 863
when the> moved to New York.' George began prac-
ticing medicine in Brooklyn after his arrival in the United
States, but when the Civil War started, he enlisted in
1861 in the Union Army.'' Harper initially was a mem-
ber of the First Long Island Volunteers, in Company E
underthe command of Henry Ward Beecher. This com-
pany eventually became part of the 27th ArniN of the
Potomac. Harper saw a great deal of battlefield action.
His obituary provides the best narrative of this phase in
his life:

Mr. Harper was wounded six times during the war. and
was wounded three times at the battle of Fair Oaks. Vir-
ginia, which was fought on the 3 I st of May. i 862, and
where 6.000 men on each side lost their lives. He was
then with McClellan's corps. Mr. Flarper was on one of
the flanks there which was repeatedly assailed and was
one of the tighters u ho prevented it being tumed b\ the
enemy and contributed much to the success ofthe gov-
ernment arms in that memorable engagement, of which
McClellan is said to not have made the most. After first
being wounded there, he was taken to the rear and cared
for and again went to the front and was wounded in the
back. He was this time taken to the rear and placed in a
wood shed, an improvised hospital, with little hope that
he would live. For two years after the war. he was a
practical invalid from his wounds, which failed to heal
and continued to discharge pieces of his canteen and
clothing. Mr. Harper was all though the hard fought
battles ofthe wilderness, and was among Mead's forces
at Gettysburg, where the swell tide ofthe confederacy
beat against the impregnable bulwarks ofthe north, and
where for three days the carnage resulted in a loss of
more than 20.000 Union soldiers and more than the same
number of confederates. During most of this fight. Mr.
Harper was on the hill where is now the national cem-
etery, where a great monument and a magnificent statue

of Lincoln overlook one ofthe most peaceful and beau-
tiful scenes today and can be found in all the battlefields
ofthe war. He saw that magnificent charge, unsurpassed
in military history, by Pickett's confederate division,
when twenty thousand men marched forth as though
they were on dress parade and centered on the union
line, while hundreds of guns of the opposing armies
belched forth death."

At the end ofthe war. Harper was promoted to major
and offered a regular army commission. He declined,
and continued to practice medicine until mo\ ing west in
1868.

Harper and hisyoung family lived briet1\ in Nebraska
where he found work as a freight clerk with the Union
Pacific Railroad.'" This job likel\ led to his firstjob in
Laramie as cashier in the Union Pacific freight house."
He arrived in Laramie in May 1 868 with the first wave
ofpassenger trains to travel the newest section of flnion
Pacific track.'' Harper's wife and children arri\ed by
November 1 868. at the latest, because the entire Harper
family, two adults and three children, was baptized into
St. Matthews Episcopal Church in November 1868."
Thisfamil) baptism implies the Harpers intended to stay
in Laramie longer than they had in Nebraska.

In its early days. Laramie and the surrounding plains
were filled with opportunity for those willing to work
and invest. The railroad kept expanding, bringing new
people and goods to the area. A lumber industry began
in the town's surrounding forests, mining operations
developed in the mountains, and the plains were recog-
nized as some ofthe greatest grazing lands in the west.
In this environment George Harper departed his role as
soldier and doctor and began his life as an entrepreneur
ofthe frontier.

On October 1, 1871. George and 14 other Laramie
men formed the Vulcan Silver Mining Company of

' Mae I irbaiick. \Vyoniiii>^, Place Xaiiu's { Boulder: lohiisiin Pub-
lishing. I%7). ^^4.

"Harper George." Green 1 lill (.'enieter\ Reeords. Laramie.

' I larper biograph\ . Coulatit Collection, folder 1 6. tio\ 2. VVyo-
nilng State ,\rehi\es. Stale I'arks and Gultural Resources Depart-
nient. Che> enne. VV\ oniing. hereafter eiled as Coutant Golleetion.

■* Coutant Collection.

* Laramie Daily Booiiwiviig. .lune 25. 1 847.
'' Laramie Daily Boomerang, .lune 25. 1 847.
' Laramie Daily Boomerang. July fO. 1897.

* Laramie IXiily Boomerang. June 25. 1 897.
"Laramie Daily Boomerang. June 29. 1 897.
'"Coutant Collection.

" Coutant Collection.

'- Laramie Republican Boomerang. June .lO. 1928.
" Parish Register. September 13. 1868-August 21. 1881. St.
Mathews Cathedral, t.aramie.

IS

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Laramie, which proposed mining and smelting in the
Ferris Mining District ofCarbon County, Wyoming Ter-
ritory.'^ George Harper was designated treasurer.

Harper gave the Union Pacific four years of diligent
work, then in May 1872. Harper and Harry Thomas,
one of his mining partners, were "going into business
raising stock and manufacturing lumber at Rock Creek,
and quitting the freight business."'" On July 1 7, 1 872,
Harper moved from Laramie "out to Rock Creek where
his mill and ranch" were located.'" The location of
Harper's Ranch is described differently in the re-
searched literature. Some sources refer to Rock Creek,
some state he lived near Lookout." A historic map from
1 872 shows the ranch on Three Mile Creek. The latter
is believed the true location.

The proximity of Harper's Ranch and Mill to the Over-
land Trail suggests Harper had a good sense of busi-
ness and planning, as his ranch was a short ride north
of the Overland Trail and his mill is roughly the same
distance south of the well-known track,
optimal positions for the transport of
goods.

Harper was not only involved in the
traditional industries of lumber and
ranching, he was also willing to take a
chance on new endeavors, such as
wheat farming in the Laramie Basin.
"We congratulate ourselves that we are
going to get the wheat raising experi-
ment thoroughly and fairly tried this
season. Mr. Johnson is going to sow
some up at Red Buttes; Mr. Harper
over on Rock Creek. "'^

In 1876 the Harpers encountered
some trouble from Native Americans.
Though the details are unknown, the
family apparently lost some property,
likely livestock.'" The Harpers and sev-
eral others filed claims against the gov-
ernment for damages, but the cases did
not go to court until January 1892.
George Harper's original claim
amounted to $ 1 7,000, suggesting he pos-
sibly lost a great deal of stock and prop-
erty. When the case finally reached the
courts, however. Harper's claim was
only $9,000, and it was stated, in the
Daily Boomerang, that he might only
receive half that amount. Ultimately,
Harper may have had to return what-
ever he received because a suit was

filed on August 29, 1 894, as advised by the State Ex-
aminer, proclaimed that some money paid to those claim-
ing damage to property was not authorized by law.-"

in February 1 879, Harper's abilities as a rancher and
businessman received a vote of confidence from C. S.

'■* "Corporation Files," Wyoming Secretary of State, records held
in the Wyoming State Archives.

'' Laramie Weekly Sentinel. May 17. 1872.

^''Laramie Weekly Sentinel, iuh 17. 1872.

" The 1880 Wyoming Census Index lists the Harpers on Seven
Mile Creek, but this is believed a census precinct rather than the
location of his ranch. The ranch is also referenced in survey notes
from 1872 though the surveyor mistakenly called it the "John"
Harper Ranch. The reference to other locations, such as Lookout
and Rock Creek, are a product of how people in a frontier environ-
ment view time and space, which was less precise in those years
when the nation was wide open and young.

'" Laramie Weekly Sentinel. February 14. 1877.

'"' Laramie Daily Boomerang. November 17. 1 89 1 .

'" Laramie Daily Boomerang. August 29. 1 894.

Winter 'lOOa

19

Morey and C. A. Sprague of the Chicago-
based firm. Sprague. Warner. & Co. To-
gether, the three created George Harper and
Co., a "large scale" cattle firm that would
operate for at least five years.-' Morey re-
portedly searched the western United States
for five years to find the best stock raising
investment possible; his search brought him
to the Laramie Plains. Harper himself stated
the company intended to go East for the best
bloodedbulls. but in April 1879. Harper ven-
tured to southern Colorado and purchased
2.700 head of the "finest blooded" cattle. "
Whether this cattle included bulls and the
plans to go East fell through, or if the Colo-
rado purchase made up the bulk of the herd,
minus the bulls, is unclear.

Confusion exists as to George Harper's
role as founder and owner of the "old" Diamond Ranch.
In the book. IVvuniiiig's Pioneer Ranches, a list of
brands shows a diamond with an "H" inside for George
Harper (registered 6-29-1872) and an open diamond
for George Harper and Co. (registered in 1880). The
book also states that a man named Ed Harper settled
the "old" Diamond Ranch on Three Mile Creek, sold
out to Marsh and Cooper before 1 882. but continued to
manage the ranch for the new owners.-' Giving Ed
Harper credit for settling the ranch, however, is an er-
ror. The diamond brands were registered to George
Harper, so it is more likely George settled the "old"
Diamond Ranch. -^ Ed Harper, George's son, made an
attempt at settling homestead No. 337. which amounted
to 160 acres in the McFadden area, but died on March
3. 1888. apparently before the patent was granted.-^

George Harper purchased other property that year.
On May 29. 1 888, he bought lots 5, 6, and 7 of Block 6
in the town of Rock Creek from Mary Garrett. The
sum of the purchase was five dollars: the reason for
the purchase is unknown.-"

George Harper had been through several changes in
his life and it changed again after his daughter Ellen
died from heart disease on January 29, 1887. and his
son Edward died of Bright's disease thirteen months
later. According to his obituary, George Harper stopped
ranching approximately 1889 and moved back to
Laramie.-' Perhaps the loss of two children in two years
left Harper with little interest in ranching, and town life
was a comforting option.

When the Harpers came back to Laramie, they lived
at 503 University.-" He began working for Dunbar Mer-
cantile and Banking approximately 1889 or 1890, al-

'^^M^Aii

, ^A'%t-'- ill.

,„„„ Ui''''^'> :M
■^^Sgil Jyt..— - i_Li A.

"Siiule? \

General location of Harper 's ranch

" Laramie Weekly Sentinel. Februan 21. 1879.

" Laramie Weekly Sentinel. February 21. 1879.

■ ' Robert Bums. A. S. Gillespie and W. G. Richardson. Wyoming s
Pioneer Ranches {l.aramk: Top-ol-lhe-Worid Press. I9.S5). 418.

'^ This ranch should not be contused with the Diamond Ranch
Compans on Rock Creek, which operated in the earh 190()"sorthe
Diamond Cattle Company, which apparently rose from the old 7L
ranch owned by Marsh and Cooper. See Bums. 418. I he order of
events described here are supported by a biographical sketch in the
Wilkerson Biographies. VV_\ oming State Archi\ es. w hich says ( jeorge
Harper began managing the Marsh and Cooper ranch in 1881,

-'The Laramie Weekly Sentinel recordsthal George Harper— not
Fdward-filed a "notice of intention final proof of claim" on August
25. 1888. The result of this attempt to claim Fdward's old home-
stead is not clear, but according to the BLM patentee database, the
elder Harper's only patent was an 1885 claim on 160 acres sur-
rounding his original ranch. See. United States of America. Home-
stead Certificate no. 168. If he had been successful in claiming
F.dward's land, it should be in the database, I'here is no Fd I larper
in the BLM database for Wyoming patentees.

-" Book H. Deed Record. Albany County. Clerk's Office. I aramie.

-' Laramie Daily Boomerang. June 29. 1897.

•* A search of Title Abstracts at the Albany County courthouse
showed Robert Marsh owned several lots in the vicinitv of 5th and
liniversits Streets. The records also show that Edward Harper
bought lots 7and 8 of block 162 from Marsh in 1 883. Six years later,
in 1889. the year following Edward's death, the district Judge
awarded these same lots to Elizabeth 1,. Harper. f:dv\ard's mother.
George's wife. This is about the same time George Harper gave up
ranching, according to his obituary . there is other evidence suggest-
ing the Harpers resided in this area of town. The Directoiy of Chey-
enne and Laramie Wyo. Territoiy 18HS-89. compiled by the Wyo-
ming Publishing Co.. lists Mrs. George Harper as being at Fifth and
University (p. 24). Her obituary says she died at "her home on
Fifth Street." Laramie Daily Boomerang, .luly 10. 1897. George
Harper's cemetery record gives the same location. Fifth and Univer-
sity, for his place of death. A newspaper article from 1928 stated
that Alice the eldest child moved with her family to 5th and Univer-
sity after her husband. Robert Marsh, died in 1893. Lxiramie Re-
publican Boomerang. June 30. 1 928.

ao

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

though his exact position with the firm is not known.-'
He started selling his ranching properties. Frank Harrison
bought Harper's 1 60 acres on Three Mile Creek in June
1890."' Three years later, he purchased the rights to
the "diamond" brand once used by George Harper and
Company. ""

Throughout the early 1890s, the Harpers were very
active socially and assumed a stronger role as grand-
parents.^- The Harpers likely cared for Ellen's child,
who was only six months at the time of her mother's
death, while the father. John Guenster returned to his
family in New York and got settled:

George Harper, wife and baby and Master George
Marsh leave for Jamestown, New York, in the morning
to visit John Guenster and family who were former resi-
dents of this city. They will be absent about four
months.'-

After this visit to the East, the elder Harpers made at
least two more trips to New York in 1 892 and 93, stay-
ing for the entire summer on both occasions."

Although Harper was no longer involved in large cattle
operations, his organizing and managing talents were
still in demand. In 1895, George Harper was elected
mayor of Laramie as a Republican and subsequently
served as Deputy County Clerk.'" On January 24, 1 896.
Harper became a trustee of an organization called the
"Mining Exchange" — the Laramie Mining and Stock
Exchange — an organization of the area's best busi-
nessmen dedicated to the "development of the mineral
and other natural resources of southern Wyoming.'"

Harper was 66 years old and he was a busy man in
1 897. That summer, however, he suffered a stroke on
June 22. He was "comatose" for two days before he
died on June 24." According to news accounts, his wife
Elizabeth Harper "expressed hope that they (she and
George) would not be long parted." The day after
George Harper was buried, his wife contracted bron-
chitis. The press reported that the woman decided this
illness would be the end of her and "manifest a desire
to die at the same hour'" as Harper. She missed that
precise moment by only 45 minutes: she was 67 years
old.^«

George and Elizabeth Harper and their children are
buried at Green Hill Cemetery in Laramie.

Another Visit

On a clear, blue-sky Wyoming morning with early
season snow on the highest peaks. I drove up the
interstate. This was a much anticipated day; I fi-
nally received permission to visit where 1 believed

George Harper 's homestead once stood. While do-
ing my research, I pondered this opportunity and
wondered what I might find. My obsessive side even
planned a pedestrian access route to the suspected
location should my curiosity force me to trespass. I
discovered, however, that if one is respectful and
takes time to call the appropriate persons, closed
doors can open wide. The land owner offered to
take me to the property; and the lessee admitted
knowing of an old foundation on the land, then spun
a great story about multitudes of cattle dying in the
blizzard of 1886 such that one could walk from the
old homestead for two miles on frozen stock and
not touch the ground!

The homestead was right were the old maps and
the lessee said it would be. On the flood plain of a
creek washing out of the Medicine Bows with high
grassy bluffs on each side, I found two foundations
made of unshaped but roughly tabular sandstone;
one representing a habitation and the other an out
building, likely a barn. The habitation consisted of
one complete wall, a partial wall, an isolated comer,
an earthen berin and two depressions. Together the
sandstone and earthen berms formed a rectangle, 60
feet east-west by 25 feet north-south, with no vis-
ible interior walls. Lying on the earthen berm was a
section offence or a gate made from narrow diam-
eter logs and limbs The wood was severely deterio-
rated but was held together by some fairly recent
looking wire and bolts. River cobbles and pieces of
quartz protrude from the berm and I wondered if
the mounded earth and gate were from a more re-
cent use of the area, perhaps as a corral. Livestock
had definitely been there because in bare patches
around the foundation 's southeast comer were nu-
merous dime-sized fragments of purple glass manu-

■'' Laramie Daily Boomerang. June 25, 1897.

'" Book R. Carbon County Deed Index. 213. Carbon County
Clerk's office. Rawlins.

'' Bums, 418.

'- Numerous indexed entries in the Laramie Daily Boomerang,
1890-1893. indicate they frequently attended local social events
and entertained visitors as well.

" Laramie Daily Boomerang. May 2. 1891.

■■''' Laramie Daily Boomerang. May 1 8, 1 892; June 3, 1 893.

■" Laramie Daily Boomerang. March 29. 1895; June 25. 1895.

^'' Laramie Daily Boomerang. January 24. 1 896; Laramie Mining
and Stock Exchange, Albany County, Wyoming Mineral Resources
(Laramie: Republican Book and Job Printing. 1896), copy held in
the collections of the American Heritage Center, UW.

■" Laramie Daily Boomerang. June 25, 1897.

■" Laramie Daily Boomerang, July 10, 1897.

Winter ^003

'21

factured between 1880 and 1917. One glass shard
had "QUART" embossed on it.

Two different t\pes of ceramic, one with a porous
white past and one with yellow paste Those with
white past were both rim sherds, one with the curva-
ture of a plate and one with the curvature of a cup.
The yellow paste fi-agments were merely body sherds.
There were 29 pieces of plate glass. 2 nun thick: a
first rib -from a juvenile bovine showing chop marks
near the top end. Two fragments of clear glass em-
bossed with "sure ": a crockery rim: 6 large, severely
pitted and rusted nails with square shanks but lop-
sided, possibly hand-wroughl heads: numerous small
pieces of coal and cinder: the top t proximal) end of
a bovine radius, also chopped: and a leg bone (fe-
mur) fi-om an small, unidentified animal.

The barn foundation, north of the house and across
the creek about 300 feet, was another arrangement
of sandstone, earthen berms. and shallow depres-
sions. These elements, however, formed an L- shaped
floor plan and comprised at least 4 internal divi-
sions (rooms). Some "rooms " were possibly open
livestock stalls. The long segment of the structure 's
L-shaped floor plan was roughly ^2 ft. long and 40
feet wide. The short part of the "L" was 40 feel
east-west and 30 feet north-south. The oidy male-
rial items at the barn were a piece of pi ale glass
and three metal teeth from a hay cutter, rusted ami
pilled like the square nails. Down stream a couple
hundred feet. I discovered part of a cast iron wood
burning stove, also weathered and pitted.

The artifacts /found may not seem like much to
some, but I thought it was .spectacular. I like history
with a bit of imagination. IVhaTs the point of re-
searching a person if one does not take the time to
walk where they walked and touch what they
touched: if was great to stand wiihin that sandstone
foundation and see the Harpers gathered around a
table and a kerosene lamp. 1 could extend this imag-
ining to Laramie for after doing this research. 1 see
past the town '.v automobiles and modern buildings,
and I recognize the houses and buildings contem-
porary with George Harper 's life. I see the remains
of Alice Harper Marsh's home and the grotesque

cinder block additions now attached to each end.
There are the homes of Simon Durlacher. Edward
Ivinson. and Ora Haley. 1 envision I he Laramie Club.
Old Main standing alone on the plains, and the wide
dirt streets of Laramie Citv. Historic research has
heightened my interest and appreciation for historv
and historic preservation.

There is little doubt that George Harper was one
of the first nnichers and residents of the Laramie
Plains.'"' He was in Laramie in 1868: his Diamoiul
H brand was one of the first registered in the
county.^" George Harper helped bring large-scale
ranching to the Laramie Plains and he was verv
respected. He was one of the "kiiulest-hearled old
gentlemen" as well as being a man of "active intel-
ligence" and one of the" most competent men in the
ranching industry. ^'

-''' He was included in the W'ilkerson Biographies, described b>
Hubert Houe Bancroft. Hisloiy of .\evaila. Colorado. Wyoming
1540-1888. XXV. (San Francisco: The Histor> Company. 1 890). as
one ot'the county ■s'"earhest settlers." and included in a paper b\ C.
W. Brainel tilled. "Laramie's Old Timers--The Pioneers \\ ho lounded
the Cit\ of Laramie." Laramie Daily Boomerang. December 19.
1889.

^" Burns. 418.

*' Laramie Daily Boomerane.. .lunc 23. 1 897; Coutant Collection.

Richard li'alle came to Wyoming 1 9 years- ago
with "a cardboard box full of clothes and a
cotton sleeping hag. " He has been in the con-
tract archaeology profession for thai entire
period of 1 9 years, working not only in IVyo-
ming. hut in North Dakota. South Dakota.
Nebraska, Nevada. Arizona, and New Mexico.
He is presently an archaeologist for the U. S.
forest Service and a graduate student in the
Department of Anthropology. University of
Wyoming.

*Z7€£ \jiiit ^^Woman clLzci£.a to a ^tatzujids: (DrrL(2& in czn-ms^ziaa

otographer. New York,
ing State Archives

^'ovjaid inz zna of nax ±ucc£i.i.fuL izxm ax J^axamiE. (^ountu c^ujizxLntzn-
atnt oj ^cnooLi, cZxizLLE cy\£.zL HaL^ELs.ato (Lai-bzx to aiiEnatnz WuomLna
■dJxzjiuljLican iJ-'axtu caucui.. What txanihlxEa tnzxz aiai. XEJioxtza ainzx-
zntLu in uaxioui. hahzxi., uut vanzn aLL cva± laia ana aonz, cyxzzL naa ac-
czbtza tnz haxtu nomination a\ tnz <:y\ zhuhliaan aanaiaatz jox <::~>tatz ^a-
hzxintznaznt or u-^uliLic Unxtxaction fox tfiz zLzction of iSg^..

Winter ^003

■23

C) eel's campaign was hard-fought, but it paid off
V when Reel ended up receiving the largest num-
ber of votes a candidate in the state had ever seen.
This was not the onl\ notable result of the election, for
upon winning Reel became the first woman in the LInited
States to hold a statewide office. Thougii she did not
know it at the time, the results of this election would put
Reel on the fast track in the political arena.'

Themes that would become recurrent in both Reel's
private and public life began to develop during this time,
such as Reel's role as a beacon for the woman's suf-
frage movement and her personal feelings of exhaus-
tion and depression. However, despite the prejudice and
other distractions Reel faced, she proved that a woman
was not merely capable of juggling the multiple roles
that came with holding public office, but also could do it
with skill and success.

Though Reel would eventually receive the largest vote
in state history in the election of 1894. her nomination
for State Superintendent almost never happened. At
the Republican caucus in Casper, both Reel and Theresa
Jenkins, another county superintendent, were being con-
sidered as nominees for State Superintendent. The party,
which was trying to avoid a heavy southeastern bias.
attempted to spread the nominees throughout the state.
Knowing this. Laramie Count\ resolved to heavily lobby
two positions, leaving the rest to fend for themselves.
After reviewing the slate, the county decided their stron-
gest candidates were those for auditor and treasurer,
so Reel was left with few supporters.

As newspapers reported it. Reel decided to circum-
vent the situation by seeking support elsewhere to break
the slate and push through her nomination. Whatever
the inside politics actually were. Reel ended up as a
nominee from Uinta County, even though she was from
Cheyenne. The newspapers did not mention it. but Reefs
brother Heck owned a large ranch in Uinta County;
whether this was significant or not is questionable since
Heck was strong Democrat. Regardless of how these
events actually unfolded, the fact that Reel thus
wheedled her way into the her nomination angered many
people, and subverted the party goal of a\ oiding a heavy
southeastern bias.'

Camhaian

Despite the controversy surrounding her nomination.
Reel was determined to prove she was the right candi-
date for the job. Often described as having boundless
energy and enthusiasm. Reel took immediately to the
campaign trail against her opponents. Democrat A.J.

Matthews and Populist Sarah Rollman. As a candidate
for a statewide position. Reel was determined to visit
all corners of the state despite the hardships that this
incurred. This vigorous campaign would eventually pav
otf though not for the reasons some new spapers would
later report.

Soon after her victory at the polls. Reel wrote a new s-
paperarticle titled "Campaign impressions." In it. Reel
recounted the vast distances she covered in her cam-
paign in traveling to all comers of the state, both "settled
and unsettled." As she stated, this was all done b\ rail-
road, stagecoach, and ranch wagon, and even by horse-
back.' At one point Reel even descended into a mineshaft
in Rock Springs to campaign among the miners, an in-
telligent move that garnered her many votes in her op-
ponent Matthews' hometown. One newspaper reported
that Reel "stumped the state twice." once riding 150
miles in a stagecoach to reach a small town. The article
pointed out the peculiarities of electioneering in Wyo-

'F:\en thoimh she was the first woman In America to be elected to
a statewide office. Reel's life and career have received relativeiv
little scholarlv attention. This article is extracted from a mono-
graph-length hiographx of Reel, in preparation, f \cept for bio-
graphical sketches in contemporar\ biographical compilations, her
three years as State Superintendent of Public Instruction has been
mostl_\ ignored. See Progressive Men of the State oj II yomitig (Chi-
cago: A.W. Bowen and Co.. 1903);CoraM. Beach. Women of It'yo-
iiiing, I (Casper: S.E. Boyer and Company. 1927). Her career in the
federal service is the subject of K. Tsianina Lomavsaima. "l^stelle
Reel. Superintendent of Indian Schools. 1898-1910: Politics. Cur-
riculum, and Land." Journal of American Indian Education. .35 (May
1996): 5-.32, The main sources for this article on her Wyoming
career are from the Wyoming State [department of Education Let-
terpress Volumes, held in Collection #579. Box I. Wyoming State
Archives: and Reel's personal papers held in the listelle Reel Me\ er
Collection. H60-1 10. Wyoming Slate Archives. State Parks and
Cultural Resources Department. Cheyenne. .Also of value was the
listelleReel Administrative File. 1154-91. also held in the \\ \oming
State Archives.

-Scrapbook.-Personul. Political. Misc.. 189(1-1896." 77. Hstelle
Reel Meyer Collection #H60-1 10. Box 3. Wyoining State .-\rchi\es.
Hereafter cited as Scrapbook. "Personal. Political. Misc"

^ An article in the .\eM' York Mail and Excliange later questioned
Reel about the peculiar riding gear she wore while campaigning
among ranchers. Because of the barbed wire fences. Reel said a
woinan in an ordinary clothing would ha\e it ripped to shreds in
only a few days, so she had an entire riding habit made of leather to
protect her from barbed wire. Scrapbook. "Personal Political Misc.."
24. For Wvoming politics during the period and Reel's role in it see
T. A. Larson. History- oj Wyoming {\..\neo\n: LIniversity ofNebraksa
Press. 1965); Lewis L. Gould. Wyoming: .4 Political Histoir, 1868-
1896 (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1968). See also W.
lurrentine .lackson. \V . lurrentine. " I he Wyoming Stock Grow-
ers' Association: Political Powerin W_\oming lerritory 1873-1890."
Annals of Wyoming 20 (.lanuary 1948). 61-84: and T. .A. Larson.
"Wyoming's Contribution to the Regional and National Women's
Rights Movement. .4 /)/;iv/.s of Wyoming 52 (Spring 1980). 2-15.

a 4

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

ming. noting that in every town, there was first a cam-
paign address, which was always followed with a ball.
The paper also claimed that Reel admitted her tactic
was to seek out the Democrats and dance attentively
with them all evening."*

Speaking as a true politician. Reel said that her "'mis-
sion" to meet as many Wyomingites as possible taught
her "what a wonderfully energetic and intelligent popu-
lation Wyoming possesses and how certain it is that our
state is bound to take the lead in wealth and good citi-
zenship."' Reel was impressed by the natural resources
of the state, especially oil. Also, as a strong proponent
of arid land acts, she believed in the great agricultural
potential of the state if only water could be brought to
the land, specifically advocating irrigation bills in the
state legislature."

One of the most important obstacles that Reel had to
o\ ercome in her campaign was the idea that a woman
could not fulfill the numerous duties of the office. Most
people had little problem with a woman as state super-
intendent since women were already accepted as lead-
ers in educational arenas: it was the other responsibili-
ties the office entailed that concerned them.' The Su-
perintendent of Public Instruction in Wyoming had many
duties prescribed by the Constitution in addition to the

primary educational component. The holder of this of-
fice was one of five elected officers of the state, and as
such was Secretary of the State Board of Land Com-
missioners and Secretary of the State Board of Chari-
ties and Reform. However, most men overlooked the
fact that, despite all these responsibilities, the office-
holder in actuality had very little power or influence.
Though the state constitution directed the legislature to
define the duties of the office, this was never done, in
effect leaving the superintendent with much responsi-
bility but little or no authority in any of these roles. ^

■•"A Charming Lady Office Holder." in Scrapbook. "Personal-
Political. Misc.. 11894-1896."" 35.

' Scrapbook, "Personal. Political. Misc.."" 209.

' Scrapbook. "Personal. Political. Misc.."" 209.

' Of the twelve county superintendencies at the time, ten were
held by women. In a letter written to Reverend W.H. Sweet in
Salina, Kansas. Reel noted that even in the first election in which
women were allowed to vote, two women were elected as county
superintendents. Therefore, men were accustomed to women hold-
ing office: the real problem was the level at which the office was
held. Letterpress Book 4. p. 413. State Department of Education,
Box I . Collection 579. Wyoming State Archives.

Terrence D. Fromong. "The Development of Public Elemen-
tarv and Secondary' Education in Wyoming. 1869-1917.'" Unpub-
lished Ph.D. dissertation. University of Wyoming, 1962. 158.

Heck Reel and the Old Alert Hose Company Mandolin Band. Heck Reel was Estelle 's elder brother

Winter '2003

Perhaps the role that caused the most opposition from
voters was the position of Secretary of the State Board
of Land Commissioners, a Job for which many felt a
woman was unsuited.' The fiiifilhTient of the duties of
this office were essential to the success of schools in
the state since all funding was derived from land rent-
als or sales. Reel's campaign brochure assured the public
that ""Reel has shown more than ordinary interest in
public questions, especially those affecting our public
lands." and noted that she had been a delegate to the
Trans-Mississippi Congress in San Francisco, where she
spoke intelligently on the necessity of irrigation in the
West as well as laws restricting speculators and re-
serving the land for homesteaders and ranchers. Reel
also noted that, in her opinion, the best of the papers
presented at the conference was delivered b\ a woman.
Miss M.A. Hamm. an opinion she believed was shared
by many since it was the only one printed in full in many
newspapers. She also noted that she had heard some
of the ""ablest men in the West"" discuss these issLies
and that, while they were complicated, any woman who
studied them could understand them as well as any
man.'" Reel favored the Carey Land Act. saying that
the state had potential for growth if it could only find
the capital needed to get the immense water resources
to the land that needed it. and get people to the state
once it was irrigated. "

Many people were still not convinced. The editor of
the Newcastle Democnit felt that putting someone with
no experience in land transactions was irresponsible,
saying that if a woman were elected to the office it
■"might as well remain vacant. ""'-

Reel felt confident in her priorexperience and ability
to fill this office, yet convincing the public of this was
her biggest challenge. Reel had never given a speech
prior to her nomination other than at educational institu-
tions, though the paper noted that her campaign speeches
were "sharp, business-like little speeches."""

ReeTs campaign speech was simple and brief; she
said it would be "egotistical"" of her to try to ""enlighten""
the crowd on issues of tariffs or free silver, two major
political issues of the day, and instead she had come ""to
meet you in a social way and to get acquainted."" She
then went on to outline the duties of the office as set
forth in the State Constitution and noted her experience
as county superintendent.'^ In her speeches, promo-
tional circulars, and newspaper advertisements, after
outlining the responsibilities of the state superintendent.
Reel repeatedly made the point that "'any intelligent
woman can perform these duties.""'' The speech"s brev-
ity and content indicates that Reel understood her audi-
ence and what she needed to do in order to gain votes.

•25

Though equal suffrage had existed in Wyoming since
territorial times, this did not mean that all the men (or
women) of the state felt comfortable with electing a
woman to public office. One of the greatest fears of
both sexes was the masculinization of women, a trans-
formation to which man\ felt suffragettes were par-
ticularly susceptible because of their desire to par-
ticipate in theman"s vNorld of politics and public life. By
first convincing her audience that she apolitical, and then
presenting herself simply as making a social call. Reels
feminine identity was preserved; she appeared less
threatening and above party politics to the men. and as
a friend to the women.

Reel also was aided by numerous endorsements from
newspapers and prominent Wyomingites. A campaign
brochure for her statew ide campaign noted that ""she is
particularly well fitted for the State Superintendency. . .
[she] has always taken a deep interest in ever\thing
pertaining to education and has kept in the front rank in
the advanced ideas upon educational matters of the
present day . . ."" The brochure also stated that Reel was
""one of the most popular candidates in the State, having
been elected County Superintendent by two of the fin-
est majorities ever given."" This brochure included an
article by the Cheyenne Tribune praising Reel: ""Her
ability to successfully perform the duties of State Su-
perintendent cannot be questioned. In administrative ca-
pacity, know ledge of educational matters, and attention
to details. Miss Reel has shown superior abilities. ""The
sitting state superintendent. S.T. Farwell. also com-
mented favorably on Reel's abilities.

The state Republican committee insisted that ""the
office of Superintendent of Public Instruction is one
which should be filled by a woman. Educational work is
peculiarly that of a woman." since '^S percent of teach-
ers and all but one of the county superintendents were
women.'"

"Pamphlel iii Administrative File H54-9I. Kstelle Reel Meyer
eol lection. Wyoming State Archives, hereafter Administrative File.
This brochure includes an interview from the Denver Republican in
which Reel notes that men feel she cannot perform these duties,
going on to refute them hy sa\ ing that she had heard many speeches
concerning these issues at the Trans-Mississippi Congress, and
while tlicy were complicated she felt that an\ wontan who studied
them could understand them as well as a man.

'" Pamphlet. Administrati\c File,

" Pamphlel. .Administrative File,

'- Scrapbook. ■■Personal. Political. Misc.. 1 890- 1 896." 92,

"""A Charming Lady Office ttolder." in Scrapbook. ■■Personal-
Political, Misc.. 1894-1896." 35.

" Scrapbook. ""Misc.." 369. Reel Collection. State .Archives.

'" Scrapbook. ■■Misc." .Vi9; Promotional circular, .Administra-
tive File,

"' I'amphlet. Administrative File.

•26

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Reel received numerous endorsements from media
around the state. '' The Rock Springs Miner reported
that Reel "is one of the best educated and most brilliant
women in the state, equal to every duty that will be
required of her in her official capacity and it behooves
every man and woman in the state to vote for her.'""
The Saratoga Swi informed readers that Reel "can think
and act for a dozen ordinary men. She would make a
most admirable state superintendent."'" The Sheridan
Journal happily reported that "There is nothing of the
'strong mined [sic] cranky woman" about her. On the
other hand she is intelligent, vivacious, and lady-like in
deportment. She is a lady of refinement and eminently
qualified to fill the position which she is seeking.'""

Not all newspapers in the state supported Reel; the
Laramie Boomerang criticized people who were put-
ting so much emphasis on her charm and her dancing at
political balls. The Boomerang reporter noted that "if
the contest of votes is dancing vs. dignified, scholarly
bearing. [Matthews] will certainly win when the lead-
ing educational office of Wyoming is concerned.'"-' The
Carbon County Jo;//77(7/ mentioned Reel's position on
the "land question" and her support of Carey's land bill,
making its position clear by stating. "It will be seen from
Miss Reel's attitude and her official position, should she
unfortunately be elected, that she would be as plastic
as putty in the hands of the Cheyenne ring. The only
safe thing is to defeat her with the rest of the gang
ticket."-- The Journal was not the only newspaper
concerned with Reel's susceptibility to party influence;
the Wyoming Bee also stated "She is the tool, pure and
simple, of the Cheyenne gang, and as such secured the
nomination over the head of Mrs. Therese Jenkins. . ."-'

Rumors about Reel's campaign also circulated around
the state. One rumor held that she had agreed to marry
her opponent, A. J. Matthews, if he won the race, a
proposition she said was ridiculous since Matthews was
already married. Perhaps the most persistent story,
which followed Reel for years to come, was one stat-
ing that she had sent "perfumed letters" bearing her
picture to all the "lonely cowboys" in the state, so that
they rode over 100 miles to vote for her and "[waved]
six-shooters in the faces of those who voted against
[her]."-'' According to one report. Reel's picture was
"preserved with care and is now a prominent feature in
the decorations of hundreds of cabins..."-' Though
these rumors were false, chauvinism was prominent
among both sexes, and they continued to plague Reel
throughout her political career.

Much of the press's criticism of Reel during her cam-
paign was harsh and biting, some of it even calling into
question her moral character. In a letter to the editor of

the Carbon County Joz/n7<7/, an anonymous source (who
was later speculated to be Governor Osborne), asked
"Will someone please state who is acting as Miss Reel's
chaperone, and, if she has one, whether it is a male or
female?" The letter stated that Reel was traveling over
the state chaperoneless with the five male statewide
candidates, of course insinuating that Reel's morality
was being compromised.-'' The Newcastle Democrat
also questioned her character, noting that the state su-
perintendent "directs and moulds the education of our
children. Now let me ask you mothers and fathers who
have seen Miss Reel, or who have heard of her, how
would you like your daughters to take pattern after her
and have her as a pattern to follow?"-'

Despite the criticisms and personal attacks. Reel con-
tinued to campaign among all demographics. As a final
thought in her campaign brochure, the state Republican
committee encouraged voters that "Miss Reel should
poll the full vote of the intelligent Republican party and
receive also the suffrages of the most liberal and dis-
criminating Democrats."-* Apparently those receiving
this brochure took the admonition to heart. When the
ballots were counted. Reel had won by a handy plural-
ity; in fact. Reel received the largest number of votes
of any state candidate and carried every county in the
state, even Johnson County where every other Repub-
lican candidate lost.-" She became the first woman in
the United States to hold a statewide office.

Newspapers described Reel's inauguration in detail,
noting how she took off her hat before being sworn in,

" Reel, who in several letters of correspondence mentioned her
appreciation for the press and its contribution to her campaign,
returned the favor. In one letter she noted that she had expended
more than $60 in subscriptions to Republican newspapers in the
state. Letterpress Book 7. p. 693.

"* Scrapbook "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1890-1896."

'■* Scrapbook. "Personal. Political, Misc.. 1890-1896." 11.

■" Scrapbook. "Personal. Political, Misc.. 1890-1896." 77. In
another article, the Sheridan Journal editor coyly wrote
"[Matthews] may be all right to dance the Virginia reel but he will
find that the Wyoming Reel will dance him such a lively whirl that
he will not be able to work himself out from the November land
slide, even by algebra." Scrapbook. 82.

" Scrapbook. "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1890-1896." 18.

" Scrapbook. "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1890-1896." 18.

" Scrapbook. "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1890-1896." 90.

^■' Scrapbook. "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1890-1896." 18. 35.
40.

^' Scrapbook, "Personal. Political. Misc., 1890-1896." 18.

" Scrapbook. "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1890-1896." 92.

" Scrapbook. "Personal, Political, Misc.. 1890-1896,"' 92.

-' Pamphlet. Administrative File.

-' "Election Result in the State." in Scrapbook. "Personal. Politi-
cal. Misc., 1894-1896." 149.

Winter ■■2003

■il

Miss EsTELLE Reel.

Candidate

for

Superintendent

of Public Instruction,

Wyoming.

Duties of Superintendent of Public
Instruction, briefly compiled
from Wyoming State Laws.

The Superintendent of Public Instruction
shall make a biennial reporl of the condition
of the public schools of the Stale

1"he Superintendent of Public Instruction
IS Secretary of the State Board of Charities
and Reform, and as such shall keep a record
I if the proceedings of the board; shall coun-
tersign all documents made or approved by
the Board; shall make an annual report to
the Governor.

The Superintendent of Public Instruction
IS Secretary of the State Board of Land
Commissioners, and as such shall make out
and countersign all leases of State lands,
and keep a record of the same, shall tile

and preserve the bonds or leases given b\
purchasers to secure deferred payments,
shall make out and deliver Certificates of
purchase to purchasers; shall keep the seal
of Hie Board; shall keep the minutes of
the Board; shall receive the rental of State
lands, and receipt for same, turning over
the money thus received to the State
Treasurer.

Any Intelligent Woman can
perform these duties.

Reel, at the time of her election, and e
kept her eyes "modestly"" downcast, and afterwards
received an "ovation"" that made her blush." Despite
these descriptions of shy femininity. Reel would prove
to be dedicated and effective in her public role.

Unfortunately, even after her election, rumors per-
petuated during her campaign continued to mar her ac-
complishment. Anti-suffrage newspapers continued to
report that Reel had only won because she circulated
pictures of herself to all the "young, lonely cowboys"" in
the state. Reel attempted to set the record straight, re-
sponding to one eastern newspapemian who asked about
these allegations that "the editor of whom you speak
has been misled by a wild- West story. . . In common with
other candidates on both state tickets my picture was
printed in state newspapers, on campaign literature, etc..
but it had no more perceptible effect on the \ oters than
the picture of the other candidates.""" Still, this story
would follow her for the rest of her life and continue to
tarnish her political career.

czducational J^ut

xtracts from her campaign literature. IS9-).

ized curriculum, the debate over whether the govern-
ment should provide free textbooks, and the issuing of
teaching certificates. Of course, people from all across
the country also wrote to Reel asking for a \\oman"s
perspective on many lesser issues as well.

One of ReePs main goals while in ottlce was creat-
ing a standardized curriculum that could be implemented
throughout the state, especially in the poor rural areas.
so that students from these schools would be able to
merge w itli urban students if the> w ished to pursue higher
education. Reel often expressed a particular interest in
methods for improving country schools. In an interv iew.
Reel told the St. Louis Democrat utid Journal that the
only way to improve rural schools was to improve the
quality of teachers, and increase funding so that rural
schools could purchase the same supplies and equip-
ment as urban schools; if this were done. Reel believed,
rural students would surpass students in city schools. "'-
Reel therefore wrote to rural teachers throughout the
state asking for suggestions on what curriculum would
be useful in systematizing teaching with a minimum of

t£i

Some of the major problems Reel faced during her
term in office were awaiting her when she arrived. Most
prominent among these were the need for a standard-

"' Scraphook. -F^ersonal. Political. Misc.. 1894- 1 S%." 103.
" Letterpress Book 3. p 122. 1 etter to "Mr, .1.1. Kendall"
■'- Letterpress Book 7. p. 694.

■2S

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Cort Meyer met Eslelle and married her. years after
her Wyoming service as state superintendent

training." She combined these suggestions with her own
ideas, publishing the Outline Course of Study for IVyo-
niing Public Schools in 1897. This pamphlet was so
popular that Reel and her publisher soon exhausted all
their copies, but Reel could not have any more printed
due to the lack of appropriations for her office."

In her introduction to the course of study. Reel as-
sured the teachers of Wyoming that she intended the
course of study to serve as a guideline at first, though
she hoped it would eventually be adopted in its entirety.
Reel advocated arranging schools by grade and only
teaching one subject at a time. Her intention was to
assist the rural schools in rising to the standard of city
schools, so that a student transferring from anywhere
in the state would be able to continue studying the same
material at the same level without losing any time.'"
Also, keeping in mind the tenuous situation over text-
books. Reel arranged the course of study so that it could
be utilized without reference to textbooks. Reel urged
teachers to cultivate in their students "self-control, con-
centration, endurance, application, appreciation, insight,
receptiveness and responsiveness," for she believed
these traits were much more important than memoriza-
tion of specific facts or trivia. As Reel says, "facts are
means, not ends... it is what they suggest, make pos-
sible, inspire, that has value.""'"

After this introduction. Reel suggested a curriculum
based on the subjects of reading, arithmetic, language,
geography, history, physiology and hygiene, writing,
drawing, and nature study. For each grade from first

through eighth. Reel gives a suggested course of study
on each subject for the entire year. Many of these sug-
gestions seem based in Reefs belief that children should
not learn by memorization but rather by expression of
their own thoughts." Many of Reefs proposals were
also practical; for instance, the eighth grade curriculum
in math is focused on teaching brokerage, stocks, profit
and loss, and insurance, as well as assignments focus-
ing on checks, bonds, bank notes, and commercial prin-
ciples involved in financial transactions.^* In each sub-
ject. Reel gave suggestions of books for teachers to
read to familiarize themselves with all these subjects.

Particularly interesting is the curriculum for physiol-
ogy and hygiene. These courses were meant not only
to teach children proper personal care and habits, which
were believed to improve both the physical and moral
health of the children, but also posture and graceful-
ness, especially in comparison to the movement of ani-
mals. This was to be accomplished by examining ani-
mal joints and human bones, "being careful not to hor-
rify pupils with a ghastly human skeleton all at once."
An important issue taught in this subject throughout the
grades was the effects of tobacco, alcohol, and drugs.
The curriculum for this subject was again practical in
nature; students were taught what to do in emergen-
cies such as "fire, water, poisons, bites from snakes
and rabid animals.""'" Though Reefs course of study
was accepted throughout the state and was beginning
to be implemented, provisions listed under an 1899 law
requiring free textbooks destroyed many of the ben-
efits of Reefs program.''"

Another major problem with the educational laws of
the time was the problem with teacher certification.
Provisions for issuing certificates had been in place since

" Fromong. 260-262.

'■• Letterpress Book 7. p. 542. One of the most interesting items
discovered in Reels scrapbook was a letter from P. Mejuef of Pe-
tersburg. Russia, thanking Reel for sending him a copy of her bien-
nial report and the school laws. Scrapbook. "Misc.."' 169.

'" Estelle Reel. Outline Course of Sludy for Wyoming Public
Sclwols. (Laramie: The Republican Book and Job Print. 1897), 3.

■"' Reel. Course of Study. 4.

" Reel. Course of Study. 30. 47-48.

'* Reel. Course of Study. 1 7.

'" Reel. Course of Study. 38-41. Reel seemed particularly wor-
ried about the effects of tobacco and alcohol on youths. A letter
written to Jason Hammond of Lansing. Michigan, noted that, while
there was a city ordinance prohibiting the sale of tobacco products
to minors. Reel expressed a hope that a similar statewide law soon
would be passed. Letterpress Book 6. p. 313

""' Fromong. 263-264.

" Fromong. 183-184. in 1886 the legislature mandated the teach-
ing of temperance in all public schools. Teachers were also sup-
posed to be specifically knowledgeable in the effects of alcohol,
stimulants, and narcotics on the body.

Winter i?003

■29

1 873, but not until 1 886 were the first requirements made
as to the content of the exams/' However, teacher
examinations were by no means standardized in terms
of how they were conducted or graded, or what sub-
jects could be included. Interestingly, the law did re-
quire that county superintendents must be satisfied that
the candidate was of good moral character in order to
receive a certificate: Reel described one case where a
certificate was annulled once the moral character of
one teacher was determined to be ""bad."^- Reel re-
ceived numerous inquiries concerning teaching certifi-
cates, and in each one she had the same reply: Wyo-
ming laws did not provide for statewide issuance of
certificates: each candidate had to pass examinations
given by county superintendents in the county where
they were applying before they were allowed to teach. ^^
Count) certificates were onl\ valid for one vear, and
onl> in the counts in which it was issued. The\ had to
be renewed yearly by retaking the exam, and there was
no appeal process for rejected e.xams.^^ Though Reel
lobbied for a change in this system, she again was dis-
appointed at her lack of results: again, no major alter-
ations were made until 1 899 when certificates began to
be divided into four classes, allow ing for statew ide cer-
tificates to be issued as well as standardization of county
superintendent exams.^^

Much of Reel's correspondence concerning educa-
tional matters was w ritten either in response to job seek-
ers in other states or to recommend Wyoming teachers
for positions in other states. Reel responded to most job
inquiries by noting that the suppK of teachers was greatly
in excess of demand, and suggesting that the inquiring
individual put in his/her resume with county superinten-
dents. Reel repeatedly mentioned the low wages paid
to educators in Wyoming and the resultant lack of ex-
ceptional teachers willing to come west.^'

Reel was unwilling to recommend friends for posi-
tions in Cheyenne for several reasons; one was that
she had an ongoing feud with a member of the Chey-
enne School Board, Professor Churchill. Churchill had
angered many in the educational community by refus-
ing to follow the law requiring renewal ofteaching cer-
tificates though still continuing to teach. In response to
one request for a recommendation. Reel explained to
Alice Higgins of Illinois that, "my influence with the
school board here is very slight as the members who
manage affairs and the City Superintendent have been
and are politically opposed to me and would keep out
rather than help any friends of mine who should apply
for places.""^' Also. Reel often pointed many of these
applicants elsewhere: as she advised Higgins, "If you
should decide to come west 1 think you could do better

in Portland, Oregon, than any other place in the west I
know of at the present time. 1 spent a week there last
summer and found the conditions, work, wages and
expenses, better for teachers than any place 1 have
ever been."^'*

One of the most important educational issues during
Reel's tenure was a debate that had been raging since
territorial days over whether the state should provide
free textbooks. Both the territorial superintendent and
governor in 1 888 recommended that funds from the leas-
ing of state school lands be earmarked for textbooks,
and in that \ear a law was enacted providing for unifor-
mitv of textbooks for an investigative five-year period.
When this law expired in 1893. nothing was done to
renew it, though Superintendent S. T. Farwell did sug-
gest books as a basis for study. ^" Two years later, w hen
Gov. W. A. Richards made his first address to the third
legislative assembly, he asked for a free textbook law.
citing precedents in other states. Unfortunately no new
laws concerning textbooks were passed until 1 899, the
year after Reel left office.'" Though Reel was not able
to effect the change herself, she believ ed in the good of
uniform textbooks. Dozens of textbook publishers sent
her numerous copies of textbooks in an attempt to get
her to recommend them for use in schools. Even though
Reel could not mandate their use. she still wrote re-
views of them for the publishing companies. '

Wyoming schools were also lacking quality school li-
braries. Katharine Sharp of the Amiour Institute in Chi-

^- Letterpress Book 6. p. 21<^.

*■ Letterpress Book, uniuinibered. 7.i. 182.

'M-romong. 184-l,S,s

'' l-romong. 186-187,

*'' Letterpress liook. uiuimbered. 43. 97. A letter to Lottie Sellon
ot Kansas City. Missouri, and one to Nina .lohnson of Oklahoma
C'it\, noted that teachers in the cit\ reeei\ed between S.'id and $75
a month as a salarv. "'though the price ot'living is \er\ expensive."
Letterpress Book, unnumbered. 2.s.'i, In a letter to Helen Worthington
of Barp. . Illinois. Reel noted that rural teachers received only $45 to
$50 per month, and that all teachers faced a reduction of $ 1 0 to $ 1 5
per month for the coming > ear. Letterpress Book 4. p. 49(.). This is
compared to a letter to May Higgenbotham of Philadelphia. Penn-
s\l\ania. in which Reel described the \earl\ salaries of count)
superintendents as ranging from $600 for tlrst class counties to
S.iOO lor fourth class counties: apparentiv these salaries were in
addition to the normal teacher's salar> .

" Letterpress Book 7. pp. 417. 257: Scrapbook. "Personal Po-
litical Misc.. 1890-1846," 46. Several items of correspondence
refer to Reel's problems with school boards in Che\ enne. Lor addi-
tional examples, see Letterpress Book, unnumbered. 93. 255.

" Letterpress Book, unnumbered. 257. Kor additional examples,
see pp. 93. 97.

'" Lroinong. 258-260.

'"Fromong. 168-169.

"' Sec letter to S.M, Ingles. Letterpress Book. vol. 4. p. 336.

30

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

cago wrote to ask Reel about library administration,
funding, and selection in the state. Reel replied that there
was no organization or authorization in the state for li-
braries.-- Reel often complained about the poor state
of school libraries, noting that some schools did not even
have the rudiments of one. especially those in rural ar-
eas. She advocated building libraries in every school in
the state, suggesting 84 books to form the basis of ev-
erv school library (many of which were mentioned in
her course of study), though she had no authority or
funding to enforce this plan.''

Faulty school laws were another troublesome issue
about which Reel received many complaints from par-
ents. For instance, one concerned mother wrote to Reel
asking if the district could compel her children to attend
school even though there were none within a reason-
able distance (the answer was no). On this occasion,
as on many others. Reel noted that "Our school law is
very defectiv e" and that the only way to effect changes
in the district was to get a large number of friends and
neighbors together at the annual meeting to vote for
whatever reform was desired.'^

An issue that caused Reel numerous headaches was
the legislatively required biannual fiscal reports. Each
county was required to send in an account of their ex-
penses each year. Due to the poor quality of many clerks,
these reports often had to be changed and amended
several times. For almost eveiy county. Reel was forced
to return the original submitted report at least once be-
cause of discrepancies, both large and small.''

Conversely. Reel had her own problems getting fund-
ing from the legislature. Wyoming was in the midst of
an economic downturn in the i 890s and one of the last
areas considered for funding was education. In a letter
to Mrs. Jennings in February 1895. Reel despondently
wrote, "The prospects are that my contingent fund will
be almost all taken away from me as the politicians
seem determined to make my office of as little impor-
tance as possible.""'"

Reel lobbied legislative members for much-needed
reforms in educational laws, though because of other
more pressing matters, the state legislature often ne-
glected to consider these issues. As Reel noted, school
legislation was often left until the very last, by which
time the legislature was so rushed with work they had
no time to consider educational bills."

Even when legislation was introduced, it was often
not to the benefit of the teachers: for instance, in 1 897
House Bill 13 was presented as a measure to raise the
salaries of county superintendents, b'Jt the same bill pro-
posed that they then be forced to pay all their expenses,
which would lead to a pay decrease.'^

Despite all the problems Reel faced, she was able to
make some progress in some areas. A big problem with
the educational laws was the lack of regulations con-
cerning school attendance. Attendance was particularly
a problem in rural areas where school sessions them-
selves were intermittent and based on seasons or har-
vests." Children were required by law to attend school
from the ages of six to eighteen for a time equivalent to
three years, though the timing of this was never clearly
defined."' Still, enforcement of compulsory attendance
improved during Reefs term; in 1 893 the average num-
ber of days school was in session was 89.21, while in
1898 the average reached a high of more than 100
days."'

Another major change that was initiated during Reel's
term in office was the growth of secondary schools, a
reflection of the nationwide trend as the country
switched from agriculture to industry, necessitating new
kinds of training. In his address to the third legislative
assembly. Governor Richards recommended a law au-
thorizing the development of secondary schools in larger
towns for older students to obtain mechanical training."-
Growth was slow but significant, in 1 894 only two high
schools existed in the state; by the end of 1 895 that
number had jumped to five."

J-and JDoazd and iJ-^oLit

LCi.

Though Reel faced much skepticism during her cam-
paign over whether she was capable of performing the
duties pertaining to land questions, she soon proved that
these concerns were unfounded. The duties of the State
Superintendent in regard to the Land Board were es-
sential. As historian Terrence Fromong pointed out, the
amount of money available for schools "depends upon
the efficiency with which (and the rate per acre at which)
the State Board of Control keeps the unsold school sec-
tions leased, and the efficiency with which the money
in the Permanent School Fund is kept invested." In-

" Letterpress Book 4. p. .^74.
" Fromong. 263.
'•• Letterpress Book 4, p. 487.

" For only a few examples, see LeUerpress Book 6. pp. 93-97;
Letterpress Book 7. pp. 424-425. 458. 466.
''' Letterpress Book, unnumbered. 23.
" Letterpress Book 6. p. 200.
'* Letterpress Book 6. pp. 330. 33 L 335.
'*' Fromong. 257.
'•"Fromong. 173.
"' Fromong. 248-249.
''^ Fromong. 177.
'■' Fromong. 249.

Winter '2003

31

come from the permanent school fund continued to in-
crease during Reel's tenure, amounting to a sum of "con-
siderable proportions.""^

The Wyoming Constitution provided for two school
funds: the permanent school fund and the common
school fund. The permanent school fund received money
from two sources, proceeds from the sale of school
lands and 5 percent of the proceeds from the sale of all
government lands in the state. The common school fund
received its money from interest paid on the permanent
school fund as well as rentals of school land."'

The original land grant for Wyoming public schools
was three million acres. In 1897, during the middle of
Reel's term. Congress granted Wyoming pennission to
select more than 300,000 additional acres in lieu of school
sections located in federal K protected areas. The Pub-
lic Land Commission had located and selected these
"indemnity lands" by 1 898, which likely had no small
part in Reel's success in increasing school revenues.

Reel had her own ideas on how to increase income
from school lands. A biography written by Reel's friend
Cora Beach stated that Reel made a "thorough study
of the land leasing s\ stem" which allowed Reel to make
changes that led to unprecedented success. As Beach
noted. Reel's handling of the system led to an increase
in revenues from hundreds to thousands of dollars col-
lected from these lands within months of her taking of-
fice."" In 1895 the legislature directed that this money
be distributed to the counties on the basis of enrollment
as reported by each county superintendent, and this
practice was continued throughout Reel's term.'

in a letter written in January 1 896 to W. H. Wolfard
of Saratoga, Wyoming, Reel indicated that school land
could be rented annually for five percent of their ap-
praised value, and that not less than a legal subdivision
could be leased except inside city limits."'* Reel pro-
posed relaxing the conditions for leasing state-owned
lands that were being used for open range; she felt that
this would not only cause the land to be utilized in such
a way that it would make a profit for the state (that
would of course be funneled to the schools), but that it
would also be valued more by stockmen and ranchers.
Reel also believed that if the state showed initiative by
promoting the use of state lands, the government might
also turn over federal lands to the state. In her view this
would transform Wyoming from one of the poorest to
one of the richest states in the nation.""

She wrote of her impressions of the campaign. The
"strongest and most lasting impressions" were that the
state's "latent" resources needed to be developed so
that Wyoming could be transformed into the "rich and
prosperous state she deserves to be instead of the strug-

gling commonwealth she now is." Reel promoted irri-
gating the "fertile land" throughout the state by utilizing
the Green. North Platte, and Big Horn river systems.
For her the lack of railroads in the state was not a rea-
sonable impediment to its agricultural development, cit-
ing the agricultural prosperity of the Star Valley. "There
is no state in the union in which the opportunities are
better than in Wyoming for a profitable combination of
farming, stock-raising and mining." she wrote. It could
not be done by private initiative; success depended upon
the support of the legislature. If the state could achieve
agricultural success, the development of other resources
would be rapid, especially industrial activities. "

She favored irrigation legislation such as the Carey
Act and the Desert Land Act. and opposed "corrup-
tion" in land claims. Her views brought her between
the Republican split in the state between those who
followed Senator F. E. Warren's leadership and those
who followed ex-Senator Carey. Following the 1894
election, Carey tried to gain reelection to the U. S. Sen-
ate but the legislature, influenced by Warren, dumped
him in favor of an Evanston Republican— with Warren
in the other Senate seat. It began the long-lasting Carey-
Warren feud that influenced Wyoming politics for the
next quarter century.

Warren forces continued to find fault with Carey's
activities while the Carey forces reciprocated. Land
was one battleground issue. As an article in the Casper
Derrick reported. Carey had applied for a large tract
of government land to be allotted to the state between
Casper and Glenrock and had begun to fence it off
When the five-member state land board, of which Reel
was secretary, found out about this, they prevented the
granting of his application. According to Warren propo-
nents, Carey immediatelv stormed down to Chevenne
to rant before the board, where the Derrick reported,
he was told the rejection of the application "was purely
political and done to hold him down politically."

As part of the Republican apparatus put together b\
Warren. Reel showed no support for Care\ . According
to press accounts, however, the land issue was the rea-
son. The Derrick reported that upon hearing the rea-
son for the board's action. Carey raved some more.
This supposedly caused Reel to become disgusted w ith

"■'Fromong. 211-212:223-224.
"' Froniong. 218-21 9.

"" Cora M. Beach. Women oj ll'voiuing (Casper: S. E. Bo> er and
Company. 1927)1. 40.
"' Fromong. 225.
"" LeUerpress Book 5. p. 183.
"" Box 2. Scrapbook. "Misc. F. Reel." 390.
"" Scraphook. "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1894-1896." 209.

S-i

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

his actions and drop her formerly "astute" friendship
with him. In fact, the Derrick reported that Reel after-
ward had choice words to speak about Carey, calling
him the author of the "Mand grab law" among other
things.' ' This put her solidly in the "Warren camp" and
set the stage for future political rewards.'-

ReeFs ordinary land duties brought her notice in the
newspapers. When Reel brought in $370 from a land
sale she conducted on the courthouse steps in Chey-
enne, it was the first time on record, according to an
article from June 1895, titled "Miss Reel as Auction-
eer," that a woman officiated as a public auctioneer.
As the article noted, "Tt has often been said that this
was one of the things a woman could not do, but Miss
Reel proved not only that a woman could, but did it in as
expeditious and thorough a manner as any man could
have done.""

Even after she had been in office for some time, her
auctioneering still drew attention. In an auction of school
lands, an article in the Cheyenne Tribune. April 1 6, 1 897,
noted that Reel "cried the bids so sweetly that lots of
fellows who got to thinking about it afterward felt real
sorry that they didn't wink the prices away higher.""

jDoaxa or (Lnaxiiis.% ana <:i'\ Eroxm

The least amount of correspondence and press dur-
ing Reel's term came from her duties as the Secretary
of the State Board of Charities and Reform. Appar-
ently during Reel's tenure many of Wyoming's charges
were "cared for and educated" in Colorado, since they
could provide better care and treatment there than in
any facilities in Wyoming.'- The Colorado Institute for
Deaf, Dumb, and Blind in Colorado Springs held four
charges at Wyoming's expense because there was no
facility in Wyoming for them. This expense went to-
ward room and board, washing, medical attention, books,
and general care at an annual cost of $1000, which
Reel estimated at far below the cost were they kept in
Wyoming. Three Wyoming girls were held in a Denver
school for femalejuvenile delinquents. This school was
intended to transform women into productive members
of society by teaching them how to do housework and
needlework, read literature and practice writing.

Reel visited the institution at Golden for male juve-
nile delinquents, which held seven Wyoming "pupils."
Boys here made and mended all their own clothes, took
care of livestock, and raised crops. They were also made
to produce a weekly newspaper, do blacksmith and car-
pentry work, and run a brickyard, along with having
four hours of lessons each day. As Reel reported.

charges were allowed to choose their profession; for
instance, one Wyoming boy was training to become a
baker, two were learning to be tailors, and another was
studying scientific farming and irrigation. In her report.
Reel concluded that Colorado should be allowed to con-
tinue to care for Wyoming charges unless their num-
bers dramatically increased.'"

An article appearing in the Chicago Tribune in April
of the same year noted that Reel was inspecting peni-
tentiaries there and getting ideas for how to run these
institutions from Eastern cities since Wyoming was ex-
pecting to open a new prison shortly." The Cheyenne
Daily Leader wrote that the committee was making a
two-week tour of penal, reformatory, and charitable in-
stitutions in Nebraska. Colorado, Indiana, Iowa, Illinois,
and Michigan to research systems there, since the state
was intending to build a new penitentiary at Rawlins to
replace the cramped Territorial Prison at Laramie.'*

Reel filed a report with the State Board of Charities
and Reform after she attended the 1 895 Congress of
the National Prison Association in Denver. She made
particular note of a paper presented by the warden of
the Illinois state penitentiary that described convict la-
bor as brutal and resented by the prisoners, and pre-
dicted is speedy abolition. Reel described what she had
heard about prison conditions and administration in Penn-
sylvania, Minnesota, and Colorado. All seemed to fo-
cus on rehabilitation of prisoners— to make them en-
tirely indistinguishable from other members of society
upon their release.'"

In one piece of correspondence from March 1895,
Reel indicated that the state's Deaf Dumb, and Blind
Asylum had been converted into a "Soldier's Home."*°

" Scrapbook. "Political." 75. For an account of the origins of the
Carey-Warren feud. seeT. A. Larson. /y;5ton'o/ M Vom;>;g(Lincoin:
University ofNebraska Press, rev. ed.. 1978). 291-293.

'^ Reel's later career is the subject of another part of the author's
larger study from which this article is derived.

" Scrapbook. "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1894-1896." 289.

'^ Scrapbook. "Misc E. Reel." 319. No title.

" Scrapbook, "Misc. E. Reel," 41.

"■ Scrapbook. "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1894-1896." 149.

" Scrapbook, "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1894-1896." 29. 35.

"Scrapbook. "Misc.." 31; Scrapbook. "Personal. Political, Misc.,
1894-1 896." 35.

" Scrapbook "Personal. Political. Misc.. 1894-1896." 44. 45.

""Letterpress Book, unnumbered. 260

Winter i2003

33

^^12

1Ei.i.LOn

Throughout her term. Reel continued to complain of
exhaustion and frustration with the demands of her job.
In a letter to a friend in Sheridan, written almost imme-
diately after she took office. Reel told her: "The work
of the campaign, of the inauguration, and of a new po-
sition, have almost prostrated me and I am very anx-
iously looking forward to the time when I can take a
vacation be it ever so brief"**' Even into April 1895,
Reel complained, "I have been working almost day and
night ever since inauguration day."'- She was to have
little relief from these laments during her tenure as su-
perintendent.

It does not seem unusual that Reel would suffer from
depression, considering the strains put upon her by her
office and her lack of association with women. In a
letter to a friend named "Billy" w ritten in the late spring
of her first year in office. Reel complained that "Chey-
enne is awfully dull, socially and in a business way. You
can congratulate yourself that you are living in a place
where there is at least life and excitement every day of
the year." A letter to another friend written in June
1 895 expressed similar feelings of boredom, especially
since school was out for the term: "Cheyenne is very
dull since all the teachers have gone away. . .There are
no men to make it interesting. I look forward to a very
dull summer, as I don't expect to get away for a vaca-
tion."«'

In her letter to "Billy." Reel also complained about
"endless meetings of Land boards, dreary sittings of
the State Board of Charities and Reform, wearisome
visits to the Insane Asylums. Hospitals. Penitentiaries,
etc." These duties were time consuming enough, but
they were not the end of her responsibilities, for as she
says, "now to crown it all I ain expected to travel through
Colorado. Iowa, Nebraska, and Michigan to look at simi-
lar institutions in these states. And all the time, day af-
ter day there are letters by the dozen and by the score
to answer."'^ Because she had Just one secretary work-
ing with her in the office, the task of answering this
correspondence fell to Reel herself

Some of the few personal letters included in her cor-
respondence records indicate that Reel was suffering
from exhaustion for much of her term. She often com-
plained of illness in her letters, ranging from continuing
troubles with her eyesight to a severe attack of perito-
nitis early in herterm. At one point she was even under
doctor's orders to rest. Frequently she wrote of her
desperate longing for a vacation. At one point. Reel
was forced to abandon plans for an extended vacation

when the only secretary in her office became deathly
ill. She sorrowfully wrote to a friend in Chicago. Hobart
Martin, that her trunk had been packed for three w eeks
in anticipation of the trip, and she could not bear to un-
pack it. "Seriously. Hobart," Reel wrote, "I am very
tired ofthe kind of life I lead, but it ism\ bread. I've not
had much butter. "^-

Reel also expressed her frustration to her friend
Gertrude Huntington, county superintendent in Saratoga.
"I wish we could all go out and join your sister in Cali-
fornia. The Legislature is upon us. Just think. 40 days
of constant worry and annoyance..."*" in a later letter
to Huntington, Reel responded to her complaints over
trouble in straightening out the district's finances by
saying "I am very sorr>' that you are troubled so much
but you know that 1 have 'gone gray' in this kind of
business."*'

Reel's public duties took precedence from her pri-
vate life. It was the end of May before Reel found time
to thank her friend Zoe Grigsby of Pittsfleld. Illinois.
(Reel's hometown) for a Christmas gift she had re-
ceived. Reel apologized for not visiting even though she
had been in Chicago the month before on business of
the Board of Charities and Reform: "I am so bus\ all
the time, that I ne\er have a moment for private af-
fairs."'^

Much of her campaign support came from the fact
that she was not married. Many voters believed that,
with no family life, her public career would not be hin-
dered and. apparentlv. she shared this view. This did
not mean that Reel was content with this aspect of her
life, however. Scattered among her scrapbooks are love
poems, romantic stories, articles on skin care and beauty
techniques, and many references to marriage. Some of
her correspondence reveals that she was interested in
marriage, in a revealing postscipt to a letter to her former
political opponent A. J. Matthews, Reel wrote: "If you
know of any eligible bachelors, widowers, 'or most any
old thing.' please keep us on your list, as we are a can-
didate for matrimony on the anxious seat." While this
may have been a reference to the rumors circulating
during her campaign that she planned on marrying
Matthews depending on the election results, it never-
theless shows that the subject of marriage was on her

*' Letterpress Book 4. p. 346.

*■ Letteqiress Book, unnumbered. 323.

"- Letterpress Book 4. p. 369.

*■' Lener to "My Dear Billy." Letterpress Book 3. pp. 381-382,

"' Letterpress Book 5. p. 233.

*'' Letterpress Book 6. p. 264.

*' Letterpress Book 6. p. 387.

'* Letterpress Book, unnumbered. 455.

3+

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

mind. A later letter to Matthews, which unfortunately
is partly illegible, brings up the subject again, jokingly
referring to the "matrimonial bureau" and noting that
she believed she was "an impossible case."**"

err i^^HaatiEt fox c^aj-j-xaaEttEi.

Throughout her term as Superintendent of Public In-
struction. Reel was a focal point for the women's suf-
frage movement. Though it was an unavoidable posi-
tion, it seems that Reel was reluctant in this role, and
was even annoyed at the attention she received as the
one of the most prominent women in public service, in
a letter to a friend, she expressed her frustration: "Be-
sides the ordinary business letters about which, of course,
there can be no complaint, it seems to me that every
crank in the country writes to get my opinion on Woman
Suffrage. Life Insurance. Higher Education, or some
like subject.""" However, in her public correspondence
she cordially answered all questions that arrived from
around the country concerning the consequences and
benefits of women's suffrage.

Her reluctance as a mouthpiece for the women's
movement does not mean that Reel was uninterested in
the topic of woman's equality. For instance. Reel wrote
to Mrs. Thomas Orchard of Ogden. Utah, asking for
her opinion of the practicality of woman's suffrage there:
"Would it be an aid to the women of the state as it is to
us in Wyoming? Would it have a tendency to elevate
politics'^ Would it help Utah or retard its growth?'""
These questions suggest that Reel was privately un-
sure of the benefits of universal suffrage, though all the
newspaper articles and columns she wrote concerning
this topic are emphatically supportive of it.

Many of the people who wrote to Reel were curious
about the history of women's suffrage in the state. One
such writer was Mrs. Eugenie Cleophas from Cleo,
Wyoming."- Reel answered all of Cleophas' questions,
saying that she believed women's suffrage made the
parties more careful in choosing their candidates, while
the presence of women at the polls "has tended to make
the elections quiet and orderly," a question over which
many people seemed concerned. Reel assured Cleophas
that women did not vote with one mind but were di-
vided into political parties just like men, and took great
interest in campaign issues, "being, as a rule, more in-
telligent voters than the majority of the men. "However,
though there were many women employed as school-
teachers or domestic and clerical workers. Reel noted
that women in the state were otherwise "not very promi-
nent.'"^

Reel also received correspondence from medical doc-
tors asking about work or certification in Wyoming. In
one case, a female doctor from Chicago wrote to ask
Reel's opinion on whether Wyoming's equal suffrage
laws would give her an advantage in securing a position
because of her sex. Reel responded in the negative. "I
think, in the west, the disposition is to expect a woman
to do a man's work, if she undertakes any occupation
usually supposed to be a man's," though a woman could
achieve the same degree of success as their male coun-
terparts.""

Others who wrote to Reel were curious about
women's roles in other political duties. Reel asserted
that women's suffrage was an entire success in Wyo-
ming. In a letter to Dora Sheldon of Iowa, Reel esti-
mated that 95 percent of Wyoming women voted. She
also noted that women were not forced to serve on
juries, that women received equal payment with men,
and that all classes of women voted.

Reel also addressed a big fear of anti-suffragists by
admitting that sometimes a wife's vote would kill that
of her husband, but emphasizing that it did not result in
disaster.'" In fact. Reel said that allowing women to
vote was the impetus for reform. Women's influence
had already led to having bad laws repealed. People
observing the consequences of women's suffrage "fail
to discover any injurious effects upon the women them-
selves, or their families. Political duties do not neces-
sarily take up the time of any woman to such an extent
that she need neglect any of her household duties. . .""*

Reel listed the benefits of suffrage: it frees women
from dependency on males, it raises women from an
inferior status, it improves the possibility of reform, it
increases order during elections, and it ensures the se-
lection of superior candidates. Reel wrote: "it will not
be long before women, learning their strength, will unite
together, and holding the balance of power, will be en-

'''' Letterpress Book 6. p. 218: Letterpress Book 6. p. 278.

'"' Letter to "My Dear Biliy." Letterpress Book 3. pp. 381-382.

'" Letterpress Book, unnumbered. 323. The question about el-
evating politics is apparently referring to the widespread reports
that allowing women to vote in Wyoming had a great "civilizing"
effect on the election process and led to less violence at the polls.

''-The community name does not appear in Mae Urbanek. Wyo-
ming Place Names (Boulder: Johnson Publishing, 1967). Quite likely,
the name was given to the "post office" located at Mrs. Cleophas'
ranch home.

"' Letterpress Book 4, p. 461.

"■■ Letterpress Book 7, p. 73 1 .

" "A Charming Lady OfTice Holder." in Box 3. Scrapbook. "Per-
sonal. Political. Misc.. 1894-1896."

'"" Letterpress Book 5. p. 3 1 .

Winter '2003

35

abled to exert a most potent influence in public affairs."*'

Many people wrote to Reel for advice on how to ad-
vance the cause of equal suffrage. In a letter sent to
famed suffragist Carrie Chapman Catt of Neu York
City, Reel advised, "my public speaking during the re-
cent campaign was confined to very brief talks. . . It may
be that brief talks explaining what Suffrage has done
for Wyoming may accomplish as much, or more, for
the cause than more elaborate oratorical efforts." "^

Reel also was asked to address issues dealing with
women as educators. In one instance a man from Wis-
consin asked Reel for statistics concerning the effi-
ciency of women on school boards. Though Reel had
no such figures, she still advised the man that, based on
her experience, it was "wise" to have both men and
women on the school board.'™ A letter sent from Phila-
delphia asked Reel whether any conflicts arose from
the fact that male teachers were sometimes under the
control of women superintendents. In response. Reel
emphasized that instances of difficulties were rare, and
that men were careful "not to assert any superiority
over their women co-workers." Additionally. Reel felt
that only the "fitness" of the person being considered,
not the gender, should be the onl\ detemiining factor in
who was selected as administrators.'""

Despite the answers, in her correspondence Reel re-
vealed she grew tired of the tedious and sometimes
ridiculous questions she was forced to address on the
subject of women's fitness for political office. In the
middle of her term as superintendent. Reel suddenly
found herself dodging the rumor that she was planning
a run forGovemor of Wyoming. Apparently, the story
started when Governor Richards mentioned once on a
trip to St. Louis that his 19-year-old daughter was com-
petent to handle the work involved. Newspapers re-
porting this remarked, "I fa girl of 19 could run the Gu-
bernatorial office, why could not a woman of experi-
ence like Miss Reel be Governor?"" " This idea began
to buzz around town, and soon Reel was in the midst of
a media frenzy as newspapers around the country
falsely announced her candidacy and speculated on her
chances of winning. Reel protested these stories, fi-
nally writing a letter to the editor of the New York Sun
explaining the facts.

However, this simple letter itself provoked another
controversy, especial 1\ among suffragists. In writing her
reply to the Sim. Reel stated that "The idea of running
a woman for Governor of the State of Wyoming is not
worthy of serious consideration." As the Sun responded.
and as many suffragists questioned, "Indeed, and why
not?"'" The answer, as found in her correspondence
and other writings, is simple: Reel considered herself

not to be radical in her ideas of how women were to
achieve suffrage or on the subject of women's equality.
In her response. Reel wrote that just because half of
the voters in Wyoming were v\omen. thev did not ex-
pect to hold half of the offices in the state, and that the
only offices they should hold were strictly educational
or clerical. As long as they were allowed these posi-
tions, and received equal pay for equal work. Reel said.
"the_\ will be well satisfied. The\ will not attempt to
encroach upon offices which should alwa\ s be filled by
men. one of which is the Governorship."'""

The editors, and probably many suffragettes, remained
perplexed by these statements, though Reel had made
her reasoning known in several previous inter\ lews. For
instance. Reel had w ritten an article in w hich she ques-
tioned the right of women to seek a broader public mis-
sion than that which they already had. Reel stated that
every woman, like every man, has a desire for influ-
ence, but this desire should not be expanded into new
fields. Instead. Reel believed that the immediate fight
for women's equality should focus on first gaining equal
wages for the fields in which women v\ere alread\ es-
tablished.""

A letter written in April 1896 to Ella Buie of St. Louis
similarly addressed this conviction. "I believe the suc-
cess of the Women's Suffrage idea in Wyoming has
been due mainly to the fact that the women of the State
have not asked too much at any time of the male
voters... [women] were extremel_\ modest in their re-
quests for preferment and power. They essayed no radi-
cal refonns and did w hat good they could in politics and
legislation in a quite unobtrusive manner. . ."

Reel then address Buie's request for advice on how
to achie\ e equal suffrage in Missouri: "Do not attempt
at first to secure uni\ ersal suffrage. Get first the pri\ i-
lege of voting in school elections. This secured, work
for a voice in municipal atTairs. If you secure this, the

■" Letterpress Book 5. p. 31.

''"Letterpress Book, unnumbered. 286. Reel often made dispar-
aging remarks about her own speaking ability. For instance, she
responded to a request to speak at the teacher's institute in Sheridan
County: "As you know. 1 am not a fluent speaker and would not
think of charging for the lecture." Letterpress Book 6. p, 23 1 .

'" Letterpress Book 4. p. 488.

Letterpress Book 4. p 4W.

"" Scrapbook. "N.E..'\. 1846-18^7." 4.

'"- "The Protest of Superintendent Reel." in Box 3. Scrapbook.
"Political E. Reel." 98.

"" "The Protest ofSupermtendent Reel." in Box 3. Scrapbook.
"Political L. Reel." 98.

'"'' "A Wider Mission." in Box 3. Scrapbook. "Personal. Politi-
cal. Misc.. 1890- 1896." 47.

36

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

right of suffrage in County, State, and National affairs
will follow in due time."'"^ In other words, Reel advo-
cated taking the movement slowly, allowing men to be-
come acculturated to the advancements one step at a
time. She feared that if too much was asked for all at
once, the entire movement might be squashed in its in-
fancy. She urged women to first pursue expansion within
conventional women's spheres, such as caring for chil-
dren (education) and home (community). They could
use these gains to push for roles outside their traditional
interests. In this context. Reel's response to the Sun
seems to make perfect sense.

This fundamental disagreement with radical suffrag-
ists did not diminish Reel's position as one ofthe most
visible female public figures in the nation. She contin-
ued to give interviews expounding upon the virtues of
equal suffrage in Wyoming to newspapers wherever
she traveled. In 1 897 she represented the Woman's Club
of Cheyenne at the national meeting ofthe Women's
Republican League. '""

\Un to Waininaton

Though Reel faced both personal and political hard-
ships during her time in office, she met these difficulties
head-on and with integrity. Despite political divisions
within her own party and criticism from Democrats,
many ofthe public believed she rose above common
politics. A newspaper article written in February 1 897
note: "There is one state officer who appears to be
doing her duty as she sees it and without reference to
the wishes ofthe gang, and that is Miss Estelle Reel,
superintendent of public instruction. She has made a
good officer and is to be highly commended..."""

Reel was exhausted by the heavy burdens she had
borne during her three years in office, yet her political
career was about to take an important leap. After work-

ing for William McKinley's presidential campaign in
1898, Reel applied forthe recently vacated position of
Superintendent of Indian Education. Despite her con-
nections with Warren who recommended her highly,
she also received warm support for this application from
Warren's opponent, Joseph Carey. '°*

Though no woman had ever held so high a position in
the federal service. Reel's application received the unani-
mous approval ofthe Senate. Reel was soon packing
her bags and moved to Washington, D.C., leaving the
office of State Superintendent of Public Instruction, the
first statewide office ever held by a woman, before the
term ended.

'"' Letterpress Book 5. p. 325.

'"" Letterpress Book 7. p. 394.

"" Scrapbook. "Campaign. 1896-97," 50. 175.

"" "U. S. Department ofthe Interior, Office of Supt. of Indian
Schools endorsements," folder in Box I, Estelle Reel Meyer Collec-
tion.

The author, a native of Missouri, is a graduate
student in history at the University of Wyoming,
where she is specializing in the history of Wyo-
ming and the American West. She holds a
bachelor 's degree in history from Northwest Mis-
souri State University. During her career, she
has worked at the National Archives in Kansas
City, the Missouri Supreme Court Historical
Society and Missouri State Archives in Jefferson
City, and the Buffalo Bill Historical Center, Cody.
This article is extracted from the first portion of
a monograph-length biography of Reel, now in
progress. She is serving as assistant editor of
Annals of Wyoming, a position she has held for
the past year.

Book Reviews

Significant Recent Books on Western and Wyoming History

Edited by Carl Hallberg

Lynching in Colorado, 1858-1919.

By Stephen J. Leonard. Boulder: University Press of Colo-
rado. 2002. Illus. tables, maps, notes, bib., index. 232pp.
Cloth. S24.^5.

Reviewed by Michael J. Pfeifer, The Evergreen Slate Col-
lege, Olympia, Washington

Unlike scholars of the South, historians of the West have
devoted little serious attention to collective violence in the
region's past. Stephen J. Leonard's study of lynching in
Colorado advances our understanding about a crucial as-
pect of the legal and social relations of the nineteenth and
earlv twentieth century West.

Employing a rigorous methodologv . Leonard documents
175 lynchings in Colorado between 1858 and 1919. Leonard
begins by analyzing the important precedent set by the extra-
legal proceedings of the "People's Courts" which conducted
infonnal trials and executions of accused criminals in Denver
and other Rocky Mountain towns. These infant jurisdic-
tions lacked legal institutions between 1850 and the fomia-
tion of Colorado Territory in 1861 (Chapter I ). Yet the organi-
zation of legally-constituted courts hardly ended lynching in
Colorado. As the railroad and discovery of pockets of gold
and silver created towns throughout the state. K nching sprees
often expressed the unstable social relations of novel places.
Spates of lynching, sometimes prefomied by well-organized
vigilante committees and sometimes by spontaneously-as-
sembled mobs, followed allegations of property crimes and
murder in Denver. Pueblo. Leadville. and smaller hinterland
towns, such as Ourav . in the 1 860s. 1 870s, and 1 880s (Chap-
ters 2 and 3 ).

However, bv the 1880s. Coloradoans turned awa\ from
lynching persons accused of transgressions against prop-
erty and began to reserve mob murder for those accused of
murder and sexual offenses (pp. 54. 73). Homicides that were
viewed as particularly heinous were the most likely to pro-
voke mob violence. Leonard highlights this tendency with
an in-depth analysis of the 1884 Ourav lynching of Michael
and Margaret Cuddigan, a husband and pregnant wife who
had allegedly murdered a ten-year-old child. Marv Rose
Matthews (pp. 73-87). Leonard also charts the "tug-of-war"
between lynching's proponents and its opponents. Advo-
cates of lynching often cited the purportedly deterrent effect
of rapid hanging on crime, and the expense that it spared
county coffers from an unpredictably and potentially lengthy
trial. However, besinnina in the 1880s. critics of mob vio-

lence gained the upper hand and law enforcement became
more aggressive about protecting prisoners from mobs. Op-
ponents declared lynching inconsistent with •'civilization"
and cited the potentially negative effect of mob killings on
investment and the attraction of new settlers (Chapter 5).
Finally, between the 1880s and 1919. as lynching in Colorado
waned, it also became highly racialized. Leonard describes
how white Coloradoans drew upon racial and ethnic animosi-
ties to collectiveK murder at least nineteen Hispanics. nine
African-Americans, five Italians, two Chinese and one Jew
(Chapter6).

Leonard has written a well-researched and highly readable
history of a hitherto-neglected topic in Colorado's past. He
skillfully traces general patterns in collective violence in the
state, vet also understands that with Ivnching. specificitv
matters. Throughout the hook, he adeptK weaves in the
details of illustrative cases. Despite the necessity to impose
coherence on a complex and disorderly topic. Leonard's nar-
rative flows well. Moreover, his occasional use of wit leav-
ens a morbid topic. Yet it would be helpful if Leonard would
connect more of the dots and view events in Colorado as an
aspect of a larger cultural transformation in the West and in
the United States. Lynchers in the West and in other regions
acted out a vision of punitive, localized criminal justice that
rejected reforms that sought to centralize and regularize the
legal system. By contrast, the growing number of "respect-
able" people in western towns who rejected lynching placed
their faith in due process law as a regulator of social order
and the How of capital. Regardless, reading Leonard's book
will amply repay those interested in K nching in the historv of
Colorado and of the American West.

Into the West: The Stor> of Its People.

By Walter Nugent. New York: Alfred A. Knopf 1 999. .y.v;7 ^
■493 pp lllus . maps, notes, bib., index Cloth. S35.

Reviewed by Don Hodgson, Eastern Myoming College

Not only does Walter Nugent's Into the West add to a
growing interest in the 20"' century American West but comes
at an opportune time on the eve of the 2000 census. Basing
his research on a wealth of demographic data. Nugent under-
takes the task of presenting the story of the West from the
first Native American migrants to the more recent Vietnamese
and Cambodians. His expansive and well-documented work
chronicles the m> riad of groups from within and outside the

3S

Annals of Wyoming; The Wyoming History Journal

nation that poured into the West to create a landscape of
ethnic, racial and cultural diversity. From the earliest time,
the West became a "melting pot" of sorts for peoples, who,
according to Nugent, were motivated by the desire for land,
its resources, a better quality of life, material gain and even
nostalgia (Nugent applies nostalgia to the desire for adven-
ture, individualism, freedom, romance, and secrecy).

With an obligator) reference to Turner's "frontier thesis,"
Nugent differentiates between X\\t frontier and the west. Dis-
counting the end of the frontier in 1 890, the expected ques-
tion is pressed. "Where is the West?" Relying on the U.S.
Census Bureau's delineation of 13 states in the Mountain
West and Pacific area that stretch from Montana to New
Mexico and west to the Pacific. Nugent adds the Great Plains
along with Alaska and 20"' century Hawaii for his preference
of a"Census West plus the Great Plains." Definition in hand,
the first third of the book presents a sketchy but coherent
overview of the West's history up to the 20"' century. De-
spite the familiar story of exploration and empire, the inter-
pretative and thematic approach of immigration is empha-
sized; and the patterns of diversity, minorities and urbaniza-
tion are established for more intensive consideration in the
remainder of the book.

Demographics not only help to explain who came into the
West but also pemijt a review of assumptions about its his-
tory. For instance, rather than casting blame on the Spanish
and Mexican occupation. Nugent contends that the Califor-
nia gold rush resulted in the "great devastation" to Native
Americans in that state. Between 1848 and 1860. California's
Native population fell from an estimated 200-250.000 to a mere
20-25.000. In another revision, despite drought and depres-
sion that produced adverse effects on the West in the 1890s
and the 1930s, economic gains were still made and people
continued to migrate into the region. California was able to
gain nearly 200.000 people during the 1 890s: and in the Great
Depression. Nugent relates. "Most states in the region, and
southern Califomia above all. continued to grow well be-
yond the national average of the 1930s." Regarding the baby
boom, assumed to have begun at the conclusion of World
War II. Nugent relies on demographics to argue that the baby
boom began in 1941 and lasted until 1965. Coupled with the
swelling migration of the post-war years and the growth of
cities and industn,'. the West had become by 1960 the "lead-
ing edge of American culture, economy and society."

Nourished by railroads, mining, ranching, farming, and
growing cities, the West was in the opening years of the 20'''
century being transformed by newcomers and prosperity.
Simultaneously, rural and urban growth were occurring in the
West. Homesteading reached a peak in 1913 in what Nugent
describes as the "Golden Age of the Settlement Frontier." He
writes, "In the first thirteen years of the century the Great
Plains west of the 98"' and 100th meridians truly opened up...
The entire Plains became an enormous wheat field and cow
pasture."

New Deal public works such as dams, irrigation systems
and roads brought long-lasting consequences for the West.
And the 1 934 Taylor Grazing Act, passed in the interests of

conservation, served to stabilize ranching, but unlike the his-
toric Homestead Act. did not draw large numbers of people
into the West. Empowering ranching interests, "the rancher
finally defeated the homesteader." but for the Great Plains, it
would henceforth fail to keep pace with the rest of the West
in population growth. Wyoming is an example of limited and
anemic population increases.

World War II accelerated changes that Nugent asserts were
bound to occur in the West. Cities in the West gained more
people, more industry, more military bases, more Latinos and
more black migrants. Los Angeles" horizontal expansion be-
came a model for other cities, while Boeing and Seattle boomed
as did the Northwest. Las Vegas lost innocent obscurity. Las
Alamos mysteriously appeared, and small cities such as
Wichita. Ogden. San Antonio and others across the West
moved beyond adolescence.

The concluding two chapters focus on the bracero pro-
gram, the 1 965 Watts riot, the consequences of the 1 965 and
1986 immigration reform acts, interstate highways, urban-
metropolitan sprawl and the dramatic increase in Latin-Ameri-
can and Asian peoples.

Nugent's book invites readers and purveyors of Western
history to incorporate population and demographics into their
understanding of the West, past and present. Clearly, a deeper
appreciation for diversity and minorities is gained from the
reading, and there is a greater sense of continuity between
the 19"' and 20"' centuries in the West. Readers in Wyoming
and surrounding states may be dismayed at the lack of atten-
tion given their own state's events as the author increasingly
focuses on Los Angeles and Califomia as the book progresses
into the 1990s. It would have also been interesting to have
included information about the missile defense system that
sprouted missile silos like anthills across the Great Plains.

Nugent recognizes that the West was always fragmented
and diverse, but was also a distinct region that became inte-
grated into the nation during the 20''' century and assumed
national leadership. In his conclusion. Nugent calls for "A
new national story, one that must include all the American
people, whatever their ancestors' origins . . . ." Few would
argue with that plea. Into the West represents a solid and
substantial beginning.

The Federal Landscape: An Economic History
of the Twentieth Century West.

By Gerald D. Nash. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press,
1999. 224 pp. Maps, notes, bib. esso}-. index. Cloth. $40:
paper. $17.95.

Reviewed by Mike Mackey, Powell, Wyoming

In his book. The Federal Landscape, the late Gerald Nash
wrote an overview about the federal government's financial
contributions and influence in the economic development of
the 20th century American West. 77?^ Federal Landscape
takes the reader from 1 900, a time when the West was still, for
the most part, a colony of the East and dependent on the
capital of eastern investors, to the development of the com-

Winter iiOOS

39

puter chip and the Wesfs emergence as a region at the fore-
front of American economic and technological development
at the dawn of a new century. However, Nash argues that
this transition would not have come about had it not been for
the federal government's massive infusion of cash into the
region during the 20th century.

Nash suggests that during the first 30 years of the 20th
century the West was still a colony of the East. Following
the stock market crash of 1929 and the onset of the Great
Depression, the role played by the federal government in the
West changed. Under the New Deal the federal government
began spending billions of dollars on massive dam building
projects which continued into the 1960s and 1970s. Those
projects provided flood control, water supplies for communi-
ties and agriculture, electricity, and jobs. The outbreak of
World War I! brought increasing federal infusions of cash.
Between 1 940 and 1 945 the government spent $60 billion in
the West. Defense contracts led to the expansion and growth
of companies like Boeing, and military bases that sprang up
across the West employed hundreds of thousands of civil-
ians.

Following World War II the cash coming into the West
grew. A federal highway system was constructed, and de-
fense spending increased as America fought a cold war with
the Soviet Union and conventional wars in Korea and Viet-

nam. The federal highway system connected the far-flung
cities of the region and brought tourists from other areas of
the country. Defense contracts led to a growth in the aero-
space industry and the development and growth of Silicon
Valley.

During the last 30-35 years, the situation has changed. A
number of groups want to slow or stop development as they
seek to preserve the West. The cold war has ended, and
some military bases have closed, resulting in a significant
decrease in the number of defense contracts and civilian
workers employed by the government. In spite of this, Nash
argues that many companies once dependent on govern-
ment contracts have adapted and continue to prosper, rely-
ing primarily on business dealings with the private sector.
The author describes the past two decades as the beginning
of a new economic growth cycle focusing on computers,
transportation, and telecommunication, with less reliance on
government funding. However, little of this development in
the West would have come about without the massive infu-
sion of federal funds throughout most of the century.

The Federal Landscape ranks high among Nash's many
contributions to the study of the West. This concise, easy to
read overview, will be useful to anyone interested in the his-
tory of the 20th century American West. Also, it will surely
find its way into the classroom.

PAST PRESIDENTS, WYOMING STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Wyoming Stale Hisloncal Society was organized in Octoher 1^53. The folhnvin}^ are Society past presidents:

1953-55: Frank Bowron, Casper

1955-56: William L. Marion, Lander

1956-57: Dr. DeWitt Dominick, Cody

1957-58: Dr. T. A. Larson, Laramie

1958-59: A. H. MacDougall, Rawlins

1959-60: Thelma G. Condit, Buffalo

1960-61 : E. A. Littleton, Gillette

1961-62: Edness Kimball Wilkins. Casper

1962-63: Charles Ritter, Cheyenne

1963-65: Neal E. Miller. Rawlins

1965-66: Mrs. Charles Hord. Casper

1966-67: Glenn Sweem, Sheridan

1967-68: Adrian Reynolds. Green River

1968-69: Curtiss Root. Torrington

1969-70: Hattie Bunistad. Worland

1970-71: J. Reuel Armstrong. Rawlins

1971-72: William R. Dubois. Cheyenne

1972-73: Henry F. Chadey, Rock Springs

1973-74: Richard S. Dumbrill, Newcastle

1974-75: Henry Jensen. Lysite'Casper

1975-76: Jay Brazelton. Jackson

1976-77: Ray Pendergraft. Worland

1977-78: David J. Wasden. Cod\

Board inewhers are elected annually hy the mcmhc

the Board. New officers are installed at the Society

in 1953 to 1996. the executive director of the Socie

Archives and Historical Department (and successor

1978-79: Mabel Brown, Newcastle

1 979-80: James June. Green River

1980-81: William F. Bragg. Jr.. Casper

1981-82: Don Hodgson. Torrington

1982-83: Clara Jensen. Lysite/Casper

1983-84: Fern Gaensslen. Green River

1984-85: Dr. David Kathka. Rock Springs

1985-86: Mary Gamian. Sundance

1986-87: Ellen Mueller. Cheyenne

1987-88: Mary Nielsen. Cody

1988-89: Loren Jost. Riverton

1989-90: Lucille Dumbrill. Newcastle

1990-91: Scott Handley. Pine Haven

1991-92: Dale Moiris. Green River

1992-93: Dr. Walter Edens. Laramie

1993-94: Sally Vanderpoel. Torrington

1994-95: Ruth Lauritzen. Green River

1995-96: Maggi Layton. Riverton

1996-97: Dr. MikeCassity. Laramie

1997-99: Patty Myers. Buffalo

1999-2000: Dr. Mike Jording. Newcastle

2000-02: David Taylor. Casper

2002- : Dick Wilder. Cody
rship- The society president is chosen from amon^i the members of
's annual meeting, held in September. From the Society 's founding
ty was a slate employee, usually the director of the Wyoming Slate
■ agencies). Lola Homsher was the Society 's first executive director.

Index

airline pilots 5
alcohol 28
Allen. Jakey 10
Alston. Felix 12
Ames Monument 3
Anoka. Minnesota 8
Armour Institute 30
Arnold. Thurman 2
Ash, Dr. Eugene 8
Ash. Seth Arthur "Doc"

8-11
Ash's cabin 9
Attendance laws 30
Bates. W. H. 14
Beach. Cora 31
Beecher. Henry Ward 17
Bennett. Dr. W. S. 10. 11
"Bert Lampitt and Big

Horn Basin Murders" 7-

15
biannual Tiscal reports 30
Big Horn County

Woolgrouers 9
Biography, ed comment 2
Bishop. Mariin. Sr 2
blizzard 5
Blume. Fred 2
Bohl. Sarah R.

"Wyoming's Estelle

Reel." 22-36. (bio. 36)
brands 19
Bright's disease 19
Brown Bomber 5
Broun Palace 4
Buie. Ella 35
Calhoun. Alice 8
Campbell. Frank 10
Carbon County Journal

26
Carey. J M. 31. 32. 36
Carey Land Act 25
Casper Derrick 31, 32
Casper, land 31
Catt. Carrie Chapman 35
Chapmans ranch 9
Cheyenne Apartments 5
Cheyenne ring 26
Churchill. Professor 29
Clay. John 2
Cleo, Wyo 34
Cleophas. Eugenie 34
Cody 8-15
Cody Enterprise 15
Cody Lumber Co 9
Cody Trading Co 14
Cogswell. Bert 14
Collett. Geneva 2
Colorado Institute for

Deaf. Dumb, and Blind

32
common school fund 31
Cottonwood Creek I 1
country schools 27
Crandle. J, A, 12
Cummins Store (Cody) 8
curriculum. Reel on 28
Cusack. Ed 1 1
dances 5. 9
Diamond Ranch 19
Dibble baker\ 8

Dibble. C. W. 8. 10. 11
Dibble. Stella A, 8
Dickie. Dave 9
Dinneen's 4
Doc Ash and his trophy

bear hide (photo. 8)
doodlebugs 6
Dorothy Newton holding

a cat (photo. 10)
Dubois. William R .

"Roseman Quinn;

Profile of a Teacher."

3-6. (bio. 6)
Dunbar Mercantile 19
Durlacher. Simon 21
Eagle Nest 11.12
Eagles (FOE) 11
Efner. George Bonaparte

1 1
Elks Club 5
equal suffrage 25
exhaustion ii
Farwell. S, T. 25, 29
Ferris Mining District 18
Fighting Shepherdess

8. 12
Fi\e Minutes to Midnight

5
Foight. Harry 12-13
Foote. Robert 2
Fort Warren 5
Fromong. Terrance,

quoted 30
Fulton, Henry D, 9
Garrett, Mary 19
Gatchell. Jim 2
Grass Creek 1 5
Grass Creek field 13
Grass Creek. Wy 12
Greenhill Cemetery.

Laramie 16
Grigsby. Zoe 33
Guenster. John 20
Hamm. Miss M. A, 25
Hargra\ e Bench 1 1
Margrave's ranch 12
Hargraves. Reuben 9
Harper. Ed 19
Harper. Elizabeth 20
Harper. Ellen 19
Harper. George 16-21.

(photo. 16)
Harpers Mill 16
Harper's Ranch 16. 18
Harrison. Frank 20
Heck Reel and the Old

Alert Hose Company

Mandolin (photo. 24)
Higgins. Alice 29
high schools 30
Highland Park College 8
Holdridge. George W, 13
Houx. Mayor Frank 12
Howe. Dr. Louis 10
Huntington. Gertrude 33
Hutsonpillar. Rice 12
hygiene 28
Hynds, Hanry 2
Iowa Store (Cody) 10
Irish wake 5
irrigation. Reel support

for 31

Isham. Joe 10
Jenkins. Theresa 23. 26
Johnson County. Neb 9
juvenile delinquents 32
Kane, Tom 12
kimmell. Glendolene 2
Kirby Oil field 12
knight. Peter H 13
Knight, Samuel 2
Kuiper. Jeanne 9, 1 1
Lampitt. Bert 8-15
land auction 32
land grant 31
Lantry. Victor 1 1
Laramie Boomerang 26
Laramie Mining and Stock

Exchange 20
Laramie Plains 17. 19
Lawrence. Verba 2
Leaman, Elizabeth 17
Lear. C. E. 12
Lee. Grace 13. 14
LeFors. Joe 14
Little Bear Inn 4
Little Gem restaurant 8
Lockhart. Caroline 8. 10-

12. 15
Lookout. Wyo 18
Marquette. Wyo. 7
Marsh. Alice Harper 21
Marsh and Cooper 19
Marsh. George 20
Marsh. Robert 17
Martin. A. J. 11
Martin, Hobart 33
Matthews. A. J, 23. 26.

33
McCarty, Ed 4
McGinnis, Roger 9
McGrady, George 13
McKinley, William, Reel

support for 36
Mead, Elwood 2
Mercer, Asa 2
Metz, Percy II, 14, 15
Miami, Okla 3
Midnight 5

Moore, Louis, quoted 12
Morey, C, S. 19
Morrilton, Ark. 3
murder. Doc Ash 1 1
Murray, Ester Johansson,

"Big Horn Basin

Murders" 7-15, (bio,

15)
Murray, Larry and Helen

4
Murray, William 14
National Prison Assoc 32
Nelson, Aven 2
Newcastle Democrat 25
Newton, A. C. 9
Newton, Brownie 10
Newton, Dorothy "Dot"

8-1 1
Newton. Flora 9. 1 1
Newton. Martha Marston

8
Newton ranch 14
Noble. Lin 1. 14
Northeastern College in

Oklahoma 3

Nuhn. Elizabeth 13
Odd Fellows (lOOF) 1 1
Officer's Club, dances at

5
Ohio Oil Co 12. 14
Ohio Oil Company camp.

Grass Creek 13
Orchard. Mrs. Thomas

34
Ott. F, W. 2
"Outline Course of Study"

28
Overland Trail 18
Patrick, Lucille 12
penitentiary 32
Permanent School Fund

31
Plainfield, Neb 9
Plains Hotel 3, 4
Powers, Ruth Finch 6
Preston, Douglas 1 1
Prohibition 5
prostitution in Cheyenne

5
Public Land Commission

31
Pulley, G, A. 10
Quinn, Grace Marie 3
Quinn, Rosemary 3
red haws 5
Reel, Estelle, 22-35

(photo, 22)
Reel, Heck 23
Richards, Alice 35
Richards, Gov. W, A. 29,

30
Riverside Cemetery

(Cody) 11
Robertson, Harry B 8
Rock Creek 1 8
Rock Springs Miner 26
Rollman, Sarah 23
"Rosemary Quinn: Profile

of a Teacher" 3-6
Ross, Nellie Tayloe 2
Rucker, Willard 12
Sand Creek School House,

Albany County 27
Sapulpa, Okla. 3
Saratoga Sun 26
school libraries 30
Schroeder, Edward 12
Seaton, W. C. 12
Sharp, Katharine 30
Sheep Commissioners,

State Board of 9
Sheldon, Dora 34
Sheridan Journal 26
Simons, Amalia and Annie

2
Simpson. Milward 5
Simpson. William L.

9. I 1
Sprague. C. A. 19
St. Louis Democrat and

Journal 27
St. Matthews Episcopal

Church 17
Standard Restaurant

(Cody) 13
State Board of Charities

and Reform 24. 32, 33

State Board of Control 3 1
State Board of Land

Commissioners 24, 25
State Superintendent of

Public Instruction 22-35
Stimson, J. E. 2
Stockgrower and Farmer

(Cody). 7
Storm Lake. Iowa 8
Stump. Charles H. 1 1
Stump. Neva 12
Suffragettes 34
teacher examinations 29
teaching 5

textbook uniformity 29
textbooks, free 28
Thomas, Harry 18
Thompson, John C 12
Three Mile Creek 18, 20
Thurston, Harry I 1
Tinkcom, Dallas A. 8. 1 1
Tourist courts 3
"Traces of George Harper:
Albany County Rancher"
16-21
Trans-Mississippi Congress

25
Two Dot Ranch 9
LIrbanek. Mae 16
Van Tassell. R. S. 2
viaduct. Cheyenne 3
Vian. Okla 3

Vulcan Silver Mining Co 17
Walle, Richard, "Traces of
George Harper: Albany
County Rancher" 16-21,
(bio, 21)
Walls, W L. 14
Walton Motors 4
Wapiti ranger station 7
Waples Hospital (Cody) 10
Warren. F. E. 31. 36'
Watkins. Santford C. 9
Western Drug Store 8
whiskey 5

Whittenberg. Clarice 6
Wilcox. Charles 12
wine, chokecherry 5
wine, dandelion 5
Winters. John 14
Wolfard. W. H. 31
Woman's Club. Cheyenne

36
Women's Rep. League 36
women's suffrage. Reel

views on 34
Wonder Store (Cody) 12
Wyoming Bee 26
Wyoming Constitution.

schools and 31
Wyoming history, fourth

grade teaching of 6
Wyoming Law Review 2
Wyoming State Peniten-
tiary 15
Wyoming State Tribune 12
Wyoming Woolgrowers 8
Wyoming's Estelle Reel:

22-35
Wyoming's Pioneer

Ranches 19
Zarina, C A. 11. 14

Wyoming Picture

From Photographic Collections
in Wyoming

Newspaperman Tom F. Daggett ed-
ited three different newspapers in the
Big Horn Basin in the early days. A
talented writer and fearless editor, he
worked for newspapers and wire ser-
vices as a reporter around the country
prior to coming to Wyoming. The story
goes that while on assignment in El
Paso. Texas, he quit as a national cor-
respondent for a New York newspaper
and moved to Wyoming.

He started a newspaper in the oil
boomtown of Bonanza and called it the
Bonanza Riisilcr. He wrote the news
and editorials, but he also set the t> pe.

When that town faded away, he
moved the paper to Basin and renamed
it the Bin Hani C \iiinly Riisilcr ( later.
it merged w ith the Blisiii RcpuhliciinXo
become the Basin Rc/nihlican-Riistlcr).

Soon after the tlrst newspaper in
Worland was founded in 1905. the
WarlanJCirit. Daggett was hired as its
editor b_\ the owners. C. F. Robertson
and A. (i, Rupp. Daggett died in
Worland in 1910. It is said that his body
is buried in an unmarked grave in the
Worland cemetery.

Tom Dai^i;cii in ihe olfkcs of Ins
newspiipcr. ihc Bii; Horn (^'i>iiiii\'

Riisilcr. Scpi 3(1. /.vyy.

Stale Parks ami C ulUiral Resources Deparliiient

Join the Wyoming State Historical Society..,
and your local historical society chapter

State IVlenibership Dues:

Single: $20

Joint: $30

Student (under age 21): $15

Institutional: $40

Benefits of membership include four issues per \ear of
Annals of Ityniitin)^. ten issues of the newsletter. "Wyo-
ming History News." and the opportunity to receive in-
formation about and discounts for various Societ\ activi-
ties.

Tlie Socief}- atso welcomes special i^ifls aiui memorials.

Special membership categories are available:

Contributing: $100-249

Sustaining: $250-4W

Patron: $500-99')

Donor: $1,000 +

For infiirmalion iihoiil memhersliip in llic ll'yoiiiini;Skiic

ffislorical Sociely aihl infarmalion ahmil IhcliI clhiplers.

coniaci

Judy West, Society Coordinator

Wyoming State Historical Society

PIV1B# 184

I740H Dell Range Blvd.

Cheyenne WV 82009-4945

Arnnals of

WYOMING

The Wyoming History Journal

Spring 2003

yoh 75, No. 2

/!'^/, .-

A/*^'

\

'^m^:A!^'^'^^

4

■J^2i__5*^^^^"":f''"

The Cover Art

»

''Sheridan, 1903

Anonymous artist

a watercolor painting in the Percy Metz collection, American Heritage

Center, University of Wyoming

This small -watercolor depicts Sheridan as it appeared in 191)3. according to this anonymous
artist. The charming picture was donated to the American Heritage Center as part of the Percy
Metz collection. Metz. a long-time Big Horn Basin resident, served for many years as a state
district judge. Prior to that time, he icc/.v county attorney for Big Horn County Mhen the county
lines extended to include much of the Big Horn Basin.

The Society, Annals Staff Thank Five Retiring Editorial Board Members

My special thanks to five exceptional friends
of this journal. All five have ser\ ed eight years
on the Annals Board of Editors. Their two
terms will expire with this issue. Thank you
to Barbara Bogart, Evanston; Mabel Brown,
Cheyenne; Thomas Stroock, Casper;
Lawrence M. Woods, Worland; and Sherrv
Smith, Moose/Dallas.

Eight years ago, they graciously agreed to
serve on the board for the new ly established
Society publication called Wyoming History
Journal. The publication, edited by Rick Ew ig
and this w riter, w as created in response to the
then State Department of Commerce

director's eviction of the Society from her of-
fices. Later, when our relationship returned
to its traditional cordialit> in 1997, the Jour-
nal became Annals of Wyoming, and the five
continued to serve— helping with advice,
manuscript reviewing, and support. Through-
out those years since their appointment to their
first four-year terms and after their subse-
quent reappointment for four more years, they
have been consistent friends of our journal.
On behalf of the Society and the staff of An-
nals of Wyoming, "thank you, Barbara,
Mabel, Sherrj, Tom, and Larr> !"

-Phil Roberts

Information for Contributors:

The editor of .-liijials of Wyoming welcomes manuscripts and pliotograplis on everv aspect ol'the liistor> of Wyoming and the West.
Appropriate for submission are unpublished, research-based articles which provide new information or which offer new interpretations
of historical events. First-person accounts based on personal experience or recollections of events will be considered for use in the
"Wyoming Memories" section. Historic photo essays for possible publication in "Wyoming Memories" also are welcome. Articles are
reviewed and refereed by members of the journal's Editorial Advisory Board and others Decisions regarding publication are made by
the editor Manuscripts (along with suggestions for illustrations or photographs! should be submitted on computer diskettes in a formal
created by one of the widely-used word processing programs along with two printed copies. Submissions and queries should be ad-
dressed to Editor. .-lm)(7/io/'l)yom//;g. P. O Box 4256. Uni\ersit\ Station, l.araniic \\>' 8207 1, or to the editor by e-mail at the following

/-J

Editor

Pliil RoLrrts

Assistant Editors

Sarul. Hohl
Annie PinuK

Book Review Editor

Carl Halll.fl-

^j-mnah of

WYOMING

Editorial Advisory Board

Rarhara Itoj^art, E\an.ston

Mabel Brown, Newcastle/Cheyenne

Katlierlne Curtiss. Sheridan

DiK-iley Cfardner. Rock Sprintjjs

Sally F (iriftith. Lusk/Ha\ertow n, Pa

Don Hodgson. Torrm^ton

L<iren .lost. Ri\erton

.lariies R. Laird. Wapiti

Mark Miller. Laramie

Mark Nelson, (ireen Ri\er

Sherry L Smith. Mo.>ve, 1 )allas. Tex,

Thomas F. Stroock. Casper

Lawrence M. Woods, Worland

The Wyoming History Journal

Spring '_'()0;5 Vol, 75, No. i2

Subjects of the Mikado: Sheridan County's Japanese
Community, 1900-1930

By Cynde Cieoreen o

The Wyoming Municipal Power Agency:
The Early Years

By Michael Howe 8

The Landscape Architecture of Morell and Nichols,
Sheridan, 1911-1914

By .loJin F. Malioney, 15

Wyoming State Historical Society
Publications Committee

Rick Ew il;. Laramie

Das id Kathka. Rock Sprin»;s

SJlerrv L .Smith. Moose

Amy Lawrence. Laramie
Nancy Curtis, (ilendo
Dick Wilder. Cody (e\-ofllcio)
Loren .lo^t. Ri\ert<in (e\-otKicio)

Phil Roberts. Laramie (e\-oflicio)

Wyoming State Historical Society
Executive Committee

Dkk \\ ildei. President, Park County
Clara Vainer, IstVue Pivs , \Neston Co
,Art Kidwell, Jjul \'Re Pies, Sheridan Co

Linda Faluan, ScLietarw Platte County

,!ames \'an Sco\k,, Treasurer, Star \'alle\'

Amy Lawrence, .Alliany County

Da\e Taylor, Natrona County

Cindy Brown, Laramie County

.lohn Wai;^ener. Albany County

.ludy West. Membership Coordinator

The History of Electricity in Rural Goshen County:
The Wyrulec Company

By Jack R. Preston •25

Letter to tlic Editor 35

Index 36

Wyoming Picture Inside back ctner

Governor of Wyoming

Da\ id Freudenthal

Wyoming Dept. of State Parks and
Cidtm-al Resoiu^ces

Phil N.ible, Director
CiUtural Resources Division

Weiuly Bredehotf. Administrator

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Joiirncil is published quarterly by the Wyoming State Historical
Society in association with the Wyoming Department of State Parks and Cultural Resources, the Ameri-
can Heritage Center, and the Department of History . University ot\V\oniing The journal was previously
published as the Oiiaricrly Bulletin (1923-1925). Annals of Wyoming ( iq25-l<)q3). Wyoming Annals
(1993-1995) and llvoming Hislon- Journal (1995-1996) The Annals has been the otTicial publication ot^
the Wyoming State Historical Society since 1953 and is distributed as a benctit ot membership lo all
society members Membership dues are single. $20: joint. $30; student (under 21), $15. institutional.
$40; contributing. $100-249. sustaining. $250-499. patron. $500-999. donor. $1,000+ To join, contact
your local chapter or write to the address belou .Articles in Annals ofWvuming are abstracted in Histori-
cal Abslracts and America History and life

inquiries about niembership. mailing, distribution, reprints and back issues should be addressed to Judy
West. Coordinator. Wyoming State Historical Society. PMB# 184. 174011 Dell Range Blvd . Chexennc
WY 82009-4945 Editorial correspondence should be addressed to the editorial otTice of Annals of It'yo-
ming. American Heritage Center. P 0 Bo\4256. University Station. Laramie WY 82071
Our e-mail address is revvigu uwyo edu Printed by Pioneer Printing, Cheyenne

Copyright 2003. Wyoming State Historical Society ISSN: 1086-7368

Wyoming Parks & Cultiu'al Resoiu^ces
Commission

William Dubois, Clieyenne
Emerson W Scott, ,lr , BuUalo
Diann Reese, Lyman
Vein Vivion, Raw lins
David Reet/, Powell
Herb Freiuli, Newcastle
Ernest C Over, Paxillion
Carolyn ButK Casper
,lern!ynn Wall, E\anston

University of Wyoming

Philip Dubois, President
Oliver Walter, Dean,

College of .Arts and .Sciences
Kristine L'tterback, Chair, Dept, of History

SUBJECTS OF THE MIKADO

Sheridan County's Japanese Community, 1900-1930

"Japtown" (the while houses along the creek hank) near Acme Coal Camp. Sheridan Count}', c. 1912.

During the early years of the twentieth century. Sher-
idan County became home to immigrants from
around the world. Hundreds of Czechs. Slovaks.
Montenegrins. Poles. Austrians. Hungarians and Scots
came to work in the underground coal mines north of
Sheridan. A dozen or so Chinese entrepreneurs opened
restaurants and laundries, while uncounted numbers of
Mexican laborers came to work in the sugar beet and
potato fields owned b\ German and Scandinavian fann-
ers. Prior to 1908. however, the number of Japanese
residents in the countN could be counted on one hand.

According to the U. S. Census, no one of Japanese
birth lived in Sheridan County m 1900. By 1910, 80 men,
women and children claimed Japanese nativity. The
Japanese population dropped to fewer than 60 in 1920.
B\ 1930. census records and Sheridan City Directory
listings showed only a few dozen Japanese families re-
maining in the area. Within a year or two. most of these
families were gone as well, leaving only a handful of
first and second generation Japanese residents in the
county.

This gradual disappearance had to do in part with the
economic hardships of the Great Depression as well as
the declining fortunes of the coal mines and the result-
ing impact upon the railroads. One of the most impor-

tant factors, however, was the enactment of a series of
federal and state laws severely restricting both the ar-
rival of new Asian immigrants and the civil rights of
unnaturalized resident aliens.'

Most of the Japanese men living in Sheridan County
prior to 1920 worked as section hands for the Chicago,
Burlington & Quincy railroad. Almost all had arrived in
the United States prior to 1907. the year Japan and
America signed the "Gentlemen's Agreement" which
called for Japan to halt the emigration of Japanese la-
bor to the United States.-

' A substantial body of work exists which focuses on Asian
immigration issues. These include: Charles McClain. ed. Japanese
Immigrants and American Law: The Alien Land Laws and Other
Issues. (New York: Garland Publishing. 1994); Roger Daniels. Not
Like Li's: Immigrants and Minorities m.America. 1890-1924. (Chi-
cago: Ivan R. Dee Publishing. 1997): Bill Ong Hing. Making and
Remaking Asian America Through Immigration Policy, 1850-1990.
(Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1994); Lisa Lowe, Immi-
grant Rights: On Asian American Cultural Politics. (Durham: Duke
UniversitN Press. 1996); Rosemary WMner. Japanese Immigrants.
1850-1950. (Bloomington. Minn.: Capstone Press. 2001 ).

"Susan Lowes, A Timeline of U. S. Immigration Laws and Rul-
ings,'«! <http://www.nycenet.edu/ csdl/museums/timelines/
iimeline.html> accessed June 2001.

Spring L'(i();i

The laborers were brought to Sheridan liikIci- the aus-
pices of Shinzaburo Ban. a well-educated. higliK re-
spected and extremely successful merchant and labor
contractor based in Portland. Oregon. Born in Tok\o in
I 854. Ban was educated in both .lapanese and English.
in preparation tor a career in diplomac\ . I le spent se\ -
eral years with the .Japanese Foreign Service and was
stationed at both Shanghai and Honolulu. In 1891. Ban
moved to British Columbia and entered ""the commer-
cial lite." He relocated to Portland in 1896 where he
"attained unusual success. ..as a contractor, lumber
dealer and shingle manufacturer."' By the earlv 1900s.
he was the leading Japanese businessman in the state
ofOregon.^ One of his specialties was recruiting work-
ers to fill Jobs that white citizens didn't want, such as
migrant farm work, mining and railroad construction.

Ban's contracting business, the S. Ban Companv. had
two offices in Japan - in Osaka and Tokyo - at which
thev recruited Japanese v\orkers for the finion Pacific.
Southern Pacific and other railroads. The companv was
so successfid that branch offices v\ere soon opened in
Denver, Seattle. Ogden (Utah) and Sheridan.

I'pon their arrival in northern Wvoming. sometime
around 1 908- 1 9()9. the contract workers were prov ided
with housing. Japanese groceries and medical care bv
the Ban Companv . The contractor also paid for funer-
als for an> men (and their family members) killed bv
accident or illness while in itsemplov . Of the 36 regis-
tered burials of Japanese men. women and children in
Sheridan Countv between 1903 and 1930. 26 of them
v\ere known to have been paid for bv the Ban Com-
panv . In 1 909. for example, when 25-vear-old K. Honda
of Denver was accidentally struck bv a train and killed
near Alger Station north of Sheridan, local Ban Com-
pany agent F. M. Suchiro and M. I erasaki. another Ban
Companv employee identified as "the leader of the Japa-
nese colony," made arrangements for Honda's burial at
Mount Hope Cemeterv in Sheridan.' All fees were paid
bv Ban despite Honda's hav ingoni} been in the Sheridan
area for a week or two.

in order to maintain its contract with the CB&Q, the
Ban Company kept its Sheridan office open through
the mid- 1920s. A changing political climate in both Or-
egon and the rest of the United States, however, soon
led to the end of imported Japanese railroad workers.
In 191 I, the U. S. Immigration and Naturalization Ser-
vice reaffirmed an 1 870 Act of Congress which stated
that onlv whites and blacks could become naturalized
citizens of the LInited States. In 191 7. the Chinese Ex-
clusion Act of 1882 was expanded to cover all Asians,
thus eliminating any lingering hope that Japanese might

be eligible for American citizenship. In 1 923. Oregon's
Alien Land Law was passed, making it illegal for
non-citizens of Japanese heritage to own or lease land,
including the timber lands upon which much of Ban's
income relied.^ The next year, the federal gov ernment's
National (Origins Quota Act effectivelv halted all immi-
gration of non-whites b> stating that ""no alien ineligible
forcitizenship shall be admitted to the United States."'

Bv the end of 1924. after being stripped of his lands
and livelihood, Shinzaburo Ban was bankrupt. Twovears
later, he Ief1 Portland and returned to his ancestral home
w here he eventuallv died w ithout issue, bringing an end
to thirteen generations of Ban family historv.' Bv the
time the companv closed its Sheridan office in 1 926. it
was no longer importing rail workers. Instead, it pro-
vided Japanese goods and groceries for the local Asian
comnuinitv. Without the influx of new workers, how-
ever. Sheridan's Japanese comnuinitv quicklv diminished
in number and the store was no longer needed.

.After the Ban Companv lost the railroad contract,
some of its fonncr emplovees stav ed in Sheridan Countv .
A few continued to work v\ ith the railroad w here, w ith
their vears of experience, thev became section leaders
and foremen of the repair crews. Because of both lan-
guage and racial barriers, however, most of the work-
ers had to take low-pav ing menial jobs. Some signed on
as porters for local businesses while others hired out as
domestic servants and gardeners for the wealthier resi-
dents of Sheridan and Big Horn. I here were also sev-
eral hotel keepers, a photographer, a cook or two. and
several grocers. C^nlv four Japanese were listed as land-
owners in the countv; thev were partners in a truck
farm just north of Sheridan, between the citv and the
mines.'"

' .loscph (jaston. PdrilanJ ()rci;iiii lis Ihsuiry aihl Builders.
(Portlaiul: S .t Clarke Publishing Co . m I ). ? .">s:i-384.

^ ( )rcgon State Department ot'Pubiic Instriictmn. ■.Asian .Ameri-
eans in Oregon."' .Iul> 199(1. <htlp: natldi\ersit> .extension. Oregon
state. eduAJou nload asianamerieans.pdf " aeeessed No\ ember 200 1 .

' "A .lapanese I ound Dead." Sheridan FjUcr/vise. 2 1 September
1904,

" I he 1917 ln-iniigration ,Ael (,i4 .S>,//S74) speeitled that those
aliens who would he eveluded from admission to the I'nited States
included "persons who are native of islands not possessed b_\ the
1 nited States adjacent to the Continent of. Asia,..."

frieia Rnoll. Bt'co/);/*;^ .-(/);tv((.t/;;,'. Asian Soinurners. Iinmi-
grants and Refugees in the li'esrern i S (Portland. Oregon: Coast
to Coast l^ooks. 1982). \V\oming"s first anti-.lapancse alien land
law was not passed until 1943. See Gabriel .1, Chin. "Citizenship
and Pxelusion: Wsoming's Anti-Japanese .Alien I and Law in Con-
text." UyoniingLayv Revicn 1 (2001 ). 497-.s2 1 .

M.i Slat. 153

" (iaston. Portland. Oregon. 383.

'" Sheridan Countv Polk Directories. 19(j7-1930.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Even before the Ban Company pulled out of Sheridan,
some of the railroaders abandoned track work and hired
on with the Sheridan- Wyoming Coal and Acme Coal
companies. According to city directory listings, these
men did not work in the underground mines; instead,
they worked above ground as tipplemen and yardmen.
A 1913 newspaper article reported that:

A number of Japanese are employed permanently at
the [New Acme] mine as topmen and loaders. They have
their own boarding house and keep pretty much to them-
selves. They have been found among the best and most
efficient workmen obtainable."

According to a 1912 article, "The Japanese laborers
have a small settlement of their own and are more than
content with their quarters."'- This group of small, white
houses along the banks of Tongue River-known as
"Japtown"— was located just down the road from
"Macaroni Flats," a community of Italian miners.'^

If they did not live in one of the mining communities,
most unmarried Japanese men roomed at one of the
Japanese boarding houses located near the railroad
tracks on the north end of Sheridan. The San Yo Hotel

S- BAN, PraaldADt

OSible Addre«i:

Qui FortlAiLd

U. SHIUO, BIUkaE«r

S. Ban Company

Importers and Exporters

Japanese and American
Products

Silk Goods, Tea, Oak Lumber.
Sulphur, Napkins, Safety Matches,
Canned Goods, Beans, Rice, Etc,

Telephones: Broadway 600, Automatic 513-10

32-34 Third St-, North

Portland, Oregon

B&ASCH£a;

duittxb, ooIiO. oonrv, utab sbubisak, ^to. seattIiE, wash.

TOKIO. JAPAS OSAKA, JAFAK

S. Ban Company Advertisement, City Directory, Portland,
Oregon. 1924

(later Sumida House) and J. Hosaki's Japanese Hotel
on North Broadway—along with the Ban Company's
building on North Crook Street— were home to the bulk
of the Japanese workers. Others lived in tarpaper
shacks and converted railroad cars erected in the
CB&Q"s right-of-way between Fifth and Eighth streets.

Census records indicate that while many of Sheridan
County's Japanese laborers were married, only a few
had their wives with them; many of the women stayed
in Japan where they lived on the wages sent back home
by their husbands. Of the Japanese women who did
come to Sheridan, most did not speak English and were
fairly isolated from the rest of the mining and railroad
communities. Very few. if any, worked outside the home
and only a few of their children were enrolled in public
school.'^

Even if they were fluent in English, few Japanese
integrated with the Anglo community; nor were they
particularly encouraged to do so. Federal, state and lo-
cal forces were against them: the Japanese were pro-
hibited from becoming citizens, they could not own land,
they could not even bringtheir wives and children over
from Japan.'" At the local level, on those rare occa-
sions when they chose to acknowledge the city's Ori-
ental population at all, Sheridan's newspapers referred
to the Japanese as "Yellow Men," "Japs," "Sons of
Nippon," and "Subjects of the Mikado."

Like their fellow immigrants from other countries,
Sheridan County's Japanese residents had occasional
brushes with the law. Most had to do with a combina-
tion of alcohol and billiards. In 1910. four "Sons of the
Mikado" were arrested for gambling at Y. Koyama's
Japanese Billiard Parlor on East First Street in Sheridan.
The unnamed foursome posted bail but forfeited the
bond when they declined to appear in court to enter a
plea. A few years later, five unidentified Japanese men
were arrested for gambling at a pool hall on North
Broadway, adjacent to the railroad tracks. While they
also chose to forfeit their bonds, the Japanese propri-
etor of the hall was convicted of "keeping his place of

" "Post Representatives Visit the Sheridan Count\ Mines."
Sliendan Post. 1 1 November 1913,

'- "Neu Acme Camp Newest Coal Mine." Sheridan Fjilerprise.
5 September 1912,

'■' Stanley Kuzara. Black Diamonds of Sheridan {Sheridan. Wyo-
ming. 1977). 113

'^ Federal Census Records. Sheridan County. Wyoming. 1910-
1930.

" The same National Origins Quota Act (45 Slal. 153) that
banned the importation of new foreign laborers also forbade the
wives and children ofprevious immigrants from entering the coun-
try.

Spring '2003

business open after midnight and permitting liquor to be
drank on the premises."'"

Violent crime was apparently rare within the local
Asian community, but there were exceptions. In May
1 909, Herbeil Yakamura died as a result of "being struck
on the head by a billiard cue ... by a tellow country-
man."" According to the Sheridan Enterprise, con-
flicting stories were told as to the reason for the alter-
cation:

From the stor\ told by the .Japanese it seems that
Yakamura and others were playing pool in the building
used by the colony as headquarters in the northern part
of the city, and that one of the number struck Yakamura
over the head with the cue, not intending to hurt him.
But the blow was harder than anticipated and Yakamura
was taken to the hospital, where he died ... Another
story is that the Japanese u ere incensed and had it in for
Yakamura on account of his having taken out his first
papers, intending to become an American citizen, and
that he was hurt in a fight, but this story was not the one
given out by the Japanese who were present at the time
the deed was done ...'*

The Enterprise went on to describe Yakamura as;

... a hard working Japanese, a market gardener, and
had his headquarters on Big Goose creek vs here he raised
vegetables and sold them in the cit\ . He is said to have
had considerable money, and is spoken of by those who
knew him as a good, sober and industrious \OLMig fel-
low, being about twenty-five years old.'"

The name of the assailant in Yakamura's death was
not revealed in the papers or other official records. It
was simply noted that he "left the country" and was not
seen again, funeral home records. incidentalK, referred
to Yakamura as "H. Kayama," and stated that his death
was an accident.-" This type of name change was not
unusual; most Anglo-Americans made little effort to
learn the correct spelling of any foreign-sounding names,
be the\ Japanese. Chinese. Polish or Greek.

Accidents and disease were the leading causes of
death among all immigrant laborers in Sheridan County.
Accidents were common in the mines and along the
railroad tracks: dozens of men and boys of all nationali-
ties were killed during the mining boom of the 1910s
and 1920s. At least four of the deceased were Japa-
nese section hands who received fatal "crushing inju-
ries" while working for the railroad and at the mines.-'

Death from disease was also common. Tvphoid. which
occasionally swept through the mining camps and shantv
towns that grew up along the railroad tracks, killed at

least four Japanese miners and railroaders between 1908
and 1911.-- Particularly lethal to the immigrant com-
munity was the Spanish Influenza epidemic of 1918. In
the last three months of that \ear. just in Sheridan County
alone, several dozen men, women and children of ev-
ery nationalitv died of the tlu or its complications. Of
the 18 men and women that died at Sheridan's Emer-
gency Hospital - established just to treat intluenza vic-
tims - four were known to be from the Japanese com-
munity;

(kiohcr IS. i^lS — A _\oung Japanese woman was an-
other victim of infiuenza yesterday, her death having
occuned at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. The young w oman
had been ill some days and was removed yesterday to
the new emergency hospital where death occurred
shortly after.

Ocioher 22. I^IS -A Japanese, whose name is at present
unknown, died at the emergency hospital this afternoon
at one o'clock. The man had been ill some time and for
the past twenty-four hours his condition was such that
it was known that death could not long be delayed.

October 25. 19 IS — A woman whose nanie is at present
Lmknt)wn. but who is of Japanese nationality, died last
night at the emergency hospital of pneumonia resulting
from infiuenza.

Nowinher 3. 1 9 IS— S. Akagaki died yesterday morning
at 1 1 :30 o'clock at the emergency hospital after a brief
illness, his death due to influenza. Deceased was a Japa-
nese who had been employed by the Burlington [Rail-
road]. At the present time his w ife is also seriously ill.-"'

According to funeral home records, a total of nine
Japanese were among those who died of intluenza be-
tween October 1918 and March 1919. When they be-

.lapancse Com iclcd." S/jiT/iAo) /'o.sY. March 1. U'lx

'' "Japanese Dies State I lospiial." ShcnJan !-jiicrjvi.sc. May 9.

'" I hi J.

'" IhiJ

~" Smith tiineral Home. I uneral Record No. 537. May S. 1V04.
Wyoming Room. Sheridan County I'ulmer Puhlic l.ibrarv . Sheridan.

-' Japanese-born vietuns of track-related accidents include
41->ear-old M. Uehigama(April 10. \'-)\ I ), 24-\ear-old R. I israyania
(March 26. 1913). 33-year-old Teizo Jakahashi (June 2. 1421 (and
36-> ear-old 1 akenosuke Hasegaw a (December 19. 1922). Reed and
Champion funeral homes. Sheridan, burial records held in the Wyo-
ming Room. Sheridan County I ulnier Public Library .

■- Japanese typhoid \ictims included 1. Masaki (Januan. 1. 1908).
K.. Mikieda (March 16. 1910). S. Ohashi (August 13. 1910) and
20-\ ear-old C. Sumimoto (.August 11. 1911) Reed and Champion
funeral homes. Sheridan, burial records.

-■• Sheridan Post. October 18. 22. 25. 1918. No\ ember 3. 1918.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

came ill. most of the Japanese victims did not go to the
emergency hospital, choosing instead to be cared for at
home h> famil\ and friends. In these cases, very little
was reported about their deaths. While obituaries for
Anglo- European fatalities were extensive, those for
Japanese sufferers were very short. Even so. they re-
veal how pervasive the disease was in the tightly-knit
community:

October IS. 1918 - The bodies of U. Okazaki and his
young wife are both at the Champion & Shannon mortu-
ary where funeral services will probabK be held Sunda> .
The husband died October 1 1 and on Wednesday morn-
ing at 8:30 the wife passed away. Both are Japanese and
have made their home in Sheridan for some time.

October 22. 1 9 IS - A quadruple funeral was held Sun-
day afternoon at the Champion & Shannon chapel, the
services being for four Japanese, all victims of the preva-
lent malad\ . Tliey were members of one family. U. Okazaki
died on October 1 1. and his wife passed away on the
16th. While the bodies were being held at the undertak-
ers awaiting interment the father of Mr. Okazaki passed
awa> . On Thursda\ Mrs. .Akimoto died at the emergencx
hospital and the funerals of all four were held at the
same time.

October 29. 1918 — A double funeral was held at the
Champion & Shannon chapel Sunda\ afternoon at 2
o'clock after which the bodies of Mrs. Equeki and S.
Otoni. two Japanese w ho died a few da\ s previous were
laid to rest.-^

Most of these men and women — as well as others
from the Japanese community who died in Sheridan
County - were buried in the Mount Hope (now Sheridan
Municipal) Cemetery . Their resting places are indicated
by tall stone markers etched w ith Japanese characters.-'

Mount Hope Cemetery also contains the remains of
at least one Japanese suicide victim. On July 15. 1914.
39-year-old Sam Munesato. reportedly depressed by a
combination of accumulating debts and ill health, shot
and killed himself in his small Sheridan home. He and
his wife had arrived in Sheridan some seven months
earlier from Montana. Munesato worked for a brief
time for another Japanese immigrant named Tom Otani.
but later purchased a small lunch cart (also called a
■'waffle cart") and went into business for himself Ac-
cording to friends. Munesato got behind in his payments
and became despondent, acting "rather strange for sev-
eral days" prior to committing "the rash act."-"

Munesato's suicide was front page news in both of
Sheridan's newspapers. The follov\ ing is excerpted from

a July 1 7 Sheridan Post article titled "A Subject of the
Mikado Takes Life by Pistol Route:"

In a rusty, sheet iron shack, located in a lonely spot
between the alley off Alger avenue west of Main Street
and Big Goose creek, and about 200 feet north of the
bridge at the city mission, some time after 1 1 o'clock
Wednesday Sam Munesato. a Jap. placed the muzzle of
a .45-caliber Colts' in his mouth, pulled the trigger and
sent a bullet thru his brain, the ball not stopping until
after it had pierced the board ceiling above his head.
How much farther the missile w ent is not known for its
further course was not traced.

Sam, whose wife is a white woman, was the proprietor of
a lunch wagon located on Alger avenue a few doors
east of Swan's grocery. At 1 1 o'clock Wednesday fore-
noon Sam left his place of business stating to his wife
that he was going after some meat for the noondav meal.
His wife states that he was in good humor, and said he
would be back in just a few minutes. He did not return,
however, when he had said he would. Neither did he
show up at the lunch car during the afternoon.

At a few minutes priorto 6 o'clock in the evening. Mrs.
Munesat w ent over to the hovel on Goose creek she and
her husband called home. Upon entering the place she
found in a small room at the northwest comer of the
building the dead body of Sam lying across a bed. with
the revolver clutched in his right hand lying upon his
breast. She gave the alarm and in a short time two or
three officers were on the scene, besides a large crowd
of morbid spectators.

The situation of the bod>, and other indications in evi-
dence, led to the conclusion that Sam had assumed a
standing position close to and with his back to the bed.
He evidently placed the gun against his breast with his
right hand grasping the butt, inclined his head forward
until the muzzle was in his mouth, then pulled the trigger.

On a small stand near the bed occupied by the corpse
was found a piece of brow n wrapping paper upon which
was written in the Japanese language a note bearing the
address of deceased's relatives in Japan, also the re-
quest that the\' should not be apprised of the fact that
he had killed himself but that they should be told that he
had sickened and died from natural causes.-'

-■• Sheridan Post. October 18. 22. 19. 1918.

-' Several .lapanese burial plots are concentrated in Lot I -block
16. Lot 16-block 16. and Lot 5-block 3. Others are scattered through-
out the cemetePi .

-'' ""Sends Bullet Through f lead." Shendan Enterprise. July 16.
1914.

■' ""A Subject of the Mikado Takes Life by Pistol Route."
Sheridan Post. M\ 17, 1914.

Spring 12003

Anna and
Tadaichi
KinwiDuilo,
Sheridan.
Wyoming, I '^13

After her husband's death (and burial, paid for by the
BanConipan\ ). Munesato"s\sidin\ lett Sheridan. Uwas
very hard in those da\ s tor an\ u idou to make a ii\ ing;
for a woman who had married an Asian immigrant, it
was e\en more dittlcult. Racial intermarriage was not
appreciated b\ the leKal communit\ . u liethcr the couples
involved were Asian and white. Indian and white. His-
panic and white or Black and white. In 1^13 the Wyo-
ming legislature passed a bill prohibiting white persons
from marrying "Negroes. Mullatoes. Mongolians or
Malays."-^ Even so, census records indicate a number
of mixed marriages between Japanese men and Anglo
women (there were none between Anglo men and .lapa-
nese women).-'

One of these mi.\ed marriages, between a Polish-
American maid and a Japanese railroad worker, is fairly
well documented. Tadaichi Kawamoto, known locally
as "Tim." was born in Hiroshima. Japan, in 1 882.'" He
came to the United States in 1896. at which point he
can be connected with the Shinzaburo Ban Compan\ in
Portland, it is not known if he came to tlie U. S. on his
own or was recruited by Ban.

Kawamoto worked on railroads in several locations
before coming to Sheridan County in 1902. That same
year he was promoted to the position of foreman of the
section gang working at the Dietz Mine north of
Sheridan. Sometime around 1912. he bought three lots
of land in Sheridan, which he later lost when Wyoming's
alien land laws took effect.

About this same time. Tim met and married Anna
Bertha Clara Blansky, a 16-year-old Polish-American
working as a pantry girl at the Dietz Hotel. Born in
Illinois. Anna was the stepdaughter of Stanley Petros. a
coal miner who worked in Kawamoto's section gang.
Anna and Tim married in 1913 and moved into their

first home, a pair of boxcars placed together near the
railroad depot. I hey later lived in Dietz and Monarch
before mo\ ing again to Sheridan.

The Kawamotos had several children, all of whom
attended local schools. In an ironic twist, daughter Grace
Kawamoto received an award for "Best Girl Citizen"
of Sheridan High School in 1932 — a year during which
her father was still excluded from applying for citizen-
ship, despite having lived and worked in the United States
for 36 years, it was not until 1952. Just a few months
after the McCarran- Walter Act removed race as a ba-
sis for exclusion, that Tim Kawamoto tnialls received
his citizenship papers.

As a result of the failing mineral industry, changing
foreign policies, and the Sheridan community's racial
prejudice (usuall\ covert but occasionalls o\ert). less
than two dozen Japanese men. women and children were
still li\ ing in Sheridan Count\ b\ the mid-1930s. That
number continued to decline until only three or four fami-
lies remained in the 196()s. and even fewer in the 80s
and 90s.' \V hile memliers of other ethnic groups thri\ed
in northern W\oming. the Japanese immigrants of the
early twentieth century were unable to make Sheridan
Count\ their permanent home on the range.

-^ /) y'limini; Scsxinii / i/u.v ( I '-' I .' ). ell. 7. sec. 1 .

riic number ot interracial marriages between Asian men and
.American women declined sharpl_\ alter 1922. when Congress en-
acted the L able .Act (42 Sun 102 I ). which decreed that any U.S.-
born woman whomamedan alien who was ineligible for citizenship
\MHild aiitomaticallv lose her citi/enship. In a marriage terminated
b\ di\ orce or death, a Caucausian woman could regain her citizen-
ship. The Cable Act was repealed in 1436.

■" The bulk of the information on the Kawamoto famiK was
compiled by Edythe Kawamoto Vine and published in Sliendan
CdiiHiv Heritage Book. Sheridan Count) l.xtcnsion Homemakers
Council. 198,1 Other information comes I'rom City Director, and
federal Census records.

-' For more information on individual members of Sheridan's
.lapanese communitv . see "Alphabetical List of .lapanese Residents
of Sheridan Count} . 1 4(),V 1 980."" American Local History Network's
V\\oming Homepage. www,rootsweb.com/~w\oming japindexintro.
htm.

C 'ynde Georgen holds a bachelor 's degi'ce in his-
tory from the University of Wyoming (19" 8).
She has worked at the Trail End State Historic
Site in Sheridan si}ice 1 9S(S— first as curator and
later as site superintendent. The revised sec-
ond edition ofOne Cowboy 's Dream, her study
of the life and family of one-time Wyoming
Gov./U. S. Senator John B. Kendrick. is sched-
uled for publication in early 2l)0-f by Donning
Press.

IPAL Pi

B¥ MICHAEL ll©WB

The Wyoming Municipal Power Agency (WMPA)
is a public power entity created to provide elec-
tricity to Wyoming municipalities owning their own elec-
tric distribution systems. Essentially, the WMPA is now
(2003 ) the wholesale electricity provider for eight com-
munities in Wyoming. This is the story of how the agency
began and prospered in the four decades since the con-
cept was first considered. '

In the i960s, the United States Bureau of Reclama-
tion was the primary supplier of electricity to a number
of municipalities in Wyoming. During the decade, elec-
tric plant superintendents of the towns began to meet
informally to discuss the issue of future power supply. -
Among the issues the superintendents discussed was:
What would happen if the Bureau no longer could fur-
nish power to growing towns?

In 1973, just as the utility superintendents predicted
some years earlier, the Colorado River Storage Project
(CRSP), a Bureau of Reclamation project, could not
meet the growing electricity needs of its consumers,
including those in Wyoming. "The towns received word
from the Bureau that said it would not be able to pro-
vide the electricity needed to keep up with growth, so
the towns should start looking at other alternatives,"
said George Clarke, Lusk attorney who took an early
role in the development of the WMPA.' CRSP sent a
letter to its consumers on July 1 2, 1 973, requesting that
they curtail electric service and start generating their
own electricity as soon as possible.^

Further, the government agency warned that current
electricity wholesale rates would have to increase. At
a 1973 meeting in Denver, Bureau officials proposed a
rate increase of five percent If users exceeded the al-
lotted kilowatts, the Bureau planned to charge five times
the normal rate for each additional kilowatt.^

The rate increase posed a significant problem for
Wyoming towns, but potentially more significant was
the "over-allotment charge." Most Wyoming towns
expected continued growth and most officials believed
that, if the new policies were implemented, their towns
would suffer from restricted growth and the inability to
provide sufficient electricity to existing residents.

The superintendents agreed that if towns were to
cooperate in solving the power problem, they would
require substantial legal assistance. After some dis-
cussion, the group decided that the role best could be
filled by a local attorney, from one of the affected com-
munities, and one with Wyoming municipal experience.
Such a lawyer would be a better choice than an attor-
ney from a large law firm practicing far away.'^' Con-
sequently, Roy Shimek, the superintendent of Lusk, sug-
gested involving George Clarke, an attorney from his
community of Lusk. Clarke had substantial experience
in city issues and accepted the offer to work with the
group of utility superintendents. Tlie group began meeting
on a more regular, formal basis.

With pressure from the Bureau of Reclamation to
curtail the use of power, and a potential opportunity with

' In 1 973 the members of WMPA began to keep meeting mnutes.
For information about tiie organization's actions before that time,
interviews of participants were the best available sources.

- George Clarke, interview by Michael Howe. Lusk. Wyo.. 16
April 2003.

'George Clarke, interview by Michael Howe, tape recording.
Lusk. Wy.. 16 April 2003.

* Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing, Meeting Minnies. Lusk. Wyo.. 16 August 1973.

'Ibid.

''Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Casper. Wyo.. 19 July 1973.

Spring '2003

Tomngton

Pine Bluffs

Member limns of llic li'yumiiiii Municipal Pinrcr Ai;ency

the MBPP. the members decided it would be best to
incorporate and to combine ail power contracts at the
earliest possible date.' Clarke created a non-profit or-
ganization, fomializing the partnership of the communi-
ties that would later grow into the Wyoming Municipal
Power Agency. ** Representatives from nine Wxoming
towns — Cody. Lusk. Lingle. Guernse> . W heatland. Foil
Laramie. Torrington. Pine Bluffs, and Gillette — estab-
lished the Wyoming Municipal Power Agency.'

B> the beginning of 1974. with the WMPA legally
incorporated in W\omiiig. the member towns de\ eloped
an agreement to allow the WMPA to be the wholesale
provider of electricity.'" In doing so. the plan was to
have all power supplied by the Bureau consolidated and.
under a service agreement, distributed b\ the WMPA
to the member communities. Combining power contracts
would establish the WMPA as the wholesale electricity
provider to its member communities. Doing this would
also further unite the communities, and create a stron-
ger voice in future negotiations with the Bureaii.

At the same time that the Bureau was signaling ma-
jor changes in rates and power a\ ailabilit\ . an alterna-
tive appeared. The Missouri Basin Power Project
(MBPP) unveiled plans for the Laramie River Station
(LRS) to be built near Wheatland. While preliminary
feasibilitv studies were underwav. attorne\ Clarke met

with managers from Tri-State Generation, one of the
entities developing MBPP. After several meetings. Tri-
State representatives offered the WMPA the opportu-
nity to purchase up to 1.5% of the total output of the
MBPP." Howe\er. in order to do this, the WMPA
would be required to purchase its percentage and be-
come a project co-owner.

Whv would Tri-State Generation agree to sell such a
small share of the overall project to the WMPA? One
reason was that it was politically expedient. Although
the WMPA came in a little later than others, it was
percei\ed that a wholl\-owned Wvoming entity would
be helpful in acquiring the necessary permits and in
dealing with the State of Wyoming.'^ Basin Electric
and Tri-State Generation essentially held open 1% of

' W Aoming Municipal Power Agenc> Board of [directors Meet-
ing. Mfcnng Minnies. Casper. W>.. 22 November 1974.

"George Clarke, interview bv Michael Howe. L.usk. Wvo,. 16
April 2003.

■'VVvoming Municipal Power .Agencv Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Mceling Minutes. Lusk. 16 August 1973.

'" Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. .Meeting .\liniites. Casper. W y o.. 1 7 January 1 974.

" Clarke interview.

'- Larry LaMaack. Executive Director of the Wyoming Munici-
pal Power Agency, interview by Michael Howe. Lusk. 16 April
2003.

10

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

the MBPP for the WMPA to purchase when it was
read}'."

Throughout the discussions of how to provide elec-
tricit> to member communities, it was apparent that the
members of the WMPA were not entirely committed
to the idea of purchasing a share of the MBPP. Other
options were considered and presented. These included
acquiring power contracts from Pacific Power and Light,
the Nebraska Public Power District, or the local rural
electric providers.'""

Eventually, the decision came down to economics.
After considering the options, the WMPA board con-
cluded that regardless of the decision, the power costs
would remain similar, but control and responsibilities
would differ. The WMPA members decided to become
a participant in the MBPP. The WMPA retained an
engineering firm, financial consultants, bond counsel,
and passed a resolution authorizing the WMPA for in-
clusion as an applicant before the Public Service Com-
mission for Certificate of Convenience and Necessit\
as a Joint owner of the Laramie River Station.'" For-
mal authorization to become a participant in the MBPP
was left to the indiv idual tow ns for approval, however.

But e\en though the MBPP would become an inte-
gral aspect of the success of the Wyoming Municipal
Power Agency, that project faced a number of hurdles.
Meanwhile, the WMPA members had immediate prob-
lems.

As of February 21. 1974. only the town of Wheatland
had signed the integrated Service Contract, while oth-
ers planned on signing it in the next couple of months.
Torrington officials, however, began expressing concerns
about the contract, especially as it related to the ability
of a member town to withdraw from the WMPA.'"
The concerns were not that different than those of other
members, however. Most WMPA members worried
about the integrated contract which would have all fed-
erally-provided electricity supplied directly to the
WMPA. who then would direct it back to the members.
What happened if the WMPA failed to send electricity
to a member, and what happened if the WMPA ceased
to exist? The Bureau answered these questions, but
only partially satisfied the members. According to the
Bureau, if the federal power were not being provided
by the WMPA to a member community it would do so
and lower its obligation to the WMPA accordingly. If
the WMPA ceased to exist, however, the Bureau would
recapture the federal power and make a decision at
that time as to the rights of the member community."

By June 1 974 the need to act on the MBPP opportu-
nity came to the forefront. The MBPP's application to
the Wyoming Public Service Commission included an

allocation of 50 megawatts (M W) of power to the Wyo-
ming Municipal Power Agency."* There was pressure
on the WMPA to move quickly, however, in order to
secure this allocation. The challenge became financial.

Without the authority granted in a "Joint Powers Act,"
local governments were not allowed to cooperate on
joint projects. But there was considerable opposition to
passage of a Joint Powers Act by the Wyoming legisla-
ture. Pacific Power and Light, a commercial electric
utility, opposed such a statute. The company was a for-
midable lobbying force in the legislature.'" Further, some
legislators opposed the action over concerns that local
governments would gain too much authority. Despite
the strong opposition, and with the help of State Repre-
sentative Alan Simpson from the WMPA member com-
munity of Cody, the legislation eventually passed. Al-
though Governor Ed Herschler did not sign the law. he
allowed it to become law without his signature.-"

By January 1975. the WMPA was very much in-
volved in the Missouri Basin Power Project. In fact, as
noted at the January 28. 1975. board meeting, the
WMPA already owed $67,000 for its share of project
expenses.-' To raise funds, the board members voted
to assess a one-half mill levy on each kilowatt-hour for
each town, based on the billing from the Bureau, through
the month of May. Revenue bonds and even a loan
from the State were being pursued as major sources of
funding.

Attorney Clarke informed the members that if they
joined together under the newly passed Joint Powers
Act they could issue Revenue Bonds for the financing
of the WMPA"s share of the MBPP.-- According to
Clarke, "the only way to get this done would be to issue
tax exempt bonds. "-^

'-'■ Ibid

" \\_\oming Vlunicipal Power Agenc\ Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meetinii Minutes. Casper. 22 Noveniher 1974.

'^ Wyoming Municipal Power Agencv Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Casper. 22 November 1 974.

"' Wyoming Municipal Power Agency. Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lusk. 21 February 1974.

" Wyoming Municipal Power .Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lingle. 25 April 1974.

'" Wyoming .Municipal Power Agencv Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lusk. 5 September 1974.

'" Ibid

^" Larry l.aMaack. Executive Director of the W\oming Munici-
pal Power Agencv. interview b_\ Michael Howe. Lusk. 16 April
2003.

-' W\oming Municipal Power Agencv Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Chevenne. 28 .lanuary 1975.

■' Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lusk. 20 June 1974.

-' George Clarke, interview by Michael Howe. Lusk. 16 April
2003.

Spring ■2003

These were the reasons why, that legally, the WMPA
is "a public body corporate and politic of tiie State of
Wyoming created pursuant to tiie Wyoming Joint Pow-
ers Act by seven municipalities in Wyoming in order to
provide for the financing, acquisition and operation of
the power suppl\ facilities and resources required to
meet the electric power and cnerg\ requirements of
the electric utility systems of such municipalities.""-^ I he
original members created the WMPA as a ""Joint Pow-
ers Agency" as authorized under Wyoming law.-' The
Joint Powers Act authorized municipalities to enter into
agreements with one anotiier to create a separate
agencN in order to jointK supplx the electricit_\ needs of
its members.-"

With the construction of the MBPP still a few \ears
down the road, the member communities still needed
more electric power. The Bureau contracts had been
signed and the WMPA was now acting as the whole-
sale provider of that electricity, but more was needed.
In fact, there was a growing sense of urgenc\ in ac-
quiring supplemental power because of the impending
Bureau's ""t1ve times the normal rate" penalty tor ex-
ceeding allotted power. Through the WMPA. member
communities approached local rural electric coopera-
tives. As of March 21, 1975. several local rural electric
cooperati\es received contracts for review and indi-
cated the intention of signing them. They would suppl>
supplemental power to the WMPA.-'

During 1975 and 1976, membership requirements in
the WMPA became a heated topic. Gillette officials,
who had been involved in the formation of WMPA from
the beginning, opted out of full membership prior to the
decision to participate in MBPP. Town officials believed
the WMPA would have serious electrical tranmission
constraints. Besides, the town felt comfortable with its
current power supply contracts from Black Hills Gen-
eration, an independently-owned pri\ate electric util-
ity.-^ Nonetheless, local officials there remained inter-
ested in some involvement with the WMPA. They pro-
posed an associate membership status at the rate of
$200 per year.- '

Although most WMPA members believed the pro-
posal was reasonable, there was a question of legality.
The law creating the Joint Powers Board would not
recognize having associate members, even though such
membership was not a problem with an incorporated
entitv . Consequently, to keep Gillette involved in the or-
ganization, the members opted to remain incorporated,
even after WMPA was controlled by a Joint Powers
Board in order to take advantage of the financial ben-
efits from such an organization.

11

These years. 1975 and 1976, were anxious times for
the WMPA as it watched the MBPP slowlv come to
life — at least, on paper. The MBPP Management Com-
mittee, of which the WMPA had a vote, predicted that
the project would be running its first unit by January 1 .
1980."" Still, much needed to be done. The ""Certifi-
cate of Con\enieiice and Necessit>" application was
amended and needed approval, the siting permit needed
to be filed and approv ed. pollution control bonds needed
to be ratified, and ground for construction needed to be
broken. The minutes of each of the WMPA meetings
in 1975 and 1976 re\eal discussions o\er the status of
these permits and processes, but throughout, there was
atone of optimism.

Nonetheless. 1 980. the projected date for first power
generation from the project, was still four to five vears
away. The members still needed electric power - even
w ith the supplemental contracts signed b\ the rural elec-
tric cooperatives. In an attempt to address these needs.
the WMPA contacted officials of the Bureau of Recla-
mation about the possibilil) of increasing the electrical
output of the Buffalo Bill FJam. on the Shoshone River
near Cod\. and Guernsev Dam. on the North Platte
River. ' The Bureau said the dams were at capacity.
In April 1976 a firm promoting construction of a nuclear
power plant asked the WMPA about interest in its
project (although it is uncertain whether there was a
proposal to purchase a portion of the plant or just to
view the plant). 1 he proposed plant would be located
in Puerto Rico and would pro\ ide 600M W of electric-
it\.'- The WMPA board, however, turned down this
opportunitN toconsider. orexen \ iew. the plant. Earlier
that month, the Bonneville Power Administration con-
tacted the WMPA and indicated that it would ha\ e sur-
plus power available."'

-' /hiJ

•" \\\i)iiimg. ll\(iiiiiiigSuiic Skiiiiies 16:1:101-1(19

•'■ \\ >()niing VUinicipal Power .Agency. F5oard of Directors. Pre-
liminaiy Official Stalemenl of I he Power Siif)plv Svsk'in Revciuie
Bonds l9'8SenesA. Lusk. W>o.. I June 1978.

-' Wxoming Municipal Power Agency Board ofDirectors Meet-
ing. \lcciing Minutes. Casper. Wyo.. 20 March 1975.

"* Larr\ l.aMaack. t:\eciitive Director otthe Wyoming Munici-
pal Power Agencv. interview b\ Michael ftowe. Lusk. 16 .April
2003.

"' Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board ofDirectors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minnies. Lusk. 19 June 1975.

"'" W\oniing Municipal Power Agencv Board ofDirectors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lingle. Wyo.. 21 .August 1975.

"'■ Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board ofDirectors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Torrington. Wyo.. 20 November 1975.

'-Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Wheatland. Wvo.. 15 Februar\ 1976.

'-' Ibid.

I'i

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

As the MBPP was being planned and developed, the
WMPA found itself in an interesting position — it was
the only owner of MBPP that had a member located in
the construction zone - Wheatland. During the August
1975 WMPA Board meeting, the Wheatland director,
Jim Dunham, reported on Wheatland residents" con-
cerns over how the plant would impact the community.
He asked how the MBPP would address those wor-
ries."

The same question became an issue in the permitting
process. The Wyoming Plant Siting Council granted a
siting permit, with the stipulation that an "impact alle-
viation monitoring committee" be established." Ap-
parentlv this satisfied Dunham who later said that the
MBPP was "bending over backwards to help the com-
munity."^"

With groundbreaking ceremonies for the Laramie
River Station scheduled for August 20, 1 976. the WMPA
needed to pursue its financing arrangements quickly.
The bonds to be issued would be revenue bonds and
because the WMPA would be a joint powers board, the
WMPA alone would be liable for the bonds, not the
individual communities.'' To pay for the bonds, the
agency would adjust upward the rates it charged mem-
ber communities.

Clarke traveled to New York to meet with the bond-
ing companies of The First Boston Corporation and
Salomon Brothers."* He took along videos of the mem-
ber communities in an attempt to portray the situation
accurately.'" The WMPA wanted to issue $21.5 mil-
lion in revenue bonds. On July 22, 1977, a bond resolu-
tion was presented to the members of the WMPA. The
bonding instrument was intended to last 40 years.^" As
part of the presentation, the bonding company suggested
that the WMPA establish a melded wholesale rate to
its members of approximately 1 6 mills, and adopt a gradu-
ated rate increase over several years. The firm also
pointed out that the bonds were more likely to attain a
higher rating if appropriate and experienced staff were
in place. Consequently, the board decided that the staff
should include the executive director, an accounting
manager, an electrical engineer, and a secretary.

As the bonding question was being worked out and
the Wheatland issue resolved, a problem developed w ith
another WMPA member — Torrington. The town had
been a full participant in the WMPA from the beginning
and throughout negotiations with MBPP, it showed ev-
ery intention of remaining a full member. However, in
1976. Torrington's Town Council changed its mind.

On June 24. 1976. Al Hamilton, the mayor of
Torrington. met with the WMPA Board of Directors.

Mayor Hamilton explained that he did not understand
the action of his own Town Council — it was his opinion
that the decision was "regrettable and not in the best
interests of the citizens of Torrington.""" Despite
Torrington's decision to withdraw from the group, the
Mayor urged the rest of the members to stay united.
The town officials asked for associate member status
and the WMPA agreed to allow it. The impact of
Torrington's associate member status was minimal. The
WMPA would accrue few benefits, other than the po-
litical strength of all public power entities being associ-
ated in one organization, from Torrington's new status.

While the board accepted Torrington's withdrawal as
a full member, tensions arose over the money Torrington
owed to the WMPA up to that point. After consider-
able discussion, the board informed Torrington officials
that the town would be liable for obligations incurred
"up to that date including dues on Bureau power, supple-
mental power and a proportionate share of the legal
and engineering fees incurred to that date, including the
legal fees for the bond attorneys and the test case in-
volving thejoint powers act."^- The two parties reached
an impasse. In April 1978, the WMPA board again con-
sidered Torrington's refusal to pay. Finally, the board
concluded that, if the WMPA wanted to pursue the is-
sue, the matter would likely have to go to court. ^■

Afterthe associate membership problems with Gillette
and Torrington were resolved, the WMPA had seven
full, official members; Lusk, Lingle, Fort Laramie, Cody,
Wheatland, Guernsey, and Pine Bluffs. This is the group
that would pursue the interests of the WMPA in the
MBPP, as well as other electric generation and trans-
mission opportunities. They would share the costs and
responsibilities of operating a generation and transmis-

'"* Wyoming Municipal Power .Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lingle. 21 /\ugust 1975.

'' Wyoming Municipal Power Agenc\ Board of Directors Meet-
ing, Meeting Minutes. Wheatland. 15 Februar\ 1976.
^"' Ibid.

" Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Wheatland. 24 .June 1 976.

'* George Clarke, interview b> Michael Howe. Lusk. 16 April
2003.

-'' Ibid

""' Wyoming Municipal Power Agenc> . Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting .Minutes. Wheatland. Wy.. 22 .lul> 1977.

•" Wyonnng Municipal Power Agenc> Board of Directors Meet-
ing. .Meeting .Minutes. Wheatland. 24. lune 1976.

^' Wyoming Municipal Power Agencs Board of Directors Meet-
ing. .Meeting .Minutes. Wheatland. 24 June 1976.

^' Wyoming Municipal Power Agenc> Board of Directors Meet-
ing. .Meeting .Minutes. Lusk. 1.^ .April 1978.

Spring lH)03

13

While generation issues were important, the mem-
bership of the WMPA also realized it had to deal with
electrical transmission problems. During the develop-
ment of the MBPP. and in particular the Laramie River
Station, the board decided that it would be best to build
a 69-kilovolt transmission line directly from the LRS to
the Town of Wheatland/^ The Bureau of Reclamation
required only an environmental assessment report be-
fore ultimately approving this project. The City of Cody
also had a transmission problem that would require the
construction of a substation near Cod\. The WMPA
voted to construct and fund the substation, naming it
"Big George Number 1 ."" after George Frank, then the
WMPA Board chairman.'"

In 1977. the Western Area Power Administration
(WAPA) was formed by the U.S. government to re-
place the Bureau of Reclamation as the entity to gener-
ate and transmit electricity in the West. The WMPA
had to sign a new contract with the WAPA for trans-
mission, and did so grudgingly because of rate design.^"

Throughout the years, the WMPA remained com-
mitted to the MBPP. In addition, the WMPA
members looked at all options for the future growth of
its member communities and potential growth of the
WMPA itself. Any municipality that owned its electric
distribution system prior to the adoption of the Joint
Powers Act could join - this included the non-member
towns of Powell, Torrington, Deaver, Basin, and Gillette.
For municipalities interested in joining, they needed to
express an interest in the WMPA"s plans for future gen-
eration projects.

In 1976. the WMPA sent letters to Basin Electric
Power Cooperative and Tri-State Generation request-
ing that, "if and when they determined to build addi-
tional generation in the state of Wyoming that we would
be consulted."^' A follow-up letter was sent in 1977 to
Basin Electric. Tri-State Generation and Transmission,
and Pacific Power and Light indicating that, "if an\ of
them were to construct generation plants in Wyoming,
we desired to be considered as a participant."^**

In August 1977. the WMPA was asked to consider
buying an interest in a nuclear power plant. The gener-
ating station was being planned near Fort St. Vrain, about
60 miles north of Denver.^'^ At the same time, the Platte
River Power Authority invited the WMPA to tour the
area of a project it was designing.^" Also, the WMPA
was asked to consider involvement in the Rawhide power
plant, in conjunction with the Platte River Power Au-
thority. Tri-State Generation and Transmission contacted
the WMPA regarding the design of yet another power

plant. Although the firm had not established the specif-
ics of the project, it wanted a commitment from the
WMPA by February 28. 1978. ' In all of these cases,
however, the WMPA either decided against participat-
ing or took no action.

In 1978 the utility supervisors of Fort Morgan. Colo.,
and Alliance, Neb., met with the WMPA with a view
toward establishing a three-state municipal group to
address generation and transmission.'- Nothing came
of the proposal, however.

The R.W. Beck consulting turn presented a hydro-
power proposal to the WMPA on November 9, 1 978.- '
The project identified the Bessemer Narrows as a po-
tential source of hydropower. The WMPA took no
action on this either.

As the Beck proposal points out, however, water
played an interesting role in the WMPA's history, as
well as the history of the MBPP. Much of the WMPA's
power came from federal power contracts, such as the
Colorado River Storage Project, which are primarily
hydro-generated. The MBPP utilized the North Platte
River for cooling water, and ultimately built the
Grayrocks Dam and Reservoir. Because the North
Platte River flows into Nebraska, that state became
concerned that the North Platte River water used in
these projects would jeopardize their rights. Litigation
over the water was initiated. Ultimately, the parties
reached a settlement, but each participant in the MBPP
had to ratify and accept it. The WMPA board minutes
of Nov. 9. 1978. day reflect the discussion:

After much discussion, motion In Pratt to accept the
damn thing as written and to second the danm thing bv
Harrison.

" W_\oming Municipal Power Agency Board otllirectors N4ecl-
iiig. Met'ling . Minnies. Cody. 13 May 1977.

^' Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Mt-eling Mimitcs. Liisk. 1 I Ma> 1978.

"■ IhiJ

'' Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board ofDirectors Meet-
ing. Mf cling Minnies. Casper. 1 7 August 1976.

" Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board ofDirectors Meet-
ing. .Meeliiig Minnies. Cody. 13 May 1977. This second set of
letters was different Irom the 1976 letters in that this set was
copied to the Puhlic Ser\ ice Commission in order to show a record
of interest.

^'' Wyoining Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lusk. 18 August 1977.

'" Ihid

" W\oming Municipal Power Agenc\ Board ofDirectors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minnies, l.usk. 15 Fehruary 1978.

'- Ihid "

" Wyoming Municipal Power .Agenc) Board ofDirectors Meet-
mg. Meeting Minnies. Lusk. 9 Novemher 1 978.

14

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

The WMPA's resolution (No. 78- 1 0) ratified the settle-
ment, hut it did not end the Nebraska/Wyoming dis-
putes over the waters of the North Platte River that
continue to the present.

On April 13. 1978. the WMPA board met for the first
time as a legally constituted Joint Powers Board.'"* The
Attorney General for Wyoming officially signed the
papers authorizing the new status on the previous day.
The first order of business as a new entity was to elect
officers. Elected were George Frank, Cody, chairman;
Kester Akers, Lusk, vice chairman; Jim Dunham,
Wheatland, secretary: and Jack Harrison, Pine Bluffs,
treasurer. At the same meeting, the board designated
June 1 978 as a target date for sel I ing the revenue bonds.

On June 8, 1978. the WMPA Board of Directors
passed a resolution. Resolution Number 78-4, authoriz-
ing "$2 1 ,540.000 in Power Supply System Bonds, 1 978.
Series A, for the purpose of paying WMPA's 1% share
of the estimated cost of acquisition and construction of
the MBPP. the cost of certain transmission facilities,
and other related costs. """■ The underwriter of the bonds
was Smith Barney. Harris Upham and Company. The
action made the WMPA one of the official owners of
the MBPP.

As an official Joint Powers Board, the WMPA also
realized that it might need to do more than simply sell
electricity. Transmission and distribution systems of
member communities were important to the entire
WMPA. R.W. Beck Associates recommended that the
WMPA "assume the transmission facilities as they pres-
ently, or will in the near future, exist."^" The reasoning
behind this recommendation, and the ultimate decision
of the WMPA, was that it would be less expensive to
finance upgrades and new facilities through the
WMPA's bonding capability .

Lobbying would have to be a priority as well. The
board decreed that the Executive Director should "keep
an eye on Agency matters" as well as be ready to help
the Wyoming Association of Municipalities when
needed."

The WMPA also was interested in energy conserva-
tion programs. After all, the original reason the WMPA
was formed was because the towns were using too
much power. The WMPA board decided that the agency
would become a clearinghouse of information for elec-
tricity conservation. Essentially, the WMPA could pur-
chase materials for members at a better rate, and mem-
bers would be billed for those materials."'* The WMPA
would become a clearinghouse for exchange items be-
tween members. These items might include transform-
ers and other electrical equipment. Further, the WMPA

established a policy making its expert staff available to
member communities, as the need for advice and con-
sulting arose, at a low cost.'" The agency would spon-
sor free educational seminars for member communi-
ties.

The Wyoming Municipal Power Agency had be
come a viable electricity supplier in Wyoming
for seven communities. In 1986, the WMPA added one
more member, the City of Powell.

As its early history demonstrates, the agency mem-
bers had to overcome political pressures and growth
challenges, accept both financial opportunities and obli-
gations, and work cooperatively. The agency retained
its ownership in the MBPP and continued to pursue the
most economic options for supplying electricity to its
members and. ultimately, the consumers in those com-
munities.''"

'^ Wyoming Municipal Power Agencv Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Miiuile.s. Lusk. 13 April 1978.

" Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Miiiiiles. Wheatland. 8 June 1978.

"'' Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lusk. 16 August 1973.

" Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lusk. 13 .lanuary 1977.

■' Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors M&A-
mg. Meeting Minutes. Wheatland. 22 ,luly 1977.

^'' Wyoming Municipal Power Agency Board of Directors Meet-
ing. Meeting Minutes. Lusk. 9 November 1978.

'" Larry LaMaack. Executive Director of the Wyoming Munici-
pal Power Agency, interview by Michael Howe. Lusk, 16 April
2U03.

Michael Howe lives in Cheyenne M'ith his wife
Laura and their four children. He holds a
bachelor 's degree in political science from the
University of Wyoming, and M. A. in politi-
cal science from Midwestern State Univer-
sity. He is currently working toward a master 's
degree in history at the University of Wyo-
ming. A native of Wyoming. Michael is very
interested in Wyoming history and the future
of the state.

The Landscape Architecture

of Morell and Nichols,

Sheridan, 1911-1914

B\' John E Mahonev

Definition: "Landscape architecture is both the art and science of arrani^iiii^ land, together with
the spaces and objects upon it. "'

Very little research has been done on the history
ot landscape architecture in W\oming. The first
landscape architects to practice in Wyoming might be
thefinn of Morell and Nichols of Minneapolis, Minne-
sota. By examining the Natural Style in America and
the World's Columbian Exposition, this article will show
how some of these landscape concepts were used at
Trail End State Historic Site in Sheridan. Man\ early
landscape architectural drawings of the site are avail-
able and these will be linked to the early techniques.

The Natural Style was identified by "Landscape Gar-
dener" A. J. Downing in 1 841 . This style from the En-
glish Landscape Gardening School was a combination
ofthe grandeur of the English rectilinear, geometric style.
with the beauty ofthe natural landscape arranged in
infomial groupings.

Downing's Treatise was "adapted to North America;
with a view to the Improvement of Country Residences
comprising directions for laying out grounds and arrang-
ing plantations, the description and cultivation of hardy
trees, decorative accompaniments to the house and
grounds, the formation of pieces of artificial water,
flower gardens, etc."- He was the first American \\ riter
on landscape architecture. He went beyond botanical
considerations which led him to an interest in \isual
quality, as well as operational efficiency.'

The Treatise described a st\ le that "grew out ofthe
love of countrv life and the desire to render our own
property attractive, which naturalK exists to a greater
or less degree in the minds of all men." ^

The Main Court at Trail End today still has the block edging along the drive, the groupings ofthe plant material and
the evergreen tree background/border.

16

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Do\\ning said there were two distinct modes of landscape gardening that had the
current admiration of the world. "One was the Ancient. Formal or Geometric Style,
characterized by regular forms and right lines." The other style was the "Modern,
Natural or Irreaular St\ le. characterized by varied forms and flowing lines." '

i

1

^■^i^i^,^™&.V^*i§S^i*^^ i

The Trail End Location and
Grading Plan drawing from
1913, shows the formal, linear
Mall area which is ihe linear
walk leading to the Pool. The
pool area consists of the geo-
metric shapes which include
the pool and adjacent shrub
and flower planters. The
straight lines of the pergola
roof are shown at the top of the
drawing. By contrast, the side-
walks with planting areas to
the east (left) are designed in
the natural style by the use of
the irregular, free flowing lines
which connect all of the site
features before leading to the
SW corner and off the property.

A criticism of Downing is that he offered no particular system or method for the
specific layout of the land." However, along with the blending of the two styles he
also described the design principles of Unity and Variety. Unity, which he described
as the "production of the whole"' and necessary for the layout of the land "to as-
semble in a single composition forms which are discordant, and portions dissimilar in
plan, can only afford pleasure for a short time". ^ Downing describes the principle of
Variety as "belonging more to the details, than to the production of the whole. By
producing certain contrasts, it creates in scenery a thousand points of interest, by
different arrangements and combinations of forms, colors, light and shade.""

The March 15. 1913. letter
from Morell and Nichols to Mr.
Kendrick states, "in order to
have the flowering garden and
the groups appear interesting
throughout the season, it is
well to plant a larger amount
of varieties which would pro-
long the flowering season.
Some of the plants will blos-
som in the early spring, others
during the summer months and
still others in the fall. "'"

Spring ■2003

City beaiitiftcation was an idea born in 1 893 at the
World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago. "From the
1890s until as late as the end of the 1920s or even the
early thirties the Exposition was usually held forth as
making the pinnacle of achievement in the arts in
America."""

Public interest in outdoor design was a significant
outcome of the ideas developed from the Exposition in
Chicago in 1 893. The City Beautiful movement began
as "civic aesthetics"" or "modern civic ail"" that lead to
writings in 1903 describing the "City Made Beauti-
fijl." The degree of excitement about the Expo far ex-
ceeded anything its creators had hoped for. '"Tlie coun-
try had never seen anything like it before, including the
use of outdoor electric lights, then still a novelty, that
contributed to the general sense of enchantment. Thus
began a vibrant new interest in what design could do
for America"s towns and cities. ""'-

It has a unique reason for treatment here because "it
was the unprecedented awakening of public interest in
civic design."""

Daniel Burnham of the firm Burnham and Root. Ar-
chitects from Chicago was chosen to take control of
the architectural planning for the Exposition. Frederick
Law Olmsted & Companv . the firm that had designed
Central Park in New York in 1 857. was the first to use
the title Landscape Architect in 1 893 and was appointed
by the governing board as consulting landscape archi-
tects.

Utilizing the natural landscape of .lackson Park.
Olmsted created a system of lagoons and waterways
to go along with the extensive sidewalk system. The
bodies of water served as decorative reflecting pools,
waterways for transportation and a cool place to rest
for the visitors. Landscape historian Newton describes

Olmstead as "an artist, he paints w ith lakes and wooded
slopes; with lawns and banks and forest covered
hills."'^

The immensity of the World"s Columbian Exposition
and the set of goals it wished to produce included spa-
tial arrangement of architecture and the land. What
Olmstead accomplished at the Expo was a lesson of
exceptional value to the profession of landscape archi-
tecture. Indeed. b\ 1900 a young student of Olmstead's.
Charles Eliot, established the first university courses of
landscape architecture at Harvard University.

This was the environment on the East Coast and Mid-
west at the time John Kendrick hired the firm of Morell
and Nichols.

John B. Kendrick was a cattleman with a ranching
empire that grew to include over 2 1 0.000 acres in north-
ern Wyoming and southern Montana. He had worked
breaking horses and mov ing cattle as a cowhand since
he was fifteen." In 1910, Kendrick was elected to the
Wyoming State Senate and in 1914. was able to win the
Governorship of Wvoming. He served for two years
before he became the first United States Senator from
Wvoming to be elected bv popular vote He \sas then
re-elected to the United State Senate in both 1922 and
1928.

Noted Wyoming historian T.A. Larson applied the
phrase "Grand Old Man"" to three early Wyoming po-
litical leaders during the years 1920 to 1940. The first
was Joseph M. Carey, the second Francis E. Warren
and the third was John B. Kendrick.'" Kendrick. with
only seven years of formal schooling, had an excep-
tional drive to succeed. He left his native Texas in I 879
and rode with a trail herd to northern Wyoming. He put
down roots and Sheridan became the end of the trail
for Kendrick.

A leller in the Sheridan
Press. May ^. I^Jfi.
praises Senator Kendrick
for donating hind far citv
parks anddeekired. "The
donation, in hne with the
Senator s avowed pur-
pose to heautif}' the com-
munity and make that
beauty la'ailahle to all of
the public will be only
one of many that he has
made to the cdy of
Sheridan. " '

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Kendrick hired the firm ofMorell and Nichols in 191 1.
Man> letters and landscape architectural drawings be-
tween Kendrick and Morell and Nichols have been pre-
served at the Kendrick estate. Trail End State Historic
Site, and are extremely valuable in understanding the
design concepts emplo\ed at the site. One of the first
of these letters was a letter dated May 29. 1911. from
Morell and Nichols to Kendrick. It was a letter con-
firming their hiring, told what it was they were to ac-
complish and establishing their fee of". . .approximately
eighteen days... on the per diem basis at $25.00 per
da\.""*

The location of the planting
areas for trees, shrubs and
flowers were all individually
identified by dimensioning on
thel9l2 Trail End Location
and Grading Plan drawing.
The small perfect circles de-
pict trees: shrubs and flowers
were located in the irregular
shaped natural style planting
beds.

Anthony Urbanski Morell was bom in France in 1 875.
w ent to school there and immigrated to the United States
around 1902. He spent some of his early career at the
New York City office of landscape engineer Charles
W. Leavitt. Morell would later be characterized by
fellow co-worker Chandler Fairbank as "a highly artis-
tic Italian who made a good iinpression socially, and
gave the firm prestige."'"

Arthur R. Nichols was bom in West Springfield. Mas-
sachusetts, in 1880. In 1902 he was one of the first
graduates of the short-lived (two years) landscape ar-
chitecture program at Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
nology where he earned a B.S. degree. For a short
time after college he worked in Schenectady. New York,
before moving to New York City. There he also joined
the landscape engineering firm of Charles W. Leavitt.
One of Nichols" colleagues. Keith Wehrman, later char-

acterized him as "a good designer, mild mannered and a
person that believed in large scale plans that met the
needs of the present while providing flexibility for the
future."-"

Some early design projects that Nichols worked on
included Monument Valley Park in Colorado Springs,
Colorado, the private estates of John D. Rockefeller,
Sr., in Pocantico Hills, New York, and George B. Post,
Jr., in Bernardsville, New Jersey. It was while working
on the Chester Congdon estate in Duluth, Minnesota,
that he began to work with Anthony Morell.-'

In 1909. Morell and Nichols decided to leave the
Leavitt firm, establish a partnership and move to Min-
neapolis. The projects they worked on followed the wide
spectrum of the growing landscape architecture pro-
fession. These projects included the design of the grounds
for private estates, city and state park design, residen-

Spring i2003

tial subdivision design, cemeten- design,
and hospital, schools and college de-
sign plans. They also worked on the
landscape mall for the North Dakota
state capilol grounds.

Many tools of the landscape archi-
tect are evident at the Trail End site
including the use of dimensioning,
centerline road surveying and the use
of contour lines to depict gradual drain-
age away from the house.

19

Note the science of land-
scape architecture used on
the 1913 Trail End Grading
Plan. The fift}- fool grid sys-
lein on the drawing shows
horizontal and vertical spot
elevations. Dashed contour
lines at one foot intervals
depict a gradual, uniform,
flat slope fulling away from
the house. Spot elevations
along the centerline of the
entrance road also show
how the areas on the ground
are to he manipulated.

•i^^^^ff^^^"".;-—

Pari ()/ the art of landscape
architecture associated
with this design is the
groupings of the plant ma-
terial. ")ou will notice In
the planting scheme that In
the outlined groups there
are located a number of
evergreen and deciduous
trees which In combination
with the flowering shrubs
and the herbaceous plants
make the group strong,
giving same a natural
landscape effect. " "

;20

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Many of the design techniques of A. J. Downing can
clearly be seen at the Trail End site including the design
concepts of L'nity and Variety.

Unity in this design is achieved by the strategic loca-
tion of the evergreen tress along the property line and
the location of the apple trees. The smaller evergreen
juniper shrubs are also strategically located around the
grounds to tie the site together "as a single composition,
the production of the whole."-' Variety is shown through
the use of the green, pink and white flower color of the
apple trees, the upright form of the Siberian peashrub
and junipers in contrast with the flowing, single trunk
apple trees and the use of light and dark shades.

The lower left portion of the
1912 Trail End Location
and Grading Plan shows
the centerline lay-out of the
entrance road, the wain
brick entrance gate and
wall plus the evergreen tree
planting locations along
the north property- line. The
location of the irregularly
shaped planting areas are
shown by dimension lines
from the known location of
the proposed brick wall.

This is the view today
of the southeast cor-
ner of the property.
The joggers on the
upper bank are jog-
ging along the south
property line. The
joggers in the fore-
ground are just off the
property- to the south,
up the hill from
Kendrick Park.

Spring '2003

The site today still contains many of the original tree
and shrub grouping areas. TheJui\ 1.1911 letter from
Morell and Nichols informed Kendrick that thcN had
completed preliminary site plans. This included "'locat-
ing the property boundary lines, the main driveway,
stables driveway, service drive, clothes yard, service
court, greenhouses, gardens, tennis court and walks con-
necting them."-^

The sidewalk inier-
seclion treatmeni
show)! center hutlnni
in the 1 91 2 drawnig,
where the sidewalks
nilersecl a! ninely
degrees, is also vis-
ible on the grounds
todcn:

This sidewalk intersection
treatment is still used in
landscape architectural
drawings today. The per-
son in the photo is walk-
ing at the approximate lo-
cation of the proposed
Pool and Pergola area.
Groupings of old shruhs
provide the f)cal point
along the sidewalk.

2:2

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Kendrick was not only interested in employing land-
scape architects to design the landscape on his prop-
erty, he was also interested in beautif\ ing the town of
Sheridan.

In a July 29. 1919 letter to H. A. Loucks in Sheridan.
Kendrick makes reference to a piece of land to be used
for a park in Sheridan. "It is an opportunity that must
not be overlooked and is only another step in the plan
for ornamenting and beautifying our beloved town of
Sheridan."-^ The land became Kendrick Park.

Elevation View of Pergola
The scaled Elevation View
from the Trail End drawings
of the proposed Pergola, a
patio-like structure, in the El-
evation vicM- with gentleman
figure above. Note the dimen-
sioning technique used to
show the height of the Per-
gola, the wood roof members
over a brick floor, with col-
umns to match the house; cap
and base on the columns to
be the same as Cap and base
of the south porch on the
house. This outdoor land-
scape feature was not con-
structed.

^^^^^■■■HBj^^^B

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1

Plan View of the Pergola
The scaled Plan VieM-
(overhead) from the Trail
End drawings of the per-
gola that show the column
locations, with the wooden
girders on top of the col-
umns to wood rafters and
a finish layer of wood lath
. The proposed brick floor
was to be composed of a
layer of gravel, then a
layer of concrete, then the
finish brick.

Spring '2002

•■23

The Morell and Nichols work in Sheridan contains all
of the components that are still used in landscape archi-
tecture practice toda\ ihrinighoLit W yoniing. 1 he earl\
drawings from the t1rm would still be considered state
of the ail.

It is unknown what brought Kendrick to hire the firm
of Morell and Nichols. Perhaps he saw some of their
work in the region or other works of landscape archi-
tecture in the United States while representing W}o-
ming as its Governor and State Senator. The citizens of

Wyoming are still benefiting from his foresight which
can still be enjoyed today b\ \ isiting Trail Rnd in Sheridan.
Morell and Nichols also developed at least two other
sets of landscape architectural drawings in Wyoming.
Pioneer Park in Sheridan is located just down the hill
from Trail End and includes a circular drive, variety of
plant material and hillside grottos. The draw ings for F^ot
Springs at Thermopolis {helow) in I') 13 (Hot Springs
State Park) depict a larger scale or master plan type
drawing.

The IQI5 Plaulinfi Plan
shows individual tree
locations iisin^ circles
with index uuiuhers in-
side. The designed
shrubbery beds are
shown by the use of two
symbols with index num-
bers: one to describe the
plant variety the second
number to call out the
quantity of plants.

BIG! lORN HOT- SPRNGS • STATE •RE5ER\'E

THe£MOPOLl/- WYOMING

PLANTING -^ PLAN

./"CALf: — r.5o

.'ULY— 1915

MlIRELL ^ N.'-HOU"

M I NNr:A r\. u r/- Minn .

e^.CTION I

^rvtM.THK-*- Afs. s^r_-^-'('--r -^ TMr. :Mr:r-e. ft r •><!■» irrv
INrEX NWMW.ta i-^VAR:eT!ES AHDrM» :^tCOND FlCUJSt;

*i**CK CtiacXJS TMLJ3 • ♦

BtC

Large scale Master Plan-n^pe Drawing of Hot Springs, Thermopolis. Wyoming. 1913. Morell and Nichols.

24

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

' Norman T. Newton. Design on the Z,tH!(/( Cambridge and Lon-
don: Harvard Universit>' Press. 1976). xxi

- A.J. Downing. A Treatise on the Theory and Practice of Land-
scape Gardening. Adapted to North America (New York and Lon-
don. 1841). i.

' Newton. 261

■"Downing. 10

' Downing. 1 1

"Newton. 64.

' Downing. .^9.

* Downing. 41.

'' Downing. 42.

'" Morell and Nichols, letter to John Kendrick. 1913. I. Trail
End State Historic Site collections. Sheridan.

"Newton. 353.

'- Newton. 367.

" Newton. 353.

I-* Newton. 368.

'' Trail End Guilds. Inc.. Trail End State Historic Site website. 3.

"' T.A. Larson. History of Wyoming. 2nd ed.. rew. (Lincoln;
University of Nebraska Press. 1978). 447.

'''Sheridan Press. May 9, 1930.

"Morell and Nichols, letter to John Kendrick. 1911

''' Chandler D. Fairbank. letter to Greg Kopischke. 1975. Trail
End State Historic Site collections.

•" Gregor\ Kopischke. "Pioneers of .American Landscape De-
sign 11". article for the National Park Ser\ ice. Historic Landscape
Initiative. 1.

-' Kopischke. 1.

" Morell and Nichols, letter to John Kendrick. 1913.

-'Morell and NichoLs. 1913.

'■• Morell and Nichols, letter to John Kendrick. 1911.

-' Morell and Nichols, letter to John Kendrick. 1919.

John F. Mahoney, Wyoming licensed Landscape
Architect #0001 A. has been practicing landscape
architecture in Wyoming since 1978. After stum-
bling across the early letters between John
Kendrick and the landscape architects Morell
and Nichols. Mahoney M'as led to the actual con-
struction drawings of the estate by the Site Su-
perintendent at Trail End. "The first time I
stepped on the site 1 realized this was a designed
landscape. After a look at the construction draw-
ings. I saw they were so detailed and of such
high quality they could have been developed
yesterday instead of ninety years ago. " A cur-
rent project .Mahoney is fond of is the proposed
Vore Buffalo Jump Site in northeast Wyoming
near Sundance. A second project was the col-
laboration with an Environmental Artist to de-
velop wildlife habitat and hidden human view-
ing areas along the Wildlife Trail at the Rest .Area
in Pine Bluffs. Wyoming. Mahoney currently
works for the State of Wyoming and is the Man-
ager of the Planning and Construction Section.

The History of Electricity
in Rural Goshen County

The Wyrulec Company

Bv Jack R. Preston

Electricity came late to rural Goshen Count). Wyo-
ming. It was not available to all the rural consumers
until the late 1940s, nearly 80 years after the tust com-
mercial power system went on line in W\oming. The
rural areas of Goshen Count_\ were in a technology lag
from the rest of the country, because of the increased
incremental cost of buildingelectrical distribution lines
to the rural areas. ' While a few Wyoming towns had
electricity as early as the 1880s. it was 1914 before the
tlrst central station power plant produced electricity for
any town in Goshen Count> .

A few rural customers in the county did have elec-
tricity from central station power plant lines — the same
ones used to supply the county's towns and villages.
For those not in the pro\imit\. their recourse was to
generate power with their own internal combustion en-
gine-powered generators and wind chargers.

Within 20 years of Congressional passage of the Ru-
ral Electrification Act of 1936. creating the Rural Elec-
trification Administration (REA).electricit\ was brought
to rural areas throughout Goshen Count_\ . fhe agenc>.
created to bring power to farms and ranches, had an
enormous impact on rural life and the rural areas of
Goshen County. W\rulec Companv. W\oming"s first
electrical cooperative, was founded under this RliA Act.
Electricitv that Wyrulec brought rural Goshen Coinit\
residents was more important than an\ other dcselop-
ment of the 20"' centur> .

Nationallv. the first public use of electricitv came in
1 882 when Thomas Edison built the "Hrst central sta-
tion electric system in lower Manhattan.""- Edison
proved that central station power could serve many
customers over a large area from one large generator.
Over the next few years electricity generation plants
were developed in many cities across the United States.
The first central station electric power in Wyoming was
supplied to Cheyenne in 1 882. the same year Edison's
station started up in New York. The electricity supplier.

known as the Brush-Swan Electric Light Company, used
the alternating current (AC) system, as distinguished
from the direct current (DC) method that Edison"s firm
was perfecting at the time.' By 1 883. the Brush-Swan
Companv had installed 1.000 incandescent lights in
Cheyenne. Most were streetlights, but in 1 884. the Hrm
put in the first interior lights in a building when it w ired
the Chevenne Club forelectricitx . 1 he InterOcean ffotel
in Cheyenne was purpoi1edl\ the first hotel in the world
with a light in each room. '

Cheyenne was not the onl_\ cit> in Wvommgto have
electricity in the 1880s. Laramie had a light plant b\
I 885. houe\er it was an Edison svstem operating on
direct current (DC). On .lanuarv 27. 1887. R. M..lones.
operator of the plant, wrote to .1. 11. Vail, an Edison
official, about power outages at the Laramie plant."
fhis svstem operated 3,800 lamps by December 31.
1888.^

Whenevera new inxention of w ide importance comes
about, there is much posturing and shilling as to what
the standards will be. Sometimes the less desirable stan-
dard wins out because of the political and social power
of the inventor or it mav be just timing or luck. While
Edison was dev eloping DC electricitv that worked well
with streetcar lines, one of the first major uses of elec-

' 1 he numhcr nf clci.1nc;il si.t\ icc customers connected per mile
(if line greatis elTects the eost of line per consumer,

■ Ivrma Ange\ ine. ed. I'coplc-I'hcir I'mici- (Washington. [).C.:
National Rural I'leelrie Association. U)S()) 4

Alternating current (AC) changes di reel ions as it Hows through
the wire. Direct current (DC) Hows in one direction.

^ 1. A. Larson. History o/ li'yoiiiiiig ^L\nco\n: t!ni\ersit_\ ol'Ne-
braska Press. \91S). 199; Phil Roberts. David L. Roberts, and Ste\en
L. Roberts. U'voniingAliiiniuic. (Laramie. W\': Sk\ line West I'ress/
W \oming Almanac. 2001 ). 168.

' Da\id 1 . N>e. Klccln/riiig America (Cambridge. M.\: MIT
Press. 1992). 3.

'' litlp://edison.rutgers.edu/>JamesSearch/DocPiciure php3

' hltp://ed ison.rutgers.edu.' cilylist.hlm

26

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

tricitv, George Westinghouse and Brush-Swan were
developing AC electricity. One of the major advantages
of AC power was that the voltages could be transfomied
to higher levels for mo\ ing large amounts of power great
distances/ Edison felt that AC power was more dan-
gerous and called it ""the killer current.""" One of the
problems in de\ eloping electricity was that something
had to be done with it other than power electric lights.
Electric motors and appliances were the most prolific
items being developed by industry with General Elec-
tric and Westinghouse being the dominant companies
supply ing both products that use electricity and prod-
ucts that distribute and generate electricity. Direct cur-
rent had disad\ antages and before too long. Edison con-
verted to alternating current. Brush-Swan and Edison
e\entuall\ merged into the General Electric Company.

As central station power was being developed across
the United States, there were inventors who were de-
veloping alternatives to pro\ide electricity for the rural
areas. The two most promising and practical choices
were small gasoline engine generators and wind-pow-
ered generators. The combination of these two meth-
ods provided electricity for farms and ranches until the
REA cooperatives were developed.

Many rural Goshen County residents used the gaso-
line-powered Deico generator, the first widely used
power source. In the first decade of the 20th century,
C. F. Kettering and Edward Beeds. employees of the
National Cash Register Company (NCR), were doing
independent research while employed by NCR in Day-
ton. Ohio. Together, they developed electronic starters
and ignitions used in automobiles. They founded the Day-
ton Engineering Laboratories Company (DeIco) in 1909
to build the starters and ignitions for Cadillacs. Their
compan\ . Delco, was acquired b\ United Motors in 1 9 1 6,
which was acquired in 1918 by General Motors.
Kettering subsequently became General Motors presi-
dent.

In the course of perfecting the Cadillac starter and
ignition, Delco developed 32-volt DC and 1 1 0-volt AC
generators. Beginning in 1916. Delco began manufac-
turing the Delco Farm Lighting System, a line of inter-
nal combustion-powered generators for farm use.
These generators were designed to power farm elec-
tric motors and household appliances. Delco ingeniously
developed a portable electric motor mounted on a stand
that could be moved around the farm. With this por-
table device, various types of farm machinery could be
powered with one electric motor. The 32-volt genera-
tor was capable of charging batteries for use by the
farmer and housewife when the generator was not run-

World War 1 veterans, who had become acquainted
with electric power in the military service, returned to
the farms after the war. Many began using generators
from Ford Model T cars to provide DC electricity for
their farm radios and other appliances.

Wind generators also provided electricity to Goshen
County farms. Jacobs and Wincharger were the two
major companies that developed during this era.
Marcellus Jacobs developed his first wind-power gen-
erator on his father's Montana ranch. By 1 927, he was
using a variable pitch airplane propeller controlled with
a flyball governor." "Between 1931 and 1957 thou-
sands of Jacobs plants were sold and installed in all
parts of the world, including weather stations within the
Arctic Circle and at Little America in Antarctica."'- It
is estimated that the Jacobs Wind Electric Company
produced about 30.000 of their 2500-vvatt wind charg-
ers.

The Wincharger Corporation produced nearly as many
wind-powered generators as the Jacobs Wind Electric
Companv . However, they were not as reliable because
the governing system was not as effective. Consequently,
high winds caused significant mechanical failure. Most
of these systems operated at 32 volts DC rather than
1 10 volts AC. The advantage of DC for this type of
power was that unused power was stored in glass-cell
lead-acid batteries for use when the wind wasn't blow-
ing. Along with the farmstead size generators,
Wincharger produced more than 300.000 generators
producing 200 watts — specifically to power radios.
These were often sold under the names of other corn-
pan ies.'^

In December 1914 Torrington received the first cen-
tral station power in Goshen County. The plant, costing
$5,000. consisted of two 39 KVA generators, one for
street lights and one for the town's residences.'"" Ac-
cording to the Torrington Telegram: Lewis Austin, the
operator, "will start the plant whenever.. ..[he] thinks it
is dark enough to require the lights, and he will run until

" http://\v\v\v. codecheck.com/pp_elect. html.

'' David Morris. Be Your Own Power Company (Emmaus. PA:
Rodale. 1983). 3-8.

'" Lisa Mirabile. ed.. International Directory of Company Histo-
ries Vol. II (New York: St. .lames Press. 1990). 34.; General Mo-
tors. Delco Products. (Detroit: General Motors. 1983). 2-14.

" A flyball go\emor controls the speed of the wind generator by
mechanically changing the propeller's pitch. As the speed increases
the balls fly out and activate mechanical arms controlling the pitch.

'' Tom Kivarik. Charles Pipher. and John Hurst. Wind Energy.
(Chicago: Domus Books. 1979). 12.

" Robert W. Righter. Wind Energy m America (Norman: Uni-
versity of Oklahoma. 1996). 90-104.

'■• Torrington Telegram. May 7. 1914; Sept. 17. 1914.

Spring -2003

midnight. He will start the Machinery at five o'clock in
the morning and run until the sun lights the stores and
residences.""

The next power development was the Lingle Power
Plant, a low-head h\dro facility constructed in 1918.
operated on water supplied through penstocks tVoni the
Gering-Fort Laramie Canal just southwest of Lingle.
The plant was initiall\ built to suppl\ power to the elec-
tric dragline being used to construct the canal.'" As the
dragline moved along, power lines were extended along
the canal and a very large extension cord connected
the power line to the dragline. The excess power was
marketed to the area towns while the canal was being
built. After the canal was finished, the total output of
the plant was sold to the local towns. The plant re-
mained in operation until the early 1950s when there
was sufficient and more efficient power supplied by
the dams on the North Platte River.

in the late 1920s, two private power companies built
lines and supplied power to Goshen County residents.
Mountain States Power Company served customers in
Yoder. Veteran, and the farms and ranches along the
transmission lines between the two towns. Wyrulec
bought Mountain States" Goshen Count) lines on .Ian.
1 1. 1 943. paying $18,000 for them. Some of the remain-
ing lines of Mountain States were later sold to Pacific
Power and Light.''

A second company. Western Public Service Com-
pan\ . provided power to a considerable territorv in Ne-
braska, but it also had lines in Wyoming, Colorado, Kan-
sas and Missouri. Western Public Service was a sub-
sidiary of Engineers Public Service Company, a Dela-
ware-based utility. That firm was controlled by Stone
and Webster, an engineering company. (These tvpes
of holding companies were made illegal b\ the Public
Utilities Holding Companies Act passed in the middle
1930s). Western Public Service Company had an in-
ternal combustion generator in LaGrange that served
the towns of Huntley. LaGrange and Hawk Springs.
Wyoming. Wyrulec purchased Western's lines on Feb.
26, 1942. '«

Throughout the early 20th century, the federal gov-
ernment, private power companies, land grant universi-
ties, equipment manufacturers and the American Farm
Bureau Federation were all studying ways to make
power more cost effective for the rural farms and com-
munities.'" The problem was economics. The high price
of electricity could not be brought down without greater
power use: usage could not be increased without lower
prices. In the Northeast, in the middle 1920s. Gov.
Gifford Pinchot of Pennsylvania helped form success-

'27

ful local cooperatives. Few states were able to follow
Pennsylvania's lead. At this time, a handful of coopera-
tives and public power companies were being estab-
lished in the northwestern Ihiited States.

1 he federal government directlv entered the power
business when on May 18. 1933. the Tennessee Valley
Authority (TVA) act was passed. The TV A demon-
strated that w ith federal gov ernment assistance, coop-
eratives could bring down the costs of power to rural
areas. This positive experience with the I VA on the
Tennessee River set the pattern for further develop-
ment of cooperatives in the rest of the country.

Congressional supporters for bringing more electric-
itv to rural areas, manv representing Midwest and West-
ern states, at first believed that power had to be sold to
private electrical companies, not to consumer-owned
cooperatives. However, grassroots groups in rural ar-
eas lobbied hard and. finally, cooperatives were fomied
to utilize the power, selling it to rural areas.

With momentum from establishment of the fVA.
Congress passed a cooperative power act. The Rural
Electrification Administration was established after
President Franklin Roosevelt signed the enabling act on
May 11. 1935.

The measure had been supported bv manv Western
and Midwestern congressmen, including Senator George
Norris of Nebraska and Representative Sam Ravburn
of Texas. A year later, through the efforts of Norris
and Rayburn. the Rural Electrification Administration
became a funded agency on May 20. 1 936. The Norris-
Rayburn REA bill provided for loans "...for building
electric power lines and for generating and transmitting
electricity." Another type of loan was to enable the
farmer to buy electrical equipment.-" To meet the rural
needs, the program grew rapidlv. In 1935. 527 Wyo-
ming ranches/farms had electricity. By 1939 the num-
ber had risen to 3.300 ranches/farms.-'

'^ Torniii^loii Tclegriini. Dec, 17. 1914.

"' A dragline is an earth-nio\ ing machine that drags a bucket on
the ground with a cable pulling it until it tills up \\ ith dirt. Then the
bucket is lilted b\ the machine's boom and dumped on the edge of
the canal and the process is repeated.

' ' W_\ rulec contract u ith Western Public Ser\ ice Compans . .Ian.
II. 1443.

'" \V\ rulec contract \s ith \\ estern Public Ser\ ice Compan\ . Feb.
16. 1942.

''The f-arm Bureau was the predecessor to the Cooperative
lAtension Service founded in 1914. By 1919 the Cooperati\e fix-
tension Ser\ ice had drilled awa_\ from the Fann Bureati which be-
came a private political entit> .

'" Marquis Childs. The Fanner Takes A Hand (Garden Citv.
NY: Doubleday. 1952). 69.

■' T. A. Larson. Hisloiy oj Wyonun^ (Lincoln: Lniversitv of
Nebraska Press. 1965). 445.

■28

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

W\oming"s first electrical cooperative was Wyrulec
Company founded in Lingle on Oct. 9. 1936, less than
five months after the passage of the Norris-Raybiirn
hill. The tlve incorporators. F. R. Pearson. L. R. Brewer.
R. V. Allen. Emery Bright, and T. J. Lisle, met in the
Bump Building law offices of Reid and More in
Torrington.-- They elected themselves the first direc-
tors of the company to serve for one year or until their
successors were elected. They voted to insert a copy
of the articles of incorporation in the minute book, passed
the proposed b\ laws, and placed a copy of the bylaws
in the minute book. The incorporators agreed to apply
for a Rural Electrification Administration loan. They
also hired engineers and attorneys for the cooperative.

A half-hour later, meeting as the newly created board
of directors, they elected officers. Pearson was named
president; Allen, vice president: Brewer, secretary/trea-
surer. The board agreed to sell memberships to indi-
\ iduals who chose to receive electricity from the com-
pany, provided that the prospective customer could be
ser\ ed by the company economically.

.After a sample membership certificate was presented.
appro\ ed and inserted in the minute book. L. R. Brewer
was appointed the company's agent. Wyrulec's princi-
pal office would be in Brewer's office in Lingle. The
board designated Citizens National Bank of Torrington
as the company's depository; stipulating that all checks
be signed by either the president or vice-president and
countersigned by the secretary-treasurer. After the
actions of the incorporators were ratified and the incor-
poration expenses were approved. President Pearson
was authorized to adopt REA plans for construction of
the distributing system. Further, he was given responsi-
bility to complete negotiations for a loan to cover ex-
penses and employ the necessary people, subject to
REA approval, to complete the projects.-' Pursuant to
Wyoming incorporation laws, they convened a third time
that evening, as a general membership meeting to en-
dorse earlier actions.-"*

Less than a month after the by-laws were passed,
the board amended them. Cash flow was a problem for
the company . It was not reimbursing memberships until
a new one has paid in.-' In a meeting at the Lingle
office on November 14 the board agreed that the com-
pany would hold membership certificates in escrow for
each of the members. If the member ceased to take
service from the company, he would be required to sur-
render the certificate. Wyrulec could then sell it to the
next qualified applicant for membership. A $5 fee would
be collected from the new member and given to the
departing member. The board also agreed that the by-

laws of the company could only be amended by a super
majority — four of the five directors had to agree on
such a change.

Construction plans for transmission and distribution
lines were ready for member approval at a special meet-
ing held at Lingle High School in mid-December. The
first meeting failed to gain a quorum, but later in the
month, more than two dozen members were present or
represented by proxy. Along with the plans, they ap-
proved a construction loan contract from the REA (in
an amount not to exceed $29,000). To secure the loan,
the company members voted to execute a mortgage
note, not to exceed $29,000, at 2.77% interest for 20
years. The members also signed the construction loan
contract with REA, and agreed to contract for power
from U. S. Reclamation Service in conjunction with the
town of Lingle.-"

After the meeting, Wyrulec prepared to construct 25
miles of line. The project could begin as soon as the
contracts had been signed for construction of line as
well as a mortgage secured from the REA for the
$29,000. The note was to be paid off at a rate of 2.77%
per year with monthly payments for 20 years. -^

In March, the directors modified the power contract
and terms of the construction loan. The permitted bor-
rowing amount was increased by $71,000, but not to
exceed $100,000.-'* Membership was growing rapidly.

" Minutes of the first Board Meeting of W>rulec Company.
October 9. 1936. 7;30 p.m.

-'At 8:30 p.m.. at the third meeting, the board adopted the
recommended b> laws that were appro\ed at the organization meet-
ing. .A unanimous \ ote was taken to appro\ e the b> laws alter they
were read section by section. Minutes. October 9. 1936. 8 p.m.

-■• Minutes. October 9. 1936. 8:30 p.m. Attorneys Reid & More
w ere designated al the October 27 board meeting to act as attorneys
for the compan>' w ith the President authorized to contract with the
attome_\s subject to REA approval. Minutes. October 27. 1936. 10
a.m.

-■ Minutes, November 14. 1936. 3 p.m.

-'' Minutes. November 30. 1936. 8 p.m. After the board meeting,
the December 1 4 membership meeting was called to order b> Presi-
dent Pearson. In attendance were F. R. Pearson. L. R. Brewer. .1. H.
Hergert. R. V. .Allen. David Greenwalt. Emer\ Bright, and Hiram D.
Lingle. The president announced that no quorum was present so
the meeting was adjourned until December 22. 1936. Minutes. De-
cember 14. 1936.8 p.m.

-' Minutes. December 22. 1 936. 8 p.m. Members present were:
Fred .Ashenhurst: Richard Remo; .1. S. Montez: M. Lopez; B. T.
Moorehead: Steve Whilmerl.l. V. Dana. pro\\ ): Fred Sieck: L. R.
Brewer; G. C. Long; Fr. R. Pearson; W. H. Wagner; Dr. G. O. Hanna;
David Greenwald; Norina L. Dupertius; Charles Morris; C. W.
Kiser: Milton Anderson; Emery Bright; Carl J Bums; Carl Arndt:
W. B. Knott: Donald Knott: .lohn McConnick: W. H. Nida: Hiram
D. Lingle: Ailecn I lildreth ( Ward Hildreth. Proxy): Phillip M. Wellman
(Ward Hildreth. proxy).

Spring ;2003

It was very impressive for an electrical cooperative to
grow 300 percent in just fl\e months.

At the second membership meeting, attended by 35
members.-' the group ratified the board's decision to
increase the amount that could be borrowed from
$29,000 to $ 1 00.000. Among those attending was Hiram
D. Lingle. the founder of Lingle.'" While membership
continued to grow . Wn ruiec was having trouble dealing
with the changing requirements of the REA. an agency
less than a year old.

Nov\ that Wyrulec could begin construction of elec-
trical lines, the ne.xt step was to acquire right-of-wa\
for the lines from the landowners where the poles were
to be placed. These included the State of W\oming.
Goshen County, the Burlington Railroad, and a number
of private landowners. The board also increased the
authorized line to 53.5 miles; it would ser\e 165 mem-
bers. With these additional members, an increase in the
power contracted from the Bureau was necessary."

During May 1937. Wsrulec paid bills for the first time.
Most were for director's fees and publishing costs. With
summer approaching, the first construction contract was
awarded with the low bid of $55,030.10 to Donovan
Construction Compan\ of St. Paul. Minnesota. At last
construction was about to begin. '-

The pace at Wyrulec was beginning to pick up in June
and the board began holding weekl\ meetings. The board
modified line extension polic\ . awarded a pole inspec-
tion contract, authorized an additional loan for $33,000.
designated an engineer, and appointed board member
L. R. Brewer as project superintendent.'' This latter
action posed a problem, however. Brewer could not
serve as both director and project superintendent. Con-
sequently, he resigned as director and the board ap-
pointed A. J. Haeffelin as his replacement. Newly
elected officers were R. V. Allen as president and T. .1.
Lisle as vice-president.

Construction seemed to be moving along, but the REA
rejected the pole inspection bid. asserting that it was
too high. The agency instructed the company engineer
(paid at 4% of the construction contract) to inspect
materials to be used by the contractor. W\ rulec took its
first recorded loan advances — $440.23 for organiza-
tion expenses, $550.35 for engineering services and
$1021.12 for legal services.'^

The board adopted w iring and plumbing codes of the
REA. hired Miss Elizabeth Rider as the bookkeeper
and stenographer, approved Phil Rouse as engineer for
the next line extension project and decided to put up
signs during construction as required by the REA.

At one meeting, the board was told that the REA
insisted that the company obtain insurance." The REA

29

also required Wyrulec to pay for the bonding for the
officers. Man\ members thought the RHA's in\olve-
iiicnt in W_\rulec's business was becoming onerous, but
as others saw it. to loan these large amounts of money
to unsuperv ised cooperatives w ithout financial histories
could have been disastrous for the new federal agency.'"

fhe number of Goshen farmers interested in "hook-
ing up" continued to increase. In September, the board
authorized taking out a new loan, this one for $156,000
at 2.88% for 20 years, for the construction of an addi-
tional 150 miles of line. The addition would bring the
total sxstem line length to 204 miles. All three loans
now totaled $2 1 8.000 so the board raised the maximum
mortgage amount to $1,000,000.'' The engineer re-
quested approval for line extensions of more than 1 .000
feet for A. Gobble. L. E. Harriman. H. Eisenbarth. U.
K.ubo. E. Bright and Mark Carson.

Wyrulec took on the role of electrical inspector, and
the board recommended that Oliver Wendell Holmes
of Yoder be engaged for the dut\.'' The company

■'" Minutes. March 16. 1937. 10 a.m.

'" Emer\ Bright. George VVunder. Jacob Kreig. 1.. .1. I oiikin. 1 , .1.
1 isle, .lohn Walters. J. V. Dana. lr\in. Hoitsnia. R. V, .Allen. L, R.
Brewer. F. R. Pearson. R. N. Panics. .1 L. Maricy. H. H. Wagoner.
Carl ,1, Bums. Donald Knott. \\ . B. Knott. Maurice .1. 0\ley. Carl
Arndt. Lottie M. Craig. C. C. Shepard. Fred Sieck. Herman Uamel
(Adm. Est. A. .1. Phillips). A. C. Long. 11. S. Kirk. Clark 11, Smith.
Iliram D. Lingle. Da\ id (Ireenwald. Norma 1 nupertius. C. H.
0\lc>. C). A, Curr\. Homer ()\lc\. Br. C. (), llanna. lohn
McCormick

"Minutes. March 31. 1937. 8 p.m.

' Minutes. April 13. 1937. lOa.m. 1 he Bureau ot Reclamation
was the power supplier to W_\ rulec. Fhe power source was h\dro
power from dams located in Wyoming

'- Minutes. Ma\ 4. 14. 1937,

" Minutes, .lune 7. 1 1. 22. 3t). 1937.

'•• Minutes. July 27. 1937,

^' Minutes. September 25. 1937,

"' Minutes. September I. 1937, At this meeting, the board
adopted a resolution pa\ ing the directors S3 per meeting and 5
cents per mile to and I'roni the meetings, beginning June 1. 1937.
I he total amount paid to directors was not to exceed S35 per month
and payment was to end with conclusion of the construclion loan
contract

''On the same da_\ at 4 p ni,. the hoard had another meeting. The
salary for Wsrulec's office secretary. Elizabeth Rider, was set at
$61) per month, io perform her duties, she needed considerable
office equipment, including a card tiling cabinet, steel legal-sized
filing cabinet, a t\ pewriter. two boxes of carbon paper, four sets of
steel tab indices, four packages of miscellaneous folders, alphabeti-
cal indexes. 1(10 legal-sized folders and gummed labels. Falbert T_\ pe-
writer I'xchange offered to furnish the entire package for 5229,90.

" Minutes. September 25. 1937, He was to be paid $1.50 per
inspection containing six openings or less and ten cents for each
additional drop or opening with the maximum price to be charged of
$2,50.and$i additional for each reinspection, Ifthe contractor was
on the premises, then he was to pa\ the charges. Otherwise, the
homeowner would be responsible for the bill.

30

Annals of Wyoming; The Wyoming History Journal

needed a means to record member usage for billing
purposes. Consequently. Wyrulec purchased 1 59 of the
REA-approved watt-hour meters."

Wyrulec had been managed to that point by the offic-
ers and board. It was time to hire a manager, who would
be particularly important for taking over when the sys-
tem was energized. After review ing seven applications,
the board hired Grover Hartman at a salary of $ 1 25 per
month.""'

Line construction had reached close to 1 50 miles by
October and the board met to set electrical rates. After
some discussion the following rates were authorized:

IMOKWH
Next60KWH
Ne.xtlOOKWH
Over 200 KWH

7 1/2 cents per KWH
4 cents per KWH
2 1/2 cents per KWH
2 cents per KWH

Wyrulec had to charge a minimum of $3 per month,
the board concluded. It also modified the bylaws to re-
duce the meter deposit from $ 1 0 to $6.^'

At the November 1 board meeting, the president and
manager were given the responsibility of estimating the
average monthly income and expenses for the REA.
taking into account construction contracts. "*-

The REA officials told the board that the rates set at

'" Five bids were received. The Westinghouse and General Elec-
tric meters were bid at S1673.I8 while the one bid for Sangamore
meters was for $1751.74. Considering the delivery time, the bid
was awarded to Mine & Smelter Supply Company of Denver for
the Westinghouse meters. The board considered the fact that
Westinghouse equipment was used on the construction project.

^" The seven applicants were Grover C. Hartman. .1. .1. Eddington.
Cl\ de Matlock. Charles Simmons. J. B. Spurgeon. Martin Wilbum.
and Walter Roshong. Hartman. Eddington. Matlock and Simmons
were present at the meeting to be interviewed. The board went into
their tlrst executive session and chose the top three candidates. The
tlrst choice was Grover C. Hartman; second was .1. .1. Eddington;
third was Clyde Matlock. Minutes. September 29. 1937.

" Minutes. October 1 1. 1937. At the October 1 1 board meeting
the stenographer was instructed to write letters to all workers about
requesting their receipt books be forwarded to the Wyrulec office so
the solicitation of members can be brought up to date. Membership
forms were being developed by the president and superintendent.
J. M. Roushar was hired as the attorney on the 1 50 mile line project.

■*- Minutes. Nov. 1. 1937. Superintendent Brewer was autho-
rized to direct Reid& More to turn over all easements, minutes, seal
and other records to their successor .1. M. Roushar. Brewer was
instructed to pay Roushar $381.72 and to negotiate the legal rates
for other matters w ith him.

'■' Minutes. November 1 1. 1937.

" Wyoming 6 Goshen. Examining Division Project Control
Record. REA.

'' REA form F1-2R (10/21/37). Wyrulec Company Monthly
Operation Report. Decetnber. 1937.

^" Minutes. May 8. 1941.

Wyrulec 's display uj clecincul appliances, c. I Viy

Spriny; -2003

the October 1 1 meeting were too low to cover expenses.
Consequently, tiie next month, tiie board approved higher
rates:

First 40 KWH per month $3.75 per month

Next 40 KWH per month 5 cents per KWH

Next 120 KWH per month 3 cents per KWH

Over 200 KWH per month 2 cents per KWH''

W_\ruiec energized its lines and began to serve its
members/owners on December 4. 1937. one year and
two months after the formation of the cooperative. It
had experienced tremendous growth. It had gone from
no debt to $2 18.000: from no lines to 204 miles of line:
and from no members to 555 members. '^

But when the power was first sent into the lines, the
entire membership was not completel\ connected to
electricity. At the end of December 1937, Wyrulec had
101 connected consumers. The gross incoine was
$604.00. the total operating expenses were $353.59 and
the interest paid to the REA was $1 1 1.24 with a net
incomeof $159.1 7.^'

Over the next few years. Wyrulec board meetings
were highlighted b\ the attendance of rural residents
wanting electrical power from the cooperative. A long
list of indi\ iduals appeared in the minutes as being ap-
proved as members of the coop. "A delegation of thiily
men and women from LaGrange and the surrounding
country met with the Board, requesting that lines be
built and electric ser\ ice furnished them. Mr. Cham-
berlain, representing the delegation, explained their mis-
sion. Mr. Morgan [Wyrulec's manager] explained the
cost of building the lines."'" (Chamberlain had been
one of the petitioners to Western Public Service Com-
pany to bring power to LaGrange in 1928). As a result
of the meeting with the LaGrange individuals, the board
began negotiating with Western Public Service for the
purchase of the LaGrange electrical system and its at-
tached lines.

The REA gave cooperatives the responsibility to edu-
cate its owners about the possible uses of electricity.
In 1941 Wyrulec's board postponed the annual meeting
from Februai7 10. 1942. until May 5, 1942, because the
"...REA offer[s] a traveling demonstration which will
have electro-econoiTiy, food for defense demonstrations,
moving picture[s] and other desirable featurers
[sic]...""" At a previous Wyrulec meeting, the board
had "RESOLVED, that the Wyrulec Company apply to
the Administration for a loan in the amount of
$22,500.00[sic] under Section 5 of the Rural Electrifi-
cation Act to be used for the following purposes: (a)
$ 1 5,000.00 to finance the wiring of the premises of ap-

31

System Statistics"

Year

Consumers

KWH Sold

Miles of Line

ms

272

80.082

52

1948

1.414

2.676.512

550

1^)58

2.120

30,735.748

1 . 1 69

l%8

2.436

96.743.016

1.408

1078

3.314

98.633.118

1.727

1088

3.574

71.918.454

1.849

IW8

4.103

85.605.202

1.881

proximately 150 consumers of the Cooperative, (b)
$1 7.500.00 to finance that [sic] purchases and installa-
tion of plumbing appliance and equipment by approxi-
mately 400 of such consumers."'" Not only was Wyrulec
involved in selling and demonstrating appliances, it was
helping the rural residents modernize and it was financ-
ing these improvements with aid from the REA.

At the 1 945 annual meeting. "Mr. Dick Isaac, a rep-
resentative from the Westinghouse Co. gave a very in-
teresting discourse for about an hour on maintenance.
use and care of electrical appliance[s]. He further states
that since 1942 all of the Westinghouse plants had been
in the service of the United States for making various
war materials and that the\ were unable to furnish any
of the appliances that he so earnestK advocated and
recommended. His address was very interesting and
instructive.""" Westinghouse and Wyrulec were doing
their part for the war effoil.

After World War II ended. Wyrulec had growth simi-
lar to the rest of the United States. The REA was balk-
ing at lending funds to the coops w hose boundaries were
not defined. This pushed Wyrulec and neighboring coops
and public power districts to work together to define
their boundaries. Roosevelt Public Power District" and
Wyrulec had minor scrapes over who should serve ad-
jacent territory at the Nebraska- Wvoming state line.
There were other boundary issues: "Superintendent
Lorenzen stated that he was trying to get approv al upon
the ultimate boundary map, and read a letter from
R.E.A. concerning the reason for delav in approval;
they want agreement with the Pine Bluffs Project on
the Banner Count) boundaries.""- The result was that
the service territories were defined in both Wyoming
and Nebraska.

" Minutes. Deconihcr 4. 1941. 1:30 p.m.

" Wyrulec System Statistics.

''' Minutes. November 6. 1941 .

"' Minutes. April 13. 1945. I 1:00 a.m.

'' Public Power Districts are quasi-go\enimental entities that are
formed under Nebraska Law. The> borrowed from the REA Just
like cooperatives, but they had the advantage ot'ta\ free tlnancing.

'- Minutes. August II. 1948. 1:30 p.m.

39

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

As the coop matured, it began operating as a utility.
In 1950 Wyrulec began safety training for its employ-
ees in conjunction with other Wyoming rural electrics
and continued to meet the REA's construction standards
for its borrowers. The same year a capital credit plan
was approved by the membership that allowed the co-
operatives" net earnings to be credited to each member
in proportion to usage. These plans typically rotated
capital on a 20-year basis with the early years' earn-
ings being refunded first. This allowed the coop to use
the 20 years of earnings as equity for borrowing and
operating purposes.

By this time Wyrulec decided to build its own office
and shop. Approval was obtained and the REA's plan
#K-1 1647 was selected with the "service area be in-
creased in width and in length to a minimum length of
65 feet."^' The building was finished in the summer of
1 952 with air-conditioning installed. An open house fea-
turing the all-electric demonstration kitchen was held
from 2-9 p.m. on July 30, 1952.

In January 1955 Wyrulec purchased the Bureau of
Reclamation transmission line from Guernsey to Lingle
for $ 1 840. This line was needed for growth in the sys-
tem. Their loan limit from the REA was increased to
$5,000,000 in December, 1956. Because of this growth,
in June 1957 Wvrulec assigned their Bureau contract to

WYRULEC

Manager

L. R. Brewer
Grover C. Hartman
Hayden Morgan
FredNeubaurer
Lawerence Lorenzen
Ivan M. Whipple
.lames A. Hudelson

COMPANY MANAGERS
1937 - 2003

Years of Service

June 6. 1937-September29. 1937
September 29. 1937-June20, 1939
June 20. 1939-May 17. 1942
May 17. 1942-July 23.1946
.luly 23. 1946-July 9. 1952
July 9. 1952-May 30. 1976
May 30. 1976-Present
From: Wyrulec Company Statistics.

Tri-State Generation & Transmission Company and be-
came an "all requirements" member of Tri-State. '■*

With the increased tensions worldwide and the ad-
vent of the cold war, missile sites were being constructed
around Cheyenne's Warren AFB. This directly affected
Wyrulec's service area and increased the electric load.
An Atlas missile site was constructed near Meridan,
Wyoming, in 1960 and many Minuteman missile sites
were built within Wyrulec's territory in the ensuing
years. These sites demanded heavier lines and these
lines helped Wyrulec deliver power to other new loads
on the system.

"' Minutes September 1 1.
'•• Minutes. December. 8.
1957;,lanuar\ 14. I960.

1950.

1954: December 13. 1956: June

3.

Wyrulec 's office and shops were constructed in 1952

Spring L'003

In its first 40 years Wyrulec gained many new con-
sumers, sold substantiallN more kilouatt-liours of elec-
tricity, and strung many more miles of line, including a
portion of Scotts Bluff and Banner counties in Nebraska.
an area which was not being served b\ the Nebraska
rural electric companies.

To protect the interests of W\rulec"s consumers, the
cooperative Joined with other electrical cooperatives to
fonn organizations to represent themselves in the state-
wide, regional and national arena. At the state level, the
Wyoming Rural Electric Association was formed bv
cooperatives in 1 94 1 to aid the parent organizations in
lobbying before the state legislature and to coopera-
tively join to furnish such serv ices as the U'yomifig Riinil
Electric News and statew ide safetv training. Wv rulec.
having lines in Nebraska, also Joined a similar organiza-
tion known at the Nebraska Rural Electric Association
founded in 1935 by the rural public powerdistricts. On
a regional basis, the Midwest Electric Consumers As-
sociation was formed in 1958 to represent the prefer-
ence power'' users of a nine-state region. Nationall\
the National Rural Electric Association was formed in
1942 to represent nearly 1.000 cooperatives and rural
public power districts at the federal government level.
The association not onlv lobbied the U. S. Congress on
rural electrical matters, it was also involved in training
and management consulting for its members.'"

On December 17. 1 95 1 . a group of cooperatives and
public power districts met to found Tri-State Genera-
tion and Transmission Association. The Bureau of Rec-
lamation told those gathered that the power supply situ-
ation was not good for the region. Rural electric repre-
sentatives, gathered at this and subsequent meetings,
decided to Jointly commission a study on power needs.
After several more meetings, proposed articles of in-
corporation were approved for an umbrella organiza-
tion founded to supply power. The Bureau felt that it
would run out of power by 1 955 and they wanted pref-
erence customers to guarantee their power purchases.
The REA wanted a regional incorporated entity to lend
money for the development of power supply. On May
19, 1952, Tri-State became an official corporation or-
ganized under the laws of the state of Colorado. The
board consisted of three directors from each of the states
of Colorado. Wyoming and Nebraska, with provisional
directors becoming permanent directors. On February
1 3. 1 953. at the first annual meeting. Oscar Yoder from
Wyrulec was elected to Tri-State" s board of directors
as one of the three directors from Wyoming."' Yoder
served on the board from 1953-1971. holding the posi-
tion of board secretary from 1 954- 1 962, and board trea-
surer from 1954-1958.

33

At the same time the private power industry was try-
ing to obtain preference power from the Bureau of Rec-
lamation so there were hearings and many battles be-
tween the public and private sectors of the power in-
dustrv . During 1 953. Tri-State decided to proceed v\ ith
a loan application from the REA to build a 40-mega-
watt (MW) pov\er plant in Pine Bluffs. Wvoming. and
to contract with the Bureau of Reclamation for93 MW
of firm power and 38 MW of seasonal power.'" Even-
tually, Tri-State signed a master contract with the Bu-
reau of Reclamation enabling it to take power for all its
members. This allowed fordiversity of loads within Tri-
State and allowed the cooperatives to contract for Bu-
reau power through Tri-State without as much risk."'

The power shortage the bureau projected did not
materialize until theearlv 1970s. Instead of building its
own power plant, f ri-State contracted to purchase 200
MW of power from Basin Electric, a "super G&T."
(A super G&T is a generation and transmission com-
panv that supplies power only to other generation and
transmission companies). Tri-State built its own facilitv.
the AC-DC tie"" at Stegall. Nebraska, which became
operational on Dec. 7. 1976.

With projected growth in irrigation load. Tri-State and
three other regional suppliers contracted in August 1973
to build the Yampa Project in Craig. Colo., w ith Colo-
rado-Ute G&T as the operator. Tri-State"s share was
24 percent of units one and two. Both units went on line
in 1 980 w ith Tri-State taking 203 M W of the power.

In September 1975 si.\ utilities formed the Missouri
Basin Power Project with Basin Electric as the opera-
tor. Tri-State" s share was 24 percent. The project, near
Wheatland. Wyo., was completed in 1 982 w ith Tri-State
receiving 398 M W of power.

" Municipals and RI^.A cooperatives ha\ c preference in bu\ ing
power from the Bureau of Reclamation, thus the term "preference
power."

"National Rural Electric Cooperative .Association. Peopte-Their
Power (Washington. D. C: National Rural Flectric Cooperative
Association. 1980). 106-109.

'■ Mark Dow ling. Iransforming the past, .uito the future. (Den-
\er: I ri-State Generation and Transmission .Assoc. Inc.. 1993). I-
4,

'" .'\ megawatt of power will furnish elcctricit\ lor approvi-
mateh l.OUO homes.

"' Dow ling. 4-15.

"The eastern and western electrical grids were constructed and
tied together separateK . I he_\ cannot be connected directK because
the clectricit> is not in phase. To match the phases, the power on
one side of the grid is conserted to DC power and then the phases
matched and the power reconverted to AC power on the other grid.
Iri-States' .AC-DC tie allows 100 MW of power to tlow either
wa_\ across the grid allowing the transfer of power from either grid,
thus helping to sa\ethe building of a plant or the purchase of power
on the spot market.

34

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Many problems plagued Tri-State in the ensuing years.
Tri-State based its load growth on the members' data
which was too optimistic, and at the same time, the
agricultural economy fell into a slump and the projected
irrigation growth never materialized.

Surpluses caused rate increases in the 20 percent
range for all of Tri-State"s territory. There were hard
times for both the distribution and the G & T coopera-
tives. The pattern of year-to-year kilowatt-hour sales
growth that had held for Wyrulec"s first 40 years
changed after 1978. Since then, Wyrulec has e.xperi-
enced no growth in kilowatt-hour sales. In fact, there
has been a significant decline. Goshen County has an
agricultural-based economy with little income from other
sources. As the county goes, so goes Wyrulec, and its
electrical load pattern. Other factors such as energy
conservation, pipeline pumping and irrigation have also
had an effect over the years.

But there were positive aspects, because the coop-
eratives own the plants that now produce the cleanest
and cheapest coal power in the United States. Through-
out the years of growth and into the decline of electric
usage, these plants have helped the cooperatives meet
their load requirements.

Since its inception, the production of electricity has
helped fuel the growth in the rural areas. The changes
taking place today in the country do not have nearly the
impact that the REA had in the 1 930s. Nonetheless, the
millions oftonsofcoal being hauled daily through Goshen
County, to fuel power plants throughout the United
States, provide a source of jobs for local residents. The
monetary effect of the Union Pacific Railroad and the
Burlington Northern Santa Fe on the local economy is
very great, and indirectly electricity is again having an
impact on Goshen County.

Electricity might have moved into the rural areas with-
out the REA, but it would have been at a far slower
pace, and it would have been more expensive. The
cooperatives nationwide have done an immeasurable
service for the rural areas. With its cost-based rates
and its capital credits that it pays to its members, Wyrulec
fulfills the REA's original purpose of providing reliable
electrical power to it owners at the lowest price consis-
tent with good business practices. In the days of na-
tional scandal in the private power community, the eth-
ics of public power producers stand alone at the top of
the utility industry poised to meet the electricity demands
of the 21st century.

WYRULEC COMPANY DIRECTORS

Director

F.R. Pearson
R.V.Allen
L.R. Brewer
Emery Bright
T.J. Lisle
R.J.Haeftelin
J.F. Zimmerer
George F. Haas
Clyde Yelk

Paul Dupertis
Hugh Stemler

E. G. Phelps
Glenn Hertzler
George D. Dunean
Grover Cameron
Oscar Yoder
Edward J. Baldwin
Carl Quo
Wayne A. Riggs
Howard A. Haas
Kenneth Pursley
Jack R. Preston
William J. Motsick
Calvin E. Hoy

F. E. Wolski
Larry N. Lamb
Robert Yiek
Kerry Kiltv

Years of Service District

1936
1936
1936
1936
1936
1937
1938
1938
1939
1948
1939
1945
1946
1948
1950
1951
1951
1967
1972
1973
1973
1976
1978
1981
1983
1991
1987
1989
1994
2003

From: Wvrulec

- 1937

- 1938

- 1937

- 1938

- 1939

- 1946

- 1973

- 1948

- 1945

- 1972

- 1951

- 1948

- 1950

- 1951

- 1976

- 1967

- 1978

- 1983

- 1973

- 1994

- 1987

- 1981

- Present

- Present

- 1989

- Present
-Present

- 1991
-2003

- Present
Company

Incorporator
Incorporator
Incorporator
Incorporator
Incorporator

5

3
2

4
2
1

4
1

3

5
3
2

4

2

1

3
1

5

5

Statistics.

The author graduated fi-om the University of
Denver and he is a M. A. candidate in history
at the University of Wyoming. Wyrulec Com-
pany provided electricity to the family farm
when the author was seven years old. In 1978
he was elected to Wyrulec 's board of directors
and continues to serve as the Nebraska direc-
tor. He is past president of the Nebraska Rural
Electric Association, and past director of Tri-
State G & T. He is serving as President of the
Nebraska State Historical Society. He was one
of the founders of the Farm and Ranch Museum
(FARM) in Gering, Nebraska. Agricultural his-
tory is his specialty.

Spring '2003

Letter to the Editor

I grew up in Gillette and have poked around in Gillette's
historv', so may I invite you to Join me in "reading"" the photo-
graph of the east side of Gillette's Main Street published in
the Autumn 2002 issue*^

The shadows show the sun is getting low in the sky. either
late in the afternoon or even into the early evening in those
pre-daylight savings time days. The leaves on the trees es-
tablish that it is mid- to late summer. Two conclusions could
be hazarded from that little infomiation: the absence of people
on the street might suggest that they are home for the evening
meal, and that it is a weekday. Whether simplv summer or
sveekdav. either way those engaged in ranching activities
would not likeh be in tow n.

The photo shows cluses toward a time period when the
photo may have been made. One is the building on the right,
the first shown on the east side of the street. It appears to be
made of brick, and. if so. that puts the photo after I ''00. even
possibly as late as 1910. That particular building appears to
be the one I knew in my childhood as Gates Men"s Wear, later
my father"s Stag Shoppe; it is the building now across the
street on the northeast corner opposite the old post office.

The hitching rail outside that building suggests that autos
were not in prevalent usage yet— but in Gillette, that can be as

late as the 1920s, at least the earl> part of the 1920s I know

from my research that when the railroad arrived, there was
not a single tree anywhere around. On the left side of the
photo, a tree tops the building it is beside— and that building
is uncommonly tall, more than a single story, puttmg that
particular tree somewhere between 10-15 feet tall. Pretty much
in the center of the photo is a tree located outside a business-
-its size in relation to the trees in the background suggest it is
relatively newly planted, but it is already as high or higher
than the false store front, again 10-15 feet high. The other
trees at the northern end of the stree are clustered in the

vicinity of the railroad depot if we surmise that a tree might

grow a foot per year, that would place this photo about 20
years after the founding of Gillette--roughK 1913 or so. It
would be incredibly unlikely that this is a photo of Gillette in
the period of the 1 890s. As the railroad moved on. businesses
closed-and their buildings dismantled to be reassembled at
the next anticipated end of the railroad. There could not have
been so many standing buildings in Gillette after the railroad
moved on! That alone dates the picture after 1900. The extent
of the development more points to a period after 1910. A
tighter frame for the photo w ould be 1915-1 920....

If I am correct about that brick building's location, what is
extremely frustrating is the absence of a photo of the facility
due east of it (due east of the old Gates Men's Wear), it was
the stable and office of the stageline. originally from Moorcroft
to Buffalo, hence to Sheridan, with its eastern point dictated
by where the railroad ended construction for the season.
That facility enters into the lynching of Tom Waggoner and
also into the Johnson County War.

Days before the stageline was to begin its operations from

35

Moorcroft. its entire herd of horses was stolen-and not one
word was ever reported of those horses being returned. Yet,
when the stageline went into bankruptcv. a driver who had
been with the line since its beginning testified the stage horses
then were identical to the horses the stage line began w ith—
on time. But. meanwhile. Joe Eliot had arrested one of the
horse thieves up on the Crow reservation. Two nights before
Waggoner was killed. Eliot and his prisoner were in Buffalo
en route to Newcastle where the prisoner was deposited in
jail the da\ Waggoner was killed. It was reported at the time
that men w ere seen rounding up horses on Waggoner"s ranch-
-and the next day. as memorv serves, the stage line began
operations w ith the horses it had owned all along, the horses
which had been stolen-and which, somehow, rematerialized
just in time for operations to begin.

But this gets more fascinating because of the excuses given
for the Johnson County War was that homesteaders
('"thieves") were stealing the cattlemen blind, selling beef to
the railroad construction crews. The man who had the con-
tract to suppK beef to the railroad construction crews vsas
the owner of that stage line. After he committed suicide in
Clearmont and the line was in bankruptc\ . cattle hides from
that operation were recovered from a facilitv he had near
Rozet-more than enough hides to have fed everx railroad
construction w orker quite well during the entire construction
season. And during the Johnson Countv War. the stage line"s
co-owner and manager rode as a deputv sheriff-at the back
of the Johnson Counts sheriff, a wondrous position remem-
bering the statge line"s affinitv for Joe Eliot and Eliot"s em-
plovers, the Wyoming Stockgrowers Association. Every
ounce of beef tdhat made it into railroad construction work-
ers" bellies passed through the hands of the stage coach
line"s ow ners. both of whom had a curious relationship with
the a known agent of the WSGA. And if those cattle had
been stolen, the stage line had every one of the hides on
hand.

And a major component of all that is just off the photo
behind that brick building on the east side of Gillette"s main
street. Or was. The stable and office were likely long gone
before the photo was taken.

Roger Hawthorne
Milwaukee. Wisconsin

36

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Index

AC electricity 26

Accidents and disease, miners 5

Acme Coal 4

Akagal^i. S. 5

Aiders. Kester 14

Akimoto. Mrs. - 6

Alger Station 3

Alien Land Law 3

Allen. R. V. 28. 29

American Farm Bureau Fed, 27

.Austin. Lewis 26

Ban Company 4. 7

Ban. Shinzaburo 3

Basin Electric 9. 33

Beeds. Edward 26

Black Hills Generation 1 1

Blansk). Bertha Clara 7

Bonneville Power Adm 1 1

Brewer. L. R. 28. 29

Bright. Emery 28. 29

Brush-Swan Electric Light Co

25. 26
Buffalo Bill Dam 1 1
Bureau of Reclamation

8. 11. 33. transmission line

32
Burlington Northern Santa Fe 34
Bumham and Root 17
Burnham. David 17
Carey. Joseph M 17
Carson. Mark 29
central station power 26
Chamberlain. Mr. - 31
Champion & Shannon chapel 6
Cheyenne Club 25
Chicago. Burlington & Quincy

railroad 2
Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 3
Citizens National Bank 28
City beautification 1 7
City Beautiful movement 1 7
Clarke. George 8. 10. 12
coal miners. Japanese 4
Colorado River Storage Project 8
Colorado-Ute G&T 33
Congdon. Chester 18
Craig. Colo. 33
Davton Engineering Laboratories

Company (Deico) 26
Delco Farm Lighting System 26
Dietz Mine 7

Donovan Construction Co. 29
Downing. A. J. 15. 16. 20
Dunham. Jim 12. 14
Edison. Thomas 25
Eisenbarth. H. 29
electric power 25
electrical cooperative, first

Wyoming 28
electrical lines, construction of

29
Eliot. Charles 17
Emergency Hospital 5
Engineers Public Service Co. 27
English Landscape Gardening

School 15
Equeki. Mrs. - 6
Fairbank. Chandler 18
First Boston Corporation 12

Frank, George 14

Frederick Law Olmsted & Co.

17
gambling 4
General Electric 26
"Gentlemen's Agreement" 2
Georgen. Cynde (author).

"Subjects of the Mikado," 2-

7; (bio, 7)
Gering-Fort Laramie Canal 27
Gillette, Wyo. 1 1
Gobble. A. 29
Goshen County 25-34
Haeffelin. A, J. 29
Hamilton. Al 12
Harriman. L. E. 29
Harrison. Jack 14
Hartman. Grover 30
Harvard University 17
Hawk Springs, electricity in 27
Herschler. Ed 10
"History of Electricity in Rural

Goshen County" 25-34
Holmes. Oliver Wendell 29
Honda. K 3
Hosaki. J. 4

Hot Springs State Park 23
Howe. Michael, (author). "The

Wyoming Municipal Power

Agency: The Early Years." 8-

14. (bio. 14)
Huntley, electricity in 27
Hyrayama. R. 5
immigrants. Sheridan County 2
Immigration and Naturalization

service 3
Integrated Service Contract 10
Inter Ocean Hotel 25
Isaac, Dick 31
Jacobs. Marcellus 26
Jacobs Wind Electric Co. 26
Japanese 2-7
Japanese Billiard Parlor 4
Japanese coal miners 4
Japanese Foreign Service 3
Japanese Hotel 4
Japanese labor 2
"Japtoun" 2. 4
Joint Powers Act 10. 11
Joint Powers Board 14
Jones. R M, 25
Kawamoto. .Anna and Tadaichi

(photo) 7
Kawamoto. Grace 7
Kayama. H. 5
Kendrick, John B. 17, 18
Kendrick Park 22
Kettering, C. F. 26
Koyama, Y. 4
Kubo. U. 29
L

LaGrangc. electricity in 27, 31
"Landscape Architecture of

Morell and Nichols, Sheridan.

1911-1914." 15-24
Laramie, first electricity in 25
Laramie River Station

9. 10, 12
Larson, T. A. 17
Leavitt, Charles W. 18
Lingle. Wyo. 28
LIngle. Hiram D 29

Lingle Power Plant 27
Lisle, T. J. 28. 29
Loucks. H A 22
"Macaroni Flats." 4
Mahoney, John F. (author).

"Landscape Architecture of

Morell and Nichols. Sheridan,

1911-1914." 15-24: (bio, 24)
Masaki, 1. 5
Massachusetts Institute of

Technology 18
MBPP Management Committee.

I 1
McCarran-Walter Act 7
Meridan. Wyo. 32
Midwest Electric Consumers

Assoc. 33
Mikieda. K. 5
Minuteman missile sites.

electricity to 32
Missouri Basin Power Project

9. 10. 33
modes of landscape gardening 16
Monarch. Wyo. 7
Monument Vallev Park 18
Morell and Nichols

15, 18, 21. 23
Morell, Anthony Urbanski 18
Mount Hope Cemetery 3, 6
Mountain States Power Co, 27
Munesato, Sam 6, 7
National Cash Register (NCR) 26
National Origins Quota Act 3
National Rural Electric Assoc.

33
Natural Style 15
Nebraska Public Power District

10
Nebraska Rural Electric Assoc.

33
Nebraska/Wyoming disputes 14
Nichols. Arthur R. 18
Norris. George 27
Norris- Raybum REA bill 27
North Dakota state capitol 19
Ohashi. S 5
Okazaki. U, 6
Olmsted. Frederick Law 1 7
Otani, Tom 6
Otoni, S, 6

Pacific Power and Light 10, 27
Pearson, F, R, 28
Pergola 21-22
Petros, Stanley 7
Pine Bluffs, Wyoming 33
Pioneer Park 23
Plant Siting Council 12
Post. George B. 1 8
Preston, Jack R. (author).

"History of Electricity in

Rural Goshen County," 25-

34; (bio, 34)
Public Service Commission 10
Public Utilities Holding Compa-
nies Act 27
R.W Beck Associates 14
Racial intermarriage 7
Raybum, Sam 27
Reed and Champion funeral

homes 5
Reid and More 28
Rider. Elizabeth 29

Rockefeller. John D.. 18

Roosevelt. Franklin D.. signs
REA act 27

Roosevelt Public Power District
31

Rouse. Phil 29

rural electric cooperatives 1 1

Rural Electrification Act of 1936
25, 31

Rural Electrification Administra-
tion (REA) 25-31

S, Ban Company 3

Salomon Brothers 12

San Yo Hotel 4

Sheridan County, Japanese in 2-7

Sheridan High School 7

Sheridan-Wyoming Coal 4

Simpson, Alan 10

Spanish Influenza epidemic of
1918 5

Stegall, Nebraska, 33

Stone and Webster 27

"Subjects of the Mikado: Sheridan
County's Japanese Commu-
nity," 2-7

Suchiro, F, M, 3

suicide 6

Sumida House 4

Sumimoto, S, 5

Swan's grocery 6

Takahashi, Teizo 5

Terasaki, M. 3

Torrington 12

Torrington, first electricity in 26

Trail End Location and Grading
Plan 16, 20

Trail End State Historic Site
15, 18

Tri-State Generation & Trans-
mission Company 9, 32

Tri-State Generation and

Transmission Association 33

Typhoid 5

Uchigama, M. 5

Vail.J H 25

Warren. Francis E 17

Wehrman. Keith 18

West Springfield. Mass, 18

Western Public Service 27. 31

Westinghouse 26

Wheatland 10. 12

Wincharger Corporation 26

wind chargers 25

World's Columbian Exposition
15. 17

Wyoming Association of
Municipalities 14

"Wyoming Municipal Power
Agency: The Early Years." 8-
14

Wyoming Municipal Power
Agency 8. 9. 14

Wyoming Rural Electric Assoc.
33

Wyoming Rural Electric News 33

Wyrulec Company 25-34

Yakamura. Herbert 5

Yampa Project 33

Yoder. Oscar 33

Yoder. Wyo. 29

Indexed bv Phil Roberts

Wyoming Picture

From Photographic Collections
in Wyoming

Agnes Wright Spring collection. American Heritage Center. University of Wyoming

The huililiii^ piciiircJ is ihc Fillmore, ll'yoiiilni;. post uffiee and "Jepol " //; Albany County SaiJ lo he ihe smallest post
off iee depot in the world, the strueture was built by George Wright as a ptaee to store mail bags. Some years later, the
freight box (right) was plaeed next to it for freight arriving on the Laramie. Hahn 's Peak and Paeifie Railroad. Wright
was the fiilher of noted historian .Agnes Wright Spring and Raehel .Ann Wright Fish

Join the Wyoming State Historical Society.,
and your local historical society chapter

State Membership Dues:

Single: $20

Joint: $30

Student (under age 21): $15

Institutional: $40

Benefits of membership include four issues per year of
.Annals of Wyoming, ten issues of the newsletter. ""Wyo-
ming History News."" and the opportunity to receive in-
forniation about and discounts for various Society activi-
ties.

The Soeiety also weleomes speeial gifts and memorials.

Special membership categories are available:
Contributing: $100-249
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Donor: $1,000 +

For information about membership in the 0 'yoming Stale
Historieal Soeiety and infirmation about loeal ehapters,
eontaet

Judy West, Society Coordinator

Wyoming State Historical Society

P1\1B# 184

1740H Dell Range Blvd.

Cheyenne WY 82009-4945

5"^
\L7

finals of

WYOMING

The Wyoming History Journal

Summer 2003

Vol. 75, No. 3

The Cover Art

''Devils Tower*'

By Dave Paulley
An oil painting in the collection of paintings commissioned to commemorate the
Wyoming Centennial of Statehood, it is owned by the Wyoming State Historical
Society and held in the collections of the Wyoming State Museum, Cheyenne.

The paint ing of Devils Tower shows a parachute drifting down onto the rock formation in northeast-
ern Wyoming. On Oct. 7, 79-//, George Hopkins intentionally parachuted to the top of Devils
ToMer in order to win a bet. The stunt turned serious, however, M'hen he found he could not get
down. For six days, he remained stranded until eight rescuers reached him. despite the heavy
rain and icy cold.

Note from the Editor

Thank you for reading Annals over the past
eight years. 1 have had the opportunity to edit
this journal during much of that time. With
this issue, I take what may be a temporar>'
leave once again. (I first ser\'ed as editor for
several issues in the early 1980s). This time, I
turn over the editor's chair to my old friend
and colleague. Rick Ewig. Rick has extensive
experience editing this journal, beginning
when he, too, was historian in the Wyoming
State Archives, Museums and Historical De-
partment. He returned as my co-editor back
in 1995 when, as associate director of the
American Heritage Center, he and I helped
the WSHS "rescue" the Annals from possible
demise. At that time Celeste Colgan, then-di-
rector of the State Department of Commerce,
removed state sponsorship from the Society
and sought to either eliminate the Annals or
re-make it into a non-historical magazine.
Rick and I brought the journal to Laramie,
with support from the WSHS, the University
of Wyoming, and many friends of the Society.

That first issue of what we called "Wyoming
History Journal" was partially financed with
funds I had received that year from a teaching
award that I applied to the printing of that first
issue. The name "Wyoming History Journal"
was used after the State Department of Com-
merce argued that the name "Annals" belonged
to the State. On Ms. Colgan's departure from
Wyoming, the name became Annals of Wyo-
ming again, and Rick continued to serve as co-
editor . Since that time, the relations between
the State and the Wyoming State Historical So-
ciety have returned to cooperation.

My thanks again to the talented contributor
historians, the small dedicated staff and Board
of Editors, helpful Society boards, and inter-
ested readers. I'm proud of our work over the
past eight years. My best wishes to Rick as he
returns to take the editor's chair. Of course, I'll
continue to read and enjoy my favorite histor>'
journal as I know each of you will do as well.

-Phil Roberts

Information for Contributors:

The editor of Uiimls of II yomiiii^ uelconies niamiscripls and photographs on ever, aspect of the hislon' of Wyoming and the West.
Appropriate for submission are unpublished, research-based articles which provide new information or which offer new interpretations
of historical events. First-person accounts based on personal experience or recollections of events will be considered for use in the
"Wyoming Memories" section I listoric photo essays for possible publication in "Wyoming Memories" also are welcome Articles are
reviewed and refereed by members of the journal's I ditorial Advisory Board and others Decisions regarding publication are made by
the editor Manuscripts (along with suggestions for illustrations or photographs) should be submitted on computer diskettes in a tbmiat
created by one of the widely-used word processing programs along with two printed copies. Submissions and queries should be ad-
dressed to Editor. .4nnals of ll'yomiiig. University of Wyoming. Laramie WY 82071, or to the editor by e-mail at the following
address: revvigfJ/'uvvyoedu

/-J

Editor
Phil Roberts

Book Review Editor

Carl Haliberg

^pnnals of

Editorial Advisory Board

Katherine Curtiss. Sheridan

Dudley Gardner. Rock Springs

Sally F Grinith, Lusk Havertowii, Pa.

Don Hodgson, Torrington

Loren Jost, Riverton

James R Laird, Wapiti

Mark Miller, Laramie

Mark Nel.son, Green River

W YvJMllNCj

The Wyoming History Journal

Summer 2003 Vol. 75, No. 3

Devils Tower, Wyoming: An Examination of a Clash

in Cultures

By Brenda L. Haes 2

When the National Park Service issued a ban on climbing during a month of
Native American ceremonies at the site, climbers objected. This is tlie story of the
culture clash that culminated in court decisions in the matter.

Rocky Mountain Entrepreneur: Robert Campbell as a
Fur Trade Capitalist

Wyoming State Historical Society
Publications Conmiittee

Rick Ewig, Laramie

David Kathka. Rock Springs

Sherry L- Smith, Moo.se

Amy Lawrence, Laramie

Nancy Curtis, Glendo

Dick Wilder, Cody (ex-officio)

Loren Jost, Riverton (ex-officio)

Phil Roberts, Laramie (ex-officio)

W^yoming State Historical Society
Executive Committee

Dick Wilder, President, Park County
Clara Varner, 1st Vice Pres, Weston Co.
Art Kidwell, 2nd Vice Pres., Sheridan Co.
Linda Fabian, Secretary, Platte County
James Van Scoyk,. Treasurer, Star Valley
Amy Lawrence, Albany County
Dave Taylor, Natrona County
Cindy Brown, Laramie County
John Waggener, Albany County
Judy West, Membership Coordinator

By Jay 11. Buckley 8

Prior to their establishment of Fort Laramie, Robert Campbell and business
partners already were active in the business life of the fur trade. I'nlike many of
his contemporaries, however, Campbell gained financial success out West.

Seventy Times Seven

By Larry K. Brown 24

The son of the notorious"Ma" B;u"ker shot a deputy sheriff in Wyoming. His wife,
implicated in the crime, was tried and sentenced to prison in Wyoming.

Governor of Wyoming

David Freudenthal

Victory Gardens and Fort Caspar Artifacts

By Reid May 34

May recalls the family work in a "victory garden" during World War 1 1 that yielded
some surprising artifacts of the old frontier.

Wyoming Picture 35

Index 36

Wyoming Dept. of State Parks and

Cultural Resources
Phil Noble, Director
Cultural Resources Division
Wendy Bredehoff, Administrator

Wyoming Parks & Cultural Resources
Commission

William Dubois, Cheyenne
Emerson W Scott, Jr, BufTalo
Diann Reese, Lyman
Vern Vivion, Rawlins
David Reetz. Powell
Herb French, Newcastle
Ernest C. Over, Pavillion
Carolyn Buff. Casper
Jerrilynn Wall, Evanston

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming HislonJounml is published quarterly by the Wyoming State Historical
Society in association with the Wyoming Department of State Parks and Cultural Resources, the .A.meri-
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(199.1-1995) and Wyoming Hisloty .loiinuil (l99^-]996) The Annuls has been the official publication of
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Inquiries about membership, mailing, distribution, reprints and back issues should be addressed to .ludy
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Our e-mail address is: rewig(fl)uwyo,edu Pnnted by Pioneer Printing, Cheyenne

Copyright 2003, Wyoming State Historical Society ISSN: 1086-7368

University of Wyoming

Philip Dubois, President

Mark Greene, Director, .American Heritage

Center
Oliver Walter, Dean,

College of Arts and Sciences
Kristine Utterback, Chair, Dept. of History

In 1991, the Washington Office of the National Park Service (NPS) mandated that
national parks with significant climbing activities develop management plans to accom-
modate the expanding number of participants. Devils Tower, Wyoming, one of 30 such
sites; however, had a unique situation. It was the only location that was considered
sacred as well as recreational. After the passage of the American Indian Religious Free-
dom Act (AIRFA) in 1978 and the subsequent influx of people celebrating ceremonial
practices at the Tower, and the simultaneous popularity in mountain climbing, friction
became evident between the two cultural segments as they competed for the same natural

resource.

'Main Street Wyoming, produced b> Deborah Hammons in asso-
ciation with KCWC-TV Wyoming PuhHc Television. 30 minutes.
1996. videocassette.

Summer "2003

Devils Tower and the nearby Missouri Buttesare
believed to be volcanic necks that emerged over
millions of years as sedimentary rocks eroded and re-
vealed the spectacular structures. Scientists believe that
molten magma forced its way underground some 60
million years ago, and as igneous rocks cooled they con-
tracted and fractured forming the famous columns noted
on Devils Tower. Over the years, sedimentary exteri-
ors eroded revealing the surfaces that lovv rise nearly
1 ,300 feet above the winding Belle Foi che River. -

At least 24 indigenous cultures of the 'lains consider
the monolith sacred to their people. Ma. y stories have
been related as to the structure's creatii. a.

The Kiowa tale centers on seven girls \ ho were play-
ing near their village when some bears happened upon
them. The girls ran toward the \illage but the bears
almost caught them, so they jumped on a rock that was
nearly three feet high. The youngsters prayed that the
rock would save them and it began to grow. As the
rock increased out of the reach of the bears, they gouged
at its sides. The girls are now in the sky and are known
as the Pleiades or the "Seven Sisters" and the furrows
can still be seen on the sides of the Tower, or Rock
Tree, as it is known to the Kiowa. The story not only
reflects how Tso-i was created, but how the People
must have faith in the Creator.'

The Cheyenne version of the story is somewhat dif-
ferent. There were seven brothers. The wife of the
eldest was kidnapped by a big bear and taken to his
cave. Her husband mourned her loss deepl> . f he young-
est was a very powerful medicine man and resolved to
help his brother. He made special medicine arrows and
instructed the others to till their quivers. They all went
after the big bear. At the cave's entrance, the youngest
brother changed into a burrow ing animal and dug into
the bear's den. He found the bear with his head in the
woman's lap. Ihe medicine man put the bear to sleep
and changed back to human form. He and the woman
went to the entrance where the brothers were waiting.
The Indians fled, but the bear soon woke, brought other
bears, and gave chase. The brothers and wife came to
the place where the Tower or Bear's Tipi now stands.
The young man held a rock in his hand and had his
brothers and the woman close their e\es while he sang
a medicine song four times. When he had tniished the
rock was as it is presently. When the bears reached the
Tower, the brothers killed all of them except the leader
who jumped repeatedl\ against the structure's sides.
His claws left the furrows that are visible today. The
youngest brother shot his special medicine arrows, and

it wasn't until the fmal arrow pierced the bear's flesh
that the animal died. I hen the medicine man called bald
eagles and four magnificent birds tiew to their assis-
tance. The brothers and woman look hold of their legs
and were carried safely to the ground.'

Each of the Indian cultures that considered the site
sacred has a name for the location other than the one
by which it is known today. Devils Tower. The names
and the origin myths generally lend themselves to in-
volvement with bears as evidenced by the furrows or
gouges on the sides of the structure. 1 he Arapaho called
Devils Tower, Bear's Tipi, the Crows dubbed it Bear's
House; the Sioux named it Mato Tipila or Bear's Lodge
as did the Cheyenne."

Col. Richard 1 . Dodge, w ho traveled through the Black
Hills in 1875 on reconnaissance for the U.S. Geological
Survey, noted the uniqueness of the formation. It is
Dodge who is credited (or blamed) with the name
"Devil's Tower." due to a quote in his 1 876 book on the
Black Hills: "fhe Indians call this shaft The Bad God's
Tower," a name adopted vs ith proper modification, by
our surveyors." This was obviously not the case as in-
digenous societies did not associate evil with the sacred
site. A Mr. Newton published one of the earliest maps
of the region in 1 880. It included the name Bear lodge
(Mateo Teepee )--New ton's incorrect translation.'
Somewhere along the wa), the location's name lost its
possessive apostrophe; in modern times to "chang(e)
the name of the monimient require(s) an act of Con-
gress."'

President Theodore Roosevelt proclaimed Devils
Tower to be the first national monument on September
24, 1906. The Commissioner of the General Land Of-
fice recommended that l.L^2.9l acres be set aside as
sufficient land to manage the site. Missouri Buttes, part
of the same volcanic s_\stem. were not included in the
original plan.'*

-'DL'parlinciit ot the Inlci lor. National Park Ser\ ice. National
Monument. Wvoniing. Devils /oiivri Washington. D.C: U.S. De-
partiiient of the Interior. U)S5). 1-2.

"'Devils lower. "De\ils Fower First Stories." 2(illl. electronic
document. http://\\u\\ . nps.gov/deto/stories. html. }-4. Dewev
Tsonetokov . Sr.. ( )klahoma. to author, .i 1 .August 201)2, transcript
held b> author. 1.

'Devils lower, '"Devils I oucr lliston. : (.)ur First I ilt\ Nears."
2(101. electronic document. http;//www.nps.gov/deto/nrst.^O hlnil.
t

"Marv .Alice (hinderson. Devils Tmwr Sioncs hi .SVo/it- (( ilendo.
Wyoming; High Plains Press. 14S8). .^ l-.s5.

'""First l-'il'ty." electronic document. .V

'Chri.stopher Smith. "Tribes Say Devils Tower Is No Name For
.A Pious Peak."&;^ lude Tribune. 4 September IQ^^ft. ,A-2,

"Proclamation 658. Sept 24. 1406. .U ,SV,;/ .^236,

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Devils Tower's climbing history began some ten
\ears prior to its becoming tiie first national
monument. In 1 893, William Rogers and Willard Ripley,
both local ranchers, constructed a 350-foot wooden lad-
der "by driving pegs into a continuous vertical crack
running between two columns on the southeast side of
the Tower. The pegs were braced and secured to each
other by a continuous wooden strip." Rogers was sched-
uled to climb the monolith on July 4, 1 893. as a throng of
onlookers u itnessed the e\ ent; howev er, the two gentle-
men needed to place a flagpole at the pinnacle, so the
event actually took place sometime beforehand.

Linnie Rogers. William's wife, was the first woman
to climb the ladder on July 4. 1 895. She wore dark blue
bloomers and knee-high leather boots." The lower por-
tion of the ladder was last used in 1927. and was re-
moved for \ isitors' safety . The upper portion still re-
mains as a piece of Devils Tower history ; the NPS nomi-
nated the apparatus to the National Register of Historic
Places.'"

German-born Fritz Weissner and Americans Bill
House and Lawrence Coveney were the first individu-
als to employ European techniques of rock-climbing at
the Tower in 1 937. They drove in two pitons, or steel
wedges. Pitons \ar\ in size from two to six inches in
length with an open eye. As a precautionary measure,
a piton can "be driven into the rock and the rope clipped
into the eye of the piton w ith a carabiner. an oval-shaped
clip. This would anchor the rope closer to an ascending
climber, thus shortening a possible fall."" The ascent
took four hours and 46 minutes. '-

in 1 990 an article addressed concerns about climbing
in national park settings. Issues, such as permanent
bolting and portable electric drills, creating new climb-
ing routes which devastated wildlife and plants as well
as contributed to erosion and caused birds to abandon
their nests, numbered among the timely topics. The most
telling statement in the story was that the NPS had no
system-wide policy concerning climbing but allowed
each park to set its own standard depending upon the
pressure it was receiving.''

The following year, the NPS indicatecfthat a climbing
management plan was necessary due to the increased
popularity of the sport, as well as the need to protect
the nation's park resources. Some of the overall areas
of concern in the system pertained to heavy use areas
and vegetation loss on hiking and climbing trails, discol-
oration of rock faces because of chalk usage, and dam-
age due to permanent bolting and pitons drilled into
rocks. '■*

Between 1 985 and 1 995. rock climbing increased dra-
matically at Devils Tower and resulted in accelerated

route development and bolt placement. The result was
nearly 220 named routes. Currently, there are approxi-
mately 600 metal bolts embedded in the monolith's sur-
face along with several hundred metal pitons. Devils
Tower is one of the premier crack-climbing locations in
the world.''

In late 1992. Devils Tower had formally begun the
management process, and by 1 993 was holding consul-
tations with environmentalists, rock climbers, and indig-
enous people. Personnel developed a work group to
write the Devils Tower climbing management plan. The
following were the organizations that contributed to the
work group: two American Indian organizations. Medi-
cine Wheel Coalition. Grey Eagle Society: two climbing
groups. Access Fund and Gillette Climbing Club and
Black Hills Climbing Coalition: an environmental group.
Sierra Club; a local elected official. Crook County Com-
missioner; and a NPS representative. Devils Tower
Chief Ranger; as well as other individual contributors
and subject matter experts.'" More than 23 indigenous
groups were considered culturally significant to the
Devils Tower vicinity and were identified as follows:
Assiniboine and Lakota of Montana, Blackfeet, Blood
(Canada), Crow, Cheyenne River Sioux. Crow Creek
Lakota. Devil's Lake Lakota. Eastern Shoshone.
Flandreau Santee Lakota, Kootnai and Salish, Lower
Brule Lakota. Northern Arapaho, Northern Cheyenne,
Oglala Lakota. Pigeon (Canada). Rosebud Lakota.
Sisseton-Wahpeton Sioux. Southern Arapaho. Southern
Cheyenne. Standing Rock Sioux. Three Affiliated Tribes,
Turtle Mountain Chippewa, and Yankton Lakota. Al-
though not included on the NPS's official Agencies and
Organizations List, the Kiowa Nation of Oklahoma was
also included in the proceedings."

''Devils Tower. "'De\ils Tower Studv How Do They Get Up
There?,"" 2001. electronic document, http://www.nps.gov/deto/
upthere.html. 1-2.

'"Devils Tower. "Devils Tower General Management Plan." 2001.
electronic document. http:/;w w w .nps.gov/deto/gmp/03_afTected.
html. 5.

"Gunderson. 88. 91.

'-"Up There?." electronic document. 2.

'-'Claire Martin. "Set in Stone." Naliona! Parks. November/De-
cember 1990. 37.

'""Laura P. McCartv . ""National Parks Grapple With Rock Climb-
ing."" National Parks. September/October 1993. 22.

''Devils Tower Superintendent Deborah Liggett. Main Street
IVyoining. videocassette.

'".liiii Schlinkmann. compiler. "An Interpreter's Guide to the
Most Asked Questions on the Devils Tower Climbing Manage-
ment Plan."" 1994. 1.

"Department of the Interior. National Park Serv ice. Crook County.
Wyoming. Devils Tower National Monument. Draft General Man-
agement Plan/Em-iranmental Impact Statement. (Washington. D.C.:
U.S. Department ofthe Interior. National Park Service, 2001). 172.

Summer '2003

Indians, as well as climbers, constituted about one-
percent each of the visitors at Devils Tower annually.'"
The primar\ goal of the work group was to balance
recreational use with the spiritual needs of the tribes
which held sun dances, sweat lodge rites, vision quests,
and left prayer offerings at Devils Tower. The plan high-
lighted the significance of the site to Native Americans
as well as requested that visitors not climb during June,
the month of the summer solstice, the most important
time for Indian worship.'" Since 1978 and the passage
of the AIRFA, Indian usage has increased. In 1981, the
first major group of Indians registered at Devils Tower.
The sun dance has been held annually at the site since
1984. Although theNPS keeps statistical information
related to indigenous usage of the site, that data is not
available to the public.-"

Christopher McLeod, producer and director of the
documentary, "in the Light of Reverence," summarized
the Supreme Court rulings in the 1980s pertaining to
First Amendment religious freedom protections by stating
that they didn't apply to Native American spiritual prac-
tices because Indians needed large areas to pray or to
conduct vision quests. Based on his research, what was
missing was an understanding by the dominant culture
of what a sacred place was.-'

Lawyer, Indian rights activist, and author Vine Deloria,
Jr., tried to clarify the philosophy behind sacred places.
He explained that there are places on Earth that seem
to have power, although one does not know why or
what kind of power. He continued that the place leaves
one with an energized feeling that is why a lot of people
go to that site under the direction of a medicine man
and open themselves up to the supernatural forces.
Deloria said, "It is not like we designate a place and
[say] it is sacred: it came out of a lot of experience.
The idea is not to pretend to ow n it, not to exploit it but
to respect it. Trying to get people to see that that is a
dimension of religion is really difficult.""

Charles Wilkinson, University of Colorado law pro-
fessor, told McLeod: "In the comer of the mind of many
judges, is the idea that these just can't be real religions.
Religion is something that you do in a church. Real re-
ligion isn't something that you do in Nature." If some-
thing is conducted outside, it must be recreational. Fur-
themiore, the idea that a religion is in direct relation to a
specific place is not generally part of these judges" ex-
periences.-'

Charles Levendosky, a reporter and a member of the
NPS's work group, wanted to compose an article that
reflected how an indigenous person might feel at the
violation of Devils Tower in June. He wrote, "Think of
someone hammering climbing bolts into one of the tow-

ers of St. Patrick's Cathedral on Easter Sunday, and
yelling to another climber while you try to pray down in
the pews. That's the clash — in real Christian terms. "-^
Out of protest for the disrespectful treatment that
Devils Tower received from visitors' hands, the Da-
kota, Nakota, and Lakota Nations submitted a resolu-
tion to the NPS in 1993. The proclamation was in-
cluded in theNPS' 1995 Final Climbing Management
Plan and reads as follows:

WHEREAS, the DEVILS TOWER has been subjected
to similar damage from an onslaught of rock climbers
and now has hundreds of steel pins pounded into the
faceoftliis Sacred Site, and...

WHEREAS, these sites and man\ others are vital to
the continuation of our traditional beliefs and values,
and

WHEREAS, it is our legacy to protect these sites for
the future generations, so they too. nia\ be able to enjoy
these holy places for prayer and revitalization of Mother
Earth, now...

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that this assembly does
not support efforts by Federal Land Managers to allow
fiuther destruction to these Sacred Sites by tourists,
hikers or rock climbers.-^

Later, President Clinton would arri\e at the same
conclusion as the Sioux Nations, and signed an Execu-
tive Order instructing federal land managers to: "I )
accommodate access to and ceremonial use of Indian
sacred sites by Indian religion practitioners and, 2 ) avoid
adversely affecting the physical integrity of such sa-
cred sites."-"

The 1995 Final Climbing Management Plan was a
means of conflict negotiation.-' It included six options
that varied from a complete and total ban on climbing
throughout the year to an unlimited, minimally regulated
plan. The preferred plan offered a voluntary climbing

'"Liggett, MainStreet ll'vomiiii;.

'""Native Rites and Wrongs." The Wilioii. (,liil\ 1^97). 4.

■"Liggett. Mum Slrccl ll'yoiiiiiii;

-'I'HS's "Point of Vic\\ iPOV')" Series coprcscntation with Na-
tive ,'\nieriean Pulilie lelcconinuinications. //; ihc l.ighl af Rever-
ence, produced b> (.'hristopher Mcleod and I'artli Island Institute.
75 nun,. 2(1111. \ ideoeasselte

-'Vine Deloria. .Ir,. //; llie lii^lil <>l Reverence.

''Charles Wilkinson. In llie Light of Reverence.

■'^Charles 1 e\endosk\. "Face OlTAt De\ ils lower; Climbers v.
Religion." ( 'as/>er.\nir-Trihune. 24 March 1996,

-'Department ofthe Interior. National Park Ser\ iee. Roek_\ Moun-
tain Region. Crook C'ountv. Wyonung, limil ( 'limhini; Mancige-
nienl I'hin linJntg of .\o Signi/iccnu Impact. (Washington. D.C.:
U.S. Department ol'lhe Interior. National Park Service. 1995). 9.

'''Mail] Street Wyoming.

■'Liggett.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

closure during the month of June, out of respect for the
indigenous cultures" observance of Summer solstice cer-
emonies. Commercial guides" licenses were not sold
during the month of June, cross-cultural educational pro-
gramming was offered, and climbing closures would
continue as deemed necessary for raptor nest protec-
tion— which translated as within view of the nest site
or 50 meters on either side of the nest. To insure that
there were no new physical impacts to Devils Tower,
there were no new bolting or fixed pitons and permits
for replacement of existing bolts and fixed pitons only
were allowed. Only camouflaged climbing equipment
was left on the tower.-'

The first year, the site had an 85% compliance rate
with the June voluntary climbing closure. Superinten-
dent Deborah Liggett reported that very few requests
were made for replacement bolting, and the Native
American culture made positive comments about fewer
climbers as well as notations about fewer bolts being
pounded into the sacred altar.-"

By March, 1996; however, Andy Petefish, owner of
Tower Guides, and the Bear Lodge Multiple Use Asso-
ciation sued the NPS for violating the Establishment
Clause of the First Amendment. Petefish argued that
the voluntary closure wasn't really voluntary because
if the NPS didn't have enough percentage of people
participate in the closure, they could enact a mandatory
closure as stated in the plan. The plan also included a
ban on issuing commercial guides licenses, which be-
came a focus in the legal battle. He said, "If anybody
wanted to hire a commercial guide, like myself to climb
the tower during the month of June they couldn't, so
that part of it also wasn't voluntary for any aspect for
anybody that might want to have a safe, enjoyable climb
also I couldn't work.""'"

Ironically, seven of the eight guide companies in the
area honored the NPS"s request not to climb, while
Petefish"s did not. The lawsuit filed by Mountain States
Legal Foundation stated that the park"s policy "estab-
lished"" religion in violation of the First Amendment."
Petefish further stated that he was Euro-American and
that he didn"t want to understand Indian religion, and he
didn"t have to.'- Superintendent Liggett said, "We were
sued in part for violating [Petefish's] opportunities to
make a profit, and in the preliminary injunction stage
the federal judge upheld his claim and forced me to
issue a commercial use license.'"" The license issue
continued until the case was decided."

Liggett said that one of the factors in the conflict cen-
tered around the fact that there were "two different
world views"" involved. In the indigenous walks of life,
land and religion are inseparable, while in government

practices there is a definite division between church
and state. "That"s one of the very, very difficult things
about this issue.'" On the other hand, Petefish said that
such arguments were "a bunch of baloney." He stated
that nature and religion played a role in his own life:
"Rock climbing is my spiritual activity."' Other climbers
were embarrassed, especially when Indian prayer
bundles and signage at the Tower requesting respect
for such items were vandalized. Bob Archbold of the
Access Fund (a climbing group based in Rapid City.
S.D.). said. "You have five percent of the people mak-
ing 95 percent of the impression. Most climbers, in fact,
are voluntarily rescheduling their ascents."" Al Read of
Exum Mountain Guides (located in Grand Teton Na-
tional Park) did not use his commercial license at the
tower in June. He said. "Some climbers just want ac-
cess no matter what the consequences of that access
might mean to the general public. We don't share that
philosophy.'""

In June 1997, 185 people climbed the Tower com-
pared with 193 in 1996 and 1.294 in 1994. No actual
figures were available for 1995. other than the NPS
statement that there was an 85% compliance rate due
to the voluntary climbing closure. Proponents of the June
closure added their support to the NPS"s educational
efforts through talks, demonstrations, exhibits and other
such activities given by both climbers and Native Ameri-
cans. According to NPS statistics, the cooperative ven-
tures appeared to be highly effective.'"

Judge William F. Downes. the United States District
Court for the District of Wyoming, ruled on the NPS
Final Climbing Management Plan on April 3. 1998.^^
"[T]he voluntary climbing ban is a policy that has been
carefully crafted to balance the competing needs of in-
dividuals using DeviPs/.s/cy Tower National Monument
while, at the same time, obeying the edicts of the Con-
stitution.""^** Judge Downes upheld all aspects of the
NPS"s program. "While the purposes behind the volun-
tary climbing ban are directly related to Native Ameri-
can religious practices. . .the purposes underlying the ban

-"Departinenl of the Interior. Final Climbing Managemeni Plan.
iv-v.

■''Liggett, Main Street ll'yoming.

'"Andy Petefish. \tain Street Wyoming.

""Native Rites and Wrongs." 4-5.

''Ibid.

"Liggett. Main Street Wyoming.

'^Karen J. Coates, "Stairway to Heaven: When A Chmbing Mecca
Is Also A Sacred Site," Sierra. (November/December 1996). 28.

''Ibid., 28.

"'Ibid.

'^ Bear Lodge Multiple Use Association v. Babbitt. 2 F.Supp.2d.
1448(D. Wyo.. 1998).

^^Ibid.. 1455.

Summer i-'OOS

are really to remove barriers to religious worship occa-
sioned by public ownership of the Tower." He contin-
ued. "This is in the nature of accommodation, not pro-
motion, and consequently is a legitimate secular pur-
pose. .."■''' Further. "The government is merely enabling
Native Americans to worship in a more peaceful set-
ting."'^" The Mountain States Legal Foundation petitioned
the District Court's decision to the Tenth Circuit Court
of Appeals.^'

On April 26. 1999. the Court of Appeals affirmed the
previous Judgment, and addressed the three injuries cited
in the complaint by Petefish and the Bear Lodge Mul-
tiple Use Association."*- First, the court stated that the
petitioners were not constrained by the NPS's Final
Climbing Management Plan and were free to climb
Devils Tower throughout the year, including the month
of June, and that they had done so according to NPS
records.'*' Second, the "[c]limbers" fear of an outright
climbing ban in June does not satisfy the constitutional
requirement for an injury in fact, which must be "actual
or imminent not conjectural or hypothetical." Finally,
the Court of Appeals did not find that petitioner Petefish
had demonstrated economic injury ."

Bear Lodge Multiple Use Association requested that
the United States Supreme Court hear their legal dis-
pute against Devils Tower National Monument Climb-
ing Management Plan. On March 27. 2000. that motion
was denied thereby ending the long-standing court battle
that began in 1996.-"

What was the outcome of the legal disputes? The
NPS's Final Climbing Management Plan of 1995 was
strengthened and even revitalized with the suggested
court revisions and through the test of time. The origi-
nal goal, a three-to-tlve year plan, outlived that pro-
jected period and entered its eighth year of use in 2003.
The 1998 District Court decision lifted the NPS ban on
the sale of commercial tour guide licenses during the
month of June. Some climbing routes are closed from
mid-March to mid-summer to protect nesting Prairie
falcons on Devils Tower to lessen climbers" impacts on
their environments. The NPS's bolt policy continues with
no new introduction of bolts or fixed pitons on the Tower,
except for those deemed necessary as replacements.
Power drills are prohibited and permits are required for
manual drills.'"' Additionally, the NPS considered nomi-
nating the adjacent sun dance grounds to the National
Register of Historic Places, as it would help ensure
continued protection of this area for the sacred Lakota
ceremony.'"

Not only is there a stronger climbing management
plan in place, but there is also a stronger presence of
the indigenous community at Devils Tower. Romanus

Bear Stops, a leader of the Cheyenne River Sioux in
South Dakota, said that the AIRFA was a step in the
right direction. "Now that we can go to Devils Tower
[without interference from climbers], we can breathe
new life into our culture."^**

Ultimately, it is not a matter of taking sides, the sa-
cred usage of the American Indian v. the recreational
use of the climber, but rather an issue of putting differ-
ences aside and learning mutual respect, tolerance, ac-
ceptance, and compromise. Elaine Quiver, a Lakota from
the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota and a mem-
ber of the NPS consultation work group, said. ".'Xs long
as we have a misunderstanding that my culture is bet-
ter than yours, we'll never succeed. We'll always be
fighting at the base of the Tower and the Tower will be
standing forever."^" It is a matter of embracing the fact
that Devils Tower is owned by the LInited States and is
managed as NPS property, destined for usage by both
cultures, as well as others.

'"IhiJ.. 1455

'"Ihui . 1456.

■" Arlene Hirscht'elder and Paulette Molin. Encyclopedia of Ma-
uve American Religions An Intrnduclicmi'New York: Facts on File.
Inc. 2000). 174,

■•■ Bear Lodge Multiple Use Associalion \\ Bahbitl. 1 75 F3d 8 1 4
(lOthCirc. 1999).

-"/i;W.. 820-821.

"Ibid. 82),

■*■ Bear Lodge Multiple Use Association v Bahl^ill. 529 I IS 1037
(2000). cert, denied

^'Department ofihe Interior. L''raft (ieneral Management Plan'
F.nvironmental Impact Statement. 173; Department ot'thc Interior,
Final Climbing Management Plan. 2-3.

^'"General Management Plan." electronic document. 4-5

■""Native Rites and Wrongs." 5.

■'"FevendoskN. n p.

Brenda L. Haes is the Assistant University Ar-
chivist at Southwest CoUection/Speciul Collec-
j tions Library at Te.xas Tech University, holding
a Master of Arts degree in History and finishing
a Masters at that institution in Cultured Anthro-
pology. She extends her appreciation to Dewey
Tsonetokoy, Sr.. who attended the National Park
Service 's consultations for Devils Tower from
1995 through 1997 as an official tribal repre-
sentative on behalf of the Kiowa Tribe of Okla-
homa. In later years he attended as a concerned
citizen for the Kiowa Ethnographic Endeavor
for Preservation. Ms. Haes is indebted to him
for the information that he shared with her.
which was invaluable in lending insight and depth
to this article.

Rocky Mountain
Entrepreneur:

Robert Campbell Denver Public Librar> Western Collection

Robert Campbell As a fur Trade Capitalist

By Jay H. Buckley

Between 1825 and 1835 Robert Campbell emerged a$ a fur trade
entrepreneur. Campbell serMed as clerk for Ashley-Smith, as brigade
leader for Smith, Jackson, and Sublette, and as supplier and financier
for the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. Campbell quickly became a domi-
nant figure in the American fur trade. In addition to leading fur bri-
gades, Campbell and his partner UDilliam Sublette built several trading
posts (most notably fort Laramie), supplied the annual rendezvous, and
challenged John Jacob Astor's American Fur Company on the Missouri
River. Through it all, Campbell's business acumen helped him pursue
economic opportunities that paved the way for future financial success
as a Missouri businessman.

IRELAND

Summer '2003

^^ ampbelFs tenure in the fur trade provides an
B example of frontier capitalism. As a central fig-
^B ure in the complicated history of the rivalries,
politics, struggles, and strategies of the upper Missouri
fur trade, he greatly influenced the fur trade, including
the men and companies involved, established friendly
relations with numerous Indian tribes, resurrected fort-
building and the demise of the rendezvous system, and
helped to link St. Louis to its most important commer-
cial enterprise-the fur trade. During the Rocky Moun-
tain fur trade era ( 1825-1840). few individuals fit the
role of a successful businessman as well as Campbell.
Fur trade historian Dale Morgan remarked that a good,
balanced history of the trans-Mississippi West fur trade
in the 1 830s would have to
be centered, at least in part,
around the life and career
of Robert Campbell.'

Campbell experienced
many of the same things
common to mountain men,
but his profitable career was
the exception rather than the
rule. Better educated and
more articulate than the av-
erage mountain man.
Campbell left numerous let-
ters, documents, and pa-
pers. Fewer than a dozen
mountain men left the
mountains with any signifi-
cant amount of wealth.
Campbell" s personality; hon-
esty, education, and business
acumen helped him become Map h> author
one of these successful entrepreneurs. Campbell seized
the leadership and partnership opportunities offered by
Ashley, Smith, and Sublette. Although he probably never
really enjoyed nor cared for the solitude and romance
of the mountains. Campbell saw the w isdom of making
money while the good times lasted and then managed
to leave while it was still profitable. To Campbell, the
prospects of success outweighed the risks involved.

Like other mountain men. Robert Campbell hoped his
ambition and hard work would lead to economic suc-
cess and rapid upward mobility, eventually culminating
in wealth and prestige.- Yet relatively few of the hun-
dreds of mountain men ever achieved financial suc-
cess. What were the key elements that mountain men
needed to make the fur trade a viable means of acquir-
ing wealth and how did Robert Campbell become a suc-
cessful Rocky Mountain entrepreneur? Some of the

factors that spurred Campbell's successes include de-
veloping relationships and making important connections,
dealing diplomatically with Indian tViends and foes, and
dealing with competitors while implementing innovative
changes in the fur trade.

Born February 12. 1804. to Scotch-Irish parents
Hugh Campbell and Flizabeth Buchanan in Aug-
halane. Tyrone County. Ireland. Robert was the
youngest of six children. His family owned several farms
and served as landlords to tenants who worked the land.
Unfortunately.Hugh Campbell. Sr.. died in 1810. leaving
his wife Elizabeth, and his children Ann, Hugh. Andrew,
Elizabeth, James Alexander, and Robert in a precarious

financial situation.' As eco-
nomic conditions in Ireland
worsened, many Scotch-Irish
immigrated to Pennsylvania
and the other middle colonies
seeking better economic op-
portunities." Because of their
landholdings. Hugh Campbell's

' [)alc Morgan, cd.. The li'esl o/
IVillianiH Asliley The Inienuiliniuil
Struggle for the Fur Trade of the
Missouri, the Rocky Mountains, ami
the ("olunihia. with Tlxploratiiins Be-
yond the Continental Divide. Re-
corded in the Diaries and Letters of
William 11 Ashley aiui His Contem-
poraries. ls:2-l83S (Denver:
Rosenstock-Old West Puhiishing
Compan\ . 1 %4): \iii. 302. .^ 1 8. 322.
For book-length treatments see; Ja\
H. Buckley. "Rocky Mountain En-
trepreneur: Robert Campbell's Sig-
nificance in the Fur trade. 1825-
1835. "(MA thesis. Bngham \oung
University. 1996); Marlene F. Flawver. "Robert Campbell; Fxpect-
ant Capitalist." (M.A thesis. L'nixersity of Missouri-Kansas City.
1983); Drew A flolloway. "Robert Campbell and the Rocky Moun-
tain Fur Trade: Fhe Myth and the Reality." (M.A thesis. Vermont
College of Norwich Univ.. 1989); Stephen F. Muss. "Fake No Ad-
vantage; Fhe Biography of Robert Campbell." ( Ph.D diss. St. Louis
Llniversity. 1989); W illiam R. Nester. From Mountain Shinto Mil-
lionaire: The "Bold and Dashing Life" of Rohcrt Campbell {Co-
lumbia: Univ. ofMissouri Press. 1999). 1 he author thanks Lyndon
S. Clayton and .lulie .A. Harris for reading drafts of this paper.

- William H, (joetzmann. "The Mountain Man as .lacksonian
Man." American Quarterly 1 5 ( Fall. 1963 ); 402- 1 5.

' Robert Campbell Papers. Missouri Historical Society. St. Louis.
Missouri. Aughalane is a rural area just east of Newtownstewart
near present-day Plumbridge,

■* Liam Kennedy and Philip Ollerenshaw. An Economic History
o/C''toe)-( Manchester. F^ngland: Manchester Uni\ersity Press. 1985):
William F, Adams. Ireland and Irish Emigration to the ,Ve'ii World
(New ^■ork; Russell and Russell. 1967); Kirby Miller. Emigrants
and Exiles (new York: Oxford University Pres. 1985).

BiiL-jpiHi OF -JCRrnERpg 1HEL:1ND
I'OOVIUCE BOUNDiHiES

10

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

family fared better and the children could afford to at-
tend school. Robert's oldest brother Hugh, who had re-
centl\ studied medicine at Scotland's prestigious
Edinburgh Llni\ersit>. decided to leave Ireland in 1818
with hopes of achieving success in America. Hugh en-
tered commercial pursuits in Milton. North Carolina, be-
fore settling in Richmond. Virginia, where he began
building a reputation as a man of integrity with a keen
business sense. His letters home told of his success
and when he invited his younger brother Robert to Join
him. Robert readiK agreed. -

in 1822 Robert boarded the Climax and began his
trans- Atlantic vo>age from Londonderry to Philadel-
phia. After arriving in America, he traveled to Hugh's
home and began working as a clerk at his store. Hugh
offered Robert what he needed most: encouragement,
friendship, occasional censure, and numerous business
contacts. Hugh served as Campbell's most significant
acquaintance, as well as a father figure, advisor, and
financier. He instilled in Robert the need to cultivate
friendships and form business relationships. Hugh's most
important advice to Robert came in a letter in the fall of
1825. He wrote "You doubtless are aware that when
fortune smiles friends remember us. ..Take Care my
dear Robert of making cronies-I do believe that no oc-
currence of a trifling nature that has ever given me
more cause to regret.""

When Robert contracted a lung infection, Hugh ad-
vised him to go West in hopes of regaining his health.
Campbell rode a river boat down the Ohio River and
arrived in St. Louis in 1824 where he was hired as a
clerk by his next important contact. John O' Fallon, for
whom he worked from the fall of 1 824 to the summer
of 1 825. As a founding member of the Erin Benevolent
Society, O'Fallon helped Scots-Irish immigrants find
opportunities in America.' Campbell's brief education,
his internship with Hugh, and being literate prepared
him for this new clerical position. O'Fallon, the nephew
of Superintendent of Indian Affairs William Clark, had
just received an appointment as the sutler at Council
Bluffs in 1 82 1 and was friends with the important men
of Missouri, including the Chouteau family and Senator
Thomas Hart Benton. Campbell assisted O'Fallon with
procuring and delivering supplies to points along the
Missouri from St. Louis to the Platte River. Campbell's
health continued to decline and he still suffered from
congestion and occasional bleeding in his lungs. He
sought professional advice about his respiratory ailments
from St. Louis physician Dr. Bernard G. Farrar, who
suggested a rugged outdoor lifestyle as the best cure.*
Campbell obtained a reference letter from his employer
and sought his fortune in the fur trade.

The St. Louis-based fur trade had begun during Span-
ish and French occupation, played a key role in the settle-
ment and development of upper Louisiana, and provided
the impetus for westward expansion." The Louisiana
Purchase, the Lewis and Clark expedition, the Treaty
of Ghent, the Transcontinental Treaty with Spain, Mexi-
can Independence, and Missouri statehood had opened
up commercial interests in the Rocky Mountain fur trade
and on the Santa Fe Trail. Men such as Manuel Lisa,
the Chouteaus. Andrew Henry and William H. Ashley
were all trying their hand at harvesting beaver pelts
that brought between $3 and $10 in St. Louis, a fabu-
lous sum for the day.'" When Ashley and Henry real-
ized that trapping parties could yield higher returns and
profits than trading with the Indians, they obtained li-
censes to trap the upper Missouri. Newspaper adver-
tisements seeking hundreds of "Enterprising Young
Men" to ascend the Missouri and work for one to three
years brought prompt responses from men like Jedediah
Smith. David Jackson. William Sublette, and Jim
Bridger." Unfortunately, Henry and Ashley's firm faced
repeated failures with capsizing keelboats, raiding
Assiniboines and Atsinas, and an Arikara attack in 1 823.

'J. Thomas Scharf. Hisloiy ofSaini Lows Cuy and County: from
the Earliest Periods to the Present Day: Inchiding Biographical
Sketches of Representative Men \o\. I (Philadelphia: Louis H. Everts
&Co.. 1883). 372n.

"Hugh Campbell to Robert Campbell. September 18, 1825;Dale
L. Morgan and Eleanor T. Harris, eds.. The Rocky Mountain Jour-
nals of W'llluuii Marshall Anderson: The West in /.Sii((San Marino:
Huntington Librar>. i%7). 271-72.

' John O'Fallon also financed the mercantile firm ot'OTallon
and Keyte with his partner James Keyte. John OTallon Papers.
Missouri Historical Society; Mary Ellen Rowe. ""A Respectable
Independence': The Early Career of John O'Fallon." Missouri His-
torical Review 90 (July 1996): 393-409: James N. Primm. Lion of
the ra//ev(Boulder:Pruett Publishing Co.. 1981): 171.

' Robert Campbell. "A Narrative of Colonel Robert Campbell's
Experiences in the Rocky Mountains Fur Trade From 1825-1835
(St. Louis: Campbell Papers. Missouri Historical Society, n.d.).

" Howard L. Conard. "Fur Trade." Encyclopedia of the Histoiy of
Missouri (St. Louis: The Southern Historv' Co.. 1901 ). 536-543.

'° Fred R. Gowans and Linda H. White. "Traders to Trappers
Andrew Henry and the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade: The Life and
Times of a Prominent Fur Trade Figure." Montana: The Magazine
ofWestern Histoiy43 no. 1, 3 (Winter. Summer. 1993): 59-65, 55-
63. For details of the Ashley-Henry partnership, see Richard M.
Clokey. H'illiam H. Ashley: Enterprise and Politics in the Trans-
Mississippi IIWMNorman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1980).
62-77; For their trading license from John C. Calhoun and the War
Department, see Morgan, ed.. The It'estofll'illuim H Ashley. 1-2.

" Advertisements appeared on February 13. 1822 in the St.
Louis Missouri Gazette & Public Advisor, on March 1 6 in the Afo-
souri Intelligencer, and on March 20 in the Missouri Republican.
Other notices ran periodically in various Missouri newspapers that
spring and over the next few years like the one on January 1 8, 1 823,
that appeared in the Missouri Gazette & Public Advisor.

Summer '2003

11

Nearly $100,000 in debt, Ashley and Henr> faced fi-
nancial ruin and ended their partnership. Meanwhile.
Jedediah Smith crossed South Pass, located the bea-
ver-rich Green River basin, and established contact with
the Crows. Utes and Shoshones.'-

While Campbell was clerking for OTallon. Ashley
recei\ed the exciting news about thi beaver bonanza
along the Green River and about the need to suppl> the
men remaining in the
mountains. Holding a
rendezvous would help
Ashley avoid the loss of
men and pelts to the
Blackfoot Confederacy
and the Arikaras on the
upper Missouri, the ex-
pense of building and
using costly trading
posts on the river to col-
lect and transport furs,
and reiving on Indians
to do the trapping.
Great overland cara-
vans replaced river
transportation for bring-
ing needed supplies into
the Rockies during the
summer and exchang-
ing them with moui.iain
men and friendly Indi-
ans for fur at the sum-
mer rendezvous, which

the returning men sold in St. Louis in the fall.'' Ash lev "s
innovation of trapping rather than trading enabled him
and his successors (including Campbell) to dominate
the northern and central Rockies fur trade for almost a
decade. Moreover, the sw itch from trading to trapping
represented an important economic change and antici-
pated a broader shift to corporations and markets in
America b> the latter part of the nineteenth centur_\.

Campbell's ne.xt important contacts included Ashle_\
and Smith, who had formed a partnership in 1825. In
early October. Ashlev sent Smith to gather men and
supplies for the following vear and due to Campbell's
connections with O'Fallon. Smith hired Campbell to clerk
forthe Ashlev-Smithfimi.'"" Smith. Campbell and their
68 men. w ith pack horses and mules, left St. Louis on
November 1. traveling along the south side of the Mis-
souri Ri\er before reaching Fort Rile_\ on .lanuarv 1.
1826. Due to the lateness of their start. Smith decided
to winter with the Pawnee along the Republican River.
Campbell and Smith impressed the Pawnee chief

Map b> author

Ishkatupa. who insisted they stay in his lodge, and also
formed a lasting friendship.'"

Ashley received word that the expedition had halted
so he brought additional men and supplies and reunited
with Smith and Campbell. Not ha\ ing sufficient num-
bers of horses, the men took turns walking to Cache
Valley in present-day Utah where thev arrived in June
for the 1826 rendezvous. In less than three \ears

Ashley's men had
trapped 500 packs of
beaver (50.000 pelts)
worth more than
$250,000 on the east
coast.'" Ashley now
had the money neces-
sar\ to launch his po-
litical career so he dis-
solved the Ashley-
Smith firm, selling his
share to Dav id E. Jack-
son, and William L.
Sublette who formed
the partnership of
Smith. Jackson. &
Sublene(SJ&S)onJuly
18. 1826. Campbell
acted as w itness and
recorder for the trans-
action and agreed to
continue pro\ iding his
clerical services to the
new com pan V and
Smith's two new partners. Bill Sublette in particular,
were the next important contacts Campbell made.'"

'" Cloke>. ./,?/;/tn. 78-100. W illiam R. Ncster. The Ankara liar
The Firsi Plains Indian it ar IS2JI (Missoula: Mountain Press Pub-
lishing C'oinpan>. 2001 1: White and Gowans. " traders to Trap-
pers." Montana 43; 62; "More Reports on the Fur trade and inland
Trade to .Mexico. 1 S.'! 1." Glimpses o/lhe Past 9 (3 ). ( Reprint. 1 942):
XO: Dale L. Morgan. Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the H'est
(Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co.. 1953). 8h-9J.

'' Fred R. Gowans. Rncky Mountain Rendezvous IS25-IS40
(Pro\o; Brigham ^'oung llni\ersit> Press. 1976),

'"" Campbell. "Narrative." 4. Richard M. Clokev. H'llliain H.
Ashle}' l.nterprise and Polities in the Trans-\tississippi H'est
(Norman, l^niversitv ofOklahoma Press. 19X0). 161-69

'^ Campbell. "Narrative." 4-6, Smith's confidence in Campbell
enabled Robert to attain leadership positions \er> quickly in the
.Ashlev -Smith and later the Smith, .lackson. &. Sublette partner-
ships, \Kngdn. Jeilediah Smith. 172-4,

'" Cited in \\ illiam F Parrish. et al. Missouri The Heart of the
XalioniSl. Louis: Forum Press. 1980), 69,

" Campbell provides one ol'the leu records of this important
transaction, Campbell. "Narrative." 8-9. An addendum to his nar-
rative states that in the summer of 1826 "We remained in Cache

1:2

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Campbell's success in building a friendship with in-
fluential men such as Hugh Campbell, John O'Fallon,
William Ashley, Jedediah Smith, and William Sublette
created a network of influential contacts with connec-
tions to high-ranking military officers, government offi-
cials, financiers, and merchants. His reliable character
made him a valued associate and presented him with a
string of employment opportunities that helped him to
become a major player in the fur trade and to earn a
substantial amount of money at the same time.

Know ing the right people was not enough to suc-
ceed in the fur trade. One also had to become
proficient in the diplomatic negotiations with In-
dians. The same integrity, honesty, and character that
earned Campbell lifelong friends also won him the trust
and confidence of many Indians. Campbell was adept
in his relationship with Indian tribes because of his open
and honest nature, and his genuine friendships with In-
dian leaders. Campbell's first Indian contact was with
the Pawnees during the winter of 1825-1826. Ashley
had unwisely sent Smith and Campbell to the Rocky
Mountains from St. Louis in the late fall. Winterquickly
set in on the Plains, forcing their party to take refuge at
a Pawnee village on the south side of the Republican
Fork of the Platte River. One third of the mules died
and their 70-man party suffered greatly for want of
provisions. In their situation, they consumed the Paw-
nee corn caches for sustenance. When the Pawnees
returned from their buffalo hunt. Smith and Campbell
paid them for the corn they had consumed, which im-
pressed Chief Ishkatupa so much that he insisted the
two stay in his lodge until they left a few months later to
join Ashley. Ishkatupa would be the first of many In-
dian leaders from the Missouri to the Columbia-men
like Cut Face (Shoshone), Insillah (Red Feather or Little
Chief; Flathead), Bracelette de Fer (Iron Wristbands;
Shoshone), Friday (Warshinum; Arapaho), Eshehunska
(Long Hair. Old Burns; Crow), and Arapooish (Rotten
Belly; Crow)-who would regard Campbell as a fi-iend.'*
While Campbell was expanding U.S. fur interests,
the British fur companies were actively working to
hinder American competition and settlement to the Pa-
cific Northwest. In 1821, the Hudson's Bay Company
sent trapping brigades to the Snake River country to
trap all of the beaver and create a "fur desert" as a
political move aimed at keeping Americans from ven-
turing into the Oregon Country, an area that had been
under British/American joint-occupation since 1818.
Hudson's Bay Company leader John McLoughlin sent
out Peter Skene Ogden and a large number of profi-
cient Iroquois trappers formerly of the NWC to once

again cover the region. On May 23, 1 825, one of the
most notorious confrontations between British and
American trappers occurred at Mountain Green, later
known as Deserter's Point, near present-day Ogden,
Utah. As a result, 29 men-most of them John Grey's
Iroquois trappers-joined the Americans with the prom-
ise of higher wages and status as free-trappers.'"

After Campbell had spent a year learning the ropes
from David E. Jackson, Smith, Jackson & Sublette as-
signed Campbell as the leader of the northern brigade,
which included the Iroquois trappers who had left the
HBC. Smith, Jackson & Sublette relied solely upon
Campbell to uphold their interests against the HBC."-"
Campbell readily adapted to his new role and his bri-
gade set out to trap the Flathead country along the head-
waters of the Missouri, Columbia, Deer Lodge and Bit-
ter Root rivers. Campbell made a good impression, not
only among his band of Iroquois but also among the

Valley only a couple ofweeks, long enough to complete the traffic
with the trappers. After we left Cache Valley, .lackson and Sublette
met us on Bear River. Ashley then sold out his interest in the fur
trade to Smith, his partner, and to Jackson and Sublette, the new
firm being known as Smith. Jackson. & Sublette." Dale L. Morgan
Papers. MS 560. Microfilm reel 77. frame 1074. (Salt Lake City:
University of Utah Marriott Library -Manuscripts Division, in coop,
with UC Berkeley, n.d.); Morgan. Westof William H. Ashley. 149-153;
John E. Sunder. Bill Sublette. Mountain A/ow (Norman: University
ofOklahoma Press. 1959). 64.

'* Campbell. "Narrative." 4.

'" Lyndon S. Clayton. "The Role of the Iroquois in the North
West Company and the Hudson's Bay Company and Expansion of
the Fur Trade: Western Canadian Interior. New Caledonia.
Columbian Enterprise and the Snake Country. 1790-1825." (M.A.
thesis. Brigham Young University. 1999); John P. Reid. Contested
Empire: Peter Skene Ogden and the Snake River Expeditions
(Norman: University ofOklahoma Press. 2002). 103-13. While
Ogden's brigade encamped on the river, one of John Weber"s groups,
under the direction of Johnson Gardner, attempted to lure Ogden"s
men away by promising higher wages and by claiming the British
men were trespassing on American soil. The next morning a contin-
gent of Americans waving flags confronted Ogden and told him he
must leave or be driven out. Gardner's ploy worked. 1 he Ameri-
cans received 700 beaver pelts and were joined by 29 of Ogden's
men. In reality, the British and Americans were both trespassing on
Mexican soil and the only man possibly possessing a Mexican
license. Etienne Provost, remained aloof from the conflict. Provost
was but one of a number of Americans and Mexicans operating out
of Taos and Santa Fe. trading and trapping in the southem and
central Rockies. Jack B. Tykal. Etienne Provost: Man of the Moun-
tains (Liberty\,Utah: Eagle's View Publishing. 1989). 48-54; David
J. Weber. The Taos Trappers: The Fur Trade in the Far Southwest.
1540-1846 (Norman: University ofOklahoma Press, 1971 ). 49.

-" Campbell, "Narrative." 14-15; Morgan. Jedediah Smith, 1 79;
John C. Jackson. Shadow on the Tetons: David E. Jackson and the
Claiming of the American West (Missoula: Mountain Press Pub-
lishing Co., 1993), 124; Vivian L. Talbot. David E. Jaclcson: Field
Captain of the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade (Jackson: Jackson Hole
Museum and Teton County Historical Society. 1996). 69-70.

Summer 2003

13

Flatheads and Nez Perce by honoring their request that
his men not hunt buffalo in the Bitterroot Valley for a
weel< or two. CampbelTs friendship had a profound in-
fluence upon Flathead Chief Insillah. who was among
the first Indians baptized by Catholic Father Pierre Jean
De Smet. Father Adrian Hoecken wrote Father De Smet
from Flathead Camp in the Blackfeet countr\ that:

Among our dear Flatheads. Michael Insula or Red
Feather... Is well knoun and much bekned b\ the whites,
who have had occasion to deal witli him. as a man of
sound judgment, strict integrit\ . and one whose tldelitv
they can implicitly rely. A keen discerner of the charac-
ters of men. he loves to speak especially of those whites,
distinguished for their tine qualities, that have visited
him. and often mentions w ith pleasure the sojoum among
them of Colonel Robert Campbell, of St. Louis, and of
Major Fitzpatrick. whom he adopted, in accordance w ith
Indian ideas of courtes\. as his brothers."

While returning to the Three Forks. Blackfeet attacked
Campbells part\ along the Jefferson River and killed
the Iroquois Chief Pierre Tevanitagon. for whom Pierre's
Hole is named.-- Following the incident, the Iroquois
and freemen decided the\ would go no further and de-
sired to return to the Flathead camp to spend the win-
ter. CampbelFs hunt had been very successful, averag-
ing 70-75 skins per man. Though he needed to remain
close to keep his Iroquois trappers from British intlu-
ence, Campbell traveled through deep snow to report
the fall hunt results to the partners wintering at Cache
Valley. As Utah, western Wyoming, and southern Idaho
produced ever decreasing numbers of beaver due to
the extensive trapping of the previous four years. Smith,
Jackson & Sublette turned their attention northwest to
Flathead countrv and northeast to Crow territory.
CampbelFs brigade trapped the Big Horn, Wind, Tongue.
Rosebud, and Powder rivers, concentrating on the area
in eastern Wyoming between the Big Horn mountains
and Black Hills. Part of the area he trapped in during
1828 and 1829 is now part of Campbell County.-'

In 1 828 Campbell led a brigade to the Crow territory
alongthe Yellowstone and its tributaries. Asthev moved
east, CampbelFs brigade cached 1 50 pelts at the junc-
tion of Little Wind and Wind rivers. A band of Crows
discovered and raided their cache. Campbell confronted
their chief, Arapooish, to implore him to find out who
stole the pelts and have them returned to their proper
owners. Amazingly. CampbelFs reputation among the
Crows, particularly his friendship to the principal chief
of the Crows, Long Hair (Old Burns), enabled him to
get the stolen skins back.-^

Campbell related "I went into that country trapping
as before stated. I then went up to the Cache river at

Po-po-agie, where it joins the Wind river, and made a
cache there to put in mv beaver. A war party of Crows
that had been down to the Cheyennes and Arapahos.
were returning and found my cache. They took 150
skins." Campbell was staying in the lodge of the princi-
pal chief of the Mountain Crows. Eshehunska (Long
Hair. Old Bums). Some Crow warriors brought in some
scalps and held a scalp dance during which sotne of
them recounted their exploits. ""Among other things the\
boasted of having found my cache. The old Chief then
came into my lodge and said to me "Ha\e \ou been
catching beaver?" "Yes"!. I answered. "What \ou do
with it?" asked the chief "Put it in the ground." said I.
"Where is it'^." he enquired. I drew a plan of the ground,
where my beaver had been cached. The old chief then
said, "^'ou talk straight about it!""" Long Hair related
that there had been no white traders among thern for
four years and that a war party had found CampbelFs
cache and opened it. taking 1 50 skins. L\hibiting both
integrity and charity, the chief told Catiipbell ""Now dont
let your heart be sad. You are in my lodge, and all these
skins will be given back to you. I'll neither eat. drink nor
sleep till \ou get all \ou skins. Now count them as the>
come in! He then mounted his horse and harangued the
village. sa> ing to his people that he had been a long time
w ithout traders, and thev must not keep one skin back.""

-' llirain Chittenden and .Allrcd lalhot Richardson, cd.. Life.
Letters anil TruveL^ oj Lather Pierre Jean De Smet. S .J ISdl-lS".^
4 vols. (New York: Francis P. Harper. 19115). 1231-32. In 1832. tour
Nez Perce Indians \ entured to St. Louis to learn more about Chris-
tianity. Lollowing their visit. Robert Campbell encouraged the es-
tablishment ot'missions among the Flatheads in the 183(ls\shen he
wrote on April 13. 1833. that ""Ihe Flat Head Indians arc proverbial
tor their mild disposition and friendship to the whiles and 1 have
little hesitation in saving a missionar> would be treated b\ them
with kindness." Cited in lliram M. Chittenden. The Ameriean Fur
Lrade of the Far West (1902; reprint. New York: Barnes & Noble.
Inc.. 19351.637.902-03.

-- Campbell w itnessed his tlrst scalping when the Iroquois retali-
ated tor the mutilation of Old Pierre b\ killing two Blackfeet.
Campbell. "Narrative." 16.

-' Organized on Ma\ 23. 191 1. with Gillette as the countv seat.
Campbell Counts represents the seventh largest county in Wyo-
ming covering 4.761 square miles. Campbell Count\. \V\oming.
received its name for Robert Campbell and W \ oming's first territo-
rial governor, .lohn .A. Campbell. Marie IF lirwm. Wyonuiiii Ihs-
lorieal Bhiehook (Che>enne: Wyoming State Archives., n.d). 1 163.
Charles G. Coutant. History of Wyoming and the Far West. 2d ed.
(New York: Argonaut Press. Ltd.. 1966). 132.

-■' During this visit, the famous chief honored Campbell b\ allow-
ing him to measure his hair, which Campbell found to be more than
eleven feet long. Morgan and Hdimi. .Anderson. 199-200. For a full
account of CampbelFs negotiations with Arapooish (Rotten Bellv )
see Coutant. Hisloiy of Wyoming: Washington In ing. .-tdventiires of
Captain Bonneville. I ' S..4 . in the Rocky Mountains and the Far
West. Rev. ed. (New York: G. P. Putnam. 18681. 239-248.

14

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Nearly all of the skins were returned, Campbell and
Long Hair were both satisfied, and the chief broke his
fast.^'

Some tribes, such as those belonging to the Blackfoot
Confederacy-Blackfeet, Piegans. Bloods, and Atsinas
(Gros Ventres or Grovan of the River)-did not wel-
come American trappers and traders because they re-
alized the rendezvous system aided their rivals, provid-
ing armaments and supplies to Shoshones, Utes, Crows.
Flatheads, and Nez Perces. Confederacy members had
benefitted from trading with the British along the
Saskatchewan River and did not want to lose the ad-
vantages the British traders provided them. As hun-
dreds of mountain men and thousands of Indians gath-
ered to resupply and to participate in games and recre-
ation, the presence of many trade goods and the huge
horse herds served as the ultimate temptation for Plains
Indians. As could be expected, several major encoun-
ters took place during the rendezvous era. Blackfeet
raiders traded the horses and furs that had been stolen
from the Americans with British traders for guns and
tobacco. Fear of Blackfoot hostilities forced Americans
to keep their brigades large enough to withstand an at-
tack but large parties reduced trapping efficiently.-"

When Blackfeet attacked the trappers Indian allies,
mountain men usually joined them in battle to support
their friends. Such was the case of the two attacks at
the Bear Lake rendezvous in 1 827 and 1 828. At the
first one. a Blackfoot war party surprised and killed
five Shoshones. Shoshone Chief Cut Face asked the
mountain men to show their friendship and loyalty by
assisting them in mounting a counterattack. William
Sublette gathered nearly three hundred trappers and
charged the enemy. Campbell recounts how the pow-
der brought out in 1 827 was so poor his men joked how
they could pull the trigger and lay the gun down before
it actually fired. In 1828, Blackfeet once again attacked
Campbell's men at Bear Lake, killing his cook. Camp-
bell led the men to some willows for protection and
after nearly four hours of fighting and with ammunition
running low. Campbell and another volunteer broke
through the fray and rode eighteen miles to Bear Lake
where men awaiting the rendezvous came as reinforce-
ments. The Blackfeet. correctly interpreting Campbell's
intentions, retreated before the relief party arrived.-'

The last major incident Campbell had with Atsinas
occurred near Pierre's Hole in present-day Idaho when
Atsinas attacked mountain men leaving the 1832 ren-
dezvous for the fall hunt near Teton Pass.-' The Atsinas
made a fortification in the willows and fought tenaciously
against the trappers and Indian allies so word was sent
to the men in Pierre's Hole of the battle and Campbell

and Sublette brought reinforcements. After several more
hours of fighting, during which Sublette received a shoul-
der wound, the Atsinas tricked the trappers into think-
ing a large party of Blackfeet were now attacking the
unprotected men, women, and children at the rendez-
vous. The trappers raced back to Pierre's Hole and the
Atsinas fled under the cover of darkness. Several moun-
tain men and Indians died and many were wounded
while Atsina casualties totaled between 27 and 50.-°
These attacks by members of the Blackfoot Confed-
eracy demonstrate just how critical it was to make it
through these skirmishes unscathed. Campbell was lucky
and received no wounds while Milton Sublette. William
Sublette, and Thomas Fitzpatrick did.

Despite Blackfeet hostilities. Campbell had befriended
Iroquois. Crows, and Flatheads. and exhibited genuine
friendship with Ishkatupa. Insillah, and Eshehunska.
After retiring from the mountains. Campbell served as
a liaison for the government. His vast knowledge and
association with dozens of Indian tribes resulted in two
appointments as Indian Commissioner. The first was in
1851 when he joined Pierre De Smet. Thomas
Fitzpatrick Jim Bridger, and David D. Mitchell for the
important Treaty of Fort Laramie and met with 10,000
Indians from tribes representing the Sioux, Cheyenne,
Arapaho, Snake. Bannock. Crow and others on Horse

-- Campbell. '"Narrati\e." 21-22.

-'• Oscar Lewis. The Effects of While Contact Upon Blackfoot
Culture With Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade (New
York: .1. J. .Augustin. 1942). 36-40: John C. Ewers. Blackfeet: Raid-
ers on the Sortlnvesiern Plains (Norman: Universlu of Oklahoma
Press. 1958). In 1837. the artist Alfred Jacob Miller estimated
Blackfeet and Atsina killed between fort_\ and fift> mountain men a
year during the fur trade. Marvin C. Ross. ed.. The H'est of Alfred
Jacob Miller (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1951). 148.

-' Campbell. "Narrative," 19-20. Beckwourlh claims it was he
and not Campbell who rode through the line. Delmont R. Oswald,
ed.. The Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwoiirth. Mountaineer.
Scout. Pioneer and Chief of the Crow Nation of Indians as told to T
D. Bonner [London. 1892; reprint, Lincoln: University ofNebraska
Press, 1972). 101-10.

-* LeRoy R. Hafen, ed.. [Warren .A. Ferris] Life in the Rocky-
Mountains. .4 Diary of Wanderings on the Sources of the Rivers
Missouri. Columbia, and Colorado 1830-1835. with Supplemen-
tary Writings and a Detailed Map of the Fur Trade (Denver: Old
West Publishing Co., 1 983), 222-3: The Atsina had probably taken
the flag earlier when they had massacred a party of British rather
than of having received it from the British as the Americans be-
lieved. W. F. Wagner, eA., Adventures ofZenas Leonard. Fur Trader
andTrapper. /Si/-/Si6 (Cleveland: The Burrows Brothers Com-
pany, 1904), 1 1 1-118; Washington Irving, Bonneville. 73-80.

-" Robert Campbell, writing a letter to his brother Hugh just
before the battle began, provided the very best primary account of
the events of the battle. Campbell, Rocky Mountain Letters. 7-1 1.
William H. Garrison, ed. The Life and Adventures of George Nidever
(Berkeley: University of Califomia Press, 1937), 26-30.

Summer 'J00:3

15

Creek of the Platte (south of Ft. Laramie). The Great
Council lasted eighteen da\s and out of it grew the
Treat> of Fort Laramie. After the demise of the AFC
in 1865. Campbell turned his attention to try and elimi-
nate corruption among the Indian agents on the upper
Missouri and called for the abolition of the inadequate
treaty system. President Ulysses S. Grant appointed
Campbell tothe Board of Commissioners for the Inter-
est and Civilization of the Indians, which in 1870. estab-
lished more amicable relations between the U. S. gov-
ernment and the Indians.-"

CampbelLs involvement in the fur trade increased
during the 1 830s. His intellect and courage had
brought him to positions of leadership and respon-
sibility for Ashley & Smith and SJ&S. Following the
1829 rendezvous, SJ&S entrusted Campbell to trans-
port the furs back to St. Louis where he arrived in late
August. Campbell received $3,0 1 6 for his four years of
services to Ashley-Smith, and Smith, Jackson, and
Sublette." Fur traders Lucien Fontenelle and Andrew
Drips proposed forming a threesome but Campbell de-
clined, informing them he intended to form a partner-
ship with his friend Jedediah Smith in the near future.
Letters from his mother Elizabeth, sister Ann. and
brother Hugh, along with family financial concerns fi-
nally convinced Campbell to take leave of the mountain
business for a time and return to Ireland. '-

After returning from Ireland to St. Louis in JuK 1 83 1 ,
Ashley employed him in clerical work that fall while

Map drawn h\ author

Campbell waited for his friend Smith to return from
Santa Fe." During CampbelLs absence. SJ&S had sold
out to the Rock\ Mountain Fur Company (RMFC). made
up of Thomas Fitzpatrick. Jim Bridger. Milton Sublette.

'" Traveling with W illiaiii Fa\el (who recorded Camphell's \ar-
ralivc at this tiniel Campbell's goodwill mission took him to Fort
Laramie where he parla\ed with Red Cloud about issues such as
American encroachment into the Black Hills. Nadeau. Fort Laramie
and ! he Sioii.x tiniians. 161; Hiram M. Chittenden and Albert T.
Richardson, eds.. Life. Letters and Travels of Father Pierre-Jean de
Sniel. S J FS()1-IS'3(4 vol.; New York: Francis P. Harper. 1905).
673-75.

" Morgan and Harris. .Inderson. 272. Actual wages may have
been $2,927.87 according to .Ashley's account records. Morgan.
West of William LI Ashley. 198-202. 319.

'- Lucien Fontenelle and Andrew Drips to Robert Campbell.
Council Blufts. August 9. 1829. Campbell Papers. Missouri His-
torical Societv, the pleading for Robert to leave the land of the
"Blackt'ooted. Blackheaded and Blackhearted Savages" and to come
home filled nearly every letter from his family. An example is a
letter written from Hugh to Robert on November 13.1 828 saying "1
conjure \ou to abandon it [the mountain trade]. . . Sell everything
and come work with me. . Return to ci\ ilization & Security . Do
not— do not refuse me." See also .Ann Campbell to Robert Campbell.
June 5. 1827, and June 1 1. 1829. asking Robert to return home.
Campbell Papers. Missouri Historical Society.

'' Campbell wrote a letter to John O'Fallon to hear where Smith
was, O'Fallon wrote back on June 30 that unconfirmed rumors
reported the parts had crossed the .Arkansas without incident. He
did not know that Smith was already killed. John O'Fallon to Rob-
ert Campbell. June 30. 1831. St. Louis. Campbell Papers. Missouri
Historical Society . Morgan and Harris. Anderson. 272-3. Smith had
sent Robert's brother Hugh a letter in November 1 830 and told him
that he would have eight to ten thousand dollars to invest with
Robert. Morgan, Smith. 323-4, 357-8.

16

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Henry Fraeb, and Jean Gervais following the 1 830 ren-
dezvous. Smith, Jackson, and Sublette retained the right
to serve as middlemen, sell the company's furs, and
provide supplies at the rendezvous, provided the RMFC
notified them in time. With SJ&S dissolved. Smith
wanted to form a partnership with Campbell but since
the latter was in Ireland. Smith purchased his own out-
fit and joined with Jackson and Sublette in trying his
luck on the Santa Fe Trail. Unfortunately. Comanche
warriors killed Jedediah Smith while he scouted ahead
searching for water along the Cimarron Cutoff" Jack-
son and Sublette reached Santa Fe on July 4 before
being joined b\ Fitzpatrick, who purchased supplies from
the men and headed north through Taos, picking up Kit
Carson and several others to help him take the supplies
to the Rockies for distribution that fall and winter. Jack-
son and Sublette decided to end their partnership. With
Jackson heading for California. Sublette returned to
Missouri as the only possible supplier to the RMFC for
the following year.

In October. Campbell traveled to Lexington where
he met Thomas Fitzpatrick, who had just recently re-
turned from the mountains, and William Sublette, newly
arrived from Santa Fe. Together they formulated their
plans for 1832." Sublette, who had just returned from
the Santa Fe Trail, decided to outfit a train to supply the
RMFC at the 1 832 rendezvous. Robert Campbell bought
his own outfit and accompanied him. Campbell employed
five men and purchased ten pack horses laden with
goods for his own small venture that he joined to
Sublette's caravan.'" On April 25 Sublette received a
two-year license to trade with the Indians from Super-
intendent of Indian Affairs William Clark, which included
provisions to take 450 gallons of whiskey." Leaving
Independence in mid-May, Sublette's train of some 60
men departed with Campbell bringing up the rear. Trav-
eling up the Platte until they reached buffalo country
near the Black Hills (Laramie Range), they reached
the Black Hills a month later.'* They continued west,
crossed South Pass and Teton Pass and descended into
the Teton Basin, just west of the Tetons on the Wyo-
ming-Idaho border. What was to become the largest
and grandest rendezvous of the fur trade, the 1832
Pierre's Hole gathering was a gaudy affair with hun-
dreds of men from the Rocky Mountain Fur Company,
the American Fur Company, free trappers, engages,
and thousands of Flathead and Nez Perce Indians."

Because of so much competition, Campbell needed
to deal effectively with competition and display flexibil-
ity and innovation due to the changing circumstances.
Two of the competitors Campbell faced during his de-
cade in the Rockies were the Hudson's Bay Company

and the American Fur Company. The Hudson's Bay
Company's Snake River brigades had been quite suc-
cessful in keeping American trappers from venturing
further west than present-day Idaho. One of Campbell's
successful diplomatic encounters with the HBC came
in February 1828 when he and two companions trav-
eled by snowshoes back to his men camped on the
Snake River. On February 1 7, 1 828, instead of finding
his men, he arrived at the snowed-in Hudson's Bay
Company camp of Peter Skene Ogden at the
confluence of the Portneuf and Snake rivers. Campbell,
after traveling 44 days on snowshoes, could barely walk
and needed to nurse his sore ankles. Even as a guest at
a competitor's camp, Campbell was firm with Ogden,
informing him that two of Ogden's trappers, Goodrich
and Johnson, still owed considerable debt to SJ&S and
had not been released from service and requested that
they return. Ogden reminded him of the incident in 1 825
when his Iroquois and a large catch of fur fell into
American hands at Deserter's Point on the Weber River.
Campbell used both skill and diplomacy in keeping his
Iroquois trappers from defecting back to the British, in
getting Goodrich and Johnson to rejoin him to repay
their debts, and later in persuading the Flatheads to trade
with the Americans instead of the British.^"

Campbell's challenge to John Jacob Astor's Ameri-
can Fur Company proved more difficult since the AFC
was the most successful large-scale American fur com-
pany with trading operations extending from the Co-
lumbia to the Missouri. By the 1830s, they began at-
tending the rendezvous. Following the 1 832 rendezvous,
the RMFC agreed to pay William Sublette nearly $ 1 6,000
to be settled the following year. Campbell arranged to

'■' Since Campbell was in Ireland. Smith had appointed newly
elected congressman Ashley to serve as executor in the event
Campbell was not present. As it turned out. both served as execu-
tors of Smith's will in the late summer of 1 83 1 . Papers of the Si.
Louis Fur Trade. Part Three: '"Robert Campbell Family Collec-
tion." (Bethesda: University Publications, courtesy. Missouri His-
tory Society. 1991-1994) reel 15. series 2. part 2. frames 44-47.

" Talbot. Jackson. 93; Hafen. Broken Hand. 98-9.

-"' "The 1 832 Account Book of Robert Campbell." Papers of the
Si. Louis Fur Trade. Part Three: "Robert Campbell Family Collec-
tion." reel 15. series 2. part I.

" Sublette Papers. Missouri Historical Society.

'^ Most likely this is when Robert Campbell chiseled his name
on Independence Rock in Wyoming. Robert Campbell to Hugh
Campbell. July 18. 1832. Lewis" Fork (Snake River). Campbell.
Rocky Mountain Letters, 7-11.

''^ Gowans. Rendezvous. 73-95.

'"' Glyndwr Williams and David E. Miller, eds.. Peter Skene
Ogden 's Snake Country Journals, 1827-28 and 1828-9 (London:
Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1971), 62-66. Reid. Contested Em-
pire. 184-86. Morgan and Harris. Anderson. 272.

Summer '2003

17

sell most of his merchandise, sent the men out on the
fall hunt, and retained a few men to help him transport
the furs to St. Louis/' By October 3 he had made ar-
rangements with Ashley to sell the 1 69 packs of beaver
pelts and then he faithfully nursed his friend back to
health at Sublette's Sulphur Springs ranch on the out-
skirts of St. Louis. While there the two discussed the
developments of the past year and plotted together on
how to capitalize on the future. On December 20, 1 832,
they formed the Sublette & Campbell firm of St. Louis
(S&C) and planned their strategy to compete with their
American Fur Company rival.^-

The early I 830s marked the heyday of the Rocky
Mountains fur trade. The RMFC faced new competi-
tion from Boston merchant Nathaniel W\eth, army of-
ficer Benjamin L. E. Bonneville, and various indepen-
dent trapping parties like Gant and Blackwell. James
O. Pattie, Joshua Pilcher, Charles and William Bent,
Ceran St. Vrain and others who edged in and garnered
a portion of the beaver trade. With all of these new
companies competing for pelts, the RMFC's returns
began to diminish and even though S&C held the exclu-
sive rights to supply the rendezvous, they realized that
to survive they needed to diversify their portfolio and
decided to challenge the American Fur Company on
the Missouri River by building rival posts adjacent to
those of the AFC. The firm saw the benefits of trading
with Indians for buffalo hides in the growing robe trade.
Moreover, S&C hoped to force the giant fur company
to make concessions to keep the AFC stayed out of the
mountain trade in exchange for S&C to withdraw from
the Missouri or at least put enough pressure on them to
produce a buyout.

Campbell had an insider's perspective on the fur trade,
had lived through its dangers, and had contacts to pro-
cure merchandise and provide financing. With the po-
litical clout and financial resources of the Astors of New
York and the Chouteaus of St. Louis, the AFC posed
the most viable threat to take control of the Rocky
Mountain fur trade in the 1830s. John Jacob Astor's
company had recently moved west from the Great
Lakes and Mississippi River regions and appeared con-
tent for a time to dominate the river trade, in 1 832 the
AFC decided to try its hand in the Rocky Mountains
and sent out Lucien Fontenelle, Henry Vanderburgh,
and Andrew Drips. Vanderburgh and Drips let others
lead them to the furs and then outlasted them through
cutthroat competition (ie. charging lower prices, using
liquor to secure the Indian trade, etc.). Moreover, com-
petition increased the use of liquor to gain an advantage
and put competitors out of business. With so much ri-
valry, there were simply not enough furs to go around.

With the Rocky Mountains crowded, Sublette and
Campbell saw the wisdom in establishing a river trade
to tr\' and break the AFC's monopoly on the Missouri
River. Additionally, S&C had the powerful political and
financial backing from Ashley, now a congressman, who
honored their drafts, handled their accounts, gave them
cash advances at six percent interest, and sold their
furs for a two and one-half cent commission.^ ' Although
S&C owed Ashley upwards of $27,500, the partners
had $46,750 coming from the RMFC as well as 1 1 .000
pounds of fur to sell. They also reached an agreement
to supply the RMFC at the 1833 rendezvous. Though
Sublette and Campbell's ambitious undertaking to op-
pose the giant AFC appeared foolhardy at first glance,
conditions seemed right for such a challenge. Astor,
nearing 70 years old, had already contemplated retire-
ment and 1833 marked the end of the American Fur
Company's 25-year charter granted by the New York
legislature in 1 808. Astor foresaw a complete reorgani-
zation of the company headed by his son William in
New York and Ramsay Crooks and Pierre Chouteau in
St. Louis. While in Europe in 1 832, Astor saw his first
silk hat and recognized the beaver trade would soon
decline. He saw the expedience of making profits from
beaver pelts before the demand for them further dimin-
ished.^^ Despite the AFC's apparent uncertain future,
few bankers and suppliers offered S&C fmancial sup-
port. Undaunted, Campbell and Sublette combined their
determination, experience, and confidence with Ashley's
credit, business contacts, and political clout to give their
opposition to Astor real promise.

Campbell and Sublette traveled east in December
1832 to learn the market conditions firsthand and to
establish business contacts in Washington, Neu York
and Philadelphia who would be willing to supply them
during their forthcoming year. Yet even with Ashley's
instructions and letters of introduction, few Washington
money brokers willingly offered the partners assistance
until Ashley made a speech in the House of Represen-
tatives praising the partners' abilities, character, and
predicting their eminent success.^^ Several bankers and

■" .Articles of Agreement between the RMFC and Sublette quoted
ui llat'en. Broken Hand. 1 16-8.

■*■ ["ereiic Morton Szasz. Scots in the North American West. I '90-
19 r (Nomian: University ofOklahoma Press. 2000). 3 1 : Sunder.
Sublette. 112-3,

-''Clokey,.-(i/i/fy. 186.

" David Lavender. The Fi.'^l in the Wilderness {Qaxdtiw Cit\. NY;
Doubleday. 1964).411-2.

■" Sunder provides an excellent description of the pair's tra\ els,
S .nAex. Sublette. 1 16-23. .lohn I', Terrell. The Six Turnings Major
Changes in the American West. I806-IS34 (Glendale; .Arthur H.
Clark Co,. 1968). 221,

Annals of Wyoming, The Wyoming History Journal

supply houses took this speech to mean Ashley was
reentering the fur trade and so they quickly offered
Campbell and Sublette credit. Of particular assistance
was Robert CampbelTs brother Hugh, now part of Gill.
Campbell & Company who operated a Philadelphia store
at 94 Market Street. While Campbell and Sublette en-
joyed Christmas Eve at his home. Hugh agreed to sup-
ply S&C with the majority of their dry goods. Sublette
and Campbell wrote Ashley requesting $2000 and in-
formed him of their decision to go to New York for
their hardware. They asked for his assistance in notify-
ing Reddle Forsyth & Co. of Pittsburgh to get two new
keelboats that would handle I 8 to 20 tons. On March 8.
Ashley's New York broker Frederick A. Tracy com-
pleted the sale of Campbell and Sublette's furs and by
the end of the month, S&C had paid off all their debts
and still had nearly $ 1 5,000 left over to outfit their forth-
coming enterprise.^"

With their finances in order, the two partners imple-
mented their plan. Campbell hired 25-year-old French-
man Charles Larpenteur as a clerk, received their li-
cense to trade on April 15 from William Clark, and
started west. Campbell drove along livestock-20 sheep,
two bulls and four cows-the sheep to supplement their
diet of bacon and hard-tack until they reached buffalo
country, and the cattle to start a herd at their post at the
confluence of the Yellowstone of the Missouri.^' Due
to Campbell's organization and efficient leadership the
caravan traveled rapidly, successfully beating the AFC's
supply train led by Lucien Fontenelle to the 1 833 ren-
dezvous and enforcing the RMFC obligation to purchase
supplies from S&C. Rival trader Nathaniel Wyeth com-
mended Campbell's caravan "for efficiency of goods,
men. animals, and arms, 1 do not believe the fur busi-
ness has afforded a better example of discipline.""'^

The competition between the AFC, the RMFC, and
the HBC, in addition to the added pressures from
Bonneville and small outfits, had taken its toll and few
trappers garnered any significant profits. By the ren-
dezvous' end, Campbell had doubled his profits by trad-
ing $15,000 in goods for fur worth at least $30,000.
Campbell left to find Sublette, whom he expected to
meet near the mouth of Yellowstone, taking the profit-
able years' furs with him. Campbell avoided misfor-
tune once again when his bull boat capsized and he
went under the water three times before making it to
shore. He arrived at the confluence of the Yellowstone
and Missouri rivers near Fort Union on August 28.^'^

Meanwhile, Sublette boarded the steamboat Otto and
with a large keelboat full of a valuable cargo of mer-
chandise, supplies, equipment, and 30 men, set ut for
the upper Missouri establishing 12-13 new posts at stra-

tegic points to trade with the Sioux and other tribes and
to compete with the AFC. The most important post would
be located near Fort Union at the confluence of the
Yellowstone and Missouri rivers.^" Upon Campbell's
arrival at the Yellowstone's mouth on August 28, he
waited for Sublette, who arrived two days later with his
large keelboat full of supplies and an abundance of li-
quor for the Indian trade.

Campbell took responsibility of building Fort William,
named in Sublette's honor, while Sublette, his brother
Milton, and nine or 1 0 men left in late September and
floated the summer's turs down the Missouri to St.
Louis.- ' In a letter to his mother written before Sublette
left. Campbell recalled how "after both [had] travelled
nearly 4.000 miles in four months" that their planning
and timing enabling them to meet within two days was
truly remarkable. He told her that he and his 60 men
had already completed four houses in 1 0 days and that
he expected to stay there all winter trading with the

^" Sublette mentions Tracy gave him $176,500 at Ashley's re-
quest. See Robert Campbell and William Sublette to General Wm-
iam H. Ashley. Philadelphia. December 24. 28. 3 1 . 1 832. and .lanu-
ar\' 8. 1833. Campbell Paper. Missouri Historical Society.

■" Sublette and Campbell's trading license enabled them to trade
at 33 places in Indian country for a year and a half "Siunda. Sublette.
124. Campbell's 45-man train, with supplies valued at $15,000,
moved with precision, leaving Lexington. Missouri, on April 28.
Carter. "Robert Campbell." 55. Ashley always praised his efficient
co-adjutants Campbell and Sublette for a ""great deal of his success
in the government of his men" while he was in the fur trade and that
they excelled in keeping the men under strict rules and thorough
discipline. The regularity of their marches and order in their camps
became adopted as the rule or code for all American traders traveling
to the mountains. W. G. Eliot, Jr.. 1838 memorial address cited in
Morgan. The If 'est of II illlam H Ashley. 3 1 7n. Larpenteur spent the
next 40 years on the upper Missouri, the majority of the time as an
AFC clerk. Elliot Coues. ed.. Forty Years a Fur Trader on the Upper
Missouri: The Personal Narrative of Charles Larpenteur. I833-18'^2
vol. 1 (New York: Francis P. Harper. 1898). 1 1-67. An enjoyable
account of the 1833 Campbell caravan and its members is told in
Mae Reed Porter and Odessa Davenport. Scotsman in Buckskin:
Sir William Drummond Stewart and the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade
(New York: Hastings House. 1963). 27-28.

■•^ Nathaniel Wyeth to Mr. F. Ermatinger. Green River Rendez-
vous, July 18, 1833. F. G. Young, ed.. "The Correspondence and
Journals of Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth 1831-6." Sources of the
History of Oregon { 1 899): 69.

■'''Campbell, "Narrative." 29; Brooks. "Campbell's Private Jour-
nal." 1 17; Terrell. The Six Turnings. 225.

*" The identifiable posts built by Sublette & Campbell of St.
Louis include: Fort William on the Upper Missouri; a small post
near Fort Jackson, sixty miles above Fort Union; a Mandan trading
house near old Lisa's Fort; a tiny post on White River near Fort
Kiowa; a trading group at Crow Camp on Wind River: a post near
Fort Tecumseh and Fort Pierre; and a Yellowstone post eight miles
from the rivers' mouth, iund&v. Sublette. 127n.

" Coues. Larpenteur. 50n.. 53.

Summer '2003

19

Crees and Assiniboines for beaver skins and buffalo
robes. In a letter to his sister Anne. Campbell explained
his real reason for sta\ing in the fur trade was not the
excitement or love of adventure, but that his primary
objective was "to make money" and "were it not this
we would all endeavor to fashion ourselves to civilized
life and no doubt feel ten times the happiness which we
enjoy here."""'

To Campbell fell the full responsibility of building his
main operation post. Campbell deftly organized the men
and instructed them to cut cottonwood pickets. Located
two miles by land, six miles b\ water below Fort Union,
the fort was 150 feet by 130 feet with a stockade of
eighteen-foot cottonwood pickets. "The boss" house
stood back, opposite the front door; it consisted of a
double cabin, having two rooms of 1 8 x 20 feet, with a
passage between them 1 2 feet \v ide. There were a store
and warehouse 40 feet in length and 1 8 feet in \\ idth. a
carpenter's shop, blacksmith's shop, ice house, meat
house, and two splendid bastions."*' By November 1 5,
only a few buildings remained unfmished so Campbell
sent most of the men out to find Arapahos. Cheyennes.
Crows, Sioux, and other Indian tribes to alert them of
the new fort and invite them to come and trade. ShortK
thereafter, a large village of Assiniboines assembled near
the fort.

Campbell's Fort Williamjournal demonstrates that the
handful of successful entrepreneurs like Campbell were
not a reckless breed of men and did not t1t the devil-
maN-care stereotype. For the most part, they were se-
rious-minded, sober, and often religious. Campbell let
his men have Sunday otf and devoted time to reading
the Bible, writing family and friends, and fasting. He
expressed gratitude to God "for his gracious goodness
in preserv ing me through all the dangers I have passed"
and prayed for wisdom, understanding, and judgment
"to lead well and incline his heart to seek after thee as
the one thing needful without which all worldiv gain is
but dross. "'^

Campbell found lovinghisneighborquitediftlcult, es-
pecially when the resourceful McKenzieat FortL'nion
was willing and able to drive out competition through
threats, purchase, and cutthroat competition. As the chief
upper Missouri outfit post for the AFC, Fort LInion rep-
resented the finest, largest post for hundreds of miles.
With more than 500 men employed and thousands of
dollars in trade goods, McKenzie could afford to teel
confident." McKenzie began driving fur prices out of
Campbell's reach, sent spies to watch and report on the
activities at Fort William, used homemade liquor from
his still to insure Campbell could not secure any of the
Indian trade, and even stole C mpbell's favorite dog.*"

Scale 2 cm=1 mile

Of greater consequence, however, was the fact
McKenzie gave his agents carte blanche permission to
pa\ any price to secure the Indians" furs. This costly
method w iped out some of the profits, but it effectively
enabled his agents to undersell Campbell on all parts of
the river. McKenzie's plo\ worked and b\ spring
Campbell only had 1 00 packs of buffalo robes ( 1 0 robes
to the pack) while McKenzie had 430 packs.'' By com-

^- Rolicrt Campbell lo his mother I- li/ahelh and sister .Ann. June-
tionot'the Missouri and Yellou stone. September 12. ]H}4. C'mnpbell
I'apers. Missouri Historieal Societ\

*' Coues. Larpenleur. 6 1 .

*■* Brookes. "Campbeirs Private Journal." 1 1 8

'* Fort Union had 1 2 clerks and 129 men on its pa\ roll in 1833.
Ray H. Mattison, "Ihe Upper Missouri I'ur Trade; Its Methods of
Operation." \ebraska Hisloiy 42 no. 1 (March 1961): 5. Ra> H
Mattison. "Fort LInion: Its Role in the LIpper Missouri Fur 1 rade."
Xorlh Dakota Histon' 29 (Jan-.April. 1962); Rarton M Barbour.
Fort i ition and the I ppcr Miss<nin Fur Trade (Norman Unuer-
sits of Oklahoma Press. 2(101 ).

^" McKen/ie paid Francois L^eschamp $40 for information on
the happenings at Fort William and $700 per annum for his ser-
vices. I?rooks. "Campbell's Joumal." 1 1.'',

" Campbell and Sublettes" other forts also fared poorlv In addi-
tion to buftalo robes. Campbell had traded tor packs of beaver
(live), wolf (six), and fox and rabbit (one). Coues. Larpenleur. 59-
64: Terrell. The Six I'lirnmgs. 228n.

■■20

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

peting vigorously at the various rival posts near the 1 3
S&C established, McKenzie compelled the partners to
divide their forces, weakening them for their eventual
overthrow, McKenzie only had to wait for his eventual
victory.^*

Yet despite McKenzie's apparent victory, the AFC
desperately wanted to put the damaging publicity they
received for operating the liquor still at Fort Union be-
hind them. American Fur Company officials met with
Sublette in New York in January and February for a
week's worth of negotiations that resulted in their buy-
ing out the competition.^" In a letter to McKenzie dated
April 8. 1834. AFC officials explained that they had
reached an agreement with Campbell and Sublette to
"keep them from purchasing a new equipment" avail-
able to them because of their esteemed reputations and
the backing of Ashley."" The AFC agreed to retire for
one year from the Rocky Mountain area with the con-
dition that Campbell and Sublette relinquish their attempts
to trade on the Missouri. Additionally, the company prom-
ised to purchase Campbell and Sublettes' posts and their
merchandise. Campbell arranged with McKenzie to sell
the partners" merchandise and Missouri trading posts,
sent part of his men south to Fort William on the Laramie,
and was back in St. Louis by early August.''

Dwindling profits and the increased competition at
the last few rendezvous indicated to Campbell and
Sublette that the beaver trade was dwindling. For the

last ten years, transporting goods from the east to sup-
ply the mountain men and hauling the 1 00 pound packs
of beaver from the mountains to St. Louis had been the

-^ The American Fur Company records are full of letters on how
to crush Sublette & Campbell by pay ing extravagant prices to keep
the robes and trade flowing to the AFC. Mattison. "Upper Mis-
souri." 15-16.

^'' Sunder Sublette. 134-35; Lavender. Fist in the Wilderness.
416-18. Don Berry, A Majority of Scoundrels, an Informal History
of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company (New York: Harper and Broth-
ers. 1961). 344-54.

'* Cited in Chittenden. American Fur Trade. 354.

"' Campbell. "Narrative." 30. 45. Campbell. "Private Journal."
115-18; Hugh Campbell to Robert Campbell. Philadelphia. Febru-
ary 14, and April 5. 1834. Campbell Papers. Missouri Historical
Society; Carter. "Robert Campbell." 67; "Correspondence of Rob-
ert Campbell. 1 834- 1845." edited by Stella M. Drummand Isaac H.
Lionberger Glimpses of the Past. 8 (Jan-June. 1941 ): 3-65; Coues,
Larpenteur. 63n; The actual contract of the transfer and reorganiza-
tion was signed June 3. 1834. James L. Clayton. "The American
Fur Company: The Final Years." (Ph. D. diss.. Cornell University.
1964). 152. 170-210. With the negotiations completed, a potential
rival bought out. and his monopoly of the Missouri River trade
restored. John Jacob Astor retired from the fur trade several months
later. On June I. 1834. Astor sold the Northern Department to
Ramsay Crooks and the Western Department to Bernard Pratt.
Pierre Chouteau and Company. Evidence suggests the AFC wished
to engage Campbell as a partner, which, in light of the competition
between Campbell and McKenzie. would have been interesting.

^■^ LeRoy R. Hafen and Francis F. Young. Fort Laramie and the
Pageant of the West. 1834-1890 (Glendale: The Arthur H. Clark
Co.. 1938). 25-26.

Slimmer 'iOOS

rule. Ashley's rendezvous system had been revolution-
ary, adequate for beaver skins wherein mountain men
could be the chief suppliers. Now. Campbell and Sublette
saw the wisdom in reluming to the old, established
method of trading with the Indians for fur. particularly
tanned buffalo robes. They had the foresight to per-
ceive the beaver trade was nearly over and the next big
wave would be bulky buffalo robes transported east in
wagons. The post trader would replace the mountain
man and rendezvous system. In fact, this proved true
as only tlve small AFC rendezvous occurred after 1 834.
Campbell and Sublette, therefore, made plans to estab-
lish a central trading post to control the vast interior."-

The establishment of such a post part-way between
St. Louis and the fur trapping areas meant a much
shorter distance for transporting supplies and furs to
and from the mountains. Located just 800 miles from
St. Louis and fewer than 30 days march from Indepen-
dence, Missouri, a fort on the Laramie River would ser\e
as a type of oasis in the desert, provide a storage facil-
ity for the bulky buffalo robes, and offer protection from
the elements, Indian raiding parties, and rival compa-
nies. Not only would the shorter trip be less hazardous,
the fort could operate year-round due to its favorable
location and easy access to both trappers and Indians.

Because a large part of Campbell and Sublette's fi-
nancial success depended upon Indians, location of the
post was critical. The partners agreed that the second
Fort William (Campbell later renamed it Fort Laramie)
should be located in the heart of buffalo country at the
junction of the Laramie and Platte rivers. Situated be-
tween the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains,
they recognized it as an excellent gathering place for a
large number of Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Sioux Indi-
ans, who could come and go, bringing their furs in at
any time. The site also served as an intersection of the
great Platte route to the mountains, the trappers trail
from Fort Pierre south to Colorado, Taos, and Santa Fe,
and the only permanent post between Fort Union in
Montana and Bent's Fort in Colorado and their 1834
license granted them the right to trade there."'

With the AFC out of the way in the Rocky Mountain
trade, Campbell and Sublette prepared for a prosper-
ous year in 1834. Campbell and Sublette gained a profit
from the sale of their posts and supplies, but even though
they had an agreement meant the AFC could not send
a supply caravan to the 1834 rendezvous but Nathaniel
Wyeth had already left Independence on April 28 on
his way to supply the rendezvous.'"* Wyeth had an agree-
ment with Thomas Fitzpatrick and Milton Sublette to
supply RMFC in 1834 but they owed Campbell and
Sublette a large sum of money. The RMFC agreement

_,,j<4»-,.

V I

s>

\t

rf

.11

Vi: lid

M ^:m

imf\x "■ ^'^ f

=L=-.L-.-N

.^

Interior of Fort Laramie Painting b\ Alfred Jacob Miller

with Wyeth represented their desire to get out from
underthe domination of Campbell and Sublette. Sublette
realized that if Wyeth beat him to the rendezvous, he
and Campbell would lose out. He quickK caught up
with Wyeth's train by mid-May and when he arrived at
the Laramie River at the end of May, he had a three-
day lead on Wyeth. "-

Campbell and Sublette carried out their plans to build
a fort near the confluence of the Laramie and North
Platte rivers to effectively enter the buffalo robe trade
of the Plains and be close enough to the mountains to
supplv the mountain men. About three-quarters of a
mile up the Laramie River from its junction with the
Platte, Sublette crossed over to the west bank and dis-
patched a dozen men with provisions to begin construc-
tion on the second Fort William ( Laramie)."" With fewer

" Merrill J. Mattes. The Great Plane River Ruad (L\nco\n: Uni-
versitN of Nehra.ska Press. 1969). 481. Fort William's establish-
ment marked the decline of the rendezvous system and the estab-
lishment of the first of the great permanent supply depots tor the
Indian trade and overland migration; terrell. The Sl\ Turnings. 237-9.
Huben 11. Bancroft. Histoiy of Xevada. Colorado, and ii'yoming.
l54(l-l8SS\o\. 25. (San Francisco: History Company. 1890). 683.
Their bond listed at $1500 and the capital employed at $2957.12.
■"Abstract of Licenses issued to trade with the Indians." House
DocuinenI 97. 33rd Cong.. 2nd sess.; Senate Document 69 Series
268. .Ian 21. 23rd Cong.. 2nd sess. (Washington. 1835),

''^Llokcy. Ashley. 196.

"^ Terrell. The Si.x Turnings. 236. Remi Nadeau. I'ort Laramie
and the SioiLX Indians {Eng\e\\ood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. 1967). 3.

'* Hafen and Young. Fort Laramie. 27.

22

Annals of Wyoming; The Wyoming History Journal

provisions to carry. Sublette moved quickly, easily beat-
ing Wyeth to the Ham's Fork rendezvous and, since he
was the RMFC's principal creditor, the RMFC was
obligated to purchase his supplies before Wyeth arrived.
After affecting the dissolution of the debt-ridden RMFC,
Sublette left the rendezvous on July 10, taking 60-70
packs of beaver and arrived back at Fort William
[Laramie] ten days later. Sublette reached Missouri in
late August with his load of furs."'

The Rocky Mountain Fur Company had a disappoint-
ing beaver hunt. Too much competition and sinking prof-
its caused the company to dissolve. Despite Campbell
and Sublette's agreement with the AFC dividing the
mountain and river trade in 1834. an AFC party under
Lucien Fontenelle and Andrew Drips trapped in the
partner's territory in 1834. Toward fall. Fitzpatrick,
Milton Sublette, and James Bridger joined Fontenelle
and Drips, to fomi Fontenelle. Fitzpatrick. & Company.
With the Rock\ Mountain Fur Company dissolved, this
new AFC controlled company purchased the mountain
interests of Sublette and Campbell, including a provi-
sional offer to buy Fort William [Laramie] the following
year. In less than a year, the AFC had gained control
of both Fort Williams, but Campbell and Sublette had
made a substantial profit from their business dealings."'*

On April 9, Robert Campbell left St. Louis for Fort
William [Laramie] to transfer the fort to Fontenelle.
Fitzpatrick. & Company and to bring down accumu-
lated bea\ er pelts and buffalo robes. Leaving St. Louis
with two companions. Campbell made excellent time,
reaching the fort in May. Campbell spent 1 5 days final-
izing the transfer arrangements with Fontenelle.
Fitzpatrick. & Company. After collecting his employ-
ees" furs at Fort William [Laramie]. Campbell. Andrew
Sublette and 12 companions built several bull boats to
transport the 460 buffalo robes back to St. Louis. A
land party took the 630 beaver pelts back on the mules
Campbell had brought the supplies on."" Robert
Campbell became the first American to successfully
navigate the North Platte for a considerable distance.
The shallow river provided multiple dangers, but until
quicksand forced him to land near Scott's Bluff he pro-
ceeded on without much difficulty.™ Just below the
forks of the Platte, Campbell encountered a hostile
Arikara village. Using sign language and a gift of to-
bacco, Campbell got his party safely through. Traveling
on the north shore, they rode their mules as fast as they
would carry them until they reached the Pawnee Loupes
village on the Loupes Fork of the Platte, passed Lucien
Fontenelle's AFC caravan and a group of Oregon bound
missionaries before arriving in St. Louis in August."

Campbell had the luck to survive dangers, the pluck
to successfully compete with larger rivals, and the
vision to foresee the decline of the beaver trade
and the increase in the robe trade.

Robert Campbell wisely left the mountains before the
beaver trade collapsed. Too many trappers relying on
too few resources nearly brought the beaver to extinc-
tion. Coincidentally. the fashionable French silk hat be-
came affordable, striking the death knell for the beaver
trade. Even in 1 834 when Campbell and Sublette built
Fort William (Laramie) they realized buffalo hides would
be the next major fur commodity. The financial panic
of 1 83 7 brought a sudden end to the high prices for fur.
The dwindling beaver supply, an overabundance of com-
petitors, and the success of Fort Hall. Fort William
(Laramie), and Bent's Fort brought an end to the ren-
dezvous system in 1 840. The qualities of leadership and
enterprise that brought Campbell success in making
money in the fur trade carried over into his St. Louis
business affairs upon his return to civilization and he
became one of St. Louis' leading citizens and wealthi-
est merchants. Campbell engaged in various merchan-
dising ventures, including real estate, invested in rail-
roads and steamships, and mercantilism. Supplying
western forts from his mercantile store in St. Louis.
Campbell continued to participate in the fur trade.

In I 836 Campbell and Sublette commenced several
business ventures in St. Louis. Campbell operated a
general mercantile store at 7 North First Street. In ad-
dition to receiving the majority of business coming in
from Santa Fe and Chihuahua. Campbell supplied ex-
plorers such as Fremont, fur companies, gold rushers
and other overlanders. opposition groups to the AFC.
as well as treaty presents and annual Indian annuities.

"' Sublette and Campbell had thus put down the potential threat
of Nathaniel Wyeth. who, upon being beaten to the rendezvous,
took his forty-one men and merchandise on to the Snake River.
Wyeth's group arrived a little above the Portneuf and Snake
confluence on July 14th and began building Fort Hall. Hafen. Bro-
ken Hand. 140-43.

"* It appears that after the Rocky Mountain Fur Company (com-
prised of partners Milton Sublette, Thomas Fitzpatrick, Jim Bridger.
Jean Gervais, and Henry Fraeb) dissolved after the 1834 Ham's
Fork rendezvous. Campbell and Sublette decided to focus on their
St. Louis plans to settle down and "entirely withdraw from the
Indian country ." Sunder. Sublette. 1 44.

"" Campbell recorded in a July entry about 630 beaver skins: 386
skins # 1 grade, 1 1 8 #2, 30 #3, and 96 small #2. He listed 460 buffalo
robes; 50-60 damaged. 50-60 painted. 15 yellow calves, about 25
rub. and 3 others damaged. Papers of the St- Louis Fur Trade. Part
3 "Robert Campbell Family Collection," series 2: 82.

'" Campbell, Rocky Mountain Letters. 21-3.

" Niles Weekly Register 4» (8 August 1835): 406.

Summer '2003

-23

Campbell also provided merchandise for Fort William
(Laramie), Fort Kearny, the majority of goods sold at
Bent's Fort, and commodities bought and shipped b>
Judge William Carter at Fort Bridger.'^ In 1855 an army
officer related how Campbell's name was good for any
amount of mone\ and more highly valued than go\ em-
ment currency."

Campbell's reputation as the leading financier and main
competitor to the American Fur Company and the
Chouteau coalition emerged. As historian John Sunder
wrote, "to upper Missouri fur trade investors in St. L.ouis
and the East. Campbell represented anti-Chouteau capi-
tal in its purest fonn."" Through thrift, sound judgment,
and persistence, Campbell used his financial assets and
political connections effectively and continued to pros-
per from the fur trade from his St. Louis operation base,
only now it was buffalo hides rather than beaver pelts
thai garnered high profits. Campbell continued to an-
tagonize the American Fur Company throughout the
1840s. 50s, and 60s. He provided the financial backing
for Alexander Harvey and Charles Primeau in the late
1 840s and 50s to challenge the AFC on the upper Mis-
souri. Harve>, Primeau & Co. built Fort Campbell on
the opposite bank of the river from Fort Benton. Fort
Campbell did a surprisingly good business in buffalo
robes and garnered about half that of Fort Benton. For
a time, the firm of Robert and William Campbell (no
relation) continued operations until Robert's brother
Hugh joined him in St. Louis in 1859.'^ A year before,
former St. Louis mayor John F. Darb\ honored Camp-
bell as one of the 3 1 pioneers in business who helped
build St. Louis. St. Louis historian J. Thomas Scharf
said that Robert Campbell "did as much perhaps as any
other single individual to give St. Louis her early fame
in the far West" and was "for nearly a half centur\ a
conspicuous figure in St. Louis business and social
circles, and in every relation of life was eminently wor-
thy of the regard in which he was universally held."'"

While Campbell never enjoyed the mountain man
lifestyle, he willingly faced the dangers to earn money.
He put the capital to use in his St. Louis business ven-
tures and was a courageous leader who displaved ex-
emplary character and shared his considerable wealth
with others. A very successful entrepreneur, Campbell
lived to become a millionaire. He owned a handsome

mansion on Lucas Place (now a museum, located on
1 5th and Locust Streets), as well as a great deal of real
estate in Missouri and Illinois." His storx pro\ ides an
important connection of the economic development of
half a continent and a closer look at the forces which
projected St. Louis as the crossroads to trade, empire,
and the western movement and illuminates the life of
an enterprising young pioneer who helped open the West
through the search of furs and profits.

" li was during this time that one of Caiiipbell's clerks at his St.
f ouis store abbreviated "Fort U illiam. on I aramie River" to "Fort
Laramie." Fhe mistake eauyht Canipbell's attention and he reeog-
nized it as the proper name For the Fort Robert Morris stated. "Mr
Lampbell changed the name oFthe tort. 1 have this Fact From Str
Campbell himselF" Campbell carried on a significant amount of
correspondence u ith Fort Faramie's post sutlers Seth Ward. Will-
iam Bullock, and John Mutton .Agnes W, Spring, ed.. "Old Fetter
Book." Annals ojllyomiiii; 13:4 ( 1941 ). 2.Wn. 2.37-3.iO: Coutant.
Ilistun n/li'yoming. .^01 -(12

" Campbell. Rocky Mounlain Letters. 5. Marilyn F Holt. "Joined
Forces Robert Campbell and .lohn Dougherty as Military Entre-
preneurs." licstern llislnncal Oiuirtcrlv 3(1 (Summer 1994): 183-
202,

" .lohn F, Sunder. I'lie I'nr Trade tin the I p/>er Missouri. IS4H-
/.S'6.1 (Nomian: University of Oklahoma Press. 1965). 92-3

''- He also bought a steamboat named the Robert Campbell ,loel
Overholser. Fort Benton ItorlJ's Innermost I'ost (Helena. .Ml:
Falcon Press Publishing Co.. 1987). 15-41. R. G. Robertson. Co/»-
petittve Struggle America's Western Fur Trading Posts. I~64-I865
(Boise: Tamarack Books. 1999).

'" Walter B.Stevens. iV Louis. The Fourth Cilv. rcU-IWigC^l.
Foiiis-Chicago: S. J. Clarke Publishing Co.. 1 404). 990,

" The Campbell House. A Romantic Sunival of Early .St Louis
(St. Fouis: privately printed). 3. St. Louis' leading citizens built
mansions all along Washington Avenue. Olive Street, and in particu-
lar along Locust Street (Formerly Fucas Place) Charles Van
Ravensvvaay, Saint Louis tn Inlornuil llislon- of the (.'m' and Its
People. I '64-1865 {Si. I ouis: Missouri Historical Socielv Press.
1991). 434.

The aiilhor. a native of Lyman. IVyoming. is
assi.slant professor of history at Brigham
Young Lhiiversity. Provo. Utah, where he .spe-
cializes in the histoty of the American West.
Native American history, and the history of
19th century America. He hohls the PhD in
history from the University of Nebraska. Lin-
i cohi.

s

SEVEN

by
LARRY K. BROWN

Herman

"Bert"

^siiB^^i

Barker, born

'j^^^^H^^^^^I

Oct. 30.

'-u^^^^^^l

1893, near

Aurora,

j^^^^^^^^^H

Missouri,

moved at age

10 with

family to

Webb City,

Missouri. At

the age of 15,

\

he was

arrestedfor

stealing

1

chickens.

The sky, like a moist sponge, bathed Cheyenne in a
grey pall that Monday, August 1, 1927.' And yet
Wyoming's capital buzzed with a festive air as folks
rushed through streets still stained by scat left from the
previous week's famed Frontier Day's horse parades.'

But the dark-eyed Carol Hamilton, with hair the sheen
and hue of a blackbird's wing, did not share that joy.
Well-groomed in a large hat and dark blue dress, the
37- year-old sat in her Chrysler and tried to read as her
beau, "Bert," walked toward the American National
Bank at 16"" and Capitol Avenue.- He had gone there
in his grey suit and a cap to cash some travelers checks
gained from a heist in Buffalo, Kansas, that past De-
cember. They would need the cash, Bert said, for their
trip back to Oklahoma - the state of Carol's birth as
well as the home of his "Ma," the matriarch of the infa-
mous Barker crime gang.-'

In what seemed like a blink, Bert rushed back with
his cobra eyes cast down and went to Carol's side of
their two-door car. "I got a rumble in the bank." he
said. Though chilled by his words, Carol tried to stay
calm as she stepped out on the road and let him get in
through her door. They had bags and camp gear lashed
to the running board on the driver's side.^

Just then, a "tall ... stout" young man walked up with
three checks in his hand and asked the pair to drive
back to his bank. There seemed to be some concerns
about the business

Bert had just done there. They said they would. But,
when the stranger had gone, Bert backed up their green

From "Actual Detective Stories of Women in Crime"

coach, drove down a few blocks, then whipped on to
the Lincoln Highway and sped off ^

For the best part of an hour, the pair raced toward the
Wyoming-Nebraska line. Then, just one-and-a-half miles
west of Pine Bluffs, Wyoming, they saw a man -
Laramie County Deputy Sheriff Art Osbom - speed
toward them. Carol said, he drove

' Mike Couch. National Weather Service. Cheyenne. Feb. 11.
2003; "Slayer Eludes Officers in Manhunt." \]'yoming Eagle (Chey-
enne). Aug. 5. 1927. 1; "False Reports Great Hindrance to Local
Force Hunting Killer." Wyoming Eagle. Aug. 5. 1927. 2.

' "Carol Hamilton. #38 [Colorado State Penitentiary #141 72]."
Wyoming Women Inmate Records, Wyoming State Archives. Chey-
enne; also "Statements of Defendant Made in the Sheriff's Office.
City and County Building. Cheyenne. Sep. 20. 22. and 24. 1927."
State V. Carol Barker (Hamilton). First Judicial District Court Record,
held in [Robert] Nelson Museum of the West. Cheyenne, pp. 4. 1 0.32;
"Woman Says Husband Shot Osborne [sic]," Wyoming State Tri-
bune & Sunday State Leader. Cheyenne. Sit'p. 19, 1927. 1.2. In fact.
Bert "limped noticeably" to the bank.

'"Statements of Defendant.. .."7-8.9- 10,27,32.33; "Slayer Eludes
Officers...".; "Arthur E. Osbom Murdered Monday." Pine Bluffs
Post. Aug. 4. 1927. 1; "Find No Trace of Slayer of Art Osborne
[sic], Wyoming State Tribune. Aug. 3. 1 927. 1,6. They were Ameri-
can Express Travelers Checks and. though accounts vary, some say
he cashed them for from $20 to $30.

■* "Statements of Defendant...." 4.19.27; also "False Reports
Great Hindrance to Local Force Hunting Killer." Wyoming Eagle.
Aug. 5. 1927, 2. When Barker endorsed the check at the bank, he
signed his name as "R.D. Snodgrass." confusing officials for some
weeks as they searched for that fictitious individual.

^"Statements of Defendant " 6.9.29. The Lincoln Highway

was, and is U.S. Highway 30.

Summer '2003

15

a rather old car; it did not have a top ... or it was down:
and signaled us to stop. We drove beyond him just a
short distance before we stopped and he came around
the side . . . where Bert was sitting."

They could see he did not have a gun in his hand as he
strode towards them. "I think you are the people I want,"
the lawman said with a grin.'

"Surely not, officer, you must be mistaken; we haven't
done anything," Carol replied as she forced a smile of
straight white teeth.* With that, Bert raised his nickle-
plated .32 caliber Colt automatic from his lap. "Put them
up and come around and get in." he barked. In Carol's
haste to make way, she slipped as she got out. And, as
she fell, she heard at least three shots. Stunned, she
stood to find the poor Osborn face down in the dirt on
the far side of their car- his revolver still holstered at
his side."

Just then, with a west-bound sedan in sight, she fought
off her fright and dragged the woimded man to the north
side of the road, into the ditch. Then, she rushed back
to her seat as the vehicle passed on its way.'°

Arthur E. Osborn. Laramie County deputy sheriff, died
Aug. I. 192^. after Herman "Bert" Barker shot him on
the old Lincohi Highway about two miles west of Pine
Bluffs.

When once more in flight, her fears roared back.
"Daddy," she screamed. "What did you do it for?" Bert
said he had to shoot when the lawman tried to grab the
gun from his hand. But. Carol would have none of it."
"If I thought you were going to do anything like that I
would leave you right now... Let me out of this car;
please put me and m\ things out on the highway." she
pled.'- But Bert stayed the course. "I need you too
bad." he said as he drove on till they reached the State
Line road. There, they turned right and. w ith a plume of
dust in their wake, made their way through fog and rain
to the top of Cemetery Hill. From there, they sailed
southeast, down a spine of buttes, till they crossed into
Colorado's wild Weld County.''

Within a half-hour or so, the> stopped at a school
house near Pawnee Butte, some 13 miles southeast of
Grover. Colorado. There, with the sun still high, the>
stripped their stuff from the large blue trunk on the rear
rack of their vehicle, then dumped it at the side of the
road. They hoped that would so change the look of their
car the law would be thrown off their track. '^

As Carol and Bert fled the high plains, officer Osborn
died about 3:20 p.m. -"within ten minutes after being

" "Statements of Defendant " 9.10-1 1.28; and "Search for

Sla\er of Officer is Fruitless." Wyoming Stale Tribune. .\\i%. 1.
1927. 1. 2; "Find No Traceof Slayer of Art Osborne [sic]; "Arthur
E. Osborn Murdered Monday." Pme Bluffs Post. Aug. 4. 1 927. 1 .

'"Sheriff Carroll Pays High Tribute to /Vrthur Oshorn." Pme
Bluffs Post. Sep. 29. 1 927. 1 ; " Wonian Sa\ s Husband Shot ( )sbome
[sic].": "'He (Osborn) was such a pleasant man. he had such a nice
smile." said Carol. Later, she also told Sheriff Carroll. 'I will never
forget that friendly smile, those kindly blue e>es."'

* Alvin Karpis. as told to Bill Trent. Public Enemy Xumher One
The Alvin Karpis Story ( roronto/Montreal: McClelland and Stewart
Ltd.. 1971). 106

''Coroner's inquest. Arthur E. Osborn. Pine Bluffs. Aug. 1, 1927.

'" "Statements of Defendant...." 1 1.13,20.21.27.39.40.42.43.44
Osbom's revolver was a .32-20 caliber Colt .Ann\ Special. Barker's
pistol was a .32 rimless caliber Colt automatic and Osborn's re-
volver was a .32-20 caliber Colt Army Special.

" "Statements of Defendant..." 10.12.20; "Woman Sa.\s Hus-
band Shot Osborne [sic]."

'■ "Statements of Defendant..." 11.12

" "Statements of Defendant...." 11; "Woman Says Husband
Shot Osbome [sic]."; Wyoming Atlas <t Gazetteer: Topo Maps of the
Fjitire State -Public Lands -Back Roads (Freepon. Maine: DeLorme
Mapping. 1992). 25; Colorado .Atlas ct Gazetteer: Topo Maps of
the Entire State -Public Lands -Back Roads (Freeport: DeLorme
Mapping. 2002). 94.

" "Statements of Defendant...." 1 1.14-15.20.44: "Woman Says
Husband Shot Osborne [sic(.""; "Finds Trunk of Slayer of Arthur E.
Osbom." Pine Bluffs Post. Aug. 25. 1927. 1 : "Find Trunk of "Slay er
Deputy Sheriff Osborne [sic]." Ilyoniing Eagle. Aug. 19. 1927. 1;
/Vuthor conversation with William "Bill" Bashor, Grover. Feb. 17,
2003.

L'6

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

taken back to Pine Bluffs" - or just a bit more than an
hour after he had left town on his fatal mission."

When Laramie County Sheriff George J. Carroll
learned that one of his best men had been brought down,
he sent a posse of "practically every able bodied man in
Pine Bluffs and the surrounding farming territory" in
search of the man. who had passed the bad checks in
Cheyenne. The sheriff described the culprit as being

about forty years; height about five feet seven inches;
weight about 150 pounds; smooth shaven" and his
spouse "'. . . being of dark comple.xion and weighed about
170 pounds.'^'

But. when the police failed to find their prey the ne,\t

day. Carroll cast a nation-wide net w ith the bait of more

than $1,200 in rewards." He also had more than 1,600

circulars sent to every state, plus Canada, as he asked

for leads - any leads - that might land those, who had

killed one of his deputies. '-

+ * *

The rest of Carol's and Bert's trip seemed but a blur
until they reached Tulsa, Oklahoma, on Saturday, Au-
gust 5, just four days after the deputy's death There, as
"Mrs. and Mrs. Sitiallwick," they rented a room for a
few days to rest.'" And - once more to thwart the law
- they swapped their soiled Chrysler for a Ford coupe
that would take them on to a farm Carol ^claimed she
owned northeast Hebner Springs, Arkansas.-"

Though she tried to convince Bert he should stay w ith
her until things cooled off, he left a few days later to,
once more, '"pull a job." Where, she did not know.-' It
would be late September before she would learn that
Bert had died by his own hand that past August 29
when police stopped him in Wichita after he had robbed
an ice company in nearby Newton. --

The Barkers immediately had their eldest son's corpse
brought back to Oklahoma so they could put him to rest
in the Williams Timberhill Cemetery at the town of
Welch. When Carol learned of their plans, she bought a
bus ticket from Arkansas, but claimed she arrived too
late for his funeral that Wednesday, August 3 1 .-^ So, a
friend drove her from Miami, Oklahoma - the Barkers'
hometown - some 1 5 miles west, so she could see her
lover's grave, "a big rounded-up pile of dirt." There,
she dropped to her knees and cried, "Oh, Bert. Bert,
you poor, poor fool. If we would only have lived de-
cent... if we would ..." As her voice failed, she took
flowers from the box she had brought with her, then
placed them with care on the fresh earth. "Good-by...
Honey," she said as she stood and wiped tears from
her eyes, then turned and ran back to the car.-"*

When authorities - including Sheriff Carroll from

Wyoming - learned she had been seen that night at his
grave, they set a trap. But, it failed. They caught her,
however, about 8 a.m., on Friday, September 16, at the
farm home of "relatives" some seven miles west of
Neosho, Missouri. She had gone to that town, she said,
"to buy her Bert a tombstone before," as she put it, "1
ended it all." But, when faced with the law, she said, "I
know what you want. 1' 1 1 go with you without any trouble
... All I want now is for the State of Wyoming to end
me - and I don't mean life imprisonment."-'
Sheriff Carroll left w ith her that same day en route to

'' "Search for Slayer..."; "Find No Trace of Slayer of Art Osborne
[sic]"; "Arthur E. Osborn Murdered Monday." Laramie County
Coroner Bayley H. Finkbiner. accompanied by Dr. ,f H. Conway
held their inquest on August 2. in Pine Bluffs. According to the
August 2 Tribune story. "One shot had entered Osborn's left arm.
about four inches above the elbow, passing through his arm with a
downward slope, entering his left side just above the hip bone,
lodging the hip join on the right side. The second shot entered his
back just above the left kidne\ and lodged in his right shoulder,
indicating b\ the direction of the bullet that he must have been
falling or in a stooping position when the shot was tired." The
following da_\. the Tribune added that Dr. M. L. Morris [in whose
oftlce Osborn died] "reported Osborne had been wounded three
times, and. presumabl> b> two shots as the course of one bullet
appeared to be through the ami and into the body where it perfo-
rated the intestines in six places and lodged in the lower pelvic
region. The second shot was apparently from the back and through
the left shoulder."

'" "Woman Says Husband Shot Osborne [sic]"; Robert Winter.
Mean Men: the Sons of Ma Barker (Danbury, Conn.: Rutledge
Books. 2000). 17-18.

""Proclamations of the Governor. 1890-1959." Book 1 & 2.
1890-October 1954. pp. 547-548. Wyoming State Archives.

'* "Woman Sa>s Husband Shot Osborne [sic]"; "State of Wyo-
ming v. Carol Hamilton (aka Barker)." First Judicial District Court.
Laramie County Criminal Case file #6-460. Wyoming State Ar-
chives; author telephone conversation with Maxwell E. Osborn. the
son of Deputy Sheriff Art Osborn. Sun Lakes. Ariz.. Jul. 14.2002.

'■' Winter. 1 7; also "Woman Says Husband Shot Osborne [sic]."
Wyoming State Tribune & Sunday State Leader, op. cit.

^" Winter, 1 8; E-mail from Charles Stuart. Cleburne County His-
torical Society. Heber Springs. AR. to author. Mar. 7, 2003

-' "Woman Says Husband Shot Osborne [sic]."

" Ibid. Karpis. Public Enemy Number One: "Woman Says Hus-
band Shot Osborne [sic]"; Robert Winter. Mean Men: the Sons of
Ma Barker, 96; Rick Mattix and William J. Helmer. "Evolution of
an Outlaw Band: The Making of the Barker-Karpis Gang." Part I -
website: http://\vww'.oklahombres.ore/barkerl.htm. Feb. 1 8. 2002;
website http://wvvw.dillingerthehiddentruth.freeservers.com/
photo4.html. Feb. 18.2002

-' "Widow of Bandit Arrested Near Neosho." Neosho. Mo..
Sept. 17. 1927. 1.

'■' "Woman Says Husband Shot Osborne [sic]"; Carol Hamilton
Barker (as told to Harlan Mendenhall). "My Life as a Gang Leader's
Wife." Actual Detective Stories of Women in Crime (Chicago: De-
cember 1938). 42. Welch. Okla.. is in Craig County. 14.3 miles west
of the Barkers' home in Miami (Ottaway County). Okla.

-' Ibid:. "Woman Says Husband Shot Osborn"; "Widow of Ban-
dit Arrested Near Neosho." Sep. 17, 1927. 1.

Summer ■200:i

Cheyenne, where he and his staff soon
learned from her not onl\ how and why
their deputy had died, but what the pair
had done in those months prior to that
crime. Bert, they learned, had been
wounded by a shotgun blast January 1 7.
1 927. at his gang's hideout in Cartersvilie.
Missouri, following a failed heist of a bank
safe at the town of .lasper. 32 miles north
of Joplin.--

When Missouri officials failed to make
a case against Bert tor his role in that
crime, they turned him over to the Ar-
kansas authorities to stand trial for his past
crimes in that state. While in the Fayette-
ville jail, however. Bert escaped. That is
when. Carol said, they tied to the West
Coast... so he might mend in the sun
there.-' But. while en route back to Okla-
homa. Bert tried to pass the stolen checks
in Cheyenne and that is when his life be-
gan to fade to black.-*

As for Carol, her mood so improved through confes-
sion and reflection that, in a jail chat with a reporter
later that same month [September], the "apparentl) re-
fined, well mannered woman" said.

I want to live. I want to go through with this thing, meet
the requirements of the law. and then devote mN life to
righting the wrongs that my dead husband committed.
My husband, even though he did not live as he should,
was a good man. At heart there wasn't a bad thought in
him.

As she and the scribe talked, she glanced at a smal
photo she held of Bert. "Oh. Mr. Reporter." Carol con-
tinued.

he was so good to me; 1 loved him so much; he tried so
hard to do nice things for ine; and never once did he say
an unkind word to me . . . And now to think that he is
dead; that 1 shall never see him again.

When asked why then had Bert shot poor Osborn. she

said.
Oh, 1 do not know; I can't understand. I am sure that if
he had thought it over and not acted on the spur of the
moment he would not have done so. Really, Mr. Re-
porter, he didn't want to hurt anyone.-"

But her version of his life failed to jibe with the facts
known by the men of the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion, as well as many others in law enforcement.

The Bert they knew - the eldest of four sons bom to
George Eliasand Arizona Donnie (nee Clark) Barker-
had been born on October 30. 1893"' in or near Au-

Carol Hamilton Barker

rora, Missouri. About 1903, the Barkers
moved in-state to Webb City, where he and
his brothers. Lloyd William, Arthur Robert
"Doc," and Freddie went to grade school.
Five years later, following brief stay in
Joplin. the famil\ had moved to Tulsa.
where the police arrested the 1 5-\ ear-old
for stealing chickens and sent him to jail
forayear." Such sins, however, would be
the start of a life on the lam that so scarred
histor\ that there are still but few. who
have not heard of the feared Barker
gang.'-

-" \\ inter. 77-7S. I hough nearl_\ two do/,en pel-
lets later uinild be plueked I'rom his hide, one left
under his lelt knee eap eaused hini to limp "notiee-
ahl\" the rest of his life.
^' Ihul

'^ Ihid/. Winter. 73-74.

-" -I Must Li\e to Right My Dead Husband's
Wrongs.' - Widow of ( )sborne's |sic] Sla\er." l/'io-
nuno Ea^le. Sep. Z.i. U'27. 1.
'"Winter, wiir

" "Woman Sa>s Husband Shot Osborne [sie|."
'- "I he Kidnaping of Edward George Bremer. St. Paul. Mmne-
sota. HistoPi and Early Association of the Karpis-Barker Gang
Prior to the .Abduction of Mr. Bremer." Eederal Bureau of Investi-
gation Barker-KarpisGangSumman, (RCS: ED, I.C. #7-576). Nov.
19. 1936; Winter. 5. 6. 12-14. 15-18

William J. Rmer. judge in I he First Judicial District

iS

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Back in Cheyenne, thanks to Carol's cooperation.
Sheriff Carroll lost no time in taking the "well dressed,
and apparently well composed... Mrs. Barker" on Mon-
day, September 26, before the First Judicial District
Court. There, as she stood just a few feet from his
bench. Judge William A. Riner read the charge: that
she had tried to help a felon - Herman "Bert" Barker -
in his flight from the law." How would she plead, he
asked.

"Yes, sir," she sobbed.

"You mean you wish to plead guilty?" Roche Mentzer,
the Laramie County Attorney and Prosecutor, inquired.

"Yes, sir."

When asked by the judge if she wished to say more
before he read his sentence, she tried, but could not
control her voice. So, Judge Riner deemed that, be-
cause "...she had not taken part in the actual murder of
Deputy Osborne," she would serve at least two years,
but no more than four in the Colorado State Peniten-
tiary. Wyoming had no such facility for their women
criminals. Carol began to cry and, as the sheriff took
her back to her cell, she "only with difficulty.. .restrained
a complete break-
down."-"*

Three days later - Sep-
tember 29, 1927 -Sheriff
Carroll drove her to Canon
City, Colorado, where, as
Inmate #14172, she an-
swered questions put to
her by the clerk, who
logged her into the prison:
Occupation? "House-
wife." Parents? "Mother."
[Her father had died in
1915.] Children? "No."
Religion? "Catholic."
Then, a doctor weighed
her -"180 lbs" - and mea-
sured her height - "5' 6- 1 /
4"" - and examined her
skin for marks and scars." g

Once in the Women's :i
Ward cell in which she <
would be forced to live for s
the next two years,'" o
Carol recalled "Our lovely, |
white-haired matron, Mrs. o
[Hannah L.] Campbell,
made it as easv on us as

Carol Hamilton as Inmate No.
State Penitentiary

possible, and was very encouraging to us all. I worked
in the laundry, went to chapel on Sundays."" Such ex-
periences, not all unlike those she must have known as
a child, may well have caused her to cast back in her
mind to the time when her life began on April 16, 1 890,
in Sapulpa, Oklahoma. There, as Mary Carol, she
seemed to have a happy childhood as the second of six
children bom to Cornelius D. "Tony" Antone and his
wife, Lydia.'*

Tony, an Oneida Indian from New York, had gone
southwest in 1 886 to help move logs from the Sapulpa
area - fifteen or so miles southwest of today's Tulsa -
to the railroad terminal at Red Fork, also in that area.
The prior year, Lydia Van Loon had left Missouri to
"see the Pacific Ocean." But, when she reached Red

" "Art Osborne [sic] Slayer's Wife Sent to Prison," Wyoming
State Tribune. Sep. 26, 1927. 1 ; State ofWyoming v. Carol Hamilton
(aka Barker). Laramie Count>' Criminal Case tile.

" "Art Osborne [sic] Slayer's Wife Sent to Prison": State of
Wyoming v. Carol Hamilton; "Wife of Slayer Receives Penitentiay
[sic] Sentence." Pme Bluffs Post. Sept. 29. 1927. 1. Convicted
Wyoming women felons were imprisoned under contract from Oct.

6. 1909. until May 21, 1921. at
the Colorado facility.

-•' "Carol Hamilton. #38."
Wyoming Women Inmate
Records; Winter. 48. On her up-
per left arm, he found a vaccina-
tion scar, plus as a faint scar on
her inner forearm and a "jagged
scar" that crossed the back base
of her left index finger. On her
right arm. he saw a "large jagged
scar" caused by the botched re-
moval of a tattoo as well as a faint
horizontal scar at the inside bend
of her wrist. And. while examin-
ing her head, he made note of a
small black mole on her right ear
and a U-shaped scar near the hair
at the center of her forehead. Ac-
cording to Winter, the tattoo con-
sisted of the initials "FEM."

"■ "My Life as a Gang Leader's
Wife." 42.
" Ibid.

'* E-mails from Penny Boren,
Skiatook. Okla.. Dec. 4. 2002 and
Mar. 8. 2003; Sapulpa. Oklahoma.
74066. compiled by the Sapulpa
Historical Society (Sapulpa, OK:
Sapulpa Oklahoma Historical So-
ciety). 1979, 94; Certificate of
Death. #622307, Carol Tankersley
[sic]. State of Oklahoma, Depart-
ment of Health. Oklahoma City,
Nov. 19,2002

14172. Colorado

Summer i2003

Colorado State Penitentiaiy for Women where Carol Hatnilton \ms incarcerated after her conviction

Fork, she took a Job and that is where she met Tony.
They married there on June 9, 1886. and moved to
Sapulpa. where she would gain some fame as the first
white woman to Hve in that area. She and Tony built the
first house there from logs they cut on the banks of
Rock Creek. Though poor, the proud and respected
Antones seemed to do well as Carol and her siblings
joined their lives.'"

At about age thirteen. Carol's folks sent her to the
Chilocco Agricultural School, a Catholic institution just
north of New kirk, near the Oklahoma-Kansas line, to
gain a basic education as well as skills that might help
her lead a useful life. But. soon she ran back home.
She claimed s\\Q left school, because "...papa is almost
down with the consumption, he is not able to work and
mama needed help." But her mom. she said, "...dont
[sic] like for me to miss school." So. a contrite Carol
penned a note on January 5. 1904. and asked Colonel
S.M.M. Cowan, the institution's superintendent, to let
her return "...on my own expence [sic]." And. she did
go back to graduate with her eighth-grade class. ^"

Though it is not clear what life she lived in the next
two decades, she said she met her Bert in August 1 924.

I was 24 [sic: 34] andhe was nearly 33 . . . I was working
as a waitress in a cafe. Bert otlen ate at the place where
I was working. . .(He) said his name was Herman Hamilton
... He was refined, spoke softly and seemed to be a
perfect gentleman. He said he dealt in cattle - a lucrative
trade in Oklahoma at that time.^'

Following a courtship of "'dates, dinners, dances, and

parties," she said she "was desperately in love ... I
even loved to hear the name "Bert" which he wished
me to call him."

Marriage, she claimed, came that November in
Crowder, Oklahoma, when a Justice of the Peace made
her the wife of "Herman Hamilton." She did not learn
his true name, however, till "several months later," af-
ter they had rented a home in Wichita Falls, Texas. Then
came "the most terrible shock" of her life. She said she
went to bed early as Bert sat and read in their parlor.
"I'll leave the bedroom door open so I won't be lone-
some," she told him as she kissed him goodnight.

"That's swell, honev. Now you run ahead and get
your beauty sleep. I'll be along pretty soon."

About two hours later, she woke up to find the bed-
room door closed and she heard voices in the parlor.
Though she caught but bits of what they said, she knew
they argued.

Robbery. ..well, kill him then. ..don't wait ...we've got to
getmore money ...money ...four thousand dollars... we'll
stick up that ...■*-

'' Sapulpa. Oklahoma. ~4066. 94. 202; "C. D. Antone. First
Sapulpa Citizen, Passes." Sapulpa Herald. Ma> 5. 1915. I; Creek
County Burials. 1917-1975. Nancy Green Chapter NSD.AR.
Sapulpa, Okla.. n.d.. 71.

*" Letter. "'Mayme" (Mary Carol) Antone. Sapulpa, l.T. [Indian
Territory], to S.M.M. Cowan, Superintendent. Chilocco Indian
School. I.T.. Jan. 5. 1904; Letter. Cowan to Miss [sic: Mrs.] Lizzie
Antone. Sapulpa, I.T.. Jun. 26. 1905: E-mail from Penny Boren.
Dec. 4. 2002.

"" ""My Life as a Gang Leader's Wit'e." 9.

*■ Ibid. 9-\Q.

30

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Stunned, she said she slipped out of bed and tiptoed to
the door. "Elmer's got all the dope on this store in Eiectra
[about 26 miles northwest of Wichita Falls]," she heard
one say. "It"s a cinch. 1 tell yuh, we can get four thou-
sand bucks just as easy as that."

''Well don't get so loud," Bert warned.

Through the keyhole, she saw six men. Bert sat in a
chair at the table with a pencil in hand. The others
grouped about him. "Well, it sounds all right to me,"
Bert said. "We'll pull it all right. Now here's the details
again. All you guys get 'em clear. Bill you drive the car.
Pale, you ..."

When the gang had gone and Bert had joined her in

bed. Carol wailed. "Bert, you lied to me you lied to

me." Yes. he had lived a life a crime, he said. "But I'm
still in love with you, Carol. If you think you don't want
to live with me I won't try for one minute to keep you.
You can leave me and just forget that we ever met."^'

So. with more sleep and the next day's dawn, she
once more caved in and said she'd stay. "That's the
girl," he laughed. "You'll never regret it."

But she did as she met more and more of those in
Bert's gang: - a veritable "who's who" of criminals in
the late 1920's and ■30s. In fact, some of the worst of
those bad folks proved to be Bert's mom, the notorious
"Ma" Barker and his brothers. And, the more she lived
their kind of life, the more she took on their taint.

I was soon worked into the middle of the gang's activi-
ties [she said], not in the actual pulling of jobs, as they
speak of robberies and holdups and murders, but in the
"casing" of the towns where the particularjob was to be
pulled.

She also began to smoke, drink liquor, and talk as
tough as those with whom she spent so much time. But
though that kind of life crushed her "...conscience into
the ground," she said she "'couldn't get away from (her)
home training. ..couldn't forget that (she) was doing
wrong. "^■'

Though she had long known of her mother-in-law's
vile reputation, Carol said she did not meet the infa-
mous "Ma" till her youngest son, Freddie, had been ar-
rested near the Barker's home in Tulsa in the spring of
1926 and sent to Fort Smith, Arkansas, "where he was
wanted on a charge of some kind.""^ According to Carol.

Ma called us at once to tell us what had happened and
asked Bert to send money to spring Freddie. So Bert
gave me ten $ 1 00 bills and 1 got on a train and went to
Tulsa. I hated that trip worse than anything I had done
since I had married Bert. But there was nothing else I
could do but go ahead with it.Mrs. Barker and I went

over by bus to Fort Smith, sprang Freddie and brought
him back to Tulsa.^''

Two days later in Wichita Falls, Carol remembered a
call she had received from her mother. "'Carol,' Mother
said. I could detect a note of anxiety in her voice. 'Some-
thing must be wrong. Some officers were just at the
house here asking about you. Are you in any kind of
trouble?'

"Some officers?' I gasped, then tried to talk calmly.
'Did they say what they wanted with me?'

"No, they didn't say anything about that," her mom
replied.

"Well, don't you worry any. Mother... A friend of ours
got drunk up at Muskogee the other day, and ...and ran
into a filling station. They probably just wanted to know
if I knew where he was." Carol later bemoaned, "How
it hurt me to lie to my mother, but I couldn't stand to
have her find out the terrible mess I was in. ..or my
connection with the gang."^'

So, with the law on their heels, Carol and Bert left
Wichita Falls in haste and made their way toward Okla-
homa, "because they'll least suspect," said Bert, "that
we're coming back ... and besides I know some good
hiding-places there. "^''

Once they crossed the Texas state line, they drove to
Radium Springs, a spa just a mile or so south of Salina
in the northeastern part of the state. "These springs are
a good place to cool off" Bert said. "We'll just lay low
here in these mountains for a while."'*''

That the authorities still looked for the pair did not
seem to stir Bert in the least, but Carol so rued their
plight she "hardly could enjoy the beautiful scenery be-
cause of the terrible fear." In fact, as days dragged on,
she nagged Bert that they should leave before the law
found them there. Finally, he gave in and said they would
go to see one of his old cronies at Richer, Oklahoma,
not far north of his family's home in Miami.-"

Once they reached the house where that friend lived,
Bert went in search of his pal's room while Carol walked
back to the car get their bags. Later, she said,

I was inside the car, had my luggage and was almost
ready to go back into the house when I happened to
look out of the glass in the rear of the car. I stopped

'^ Ibid., 10.
". Ibid.. 1 1

Karpis. as told to Bill Trent. 83.
■"" "My Life as a Gang Leader's Wife,'
" Ibid.
" Ibid.
■" Ibid.
^" Ibid.. 15.

14.

Summer '2003

31

suddenly. I didn't know what to do. There were two
poMcemen in unifomi iooicing at our license tag and
checking it with a number they had written on a small
pad ... 1 knew that if 1 went back into the house where
Bert was the officers probably would get both of us. But
I thought 1 might be able to go in exactly the opposite
direction and maybe not even be caught. With my heart
pounding in my throat, 1 got out of the car and as
nonchalantly as possible started walking away . . . and
the house where Bert was. Then 1 heard one of the
officers say: "There . . . isn't that her . . . ?" I wanted to
run. but I thought 1 had a better chance if I didn't. 1
walked faster. Then I heard the other officer say; "She
fits the description we got of the woman." Then 1 heard
them start toward me. The feeling I experienced when 1
heard their footsteps is one I hope and pray I never
experience again. I wanted to control myself, but I
couldn't. I dropped my suitcase and started running
just as hard as 1 could.

"Hey, you ... stop!" one of the lawmen shouted. When
she failed to do so, officer U. S. Jennings gave chase
and, after they had run a block or so, he grabbed her
arm and snapped a pair of cuffs on her wrists.

"Where's your husband?" Jennings asked.

"I don't know," she snapped. Then, with her next
breath, she said. "1 don't have a husband. I'm Just trav-
eling by myself " But those lies failed to sway Jennings
as he whisked her off to Jail. There, for the first time in
her life, she found herself in a cell, but it would not be
her last time in such a place. Later, she would recall,

I was completely broken in spirit. 1 wanted to kill my-
self, and I think that perhaps if I had a gun I would have
done that very thing. 1 was never so disgusted with
myselfinallmy life.^'

Regardless, because Carol led the law astray that
day, Bert could have escaped. Instead, he stayed.
Worse, that night he drank too much, then went to the
Jail to demand her release. But the authorities, stunned
by his stupidity, instead tossed him in the same cell with
Carol."

Despite all that, their luck held as a friend called Ma
Barker, who soon came on the fly with Q. [Quilliki] P.
McGhee, a Miami, Oklahoma, attorney, who had long
served their gang. And with his help, Carol and Bert
found themselves out on bail, though it took most of
their cash.^'

"Listen, Carol," Bert said as they drove back that
night to Tulsa, "I'm going to send you on the train to
Memphis, Tennessee ... I'll follow through in the car in
a few days. Gettin' out of Jail there at Richer cost too
much money. I'm 'bout broke again."

So, as he wished, Carol went on to Memphis, where
she claimed she got a suite in a fine hotel, bought new
clothes, and lived "like a queen."

Perhaps you wonder at my living so luxuriously when
Bert had mentioned that he was almost broke [Carol ex-
plained] ... he considered himself "about broke" unless
he had at least more than $5,000. 1 had taken $2,000 with
me to Memphis, and that sum had to last me about two
weeks - until Bert arrived there with more.'*

The "more" - about $25,000 worth of Jewels Bert
had fenced for $1 5,000, plus "quite a bit of cash"- had
come from a theft that May 1926 from the Newton
Jewelry Store at McAlester, Oklahoma. ''

Flush once more with their new found wealth, they
planned a night on the town. But, as they left their room,
three armed detectives stepped forth. "All right, you
two, you're under arrest." McAlester authorities had
tracked Bert to Tennessee and, with the help of local
lawmen, they nabbed the pair as suspects in the New-
ton Jewelry Store robbery.^"

But once more, as if by magic, Q. P. McGhee came
on-scene. This time, with a fake warrant, he swore
Ketcham, Oklahoma, authorities wanted the pair for a
bank robbery there. And with such guile, he not only
squirreled Bert and Carol out of the Memphis jail that
June 2, but out of the "Volunteer State.""

Once more out of the law's hands, Carol's thoughts
turned back to that time they had gone to the resort in
Oklahoma. "Do you think we'll be able to buy that prop-
erty at Radium Springs now?" she asked Bert.

"I'm still planning on it, Carol. Bert replied, "and some-
time soon, too." Though she vowed not to know the
details, she claimed, "...we had the Radium Springs
property a little less than a month later.'** 1 was so happy
to get it. My husband made it out in my name."'" But
her joy proved to be short lived. In reply to a note she
had written, inviting her mother to Join her and Bert at
the resort for a vacation, she received the following
from one of her kin:

" Ibid.
'- Ibid.
"■'• Ibid
'' Ibid. 49.
" Ibid.. 50.

"'■//jj^y.; Winter. .52-55.

" "My Life as a Gang Leader's Wife." 42: Winter. 55-56.
■' Mattix and Helnier. 4.

^'' Telephone conversation between Mrs. Betty Lou Thomas.
Pn or. Okla.. and the author. Mar. 4, 2003

3:2

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal

Carol: Your Mother... cannot come to visit you be-
cause (she is) dead. (She) died grieving over your ac-
tions. (She) learned all about you and your marriage...
Please don't come to see us any more."'

Shamed by thoughts that her sins had killed her mother
and had torn her family ties to shreds, she once more
considered taking her own life. "'But I didn't have the
nerve." she said. Instead, she turned to whiskey. "It
was my only source of relief - it lasted only for a short
time - and after it had worn off I felt more miserable
than ever," she said. "So 1 plunged recklessly into crime
along with the rest of the gang. It proved to be a trail
she could not get off."'

Nor would life improve for Bert. Following still an-
other arrest and conviction, this time for a failed bank
job in Jasper. Arkansas, authorities sent him to jail in
Fayetteville. In the meantime, once more on the loose,
Carol took a room in a Tulsa boarding house. In the
meantime. Ma went to see her imprisoned son. On one
such visit, she slipped to him four hacksaw blades she
had stashed in her clothes. And, with those tools, he
sawed his way free, then ran to the edge of town where
he linked up with "Pa" Barker, who waited in a car. His
dad then took him straight to Carol's apartment. "-

But, though glad to see him, the strain of all that had
past between them and the sight of his wounds took
their toll on Carol. In fact, her smile soon changed to
tears as she cried out. "Oh. Bert, why did I ever marry
you," then threw herself in bed, where she sobbed her-
self to sleep. When she woke up in the dark, she found
Bert gone, but he had left her a note:

Honey, we're going to go on a long trip to the West -
where we'll be safe. Just you and me. We'll leave to-
night. I'll have the car ready when 1 get back. We both
need a good, long rest. - Bert

Soon, he returned to their room and said with a smile,
"We'll, are you about ready to go?"

"I believe I am." she replied as if there had been no
spat. "I think it will be a lot of fun." In fact, it proved to
be a dream come true as Carol had long wished for a
trip through the West. Within an hour, they were on
their way. The date: March 27, 1927. "The night was
clear," she said. "Stars filled the heavens and the moon
was the most beautiful I had ever seen.""'

The next two or three weeks at their hideaway on
the West Coast, according to Carol, "(it was) the best
time I had had in ages." Bert too seemed to enjoy the
experience. "Why can't it be this way always?" she
asked. "Why don't we sta_, out here and never go back.

Why don't we change our names and you get a re-
spectable job, and we'll forget all of the past."

But the die had been cast. "Ma says everything is all
right down there [in Tulsa], and for us to come back,"
Bert said as he returned to their room, after having talked
to her by phone. Despite Carol's pleas, Bert vowed
they must go home. ..to Oklahoma.. .to his gang. That
decision proved fatal for him and helped put Carol in
the Colorado State Penitentiary.""'

Fortunately, though, her time in the pen seemed to
pass "...quite rapidly." And, on September 26, 1929,
authorities approved Carol's parole to her old friend and
attorney McGhee, who had offered her employment
back in Oklahoma."^

Though it's not clear what type of work she performed
for McGhee, those who knew Carol best have said she
moved back to Sapulpa and took a room in the Carleton
Hotel, where she picked up " ...a few dollars as a hus-

''" "My Life as a Gang Leader's Wife." 50.

" Ibid.

-' Ibid.. 33-34.

" Ibid.. 34.

"' Ibid..A\-Al.

''■ Ibid.. 42; Wyoming's Charities and Reform Board. Book J.
Sep. 16. 1929. p. 340; "Cora Hamilton. #38." W\oming Inmate
Records. Wyoming State Archives. Cheyenne.

Dorothy E. Simmon, Carol 's niece

Summer ■200$

33

tier." Then, once she gained her "sovereign" release
from the law on May 1 9, 1 930, she went to West Tulsa.""
There, with thirteen diamonds that Bert had left her.
she sold one by one for cash on which to live. Finally,
with but four left, she claimed she ". . . got a job work-
ing in a cafe, it was a very nice cafe, too - one of the
best in Tulsa." Perhaps she did. But. once more, some
of her crime cronies have sworn she made more - much
more - through prostitution."^

Regardless, as she walked home one evening, she
unexpectedly met her eighteen-year-old niece, Dorothy
Slaymon."'* "Why, Aunt Carol, where on earth did you
come from? 1 heard that you had been killed." Those
words pierced the Carol's heart. "They had told her
that," she thought, "perhaps, so she wouldn't ever find
out what a terrible thing her Aunt Carol had done." As
they hugged in the lamp light, Carol explained her "'mys-
terious' disappearance" by lying that she had been "out
in California working" and had just returned. And she
excused herself for having failed to stay in touch with
her family by adding, "I always was a bad hand at writ-
ing." With that, Dorothy, who worked as a stenogra-
pher, suggested they share an apartment "to cut down
expenses." At first, Carol balked in fear Dorothy might
learn of her past with Bert as well as how she supple-
mented her income. But, she gave in, because. "1 was
awfully hungry for companionship." Besides, she
thought, "(Dorothy) would help me forget the past. We
would start life out together anew.""''

How prophetic those words proved. Within a year,
she and Dorothy moved to a "jazzy new apartment there
in Tulsa, where Carol managed what at least one Barker
gang member called a "massage parlor.""'

Late 1930 brought more changes. That is when her
Carol claimed to her kin she had wed the new love of
her life: Seth Camberlin Tankersley." But, if they did
marry, that relationship did not last long. Seth took a
new spouse but two years later. '-

Though few seem to know how Carol spent the last
three decades of her life, it seems she lived much of
that time in Oklahoma City as "Mrs. Seth Tankersley."
There, under the care of Dr. John J. Batchelor for some
five years, Carol suffered from diabetes and related ills
till she died at age seventy-two at St. Anthony's Hospi-
tal on December 31,1 962. Cause of death: "Thronibo-
sis-Cerebral-hemiplegia" [blocked blood vessel(s) in the
brain, resulting in a stroke]. It had been brought on four
days earlier by diabetes-induced damage to her vascu-
lar system."

Following a funeral mass at St. Joseph's old cathe-
dral, where she long been a member of the Roman

Catholic church, her family buried her on January 2,
1 963, in the Fairlawn Cemetery at Oklahoma City.'^

Soon after, her sister, Elizabeth and brother. Tom. may
have found, as they cleaned out her home at 100-1/2
West Grand, the small Bible Carol had kept and cher-
ished since age eight. Her mother, who had given her
that book also had written the following on its flyleaf:
"To my baby Carol, from Mother ... God forgives not
seven times but seventy times seven times."" At first,
Carol said she did not fully understand the meaning of
that inscription. But, with Bert's death, she said she
knew, "1 could be forgiven . . .1 could start over again."

"'• Karpis. 106-107^

"'Mattix and Helmer; "My Lite as a Gang Leader's Wife." 34;
Karpis. 106-107. According to Karpis. she moved to West Tulsa,
because '". . . the hustling (there) was more lucrative"

"* Creek County Burials. 19r-19~5. the Slav man [sic: SlaymonJ
family.

'''' "My Lite as a Gang Leader's Wife," 42-43.

"'Karpis. 106-107; "Alvin E. Karpis of Tulsa, Okla., and Miss
Dorothy E. Slymon |sic; Slaymon]." Kiefer. Okla. Marriage Records.
■ State of Oklahoma, Creek County. Sapulpa, Okla., Sept. lb. 28.
1431.

" Karpis. 106-107; "My Life as a Gang Leader's Wife." 43.

'- felephone conversation, Joel Tankersley. Green River. Wyo..
and author, .Ian. 6, 2003

"E-mail from Courtney A. Brown, M.D., Louisville. KN'. to
author, Feb. 26, 2003

" Certificate of Death re Carol Tankersley; also "Mrs. Carol
Tankersley." The Daily Oklahoman. Oklahoma City, Okla.. Jan. I .
I%3.27.

" Bible. New Testament. St. Matthew. Chap. 18:21-22. ". . .
1 hen came Peter to him. and said. Lord, how oft shall my brother
sin against me, and I forgive him'^ Till seven times'.' Jesus saith unto
him. I say not unto thee. Lentil seven times: but. I intil seventy times
seven."

Larry Brown is author of seven books and nu-
merous articles. He also has written short sto-
ries published in prestigious magazines. IVyo-
ming Writers, Inc.. honored his Hog Ranches
of Wyoming: Liquor, Lust and Lies Under Sage-
brush Skies, with a "Western Horizon" Award
in 1995. His Petticoat Prisoners of Ohi Wyo-
ming won the Wyoming State Historical Soci-
ety "Publications " award in 2001. Brown has
been a frequent contributor to Annals.

Wyoming Memories

Victory Gardens and Fort Caspar Artifacts

By Reid May

During World War II the concept of "victory gar-
dens" became quite popular. It was decided that our
small church group, under the direction of President
MacFariane of the Casper Branch of the Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, plow and plant some
virgin bottom land quite close to the North Platte River
near Casper and raise some corn and tomatoes.
MacFariane either owned or had leased this parcel.

My father. Frank P. May from Midwest, Wyoming,
volunteered to do the plow ing. This was done probably
on a Saturday in early May of either 1943 or 1944. My
brother Joseph Allen May from Evanston, and I went
with Dad on that spring day. Joe was about 12 years
old at the time and I would have been about ten.

Shortly after Dad put the plow to the soil, we discov-
ered an artifact or two. At first our discoveries were
rather modest — several ox shoes and yoke keys. Later,
we found dozens of more significant items including
10-12 lead bullets or slugs. (All but one of these slowly
disappeared over the years at "show-and-tell" sessions
of the four boys that were born to our family. I man-
aged to retain one of these and it is one of my most
prized possessions).

One item, that we kept in a drawer of Mom's Singer
sewing machine, was a blue-gray medicine bottle about
seven or eight inches long and in perfect condition. It
was rather square in form, not round like most medi-
cine bottles, and one very distinguishing feature — on

one side was embossed the word "cocaine." None of
us has a clue of what became of this fantastic artifact.

There were several brass military uniform bottles
among the items we found that day. We also found three
or four human skulls, apparently Native American,
which my father turned over to the MacFariane family.
However, the biggest find (other than the human re-
mains mentioned above) came a few weeks later. My
brother Joe was hoeing com when his hoe struck metal.
He dug into the soft soil and unearthed a brass U. S.
Arniy cavalry belt buckle. He has it to this day and
proudly tells the story of its discovery at every opportu-
nity!

The men of the group surmised that they had discov-
ered the site of the original Fort Caspar, but apparently,
no one contacted the sheriffs office or any historians.
I would be interested in knowing if there are any other
reports regarding this discovery.

The author was born at the "Institute " near
Worland where his father was the irrigation su-
pervisor. The family moved to Casper where he
and his brother Joe attended McKinley School.
They later moved to Midwest. Brother Dean L.
May, born in Worland in 1 938. was a well-known
Western historian at the University of Utah. He
died May 6, 2003. The author now lives in
Saratoga, Calif.

Wyoming Picture

From Photographic Collections
in Wyoming

The len voting wunieu pictured were members uj the L'liiversity uj H'yommg Home)! s Athletic Association. The photo-
graph, unlabeled as to names of the women and the man pictured with them, dales from about 1950. From an album
labeled "W A A. ". the photograph is from the Louise Thouin and Ruth Campbell Collection, Accession #681 ', Ameri-
can Heritage Center. I 'niversity if Wyoming.

Join the Wyoming State Historical Society,
and your local historical society chapter

State Membership Dues:

Single: $20

Joint: $30

Student (under age 21): $15

Institutional: $40

Benefits of membership include four issues per year of
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Chevcnne WY 82009-4945

Index

Access Fund 4. 6
Access Fund and Gillette

Climbing Club 4
AIRFA 5"
American Fur Company

8. 16. 17. 20. 23
American Indian Religious

Freedom Act (AIRFA) 2
American National Bank

24
Antone. Cornelius D. 28
Antone. Lydia 28
Arapaho 3
Arapooish (Crow chieO

12. 13
Archbold. Bob 6
Arkansas State Peniten

tiary 32
Ashley & Smith 11.15
Ashley. William 10. II.

17. 20
Ashley's rendezvous

system 2 1
.Assiniboines 19
Astor. John Jacob 8
Alsinas 14
Aughalane. Tyrone Co .

Ireland 9
Aurora, Missouri 27
Bad God's Tower 3
Barker. Arizona Donnie

(nee Clark) 27
Barker. Bert 24-32
Barker brothers 27
Barker. Carol Hamilton.

24-33. (photo. 27)
Barker. Ma 24. 31
Barker. Pa 32
Batchelor. Dr John J. 33
Bear Lake fight 14
Bear Lake rendezvous 14
Bear Lodge Multiple Use

Association 6. 7
Bear Stops. Romanus 7
Bear's House 3
Bear's Lodge 3
Bear's Tipi 3
Belle Fourche River 3
Bent. Charles and William

17
Benton. Thomas Hart 10
Bent's Fort 22
Bitterroot Valley 13
Black Hills Climbing

Coalition 4
Blackfeet 14
Blackfoot Confederacy

14
Bonneville. B. L, E, 17
Bracelette de Fer (Iron

Wristbands) 12
Brown. Larry K, (author)
24-33; bio. 33
Buchanan, Elizabeth 9
Buckley. Jay H- (author)

8-23;'bio,'23

Buffalo. Kansas 24
buffalo robes 21
Cache Valley. Utah II
Campbell Co. Campbell

trapped in 1 3
Campbell. Hugh 9. 23
Campbell. Hugh. Jr 10
Campbell. Mrs, Hannah L.

28
Campbell. Robert 8-23

health of 10; opens St.

Louis store 22
Campbell. Ruth 34
Campbell. William 23
Canon City. Colorado 28
Capitol Avenue 24
Carroll. Sheriff George J.

26. 28
Carter. William A. 23
Cartersville. Missouri 27
Cheyenne version 3
Chilocco Agricultural

School. 29
Chouteau family 10. 17
Chouteau, Pierre 17
Church of Jesus Christ of

Latter-Day Saints 34
Clark. William 10. 16
climbing history 4
climbing management

plan 4
climbing moratorium.

June 6
Clinton. President Bill 5
Colorado State Peniten

tiary 28. 32
Coveney. Lawrence 4
Cowan. Col, S.MM, 29
Crees 19

Crooks. Ramsay I 7, 20
Crowder, Oklahoma 29
Crows 3
Cut Face (Shoshone) 12.

14
Darby, John F, 23
De Smet. Father Pierre

13
Deloria. Vine. Jr 5
Deschamp. Francois 19
Deserter's Point 12. 16
Devils Tower. 2-7
"Devils Tower. Wyoming;

An Examination of a

Clash in Cultures. " 2-7
Dodge. Col Richard 1 3
Downes. Judge William 6
Drips. Andrew LS, 17. 22
Edinburgh University 10
Electra. Okla. 30
Elias. George 27
Erin Benevolent Society.

10
Eshehunska (Long Hair.

Old Bums; Crow) 12
Exum Mountain Guides 6
Fairlawn Cemetery

(Oklahoma City) 33
Farrar. Dr Bernard G 10
Fayetteville, .'^rk,. jail 27
Final Climl ing Manage

ment Plan 5. 7

Fitzpalrick. Thomas

14. 16. 21
Fontenelle. Fitzpatrick. &

Company 22
Fontenelle. Lucien 1.5,

17. 18. 22
Fort Benton 23
Fort Campbell 23
Fort Caspar 34
Fort Hall 22
Fort Laramie 8

Fort Laramie treaty 14
Fort Riley, Kansas 1 1
Fort Smith. Arkansas 30
Fort Union 18. 19
Fort William (Mo. River)

18, 22

Fort William (Fort

Laramie) 21, 22
Fraeb, Henry 16
Friday (Warshinum;

Arapaho) 12
Gant and Blackwell 1 7
Gardner, Johnson 12
General Land Office 3
Geological Survey 3
Gervais, Jean 16
Gill, Campbell & Co. 18
Gillette Climbing Club 4
Grant, President U, S, 15
Grey Eagle Society 4
Grey, John 12
Grover, Colorado 25
Haes, Brenda L. (author)

2-7, bio, 7
Hamilton, Carol 24-33;

(photo 28)
Ham's Fork rendezvous

22
Harvey, .Alexander 23
Harvey, Primeau & Co

23
Hebner Springs. Ark. 26
Henry. Andrew 10
Hoecken. Father Adrian

13
House. Bill 4
Hudson's Bay Company

16
Independence Rock 16
Indian Commissioner.

Campbell as 14
Insillah (Flathead chieO

12. 13
Iroquois 16
Iroquois trappers 12
Ishkatupa. Pawnee chief

II. 12
Jackson. David E. 1 1
Jasper. Mo. 27
Jennings. U. S. 31
June voluntary climbing

closure 6
Ketcham. Oklahoma. 31
Keyte, James 10
Kiowa tale 3
Kiowa Tribe (Okla ) 7
Laramie River 21
Larpenteur, Chartes 18
Levendosky, Charles 5
Liggett, Deborah 6

Lincoln Highway 24
Long Hair (Old Bums),

Crow chief 13, 14
Lucas Place, St, Louis 23
Mateo Teepee 3
Mato Tipila 3
May, Dean L, 34
May, Frank P. 34
May, Joseph Allen 34
May, Reid (author) 34
McAIester, Oklahoma 31
McGhee. Q, [Quilliki] P.

31
McKenzie - 19, 20
McLeod, Christopher 5
McLoughlin, John 12
Medicine Wheel Coalition

4
Mentzer, Roche 28
Miami, Okla. 26, 30, 31
Milton, N C, 10
Missouri Buttes 3
Mitchell, David D. 14
Morgan, Dale 9
mountain climbing 2
mountain men 8-23
Mountain States Legal

Foundation 6, 7
Muskogee, Okla, 30
national monument 3

nation's first 3
National Park Service 2-

8
National Register of

Historic Places 4, 7
Neosho, Missouri 26
Newkirk, Okla. 29
Newton, Kansas 3, 26
North Platte River 22
O'Fallon, John 10
Ogden, Peter Skene 12,

16
Osborn, Art 24. 25
Osborn, Arthur E. 24. 25,

(photo 25)
Pattie, James O, 17
Pawnee Butte 25
Pawnee Loupes village 22
Petefish, Andy 6
Picher, Oklahoma 30
Pierre's Hole 14, 16
Pilcher, Joshua 17
Pine BlufTs, Wyo. 24, 26
Pine Ridge Reservation 7
posts, fur trading built by

Sublette & Campbell 18
Primeau, Charles 23
Provost, Etienne 12
Quiver, Elaine 7
Read. Al 6

Reddle Forsyth & Co. 18
Richmond. Virginia. 10
Riner. William J. 27. 28
Ripley. Willard 4
rock-climbing 4
"Rocky Mountain

Entrepreneur; Robert

Campbell as a Fur Trade

Capitalist" 8-23
Rocky Mountain Fur Co,

8, 15, 16, 22

Rogers, Linnie 4
Rogers, William 4
Roosevelt, President

Theodore 3
Sapulpa, Oklahoma 28,

29, 32
Saskatchewan River 14
Scharf J. Thomas

(quoted) 23
Scots-Irish immigrants 10
Scott's Bluff 22
Seven Sisters 3
"Seventy Times Seven" 24-

32
Sierra Club 4
silk hat 22
Sioux Nations 5
Slaymon, Dorothy E., 33

(photo 32)
Smith, Jackson & Sublette

8, II, 13, 16
Smith. Jcdediah 11, 15. 16
South Pass 1 1
St. Louis 23
St. Vrain. Ceran 17
State Line road 25
Sublette & Campbell 17
Sublette. Andrew 22
Sublette. Milton

14. 18. 21
Sublette. William 8. 16. 18.

20
Sulphur Springs ranch 17
summer solstice 5
sun dance 5

Sunder. John (quoted) 23
Tankersley. Seth Camberlin

33
Teton Basin 16
Tevanitagon. Chief Pierre

13
Thouin. Louise 34
Tracy, Frederick A. 18
Tsonetokoy, Dewey, Sr. 7
Tulsa, Oklahoma 26
University of Wyoming

Women's Athletic

Association, inside back

cover
Van Loon, Lydia 28
Vanderburgh, Henry 17
"Victory Gardens and Fort

Caspar Artifacts" 34
Webb City, Missouri 24, 27
Weissner, Fritz 4
Welch, Okla, 26
Wichita Falls, Texas 29
Wilkinson, Charles 5
Williams Timberhlll
Cemetery 26
Wyeth, Nathaniel 17. 18.

21
"Wyoming Memories" 34
Wyoming Picture, inside
back cover

Indexed by Phil Roberts

PAST PRESIDENTS, W^ OMING STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Wvoming Slate ffislorical Society was organized in October 1 953 The folhiwlnii are past presidents of the Society:

1953-55: Fnmk Bowron. Casper
1955-56: William L Marion. Laiidcr
1956-57: Dr. DcWilt Dominick. Cody
1957-58: Dr T A. Larson. Laramie
1958-59: A H MacDougall. Rawlins
1959-60: Thclma G. Condit. Buffalo
1960-61: E A Littleton. Gillette
1961-62: Edness Kimball Wilkins, Casper
1962-63: Charles Ritter. Cheyenne
1963-65: Neal E Miller. Rawlins
1965-66: Mrs Ch;irles Hord. Casper
1966-67: Glenn S\\ eem. Sheridan
1967-68: Adrian Reynolds. Green River
1968-69: Curtiss Root. Torrington
1969-70: Hattie Bumstad. VVoriand
1970-71: J Reuel Amistrong. Rawlins
1971-72: William R Dubois. Cheyeime
1972-73: Henr> F Chadey. Rock Springs
1973-74: Richard S Dumbrill. Newcastle
1974-75: Hcnr> Jensen. L\ site/Casper
1975-76: Jay Brazelton. Jackson
1976-77: Ra\ Pendergraft. Worland
1977-78: David J Wasden. Codv

1978-79: Mabel Brown. Newcastle
1979-80: James June. Green Ri\ er
1980-81: William F Bragg. Jr . Casper
1981-82: Don Hodgson. Torrington
1982-83: Clara Jensen. Lysite/Casper
1983-84: Fern Gaensslen. Green Ri\ er
1984-85: Dr Da\ id Kathka. Rock Springs
1985-86: Mar\ Gamiaii. Sundance
1986-87: Ellen Mueller. Cheyenne
1987-88: Mar> Nielsen, Cody
1988-89: Loren Jost. Ri\ erton
1989-90: Lucille Dumbrill. Newcastle
1990-91: Scott Handley. Pine Haven
1991-92: Dale Morris. Green Ri\ cr
1992-93: Dr Walter Edens. Laramie
1993-94: Sally Vanderpoel. Torrington
1994-95: Ruth Laurit/en. Green River
1995-96: Maggi Layton. Riverton
1996-97: Dr Mike Cassity. Laramie
1997-99: Patt\ Myers. Buffalo
1999-2000: Dr Mike Jording. Newcastle
2000-02: Da\ id Taylor. Casper
2002-03: Dick Wilder. Cody
2003- : Linda Fabian. Wheatland

-^w^

i^Vi*

.f'ri^-^'

7

nnais o

I

WYOMING

The Wyoming History Journal

Autumn 2003

Vol. 75, No. 4

fT'l

The Cover Art

*'Air Mail Service Statiouy Cheyenne, Wyoming"

Postcard from the collectiotis of the American Heritage Center, Univesity ofWyorning

This postcard illustrates the linking of tlie nation through the U.S. Air Mail Service. The first air
mail service bega)i i)i May 1918 with flights between New York and Washington, D.C. During
the next two years the service moved slowly west and on September 8, 1920, the country celebrated
the beginning of the transcontinental air mail service. On that day, planes flying east and west
landed in Cheyenne, one of the main stops along the route. Flying east out of Cheyenne, the De
Havila)id Four biplanes landed in North Platte, Nebraska, on to Omaha, eventually to New York.
Flying west, the planes stopped in Rock Springs to refuel, next to Salt Lake City, and ended their
flights in San Francisco. According to a newspaper report of the time published in the Casper
Daily Tribune, "the transcontijioital daily air mail is the most difficult flyingproject yet tmdertaken.
It iiivolves daily operatioii over a route nearly 3,000 miles long with flying firquently under most
trying conditions. " The accou)it also discussed the weather, an important consideration for the
pilots flying the biplanes, and stated "the greatest difficult)' in this respect . . . will be encountered
by westbound planes between Cheyenne and Laramie. " Of course, it was the wind which provided
the greatest obstacle. Because of the air mail service, Cheyenne became an important stop on the
transcoiitinental air route, a distinction held by Wyoming's capital city until the mid- 1940s.

Information for Contributors:

The editor ofAiiimls of Wyoiiniig welcomes manuscripts and photographs on every aspect ot the historj' of Wyoming and the
West. Appropriate For submission are unpublished, research-based articles which provide new information or which offer new
interpretations of historical events. Fitst-person accounts based on personal experience or recollections ot events will be consid-
ered for use in the "Wyoming Memories" section. Historic photo essays for possible publication in "Wyoming Memories" also
are welcome. Articles are reviewed and referred by members of the journal's Editorial Advisory Board and others. Decisions
regarding publication are made by the editor. Manuscripts (along with suggestions for illustrations or photographs) should be
submitted on computer diskettes in a format created bv one ot the wiclelv-used word processing programs along with two
printed copies. Submissions and queries should be addressed to: Editor, Annals of Wyoming, Dept. 3924, 1000 E. University
Avenue, Laramie WY 82071, or to the editor by e-mail at the following address: rewig@uwyo.edu

Editor

Rick Ewig

Guest Editor

lohn R. \\*ag_eener

Assistant Editors

Sarah Bohl
Annie Proulx

Book Review Editor

Carl Hallberg

Editorial Advisory Board

Kathcnnc Curtis^.. Sheridan

Dudley Gardner, Rock Springs

Sally F. Griffith, Lusk/Havertown, Pa.

Don Hodgson, Torrington

Loren Jost. Riverion

James R. Laird. Wapiti

Mark Miller, Laramie

Mark Nelson. Green River

Wyoming State Historical Society
Publications Committee

Barbara Bogart. t\'anston

Rick Ewig, Laramie

Linda Fabian, Wheadand

Rowene Giarrizzo, Powell

Carl Hallberg, Cheyenne

Phil Roberts. Laramie (ex-ofFicio)

James VanScoyk, Star Valley

Rose Wagner, Cheyenne (ex-officio)

Wyoming State Historical Society

Executive Committee

Linda Fabian. President, Platte Counr\'

Dave Taylor, 1st Vice Pres.. Natrona Co.

Art Kidwell, 2nd Vice Pres., Park Co.

Cindy Brown, Secretar)', Laramie County

James VanScoyk, Treasurer, Star Valley

Laura Lake, Natrona County

Clara Varner, Weston County

John R. Waggener. Albany County

Marge Wilder. Park Count)-

Judy West. Membership Coordinator

Governor of Wyoming

David Freudcnthal

Wyoming Dept. of State Parks and
Cultural Resources

Phil Noble. Director

Cultural Resources Division

Wendv Brcdehoh, Administrator

Wyoming Parks & Cultural Resources
Commission

Carolyn Buft, Casper
W''illiam Vines. Wheatland
Herb French, Newcastle
Ernest C. Over, Pavillion
Diann Reese. Lyman
Alexandra Service. Thermopolis
Emerson W Scott. Jr.. Buffalo
Vern Vivion, Rawlins
Jerrilynn Wall, Evanston

University of Wyoming
Philip Dubois, President
Oliver Walter, Dean, College ol Arts and

Sciences
Kristine Utterback, Chair, Dept. of Histor\'

finals of

WYOMING

_The Wyoming History Journal
Autumn 2003 Vol. 75, No. 4

Linking Wyoming to the Nation:

Wyoming's Transportation History

By John R. Waggener

Flight 409: Tragedy on Medicine Bow Peak

By Mel Duncan

The United Airlines Stewardess School in Cheyenne,
Wyoming

By Michael Kassel 11

Putting Wyoming On the Map: The Story of the
Official Wyoming Highway Map

By John R. Waggener 19

A Room for the Night: Evolution of Roadside Lodging
in Wyoming

By Heyward D. Schrock 31

Index 4(1

Wyoming Picture Inside back cover

Annals of W\'omtng: The Wynminii History- Journal is published quarterly by the Wyoming State Hisloncal Sociely in
association with the Wyoming Department of Stale Parks and Cultural Resources, the Amencan Hentage Center, and the
Department of History, University of Wyoming The journal was previously published as the Quarterly Bulletin ( 1923-
1925). Annals of Wyoming (1925-1993). \\\oming Annals (1993-1995) and Wyoming History Journal (1995-1996), The
Annals has been the official publication of the Wyoming State Historical Society since 1953 and is distnbuted as a benefit
of membership to all society members. Membership dues are: single, $20; joint. S30, student (under 21 ). S15. institu-
tional. $40. contributing, $100-249: sustaining. S250-499; patron, 5500-999; donor. S1,000+, To join, contact your local
chapter or wnte to the address below. Articles in Annals of Wyoming are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America
Hisior\- and Life.

[nquines about membership, mailing, distnbunon. reprints and back issues should be addressed to Jud\' West, Qx>rdinator. WVoming State
Hi.stoncal Stxiety. PMB# I S4. 1 740H Dell R^mge BKd,. Che>enne W^' 82(X")9-i445 Edilonal correspt^ndence should be addressed to the
editonal office oi Annals of Wyoming. Amencan Hentage Center Dept. 3924, !(X)0 E. Um\ersit\ A\enue, Laramie W 'I' 82071
Our e-mail address is: rewig@uwyo.edu Printed bv Pioneer Printing, Cheyenne

Graphic Design: Vicki Schuster

Copyright 2003, Wyoming State Historical Society

ISSN: 1086-7368

2 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

W:

John R. Waggener, Guest Editor

'hen I was a bov growing up in Green River, one ot my biggest thrUls was hearing Dad yell out to us kids
in the sandbox, saying, "Isids, let's go to Little America and get an ice cream cone." With Mom and Dad
up front and we kids in the back, the 1969 Ford Galaxy 500 was off— rolling west down 1-80. Though I
have to thank Mom and Dad for treating me to those wonderful ten-cent cones, I also have to thank Mr.
S.M. Cover for making them available. He saw an opportunit}- in Wyoming. He saw an opportunity centered on
transportation, and he constructed his fine roadside stop (complete with an ice cream machine) to serve the needs of
travelers going east or west on the nation's great corridor, US 30. Transportation has always been a rich component to
the histor\' of Wvoming. A phvsiograpliic feature known as the Wyoming Basin allowed much of this histon' to happen.
Southern Wyoming acted, and still acts, as a corridor for movmg people, goods, and ser\'ices across this nation. The fact
that Wvoming is a corridor makes it one of the most vitally important states linking the west to the east — something
Lewis and Clark attempted to do two hundred years ago. But saying Wyoming is just a corridor does not tell the whole
story. In this special edition of Annals of Wvoming, "Linking Wyoming to the Nation," four articles have been selected to
share some of Wyoming's other fascinating stones about transportation. Mel Duncan, in his article, "Flight 409: Tragedy
on Medicine Bow Peak," tells the reader this airline crash was the nation's worst airline crash to that date. He describes
how the crash was pivotal to the eventual overhaul of the nation's air traffic control system. When reading Michael
Kassel's article, "The United Airlines Stewardess School in Cheyenne, Wyoming," the reader wiU discover United Airlines
was the first airline in the world to have trained female flight attendants on its aircraft and that those first eieht stewardesses
and literally thousands of others were trained in Cheyenne. Even peripheral transportation-related things, like Wyoming's
official road map, have made a national impact. In my article, "Putting Wyoming on the Map: The Stor\' of the Official
Wyoming Map," you will learn
why Oregon dubbed Wyoming's
map the "king of them all."
Finally, Hex'ward Schrock will
allow the reader a place to spend
the night, when he describes the
development of lodging in "A
Room for the Night: Evolution
of Roadside Lodging in
Wyoming." When viewing the
"Wyoming Picmre," featured on
the back page, you will discover
that the electric garage door
opener, something most
Americans take for granted toda\',
was invented in Wyoming in
1918. As guest-editor of this
edition, I hope you find these
articles beneficial to your
understanding of Wyoming's
transportation histor)'. I also hope
this issue rekindles memories for
you like it did tor me. Enjoy W\'- A harness shop served as the backdrop for this 1908 photo of the Thomas Flyer horseless carriage as it
omine's rich transDortation stopped at Lovejoys Garage in downtown Laramie before it headed bac/t out on the road. The eventual winner

. of the New Yorl< to Pans Road Race, the Thomas Flyer completed the round-the-world race in 169 days proving

heritage. (/,g automobile could and would replace the horse. Elmer Lovejoy Collection, American Heritage Center,

University of Wyoming.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 3

Tragedy on
Medicine
Bow Peaic

By Mel Duncan

The aircraft was
demolished on
impact. This was
the worst acci-
dent to that time
in the history of
commercial
aviation in the
United States.

On October 6, 1953, a United Airlines DC-4 crashed into Medicine Bow
Peak, killing all 66 people on board.' The aircraft was demolished on impact.
This was the worst accident to that dme in the histon,- of commercial avia-
tion in the United States.
Flight 409 originated at New York's Idlewild Airport at '?:\0 p.m., on October 5,
1955. Its destination was San Francisco, Calitornia, with intermediate stops scheduled for
Chicago, Omaha, Denver, and Salt Lake Citv. Delayed bv weather, the flight arrived in
Denver on Thursday, October 6, at 5:51 a.m., one hour, eleven minutes late. A routine
crew change was made and the new crew consisting of Capt. Clinton C. Cooke, Jr., First
(ItTicer Ralph D. Salisbun,', )r., and Stewardess Patricia D. Shuttleworth took over the
flight duties. Cooke and Salisbury were making the trip together for the first time. The
company dispatcher briefed Cooke on the en route weather.

Cooke was well acquainted with the route, having flown it forrv'-flve times in the
pre\aous year. He was tliirty-five years old and had accumulated 9,807 fl\ing hours, making
him one of the airline's most experienced pilots. Salisbun' was thirty-three years old and
the father of two. He had worked for the company since 1 952 and had accumulated
2,41 8 flying hours. Salisbun,- was a promising young pilot who held a degree in aeronauacal
engineering and was devoted to the many aspects of aviation.

The aircraft was refueled to a total of one thousand gallons of fuel, bringing its
takeoff weight to 64,147 pounds. The maximum allowable weight for the DC-4 was
64,800 pounds.

The flight left Denver's Stapleti )n Field i m the nn irnmg of October 6, bound for Salt

' Information from this article comes from the "Inited .\irlines Flight 409 Crash Collection," .Ace. 10404,
American Heritage Center, Universit)' of Wyommg (3 bo.\es) and from subject file, "Aircraft Accidents -
\X-yoming - Medicine Bow Peak," which is held at the American Heritage Center, University of Wvoming, and
from references cited in the booklet, "Flight 409" copyrighted in 1996, revised 2002, by Mel Duncan, Chey-
enne, Wvoming.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

Lake Citv. Cooke called the company dispatcher and
reported his takeoff time as 6:33 a.m., now one hour
and nvent\-threc minutes late. These were the last words
the world would hear from flight 409. Carrying sixt\--
three passengers and three crewmembers, only one seat
had remained unfUled. Two of the passengers were infants.
Less than one hour later, flight 409 made histor)-.

The flight was scheduled to flv north from Denver,
over Laramie, then make an almost 90-degree turn at the
Rock River radio beacon to continue west to Salt Lake
Cit)'. Flight 409 failed to report passing Rock Springs at
the scheduled time of 8:11 a.m. A routine radio search
was initiated with negative results. The Ci\dl Aeronautics
Agency was notified of the missing aircraft at 10 a.m., on
the morning of October 6.

At that time there was no radar coverage to mark
the time and place of disappearance. In the event of
suspected crashes, initial air searches were normallv
conducted along the planned flight path. The search was
initiated along this route.

The flight had been cleared from Denver to Salt
Lake Cit)' via Victor 4 to Laramie, V-1 1 8 to Rock Springs,
V-6 to Fort Bridger, and V-32 to Salt Lake Cit}'. The
company operating rules stated that pilots would foUow
these air routes even under visual conditions. The
operating manual further stated that for unpressurized
aircraft, "Flight will normally be conducted at levels not
to exceed 12,000 feet." This would include the un-
pressurized DC-4.

Most of the commercial DC-4 aircraft were
manufactured during World War II as C-54s and were
later released for civil aircraft fleet use. This particular
aircraft, N30062, was manufactured as a C-54, serial
number 18389, during the war year 1943. The aircraft
had accumulated 28,755 hours of use. Nine hundred fift\'-
four of these aircraft were manufactured before the
Douglas Aircraft Company began building the
replacement DC-6. In 1955, the newer DC-6 was plagued
with problems and the veteran DC-4s were kept in service
beyond their expected service life.

The DC-4 was powered by four Pratt and WTaitney
R-2000 engines, each producing 1450 horsepower. The
Hamilton Standard propellers were fourteen feet in
diameter. It was capable of cruising at about 230 miles
per hour. By the early 1 950s it was being replaced as U.S.
airlines sold their older airplanes to foreign airlines.
However, the U.S. Nav}' continued to use a version of
the aircraft well into the Vietnam War era. The DC-4
was not pressurized and normally flew at about ten

thousand feet. The seating capacity was sixty-four
passengers.

The aircraft was reported missing about an hour after
its scheduled reporting time over Rock Springs. In answer
to the missing aircraft alert, the Wyoming Air National
Guard launched two search aircraft from Cheyenne: a
two-seat T-33 piloted by Mel Conine and a single seat F-
80 piloted by Ed Weed. They intuitively pointed their
aircraft toward the highest mountains in the region. Elk
Mountain and Medicine Bow Peak. With Conine as pilot
and an observer in the rear, they were able to conduct an
effective search.

Aircraft wreckage had been reported on Elk
Mountain but proved to be wreckage from a prior
aircraft accident. They then turned south to search the
Medicine Bow Mountains. Just southwest of the highest
portion of Medicine Bow Peak they spotted first the
black stain on the mountain and then the actual wreckage
at 11:40 a.m. Extreme turbulence prevented them from
flying close enough to spot any possible survivors and
they turned to return to the base. As thev turned, they
were contacted by a United Airlines DC-3 also searching
in the area. Conine was asked to direct the UAL aircraft
to the crash scene. This aircraft, piloted by Frank Crismon,
also encountered extreme turbulence near the mountain.

After the discover)- of the wreckage on the face of
the cUff, and no visible indication of the forward portion
of the fuselage, it was, for a time, thought that the forward
portion of the aircraft must be over the crest of the
ridge. A C-47 from Cheyenne was launched to search
the area for the remainder of the aircraft. Nothing was
found and with ground crews arriving on the scene, that
part of the search was terminated.

Information was relayed to the 44*'^ Air Rescue
Squadron, stationed at Lowr)? Air Force Base in Colorado,
and an SA-16 rescue aircraft was dispatched to the scene.
Although the rescue aircraft had the capabilit}' of dropping
a parachute team, none were dropped, due partially to
high winds over the crash scene.

At the Salt Lake Cit)' airport friends and relatives
waited with increased anxiet)- with each passing hour. By
mid-morning those inquiring about flight 409 were
ushered into a company room for a briefing as the events
transpired. It was afternoon before the company could
confirm their worst fears: the aircraft had crashed. There
was a lingering hope that there could be survivors;
however, as the afternoon wore on it became increasingly
apparent that there would be no survivors. Finally, by the
evening of October 6, it was announced that there were

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -■ Autumn 2003

indeed no survivors.

Between sevenn' and one hundred would-be rescuers
made their wav to the crash scene b\' Thursday evening,
onh' to determine that all aboard had died in the crash.
Carbon Count\- Sheriff John Terrill of Rawlins was one
of the first on the scene and took charge (jf earlv rescue
attempts. When it became apparent that there were, in all
likelihood, no sun.'ivors, and in the tace of snow and
howling winds, he called ott all et-forts at dusk and
ordered all rescuers to return to the base camp about a
mile awav.

The high winds and falling snow drove the rescuers
to seek shelter in the closest buildings to the crash scene,
the Universit\- of W'voming Science Camp some six miles
awav. Here a meeting was held on the evening ot the
crash to determine how the task of removing the victims
of the crash could best be accomplished. It was
determined that the help of experienced mountaineers
was requireci and that the L niversitv of W'v< )ming C^unng
Club and their Colorado counterparts should be
summoned to the scene. Bv Friday morning every
available ambulance and hearse in the regnon was brought
in to transport bodies to Laramie.

about six miles awaw In addition, a line was laid to
Centennial and then, by interconnecting lines utilizing the
U.S. Forest Service, Union Pacific, and Little Laramie
Telephone Company lines, to the fjmnor Hf)tel in
Laramie. News coverage and recovery- coordination was
handled at the operation center in the hotel.

The Wyoming Air National Guard sent a \\'< )rld \\ ar
II combat ambulance to the scene and began making
runs from the base camp at Mirror Lake, down to the
L'niversin.' ot Wyoming Science Camp. The science camp
was turned into a temporan morgue.

By Friday morning, October ^, virtualK every
newspaper in the United States featured an article on the
crash. \t first they reported sixts-four people killed, then
sixt\"-tlve, and with the discover,- of another infant nn
board, the toll was set at sixt\'-six killed.

More than three hundred workers \\erc on the scene,
including the national guard, Cj\il Air Patrol and state,
counn, , and 1( ical law ent< ircement officials. Tlie \\ \'ommg
Army National Guard, led b\' Capt. Kenneth T.
McGinness, headed for the mountain with four trucks
and a jeep. The Civil .\ir Patrol sent representanves. The
Carbon Counts' Sheriffs department, led by Terrill, had

Rescue personnel scour
the crash scene at the
base of the cliffs where
much of the wreckage
settled American
Heritage Center.
University of Wyoming

Workers from Mountain Bell Telephone Company
were summoned from all across the state. After meeting
with United Airlines personnel they were requested to
lay wire torm the old science camp to the crash scene.

been the first to arrive on the scene, .\lbany Count\'
Under-Sheriff Ingrum arrived shortly after, and a
discussion transpired to determine in which counr\' the
crash was located, .\fter a time it was determined that

6 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

the crash site was indeed located in Carbon Count)-. John
Hill of the Universin- of Wyoming was later called in to
sur\-ev the crash site and determine an accurate location.
The Wyoming Highway Patrol was also dispatched to
the scene. From Rawlins, Father John Meyer and Father
Michael Butier of Saint foseph's Church left for the crash
site. The Red Cross also arrived to lend support to the
rescue teams.

^■Vrriving at the scene, the first tiling apparent was the
gigantic smudge on the rock cliff high above the base
camp. As one moved toward the base of the mountain
the first portion of the aircraft to come into view was a
portion of the main landing gear and nvo tires that had
rebounded some 1500 feet from the point of impact.

The first of the rescuers said they found the first
bodies 500 feet from the point of impact. The media of
that time were more graphic in their descriptions of
accidents, especially when describing human remains. One
reporter described the headless body of a young woman,
another described the orange color of the bodies, and
another the personal effects scattered about the scene--
all with considerablv more detail than recent reports.

A major portion of the aircraft was lodged on a
ledge high up the vertical cliff It was apparent that
experienced mountain climbers would be required to
remove the bodies. The Universin,- of Wyoming Outing
Club was notified and subsequendy ten members of the
Rockv Mountain Rescue Group from Boulder,
Colorado, and four members of the Colorado
Mountaineering Club were flown to Laramie to assist in
the recovery. Friday was the first day of recovery
operations. An unexpected break in the weather brought
clear, relativelv warm weather with little wind, unusual
for that time of vear in the Medicine Bow Mountains.

However, a light mande of snow covered the scene
making the slopes sHppen- and hazardous. Six teams of
about six men each were formed. Each team included a
UAL employee. These teams consisting of about half
experienced and half inexperienced mountaineers were
designated to work on the crash scene high up on the
mountain. Additional teams were designated to work
the lower slopes. One of the first tasks required was to
secure the precariously balanced tail section to the
mountain.

The first day of recover}- efforts produced several
problems. Workers high on the cliff were dislodging
rocks and aircraft parts, which tumbled down the slope
endangering those working below. ^Although the cliffs
were extremely steep, the method of lowering the remains
by rope proved to be ver}- difficult. As the remains were

being lowered they often became lodged in the rocks
and required additional climbers to free them. As the
work progressed it became apparent that there were too
many workers on the slope and they were a danger to
one another. Only four bodies were delivered to the
temporan' morgue that day.

On Friday evening another meeting was held at the
L^niversir\' of Wyoming Science Camp and a revised plan
was established betu-een the climbers and L"i\L. It was
agreed that only two teams were to work on the high
slope. In addition, a partA- of two would climb to the
top of the cliff where they could survey the scene and
locate bodies from above. A n\-lon and steel line from
high on the cliff was extended to the base of the
mountain. A troUey consisting of a ten-inch snatch block
pulley was attached and a 1,200-foot nylon line was
attached to be used as a brake and hauling Une.

More than half of the bodies were located in and
around the rear portion of the aircraft lodged on the
ledse. Some twent\- bodies were scattered sixt\- feet above
and sixt}' feet to the left of the ledge. One body was
found 150 feet above the ledge and required a climber
to rappel down the cliff to wrap and secure the remains.

The airline company contracted with a local rancher
to furnish pack animals to pack in needed supplies and
equipment and to pack out the bodies. At first, each body
was wrapped in new wliite canvas but before long the
more traditional body bags were made available to the
workers.

A preliminan,- effort was made at identification of
the bodies at the science camp. Further efforts were made
at the Laramie mortuan'. At the time it was announced
that all the bodies had been accounted for and identified.
Recover)- efforts were completed by Tuesday afternoon,
October 11. The cold snowy weather resumed the
following da\-.

From all of the collected information, the accident
can be at least partially reconstructed. After leaving the
Denver area, the aircraft apparently deviated from its
planned flight path and crossed the Medicine Bow
National Forest on a heading of approximately 300
degrees. A few minutes after 7 a.m., a logging crew saw
a large aircraft, flying low in a northwest direction. One
eyewitness later testified he heard a distant noise, like a
mining blast, a few minutes after the aircraft passed, but
at the time did not associate it with the aircraft.

Among the sixt)--six people killed were five members
of the Mormon Tabernacle Choir, nineteen military
members, two infants, and the crew of Cooke, SaUsbur)-,
and Shutdeworth.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 7

Aboard the flight was 436 pounds ot mail. /\ high
priority was placed on recovery but onh' about one
hundred pounds were recovered, and of that onh' tliirtv-
two pounds were in condition to turward to its
desdnation.

The steepness ot the talus slopes made the
investigation difficult and hazardous. The invesdiration
team climbed part of the wa\' to the crash scene but due
to hazards of falling rocks and snow-covered boulders,
the team climbed no higher than 1 1,275 teet. The team
was severely limited by the terrain and weather conditions.
They did, however, determine that the aircraft was intact
at the time of impact. It was also determined that all
four engines were operating at the time nt impact. .\11
of the engines and the twelve propeller blades were
accounted for. Number three prop hub was taken to
Denver for further studw Sexeral ( ither pieces i if wreckage
were also remnved tnim the mountain tor further study.

A preponderance ot the evidence indicateci that the
aircraft hit the mountain in a nose high attitude. The
wintishield was shattered but still in its frame; the
windsliield wiper was still attached, (^uite possibly the
crew saw the mountain during the last seconds and
attempted a pull-up. Further evidence indicated that the
aircraft contacted the mountain in a 15-
degree left wing down attitude. A flash
fire had apparently occurred at contact
and some parts were still smoldering the
evening of the crash.

Upon conclusion of their
investigation, the board released the crash
remains to the company. To discourage
curiosity seekers from climbing the
mountain and removing debris, the airline
company requested military destruction
of the remains left on the iik luntain. A
team from Fort Carson was called in to
shell the site. At first a small cannon and
then explosives were used in an attempt
to dislodge the tail section from its 1( >ft\-
perch and to burj- the wreckage. This was
only partially successful.

Through direction of the National
Guard Bureau in Wasliington, D.(], a flight of Colorado
Air National Guard Lockheed F-8U Shooting Star fighter
aircraft was selected for another attempt to destroy the
remains. Led b\ then Lt. Colonel Walt William, the seven
aircraft took oft from Buckle\- Meld near Denver. Loaded
with two tanks ot napalm each, the flight reported
fourteen direct hits on the crash site. These aircraft were

subjected to powerful downdratts as the\' pulled up from
their target, posing a question of whether these same
downdratts or wind currents coukl ha\e been related to
the cause of the crash.

The next tew months were spent inspecting the
wreckage parts that were taken to Denver and
inten iewing associates ot the crew and e\ewltnesses who
had seen the aircraft. Cooke had a spotless reputation
and although the investigators were inclined to blame the
accident on the pilot, considerable pressure was put on
them by the .\irline Pile its Association t(_> investigate mi ire
thoroughK .

On .August 2j, L'56, almost a \ear after the crash,
the Ci\il Aeronautics Board returned to the crash site,
still not satisfied that they had investigated even' possible
shred ot evidence. The group consisted of not only Civil
Aeronautics Board members but also members of the
AirUne Pilots Associaoi m and representati\es of the iurline.
Three days were spent on the mountain examimng and
re-examining the components they were able to find.
The focus of this examination was an\' ci impc ment w Inch
could ha\ e caused incapacitatu >n ot the cre\\'. The ci ickpit
combustion heater was a prime suspect and a
concentrated effort was made to find it. Remarkabh it

UnAeii Air Lines requested a military unit to shell the crash site to remove
any lose rock and to further destroy any remaining parts A unit from Fort
Carson (Colorado) was brought in to carry out this mission The area was
later napalmed American Heritage Center. University of Wyoming.

was located and examined for any indication of a failure,
which could have fed carbon monoxide into the cockpit.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

However, it was so badlv damaged that a positive
conclusion could not be made.

In the final analysis, the board determined that either
a shortcut was being attempted or that the crew was
incapacitated and the aircraft was iil\ing \nthout assistance.
The board was reluctant to blame the pilot, but
nevertheless stated that he must have purposefully
deviated from the prescribed flight route for reasons
unknown. The eyewitness accounts of the aircraft tlying
low across the mountains just minutes prior to the crash,
and the apparent climb to a higher altitude, were the
most incriminadng facts against the pilot.

The area of the crash debris is covered by snow for
a major portion of the year and the talus slopes make
for a rather difficult climb into the area. In 1991 and
1992, a less than normal snowpack and a warm summer
allowed for easier access to the area and much of the
crash material was exposed. Literally thousands of
fragments are found among the rocks. Peering down
between the rocks one can see aluminum shreds, wiring
and aircraft parts that are almost completely disintegrated.
A tew larger parts can be seen King on the surface. Most
are not readily identifiable. However, three of the Pratt
and Whitney R-2000 engines are still on the rocky slopes
and can be readily identified. Most of the cylinders are
stiU attached although trophy seekers have removed some.
In 1969, some of the spark plugs remained undamaged,
though by 1 996 all removable spark plugs had been taken.
A couple of the piston rods stiU move as smoothly as
they did when assembled. Thousands of aluminum shards
are scattered among the rocks. Electrical wiring is wound
around the boulders. A few hea\T ferrous metal parts
are still intact, somewhat rusty, but solid. The stainless
steel shines as brightly as the day it left the facton'. On
one larger piece, the UAL blue trim is chipped and faded,
but StiU identifiable. Through the years many parts have
been removed trom the site, and until the site becomes
fift}- years old, it is not protected from removal efforts
by anyone so inclined.

But even today, lingering questions remain. Was the
crew incapacitated? Was the peak obscured bv clouds?
Was the altimeter setting correct? Was there turbulence
and downdraits near the mountains? Why was the aircraft
some twent\' miles off course? Was it any single factor,
or was it a combination of events that caused the accident?
Apparently we will never know the exact cause; we can
only speculate.

A bizarre after-effect took place less than a month
after the Medicine Bow crash. Another UAL flight, this
time flight 629, a DC6 following the same route, crashed

after leaving Denver. On November 1, 1955, at 6:52 p.m.,
the evening sky near Loveland, Colorado, was lit up by
n\o flashes of light and the aircraft with its fort\'-four
occupants was scattered onto the farmland below.

Aiter an extensive investigation, |ohn Gilbert Graham
was brought to trial for the bombing of the aircraft.
Speculation was that after hearing of the flight 409 crash,
he developed the morbid inspiration to destroy the aircraft
and rid himself of his mother. During the trial it was
speculated that Graham had calculated the flight time to
the same area and set his bomb to explode at the
approximate location of the previous DC-4 crash. He
had seemingly reconciled with his mother, packed her
bags (which included fourteen pounds of dynamite), and
purchased a large insurance policy on her for the flight.
His plans were thwarted when the aircraft was delayed
so that the bomb instead exploded near Loveland. This
was the first terrorist-st}de bombing of a commercial
airliner. Of note, the insurance policy was void, as
Graham forgot to have the insured sign the required
application.

The Medicine Bow crash remained the worst air
disaster for less than a year. Onjune 20, 1 956, a Venezuelan
Lockheed Super Constellation crashed off the Newjersey
coast, killing all seventh'- four persons aboard. Ten days
later a Super Constellation and a DC-7 colUded over the
Grand Canyon, kiUing 128 people. This series of accidents
was the impetus that drove Congress to appropriate
money to update the air control system, adding radar
and procedures to promote flying safet\'.

On August 25, 2001, a commemorative bronze
memorial plaque was unveiled during a formal ceremony

During the August 25, 2001. ceremony, onlookers point toward //le October
6. 1955. crasti site. The plaque, yet to be unveiled, is just to the left. American
Heritage Center University of Wyoming.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 9

at the Miners Cabin Scenic ( )\eil(>(ik. More than 13(1
people attendeti the ceremon\ incluclinu; ianiiK' memlaers
of those who perished in the crash. On the plaque is
inscribed "In memoiT of the 66 passengers and crew
that perished on Medicine Bow Peak, October 6, I'^'SS."

Crash Analysis

'I'he Ca\\\ Aeronautics Board investigation makes no
specific conchision of the speed ami attittule of the
aircraft on impact. However, the accident report contains
numerous references, which give some indication of these
parameters:

"A propeller governor was also located on the talus
slope." The propeller governor is mounted in the prop
dome and would be one of the first components of the
engine assemblv to make ci.intact in a head-c m crash. The
governor was certainlv tlamaged but the control head
was removed and installed on a seniceable governor
and it was determined that the control head was
pi )siti( ined U )r 2( )8( I engine tpm. The fact that the control
head was not completeh' demolished indicates that the
engine and prop assembly did not contact the escai-pment
at anvwhere close to 90 degrees nor at a speed
approaching the 200 miles per hour cruise speed.

"'The left windshield, with windshield wiper attached,
was tound, its frame nvisted, and the glass was shattered."

Point where much
of aircraft settled

.V^**^!^-**.

This view of the crash site shows the point of impact visible
by the blacl< oil streal<s on the cliff wall Much of the
wreckage, including a wing, can be seen at the base of the
cliff, and a tire rests at the foot of the mountain. American
Heritage Center, tjniversity of Wyoming

1 lad the n( )se i )t the aircratt made a head-i )n direct impact
at cruise or e\en climb speed, the windshield and the
entire nose would have been demolished into innumerable
unidentifiable fragments. It seems apparent that the aircraft
contacted the mountain in a nose high attitude, possibly
close to stall speed.

"The four engines were located and examined."
Although the engines were severely damaged, the ver\'
tact that the\- were intact suthcicntK' to allow inspection
indicates that the\ did not contact the clitt at climb or
cruise speed.

"All 12 propeller blades were accounted tor..."
Although twisted and bent, the\ were ne\ ertheless
identifiable, again indicating that contact was made at
reduced speed and probably a nose high attitude. At least
one prop blade was thrown high <i\'er the ledge. It was
later recovered and is now" m the .American llentage
Center collection.

Further reference to aircratt components adils to the
theor\ that impact forces were not as great as would be
assumed with a high speetl and ck ise ti ) ')( l-degree contact.
"Both large C02 bottles were found." Although their
heads were broken and the bottles empty, thev were
nevertheless intact. "( )x\gen bottles were also rec<n"ered
with \al\'es attached." The tail section was generalh' still
intact and although severely damaged, the CAB inspectors
remarked, "the right stabilizer received only minor
damage."

\\ hile these findings of the investigation board indicate
that the .lircraft did not contact the cliff during a normal
flight attitude, the board made no mention of speed .md
attitude in their report. Perhaps it was so obvious that
they merely neglected to mention it. Perhaps they
determined that in realit\ it made no difference what the
airspeed or attitude was. In their final anahsis the\'
determined "that the probable cause of this accident was
the action of the pilot in debating from the pl.inned
route tor reasons unknown."

In addition, examination ot the remaining parts on
the slope tends t(.) bolster the theor\- that the aircratt
contacted the mountain at less than climb or cruise speed.
In 2001, one of the propeller spider gears became visible.
It ma\ haxe been on the talus surface tor all these years
or may have recentiv moved to the surface in the constantly
shifting rocks and debris. The gear is made of ferrous
metal and has rusted but remains identifiable. The thrust
nut IS still installed and pinned. The prop spurs are also
rusted but intact. The blades were apparendy thrown
off b\- the force of the impact and the inherent centrifugal
force.

10 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal •- Autumn 2003

Otlier parts, although uniformly damaged, remain in
large pieces. Until recentl\' the left nose sheet metal, with
the companv red, white, and blue paint was still \isible
and remained on the slope. Photographs taken at the
time of recover\" illustrate that many large pieces including
one wing were not completelv demolished as would be
expected in a liigh-speed crash.

In conclusion, it seems apparent that the tlight crew

saw the mountain and attempted to puU up, but when
considering the power available and the probable
downdraft, it was too little and too late. ~

- Information for this analysis was obtained from "United Air Lines
Flight 409 Crash" Collection, Ace. 10494, Box 1. Folder 4, American
Heritage Center. University of Wyoming.

A rescuer pauses tor a photo opportunity next to the tail section of the DC-4. American Heritage
Center, University of Wyoming-

Mel Duncan, who retired several years ago from the Wyoming Air National Guard, is author of two
books about the Medicine Bow Mountains. This article is derived from a program he presented to the
Albany County Chapter, WSHS, in 1996. Some 200 people attended the program, the most well-
attended in the chapter's history. He also spoke at the dedication of the marker, described in the
article.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

77

I The United Airlines Stewardess School

in Cheyenne, Wyoming

By

Michael Kassel

However, from
1947 to 1961, the
airline industry
maintained a
presence in tine
Capital City with a
training school for
stewardesses
operated by
United Airlines.

Often referred to as "The Original Eight. "
the first graduating class poses in front of
one of the fleet's eight 18-passenger
Boeing Model 80As for this May 1930
shot at the Cheyenne Airport Left to
right on the lop row are Ellen Church
and Alva Johnson Left to right on the
lower row are Margaret Arnott. Inez
Keller. Cornelia Peterman. Harriet
Fry. Jessie Carter, and Ellis
Crawford Courtesy United Airlines
Archive

hevenne's municipal airport has plaved a significant mle in the dcvehipment
(jt earl\' aviation in America. To the average resident of the cit)-, this ma\' be
something of a surprise. Currenth', the airfield seems more like a small
regional airport like man\- thoiisantls ot others tound throughout the countn'.
In the earlv days of aviation, however, Chevenne's airport was one of the finest in the
nation and one of the principle centers of the airline industry-. Unfortunatelv, technolog}-
and the demand for efficiency necessitated the gradual decline of Cheyenne's role in
this area of transportation after World War II in fa\'or of those advantages provided
b\- larger cities, particularh* Denver. ' However, from 1 ')4~ to 1961, the airline industr\'
maintained a presence in \X voming's Capital Cit\' with a training school tor stewardesses
operated by United i\irlines. This was a substantiallv reduced role for the Chevenne

' Roger D, Launius and Jessie L. Embry, "Cheyenne Versus Denver: City Rivalry and the Quest for
Transcontinental Air Routes," Annals of IVyoniing. Vol. 68 (Summer 19')6): 22.

0

12 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

airport as oiilv t^vo vears before the field was used as
United's principle "roundhouse"- for the repair and
overhaul of its entire airliner fleet, its main flight training
center and, during the war, one of the largest modification
centers for American bombers during the confUct.

To explain wh\- anv of these things happened
here in this relative^ small western citv, it is necessan* to
describe the nature of air travel during the early 1930s.
Beginning in 1920, Cheyenne served as one of the
principle stops on the first transcontinental air mail route.
A significant number of communities were selected to
be stops on the route because of the limited range of
the aircraft, the limited capacity* of the airplanes (in this
case the abOitv to flv over high mountains), and its location
on one of the principle geographic guides leading from
east to west, the Union Pacific Railroad." In 1927, the
Boeing .Air Transport Companv was established and was
contracted to take over the air mail service leaving
Chevenne for Los Angeles."' Within the next two years
the Boeing Air Transport Companv began to haul
passengers, as wcU as the mail, and absorbed or joined
several smaller airUnes to become what was to be known
as United Airlines.' In that same vear, the Boeing Air
Transportation Company established its main overhaul
base in Chevenne. The irrowintr trend would continue
tor the next two vears, as Chevenne became the principle
maintenance facilin,- for the airline.''

It was in this environment that Chevenne had its first
experience with airline stewardesses. In 1930, Steve A.
Stimpson, manager of the Boeing Air Transport
Company's Pacific Coast division, and Ellen Church, came
upon the idea of hiring women as Uaisons between the
airline and its passengers. He noticed how having
someone available with information about connecting
flights and time delavs, and who could offer simple
ser\-ices greadv enhanced the enjovment of the passengers'
experience.^ At first, management was skeptical but
Stimpson ultimatelv prevailed. Stimpson envisioned the
role women would plav to be similar to that of stewards
on ocean liners.' In Stimpson's mind, nurses were the
logical choice to become the first airline stewardesses.
They would be able to help passengers who became ill,
would be sensitive to individual needs, and have a strona
empathv with the passengers.'" In liis original proposal
of the stewardess concept, Stimpson wrote: "The
average graduate nurse is a girl with some horse sense
and is ven' practical and has seen enough of men to not
be inclined to chase them around the block at every
oppormnit)-."" Other requirements for the job were that
the candidates had to be unmarried, be no older than

twent\'-five, be a height no greater than five feet four
inches tall, and weigh no more than 115 pounds.'- The
height and weight requirements were practical
considerations. The aircraft of the time were tinv by
modern standards with narrow aisles and small engines.
Any extra weight on the plane beyond that of the
passengers and their luggage would have a significant
impact on performance.''

Eight candidates applied and met the criteria
Stimpson set. Boeing Air Transport Company then flew
them to Cheyenne to be trained. '"* Two of the
stewardesses recalled their experience. "When Jessie
Carter told her folks she was flying to Cheyenne to learn
about her new job, thev thought she said China. This
news spread quickly throughout surrounding
communities, met always by disbelief and shock. Flying
halfwav around the world was not the objection. No
one, it seems, could understand how Mr. and Mrs. Carter
would allow their daughter to flv am'where, unescorted,
with men."'"' Manv vears later Harriet Fr}' Iden recalled
her trip to Chevenne in detail:

' W'orks Progress Administration History Project File #1376 —

Transportation, "History of the Chevenne Municipal Airport,"

\\'\oming State Archives, Chevenne.

' Launius and Embn', "Chevenne X'ersus Denver," p. 14.

^ Franlc J. Taylor, HJgb Horizons: Darede\-U Fhing Postmen to Alodem Magic

Carpet — The United Airlines Ston' (New York; McGraw-Hill Book

Company, Inc. 1951), p. 190.

'/bid., p. 191.

'' David Baring, "Chevenne Airport 20(10 Economic Impact Study,"

Chevenne, |anuar\' 2002, p. 5.

Susan Dittman stated in a letter to the author dated September 16,
20(13. that she believed Ellen Church, the first stewardess hired b\- the
company, proposed the possibilitv of using trained nurses as
stewardesses to Stimpson prior to his submitdng the idea to the
Boeing Air Transport Company. In Mrs. Dittman's view, Church
should be credited with the original concept. See also David Fisher
and Bill Gar\-ev. "Seventh- five Years United," Hemispheres, April 2001, p.
91.

^ Gwen Mahler, Legacy of the Friendly Skies: A Pictonal History- of United
.\irlines Stewardesses and Flight Attendants (Marceline: W'alsworth Publish-
ing Company, 1991), p. 29.
' Ibid., p. 30.
'" Ibid., p. 46.
"/fajy.,p.47.
'- Ibid

' ^ Ibid. On page 60, Mahler quotes an experience of one early
stewardess, Inez Keller, when her plane tried to pass over a mountain
range in Wyoming: "The pilot made a pass at the mountain at least
three times and couldn't get over it. So he went back to land, opened
the door and asked me to get out. He immediately took off and made
it over the mountains." Mahler records that Ms. Keller firmly believes
that the plane only made it over the mountain because it was 120
pounds lighter.

'■" LeClerque Jones, Cheyenne Landmarks (Chevenne: Laramie County
Historical Societ)-, 1976), p. 72.
'' Mahler, Legacy of the Friendly Skies, p. 68.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 13

1 remember we met at "^ a.m. in Chicago tor the flight t( i
Cheyenne, \\ voming, fur training. I was a red haired
countr\girl from Polo, 111., and 1 had ne\'er flown before,
but I loved It when the plane left the ground.

Later, something went wrong with one of the
motors. I don't know whv we all didn't get cold feet and
run, but we didn't. I don't think anv of us ever got ner\'ous
about flving. We sort of took the difficulties for granted."'
There were many difficulties to be taken for granted, as
the future stewardesses were to find out.

At first pilots and crews wanted little to di) with the
new stewardesses. Men of the airline had a widch' held
opinion that it made as much sense to flv with one wing
as to tly with women. '^ However, these eight women,
followed bv hundreds of others, soon proved their worth
to the crews, passengers, and the public at large bv
working hard, being unflappable in difficult circumstances,
and doing their utmost to make flying a pleasant
experience. Bv the end of the decade, the stewardess
had become an indispensable part of the airline industr\-.

For the Chevenne airport, things were kjoking good

Five weeks of "sky girl" (as stewardesses
were often referred) scfiooling at tfie
Ctieyenne stewardess school of
United Airlines are capstoned during
this May 10. 1953. graduation
ceremony at Denver Mr 0 C Enge.
general manager of passenger
services, pins the silver wings of a
full-fledged stewardess on Scotty
Sinclair while her Instructress Ruth
Dean watches Courtesy United
Airlines Archive

The eight stewardesses arrived in Chevenne on May
15, 1930, to start four davs of intense training. But, as
comes as no surprise to anvone who e\er lived in
\X yoming, snow arrived shortiv afterward and a four-
dav traimng period lengthened to two weeks. This was
the only time that the original eight stewardesses were to
be together.' After their brief stav in Chevenne, the eight
voung women went their separate wavs on different
airline routes and in doing so created a legacy that has
become an institution in commercial tlvinij.

"^ "It Started in Che\enne 4(1 \'ears At^o," SunD.W M.i^d^ine, \[.w 24,
1970, p. .1.

' Mahler, Legdcv of the Fnendlv Skies, p. 6(). It is of interest to note that
Mahler mentions that during this time all eight stewardesses were
caught on film. VChether this means a motion picture canncjt be sure.
What can be sure is that there were at least t\vo photographs taken
here in Che\enne with all eight women posing bv an earlv Boeing
80A trimotor.

14 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

by the early 1940s. The business of commercial aviation
was good, but things got decidedly better with the coming
of the Second World War. In support of the war effort,
United's maintenance faciUt)' was absorbed bv the federal
government and expanded to become the Cheyenne
Modification Center, responsible for the upgrade of
thousands of B-17 bombers for the war in Europe.'''
While the facility" employed many hundreds of people in
the work for the militar\'. United as a civilian operation
was not idle. In 1942, the company moved its flight
training division to Cheyenne from California.""
Operations in the cit}' ran continuously until the end of
the war, when many of the airline-related industries
abandoned Cheyenne. Time would prove that the next
few years would be bleak with the sole exception of the
stewardess school.

United Airlines expanded its routes in 1947 by
inaugurating flights to Hawaii.-' What made this possible
was the introduction of the large and powerful DC-6 to
United's inventon-." After the introduction of the new
aircraft, the maintenance faciht)', which had been in
Cheyenne for eleven years and had been a model of
production during the Second World War, was moved
to San Francisco to a new faciiit)- that was specificaUy
tailored for the new aircraft.-^ The loss of four hundred
jobs associated with the maintenance facility was
devastating for the Cheyenne economy."'* To add to the
calamit}- for the communit}', the training faciht)- located
there since 1942 moved to Denver.-' In what the
Cheyenne airport administration considered to be a
conciliator)' move,-'' United relocated its stewardess school
to Cheyenne. The man placed in charge of this transfer
was Jack Hayes.

Hayes began his tenure with United Airlines fresh
from high school in 1935. A native of Nebraska, he
started with United because of a friend already working
for the company. Hayes' specialt)' in high school was
electronics. It so happened that United had positions
available working with radios to communicate weather
conditions to incoming aircraft. Before he could enter
this profession, however, Hayes needed to become a
licensed radio operator. While he studied to become
certified, Hayes spent nearly three years in Iowa Cit\' doing
basic house keeping, punching rickets, fueling planes, and
other odd jobs. After Iowa Cm, he accepted a position
in Jersey City, New Jersey. It was during this time that he
became a licensed radio operator and worked for nearly
four years doing the job for which he had originally
applied. As Worid War II began, Hayes found himself
intimately involved in the huge task of using the airline's

planes to help the federal government fly materials to
Britain. Through this experience, he became familiar with
how to supervise airline operations at a major airfield.
Hayes' reputation grew with his involvement in air
operations and during the course of the war his old Iowa
City supervisor offered him a position as assistant director
in Philadelphia where he was then working. Within a very
brief period of time, Hayes assumed the duties of
director for United's Philadelphia operations. After a brief
period, he became the director of United's station at
Akron, Ohio. From his own account, things in Akron
were ver)' good for his career, but before long Hayes
was offered an opportunit}' he could not refuse.-^

After two years as director of Akron's United
facilities, Hayes was offered the better paying position
of instructor at the airline's training school in Chicago,
which he accepted. Hayes soon was fuUy involved with
the training of pilots, stewardesses, and ground crews.
It was in 1947 that United placed him in charge of
opening a new stewardess training facilit)' in Cheyenne.
His account of why the airline chose to move the school
from Chicago to Cheyenne differs from that of the
official Cheyenne Municipal Airport administration
reports. The move may not have been a conciliaton' move
for the loss of the maintenance facilit)^ According to
Hayes, the post-war period was one of explosive growth
and new facilities were becoming essential. The move to
Cheyenne was necessar}' due to the fact that United was
expanding its hangar facilities in Chicago and had
subsequentiy torn down the training center there.-**

At the time Hayes did not see the transfer to
Wyoming as a positive development in his career. He
remembered that he drove to Cheyenne with another
man. Neither of them was enthusiastic about moving
from Chicago to what they considered to be a small
town in the middle of nowhere. Already in bad humor

'" Taylor, High Horizons, p. 128.
^" Haring, "Cheyenne Airport," p. 5.
-' MMet, Legacy of the Friendly Skies, p. 99.

- Taylor, High Horizons, p. 150. The DC-6 was a technological leap
forward for United. This Douglas aircraft was capable of speeds up
to 300 mph, was pressurized, and could carry fifty passengers. In
contrast, the famed Douglas DC-3, which formerly comprised the
bulk of the airline's fleet, could only fly 180 mph and carry twenty-
one passengers.

"^ Ibid., photograph)- plates ben.veen pages 142-3.

-■* Interview with Gilbert Robbins conducted by Jean Brainerd, OH-
1586, Wyoming State Archives, Chevenne.
-^ Haring, "Cheyenne Airport," p. 6.
-' Ibid.

-'Personal inter\'iew with Jack Hayes. Cheyenne, \X'yoming, April 15
and 22, 2003. It should be noted that in telling the story, Hayes was not
able to recall the exact dates of these transfers.
-** Hayes interview.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 15

about coming to Cheyenne, the men decided to make
the best of things before reporting to work. Both Hayes
and his companion were g(ilfcrs and sought out the
nearest golf course. To their shared horror, Chevenne's
municipal golf course at the dme was nothing more than
a few holes dug in the ground. All the grass was brown
and there was nothing that looked like a golf-course green.
Disgusted, the two men decided that the only thing left
to do was get to work. When the two men found the
hanger thev were to use for the school thev discovered it
was in disarray with a great deal oi "residue" lett over
from the maintenance operations. Apparendy Hayes had
arrived almost immediately after the transfer ot
maintenance operations trom Chevenne to San Francisco.
Cleaning the building and getting it ready for the
stewardess candidates was a big job. He remembered
that the ( mly posinve thing about the facilit)- was that the
cafeteria iur the (Cheyenne Modification Center was still
there. Under Hayes' direction, the upper level ot the
maintenance faciliU' was converted into dormitf)ries and
training rooms for the stewardess candidates. lnimediatel\'
upon their completion, the new candidates began to
arrive. All he recalled was that "there were a lot of people.
It was a lot of fun.""'

The stewardess training was rapidly accomplished,
as the airline always needed new stewardesses as those
who served only had an average tenure of twenr\'-six
months.'" United found it difficult to maintain the six
hundred stewardesses necessary- for all its flights. Some
ot the women found other jobs atter finding the litestyle
did not appeal to them, but most left their positicjns for
a very simple reason; they got married. Unable to convince
stewardesses that their jobs were much more important
than romance and family, the operation of a fast-paced
training program was a vital necessity for United. L'pon
arriving in Cheyenne, candidates were subjected to an
intense three-week course that trained them how to use
more than "2,000 separate items in eleven service kits"''
aboard each plane. Conditions were primitive and the
training was intense, but the glamorous job of stewardess
still had a great deal of appeal for young women. One
woman lucky enough to be one of the early graduates
of the Cheyenne Training School was Jane Forbes.

Forbes recalled that she first became interested in
flying when she took an aviation course at her Hillsboro,
Illinois, high school in 1944. She was the only girl in the
class and remembered the boys did not much care for
her being there. The course did not involve any flying,
but instead relied on books to teach the basics of flight.
After her graduation, Forbes took flight training at Stevens'

Frnate College in Columbia, Missouri. Soon atter her
graduation in 1948, fortune seemed to smile on Forbes
as circumstance soon pro\'ided her an opportunity to
join United. She remembered she came out west to join
her boyfriend at a Phi Delta Formal Spring Dance being
held at the Universin,- of Colorado in Boulder. The date
did not go well, but she never went back home. While at
the dance, Forbes met a friend who worked for United.
He relayed to her the compan\' was in desperate straits
for new stewardesses and she should apph'. When Forbes
did so she found that at only twent\' years ot age she was
too young to join. Instead of becoming a stewardess,
Forbes worked in the payload control office at Denver,
regulating the seating ijn tlights. She thought the job was
decent, but she wanted to fly.'' The requirements she
had to meet were different than those of the tlrst eight
stewardesses who came to Cheyenne nineteen years
before. Stewardesses were to be a minimum of twenrs-
one years of age and no older than twenrj-seven," had
to have two years of college or previous working
experience with United (the nursing requirement was
dropped in 1942),*'' and had to be between five foot
three inches and five foot six inches tall. Forbes barely
passed the height requirement. She arrived in Cheyenne
in U)49, just after the worst spring snow storms the state
had ever recorded, thinking it was the end of the world. '^
Like most other women who attended the program,
Forbes found the t( )llowing days of training a blur of
acti\ity. She was supposed to be trained through a
standard three-week program, but remembered doing
it in ten days.^'' The training schedule, which eventually
stabilized in 1951 to be about five weeks long, consisted
of classes for eight hours a day, tlve days a week. "The
training consisted ot meteorology, communications,
principles of aeronautics, infant care, graceful walking,
flight connections, and general geography."' Other
courses included lectures on the histon' of the airline and
the sers'ing of in-tlight meals and other duties aboard

-' Ibid. Haves iaQghingl\' recalled that one ot ttie tew things he

remembered about the other man was that he was a fantastic goiter.

Upon discovering the condition of what Chevcnneites called a golf

course, the man was furious. Haves decided to sell his golf clubs and

has not pla\"cd since. Instead, he took up tennis, a game he conunues

to pla\' to this da\',

^" Taylor, High Honzons^ p. 1 8Ci.

" Mahler, Legacy of the Friendly Skies, p. 99.

^' Personal inter\'iew with lane Forbes, Che\'enne, W'voming, April Lt

and 21, 2003.

-" Mahler, Legacy ot'the Fnendly Skies, p. 1 1 9,

'■■ Ibid., p. 89.

^^ Forbes interview.

^*' Forbes inter\'iew'.

" Mahler, Legacy of the Fnendlv Skies, p. 119.

'*/bjd.,p. 12'l.

16 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

the aircraft."'' Models of the DC-6 were used and full-
scale simulators recreated conditions in a flight cabin. '"
As remembered b\' Forbes, these simulators were
constructed in the old hangar formerly used for aircraft
maintenance and did not take up much room. In these
simulators instructors walked the candidates dirough even-
aspect of a t}-pical flight: how to take care of passengers,
how to learn their names, how to fasten seatbelts, and
how to train for emergencies.*' Classes on handling
emergencies consisted of first-aid training,"" and how to
use fire extinguishers and oxygen masks."*' In Mahler's
book, Legacy of the Friendly Skies, the author recorded
that Sue Kundig, a 1951 graduate of the school, recalled
that during training sessions candidates had to wear
suitable attire. This attire consisted of wearing heels and
stockings, a girdle, and a full sUp. It was also required that
the ensemble must be finished off with red nail polish.'''
This was done to train the candidates to look and act like
stewardesses.

At night, the stewardess candidates stayed at a two-
room dormiton' located at the training center. Conditions

were spartan and privacy almost non-existent. Each room
housed twenty stewardesses who each had a bed and a
dresser."" It was here that most took the time to study
for the next day's classes, socialize, and get what Little
relaxation tiiey could."*' With weekends off, the stewardess
candidates and their instructors hit the town. Forbes
remembered one of the popular haunts of the students
was the Litde Bear restaurant north of Cheyenne. "It
was a nice place to go though it was ver)' small. The
food was ver\' good and people entertained themselves
by telling stories. Some danced. The dance floor was

"'/fa«i.,p. 116.

'" Forbes intendew. She admitted she did not recall whether or not

these simulators were installed at the time she actually got involved in

the training. However, she did remember using them when she

returned to the school as an instructor in 1952. As the DC-6 was

quicklv becoming the principle aircraft of United's inventory, there is

■A strong lilcelihood thev were there.

^' Maliler, Legacy ot die Fnendlv Shcs, p. 116.

^- Forbes inter\'iew.

■"^ Mahler, Legacy of the Fnendly Skies, p. 121.

■"Jfaja.p. 119.

« /bid, p. 117.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

17

rcalh' tui) small but bins .uilI twirls will dance aii\ where,
even on the front porch if thev ha\e to."^'' While the
Little Bear was popular, another freeiuented place was
the Wigwam Lounge in the Plains Hotel. Starang in 1 952,
stewardesses often visited the lounge on weekends,
sometimes a whole class at a time. This fact was not lost
on the young men of the town who frequendv sIk iwed
up shortly after the stewardesses arrived."* Kundig recalled
"even'one always recognized us as being from the school
because we were always dressed up and wearing spike-
heeled shoes."""* Another woman who went through
trainins; in Cheyenne recalled that one of the hiLrhliLrhts
of training at the small ti iwn was the abundance of dates
available because ot the National (iuard. She fell in love
with the western charm of the town and recalled that
man\- of her dates included dancing in the Frontier
Room, also at the Plains Hotel. ^''

Near the conclusion of their training, the stewardesses
enjoyed a briet flight on an airliner. Forbes remembered
that her flight consisted ot a brief passage over Cheyenne
and down to Den\'er. This was done to orient the
candidates with the interior and flight conditions abc lard
an actual airliner. Later this flight was important to the
advanced emergency training of the candidates. In these
instances the flight was reterred to as a "Crash (bourse"
and lasted about ninet\- minutes. During these flights, the
plane, usually a DC-6, banked at 45 degrees and dropped
six thcjusand feet a minute. It was here that the trainees
got the experience (it using their oxygen masks."

Having completed the school in ten days, Forbes
began her nearK' three-year career as a L nited Airlines
stewareiess. During that time the training sened her well,
although the training did n( )t ci i\er all ci mtingencies. The
stewardess was responsible for the comfort of the
passengers, including when the plane went through
turbulence or when a passenger became ill. Forbes
remembered helping passengers use the "burp cups"
provided for just such occasions. She was on one of the
last flights of the venerable DC-3 on the re lute fn im
Denver to Chicago, euphemisticalK" called "The Burp
Cup Special." True to its name, the journey made several
passengers sick, one of whom, in the process of getdng
sick, lost his false teeth in the buip cup. Tliere was nothing
for Forbes to do but tlsh them out.'''

Other stewardesses also had experiences that took a
great deal of c]uick thinking and extreme patience. Susan
1. Dittman, another former stewardess and triend ot
Forbes, recalled in a letter:

I torgot to teU ^•ou m\ most memorable odd tlight-

\vc had a trip tnini (.hi |( Iiicii^dI \i> bus |Boston| with a
sti ip in Hartford, ( J mn. \X'c hatl abi lut M I psi^rs [passengers]
out of that station and one ot those psgers was named
Mrs O'Connor — she was about 75 — sitting in the first row
ot a D(^() with no i>ne next t<i her — the door was closed
and she began to become somewhat violent and wanted
out ( if there and was verv confused — so we got her strapped
down and I h.id to hold tile seat belt end so that she

wouldn't get up — she was almost uncontrollable 1

thought she would react quietly to a catholic priest
((VConnor being a good catholic name) but she hit at the
priest and broke his glasses. Then I thought a glass of
water would have a calming effect and she threw it at me —
lirtle did I know the water made mv mascara run and I
looked as if 1 had a blackeve — tins went (jn tor the 45 mms
[minutes] it took to get to Boston — the pilots radioed
ahead ti ir her taniih' and atter even'( mc deplaned her tamilv
came ( m b( lard. Then she became ver\' raU( inal and turned
t( I me and said as sweet as p( issible "Tliank V( lu dear." The
grc lund crew thi >ught 1 had been beaten up — 1 hadn't, )ust
the mascara running down mv face! .\nother passenger
sent a letter ab( lut us to L' AL — sa\ing hi iw g( jod we were to
her, etc. I can still see her, especially saving "Thank \iiu
dear""""

Doubtless man\ other graduates nt the training
pr( igram at Che\ enne could reci mnt i ither sti iries. It was
those stewardesses with exceptional experience and
dedication United asked to return to Cheyenne to teach
the next generation. The airline asked Forbes to become
an mstrticti >r and she returned ti > Cheyenne in May 1 '•^?2.
Dittman also returned to share her expertise with the
new candidates. However, in November l'h52, Fdrbes
married anel had to step down as an instructor and a
stewardess at United. "' Dittman likewise met her husband
while in Cheyenne and also gave up her airline career.^"*
W hile requirements came and went with the changing
demands ot the airline, marriage was still the end ot a

^'' H.i\es inter%ie\\".

^ W'voming £.]tr/e. N'")\L'mbc'r 2, I ^'fi 1

^^ M.ihler, Leg.icvofthe Fncndiv Sk!c>, p. 1 2 1

'" IbiJ. M.ihler docs not cl.lhonite .il^out how the pruNimity of the

Nation.il tiu.irt.1 produced more d.ttes. It c<">Likl well he th.it there was

.imple time tor men ot the ^u.ird to mingle with the stewardesses

during the week, as the tralQlnt; school and the tiuard tacilitics were

in close pro\im]t\" to each other at the airheld.

'" IhiJ..p. 1411,

"~' Forbes interview

'- Letter to jane Forbes trom Susan I, Dittman, .\pnl 1~. 2(llti- The

letter is printed as written. Letter in autlior's ctillection.

^^ Forbes inten'iew'.

'"' Personal inter\-iew b\ telephone with Susan Dittman, ttouston,

Texas, April 27, 200.i.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

stewardess' career until it was ruled in 1970 to be in
violation of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The result was
to allow former stewardesses to return to work if they
so chose even after being married for several years or to
receive back pay."'"' Neither Forbes nor Dittman
attempted to return.

With the arrival of the jet age in 1958, things began
to change for the stewardesses as well as for the Cheyenne
training school. The school integrated new technology-
into the training program. William Hinkley, the emergency
procedures instructor, could be frequentiy seen coaxing
and nudging trainees down the new inflatable slides
suspended nearly ten feet off the ground."' Along with
new emergency procedures, training was modified to
deal with the new technology of the DC-8 and the
subsequent reduction of flight time with larger numbers
of passengers. Along with sHde training, the stewardesses
had to contend with automatic drop-down oxygen masks,
more efficient gaUeys, trays attached to seat backs, the
sers'ice ot liquor on board the aircraft, in-flight movies,
and the growing use of computerization.'' Of those
taking the training, more than 47 percent were rwent\'
years old and only required to have a high school diploma,
a height not to exceed five feet nine inches tall, and a
weight not greater than 140 pounds,""^ Each candidate
upon completion of training could be expected to serve
the company for about two years with salaries of $290 a
month."'''

To meet the demands of commercial jet travel.
United Airlines constructed a new training school at
Chicago during the early 1960s. This faciLit\', known as
Jet Age Universit}', took over the stewardess-training
program that had been in Cheyenne for fourteen \'ears.
Instead of open dormitories and jur\'-built classrooms,
the new facilit}' offered dedicated classrooms, dormitory
suites, a cafeteria, a year-round swimming pool, tennis
courts, a full-plane mock-up, and beaut}' salons.''"

During the school's years of service in Cheyenne,
sixty-seven hundred stewardesses completed their
training.''' The school closed in 1961. Hayes continued
working for United in Denver, only to return to Cheyenne
in 1973 when he retired. In the course of his tenure here
in Cheyenne with the training school, he grew to love the
location. Hayes and his wife raised two children on the
south side of the cit}' and on weekends drove them
through the nearby mountains. He loved to hunt and
truly appreciated the Wyoming lifestyle.''" Forbes
remained in Cheyenne after her marriage and never left.
Others who worked for United, either as mechanics or
as graduates of the training school, remained in Cheyenne

while many others moved elsewhere.

With the closing of the school, Cheyenne lost its last
direct connection to an airline that had been a strong
economic parmer since the late 1920s. The Wvoming Eagle
lamented in a brief article that aside from the loss of the
economic benefits of the stewardess school, the city also
lost a romantic connection to a time when ladies of the
sky visited the Wigwam Lounge.''' The town and its
airfield became quieter in 1961 with tiie loss of the school,
and several people yearned for the time when Cheyenne
gave the ambassadors of the "Friendly Skies" their wings.

^Mahler, Legacvofthc FnendlySkies^p. 159-60.

" Ibid., p. 133.

' Ibid. pp. 124 & 134.

■'Ifcid.p. 139.

'/faid,p. 133.

° Ibid, p. 141.

' Ibid., p. 144.

- Haves interview.

' Wvoming Eagle, November 2, 1961.

Michael Kassel grew up in Cheyenne,
Wyoming. After receiving his Associates of
Arts degree from Laramie County
Community College in 1990, he attended
Southeast H/lissouri State University where he
received a Bachelors of Historic Preservation
and Museum Science degree in 1993. He has
worked at the Mark Twain Boyhood Home
and Museum in Hannibal, Missouri, and the
Gardner Museum of Architecture and Design
in Quincy, Illinois. In 2001, he returned to
Cheyenne where he is exhibits manager for
the Cheyenne Frontier Days ™ Old West
Museum. He is pursuing an M.A. in history
from the University of Wyoming.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 19

Putting Wyoming on the Map:

story of the Official Wyoming Highway A/lap

The

by John R. Waggener

-ig)

Warning Signs for Highways

BgUA&E llil» »s

JT or 01 hor ON u* mid.
Boaa so AD. aiDE uoad.

■SWW ■ ud w.nu of tum-
id "SLOW" eifu in tn-
i-lTETE, TDtlN, BBIDQE.
lo FRESH OIL, LOOSE OaAfEL. SEW

IjliAtlLSlJ,

Wyoming TraflElc Lawa

D l.rvn— A ■(<«] LB iiciu of li Eilt» par Imc

uloT vaMcJo 0.1 t flpved Ihil Is rruoiuiib oT propiT
trcrr ponoB ■^LBlI ftt ftU tutu hftve tb« mgtar Vi

PAiKIKG— Ob I

llflBI OTBT tooj UAdJe povoF
M diSBKd.

rgKd ponloaa of Ufbvvj^a pro-
VEHICLE —

ZEOf LOAD— WM

U T A

DfdtaAjf tft^L^cJu not to

aiaHT"" WAi-^Ulcl- B^^prouaias U,. Intw
I1EG16TRAT10S— Vobitln. Wiriig o™b«. ot

STATE OF WYOMING

BIGHWAI DEP4RTMEyr

CHETESSE

CondjUoB Ujp

^ATE BIQBWAT SYSTEM

Jo.. 1. 19!*

The 1926 Official
Wyoming Highway
Condition Map is a
simple, single-
sided black and
white sheet map
that highlighted
the road

conditions of the
time American
Heritage Center.
University of
Wyoming Map
reprinted with
permission from
the Wyoming
Highway
Commission.

W:

Hien the newlv-created Wyoming Highway
Commission met for the first ame on April
2, 1917, among the first items discussed was
that of creating a highway map. The com-
mission, chaired by Cheyenne resident Robert D. Carey,
instructed the newly appointed State Highway Engineer
Z.E. Sevison, to:

Prepare a map of the State of Wyoming, showing the main
roads, giMng especial attention to the roads over which mail
is earned. The State Highway Engineer should have a num-
ber of copies of such made for each member of the Com-
mission and as mav [sic] more as he thinks is advisable.'

The highway department contracted with the well-
known Clason Map Company of Denver, Colorado, to
print the map. It ultimately was copyrighted in 1018 and
titled "State of Wyoming System of State Highways
Designated by State Highway Commission." This road
map was large by those day's roadmap standards, mea-
suring 18 inches x 25 inches — its scale being one-inch
equals 20 miles. Z.E. Sevison reported in his annual ad-

One must travel back to 1911, a time
when the automobile was quickly gain-
ing popularity across the nation, to
begin to trace the origin of Wyoming's
official road map.

dress to the commission:

This map being on a rather large scale, it has not been pos-
sible to have this printed in sufficient numbers for general
distxiburion, and I believe that this map should be ordered
printed on a smaller scale so that it may be furnished to
those who ask for it."

It is not known whether this map was ever printed for,
and distributed to, the public.

Wvoniing Highway Commission Meeting Minutes, April 2, 1 'T 1 ", p. 4.
■ 1917 AnnuilReponoftheStite Highway Commission, 1917, p. 2.

20 Annais of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

Though this was the first map produced by the high-
way department, the State of WVoming had been pro-
ducing road maps prior to the creation of its highway
department. One must travel back to 1911, a time when
the automobile was quickly gaining populariu' across the
nation, to begin to trace the origin of Wyoming's official
road map. In his message to the Eleventh State Legisla-
ture, Governor Joseph M. Carey spoke of the impor-
tance of good roads across the state:

No question is being more discussed throughout the
United States than that of good roads. Good roads are a
source of great satisfaction to the taxpayer. They are
something tangible and he daily sees the result of the
money expended upon them. Good roads are productive
of great savings in the wear and tear not only on vehicles,
but upon beasts of burden, and nothing does more to
promote industrial development, settie the country' and
build up towns and cities.'

In his address on that Januars' day in the State Capitol,
Carev told the legislators, "No one can now contradict
the tact that the automobile is to become an ever\-day
feamre on our public highways, both for pleasure and
for business." "* Indeed, the governor's foresight was
correct. By 1914, motor vehicle production exceeded
wagon and carriage production." Soon, existing trails
began to be improved and new roads constructed across
the state.

The tasks of constructing, improving, and
maintaining the roads were first delegated to the State
Engineer's Office. With the aid of count\- sur\'eyors, the
engineer's office immediately began producing a road
map of the state. A 12 x 16 inch foldout map was
included in the engineer's 191 1-1 91 2 biennial report.'' The
map was copyrighted by the state on November 19,
1912. This map was probably intended for internal use
only, as the map is extremely crude with so little detail it
would hardly be useful to a motorist. The usefulness of
this map came to the engineers and policy makers. Having
this spatial information would greatiy enhance their road
planning and constructicjn process that was soon to begin.
For the next four years, the engineer's office oversaw the
road improvement program, and in each of the engineer's
reports an updated state road map was included.

In 1916, these crude state engineer maps were
replaced by an all-new map. This latest edition was
produced as a joint effort between the engineer's office
and the Mountain States Telephone and Telegraph
Company. This single-color (black on white) map is quite
detailed in that hachures (artistic representations) are used

Governor Joseph M. Carey, the Political Father of the Wyoming
highway system. Courtesy Wyoming State Archives.

to illustrate mountain ranges, and numerous water bodies
and other physiographic features are shown. Several upe
fonts are used giving the map an artistic touch, and road
names such as the Lincoln and Yellowstone highways are
noted. The cartographer even took the Ubern' to include
pioneer routes such as the Oregon and Overland trails.
This 1916 map could have been the state's first map
to be used by eager motorists, and though the state can
only be given partial credit for this map. Assistant State
Engineer Shawwer did write in the biennial report that:

In cooperation with the Mountain States Telephone and
Telegraph Company this office compiled the accompany-
ing State road map, from information obtained from
Counn- sur\'eys and other sources. The Telephone
Company has produced a map on a much larger scale,
which it proposes to place in hotels, garages, and other
conspicuous places. AH the roads in the State are divided
into blocks and indexed. The conditions of the roads in
each block are received by telephone and bulletins of such
roads are posted daUy on each map.

' Message of Joseph M. Carer, Governor ofW'ynniJng, to the Eleventh State
Legislature, 1911, p. 13.

^ Message of Joseph M. Carev, Governor of W'vommg, to the Eleventh State
Legislature, 19\ 1, p. 13.

' Drake Hokanson, The Lincoln Highway: Main Street Across jAmerica (Iowa
Cin-, Iowa: Universiw of Iowa Press, 1988), p. 19.
'' Eleventh Biennial Report of the Wyoming State Engineer, 1912, p. 51.
Tlwrteenth Bienrual Report of the KX'yoming State Engineer, 1916, p.40.

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 21

The accompanving map Shaw\'er referred to was
that of a folded map included in the 1915-16 engineer's
report. This map is 10.5 x 13.5 inches in size. VXTiether or
not the telephone company actually produced and
displayed the larger wall maps f(jr use by the public is
unknown. Nonetheless, it was a clever marketing scheme
on the part of the telephone company to utilize a road
map to encourage the use of telephones while providing
a valuable senace to motorists. This fine )une 1916 map
was the last highway map the engineer's office would
produce. Five months later the citizens of the Equalit)-
State went to the polls and granted permission to the
state to create a highway department.'^ By the following
spring a department solely designed to oversee highway
development and maintenance was established, and the
state engineer exited the road-making business and in
doing so closed the first chapter of the evolution of the
Official Wyoming Highway Map.

In 1917, Governor )ohn B. Kendrick did what Jo-
seph M. Carey had done six years earlier. He stood be-
fore the legislature and presented a case for more high-
way development across the state. Kendrick urged the
lawmakers to move forward in creating a highway de-
partment that the voters of the state wished to have. In
his speech delivered on January 9, 1917, Kendrick
summed up the histon' of the good roads movement
by saying:

In a new and sparsely settled state of widely separated com-
munities, no problem is more important than that involv-
ing the construction and maintenance ot highways. Con-
gress, a few months ago, passed a measure providing fed-
eral aid in the building of highways in the different states.
At the last election, the voters of XK'yoming adopted an
amendment to the constitution making it possible for our
state to participate m the Federal aid, and the responsibility'
now devolves upon the Legislature of providing the neces-
sary' macliiner)' for working (jut the best plan for participa-
tion. A highway commission should be provided, with an
active secretan,' who would be the principal executive, who
would give his entire ume to the work, and who would,
among other qualifications, be a competent civil engineer.'

His suggestions were persuasive and immediately put
into motion. On February 17, 1917, Kendrick approved
an act creating a state highway commission.'" Less than
three months from the time he asked the legislature to
create a highway department, the Wyoming Highway
Commission held its first official meeting at the State
Capitol. On April 2, 1917, the meeting was called to
order by acting Governor Frank L. Houx."

As was the case with the engineer's office, it was not
a primar\' goal of the Wyoming Highway Department
to produce road maps or engage itself in public rela-
tions. The thrusts of the highway department in the early
years were to acquire right of ways, survey the proposed
highway system, construct bridges, and build roads. '-^ The
few maps created during the first six years of the
department's existence were probably intended for the
use by department employees and other state and fed-
eral officials. The maps known to exist from this era only
appear within state reports, the one exception being the
1918 Wyoming Highway Commission map mentioned
at the beginning of this article. However, the trend of
producing maps only for internal government use would
come to an abrupt stop in 1924.

When the Wyoming Highway Department was
formed in 1917, it was just in time to prepare tor the
automobile revolution. The federal government called
the 192()s "the great highway boom."'' During the early
part of the 192Us, the transportation industn,' evolved at
an unprecedented rate. \'ehicle sales across the nation went
from 1.6 million in 1921 to 4 million only two years
later. '^ In Wyoming alone, motor-vehicle registrations
more than doubled in only five years, jumping from
21,372 vehicles in 1919 to 43,639 in 1924."

Though welcomed by many Wyomingites, the in-
creased traffic had significant downsides. Many ot the
early travelers to the state avoided the expenses of hotels
and cafes by choosing to pull off the road and setting up
a "car camp" for the night. "No space seemed too re-
mote or too difficult, as long as there was room to pull
off, pitch a tent, and build a tire."''' Often, these motor-
ists left their campfires to burn, trespassed on ranchers'

" Report ot'tlie Spea.il Committee for the Invesagnaon ot the State Highw^iv
Depdrtment and State Highway Commission, December 31,1 "^3(1, p. 04.
'' I.S. Bartlett, Histon of Wyoming (Chicago: S.J. Clarke Publishing Co.,
Vol. 1, 1918), p. 259.

'" Ibid

" \K'vonvng Highway Commission Meeang Minutes, Apn\ 2, 1917, p. 1. Houx

replaced Kendrick who was elected to the U.S. Senate halfway through

his term as governor.

' ^ Report of the Speaal Committee for tlie Inyesagaaon of the Sute Highway

Department and State Highway Commission, December31, 1930,p, 64.

'^ V.S. Department of Transportation, Americas Highways 1776-1976: A

Histor\- of the Federal-.\id Program (Washington D.C: U.S. Department ot

Transportation, 1976), p. 109.

•'Ibid. p. 115.

' ^ Report of the Speaai Comnvttee for the Inyesagaaon of the State Highway

Department and State Highway Commission, December 31, 1930, p. 58.

'"Warren James Belasco, .\mencans on the Road: From Aatocamp to Motel

1910-1945 (Cambridge, Massuchesetts: AQT Press, 1979), p. 7,

22 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

propem-, and failed to pack out their garbage. Many
steps were taken to eliminate this problem. Most nota-
bly, towns around Wyoming established designated auto
camps. Literature also began to be published by recog-
nized auto clubs reminding campers to keep a clean
camp. The American Automobile Association (AAA)
issued a "Courtesy of the Camp" code that educated
the tourist-camper of proper camping behavior. Wyo-
ming also joined the effort, and by 1924, it had two
major reasons to publish highway maps for the general
public. There now existed a system of roads across
W'voming, and there were sufficient numbers of mo-
torists using (and abusing) those roads.

In 1924, the Wyoming Highway Department be-
gan issuing free "condition maps" to motorists.' These
maps were distributed around the state and the region
to hotels, fiUing stations, chambers of commerce, and
auto clubs.'* These condition maps, simple sheet maps
of 11 X 1 7 in size, only featured main towns and roads
and highlighted few physiographic features.

Though simple, the condition maps fultlUed two
goals. First, these maps indicated the conditions of the
roads. Knowing the road conditions was ver\- impor-
tant during this era. It has been noted motorists spent
so much time concerning themselves with road condi-
tions they failed to see anything else." When viewing
the map, travelers could take note of a given road sur-
face to see if it was improved with oil, a crushed rock
road base, or whether the road was unimproved be-
yond basic grading. Traveling on an unimproved road
after a Wyoming thundershower would spell doom for
motorists. Though the maps were generally effective,
the best "maps" during this era were still word of
mouth between travelers. It was considered a cardinal
rule for passers-by to trade information.'"

The second purpose of the map was to dissemi-
nate information regarding highway safetv', highway
rules, and friendly reminders to motorists about clean
car camping. Wyoming was ven,- proud of its natural
resources, and the highway department was wUHng to
do what it could to help consen,'e those resources. The
map included simple rules of etiquette such as remind-
ers to motorists to extinguish campfires before leaving.
Francis "Frank" Hayford Allyn, the first graduate of
the Universit}' of Wyoming's College of Engineering,
created the condition maps.-'

Through the 1920s, car camping began to fade.
One visionar\- predicted that by the early 1 930s ever\'
middle class American family would be able to go coast-
to-coast with nothing more than a small suitcase.'' The

transition from car camps led to cabin camps then mo-
tor courts and fmaUy to the large roadside inns of to-
day.'^ The need to put notes on condition maps remind-
ing motorists to keep clean camps began to fade right
along with the car campers. Before long the department
would have to produce a new map to meet the needs of
the new traveler. The eight-year histor}' of the condition
maps ended when the last condition map was produced
on May 1, 1931, the same day the Empire State Building
was dedicated.

OnJanuar\' 8, 1932, "Governor A.M. Clark met with
the Commission for the purpose of considering bids
for the publication of (a) new State Highway Map."*"*
The Wyoming Highway Department realized an all-new
map was needed to fulfill the demands of the modern
motorists.

In the Eighth Biennial Report of the Wyoming Highway
Commission the new map received a well-deserved write-
up:

In order to provide the public with a dependable and accu-
rate State map, the Department compiled and issued such a
map early in 1 93 1 . This map contained more than the usual
amount of information, it being the intention to publish a
map which was accurate in every detail and which would
ser\^e many purposes other than that of the ordinary' tour-
ist pocket map. The cost of issuing such a map was consid-
erably more than for the ordinan,- map, but it is believed
that this cost was fuUy justified by the diversified uses that
have developed for the map, indicating that its continued
revision and pubUcarion each year is a desirable feature of
the work of this Department. The map as published not

" Letter from Wyoming Highway Department to Smith-Brooks

Printing, Co., Aug. 9, 1923, Wyoming Departmentof Transportation,

reel 435, hereafter W^-DOT.

'" Letter from Wyoming Highway Department to Automobile

Assurance Association, Sept. 24, 1924, W'YDOT reel 435.

" Americans on the Road, p. 37.

""Ibid

^'Sutherland, Robert L., Histon-ofthe U.VC. College of Engineering 1893-

1993 (Laramie, Wyoming: Universit)' of Wyoming College of

Engineering, 1993), p. 21. Allyn was bom May 6, 1875, at St. Mar\''s

Station along the Union Pacific Railroad in Carbon County. He

became a draftsman for the Wyoming Highway Department in 1920.

Allyn always signed his name and the corresponding year in the lower

right hand corner of the maps. For more information about Allyn see

"Mr. and IVlrs. Frank H. Allyn," by Laura Ekstrom, unpublished

manuscript in the Frank H. Allyn biographical file, American Heritage

Center, Univeristy of Wyoming, Laramie.

^ Americans on the Road, p. 1 34.

-' For more informadon about lodging accommodations, see Heyward

Schrock, "A Room for the Night: Evolution of Roadside Lodging in

Wyoming," Annals of Wyoming 75 (Autumn 2003): 31-39.

-^ Wyotnjng Highway Commission Meeting Minutes, Januarys, 1932, p. 70.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 23

only is one of the sen'ices provided by the Hii^hwav De-
partment, but in order to advertise the resources ot the
State through wide distribution, the Department of
Commerce and ]ndustr\- cooperated in paving the cost
of the map and prepared much of the matenal on the
reverse side, which relates to the resources of the various
counties and towns.""'

Though the map was copyrighted in 1931, it was
not published until mid- 1932, as bids were not opened
for the printing of the new highway map until Febru-
ar)' 9, 1932.-" Mills Printing of Sheridan, Wyoming,
received the printing contract. For some uni<nown rea-
son, Mills farmed out the job to Smith-Brooks Print-
ing Company ot Denver, Colorado."' During the years
ot the early and mid 1930s, out-of-state printers pro-
duced \X yoming maps. S.E. Boyer of Prairie Publish-
ing Company in Casper realized this and wrote a letter
to the highway department urging the department to
keep the map production in state. He reminded high-
way officials that "the Wyoming State Highway Map,
since the beginning of the use of the colored map
[1932], has been printed in the State of Colorado."-**
Boyer's wish to print the map eventualh' came true in
1941.

The early 193ns were an unlikch' time tor Wyo-
ming to invest in a relatively expensive cartographic
project. ,\fter all, the cfiuntn' was deep in the doldrums
of the Great Depression. An examination of the Wyo-
ming Department of Commerce and Industn-'s mis-
sion might be one ot the keys to this map's origin. In
1931, the Wyoming Legislature, \aa Section 103-87 of
the Wyoming Stamtes, made it known to the Depart-
ment of Commerce and Industry that:

It shall be the dut) ot the executive manager under direc-
tion of the board, to cooperate with other departments
of the State government; to pubUsh and to cooperate in
the publishing and dissemination of literature, bulle-
tins, maps, leaflets, and other material of educational
and commercial value.""

It took the department Littie time to react to the order.
Within months it:

Cooperated witii [the] State Highway Department m the
preparation and production of the new official state high-
way map, dividing the cost of lithographing with the
Highway Department and handled the mailing and dis-
tribution of the maps generally as a publicit)' measure in
connection with our colonization program.'"

Commerce and Industn''s colonization program was
designed to contact prospective setders and to contact
people who were interested, or might be interested in,
agriculture or odier business opportunities in the state."

With the added money from another department,
the highway department planned a larger map than pro-
duced earlier. The 1932 edition grew considerably in
size compared to the condition maps, thus giving the
department much more room to add more informa-
tion. The single-sided 11x17 condition maps have an
area of 187 sq. in. The 1932 edition has 1 180 sq. in. of
usable space. The highway department sought the help
of the Department of Commerce and Industry to as-
sist with the layout of the new and enlarged map. The
highway department paid for and designed the map
side, and the Department of Commerce and Industry-
paid tor and prepared the map back.'"

The map back is packed with information and pho-
tographs. Listed is information sought by the traveler
such as tourist attractions - 229 of them to be exact.
However, much attention was devoted to business op-
portumties, which are not normally featured on maps.
Each ot the twent)'-three counties received a full para-
graph of coverage and a photograph representing some
opp()rtunit\- or attraction in that countw The reader cu-
rious about Wyoming's mineral resources would learn
the Wyoming State Geological Department is ven' co-
operative with prospectors. Want to be a coal miner?
Come to Sweetwater County! Want to be a sugar beet
farmer? Come to Goshen County! To sweeten the
proposition, the prospective farmer is reminded that
Wyoming's sugar beet is sweeter than those grown in
other states.

The 1932 edition also marked the beginning of
the tradition of noting the governor. A.M. Clark's name
appears on the cover of the map giving him the honor
of being the first governor to be mentioned on
Wyoming's road map. Governors would appear on
maps in some torm or another off and on throughout

~^ Eighth BicnruiJ Rcpt >rt of die Wyoming Htgh\\\iv Comnv^sion, p. 22.
-'' W'voming Highwjv Commission Meeang Minutes, Februar\" 9, 1 032, p. "74.
"" Letter Irnm W'voming Highwav Department to Snlltli-Brooks
PnntinRG)., Jan.'), l')33, WTDOT reel 450,

-'* Letter from Prairie Publishmg Co. to W'voming High\va\ Depart-
ment, Nov. 19, I9.M, WTDOT reel 4.30.
~' Speaal Bietiniaj /Report ottbe \\ \ < iming DcpcVtment ot Commerce .ind Industry'

/5i;-;y5.5, forward.
"'/fc/ii.p. 18.
"Ibid.,p. 1.
'-Ibid.,p. 18.

24 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

National Forests

Indian Reservation

Game Refuges I

Emergt

or unimproved
landing field-

AIR ROUTES :

,— Revolving beacon

Stationery or flashing beacon

-:^^:-Commercia) or municipal

5 ^_^^

HISTORIC TRAILS

DeLaVerendrye-1743'"— °-''— " Mormon Trail-1847 1

John Colter -1807 ■■•" ■■ California Trail i

Wilson Price Hunt-1811 Oregon Trail -1843-5 )

Robert Stuart - 1812 — «> — »«'- Overland Stage Route

Capt B.L.r Bonneville-t Original fcny Express )

1832) Bozeman Trail

Lieut.J.CFreniont-1842-" — ■— "- Ch^enne Deadwood)
Qen'I.J.C.Fremont-1843 -o— o— e- Stage Road i

Overland Trail (orCh«i«i Black Hills WagonRoad

Gratitude is expressed to the following contributors of
historic data or other valuable information on this map:

Dr G.R.Mebard. hvftssarof Po)Hic9l Economy.Utu-

verslfy of Wyoming, Leraaum
Brig.Gen.C (lHowland,i/3><'-«J! rortWamn, Wyo
Hon rrank0.t1ortDrt,i^jt-5«wftvM/jt*c*j)«n,&//^r*A>
DanW.6reenburg,i'flT«Ara.r/iA'^rff 7^*ioWs)'*

fining Co, Caa/tv
1^}^^V^,U S L^^^Stral Enymt»r_Cha/anm

Traices (Mrs^njs) Beard, sis>*ffutonM/>. c/fj^nn,

Henry 6.WatSOn,A(p5»'a/«£ry«fl*«/: C/nymnn*
^SvkfH JtT\S0U,4sfOtunA/ffSfar/3n,Sa/flaktC/f/
M0StRev.PA.Mc60VBrn. a^iAqo ofCtmyanm
>K&r^ S-^r^>a\^v, Miscall Ubranan StataUbrary.
Oiayanm
Addph Hamm. UlBx^o^alSumy, Ch^t/>m
JotmCThompSOn.i'tftir Tribtj^-leackJ-' 0)^yanrm
J£Cle3ry,£npnMr 7}m¥Kff^!diftni/)gCc, Caspar

D.Wood, ir^'ir'WW^W'' Shoihona Indian Agtnex Fort
" Wathtkia, Wyo

JohnA. Martin, WyominsPitmnrManhant, Cfiaytnna

WZntnierS0ri,ActgafMfSfoA)fie^Si/rvty,l/50ifif

afMg/icu/fure, Washington, D C
J.B.6nfrrtK iditar. 'TheLuskHtrald: Lusk
Fred B.Agee, us NafirarastSupamsar. Shtridan.
Cdword LCfBbU OvilLngmatr, Shoihoni
f}N.Z\iar\\xr&, County aarirf/,obrar»Counry,Lusfi
Dias-B. Stafford, EntMfiktMffr Stott Board of Com-
mrrcr and Industry Chaytnne
LS.FIannery,/;**!' ThtSoshanNaws'.Torrinffton
Clare LAushcrman, Wyoming Slata Librarian.

Chfyrn/K
D.CShcNVTnan,£«r/iw ThaUkimstl^trg a,, Caspar
M.M.Farl0W, County Oark Frtmont County, landar
Edward Burnett, Hiyominff Pionaar, Buffalo
Vfalterlleecham,A»S'rfw/ Oragon Trail Aisoaat-
ion, BaHr Ora.
Ernest Logan, Ifyamns/'iaiimrant/Hisfv'an, C/nya/ina

LR^.Condil, fl«n»-^toi«*o, samw"

W.R.Smith, County Agricultural Agant,Eif9nslon

Various County Surv^ors of the State.

FREE COPIES OF THIS MAP

m^ be procured upon application to any of the following:-

Wyomtng State Highway Dep't, Cheyenne.

State Dep't of Commerce and Industry. Ch^enne,

Aqy Chamberof Commerce in Wyoming

Copyright 1931, by Wyoming State Highway Dep't.

Compiled and drown by Julius Muller

The 1^22 Official Wyoming Higtiway Map was the first to feature the famous historical captions- American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming. Map
reprinted with permission from the Wyoming Highway Commission.

the map's histon\

The name of Julius Muller also is listed on the map.
He is credited as being the person who compiled and
drew the maps of this era. Muller was the chief drafts-
man for the department, so he was given much credit
for work that was generated from that unit, but it is
believed .\llyn, the cartographer of the condition maps,
crafted the maps of the 1930s. '^

\X yoming's first generation of folded maps was a
big hit across the nation. The San Diego Historical Soci-
ety^ was so intrigued with the historical captions that are
included on Wyoming's map it began an effort to see
that future editions of the California maps would in-
clude histor}'. The engineer of the State of Idaho De-
partment of Public Works was so impressed with the
cartography on these maps he asked the Wyoming High-
way Department to share its methods of production.
The Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park con-
sidered the Wyoming map to be "one of the most com-
plete and valuable highway maps issued by any state. "'^■*
With compliments like these it was obvious the Of-

ficial Wyoming Highway Map was a great marketing
and public relations tool for the state. Former spokes-
man for the Wyoming Department of Transportation,
Keith Rounds, was often reminded by tourists that the
Official Wyoming Highway Map is the best marketing
tool Wyoming has. "^"^ No doubt, a seemingly simple pub-
lication such as a highway map can leave a profound
impression on the viewer no matter if the viewer is a
traveler, engineer, or histor}^ buff

The historical captions act as a tour guide, encour-
aging travelers to go from one site to the next. Since
their inclusion on the map in 1932, many of the eight}^-
two informational captions have been removed. By

Cheyenne, Wyoming, Nov. 21,

"^^ John Walter, interview with autho

2000, written notes.

^"'Letter from San Diego State Historical Societ\' to ^XVoming Highway
Department, November 9, 1936; Letter from Idaho Department of
Public Works to Wvoming Highway Department, Januar\- 26, 1935; and
Lettter from National Pari; Ser\'ice to Wvoming Highway Department,
Nov. 4, 1935, WYDOT reels 344 and 342.
^^ Keith Rounds, inter\'iew with author, Cheyenne, Wyoming, Jan. 25,

2001, written notes.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 25

1990, the number of captions had been reduced trom
eighty-tu'o to forti,-five. The main reasons for their
removal lie in the fact the Wyoming Department of
Transportation received complaints from citizens allud-
ing to the fact that the map was "too cluttered" and
because the locations of manv historic sites and events
were not verifiable. Rounds added that a letter from
noted historical geographer, John Logan Allen, in the
1980s challenging the burial site of Sacajawea,"' "brought
things to a head, and we enlisted a blue-ribbon commit-
tee to take a look at all those things." The blue-ribbon
committee, consisting of folks from numerous state
agencies including the Travel Commission, Archives,
Museums and Historical Department, and the State Li-
brary, concluded that manv of the sites should be re-
moved, so the highwav department responded by re-
moving manv of them from the map.'

Through the 1930s and early 1940s, the Official
Wyoming Highway Map evolved only slighdy from year
to year. The most notable changes occurred in 1937
when an all-color cover was introduced as well as a
greeting to tourists from the governor, and in 1 940 when
color photographs replaced the black and white images
on the mapback. During this same era, a substantiallv
greater number of maps was printed and distributed
compared to previous years. The department distrib-
uted one hundred thousand maps during 1937 and
1938.'* Wide distribuuon of the map also occurred as
a result of a national advertising campaign. The state
promoted tourism via ads that were printed in national
magazines and newspapers. During 1938, 1,117 respon-
dents requested highway maps."

The country' experienced an increase in tourism in
1939, and this may have led Wyoming to do a much-
needed second printing of the map. In the east. New
York prepared for the opening of the World's Fair, and
out west, San Francisco was preparing for the Golden
Gate International Exposition. Both fairs ran from the
spring of 1939 to the fall of 1940. Travelers going
from fair to fair certainlv would have impacted
Wyoming's great east-west transportation corridor - US
30. Also, the 1939 Legislature appropriated funds for
an exhibit in San Francisco when:

Twent}' thousand dollars was appropriated by the rwent)--
fifth legislature for an exhibit at the Golden Gate Interna-
tional Exposition at Treasure Island, San Francisco, Cali-
fornia, for 1939. The World's Fair Commission, appointed
by Governor Leslie A. Miller, presented the request to the
legislamre, and after consideration of the matter by Gover-

nor Smith and the legislature, the sum of S20,000 was
appropnated.*'

Thousands of pieces of literature were distributed to
the 749,107 visitors who entered Wyoming's booth dur-
ing the summer and fall of 1939.'" Both 1939 editions
were printed as "World's Fair Editions." However, at-
tention would soon turn from the world's fair to a world
war.

World War II brought an end to manv of the ac-
tivities of the Wvoming Highwav Department. The
Office of Defense Mobilization imposed restrictions
on such things vital to road construction as asphalt, tar,
steel, and hea\T equipment. Manpower shortages also
began to affect the workforce. The highwav depart-
ment acknowledged, "The number of emplovees now
in the State Highway Department has already been re-
duced by approximately one-half as result of the war
and present national emergency. "■*" WFiat work was
done was applied to the war effort. The priorities ot
the department were to create access to oil fields, coal
basins, and airports.^'

The war impacted the auto industn' as well. The
government rationed gasoline and rubber and set the
national speed limit at 35 mph to conser\'e fuel and
reduce maintenance on vehicles. Car production also
came to a halt. In 1941, 3,779,682 automobiles were
produced, while 1943 saw only 139 cars roll off
America's assembly lines.'"

The war slowed the pace of travel to a snail's crawl.
With no new roads being constructed and with fewer
motorists using the existing roads, there was litde de-
mand to produce new maps. In fact. World War II
suspended road map development altogether.'" The big

^^ Listing Sacajawea on the map was controversial from the ven,'
beginning. After the 1932 ediuon was distributed, a South Dakota
historian asked the Wyoming Highway Department to remove the
caption because it was inaccurate. Walter, inter\'iew.

' Keith Rounds interview.

^ Speaai Biennial Report ot the Wyoming Department ot'Commerce .md Industn'

2937-;9JO p. 19.

" Ibid., p. 8.

" State Department ofCommerce and Industr\- Report ofAcOMaes 1 9ji9- 1 9-HJ. p.

17.

" Ibid,p. 18.

■*- Thirteenth Bienni.iI Report of the Wvoming Highway Comnvssion, p, 21 .

"Ibid,p.\b.

" i\mencas Highways 17~6-19~'6. p. 147.

''^ Amencan Congress on Sur\'e\'ing and Mapping, The .\merican
Cartographer (Falls Church, Virginia: .Amencan Congress on Surve\'ing
and Mapping, July 1987), p. 249.

26 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

road map producers such as Rand McNally and H.M.
Gousha switched efforts to militar\' map production
for the Defense Department."*"

Wyoming adjusted to the times by implementing
several alternative methods. The 1942 map, for ex-
ample, was essentially a reprint of the 1941 map, and
this same map was used in 1943.*^ However, the de-
partment got a bit more creative the following ^-ear.
The department attempted to place stickers on maps
remaining from 1942, covering up the date with the
current date. There was a problem though. The stick-
ers did not adhere to the glossy paper. The department
remained persistent to find inexpensive ways to pro-
vide maps to the public for the year 1944. The depart-
ment again utilized the 1942 edition and furnished a
map with an ink-stamped message on the back cover
indicating, "This map issued in 1942 is essentially cor-
rect as of today..." The map itself stands as the only
piece of evidence of this 1944 venture.

The highway department next published a map in
1946. The map was a black and white rendition of the
1942 map. Because colored ink was being conserved it
was necessan' to print a simple black and white map."***
Cost was also a concern, and the commissioners de-
cided to keep the printing from exceeding five hun-
dred dollars.''" Keeping the cost to a minimum coupled
with the fact there was a paper shortage,''" allowed the
department to print no more than ten thousand copies
of the map."'

The 1946 edition of the Official Wyoming Highway
Map displayed one unique feature. It was the only
folding map produced by the department not featuring
a photographic or art image on the cover. Instead, the
cover showed Wyoming's iconic symbol - the bucking
bronco. A possible reason tor the small silhouetted
logo being featured on this map may be the fact the
man given credit for the idea to design the logo, Lester
C. Hunt, was governor at that time. In the 1930s, when
Hunt was secretan,' of state (a position, which at that
time was in charge of motor vehicle license plates), he
decided to create a logo of a bucking bronco to appear
on the 1936 plate. He commissioned artist Alien True
to paint the logo.^' Hunt governed the state from 1 943
to 1949. The first map to list him as governor was the
1946 edition. The logo may have been placed there as
a tribute to him. The map's back does include a tribute
to the men of the Wyoming Highway Department
returning from the war. It was added in place of the
traditional governor's statement, which had been feamred
on the map since 1937.

The post-war era brought gigantic changes to the
Official Wyoming Highway Map when, on December
18, 1945, the Wyoming Highway Department struck an
agreement with the Rand McNally Company of Chi-
cago to begin creating an all-new map. From 1947 to
1952, Rand McNally improved the map each of those
years taking it from the map base"" created for the 1 932
edition to an all-new base in 1949, and finally to the
1952 colorized version Wyomingites have come to
know.

Wyoming had been using the same base since 1932,
and with all of the additions to the map during the
period of rapid road construction, the map base was
showing signs of wear. Highway Superintendent J.R.
Bromley said, "Our old plates are not satisfactory any-
more as they have become worn to such an extent that
the maps are not accurate."'"* There was a definite need
for Wyoming to start over. Wyoming did just that and
utilized the help of the most widely known mapmaker
in the nation.

On February 20, 1946, one hundred and fifr\' thou-
sand maps for the 1947 season were commissioned to
be printed at a cost of |6,075.'- However, before this
map was approved the commission discussed the pos-
sibilit)' of including Buffalo BUI Cody on the map. Buf-
falo Bill's 100* birthday commemoration was being
planned, and Highway Commissioner Cowgill of Cody
beUeved it would be appropriate to feature Buffalo BiU
on the map. When the 1947 edition rolled off the press

^' American Congress on Surve\Tng and Mapping Sun^epng and
Mapping fNX'astiington D.C: American Congress on Sur\'e\ing and
Mapping, April-June 1956), p. 632.

^^ Letter from VC'yoming Highway Department to Federal Public Roads
Administration, Jan. 27, 1943, W\T)OT reel 521 .
^^ Letter from Wyoming Highway Department, January 28, 1946,
W\'DOT reel 531.

■" Wyoming Highway Commission Meeting Minutes, Apnl 10, 1945, p. 107.
*" Letter from Wyoming Highway Department, January 28, 1946,
\X'\T)OT reel 531.

^' \X voniingHigbwav Commission Meeting Minutes,M^y2\, 1945, p .7.
" Phil Roberts, Da\-id L. Roberts, and Steven L. Roberts, Wyoming
Almanac, 5* ed., (Laramie, Wyoming: Skyline Press/Wyoming
Almanac, 2001), p.76.

" A map base is the cartographer's draft of the map being made. This
base, used to make the printer plates, is comprised of many layers of
sheets of data that contain all of the information that will appear on
the map such as the topography layer, the highways layer, the text
layer, etc.

'" Letter from Wyoming Highway Department to the Wyoming
Episcopal Church, Diocese of Wyoming, March 6, 1946, WTDOT reel
531.
" Wyoming Highway Commission Meeting Alinutes, February 20, 1 946, p. 60.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 27

from Rand McNallv's plant in Chicago there was no
sight of Cody, though a photograph of the dam he
began constructing in 1905 does appear on the back
cover.

The 1 947 map is ver)' similar to the editions of 1 940-
1946, but the overall quality' is much improved over ear-
lier editions. A new r\pe ot offset Lithography, which
produced a much higher qualit\' map at an affordable
cost, was used."' The print is sharper, easier to read, and
more precise. With a quick glance at the 1947 map, one
will also note the number of roads that were improved
beyond basic grading compared to the prewar vears.
The map back was simplified somewhat. It featured a
regional road map of the U.S. and a mileage chart. The
remainder of the back consists of color photographs
of all of the classic Wyoming themes - cowboys and
Indians, mountains, Yellowstone, and Devils Tower. This
map began the trend of Wyoming allowing pictures to
do the talking. Little text would appear on the map's
back until the 1980s.

Rand McNallv used a new paper stock for the 1949
edition, which more precisely absorbed the printing ink
creating a sharper, clearer, more exact map. As was the
case in 1947, the governor did not appear on the map,
nor did the names of commissioners or other depart-
mental staff This era of maps was almost entirely dedi-
cated to tourism, as colorful photographs exhibiting
Wyoming's cultural and phvsical landscapes were fea-
tured. The commission wanted its photographs to ap-
pear as nice as the photographs adorning the renowned
Union Pacific Railroad calendars. Ralph Bowen of Rand
McNaUy responded with many comments and sugges-
tions. First, he noted that professional photographers with
8x10 view cameras were taking the photographs for the
Union Pacific. He also noted UPRR was using a supe-
rior qualttv paper, but this paper would not be suitable
for a map, as "the paper would have no strength, and
under folding conditions and considering the other se-
vere use given maps, it would not last any time at all."
Rand McNaUv urged the Highway Department to sub-
mit 4x5 negatives, which would offer the best quaUrs'
reproduction.'

There was even talk that some of the highway de-
partment staff liked the color photo qualit)' on the Colo-
rado map. Bowen of Rand McNally said:

I am reaUv surpnsed that anyone in VC'voming could tind
ansthing in the Colorado map folder to arouse even a trace
of jealousy. Aside from the map work itself, which is ex-
tremely illegible and poorly designed, the color work in the

pictures, in my opinion, is very- much beneath the qualit)'
in the Wyoming folder.'"

Bowen and his staff at Rand McNaUy certainly could
not help but realize Wyoming was serious about mak-
ing a better map. Wyoming wanted a map as good as
Union Pacific's calendar, and certainly, it was not going
to be outdone by its archrival to the south. Rand McNaUy
went back to the drawing board and made more
changes to the map. The changes were more than satis-
facton* to catch the attention of travelers. It was re-
ported in the July 11, 1950, ediaon of The Portland Or-
egonian, that Wyoming's map is the "king of them all." A
motorist took a trip around the nation and collected
road maps. Most of the maps were of the usual variety,
but Wyoming's map was a cartographer's masterpiece.
The Oregonian reported:

The supreme accomplishment of this piece ot propaganda
is the main map, a meticulously drawn and superbly col-
ored portrayal of physical and historical Wyoming. Here
the map addict - and there is at least one in ever}- family -
may absorb details of the highways, mountain ranges,
watersheds, railways, air lanes, divides, and pioneer trails.

The accolades connnued when The Oregonian ottered:

Tins map is no plebian aggregation of signposts fit for
forgetting in the glove compartment. It is an invitation to
road romance, a reminder ot remrn to Wyoming. To our
own Oregon highway de\'elopment commission we com-
mend this map, its charm and its lesson. Oregon's map,
of which 2(10,1.100 were ordered this year, is sound, it is
legible, and useful. But it keeps secret too well the mtinite
variety", the vigor and the romance of Oregon.''

Wyoming, with its "king" ot the highway maps, had
caught the attention of California, Idaho, and Oregon,
and through the vears received many more compliments.
The 1949 Wyoming map was so popular the depart-
ment exhausted its supply by .\ugust.''" For the 1950

^ Arthur H. Robinsun, Randall D. Sale, Joel L. .Morrison, and PliilLp C.
Muehrcke, Elements of Cartography, 5'^ ed. ("New \'orl<: lohn Wilev tS:

Sons, 1984), p. 458.

^" Letter from Rand McNallv Co. to W'voming High\va\ Department,

Mav 15, 1949. VCTDOT reel .^71.

"" Letter from Rand McNallv Co. to W'voming Highway Department,

April 25, 1949, ViTDOT reel .ri.

'" Portland Oregonian, Julv 11, 1950. Copy on WTDOT reel 2119.

"' Wvonung Highway Cotnnvssion Meeang Alinutes., August 2", 1 949, p. 43.

28 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

map, It was decided to increase production by fift}' thou-
sand, making two hundred and fiity thousand maps
available to the public."'

By 1950 and 1951, the Official Wyoming Highway
Alap focused on tourism even more so than the edi-
tions of 1947-1949. These maps no longer carried travel
information alerting motorists of speed limits, proper
vehicle passing techniques, rights of way, and mountain
driving, although surrounding states still focused on traf-
fic laws and other travel information.

While Rand McNally was busy working on
Wyoming's map, the federal government was busy plan-
ning an interstate highway system. The Clay Commit-
tee, formed bv President Dwight Eisenhower to over-
see this undertaking, decided that "the need is not for
more highways so much as better ones."" The Wyo-
ming Highway Department shared that philosophy and
wanted to create a better road map. In 1952, a map
rolled off the printing press in Chicago that was such a
masterpiece it was still used fift}' years later. Since its
unveiling in 1952, more than thirt^'-five million copies
of this all-color map Wyomingites have come to know-
have been printed.

Wyoming can claim to be the first state in the union
to feature an aU-color shaded reUef map.'" VCTiat started
out as a simple version of this map in 1947 had been
improved. Other states feature shaded reUef on their
maps, but none have a realistic natural color scheme like
that portrayed on the Wyoming map. Wyoming's di-
verse landscape of grasslands, sagebrush steppes, and
ice-capped alpine regions were captured in fitting col-
ors of tan, light green, dark green, and white.

The highway department's drafting unit, which had
been involved with map production prior to the late
1940s, relinquished that task at the time the 1952 map
was released when "on October 19, 1951, the State High-
way Commission appointed a Secondar}' Roads Engi-
neer in compliance with this 1950 Federal Aid Act.'""'
Appointed to that position was G.T. "Shorty" Bath.
Sometime around 1953, the department decided he
should be "responsible for the compilation and publi-
cation of the official Wyoming Highway Map.'"''' Also,
in about 1953, a public information director was hired."'
Even though there was an established public relations
department, Bath maintained control of the map as one
of his duties. In 1964, however, the map was appropri-
ately mrned over to the Public Information Office.''^
Rounds became the public information officer that
year.''" Soon after he assumed his duties, he took charge
of the map. Rounds oversaw the production of about

thirt)' editions of the map before his retirement on Feb-
ruary' 1, 2001.

Numerous map-related undertakings occurred dur-
ing Round's time with the department. One was that of
taking ownership of the map plates. When Rand McNally
received the contract to create an all-new map for 1 949,
it was required not only to print the map but also to
make the new printing plates. These plates remained in
the ownership of Rand McNally. Wyoming only owned
the copyright to the map.*"' As a result, each year the
bidding included printing and plate making. Rand
McNally, already having the plates, had the obvious ad-
vantage, as its bids from year to year did not have to
include the expensive plate making fees. Rand McNally
was the low bidder on ever)' map it bid from 1947 to
the time the plates were sold to the highway department
in 1972, with the exception of the 1960 edition. Wheel-
wright Publishing of Salt Lake Cit)', Utah, won the con-
tract for that edition. It is believed Wheelwright had an
excess of inferior paper and was therefore able to sub-
mit a low bid.^" Indeed, the quaUt}' of the printing and
of the paper of the 1960 edition is arguably inferior to
the Rand McNally jobs. Oddly enough, this map won a
printing award.^'

Some years only Rand McNally submitted a bid.'-
Other printing companies complained the process was
unfair. Among the companies addressing this issue was
Jeppesen and Company, an aviation map printing com-
pany. On July 19, 1962, Harold Prommel, manager of
map sales for jeppesen, approached the commission
and explained his company wanted to bid on the Wyo-
ming highway map, but because the bid specifications

^' Wyoming Highway Commission Meedng Minutes, August 4, 1950, p. 60.
"Christy Borth, Mankind on the Alove: The Stor\' of Highway. (Washing-
ton D.C: Automotive Safety Foundation, 1969), p. 229.
" Wyoming Highway Commission Meeting Minutes. October 18, 1951,
p. 60.

^ Eigh teen th Biennial Report of the W\ -oming High wa} ' Commission, p . 47 .
^^ Nineteenth Biennial Report of the Wyoming Highway Commission, p. 63.
"Aid., p. 10.

''^ Wyoming Highway Department, The Highwayman, June 1964, .p. 5.
^^ Rounds interview.

^'^ Keith Rounds, April 26, 1972, Wyoming Highway Department
Internal Document to W.G. Lucas, WYDOT Public Affairs Office
vertical files.
™ Rounds inter\'ie\v.

'' Wyoming Highway Commission Meeting AIinutes,Octohtt 20, 1960, p. 31.
" Ibid, September 27, 1962, p. 17.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 29

called for both printing and cartographx', there was no
\va\' it could be competitive. '

[eppescn certainly had the capabilitv to create visu-
alK stimulating and accurate maps. For years it had been
producing aeronautical charts tor the \\ \'oming Aero-
nautics Commission. The highway commission con-
sidered these aeronautical charts to be among the ver\'
finest produced. ^

The I eppescn compan\ has its roots in Che\ennc.
Elrey Borge feppesen, a pilot for Varney /VirHnes (later
to become United AirUnes), lived in Cheyenne and flew
the route between Cheyenne and Salt Lake Cir\'. After
losing several pilot friends to accidents attributed to
navigational problems, he created charts to aid in navi-
gation. ^ leppesen began handing them out, and they
became so popular he turned his idea into a profitable
business, setting up shop at Denver's Stapleton Interna-
tional Airport.

Jeppesen did liid on the all-new 1949 Wyoming
Highway Map, but it mav have been too small a com-
pany to compete with Rand McNally. In 1952, another
big map company, H.M. Gousha, acquired an interest
in jeppesen. " It was too late though. Once Rand
McN'alh' had the contract, it had, in essence, created a
monopoly. Had Jeppesen won the contract for the 1949
map, it is quite possible that a company so linked to
Wyoming's mapping histon' would have been the one
credited with creating and maintaining the ( )fficiai Wyo-
ming Highway Map.

Pleas from companies like jeppesen led the W \o-
ming Highway Commission to purchase the plates from
Rand McNally. This occurred on August 24, 1972, for
a cost of $1 1,500.00."" Now that the Wyoming High-
way Department had the map plates, this allowed for
other companies to pursue the printing jobs.

A second map-related undertaking during Rounds'
early years with the department appeared in 1965, when
the governor reappeared on the map after being ab-
sent since Hunt's name appeared on the cover of the
1946 edition. For the first time ever, the governor's ap-
pearance on a map is mentioned in the commission
record. The highway commission moved:

The department should request a statement from Gover-
nor Clitford P. Hansen together with a color photograph
of himself, both of which are to be placed on the 1963
Flighway Map, winch \ear is the 75''' annnersan- for state-
hood for Wyoming. "

Rounds secured the statement, and the 1965 map

was the tirst to feature the governor's portrait and state-
ment on the back cover. This arrangement became the
standard, but it did not become an annual tradition for
several more years. Four years later, the governor's state-
ment and portrait again was mentioned in the commis-
sioners' record. Commissioner Gus Fleischli moved to
place the governor's photo and message back on the
map. '' As requested, the 1969 map features Governor
Stan Hathawa\' on the back cover with his statement,
and since this time, the governor's portrait and written
statement have appeared on even' map.

The appearance ot a governor on a map is one of
the most important identifiers that a map is official. It is
this "otficialness" that gives the map its credibilit\', and,
as a result, gives the motorist a sense ol assurance. In his
W \( iming gecjgraph\' book, Wyoming geographer Ri )b-
ert Brown identifies three symbols that embi )dy the spirit
ot \\"\-oming — open space, the bucking bronco and
cowboy, and the governor.^" Brown stated the Gover-
nor <it W \-oming ofters a recognizable degree of rug-
ged individualism; an abilir\' to talk plainly; and a comple-
ment of other personal characteristics including hon-
est\, tolerance, mild ambition, and love of family.^' No
di lubt, Wyoming's license plate helped proiiK )te the ci )w-
boy image, and so has Wyoming's map. All the gover-
nors seem to embody the cowboy spirit by sporting
their cowboy hats for their portraits. In 1987, newly
elected (jovernor Mike Sulli\'an seemed also to capture
the "love ot tamilv" qualin,' Brown identified in his bo( )k,
when he appeared on the map with the first lady, their
ciiildren, antl even the famih' pet.

A milestone was reached in 199(1 with the printing
ot the Wyoming Centennial edition. In anticipation of a
bus\- tourism season during Wyoming's lllO''' birthday,
the department produced an astonishing one million cop-
ies ot the map. The Highway Department appropri-
ately dedicated the issue to the state's histor\-. The cover
includes a photograph ot Wyoming's statehood parade,
which was held in Cheyenne on juK 23, 1S9(.I, to cel-
ebrate the occasion. The maphack includes an historical

' Wyoming Highw.iv Coninv:>sion Meeting Minure\}u\v 1*\ ['■'62, p. ^6.
"Ibid

~^ Wyoming .\lni^nAc, p. 28.
^'' The .\nieric3n C^rtograpticr, p. 249.

WVoni/nt,^ Highway Commission Meeang ^bnutes, .\ugust 24. 1 9~2, p. 2 1 ,
^' /fajti.., tVtober 20, 1964, p. 21,
"" Ibid^.]uk IS, 196S, p. -'.

^" Robert H Brown, \V lonijni,'; A Geogr.iphv (Boulder. Colo.irdo;
\Vest\-iew Press, Inc. 1980), p. 148.
" Ibjd.,p.\49.

30 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -■ Autumn 2003

narrative of the state's histor\' written by Rick Ewig,
who at that time was an historian for the Wyoming
State Archives, Museums and Historical Department.

The most recent major update to the map oc-
curred with the 2003 edition. For the past fift)- years,
the Wyoming Department of Transportation
(NX'^TDOT)'- had been using the same map plates that
were created bv Rand McNalJv in the late 1940s and
earlv 1950s, just as with the 1932 map plates, the 1952
map layers were wearing out. Knowing something
needed to be done to solve this dilemma, W^'DOT
decided to enter the computer age. Garth Oldham,
Graphics Designer for the W\T)OT Public Affairs
Office, digitized the map sheets created bv Rand
AIcNallv.'^' With all the information from those sheets
digitized, corrections and updates could be made by
simplv using the computer. Updates that once took
hours to complete could be done in minutes. Cer-
tainly the most obvious change to the viewer was that
of the overall lightening of the color of the 2003 edi-
tion, which was changed to make the text easier to
read. Before digitization, the color of the map was
fixed and could not be altered. Eastwood Printing
and Publishing Inc. of Denver, Colorado, printed the
2003 map. The department printed 1.25 million cop-
ies of the map for a cost of $110,625.00."-' The only
Wyoming company to bid on this all-new map was
Unicover Corporation of Chevenne.

The State of Wyoming produced its first highway
map in 1912. Since then, nearly 40 million Official Wyo-
ming Highway Maps have been produced and dis-
tributed around Wyoming, the nation, and even the
world. This in and of itself makes the Official Wyo-
ming Highway Map one of the most widely distrib-
uted documents produced by the State of Wyoming.
The sheer volume of maps produced and widely dis-
tributed by the state makes the Official Wyoming High-
way Map a potentially powerful publication. For some
people, the map they receive in the mail upon request
influences their first image of Wyoming. So, what im-
age and information does the map convey about
Wyoming?

Considered to be one of the nicest road maps
produced, the Official Wyoming Highway Map stands
as a reflection of the qualit\- road system found in the

state. A map of this qualit)- certainly stands out as a per-
suasive document to encourage travel across the state.
During the 1930s, the highway department struggled to
identify an audience, allowing some space to attracting
permanent setders and devoting the remaining space to
welcoming tourists. Since then, the maps have shown a
pattern of including tourist-attracting photographs of
Wyoming's ph\'sical landscapes and the opportunities that
can be had on those landscapes. For the most part, the
opportunities that visitors can have in Wyoming have
had to be imagined, as few pictures show people en-
gaged in any sort of recreation. Essentially, the Official
Wyoming Highway Map sets the stage for the tourist to
discover his or her own opportunit\-. The technology to
conve\- these oppormnities has improved over the years,
but the message remains the same. In his 1982 greeting,
former Governor Ed Herschler said, "Regardless of
season, you'U find plent}' of outdoor recreation in Wyo-
ming. Our nearly 98,000 square rrdles of variety' offer
something for ever\'one, all at an individual pace. Enjoy
W\"oming!"

^^- In 1992, tlie Wyoming Higli\va\' Department reorganized and

became the Wyoming Department of Transportation (^^DOT).

Subsequently, the Wyoming Highway Commission became the

Wyoming Transportation Commission.

^^ Garth Oldham, interview with the author, Chevenne, Wvoming,

Sept. 22, 2003, written notes.

'"' \X \oming Department of Transportation. Tabul^non Sheet ot Bids

Received. |an. 3, 2003, W\T)OT Purchasing Department.

Real horsepower was utilized in early road construction efforts
near the town of Douglas. Wyoming. Courtesy Wyoming State
Archives, J. E.Stimson Collection.

"^- ■ -^ i ^ Hir JiMi

John Waggener was born and raised in Green River. He graduated from ttie University of Wyoming with his
B.A. in Geography and Education in 1995 and his M.A. in Geography in 2001. He is an Assistant Archivist at the
University of Wyoming's Americ^ Heritage Center.

Annals of Wyoming The Wvoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 31

i.'l.W

A Room for the Night:

Evolutiof>of Roadside Lodging in Wyoming

By

Heyward D. Schrock

mericans have an infatruation with the automobile.
Part of the obsession is the attraction of driving
somewhere. InitialK', however, earlv twentieth
LcentuiT car touring was limited to driving close
to home due to laci< of passable roads. As more all-
weather roads were built, Americans began to venture
farther awa\- from home. Longer road trips inevitably

generated new

When Americans
took to the road for a

businesses, ser\-ices,
and products to
meet the needs of
the autd tourists.

One business
created bv the
aut(5mobile was
roadside hidging.
When Americans
took to the road for
a prolonged journev
thev performed
what would become
a daily routine of searching tor a room to spend the
night. As the number of automobiles and tourists
increased, lodging for the vehicle bound traveler evolved
to meet the needs of an ever-changing, mobile socien.
In 1903, the Ford Motor Company was founded
and Henr\' Ford changed the wav cars were built. In 1 9 1 3,
Ford produced tliirteen thousand automobiles a daw Bv
1925, the moving assembly line was so well streamlined
that new Model T's were rolling oft the assembly line

prolonged journey
they performed what
would become a
daily routine of
searching for a room
to spend the night.

everjr ten seconds. Mass production made the cost ($290),
low enough that just about anybody could afford one.
In 1920, more than nine million motorcars and trucks
were reaistered in the United States. That same year in
Wyoming, 24,973 passenger vehicles were licensed. With
the affordable automobile, Americans had an alternative
to rail travel and began to pen'ade the roads traveling
long distances with a freedom previoush' unknown.
Where as travelers had been controlled by railroad
timetables and rail nenvorks, the automobile allowed the
indiyidual t( > pick and choose the time and route of travel.
This self-determination of movement brought a
revolution in transportation for Americans during the
first two decades of the tvventieth centun..'

At the beginning of the nventieth centur\- early auto
tourists had few choices for a room after traveling miles
in an open automobile. An occasional wayside inn, a hold-
over from stage coaching days, might offer the tired
motorist a bed. An economical alternative was to camp
alongside the road. The principle choice was the
downtown hotel that sen-ed a transient populauon of
salesman, businessmen, and travelers. Downtown hotels
had dominated the lodging industn" for more than halt
a centuiv because of their ready access to the railroad
station and downtown businesses. Along with banks,

' James W. Davidson et al. Naaon ofN.ioons: A Nairadve Histon' of the
Amencan Repabbc (New York: Mc-Graw-Hill Publisliing Company, 1990),
p. 907; Wyoming Department ot Revenue, Motor Vehicle Division,
\\ \(jming State .\rchives; Carlos .Vrnaldo Schwantes, Going Places:
TisnspoTudon Redebnes the Twenneth-Centun- West (Bloomington: Indiana
Universm- Press, 2003), pp. 52, 125.

32 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

restaurants, and retail stores, hotels were the center of
economic and social power tor American cities. ' This
was true for Wyoming as well.

By the 1930s, large cities and small towns in \X yoming
all supported a hotel. Business groups and local chambers
of commerce collaborated in building and promoting
hotels and, in turn, their communities. Many eager
businessmen felt that no town or city could prosper
without modern accommodations for visitors, especially
automobile travelers. Local newspapers, instruments of
civic promotion, readily assisted in this endeavor. On the
grand opening of the Gladstone Hotel in Casper, The
Casper Dnilv Tribune on November 3, 1 924, commented
at length on the importance ot hotels in Casper: essentially,
it noted, "Casper hotel accommodations are now second
to none in the Rockv Mountain region. This will make
for greater prosperit)' in this ciri,- and will bring money
here which might otherwise be spent elsewhere."'

More importantly, Wyoming hotels like the Ferris in
Rawlins, the Hcnning in Casper, the Emery in
ThermopoUs, the Plains in Cheyenne, the Irma in Cody,
and the LaBonte in Douglas became local landmarks of
economic and communiu* energy. Many were multistor\'
structures with formal spaces and palatial lobbies,
extensive corridors with stores selling luxury items,
barbershops, and newsstands, formal dining rooms, and
less formal coffee shops, grand ballrooms, and distinctive
lounges. Built on expensive land in urban centers, hotels
were forced to charge high prices for rooms. However,
they could not be exclusive or cater to one social class.
\\ yoming hotels allowed many of the aspiring middle
class to experience a taste of the finer things in hfe. More
than just a place to stay, they acted as a social center for
community and public gatherings and as local
ambassadors to visitors. In August 1937, the American
Legion state convention was held in Rawlins and the Ferris
Hotel welcomed the legionnaires, promising to "make
them feel at home" and that "convention members will
welcome the opportunir\- to make this hotel their meeting
place."""

Even though the auto tourist trade was only a trickle
along Wyoming's roads during the early decades of the
centur\', hotel owners felt that automobile travelers were
an important revenue market and actively sought their
business. To draw attention to their establishments, hotel
owners advertised their lodging facilities, particularly
noting a wide range ot seemingly important and modern
amenities for automobile travelers. In 1913, the Hotel
Virginian in Medicine Bow boasted that it was "the Biggest
Hotel in the Littlest Town in the World" and was

"electrically lighted, [with] Hot and Cold Water, First Class
Cuisine, Telephones." Being located on the Lincoln
Highway was doubly significant for travelers and Medicine
Bow, and the ad further stated that "the Virginian is on
the Overland Automobile Route and its proprietor is a
good roads booster and builder. So time your journey
that you may be his guest." Despite the small town setting
the advertisement added, "one finds the ver\' acme of
the metropolitan hostelr\- in a town that presents a picture
of the fast fading frontier."'^

In 1916, the Kimball Hotel in Glenrock announced
that it was "Headquarters for Automobile Parties and
Commercial Travelers. Meals ser\'ed family st}ie. Good
clean rooms and bathroom. Garage and Automobile
Repairs and Supplies in same block." For the tourist who
wanted to see the real American West and scenic
Wyoming, Cheyenne was strategically located for
automobile traffic headed north to Devils Tower or to
the Grand Tetons and Yellowstone. \X'est from Cheyenne
the auto tourist could reach the Universit\- of Wyoming
in Laramie then on to the Red Desert and Fort Bridger.
The Plains Hotel in Che^'enne, with its ideal location along
the Park-to-Park Highway (Rocky Mountain National
Park in Colorado to Yellowstone National Park) and the
Lincoln Highway, proudly advertised in 1924: "Special
Attention to Automobile Parties. Cheyenne is the Natural
Gateway to Wyoming. Good Roads and Beautiful
Scenen'."*

Not to be outdone, Casper's Gladstone Hotel
targeted the auto tourist by advertising the advantages
of Casper: "'The Hub' of Wyoming. Casper is the most
centrally located cit}' in Wyoming: Therefore, it is the center
of all industrial, social and recreational activit)' in the State,
all principal highways — even to Wyoming's furthermost
points — radiate from Casper." Along with room rates
the brochure included a mileage chart from Casper to
principal cities and points of interest in Wyoming.

' John BrinckerholY |ackson, .\mencjn Space: The Centennial Years: 1865-
1870 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1972), p. 195.
- Taft Alfred Larson, History of Wyoming (Lincoln: University of
Nebraska, 1965), p. 345; "Gladstone Hotel Will Be Opened Tonight,"
The Casper Dailv Tribune, November 3, 1924.

** Larson, History o/' Wyoming, p. 406; "Department Souvenir Conven-
tion Magazine American Legion and American Legion Auxiliary,"
Republican — Bulletin, August 17, 1937.

' "Wyoming Publicm- Edidon," Overland & \ 'ellowstone Automobile Trails
(August 1913): 31.

''Gus Holms, ed., Yellowstone Highway in \\\ oming and Colorado {Chicago:
Wallace Press, 1916), p. 63; D.W. Greenburg et al., eds.. Wonderful Scenic
W'roming (Casper: Commercial Printing Company, 1926), p. 2, Vertical
File, Wyoming State Archives; Austin F. Bement, ed., A Complete Official
Road Guide of the Lincoln Highway (1924; reprint. Tucson: The Patrice
Press, 1993), p. 412.

" The New Gladstone Hotel (nd), Casper Chamber of Commerce
Collection, Wyoming State Archives.

Annals o( Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

33

A hotel's location prcscntetl a chance tor tourists to
experience local culture. Driving trom San Francisco to
New York in l')14, l^ffie Price Gladding wrote while
staving at the Virginian in Medicine Bow, "We had an
excellent substantial lunch at the hotel and then went over
to see the shearing [of sheep] a tew minutes walk trom
the hotel."'^

But downtown hotels had disadvantages tf)r the
automobile traveler. Man\' were inconvenient. Located
in crowded downtown areas and lacking adequate
parking and oriented tor train and pedestrian trade, older
downtown hotels did not make anv special provisions
tor automobiles. Even though some hotels built attcr
1920 featured automobile entrances and parking garages
nearbv, they were still located in or at the edge of business
districts. Consequently, they were difficult to reach,
particularly when auto travelers, tired trom the day's drive,
were least able to deal with unfamiliar communities. Upon
arriving at the hotel, the tired, dust-covered motorists
would have to walk through a busy lobby tilled with

I tcci vet the tlush ot sh.imc th.it ^uttuscd m\ checks under
that thick layer r>f dust as the bellhop held open the door
and eight grimy intruders marched in, single tile. Had we
been clean, we should still have been objects of hostile
suspicion, owing to our bizarre camping togs. But the
bellhop, what ever his mental reaction, let us in, and we
slunk oft to our respective washrooms. '

The automobile traveler desired another choice to
traditional hotel lodging.

One alternati\'e was to camp along the roads. This
ability to stop an\where, anytime, was for many an
adventure and for some an opportunit\ to commune
with nature. Equipped with camping gear the intrepid
motorists just pulled ott the road, pitched a tent, made a
fire, and had a free room t( )r the night. Frequendy squatting
on private property, usually without permission, auto
tourists saved money they would have spent on rooms,
meals, garage fees, and tips. Motor companies sought to
capitalize on this new market. The Mcntz-Carson Motor

Haphazard camping is evident in the J E Stimson photograph of the Cheyenne auto camp. 1920 Courtesy Wyoming Slate Archives

train travelers which was tor many auto tourists, an
unpleasant experience. Some motorists felt that they were
given inferior sen.'ice because they were traveling hv
automobile;

" Ethc Pnce CiLiddini;, .Acni.ss the Conanenr liv the Ijncoln Htghw.iv ("New
York: Brentano's, 1915), pp. 177-178.

'' Melville F. Ferguson, Motor Camping on W cstem Trjils ("New "Vork:
Centun, 1<)2,S), pp. 271-272.

34 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

Company of Cheyenne offered an "Auto-Camp-
Comfort Outfit" that "combined with Collapsible
Folding Tent all in one: a bed, a chair, a table, a settee.
Live close to Nature in Luxun-, Ease and Comfort.'""

This era of free accommodations or "squatter"
period gained popularit}' just before the start of World
War I and continued until the 1 920s. Destruction of private
propert\' and litter forced many landowners to post "no
trespassing" signs and fence off former camping spots.
T.A. Shaw, a rancher in the Wheadand area, posted a
hundred dollar reward for the arrest and conviction of
tourists responsible for starting a fire that destroyed three
buildings on his property in 1927. Because of this
unpleasant personal experience Shaw ended camping on
his place. "

During the 1920s, automobile traffic grew from a
trickle to a flood onto western highways. Due to the
growth of auto tourists a new development emerged in
the form of municipal camping grounds. Located along
principal road wavs in city parks or near downtown
business districts, these encampments oftered the
motorists parking, camp sites, and sanitary facilities, aU at
little or no cost. In 1920, Cheyenne was proud to
announce, "Camping Ground Readv for Use." The
Chevenne Chamber of Commerce, Rotarv Club, and
Wyoming Good Roads Association were credited for
building the site. Msitors to the grounds would find, "The
camping ground at Sloan's lake is being cleared off and
made into a comfortable place for the tourist. An
information bureau wiU be of great help to the hundreds
of tourists."'"

As the auto camps grew in popularity they also
became objects of significant community pride to
W voming cities. Competition grew between cities as each
attempted to construct the most popular motor
campground. Municipalities augmented their facilities with
bathrooms, picnic tables, electricit)', and even recreation
areas. A Wyoming- State Tribune writer traveled the state in
x\ugust 1920 and reported on county- municipal camping
grounds with a large caption, "Excellent Municipal Camp
Grounds Found over State." The Thermopolis
campground received special merit trom the staff
correspondent: "Perhaps the greatest attraction to the
tourist outside the hot baths and the big plunge, is the
municipal camping ground. Not only is even,- ordinan,-
convenience provided, but there is a cottage where you
can cook your meals on electric stoves, do your eating,
and do your writing." The tourist park also provided an
"auto washing stand" and a bandstand for "concerts,
either daily or often as feasible."' '

In 1920, Sheridan's tourist camp was considered a
desirable camping site with "three hundred and twent}'-
five automobiles registered there in July." And a mark
of pride for the town, "Sheridan is justiv proud of its
tourist camp in the heart of that beautiful cit)-. An attractive
district has been set aside on the banks of the Goose
Creek and a substantial building has been erected by the
Sheridan Commercial Club."'''

Local commercial interests considered the camps an
economic benefit. By spending a night in a communiU',
tourists would likely spend money in stores and eat in
local restaurants. Thermopolis "grocers, butchers, garages,
hardware and dry goods dealers," in 1920, benefited
from their auto camp as "approximately §30,000 was
expended in the cir\- for various supplies by the tourist."
In )uly 1921, the residents of Wlieatiand were informed
that "thirt}'-five cars camped in the local park Wednesday
evening in addition to a number which camped west of
town. Practically all of these came up town and bought
groceries and automobile supplies."'''

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce counted more than
one thousand municipal auto camps in the United States
in 1922. But the popularit\- of municipal campgrounds
with auto tourist and cin' leaders was amazingly brief By
1925, most towns started to charge entrance fees and
additional costs for telephone use, firewood, shower,
and sanitar)- facilities. The purpose was to pay for upkeep
and to keep out undesired, out-of-work transients. Time
limits on the length of stay were also imposed to curb
the unwanted "tin-can g\-psies." By requiring tourists to
pay for a night's lodging and services the communit\'
campgrounds would oddly enough create their own
demise. Private commercial campgrounds would replace
cit\- auto camps once the opportunity' to make money
from camping fees became apparent."'

The private camps were substantial business ventures
that offered more than just a place to pitch a tent.

"' "Camping or Touring "^'ou Should be Equipped with the Auto-
Camp Comfort Outfit," W'roming State Tntune, June 10, 1920.
" "Blaze on T.A. Shaw Ranch Northwest of Town Sunday Noon,"
Whe^id^nd Times, September 22, 1 927.

'- "Camping Ground Ready for Use," Wyoming St^K Tribune, May 28,
1920.

" B.L. Babcock, "Excellent Mumcipal Camp Grounds Found Over
State," W'vommg Sate Tribune, August 19, 1920; "Adams Talks at Casper
on Tourist Park," Thermopolis Record, December 3, 1920.
" "Shendan Proud of Its Tounst Camp, Vi'yoming State Tribune. August
6, 1920.

'' "Adams Talks at Casper on Tourist Park," Thermopolis Independent Record,
December 3, 1920; "Chamber of Commerce Activities For Past Year,"
Thermopolis Independent Record,Decemher 24, 1920; "Hosts of Tourists
Use Camp Grounds," Wheadand Times, July 7, 1921.
" Chester H. Liebs, Main Street to Miracle Mile (Baltimore: The John
Hopkins Universit\' Press, 1985), p. 172.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 35

Campers could buy groceries anci cook their meals in a
communal kitchen, wash clothes in a launtlr\\ use a
telephone, and fill their automoliile with gasoline.
Competition grew witliin the new business and owners
were always looking for methods to get the auto tourists
to stop at their camp. (_~)nce it was learned that motorists
would pa\ fir more substantial and private
accommodations operators began to ofter cabins.

Cabins began a new t\pe of overnight lodging that
would define the future of the hospitality industry. At
first, owners offered just a plain wooden room, oi:ten
without furniture, but they verj- quickly saw the advantage
of furnishing cabins with tables, chairs, and beds.
Electricin,- and stoves made the i ivernight experience far
removed from the bucolic camping of outdoors. Guests
liked the convenience and privacy of cabins over tents.
No longer would camping gear have to be hauled around
or a tent pitched at the end ot a long day ot drning.
Cabins were more resistant to inclement weather, so thev
could be used year around and provide owners with a
yearly income. Sanitary facilities were provided usually in
a building witHn walking distance trom their cabins. Later,
motel operators would build bathrooms within the
cabins. By the late 1920s, many operators stopped
providing tent sites and offered cabins only.

The popularity- of cabin camps was quickl\' realized
by Rawlins investors of the Sunset Camps Inc., in 192"^.
"Since opening a few weeks ago the cabins in the camp
have filled everv night with tourists. It is thought that a
camp in Medicine Bow similar to the one in Rawlins will
be as popular and have as much business as the local
camp." Construction of cabin camps rapidly spread
throughout Wyoming once financial opportunides were
evident to other business groups. Cheyenne oilman,
politician, and future governor, Leslie .\. Miller, and four
other Wyoming shareholders formed the Big Horn
Camps, Inc. "Construction of rustic cabin camps in 14
Wyoming towns and scenic localities is the object of the
Big Horn Camps Inc., which has been organized by
Sheridan and other W\-oming men."'

Camp owners emphasized a planned lodging layout,
which replaced the haphazard camping sites that were
tA'pical of camp grounds. The standard layout of the
motel was arranged with rows of simple free standing
cabins in a U or L-shaped configuration around a central
open space with intervening parking space for cars and
landscaped with lawn furniture. The cabins looked like
tidy vUlages ot miniamre cottages. The cabins were placed
close enough to the road as to be visible to passing
motorists but set far enough back to appear private.

E\en during the Depression, middle-class Americans
continued to take automobile vacations. In 1934, the
American Automobile Association reported that touring
figures had returned to pre- 1929 levels. By 1935, total
vehicle mileage and gasoline sales increased after a slight
decline. Americans even purchased more new cars in 1935
than in 1930. For the travel industry overall, people had
more money to spend on room and board in 1935 than
any year since 1929. The Wyoming hospitalit^■ industn,-
mirrored the national trend with an abundance of rooms
for the highway bt)und traveler. A 1 93( Is Wyoming tourist
promotional pamphlet stated, "Accommodations for
vacationists are plentiful." Along with nvo hundred hotels,
"three hundred and titty tounst camps offer 4,"^ 1 6 cabins."
In 1938, the Wyoming Motor Court Association Inc.,
promoted "375 Motor Courts for the Motoring Public.
Rates are reasonable $2.00 for [a] rusuc cabin to SI 2.00
for the best."''"*

Travel expenditures continued to rise from the low
point of 1932-33 and reached new heights with the
sudden economic increase of 1940-41. The Casper
Chamber of Commerce reported in l')41 that "S10,0(jO
IS spent daHv by tounsts in die cir\' during the diree vacation
months of June, July and August." Casper also hosted
during a two-year period two national and sixty state
conventions that brought in an estimated S250,OO0
annually.'''

Casper's Red and White Auto Court illustrates the configuration of cabin and
attached auto garage, c. 1940 Courtesy Wyoming State Archives

' Articles of Incorporation, Records Of Secretan,' State, Wyoming
State Archives; "Sunset Camps, Inc. Building Four New Cabins on
Grounds," Rawlins Republican, April 2S, 112'?; "Log Cabin Camping
Grounds Are to Be Built in 14 Towns." Riw/jn.s Republican, November
3, 1927.

'^ Warren James Belasco, Amencdns of die Road: From Autocimp to Motel.
19111-1045 (C^mhnd^e: Tlie MIT Press, 1979), p. 155; Wonderful Wyoming,
(np, nd). Vertical File, Wyoming State Archives; Hondy Tounst (Casper:
Prairie Publishing Company, 1938), Vertical File, Wyoming State
Archives;

'" Central Wyomintr Resources Sun-ey (np, 1 94 1 ), Vertical File, Wyoming
State Archives.

36 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003

During the 1930s, motel owners presented a fresh
refined image of overnight lodging. They changed the
words "camp" to "court" and "cabin" to "cottage."
Motor courts and cottage courts took on the look of
middle-class suburban homes. Cottages were furnished,
like suburban houses, with closets, rugs, dressing tables,
chairs, mirrors, curtains, radios, and bathrooms with
showers and bathtubs. Many were heated with steam
and insulated for vear-around use. Attached garages
became ver}' popular after 1930 with many cottages linked
wall to wall to form a continuous fagade. The Dreamland
Cottage Camp of Rawlins in 1937 advertised, "Cool,
Clean, Up-to-date COTTAGES." The ad went on to
emphasis in large letters, "RADIO EQUIPPED."-"

From the very beginning camps had offered
communal kitchens and some tourist cabins had
kitchenettes with food sold by small grocer)' stores on
the premises. Numerous motor courts began to include
coffee shops or restaurants after motel owners discovered
that restaurants added profits to their enterprise. Gasoline
and oil products were available as part of the complete
traveling experience. Fisher's of Rawlins in 1937
promoted, "Tourist Rooms, Standard Oil, Quaker State
Oils, and Pennzoil." In 1953, the Evergreen Camp in
Glendo was still advertising "Modern Cabins" along with
selling "Sinclair Products."-'

By 1939, the business of providing a room for the
night proved to be Depression-proof Americans were
driving 25 million cars on the roads and new motor
courts nationwide were being buUt at the rate of 800
per year. The Rainbow Tourist Camp of Cheyenne
offered cabins that were "modern and clean. Cool in
summer and warm in Winter — insulated Twent\--six
modern units. One, two, and three-room apartments
with garage, private showers or mb bath, good water,
gas heat, phones, fenced playground." The owners, Mr.
and Mrs. Robert M. Thomas, invited the motor tourist
to "make this vour home whUe in Cheyenne. ""

The start of World War II abrupdy reduced tourism
in America. Automobile production was diverted to war
machines and gasohne became rationed. Americans
returned to riding trains and public transportation, Hotels
experienced a renaissance with train-bound travelers
looking for lodging. On the other hand, many motor
courts did not survive the war years, But once the war
ended the motel industr)' rapidly reemerged to dominate
the lodging business in America. Motel growth from
1946 to 1956 expanded to sixt)- thousand nationwide.
Wyoming's hospitality industn,- reflected the national
expansion with a total of 570 motels in 1958, up from

375 in 1938.-'

The postwar years were the beginning of a
construction boom in the roadside lodging industry^ that
would last up to the late 1960s. These years would see
substantial economic growth for America. With jobs and
money Americans put the Depression years behind by
buying houses and cars. The increase of automobile
ownership and the federal interstate highway program
of 1956 put Americans on the roads in record numbers.
Motor courts again took business away from hotels and
would eventually force many of the older downtown
hotels to close. Along with continued prosperity the
motor courts experienced changes in appearance and
name.

After the war the hospitalit)- industn' began to use
the more progressive word "motel." Even though the
term had first been used in 1 926 and occasionally during
the 1930s, it now became the standard word to describe
the thriving lodging business of the late 1940s. A
contraction of "motor" and "hotel," the word "motel"
became the common name marketing a wide variet\' of
highway accommodations. The majority' of Wyoming
motor court owners, though, still continued to use the
word "court" until the late 1950s. In 1953, 149 out of a
total of 421 motels used the term "motel," with "court"
being in the majorit}'. But by 1958, the designation "court"
had all but disappeared from lodging directories and
"Wyoming motel accommodations, ranging from nice to
lush, are both comfortable and convenient." The
Wyoming Travel Commission echoed this assessment,
confidentiv commenting that, "You just can't go wrong
in a Wonderful Wyoming motel."-"*

The motel's appearance went from the individual
cabin to a string of rooms integrated into a single bmlding.
These structures were long, single-story, and rather
architecturally plain. The new interconnected motels
lacked individual architectural st\'le and began to look

'" "Department Convention Souvenir Magazine American Legion and

American Legion Auxilian'," Republican — Bulletin, August 17, 1937.

"' "Department Souvenir Convention Magazine American Legion and

American Legion Auxiliary," Republican — Bulletin, August 17, 1937; 1953

Platte Count)- Auto Licenses, 1953, Platte Count)' Treasurer, Vertical File,

Wyoming State Archives.

^ John MargoUeis, Home Away From Home: Motels in America (Boston:

Little Brown and Company, 1995), p. 39; Tourist's Jnforrnation Pamphlet from

Cheyenne, VVVomi'rjg- (Cheyenne: Rainbow Tourist Camp, 1939), Vertical

File, Wyoming State Archives.

■^ Director)' ofWonderiul Wyoming: Motels, Hotels, Dude Rnnches, Camp Sites

(Cheyenne: Wyoming Travel Commission, 1958), Vertical File,

Wyoming State Archives.

^^ Wyommg Director)- of Motels (Casper: Prairie Publisliing Company,

1953), Vertical File, Wyoming State Archives; Director)- otVi'onderful

Wyoming: Motels, Hotels, Dude Ranches, Camps Sites (1958), Vertical File,

Wvoming State Archives.

Annals of Wvoming: The Wvoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 37

alike. To distinguish different businesses, elaborate and
lEuminative neon signs lured customers in with catchy,
inviting, and sometimes amusing names. Cheyenne motels
exploited the western theme with places like the Cactus
Patch Motel, the Stage Coach Motel, and the Cimarron
Motel. Located next to roadways, the neon sign provided
a vertical dimension to the long, low, straight line building
configuration. Manv of these eve-catching signs projected
the qualit)' of the motel and listed the variety' of services
provided. '^

Bv the mid-1950s, many motels began to displav
soaring roofs, rakish canopies, and vaulted entrance
porticos reflecting the exaggerated modern architecture.
Motel guest rooms became gradually more standardized
with furniture from commercial suppliers specializing in
hotel and motel furnishings. The new exterior ciesign
combined with a uniform interior became a profitable
arrangement for motel owners. Owners also spent
considerable money on room furnishings in an attempt
to make guests comfortable and get repeated stays. Air
conditioning, telephones, and radios became standard
features. Motels increasingly built the popular swimming
pool, which was located in the center court)'ard. The
Frontier Motel of Cheyenne boasted in 1957, "Wyoming's
Largest & most Luxurious SWIMMING POOL." The
ad went on to state, "beside the Frontier pool [is]
Cheyenne's largest and most beautiful restaurant.""''

Along with standardization of motel structures during
this time the industry as a whole started to become
standardized. The days of small, individual, local
ownerslup gave way to the national franchised motel.
Motel chains dated back to the 1 920s but only in regional
areas. From its very modest beginnings. Holiday Inn
became the king of the motel industn'. Kemmons Wilson,
a Memphis, Tennessee, home-builder, transformed the
hospitality industrv' from the mom and pop business to
a world franchised chain. In 1952, he opened the first
Holiday Inn in Memphis, and by 1964, through direct
ownership and franchises, Wilson had one thousand inns
in operation from coast-to-coast. Casper and Cheyenne
both had acquired a Holiday Inn by the mid-1960s."

During the 1960s other motel chains opened across
Wyoming. Ramada Inn, Imperial 400, Downtowner
Motor Inn, and Little America competed with Holiday
Inn for the motorist's lodging dollar. L'sing the various
arrangements for ownership, franchises quickly gathered
the financial resources together with design, engineering,
construction, marketing knowledge, and professional staff
that many mom-and-pop operations could not contend
with.'**

Cheyenne joined the ranks of communities receiving
a chain motel with the grand opening of the Ramada
Inn on October 15, 1960. "The Ramada Inn, Wyoming's
newest, largest, and most luxurious resort-type motor
hotel is the first franchise motor hotel built by the Ramada
and Flamingo motor hotel chain [in Wyoming]." O.N.
Buckles, president of the local Cheyenne Ramada
franchise group. Motels Incorporated, and long-time
Cheyenne businessman, remarked "that Cheyenne has
been in need for a long time for adequate roadside hotel
facilities. The new Ramada Inn should provide some of
the needs in this field."'"

The new motor inns brought not only national brand-
name recognition to the hospitality- industn' but corporate
regimentation to motel architecture. Motels within the
chain would all look aUke. The standard plan utilized a
low-cost building technique known as center-core
construction. One or more stories of rooms were built
back to back with a utility- core running down the center
housing all the electrical, heating, and plumbing. The
bathrooms of ever\' four umts were grouped together
at intersecting corners allowing for easier plumbing.
Construction costs were not only lower but the buildings
were cheaper to heat and cool. Also, motor inns could
accommodate more rooms on the site than the one ston,'
motor court.

Losing the same colors, interior furnishings, exterior
structural design, and signage, brand identit\' would
communicate to the motorist a predictable lodging
experience. The new Ramada Inn in Cheyenne noted
that "while the general decor of the inn in Cheyenne is
the same as the 30 others in the Ramada and the Flamingo
chain, special emphasis has been placed on the location
and the needs of the clientel [sic]."'"

Larger and more luxurious than motels, motor inns
were usually two-or-three story buildings organized
around a courtyard. Ground floor rooms had outside
doors that allowed for easy access from car to room.
The interiors had enlarged lobbies with registration desk,

■^ Cbevennc Telephone Director^' (The Mountain States Telephone and

Telegraph Company, 1959), pp. 103, 104.

"'' The Cheyenne Spot-Lire {Crazv Horse Publishing Companv, 1957),

Chevenne Chamber of Commerce Collection, W'yt^ming State

Archives.

'"Margolies, Home.-\u-ar/romKome,p. 113; C/jerenne5cene, |une 1963, p.

17; Ci.sper 5 Progress, julv 1967, p. 1.

'" John A. )akle, Keith A. Senile, and fefterson S. Rogers, 7?ic Motel in

Anienc.i (Baltim(.)re; The lohn Hopkins Umversm- Press, 1996), pp. 160-

169.

-'' "New Ramada Inn Grand C^pening Set," W'yomsng State Tribune,

October 14, 1960.

^" "New Ramada Inn Grand Opening Set." VVrom/rii,^ State Tribune,

October 14, 1960.

38 Annals of Wvomino: The Wvomino History Journal -- Autumn 2003

adjacent dining facilities, cocktail lounge, and banquet and
meeting rooms. Corridors led from the central lobb\' to
the guest rooms. The air-conditioned rooms were large,
containing two beds, night table, dresser, table with chairs,
tele\-ision, and bathroom with separate area for shower
and toilet. The new Ramada Inn boasted that "each one
of the ''O units includes furrushings that will make the
guest more comfortable. Beds are large and lights are so
arranged as to give a maximum amount of lighting. The
Furniture is designed not onlv for beaut)' but for
maximum amount of comtort and utilit}'." Cheyenne's
Ramada could "accommodate up to 250 people and
will have several special suites. There are also six studios
which can be used as combination business and sleeping
quarters." To further impress customers the Ramada had
"among the outstanding features of the inn meeting
rooms for 25 to 65 persons, a coffee shop and dining
room, complete hotel service, a heated swimming pool
and children's playground, putting green, helicopter
landing area, year around air conditioning, airport
limousine service and the newest television, radio and
music facilities in even" room."''

Some traditional downtown hotels attempted to stav
competitive and acquire the automobile tourist business.
In 1960, "Chevenne's skyline was augmented Tuesday as
the new Frontier Motor Hotel sign was hoisted into

place The new name has been adopted bv the hotel

designating the addition of 24 modern motel units." The
opening of the motor hotel announced that the new
quarter-million dollar add-on had been "built to provide
only the best for our guests. The Frontier Motor Hotel
offers all the comforts and services of the finest hotels
along with the conveniences of the most superb motels.''
One convenience that the new motel rooms had as
opposed to the hotel rooms was size that could
accommodate larger beds. The Frontier Motor Inn
boasted that their new rooms "included ever\'thing in
the way of furnishings that will make the guest more
comfortable."'"

The hospitality industry in Che\enne during the 1 960s
was quite strong and experienced a return of the
downtown hotel. The Wyoming State Tribune on August
22, 1963, announced that "Cheyenne [was] to Get [a]
New Million-Dollar Hotel" in a major headline. "A new
five-ston,' luxun,- motor hotel that will include a heated
swimming pool and a basement garage wiU be bmlt at a
downtown location." Local Cheyenne businessman and
president of a newly formed corporation, Frank J.
McCue, received a franchise agreement with the
Memphis, Tennessee, based Downtowner Corporation

to build "the new hotel, the first built in the downtown
area in more than two decades, will have 88 units, a coffee
shop, dining room, cocktail lounge and special meeting
rooms." The appearance of the new inn was in keeping
with the standardization of chain motels, "As in other
Downtowner Motor Inns, the Cheyenne hotel wiU feature
a building with a brighdv colored exterior with exposed
balconies and glass room fronts." The importance of
the new venture brought Governor Clifford Hansen and
Mayor Bill Nation to do the ceremonial "turning the first
spades of earth with two gilt-covered shovels."''

By the early 1960s, the 'budget' chain motels began
to emerge that offered a lower price for a room than the
larger chains. Motel 6 and Days Inn of America were
among the first to offer economy to Americans with a
family and traveling on a limited budget. Throughout
the 1970s, the franchised motel business inundated the
market. In 1970, 25 percent of the rooms were owned
by chains; eight years later 70 percent of the rooms were
chain-affdiated. ''"*

During the late 1960s and 19'70s, traditional motel
design with L-shaped, row, and open court buildings
gave way to the construction of a multiston' box structure,
which utilized more available space for rooms. These
new structures became hotel-like and were located near
highways. By the 1980s, the ts'pical motel became a
"highway hotel" that followed new commercial
development located near highways and interstates. These
facilities offered by the chain franchises have come to be
barely distinguishable from one another.

Today, chain-owned highway hotels now dominate
Wyoming's roadside hospitakt}- industry. Super 8 Motels,
Comfort Inns, Hampton Inns, Days Inns aU look alike
and are built in clusters around interstate interchanges.
These new highway hotels are nondescript, multistor}'
boxes with one or two doors leading to the lobby and
hallways. Gone is the direct access from car to room that
once auto tourists favored. The large corporation has
brought a significant degree ot uniformit}- to motels
across the United States. The architecture of the motel
along with the arrangement and size of rooms has been
standardized to meet corporate requirements. ''

The growth and volume of automobile travel in the
United States has created a demand for convenient

^' "New Ramada Inn Grand Opening Set," Wyoming State Tribune,

October 14, 1960.

^' "Cheyenne Skyline," Wyoming State Tribune, [une 5, 1960; "The

E.xciting New Motor Hotel," \<,' yoming State Tribune, June 25, 1960.

" "New Million-DoUar Hotel," Wyoming State Tribune, August 22, 1963.

^Margolies, Home Away from Home, p. 114.

^^Jakie, Motel m America, pp. 171-215.

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2003 39

lodging facilities located near highwavs which in turn has
driven the development of the franchise highway hotel.
The evolution of the lodging industn,' has come full circle
in a hundred years. Tlie early countr\'side cabin camp
gave way to the more extensive cottage court, which m
turn developed into the motor court, motel, motor inn,
and finally to the corporate highway hotel. At first the
motel was seen as competition with the downtown hotel
for automobile tourists. But the motel ot ti)da\' has
become hotel-like and the word "motel" has become
obsolete. Today, with large corporate and franchise chains
dominating the hospitalitv industr\', motels are called inns,
hotels, lodges, and even suites.

Motels remain an essential trade tor travelers looking
for a convenient room for the night along the American
roadside. They have also become symbols of the
transformation of Wyoming's cultural landscape through

business c\cles, highway relocation, and consumer
preferences.

There are still small family owned and operated
motels hidden across Wyoming. In Newcasde, the Pines
Motel has managed to remain in business throughout the
years and their W'eb site promises "peace and beaut\- in
the pines. Family owned and operated Motel." The
owners list "11 rooms. Cozy, well appointed rooms in
quiet residential area. Excellent housekeeping, 1 stor\',
exterior corridors." ""' Bypassed by interstate highways
and the fast pace of life, these rare motels offer a glimpse
of Wyoming's vanished, early roadside lodging industrw

"' Miucln, |udy. Pines Mvtcl (1949): 4 pp.; http: / /w\t-\v.trib.com /
-mcirthr/.

Sunset Camps. Inc . at Medicine Bow. with cabins built in a u-stiape
configuration and separate communal batlmom building located in tlie
center. 1927. Courtesy Wyoming State Arcliives.

P.i.~.

Heyward D. Schrock, a native of Wyoming, lives in Cheyenne and currently is the Photograph Historian
for the Wyoming State Archives. He earned a Bachelor's Degree in History from the University of Wyoming
and a Master's Degree in History from Montana State University. He has worked at Buffalo Bill Historical
Center, Fort Caspar Museum, Custer Battlefield National Monument, and the Wyoming State Museum. He
has also taught at Casper College and Laramie County Community College.

40 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal •- Autumn 2003

Index

Allen, lohn Logan 25

Allvn, Francis "Frank" Hayford 22, 24

American Automobile Association 22, 35

Bath, G.T. "Short)-" 28

Boemg Air Transport Company 12

Bowen, Ralph 27

Boyer, S.E. 23

Bromley, J.R. 26

Brown, Robert 29

Butler, Michael 6

Campgrounds (VC^'oming)

Carey, Joseph M. 20-21

Carey, Robert D. 19

Carter, Jessie 12

Casper, W'yoming 32, 35

Che\-enne, Wyoming 11-18

34

18, 34,

Che\'enne Modification Center

36-38
15

Cheyenne Mumcipal Airport 11-18

Church, EUen 12

Ciyil Aeronautics Board 7, 9

CivU Air Patrol 5

Clark, A.M. 22-23

Clason Map Company 19

Cody, Buffalo Bill 26-27

Colorado Air National Guard 7

Colorado Mountaineering Club 6

Conine, Mel 4

Cooke, Clinton C. 3-4, 6-7

Crismon, Frank 4

Denver, Colorado 3-4, 8

Dittman, Susan J , 17-18

Duncan, Mel (author) 3

Eastu-ood Printing and Publishing, Inc. Denver, Colorado 30

E\vig, Rick 29

Ferris Hotel, Rawlins, VC'yoming 32

Fleischli, Gus 29

"Flight 409: Trajedy on Medicme Bow Peak," 3-10

Forbes, Jane 15-18

Ford, Henn' 31

Fort Carson 7

Frontier Motor Inn, Cheyenne, \X'yoming 38

Gladding, Effie Price 33

Gladstone Hotel, Casper, Wyoming 32

Gousha, H.M. 26, 29

Graham, John Gilbert 8

Hansen, Clifford P. 29, 38

Hathaway, Stan 29

Hayes, Jack 14-15, 18

Hili, John 6

Hinkiey, William 18

Holiday Inn 37

Houx, Frank L. 21

Hunt, Lester C. 26

Iden, Hamet Fry 12

Jeppesen and Company 28-29

Jeppesen, Elrev Borge 29

Kassel, Michael (author) 1 1

Kendrick, John B. 21

Kimball Hotel, Glenrock, Wyoming 32

Kundig, Sue 16-17

Lincoln Highway 32

Littie Bear Restaurant, Cheyenne, Wyoming 16-17

Loveland, Colorado 8

Maps 19-30

McGinness, Kenneth T. 5

Medicine Bow Mountains 3-10

Mentz-Cason Motor Company, Cheyenne, Wyoming 34

Meyer, John 6

Miller, Leslie A. 25, 35

Mills Printing, Sheridan, Wyoming 23

Morman Tabernacle Choir 6

Mountain States Telephone and Telegraph Company 20

Muller, lulius 24

Nation, Bill 38

Oldham, Garth 30

Plains Hotel, Cheyenne, Wyoming 17

Prairie Publishing Compan\', Casper, Wyoming 23

Prommel, Harold 28

"Putting Wyoming on the Map: The Ston' of the Official Wyoming

Highway Map" 19-30
Ramada Inn, Cheyenne, Wyoming 37-38
Rand McNally Company 26-30
Rawlins, Wyoming 35-36
Rocky Mountain Rescue Group 6
"A Room for the Night: Evolution of Roadside Lodging in Wyoming"

31-38
Rounds, Keitii 24, 28-29
Sacajawea 25
Salisbury', Ralph D. Jr. 3, 6
Salt Lake Citj', Utah 4
Schrock, Hej-ward D. (author) 31
Sevison, Z.E. 19
Shaw,T.A. 34
Sheridan, Wyoming 34
Shuttieworth, Patricia D. 3, 6

Smith-Books Printing Company, Denver, Colorado 23
Stimpson, Steve A. 12
Sullivan, Mike 29
Ternll, John 5
Thermopohs, Wyoming 34
True, Allen 26
United Airlines 3-8, 11-18

"The United Airlines Stewardess School in Cheyenne, Wyoming" 11-18
University of Wyoming Outing Club 5-6
University of Wyoming Science Camp 5-6
Virginian Hotel, Medicine Bow, Wyoming 32-33
Waggener, John R. (author) 2, 19
Weed, Ed 4

■Wheelwright Publishing, Salt Lake City, Utah 28
Wigu'am Lounge, Cheyenne, Wyoming 17-18
William, Walt 7
World War II 14,25,36
Wyoming Air National Guard 4-5
Wyoming Army National Guard 5
Wyoming Department of Commerce and Industn' 23
Wyoming Department of Transportation 24-25, 30
Wyoming Highway Commission 19, 21-22, 27-29
Wyoming Highway Department 21-23, 25-29
Wyoming Highway Map 19-30
Wyoming Travel Commission 36

6591

Born in Illinois in !S~2, Elmer Lovejov came west in

ISS3 to live on a f.imil\- nmch near Laramie, W'vominn;,
after he was ihat^noscJ with tuberculosis. Sur\'i\in!^ the
deadly disease, Lovejov went on to become an active citizen
of Laramie as well as a prolific inventor. On ^Llrch 26,
I'HS, he WAS .iwaixlcd a I'.S. patent tor his power-operated
i,^ini!J-c- door opener. He is also credited with inventing
(hut not patentinii) the stcerlni^ knuckle in 1^^115, the
pneumatic balloon tire, which he de\eloped in IS')(), and
even a vacuum lawn trimmer.

Ijovejov h.id.m ideal phce to anker with mech.mics. I le h.id
his veil own. tni.lwell-(.i.iiup[xil sill p, h nr/i nXi neln Works which
he started m IH^>3 above die L.iramie Post ( )ffice. Dunm; the
miaal vears ot his venture he mostly ser\-iced bicycles. He then
I ipeneda new sin >p.u4l2S. 2nil Save! in d( iwna nn; Luwnie .uid
expanded his business tt > ' 'fix any t >ld thint; ' ' acc( >rdinii f' ' '■"-''
advertisement m the December 26, l'-)(l5,eilition(jttlie\^\iamie
Rcpuhhc.ui new yp.iper

Perh.ipsIj)vejoy'sinostnotLxl.ichievemLntamieonOctober
2~, 1 8'->.~i, when he drove an. lutomohile out othis shop. md onto tlie
streets ( it Lir.miie. He is credited w itli beiiii^ die tiiytpeii^on u i h.ive
.1/1 auti >m< ibile west i )/ die Mississippi River. He dn ive his < >ne-
c\ Under artt^ die L'ni< >n P.iafic Huln iJc/Dc'/ii if, ;ini.i .iccordiin^to
a st( m he sh.ired in die ( )cf( >ber2S, I ^>4.\ I .aniniic Rcpiihlic.in-
Bi « imcnuu;, .if di.it m< imenta westb< iiuid passeiijjer tr:un hidjiLst
.imved. .Ml die p.issaiin.-rs came < lut ti > \iewdie "a mtnipaoix ' '.md
"die tr:ynw.isdel.i\e(.lt\\vim' minutes in Its depimire. sooi-e.it w-as
die interest dispLned by die p.issent^-rs." Two ve.irs Liter he stnick
a deal w idi die h w nn ibile G mip.m^ imdhe tnidedlvs concept for
oneotdieirlj k'< nut hile ste.uii-i )jxrate(.Lnitos.

1j nvfoyp.i^sed.iwayi >n /.uii£in"3, 1'-hl), just( nieweek lieb ire
his 88di biitlidav.

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1' J y> Mi_i_

J-'J^^^ZZ

Consttuction diagram of the power-operated garage door opener invented in
Laramie. Wyoming, by Elmer Lovejoy and patented by him on March 26. 1918
Elmer F Lovejoy Papers. Ace 176. Box 1. Folder 10. American Hentage Center
University of Wyoming.

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