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finals  of 

WYOMING 

The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Winter  2004 


Vol.  76,  No.  1 


^ 


I --- 


The  Cover  Art 

"Snowed  Up  in  the  Rocky  Mountains" 

Thomas  Kennet-Were  Collection,  American  Heritage  Center, 
Univesity  of  Wyoming 


Thomas  Kennet-Were,  an  English  gentleman  and  artist,  traveled  across  the  United  States  and  part 
ofCanadn  in  1868  and  1869.  He  documented  his  trip  by  writing  ati  account  of  his  travels,  which 
he  titled  "Nine  Motnhs  in  the  Lhiited  States, "  and  by  painting  maiiy  scenes  hi  watercolor  When  he 
left  0)iuiha,  Nebraska,  in  March  1869,  he  tmveled  on  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  still  being 
constructed  across  Utah.  West  of  Laramie  the  tmin  was  unable  to  break  through  the  snow. 
According  to  Kennet-Were:  ".  .  .  ivhenivegotupinthemonungwefoufidthatbytheattanptsofthe 
driver  to  charge  through  the  snow  the  coupling  chaim  were  broken.  The  engine  andficight  cars  were 
about  a  quarter  of  a  utile  ahead,  a  few  hundred  years  before  us  was  a  passenger  car,  and  ive  in  die 
last  were  stuck  in  a  snow-drift.  Here  we  remained  26  hours,  during  which  time  weftdly  appreciated 
the  comfoit  of  a  sleeping  car  in  which  we  ivere  able  to  keep  warm  and  amuse  ourselves  by  pLrying 
cards  and  coni>ersing  with  felloiv  passengers,  whose  acquaintance  by  this  time  we  had  made.  Our 
tinned  meats  here  became  veij  acceptable,  diough  I  have  never  eaten  any  thing  so  nasty  as  they  were. 
.  .  .  We  attempted  in  the  tnoming,  after  clearing  the  line  of  snow,  to  nwve  the  car,  but  the  wind 
which  in  die  ftrst pLice  caused  die  snow-drift  continued  so  high  that  our  efforts  were  of  no  avail.  We 
appealed  to  the  driver  for  help  .  .  .  he  told  us  that  on  his  hist  trip  he  had  taken  22  days  to  do  what 
we  had  done  in  12  hours,  and  guessing  that  we  had  'better  bide  quiet  he  shut  his  door  and  went  to 
sleep.  "  Kennet-Were's  experience  was  similar  to  many  Union  Paciftc  riders  eighty  years  Liter  who 
were  caught  in  the  blizzard  in  Nebraska  and  Wyoming  in  early  January  1949.  For  more 
infonnation  about  the  Blizzard  of  19^9  see  diis  issue's  "Wyoming  Memories. " 


Information  for  Contributors: 

The  editor  of  Annals  of  Wyoming  welcomes  manuscripts  and  photographs  on  even,'  aspect  of  the  histon'  of  Wyoming  and  the 
West.  Appropriate  for  submission  are  unpublished,  research-based  articles  which  provide  new  information  or  which  offer 
new  interpretations  of  historical  events.  First-person  accounts  based  on  personal  experience  or  recollections  of  events  will 
be  considered  for  use  in  the  "Wyoming  Memories"  section.  Historic  photo  essays  tor  possible  publication  in  "Wyoming 
Memories"  also  are  welcome.  Articles  are  reviewed  and  referred  by  members  of  the  journal's  Editorial  Advisory  Board  and 
others.  Decisions  regarding  publication  are  made  by  the  editor.  Manuscripts  (along  with  suggestions  for  illustrations  or 
photographs)  should  be  submitted  on  computer  diskettes  in  a  format  created  by  one  of  the  widely-used  word  processing 
programs  along  with  rwo  printed  copies.  Submissions  and  queries  should  be  addressed  to:  Editor,  Annals  of  Wyoming, 
Dept.  3924,  1000  E.  University  Avenue,  Laramie  WY  82071,  or  to  the  editor  by  e-mail  at  the  following  address: 
rewig@uwyo.edu 


Editor 
Rick  Ewig 

Book  Review  Editor 

Carl  Hallhcrg 

Editorial  Advisory  Board 

Katherine  Curtiss,  Sheridan 

Dudley  Gardner,  Rock  Springs 

Sally  F.  Griffith,  Lusk/Havertown,  Pa. 

Don  Hodgson,  Torrington 

Loren  Jost,  Riverton 

James  R.  Laird,  Wapiti 

Mark  Miller,  Laramie 

Mark  Nelson,  Green  River 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Publications  Committee 

Barbara  Bogart.  Evanston 

Rick  Ewig,  Laramie 

Linda  Fabian,  Wheatland 

Rowene  Giarrizzo.  Powell 

Carl  Hallberg,  Cheyenne 

Amy  Lawrence,  Laramie  (ex-officio) 

Phil  Roberts,  Laramie  (ex-officio) 

James  VanScoyk,  Scar  Valley 

Rose  Warner,  Cheyenne  (ex-officio) 


Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Executive  Committee 

Lmda  Fabian,  President,  Platte  County 
Dave  Taylor,  1st  Vice  Pres.,  Natrona  Co. 
Art  KJdwell,  2nd  Vice  Pres.,  Park  Co. 
Cindy  Brown,  Sec^eta^)^  Laramie  Counr\' 
James  VanScoyk,  Treasurer,  Star  Valley 
Laura  Lake,  Natrona  Count)' 
Clara  Varner,  Weston  County 
John  R,  Waggener,  Albany  County 
Marge  Wilder,  Park  County 
Judy  West,  Membership  Coordinator 

Governor  of  Wyoming 

David  Freudenthal 

Wyoming  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and 
Cultural  Resources 

Phil  Noble,  Director 

Cultural  Resources  Division 

Wendy  Bredehoh,  Administrator 

Wyoming  Parks  &  Cultural  Resources 
Commission 

Carolyn  Buff.  Casper 

William  Vines.  WTieadand 
Herb  French,  Newcasde 
Ernest  C.  Over,  Pavillion 
Diann  Reese,  Lyman 
Alexandra  Service,  Thermopolis 
Emerson  W.  Scott,  Jr.,  Buffalo 
Vern  Vivion,  Rawlins 
Jerrilynn  Wall,  Evanston 

University  of  Wyoming 

Philip  Dubois,  President 
Oliver  Walter,  Dean,  College  of  Arts  and 
Sciences 
Kristine  Utterback,  Chair,  Dept.  of  History 


nals  of 

WYOMING 


The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Winter  2004  Vol.  76,  No.  1 

"The  Worst  Campaign  I  Ever  Experienced":  Sergeant 
John  Zimmerman's  Memoir  of  the  Great  Sioux  War 

Edited  by  Paul  L.  Hedren 2 


The  1902  Murder  of  Tom  Gorman 

Byjohn  W.Davis 


15 


Wyoming  Memories:   Blizzard  of  1949 

By  Amy  Lawrence,  James  L.  Ehernberger, 
and  Lucille  Dumbrill 


.31 


Book  Reviews 

Edited  by  Carl  Hallberg 38 

Recent  Acquisitions  in  the  Hebard  Collection, 
UW  Libraries 

Compiled  byTamsen  L.  Hert 39 

Index 40 

Wyoming  Picture Inside  back  cover 


Annals  ofWyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  is  published  quarterly  by  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  in  association 
with  the  Wyoming  Department  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources,  the  American  Heritage  Center,  and  the  Department 
of  History,  University  of  Wyoming.  The  journal  was  previously  published  as  the  Quarterly  Bulletin  (1923-1923).  Annals  of 
Wyoming  (1925-1993).  Wyoming  Annals  (1993-1995)  and  Wyoming  History  Journal  (1995-1996)-  The  Annals  has  been  the 
official  publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  since  1953  and  is  distributed  as  a  benefit  of  membership  to  all 
societ)'  members.  Membership  dues  are:  single.  $20;  joint,  $30;  student  (under  21),  $1S.  institutional,  $40;  contributing.  $100- 
249;  sustaining,  $250-499;  patron,  $500-999;  donor.  $1,000+.  To  join,  contact  your  local  chapter  or  write  to  the  address 
below.  Articles  in  Annals  of  Wyoming  are  abstracted  in  Historical  Abstracts  and  America:  History  and  Life. 

Inquiries  about  membership,  mailing,  distribution,  reprints  and  back  issues  should  be  addressed  to  Judy  West.  Coordinator, 
Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.  PMB#  184,  1740H  Del!  Range  Blvd.,  Cheyenne  WY  82009-4945.  Editorial  correspon- 
dence should  be  addressed  to  the  editorial  office  o^  Annals  of  Wyoming,  American  Heritage  Center,  Depr.  3924.  1000  E. 
University  Avenue,  Laramie  WY  82071.    Our  e-mail  address  is:  rewig@uwyo.edu 


Copyright  2004,  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 


Printed  by  Pioneer  Printing.  Che\'enne 
Graphic  Design.  Vicki  Schuster 

ISSN:  1086-7368 


2      Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


"The  Worst  Campaign  I  Ever  Experienced": 


-'-Mi^.r 


-      ■      W  W  ."'-.,,       ■■        ■       ■-  "  .'        ~  '  '  ■-■■■:■■■ 


Sergeant  John  Zimmerman's  Memoir 
of  the  Great  Siou::  War 

Edited  by  Paul  L.  Hedren 

Fort  Fetterman  on  the  North  Platte  River  functioned  as  a  gateway  tunneling  troops  and  materiel  to  Brigadier  General 
George  Crook's  successive  campaigns  against  Sioux  and  Northern  Cheyenne  tribesmen  in  1876-77.  This  late-1876 
scene  post-dates  Sergeant  John  Zimmerman's  passing  of  the  post,  but  the  attendant  bustle  remained  constant 
throughout  the  year  D.S.Mitchell  photo,  courtesy  Larry  Ness.  Yankton.  South  Dakota. 


Zimmerman  was 
among  those 
ushered  to  the 
front  as  the  United 
States  Army 
reinforced  itself  in 
the  wake  of 
George  Armstrong 
Custer's  defeat  in 
the  Battle  of  the 
Little  Big  Horn 
River,  Montana,  on 
June  25-26,1876. 


Shelved  among  the  collections  of  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  is  an  untitled, 
unheralded,  thirty-page  holograph  by  J.  K.  Zimmerman  relating  his  experiences 
with  Brigadier  General  George  Crook  in  the  1876  summer  campaign  against  the 
Sioux  and  Northern  Cheyenne  Indians.  Zimmerman,  then  a  corporal  in  Company 
I,  Fourteenth  U.  S.  Infantry,  was  among  those  ushered  to  the  front  as  the  United 
States  Army  reinforced  itself  in  the  wake  of  George  Armstrong  Custer's  defeat 
in  the  Batde  of  the  Litde  Big  Horn  River,  Montana,  on  June  25-26,1876.  A 
sizeable  command  of  infantry  and  cavalry  commanded  by  Crook  had  already 
engaged  many  of  those  same  Indians  in  the  Battle  ol  Rosebud  Creek,  just  days 
before  Custer's  demise.  Although  claiming  a  victory.  Crook  retired  to  the  security 
of  a  camp  along  Goose  Creek,  Wyoming,  where  Sheridan  is  today,  to  await 
reinforcements  and  resupply. 

Zimmerman's  company  was  then  stationed  at  Camp  Douglas,  Utah,  but  the 
thirty-four-year-old  soldier  was  not  with  his  outfit  when  it  was  called  to  the  front. 
Instead,  the  corporal  was  on  detached  service  escorting  a  prisoner  to  New  York, 
likely  to  the  Bloomingdale  Asylum  in  New  York  City.  Upon  learning  from  a 
newscrier  of  Custer's  death,  he  hastened  to  return  to  his  company.  In  Omaha  he 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


was  permitted  to  attach  to  some  250  recruits  bound 
from  the  Cheyenne  Depot  to  Crook's  Big  Horn  and 
Yellowstone  Expedition.  Supplies  and  rations  were 
also  headed  to  the  campaign,  and  the  Cheyenne  Depot 
commander,  in  turn,  put  Zimmerman  in  charge  as 
freight  traveled  west  to  Medicine  Bow  and  north  to 
Fort  Fetterman.  He  apparently  rejoined  his  outfit  at 
Fetterman,  the  forty  men  of  Company  I  under 
command  of  First  Lieutenant  Frank  Taylor  having 
only  recently  arrived  from  Utah. 

John  K.  Zimmerman's  history  before  enlisting  in 
the  Regular  Army  is  sketchy.  He  hailed  from 
Montgomery  County,  Pennsylvania,  in  the  southeast 
corner  of  the  state  near  Philadelphia,  and  identified 
himself  as  a  farmer  when  joining  in  Cincinnati  on 
March  25,  1871.  He  was  twenty-nine  years  old,  which 
is  quite  a  bit  older  on  average  than  typical  first-time 
enlistees.  Perhaps  Zimmerman  was  escaping  the  toil 
of  the  farm.  There  is  no  ready  indication  of  service 
during  the  Civil  War,  though  he  was  certainly  of  age 
and  did  mention  a  Civil  War  episode  in  his  memoir. 
His  enlisting  officer.  Captain  Daniel  Benham  of  the 
Seventh  Infantry,  noted  Zimmerman's  blue  eyes,  light 
hair,  fair  complexion,  and  five-foot  six  and  one-quarter 
inch  frame.  He  was  soon  assigned  to  Company  I, 
Fourteenth  Infantry,  then  stationed  at  Fort  Laramie, 
Wyoming. 

Zimmerman  was  discharged  from  this  five-year 
enlistment  on  March  25,  1876,  at  Camp  Douglas, 
upon  the  conventional  expiration  of  service,  but  he 
reenlisted  the  very  next  day.  Prompt,  unhesitant 
reenlistments  became  Zimmerman's  hallmark  that  he 
repeated  several  times  again.  Although  his  company 
was  not  among  those  ushered  initially  to  the  front  as 
the  army  commenced  its  war  against  the  Sioux,  when 
the  soldiers  led  by  Crook  and  Brigadier  General  Alfred 
Terry  faltered  in  mid- 1876,  their  commander. 
Lieutenant  General  Philip  Sheridan,  detailed 
increasing  numbers  to  the  field,  ultimately  depleting 
the  garrisons  at  distant  posts  like  Fort  Bridger  and 
Camp  Douglas.  Men  like  Zimmerman  were  not 
particularly  conscious  of  the  reasons  for  waging  this 
war  against  the  northern  tribesmen,  but  by  then  many 
of  these  latecomers  thought  it  had  much  to  do  with 
avenging  Custer. 

Though  we  know  very  little  about  Zimmerman's 


life  before  the  army,  he  was  motivated  some  ten  years 
after  his  service  in  the  Great  Sioux  War  to  pen  this 
compelling  memoir.  In  it  we  learn  a  bit  more  about 
the  writer.  Clearly  Zimmerman  was  an  erudite  man. 
His  long,  continuous  narrative  is  thoughtful, 
reflective,  and  insightful,  his  spellings  precise,  and 
his  penmanship  clear  and  exact.  And  Zimmerman  was 
a  trustworthy  soldier.  He  was  appointed  corporal 
shortly  after  reenlisting  in  1876  and  exercised  personal 
initiative  when  escorting  the  prisoner  from  Utah  to 
New  York.  Foolish  soldiers  were  not  entrusted  with 
independent  cross-country  adventures.  Nor  were  they 
charged  with  shepherding  field-bound  supplies  from 
a  railroad  depot  to  the  war  front. 

Zimmerman's  memoir  is  interestingly 
circumspect.  He  deliberately  focused  on  the  personal 
hardships  he  and  fellow  doughboys  and  troopers 
endured,  and  readers  today  intuitively  feel  the  heat, 
wet,  cold,  and  hunger  engulfing  the  men  on  Crook's 
late  summer  march  from  the  Yellowstone  River  in 
Montana,  eastward  across  the  Little  Missouri  badlands 
in  Dakota,  and  then  southward  across  interminable 
prairie  en  route  to  the  Black  Hills.  He  provided  few 
names,  mentioning  Crook  and  Custer  in  passing,  but 
not  his  commanding  officer,  first  sergeant,  any  of  his 
close  comrades,  or  the  occasional  foil  dotting  his  story, 
like  the  sentry  frightened  by  the  coyote  and  the  courier 
who  guided  the  men  to  camp  one  night  during  the 
horrendous  starvation  march.  Mostly,  Zimmerman 
wanted  to  report  a  personal  tale  of  perseverance  and 
survival,  and  of  having  participated  in  the  great 
campaign  against  the  Sioux  and  Northern  Cheyenne 
in  1876.  His  was  a  commoner's  perspective,  to  be 
sure,  scored  by  intense  personal  privation,  day-to-day 
toil  on  a  monotonous  trail,  the  joy  of  discovering  and 
eating  wild  plums  when  rations  were  short,  and  the 
melancholy  of  burying  fallen  comrades  killed  in  the 
fight  at  Slim  Buttes,  Dakota.  This  is  unvarnished 
history,  and  a  tale  of  valor  well  worth  remembering. 

John  Zimmerman  probably  never  imagined  that 
his  memoir  would  one  day  be  published.  We  do  not 
know  his  motive  for  writing  this  story,  aside  from  a 
presumed  self-interest,  and  this  editor  has  discovered 
no  prior  outlet  for  it.  With  a  fluid,  almost  stream-of- 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


consciousness  quality,  Zimmerman's  manuscript 
evinces  no  effort  at  regularizing  punctuation  or 
correcting  infrequent  misspellings.  Zimmerman  did 
separate  thoughts  into  paragraphs  but  frequently  ran 
sentences  together,  separated  only  by  commas.  Any 
editor  in  his  day  would  have  corrected  these  matters 
of  convention.  This  editor  elected  to  exercise  a  light 
hand,  regularizing  Zimmerman's  punctuation  and 
capitalization  and  correcting  his  misspellings,  but 
otherwise  retaining  the  other  hallmarks  of  this 
extraordinary  composition,  as  he  wrote  it. 

No  one  who  has  always  had  their  wants  supplied, 
such  as  the  necessaries  of  life,  do  not  know  the  misery 
that  is  passed  through  in  being  without  food  a  few 
days.  It  was  sixteen  years  ago  in  September  last  since 
I  was  eating  apple  dumplings  at  Grand  Pas.  I  have 
not  had  any  since  that  time,  only  what  I  have  made 
myself  On  several  times  I  have  been  off  on  duty 
alone  or  in  small  parties,  then  if  chance  afforded  an 
opportunity  I  usually  had  a  good  old  time  with  apple 
dumplings,  if  not  with  real  green  apples  with  Aldens 
evaporated  apples,  something  that  is  furnished  by 
Uncle  Sam,  somewhat  the  same  as  dried  apples.  No 
one  who  has  never  experienced  the  pangs  of  hunger, 
have  an  idea  what  a  delightful  sensation  it  is  to  dream 
or  even  think  of  eating  some  delicacy.  The 
imagination  seems  to  relieve  the  knawings  of  the 
stomach.  I  will  give  a  little  experience  of  my  own  ten 
years  ago. 

I  was  on  detached  service  in  1876  (which  is  being 
away  from  the  company  alone  or  in  small  parties)  being 
sent  east  with  a  prisoner.  Starting  back,  I  left  New 
York  on  the  fifth  of  July,  the  same  night  I  arrived  at 
Washington,  D.C.,  purposing  to  stop  over  a  few  days. 
As  soon  as  I  landed  at  the  Depot  I  heard  the  Newsboy 
cry  "Gen  Custer  and  his  command  killed  by  Indians 
under  Sitting  Bull. "  This  was  enough.  Soon  as  I  heard 
it  I  knew  that  our  company  would  be  there  as  soon  as 
they  could,  having  been  ordered  to  be  in  readiness 
for  sometime. 

I  immediately  proceeded  west  on  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  railroad.  Arriving  at  Omaha  I  reported  for 
duty,  wishing  to  be  sent  to  the  Big  Horn  Mountains 
to  join  the  command  but  was  told  it  was  impossible, 


as  the  country  was  full  of  Indians  on  the  warpath, 
and  no  communications  with  the  front.  I  found  out 
that  a  body  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  recruits  would 
start  in  a  few  days  to  fill  up  all  the  companies  on  the 
trail.  I  requested  to  be  sent  with  them,  which  was 
granted.  Everything  was  being  got  in  readiness  at 
Cheyenne  Depot,  Wyoming  Territory. 

Four  car  loads  of  horses,  mules,  wagons  and 
rations  were  started  on  the  U.P.  railroad  for  Medicine 
Bow,  ten  hours  run  from  Cheyenne.  I  was  placed  in 
charge  of  all  this  Government  property  and  rations 
on  the  train,  proceeded  immediately,  with  the 
understanding  that  the  Soldiers  (recruits)  would 
follow  on  the  next  train  and  reach  Medicine  Bow  as 
soon  as  I  would,  but  detentions  of  various  kinds 
delayed  the  train  with  recruits  for  two  days  and  nights. 
As  the  train  on  which  I  was  ran  into  the  station,  the 
people  refused  to  think  that  they  were  going  to  be 
reinforced  as  the  country  was  full  of  Indians  and  the 
citizens  were  standing  guard  at  night. 

When  they  found  out  that  the  troops  would  not 
arrive  until  night,  they  were  much  afraid  of  a 
massacre.  For  two  days  and  nights  they  were  still  in 
suspense,  waiting,  watching,  and  wishing  for  the 
delayed  train.  Every  night  until  the  recruits  came  they 
were  under  arms.  As  the  train  hove  in  sight  for  a 
certainty  it  brought  relief  to  many  a  family  who 
oftentimes  before  had  seen  Indians  on  the  hill  tops 
about  town,  ready  to  pounce  down  upon  them  at  any 
moment. 

After  unloading  the  cars  then  came  a  trying  time 
for  the  recruit  horseman,  the  trying  time  for  the  poor 
rider,  many  of  them  never  having  rode  a  horse  before, 
the  horses  many  of  them  having  no  person  on  their 
backs  before.  It  was  a  pitiable  sight  to  see  the  many 
mishaps  that  befell  them.  You  could  see  guns,  hats, 
caps,  and  blankets  strewn  along  the  road.  Even  the 
men  themselves  were  often  thrown  off  and  the  horse 
went  scampering  over  the  prairie,  some  of  the  old 
hands  would  have  to  catch  him  again.  The  first  night's 
camp  was  a  new  era  in  many  of  their  lives.  Each  man 
was  issued  his  days  rations  which  was  to  last  till  the 
next  night.  Many  of  them  could  eat  it  up  in  one  meal, 
if  very  hungry,  and  thought  it  very  queer  that  they 
could  not  get  as  much  as  they  wanted,  many  of  them 
being  used  to  going  to  the  cupboard  at  home  at  any 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


time  for  a  lunch.  After  eating  their  supper,  then  to 
bed  sleeping  under  one  blanket  or  a  double  up  with 
two  or  three  oi  them,  no  root  overhead  except  the 
sky,  probably  before  morning  would  be  raining  hard. 
No  matter  what  weather,  all  must  be  up  early  enough 
to  be  marching  by  daylight,  feeding  their  horses  before 
their  own  breakfast. 

Five  days  marching  brought  us  to  Fort  Fetterman, 
Wyo.  Territory.  Then  came  a  trying  time  for  all  of  us, 
in  crossing  the  North  Platte  River.  It  was  very  high 
for  the  season,  occasioned  by  so  much  rain,  which 
was  rather  unusual  so  late  in  the  spring.  Each  man 
must  ride  his  own  over,  no  matter  how  deep,  and  in 
absence  of  ferry  boats,  all  the  wagons  must  cross  in 
the  water.  Often  the  horses  would  drift  down  stream 
a  mile  or  more,  the  wagons  would  sometimes  turn 
over,  baggage  and  all  going  down  stream  losing  a 
portion  of  it. 

This  crossing  of  the  river  was  mostly  after  dark. 
Once  safely  over  all  had  to  prepare  to  move  by 
daylight  (about  3.30)  hardly  any  one  getting  any  sleep. 


From  this  forward  all  the  new  hands  were  drilled 
tolerably  well  in  the  misfortunes  of  camp  life.  Things 
began  to  look  more  cheerful.  Otir  way  from  this  on, 
had  to  be  felt  by  day  and  night  by  an  advance  guard 
of  Cavalry,  looking  for  Indian  signs.  Every  night  camp 
was  about  on  the  same  footing,  little  sleep,  bad  water 
(alkali,  saltish)  being  distasteful  to  any  one  even  those 
who  were  used  to  it. 

We  spent  several  days  marching  through  a  country, 
black  from  the  grass  being  burned  by  the  Indians  on 
purpose  to  starve  our  animals,  but  as  long  as  we  had 
wagons  with  us  we  had  a  supply  of  oats  and  corn. 
We  arrived  at  our  intended  camp  one  night,  and  found 
it  already  occupied  by  whom  we  did  not  know.  To 
make  sure  everything  was  put  in  order  for  safety  or 
fight  as  the  case  might  be,  a  bugler  was  ordered  to 
the  front  to  blow  officers  call,  and  if  answered  by 
them  we  would  know  they  were  friends  not  foe.  It 
was  answered  immediately  and  we  knew  we  were  in 
safety.  It  was  General  Merritt's  command  of  the  Fifth 
U.S.  Cavalry,  en  route  to  join  Gen.  Crook's  command 


North-central  Wyoming's  placid  Powder  River  country  witnessed  a  flurry  of  campaign  action  in  1876  as  troops  commanded 
by  General  Crook  traversed  these  rolling  plains  on  three  separate  occasions^  and  supply  and  hospital  wagons  traversed  it 
many  times  more.  Photo  courtesy  the  author 


Annals  of  Wyominc]:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


in  the  Big  Horn  Mountains,  the  same  as  our 
destination.  We  were  with  a  large  command  now,  and 
we  did  not  hope  to  catch  up  with  them,  as  we 
expected  them  far  in  advance,  but  they  had  a  brush 
with  the  redskins,  and  were  delayed  a  day  or  two  in 
consequence. 

Three  more  days  marching  brought  us  to  the  large 
waiting  command  of  Gen.  Crook,  at  the  foot  of  the 
Big  Horn  Mountains,  and  the  combined  forces  now 
numbering  over  two  thousand  men,  about  half  each, 
cavalry  and  infantry.  We  were  now  close  to  the 
mountains,  the  water  was  clear  and  pure  soft  as  spring 
water.  We  lay  over  one  day  getting  ready  to  take  the 
trail  after  the  Indians  that  had  massacred  Gen.  Custer 
and  command.  It  was  now  five  weeks  since  the  terrible 
battle  was  fought,  and  no  white  man  had  been  to  the 
battle  ground  since  to  bury  the  slain.  For  this  reason 
no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  getting  ready  for  the  start. 
On  the  fourth  of  August  1876  we  started  on  our 
memorable  journey  with  rations  for  fifteen  days, 
taking  with  us  for  each  man,  one  blanket,  one 
overcoat.  All  wagons,  spare  bedding,  extra  horses  and 
mules  were  sent  back  toward  Fort  Fetterman. 
Cavalrymen  kept  their  horses,  Infantry  on  foot.  All 
mules  taken  with  us,  were  used  to  carry  rations  and 
our  blankets  and  overcoats,  carrying  them  during  the 
day  and  giving  them  to  us  at  night  to  sleep  under. 

Each  man  was  issued  his  days  rations  separately 
every  night  as  follows,  three  tablespoonful  of  ground 
coffee,  three  tablespoonsful  sugar,  three  of  Beans  or 
rice,  twelve  crackers  (four  inches  square),  twelve 
ounces  of  bacon.  This  was  a  full  days  ration  for  one 
man,  and  is  the  field  or  campaign  ration.  The  man 
may  eat  it  up  all  at  one  meal  or  make  two  or  three  fit, 
as  it  suits  him  best,  many  could  eat  it  up  at  once,  and 
more  too.  Each  man  had  one  quart  cup,  no  other 
cooking  utensil.  He  toasted  his  bacon  or  ate  it  raw, 
boiled  his  coffee  in  the  cup  and  drank  it  from  the 
same,  making  it  strong  or  weak  as  far  as  the  coffee 
would  go.  The  first  days  march  after  leaving  our  spare 
bedding  and  supplies  we  had  to  cross  the  Tongue 
River,  as  many  as  sixteen  or  seventeen  times.  The 
river  winds  through  the  mountains  like  a  snake,  very 
deep  in  the  spring,  but  low  in  summer,  only  three  or 
four  feet  deep  at  that  time  and  about  one  hundred 
yards  wide.  The  river  runs  through  great  cuts  in  the 


mountains,  steep  and  high,  impossible  to  climb, 
beside  this  was  the  Indian  trail  for  the  north  country 
and  the  only  passable  route. 

The  cavalry  rode  through  the  water  good  enough, 
but  the  Infantry  had  to  march  and  wade  right  through, 
sometimes  breast  high  other  times  knee  deep.  Our 
first  crossing  was  thought  to  be  our  only  one,  as  we 
had  not  been  told  of  the  others  yet;  all  took  off  their 
shoes  and  stockings,  after  crossing  put  them  on  again 
and  continue  the  march  to  the  next  fording  place.  At 
the  third  crossing,  our  feet  began  to  get  sore  from  the 
sharp  rocks  and  sand.  We  were  then  told  that  there 
were  more  than  a  dozen  such  crossings  before  us  yet 
for  this  day,  and  it  would  be  useless  to  try  to  march 
without  keeping  our  shoes  on  so  after  this  we  marched 
into  the  river  removing  nothing,  and  not  delaying  the 
march,  never  thinking  of  changing  any  more. 

After  the  last  crossing  (16  or  17)  we  went  into 
camp  and  it  was  quite  a  relief  to  think  that  it  was  the 
last  crossing  of  the  Tongue  River  for  a  time  at  least. 
But  such  looking  shoes  and  boots  as  most  of  the  men 
had  on  was  a  sight,  almost  all  of  them  turned  down 
at  the  heels  and  run  over  and  had  to  be  straightened 
and  dried  that  night  that  they  could  march  in  them 
next  day.  But  while  all  this  is  going  on  I  must  not 
forget  to  mention  that  with  the  command  were  about 
two  hundred  friendly  Indians  who  acted  as  scouts, 
and  were  always  in  advance  to  give  us  any  information 
as  to  Indian  signs,  as  they  were  all  well  versed  in  the 
lay  of  the  country,  the  habits  and  haunts  of  the  other 
Indians,  who  were  on  the  warpath,  also  the  crossing 
of  mountains,  streams,  and  trails  generally,  as  to  the 
best  routes  traveled.  That  day  we  lay  in  camp  almost 
all  day  enshrouded  in  almost  darkness,  smoke  from 
the  burning  prairies  and  forests  together  with  a  fog 
with  no  wind  to  move  it  from  the  valley  between  the 
mountains,  or  drive  it  away.  At  any  moment  we  were 
liable  to  be  drawn  into  ambush  by  the  Indians  as  they 
were  not  far  away.  In  the  afternoon  the  weather 
cleared  up  and  we  marched  until  the  middle  of  the 
night,  which  brought  us  up  to  a  few  straggling  Indians, 
were  left  behind  the  main  body  as  decoys  and  spies 
for  the  main  body  in  advance,  but  we  knew  they  must 
be  some  distance  ahead  from  appearance  of  the 
valley  and  the  trail  they  left  behind  them,  beating  and 
pounding  the  grass  with  the  many  pony  tracks. 


Annals  of  Wyoming.  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


Thousands  of  ponies  and  buffalo  as  they  always  drive  are  carried  on  the  same  pack  unless  the  squaws  carry 

the  buffalo  before  them.  them  on  their  backs  like  a  knapsack,  they  are  then 

From  this  on  we  could  see  some  of  the  effects  of  strapped  to  a  board  and  the  board  is  carried  by  the 

the  fight  with  Custer,  as  the  battle  ground  was  just  squaw  on  her  back.  When  they  stop  the  board  is  stood 

across  the  mountain  to  our  left  where  the  cavalry  went  up  by  a  tree  stump  or  rock,  baby's  head  upward, 

next  day  and  buried  the  slain,  which  was  over  two  Following  them  a  few  days  further  we  came  to  a 

hundred  and  fifty  officers  and  men.  The  Indians  left  halt  one  day,  seeing  the  hills  full  of  Indians  on  our 

many  graves  by  the  wayside.  When  they  buried  a  front,  and  seemed  as  if  they  were  in  line  of  battle, 

brave  they  roll  him  up  in  a  blanket  and  place  him  in  a  The  scouts  soon  reported  them  Indians  but  could  not 

tree  top  and  tie  his  pony  at  the  foot  of  the  tree  until  say  if  friendly,  but  it  soon  turned  out  that  they  were 

he  starves.  His  war  implements  are  placed  in  the  the  advance  guard  of  Gen.  Terry's,  who  was  coming 

blanket  with  him,  the  pony  is  for  his  use  in  the  happy  from  the  North  to  meet  us  and  hoped  to  catch  the 

hunting  grounds,  as  well  as  his  war  implements,  and  Indians  in  this  valley,  the  Rosebud  (thickly  studded 

show  the  great  spirit  what  a  warrior  he  was;  he  cuts  with  wild  rose  bushes).  He  came  down  from  the 

notches  in  his  bow  or  gun  stock  one  for  every  one  he  Yellowstone  River,  at  which  place  he  had  landed  from 

has  slain  of  his  enemies.  Government  boats.  The  Indians  were  a  little  too  sharp 

Next  night  we  came  to  the  great  Indian  Camp,  for  us  and  slipped  away.  The  wiley  old  chief  Sitting 

where  they  had  the  great  scalp  and  war  dance  after  Bull  or  tin  hat  as  we  called  him,  was  smart  enough  to 

the  massacre  of  Custer  and  his  command,  and  one  break  up  his  party  in  small  bands,  and  struck  out 

of  the  greatest  scalp  dances  the  Sioux  ever  had  as  toward  Canada  and  parts  of  Montana  and  Dakota, 

they  considered  this  battle  one  of  their  greatest  making  a  new  trip  for  all  hands  by  following  them  in 

achievements  in  warfare,  and  thought  the  great  spirit  their  wanderings.  As  we  were  just  out  of  rations  a 

was  on  their  side.  A  long  pole  at  least  twenty  feet  division  was  made  of  Gen.  Terry's  supplies,  and  the 

high  was  planted  in  the  ground  and  lariats  (pony  ropes  two  commands  started  in  different  directions  hoping 

of  raw  hide)  were  tied  at  the  top,  and  the  braves  to  catch  a  few  of  the  redskins  by  driving  them  back 

would  run  the  ends  of  these  ropes  through  their  to  their  reservations,  or  by  destroying  their  food  and 

breasts;  by  cutting  loose  part  of  the  flesh  with  a  knife,  supplies.  But  as  it  will  appear  hereafter  we  were  nearly 

then  run  and  jump  round  the  pole,  until  exhausted  or  driven  to  the  wall  ourselves  by  starvation  and 

the  flesh  breaks  away.  He  was  then  considered  a  excessive  marching  and  would  have  been  unfit  for 

warrior.  any  engagement  during  the  last  few  days  of  our 

Terrible  barbarous — but  mostly  done  in  scalp  and  campaign, 

war  dances,  other  braves  would  then  take  their  places  At  this  time  we  were  on  the  Yellowstone  River 

at  the  same  feat  -  other  braves  would  keep  up  an  near  the  mouth  of  the  Powder  River  and  it  was  raining 

irregular  dance  and  howl,  the  medicine  men  would  hard  all  the  time.  The  marching  was  miserable  on 

beat  on  the  Tom  Tom,  a  sort  of  rawhide  drum,  the  account  of  mud.  One  night  on  the  Yellowstone  I  will 

squaws  keeping  up  large  fires:  this  sort  of  performance  never  forget  as  it  was  a  continual  pour  all  night,  and 

going  on  till  the  break  of  day.  From  this  on  the  Indians  not  the  least  shelter  for  any  one.  The  picket  line  had 

seemed  to  be  in  haste  to  get  away.  We  saw  tepee  poles  to  be  kept  up  and  I  was  on  picket  with  a  squad  of 

thrown  away  and  such  other  articles  as  would  be  an  four  men  about  five  hundred  yards  from  camp.  All  of 

encumbrance  in  a  long  march.  An  Indian  and  his  us  except  one  would  sit  together  on  some  brush  or 

family  carry  everything  they  have  on  poles  each  side  rocks  while  the  other  would  be  out  further  to  the  front 

of  a  pony,  the  two  ends  dragging  the  ground  thus  the  on  watch,  the  rain  wetting  us  through  and  through, 

pack  is  put  on  the  poles  behind  the  pony,  tied  with  About  midnight  a  coyote  (small  wolf)  gave  one  awful 

rawhide  both  to  the  poles  and  the  poles  to  the  pony,  screech,  which  always  sounds  like  a  hundred  of  them 

two  ends  dragging  the  ground.  The  poles  are  for  their  together  but  they  are  harmless,  but  a  terror  to  any 

tepee  (tent)  when  in  camp.  Their  papooses  (babies)  one  who  is  not  used  to  them.  Suddenly  a  sentry  (a 


8 Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


recruit)  came  bounding  in  upon  us  almost  frightened  soon  as  possible  as  the  village  must  be  charged,  there 

to  death  with  the  cry  that  the  Indians  were  there,  but  being  a  good  supply  of  wild  meats,  which  would  help 

all  the  others  knew  what  was  the  matter  and  had  a  our  command  a  few  days  further  on.  We  hastened 

s;ood  laugh  at  his  expense.  We  could  not  get  him  to  forward  as  fast  as  possible  and  in  three  hours  we  saw 

venture  to  the  front  again,  alone,  that  night,  and  he  the  small  party  of  cavalry  all  surrounded  by  Indians, 

will  never  forget  it.  as  they  had  already  run  the  Indians  out  of  camp  and 

Breaking  camp  at  this  place  we  had  to  cross  the  were  holding  them  at  bay  with  considerable  loss  to 

Powder  River,  and  it  was  very  swift  and  deep  Irom  so  both  sides. 

much  rain.  It  was  up  to  our  breast  and  had  to  be  As  our  whole  command  came  in  sight  the  Indians 

waded,  some  of  them  losing  their  guns,   and  fell  back  to  the  hills  (except  a  few  who  were  in  a 

ammunition,  by  falling  or  slipping,  on  the  smooth  ravine  surrounded)  waiting  and  watching  our 

rocks.  Every  one  had  to  carry  one  hundred  rounds  of  movements,  and  kept  up  a  continuous  fire  all  the  time, 

ammunition,  and  it  was  no  small  weight,  with  our  This  made  no  difference.  We  were  in  their  camp  in  a 

other  traps;  and  was  very  cumbersome  in  struggling  hurry,  and  among  their  tents  and  tepees,  bullets  flying 

in  the  water.  For  about  ten  days  after  this  we  had  the  all  around,  but  no  one  was  paying  any  attention  to 

best  time  on  the  whole  trip  as  the  weather  was  good  this  until  we  had  something  to  eat.  Afterward  the 

and  we  had  a  moderate  supply  of  provisions,  no  Indians  were  taken  care  of  in  this  manner,  their  bullets 

Indians  molested  us.  During  part  ol  the  time  we  had  caused  considerable  damage  among  the  Soldiers, 

passed  through  what  is  called  the  petrified  country  especially  from  those  who  were  found  in  the  small 

as  all  the  wood,  shells,  bones,  and  many  other  things  ravine,  so  a  bold  charge  was  made  on  their  place  of 

turned  to  stone;  there  were  no  trees  to  be  seen  concealment  by  a  thousand  rifles  brought  to  bear  on 

standing  or  alive  but  the  ground  was  strewn  with  their  hiding  place. 

petrified  wood,  even  a  few  logs  were  turned  to  stone,  Soon  the  havoc  was  complete.  The  few  remaining 

which  must  have  lain  on  the  ground  for  hundreds  of  Indians  alive  surrendered  to  us  with  several  squaws 

years.  A  little  further  on  we  came  to  quite  a  forest  of  and  papooses.  They  held  up  a  white  flag  and  sent  an 

wild  plum  trees,  and  all  being  loaded  with  fruit,  many  old  squaw  to  parley  with  us  and  this  stopped  the  fire 

of  them  ripe,  and  good  to  eat,  and  we  had  a  great  for  awhile.  Then  the  bucks  tried  to  slip  away  from  us. 

feast    of   them.    Shortly    after    this    came    the  This  exasperated  the  scouts  so  much  that  they  jumped 

commencement  of  our  hard  times,  as  we  were  right  in  among  them,  commencing  to  scalp  them, 

notified  that  our  rations  were  running  short,  and  must  flinging  the  scalp  high  in  the  air,  hooting  and  howling, 

expect  to  live  on  half  rations  and  probably  less  in  a  This  was  the  only  time  I  ever  saw  any  scalping  done 

few  days.  A  few  days  of  short  rations  soon  whets  up  by  any  one.  Indian  upon  Indian  was  the  real  boisterous 

the  appetite  and  even  the  miserable  quid  of  tobacco  sr}'le.  They  were  soon  forced  to  surrender  and  come 

was  quite  a  solace  to  many  a  soldier  on  the  march  as  out  ol  their  concealment  giving  up  their  guns,  many 

money  was  more  plentiful  than  tobacco  or  food.  It  ot  them  wounded  that  had  to  be  carried  out  and  laid 

was  a  common  thing  for  one  soldier  to  offer  another  in  their  camp  by  the  fire. 

twenty  dollars  tor  a  small  piece  of  tobacco,  yet  this  All  who  could  walk  were  taken  with  us  next  day, 

would  not  buy  it,  much  less  any  bread  or  crackers.  those  who  could  not  were  left  in  the  old  camp,  with 

While  marching  one  day  after  this  we  were  robes  and  blankets,  with  provisions  and  shelter,  with 

suddenly  surprised  to  see  a  horseman  at  full  speed  a  few  squaws  to  take  care  of  them.  Nothing  pleases 

coming  in  the  distance.  Our  conjectures  were  soon  the  Indian  so  much  as  to  scalp  his  enemy.  He  draws 

silenced  by  the  news  that  a  large  Indian  village  had  the  long  knife,  give  a  long  whoop,  with  one  stroke 

been  run  into  by  a  small  body  of  our  cavalry  who  the  thing  is  done.  That  night  we  feasted  on  Indian 

had  been  sent  on  ahead  to  hurry  up  and  forward  rations  dried  meats,  such  as  dried  venison,  Buffalo,  bear  and 

to  us.  elk,  also  some  dried  wild  berries  and  plums  cured  by 

The  courier  was  sent  to  ask  for  reinforcements  as  the  Indians  in  their  way. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


All  such  things  as  would  be  of  any  use  to  them, 
we  destroyed  or  took  with  us,  so  that  they  would  be 
hindered  much  in  following  us. 

All  the  ponies  we  captured  we  took  with  us.  Many 
of  the  Indians  got  out  of"  camp  in  such  a  hurry  that 
they  had  no  pony  or  blanket,  so  we  either  kept  them 
or  destroyed  them  (keeping  ponies,  destroying 
blankets).  They  must  then  walk. 

At  two  o  clock  next  morning  we  were  aroused 
out  of  a  sound  sleep  to  go  on  the  picket  line,  as  we 
expected  the  Indians  to  return  to  us  strong  handed  at 
dayHght  by  being  reinforced  from  other  villages  up 
and  down  the  valley  and  we  must  be  prepared  for 
emergencies  which  we  were  sure  would  come.  All  of 
the  men  except  a  few  to  take  care  of  the  sick  and 
wounded  and  a  few  to  guard  the  pack  animals  and 
horses  went  out  from  camp  about  five  hundred  yards 
forming  a  circle  around  camp,  lay  down  upon  our 
arms,  waited  for  the  savages  and  the  peep  of  day.  We 
almost  felt  that  the  Indians  were  there  in  force,  but 
could  not  hear  or  see  them.  We  were  as  still  as  mice, 
and  walked  stealthily  so  as  not  to  move  a  rock  or 
break  a  twig,  and  marched  and  waited  for  the  fust 
streak  of  dawn.  According  to  expectations,  the 
moment  we  could  see  a  few  rods  in  the  advance,  the 
familiar  crack  of  the  rifle  broke  the  stillness  of  the 
morning,  telling  us  plainly  that  the  Indians  were  there 
seeing  us  at  a  much  greater  distance  than  we  coulci 
see  them.  Finding  us  well  prepared  they  made  one 
desperate  charge  expecting  to  drive  us  out  of  their 
village,  but  in  this  they  were  foiled.  We  were  too  strong 
for  them,  compelling  them  to  fall  back  to  the  hills 
again,  where  they  waited  for  reinforcements  from 
other  tribes  in  the  valley,  and  try  some  other  move 
on  us.  Now  we  must  be  up  and  going  as  we  could  not 
stay  long  under  the  fire  of  the  Indians,  as  at  any  time, 
more  of  these  villages  might  come  to  their  aid.  We 
would  be  out  of  food  and  our  sick  and  wounded  must 
be  taken  to  a  place  of  rest  and  attention. 

We  could  not  think  of  leaving  any  of  our 
command  behind  only  the  dead,  and  they  had  to  be 
buried  secretly  and  securely  in  this  way.  A  large  hole 
was  dug  in  the  ground  right  in  the  main  trail,  all  of 
them  laid  in  it,  covered  with  their  blankets,  then  with 
canvas  filling  up  the  hole  as  nearly  as  possible.  A  fire 
was  then  built  on  top  of  this,  the  ashes  afterward 


scattered  out  about  the  place,  all  the  command,  horses 
and  men,  then  marched  over  the  spot,  obliterating  all 
signs  of  breaking  the  earth.  Everything  was  made 
ready  to  move.  After  the  Indians  fell  back  to  the  hills 
and  one  side  of  our  circle  was  opened  out  as  follows 
the  troops  marching  at  a  distance  each  side  of  the 
train.  We  had  no  time  to  loiter,  our  food  was  going  to 
run  short  soon  again,  we  had  at  least  ten  days  march 
to  communications. 

The  sick  and  wounded  were  taken  care  of  in  this 
manner... the  only  conveyance  was  the  horses  and 
pack  mules.  On  those  they  rode  or  were  carried,  since 
we  had  no  rations,  thev  were  used  for  the  sick.  A 
packsaddle  was  made  somewhat  like  a  sawbuck,  thus 
by  laying  a  blanket  or  two  on  top  one  could  ride  sort 
of  comfortable.  It  was  good  for  the  purpose  intended, 
but  only  a  makeshift  for  a  riding  saddle,  but  "any  port 
in  a  storm"  it  was  much  better  than  walking  for  a 
sick  man.  The  wounded  were  carried  in  this  way,  two 
mules  for  one  man,  one  in  front,  one  behind  the 


Soldiers  wounded  in  the  fight  at  Slim  Buttes.  September  9- 1 0.  1876, 
were  transported  to  hospitals  in  mule-drawn  litters  like  this. 
Photographer  Stanley  Morrow  captured  this  scene  in  the  southern 
Black  Hills  as  Crook's  command  threaded  its  way  to  Camp  Robinson, 
Nebraska,  and  Fort  Laramie.  Photo  courtesy  Larry  Ness, 
Yankton.  South  Dakota. 


10 Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


patient;  two  poles  were  tied,  one  on  either  side  of 
the  mules  thus  made  fast  to  the  mules  at  both  ends, 
making  them  on  a  level.  A  blanket  was  then  stretched 
across  the  center  between  the  mules  and  left  sag  down 
a  little.  On  this  the  wounded  were  conveyed  as  gently 
as  possible,  as  we  were  in  a  very  hilly  country, 
sometimes  straight  up,  sometimes  down,  over  ditches, 
gullies,  creeks,  mud  and  slush,  sometimes  miring  down 
the  mules.  It  was  any  thing  but  pleasant  for  a  wounded 


man. 


After  the  circle  was  opened  out  we  marched  in 
the  same  fashion  all  day,  the  sick  train  on  the  center 
between  two  lines  of  men.  The  rear  was  brought  up 
by  the  cavalry  who  played  a  trick  on  the  redskins  after 
we  left  camp  thus  -  the  Indians  finding  that  we  were 
moving  out  came  down  from  the  hills  pellmell  to  get 
whatever  left  behind,  and  to  capture  a  straggler  or 
two  which  they  saw,  as  a  few  men  only,  were  left  in 
sight  of  them.  It  made  them  feel  quite  brave  making 
a  bold  dash  to  take  them  in,  but  in  this  they  were 
foiled  to  their  regret,  as  a  large  body  of  cavalry  had 
concealed  themselves  in  a  small  ravine,  and  just  as 
the  Indians  came  up  to  it  they  poured  a  murderous 
fire  into  them,  which  completely  routed  them  sending 
them  back  to  the  hills  again.  They  remained  there 
until  every  one  was  out  of  sight  after  this.  They  never 
molested  us  any  more  or  even  came  in  sight  and  they 
might  have  done  us  a  lot  of  mischief  had  they  known 
our  condition.  Traveling  all  day  we  came  to  what  we 
took  to  be  in  the  distance,  a  pretty  lake  of  water,  but 
when  we  went  into  camp  we  found  its  waters  Alkali, 
the  worst  kind. 

This  was  now  the  commencement  of  the  bad  lands 
of  Montana,  bad  water,  no  wood  for  fuel,  but  little 
grass,  if  we  made  a  fire  it  must  be  of  wet  grass,  scarce 
at  that. 

Everything  was  black,  bleak,  and  barren,  all  fiiU 
of  little  hillocks,  as  if  loads  of  hay  had  been  dumped 
about.  Next  day  we  came  to  the  mountain  of  bones 
and  shells  bordering  on  the  bad  lands,  which  looked 
as  if  a  mountain  had  been  made  almost  of  bones,  all 
bleached  and  another  of  shells.  From  the  top  of  these 
we  could  see  the  point  of  our  destination,  "Bald 
Mountain"  of  the  Black  Hills.  "So  near  and  yet  so 
far,"  looked  like  a  days  march  to  the  mountain  (which 
was  1 00  miles)  and  yet  we  had  to  go  twenty-five  miles 


further.  One  hundred  and  twenty  five  miles  to  Crook 
City,  edge  of  the  Black  Hills. 

We  were  not  growing  fat  by  any  means.  Our  meat 
was  all  gone  except  a  few  strips  of  dried  buffalo,  no 
bread,  no  crackers,  no  coffee,  no  sugar,  bacon  long 
since  disappeared,  nothing  but  the  water  of  the  prairie, 
as  we  had  any  amount  of  rain.  Bread.  Bread  -  any 
thing  would  be  paid  for  bread.  Occasionally  we  would 
get  a  few  wild  berries,  but  these  only  whetted  up  the 
appetite,  being  very  sour. 

All  this  time  the  mules  and  horses  were  falling  by 
the  wayside,  as  they  had  nothing  to  eat  except  a  few 
blades  of  grass  picked  here  and  there,  and  but  little 
time  to  pick  it. 

The  cavalry  had  long  since  ceased  to  ride,  the 
horses  could  not  hold  themselves  up  much  less  a  rider. 
We  came  nearer  and  nearer  to  old  "Baldy,"  getting 
weaker  and  weaker.  We  were  now  within  one  day's 
march  of  it,  and  even  more,  as  we  were  told  in  the 
morning  that  this  would  be  a  thirty  mile  march,  and 
most  of  us  so  weak  that  we  were  hardly  able  to  march 
at  all.  Up  early,  no  breakfast,  up  at  peep  of  day  and 
start  right  on  the  march,  no  bother  about  cooking, 
traveling  steady  all  day  long,  no  rest,  the  ground  was 
wet,  better  to  keep  moving  or  standing,  all  was  water 
and  mud.  In  the  morning  an  old  Indian  said  he  could 
lead  us  in  a  direct  route  to  our  destination,  as  the  day 
was  cloudy  any  one  had  to  go  by  instinct  more  than 
anything  else,  but  he  done  it  exactly  as  he  said  he 
would,  telling  us  it  was  a  long  march  for  any  one,  but 
alone  those  worn  out.  We  found  out  that  he  was  right, 
it  took  us  until  after  1 2  o  clock  at  night. 

The  night  was  so  dark  you  could  see  but  little 
distance  ahead,  raining  hard,  mud  under  foot.  This 
was  more  trying  to  the  horses  and  mules  than  the 
men,  as  they  would  mire  down  and  could  not  get  out. 
The  saddle  was  taken  off  and  both  left  to  their  fate. 
The  road  or  trail  was  full  of  horses,  mules,  and 
saddles,  which  had  to  be  gathered  up  and  brought  in 
during  the  next  few  days.  Probably  a  week  before  all 
got  into  camp.  Men  were  fagged  out  long  before  night, 
and  began  to  drop  behind,  others  trying  to  give 
encouragement  by  saying  camp  might  soon  be  at  hand, 
but  on  and  on  we  marched,  still  no  signs  until  about 
half  past  eleven.  A  fire  appeared  in  our  front  as  a 
beacon  to  guide  us  onward.  When  we  got  to  this  fire  a 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


IFT'^i^" 


~^*^1 


:.«^M«#fc.. 


'^'^mm- 


As  Crook's  summer  campaign 
drew  to  a  close,  his  troops 
subsisted  on  horse  and  mule 
flesh.  Here  in  a  posed 
reenactment  for  Yankton 
photographer  Stanley  Morrow  in 
mid-September  1876.  an 
infantryman  dispatches  an 
emaciated  cavalry  horse.  Photo 
courtesy  the  W.  H.  Over 
Museum.  Vermillion.  South 
Dakota. 


courier  was  stationed  at  it  to  say  to  us  that  camp  was  We  had  five  miles  more  to  travel  to  get  to  a  good 

a    short    distance    ahead.    This    gave    renewed      camp  that  the  teams  might  reach  us  without  crossing 
encouragement  and  all  hands  sent  up  a  shout,  that      the  river,  as  they  were  loaded  down  with  our  supplies. 


was  carried  back  tor  miles  and  many  a  man  afi;erward 
said  that  this  shout  brought  them  into  camp  that  night 
as  they  seemed  to  have  renewed  energy.  Out  oi  a 
company  oi  forty  men,  about  ten  only  would  come 
into  camp  and  stack  arms,  which  was  after  midnight. 

The  others  were  all  along  the  road  for  ten  or  fiheen 
miles  back.  Our  camp  this  night  was  only  a  lay  down 
on  the  bare  ground,  many  being  too  weak  to  look  lor 
blankets  and  unable  to  carr)'  them  it  they  lound  them. 
But  as  good  luck  will  have  it,  the  rain  ceased  and  we 
had  a  night  that  was  moderately  cool. 

During  the  whole  night  we  heard  stragglers 
coming  into  camp,  trying  to  find  their  companions. 
Our  First  Sergeant  (who  is  now  dead  and  buried  at 
Washington,  D.C.,  died  while  on  furlough)  when 
about  five  miles  from  camp,  fell  down  and  could  go 
no  farther.  He  told  me  that  it  we  got  to  camp  safe,  to 
come  back  after  him  in  the  morning  and  bring  him  in 
dead  or  alive,  but  when  we  sent  up  the  shout  at  the 
bacon  fire,  it  was  carried  back  so  far,  that  he  with 
some  others  made  a  final  start,  and  struggled  into 
camp  before  morning.  But  hundreds  of  them  did  not 
arrive  until  late  next  day,  many  had  to  be  brought  in 
on  packmules. 


The  river  between  us  and  the  proposed  camp  was  the 


Photographer  Stanley  Morrow  documented  the  quartenng  of  a 
cavalry  mount,  reminiscent  of  Crook  s  infantry  and  cavalry  troops 
butchering  dozens  of  horses  and  mules  during  the  grueling  days  of 
their  Starvation  March.  Photo  courtesy  the  author 


12 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


Belle  Fourche  and  as  usual  with  other  streams,  high 
from  incessant  rains,  breast  deep,  very  swift,  and  many 
of"  us  too  weak  to  stand  against  the  current.  A  small 
stream  was  first  crossed  and  it  was  comical  to  see  the 
weak  men  tr\'ing  to  climb  up  and  down  the  steep  banks. 
After  crossing  the  small  stream,  a  hundred  or  more 
cattle  were  driven  in  sight  toward  our  camp,  a  mile 
ahead  of"  us.  This  sent  forth  new  cheers  Irom  all  hands, 
as  we  knew  that  a  good  teed  awaited  us  as  the  cattle 
were  sent  out  on  purpose  to  give  us  some 
encouragement,  as  we  were  told  so  often  about  rations 
being  close  at  hand.  When  we  came  to  the  Belle 
Fourche,  all  the  cavalry  men  were  waiting  there  with 
their  horses  lor  us  to  ride  over  the  river  as  they  had 
been  to  the  new  camp,  and  the  horses  had  a  good  feed 
of  oats  and  they  looked  much  more  able  to  cross  a 
river  than  before.  Each  cavalryman  rode  one  horse 
and  led  another  over  and  back  in  the  water  and  the 
spare  horse  was  always  rode  by  the  Infantryman.  So 


we  all  crossed  over  dry,  and  I  doubt  if  all  of  us  could 
have  a  waded  the  river  safely. 

Once  over  we  went  into  a  beautiful  camp  about 
fifteen  miles  from  Crook  City,  Wyoming  Territory,  edge 
ot  the  Black  Hills,  and  a  more  famished  lot  of  men  I 
never  saw  before  -  save  once  when  the  Andersonville 
Georgia  Prisoners  were  exchanged  for  Yankee 
prisoners  in  1864  during  the  war  of  the  rebellion. 

As  this  Indian  campaign  was  an  extreme  case  to 
many,  being  without  rations  so  long,  they  did  not  eat 
with  judgment,  and  many  of  them  were  the  worse 
for  it  afterward. 

This  ended  the  worst  campaign  I  ever 
experienced,  and  the  sequel  to  this  will  make  as  much 
of  a  history  I  have  already  written.  Such  campaigns 
do  not  show  their  effects  until  years  afterward,  and 
today  out  of  forty  men  to  a  company,  I  can  only  find 
three  that  were  in  that  long  and  arduous  march  after 
Sitting  Bull  or  what  many  of  them  vowed  there  they 


Zimmerman  may  be  visible  in  this  infantry  camp  along  the  Belle  Fourche  River  north  of  Deadwood.  Photographer  Morrow 
was  among  the  early  visitors  to  Crook's  command,  the  soldiers  having  just  emerged  from  the  dreadful  Starvation  March  and 
still  showing  the  tatters  of  the  campaign  trail.  Photo  courtesy  the  W.  H.  Over  Museum,  Vermillion,  South  Dakota. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


13 


would  never  be  caught  in  another  campaign. 

John  Zimmerman's  absorbing  tale  ot  soldiering 
with  General  Crook,  the  Indian  fight  at  Slim  Buttes, 
and  the  Starvation  March,  clearly  one  of  the  defining 
episodes  of  this  enduring  saga,  did  not  complete  his 
service  during  the  Great  Sioux  War.  But  it  is  telling 
of  his  psyche  that  he  limited  his  memoir  to  that  time 
between  his  hearing  ot  Custer's  demise  in  early  July 
1876,  and  the  closure  ot  the  Starvation  March  in  mid- 
September.  In  a  very  real  way,  hearing  the  news  ot 
Custer's  death  across  America  may  have  had  the  same 
shock  value  and  memory  impact  as  did  the 
announcement  ot  the  Pearl  Harbor  attack  or 
assassination  of  President  Kennedy  among  current 
generations  ot  Americans.  So  it  was  tor  Zimmerman. 
Custer  was  a  very  visible  citizen,  and  his  death  in 
Montana  a  cataclysmic  moment.  Similarly,  the 
Starvation  March  had  a  distinctive,  harrowing,  wartime 
quality  for  those  two  thousand  soldiers  who  endured 


^-"''^^i^5^"'-^^- 


"*» .  * 


.-^■w- 


^^■'i'.-  "^  r** .  -isi  *^ 


>,  .-««• 
**','*-* 


Zimmerman  may  also  be  posed  in  tliis  camp  of  infantrymen  seen  just 
east  of  Custer  City  in  tlie  souttiern  Black  IHills  in  early  October  1876. 
Photographer  Morrow  followed  Crook 's  men  as  they  idled  their  way 
through  the  Black  Hills,  recuperating  after  the  debilitating  Stan/ation 
March.  Tentage  and  other  camp  amenities  had  not  yet  been 
returned  to  the  soldiers.  Photo  courtesy  the  author 


it,  parallel  with,  if  different  in  scale,  the  experiences  of 
those  combatants  in  the  Gettysburg  battle  or 
Normandy  landings.  Despite  the  greater  enveloping 
stories— the  Civil  War,  World  War  II— singular 
moments  are  what  most  respective  survivors  chose  to 
remember  ot  it  all. 

Zimmerman  and  the  men  ot  the  Big  Horn  and 
Yellowstone  Expedition  spent  nearly  a  month 
recuperating  on  a  deliberately  slow  trek  through  the 
Black  Hills  en  route  to  Camp  Robinson,  Nebraska, 
where  they  arrived  in  mid-October.  The  expedition 
disbanded  there,  but  Zimmerman's  company 
remained  at  Robinson  on  detached  service  through 
December,  tending  attairs  at  the  bustling  station  and 
nearby  Red  Cloud  Agency.  In  turn,  in  December, 
rather  than  departing  tor  their  permanent  home  in 
Utah,  Company  I  was  next  detailed  to  a  six-month 
stint  at  the  Army's  single-company  outpost  in  the 
southwestern  Black  Hills,  Camp  Mouth  ot  Red 
Canyon,  where  it  guarded  a  treacherous  stretch  of 
the  Cheyenne-Black  Hills  Road.  Regrettably, 
Zimmerman  did  not  report  on  these  episodes,  which 
to  some  modern  historians  are  every  bit  as 
interesting— and  even  more  unheralded— than 
Crook's  summer  campaign. 

Zimmerman's  featured  experiences  may  have 
amounted  to  the  "worst  campaign  [he]  ever 
experienced,"  or,  tor  that  matter,  the  only  genuine 
Indian  campaign  endured  during  his  long  service,  but 
it  did  not  sour  his  devotion  to  the  United  States  Army 
nor  the  army's  warm  embrace  of  him.  At  age  thirty- 
nine  and  a  sergeant  in  1881,  he  was  discharged  from 
Company  I,  Fourteenth  Infantry,  at  Camp  Douglas, 
upon  expiration  ot  term  ot  service,  character 
"excellent."  As  before,  he  promptly  reenlisted  for 
another  five-year  term.  Zimmerman  was  discharged 
at  Vancouver  Barracks,  Washington,  in  1886,  still  a 
sergeant,  and  this  time  with  a  character  reference 
noting  "An  Excellent  Man."  Again  he  reenlisted,  now 
at  age  forty-four.  During  this  enlistment  he  transferred 
to  Company  H,  Fourteenth  Infantry,  and  his  company 
changed  stations  from  Washington  to  Fort 
Leavenworth,  Kansas. 

At  age  forty-nine,  Zimmerman  reenlisted  one  final 
time  in  1891.  Early  in  this  enlistment,  however,  he 
exercised  a  unique  provision  available  to  veteran 


14 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


soldiers  when  he  sought  and  obtained  an  early 
discharge  from  the  service.  On  July  26,  1890,  the 
War  Department  had  promulgated  General  Order  No. 
8 1 ,  allowing  enlisted  men  who  had  served  ten  years 
or  more  to  be  discharged  by  way  of  a  favor,  "The 
purpose  being  to  extend  all  possible  indulgence  to 
meritorious  men,  especially  in  cases  where  a  discharge 
would  obviously  be  for  the  material  benefit  of  the 
soldier."  Zimmerman  applied  for  such  a  discharge  on 
September  22,  1891,  declaring  that  he  had  "served 
continuously  for  over  20  years.  My  discharge,"  he 
wrote,  "would  be  for  the  material  benefit  of  myself, 
as  my  brother  died  recently,  and  I  now  have  the 
opportunit)'  of  greatly  improving  my  condition  by 
going  into  business." 

Zimmerman's  commanding  officer.  Captain 
Samuel  McConihe,  Company  H,  Fourteenth  Infantry, 
approved  and  forwarded  his  petition,  noting,  "This 
soldier  is  not  indebted  to  the  U.S.  Sergeant 
Zimmerman  has  been  continuously  in  the  service 
since  March  25th,  1871.  He  has  been  a  Sergeant  since 
Nov.  1st,  1878.  I  have  known  him  nearly  the  whole 
time  of  his  long  service.  He  has  always  been  a  most 
faithfiil,  conscientious,  prudent,  sober,  and  deserving 
man.  From  my  personal  knowledge  of  his  excellent 
character,  and  his  good  service  which  has  extended 
through  a  period  of  over  20  years,  I  recommend  that 
a  discharge  be  given  him  at  this  time,  as  a  favor,  upon 
his  own  application,  and  for  the  reasons  he  has  stated 
within." 

Zimmerman's  final  discharge  was  effected  at  Fort 
Leavenworth  on  October  7,  1891.  He  was  given 
retained  pay  of  $6.43,  his  undrawn  clothing  allowance 
amounting  to  $56.16,  and  accrued  savings  of  $2,000. 
He  was  unmarried  at  the  time  of  discharge.  He  applied 
for  neither  a  Civil  War  nor  Indian  Wars  pension, 
received  neither  Civil  War  nor  Indian  Wars  campaign 
medals,  and  seems  to  have  slipped  into  history, 
leaving  only  his  valuable  reminiscence  of  service 
during  the  Great  Sioux  War. 

'  Zimmerman's  outline  of  service  is  drawn  from 
Registers  of  Enlistments  in  the  United  States  Army, 
Microcopy  233;  Fourteenth  U.  S.  Infantry  Muster 
Rolls,  Record  Group  94,  Entry  53;  and  letters  and 


orders  in  the  Principal  Record  Division,  Adjutant 
General's  Office,  Record  Group  94,  Entry  25,  all  in 
the  National  Archives,  Washington,  D.C. 

Contextually,  the  story  of  the  Great  Sioux  War  is 
best  developed  by  Charles  Robinson  III  in  A  Good 
Year  to  Die:  The  Story  of  the  Great  Sioux  War  (New  York: 
Random  House,  1995).  Efforts  to  resupply  and 
reinforce  Crook's  Big  Horn  and  Yellowstone 
Expedition  are  discussed  by  Paul  L.  Hedren  in  Fort 
Laramie  in  1876,  Chronicle  of  a  Frontier  Post  at  War 
(Lincoln:  University  of  Nebraska  Press,  1988), 
chapter  5.  The  movement  of  Crook's  troops  in  August 
and  September  1876,  including  the  fight  at  Slim  Buttes 
on  September  9-10  and  the  Starvation  March,  is  well 
told  by  Jerome  A.  Greene  in  Slim  Buttes,  1876:  An 
Episode  of  the  Great  Sioux  War  (Norman:  University 
of  Oklahoma  Press,  1982).  A  homage  to  Zimmerman 
and  other  Regular  Army  enlisted  combatants  engaged 
in  the  1876-1877  war  is  provided  by  Paul  L.  Hedren 
in  We  Trailed  the  Sioux:  Enlisted  Men  Speak  on  Custer, 
Crook,  and  the  Gr^^?  5/o2«c  W&r  (Mechanicsburg,  Penn.: 
Stackpole  Books,  2003).  W 


Paul  L.  Hedren 


is  the  National  Parl<  Service's 
superintendent  of  Niobrara  National 
Scenic  River  and  Missouri  National 
Recreational  River,  headquartered  in 
O'Neill,  Nebraska.  He  is  the  author  or 
editor  of  seven  books  focused  on 
the  Old  Army  and  Great  Sioux  War 
and  a  regular  contributor  to  Western 
history  journals,  including  Annals  of 
Wyoming. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


15 


The  Dry  Fork  of  Brokenback  Creek,  looking  east,  as  it  issues  from  the  Big  Horn  Mountains.  Courtesy  the  author 


TheGortnans' 
tiny  outpost 
lay  at  the  base 
of  this  large 
mountain 
range,  along 
the  eastern 
rim  of  the  Big 
Horn  Basin  of 
northern 
Wyoming. 


In  the  spring  of  1902,  Tom  Gorman  and  his  wife,  Maggie,  lived  on  the  Dry 
Fork  of  Brokenback  Creek,  a  small  stream  issuing  out  oi  the  Big  Horn 
Mountains  just  a  few  miles  north  oi  Ten  Sleep,  Wyoming.  The  Gormans' 
tiny  outpost  lay  at  the  base  oi  this  large  mountain  range,  along  the  eastern 
rim  of  the  Big  Horn  Basin  ot^  northern  Wyoming.  Tom  Gorman  and  Maggie 
McClellan  had  been  married  in  BuHalo,  on  September  19,  1898,  when  Maggie 
was  barely  eighteen;  Tom  had  been  considerably  older,  twenty-eight.' 

What  was  the  Gorman  house  was  leased  from  a  man  named  Ed  Miller.  Miller 
had  moved  upon  the  land  in  April  1899  and  built  a  small  log  house  as  part  of 
proving  up  his  homestead  claim.-  This  house,  only  about  430  square  feet,  still 
stands  where  it  did  originally,  about  thirty  or  forty  feet  from  the  stream  (which 

'  This  article  is  drawn  from  a  manuscript  titled  Goodbye,  Judge  Lynch,  Hoiv  Laii>  and  Order  Came  to  Wyoming's  Big 
Horn  Basin.  The  University  of  Oklahoma  Press  has  accepted  the  manuscript  for  publication.  Records  ot  the 
Johnson  County,  Wyoming  Clerk,  Marriage  License  and  Certificate  of  Marriage  between  Mr.  Thomas  C. 
Gorman  and  Miss  Maggie  M.  McClellan;  September  3,  IS'^S  (License)  and  September  19,  1898  (Filing  ot 
Certificate);  Book  A  of  Marriage,  page  418.  The  1 900  Census,  Big  Horn  Counrv',  Wyoming,  shows  Maggie 
to  have  been  born  in  August.  1 880. 

"  National  Archives  and  Records  Administration,  Homestead  Proof  —  Testimony  of  Claimant  by  Henry  E. 
Miller,  Record  Group  40  (records  of  the  Bureau  of  Land  Management),  Homestead  file  #1288  for  Henn,- 
E.  Miller,  Land  Office  at  Buffalo.  Wyoming,  July  6,  1905. 


16 Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


true  to  its  name,  usually  does  not  flow  water).'  The 
house  is  on  the  floor  of  a  small  canyon  so  tightly  tucked 
into  the  mountains  that  from  the  house  only  the  interior 
of  the  canyon  can  be  seen.  The  high  peaks  of  the  Big 
Horn  Mountains,  when  viewed  from  a  far  distance, 
look  like  huge  rock  formations  sitting  atop  a  forested 
plateau,  what  John  McPhee  referred  to  as  "crowns  on 
tables."^  But  from  within  the  Dry  Fork  canyon,  all 
that  is  lost  in  a  reduced  horizon.  The  floor  of  the 
canyon  is  very  narrow,  about  two  hundred  feet  wide, 
and  it  is  filled  with  box  elder,  cottonwood,  and 
sagebrush.  When  the  sun  lowers,  the  canyon  becomes 
dark  quickly.  The  house  has  always  been  off  the  beaten 
path,  so  that  a  visitor  must  divert  from  a  county  road 
and  only  after  traveling  for  a  mile  or  more  into  the 
mountain  does  the  house  come  into  view. 

In  1 900,  Tom  Gorman  asked  his  younger  brother, 
Jim,  to  come  out  to  Wyoming  from  Pennsylvania.' 
This  was  probably  a  happy  event;  Tom  had  last  seen 
his  brother  when  Jim  was  only  seventeen  or  eighteen. 
But  this  is  an  age  when  young  men  change  quickly 
and  perhaps  Tom  was  surprised  by  the  twenty  year- 
old  man  who  arrived  in  Wyoming.''  The  great 
complication  here  was  that  Maggie  Gorman,  by 
almost  all  accounts,  was  remarkably  attractive. 
Whatever  there  is  about  a  woman  men  find  appealing, 
Maggie  had  it.  She  had  that  elusive,  ephemeral 
feminine  quality  that  launches  ships,  that  billions  are 
spent  to  achieve,  that  most  desired  of  human 
qualities,  to  be  desirable.  Many  years  after  her  brief 
and  tragic  time  of  infamy,  people  in  the  Ten  Sleep 
country  still  talked  about  the  aura  of  Maggie 
Gorman. 

Jim  Gorman  resided  with  Tom  and  Maggie  when 
they  lived  south  of  Ten  Sleep  on  the  George 
McClellan  ranch  and  when  they  moved  to  the  Ed 
Miller  place  north  of  Ten  Sleep,  but  there  were 
frequent  disagreements  between  the  brothers.  In  the 
fall  of  1901,  Tom  objected  to  the  attention  his 
younger  brother  showed  his  wife,  and  drove  Jim  away 
at  rifle  point. **  It  was  not  long,  though,  just  the 
following  spring,  when  Jim  came  back  into  the 
picture.  Something  drew  him  back  to  his  brother's 
home,  and  it  was  probably  Maggie,  whether  because 
of  things  she  did,  or  simply  because  she  was  a  "fine 


loo 


king 


woman. 


Jim  returned  to  his  brother's  home,  but  he  and 
Tom  continued  squabbling.'"  There  were  later  sharply 
conflicting  accounts  as  to  why  and  how  it  happened, 
but  there  is  no  question  that  on  April  20,  1902,  Jim 
killed  his  brother,  burying  a  hatchet  in  Tom's  head. 

That  spring,  Tom  had  been  freighting  to  and  from 
Casper  with  his  partner,  Fred  Bader. ' '    In  April,  they 

'  Gloria  Cutt,  interview  by  the  author,  February  5,  2000.  Mrs.  Cutt  is 
a  present  owner  of  the  land,  who  reports  that  the  original  structure, 
about  which  she  and  her  husband  Fred  are  building,  measures  18  feet 
by  24  feet.  In  his  homestead  entry  papers,  Mr.  Miller  stated  that  the 
house  was  18  by  20  feet. 

*  John  McPhee,  Rising  from  the  Plains  (New  York:  Farrar,  Straus  and 
Giroux,  1986),  p.  63. 

■■  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  Novem- 
ber 10,1902. 

°  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  Novem- 
ber 10,  1902,-  see  also  the  1900  Census,  Big  Horn  County,  Wyo- 
ming, and  the  marriage  license  referred  to  in  footnote  1  above. 

'  Bob  Swander,  interview  by  the  author,  June  10,  2003.  Mr.  Swander 
now  lives  in  Cody,  Wyoming,  and  is  "pushing  70."  He  grew  up  and 
ranched  near  Ten  Sleep,  and  recalled  a  discussion,  which  probably 
took  place  in  the  1970s,  with  Jim  and  Topsy  Bull,  then  an  elderly 
couple  who  had  known  the  Gormans.  He  was  talking  to  the  Bulls 
and  the  sub)ect  of  the  Gorman  murder  came  up.  Topsy,  a  lively  lady, 
stated  to  her  husband,  "Everybody  thought  that  Maggie  Gorman 
was  good-looking;  you  didn't  think  so,  did  you?"  Bob  thought  the 
scene  was  cute,  as  Jim  Bull  recognized  his  predicament,  and  just 
stopped  saying  anything.  Bob  thought  that  Jim  probably  did  think 
Maggie  Gorman  was  quite  good-looking,  but  certainly  was  not  going 
to  declare  this  to  his  wife. 

"  "A  Foul  Murder  Unearthed,"  Tlie  Wyoming  Dispatch  (Cody),  June  13, 
1902;  "Murder  Near  Hyattville,"  Sheridan  Enterprise,  June  21,  1902; 
"Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  No- 
vember 10,  1902. 

Lylas  Skovgard,  Basin  City  (Basin:  Timbertrails,  1988),  p.  56,  quoting 
a  man  who  watched  Maggie  Gorman  testify. 

'"  See  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader, 
November  10,  1902.  The  accounts  of  local  newspapers,  such  as 
those  in  Basin  or  Meeteetse,  are,  in  general,  not  available.  Fortu- 
nately, however,  the  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader  printed  a  detailed  story 
apparently  taken  from  the  Big  Horn  Rustler,  and  this  is  the  most 
complete,  and,  probably  the  most  reliable  of  the  newspaper  stories 
that  appeared  in  1902  regarding  the  first  Gorman  trial.  In  the  report- 
ing on  the  1909  case  oi Slate  v.  Brink,  the  first  case  arising  out  of  the 
Spring  Creek  Raid,  the  accounts  in  the  Rustler  were  seemingly  the 
most  thorough  and  most  accurate  of  all  the  many  newspapers  closely 
covering  that  event. 

"  Paul  Prison,  Under  the  Ten  Sleep  Rim  (Worland  (Wyoming),  Worland 
Press,  1972),  p.  45;  interview  notes  taken  by  prison  which  are  in  the 
author's  possession;  Verona  Bowes,  "Vigilante  Vengeance,  Western 
Justice  Rides  a  Death  Trail,"  Daring  Detective,  Deccember  1938,  p.  28. 
This  last  reference  is  to  a  magazine  article  which  is  in  large  part  a 
fictionalized  version  of  the  event,  sensationalized  to  stress  salacious 
details,  but  at  least  the  article  started  life  honestly,  beginning  with 
interviews  of  some  of  the  participants,  including  Fred  Bader.  The 
"photograph"  of  Maggie  Gorman  in  that  article  is  clearly  a  construc- 
tion. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -  Winter  2004 17 


Big  Horn  County,  Wyoming  1903 

Big  Horn  County  as  it  appeared  in  1903.  Map  courtesy  tlie  author 


finished  a  trip  and  Tom  wanted  to  do  some  work  on 
his  wagons  and  the  horses  needed  a  rest,  so  Bader 
and  Gorman  decided  not  to  start  out  again  tor  a 
couple  oi  weeks.'-  There  was  a  time,  therefore,  in 
which  the  people  in  the  area  were  not  particularly 
concerned  at  not  seeing  Tom.  But  then  the  neighbors 
started  inquiring  about  him  and  were  given 
unsatisfactory  and  inconsistent  answers  as  to  where 
he  had  gone  -  there  were  ambiguous  references  to 
Canada." 

Things  came  to  a  head  when  Bader  went  to  the 
Gorman  home  in  June  to  ask  about  Tom.  The 
Germans  had  a  little  girl,  probably  born  in  late  1900.''* 
Bader  described  this  child,  saying  she  was  "a  pretty 
little  golden  haired  girl  -  they  named  her  Rose."'"* 
Almost  one  hundred  years  later  one  oi  Bader's 
children  recounted  conversations  with  his  father  about 


'-    Notes  oi  Paul  Prison  in  the  possession  of  the  author. 

"  This  was  addressed  in  many  ot  the  contemporaneous  newspaper 
reports  and  later  writings,  not  always  in  the  same  manner,  but  consis- 
tently enough  to  show  that  nosv  neighbors  thought  something  was 
not  right  at  the  Gorman  house  and  thev  were  not  satished  with  what 
they  were  told.  See  Prison,  Under  the  Ten  Sleep  Rim,  p.4ti.  "Murder 
Near  Basin,"  Wyoming  Derrick,  June  1'1,1'^02;  "Murder  Near 
Hyattville,"  Sheridiin  Enterprise,  June  21,  1902;  and  "Jim  Gorman 
Convicted, "  Big  Horn  Count)'  Neu's  tind  Courier.  November  1,  1902. 
The  problem  with  the  text  here  is  that  there  is  a  lot  of  general 
recollection,  but  not  nearly  enough  contemporaneous  documents,  so 
the  conclusions  presented  had  to  be  made  from  a  review  ot  all 
materials  available,  determining  what  is  the  most  plausible,  consider- 
ing internal  consistenc)'  and  known  tacts. 

'^  1900  Census,  Big  Horn  County,  Wyoming,  Ten  Sleep  Precinct.  On 
June  10.  1900,  when  the  1900  census  interviews  were  undertaken, 
Tom  and  Maggie  Gorman  reported  no  children,  but  by  May  1902  a 
child  is  being  described  as  "a  little  girl,"  not  .is  a  baby  and  she  is 
speaking. 

'"  Interview  of  Fred  Bader  by  Paul  Prison.  Papers  ot  Paul  Prison  in  the 
possession  of  the  author. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


this  visit  to  the  Gorman  home,  and  the  one  thing  he 
remembered  most  distinctly  was  his  father's  memory 
of  how  strange  the  httle  girl  was  acting.'"  Fred  asked 
her  where  her  father  was  and  little  Rose  said  something 
about  "under  the  wagon."'" 

Of  course,  all  ot  this  led  to  great  suspicion.  Bader 
and  other  neighbors  contacted  the  authorities,  asking 
Sheriff  Dudley  Hale  to  come  out  and  investigate.  In 
the  meantime,  Jim  and  Maggie  took  a  wagon  and  a 
buggy,  filled  them  with  provisions  and  bedding,  and 
headed  north  towards  Montana.'* 

Hale  did  come  to  the  Dry  Fork  of  Brokenback 
Creek,  tound  "suspicious  conditions,"  and  traced 
Tom's  body  to  a  small  washout,  where  it  was  buried 
about  one  hundred  yards  from  the  house,  underneath 
"a  thin  covermg  of  dirt,  sagebrush  and  stones."'" 
There  had  been  an  attempt  to  burn  the  body.'"  Dr. 
Dana  Carter  and  the  Assistant  County  Attorney,  C. 
A.  Zaring,  were  called  to  the  scene;  an  inquest  was 
quickly  held,  with  the  conclusion  that  Tom  met  his 
death  by  murder.-'  All  of  these  events  apparently 
happened  in  a  hurry,  because  during  this  time  it  was 
learned  that  Jim  and  Maggie  had  been  seen  "traveling 
north."-'  Deputy  Frank  James  pursued  the  two 
Gormans,  finding  them  in  a  camp  on  Dry  Creek  near 
Germania  (now  Emblem)." 

Maggie  and  Jim  were  brought  back  to  Basin  City; 
Jim  was  placed  in  the  county  jail  and  Maggie  was 
kept  in  a  private  house,  under  guard."  On  June  14, 
1902,  both  of  them  appeared  before  F.  T.  Brigham, 
justice  of  the  peace,  on  a  charge  of  first  degree 
murder,  and  both  pled  "not  guilty."  On  June  16,  both 
appeared  before  the  justice  of  the  peace  again  and 
they  waived  preliminary  hearing. 

The  first  newspaper  stories  about  Tom's  killing 
were  hardly  balanced.  For  instance,  the  Cheyenne  Daily 
Leader  carried  a  "special  from  Cody"  in  which  it  was 
stated  that  "a  horrible  murder  was  committed  near 
Basin,  a  short  time  since,  and  only  became  public 
yesterday.  Tom  Gorman,  on  Broken  Back  creek, 
about  forty  miles  from  here,  discovered  an  intrigue 
between  his  wife  and  his  younger  brother,  James 
Gorman.  The  victim  endeavored  to  drive  his  brother 
away,  when  the  pair  turned  upon  him  and  killed  him 
with  clubs."" 

The  first  article  that  appeared  in  the  Sheridan 


Enterprise  began  with  unabashed  editorializing:  "It's 
pretty  difficulty  (sic)  to  have  the  mind  realize  that  a 
wife,  bound  by  sacred  ties,  and  a  natural  brother 
would  be  the  parties  to  the  murdering  of  a  husband 
and  brother,  but  unless  all  the  circumstances 
surrounding  the  taking  off  of  Tom  Gorman  are  at 
fault,  such  is  the  case  in  the  latest  and  most  cruel 
murder  in  Big  Horn  county."^" 

The  article  further  declared  that  "it  would  appear 
that  the  deceased  became  convinced  that  unlawful 
relations  were  maintained  between  the  guilty  pair  and 


■  Paris  Bader,  interview  by  author,  February,  2000. 
'  Paul  Prison  notes  in  author's  possession. 

*  "Murder  Near  HyattviUe,"  Sheridan  Enterprise,  June  21,  1902.  The 
chronology  here  is  a  puzzle.  It  is  not  at  all  clear  from  contemporary 
reports,  but  it  appears  that  it  was  several  days  later  when  Jim  and 
Maggie  Gorman  were  arrested.  The  warrant  for  their  arrest  was 
sworn  out  on  June  7  and  returned  on  June  13.  The  natural  expecta- 
tion is  that  they  would  have  gone  directly  to  Montana,  and  it  did  not 
normally  take  several  days  to  reach  Montana  from  the  location  of 
the  Gorman  house.  One  possible  reason  for  delay  is  the  possibility 
that  Maggie  talked  Jim  into  leaving  Rose  at  her  parents,  the  McClellans, 
who  lived  a  few  miles  south  ot  Brokenback  Creek. 

'  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  Novem- 
ber 10,  1902;  "Murder  Near  Hyattville,"  Sheridan  Enterprise,  June 
21,  1902. 

'  "Murder  Near  Hyattville,"  Sheridan  Enterprise,  June  21,  1902;  "Mur- 
der Near  Basin,"  Wyoming  Derrick,  ]une  19,  1902.  This  was  reported 
consistently  enough  that  it  must  be  credited,  but  the  evidence  at  the 
trial  seemed  to  indicate  that  the  fire  was  confined  to  an  attempt  to 
conceal  the  burial  spot. 

'  Autobiography  of  Dr.  Dana  Carter,  Wyoming  State  Archives;  In 
State  V.  James  Gorman,  Big  Horn  County  Case  No.  109  (files  of  the 
Clerk  of  the  District  Court  of  Big  Horn  County,  Wyoming),  all  the 
witnesses  were  endorsed  on  the  Information.  They  were  Clarence 
Day,  Jake  Shandy,  Dick  Shandy,  Mike  Bader,  Hugh  Collins,  Charles 
McDonald,  Mrs.  Charles  McDonald,  G.  W.  Walker,  Roy  Grant,  Ken- 
neth McClellan,  Ed  Mills,  Jake  Johnson,  Arthur  Ilg,  and  George  Bull. 
Oddly,  Dr.  Carter  is  not  listed,  but  in  light  of  the  statements  in  his 
autobiography,  there  can  be  no  doubt  he  was  at  the  Gorman  place 
and  helped  in  the  search.  Apparently,  though.  Dr.  Walker  later  con- 
ducted examinations  of  the  body  of  Tom  Gorman.  In  Skovgard, 
Basin  City,  pp.  51-52,  the  author  incorrectly  states  that  C.  A.  Zaring 
was  the  county  attorney.  Though  Zaring  was  later  involved  with  the 
case,  in  1902,  the  Big  Horn  County  attorney  was  W.  S.  Collins,  who 
swore  out  the  complaint  against  the  defendants.  See  Volume  1  of 
the  District  Court  Journal,  440,  files  of  the  Clerk  of  the  District 
Court  of  Big  Horn  County. 

'  Skovgard,  Basin  City,  p.  52.;  "Black  Page  in  Basin  History,  "Basin 
Republican  Rustler,  March  19,  1936. 

'  "A  Foul  Murder  Unearthed,"  Wyoming  Dispatch,]\int  13,  1902;  "Mur- 
der Near  Hyattville,"  Sheridan  Enterprise,  June  21,  1902. 

'  Skovgard,  Basin  City,  p.  53. 

■  "Kills  Brother,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  June  13,  1902. 

'  "Murder  Near  Hyattville,"  Sheridan  Enterprise,  June  21,  1902. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 19 


frequent  quarrels  resulted.  Mrs.  Gorman  and  James 
finally  decided  to  commit  the  foul  deed  that  ended  in 
taking  the  life  oi  husband  and  brother,  and  fleeing 
together  to  distant  parts."  It  closed  with  a  startling 
pronouncement:  "In  addition  to  the  above  inlormation 
has  been  received  that  the  little  daughter  of  the 
mtirdered  man  is  also  missing.  When  the  man  and 
woman  hurriedly  left  the  scene  ol  their  crime  the  little 
girl  was  taken  with  them  btit  when  arrested  she  was 
not  to  be  found.  The  fear  is  entertained  that  she  was 
pushed  from  the  wagon  and  drowned  in  the  Big  Horn 
River."-"''  Other  newspapers  picked  up  this  theme.  The 
Ndtroiia  Comity  Tribune  went  so  far  as  to  report  that 
Maggie  and  Jim  were  lynched  when  a  committee  asked 
them  where  the  child  was.  Supposedly,  Maggie  told 
this  group  of  people  that  it  was  none  of  their  business 
and  she  went  on  and  abused  the  men  in  the  group. 
Whereupon,  "without  hirther  ceremony  the  couple 
were  taken  out  and  hanged."-'^  To  the  credit  ol  the 
Wyoming  Dispatch,  a  Cody  newspaper,  it  took  the 
Natrona  County  Tribune  to  task,  saying:  "There  has  been 
no  lynching,  nor  will  there  be.  The  child  above  referred 
to  is  with  its  mother,  and  has  been  all  the  while.  It  is 
strange  how  so  many  erroneous  reports  similar  to  the 
above,  originate  in  our  country.  It  must  be  that  some 
newspaper  correspondent  is  seeking  notoriety."'" 

It  is  not  clear  where  little  Rose  Gorman  was  at 
the  time  of  the  arrests.  Perhaps  she  was  with  her 
mother  "all  the  while,"  as  the  Wyoming  Dispatch 
indicated,  but  none  of  the  newspaper  accounts 
mention  the  little  girl  when  telling  of  her  mother's 
arrest.  Another  possibility  is  that  she  had  been  left  at 
the  home  of  her  grandparents,  the  McClellans. 
Wherever  she  was,  she  certainly  had  not  been 
drowned,  and  later  newspaper  stories  quietly 
mentioned  the  little  girl  being  with  her  mother." 

Whether  it  was  from  the  newspaper  reports  or 
general  reputation,  though,  most  of  the  people  of 
the  Big  Horn  Basin  believed  from  the  beginning  that 
Maggie  was  just  as  guilty  as  Jim.'-  They  assumed  that 
the  two  were  lovers  and  that  Maggie  had  a  hand  in 
her  husband's  death  in  some  form.''  Tom  was  well- 
liked,  his  brother  was  not,  and  Maggie  was  seen  as 
highly  attractive.  Bader  seemed  to  express  the  attitude 
of  the  citizens  of  Big  Horn  County  when  he  said  that 
Tom  was  "homely,  but  a  good  hard  working  fellow 


and  honest.  Jim  was  good  looking  lazy  and  dishonest;" 
he  further  declared  that  Maggie  was  fickle  and 
emotional.''  Such  loaded  perceptions  certainly  affect 
the  analysis  of  an  event  and  these  shared  observations 
could  well  have  unfairly  colored  the  judgment  of 
Maggie's  peers.  Unfortunately,  the  historical  chronicle 
is  fragmented  and  ambiguous,  making  it  impossible 
to  know  with  reasonable  certainty  (to  use  an 
anomalous  legal  phrase)  whether  the  community 
judgment  of  Maggie  was  based  upon  accurate 
perceptions  or  distorting  stereotypes. 

Regardless  of  whether  the  people  of  Big  Horn 
Coimty  had  fairly  judged  Jim  and  Maggie,  the  county 
attorney,  Winfield  Scott  Collins,  had  to  address  the 
very  concrete  problem  of  prosecuting  a  murder.  A 
trial  date  would  not  be  set  until  October  1902,  but 
much  time  and  effort  must  go  into  preparation  before 
such  an  event.  We  know  that  Collins  was  working  on 
the  case  before  September  1902,  as  he  presented 
reqtiests  for  reimbursement  to  the  Big  Horn  County 
Commissioners  in  September,  asking  to  be  paid  for 
"Livery  Hire"  and  "Horse  feed  &  Meals"  in  the 
Gorman  case.'^  Collins  would  have  obtained  a  good 
idea  of  Jim's  defense  from  a  number  of  possible 
sources,  most  probably  statements  made  by  Jim  at 


"Murder  Near  Hyattville,"  Sheridan  Enterprise,  June  21,1 902. 

'  "Murder  Near  Hyartville,"  Sheridan  Enterprise,  June  21,1 902. 

'  "Lynched  at  Basin,"  The  Wyoming  Dispatch,  ju\y  4,  1902. 

'  "Lynched  at  Basin, '  The  Wyoming  Dispatch,  julyi.  1902. 

'  "State  Happenings,"  Sheridan  Enterprise,  November  13,  1902. 

'  See  Skovgard,  Basin  City,  p.  56 

'  Prison,  Under  the  Ten  Sleep  Rim,  p.  45;  Tacetta  Walker,  Big  Horn  Basin: 
Stories  of  Early  Days  in  Wy;'"""^  (Casper,  1936),  pp.  230-.W 

'  Inter\'iew  ot  Maureen  Hoilcroft  and  Paris  Bader  by  the  aurhor,  June 
1  1 ,  2003.  Mrs.  Hoilcroh:,  of  Buffalo,  Wyoming,  is  another  of  Fred 
Bader's  children,  and  stated  that,  "Our  dad  said  she  was  a  good 
looking  woman  '  (referring  to  Maggie  Gorman).  The  quotes  come 
Irom  Paul  Prison  notes  ot  a  Fred  Bader  interview  in  the  possession 
ot  the  author.  Records  trom  the  Wyoming  Attorney  General  (Big 
Horn  County  Sheriff  Prison  Register,  p.  6)  indicate  that  Jim  Gorman 
weighed  150  pounds,  was  "slender"  and  was  58"  tall,  and  had  red 
hair.  The  Verona  Bowes  article  (see  footnote  1 1  above)  contains  a 
photograph  ot  subjects  identified  as  Jim  and  Tom  Gorman,  but  this 
identification  is  probably  wrong.  The  same  photograph  found  in  the 
Washakie  Museum  states  that  the  two  men  were  two  brothers  from 
Lost  Cabin  and  the  two  men  shown  look  very  similar;  certainly  one 
could  not  be  described  ,is  "homely"  while  the  other  is  described  as 
"good  looking." 

'  Commissioner's  Journal,  Big  Horn  Count)',  Volume  #1,  p.  346. 


20 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winler  2004 


the  time  of  arrest  and  during  incarceration.  By  the 
time  trial  drew  near,  ColHns  surely  knew  that  Jim  was 
going  to  claim  self-delense,  asserting  that  his  brother 
attacked  him  and  was  killed  when  Jim  defended 
himself  Such  a  defense  can  be  very  hard  to  overcome 
when  the  only  witness  describing  an  event  is  the 
accused  person. 

An  interesting  thing  happened  before  the  trial, 
however:  Two  attorneys,  M.  L.  Blake  of  Sheridan  and 
John  Arnott  of  Basin  City,  were  retained  on  behalf 
of  Maggie."'  There  is  some  indication  that  Arnott 
had  been  hired  back  in  June  when  arrests  were  first 
made.'  On  the  other  hand,  not  until  a  week  before 
the  trial  date  of  October  27  did  the  district  court 
appoint  an  attorney  for  Jim,  when  he  announced  that 
"he  has  no  funds  with  which  to  employ  counsel."-'* 
The  obvious  implication  was  that  Maggie  was 
unwilling  to  present  a  joint  defense  with  Jim. 

Based  on  her  later  testimony,  it  is  clear  what 
Maggie  must  have  told  her  lawyers.  She  told  them 
she  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  killing  of  her  husband, 
that  Jim  was  responsible,  and  that  he  forced  her  to  go 
along  after  the  killing  occurred.  This  information  was 
surely  passed  on  to  the  county  attorney  by  Maggie's 
lawyers,  probably  with  a  proposal  to  turn  state's 
evidence.-'' 

Such  a  proposal  would  have  caused  some  very 
heavy  thinking  by  Collins.  It  was  clear  very  early  that 
Maggie  was  not  involved  in  the  killing,  but  there  were 
serious  questions  as  to  whether  she  helped  plan  it,  or 
assisted  Jim  after  it  happened.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
Maggie  was  a  strong  witness,  her  testimony  might 
defeat  any  claim  of  self-defense  by  Jim.  But  a  decision 
to  allow  a  defendant  to  turn  state's  evidence,  and 
provide  a  lenient  deal  in  return,  has  to  be  made  very 
cautiously.  The  worst  thing  a  prosecutor  can  do  is  to 
provide  leniency  to  the  person  who  proves  to  be  the 
worse  actor.  Thus,  the  worse  actor  escapes 
punishment,  and  the  remaining  defendant  will 
probably  be  acquitted  because  less  culpable. 

If  Collins  did  his  homework,  he  would  have 
interviewed  Maggie  at  length.  There  is  nothing  in  the 
historical  record  to  indicate  that  he  did  interview  her, 
but  he  most  probably  did,  and,  if  so,  this  is  what  she 
would  have  told  him:  Jim  had  lived  with  Tom  and 
Maggie  at  different  intervals  between  1900  and  1902. 


The  brothers  had  quarreled  several  times,  had  each 
time  made  peace,  but  during  the  year  before  her 
husband's  death,  Maggie  felt  very  frightened  and 
intimidated  by  Jim.  One  day  she  noticed  her  husband's 
absence  and  shortly  thereafter  saw  a  fire  near  the 
house.  Then  she  had  a  conversation  with  Jim  and  he 
said  he  had  killed  Tom  and  buried  his  body  nearby. 
He  told  Maggie  that  he  stepped  from  behind  a  wagon 
as  Tom  came  by  and  hit  him  with  a  hatchet  and  that 
Tom  dropped  without  a  sound.  After  Tom  fell,  Jim 
hit  him  again  to  make  sure  he  was  dead.  She  had  not 
revealed  what  she  knew  because  Jim  had  threatened 
to  kill  her  and  her  child."*" 

Obviously,  if  a  jury  believed  the  testimony  of 
Maggie,  a  self-defense  claim  by  Jim  would  be  out  of 
the  question,  but  it  all  hinged  on  her  believability. 
The  calculus  of  determining  whether  a  jury  will 
believe  a  witness  is  a  very  complicated  one.  Of 
course,  the  internal  consistency  of  Maggie's  story  and 
its  plausible  relationship  to  other  facts  was  highly 
important,  but  probably  as  important  was  the 
personality  of  the  witness.  Would  this  beautiful  young 
woman  charm  an  all-male  jury,  or  offend  them?  Did 
she  project  integrity?  Did  she  have  the  fortitude  and 
intelligence  to  fight  off  the  inevitable  hard  cross- 
examination? 

The  county  attorney  apparently  found  Maggie's 
story  persuasive,  because  the  decision  Collins  made 
was  to  enter  into  an  agreement  with  Maggie,  whereby 
the  charges  against  her  would  be  dismissed  if  she 


"  Journal  of  the  District  Court,  Vol.  1,  Records  of  the  Big  Horn 
County  Clerk  of  the  District  Court,  p.  423. 

"  The  Justice  Docket,  printed  at  page  52  of  Basin  City,  and  which 
covers  events  between  June  7,  1902,  and  June  16,  1902,  lists  John  P. 
Arnott  as  employed  by  defendant;  see  also  "All  the  World's  a  Stage," 
Basin  Republican  Rustler,  March  14,  1940. 

'*  Journal  of  the  Big  Horn  County  District  Court,  Vol.  1,  p.  423. 

^'  It  was  the  job  of  Maggie's  attorneys  to  represent  her,  and  in  criminal 
prosecutions,  one  o{  the  most  common  -  and  effective  -  defenses  is 
to  paint  one's  client  as  "the  good  guy"  and  one  or  more  of  the  co- 
detendants  as  "the  bad  guy,"  and  offer  to  provide  evidence  support- 
ing these  positions,  in  return  for  lenient  treatment  by  the  prosecu- 
tion. 

^  This  account  directly  follows  the  detailed  description  of  Maggie 
Gorman's  testimony  in  the  November  10,  1902,  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader 
("Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy").  As  well,  it  incorporates  the 
recollection  of  Zinny  McCreery  as  set  out  by  Ray  Pendergraft.  Ray 
Pendergraft,  Washakie:  A  Wyoming  County  History  (Worland,  Saddle- 
bag Books,  1985),  pp.  4142. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


21 


would  testify  against  Jim.   Fhe  wisdom  ot  that  risky 
decision  was  soon  tested. 

The  cases  against  Jim  and  Maggie  were  set  tor 
the  1902  October  term  of  court,  which  meant  that 
proceedings  would  begin  the  week  ol  Monday, 
October  20,  1902."  For  months,  all  the  people 
involved  in  the  case  had  been  preparing  tor,  worrying 
about,  and  dreading  the  time  ol  trial,  but  now  that 
time  had  arrived  and  lawyers,  witnesses,  jurors,  and 
court  personnel  congregated  in  Basin  City.  One  of 
those  "court  personnel"  was  the  presiding  district 
judge,  Joseph  L.  Stotts.^^  Stotts  was  a  man  from 
Sheridan  who  had  practiced  law  there  before  coming 
to  the  bench.  He  had  served  as  district  judge  since 
1897  and  his  court  was  very  active.^'  Stotts  had  to 
travel  from  Sheridan  to  Basin,  ol  course;  in  1902,  his 
trip  began  trom  a  railroad  in  Sheridan,  to  Billings, 
Montana,  and  then  south,  continuing  by  rail.  The 
Chicago,  Burlington  and  Quincy  Railroad  had  crept 
into  the  northern  part  ol  the  Big  Horn  Basin,  arriving 
in  Cody  Irom  Toluca,  Montana,  in  November  1901  .*' 
The  nearest  railhead  to  Basin,  though,  was  still  a  good 
fifty  miles  to  the  north,  in  Garland,  and  required  a 
long  day  in  a  wagon  or  on  horseback.^^  In  every  county 
in  Wyoming,  cases  were  set  for  two  different  dates. 


during  a  spring  term  and  a  hill  term,  an  arrangement 
that  accommodated  the  arduousness  ol  travel."*^' 
When  Stotts  arrived  in  Basin  in  October,  he  stayed 
there  and  worked  through  all  the  pending  cases  before 
returning  to  Sheridan.  In  present  day  Wyoming,  terms 
are  viewed  as  archaic  relics,  having  little  significance 
because  communication  and  transportation  are  highly 
efficient,  but  in  another  day  they  served  a  very 
practical  purpose. 


loiiiii.il  ot  the  Big  Horn  Cnuntv  District  Court,  Vol.  1 .  p.  4l  ^. 

At  that  time.  Big  Horn  County  was  part  ot  the  Fourth  Judicial 

District,  which  also  included  Sheridan  County.  See  Wyo.  R.  S.  1  SOO, 

Joseph  L.  Stotts  was  appointed  to  the  district  court  in  189"  and 
served  until  January  190S.  See  Stiite  ex  rel.  Burduk  v.  Schmtger.  17 
Wyo.  65,  76!  96  P.  238  (1908).  Between  1898  and  1906,  more  than 
sixt)'  cases  ttom  Judge  Stotts  court  were  appealed  to  the  Wvommg 
Supreme  Court. 

Lawrence  M.Woods,  Wyoming's  Big  Horn  Basin  to  1901.  A  Liite  Fivnttfr 
(Arthur  H.  Clark  Company,  Spokane,  1997),  p.  20-4. 
John  W  Davis,    Sadie  and  Charlie  (Worland,  Washakie  Publishing, 
1989),  p.  14. 

The  modern  statute  setting  out  terms  ot  court  is  §  S-3-101,  Wyo. 
Stat.  Ann.  (LexisNexis  2003).  The  applicable  st.jtute  in  1902  was  § 
3299,  Revised  Statutes  of  Wyoming  1 899.  For  an  interesting  ca.se  in 
which  F".  E.  Enterline  challenged  the  validity  of  the  term  statute 
(asserting  that  his  client  was  improperly  convicted,  because  the  leg- 
islature had  not  passed  any  statute  allowing  courts  to  proceed),  see 
Younger  i:  Hehn.  1  2  Wyo.  289,  75  R  443  (1904). 


The  courthouse  in  Basin  (ca.  1901).  Courtesy  the  Wyoming  State  Archives.  Department  of  State 
Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 


22 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


On  October  20,  1902,  Maggie  was  arraigned  upon 
an  information  filed  by  Collins  charging  murder.  She 
was  present  in  court  with  her  attorneys,  Blake  and 
Arnott,  and  she  pled  "not  guilty.""'  Gorman  was  also 
arraigned  on  charges  of  murder,  and  at  this  time  two 
Sheridan  attorneys  were  appointed  for  him,  E.  E. 
Enterline  and,  oddly  M.  L.  Blake."**  Blake  was  never  a 
strong  presence  in  the  legal  community  in  Wyoming, 
but  Enterline  was  a  major  figure  for  more  than  half  a 
century.  In  1 892,  as  a  young  attorney  in  Rock  Springs, 
he  filed  suit  against  the  biggest  corporation  in  the  state, 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  and  took  the  case  to  the 
Wyoming  Supreme  Court. "'^  He  lost  that  case,  but 
persisted  as  an  active  and  assertive  attorney.  During  a 
span  of  more  than  fifty-five  years,  the  name  of  E.  E. 
Enterhne  is  listed  more  than  one  hundred  times  as 
counsel  for  one  of  the  parties  in  a  case  before  the 
Wyoming  Supreme  Court.""  In  1898,  he  moved  to 
Sheridan."'  He  had  no  way  of  knowing  it  in  1902,  but 
bv  1 9 1 0  he  would  form  a  partnership  with  Joseph  Stotts 
in  Sheridan;  Stotts  was  already  associated  with  another 
lawyer,  a  young  man  named  Fred  Blume."'  Enterline 
moved  to  Casper  in  the  late  1920s  and  practiced  law 
there  until  at  least  1943."' 

Jim's  attorneys  made  a  motion  for  a  separate  trial, 
probably  because  they  were  aware  Maggie  was  going 
to  be  assisting  the  state  against  her  brother-in-law.^'' 
The  first  order  of  business  in  State  v.  James  Gorman 
was  the  selection  of  a  jury.  In  any  criminal  case,  the 
make-up  of  a  jury  is  highly  important,  the  first  step 
in  a  process  intended  to  secure  a  conviction.  Wlien 
the  charge  is  murder  (mandating  a  death  sentence 
under  Wyoming  law  in  1902),  this  beginning 
proceeding  is  crucial.  By  state  statute,  the  chairman 
of  the  county  commissioners,  the  county  treasurer, 
and  the  county  clerk  were  charged  to  meet  on  the 
second  Monday  of  January  of  each  year  and  make  a 
list  of  persons  to  serve  as  trial  jurors  (placed  in  a 
series  of  four  jury  boxes);  they  were  to  select  from 
the  last  assessment  roll  of  the  county  and  were  to 
omit  those  persons  "known  by  them  to  be  incompetent 
or  not  qualified  to  serve  as  trial  jurors. "^^ 

This  arrangement  is  obviously  different  from  the 
one  used  in  the  beginning  of  the  twenty-first  century, 
even  more  than  may  at  first  appear.  The  modern 
procedure  is  designed  to  produce  a  jury  that  is  broadly 


reflective  of  the  general  make-up  of  the  society.  In 
Wyoming,  in  2003,  assessment  rolls  are  not  used  at 
all;  the  jury  list  is  prepared  from  voter  rolls,  which 
are  further  expanded  by  the  use  of  driver's  license 


lists. 


The  applicable  statute  a  century  ago  directed  that 
people  were  to  be  listed  on  the  assessment  roles  who 
owned  land,  buildings,  or  personal  property  such  as 
livestock,  "carriages  and  vehicles,"  "clocks,  watches, 
jewelry,  gold  and  silver  plate,"  furniture,  musical 
instruments,  farming  utensils,  and  corporate  stock.^^ 
A  review  of  the  actual  rolls  shows  that  the  great 


Journal  of  the  Big  Horn  Counry*  District  Court,  Vol.  1,  p.  423. 

"  Journal  ot  the  Big  Horn  Count)'  District  Court,  Vol.  1,  p.  423. 

"  Redman  v.  Union  Pacific  Railway  Co. .  3  Wyo.  678,  29  P.88  (1892). 

°  When  the  name  E.  E.  Enterline  was  entered  in  the  author's  LexisNexis 
computer  research  program,  one  hundred  "hits"  appeared,  which 
was  evidently  still  not  the  total  number  of  times  he  appeared  in  a 
case  before  the  Wyoming  Supreme  Court.  Almost  any  case  that  is 
taken  all  the  way  to  the  Wyoming  Supreme  Court  is  considered  a  case 
of  importance. 

'    WorLind  Grit,  November  2,  1 909.  page  2. 

'  See  Biyant  v.  Cadle.  18  Wyo.  64,  104  R  23  (1909).  Any  Wyoming 
lawyer  will  immediately  recognize  the  name  ot  Fred  Blume.  He  was 
to  have  a  storied  career  as  a  justice  of  the  Wyoming  Supreme  Court, 
generally  considered  the  finest  jurist  the  State  of  Wyoming  has  ever 
produced.  At  a  time  when  there  was  very  little  precedent  from 
Wyoming  cases,  Judge  Blume  handed  down  many  fifty  and  sixry  page 
opinions  in  which  he  traced  a  legal  concept  from  Roman  law  to 
current  times,  and  thus  provided  rhe  srare  ot  Wyoming  with  ample 
authoriry  in  the  areas  upon  which  he  focused.  Graduates  of  the 
University-  of  Wyoming  College  of  Law,  especially  in  earlier  years, 
srudied  one  Blume  case  after  another.  Probably  the  only  jurist  more 
frequently  encountered  was  Benjamin  Cardozo.  For  an  excellent  bi- 
ography of  Fred  Blume  see  Michael  Golden,  "The  Life  and  Times  of 
Fred  H.  Blume,  Justice  of  the  Wyoming  Supreme  Coun,  Land  and 
Water  Law  Review  27  (1995):  95. ' 

Between  1931  and  1933  he  served  as  the  President  ot  the  Wyoming 
Bar  Association.  See  the  2003  Wyoming  State  Bar  Directory,  p.  8. 
Enterline  is  apparently  the  only  person  to  serve  as  presidenr  of  the 
Wyoming  State  Bar  for  rwo  years.  The  case  oi McKinney  v.  McKinney, 
59  Wyo.  204,  135  P2d  940  (1943)  is  apparendy  the  last  case  in 
which  Enterline  appeared  before  the  Wyoming  Supreme  Court;  he 
presented  oral  argument  to  the  court.  During  the  time  Enterline  was 
in  Casper,  he  was  married  to  Madge  Enterline,  who  was  also  his  legal 
partner. 

'Journal  of  the  Big  Horn  County  District  Court,  Vol.  1,  p.  424. 

'  Revised  Statutes  of  Wyoming  1899,  §§  3345,  3346.  See  Gunnelland 
Elder  V.  State,  21  Wyo.  125.  128  R  512  (1912)  at  129,  wherein  there 
is  a  reference  to  Chapter  80,  Comp.  Stat.  1910  (Section  1010).  "In- 
competent" here  refers  to  legal  incompetence,  meaning  that  a  person 
is  a  minor  or  mentally  impaired,  but,  as  noted  later  in  the  text,  it  may 
have  been  applied  more  liberally. 

'§  1-1 1-106,  Wyo.  Stat.  Ann.  (LexisNexis  2001);  SuZanne  Whitlock, 
Clerk  of  the  District  Court  for  Washakie  County,  Wyoming,  inter- 
view by  the  author,  June  10,  2002. 

"  See  Revised  Statutes  of  Wyoming  1899,  §  1779. 


Annals  of  Wyoming-  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


23 


majority  of  people  listed  owned  land  and  buildings,  as 
well  as  a  good  amount  of  personal  property.'"  Oddly, 
at  least  for  Wyoming,  women  did  not  serve  on  juries. 
At  first,  when  women  were  granted  suffrage  in 
territorial  Wyoming,  they  did  serve  on  luries,  but  this 
practice  had  died  out."" 

The  panel  that  was  to  hear  the  case  against  Jim 
had  been  selected  just  a  few  days  prior  to  the 
beginning  of  the  trial.""  At  first,  twenty-four  names 
were  drawn.  All  were  not  available  so  that  more 
names  had  to  be  drawn,  which  finally  resulted  in  a 
panel  consisting  of  twenty-five  jurors,  from  residences 
that  seemed  to  be  evenly  distributed  around  the  Big 
Horn  Basin:  C.  C.  Smith  of  Shell,  T.  T.  Nelson  of 
Hyattville,  G.  W  Bryant  of  Burlington,  E.  M.  llg  of 
Hyattville,  W  L.  Shafer  of  Jordan,  Leonard  Short  of 
Embar,  C.  C.  Ellis  of  Basin,  Robert  Frame  of 
Bonanza,  Olan  Crandall  of  Cloverly,  W  }.  Chapman 
of  Cody,  W  B.  Curtis  of  Jordan,  William  Peper  of 
Germania,  C.  H.  Watson  of  Sunshine,  B.  }.  Neiber  of 
Thermopolis,  C.  F.  Manning  of  Meeteetse,  Cornelius 
Workman  of  Lovell,  W  E.  Beck  of  Fenton,  F.  A. 
Whitney  of  Meeteetse,  S.  A.  Watkins  of  Cody,  A.  J. 
Martin  of  Marquette,  Milo  Burke  of  Ten  Sleep,  A.  J. 
Erickson  of  Burlington,  John  B.  Gleaver  of  Meeteetse, 
Dave  Jimmerfield  of  Fenton,  and  W  W  Leavitt  of 
Shell."' 

We  can  place  these  men  in  an  accurate  social 
context,  because  the  1900  census  had  just  been 
completed,  eighteen  of  them  appear  in  the  census, 
and  there  is  information  available  for  another  one."" 
A  clear,  and  not  surprising,  model  appears:  Of  these 
nineteen  men,  nine  were  married,  with  children,  and 
they  owned  their  own  farms  (ranches)  and  homes  free 
and  clear.  Another  three  exactly  meet  this  model, 
except  that  the  couples  had  no  children.  Further, 
Neiber  probably  matched  the  model  and  Burke 
certainly  did,  except  that  he  owed  money  against  his 
land.""*  C.  C.  Ellis  fit,  except,  as  a  painter,  he  did  not 
own  a  farm.  The  remaining  four  men  were  single,  but 
were  substantial  property  owners."'' 

This  twenty-five  man  panel  did  not  look  like  most 
of  the  rest  of  the  people  in  the  county.  It  could  fairly 
be  called  a  collection  of  patriarchs,  successful  men 
who  were  leaders  in  the  society.  While  almost  three- 
quarters  of  the  panel  members  were  married,  within 


Big  Horn  County  less  than  half  that  percentage  of 
men  were  married."-^  And  while  fewer  than  half  of 
the  men  in  the  census  owned  real  property,  only  two 
of  the  nineteen  panel  members  did  not.  Further, 
the  census  forms  show  that  among  the  two 
occupations  listed  most  frequently  ("farmers"  and 
"farm  laborers"  -  more  than  90  percent  in  many 
precincts),  around  twice  as  many  men  are  listed  as 
farm  laborers  than  are  listed  as  farmers,  and  yet  only 
one  in  our  nineteen  lists  his  occupation  as  "farm 
laborer."""  Not  one  juror  is  an  example  of  the  most 
common  kind  of  man  found  in  the  Big  Horn  Basin, 
the  lone  cowboy  who  eked  out  a  living  while  working 
as  a  hand  for  different  ranching  outfits.  That  is  the 
clear  consequence  of  the  Wyoming  law  in  1902, 
which  provided  for  jurors  to  be  selected  from  a  list 
prepared  by  the  county  assessor.  The  Wyoming 
Supreme  Court  did  not  shrink  from  this 
consequence,  but  declared  that  "it  is  a  necessary 
qualification  of  a  juryman  that  he  must  have  been 

"  Big  Horn  County,  Wyoming,  1903  Assessment  Tax  Role,  tound  in 
the  office  ot  the  Big  Horn  County  Treasurer,  Big  Horn  County 
Courthouse,  Basin,  Wyoming. 

'"  T.  A.  Larson,  Hnlory  of  Wyoming  (Lincoln:  The  LIniversiry  ot  Ne- 
braska Press,  l''b5),  pp.  84-85.  One  can  specuLite  at  length  why  this 
would  be  so,  ranging  from  stated  preferences  by  women  called  to  |ury 
duty  because  ot  domestic  responsibihties  to  simple  sexual  prejudice. 

''°  Journal  of  the  Big  Horn  County  District  Court,  Vol.  1,  p.  414. 

"'  Journal  of  the  Big  Horn  County  District  Court,  Vol.  1,  pp.  432^37. 

"^  The  men  not  appearing  on  the  Big  Horn  County  1900  census  are 
G.  W.  Bryant,  E.  M.  llg,  B.J.  Neiber,  Robert  Frame,  W.J.  Chapman, 
Olan  Crandall,  and  Cornelius  Workman.  There  is  information 
available  about  B.J.  Neiber,  who  was  the  pioneer  ancestor  of  an  old 
Worland  family.  See  John  W.  Davis,  Worland  Before  H^r/irW  ( North- 
ern Wyoming  Daily  News,  Worland,  1987),  p.  4.  There  is  also  infor- 
mation available  regarding  Cornelius  Workman,  whose  grandson 
Preston  is  retired  and  living  in  Lovell,  but  Workman  has  not  been 
considered  in  this  group  of  nineteen. 

"'  Since  census  information  is  not  available  for  Neiber,  it  is  not  known 
whether  he  owned  his  land  tree  and  clear.  Too,  he  and  his  wife, 
Mary,  had  two  children  when  he  died  in  1906,  but  it  is  not  clear 
whether  either  had  been  born  by  1902.  See  Davis,  Worland  Before 
Worland. 

"*  W  E.  Beck  was  the  son  of  a  prosperous  man  from  Fenton,  William 
Beck,  and  apparently  owned  livestock.  Manning  owned  his  own 
home  and  Watson  owned  his  own  home  and  farm.  W.  W.  Leavitt 
owned  his  own  farm  and  home  free  and  clear.  It  is  not  clear  whether 
Cornelius  Workman's  holdings  extended  to  real  property  in  1902, 
but  they  certainly  did  later.  1900  Census,  Big  Horn  County,  Wyo- 
ming 

"'  According  to  the  1900  Census,  ot  the  approximately  3100  men  in 
the  Big  Horn  Basin,  about  ttOO  were  married,  or  about  35%. 

"  1900  Census,  Big  Horn  County,  Wyoming,  Meeteetse  Precinct.  C.  F. 
Manning  is  listed  as  a  "farm  laborer." 


24 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


assessed  upon  the  last  assessment  role  of  the  county, 
and  no  authority  is  conferred  upon  the  jury 
commissioners  to  make  a  jury  hst  except  from  the 
assessment  roll.""' 

Though  the  use  ot  assessment  rolls  as  the  base 
for  selectmg  a  jury  assured  that  any  jury  would  be 
atypical,  the  selected  jurors  so  closely  follow  a  model, 
that  one  suspects  the  overseeing  officials  exercised  a 
further  role,  informally  excluding  those  who  might 
not  have  been  viewed  as  sufficiently  responsible.  If 
this  was  the  case,  it  would  not  be  a  shock,  because  in 
1902  a  great  many  of  the  citizens  of  the  Big  Horn 
Basin  were  very  concerned  about  suppressing 
lawbreakers  and  would  welcome  a  jury  of  stern 
patriarchs.  And  if  such  a  process  did  take  place,  it 
would  not  have  been  done  because  of  a 
Machiavellian  impulse  to  manipulate  justice,  but  as 
an  expression  of  an  unspoken  ethic  that  was  widely 
shared  by  the  great  majority  of  the  population,  and 
probably  not  even  perceived  as  unusual.  Indeed, 
when  the  defense  started  exercising  challenges  to  the 
panel,  they  showed  that  their  primary  concern  was 
not  the  apparent  austere  make-up  ot  the  jury,  but 
more  mundane  considerations. 

The  first  step  taken  was  the  drawing  of  twelve 
names,  followed  by  examination  of  the  prospective 
jurors  by  the  attorneys  to  see  if  there  were 
demonstrable  grounds  for  disqualification,  referred 
to  as  "cause.""**  A  man  from  Bonanza  was  challenged 
for  cause  and  excused,  though  the  record  does  not 
reveal  the  basis  for  the  cause."'  Bonanza  is  only  about 
fifteen  miles  down  the  Nowood  River  from  Broken 
Back  Creek,  and  so  perhaps  this  man  had  some 
personal  involvement  in  the  case.  Other  prospective 
jurors  were  challenged  for  cause,  though  again,  there 
is  nothing  in  the  record  to  indicate  why.'"  The  Big 
Horn  Basin,  with  a  population  of  about  five  thousand, 
was  a  small  community  and,  frequently,  people 
associated  with  the  prosecution  or  defense  would 
have  a  great  deal  of  first-hand  knowledge  of  the 
jurors.  It  was  a  social  society;  people  did  not  huddle 
in  their  homes  watching  television.  On  Sunday 
afternoons,  the  favorite  pastime  was  to  go  to  other 
people's  homes  and  visit,  and  more  often  than  not, 
talk  about  other  people  they  knew.  Social  events,  such 
as  dances,  were  central  events  in  their  lives.  All  the 


local  newspapers  from  that  time  are  filled  with  short 
notes  about  all  the  visits  everyone  was  making  with 
everyone  else.  A  prosecutor  would  have  the  advantage 
of  a  network  of  informants,  county  employees, 
sheriffs  and  deputies  and  their  families,  who  would 
report  back  about  jurors,  telling  what  kind  of  men 
they  were,  what  kind  of  associations  they  had  and, 
frequently,  what  comments  they  may  have  made 
about  a  case.  The  defense  would  also  have  its  sources 
from  employees,  friends,  and  relatives  of  the 
attorneys.  Both  sets  of  attorneys  took  ready  advantage 
of  this  kind  of  information. 

After  the  challenges  for  cause  were  completed, 
peremptory  challenges  began,  challenges  not  requiring 
the  announcement  of  any  reason  for  disqualification. 
The  state  had  ten  challenges  and  the  defendant 
twelve. ''  The  state,  however,  used  none  of  its 
challenges.  Not  so  the  defense,  which  used  all  but  three 
of  Its  challenges.'^  Peremptory  challenges  flow  from  a 

"  Stall-  V.  Bolln,  10  Wyo.  439,  470,  70  P.  7  (1902). 

"*  They  were  C.  C.  Smith,  C.  F.  Manning,  Robert  Frame,  B.  J.  Neiber, 
G.  W.  Bryant,  C.  C.  Elhs,  W.  B.  Curtis,  John  B.  Gieaver,  Cornelius 
Workman,  W,  L.  Shafer,  William  Peper,  and  A.  J.  Martin.  See  the 
Big  Horn  County  District  Court  Journal,  Vol.  I,  p.  440. 

"'  W.  L.  Shaffer,  who  was  replaced  by  Leonard  Short;  D.  Ct.  Journal,  p. 
440. 

™  These  include  Milo  Burke  and  E.  M.  llg,  D.  Ct.  Journal,  p.  441.  C. 
H.  Watson  replaced  Burk  and  W.  E.  Beck  replaced  llg.  llg  was 
apparently  related  to  one  of  the  listed  witnesses  on  behalf  of  the 
state  against  Jim  Gorman,  Arthur  llg.  Information  Verified  by 
Witnesses,  Big  Horn  County,  Wyoming  District  Court  Case  No. 
109. 

''    D.  Ct.  Journal,  p.  443. 

'-  The  District  Court  Journal,  Vol.  1,  shows  the  following,  pp.  441-442: 
after  the  state  waived  its  first  challenge,  the  defense  peremptorily 
challenged  W.  B.  Curtis  of  Alamo.  Curtis  was  replaced  by  F.  A. 
Whitney.  The  prosecution  kept  waiving  its  peremptory  challenges 
and  the  defense  kept  using  its  challenges.  C.  F.  Manning,  from 
Meeteetse,  was  challenged,  and  the  defense  thereby  took  from  the 
jury  the  one  man  who  identified  himself  as  a  laborer.  A.J.  Erickson 
was  selected  to  replace  Manning.  Robert  Frame  of  Bonanza  was 
challenged  by  the  defendant.  S.  A.  Watkins  of  Cody  replaced  him. 
Leonard  Short,  from  Embar,  was  then  peremptorily  challenged  and 
was  replaced  by  E.  M.  llg  of  Hyattville.  As  noted  earlier,  llg  was 
challenged  for  cause;  he  was  replaced  by  W  E.  Beck.  The  state 
waived  its  third  peremptory  challenge  and  the  defense  challenged 
C.  C.  Ellis,  the  Basin  painter.  T.  T.  Nelson  was  called,  but  found 
"not  qualified."  Daniel  Jimmertleld  of  Fenton  was  then  selected. 
A.  J.  Erickson  from  Lovell  was  peremptorily  challenged  and  Olan 
Crandall  from  Cloverly  was  selected,  but  was  soon  peremptorily 
challenged  by  the  defense.  The  defense  peremptorily  challenged  B. 
J.  Neiber  and  W  W  Leavitt  of  Shell  was  then  selected.  After  Crandall 
was  ousted,  W  J.  Chapman  from  Cody  was  selected.  G.  W  Bryant 
from  Burlington  was  peremptorily  challenged. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -•  Winter  2004 


25 


hundred  sources,  some  very  accurately  directed 
at  a  hidden  prejudice  and  some  just  whimsical.  In  an 
individual  case,  perhaps  the  glint  in  the  eye  oi  a 
prospective  juror  ottended  Enterline  or  he  had  heard 
a  juror  was  a  stern  man,  but  it  is  impossible  to  know 
why  any  specific  challenge  was  made.  As  will  be  seen, 
though,  some  general  patterns  did  emerge. 

The  state  kept  waiving  its  challenges,  taking  the 
consistent  position  that  it  was  quite  happy  with  the 
jury  exactly  as  it  stood  at  any  given  time.  With  tour 
challenges  remaining,  the  jury  boxes  were  exhausted. 
Whereupon,  Stotts  issued  an  "open  venire"  to  the 
sheriff  (without  apparent  objection  by  the  attorneys) 
so  that  Hale  could  obtain  more  jurors."  It  sounds 
very  much  like  the  sheriff  was  just  directed  to  go  out 
and  find  six  men,  from  wherever  he  could.  This 
procedure  sounds  questionable,  but  "open  venire"  is 
addressed  in  several  Wyoming  cases,  including  Gnnnell 
V.  State,  21  Wyo.  125,  at  129,  in  which  the  Wyoming 
Supreme  Court  accepts  the  practice,  it  not 
enthusiastically.  As  late  as  1979,  in  Peterson  v.  State, 
594  P.2d  978  (Wyo.  1979),  an  open  venire  was 
undertaken  when  a  justice  of  the  peace  |ury  was  short 
two  jurors;  the  Wyoming  Supreme  Court  once  again 
accepted  the  practice.  The  sheriff  summoned  William 
Gibson,  John  Larson,  George  Crosby,  R.  R.  Small, 
William  O'Toole,  and  Richard  Mullen  and  they  were 
added  to  the  jury  box.  Crosby  was  drawn  and  he 
became  the  last  juror. 

So,  the  jury  members  were  C.  C.  Smith  (Shell), 
John  B.  Gleaver  (Meeteetse),  Cornelius  Workman 
(Lovell),  A.  J.  Martin  (Marquette),  C.  H.  Watson 
(Sunshine),  F.  A.  Whitney  (Meeteetse),  S.  A.  Watkins 
(Cody),  W.  E.  Beck  (Fenton),  Dan  Jimmerfield 
(Fenton),  W  W  Leavitt  (Shell),  W.J.  Chapman  (Cody), 
and  George  Crosby  (Lovell).^'^  Since  the  defense  was 
the  only  party  exercising  peremptory  challenges,  the 
final  look  of  the  jury  was  very  much  the  product  of 
defense  intentions.  A  map  of  the  Big  Horn  Basin 
platting  the  residences  of  the  jurors  is  instructive. 
Such  a  map  shows  a  distinctive  pattern,  as  if  someone 
were  standing  at  Broken  Back  Creek  and  firing  a 
shotgun  to  the  west:  There  are  lots  of  little  points  in 
an  arc  a  considerable  distance  away.  It  was  obvious 
that  the  most  important  concern  for  the  defense  was 
to  keep  people  off  the  jury  who  had  known  the 


Gormans.  It  seems  very  likely  that  the  defense  assumed 
that  such  people  had  liked  Tom,  disliked  Jim,  or  liked 
Maggie.  There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  defense 
was  otherwise  offended  by  this  final  collection  of 
patriarchs.  They  look  very  much  like  the  initial  panel; 
five  out  of  the  nine  about  whom  we  know  exactly  fit 
the  model  of  a  married  man  with  children,  owning 
his  own  home  and  ranch  free  and  clear.^'  One  of 
these  five,  Whitney,  became  the  foreman  of  the  jury. 

It  did  not  take  a  long  time  to  seat  the  trial  jury;  the 
procedure  was  begun  the  morning  of  October  27  and 
completed  within  enough  time  that  opening  statements 
(including  one  four  hours  long)  were  made  and 
testimony  begun  the  same  day."  Clarence  A.  Zaring,  a 
Basin  attorney  who  had  been  added  to  the  prosecution 
team  when  Collins  complained  that  "he  is  alone  in  this 
case  and  the  defendant  has  two  attorneys,"  gave  the 
opening  statement  for  the  prosecution.^^  (Zaring  was  a 
young  man  from  Indiana,  who  was  then  part  of  the  law 
firm  Collins  and  Zaring.^**)  Enterline  spoke  for  four 
hours  on  behalf  of  Jim.'" 

Many  newspapers  carried  stories  about  the 
Gorman  trial,  but  almost  every  report  was  cursory,  at 
least  with  respect  to  the  evidence  presented  during 
the  trial.  This  is  particularly  unfortunate  because  no 
transcript  of  the  trial  is  available  nor  are  issues  of 
the  Big  Horn  County  Rustler,  the  newspaper  published 
in  Basin  and  the  one  most  likely  to  carry  detailed 
information.*"  Luckily,  there  is  one  contemporaneous 
newspaper  article  that  reported  the  trial  in  excellent 
detail.  The  November  10,  1902,  edition  of  the 
Cheyenne  Daily  Leader  contained  a  story  headed,  "BIG 
HORN  COUNTTS  TERRIBLE  TRAGEDY,"  and  it 
occupied  two  long  columns  setting  out  the  events  of 
the  three-day  trial.  It  had  every  sign  of  having  been 
written  by  a  reporter  who  attended  the  trial  and  took 


"  The  District  Court  Journal,  pp.  441-142. 

''  In  addition  to  the  District  Court  Journal,  see  the  1''03  Assessment 

Ta.x  Role,  p.  13. 
"  Smith,  Gleaver,  Martin,  Whitney  and  Jimniertield.   I'lOO  Census,  Big 

Horn  County,  Wyoming. 
"  D.  Ct.  lournal,  p.  443;  "Jim  Gorman  Convicted,"  77v  Big  Horn 

County  News  and  Conner  (Meeteetse),  November  1,  1''02. 
"D.Ct.  Journal,  p.  440. 
'"  Skovgard,  Bium  City,  p.  39. 
'"  "Jim  Gorman  Convicted,"  77v  Big  Horn  County  Ncu's  and  Conner 

(Meeteetse),  November  I,  1902. 
""  The  Basin  Republican  did  not  begin  publication  until  1905. 


26 Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


careful  notes.  Indeed,  there  is  a  good  chance  the 
reporter,  though  not  identified,  was  someone  from 
one  of  the  local  newspapers  specially  hired  for  this 
story.^' 

The  first  witness  called  was  Sheriff  Hale/''-  He 
began  his  testimony  on  Monday,  October  27,  but  it 
is  not  clear  whether  his  testimony  was  concluded  on 
Monday;  a  great  deal  of  time  could  not  have  been 
spent  hearing  testimony  that  day.  What  is  surprising 
is  that  all  the  remaining  testimony  in  the  trial  was 
heard  the  following  day,  and  testimony  was  concluded 
on  that  day. 

The  purpose  of  Hale's  testimony  was  to  set  the 
scene,  to  provide  what  lawyers  refer  to  as  the  corpus 
delicti,  proof  of  the  fundamental  fact  that  a  crime  had 
been  committed.  Hale  used  a  diagram  of  the  crime 
scene  and  told  jurors  about  that  spring  day  when  he 
came  to  the  Gorman  home,  learned  of  "certain 
suspicious  conditions,"  and  "traced  the  body  of  the 
deceased  to  its  resting  place  .  .  ."  The  Cheyenne  Daily 
Leader  reported  that  Hale's  testimony  "was  listened 
to  by  all  in  the  court  room  with  breathless 
attention.  "^'' 

The  second  witness  was  even  more  closely 
heeded,  though,  as  he  provided  sensational  testimony. 
Hugh  Collins  testified  that  he  had  seen  stv'eral 
quarrels  between  the  Gorman  brothers  in  which 
Maggie  "interfered  to  prevent  a  tragic  ending."  Then 
he  stated  that  on  one  occasion,  apparently  when  he 
and  Jim  were  walking  to  Basin,  Gorman  made  some 
startling  admissions.  Tom  had  just  taken  a  .30-30 
Winchester  rifle  and  chased  Jim  away  from  his  home. 
Collins  testified  that  Jim  told  him  that  "he  had 
enjoyed  illicit  relations  with  Mrs.  Maggie  Gorman  for 
about  two  years, "  that  this  was  the  reason  Tom  had 
got  after  him,  and  that  Jim  intended  to  return  with  a 
six-shooter  and  kill  his  brother.*''^ 

The  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader  reported  that  after 
Collin's  direct  testimony,  "Mr.  Enterline  took  him  in 
hand  for  cross  examination,"  that  each  of  Miller's 
damaging  statements  was  "rigidly  dissected,"  but  with 
little  effect,  and  that,  "the  prosecution  felt  that  an 
important  point  had  been  secured  in  establishing  a 
motive  for  the  crime."**'  What  should  be  made  of  this 
testimony?  The  prosecution  had  just  forwarded 
evidence  that  on  its  face  represented  a  damning 


indictment  of  Maggie,  the  most  important  witness  for 
the  prosecution,  showing  she  had  been  engaged  in 
adultery.  The  prosecution  had  to  know,  also,  that 
Maggie  would  deny  any  such  "illicit  relations,"  so  the 
testimony  of  Collins  appeared  to  show  her  a  liar.  Yet 
the  prosecution  painted  Collins'  testimony  as  a  great 
coup,  emphasizing  that  it  established  a  motive. 

These  thoughts  surely  came  to  the  jurors'  minds 
when  the  prosecution  presented  Maggie  as  their  next 
witness.  Until  the  prosecution  called  her  as  a  witness, 
it  was  not  known  by  members  of  the  public  that  she 
was  turning  state's  evidence.  The  announcement  that 
Maggie  would  testify  for  the  prosecution  "caused  a 
sensation  in  court,  as  she  was  charged  jointly  with 
the  defendant  with  the  crime,  for  which  he  was  on 
trial.  "**^^ 

From  the  moment  she  stepped  into  the 
courtroom,  there  was  no  question  that  Maggie  was 
not  about  to  accede  to  the  judgment  of  most  of  Big 
Horn  County  that  she  was  a  scarlet  woman,  complicit 
in  the  murder  of  her  husband.  At  1 1:30,  the  morning 
of  October  28,  1902,  Maggie  appeared,  "entirely  clad 
in  black,  and  heavily  veiled."  There  was  a  brief 
skirmish  in  which  Enterline  protested  the  acceptance 
of  evidence  from  her,  but  to  no  avail,  and  Maggie 
took  the  stand  and  began  her  testimony.  The  Cheyenne 
Daily  Leader  reported  "she  was  apparently  as  cool  and 
self  possessed  as  any  person  in  the  courtroom.  She 
took  off  her  heavy  cloak,  raised  her  black  veil,  and 
looked  at  the  jury  with  an  air  of  composure."^'' 

Maggie  first  told  how  Jim  had  arrived  in  1900, 
and  stated  that  there  had  been  several  quarrels 

*'  On  other  occasions,  the  Daily  Leader  also  printed  thorough  ac- 
counts, indicating  they  were  a  "special  to  Daily  Leader,"  which  is 
consistent  with  the  Cheyenne  paper  engaging  the  services  of  a  local 
reporter.  See,  for  example,  the  July  20,  1903,  issue.  It  is  not  stated 
as  such,  but  it  is  also  possible  that  this  story  is  a  re-print  of  what 
was  also  published  in  the  Big  Horn  County  Rustler. 

*'  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  Novem- 
ber 10,  1902. 

"  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  Novem- 
ber 10,  1902. 

*■'  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  Novem- 
ber 10,  1902. 

'*  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  Novem- 
ber 10,  1902. 

"  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  Novem- 
ber 10,  1902. 

"  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Independent  Leader, 
November  10,  1902. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


27 


between  the  brothers,  but  they  had  made  peace.'*^  She 
said  she  first  noticed  her  husband's  absence  on  April 
20,  1902.  The  next  day,  when  she  had  gone  looking 
for  horses  in  the  adjacent  hills,  she  saw  some  smoke. 
Shortly  afterwards  she  had  a  conversation  with  Jim 
in  which  he  told  her  he  had  killed  her  husband  and 
buried  him  in  a  washout. 

The  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader  reported  the  dramatic 
climax  of  her  testimony: 

She  related  the  stor\'  of  the  murder  as  it  had  been 
told  to  her  with  a  tearful  modulation  ot  her  voice. 
"He  told  me,"  said  she,  "that  Tom  was  coming 
from  the  corral,  and  that,  as  he  came  past  the 
wagon,  I  (Jim)  stepped  trom  behind  it  and  hit  him  a 
biff  with  a  hatchet,  and  that  he  iell  like  a  beef 
without  a  kick  or  a  groan.  He  said  that  he  hit  him  a 
second  time  to  make  sure  that  he  was  dead.  He  did 
not  tell  me  what  he  had  done  with  the  body,"  she 
continued  in  answer  to  questions,  "except  to  say  that 
he  had  decided  not  to  burn  it  because  it  would  cause 
too  much  smoke  and  smell,  and  so  had  buried  it." 

Maggie  continued  and  told  the  jury  she  had  not 
revealed  what  she  had  learned  because  Jim  had 
threatened  to  kill  her  and  her  child  "if  she  said  a  word 
to  anyone  about  the  crime."  In  early  June,  she  started 
to  Montana  with  Gorman  "under  his  threat  to  kill 
her  if  she  did  not."  The  hatchet  used  to  commit  the 
murder  was  shown  to  Maggie  and  she  identified  it.**' 

Here  the  Daily  Leader's  presentation  of  Maggies 
testimony  stops.  Unfortunately,  neither  the  Daily 
Leader,  nor  any  other  newspaper  reported  Enterline's 
following  cross-examination.  Perhaps  he  chose  to  ask 
no  questions  at  all,  which  seems  highly  unlikely,  but 
if  so,  that  striking  moment  surely  would  have  been 
reported.  The  Daily  Leader's  article  is  very  dainty 
regarding  any  references  to  sexual  relations  between 
Jim  and  Maggie.  Besides  the  Collins'  direct  testimony, 
they  report  nothing  regarding  cross-examination  on 
this  subject  (Enterline  surely  addressed  it,  at  least 
indirectly,  in  his  cross-examination  of  Collins).  Nor 
does  the  article  say  anything  about  the  prosecution's 
positions  as  to  whether  their  chief  witness  against 
Jim  was  a  liar  and  an  adulteress. 

Despite  the  lack  of  assistance  from  the  historical 
record,  it  is  clear  what  the  position  of  the  prosecution 


had  to  be.  They  had  to  state  that  Collins  had  told  the 
truth  when  he  said  Jim  had  declared  he  had  "illicit 
relations"  with  Maggie,  but  that  did  not  mean  it  was 
true.  A  lot  of  young  men  strut  around  and  exaggerate 
their  sexual  conquests,  especially  as  to  an 
exceptionally  attractive  woman  such  as  Maggie.  The 
only  thing  that  shows  for  sure  is  that  Jim  strongly 
desired  Maggie,  which  certainly  provides  motive  to 
kill  her  husband,  who  had  driven  him  away  under 
humiliating  circumstances. 

Shortly  after  Maggie's  testimony,  the  prosecution 
completed  its  case  in  chief  and  rested.  Jim 
immediately  took  the  stand  in  his  own  defense.  His 
story,  in  the  most  important  elements,  was  sharply 
different  from  Maggie's. 

Jim  testified  that  he  was  born  in  Allegheny, 
Pennsylvania;  he  came  to  the  Big  Horn  country  in 
1900  "at  the  solicitation  of  his  brother,"  who 
promised  him  a  partnership  in  his  business  interests.'" 
He  lived  with  his  brother  and  his  wife  at  intervals  up 
to  the  time  of  the  killing.  He  stated  that  he  and  his 
brother  quarreled  frequently.  The  first  quarrel  was  over 
the  colors  of  the  British  flag,  Tom  saying  it  was  only 
red  and  white  and  Jim  maintaining  it  was  red,  white. 


All  of  the  discussion  of  Maggie  Gorman's  testimony  here  comes 
from  the  November  10,  1902,  Chiycnne  Dtuly  Leader  article.  The 
author  considers  it  the  most  reliable  source.  There  are  other  recitals 
of  Maggie  Gorman's  testimony  found  in  the  historical  record,  such 
as  that  found  in  Walker,  Stones  of  Early  Days  in  Wyoming  pp.  230- 
33;  M.  B.  Rhodes,  The  Road  of  Yesteryear,  Annals  oj  Wyoming  34 
Ouly,  l')52):  89;  and  Prison,  Under  the  Ten  Sleep  Rim.  pp.  45-48,  but 
all  are  obviously  reconstructions  from  second-hand  information 
and  distant  memory,  are  replete  with  inaccuracies  and,  m  the  author's 
judgment,  are  simply  not  trustworthy,  at  least  in  their  specifics. 
Another  of  these  recitals,  found  in  Gustafson,  Carl  Stanley,  "His- 
tory of  Vigilante  and  Mob  Activity  in  Wyoming,"  Master's  thesis, 
University  of  Wyoming,  May  24,  1961,  p.  49,  the  source  of  which  is 
the  L.  L  Newton  Collection  at  the  American  Heritage  Center  in 
Laramie,  has  a  great  deal  of  detail,  some  of  which  may  be  accurate. 
There  is  so  much  of  it  that  is  clearly  wrong,  however,  that  it  is  hard 
to  know  what  part  is  reliable.  For  instance,  unlike  what  was  stated 
in  this  version,  Jim  and  Maggie  did  not  pull  out  for  Montana 
shortly  after  the  killing.  See  Pendergraft,  Washakie:  A  Wyoming 
County  History,  p.  42. 

"Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cbrtcnne  Daily  Leader, 
November  10,  1902. 

"Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader, 
November  10,  1902.  The  entire  discussion  of  Jim  Gorman's 
testimony  comes  from  this  article. 


28 Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


and  blue.  This  disagreement  escalated  to  the  point  that 
Tom  ordered  Jim  off  the  place  at  rifle  point.  Jim 
testified  that  he  later  returned  at  his  brother's  request. 

Jim  stated  the  next  quarrel  was  caused  by  Maggie 
and  his  brother  had  threatened  his  life  with  a  .30-30 
Winchester.  He  said  Tom  followed  him  out  the  door, 
throwing  a  beer  bottle  at  him  as  he  left,  and  then 
made  him  put  down  a  saddle  "upon  peril  of  his  life." 
Jim  admitted  he  came  to  Basin  on  foot  with  Collins, 
but  denied  that  he  said  anything  regarding  improper 
relations  with  Maggie  or  that  he  threatened  his 
brothers  life.  He  stayed  two  weeks  in  Basin,  but  then 
spent  the  following  six  weeks  with  Kenneth 
McClellan.  Jim  testified  about  his  movements  the  day 
of  the  killing  and  said  he  returned  to  his  brother  s  to 
get  a  horse.  The  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader  reported  that, 
"his  testimony  was  given  with  a  frankness  that  was 
impressive." 

Enterline  then  tossed  Jim  a  slow  and  easy  pitch: 
"Tell  us  what  happened  on  April  20,  1902.  Tell  the 
story  of  that  day  to  the  jury."  The  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader 
reported  his  response  in  careful  detail: 

"In  company  with  my  brother  Tom,  we  began  building 
a  wool  rack,"  said  the  witness.  "We  worked  together 
on  it  tor  some  time  and  he  left  me  and  went  into  the 
house  and  stayed  a  long  time.  About  2  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  Tom  came  out  where  I  was  working,  and 
asked  me  if  I  was  going  home.  Why  don't  you  stay 
and  mart)'  Anna  McClellan,  he  said,  applying  an  obscene 
name  to  her.  I  told  him  that  I  did  not  want  to  marry 
anyone,  and  that  he  had  no  business  to  talk  about 
Maggie's  sister  as  he  did,  as  he  had  sisters  at  home  in 
Pennsylvania.  Tom  got  very  mad  and  left  me  and  went 
back  to  the  house.  I  went  on  with  my  work.  Shortly 
after  our  talk  about  Aina  McClellan  he  came  back, 
and  grabbed  a  broken  singletree  and  said  to  me,  'Now 
get  down  on  your  knees  and  say  your  prayers,  you 

s of  a  b ,'  and  he  struck  me  a  blow  on  the 

side  of  the  head  which  glanced  over  my  left  shoulder. 
I  picked  up  a  shovel  and  threw  it  at  him.  He  kept  on 
coming  at  me,  hitting  me  all  over  the  body  with  the 
singletree.  In  my  excitement  I  grabbed  a  hatchet  and 
struck  him,  I  don't  know  how  many  times.  He  fell  and 
I  dropped  the  hatchet  and  went  to  the  corral,  intending 
to  go  away.  Shortly  after  that  I  came  back  to  where 
Tom  lay  and  found  he  was  dead.  Went  to  the  house 
and  saw  Mrs.  Gorman;  told  her  I  had  had  a  fight  with 


Tom  and  killed  him,  and  that  I  was  going  to  give  myself 
up.  'Don't  do  it,'  she  said,  'they'll  hang  us  both.'  She 
advised  me  to  bury  the  body,  which  I  did.  I  dragged  it 
to  the  washout,  laid  it  in,  and  caved  the  sides  down  for 
dirt  to  cover  it  with.  Next  morning,  I  discovered  a  fire 
on  the  grave,  but  I  did  not  build  it.  Mrs.  Gorman  said 
that  a  fire  would  destroy  all  signs  of  fresh  dug  earth."" 

The  cross-examination  of  Jim  is  not  reported,  but 
the  response  of  Maggie  certainly  is.  The  trial  went 
into  an  evening  session,  and  at  7:30  that  night,  Maggie 
was  recalled  for  rebuttal.  The  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader 
reported  that,  "she  denied  point  blank  several 
statements  made  by  the  defense."  The  exact 
statements  are  not  identified,  but  can  be  easily  inferred 
by  the  inconsistencies  in  the  two  versions.  Maggie 
most  likely  denied  Jim  had  reported  a  fight  requiring 
self-defense,  that  she  had  told  him  not  to  give  himself 
up,  advised  him  to  bury  the  body,  or  suggested  a  fire. 

The  case  resumed  the  next  morning  at  8  o'clock, 
but  no  further  evidence  was  presented.'"  In  Wyoming, 
after  the  evidence  is  closed,  the  jury  is  first  instructed 
and  then  arguments  are  given.  In  a  first  degree  murder 
case,  the  most  important  instruction  is  a  general 
verdict  form  which  includes  lesser  offenses.  The  jury 
is  told  to  first  determine  whether  a  defendant  is  guilty 
of  murder  in  the  first  degree,  but  if  they  find  the 
defendant  not  guilty  of  murder  in  the  first  degree, 
then  to  consider  the  lesser  offense  of  murder  in  the 
second  degree.'-  Then  if  they  find  the  defendant  not 
guilty  of  second  degree  murder,  they  are  to  consider 
the  lesser  charge  of  manslaughter.  This  instruction 
was  no  doubt  given  in  the  Gorman  case  and  is  given 
today.'''*  There  is  also  little  doubt  that  each  of  the 
attorneys  spent  a  long  time  arguing  from  this 
instruction,  although  the  contemporaneous 
newspaper  articles  do  not  provide  the  details  of  the 


'"  "Big  Horn  Counr)''s  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  No- 
vember 10,  1902. 

''-  "Big  Horn  County's  Terrible  Tragedy,"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  Novem- 
ber 10,  1902. 

'"  4.03A,  Wyoming's  Criminal  Pattern  Jury  Instructions,  Revised  as  of 
April,  1996.  This  instruction  is  referred  to  as  a  "lesser  included 
offense  instruction."  See  Comment,  "  The  Lesser  Included  Offense  Ln- 
struction.  Problems  With  Its  Use,"  3  Land  &  Water  L.  Rev.  587  (1967), 
by  John  W.  Davis. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 29 


arguments.  Zaring  began  for  the  state  "with  a  short 
address,  in  which  he  reviewed  the  hicts  and  deduced 
conchisions  from  them."'^  Enterhne  then  gave  the 
principal  argument  on  behah  ot  Jim,  and  he  spoke  tor 
two  and  one-halt  hours.  He  was  followed  by  Blake, 
who,  in  return,  was  followed  by  the  prosecuting 
attorney,  Collins.'"'  Although  we  do  not  have  a  report 
of  the  content  of  the  arguments,  again,  they  can  be 
inferred. 

The  prosecution  no  doubt  argued  strongly  for  a 
first  degree  murder  conviction,  saying  that  the 
evidence  showed  Jim  killed  his  brother  purposely  and 
with  premeditated  malice,  as  required  by  the  fust 
degree  murder  statute."  Jim's  statements  to  Colhns, 
the  prosecution  wotdd  have  argued,  strongly  show 
he  had  been  planning  to  kill  his  brother  for  months, 
and  the  testimon\'  of  Maggie  shows  Jim  just 
ambushed  his  brother  and,  rather  than  acting  in  self- 
defense,  hit  him  a  second  time  to  finish  him  off.  The 
defense,  on  the  other  hand,  no  doubt  argued  that 
neither  Collins  nor  Maggie  was  credible,  but  that  Jim's 
account  was  believable,  and  that  he  was  justified  in 
using  deadly  force,  as  he  reasonably  believed  his 
brother  Tom  intended  to  take  his  life  or  inflict  great 
bodily  harm  upon  him."*^ 

After  the  arguments,  the  jur\'  was  put  in  charge 
of  the  bailiff,  and  retired  to  their  room  for 
deliberation.  All  the  other  participants  just  waited. 
Time  moves  very  slowlv  for  those  waiting  for  the 
return  of  a  jury.  In  State  v.  James  Gorman,  though,  the 
wait  was  not  extensive;  the  jury  was  not  out  long,  at 
least  not  for  a  murder  case.  The  jurors  returned  to 
the  courtroom  at  8  p.  m.,  having  deliberated  for  four 
and  one-half  hours. 

The  announcement  of  a  verdict  is  a  formal  event; 
the  defendant  must  be  present  and  the  official 
participants  in  the  trial,  the  judge,  attorneys,  bailiff 
and  clerk  of  court,  also  appear.  Jim  was  brought  into 
the  courtroom  and  when  all  the  players  were  gathered, 
the  verdict  was  read: 

"We  the  jur\'  duly  empanelled  and  sworn  in  the  above 
entitled  cause  do  find  the  defendant  guilty  of 
manslaughter. 

--F.  A.  Whitney  Foreman.'"" 


Just  a  few  days  after  his  conviction  of  manslaugh- 
ter, Iim  asked  the  district  court  for  a  new  trial.  The 
prosecution  consented  to  the  recjuest  and  a  new  trial 
granted.  At  that  time,  the  highest  appellate  courts  in 
eleven  states  had  ruled  that  when  such  a  request  was 
made,  the  prosecution  could  not  again  try  a  defen- 
dant for  first  or  second  degree  murder,  because  of 
double  leopardy  considerations.  Eleven  other  states, 
however,  had  ruled  that  the  request  for  a  new  trial 
represented  a  waiver  of  double  jeopardy  protection. 
When  a  new  judge,  Charles  Carpenter  of  Laramie, 
was  presented  with  the  question  in  April  1903,  he 
agreed  with  the  latter  group  of  states,  and  ruled  the 
prosecution  could  proceed  with  a  charge  of  first  de- 
gree murder.  Upon  re-trial,  Gorman  was  convicted 
of  first  degree  murder,  which  then  carried  an  auto- 
matic death  penalty. 

An  appeal  followed,  but  many  of  the  men  in  the 
area  objected  to  the  delays.  There  was  talk  of  a 
lynching,  both  of  Gorman  and  Joseph  P.  Walters,  who 
was  also  in  the  Big  Horn  County  jail  pending  an  appeal 
of  a  murder  conviction.  The  talk  was  strong  enough 
that  m  July  the  sheriff  took  the  men  out  of  their 
cells  to  a  place  north  of  Basin.  Gorman  then  escaped, 
although  he  was  re-captured  three  days  later.  His 
escape  very  much  excited  the  men  who  believed  a 


"  The  Gorman  file  cannot  be  found  and  the  instructions  given  to  the 
jur\-  are,  therefore,  not  available,  hut  subsequent  events  show  that  it 
must  have  been  given;  i.  e.,  the  legal  battle  over  the  consequences  of 
such  an  instruction.  Such  instructions  were  given  to  juries  even  in 
territorial  times.  See,  tor  example.  Territory  v.  WHliiim  Booth,  Johnson 
Countv  District  Court  Case  No.  7^,  found  in  the  records  ot  the 
Johnson  County  Clerk  ot  the  Disttict  Court  and  h-rritory  v.  tlids  R. 
5;h;V/',  Johnson  Countv  D.  Ct.  case  No.  1  l4. 

'^  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  November  10,  1902. 

'"'  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader.  November  10,  1902.  The  newspaper  article 
does  not  recire  Collins  name,  but  sinipK  refers  to  "the  prosecuting 
attorney,"  who  was  Wintleld  Scott  Collins.  One  would  expect  the 
county  attorney  to  save  for  himself  an  important  role  m  the  final 
argument. 

""  Revised  Statutes  of  Wyoming  1899,  §  49S0. 

"■^  This  formulation  directly  follows  Ron  v.  State.  8  Wyo.  t'i  1 ,  38.^,  ^7  P. 
924  (1899),  in  which  the  Wyoming  Supreme  Court  laid  out  clear 
rules  as  to  when  deadly  force  is  permitted  in  self  defense. 

""  D.  Ct.  Journal,  p.  -450. 


30 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


lynching  was  needed,  and  on  July  19,  1903,  a  mob  of     eight  men.  The  first  case  to  be  tried,  however,  was 
some  thirty  men  entered  the  jail.  They  shot  to  death      conducted  in  an  atmosphere  of  intimidation  and  the 
Gorman,  Walters,  and  a  deputy  sheriff  Shortly      prosecution's  case  fell  apart.  All  charges  were  dismissed 
thereafter,  Maggie  received  a  note  saying  if  she  did  not      against  the  defendants.  JjU 
leave  the  country,  the  same  thing  would  happen  to 
her.  Of  course,  she  left.  The  Big  Horn  County 
authorities  attempted  to  prosecute  members  of  the 
lynch  mob,  and  even  obtained  indictments  against 


John  W.  Davis 


grew  up  in  Worland,  Wyoming,  and  has  practiced  law  tliere  since  1973. 
He  is  tlie  author  of  A  Vast  Amount  of  Trouble:  A  History  of  the  Spring 
Creek  Raid,  published  by  the  University  Press  of  Colorado  in  1993.  Mr. 
Davis  is  married  and  he  and  his  wife,  Celia,  have  two  sons.  Their  home 
is  known  as  The  Worland  House.  It  was  built  originally  in  1917  for  Charlie 
and  Sadie  Worland  and  is  on  the  National  Register  of  Historic  Places. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


31 


t  has  been  fifiy-five  years  sj^- 
have  called  "The  Grea^  BE 
hit  parts  of  Wyoming  ani 
the  2003  annualmeeting  Q 
State      Historical      Societ)! 
Ehernberger  presented  an  i| 
ecjucational  program  abou^ 
|ial  WSHS  members  afsl 
eriences  with  the  large  ieifis: 
ire  the  reminiscenees  of  Ainy 
James  Ehernberger,  and  Luc^ 
all  long-time  WSHS  merri^^" 
they  and  theii?  families  1 
that  blizzard  ift  early  1919. :«', 


Amy  Lawrence 

On  January  2,  1 949,  my  mother  noted  in  her  diary, 
"Big  storm  starting  at  noon — 40  mi.  wind  and  snow." 
That  was  not  unusual  for  that  time  of  year  in  the 
Little  Laramie  Valley.  But  it  kept  snowing  and  the 
wind  came  up  and  blew  and  blew  and  by  daylight  the 
situation  began  to  look  serious.  It  was  serious,  tor 
this  was  the  beginning  of  the  infamous  blizzard  that 
devastated  much  of  the  West,  leaving  in  its  wake 
ranges  littered  with  dead  livestock;  roads  blocked  by 
abandoned  vehicles;  trains  buried  in  snowdrifts;  a 
human  toll  of  deaths  and  injuries  irom  frostbite  and 
exhaustion  and  broken  dreams.  Cattle  actually  died 
standing  up  as  the  wind  blew  the  snow  under  their 
hair  where  it  melted,  then  froze,  encasing  them  in  an 
icy  death. 

This  was  not  just  one  blizzard,  but  a  series  of 
storms,  one  right  after  the  other  that  swept  the  Plains 
states  and  kept   the  people   reeling  from   one 


muism 


catastrophe  to  another.  It  was  well  into  spring  before 
things  began  to  get  back  to  normal  and  the  cost 
counted.  There  are  countless  stories  of  hardship  and 
suffering  and  courage  during  this  rough  time. 

My  parents.  Bill  and  Rena  Lawrence,  had  a  ranch 
on  the  Little  Laramie  River  about  twenty  miles 
northwest  of  Laramie.  This  is  their  story — and  mine. 
I  was  working  in  Laramie  at  that  time.  I  managed  to 
get  to  work  at  a  garage  on  2nd  Street  that  Monday 
morning  after  the  storm  began,  but  it  was  three  days 
before  I  could  get  back  to  my  apartment  on  1 8'''  Street. 
Every  street  and  intersection  was  clogged  with  stalled 
cars  and  snow  drifts,  so  I  bunked  with  friends  who 
lived  nearby.  All  I  could  do  to  help  my  folks  at  that 
point  was  to  worry. 

Meanwhile,  mom  and  dad,  who  were  both  m  their 
sixties,  were  trying  to  cope  with  the  possibility  of 
losing  our  entire  herd  of  cattle.  The  cattle  had  to  be 
fed  and  waterholes  cut  for  them.  This  was  long  before 


Lawrence  Ranch  on  the  Little  Laramie  River  Courtesy  Amy 
Lawrence. 


32 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


the  massive  tractors  with  front  end  loaders,  or  four- 
wheel  drive  vehicles  were  available  to  the  general 
public,  and  the  efficient  winter  clothing  we  have  now 
was  not  even  imagined.  Instead,  dad  had  to  resort  to 
layers  of  "long  Johns,"  wool  shirts,  jeans,  and  overalls, 
and  topped  it  all  off  with  a  heavy  sheepskin  lined 
coat.  At  this  point  he  resembled  a  huge,  lumbering 
bear,  and  would  probably  have  sold  our  outfit  for  some 
of  today's  insulated  clothing.  The  hardest  part  was 
keeping  his  feet  from  freezing.  There  were  wool 
socks,  sheepskin  liners,  and  over  that  some  massive 
four-buckle  overshoes.  Dad  was  nearly  six  feet  tall — 
with  feet  to  match.  He  had  to  get  all  of  that,  and 
himself,  on  a  horse,  because  that  was  the  only  viable 
transportation.  As  an  experienced  Wyoming  cowboy, 
he  had  a  set  of  extra-wide  stirrups  for  this  kind  of 
weather. 

This  already  had  been  a  hard  winter.  A  big  snow 
storm  on  December  21  had  clogged  the  roads, 
curtailing  Christmas  shopping  and  celebrations.  The 
pasture  we  had  rented  was  more  than  four  miles  across 
country,  and  otir  cattle  had  to  be  fed.  So  on  December 
18  dad  had  saddled  up  his  biggest,  toughest  saddle 
horse,  and,  leading  an  extra  horse,  headed  for  that 
pasture,  establishing  a  pattern  that  continued  for 
several  weeks.  Some  fences  and  roads  were  buried, 
but  dad,  with  a  cowboy's  memory  ot  his  landscape, 
managed  to  find  the  gates,  river  crossings,  and  bridges 
necessary  to  get  him  to  the  pasture  in  late  afternoon, 
with  just  enough  light  to  feed  the  cattle.  This  pasture 
had  an  extra  bonus,  small  springs  located  in  heavy 
stands  of  willows,  which  offered  shelter  and  water 
for  our  cattle,  and  may  have  helped  save  our  herd. 

Mother,  of  course,  was  left  to  try  to  cope  with 
struggling  out  to  get  her  chickens  fed  and  out  to  the 
barn  to  feed  a  couple  of  young  bulls  we  had  there. 
Although  dad  had  dug  out  paths,  the  constantly 
blowing  snow  usually  filled  them  in  quickly.  The 
Rural  Electrification  Association  did  not  reach  us 
until  the  following  summer,  so  we  did  not  yet  have 
electricity  or  running  water  and  mother  was  constantly 
tormented  by  her  worry  about  dad.  Since  the 
telephone  was  usually  out,  he  could  not  even  call  to 
tell  her  if  he  had  arrived  safely  at  Uncle  Jack's. 

I  remember  times  during  lesser  blizzards  in  later 
years  when  dad  would  head  out  to  the  meadow  in  his 


big  truck  to  feed  the  cattle.  If  he  wasn't  back  by  close 
to  noon,  all  we  could  do  was  worry  and  pace  the  floor. 
There  was  no  way  we  could  have  found  him  if  he 
was  in  trouble.  There  were  many  dangers  out  there. 
The  truck  could  get  stuck,  he  could  fall  and  break  a 
leg,  or  he  could  slip  and  fall  into  the  waterhole  on  the 
river.  Wet  feet  meant  frozen  feet.  These  waterholes 
had  to  be  chopped  out  daily  and  sometimes  when 
the  water  was  dammed  up  downstream,  it  would  come 
up  through  the  waterhole,  creating  an  especially 
treacherous,  slick  surface.  Or  the  snow  had  drifted 
in  and  had  to  be  shoveled  out.  As  the  water  dropped, 
and  the  ice  and  snow  built  up,  sometimes  dad  would 
have  to  chop  steps  down  to  the  water  and  shovel 
gravel  out  of  the  bottom  to  cover  the  ice  and  make  it 
less  treacherous  for  the  stock. 

So  there  was  plenty  to  worry  about  that  winter 
of '49.  We  had  our  heifers  in  our  meadow,  and  luckily, 
on  January  5  there  was  a  break  in  the  storm  so  dad 
was  able  to  find  them  just  as  they  were  beginning  to 
pile  up  against  a  fence,  and  get  them  to  shelter  and 
feed. 

Several  things  saved  the  Little  Laramie 
community  from  an  even  worse  disaster.  Only  three 
of  the  storms  actually  hit  our  valley,  another  skirted 
north  of  us.  The  Rawlins  area  and  the  northern  part 
of  Albany  County  were  in  far  worse  shape  than  we 
were.  National  Guard  trucks  and  planes  struggled  to 
get  feed  to  stranded  cattle,  but  the  losses  were  terrible 
in  some  areas.  Other  factors  that  helped  us  out  were 
our  old  party  telephone  line— a  "party  line"  radio 
program  that  relayed  messages;  and  a  rotary  snow 
plow  that  had  recently  been  purchased  by  the 
California  Oil  Company  at  the  then  active  Quealy 
Dome  oil  field. 

We  could  not  ring  the  phone  operator,  but  she 
opened  the  line  at  specified  times  of  the  day  to  take 
and  relay  messages.  She  also  coordinated  with  the 
Quealy  field  and  told  her  listeners  when  the  snow  plow 
was  coming  through.  Those  who  had  to  get  to  town 
could  follow  the  plow  and  follow  it  back  the  next  day. 
On  one  occasion,  a  neighbor  had  a  badly  frozen  face, 
and  with  the  help  of  the  operator  and  the  big  plow 
they  were  able  to  get  him  to  town  for  the  necessary 
medical  attention. 

Since  the  plowed  road  was  close  to  our  house 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


33 


■0 


Amy  Lawrence  on 
Lawrence  Road  near  the 
family  ranch.  January 
1949.  Courtesy  Amy 
Lawrence. 


and  I  was  able  to  talk  to  the  folks  on  the  parry  line 
when  there  was  a  break  in  the  storms,  I  would  load 
up  on  groceries  and  whatever  else  the  folks  needed, 
and  bring  them  out.  I  would  park  on  the  road  and 
dad  would  bring  my  old  "Flyer"  sled  and  we  would 
load  it  with  boxes  and  slide  it  down  to  the  house. 
However,  the  grocery  situation  was  never  critical 
because  mother,  trained  byyearsof  Wyoming  winters, 
always  had  a  full  pantry.  I  still  do,  and  have  probably 
enough  food  on  hand  to  survive  several  blizzards. 


On  February  18,  mother  wrote  that  it  was 
"Thawing  and  Pleasant."  The  "Blizzard  of  '49"  was 
over.  Although  our  family  and  most  of  our  cattle 
survived  the  blizzard,  dad  never  lully  recovered  his 
health  Irom  those  terrible  rides  across  country.  Some 
of  our  neighbors  suHered  several  cattle  losses,  many 
had  frostbite,  one  was  coping  with  the  unexpected 
birth  of  a  child  who  arrived  a  month  early.  But,  like 
most  ol  the  other  ranchers  on  the  Laramie  Plains,  we 
all  dug  out,  rebuilt,  and  waited  for  green  grass. 


My  mother,  Rena  Palmer  Lawrence,  kept  a  diary  beginning  with  her  high  school  days  in  1916. 
Similar  ranch  diaries  are  an  invaluable  historical  source.  In  them,  ranch  wives  noted  the  weather, 
shipping  and  calving  dates,  haying,  and  other  ranch  activities.  These  diaries  have  even  been  used  as 
evidence  in  legal  disputes  such  as  taxes  owed.  Following  are  excerpts  during  the  time  of  the  1949 
blizzard. 

Note:  Dad,  William  H.  "Bill"  Lawrence,  had  leased  pasture  Irom  Johnny  McGill  and  took  oiu' 
cows  there  November  20.  This  field  adjoined  the  Jack  Sanderson  ranch  on  what  is  now  Forbes  Lane. 
Jack  was  my  great  uncle.  Mother's  parents.  Axel  and  Amanda  Palmer,  lived  on  what  is  now  the 
Browns  Creek  Angus  Ranch,  a  mile  from  where  we  lived  at  that  time  and  where  I  still  live.' 

--  Amy  Lawrence 
Dec.  21,  19^8 — Tuesday — Beginningofbigsnow  in  eve. 

Dec.  22 —  To  toivn  to  shop  for  Holidays — Dad  followed  me — because  ofsiiou  ■ — School  program  in  eve  at  Millbrook 
School. 
Dec.  23 — Started  feeding  at  McGills 

'  Amy  Lawrence  has  the  diary  in  her  possessions.  The  entries 
are  printed  as  written  in  the  diary. 


34 


Annals  of  Wvoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


Dec.  24 — Billy  gets  folks — Jack  andAiny  here  for  Christmas  Eve  dinner — open  packages.  Lots  of  snow. 

Dec.  25 — Bill  and  Amy  get  stuck  in  ditch  at  McGills  while  feeding — late  dinner  Jack  couldn't  come — Folks 

both  have  bad  colds — A  [Amy]  to  town  in  eve. — Ground  blizzard — cold 

Dec.  2G — Sim — Billy  late  from  Jack's 

Dec.  27 — Tried  to  get  to  Mom's — stuck  on  hill — Mom  has  flu — snoiv-cold-windy.  Lute  Fisk  dinner  for 

Coykendalls. 

Dec.  28 — Mom  some  better — practically  snowed  in — Bilh  rides  to  Jack's 

Dec.  30 — Finally  got  to  Folks.  Walked  in  fom  road.  Mom  better  Billy  rode 

Dec.  30 — Friday — Billy  rode.  Took  dinner  and  shared  it  with  folks. — Fair 

Jan.  1,  1949 — Went  to  [Holly]  Hunt's  for  annual  party — played  poker — visited — -fitn. 

Jan.  2 — Sunday — Big  ston?i  starting  at  noon — 40  mi.  wiyid  and  snow — very  cold — allnite — B  barely  makes 

it  home  with  truck  [1929  Model  A]  from  Jack's — phone  out 

Jan.  3 — Teyrible  blizzard  all  day  and  all  nite — zero — sifts  in  everywhere — B  couldn't  feed  even  here — puts 

btdls,  horses  in  barn. 

Jan.  4 —  Tues.  — No  let  up — Blizzard  all  day  and  nite  again — zero — cleared  up  a  bit  in  p.  m. ,  B  finds  calves 

scattered — open  stack — chickens  in  bad  way — grain  room  filled  [with  sifiingsnow] — 8  ft.  drifts  sheds  and 

fence — across  road 

Jan.  5 — Wed — calm  at  last — very  cold — B  finds  strayed  calves — nearly  gone — B  rides  to  Jack's — almost 

impossible — thru  fields — Calif.  [California  Oilfield  at  Quealy  Dome]  snow  plow  rotary  open  road  around 

hill — took  lunch  to  boys — they  took  24  hours  to  Baths  [about  four  miles]. 

Jan.  G —  Thurs — Billy  rides  to  Jacks — digs  out  grain  room,  garage  and  chicken  house — Fark  [Frank  Coykendall 

a  neighbor]  rides  up — his  cattle  at  airport — he  goes  horseback — alone  [ten  to  twelve  miles].  Very  cold — very 

cold. 

Jan.  8 — Sat — Fair — cold — wind  towards  evening — B  rides  to  Jack's — still  tough — Phone  out. 

Jan.  9 — Sun — Blizzard  again — fi-om  East.  Not  quite  so  severe  as  last.  Very  cold.  Tough  on  Billy.  Earl 

[Bath]  freezes  face. 

Jan.  10 — Mon.  Storm  let  up — turned  warmer  about  noon. 

Jan.  11 — Tues. — Folks  here — first  time  since  Christmas — nice  visit — fair — cold 

Jan.  12 — Bun  hare  stops  by — fair 

Jan.  13 — Thurs.  Doris  takes  Earl  to  doctor — face  fivzen — bad 

Jan.  14 — to  town — sttwk  in  snow  at  Bamforts  Hill — Bob  Knadler  and  Dad  help  me  out — hurried  shopping — 

Roads  drifiing  bad  in  valley.  — Fair — wind 

Jan.  15 — Sat — Netv  storm — snow,  wind,  zero — A  couldn't  come — roads  drified — Tough  ride  for  B. 

Jan.  16- — Eddie  Fritzen  [with  California  Co.  and  plow] — brings  groceries — some  wind,  cold,  fair 

Jan.  17 — River  overflowing — firezing — getting  bad — cloudy — very  cold 

Jan.  18 — C.O.C.  [California  Oil  Co.]  opens  road — big  storm  goes  around  us — some  snow — cold 

Jan.  22 — Sat. — Amy  out  in  p.m. — stayed  for  supper — cold  and  fair — 

Jan.  24 — Amy  out  for  nite — very  cold — fair 

Jan.  27 — Folks  engine  out  [this  was  the  Kohler  system  that  supplied  electricity] 

Jan.  28 — Friday — 35  below — listened  to  game — Colo  Aggies — Wyo — wowU^ 


-    The  University  of  Wyoming  Cowboy  basketball  team  defeated  the  Colorado  Aggies  that  night  56-39  at  Fort  Collins.  The  two 
teams  played  again  the  following  night  again  at  Fort  Collins  with  the  same  result.  Cowboy  53,  Aggies  41. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


35 


Feb.  2 — Wed. — Kirk  helped  B  bring  cows  home  from  McGilh — cold — clear. 

Feb.  3 — Folks  got  engine  started  at  last  [water  and  lights  restored]. 

[Blowing  and  drifiing  snow  and  cold  each  day.] 

Feb.  6- — Sun. — Blew  and  drifted  terribly  all  day. 

Feb.  7 — Clear — Blowing  and  drifting.  All  roads  closed.  Trains  stalled. 

Feb.  8 — Still  blowing  and  drifting  badly.  B  couldn't  feed  till  p.m. 

[Cold,  drifting  snow  until  Feb.  1 1.[ 

Feb.  12 — Saturday — Neighbors  here  waiting  for  snow  plow.  Large  convoy  folloiinng  it. — B  stalls  mick  in  Mandel 

lane — bringing  out  grain.  B  cr  I  work  2  hrs.  to  get  it  out.  Clear,  snow  in  eve. — very  cold. 

Feb.  13 — A  starts  to  toivn — has  to  turn  back.  Cal.  Opens  Mandel  Lane — Harry  and  Doris  [Bath]  to  Dr. — 

frozen  feet. — Fair,  very  cold  and  windy. 

Feb.  14 — Alon — A  goes  in  with  convoy  andfudy  LeVasser  [water  commissionn]  har  for  limch  ayid dynamite  water 

holes. — fim  May  brings  week's  mail.  Wyo.  Beats  U.  State  44-36.  Bitter  cold  ivind. 

Feb.  16- — Wednesday — B  &  I  to  town  at  List — about  six  weeks — warmer — thawed  a  bit.  Too  windy  to  feed  in 

a.  m. 

Feb.  18 — Friday — Yeomatr^  here  to  clear  stacks  and  yard — here  for  lunch.  Thawing — pleasant. 


Yeoman  had  a  heavy  equipment  business  and  cleared  out  the 
drifts  for  several  ranches  with  a  "Cat  " 


James  L.  Ehernberger 

For  those  of  us  who  Hved  through  and  witnessed 
the  Great  BHzzard  oi  1949,  vivid  memories  will 
remain  with  us  throughout  our  hfetime.  It  was  an 
event  in  our  hves  we  could  never  forget  any  more 
than  the  Great  Depression,  Pearl  Harbor,  John  F. 
Kennedy's  assassination,  and,  oi  course,  now  Nine- 
Eleven.  One  thing  about  it,  this  storm  played  no 
favorites  as  everyone  and  everything  was 
SNOWBOUND. 

My  family  lived  in  Bushnell,  Nebraska,  just  ten 
miles  east  of  Pine  Bluffs.  We  were  more  "Wyoming" 
than  Nebraska  because  Pine  Bluffs  is  where  we 
attended  the  movie  theatre,  visited  the  doctor  and 
dentist,  did  much  of  our  grocery  shopping,  and  last 
but  not  least,  attended  the  Laramie  County  Fair.  We 
moved  to  Cheyenne  in  1950. 

My  father  operated  a  blacksmith  shop  and  a 
hardware  store.  It  was  on  Sunday,  January  2,  1949, 
that  I  remember  assisting  my  father  with  the  annual 
inventory  in  our  hardware  store.  This  was  a  good  job 
for  a  twelve-year-old  because  I  could  easily  climb  up 
and  down  the  large  racks  that  contained  various  types 


of  bolts  (carriage  and  machine)  and  pipe  fittings 
(black  and  galvanized).  It  was  during  this  inventory 
when  one  of  the  local  ranchers  came  in  lor  hardware 
to  hang  storm  windows.  His  ranch  consisted  ol  sheep 
and  he  told  us  that  a  big  storm  was  coming  in.  His 
prediction  came  true  about  four  o'clock  that 
afternoon.  The  storm  blew  in  very  rapidly,  even 
though  the  day  was  already  windy  and  cloudy,  but 
once  the  snow  started  to  fall  there  was  no  doubt  that 
it  was  a  genuine  blizzard. 

The  blizzard  continued  into  the  night  and  did  not 
let  up  on  the  following  day,  nor  did  it  subside  at  any 
time  during  January  4.  However,  on  Wednesday,  the 
morning  dawned  with  clear  skies  and  less  wind.  The 
sights  were  unbelievable,  snow  had  drifted  all  over 
town.  These  weren't  soft  drifts.  This  snow  was 
packed  like  cement!  Drifts  all  the  way  up  to  the  eaves 
of  the  roofs  were  common  sights.  Automobiles  were 
completely  buried.  No  trains  were  running.  The 
highways  were  closed.  NOTHING  WAS  MOVING! 
EVERYONE  WAS  SNOWBOUND! 

Having  been  more  or  less  snowbound  since 
Sunday,  I  did  venture  to  our  local  railroad  depot  about 


36 Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


a  block  away.  I  had  an  interest  in  the  railroad  even  at 
that  young  age.  Our  small  depot  was  divided  into 
three  sections.  One  was  the  lobby,  the  center  portion 
was  the  agents  office,  and  the  other  section  was  the 
freight  room.  This  was  one  of  the  few  times  I  could 
recall  the  old  coal  stove  was  fired  up  in  the  lobby 
area.  The  cars  froze  to  the  track  and  could  not  get 
out  of  Hillsdale,  Wyoming,  so  all  other  trains  were 
held.  The  Streamliner,  City  of  Portland,  was  held  at 
Egbert,  Wyoming,  and  the  City  ofLosA/igeles  was  held 
at  Pine  Bluffs. 

The  agent  and  section  foreman  had  discussed 
another  Streamliner,  Cit)>  of  San  Francisco,  which  was 
at  nearby  Kimball,  Nebraska,  while  the  morning  mail 
train  was  held  at  Dix,  Nebraska.  All  of  the 
streamlined  trains  were  diesel  powered,  but  the  cold 
weather  caused  problems  and  eventually  the  cars  on 
the  trains  started  freezing.  The  train  held  at  Kimball 
required  all  passengers  to  be  evacuated,  filling  up  the 
Wheat  Growers  Hotel,  and  many  local  residents 
allowed  passengers  into  their  homes  as  well. 

Trains  were  detoured  over  another  Union  Pacific 
line  via  Sterling,  Colorado,  then  to  Cheyenne  where 
they  went  to  their  destination.  Eastward  trains  had 
to  use  the  same  route  until  the  entire  railroad  could 
be  dug  out  by  huge  steam-powered  rotary  snowplows, 
and  each  of  the  cars  pulled  out  of  the  drifts  one-by- 
one. 

Our  three-day  storm  was  nothing  in  comparison 
to  other  parts  of  the  country.  President  Harry  Truman 
authorized  disaster  relief  and  ordered  the  military  to 
assist.  It  was  this  assistance  that  allowed  the  use  of 
heavy  equipment  in  the  attempts  to  keep  roads  open 
as  much  as  possible.  Airlifts  prevented  many  livestock 
losses.  With  the  military's  assistance  the  human  loss 
was  kept  to  a  minimum. 

Subsequent  storms  presented  additional  problems 
because  the  wind  kept  blowing  in  country  roads  that 
had  been  plowed.  However,  other  parts  of  northern 
Colorado,  Nebraska,  South  Dakota,  and  Wyoming 
suffered  much  more  than  we  did.  The  Union  Pacific 
location  section  foreman  and  some  of  his  men  were 
stoking  the  fire.  The  foreman  was  listening  on  the 
train  dispatcher's  telephone  mounted  on  the  wall,  and 
on  several  occasions  he  conversed  with  the  agent 
about  plans  to  open  the  railroad.  As  it  turned  out, 


the  section  of  railroad  between  Cheyenne  and  Sidney, 
Nebraska,  had  several  passenger  trains  stalled  in 
various  communities,  and  it  was  at  least  a  week  after 
the  storm  that  train  operations  got  back  to  somewhat 
of  a  normal  schedule. 

Due  to  the  poor  visibility  during  the  blizzard,  the 
trains  could  not  view  the  wayside  signals.  It  was 
necessary  to  "station  block"  the  trains.  In  other  words, 
before  a  train  could  move  to  the  next  station,  it  would 
have  to  have  reached  the  second  station  beyond. 
There  was  a  fleet  of  passenger  trains  on  the  morning 
of  January  3,  the  first  being  the  Los  Angeles  Limited 
that  was  pulled  by  a  steam  locomotive.  This  train 
experienced  a  two-week  tie-up  (the  longest  in  history) 
in  the  area  west  of  Rock  River  to  the  continental 
divide  during  February. 

Looking  back  on  this  great  blizzard,  while  it  was 
severe,  our  family  did  not  suffer  any  big  losses.  The 
farmers  and  ranchers  suffered  the  most  because  of 
livestock  loss.  Train  travelers  were  delayed,  but  were 
always  fed.  All  highways  were  closed.  The  railroads 
were  strapped  with  many  expenses  keeping  their  lines 
open  and  operating  special  snowplow  trains.  In  the 
Dakotas  it  was  not  until  late  March  before  some 
people  could  get  out. 

Luckily,  my  father  had  purchased  a  truckload  of 
Hanna  coal  that  fall,  and  we  had  a  fairly  full  coal  bin 
when  the  storm  struck.  We  had  plenty  of  home 
canned  foods  too.  My  mother  had  plenty  of  baking 
supplies  and  provided  bread  and  rolls.  The  little 
grocery  store  across  the  street  (requiring  us  to  tunnel 
through  the  drift)  ran  out  of  milk  and  many  other 
provisions,  but  we  all  managed  somehow.  Our 
electricity  never  failed. 

Since  no  other  storm  of  this  magnitude  struck  in 
this  region  prior  to  the  end  of  1999,  I  am  able  to  say 
I  had  witnessed  THE  STORM  OF  THE  CENTURY. 

Lucille  Dumbrill 

I  was  a  senior  at  the  University  of  Wyoming  and 
my  home  was  in  Laramie.  I  was  what  the  students  at 
UW  called  a  "Laramie  Girl."  I  was  engaged  to  marry 
a  young  man  from  Upton,  Wyoming,  Richard 
Dumbrill,  who  was  also  a  student  and  a  returning 
veteran. 


Annals  of  Wyoming.  The  Wvoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


37 


One  of  the  trains  ovemhelmed  by  the  snow  dunng  the  1949  blizzard.  This  train  was  stucl<  outside  of 
Rawlins.  Wyoming.  Courtesy  UW American  Heritage  Center 

Dick  had  gone  home  to  Upton  tor  the  Christmas  unable  to  order  from  or  go  to  the  grocery  store.  She 

vacation,  but  came  back  early  in  order  to  spend  time  decided  that  someone  should  go  to  the  little  store 

with  me  and  my  family  before  school  started.  We  had  around  the  corner  from  the  house  for  milk  and  some 

spent  some  time  together  on  New  Years  Day  and  he  other  things  the  store  still  might  have.  We  ciecided  it 

had  returned  to  his  abode,  which  was  a  Butler  hut  on  woiddnt  be  sate  tor  one  or  two  people  to  go  alone 

the  university  campus.  That  night  it  began  to  snow  because  ot  the  terribly  high  winds  that  woidd  blow  a 

and  since  he  had  been  raised  on  a  ranch  and  was  person  right  over  into  a  drih.  The  house  was  right  in 

attuned  to  weather  signs,  he  anticipated  that  there  the  middle  ot  downtown.  All  oi  the  young  people  (I 

might  be  quite  a  storm.  believe  there  were  five  of  us)  in  the  house  joined 

Early  on  the  morning  ot  January'  2,  he  called  and  hands  and  snaked  our  way  through  the  garage  and 

asked  if  he  could  come  to  my  house.  I  looked  out  the  around  the  corner  to  the  store  where  they  dici  have 

window  and  asked  if  he  thought  he  could  make  it.  most  oi  the  supplies  we  needed.  It  took  quite  a  while 

He  said  yes,  and  a  few  minutes  later  arrived  after  to  make  the  trip  and  we  were  all  exhausted,  cold,  and 

driving  through  the  snow  and  drifts  on  the  streets.  wet  by  the  time  we  returned.  The  store  was  less  than 

He  parked  his  car  on  the  street  by  the  house  and  there  half  a  block  away. 

it  stayed  for  three  or  tour  days  until  the  city  helped  us  As  I  think  back  fitty-four  years  I  remember  this 

plow  it  out.  experience  with  pleasure.  It  was  a  time  that  strong 

Inside  our  house  it  was  cozy  and  warm  and  our  bonds  were  tormed  in  the  family.  We  certainly  gained 

family  settled  in  to  play  games  and  sleep  until  the  a  real  appreciation  tor  mother's  creative  cooking,  and 

storm  was  over.  Little  did  we  realize  it  would  last  tor  found  that  we  could  entertain  ourselves  and  each  other 

days  instead  ot  the  usual  hours.  We  couldn't  even  and  have  a  great  time.  We  were,  however,  aware  ot 

see  the  houses  across  the  street.  It  was  as  it  we  were  the  trials  and  tragedies  that  others  were  tacing  as  we 

in  a  world  of  our  own.  Dick  slept  on  the  sota  in  the  had  a  radio  and  listened  faithfully.  School  was  delayed 

living  room  and  seemed  really  happy  to  be  there  and  when  the  storm  abated  a  bit,  all  ot  us  pitched  in 

instead  of  his  Butler  hut.  to  help  clean  the  sidewalks,  driveways,  and  to  tree 

My  mother,  who  was  usually  prepared  for  all  Dick's  car  from  the  drifts.  The  rest  of  the  winter  was 

emergencies,  cooked  wonderful  biscuits,  bean  soup,  hard  and  travel  outside  ot  Laramie  almost  impossible, 

and  other  foods  she  had  on  hand.  The  second  day  but  for  the  most  part  our  school  and  other  activities 

she  started  to  run  short  of  some  things  as  she  was  continued  as  usual.    flW, 


38  Annals  of  Wvoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


BOOK 


Edited  by  Carl  Hallberg 


Significant  Recent  Books 
on  Western  and 
Wyoming  History 


Warm  Sands:  Uranium  Tailings  Policy  in  the  Atomic 
West.  By  Eric  W.  Mogren.  Albuquerque:  University  of 
New  Mexico  Press,  2002.  2A^  pp.  Illustrations,  notes, 
bibliography,  index.  Hardcover  $34.95. 
Reviewed  by  Kenton  G.  Jaehnig,  American  Heritage 
Center,  University  of  Wyoming 

Tfhe  West's  uranium  mill  tailing  controversy 
was  an  unfortunate  episode  in  American 
environmental  history.  Western  states 
benefited  economically  from  federal 
subsidized  uranium  milling  and  the  federal 
government  obtained  uranium  for  its  atomic  energy 
programs.  After  the  demand  for  uranium  dried  up, 
both  parties  were  stuck  with  a  costly  long-term 
environmental  problem:  the  disposal  of  radioactive 
uranium  mill  tailings. 

In  his  first  book,  Wii?i?i  Sands:  Umniimi  Mill  Tailings 
Policy  in  the  Atomic  West,  Eric  W  Mogren  explores  the 
development  of  federal  policy  regarding  uranium  mill 
tailings.  He  argues  the  federal  government  was 
ultimately  responsible  for  creating  and  correcting  the 
uranium  tailings  problem  and  acknowledged  this  by 
implementing  the  Uranium  Mill  Tailings  Remedial 
Action  (UMTRA)  Project.  He  demonstrates  UMTRA 
was  the  result  of  considerable  wrangling  between  non- 
elected  federal  and  state  officials. 

The  federal  government  revived  a  moribund 
western  uranium  industry  during  World  War  II,  when 
it  ordered  vanadium  millers  to  save  their  uranium  by- 
product for  the  Manhattan  Project.  Federal  support 
of  the  industry  began  in  earnest  when  Congress 
created  the  Atomic  Energy  Commission  in  1946.  A 
non-elected  federal  monopoly  charged  with  regulating 
atomic  energy,  the  AEC  sought  national  uranium  self- 
sufficiency  for  Cold  War  defense  purposes  and 
peaceful  applications.  To  accomplish  this,  it 
contracted  with  western  uranium  millers  to  buy  all 
of  their  processed  uranium. 

Fueled  by  federal  support,  uranium  milling 
boomed  in  the  West  between  the  late  1940s  and  late 
1960s.  Communities  such  as  Grand  Junction, 
Colorado  and  Grants,  New  Mexico  grew  up  around 
the  uranium  mills.  As  the  industry  grew,  so  did  the 
uranium  tailings  piles  generated  by  the  mills.   When 


millers  ceased  operations  and  left  town,  the  tailings 
remained. 

The  problem  of  radioactive  tailings  first  attracted 
public  attention  in  the  1 950s  when  state  public  health 
officials  discovered  high  amounts  of  low-level 
radiation  from  tailings  in  the  rivers  of  the  Colorado 
Basin.  During  the  1960s,  such  radiation  was  also 
detected  in  the  air  and  soil  at  tailings  sites  in  Colorado, 
Utah,  and  other  western  states.  Cases  of  particular 
interest  included  the  Animas  River  in  Colorado  and 
New  Mexico,  air  pollution  at  Durango,  Colorado,  and 
contaminated  soil  in  buildings  at  Grand  Junction, 
Colorado.  In  each  case,  state  officials  declared  that 
radioactive  tailings  posed  a  serious  long-term  public 
health  hazard  and  demanded  that  the  federal 
government  assume  responsibility  for  these  sites. 

The  federal  government's  response  to  each  case 
followed  a  remarkably  similar  pattern.  The  AEC 
argued  that  tailings  were  not  a  significant  public  health 
hazard,  only  to  be  presented  with  evidence  to  the 
contrary.  It  also  claimed  that  it  did  not  have 
jurisdiction  over  the  tailings,  which  was  hotly 
disputed  by  state,  local,  and  even  elected  federal 
officials.  Throughout  the  1960s  and  early  1970s, 
litigation  ensued  and  ended  up  with  the  federal 
government  assisting  in  stabilizing  and  cleaning  up 
the  tailings  sites  and  assuming  most  of  the  financial 
cost  of  these  efforts. 

Due  to  these  episodes  and  public  opposition  to 
nuclear  energy  during  the  1960s  and  1970s,  the 
federal  government  belatedly  accepted  responsibility 
for  the  uranium  mill  tailings  problem.  In  1978, 
Congress  passed  the  Uranium  Mill  Tailings  Radiation 
Act,  under  which  the  UMTRA  project  was  initiated. 
Although  plagued  by  government  foot  dragging,  the 
UMTRA  project  was  completed  in  1998,  having 
disposed  of  forty  million  cubic  yards  of  uranium 
tailings  in  eleven  states  and  four  Indian  reservations. 

Warm  Sands  is  an  impressive  scholarly  work  on 
this  controversial  subject.  Although  sketchy  on  the 
details  of  UMTRA  project  operations,  it  is  well 
researched,  carefijlly  written,  and  intelligently  argued. 
With  the  work,  Mogren  gives  every  indication  he  will 
be  a  very  productive  scholar  in  the  future.     JUUI 


Annais  of  Wyominci  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 39 


Recent  Acquisitions  mthe 
Hebord  Collectioa 

I  l\A/  I  iKrr^irioc  Compiled  by  Tamse 

V^  VV      l-lkJI^IlOO  University  of  WvominqUbrari 


Gompiled  by  Tamsen  L.  Hert, 

Universityof  Wyoming  Libraries 


Tfhe  Grace  Raymond  Hebard  Collection  is  the  Wyoming  research  library  for  the  University  of  Wyoming 
Libraries.  Housed  in  the  Owen  Wister  Western  Writers  Reading  Room  in  the  American  Heritage 
Center,  the  Hebard  Collection  is  considered  to  be  the  most  comprehensive  collection  about  Wyoming 
in  the  state. The  core  of  this  collection  is  Miss  Hebard's  personal  library,  which  was  donated  to  the 
University  Libraries. Further  donations  have  been  significant  in  the  development  of  this  coUection.While  it  is 
easy  to  identify  materials  about  Wyoming  published  by  nationally  known  publishers,  it  can  be  difficult  to 
locate  pertinent  publications  printed  in  Wyoming. 

If  you  have  any  questions  about  these  materials  or  the  Hebard  Collection,  you  can  contact  Tamsen  Hert 
by  phone  at  307-766-6245;  by  email,  thert@uwyo.edu  or  you  can  access  the  Hebard  HomePage  at:  http:// 
www-lib.uwyo.edu/uwlibs/hebard.htm. 


Amtindson,  MicEaeli^^^^^^P 
■mumtie^Jn  the 


A  cumpaiioun  yj[  tuur  uranium 
mining  towns  in  the  West — Uravan, 
Colorado;  Moab,  Utah;  Grants, 
New  Mexico;  and  Jeffrey  City, 
Wyoming.  Extensively  documented 
and  illustrated.  A  great  addition  to 
the  history  of  the  atomic  age  in  the 
West. 


Sagley,  Jerry:  Daniet;^l!roj^^'i 
Potts,  Rocky  Motmtm^^^'" 
Explorer,  Chronicler  o^ 
Fur  Trade  and  ...   The  First 
Known  Man  in  Yellowstone 
Park.m.^hY,  ID:  Old  Faithftjk^ 
Eye-Witiiess  Publishing,  jZO^P 


Potts  was  a  member  of  the  Ashley- 
Henry  expedition  and  provided 
reports  of  the  travels  up  the 
Missouri,  Big  Horn,  and  Wind 
rivers.  He  provided  the  earliest 
accounts  oi  the  area  of 
Yellowstone  but  was  unidentified 
for  nearly  a  century.  The  author 
located  the  original  letters  and  was 
able  to  at  last  identify  the  author 
of  these  early  accounts. 


Gou7tit^:The'''Ph0pgf^i^m^, 
MD:M 


inco©0IS30i 


Jack  Richards  photographed  areas 
in  the  northwestern  corner  of 
Wyoming  from  the  1940s  to  the 
1980s,  this  work  includes  140 
photos  culled  from  the  160,000 
plus  images  in  the  collection  ol  the 
McCracken  Research  Library  at  the 
BBHC.  Includes  Heart  Mountain 
as  well  as  Yellowstone. 


Brown,  Larry 
Canaries:  0 
Made  tht 
Wonde 


A  compilation  of  articles  on 
various  Wyoming  residents  and 
visitors,  some  well-known,  others 
less  so. 


Born  on  a  ranch  near  Meeteetsee, 
Wyoming,  Cleo  Brown  leaves 
home  at  the  age  of  13  and  begins 
the  lile  of  a  cowboy.  This  is  his 
story. 


A  detailed  study  of  the  various 
lacilities  which  confined  persons 
ol  Japanese  ancestry  during  WWII. 
Chapter  6  covers  the  Heart 
Mountain  internment  camp. 


lortdn,  Warren,  -I? 
iottles:Historical . 
Wyoming,  1868-191 


1 


guide  to  the  age  and 


Historica 

rarity  ol  Wyoming  bottles. 


The  first  "lull-scale  biography"  ol 
this  western  icon  in  more  than 
thirty  years.     JW 


40 Annais  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Winter  2004 


Ind 


Arnott,  John  20 

Bader,  Fred   16-19 

Basin,  Wyoming  18,  21,  26 

Bath,  Earl  34 

Beck,W.E.  23,25 

Belle  Fourche  River    12 

Benham,  Daniel  3 

Big  Horn  Basin,  Wyoming  15-30 

Big  Horn  County,  Wyoming  15-30 

Big  Horn  County  Rustler  25 

Big  Horn  Mountains  4,  6,  16 

Big  Horn  River  19 

Big  Horn  and  Yellowstone 

Expedition  2-14 
Blake,  M.L.  20,  22,  29 
Blizzard  of  1949  31-37 
Blume,  Fred  22 
Bonanza,  Wyoming  24 
Brigham,  FT.   18 
Br>'ant,  G.W  23 
Buffalo,  Wyoming  15 
Burke,  Milo  23 
Bushnell,  Nebraska  35 
California  Oil  Company  32,  34 
Camp  Douglas,  Utah  2-3,  13 
Camp  Robinson,  Nebraska    13 
Carpenter,  Charles  29 
Carter,  Dana  18 
Chapman,  W.J.  23,25 
Cheyenne  Daily  Leader  18,25-28 
Cheyenne  Depot  3-4 
Cheyenne,  Wyoming  36 
Collins,  Hugh  26-28 
Collins,  Winfield  Scott  19-20,  22,  29 
CoykendaJl,  Frank  34 
CrandaJl,  Olan  23 
Crook,  George  2-3,  5-6,  9,  1 1,  13 
Crook  Ciry,  Wyoming  12 
Crosby,  George    25 
Curtis,  WB.  23 
Custer,  George  Armstrong    2-4,  6-7, 

13 
Davis,  John  W.,  "The  1902  Murder  of 

Tom  Gorman"    15-30 
Dix,  Nebraska  36 
Dry  Fork  of  Brokenback  Creek    15, 

18 
DumbriU,  Lucille  36-37 
DumbriU,  Richard  36-37 
Egbert,  Wyoming  36 


Ehernberger,  James  L.   35-36 

Ellis,  C.C.  23 

Enteriine,  E.E.  22,  25-26,  28-29 

Erickson,  A.J.  23 

Fort  Bridger    3 

Fort  FetteriTian   3,  5-6 

Fort  Laramie    3 

Frame,  Robert    23 

Fritzen,  Eddie   34 

Garland,  Wyoming  21 

Cleaver,  John  B.  25,  25 

Goose  Creek,  Wyoming  2 

Gorman,  Jim  15-30 

Gorman,  Maggie  (McClellan)   15-30 

Gorman,  Rose    17-19 

Gorm.an,  Tom   15-30 

Hale,  Dudley  18,25-26 

Hedren,  Paul  L.,  ed.,  "The  Worst 
Campaign  I  Ever  Experienced': 
Sergeant  Zimmerman's  Memoir  of 
the  Great  Sioux  War"  2-14 

Hillsdale,  Wyoming  36 

Ilg,  E.M.  23 

Jaehnig,  Kenton  G.,  book  reviewer   38 

James,  Frank  18 

Jimmerfield,  Dave  23,  25 

Kimball,  Nebraska    36 

Knadler,  Bob   34 

Laramie,  Wyoming  31,  36-37 

Lawrence,  Amy  31-35 

Lawrence,  Rena  31-35 

Lawrence.  William  H.  (Bill)  31-35 

Leavitt,  WW.  23,  25 

Manning,  C.E  23 

Martin,  A.J.  23,  25 

McClellan,  George  16,  19 

McClellan,  Kenneth  28 

McConihe,  Samuel  14 

McPhee,John  16 

Medicine  Bow,  Wyoming  3-4 

Miller,  Ed  15-16,26 

Mogren,  Eric  W,  book  reviewed   38 

Morrow,  Stanley  9,  11-13 

Natrmm  County  Tribune  19 

Neiber,  B.J.  23 

Nelson,  TT.  23 

New  York  City  2,4 

"The  1902  Murder  of  Tom  Gorman," 
byjohn  W.Davis  15-30 

Northern  Cheyenne  Indians  2-14 


Omaha,  Nebraska  2,  4 

Peper,  William   23 

Pine  Bluffs,  Wyoming  35-36 

Powder  River    7-8 

Quealy  Dome  oil  field  32,  34 

Rawlins,  Wyoming  32,  37 

Rock  River,  Wyoming  36 

Shafer,W.L.  23 

Sheridan  Enterprise  18 

Sheridan,  Philip  3 

Sheridan,  Wyoming  20-22 

Short,  Leonard  23 

Sioux  Indians  2-14 

Slim  Buttes,  Dakota  3,  9,  13 

Smith,  C.C.  23,25 

Sterling,  Colorado   36 

Stotts,  Joseph  L.  21-22,  25 

Taylor,  Frank   3 

Ten  Sleep,  Wyoming  15 

Terry  Alfred   3,  7 

Toluca,  Montana  21 

Tongue  River   6 

Union  Pacific  Railroad  4,  22,  35-36 

Upton,  Wyoming  36-37 

Walters,  Joseph  R  29-30 

Warm  Sands:  Uranium  Tailings  Policy  in  the 
Atomic  West,  reviewed  38 

Watkins,  S.A.  23, 25 

Watson,  C.H.  23,  25 

Wheat  Growers  Hotel,  Kimball, 
Nebraska   36 

Whitney,  EA.  23,  25,  29 

Workman,  Cornelius  23,  25 

"'The  Worst  Campaign  I  Ever 
Experienced:'  Sergeant  John 
Zimmerman's  Memoir  of  the  Great 
Sioux  War,"  ed.  by  Paul  L.  Hedren   2- 
14 

Wyoming  Dispatch  19 

Wyoming  Supreme  Court  22-23,  25 

Yellowstone  River    7 

Zaring,  C.A.  18,25,29 

Zimmerman,  John  2-14 


Wyoming  Picture 


These  three  young  ivonieti  trained  to  he  sten  uirrlesses  in  Cheyenne  during  the  J  930s.  So/ne  of  the  t^fieal  steu  uirdess 
duties  duri)ig  that  early  age  of  air  transportation  i)iehided  loeh  and  utdoek  the  niai)i  eahin  door;  dust  die  windowsilh: 
carry  luggage  and  tag  the  luggage;  carry  buckets  of  fuel  to  pla)ie  when  necessary;  push  planes  into  ha)igar;  prepare 
telegrams  for  passengers;  swat  flies;  offer  slippers,  clean  shoes  before  retur}iingthe))i  to  passengers;  punch  tickets,  give 
refunds  when  necessary;  a)id  weigh  luggage  and  passengers.  Photo  courtesy  WyomingState  Archives,  Department  of 
State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 

Join  the  — — 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.... 

and  your  local  historical  society  chapter 

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and  the  opportunity  to  reeeive  inlorniation  about  and  diseounts  tor  various  Society  activities.  lor  more  intormation  about  membership 

in  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  and  intormation  about  local  chapters,  contact: 

Judy  West,  Society  Coordinator  /  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
PMB#184  /  1740H  Dell  Range  Blvd.  /  Cheyenne,  WY  82009-4945 

The  Society  also  welconu's  special  gifts  and  nwnwriah. 


F 

Run  A 


The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Spring  2004  Vol.  76,  No.  Z 


The  Cover  Art 

Charles  Belden  Collection,  American  Heritage  Center, 
University  of  Wyoming 

Charles  Beldeii  photographed  his  daughter,  Annice  Willistoii  Belden,  fishmg  in  the  Greybidl  River 
on  the  Pitchfork  Ranch.  Belden,  born  in  California  in  1887,  followed  his  college fiiend,  Eugene 
Phelps,  to  the  Pitchfork  Ranch,  oiimed  by  the  Phelps  family.  Starting  as  a  ranch  hand  in  1910, 
Belden  two  years  later  married  Eugenes  sister,  Frances,  and  then  helped  manage  the  ranch.  Eor  tiuo 
decades  he  photographed  the  everyday  life  on  the  ranch. 


The  Back  Cover  Art 

"Mackinaw^ " 

Stephen  N.  Leek  Collection,  American  Heritage  Center, 
University  of  Wyoming 

The  biggest  trout  is  the  Lake  Trout,  also  knoivn  as  the  Mackinaw.  Most  ofthephotograps  in  this 
issue  were  taken  by  Stephen  Leek,  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  in  Jackson  Liole,  Wyoming.  Besides 
being  a  iviUlife  photogiapher.  Leek  also  was  a  hunter,  trapper,  dude  rancher,  and  guide. 


Information  for  Contributors: 

The  editor  oi  Aiiniili  of  Vl^w)«/;/^  welcomes  manuscripts  and  photographs  on  every  aspect  of  the  history  of  Wyoming  and  the 
West.  Appropriate  for  submission  are  unpublished,  research-based  articles  which  provide  new  information  or  which  offer 
new  interpretations  of  historical  events.  First-person  accounts  based  on  personal  experience  or  recollections  of  events  will 
be  considered  for  use  in  the  "Wyoming  Memories"  section.  Historic  photo  essays  for  possible  publication  in  "Wyoming 
Memories"  also  are  welcome.  Articles  are  reviewed  and  referred  by  members  of  the  journal's  Editorial  Advisory  Board  and 
others.  Decisions  regarding  publication  are  made  by  the  editor. 

Manuscripts  (along  with  suggestions  for  illustrations  or  photographs)  should  be  submitted  on  computer  diskettes  in  a  format 
created  by  one  of  the  widely-used  word  ptocessing  programs  along  with  two  printed  copies. 

Submissions  and  queries  should  be  addressed  to:  Editor,  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Dept.  3924,  1000  E.  University  Avenue, 
Laramie  WY  82071,  or  to  the  editor  by  e-mail  at  the  following  address:  rewig@uwyo.edu 


Gues_  _„, 
Adrian  A. 

Book  Review  Editor 

Carl  Hallberg 

Editorial  Advisor 


u 


nnais  o 


hof 


WYOMING 

JThe   Wyoming    History   Journal 

Spring  2004  Vol.  76,  No.  2 


2    Introduction:  Bourdieu  on  the  Big  Horn?  Or, 
Towards  a  Cultural  History  of  Fly-Fishing  in 
Wyoming  and  tfie  Rocky  Mountain  West 
Adrian  A.  Bantjes 


isM- 


6    Tlieir  Numbers  Are  Perfectly  Fabulous:  Sport, 
Science,  and  Subsistence  in  Yellowstone 
Fishing,  1870      p^  f  C  c.  i  '<_^r' 
Paul  Schullerv        ] '- '"  1 


^■*- 


19    The  Past  and  Present  of  Fly-Fishing  in  Jack- 
son Hole,  Wyoming:  An  Interview  with  Jack 

Adrian  A.  Bantjes    -^  ^^-^  ',1,  r, ,, - 


26    These  Waters  Were  AH  Virgin:  Finis  Mitchell 
and  Wind  River  Wilderness 
Jeffrey  Nichols 


36    The  Fly-Fishing  History  of  the  Bighorn  Moun- 
tains: An  Interview  with  Sam  Mavrakis,  Sr. 
Tucker  W.  Gallowav 


41     Nature,  Culture,  and  the  Fly-Fishing  History  of 
Wyoming  and  the  Rocky  Mountain  West 
Adrian  A.  Bantjes 


BOOK 


54    Book  Reviews 


:■>)'  Carl  Hallberg 


56    Index 


idiii.jL 


Wyoming  Picture    Inside  back  cover 


Annah  ofWyommg:  The  \X'yomi>ig Hntoiyjouniiihs  published  qiurif riv  h\-  the  \V\(.iming  Sracc  Hiscurical  Socien"  in  as^ociacion 
\\  ith  rhe  Wyoming  Department  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources,  the  .Ajnerican  Heritage  Center,  and  the  Department  ot 
Histon,'.  Universit)' of  Wyoming.  The  |ournal  was  previousK'  published  as  the  Qiuirterly  Bullehn  ( \''~)ljy\*^l^).  Annals  oj^'yoriinig 
( I  ''25-  f  993),  Wyoming  Annah  ( 1 993- 1 995)  and  Wyoming  History  Journal  ( 1 995- 1 996).  The  Annals  has  been  the  official 
publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Societj- since  1953  and  is  distributed  as  a  benefit  of  membership  to  all  societ)- 
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Inquiries  about  membership,  mailing,  distribution,  reprints  and  back  issues  should  be  addressed  to  Judy  West.  Coordinator. 
WVnming  State  Historical  Societ>'.  PMB^  1 84,  1 740H  Dell  Range  Blvd.,  Cheyenne  \XT  82009-4945.  Editorial  correspondence 
sh"uld  be  addressed  to  the  editorial  office  oi Antials  of^'yoming.  American  Heritage  Center,  Dept.  3924.  1000  E.  Universir\- 
\sL-nue,  Laramie  W\'  820""  1    Our  e-mail  address  is;  rewig@u\\To.edu 

I'nnted  by;  Piuneer  Printing,  Cheyenne 
t  iraphic  Design:  Vicki  Schuster 

C  op\Tight  2004,  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society' 


ISSN:  1086-^368 


Annals  of  VVyominq:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -  Spring  2004 


Introduction: 

Bourdieu  on  the  Bighorn? 

Or,  Towards  a  Cultural 

History  of  Fly-Fishing  in 

Wyoming  and  the 

Rocky  Mountain  West^ 


I  guest  editoi: 

fiah  A.  Bontjei 


Fly-fishing,  most  likely  for  native 
Cutthroat  trout  in  the  Jackson's 
Hole  area.  Stephen  N.  Leek 
Collection.  American  Heritage 
Center. 


Yet,  despite  the  faet  that  nearh  one-third  of  the  Wyoming  population  engages  in 
fishing,  thus  placing  the  state  in  third  place  in  the  nation  in  terms  of  per  capita 
participation,  Wyoming's  angling  history  remains  to  be  written.-  The  sport  has  a 
profound  impact  on  regional  economies  through  an  extensive  network  of  sporting 
goods  stores,  fly-shops,  guiding  and  outfitting  operations,  lodges,  etc.  The  state  and 
the  federal  government  spend  millions  of  dollars  every  year  to  sustain  and  develop 
Wyoming  fisheries  through  activities  such  as  the  stocking  of  game  fish,  conservation 

This  special  issue  stems  indirectly  from  a  .''.002  American  Studies  and  History  seminar  on  the  history  of 
fly-fishing  in  Europe  and  America,  developed  at  the  University  of  Wyoming  with  generous  grants  from 
the  American  Studies  Program  and,  later,  the  American  Heritage  Center.  I  am  profoundly  grateful  to  the 
students  in  that  class  for  their  insights  and  contributions.  I  am  particularly  indebted  to  Laramie  fly- 
fisherman  par  excellence  Nick  Boyd,  and  to  America's  leading  fly-fishing  historian,  Paul  Schullery,  for 
generously  sharing  their  knowledge  and  encouragement.  In  addition,  I  benefited  immensely  from  the 
insights  and  aid  of  Elizabeth  Storer,  Phil  Roberts,  Jack  Dennis,  Sam  Mavrakis,  Jeft"  Nichols,  Tucker 
Galloway,  Eric  Nye,  Herb  Dieterich,  Ed  Schmidtman,  Bob  Righter,  Ken  Owens,  and  Scott  Carlson. 
Anne  Marie  Lane,  Carol  Bowers,  and  Leslie  Shores  of  the  American  Heritage  Center,  as  well  as  Tami 
Hen  of  the  Hebard  Collection  of  the  University  of  Wyoming  Libraries,  went  out  of  their  way  to  unearth 
and  reproduce  fascinating  material.  Without  Annals  editor  Rick  Ewig  this  issue  would  never  have 
materialized.  Also,  thanks  to  the  helpful  staff  of  the  American  Museum  of  Fly-Fishing  and  to  Bob 
Wiltshire,  director  of  the  International  Fly-Fishing  Center. 
-  The  Casper  Star  Tribune,  July  5,2002.  The  articles  in  this  issue  largely  focus  on  fly-fishing,  a  small  sub- 
culture within  angling.  This  choice  admittedly  reflects  rather  arbitrary  cultural  preferences  that  are 
worthy  of  analysis  themselves. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring   2004 


and  restoration  projects,  and  infrastructural  works. 

So  why  this  historiographical  lacuna?  From  an 
academic  perspective,  the  histor}'  oi  sports  and  leisure 
is  a  rich  and  well-developed  field  oi  inquiry,  which  has 
attracted  the  attention,  not  just  ot  antiquarians  and 
aficionados,  but  also  oi  prominent  historians, 
sociologists,  and  anthropologists.  Dutch  cultural 
historian  Johan  Huizinga  argued  that  the  human  hir/ic 
impulse  is  more  ancient  than  culture  itself  (culture  si/b 
specie  ludi),  while  French  sociologist  Pierre  Bourdieu 
considered  sports  an  important  aspect  of  class  habitus. 
(Not  surprisingly,  celebrities  from  Queen  Elizabeth  to 
Dick  Cheney  surface  in  this  issue).  In  a  seminal  article 
published  in  1978,  Bourdieu  argued  that  "one  of  the 
tasks  of  the  social  history  of  sport  might  be  to  lay  the 
real  foundations  of  the  legitimacy  of  a  social  science  of 
sport  as  a  distinct  scientific  object. . ."'  Since  then,  a  vast 
and  theoretically  sophisticated  literature  on  sports 
history  and  leisure  has  emerged,  influenced  by  the  new 
social  history,  anthropology,  and,  most  recently, 
cultural  studies.  Thus,  the  theoretical  and  analytical  tools 
needed  to  approach  the  topic,  whether  from  the 
perspective  of  class,  religion,  gender,  race,  identity,  or 
capitalism,  are  readily  available.  *  Yet,  even  though  an 
extensive  and  theoretically  sophisticated  historiography 
exists  for  sports  such  as  baseball  and  football,  angling 
history  remains  rather  neglected.^ 

Arguably,  the  significance  of  Western  angling  goes 
well  beyond  sports  or  sustenance.  In  the  West,  angling, 
and  fly-fishing  in  particular,  has  become  an  invoited 
tradition,  in  the  sense  used  by  Eric  Fiobsbawm," 
associated  with  notions  of  an  authentic  Western  identity. 
This  trend's  clearest  expression  is  undoubtedly  Robert 
Redford's  1992  Fiollywood  movie,  A  River  Runs 
Through  It,  a  distinctive  interpretation  of  Norman 
Macleans  classic  story,  which  links  Western  masculinity 
and  identity  with  the  elegant  activity  of  flv-fishing. 
Though,  as  Jackson  fly-fisherman.  Jack  Dennis,  argues 
in  this  issue,  the  movie  did  not  cause  the  nineties  fly- 
fishing craze  and  the  simultaneous  boom  in  rural  real 
estate  around  Jackson  Hole,  Cody,  and  other  areas  of 
Wyoming  and  Montana,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  fly- 
fishing has  become  a  significant  and  double-edged  aspect 
of  the  appeal  of  the  New  West.  This  can  lead  to  bizarre 
usages  of  fly-fishing  as  a  signifier  of  Western  life,  for 
example  the  recent  spectacle  of  bikini-clad  supermodel 


Bridget  Hall  fly-fishing  the  North  Fork  of  the  Shoshone 
on  the  UXU  Ranch  during  a  shoot  for  the  2004  Sports 
Idustrated  sw'imsuh  issue.** 

The  Western  neglect  of  its  angling  heritage  stands 
in  contrast  to  the  way  Easterners  have  cherished  and 
preserved  the  rich  local  angling  traditions  of  their  classic 
trout  streams,  such  as  the  Battenkill  and  the  Beaverkili. 
Besides  producing  an  extensive  literary  corpus,  they 
have  also  established  musea  of  national  significance,  such 
as  the  American  Museum  of  Fly  Fishing  (AMFF)  in 
Manchester,  Vermont,  and  the  Catskill  Fly  Fishing 
Center  and  Museum,  which  not  only  hold  wonderful 
collections  of  angling  artifacts,  archives,  books,  and  art, 
but  serve  as  important  communit)'  centers  as  well. 
Prominent  eastern  universities,  such  as  Princeton  and 
Yale,  are  proud  of  their  angling  collections,  which 
include  works  dating  back  to  the  Middle  Ages. 

Gradually,  such  interest  is  emerging  in  the  Rocky 
Mountain  West  as  well."  Livingston,  Montana,  now 


'  Johan  Huizinga,  Homo  Lndc'iis:  Proeve  eener  bepdling  van  bet  spel- 
element  der  ctdtiiiir  (Haarlem:  Tjeenk  Willink,  1938),  pp.  1,  7; 
Pierre  Bourdieu,  "Sport  and  Social  Class,"  in  Chandra  Mukerji 
and  Michael  Schudson.  eds.  Rethinking  PopuLir  Culture:  Coutem- 
pomry  Perspectives  in  CultumI Studies  (Berkele)-:  Universin-  of  Cali- 
fornia Press,  1991),  p.  358. 

""  For  an  encyclopedic  overview  ot  the  recent  literature  on  sports, 
see  Donald  L.  Deardorft  II,  Sports:  A  Reference  Guide  and  Critical 
Commentary.  1980-1 999  {'Westpon,  CT.  Greenwood  Press,  2000), 
and  for  novel  social  and  cultural  approaches  to  American  sports 
history,  especially  those  emphasizing  gender,  race,  ethnicity,  and 
class,  S.  W.  Pope,  ed..  The  New  American  Sport  Histoty:  Recent 
Approaches  and  Perspectives  (Urbana  and  Chicago:  University  of 
Illinois  Press,  1997),  especially  Pope's  "Introduction:  American 
Sport  History  -  Toward  a  New  Paradigm,"  pp.  1-30. 

'  For  a  serious  historical  analysis  ot  tly-fishing,  see  Paul  D.  Schullery, 
American  Fly  Fishing:  A  History  (New  York:  The  Lyons  Press,  1 99'^ 
[\"  edition,  1987]).  For  a  rare  and  controversial  post-modern 
approach,  see  William  Washabaugh  and  Catherine  Washabaugh, 
Deep  Trout:  Angling  in  PopiiLir  Culture  (New  York:  Berg,  2001). 
Hunting  has  received  more  serious  academic  attention.  See,  for 
example.  Matt  Cartmill,  A  View  to  a  Death  in  the  Morning:  Hunt- 
ingand Nature  through  Histoty  (Har\'ard:  Han'ard  University  Press, 
1993),  which  is  quite  relevant  to  our  topic. 

"  Eric  Hobsbawm,  Terence  Ranger,  and  Lyndal  Roper,  eds..  The 
Invention  of  Tradition  (Cambridge:  Cambridge  Universit\'  Press, 
1984). 

Fof  more  on  this  topic,  see  The  Denver  Post.  September  2S,  2002, 
and  Paul  Schullei-s's  unpublished  paper,  "The  Hero  with  a  Thou- 
sand Vices:  A  Rivet  Runs  Through  It  as  Folklore  and  History." 

'^     The  Casper  Star  Tribune.  February  13,  2004. 

"  Paul  Schullery,  "Frontier  Fly-Fishing  in  the  New  West,"  Montana: 
The  Magazine  of  Western  History  S2:  2  (Summer  2002);  2-9. 


Annais  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


boasrs  the  Federation  of  Fly  Fisher's  International  Fly 
Fishing  Center,  an  impressive  educational  facility  and 
museum.  When,  several  years  ago,  the  Museum  of  the 
Rockies  at  Montana  State  University  hosted  an  AMFF 
traveling  show  on  the  history  of  angling,  it  added  a 
fascinating  exhibit  on  the  history  of  Montana  fly- 
fishing. The  first  Montana  stream  histories  have  been 
published,  and  recently  the  journal  Montana  dedicated 
an  entire  issue  to  the  history  of  Western  fly-fishing.'" 
In  Colorado,  a  number  of  angling  historians  are 
beginning  to  piece  together  aspects  of  that  rich 
tradition."  Yet  Wyoming,  which  arguably  possesses  one 
of  the  most  important  fisheries  in  the  United  States, 
lacks,  with  the  obvious  exception  of  the  well-studied 
Yellowstone  Park,'-  any  angling  histories.  Each  time 
one  oi  the  state's  old-time  sporting  goods  stores  closes, 
as  has  happened  recently  in  Sheridan  and  Casper,  another 
bit  of  history  is  lost  forever.  There  are,  however,  several 
bright  spots:  for  example,  the  University  of  Wyoming's 
American  Heritage  Center,  in  its  Toppan  Rare  Books 
Library,  boasts  one  of  the  most  important  antiquarian 
angling  libraries  in  the  West,  namely  the  Toppan/ 
LaFontaine  collection,  which  includes  everything  from 
medieval  treatises  to  recent  publications  on  Western  fly- 
fishing." 

How  can  we  rescue  this  sporting  history  from 
oblivion?  The  first  step  is  to  develop  an  oral  history 
program,  as  this  issue  attempts  to  do  in  a  limited  way, 
by  publishing  interviews  with  legendary  Wyoming  fly- 
fishermen  Sam  Mavrakis  of  Sheridan  and  Jack  Dennis 
of  Jackson.  Even  though  oral  histories,  at  least  as 
repositories  of  Rankean  factual  history,  are  always  a 
bit  suspect-anglers  being  a  tad  prone  to  exaggeration 
anyway-,  they  do  allow  us  to  reconstruct  what  one  might 
call  the  little  traditions  of  the  sport,  offer  invaluable 
information  that  cannot  be  found  in  the  archives,  and 
add  couleur  locale  in  a  way  that  no  other  source  can.  In 
addition,  we  urgently  need  to  salvage  the  papers, 
photographs,  and  videos  of  sporting  stores,  guiding 
operations,  and  dude  ranches  before  they  disappear 
entirely.  The  next  step  is  the  writing  of  local  or  regional 
histories,  taking  advantage  of  the  rich  archival  materials 
available  in  the  state  archives,  the  American  Heritage 
Center,  and  local  repositories  around  the  state  and 
beyond. 

At  the  same  time,  historians  need  to  ask  bigger 


questions  about  the  cultural  meaning  of  Western  fly- 
fishing, and  about  its  social,  environmental,  and 
economic  impact.  The  articles  in  this  issue,  far  from 
being  antiquarian  or  eulogistic  pieces,  as  is  so  often  the 
case  with  sports  writing,  all  use  case  studies  to  ask  these 
broader,  often  tough,  questions.  In  his  contribution, 
Paul  Schullery  examines  how  ancient  sporting  discourses 
and  practices  determined  the  way  early  travelers  to 
Yellowstone  Park  interpreted  the  natural  environment 
they  encountered.  Jeff  Nichols  relates  the  amazing  life 
and  legacy  of  Wind  River  Range  outdoorsman  Finis 
Mitchell,  but  also  problematizes  the  widespread  practice 
of  stocking  "barren"  waters,  a  massive  attempt  to  create 
European-style  trout  fisheries  in  the  West.  As  Schullery 
puts  it  elsewhere,  "we  have  lowered  a  kind  of  ecological 
eggbeater  into  some  glorious  native  ecosystems, 
resulting  in  changes  that,  though  they  may  have  been 
wonderful  for  fishermen,  were  disastrous  for  those 
beautiftil  little  worlds  that  had  been  cranking  along  just 
fine  without  our  help  since  the  last  ice  age."'^  In  my 
own  contribution,  I  use  the  lenses  of  culture,  nature, 
and  class  to  conclude  that  fly-fishing,  even  in  the 
Western  wilderness,  is  as  "artificial"  a  cultural  practice 
as  fishing  on  the  most  manicured  of  English  chalk 
streams,  and  remains  bound  up  in  ancient,  often  class- 
based,  codes  and  discourses. 

The  toughest  question  of  all  is:  will  fly-fishing 
continue  to  be  a  central  part  of  Western  life  for  the 
foreseeable  future?  Two  major  problems  loom  ahead. 
While  the  fly-fishing  community  has  contributed 
immensely  to  the  American  conservation  movement 
through  organizations  such  as  Trout  Unlimited,  there 
is  potential  for  ftiture  conflict,  as  Dennis  suggests  in  his 
interview.  Angling  is  often  hardly  a  natural nctWiVf,  and 
the  new  emphasis  on  the  restoration  of  native  species 

'"  Montana:  The  Magazine  of  Western  History  52  (Summer  2002). 

"  See,  for  example,  John  H.  Monnett,  Cutthroat  and  Campfire 
Tales:  The  Fly-Fishing  Heritage  of  the  West  (Boulder:  University 
Press  of  Colorado,  2001);  Gordon  M.  Wickstrom,  Notes  from  an 
Old  Fly  Book  (Boulder:  University  Press  of  Colorado,  2001),  and, 
by  the  same  author.  Late  in  an  Angler's  Life:  Essays  on  the  Sport 
(Albuquerque;  University  of  New  Mexico  Press,  2004). 

'-  Paul  Schullery  and  John  D.  Varley,  Yellowstone  Fishes:  Ecology, 
History  and  Angling  in  the  Park  (Stackpole  Books:  Mechanicsburg, 
Pennsylvania,  1998). 

"  See  The  Casper  Star  Tribune,  March  4,  2004. 

'■*  Royal  Coachman:  The  Lore  and  Legends  of  Fly-Fishing  (New  York; 
Simon  and  Schuster,  1999),  p.  189. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  ''.'Vyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring   2004 


and  habitats  must  inevitably  clash  with  efforts  to 
maintain  and  develop  sport  fishing  for  generally  alien 
species,  such  as  brook  or  brown  trout,  and  in  unnatural 
settings,  such  as  tailwaters.'''  The  second  problem  is 
related  to  the  morality  of  the  sport.  While  Izaak  Walton 
portrayed  angling  as  a  gentle  art,  practiced  by  "quiet 
men  and  followers  of  peace,"  Lord  Byron  was  less 
complimentary,  and  called  "the  art  of  angling,  the 
crudest,  the  coldest,  the  stupidest  of  pretended 
sports."'"  Recent  successful  efforts  to  abolish  blood 
sports,  such  as  the  campaign  against  foxhunting  in 
England,  may  well  spill  over  into  the  realm  of  fishing.' 
Contemporarv'  ethical  and  scientific  debates  have  raised 
the  question  whether  fish  are  physically  capable  of  feeling 
pain,  and,  thus,  whether  angling  is  a  morally  acceptable 
practice  or  nothing  more  than  the  gratuitous  torture, 
exacerbated  by  the  much-touted  catch-and-release 
approach,  of  innocent  animals."*  Some  scientific 
research,  including  path  breaking  work  at  the  Universit)' 
ofWyoming,  aims  at  debunking  "the  human  tendency 
to  interpret  the  behavior  of  nonhumans 
anthropomorphically,  as  if  animals  had  humanlike 
experiences  and  feelings."''  This  controversial  work,  at 
times  reminiscent  of  Cartesian  mechanistic  approaches 
to  the  animal  kingdom,  is  warmly  supported  by  sectors 
of  the  fly-fishing  community,  which  ridicule  "Walt 
Disney's  use  of  bourgeois  anthropomorphic  values  to 
imbue  animals  with  cosmic  humanistic  emotions  and 
rationality,"  taking  us  "into  the  world  of  pop-Zen,  where 
pseudo-science  shakes  hands  with  Taoism. . ."""  Others 
are  not  that  sure.""  How  such  debates  will  affect 
sporting  practices  in  the  future  is  still  unclear,  but  one 
cannot  assume  that  angling  will  always  be  an  integral 
part  of  Western  life. 

Still,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  sport  has  a  rich 
historv'  and  tradition,  reflected  in  graceful  practices  and 
a  vibrant  literature.  As  Sparse  Grey  Hackle,  the  New 
York  angling  writer,  put  it,  "Some  of  the  best  fishing  is 
done  not  in  water  but  in  print.""'  We  hope  that  this 
issue  will  be  of  interest  to  the  general  reader,  whether  a 
brother  or  sister  of  the  angler  or  not.  To  conclude, 
with  the  words  of  Izaak  Walton,  "I  shall  stay  [the 
Reader]  no  longer  than  to  wish  him  a  rainy  evening 
to  read  this  following  Discourse;  and  that,  if  he  be  an 
honest  Angler,  the  east  wind  may  never  blow  when  he 
goes  a-fishing."-'  Ufi 


'^  See  Paul  Schullen's  thoughtful  defense  ot  the  reintroduction  of 
native  fishes:  "Because  They  Belong  There:  A  Non-Native  Anglers 
Reflections  on  Native  Species,"  in  Fly  Rod  and  Reel  22  (January/ 
February  2001):  42-45,  71. 

"■  The  Compleat  Angler  or  the  Contemphnive  Man's  Recreation  (New 
York:  The  Modern  Library,  1998),  p.  xxxviii.  [First  edition.  1653], 
p.  8;  Byron  quoted  in  Nick  Lyons,  ed..  The  Quotable  Fnherman 
(New  York:  The  Lyons  Press,  1998),  p.  148. 

'  On  the  historical  origins  of  the  British  anti-hunting  campaign, 
see  Donna  Landry,  The  Invention  of  the  Coiinttyside:  Hunting, 
Walking  and  Ecology  hi  English  Literature.  16^1-1831  (Houndmiils, 
Basingstoke,  United  Kingdom,  and  New  York:  Palgrave,  2001). 

'"  On  the  research  of  Dr.  James  D.  Rose  of  the  University  ofWyo- 
ming, see  The  New  York  Times,  May  13,  2003.  His  findings  were 
published  under  the  title  "The  Neurobehavioral  Nature  ot  Fishes 
and  the  Question  of  Awareness  and  Pain,"  in  Reviews  in  Fisheries 
Science  1 0  (2002):  1  -38.  Also  see  Sean  C.  Chambers,  "An  Inquiry 
into  the  Ethics  of  Fly  Fishing:  Fish  and  Pain,"  (Unpublished 
paper.  University  of  Wvoming.  2002). 

''\lames  D.  Rose,  "Do  Fish  Feel  Pain."  Fly  Fisherman  34  (Septem- 
ber 2003):  19.  For  historical  background,  see  Cartmill,  A  I'iew, 
chapter  6. 

^"John  Randolph,  "Fish  Dont  Feel  Pain,  Fly  Fisherman,  34  (Sep- 
tember 2003):  "i. 

-'  For  a  more  balanced  view,  see  Paul  Schuller)',  "How  Can  You 
Do  That?"  Fly  Fisherman  3-t  (September  2003):  80,  ^9.  69. 

■'  Quoted  in  Lyons,  ed.,  The  Qiiotable  Fisherman,  p.  xiv. 

-'  The  Compleat  Angler,  p.  xxxviii. 


Classic  fly-fishing  outfit  and  lake  trout.  Stephen  N.  Leek  Collection, 
American  Heritage  Center. 


Adrian  A.  Banties 


is  Associate  Professor  of  History  at  the 
University  of  Wyoming.  He  has 
publishe(j  extensively  in  the  field  of 
Mexican  political  and  cultural  history.  He 
recently  taught  a  seminar  on  the  cultural 
history  of  fly-fishing  in  Europe  and 
America. 


6  Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


Their  Numbers  are  Perfectly  Fabulous: 

Sport,  Science,  and  Subsistence  in 

Yellowstone  Fishing,  1870 


SK>^^*'^      ' 


by  Paul  SchuUery 


On  August  23. 1 871 ,  the  Washburn  Party  stopped  at  the  Bottler  Ranch,  near  present  Emigrant,  Montana.  The  ranch  is  shown  here  the 
following  year  in  a  photograph  by  famed  photographer  William  Henry  Jackson,  The  Bottlers  were  successful  commercial  hide-hunters:  note 
the  shed  full  of  hides  (and  possibly  whole  carcasses  of  elk).  Fred  Bottler  often  guided  sportsmen,  furthering  the  mixture  of  subsistence  and 
sport  among  the  wild  fish  and  game  in  the  Yellowstone  Valley,  Photo  courtesy  the  National  Park  Service,  Yellowstone  Photograph 
Archives. 


E 


arly  in  The  Life  and  Strange  Surprising  Adventures  of  Robinson  Crusoe,  of  York,  Mariner,  Written  by 
himself  [\1\^),  Daniel  Defoe's  shipwrecked  hero  makes  the  following  diary  entry:  "May  4.  I  went  a 
fishing,  but  caught  not  one  fish  that  I  durst  eat  of,  till  I  was  weary  of  my  sport;  when,  just  going  to 
leave  off,  I  caught  a  young  dolphin."' 

With  this  one  comment,  the  durable  Mr.  Crusoe 
inadvertently  suggested  the  complications  we  face  when 
we  attempt  to  categorize  fishing  as  a  human  endeavor. 
Here  was  a  man  tor  whom  fishing  was  an  urgent  matter 
"  of  survival,  yet  it  was  also  a  "sport."    To  the  modern 

untrained  ear,  a  "sport"  is  a  pastime — something  done 
at  best  to  relax  and  invigorate,  at  worst  jtist  to  kill  time. 


Here  was  a  man  for  whom 
fishing  was  an  urgent  matter  of 
survival,  yet  it  was  also  a  "sport 


Daniel  Defoe,  Robinson  Crusoe  (New  York:    Dodd  Mead  and 
Company,  1940),  p.  79. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History'  Journal  ■-  Spring    200-! 


To  the  ear  of  Daniel  Defoe,  sport  was  apparently 
something  tar  more  complicated  than  that. 

As  it  still  should  be.  There  is  a  e,ood  deal  ot 
messiness  in  the  terminology  of  sport,  though  it  is 
nothing  compared  to  the  casual,  offhanded  manner  in 
which  many  writers,  including  academics  whom  one 
would  expect  to  be  more  careful,  reduce  such  ancient 
human  pursuits  as  hunting  and  fishing  to  superficial 
trivialities.  Sport  fishing  and  sport  himting,  at  the  hands 
of  such  writers,  are  "mere"  sport,  which  is  to  sav  thev 
exist  only  to  generate  "fun."  Outdoor  sport  is  merely 
"recreation" — another  belittling  descriptor  for  an  activirv 
that  has  declined  in  the  popular  mind  from  an  earlier 
status,  in  which  something  was  literally  and  importantlv 
re-created,  to  its  current  popular  definition,  as  a 
substitute  for  doing  something  meaningful.  People  are 
thought  to  participate  in  outdoor  sports  as  a  "leisure 
time"  activity,  while  not  engaged  in  socially  significant 
pursuits. 

The  rhetorical  blurring  of  the  two  terms  "sports" 
and  "games"  is  likewise  far  advanced,  and  will  probably 
become  more  confused  as  American  society  becomes 
progressively  less  comfortable  with  outdoor  sports — 
the  traditional  "blood  sports"  (as  if  ice  hockey  is  not  a 
blood  sport).  I  cannot  correct  this  problem,  hut  only 
point  it  out  to  suggest  further  the  imprecision  of  the 
language.  When  most  modern  Americans  sa\'  the\'  are 
discussing  "sports,"  they  usualh'  mean  "games." 

Though  not  all  sports  are  games,  neither  are  all 
games  sports.  Hunting  elk  is  hardly  anyone's  idea  of  a 
game;  Monopoly  is  no  one's  idea  of  a  sport.  And  yet, 
the  historian  John  McDonald  was  right  when  he  aptly 
said  that  "a  sport  or  game  may  be  thought  of  as  the  set 
of  rules  that  describes  it."-  The  two  categories  ma\' 
have  more  in  common  than  the\-  ha\'e  in  distinction. 

The  imprecision  and  carelessness  of  our  terminology 
in  sport  is  in  fact  only  a  reflection  of  the  amazing 
capacity  of  sport  for  both  durability  and  flexibilit}'.  Part 
of  sport's  fascination  for  us  as  an  institution  worthy  of 
study  should  be  the  way  it  is  transformed  during  its 
long  societal  career,  even  to  the  extent  that  it  can  outlive 
its  apparent  original  cause  for  existence.  For  those  who 
believe  that  sports  have  tended  to  arise  in  good  part 
from  utilitarian  practice — as  rodeo,  for  example,  tests 
and  celebrates  skills  needed  on  a  working  ranch — it 
might  seem  counterintuitive  that  a  sport  would  hang 


on  after  people  no  longer  had  any  use  for  its  skills.  But 
sports  can  and  do  transcend  at  least  some  of  the  reasons 
for  their  creation.  We  might  even  say  that  over  the 
course  of  a  few  generations,  one  person's  sport  can 
eventually  become  another  person's  game. 

To  illustrate  the  evolution,  or  at  least 
transformation,  of  a  sport  from  the  realm  of 
immediately  practical  to  something  more  esoteric, 
classics  scholar  David  Sansone  used  the  example  of 
ja\'elin  throwing,  which  is  still  a  \ital  athletic  event 
despite  several  centuries  having  passed  since  there  was  a 
going  militar\'  need  for  javelin  throwers.  We  now  throw 
ja\'elins  for  reasons  other  than  keeping  a  vital  battlefield 
skill  in  shape. "* 

In  a  generalK'  literate  societ\',  in  which  records  are 
easily  kept  and  invoked,  sport  is  an  intergenerational 
enterprise.  Today's  javelin  thrower  has  relevance  in  part 
because  he  or  she  competes  with  the  records  of  even' 
previous  javelin  thrower,  just  as  today's  fisherman  casts 
in  the  shadow  of  countless  earlier  angling  theorists, 
philosophers,  and  other  temporally  remote  companions. 
And,  as  any  determined  sports  nostalgist  will  tell  you, 
once  a  sport  has  accumulated  enough  generations  of 
precise  statistics,  wispy  remembrance,  and  glowing 
legend,  there  will  invariably  be  a  group  of  enthusiasts — 
both  fans  and  actual  practitioners — wanting  to  prop  it 
all  up  with  continued  performance  of  like  kind. 

In  the  cases  of  hunting  and  fishing,  this  urge  to 
perpetuate  a  sport  provides  us  with  a  delicious  iron\'. 
While  historians  long  neglected  the  stud\'  of  these 
important  human  activities,  the  activities  themselves 
thrived  and  defined  themseKes  in  good  part  through  a 
passionate  devotion  to  their  own  long  traditions.  These 
people  ma\'  not  have  written  \'er\'  good  history  of 
themselves,   but   they  received   little  help  from 


-  John  McDonald,  The  Origins  of  Angling  (New  \'ork;  Lyons  & 
Burford,  1 997),  p. 3.  Mv  thanks  especial!)-  to  Richard  Hoftmann. 
York  Univetsif)',  Toronto,  tor  conversations  on  definitions  and 
the  intellectual  history  of  sport. 

■^  David  Sansone,  Greek  Athletics  and  the  Genesis  of  Sport  ( Berkeley: 
Universit)' of  California  press,  1988),  p.  31 .  Sansone,  incidentally, 
also  serves  as  a  type  specimen  ot  a  scholar  who  can  switch  trom  a 
serious  discussion  ot  the  histon'  ot  competitive  games  to  poorly 
thought-out  moralizing  and  ignorant  theorizing  about  the  blood 
sports;  see  pp.  3 1  -32  of  his  book  tor  a  classic  example  ot  trivializing 
hunting  and  fishing  in  order  to  dismiss  them. 


8        Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Sprinci  2004 


professional  historians,  so  who  is  at  fauh  if  the  history 
they  now  hold  dear  is  (even  more  than  most  history) 
so  inclined  to  ancestor  worship  and  yarnspinning?'* 

Consideration  of  Robinson  Crusoe  and  javelin 
throwers  may  seem  a  roundabout  way  to  approach  the 
varierv  of  influences  and  impulses  behind  fishing  in  the 
frontier  West.  But  the  parallels  between  the  javelin  and 
the  fly  rod  are  perhaps  deeper  and  more  numerous  than 
thev  might  appear.  The  American  West  provides  some 
striking  examples  of  the  several  ways  in  which  a  sport 
mav  simultaneously  be  valued  in  a  given  social  setting. 

A  Distinguished  Set  of  Anglers 

The  experiences  of  the  famous  Washburn-Langford- 
Doane  expedition  (which  I  will  c;ill  the  Washburn  Party), 
who  visited  the  Yellowstone  Plateau  in  the  late  summer 
of  1 870,  serve  as  a  splendid  illustration  ot  the  complexity 
of  a  traditional  sport,  in  this  case  fishing.  The  Washburn 
Partv  has  been  worth  study  merely  for  the  distinction 
oi  its  members.  Their  elected  commander  was  Henry 
Dana  Washburn,  a  former  Civil  War  general  and  Indiana 
Congressman,  then  surveyor  general  of  Montana 
Territory.  The  party  of  nineteen  included,  among  others, 
Helena  Judge  Cornelius  Hedges,  Montana  Territorial 
Assistant  Assessor  of  Internal  Revenue  Walter  Trumbull 
(son  of  Illinois  U.S.  Senator  Lyman  Trumbull),  banker- 
businessman  Samuel  Hauser,  and  former  Montana 
Territory  Collector  ol  Internal  Revenue  Nathaniel 
Langford  (who,  in  one  ol  those  complex  maneuverings 
so  belovedly  characteristic  of  territorial  politics,  had 
recently  come  as  close  as  possible  to  being  appointed 
Montana  territorial  governor  without  actually 
occupying  the  office).  Their  small  military  escort  was 
under  the  command  ol  Lieutenant  Gustavus  Doane, 
who  would  write  the  most  authoritative  account  of  the 
trip.^ 

What  may  have  most  distinguished  this  already 
distinguished  group  as  explorers,  however,  was  their 
extraordinary  literar\'  output  following  the  expedition. 
They  had  a  finely  tuned  and  quite  accurate  sense  of  the 
historical  significance  of  what  they  were  doing,  and  they 
left  historians  a  wonderful  treasury  of  first-hand 
accounts  and  impressions,  many  of  which  were 
published  in  newspapers  and  magazines  in  the  months 
following  the  trip.  This  wealth  of  material  has  been 
employed  by  historians  and  others  to  better  understand 


the  1870s— public  view  of  wild  nature,  the  rise  of  the 
national  park  idea.  Native  American  activities  in  and 
effects  on  the  Yellowstone  region,  historic  wildlife 
populations  and  distribution,  and  other  elements  of  the 
Yellowstone  setting  in  1 870.  The  literary  legacy  of  the 
Washburn  Party  has  only  grown  in  value  over  the  years. 
And  it  continues  to  reveal  new  information,  and 
new  stimulation  to  modern  historians.  A  careful  review 
of  the  Washburn  Party's  experiences  with  fish  reveals  a 
rich  documentary  record  that  may  help  illuminate  a 
complex  and  little-appreciated  aspect  of  Euroamerican 
interactions  with  wild  nature  in  the  frontier  West:  the 
interplay  of  sport,  science,  and  subsistence  in  fisheries 
use.  Johan  Huizinga,  in  Homo  Ltidens:  A  Study  of  the 
Play  Element  in  Human  Culture  (1950),  said  that  "it  is 
ancient  wisdom,  but  it  is  also  a  little  cheap,  to  call  all 
human  activity  play."  For  Huizinga,  "play  is  to  be 
understood  here  not  as  a  biological  phenomenon  but 
as  a  cultural  phenomenon."''  The  Washburn  Party's 
trout-fishing  experiences  illustrate  the  depth  and  variety 
of  that  cultural  phenomenon.  By  taking  their  trout- 
fishing  tools,  practices,  and  values  into  a  wilderness 
setting,  the  Washburn  Party  offer  us  a  rewarding  glimpse 

I  do  not  mean  to  suggest  that  thete  has  been  no  good  history 
written  about  fishing  and  hunting,  only  that  it  is,  proportionately, 
extraordinarily  rare  compared  to  histor)'  written  of  many  other 
sports,  especially  the  team  sports.  For  an  important  statement 
ot  the  problems  caused  by  this  imbalance  in  attention,  see  Thomas 
L.  Altherr  and  John  F.  Reiger,  Academic  Historians  and  Hunting: 
A  Call  for  More  and  Better  Scholarship,"  Environmental  Histoij 
Review,  19  (Fall  1995):  39-56.  For  a  consideration  of  some  of  the 
mythic  elements  in  fly-fishing  histor)'  as  it  has  been  written  by 
the  fly  fishers,  see  Paul  Schullery,  American  Fly  Fishing:  A  History 
(New  York:  Nick  Lyons  Books,  1987),  pp.  13-17,  111-121; 
Andrew  Herd,  "Frederic  M.  Halford:  The  Mnh  and  the  Man," 
The  American  Fly  Fisher,  28  (Winter,  2002):  12-17;  and  Ken 
Cameron,  "Rigor  without  Mortis, '  The  American  Fly  Fisher,  28 
(Winter  2002):  18-25. 

■  The  most  useful  works  on  the  Washburn  Party's  background 
include  Nathaniel  Langford,  The  Discovery  of  Yelloxustone  Park 
(Lincoln:  Universin,' of  Nebraska  Press,  1972),  especially  Aubrey 
Haines'  "Foreword, "  pp.  vii-xxi;  Aubrey  Haines,  Yellowstone 
National  Park,  Its  Exploration  and  Establishment  (Washington, 
D.C.:  National  Park  Service.  1974),  p.  54-99,  137-152;  and 
Richard  Bartlett,  Natures  Yellowstone  (Albuquerque:  University 
ofNew  Mexico  Press,  1974),  pp.  164-207.  For  more  on  Langford 
particularly,  see  Paul  Schullery  and  Lee  H.  'Whittlesey,  Myth  and 
History  in  the  Creation  of  Yelloivstone  National  Park  (Lincoln: 
Universirv'  of  Nebtaska  Press,  2003). 

"  Johan  Huizinga,  Homo  Ludens:  A  Study  of  the  Play-Element  in 
Culture  (Boston:  The  Beacon  Press,  1955),  p.  i.  The  book  was 
apparently  first  published  in  English  translation  in  1950,  though 
the  passages  I  quote  were  dated  1938. 


Annals  o(  Wyoming:  Tiie  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring    2004 


of  how  complicated  a  thing  it  is  ior  a  person  to  toss  a 
hook  and  Hne  into  a  river. 

Sportsmen  on  the  Trail 

The  area  that  was  to  become  Yellowstone  National 
Park  in  1872  was  by  no  means  unexplored  in  1870. 
Not  only  had  Native  Americans  been  intimately  familiar 
with  this  landscape  for  thousands  of  years,  but  also 
whites  had  been  visiting  it  frequently  for  more  than  six 
decades.  The  Washburn  Party  saw  signs  of  a  number 
of  previous  white  visitors  on  their  trip,  and  twice  while 
in  the  present  park  area  they  encountered  other  whites. 

But  the  many  accounts  of  the  wonders  of 
Yellowstone  provided  by  trappers,  prospectors,  and  other 
early  white  visitors  had  not  constituted  a  respected  or 
widely  accepted  body  of  knowledge.  So,  in  a  vividly 
real  social  sense,  the  Washburn  Party,  like  a  few  other 
early  exploration  parties,  actually  was  engaging  in  a  kind 
of  formal  discovery." 

Washburn  Part}'  members,  having  traveled  from 


Helena  to  Bozeman  bersveen  August  1 7  and  August 
20,  were  joined  by  Lieutenant  Doane  and  his  small 
detachment  of  five  soldiers  at  Fort  Ellis,  just  east  of 
Bozeman.  The  group  set  out  on  August  22,  and 
stragglecf  across  the  landscape  of  the  upper  Yellowstone 
region  for  several  weeks  before  returning  home  byway 
of  the  Madison  Valley. 

Many  of  them  were  sportsmen,  and  hunting  and 
fishing  were  obvious  attractions  of  this  trip.  Trumbull 
no  doubt  expressed  the  anticipation  that  several  of  them 
felt  when  he  wrote  that  "we  intended  to  hunt  for  all 
sorts  of  large  game,  Indians  only  excepted.  No  one 
desired  to  find  any  of  them."*^  (I  will  leave  Trumbull's 
eyebrow-raising  equating  of  Native  American  humans 
with  "large  game"  for  another  time,  or  another  historian; 


General  background  on  the  Washburn  Parr.-  members,  as  provided 
in  this  essay,  is  from  the  publications  of  Langford,  Haines,  and 
Bartlett,  as  cited  above. 
Walter  Trumbull,  "The  Washburn  Yellowstone  Expedition,"  The 

Oiviidiid Munthlv.  6  (May  1871):  431. 


The  Washburn  Party  spent  much  of  their  time  in  early  September  near  the  shores  of  Yellowstone  Lake.  They  wrote  the  first  reasonably 
detailed  and  accurate  written  accounts  of  the  lake's  native  trout.  They  enjoyed  fishing  the  lake,  but  eventually  Yellowstone  Lake  cutthroat  trout 
also  became  a  critically  important  source  of  food  for  the  expedition.  William  Henry  Jackson  1871  photograph  courtesy  the  National 
Park  Service,  Yellowstone  Photograph  Archives. 


10        Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


as  I  said,  this  material  continues  to  surprise  and 
challenge  us). 

That  first  night  on  the  trail,  camped  along  Trail 
Creek,  Hedges  wrote  in  his  diary,  perhaps  with  a  little 
competitive  triumph,  that  he  "caught  the  first  trout."'^ 
Trumbull  added,  in  somewhat  grumpy  detail,  that 
"some  of  the  party  fished  with  very  limited  success, 
catching  only  about  half  a  dozen  fish  by  their  united 
and  untiring  efforts.""^ 

The  group's  various  members  fished  frequently 
from  then  on,  until  they  left  the  region  that  would 
soon  become  Yellowstone  National  Park.  Fishing- 
minded  readers  would  enjoy  reading  all  their  many 
mentions  of  the  trout,  but  here  we  will  confine  ourselves 
to  especially  telling  episodes. 

On  August  23,  they  were  in  what  is  now  known  as 
Paradise  Valley,  the  famously  picturesque  stretch  of  the 
Yellowstone  River  south  of  Livingston,  Montana.  They 
stopped  at  the  Bottler  Ranch,  near  present  Emigrant, 
Montana,  and  camped  nearby  this  pioneer  holding  that 
was  known  as  the  last  outpost  of  civilization  north  of 
the  Yellowstone  Plateau.  Hedges  said,  "I  went  down 
to  fish  after  camping.  Had  no  bate  but  meat  which 
they  wouldn't  touch."" 

Here  Hedges  introduces  us  to  a  key  element  in  the 
society  of  angling:  the  social  and  theoretical  rivalries 
among  anglers.  Bait  fishing  was,  even  then,  seen  as  the 
least  cosmopolitan  form  of  fishing.  According  to  the 
loftiest  dictates  of  refined  sporting  society,  gentlemen 
(or  snobs,  depending  upon  your  perspective)  preferred 
sophisticated  tackle  employing  artificial  lures  or  flies. 
Washburn  Party  members  revealed  various  opinions  of 
the  preference  of  Yellowstone  trout  for  bait  or  artificial 
lures,  but  when  it  came  to  what  method  caught  the 
most  fish,  most  party  members  sided  with  the  bait 
fishermen.  In  this  case,  though.  Hedges'  implication  is 
a  bit  unclear.  He  could  have  meant  that  he  needed 
more  sophisticated  tackle,  such  as  fly-fishing  gear,  or 
he  could  just  have  been  pointing  up  the  inferiority  of 
meat  (presumably  beef,  elk,  or  other  game)  to 
grasshoppers,  which  were  the  most  acclaimed  and 
successful  bait  of  the  entire  trip.  Judging  from  his  later 
experiences,  the  latter  was  the  more  likely  case. 

On  August  24,  Hedges  said,  "just  before  camping 
we  crossed  a  good  sized  creek  with  big  boulders  &c  recent 
signs  of  bear  among  the  cherry  bushes.   Our  advance 


had  a  jack  rabbit  &  sage  hen  but  no  fish.  Couldn't 
catch  any  grasshoppers.  Couldn't  get  any  pole  but 
caught  some  fish  with  [Benjamin]  Stickney's  pole."'- 
These  remarks  reveal  what  may  well  have  been  a 
common  practice  among  the  fishermen,  at  least 
among  those  not  using  store-bought  tackle.  As  already 
noted,  Hedges  previously  fished  on  August  22,  so  he 
must  have  had  a  "pole "  that  day.  Because  poles  were 
so  readily  had  at  streamside,  fishermen  might  not  have 
bothered  to  carry  one  with  them,  or  on  the  pack 
animals.  At  the  end  of  a  day's  fishing,  they  could  just 
discard  the  pole,  wind  their  line  around  something 
convenient  (like  a  very  short  stick)  and  stow  it  away 
until  needed  again.  The  risk  of  this  approach,  as 
Hedges  appears  to  have  been  noting  on  August  24,  is 
in  not  finding  a  suitable  pole  the  next  time. 

Also  on  August  24,  Langford  said  that  "during  the 
forenoon  some  of  the  escort  were  very  successful  fishing 
for  trout.  "'^  This  is  our  first  indication  that  the  soldiers 
under  Lieutenant  Doane  were  also  fishing,  and  they 
were  often  quite  successful.  Doane  echoed  Langford's 
sentiment,  saying  that,  "Our  mess-table  was  here 
supplied  with  antelope,  hare,  ducks,  and  grouse  killed 
during  the  day,  with  fish  caught  ad  libitum  in  the 
afternoon."''^  Fish  were  already  assuming  a  primary 
nutritional  role  for  the  party — a  role  that  would  increase 
in  significance  as  the  trip  continued. 

Sportsmen-Naturalists 

Near  Yankee  Jim  Canyon,  Trumbull  made  the  first 
fish-related  natural  history  observations.    He  said, 


^  Cornelius  Hedges,  "Excerpts  from  the  Diary  of  Cornelius  Hedges 
(July  6,  1870  to  January  29,  1871),  transcribed  from  the  original 
diary  in  the  Montana  State  Historical  Society  Library  by  Aubrey 
Haines,  November  5,  1962,  Yellowstone  National  Park  Research 
Library  manuscript  file,  p.  2. 

'  ^  Walter  Trumbull,  "Yellowstone  Papers,  No.  One,"  Rocky  Mountain 
Daily  Gazette,  October  1 8,  1 870,  p.  2. 

'     Hedges,  "Diary,"  p.  3. 

Hedges,  "Diary,"  p.  3.  Modern  anglers  make  a  distinction  between 
a  "pole,"  which  is  usually  just  a  stick  with  a  line  tied  to  the  end, 
and  a  "rod,"  which  typically  is  a  professionally  produced  item 
complete  with  handle,  reel,  and  small  metal  "guides"  spaced  evenly 
along  its  length  and  through  which  the  line  is  cast  or  retrieved. 
-  Langford,  Discovery,  p.  12. 

'^  Lieutenant  Gustavus  C.  Doane,  "The  report  of  Lieutenant 
Gustavus  C.  Doane  upon  the  so-called  Yellowstone  Expedition 
of  1870,"  U.S.  Senate,  4lst  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Ex.  Doc.  51, 
1871,  p.  4. 


Annals  of  Vi/yoming.  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  ■■  Spring   2004 


"During  the  day  plenty  of  small  game  was  killed,  and 
the  fishing  was  found  to  be  excellent.  Trout  and  white- 
fish  were  abundant — and  such  trout!  They  can  only  be 
found  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
and  on  the  Pacific  Slope.  Few  of  them  weighed  less 
than  nvo  pounds,  and  many  were  over  three.  They 
had  not  been  educated  up  to  the  fly;  but  when  their 
attention  was  respectfully  solicited  to  a  transfixed 
grasshopper,  they  seldom  failed  to  respond."'^ 

Here  again,  sporting  values  intrude  on  the  narrative 
we  are  reconstructing.  Trumbull  was  operating  in  an 
established  literary  mood  with  his  remark  about  the 
trout  not  being  educated  "up  to  the  fly"  The  suggestion 
that  North  American  trout  lacked  the  polish  to  respond 
to  high-quality  tackle  was  an  occasional  item  of  angling 
humor,  and  at  times  seemed  even  to  imply  a  certain 
pride,  that  our  trout  were  not  snobs.  Again,  bait  was 
preferred,  but  now  we  know  that  flies  were  tried  by  at 
least  one  party  member. 

Of  equal  interest  is  TrtimbulTs  mention  of 
whitefish.  Whitefish  were  native  to  the  Yellowstone 
River  through  its  entire  length  as  far  as  upstream 
Knowles  Falls,  in  present  northern  Yellowstone 
National  Park.  They  were  also  native  to  the  Madison 
River  drainage,  by  which  route  the  party  left  the  park 
area  and  returned  to  Bozeman.  Presumably  they  were 
sometimes  part  of  the  party's  catch,  but  this  is  the  only 
mention  any  parrv'  member  would  make  of  them.  As 
the  "poor  sisters"  of  trout  in  the  prevailing  sport  fishers 
view  (then  as  now),  whitefish  were  rarely  worth  bragging 
about. 

Also  in  his  August  24  entry,  Doane  (writing  in  a 
report  that  was  no  doubt  polished  and  revised  after  the 
trip),  first  discussed  the  long-term  availability  and 
dependability  of  fish  as  a  supplemental  food  source  for 
the  party  when  he  said  that  "several  of  the  party  were 
very  successful  during  the  morning  in  fishing  for  trout, 
of  which  we  afterward  had  an  abundant  and  continued 
supply.""'  Doane  here  also  made  his  first  contribution 
to  the  natural  history  of  the  fish:  "The  Yellowstone 
trout  are  peculiar,  being  the  largest  of  the  genus  caught 
in  waters  flowing  east.  Their  numbers  are  perfectly 
fabulous,  but  their  appetites  extremely  dainty.  One 
may  fish  with  the  finest  tackle  of  eastern  sportsmen, 
when  the  water  appears  to  be  alive  with  them,  all  day 
long  without  a  bite.    Grasshoppers  are  their  peculiar 


weakness,  and  tising  them  for  a  bait  the  most  awkward 
angler  can  fill  a  champagne-basket  in  an  hour  or  two. 
They  do  not  bite  with  the  spiteful  greediness  of  eastern 
brook  trout,  but  amount  to  much  more  in  the  way  of 
subsistence  when  caught.  Their  flesh  is  of  a  bright 
yellow  color  on  the  inside  of  the  bodv,  and  of  a  flavor 
unsurpassed."' 

Doane,  in  his  remark  abotu  the  Yellowstone 
cutthroat  trout  being  "the  largest  of  the  genus  caught 
in  waters  flowing  east,"  seems  to  have  been  comparing 
the  Yellowstone  Cutthroat  with  trout  in  the  Missouri 
(or  its  source  rivers,  the  Gallatin,  Madison,  and 
Jefferson),  or  any  of  the  many  other  rivers  that  join  the 
Missouri  and  host  trout  populations.  Either  he 
personalK'  had,  or  he  had  learned  from  someone  with, 
personal  acquaintance  with  the  various  trout  populations 
east  of  the  Continental  Divide.  It  is  an  interesting 
observation,  but  not  one  that  seems  supported  by  the 
historical  record;  earlv  records  of  Missouri  River  trout, 
dating  back  as  far  as  Lewis  anci  Clark's  travels  up  and 
down  the  river  in  1805-1806,  suggest  that  Missouri 
River  trout  were  sizeable. 

Doane's  comments  on  the  behavior  of  the  eastern 
brook  trout  were  possibly  based  on  second-hand 
information,  perhaps  from  another  member  of  the 
party;  Doane  himself  spent  very  little  time  in  the  East 
in  his  life.'''^  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  if  his 
later  experiences  with  Yellowstone  cutthroats  on  this 
trip  changed  his  mind.  Small  cutthroat  trout  in  upland 
freestone  streams  seem  to  many  modern  anglers  to  feed 
at  least  as  hastily  and  vigorously  as  do  eastern  brook 
trout  (which  have,  regrettably,  displaced  them  from 


'  Triimhull,  "The  Washburn  Yellowstone  Expedition,"  p.  432. 
Throughout  this  paper,  comments  on  fish  natural  histor)',  history, 
management,  and  related  topics  are  based  primarily  on  John  D. 
Varle\'  and  Paul  Schullery,  Yellowstone  Fishes:  Ecology.  History, 
ijiid  Angling  in  the  P,irk  (Harrisburg:  Stackpole  Books,  1'098). 
Additional  information  provided  here  on  western  native  fishes, 
see  Roger  ]  Bchnke,  Native  Trout  of  Western  North  Ainerici! 
(Bethesda:  American  Fisheries  Society.  1992).  Context  on  fishing 
histor\'  is  provided  primarily  by  Schullery,  Amenciin  Fly  Fishing: 
A  History. 


16 


Doane,  "Report,    p.  3 


'   Doane,  "Report,"  p.  3. 
'°Haines,  Vellowstone  Nitional P.trk.  pp.  137-139.  1  am  also  indebted 
to  Kim  Allen  Scott,  Special  Collections  Librarian,  Montana 
State  University,  Bozeman,  Montana,  for  a  reading  of  his  in- 
press  manuscript  biography  of  Doane. 


12       Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


many  of  their  native  waters  in  the  West). 

On  August  25.  the  party  continued  on  an  apparent 
Indian  trail  through  Yankee  Jim  Canyon,  now  just  a 
few  miles  north  ot  what  would  become  Yellowstone 
National  Park.  At  some  point  during  the  day,  parry 
member  Warren  Gillette  "tried  my  luck  at  fishing  in 
YS.— caught  nothing.  Others  of  the  party  caught  some 
fine  fish — had  lor  supper  last  night  &  breakfast  this 
A.M.  Antelope,  Rabbit,  Grouse,  duck  &  fish."'''  As 
we  will  see,  Gillette  was  one  of  the  party  who  carried 
fly-fishing  gear.  Perhaps  his  lack  of  success  was  the 
inspiration  tor  Doane's  remark  about  "the  finest  tackle 
of  eastern  sportsmen"  not  serving  well. 

The  party  followed  the  Yellowstone  River  drainage 
upstream,  finding  plenty  offish  and  other  game.  On 
August  28,  Gillette,  now  in  the  area  that  would  become 
Yellowstone  National  Park,  and  fishing  the  Yellowstone 
River  near  the  mouth  of  Tower  Creek,  "Caught  7  fine 
trout  that  would  weigh  from  2  to  2-1/2  pounds  each. 
These  fish  are  not  gamy  like  the  trout  in  the  east.  They 
make  but  little  resistance  in  being  taken  from  the  water 
&  do  not  run  with  the  hook  after  taking  the  bait."-'' 
Gillette  was  a  native  of  New  York,  where  he  lived  until 
attending  Oberlin  College  in  Ohio.  His  background 
and  his  comments  this  day  further  lead  to  the  conclusion 
that  he,  at  least,  was  using  "eastern"  tackle  and  was 
familiar  with  the  native  eastern  brook  trout. 

It  is  part  of  the  Yellowstone  Cutthroat's  mixed 
reputation  among  modern  fly  fishers  that  it  is,  indeed, 
not  as  "gamy"  as  some  other  species  of  trout.  The 
prevailing  opinion  is  that,  of  the  common  trout  species, 
Yellowstone  Cutthroats  are  the  least  strong  fighters 
when  hooked.  For  example,  unlike  their  near  cousins 
the  rainbows,  Yellowstone  Cutthroats  rarely  jump  when 
hooked.-'  But  many  of  today's  trout  fishermen,  more 
than  a  century  further  along  in  the  sport's  ethical 
development,  do  not  place  quite  as  high  a  premium  on 
the  "fight"  as  did  earlier  generations  of  anglers.  Especially 
those  anglers  who  practice  catch-and-release  seek  to  land 
the  fish  as  quickly  as  possible,  because  the  fish's  struggle 
to  escape — once  such  a  prized  part  of  the  fishing 
experience — can  exhaust  it  beyond  recovery. 

Sportsmen-Survlvallsts 

September  arrived  as  the  party  enjoyed  the  scenery, 
fishing,  and  hunting  around  the  Grand  Canyon  of  the 


Yellowstone  River.  Langford  worried  about  the  lateness 
of  the  season  and  the  prospects  for  provisions: 
"However,  the  perceptible  decline  in  our  larder,  and  the 
uncertainty  of  the  time  to  be  occupied  in  further 
exploration,  forbid  more  than  two  days'  stay  at  the  falls 
and  caiion."'-  The  party  would  display  a  growing  sense 
of  urgency  to  keep  moving,  despite  all  their  enthusiasm 
for  discovery  and  wonder. 

There  was  another  risk.  There  were  many  elk  and 
other  large  animals  in  Yellowstone,  in  appropriate 
habitats.  But  those  habitats  were  not  uniformly 
distributed  across  the  landscape,  nor  was  the  wildlife 
necessarily  handy  when  hunters  wanted  food.  And  if 
the  animals  should  begin  to  migrate  to  winter  ranges  in 
lower  country,  that  source  of  meat  would  disappear. 
Only  birds  and  trout  would  remain. 

At  Yellowstone  Lake  that  first  week  of  September, 
Washburn  joined  the  chorus  of  angling  theorists  who 
seemed  to  believe,  or  at  least  joked,  that  wild  trout  have 
to  be  taught  to  take  flies:  "The  fishing,  which  had 
been  good  all  the  way  up  the  river,  proved  remarkably 
so  in  the  lake.  Trout  from  2  to  4  pounds  were  to  be 
had  for  the  taking.  Flies  proved  useless,  as  the  fish  had 
not  been  educated  up  to  that  point. "-^^  He  did  not 
specify  who,  precisely,  was  fishing  with  flies,  but  this  is 
probably  the  earliest  known  reference  to  the  use  of  flies 
in  what  would  become  Yellowstone  National  Park. 

Like  anglers  of  all  generations,  the  Washburn  Party 
enlisted  a  satisfying  array  of  excuses,  including  lousy 
tackle,  bad  weather,  poor  bait,  ignorant  fish,  and  heavy 
streamside  brush,  to  explain  their  days  of  failure  in  this 


'  ^  Warren  Gillette,  "The  Quest  of  Warren  Gillette,"  Brian 
Cockhill,  ed.,  Montana  The  Magazine  of  Western  History  32 
(Summer  1972):  18. 

-"  Gillette,  "Quest,"  p.  19. 

^  For  an  expert  angler  opinion  and  commentary  on  the  Yellowstone 
Cutthroat  as  a  sportfish,  and  its  contrast  to  the  Snake  River 
Cutthroat,  which  is  famous  for  its  fighting  qualities,  see  Ernest 
Schwiebert,  Troict  (New  York:  E.P.  Dutton,  1978),  Vol.  I,  pp. 
287-290,  in  which  Schwiebert  recounts  conversations  about 
cutthroat  trout  with  famous  Jackson  Hole  guide  Bob  Carmichael. 

-^  Langford,  Discovery,  p.  38. 

^-'  Henry  D.  Washburn,  "The  Yellowstone  Expedition,  explorations 
in  a  new  and  wonderful  country — description  of  the  Great  Falls 
of  the  Yellowstone — volcanic  eiuptions,  spouting  geysets,  etc.," 
Helena  Daily  Herald,  September  27  and  28,  1871,  quoted  from 
reprint  in  Louis  C.  Cramton,  Early  History  ofYellowstone  National 
Park  ayidlts  ReLition  to  National  Park  Policies  (Washington,  D.C., 
U.S.  Government  Printing  Office,  1932),  p. 94. 


A"nais  ;•"  Wycr'^c  The  V'.'yomipg  Hisiory  Jcur^a'  ■-  Spring    20S4 


fisherman's  paradise  (blaming  the  fish  is  always  an 
especially  entertaining  rationalization).  Unlike  most 
modern  anglers,  however,  parry  members  also  listed  the 
threat  ot  physical  violence  as  an  interfering  hictor.  At 
least  once,  the  imagined  or  real  approach  of  Indians 
caused  anglers  to  return  to  camp.-"^ 

In  his  September  4  report  entry,  Doane  ofiered  the 
most  extended  observation  on  the  characteristics  of  trout 
of  Yellowstone  Lake  made  by  the  parry: 

Its  waters  abound  with  trout  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  fish  at  this  season  are  in  poor  condition,  for  want 
ot  food.  No  other  fish  are  seen;  no  minnDWs,  and  no 
small  trout.  1  here  are  also  no  clams,  crabs,  or 
turtles — nothing  but  lull-grown  trout.  These  could 
by  caught  in  mule-loads  bv  wading  out  a  tew  teet  in 
the  open  waters  at  anv  point  with  a  grasshopper  bait. 
Two  men  could  catch  them  taster  than  half  a  dozen 
could  clean  and  get  them  ready  for  the  frying  pan. 
Caught  in  the  open  lake,  their  flesh  was  \'ellow;  but 
in  bays,  where  the  water  was  strongly  impregnated 
with  chemicals,  it  was  blood-red.  Many  oi  them 
were  full  of  long  white  worms,  woven  across  rhe 
interior  oi  the  bod\-,  and  through  to  the  skin  on  either 
side.  These  did  not  appear  to  materialK-  ahect  the 
condition  ot  the  fish,  which  wete  apparenth'  as  active 
as  the  others.-^ 

The  ambitious  Doane,  whose  orders  were  limited 
ro  accompanying  the  party,  made  good  use  oI  the 
opportunity  to  distinguish  himsell  as  an  otficial 
explorer,  producing  the  party's  most  competent  and 
fully  doctmiented  report,  including  such  lormalities  as 
dailv  temperatures,  barometric  readings,  and  elevations. 
His  report  was  a  model  ot  the  type,  and  when  it 
appeared  in  June  1871,  it  enjoyed  a  briet  reign  as  the 
foremost  published  scientific  source  on  the  wonders  ot 
Yellowstone.  But  even  as  it  appeared,  Ferdinand  H,ivden 
of  the  U.S.  Geological  Survey  and  Captain  lohn 
Barlow,  an  engineer  with  the  U.S.  Army's  Division  ot 
Missouri,  were  preparing  much  more  protessional 
survey  parties  (including  sportsmen-explorers  ot  their 
own)  that  within  a  \'eat  woidd  simply  fiood  the  world 
with  scientific  information  about  Yellowstone. 

Still,  Doane's  report  remains  a  literary  and 
intormational  classic  trom  this  early  period,  and  his 
accounts  of  the  life  historv  ot  Yellowstone  trout  were  a 


legitimate  contribution  to  knowledge  at  the  time. 
Though  some  ot  his  natural  history  was  suspect  (such 
as  the  fish  lacking  food;  how  had  the  trout  population 
persisted  tor  thousands  ot  vears  if  there  was  so  little 
tood? — and  such  as  the  explanation  ot  the  color  of  the 
flesh  ot  the  trout,  which  is  primarily  the  result  ot  diet), 
other  parts  were  astute.  Immature  Yellowstone 
Cutthroat  Trout  are,  indeed,  rarely  seen;  they  tend  to 
live  in  deeper  water,  out  ot  reach  ot  sport  anglers.  And 
the  observation  ot  the  worms  was  to  be  echoed  by 
countless  later  writers  who  encountered  this  visually 
disturbing  but  relatively  benign  'at  least  to  humans) 
patasite.  Doane  did  nor  formall)'  identify  this  creature, 
but  his  acciuate  accotmt  of  it  and  its  effect  on  trour 
preceded  b\'  two  yeats  Dr.  Joseph  Leidy's  formal 
description  ot  the  tapeworm  Diphyllobothyint)!.-^' 

Langford,  whose  reputation  as  a  regional  booster 
is  well  known  by  historians,  said,  in  an  article  in 
Scrihner'i  Monthly,  that  the  lake  "is  filled  with  trout, 
some  of  gigantic  size  and  peculiar  delicacy."-  There 
is  no  evidence  in  the  historical,  archaeological,  or 
biological  record  that  the  trout  of  Yellowstone  Lake 
ever  achieved  "gigantic "  size.  A  24-inch  specimen  would 
be  extraordinary,  btu  in  the  lexicon  of  anglers  of  that 
day  even  a  fish  that  large  would  hardh'  be  considered 
gigantic.  It  is  possible  that  Langford's  own  experiences 
to  that  time  had  involved  only  smaller  trout,  but  it  is 
also  possible  that  describing  the  trout  this  way  was  for 
Langford  just  another  means  ot  further  enhancing  his 
description  of  the  regions  glories. 

fiedges,  in  a  newspaper  article  he  later  wrore  about 
Yellowstone  Lake,  gave  us  the  party's  best  single 
reminiscence  of  what  Yellowstone  Lake  angling  was 
like  tot  a  true  enthusiast.  This  account  stands  as  by  far 
the  most  extended  and  meaningful  petsonal 
sportfishing  narrative  to  that  point  in  the  Yellowstone 
area's  literar)'  history. 


-'*  Laiioford,  "Wonders,"  p.  119. 

-'  Doane,  "Report,'   p.  19. 

*-^James  Pritchard,  Pu'serving  Yellowstone's  Niitiinil  Conditions 

(Lincoln:   Universir,'  of  Nebrask.i  Press,  1990),  p.  80. 
-    Langford,  "The  Wonders  ot  the  Yellowstone.'  Scribiier's  Monthly. 

May  1871.  p.  11 4. 


14       Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


By  mid-September,  when  the  Washburn  Party  reached  the  now-famous  geyser  basins  of  the  Firehole  River,  pictured  here  as  photographed 
by  William  Henry  Jackson  in  1 871 ,  they  were  anxious  to  reach  home.  They  had  little  time  to  fish  the  Firehole  River,  now  world-famous  among 
fly  fishers,  but  it  was  barren  offish  life  for  almost  its  entire  length  anyway.  The  Firehole  was  later  stocked  with  a  variety  of  non-native  sport  fish 
by  early  park  administrators.  Photograph  courtesy  the  National  Park  Service,  Yellowstone  Photograph  Archives. 


M\-  indi\idual  taste  led  me  to  fishing,  and  1  venture 
that  none  of  the  party  dare  complain  that  they  did  not 
have  all  the  fine  trout  that  their  several  appetites  and 
capacities  could  provide  storage  tor.  Indeed,  I  feel  in 
gratitude  bound  to  bear  testimony  that  for  fme  fish, 
and  solid,  satisf}'ing  fun,  there  is  no  body  of  water 
under  the  sun  more  attractive  to  the  ambitious 
fisherman  than  the  Yellowstone  Lake.  While  upon  the 
subject  of  fishing,  allow  me  to  relate  one  or  two  instances 
of  personal  experience.  One  day,  after  the  loss  of  our 
comrade  [this  would  be  later  in  September-P.S.],  and 
when  rations  were  getting  short,  I  was  deputed  to  lav 
in  a  stock  of  fish  to  eke  our  scantv  larder  on  our 
homeward  journey.  Proud  of  this  tribute  to  my 
piscatoPi'  skill,  I  endeavored  under  some  difficulties,  to 
justif)'  the  expectations  of  my  companions,  and  in  about 
two  hours,  while  the  waves  were  comparatively  quiet,  I 
strewed  the  beach  with  about  50  beauties,  not  one  of 
which  would  weigh  less  than  2  pounds,  while  the 
average  weight  was  about  3  pounds.  Another  incident, 
illustrative  of  the  proximity  of  hot  springs  rather  than 


of  trouting:  Near  the  southwest  corner  of  the  lake  is  a 
large  basin  of  exceedingly  hot  springs.  These  springs 
cover  a  large  field.  Some  are  in  the  very  margin  of  the 
lake,  while  others  rise  under  the  lake  and  indicate  their 
localit)'  by  steam  and  ebullition  upon  the  lakes  surface 
when  the  waves  are  not  too  uneasy.  One  spring  of 
large  size,  unfathomable  depth,  sending  out  a 
continuous  stream  of  at  least  50  inches  of  scalding  water, 
is  still  separated  from  the  cool  water  of  the  lake  by  a 
rocky  partition,  not  more  than  a  foot  thick  in  places.  I 
returned  along  the  narrow  rim  of  this  partition,  a-^d 
catching  sight  of  some  expectant  trout  lying  in  easy 
reach,  I  solicited  their  attention  to  a  transfixed 
grasshopper,  and  meeting  an  early  and  energetic 
response,  I  attempted  to  land  my  prize  beyond  the 
spring,  but  unfortunately  for  the  fish,  he  escaped  the 
hook  to  plunge  into  this  boiling  spring.  As  soon  as 
possible  I  relieved  the  agonized  creature  by  throwing 
him  out  with  my  pole,  and  though  his  contortions 
were  not  fully  ended,  his  skin  came  off  and  he  had  all 
the  appearance  of  being  boiled  through.  The  incident. 


Annals  of  Wyoming   The  Wyoming  History  Journal  ■-  Spring    2004 


though  excusable  as  an  incident,  was  too  shocking  to 
repeat. 

We  noted  it  as  a  singular  fact  that  we  saw  no  other  fish 
than  trout  in  the  lake,  and  no  small  fish  ot  any  sort. 
There  was  a  wide  contrast  in  the  color  of  the  meat  oi 
these  trout.  While  most  oi  them  were  as  richh'  red  as 
salmon,  others  were  quite  white;  and  as  a  frank 
confession  is  good  for  the  soul,  we  will  relieve  our  own 
by  confessing  that  some  at  our  ver\'  last  camp  on  the 
lake  were  knind  to  be  wormy.-^^ 

Despite  Hedges's  obvious  horror  at  causing  such 
agony  to  the  fish  that  was  accidentally  boiled,  it  was 
not  true  that  it  was  "too  shocking  to  repeat."  in  fact  he 
was  anticipating  a  long  popular  (if  ghastly)  practice 
among  Yellowstone  vacationers.  Purposeh'  cooking  live 
fish  just  that  wav  became  a  popular  visitor  attraction  in 
Yellowstone  for  many  years  after  the  park  was 
established.  The  cruel  practice  was  not  made  illegal 
until  1929. 

As  the  parry  traveled  the  forested  countn'  around 
Yellowstone  Lake,  Langford's  concerns  about  food  were 
realized.  The  easy  hunting  was  past,  and  their  other 
provisions  ran  low.  On  September  6,  Hedges  said  "had 
nothing  but  salt  meat  today.  Poorest  camp  we  have 
had  in  tangled  woods."-''  But  on  September  7,  now 
near  the  southern  end  of  the  southeast  arm  of 
Yellowstone  Lake,  Hedges  said  "I  went  out  and  had 
much  fim  catching  trout,  got  about  a  doz  &  had  a 
good  supper."'" 

On  September  9,  disaster  struck.  As  the  party 
thrashed  through  the  heav)'  downfall  of  timber  south 
of  the  lake,  fiftv-fotir  year-old  Iruman  Everts  became 
separated  from  the  grotip,  and  despite  the  heroic  efforts 
of  parry  members  who  searched  for  him  even  after  the 
first  snows  began  to  fall,  he  wandered  lost  for  thirty- 
seven  days,  finally  being  rescued  by  two  local 
moimtaineers  in  the  northern  part  of  the  present  park. 
Some  of  his  most  exasperating  experiences  in  tr\'ing  to 
feed  himself  in  the  wilci  involved  his  attempts  to  catch 
fish.^i 

Meanwhile,  for  the  main  party,  trout  were  getting 
more  important  as  food.  C^n  September  10,  in  camp 
on  Flat  Motmtain  Arm  on  the  smithwest  shore  of 
Yellowstone  Lake,  Doane  reported  that  "in  the 
evenintr  large  numbers  of  fish  were  cati"ht.  Private 


Williamson  catching  fifty-rwo  large  trout,  all  that  two 
men  could  carry,  in  less  than  an  hour."''-  On 
September  1 1 ,  Hedges  said  "though  it  was  Sun  we 
wanted  fish  so  much  that  I  went  down  &  caught  about 
a  dozen.  ...  I  am  to  stay  &  lay  in  store  offish."'^  On 
September  12,  Langford  said  "during  the  absence  of 
Washbtu'n  and  myself  Mr.  Hedges  has  spent  the  day 
in  fishing,  catching  forty  of  the  fme  trout  with  which 
the  lake  abounds.  Mr.  [Benjamin]  Stickney  has  to- 
day made  an  inventory  of  our  larder,  and  we  find  that 
our  luxuries,  such  as  coffee,  sugar  and  flour,  are  nearly 
used  up,  and  that  we  have  barely  enough  of  necessary 
provisions — salt,  pepper,  etc.,  to  last  us  ten  days  longer 
with  economy  in  their  use.  We  will  remain  at  the  lake 
probably  three  or  four  days  longer  with  the  hope  of 
finding  some  trace  of  Everts,  when  it  will  be  necessary 
to  turn  our  faces  homewards  to  avoid  general  disaster, 
and  in  the  meantime  we  \sill  diT  a  few  hundred  pounds 
of  trout,  and  carr\-  them  with  us  as  a  precatitionary 
measure  against  starvation. "^"^ 

On  September  16,  Doane  reported  the  party's 
preparations  to  leave  the  lake.  "We  spent  the  evening 


-"  Hedges,  "Yellowstone  Lake, "  Heleiui  Daily  HeralA,  November 
9,  quoted  from  reprint  in  Louis  C.  Cramton,  Early  History  of 
Yellou  'Stone  National  Park  and  Its  ReLition  to  National  Park  Policies 
(Washington,  D.C.,  U.S.  Government  Printing  Office,  1932), 
pp.  108-109.  For  variations  on  these  stories,  see  also  Hedges' 
letter  ro  his  sister,  which  includes  the  following  passage:  "The 
Lake  itself  is  25  miles  long — we  reached  it  first  Sept.  3 — I  left  it 
on  the  1  ^th  having  gone  entirely  around  it — I  caught  hundreds 
of  trout  111  its  waters,  the  smallest  one  would  weigh  more  than 
rivo  pounds.  .  .  .  there  are  many  hot  springs  around  the  lake  & 
in  some  places  in  the  verv'  bottom  ot  the  lake — so  close  &:  so  hot 
are  some  ot  these  springs  that  one  day  I  caught  a  large  trout  & 
in  pulling  him  out  he  tell  olif  mv  hook  o\er  a  hot  spring  &  before 
1  could  toss  him  out  with  mv  pole  he  was  cooked  thru.  .  .  .  " 
Cornelius  Hedges,  letter  to  "Dear  Sister,"  October  11,  1870, 
Montana  Historical  Society  Collection,  SC  #1874,  p.  3-  For 
another  account  ot  Hedges's  experience  with  the  trout  that  tell 
into  the  hot  spring,  see  Trumbull,  "The  Washburn  Yellowstone 
Expedition,"  p.  492. 

-     Hedges,  "Diary,"  p.  9. 

30  Hedges,  "Diary,"  p.  9. 

■  Lee  Whittlesey,  Lost  in  the  Yellowstone:  Truman  Everts's  "Thirty- 
Set'en  Days  of  Peril"  (Salt  Lake  Ciry:  LIniversity  of  Utah  Press, 
1995)  is  the  most  thorough  account  of  Everts'  experience, 
including  a  complete  version  ot  Everts'  own  published  story. 


Doane,  "Report,"  p.  23. 


32 

-'•'   Hedges,  "Diary, "  p.  10. 

-''*  Langford,  Discovery,  pp.  83-84. 


Arnals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


in  collecting  specimens  from  the  different  springs  and 
laving  in  a  supply  ot  fish  for  future  use."'""  Hedges 
added  that  "I  spent  most  of  the  time  in  fishing.  Caught 
about  20.  Didn't  have  a  good  pole  and  didn't  want  to 
wade  in.  Enjoyed  the  day  very  much  in  spite  of  wet 
feet  and  head  ache.  "''^'  As  on  several  other  occasions, 
we  find  here  a  report  that  subsistence  fishing  was  also 
sport  fishing;  he  still  had  fun. 

On  September  17,  the  main  party  moved  out, 
heading  west  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Madison  River, 
\s'hich  they  would  follow  downstream.  On  September 
1 8  they  emerged  from  the  forest  into  the  Upper  Geyser 
Basin,  where  they  spent  a  hectic  day  seeing  what  they 
could  in  this  extraordinary  area.  Then  they  hurried 
down  the  Firehole  River,  which  at  that  time  was  barren 
offish  life  almost  its  entire  length.  On  September  19, 
Hedges  said  "no  fish  in  river.  Grub  getting  very  thin."  "* 
That  same  day,  the  day  before  they  left  the  present  park 
area,  Langford  said,  "we  are  now  on  short  rations,  but 
the  fish  we  dried  while  camped  on  Yellowstone  lake  are 
doing  good  service."^^ 

Yellowstone's  First  Fly  Fisher? 

Warren  Gillette  and  his  soldier  companions,  who 
had  stayed  behind  at  Yellowstone  Lake,  had  no  luck 
finding  Everts.'''^  They  followed  the  rest  of  the  part)', 
and  on  their  way  out  they  gave  us  our  first  specific 
reference  to  a  known  individual  fly  fishing  in  what 
would  become  Yellowstone  National  Park,  one  of  the 
world's  great  fly-fishing  destinations.  On  September 
24,  Gillette,  now  on  the  lower  Firehole  or  upper 
N4adison  River,  perhaps  near  the  junction  of  the 
Firehole  and  Gibbon  rivers,  said,  "Tried  fishing.  My 
only  fly  was  taken  off  and  could  get  no  bites  from  meat 
bait."-^o 

For  historians  of  western  fly  fishing,  this  is  a 
tantalizing  but  frustrating  statement.  Had  Gillette  just 
lost  his  last  fly? — meaning  he  had  lost  the  others  while 
fishing  earlier  in  the  trip?  Or  had  just  left  his  fly  book 
behind  in  camp,  and  just  lost  the  "only  fly"  he  had  with 
him?  Had  he  lost  the  fly  in  a  fish,  an  underwater  snag, 
a  bush?  What  kind  of  "meat  bait"  did  he  try?  Had  the 
advancing  season  eliminated  the  option  of  using 
grasshoppers?  We  can  only  guess,  but  again,  it  seems 
most  probable,  if  not  certain,  that  Gillette  was  the 
person  who  kept  trying  the  "eastern  tackle"  mentioned 


by  the  others,  and  that  despite  their  sarcasms  he  found 
flies  more  effective  or  at  least  more  satisfying  to  use 
than  meat  bait.  More  than  that  we  cannot  support 
without  additional  evidence. 

Conclusions 

We  might  divide  the  historical  interest  of  the 
Washburn  Party's  fish-related  exploits  into  two  areas. 
The  first  is  in  the  field  of  sport  history.  Here  they  left 
us  a  vivid  account  of  fishing  what  hyperbolic  outdoor 
writers  would  call  "virgin  waters. "  Though  untold 
generations  of  native  people  and  any  number  of  earlier 
white  visitors  had  caught  trout  in  Yellowstone,  the 
Washburn  Party  left  us  the  first  reasonably  detailed 
account  of  it,  thus  serving  as  pioneer  sporting  journalists 
in  this  now  world-famous  fishing  destination.  They 
used  a  variet}'  of  tackle,  from  the  most  basic  to  the 
most  sophisticated,  but  they  left  us  all  too  little 
information  on  such  matters  as  tackle  and  line 
specifications,  fly  patterns,  and  other  details  of  interest 
to  angling  antiquarians. 

They  displayed  an  awareness  of  competing  sporting 
styles  and  codes  of  their  time  by  their  somewhat  negative 
comments  about  the  "finest  tackle  of  eastern  sportsmen," 
comments  which,  it  seems  likely,  also  implied  a  certain 
pride  in  their  frontier  competence  at  not  needing  such 
effete  fripperies.  Their  values  were  otherwise  not 
surprising,  except  perhaps  in  Hedge's  sympathetic 
portrayal  of  the  agony  of  a  fish  he  accidentally  dunked 
in  a  hot  spring.  They  were  typical  of  their  time  in  killing 
ver\'  large  numbers  of  fish,  but  deserve  pardon  from 
the  critical  judgments  of  later  generations  for  these 
apparent  excesses,  because  they  evidently  consumed 
most  or  all  of  the  fish  they  caught.     Even  Private 


-  '     Doane,  "Report, "  p.  27. 

-'''  Hedges,  "Diary,"  p.  11. 

-''    Hedges,  "Diary,"  p.  12. 

-^°  Langford,  DufOf^n'.  P-  116. 

■''  Gillette,  "Quest,"  p.  27,  on  September  18,  said  "Williamson 
left  Moore  &  myself  to  make  a  shelter  (which  we  did  with  poles 
&  blankets)  while  he  went  out  to  hunt.  In  about  an  hour  we 
heard  him  halou  in  the  mountains.  Heard  his  shots  first.  Moore 
took  the  mule  &  went  to  where  we  heard  the  shots  &  returned 
with  a  fine  fat  2  year  old  heifer  Elk.  We  ate  the  liver  for  supper.  I 
must  not  forget  that  I  killed  another  chicken  today  with  my 
pistol,  of  which  I  feel  quite  proud." 

4"  Gillette,  "Quest,"  p.  29. 


Anats  of  Wvomina   The  ' 


OTiira  Hislop,'  .:j 


Williamson's  huge  carcli  of  Hfty-two  trout  on 
September  10  must  be  kept  in  perspective  by 
calculating  how  little  time  such  a  haul  would  last  when 
confronted  by  the  appetites  of"  nineteen  hungry 
travelers. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  part  of  their  sport 
fishing  literary  legacy  was  simply  in  showing  the 
modern  angler  what  is  at  stake  in  managing  wild  trout 
fisheries.  The  first  literate  sportsmen  into  a  new  region 
provide  us  with  a  kind  ol  baseline  oi  fish  and  game 
conditions  against  which  we  can  measure  all  later 
attempts  to  sustain  and  protect  these  resources. 

The  second  area  of  interest  is  a  hodgepodge  of 
impressions  that  the  Washburn  Party  provides  other 
historical  specialists.  To  the  historian  of  western  natural 
history,  thev  provided  some  modest  but  meaningfiil 
first-hand  observations  on  the  regions  trout — nothing 
on  the  scale  ot  their  lengthy  accounts  oi  the  geography 
and  geothermal  wonders,  but  still  pathbreaking 
inlormation  new  to  biologists.  To  the  historian  of 
western  exploration,  trout  should,  but  do  not,  loom 
large  in  this  chapter  of  the  "discovery"  of  the  West;  it 


seems  clear  that  without  trout  in  those  critical  mid- 
September  days  the  Washburn  Party  would  have  been 
in  serious  trouble  for  want  ol  tood.  To  historians  oi 
the  development  and  eventual  solidification  ol"  the 
national  park  idea  as  embodied  in  the  Yellowstone  Park 
Act  ol  March  1,  1872,  the  mens  comments  of  the 
quality  of  the  fishing  are  an  indication  of  yet  another 
ol  the  many  reasons  that  could  be  enlisted  in  marketing 
the  park  to  tourists. 

The  trout  was  one  of  the  most  important  animals 
in  the  history  ol  the  Washbtirn  Party.  Cumulatively, 
part)^  members  wrote  substantially  more  words  about 
the  Yellowstone  Cutthroat  Trout  than  they  wrote  about 
any  other  wild  animal  species. ''  Fishing  was,  lor  this 
or  that  subset  ol  the  partv,  a  means  ol  acquiring  lood, 

"*  For  the  most  thorough  compiLition  ot  wildhfe  obscr\Mtions 
b\'  the  \X  dshburn  Pirr\",  see  P,iul  Schulle^^•  and  Lee  Whirtlese\', 
"The  Documentan,-  Record  ot  Wolves  and  Related  Wildlife 
Species  in  the  Yellowstone  National  Park  Area  Prior  to  1882," 
in  J.D.  Varley  and  W.G.  Brewster,  eds..  Wolves  for  Yellowstonfi'  A 
Report  to  the  United  States  Congress,  Volume  IV.  Research  and 
Analysis  (Yellowstone  National  Park:  National  Park  Setvice. 
^")')2),pp.  1.S1-1.S8 


An  1860s-era  picture  of  the  Yellowstone  River  just  north  of  Yankee  Jim  Canyon  appeared  in 
Alfred  E,  Mathews.  Penal  Sketches  of  Montana  (the  author,  New  Yori<.  1868).  The 
Washburn  Party  would  have  seen  the  same  country  in  1870,  passing  this  way  as  they 
followed  the  nver  through  the  canyon.  Note  the  pronghorn  in  the  nght  foreground:  Mathews 
spoke  at  some  length  about  the  abundance  of  game  in  the  area.  Courtesy  the  Yellowstone 
Park  Research  Library. 


18       Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2Q04 


of  testing  one's  angling  skill,  of  engaging  in  friendly 
competition  with  other  sportsmen,  and  of  studying  the 
natural  world.  Trout  were  appreciated  as  food,  as 
sporting  quarry,  as  affirmation  of  sporting  codes,  as 
scientific  objects,  and  even  as  potential  promotional 
devices. 

This  is  not  to  imply  that  trout  were  that  important 
to  everybody,  all  the  time,  in  the  West.  It  would  be 
unfair  to  liken  the  intensity  of  interest  that  the 
Washburn  Party  displayed  in  trout  to  any  similar  interest 
shown  by  other  white  residents  of  Montana  Territory 
in  their  day-to-day  lives.  Only  some  people  fish,  and 
among  them,  the  average  angler  in  the  Northern  Rocky 
Mountains  in  1870  would  have  routinely  combined 
sport  and  subsistence  as  the  only  reasons  for  fishing. 

On  the  other  hand,  that  same  average  person  would 


have  little  day-to-day  use  for  all  the  rich,  diverse 
elements  and  values  of  literature,  fine  arts,  music,  or 
any  other  central  human  pursuit.  The  point  of  this 
paper  is  not  to  elevate  trout  fishing  to  a  primary  focus 
among  historians  of  the  West,  but  to  alert  those 
historians  to  the  opportunities  that  trout  fishing,  in  its 
own  quiet  and  unique  way,  provides  us  for  improving 
our  understanding  of  all  the  subtle  and  unspoken  things 
that  our  ancestors  were  up  to  when  they  traveled  through 
trout  country,      mi 


Paul  Schullery 


first  worked  in  Yellowstone  as  a  ranger- 
naturalist  in  1972.  He  is  the  author,  co-author, 
or  editor  of  more  than  thirty  books,  including 
Searching  for  Yellowstone,  The  Bears  of 
Yellowstone,  and  Mountain  Time.  A  former 
director  of  The  American  Museum  of  Fly 
Fishing,  in  Manchester,  Vermont,  Paul  is 
also  author  of  American  Fly  Fishing:  A 
History. 


Arnals  o'  '.'"'/vomlnq'  The  Wvoiiipc  His::~,'  Journa'  --  Sp^nq 


The  Past  and  Present  of  Fly-Fishing  in 
\^       Jackson  Hole,  Wyoming: 
\  An  Interview  with  Jack  Dennis^ 


by  Adrian  A.  Bantjes 


^-'^'^7;^ 


^sft^'^^^^jiagj 


^^JJOi 


Fly-fishing  on  Jackson  Lal<e 
below  thie  peaks  of  the  Tetons, 
Trolling  would  become  the 
technique  of  choice  on  the  lake. 
Stephen  N,  Leek  Collection, 
Amencan  Heritage  Center. 


Jack  Dennis,  Wyoming's  best-known  fly-fisherman,  fly-tier,  and 
angling  outfitter,  is  the  author  of  The  Western  Trout  Fly  Tying 
Manual  (1974)  and  owner  of  Jack  Dennis  Sports  in  Jackson, 
Wyoming.  Dennis  appears  regularly  on  television  sporting  shows, 
has  produced  numerous  fly-fishing  videos,  and  serves  as  a  fly-fishing 
consultant  to  foreign  governments  and  other  organizations.  He  has  fished 
with  celebrities  and  politicians  such  as  Tom  Selleck,  Don  Johnson,  Dick 
Cheney,  James  Baker,  and  Eduard  Shevardnaze.  On  April  12,  2002,  he 
spoke  with  a  group  of  University  of  Wyoming  students  about  his  role  in  the 
fly-fishing  history  of  Jackson  Hole,  the  fly-fishing  industry,  conservation 
policies,  and,  of  course,  the  impact  of  the  movie /\  River  Runs  Through  It. 

JD:  I  was  born  in  Jackson  and  I  spent  mv  childhood,  even'  siunmer  ot  ni\'  life 
except  for  one,  in  Jackson.  My  grandfather  would  come  all  the  way  from  the 
Philippine  Islands  to  Jackson  every  summer... He  was  the  banker  for  Chase 
Manhattan  Bank  and  he  traveled  the  Orient  doing  what  you  call  correspondent 
banking.  He  had  a  first  cousin  that  had  a  ranch  where  the  Park  Service  headquarters 


Inten'iew  recorded,  edited,  and  annotared  by  Adrian  Bantjes. 


20        Annais  of  Wyoming-  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


is  [today]  and  he  would  come  and  stay  with  her.  In  the 
[late  twenties,]  [John  D.]  Rockefeller  [,  Jr.]  decided  to 
start  buying  up  land  to  give  it  to  the  [Grand  Teton 
National]  Park  and  they  bought  up. .  .my  aunt's  ranch 
and  made  it  one  of  the  first  acquisitions.  We  were 
immediately  tagged  as  one  of  the  traitors  in  Jackson  to 

have  sold  the  land. . .  Rockefeller  was  Standard  Oil So 

he  was  a  bad  guy;  they  blamed  him  a  lot  for  the 
Depression. .  .Now,  you  might  say,  [how]  does  that  even 
relate  to  fishing,  but  that  gave  us  one  oi  the  greatest 
fishing  parks  in  the  world,  along  with  Yellowstone.- 

A  man  by  the  name  of  Bob  Carmichael...  literally 
built  the  very  first  Western  fly-shop.  It  didn't  happen 
in  West  Yellowstone;  it  happened  in  Jackson  Hole.  He 
actually  bought  an  existing  fly-shop  there  in  Moose, 
Wyoming,... and  he  opened  his  in  the  [late  thirties].' 
He  was. .  .the  official  guide  of  Teton  Park.  They  actually 
had  guides  hired  by  the  park  to  take  people  out. 
Remember,  this  is  the  thirties  and  it  was  still  pretty 
wild  country.  So  most  people  didn't  just  go  wandering 
out  fishing;  they  had  guides.  Guides  were  cheap... 
Guys. ..learned. ..from  Carmichael,  then  went 
back. .  .and  built  the  famous  shops  of  West  Yellowstone, 
which  actually  started  in  a  guy's  garage,  a  guy  by  the 
name  of  [Don]  Martinez,  who  tied  flies  for  Bob 
Carmichael. .  .It  eventually  became  the  first  shop  there 
and  then  a  variety  [of  other  shops],  [Bud]  Lilly's,  [for 
example],  came... I  grew  up... around  [Carmichael's] 
shop... My  grandfather  was  lucky  enough  to  have 
enough  money  to  afford  guided  fishing  trips  and  so  I 
got  a  chance  to  go  on  a  guided  fishing  trip ...  up  until  I 
was  about  fifteen  at  least  a  couple  of  times  a  week  if  the 
fishing  was  good.  My  grandfather  was  not  a  great  fly- 
fisherman  but  he  loved  doing  it.  So  I  got  exposed  to 
the  history... at  a  pretty  young  age  in  the  fifties... So 
that's  my  kinda  background:  guiding  when  I  was  eleven 
years  old  at  Carmichael's.  They'd  have  me  take  a  guy 
up  and  show  em  the  beaver  ponds... There  were 
fabulous  big  fish  and  people  just  wanted  to  see  them  - 
they  couldn't  catch  them-. .  .and  you'd  get  twenty  bucks 
for  doing  it.  It  was  a  pretty  good  deal.  So  that's  how  I 
started  guiding.  My  experience  came  from  that  shop 
and  eventually  I  got  into  the  business  from  there. 

Q:  How  did  Carmichael  end  up  in  Jackson  Hole? 


JD:  He  was  from  Pennsylvania.  That,  of  course,  if 
you  study  the  history  of  fly-fishing,  is  a  very  intricate 
part  [of  fly-fishing  history].  The  Catskills,  Pennsylvania, 
the  famous  chalk  streams,  which  very  much  mimic  the 
streams  of  England. .  .Bob  Carmichael  was  the  product 
of  that  area.  [Writing  about  Wyoming,]  in  the  book 
Flies,... Boh  says,  "Imagine  an  area  where  you  could 
fish  from  April  first  to  October  thirty-first  -which  is 
the  fishing  season-,  and  fish  dry  flies  the  whole  entire 
time,  and  never  fish  the  same  water  twice.'''*  That  is  the 
way  it  was  there  in  1 949.  Why  did  that  guy  move  from 
Pennsylvania?  Because,  in  Pennsylvania,  you  know  when 
their  trout  fishing  ends?  In  July.  Why?  Because  the  water 
gets  so  hot  that  the  only  time  you  can  catch  trout  at 
that  time  is  at  night.  Actually,  it  ends  earlier.  So,. .  .those 
people  starred  looking  at  the  West. ..Carmichael  came 
out  here  and  he  brought  all  that  Eastern  tradition  with 
him,  a  little  bit  of  catch-and-release.  Bob  had  a  rule: 
you  could  only  take  one  fish  per  person  because  that 
was  all  one  person  could  eat. .  .The  limit  in  those  days 
was  36  fish  a  day.  When  I  started  fishing,  the  limit  was 
down  to  24  fish  a  day.  When  I  started  guiding,  it  was 
12  fish  per  day... He  saw  what  happened  to  the  East 
and  he  knew  that  it  would  happen  [in  Wyoming]  ...He 
started  educating  the  people  in  Jackson ...  that  you  could 
do  it  a  different  way.  He  was  a  great  teacher  and  what 
he  did  more  than  anything  was  he  inspired  guides... 
He  got  young  men  and...  molded  them  and  gave  them 
those  ideals  and  then  they  ran  the  ball  from  there.  A  lot 
of  them...  started  their  own  shops 


-  For  background,  see  Robert  W.  Rjghter,  Crucible  for  Cotiservation: 
The  Struggle  for  Grand  Teton  National  Park  (Colorado  Associated 
Univcrsit)'  Press,  1982).  Also  see  Horace  M.  Albright,  The  Birth 
of  the  National  Park  Service:  The  Founding  Years.  1913-1933  (Salt 
Lake  Cit)-:  Howe  Bros.,  1983). 
The  Moose  Tackle  Shop,  now  the  Moose  General  Store. 

"  Here  Dennis  refers  to  a  letter  from  Bob  Carmichael  ro  J.  Edson 
Leonard,  dated  April  6,  1949,  published  in  Leonard's  Flies:  Their 
Origin,  Natural  History,  Tying,  Hooks,  Patterns,  and  Selections  of 
Dry  and  Wet  Flies,  Nymphs,  Streamers,  Salmon  Flies  for  Fresh  and 
Salt  Water  in  North  America  and  the  British  Isles,  including  a  Dic- 
tionaiy  of 2200  Patterns  (South  Brunswick,  New  York:  A.S.  Barnes 
and  Co.;  London:  Thomas  Yoselofif,  Ltd.,  1950),  pp.  301-304. 
Carmichael  states  that,  "1  do  not  claim  to  have  'discovered' 
Jacksons  Hole  dry  fly  fishing  but  will  say  that  those  who  pre- 
ceded me  in  the  area  with  theit  drys  were  very  quiet  about  it."  (p. 
302). 


Annals  of  Wyoming'  The  Wyoming  History  Journa:  --  Spnnq   2004 2]_ 


Q:  Did  Bob  Carmichael  bring  the  East  coast,  dry- 
fly  tradition  to  the  Rockies  and  how  did  that  [impact] 
local  wet  fly  traditions? 

JD:  Well,  the  local  people  really  didn't  know  much. 
A  lot  of-  [local  fly-fishing]  was  based  on  Jackson 
Lake. .  .You  got  to  understand  that  most  oi  the  fishmg 
in  the  West  [was]  in  the  lakes  because  that's  where  the 
fish  were. .  .Most  of  the  people  started  fishing  lakes  first 
and  then  gravitated  to  the  streams.  So  when  Bob  came 
out  there,  most  of  it  was  in  the  Glen  L.  Evans^  school 
of  fly-fishing,  which  was  snelled  flies,  very 
unsophisticated,  mostly  wet  flv-fishing.  But  Bob  did 
something  that  changed  [local  practices].  He  brought 
[the]  Eastern  dr\'  fly  [with  him]  but  then  he  met  these 
people  from  California  that  had  discovered  Jackson. 
California  had  a  very  sophisticated  culture. .  .t}'ing  flies 

for  steelhead They  had  developed  nymph-fishing 

before,  which  was  really  an  English  deal, . . .  because  they 
had  very  little  dry-fly  fishing,  because  vou  didn't 
catch. .  .anadromous"  fish. .  .on  dry  flies.  So. .  .you  took 
those  steelhead  tactics  and  used  them  on  regular 
trout. ..Those  people  came  and  met  Boh  and  introduced 
him  to  those  Western  flies.  One  of  the  fly  tiers  that  he 
picked  up  was  a  guy  by  the  name  of  Roy  [M.]  Donnelly, 
who  was  a  very  well-known  steelhead  tier.  He  started 
interacting  with  him  on  t)'ing  diy  flies  and  he  became  a 
very  big  dry  fly  tier  even  though  he  had  never  tied  dr\' 
flies  before. .  .Then  he  met  a  guy  b\'  the  name  of  Wayne 
["Buz"]  Buszek,  who  was  a  more  contemporary  tier, 
so  Bob  had  almost  all  his  flies  tied  from  California. 
Don  Martinez... did  the  "Irresistible"  and... a  nvmph 
called  the  "Martinez  Black.  "...So  Bob  learned  from 
California,  took  his  Eastern  techniques  and  kinda 
modeled  his  own  Western  way  of  fishing,  as  did  a  lot 
of  other  people  besides  Bob  throughout  the  West.  They 
took  a  little  of  this  and  a  little  of  that,  stirred  it  up  in  a 
pot,  and  ended  up  with  a  particular  method  of 
fishing... He  always  leaned  more  towards  dry  flies  on 
the  river.  Bob's  collection  of  flies,  I  remember  [it]  just 
like  if  we  were  standing  there  today. .  .Most  of  the  wet 
flies  were  designed  for  the  lake  fishing.  Now,. .  .three- 
quarters  [of  his  guiding]  was  done  on  the  lakes.  He  fly- 
fished  all  the  lakes,  and  they  trolled  flies,  they  cast  flies. 
Yellowstone,  Lewis,  Jenny,  Bradley,  Taggert...[Boh] 
died  in  '59,  his  son  [ran]  the  shop  until  '67,. .  .using  a 


lot  of  those  converted  steelhead  patterns,  and  we  did  a 
lot  of  lake  fishing. .  .We  learned  to  get  better  fish  in  the 
rivers,  and  the  Green  [River]  came  on,  and  the  South 

Fork and  the  Bighorn Remember,  the  Bighorn  is 

a  phenomenon,  [but]  it  happened  in  the  sixties.  1  fished 
the  Bighorn  for  pike  when  I  went  to  college  up  there. 
If  someone  had  told  me  this  was  going  to  be  a  great 
trout  fishery,  I'd  have  laughed.  I  went  out  there  with 
one  of  mv  Indian  friends  who  was  on  the  baseball 
team... We  were  catching  northern  pike  like  mad  out 
there.  But  that  new...Yellowtail  dam,...change[d]  all 
that... The  histor)'  of  fishing  is  a  relatively  contemporary' 
thing... Can  you  imagine.,  .thered  be  12,000  fish  per 
mile... down  there? There  isn't  a  natural  stream  in  this 
countr}'  except  for  Alaska  that  might  have  1  2,000  fish 
per  mile. 

Q:  How  do  you  fit  personalK'  in  this  tradition? 
Which  influences  molded  your  approach  to  fly-fishing? 

JD:  When  I  was  four  years  old,  my  mother  had  to 
be  put  in  the  hospital.  My  father  was  a  pilot  and  I  ended 
up  with  grandparents..  .We'd  move  ever}'  year,  so  the 
only  stability  1  had  in  my  life  was  fishing  in  Jackson. 
My  father  eventually  decided  to  go  to  Lowry  [Air  Force 
Base,  in  Denver]  and  fly  in  the  reserves  and  work  for 
Cart  Brothers  running  their  hunting  department.  So  I 
ended  up  in  Colorado. .  .where  you'd  get  a  great  [fishing] 

influence because  Hank  Roberts  had  a  big  [fly-nlng] 

operation,  and... a  lot  of  people  fish[ed]  the  [South] 

Platte [That]  was  not  a  tailwater  fisher}'  then,  just 

the  Platte  River  Canyon.  So  all  of  a  sudden  I  found 
myself  having  fishing  not  only  in  the  summer,  hut 
partially  in  the  winter,  and  [experienced]  the  influence 
of  fly-tying.  When  I  was  nine  years  old,  my  grandfather 
gave  me  this  fly-tying  kit,  and  I  struggled  with  it... I 
tised  to  go  down  to  the  library  in  Denver.  If  you  lived 
in  Thornton  where  I  lived  you  weren't  allowed  to  check 
out  a  book.. .so  I'd  have  to  draw  pictures.  I  looked  at 
the  books  and  there  . . .  was  nothing  out  there  to  teach 
anything.  I'll  never  forget  going  to  a  sport  show  in 


Glen  L.  Evans,  Inc.,  was  a  well-known  fly  manut.icturer  based  in 
Caldwell,  Idaho. 
''    Sea-run  fish. 

Buszek  established  his  fly  shop  in  V'isalia.  California,  in  1947. 


22        Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  VVyomino  Miginn..   innmai  -  Snnnn  200J 


"^Wl 


Fly-fishing  for  Lal<e  Trout  on  Jackson  Lake.  Steplnen  N.  Leek  Collection,  American  Heritage  Center. 


Denver.  A  mI  was  U'in^  this  "Irresistible"  —she  was  a 
Japanese  lady-  and  I  was  trying  to  look  at  it  and  every 
time  I  looked  at  it  she  would  hold  her  hand  over  it.  I 
said,  '"VC'Tiy  are  yoti  even  tying  here?"  "Well,  Mr.  Roberts 
allowed  me  to  tie,  but  I'm  not  allowed  to  show  this 
fly."  And  that  influenced  me  so  much,  that  you  would 
keep  inlormation  away  from  people,  for  proprietary 
reasons... I  learned  to  tie  flies,  had  a  few  people  show 
me,  but  mostly  I  learned  it  on  my  own. .  .There  [weren't] 
many  books,  what  books  we  could  grab  on  to 
influenced  us... 

I  got  into  Jackson  right  behind  Carmichael.  There 
was  nobody  there  to  take  his  place...  I  kinda  stepped 
into  that,  went  out  and  made  a  reputation.  I  was  ver)' 
lucky  that  Curt  Gowdy"^  put  me  on  a  TV  show,  77;!? 
American  Sportsman,  in  '68.  That  kinda  gave  me  the 
confidence.  I  started  the  shop  when  I  was  nineteen,  and 
I  kinda  just  learned  my  way  through  it...  If  I  had  stayed 
in  [college],  I  probably  would  have  lost  that 
opportunit}'.  Somebody  else  would  have  taken  it.  It's 
just  fate.  I  leel  that  I've  had  an  influence  on  fly- 
fishing...There's  a  guy  by  the  name  of  Lefty  Kreh,  76 
years  old,  he's  the  most  recognized  name  in  fly-fishing. 
He  had  a  day  job  until  he  was  sixty;  he  wrote  the  sports 
column  for  the  Baltimore  5?/;?... and  he  wrote  for  all 
the  magazines... Finally,  in  his  sixties,  he  reached  a 


pinnacle  in  the  sport,  and  his  income  at  that  point 
would  have  equaled  what  a  first  year  lineman,  not 
even... [on]  a  pro  team,  [might  make].  So  there's  no 
money  in  this. .  .None  of  the  people  in  this  sport  got 
in  it  for  money,  they  got  in  it  because  they  loved  it, 
and  they  had  a  day  job. .  .Look  at  Gary  Borger' ,  he 
was  a  college  professor  until  last  year... Dave 
Whitlock'"  was  a  commercial  artist. ..Gary 
LaFontaine"  was  a  clinical  psychologist  for  the 
Montana  prison  system... Mike  Lawson''  was  a 
school  teacher  before  he  opened  his  shop.  He 
taught... industrial  arts... Most  of  these  guys  are 
terrific  teachers  because  that's  what  they  did.  So  this 
kinda  evolved  as. .  .a  boutique  type  business.  If  there 


*     Famous  Wvoming-born  sports  broadcaster. 

"  GatT,-  Borger  is  professor-emeritus  at  the  Universit)'  of  Wisconsin, 
Wausau,  and  a  well-known  fly-fishing  author,  teacher,  video 
producer,  and  tackle  designer. 

'"  Dave  Whitlock  gave  up  his  position  as  a  research  chemist  to 
become  a  fly-fishing  artist,  writer,  tier,  and  teacher.  He  owns  the 
Whitlock  Fly-Fishing  School  in  the  Arkansas  Ozarks. 

"  Gary  LaFontaine,  a  pioneering  fly-fishing  author,  taught  behav- 
ioral psychology  at  the  Universit}'  of  Montana  until  his  death  in 
2002.  A  fly-fishing  book  collection  was  established  at  the  Ameri- 
can Heritage  Center  of  the  University  of  Wyoming  to  honor  his 
achievements. 

'-  Mike  Lawson,  a  well-known  Idaho  flv-fisherman,  tier,  and  au- 
thor, owns  the  Henry's  Fork  Angler's  Shop  in  Last  Chance,  Idaho. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring    2004 


[are]  any  true  professionals,  I'd  have  to  call  them  guides. 
Now  we've  got  about  five  kids  that  work  [or  us  that 
guide  in  the  summer  here,  in  the  winter  in  Argentina, 
in  the  oil-seasons  in  Costa  Rica.  That  would  be  a 

professional They're  making  their  whole  entire  living 

on  fishing.  And  you  know  what,  they  last  about  six 
years,  doing  that,  because  its  such  a  hard  deal  they  just 
can't  handle  it.  They  start  getting  really  serious  burnout. 

Dennis  on  Conservation  and  the  Fly-Flshing 
Industry 

JD:  There's  a  movement  among... a  lot  ol  the 
young  biologists  [of  the  Fish  and  Wildlife  Service]  that 
we  should  go  back  to  the  native  species.  Untortunately, 
we've  built  up  a  sport  fishing  industry,  which  has  been 
perpetuated  since  our  founding  lathers  wanted  to  change 
fishing  in  Pennsylvania. . .  [Michael]  Finley' '  and  I,  the 
former  superintendent  of  Yellowstone  [National  Park], 
had  some  big  talks  about  that,  because  we  funded  a 
Yellowstone  introduction  program  through  the  One 
Fly  Foundation. ''...[Many  local  guides]  lelt  that  [the 
Park  was  planning  to  go]  in  and  tak[e]  all  the  browns 
and  rainbows  out  ol  the  Madison  and  Firehole  River. 
Of  course,  I  went  immediately  to  Finley  and  I  said, 
"Finley,. ..don't  take  away  a  fishery."... What's 
happening  within  the  Fish  and  Wildlife  Service  is  you 
have  the  younger  ones  coming  up  with  a  little  bit 
different  views.  So  there  is  a  very  big  conflict. .  .and  we  re 
feeling  a  little  bit  threatened. 

In  Denver,  for  years  and  years,  they  had  the  fly  tackle 
dealers'  association  meeting,  then  it  went  to  Salt  Lake, 
now  it's  back  in  Denver... It  kinda  brought  the 
competition  level  up  and  also  changed  the 
magazines. .  .There  is  no  sport  on  earth  that  has  more 
books.  Consequently,  there  is  no  sport  on  earth  that 
has  more  magazines. . .  [There  are]  probably  two  dozen 

fly-fishing-oriented  magazines It's  funny,  because  the 

readership  is  very  small... Out  of  five  million  fly- 
fishermen,  they  have  about  180,000  people  that  read 
fly-fishing  magazines... Yet  75%  of  [the  fly-fishing 
tackle  companies']  advertising  budget  is  going  to  be  for 
those  magazines... They  spend  way  too  much  money 
on  magazine  advertising. .  .Yet  those  magazines  are  still 
out  there.  We  all  feel,  among  the  professionals,  [that] 
there  need  to  be  about  a  third  of  those  matrazines,  and 


that  the  manufacturers  should  be  putting  more 

money  into. .  .education but,  you  know,  people 

in  the  magazines  feel  differently.  They  have  three 
magazines  on  saltwater  fly-fishing.  It  would  be  nice 
to  have  one,  but  three.' 

Business  has  got  to  grow.  Now  rod 
manufacturers  [have]  made  [fly-fishing]  into  an 
industry... It  is  a  small  business.  I  guess  there  are 
people  that  want  to  make  a  living  out  of  it  and 
there's  a  desire  for  us  to  have  nice  rods,  nice  lines 
and  stuff.  Anv  business  that  doesn't  grow  is  not 
healthy. .  .The  kind  of  people  that  really  make  the 
business  go  are  the  kind  of  people  that  make  any 
business  go.  Unfortunately,  those  kind  of  people 
don't  want  to  get  caught  in  a  business  they  don't 
make  very  much  money  in.  Consequently,  )'ou  don't 
get  but  very  few  people  who  know  how  to  reall)' 
run  a  business.  [The  rod  company]  Sage  is  a  prime 
example  of  a  good-run  one.  1  remember  sitting  there 
with  some  friends  of  mine  and  one  of  them  happens 
to  be  the  leading  lawv'er  in  Hollywood.  I  watched 
him  go  from  just  being  a  lawyer  with  Disney  to 
being  the  top  guy.  f^e  loves  fly-fishing... He  has  a 
lot  of  power  in  the  motion  picture  industry. .  .He's 
Harrison  Ford's  lawyer,  he  gets  10"o  of  everything 
Harrison  Ford  makes,  1 5%....And  another  guy  was 
a  big  leading  New  York  investor. . .  .They're  all  worth 
a  fortune,  have  big  beautiful  homes  in  Jackson,  their 
own  little  streams.  Another  guy  was  one  of  the 
presidents  of  Deloitte  and  louche,  and  then  )iie. 
And  they're  saying,  "You  know,  jack,  you  really 
made  a  mistake  here.  You  should  have  a  place  in 
Beverlv  Hills.  Fhink  about  the  amount  of  money 
vou  could  make  in  California. "  1  said,  "Look,  you 
guys, ...I  think  you're  nuts  because  here  I  am  in 
lackson.  Yeah,  1  don't  make  anwhere  near  what 

vou  guvs  make but  vou  knciw,  I  had  for  25  years 

all  that  that  vou  guvs  have  had  to  pay  millions  to 
come  and  enjov  and  vou  only  tjet  to  do  it  on 


"  Yellowstone  National  Park  Superintendent  from  1194-2001. 

'■'  The  One-Flv  Foundation  manages  funds  earmarked  tor  consen'a- 
tion  projects  and  raised  during  the  annual  Jackson  Hole  One  Fly 
angling  competition.  The  competition,  which  statted  in  1986, 
involves  lly-Fishing  teams  that  Fish  with  only  one  tly  per  person. 
Participants  include  tly-Fishing  professionals  as  well  as  celebrities 
and  politicians  such  as  Dick  Chenev,  Al  Simpson,  and  Curt  Gowdy. 


Annals  of  VVvoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


weekends"... And  they  go,  "Never  thought  of  it  that 
wav."  "In  one  week  you  do  [more]  contracts  in  the 
motion  picture  business,  more  than  what  in  ten  years 
the  flv-fishing  industry  brings  in."  At  that  time,  he  just 
got  through  handhng  the  sale  to  SONY  of  Columbia 
Pictures. . .  I  think  it's  hard  for  them  to  think  small. 

Q:  Some  people  say  that  the  movie  A  River  Runs 
Through  It^"  led  to  the  fly-fishing  boom  of  the  nineties. 
Do  \'ou  think  that's  true? 

JD:  I  think  it  was  evolvbig  that  way. ..After  the 
war  people  had  a  lot  more  recreation  time,. ..the 
spinning  reel  came  in,  and  there  was  a  real  move  to  go 
out  and  fish.  Because  spin  fishing  was  so  easy...,  the 
emphasis  was  not  on  quality,  it  was  on  just  taking  fish. 
[There]  was  a  lot  of. ..consumerism.  It  mirrors  the 
consumerism  in  the  United  States,  two  cars  in  every 
garage  and  all  that. ..But  what. .  .changed  fly-fishing  is 
the  changing  ol  the  lines. .  .When  you  went  out  in  the 
thirties,  forties,  fift:ies,  you  had  to  grease  your  fly  line. 
It  was  a  long  process.  And  you  had  to  soak  your  leaders. 
Two  things  happened:  the  invention  of  good  nylon, 
which. .  .provided  leaders  that  vou  didn't  have  to  soak 
for  an  hour,  and  the  inventing  of  the  plastic  coated  fly 
line.  Then  the  fiberglass  rod  came  along,  which  made 
fly  rods  portable.  Before  that,  it  was  too  expensive.  A 
cane  fly  rod  would  have  been  [in]  today's  dollars  abotit 
rwo  thousand  dollars. .  .The  cost  of  a  fly  rod  has  gone 
way  down. . . .There  were  ver\'  [few]  books. . . But  all  of 
a  sudden  in  the  seventies  there  was  this  great  interest  in 
doing  books  on  fly-tying,  books  on  getting  better,  and 
[a]  few  people  [saw  an]  opportunity. .  .to  teach. .  .That's 
when  it  started  gaining  momentum.  And  then  the 
guiding  phenomenon  started.  People  had  enough 
money  and  they  figured  that  they  didn't  have  any  time 
to  learn;  they  just  hired  a  guide... So  the  guiding 
operations  gradually  grew.  That  takes  off  about  sixties, 
seventies. .  .Another  thing  happened,  it's  quality  water: 
taking  the  Madison,  making  it  catch-and-release, 
identifying  in  the  early  eighties  waters  that  needed 
protection.  The  change  in  the  attittide  of  people. ..[The 
catch-and-release  ethic]  appealed  to  a  new  generation 
of  Americans... It  started  [in  the  eighties]  with  the 
guides.  The  guides  realized  that  you  couldn't  bonk  the 
fish  over  the  head  and  keep  coming  back  there  and 


catching  them The  guides  kinda  perpetuated  on  the 

rivers  the  catch-and-release  ethic  mainly  out  of  self- 
protection. 

Everything  kinda  all  came  together  at  once  in  the 
movie,  it  just  all  started... gaining  in  popularity,  and 
the  movie  just  kinda  kick-started  it  to  the  general 

public I  think  what  happened  is  it  just  all  came 

together  at  the  same  time.  The  books  got  better. . .  [They 
first]  attempted  to  [make  the  movie]  in  '81,  '82.  It 
would  not  have  had  the  impact  [at  that  time]... What 
A  River  runs  Throiigl)  It  [reflected  was  the  longing  for] 
a  simpler  way  of  life... That's  when  we  saw  the 
movement  out  to  Jackson.  You  can't  blame  the  movie 
[for]  that.  People  were  looking  to  get  back  to  a  simpler 
way  of  life  out  West. .  .1  think  it  was  just  a  time  waiting 
to  come.  Fly-fishing  kinda  hit  it... In  1980,  William 
Hurt  tried  to  get  it,  the  actor.  He  was  good  friends 
with  Glenn  Close,  who  lives  in  Big  Piney.  He  got  to 
tying  flies  with  my  book. .  .and  then  met  Glenn  through 
a  Broadway  play.  He  came  out  to  [Glenn's  father,]  Bill 
[Dr.  William  T]  Close,"'  [who]  is  about  as  pure  a  fly 
fisher  as  a  guy  can  fmd.  Here's  a  guy  who's  fished  all 
through  England,  who  [was]  a  missionary  doctor  in 
Africa,  discovered  the  Ebola  virus,  he's  a  superstar  in 
his  own  line... He  taught  Bill  a  lot  about  fly-fishing 
and  [its]  history...  He  read  A  River  Runs  Through  It, 
and  it  just  blew  him  away.  It  was  always  Bill's  favorite 
book,  and  I  think  he  tried  to  get  it... [But]  Bill  just 
wasn't  the  personality  and  the  old  Norman  was  kinda 
his  own  man.  The  movie  portrays  him  as  this  gentle 
guy  and  his  brother  [as]  the  wild  guy.  But  Norman 
didn't  have  a  lot  of  friends.  He  was  pretty  ornery.. .  .He 
was  a  typical  writer. .  .So  I  think  Bill  just  didn't  hit  all 
the  right  buttons  vvith  him.  I  remember  about  '86,  '87, 
[Robert]  Redford  took  an  interest  in  it,  and  he  did  like 
four,  five  years  of  research. . .  Before  he  died,  [Maclean] 


'■  The  1992  movie,  directed  by  Robert  Redford,  was  based  on 
Norman  Maclean's  A  River  Runs  Through  It  (Chicago:  Univer- 
sity of  Chicago  Press,  1976).  Maclean  was  a  Universit)'  of  Chi- 
cago Professor  of  English.  He  died  in  1990.  His  son  John  vehe- 
mently denies  chat  Maclean  is  in  any  way  responsible  for  the 
fly-fishing  boom  of  the  nineties.  See  Gerry  Merriam,  "Norman 
Maclean,"  www.missoulian. com/specials/ 1  OOmontanans/list/ 
018.html. 

'"  William  T.  Close  was  a  missionary  physician  in  the  Congo  for 
sixteen  years  (1960-1976).  His  team  helped  contain  the  first 
Ebola  virus  outbreak  of  1976. 


Annals  of  Wyoming-  The  Wyoming  Histcr/  Journal  -  Spring    200- 


sold  the  rights  to  Redford...!  worked  a.  lot  with 
Redford's  people.  They  wanted  me  to  be  the  advisor 
on  it,  and  I  told  them  I  didn't  have  the  time  or  the 
ability  to  do  it... I  did  think  it  needed  to  be  [shot]  in 
Montana  and  it  needed  to  have  somebody  who  lived 
[there]...!  recommended  John  Bailey'  and  that's  who 
they  eventually  hired.  The  reason  [the  movie]  turned 
out  the  way  it  is,  is  because  ot  John  Bailey. .  .Actually, 
Jerry  Siem  did  most  of-  the  casting...  He's  the  guide 
and  rod  designer. .  .He  worked. .  .as  a  guide  and  then  he 
went  up  and  worked  tor  Winston  before  he  went  to 
Sage... John  had  Redford's  ear.  He  said,  "This  is  the 
way  it's  gotta  be  written  and  you  can't  Hollywoodize 
this.  It's  gotta  be  the  way  the  book  is.  This  book  is  like 
a  Bible  to  a  lot  ol  people." 

I  remember  getting  the  book  from  Norman... He 
gave  me  this  book,  [and]  he  says,  "Well,  it's  not  much 
of  a  book,  it's  just  kinda  a  story  of  my  family. .  .All  my 
life  I've  tried  to  make  sense  ol  what  happened  to  my 


brother,  and  my  father  always  [told  me  I]  got  to  write 
about  this.  I'm  just  old  enough  now  and  I'm  done  with 
being  a  college  profossor."...He  just  kinda  minimized 
it.  He  says,  "I  think  my  best  stor)'  is  the  one  on  the 
forest  service.  [The  story  A  River  Runs  Through  It  is] 
too  personal. .  .1  had  to  change  some  things  just  to  make 
it  work."  Actually,  the  way  his  brother  died  [in  the  story] 
is  not  the  way  he  really  died.  I  think  he  just  was  an 

alcoholic So,  it  A  River  Runs  Through  It  wouldn't 

have  got  made,  somebody  [else]  would  have  tried 
to. ..get  [fly-fishing]  going.  It  would  have 
happened... They've  been  trying  to  get  A  River  Why 
made.  [The  author,  David  James]  Duncan  says  every 
time  he  turns  around  he's  got  somebody  going  to  do 


Owner  of  Dan  Bailcv's  FIv  Shop  in  Livingston,  Montana.  Son  of 
legendary  Hv-fislierman  Dan  Bailev. 


Afteran  1890  planting  in 
Shoshone  and  Lewis  lakes  in 
Yellowstone  in  1 890,  lake  trout 
or  mackinaw  proliferated  and 
soon  colonized  Jackson  and 
Jenny  lakes,  often  negatively 
affecting  the  native  cutthroat 
population.  The  lake  trout,  a 
voracious  predator  that  has 
been  known  to  reach  a  weight 
of  more  than  1 00  pounds,  today 
threatens  the  native  population 
of  Yellowstone  cutthroat  in 
Yellowstone  Lake.  Courtesy 
Amencan  Heritage  Center. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -  Spring  2004 


By  his 
reckoning,  Finis 
stocked  two  and 
a  half  million 
trout  fingerlings 
in  314  lakes 
during  the 
1930s.  He  went 
on  to  hike, 
climb,  photo- 
graph, fish,  and 
guide  others 
through  the 
region  for  half  a 
century. 


"Fishing  Gorge  Lal<e  is  a  great  reward  for  the  effort  required  to  get  to  it.  It  has  rainbow  trout 
which  migrated  downstream  from  both  Seneca  and  Hobbs  Lakes.  Then  they  also  followed 
downstream  into  Suicide  Lake  which  can  only  be  reached  from  Gorge,  unless  one  wants  to 
commit  suicide.  That's  why  I  named  it  Suicide  Lake."  Finis  Mitchell  quote.  Courtesy 
American  Heritage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 

In  1931,  six  horses  plodded  up  a  rough  trail,  each  loaded  with  two  milk 
cans  full  of  water.  In  each  can,  a  thousand  inch-long  trout  sloshed 
beneath  a  layer  of  burlap.  When  the  pack  train  reached  the  shore  of  a 
small  alpine  lake,  Finis  Mitchell  unloaded  the  cans  and  tipped  them 
into  the  cold  mountain  waters,  and  the  tiny  fish  scattered  into  the  depths. 
Those  fish  were  entering  a  new  world.  Almost  none  of  the  hundreds  of 
lakes  that  dot  Wyoming's  Wind  River  range  had  indigenous  populations  of 
trout.  In  MitchelFs  words,  "these  waters  were  all  virgin."'  By  his  reckoning. 
Finis  stocked  two  and  a  half  million  trout  fingerlings  in  314  lakes  during  the 
1930s.  He  went  on  to  hike,  climb,  photograph,  fish,  and  guide  others 
through  the  region  for  half  a  century.  Finis  set  out  to  make  himself  the 
range's  acknowledged  expert,  perhaps  even  a  legend,  and  he  succeeded."  For 
many  hikers  and  fisherman.  Finis  is  an  inspiration,  a  kind  of  Johnny  Appleseed 
in  overalls  who  could  still  be  found  walking  his  beloved  range  decades  after 

Finis  Mitchell,  Wind  River  Trails:  A  hikingand  fhhinggnide  to  the  nutny  traib  and  lakes  of  the  Wind 
River  Range  in  Wyoming  (Salt  Lake  Cit)':  Wasatch  Publishers,  1975),  p.  8.  "Finis"  is  pronounced 
with  a  long  initial  "i,"  it  rhymes  with  "highness." 

Mitchell  repeated  "314"  many  times;  e.g.  Pinedale  Roundup,  March  3,  1949;  Mitchell,  Wind 
River  Trails,  pp.  8-9;  and  personal  interview  with  Finis  Mitchell  by  Mark  Junge,  July  3,  1989,  Oral 
History  2010,  Wyoming  State  Archives,  Department  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources 
[hereafter  cited  as  OH  2010].  During  the  early  1970s,  Finis  created  a  list  of  the  lakes  he  stocked 
for  David  Dutek,  a  WGFD  fisheries  biologist  in  Green  River;  the  list  names  about  ninety-five 
lakes  (there  is  some  ambiguity)  and  is  labeled  "Finis  Mitchell  records,"  n.p.,  ca.  1972,  copy  in 
author's  possession  [hereafter  cited  as  "Finis  Mitchell  records"];  David  Dufek  personal  commu- 
nications with  author,  April  12,  August  7,  and  August  9,  2002.  The  discrepancy  may  be  the  result 
of  inadequate  record  keeping  or  the  long  time  gap.  Irv  Lozier,  a  longtime  friend  of  Mitchell's, 
claims  that  "Finis  was  almost  determined  to  be  a  legend  in  his  own  time";  personal  interview  with 
Irv  Lozier,  Cora,  Wyoming,  July  17,  2002.  Rebecca  Woods,  author  of  Walking  the  Winds:  A 
Hiking  and  Fishing  Guide  to  Wyoming's  Wind  River  Range,  2"''  ed.  (Jackson,  Wyoming:  White 
Willow,  1998),  believes  that  Mitchell  knew  the  range  "better  than  almost  anyone,  myself  in- 
cluded"; Rebecca  Woods,  personal  communication  with  author,  August  2,  2002. 


Annals  of  Wyoming   The  Wyoming  History  Journai  --  Spring    2004 


his  good  deed.'  By  the  1970s,  some  called  him  the 
"Man  of  the  Mountains"  or  even  "Lord  of  the  Winds." 
His  trout  stocking  was  one  of  the  things  of  which  he 
was  most  proud.' 

Some  environmentalists  and  fisheries  biologists, 
however,  believe  introduced  fish  have  compromised  the 
natural  or  wild  quantities  of  fishless  lakes  throughout 
the  West,  and  fisheries  managers  confront  a  variety  of 
dilemmas  caused  by  the  exotics.  In  Mitchell's  case, 
however,  most  people  seem  to  have  chosen  to  believe 
that  the  descendants  of  his  fish  are  both  natural  and 
wild.  However  he  is  viewed,  Mitchell  helped  to  shape 
a  wilderness  as  he  built  his  legend. 

The  Wind  River  range  in  west-central  Wyoming 
contains  rwenry-three  peaks  above  thirteen  thousand 
feet  and  is  part  of  the  Greater  Yellowstone  Ecosystem. 
On  the  Pacific  side  of  the  Continental  Divide,  the 
federally  designated  Bridger  Wilderness  contains  most 
of  the  lakes  Mitchell  stocked.  Nearly  all  of  the  waters 
of  the  Bridger  are  part  of  the  Green  River  drainage,  the 
largest  tributary  of  the  Colorado.  The  steep,  rockv 
outlets  of  mountain  lakes  often  formed  waterfalls  which 
blocked  native  fishes  from  migrating  upstream  into 
those  waters.^ 

The  range  has  a  long  human  history  as  a  commons, 
perhaps  as  much  as  fourteen  thousand  years  worth. 
Archaic  Indian  peoples  hunted  and  gathered  edible 
plants  there,  and  Shoshone  bands  hunted,  carved  tools, 
and  walked  its  passes.''  Trappers  found  the  region  rich 
in  beaver,  and  several  of  the  famous  1830s  rendezvous 
were  held  on  the  upper  Green  River.  By  the  1870s,  a 
few  people  had  settled  north  from  the  railroad  line, 
and  soon  ranchers  were  grazing  cattle  and  sheep  in  the 
openings,  parks,  and  meadows  of  the  range. "^  Its  vast 
watersheds  received  federal  protection  when  President 
Theodore  Roosevelt  added  much  of  the  range  to  the 
Yellowstone  Park  Timber  Land  Reserve.  The  Winds 
thus  became  one  of  the  early  pieces  of  the  permanent 
public  domain." 

MitchelFs  family  joined  the  small  influx  of 
immigrants  in  1906.  Finis'  father  Henry  traded  his 
forty  acre  Missouri  farm  for  160  acres  in  Wyoming, 
sight  unseen.  Henry,  his  wife  Fay,  seven-year-old  Mary, 
five-year-old  Finis,  and  toddler  Dennis  confronted  their 
patch  of  "sagebrush  and  sand  and  junk,"  and  Fay  begged 
to  go  back  home.'"     Finis  wrote  years  later  that  the 


Winds  were  already  exerting  a  strong  pull  on  him:  "I 
prayed  that  father  would  win  this  argument.  So  I  would 

'  I  borrowed  the  "Johnny  Appleseed "  comparison  from  the  artist 
Mark  Vinsei;  it  appears  at  http://www.vinsel.com/082599.HTM, 
accessed  Januan,'  2S,  2002;  Mark  Vinsei,  personal  communication 
with  author,  July  24,  2002. 

■*  See,  for  example,  James  R.  Udall,  "Finis  Mitchell,  Lord  of  the 
Winds,"  Audubon  Quly  1986):  72-88;  Finis  Mitchell  slideshow  at 
Casper  Rotary  Club,  October  16,  1989,  Oral  History  1443,  Wyo- 
ming State  Archives  [hereafter  cited  as  OH  1443].  For  "Man  O' 
the  Mountains,"  see  Mitchell,  Wind  River  Trails,  p.  3. 

^  Joe  Kelsey,  W'vomiiig's  Wind  River  Range  (Helena,  Montana:  Ameri- 
can and  World  Geographic  Publishing,  1988),  pp.  7-12,  32-35; 
D.B.  Shimkin,  "Wind  River  Shoshone  Ethnogeography,"  Anthro- 
pological Records  5  no.  4  (Berkeley  and  Los  Angeles:  Universir)'  of 
California  Press,  1 947),  pp.  262-64;  Ron  Remmick,  Wyoming  Game 
and  Fish  Department,  "Managing  the  BWA  Fisheries."  n.p.,  1994, 
copy  in  author's  possession;  and  Roland  A.  Knapp,  Paul  Stephen 
Corn,  and  Daniel  E.  Schindler,  "The  Introduction  of  Nonnative 
Fish  into  Wilderness  Lakes:  Good  Intentions,  Conflicting  Man- 
dates, and  Unintended  Consequences,"  Ecosystems  4  (2001):  275. 
The  Sweerwater  River  drains  a  small  portion  of  the  Winds  to  the 
North  Platte  River. 

"  James  R.  Schoen,  "Archeological  Investigations  m  the  High  Coun- 
try: Sur\'ey  Results  from  the  Bridger,  Gros  Ventre  and  Teton  Wil- 
derness Areas,  Bridger-Teton  National  Forest,"  April  1998,  copy  in 
author's  possession,  p.  2;  Shimkin,  "Wind  River  Shoshone 
Ethnogeography,"  pp.  24^-84;  Ake  Hultkrantz,  "The  Shoshones  in 
the  Rocky  Mountain  Area,"  Annals  of  Wyoming  }i^  (April  1961): 
33-35;  and  David  VIcek,  Bureau  of  Land  Management  archaeolo- 
gist, personal  communication  with  author,  July  3,  2002. 

'  William  H.  Goetzmann,  Exploration  and  Empire:  The  Explorer  and 
the  Scientist  in  the  Winning  of  the  American  West  (New  York  and 
London:  WW  Norton  and  Company,  1978),  pp.  116,  196-197, 
242-43;  William  H.  Goetzmann,  Army  Exploration  in  the  American 
West.  1803-1863  (Austin:  Texas  State  Historical  Association,  1 991 ), 
pp.  52,  81-82;  and  Warren  A.  Beck  and  Ynez  D.  Haase,  Historical 
Atlas  of  the  American  West  (Norman  and  London:  L'niversity  of  Okla- 
homa Press,  1989),  map  26. 

'  Robert  G.  Rosenberg,  Wyoming's  Last  Frontier:  Sublette  Count}',  Wyo- 
ming: A  Settlement  History  (Glendo,  Wyoming:  High  Plains  Press, 
1990),  pp.  17-41,  85-86;  David  Vlcek,  "The  New-  Fork  Wagon 
Road:  A  Nineteenth  Century  Southwestern  Wyoming  Lifeline  to 
the  Union  Pacific  Railspur,"  paper  delivered  at  Russ  Tanner  Sym- 
posium on  Southwest  Wyoming,  Society  for  Historical  Archaeol- 
ogy meetings.  Salt  Lake  City,  1999,  copy  in  author's  possession,  pp. 
2-4. 

"  Harold  K.  Steen,  "The  Origins  and  Significance  of  the  National 
Forest  System,"  in  Origins  of  the  National  Forests:  A  Centennial  Sym- 
posium, ed.  Harold  K.  Steen  (Durham:  Forest  Histon'  Society, 
1992),  p.  7;  Dan  Flores,  The  Natural  West:  Environmental  History  in 
the  Great  Plains  and  Rocky  Mountains  (Norman:  University  of  Okla- 
homa Press,  2001),  pp.  1 19-22. 

'"  Quote  from  OH  2010.  The  Boulder  Canal  Company  promised 
"Irrigable  Land  -  Best  on  Earth":  PinedaU  Roundup,  August  30. 
1905.  The  canal  company  failed,  and  many  homesteads  only  re- 
ceived adequate  water  years  later;  Pinedale  Roundup,  July  15,1 926. 
See  also  Finis  Mitchell,  "My  Life,"  a  fragmenrani'  manuscript  trans- 
lated by  Sandra  Snow,  email  to  author  of  July  16.  2002  [hereafter 
cited  as  Mitchell,  "Mv  Life"];  and  patent  no.  568,  Sublette  Count)', 
"Deeds  Transcribed  Book  4,"  p.  296,  no.  31942,  recorded  August 
20,  1912. 


28       Annals  of  Wyoming'  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


o;et  into  those  massive  mountains."" 

The  Mitchells  scratched  a  precarious  living  from 
the  soil,  which  was  too  high,  cold,  and  dry  for  most 
farming.  On  an  elk  hunt  in  1909,  Finis  climbed  his 
first  mountain  and  gained  a  memorable  look  at  ranks 
of  snow-capped  peaks.  Nearly  all  of  the  alpine  lakes  he 
could  see  were  barren  of  fish,  but  the  lower  waters 
already  contained  a  mix  of  exotic  and  native  species, 
including  the  only  indigenous  trout,  the  Colorado  River 
Cutthroat.  A  neighbor  taught  Finis  to  fish,  and  two 
lifelong  obsessions — climbing  and  fishing — were 
born.'- 

Wvoming's  officials  had  decided  decades  earlier  to 
maximize  the  production  of  territorial  waters,  and  the 
public  eagerly  joined  in  a  consensus  that  lasted  the  better 
part  of  a  century.  The  legislature  created  a  Board  of 
Fish  Commissioners,  which  eventually  became  the 
Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  Department  (WGFD).  The 
board  reported  in  1883  that  "a  majority  of  our  streams 
are  sterile  of  good  fish,  whilst  a  remainder  in  many 
places  are  nearly  exhausted  of  a  once  bountiful  supply." 
They  concluded  that  managed  fishing  could  boost 
Wyoming's  immigration  and  its  infant  tourist 
economy' '  The  board  decided  to  "plant"  exotic  species, 
including  "sunfish,  wall-eyed  pike  and  trout,  carp,  brook 
trout  and  bass, ..."  Fish  were  a  crop  like  corn  or  wheat 
to  be  nurtured  in  the  "soil"  of  Wyoming's  waters.  The 
territory  imported  rainbow,  brook,  and  lake  trout,  all 
native  to  North  America,  along  with  browns  from 
Europe,  and  planted  them  in  waters  throughout  the 
territory.'"" 

The  first  known  stocking  in  what  became  the 
Bridger  Wilderness  occurred  in  1907,  when  cutthroat 
trout  were  planted  in  North  Fork  Lake.'^  When  the 
state  fish  commissioner  surveyed  the  Wind  River 
mountain  lakes  in  1914,  he  reported  five  hundred 
fishless  lakes,  although  several  of  the  larger  lakes  along 
the  front  had  "natural"  (i.e.  naturally  reproducing) 
populations  of  cutthroat,  brook,  and  rainbow  trout."' 

Trout  fry'  were  brought  to  Rock  Springs  by 
railroad  and  transferred  to  private  automobile  or  trucks. 
Local  ranchers  and  sportsmen  drove  them  north, 
accompanied  by  National  Forest  Service  rangers,  who 
supervised  the  planting.'^  The  region  got  its  own 
branch  hatchery  at  Daniel  in  1917.  Local  papers  issued 
blanket  appeals  to  anyone  willing  to  retrieve  fry  and 


plant  them  in  area  waters.''-'  One  editor  grumbled 
about  the  Winds'  unused  fishing  potential:  "Fier 
mountain  lakes  are  well-nigh  numberless.  Today  many 
.  .  .  streams  are  without  trout,  and  the  number  of 
lakes  without  them  is  appalling  [sic].  .  .  .  Fish  are  as 

' '     Mitchell,  "My  Life." 

'  -  On  indigenous  fish,  see  Patrick  C.  Trotter,  Cutthroat:  Native  Trout  of 
the  West  (Boulder:  Colorado  Associated  University  Press,  1987), 
pp.  10,  151-62;  Patrick  C.  Trotter,  "Cutthroat  Trout,"  in  Trout,eA.. 
Judith  Stolz  and  Judith  Schnell  (Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania:  Stackpole 
Books,  1991);  Shimkin,  "Wind  River  Shoshone  Ethnogeography," 
p.  268;  and  "Native  Fish  Species  of  Wyoming,"  Wyoming  Game 
and  Fish  Department  Website,  http://gfstate.wy.us/HTML/fish/ 
native.htm.  accessed  August  1,  2002.  On  Finis'  climbing  and  fish- 
ing, see  OH  1443;  Mitchell,  Wind  River  Trails,  p.  6;  OH  2010; 
Mitchell,  "My  Life";  and  Finis  Mitchell,  Letter  to  the  Editor,  Pinedale 
Roundup.  October  9,  1980. 

' '  Quoted  in  Neal  Blair,  The  History  of  Wildlife  Management  in  Wyo- 
;H/tt^  (Cheyenne:  Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  Department,  1987),  p. 
22.  See  also  Robert  W.  Wiley,  "Wyoming  Fish  Management,  1869- 
1993,"  administtative  report  for  Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  Depart- 
ment Fish  Division,  July  1993,  copy  in  author's  possession,  pp.  1-2, 
Appendix  1,  p.  22. 

'  ^  Blair,  Wildlife  Management,  pp.  24,  30;  John  Byorth,  "Trout  Shangri- 
La:  Remaking  the  Fishing  in  Yellowstone  National  Park,  Montana 
The  Magazine  ofWestern  History  52  (Summer  2002):  38-47;  Robert 
Henry  Smith,  "Rainbow  trout,"  in  Trout,  pp.  304-23;  William  A. 
Flick,  "Btook  trout,"  in  Trout,  pp.  196-207;  Charles  Harold  Olver, 
"Lake  trout,"  in  Trout,  pp.  286-99;  and  Robert  A.  Bachman,  "Brown 
trout,"  in  Trout,  pp.  208-29. 

'  ^  Ralph  Hudelson,  Galen  Boyer,  and  Jack  McMillan,  "High  Moun- 
tain Lake  and  Stteam  Survey  of  the  Btidger  Wilderness  Area:  1969- 
1975,"  Completion  Report:  D.J.  Report  F-l-R-8;  F-lR-9;  F-IR- 
1 0;  F- 1  -R- 11 ;  F- 1  -R- 1 2  (Cheyenne:  Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  De- 
partment Fish  Division,  1980)  [hereafter  cited  as  Hudelson,  Boyer, 
and  McMillan,  "High  Mountain  Survey"] .  Finis  Mitchell  was  among 
those  who  contributed  written  reports  for  this  survey;  k. 

'"   Wiley,  "Wyoming  Fish  Management,"  p.  5. 

'"  "Fry"  refers  to  a  larval  trour  after  it  has  absorbed  its  yolk  sac; 
"fingerling"  can  mean  a  tiout  up  to  one  year  old.  Older  sources 
sometimes  use  the  terms  interchangeably.  See  Theodore  C.  Bjornn, 
"Spawning  and  development,"  in  Trout,  pp.  60-64;  and  Trout,  s.v. 
"fingerling,"  p.  368. 

'  *  For  examples  of  planting,  see  Pinedale  Roundup,  March  1 6,  June  8, 
and  June  22,  1911,  September  25,  1913,  July  2,  August  6,  and 
Octobet  8,  1914,  and  October  7,  1915.  See  also  Hudelson,  Boyer, 
and  McMillan,  "High  Mountain  Survey"  11.8,  12.12,  12.13,  12.15, 
and  12.22. 

'"  On  the  hatchery,  see  Barbara  Pape,  "Daniel  Fish  Hatchery,"  in 
Daniel  Wyoming:  The  First  Hundred  Years,  1900-2000,  ed.  Hayden 
H.  Huston  (Daniel:  Daniel  Community  Center,  2001),  pp.  130- 
31;  Pinedale  Roundup,  February  8,  1917;  and  Blair,  Wildlife  Man- 
agement, p.  53.  For  appeals,  see  Pinedale  Roundup,  April  25,  1924, 
June  25,  1925,  September  30,  1926,  August  18,  1927,  and  August 
9,  1928.  State  officials  often  thanked  those  who  assisted;  see,  for 
instance,  Carl  Lund,  "Fish  Hatcheries  Department  Report,"  in 
Bruce  Nowlin,  "Biennial  Report  of  the  State  Game  and  Fish  Com- 
missioners of  the  State  of  Wyoming,  1927-1928,"  p.  35. 


Annals  o''  Wyoming'  The  'A'yominq  Hislor/  Journal  -  Spring    2004 


29 


necessary  as  scenic  attractions  to  lure  the  tourist.""" 

The  Mitchell  himiiy  benefited  from  this  early 
stocking,  but  by  1^)IS,  Henry  had  abandoned  his 
troubled  farm  and  brought  the  family  to  Rock  Springs. 
When  Henry  became  ill,  Finis  had  to  leave  school  after 
the  eighth  grade  to  find  work.''  The  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  hired  him  in  1923,  and  two  years  later  he 
married  Emma  Nelson.  When  the  Depression  hit.  Finis 
was  laid  ofi  in  1930.  He  tell  back  on  his  wilderness 
skills  he  had  learned  as  a  boy.  A  family  friend  suggested 
that  he  open  a  fish  camp,  so  Finis,  Emma,  and  Henry 
Mitchell  obtained  a  Forest  Service  lease  to  establish  a 
camp  at  Mud  Lake  in  Big  Sandy  Openings,  |ust  inside 
the  boundaries  of  Brida:er  National  Forest."  Finis 
quickly  found,  however,  that  only  five  nearby  lakes  had 
native  trout,  so  he  and  his  father  attempted  a 
cumbersome  stocking  process.  They  catight  seventeen 
grown  cutthroats  in  Big  Sandy  Lake  and  packed  them 
to  nearby  fishless  lakes.  Two  years  later.  Finis  caught 
one  of  those  emigrant  trout:  "He  looked  like  you  had 
blowed  him  up  with  a  pump  he  was  so  fat."-'  Soon 
after  that  first  stocking  attempt,  Walter  Brewer, 
superintendent  of  the  Daniel  hatchery,  came  by  the 
camp.  Brewer  offered  to  bring  fiy  to  the  Mitchells  if 
they  wotild  plant  them.  Finis  was  thus  in  a  well- 
established  tradition  of  voluntary  stocking  of  state- 
hatched  fish  by  private  citizens  into  lakes  on  the  public 
domain.-^ 


By  Finis'  oft-told  count,  during  the  next  seven 
years  he  and  his  helpers  planted  314  alpine  lakes, 
mostly  in  the  Big  Sandy,  East  Fork,  and  Boulder  Creek 
drainages  about  nine  thousand  feet.  Many  other  local 
residents  stocked  area  waters,  including  Finis'  brother, 

-'"   Pmediile  Roundup,  ]<m\.u\ry  18,  1923. 

''  Warranrv'  Deed  no.  40287,  Sublette  Count)',  "Deeds  IVanscribed 
Book  4,"  p.  .V9.  Finis  took  correspondence  courses  in  unknown 
subjects  and  taught  himself  to  type;  Piuediile  Roundup,  August  3, 
1922;  personal  interview  with  William  Mitchell,  Pinedale,  July 
16,  2002. 

"'  Mitchell,  Wind  River  Trails,  p.  7;  Rack  Springs  Daily  Rocket-Mmer, 
December  2,  1987;  and  OH  2010.  Henn,-  and  Fay  Mitchell  di- 
vorced at  some  point  before  this;  personal  interview  with  Anna 
Dew.  July  30,  2002,  by  telephone  from  Glendive,  Montana.  Anna 
Dew  is  the  daughter  of  Finis  and  Emma. 

-"■   Mitchell,  Wn,d  River  Trails,  p.  11;  Udall,  "Fims  Mitchell,"  p.  79. 

■^  Although  Mitchell  never  names  Walter  Brewer  outright  in  the 
sources  found,  he  does  refer  to  "the  state  hatchery,"  "the  superin- 
tendent," and  planting  fish  with  "Walt."  The  Daniel  hatcherj'  was 
the  nearest  and  most  convenient,  and  Brewer  is  known  to  have 
planted  many  waters  on  the  Wind  River  front.  OFi  20 1 0;  Pinedale 
Roundup,  September  2^,1  '^30,  December  31.1 93 1 ;  Pape,  "Daniel 
Fish  Hatchery,"  pp.  130-31;  and  Ralph  Faler.  personal  communi- 
cation with  author,  July  5.  2002. 

The  exactness  ot  Finis'  figures  suggests  that  he  kept  careful  records. 
He  kept  extensive  diaries  and  log  books,  but  access  to  those  was 
not  available;  Anna  Dew,  personal  communication  with  author, 
July  "i.  2002.  For  others,  I  relied  on  the  following  sources:  Jim 
Washam,  personal  communication  with  author,  July  31,  2002; 
Alta  Faler,  personal  communication  with  author,  July  8.  2002; 
Ralph  Faler,  personal  communication  with  author,  July  5,  2002; 
Cliff  Brewer,  personal  communicition  with  author,  August  2,  2002; 
Irv  Lozier  intei'view;  Anna  Dew  interview;  Mitchell,  Wind  River 
Trails,  p.  81;  and  OH  2010. 


'The  president  of  the 
Westinghouse  Electnc 
Supply  Company  fishes 
Pole  Creek  as  it  enters 
1000-lsland  Lake,  Pole 
Creek  is  the  mam  stream 
which  crosses  under  U.S. 
187  one  mile  east  of  the 
Pinedale  Airport.  At  that 
point  it  is  carrying,  as 
near  as  I  can  count  up 
in  my  mind,  the  waters 
from  136  mountain 
lakes."  Finis  Mitchell 
quote.  Courtesy 
Amencan  Heritage 
Center,  University  of 
Wyoming. 


30       Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


Dennis.-^  Finis  wrote  that  the  hatchery  might  bring 
him  "rainbow,  cutthroat,  CaUfornia  golden,  brook, 
or  German  brown"  trout.-*'  His  favorite,  and  the 
favorite  of  many  fishermen  for  its  beaur)^  rarity,  and 
excellent  taste,  was  the  California  golden,  native  only 
to  the  Kern  River  watershed. - 

For  six  decades.  Finis  insisted  that  he  had  planted 
fish  ("FREE  for  all  people")  for  the  benefit  of  fiiture 
fishermen.-*^  An  interviewer  provoked  an  indignant 
denial  when  he  suggested  that  the  stocking  was  a  business 
decision,  but  Finis  and  Emma  later  agreed  that  it  was 
indeed  part  of  their  effort  to  earn  a  living.-'  The  full 
answer  must  include  a  little  of  both  altruism  and  self- 
interest.  While  the  success  of  the  camp  depended  on 
thriving  populations  of  trout,  the  payoff  from  stocking 
fmgerlings  was  years  away  and  uncertain  at  best.  The 
Mitchells  were  thinking  both  of  short-term  gains  and 
generations  of  fishing  to  come.  And,  as  Finis'  legend 
grew,  he  probably  took  a  longer  view  of  what  he  had 
done. 

When  the  war  brought  better  economic  times  in 
1940,  the  railroad  rehired  Finis  and  the  family  moved 
back  to  Rock  Springs,  where  he  and  Emma  lived  for 
nearly  the  rest  of  their  lives. '"  With  a  steady  paycheck, 
the  mountains  ceased  to  be  the  means  by  which  Finis 
made  a  living,  and  became  again  a  source  of  beauty, 
spiritual  solace,  and  recreation.  As  soon  as  the  snows 
melted.  Finis  headed  north  on  virtually  every  weekend 
and  vacation. "  He  meant  to  do  more  than  just  enjoy 
the  scenery,  however.  In  1949,  he  wrote  that  "it  has 
been  my  sole  ambition  since  I  retired  from  the  fishing 
business  in  1937,  to  master  this  rugged  and  massive  of 
all  Rocky  Mountain  ranges."  "Master"  meant  hiking 
every  trail,  climbing  every  mountain,  and  exploring 
ever)'  watershed,  until  his  knowledge  of  the  place  was 
encyclopedic.  ^- 

Finis'  standing  as  a  backcountry  expert  grew  over 
the  decades,  thanks  in  large  part  to  his  vigorous 
promotion  of  his  favorite  region  (and  by  extension 
himself).  By  the  early  1940s,  he  was  presenting 
slideshows  and  giving  talks  to  local  groups.  Invitations 
came  from  people  he  had  met  at  the  fish  camp  or  on 
the  trail.  As  his  reputation  spread,  he  addressed  audiences 
across  the  country.'''  Trout  stocking  was  an  important 
element  in  his  story.  In  the  same  1949  letter  in  which 
he  laid  out  his  goals,  Finis  was  already  rehearsing  the 


legend  that  he  would  repeat  countless  times: 
"Everyone  knows  I  operated  the  first  fishing  camp 
to  be  established  on  the  Pacific  slope  of  our  Wind 
River  Range.  .  .  .  They  also  know  that ...  we  packed 
out  on  pack  horses  2  million  trout  with  which  we 
stocked  314  individual  lakes,  and  from  these  through 
connecting  streams,  another  700  became  stocked. "^'' 
Finis  also  reported  running  totals  of  his  Wind  River 
experience.  In  1987,  he  estimated  that  he  had  hiked 
fifteen  thousand  miles,  climbed  276  peaks,  and  worn 
out  twelve  cameras  taking  120,000  photographs.'^ 

Finis  became  especially  well  known  after  1975, 
when  he  published  Wind  River  Trails,  the  first  general 
guidebook  to  the  region,  which  included  a  short 
autobiography.'''  The  1970s  and  1980s  brought 
magazine  and  newspaper  profiles,  an  honorary 
Doctorate  of  Law  degree  from  the  University  of 
Wyoming,  and  awards  from  the  Environmental 
Protection  Agency,  the  Izaak  Walton  League,  the 
National  Forest  Service,  and  the  state  legislatures  of 

^''    Mitchell,  Wind  River  Trails,  p.  8. 

-"  "Finis  Mitchell  records";  OH  2010.  On  goldens,  see  Phil  Pister, 
"Golden  trout,"  in  Trout,  pp.  280-85. 

■'  For  instance,  in  a  slideshow  videotaped  in  1987;  "Finis  Mitchell 
videorecording  no.  3,"  Hay  Library,  Western  Wyoming  College. 
"FREE  .  .  ."  appears  on  "Mitchell  Peak,"  postcard  no.  110114, 
distributed  by  Great  Outdoot  Publishing,  Pinedale. 

''  OH  2010.  His  children  both  told  the  author  that  Finis'  original 
motivation  was  indeed  economic;  William  Mitchell  interview;  Anna 
Dew  interview. 

'"  Anna  Dew  interview;  OH  2010;  and  Joe  and  Lynn  Thomas,  per- 
sonal communication  with  author,  July  8,  2002.  Joe  Thomas  re- 
membered that  his  father  purchased  Finis  Mitchell's  Mud  Lake 
lease  and  equipment  in  1940  and  operated  the  Big  Sandy  Lodge 
there.  Finis  spent  his  last  several  years  in  a  senior  home  in  nearby 
Green  River;  John  R.  Waggener,  personal  communication  with 
author,  October  14,  2002. 

"  OH  2010;  William  Mitchell  interview;  and  Anna  Dew  interview. 

'-  Pinedale  Roundup,  March  3,  1949.  See  also  "Finis  Mitchell 
videorecording  no.  1,"  Hay  Library,  Western  Wyoming  College; 
Woods,  Walking  the  Winds,  "First  Ascents,"  appendix,  pp.  225-26; 
Irv  Lozier  interview;  and  William  Mitchell  interview. 

'^  William  Mitchell  interview;  Anna  Dew  interview.  For  examples  of 
slideshows  across  the  nation,  see  Superior  [Wisconsin]  Evening 
Telegram,  September  28,  1979;  "Itinerary-Finis  Mitchell-Georgia 
Visit-November  1980,"  n.p.,  OH  2010  file,  Wyoming  State  Ar- 
chives. 

'"  Pinedale  Roundup,  March  3,  1949. 

^^  Rock  Springs  Daily  Rocket-Miner,  December  2,  1987.  William  Mitchell 
reports  that  the  photograph  total  is  closer  to  a  quarter  million; 
William  Mitchell  interview. 

*  Melvin  Davis,  personal  communication  with  author,  October  8, 
2002;  Jeff  Grathwohl,  director  of  University  of  Utah  Press,  per- 
sonal communication  with  author,  August  2,  2002.  The  latter 
press  purchased  WiW^/Wr75a/Zffrom  Wasatch  Publishing  in  1999. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring    2004 31 


Wyoming  and  California.^"  Perhaps  his  proudest 
honor  was  the  designation  oi  "Mitchell  Peak,"  a  Wind 
Rivers  mountain  Finis  climbed  many  times. '''  During 
the  1980s,  age  finally  began  to  catch  up  with  him, 
and  by  the  early  1990s,  he  was  too  trail  tor  further 
hiking.  Mitchell  died  on  November  13,  1995,  one 
day  before  his  ninety-fourth  birthday.'' 

Finis  lived  to  see  many  changes  in  the  management 
of  Wyoming's  fisheries.  Fie  was  aware  Irom  an  early 
date  of  the  possible  failures  of  stocking.  His  son 
remembers  catching  rvvo  hundred  fish  in  a  single  evening 
in  1945  trom  Middle  Fork  Lake,  which  Finis  had 
stocked  with  brook  trout.  "They  were  starving  to 
death.  .  .  .  These  high  lakes  don't  produce  food  last 
enough  to  support  a  big  population."^"  Finis  vowed 
"to  lure  enough  anglers  ...  to  at  least  partially  save  the 
millions  ol  accumulated  trout  which  has  [sic]  resulted 
from  my  stockings.  .  .  ."*' 

Fish  biologists  had  already  determined  that  high 
altitude  stocking  should  be  more  caretully  regulated. 
In  1 935,  James  Simon  called  for  "discretion"  where  food 
was  scarce,  and  suggested  taking  the  various  species' 
native  habitat  elevations  into  account;  cutthroat  and 
golden  trout  in  the  highest  lakes;  brook  or  cutthroat  in 
the  middle  zone;  and  rainbow,  cutthroat,  or  brook  in 
the  lower  waters."*'  In  1940,  Simon,  then  the  state 
fisheries  chief,  declared  that  his  agency  would  no  longer 
allow  private  individuals  like  Mitchell  to  plant  fish: 
"Great  losses  have  been  suffered  through  improper 
planting.  Both  the  Federal  agencies  and  the  Fish 
Department  have  allowed  such  losses  through 
distributing  fish  to  individuals  who  did  not  give  them 
the  proper  care."^'  The  Game  and  Fish  Department 
began  to  hire  trained  fisheries  biologists  concerned  with 
appropriate  habitats  for  indigenous  species  instead  ol 
working  solely  for  the  largest  possible  catch.  The  long 
tradition  of  volunteer  planting  ot  exotic  species  by 
private  individuals  no  longer  seemed  the  wisest 
course.^"* 

The  higher  degree  ol  foderal  protection  alforded 
Wind  River  lakes  strengthened  the  emphasis  upon 
indigenous  species.  On  February  9,  1931  (just  months 
before  Mitchell  planted  his  first  hatchery  fish),  the  U.S. 
Secretary  ol  Agriculture  established  the  Bridger 
Primitive  Area,  which  meant  an  emphasis  upon 
nonmechanized  transport  and  limited  permanent 


structures.  As  a  practical  fact,  the  service's  management 
changed  little,  since  the  region  received  so  little  human 
traffic."*" 

As  the  wilderness  ideal  gained  currency,  some 
considered  the  Winds  ideal  candidates  for  a  higher  level 
of  protection.  In  1957,  the  regional  forester  proposed 
that  the  area  be  administratively  reclassilied  as 
"wilderness."  Among  the  "outstanding  features"  the 
forester  highlighted  was  its  fine  trout  fishing.  The 
Secretary  of  Agriculture  accepted  the  recommendation 
in  1960  and  desi2;nated  the  Bride;er  Wilderness.  V(Tien 
Congress  passed  the  landmark  Wilderness  Act  four  years 


For  an  example  ot  profiles,  see  Wli/I  Stnvt  loiirnal.  September  20, 
1 979;  for  the  honorary  Doctor  ot  Laws  degree,  see  Casper  Star- 
Tribune,  August  1 ,  1  977;  for  the  EPA  award,  see  Pinedale  Roundup, 
November  23,  199S,  tor  the  Izaak  Walton  League's  Joseph  W. 
Penfieid  Award,  see  Rock  Springs  Daily  Rocket-Miiwr,  December  2. 
198^;  tor  the  Forest  Services'  75"''  Anniversary  Award,  see  Pinedale 
Roundup,  October  2,  1980;  for  the  Wyoming  Senate  honorarium, 
see  Wyoming  Eagle,  February  25,  1989;  and  for  the  California  honor, 
see  California  Senate  Rules  Resolution  No.  1  ^6,  October  8,  1969. 
In  1997,  Western  Wyoming  College  dedicated  "Mitchell's  Dining 
Room"  on  its  Rock  Springs  campus.  The  room  contains  a  portrait 
ot  Finis  and  Emma,  originals  of  many  of  Finis'  honors  listed  here, 
tramed  articles,  some  of  his  own  writings,  and  other  memorabilia. 

'^   The  L'SGS  set  aside  its  long-standing  rule  against  naming 
landtorms  for  living  persons;  Rock  Springs  Daily  Rocket-Miner. 
August  13,  1975. 

"'   014  2010;  William  Mitchell  interview;  Udall,  "Finis  Mitchell"; 
and  Pinedale  Roundup,  November  23.  1995. 

■"'   William  Mitchell  inter\'iew.    See  also  "Finis  Mitchell  records"; 
OH  2010. 

' '    Pinedale  Roundup.  March  3,  1949. 

^ '  James  R.  Simon,  "A  Survey  ot  the  Waters  of  the  Wyoming 
National  Forest,"  Department  of  Commerce,  Bureau  of 
Fisheries,  April  1935,  copy  in  author's  possession,  pp.  11,  13; 
Hudelson,  Boyer,  and  McMillan,  "High  Mountain  Sun,'ey,"  c-d. 

^'  lames  R.  Simon,  "Report  ot  the  Fish  Division,"  in  Robert  Grieve, 
"Biennial  Report  ot  the  Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  Commission, 
1939-1940,"  p.  32. 

^■'   Blair,  Wildlife  Management,  pp.  77,  138;  Wiley,  "Wyoming  Fish 
Man.igement,"  pp.  7-10;  personal  interview  with  Fred  Eiserman, 
July  29,  2002,  by  telephone  trom  Casper;  and  person.il  inrerview 
with  Tom  Bell,  July  29,  2002,  bv  telephone  trom  Lander;  and 
personal  communication  with  Mike  Stone.  Julv  31,  2002. 
Eiserman  was  fisheries  biologist  tor  the  district  that  included  the 
western  Winds  in  the  1950s  and  later  state  fisheries  resource 
manager.   Bell  was  a  WGFD  fisheries  biologist  in  the  late  1940s. 
Stone  is  currently  Wyoming's  Chiet  of  Fisheries. 

■"^   Albert  Wm.  Collotzi,  Don  Bartschi,  Glen  Dunning,  Ralph 
Hudelson,  "Bridger  Wilderness  Fish  Management  Plan, "  fuK' 
1978  (revised),  pp.  1-2  [hereafter  cited  ,is  Collotzi  et  al., 
"Bridger  Wilderness  Fish  Management  Plan"]. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


later,  the  Bridget  was  one  oi  the  "instant"  areas  created 
because  of  its  existing  administrative  status."*'' 

hi  one  important  way,  the  Winds  do  not  seem  to 
fit  the  famous  definition  of  "wilderness"  written  into 
the  Wilderness  Act,  which  reads  in  part:  "...  [A]n  area 
where  the  earth  and  its  community  of  life  are 
untrammeled  bv  man,  .  .  .  which  is  protected  and 
managed  so  as  to  preserve  its  natural  conditions  and 
which  .  .  .  generally  appears  to  have  been  affected 
primarily  by  the  forces  of  nature,  with  the  imprint  of 
man's  work  substantially  unnoticeable;  .  .  .'"'  The 
meanings  of  "natural"  and  "nature"  are  various,  but  the 
Wilderness  Act  clearly  refers  to  non-human  processes 
or  aspects  of  the  material  world.  The  research  ecologist 
Peter  B.  Landres  and  his  collaborators  have  proposed  a 
useful  distinction  between  "wild,"  which  they  equate 
with  "untrammeled"  (defined  as  "unimpeded, 
unhampered,  uncontrolled,  self-willed  and  free")  and 
"natural"  (for  which  thev  suggest  the  synonyms  "native, 
aboriginal,  indigenous,  and  endemic").  The  Wilderness 
Act  assumes  that  wildernesses  are  both  "wild"  and 
"natural."  Mitchell's  stocking  helped  expose  some  of 
the  ironies  inherent  in  that  assumption."*'^ 

Like  virtually  every  other  landscape,  the  Bridger 
Wilderness  contains  evidence  of  thousands  of  years  of 
human  use,  such  as  Indian  lithic  sites,  the  remnants  of 
small  dams,  and  trappers'  cabins.  And  several  hundred 
lakes  contain  the  imprints  of  the  work  of  Mitchell  and 
others.  The  descendants  of  those  planted  trout  can 
hardly  be  considered  to  "trammel"  the  entire  wilderness, 
but  some  environmentalists  and  biologists  believe  they 
have  hindered  the  free  action  of  the  communirv'  of  life 
within  individual  lakes. ^'' 

Trout  are  large,  voracious,  and  opportunistic 
predators  that  can  alter  the  ecology  of  a  mountain  lake. 
Finis  wrote  that  the  lakes  he  stocked  were  "just  fidl  of 
water  lice,  leaches  (sic),  fresh  water  shrimp,  and  that 
kind  of  stuff  ..."  As  he  later  discovered,  however, 
some  lakes  lack  sufficient  food  for  an  exploding  trout 
population. '°  Simon  wrote  that  "a  lake  with  no  fish 
present  may  appear  to  have  good  food  until  fish  are 
introduced,  then  in  a  short  time,  this  food  supply 
diminishes,  leaving  the  fish  in  a  semi-starved 
condition."^'  Fish  introductions  can  have  consequences 
upon  existing  vertebrate  and  invertebrate  communities. 
For  instance,  trout  originally  planted  during  the  1 930s 


in  Idaho  and  Washington  have  significantly  lowered 
the  densities  of  amphibians.^-  Although  trout-prey 
relationships  in  Wind  River  lakes  have  not  been 
intensively  studied,  specialists,  including  WGFD 
biologists,  believe  that  larger-bodied  individuals  within 
each  prey  species  have  almost  certainly  declined.  ■' 

'"'   Collotzi  et  al.,  "Bridger  Wilderness  Fish  Management  Plan," 
pp.  1-2.   The  Bridger  Wilderness  was  expanded  by  some 
36,000  acres  in  1984;  see  "Laws  and  Administration  for  the 
Bridger  Wilderness,"  in  National  Wilderness  Preser\'ation 
System  Website,  http://w\vw.wilderness.net/nwps/ 
publaw_view.ctm?wname=Bridger,  accessed  September  11, 
2002. 

■*'  Wilderness  Act,  Statutes  at  Large,  78,  section  2  (c),  p.  89 1 . 

"•^   Peter  B.  Landres  et  al.,  "Natural  and  Wildness:  The  Dilemma 
and  Irony  of  Managing  Wildernesss,"  USDA  Forest  Service 
Proceedings  RMRS-P-15-VOL-3,  2000,  pp.  377-81.   See  also 
William  Cronon,  "Introduction:  In  Search  of  Nature,"  in 
William  Cronon,  ed..  Uncommon  Ground:  Rethinking  the  Human 
Place  in  Nature  (New  York  and  London:  WW  Norton,  1996), 
pp.  25-37;  Cronon,  "The  Trouble  with  Wilderness;  or.  Getting 
Back  to  the  Wrong  Nature,"  in  Cronon,  Uncommoyi  Ground,  pp. 
69,  79-89;  and  David  N.  Cole,  "Management  Dilemmas  That 
Will  Shape  Wilderness  in  the  21"  Century,"  Joimial  of  Forestry 
(January  2001);  4-8. 

^"    Knapp,  Corn,  and  Schindler,  "The  Introduction  of  Nonnative 
Fish  into  Wilderness  Lakes,"  p.  275;  and  David  S.  Wilcove,  The 
Condor's  Shadow:  The  Loss  and  Recovery  of  Wildlife  in  America 
(New  York:  W.H.  Freeman  and  Company,  1999),  pp.  120-21. 
Good  general  discussions  of  stocking  can  be  found  in  Delano 
R.Grafif,  "Why  stock?"  in  Trout,  pp.  341-45;  Robb  E  Leary, 
"Why  Not  Stock?"  in  Trout,  pp.  346-50. 

'"   Mitchell,  Wind  River  Trails,  p.  8.   One  investigator  in  the  1940s 
lound  more  than  90  percent  of  trout  stomach  contents  to  be 
diptera,  a  large  genus  including  many  flies;  one  contained  the 
remnants  of  a  four-inch  rodent.    See  O.H.  Robertson,  "An 
Ecological  Study  ot  Two  High  Mountain  Trout  Lakes  in  the 
Wind^River  Range,  Wyoming,"  Ecology  28  (April  1947):  97-98. 
For  a  long  list  of  potential  trout  foods,  see  Hudelson,  Boyer,  and 
McMillan,  "High  Mountain  Survey,"  Appendix  A,  1, 

^'    Simon,  "Sur\'ev  of  the  Waters  of  the  Wvoming  National  Forest," 
pp.7,  12. 

'-   David  S.  Pilliod  and  Charles  R.  Peterson,  "Local  and  Landscape 
Effects  of  Introduced  Trout  on  Amphibians  in  Historically 
Fishless  Watersheds,"  Ecosystems  4  (2001):  322-33;  William  J. 
Liss  and  Gar)'  L.  Larson,  "Complex  Interactions  ot  Introduced 
Trout  and  Native  Biota   in  High-Elevation  Lakes,"  http:// 
biology.usgs.gov/s+t/SNT/noframe/pn  170.htm,  accessed 
November  1 ,  2001 ;  and  Paul  Stephen  Corn  and  Roland  A. 
Knapp,  "Fish  Stocking  in  Protected  Areas:  Summar)'  ot  a 
Workshop,"  USDA  Forest  Service  Proceedings,  RMRS-P-15- 
VOL-5,  2000,  pp.  302-03. 

^'^   Personal  interview  with  Kurt  Nelson,  WGFD  Fisheries  Biologist, 
Bridger-Teton  National  Forest,  Pinedale  region,  July  17,  2002; 
personal  inten'iew  with  Ron  Remmick,  WGFD  Fisheries 
Supervisor,  Green  River  and  Pinedale  region,  July  2,  2002;  and 
Debra  Patla,  "Amphibians  ot  the  Bridger-Teton  National  Forest," 
Greater  Yellowstone  Ecosystem  Amphibian  Project,  n.p., 
Herpetologj'  Laboraton,',  Idaho  State  University,  February  22, 
2000,  copy  in  author's  possession. 


Annais  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  ■-  Spring    2004 


"Here  I  photograph  a  Union  Pacific  Railroad  photographer  as  he  shoots  over  Upper  Cooks 
Lake  with  (left  to  right)  Monta  Lester,  Wall  Mountain,  Fremont,  Narrower,  and  Knife  Point.  I 
seldom  go  to  the  Wind  River  Range  to  fish  any  more.  My  aim  is  to  climb  all  the  peaks  and 
take  pictures  to  show  people  what  is  actually  theirs."  Finis  Mitchell  quote.  Courtesy 
Amencan  Hentage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 


The  various  trout  subspecies  do  not  necessarily 
coexist  well.  Differences  in  spawning  season  or  feeding 
habits  can  result  in  the  dominance  of  one  and  the  decline 
or  complete  elimination  of  another.  Brook  trout  have 
especially  thrived  as  they  can  spawn  heavily  in  conditions 
where  other  subspecies  do  less  well.  More  importantly, 
brook  trout  eggs  and  fiy  were  more  easily  available  than 
other  species,  and  so  more  widely  planted. ^^  Simon 
found  golden  trout  succeeding  in  Clear  Lake  in  1934.^^ 
Mitchell  reportedly  planted  brooks  in  Clear  Lake  in 
1931,  and  today,  only  brooks  are  found. ^''  Goldens 
were  planted  in  the  Cook  lakes  as  early  as  1929,  but 
they  have  been  fighting  a  losing  battle  against  brooks 
since  about  1943.^  Where  native  cutthroats  compete 
with  other  trout,  the  latter  often  prove  hardier.^*^  Finis 
admitted  in  1985  that  he  had  not  understood  the 
"disasters"  that  brook  trout  could  cause,  and  advocated 
careful  poisoning  ot  the  unwanted  fish.^' 

Some  subspecies  get  along  too  well,  however. 
Goldens  can  interbreed  with  rainbows,  for  example, 
producing  hybrids  with  reduced  lertility.  The  widely 
stocked  Yellowstone  Cutthroat  can  interbreed  with 
native  Colorado  River  cutthroats.""  While  none  ol  the 
trout  subspecies  in  Wind  River  lakes  have  been  listed  as 
endangered  or  threatened  under  the  Endangered  Species 
Act,  Wyoming  classifies  the  increasingly  rare  Colorado 
River  cutthroat  subspecies  as  "sensitive.""'    The  WGFD 


worries  that  another  Mitchell  could  endanger  the 
desirable  imported  golden  trout  population.  The 
department  suggested  in  1*^80  that  "some  misguided 
person  .  .  .  with  a  large  dishpan"  could  catch  brooks 
Irom  the  East  Fork  River  and  transplant  them  into 
nearby  lakes,  wiping  out  the  golden  trout. "- 

^^    Flick.  "Brook  trout,    pp.  l^'9-202;  Simon,  "Report  of  the  Fish 
Division.  193^-1940,"  p.  ,V).  The  WGFD  con.sistentiy  reported 
planting  more  brook  trout  than  any  other  subspecies;  see,  tor 
example,  Frank  Cook,  "Fish  Hatcheries  Department,"  in  Robert 
A.  Flocker,  "Biennial  Report  of  the  State  Game  and  Fish 
Commissioner  of  the  State  ot  Wyoming,  1933-.1-4,    p.  30.    I  he 
Daniel  hatchery'  superintendent  planted  more  brooks  than  all 
others  combined  in  1939,  but  in  1940,  more  "natives"  (i.e., 
cutthroats  from  all  sources)  than  brooks  were  planted;  Simon, 
"Report  of  the  Fish  Division,  193''-40,"  p.  40. 

"■ '    Simon,  "Survey  ot  the  Waters  ot  the  Wyoming  National  Forest," 
p.  10. 

""■   "Finis  Mitchell  records";  Woods,  W'ti/k/ug  r/v  Wiuriu  p.  116. 
Hudelson.  Bover,  and  McMillan,  "High  Mountain  Sur\'ev," 

^^    Ray  Ring.  "The  West's  fisheries  spin  out  ot  control,"  Hig/i 
Country  News.  September  18.  1*^95;  Trotter.  "Cutthroat  trout," 
pp.  262-64. 

^"   Piuedale  Roundup,  September  19,  1985. 

""   Leary.  "Why  not  stock?"  pp.  349-50;  Trotter,  "Cutthroat  trout." 
pp.  248,  264. 

"'    Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  Department,  "Wyoming  Game  and 
Fish  Department  Comprehensive  Management  and  Enhance- 
ment Plan  tor  Colorado  River  Cutthroar  Trout  in  Wyoming," 
1987;  "Conser%'ation  Agreement  and  Strateg)'  tor  Colorado  River 
Cutthroat  Trout  (Oncorhy)ichus  cLirki pleuriticui)  in  the  State  ot 
Colorado,  LItah,  and  Wyoming,"  March  19T). 

''-    Hudelson,  Boyer,  and  McMillan,  "High  Mountain  Sur\'ey, ' 
2.10. 


34    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


These  problems  and  the  consideration  of  the 
Wilderness  Act  brought  about  a  major  change  in  the 
management  of  Bridget  waters.  The  comprehensive 
1978  Bridger  Wilderness  Fish  Management  Plan 
established  the  "natural  or  wildfish  concept"  as  a 
management  goal.  The  WGFD  defines  "wild"  as  "a 
naturally  reproducing  fishery"  without  further 
stocking.'''  By  the  mid-1990s,  WGFD  stocked  only 
nine  lakes  on  the  Bridger,  all  with  either  golden  or 
Colorado  River  cutthroat,  and  the  agency  no  longer 
stocks  fishless  lakes.  The  official  Wyoming  fishing 
regulations  brochure  provides  a  toll-free  number  for 
fishermen  to  report  illegal  fish  planting  ("costly  to  both 
you  and  the  fisheries  resource").''^ 

For  a  few  people,  however,  the  end  of  stocking  is 
not  enough.  They  believe  that  the  presence  of  trout 
in  Wind  River  lakes  is  unnatural,  and  that  il  it  were 
politically  possible  to  do  so,  those  fish  would  be 
removed.''^  Such  removal,  however,  would  entail 
further  human  manipulation  of  the  lakes  through 
poisoning  or  other  methods,  compromising  the 
wildness  ot  the  region  and  possibly  injuring  other  plant 
and  animal  species.'* 

Those  who  regret  the  stocking  of  Wind  River  lakes 
are  almost  certainly  in  the  minority.  Most  people 
familiar  with  Finis'  story  take,  at  worst,  a  "what's  done 
is  done"  attitude.  Mitchell's  actions,  after  all,  were  in 
a  well-established  tradition  of  developing  fisheries  in 
as  many  waters  as  possible,  and  he  acted  with  the 
support  of  the  WGFD,  the  National  Forest  Service, 
and  public  opinion  long  before  the  Wind  Rivers  were 
designated  wilderness.  To  those  who  protest  the 
ecological  damage  wrought  on  the  indigenous  flora 
and  fauna,  Wyoming  officials  note  that  more  than 
half  of  the  lakes  on  the  Bridger  Wilderness  are  still 
fishless,  just  as  "in  their  pristine  state."''  The  plights 
of  the  fairy  shrimp  or  the  caddisfly  have  not  yet 
received  much  attention.''** 

Other  people  are  much  more  enthusiastic  about 
Finis'  stocking.  The  Bridger  Wilderness  is  popular 
with  backpackers,  probably  half  of  whom  carry  a  rod 
and  reel.  During  the  1 930s,  stocking  hundred  of  lakes 
for  a  handful  of  hikers  seemed  quixotic,  and  as  a 
dedicated  backpacker,  Mitchell  was  unusual.  Only 
560  persons  reportedly  visited  the  Bridger  Primitive 
Area  in  1936,  and  less  than  one  hundred  of  those 


traveled  on  foot.'''  By  the  1970s,  Finis  seemed 
virtually  a  prophet  for  the  thousands  who  came  to 
hike  and  fish  the  Bridger  like  he  did.  Today,  about 
three  hundred  thousand  people  visit  the  Wilderness 
annually,  and  fishing  for  trout  in  the  gorgeous  alpine 
scenery  is  one  of  the  main  attractions.  " 

Many  people  seem  to  have  reached  an  unspoken 
consensus  that  Wind  River  fish  are  both  "natural"  and 
"wild,"  and  thus  in  keeping  with  the  Wilderness  Act. 
By  the  time  the  area  was  designated  "wilderness,"  many 
generations  of  fish  had  spawned,  grown,  and  died  since 
Mitchell's  1930s  plantings,  in  many  lakes  without  any 
further  stocking.  By  the  WGFD's  classification  and 
Peter  Landres'  definition,  those  descendants  are  indeed 
"natural,"  i.e.  native-born.  And  the  department  has 
declared  those  fish  to  be  "wild"  under  their  policy  of 
no  further  stocking;  that  is,  no  more  human 
manipulation  other  than  fishing.  '  Finis  himself  drew 
a  revealing  distinction  between  Wind  River  lakes  and 
the  Flaming  Gorge  reservoir:  "They  keep  dumping 


"'  CoUotzi  et  al,  "Bridger  Wilderness  Fish  Management  Plan,"  p. 
3;  Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  Department,  "Why  not  visit  a  fish 
hatchery?"  n.p.,  n.d.  See  also  Hudelson,  Boyer,  and  McMillan, 
"High  Mountain  Survey,"  j;  Blair,  Wildlife  Management,  p.  236. 

'"■'   Remmick,  "Managing  the  BWA  Fisheries,"  p.  3;  Wyoming 
Game  and  Fish  Commission,  "2002  through  2003  Wyoming 
Fishing  Regulations,"  p.  17. 

'"   Remmick,  "Managing  the  BWA  Fisheries";  David  Hohl, 
personal  communication  with  author,  July  3,  2002;  personal 
interview  with  William  Worf,  by  telephone  fi-om  Missoula,  June 
24,  2002;  and  Kurt  Nelson  interview.    Hohl  is  the  former 
recreation  super\'isor  for  the  Bridger  National  Forest,  Pinedale. 
Worf  is  the  board  president  of  Wilderness  Watch  and  former 
supervisor  of  the  Bridger  Narional  Forest. 

''''   Landres  et  al.,  "Naturalness  and  Wildness,"  pp.  377-81. 

*"'"   Remmick,  "Managing  the  BWA  Fisheries." 

''*   Kurr  Nelson  inten'iew;  William  Wort  interview;  Tom  Bell 
interview;  and  Fred  Eiserman  interview. 

"'   Pinedale  Roundup,  December  3,  1956.   On  backpacking,  see 
Roderick  Frazier  Nash,  Wilderness  and  the  American  Mind,  4''' 
ed.  (New  Haven:  Yale  University  Press),  pp.  316-19;  on  Finis 
and  other  backpacking,  Ir\'  Lozier  interview;  William  Mitchell 
interview. 
"   Untitled  draft  histor)'  ot  Bridger-Teton  National  Foresr, 
personal  communication  with  author  from  James  R.  Schoen, 
July  10,  2002. 
'    Landres  et  al.,  "Naturalness  and  Wildness,"  p.  377;  "Bridger 
Wilderness  Action  Plan  and  Implementation  Schedule,"  March 
1995.  pp.  23-25;  and  "Why  not  visit  a  fish  hatchery?"  See  also 
Kenneth  R.  Olwig,  "Reinventing  Common  Nature:  Yosemite 
and  Mount  Rushmore  —  A  Meandering  Tale  of  a  Double 
Nature,"  in  Uncommon  Ground,  pp.  379-408,  esp.  386. 


Annals  o(  Wyoming'  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring   2004 


in  more  and  more  fish  all  the  rime  [into  Flaming 
Gorge].  And  that's  sort  oi  a  man-made  condition. 
While  this  up  here  is  a  natLual  condition."  " 

The  consensus  on  Wind  River  trout  has  been  a 
useful  one:  it  helped  Finis  burnish  credentials  as  a 
conservationist,  it  helped  wilderness  aclvocates  garner 
support  for  statutory  protection,  and  it  served  to 
promote  Wyoming  fishing  and  tourism,   li  we  accept 
that  humans  are  part  ot  "nature,"  we  can  perhaps 
reconcile  the  apparent  contradiction  oi  the 
Wilderness  Acts  language.  Mitchelfs  dedication  to 


his  chosen  place  was  extraordinary,  and  he  deserves 
to  be  remembered  as  a  friend  of  wilderness.  He  is 
also  in  a  long  tradition  of  humans  using  the  Wind 
River  mountains  for  food,  drink,  recreation,  and 
communion  with  goci  or  gods.    Fhe  place  we  know 
today  as  the  Bridger  Wilderness,  including  its 
superb  trout  fishing,  is  their  collective  creation.     Mii 

'-   Finis  Mitcliell  testimony.  May  31.  1473.  tape  recording.  Pinedale 
Resource  .Area  MFP.  Bureau  of  Land  Manauement. 


Finis  Mitchell  displays  the  sign, 
"Our  Sacred  Rim,"  which  he  and 
30  children  and  adults  from  three 
or  four  area  churches  placed  in 
the  Wind  River  Range.  The  rim 
IS  south  of  Fremont  Gorge  and 
placed  where  pictures  can  be 
taken  with  the  sign  in  the 
foreground  and  Gannett  Peak, 
13,804  feet,  can  be  seen  on  the 
honzon.  Many  lakes  lie  2,000 
feet  below  the  nm,  Fremont 
Peak.  1 3.745  feet.  Suicide  Lake 
and  the  white  water  of  the 
streams  leading  into  the  lake  can 
also  be  seen  from  the  nm, 
Gannett  Peak  is  the  highest 
mountain  in  Wyoming  and 
Fremont  Peak  is  the  second 
highest  in  the  Wind  River 
Range,  Mitchell  said  a  couple 
from  London,  England,  joined 
their  group  when  they  reached 
the  range  and  that  the 
youngest  member  was  a  1- 
month-old  baby.  Courtesy 
Wyoming  State  Archives, 


is  assistant  professor  of  history  at  Westminster  College  in  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah.  He  received  his 
Ph.D.  in  History  from  the  University  of  Utah  in  1998  and  is  the  author  of  Prostitution,  Polygamy, 
and  Power:  Salt  Lake  City.  1847-1918  {Urbana:  University  of  Illinois  Press,  2002). 


36       Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


The  Fly-Fishing  History  of  the  Bighorn  Mountains: 
An  Interview  with  Sam  l\^avral<is,  Sr; 

by  Tucker  W.  Galloway^ 


pioneering  fly- 
fisherman  of  tine 
Bighorns  and  former 
owner  of  the  Ritz 
Sporting  Goods 
Store  in  Sheridan, 
Wyoming.^ 
Besides  operating 
one  of  Wyoming's 
legendary  sporting 
shops,  IVIavrakis 
starred  in  numerous 
angling  movies, 
fished  with  Joe 
DiMaggio  and  other 
celebrities,  and 
rubbed  elbows  with 
Queen  Elizabeth  II. 


TG:  Did  your  father  fly-fish? 

SM:  No,  no,  he  was  just  an  old  Greek  gambler,  bootlegger,  and  racketeer.  He 
started  a  gambling  joint  and  a  pool  hall.  In  fact,  when  he  come  to  the  U.S.  Irom 
Greece  in  1909,  he  worked  in  a  coal  mine  in  Price,  Utah,  for  a  while  and  then  he 
moved  out  here.  There  was  a  coal  mine  village  out  here  called  Monarch. .  .And  he 
got  hurt  in  the  mine  there  so  [he  was]  given  the  company  pool  hall.  That's  when  my 
brothers  and  I  were  six,  seven  years  old.  He  bootlegged  and  bootlegged  and 
bootlegged. ..My  brothers  and  I,  when  we'd  get  out  of  school  at  night,  we'd  hurry 


Adrian  Bantjes  edited  and  annotated  this  interview.  Sam  Mavrakis  clarified  several  points  during  a  brief 
phone  interview  with  Bantjes  on  March  16,  2004. 

For  details,  see  Galloway's  unpublished  paper,  titled  "Fly-Fishing  and  Tourism  History  of  the  Big 
Horn  Mountains,"  University  of  Wyoming,  2002. 

The  Ritz  Sporting  Goods  Store  in  Sheridan  was  a  legendary  gathering  place  for  hunters  and  anglers 
until  it  closed  in  1998.  See  Bob  Krumm.  "Downtown  Sheridan  will  be  a  bit  colder,"  in  The  Billings 
Gazette,  December  10,  1998.  Waldo  "Irish"  Leach  (1914-2002)  was  one  of  Mavrakis's  fly-tiets.  See 
The  Cmper  Star  Tribune,  July  30,  2002. 


Annais  of  Wyoming-  The  Wyoming  Hislon,'  Journal  -  Spring    2004 


home  to  bottle  more  beer,  so  he'd  have  something  to 
sell  the  next  day.  When  he  got  caught  bootlegging,  I 
remember  one  time  they  put  him  in  jail  for  a  month. 
But  they  put  him  in  onlv  at  night,  thev  turned  him 
loose  in  the  daytime.  So  he'd  come  home  and  brew 
another  batch  of  beer,  and  when  he'd  go  to  jail  at  night 
we'd  go  home  and  [bottle]  em.  Oh,  it  sure  was  a  good 
life. 

When  my  dad  had  a  pool  hall  and  a  gambling  joint 
in  the  Ritz  and  I  had  a  football  scholarship  to  BYU  and 
I'd  come  home,  he'd  put  me  to  work  dealing 
cards. .  .Then  the  chief  of  police  wotild  call  once  a  month 
and  he  fines  me.  Even  though  it  was  illegal  to  gamble, 
we  did  anyway  but  we  had  to  pay  a  fine  ever}'  month. 
A  hundred  and  four  dollars  and  seventy  cents  fine.  And 
always  cash.  So  my  dad  would  give  me  one  hundred 
and  four  dollars  and  seventy  cents,  and  I'd  take  it  down 
to  cit)'  hall.  The  chief  would  say,  "Raise  your  right  hand, 
son.  Are  you  guilty?"  And  I'd  say,  "I  don't  know  what 
the  hell  I'm  guilt}'  ol  but  I  guess  I  am."  But. .  .there  was 
a  stool  pigeon,  and  I'll  never  forget  the  bastard,  a  guy 
by  the  name  of  Earl  Moore,  -he  worked  at  the  post 
office-,  and  he'd  come  down  every  day  and  take  our 
names  oil  the  police  blotter  and  take  them  up  to  the 
courthouse  and  record  them.  So  my  dad  and  I  decided 
to  go  to  Greece,  oh,  about  55  or  57  years  ago,  and  I 
couldn't  get  a  passport,  because  [I  was]  recorded  at  the 
courthouse  as  a  gambler,  bootlegger,  and  racketeer.  So  I 
had  to  send  to  Malcolm  Wallop,  United  States  Senator, 
and  another  Senator,  to  help  me  to  get  my  passport. 

TG:  How  did  you  start  fly-fishing? 

SM:  I  used  to  fly-fish  a  lot  when  we  had  the  poo! 

hall.  In  fact,  I'd  sit  there  and  tie  flies  in  my  spare  time 

and  build  rods,  repair  rods  and  reels... My  dad  built 
the  pool  hall  there  in  1915,  I  think,  a  gambling  joint 
and  a  pool  hall. . .  [I]  racked  balls  and  gambled  and  stuff 
for  my  dad.  Then  finally  they  closed  gambling  and  the 
whorehouses  and  everything  in  town  and  then. .  .they 
made  a  sporting  goods  store  out  of  it.  That  was  in  about 
'47.  That's  when  I  got  into  the  movie  business. .  .Years 
ago,  George  Grunkemeyer'  [of  Vacationland 
Studios^  ] . .  .used  to  write  a  fishing  story,  and  then  he'd 
go  back  East  and  sell  it...  Grunkemeyer  wrote  the  story, 
but  I  did  the  fishing.  I  was  the  expert  in  fishing. .  .1  was 


a  ham  actor... Half-hour  movies.  Alaska,  Canada, 
Montana,  Wyoming,  Florida,  Mexico,  we  went  all  over 
the  countr)'  making  these  movies.  He  was  a  hell  of  a 
good  fly-fisherman.  He  taught  me  some... When  he 
said  we  got  to  make  a  fly-fishing  film. . .  [in]  Alaska  or 
Canada,  I'd  check  the  history  on  the  stream  up  there, 
read  a  bunch  of  books,  and  learn  a  hell  of  a  lot,  and  tie 
a  bimch  of  flies.  I  can  sit  there  and  tie  a  fly  in  thirty 
seconds. 

TG:  What  kind  of  fly-fishing  techniques  did  you 
use?  How  has  fly-fishing  equipment  changed  since  you 
first  started  fly-fishing? 

SM:  Well,  I  did  a  lot  of  research  and  I  found  out 
that  99  percent  of  the  streams  coming  off  the  Bighorn 
Mountains,  those  fast  cascading  streams,  are  wet-fly 
fishing.  They're  not  dry  fly... We  taught  that  in  the 
movies.  So  when  we  went  fly-fishing,  we'd  go  straight 
upstream,. .  .with  short,  loose  casts,  and  let  it  sink,  and 
when  the  line  stops,  strike,  and  you'd  got  a  fish. .  .In  the 
olden  days  we  had  those  bamboos,  real  light  and  delicate 
bamboos.  You  didn't  have  tapered  lines,  you  just  had  a 
level  fly  line,  and  with  the  soft  action  of  the  bamboos, 
voti  could  cast  quite  a  ways. .  .But  then  they  come  up 
with  glass  rods  and  steel  rods;  they're  stiffer  so  you  got 
to  use  heavier  lines,  and  now... they've  come  up  with 
graphite  rods... You  used  to  use  a  lot  of  automatics 
[reels].  But  automatics,  if  you're  catching  big  fish  like 
we  did  a  lot  of  times,  is  not  worth  a  damn.  Because 
you  get  to  the  end  of  this  spring,  and  it  tightens,  tightens, 
tightens,  and  it  busts  your  line  and  leader  off. .  .So  we 
got  away  from  using  automatic  reels  right  off  the  hat. 
Just  use  hand  cranks. 


George  Grunkemeyer  owned  a  photography  studio  and  a 
movie  studio,  Vacationland  Studios,  in  Sheridan.  George's  son, 
George  Wilham  -Bill"  Grunkemeyer  (1942-2003)  Followed 
in  his  father's  footsteps  and  in  the  mid  l')80s  formed  Grunko 
Films,  which  produced  fishing,  hunting  and  wildlife  \ideos. 
Gov.  Dave  Freudenthal  proclaimed  April  ~.  2003,  as  "Bill 
Grunkemeyer  Day"  in  Wyoming. 

Among  other  movies,  Vacationland  Studios  made  Wyoming 
AAventiife  (1956)  for  The  Wyoming  Travel  Commission  and 
the  Ford  Motot  Company.  Mavrakis  made  about  eight  or  ten 
movies  with  George  Grunkemeyer.  Personal  communication 
from  Sam  Mavrakis,  March  16,  2004.  According  to  Ktumm, 
Mavrakis  also  starred  in  three  Wright  and  McGill  Co.  promo- 
tional movies.  See  note  3. 


38       Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


Small  stream  fly-fishing  in  Wyoming.  Stephen  N.  Leek  Collection,  American  Heritage  Center. 


TG:  What  are  your  favorite  flies?  Have  they 
changed? 

SM:  Years  ago  there's  a  guy  by  the  name  of  [Franz 
B.]  Pott,"  he  designed  the  Potts  fly,  a  hair  fly.  In  fact,  I 
tied  a  couple  yesterday.  He  tied  them  with  badger  hair, 
and  he  put  a  colored  stripe  on  the  belly.  That  he  called 
a  "Sandy  Mite."  Then,  in  1954,  I  designed  these  two 
flies.  I  call  them  my  "Greek  Brown"  and  my  "Greek 
Grey"  and  that's  all  I've  ever  used  for  all  those  years, 
wet-fly  fishing... You've  got  a  lot  of  fancy  flies  since 
then,  but,  you  see,  when  you're  fishing— and  this  I 
emphasized  in  the  movies  a  lot--when  you're 
fishing... fast  cascading  water... you  fish  with  wet 
flies... I  tie  them  with  a  little  different,  heavier  hook, 
and  I  tie  them  with  a  chenille  body  and  they  absorb 
water  real  easy,  you  see,  and  they  sink.  Then  if  they 
don't  sink  far  enough,  you  take  this  leaded  wire  and  tie 
a  couple  of  strands  on  the  body  down  there  on  the 
shank  of  the  hook  before  you  put  your  fly  on  it  and  it 
acts  like  a  sinker  and  helps  it  sink,  you  see. 

One  thing  also  I've  found... You  know,  they  say, 


"Guys,  boy,  I  tried  everything  in  the  book,  and  I 
couldn't  catch  fish  and  finally  I  picked  on  a  fly  that 
was  green  and  brown  and  stuff  and  I  caught  fish  like 
crazy."  That  is  a  bunch  of  unadulterated  baloney.  The 
only  reason  he  caught  fish  then  is  because  the  fish 
[saw]  a  silhouette  he  enjoyed. .  .They  can't  see  the  color. 
All  they  see  is  the  silhouette. .  .My  secret— and  I've  said 
this  many  times— you  walk  up  to  a  body  of  water  and 
eyeball  it,  and  tell  yourself  this  is  typical  wet  fly  water, 
this  is  typical  dry  fly  water,  this  is  typical  big  fishing 
water,  this  is  typical  lure  fishing  water,  and  put  on 
what  you  think  you  should  use  and  catch  fish,  then 
you're  a  true  angler.  Like  I  say,  in  the  last  fifty-some 
years,  in  all  the  movies  I  made,  all  I  take  is  that  Greek 
Brown  and  Grey,  and  I  put  a  few  in  an  envelope  in 
my  shirt  pocket  and  that's  all  the  flies  I  use.  Next  time 
you  catch  a  fish,  you  dress  him  up,  and  cut  his  belly 


In  the  1 920s,  Pott,  a  Missoula,  Montana,  barbet  and  wigmaker, 
was  famous  for  his  woven  hair  trout  flies.  The  Montana  fly- 
tying  influence  thus  made  its  way  as  far  south  as  Sheridan.  See 
Paul  Schullery,  American  Fly  Fishing:  A  History.  The  Full  Story  of 
Fly  Fishing  in  America  (New  York:  The  Lyons  Press,  1999,  2nd. 
ed.),  pp.  184-85. 


i,npa[s  ■;■'  ■.'.'vijiri';   'ne  '.VvD^ir::; 


open,  and  you'll  see  green  bugs,  blue  bugs,  purple 
bugs,  yellow  bugs.  Hell,  he  eats  anything  that  comes 
along,  you  know.  He's  not  particular  about  a  certain 
color... That's  a  btmch  ol"  baloney.  Putting  it  where 
the  fish  are  at;  that's  it! 

TG:  What  do  you  know  about  the  earliest  stocking 
efforts  around  here?  Do  vou  think  the  Game  and  Fish 
has  done  a  good  job? 

SM:  Well,  I  remember  in  the  late  twenties  and 
thirties,  there's  a  guy  that  worked  tor  the  Wyoming 
Game  and  Fish  Department.  He  used  to  plant  fish  and 
stock  them  all  over  the  state  and  pick  me  up  and  we'd 
go  and  stock  em, . . .  Laramie,  Lovell,  Cody,  and  all  over, 
and  that  was  in  the  thirties.  [Now]  the  Game 
Department  is. ,  .stocking  all  the  streams,  improving  the 
habitat,  1  think  [the  fishing]  is  better  now  than  it's  ever 
been  before.  And  all  the  reservoirs  the\''\'e  btiilt,  vou 
know,  they've  introduced  a  lot  ot  fish... A  lot  of"  big 
water  running  down  below  the  reservoirs. .  .They're  the 
finest  game  department  in  the  world.  In  tact,  I  made  a 
cotiple  oi  films  tor  the  game  ciepartment  too...The\' 
were  sure  fantastic  people.  I  sure  liked  them.  In  tact, 
years  ago,  the  Wyoming  legislators  were  trying  to  pass 
a  bill  to  take  the  Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  money,  you 
know,  from  licenses  and  all  that  stuft,  and  put  it  in  a 
general  ttmd  so  they  could  use  it  tor  an\'thing...So  I 
got  wind  of  it,  and  I  had  10,000  cards  printed.  10,000. 
"We're  opposed  to  our  legislators  taking  our  Game 
Department  funds. "  So  I  sent  them  to  all  the  sporting 
goods  stores  all  over  the  state.  They  signed  them  and 
sent  them  to  Cheyenne.  ..One  day  one  ot  the 
legislators--!  knew  him  real  well,  he  was  trom  here— 
he  called  me  up  and  says,  "For  Christ's  sake,  you  damn 
Greek,  call  ott  your  dogs.  We  got  the  message. "  I 
became  a  hero  ot  the  Game  Department. 

TG:  How  do  vou  think  the  privatization  of  land 
around  Sheridan  has  attected  tly-fishing? 

SM:  Well,  its  hurt  it.  1  think  not  the  privatization 
so  much  because  most  ot  the  people,  the  ranchers,  are 
friendly  enough  that  [it]  you  ask  them,  they'll  let  you 
go  fishing.  But  I  think  that  what's  hurting  them  mostly 
is  these  outfitters  and  guides  are  coming  out  and  leasing 


a  bunch  ot  land  and  closing  it  for  you. 

TG:   Did  you  ever  do  any  guiding  when  you 
owned  the  Ritz? 


SM:  No,  just  in  the  movies.  Oh,  1  think... the 
Prince  ot  England,  Lord  Porchester,'^  Vice  President 
Dan  Quayle,  George  Bush  [Sr.],  Joe  DiMaggio,  Ben 
Johnson,  the  movie  actor,'  Pam  Dauber,  the  movie 
actress,'"  I've  taken  a  lot  ot  those  people  out.  I  had  a 
system:  I  put  them  in  my  jeep  with  a  cooler  of  tood 
and  drinks,  beer  and  so,  and  take  em  fishing,  never  asked 
them  tor  a  picttire.  ..Then,  when  I  got  em  home  and 
we  had  supper  here  at  the  table  and  got  them  halt  tull 
ot  wine,  the  sky  was  the  limit.  I  remember  one  time 
Joe  DiMaggio  was  sitting  there  and  having  supper  and 
he  was  pretty  well  loaded  by  then,  and  I  said,  "Joe, 
would  \'ou  sign  a  baseball  card? "  And  he  sa\'s,  "Hell, 
yes.  How  many  do  you  got? "  I  says,  "I  got  a  dozen. ' 
He  says,  "Bring  em  all  out.  "...Ever}'body  else,  Ben 
Johnson  and  [the]  Vice  President,  and  the  Queen, 
tickled  to  death  to. .  .write  up  some  picture.  I  had  them 
all  in  the  Ritz  there...!  had  that  museum... So,  trom 
[being]  a  gambler,  racketeer  and  bootlegger,  I  meet  the 
Queen,  the  King,  the  Vice-President,  the  President, 
Bobby  Knight,  Joe  DiMaggio,  and  all  ot  them,  and 
took  them  all  fishing.  Oh,  I  had  a  good  time,  though, 
with  all  those  guvs.  Nice  tellows,  and  plain  people. 

TG:  How  do  you  think  tourism  has  attected  the 
Sheridan  area  tor  flv-fishin";? 


Prince  Philip,  Duke  of  Edinburgh,  visited  Canyon  Ranch  in 
Big  Horn,  Wyoming,  in  1969.  According  to  Tad  Bartimus, 
Mavrakis  "shared  a  drink  with  Prince  Philip  fifteen  years  ago 
at  the  Canyon  Ranch."  See  "Queen  Elizabeth  Visits  Wyoming: 
British  Monarch  Savors  the  Land  and  the  People,"  in  Aineri- 
aui  Wat  Vol.  XXII:  no.  2  (March/April  1985),  pp.  2')-.55. 
During  that  visit,  he  presented  the  prince  with  flies.  The 
Liimmie  Ddi/y  Boomerang,  October  14,  198-4. 

'"'  Sir  Henry  Herbert,  Lord  Porchester  and  the  7'''  Earl  ot  Carnarvon 
(1924-2001),  married  Jean  Wallop,  sisrerofLInited  States  Sena- 
tor for  Wyoming,  Malcolm  Wallop.  Lord  Porchester  was  the 
Queen's  racing  manager.  According  to  Mavrakis,  he  was  nick- 
named "Porchy."  Personal  communication,  March  16,  2004. 
Johnson  ( 1^M8-1996)  starred  in  numerous  HolK-wood  produc- 
rions,  including  many  Westerns. 

'"  Best  known  tor  her  role  in  the  1978    television  series  "Mork 
and  Mindy." 


40       Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


SM:  Oh,  tourism  helps  a  hell  of  a  lot.  Because  90 
percent  can't  fish  ...  and  all  they're  doing  is  coming 
and  spending  money,  you  know. .  .Maybe  one  out  of  a 
hundred  can  fly-fish.  In  fact,  the  only  one  I  took  out 
that  could  fly-fish  was  Bobby  Knight.  He  was 
fantastic. . .  He  was  a  beautiful  caster.. .He  was  the  only 
guy  I  took  out  that  I  didn't  have  to  help.  The  rest, 
movie  actors  and  princes  and  queens,  I  had  to  help 
them  all.  They  used  to  come  to  the  Ritz,  and  the  first 
time  they'd  buy  a  fishing  license,  and  then  ask  what 
kind  of  flies  to  use,  and  I'd  mention  two  or  three,  and 
the  first  thing  he'd  buy  a  dozen.  It  doesn't  matter.  A 
dollar,  seventy-five  cents  a  piece.  And  he  wouldn't  cast 
...  and  he'd  snap  em  off.  They  were  big  business. 

TG:  Did  you  lose  a  lot  of  old  pictures  when  the 
Ritz  burned  down? 

SM:  Yes,  90  percent  of  them  lost.  The  Queen, 
when  she  came  years  ago,"  she  had  her  own 
photographer  when  she  came  in  the  Ritz  and  took 
hundreds  oi  pictures  and  she  had  them  developed  and 
sent  them  to  me.  Then  when  the  place  burned  down, 
she  realized  that  some  of  those  pictures  might  have 
burnt,  so  she  sent  me  a  complete  new  roster  of  them. 
All  kinds  of  pictures. .  .She  was  sure  a  nice  gal.  We  got 
to  be  good  friends... I  used  to  take  [Lord  Porchester] 
pheasant  hunting  out  here  on  [Malcolm]  Wallop's  place 
and  actually  he  was  the  best  shotgun  shot  I've  ever 
seen  in  my  life.  Three  pheasants  would  come  on  up 
and  he'd  go  "Boom,  boom,  boom,"  and  all... three 
would  be  in  the  air  coming  down  at  once,  that's  how 
fast  he  was.  But  when  [the  Queen]  came,  she  told  me 
this  was  the  third  time  in  her  entire  life  that  she  was 
able  to  go  into  a  store  like  mine  and  shop.''  She  was 
like  a  little  kid:  "I  want  this,  I  want  that,  I  want 
this. "...We  got  to  be  real  good  friends. ..In  the 
meantime,  she  got  to  the  door,  and  she  didn't  go  out 
yet.  An  obnoxious  [journalist]  come  in  with  a  big  TV 
camera,  completely  ignored  her,  come  up  to  me  and 
says,  'Tm  from  BBC  broadcasting  Britain.  What  did 
the  Queen  buy?"  So  cruel  and  rude,  you  know,  and  I 
looked  at  her,  and  she's  standing  in  the  doorway. .  .and 
I  looked  at  his  camera  real  long,  and  I  said,  "Sir,  it's 
none  of  your  goddamn  business."  She  says,  "Thank, 


you,  Sam,  you're  my  friend."  Probably  the  first  time 
she  heard  cursing  like  that  in  all  her  life.'-'      U| 

"  Queen  Elizabeth  II  visited  Sheridan  from  October  12  to  Oc- 
tober 15,  1984,  as  a  guest  of  Lady  and  Lord  Porchester.  For 
details  see,  "A  Horsey  Holiday  for  Her  Majesty:  Queen  Eliza- 
beth tours  Kentucky  farms  and  Wyoming  ranches,"  in  Time 
vol.  124,  no.  17  (October  22,  1984),  p.  47.  The  Queen  stayed 
at  Canyon  Ranch  in  Big  Horn,  established  in  the  1880s  by  ' 
Oliver  Wallop,  the  future  Earl  of  Portsmouth.  Time  quotes 
local  rancher  William  Schroeder  as  commenting,  "What's  the 
fuss?. ..There's  been  limeys  infesting  this  valley  for  100  years 
now.  It's  too  late  to  get  all  worked  up  over  another  one." 
Ironically,  Canyon  Ranch  is  today  operated  by  guide  Paul 
Wallop  as  a  fly-fishing  and  shooting  resort. 

'-  The  Sheridan  Press  reported  that  when  the  Queen  hosted  a 
dinner  part  at  the  Maverick  Supper  Club  it  was  "believed  to  be 
only  the  third  time  in  her  life  she  ordered  from  a  restaurant 
menu. "  The  Sheridan  Press,  October  15,  1984. 

"  The  Sheridan  Press  described  the  Queen's  visit  to  Sheridan  as 
follows:  "Shortly  after  10  a.m.  the  queen  srepped  out  ot  her 
limousine  wearing  a  coral  two-piece  suit  in  front  of  the  Ritz 
Sporting  Goods  Store.  She  was  greeted  by  owner  Sam  Mavrakis, 
a  world-renowned  fly  fisherman,  who  also  met  Prince  Philip, 
the  queen's  husband,  on  his  trip  to  Canyon  Ranch  in  1969. 
Mavrakis  presented  the  queen  with  a  handmade  fly  pole  per- 
sonally inscribed  to  the  Duke  of  Edinburgh  and  a  box  ot  hand- 
tied  flys  [sic].  Referring  to  Prince  Philip,  the  queen  said,  "He'll 
really  appreciate  this.  He  just  loves  to  fish."  She  also  stopped 
at  King's  Saddlery,  the  Big  Horn  Mercantile,  and  the  Bradford 
Brinton  Memorial."  The  Sheridan  Press,  October  15,  1984. 
For  a  photograph  of  Mavrakis  offering  the  fly  rod,  see  The 
Sheridan  Press  October  16,  1984.  The  Laramie  Daily  Boomer- 
ang, October  14,  1984,  adds:  "Mavrakis  said  he  had  been 
nervous  about  the  queen's  visit  for  weeks,  but  the  moment 
she  walked  into  the  store  and  shook  his  hand  all  ner\'ousness 
disappeared.  "She's  a  wonderful  person  -a  warm  human  be- 
ing," he  said.  The  queen  ordered  items  for  herself  and  several 
members  of  her  family,  but  Mavrakis  would  not  reveal  what 
they  were  buying,  "It's  a  private  visit  and  it  should  be  kept 
private."  The  Denver  Post,  October  14,  1984,  was  less  dis- 
creet, and  reported  that  Her  Majesty  had  purchased  "a  down- 
filled  khaki  vest  and  matching  pants,  and  down  parkas  for  her 
husband  and  three  sons." 


Tucker  W.  Galloway 


is  a  Wyoming  native.  He  Inas  a  Baclielor's  of 
Science  in  IVIolecular  Biology  and  a  second  in 
botany,  both  from  the  University  of  Wyoming. 
He  plans  to  attend  medical  school  in  2005. 
He  advises  all  who  read  this  article  to  enjoy 
flyfishing,  respect  the  trout,  and  in  the  words 
of  his  grandfather,  "stay  sober  'til  sundown." 


Annais  of  Wyoming.  The  Wyoming  Hisiory  Journal  --  Spring    20C4 


^n 


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hr  ^^A'l^^  Ao  EmiMj^B^ 


Introduction:  Fly-Fishing  Cultures  and  the  Imagined  West 

In  recent  years,  American  popular  culture  has  come  to  portray  fly-fishing  as 
an  essential  ingredient  of  Western  culture  and  identity.  By  analyzing  the  creation 
of  this  particular  representation  we  can  learn  much  about  the  way  Westerners  and 
non-Westerners  alike  have  invented,  and  continue  to  invent,  an  imagined  West. 
In  a  recent  article  in  the  journal  Montana,  environmental  historian  Paul  Schullery 
succinctly  identifies  the  problem:  "The  question. ..is  who,  in  fact,  has  defined  the 
West  as  a  fly-fishing  kind  ol  place?  And  the  answer  is  that  lor  the  most  part  it  was 

not  us [T]he  West  is  a  national  fantasy,  a  place  where  bigger,  stranger,  more 

heroic  things  are  possible."' 

Is  there  any  truth  to  this  novel  stereotype?  Moreover,  is  there  anything 
specifically  Western  about  angling  in  Wyoming  and  the  Rocky  Mountain  West? 
Stereotypes  of  Western  angling  often  seem  reminiscent  oi  Frederick  Jackson  Turners 
frontier  thesis.  Here,  in  the  sublime  Rocky  Mountain  wilderness,  rugged. 


Paul  Schullery,  "Frontier  Fly-Fishing  in  the  New  West.  "Montana:  The  Magazine  of  Western  History  52 
(Summer  2002):  5,  7. 


Yellowstone  Lake,  Mary's 
Bay,  1871.  Photo  by  W,H. 
Jackson.  Courtesy 
American  Heritage  Center. 


Ar^ia's  of  \'V"om!nQ:  The  VV'/ominc  Histor,'  Journal  --  Sprino  2004 


individualistic  Western  anglers  battle  monster  trout 
on  big  brawling  rivers  like  the  Yellowstone,  generally 
nymphing  with  heav\'  rods  and  weighted  flies.  As  West 
Yellowstone  guide  Bud  Lilly  put  it,  "The  scale  of 

western     fishing     is     grand These     are     big 

rivers... Western  trout  have  a  larger-than-life 
reputation."-  Fly-fishing  in  the  West  is  a  true  encounter 
with  nature.  Charles  Brooks,  the  biographer  ol  the 
Madison  River,  described  the  middle  section  of  the  river 
as  "a  frustrating,  maddening,  sometimes  haughty, 
sometimes  frightening,  but  always  seductive  stream.  It 
is  too  big,  too  rough  and  brawling,  too  mighty  and 
majestic  to  become  intimate  with."'  This  is  also  a 
homegrown,  democratic,  or,  as  John  Gierach  puts  it, 
populist  tradition,  played  out,  not  on  the  "beats"  of 
privatelv  owned  streams,  but  on  millions  ot  acres  of 
pristine  public  wilderness.^  As  Tom  McGuane 
amusingly  tells  us  -and  his  joke  is  particularly  apt  for 
the  West,  "When  a  perennial  and  unsuccessful 
independent  candidate  for  president  from  the  Midwest 
explained  the  origin  of  the  United  States,  he  said  that 
Europeans,  tired  of  asking  for  permission  to  fish,  looked 
lor  a  place  to  live  in  which  they  could  fish  wherever 
they  pleased."^ 

This  is  a  far  cr\'  Irom  the  sport  as  practiced  on  the 
manicured  chalkstreams  of  Kent  or  the  freestone  rivers 
ol  the  Catskills.  Eastern  or  British  flv-fishing  is  often 
stereot}'pically  portrayed  as  highly  technical  dr)'  fly- 
fishing for  finicky,  "educated"  trout  on  bucolic,  dainty 
little  streams.  This  is  a  sport  of  the  privileged,  whether 
members  of  the  British  aristocracy  or  Eastern  plutocrats, 
who  congregate  in  elite  clubs  on  private  trout  waters 
such  as  the  Houghton  Fishing  Club  on  the  River  Test, 
or  the  classic  club  waters  of  the  upper  Beaverkill  in  New 
York.  This  clubby  ambiance  still  characterizes  the 
Battenkill  Valley  near  Manchester,  Vermont,  an  old 
resort  where  Americas  nineteenth-centur)'  elite  engaged 
in  golf,  fly-fishing,  and  other  summer  leisure  activities 
while  residing  at  their  summer  villas  or  at  the  Equinox 
Hotel.  Today,  this  ambiance  is  enhanced  by  Land 
Rover's  four-wheeling  school,  falconry  and  equestrian 
clinics,  luxun,'  outlet  malls  selling  Burberr)'  coats  and 
Barbour  shooting  jackets,  and  the  Orvis  store,  where 
the  fishing  department  can  be  found  hidden  behind 
the  upscale  clothing  and  furniture  departments. 

The  purpose  of  this  essay  is  not  to  argue  that  there 


is  no  such  thing  as  a  distinct  Western  fly-fishing 
heritage,  but  to  point  out  what  Western  anglers  actually 
have  in  common  with  their  Eastern  and  European 
brethren.  Far  from  being  a  homegrown  tradition, 
Western  fly-fishing  is,  of  course,  part  of  an  arcane  and 
highly  globalized  sporting  tradition  inspired  by 
ancient,  generally  British,  socio-cultural  practices.  This 
becomes  clear  when  we  examine  fly-fishing's 
relationship  to  nature,  society,  and  sporting  praxis. 

The  Western  angling  environment,  though 
undoubtedly  more  rugged  than  that  |-ound,  say,  in 
England,  is  not,  strictly  speaking,  natural.  It  is  essentially 
artificial,  the  result  of  an  impressive  effort  to  recreate 
European  style  fisheries  in  an  alien  environment  by 
extensive  tinkering  with  local  native  ecosystems, 
whether  through  the  extensive  stocking  of  non-native 
species,  or  the  creation  of  tail  waters  and  manmade 
spring  creeks.  This  is  not  only  true  of  the  United  States; 
the  proliferation  of  fly-fishing  reflects  the  globalization 
of  sporting  traditions.  During  the  nineteenth  and  early 
twentieth  centuries,  trout  fisheries  were  established  from 
India  to  Tanzania,  and  from  Patagonia  to  Japan,  all  in 
an  effort  to  recreate  a  British  sporting  landscape,  culture, 
and  praxis. 

Though  in  the  West  access  traditionally  has  been 
much  better  than  in  Europe  or  on  the  East  Coast,  where 
many  quality  waters  are  monopolized  by  select  fishing 
clubs,  the  sport  still  has  a  long  history  of  exclusivity.  In 
the  West,  the  development  ol  fly-fishing  during  the 
nineteenth  century  was  closely  linked  to  the  expansion 
of  the  railroads  and  the  growth  of  a  burgeoning  tourist 
industry  that  catered  to  the  urban  middle  and  upper 
classes  and  wealthy  Easterners.  More  recently,  angling 
has  assumed  such  a  cachet  that  it  has  become  part  of" 
the  wider  process  of  the  resettling  of  the  West  by  wealthy 
outsiders,  many  of  whom  are  eager  to  establish  exclusive 
"sporting  estates"  and  "fishing  lodges "  on  private  waters. 

'  Bud  LilK-  .ind  Paul  Schullcry,  Bud  Lilly's  Guide  to  Western  Fly 
Fishing  (New  York:  Nick  Lyons  Books,  1987),  pp.  5-6. 

'  Charles  Brooks,  The  Living  River:  A  Fisherman's  Lntimate  Profile  of 
the  Madison  River  Watershed  -Its  History,  Ecology,  Lore,  and  An- 
gling Opportunities  (New  Jersey,  New  York:  Winchester  Press, 
Nick  Lyons  Books,  1979),  p.  133. 

'  John  Gierach,  Another  Lousy  Day  in  Paradise  (New  York:  Simon 
and  Schuster,  1996),  p.  204. 

^  Charles  Lindsay  and  Thomas  McGuane,  Upstream:  Fly  Fishing  in 
the  American  West  (New  York:  Aperture  Foundation,  2000),  p. 
24. 


Though,  as  we  shall  see,  private  Catskill-style  clubs 
are  relatively  rare,  Western  trout  streams  have  become 
increasingly  privatized,  or  are  in  the  process  ot  being 
locked  up  bv  guiding  outfits  that  cater  to  wealthy 
sportsmen.  Though  the  vast  expanses  ot  Western  public 
lands  militate  against  total  monopolization,  the 
democratic,  populist  tradition  ot  local  fly-fishing  may 
one  day  become  a  distant  memory. 

The  development  ol  Western  angling  practices  and 
techniques  is  another  topic  of  cultural  interest. 
Wyoming  angling  is  the  result  of  the  interaction  of  what 
one  might  call,  borrowing  anthropologist  Robert 
Redfield's  concept,  the  great  tradition  of  fly-fiishing, 
essentialK'  imported  from  Britain  and  the  East,  with 
local  little  traditions  and  environments,  that  ultimately 
resulted  in  a  distinctly  Western  style  of  fly-fishing.  This 
article  examines  the  development  of  the  sport  of  fly- 
fishing in  Wyoming  and  neighboring  Rocky  Mountain 
states  (Colorado,  Montana)  by  focusing  on  the 
interaction  between  local  players,  such  as  anglers,  guides, 
dude  ranchers,  developers,  state  game  and  fish 
employees,  and  external  actors,  e.g.,  railway  companies, 
wealthy  sportsmen,  omside  angling  promoters,  federal 
agencies,  etc.  The  result  ot  this  interplay  over  a  period 
of  roughly  125  years  is  the  creation  of  one  of  the  best 
sports  fisheries  in  the  United  States.  Ironically,  the  West 
has  made  the  transition  from  an  angling  frontier  to  a 
fly-fishermahs  Mecca,  in  the  process  becoming  a  center 
that  now  disseminates  angling  practices  to  the  rest  of 
the  countiy  and  the  world. 

Western  Nature  and  Fiy-FJshing 

Early  travelers'  accounts  clearly  indicate  that  Rocky 
Mountain  waters  offered  excellent  fishing  for  seemingly 
endless  numbers  of  native  cutthroat  trout.''  Yet  many 
streams  and  lakes  considered  excellent  fisheries  today 
lacked  "game  fish,"  as  narrowly  defined  by 
contemporaiy  angling  discourse,  and  were  thus  seen  as 
"virgin"  or  "barren,"  just  waiting  for  the  finishing  touch 
of  man  to  create  a  sporting  paradise.  Fish  were,  of 
course,  a  valuable  food  source  for  soldiers,  settlers, 
railroad  workers,  and  miners,  and  exploited  on  a  colossal 
scale.  Market  fishermen  did  a  brisk  business  supplying 
booming  Western  towns  and  camps  with  a  steady 
supply  of  fish.  The  effects  of  overfishing  and 
environmental  degradation  were  devastating  for  the 


native  cutthroat.  By  1937,  the  Greenback 
{Oncorhynchits  elarki  stouiias)  was  considered  extinct 
throughout  its  vast  former  range  (though  small  pockets 
were  rediscovered  in  1969).  The  Colorado  River 
cutthroat  ( O.  elarki  pleuriticus)  only  survives  in  the 
isolated  mountain  headwaters  of  a  few  streams,  such  as 
the  Little  Snake  River  in  Wyoming.  The  Westslope 
cutthroat  (O.  elarki leiuisi)  now  only  inhabits  l."^  percent 
of  its  former  range." 

The  1883  report  of  the  Wyoming  Territorial  Fish 
Commission  acknowledged  that  "it  is  an  admitted  fact 
that  a  majority  of  our  streams  are  sterile  of  good  food 
fish,  whilst  a  remainder  are  nearly  exhausted  of  a  once 
bountiful  supply."'  The  Laramie  and  North  Platte  river 
basins,  for  example,  today  known  for  their  excellent, 
often  blue  ribbon,  fishing,  held  no  trout  at  all.  This 
was  true  of  other  watersheds  as  well.  According  to  the 
Wyoming  Fish  Commission,  the  Sweetwater  and 
Powder  rivers.  Clear  Creek  in  Johnson  County,  the 
headwaters  of  the  Little  Missouri  River  and  Sand  Creek, 
were  barren  of  trout.  This  was  also  true  of  many  of  the 
state's  thousands  of  high  mountain  lakes,  for  example 
in  the  Wind  River  and  Snow\'  ranges.  In  southeastern 
Wyoming,  trout  fishing  was  limited  to  a  handful  of 
small  tributaries  of  the  South  Platte,  in  particular  Dale 
Creek,  where  the  native  greenback  population  was 
rapidly  heading  towards  extinction.'" 

Early  Western  Angling  Tourism 

Paradoxically,  while  western  Fisheries  rapidly 
declined  during  the  late  nineteenth  century,  angling 
tourism  became  a  significant  factor,  as  was  the  case  on 
many  famed  Eastern  streams.  The  Wyoming  Fish 
Commission  understood  that  "wherever  [tourists]  can 

"  On  n.itive  cutthroat,  see  Robert  J.  Behnke,  Trout  and  Salmon 
of  North  America  (New  York:  The  Free  Press,  2002),  pp.  155- 
I'-W;  John  H.  Monnett,  Cutthroat  anil  Campfirc  Ta/c-s:  The- 
Fly-FishiJig  Heritage  of  the  West  (Boulder:  Universit)'  Press  ot 
Colorado,  200 D.Vp-  16-31. 

Neal  Blair,  T/te  History  of  \i'tldhfe  Management  in  Wyoming 
(Chevenne:  Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  Department,  1987),  p. 
15;  Monnett,  Cutthroat,  pp.  6,  21-24. 

'  Behnke,  Trout,  pp.  UiO,  19.i,  l')5. 

''  Citation  m  Blain  History,  p.  11. 

'"  Chuck  Ritter,  "The  Good  Old  Days,"  in  Wyoming  Wildlife 
XXI  (Jantiary,  1957):  21,  25.  In  addition.  Fish  Creek,  Trail 
Creek,  and  Sheep  Creek.  Baxter  and  Stone  also  mention 
Lonetree  Creek  in  Albany  and  Laramie  counties.  See  George 
T  Baxter  and  Michael  D.  Stone,  Fishes  of  Wyoming.  (Chey- 
enne: Wyoming  Fish  and  Game  Department.  199S),  p.  178. 


44       Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


Fishing  for  native 
Snake  River 
cutthroat  trout  near 
Jackson  Hole. 
Unlike  other 
cutthroat 
subspecies,  the 
Snake  River 
cutthroat 
miraculously 
survived  the 
introduction  of  non- 
native  species  and 
is  still  the 

predominant  fish  in 
the  Snake  River,  a 
famed  western 
fishery.  Stephen  N. 
Leek  Collection, 
American  Heritage 
Center. 


find  game  fish  and  fish  they  will  certainly 
go.... Thousands  of  dollars  will  be  left  here  annually  by 
encouraging  legislation.""  The  conckision  they  reached 
was  that  Western  waters  were  to  be  stocked  with  non- 
native  game  species.  However,  even  before  the  stocking 
ol  Wyoming  waters  started  in  the  1880s,  the  first 
tourists  traveling  through  Wyoming  and  other  Rocky 
Mountain  regions  fotmd  excellent  fishing,  often  in 
streams  today  not  featured  in  the  guides.  In  his  1873 
The  Fishing  Tourist  Angler's  Guide  and  Reference  Book, 
angling  writer  Charles  Hallock  eulogized  the  fabulous 
fishing  opportunities  ol  the  Rockies,  especially  around 
Sherman  in  the  Laramie  Range: 

The  Rocky  Mountains  are  traversed 
everywhere  by  trout  streams;  and  the  overland 
tourist  who  is  inclined  to  spend  the  months 
of  July  and  August  among  their  peaks  and  defiles 
and  magnificent  upland  parks,  can  hardly  cast 
his  line  amiss  in  any  of  them.  In  the  vicinity 
of  Sherman,  on  the  line  of  the  Union  Pacific 
Railway... the  trout  fishing  is  equal  to  any  on 
the  road.  Dale  Creek,  a  tributary  of  the  Cache- 
a-la-Poudre  River,  and  other  streams  in  the 
immediate  neighborhood,  abound  in  trout  of 
the  finest  quality,  and  weighing  from  a  quarter 
of  a  pound  to  two  pounds  each;  their  flesh  is 


hard  and  white  as  that  of  the  mountain-trout 
of  Vermont.  Even  the  tiniest  rivulets  swarm 
with  them.  Fifteen  miles  beyond  Sherman,  at 
Virginia  Dale,  the  Dale  Creek  traverses  a  canon 
whose  walls  are  600  feet  high,  and  the  adjacent 
scener}'  is  wonderfully  diversified  by  grottoes, 
gorges,  dells,  canons,  precipices,  towering- 
peaks,  and  rugged  recesses.  Antelope,  elk,  black- 
tailed  deer,  bears,  sage-hen,  and  grouse,  abound 
in  the  hills  and  on  the  plateaus.  There  is 
excellent  hotel  accommodation  for  the 
sportsman.'" 

Hallock  also  recommended  Lake  Como  and  the 
Medicine  Bow  River,  the  Bear  River  and  Bear  Lake  on 
the  Wyoming-Utah  line,  and  the  Fort  Bridger  area, 
where  excellent  rooms  and  guide  service  could  be  found 
at  Judge  Carters  Hotel.'' 

In  neighboring  Colorado  territory,  tourism 
developed  early  as  well.  Denver  lawyer,  judge,  and 


"  Citation  in  Bkir,  History,  p.  24. 

'-  Chatles  Halloclc,  The  Fishing  Tourist  Angler's  Guide  and  Reference 

Book  (New  York:  Harper  and  Btos.,  1873),  pp.  217-18. 
"  Ibid. 


Annals  of  Wyoming-  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring    2004 


sporting  writer,  Lewis  Browne  France  (1833-1907),''' 
who  often  published  under  the  nom  de  pliuue 
'Bourgeois,'  described  his  angling  adventures  in  a  series 
of-  delightRil  books  and  articles.  During  the  mid- 1 860s, 
anglers  like  France  would  travel  thirty-five  miles  fiom 
Denver  to  Bear  Creek  to  camp  and  fish  lor  trout.  By 
the  early  1870s,  angling  tourism  began  to  focus  on  the 
"Grand"  (Colorado  River)  and  Williams'  Fork  in  the 
Middle  Park  near  Hot  Sulpher  Springs.  France  describes 
the  arduous  trip,  first  to  "Idaho"  by  train,  and  Irom 
there  fifty  miles  overland  via  Empire  and  over  Berthoud 
Pass  to  camps  along  the  Colorado.  Here  tourists  fished 
for  plentiful  seventeen-inch  trout  and  soaked  in  the  still 
undeveloped  hot  springs.'''  In  1875  France  embarked 


Third  Annual  Fish  Fry, 
Saratoga,  Wyoming, 
September21, 1910. While 
the  North  Platte  River 
drainage  held  no  trout  pnor  to 
the  stocking  efforts  of  the  early 
1880s,  it  soon  produced 
prodigious  numbers  offish. 
Three  thousand  nine  hundred 
twenty  trout  were  consumed 
that  day.  Despite  such 
waste,  and  thanks  to  special 
regulations,  the  North  Platte  is 
today  a  blue  nbbon  fishery. 
Courtesy  Amencan  Hentage 
Center, 


on  a  summer  vacation  with  his  wife  and  "the  governor" 
(his  son)  in  the  still  relatively  pristine  Estes  Park  region. 
From  Denver,  France  took  the  Colorado  Central  to 
Longmont,  and  then  made  his  way  by  horse  team 
fifteen  rough  miles  up  the  Saint  Vrain  canyon  along 
an  often  barely  visible  trail.  There  he  set  up  his  base 
camp  at  Fergusons  cabin  below  Prospect  Mountain 
and  spent  six  weeks  fishing  the  Thompson  and  Falls 


'■*  For  a  brief  biography,  see  John  H,  Monnett,  "Foreword"  to 
L.B.  France,  With  Rod diiei  Lnie  in  Colorado  Waters  (Boulder; 
Pruett  Publishing  Co.,  1996),  pp.  vii-xi. 

'^  L.B.  France,  With  Rod  and  Line  in  Colorado  Waters  (Denver: 
Chain,  Hardy  &  Co.,  1884),  pp.  6,  9-13,  18,  22-23,  29,  31. 


"One  hundred  and  fifty  fish  in  five  hours,"  Successful  fishing  expedition  to  Jack  Creek,  near 
Saratoga,  in  1910,  (Courtesy  Amencan  Heritage  Center. 


46      Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2Q04 


rivers,  and  smaller  streams  in  Horse  Shoe  and  Willow 
parks."'  Even  at  that  early  date,  tourists  were  regularly 
making  their  way  up  into  the  range,  but  the  streams 
were  still  not  fished  out:  "The  trout  struck  and  I  landed 
them  so  fast  that  the  sport  began  to  be 
monotonous..."  "[C]ombining  business  and  sport," 
France  filled  a  sixteen-pound  lard  can  with  trout. '^ 

Just  as  Wyoming  old  timers  today  laugh  at  the 
fancy  city  slickers  who,  clad  in  elegant  designer  apparel 
and  armed  with  the  most  expensive  tackle,  overrun 
our  streams  every  summer,  France  ridiculed  the  dandy 
"tenderieet"  who  increasingly  disturbed  the  peace  at 
Estes  Park: 

There  was  one  young  gentleman... He  was 
dressed  in  light  drab  pants,  cheviot  shirt,  and 
a  broad-brimmed  felt  hat,  the  band  of  which 
was  stuck  full  of  flies  of  all  sizes  and  a  multitude 
ot  colors.  He  had  a  fiftv-dollar  rod  and  a  fifteen- 
dollar  reel  oi"  wonderful  combination;  his  eyes, 
emphatic  with  disgust,  glaring  through  his 
glasses,  he  avowed  there  were  no  fish  in  the 
Park.  He  held  up  a  crimson  fly  that  would 
have  driven  crazy  any  fish  except  a  sucker...! 
told  him  that  the  trout  was  a  queer  fish,  and 
that  perhaps  he  had  better  try  a  blue  flannel 
rag,  and  offered  to  give  him  a  piece  of  my 
shirt,  but  he  got  mad,  tore  around,  and 
threatened,  in  popular  parkmce,  to  take  off  the 
top  of  my  head.'^ 

By  the  early  eighties  the  author  was  nostalgically 
lamenting  the  loss  of  his  idyllic  mountain  getaway  at 
Estes  Park,  which  was  now  "easy  of  access...,  the  trail 
having  given  way  to  the  wagon  road,"''  and  decrying 
the  "desecration"  of  places  like  Grand  Lake,  where 
shanties  and  shacks  were  sprouting  up  everywhere  and 
even  chic  French  tourists  appeared,  including,  he  noted 
with  horror,  a  mademoiselle  with  a  monkey.'" 

Just  as  the  railroads  had  opened  up  to  mass  tourism 
the  Catskills,  the  Adirondacks,  Michigan,  and  other 
angling  destinations,  the  development  of  railroads  had 
an  enormous  impact  on  sport  fishing  in  the  Rocky 
Mountains.-'  In  1869,  the  transcontinental  railroad  was 
completed.  From  the  1870s  on,  a  rapidly  expanding 
network  of  Western  railways,  for  example  the  Colorado 
and  Southern  (the  "Fisherman's  Special"  up  the  South 


Platte  Canyon--),  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande,  and 
the  Midlands,  transported  angling  tourists,  including 
many  Denverites,  to  new  fishing  resorts  and  ranches 
located  on  distant  mountain  streams  and  lakes.  By 
the  early  twentieth  century,  a  widespread  network  of 
angling  resorts  catered  to  the  needs  of  Colorado 
anglers.  Close  to  Denver  was  the  famed  Canyon  of 
the  South  Platte,  where  tourists  lodged  in  cabins  at 
Deckers  Springs  Fishing  Resort  in  Deckers  or  took 
rooms  at  the  Hotel  Glenisle.  The  Gunnison  River, 
reached  by  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande,  boasted 
numerous  fishing  inns,  including  the  popular  inn  at 
the  Cebolla  depot,  right  on  the  river,  the  Rainbow 
Hotel  in  Sapinero,  and  the  lola  Hotel  and  Fishing 
Resort.  North  of  Grand  Lake  John  G.  Holzwarth  built 
the  Holzwarth  Trout  Lodge  shortly  after  1917, 
followed  by  his  Never  Summer  Ranch  in  1923.  Here 
trout  catches  were  "limited"  to  twenty  pounds  per 
person.  The  Keystone  Hotel,  in  Home,  Larimer 
County,  welcomed  anglers  fishing  the  Cache  la 
Poudre.-'  Trapper's  Lake  near  Meeker  featured  a 
famous  fishing  lodge,  established  in  1917,  which,  sadly, 
burned  to  the  ground  during  the  Big  Fish  Fire  of 
2002.-" 

In  Wyoming,  railroads  played  a  similar  role.  The 
1886  Angler's  Guide  Book  and  Tourists'  Gazeteer  [sic] 

'"  "Bourgeois"  [L.B.  France],  "The  Lure,"  in  Charles  F.  Orvis  and 
A.  Nelson  Cheney,  eds..  Fishing  with  the  Fly.  The  Orvis-Cheiiey 
Collection  (Boston,  New  York:  Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1883), 
pp.145-55. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  149. 

*  France,  With  Rod  and  Line,  pp.  33-34,  41. 

''  "Bourgois,"  "The  Lure,"  p.  145. 

"  France,  With  Rod  and  Line,  pp.  96-98. 

'  Paul  Schullery,  American  Fly  Fishing:  A  History.  The  Fidl Story  of 
Fly  Fishing  in  America  (New  York:  The  Lyons  Press,  1999).  pp. 
43-49,  130-31 

-'  Nolle  Mumey,  Wigivam:  The  Oldest  Fislmig  Chtb  in  the  State  of 
Colorado,  with  some  Histoiy  of  Douglas  and  Jefferson  Counties 
(Boulder:  Johnson  Publishing  Company,  1969),  p.  35;  William 
C.  Harris,  ed.,  The  Angler's  Guide  Book  and  Tourist's  Gazeteer  of 
the  Fishing  Waters  of  the  United  States  and  Canada,  1886  (New 
York:  The  Angler's  Publishing  Company;  Chicago:  The  Western 
Angler's  Publishing  Co.,  1887),  pp.  39-43. 

''  See  for  references  the  Denver  Public  Library's  Western  His- 
tory/Genealogy Department's  photographic  collection;  Harvey 
H.  Kaiser,  Landmarks  in  the  Landscape:  Historical  Architecture  in 
the  National  Parks  of  the  West  (San  Francisco:  Chronicle  Books, 
1997),  p.  173. 

•^  Monnett,  Cutthroat,  pp.  96-99;  Nanci  and  Kirk  Reynolds,  West- 
em  Fly-Fishing  Vacations  (San  Francisco:  Chronicle  Books,  1 988), 
pp.  89-90. 


Hi?;r.rv  Journa' 


followed  the  Union  Pacific  lines  and  the  stagecoach 
routes.  In  southwestern  Wyoming,  travelers  stopping 
at  Aspen,  Carter,  Cokeville,  Piedmont,  Milliard,  Twin 
Creek,  and  Evanston,  could  tr\'  their  luck  lor  "mountain 
trout,"  whitefish  and  grayling  in  the  area's  mountain 
lakes  or  on  the  "grand  Fishing  section  [s]"  of  the  Bear 
River,  the  Blacks  Fork  of  the  Green,  the  Smiths  Fork 
ol  the  Green,  the  Henrys  Fork  of  the  Green,  the  Hams 
Fork,  (Big)  Muddy  Creek,  Spring  Creek,  and  the  superb 
Beaver  Creek.  Fort  Bridger  was  recommended  lor 
accommodations,  while  Cokeville  had  a  Union  Pacific 
"eating  house."  Hotels  cost  two  or  three  dollars  a  day, 
the  "section  house"  at  Hilliard  filt\'  cents  a  dav,  a  guide 
and  team  ol  horses  five  dollars.  Adventurous  souls  could 
take  the  stagecoach  1  SO  miles  north  to  Fort  Witshakie, 
where  splendid  lly-fishing  could  be  had  on  the  lorks  ol 
the  Little  and  Big  Wind  rivers.  Those  getting  off  at 
Rawlins  or  Fort  Steele  would  have  to  rough  it.  To  fish 
for  trout  and  'mullet'  on  Savery  Creek,  the  (Little)  Snake 
River,  or  at  Battle  Lake,  anglers  would  travel  fifty  miles 
and  camp  out.  Near  Laramie,  Tie  Siding,  and 
Sherman,  "very  fine  trouting"  lor  "brook"  or 
"mountain  trout"  [sic]  was  to  be  had  on  Dale  Creek, 
Fish  Creek  (the  best),  Texas  Creek,  Sheep  Creek,  Trail 
Creek,  and  the  Cache  la  Poudre  River  in  neighboring 
Colorado. ^^  Tourists  traveled  to  Yellowstone  Irom  the 
north  via  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad,  and,  from 
1909  on,  also  entered  via  West  Yellowstone.  The  first 
cars  were  allowed  to  enter  the  park  in  1915,  opening 
up  the  park  to  the  mass  tourism  ol  "Sagebrushers."-" 
As  late  as  the  1940s,  Cheyenne  and  Casper  anglers 
hopped  on  trains  and  were  let  oil  near  choice  fishing 
holes  on  the  North  Platte.  When  lack  Hemingway 
visited  his  lather  and  stepmother  in  Casper  in  1946,  a 
railway  engineer  called  Blackie  took  him  out  to  the 
excellent  water  below  the  Black  Canyon,  now  long 
submerged  by  Seminoe  Reservoir,  where  they  hooked 
into  five-pound  rainbow." 

While  in  Colorado  fishing  resorts  were  common, 
in  Wvomino;  and  Montana  other  forms  ol  loddng  seem 
to  have  prevailed.  Alter  the  turn  ol  the  centurv. 
Easterners  eager  to  settle  in  the  West  established  the 
first  dude  ranches,  such  as  the  Eaton  Ranch  in  Wolf 
Wyoming.  The  Dude  Ranchers'  Association  worked 
closely  with  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad  to  attract 
well-heeled  Eastern  dudes  to  the  West.  By  the  1930s, 


some  dudes  arrived  in  Wyoming  on  the  new  direct 
flights  to  Cheyenne  Irom  New  York  and  Chicago."- 
Angling  was  an  important  component  of  the  dude's 
vacation  activities.  The  Eaton  Ranch  advertised  fishing 
on  Woll  Creek,  "a  fine  trout  stream,"  as  one  ol  its 
highlights.  A  1911  pamphlet  leatured  pictures  of  the 
stream  and  a  woman  fly-fishing,  and  advised  the  use  of 
flies  such  as  the  Montreal,  Silver  Doctor,  Beaver  Kill, 
and  Dusty  Miller,  tied  on  a  no.  12  hook.  The  "quiet 
stream  through  the  ranch  \'ard  will  allord  well  repaying 
sport,  with  the  dinner  gong  within  easy  earshot." 
However,  better  fishing  lor  larger  trout  could  be  had 
up  the  canyon  or  at  the  lamed  Dome  Lake,  "the 
fisherman's  Mecca."""  A  lew  ol  these  dude  ranches 
ultimately  became  elegant  fiy-fishing  lodges,  most 
notabh'  the  Crescent  H  Ranch  near  Wilson,  Wyoming, 
with  its  superb  private  waters  on  Fish  Creek  and  the 
Snake  River,  which  became  an  Orvis-endorsed  fly- 
fishing lodge."'  Less  pecunious  locals  relied  on  rustic 
cabin  lodging  lor  their  fishing  trips,  lor  example,  the 
Woods  Landing  Resort  on  the  Big  Laramie,  still  in 
operation  today,  or  the  now  abandoned  Rainbow  Camp 
on  the  North  Laramie. 

Managing  Delicate  Fisheries 

Ai  English  chalk  stream,  carelully  tended  by  a  river 
keeper  and  his  stall,  who  cut  weeds  in  the  streambed, 
lay  out  hellgrammite  boards,  mow  the  river  banks,  and 
often  heavily  stock  the  waters,  seems  the  antithesis  of 
the  rugged  Western  style  ol  angling  lor  wild  trout  in 
remote  streams  and  lakes.  Yet  the  excellent  fishing 
opportunities  Wyoming  and  the  Rocky  Mountain  West 
have  to  oiler  today  are,  to  a  ven'  significant  degree,  the 
result  ol  a  massive  and  extremely  costly  ellort  spanning 


-^  Harris,  The  Angler's  Guide  Booh,  pp.  207-08. 

-''  Monnett,  Ctitthvoiit,  pp.  38-,Vl;  Joel  H.  Bernscein,  F.vnilies  that 
Take  in  Friends:  An  Infornial  History  of  Dude  Ranching 
(Stevensville,  Montana:  Stone)'dale  Prcs.-;,   1983),  p.  44. 

-  Personal  communication,  Gerald  K.  Henning;  Jack  Hemingway, 
Misadventures  of  a  Fly  Fisherman:  My  Life  with  and  without  Papa 
(Dallas:  Taylor  Publishing  Company  1986).  p.  225. 

-"  Bernstein.  Fanii/ies.  pp.  .V)-64,  99. 

-"  Eaton  Ranch  Pamphlet.  1911.  I  am  grateful  to  Tucker  Gallo- 
way tor  providing  me  with  a  cop\-. 

'"  For  glossy  pictures  and  details,  see  Ralph  Kvlloe,  Fishing  Camps 
(Salt  Lake  Cit>-:  Gibbs  Smith.  Publisher,  1996),  pp.  74-75; 
Reynolds  and  Re\nolds,  Western  Fly-FishingVacations,  pp.  1 92- 
93. 


48      Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


r-^^^^-^a-^^Pteiiifi^^  -  ^ 


Angling  on  the  Big 
Laramie  River  near 
Laramie,  1910.  After 
stocl<ing  in  ttie  late 
nineteenth  century,  the 
river  soon  produced 
rainbows  up  to  seven 
pounds.  However,  the 
diversion  of  water  to 
Colorado  and  heavy 
irrigation  negatively 
affected  the  stream. 
Courtesy  American 
Heritage  Center. 


more  than  a  century  to  stock  and  scientifically  manage 
game  fish  in  thousands  of  Western  lakes  and  streams. 
Angling  is  only  to  a  limited  extent  a  "natural"  practice. 
Instead,  In  many  areas  of  the  West,  nature  has  been 
manipulated  and  modified  to  accommodate  ancient 
cultural  practices  rooted  in  the  European  past. 

As  elsewhere  in  the  United  States,  the  West  was 
not  immune  to  the  disastrous  effects  of  over-fishing, 
pollution,  and  environmental  degradation  related  to 
logging,  mining,  industrialization,  and  urban 
development.  The  wanton  destruction  of  fisheries  by 
"fish  hogs"  mirrored  the  near  extinction  of  the  buffalo. 
To  counter  this  precipitous  decline  and  address  the  lack 
of  game  fish  in  many  parts  of  Wyoming,  the  state 
legislature  passed  legislation  to  protect  a  rapidly 
dwindling  resource,  while  massive  stocking  campaigns 
were  undertaken,  starting  in  the  1880s.  Neal  Blair  has 
chronicled  the  administrative  process  in  great  detail.  The 
Wyoming  Territorial  Legislature  passed  an  act  for  the 
protection  of  game  and  fish  as  early  as  1869,  and 
appointed  a  fish  commissioner  in  1 880.  That  same  year, 
fifty  thousand  rainbow  and  brook  trout  were  shipped 
to  Wyoming  by  rail  from  Wisconsin  and  planted  in 
tributaries  of  the  North  Platte  River.  Streams  and  lakes 
throughout  Albany,  Laramie,  and  Carbon  counties  were 
once  again  stocked  heavily  with  trout  the  next  year. 


Other  species  soon  followed,  though  many  initial 
plantings  failed:  carp  (1883),  landlocked  salmon 
(1890),  brown  trout  (1890),  crappie  (1885),  mackinaw 
(1 890),  whitefish(  1890),  sand  pike  or  walleye  (1882), 
and  grayling  (1900)."'  Starting  in  1882,  the  Wyoming 
Legislature  enacted  legislation  providing  for  the 
propagation  and  distribution  of  game  fish.  At  Soldier  s 
Spring  (Fort  Sanders)  near  Laramie,  the  state's  first  fish 
hatchery  was  established  in  1884.  The  hatchery  soon 
produced  millions  of  non-native  brook  trout,  lake 
trout,  and  rainbow  trout  for  planting  throughout 
Wyoming. "  Fingerlings  were  transported  in  cream  cans 
by  rail,  and  sometimes  by  wagon,  a  risky  endeavor, 
especially  during  the  hot  Wyoming  summers.  New 
hatcheries  soon  followed  in  Sheridan  and  Sundance. 
The  fish  commission  successfully  introduced  brook  and 
rainbow  trout  to  the  North  Platte,  the  Big  Laramie, 
the  Sweetwater,  the  Powder  River,  and  Sand  Creek.  The 
results  were  often  phenomenal.  The  Big  Laramie  River, 
for  example,  was  soon  rendering  rainbows  up  to  seven 
pounds  and  brook  trout  of  up  to  three  and  a  half 
pounds."  Even  the  remote  Yellowstone  Park  streams, 


"  James  R.  Simon,  Wyoming  Fishes  (Cheyenne:  Wyoming  Game 

and  Fish  Department,  1946),  p.  12. 
'-  Blair,  History,  pp.  1 7-24. 
"  Ritter,  "Good  Old  Days,"  pp.  20-25,  29. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  Hislory  Journal  -  Spnno    2004 


49 


such  as  the  Firehole  and  Gibbon  rivers,  were 
repeatedly  stocked  with  brook,  brown,  rainbow, 
grayHng,  and  even  black  bass.  A  hatcher)'  operated  on 
Yellowstone  Lake  Irom  about  190^  to  19S5,  when 
the  park  finally  discontinued  fish  plantings.  The 
Firehole  River,  once  devoid  ol  trout,  is  now  considered 
one  of  the  nations  classic  trout  streams,  immortalized 
by  angling  writers  such  as  Ernest  Schwiebert.'* 
Starting  in  the  1930s,  enterprising  outdoorsmen  like 
Finis  Mitchell  began  stocking  the  Wind  River  Range, 
using  pack  trains  to  carry  the  fish  into  isolated  alpine 
lakes. '^  By  1923,  state  hatcheries  had  been  established 
at  Laramie,  Dubois,  Hvattville,  Cody,  Story,  Cokeville, 
and  Daniel,  and  the  state  added  new  hatcheries  in 
Tensleep  in  1928,  at  Como  Bluff  and  Auburn  during 
the  1940s,  and  at  Casper  and  Tillett  Springs  in  the 
1930s.  Fish  production  grew  astronomically,  from 
nearly  6  million  in  1923  to  29  million  by  1931-32.* 
Starting  in  I960,  the  Game  and  Fish  Commission 
began  to  deploy  aircrah  tor  planting  purposes,  a  far 
cr}'  from  the  old  milk  can  approach.' 

The  post-war  years  witnessed  the  rapid  growth  ol 
recreational  fishing.  Wyoming  was  becoming  a  fishing 
destination  tor  tens  ol  thousands  ot  non-resident  anglers: 
"Fishing  in  itselt  has  become  one  ot  the  main  recreational 
factors  affecting  the  economy  ot  many  of  our  local 
communities,  and  the  state  as  a  whole."  Not 
surprisingly,  the  responsibilities  of  the  fish  division 
expanded  dramatically  to  include  consei-vation,  stream 
rehabilitation,  pollution  monitoring,  access  and 
infrastructure,  scientific  studies,  etc.  ''^ 

Ironically,  one  factor  that  gave  an  enormous  boost 
to  Western  angling  was  the  construction  ol  numerous 
dams  during  the  twentieth  century.  Manv  ot  todays 
hotspots  (or,  "hog  holes,"  as  Gierach  calls  them'' ),  such 
as  the  Green  at  Flaming  Gorge,  the  Miracle  Mile  and 
Grey  Reef  on  the  North  Platte,  the  Bighorn  below 
Boysen  Reservoir  and  below  Yellowtail  Dam  at  Fort 
Smith,  Montana,  the  Shoshone  below  Bulfalo  Bill 
Dam,  the  South  Platte  below  Cheeseman  and  Spinney 
mountain  reservoirs,  the  San  Juan  below  Navajo  Dam, 
etc.,  are  recently  created  tail  waters.  The  tamed  Green 
River  fishery  below  Flaming  Gorge  Dam  at  Dutch 
John,  Utah,  for  example,  came  into  existence  in  1964 
alter  a  massive  campaign  to  exterminate  non-game 
species  and  stock  millions  of  game  fish.^"  Some  of  the 


region's  best  fisheries  are  thus  very  recent  and  entirely 
artificial  creations,  fly-fishing  Disneylands,  as  some 
anclers  call  them. 

1  he  classic  Western  spring  creeks,  which  tend  to 
hold  trout  of  enormous  size  and  pose  the  expert  angler 
with  the  ultimate  fly-fishing  challenge  are  also,  in  a  sense, 
artificial  environments.  Many,  lor  example  the  lamed 
spring  creeks  in  Paradise  Valley  near  Livingston, 
Montana,  are  extremely  vulnerable  to  spring  flt)ods 
and  other  environmental  lactors  and  require  constant 
maintenance.  Numerous  Montana  spring  creeks,  such 
as  the  McCoy  Cattle  Company  creeks  near  Dillon,  are 
essentially  manmade  environments,  the  result  ol 
extensive  landscaping,  dredging,  and  rechanneling  with 
heavy  ecjuipment.*' 

Class  and  Fly-Fishing:  Elite  Angling  Clubs 
of  the  West 

In  Great  Britain,  fly-fishing  has  been  associated  with 
an  "aristocratic"  sporting  ethos.  Though  the  L^nited 
States  has  seen  the  emergence  ot  both  elite  and 
ciemocratic  angling  traditions,  the  New  York  bourgeoisie 
certainly  sought  to  emulate  the  British  angling  ambiance 
at  numerous  private  clubs  established  on  prized  CatskiU 
streams. '"  Does  the  West  have  a  distinct,  more 
democratic,  or  populist  tradition.''  Certainly,  the 
availabilirv'  ol  prime  trout  waters  throughout  the  Rocky 
Mountain  region  enhanced  the  opportunities  lor  broad 
segments  ol  the  population  to  engage  in  fishing. 


■  Baxter  and  Stone,  Fishes  ofWyojiiiiig,  p.  16";  Brooks,  The  Living 
River,  pp.  S6-3'';  For  details,  see  John  B\orth,  "Trout  Shangri- 
La:  Remaking  the  Fishing  in  Yellowstone  National  Park,"  Mon- 
tana :  The  Magazine  opX'estern  History  S2  (Summer  2002):  38-47. 

'  Finis  Mitchell,  Wind  River  Trails  (Salt  Lake  Cit}':  Wasatch  Pub- 
lishers, I')?'').  See  Jeftrey  Nichols'  contribution  to  this  issue. 

'  Blair,  Htston,  pp.  S9,  72,  88,  105,  158.  The  Laramie  hatcher\' 
closed  in  1042,  the  Cokeville  operation  in  1946. 

■  Ibid.,  p.  160. 

'  Ibid.,  pp.   1S9,  169-70. 

'  John  Gierach,  Even  Brook  Trout  get  the  Bhies  (New  York,  Simon 
and  Schuster,  1992),  ch.  7. 

'  See  Ed  Engle,  Fly  Fishing  the  Tailivaters  (Harrisburg,  Pennsylva- 
nia: Stackpole  Books,  1991);  Blair,  History,  pp.  173-76,  195;  On 
dams,  see  wvvw.usbr.gov/dataweb/dams. 

William  G.  Tapply,  "Creeks  on  the  Rise,"  American  Angler  11 
(March  2004):  66-74. 

■  On  angling  clubs,  see  Schullery,  American  Fly  Fishing,  ch.  12; 
William  Washabaugh  with  Catherine  Washabaugh,  Deep  Trout: 
Angling  in  Popular  Culture  (New  York:  Berg,  2000),  ch.  5. 


Annals  nf  I'Vyommg:  I  he  Wyoniino  Historx'  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


However,  the  West  is  not  immune  to  angling  elitism, 
and  we  find  a  few  examples  oi  angling  clubs  in 
Colorado  and  Wyoming.  In  1894,  inspired  by  the 
dream  of  Edward  Gillette,  surveyor  and  chief  engineer 
for  the  Burlington  and  Missouri  River  Railroad,  a 
group  ot  influential  Nebraska  and  Wyoming 
businessmen  established  a  fishing  lodge  on  1,040  acres 
surrotmding  Dome  Lake,  a  renowned  fishing  hole 
located  in  the  Bighorn  Mountains  near  Sheridan.  By 
the  time  it  became  a  private  club  in  1901,  Dome  Lake 
boasted  an  impressive  lodge,  comfortable  cabins, 
electricirs',  a  chel  and  servants,  and  three  stocked  lakes. 
Earlv  members  included  Nebraska  businessmen, 
bankers,  and  lawers,  such  as  C.N.  Dietz,  George  W. 
Holdrege,  and  Capt.  Henry  E.  Palmer,  as  well  as 
members  of  the  Sheridan  elite,  such  as  cattleman  and 
future  Wvoming  governor  and  senator,  John  B. 
Kendrick,  the  Moncriefife  brothers,  Oliver  H.  Wallop, 
and  Bradford  Brinton.  Between  1894  and  1897,  the 
resort's  waters  were  stocked  with  nearly  190,000 
brook,  rainbow,  and  cutthroat  trout.  Interestingly,  the 
club  has  lasted  until  this  day,  with  membership  still  in 
the  hands  of  the  descendents  ol  the  original 
members. ^^ 

In  Colorado,  the  most  exclusive  angling  club 
catered  to  the  needs  of  the  Denver  social  elite.  Located 
on  a  prime  stretch  of  trout  water  on  the  South  Platte, 
the  Wigwam  Club  was  established  in  1921  when 
Denver  Post  owner  E  G.  Bonfils  and  his  associates 
purchased  the  old  Gill  Resort  and  constructed  a  lodge 
and  cabins  on  the  club's  240  acres.  Membership  included 
the  creme  de  la  creme  of  Denver  society,  and  the  club 
was  often  referred  to  as  the  "Millionaires'  Club, "  which 
may  be  a  slight  exaggeration. '''^  The  club  was  very 
protective  ol  its  exclusive  fishing  rights,  and  hired  a 
heavyweight  wrestler  to  discourage  poaching  by  riffraff 
from  neighboring  resorts. 

Much  later,  in  1 964,  George  Butler  Storer,  an  Ohio 
broadcasting  entrepreneur  who  had  fallen  in  love  with 
the  West,  spent  an  initial  $2.5  million  on  the 
development  of  the  Old  Baldy  Club,  an  exclusive  golf 
and  angling  resort  located  on  the  North  Platte  River 
near  Saratoga,  Wyoming.  According  to  The  Denver  Post, 
the  club,  created  for  "persons  ol  means  who  love  to 
hunt  and  fish  and  golf  and  who  respect  the  rules  of 
sportsmanship,"  boasted  an  eighteen-hole  golf  course, 


twelve  miles  of  trout  stream  (fly-fishing  only),  a 
clubhouse  and  chalets,  and  a  pro  shop.  Resident 
initiation  fees  ran  one  thousand  dollars,  annual  dues 
live  hundred  dollars.'*''  Today,  this  "sportsman's 
paradise,"  now  enhanced  by  a  pool,  tennis  courts,  a  skeet 
and  trap  range,  and  a  stocked  private  lake,  has  250 
members.""'  Fishing  is  still  excellent  on  Old  Baldy's 
waters,  especially  the  famed  Trout  Run,  thanks  to  the 
stewardship  of  the  club's  stream  manager  and  fishing 
guides.' 

Such  clubs  are  no  anomaly,  and  elite  interest  in  the 
Western  fly-fishing  scene  has  increased  dramatically  in 
recent  years.  The  popularity  of  fly-fishing  is  undoubtedly 
linked  to  the  Western  real  estate  boom  of  the  1990s. 
Wealthy  outsiders  have  streamed  into  the  Greater 
Yellowstone  area  and,  for  that  matter,  just  about  any 
scenic  region  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  in  search  of 
solitude,  hunting,  and  fishing,  in  the  process 
dramaticallv  transforming  many  Western  rural 
communities.  Wyoming's  Teton  County  is  today  the 
nation's  most  affluent  cotmry,"***  boasting,  for  example, 
the  offices  of  Christies  Great  Estates.  The  historic 
Crescent  H  Ranch,  with  its  1927  lodge  and  a  core  of 
233  acres,  until  recently  an  Orvis-endorsed  fly-fishing 
lodge,  recently  went  on  the  market  for  nearly  $17 
million.  Surrounding  tracts  and  homes,  with  access  to 
the  ranch's  seven  miles  ol  private  Blue  Ribbon  fishing 
on  Fish  Creek,  the  Snake  River,  and  other  spring  creeks 
and  ponds,  are  selling  briskly.  Many  properties  are 
marketed  as  "private  fishing  estates,"  where  27-inch 
rainbows  and  3 1  -inch  cutbows  can  be  caught."*''  Some 
Jackson  realtors  specialize  in  "the  protection  of  privately- 
owned  wildlile  and  trout  habitat,"  and  oiler  lor  sale 


"''  Kevin  E.  Rucker,  Where  Time  Stands  Still:  A  Histoij  of  the  Dome 
Lake  Club  (private  edition,  n.d.  [2001]),  pp.  7-22,  34.  Also 
see  Michael  A.  Amundsen,  Wyoming  Time  and  Again  (Boul- 
der: Pruett  Publishing  Co.,  1991),  pp.  31-42. 

■*-'  Mumey,  Wigwarn,  pp.  119,  152,  178. 

"■^  Larry  Birleffi,  "A  Place  for  Eagles,"  Empire  Magazine  (The  Den- 
ver Post),  December  6,  1964. 

^"  Old  Baldy  Club  promotional  pamphlet  (2000).  1  am  grateful  to 
Ander  Schumann  for  providing  me  with  detailed  information. 

"^  Ander  F.  Schumann,"  Old  Baldy  Club,  Saratoga,  Wyoming:  An 
Oral  HistoPi'  and  Analysis  of  the  Old  Baldy  Club,"  Unpub- 
lished paper,  Universirv'  of  Wyoming,  2002. 

^'''  The  Casper  Star  Tribune,  April  18,  2004. 

^''  Real  Estate  of  Jackson  Hole  Pamphlets,  circa  2002,  2003. 


Annals  o'  Wyoming   The  Wyoming  Hislcn..'  Jojrnal  -  Spring    2004 


fly-fishing  properties  in  Wyoming,  "the  most  wealth- 
friendly  state,"  Idaho,  Montana,  and  other  Western 
states.  Wyoming  fly-fishing  ranches  on  the  Green, 
Bighorn,  Wind,  Salt,  and  Hoback  rivers  typically  run 
in  the  $2-3  million  range. ^"  Exclusive  new 
developments  in  Wyoming,  Montana,  and  Colorado, 
are  now  planned  /rro/rW spring  creeks  and  along  trout 
streams.  Near  Bozeman,  Bud  Lilly  designed  a  stretch 
of  Baker  Creek  for  a  new  fly-fishing  residential 
community.^'  Sic  transit  gloria  mimdi,  some  might  say, 
while  others,  including  prominent  fly-fishermen, 
maintain  that  upscale  fly-fishing  "tourism  saved  our 
country"  and  actually  benefits  the  conservation  oi 
threatened  Western  trout  habitat.'- 

Western  Fly-Flshing  Techniques 

Western  angling  traditions  developed  gradually  as 
the  result  ot  the  interaction  of  external  influences,  i.e.. 
Eastern  and  British  traditions  brought  in  by  outsiders, 
and  local  experimentation.  Early  practices  were  often 
primitive,  due  to  the  distances  separating  settlers  from 
the  fine  tackle  shops  of  the  East  or  West  coasts.  One 
Montana  angler  describes  his  first  experimentation  with 
"flies"  during  an  arduous  march  from  Corinne,  Utah, 
to  Missoida,  Montana,  in  1877.  For  want  of  the  real 
thing,  he  cast  a  red  piece  of  flannel  on  a  hook  to  rising 
trout  and  promptly  hooked  an  eight-inch  fish.^' 
Colorado  angler  Lewis  France  initialK'  fished  with  plum 
bush  pole,  linen  line,  and  simple  wet  flies,  borrowed 
from  a  friend,  "saved  over  from  more  civilized  times. "'^ 
Our  Missoula  "fly-fisher"  used  an  "eighteen  foot 
tamarack"  with  a  no.  3  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  reel,  which 
a  friend  described  as  a  "nail  keg,"  before  making  his 
own  flv  rod,  and  finally  sending  East  for  "a  very  fine 
split  bamboo  rod."'''  France  suggested  carrying  the 
following  tackle:  "in  your  fly  books  a  little  of  everything, 
but  of  o;rev  and  brown  hackles,... coachmen  and 
professors,  an  abundance...  [If  nothing  else  worked, 
there  were  always  hoppers].  For  a  rod. .  .Ash  butt  and 
second  joint,  with  lancewood  tip,  Greenheart  or 
Bethabara. .  .Then,  when  you  feel  that  you  can  handle 
a  rod  with  the  same  deftness  a  mother  her  firstborn, 
save  up  your  money  and  buy  a  first  class  split 
bamboo.""'  After  the  turn  of  the  centur}',  many  Western 
hardware  stores  and  some  hotels  carried  fly-fishing 
tackle,  creels,  and  flies.'     On  the  opening  day  of  the 


1904  trout  season,  June  1,  the  George  Tritch  Hardware 
store  on  Arapahoe  Street  in  Denver,  which  claimed  to 
carry  the  best  stock  of  tackle  in  the  state,  offered  a 
complete  fly-fishing  outfit,  consisting  of  a  two-tip 
bamboo  rod,  twenty-five  yards  of  silk  line,  a  click  reel, 
two  dozen  snelled  hooks,  three  leaders,  and  three  dozen 
flies,  for  the  princely  sum  of  two  dollars.  They  also 
carried  wading  pants,  khaki  wading  boots,  fishing  coats, 
landing  nets,  fishing  hats,  and  "refrigerator  lunch 
baskets.  "'"^ 

In  her  1 892  classic.  Favorite  Flies  and  their  Histories, 
Mary  Orvis  Marbury  published  the  opinions  of  a 
number  of  Western  anglers  on  the  effectiveness  of  flies. 
The  results  indicate  that  Western  fly-fishermen  were 
rather  consei-vative  and  stuck  to  a  very  limited  range  of 
traditional  flies,  especially  varieties  of  the  Coachman, 
the  Brown  Hackle,  the  Professor,  and  the  Black  Gnat.'" 
Charles  P.  Hill  of  Rawlins,  Wyoming,  preferred  the 
Scarlet  Ibis  when  fishing  the  distant  waters  of  the  Sierra 
Madre,  such  as  the  (Little)  Snake  River  and  Slater  and 
Savory  creeks.  C.  S  Farren,  of  Cokeville,  used  a  wide 
variety  of  flies,  but  the  Coachmen  were  his  "standard 
flies."''"  Clearly,  late  nineteenth-century  Western  anglers 
tended  to  depend  on  a  limited  number  of  standard  flies 
and  tackle  procured  from  New  York  or  San  Francisco.''' 
Innovations  were  met  with  derision  by  anglers  such  as 
William  H.  DeWitt,  of  Helena,  ^lontana: 
"I... emphatically  condemn  the  flies,  recently  placed 
upon  the  market,  made  in  the  verisimilitude  of  flies 
and  insects.  They  are  a  thing  of  beauty  upon  the  dealers 
card,  and  attractive  to  an  amateur  buyer;  but  three  or 
four  casts  make  hotchpotch  of  them,  and  excite  the 

""  Sec  w\v\v.Hyri,shint;properties.com. 

"■'  T.ipply,  "Creeks...,'  p.  "0. 

'■Jack  Dennis,  "Fishing  in  che  Shadow  ot  theTerons,"  presentation 
at  the  University  Flycasters'  Anglers'  Symposium,  Laramie,  Wyo- 
ming, April  22-2.\  2004. 

^'  Mary  Orvis  Marbur)-,  Favorite  Flies  aitd  their  Histories  (London: 
Phoenix  House  Ltd.,  195^  [reprint  of  llSi  edition]),  p.  448. 

'■*  France,  With  Rod  and  Line,  p.  6. 

^''  Orvis  Marbury,  Favorite  Flies,  pp.  4S1-52. 

'"  France,  Wtth  Rod  and  Line,  p.  33. 

'  See  the  Denver  Public  Library's  Western  History/Geneaiogv 
Department's  photographic  collection  tor  numerous  examples. 

'''"'  Tlie  Denver  Post,  NLiv  2^1.  1 904.  I  am  grateful  to  Tamsen  Hert  for 
this  reference. 

^^  Or\'is  Marbury,  Favorite  Fhes,  pp.  432-40,  446o'i.  461-67. 

'■"  Ibid.,  pp.  43^-39. 

'"'  Ibid,  pp.  4'SO-Sl. 

"-  Ibid.,  p.  662. 


52      Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wvoming  History  Journal  --  Sprino  2004 


ridicule  of  a  crafty,  four-year-old  trout  who  has  been 
snapping  up  grasshoppers  for  three  seasons."''" 

Denver  ultimately  became  an  important  regional 
center  for  the  angling  industry.  The  Goodwin  Granger 
Co.,  established  after  World  War  I,  and  the  Phillipson 
Rod  Co.  (1946),  crafted  fine  cane  rods.  From  the  1920s 
on,  the  Wright  and  McGill  Company  produced  fly- 
fishing tackle.  Hank  Roberts'  company  supplied 
premier  flies.''^  By  the  1920s,  Missoula  and  Butte  were 
producing  legendary  homegrown  fly  tiers  such  as  Franz 
B.  Pott,  who  pioneered  woven  hair  flies,  Jack  Boehme, 
Norman  Means,  and,  later,  George  Grant.  A  decade 
later.  West  Yellowstone  and  Livingston,  close  to  the  park 
waters,  Yellowstone  River,  and  the  spring  creeks  of 
Paradise  Valley,  became  innovative  angling  foci,  featuring 
a  mix  of  local  and  newly  arrived  fly-fishing  experts,  such 
as  Bud  Lilly  and  Dan  Bailey.  In  the  Jackson  area, 
pioneers  like  Bob  Carmichael  and  "Boots"  Allen 
developed  a  new  style  of  Western  fly-fishing.'"'* 

Despite  such  developments,  the  West  seemed 
remarkably  resistant  to  change.  Before  World  War  II, 
Western  fly-fishing  was  essentially  wet  fly-fishing. 
Western  anglers  ignored  the  dry  fly  revolution,  first 
championed  by  Frederic  Halford  in  England  during  the 
1880s  and  well  established  among  Eastern  anglers  such 
as  George  LaBranche.  During  the  1930s,  newcomers 
like  Dan  Bailey,  of  Livingston,  and  California  tier  Don 
Martinez,  of  West  Yellowstone,  introduced  dry  fly 
fishing  in  Montana.''^  But  it  was  not  until  the  1940s 
that  dry  flies  were  well  established  in  Montana  and 
Colorado.  As  late  as  1949,  Bob  Carmichael  could  still 
describe  this  technique  as  innovative:  "I  do  not  claim 
to  have  'discovered'  Jackson's  Hole  dry  fly  fishing  but 
will  say  that  those  who  preceded  me  in  the  area  with 
their  drys  were  very  quiet  about  it.  Fishing  these  waters 
first  in  the  early  thirties,  1931-1936,  I  found  fishing 
too  good  to  be  very  interesting.  Local  natives  wanting 
a  change  of  diet  would  catch  a  bull  head,  cut  a  willow 
and  horse  out  enough  trout  to  satisfy  their  immediate 
needs."'''' 

In  many  areas  of  Wyoming,  such  as  the  Bighorns, 
fly-fishermen  refused  to  adopt  new  techniques  and 
continued  to  tie  wet  flies.  The  now  archaic  Pott  flies, 
such  as  the  Sandy  Mite,  a  stonefly  imitation,  were 
common  throughout  Wyoming  until  quite  recently. 
It  is  startling  that  even  today,  more  than  eighty  years 


after  their  introduction,  fly-fishermen  such  as  Sam 
Mavrakis  of  Sheridan  and  Mike  Kaul  of  Pinedale  still 
tie  and  use  Pott  flies. ''^  As  Bud  Lilly  of  West 
Yellowstone  recalls,  even  "[t]he  early  1950s  were  still 
a  time  of  pioneering  in  fly  fishing  around  our  part  of 
the  country,"  though  gradually  the  efforts  of  locals 
and  imports,  such  as    Bailey  in  Livingston,  Lilly, 


iii 


Extensive  photographic  evidence  leaves  no  doubt  that  many  Western 
women  enthusiastically  embraced  the  sport  of  fly-fishing.  Stephen  N. 
Leek  Collection,  Amehcan  Heritage  Center. 


'  See  for  details  Dicl<  Spurr  and  Michael  Sinclair,  Colorado  Clas- 
sic Cane:  A  Histoiy  of  the  Colorado  Bamboo  Rod  Makers  (Grand 
Junction:  Centennial  Publications,  1991),  and  Monnett,  Cut- 
throat, pp.  80-82.  Also  see  jack  Dennis'  interview  in  this  issue. 

'  SchuUer)',  American  Fly  Fishing,  pp.  184-85;  Pat  Minday,  "  A 
millionaire  couldn't  buy  a  piece  of  water  as  good':  George  Grant 
and  the  Conservation  of  the  Bighole  River  Watershed,"  Mon- 
tana: The  Magazine  ofWestern  Histo>j52  (Summer  2002):  21-37; 
Ken  Owens,  "Fishing  the  Hatch:  New  West  Romanticism  and 
Fly-Fishing  m  the  High  Country,"  Montana  :  The  Magazine  of 
Western  History  52  (Summer  2002):  10-19;  George  E  Grant, 
Grant  s  Riffle: . .  .A  collection  of  thoughts,  ideas,  and  memories  (Butte, 
Montana:  Bighole  River  Foundation,  1997).  Also  see  the  inter- 
view with  Jack  Dennis  in  this  issue. 

'  See  the  inter\'iew  with  Jack  Dennis  in  this  issue.  Also  see  Schuller)', 
American  Fly  Fishing,  pp.  185-88;  Owens,  "Fishing  the  Hatch..." 

'  Quoted  in  J.  Edson  Leonard,  Flies  (New  York:  A.S.  Barnes  and 
Company,  1950),  p.  302. 

See  the  inter\'iew  with  Sam  Mavrakis  in  this  issue.  Mike  Kaul, 
"The  Green  and  New  Fork  Rivers,"  presentation  at  the  Univer- 
sity Flycasters'  Anglers'  Symposium,  Laramie,  Wyoming,  April 
22-23,  2004. 

'  Bud  Lilly  and  Paul  SchuUery,  A  Trout's  Best  Friend:  The  Angling 
Autobiography  of  Bud  Lilly  (Boulder:  Pruett  Publishing  Com- 
pany, 1988),  p.  36. 


Annrils  of  Wyoming-  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring   2004 


53 


Martinez,  and  Vint  Jolinson  in  West  Yellowstone,  and 
Carmichael  and  Allen  in  the  Jackson  area,  would  begin 
to  pay  olh'"'*  As  Schullery  has  noted,  in  recent  decades 
a  process  ol"  ctiittual  homogenization  has  come  to 
affect  local,  relatively  isolated.  Western  angling 
traditions.  Yet  this  same  development  has  allowed 
today's  Western  anglers,  such  as  Jack  Dennis,  Gary 
LaFontaine  (R.I. P.),  Mike  Lawson,  Bud  Lilly,  etc.,  to 
assume  national  prominence  and  disseminate  a  new, 
hybrid  style  ol  Western  fly-fishing  aroimd  the  globe.'''' 


Weighing  the  catch  near  Jackson  Hole.  Stephen  N.  Leel<  Collection, 
American  Heritage  Center. 


Conclusion 

Despite  its  claim  for  uniqueness.  Western  fly- 
fishing is  a  cultural  practice  with  deep  roots  in  Eastern 
and  European  sporting  traditions.  It  evolved  throtigh 
the  interaction  of  local  and  imported  discourses, 
techniques,  and  practices.  In  the  process,  Westerners 
dramatically  altered  the  Western  environment  to 
maintain  fisheries  of  often  exotic  game  species, 
destroying  existing  natural  ecosystems.  Yet,  as  Schullery 
convincingly  argues,  despite  the  continuities  and 
similarities  one  can  find  between  Western  fly-fishing 
traditions  and  those  of  other  parts  of  the  United  States 
and  the  world,  "authenticity  has  endured.  There  is  such 
a  thing  as  western  angling,  and  it  has  a  long,  distinctive, 
and  flavorful  history."  "  What  that  Western  element 
exactly  is  is  hard  to  explain.  Maybe  the  mystique  of 
Western  angling  is  best  captured  in  the  lyrical  prose 
of  Tom  McGuane,  when  he  describes  a  caddis  hatch 
on  the  Madison,  or  the  gaze  of  a  doe  across  a  wild 
moimtain  stream,  or  in  Russell  Chatham's  limiinous 
paintings  of  stmimer  evenings  on  the  Yellowstone 
River.  '  Unfortunately,  lyricism  alone  is  not  enough. 
Whether  we  like  it  or  not,  and  for  better  or  worse, 
fly-fishing  has  become  an  integral  part  of  Western  life 
and  culture.  Only  by  understanding  its  origins  and 
development  as  a  cultural  practice  can  we  contemplate 
its  present  impact  and  future.      mi 


""'  Schullery,  Frontier  Fly-Fishing..., '  p.  8. 

">  Ibid.,  p.  7. 

"  Lindsay  and  Thomas  McGuane,  Upstream. 


54 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -  Spring  2004 


BOOK 


Edited  by  Carl  Hallberg 


Significant  Recent  Bool<s 
on  Western  and 
Wyoming  History 


Breaking  Clean.  By  Judy  Blunt.  New  York:  Alfred  A. 
Knopf,  2002.  xxii  +  303  pp.  Illustrations,  map.  Hard- 
cover. $24.00.    Reviewed  by  Elizabeth  M.  Esterchild, 
University  of  North  Texas 

Jr  udy  Blunts  narrative  describes  the  reality  of  ranch 
life  in  the  contemporary  American  West.  Her  tale 
I  is  about  commitment  and  loss,  about  hard  work 
d  heartbreak,  about  pure  contentment  and  searing 
anger.  It  is  a  true  story  told  plainly,  and  thereby  is  both 
timeless  and  timely. 

Alone  among  western  writers,  even  women  writ- 
ers, Blunt  reveals  one  of  the  best  kept  secrets  about  ranch 
countr)':  how  the  dark  shadow  of  patriarchy  lingers  past 
its  time.  Patriarchy  -  male  dominance  -  does  not  touch 
all  aspects  of  ranch  life,  but  where  it  does  it  is  rooted  in 
de  facto  male  ownership  of  most  of  the  ranch  prop- 
erty. Growing  up  in  Montana,  Blunt  first  noticed  male 
privilege  in  the  asymmetrical  division  of  labor  by  gen- 
der. She  learned  to  do  outdoor  work  -  the  many  skills 
connected  with  riding,  working  cattle,  driving  tractors, 
putting  up  hay,  building  fences  -  and  performed  them 
just  as  well  as  her  brother.  But  she  had  the  added  bur- 
den of  working  inside  the  house  long  after  the  outdoor 
work  was  done.  And  she  learned  even  earlier  to  do  what 
ranch  women  know,  to  hold  their  tongues  when  men 
are  talking. 

Only  toward  the  end  of  the  book  does  Blunt  re- 
veal what  she  learned  earlier  in  life.  As  a  youngster,  she 
watched  in  amazement  as  her  grandfather's  ranch  prop- 
erty was  divided  between  his  two  sons,  leaving  nothing 
for  his  daughters.  Not  long  afterwards,  her  father  an- 
nounced his  plans  to  repeat  his  father's  action.  Even 
though  she  had  wholeheartedly  given  her  soul  to  this 
land,  she  would  never  own  one  square  inch  of  it. 

After  marrying  a  neighbor  who  was  twelve  years 
her  senior,  Bkmt  learned  she  could  neither  own  prop- 


erty nor  direct  the  course  of  her  own  labor.  Her  father- 
in-law's  wife  showed  up  every  day,  telling  her  repeat- 
edly what  groceries  she  could  buy  and  how  she  should 
do  her  work,  which,  among  many  other  things,  in- 
cluded cooking  for  the  haying  crew.  She  then  began 
writing  about  the  pain  in  her  life.  Perhaps  the  sharpest 
hurt  developed  the  day  her  father-in-law  strode  in  from 
the  noon  meal  and  found  it  not  quite  ready.  With  a 
roar  of  displeasure,  he  took  her  typewriter  out  to  the 
shop  and  pounded  it  to  death  with  a  sledgehammer. 

Blunt  reftises  to  be  the  bitter  person  one  would 
expect  from  the  broad  outlines  of  her  life  just  given. 
Throughout  the  book,  she  pauses  often  to  tell  about 
the  wonders  and  the  joys  of  ranch  life,  many  of  them 
connected  with  animals,  both  pets  and  livestock.  Among 
these  pleasures  was  the  absolute  contentment  she  expe- 
rienced in  the  barn  on  cold  nights  watching  and  re- 
maining ready  to  help  a  young  heifer  give  birth  to  her 
first  calf  In  those  wondrous  times,  even  as  she  knew 
she  would  be  breaking  clean  of  the  shadow  of  patriar- 
chy, she  could  still  reflect  on  all  the  beautifiil  aspects  of 
being  a  ranch  woman. 

Few  ranchers  today  acknowledge  the  existence  of 
patriarchy  or  understand  its  profound  impact  on  their 
lives.  But  it  does  exist  and  it  continues  in  dozens  of 
ways.  Perhaps  Blunt's  forthright  telling  of  her  story 
will  encourage  others  to  speak  Ireely  about  all  aspects 
of  the  lives  of  ranch  women  and  men. 

The  Important  Things  of  Life:   Women,  Work,  and 
Family  in  Sweetwater  County,  Wyoming,  1880-1929. 
By  Dee  Garceau.  Lincoln:  University  of  Nebraska 
Press,  1997.  x  +  215pp.  Maps,  notes,  annotated 
bibliography,  index.  Hardcover,  $50.00.  Reviewed  by 
Elizabeth  M.  Esterchild,  University  of  North  Texas 


A 


fascinating  account  of  women's  lives,  this  book 
opens  our  eyes  to  the  centrality  of  women's 
.work  in  building  early  day  mining  and  ranch- 


Annals  of  Wvomlno:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring   2004 55 


ing  communities.  Garceau  used  the  decennial  cen- 
suses of  1880-1920  to  identify  demographic  charac- 
teristics, work  lives,  education,  family,  and  household 
structure  ot  town  and  rural  women.  Other  soiuces 
included  oral  histories,  written  memoirs,  local  news- 
papers, folklore,  and  one  hundred  interviews  she  con- 
ducted with  older  women  and  men. 

Garceau  studied  the  largest  ethnic  groups  in  the  coal 
mining  industry:  first  the  English,  Irish,  and  Scottish; 
then  Swedish,  Finnish,  German,  and  Slavic  women  in 
later  times.  Ohen  born  abroad,  these  town  women  - 
townspeople  were  85  per  cent  ol  the  population  -  con- 
trasted sharply  with  ranch  women  who  were  mostly 
native  born  and  largely  from  the  Midwest.  Ranchers 
had  often  migrated  in  clusters  of  related  families,  bring- 
ing with  them  an  agrarian,  middle  class  tradition  ot 
owning  property  and  being  sell  employed.  In  town, 
people  had  come  more  often  as  individuals  seeking  a 
livelihood.  Their  attempts  to  maintain  ethnic  traditions 
were  somewhat  thwarted  because  several  distinct  na- 
tionalities mingled  in  the  work  in  the  coal  mines  and 
there  was  little,  it  any,  ethnic  segregation  in  residence 
patterns. 

In  addition  to  cooking,  cleaning,  and  laundry,  ranch 
women  did  gardening,  dairying,  sewing  clothing,  and 
raising  chickens.  The  latter  could  be  used  to  directly 
sustain  the  family  or,  by  selling  the  products,  to  sup- 
port indirectly  the  ranch.  This  productive  labor,  which 
was  a  source  ol  immense  pride  to  ranch  women,  coupled 
with  frequent  male  absence  and  having  fewer  children 
than  their  mothers,  all  helped  create  more  control  lor 
women  and  to  erode  some  ol  the  patriarchal  authority 
exercised  by  men.  But  women  continued  to  interpret 
their  work  as  supporting  the  family,  rather  than  as  a 
means  for  achieving  autonomy.  Ranch  daughters  gradu- 
ally became  involved  in  more  outside,  or  mens  work; 
they,  too,  rarely  used  this  labor  as  a  stepping  stone  to- 
ward independence.  Rural  women  "held  to  traditional 
notions  of  womanhood  even  as  their  behavior  departed 
from  it"  (p.  10). 

In  the  coal  towns,  single  women  worked  as  ser- 
vants in  middle  class  lamilies,  and  in  hotels  and  board- 
inghouses.  Married  immigrant  women  kept  boarders, 
raised  gardens,  milked  a  cow  or  two,  and  took  in  laim- 
dry.  Later,  daughters  took  up  white  collar  work  as  the 
range  ol  businesses  expanded  alter  1900.  The  town 


women  used  these  jobs  as  stepping  stones  to  a  richer 
lile  in  which  they  were  less  dependent  on  their  hus- 
bands, though  they  did  not  stray  far  away  from  tradi- 
tional values. 

Garceau  explored  myths  surrounding  single  women 
homesteaders,  finding  fewer  than  might  be  supposed. 
Most  women  homesteaders  were  simply  getting  addi- 
tional land  for  their  parents  or  husbands.  Only  a  few 
used  their  work  to  gain  independence  from  conven- 
tional family  life. 

Ranch  daughters  had  more  variety  in  their  work 
than  their  mothers,  which  Garceau  implies  was  a  life 
cycle  change  rather  than  something  that  would  carry 
throtigh  to  future  generations.  Women  would  marry 
young  and  produce  children  which  took  them  away 
from  the  outdoor  work.  Garceau  mitrht  also  have  noted 
the  distinction  between  private  and  public  spheres,  so 
that  girls  could  "cowboy"  in  the  privacy  of  the  family 
more  often  than  in  the  large  gatherings  of  men  in  round 
ups  and  harvest  times.  Generally,  women  were  excluded 
from  men's  work  (except  in  emergencies),  which  was 
both  more  glamorous,  dangerous,  and  conscientiously 
profit  oriented  than  women's  work.  Finally,  inherit- 
ance patterns  in  the  West  favored  sons  much  more 
than  daughters,  so  that  women  rarely  acquired  enough 
propert}'  or  livestock  to  live  independently  of  men. 

Women  came  closer  to  achieving  parity  among 
the  working  classes  in  town.  Neither  women  nor  men 
acquired  much  propert)^  and  men's  work  was  perceived 
as  mtmdane,  albeit  dangerous.  Single  women  and  wid- 
ows could  come  closer  to  earning  wages  equivalent  to 
men's,  and  this,  too,  eroded  male  control  more  rapidly 
than  on  the  ranches. 

Overall,  there  was  probably  much  more  similaritv 
between  town  women  and  ranch  women  than  this  re- 
view implies.  Clearly,  Garceau  used  conventional  ma- 
terials, but  drew  unconventional  insights  regarding 
women's  lives.  In  so  doing,  she  has  set  a  very  high  stan- 
dard in  using  the  contrast  between  the  two  to  illumi- 
nate the  lives  of  both.        Uf 


56 Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Spring  2004 


Index 


American  Heritage  Center  4 
American  Museum  of  Fly  Fishing  3-4 
The  American  Sportsmen  22 
Bailey,  John  25 
Bantjes,  Adrian  A.  (author)  2-3,  19-25, 

41-53:  bio  5 
Battenkill  Valley,  Vermont  42 
Big  Horn  Mountains  37 
Blair,  Neal  48 
Bonfils,  EG.  50 
Borger,  Gary  22 
Bourdieu,  Pierre  3 
Bozeman,  Montana  9,11 
Brewer,  Walter  29 
Bridger  National  Forest  29 
Bridger  Primitive  Area  3 1,  34 
Bridger  Wilderness  27-28,  32,  34 
Bridger  Wilderness  Fish  Management 

Plan  34 
Brooks,  George  42 
Bush,  George  39 
Buszek,  Wayne  "Buz"  21 
Carmichael,  Bob  20-22,  52 
Catskill  Fly  Fishing  Center  and 

Museum  3 
Chatham,  Russell  53 
Close,  Glenn  24 
Close,  William  T.  24 
Crescent  H  Ranch  50 
Crusoe,  Robinson  6,  8 
Dafoe,  Daniel  6-7 
Dale  Creek  43-44,  47 
Daniel,  Wyoming  28-29 
Dennis,Jack3-4,  19-25,  52 
DeWitt,  William  H.  51 
DiMaggio,Joe39 
Doane,  Gustavus  8-  13,  15-16 
Dome  Lake  50 
Donnelly,  Roy  M.  21 
Dude  Ranchers'  Association  47 
Eaton  Ranch  47 
Estes  Park,  Colorado  46 
Evans,  Glen  L.  21 
Farren,  C.S.  51 
Finley,  Michael  23 
Fish  hatcheries  48-49 
Flaming  Gorge  reservoir  34-35 
Fly  Fisher's  International  Fly  Fishing 

Center  4 


Fly  fishing  2-53 

France,  Lewis  Browne  45-46,  5 1 

Galloway,  Tucker  W  36-40 

George  Tritch  Hardward  Store  5 1 

Gierach,John42,  49 

Gillette,  Edward  50 

Gillette,Warrenl2,  16 

Gowdy,  Curt  22 

Grand  Teton  National  Park  20 

Green  River  27,  47,  49 

Grunkemeyer,  George  37 

Hackle,  Sparse  Greg  5 

Hauser,  Samuel  8 

Hedges,  Cornehus  8,  10,  13,  15-16 

Hemingway,  Jack  47 

Hill  Charles  R  51 

Hobsbawm,  Eric  3 

Houghton  Fishing  Club  42 

Huizinga,  Johan  3,  8 

Hurt,  NX'illiam  24 

Jackson  Lake  21 

lackson,  Wyoming  19-24 

Kaul,Mike52 

Knight,  Bobby  39-40 

Kreh,  Lefty  22 

La  Fontaine,  Gary  22,  52 

Landres,  Peter  B.  32 

Langford,  Nathaniel  8,  10,  12-13,  15 

Lawson,  Mike  22,  52 

Lilly,  Bud  20,  42,  51-52 

Lord  Byron  5 

Martinez,  Don  20 

Maclean,  Norman  3,  24-25 

Marbury,  Mary  Orvis  5 1 

Mavrakis,  Sam  4,  36-40,  52 

McDonald,  John  7 

McGuane,  Tom  42,  53 

Mitchell,  Dennis  27,  29 

Mitchell  (Nelson),  Emma 29-30 

Mitchell,  Fay  27-28 

Mitchell,  Finis  4,26-35,49 

Mitchell,  Henry  27-29 

Mitchell  Peak  31 

Moose,  Wyoming  20 

National  Forest  Ser\'ice  28-29,  34 

Nichols,  Jeffrey   4,  (author)  26-35;  bio 

35 

Old  Baldy  Club  50 

Paradise  Valley  10,  49 


Pott,  Franz  B.  38,  52 

Quayle,  Dan  39 

Queen  Elizabeth  39-40 

Redfield,  Robert  43 

Redford,  Robert  3,  24-25 

"A  River  Runs  Through  It"  3,  24-25 

Roberts,  Hank  2 1-22,  52 

Rockefeller.  John  D.  20 

Rock  Springs,  Wyoming  28,  30 

Sansone,  David  7 

Schuller)',  Paul  4,  (author)  6-18,  41; 

bio  18 
Sherman,  Wyoming  44 
Simon,  James  31,33 
Snowy  Range,  43 
Storer,  George  Butler  50 
Teton  County,  Wyoming  50 
Trumball,Walter8-ll 
Turner,  Frederick  Jackson  41 
U.S.  Fish  and  Wildlife  Service  23 
Wallop,  Malcolm  37, 40 
Walton,  Izaak  5 
Washburn,  Henry  Dana  8-12 
Washburn  -  Langford  —  Doane 

Expedition  8-18 
Whitlock,  Dave22 
Wigwam  Club  50 
Wilderness  Act  3 1-32,  34-35 
Wind  River  Mountains  26-35,  43,  49 
Wyoming  Game  and  Fish 

Department  28,  31-34,  39,  49 
Wvoming  Territorial  Fish  Commission 

28,43 
Wvoming  Territorial  Legislature  48 
Yankee  Jim  Canyon  10,  12 
Yellowstone  Lake  12-13,  15-16 
Yellowstone  National  Park  8-12,  15-17, 

19-20,  23 
Yellowstone  River  10-11 


«;^^K:OTC:KSS!^??s 


Wyoming  Picture 


tl/^^^^f^ 


WYOMING 


Order  Yours  Before 
We  Sell  Out  Again! 

Finally,  this  classic  8.5"  x  1 1"  hardcover  volume 
has  been  reprinted.  The  book  features  over  250 
pages  of  inforinative  text  and  countless  historic 
photographs  from  Wyoming's  rich   history. 

The  book  is  only  $40.00  and  is  available  through 
some  county  chapters  of  the  Wyoming  State 
Historical  Society,  select  museums  and  sponsor 
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and  the  book  will  be  shipped  straight  to  your  door! 

To  find  out  where  to  buy  the  book  in  your  area,  please  contact  the  Wyoming 
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Project,  1740H184  Dell  Range  Blvd.,  Cheyenne,  WY  82009. 


Name: 
Address: 

City: 

State: 


Phone: 


Zip: 


r>'. 


A  hi 


finals  of 

WYOMING 

The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Summer  2004 


Vol.  76,  No.  3 


Art 


"Fort  Laramie" 

Drawing  by  C.  Moellman 

Moellman  Collection,  American  Heritage  Center, 

University  of  Wyoming 


C.  Moellman,  a  bugler  with  Company  G,  1 1th  Ohio  Volunteer  Cavalry,  created  the 
drawing  ol  Fort  Laramie  on  the  cover  during  the  1 860s.  Moellman  also  painted  other 
Wyoming  sites,  including  Sweetwater  Station  and  Three  Crossings.  Another  image  by 
him  of  Fort  Laramie  was  Icattu'ed  on  the  cover  ot"  the  Autiunn  2001  issue  oi  Aiii/ti/s  of 
Wyojiiing. 


Information  for  Contributors; 


The  editor  oi  Annals  ot  WyominsyjeXcome?,  manuscripts  and  photographs  on  every  aspect  ot  the  histor)'  ot  Wyoming  and  the 
West.  Appropriate  tor  submission  are  unpubhshed,  research-based  articles  which  provide  new  information  or  which  otter  new 
interpretations  ot  historical  events.  First-person  accounts  based  on  personal  experience  or  recollections  ot  events  will  be  consid- 
ered tor  use  in  the  "Wyoming  Memories"  section.  Historic  photo  essays  tor  possible  publication  in  "Wyoming  Memories"  also 
are  welcome.  Articles  are  reviewed  and  referred  by  members  of  the  journal's  Editorial  Advisory  Board  and  others.  Decisions 
regarding  publication  are  made  by  the  editor. 

Manuscripts  (along  with  suggestions  for  illustrations  or  photographs)  should  be  submitted  on  computer  diskettes  in  a  format 
created  by  one  ot  the  widely-used  word  processing  programs  along  with  two  printed  copies. 

.Submissions  and  queries  should  be  addressed  toiEditor,  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Dept.  392-t,  1000  E.  University 
Avenue,  Laramie  WY  82071,  or  to  the  editor  by  e-mail  at  the  following  address:  rewig@iiwyo.edu 


Book  Review  Editor 

Carl  HaUber 

Editorial  Advisory  Board 

Katherine  Curtiss,  Sheridan 
Dudley  Gardner,  Rock  Springs 
Sally  F.  Griffith,  Lusk/Havertown,  Pa. 
Don  Hodgson,  Torrington 
Loren  Jost,  Riverton 
James  R.  Laird,  Wapiti 
Mark  Miller,  Laramie 
Mark  Nelson,  Green  River 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 

Publications  Committee 

Barbara  Bogart,  Evanston 

Rick  Ewig,  Laramie 

Linda  Fabian,  Wheadand 

Rowene  Giarriz2X),  Powell 

Carl  Hallberg,  Cheyenne 

Amy  Lawrence,  Laramie  (ex-officio) 

Phil  Roberts,  Laramie  (ex-officio) 

James  VanScoyk,  Star  Valley 

Rose  Wagner,  Cheyenne  (ex-officio) 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Executive  Committee 

Linda  Fabian,  President,  Platte  Coimty 
Dave  Taylor,  1st  Vice  Pres.,  Natrona  Co. 
Art  Kidwell,  2nd  Vice  Pres.,  Park  Co. 
Cindy  Brown,  Secretary,  Laramie  County 
James  VanScoyk,  Treasurer,  Star  Valley 
Laura  Lake,  Natrona  County 
Clara  Varner,  Weston  County 
John  R.  Waggener,  Albany  County 
Marge  Wilder,  Park  County 
Judy  West,  Membership  Coordinator 

Governor  of  Wyoming 

David  Freudenthal 

Wyoming  Dept.  of  State  Parl(s  and 

Cultural  Resources 
Phil  Noble,  Direaor 
Cultural  Resources  Division 
Wendy  Bredehoft,  Administrator 

Wyoming  Parks  &  Cultural  Resources 
Commission 

Carolyn  Buffi  Casper 
Lynn  Carlson,  Lusk 
Roger  Moellendorf,  Green  River 
Ernest  C.  Over,  Pavillion 
Diann  Reese,  Lyman 
Emerson  W.  Scott,  Jr.,  Buffalo 
WiUiam  Vines,  Wheatland 
Barbara  Vletti,  Thermopolis 
Jerrilynn  Wall,  Evanston 

University  of  Wyoming 

Philip  Dubois,  President 

Oliver  Walter,  Dean,  College  of  Arts  and 

Sciences 
Kristine  Utterback,  Chair,  Dept.  of 

History 


nna 


Is  of 


WYOMING 


The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Summer  2004   Vol.  76.  No.  3 


2     Native  American  Sagas  from  the 
Diaries  of  John  Hunton 

|ohn  Hunton  and  L..  Ci.  (Pat)  Mannerv 
Edited  bv  Mike  Crtiske 


14     Pat  Flannery 

SalK-  V'anderpoel 


24     J.  D.  Conley's  Cabinet  of  Curiosities 
and  Other  Early  Wyoming  Museums 

Beth  Stiuthwell 


ih  >-iNivtK5.iiv  33     Recent  Acquisitions  in  the  Hebard 

Libraries  Collection,  UW  Libraries 

lamsen  L.  Hert 


800/C 


36     Book  Reviews 


(Cj>ii'lLMli)ii'ii)Lri3    41     Contributors'  Biographies 


42     Index 


Wyoming  Picture 

Inside  back  cover 

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Native  American 
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John  Hunton 


bv 


John  Hunton  and  L.  G.  (Pat)  Flannery 
Edited  by  Michael  Griske  ' 


Preface 

I  suspect  that  most  readers  of 
Annals  ofWyo?7iingh2.vc  heard  of 
John  Hunton,  who  was  a  Wyo- 
ming pioneer  and  prominent 
businessman  in  the  Fort  Laramie  area  when  the  post 
was  headquarters  for  miUtary  operations  against  the 
Sioux  and  other  Native  American  nations,  as  well  as 
being  one  of  the  major  crossroads  of  the  Old  West. 

Some  of  you  might  also  remember  L.  G.  (Pat)  Flannery,  my  grandfather  and  Mr. 
Huntons  good  friend,  despite  a  fifty-five-year  difference  in  their  ages,  who  was  a 
Wyoming  historian,  newspaper  publisher,  statesman,  cattle  rancher,  and  veteran 
of  both  world  wars.  A  colorful  character  in  his  own  right,  Pat  dedicated  the  last 
years  of  his  life  to  historical  research  and  to  a  very  special  labor  ol  love,  the  publi- 
cation of  the  diaries  kept  by  Mr.  Hunton  in  which  his  entries  span  more  than  half 
a  century. 

'     Mr.  Griske  is  the  grandson  of  L.G.  (Pat)  Flannery.   The  John  Hunton  Diaries  are  located  in  the 
John  Hunton  Papers  held  by  the  American  Heritage  Center. 


John  and  Blanche  Hunton. 
Courtesy  John  Hunton 
Papers,  American  Heritage 
Center,  University  of 
Wyoming. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004       3 


My  grandfather  published  the  diary  entries  be- 
tween 1 873  and  1 882  in  tour  volimies  oi  fiheen  hun- 
dred copies  each,  and  two  more  vokmics  with  entries 
between  1 883  and  1 888  were  pubHshed  aher  his  death 
in  1964.  hi  addition  to  these  daily  diary  entries,  Pat 
also  included  narratives  by  Hunton  anci  others  in  these 
books,  and  his  own  painstakingly-researched  editori- 
als, to  clarify  and  expand  upon  events  of"  that  period. 
As  a  result,  the  publications  vividlv  preserved  dav-to- 
day  life  on  the  frontier  and  presented  profiles  as  well 
as  true  exploits  not  only  of  people  living  in  that  era 
who  have  been  all  but  forgotten,  but  also  of  such 
well-known  Western  folk  characters  as  Wild  Rill 
Hickok,  Calamity  Jane  Canarv,  Buffalo  Bill  Cody, 
Generals  George  Armstrong  Custer  and  George 
Crook,  Red  Cloud,  Spotted  Tail,  and  many  others, 
most  of  whom  Hunton  knew  personallv. 

As  previously  mentioned,  Pat  initiallv  had  onlv  a 
relatively  small  number  of  these  books  printed.  His 
plan,  as  I  recall,  was  to  pursue  republication  in  larger 
numbers  after  the  first  printings,  but  he  passeci  awav 
before  having  a  chance  to  make  this  dream  a  reality. 


His  only  child  was  my  mother,  Billie  Griske,  who 
renewed  the  copyrights  for  Pat's  works  in  the  1980s 
and,  in  response  to  numerous  requests  for  the  origi- 
nal volumes,  republished  a  few  excerpts  in  small  book- 
lets. 

After  Billie's  passing,  I  decided  that  1  would  also 
like  to  share  this  fascinating  and  historical  material 
with  others,  lo  that  end,  km  now  pursuing  the  pub- 
lication of  an  abridged  and  reformatted  version  of 
mv  grandfathers  monumental  works  so  that  this 
material  can  once  again  be  accessible  to  Western  his- 
torv  enthusiasts. 

In  the  meantime,  1  thought  that  subscribers  to 
the  Amiitls  woidd  enjov  reading  the  following  profile 
of  John  Himton  and  sagas  of  Native  Americans  from 
the  original  volumes.  Note  that  Hunton's  diary  en- 
tries are  indented  and  italicized,  and  narratives  other 
than  those  aiuhored  b\'  my  grandfather  are  in  quotes 
and  indented,  so  that  thev  can  be  differentiated  at  a 
glance  from  Pat's  writings.  M\'  editorial  comments 
anti  insertions  are  bracketed  for  the  same  reason. 


L.  G.  (Pat)  Flannery,  Mr.  Hunton's  close  fnend  to  whom  he 
bequeathed  his  diahes.  Courtesy  L.  G-  Flannery  papers, 
Amehcan  Heritage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming 


A  Profile  of  John  Hunton 

John  Hunton  was  born  at  Madison  C.  H.  [the  C. 
H.  beintr  for  court  house  or  count\'  seat],  Virginia, 
onjantiary  18,  1839,  of  Alexander  B.  and  Mar\-  Eliza- 
beth (Carpenter)  Huntiin.  Little  is  known  of  his 
childhood.  He  joined  the  arm\-  at  [age]  18  and  saw 
his  first  military  service  at  Harper's  Ferry  in  18^9. 

Madison  was  in  that  borderland  between  the 
North  and  South  where  the  cleavage  of  loyalties  split 
families,  set  brother  against  brother,  and  father  against 
son.  Hiuiton  chose  the  Soiuh.  He  was  with  Pickett 
at  the  charge  of  Gettysburg  and  ser\'ed  with  the  Con- 
federate Armv  of  Northern  Viririnia  until  Lee  sur- 
rendered  at  Appomattox. 

With  his  homeland  overrun  and  devastated,  John 
Hunton  tiu'ned  his  eves  westward  and  m  the  spring 
of  1876  traveled,  via  St.  Louis  and  Glassgow,  to  Ne- 
braska City.  From  there  he  whacked  btdls  on  to  Fort 
Laramie,  bastion  of  the  plains  and  headquarters  of 
military  operations  against  the  Indian  tribes.  There 
he  worked  for  several  years  as  a  clerk  in  the  Sutler's 
store  at  the  old  fort,  which  was  to  be  "home "  for  the 
vouns^  Virsiinian  for  most  of  the  rest  of  his  life. 


4     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


That  first  winter,  1867,  he  shared  a  room  with 
the  famous  scout,  Jim  Bridger,  who  had  been  em- 
ployed by  the  government  to  guide  our  troops.  They 
occupied  the  northeast  corner  room  of  the  Sutler's 
building  which  was  being  used  as  a  small  hay  mow 
when  Mr.  Hunton  pointed  it  out  to  the  writer  about 
1919.  At  that  time  the  north  end  of  this  historic 
building,  made  ol  adobe  bricks  and  imderstood  to 
be  the  first  permanent  structure  in  what  is  now  the 
state  ol  Wyoming,  was  a  horse  barn.  It  has  since 
been  restored  and  preserved  by  the  National  Park 
Service.  But  in  1919  the  main  room  ol  the  old  store 
still  had  its  counters  along  the  walls,  there  were  still 
some  articles  of  ancient  merchandise  on  its  dusty 
shelves,  bundles  ol  undelivered  letters  in  its  aban- 
doned post  office  and  a  stack  of  bullalo  hides,  rotted 
with  age  imtil  they  tore  apart  like  tissue  paper,  were 
piled  in  one  corner  ol  the  room  from  floor  to  ceil- 
ing. 

In  1870  Hunton  took  a  contract  to  supply  Fort 
Laramie  with  firewood,  and  his  government  contracts 
expanded  steadily  during  the  next  ten  years  into  big 
business  lor  that  period.  In  addition  to  wood  he 
supplied  hay,  beel,  charcoal,  lime  and  other  commodi- 
ties to  Fort  Fetterman  and  Camp  McKinney  as  well 
as  to  Fort  Laramie,  and  hauled  Ireight  with  oxen  from 
Medicine  Bow  Station  to  Fetterman,  Ft.  Steele,  Ft. 
Phil  Kearny,  Ft.  Reno,  Ft.  Smith  and  other  early  mili- 
tar)'  installations. 

In  1871  he  became  half  owner,  in  partnership 
with  W.  G.  Bullock,  of  the  SO  cattle,  understood  to 
be  the  first  herd  in  this  area,  aside  from  work  oxen. 
This  herd,  according  to  Hunton,  was  started  in  1868 
by  a  man  named  Mills  who  brotight  the  stock  Irom 
northern  Kansas. 

Hunton  was  the  last  post  trader  at  old  Fort 
Laramie;  he  was  one  ol  the  first  and  also  one  ol  the 
last  commissioners  ol  Laramie  County  when  it  em- 
braced the  present  counties  ol  Goshen  and  Platte. 
Most  ol  the  early  settlers  in  that  area  proved  up  on 
their  homesteads  belore  him  when  he  was  United 
States  C6mmissioner  from  1892  to  1907.  As  a  civil 
engineer,  largely  sell-taught,  he  participated  in  the 
original  survey  ol  north  central  and  western  Wyo- 
ming when  it  was  mostly  an  uncharted  wilderness 
area,  and  he  planned  and  surveyed  many  of  the  earli- 


est private  reservoirs  and  irrigation  systems  in  south- 
eastern Wyoming. 

On  one  of  our  rides  together-  .  .  .  ,  [Hunton] 
expressed  himself  to  the  writer  as  considering  the  white 
man  primarily  responsible  lor  the  Indian  wars.  He 
said  the  tribesmen  were  originally  a  dignified,  trust- 
ing people  who  kept  their  word  and  agreements  and 
were  inclined,  for  the  most  part,  to  be  friendly  until 
alter  they  had  been  lied  to,  cheated  and  treated  with 
contempt  by  their  white  brothers,  or  at  least  by  some 
ol  them.  But  he  also  pointed  out  that  once  their 
confidence  had  been  destroyed,  the  Indians  not  only 
learned  and  embraced  the  civilized  arts  of  treachery 

and  deceit they  added  to  them  certain  distinctive 

techniques  of  savage  cruelty  and  cunning  which  made 
warlare  on  the  plains  a  fearsome  thing. 

The  Grattan  Massacre^ 

The  Laramie  River  flows  into  the  North  Platte 
about  two  miles  below  (east)  ol  Fort  Laramie.  Start- 
ing some  distance  below  this  point,  their  lodges 
stretching  lor  miles  along  the  Platte,  was  an  encamp- 
ment of  several  thousand  Indians,  various  bands  and 
tribes  ol  the  Sioux  Nation.  The  year  was  1854.  It 
was  the  month  of  August. 

They  had  gathered  lor  their  annual  handout  of 
goods  and  supplies,  due  them  Irom  the  United  States 

-  Hunton  and  my  grandfather  used  to  "ride  the  range"  together 
in  a  bucivboard  on  business  or  just  for  relaxation.  During  these 
outings,  Hunton  would  occasionally  speak  of  his  life,  times, 
and  views,  including  the  perspective  sympathetic  to  Native 
Americans  that  echoes  reasons  discussed  in  this  article's  narra- 
tives for  their  adoption  ot  savage  wavs. 

'  My  grandhither  described  the  following  events  In  his  books 
even  though  they  took  place  a  tew  years  before  Hunton  came 
to  Fort  Laramie.  However,  this  narrative  sets  the  stage  for  Pat's 
other  passages  about  the  quarter-century  of  hostilities  on  the 
plains  that  the  massacre  precipitated  and  their  significant  im- 
p.act  on  Hunton's  life,  all  of  which  started  with  the  seemingly 
trivial  killing  ot  a  "lame  and  half-starved  old  cow"  abandoned 
by  its  emigrant  owner.  The  major  report  on  the  Grattan 
Masssacte  appears  in  House  Executive  Document  63  (Serial 
788),  33  Cong.,  2nd  Session,  pp.  1-27.  For  more  information 
about  the  "Grattan  Massacre"  see  George  E.  Hyde,  Spotted  Ta'd'i 
Folk:  A  History  of  the  Brule  Sioux  (Norman:  Universit)'  ot  Okla- 
homa Press,  1974),  pp.  31-32,  50-58;  Robert  W.  Larson,  Red 
Cloud;  Warrior-Statesman  of  the  Lakota  Sioux  (Norman:  Univer- 
sity of  Oklahoma  Press,  1997),  pp.  67-68,  71,  75;  and  Robert 
M.  Utiey,  Frontiersmen  in  Blue:  The  United  States  Army  and  the 
Indian,  18-^8-1865  (Lincoln:  University  of  Nebraska  Press, 
1981),  pp.   113-15. 


Annals  of  VVvomirq:  The  '.'Vvo.thpq  Historv  Journai  -  Si/^'ri-er  ; 


government  under  treat)'.  The  date  set  for  distribu- 
tion was  long  past.  They  had  been  waiting  tor  weeks. 
Their  goods  were  stored  several  miles  upstream  in  a 
warehouse  at  what  was  known  as  the  Gratiot  Houses, 
a  trading  post  also  called  Fort  John,  a  short  distance 
east  of-  Fort  Laramie  —  but  the  Indian  Agent,  Major 
J.  W.  Whitfield,  had  not  arrived  to  issue  them.  Each 
day  the  Indians  had  to  drive  their  ponies  a  greater 
distance  for  trrass.  Each  dav  their  hunters  had  to  rantre 
in  ever-widening  circles  in  search  of  game  for  the 
cooking  pots.  They  were  tmderstandahlv  restless  and 
provoked. 

Also  running  near  the  Platte,  almost  within  sight 
of  these  Indians,  was  the  emigrant  route  generally 
known  as  the  C^res,on  Trail,  o\'er  which  an  almost 
constant  stream  of  covered  wagons  plodded  their 
weary  way  wesr^vard.  This  trail  was  known  among 
the  Indians  as  "The  Holv  Road"  because  of  the  terms 
of  a  trearv'  between  the  Siotix  and  the  white  men 
made  on  Florse  Creek,  near  Fort  Laramie,  in  18S1. 
This  treaty  provided  that  the  red  men  would  not  at- 
tack or  molest  the  white  mans  wagon  trains  travel- 
ing this  trail;  that  if  Indians  should  steal  from  the 
emigrants,  the  chiefs  would  see  that  full  restitution 
was  made;  that  if  the  whites  stole  from  the  Indians, 
the  government  would  recompense  them  for  their 
loss.  In  return  for  this  safe  passage,  the  United  States 
promised  to  issue  the  Sioux  tribes  $^0,000  worth  of 
goods  each  year  —  deliverv  to  be  made  near  Fort 
Laramie.  It  was  a  touchy  situation,  an  uneasv  truce, 
marred  by  some  incidents  on  both  sides  —  but  it 
worked  pretU' well,  the  wagon  trains  had  gotten  safely 
through,  until  this  lame  and  half-starved  old  cow  came 
staggering  along  the  afternoon  of  August  18,  1854. 

She  belonged  to  a  .  .  .  wagon  train,  which  left  her 
behind  when  she  could  no  longer  keep  up.  A  young 
Miniconjou  brave  named  F^igh  Forehead,  on  his  way 
to  visit  the  camp  of  the  Brules  nearby,  discovered  the 
cow,  down,  helpless  and  apparently  abandoned.  F^e 
promptly  slaughtered  her,  summoned  some  of  his 
Brule  friends,  and  they  had  a  feast.  The  wagon  train 
proceeded  to  Fort  Laramie,  [where]  the  owner  of  the 
cow  reported  her  stolen  by  Indians  and  demanded 
compensation. 

Conquering  Bear,  chief  of  the  Brules,  also  heard 
of  the  incident  and  realizina;  it  mi2;ht  be  considered  a 


violation  of  the  treaty,  immediately  went  to  Fort 
Laramie  and  offered  a  pony  as  restitution  for  the  cow. 
Old  records  indicate  that  a  good  horse  was  worth  at 
least  two  good  cows  alons;  the  trail. 

LJnfortimateK',  most  of  the  officers  and  men  on 
duty  at  Fort  Laramie  were  absent,  leaving  only  a  skel- 
eton garrison  in  the  post  and  Lt.  LIugh  B.  Fleming 
in  temporarv  command.  Lt.  Fleming,  a  voung  of- 
ficer, was  apparcntK'  reluctant  to  make  a  decision  in 
the  matter  and  C'onquerimi  Bear,  unable  to  siet  an 
answer  to  his  offer,  returned  to  his  camp  and  held  a 
night  conference  with  other  head  men.  EarK'  next 
morning,  Man  Afraid  of  F^is  Horses  —  although  some 
translations  say  it  should  be  Man  Afraid  of  His 
Woman  —  a  sort  of  over-chief  among  the  Sioux, 
returned  with  a  small  delegation  to  the  Fort  and  re- 
newed the  offer.  Again  they  could  get  no  decision 
from  Lt.  Fleming,  who  left  them  cooling  their  heels 
all  morning  and  into  the  earh'  afterin)on. 

Now  comes  the  most  amazing  and  difficult  to 
understand  part  of  the  whole  proceedings.  Although 
refusing  to  accept  ftdl  restitution  for  the  cow  as  the 
treaty  provided,  Lt.  Fleming  instead  authorized  Lt. 
John  L.  Cirattan  to  take  a  detail  to  arrest  High  Fore- 
head, which  he  had  not  authoritv  to  do,  and  then 
washed  his  hands  of  the  whole  affair.  Grattan,  a  green 
and  hot-headeci  24-vear-old,  just  graduated  from  West 
Point,  started  celebrating  his  first  command  with  a 
bottle  while  assembling  his  expedition  —  a  wagon, 
two  12-lb.  cannon,  a  sergeant,  25  privates,  and  2 
band  musicians.  When  Chief  Man  Afraid  and  his 
delegation  saw  this  column  cross  the  Laramie  and 
head  toward  the  Indian  encampment  about  2  p.m., 
with  Lt.  Grattan  and  Lucian  Auguste,  a  half-breed 
interpreter  mtich  hated  hv  the  Indians,  at  its  head, 
they  were  disturbed  and  decided  to  trail  along.  What 
they  observed  was  not  reassuring.  I  he  interpreter 
was  obviouslv  drunk,  and  at  least  some  of  the  sol- 
diers were  nipping  from  a  bottle  of  their  own. 

The  first  stop  was  at  the  Gratiot  Houses  store- 
room, where  Lt.  Grattan  told  the  clerks  and  [a]  few 
soldiers  on  guard  about  his  mission,  while  interpreter 
Auguste  galloped  his  horse  among  the  Indians  out- 
side, shouting  insults  and  brandishing  his  pistol.  As 
they  came  to  each  band  of  Indians,  Grattan  issued 
orders  for  them  to  stay  in  camp,  which  Auguste  passed 


6     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


on,  embellished  with  more  threats  and  insults. 

The  next  stop  was  at  the  Bordeaux  Trading  Post, 
.  .  .  ,  where  Grattan  told  James  Bordeaux  to  send  for 
Conquering  Bear.  While  they  awaited  his  arrival, 
Auguste  continued  his  campaign  of  insults  and  threats 
among  the  Indians  in  the  area.  Bordeatix,  who  of 
course  understood  the  Sioux  language  as  well  as  En- 
glish, was  greatly  alarmed  and  told  Grattan  the  man 
[Auguste]  had  to  be  stopped  or  trouble  was  sure  to 
follow.  He  also  told  the  lieutenant  il  he  would  put 
Auguste  inside  the  post  away  from  the  Indians  that 
he,  Bordeaux,  could  settle  the  whole  thing  in  30  min- 
utes.  Grattan  took  no  action. 

When  Conquering  Bear  arrived,  Grattan  de- 
manded that  he  surrender  High  Forehead.  The  Bear 
told  him  High  Forehead  was  not  a  member  ol  his 
tribe,  merely  a  visitor  at  his  camp,  and  he  had  no 
authority  over  him  or  to  surrender  him.  The  Brule 
chief  also  increased  his  olfer  ol  indemnity  to  several 
ponies,  and  Bordeaux  and  other  white  men  present 
all  urged  Grattan  to  delay  further  action  until  the 
Indian  Agent  arrived. 

Lt.  Grattan's  answer  was  to  march  his  men  right 
into  the  Brule  camp,  point  his  cannon  at  Conquer- 
ing Bear's  lodge,  line  his  men  up  on  both  sides,  order 
them  to  cap  their  rifles  and  be  ready  to  fire.  He  then 
stepped  forward  and  told  the  Brule  chief  he  intended 
to  personally  search  the  camp  and  arrest  his  man. 
Bear  said  that  would  be  a  bad  thing  to  do,  and  of- 
fered a  mule,  worth  at  least  tAvo  horses,  in  addition  to 
the  ponies  —  many  times  the  value  ot  any  cow.  The 
pow-wow  continued.  Augustes  interpreting  became 
more  inaccurate  and  insulting  to  both  sides.  Then 
suddenly  High  Forehead  stepped  from  one  of  the 
lodges,  shouted  to  Grattan  he  would  not  surrender 
but  was  not  afraid  to  die,  and  [was]  ready  to  fight 
[Grattan]  to  the  death. 

Meanwhile,  from  the  root  ol  his  trading  post, 
Bordeaux  and  several  other  white  men  could  see  that 
braves  from  the  other  tribes  had  quietly  surrounded 
Grattan  on  both  flanks  and  the  rear.  They  persuaded 
Bordeaux  to  go  and  replace  Auguste  as  interpreter  to 
prevent  a  fight.  Bordeatix  jumped  on  his  horse  and 
started,  but  he  was  too  late. 

Several  scattering  shots  were  fired  and  one  In- 
dian fell.  The  Bear  shouted  at  his  Brules  to  hold  their 


fire,  that  maybe  the  white  men  would  go  away.  In- 
stead, Grattan  stepped  back  into  line,  grabbed  the 
lanyard  of  one  cannon,  and  signaled  his  men  to  fire. 
The  cannon  were  pointed  a  little  too  high  and  their 
balls  whistled  harmlessly  over  the  tepees,  but  at  the 
first  volley  Conquering  Bear,  who  had  tried  so  hard 
to  prevent  a  clash,  foil  mortally  wounded.  The  Brules, 
gathered  about  their  foUen  chieftain,  responded  with 
a  flight  of  arrows.  Lt.  Grattan  was  one  of  the  first  to 
go  down  —  his  body  carried  24  arrows  when  recov- 
ered. The  interpreter  and  a  soldier  holding  Grattan's 
horse  galloped  off  toward  the  Holy  Road  at  the  first 
shot  and  were  next  to  be  killed.  Several  men  piled 
into  the  wagon  and  the  driver  whipped  his  horses 
back  over  the  trail.  Indians  covering  the  rear  took 
care  of  them.  The  remaining  15  or  20  soldiers  re- 
treated over  rough  ground  to  the  base  of  a  brush- 
covered  hill  and,  for  a  time,  their  fire  held  most  of 
the  warriors  beyond  arrow  range.  But  when  they 
made  a  dash  from  their  cover  across  a  flat  stretch 
toward  the  Holy  Road,  hundreds  of  mounted  war- 
riors charged  and  hacked  them  down.  Within  a  few 
hours  after  those  thirty  men  had  left  Fort  Laramie, 
full  of  high  spirits  in  more  ways  than  one,  all  were 
dead. 

The  now  thoroughly-enraged  warriors  spared 
Bordeaux  and  his  family  because  he  was  a  brother-in- 
law  of  the  tribe  and  long-time  friend,  and  [the  Brules] 
failed  to  find  the  several  white  men  hidden  on  his 
roof  But  they  rampaged  through  the  night,  swear- 
ing death  to  all  whites.  Next  morning  they  rode  up- 
river  to  the  warehouse  where  their  goods  were  stored 
—  and  from  which  the  few  soldiers  and  clerks  had 
discreetly  retired  —  helped  themselves  to  what  they 
wanted  and  scattered  most  of  the  goods  —  flour,  sugar, 
bacon,  etc.  —  from  the  shelves  in  a  fury  of  destruc- 
tion. Then  on  they  went  to  Fort  Laramie,  where 
some  say  they  made  a  token  attack,  others  that  they 
contented  themselves  with  circling  the  Fort  on  their 
ponies  and  driving  off  all  loose  stock.  On  the  third 
day,  they  struck  their  great  camp  on  the  Platte  and 
returned  to  their  various  hunting  grounds. 

So  it  was  not  until  the  fourth  day  that  a  civilian 
and  military  burial  party  was  able  to  reach  the  scene 
of  the  massacre.  What  they  found  was  not  pretty. 
The  slain  had  been  mutilated  beyond  recognition. 


Anna's  of  VVyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Si:"imer  2J04 


Hot  August  sunshine  had  done  the  rest.  Only  the 
body  of-  Lt.  G rattan  was  returned  to  the  post  tor 
burial.  It  was  identified  by  a  watch  he  was  carrying. 
The  rest  were  quickly  covered  in  one  common,  shal- 
low grave.  The  incident  triggered  a  quarter-century 
of  intermittent  savage  warhire  on  the  plains  .  .  . 

About  1920,  .  .  .  John  Hunton  showed  the  writer 
this  common  grave.  It  was  a  depression  about  IS 
feet  in  diameter  and  perhaps  3  teet  deep  in  the  cen- 
ter. The  surroimding  land  was  still  brush-covered 
river  bottom.  He  told  us  it  had  been  a  moimd  when 
he  first  came  to  the  coimtry  in  1 867.  I  he  winds  ol 
more  than  hah  a  centurv  had  hollowed  it  out.  Mr. 
Himton  stepped  into  the  depression  and  scratched 
around  with  his  cane.  He  unearthed  a  tarnished  brass 
button,  a  uniform  collar  insignia,  and  what  appeared 
to  be  a  piece  ot  arm  bone  and  a  human  tooth.  We 
reburied  these  evidences  of  an  ancient  tragedy  in  the 
dust}'  earth  and  went  away  from  there. 

An  Ill-fated  Trek  to  Washington 

Tuci.,  Mar  23  [1S~5]  -  Expedition  under  Capt.  Mix 
started  to  bring  minen  out  of  Blaek  Hills...  Considerahle 
exeitenie)it  about  Blk.  Hills. . . 

The  above  long-past  and  forgotten  minor  mili- 
tan'  movement  was  a  prelude  to  major  war  with  the 
Sioux,  which  was  to  follow  discoven'  of  gold  in  the 
Black  Hills  [of  South  Dakota]  and  the  rush  of  thou- 
sands of  miners  into  that  area,  which  the  Indians  con- 
sidered a  violation  of  their  territory  and  of  their  peace 
treaties  with  the  white  man. 

It  is  difficult  tt)  imagine  the  .  .  .  [magnitude  of 
this  mass  migration]  from  all  over  the  nation  —  men 
lured  by  the  magic  word  "gold,"  with  their  dreams  of 
quick  and  easy  wealth,  and  the  women  who  always 
follow  the  path  of  such  ad\enturers.  Newspaper  sto- 
ries and  other  records  of  the  day  show  that  [before 
the  rush  was  over],  large  organized  groups  from  the 
states  of  Maine,  Connecticut,  Wisconsin,  Missouri, 
Michigan,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  Illinois,  Tennes- 
see, Louisiana,  and  New  York  —  to  mention  a  few 
—  flooded  into  Che\'enne  .  .  .  ,  all  clawing  their  way 
toward  that  Promised  Land.  Huntons  [entries  in  his 
diaries  for  that  "feverish  period"  indicate  that]  .  .  .  4- 


horse  and  6-horse  coaches  [were]  passing  through  Bor- 
deaux at  all  hours  of  the  day  and  night  .  .  . 

[At  first,  the  Sioux  used  peaceful  means  in  tr\ing 
to  persuade  the  white  man  to  honor  the  treaties  and 
stem  the  flow  of  tiold-crazed  miners,  as  discussed  be- 


low. 


Fri.  May  ~  /I8~5J — Louis  Loub  passed,  said  Indians 
were  on  way  to  Washington  .  .  . 

Sat,  May  8  —  Making  fenee.    Indians  passed  going  to 
Washington  .  .  . 

The  above  laconic  entries  were  the  prelude  to 
considerable  history.  We  are  indebted  to  [the  late] 
Hon.  Joseph  C.  O'Mahone)',  chairman  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Indian  Affairs  .  .  .  ,  the  Librarv  of 
Congress,  [the  Annual  Reports  of  the  Commissioner 
of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  years  1874  -  1877,  and  the 
Washington  Star]  for  much  of  the  following  infor- 
mation concerning  that  delegation  of  Indian  chief- 
tains who  passed  through  Huntons  Road  Ranch  at 
Bordeaux  that  May  dav  ...  on  their  way  to  see  the 
Great  White  Father  in  Washington.  They  were 
headed  bv  Chief  Red  C:ioud.  ' 


For  more  informjtion  .ibout  Red  Cloud  see  Robert  i\1. 
L'tle)',  The  Lance  and  the  Shield:  The  Life  and  Times  of  Sit- 
ting Bull  (New  York:  Henry  Hoir,  1993);  and  Larson,  Red 
Cloud. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


Others  in  Red  Cloud's  delegation,  according  to 
Washington  records,  were:  American  Horse,  Little 
Wound,  Shoulder,  Conquering  Bear  [not  to  be  con- 
fused with  the  chief  Conquering  Bear  who  was  killed 
during  the  Grattan  fiasco  described  above].  Face  Sit- 
ting Bull,  Trail  Lance,  East  Thunder,  Black  Bear,  Iron 
Horse,  Pawnee  Killer,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bad  Wound. 
In  all  there  were  three  delegations  from  the  Sioux 
Nations  which  converged  on  Washington  that  spring, 
the  other  r\vo  being  led  by  Lone  Horn,  chief  of  the 
Minneconjous,  and  Chief  Spotted  Tail. 

Three  Indian  Agents,  Maj.  H.  W  Bingham,  J.  J. 
Saville,  and  E.  A.  Howard  accompanied  the  delega- 
tions, and  William  Garnett  and  Louis  Bordeaux  went 
along  as  interpreters.  They  arrived  in  Washington 
on  the  I6th  and  17th  of  May  and  were  quartered  at 
the  Tremont  House. 

Chief  Red  Cloud  and  the  delegations  first  met 
President  Grant  at  the  White  House  on  May  19th, 
but  after  greeting  them,  the  President  said  he  was  too 
busy  to  discuss  their  problems  that  day  and  shunted 
them  along  to  talk  with  the  Commissioner  of  Indian 
Affairs  and  the  Secretar}'  of  the  Interior  —  a  real  case 
of  "passing  the  Buck"  if  there  ever  was  one. 

This  brush-off  seemed  to  anno\'  the  big  chiefs. 
Lone  Horn  is  reported  to  have  "informed  the  Presi- 
dent that  he  and  his  forefathers  had  owned  all  of  this 
country  at  one  time,  and  that  he  was  claiming  entire 
ownership,  as  of  that  day,  tor  the  Indians,"  and  they 
were  "fully  prepared  to  fight  for  their  rights."  Next 
Spotted  Tail  and  Red  Cloud  chimed  in  and  said,  "with 
angr\'  gestures  that  unless  he  appointed  a  day  very 
soon  to  meet  with  them,  he,  the  President,  would  be 
sorry."  But  .  .  .  Grant,  it  seems,  just  wasn't  in  any 
mood  for  pow-wowing  and  "with  this  the  entire  del- 
egation marched  out." 

At  a  subsequent  meeting  with  the  Indian  Com- 
missioner, "Red  Cloud  spoke  first,  maintaining  that 
the  white  man  had  told  him  many  lies,  and  he  had 
come  to  Washington  to  find  the  truth  from  'The  Great 
White  Father'."  He  received  a  promise  they  could 
see  the  President  some  other  day. 

On  May  21st,  "the  delegation  and  their  inter- 
preters appeared  at  the  Commissioner's  office  to  de- 
mand a  change  of  quarters  from  the  Tremont  House 
to  the  Washington  House,  maintaining  that  their 


rooms  were  too  small."  The  Commissioner's  long 
reply  to  this  complaint  added  up  to  "no  soap,"  and 
the  Indians  went  away  mad  again.  At  one  confer- 
ence. Lone  Horn  complained  "they  did  not  have 
enough  food  on  their  reservation  nor  weapons  with 
which  to  obtain  food."  The  Commissioner's  come- 
back was  that  Lone  Horn's  band  was  short  of  food 
because  they  "entertained  and  supported  other  Indi- 
ans"  —  and  the  request  for  guns  was  turned  down 
because  "Bad  Indians"  might  get  them.  It  is  not  sur- 
prising that  the  boys  began  to  feel  they  were  getting 
no  place  fast.  On  one  of  these  occasions,  the  Com- 
missioner asked  Spotted  Tail  how  he  felt  about  the 
situation,  and  the  chief  replied,  "I  don't  brag  about 
the  Black  Hills  countr\'  when  I  am  talking  to  white 
men,  but  I  love  it  and  don't  want  to  leave. " 

Finally,  on  May  26th,  they  got  their  interview 
with  President  Grant,  and  the  old  general  lost  no 
time  in  laving,  down  the  law  of  might  makes  right. 
He  is  quoted  in  part  as  saying:  "They  must  see  that 
the  white  people  outnumber  the  Indians  two  hun- 
dred to  one  in  the  territories  of  the  United  States. 
This  number  is  increasing  rapidly  and  before  many 
years,  it  will  be  impossible  to  fix  the  limits  where  the 
Indians  can  prevent  the  white  people  from  going.  It 
will  soon  become  necessary  for  white  people  to  go  to 
countries,  whether  occupied  by  Indians  or  not,  the 
same  as  thev  go  from  one  state  to  another." 

And  so  Red  Cloud  and  his  red  Brothers  got  the 
truth  from  their  "Great  White  Father."  The  Presi- 
dent then  proceeded  to  "  .  .  .  point  out  to  them  the 
advantages  both  to  themselves  and  [their]  children  if 
they  enter  into  an  agreement  I  shall  propose  to  them. 
There  is  a  territory  south  of  where  they  now  live, 
where  game  and  grass  is  better,  and  where  whites  can 
be  sent  among  them  to  teach  them  the  arts  of  civili- 
zation. This  year  there  has  been  great  difficulty  in 
keeping  the  white  people  from  the  Black  Hills  in 
search  of  gold  .  .  .  Each  recurring  year  this  same  diffi- 
culty will  be  encountered  unless  the  right  to  go  to 
that  country  is  granted  by  the  Indians.  In  the  end, 
this  purpose  to  get  into  that  country  may  lead  to 
hostilities  between  the  whites  and  the  Indians  with- 
out any  special  faults  on  either  side. "  President  Grant 
then  ended  the  interview  by  saying,  "I  want  the  Indi- 
ans to  think  of  what  I  have  said  to  them.     I  don't 


Annals  of  VVvomina  The  '.''."■. omina  HistOTv  Jou'nai  -  Sjn^mer  2C.'- 


want  them  to  talk  today,  hut  to  speak  freely  with  the 
Sectetar)'  ot  the  Interiot  and  the  Commissioner  of 
Indian  AHairs. 

The\'  met  with  Secretary  of  the  Interior  Delano 
and  Commissioner  Smith  on  May  27th  and  were 
given  some  more  blunt  advice.  After  telling  them 
how  good  it  was  for  the  Indians  to  be  at  peace  with 
the  whites  and  pointing  out  that  the  government  was 
spending  $1,200,000  annually  on  supplies  iov  the 
Sioux,  the  Secretarv  threatened  discontinuance  of 
further  aid  unless  they  accepted  the  government's  of- 
fer, being  quoted  as  saving,  "Now  if  vou  don't  do 
what  is  ris;ht,  Cono;ress  will  retuse  to  "ive  you  any 
more  aid.'  (  .  .  .  That  still  seems  to  ha\'e  a  familiar 
echo  in  some  of  toda\''s  official  statements  concern- 
ing our  foreign  economic  policy). 

And  what  was  the  government's  offer  for  the 
Black  Hills  and  other  concessions?  "Commissioner 
Smith  then  stated  that  Congress  would  give  them 
S23,000  for  their  land  and  send  them  into  Indian 
Territory  to  settle.  '  No,  friend,  we  didn't  leave  off 
any  ciphers.  $23,000  .  .  .  was  the  government's  of- 
fer. 

Spotted  Fail's  repK'  to  Secretary  Delano's  propo- 
sition was  something  of  an  oration,  its  logic  wtirth\', 
in  our  opinion,  of  presen'ation  and  was  as  follows: 

My  father.  I  have  coundcrcd  all  the  (iieiit  F,ither  told 
me.  iVid  hiire  eoiiie  here  to  give  ]'(iii  all  iiinirer  .  .  .  When 
I  ii'iii  here  before,  the  President  gave  me  my  eomitry.  and 
I  put  my  itake  down  in  a  good  phiee.  and  there  I  want  to 
stay  .  .  .  I  respeet  the  Treaty  (doubtless  referring  to  tlie 
Treaty'  of  1868)  but  the  white  men  wlio  eome  in  our 
country  do  not.  You  speak  of  anotlier  eountry,  but  it  is 
not  my  country:  it  does  not  eoiwern  nie.  and  I  want 
noticing  to  do  witlt  it.  I  was  luit  born  there  .  .  .  If  it  is 
such  a  good  eountry.  you  ought  to  send  the  white  men 
now  in  our  eountry  tin-re  and  let  us  alone  .  .  . 

Wrangling  ct)ntinued  on  a  number  of  minor 
points,  including  interpretation  of  the  terms  of  the 
Trean,'  of  1808,  but  the  Indians  refused  to  si^n  any 
new  treat}'  or  agreement  until  they  had  tetiuned  home 
to  consult  with  their  people  .  .  .  |Thev]  left  Washing- 
ton empty-handed  on  June  4th. 

Had  a  successful  solution  been  found,  the  great 
Indian  wars  of  1876  mio;ht  not  have  been  fought. 


and  there  would  have  been  no  Custer  Massacre.  For 
a  time,  our  government  did  try,  unsuccessfully,  to 
stop  the  tide,  according  to  most  historians  —  but  the 
magic  word  "Cold  "  was  too  powerful  a  drug,  then  as 
now  In  yain  did  Washington  issue  its  proclamations. 
In  vain  did  our  troops  tn,'  to  block  the  trails  .  .  .  [but 
in  retrospect],  perhaps  no  human  power  could  ha\'e 
stemmed  that  ant-like,  gold-crazed  horde. 

So  the  Indians  fought  and  thousands  died  .  .  . 
But  [their]  cause  was  hopeless.  Ihe  strength  of  the 
Sioux  was  broken.  President  Crant  "spoke  with  a 
straisrht  tongue "  —  the  odds  were  too  "teat. 

The  Saga  of  Fallen  Leaf  ^ 

rhe  legend  of  Ah-ho-appa  (Fallen  Leaf)  and  of 
her  father  Shan-tag-alisk  (Chief  Spotted  fail  of  the 
Brule  Sioux)  has  been  often  told  in  song  and  story, 
and  in  many  wavs.  At  least  part  of  it  is  true.  It  is  a 
sttange  tale  of  intermingled  fact  and  fanc\'  abt)ut  a 
girl  who  wanted  to  li\'e  and  lo\'e  in  a  world  of  which 
she  was  not  a  part  —  and  of  her  father,  a  remarkable 
leader  of  men. 

In  the  simimer  of  l'-)28,  a  few  months  before  his 
death,  |ohn  Himton  was  interviewed  at  C^ld  Fort 
Latamie  b\'  Joseph  C.  Masters.  He  showed  Mr.  Mas- 
ters where  Ah-ho-appa  had  been  buried  on  a  scaffold 
and  told  him  what  he  knew  of  the  circumstances. 
Mr.  Mastets  then  wrote  a  newspaper  feature  story 
about  her.  In  I  '-HiO,  Russell  Ihorp  of  C'he\enne  sent 
[my  grandfather]  a  clipping  of  that  stor\'  and  .  .  . 
photographs  of  the  scaffolding  which  held  her  remains 
for  many  years.  .  .  and  of  her  father. 

Ah-ho-appa  must  have  been  a  lonely  girl,  not  in 
phwsical  or  spiritual  harmon\-  with  her  own  people, 
or  so  the  legend  "oes.     Since  she  did  not  feel  and 


^^  The  niilitan'  and  emigrants"  lust  tor  land.  gold,  and  adventure 
were  not  the  onlv  forces  that  threatened  the  Sioux'  way  ot  lite 
duriiig  this  bjgone  era.  For  instance,  some  ot  them  were 
lured  troni  their  tribes  b\'  a  tascination  tor  the  "white  man" 
and  his  culture.  In  his  works,  mv  grandtather  presented  the 
tollowing  case  in  point,  the  sad  stop,-  ot  an  obsessed  maiden. 
Fallen  Leat,  and  her  tather.  Spotted  Tail,  whose  "ill-fated"  jour- 
ney to  Washington  in  187S  with  other  chiettains  and  their 
delegations  w.is  previousK  described  in  this  article.  For  more 
intormation  about  Ah-ho-appa  see  Wilson  O.  Clough,  "Mini- 
aku.  Daughter  ot  Spotted  Tail,  Atiihils  of  Wyoming  1  (Oct. 
1967):  187-216;  and  Hyde,  Spotted  Tad's  Folk.  pp.  108-110. 


10    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


think  as  they  did,  she  could  not  be  one  with  them. 
And  from  the  whites,  whom  she  admired  and  appar- 
ently wished  to  emulate,  she  was  set  apart  by  the 
chasms  ot  heredit)',  skin  color,  and  prejudice. 

Thus  it  was  that  during  a  long  visit  at  Fort  Laramie 
about  1864,  she  would  sit,  day  after  day,  alone  and 
apart,  on  a  bench  at  the  Sutler's  store,  observing  all 
that  went  on  —  thinking  who  knows  what  thoughts 
and  experiencing  who  knows  what  lutile  longings. 
Some  stories  say  she  was  secretly  in  love  with  one  of 
the  dashing  young  officers.  As  to  that,  this  writer  has 
no  evidence. 

It  is  said  the  daily  ceremony  oi  guard  moimt  al- 
ways held  her  enthralled,  and  that  the  soldiers  took 
pride  in  putting  it  on  with  special  dash  —  just  for 
her.  To  them  she  was  "The  Princess,"  set  apart  by  her 
grave  reserve  and  dignity. 

And  then  one  day.  Spotted  Tail  led  his  people 
north,  back  to  the  Powder  River  country,  and  took 
his  daughter  with  him  —  away  from  Fort  Laramie, 
which  she  never  saw  again  in  life.  After  her  depar- 
tiue,  at  a  gathering  of  officers  at  the  old  fort,  one  of 
them  claimed  to  have  known  Ah-ho-appa  in  earlier 
years  and  said  that  even  as  a  small  girl,  she  had  sworn 
ne\er  to  marry  an  Indian,  and  she  never  did,  al- 
though legend  has  it  that  some  of  the  rich  young 
braves  of  the  tribe  offered  Shan-tag-alisk  as  many  as 
200  ponies  for  her  hand.  Another  story  is  that  on 
one  occasion,  a  Blackfoot  warrior  attempted  to  carry 
her  off  by  force  and  she  cut  him  up  with  her  knife  to 
the  point  of  death.  Spotted  Tail  took  such  pride  in 
this  exploit  that  he  never  attempted  to  force  her  into 
marriage. 

General  Harney  is  said  to  have  once  presented 
her  with  a  little  red  book  which,  although  she  could 
not  read  or  even  speak  English,  became  one  of  her 
most  treasured  possessions.  She  dressed  herself  as  a 
young  man,  liked  to  carry  a  gun  like  her  father,  and 
performed  none  of  the  squaws'  menial  tasks. 

Two  years  after  her  departure  from  Fort  Laramie 
found  Ah-ho-appa  dying  in  a  lonely  tepee  on  the 
Powder.  Some  said  it  was  consumption  —  others  a 
broken  heart.  Shan-tag-alisk,  in  desperate  grief,  prom- 
ised to  take  her  back  to  Fort  Laramie  in  the  spring 
(1866),  but  Indian  tradition,  handed  down  from  gen- 
eration to  generation,  has  it  that  she  told  her  father 


how  much  she  would  love  to  go,  but  that  it  was  too 


late. 


And  so  she  languished  and  died  —  but  not  until 
after  a  promise  from  Spotted  Tail,  that  he  would  bury 
her  on  a  hillside  near  Fort  Laramie,  where  her  spirit 
could  look  down  upon  the  old  parade  ground  and 
watch  again  the  guard  mount  she  loved  so  well  .  .  . 

They  wrapped  the  frail  body  in  smoked  deerskin 
and  placed  it  upon  two  white  ponies,  lashed  closely 
together,  for  the  week-long  journey  through  deep 
winter  snows.  A  rtmner  was  sent  ahead  by  Spotted 
Tail,  asking  officers  to  grant  his  daughter's  dying  re- 
quest for  burial  overlooking  Fort  Laramie. 

The  funeral  cavalcade,  while  still  some  fifteen 
miles  from  the  Fort,  was  met  by  a  military  escort  sent 
by  Post  Commander  Major  George  O'Brien.  It  con- 
sisted of  an  ambulance,  a  company  of  cavalry  in  dress 
uniform,  and  two  12-pound  mountain  howitzers. 
Ah-ho-appa's  mortal  remains  were  placed  in  the  am- 
bulance, her  two  white  horses  tied  behind. 


Chief  Spotted  Taif  father  of  Ah-ho-appa.  Courtesy  of  the  Grace 
Raymond  Hebard  Papers,  American  Heritage  Center,  University 
of  Wyoming. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004       1 1 


The  entire  garrison,  headed  by  Col.  Maynadicr 
oi  the  First  U.  S.  Volunteers,  turned  out  to  meet  the 
hmeral  cortege  at  the  Platte  River,  about  two  miles 
from  Fort  Laramie.  Next  da\'  the  burial  scaffold  was 
erected  on  a  gentle  slope,  hall  a  mile  or  so  north  of 
the  Fort  hospital.  It  was  made  of  stout  poles,  laced 
together  at  the  top  with  thongs  to  hold  the  coffin. 
(About  1920,  John  Hunton  took  this  writer  to  the 
site  of  that  scaffold,  some  of  which  was  still  standini;, 
with  a  few  rotting  boards  from  the  coffin  K'insr  on 
the  ground  below.) 

The  two  white  ponies  were  sacrificed,  their  heads 
and  tails  nailed  to  the  poles,  so  that  Ah-ho-appa  would 
not  be  afoot  in  the  spirit  world.  1  he  bodv,  still  in  its 
deerskin  shrtuid  and  fiuther  wrapped  in  a  red  blan- 
ket, was  then  placed  in  the  elaborately-decorated  cof- 
fin resting  on  a  caisson  and  slowly  hauled  to  the  scaf- 
fold, escorted  bv  the  garrison  in  dress  array. 

Post  Chaplain  Wright  conducted  a  formal  white 
man's  burial  service.  When  he  had  finished,  Spotted 
Tail  indicated  he  wanted  his  daughter  buried  in  the 
Indian  way.  He  wanted  to  find  her  in  the  red  man's 
happy  hunting  ground  and  be  reunited  with  her 
there.  He  did  not  want  her  lost  to  him  forever  in  the 
white  man's  heaven.  His  every  wish  was  followed. 
When  the  ceremonies  were  over,  Shan-tag-alisk  cut 
what  he  doubtless  hoped  was  the  last  thread  binding 
his  daughter  to  the  white  man's  hereafter  by  return- 
ing to  Chaplain  Wright  the  parfleche  sack  contain- 
ing [the  little  army  Episcopal  pra\'er  book  given  to 
her  by  Ceneral  Harney  many  years  before]  .  .  . 

The  soldiers  were  deployed  in  a  large  square  about 
the  scaffold.  Within  that  square,  the  Indians  stood 
in  a  circle  around  the  coffin.  K4ajor  O'Brien  placed 
a  pair  of  white  kid  cavalr\'  gloves  in  the  coffin  to 
keep  Fallen  Leaf's  hands  warm  on  her  lonely  journey 
to  the  other  world,  and  also  a  new  dollar  bill  with 
which  to  buy  food  along  the  way.  Then  the  Indian 
women  came  up,  one  bv  one,  and  talked  to  her  in 
long,  earnest  whispers  —  doubtless  messages  for  her 
to  carry  on  to  their  own  departed  loved  ones.  And 
each  put  something  she  might  need  beside  her  body 
—  a  bit  of  mirror,  a  string  of  beads,  some  little  to- 
ken. 

The  lid  was  then  fastened  down,  [and]  the  squaws 
lifted  their  princess  to  the  top  of  the  scaffold  and 


lashed  a  buffalo  skin  over  all,  as  the  men  stood  by, 
mute  and  motionless.  The  soldiers,  facing  outward 
in  their  large  square,  fired  a  final  salute  of  three  vol- 
leys. Red  men  and  white  men  then  marched  back 
together  to  the  post  as  darkness  fell  and  it  began  to 
sleet  and  snow  —  that  is,  all  marched  back  except  the 
howitzer  detail,  which  remained  at  the  burial  site, 
built  a  large  fire,  and  discharged  their  cannon  even.' 
half  hoLU'  Luuil  da\'bi"eak.  Sioux  warriors  apparently 
kept  a  watchful  eye  on  the  grave  for  Jquite  some  time 
after  that]  .  .  . 

Many  years  later,  so  the  story  goes,  a  young  and 
impetuous  military  doctor  came  to  Fort  Laramie.  He 
had  the  impudence  and  appalling  lack  of  respect  to 
remove  the  bones  of  Ali-ho-appa  and  make  a  skel- 
eton of  them  for  his  office.  One  day,  scouts  brought 
word  to  the  post  that  Shan-tag-alisk,  with  a  part)'  of 
warriors,  was  approaching  to  take  away  the  remains 
of  his  child.  Post  atuhorities,  in  near  panic,  gave  the 
great,  friendh'  chief  and  his  party  a  ceremonious  wel- 
come and  persuaded  him  to  rest  overnight  at  the  Fort 
before  going  to  claim  his  daughter.  This  gave  them  a 
chance  to  replace  Fallen  Leaf's  bones  in  her  casket 
before  morning  and  remo\'e  e\  idence  that  her  grave 
had  been  violated.  Had  thc\'  failed,  old  [Spotted  Fail] 
might  have  felt  relieved  of  la  promise  he  made  to  his 
daughter  to]  .  .  .  never  again  .  .  .  make  war  on  the 
whites  —  and  who  could  have  blamed  him?  She  was 
flnalK'  btuled  tmder  a  suitable  monimient  at  the  Rose- 
bud Agency  in  South  Dakota. 

Eugene  Ware,  an  officer  who  was  present  and 
wrote  an  account  of  ]Fallen  Leaf's]  burial  at  Fort 
Laramie,  added  this  thought  to  his  record: 

Hfr  story  /s  tlw  story  of  the  persistent  inelancholy  of  tfie 
luiiihvi  niee;  of  /c/)/gs  horn  in  fiore/s  ivid  (fyiug  tliere:  of 
geniuses  horn  wlwre  genius  is  a  erinw:  of  heroes  horn 
before  their  age  lUid  dying  unsung:  of  heaury  born  wlwre 
its  gift  iCiis  fat,//;  of  inerey  horn  among  wolves;  of  states- 
nien  born  to  find  society  not  yet  ripe  for  their  labors  to 
begin,  and  bidding  tlw  world  adieu  firnn  the  scaffold. 

The  daughter  of  Shan-tag-alish  was  o>ie  of  those  indi- 
viduals found  in  all  finds,  at  all  places,  and  anun/g  all 
people;  she  was  misplaced. 


See  Eugene  F.  \C^ire,   T/ie  hidhvi  War  of  186-1  (Lincoln: 
Univer.sir)'  of  Nebrask.i  Press,  l'-)'-)^),  pp.  407-^(18. 


1 2     Annals  of  Wvominq:  The  Wyoming  HisiorA'  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


The  record  also  indicates  that  her  father  was  of 
unusual  intellect  .  .  .  with  deep  and  abiding  under- 
standing ot  himian  rights  and  ciignitv,  who  realized 
the  hitilitv  of"  war  as  an  instrument  oi"  justice.  If  his 
reasoning  and  attitudes  were  those  oi  an  "ignorant 
savage,"  perhaps  more  ol:  the  same  would  be  benefi- 
cial in  high  places  —  even  today. 

A  Brother  Lost 

Fri,  May  5  [1876]  —  Got  back  to  Milk  Ranch  about 
sunset.  Heard  of  horses  beingstolen  on  Chug  &]im  [one 
of  John  Huntoii's  brothers]  niissnig.  Went  to  Post 
[Fetterman] . 

Sat,  May  6  —  Staid  at  Post  last  night.  8  A.M.  got 
telegram  announcing  that  Jim  had  been  killed  by  Indi- 
ans.  Started  to  [Bordeaux]. 

Sun,  May  7  —  Got  to  Ranch  2  P.M.  Started  to  Chey- 
enne with  Jim's  remains  at  5  o'clock  P.M.  .  .  . 
Mon,  May  8  —  Staid  at  Kellys  last  night  .  .  .  Got  to 
Cheyenne  at  5  PM.  Arrangements  [Jor  Jim's  futieral] 
made  by  Mr  Fogelsong  and  Frank  Hunter  .  .  . 
Tues,  May  9  —  ///  town  [Cheyenne]  all  day.  BURIED 
JIM. 

The  several  [newspaper  and  other]  stories  of  how 
Jim  Hunton  was  killed  vary  considerablv  in  detail. 

Many  years  later,  John  Hunton's  own  account  of 
Jim's  killing  was  written  b\'  him  tor  the  Fort  Laramie 
Scout  xx\A  published  therein  [as  follows]  .  .  . 

.  .  .  May  4,  1876,  James  Hunton,  my  brother,  left .  .  . 
my  home  on  the  afernoon  of  that  day  to  go  to  the  ranch 
of  Charles  Cofjee,  on  Boxelder  creek  .  .  .  to  get  a  horse  he 
had  traded  for.  While  going  down  through  'the  notch'  in 
Goshen  Hole,  about  half  way  between  the  two  places,  he 
was  waylaid,  shot  atid  killed  by  five  Indian  boys,  who 
were  out  on  a  horse  stealing  expedition.  The  Indians 
then  went  to  my  ranch  .  .  .  afier  night  atid  rounded  up, 
stole  and  drove  off  every  head  of  horses  and  mules  (38)  I 
owned  except  my  saddle  horse,  which  I  had  with  me  .  .  . 
The  horse  my  brother  was  riding  ran  and  the  Indians 
could  not  catch  him  and  the  next  moriTing  was  seen  on 
top  of  the  bluff  east  of  the  ranch.  Blood  on  the  saddle  told 
the  tale  and  a  searching  party  found  the  body  that  afer- 
noon. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  John  Hunton  learned 


some  of  the  details  of  his  brother's  death  directly  from 
the  ver\'  Indians,  or  at  least  one  of  them,  who  com- 


Jim  Hunton,  the  brother  of  John  Hunton,  was  killed  in  May 
1876.  Courtesy  John  Hunton  Papers,  American  Hentage 
Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 


mitted  the  act.  One  sultry  summer  day  in  the  early 
[1920s],  jogging  to  the  "Station"  Irom  Fort  Laramie 
with  Mr.  Hunton  in  his  old  buckboard  ...  he  told 
the  writer  substantially  this  story. 

Some  time  alter  his  brother's  death,  when  there 
was  again  an  uneasy  peace  between  the  red  men  and 
the  white,  Hunton  was  present  at  an  Indian  "feast " 
—  we  do  not  know  the  date  or  place.  He  told  how 
on  occasions  the  Indians  would  gorge  themselves  with 
unbelievable  quantities  of  meat,  often  to  the  point 
where  they  would  fall  over  unconscious,  as  though 
drunk,  and  sleep  the  clock  around  where  they  lay. 
He  also  recalled  that  these  same  Indians  .  .  .  could 
travel  for  da\'s  without  food  and  apparently  suffer  no 
serious  discomfort  or  loss  of  strength. 

And  at  such  feasts  following  the  end  of  hostili- 
ties, it  was  considered  proper  and  commendable  for 


Annals  of  Wyoming  TheWyominqHistory  Journal -Summer  2004       13 


warriors  who  had  distinguished  themselves  to  make 
speeches  bragging  of"  tlieir  exploits  and  telHng  how 
they  had  killed  their  late  enemies.  On  this  night  a 
young  Indian  arose  and  told  in  gor\'  detail  how  he 
and  others  had  killed  jim  Hunton. 

John  Hunton  said  simply,  "When  I  heard  it,  1 
suddenly  saw  red"  and  he  reached  for  his  gim  with 
hut  one  thought,  to  kill  that  Indian.  Squatted  beside 
him  in  that  dim  circle  by  the  flickering  fire  was  a 
young  cavalry  officer  who  saw  Himton's  move  and 
grabbed  his  gun  arm  by  the  wrist  before  he  could 
draw.  Without  moving  from  their  places,  and  ap- 
parently unobser\'ed,  the  nvo  men  struggled  silently 
for  a  few  seconds  until  Hunton  retrained  his  senses. 


and  sat  stoically  dead-panned  during  the  remainder 
of  the  evening,  as  demanded  by  protocol.  1  he  old 
"cntleman  observed  thouditfullv  that  had  he  fired 
on  his  brother's  killer,  the  twenty  or  thnt\'  white  men 
present  woidd  LuidoubtcdK  ha\'e  been  killed  in  a 
matter  of  seconds  b\-  the  hundieds  of  Indians  who 
surrotmded  them. 

So  that  unknown,  cjuick-witted  \'oimg  officer 
with  a  strong  grip  possiblv  robbed  history  of  another 
massacre.  We  would  probabK'  all  be  stnpriscd  if  we 
knew  how  manv  momentous  events  actually  hinge 
on  small  incidents  which  seldom  find  their  wa\'  into 
the  books. 


AIU 


1 4     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


L.  G.  Flannery  Papers 
courtesy  American 
Heritage  Center, 
University  of  Wyoming 


We  take  the 
Hunton  treasure 
for  granted  with- 
out remembering 
or  even  knowing 
the  guardian  of 
that  treasury,  Pat 
Flannery. 


Those  oi  us  steeped  in  Wyoming  history  seem  to  forget  that  the  whole 
wide  world  thinks  it  knows  everything  there  is  to  know  about  our 
short  history  from  western  movies  and  romance  novels.  The  other 
impression  of  Wyoming  history  was  said,  partly  in  jest,  the  other  day  by  Rae 
Whitney,  the  widow  of  a  tormer  priest  who  sometimes  served  our  All  Saints' 
Episcopal  church  when  we  were  without  a  full  time  rector.  Rae  was  born  and 
educated  in  England  where  history  can  go  back  endless  numbers  of  years. 
She  said,  "1  wonder  about  you  Wyomingites  and  your  passion  for  history,  it 
seems  to  me  you  have  very  little  of  history."  I  replied,  "That  explains  why  we 
make  so  much  of  what  we  have."  The  actual  eyewitness  accounts  of  the  fron- 
tier and  its  people  are  rare.  One  of  the  most  valuable  collections  of  personal 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Jourral"  Summer  2004       15 


experiences  in  the  earlv  days  of  the  development  oi 
Wyoming  is  the  John  Himton  collection.  We  take  the 
Hunton  treasure  tor  granted  without  remembering 
or  even  knowing  the  guardian  oi  that  treasur}',  Pat 
Flannery.  Without  his  chance  acquaintance  with 
Hunton,  which  developed  into  a  lite  long  friendship, 
the  Hunton  diaries,  if  they  still  existed,  might  be  in 
some  nice  air  controlled  archive  revered  but  forgot- 
ten. To  tell  the  truth  that  is  where  they  are,  safely  pre- 
sers'ed  at  the  American  Heritage  Center  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wyoming  in  Laramie.  1  he\'  are  not  forgot- 
ten. Nearly  every  history  of  Wyoming  1  have  read  has 
referenced  Huntons  diaries  as  a  source,  made  pos- 
sible by  the  dedication  of  Huntons  friend  and  heir  to 
the  diaries,  Pat  Flannery. 

Other  sources  for  those  of  us  who  want  to  learn 
about  our  early  days  are  the  few  diaries  preser\'ed  in 
our  state  facilities,  the  archives  in  Cheyenne  and  the 
Heritage  Center.  In  some  fortunate  circumstances 
there  were  letters  such  as  the  beautifullv  illustrated 
examples  of  the  artistic  talent  of  Charlie  Russell,  fhere 
are  the  careful  records  of  Lewis  and  Clark,  but  as  far 
as  I  can  fmd  out,  little  was  written  by  Jim  Bridger; 
nothing  by  Jacques  La  Ramie.  Some  are  photocop- 
ied and  preser\'ed  in  the  archives.  In  fact  an  account 
of  my  family's  ancestor's  adventures  on  the  trail  to 
the  gold  fields  in  California  is  among  those. 

Not  many  of  the  early  residents  of  Wyoming  were 
able  or  even  interested  in  recording  their  day  to  day 
activities  on  the  beaver  trap  line,  or  himting  for  a 
meal.  Those  conditions  were  not  condticive  to  im- 
mediate recording  of  events  or  experiences.  Their 
times  were  so  different  from  our  own  that  we  forget 
they  lived  in  a  world  where  paper  and  pencil  were 
not  easily  replaced;  not  ever}'  pioneer  could  read  and 
write.  Our  lives  seem  imremarkable,  too,  but  future 
generations  may  marvel  at  how  primitive  we  were. 
John  Hunton  was  unique,  he  was  educated  and  he 
recorded  many  of  his  experiences  in  letters  home  and 
the  diaries.  From  one  of  John  Huntons  letters  comes 
the  motto  for  the  village  of  Fort  Laramie,  embla- 
zoned on  the  roadside  as  the  traveler  approaches.  He 
was  asked  about  conditions  in  the  West  and  he  re- 
plied to  the  correspondent  that  Fort  Laramie  was  a 
town  of  250  good  souls  and  six  old  grouches.  Fort 
Laramie  has  proudly  displayed  that  sign  for  man\- 


years.  Hunton  had  arri\ed  in  W\'oming,  at  Fort 
Laramie,  in  1867  where  he  shared  a  room  with  Jim 
Bridger.  A  Virginian  and  veteran  of  the  Civil  War, 
he  had  "whacked  mules"  along  the  trails  from  Ne- 
braska Cir\',  a  staging  point  for  the  West,  as  far  as 
Fort  Laramie.  Much  later  in  his  life  Himton  became 
a  friend  of  Pat  Flannery. 

Flannery  was  a  contemporar)'  of  m\-  parents  and 
his  daughter,  Billie,  was  myTorrington  school  friend. 
We  were  junior  members  of  the  American  Legion 
Auxiliary  too.  When  we  were  older  her  children 
played  with  my  children  when  we  all  li\ed  in 
Torrington  or  Cheyenne.  Pat  was  a  fixture  in  our 
communit)',  as  the  publisher  and  editor  of  the  local 
newspaper  he  inserted  little  tidbits  of  information 
about  the  quirky  habits  of  our  populace  or  other 
funny  events.  He  was  an  ardent  patriot  and  one  of 
the  strong  supporters  of  the  American  Legion,  hav- 
ing served  as  he  did  in  World  War  I.  He  arrived  in 
Coshen  Count\'  in  1*^)22  with  many  veterans  of  that 
war  under  the  auspices  of  a  government  program 
which  provided  homesteads  in  a  lotter\'  opportunirv. 
When  Pat  came  to  Wvoming  with  his  bride,  Laura 
Alice  Moomah,  and  their  baby  daughter,  Billie,  he 
homesteaded  near  Fort  Laramie. 

Leon  Grayson  "Pat"  Flannerv  was  born  in  St. 
Louis,  Missouri,  on  March  l4,  1894.  He  started 
school  in  St.  Louis  and  in  Chicago  before  his  parents 
moved  to  Colorado  when  he  was  twelve.  After  high 
school  in  Denver  he  attended  the  Colorado  State 
College  of  Agriculture  at  Fort  Collins  before  his  mili- 
tar}'  service.  His  interests  at  the  universit\-  included 
the  school  newspaper 

By  the  time  the  Flanner\'s  arrived  at  their  home- 
stead, the  former  centerpiece  of  tra\'el  on  the  se\'eral 
trails  leading  to  the  gold  mines  in  California  or  to 
Oregon,  the  old  fort  was  a  decaying  shell.  Planner)' 
became  a  friend  of  an  elderly  neighbor,  an  "old  timer  ' 
John  Hunton.  He  learned  of  the  diaries  Hunton  had 
carefulK'  filled  through  fifr\'  years. 

Much  like  other  WW]  veteran  homesteaders,  Pat 
did  not  last  long  as  a  farmer  Manv  of  the  idealistic 
new  farmers  were  not  farmers  or  even  had  rural  back- 
grounds. Some  of  those  reading  this  stor}^  may  know 
that  farming  is  an  art,  usualK-  handed  down  from 
father  to  son  with  hands-on  practice.  It  was  not  easv 


1 6     Annals  of  VVyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


to  learn  how  to  farm  in  the  three  year  "proving  up" 
residency  period  required  to  gain  legal  title  to  the 
plots  of  land.  At  the  time  ot  this  project  by  the  fed- 
eral government  the  acreage  of  each  farm  was  eighty 
acres.  A  few  earlier  efforts  at  peopling  the  West  had 
granted  one  hundred  sixty  acres  largely  in  Colorado. 
The  additional  complication  of  irrigated  farming 
proved  daunting  lor  the  easterners  who  had  lived  in 
areas  with  sufficient  natural  moisture  to  grow  crops. 
Many  just  used  the  property  as  a  leg  up  to  continue, 
or  return  to,  former  vocations  or  to  establish  another 
profession,  usually  in  the  area  from  which  they  had 
come  bv  selling  their  homesteads.  The  population  of 
Goshen  County  during  and  immediately  after  the 
earlv  1920s  swelled  to  some  eighteen  thousand  souls. 
And  it  diminished  to  its  present  number  of  about 
twelve  thousand  by  the  mid  to  late  1930s.  The  diver- 
sity of  these  new  Wyoming  residents  was  one  of  the 
unique  aspects  of  the  population.  They  were  all  vet- 
erans and  that  was  the  only  requirement  with  a  small 
filing  tee  for  the  lottery  drawing.  The  homesteaders 
came  from  nearly  every  one  of  the  forty-eight  states; 
ever)'  religion  was  represented,  every  ethnic  back- 
ground. Like  Pat  and  my  parents,  some  stayed  on 
the  homestead  even  after  the  three  year  residency  re- 
quirement. In  some  cases  the  length  of  time  in  mili- 
tary service  allowed  for  that  'overtime'  to  reduce  the 
residency  needed.  My  mother  insisted  that  they  only 
had  to  live  on  the  homestead  seven  months  a  year  for 
a  year  and  a  half  because  of  my  fathers  lengthy  ser- 
vice before  WWT  and  in  France  durino;  the  war. 

The  Flannery  heritage  and  education  was  pub- 
lishing so  it  was  almost  pre-ordained  that  Pat  and 
Alice  Flannery  would  found  The  Fort  Laramie  Scout, 
a  weekly  newspaper.  It  had  a  limited  circulation,  was 
delivered  by  mail  and  the  annual  subscription  rate 
was  two  dollars.  Its  readership  quickly  increased  be- 
cause of  Pat's  quick  way  with  a  phrase,  and  a  mock- 
ing kind  of  humor  for  the  foibles  of  those  people 
who  were  the  subjects  of  his  news.  As  he  roamed  the 
area,  his  outgoing  personality  found  items  of  local 
interest  to  add  to  state  and  national  news.  His  asso- 
ciation with  Hunton  had  increased  to  a  trusting 
friendship.  Pat  proposed  publishing  excerpts  from  the 
Hunton  diaries  in  each  edition  of  the  paper.  Hunton 


demanded  the  assurance  that  Pat  would  not  alter  any 
information  or  phrasing  or  spelling  in  the  diaries  to 
make  them  sound  better  than  they  were.  The  short 
item  in  each  newspaper  ended  with  "to  be  contin- 
ued." It  was  the  first  public  recognition  of  Hunton's 
history. 

Very  soon  the  newspaper  expanded  with  a  new 
name  of  The  Goshen  County  News  and  Fort  Laramie 
Scout.  Its  editorial  office  was  in  Lingle  some  ten  miles 
east  of  Fort  Laramie  and  the  Flannery  homestead. 
The  expanded  readership  resulted  in  a  very  good,  lu- 
crative newspaper.  Pat  sold  the  Lingle  paper  to  Floy 
and  Leo  Tonkin  and  moved  his  operation  to  the 
county  seat  at  Torrington  another  ten  miles  east  on 
the  railroad  line.  The  Tonkins  were  as  creative  and 
ambitious  as  the  Flannerys  and  their  paper  continues 
publication  to  this  day. 

The  Goshen  County  Neivs  frankly  supplied  a 
Democrat  political  party  view  for  its  readership.  Pat's 
advocacy  was  strong  for  the  Democrats  just  as  the 
Torri)igton  Telegrani  offered  the  opposing  view.  It  was 
not  unusual  for  the  strongest  Republican  to  subscribe 
to  Pat's  paper  because  it  was  entertaining.  He  pre- 
sented the  news  with  humor  and  respect.  The  con- 
tent was  something  like  the  publication  much  earlier 
in  England  of  the  works  by  Dickens.  In  addition  to 
the  Hunton  column,  it  featured  a  serialized  novel 
which  filled  more  space  in  the  paper  than  Hunton's 
excerpts,  cartoons,  and  a  nod  to  national  and  inter- 
national news.  An  example  of  its  attraction  appeared 
on  January  26,  1927: 

Our  learned  county  superintendent  of  schools,  C.  C. 
Smith,  believes  that  an  agile  body  and  firm  muscles 
are  worthy  and  necessary  compliments  to  an  active 
brain  and  strong  mind.  While  illustrating  his  theory 
with  a  few  simple  feats  of  physical  prowess  before  sev- 
eral of  our  able  and  charming  school  marms  at  his 
home  the  other  evening  he  is  said  to  have  performed  a 
split  that  was  all  wool  and  a  yard  long,  illuminating 
and  revealing,  uncovering  the  entire  proposition  so  to 
speak. 

It  is  understood  that  Mr.  Smith  did  not,  at  first  in- 
tend to  go  into  the  matter  at  such  great  length  but. ..a 
rug  upon  which  he  was  demonstrating  slipped,  caus- 
ing him  to  hastily  revise  his  plans  and  execute  this 


Annals  of  VVvommii  The  Vv'voniiiiQ  Hislorv  Journal  --  Summer  200-; 


split  -  one  of  the  most  complete  on  record....the  News 
regrets  that  it  cannot  proceed  with  fijrther  details. ..ahcr 
accomplisliiiii;  his  teat  he  is  reported  too  have  backed 
modestK'  to  the  wall  and  slid  as  inconspicuousK'  as 
possible  onto  a  sohi  where  he  remained  demurely  seated 
-  thus  keeping  the  details  hurlv  well  hidden. 

In  the  early  l')20s  when  Flannery  and  Hunton 
met,  he  was  well  and  still  ser\'cd  as  president  ot  the 
Wyoming  Old  limers  who  met  at  the  state  htir  in 
Douglas  once  a  year.  The  Htmtons  had  miwcd  to 
Torrington  a  more  comkirtable  access  tor  the  two 
friends.  In  the  discussion  ol  the  fmal  disposition  of 
the  diaries,  it  was  clear  that  Hunton  expected  they 
woidd  be  published.  The  agreement  was  the  same  as 
the  the  one  regarding  the  excerpts  in  Pat's  newspa- 
pers. It  was  not  a  formal  document,  there  was  to  be 
no  fooling  around  with  Huntons  own  words  or  an\' 
effort  to  make  them  more  interesting  than  they  were. 
In  the  case  of  these  two  friends  it  would  be  honored, 
tmlike  Yogi  Berras  sa\'ing:  "An  oral  agreement  isn't 
worth  the  paper  its  written  on."  When  Pat  edited  the 
diaries  he  used  Htmtons  words  even  when  he  added 
explanations  of  some  details. 

Pat  bought  the  Hunton  farm  just  outside  Fort 
Laramie  when  it  was  available.  Its  dwelling  was  ex- 
acth'  like  most  ol  the  primitive  houses  of  the  original 
residents.  It  was  a  shack  about  twelve  leet  hv  twenty. 
The  conversations  between  Hunton  and  Flannery 
are  forgotten,  but  when  Hunton  died  in  1928,  Pat 
Flannery  received  the  fitty  diaries,  one  for  each  vear 
through  1927,  with  the  exception  of  the  later  months 
of  1888  and  the  first  few  months  of  1889. 

There  was  never  any  question  in  Flannerv's  mind 
that  he  had  inherited  a  priceless  treasure.  He  ct)n- 
stilted  the  respected  historian  Cirace  Ravmond  Hebard 
about  the  appropriate  way  to  use  them.  Thev  agreed 
that  a  passage  of  time,  perhaps  rwenr\'-five  years,  would 
give  a  perspective  to  the  life  and  work  ot  Hunton 
and  allow  for  more  careful  presentation  of  the  dia- 
ries. 

Pat  continued  to  publish  his  newspaper  which 
crusaded  h)r  many  needed  improvements  in  the 
county:  a  new  bridge  over  the  Platte  River;  he  sup- 
ported the  establishment  ol  an  orphanage  at 
Torrington  bv  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  as- 


sisted in  acquiring  the  land  for  it;  he  lauded  the  win- 
ners in  high  school  athletics  and  other  activities;  he 
reported  on  honors  at  the  coimt\-  and  state  fairs.  In 
the  matter  ol  the  bridge,  which  was  considered  mod- 
ern, made  of  concrete  as  it  was  and  fairly  new,  he 
pointeci  out  that  it  presented  a  serious  hazard  since  it 
had  no  pedestrian  lane.  Flannerv  explained  that  the 
new  Hollv  Sugar  hictorv  had  caused  a  basic  change 
hv  the  users  ol  the  bridge.  Workers  in  the  lactory 
south  ol  the  town  of  Ibrrington  had  to  compete  with 
traffic  to  walk  to  wt>rk. 

He  wrote  of  the  tragedies  in  the  community.. .an 
example  was  the  death  ol  "little  Mae  Hackleman. 
There  is  sorrow  in  the  home  ot  her  parents  and  a 
happy  presence  has  also  departed  from  Jim  Johnsons 
school  bus. ..she  was  taken  sick  a  few  weeks  ago  and 
her  death  came  Friday  after  an  unsuccessful  mastoid 
operation  in  Chewnne.  His  stor\'  continued  to  name 
bus  mates  who  would  miss  their  "pet  and  her  "kindh', 
cheerlul  little  spirit. " 

On  another  occasion  he  described  in  detail  the 
death  ot  a  young  woman  killed  in  the  nearby  town 
ot  Henr}'  in  what  must  have  been  a  case  ot  mistaken 
identity  since  the  local  police  officer,  lim  Nolan,  was 
driving  her  home  to  Morrill.  He  explained  there  was 
a  report  of  a  stolen  car  and  officers  approached  a  car 
on  the  side  of  the  road,  shots  were  fired  by  C.L.  Landiy 
ot  the  DeLue  detective  agenc\'  and  Miss  SvKia  Kelly 
was  accidentalK'  killed.  Fhat  same  paper  ttild  ot  the 
hunting  accident  death  of  Billy  Heffi'on,  the  nephew 
ot  the  large  Heffron  family.  I  he  Heftrons,  unmar- 
ried brothers  and  sisters,  lived  in  a  spacious  house  on 
IS'"'  street  west.  Fhey  had  adopted  Billie  .\nd  his  sis- 
ter, Doll)',  when  their  parents  died.  Billies  gun  had 
discharged  as  he  pulled  it  trom  the  car  to  shoot  a 
rabbit  on  the  same  street  about  a  halt  mile  west  of  his 
home.  1  have  never  seen  anyone  cHie,  especialK'  h\' 
gimshot,  so  1  remember  well  the  description  hv  Keith 
Housen,  Billies  friend  who  was  there  that  day.  Keith 
tried  to  assist  Billie  who  was  lying;  on  the  road,  with 
spasms  and  heavy  jerking.  Keith  said  he  had  always 
thought  that  anyone  shot  just  dropped  dead  and  did 
not  move  as  they  do  in  the  movies.  Keiths  conversa- 
tions were  not  reported  in  the  newspaper.  As  the  reader 
can  see  it  was  a  folksy  newspaper,  naming  names  and 
describins;  incidents  in  a  manner  not  seen  in  today's 


18     Annals  of  VVyoming:  The  Wyoming  Histor/  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


papers. 

When  the  Goshen  Chapter  oi  the  Wyoming  State 
Historical  Society  was  chartered  in  1954,  Pat,  Alice, 
and  my  parents  were  charter  members.  In  1955,  the 
society  at  it's  annual  meeting  honored  Pat  with  it's 
outstanding  historian  award.  Pat  received  a  document 
signed  by  the  revered  historian  Lola  M.  Homsher. 

Pat  was  among  the  sixty-six  members  ot  Post  #  5 
ol  the  American  Legion,  veterans  ol  World  War  I 
who  formed  a  "Last  Mans  Club."  To  those  of  us  whose 
fathers  were  members  its  purpose  was  ghoulish  and 
repugnant.  It  was  a  club  which  was  to  meet  once  a 
year,  the  First  weekend  in  June,  to  toast  their  com- 
rades in  arms,  those  lost  in  the  war  and  those  who 
died  each  year.  The  membership  was  limited  to  the 
sixty-six  who  attended  the  first  meeting  on  June  3, 
1940.  The  men  in  the  prime  of  their  lives  a  little  over 
two  decades  alter  "the  big  war"  scoffed  at  the  idea  ot 
death.  It  was  hir  away,  but  inevitable  they  knew.  The 
three  who  sur\'ived  the  longest  were  to  drink  a  bottle 
of  wine  held  in  trust  by  the  "head  man '  from  each 
banquet.  Political  views  were  not  discussed  at  those 
annual  meetings  where  they  were  bound  together  by 
the  war  and  their  common  memory.  No  matter  how 
politicalK'  oriented  they  were  there  was  no  subtle  axe 
to  be  ground.  Pat  was  an  ardent  Democrat;  my  fa- 
ther a  passionate  Republican.  My  father,  Phil  Rouse, 
and  Pat  must  have  mutually  agreed  that  lor  our  coun- 
tr\'  to  sun'ive  r\vo  strong  political  parties  must  be 
encouraged  to  provide  balance  and  a  lair  exchange 
of  ideas  and  positions.  At  least  that  was  my  lather's 
often  mentioned  reason  for  voting,  or  for  working 
for  a  candidate. 

Pat  was  among  the  majority  who  made  the  effort 
to  get  to  every  reunion,  to  participate  in  the 
comraderie  and  listen  to  the  stories  often  colorfully 
embroidered  with  the  passage  of  time.  In  the  annual 
photographs  one  can  feel  the  friendship  and  the  bond- 
ing, although  the  backgrounds,  beliefs,  and  careers 
were  as  dissimilar  as  any  collection  of  people  could 
be.  NearK'  all  had  been  homesteaders  who  had  come 
to  eastern  Wyoming  with  high  hopes  of  owning  land 
and  becoming  wealthy.  A  goal  reached  by  few.  The 
Legion  hall  where  they  met  had,  of  course,  the  obliga- 
tory bar,  but  the  photographs  do  not  show  any  large 
number  of  glasses  for  liquor.  In  the  one  dated  1953, 


Pat  is  the  only  man  with  a  cocktail  glass  in  his  hand, 
he  is  easily  identified  in  the  group  by  his  bow  tie.  I 
have  never  heard  that  Pat  imbibed  to  any  degree.  It  is 
interesting  to  speculate  how  it  happened  that  he 
looked  like  the  only  man  who  might  be  a  drinker, 
when  I  know  that  nearly  all  would  join  in  a  drink  at 
least  once  a  year.  One  of  my  historian  friends  com- 
mented when  I  mentioned  that  I  was  researching  in- 
formation about  Pat,  "My  mother  always  referred  to 
him  as  a  flannel  mouth  Irishman."  I  looked  up  that 
meaning,  it  seems  it  refers  to  a  stereotype  of  a  good 
talker. 

It  was  my  privilege  and  that  of  other  daughters 
and  our  mothers  to  prepare  and  serve  the  meal.  The 
mothers  cooked  it  in  the  hall's  kitchen  and  we  "girls" 
were  the  servers.  The  menu  never  varied,  fried 
chicken. ..potatoes  and  gravy,  green  beans,  hot  rolls, 
and  pie.  The  organization  and  its  customs  started 
when  we  were  in  high  school  and  continued  through 
the  time  when  some  of  us  inherited  the  cooking  job 
and  our  children  were  the  ser\'ers.  It  was  a  memo- 
rable activity  for  me  to  share.  It  gave  me  respect  for 
strong  pull  of  love  of  country  and  comrades.  Over 
the  years  the  preparation  and  serving  of  the  meal  be- 
came less  and  less  of  a  chore  as  the  numbers  of  the 
Last  Man's  Club  dwindled.  The  final  three  were  Dr. 
Bryan  Fuller,  a  veterinarian.  Doc  F.S.  Brown,  chiro- 
practor, and  Frank  Zimmer,  oil  refinery  and  eleva- 
tor owner.  When  the  three  actually  opened  the  bottle 
of  wine,  it  had  turned  to  vinegar.  Ceremonial  glasses 
of  the  spoiled  wine  were  suitably  raised  in  a  toast  to 
the  sixty-three  who  were  gone.  They  were  not  alone. 
They  had  been  invited  to  share  their  celebration  with 
the  annual  meeting  of  the  "Last  Squad,"  the  later 
generation  of  World  War  II  veterans  with  the  same 
purpose  as  the  Last  Man's,  remembering.  Pat  and  my 
father  had  long  since  been  among  the  honorees  as 
they  had  left  this  life. 

The  eldest  among  the  remaining  members  hosted 
the  reunion  each  year.  When  it  was  his  turn  to  be 
'last  man'  and  host  the  dinner  on  June  7,  1954,  my 
father  led  the  memorial  with  a  poem  which  I  found 
as  I  researched  Flannery's  life  and  that  of  the  Last 
Man's  Club: 


Annals  of  Wvomino  The  'A'v 


-  qiirntripr  90(1^ 


"My  comrades: 
Each  year  we  meet 
To  toast  the  dead. 
As  some  have  saici. 
But  a  treastired  moment 
With  meaning  clear  ... 
That  when  we  leave 
This  earth  so  dear. 
You  ,  Comrades, 
Will  gather  here 
And  drink  to  us, 
As  we  to  them  ... 
These  friends  ot  ours, 
Whose  empty  chairs 
Denote  their  passage 
From  worldly  cares. 
If  thev  had  taults 
We  know  them  not. 
Of"  them,  our  memories 
Hold  no  slot. 
These  were  men; 
Friends  so  true. 
That  here  tonight 
We  gather  anew. 
To  toast  our  comrades 
Of  yesterday 
Who  from  our  club 
Have  gone  away." 

With  the  advent  of  the  adniinistraticTn  of  Franklin 
Roosevelt,  an  increase  in  interest  in  the  Democrat 
party  was  generated  in  Wyoming.  Pat  entered  into 
political  activities  with  his  usual  zeal.  He  was  elected 
state  chairman  ot  the  party  and  served  "almost  con- 
tinuously from  l'-)33  to  1938  when  there  was  100% 
Democratic  control  ot  the  entire  congressional  del- 
egation and  the  five  major  state  offices,"  according 
to  AHce,  "when  Democrats  experienced  the  greatest 
victories"  in  the  state.  She  did  not  mention  the  1()0*)'() 
Democratic  legislanuc  in  1869  which  presented  the 
Republican  governor  with  a  bill  designed  to  embar- 
rass him.  It  created  the  right  for  women  to  vote!  Re- 
publican Governor  John  A.  Campbell  had  the  last 
laugh,  he  signed  it. 

Ihe  period  of  Flannery's  guidance  saw  Gover- 
nors Leslie  A.  Miller  and  Lester  Hunt  and  Senator 
Joseph  O'Mahoney  among  others  become  leaders  in 
the  state.  Flannery  himself  represented  Goshen 


County  in  the  state  legislature.  In  1948,  he  gave  in- 
ctmibent  Republican  (Congressman  Frank  A.  Barrett 
a  rtm  for  his  mone\'  when  he  lost  the  election  by 
three  thousand  votes.  Flannery  was  remarkably  suc- 
cessful in  other  aspects  of  his  life.  According  to  Red 
Fenwick,  noted  columnist  tor  1  he  Denver  Post,  he 
was  a  complicated  man,  part  ot  the  worldly  political 


L.  (;.  "PAT*- 

FLANNERY 


'at 


CONGRESS 


IT 

IS 

IMPORTANT 

THAT 

YOU 

VOTE 

The   Jc 

Li    or    Hor 

nc    or    Fofm 

O.     Rl 

putoticn 

thar 

VOu 

help    lo 

sove     mnv 

be    vc 

LJf    Own 

Publrshed   bv 

FLANNERY  FOR  CONGRESS  CLUB 

P    0    Box  27 S 
Lingle,  Wyoming 


Flannery's  campaign  brochure.  Courtesy  L.  G.  Flannery 
Papers,  American  Hentage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 


20    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


scene,  and  still  content  with  the  simple  life  of  Huntons 
old  shack. 

In  an  earlier  colulmn  titled  "A  HAPPY  MAN" 
Fenwick  had  written  that  at  least  in  the  opinion  of 
one  very  happy  gent  named  L.G.  (Pat)  Flannery, 

the  components  of  true  happiness  are  relatively 

simple what  makes  all  this  seem  so  remarkable  to 

me  is  that  Flannery  is  a  study  in  contrasts. ..at  one 
time  [he]  was  Wyoming's  kingmaker.  He  could  name 
a  postmaster,  appoint  a  judge,  put  a  man  in  office  or 
take  him  out.  He  could  almost  singlehandedly  deter- 
mine the  fate  of  important  legislation  and  without  his 
blessing  a  man's  political  future  wasn't  worth  a  three 
cornered  dime." 

Another  period  oi  influence  by  the  Democrats 
occurred  long  after  Alice  and  Pat  were  gone.  For 
twenty  years,  Wyoming  had  governors,  Ed  Herschler 
and  Mike  Sullivan,  and  a  secretary  of  state,  Kathy 
Karpan,  who  were  Democrats.  With  his  advocacy  of 
the  Democratic  party,  Pat  would  have  been  pleased 
to  see  such  worthies  carrying  his  standard. 

As  the  Depression  deepened,  he  was  able  through 
his  connections  to  be  named  to  positions  in  the  state 
government:  secretary  ol  the  State  Board  of  Chari- 
ties and  Reform  and  later,  director  of  the  State  De- 
partment of  Commerce  and  Industry.  He  worked  a 
year  during  the  Depression  in  Washington  D.C.  be- 
fore he  was  appointed  by  Harry  Hopkins  to  the  posi- 
tion of  Wyoming  administrator  of  the  Works  Progress 
Administration.  That  organization  researched  and 
produced  an  important  volume  fdled  with  facts  and 
figures  about  Wyoming.  While  it  is  no  longer  in  print, 
it  is  often  used  to  research  Wyoming  history:  WTO- 
MING,  A  Guide  to  its  History,  Highways  and  People. 
In  that  capacity  he  supervised  the  many  efforts  made 
to  ease  the  Depression  years  with  its  high  rate  of  un- 
employment. 

In  his  obituary  in  77?^  Denver  Post,  mention  was 
made  that  Flannery  resigned  the  WPA  directorship 
with  a  salary  of  "$5,000  a  year  to  enlist  in  the  army 
at  $21  per  month."  His  obituary,  written  by  Fenwick 
for  the  Post,  described  his  political  career  and  his  tri- 
umphant FULL  SLATE  ELECTED  in  1938. 

As  Fenwick  wrote,  Pat  was  ever  the  patriot  and 


he  did  enlist  as  a  private  in  the  army  the  day  after  the 
Pearl  Harbor  attack.  In  some  of  her  writing  Alice 
said  that  he  gave  up  a  high  paying  job  for  a  noble 
ideal.  Her  remarks  seem  to  indicate  she  did  not  quite 
share  the  patriotic  zeal  but  we  all  knew  she  loved  and 
respected  her  interesting,  complex  husband.  To  those 
who  had  survived  the  Depression  years,  as  Flannery 
had,  his  enlistment  spoke  of  a  man  of  principle  and 
selfless  honor.  It  explains  his  popularity  and  respect 
in  every  job  he  held  in  every  community  he  served. 
As  the  war  ended  he  had  attained  the  rank  of  master 
sergeant. 

After  the  war  he  served  in  Washington  as  admin- 
istrative assistant  to  Senator  O'Mahoney  for  six  years. 
As  a  sidebar  tidbit:  the  senator's  name  was  always  an 
interesting  topic  of  conversation.  He  insisted  it  was 
O'mahonee  (ma  as  in  Ma),  but  Republicans  and  other 
critics  insisted  on  referring  to  the  distinguished  sena- 
tor as  O  ma-hoe'-knee. 

After  his  retirement,  Flannery  turned  again  to 
the  diaries  of  Hunton.  He  left  Alice  and  the  children 
and  moved,  ftdl  time,  to  the  shack  at  Fort  Laramie 
and  worked  on  the  Hunton  diaries  with  the  same 
zeal  he  had  brought  to  all  other  projects  in  his  life.  As 
that  period  of  time  allowed  by  Dr.  Hebard's  and  his 
decision  approached,  he  began  his  careful  perusal  and 
decided  how  to  present  them  to  posterity.  Naturally 
he  began  at  the  beginning:  Hunton's  first  diary. 

Hunton  arrived  in  Dakota  Territory  in  1866  and 
served  as  a  clerk  at  the  post  store  in  Fort  Laramie. 
Later  he  settled  on  a  plot  which  he  called  Bordeaux,  a 
time  detailed  in  the  diaries.  He  had  put  down  roots 
and  stayed  the  rest  of  his  life  in  the  area  about  forty 
miles  wide  and  sixty  miles  long  which  in  the  present 
day  is  called  Goshen  County.  He  had  an  association 
with  Fort  Fetterman  and  the  town  of  Douglas  at  one 
time.  But  most  of  his  life  was  spent  in  Laramie 
County,  later  to  be  divided  into  Goshen  and  Platte 
counties.  Three  years  alter  Hunton  came  to  the  re- 
gion it  became  Wyoming  Territory  on  April  3,  1 869. 
He  recorded  in  small  books  the  routine  and  some- 
times the  exciting  people  and  incidents  of  his  life  in 
primitive  Wyoming.  The  originals  are  small  leather 
bound  volumes  3x5  inches.  When  time  came  for 
publication  Flannery  selected  the  same  size  and  simi- 
lar suede-like  covers.  Pat  described  the  diaries  as  all 


.!nn,JnnrnQl-- Summer  2004 


•^niiirrn  ir,  Feukuary  4,  iSydl 


'/^ 


la (i  Ut '/^ Ua /^ ' •  ^U^-if^^Ci'^ 


r^. 


t-^-   v^< 


//'/S^ 


7 


Jvht^iti^^  ///I'M- J, 

y 
/j^^^^-  //^'y    (li/-/../^^  /'/r.Jy 


I'MWi'iV,  Ff.bruaky  6,  1874 
,)fi^fUMI^  i,H^/fr   %....c.^.^ 


jS^^a^-j     -Satuuda^  7 


AV/  c^^^^ 


wm 


mmmmmimmmmmf' 

Pages  from  Hunton's  1875  diary  Courtesy  John  Hunton  Papers.  American  Hentage  Center.  University  of 
Wyoming, 


alike.  He  chose  the  1873  diary  ro  describe  in  detail: 
"solidly  bound  with  a  double  leather  cover.  The  out- 
side has  weathered  to  a  deep  brown,  the  inside  one 
retains  its  natuial  lii;hr-tan  freshness  and  has  two 
leather  pockets,  front  and  back..  When  the  double 
flap  of  the  outside  cover  is  tucked  into  its  slot  the 
entire  book  is  well  protected  against  weather  and 
rough  treatment  when  carried  in  a  man's  pocket  or 
saddle  bag." 

The  pages  are  gold  edged,  unfaded,  crisp  and  full  of 
"life"  and  made  of  paper  built  to  withstand  the  effects 
of  water.  In  fact,  the  fh-  leaf  proclaims  the  paper  to  be 
a  'Patent  Erasible  Surface,  Patented  October  24,  1 86^. 
Use  a  soft  pencil  and  erase  the  moisture.'  Hunton  made 
his  entries  with  both  ink  and  pencil,  apparentK-  de- 


pending on  whether  he  wa.s  ar  home  or  camped  on 
the  trail. 

"And  not  a  leaf  in  the  book  is  loose  from  its  binding, " 
with  some  awe  Pat  concluded  his  description. 

As  he  workecl  on  the  books  he  was  true  10  his 
promise  to  organize,  edit,  and  add  explanations  and 
supplementar\'  materials,  onl\-  to  make  this  earliest 
of  W\'t)ming  historians  perfecth'  clear  to  the  reader. 
The  fdunton  diaries  compare  for  accurac\'  and  dcfith 
to  those  of  Samuel  Pepvs,  the  most  remembered  dia- 
rist of  all.  His  diaries  do  not  reveal  the  salacious  inti- 
mate facts  of  life  as  Pepys'  do.  It  seems  clear  that 
Hunton  hoped  his  diaries  wotdd  be  preser\ed  and 
read  h\  future  generations,  unlike  Pep\'s  who  it  is 
believed  did  not  intend  to  reveal  his  observations  to 


22    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -  Summer  2004 


a  passing  parade  but  to  himself. 

There  is  universal  agreement  that  the  Hunton 
diaries  would  not  be  as  useful,  especially  in  their  origi- 
nal volumes,  without  a  word  or  two  here  and  there 
to  clarify  the  meaning,  or  the  action  taking  place. 
Hunton  casually  mentions  the  names  of  his  friends 
and  acquaintances:  John  Clay,  Francis  Warren,  the 
Kimballs  and  Wilkins,  John  Kendrick,  Bryant 
Brooks,  even  Calamity  Jane  and  Buffalo  Bill  Cody. 
He  described  the  life  of  the  frontier  and  its  gradual 
emergence  to  more  civilized  society  sometimes  with 
a  comment  about  the  changes.  He  discusses  irriga- 
tion, that  vital  source  of  growth.  He  mentions  In- 
dian problems,  outlaws,  jail  breaks,  social  affairs — 
one  chapter  is  devoted  to  the  Cheyenne  Club,  a  ha- 
ven for  the  elite  of  the  state. 

Volumes  five  and  six  of  the  diaries  were  ready  for 
publication  at  the  time  of  Pat's  death,  February  4, 
1964.  Alice  arranged  for  the  publication  of  number 
five  by  the  Lingle  Guides  publisher,  Edwin  Lebsock, 
from  the  manuscripts  Pat  had  prepared  in  1964.  For 
the  sixth  volume  in  1970,  she  found  a  publisher  in 
The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company  of  Glendale,  Cali- 
fornia. 

Hunton  kept  the  diaries  through  1927.  Flannery 
had  prepared  several  manuscripts  for  publication  be- 
fore his  death,  which  are  unpublished  and  stored  in 
the  American  Heritage  Center  at  the  University  of 
Wyoming.  They  would  have  covered  the  "civiliza- 
tion" of  the  area  and  a  new  cast  of  characters  almost 
as  colorful  as  his  earlier  acquaintances.  The  published 
and  edited  volumes  are  long  out  of  print,  prized  by 
collectors. 

Pat's  devotion  to  preserving  and  presenting  this 
slice  of  Wyoming's  short  history  was  difficult  for  the 
family.  No  doubt  that  is  true  of  any  person  dedicated 
to  a  mission.  When  he  spent  the  years  in  the  Hunton 
shack  just  outside  the  gates  of  Fort  Laramie  National 
Historic  Site,  changes  were  occurring  there.  It  had 
been  declared  a  national  park  in  the  mid- 1930s  and 
efforts  were  begun  to  restore  it.  Those  improvements 
after  the  war  had  stabilized  many  historic  buildings. 
It  was  described  in  a  Redbook  Magazine  as  the  "jewel 
of  the  National  Park  Service."  The  acknowledgment 
of  the  importance  of  Fort  Laramie  to  the  West's  civi- 
lization can  be  partially  attributed  to  Flannery's  in- 


fluence and  connections  in  Washington,  D.C. 

He  was  so  absorbed  in  his  mission  that  his  grand- 
daughter remembers  him  as  a  far  away  person,  one 
she  did  not  know  very  well.  In  these  last  days  as  I 


—  Announcing  Publication  of  — 

Volume  4 


John 

Hunton's 

Diary 


1880  -  '81  -  '82 
$5  per  copy 

•  248  Pages. 

•  17  Illustrations  and  Maps. 

•  Summary  of  Contents  for  Each  Month. 

•  Index  of  Some  800  Pioneer  Names,   Places  and 

Events. 

•  The  Continuing  Day  by  Day  Record  of  All  Phases 

of  Pioneer  Lite  in  Wyoming.  A  Period  of 
New  Wealth  and  New  Romance  on  the 
Frontier. 

•  Edition  Limited  to  1500  Copies,  Numbered  and 

Signed  by — 

L.  G.  FLANNERY 


Previous  Volumes  of 

JOHN  HUNTON'S  DIARY 

Still  Available  in  Limited  Supply 

VoL  1—1873-75  -  -  $3.00 
Vol.  2— 1876-77  -  -  $5.00 
VoL  3— 1878-79      -      -       $5.00 

Prices  Quoted  Include  Cost  of  Mailing  to  Addresses 
in  the  U.  S.  A. 

(over) 


Brochure  for  Hunton  diaries.  Courtesy  L.  G.  Flannery  Papers, 
American  Heritage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 


Annals  of  Wyoming- The  Wyoming  Hislory  Journal --Summer  2004       23 


inquired  about  him,  I  foLUid  k'w  people  rcmainint;  in 
the  communit)'  who  actually  knew  him  or  remem- 
bered his  name.  Among  those  who  had  heard  of  him 
the  mention  oi  his  name  was  greeted  with  respect. 

Pat's  research  and  prepared  manuscripts  included 
all  diaries  with  the  exception  of  the  last  lew  months 
of  1888  and  all  ol  1889.  It  was  during  that  period 
when  Wyoming's  cattlemen  lost  their  product  to  the 
worst  blizzard  recorded  until  1949.  Hunton  was  bank- 
rupt at  that  time,  perhaps  because  of  the  weather  or 
other  circumstances,  and  returned  to  Fort  Laramie 
to  the  position  ol  post  trader.  The  diaries  resume  in 
1890  with  no  reference  to  the  missing  reports  for  a 
year  and  a  half  Flannery  thought  they  may  have  been 
lost,  or  destroyed  lor  some  reason  bv  Hunton  him- 
self. 


Flannery  was  diagnosed  with  cancer  and  hospi- 
talized in  Cheyenne  on  January  19,  1964.  Fie  was 
transferred  to  the  veteran's  hospital  in  Denver  within 
a  week  and  died  there  on  February  4.  F^e  was  sixty- 
nine  years  old.  He  was  survived  at  that  time  by  his 
wile,  Alice,  and  his  daughter,  Billie,  and  rwo  grand- 
children, Patricia  and  Mike  Griske.  His  daughter  and 
grandchildren  are  his  remaining  survivors.  It  was 
appropriate  that  his  funeral  service  was  conducted  in 
the  Fort  Laramie  community  church  and  he  is  bur- 
ied in  the  historic  Fort  Laramie  cemeter\'. 

The  Wyomingite  passion  lor  making  the  most  ol 
oiu'  history  was  confirmed  by  the  selection  ol  his 
memorial.  Friends  were  invited  to  contribute  to  the 
Wyoming  State  Historical  Socier\'  in  lieu  of  llowers. 

flIV 


2d     Annsij  of  Wvorrina"  The  Wyomino  Mictnn;  Journal  -  Summer  200^^ 


William  H.  Reed  in  the  bone 
laboratory  that  was  called  the 
"Bone  Room"  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  Wyoming.  The 
university  hired  Reed,  who 
was  a  geologist,  in  1896.  In 
1903  he  became  the  curator 
of  the  university's  museum, 
which  exhibited  many  fossils 
found  in  Wyoming.  Courtesy 
Samuel  Knight  Collection, 
Amencan  Heritage  Center, 
University  of  Wyoming. 


Introduction 

Throughout  the  19'''  century,  that  innate  human  desire  to  collect  and  display 
unique  and  wondrous  objects  took  hold  of  the  American  imagination.  Popular 
"dime"  museums  flourished  in  eastern  cities,  as  places  to  educate  and  delight  the 
masses.  Even  non-English  speaking  immigrants  and  illiterate  visitors  could  enjoy 
the  visual  exhibits.'  Private  individuals  often  maintained  their  own  "cabinet" 
collections,  with  souvenirs  of  personal  travels  or  of  their  scientific  and  cultural 

interests.  -.^iLi^cui  ot  ^■''' ''  ' •"ling  Tei'iuuiy  a.ii.u  established  a 
of  popular  curiosity  museums  as  well  as  small,  pri- 
vate collections  or  cabinets.  Wyoming's  first  governors  played  pivotal 
roles  in  both  encouraging  legislation  and  personally  developing  public  exhibi- 
tions designed  to  promote  the  economic  potential  of  the  territory.  Some  of  these 
initial  exhibits  created  the  core  collections  of  the  present  Wyoming  State  Mu- 
seum. 

In  1891,  John  D.  Conley,  a  member  of  the  first  University  of  Wyoming 
faculty,  created  the  first  campus  musetun.  This  was  the  first  serious  public  mu- 
seum developed  as  a  tool  for  education.  It  became  a  repository  for  Wyoming's 
natural  and  cultural  treasures  and  was  soon  heralded  as  "the  best  working  cabinet 


Steven  Conn,  Museums  and  Americivi  hitellectitiil  Life.  1876-1926  (Chicaep,  Illinois:  University 
of  Chicago  Press,  1998),  p.  4. 


Annals  of  Wyoming.  The  Wyor 


-  Summer  20C'4      25 


in  the  West.""  This  small  roomful  of  exhibit  cabi- 
nets formed  the  foundation  for  most  of  the  scientific 
and  cultural  institutions  on  campus  today,  including 
the  Geological  Museum,  the  Avcn  Nelson  Herbarium, 
the  Anthropology  Museum,  the  American  Heritage 
Center,  the  UW  Art  Museimi,  and  the  l^ntomology 
Exhibit. 

Early  "Museums"  and  Cabinets  in  Wyoming 

1  he  first  establishments  in  Wyoming  calling 
themselves  "museums"  were  places  more  for  the  pur- 
pose of  amusement  than  for  scholarship.  James 
McDaniel,  who  billed  himself  as  "the  Barnum  of  the 
West,"  opened  Wyoming's  first  public  museiun  in 
Cheyenne  during  October  1867,  one  month  before 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  tracks  reached  the  town.' 
This  "Museum  of  Living  Wonders,"  on  Eddy  Street 
(now  Pioneer)  between  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
streets,  also  housed  a  saloon  with  two  bars  and  a  the- 
ater. Admission  was  free,  as  long  as  the  patron  was 
willing  to  purchase  a  cigar  or  a  drink  beforehand. 
The  museum  did  maintain  an  entrance  separate  from 
the  saloon's  to  encourage  attendance  hv  ladies  and 


families. 


Trofessor '  McDaniel  had  a  flare  for  self- 


promotion  and  produced  a  series  of  extravagant  news- 
paper advertisements,  shrewdly  positioned  among  the 
lines  of  news  reporting  in  The  Cheyenne  Leaiier.  to 
publicize  his  constantly  changing  attractions.  He 
made  a  trip  east  to  secure  new  museum  stock  in  1 869 
and  returned  with 

specimens  of  animals  of  all  parts  of  the  world.  Ameri- 
can and  Egyptian  porcupines,  the  wonderful  white 
parrots,  anacondas  and  monke\'s  and  apes,  of  the  small- 
est, largest,  and  funniest  kinds.  The  Museum  is  now 
filled  with  every  description  of  curiosities,  even  to  a 
life-like  statue  of  the  Feegee  Mermaid.  No  other  town 
in  the  west  can  boast  of  an  exhibition  equal  to  the 
Mcl^aniel's  Museum.^ 

The  infamous  "Feegee  Mermaid  "  was  one  of  the  most 
extravagantly  promoted  attractions  at  Phineas  T 
Barnum's  American  Museum  in  New  York  in  1843- 
Barnum's  elaborate  marketing  campaign  of  this  rather 
obvious  manufactured  curiosit)'  filled  the  New  York 
newspapers  for  weeks  before  the  display  opened  and 


succeeded  in  netting  him  one  thousancl  dollars  in- 
come in  a  single  week."  It  is  unknown  if  McDaniel 
purchased  Barnum's  creation  or  if  his  was  a  different 
specimen.  If  any  of  McDaniels  live  animal  speci- 
mens expired,  the\'  were  merely  stuffed  and  promoted 
anew. 


M'DAITIELS' 

Cheyenne  Museum 

iii.' 

LIVING  'WONDERS 

Alill 

WORKS  of  ART 


AtiSO 

BRILLIANTLY  U.LUMINATEU 
H  TE  JiOfeCOl'IO 


.\  N I ) 


Cosmoramic  Views 

Together  witli  a  rare  Collection  of  Niitive 

und  Foreign  Animiils,  liirdu,  1i<»n<'i>ii- 

htriclnrs,  Anar«n(las,  etCiUtr.,  t-U'. 

Tlie    kbucumous,  or  Cjrave   Ooks 

OF  CKX'rK.M,  A.MFIJKW. 

(ire  uiirucLioiis  llml  will  well  ropiiy  "  vUil. 

Open    llii)    iiii«l    K\ciiliiu* 

."-irm-.Fr    liOlWi.n    Kirn     \Ni>    ITth, 

CHEYENNE,  Wyotning  Territory. 


Advertisement  for  McDaniels  museum  found  in  the  Cheyenne 
Daily  Leader.  Courtesy  American  Heritage  Center,  University  of 
Wyoming. 


Univenity  ofWyoming  Circular  of  General  hiformation.  188~- 

1888.  V  and  2"^  Editions  (Boomerang  Publishing  Company, 

1 887)  ;  and  Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Uiiivei'sity  of  Wvoiiiriig 

(1893),  p.  8S. 

The  Cheyenne  Leaden  November  9,  1867. 

The  Cheyenne  Leader,  October  29,  1867:  and  Milt  Riske, 

"James  McDaniel,  Barnum  ot  the  West, "  The  Denver    Post, 

December  9.   19^9, 

The  Cheyenne  Leader,  January  18,  1869. 

A.S  Dennett,     Weird  and  Wonderf(l,  the  Dtine  ALuseiini  m 

America  (New  York  Universir\'  Press,  1997),  pp.  27-28. 


26     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


McDaniel's  museum  owned  a  stereopticon  with 
fifteen  hundred  stereoscopic  views  available  for  dis- 
play (of  which  375  could  be  seen  at  any  one  time). 
Many  scenes  portrayed  a  military  theme,  and  were 
actively  promoted  for  the  interest  of  soldiers  from 
the  nearby  Fort  D.  A.  Russell.  The  most  popular 
attractions  were  a  series  of  the  live  performers,  such 
as  "Miss  Charlotte  Temple,  the  great  English  Giant- 
ess," "a  world  renowned  Circassian  girl... a  beauty  of 
rarest  description,"  and  Professor  A.  C.  Clark,  a  "well- 
known  pedestrian"  whose  stunt  of  walking  non-stop, 
without  eating  or  drinking  for  more  than  fifty  hours, 
was  finally  halted  by  a  doctor's  order.  The  museum 
also  boasted  a  gallery  with  "choice  pictures  of  art"; 
"masterpieces  of  the  most  noted  American  and  Eu- 
ropean artists"  which  McDaniel  proclaimed  that  "ev- 
er)'body  should  visit... for  it  is  a  rare  chance,  indeed, 
of  seeing  such  superb  paintings  in  this  weird  region 
of  earth. "'"^ 

McDaniel's  enterprise  grew  and  evolved  through 
the  years,  continually  re-inventing  its  attractions  and 
focus.  His  enthusiasm  was  undaunted  when  his  vari- 
ous museum  buildings  twice  burned  to  the  ground 
and  once  suffered  a  roof  collapse  due  to  snow.  He 
simply  rebuilt  in  a  newer  and  finer  building.  His  es- 
tablishment continued  to  grow  and  thrive  through 
its  eleven-  year  life  in  Cheyenne.  The  new  "McDaniel 
Building"  at  1615  Pioneer  Avenue  eventually  housed 
the  Sixth  Legislative  Assembly  in  1879,  although  by 
that  time  McDaniel  had  sold  the  structure  and  moved 
on.'^ 

Another  early  museum  in  southeastern  Wyoming 
was  the  "Museum  of  Rocky  Mountain  Curiosities" 
located  on  the  north  side  of  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road tracks  in  the  town  of  Sherman.  This  museum 
building,  actually  a  glorified  curio  shop,  was  located 
at  the  end  of  the  row  of  hastily  constructed  wooden 
structures,  including  a  saloon,  store,  restaurant,  and 
boarding  house.  Sherman,  the  highest  town  on  the 
U.P.R.R.  transcontinental  line,  was  a  required  stop- 
ping point  for  engines  needing  water  and  service. 
The  businesses  in  this  small  town  catered  to  railroad 
passengers  looking  for  a  way  to  pass  the  time  during 
these  maintenance  procedures.  Prairie  dogs  in 
wooden  cages,  as  well  as  apples,  trinkets,  and  rocks 
specimens  were  sold  to  tourists.'" 


SKIXINT,   PEiAIRIE  DOTS 


Railroad  passengers  buying  caged  prairie  dogs  sold  by  the 
Hfiuseum  in  Sherman,  Wyoming.  Image  from  Frank  Leslie's 
Illustrated  Newspaper,  reprinted  in  Out  West  on  the  Overland 
Train  by  Richard  Reinhart. 

Laramie's  irreverent  humorist.  Bill  Nye,  poked 
fun  at  the  marvels  on  display  in  Sherman  in  several 
of  his  essays,  but  it  is  unknown  how  much  of  the 
detail  in  his  yarns  was  actually  based  on  reality.  He 
joked  about  "two  stuffed  coyotes  chained  to  the  door, 

one  on  each  side "  "Sometimes  a  tourist  asks  if 

these  are  prairie  dogs.""      In  "Home-Made  Indian 
Relics "  he  described  some  merchandise  displayed  in 

^  Campton  Bell,  "The  Early  Theaters,  Cheyenne,  Wyoming," 
Annals  of  Wyoming  25  (January  1953):  3-21. 

"    The  Cheyenne  Leader,  October  29  and  31,  1867. 

'  Marie  H.  Erwin,  Wyoming  Historical  Blue  Book,  A  Legal  and 
Political  History  of  Wyoming  1868-1943  (Denver,  Colorado: 
Bradford-Robinson  Printing  Co.,  1946),  p.  235;  and  Bell, 
"Early  Theaters,"  p.  16. 

'"Clarice  Whittenburg  handwritten  notes,  Clarice 
Whittenburg  Papers  (Ace.  #364),  American  Heritage  Cen- 
ter. 

"  Edgar  Wilson  (Bill)  Nye,  "The  Gentle  Youth  from  Leadville" 
in  Bill  Nye  and  Boomerang  (Chicago,  Illinois:  Homewood 
Publishing  Company,  Chicago,  1883),  pp.  201-202. 


Annals  of  Wyominc)  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004      27 


Sherman,  Wyoming,  home  to  the  "Museum  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Cunosities."  one  of  Wyoming's  first  museums. 
Courtesy  Amencan  Hentage  Center.  University  of  Wyoming 


the  museum:  a  "bale  ol"  Indian  arrows"  that  were  so 
"remarkably  well  preserved.  They  are  as  good  as  new." 
Also  tor  sale  were  "...some  Western  cactus  as  a  curi- 
osity for  the  tenderfoot  who  had  never  fooled  with  a 
cactus  much."''  This  museum  and  the  entire  block 
of  buildings,  excluding  the  depot,  burned  to  the 
ground  "with  all  the  ardor  with  which  it  was  con- 
structed" during  a  fire  in  September  1891.''' 

A  similar  exhibit  ol  "Rocky  Mountain  Curiosi- 
ties" was  displayed  near  the  Green  River  train  sta- 
tion, in  southwestern  Wyoming.  A  pair  of  caged 
moimtain  lions  thrilled  the  travelers  outside,  while 
indoors 

we  find  the  neatest  and  prettiest  ot  rooms,  in  which 
fossils  and  petrifactions  jostle  mixed  drinks  and  brandy 
straight.  Fhere  are  whole  logs  of  petrified  wood,  bro- 
ken down  the  middle  to  show  sparkling  quartz  cr\'s- 
tals  bedded  in  their  hollows;  slabs  two  feet  long,  with 
delicate  dark  tracer)'  of  fishes,  ferns,  or  water  plants; 
moss  agates  of  every  shade;  milkv-whitc,  dark  gray, 
and  purple  amethysts;  and  California  diamonds  -  clear, 
sparkling  crystals,  colorless  as  water.''' 

The  "California  Diamonds"  were  actually  large  quartz 
crystals.  The  more  tantalizing  title  was  for  the  ben- 
efit of  gullible,  but  hopehiUv  affluent,  tourists. 


Nearby  cliffs  exposing  the  fifty  million-\'ear  old  Green 
River  Formation  were  the  source  of  the  fossil  fish 
and  plants.  Specimens  of  these  types  of  fossils  are 
still  sold  in  rock  shops  today. 

There  were  undoubtedly  scores  of  Wyoming's 
earliest  settlers  who  maintained  small  personal  col- 
lections of  the  interesting  rocks  and  fossils  accumu- 
lated from  theif  new  surroundings  but,  unless  they 
were  later  donated  to  a  public  institution,  little  record 
of  them  is  left.  Bill  Nye  was  inspired  to  write  about 
his  own  "Cabinet"  of  "wild  western  things"  in  his 
1888  collection,  Baled  Hay. 

Beginning  with  the  skull  of  old  Hi-lo-fack-and  game, 
a  Sioux  brave,  the  collection  takes  in  my  wonderful 
bird,  known  as  the  Walk-up-the-creek,  and  another 
rara  avis,  with  carnixorous  bill  and  web  feet,  which 
has  astonished  eyer\'one  except  the  taxidermist  and 
myself.'^ 


'-  Bifl  Nye,  "Home-ni.idt;  Indian  Relics"  in  Bill  Nye  iitid  Boo- 
merang, pp.  235-39. 

''  The  Cheyenne  Leader,  September  17,  1891. 

'  ^  Ricfiard  Reinhart,  Out  West  on  the  Overland  Train:  Across-the- 
Continent  Excursion  with  Leslie's  Magazine  in  1877  (Palo  Alto, 
California:  American  West  Publishing  Co.,  1967),  p.  83. 

'"  Bill  Nye,  "My  Cabinet,"  " Baled LLayiChiago,  Illinois:  Belford, 
Clarke  &  Co.,  1888),  pp.  72-74. 


28    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


The  Earliest  "Scientific"  Promotional  Exhibits 

The  Wyoming  Territorial  Legislature  authorized 
an  act  in  1871  creating  the  first  territorial  library 
and  charged  its  librarian  with  the  creation  of"  a  min- 
erals display  case,  in  addition  to  his  more  typical  li- 
brary administrative  duties.  The  legislative  assembly 
also  proposed  a  circular  soliciting  mineralogical  items 
for  display  to  be  distributed  to  all  citizens  oi  the  ter- 
ritor}^  Unfortunately,  the  legislature  initially  failed 
to  provide  necessary  appropriations  to  fulfill  all  of 
their  own  requirements.  John  Slaughter,  appointed 
by  Governor  John  A.  Campbell,  served  as  territorial 
librarian  from  1872  until  1890.  The  library,  includ- 
ing cases  for  the  mineral  cabinet,  was  eventually 
housed  on  the  third  floor  of  the  Cheyenne  Opera 
House,  after  that  building  was  completed  in  1882, 
and  then  moved  to  the  top  floor  of  the  new  com- 
pleted Capitol  Building  in  1888.'" 

Wyoming's  fledgling  mining  industry  also  dis- 
played mineral  collections  for  public  inspection.  A 
notice  in  the  February  5,  1875,  CI wyeniie  Leader  ^ro- 
moted  a  "neat  little  cabinet  containing  fine  speci- 
mens from  the  Metcalf  Mines"  displayed  at 
Houseman's  hardware  store  in  downtown  Chey- 
enne.' The  Metcalf  like  many  of  Wyoming's  early 
mining  prospects,  tried  in  vain  to  produce  market- 
able quantities  of  copper,  gold,  silver,  or  galena  and 
was  continually  looking  for  new  investors  to  con- 
tinue its  work. 

The  late  1 870s  saw  the  convergence  of  the  two 
most  important  forces  stimulating  the  development 
of  museums  in  Wyoming  as  promotional  tools.  The 
first  was  the  appointment  of  John  Wesley  Hoyt  as 
the  territorial  governor  in  1878.  In  Hoyt,  Wyoming 
gained  a  leader  of  remarkable  physical  and  mental 
energy,  wide-ranging  vision,  and  uncanny  foresight.'^ 
He  was  a  "highly  educated  world  traveler  with  the 
soul  of  a  poet  and  the  mind  of  a  reformer  and  con- 
servationist."'' With  his  background  knowledge  of 
chemistry,  medicine,  and  natural  history  and  his  keen 
interest  in  scholarship  and  all  forms  of  higher  educa- 
tion, Hoyt  encouraged  the  instigation  of  several  cabi- 
nets and  museums  devoted  to  the  enrichment  of  the 
cultural  and  scientific  atmosphere  in  the  state.  Sec- 
ondly, at  this  time  Wyoming  was  actively  trying  to 
encourage  exploration  and  production  in  its  mining 


industry  and  to  promote  this  mineral  wealth  to  the 
rest  of  the  world.  Hoyt  was  instrumental  in  accom- 
plishing this  mission  and  was  a  great  proponent  of 
the  use  of  exposition  exhibits  or  traveling  museum 
displays  to  aid  in  this  endeavor.'"  In  1882,  he  and 
Professor  Bailey  collected  and  arranged  materials  for 
a  Wyoming  exhibit  at  the  National  Mining  and  In- 
dustrial Exposition,  held  in  Denver.  The  Deliver 
Daily  Tribune  commended  their  exhibit: 

Not  one  presents  a  more  diversified  or  interesting 
collection  of  products  that  will  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  the  manufacturer  than  Wyoming.  Besides 
the  mineral  exhibits  there  are  two  cases  filled  with 
its  rare  fossil  turtles  and  other  choice  petrifac- 
tions, for  which  the  Territory  is  famous,  while 
photographs  and  specimens  call  to  mind  the  en- 
chanted land'  of  the  Yellowstone  Park.-' 

In  1881,  Hoyt  appointed  Frederick  J.  Stanton  as 
the  state's  first  territorial  geologist.  One  of  the  main 
duties  of  this  new  office  was  to  promote  Wyoming's 
mineral  riches.  Stanton  accomplished  this  by  devel- 
oping several  mineral  resource  exhibits,  which  trav- 
eled to  Milwaukee,  Chicago,  Omaha,  and  the  Illi- 
nois and  Nebraska  state  fairs.  The  display  at  the 
Nebraska  fair  even  won  a  prize  for  best  mineral  ex- 
hibit." It  is  unknown  if  these  traveling  collections 
were  ever  returned  to  the  state  for  display. 

It  was  not  until  1 884  that  the  Wyoming  Legisla- 
ture provided  funds  to  the  third  territorial  geologist, 
Samuel  Aughey,  specifically  for  the  creation  of  a  per- 
manent display  of  minerals  and  geologic  specimens. 
Aughey  was  well  aware  of  the  fact  that  several  large 

""  Jim  Donahue,  Wyo»iiiig  Blue  Book:  Guide  to  the  State  Govern- 
tneiit  d)id  Municipal  Archives  ofWyomiiig,  Vol.  V,  Part  II  (Chey- 
enne: Wyoming  State  Archives,  1991),  p.  496;  and  personal 
communication  with  Dominique  Schultes  Wyoming  State 
Museum,  April  2003. 

"  The  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  February  3,  1875. 

' "  Henry  J.  Peterson,  "John  Wesley  Hoyt,  Territorial  Governor  of 
Wyoming"  Annals  of  Wyoming  22  (January  1950):  21. 

"  T.A.  Larson,  History  of  Wyoming  (Lincoln;  University  of  Ne- 
braska Press,  1978),  p.  134. 

-"  Peterson,  "John  Wesley  Hoyt,"  pp.  50,  51,  and  60. 

-'  The  Denver  Daily  Tribune,  August  27,  1882. 

'-  William  Bryans,  A  History  of  the  Geological  Survey  ofWyoming, 
Bulletin  65  (Cheyenne:  The  Geological  Survey  ofWyoming, 
1986),  p.  8. 


Annals  :j!  VVvorninq  The  VVvomina  His!orv  Jou'rai  -  Sjmner 


East  Coast  institutions  had  been  accumulating 
Wyoming's  vertebrate  fossils  since  1868,  while  the 
state  had  no  collection  of  "these  educational  treasures" 
of  its  own.  He  was  determineci  to  rectify  this  by 
financing,  at  his  own  expense,  an  expedition  to  dig 
dinosaur  fossils  at  Como  Bluff  during  the  summer  of 
1885.  He  hired  Wilbur  C.  Knight,  who  had  been 
his  student  at  the  University  of  Nebraska  during  the 
previous  year,  as  his  assistant.  rhe\'  proceeded  to  Al- 
bany Coimty  to  collect  specimens  for  the  state."' 
During  this  expedition  and  in  the  course  of  his  eco- 
nomic geology  field  work  throughout  the  year,  they 
collected  "several  thousand  specimens  in  mineralogy 
anci  paleontology."''  Complaining  that  his  office  was 
too  small  for  the  public  to  utilize  these  collections 
properly,  Aughev  advocated  the  rental  of  an  addi- 
tional large  room  to  serve  as  a  museum.  However, 
only  a  small  display  cabinet  in  the  territorial  geologist's 
office  was  ever  built.  Ihe  fomth  and  final  territorial 
geologist,  SaniLiel  D.  Ricketts,  was  also  charged  with 
obtaining  display  quality  specimens.  The  Third  W\'o- 
ming  Legislature  finally  did  pass  a  mandate  to  create 
space  and  funding  for  these  displa\'s  in  1 89S,  when  it 
formed  the  W\'oming  Historical  Society,  the  fore- 
rimner  of  the  Wyoming  State  Museiun.''' 

The  Wyoming  Academy  of  Sciences,  Arts  and 
Letters 

On  November  15,  1881 ,  a  new  organization  was 
formed  whose  aim  was 

the  encouragement  of  historical  and  scientific  research, 
the  promotion  of  the  practical  industries  of  W\oming, 
the  collection  and  preservation  of  authentic  records  of 
territorial  history  the  formation  of  historical,  scien- 
tific and  industrial  museums,  and  the  enlargement  of 
the  territorial  library.''' 

The  first  meeting  of  this  new  Wyoming  Academy  of 
Sciences,  Arts  and  Letters,  was  held  in  Cheyenne's 
Baptist  Church  on  January  17,  1882,  under  the  di- 
rection of  Hoyt,  who  ended  his  term  as  governor 
that  spring.  He  had  previously  founded  an  Academy 
of  Sciences,  Arts  and  Letters  in  Wisconsin  so  it  was 
natural  that  he  was  elected  as  first  president  of 
Wyoming's  academy.     Hoyt  served  in  that  capacity 


until  1  890.  The  academy  secretary  described  the 
group  as  having  the  "heart}'  cooperation  of  all  friends 
of  science  in  Wyoming.""  Among  its  108  members 
were  names  which  appear  repeatedly  throughout  this 
stor}'  of  Wyoming's  fledgling  museum  history:  John 
W  Hoyr  and  Mrs.  Hoyt,  A.  Judson  Cjray,  Frederick 
Stanton,  John  Slaughter,  Frank  Bond,  Francis  F'. 
Warren,  Melville  C.  Brown,  Stephen  W.  Downey,  ]. 
H.  Finfrock,  W.  H.  Holliday,  F^lward  Ivinson, 
Ethelbert  Talbot,  and  J.  D.  Conley."'" 

The  club's  main  function  was  the  presentation  of 
papers  by  the  membership  at  regular  meetings,  but 
the  development  of  a  libran'  and  a  museum  for  mem- 
bers' use  were  also  goals  set  forth  in  the  academ\'  by- 
laws: 

No  books  shall  be  taken  from  the  f  ihrar\'  or  speci- 
mens from  the  Kkiseum  except  bv  aLithorit\'  of  the 
trustees  but  it  shall  be  the  dut\'  of  the  Board  to  pro- 
vide ior  the  district  to  the  higher  institutes  oi  learning 
in  the  territor\'  of  such  duplicates  of  r\'pical  specimens 
m  natural  history  as  the  Academy  ma\'  be  able  to  sup- 
ph"  without  detriment  to  its  own  collections."' 

Frederick  Stanton  was  elected  as  the  museum's  first 
curator  and  John  Slaughter  its  first  librarian.  Dur- 
ing the  very  first  meeting  of  the  club,  the  president 
reported  that  ntimerous  contributions  to  the  library 
and  museum  had  already  been  received.'"  A  public 
request  for  further  donations  to  the  museum  was  pub- 
lished in  T/.'f  CheyoDie  Sun  on  April  26,  1884.    By 


''  Ihid.,  pp.  14  -IS. 

'"'  Samuel  Aughcw  A)inii,il  Report  of  tltc  Icrritonal  Geologut  to  tlw 

Governor  of  Wyniiiiiig  (L.iramie:  Boomerang  Printing  House, 

1886),  p.  2. 
-^  Personal  communication  with  Dominique  Scliultes.  Vlyoming 

State  Museum.  April  2003. 
'''  Peterson,  "John  Wesley  Hoyt,"  pp.  SS-S^). 
'    A.J.  Gr.iy,  "Letter  to  Edward  Ivinson,  Dec.  24,  1883.     Recortl 

Book,  Wyoming  Acddemy  of  Scieticfi,   Arts  and  Letter  (Che\'enne.' 

Wyoming  State  Archives),  p.  6. 
-'*  Certifiedte  Bool;.  Wyoming  Actidemy  of  Seienees,  Arts  iiiid  Letters 

(Chevenne:  Wvoming  State  Archives,  1881-1886). 
■"'  Trnihiietiom  of  the  Wyoming  Aeiidemy  of  Seienees,  Arts  and  Letters. 

vol.1,  1882,  p.  1  1. 
'"  Ihid..  p.   IS.     Note  that  this  reference  to  "higher  institutes  ot 

learning"  came  five  years  belore  the  Uni\ersity  ol  Wyoming  was 

founded. 


30    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


1890,  many  of  the  academy  officers  were  living  in 
Laramie  and  were  associated  with  the  University  of 
Wyoming.  Academy  letterhead  that  year  listed  J.  D. 
Conley  as  the  curator  of  the  academy's  museum.  At 
this  time  he  was  also  serving  as  curator  of  the 
universit}''s  museum.  No  record  could  be  found  of 
the  ultimate  disposition  oi  the  academy  museum's 
collections,  although  correspondence  by  Hoyt  indi- 
cated his  desire  to  combine  the  two.  '' 

The  Formation  of  the  University  of  Wyoming 
Museum 

It  should  be  noted  that  many  of  the  men  involved 
in  the  founding  oi  the  University  ot  Wyoming  in 
1886  were  already  members  of  the  Wyoming  Acad- 
emy of  Sciences,  Arts  and  Letters.  Governor  Francis 
E.  Warren  appointed  J.  H.  Finfrock,  M.  C.  Brown, 
W.  H.  Holliday,  J.  H.  Hayford,  Edward  Ivinson,  Hoyt 
(later  replaced  by  J.  Y.  Cowhick)  and  Aughey  (later 
replaced  by  L.  D.  Ricketts)  as  members  of  the 
university's  first  board  of  trustees. "*■  These  men  were 
responsible  for  choosing  the  facult)',  appointing  the 
facilities,  and  formulating  the  curriculum.  In  May 
1887,  the  university  presidency  was  offered  to  Hoyt. 
Conley  was  the  first  faculty  member  hired,  although 

No  record  can  be  found  ol  the  election  of  either  Pro- 
fessor Nelson  or  of  Professor  Conley.  They  have  evi- 
dently reigned  by  right  of  antediluvial  conquest  or 
have  claimed  'squatters'  rights. '"" 


find  in  this  frontier  and  western  country.""  Conley 
was  an  instructor  of 

geology,  physics,  chemistry,  mechanical  drawing,  book- 
keeping, commercial  law,  correspondence,  penmanship, 
aesthetics,  farm  accounts,  methods  of  instruction  in 
physical  science,  art  of  technical  drawing,  as  well  as 
serving  as  vice  president  (of  the  University),  meteo- 
rologist and  curator  of  the  museum."' 

This  list,  prepared  in  1936  by  oneof  Conley's  succes- 
sors, Samuel  H.  Knight,  omitted  a  few  jobs:  teaching 
commercial  arithmetic,  astronomy,  an  extension  class 
in  geology,  "natural  philosophy,"  and  the  "Art  of 
Teaching  Drawing, "  as  well  as  serving  as  dean  of  the 
faculty,  faculty  secretary,  and  agricultural  chemist  of 
the  experimental  station."  Conley  also  served  as  act- 
ing university  president  for  the  first  three  months  of 
1891,  after  the  board  of  trustees  fired  Hoyt,  and  be- 
fore the  new  president,  Albinus  A.  Johnson,  assumed 
office.  Conley  also  served  as  president  of  the  Laramie 
Board  of  Trade.  ^** 

The  university's  very  first  Circular  of  General  In- 
formation promised  that  "there  will  soon  be  formed  a 
valuable  geological  and  mineralogical  museum"  on 
campus. '*''  The  original  Bylaws  for  the  Government  of 
the  Board  of  Trustees,  the  Faculty  and  Students  of  the 
University  ofWyoming  required  that  a  museum  com- 
mittee be  appointed  from  the  trustee  members,  that 
a  curator  of  the  museum  be  selected  from  the  faculty, 


John  Dykeman  Conley  was  born  in  Brockport, 
New  York,  and  educated  in  state  normal  schools  be- 
fore entering  Hamilton  College,  New  York,  in  1865. 
After  obtaining  his  A.B.  degree  and  taking  an  addi- 
tional year's  training  in  chemistry,  he  was  hired  as  a 
professor  of  chemistry  and  the  "kindred  sciences"  at 
Blackburn  University,  Carlinville,  Illinois.  During 
his  eighteen  years  at  Blackburn,  Conley  was  instru- 
mental in  the  design  and  appointments  of  a  new  sci- 
ence building  on  that  campus,  an  effort  which  in- 
cluded the  arrangement  of  a  large,  donated  cabinet 
of  minerals  and  fossils.'^ 

Conley  moved  his  family  to  Laramie  during  the 
summer  of  1 887  and  was  pleasantly  surprised  to  find 
Laramie  "far  in  advance  of  anything  he  expected  to 


-"  Letters,  Wyoming  Acaetemy  of  Sciences,  Arts  and  Letters,  February 
22,  1890.  letterhead  listed  John  W.  Hoyt,  President,  Prof.  J.  D. 
Conley,  Curator  of  Museum,  Ethelbert  Talbot,  Hon.  V.  Pres.  and 
L.  D.  Ricketts,  Dept.  Officer. 

^-  Wilson  O.  Clough,  A  Histoiy  of  the  University  ofWyoming,  1887- 
75*37  (Laramie  Printing  Company,  1937),  p.  19. 

^•'  Chronicles  of  the  Alumni  of  the  University  of  Wyoming,  1911. 

'''  Souvenir:  First  Annual  Commencemetit  of  the  University  ofWyo- 
ming, 1891,  p.  9. 

^'  Clough,  A  History  of  the  University  ofWyoming,  p.  23. 

^'  Samuel  H.  Knight,  "History  of  the  Department  of  Geology 
and  the  Geological  and  Paleontological  Museum  of  the  Univer- 
sity ofWyoming"  manuscript  in  the  Wilson  O.  Clough  Collec- 
tion, Ace.  #4000026,  American  Heritage  Center,  1936,  pp.  1- 
2. 

'^  Chronicles  of  the  Alumni  of  the  University  ofWyoming,  191 1,  p. 
28. 

"  Clough,  A  History  of  the  University  ofWyoming,  p.  46. 

''  Wyoming  Circular  of  General  Information,  1887-1888,  \"  Edi- 
tion, 1887,  p.  7. 


Annals  of  Wyoniinq  The  Wyoming  History  Journai-- Summer  2004       31 


and  that  this  curator  "shall  have  charge  of  the  cabi- 
net, museum  and  all  collections."'"  Conley  served  as 
musetmi  curator  tor  the  university  horn  1887  until 
1893. 

Early  University  IVIuseum  Collections 

When  the  interior  finish  work  on  the  third  lloor 
of  Universit}'  Hall  was  completed  in  1890,  space  was 
fmally  available  to  arrange  a  museum  display.^'  A 
reporter  Irom  the  LaniDiie  Boo!?!f>niig  visited  the  cam- 
pus in  July  1891  to  describe  the  shared  space  for  the 
new  museum  and  library; 

The  work  of  tlu'  fittint;  up  the  room  in  the  north  end 
ol  the  third  lloor  is  m  progress.  The  room  will  be 
simpK'  beautilul  in  its  arrangements.  In  the  center  ol 
the  south  side  a  Flight  ol  iron  steps  with  brass  railings 
leads  to  the  upper  cases  ol  books.   Along  in  tront  of 

these  is  a  beautilul  balcony  ol  antique  oak There 

will  be  eight  large  glass  cases  arranged  abiuit  the  room 
and  these  Prof.  Conle\'  will  fill  with  his  large  private 
collection  ol  lossils,  minerals  and  Indian  and  Mound 
Builder's  relics.  '- 

Stnprisinglv,  the  nototiouslv  penurious  trustees  al- 
lotted $1 ,71 8.88  tor  improvements  to  the  libran'  and 
museum  that  year.^' 

The  university  had  been  receiving  material  do- 
nations since  it  opened.  An  early  museum  record 
book  lists  more  than  two  hundred  specimens  con- 
tributed by  Dr.  |.  H.  Finlrock  (president  ol  the  first 
board  ol  trustees  and  first  donor)  between  1887  and 
1891: 


several  collections  from  the  Smithsonian  Institution, 
including  sevent)'-seven  specimens  ol  ores  and  min- 
erals, 140  species  offish,  and  mt)re  than  one  hun- 
dred plaster  casts  ol  Indian  relics: 

They  consist  ol  fine  Adzes,  Discoidal  Stones,  Digging 
Implements,  Stone  Swords,  Gouges,  Picks,  Stone 
Hatchets,  Pipes,  Spear-heads,  Sinkers  and  ceremonial 
objects,  all  carefully  colored  to  represent  the  originals 
from  which  thev  were  taken. ^'' 

Citizen  donations  included  a  strange  assortment 
ol  curiosities  ol  dubious  scientific  value,  including 
an  iron  chest  that  had  been  used  under  a  stasie  coach 
seat  to  carry  the  express  mail,  a  pair  of  dwarl  deer 
antlers,  five  trap-door  spider  nests,  one  Indian  skull, 
a  "perlectly  spherical  Hairball,  taken  Irom  the  stom- 
ach ol  a  yearling,"  rwo  bottles  ol  trout  eggs,  one  pait 
ol  flying  fish  "wings,"  and  three  stulled  ducks. ^"  Se- 
lected citizen  donations  were  grouped  into  one  cabi- 
net while  Conley  filled  the  other  seven  cases  with  his 
own  personal  collection,  accumulated  in  more  than 
twenty  years  ol  collecting. 

Conley's  contributions  were  ol  a  more  practical 
nature,  mostly  minerals  and  lossils,  which  he  used 
when  teaching  Historical  Geology  and  Paleontolog}'. 
Even  some  ol  his  "cultural"  artilacts  were  used  to  teach 
geological  processes: 

Prof  CAinley  has  a  horseshoe  which  is  a  great  curios- 
ir\'.  When  in  Yellowstone  Park  he  placed  it  in  one  ol 
the  hot  springs  and  lelt  it  lor  three  days.     The  lime 


samples  ol  copper  and  silver  ore,  specimens  ol  galena, 
turquoise  and  calcareous  tula,  a  cluster  ol  quartz  crys- 
tals, vertebrae  of  a  fossil  reptile,  the  tooth  of  a  whale, 
boxes  ol  sea  shells,  a  sea  urchin,  one  centipede,  a  Hint 
Indian  sctaper  and  arrows,  a  piece  ol  worm-bored  wood 
and  a  relic  from  the  Chicago  fire.'" 

Other  ptominent  contributors  were  Hon.  Stephen 
W.  Downey,  Judge  Melville  C.  Brown,  Hon.  Homer 
Merrell,  Dr.  Grace  R.  Hebard,  Mr.  William  H.  Reed 
(the  "specimen  man").  Professors  W.  I.  Smith  and 
Dice  McLaren  and  Constantine  P.  Arnold.  Senator 
Joseph  M.  Carey  was  also  instrumental  in  securing 


""'  Second  A)i>iiiiil  RL'pori  oj  the  Uinveriityof\\'yo»u}ig,  1893. 

''  Deborah  Hardy,  Wyoming  University:  The  Firsr  100  ]'eiiii,  1886- 
1986  (Laramie:  The  University  of  Wyoming,  1986),  p.  23. 

■*'  The  Laramie  Boomerang,  July  18,  1891. 

''  First  Annua/  Report  (L.u3.ni\e:  L'niversirv  ot  Wvoming,  1892), 
p.  12.  ^ 

■•^  Brent  H.  Breithaupt,  "Dinosaurs  to  Gold  Ores:  The  100  Year 
History  of  the  University  of  Wyoming  Geological  Museum. 
Wyoming  Geological  Association  Guidebook,  50'''  Field  Confer- 
ence (Casper:  Wyoming  Geological  Association,  1993),  pp. 
19-38. 

^^  Ibid.;  Second  Annual  Report  of  the  University  ofWyoming{l895), 
p.  9;  and  The  University  ofWyoming  Catalogue  for  the  Year  1891- 
1892  (Laramie:  The  Republican  Book  and  Job  Print,  1892), 
pp.  85-86. 

^''  The  University  ofWyoming  Catalogue  for  the  Year  1891-1892, 
p.  85. 


32    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -  Summer  2004 


deposit  was  so  great  that  it  covered  the  shoe  entirely 
and  it  is  now  as  white  as  though  it  had  been  painted."^ 

Although  he  displayed  "almost  everything  in  geologi- 
cal curiosities,"  it  was  those  specimen  r}'pes  not  lound 
in  Wvoming  ot^  which  he  was  most  proud. 

While  Wvoming  is  one  of  the  richest  regions  in  the 
world  for  mesozoic  fossils,  a  region  from  which  Pro- 
fessors Marsh,  Cope  and  others  have  taken  Iragmen- 
tarv  remains  of  many  gigantic  saiirians  and  other  fos- 
sils, vet,  in  order  to  make  the  geological  stor\'  com- 
prehensive, including  the  ancient  as  well  as  the  medi- 
eval and  recent  history,  more  than  Wyoming  fossils 
are  necessary.''^ 

In  addition  to  his  geological  and  archeologlcal  speci- 
mens, he  also  loaned  an  old  flint  lock  rifle  used  in 
the  Revolutionary  War,  a  pair  of  silver  spectacles,  a 
watch  chain  from  the  War  of  1 8 1 2,  and  a  powderhorn 
carried  b\'  Conley's  great  grandfather  in  the  Battle  of 
Saratoga.^'' 

Each  of  the  estimated  rwenry  thousand  specimens 
was  neatly  labeled  and  arranged  on  small  wooden 
blocks.  An  article  in  the  Laramie  Boomerang  an- 
nounced the  opening  of  the  museum  with  an  invita- 
tion for  the  public  to  "visit  anytime."  In  tact  it  en- 
couraged the  public  to  visit  many  times. 


Wilbur  C.  Knight  was  hired  as  a  professor  of  geology, 
mining  engineering,  assaying,  and  metallurgy  in  1 893 
and  during  the  next  year  replaced  Conley  as  curator 
of  the  museum.  William  H.  Reed  was  hired  in  1896 
as  an  assistant  geologist  and  he,  in  ttnn,  replaced 
Knight  as  curator.  Under  the  direction  of  these  two 
men  the  university  museum's  geological  and  paleon- 
tological  collections  increased  dramatically.  By  the  end 
of  that  decade  the  museum  claimed  to  have  the  sec- 
ond largest  collection  of  American  Jurassic  period 
vertebrate  fossils  in  the  world. ^^  Contrary  to  Downey's 
prediction,  the  supply  of  Wyoming's  fossil  treasures 
are  still  not  exhausted  and  new  materials  are  continu- 
ally being  collected  and  displayed. 

From  these  first  tentative  steps  during  the  nine- 
teenth centuiy,  to  entertain,  promote  the  territory's 
minerals,  and  educate,  Wyoming's  museum  collec- 
tions have  grown  to  fill  scores  of  facilities  through- 
out the  state.  At  the  universit)'  Conley's  original  cabi- 
net of  curiosities  has  expanded  into  today's  broad  rang- 
ing campus  institutions  that  draw  thotisands  of  \'isi- 
tors  from  all  over  the  world.  j|h| 


One  case  should  be  thoroughly  inspected  at  a  time. 
Even  in  this  way  a  dozen  visits  would  re\'eal  some- 
thing new  each  time  as  the  specimens  are  so  numer- 
ous. The  room  is  fitted  up  beautifully  and  altogether 
it  is  a  delightful  place. ^" 


The  Future  of  the  University  Museum 

C^ampus  museum  development  remained  an  im- 
portant topic  of  business  throughout  thel890s.  In 
the  56i//z'£';//'r  volume  produced  in  June  1891,  for  the 
first  graduating  class,  Stephen  W.  Downey  is  cred- 
ited with  advocating  the  creation  of  a  "fossil  palace" 
on  the  campus: 

Give  us  a  fossil  palace  by  all  means.  Consider  the  fact 
that  the  material  which  we  now  can  procure  in  great 
abundance  is  being  fast  exhausted.  Show  the  world 
that  the  people  of  Wyoming  are  pioneers  in  art  as  well 
as  in  other  walks  of  life.^' 


The  Ltiramie  Boomerangs  September  17,  1891. 

The  Laramie  Boomerang,  September  17,  1891. 

The  Laramie  Boomerang,  September  17,  1891. 

The  Laramie  Boomerang,  September  17,  1891. 

Souvenir:  First  Annual  Commencement  of  the  Universit)'  of^'yo- 

»H»?(1891),  p.    9. 

Breithaupt,  "Dinosaurs  to  Gold  Ores,"  p.  21. 


M*UNIVH<SIIV 

~~i.^  WVOMINl 

Libraries 


in  the 


fc:^_.L._ 


Recent  Acquistions 
Hebard  Library,  UW  Libraries 


Tamsen  L.  Hert,  University  of  Wyoming  libraries 


The  Grace  Raymond  Hebard  W)'oming  Col- 
lection is  a  branch  oi  the  Llniversity  ot  Wyo- 
mine,  Libraries  housed  in  the  Owen  Wister 
Western  Writers  Reading  Room  in  the  American 
Heritage  Center.  Primarily  a  research  collection,  the 
core  oi"  this  collection  is  Miss  Hebard's  personal  li- 
braiy  which  was  donated  to  the  tmiversity  libraries. 
Further  donations  have  been  significant  in  the  devel- 
opment oi"  this  collection.  While  it  is  easv  to  identify' 
materials  about  Wvoming  published  by  nationally 
known  ptiblishers,  it  can  be  difficult  to  locate  perti- 
nent publications  printed  in  Wyoming,  f  he  Hebard 
Collection  is  considered  to  be  the  most  comprehen- 
sive collection  on  Wyoming  in  the  state. 

If  you  have  any  questions  about  these  materials 
or  the  Hebard  C]ollection,  you  can  contact  me  bv 
phone  at  307-766-6243;  by  email,  thert^'uwv'o.edu, 
or  you  can  access  the  Hebard  HomePage  at:  http:// 
ww\v.u\vyo.edu/lib/heb.htm. 

New  Publications 

Call,  Lee  R.  Reflections  of  the  20'''  Century  hi 
Star  Valley  Wyoming,  1900-2000.  Afton,  WY: 
Printstar,  2000. 

Hebard  &  Coe  F  767  .S73  C355  2000 
An  examination  of  the  history  of  Star  Valley  com- 
piled from  articles  originally  published  for  the  local 
newspaper. 

Cassidy,  James  G.    Ferdinand  V.  Hayden:  Entre- 
preneur of  Science.  Lincoln  and  London:  Univer- 
sity of  Nebraska  Press,  2000. 
Hebard  &  Geology  QE  22  .H3  C37  2000 

A  histoiy  of  the  development  of  the  Hayden  Surveys 
and  their  relationship  to  the  practice  of  science. 


Church,  Clare.  Arthur  Ternan  (1884-1907):    'the 
Cowboy  in   Wyoming.  "    Lymington,  Hampshire, 
England  :  C.  Church,  2002. 
Hebard   F  767  .A3  T4763  2002 

Pieced  together  from  letters  between  Arthur  and  his 
parents,  this  is  a  biograph}'  of  an  earl\'  resident  of 
Alban\-  Countv,  Wyoming. 

Fifer,  Barbara.   Wyotning's  Historic  Forts.  Helena, 
MT:   Farcountry  Press,  2002. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  761  .F544  2002 

A  pictorial  histor\'  of  W\'oming's  ftirts. 

Francis,  Julie  E.   and  Lawrence  L.   Loendorf. 

Ancient  Visions:  Petroglyphs  and  Pictographs  of 

the  Wind  River  and  Bighorn  Country,  Wyoming 

and  Montana.   Salt  Lake  City,  LIT:  University  of 

Utah  Press,  2002. 

Hebard  &  Coe  E  78  .W95  F735  2002 

Provides  a  sampling  of  the  wonderful  rock  art  figures 

found  in  Wvoming's  north  central  region. 

Hagan,  Barry  J.  "Exactly  in  the  Right  Place":  A 
History  of  Fort  C.F.  Smith,  Montana  Ferritory, 
1866-1868.  El  Segundo,  CA:  Upton  &  Sons,  Pub- 
lishers, 1999. 

Hebard  &  Coe  F  739  .F48  H343  1999 
The  third  of  the  military  posts  along  the  Bozeman 
Trail,  Fort  C.F.  Smith  is  primarily  remembered  for 
the  Hayfield  Fight,  August  1,  1867.  The  author  has 
thoroughly  researched  the  militarv  records  to  pro- 
vide this  accoimt. 

Henry-Mead,  Jean.   Westerners:  Candid  and  His- 
toric Interviews.  Evansville,  WY:     Medallion 
Books,  2003. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  760  .H467  2003 

1  his  work  contains  a  sampling  of  the  hundreds  of 


34    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


interviews  conducted  by  the  author.  Many  Wyoming- 
ites  are  included — Chris  LeDoux,  Conrad  Schwiering, 
Dick  Cheney,  Thyra  Thomson  and  more! 

Huston,  Hayden  H.  Daniel,  Wyoming:  The  First 
Hundred  Years  1900-2000:  A  History  of  Daniel 
atjd  Surrounding  Areas.  2  vols.  Salt  Lake  City, 
UT:  Agreka  Books,  2000. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  769  .D36  D36  2000  v.  1-2 
"This  book  is  a  remembrance  of  the  pioneer  settlers 
of  the  upper  Green  River  valley."  Includes  many 
photographs  and  maps. 

Janetski,  Joel  C.  Indians  in  Yellotvstone  National 
Park.    Revised  ed.    Salt  Lake  City:  University  of 
Utah  Press,  2002. 
Hebard  &  Coe  E  78  .W95  J36  2002 

A  popular  history  of  the  inhabitants  of  Yellowstone. 

Jewell,  Loretta  and  Susan  Chaires.  Then  to  Now: 
A  Collection  of  Favorite  Recipes  Spiced  With  Tid- 
bits of  History  From  Carpenter  School  and  Com- 
munity of  Carpenter,  Wyoming.  Carpenter,  WY: 
Carpenter  School  &  Community,  1996. 
Hebard  TX  715  .T495  1996 

Includes  numerous  photographs  which  accompany 
the  historical  tidbits. 


1900-1930.    Missoula,  MT:    Pictorial  Histories 

Publishing  Company,  Inc.,  2000. 

Hebard  &  Coe  HE  356  .Y4  M445  2000 

A  history  of  one  of  the  overlooked  early  highways  in 

the  United  States. 

Peterson,  David  William.    Yellotvstone:    Like  No 

Other  Place  On  Earth.  Helena,  MT:    Farcountry 

Press,  2002. 

Hebard  &  Coe  F  722.55  .P484  2002 

Primarily  color  photographs  with  excerpts  from  the 

1870  Washburn-Doane  Expedition. 

Petzoldt,  Paul  K.    Teton  Tales  and  Other  Petzoldt 

Anecdotes.     Guilford,  CT:    Globe  Pequot  Press, 

1995. 

Hebard  &  Coe  GV  199.92  .P48  P489  1995 

A  collection  of  reminiscences  from  this  Wyoming 
climbing  pioneer. 

Pitcher,  Goldie  Norah.    McFadden:     The  Totvn 
They  Called  "Camp.  "  Rawlins,  WY:  s.n.,  200? 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  769  .M38  P583  2000z 

A  history  of  the  short-lived  town  of  McFadden,  Wyo- 
ming. Located  between  Rock  River  and  Arlington, 
McFadden  was  once  home  to  approximately  four 
hundred  residents. 


Lindmier,  Tom.     Drybone:    A  History  of  Fort 
Fetterman,    Wyoming.     Glendo:     High  Plains 
Press,  2002. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  769  .F58  L46  2002 

A  detailed  study  ol  this  fort  on  the  Bozeman  Trail. 
Includes  short  biographies  of  some  of  the  residents 
and  officers  of  the  fort. 

Little,  Billie.  Sheridan  County  History: 
Going. . .  Going. . .  Gone?  Sheridan,  WY:  Sheridan 
County  Historic  Preservation  Commission,  1999. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  767  .S55  L588  1999 

Results  of  a  photo  history  contest  in  Sheridan  County 
and  the  efforts  of  the  commission  to  "raise  commu- 
nity awareness  about  the  disappearing  remains." 

Meeks,  Harold  A.  On  the  Road  to  Yellowstone: 
The  Yellowstone  Trail  and  American  Highways, 


Rutter,  Michael.    Wild  Bunch  Women.   Guilford, 

CT:  TwoDot,  2003. 

Hebard  &  Coe  F  590.5  .R87  2003 

From  the  back  cover,  "Explore  the  lives  of  the  pistol- 
packing,  hell-raising,  high-spirited  gals  who  traveled 
with  Butch  Cassidy's  notorious  Wild  Bunch  gang." 
Biographical  information  on  nine  of  the  women  as- 
sociated with  the  Wild  Bunch. 

Scharff,  Virginia.     Twenty  Thousand  Roads: 
Women,  Movement,  and  the  West.  Berkeley:  Uni- 
versity of  California  Press,  2003. 
Hebard  F  596  .S26  2003 

An  examination  of  women's  stories  and  their  partici- 
pation in  the  "West."  Includes  chapters  on  Sacajawea 
and  Grace  Raymond  Hebard. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal --Summer  2004       35 


BOOK 


Edited  by 
Carl  Hallberg 


Significant  Recent  Books 
on  Western  and 
Wyoming  History 


Public  Lands  and  Political  Meaning:  Ranchers,  The 
Government,  and  the  Property  Between  Them.    By 

Karen  R.  Merrill.  Richmond:  University  of  California  Press, 
2002.  Illustrations,  notes,  bibliographic  essay,  index.  293 
pages.  Hardcover,  $50.00. 

Private  ranchers  and  federal  officials  have  locked 
horns  over  livestock  grazing  issues  ever  since  the 
post-Civil  War  settlement  ol  the  American  West.  In 
Public  Liuuls  ivid  Political  MciDiiiig,  Karen  iMerrill 
traces  this  complex  relationship  from  the  1870s  to 
1950,  a  period  that  saw  many  changes  in  perspective. 
The  evolution  of  grazing  policy  during  this  era  set 
the  stage  for  later  conflicts  with  environmental  groups 
that  continue  today. 

According  to  Merrills  introduction,  the  vast  pub- 
lic lands  owe  their  existence  to  two  factors:  ( 1 )  the 
original  thirteen  states  ceded  claims  to  western  lands 
in  1787  when  the  new  federal  government  began, 
and  (2)  treaties  and  wars  in  the  nineteenth  centur\' 
(p.  7).  Six  subsequent  chapters  and  an  epilogue  flesh 
out  how  different  ideas  about  property  have  affected 
grazing  policies. 

Chapter  one  discusses  nineteenth  centurv  policy 
making  when  most  lands  were  open  for  homestead- 
ing.  The  development  of  the  Forest  Service  in  the 
Department  of  Agriculture  influenced  earlv  grazing 
policies,  and  ranchers  organized  into  groups  like  the 
National  Live  Stock  Association  to  better  represent 
industry  interests. 

Chapter  two  investigates  the  role  of  the  home- 
steader in  the  development  of  public  land  policy.  As 
homesteading  became  less  of  a  factor  after  World  War 
I,  federal  lands  were  regarded  more  as  property  that 
should  remain  in  public  ownership. 

Chapter  three  delves  into  the  early  consideration 
of  states'  rights,  where  public  lands  might  be  given  to 
the  western  states.  As  these  efforts  weakened,  the 
Forest  Service  undertook  studies  to  counter  the  ad- 


verse effects  of  overgrazing  that  had  occurred  in  the 
past,  and  developed  regulations.  In  addition,  policy 
shifts  in  the  Department  of  Interior  from  homestead- 
ing to  grazing  management  signaled  interagency  com- 
petition with  the  Department  of  Agriculture  for  con- 
gressional funding. 

By  1929,  President  f^omcr  appointed  a  commit- 
tee to  look  into  handing  the  public  domain  over  to 
the  states.  Chapter  four  in\'estigates  the  states'  rights 
issue  in  detail,  but  the  idea  ne\er  full\-  achieved  ac- 
ceptance. Chapter  five  is  a  summar\'  of  the  Tavlor 
Grazing  Act  of  1 934,  which  set  forth  grazing  policies 
that  affect  the  vast  majority  of  rangelands  in  the  west- 
ern United  States,  both  public  and  private. 

Chapter  six  covers  the  period  from  1933  to  1950, 
during  which  the  Bureau  of  Land  Management  was 
established  in  the  Department  of  Interior.  Public  lands 
have  become  property  slated  for  sustainable  manage- 
ment rather  than  earmarked  for  disposal  through 
homesteading.  H\'en  so,  the  debate  continues  whether 
ranchers  hold  grazing  rights  or  pri\'ileges  on  public 
domain. 

Merrill's  epilogue  touches  on  the  sagebrush  re- 
bellion of  the  1980s,  environmental  groups  influ- 
encing grazing  policies,  and  the  development  of  en- 
vironmental impact  statements.  These  issues  are  be- 
yond the  scope  of  her  book,  but  each  was  affected  in 
part  by  the  historic  events  she  has  chronicled. 

As  long  as  the  West  is  comprised  of  private  land 
owned  b\'  ranchers,  and  public  lanci  leased  h\  them, 
there  will  be  a  need  for  dialog.  The  more  that  ranch- 
ers and  land  managers  communicate,  the  better  will 
be  their  decisions.  Merrill's  book  has  shown  this  to 
be  the  case. 

Public  Ldudi  iVid  Political  Meaning  is  an  afford- 
able book  about  a  relevant  topic.  One  of  its  greatest 
contributions  is  the  illustration  of  conflicts  between 
the  Department  of  Agriculture  and  the  Department 


36  Annals  ofVVyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal --Summer  2004 


of  Interior  over  public  land  issues  and  federal  appro- 
priations. Before  you  read  another  polemic  about  re- 
moving livestock  from  the  range,  read  Merrills  work 
for  a  clearer  picture  of  the  history  behind  the  scenes. 

—  Mark  E.  Miller,  Wyoming  State  Ar- 
chaeologist 

The  Wagon  Box  Fight:  An  Episode  of  Red  Cloud's 
War.  By  Jerry  Keenan.  Conchohocken,  Pennsylvania: 
Saves  Publishing  Company,  2000. 158  pp.  Illustrations, 
maps,  notes,  bibliography,  index.  Paper,  $14.95. 

7 "he  Wagon  Box  Fight  is  an  updated,  improved  vol- 
ume about  a  classic  account  about  a  classic  en- 
gagement. On  August  2,  1867,  soldiers  and  civilian 
contractors  engaged  a  numerically  superior  Lakota 
force  bent  on  destroying  them.  The  attack  occurred 
on  a  wagon  box  corral  serving  as  a  woodcutters'  out- 
post ol^  Fort  Phil  Kearny.  The  army  prevailed  because, 
according  to  Jerry  Keenan,  "[t]he  new  Springfield 
breechloader  was  the  predominant  weapon  on  this 
day  ..."  (p.  33).  The  breechloaders  had  given  the 
soldiers  the  ability  to  deliver  a  "steady  volume  of  fire" 
without  the  "usual  pause  in  firing"  associated  with 
muzzleloaders  (p.  39).  If  the  defenders  "had  been 
armed  with  muzzleloaders  instead  of  breech-loaders," 
opined  the  officer  who  led  a  relief  column  of  the 
battle,  "[the]  party  would  have  been  massacred  be- 
fore my  arrival"  (p.  46). 

Fort  Kearny  was  a  thorn  in  Red  Cloud's  side. 
Actually,  the  fort  near  present-day  Sheridan,  Wyo- 
ming, was  one  of  three  thorns  in  his  side.  The  others 
were  Fort  Reno,  to  the  south,  and  Fort  C.F.  Smith, 
farther  north.  The  forts  were  on  the  Bozeman  Trail 
to  protect  travelers  heading  to  Montana  and  its  mines. 
In  1866,  Red  Cloud  had  refused  to  treat  with  the 
commissioners  at  Fort  Laramie  who  sought  unmo- 
lested passage  for  travelers.  Instead  of  pledges  of  peace. 
Red  Cloud  promised  to  harass  intruders  in  his  Pow- 
der River  country.  Undeterred,  the  army  erected  the 
forts,  and  true  to  his  word.  Red  Cloud  made  the  sol- 
diers' lives  miserable. 

To  Colonel  Henry  Carrington  fell  the  responsi- 
bility of  building  the  forts  and  neutralizing  the  In- 
dian threat.  He  chose  a  beautiful  location  for  Fort 
Kearny  along  Piney  Creek  just  a  stone's  throw  from 


today's  Story,  Wyoming,  a  picturesque  community 
where  cabins  nestle  among  the  pine  growths  that  were 
crucial  to  the  building  of  the  fort.  The  threat  of  In- 
dian attack  compelled  Carrington  to  build  a  pali- 
saded post.  Lumber  for  construction  stood  four  miles 
away.  Civilian  woodcutters  spent  their  days  falling 
timber  and  moving  it  to  the  fort,  soldiers  dutifully 
guarded  them,  and  the  Indians  kept  Red  Cloud's 
promise. 

In  December  1866,  a  brash  Captain  William 
Fetterman  led  eighty  men  to  their  deaths  by  pursu- 
ing a  small  band  of  Indians  who  had  been  harassing 
the  woodcutters.  The  band  was  a  decoy  that  led 
Fetterman  into  a  trap.  Vastly  outnumbered,  his  com- 
mand perished  to  the  last  man.  In  early  July  of  the 
following  year,  Fort  Kearny  received  a  shipment  of 
Springfield  breechloaders.  In  August,  when  Red 
Cloud's  fighters  hoped  to  replicate  their  victory  of 
December,  the  soldiers  armed  with  breechloaders  in- 
stead "exacted  a  measure  of  retribution  for  the 
Fetterman  disaster"  (p.  17). 

In  The  Wagon  Box FightKeenan  updates  the  story 
about  this  fight  that  he  first  told  thirty  years  ago.  He 
has  added  much  to  the  account,  providing  more  back- 
ground on  the  historical  and  geographical  setting  of 
the  battle.  More  importantly,  this  volume  benefits 
from  a  1993-1994  archaeological  study  of  the  site 
"to  identify  where  the  Wagon  Box  corral  might  have 
been  located"  (p.  97).  Veterans  of  the  battle  had  iden- 
tified two  sites  for  the  corral.  Each  site  had  its  sup- 
porters in  a  controversy  that  lasted  nearly  ninety  years. 
The  archaeolosrical  study  determined  that  a  laro-e  rock 
monument  erected  in  1936  approximates  the  loca- 
tion of  the  corral.  This  conclusion  must  have  given 
Keenan  great  satisfaction,  because  in  his  earlier  edi- 
tions he  had  come  to  the  same  conclusion.  The  ar- 
chaeological report,  including  illustrations,  is  included 
as  an  appendix,  as  are  contemporar}'  official  reports 
and  personal  accounts  about  the  battle. 

The  Wagon  Box  Fight  is  an  informative,  easily 
read  account  about  a  tiny  slice  of  Western  history. 
Students  of  the  West,  military  history,  archaeology, 
and  Indian-US  relations  will  find  this  a  valuable  vol- 
ume. 


Annals  of  Wvominq  The  Wyoming  History  Journal- Summer  2004       37 


—  Larry  C.  Skogen 
New  Mexico  Military  Institute 

Petticoat  Prisoners  of  Old  Wyoming.  By  Larry  K. 
Brown.  Glendo:  High  Plains  Press,  2001.  xix  +  256  pp. 
Illustrations,  source  notes,  index.  Paper,  $14.95. 

Higii  Plains  Press  recently  published  Petticoat  Pr'n- 
o)iers  of  Old  Wyoming,  Larr\'  K.  Brown's  third 
voliune  nbout  crune  and  criminals  in  frontier  Wyo- 
ming. In  his  latest  work.  Brown  narrates  the  place, 
circumstances,  and  results  ol  the  activities  ol  rvvent}'- 
four  women  who  were  incarcerated  in  Wyoming's 
fust  "gra\'  bar  hotels "-  the  territorial  prison  at  Laramie 
and,  alter  its  opening  in  L^^OK  the  state  prison  at 
Rawlins.  Beginning  with  the  1880  story  about  Nettie 
Stewart-Wright,  who  allegedly  stole  government 
property,  and  ending  with  Ella  Smith's  1908  crime 
ot  branding  two  colts,  Petticoat  Priioiien  documents 
almost  thirty  vears  of  gender-baseci  pathological  be- 
havior that  reflects  the  dysfunctional  side  ol 
Wyoming's  multi-Iaceted  late  territorial  and  early 
statehood  history.  As  Brown  enimierates,  the  crimes 
these  women  stood  accused  ol  ranged  h'om  the  more 
mundane  acts  of  grand  larcen\',  burglary,  arson,  rob- 
bery, felonious  assault,  selling  liquor  without  a  license, 
forger}'  and  counterfeiting,  misbranding  livestock, 
felonious  entry,  and  theft  of  government  property  to 
the  more  frightening  and  sometimes  confused  and 
controversial  acts  of  manslaughter,  assault  to  commit 
manslaughter,  and  kidnapping. 

On  the  surface.  Petticoat  Prisoners  is  a  simple  chro- 
nological narrative  about  those  moments  in  the  lives 
of  two  dozen  women  when  their  actions  ran  counter 
to  the  established  laws  of  Wyoming  and  the  nation. 
Thematically,  however.  Brown's  history  is  much  more 
than  a  brief  recoimting  of  events.  It  is  a  study  of 
gender  as  a  factor  in  the  legal  processes  that  were 
taking  form  in  an  isolated,  rugged,  and  often  violent 
western  frontier  environment  wheie  the  forces  of 
order  anci  lawlessness  collided  sharpK'. 

Brown  is  a  skillful  biographer  of  individuals  who 
could  not  avoid  bringing  trouble  upon  themselves 
and  their  associates.  Throughout  Petticoat  Prisoners, 
he  describes  the  mechanisms  of  a  jirstice  system  in 
which  little  regard  was  shown  for  an  accused  persons 
sex,  but  much  attention  was  given  to  the  details  of 


evidence,  deliberation,  sentencing,  confinement,  and 
the  appeals  process.  Of  the  rwent\'-four  women  in 
Brown's  volume,  for  example,  two  obtained  freedom 
from  incarceration  because  of  a  lack  of  evidence,  while 
seven  others  received  early  releases  based  upon  ap- 
peals either  to  higher  courts  or  to  Wyoming's  gover- 
nor for  commutation  of  their  sentences. 

Hallmark  features  include  Browns'  \'iyid  narra- 
tion, Wyoming  Women's  C^enter  Warden  Nola 
Blackburn's  foreword,  the  author's  preface  and  intro- 
duction, a  bibliographic  "sources  cited  "  section  at  the 
end  of  each  of  the  book's  seventeen  chapters  and  epi- 
logue, twenty-five  photographs  (the  majority  are 
prison  mug  shots),  an  epilogue  that  brings  closure  to 
the  narrative,  a  chronologically  arranged  appendix 
titled  "Female  Felons  Imprisoned  at  the  Wyoming 
Penitentiaries, "  and  an  index  to  conclude  the  work. 
Altogether,  these  features  provide  interest,  insight,  and 
authentication  that  add  richness  to  Brown's  endeavor 

In  conclusion.  Petticoat  Prisoners  is  a  well-docu- 
mented examination  about  the  experiences  of  a  set 
of  women  whose  stories  reside  within  the  darker 
realms  of  Wyoming's  history.  Brown  has  prodticed 
another  \'olume  in  his  growing  repertoire  of  works 
that  reflect  with  verve  the  histories  William  F.  Bragg 
produced  two  decades  ago.  Equally  noteworthy. 
Brown's  book  is  a  significant  addition  about  women 
in  Wyoming  and  the  West.  Overall,  Petticoat  Prison- 
ers is  a  book  that  desers'es  its  place  among  the  varied 
histories  that  fill  the  shelves  of  private  collections  and 
public  and  academic  libraries  which  offer  the  serious 
reader  meaningful  works  on  Wyoming  and  the  West. 

—  Walter  Jones 

J.  Wiliard  Marriott  Librar>' 

Universitv'  of  Utah 

America's  Second  Tongue:  American  Indian  Educa- 
tion and  the  Ownership  of  English,  1860-1900.  By 

Ruth  Spack.  Lincoln:  University  of  Nebraska  Press.  2002. 
242  pp.  Illustrations,  bibliography,  index.  Hardcover, 
$45.00. 

Language  possesses  incalculable  importance.  It  de- 
marcates edges  and  boundaries,  draws  lines  of 
distinction,  and  defines.  It  provides  continuitA'  be- 
tween generations,  passing  along  cultural  tracHitions, 


38  Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


life  ways,  and  history.  Its  nuances  are  communicated 
with  subtle  inflections  and  rhythms  to  shade  mean- 
ings. It  is  a  great  unifier,  bringing  and  bonding  people 
together.  Most  importantly,  perhaps,  a  living  language 
can  serve  as  a  measure  of  a  populations  overall  health 
and  sustainability.  Lamenteci,  most  recently  by  the 
politician  and  commentator  Patrick  Buchanan,  as  goes 
the  vernacular,  so  goes  society,  at  least  society  as 
known  at  any  one  place  and  time. 

Although  considered  from  a  perspective  very  dif- 
ferent from  Buchanans,  this  is  an  argument  made  by 
Ruth  Spack,  an  associate  professor  ot  English  and 
the  director  ol  English  for  Speakers  ol  Other  Lan- 
guages Program  at  Bentley  College.  Her  study  ana- 
lyzes the  English-only  policy  that  was  implemented 
by  the  federal  government  in  Indian  schools  in  an 
attempt  to  strip  Indian  peoples  of  their  cultures.  The 
cornerstone  ol  a  process  designed  to  facilitate  Indian 
absorption  into  the  mainstream  of  the  dominant 
American  societv,  English-only  began  in  earnest  with 
the  Peace  Policy  of  the  Grant  administration  and 
reached  its  peak  by  the  turn  of  the  century.  As  the 
handiwork  of  missionaries  and  Bureau  of  Indian  Af- 
fairs officials,  it  is  positioned  by  Spack  within  a 
colonialist  context.  "Control  over  language  served  as 
an  important  instrument  in  political  as  well  as  cul- 
tural exploitation,"  she  asserts,  "for  it  could  be  used 
to  represent  indigenous  peoples'  lives  in  such  a  way 
as  to  weaken  claims  of  Native  sovereignty  and 
strengthen  the  United  States  government's  bureau- 
cratic and  territorial  agendas"  (p.  14). 

Yet,  the  promise  of  English-only  was  never  fully 
realized.  According  to  Spack,  this  was  primarily  due 
to  "government  officials'  own  ignorance,  indifference, 
and  colonialist  mentality"  (p.  42).  Additionally,  "the 
Indian  Office  underestimated  the  life-sustaining 
strength  of  linguistic  and  tribal  identity. "  Even  in  those 
instances  when  second  language  fluency  was  achieved, 
Spack's  research  reveals,  it  was  often  utilized  in  a  con- 
tradictory manner  to  federal  aims,  as  a  form  of  subtle 
resistance  by  Native  writers  to  American  Indian  poli- 
cies, for  example.  In  the  end,  then,  the  English-only 
program  had  dealt  a  crushing,  but  not  a  lethal,  blow. 

This  book  provides  welcome  insight  into  an  im- 
portant aspect  of  Indian  history.  It  is  immersed  in 
the  literature,  well  written,  and  replete  with  fresh 


analysis.  But  a  few  cautionary  words  are  in  order. 
While  America's  Second  Tongue  is  packaged  as  a  com- 
prehensive study  with  broad  application,  the  data  that 
informs  it  is  primarily  derived  from  the  Yankton 
Sioux  Agency  and  the  two  off-reservation  boarding 
schools,  Hampton  and  Carlisle,  which  recruited  stu- 
dents from  Dakota  Territory.  Against  such  a  narrow 
backdrop,  it  is  important  to  keep  in  mind  the  varied 
experience  of  assimilation  and  the  problematic  na- 
ture of  generalizing  on  the  success  or  failure  of  Ameri- 
can Indian  policies.  While  Spack's  research  is  thor- 
ough with  the  context  chosen,  the  Western  United 
States  and  Alaska  are  all  but  ignored. 

Moreover,  other  studies  have  determined  that 
Indians  who  lived  or  attended  boarding  schools  lo- 
cated in  urban  areas  felt  the  sting  of  acculturation 
more  pointedly  than  did  the  rural  Indians  who  make 
up  the  predominant  focus  of  this  book.  Many  of  those 
urban  students  achieved  English  fluency  in  day  schools 
and  reservation  boarding  schools  before  having  at- 
tended an  off-reservation  boarding  school.  As  has 
been  documented  extensively,  many  tribes  (particu- 
larly those  situated  near  population  centers)  suffered 
virtually  the  complete  loss  of  their  cultures,  includ- 
ing their  languages,  which  have  become  the  focus  of 
extensive  recovery  efforts.  It  should  also  be  noted 
that  the  obligation  of  English-only  was  not  confined 
to  Indian  education.  It  permeated  all  facets  of  the 
reservation  environment  as  well.  In  brief,  the  im- 
pact -  or  success  and  failure  -  of  the  English-only 
program  was  probably  more  wide-ranging  than  the 
research  presented  here  indicates,  depending  on  lo- 
cation, conditions,  and  circumstances.  While  this 
book  is  well  done,  the  inclusion  of  more  compre- 
hensive statistical  data  would  have  been  helpful.  It 
would  have  provided  a  fruitful  basis  for  comparison, 
strengthened  Spack's  thesis,  expanded  the  scope  of 
the  volume,  and  more  thoroughly  revealed  tribal  and 
regional  distinctions. 

—  Gary  C.  Collins 
Maple  Valley,  Washington 


m 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004      39 


CiS'Bl^iJ'Oli)  3111(1)119 


MICHAEL  GRISKE 

Native  American  Sagas  from  the  Diaries  of  John  Huiiton,  page  1 

Michael  Griske  was  born  and  raised  in  Torrington  and  now  resides  in 
Hicksville,  New  York,  with  his  wife,  Catherine,  and  their  son,  Ryan.  He 
recently  completed  a  condensed  version  ot  his  grandhithers  manuscripts 
about  John  Hunron's  lite,  loves,  and  times,  and  is  seeking  a  book  publisher 
for  this  enthralling  and  historical  material.  For  more  inh:>rmation,  contact 
Mr.  Griske  at  the  tollowincr  e-mail  address:    mgriske@earthlink.net. 


SALLY  VANDERPOEL 

Wyoming  Memories:  Pat  Flannery,  page  14 

Sally  Vanderpoel  came  to  Huntley  in  southeastern  Wyoming  in  1922  at 
the  age  of  fourteen  when  her  parents  homesteaded  there.  She  graduated 
trom  Torrington  High  School  in  19.^8  and  the  Universit}'  ot  Wyoming 
four  years  later,  where  she  loved  being  a  Kappa  Kappa  Gamma.  She  is  a 
long-time  member  ot  the  W\'oming  State  Historical  Socier\'  and  ser\'ed  as 
president  ol  the  society.  She  has  written  several  books,  including  Wrinklebclly, 
about  the  World  War  1  veterans  in  eastern  Wyoming.  Her  latest  book, 
published  in  2003,  is  a  biography  ot  former  Wyoming  Governor  Stan 
Hathaway. 


BETH  SOUTHWELL 

J.  D.  Conley's  Cabinet  of  Curiosities  and  Other  Early  Wyoming 

Museums,  page  24 

Beth  Southwell  was  born  in  Connecticm  but  has  lived  in  Laramie,  Wyo- 
ming, since  1980.  She  receixed  her  B.S.  in  geologv  from  the  LIni\ersitv  ol 
New  Mexico  and  became  hiscinated  with  the  histor\'  ol  Wyoming  paleon- 
tology while  pursuing  graduate  work  at  the  Universitv  of  Wyoming.  An 
active  volunteer  at  the  U.W  Geological  Museimi,  she  enjovs  digging  for 
dinosaur  bones  in  the  Wyoming  badlands  during  the  stmimer  and  digging 
for  clues  to  Wyoming's  geologic  past  in  the  archives  in  the  winter. 


ii 


40  Annals  of  Wyominq:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Summer  2004 


Ind 


j-\h-ho-cipp,i  9-12 

American  Heritage  Center,  Universit)-  of 

Wyoming  15,  22 

American  Horse  8 

America's  Second  Tongue:  American  Indian 

Education  and  the  Ownership  of 

English.  1860-1900.  by  Ruth  Spack, 

reviewed,  37-38 
Aughey,  Samuel  28-30 
Auguste,  Lucian  5-6 
Bad  Wound  8 
Barnum,  Phineas  T.  25 
Barrett,  Frank  A.  19 
Bingham,  Maj.  H.W.  8 
Black  Bear  8 
Bridger,  Jim  4 
Bordeaax,  James  6 
Bordeaux,  Louis  8 
Brown,  F.S.  18 
Brown,  Larry  K.,  Petticoat  Prisoners  of 

Old  Wyoming,  reviewed,  37 
Bullock,  W.G.  4 
Campbell,  John  A.  19,  28 
Carey,  Joseph  M.  31 
Cheyenne  Daily  Leader  25,  28 
Cheyenne,  Wyoming  25-26,  28-29 
Clark,  A.C.  26 
Collins,  Cary  C,  reviewer  oi  America's 

Second  Tongue:  American  Indian 

Education  and  the  Ownership  of 

English.  1860-1900.  37-38 
Como  Blufif,  Wyoming  29 
Conley,  J.D.  24-32 
Conquering  Bear  5-6 
Denver  Daily  Tribune  28 
Denver  Post  \9-2Q 
Downey,  Stephen  W  32 
East  Thunder  8 
Fenwick,  Red  19-20 
Finfrock,  J.H.  31 
Flannery,  Alice  (Moomah)  15-16,  19- 

20 
Flanner)',  L.G.  "Pat"  2-13,  14-23 
Fleming,  Lt.  Hugh  B.  5 
Fort  Laramie  3-6,  9-12,  15,  22 
Fort  Laramie  Scout  16 
Fort  Laramie,  Wyoming  15-16,  20,  23 
Fuller,  Br>'an  18 
Garnett,  William  8 
Goshen  County  News  and  Fort  Laramie 

Scout  16 
Goshen  County,  Wyoming  15-16,  19- 

20 
Grant,  Pres.  U.S.  8-9 
Grattan,  Lt.  John  L.  5-7 
Grattan  Massacre,  4-7 


Green  River,  Wyoming  27 
Griske,  Billie  3,  15,  23 
Griske,  Michael,  23,  editor  2-13,  (bio 
39) 

Griske,  Patricia  23 

Hackleman,  Mae  17 

Harney,  Gen.  W.S.  10-11 

Hebard,  Grace  Raymond  17,  20,  31 

HefFron,  Billy  17 

HertjTami,  ed.  ot  "Recent  Acquisitions 

in  the  Hebard  Library,  UW  Libraries," 

33-34 
High  Forehead  5-6 
Homsher,  Lola  18 
Housen,  Keith  17 
Howard,  E.A.  8 
Hoyt,  John  Wesley  28-30 
Hunt,  Lester  19 
Hunton,  Alexander  B.  3 
Hunton,  Blanche  2 
Hunton,  Jim  12-13 
Hunton,  John  2-13,  14-23 
Hunton,  Mar)'  Elizabeth  (Carpenter)  3 
Iron  Horse  8 
"J.D.  Conley's  Cabinet  ot  Curiosities  and 

Other  Early  Wyoming  Museums,"  by 

Beth  Southwell  24-32 
Johnson,  Albinius  A.  30 
Jones,  Walter,  reviewer  oi  Petticoat 

Prisoners  of  Old  Wyoming,  37 
Keenan,  Jerry,  The  Wagon  Box  Fight:  An 

Episode  of  Red  Cloud's  War,  reviewed, 

37 
Kelly,  Sylvia  17 
Knight,  Samuel  H.  30 
Knight,  Wilbur  C.  29,  32 
Landry,  C.L.  17 
Laramie  Boomerang  31-32 
Laramie,  Wyoming  30 
Last  Man's  Club  18 
Lebsock,  Edward  22 
Little  Wound  8 
Lone  Horn  8 
McDaniel,  James  25 
Man  Afraid  of  His  Horse  5 
Masters,  Joseph  G.  9 
Maynadier,  Col.  Henry  E.  11 
Merrill,  Karen  R.,  Public  Lands  and 

Political  Meaning:  Ranchers.  The 

Government,  and  the  Property  Between 

Them,  reviewed,  35 
Miller,  Leslie  A.  19 
Miller,  Mark  E.,  reviewer  oi  Public  Lands 

and  Political  Meaning:  Ranchers,  The 

Government,  and  the  Property  Between 

Them.  35-36 
Museum  ot  Living  Wonders  25-26 
Museum  of  Rocky  Mountain  Curiosities 

26-27 
Museums,  Wyoming  24-32 
National  Mining  and  Industrial 


Exposition  28 
"Native  American  Sagas  from  the  Diaries 

of  John  Hunton,"  ed.  by  Michael 

Griske  2-13 
Nolan,  Jim  17 
Nye,  Bill  26-27 
O'Brien,  Maj.  George  10 
O'Mahoney,  Joseph  C.  7,  19-20 
"Pat  Flannery"  by  Sally  Vanderpoel  14- 

23 
Pawnee  Killer  8 
Pepys,  Samuel  21 
Petticoat  Prisoners  of  Old  Wyoming,  by 

Larry  K.  Brown,  reviewed,  37 
Phineas  T.  Barnum's  American  Museum 

25 
Public  Lands  and  Political  Meaning: 

Ranchers,  The  Government,  and  the 

Property  Between  Them,  by  Karen  R. 

Merrill,  reviewed  35-36 
Red  Cloud  7-8 
Reed,  William  H.  32 
Ricketts,  Samuel  D.  29 
Rouse,  Phil  18 
SaviUe,  J.J.  8 

Sherman,  Wyoming  26-27 
Sioux  Indians  2-13 
Skogen,  Larry  C,  reviewer  of  The  Wagon 

Box  Fight:  An  Episode  of  Red  Cloud's 

War,  36 
Slaughter,  John  28-29 
Smith,  C.C.  16-17 

Southwell,  Beth,  author  24-32  (bio  39) 
Spack,  Ruth,  America's  Second  Tongue: 

American  Indian  Education  and  the 

Ownership  of  English,  1860-1900, 

reviewed,  37-38 
Spotted  Tail  8-12 
Stanton,  Frederick  J.  28-29 
Temple,  Charlotte  26 
Thorp,  Russell  9 
Toirington  Telegram  16 
Torrington,  Wyoming  17 
Trail  Lance  8 
Trail,  Oregon  5-6 
University  of  Wyoming  24,  30-32 
Vanderpoel,  Sally,  author  "Pat  Flannery" 

14-23,  (bio  39) 
The  Wagon  Box  Fight:  An  Episode  of  Red 

Clouds  War,  by  Jerry  Keenan, 

reviewed,  36 
Ware,  Eugene  11 
Whitfield'^  Maj.  J. W.  5 
"Whitney  Rae  14 
Wyoming  Academy  of  Sciences,  Arrs  and 

Letters  29-30 
Wyoming  Old  Timers  Club  17 
Wyoming  Territorial  Legislature  28 
Zimmer,  Frank  18 


Wyoming  Picture 


WYOMING 


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Project,  174UH184  Dell  Range  Blvd..  Cheyenne.  WY  820U'J. 


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nnals  of 

WYOMING 

The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Autumn  2004 


Vol.  76,  No.  4 


Art 


"Feeding  a  Wild  Bear, 
Yellowstone  Park" 

J.  E.Haynes  postcard, 
Arthur  De  ma  ray  Papers, 
American  Heritage  Center, 
University  of  Wyoming 


"Guests  of  the  park  derive  great  enjoyment  from  watching  the  antics  ot  the  bears.  The 
American  brown  bears  which  occur  in  two  color  phases — black  and  brown — are  more 
ntimerotis  in  the  park  than  grizzlies."  Text  is  from  the  Haynes  postcard,  which  is  not 
dated. 


Information  for  Contributors: 


The  tdkor  of -4nn;i/s  of  Wromi/it,' welcomes  manuscripts  and  photographs  on  ever)- aspect  of  the  histon"  of  Wyoming  and  the 
\\  est.  Appropriate  tor  submission  are  unpublished,  research-based  articles  which  provide  new  intormation  or  which  offer  new 
interpretations  ot  historical  exents.  First-person  accounts  based  on  personal  experience  or  recollections  ot  events  will  be  consid- 
ered for  use  in  the  "Wyoming  Memories"  section.  Historic  photo  essavs  for  possible  publication  in  "Wvoming  Memories"  also 
are  welcome.  -Articles  are  reviewed  and  referred  bv  members  of  the  journal's  I'xlitorial  .Advison'  Board  and  others.  Decisions 
regarding  publication  are  matle  bv  the  editor. 

Manuscripts  (along  with  suggesuons  for  illustrations  or  photographs)  should  be  submitted  on  computer  diskettes  in  a  format 
created  by  one  of  the  widely-used  word  processing  programs  along  with  two  printed  copies. 

Submissions  and  e|uerie^  slmuld  be  adilrcssed  to;  Editor,  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Dept.  3924,  1000  E.  University  Avenue, 
Laramie  WY  82071,  or  to  the  editor  by  e-mail  at  the  following  address:  rewig@uwyo.edu 


nna 


Is  of 


Book  Review  Editor 

CarlHaUberg 

Editorial  Advisory  Board 

Katherine  Cuniss,  Sheridan 
Dudley  Gardner,  Rock  Springs 
Sally  F.  Griffith,  Lusk/Haveitown,  Pa. 
Don  Hodgson,  Torrington 
Loren  Jost,  Rivenon 
James  R.  Laird,  'Wapiti 
Mark  Miller,  Laramie 
Mark  Nelson,  Green  R' 

Wyoming  State  HistOi 
Publications  Commit' 

Barbara  Bogart, 
RickEwig,Larai 
Linda  Fabian,  ■? 
Rowene  Giairiz 
Carl  Hall 
Amy  I 


WYOMING 


The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Autumn  2004   Vol.  76,  No.  4 


2     The  Promotion  of  Yellowstone 
National  Park  by  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad 

1  hornron  Waicc 


13     Bronco  Nell,  A  Woman  Horse  Thief 

Fcli-x  Alston 

Edited  bv  Felix  Scott  Alston 


fc        .  18     Escape  from  Heart  Mountain 

■""■'^Ir'"  BcttvY.  Taira        ■ — -*n, , 


/ 


Nnv  0 


BOOK  25     Book  Reviews 

R£^l£iVS  t^d'tcd  bv  C:arl  Hallberg 


Art  Reese, 

Wyoming! 
Commiss 

Carolyn  1 
Lynn  Car] 
Roger  Mc 
Ernest  C. 
Diann  Re 
Emerson  "SKSij 
William  Vines, 
Barbara  Vlerri,'! 
]errilynnWaU,E, 

University  of  Wy 

Philip  Dubois,  Presid< 
Oliver  Walter,  D( —  ' 

Sciences 
Kristine  Utterbai__,^ 

History 


Ci^'lj'iij'ijlijii'ii)'/^    33     Contributors'  Biographies 
34     Index 


Wyoming  Picture 

Inside  back  lonlt 


Annuls  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  Histoiy  journal  is  published  quarter!}'  by  the  Wyomini;  State  Historical  Society-  in 
-iNSociarion  with  the  Wyoming  Dcpartmeni  of  Sute  Parks  and  Cuhural  Resources,  the  American  Heritage  Center,  and  the 
Pcpartment  of  History.  Univer.sit\'  of  Wvomino.  The  journal  was  previously  published  as  the  Qiuinerly  Bulletin  (1923- 
1  ^>25).  Ammls  of  Wyoming  ( 1 92^- 1 993),  Wyoming  Annah  ( 1 993- 1 99^ )  and  Wyoming  History  Journal  ( 1 99S- 1 996).  The 
Annals  has  been  the  oftlcial  publication  of  the  W\'oniing  State  Historical  Society'  since  19t3  and  is  distributed  as  a  benefit 
"t  membership  to  all  socierv  members.  Membership  dues  are:  single,  S20:  joint,  S30;  student  (under  21).  SI'S:  institutional, 
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hf: 

Inquiries  about  member'.hip.  mailing,  disi:tibiuion.  reprints  and  back  issues  should  he  addressed  to  jud\  West. 
(  iiordinator.  Wyommg  State  Historical  Socier\',  PMB?  KS-4,  IT^OH  Dell  Range  Blvd..  t^heyenne  \\T  82009-i9-i^. 
t.Jicorial  correspondence  should  be  addressed  to  the  editorial  ohRce  oi  Annals  of  Wyoming,  American  Heritage  Center.  Dcpi. 
^■''^l'^.  10011  E.  I'niversin-  Avenue,  Laramie  \XT  82071.    Our  e-mail  address  is:  annals^'uwyo.edu 

Printed  hv:  Pioneer  Printing.  Cheyenne 
Graphic  Design:  X'icki  Schuster 


Annals  of  VVvominq:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


Old  Faithful  as  shown  in 
Union  Pacific  booklet 
"Western  Wonderlands" 
advertising  Yellowstone 
National  Park  and  other 
"interesting  vacation  lands  of 
the  West;'  (not  dated) 
Courtesy  American  Heritage 
Center.  University  of 
Wyoming. 


The  Northern  Pacific  Railway  has  generally  been  cred- 
ited with  promoting  the  establishment  of  Yellowstone 
National  Park  in  1872,  but  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad 
(UPRR)  quickly  saw  the  potential  for  a  profitable  busi- 
ness associated  with  transporting  tourists  to  the  park. 

The  railroad  surveyed  various  potential  routes  from  the  Utah  &  Northern  main 
line  running  between  Pocatello,  Idaho,  and  Butte,  Montana,  to  the  western  edge 
of  the  park.  However,  during  the  1 870s  and  1880s,  the  Union  Pacific  experienced 
severe  financial  difficulties  and  could  do  little  besides  advertise  what  services  they 
had  for  travel  to  the  park. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal -Autumn  2004     3 


The  line  to  what  is  now  West  Yellowstone  was 
not  built  until  1907,  after  the  Union  Pacific  emerged 
from  bankruptcy  just  before  the  turn  oi  the  century. 
The  LInion  Pacific  Railway  Compan\',  which  had 
been  created  following  the  merger  of  the  Union  Pa- 
cific Railroad  Company  with  the  Kansas  Pacific  Rail- 
way in  1880,'  went  into  bankruptcy  in  1893,  and  it 
was  not  until  Julv  1,  1897,  that  the  company  was 
reorganized  as  the  UPRR,  with  the  Oregon  Short 
Line  a  subsidiary  of  the  new  company." 

E.  H.  Harriman,  who  took  over  control  of  the 
UPRR  when  it  was  reorganized  in  1897,  unclertook 
a  massive  improvement  of  the  entire  railroad,  rebuild- 
ing the  main  lines  and  building  branch  lines  through- 
out the  western  states  reached  bv  the  railroad.  Amt>ng 
the  branch  lines,  and  constructed  during  this  time 
period,  was  the  line  built  by  the  Yellowstone  Park  Rail- 
road Company.  This  company,  which  was  organized 
and  controlled  by  the  UPRR,  built  a  line  from  St. 
Anthony,  Idaho,  to  the  western  edge  of  Yellowstone 
National  Park  at  what  is  now  West  Yellowstone,  Mon- 
tana.'  The  Yellowstone  Park  Railroad  was  transferred 
to  the  Oregon  Short  Line  by  a  deed  of  sale  on  Octo- 
ber 31,  1910.-^ 

Following  the  end  of  Worlci  War  I,  the  Oregon 
Short  Line  built  new  facilities  at  West  Yellowstone, 
including  a  baggage  building,  a  large  dining  lodge, 
and  an  employee  dormitory  1  he  convenience  of  trav- 
eling over  the  Lhiion  Pacific  to  reach  the  park  re- 
sulted in  half  of  all  rail  travelers  to  Yellowstone  tak- 
ing the  railroad  tt)  West  Yellowstone  for  their  visit 
between  the  two  world  wars.  The  north  entrance, 
reached  at  Gardiner  by  the  Northern  Pacific  Rail- 
way, was  a  close  second,  while  the  eastern  entrance 
through  Cody  and  the  sotith  entrance  were  not  used 
by  a  significant  number  of  tourists.^ 

With  the  increased  popularity  of  the  automobile 
during  the  1920s  and  the  negative  impacts  of  the 
Depression  and  World  War  II,  rail  passenger  travel 
to  Yellowstone  decreased.  Fhere  was  a  slight  increase 
immediately  following  World  War  II,  but  the  num- 
ber of  rail  passengers  quickly  decreased  to  the  point 
it  was  no  longer  profitable  to  run  trains  to  West 
Yellowstone.  The  railroads  gradually  discontinued 
train  service  to  Yellowstone.  The  UPRR  discontin- 
ued the  last  trains  to  the  park  boundar\'  in   1960. 


Following  that,  bus  connections  were  required,  and 
that,  too,  was  cut  back  during  the  next  years.  By  the 
time  Amtrak,  a  federal  agency,  took  over  the  nations 
rail  passenger  trains  in  1 9'^  1 ,  rail  traxel  to  ^'ellowstone 
was  virtually  non-existent.'' 

A  closer  look  at  the  promotion  of  the  park  b\'  the 
UPRR  between  the  years  1923  and  1960  shows  how 
the  railroad  attempted  to  entice  tourists  to  travel  to 
the  park  at  a  time  when  the  railroad  was  promoting 
rail  passenger  service.  Fhere  were  advertisements  in 
national  magazines  and  local  newspapers  through- 
out the  cotintr\'  as  well  as  brochures  and  booklets 
describing  travel  to  the  paik.  Even  the  ptiblication 
for  L'PRR  employees.  Tin'  Lhiioji  Piicific  Magazitie, 
was  used  to  promote  visits  to  the  park,  with  numer- 
ous articles  describing  the  park  anei  its  attractions. 


Robert  Atlie.irii,  Lhiion  I'nifir  Country  (Lincoln,  Nehr.iska: 
Bison  Books,  1976),  p.  227. 

Don.ild  Robertson,  Encyclopi'diii  of  Wesh-rii  Railruii/1  History, 
\oliiine  II.  The  Moiiritiiiji  States  (Dallas,  Tcx.is:  T.i\lor  Publish- 
ing Company,  1991).  p.  233. 

The  Articles  of  Incorporation  of  the  )el/oicstone  Park  Rai/roat/ 
Company  stated  that  the  new  railroad  would  construct  a  line 
from  "the  town  of  St.  Anthony,  connecting  with  the  St.  An- 
thon\'  Railroad,  ...  to  a  point  near  the  western  boundan,'  ot 
the  Yellowstone  National  Park.  .  .  ."  The  new  company  was 
authorized  tcT  issue  1,2?()  shares  ot  capital  stock  at  SHItl.OO 
each.  W,H.  Bancroft,  who  was  superintendent  ot  the  Oregon 
Short  Line,  held  1,241  ot  these  shares  as  trustee.  Bancroft 
and  other  officials  of  the  Oregon  Short  Line  each  held  one 
share  as  stockliolder.  Author's  collection. 
Corporate  History  of  the  Oregon  S/wrr  Line  Railroad  Conipany  as 
of  June  30,  1916,  p.  63. 

Based  on  figures  in  the  "Annual  Report  of  \ellowstone  Na- 
tional Park"  rele.ised  by  the  superintendent  each  year.  Lhe 
LInion  Pacific  reached  the  west  entrance  to  the  park  and  the 
Northern  Pacific  reached  the  north  entrance.  The  Chicago, 
l^urlington  &  Quincy  accessed  the  east  entrance,  and  the  Chi- 
cago &  North  Western  provided  service  to  the  south  entrance. 
The  Chicago,  Milwaukee,  St  Paul  &  Pacific  also  proxided  ser- 
vice through  the  west  entrance. 

Based  on  a  review  of  L'nion  Pacific  timetables.  I  he  last  sched- 
uled passenger  train  service  co  West  Yellowstone  was  listed  in 
their  timetables  for  the  summer  of  1960.  The  following  year 
the  Union  Pacific  advertised  service  to  Ashton,  with  connect- 
ing bus  service  to  West  Yellowstone.  Later  timetables  showed 
this  ser\'ice  was  then  cut  back  to  connecting  bus  sen'ice  from 
Idaho  Falls. 

Typical  of  these  atticles  were  ones  tilled  '  The  Colden  Anni- 
versary of  Yellowstone  National  Park,"  published  in  the  March 
1922  issue  ot  The  Union  Pacific  Magazine  and  "Trip  Through 
Yellowstone  National  Park,  published  in  the  August  1922 
issue. 


4    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  VVyoming  History'  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


One  of  the  most  interesting  promotional  campaigns 
was  the  one  using  cartoon  bears,  as  exempHtied  by 
fliers  which  were  pubHshed  from  1923  tintil  1960. 
Today,  the  railroad  advertisements  tor  Yellowstone 
are  sought  bv  collectors  ol  both  railroadiana  and 
Yellowstone  National  Park  memorabilia. 

The  promotion  ot  Yellowstone  by  the  UPRR  can 
be  divided  into  two  segments:  from  1880  through 
1 907  (when  the  Yellowstone  Park  Railroad  Company 
reached  West  Yellowstone)  and  from  1908  through 
1960.  For  perspective,  the  advertising  promotions 
must  be  studied  with  relation  to  the  time  and  what 
was  happening  in  both  the  park  and  the  country. 

THE  FIRST  UNION  PACIFIC  ADVERTISEMENTS 

The  Utah  &  Northern  Railway,  a  subsidiary  of 
the  UPRR,  reached  the  Idaho-Montana  state  line  on 
March  9,  1880,  as  it  was  being  constructed  from 
Ogden,  Utah,  to  Butte  and  Garrison,  Montana.  See- 
ing the  potential  for  a  profitable  passenger  trade,  the 
railroad  immediately  began  advertising  travel  to  the 
park  over  their  line.  During  the  winter  of  1 879- 1 880, 
the  railroad  published  a  folder  which  boldly  stated, 
"New  Rail  Route  to  MONTANA  Via  Union  Pacific 
and  Utah  &  Northern  Railroads.  Save  Time,  Money 
and  1,000  miles  of  Distance  to  Montana  and 
Yellowstone  Park."  The  folder  went  on  to  describe, 
in  detail,  the  disadvantages  of  traveling  to  Montana 
on  the  Missouri  River  through  Fort  Benton."  Appar- 
ently the  railroad  had  considered  building  a  line  to 
the  park  while  the  route  to  Montana  was  being  con- 
structed. Jake  Blickensderfer,  who  had  surveyed  the 
original  route  of  the  Union  Pacific  across  the  Mid- 
west, recommended  a  route  from  their  Utah  & 
Northern  line  at  Eagle  Rock  (present-day  Idaho  Falls) 
to  the  western  border  of  the  park.'^  In  1879,  the 
Yellowstone  National  Park  superintendent's  report 
showed  a  proposed  line  from  the  Utah  &  Northern 
line  at  Virginia  City,  Montana,  up  the  Madison  River 
to  the  geyser  basins.'"  Not  only  was  this  line  never 
built,  but  the  Utah  &  Northern  bypassed  Virginia 
City.  A  map  from  Strahorn's  To  the  Rockies  and  Be- 
yond, published  in  1880,  shows  the  railroad  planned 
to  construct  a  line  to  the  west  side  of  Yellowstone 
leaving  the  Ogden-Butte  line  at  Beaver  Canyon,  south 


of  the  Idaho-Montana  state  line,  proceeding  east  to 
the  park."  This  indicated  the  UPRR  was  aware  of 
the  value  of  a  line  going  directly  to  the  park  even 
while  the  line  was  being  constructed. 

Due  to  the  financial  problems  of  the  railroad  at 
the  time,  no  construction  to  the  park  was  done  by 
the  UPRR,  despite  those  promising  business  pros- 
pects. Meanwhile,  the  Northern  Pacific  reached 
Livingston,  Montana,  in  1 883,  on  its  way  to  the  West 
Coast,  and  immediately  built  a  line  south  to  Cinna- 
bar, a  short  distance  from  the  north  entrance  at 
Gardiner,'"  and  quickly  realized  a  profitable  sum- 
mer tourist  business.  Despite  encouragement  from 
the  Northern  Pacific,  the  UPRR  was  not  able  to  par- 
ticipate," although  it  did  begin  offering  stage  service 
from  Beaver  Canyon,  and  later  Monida,  east  to  the 
park.  This  stage  service  was  advertised  in  special  bro- 
chures which  had  color  covers  and  enticing  maps  and 
itineraries  for  travel  to  and  through  the  park.  The 
fact  the  park  was  one  and  one-half  to  two  days  stage 
ride  from  Monida  was  understandably  mentioned 
only  briefly,  while  the  tour  through  the  park  was 
emphasized.'"' 

Travelers,  however,  knew  that  the  Northern  Pa- 
cific, whose  terminus  was  only  a  few  miles  from  the 
park,  was  the  easiest  way  to  reach  the  park,  and  this 
fact  was  promoted  by  the  Northern  Pacific's  Wonder- 
land smes.  Published  from  1883  to  1906,'^  the  bro- 
chures noted  how  easy  it  was  to  reach  the  park  if  one 
traveled  the  Northern  Pacific.  Because  the  Northern 
Pacific  route  through  the  north  entrance  was  so  con- 


"  Colorado  Rail  Annual  No.  /5  (Golden,  Colorado:  Colorado 
Railroad  Museum,  1981),  p.  60. 

'  Maury  Klein,  Union  Pacific,  The  Birth  of  a  Railroad  (Gar- 
den C\xy,  New  York:  Doubleday  &  Company,  1987),  p. 
523. 

'"Aubrey  Haines,  The  Yellowstone  Story,  V^/HWf/(Niwot,  Colo- 
rado: University  of  Colorado  Press/  The  Yellowstone  Asso- 
ciation for  Natural  Science,  History  &  Education,  Inc., 
1996),  p.  255. 

"  Ibid,  p.  51. 

'-  Craig  Reese,  "The  Gardiner  Gateway  to  Yellowstone,"  The 
Mainstreeter  15  (Spring  1996):  5 

'•'  Klein,  Union  Pacific,  p.  523. 

'■'  Where  Gush  the  Geysers  (Oregon  Short  Line  brochure),  1 899, 
Yellowstone  National  Park  Research  Library. 

"  Personal  communication  from  Lee  Whittlesesy,  archivist  and 
historian,  Yellowstone  National  Park  Research  Library. 


■V 


Annals  of  Wyoininq:  TheV'/vaTing  History  Journal-- Autumn  2004     5 


venient,  the  Union  Pacific  could  not  effectively  com- 
pete tor  travel  to  the  park,  and  it  could  not  do  any- 
thing to  make  travel  to  the  park  anv  easier. 

However,  in  an  ethirt  to  promote  travel  over  the 
rail  line  to  the  park,  the  Oregon  Short  Line  pub- 
lished brochures  titled  WLwre  Gusli  the  Gcyicn.  The 
first  edition,  published  in  1 899,  not  onl\'  had  a  paint- 
ing on  the  cover,  but  also  inclucied  hand-colored  pho- 
tographs on  the  inside  showing  some  ot  the  destina- 
tions in  the  park,  along  with  the  rates  hit  the  tour 
packages.  Tour  routes  available  included  one  leaving 
from  Monida  to  the  park,  and  exiting  though  Cin- 
nabar. The  brochure  was  the  convenient  size  ot  a  rail- 
road timetable,  approximateh'  totu  inches  b\'  nine 
inches.'" 

After  the  UPRR  entered  bankruptcy  in  1893,  it 
took  several  vears  tor  it  to  reorganize.  After  it  did. 


Harriman  became  president  of  the  newly  reorganized 
railroad.  He  immediatelv  started  a  program  to  re- 
build the  rail  lines.'  He  also  began  construction  of 
branch  feeder  hues  to  provide  added  traffic  anci  busi- 
ness for  the  UPRR.  At  the  turn  of  the  centun,',  the  St. 
Anthony  Railroad  was  built  from  Idaho  Falls,  Idaho, 
north  and  east  to  St.  Anthonv  to  reach  the  Upper 
Snake  River  Vallev.'"  fhe  thirtv-seven  mile  line  was 
sticcessful,  but  remained  fift\'  miles  short  of  the  west 
side  of  the  park.  Travel  to  Yellowstone  from  Monida 
was  still  the  UPRR's  preferred  rotite,  and  the  Oregon 
Short  Lane  even  proposed  improving  the  stage  road 


'"  Where  Gush  the  Geysers  brochure. 

'   Maury  KJein,  The  Life  iDiel Lege)id of  E.H.  Hanhnan  (Chapel 

Hill,  North  Carolina:  the  University  of  North  Carolina 

Press,  2000),  p.  130. 
'"  The  Corporate  Histoty  of  the  Oregon  Short  Line,  p.  'i.r 


PiclO'ial  mop  ihowtng  »osi  Weiiem  Empire  on< 
scenic  Vacolion  Wondeilandi  ie'ved  by  tf, 
Union    Pacific    Railroad   and    iis   connecting    lines 


-  RAILROAD 


Map  of  Union  Pacific  Railroad's  western  routes  from  "Western  Wonderlands"  brochure,  ca,  1940.  Courtesy 
American  Heritage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 


6    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


from  Monida  ro  the  park  at  the  turn  of  the  century,''' 
although  the  railroad  did  not  take  action  on  that  pro- 
posal. 

COMPLETION  OF  THE  LINE  TO  WEST 
YELLOWSTONE 

The  UPRR  incorporated  the  Yellowstone  Park 
Railroad  Company  on  September  12,  1905,  to  build 
a  line  from  St.  Anthony  to  the  west  side  of  the  park. 
Construction  began  on  October  3,  1905.'"  Connect- 
ing stage  service  was  provided  b\'  Fred  Haynes' 
Monida- Yellowstone  Company  from  Marysville  and 
the  end  oi"  the  line  to  the  park  while  the  new  line  was 
being  constructed.  Completed  on  November  12, 
1907,-'  the  line  was  almost  immediately  closed  by 
winter  snows,  but  the  next  spring  the  railroad  began 
advertising  and  promoting  travel  to  the  park  in  its 
timetables.  The  success  ol  this  advertising  was  readily 
apparent,  judging  by  the  increase  in  the  numbers  ol 
railroad  tourists  to  the  western  edge  ol  Yellowstone." 

Tra\'el  to  the  park  was  interrupted  bv  World  War 
I  when  the  hotels  closed,  although  the  camping  areas 
remained  open.''  Immediately  after  the  war,  the  rail- 
roads all  began  a  vigorous  competition  lor  tourist 
travel  to  the  park.  Although  it  was  a  seasonal  busi- 
ness, extending  from  mid-June  through  early  Sep- 
tember, transportation  ol  passengers  was  profitable. 
Special  hires  were  ollered  and  the  trip  was  promoted 
as  a  side  trip  on  a  transcontinental  train  ride,  espe- 
cially during  years  when  there  were  fairs  or  exposi- 
tions on  the  West  Coast.''  In  1939,  for  example,  the 
UPRR  promoted  a  side  trip  to  Yellowstone  for  those 
going  either  to  the  New  York  World's  Fair  or  the  San 
Francisco  World's  Fair  in  a  tour  page  flier  promoting 
Yellowstone. 

During  the  early  1920s,  the  UPRR  saw  its  busi- 
ness increasing  every  year,  and  the  facilities  at  West 
Yellowstone  were  accordingly  expanded.'^  The  origi- 
nal baggage  room  in  the  depot  was  found  to  be  too 
small  and  a  separate  baggage  building  was  con- 
structed. The  dining  facilities  were  also  inadequate  to 
meet  the  needs  of  the  hundreds  of  passengers  who 
arrived  on  some  days,  so  the  railroad  built  a  new, 
large  dining  lodge  designed  by  the  famous  architect 
Gilbert  Stanley  Underwood.  In  addition,  a  dormi- 


tory for  summer  employees  was  built  to  replace  the 
makeshift  bunk  cars  used  by  the  employees.  By  1923, 
more  than  fifty  percent  of  rail  passengers  to  the  park 
traveled  through  West  Yellowstone,  a  fact  duly  publi- 
cized by  the  railroad,  although  automobile  traffic  was 
even  then  rapidly  outpacing  rail  travel  to  the  park.''' 

THE  PROMOTION  OF  YELLOWSTONE  NATIONAL 
PARK 

The  advertisements  printed  by  the  Oregon  Short 
Line  hi^hliCThted  not  only  the  ease  of  reaching  the 
park  over  its  rail  line,  but  also  the  various  tour  routes 
and  options  available  in  the  park  itself.  These  adver- 
tisements were  not  particularly  elaborate  or  original, 
but  rather  were  informative  black  and  white  bro- 
chures with  some  color  added.  They  included  nu- 
merous black  and  white  photos  showing  the  various 
sights  in  the  park. 

The  UPRR  also  promoted  Yellowstone  in  all 
forms  of  the  media.  In  1922,  the  railroad  had  a  live 
radio  broadcast  on  Bullock's  Broadcasting  Station 
(KNN)  in  downtown  Los  Angeles  by  a  representa- 
tive of  the  railroad  to  promote  travel  to  the  park.' 

'''  "Report  ot  the  Acting  Superintendent  ot  the  Yellowstone  Na- 
tional Park,"  October  14,  1902,  p.  4. 

-°  The  Corporate  History  of  the  Oregon  Short  Line,  p.  63. 

-'  The  railroad  printed  a  special  pocket-sized  brochure  commemo- 
rating this  event  titled  "Union  Pacific  and  Oregon  Short  Line 
Railroads,  November  12,  1907,  Yellowstone  Park,  1909."  It 
described  the  tour  routes  available  through  the  park  for  the 
1909  season. 

--  In  the  1908  "Report  of  the  Superintendent  of  Yellowstone 
National  Park,"  it  was  noted  that  "the  branch  line  ot  the  Or- 
egon Short  Line  Railroad  from  Idaho  Falls  to  the  western 
boundary  of  the  park  was  completed  and  ready  for  passenger 
traffic  at  the  opening  of  the  park  season  of  1908,  and  the  records 
show  an  increase  of  visitors  to  the  park  through  the  western 
entrance  of  about  3,000  over  1907."  According  to  this  re- 
port, 7,172  visitors  to  the  park  entered  through  the  west  en- 
trance that  year. 

'^The  "Annual  Repon  ot  the  Superintendent  tor  the  year  1918," 
stated  that  the  hotels  were  closed,  but  that  the  camping  areas 
remained  open,  p.  4. 

^''  "Western  Vacations  at  Bargain  Prices,"  in  The  Union  Pacific 
Magazine,  April  1932,  p.  12.  This  article  noted  some  of  the 
special  passenger  stopover  privileges  which  were  available  dur- 
ing the  summer  of  1932. 

-^  Annual  reports  ot  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  for  the  years  end- 
ing December  31,  1921,  1925,  1926.  and  1927. 

'''  "Annual  Report  of  the  Superintendent,"  1923. 

''  "Radio  Broadcasts  Yellowstone  Park  Attractions,"  The  Union 
Pacific  Magazine,  September  1922,  p.  40. 


J 


Annals  of  VVvominq'  Tne  VVyominq  Hislor;  Journal  --  Au'iin"  2004 


The  railroad  published  numerous  special  advertise- 
ments and  notices  through  the  years  to  reach  various 
markets.  It  had  advertisements  in  national  magazines 
such  as  National  Geographic  and  newspapers  in  large 
cities  and  mailed  out  brochures  with  tour  routes  and 
schedules  tor  visits  through  the  park,  trying  to  reach 
the  maximum  number  of  potential  travelers. 

hi  1 909,  onlv  a  year  aher  the  tracks  reached  West 
Yellowstone,  the  Oregon  Short  Line  even  included  a 
large  notice  in  The  Official  Guide  of  the  Railways, 
something  not  t\'pically  seen  in  the  Guide.  Locatecl 

^FiunmoNE^ 


NATIONAL    park: 


XCURSIONS 


UNION  PAOFIC 

i_4W  Expfnset  Included 

SUMMER-1928 


Cover  of  Union  Pacific  Railroad  brochure  advertising  its  1928 
excursions  to  Yellowstone  National  Park.  Courtesy  Hebard 
Collection,  University  of  Wyoming  Libraries. 


on  the  same  page  as  the  listing  showing  the  train  sched- 
ule to  Yellowstone,  the  advertisement  proclaimed: 
"The  NEW  LINE  to  Yellowstone  Park  Direct  to  the 
Park  Boimdarw"  An  additit)nal  note  stated:  "Side  trips 
hir  the  Park  at  low  rate,  allowed  on  all  tickets  to  the 
Alaska- Yukon-Pacific  Exposition."  The  railroad's  em- 
plo\'ee  magazine.  The  Union  Pacific  Magazine,  pub- 
lished during  the  1920s  and  1930s,  also  had  numer- 
otis  articles  promoting  travel  to  the  park,  such  as  tlie 
ones  titled  "Yellowstone,  America's  Animal  Refuge""'' 
and  "The  Winter  Job  ol  a  Yellowstone  Park  Forest 
Ranger,"  "  complete  with  photographs.  I  he  cover  ol 
the  Jime  1922  issue  ol  the  magazine  was  a  Havnes 
photograph  ol  C^astle  Cone  and  Beehive  Geyser. 

The  L'PRR  published  a  series  ol  brochures  dur- 
ing the  1920s,  approximateh'  thirt\'-two  pages  long, 
describing  various  attractit)ns  on  the  L'nion  Pacific 
lines.  One  of  them,  published  in  192.^,  was  titled 
"Yellowstone  National  Park,  and  it  had  a  color  cover 
w  ith  an  artistic  rendering  ol  Old  Faithlul,  one  ol  the 
most  lamous  attractions  in  the  park.  "  Lhere  was  also 
a  series  ol  brochtu'es  the  size  ol  a  timetable  titled 
"Western  Wonderland"  and  "Along  the  L'nion  Pa- 
cific System,"  describing  the  sights  along  the  railroad 
and  alwa\s  including  ^elk)wstone.  Even  when  the 
Lhiited  States  Railwax"  Administration  operated  the 
nations  railroad  dtu'ing  World  Wir  I,  the  UPRR  pub- 
lished a  lolder  promoting  travel  to  Yellowstone  lor 
1919,  the  \'ear  following  the  end  ol  the  war."' 

The  UPRR  had  its  own  travel  department  and 
librar\',  with  booklet  titles  mc\v\A\\\'i^  Zion-Bryce  Can- 
yo)i-Gra}id  Gaiiyon  National  Parks;  Galifornia;  Colo- 
rado Playgrounds:  and  Ditde  Ranches.  Following  the 
establishment  ol  the  Grand  leton  National  Park  in 
1 929  south  ol  Yellowstone,  the  UPRR  also  promoted 
tra\'el  to  that  park,  either  through  \'ellowstone  or 
through  \'ictor,  Idaho,  with  totu'  packages  lor  both 


"'"  T/w  Union  Pacific  Miigaziiw,  August  l^)2'i,  p.   10. 

""  Ibid.,  Februar)'  l'^)31.  p.   13. 

-'"  Yellowsto}ie  Niuio)iiil  Piirk  [Vin'ion  Pacific  R.iilroact,  1^)23),  32 
pp.    Author's  collection. 

''  YellowUoiie  Natinnal  Park — Wyouiuig — Montana — Idaho 
(United  States  Railway  Administration,  National  P.irk  Series, 
Season  1')!')),  Yellowstone  National  l\irk  Research  Library. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Aulumn  2004 


parks  available. '"  The  Department  of  Tours  and  vari- 
ous representatives  of  the  railroad  throughoiu  the 
countr}'  provided  information  about  these  tours.'' 

Following  World  War  11,  when  rail  tourist  traffic 
to  the  park  was  in  decline,  the  railroad  produced  more 
modern  brochures.  Printed  with  a  color  photograph 
on  the  cover,  they  were  smaller,  but  contained  much 
ol  the  same  information.  Separate  advertisements  ior 
Yellowstone  were  not  as  common,  and  the  travel  itin- 
eraries were  merged  into  other  possible  sights  to  visit 
along  the  Union  Pacific  lines.  A  1959  booklet  titled 
Yellowstone  and  Grand  Teton  National  Parks,  printed 
by  the  UPRR,  was  approximately  five  inches  by  seven 
inches,  with  a  color  photograph  on  the  cover.  By  1 960, 
when  passenger  ser\qce  to  West  Yellowstone  ended 
the  advertising  budget  had  been  cut  to  the  bone.  One 
of  the  advertisements  for  1960  showed  a  bus,  obvi- 
ously cut  out  and  pasted  onto  a  scene  showing  Old 
Faithful  in  the  background.'^  After  that,  only  the 
informational  fliers  to  travel  agents  were  sent  out, 
giving  the  appropriate  tour  information  as  connec- 
tions were  cut  back,  from  West  Yellowstone  to  Ashton 
and  then  to  Idaho  Falls. '^  However,  even  at  this  time 
the  railroad's  ticket  en\'elopes  retained  a  picture  of 
Old  Faithful  and  a  description  of  how  to  reach  the 
park  using  the  Union  Pacific  lines.'" 

During  the  1950s,  the  UPRR  also  prepared  a  se- 
ries of  large  photographs  of  scenes  along  its  lines, 
including  Yellowstone  and  Grand  Teton  national 
parks.  These  large  color  photographs  included  the 
words  "Union  Pacific  Railroad"  in  the  bottom  cor- 
ner, and  were  meant  to  be  framed  and  mounted  in 
depots  and  at  travel  agencies.''^ 

THE  BEAR  ADVERTISEMENTS 

To  encourage  its  expanding  business,  the  UPRR 
began  printing  a  series  of  cartoon  bear  advertisements 
promoting  Yellowstone  in  1923.  Feeding  the  bears 
was  considered  a  novelty  and  an  attraction  for  park 
visitors,  and  the  railroad  wanted  to  emphasize  the 
ease  of  seeing  wildlife  up  close.  The  fliers  were  appar- 
ently mailed  to  travel  agents  and  ticket  agents  all  over 
the  country  to  inform  them  of  various  train  sched- 
ules and  sights  to  see  in  the  park. 

The  bear  cartoon  advertisements  were  interest- 


ing and  noteworthy  for  a  variety  of  reasons.  They 
were,  and  still  are,  enjoyable  and  fun  to  view.  Busy 
with  many  activities,  the  bears  were  shown  in  comi- 
cal situations.  The  railroad  released  up  to  six  differ- 


One  of  the  bear  advertisements  used  by  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  to  promote  its  service  to  Yellowstone  National  Park. 
Courtesy  Hebard  Collection,  University  of  Wyoming  Libraries. 


'*  "Reached  via  Union  Pacific"  (Union  Pacific  Railroad,  1929). 
This  is  a  four-page  flier  advertising  tours  to  the  new  Grand 
Teton  National  Parte,  one  of  several  printed  by  the  Union 
Pacific  through  the  years. 

-"  'Yellowstone  Opens  June  20"  (Union  Pacific  Railroad,  1929). 
This  information  was  on  the  back  page  of  a  four-page  flier 
advertising  travel  to  Yellowstone  National  Park,  and  was  of- 
ten found  on  many  of  their  advertisements. 

'"  The  Union  Pacific  Bulletin,  March  1960.  This  was  a  publica- 
tion of  the  railroad  for  their  ticket  agents  to  inform  them  of 
the  passenger  and  tour  services  available  on  the  railroad. 

-'■'  "Additional  Information  for  Agents  Regarding  Yellowstone 
National  Park  Tours,  Hotels,  Facilities,  etc.  Summer  of  1961," 
published  by  the  Chicago,  Burlington  &  Quincy  Railroad, 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  and  rhe  Northern  Pacific  Rail- 
way Company.    Author's  collection. 

-"'  Ticket  envelope.    Author's  collection. 

'    Author's  collection. 


Annals  ofWyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal --Aulumn  2004     9 


enr  bear  ads  each  year,  each  of  them  containing  dif- 
ferent messages  and  information.  Thev  might  con- 
tain train  schedules,  destinations,  and  sights  to  see, 
or  just  nickidc  pictures  oi  views  in  the  park.  The  Hi- 
ers  were  centered  around  \'arious  themes,  ranging 
from  sports  to  fairs  to  the  latest  technology  (such  as 
"Tell-A- Vision")  to  references  to  national  elections. 
Designed  to  attract  casual  viewers,  the  advertisements 
always  included  the  UP  shield  on  the  front  and  would 
include  scenes  such  as  Old  Faithful  or  the  Old  Faith- 
ful Inn  in  the  background.  The  bears  would  be  busy 
doing  a  number  of  acti\'ities.'** 

There  are  more  than  ninet\'  known  bear  ad\er- 
tisements.  Thev  were  printeci  on  11x17  inch  paper 
folded  to  make  a  four-page  flier  Onh'  a  few  thoti- 
sand  copies  of  each  flier  were  printed  and  distributed 
by  the  railroad.  The  UPRR  released  several  each  vear 
in  the  1 920s  and  1 930s,  and  none  are  known  to  have 
been  printed  dtuing  World  War  II  since  passenger 
service  to  West  Yellowstone  was  discontinued  dtuing 
the  war  following  the  1942  season.  Following  the 
war,  only  one  or  two  advertisements  were  printed 
each  year,  but  the  bear  cartoon  theme  was  continued 
imtil  1960.  The  bears  were  shown  on  the  co\'er  page. 
The  back  page  and  inside  fl\'er  would  list  train  sched- 
ules, sights  to  see  in  the  park  or  at  other  locations 
along  the  UP's  lines,  as  well  as  special  events.  The 
advertisements  after  the  war  were  more  colorful  and 
busier  than  the  previous  ones. 

The  same  bear  cartoons  were  also  used  by  the 
railroad  for  other  purposes.  Some  of  the  advertising 
booklets  published  during  the  1950s,  for  example, 
included  photographs  with  the  cartoon  bears  added 
onto  the  same  page.''*  The  children's  menu  on  the 
dining  car  also  had  the  same  bears  on  the  menu,  and 
there  was  even  a  coloring  book  with  the  bears,  with 
rhymes  promoting  Yellowstone.'" 

It  is  not  known  who  prepared  most  of  the  bear 
cartoons,  but  it  is  known  that  the  UP  would  show 
them  to  the  Yellowstone  Park  Association  to  receive 
its  concurrence  before  releasing  them.  The  railroad 
typically  used  commercial  artists  hired  speciflcalh-  ior 
that  purpose.  Walter  Oerhle  was  a  Chicago  artist  who 
prepared  some  of  the  advertisements  for  the  railroad. 
He  also  prepared  some  of  the  murals  in  the  Old  Faith- 


ftil  Inn,  which  were  included  in  the  remodeling  of 
the  bar  at  the  end  of  Prohibition  in  1933,  at  the  re- 
quest of  architect  Robert  C.  Reamer.  *'  Some  of  these 
murals  are  still  on  the  walls  in  the  Inns  cafeteria, 
while  others  have  been  reproduced  on  glass  etchings 
in  the  bar.  The  theme  of  playful  bears  was  maintained 
on  those  murals,  using  the  same  style  of  bears.  An- 
other artist  known  to  have  made  some  of  the  adver- 
tisements was  William  Willmarth''  from  Omaha.  Fie 
drew  niunerous  other  ad\'ertisements  for  the  railroad 
through  the  years,  until  the  UP  replaced  his  drawings 
with  photographs. 

Fhe  railroad  also  used  live  bears  in  some  of  its 
advertising.  There  are  photographs  showing  the  bears 
with  a  group  of  \'oung  women  on  the  back  of  an 
observation  can  If  one  Kuiks  carcftilK'  at  the  image, 
however,  one  can  see  that  the  bear  is  being  held  ti2;htlv 
with  a  chain  h\'  a  handler.''  Apparentlv  the  advertis- 
ing department  determined  that  bear  cartoons  were 
a  lot  easier  to  prepare  than  working  with  live  bears. 
For  several  \'ears  dtiring  the  twenties,  the  compan\' 
magazine  included  the  outline  of  a  bear  at  the  header 
oi  the  section  covering  the  news  from  the  Montana 
Division,  which  included  the  line  to  West 
Yellowstone. 

Although  the  UP  is  most  closely  associated  w  ith 
the  bears  at  Yellowstone,  the  Northern  Pacific  also 


'"  The  origin.ils  of  most  ot  the  cartoon  be.ir  advertisements  are 
at  the  Union  Pacific  Museum  in  Omaha,  Nebraska.  Copies 
are  also  at  the  Yellowstone  National  Park  Research  Library. 

'"  In  the  advertisint;  brochure  "Yellowstone  and  Grand  Teton 
National  Parks."  published  by  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  in 
193'),  the  same  bear  cartoons  were  used  on  pages  describing 
stopovers  and  train  service.    Copy  in  authors  collection. 

""'  An  original  copy  is  .ivailable  at  the  Union  Pacific  Museum  in 
Omaha,  Nebraska,  and  copies  at  the  Yellowstone  National 
Park  Research  Libran,'.  The  Niitiotiiil  Geographic  magazine 
had  advertisements  promoting  Yellowstone  which  included 
cartoon  bears.  The  November  1911  issue  had  an  advertise- 
ment by  the  Union  Pacific  listing  advantages  of  visiting  the 
park,  and  there  were  nvo  cartoon  bears  included  in  the  halt- 
page  advertisement.  The  Mav  1933  issue  had  a  quarter-page 
advertisement  by  the  Northern  Pacific  showing  a  similar  car- 
toon bear,  also  promoting  traxcl  to  Yellow  stone  National  Park. 

''  Letter  from  Robert  C.  Reamer  to  Wm.  B.  Nichols,  president 
ot  the  Yellowstone  Park  Hotel  Company.  October  18.  1934, 
Yellowstone  National  Park  archives,  box  YTC-34. 

'-  Michael  Zega,  "Travel  by  Train. '  X'nitag,-  R,iils,  Winter  1997. 

■'■*  LInion  Pacific  Museum  photo  #4176. 


10      Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal --Autumn  2004 


used  cartoon  bears  in  its  advertising.  Its  advertise- 
ments, however,  were  not  as  exclusive,  nor  were  they 
used  as  long  as  those  of  the  UP."*"*  The  remnants  of 
these  bear  cartoons  can  be  seen  at  Mammoth  Hot 
Springs,  where  they  are  on  signs  advertising  food  ser- 
vices. 

SUCCESS  OF  THE  PROMOTION 

It  is  difficult  to  judge  the  overall  success  of"  the  UPs 
promotion  efforts  for  travel  to  Yellowstone  National 
Park  because  the  automobile  ultimately  displaced  the 
train  as  the  primar}'  means  of  visiting  the  park.  In 
addition,  much  of  the  advertising  was  intended  to 
make  potential  travelers  aware  of  the  park  and  how 
to  reach  it,  rather  then  being  intended  for  a  specific 
trip.  Ho\\e\er,  based  on  the  numbers  of  rail  travelers 
through  the  various  entrances,  it  is  apparent  that  its 
advertising  campaign  was  successful,  with  more  than 
fifty  percent  of  all  rail  travelers  entering  the  park 
through  the  west  entrance  over  the  UP  lines,  based 
on  the  annual  reports  hv  the  superintendent  of  the 
park. 

There  were  four  tratewavs  used  bv  the  five  rail- 


roads to  reach  Yellowstone,  the  west,  north,  east,  and 
south  entrances.  The  UP  reached  the  west  entrance, 
and  the  Chicago,  Milwaukee,  St.  Paul  and  Pacific 
Railroad  reached  the  Gallatin  gateway  in  1927,  with 
the  passenger  traveling  by  bus  to  West  Yellowstone. 
Prior  to  this  time,  travelers  on  the  Milwaukee  Road 
had  to  travel  by  bus  from  Three  Forks,  Montana,  to 
reach  the  park.  The  Northern  Pacific  Railway  reached 
the  north  entrance  at  Gardiner,  and  the  Chicago, 
Burlington  &  Quincy  Railroad  reached  Cody,  Wyo- 
ming, and  tourists  rode  buses  to  the  east  entrance.  A 
few  travelers  went  over  the  Chicago  and  North  West- 
ern Railway  to  Lander,  and  had  a  one  and  a  half  day 
bus  ride  to  the  south  entrance.  The  following  data  is 
taken  from  the  annual  report  of  Yellowstone,  pub- 
lished by  the  superintendent.  The  number  of  rail  visi- 
tors was  reported  separately  from  the  number  of  visi- 
tors by  car.  This  listing  shows  the  number  of  cars, 
not  visitors,  who  passed  through  the  entrances  to  the 
park. 

■'■'  "Yellowstone  National  Park — 1916 — Yellowstone  Western 
Stage  Company,"  advertising  brochure.  Yellowstone  Na- 
tional Park  Research  Librar)'. 


West  North  East  South 

Entrance  Entrance  Entrance  Entrance 


Year 


1920 

Rail 

14,268 

9,717 

4,075 

1926 

Rail 

18,981 

14,127 

7,611 

271 

Cars 

14,862 

9,288 

15,827 

4,344 

1929 

Rail 

19,213 

12,243 

7,233 

290 

Cars 

76,897 

39,198 

73,732 

24,758 

1933 

Rail 

2,847 

2,955 

966 

19 

Cars 

14,244 

11,110 

16,723 

4,857 

Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal- Aiilumn  2004     11 


1 936 

Visits  were  not  reported  tor  eaeh  entrance,  but  there  was  a  total  ot  4 1 2,608 

visitors  to  tlie  park,  of  whom  19,  472  arrived  h\'  rail. 

Rail  travelers  were  not  reported  following  World  War  II  since  the  number 
was  insignificant  compared  to  those  arriving  by  automobiles. 


As  can  be  seen  by  Icioking  at  the  data,  the  west 
entrance  was,  ("or  most  \'ears,  the  most  heax'ily  used 
bv  rail  travelers.  After  dropping  dtuing  the  Depres- 
sion, the  number  ol  rail  travelers  slowly  rose,  but  the 
automobile  was  obvioush'  the  primar\'  means  ol  vis- 
iting the  park. 


CONCLUSION 

Fhe  UP's  promotion  ol  Yellowstone  Natit)nal  Park 
not  onl\'  encouraged  tra\el  to  the  park,  but  it  also 
created  a  legacy  oI  artwork  that  is  memorable.  Al- 
though it  is  no  longer  possible  to  travel  directly  to  the 
park  b\-  train,  special  railroad  tours  still  exist,  such  as 
the  American  Orient  Express  rail  tours,  which  include 
a  bus  trip  througli  the  parks. 


GAKDINKK   KI\1.R    Hor    M'KlNijS.   \  I.I.LUW  S  luN  1-    .NAIIO.NAL 
t'AKK  —Reached  via  the   L'niun  I'acihc  System. 


Image  from  the  Union  Pacific  booklet  The  Evolution  of  the 
Locomotive  from  1813  to  1891.  Courtesy  American  Heritage 
Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 


PARK  TOURS 

The  Oregon  Short  Line  and  the  Union  Pacific 
offered  a  wide  variety  of  tours  through 
Yellowstone  National  Park  from  1908,  when  the 
railroad  first  reached  West  Yellowstone  and  e\'en 
after  1960,  when  passenger  service  was  discon- 
tinued to  West  Yellowstone.  With  the  coopera- 
tion of  the  competing  railroads,  a  tourist  could 
enter  through  West  Yellowstone  and  leave 
through  another  entrance.  The  railroad  would 
transport  the  tourists  baggage  for  them  to  the 
station  from  which  they  would  then  depart.  The 
tours  could  also  be  custom  made  and  length- 
ened for  a  nominal  fee,  but  there  were  set  "pack- 
age" tours  which  were  described  in  the  fixer  and 
brochures. 

In  1899  the  Oregon  Short  Line  listed  the 
following  schedule  for  one  of  these  tours  in  its 
brochure  "Where  Gush  the  Geysers." 
Day  1:    Leave  Monida  and  arrive  at  Grayling 
Inn 

Day  2:  Arrive  Fountain  Hotel 
Day  3:  Visit  Upper  Basin,  stav  at  Fountain  Fio- 
tel 

Day  4:  Arrive  Lake  Fiotel 
Dav  5:  Arrive  Canvon  Llotel 


12     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --Autumn  2004 


Day  6:  Arrive  Mammoth  Hot  Springs 
Day  7:  Arrive  Grayling  Inn 
Day  8:  Arrive  Monida 

Visitors  traveled  on  four  horse  Concord  coaches  oi  the  Monida  &  Yellowstone  Stage  Company. 
In  1916,  the  Yellowstone-Western  Stage  Company  suggested  four  possible  tours  through  the  park. 
They  included  a  two-day  tour  from  the  western  entrance  (shown  as  "Yellowstone"  on  their  map)  to 
the  geysers;  a  tour-day  tour  to  the  main  points  of  interest  in  the  park;  a  five-day  complete  tour  of  the 
park;  and  a  four-day  tour  of  the  park  entering  through  Yellowstone  and  leaving  through  Gardiner. 
In  1917,  the  coaches  were  replaced  by  eleven  passenger  buses  operated  by  the  Yellowstone  Park 
Transportation  Company.  After  1929,  following  the  establishment  of  Grand  Teton  National  Park, 
tours  through  both  parks  were  available,  and  a  tourist  soon  could  enter  through  either  West 
Yellowstone  or  Victor  for  the  trip  through  both  parks.  By  1959,  the  tours  by  rail  were  apparently 
more  flexible,  and  escorted  tours  were  still  available.  No  specific  tour  schedules  were  listed  in  the 
booklet  titled  Yellowstone  and  Grand  Teton  National  Parks,  although  the  park  buses  operated  on  a 
schedule. 


il 


St-l_^EEP   ROCK  AND  point;  OF   OQuiRR 


Page  advertising  Yellowstone  National  Park  from  View  Album  of  Resorts  on  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  not  dated.  Courtesy 
Hebard  Collection,  University  of  Wyoming  Libraries. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal --Autumn  2004     13 


BRONCO  NELL,  A  WOMAN  HORSE  THIEF 


^m 


As  told  by  Felix  Alston 
Edited  and  with  an  introduction  by  Scott  Alston 

'I     INTRODUCTION 


Texas  Trail  cowboy;  Bald  Mountain  City  (City  of  Broken  Hearts) 
gold  miner  and  election  judge;  Basin  City  livery  and  feed  store  em- 
ployee and  owner,  and  water  and  ice  man;  Lovell  and  Irma  Flat  store- 
keeper and  postmaster;  Marquette  and  Irma  Flat  farmer;  Yellowstone 
National  Park  guide;  contractor  for  the  National  Park  road  along  the 
North  Fork  of  the  Shoshone  to  the  national  forest  reserve;  hunter  and 
fisherman;  Big  Horn  County  Justice  of  the  Peace,  clerk,  tax  collector, 
deputy  sheriflF,  under-sheriff,  county  sheriff;  warden  of  the  ^C^oming 
State  Penitentiary 


Felix  Alston  in  Basin  dunng 
the  1909  Spring  Creek  Raid 
tnal.  Courtesy  the  grandchil- 
dren of  Felix  Alston,  Felix 
Scott  Alston  and  Virginia 
Taylor  Muller. 

His  love 
affair  with 
Wyoming 
only  ended 
with  his 
death  in  1956 
at  the  age  of 
eighty-six. 


In  some  ways,  the  succinct  foregoing  paragraph  better  illuminates 
the  colorful  Wyoming  years  of  the  diminutive  (five  foot  six  inch)  Texan 
Felix  Alston  than  a  more  labored  distractive  narratixe.  Alston's  finest 
hours  are  to  be  found  in  the  undertakings,  activities,  and  time  frame 
delineated  by  the  above  few  words.  His  love  affair  with  Wyoming  only 
ended  with  his  death  in  1956  at  the  age  of  eighr\'-six.  He  left  Wyo- 
ming for  California  in  1919  or  1920  and  never  returned.  Ifhe  had  ever 
learned  to  drixe  a  car  he  might  ha\e  tra\eled  again  to  Wyoming,  but 
though  once  a  cowboy  and  master  of  the  reins  he  was  not  of  the  wheel. 
In  contrast,  his  wife  Mamie  was  one  of  the  first  women  automobile 
drivers  in  Wyoming.  Moving  to  their  California  orange  grove  in  1912, 
she  and  the  four  Basin,  Wjoming,  born  Alston  children  traveled  to 
Rawlins  every  summer  in  her  Studebaker  touring  car.  She  was  always 
at  the  helm  during  this  remarkable  feat,  and  remained  the  Alston  family  chauffeur 
until  her  death. 

Alston  kept  many  of  his  Wyoming  contacts  until  he  outlived  them  all.  There  were 
annual  Wyoming  state  picnics  to  be  attended  in  the  Los  Angles  area  and  friendships 
to  be  nurtured  with  those  he  had  left  behind  and  those  Wyomingites  coming  through 
California,  as  well  as  with  those  settling  in  the  state.  Curiously,  he  seemed  to  have, 
and  highly  value,  as  many  ex-cons  as  friends  as  law-abiding  citizens.  Maybe  it  was 
because  he  knew  too  well  how  tenuously  thin  the  line  could  become  between  law- 
abiding  and  unlawful.  How  civilization  had  replaced  Wyoming's  frontier  shortlv  after 
statehood  and  how  so  manv  grasped  that  fact  too  late  or  maybe  never  realized  it  at  all. 
How  circumstances  and  events  with  new  perspectives  by  the  people  can  carry  a  man 
across  that  line  and  criminalize  him.  One  only  has  to  read  the  mmierous  letters 
Warden  Alston  wrote  to  the  \arious  governors  of  W\'oming,  concerning  prisoners' 
parole  potential,  to  understand  how  he  judged  his  fellow  man.  He  rarely  mentioned 
the  crimes,  but  rather  spoke  of  the  man's  character,  trustworthiness,  and  potential 
place  in  society. 

In  the  spring  and  summer  of  1952,  Alston  dictated  numerous  recollections  of  his 
Wyoming  years  while  his  third  daughter,  Helen  Jastrow,  sat  at  the  Underwood,  typing 


14    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -  Autumn  2004 


a  verbatim  rendering  of  his  spoken  words.  This  was  ac- 
complished in  the  cool  shaded  yard  of  his  Reseda,  Cali- 
fornia, Spanish  style  home.  He  was  painfully  deaf  in  these 
years  and  it  is  likely  that  his  daughter's  shouts  for  clarity 
or  repetition  permeated  the  neighborhood.  In  looking 
back  on  this,  decades  later,  his  daughter  was  somewhat 
embarrassed  and  sincerel}'  hoped  that  their  neighbors  were 
entertained.  "At  least,  they  did  not  complain  about  Dad 
and  I  ranting  at  one  another  in  the  yard  that  summer." 
The  story  of  Bronco  Nell  was  dictated  at  this  period. 

A  man  and  his  wite  arrived  in  Meeteetse,  Wyo- 
ming, in  the  spring  of"  1 900.  They  had  a  string 
ot  six  or  eight  work  horses,  two  freight  wag- 
ons and  what  was  known  as  a  kooster  (a  cart  covered 
over  like  a  covered  wagon  containing  a  cook  stove 
and  bed  that  was  always  trailed  behind  the  freight 
wagons).  They  also  had  a  small  bunch  of  range  horses. 
The  man,  for  some  reason  that  I  never  knew,  put  on 
his  hat  and  walked  off,  leaving  the  woman  to  man- 
age the  best  she  could  with  what  propert)'  he  had  left, 
tor  herselt  and  small  baby. 

She  took  the  name  ol  Nell  Smith,  acquired  a 
small  place  in  the  edge  of  this  little  town  where  she 
had  barns,  a  corral  along  with  a  small  bunk  house.  In 
order  for  her  to  make  an  adequate  living  for  herself 
and  child  it  was  necessan'  for  her  to  engage  in  some 
occupation  whereby  she  would  have  sufficient  income. 
She  then  went  on  the  road  with  her  freight  outfit 
hauling  wool  from  any  of  the  interior  points  to  the 
railroad  at  Casper,  Wyoming,  or  Billings,  Montana. 
On  her  return  trips,  she  would  load  her  outfit  with 
groceries  or  any  other  supplies  needed  by  the  mer- 
chants or  the  ranchers.  While  on  these  trips  she  would 
break  her  best  horses  to  work  in  the  team;  for  this  she 
was  always  referred  to  as  Bronco  Nell.  She  was  not  a 
big  woman — never  weighing  more  than  one  hun- 
dred and  thirt)'  pounds,  but  was  very  efficient  han- 
dling broncos  as  well  as  a  string  team  of  freight  horses. 
As  she  acquired  more  teams  than  she  really  needed 
she  would  dispose  of  the  surplus  horses,  which  added 
very  materially  to  her  income. 

She  acquired  a  small  coal  mine  about  three  or 
four  miles  from  Meeteetse,  employing  one  or  two 
broken-down  coal  miners  to  mine  this  coal.  They 
were  the  only  help  she  had  in  conducting  this  mine 


or  her  freight  outfit.  Nell  even  hauled  her  own  coal 
from  the  mine  to  deliver  to  her  various  customers  in 
the  town. 

On  account  of  her  manipulating  this  freight  out- 
fit she  naturally  attracted  the  attention  of  all  horse 
lovers  as  well  as  horse  thieves.  She  was  known  far  and 
wide  by  all  the  horse  thieves;  and  any  of  them  were 
willing  to  increase  her  herd  of  horses  instead  of  steal- 
ing them  from  her.  Consequently,  they  gained  her 
confidence  and  she  certainly  responded  by  protect- 
ing them.  She  would  always  feed  and  fmd  a  place  for 
any  of  them  to  sleep  in  her  bunkhouse.  It  was  impos- 
sible to  get  any  information  from  her  concerning 
the  actions  or  whereabouts  of  any  of  her  acquaintan- 
ces who  might  be  violators  of  the  law. 

One  of  her  loyalty  acts  to  the  profession  of  crooks 
was  to  harbor  an  escapee  from  the  count)'  jail  by  the 
name  of  Bob  Stratten.  He  had  escaped,  made  it  on 
foot  through  the  Bad  Lands  for  a  distance  of  sixty 
miles  to  her  place.  She  had  a  number  of  colts  on 
hand  that  she  was  weaning  and  in  order  to  take  care 
of  Stratten  she  turned  a  basket  hay  rack  upside  down 
in  the  center  of  the  corral,  hauled  straw  by  the  tons 
entirely  covering  and  burying  the  hay  rack,  where  he 
lived  the  balance  of  the  winter,  which  was  a  perfect 
place  to  hibernate.  Due  to  Nell's  loyalty  Bob  was  not 
discovered  by  the  law,  and  when  spring  came  he  dis- 
appeared. 

Nell  was  not  satisfied  weaning  her  own  colts  but 
proceeded  to  wean  colts  that  were  the  property  of 
others.  Some  people  knew  that  she  was  doing  it,  but 
it  was  difficult  to  prove  after  the  colts  had  been  sepa- 
rated so  long  from  their  mothers  that  neither  would 
recognize  the  other.  During  this  time  Nell's  herd  of 
horses  increased  with  amazing  rapidity.  By  this  time 
she  got  to  be  an  awful  eyesore  and  nuisance  to  all  the 
horsemen  in  the  country  but  they  considered  it  would 
be  almost  an  utter  impossibilit}'  to  secure  a  jury  who 
would  convict  a  woman  of  horse  stealing.  For  that 
reason  some  of  them  were  dilatory  as  to  prosecuting 
her. 

Several  of  these  horse  owners  came  to  me  for 
advice  as  to  what  action  to  take  since  I  was  sheriff  of 
Big  Horn  County.  They  seemed  to  think  that  the 
loyalty  of  the  average  Western  man  to  women  would 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journai --Aulunin  2004     15 


prevent  a  conviction  in  court.  I  differed  with  them 
and  contended  that  it  we  could  get  convincing  testi- 
mony oi  her  gtiih  we  would  not  have  an\'  dilhculty 
in  securing  a  verdict  ol"  gtiiity.  At  my  suggestion  one 
oi  these  horsemen  lek  two  of  his  colts  the  mothers 
had  weaned  with  the  herd  ot  range  horses.  He  had 
marked  these  colts  with  a  hair  brand  under  their  manes 
and  had  the  witnesses  note  anv  outstandinii  marks  or 
peculiarities  thev  had.  Within  the  next  two  weeks  Nell 
picked  up  these  colts  and  put  then  in  her  corral  with 
some  oi  her  own. 

The  owner,  with  his  hired  man,  went  to 
Meeteetses  histice  Court,  had  a  writ  ol  replevin  is- 
sued and  delivered  to  mv  deputv  sheriH,  which  he 
sei'ved  bv seizing  the  colts  and  retinning  them  to  their 
owner. 

The  deptity  sheritl  called  me  Irom  Meeteetse  and 
inlormed  me  that  he  had  seized  the  two  colts  that 
Nell  had  stolen  and  returned  them  to  the  owner  and 
supposed  that  was  all  there  was  to  it.  1  told  him  to 
make  special  notation  ot  the  entire  transaction  in  his 
mind,  as  we  would  probably  want  him  to  appear  in 
court  in  case  Nell  was  prosecuted.  He  said:  "\\  hat  in 
the  hell  is  the  use  to  prosecute  her  unless  you  convict 
her?  This  cotmtrv  never  has,  in  its  histor\',  convicted 
a  woman  lor  crime." 

I  told  him  that  I  believed  in  loyalty  to  the  oppo- 
site sex  as  much  as  anyone,  but  1  thought  the  time 
had  come  when  it  was  necessar\'  to  put  such  women 
as  Nell  out  ol  business.  The  hict  that  she  was  a  woman 
did  not  constitute  a  valid  excuse  tor  her  to  appropri- 
ate other  people's  property.  I  never  knew  or  heard  ot 
a  woman  convicted  lor  stealing  horses  but  we  would 
make  an  exception  in  this  case,  as  she  had  become  a 
nuisance.  1  considered  it  would  not  be  dilficult  to  get 
a  verdict  ot  guilty. 

I  went  to  C.A.  Zaring  who  was  county  attorney, 
conferred  with  and  gave  him  all  the  developments  in 
the  case  as  to  Nells  horse  stealing.  He  looked  at  me 
and  said:  "God  almighty,  do  you  think  we  could  con- 
vict a  woman  tor  horse  stealing?  It  vou  think  we  can 
I  am  with  you  one  himdred  percent.  I  have  heard 
considerable  complaints  as  to  Nell's  activities  and  she 
must  be  a  dinger  ot  a  horsewoman.  Within  thirty 
days  before  district  court  sets  we  well  tile  a  complaint 


direct  under  the  'Live  Stock  Statute'  which  makes  it  a 
penitentiarv  ottense  to  steal  live  stock  ot  any  value." 

1  told  him  we  had  positive  evidence  in  that  the 
owner  ot  the  colts,  along  with  his  hired  man,  could 
positively  identity  both  ot  them.  That  the  deputy  sher- 
itt  had  reclaimed  them  trom  Nell  and  had  delivered 
them  back  to  the  owner.  Nell  had  claimed  ownership 
ot  the  colts,  btit  atter  the  otticet  took  possession  ot 
them  she  claimed  then  that  she  might  be  mistaken  in 
the  identity,  which  was  an  impossibility  as  she  did 
not  have  one  animal  ot  an\-  description  in  that  pat- 
ticular  range. 

Mr.  Zaring  tiled  a  criminal  indictmenr,  which 
meant  that  it  would  be  necessary  tor  Nell  to  tLuntsh  a 
bail  bond  to  appear  at  the  next  regular  term  ot  dis- 
trict cotut. 

I  did  not  arrest  Nell  and  take  her  into  custody 
but  instructed  her  to  post  a  bond  immediateh'  or  else 
be  remanded  to  jail. 

On  the  tlrst  day  session  ot  the  court  Nell  appeared 
in  person  with  her  law\'ers  which  consisted  ot  the 
leading  law  tlrm  ot  the  countv,  Ridgley  and  West. 
That  torenoon  session  ot  the  court  was  devoted  en- 
tirel\-  to  reading  ot  the  criminal  docket  and  setting 
all  criminal  cases  tor  trial.  Nell's  case  was  the  last  one 
to  be  heard.  Puring  the  noon  recess  the  judge  no- 
ticed the  case  on  the  docket  "State  ot  Wyoming  vs. 
Nell  Smith"  which  really  meant  a  criminal  indict- 
ment. Never  having  had  a  woman  criminal  in  his 
cotut  the  judge  was  curious  to  know  what  charge  was 
against  Nell.  He  asked  the  coiuit\'  atrorne\'  and  I  "what 
was  the  charge?"  to  which  Mr.  Zaring  replied:  "Horse 
stealing." 

The  judge  smiled  and  asked  Mr.  Zaring  "Do  \'ou 
realK'  believe  it  is  possible  to  convict  a  woman  ot 
horse  stealing? " 

Mt.  Zaring  replied  by  saying:  "The  sherift  says 
he  has  the  most  convincing  testimony  which  places 
her  beyond  anv  doubt  ot  guilt." 

At  the  completion  ot  Nell's  trial  the  case  was  placed 
in  the  hands  of  jury  about  four  o'clock.  The  bailitt 
took  the  jur\-  to  dinner  atter  which  thev  retired  to 
the  jtu'v  room  tor  deliberation.  The  judge  lett  in- 
structions that  it  the  jur\'  brotight  in  a  \'erdict  betore 
eleven  o'clock  that  nidit  to  call  him  and  he  would 


1 6     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


hear  it,  otherwise  to  turn  in  a  sealed  verdict  to  the 
clerk  of  the  court.  About  ten  o'clock  they  informed 
the  bailiff  that  thev  had  arrived  at  a  verdict.  All  inter- 
ested in  the  case  congregated  in  the  courtroom  to 
hear  a  verdict  of  "guilty  as  charged"  without  any  rec- 
ommendations. 

Of  course,  it  was  necessary  to  place  Nell  in  jail. 
She  and  1  took  her  little  girl,  Ruth,  over  to  my  resi- 
dence and  leh  her  with  my  wile  where  she  remained 
until  the  county  commissioners  made  arrangements 
with  a  Mrs.  Gebhardt  in  Meeteetse  to  keep  her  until 
her  mother  was  released  trom  prison. 

Nell  was  transferred  with  others  who  had  been 
convicted  at  this  term  ol  court  to  the  state  prison  at 
Rawlins,  Wyoming,  where  she  served  her  lull  two- 
year  term  as  sentenced  by  the  court. 

At  the  conclusion  ol  her  trial  she  had  given  her 
lawyers  full  power  of  attorney  to  dispose  ol  any  and 
all  ol  her  propert}',  which  they  did  lor  a  very  nomi- 
nal sum,  and  lorgot  to  remit  any  part  ol  it  to  Nell. 

Upon  one  ol  my  various  trips  to  the  prison  while 
taking  prisoners  there  the  warden  informed  me  that 
Nell  wanted  to  see  me.  She  had  been  in  prison  about 


a  year  by  this  time. 

I  said:  "All  right,  send  her  in." 

When  she  came  into  the  warden's  office  1  said  to 
her:  "Nell,  you  hate  me  worse  than  the  Devil  hates 
Holy  Water  —  why  do  you  want  to  see  me,  and  what 
about?" 

To  which  she  replied:  "At  one  time  I  hated  and 
despised  you  most  of  all  people  I  ever  knew,  but  now 
I  have  made  up  my  mind  that  you  are  the  most  de- 
cent one  ol  the  whole  damn  bunch.  Those  lawyers 
have  sold  all  of  my  property  and  my  time  will  expire 
here  betore  a  great  while  and  1  haven't  enough  money 
to  pay  my  fare  home,  and  don't  consider  there  is  any 
chance  to  steal  a  horse  to  ride  home.  I  am  wondering 
how  I  will  get  there." 

1  told  her  to  write  her  lawyers  to  send  her  suffi- 
cient funds  to  get  home  "or  else." 

In  due  time  she  arrived  back  in  Big  Horn  County 
flat  broke  and  said  she  understood  her  lawyers  had 
sold  all  of  her  property  for  two  thousand  dollars  when 
the  freight  outfit  alone  was  well  worth  that  amount. 
She  asked  me:  "What  can  1  do  to  get  even  a  portion 
ol  the  sales?" 


The  Wyoining  State  Penitentiary  in  Rawlins,  ca.  1912.  Alston  served  as  the  warden  of  the  penitentiary  from 
1911  to  1919.  Courtesy  the  grandchildren  of  Felix  Alston. 


Annals  of  Wyominci  The  Wyoming  History  Journal-- Autumn  2004     17 


I  laughingl)'  advised  her  to  tell  her  lawyers  that  it 
they  did  not  diwy  up  some  coin  h"om  the  sale  of  her 
propert}'  that  she  would  horse  whip  them  in  the  street. 

I  don't  know  what  action  Nell  took  btit  the  next 
morning  I  saw  her  at  the  stage  station  on  her  way  to 
Meeteetse  and  asked  her  what  success  she  had  finan- 
cially. Nell  grinned  and  said:  "I  am  not  broke." 

She  went  to  Meeteetse  where  she  got  her  daugh- 
ter and  thev  went  to  Cody.  I  have  not  seen  either  ot 
them  since. 

It  would  not  be  fair  to  end  this  story  without 
paying  the  highest  compliments  to  that  little  girl,  Ruth. 

A  man  I  know  well  who  has  been  a  lil-e-long  resi- 
dent ol  Cody  told  me  the  following  concerning  Ruth 
and  Nell's  life  in  Cody.  1  will  tell  it  in  his  own  words 
to  the  best  oi  my  ability, 

"When  Nell  and  Ruth  came  to  Cody  Nell  put 
Ruth  in  schools.  She  would  work  at  any  kind  of  hon- 
orable work  that  she  could  get  to  do  to  keep  Ruth  in 
school  and  in  nice  clothes.  She  was  well  rewarded  lor 
her  eltorts  to  educate  Ruth  and  give  her  the  best  op- 
portunities that  she  could  possibly  afford  as  Ruth  was 
one  of  the  outstanding  students  in  high  school,  nice 
looking  with  the  appearance  of  important  intelligence 
and  refinement.  In  fact,  she  was  all  that  anv  parent 
could  expect  of  their  offspring.  She  graduated  from 
high  school  with  the  highest  of  honors  and  in  some 
kind  of  a  musical  contest  she  won  a  prize  which  was  a 
fine  piano. ' 

Ruth's  father,  who  had  walked  out  on  them  when 
she  was  a  bab\',  and  retiuned  to  Texas,  but  never  tried 
to  contact  either  Nell  or  Ruth  bv  comnumication  or 
otherwise,  had  acquired  some  land  holdings  on  his 
return  to  Texas  on  which  oil  had  been  discovered. 
During  this  time  he  had  undoubtedly  kept  tabs  on 
them  as  he  appeared  in  Cociy  shortl)-  after  Ruth  gradu- 
ated from  High  School.  He  wanted  Nell  and  Ruth  to 
forget  all  the  past  and  go  with  him.  Nell  very  prompth- 
informed  him  that  he  could  do  as  much  and  what- 
ever he  pleased  for  Riuh  but  as  far  as  she  was  person- 
ally concerned  she  had  made  her  own  wa\'  for  fifteen 
years  without  him  or  his  aid  and  she  certainly  would 
continue  to  do  so. 

He  put  Ruth  in  a  college  of  music  in  New  York 


state  where  I  understand  she  went  to  the  top. 

With  all  of  Nell's  career  as  a  horse  thief  and  pro- 
tecting others  in  the  same  profession,  she  certainly 
deserves  a  great  deal  of  credit  for  the  manner  in  which 
she  has  conducted  herself  after  her  release  from  prison, 
anci,  if  living,  is  eighty-three  years  old. 


une 


1952 


Post  script:  Mrs.  Ella  Smith,  a.k.a.  Bronco  Nell,  was 
charged  and  tried  in  Big  Horn  Count\'  in  the  spring 
of  1 908.  She  was  found  guilty  of  the  charges  on  May 
2,  1908.  Sheriff  Alston  took  her  into  custody  at  that 
time  and  transported  her  to  the  Wyoming  State  Prison 
on  June  3,  1908. 


The  Alston  children  (left  to  right)  Virginia,  Helen.  Felix,  and 
Unis  in  1910,  Nell's  daughter  Ruth  was  about  the  same  age  as 
Unis,  born  in  1901,  Courtesy  the  grandchildren  of  Felix  Alston, 


1 8     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


Sketch  of  Heart 
Mountain  Relocation 
Center  by  Jacl< 
Yamasaki  which 
Henry  Taira  presented 
to  Charles  Decherl  "to 
thank  him  for  helping 
his  family  escape  the 
drab  confines  of  Heart 
IVIountain  to  the  wide- 
open  spaces  of  the 
Dechert  Farm." 
Courtesy  the  author. 


Escape  from  Heart  Mountain 

by  Betty  Y.  Taira 


In  1941,  my  family  was  among  the  thousands  of  Japanese  and  Japanese 
Americans  Hving  on  the  West  Coast.  My  parents,  Shizu  (1898-1955)  and 
Henry  Kakukichi  Taira  (1901-1967),  were  born  in  Okinawa,  Japan,  and  im- 
migrated to  Cahfornia  around  1917-1919.  My  sister,  Amy  Yemiko  (1928-1983), 
my  younger  brother,  Calvin,  and  I  were  all  born  in  California.  We  were  a  typical 
Japanese  American  family  of  that  period:  My  father  was  a  landscape  gardener  in 
Beverly  Hills,  and  my  mother  ran  a  small  hotel  and  rooming  house  at  Third  and 
Omar  streets  in  Los  Angeles,  not  far  from  Little  Tokyo. 

My  father  worked  for  a  number  of  families  in  Beverly  Hills  and  Hollywood. 
It  was  always  a  special  day  when  he  would  take  me  with  him.  He  took  me  most 
often  to  the  Foster  s;  only  much  later  did  I  learn  of  our  close  connection  with 
them.  One  day  I  noticed  that  my  name  on  my  birth  certificate  is  "Yeiko  Taira." 
When  I  asked  my  parents  why  "Betty"  was  missing  from  it,  they  told  me  that  Mrs. 
Foster  asked  my  father  to  name  me  "Elizabeth"  after  a  baby  daughter  they  lost. 
My  mother  refused  because  she  could  not  pronounce  Elizabeth.  Mrs.  Foster 
reminded  my  father  that  they  called  her  "Betty."  So,  from  the  time  I  was  a 
toddler,  my  family  called  me  Betty,  and  my  legal  name  is  Betty  Yeiko  Taira. 

Following  the  bombing  of  Pearl  Harbor  on  December  7,  1941,  hysteria 
gripped  the  country,  especially  residents  of  the  West  Coast.  There  were  immediate 
calls  for  the  removal  of  people  of  Japanese  ancestry  from  the  Pacific  Coast  states. 
Initially  it  was  not  clear  what  was  to  happen  to  us.  On  February  19,  1942,  Presi- 
dent Franklin  Roosevelt  signed  Executive  Order  9066,  which  allowed  the  army 
to  form  military  zones  and  exclude  any  people  from  those  zones  who  were  deemed 
a  potential  threat  to  national  security.  This  policy  came  to  fall  exclusively  on 
people  of  Japanese  ancestry.' 


1    Roger  Daniels,  Prisoners  Without  Trial:  Japanese  Americans  in  World  War  II  (New  York:  Hill  and 
Wang,  1993),  pp.  46-48. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal-- Autumn  2004     19 


Above.  Calvin  Taira  in  front  of  the  barracks  at  the  Heart  Moun- 
tain Relocation  Center  dunng  February  1943.  Courtesy  the 
author. 

Left.  Amy  Taira  on  barrack  steps  at  the  Heart  Mountain  Reloca- 
tion Center  dunng  February  1943,  Courtesy  the  author. 


It  was  decided  that  people  oi  Japanese  ancestr\', 
most  of  whom  were  American  citizens,  be  removed 
from  their  homes  and  phiced,  temporariK',  in  so-called 
"assembly  centers."  Later  thev  would  be  moved  to 
permanent  camps  farther  inland.  When  it  was  pro- 
posed that  one  of  the  permanent  camps  be  located  in 
Wyoming,  that  state's  governor,  Nels  Smith,  statecf: 
"If  you  bring  Japanese  into  my  state,  I  promise  thev 
will  be  hanging  from  every  tree."'  Some  Wyoming 
residents  said  that  we  Japanese  might  be  used  as  la- 
borers for  local  farmers.  But  W  J.  Gorst  of  Worland, 
president  of  the  Montana- Wyoming  Beet  Growers 
Association,  said  that  his  organization  was  opposed 
to  bringing  Japanese  people  into  the  state  as  farm 


"    Daniels,  Prisoners  Without  Tridl,  p.  57. 

'    Mike  Macliey,  Heart  Moiiiitani:  Life  in  Wyoming's  Concentra- 
tion Camp  (Powell,  Wyoming:  Western  History  Publications, 
2000),  pp.  10-12. 


laborers  or  an\thing  else.  Fortunatelv  for  our  family, 
that  was  not  the  feeling  of  the  majoritA'  of  W\'oming's 
residents.' 

Our  famiK'  was  e\acuated  tt)  the  Santa  Anita  As- 
sembl}'  Center  in  May  1942,  and  then  moved  to 
Heart  Moimtain,  W\'oming,  in  the  fall  of  that  \'ear. 
We  carried  our  entire  famih's  beloniiintis  in  three 
suitcases. 

After  our  arri\al  at  Heart  Mountain,  m\'  father 
worked  as  a  carpenter  helping  to  build  the  camp  in- 
firmary After  that  work  was  completed,  mv  father 
and  several  of  his  friends  went  sugar-beet  topping  at 
Helena,  Montana.  When  that  work  was  fmished,  the 
men  returned  to  Heart  Mountain,  but  they  soon  left 
again,  this  time  to  work  in  the  beet  fields  near  Bill- 
ings, Montana.  Mv  father  described  their  li\ing  quar- 
ters as  a  shack  with  bunk  beds — but  e\'en  these  mea- 
ger conditions  pro\ided  a  more  positi\'e  environment 
than  at  Heart  Mountain  because  there  were  neither 
armed  militan'  ciuards,  nor  barbed  wire  fences  con- 


20     AnnalsofVVyominq:The Wyoming  History  Journai--AutLjmn  2004 


fining  them.  He  said  the  only  fences  he  saw  were  to 
keep  the  farm  animals  confined. 

When  he  returned  to  Heart  Mountain,  my  fa- 
ther sought  opportunities  through  which  our  whole 
family  could  leave  the  camp.  Many  single  men  and 
some  women  were  afforded  the  opportunity  to  leave 
the  camp  on  an  individual  basis.  It  was  less  of  a  prob- 
lem to  sponsor  or  hire  an  individual  adult  as  opposed 
to  taking  on  the  responsibility  of  sponsoring  a  fam- 
ily with  children.  The  relocation  program  consisted 
of  three  different  t\'pes  of  leave.  Short-term  leave  per- 
mitted camp  residents  to  travel  outside  Heart  Moun- 
tain to  check  relocation  possibilities  and  job  pros- 
pects. Indefinite  leave  allowed  the  internees  to  live 
and  work  outside  of  the  camp.  And  seasonal  leave 
gave  residents  the  opportunity  to  work  on  agricul- 
tural projects,  and  then  return  to  camp  when  the 
work  was  completed.'  My  father  had  already  been 
to  Helena  and  Billings  on  seasonal  leave,  but  what  he 
wanted  was  to  get  our  entire  family  out  of  camp  on 
indefinite  leave.  So  I  accompanied  my  father  to  an 
office  in  camp  to  fill  out  forms  to  seek  a  sponsor.  He 
was  interested  in  working  on  a  farm  growing  veg- 
etables, work  he  learned  when  he  came  to  America  as 
a  teenager.  I  remember  the  clerk  telling  my  father 
not  to  get  his  hopes  up  about  getting  our  whole  fam- 
ily out  of  Heart  Mountain.  But  one  day,  my  father 
received  good  news;  a  man  named  Charles  Dechert 
agreed  to  sponsor  our  whole  family.  Even  though  the 
government  required  that  reams  of  paperwork  be 
filled  out  and  approved  before  we  would  be  allowed 
to  leave  Heart  Mountain,  the  agreement  between  my 
father  and  Mr.  Dechert  was  sealed  with  a  handshake. 

In  March  1943,  Mr.  Dechert  came  to  pick  us  up 
and  drove  our  family  to  his  farm  outside  Riverton, 
Wyoming,  located  on  the  south  side  of  Ocean  Lake. 
Finally,  we  were  free  of  armed  guards,  five  people 
living  in  one  room,  eating  in  mess  halls,  and  taking 
turns  using  the  shower  stalls  and  toilets,  which  were 
some  distance  from  our  barracks.  It  was  during  the 
time  that  we  lived  on  the  Decherts'  farm  that  my 
father  presented  an  original  drawing  by  Jack 
Yamasaki^  to  Mr.  Dechert  to  thank  him  for  helping 
his  family  escape  the  drab  confines  of  Heart  Moun- 
tain to  the  wide-op  Ml  spaces  of  the  Dechert  farm.  The 
drawing  was  the  only  thing  of  value  he  could  give  the 


Decherts. 

My  parents  were  especially  thankful  for  the  trust 
the  Decherts  had  in  them,  that  they  risked  taking 
in  a  Japanese  family  in  the  midst  of  war  and  afford- 
ing us  the  opportunity  to  escape  the  confines  of  camp. 
My  father  often  reminded  us  of  how  much  we  owed 
the  Decherts  for  providing  us  with  a  place  to  live  as  a 
nuclear  family  once  again,  as  we  had  in 
California.  One  of  the  things  about  camp  life  that 
had  truly  concerned  my  mother  was  that  we  no  longer 
did  things  as  a  family.  Within  the  first  months  of  our 
arrival  at  Heart  Mountain,  my  father  had  already  left 
camp  twice  to  work.  In  the  dining  hall,  we  children 
began  to  sit  with  our  friends.  The  men  sat  in  one 
area  and  the  women  in  another. 

The  evening  we  arrived  at  Mr.  Dechert  s  farm  on 
the  shore  of  Ocean  Lake,  we  were  greeted  warmly  by 
Mrs.  Dechert.  Their  children.  Dubby  (Donald),  Tad 
(Dale),  and  Chop  (Lloyd)  were  already  asleep.  It  was 
late  and  we  were  taken  to  some  fishing  cabins  owned 
by  the  Hoffman  family  where  we  stayed  for  the  first 
few  days  while  Mr.  Dechert  put  a  concrete  floor  in 
the  tie  building  where  we  would  live.  The  Decherts 
prepared  some  food  for  us  and  left  us  eggs  and  bread 
for  breakfast  the  next  morning.  They  showed  us  how 
to  heat  the  cabin  using  the  pot-bellied  stove,  but  by 
morning,  the  eggs  were  frozen.  We  were  so  surprised 
that  there  were  no  toilets  in  the  cabin,  although  in- 
door plumbing  was  rare  then.  My  greatest  fear  was 
having  to  go  to  the  outhouse  before  we  went  to  bed. 

I  don't  remember  exactly  when  the  rest  of  us  met 
our  neighbors,  the  Reeses,  but  Mr.  Dechert  took  my 


■*  W.  Joe  Carroll,  Relocation  Division  Final  Report,  Japanese 
American  Evacuation  and  Resettlement  Papers,  Ml. 60, 
Bancroft  Library,  University  of  California,  Berkeley. 

^  Jack  Yamasaki,  an  artist,  was  a  friend  of  my  parents  when 
we  were  incarcerated  at  Heart  Mountain.  He  did  pencil 
drawings  because  the  pencil  was  almost  the  only  art 
supply  available  to  him  during  our  early  days  in  camp, 
and  perhaps,  that  was  his  favorite  medium.  In  any  case, 
the  artworks  I  have  seen  by  Mr.  Yamasaki  were  pencil 
drawings.  The  sketch  has  a  date  on  it  of  March  5,  1943; 
we  left  Heart  Mountain  on  March  7,  1943.  My  parents 
gave  the  drawing  to  the  Decherts  sometime  between 
springs  1943-1945  when  we  lived  in  Riverton,  in 
appreciation  for  their  part  in  our  escape  from  the  Heart 
Mountain  Relocation  Center. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  V^yoming  Histor\' Journal  -  Autumn  2004     21 


dad  to  the  farms  close  by  to  introduce  him.  To  city 
folks  like  us,  the  neighbors  seemed  to  live  far  away. 
As  time  went  on,  the  neighboring  farmers  came  to 
visit  to  see  what  Mr.  Dechert  was  going  to  do  on  his 
htrm.  We  also  met  other  neighbors  through  our 
schoolmates.  1  don't  think  any  of  us  had  much  time 
to  play.  Everyone  had  chores  to  do  after  school. 

Not  too  long  after  we  were  arrived,  Mr.  Dechert 
invited  "Sam"  Seikyu  and  Helen  (Miyagi)  Nakahara, 
our  very  close  familv  friends,  to  join  us.  We  lived 
together  as  one  family.  The  Nakaharas  were  with  us 
until  December  1943  at  which  time  they  moved  to 
New  York  Cirv. 

Among  m\'  memories  are  m\-  mother's  delicious 
Okinawan  donuts  [aiidagi]  which  we  took  to  neigh- 
bors who  gave  us  fresh  eggs.  We  later  raised  our  own 
chickens  and  had  our  own  eggs,  but  she  continued  to 
share  Japanese  foods  with  the  neighbors.  There  was 
no  shortage  of  meat  because  we  raised  pigs  and  chick- 
ens, and  Mr.  Dechert  went  hunting.  We  had  venison 
and  pheasant  for  the  first  time.  The  neighbors  would 
also  share  lamb  with  us. 

Outside  of  camp,  our  life  approached  ntirmalc\' 
thanks  to  the  local  residents.  We  attended  the  I'avillion 
School  (although  we  lived  closer  to  Riverton,  we 
were  in  the  Pa\'illion  School  District).  Mr.  Dechert 


and  my  father  took  us  to  register  as  soon  as  we  ar- 
rived. They  also  had  to  arrange  for  the  school  bus  to 
pick  us  up.  1  don't  remember  the  distance  from  our 
home  to  I'ax'illion,  but  it  took  a  long  time  to  get 
there  on  a  good  day.  On  days  after  the  thaw,  it  took 
two  hours  because  the  bus  kept  getting  stuck  in  the 
mud.  On  some  occasions,  when  we  finally  reached 
the  school,  it  was  time  for  hmch. 

The  hiaih  school  was  a  hutre  frame  buildino;,  and 
the  elementar\'  school  was  a  two-story  brick  build- 
ing. Amy,  my  sister,  was  in  the  ninth/tenth  gracie,  I 
was  in  the  fourth/fifth  grade,  and  my  brother  Calvin 
was  in  the  first/second  grade. 

We  attended  Sunday  school  with  our  school  bus 
driver,  Mr.  Lund,  and  his  wife,  who  was  our  music 
teacher.  They  picked  us  up  and  brought  us  home  al- 
though the  church  was  quite  some  distance  from  their 
home. 

Ihat  fust  Halloween,  we  learned  how  farm  kids 
played  pranks  on  their  neighbors.  Some  of  our  neigh- 
bors came  h\  in  the  evening  to  pick  us  up  on  horse- 
back, and  as  we  ^ot  to  a  neis:hbor's  house,  the  older 
kids  would  topple  the  outhouse.  I  was  scared,  first,  of 
snakes,  which  I  learned  were  nocturnal  animals,  and, 
then,  about  the  trouble  we  would  he  in  for  knocking 
o\'er  the  outhouses.  After  the  mischief,  we  went  to 


Amy  Tairas 
classmates  at 
Pavillion  School  in 
1945.  Courtesy  the 
author 


22      AnnalsofWyoniinq:TheV\/vominqHislorYJournal--Aulumn  2004 


the  Fosters'  home  to  bob  for  apples.  We  had  never 
done  that  before. 

Mrs.  Dechert  taught  us  so  many  things.  We  learned 
to  make  butter  by  churning  the  cream  she  saved  from 
the  milk;  how  cottage  cheese  is  made;  and  even  drank 
a  bit  of  real  buttermilk.  What  fun  we  had  learning 
to  pull  taff}'!  I  was  too  young  to  help  with  the  can- 
ning, but  my  mother  and  sister  learned.  This  came 
in  handy  when  the  Decherts  moved  in  1944  to  their 
new  home,  a  farm  approximately  fifteen  miles  away. 
My  sister  and  mother  were  able  to  do  their  own  can- 
ning. Mrs.  Dechert  also  taught  my  sister  how  to  make 
her  great  chocolate  cake  made  with  mashed  potatoes. 

In  winter,  our  neighbors  taught  us  how  to  ice- 
fish.  Ocean  Lake  was  close  by,  and  the  water  would 
freeze  more  than  a  foot.  The  men  had  to  cut  a  hole 
in  the  ice  and  drop  a  string  line  to  catch  ling.  Each 
night,  we  would  walk  in  the  freezing  weather  to  check 
the  lines.  During  the  spring  and  summer  months, 
we  fished  there  daily  by  boat  for  our  dinner.  We  had 
so  much  fun.  It  took  ver)'  little  time  to  catch  a  bushel 
of  crappies  to  feed  our  family  and  the  hired  hands. 

Our  wells  provided  us  with  plenty  of  water.  But 
we  learned  very  quickly  that  the  water  was  not  suit- 
able for  drinking.  We  were  able  to  get  water  for  drink- 
ing and  cooking  from  a  neighbor. 

During  the  harvest  season,  the  farmers  would  get 


together  and  help  one  another  thresh  the  grain.  At 
other  times  of  the  year,  they  would  help  castrate  (I 
didn't  know  that  this  term  could  be  used  in  a  vulgar 
manner  until  I  left  the  farm)  sheep  and  cattle. 

To  help  with  the  potato  harvest  our  first  year  there, 
Mr.  Dechert  hired  Indians  from  the  Wind  River  Res- 
ervation. After  some  begging  from  me,  Mr.  Dechert 
and  my  father  allowed  me  to  go  with  them  to  pickup 
the  workers.  At  the  reservation,  I  saw  a  number  of 
tepees  where  the  Shoshone  Indians  lived.  There  were 
also  some  wooden  frame  houses.  Among  the  things 
they  loaded  on  the  truck  was  a  large  kettle  in  which 
they  cooked  their  lunch  out  in  the  fields  for  the  two 
women,  four  men,  and  two  boys  who  came  to  work. 
One  of  the  children  asked  me  if  I  were  Indian.  When 
I  told  him  that  I  was  Japanese,  he  let  it  go  at  that. 

In  terms  of  interaction,  we  were  the  only  Japa- 
nese family  in  the  area  until  our  friends  the 
Yamashiros  joineci  us  from  a  camp  in  Arkansas.  Mr. 
Dechert  invited  them  to  his  farm  in  1944.  They 
later  went  to  work  for  the  Chambers  family  closer  to 
Pavillion. 

It  is  my  recollection  that  there  was  mutual  respect 
with  our  neighbors.  I  cannot  remember  a  time  when 
we  were  treated  in  a  negative  way,  nor  did  I  hear  my 
parents  discuss  it.  My  thought  is  that  we  were  the 
recipients  of  their  kindness  due  to  the  rapport  the 


Betty  Taira's  Pavillion  School  classmates  on  Sadie  Hawkins  Day.  Courtesy  the  author. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal- Autumn  2004     23 


Decherts  had  already  established  with  the  neighbors. 

In  March  1945,  our  himiiy  moved  to  Denver  to 
join  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Takashi  Higas'  family.  Ihere  my 
parents  worked  on  a  celery  ranch  where  the\'  har- 
vested the  celery,  washed  the  celery  tor  packing,  and 
crated  it  tor  shipping.  Although  we  lived  on  the  out- 
skirts of  Denver,  we  were  surprised  that  the  home  we 
moved  into  had  no  electricit\'.  We  had  rtmninsi  wa- 
ter  but  no  indoor  bathroom  or  toilet.  Our  h'iends 
had  built  a  large  Japanese-style  bathhouse,  so  this  as- 
pect oi  living  was  more  comfortable  tor  us.  Every 
evening  after  work,  our  triends  came  over  to  take  a 
bath  in  the  ofiiro  (bathhouse).  It  was  the  one  time  oI 
dav  they  could  take  it  easy  aher  a  hard  day's  work. 

There  was  an  orphanage  ciown  the  street  Irom 
us,  and  the  children  living  there  went  to  school  with 
us.  When  I  saw  how  they  lived  in  crowded  rooms,  I 
was  thankhil  that  we  had  a  large,  rwo-stor)'  house 
with  lots  ol  room. 

Amy,  my  older  sister,  moved  to  Washington,  DC, 
alter  school  closed  in  June;  theretore,  it  became  m\' 
job  to  learn  some  cooking,  do  the  laundry  on  Sattu- 
days,  and  hatd  wood  to  heat  the  bath  water.  1  loved 
stoking  the  fire  tor  the  bath  each  dav,  but  doing  the 
laundry  was  a  chore.  My  mother  worked  in  the  field- 
and-packing  house  from  morning  to  night,  so  there 
was  little  time  tor  her  to  do  the  household  chores. 
Sunday  was  supposed  to  be  a  day  ol  rest,  but  I  don't 
think  they  had  many  oI  those  days. 

There  were  two  momentous  days  in  1943,  the 
first  was  when  President  Roosevelt  died  in  April,  and 
the  second  was  when  the  war  ended  in  August.  V-J 
Day  was  traumatic  tor  me  because  of"  messages  that 
some  lehovah's  Witness  members  leh  with  me  each 
time  they  visited.  Ihey  told  me  that  the  world  was 
coming  to  an  end  and  that  I  would  know  it  by  all  the 
sights  and  sounds  that  would  occur.  One  day  in  Au- 
gust (V-J  Day),  the  trains  that  came  by  our  house 
blasted  their  loud  horns  incessantk — not  just  at  the 
crossings.  The  Gates  Rubber  Company's  whistles  were 
blasting,  and  people  were  jumping  on  top  ol  their 
cars  and  trucks.  I  knew  it  was  the  end  of  the  world. 

My  parents,  ol  course,  were  in  the  fields.  My 
mother  had  cautioned  me  that  1  was  to  keep  my  eyes 
on  my  brother  when  they  were  not  at  home.  He  was 
playing  with  his  best  triend  Bobby  Higa  (now  The 


Honorable  Judge  Robert  Higa  in  California)  several 
blocks  away.  1  ran  all  the  way  to  the  Higas'  hysteri- 
cally. When  I  got  there,  Bobby's  cousin  calmed  me 
down  and  told  me  that  ever)'one  was  celebrating  the 
end  of  the  war.  What  a  relief  that  was  to  me,  the 
world  was  not  coming  to  an  end  after  all. 

Our  family  moved  again  and  settled  for  good  in 
Washington,  DC.  My  sister,  brother,  and  1  attended 
and  graduated  from  the  DC  public  schools  during 
the  segregation  era.  Amy  finished  cosmetolog)'  school 
after  she  was  married  and  had  her  first  child.  I  gradu- 
ated from  college  and  earned  a  Bachelor  of  Science 
in  Education  and  later  earned  a  Master's  in  Educa- 
tion. M\'  brother  Calvin  became  a  dentist. 

After  spending  thirty-five  years  as  an  educator,  I 
retired  from  working  overseas  and  moved  back  to 
Washington,  DC.  1  had  worked  in  Washington,  DC, 
Honolulu,  and  with  the  Department  of  Defense 
Dependent  Schools  in  japan,  Korea,  and  Spain.  From 
the  classroom,  1  moved  on  to  become  a  counselor 
and  then  assistant  principal,  principal,  and  regional 
coordinator.  When  I  retired,  I  was  the  assistant  to 
the  district  superintendent  in  Spain.  1  am  semi-re- 
tired now,  working  at  the  League  of  Women  Voters 
of  the  United  States  just  three  days  a  week. 

Calvin  and  I  are  the  only  ones  left  of  our  imme- 
diate family.  It  was  important  for  one  of  us  to  meet 
with  Mr.  Dechert  and  personally  express  our  grati- 
tude to  him,  but  we  had  lost  contact  with  him.  Still, 
things  happen  in  mysterious  ways.  During  school  year 
1984-8S,  when  I  was  assigned  to  the  District 
Superintendent's  Office  in  Korea,  I  was  invited  to  be 
on  an  augment  team  for  our  school  evaluations.  The 
head  of  the  team  from  the  North  Central  Associa- 
tion of  Colleges  and  Schools  (NCA)  was  Mr.  Jack 
King,  former  Superintendent  of  Schools  in  Lander, 
Wyoming.  In  my  letter  of  introduction  to  Mr.  King, 
I  mentioned  that  our  family  had  lived  in  Ri\erton, 
Wyoming,  and  told  him  about  Mr.  Dechert.  Not 
only  did  Mr.  King  visit  the  Pavillion  School  to  seek 
some  of  our  former  schoolmates,  but  he  also  con- 
tacted Mr.  Dechert.  It  was  Jack  King  who  reunited 
us  with  Charles  [dechert. 

It  was  through  this  connection  that  I  visited  Mr. 
Dechert  during  the  summer  of  1985.  By  then,  he 
had  retired  from  farming:.  We  had  a  woncJerful  three- 


24     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


day  visit  talking  about  what  made  him  decide  to  spon- 
sor our  hunily.  He  said  that  soon  after  the  war  began, 
he  had  wanted  to  do  something  to  help  in  the  war 
effort.  He  decided  that  growing  vegetables  would  be 
one  way  to  help  other  farmers  in  his  area  since  they 
were  mainlv  crop  farmers.  At  about  the  same  time, 
he  heard  that  some  Japanese  folks  at  Heart  Moun- 
tain were  looking  for  opportunities  to  leave  camp,  so 


sfH 


Amy  Taira's  1943  science  class  at  the  Heart  Mountain  Reloca- 
tion Center.  Courtesy  the  author. 


he  thought  that  he  might  hire  three  or  four 
men.  When  he  contacted  the  authorities  at  Heart 
Mountain,  he  learned  that  one  person  with  a  fam- 
ily (my  father)  had  signed  up  to  help  with  vegetable 
hirming. 

Mr.  Dechert  also  said  he  was  concerned  about 
his  ability  to  start  this  farming  before  the  spring  thaw 
because  he  needeci  to  make  some  plans  betore  go- 
ing ahead  with  this  undertaking.  But  before  going 
any  ftirther,  he  discussed  with  his  wife,  Lena  Schwabb 
Dechert,  the  possibility  of  sponsoring  a  whole 
family  as  opposed  to  the  three  or  four  men  they 
had  discussed.  We  thank  both  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Dechert 
for  their  decision  to  sponsor  us.  A  short  time  after 
Mr.  Dechert's  first  visit,  we  were  on  our  way  to 
Riverton. 

I  know  from  my  visit  with  Mr.  Dechert  in  1985 
that  he,  and  his  wife  too,  experienced  some  hard- 
ships. He  said  that  our  family  left  Wyoming  at  the 
right  time  for  us  and  for  him.  His  uncle  and  aunt, 
George  and  Emma  Dechert,  had  lost  a  son  in  the 
Pacific  and  were  not  happy  that  he  was  sponsoring 


a  Japanese  family.  Had  I  not  asked,  I  do  not  think 
Mr.  Dechert  would  have  mentioned  this  difficult 
time. 

When  I  visited  with  him,  Mr.  Dechert  said  he  had 
a  great  desire  to  get  some  young  Japanese  farmers 
from  Hokkaido,  where  much  of  his  cattle  feed  was 
sent,  to  teach  them  about  farming  methods  practiced 
by  him  and  his  sons.  He  told  me  not  to  be  surprised 
if  he  decided  to  visit  Japan.  I  was  waiting  to  hear 
from  him  later  that  year,  but  in  October  1985,  I  re- 
ceived word  that  he  had  passed  away.  Now  we  are  in 
touch  with  his  son  Lloyd  Dechert  and  granddaugh- 
ter Dr.  Renee  Dechert.  It  is  my  hope  that  one  day 
before  too  much  time  passes,  we  will  have  a  reunion. 
Although  I  have  visited  Wyoming,  I  would  like  to 
have  my  brother  and  sister's  family  members  see  where 
their  grandparents  and  parents  lived.  If  there  are  any 
buildings  left,  I'd  like  them  to  see  our  old  home. 

We  owe  our  good  fortune  to  our  parents  who 
sacrificed  so  mtich  to  give  us  what  we  have  today.  It's 
too  late  to  tell  them  that  we  understand  how  much 
they  did  for  us.  Coming  to  a  new  country  with  noth- 
ing but  dreams,  they  understood  the  importance  of 
education  and  family.  Whatever  they  did — work  or 
play — they  did  it  with  us  in  mind.  We  honor  their 
generation  and  those  who  had  an  impact  on  our  lives, 
like  the  Decherts,  during  a  very  difficult  time  in  his- 
tory. 


JW 


Henry  Taira's  panel  truck  in  which  the  family  moved  from 
Riverton  to  Denver  and  then  to  Washington,  D.C.  Courtesy  the 
author. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoniing  History  Journal  ■■  Autumn  2004     25 


BOOK 


Significant  Recent  Books 
on  Western  ana 


Edited  by 

cariHaiiberg  Wyoming  History 


Morning  Star  Dawn:  The  Powder  River  Expedition 
and  the  Northern  Cheyennes,  1876.  By  Jerome  A 
Greene.  Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  2003. 
289  pages.  Illustrations,  map,  index.  Hardcover.  $34.95. 

From  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  to  1 876,  the  north- 
ern plains  endured  eleven  years  of  intermittent 
warfare  between  the  allied  Lakota  and  Northern 
Cheyenne  tribes  and  U.S.  military  forces.  The  year 
1876  was  not  a  good  one  for  the  U.S.  Army.  Colonel 
Reynolds'  lackluster  performance  dining  his  assault 
on  a  Northern  Cheyenne  village  on  the  Powder  I^iver 
in  March  accomplished  nothing  militarily  except  his 
own  court  martial.  Ceneral  George  Crook  narrowly 
escaped  disaster  in  a  stand-up  fight  on  Rosebud  Creek 
in  mid-|ime.  Less  than  two  weeks  later,  Cicorge 
Armstrong  Custer  and  his  command  were  crushed 
on  the  Little  Big  Horn  River.  However,  by  Septem- 
ber, the  army's  fortunes  began  to  improve  in  a  small 
but  successful  engagement  at  Slim  Buttes.  The  last 
struggle  of  the  vear,  commonly  referred  to  as  the 
"Dull  Knife  Fight, "  took  place  on  the  Red  Fork  of 
the  Powder  River  in  the  Big  Horn  Mountains  of 
Wyoming  and  is  the  basis  of  Jerome  Greene's  latest 
book. 

In  this  second  volume  of  the  "Campaigns  and 
Commanders"  series,  Greene,  a  noted  authority  and 
prolific  writer  on  the  Plains  Indian  wars,  examines 
the  wintry  battle  in  mid-November  in  which  George 
Crook's  cavalry,  led  by  Colonel  Ranald  Mackenzie, 
made  a  surprise  attack  on  a  band  of  Northern  Chey- 
enne under  Morning  Star,  known  to  the  Sioux  as 
"Dull  Knife, "  at  the  Indian's  winter  camp.  This  single 
campaign  and  battle  was  not  an  isolated,  solitary 
event.  In  order  to  place  it  in  a  proper  historical  per- 
spective, Greene  writes  an  excellent  and  valuable  ac- 
count about  the  long  string  of  broken  treaties,  raids, 
and  fights  on  the  high  plains  from  the  close  of  the 
Civil  War  to  the  commencement  of  Crook's  winter 


campaign  in  mid-November  1876. 

This  is  a  very  readable  and  thorough  account 
about  the  campaign  from  the  perspective  of  both  the 
cavalry  and  the  Indians.  Greene  describes  in  suffi- 
cient, but  not  excessive,  detail  C^rook's  logistical  prob- 
lems of  equipping  and  feeding  a  column  of  soldiers 
and  animals  stretching  more  than  five  miles  in  length. 
Greene  also  brings  in  some  of  the  personalities  of  the 
participants,  such  as  reports  bv  officers  expressing  their 
personal  feelings  and  frustrations  about  Crook's  lead- 
ership and  decisions.  The  Indians  are  not  ignored  as 
Greene  also  describes  the  background  and  personal- 
ity of  the  Northern  Cheyenne  chief  Morning  Star, 
who  was  then  in  his  late  sixties  and  a  veteran  of  nu- 
merous, well-known  earlier  fights  such  as  the 
Fetterman  and  Rosebud  engagements. 

What  is  significant  about  this  book,  in  compari- 
son with  many  earlier  accounts  about  the  Indian 
Wrrs,  is  Greene's  detailed,  unbiased  descriptions  about 
the  rigors  and  hardships  suffered  by  both  the  Chev- 
enne  people  and  the  American  militar)'  in  the  winter 
campaign.  The  army's  strategy  during  the  Indian  Wars 
on  the  high  plains  centered  on  surprise  attacks  on 
Indian  villages,  usually  during  the  wintertime,  such 
as  Custer's  assault  against  the  Cheyenne  on  the 
Washita  in  1868.  In  contrast,  the  battles  on  the  Rose- 
bud and  Little  Big  Horn  were  stand-up  fights,  where 
the  mettle  of  the  Sioux  and  Cheyenne  tested  and 
bested  the  American  army.  Surprise  attacks  were  there- 
fore usually  more  successful  from  a  military  point  of 
view.  The  disturbing  aspect  of  this  strategy  was  that 
the  attacks  were  willfully  directed  not  only  against 
the  warriors,  but  against  the  non-combatant  women, 
children,  and  elderly  as  well.  The  destruction  of 
Morning  Star's  village  and  his  people's  winter  fooci 
supply,  clothing,  and  shelter  in  the  deep  snow  of  the 
Big  Horns  was  utterly  devastating.  Greene  expresslv 
declines  to  judge  or  discuss  the  morality  of  such  a 


26     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


Strategy.  Instead,  he  gives  plenty  of  facts  from  both 
the  Indian  and  mihtary  points  of  view  from  which 
the  reader  can  make  a  judgment. 

I  wondered  why  Greene  felt  that  a  book  cover- 
ing only  one  campaign  and  one  battle  was  needed. 
After  all,  the  numbers  of  the  participants  involved 
did  not  approach  those  engaged  on  the  Rosebud  and 
Little  Big  Horn  nor  did  the  campaign  directly  affect 
the  more  numerous  Sioux.  Greene's  answer  is  that 
the  destruction  of  the  village  and  dispersal  of  its  in- 
habitants effectively  ended  the  Northern  Cheyenne 
alliance  with  the  Siotix,  thus  effectively  ending  the 
"Great  Sioux  War." 

V.  Rodney  Hallberg 
Cheyenne,  Wyoming 

Interpreters  with  Lewis  and  Clarlt:  The  Story  of 
Sacagawea  and  Toussaint  Charbonneau.  By  W  Dale 
Nelson.  Denton,  TX:  University  of  North  Texas,  2004. 
184  pages.  Maps,  illustrations,  notes,  bibliography,  in- 
dex. Hardcover,  $24.95. 

t  is  a  good  time  to  be  an  aficionado  of  Lewis  and 


I 


Clark.  The  bicentennial  of  Meriwether  Lewis  and 
William  Clark's  1803-1806  expedition  to  the  Ameri- 
can West  is  taking  place  in  the  context  of  a  growing 
body  of  literature  on,  and  public  interest  in,  the  mem- 
bers of  the  "Corps  of  Discovery."  Of  course,  there  is 
Stephen  Ambrose's  popular  study  of  Lewis,  Undaunted 
Courage  (1996).  Landon  Jones'  William  Clark  and  the 
Shaping  of  the  West  (2004)  looks  at  Clark,  and  Robert 
B.  Betts'  In  Search  of  York  (2001)  discusses  Clark's 
African  American  slave. 

A  recent  addition  to  this  body  of  work  is  journal- 
ist W  Dale  Nelson's  Interpreters  with  Lewis  and  Clark: 
The  Sto>y  of  Sacagawea  aiid  Toussaint  Charbonneau. 
The  author  begins  with  French-Canadian  fur  trader 
Charbonneau  and  his  Shoshoni  wife,  Sacagawea,  join- 
ing the  Corps  of  Discovery  in  1804.  Roughly  the 
first  half  of  the  book  surveys  the  couple's  activities  as 
members  of  the  expedition,  in  particular  their  role  as 
interpreters  and  negotiators.  For  example,  the  pres- 
ence of  Sacagawea,  a  woman,  helped  convince  Nez 
Perces  that  the  explorers'  intentions  were  not  hostile. 
The  book's  second  half  examines  the  post-expe- 
dition years.  Nelson  pays  particular  attention  to 
Charbonneau's  work  as  a  fur  trader  and  as  an  inter- 


preter for  the  United  States.  Also  discussed  is  Jean 
Baptiste,  born  to  Sacagawea  and  her  husband  while 
they  served  with  Lewis  and  Clark.  Baptiste  was  a  fur 
trader,  traveled  to  Europe  and  North  Africa,  guided 
the  "Mormon  Battalion"  during  the  Mexican-Ameri- 
can War,  and  participated  in  the  California  Gold 
Rush. 

Nelson's  chronological  and  highly  readable  nar- 
rative incorporates  many  interesting  details  and  quo- 
tations from  primary  and  secondary  sources.  There 
are  several  maps  and  illustrations,  but  relatively  little 
analysis.  Nevertheless,  the  author's  judgments  do 
sometimes  come  through.  Charbonneau  comes  across 
as  a  flawed,  but  significant  figure  who  has  not  re- 
ceived the  attention  he  deserves.  (Fiow  many  things 
have  been  named  after  Charbonneau  compared  to 
better-known  members  of  the  corps?)  The  author  ar- 
gues that  Sacagawea  died  at  Fort  Manuel  in  1812, 
rejecting  historian  Grace  Raymond  Flebard's  thesis 
that  the  Shoshoni  interpreter  lived  until  1884  and 
died  on  the  Wind  River  Reservation. 

Still,  some  readers  might  long  for  more  analysis. 
Nelson  mentions  at  least  one  incident  in  which 
Charbonneau  hit  Sacagawea,  but  writes  that  such  be- 
havior was  not  atypical  for  early  nineteenth  century 
American  men.  Yet,  the  author  also  points  out  that 
Clark  chastised  the  French-Canadian  for  striking  his 
wife,  suggesting  that  there  were  social  norms  at  that 
time  that  did  not  sanction  the  physical  abuse  of 
women.  It  is  all  well  and  good  to  evaluate 
Charbonneau  by  the  standards  of  his  time,  but  which 
of  those  early  nineteenth  century  standards  should 
we  use? 

In  addition,  one  might  raise  questions  about 
Nelson's  discussion  of  certain  issues,  such  as  the  small- 
pox epidemic  of  the  late  1830s.  The  author  rightly 
notes  the  devastating  impact  on  the  tribes,  especially 
the  Mandans,  and  the  efforts  by  the  United  States  to 
inoculate  Indians.  However,  scholars  like  Russell 
Thornton  have  shown  that  some  whites  had  deliber- 
ately tried  to  infect  Native  Americans  with  smallpox 
at  various  times  and  that  some  settlers  were  pleased  at 
the  massive  Indian  deaths  caused  by  epidemics.  Ac- 
knowledging such  facts  would  give  the  book  more 
balance  on  this  issue. 

Such  concerns  aside,  Nelson  has  written  a  useful 


Annals  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  ■■  Autumn  2004     27 


book.  It  is  readable  and  offers  valuable  detail  about 
the  lives  of  some  members  of  the  Corps  of  Discovery 
that  have  not  always  enjoyed  the  spotlight.  Those 
interested  in  the  Lewis  and  Clark  expedition  and  the 
history  of  the  19'''  century  American  West  will  likely 
fmd  hitcrpreters  worth  a  look. 

Christopher  K.  Riggs 
Lewis-Clark  State  College 

African  American  Women  Confront  the  West,  1600- 
2000.  Edited  by  Quintard  Taylor  and  Shirley  Ann  Wilson 
Moore.  Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  2003. 
390  pages.  Illustrations,  notes,  bibliography,  index.  Hard- 
cover, $34.95. 

African  A))U'ricit)!  Wo))h')i  Co)ifrout  the  West  is  an 
-/j-important  contribution  to  western  historiogra- 
ph\',  which,  in  focusing  upon  a  group  often 
marginalized  in  scholarship,  reflects  the  inclusive  na- 
ttue  of  the  new  Western  histor\'.  Editors  Quintard 
Taylor  and  Shirley  Ann  Wilson  Moore  have  selected 
seventeen  essays  which  demonstrate  the  state  of  the 
field.  In  addition,  the  \'okune  includes  thirteen  \'i- 
gnettes  or  primar\'  documents,  giving  voice  to  the 
African  American  women  discussed  in  the  essays. 

This  volume  does  not  emphasize  the  victimiza- 
tion of  African  American  women  in  the  West.  Rather 
the  stories  chronicled  are  about  the  social  agency  of 
these  women  through  familw  chmch,  civic  clubs,  and 
reform  movements.  la\'lor  and  Moore  conclude  that 
black,  western  women  "turned  to  their  work  of  build- 
ing communities,  caring  for  families,  founding  and 
maintaining  institutions,  and  attaininc:  social  and  eco- 
nomic  justice  with  a  profotmd  con\iction  in  their 
own  abilities  to  move  be\'ond  the  limitations  racism 
and  sexism  had  placed  upon  them"  (p.  17). 

The  essavs  are  arranged  in  a  chronolocrical  fash- 
ion.  Debra  S.  McDonald  argues  that  Afrohispanas 
used  the  legal  system,  the  chinch,  and  even  witch- 
craft to  negotiate  a  place  on  the  Spanish  Southwest- 
ern frontier.  Nineteenth  century  California  is  the  sub- 
ject of  three  articles.  Lynn  M.  Hudson  presents  the 
storv  of  May  Ellen  Pleasant,  who  used  the  mask  of 
"mammy"  to  accimiulate  property.  Barbara  Y.  Welke 
describes  African  American  women  in  San  Francisco 
fighting  for  cc]ual  access  to  public  spaces.  Susan  Bragg 


chronicles  the  efforts  of  Sacramento  black  parents  to 
attain  eciucational  opportunities  for  their  children. 
But  the  volume  is  hardly  limited  to  California.  Peggy 
Rile\'  tells  the  story  aboiu  how  women  in  the  Bethel 
African  American  Methodist  Episcopal  (Church  of 
Creat  Falls,  Montana,  shaped  their  chinch  and  com- 
munity. Ronald  C^oleman  focuses  upon  the  life  of 
lane  Elizabeth  Manning  James,  an  African  American 
woman  who  struggled  to  find  a  place  ft)r  her  family 
within  the  racial  hierarchy  of  the  Mormon  faith. 

Most  articles  selected  by  Laylor  and  Moore  focus 
upon  the  twentieth  century  West.  Susan  Armitage 
provides  readers  with  an  oral  histor\'  of  Dr.  Ruth 
Flowers  in  Boulder,  C^olorado.  1  he  first  African 
American  woman  to  graduate  from  the  Universit}'  of 
Colorado,  Flowers  makes  it  clear  that  the  Mountain 
West  was  hardly  free  from  racial  prejudice.  Moya 
Hansen,  in  her  study  of  jobs  in  Denver  during  the 
first  seven  decades  of  the  rvventieth  centurw  pro\'ides 
c|uantitati\'e  support  for  the  anecdotal  evidence  of 
Flowers.  Hollywood  stereotyping  of  black  women  is 
analyzed  by  Alicia  Rodriquez-Estradas  account  about 
Fredi  Washington  and  Dorothy  Dandridge.  Quintard 
Tivlor  contributes  an  essav  on  campaigns  for  social 
justice  in  the  Pacific  Northwest  led  bv  Beatrice  Mor- 
row Cannadv  working  with  the  NAACP  and  Susie 
Revels  Cayton,  a  Communist  Party  orsranizer. 

Although  racial  prejudice  still  characterized 
America  during  the  Second  World  War,  new  oppor- 
timities  were  present  for  African  Americans  in  the 
West  and  the  nation.  The  role  of  African  American 
women  in  fostering  a  sense  of  community  among 
migrants  moving  to  the  East  San  Francisco  Bay  area 
is  the  subject  of  a  fine  essay  by  Cretchen  Lemke- 
Santangelo.  Cdaytee  D.  White  obser\'es  that  African 
Americans  were  initially  drawn  to  Las  Vegas  by  em- 
plovment  as  maids  in  the  hotel  industry,  but  by  the 
1970s  many  had  moved  into  the  gaming  industr\-. 

Fhe  history  of  African  American  women  in  the 
civil  rights  movement  is  the  topic  of  essa\s  b\'  Merline 
Litre,  Chervl  Brown  Henderson,  Linda  Williams 
Reese,  and  Jane  Rliodes.  Of  special  interest  is  the 
argument  made  bv  Rhodes  that  women  played  a  piv- 
otal role  in  the  Black  Panther  Part}',  its  macho  image 
nor^vithstanding.  Rhodes  asserts,  "Women  were  at  the 
heart  of  the  Black  Panther  Partv,  and  their  enduring; 


28    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyominc)  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


presence  forced  members  and  nonmembers  alike  to 
rethink  their  attitudes  about  gender"  (p.  360). 

In  her  survey  of  hterature  on  African  American 
women  in  the  West,  Glenda  Riley  concludes  that 
much  work  has  been  conducted  in  the  field  since  the 
1 990s,  but  much  scholarship  remains  to  be  done.  This 
volume  by  Titylor  and  Moore  highlights  the  analysis 
of  Rilev  and  should  inspire  general  readers  and  schol- 
ars alike  to  explore  the  contributions  ol  African 
women  in  forging  communities  in  the  West. 

Ron  Briley 
Sandia  Preparatory  School 
Albuquerque,  New  Mexico 

Dreamers  and  Schemers:  Profiles  From  Carbon 
County,  Wyoming's  Past.  By  Lori  Van  Pelt  Walck. 
Glendo:  High  Plains  Press,  1999.  256  pp.  Illustrations, 
bibliography,  index.  Paper,  $14.95. 

Those  interested  in  making  lists  and  identifying 
"the  best"  in  a  given  category  as  the  turn  of  the 
century  seems  to  have  inspired,  may  take  a  lesson 
from  this  author  and  her  book  on  Carbon  County, 
Wyoming.  Organized  as  one  of  the  territory's  origi- 
nal five  counties,  Carbon  County  has  had  a  storied 
past.  The  author  attempts  to  capture  that  past  with 
vignettes  on  thirty-three  individuals  who  "had  some 
stake  in  forming  the  County"  (p.  x).  These  brief  bio- 
graphical entries,  approximately  two  thousand  to 
thirty-five  thousand  words  in  length,  highlight  the 
entrant's  career  and  comment  on  their  connection 
with  the  county.  The  longest  entry  is  reserved  for 
Governor  Fenimore  Chatterton,  who  followed  a 
checkered  path  from  New  York,  through  law  school 
at  the  University  of  Michigan,  on  his  way  to  being 
the  state's  chief  executive  at  the  turn  of  the  century. 
Among  Chatterton's  notable  accomplishments  was 
his  refusal  to  commute  the  capital  murder  convic- 
tion of  range  detective  Tom  Horn  to  life  imprison- 
ment. 

Chatterton  narrowly  edged  legendar)'  mountain 
man  Jim  Bridger  and  notorious  cattle  rustler  Ella 
(Cattle  Kate)  Watson  for  the  most  space  in  the  book. 
The  shortest  entries  are  reserved  for  husband-wife 
team  Richard  and  Margaret  Savage  and  land/mining 
partners  Ed  Haggarty  and  George  Ferris.    Each  gets 


about  twelve  hundred  words.  Four  vignettes  are  about 
women  and  one  is  reserved  for  African  American 
Isom  (Ned)  Dart.  In  addition  to  Bridger,  other  na- 
tional notables  include  outlaw  Butch  Cassidy  and 
transportation  magnet  Ben  Holladay. 

Individuals  less  well  known,  but  still  important 
to  Wyoming  and  Carbon  County,  include  French 
army  officer  Philippe  Regis  de  Torbriand.  Arriving 
in  America  to  participate  in  this  nation's  Civil  War, 
Torbriand  distinguished  himself  in  battle  and  was 
brevetted  to  major  general  before  the  war  was  over. 
He  remained  in  the  U.S.  Army  following  the  war, 
and  his  last  years  as  a  soldier  were  spent  as  commander 
of  Fort  Fred  Steele.  Another  subject,  Thomas  Tipton 
Thornburgh,  was  also  connected  to  Fort  Steele,  serv- 
ing as  "one  of  the  youngest  military  officers  to  earn 
the  rank  of  Major"  (p.  47). 

Most  professions  present  in  Carbon  County  are 
also  represented  in  this  book.  Mining,  ranching,  land 
speculating,  and  law  enforcement  dominate  the  oc- 
cupations represented.  However,  most  individuals 
were  engaged  in  multiple  activities  (hence  the  title) 
and  seldom  stayed  with  one  job  for  long.  The  most 
common  "cross-over "  career  came  from  outlaws  who 
settled  down  to  become  lawmen. 

Individuals  recounted  in  this  volume  came  or 
passed  through  all  regions  of  Carbon  County.  How- 
ever, those  whose  activities  occurred  at  or  near  one 
of  three  places  -  Fort  Fred  Steele,  Encampment,  and 
Saratoga  -  get  mentioned  most  often.  Fort  Steele, 
founded  by  Colonel  Richard  I.  Dodge,  provided 
militar)'  protection  for  the  transcontinental  railroad 
and  extended  its  mission  to  monitor  Indian  activities 
after  the  railroad  was  completed.  The  town  of  En- 
campment evolved  from  a  fur  trapper  rendezvous 
site,  and  Saratoga,  known  for  its  spring  water,  began 
as  a  stage  stop  and  was  named  for  an  earlier  settle- 
ment in  New  York. 

This  book  makes  interesting  reading.  But  it  is 
difficult  for  the  general  reader  to  understand  the  ra- 
tionale for  how  the  characters  were  selected.  The  au- 
thor, a  native  of  Nebraska  and  trained  as  a  journalist, 
has  done  a  good  job  in  gleaning  data  from  personal 
memoirs,  popular  histories,  newspapers,  and  other 
miscellaneous  publications.  However,  the  narrative 
does  not  focus  on  serious  scholarship  and  is  more  in 


AnnalsofWyominqTheWyominflHistofyJournal-Aulumn  2004     29 


the  category  of  story  telling.  Even  so,  it  is  a  delight  to 
read  and  even  serious  scholars  will  find  tidbits  oi  in- 
formation to  satisfy  their  intellectual  curiosity. 

C.  Fred  Williams 
University  of  Arkansas  at  Little  Rock 

The  Church  Universal  and  Triumphant:  Elizabeth 
Clare  Prophet's  Apocalyptic  Movement.  By  Bradley 
C.  Whitsel.  Syracuse:  Syracuse  University  Press,  2003. 
Illustrations,  notes,  bibliography,  index.  237  pages.  Cloth, 
$39.95;  paper,  $19.95. 

Alternative  forms  ot  spiritualit\-  dealing  with  the 
occult  have  been  an  integral  part,  albeit  an  o\'er- 
looked  t)ne,  ol  American  religious  history.  For  this 
book,  Bradle\'  Whitsel,  an  assistant  prolessor  ol  ad- 
ministration ot  justice  and  political  science  at  Penn- 
sylvania State  Universitv  in  Fa\'ette,  has  compiled  a 
histor\'  ol  Chmch  Uni\'ersal  and  Iriunipliant,  which 
was  well  known  in  the  early  1  '■)90s  when  its  members 
took  rehige  in  Park  Count}',  Montana,  to  wait  out 
an  imminent  nuclear  attack  on  the  United  States. 
WhitseFs  objective  is  to  understand  the  politics  of 
change  and  adaptation  vvithin  the  chmch. 

The  Church  Universal  and  triumphant  (CUT) 
was  organized  in  19^8.  What  made  it  so  enticing, 
according  to  Whitsel,  was  the  complicated  mix  ot 
metaphvsical  thought,  miUenarian  social  movement, 
and  ultra-  patriotism  promulgated  tmder  the  charis- 
matic leadership  of  Mark  Prophet  (1918-1973)  and 
his  wife  and  successor,  Elizabeth  Clare  Prophet  ( 1 942- 
).  Central  to  CUT's  theology  was  a  belie!  "in  the 
existence  of  divine  sprit  beings  (Ascended  Masters) 
who  governed  the  course  ot  lite  on  earth"  (p.  7)  and 
that  America  was  assigned  a  leadership  role  in  the  age 
to  come.  To  those  ends,  CUT  sought  to  bring  the 
knowledge  of  the  Ascended  Masters  to  the  world  anci 
to  prepare  believers  for  the  coming  catastrophe  which 
would  usher  in  the  golden  age  ot  Aquarius.  Onh'  the 
continuing  threats  ot  niunerous  spiritual  and  terres- 
trial evils,  including  the  federal  government,  com- 
munism, extraterrestrials,  and  in  general  outsiders 
who  were  wary  of  cults  or  did  not  know  the  theology 
of  CUT,  prevented  this  seemingly  glorious  revela- 
tion from  occurring. 

For  nearly  fifty  years,  CUT  credibilit}'  and  mem- 


bership fluctuated  due  to  differences  among  the 
church  members  about  its  internal  operation,  inves- 
tigations bv  federal  agencies,  and  the  failure  of  the 
prophesized  nuclear  attack.  But  throLigh  it  all,  there 
remained  a  faithful  bt)dy  of  followers.  For  their  part, 
church  leaders  kept  CUl  theology  meaningful  by 
replacing  seemingly  irrelevant  doctrines  with  new 
ones  as  the  circumstances  required.  The  fall  of  the 
Soviet  Union,  the  advent  of  New  Age,  the  violent 
acts  of  other  apocaK'ptic  groups,  the  emergence  of 
AIDS,  international  terrorism,  the  death  of  Mark 
Prophet,  and  the  rising  star  and  declining  health  of 
Elizabeth  Prophet  further  contributed  to  the  CUT's 
continuing  attempts  to  remain  true  to  its  spiritual 
foundations.  The  sticcesses  and  trials  ot  the  church 
are  also  reflected  in  changing  location,  governing 
strticture,  and  architecture  of  the  church  headquar- 
ters, first  in  Washington  DC,  then  Malibu,  Colo- 
rado Springs,  and  Park  County,  Montana.  CUT 
managed  to  siu'x'ive  it  all.  F4ow  it  did  so  is  what  Whitsel 
documents  verv  thoroughh-  using  a  \ariety  of  sources 
and  interviews. 

Whitsel  shows  that  within  a  larger  context  CUT 
was  not  truK'  novel  or  ium]ue.  He  provides  concise 
and  informatix'e  histor\-  about  the  origins  and  de\'el- 
opnient  of  the  metaphvsical  movement  in  the  United 
States  and  shows  how  many  spiritual  and  administra- 
tive ideas  and  processes  used  bv  CUT  are  endemic  to 
the  milicLi  of  alternative  religions. 

This  book  is  not  an  eas\'  read.  Also,  unless  read- 
ers are  familiar  with  them,  references  to  social  theo- 
fists  and  twentieth  century  patriotic  millennium 
American  movements  mav  seem  vague  and  obsciue. 
However,  if  readers  persevere,  they  will  find  WhitseFs 
book  ver\'  interestina;. 

Carl  Hallberg 
Wyoming  State  Archives 

Ethnic  Oasis:  The  Chinese  in  the  Black  Hills.  By  Liping 
Zhu  and  Rose  Estep  Fosha.  Pierre:  South  Dakota  His- 
toncal  Society  Press,  2004. 108  pages.  Illustrations,  foot- 
notes, index.  Paper,  $15.95. 

The  HBO  series,  Deadwood,  has  had  quite  an  im- 
pact on  American  television  audiences,  hereto- 
fore  unaware   that   the  vocabulary  of  pioneer 


30    Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


westerners  had  so  much  in  common  with  The  Sopra- 
nos. Historians  and  archaeologists,  while  less  prone, 
perhaps,  to  outbursts  of  rough-and-tumble  mining 
camp  profanity,  have  had  much  to  get  excited  about 
concerning  Deadwood  as  well.  During  several  recent 
summers,  the  city  of  Deadwood  and  its  Historic  Pres- 
ervation Office  have  sponsored  excavations  and  in- 
vestigations of  the  city's  "Chinatown"  section  by  the 
Sough  Dakota  State  Historical  Society's  Archaeologi- 
cal Research  Center.  The  artihicts  thus  far  uncovered 
have  shed  considerable  light  on  Deadwood's 
multiethnic  past  and  the  four  essays  in  this  brief  vol- 
ume offer  readers  an  updated  assessment  about  the 
Chinese  experience  in  the  Black  Hills  and  similar 
western  communities. 

Historian  Liping  Zhu  opens  the  collection  with 
a  background  essay  on  Chinese  immigrants  in  the 
frontier-era  Black  Hills,  noting  the  presence  of  small 
numbers  of  Chinese  pioneers  as  early  as  the  winter  of 
1875-1876.  Never  exceeding  about  250  individuals 
in  Lawrence  County,  the  Chinese  population  in  the 
Deadwood  area  dwindled  to  just  a  few  dozen  by  1910. 
While  some  engaged  in  mining,  most  took  part  in 
the  creation  of  a  distinctive  social  and  economic  niche 
as  servants,  cooks,  laundrymen,  and  restaurant  own- 
ers. What  is  most  interesting  about  Zhu's  piece  is  his 
finding  that,  following  an  initial  period  rife  with  anti- 
Chinese  hostility,  the  white  majority  in  Deadwood 
came  to  accept  the  Chinese  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
communit)'.  Chinese  funerals  and  New  Year's  celebra- 
tions became  popular  among  white  spectators,  and 
Chinese  residents  regularly  participated  in  Fourth  of 
July  festivities,  including  parades  and  fire  hose  races. 

The  second  essay  is  a  preliminar)^  report  on  the 
excavations  written  by  archaeologist  Rose  Estep  Fosha. 
Research  conducted  thus  far  by  professional  and  ama- 
teur archaeologists,  students,  and  vokmteers  supports 
the  "ethnic  oasis "  thesis.  Deadwood's  "Chinatown" 
was  a  predominately  male  and  largely  insulated  com- 
munity within  a  community  that  nonetheless  inter- 
acted in  significant  ways  with  the  dominant  society. 
Artifacts  recovered  included  ceramic  and  glass  bottles 
and  jars,  gaming  pieces,  opium  smoking  parapher- 
nalia, clothing  items,  and  porcelain  dishware.  Fur- 
ther analysis  of  botanical  and  faunal  remains  from 
privy  sites  will  likely  reveal  more  detailed  informa- 


tion about  daily  diet  and  food  preparation,  while  pro- 
spective excavations  of  a  temple,  a  laundry,  and  a 
barn  will  provide  additional  data  concerning  the 
Chinese  residents'  social,  religious,  and  economic 
practices. 

Two  short  essays  (presented  by  their  authors  at  a 
May  2003  symposium  in  Deadwood)  are  included 
to  offer  comparative  contexts  for  the  emerging  schol- 
arship on  the  Chinese  in  the  Black  Hills.  Donald  L. 
Hardesty  of  the  University  of  Nevada,  Reno  discusses 
archaeological  research  on  Chinese  populations  in 
frontier  Nevada  and  suggests  several  promising  "re- 
search pathways"  (p.  74),  such  as  the  exploration  of 
Chinese  immigrant  foodways  or  cultural  landscapes. 
A.  Dudley  Gardner  of  Western  Wyoming  College  in 
Rock  Springs  explores  the  differences  between  Chi- 
nese in  core  communities  such  as  Evanston  and  Rock 
Springs  and  communities  in  peripheral  locales,  pri- 
marily railroad  and  mining  camps.  Archaeological 
research  in  these  places  has  revealed  qualitative  and 
quantitative  contrasts  in  terms  of  diet  and  material 
culture. 

In  the  early  twenty-first  century,  the  city  of  Dead- 
wood  continues  to  trade  prosperously  on  the  nasty 
reputation  of  its  short-lived  "Wild  West"  days.  Hope- 
fully, many  visitors  will  take  some  time  to  investigate 
the  heretofore  hidden  history  of  the  Chinese  now 
being  more  clearly  exposed  via  the  always  fruitful 
merging  of  history  and  archaeology.  Ethnic  Oasis  is  a 
worthy  contribution  to  our  deeper  understanding 
about  these  diverse  frontier  communities. 

Frank  Van  Nuys 
South  Dakota  School  of  Mine  and  Technology 

Rapid  City 

Wayne  Aspinall  and  the  Shaping  of  the  American 
West.  By  Steven  C.  Schulte.  Niwot:  University  of  Colo- 
rado, 2002.  Illustrate,  notes,  bibliography,  index.  249 
pages,  hiardcover,  $29.95 

Wayne  Aspinall  (D-CO)  recognized  that  the 
West  has  limited  natural  resources.  He  un- 
derstood that  they  needed  to  be  harnessed  in  order 
for  the  region's  people  merely  to  survive.  He  spent 
most  of  his  public  career  fighting  for  reclamation 
projects  and  other  ventures  that  helped  his  Colorado 


Annais  of  Wyoming  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -  Autumn  2004     31 


district  and  the  entire  American  West  develop  eco- 
nomically. I  his  campaign  made  him  both  a  hero  and 
a  villain. 

Steven  Schiiltc  astutely  explains  how  Aspinall,  a 
seli'-proclaimed  conservationist,  became  one  oi  the 
biggest  enemies  of  the  environmental  movement. 
Schulte  portrays  Aspinall  as  a  multi-use  conservationist 
in  the  tradition  oi  Gii-t"ord  Pinchot  and  redd\' 
Roosevelt,  bclie\'ing  that  nannal  resources  should 
provide  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number  oi 
people.  This  philosophy  motivateci  the  congressman 
to  work  tirelesslv  for  the  economic  cievelopment  of 
the  Wests  limited  resources.  However,  the  new  envi- 
ronmental nu.vement  oi  the  l'-)6()s  and  1970s  em- 
phasized preservation  and  nature's  aesthetic  value  over 
development.  1  hroughout  the  196()s,  Aspinall  used 
his  considerable  influences  as  chair  of  the  House  In- 
terior Committee  to  thwart,  delaw  and  reconfigure 
environmental  legislation  to  reflect  more  closeh'  his 
utilitarian-conservationist  philosophy.  1  his  made  him 
one  of  the  biggest  foes  of  the  environmental  move- 
ment and  a  hero  to  industries  and  workers  depen- 
dent on  utilizing  the  countrv's  natural  resources.  Bv 
the  1970s,  the  environmental  movement  was  part  of 
mainstream  Democratic  politics  and  Aspinall  found 
himself  out  of  step  with  the  voters.  This  caused  his 
defeat  in  the  1972  Democratic  primarv.  Even  in  his 
retirement,  Aspinall  continued  to  advocate  for  multi- 
use  conservation  and  became  active  in  the  Sagebrtish 
Rebellion. 

AspinalFs  intellectual  continuity,  contrasted  with 
America's  shift  on  environmental  issues,  creates  an 
engaging  story.  Schulte  tells  this  tale  very  well.  He 
does  not  vilifv  Aspinall  or  his  foes,  but  presents  a 
balanced  and  fair  accoimt  of  both  sides.  Schulte  sees 
Aspinall  as  neither  \illain  nor  saint.  Aspinall  is  char- 
acterized as  a  man  who  saw  himself  as  a  conserva- 
tionist doing  what  he  believed  was  in  the  best  interest 
of  his  district  and  the  West.  This  convincing  por- 
trayal not  only  provides  insights  into  Aspinall  as  a 
man  and  congressman,  but  also  into  the  monumen- 
tal change  in  Americas's  views  on  the  environment. 
Through  Aspinall,  Schulte  demonstrates  that  not  all 
conservationists  embraced  the  environmental  mo\e- 
ment.  Aspinall  is  eiepicted  as  a  reasonable  and  prin- 
cipled man  who  believed  in  utilizing  natural  resources 


for  the  benefit  of  all  humanirs'  and  not  as  a  lackev  for 
extractive  industries.  This  highlights  the  complexit}' 
and  integrity  of  those  who  opposed  the  environmen- 
tal nn)vement  and  its  initiatives. 

Schulte  concentrates  his  study  on  Aspinall's  po- 
litical savvy.  It  was  his  legislative  acumen  that  allowed 
Aspinall  to  put  his  imprint  on  environmental  policy 
and  ultimately,  the  shape  of  the  West.  While  Schulte's 
emphasis  on  the  political  maneuxerings  is  important 
to  the  stt)r\',  it  sometimes  overwhelms  the  reader.  At 
times  too  much  detail  is  provided  on  the  legislative 
process  and  the  reader  loses  the  context  in  wliich  the 
politic, il  battles  were  taking  place.  Clreater  emphasis 
on  the  shift  in  the  countrv's  beliefs  on  emironmen- 
tal  issues  and  Aspinall's  reaction  to  this  change  would 
have  benefited  the  study.  Despite  this,  Schulte  pre- 
sents a  well-balanced  and  intriguing  story. 

DarrylWebb 
Marquette  University 

The  Johnson  County  War.  B\  Rill  cVNeal.  Austin, 

lexas;  t:akm  I'lcss,  2004.  298  pp.  Photos,  bibliogra- 
ph\',  index.  Paper,  S2'7.9S. 

In  early  April  of  1892  fifty-seven  Wvoming 
ranchmen  and  their  employees  got  off  a  train  in 
Casper,  Wyoming,  and  set  otit  hv  horseback  and 
wagon  toward  Buffalo.  Their  stated  purpose  was  to 
rid  Johnson  County  of  rustlers  who  they  claimed  had 
been  preying  on  their  cattle  herds  to  such  an  extent 
that  they  could  no  longer  make  a  profit.  On  their 
way  to  the  town  the  group  stopped  at  an  is(.)lated 
ranch  and  killed  two  men  after  a  prolonged  gun  battle. 
The  delay  caused  by  this  incident  gave  the  residents 
of  Johnson  Cxnuitv  time  to  organize.  Townsmen  and 
small  ranchers  besieged  the  "invaders'  in  their  turn 
at  another  ranch.  In  the  course  of  this  battle,  Pvvo 
more  men  killed  themselves  accidentally  with  their 
own  guns.  The  "rustlers'  and  "invaders"  exchanged 
gunfire  for  two  days,  until  the  United  States  Cavalry 
from  Fort  McKinne}'  intervened.  Ihe  troops  arrested 
the  besieged  and  escorted  them  back  otit  of  the  county. 
This  affair  has  since  been  known  to  histor\'  as  the 
Johnson  County  War. 

In  spite  of  the  relatively  low  mortalit}'  rate  and 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


the  farcical  aspects  of  the  business,  the  Johnson 
County  War  has  inspired  numerous  writers.  Charles 
Penrose,  in  The  Rustler  Business,  and  Jack  Flagg,  in  A 
Revieiu  of  the  Cattle  Business  in  Johnson  County,  pub- 
lished participants'  views  from  opposite  sides.  Owen 
Wister,  in  The  Virginian,  and  Jack  Schaefer,  in  Shane, 
both  incorporated  elements  of  the  story  in  their  fic- 
tion. Helena  Huntington  Smith,  in  War  on  Powder 
River,  wrote  the  standard  history  in  1 966.  Margaret 
Brock  Hanson,  in  Poivder  River  Country,  edited  an 
impressive  collection  of  primary  documents  relating 
to  the  subject  in  1981.  Altogether,  the  Johnson 
County  War  may  be  one  of  the  most  thoroughly 
documented  western  shooting  affairs  ever. 

Bill  O'Neal's  The  Johnson  County  W&r  draws  from 
all  these  sources  in  an  attempt  to  reconstruct  the  events 
from  as  many  points  of  view  as  possible.  O'Neal  has 
been  remarkably  thorough.  The  bibliography  lists 
court  documents,  newspapers,  histories  and  novels, 
films,  scholarly  and  popular  articles,  and  a  wide  range 
of  archival  sources.  To  supplement  the  manuscripts, 
letters,  and  oral  histories  found  in  Wyoming,  O'Neal 
(a Texan)  has  added  some  previously  untapped  sources 
trom  Texas  and  Oklahoma.  The  Wyoming  ranchmen 
who  invaded  Johnson  County  imported  twenty-two 
"hired  guns "  from  Texas  (and  one  from  Idaho).  These 
men  have  previously  been  little  more  than  names  in 
the  story.  Using  an  autobiographical  manuscript  writ- 
ten by  one,  George  R.  Tucker,  O'Neal  gives  the  Texas 
men  a  voice  and  refutes  the  idea  that  they  were  merely 
hired  killers.  Many  had  previous  experience  in  law 
enforcement  and  had  been  employed  as  deputy  sher- 
iffs and  marshals. 

O'Neal  also  tries  to  put  the  events  in  context  by 
including  chapters  on  the  Wyoming  Stock  Growers 
Association,  the  settlement  ol  Johnson  County,  the 
lynching  of  Ella  Watson  and  Jim  Averell,  and  the 
background  of  American  vigilantism.  Vigilante  ac- 
tions in  Montana  in  the  1860s,  according  to  O'Neal, 
instructed  the  Johnson  County  invaders.  However, 
the  justifications  of  vigilante  apologists  like  Nathaniel 
Langford  and  Granville  Stuart  are  taken  at  face  value. 
Modern  historians  are  re-examining  these  events  and 
finding  that  they  were  controversial  and  many-sided. 
O'Neal  reports  the  vigilantes'  side  as  though  there 
was  no  other. 


In  the  case  of  his  main  text,  however,  he  is  more 
balanced.  To  a  large  extent,  his  purpose  seems  to  be 
to  present  evidence  without  passing  judgment.  He  is 
not  always  consistent  in  this  neutrality.  In  his  chapter 
on  Ella  Watson,  which  draws  heavily  on  George 
Hufsmith's  The  Wyoming  Lynching  of  Cattle  Kate,  his 
sympathies  are  clearly  with  Ella.  But,  for  the  most 
part,  O'Neal  reports  without  interpreting  and  leaves 
it  up  to  the  reader  to  draw  conclusions.  No  attempt 
is  made  to  evaluate  the  various  sources  for  reliability 
or  to  critically  compare  one  to  another.  This  lack  of 
analysis  means  that  The  Johnson  County  War  wiW  ap- 
peal more  to  the  general  reader  than  to  a  scholarly 
audience.  In  the  final  chapter  O'Neal  discusses  fic- 
tional depictions  of  the  invasion,  but  even  here  he 
does  not  suggest  reasons  for  the  story's  popularity; 
nor  does  he  attempt  to  analyze  the  various  interpre- 
tations. Some  such  summary  would  have  added  in- 
terest to  the  text. 

The  Johnson  Coimty  War  suffers  most  from  ama- 
teurish publication  standards.  Too  many  photographs 
appear  to  be  reproductions  of  photocopies.  The  text 
presses  so  close  to  the  margins  that  it  seems,  at  times, 
about  to  escape  the  paper.  These  points  do  not  affect 
the  narrative,  but  they  reduce  the  pleasure  of  read- 
ing. 

Overall,  The  Johnson  County  War  is  a  commend- 
able compilation  of  all  the  available  documentation 
for  an  event  that  continues  to  capture  the  imagina- 
tion of  students  and  general  readers  alike.  The  book 
tells  the  story  thoroughly  from  the  beginnings  of  big 
cattle  ranching  in  the  Powder  River  Basin  to  the  drawn 
out  legal  proceedings  against  the  invaders,  which 
bankrupted  Johnson  County.  O'Neal  certainly  knows 
his  topic.  Readers  who  wonder  how  the  ranchmen 
could  have  miscalculated  so  badly  the  support  they 
would  receive  locally  and  scholars  interested  in  the 
reasons  why  the  tale  continues  to  fascinate  will  have 
to  supply  those  answers  themselves. 

D.  Claudia  Thompson 
American  Heritage  Center 


m 


Annals  of  Wyoming-  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004     33 


CtSiiiiiirSfeiiiiDiJS) 


Thornton  Waite 

The  Promotion  of  Yellowstone  National  Park  by  the  Union  Pacific 

Railroad,  page  2 

I  hornton  Waite  is  a  project  manager  at  the  Idaho  National  Engineering 
and  Environmental  Laborator\-  and  hves  in  Idaho  Ealls,  Idaho,  with  his 
wife  Susan.  They  have  two  daughters  who  are  attending  college.  He  is 
interested  in  railroad  histor\'  and  has  researched  and  written  four  books 
on  the  histon'  ot  Idaho  railroads.  He  has  also  published  a  portfolio  and 
histor\'  o[  the  Union  Pacific  bear  ad\'ertisements  for  Yellowstone  National 
Park  and  written  numerous  articles  on  railroad  histor\'  anci  contemporary 
railroads  for  railroad-oriented  magazines.  Researching  the  histor)'  ot 
railroads  and  taking  photographs  of  trains  are  among  his  ta\'orite  pas- 
times. 


Felix  Scott  Alston 

Bronco  Nell,  A  Horse  Woman  Thief  page  1 3 

Felix  Scott  Alston  is  the  grandstMi  ot  SheriH  Alston.  He  has  been  research- 
ing the  W\'oming  public  life  (1894  to  1919)  ol  Alston  for  fifteen  years. 
Numerous  trips  to  Wyoming  have  been  made  to  the  W\'oming  State 
Archives,  the  American  Heritage  Center,  and  the  libraries  and  historical 
societies  of  Park,  Big  Horn,  Washakie,  fohnson,  Sheridan,  and  Laramie 
counties.  Manuscripts  ol  other  oral  histories  of  Felix  Alston  have  surfaced, 
including  Alstons  perspective  on  the  1909  Spring  Creek  Raid. 


Betty  Y.Taira 

Escape  font  Heart  Mountain,  page  18 

Betty  Y.  Taira  earned  bachelors  and  masters  degrees  in  education.  She  spent 
thirty-five  years  as  an  educator  and  worked  in  U.S.  Department  ol  Defense 
schools  in  Japan,  Korea,  and  Spain.  Upon  her  retirement,  she  returned  to 
Washington,  D.C.  where  she  lives  today,  and  works  part-time  for  the  League 
of  Women  Voters. 


34     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  -  Autumn  2004 


Ind 


Afi-iav!  A»ieric,vi  Women  Confront  the  West, 

1600-2000.  edited  by  Quintard  Ta\'lor 

and  Shirley  Ann  Wilson,  reviewed  27-28 
Alston,  Felix  13-17  (photo  13) 
Alston,  Felix  Scott,  editor  (bio  ii) 
Alston,  Mamie  13 
Amtrak  3 

Basin,  Wyoming  13 
Beverly  Hills,  California  18 
Big  Horn  Count)',  Wyoming  14,  16 
Blickensderfer,  Jake  4 
"Bronco  Nell,  A  Woman  Horse  Thief,"  by 

Felix  Alston,  edited  by  Felix  Scott  Alston 

13-17 
Briley,  Ron,  xewevJCT  oi  African  American 

Women  Confront  the  West.  1600-2000  27- 

28 
Bronco  Nell  (Nell  Smith)  13-17 
Butte,  Montana  4 
Chicago,  Burlington  &:  Quinc\'  Railroad 

10 
Chicago,  Milwaukee,  St.  Paul  and  Pacific 

Railroad  10 
Chicago  and  Northwestern  Railwa)'  10 
The  Church  Universal  and  Triumphant: 

Eliziibeth  Prophet's  Apocalyptic  Movement, 

by  Bradley  C.  Whitsel,  reviewed  29 
Cinnabar,  Montana  4 
Cod)',  W)oming  10,  17 
Dechert.  Charles  20,  22-24 
Dechert,  Emma  24 
Dechert,  George  24 
Dechert,  Lena  20,  22-24 
Dechert,  Lloyd  24 
Dechert,  Renee  24 
Denver,  Colorado  23-24 
Dreamers  and  Schemers:  Profiles  fi'om 

Carbon  Count}',  Wyoming's  Past,  by  Lori 

\'aii  Pelt,  reviewed  28-29 
"Escape  from  Heart  Mountain,"  hv  Betty 

Y.  Taira  18-24 
Ethnic  Oasis:  The  Chinese  in  the  Black  Hills. 

by  Liping  Zhu  and  Rose  Estep  Fosha, 

reviewed  29-30 
Executive  Otder  9066  18 
Fosha,  Rose  Estep  and  Liping  Zhu,  Ethnic 

Oasis:  The  Chinese  in  the  Black  Hills. 

reviewed  29-30 
Gallatin,  Montana  10 
Gardiner,  Montana  3 
Garrison,  Montana  4 
Grand  Teton  National  Park  7,  12 
Greene,  Jerome  A.,  Morning  Star  Daivn: 

The  Powder  River  Expedition  and  the 

Northern  Cheyennes.  1876.  reviewed  25- 

26 


Hallberg,  Carl,  reviewer  of  The  Church 

Universal  and  Triumphant:  Elizabeth 

Prophet's  Apocalyptic  Movement  29 
Hallberg,  \'.  Rodney,  reviewer  o(  Morning 

Star  Dawn:  The  Powder  River  Expedition 

and  the  Northern  Che)ie?ines,  1876  25-26 
Harriman,  E.H,  3,  5 
Heart  Mountain  Relocation  Center  18-20, 

24  (sketch  18;  photos  19,  22,  24) 
Higa,  Robert  23 
Higas,  Takashi  and  family  23 
Jastrow,  Helen  13 
Idaho  Falls,  Idaho  4-5,  8 
Interpreters  with  Lewis  and  Clark:  The  Story 

of  Sacagawea  and  Toussaint  Charbonneau. 

by  W.  Dale  Nelson,  reviewed  26-27 
The  Johnson  Count)}  War.  bv  Bill  O'Neal, 

reviewed  31-32 
Kansas  Pacific  Railway  3 
Ring,  lack  23 
Lander,  W)oming  10,  23 
Livingston,  Montana  4 
Mammoth  Hot  Spiings  10,  12 
Meeteetse,  Wyoming  14-15,  17 
Monida,  Idaho  4-6,  11-12 
Monida  and  Yellowstone  Stage  Company 

6,  12 
Morning  Star  Dawn:  The  Powder  River 

Expedition  and  the  Northern  Cheyennes. 

1 8^6.  by  Jerome  A.  Greene,  reviewed  25- 

26 
Nakahara,  Helen  (Miyagi)  21 
Nelson,  W  Dale,  Inteypreters  with  Lewis 

and  Clark:  The  Story  of  Sacagawea  and 

Toussaint  Charbonneau.  reviewed  26-27 
Northern  Pacific  Railway  2-4,  9-10 
Oerhle,  Walter  9 
Ogden,  Utah  4 
OW  FaithRil  7-9 
O'Neal,  Bill,  The  Johnson  County  War. 

reviewed  31-32 
Oregon  Short  Line  3,  5,  7,  11 
Pavillion,  Wyoming  21 
"The  Promotion  of  Yellowstone  National 

Park  by  the  L'nion  Pacific  Railroad,"  by 

Thornton  Waite  2-12 
Rawlins,  Wyoming  16 
Reamet,  Robert  C.  9 
Riggs.  Christopher  K.  reviewer  of 

Interpreters  with  Lewis  and  Clark:  The 

Ston'  of  Sacagawea  and  Toussaint 

Charbonneau  2.(>-X7 
Riverton,  Wyoming  20 
Roosevelt,  Ftanklin  Delano  18 
Santa  Anita  Assembly  Center  19 
Schulte,  Steven  C  Wayne  Aspinall  and  the 

Shaping  of  the  American  West,  reviewed 

30-31 
Seikyu,  "Sam"  21 
Smith,  Nell  13-17 
Smith,  Nels  19 


Smith,  Ruth  17 

St.  Anthony  Railtoad  5 

Stratten,  Bob  14 

Taira,  Amy  (Yemiko)  18-24  (photo  19) 

Taira,  Bern'  Yeiko.,  author  18-24  (bio  33) 

Taira,  Calvin  18-24  (photo  19) 

Taira,    Henry  Kakukichi  18-24 

Taira,  Shizu  18-24 

Taylor,  Quintard  and  Shirle\'  Ann  Wilson, 

editors,  African  American  Women  Confivnt 

the  West.  1600-2000.  reviewed  27-28 
Thompson,  D.  Claudia,  reviewer  ot    The 

Johnson  Count)}  War  51-52 
Three  Forks,  Montana  10 
Undenvood,  Gilbert  Stanley  6 
The  Union  Pacific  Magazine  3,  7 
Union  Pacific  Railroad  2-12 
United  States  Railway  Administration  7 
Utah  &  Northern  Railway  2,  4 
Van  Nuys,  Frank,  reviewer  of  Ethnic  Oasis: 

The  Chinese  m  the  Black  Hills.  29-30 
Van  Pelt,  Lori,  Dreamers  and  Schemers: 

Profiles  from  Carbon  Count)',  Wyoming's 

Past,  reviewed  28-29 
Victor,  Idaho  7 
Virginia  Cit)\  Montana  4 
Waite,  Thornton,  author  2-12  (bio  33) 
Washington,  D.C.  23-24 
Wayne  Aspinall  and  the  Shaping  of  the 

American  West,  b)'  Steven  C.  Schulte, 

reviewed  30-31 
Webb,  Darr)'l,  reviewer  of  Wayne  Aspinall 

and  the  Shaping  of  the  American  West  30- 

31 
West  Yellowstone  3,  6,  8-11 
Whitsel,  Btadley  C  The  Church  Universal 

and  Triumphant:  Elizabeth  Prophet's 

Apocalyptic  Movement,  reviewed  29 
William,  C.  Fred,  reviewer  oi Dreamers  and 

Schemers:  Profiles  fiom  Carbon  Count)', 

Wyoming's  Past  28-29 
Wiilmarth,  William  9 
Wilson,  Shirley  Ann  and  Quintard  Taylor, 

editors,  Afiican  American  Women  Confiont 

the  West,  1600-2000.  reviewed,  27-28 
Wind  River  Reservation  22 
Wyoming  State  Penitentiary  16  (photo 

16) 
Yamasaki,  Jack  20 
Yellowstone  National  Park  2-12 
Yellowstone  Park  Association  9 
Yellowstone  Park  Railroad  Company  3-4,  6 
Yellowstone  Park  Transportation  Compan)- 

12 
Yellowstone- Western  Stage  Company  12 
Zaring,  C.A.  15 
Zhu,  Liping  and  Rose  Estep  Fosha,  Oasis: 

The  Chinese  in  the  Black  Hills,  reviewed 

29-30 


AnnaisofWyominq  The  VVyom.nQ  History  Journal --Autumn  2004     35 


JVto 


j^mk 


Carroll  Baker  on  the  newly  constructed  wooden  bridge  the  stars  of 
Cheyenne  Autumn  used  to  enter  the  Lincoln  Theater,  On  the  left 
is  Cheyenne  Mayor  Bill  Natron  and  on  the  nght  is  Larry  Birleffi, 
Courtesy  Carroll  Baker  Papers,  American  Heritage  Center, 
University  of  Wyoming, 


Cheyenne  Autumn  movie  premiere  in  Cheyenne,  Wyoming,  October  1964 

m  LvV(|^^^^|      "TTohn  Fords  epic  morion  picrure,  CheyeiiiwAnrmnii, 

premiered  in  Cheyenne,  Wyoming,  on  Ocrober 
3,  ]'^)64.  The  festivities  lasted  several  days  and 
Light  national  pLiblicit\'  to  Wyoming's  capital  city. 
An  entotnMge  including  many  of  the  film's  stars,  Carroll 
Baker,  Karl  Maiden,  Ricardo  Montaiban,  Patrick 
Wayne,  Delores  Del  Rio,  Cilbert  Roland,  and  Mike 
Ma7.iirski  (jimm\'  Stewart  would  join  the  group  the 
next  da\),  arri\'ed  on  a  special  Union  Pacific  train 
Ihtirsda}'  e\'ening  October  1.  Two  thousand  people 
greeted  them  at  the  station. 

1  he  movie  was  based  on  iVlari  Sandoz'  book  of  the 
same  title.  Production  notes  for  the  film  state  it  "is  an 
tmdiluted  accotmt  of  the  shabb\'  treatment  gi\en  a 
band  oi  '-H^O  northern  Che\'ennes  after  the\-  had  sur- 
rendered to  Ceneral  Miles  in  187"  and  were  sent  to 
lix'c  on  barren  reserxation  land  in  which  is  now  the 
State  of  Oklahoma.  .  .  .  On  the  night  of"  September  *■), 
1878,  the  ragged  remnants:  300  men,  women  and  children,  slipped  awa\'  in  the  darkness  in  a  desperate 
attempt  to  reach  their  Yellowstone  homeland,  neatb-  ISOO  miles  awa\'.  1  he\-  did  not  wish  to  cause  bloodshed 
but  fight  they  would,  if  necessarv.  This  amazing  flight,  dtuing  which  the  Indians  were  pursued  by  as  manv  as 
10,000  U.S.  troops,  forms  the  bulk  of  Chiyctnu-  Aii- 

tUDUl." 

Warner  Brothers  selected  Chevenne  as  the  site  of 
the  premiere  because  the  cit\'  was  named  for  the  Cdiev-  F. '^iOS^^b^ 
enne  Indians.  On  Friday,  October  2,  the  Holhwooci 
group  boarded  a  bus  and  traveled  to  Fort  Laramie,  where 
they  spent  the  entire  day.  The  Casper  Troopers  provided 
entertainment  and  the  Cheyenne  Indians  adopted 
Stewart  and  Baker  into  their  tribe.  The  next  da\'  the 
actors  participated  in  a  parade  from  the  Union  Pacific 
Depot  to  the  Capitol,  where  Stewart  presented  Chev- 
enne Chief  John  Wooden  Legs  a  special  model  of  the 
Winchester  rifle  commemorating  Wyoming's  sevenr\'- 
fifty  year  of  statehood.  1  hat  evening  ele\en  htmdred 
people  attended  the  premiere  at  the  Lincoln  Theater.  A 
party  at  the  Mayflower  restaurant  followed. 


Carroll  Baker  as  she  rode  towards  the  Capitol,  Courtesy 
Carroll  Baker  Papers,  Amencan  Hentage  Center.  University 
of  Wyoming, 


36     Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  --  Autumn  2004 


ti/^^mmf 


Order  Yours  Before 
We  Sell  Out  Again! 

Finally,  this  classic  8.5"  x  11"  hardcover  volume 
has  been  reprinted.  The  book  features  over  250 
pages  of  informative  text  and  countless  historic 
photographs  from  Wyoming's  rich  history. 

The  book  is  only  $40.00  and  is  available  through 
some  county  chapters  of  the  Wyoming  State 
Historical  Society,  select  museums  and  sponsor 
banks.  If  you  prefer,  you  may  add  $6.00  for  postage 
and  the  book  will  be  shipped  straight  to  your  door! 

To  find  out  where  to  buy  the  book  in  your  area,  please  contact  the  Wyoming 
State  Historical  Society  at  (307)  635-4881.  Or,  send  your  check  in  the  amount 
of  $46.00  directly  to  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  at  WSHS  Book 
Project,  1740H184  DeU  Range  Blvd.,  Cheyenne,  WY  82009. 


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m,«»»««u»«««M«m.uun»u»^M,,«,»m,mmmmuinmmufammfmaaaM^^ 


DATE  DUE 

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GAYLORD 

PRIMTED  IN  U.SA. 

UNIVERSITY   OF  WYOMING 


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r  *  BINDERY  LI  O   ^ 

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