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Annate of looming 

VOL. 8 JULY No. 1 


Trip of Col. James McLaughlin, Indian Inspector, — * 

to the Big Horn Hot Springs, Wyoming By John Small 

Diary Kept by W. A. Richards in Summer of 1873 

Boundaries of the State Reserve By Clarence T. Johnson 

Wyoming Birds By Mrs. E. E. Waltman 

Why the Meadowlark Was Chosen as the State 

Bird of Wyoming By Hazel Harper Sample Pickett 


Studies in the Settlement and Economic 

Development of Wyoming By Clyde Meehan Owens 


Published Quarterly 

by the 


Mrs. Cyrus Beard, Historian 

Cheyenne, Wyo. 

Annate of ^BBIpommg 

VOL. 8 JULY No. 1 


Trip of Col. James McLaughlin, Indian Inspector, 

to the Big Horn Hot Springs, Wyoming By John Small 

Diary Kept by W. A. Richards in Summer of 1873 

Boundaries of the State Reserve By Clarence T. Johnson 

Wyoming Birds —By Mrs. E. E. Waltman 

Why the Meadowlark Was Chosen as the State 

Bird of Wyoming By Hazel Harper Sample Pickett 


Studies in the Settlement and Economic 

Development of Wyoming By Clyde Meehan Owens 


Published Quarterly 

by the 


Mr§. Cyrus Beard, Historian 
Cheyenne, Wyo, 


Acting Governor A. M. Clark 

Secretary of State A. M. Clark 

State Librarian Mrs. Clare E. Ausherman 

Secretary of Board Mrs. Cyrus Beard 


Judge E. H. Fourt Lander 

Dr. Grace R. Hebard Laramie 

Mrs. C. L. Vandevender Basin 

Mr. L. C. Bishop Douglas 

Mr. Phillip E. Winter _ Casper 

Mrs. R. A. Ferguson Wheatland 

Mr. Howard B. Lott Buffalo 

Miss Spaeth Gillette 

Mrs. P. J. Quealy Kemmerer 

Neither the State Historical Board, the State Historical Advisory Board nor 1he 
State Historian is responsible for any statements made or opinions expressed by 
contributors to the Annals of Wyoming. 

(Copyright applied for by State of Wyoming) 



Session Laws 1921 


Section 6. It shall be the duty of the State Historian : 

(a) To collect books, maps, charts, documents, manu- 
scripts, other papers and any obtainable material illustrative 
of the history of the State. 

(b) To procure from pioneers narratives of any exploits, 
perils and adventures. 

(c) To collect and compile data of the events which mark 
the progress of Wyoming from its earliest day to the present 
time, including the records of all of the Wyoming men and 
women, who served in the World War and the history of all 
war activities in the State. 

(d) To procure facts and statements relative to the his- 
tory, progress and decay of the Indian tribes and other early 
inhabitants within the State. 

(e) To collect by solicitation or purchase fossils, speci- 
mens, of ores arid minerals, objects of curiosity connected with 
the history of the State and all such books, maps, writings, 
charts and other material as will tend to facilitate historical, 
scientific and antiquarian research. 

(f) To file and carefully preserve in his office in +he 
Capitol at Cheyenne, all of the historical data collected or 
obtained by him, so arranged and classified as to be not only 
available for the purpose of compiling and publishing a History 
of Wyoming, but also that it may be readily accessible for the 
purpose of disseminating such historical or biographical in- 
formation as may be reasonably requested by the public. He 
shall also bind, catalogue and carefully preserve all unbound 
books, manuscripts, pamphlets, and especially newspaper files 
containing legal notices which may be donated to the State 
Historical Board. 

(g) To prepare for publication a biennial report of the 
collections and other matters relating to the transaction of the 
Board as may be useful to the public. 

(h) To travel from place to place, as the requirements of 
the work may dictate, and to take such steps, not inconsistent 
with the provisions of this Act, as may be required to obtain 
the data necessary to the carrying out of the purpose and 
objects herein set forth. 





Unnals! of looming 

VOL. 8 JULY No. 1 


I was instructed by Capt. R. H. Wilson, Acting; U. S. Indian 
Agent, to accompany Col. James McLaughlin, U. S. Indian In- 
spector, and three Shoshone and three Arapahoe Indians, with 
one interpreter for each tribe, to visit the Big Horn Springs and 
surrounding country. The Colonel's mission here was for the 
purpose of negotiating with the Indians for the purchase for the 
government of these springs. 

We left the Agency April 8th at 8 :30 a, m. The party was 
composed of Col. James McLaughlin, John Small, Dick Wash- 
akie, Bishop and Mo-yo-vo, Shoshones ; Guy Robinson, Shoshone 
interpreter ; Sharp Nose, Tallow and Lone Bear, Arapaohes ; and 
Henry Lee, Arapahoe interpreter. 

We travelled in an easterly direction and crossed Big Wind 
river fifteen miles from Fort Washakie. We camped at noon for 
dinner at Kasooth Arragoirs, a Mexican half breed, who has a 
fine farm. We broke camp at 1 :50 p. m. and travelled east over 
a very nice rolling country, crossing the Muddy at Camp Small 
at 5 :30 p. m., the distance from Big Wind river being eighteen 
miles. Here we camped for the night, While pitching our tent 
three of the horses started for home but were overtaken by the 
Indians and brought back. Dick Washakie was assigned as chief 
cook. After supper Col. McLaughlin had quite a pleasant talk 
with Chief Sharp Nose, who speaks very good Sioux but with a 
decided Arapahoe accent. The Colonel speaks Sioux fluently, so 
they had a very pleasant time. 

At 7 :30 o 'clock the next morning we broke camp and started 
for the foot of Owl Creek mountains. When passing the Gov- 
ernment Meadows, the Indians started a nice herd of antelope, 
but failed to shoot any. We reached camp in the mountains for 
dinner at 10:45 a. m. the distance traveled being fifteen miles. 
We named the place Camp Sharp Nose. Left dinner camp at 
12 :30 p. m. Now we are climbing the mountains in earnest — very 
hard ascent and worst road I ever saw. (Steep is no name for it.) 
After we reached the top, we found on the northern slope the 
best prairie country I have seen in Wyoming. We entered Red 


Canyon at 2 :30 p. m. The scenery, in passing through it, was 
grand. We reached the head of the canyon, eight miles from 
the mouth at 4 p. m. We then crossed the Red Canyon range 
which is full of deep gulches and reached camp on Owl Creek at 
6 :30 p. m., having traveled twenty-two miles from Camp Sharp 
Nose, where we took dinner. 

April 10th we broke camp at 8 :30 a. m. and reached the Hot 
Springs at 9 :30 a. m., a distance of seven miles over a country 
with anything but good roads. We crossed the Big Horn river 
at the Springs. 

On arriving there, we were met by U. P. Davidson, who is 
building some houses to accommodate the visitors. He is seventy- 
three years of age — an old California Forty-niner. He was for- 
merly from Galesburg, 111., and was one of those mentioned in 
history, as the Jay Hawkers of '49. Bancroft's History, Vol. 11, 
gives a full account of this party of Forty-niners, who were a 
year in making the trip from Galesburg to the mines in California. 
They got lost in the mountains and suffered unknown hardships 
— a number of them dying of starvation, while some became in- 
sane. Mr. Davidson, in relating his history, was very interesting 
to us. 

Mr. A. J. Andrews, another resident at the Springs, kindly 
showed us the different springs, which are certainly wonderful. 
The basin or mouth of the main spring is circular in form and 
thirty feet across. It is a seething, boiling caldron, with a tem- 
perature of 132 degrees Fahrenheit and flows at the rate of 
1,250,000 gallons every twenty-four hours. 

The depth of the Springs has never been ascertained. Al- 
though with a temperature of 132 degrees, it is not unpleasant 
to drink and with salt and pepper added tastes very much like 
chicken soup. 

Several bath houses have been erected by the invalids and 
bath tubs have been cut out of the formation that forms from 
the overflow. There is a sulphur hot spring and also a cold 
spring, in addition to the main spring, all flowing within a radius 
of 200 yards. 

The bottom of the river also shows numerous boiling springs. 

After we had taken a bath we examined the mountain of 
crystalized gypsum. It is a very strange formation. We brought 
some specimens home with us. At 4 p. m. we broke camp and 
followed the Big Horn river to a new town that is springing up 
named Thermopolis, or the Hot City. It is located about five 
miles from the Springs. We pitched our tent on the bank of the 
river and remained until Sunday morning, April 12th. We 
passed a very pleasant day Saturday in camp, although it snowed 
all day. We had many visitors, who came to see our Indians. 


Our horses being well rested we started for home Sunday 

The Indians with the wagon of provisions and camp outfit 
returned by what is known as the Red Canyon road, while Col. 
McLaughlin and myself returned by way of Owl Creek and 
crossed the mountains forty miles in a north westerly direction. 
In passing up Owl Creek we visited the various cattle ranches. 
They are the Padlock, the Keystone, and the Embar. The Embar 
is the largest. They have about 40,000 head of cattle and 500 
horses. The cowboys alone ride 250 horses. Each cowboy uses 
five or six to go his rounds. At present the Embar company has 
the contract for supplying the beef for the Agency, which 
amounts to about 100 head per month. We arrived at Embar 
at 3 :30 p. m., and remained about an hour and a half viewing 
their extensive buildings, corrals and blooded stock. We are now 
thirty miles from Thermopolis, and driving two miles more we 
reached Short 's road ranch, where we remained over night. Here 
we had the pleasure of seeing the cowboys breaking bucking 

We left Short 7 s at 7 :30 a. m. and crossed the South Fork 
of Owl Creek eight miles from there. Here we commenced to 
climb the mountains again and in some places we found the road 
very steep. We arrived at Mail Camp at the foot of Owl Creek 
mountains at 12 m. The altitude of the pass in the mountains 
where we crossed over is 9800 feet above sea level. After dinner 
we left Mail Camp and crossed over a barren country for thirty 
miles, reaching Big Wind river bridge at 5 :30 p. m., where we 
remained with Mr. Stagner, who is married to a quarter breed 
Cheyenne, who speaks Sioux, Shoshone, French and English. 
They are well to do and have a nice farm on the river. They own 
1500 head of cattle, 3000 sheep and 200 horses. We left Mr. 
Stagner 's at 8:45 a. m., April 14th, arriving at the Agency at 
noon, a distance of twenty miles. 

After arriving at the Agency the Colonel immediately made 
arrangements to hold a council with the Indians for the purchase 
of the springs. 

(Signed) JOHN SMALL. 

(From The Indian Guide, Volume 1, Number 3, published 
at the Shoshone Agency, Wyoming, May, 1896. The Indian Guide 
is on file in the State Historical Department). 

Note : There have been so many requests for history about 
the Big Horn Hot Springs that we are beginning the publication 
of some history on the subject. — Editor. 


Survey of South Boundary of Wyoming 

(Continued from April Number) 

Thursday, Aug. 14th, 1873 

Neal, Al and Geo. left camp with the stock at 4 :00 a. m. to 
take them down to the river to water and grass. Boys left 
camp at 6 :00 a. m. Stock returned at 9 :30. Broke camp at 
10:15. Country very rough and timbered making it difficult to 
get the team along. Reached the party at 5 :00 p. m. in dry 
ravine at 217th M. P. Lon and I went in search of water. Found 
none. The Muddy which according to the maps should come in 
here does not appear, but instead we found a dry bed, fortun- 
ately have about fifty gallons of water aboard, enough for the 
men but the stock must go dry. Took an Azimuth. 
Friday, Aug. 15th 

Left camp at daylight with George, Al and Neal and the 
stock to go to the river for water. Found the distance to be 
over ten miles. Filled our barrels with water. Got a post for 
the large transit and returned to camp at 1 :30 p. m. Billie who 
had gone west on a mule at daylight returned to camp at 9 :00 
a. m. having found water six miles ahead. The line had gone 
on. Broke camp at 2 :30 p. m. Camped at 223rd M. C. on small 
sulphur spring ; erected post for observations — Had supper and 
went to bed. 
Saturday, 16th 

Mr. McConnel had a good night for work. Left camp at 
daylight on old Jim to scout country ahead. At 12 :00 m. came 
to deep canon with small stream of water at least 20 miles from 
camp. Turned my face campward, found my canteen strap 
broken and it gone. Canon too deep for a descent. A rain 
coming up, spread my rubber coat and caught a pint of water. 
Ate my lunch — a biscuit and rode on. Reached camp at 5 :40 
p. m. having been in the saddle just twelve hours and ridden at 
least forty-five miles. The country here a perfect desert. No 
wood, grass, or water. It behooves us to make good time to 
Green River fifty miles away. Our supplies are getting low. 
No game here at all but rabbits. An old road runs west about 
20 chs. north of this camp. Suppose it to be the old Cherokee 
trail upon which they returned from Oregon 18 years ago. It 
runs nearly west and we must follow it to get through the 
country, which is badly broken west of us for thirty miles 
where Ave come to the Escalante Mts. an unknown country 
as yet. 


Sunday, 17th 

Another good night for observations and for me of rest 
and sleep. Wrote to Stebbins and read Shakespeare and so 
forth and rested mostly. A beautiful day, but a terrible place 
in which to spend it. Surely "the sound of a church going bell 
these valleys and hills never heard ' ' and never will they hear a 
more melodious sound than the howl of the coyote or the dismal 
cawing of an unfortunate crow. Several of the boys are hunt- 
ing and their united endeavors secured one poor little rabbit. 
Monday, 18th 

Breakfast at 6 :30. A good night for observations and Mr. 
McC completed them. The first time we have had three suc- 
cessive clear nights. 
Sunday, 24th 

Since the last entry as above much has transpired out of 
the usual routine of our monotonous life but nothing serious or 
very alarming. Upon reducing the observs. of Sunday night it 
was found that the instrument was out of adjustment, there- 
fore another night's work was necessary. On Tuesday these 
observs. were reduced. We found the line 92 ft. south. Set the 
monument at the 223rd M. C. A. stone 12 x 14 in. 10 ft. long. 
Corrected back and made ready for a start. On Wednesday, 
left camp at daylight line and teams. Shot two young sage hens 
as we were starting. Even these are a delicacy in this barren 
and desolate country. The men made 17% miles on the line 
stopping on high bank of Vermillion Creek which I visited last 
Saturday. I took dinner to men on the line, and the campmen 
misunderstood my instructions and went three miles too far 
west on a road running three miles north of the line. Came 
back and down to line which we reached two hours after dark. 
Had supper at 11 :00 p. m. Went on guard at 2 :30 a. m. On 
Thursday morning left camp at daylight on pony to try and 
find crossing over the canon before us. No description can give 
an idea of the magnitude of these canons. Returned at noon 
without finding a pass. In p. m. the men ran the line ten miles 
west. Mr. McC accompanying them. We took team back to the 
road. I proceeded, then about an hour crossed Vermillion 
Canon and on the road two miles west of it discovered a troop 
of some kind galloping toward me about two miles farther west. 
From close observations thought they were Indians ; rode back 
and corralled teams on east side of canon — Sent Fred out to 
tell the men where camp was, though we had previously in- 
tended camping on the canon and having the men walk up to 
camp. Billie and I went out again on the road but saw no signs. 
The men on line had seen elk signs and probably the troop I 


saw were elk. Mr. McC did not come in with the line men and 
we feared he would lie out. After supper Bob took a light and 
went to pilot him in. Found him at 12 :00 m. about five miles 
S. W. of camp in a canon containing good water. Had a fire 
and was comfortable but hungry. Would not come in, fearing 
to carry his chronometer through the brush at night. Bob 
reached camp at 3 :30 a. m. Friday. After breakfast, Bob took 
some provisions and coffee and went back to find Mac — as he 
had intended remaining where he was until the line men came 
out — We moved west about four miles on road; then turned 
south, and at 11 :00 a. m. struck stream, the Vermillion running 
E. then S. high steep banks. Built a bridge. Just as we finished 
dinner, McC hove in sight — on the trail. Had not waited for 
Bob but went to our old camp and followed us in — twenty-four 
hours without eating and laying out in a rainstorm. Had not 
seriously affected him. In p. m. the line men went south and E. 
to where they quit work and ran few miles of line. Could not 
move camp, so they walked in three miles. Saturday the 23rd 
crossed on our bridge. Moved camp S. W. across from Big 
Creek on the S. side of which we camped at the 249th M. C. 
Took an Azimuth. Saw and wounded an antelope. Ran him 
three miles with a mule but did not get him. Good grass and 
water near and quite a change from the desert proper, though 
we are hardly out of it — Sunday the 24th broke camp early. 
Got teams to top of bluffs on west side of creek at 10 :00 a. m. 
The men ran the line three miles and at noon were stopped, or 
rather the teams were, by a huge canon. Suspended work and 
went south around it. All hands except Dick. He followed 
along the line and killed two antelope and now at sundown we 
are anxiously expecting him in. Are camped about a mile south 
of the line and probably about 254th M. C. A mountain lies 
to the west of us and we don't know what the country is be- 
yond it to Green River. Hope for the best though, for pro- 
visions are very short. Sugar gone several days ago. Saw many 
deer and antelope today. Also mountain sheep. 
Monday, 25th 

Line men left camp at sunrise to go East to canon which 
stopped us yesterday. On the east side of the canon lies the scene 
of the great Diamond Excitement of last winter. Numerous 
claims are staked out but unoccupied. The country is wholly 
barren and the only hypothesis upon which diamonds could be 
expected would be that of the hunters' coon dog — good for noth- 
ing else imaginable. These diamond fields are on the 251st and 
2nd miles of our line, partly in Wyoming and partly in Colo- 
rado. I took old "Jim" and I scouted ahead for a road. Return- 
ing at 9 a. m. saw and chased a large black bear but lost him in 


the timber. Just as camp was moving, saw him* again north of 
camp on the prairie. Gave chase again on a pony and succeeded 
in running him into the teams. He passed very close to Max and 
Arthur who gave him a shot each, breaking his fore leg. He did 
not fight but succeeded in escaping. Line men made 8 miles and 
we camped in a beautiful grassy valley. Quite an oasis in this 
desert. This is the head of a stream running into Green River. 
Tuesday, 26th 

Broke camp at sunrise. Killed a buck antelope just after 
starting. Stopped for dinner on a mountain which rises 2000 
feet in iy 2 miles. Drove teams up the east slope. Scouted ahead 
and found roads down the west slope to the southwest. Line ran 
7 miles. Camped opposite and about 3 miles south of 167th M. C. 
Men ran onto a large black bear coming in. No damage done. 
Wednesday, 27th 

Broke camp at 7 a. m. At 10 a. m. struck Red Creek, which 
is properly named. A small stream running south into the Green 
River in Brown's Hole, which is five miles south of the line. 
Camped on Spring Creek which is about 280th mile. The line 
was run to 273rd M. C. Left team and lunch for men on the hill 
6 miles east of camp. Green River, according to our map, should 
have been at the 273rd mile corner but it is apparently several 
miles to the west. Grub is about played out and guess will have 
to start for town tomorrow at any rate. Built fire after dark to 
guide men to camp. Spring Creek here runs on top of the ground 
while a few rods above or below it runs through a deep cut. 
Thursday, 28th 

Lon and I with Al and a team and a saddle mule with one 
day's rations started at 7 o'clock for Green River. Went west 
ten miles on a road when we struck the river. Crossed first chan- 
nel but failed on second one — too deep. Apparently this road 
does not go to the station. Turned back to take a trail which we 
saw on Red Creek. Passed camp at 3 :30 p. m. Had a lunch of 
coffee and mush — and pushed ahead. The boys are left with 
nothing but a bushel of beans and a keg of molasses. They won't 
starve on this, but it's pretty hard living. Campbell is running 
line and on the hill west of camp met the team with half a deer 
aboard, which Lon killed 800 yards distant. A good shot. This 
will help the boys out a little. Reached Red Creek at dark. While 
hunting a camping place was astonished to hear the shouts of 
herders "rounding up" cattle. Followed up the sound and two 
miles south found a herd of 1300 cattle and ten drovers. Had 
supper with them and learned that Green River was 60 miles 
away and the road ran up from Red Creek, as we supposed. Also 
Mr. Richards here who has a cow camp three miles north. 


Next morning, fhe 29th 

We went to his camp for breakfast. He kindly offered to 
lend us bread and meat to last us and our camp till we got back. 
We left note in road for Billie, who is coming over, telling him 
where to go for rations and to bring another team out ten miles 
north of Richards' to meet us, as the road from there is bad. 
Reached the Poplar Grove on the high divide 35 miles from the 
station about sundown. Here is wood, water and grass in the 
midst of a desert. A splendid camping place. Made a good sup- 
per on potatoes, bread, coffee and young sage hens, four of which 

1 shot with a rifle on the road. 
Saturday, 30th 

Was on the road at 6 :30 a. m. Reached Green River at 

2 p. m. Found an immense amount of mail. Everything all right 
at home. No bad news at all. It seems impossible that so little of 
importance has transpired in two months, the time which has 
elapsed since we last received mail. In the hurry and excitement 
of an active participation in the daily life of a large city, one 
cannot frame a just estimate of the importance of passing events, 
but isolated as we have been — cut off from all communication 
with the world in general for two months, then to have the de- 
tailed history of that time laid before us in the unbroken files of 
a daily paper and we can form a full and correct estimate of the 
day's doings. In Omaha the papers are wonderfully alike; sui- 
cides, assaults, robberies and arrests — make a large portion of 
its daily history. Nor is this confined to our city alone. The 
Associated Press dispatches are mostly adapted to Police Gazette 
use. After reading all the news, we are better contented with our 
exile than before. Although isolated as we are, we seem to be 
playing fully as an important a part as the majority at home. 
Received full report from Aut, with papers in abundance; also 
letters from Father, Mother, Alice, Delia and Nellie B. Got our 
freight from depot. Bought flour, sugar, potatoes, clothing for 
the boys and C. Expended $200.00 in short order. Had wagon 
loaded at 6 p. m. Took supper at R. R. eating house — the poorest 
on the road. Saw Reynolds and Goodwin in mail car going down. 
Sent in trunk and Lon's watch by Goodwin, i. e., the latter by 
him, the former by express. In the evening, wrote until 3 :30 
a. m. on Sunday, Aug. 31st. Slept until 5 a. m. Had breakfast, 
and Lon with team started for camp. I remained with "Johnny" 
the mule to get some new axes ground. Found that a registered 
letter had come that morning for us. Containing draft from 
treasury department for the survey of boundary of Pawnee Re- 
serve. Could not get it cashed in Green River. Endorsed and 
sent it to Aut. for payment. Had dinner at eating house and at 
1 p. m. started after the team. Caught them at 4 p. m. By driv- 
ing until 10:20 p. m. made Poplar Grove again. Found Bill 


Tabor, a noted hunter, here and another man camped there. Saw 
Johnson and Ed 'Sullivan on mail car this morning. They are 
fine fellows. Also saw Mott Hyde. 
Monday, Sept. 1st 

Went on the road at daylight. Met the other team near 
Tabor's just the right place. Divided the load and proceeded on 
our way. Camped with Richards on Red Creek. 
Tuesday, Sept. 2nd 

After taking a lesson on the ' ' Diamond Hitch ' ' used in pack- 
ing, moved on for camp, which we reached at 4 p. m. and were 
gladly welcomed indeed. The boys were again down to beans and 
molasses, but were cheerful. Brought in a heap of mail. Camp- 
bell fired a couple of shots into a bear coming in but without do- 
ing him serious injury. Had a good full night's sleep. 
Wednesday, Sept. 3rd 

For myself a day of rest. Much needed for we had a long 
hard trip. Lon is quite unwell but nothing serious I think. Mac 
C. got a few stars last night, the first at this station. Boys fishing 
and washing. No game here. Ben killed a fawn while we were 
gone and carried it ten miles to camp. No game nearer. Wrote 
letters and sent over to Richard 's camp by Billie. 
Thursday, Sept. 4th 

Mac C. got a few more stars last night. Went and found 
stone for monument which Matt is now working. Did our wash- 
ing. Billie returned at 2 p. m. and Smith came with him. Took 
dinner and went on to a hunter 's camp a few miles west of here. 
Friday, Sept. 5th 

Breakfast at 7 a. m. A beautiful morning but rather cool 
last night as I found on guard. Mac C. got sufficient stars last 
night to determine our location and now as soon as he has re- 
duced his observations we will correct back as far as necessary, 
cross the river and propel. We are now camped on the 289th 
mile, leaving but 80 miles to run and good assurances of an open 
country half way at least. 
Saturday, Sept. 6th 

Gave Mac C. another night at station all right now. Camp- 
bell and Billie went back 17 miles to correct. The boys have the 
monument planted at the 289 mile and we have the team on the 
west side of the river and will take dinner on the bank. 
Evening, Sept. 6th 

Got the line across 0. K. and made five miles, camping on 
the line and on the east bank of Henry's Fork. This is a clear, 
swift mountain stream, running over a gravel bed, skirted with 
timber and easy to cross. This is the most picturesque and con- 
venient camp on the line thus far, and the only good camp since 
leaving the Snake River, nearly a hundred miles back. 


Sunday, Sept. 7th 

Broke camp at 6 a. m. the line crossing the river near camp. 
Moved teams up the Fork about five miles and stopped for din- 
ner, or rather to give the cooks a chance to bake bread. On the 
way up crossed the stream several times, once the first time near 
the ranch of Charley Davis — (supposed to be) just south of 
which the line runs. At 10 :30 o 'clock took a pail of lunch — 
canteen of water and one of molasses and mounted on a mule 
went South to find and feed the men. A Mexican herding for 
Joe Baker accompanied. We mounted on a stallion to see how it 
was done. On the way out his horse bucked him off and got away 
but he caught him and went on his way. Returned to camp and 
moved up opposite Baker's ranche and then struck South to the 
line. We men made IIV2 miles and we camped at dark one-half 
mile North of the line near a pine mountain. A dry camp. Found 
dead deer near camp. 
Monday, Sept. 8th 

Broke camp at sunrise. Took dinner on a little stream, the 
third within one-half mile, on which is thick underbrush through 
which we had to cut. Lon being troubled with a sort of diarrhea, 
I ran the line 5 miles in P. M. making a dry camp without 
wood, burning a couple of posts. Camped on the 317th M. C. 
Took an Azimuth. Killed an antelope in A. M. Yesterday is 
the first Sunday that ever passed without my knowing it was 
Sunday. N. B. Crossed Beaver Creek on the 314th mile, several 
streams in a narrow bottom all skirted with thick willows. 
Tuesday, Sept. 9th 

At 4 a. m. Neil and Ben took team and went South to the 
mountains for wood. Had breakfast at 6 a. m. Crossed a fork 
of Henry's Fork at 10 a, m. Stopped at noon on another stream 
for dinner. Made ten miles by 2 :45 p. m. which brought us to a 
top of a high bluff at the fork of which runs another fork of the 
Fork. Dick and I went a foot to the east edge of a mountain 
range three miles west and gave Lon a long sight. Saw an elk 
and three deer. Found the country rough and heavily timbered. 
Will have to put in a station where we are on the bluff ; send the 
team to Evanston and go through to the corner 43 miles with 
pack mules. 
Wednesday, Sept. 10th 

Got a post and some wood. Moved camp over to the 327 mc 
and set up for a station. Went out west three miles hunting. 
Found nothing. Lon killed a deer and the boys caught lots of 
Thursday, Sept. 11 

Went out hunting stone. Could find nothing. Will have to 
go back to Henry's Fork tomorrow. 


Friday, 12th 

Started Campbell, five men and a team back to the Fork for 
a stone for our monument. Dick and I went fishing. Got back 
at sundown tired, wet and hungry, but with fish enough for 
breakfast. Lew and Ben went out and brought in a deer which 
they killed yesterday. The stone hunters not yet returned. 
Saturday, 13th 

Nothing doing today. Lon and Arthur went fishing. George 
also. Brought in a fine string of trout. No sign of the boys yet. 
They must have gone a long way back. Tonight is clear and this 
makes the third good night for observations. Tomorrow we can 
put in the monument if the boys return, and on the following 
day move on. Wrote letters to Delia and Alice today. 
Sunday, 14th 

Another Sabbath which probably would have passed un- 
noticed, had we not been in camp. Weather very fine. As pleas- 
ant as September at home. Spent the morning in packing some 
of the mules we will use who were strangers to the business. Ben 
and Billie are busy getting the provisions, etc., ready for trip. The 
boys returned at noon with a good stone, which they found on 
Henry's Fork about twenty-five miles from here. Pat killed a 
black-tailed buck, so their provisions held out. Spent the P. 
M. in getting the stone marked, drawing stones for the monu- 
ment and getting ready for a start tomorrow. Mac C. finished 
his work last night. 
Monday, 15th 

Matt finished marking the stone this morning and at 9 a. m. 
I moved out with the line, taking 8 men, 4 pack mules and 2 
saddle horses, each man carries a gun and ammunition. The 
pack train overtook us four miles on our way. Did not stop for 
dinner. Ran the line 4,y 2 miles, and camped in a little grassy 
glade at 4% miles. Made a bivouac by cutting boughs and setting 
them up leaning against a long pole supported between two trees. 
Dug a little spring just behind camp. No running water. In un- 
packing the mules Ben (the cook) made the unwelcome discovery 
that instead of a sack of beans he had brought one of green coffee. 
The teams are well on their way to Ft. Bridger ere this, so we 
will have to run on bread, meat and coffee. We have one canteen 
full of molasses, but have agreed to not use any until ten miles 
of this check is completed. The country is not very rough but 
thickly covered with pine timber, much of which is dead. Have 
a big camp fire in front of our bivouac, by the light of which the 
boys are playing euchre, posting diaries, etc. Will stand no 
guard tonight nor until we see signs of Indians. A slight sprink- 
ling of rain today, but perfectly clear now. 


Tuesday, 16th 

Had a fair night's rest, but being unused to quite so much 
ventilation, not as good as usual. Breakfast of venison, bread 
and coffee at 5 a. m. and on the line at 6. Chopped three-fourths 
of a mile to the edge of the bluff from which we got a sight 1.50 
am chs. across Smith's Fork of Green River — a stream similar 
to Henry's Fork where we last camped upon it. Crossed this 
fork on the 334th mile. The valley is wooded and the hills upon 
either side descend to the stream in a succession of "steppes" or 
level plateaus, upon which are large lakes of living water, clear 
and cold with a. gravel bottom inhabited by fish and beaver. From 
the 333.50 m. chs. looking east and n. e. seven of these lakes 
are in view all on different elevations, with the steep mountain 
sides around them covered with dense pine forests, the open 
plains away to the North, and the high, rugged, snow-clad moun- 
tains to the South, making the landscape one of unequalled 
beauty in my experience. Made three miles and four chains stop- 
ping at 5 :45 p. m. at 333.68 m. c. Had a good dinner brought out 
by Billie, which I carried a mile to the boys. Camped in the 
woods near a spring and grassy valley. Lew killed a deer at sun- 
down, which came just in time, as we had used the last of our 
venison. Salt meat is not good to work on. Ours is a good speci- 
men of a camp in the woods tonight. A bivouac of boughs, with 
a roaring fire of pine logs before it. Heavy timber about us. The 
mules on one side, tied up for the night — their packs on the 
other. A dressed deer ornamenting a tree near by — and the boys 
around the camp fire, having their regular evening game of 
euchre. Weather clear and pleasant. 
Wednesday, 17th 

In the woods all day. Camped at 335.40 but got the line up 
to 336. Weather cool but clear. 
Thursday, 18th 

Was on the line at 6 a. m. From the 336.40 m. c. got a sight 
of 2.65 m. c. across two streams and up on the side of a mountain. 
Set the 338 m. p. one chain east of a well traveled road running 
n. & s. Camped near the 339.25 m. c. the chainmen be- 
ing about a mile behind. The sky became overcast with leaden 
ominous looking clouds this P. M. and there is every indica- 
tion of a long storm. The equinoctial is in order any time now. 
Placed our camp in a well protected ravine, with a view to stand- 
ing a storm, if a hard one sets in, we can build a log cabin pretty 
"sudden." Wrote a note to Lon. Would like to get an Azimuth 
tonight but it is too cloudy. 
Friday, 19th 

We escaped last night with only a slight sprinkling of snow 
and rain and this morning is clear. Guess that is all we will see 
of the deared equinoctial. The chainmen and Billie went back 


and chained lip. Sent my note to Lon by them, to be stnck upon 
a post in the road, trusting to the cold charities of the world for 
its being more properly posted. Pushed on with the line. The 
timber large and thick. First % mile through quaking asp, 
much worse than pine for running. Only made 1% miles, camp- 
ing at 340.57 m. c. where I took an azimuth. No water near camp. 
In hunting for a spring just before sundown, surprised and 
killed a very large buck. Got Dick to help me load him on a 
pony and it was hard work for both of us. We estimated the 
weight dressed at 300 pounds. His horns are 7-pronged, bare of 
velvet, and very sharp. The country today was ascending to the 
340th mile, where I think we reached the summit of the Uintahs 
on our line. Elevation 9,950 feet. Timber heavy but no snow. 
Saturday, 20th 

Had an unexpected rain, hail and snow storm last night, ac- 
companied by lightning and heavy thunder. Several trees were 
struck with lightning near us. Now at 11 a. m. after the sUn 
shining all the morning, snow and ice lie thick upon the ground. 
The weather seems like November. Dinner at 2 p. m. at 342.23. 
Got a long sight, or two rather, from the same point. The first 
in the bottom on the west side of Black's Fork, at which we 
camped. The other about a mile west on the mountain side. 
Sunday, Sept. 21st, '73 

Cut through the timber 23 chs. east from camp and set the 
343rd post, then ran west through the timber setting the 345th 
post at sundown near which we camped. The line crossed Black's 
Fork at 343.15 m. c. Billie and Matt went down stream a mile 
from our camp of last night to a tie cabin and ground some of 
the axes. Quite a large number of men employed here getting out 
ties, which are run down stream at high water to the U. P. Last 
night was the coldest we have had in these mountains. Water 
froze four inches deep, within ten feet of our camp fire which was 
burning all night. 
Monday, 22nd 

Rather warmer last night. Slept well beside the camp fire. 
Made l 1 /^ miles before dinner, but in the P. M. struck some 
large dry pines ' ' on line ' ' which checked us somewhat. The trees 
were over four feet in diameter and about 110 feet high and per- 
fectly straight. Heard a steam whistle last night which we sup- 
pose to come from a saw mill to the south of us. This is the first 
indication of civilization that we have seen since leaving Chey- 
enne. All the people that we have seen in the scanty settlements 
through which we have passed, seemed entirely destitute of am- 
bition, satisfied with game enough to eat and nothing to do but 
hunt it. Took an azimuth this evening at the 347th post. Have 
run 20 miles in eight days, or an average of 2% miles per day 
through heavy timber. 


Tuesday, 23rd 

Took dinner on the west side of a road running south to 
Coe & Carter's saw mill which is a mile from the line. Sent a 
letter to Lon by the superintendent of their work. Camped for 
the night near another saw mill in which Dick Carter is part 
owner and so also is one Scott. Made 2y 2 miles, camping at 
349.40 m. c. The timber on the mountains to the south of us is all 
on fire, making a splendid spectacle. Learned from a man in 
charge of the saw mill, which is not running now, that we have 
but five miles of timber before us. This is glad news to us, for 
this timber business is slightly monotonous and camping out 
without tents at this season is not very pleasant. 
Wednesday, 24th 

We were at work early, but were delayed a long time by a 
large dead pine tree, that centered on its stump and was so sup- 
ported by the branches of surrounding trees that it would not 
fall. Made V2 m il e before dinner. About noon the fire which 
has been steadily bearing down toward the line and the saw mill, 
crossed the little stream that- the mill is upon, about 5 chs. south 
of the mill, so that probably it escaped, but the one belonging 
to Coe & Carter seems to be right in its line. Made 1% miles by 
sundown, through heavy timber, but the prospect ahead is a little 
better. May get out of the woods tomorrow. 
Thursday, 25th 

Made almost 3 miles today by getting a IV2 mile sight. 
Country rather rough and cracked up by land slides. Camped 
at 354.10 m. c. A great deal of wood chopping is being done near 
here and some charcoal burning. Are out of venison now and 
running on pork, bread and coffee. Plenty of game in the woods 
but we won't take time to hunt it. Took an azimuth this evening 
on the 354.10 m. c. 
Friday Evening, Sept. 26 

Hurrah ! We are out of the woods and the end draws near, 
i. e., the west end. The 357th post came just on the west edge of 
the timber. We are now encamped on the west bank of Bear 
River, which we crossed at 358.30. Another stream almost as 
large crosses the line at 357.50, m. c. is 40 Iks. wide. The bot- 
toms bordering each stream are about 30 chains wide, and cov- 
ered with a heavy growth of willow, but at present are not 
marshy. The streams are clear, swift running with gravel bot- 
tom. Are camped near the 359th post, which leaves but 9 miles 
to run, which we will do tomorrow, and then, Ho ! for Evanston. 
Crossed the highest point of the Uintahs (on the line) yesterday 
on the 355th mile. Elevation 10,200 feet. Snow near the line. 
Saturday, 27th, Evening 

Hurrah! again. The "west end" so long looked for and 
anxiously expected is now behind us. We set the 368th post at 


5 p. m., having run 9 miles, all open except 5 chains of quaking 
asp. The 366th mile passes over two very high backbones or hog- 
backs but the post comes upon a flat on the west side of them. 
Are now camped on a little stream 20 chains west of the 368th 
post. No timber near and we are burning sage brush again. 
Quite a high mountain rises just west of us and between the 
streams at its base runs an old well-travelled road, which we sup- 
pose to be the old Mormon trail to Salt Lake. The weather is still 
clear and pleasant though cool. Lew killed a black-tailed fawn 
this morning. 
Sunday, 28th 

Slept rather cold last night. Was on the road at 8 :45. 
Camped for dinner on Bear River. The road thence bears n, 
e. pretty strong, probably being somewhat longer than a mile 
across the country would be, but as we do not know the location 
of Evanston with relation to our terminal point, it is our best 
plan to follow the road. Came to the R. R. at 4 p. m. a short 
distance west of Hilliard station formerly known as the Tie Sid- 
ing. Camped on Bear River again at the old stage road crossing 
and near a large ranche now deserted. Its owner made a fortune 
out of it and lost it on a tie contract, one of the victims of the 
Monday, 29th 

Was in motion at 7 a. m. Forded Bear River, all taking off 
our shoes and the pebbles and sand froze to the soles of our feet, 
reached Evanston at 10 a. m. capturing our camp, as the boys 
were not aware of our proximity until we announced our arrival 
with a yell that would have done credit to a band of Comanches. 
Lon has been unable to open communications with Prof. Safford, 
and could not learn his whereabouts until today, consequently 
nothing has been done here. Otherwise, we are as near done as 
we expected. The Treasury Department has sent us draft for the 
main Pawnee work, so we have funds to run on. Sent the draft 
to Aut. to be cashed, when it returns will pay off the men we can 
not use and await patiently. Safford is at Bismark, Dakota. Lon 
paid off and sent home Arthur, Al and Fred on the 24th. The 
U. P. Co. gave us half rates on tickets for the boys to go home 
upon. Found letters here for me from Alice and Miss Hurley 
and Judge Wakeley. In P. M. shaved for the first time on 
the trip. Changed my clothes and wrote to Aut. 
Tuesday, 30th 

Received amount of draft from Aut by express. Got answer 
from Safford. He cannot come till Oct. 20. Learned yesterday 
for the first time of the failure of Jay Cooke and Co. and the 
general financial panic. 


Wednesday, October 1st 

Paid off and sent home today Campbell, Dick, Billie, Lew, 
Pat, Max and Neal. (Saw Dr. Reed on platform on Monday.) 
Evanston is quite lively R. R. town but a dull place to loaf in. 
Wrote to Alice. 
Thursday, October 2nd 

Nothing doing. In evening, Lon and I looked through the 
Chinese department of Sisson, Wallace & Co. 's store, accom- 
panied by Mr. Hopkins, one of the firm. Purchased some trinkets. 
In P. M. rode over to a mining town called Almy, a mile west 
of Evanston. 
Friday, October 3rd 

Started to run a line from an observatory here south to the 
bdry, with Matt and Bob flagmen, Ben and Ceo. with the 
teams. Made about eleven miles and camped on a high divide. 
Weather cool. 
Saturday, October 4 

Continued the line and intersected the south boundary about 
the middle of the 364th mile. Set a post at the point of intersec- 
tion and Mr. Mac C. began his work of determining the latitude 
of the bdry at this point. Weather clear. 
Sunday, 5th 

Clear and pleasant. Am somewhat unwell with a diarrhea, 
the first indisposition of the trip for me. Matt went to town. 
Monday, 6th 

Weather clear last night, good for observations, but cloudy 
tonight and a little rainy. Ben went south to the mountains deer 
hunting and came back about 11 p. m. without having killed any- 
thing. Feel somewhat better this evening. 
Tuesday, 7th 

Clear in the morning but clouded up soon and snowed and 
rained alternately all day. Took Buck and went hunting. Was 
out until 4 p. m. Saw game but did not get a shot. Very dis- 
agreeable. Put up a stove in the cook tent today. Snowing hard 
at dark. Two nights that Mac could do nothing. 
Wednesday, Oct. 8th, 73 

Clear and pleasant this morning. The mountains all around 
us are white with snow but we escaped with very little. Ben went 
down to the mountains hunting. Saw about forty deer but killed 
none. Weather fine. 
Thursday, 9th 

Weather good. Mac C. got some stars last night. A stranger 
from Nevada came into camp hunting a team and boy that are 
at work in the mountains somewhere, asked to stay over night 
and he gladly accepted, being tired and hungry. Lon and Matt 
came into camp in time for supper. Couldn't stand it in town 
any longer. Brought us mail from home. 


Friday, 10th 

Mac C. finished the reductions of his observations this morn- 
ing at 10 a. m. and Geo. and Matt with ponies went east correct- 
ing. In the P. M. Lon, Mac, Ben and I ran the line from 
Mac's station west to the 367th M. C. returning to camp at sun- 
down. Bob still sick, apparently. 
Saturday, 10th 

Broke camp at sunrise. Lon and I on ponies went west to 
build the mounds along the line, the teams and men going on the 
line to town. We reached Evanston at 4 p. m. and got dinner 
at a hotel, the teams getting in at sundown. Got letters from 
Judge W. and Alice. 
Sunday, 11th 

Took the 2 p. m. train for home with Geo. and Bob. Dinner 
at camp, supper at Green River. 
Monday, 12th 

Breakfast at Laramie, didn't feel well, headache, so didn't 
eat dinner or supper which we stopped for at Cheyenne and 
Tuesday, 13th 

Breakfast at Grand Island. Dinner at Fremont, Reached 
home at 2 p. m. Found election red hot. Voted. With Bob, 
Arthur, Campbell and Aut had a visit in evening and some 
Wednesday, 14th 

Bob went home. Election good. All Republicans elected. 
Oakland, Cal., April 24, 1874 

Again I open this little history, so long neglected, and will 
make a few retrospective entries to bring it up to date. At the 
date of the last entry, I was safely landed at home. My part of 
the summer's campaign virtually done. Lon remained in Evans- 
ton to complete the observations for Long. Prof. Safford finally 
came and went on to Evanston to assist McConnell, and in due 
time the field was finished, and the closing observations showed 
our work to have been very good. 
November 18th 

Lon reached Omaha, the same day of the month that we 
came in upon last year. He went in to Galena and wrote up the 
notes. I employed competent draughtsmen and had the maps 
well made and about first of January, Lon went to Washington 
with the returns. In eight days after the accounts were taken up 
they were paid. Lon getting the draft through the U. S. Treas- 
ury Department and the hands of 72 men in two hours and fif- 
teen minutes. — Contributed by Alice Richards McCreery. 



The boundaries of the State Reserve, which includes the Hot 
Springs at Thermopolis, are as follows : 


Beginning at the center of the big spring, thence east one- 
fourth mile, thence north one-half mile, thence west one mile, 
thence south one mile, thence east one mile, thence north one-half 
mile; the latter point being one-fourth mile east of the big 
spring. This tract of ground lies in Sections 30 and 31, Township 
43 North, Range 94 West, and Sections 25 and 36, Township 43 
North, Range 95 West. The range line dividing the two sections 
runs north and south along the margin of the river of the big 

The northeast corner of this reserve is indicated on the 
ground at present by three pits and a disintegrated sandstone 
monument. This monument can be found by following the wire 
fence which runs north and south along the east line of the re- 
serve to a point where a second fence runs east and west. This 
east and west fence does not join the north and south fence, but 
connects with a fence running north and south some sixty feet 
further west. The northeast corner of the reserve is on the line 
of the north and south fence and at the intersection of the east 
and west fence should it be extended. 

The northwest corner of the reserve line on a level piece of 
ground west of the large hill northeast of Thermopolis, and some 
500 feet east of the Thermopolis-Worland wagon road. This 
corner is plainly marked by three pits and a piece of sandstone 
marked SL. 

The west line of the reserve runs south from the northwest 
corner over a sharp ridge, then down to the flat on which Ther- 
mopolis is located. 

The southwest corner of the reserve was undoubtedly marked 
in the beginning with a mound of stone, in addition to a sand- 
stone monument properly inscribed with SL. The stone of the 
original monument has been scattered but the corner stone re- 
mains in the ground. It is on the north side of the street running 
east and west along the south border of the State reserve and on 
the west side of the street running north and south. A livery 
stable has for years occupied ground adjacent to the State line 
and the stone monument is at the southeast corner of the corral 
belonging to this stable. 

The south line of the reserve crosses the river some 2,000 
feet east of the southwest corner just described. 

The slope of the country east of the river gradually in- 
creases and the line crosses over a ridge some fifty feet west of 


a well graveled road and after crossing a dry gulch twice, it 
ascends a hill, on the top of which will be found the southeast 
corner of the reserve. This corner is indicated on the ground by 
a sandstone monument marked SL. It is witnessed by a mound 
of rock. Other monuments can be found along the boundaries of 
the reserve. Closing corners have been set where townships and 
section lines intersect them. 

The northeast corner can probably be found more easily 
than as described above, by going to the sulphur spring on the 
east bank of the river. Some 200 feet north of this spring a rocky 
point overhangs the river bank. On this rocky point will be 
found a red sandstone monument which is a witness corner for 
the intersection of the State reserve boundary and the township 
line. The northeast corner of the reserve lies about 1,800 feet 
east of this witness corner. 


Of the 640 acres within the reserve, 300 acres are too high or 
rough to admit much improvement. Practically all of the smooth 
land lies in the southwest quarter of the tract although there is 
here and there a few acres north and east of Monument Hill and 
west of the ridge south of the big spring which can be utilized to 
advantage. There is no question but what the tracts laid off in 
lots and blocks south of the spring should first be used for sites 
for buildings that can be devoted to the benefit of the public. 
Here sanitariums, baths of all kinds and any place of amusement 
should be confined until the tract is all taken. While the river 
runs north through the reserve, yet the ground north of the big 
spring is much higher than the spring itself, while the land to 
the south is lower. The formation from the spring ends where 
the blocks begin so that any improvements made thereon would 
not injure the appearance of the picturesque deposit from the hot 
water. The flat lands adjacent to Thermopolis should be utilized 
for the same purpose when the demand for an increased area is 
felt. The water from the spring can be carried by pipes to any 
point below the big spring without great cost and even the river 
will not be an unsurmountable obstacle. 

The lands north of the big spring should be held for the 
time being at least as a part of the scenic attractions of the re- 
serve. This tract is all underlaid by formation and it appears on 
the surface of the ground at intervals throughout the area. 
Extinct spring craters and cones should not be destroyed or de- 
faced. It is impossible to build sanitariums on this ground with- 
out interfering with the appearance of the grounds and the ques- 
tion of pumping hot water makes an investment in this direction 
of questionable profit. 


From Monument Hill southeast the country is very rough. 
High steep ridges running easterly and westerly are character- 
istic of this section. The rock is shale and sandstone. Some of 
the latter are well adapted for building purposes. 

The large hill lying in the northwestern portion of the re- 
serve has steep sandstone slopes and a rolling top. The summit 
of the hill is adapted for grazing purposes only. This hill sup- 
ports a scattering growth of cedars while these are only found 
occasionally on the hills east of the river. Beyond furnishing a 
feature in the natural scenery of the reserve the hill has no 
special value. Several large craters of extinct springs lying in 
the northeastern part of the reserve should be protected, and 
they will always add to the interest tourists will find at and near 


Five roads now enter the reserve. The main road from the 
north enters the reserve in two places, along the river and near the 
center of the west boundary. The road from Thermopolis and 
points to the south, enters the reserve on the south line along the 
river. One road crosses the north line of the reserve near the 
northeast corner and another crosses the south line west of the 
southeast corner. An old road formerly ran north across the 
formation along the river. The use of this road has been dis- 
continued. Should the State construct a road from the present 
plunge bath, northerly, it should run close to the slopes of Monu- 
ment Hill in order that no injury may be done the formation. 
Those traveling on the road would, in addition, secure a much 
better idea of the grounds by keeping above the level of the big 
spring in so far as may be possible. From surveys made by this 
office the road can be located on the maps prepared so that it 
can be constructed at any time. It would not be advisable to 
carry the road beyond the limits of the reserve to the north, as it 
would be a mistake to make this a thoroughfare for all kinds of 

The steel bridge across the river has served its purpose to 
date, but it should have been built wide enough so that teams 
could pass on it. As it is some trouble has been experienced, par- 
ticularly at night. Its foundations were securely built, for during 
the present year the river reached the highest stage ever record- 
ed, and this bridge was the only one that was left standing. Here 
and there on the reserve can be found deposits of the formation 
that can be used for ballasting roads. Mr. Pallus, the superin- 
tendent, has experimented with this material and finds that it 
becomes very compact in a short time. He is now using it on 
roads and walks. 



Several years ago a considerable area south of the formation 
was laid out and divided into blocks and lots. Unfortunately 
when these pieces of property were fenced but little attention 
was paid to the established lines. It would seem that the location 
of fences was determined more by the party who used the land 
than by the local agent of the State. As it is, corner stakes are 
rarely found. Trees planted along property lines may be inside 
or outside of the fence and wherever lands have been cultivated 
every stake has been plowed under, except where the fence has 
been put on the line. But one fence was found on an established 
line. This runs easterly from the bridge along the north side of 
the street. 

Some lands have already been leased outside of this sur- 
veyed area. When this has been done there seems to have been 
but little attempt to describe the leased property except in a gen- 
eral way. From the surveys made by this office, it is believed 
that in the future all tracts leased can be located by courses and 
distances from known monuments. If this is found to be impos- 
sible in any particular instance, the necessary work of making 
an exact location can be undertaken by the office upon notification 
from your honorable board. 

There seems to be a desire to locate buildings near the big 
spring. This is due in a measure to the difficulty of carrying the 
hot water to more distant points. There seems to be no good rea- 
son why the State should not lead in a general improvement of 
the surveyed lands so that hot water may be delivered wherever 
there may be a demand for it. Heretofore trouble has been ex- 
perienced with pipes and other conduits coating with the forma- 
tion. There can be no danger from this source providing the 
pipes are built of material that will not deteriorate, and buried 
to such a depth that the running water will not have an oppor- 
tunity to lose much heat. Deposit begins as soon as the tempera- 
ture is lowered. There is no tendency, however, towards a de- 
posit in the crater of the spring or in the main ditch for some 
distance. It is certain, therefore, that a proper pipe conduit 
buried to a depth of four or five feet would deliver water within 
any reasonable distance without any danger of becoming en- 
crusted with the minerals carried in solution. If the mains for 
this service were put in by the State it would direct the attention 
of investors in sanitariums and other improvements to lands 
which are the best adapted for these purposes and it seems rea- 
sonable to believe that but little attention would be paid to lands 
lying above the big springs as soon as hot water is delivered 
throughout the level tract lying to the south. 

It is possible that at some time the sulphur spring located 
near the northern line of the reserve and on the margin of the 


river will be utilized. This can best be done by erecting a sani- 
tarium of comparatively small dimensions on the bank of the 
river at such an elevation that the water will flow into it by 
gravity. This can be done and still keep the structure above high 
water of the river. 


In time every natural attraction will have a value. It would 
be an easy matter to destroy many of these now, to accommodate 
some lessee, but the time will come when it will be recognized 
that a mistake was made by so doing. The hills, the river, the 
extinct craters, old formation and above all the living springs 
and modern deposits should all be preserved and improved, if 
possible. Improvement may be feasible in many directions with- 
out great expense. It may be found to be practicable to start a 
growth of trees on many unattractive hills that will add greatly to 
their appearance ; walks and possible drives may be constructed to 
hill tops and to the craters of extinct springs. Places of rest may 
be provided here and there over the reserve which will add great- 
ly to the comfort of visitors, particularly of invalids. 

It may be found advisable by your honorable board to lease 
grounds north of the big spring for sanitarium purposes, al- 
though the writer can see no reason for permitting this destruc- 
tion of some old formation which is not without its scenic value. 
When the parties proposing this kind of development and im- 
provement have fully investigated the project they have in mind, 
it seems certain that they will conclude that it would be much 
better to locate their buildings on the lower ground south of the 
new formation. Some ground suitable for large buildings should 
be reserved for them and leases should not be entered into except 
where some creditable and well-planned structure is to be erect- 
ed. There is ground enough for all who may desire to build for 
many years, but some leases are now in effect which will not lead 
to any improvement and these serve only to retard legitimate 

Whatever is done to encourage the use of the water, no fur- 
ther concessions should be granted on the formation around the 
big spring. Every undertaking thus far on or above the recent 
formation near the big spring has been a failure. This was true 
with the Wallace power plant, the original plunge bath and the 
coating plant. The remains of these institutions are unsightly, to 
say the least. The power plant is soon to be covered with deposit 
from the water and the general appearance of the formation 
would be greatly furthered if the same fate awaited all other so- 
called improvements upon it. As soon as possible the formation 
should be cleared of all this debris and no proposition for a lease 
of such lands should be entertained by the State. 


It would be a Simple matter to run water over the entire 
area of the new formation at all times. This might have to be 
discontinued in a few years at certain times of the day when the 
demand for water from the spring is greatest. However, the 
time will not come within our generations when it will not be pos- 
sible to keep the formation new and attractive in appearance. 
When water is not kept on any particular part of the formation 
it bleaches and loses its beautiful coloring. In addition the basins 
when dry offer paths for tourists and much of the attractiveness 
of the deposit is lost. Arrangements can easily be made for 
spreading the surplus water from the big spring over the entire 
area, thus restoring conditions as they were prior to the appear- 
ance of the white man. 

But little need be said regarding the scenic value of the river 
itself. One thing may effect this. The Burlington Railroad is 
now building along the western bank of the river. For a half 
mile the roadbed will be in solid formation. The question of 
affecting the flow of small springs located on the west side of 
the river and included in the Beals lease has been discussed con- 
siderably at Thermopolis. There is no doubt but that the road 
will seriously injure the attractiveness of the diminutive canon 
in the neighborhood of the springs. Further to avoid the small 
springs as much as possible the road has been surveyed to cross 
to the island in the river on a fill and then back on a second fill 
to the west bank of the river just north of the State bridge. These 
fills in the river will make some changes in the currents of the 
river and it is certain that the point in block 3 on the east side 
of the river will be worn away unless something is done to pro- 
tect the bank. It might be possible to run spring water over the 
ground and thus coat the surface so that erosion will be slow if 
not impossible. This precaution should be taken before the rail- 
road embankment is begun. 


At present all water for bathing purposes is conducted from 
the spring in open channels, either direct to the point of use or 
through cooling basins, and from them to the bath houses. This 
has been found to be a satisfactory method of handling the water 
except that it is very difficult to regulate the temperature of the 
streams delivered. On windy days the water is too cold, and on 
warm quiet days it is too hot. There is no way at present to de- 
liver water either direct from the spring or from the cooling 
basins at a fixed temperature. It may be difficult to do this even 
when the water is run direct from the spring and the cooling 
basins in pipes, as the temperature of the cooled water will neces- 
sarily vary. However, much of the present trouble will be reme- 


The questions of cooling basins and conduits leading from 
them to the places where the cooled water is utilized should re- 
ceive some study. At present there are three basins or reservoirs 
on the formation. The one built first was in connection with the 
Wallace power plant. This is probably the best of the three. It 
has not been used as a cooling basin, but there seems to be no 
good reason why it cannot be utilized. By accepting it as such 
the State could eliminate the other two located further north; 
the one supplying the State baths and the sanitariums and the 
other supplying the plunge. The latter is to be dispensed with 
at an early day under any conditions, as it has been found that 
water can be run from the main cooling basin which supplies the 
other institutions just referred to. If the Wallace basin were 
used, the flow into it could be regulated so that the temperature 
could always be kept low. With water supplied direct from the 
spring at a high temperature, there should be no trouble in se- 
curing a supply at the baths that would be satisfactory in every 

The method of conducting the water from the big spring to 
the various points where it is used must be improved within a 
few years. There seems to be no good reason why this should 
not be taken up before further building is done on the lands set 
aside for that purpose. The value of the building sites would be 
greatly enhanced by the installation of a proper system of dis- 


An examination of the formation and the surrounding coun- 
try has suggested some work which might be taken up at an 
early date to advantage. It would seem to be a good rule to 
never permit the disturbance of the formation unless essential 
to the growth and development of this section or as a means of 
improving the grounds permanently. The great danger lies in 
the diversion of water from its natural channels so that it will 
cease to flow from the accustomed orifices. Any great disturbance 
of the formation might open channels whereby the waters of the 
big spring would flow into the river in such a way that they 
could not be utilized without great expense if at all. It will pay 
to take all precautions to prevent such a disturbance from the 
normal action of the spring. 

A casual inspection of the spring and its surroundings will 
satisfy an observer that a danger threatens the big spring which 
has probably not been called to the attention of your honorable 
board. Some few feet above the crater of the spring a large 
volume of rock and earth has accumulated. It lies on a very steep 
slope directly above the spring and is held in position now by 
an arch action of the coarser material. Should this in some way 


be dislodged, the spring might be seriously injured. It seems that 
the entire volume of material might be removed and the slope 
cleared of all earth and rock that has a. tendency to roll or slide 
at but little expense. This matter was called to the attention of 
the superintendent. 

Some matters were called to the attention of Mr. Schnitger 
who was at Thermopolis while the State Engineer was conduct- 
ing his surveys. He made many suggestions which expedited the 
work and it was very fortunate that it was possible for him to 
be present while this field work was in progress. 


State Engineer. 

Note : Clarence T. Johnston was State Engineer of Wyo- 
ming from August 25, 1903 to February 1, 1911. At the present 
time Mr. Johnston is Professor of Geodesy and Surveying in the 
College of Engineering, University of Michigan, and director of 
Camp Davis in the Jackson Hole. Camp Davis was established 
in 1874, and was the first of its kind. — Editor. 


For forty years I've been an interested observer of birds. 
And while I live I shall strive to shelter and protect them on 
and about my premises ; for they are to me the most adorable of 
all our vanishing wild life. Vanishing before human industry 
and progress and by wanton slaughter. The first cause is in a 
measure unavoidable, but the last is a blot on our civilization. 
Only refuges and sanctuaries can stay the tide of extinction now. 

Because of our sparse population and of wide stretches of 
protected territory, Wyoming has still a glorious host of bird 
residents. But a shameful evasion of our game laws, coupled 
with natural causes, have resulted in an alarming scarcity of 
sage hen, that most picturesque of all our native fowl. 

I have lived in Green River for twelve years. The little city 
is directly in the path of bird migration, and a most delightful 
place to observe migrants in their journey ings north and south. 
Many varieties remain to nest and then depart. Some stay all 

I have been told time and again, in all seriousness that there 
were no birds in Wyoming. Since birds require food and water, 
shelter, and decent protection from enemies, they naturally seek 
places where these may be found. A well-fenced yard, with grass, 
trees, bushes, garden products, and good drinking water will 
attract many songsters, where a fenceless, grassless or treeless 
waste only repels them. We do our duty to ourselves, our neighbors 


and our feathered friends by making our home grounds as invit- 
ing as possible. In this respect many Wyomingites are woefully 
remiss, for people usually so enterprising along other lines. 

We are proud of our scenic attractions and we hope to make 
this state a Mecca for the weary. Then let us do all in our power 
to keep the wild life where Nature put it, for a grove without 
songbirds is a grove that has lost much of its charm. 

People inquire why insect pests are doing so much more dam- 
age now than formerly to our forests, orchards, and farms. The 
answer is simple enough. The birds that once controlled these 
pests are no more. Man has wrought his own destruction. Na- 
ture's balance has been destroyed. We must do what we can to 
restore it. 

For example, take the hawks, a large family. They will soon 
be as extinct as the passenger pigeon. Because three or four 
varieties like poultry, and insist upon satisfying that taste, all 
hawks, even to the big, useful, harmless marsh hawk are merci- 
lessly shot. 

I saw an article on hawks not long ago entitled, "Another 
Vanishing American." The big goshawk and two small hawks 
known as Cooper's and Sharp-shinned are the only ones that 
have proved very damaging to small birds and poultry. Cooper 's 
is the true chicken hawk of the East, often called the big blue 
darter, while the little sharp-shinned counterpart is called the 
little blue darter. 

Between killing through mistaken zeal, and killing for sport, 
our wild life is now making its last stand. It is inexplicable to 
me that a man who has not had one day's vacation in a couple 
of years, should think only of grabbing a gun and going off to 
kill something his first day of rest and release. Neither the song 
of the wild nor the nestlings in the nest is balm to his tired 
spirit and body. Only the echoing shot and the dying groan can 
bring the proper sort of recreation to him. 

Perhaps some four or five hundred years from now, when 
we shall have become really civilized, our descendants will gather 
about their peaceful vacation campfires and tell of the time when 
Wyoming men and boys actually killed birds for sport. 

(Signed) MRS E. E. WALTMAN, 

Rawlins, Wyo. 

May, 1930. 



Hazel Harper Sample Pickett 

It all came about when Mother Nature heard that the people 
of Wyoming were going to select a bird from her flock of feath- 
ered youngsters to be the state bird. So she decided to call a con- 
vention of all the birds in the state, both those who came for the 
summer and those who stayed with us all winter. For there are 
a few who stay all winter, flocking around ranch buildings and 
even coming into town for food. The Desert Horned Lark does 
this, and sometimes they come in flocks of a thousand or more. 

The meeting was held in Bridger Pass and such a chatter 
and clatter of song rose in the air that Mother Nature put her 
hands over her ears and sent a wee little clap of thunder to silence 
her feathered children. The loudest of all was Sir Robert Mag- 
pie, who did nothing but talk and talk and talk. He came from 
the mountains and being used to talking from the top of a pine 
tree, thought no one could hear him unless he shouted. He came 
in his black and white dress suit and if it had not been for his 
terrible voice and bold manners, he would have been a very dash- 
ing fellow. Along with Mr. Magpie was his second cousin, the 
Rocky Mountain Jay, better known as Mr. Camp Robber. He, 
too, has bad manners and boldly steals everything he can find 
to eat, about a camp. Still he has two friends, the miner and the 
sheep herder, for he stays all winter and is good company. The 
Long-crested Jay was there too, screaming saucily and trying 
to make more noise than all the others. 

Over in the corner were the Bobolinks from Eastern Wyo- 
ming, the little black Cowbirds, too, that perch on the backs of 
cattle, to catch the insects which the cattle stir up from the grass 
while grazing. The Red-winged Blackbird, with his red and 
orange epaulettes on his shoulders, fluttered about with his song, 
ke, kong-ker-ee, trilling thru the air. Here, too, were Brewster's 
Blackbirds, whose chief food is grasshoppers. Next came the 
House Finch, then the Western Lark Sparrow, after him the 
Louisiana Tanager from the Bear Lodge Mountains. Hundreds 
of Swallows who live in the red sandstone cliffs were there. These 
are the cliff dwellers of the bird family. 

Along the brush creek were the Yellow Warblers, nearby a 
Thrush, and then a Rock Wren. Mr. Robin Redbreast dashed 
about in his russet vested suit, twer-ling his merry call. Every- 
one liked Robin. Along with him came Mr. Bluebird, the bird of 

*Note : This story was published by the Pepper Pot but the 
original signed manuscript is on file in the State Historical De- 
partment of Wyoming. 


Happiness, who comes with Mr. Robin so early in the spring. 
They are homey birds and like to nest in ready made bird houses, 
preferring the comforts of civilization, and a modern home. 

Mother Nature began checking over her list to see if any were 
missing. There were so many that she had to rule some of them 
out. There were ducks of many kinds, and a few rare water birds 
such as the Snowy Heron, the Great Blue Heron and the Black 
crowned Night Heron from the Little Laramie near Sheep Moun- 
tain. These were too rare to be the popular bird of the conven- 
tion. There were one, perhaps two, cranes, but their raucous 
voice put them out. The bird chosen for so great an honor must 
have a sweet and pleasing voice. There were Snipe and Sand- 
pipers, the Long-billed Curlew from Buffalo and Douglas. The 
Killdeer, a member of the Plover family went flitting by with 
its plaintive song. Then the Phoebe's sweet meloncholy note was 
heard, and the Western Wood Peewee from the spruce and pine 
trees of the Medicine Bow River country, moved away from her, 
seeking more cheerful company. 

' ' Oh dear ! ' ' sighed Mother Nature, " I 'm not half way thru 
my list. Here is the Kingbird who so pluckily defends his nest, 
even driving off the marauding hawk. He doesn't like the scold- 
ing Catbird, for a neighbor, nor the English Sparrow. But his 
harsh clattering note of 'ching, ching' will never win him the' 
honor of the state. And there is my tiny Anna Hummingbird 
with her brilliant dress of many colors. She is pretty, but too 
tiny for the highest place on my list. Oh, it is such a task to find 
the right one." 

Mother Nature called for silence and the birds obeyed. 
"Now, children," she said, "We are assembled to find out which 
one deserves this great honor the State of Wyoming is going to 
give to one of my feathered children. First, the chosen one must 
be found in every county of the state. Next, he must be useful 
and beautiful. Then he must come very early in the spring and 
stay as late as possible in the fall. Lastly, he must have a beau- 
tiful voice, for he must cheer the people who have endured the 
long cold winter, and are looking for spring. As I call your 
names I shall check you off my list. You are all very dear to me, 
and all useful in your own place, but only one can be chosen. ' ' 

The Western Nighthawk, from Bridger Pass, the Sparrow 
Hawk from Chugwater, the American Osprey, who lives on trout, 
the American Longeared Owl, the Western Horned Owl from 
Medicine Bow, who is such a foe to the gopher and small rodents, 
even rabbits, the Burrowing Owl from Sundance, who seems to 
live in the same holes with the snake and the prairie dogs, (but 
who really doesn't, for that story is a fairy story), then the 
Marsh Hawk, and the Western Red-tail, the Prairie Falcon and 


even the Golden Eagle that lives in the mountains from six to 
nine thousand feet high; all these useful birds were named and 
checked off the list. They could not sing well enough. 

The mourning Dove came next who sits on the fence and 
coos so mournfully. But his song is too sad, and people want 
cheer in the spring of the year, not doleful songs. 

Dusky Grouse answered when called. They were from Shir- 
ley and Ferris, and their cousins, the Richardson Grouse, from 
Teton and Wind River, with the. Canadian Ruffled Grouse from 
the Big Horn Mountains. Of course, the Sage Grouse was there 
too, but Mother Nature smiled sadly, for these birds were game 
birds and killed off in such numbers every year that she was 
afraid it wouldn't be many years until they were all gone too. 

The Woodpecker family beat a tatoo on the nearest quacken- 
asp tree. There were the Rocky Mountain Hairy Woodpecker, the 
Red-naped Sapsucker, and the Lewis Woodpecker from the Big 
Horn Basin. These birds are busy fellows and destroy thousands 
of bugs and worms that kill our trees. They are valuable and in- 
dustrious and set a good example for the other birds. But their 
musical ability is not very well suited to fill the place of state 

"Now," said Mother Nature, "I have checked over my list 
very carefully, and I find that there are three of my children 
who might be selected. They are the Bluebird, for happiness, the 
Robin, for his cheery note and early arrival, and last, but not 
least, the Western Meadowlark. He comes early, stays late, is 
found in every county of the state of Wyoming, and has a beau- 
tiful song. He sings, ' Spring o ' the year ! Spring o ' the year, ' 
and everyone loves his song. It is full of hope, of beauty and 
cheer. So my dears, you may vote for one of these three brothers. 
Those for the Robin, stand on my right side, those for the Blue- 
bird on my left, and those for Mr. Meadowlark, fly up in the air 
in a row so I can count you. ' ' 

Such a flutter now arose as everyone took his place, some on 
the right, some on the left, but most of them in the air, flying 
slowly a few feet above the ground. Right between the left and 
right group, and on the ground, sat the Magpie. 

"What is the matter with you?" asked Mother Nature, 
"For whom are you voting?" 

"lam voting for myself ! ' ' saucily replied Mr. Magpie. 

"Whatever shall I do with such a conceited child!" gasped 
Mother Nature. "You don't even deserve a vote." 

So Mr. Magpie hopped sulkily off to pout in some lone tree. 

Mother Nature began to count. But she already knew that 



most of the birds were in the air for most of them voted for the 
Meadowlark. Now Mother Nature has a way of suggesting things 
to human beings, and when those people, whose business it was 
to select the state bird, met, they too agreed on the Meadowlark. 
So that is how the Meadowlark came to be the state bird of Wyo- 





Washakie was a great chief of the Shoshones. He led them 
safely through troublesome times. Surrounded as they were on 
all sides by hostile tribes, who often combined to annihilate them, 
by his leadership and his ability as a general he led them safely 
through all difficulties and brought them to the best portion of 
Wyoming. He obtained by treaty from the government the Wind 
River Valleys as the home of his tribe, selecting the choicest val- 
ley of Wyoming. They were at the time full of game, buffalo, 
elk, deer and antelope being driven down by storm from the 
mountains to winter in what the Shoshones called the Eu-ar-ai, 


or Warm Valleys. Washakie chose them because they were full 
of game and after the game was gone, good Washakie said, to 
farm and grow grain. Here are located good hot springs, called 
by the Shoshones, Pahn-gwe-oon r ah, or Smoky Waters. 

His word with the Shoshones was always law. Disaffected 
or rebellious paid for their disobedience with their lives. He 
wouldn't kill them himself but would tell one of his men to kill 

After he was acknowledged the head chief not one of the 
Shoshones dared to rebel against the government, because they 
were fully aware that the penalty of their treason would be death 
at the hands of Washakie. Those who have known the Shoshones 
for many years say that he has undoubtedly prevented many an 

On one occasion one of his sons spoke in the presence of 
others in favor of fighting the government. Washakie went up 
to him and warned him never to speak that way again, for if he 
did he would kill him. 

On many occasions Washakie, with his warriors, has given 
valuable aid to the military authorities in repelling the attacks 
of hostile Indians, for which he never received any compensa- 
tion. Neither did he want it. 

At one time he asked for 50 rifles to arm his warriors and 
they were given him. 

Being asked one time why he never fought the whites his 
answer was ' ' I was never foolish enough to think I would pros- 
per in fighting people who could make guns. ' ' 

He was always most ready and willing to comply with any 
requests made by the government. All he wanted to know from 
any inspector or commissioner, who visited the reservation for 
any purpose was to know if it was the will of the Great Father 
(President). He would also ask to see his authority. 

At the present writing Washakie is at the Big Horn Hot 
Springs for his health and the report has come to us that as a 
result of his visit there he is greatly improved in health and has 
recovered his old time vigor. When he went up there his one 
side was entirely paralyzed. 

(From "The Indian Guide," Shoshone Agency, Wyo., July and 
August, 1897). On file in State Historical Department. 



By Clyde Meehan Owens, A. B., University of 
Colorado, 1914. 

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the 
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the 
degree Master of Arts. Boulder, Colorado, 1924. 

Chapter LV 

Development of Irrigation 

Wyoming differs from many of the other commonwealths 
of the arid belt in the fact that her settlement was not the result 
of mining discoveries and exploitations. The chief employment 
of her people has been grazing and farming interests. Handi- 
capped by the lack of transportation facilities, *1 it was neces- 
sary that the cattle growers obtain winter food supply by the 
construction of irrigation works. Wyoming was the headquarters 
of the range business and the irrigation system had its origin in 
successful cattle raising. Three-fourths of all the irrigation works 
constructed before the passage of the Carey Act in 1894 were 
built by cattlemen or from the proceeds of the range business. 
The ditches were not built to furnish homes for farmers but, as 
an adjunct to the grazing interests, served as convenient means 
of acquiring title to land. *2 

Under the territorial system there were neither restrictions 
nor supervision with respect to distribution of water. *3 Anyone 
who wanted water took it. There was a tremendous building of 
ditches and most of it was done haphazardly, *4 for the builders 
thought they owned all the water the ditches could carry. Own- 
ers were obliged to go before the district court to have their 
claims validated, and the courts were supposed to see that each 
claimant took only what he needed, but the courts issued decrees 
on an affidavit by the owners as to the capacity of the ditches 
without regard to whether the quantity of water could be uti- 
lized. Consequently, the waters of many of the smaller streams 
were forever disposed of. 

Beckwith and Quin started the first irrigation system in the 
state, in Uinta county, not far below Evanston; this was for 
local consumption and an aid to their stock ranch. The second 
irrigation plant was developed in Fremont county, near Lander, 
in the valley of the Popo Agie, a branch of Little Wind River. 

*1 U. S. Census, 1890, Agriculture and Irrigation, 249. 
*2 Mead, Reclamation of Arid Lands, 4. 

*3 Memorial of First Legislature to Congress, Feb. 16, 1891, in office 
of Secretary of State. 

*4 IT. S. Census, 1890, Agriculture and Irrigation, 249. 


Then Mr. Fee started a. small irrigation farm in the valley of the 
Laramie river. In 1875 Captain Coates, of Fort Fetterman, 
raised oats and one of the first gardens in the country. After the 
end of the Sioux war in 1876, the northern part of the territory 
was opened for settlement and the more active agricultural oper- 
ations and irrigation, systems began. *1 

A new era opened in 1889 with the creation of the office of 
territorial engineer. Had it not been for the damage done pre- 
viously, it is possible that Elwoocl Mead, with his large and prac- 
tical views, would have made the irrigation system of Wyoming 
one of the best in the country. In view of great confusion and 
loss growing out of unwarranted claims and judicial decrees in- 
capable of execution, the engineer laid down the following prin- 
ciples to be regarded in the settlement of water rights: *2 (1). 
The ditch must precede agriculture, the date of beginning ditch 
construction to be the date of priority for all land reclaimed. 
(2). The extent of grants was to be limited to the reasonable re- 
quirements of the land and not measured by the capacity of the 
ditch. (3). There was to be no ownership of the water except 
by the state but the rights to legitimate use were fully protected, 
the rights to water being perpetual, and the water rights were to 
go with the land titles. With the admission of the state into the 
Union in 1890 these principles were embodied in the constitu- 
tion. *3 The state was divided into four districts each under a 
superintendent. These superintendents constituted a Board of 
Control presided over by the State Engineer who was to have 
the supervision of the waters of the state. *4. 

These four great water divisions, corresponding to the points 
of the compass, were those watered by the four principal rivers of 
the state and their tributaries : the North Platte in the south- 
eastern portion ; the Big Horn, with its many affluents including 
the Wind river, in the northwest; the Green, supplemented by 
the Bear, Salt and Snake rivers, in the southwest ; and the Pow- 
der river with its number of lesser streams watering the north- 
eastern part. *5. 

The Platte river has a deep channel and slight fall so that 
canals diverting it had to be deep and expensive, but many of 
the tributaries, such as the Sweetwater, were rapid and com- 
manded large areas of land easy to water. The high altitude 
(7,000 to 8,000 ft.), however, was a serious drawback because 
some crops, especially the vegetables, would not mature at this 
elevation. The aggregate amount of irrigable land was not great 

*1 Hoyt, " Irrigation" in Agricultural Survey of Wyo., 29-30. 

*2 Hoyt, "Irrigation" in Agric. Survey of Wyo., 35. 

*3 Constitution of State, Art. VIII, See. 5. 

*4Ibid., Sec. 5. 

*5 Hoyt, Agric. Survey of Wyo., 22. 


and some tracts as large as 250,000 acres could be made subject 
to one canal. *1 The Powder river division, including the Chey- 
enne, Belle Fourche and Tongue rivers, had a lower altitude 
(3,000 to 5,000) and the stream had a regular flow. Here agri- 
culture received special attention and Sheridan and Johnson 
counties were soon famous as agricultural regions. The longer 
seasons and milder climate gave this division an extra advantage 
over the other sections. The Big Horn division, drawing its 
waters from the Big Horn, Wind, Shoshone and Absaraka ranges 
of mountains, afforded opportunities for expensive operations *2 
as there were tracts of from 100,000 to 200,000 acres subject to 
one canal. The Green river required large investments of capital 
for irrigation, as the river bed was such that diversion of water 
was expensive, but the tributaries were easy to turn into the 
ditches. *3 

The new Board of Control decided that the mere diversion 
of water from its natural channels did not constitute appropria- 
tion thereof. It decided that the water must be employed for 
some beneficial use and, if used for irrigation, must actually be 
applied to the land. *4 The new decrees restricted allotments of 
water to the actual acreage reclaimed and ready to water grow- 
ing crops. If a ditch was built to reclaim 1,000 acres and watered 
only 100 acres that were cultivated, the board refused to credit 
the owners with water for the other 900 acres until the land was 
tilled. The land was reclaimed before the state would part with 
the water. Ranchers began ploughing and seeding their land and 
the agricultural development went forward with a sudden inten- 
sity of interest. *5. 

The beginning of a rapid and important development started 
in the early eighties. Johnson, Sheridan, Crook and Weston 
counties became the scenes of active agricultural operations 
which have since gained much distinction for that section of the 
state. It had become a known fact that although the soils were 
exceedingly fertile nothing should be attempted without irriga- 
tion. It was some time before a considerable number of citizens, 
competent to take up and carry through any large enterprise, 
were ready to turn from so attractive and profitable a business 
as that of cattle raising and enter this new field. It was not until 
there came a decline in the price of beef, coupled with a season or 
so of heavy losses from the severity of the winter, that stockmen 
were moved to look into the possible profits of a new industry. 
Meanwhile, the wave of population had been moving westward and 

*1 Hoyt, Agric. Survey of Wyo., 23. 
*2 U. S. Census, 1890, Agric. and Irrig., 253. 
*3 Hoyt, Agric. Survey of Wyo., 23-24. 

*4 Decrees of Board of Control, 6, office of State Engineer. 
*5 Marked increase in water appropriations in Engineer's office, 


the eyes of many, including: those who had had experience in 
agriculture, were attracted to the West, From the long trains of 
movers bent on gaining the promised land of Oregon and Wash- 
ington, some began to turn aside into the valleys of Wyoming. *1 

Before the passage of the Carey Act in 1894 one could travel 
over all the railroads in the state and not see a single field of 
wheat. *2 The census report of 1890 shows that Wyoming with 
nearly a million dollars invested in irrigation works *3 managed 
to grow but thirty-nine acres of wheat. *4 At that time agricul- 
tural standing of the state was low and the small exhibit at Chi- 
cago during the World's Fair led a by-stander to remark that 
Wyoming must have gone outside the state to produce the wheat 
that scored highest in the building. *5 

It was the view of men of capital and those accustomed to 
large operations that the money made, if made at all, must be 
sought in the inauguration and successful management of large 
ditching enterprises. But there were serious handicaps in the 
way of all this. The facilities for acquiring title to public lands, 
while exceedingly liberal for the individual citizen, were wanting 
as to schemes for the securing by any corporate body of such 
amounts of land as would justify the large expenditure requisite 
to the construction of extensive irrigation works. Nevertheless, 
the laws were open to construction which made it possible for 
corporate bodies to acquire the necessary amount by indirect 
methods, which, though questionable in the minds of some, were 
lawful in the views of others because of their being at once neces- 
sary to successful work in irrigation and without legal prohibi- 
tion. *6 Development proceeded at a rapid pace both in the 
hands of private parties and corporations. The land offices were 
thronged with applicants for land. 

(Concluded in October Number) 

*1 Hoyt, Agric. Survey of Wyo., 30. 

*2 Mead, Eeclamation of Arid Lands, 6. Eailroads went through 
worst part of the state. 

*3 U. S. Census, 1890, Part III, 604, 639. 

*4 U. S. Census, 1890, " Agriculture and Irrigation," Table 14, 391. 

*5 Mead, Eeclamation of Arid Lands, 6. 

*6 Hoyt, Agricultural Survey of Wyo., 31. 


The frontispiece of the April Annals Carried a portrait of the late 
Governor Emerson. Inadvertently the printers neglected to place "Frank 
C. Emerson" under the picture. The State Historian should have credited 
the picture to the courtesy of the Wyoming Labor Journal. 


April 1, 1931 to July 1, 1931 


Johnson, Mrs. \V. V. — The following pictures: Mrs. Johnson on her 
favorite horse; Mrs. Johnson dressed in Indian costume; two views of 
the Eosebud Ranch, home of the Johnsons'; one view of the ranch house. 

Lindsay, Prof. Charles — Picture of John W. Deane as a Big Horn 
Basin mail carrier taken on the summit of the Owl Creek mountains in 
about 1882. 

Angst, Donald — Gas mask found about 30 miles out of Cheyenne on 
the Happy Jack Boad. 

Applegate, Walter — Three shells — 45 calibre — found between Chey- 
enne and Sidney, Nebraska. 

Davison, Lieutenant H. W. — A hand-made wooden boot jack found 
at Old Fort Laramie in 1926 which has printed on the back ' ' Old Fort 
Laramie ' ' and the figures ' ' 183 ' ' — the fourth figure of the date is not 

Thomas, D. G. — Photograph of Frank Grouard. 

Meyers, E. D.— Picture of West Point Cadets, 5% feet long. The 
hills of the Hudson, West Point Academy and cemetery are shown in the 
background of the picture. 

Hon. Ch. Simopoulos, Minister of Greece, Washington, D. C, to the 
Governor of Wyoming — One medal, commemorative of the Centenary of 
Greek Independence, 1830-1930. Medal carries the following inscription 
written in the Greek language: "TO THE CONSPICUOUS AND UN- 
Governor of Wyoming transferred this medal to Department. 
Original Manuscripts 

Lindsay, Prof. Charles — "John W. Deane, Wyoming Pioneer." 

Hilton, Huber C. (Forest Supervisor, Medicine Bow National Forest) 
— A sheaf of 22 manuscripts on historical subjects concerning the Medi- 
cine Bow National Forest. These manuscripts comprise data on Cum- 
mins City known as Jelm; early phases of mining in the Medicine Bow 
mountains; some graves that have been discovered; early roads in the 
Medicine Bow mountains; history of Al Huston, Jack Watson, C. W. 
Shores and tie hauling. 

Goodnough, Mrs. J. H. — "Frank Grouard, Scout," 

VanDvke, Mrs. J. C. — "Sesquia Centennial, Philadelphia, Penna., 
1926" by Mrs. VanDyke; "An Old Timer's Story" by O. P. Hanna, 


Carroll, Major C. G. : — Massachusetts Soldiers, Sailors and Marines in 
the Civil War," Volume 1. Compiled and published by the Adjutant Gen- 
eral of Massachusetts. 

VanDyke, Mrs. J. C— "History of Old Fort McKinney" by Edith 
M. Chappell of Buffalo, Wyoming. 

Nebraska Historical Society — 9 bound volumes of historical material 
relevant to Nebraska and Wyoming. 


Brown, Minnie V. — "Hot Springs State Park, Thermopolis, Wyo- 
ming, Health and Pleasure Resort. ' ' 

Hinrichs, 0. W. — "The Goldenrod", April, 1931. Contains article 
"Cheyenne Frontier Days." 

Nebraska Historical Society — 30 pamphlets and 13 bulletins. These 
are historical publications and contain much history pertinent to Wyo- 


VanDyke, Mrs. J. C— "The Teepee Book" 1926, official publication 
of the 50th anniversary of the Custer Battle; "Wyoming Masonic Bulle- 
tin", December 1929 thru May 1931. 

gfanate of TOpommg 

VOL. 8 


No. 2 


Fifty-fourth Congress, First Session Document No. 247 

The Indian Treaty of April 1896 By Richard H. Wilson 

Studies in the Settlement and Economic Develop- 
ment of Wyoming (Continued) By Clyde Meehan Owens 

Military Services in Mexico 


Neikok the Shoshone Interpreter 

White Horse Talks 


Published Quarterly 

by the 


Mrs. Cyrus Beard, Historian 

Cheyenne, Wyo. 

Annate of Wyoming 



Fifty-fourth Congress, First Session Document Xo. 247 

The Indian Treaty of April 1896 ..By Richard H. Wilson 

Studies in the Settlement and Economic Develop- 
ment of "Wyoming (Continued) By Clyde Meehan Owens 

Military Services in Mexico 


Neikok the Shoshone Interpreter 

White Horse Talks 


Published Quarterly 

by the 


Mrs. Cyrus Beard, Historian 

Cheyenne, Wyo. 


Acting Governor A. M. Clark 

Secretary of State A. M. Clark 

State Librarian Mrs. Clare E. Ausherman 

Secretary of Board Mrs. Cyrus Beard 


Judge E. H. Fourt Lander 

Dr. Grace R. Hebard Laramie 

Mrs. C. L. Vandevender Basin 

Mr. L. C. Bishop Douglas 

Mr. Phillip E. Winter Casper 

Mrs. R. A. Ferguson Wheatland 

Mr. Howard B. Lott Buffalo 

Miss Spaeth Gillette 

Mrs. P. J. Quealy Kemmerer 

Neither the State Historical Board, the State Historical Advisory Board nor the 
State Historian is responsible for any statements made or opinions expressed by 
contributors to the Annals of Wyoming. 

(Copyright applied for by State of Wyoming) 



Session Laws 1921 


Section 6. It shall be the duty of the State Historian: 

(a) To collect books, maps, charts, documents, manu- 
scripts, other papers and any obtainable material illustrative 
of the history of the State. 

(b) To procure from pioneers narratives of any exploits, 
perils and adventures. 

(c) To collect and compile data of the events which mark 
the progress of Wyoming from its earliest day to the present 
time, including the records of all of the Wyoming men and 
women, who served in the World War and the history of all 
war activities in the State. 

(d) To procure facts and statements relative to the his- 
tory, progress and decay of the Indian tribes and other early 
inhabitants within the State. 

(e) To collect by solicitation or purchase fossils, speci- 
mens, of ores and minerals, objects of curiosity connected with 
the history of the State and all such books, maps, writings, 
charts and other material as will tend to facilitate historical, 
scientific and antiquarian research. 

(f) To file and carefully preserve in his office in the 
Capitol at Cheyenne, all of the historical data collected or 
obtained by him, so arranged and classified as to be not only 
available for the purpose of compiling and publishing a History 
of Wyoming, but also that it may be readily accessible for the 
purpose of disseminating such historical or biographical in- 
formation as may be reasonably requested by the public. He 
shall also bind, catalogue and carefully preserve all unbound 
books, manuscripts, pamphlets, and especially newspaper files 
containing legal notices which may be donated to the State 
Historical Board. 

(g) To prepare for publication a biennial report of the 
collections and other matters relating to the transaction of the 
Board as may be useful to the public. 

(h) To travel from place to place, as the requirements of 
the work may dictate, and to take such steps, not inconsistent 
with the provisions of this Act, as may be required to obtain 
the data necessary to the carrying out of the purpose and 
objects herein set forth. 



Original photograph on file in State Historical Department 

gfanals; of looming 



Document No. 247 

Shoshone Agency, Wyo. 
April 20th, 1896. 

At a council held at the Shoshone Agency council-room, 
by and between James McLaughlin, U. S. Indian Inspector on 
the part of the United States, and Chiefs Washakie of the 
Shoshones and Sharp Nose of the Arapahoes, and other head- 
men of the Shoshone and Arapahoe tribes of Indians occupying 
the Shoshone Reservation, in the State of Wyoming, with Nor- 
kok and Edmore LeClair, Shoshone Interpreters, and Henry 
Lee and William Shakespeare, Arapahoe Interpreters, the fol- 
lowing proceedings were had, to-wit: 

Capt. Richard H. Wilson, 8th Inf. Acting Indian Agent, 
called the council to order at 10 :30 a. m. and said : 

"For a long while the Shoshones and Arapahoes have 
asked me to write to the Great Father about selling the Big 
Horn Hot Springs. I did write, and he has sent Inspector Mc- 
Laughlin here to talk to you about it. He is a good friend to 
the Indians — was Agent twenty-four years for the Sioux — and 
will tell you all about it. He will now speak to you." 

Inspector McLaughlin said: "My friends, Shoshones and 
Arapahoes, I am pleased to see so many of you here today. 
I call you friends because, I come among you as a friend of the 
Indians. I am exceedingly anxious that I will be understood by 
the Indians in this council and also that I will understand what 
the Indians wish to convey to me through their interpreters, 
and therefore I expect the assistant interpreters to rectify any 
mistakes that the official interpreters may make. I have been 
sent by the Secretary of the Interior, to confer with you, the 
Shoshones and Arapahoes, regarding the cession of a small 
tract of your reservation. The Secretary of the Interior, repre- 
sents the Great Father in Indian matters and I was directed by 
him to visit the Northeastern corner of the Reservation, which 
embraces the Big Horn Hot Springs, with the view of purchas- 
ing it from you. Therefore my business here, is to have you 


cede a small portion of your Reservation embracing this Spring 
and as that is my chief business here, I wish to confine the 
present meeting strictly to that business. After that has been 
settled, then I will, with pleasure, listen to any other business 
you may wish to bring before me. I made my visit to the 
Springs that I might be the better enabled to report upon the 
character of the country and the advisability of having that 
tract purchased by the Government and set apart as a National 
park or reservation to be under Government control, and that 
that portion around the Springs may be improved by having 
bath-houses, hotels and other conveniences erected for the ac- 
commodation of the general public and the establishment of a 
health resort. As the Government will have absolute control of 
these Springs, you Indians will have the same privileges to use 
them as the public generally. As they now are, they bring you 
in no revenue or return and whilst they remain unimproved 
they will never be of any value to you. You all know the coun- 
try surrounding the Springs is very poor and very few of you 
Indians ever visit it and as all the game has disappeared from 
that section of the country, it is of very little value to you now. 
The sale of this piece of land, which I am authorized to nego- 
tiate with you for and for which I am prepared to pay you 
liberally, will not affect your reservation, except to enhance 
value of the remaining portion. (At this point there was con- 
siderable said by the Indians among themselves to clearly 
understand this.) I desire to negotiate for a cession of ten 
miles square, that is, commencing at the northeastern corner of 
the Reservation, where Owl Creek empties into the Big Horn 
River; thence ten miles south following the eastern boundary 
of the Reservation ; thence due west ten miles ; thence due north 
to the middle of the channel of Owl Creek, which forms a por- 
tion of the northern boundary of the Reservation; thence fol- 
lowing the middle of the channel of Owl Creek to the point of 

(Here the map of Wyoming showing the Reservation 
colored red was exhibited, and the location and size of the 
desired tract was pointed out to the Indians.) 

Inspector McLaughlin said that his letter of instruction 
directed him to visit the Springs and after having collected 
such further information regarding them as might be necessary 
to a thorough understanding of the situation, he was to call a 
general council of the Indians belonging to the Reservation 
and present to them the question of ceding the lands embracing 
said Springs to the United States, and if, as it appeared from 
information in possession of the department, the 1 country in the 
vicinity of the springs was of little value, then the Springs 


themselves would be the principal item of value to enter into 
the consideration. 

_ Inspector McLaughlin then said: "I was directed to ex- 
plain to you, that it was the purpose of the Government, to 
enact appropriate legislation, forever reserving the Springs 
for the use and benefit of the general public ; that it was pro- 
posed to erect suitable buildings, and provide other necessary 
facilities for bathing; and that the Indians would be allowed 
to enjoy the advantages of these conveniences with the public 
generally. I was further to explain to you that the Government 
will not and does not expect to derive any benefit or gain any 
profit as a result of its coming into the possession of said 

"The Government does not expect to gain anything by 
this purchase, and instead, a large sum of money will have to 
be expended to improve the place. Now having explained my 
mission, I wish to know whether you are ready to dispose of 
this tract of land. I now await your decision as to whether you 
wish to dispose of it or not. If you do, I will make you a 

Chief Washakie of the Shoshones arose and said: "Now 
you will hear what I have to say. A good many years ago, I 
used to live near Fort Bridger — called Piney. Then there was 
a man like you came to me and asked me, 'Where is your 
country? Where is your country? Is it here, or there, or in 
several places?' (Points to the N. S. E. & W.) I did not say 
anything. He stopped one night and the next day I said, 'It is 
not here, (meaning Piney) it is over the mountains, where the 
hot springs are ' — Meaning both hot springs. 

"After I got here, I stayed here. After the game was gone, 
then I told my Agent to write to Washington. I want to sell those 
springs. I used to go to the hot springs on Owl Creek when the 
game and buffalo were there, and stay there. When buffalo 
were plenty I wintered there. Now I have moved away from 
there and have come over in this country. I was afraid to stay 
there when there was nothing to eat. I came here to farm a 
little. One hot spring (meaning a large hot spring near the 
Agency) is enough for me, my people and my soldiers. The 
soldiers just the same as own the spring. I listen to what 
Washington says and I try to obey his orders. That is the 
reason that when the allotting agent — Col. Clark — came here 
and the Indians did not want to survey their land, I told my 
men to have their land surveyed, and I have tried to do right 
just what Washington wants me to do. My land is pretty large. 

"It is not small and I haven't stolen it. My friends that 
spoke for and secured this land are all dead and gone. I am 


the only one of the old men of my people left. I came here, 
and I have stayed here. You have never heard of Washakie 
doing anything wrong. Have you ever heard of "Washakie 
doing anything wrong?" 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I have never heard anything but 
good of Washakie." 

Washakie : "Now I would like to hear what you are going 
to offer me for my spring, then I will know what to do. That is 
all I have to say. I will listen to you." 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I would now like to hear from 
Chief Sharp Nose of the Arapahoes after which I will make 
you an offer." 

Chief Sharp Nose : "My friend we are glad to see you, and 
now that we see you here we are glad you are with us. You 
are the kind of man we like to see. My friend, you have been 
with the Sioux twenty-four years, and you know all about the 
Indians. You know that they are poor. I think that the Great 
Father told you how much he is going to pay for this hot spring 
and I want you to tell me how much you are willing to give 
for it. If you tell me how much this offer is, then you will hear 
after awhile what we want. That is what we are all here for — 
about the spring. I will make this treaty good and on that 
account, I want you to pity me and not to cheat me at all. 
I want to fix this treaty straight. No lies about it. Now that 
is all I have to say. I want to hear from you." 

Inspector McLaughlin: "Washakie said, he at one time 
lived at the hot spring but as the game had disappeared from 
that section, he moved away and was now living here in the 
Wind River valley. In selecting this location for a home, he 
acted wisely, as this is a good section of the country. Sharp 
Nose says that his people are poor, and that he wishes this 
agreement made straight, without any lies in it. That is what 
I also wish. As I am the representative of the Great Father in 
this negotiation I do not wish any lies in it, and while I agree 
with Sharp Nose that these Indians are poor in a certain sense, 
yet they are rich in valuable land. I have visited many other 
reservations but I have found none that excels or even equals 
the land in Big Wind, Little Wind and Popoagie valleys, but 
I recognize the fact that in order that the Indians may be able 
to cultivate the land, they need some assistance and I am pre- 
pared to make you an offer for that tract of ten miles square 
of land embracing the hot springs on Big Horn river, that will 
aid you to develop your farms, and make that industry more 
profitable than is possible with your present means. My in- 
structions say that it is believed that fifty thousand dollars 
would be a fair offer for the springs and that the tract of ten 


miles square surrounding it, but after looking over the coun- 
try, and considering the needs of the people, I have concluded 
to add ten thousand dollars more to that amount, making sixty 
thousand dollars. The offer that I now make you is all that I 
believe Congress would ratify and I feel quite certain that a 
greater amount would not be ratified. (Washakie here talked 
to his people, saying that yesterday all day he tried to count 
fifty thousand dollars but he could not do it.) I will now sub- 
mit the following three propositions : 

"First — The Indians to receive ten thousand dollars a year 
for six years. To be expended as the Secretary of the Interior 
may deem best, in the civilization, industrial education, and 
subsistence of the Indians. The subsistence to be of Bacon, 
Sugar, and Coffee. 

"Second — The Indians to receive ten thousand dollars a 
year, as proposed in first offer, for four years. The first two 
years to expend ten thousand dollars each year, for cattle in 
addition to the subsistence, or if the Indians did not think they 
could care for their cattle the first two years, they could take 
them the two succeeding years. (Illustrated with matches.) 

"Third — The Indians to receive ten thousand dollars a 
year as in first offer for five years, in addition to which they 
will receive ten thousand dollars in cash the first year. This 
offer is the same as the first except that the payment for the 
sixth year is dropped and the amount paid in cash the first 
year in addition to the subsistence." 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I consider the second proposition 
the best, but your Agent thinks the first one the better, and I 
always defer to and consider the Agent's opinions on subjects 
of interest to his Indians, especially when the Agent is such a 
just one as yours. To give you time to consider these proposi- 
tions, we will now adjourn until four o'clock." 

Washakie: "I would like to know when this money will 
be paid." 

Inspector McLaughlin: "The money will be paid as soon 
as possible after the agreement has been ratified by Congress. 
If the agreement is made now, it might be gotten through Con- 
gress during the present session; if not, it would have to lay 
over until the following session which meets next December." 

Washakie: "I would like to have the money right away. 
I am getting old and may not live to enjoy it, unless it comes 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I promise you that just as soon 
as I can get the papers through I will forward them. Now if 
there is anything you wish to see me about while you are con- 
ferring, let me know, and I will meet you with pleasure. 


Washakie: "I would like to see some of the money." 

Capt. Wilson: "The Bacon, Coffee and Sugar will do you 
more good." 

Council adjourned at 1 :30 p. m. to meet again at 4. 

Pursuant to adjournment the council met at 4 p. m., the 
Indians being still in conference over the propositions sub- 

Washakie: "I would like each tribe to get thirty thousand 
dollars for these springs." 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I cannot negotiate with you for 
this tract as separate tribes but as one, as you are known to 
the Great Father as one people. I came to negotiate with you 
as one people and you must agree among yourselves on some 
one of the three propositions." 

Washakie: "I told you that I wish to keep one spring for 
myself and my soldiers, but will sell the other." (Here a con- 
troversy occurred between the two tribes.) 

Capt. Wilson: "Now you have plenty of time and I want 
you to talk it over and settle it among yourselves." 

Sharp Nose: "All these, my people, agree about the sixty 
thousand dollars, taking ten thousand dollars a year in rations 
for five years, and ten thousand dollars additional in cattle the 
first year. Men are like horses, they cannot work without 
rations. My people can work and earn money provided they 
have some assistance to begin with, and open up farms, and 
need food to assist them more than anything else. If they take 
money it won't last long, the Indians will go out and play cards 
and lose it all the first day. All my children are very poor, and 
they think they had better take cattle and rations. The Great 
Father sent you here to buy the springs from us. The Arapa- 
hoes don't like to take the cash, so now I say, we will take the 
sixty thousand dollars, ten thousand a year for five years in 
rations and twenty thousand dollars the first year, ten in 
rations and ten in cattle. ' ' 

Capt. Wilson: "I want to say now to both people, that 
what Sharp Nose has said is good and they had better take 
that. I say this because I am a good friend to both tribes." 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I wish to say that Sharp Nose's 
speech was good. It is practical and reasonable. Money would 
soon pass out of your hands, while the cattle would increase in 
value every year. I would recommend two year old heifers, 
they would be better than old cows, they do not cost so much 
and are more profitable. There is now very little difference in 
what you two tribes desire — only the manner of payment. The 
Shoshones want cash while the Arapahoes want cattle. Either 


way will be satisfactory to me, but you must agree upon bow 
you want the amount paid." 

Washakie: "I am afraid it will be as it was in former 
times. The two tribes would fail to agree. I am poor but do 
not care if I am." 

Inspector McLaughlin : "Now you must agree among your 

Washakie: "I have been poor a good while and expect to 
continue so. I always thought as if the land belonged to me 
but I think now, that somebody always gets ahead of me. I was 
the first to come here and I think I ought to be the first to get 
what I want." 

Capt. Wilson: "You have asked me to sell the springs for 
you; now you have the opportunity, and you won't have it 
again within a year." 

Washakie: "I told you I wanted to sell the springs." 

Capt. Wilson: "Have you talked with Dick, Bishop, and 
others of the tribe?" 

Washakie : ' ' They have nothing to say. They let me do all 
the talking. I am Chief, and whatever I do the others all agree 
to. The other tribe has too many chiefs." 

Sharp Nose: "All my friends are here. We are going to 
make this treaty all good. There is sixty thousand dollars in 
all. The first year five thousand in cash to the Shoshones and 
five thousand to the Arapahoes. Our cash to be paid to the 
Agent and he to buy cattle for the tribe with it. Ten thousand 
dollars in rations, the first and the four following years." 

Inspector McLaughlin: "The Shoshones want just the 
same. The money will be divided per capita among the seven- 
teen hundred and forty-four Indians, each one getting his pro 
rata share. Is that satisfactory? (Applause) If that meets 
with your approval I will have the paper ready for your signa- 
tures by tomorrow morning." (Applause.) 

Washakie : ' ' How much will each Indian get ? " 

Inspector McLaughlin: "Provided there are 1744 persons, 
as shown by the last census, you will receive five dollars and 
seventy-three cents apiece. A family of four persons will get 
twenty-two dollars and ninety-two cents." (Applause.) 

At this point numerous Shoshones expressed the desire to 
take cattle as the Arapahoes. 

Inspector McLaughlin: "It will take me some time to get 
the agreement written out and ready for you to sign. You must 
remain here until you sign it. If you have not enough to eat, 
it will be furnished you. It pleases me very much to see you 
all now understand each other." 

The council then adjourned until tomorrow morning. 


Pursuant to adjournment council met at 11 o'clock a. m. 
April 21st, 1896, for the purpose of signing the agreement. 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I have asked Capt. Loud, com- 
manding the post of Fort Washakie, to read the agreement 
aloud to you and have it interpreted to you sentence by sen- 
tence, to the two tribes." 

The articles of agreement were then read by Capt. Jno. S. 
Loud, 9th Cav. U. S. A. 

Geo. Terry: "These Indians want the freighting of Indians 
supplies to be given to them." 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I will recommend that the In- 
dians be given the preference in all cases." 

"Washakie: "I have given you the springs. My heart feels 

Sharp Nose : "I am very glad to hear what you have to 
say and whatever you do I like it. I wish a copy of this agree- 
ment as I have never had one before. I want this right and 
straight. I never tell lies, I want to help the Great Father, and 
everything is done now. After this I want each man's rations 
weighed. No more scoops or shovels to be used. I always liked 
the Great Father and wish to do what he wants. If he wants 
me to work I will do so. If I am working and need things, will 
the Great Father give them to me!" 

Inspector McLaughlin: "Yes, provided there is money left 
from the amount for subsistence and I think there will be a few 
hundred dollars." 

Washakie: "I would also like a copy of the agreement," 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I will give you each a copy of the 

Washakie: "I would like to know if they are going to 
hurry the cars (railroad) in there where they bought the 

Inspector McLaughlin: "I cannot say, but believe that 
some of the railroad companies will very probably build a 
branch line in that direction, bringing a railroad point nearer 
than at present," 

Washakie, Chief of the Shoshones, signed the agreement 
at 12 o'clock M., saying as he did so, "I sign this, I never tell 

Sharp Nose, chief of the Arapahoes, signed next, then 
Bishop, who said the same as Washakie. Other Shoshones and 
Arapahoes followed until 273 had signed the agreement, which 
was completed at 4:30 p. m. when the council adjourned 
sine die. 

I hereby certify, that the annexed preceding eight pages of 
typewritten matter is a correct report of the proceedings had 


at my several councils with the Shoshone and Arapahoe tribes 
of Indians, on the dates there stated, as conducted on the part 
of myself, and interpreted to me by the Agency interpreters, 
assisted by special interpreters. 

james Mclaughlin, 

U. S. Indian Inspector. 

April 22nd, 1896. 

54th Congress,) (Document 

1st Session. ) SENATE ( No. 247. 


Department of the Interior, 

Washington, May 6, 1896. 
Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith an agreement 
made and concluded April 21, 1896, by and between James 
McLaughlin, United States Indian Inspector, on the part of 
the United States, and the Shoshone and Arapahoe tribes of 
Indians, in the State of Wyoming, whereby the Indians cede to 
the United States a portion of their reservation, embracing the 
Owl Creek or Big Horn Hot Springs. 

I also transmit the report of Inspector McLaughlin, the 
proceedings of council had with the Indians, and a draft of a 
bill to ratify the agreement and provide for the survey of the 
southern and western boundaries of the ceded tract, together 
with the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated 
5th instant, in relation thereto. 

The matter is presented for the favorable action of Con- 

Very respectfully, 

WM. H. SIMS, Acting Secretary. 

Agreement Made at Shoshone Agency, Wyo., April 21, 1896. 

Articles of agreement made and entered into at Shoshone 
Agency, in the State of Wyoming, on the twenty-first day of 
April, eighteen hundred and ninety-six, by and between James 
McLaughlin, U. S. Indian Inspector, on the part of the United 
States, and the Shoshone and Arapahoe tribes of Indians in 
the State of Wyoming. 

Article I. 
For the consideration hereinafter named the said Shoshone 
and Arapahoe tribes of Indians hereby cede, convey, transfer, 


relinquish, and surrender, forever and absolutely, all their 
right, title, and interest of every kind and character in and to 
the lands and the water rights appertaining thereunto, em- 
braced in the following described tract of country, embracing 
the Big Horn Hot Springs, in the State of Wyoming. All that 
portion of the Shoshone reservation described as follows, 
to-wit : Beginning at the northeastern corner of the said reser- 
vation where Owl Creek empties into the Big Horn River; 
thence south ten miles, following the eastern boundary of the 
reservation ; thence due west ten miles ; thence due north to the 
middle of the channel of Owl Creek, which forms a portion of 
the northern boundary of the reservation ; thence following the 
middle of the channel of Owl Creek, to the point of beginning. 

Article II. 
The lands ceded, sold, relinquished, and conveyed, to the 
United States, by this agreement, shall be, and the same are 
hereby set apart as a National Park or Reservation, forever 
reserving the said Big Horn Hot Springs for the use and benefit 
of the general public, the Indians to be allowed to enjoy the 
advantages of the conveniences, that may be erected thereat, 
with the public generally. 

Article III. 
In consideration for the lands ceded, sold, relinquished, and 
conveyed, as aforesaid, the United States stipulates and agrees 
to pay to the said Shoshone and Arapahoe tribes of Indians, 
the sum of sixty thousand dollars, to be expended for the bene- 
fit of the said Indians in the manner hereinafter described. 

Article IV. 

Of the said sixty thousand dollars provided for in Article 
III of this agreement it is hereby agreed, that ten thousand 
dollars shall be available within ninety days after the ratifica- 
tion of this agreement, the same to be distributed per capita, 
in cash, among the Indians belonging on the reservation. That 
portion of the aforesaid ten thousand dollars to which the 
Arapahoes are entitled, is, by their unanimous and expressed 
desire, to be expended, by their agent in the purchase of stock 
cattle for distribution among the tribe, and that portion of the 
before mentioned ten thousand dollars to which the Shoshones 
are entitled, shall be distributed per capita, in cash, among 
them; provided that in cases where heads of families may so 
elect, stock cattle to the amount to which they may be entitled, 
may be purchased for them by their agent. 

The remaining fifty thousand dollars, of the aforesaid 
sixty thousand dollars is to be paid in five annual installments 


of ten thousand dollars each, the money to be expended in the 
discretion of the Sec. of the Interior for the civilization, in- 
dustrial education, and subsistence of the Indians : said sub- 
sistence to be of bacon, coffee and sugar, and not to exceed at 
any time five pounds of bacon, four pounds of coffee, and eight 
pounds of sugar for each one hundred rations. 

Article V. 
Nothing in this agreement shall be construed to deprive 
the Indians of any annuities or benefits to which they are 
entitled under existing agreements or treaty stipulations. 

Article VI. 

This agreement shall not be binding upon either party 
until ratified by the Congress of the United States. 

Done at Shoshone Agency, in the State of Wyoming, on 
the twenty-first day of April, A. D. eighteen hundred and 

The foregoing Treaty was signed by James McLaughlin, 
U. S. Indian Inspector, on the behalf of the United States, and 
two hundred and seventy-three (273) Indians (Shoshones and 
Arapahoes) on the 21st of April, 1896. 


Major James McLaughlin, Inspector in the Indian Depart- 
ment, who effected the treaty with the Shoshone and Arapahoe 
Indians at the Shoshone Indian Agency, Wyoming, on April 
22nd, 1896, was exceptionally well fitted for the accomplish- 
ment of such a task. A remarkable contrast to the usual politi- 
cal appointee to this position. 

He had had a long and varied experience in deailng with 
the American Indian and he understood his character and way 
of thinking more thoroughly and accurately than any other 
man I ever met. 

He had been the Agent of the Sioux Indians at the Stand- 
ing Rock Agency for several years, during which time the 
famous Chief Sitting Bull was killed by one of the Agency 
policemen, named Red Tomahawk in 1890. Major McLaughlin 
spoke the Sioux language fluently and possessed the confidence 
of all the tribes of the great plains to a very high degree. 

Having been directed by the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs to make the treaty, he proceeded to the Shoshone 
Agency at once and arrived there on April 5th. He was my 
guest for several days, which he spent in inspecting the records, 
accounts and general state of affairs at the main Agency, and 


also of the Sub-Agency of the Arapahoes, twenty miles down 
Little Wind River, near the St. Stephen's Mission. 

On the 8th, he left the Agency and went to the Hot Springs, 
located in the N. E. corner of the Reservation, for the purpose 
of viewing them and familiarizing himself with conditions 
there. This trip has been described by Mr. John Small, in the 
Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 8, No. 1, July, 1931. He returned to 
the Agency on April 14th, and announced that he would hold a 
Council with the Indians of the two tribes for the purchase of 
the Springs, at the Shoshone Agency, on the morning of the 

Any Council, for whatever purpose, was always a very 
important event in the life of an Indian, and especially so to 
these Indians, because it broke the dull monotony of their 
existence, and nearly all of them assembled at the Agency to 
witness, or take part in it. 

The Council was held in a large store-room of the Agency, 
formerly used as a school room. Most of the Shoshones lived 
near-by, along the foot of the mountains at the western side of 
the Reservation, but the Arapahoes were farther away; scat- 
tered along the valley of Little Wind River from the mouth of 
Trout Creek, eastward to Big Wind River, and St. Stephen's 
Mission. As I remember it, the Council was held on April 22nd, 
and on the day before that date, the Indians began to arrive 
in force ; some from a distance of twenty-five miles. Most of 
them came in wagons loaded with lodge-poles and other posses- 
sions, and accompanied by numerous dogs, ponies, boys on 
horseback, etc. They pitched their lodges all around the 
Agency buildings and I w T ell remember, being an interested 
spectator of the procedure, of Mrs. Plenty Bear, as she erected 
the dwelling of her family. Plenty Bear was an Arapahoe 
brave about forty years of age, and I am sure that he was the 
biggest specimen of the human race that I ever saw. At least 
six and a half feet tall and 250 pounds would be a conservative 
estimate of his weight; straight as an arrow — not corpulant 
either, but his towering and massive frame w^as erect and 
muscular; a countenance suggestive of that of a Senator of 
ancient Rome. Mrs. Plenty Bear was built on a grand scale too, 
conformable to that of her husband. Her comely countenance 
wreathed in smiles of amusement as she noted the interest that 
I manifested in her operation. 

She set her lodge-poles and wound the canvas covering 
around them with a skill and celerity due to long practice ; the 
lodge of her grandmother had been covered with hides of 
buffaloes ; her massive husband, standing near in majestic poise, 
motionless and calmly serene as the statue of an Egyptian 


Pharaoh, but making not the slightest effort to assist his faith- 
ful consort in her work. 

Early in the morning of the 22nd, the Council commenced. 
A long table placed at one side of the room with several chairs 
behind it — in front of the table were a few other chairs to be 
used by the Chiefs and other principal Indians. Major Mc- 
Laughlin sat in the central chair behind the table and at his 
request, I was at his right hand. 

I really had nothing to do with making the treaty but I 
suppose he wanted me there to assist him in any way that 
might be within my power. Others who were there were Col- 
onel John W. Clark, the allotting agent; Mr. Jules F. Ludin, 
Chief Clerk; Mr. Thomas R. Beason, Assistant Clerk; Mr. G. 
W. Sheff, Engineer; Mr. W. P. Campbell, Superintendent of 
the Wind River Boarding School ; the Rev. John Roberts of the 
Episcopal Mission, the Rev. Father Balthasar Feusi S. J. of St. 
Stephen's; Captain J. S. Loud, 9th Cavalry, U. S. A., the Com- 
mander of Fort Washakie, and several officers of his command, 
Mr. John Small, Agency miller, and during the proceedings, 
Dr. F. H. Welty, Agency Physician ; Mr. J. K. Moore, Trader at 
Fort Washakie; Mr. A. D. Lane, Trader at the Shoshone 
Agency, Mr. J. C. Burnett, Trader at the Arapahoe Sub- 
Agency; Mr. Fin. G. Burnett, Farmer for the Shoshones, and 
many others dropped in from time to time. 

In front of the table were the Indians; the Shoshones to 
the right and the Arapahoes to the left, with the Chiefs and 
head men seated and behind them the rank and file standing 
and filling the room to its utmost capacity. All listening with 
breathless interest to all that was said. At the head of the 
Shoshones was the venerable Chief Washakie. 

The Agency census books gave his age as 103 years; a 
manifest exaggeration — if necessary I conld show that he could 
not have been older than 75 years, but that is old enough for an 
Indian. He was quite infirm and feeble but still able to ride 
a horse and still retaining the influence over his tribe that he 
had exercised for many years. 

Other Shoshones were Wahwannabidy, Bishop, Tigundum, 
Ute, Noircok, Andrew Basil, Poneabishua and Tigee. The 
Arapahoes were headed by their Head Chief, the well known 
Sharp Nose. 

During my term of three years as Agent, I had many deal- 
ings with this old warrior and I soon recognized in him a man 
of no ordinary intelligence, within his limits, of course. In fact, 
I believe that the American Indian is born with a brain just 
as good as ours and just as capable of development. Sharp 
Nose had been a scout in the Army and took part in the battle 


that General McKenzie had with the Northern Cheyennes on 
the Red Fork of Powder River in November, 1876, and he was 
not a little proud of having been one of the Great Father's 
soldiers. Others of lesser prominence were : Tallow, New Lodge, 
Lone Bear, Goes on the Lodge, Drives Down Hill, Eagle Chief, 
Little Wolf, Yellow Calf, Broken Horn, Bull Gun, Plenty Bear, 
Waterman and Biter. 

All being in readiness, the Council began with the smok- 
ing of the pipe, the indispensible ceremony of an Indian Coun- 
cil. The pipe being filled with tobacco and lighted, it was 
handed to Major McLaughlin. He took a whiff of it and passed 
it to me. I took my whiff also and passed the pipe to Washa- 
kie ; in this manner it was smoked by all the head men of 
each tribe. This concluded, Major McLaughlin made an open- 
ing address, which was interpreted sentence by sentence to both 
Shoshones and Arapahoes. What he said was to this effect : 

"The Great Father has sent me here to find out whether 
you are willing to sell to him the great spring of hot water 
that is on your reservation and which belongs to you. It seems 
to him that you would do well to sell it because it is of no use 
to you and if you will sell it, he could make good use of it. 

' ' Now let me know if you will sell to the Great Father this 
spring and ground ten miles square around it for $60,000." 

After a moment or two, Washakie began to speak in his 
native language of course, for the old Chief had never, so far 
as I know, learned to speak a word of English. His interpreter 
was Edmo (Edmond) Le Clair, the son of old Louis Le Clair, 
an old time French Canadian whose wife was a Shoshone 
woman. Edmo spoke the ordinary colloquial English of the 
plains well enough but as I listened, I remember thinking that 
he was giving a very inadequate rendering of Washakie's long 
and eloquent speech, the substance of which was this : 

"Many years ago a white man said to me: 'Is this your 
country?' (I am of the opinion that in this, Washakie was re- 
ferring to the treaty of 1868, made by General W. T. Sherman 
and General 0. O. Howard with the Shoshone and Bannock 
Indians at Fort Bridger.) I told him that it was, and he asked 
me where I would like to have the Great Father set aside a land 
where my tribe could live, and where we could learn to live 
like the white man. I told him that the ground where we are 
now would suit me. I always told the Indians that to fight the 
white men was foolishness. How could we fight men who made 
guns? So the Shoshones did what I said and we never fought 
the white men. We even helped the Great Father when he was 
at war with the Sioux. We sent about a hundred of our young 
men to help him fight the Sioux on the Rosebud. A man we 


called Gray Fox (General George Crook) was the Chief of 
the white soldiers. I planted some seed of oats and wheat in 
the Owl Creek Mountains and they grew up tall and strong, 
so I knew the land was good. So we moved here and we have 
lived here ever since. We have tried to do what the Great 
Father wanted us to do. Look around you. You will see the 
fields of wheat that the Indians are raising and you will see 
the mill in which the wheat is ground into flour of which we 
make bread as the white men do. After we had been here some 
snows the Great Father sent the Arapahoes to live on our reser- 
vation. He did not ask us if we wanted them here, but they 
were very poor ; there was plenty of room and we made them 
welcome. In old times we used to be enemies; we killed one 
another whenever we could. Now we are friends and brothers 
and live in peace. This Hot Spring is a long way from our 
homes and we do not go there very often. In old times we used 
to go there to hunt the buffalo but now the buffaloes are all 
gone and we do not go there much. If the Great Father thinks 
that we, his children, had better sell this spring to him, I and 
my tribe will do what he says and will take whatever he thinks 
good, in payment of them." 

Such was the counsel of Washakie and to which I was a 
very attentive listener. Nothing was said by any other Sho- 
shone and they all seemingly accepted the opinion and advice 
of their old Chief implicitly and unreservedly. After a short 
interval, Sharp Nose, in behalf of the Arapahoes made a speech 
which was interpreted by two young Arapahoes named respec- 
tively Henry Lee and Tom Crispin. I cannot give Sharp Nose 's 
speech as fully as I have given Washakie's, but its general 
tenor was, as one may say, similar to Washakie's, viz, that the 
Shoshones and Arapahoes were now friends and desirous of 
learning to live like white men. They had learned to plow and 
raise grain, not very well yet, but they would learn to do bet- 
ter. "At Poor Flesh's field on Little Wind River last year, 
he had a good field of wheat, but there was cockle in it, much 
cockle. The Agent came along and told us to go into the field 
and pull up the cockle ; we did what he said ; our girls and boys 
went into the field and pulled up all the cockle, carried it to 
the fence and left it there." 

As Sharp Nose related this cockle incident, he gave me an 
inquiring glance, as if to say "How's that?" And I responded 
by making the Indian sign language gesture for "Good," and 
he rewarded me with a grateful smile. 

"I think I am too old myself to learn how to work. When 
I was young, I hunted the buffalo and I was a soldier for the 
Great Father. Our women did the work such as we had. But 


our young men will now learn to work, as the Great Father 
wishes ns to do. I do not know whether the money that the 
Great Father will give us for the spring is enough. When I 
heard of it I tried to count it but I could not do it. But as for 
me, I will trust in the Great Father and do what he says. I see 
on the table in front of our friend, a paper which must be the 
treaty by which we will sell this spring. I will sign it and I 
wish that the other Arapahoes will sign it too. ' ' 

Several other head men of the Arapahoes made brief 
speeches assenting to what Sharp Nose had said and expressing 
their willingness to sign. 

All having spoken, Major McLaughlin said: 

"This paper is the treaty by which the Shoshones and 
Arapahoes sell to the Great Father the Hot Spring and ten 
miles square of ground around it for $60,000.00. As you have 
all said that you agree to it I will now sign it." 

He did so, and one by one the Chiefs and head men of the 
two tribes made their crosses opposite their names as written 
by Major McLaughlin. 

This concluded the ceremony, to my great satisfaction as 
I was anxious to have the Indians start their spring plowing 
and I had expected that they would spend several days in dis- 
cussing the treaty; but they had evidently discussed it among 
themselves and decided upon the action which they took. They 
were all vastly pleased and satisfied with it and the Arapahoes 
announced that they wished to hold a ceremonial dance in 
commemoration of the great event in their lives. I gave my 
assent at once and they proceeded to give the dance on the 
vacant space in front of the Agency Office. This dance was 
witnessed by a large concourse of almost all the Indians and 
many pale faces also, and it struck me as being so interesting 
and curious a spectacle that, I cannot refrain from attempting 
a description of it. 

The music was furnished by three drums beaten by men 
seated on the ground, and by four Arapahoe women also seated 
on the ground and with their blankets drawn over their heads. 
The dancers were four young Arapahoes, the leader of whom 
was a young man named "Bad Looking Boy." It began with 
a beating of the drums and the four performers advanced to 
the center of the circle formed by the spectators. The drums 
beat now piano and now fortissimo, but always in perfect time 
and according to a complete system. The dancers moved with 
great energy and precision, led by Bad Looking Boy in perfect 
time to the music. 

I noticed that Bad Looking Boy directed it all and the 
other dancers kept their eyes fixed upon him and regulated 


their steps exactly with his. Presently the women joined in 
with the drums in a loud chant, evincing soprano voices of 
sweetness and power that would be remarkable anywhere. Now 
the time was quickened, the drums beat faster and louder and 
the voices rang out above it all. The dancers whirled faster and 
faster for a space, but soon the drum beats became softer and 
slower, the voices conformed and finally ceased; both drums 
and voices were stilled. In the breathless silence that ensued 
Bad Looking Boy advanced to a small fire upon which was a 
small coffee pot. He took it and returned to the center of the 
circle and knelt facing the sun that was shining in meridian 
splendor, raised the pot, his eyes fixed upon the sun, and slowly 
poured a few drops of coffee on the ground. A libation : such 
as the Ancient Greeks and Romans used to pour out to their 
Gods — but this was made to the sun, which these savages re- 
garded as the giver of all good. A manifestation of gratitude 
to deity for his goodness to them. 

In case any should see in this a mere ridiculous mummery, 
I can assure them that, if they had seen it, they would have 
recognized in it a most solemn and sincere prayer of thanks- 
giving — a true manifestation of religious belief. 

The dance was followed by a general feast of beef, bread 
and coffee, after which the Indians dispersed to their homes 
and Major McLaughlin departed, taking with him the treaty. 
Captain Loud requested that .the pen used in signing it be given 
to him and his request was granted. 

As I have stated, I had nothing to do with making this 
treaty. Major McLaughlin evidently had his instructions as to 
what he should do and I only complied with the request that he 
made to me, viz : to help him in any way that I could in effect- 
ing his purpose. 

At the same time the treaty was not entirely satisfactory 
to me. I thought that the amount paid was absurdly low for 
the finest hot spring on earth, and also that the Shoshones, as 
the original owners, should have had a greater share than the 
Arapahoes. But this is all past. 

I spent three very uneasy years as Agent of these Indians ; 
years full of care, worry, work, vexation and responsibility, 
but now, after so many of them, I forget all these and recall 
with pride and satisfaction on the good that I, with the aid of 
several tried and true friends was able to accomplish for these 
poor people ; inducing them to learn agriculture and educating 
their children. 

Yours respectfully, v 

Colonel, U. S. A. 



By Clyde Meehan Owens, A. B., University of 
Colorado, 1914. 

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the 
University of 'Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the 
degree Master of Arts. Boulder, Colorado, 1924. 

Chapter IV 

(Continued from July Number) 

New offices were opened for the greater convenience of the 
public ; *1 surveyors and engineers were actively at work in all 
directions locating entries and establishing lines for ditches and 
great canals. The air was full of large schemes *2 and great 
expectations were cherished by individuals, corporate bodies 
and the people. Only the stockmen, who saw their valleys shut 
in and their roaming herds excluded, were troubled by the new 
order of things. Seeing that a change was inevitable, they 
either drove their herds into new territories or changed to the 
new system of smaller herds on a smaller range. Some went 
still further, taking a hand in important irrigation enterprises 
and making themselves leaders in the industrial revolution thus 
begun. *3 

The first large irrigation works in the state were those of the 
"Wyoming Development Company on the Laramie river. This 
system watered from 50,000 to 60,000 acres of the richest land 
of that section and was built at a cost of $485,000. A unique en- 
gineering feature of its construction was a tunnel 2,380 feet long 
which emptied the water into a stream running parallel to the 
river from which it was delivered. The canal was 100 miles in 
length but was not totally utilized, owing to complications con- 
cerning land titles. *4 

In 1890 Wheatland was only a flag station with no one living 
there but a section man or two. Four years later 16,000 acres of 
land were under cultivation and Wheatland grew from a flag 
station to a bristling lively town with many modern conveniences. 
On August 21, 1894, Colonel Bray took with him to Wheatland 
fifteen farmers, all good, representative men of means, who pur- 
chased farms near Wheatland. This made a total of 165 farmers 
who had bought land from the company. The majority of these 

*1 Offices were opened at Douglas, Evanston, and Newcastle. 

*2 Requests for permits, office of State Engineer. 

*3 Hoyt, Agricultural Survey of Wyo., 31. 

*4 Cheyenne Leader, "State Irrigation," May 8, 1892. 


165 farms were eighty acres in extent, though some were as large 
as 160 and some as small as forty acres. *1 

Other canals along the Laramie river were finished during 
1892. The Pioneer canal, built to water 50,000 acres, was the 
property of the Wyoming Land and Improvement Company. 
The canal was thirty-five miles long, four feet deep and carried 
a volume of 306 cubic feet per second. *2 Another enterprise on 
the plains was the Boughton canal of which E. S. Boughton was 
the chief owner. It was twenty-three miles long and by the spring 
of 1892 had many settlements along its route. The Lobach canal, 
another good piece of work, was completed the same year but no 
settlers arrived until the following spring. *3 

Irrigation developed in the Wheatland colony in spite of the 
land laws, but there were many places not so fortunate in secur- 
ing aid from the coffers of capital. Between Fort Douglas and 
Fort Fetterman was a tract of 13,000 acres of superior land. It 
was found that $110,000 would be the cost of a canal to water 
this land or about ten dollars per acre. It was a good location 
for a ditch project as the elevation and slope of the land were 
very satisfactory. *4 The land was worthless without water but, 
as it was public land, it could not be given as security and the 
investor had no inducement to make an improvement of ten dol- 
lars per acre. There could be no assurance that settlers could pay 
for the investment needed to reclaim the land. Very few could 
pay ten dollars per acre for 160 acres. Either men having money 
would have to file on the land or farmers file and provide water 
for and cultivate one-fourth or one-half the area. "Under favor- 
able conditions it was necessary that fully half the land must re- 
main idle and unproductive and the chances of the investment 
proving safe or lucrative, not one in a million." *5 Natural con- 
ditions required that canals be built in advance of settlement. 
Land laws permitted of settlement under terms which amounted 
to virtual confiscation of the sum spent in their improvement. 
The Homestead Law was valueless in this case and the Desert 
Law offered no aid in the diversion of a great river. The acreage 
was too small for the purposes of the ditch builder ; it was too 
great for the purposes of the settler. "There was not one immi- 
grant in ten thousand who came to find a home who had the 
means to reclaim and cultivate 320 acres under irrigation." *6 

One of the greatest aids to the state was the Carey Act which 
was passed August 18, 1894, by the United States Government. 
The bill was amended in 1896 and authorized the Secretary of 
the Interior to contract and agree to patent to the states the des- 

*1 Cheyenne Leader "Wheatland Settlement," August 23, 1894. 

*2 Ibid., "State Irrigation," May 8, 1892. 

*3 Cheyenne Leader "State Irrigation," May 8, 1892. 

*4 Mead, Eeclamation of Arid Lands, 6. 

*5 Ibid., 6. 

*6 Mead, Eeclamation of Arid Lands, 6. 


ert lands found therein. According to the bill, the state shall 
file plans for the proposed irrigation and the Secretary of the 
Interior is to reserve the land applied for if the plan seems 
feasible. *1 The state then enters into a contract with persons, 
associations or corporations for the reclamation of the lands, 
their settlement and cultivation ; it then creates a lien to be valid 
against the separate legal subdivisions of land reclaimed for 
actual cost of necessary expense of reclamation and draws rea- 
sonable interest thereon until disposed of to the actual settler. *2 
When an ample supply of water is actually furnished in a sub- 
stantial ditch, a patent is given to the state without regard to 
actual settlement or cultivation. # 3 From this point on the state 
takes care of the disposing of the land to the settler. 

The statutes of Wyoming provide that an application, ac- 
companied by a proposal for executing the work of reclamation, 
is to be filed with the state authorities for withdrawal of land 
desired. *4 The proposal must be described source of water sup- 
ply, the land to be reclaimed, the cost of the works and the price 
per acre at which the water rights are to be sold to the settler. 
*5 This is referred by the Land Board to the State Engineer 
who reports on the merits of the project to the Board. Then the 
Board, if it approves, applies to the Secretary of the Interior 
for segregation of lands *6 and if the reservation is affected the 
state enters into a contract with the company. 

The company contracting with the state is a construction 
company whose duty it is to build the irrigation works and fur- 
nish the capital, the investment to be secured by a lien upon the 
land to be irrigated and upon the irrigation plant itself. The 
price of the water rights is stated in the contract between the 
company and the settler and is subject to approval by the state 
authorities. The construction company is limited by statute and 
contract to a certain period of time for the completion of the 
work and is allowed to mortgage its equity in the project, if neces- 
sary, to secure the funds. The settler in acquiring water rights 
is, in effect, acquiring a proportionate interest in the entire irriga- 
tion plant. *7 Upon the withdrawal of the land by the Depart- 
ment of the Interior and beginning of the work by the contractor, 
it is the duty of the board to give notice by publication that land 
is open for settlement and the price for which it will sell. If the 
company fails to furnish water under its contract the state is to 
refund to the settler all payments made to the state. 

•1 U. S. Statutes at Large, Vol. 28, 422. 

*2 Ibid., Vol. 29, 434. 

*3 Ibid., Vol. 29, 434. 

*4 Session Laws of Wyoming, 1895, ch. 38, sec. 7. 

*5 Ibid., 1895, ch. 38, sec. 7. 

*6 Ibid., 1913, ch. 117, sec. 3. 

*7 Ibid., 1895, ch. 38, sec. 21. 


An applicant must establish residence within six months 
after notice that water is available and within a year must cul- 
tivate and reclaim one-sixteenth of the entry, one-eighth in two 
years with final proof in three years. *1 Final certificates are not 
issued in Wyoming but in lieu thereof the settler is given a re- 
ceipt of his final payment. 

The most important measure enacted by the third State 
Legislature was the law providing for the reclamation and set- 
tlement of the land granted the state under the Carey Act. It 
dealt with one of the state's greatest problems and attracted 
more attention at home and awakened more interest abroad 
than any other law found in the statutes. *2 Wyoming was the 
first state to accept the trust from the government, *3 thus 
starting important reforms in irrigation methods. 

The advantages of the Wyoming law from the investors 
point of view are: (1). No one can file on the land segregated 
except actual settlers and water users. This reserves the land 
for share holders in the canal and prevents its absorption by non- 
residents through speculative holdings. (2). Each land owner 
must be a share holder in the canal but, until shares are paid for, 
the builders of the canal have control of its operations and a right 
to collect reasonable charges. (3) . The price of the shares is fixed 
by the state before a dollar is spent on the works. This is an 
equal protection to both canal builder and water user. It re- 
lieves the first from the fear of arbitrary establishment by the 
county commissioners of rates which would confiscate the in- 
vestment; it secures the second from an equally arbitrary and 
unjust increase in carrying charges, which would absorb the 
profits of his labor. In this respect the provisions of the Wyo- 
ming law, which makes the State Land Board the arbiter in this 
question, are among the most commendable features ever incor- 
porated into an irrigation law *4 and marks a new and better 
era in the reclamation of the arid domain. 

The advantages to the settler are: (1). The cheapness of 
the land, which is less than one-half the price of that under the 
Desert Land Act. *5 (2). The state guarantees that there is 
water enough in the source of supply and that canals have suffi- 
cient capacity to deliver it. (3). A secure water right eliminates 
controversy as to whether the canal builder owns the water and 
can charge what he pleases, or whether the land owner is pos- 
sessor and can do with it as he pleases. The water rights attach 
to the lands reclaimed and are inseparable therefrom. (4) . There 

*1 Session Laws, 1895, ch. 38, sec. 20; S. L. 1909, eh. 160, sec. 3. 

*2 Mead, "The Arid Land Laws" in 3rd Bien. Kep't. of Eng., 17. 

*3 Ibid., 17; Files in Office of Sec. of State. 

*4 Mead, "The Arid Land Law" in Eep't, 1895-1896, 17. 

*5 Ibid., 22. 


is ownership in the canal, a voice in the management and a relief 
from a perpetual mortgage that usually goes with separate cor- 
porate ownership of canals. *1 

The chief objection to the Carey Act is that it prohibits 
using the land as security for the money spent to reclaim it, a 
fact which does not add any safety to the investment in canal 
building. *2 

The largest private irrigation project in Wyoming up to 
1910 was that of the LaPrele Ditch and Reservoir Company, 
taken out under the Carey Act. *3 The company was organized 
in 1906 with the idea of reclaiming only 36,000 acres of land, 
lying near Douglas, by means of huge reservoir in the LaPrele 
canyon. During the next four years the project was steadily en- 
larged and new units were added until 300,000 acres came under 
the ditch. The original dam was constructed in 1908 and at that 
time was thought to be the highest reinforced concrete structure 
of its kind in the country. *4 It contained 30,000 square yards 
of concrete, 15,000 barrels of cement and 1,500,000 pounds of 
structural steel. The land coming under the ditch covered the 
North Platte valley from Glendo on the southeast to Glenrock on 
the west and extended along both sides of the river. The land 
was completely settled during 1910 and the farmers there have 
always been unusually prosperous. # 5 The title to this land came 
from the state and was guaranteed by the state. All payments 
were made to the State Board of Land Commissioners and were 
held by them until the State Engineer approved the works and 
thus secured absolute protection to the farmer. These lands were 
sold at one-fourth cash, balance payable at the option of the pur- 
chaser within five years. The whole project was handled and 
financed by J. M. Wilson, W. F. Hamilton and B. J. Erwin, cit- 
izens of Douglas. *6 

The Carey Act was important in the development of the Big 
Horn basin as a large part of that fertile irrigated region has 
been taken up under this Act. *7 Agricultural development be- 
gan around Worland in 1902. At that time Garland, eighty-five 
miles to the north and on the Burlington's line to Cody, was the 
nearest railroad point and Casper, terminus of the Northwestern 
road, was 150 miles to the southeast. For thirty-five miles up and 
down the Big Horn river from where Worland now stands was 
a desert waste with only here and there a pioneer's cabin close 
to the river banks. Small attempts at agriculture had been made 

*1 Ibid., 22. 

*2 Mead, 3rd Bien. Kep't, 1895-1896, 24. 

*3 F. H. Barrow, "Irrigation" in Wyo. Tribune, Dec. 31, 1910. 

*4 Ibid. 

*5 Ibid. 

*6 Wyoming Tribune, Dec. 31, 1910. 

*7 See Appendix Q. 


by the early settlers, who had demonstrated that the soil and 
climatic conditions were favorable to the growing of oats, wheat, 
potatoes and alfalfa. *1 To the ordinary farmer the prospect 
was uninviting, but in the short span of twelve years an irri- 
gated valley extending twenty-seven miles had created fully 
four million dollars worth of property value *2 and had added 
three million dollars to the tax rolls of the state. These results 
could not have been attained had not nature bestowed on the 
valley a deep alluvial soil and an abundant supply of water in 
the Big Horn river. *3 

There are many other projects under the Carey Act and 
they are distributed all over the state. By 1910 two million 
acres of land had been segregated *4 and the units ranged all 
the way from a few acres in size to 100,000 acres in the Eden 
Irrigation and Land Company Project located near Rock 
Springs. *5 During the next decade there was a marked de- 
velopment and by 1920 one large project had segregated 260,- 
000 acres in one unit. Construction work during 1919 and 1920 
was greater than in any other period since 1912. At present 
work is going forward on the following projects: The LaPrele 
Project, The Eden Project, The Paint Rock Project, The Lake 
View Project, The Hawk Springs Project and the Green River, 
Cottonwood and North Piney Projects. *6 

There are over 20,000 acres of mountain area where pre- 
cipitation averages thirty inches. There are no perennial streams 
born or heading in the low ground. More than two-thirds of the 
streams never reach the sea but flow out into the arid lands and 
are lost. The utilization of these rivers depends upon taking the 
water when it leaves the mountains. Each of the great rivers has 
a large volume of water. The maximum discharge of the North 
Platte is 15,000 cubic feet per second; of the Big Horn 25,000 
cubic feet per second; of the Green and Powder rivers, a con- 
siderable though less amount. *7 There are many natural basins 
and reservoirs locations and modern irrigation methods are mak- 
ing use of all these, gradually extending the irrigated area of the 

It is thought that the "Wyoming constitution is in advance of 
the constitution of other states in the matter of irrigation. *8 It 
states: "Water being essential to the industrial prosperity, of 
limited amount and easy of diversion from its natural channels, 

*1 IT. S. Census, 1900, Agric. & Irrig., Vol. VI, Part II, 865. 

*2 Ibid., 1920, Vol. VII, 340. 

*3 C. F. Robertson, Wyo. Tribune, Dec. 31, 1914. 

*4 U. S. Census, 1920, Vol. VII, 332. 

*5 See Appendix Q. 

*6 H. Lovd, Eep't of Com. of Lands, 1920, 22. 

*7 Morris, " Irrigation Methods" in Wyo. Hist. Coll., 1897, 57. 

*8 U. S. Census, 1890, Agric. & Irrig., 250. 

*6 H. Lovd, Eep't of Com. of Lands, 1290, 22. 


its control must be in the state, which, in providing for its use, 
shall equally guard all the various interests involved." *1 This 
statement while not altogether original to the Wyoming consti- 
tution *2 has fostered a quality of legislation that places the 
state in advance of some commonwealth in dealing with the 
problem of water disposal. *3 This irrigation law of Wyoming 
has been widely celebrated and has been influential in moulding 
the institutions of other states, and even those of Canada and 
Australia. *4 The law is unique in this, that the state does not 
necessarily wait for controversies and losses to arise, but of its 
own accord steps in and ascertains how much water is available 
for irrigation, who are the claimants to this water, and then, 
knowing these fundamental facts, it gives the use of the water 
to the proper persons, and employs its own agents to see that 
the distribution is made. *5 

It was left for the Reclamation Service to accomplish the 
most important development in Wyoming irrigation. The na- 
tional irrigation law set aside a special fund from the sale of 
public lands to be used in reclaiming arid and semi-arid lands 
in the West. The chief aid rendered has consisted in utilizing 
large irrigable tracts of land adjacent to large streams whose 
flood waters can be stored in reservoirs and conveyed by canals 
and laterals. *6 Such projects are too expensive for private cap- 
ital as the settler can not pay an exorbitant price resulting from 
high cost of construction. 

The Reclamation Service aims to get back no more money 
than is expended for the enterprise but expects each individual 
undertaking to pay its own way. The price per acre is in propor- 
tion to the expense of reclamation, making the cost twenty-five 
dollars in some cases, sixty dollars in others. The entryman has 
to comply with the Homestead Law and can then acquire forty, 
eighty, one hundred and twenty, or one hundred and sixty acres 
under the government ditch and pay for the construction in ten 
or twenty annual payments. *7 

One of these government projects has been carried out on 
the North Platte river in Wyoming, though the project is inter- 
state and extends into Nebraska. In order to store the flood 
waters of the river, a huge reservoir was built at the junction of 
the Sweetwater and North Platte. This huge dam, called the 

*1 State Constitution, Art. I, sec. 31. 

*2 Colorado constitution does not make control in State, XVI, 5. 

*3 Brown, "Constitution Making" in Wyo. Hist. Coll., 1920, 106. 

*4 Smythe, Conquest of Arid America, 230; Mead later worked in 
Canada and in Australia. 

*5 U. S. Census, 1890, Agric. & Irrig., 250. 

*6 Deming, "Irrigation Projects in Wyo." in Independent, Vol. 
62, 1081. 

*7 Ibid., 1081. 


Pathfinder, receives the drainage from 12,000 square miles and 
waters 22,000 acres with its 1,000,000 acre-feet capacity. *1 It 
is one of the largest masonry dams in the world and is* built in 
the solid granite bed of the river. *2 

Because of the roughness of the country it takes 6,445 canal 
structures to provide for the irrigation of 129,684 acres of land 
on 806 miles of canal. Many of the lands of the Wyoming side 
are mesa or table lands from fifty to two-hundred feet above the 
river. Settlers began coming in rapidly in 1907 and in one year 
took up 40,000 acres of land. *3 Today 110,000 acres of land 
have been reclaimed in Wyoming alone and the Reclamation 
Service has expended over fifteen million dollars on the project 
though only about five million dollars are invested in Wyo- 
ming. *4 

The principal towns embraced in the North Platte Project 
in Wyoming are Guernsey, Lingle and Torrington. Guernsey, 
just outside the irrigated section, is a thriving town of 400 peo- 
ple. Torrington is the county seat of Goshen county and has a 
population of 700. With the development of the public and pri- 
vate irrigation systems in the valley, several of the larger towns 
began to grow steadily and at present are the centers of consid- 
erable agricultural population. The price of the farm units on 
this project for the part that is public land is fifty-five dollars 
per acre, payable in twenty years without interest. *5 

One of the largest irrigation projects in the state is the Sho- 
shone irrigation project, *6 consisting of over a hundred miles 
of laterals. It took the government over fifteen years to finish the 
project but all the headgates and drops are built of concrete and 
every detail is made as nearly perfect as engineering skill can 
make it. Land is acquired under the Homestead Act and water 
rights are paid for in twenty annual installments. *7 

The settlement of the project was attended with many diffi- 
culties. Because the soil was lacking in humus it was necessary 
to begin with grain crops and work into the raising of alfalfa 
before money-crops such as sugar beets could be successfully 
grown. In order to secure the best possible returns from their 
products, farmers had to resort to stock-raising and dairying un- 
til the quality of the soil could be changed by humus and. a 
legume crop. Of the 575 unit holders, only fifty per cent had 
experience in farming before coming to these lands, and only 
about fifteen per cent had ever farmed by irrigation. Their 

*1 U. S. Census, 1920, Yol. YII, 331. 

*2 Deming, "Irrig. Proj. in Wyo. " in Independent, Yol. 62, 1082. 

*3 Deming, "Irrigation Projects" in Independent, Yol. 62, 1082. 

*4 Compiled from maps and data in files of State Engineer. 

*5 James, Arid West, 216. 

*6 U. S. Census, 1920, Yol. YII, 332. 

*7 Miscellaneous data of Eesources in files of Immig. Office. 


progress has been remarkable though the construction price is 
high, being fifty-nine dollars per acre. *1 

The Shoshone project contains a total of about 147,516 acres 
but in 1916 was prepared to serve 42,665 acres. The total cost 
up to 1920 had been $4,875,000 *2 but there are extensions being 
made. *3 Some of the public lands under this project have been 
entered only recently by soldiers of the Great War. 

The government Reclamation Service has done much for the 
progress of irrigation in Wyoming and the engineers have paid 
much attention to detail, but as they work only on large projects, 
there remains tracts of splendid soil of small area that can only 
be developed by private capital under the Carey and other land 

The irrigable area of Wyoming is extensive and the quantity 
of water which can be made available for irrigation insures the 
success of agriculture. A list of irrigation projects in the state 
as given in appendix Q shows that, at the close of the year 1922, 
there were only 418,950 acres under large projects, that were ac- 
tually under irrigation and raising crops. This does not include 
the large number of acres watered by the primitive means of 
irrigation. Yet the acreage planned, some of it already being de- 
veloped, totals more than seven times the present acreage. It has 
been estimated that ten million acres may be irrigated while pres- 
ent projects include a little over three million acres. This area 
would produce a food supply sufficient for the wants of more 
than five million population. *4 It will be seen at once that 
Wyoming's settlement from the agricultural point of view is 
largely a thing in the future. A later chapter will describe the 
settlement as far as it has actually taken place. 

*1 James, Eeclaiming the Arid West, 364. 
*2 U. S. Census, 1920, Vol. VII, 334. 

*3 Investments in next two years raised figures to $8,622,907. 
*4 Hill, Second Biennial Eeport, 1919-1920, 8; Material for Third 
Biennial Eeport, typed material, 10. 

Norkok, who has been Shoshone interpreter for many 
years, died on Thanksgiving day about noon. He was stricken 
with paralysis sometime previous and lingered until that time. 
He was a progressive Indian and in favor of education. The 
poor and orphans of the Shoshones lost a good friend in 
Norkok. — (From The Indian Guide, Vol. 1, No. 7, Shoshone 
Agency, Wyo., November 1896. "Indian Guide" on file in State 
History Dept.) 



The following account of my military services in Mexico 
during the time of the Huerta- Wilson trouble and following 
the occupation of Vera Cruz by American forces which was 
later followed in succession by the Villa-Carranza fighting for 
the control of Mexico, the Columbus raid, Pershing's punitive 
expedition, the World War, and what took place on the Mexi- 
can Border, is written at the request of the State Historian, 
Mrs. Cyrus Beard, at the Capitol Building in Cheyenne, Wyo- 

John M. Watson, Greybnll, Wyoming 

Prior to the killing of President Madero of Mexico by that 
trouble-maker, Huerta, who took the reins of government by a 
coupe-d'etat in Mexico City suddenly and unexpectedly by 
getting control of disloyal troops and turning machine guns 
loose down the streets of the city, killing many innocent people 
and throwing the city into a turmoil of confusion, I made a 
trip to Vera Cruz, Mexico. I went by rail to the American 
colony at Medina, later renamed Loma-Bonita, 125 kilometers 
southwest of Vera Cruz across the state line of Vera Cruz and 
in the state of Oaxaca on the Isthmo-road that runs from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific oceans. The terminus on the Pacific 
coast is Salina Cruz. This country appealed to me very much 
and I bought some land alongside of other Americans who had 
located before this time. There were about 65 married men 
with families and 12 or 15 single men including myself. 

They had found that they could raise pineapples superior 
to the Hawaiians, and as for citrus fruits no better could be 
grown anywhere. They had good markets in the cities and 
especially on the boats at Vera Cruz. Everything looked good 
and we had great hopes of being successful when the first thing 
to check our hopes was the killing of President Madero. Not 
long after the Provisional President Huerta caused trouble with 
the United States by ordering the arrest of an American land- 
ing party from an American warship lying off the port of 
Tampico. A few notes from President Wilson demanding a salute 
to the flag and an apology from President Huerta that never 
came, then an order by President Wilson followed for all Amer- 
icans to leave Mexico immediately. You can see the confusion 
at the American colony at Loma Bonita when a train side- 
tracked at the station and Mexican soldiers gave orders to 
Americans and their families to get aboard the train in an 
hour's notice to go to Vera Cruz to board American ships in 
port to be taken back to the United States. I was one of the 
ten single men who refused to leave and we stayed to look 
after the places and stock the best we could and to protect the 
farms from the bandits that infested the country at that time. 


We barricaded in a concrete building that was used as a 
stopping place for prospective settlers that came in from the 
United States to look at land. I had charge of the defensive 
move and we placed sand bags in the windows and took our 
turn at watch at all hours. We had rifles and plenty of ammu- 
nition which even our Mexican help knew nothing about. Week 
after week passed and nothing happened and some of the men 
went ahead with their crops. I had a feeling that it would be 
of no use but waited for time to tell. Our help apparently 
seemed loyal to us. The Americans there paid higher wages 
than they ordinarily received and the poor Mexican laborers 
seemed to appreciate that. We told them that it was not us 
that caused the threatened war with the United States and the 
occupation of Vera Cruz. 

Later the American forces withdrew and turned the com- 
mand of the city over to General Carranza and his man after 
President Huerta was allowed to escape to Havana from where 
he went to Spain for a while. Then he was even "allowed" to 
go to El Paso, Texas to take up residence in an apartment. It 
was while he was peaceably living in El Paso that he took sick 
and died in bed a natural death. 

Shortly after the withdrawal of General Funston and the 
American forces at Vera Cruz, we realized that conditions were 
less favorable for any American in the interior. When the 
American forces withdrew from the country of Mexico, the 
general impression among the Mexicans was that the Ameri- 
cans were afraid of the Mexicans and would not risk a war in 
Mexico. Of course, among the more intelligent that feeling did 
not exist. Warnings from bandit sources for us to get out came 
on several occasions. It only made us more alert and on the 
lookout, but one early morning attack proved that the warnings 
were correct. It was light enough to see objects and as we had 
made a clearing around our barricade we stood the attack with- 
out losses on our side. The bandits withdrew, leaving two 
horses shot out from under some of them and whatever their 
losses were they carried away. We found several rifles and 
some blood spots on the grass the next day where we fired into 
the attacking party. 

I took a report into Vera Cruz of the attack, as the trains 
were running into that city, and asked for a small detachment 
of Carranzista soldiers to protect the place from bandit attack. 
It was agreed that we should have more protection. 

I also made a report to the American consul, Mr. Canada, 
at Vera Cruz, regarding conditions of Americans and their 
property in the interior. There were many Americans living 
in Vera Cruz under the protection of the guns of the U. S. war- 


ships anchored way out off the coast from Vera Cruz. Thus it 
happened I run into an American named Santos Johnson, who 
was in the uniform of a Mexican major. Johnson was a man I 
had known when I was in the U. S. 4th Artillery and he and I 
had soldiered in B Battery 4th Artillery while we were 
stationed at Vancouver barracks at Vancouver, Washington, 
several years before this meeting in Mexico. I found out from 
him that he had accepted a commission from General Coss of 
Pueblo and had been in the Mexican Revolution for some time. 
With Johnson I met a number of Mexican officers who offered 
me a commission under their command after they were told by 
Johnson that I had been in U. S. artillery service and could 
handle field pieces and machine guns. Among them was Gen- 
eral Enrique R. Najera of Durango, a state in Mexico. While I 
was considering accepting a commission as an officer in the 
Mexican army I got in contact with some Americans in the 
intelligence department or secret service. Whatever I agreed 
to get for them and the data they wanted does not matter much 
now and I will pass over that part only to mention that I was 
sworn to secrecy and did obtain data at various times for I 
accepted a commission at captain of artillery and had access to 
arsenals and could get a fairly reliable count on machine guns, 
field pieces, and other military equipment and supplies. 

A short time before I left Vera Cruz with General Najera 
and his command on a military train across the Isthmus of 
Tehuantepec to Salina Cruz, my friend Johnson had been 
wounded in the groin by a rifle bullet while in a fight with 
Qapatista bandits near Pueblo and was brought back to Vera 
Cruz to a military hospital. I had persuaded four other Ameri- 
cans to take commissions with the Mexicans as I felt a little 
better when there were other Americans in the same command 
with me. One old man by the name of Nelson who at one time 
lived in Denver, Colorado, was among them. He was a bald- 
headed man and wore glasses and looked so much like a doctor 
that I asked him if he knew anything about medicine. He said 
he knew a little but not much. I answered him, "You'll do and 
from now on you will be Dr. Nelson." So I introduced him as 
a doctor and he was accepted as such but his main interest in 
Mexico was mining. Another fellow named Wiley who years 
before was a mining man and civil engineer and had married a 
Mexican woman and had four children was in the group. When 
orders came for Americans to leave Mexico he said to me, "I 
cannot take my family to the states for my people are south- 
erners from South Carolina and they would look at my kids 
and see that two of them are pretty dark skinned to be white." 
He was made a colonel later on. Antonio Barberi was an Ital- 


ian-American who later went to Mexico. He wanted to go so I 
got him. He was a lieutenant then. There was another, a 
Spanish-American. His name was Hernandez, and we got him 

When we were about 100 kilometers out of Vera Cruz we 
were fired on from ambush near the town of Los Naranjas. 
There was a lively exchange of shots and finally our train got 
by all right without any bridges destroyed ahead of us. We got 
into Salina Cruz and boarded the Mexican gunboat, General 
Guerro, and then headed north for the port of Mazatlan in the 
state of Sinaloa. On our way north we stopped at several 
places, Accapulco, Manzanillo, and some smaller places before 
we got to Mazatlan. We boarded a military train and started 
for Culiacan, the capitol of Sinaloa. At several places, culverts 
and bridges were destroyed and we had to go around shoe-flies 
switches across dry river beds that made us very doubtful as 
to our procedure. But we finally succeeded and arrived in the 
city of Culiacan, which was to be our headquarters. We made 
Culiacan headquarters for several months. General Najera was 
Commandante-Militiare of that city and it was there that Pres- 
ident Wilson recognized the Carranza faction as the governing 
faction of Mexico. We put on a celebration of the event and 
the Americans with the Mexicans received many a Salud and 
Vivas. How quickly their sentiment changes, for it was not 
many weeks after that I was behind prison bars with serious 
charges preferred against me. 

Our object was to advance from Culiacan north and east 
over the mountains into the states of Durango, General Na- 
jera 's home country. The Villista faction held the passes and 
controlled the state of Durango. We had several fights near 
Culiacan and later on General Najera gave up the plan to ad- 
vance for all he could do was to hold Culiacan and the lines 
of communication to Mazatlan. I had charge of four machine 
guns that we placed on the roof of the hotel where we lived. 
The officers of General Najera 's command took over the hotel 
and had the management continue to operate. We could sweep 
the approach to the town and fire on any attacking party. I 
met an American, a dentist, whose name was Dr. Brooks. He 
was allowed to leave and was acquainted on the other side of 
the lines for as he took no active part in the fight he was 
allowed to cross the lines. This he did and on returning one 
time told me of another American on the Villista side. He could 
not give me his name and I asked him if he would carry a 
letter to this American for me and this he agreed to do. I ex- 
plained my reasons for being with General Najera and that I 
would be compelled to fire on any attacking forces and that I 


would not want to knowingly fire on an American and asked 
him to avoid coming in contact with our fire or defense. Dr. 
Brooks never did get through with the letter. The vigilant 
patrol searched him and got the letter and while not preferring 
any charges against him, turned the letter over to the com- 
manding officer under General Najera. General Najera asked 
me for explanations that I gave satisfactorily and while he 
knew there were some officers under him who did not like the 
' ' Gringoes ' ' and would do all they could to cause them trouble, 
he was always friendly tow'ard the Americans and said he 
wished he had more of them. However, by that time the other 
Americans, Nelson, Wiley, and the others had taken leave of 
absence, and went back to Mazatlan and from there on south. 
I was the only remaining "Gringo". General Najera issued 
me a pass to Mazatlan and an indefinite leave of absence and 
told me I had better get out of Mazatlan till things quieted 
down. I got through Mazatlan and felt contented that things 
had been as favorable as they appeared to be. After a night 
at the hotel I stepped out on the street to go down town to see 
about getting out on a boat. I was arrested at the doorway of 
the hotel by a Mexican officer with four soldiers. They took me 
before the Commandante Militaire and I soon found out how 
he hated me or rather the Gringoes. He looked more like an 
American himself and might have been the illegitimate son of 
one. He read the charges and as it was away from General 
Najera 's command I was ordered to put in the next few days 
in prison and held for court martial. Their main object was to 
rob me of everything I had that they wanted. They took all of 
my letters in English and papers and left the papers in Spanish 
for they understood that and they did not want what I had. 
After a wait of several days I was brought up for trial. I was 
convicted before I was tried and could not prove myself inno- 
cent and was consequently sentenced to be put up in front of 
an adobe wall and a firing squad would do the rest. While they 
were waiting for an approval of sentence by higher authority 
I had managed to see a friend. He was a Mexican who called 
to see me and I told him what to do and he did it. I asked him 
to see the American consul and also the English Consul and to 
explain and see what could be done to obtain my release. I do 
not know exactly what all was done or what influence to bear 
but I have an idea and will always say this much that Masonic 
influence might have been brought to bear. I was released one 
morning and told to go down to the dock and that I did and 
was directed to get into a motorboat and was taken to an Eng- 
lish ship, the Citriana a passenger-freight boat that used to 
make the west coast under the British flag. I climbed up to the 


deck and was directed down below and was kept there ont of 
sight of custom officers or immigration officers till they got the 
cargo aboard. It was about three days till the boat left. In the 
meantime an American gunboat came into harbor and only 
stayed an hour. They never let their orders be known but I 
found out afterwards that they had come from Topolobampo 
bay to Mazatlan at full speed to demand my relaese but found 
out I was free and aboard the English ship and would be taken 
to the states. "When the ship left port with their cargo bound 
for a California port the mate came and told me that the cap- 
tain wanted to see me up in his cabin. I went up there and 
after going over considerable explanation with him he opened 
his suit case and laid out a suit of clothes that about fit me 
which I exchanged for my Mexican captain's uniform. He gave 
me ten dollars and said he was going as far as Frisco and if I 
wanted to I could go on there or he was stopping at San Diego 
and San Pedro. But he said not to talk to any newspaper re- 
porters about how I got out of Mexico. It might cause him 
trouble and explanation. At San Diego there were several re- 
porters and I passed them up. I got back on the boat and went 
to San Pedro and after spending several weeks resting up and 
recovering from the effect of near starvation while in prison 
in Mexico, I was back on the Mexican border with the cavalry 
a short time before the Columbus raid. We were stationed at 
Naco, Arizona, and I rode border patrol for several months. 
Then following the Primitive expedition to get "Villa" that 
they never wanted to get and later the mobilization of troops 
on the border and the breaking off of relations with Germany 
came the World war. Our regular outfits were split up. Some 
men sent to officers training camps. I did not want to leave 
mounted service in the calvary and wanted to stay in the Regu- 
lar service. I refused officers training school. I was stable 
sergeant and on detached service several times and finally 
finished my military service after the signing of the Armistice 
in the Veterinary Corps doctoring sick horses. After the serv- 
ice I returned to Wyoming, my old home state by adoption. 


Died at Regan's ranch, in Old Pioneer Hollow, Uinta 
county, Wyoming, on Saturday, March 25, at 12 o'clock, Vir- 
ginia Regan, wife of Charles P. Regan. 

Deceased was an Indian woman, and one of the noblest of 
her race. She has always been a warm friend to the whites, and 
no one was ever turned away from Regan's ranch hungry, but 
was always supplied with the best the place afforded. It was 
this woman, with all her keen perception and native sagacity,. 


that found and saved the life of our friend and highly esteemed 
townsman Mr. M. V. Morse, when he was lost in the mountains 
for nine days, some four years ago. She was the adopted child 
of "Old"' Jack Robertson, of Fort Bridger, one of the few 
mountaineers now living, whose active life in this part of the 
great west was contemporary with that of the famous Jim 
Bridger. Kit Carson and other noted frontiersmen of an early 
day. He always thought a great deal of this adopted child, and 
it will grieve the old man to hear of her death. About eighteen 
years ago, Charley Regan formed an attachment for the young 
Indian girl, which was reciprocated, and "Old Jack", as he 
was familiarly called, giving his consent, they were married 
and have lived contented and happy together until separated 
by death. She leaves a family of three boys, the eldest being 16 
years of age this month. Just a year ago, her daughter, a bright 
young girl, died ; which caused her great sorrow, and she has 
been sick and failing ever since until her death. Both died the 
same month one year apart. She was the only Indian in this 
county that could go to the polls and vote, which she did. She 
leaves considerable property, including a good ranch, well 
stocked with cattle and horses. — Uinta Chieftain. — (From Chey- 
enne Daily Leader, April 5, 1883.) 


A very prominent and useful Shoshone Indian died at his 
home near the Washakie Hot Springs on last Thanksgiving day. 
This man was called "Norkok" by the Avhites, but his Shoshone 
name was Neikok, which means Black Hawk. He was about 70 
years old. The Shoshones as a rule keep no account of time and 
do not know their own age or their children's after they become 
a few years old. He was stricken with paralysis of the entire 
left side about a month ago and was given the closest attention 
by -Dr. Welty. The doctor paid him daily visits and saw that 
his medicine was taken according to their directions and that 
he had plenty of food ; but all in vain. 

As he was a man very highly respected by all the whites 
who knew him, he was frequently visited by the Agent, Capt. 
Wilson. Mr. J. K. Moore, the Post Trader, who knew Neikok 
for many years at Fort Bridger, before there was such a place 
as Fort Washakie also visited him. 

Among others who were old acquaintances Avas one white 
man, who probably knew more about Neikok than any other 
"old timer", that is "Capt." Wm. McCabe, at present Post 
Scout and Interpreter at Fort Washakie. 

In years long past McCabe fought the Arapahoes and 
Sioux side by side with Neikok and says he was a brave man. 


MeCabe first met Neikok in 1858 when he was living with his 
father on Green river, some fifty miles from Fort Bridger. He 
was then a young man and a leader of other young men of his 
tribe. His father was named Battise. a Mulatto of Creole origin 
of St. Louis. He came from there in the early days as an Indian 
trader. He was then well off in horses and cattle and kept the 
ferry across Green river, afterwards known as the Robinson 
ferry. Battise spoke French and English and in this way his 
son Neikok spoke French fluently, also English and Shoshone. 
His mother was a Ute squaw captured by the Shoshones in a 
raid when she was a child. This is nothing uncommon among 
Indians as I know a white woman, who was captured by the 
Arapahoes when a child. 

This woman has blue eyes and a fair skin, but knows 
nothing more than any other squaw and can only speak 

Neikok was a fine looking man of commanding presence 
and very polite in conversation and strictly truthful. His word 
was never doubted by those who came in contact with him. 
This was very important as he was the official interpreter of 
the Shoshones and everything said by the Shoshones in council 
with the whites or in a case before the Courts, both sides had 
to be heard by Neikok and his translation was law. He was so 
honest in his desire to translate properly that more than once 
the writer of this sketch (as in the case with other whites) has 
seen him stop and say, "I don't think I know that word," or 
"I can't tell that right," and he would not go on until he fully 
knew what it was that he was to translate. His death is a 
great loss to the Indians, for I think it will be impossible to 
replace him. He never was afraid to tell exactly what both 
sides said while a younger man might fear of giving offense if 
he spoke the exact truth. 

He was buried on Sage creek among his relatives who pre- 
ceded him. While he is not the father of any living children, it 
was his habit to adopt and bring up orphans, who had no one 
to take care of them and in this way he had a number of chil- 
dren who called him father and who sincerely mourn his loss. 

Neikok, as is the custom among his tribe was wrapped in a 
number of expensive blankets of beautiful colors and his body 
deposited in a grave dug by sorrowing friends. In the grave 
were placed his various trinkets and articles of daily use, with- 
out any useless coffin to enclose his body. Simply lying in his 
blankets and embraced in the arms of mother earth, he awaits 
the final end of time. — (From The Indian Guide, Vol. 1, No. 8. 
published at Shoshone Agency, Wyoming, December 1896/) 



One of the characters among the Shoshones is White Horse, 
who speaks some little broken English, which he picked up by 
his association with the whites. 

White Horse received the name he now bears from an in- 
cident which occurred at Fort Bridger many years ago. 

The soldiers at the fort had a crack racing horse and they 
attempted to put up a job on the Indians my matching him 
against anything the Indians had to run. 

White Horse appeared on a scrawny white horse and 
entered him in the race ; the soldiers placed all they had avail- 
able on their favorite, but when the race was over the scrawny 
white had won and they were minus their cash. 

Ever after when White Horse appeared at the fort he was 
referred to as "The White Horse", and the name has stuck to 
him all these years. 

The other day White Horse was at the Agency and thus he 
expressed himself. 

"Capt, Wilson, Agent, Col. Clark and Wingo (Mr. Bur- 
nett, Shoshone farmer), all same heap good-Indian no hungry 
now flour all same heap-fix em-big "sooite" make heap wheat 
tell Indian maybe good now all time heap eat. 

"All Indians glad land man came glad Washington send 
him. My house now heap flour, oats and wheat. Me glad — all 
Indians glad." — (The Indian Guide, Vol. 1, No. 12, published at 
Shoshone Agency, Wyoming, April 1897.) 


July 1931 to October 1931 

Deming, W. C. — Pictures of the late E. S. Van Tassell and of the 
late Mrs. Castle, mother of Thomas Castle. 

Capitol Building Commission — A 16 candle power light bulb found 
in the Capitol Tower. First type used in the Capitol Building. One of 
the first electric light bulbs to be used in this town. 

Clancy, Gus — Eeplica of a freight train, size S 1 /? feet long and 8 
inches wide, made by Mr. Clancy. Mr. Clancy has been a resident of 
Cheyenne for 40 years. He is now Superintendent of the Laramie County 
Poor Farm. 

Clark, Edith K. 0. — The entire series of pictures taken at the time 
Governor Emerson carried greetings to President Coolidge in the Black 
Hills. There are ten pictures. The first one shows John Bell on his horse 
in the Capitol entrance talking with Governor Emerson. The incidents of 
the occasion are shown in the manner in which the events occurred in- 
cluding Governor Emerson in an airship speeding towards Dakota. This 
occasion was in commemoration of the revival of the Pony Express and 
emphasized the difference in travel in the days of the Pony Express and 
the air service of today. 

Hebard, Dr. Grace E. — Three photographs taken at Wind Eiver upon 
the dedication of the Memorial Tablet to Bishop Eandall, presented by 
Dr. Hebard. 


Faulk, J. Evelyn — Three pictures of Fort Steele taken in 1929; three 
pictures of Fort Laramie taken in 1930; one picture of Fort Washakie 
taken in 1930; two pictures of Fort Bridger in 1931. 

Blakeman, Mrs. Louise Parr — Pictures (1) Dick Parr, General Phil 
Sheridan's private Chief of Scouts; (2) Dick Parr guiding General Cus- 
ter and the 7th Eegiment at Battle of Chalk Bluffs; (3) Dick Parr as 
a captive with aged members of Ogallala and Brule Sioux at Mammoth 
Hot Springs, Yellowstone Park; (4) Eescue of Dick Parr as Fort Lara- 
mie, Wyoming, August 1860. 

Original Manuscripts 

Wilson, Col. E. H. — Manuscript dealing with the negotiation of the 
Shoshone and Arapahoe Treaty of 1896. Colonel Wilson was Acting 
Indian Agent at the Shoshone Agency in Wyoming at the time the Big 
Horn Hot Springs were sold to the Government. He was present when 
the Treat v was signed. 

Blakeman, Mrs. Louise Parr— ''Sketch of the Life of 'Dick' Parr in 
the Far West." 


Foote, W. F. (Chicago) to Governor of Wyoming — Governor of Wyo- 
ming to State Historical Department — Letter written in longhand dated 
"Head Quarters Fort Laramie, D. T., May 21st, 1866" signed "W. H. 
Evans, Major 11th Ohio Cavalry Volunteers." 

Hooker, W. F. — Letter written by Malcolm Campbell to Mr. Hooker, 
dated August 26th, 1931. Mr. Campbell and Mr. Hooker were bull- 
whackers in Wyoming in the early 70 's. 


Mitalskv, Frank — Two copies of Arizona Historical Eeview, Vol. 3, 
No. 4, January 1931 and Vol. 4, No. 1, April 1931. 

Fryxell, Dr. F. M. — ' ' Mountaineering in Grand Teton Park ' ' by Dr. 

Governor of Wyoming for Mrs. Louise Parr Blakeman — Folder carry- 
ing brief history of "Dick" Parr, scout, Indian interpreter, and guide 
for General Phil Sheridan in his Indian campaigns on the western border. 
Dick Parr was at Fort Laramie in the 60 's and 70 's. 

Clark, Edith K. O. — Complete Stenographic Eecord of the Confer- 
ence on Education, Meeting of the National Council of State Superin- 
tendents and Commissioners of Education with the United States Office 
of Education, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, December 8 and 9, 1930. 

Carpenter, J. Eoss — "Whose Country Is This, Anyhow?" an address 
on Patriotism by Mr. Carpenter. 


Van Metre, P., President of the Wyoming Tie Sc Timber Company. 
Du Noir, Fremont County, Wyoming, for Mr. Eoy A. Bury, Ann Arbor, 
Michigan — "Boek Springs Exposure," Bock Springs, Wyoming Terri- 
tory, November 10, 1876, two sheets size 15" by 18", hand printed with 
lead pencil on one side of each sheet. The paper carries three illustra- 
tions, some advertising and much political news. 


Oregon Trail Memorial Association, Inc. — The New York Sun, March 
22, 1930; Yale News, October 11, 1930, carrying accounts relating to 
Oregon Trail marking. Semi-annual Report of the Association, January 
to August, 1930; August to December, Completing 1930. Two addresses 
by Dr. Howard E. Driggs, President of the Oregon Trail Memorial Asso- 
ciation. "Scouts Mark the Oregon Trail" — President Hoover commends 
Oregon Trail Marking by the Boy Scouts; "Marking the Old Oregon 
Trail and Its Allied Branches" — a National good turn by Boy Scout 
Troops. "The Covered Wagon Centennial'" by Arthur Chapman. 

Annate of OTpommg 

VOL. 8 

JANUARY, 1932 

No. 3 


History of the Western Division of the Powder 

River Expedition By F. G. Burnett *S 

George W. Fox Diary 


Published Quarterly 

by the 


Mrs. Cyrus Beard, State Historian 
Cheyenne, Wyo. 

Annate of GSEpommg 

VOL. 8 JANUARY, 1932 No. 3 


History of the Western Division of the Powder 

River Expedition By F. G. Burnett 

George W. Fox Diary 


Published Quarterly 

by the 


Mrs. Cyrus Beard, State Historian 
Cheyenne, Wyo. 


Acting Governor A. M. Clark 

Secretary of State A. M. Clark 

State Librarian Mrs. Clare E. Ausherman 

Secretary of Board Mrs. Cyrus Beard 


Judge E. H. Fourt Lander 

Dr. Grace R. Hebard Laramie 

Mrs. C. L. Vandevender Basin 

Mr. L. C. Bishop Douglas 

Mr. Phillip E. Winter Casper 

Mrs. R. A. Ferguson Wheatland 

Mr. Howard B. Lott Buffalo 

Miss Spaeth Gillette 

Mrs. P. J. Quealy Kemmerer 

Neither the State Historical Board, the State Historical Advisory Board nor the 
State Historian is responsible for any statements made or opinions expressed by 
contributors to the Annals of Wyoming. 

(Copyright applied for by State Historical Department) 



Session Laws 1921 


Section 6. It shall be the duty of the State Historian: 

(a) To collect books, maps, charts, documents, manu- 
scripts, other papers and any obtainable material illustrative 
of the history of the State. 

(b) To procure from pioneers narratives of any exploits, 
perils and adventures. 

(c) To collect and compile data of the events which mark 
the progress of Wyoming from its earliest day to the present 
time, including the records of all of the "Wyoming men and 
women, who served in the World War and the history of all 
war activities in the State. 

(d) To procure facts and statements relative to the his- 
tory, progress and decay of the Indian tribes and other early 
inhabitants within the State. 

(e) To collect by solicitation or purchase fossils, speci- 
mens, of ores and minerals, objects of curiosity connected with 
the history of the State and all such books, maps, writings, 
charts and other material as will tend to facilitate historical, 
scientific and antiquarian research. 

(f) To file and carefully preserve in his office in the 
Capitol at Cheyenne, all of the historical data collected or 
obtained by him, so arranged and classified as to be not only 
available for the purpose of compiling and publishing a History 
of Wyoming, but also that it may be readily accessible for the 
purpose of disseminating such historical or biographical in- 
formation as may be reasonably requested by the public. He 
shall also bind, catalogue and carefully preserve all unbound 
books, manuscripts, pamphlets, and especially newspaper files 
containing legal notices which may be donated to the State 
Historical Board. 

(g) To prepare for publication a biennial report of the 
collections and other matters relating to the transaction of the 
Board as may be useful to the public. 

(h) To travel from place to place, as the requirements of 
the work may dictate, and to take such steps, not inconsistent 
with the provisions of this Act, as may be required to obtain 
the data necessary to the carrying out of the purpose and 
objects herein set forth. 

Born April 8, 1844. Resided in Wyoming since April 1, 1865. 

Annate of looming 

VOL. 8 JANUARY, 1932 No. 3 


Under the Command of General Patrick E. Connor in 1865 

By F. G. Burnett 

I was employed by A. C. Leighton who was the suttler for 
the expedition, our outfit consisted of thirteen four-mule teams 
loaded with merchandise. A general stock of goods, such as was 
carried by Post Traders in the West at that time. We left Omaha 
on the first clay of March, 1865, under orders from General Pat- 
rick E. Connor to reach Fort Laramie not later than the first of 
April, as the expedition would start on that date. We forded the 
South Platte river at Adobe Town, about two miles west of Fort 
Kearney, Nebraska Territory. On the ninth day of March, Mr. 
Leighton finding that the teams were overloaded, purchased an 
additional four-mule team from William Thomas who with Mr. 
Marshall kept a general outfitting store at Adobe Town. We 
traveled up the south side of the South Platte river to Julesburg, 
where we forded the river, and followed the Overland trail up 
Pole Creek, and across the Pole Creek divide, and reached the 
North Platte river near Chimney Rock; thence along the south 
side of the North Platte river through Scott's Bluffs and Fort 
Mitchell, and arrived at Fort Laramie, Dakota Territory, just 
thirty days after leaving Omaha. Fort Laramie was garrisoned 
by a part of the Eleventh Ohio Volunteer Cavalry, under the 
command of Colonel William Baumer. The balance of the regi- 
ment being stationed along the Overland trail from Julesburg 
to Burnt Ranch on the Sweetwater river. There was one com- 
pany stationed at the Platte Bridge which was located about two 
miles west of the present city of Casper, Wyoming. Others of 
the regiment were stationed in small detachments at different 
stage stations along the Overland trail. The different organiza- 
tions which composed the Western Division of the expedition 
were the First Colorado, the Second California, the Eleventh 
Ohio, the Seventh Iowa Battery under Major Nicholas J. O'Brien. 
Ninety Pawnees under Major Frank North, and over one hun- 
dred Winnebago Indian scouts, whose chief was named Little 
Priest. These were all veteran Indian fighters, and were well 
equipped, and ready to march when we arrived at Fort Laramie 


the first of April, 1865. General Connor was not at the fort when 
we arrived. He had been ordered east as was understood, to re- 
ceive instructions in regard to the expedition. About this time 
there was a party of Indians who came to the fort with two 
white women prisoners, Mrs. Eubanks and Miss Laura Roper. 
They and a girl of fifteen had been captured on Brule Creek, 
near the present location of Hastings, Nebraska, the previous 
fall. The Indians massacred all the settlers, and members of a 
bull train that had camped there over night, except the three 
women, and one man a member of the bull train, after being 
wounded with several arrows fell in the tall grass and was over- 
looked. He was rescued by soldiers and taken to Fort Kearney 
and placed in the hospital where he recovered. Captain L. H. 
North who knew Thaddeus Stevens well says Stevens was 
wounded at Plum Creek in another emigrant train on or about 
the same day as Mrs. Eubanks and others were captured. 
Stevens took up residence at Columbus, Nebraska, where he 
resided until 1929. It is thought he is still living. Mrs. Eubanks 
on her arrival at Fort Laramie told of the unspeakable degrada- 
tion and abuse that she and her two companions had undergone 
from their captors, Little Thunter, Two Face and Walks Under 
Ground, and so enraged the soldiers that they overwhelmed the 
guard, and roped the three Indians and were dragging them 
around the parade ground with the intention of hanging them. 
Colonel William Baumer induced them to return the Indians to 
the guard house, promising that he would wire General Connor 
as to what should be done with the three Indians. This is the 
order received by Colonel Baumer by the Overland Telegraph 
from General Connor: "At nine o'clock tomorrow hang Walks 
Under Ground, Little Thunder and Two Face with fifth chains. 
Fire a volley of fifteen pieces at them, and leave them hang 
until further orders." 

I believe that the execution of these three Indians was the 
cause of the failure of the Powder River expedition, for from 
this time until the fifth of July, everything possible was done 
to obstruct Connor's movements, and to delay his start on the 

Some time in May, the Eleventh and Sixteenth Kansas regi- 
ments under the command of Colonel Thomas Moonlight, and 
Lieutenant Colonel Preston B. Plumb arrived, and the expedi- 
tion was ordered to move to the Platte Bridge. The camp was 
on Garden Creek four and one-fourth miles southwest of the 
present city of Casper. This camp is named Camp Dodge. The 
expedition remained in this camp for several weeks when it was 
ordered to return to Fort Laramie. The Kansas troops at this 
time being ordered to return to Fort Leavenworth to be mus- 
tered out of the service, they taking about fifty per cent of the 


transportation which General Connor had assembled for the ex- 

"We remained in camp at Fort Laramie for several days, and 
were then moved up the Laramie river some twenty miles to the 
mouth of Chugwater. This move was made to procure feed for 
the horses and mules, the grass having practically all been fed ofl 2 
in the vicinity of Fort Laramie. We remained in this camp until 
the fifth of July, 1865, every one having received notice that we 
would celebrate the Fourth of July in camp, and on the fifth of 
July we would start on the Powder River Expedition. The Fourth 
was celebrated by artillery and rifle practice, and in preparing 
to move on the fifth. The target for the artillery was a sand 
stone ledge on the west side of the river opposite our camp. I re- 
member Major Nicholas J. O'Brien making a remarkable shot at 
a prominent monument that stood on top of the ledge. Several 
shots had been fired at it, but all had missed it, 'Brien knocked 
it down with his first shot. The next day the fifth of July, 1865, 
every teamster, citizen, as well as Government employees were 
ordered to load all the grain that they could possibly haul on 
their wagons. Leighton's train was the last one to leave camp, 
and as we pulled up to the great pile of forage, loading all that 
we could get on the wagons, there must have been at least two 
thousand sacks left for lack of transportation. We left by way 
of the Cottonwood route, and crossed the Overland trail at Horse 
Shoe Station, twenty-five miles west of Fort Laramie. We forded 
the North Platte river at Bridger 's Crossing, which was also 
called the Mormon Crossing. This ford is near the present site of 
Orin Junction. We continued up the North Platte river to the 
mouth of Sage Creek where Fort Fetterman was afterward es- 
tablished. This was the Western Division of the Powder River 
Expedition, under direct command of General Connor, and it 
consisted of the First Colorado Cavalry, the Second California, 
Eleventh Ohio, Seventh Iowa Battery, ninety Pawnee scouts 
under Major Frank North, and over one hundred Winnebago 
Indians, whose chief was named Little Priest. Major James 
Bridger was chief guide and scout of the division, under him 
was Jack Stead, Nicholas and Antoine Janis, these two last being 
French half breeds, from Sioux mothers. From the time the ex- 
pedition left the North Platte river there was no road, and all 
were under the guidance of that grand old scout Jim Bridger, 
who although not having traveled over this country for thirteen 
years, never failed to inform us of the approximate distance from 
one camp to the other, the contour of the country over which our 
route lay, the water, whether plentiful, good or bad, and range 
grass on which we depended for subsistence of our horses and 
mules. We traveled one day's drive up the Sage Creek valley, 
then one day to the Dry Cheyenne, then one day to Antelope or 


Brown's Springs, then one day clown the Dry Fork of Powder 
river to the Powder river, which we forded to the west side, and 
traveled southward up the valley approximately three-fourths of 
a mile to a low table land on the northeast point of which Fort Con- 
nor was constructed. The expedition camped about one-fourth of a 
mile above where the fort was built, and on the west side of the 
river. On visiting the site of the fort in September, 1928, with 
Major A. B. Ostrander and Mr. R. S. Ellison, I found that the 
channel of the river had changed, and that the valley where the 
expedition had camped had been eroded away, and that the river 
was flowing along the edge of the table land on which the fort 
was erected. We remained in this camp until the stockade was 
finished. After leaving the North Platte river our scouts were 
continually skirmishing with hostile Indians. Captain George 
Conrad's and Captain Albert Brown's companies of the Second 
California regiment, being the best mounted, and under the guid- 
ance of Jim Bridger, were kept continually on scout duty, and 
with the Pawnee scouts under Major Frank North brought in 
scalps and horses, that they captured day by day. I am positive 
that no hostile Indian who ever saw our outfit, succeeded in get- 
ting away, for frequently small bands rode into or near our camp 
thinking that we were Sioux or Cheyennes, but none of them es- 
caped. The Winnebagos while scouting several miles northwest 
of Fort Connor during the construction of the stockade, were 
attacked by a large war party. Little Priest, their chief, during 
the skirmish became separated from his warriors and was found 
surrounded by a number of the enemy, he was on foot, his horse 
having been killed, he was fighting hand to hand with the bunch 
and giving good account of his prowess, when his warriors 
charged in and relieved him. He succeeded in getting away with 
two scalps of which he was very proud. A short time after this 
Major Frank North while scouting near the Crazy Woman's 
Fork of the Powder river with his Pawnees, ran into a war party, 
which they chased through the hills. The Major in the chase be- 
came separated from his men and ran into a bunch of hostiles, 
who killed his horse, and was doing his best to stand them off, 
when he had about given up hope, one of his Pawnees, Bob 
White, a sergeant and one of his scouts, came to him. Frank told 
Bob to hurry and bring some of the other scouts to his relief. 
Bob instead of obeying jumped off his horse and lay down be- 
side Frank saying: "Me heap brave, me no run, you and me 
killen plenty Sioux, that better." They were having a warm 
time when found and relieved by some of his scouts. Two or 
three days later a Pawnee scout was running into camp yelling 
Sioux ! Sioux ! He reported that he had seen a war party come 
to the river from the east, ten or fifteen miles down the river, 
north of the fort. Captain North thinks this war party was the 


same Indians who killed Caspar Collins a few days before at 
Platte Bridge as the many scalps found in their possession was 
mute evidence that they had successfully attacked and killed a 
number of soldiers and that the age of the scalps would tend to 
verify the time as being of the date of the Lieutenant's death. 
General Connor ordered Major North to go after them, in fact 
his scouts were going without orders as fast as they could 
catch their horses. A. C. Leighton who was an intimate 
friend of Major North received permission for himself and 
I to accompany them. Charlie Small, his lieutenant, being 
unwell. We left the fort about three P. M., and rode hard in our 
endeavor to overtake them, the Sioux, before darkness came, but 
it came too soon, and Major North called a halt and held a coun- 
cil with his scouts. He thought it best to go into camp, and wait 
until daylight, but the Pawnees persisted that it was best to fol- 
low on, as the Sioux thinking it was white soldiers who were 
following them, and that we would stop and wait for daylight, 
would travel a while after dark, and thinking themselves safe, 
and out of reach of us would camp and rest until dawn. We 
marched slowly on down the river for several hours and finally 
the scouts came in and reported that they had located the Sioux 
camped in the timber a few miles ahead of us. Major North or- 
dered the Pawnees to surround them, and wait until early dawn 
before attacking them. They were surprised and fought man- 
fully until the last one was killed. There were forty-two of 
them, and two of them were women, none of them escaped. They 
had evidently been raiding along the Overland trail as they had 
a number of white men's scalps, among them was one which we 
took to be from a, light curly-haired girl, they also had a lot of 
clothing, both women's and men's. They also had a number of 
Ben Holliday's horses, they were a fine lot, all branded B. H. 
There was one Sioux that they had been hauling on a travois 
who had been shot through the leg, he would in all probability 
have died, as his leg was in bad condition, the bone being badly 
crushed. I do not remember how long the expedition remained 
in camp at Fort Connor, but I do remember that a short time 
before leaving two companies of the Eleventh Ohio regiment who 
had been on detached duty, arrived and brought the news of 
Lieutenant Casper Collins' death, he having been killed July 
26, 1865, with a number of his men in a fight supposedly with 
Cheyennes near the Platte Bridge. 

The stockade having been completed at Fort Connor, the 
expedition started on its march to Crazy Woman's Fork of the 
Powder river, and as we were leaving camp seven Indians rode 
into view southwest of the fort, they evidently had seen the 
smoke from our camp, and thinking it a camp of their own peo- 
ple. On seeing their mistake they made a hurried retreat. One 


of the California companies was ordered to overtake them; I 
think it was Captain Brown's company. The Indians started 
across the divide towards Crazy "Woman's Fork. There was a 
plain lodge pole trail leading across the divide which the expedi- 
tion followed, we found all the seven Indians one after the other 
lying alongside of the trail, the first was a fat fellow, dressed in 
a sergeant's uniform, none of the seven succeeded in reaching 
the river, the distance between the rivers being approximately 
twenty-five miles. Such occurrences as this were frequent. The 
Pawnees had a white horse which they used as a decoy. They 
would take this horse out at night a short distance from the 
camp, and secrete themselves around it. All Indians pride them- 
selves as being expert horse thieves. This characteristic and this 
white horse caused a number of gallant horse thieves to lose their 
top-knots during the expedition. The Pawnees never took prison- 
ers, but manifested great pride in exhibiting scalps, horses, guns, 
bows and arrows, clothing or anything captured from an enemy. 
After leaving Fort Connor we never remained in camp, but- 
marched every day until we reached the Big Piney river. Here 
Fort Phil Kearney was established the next year, 1866. We 
rested two days, the feed being excellent, this being done to give 
the stock a chance to rest and gain strength. We marched from 
Crazy Woman's Fork to Clear Creek, and from Clear Creek to 
Rock Creek, and from Rock Creek to Big Piney. We crossed the 
Big Piney (losing one man who was drowned), and went over 
the divide to Peno Creek, and along the ridge between Peno 
and Prairie Dog creeks. This ridge is the location of the Fetter- 
man massacre which occurred the following year, 1866. We fol- 
lowed down Peno Creek to its junction with Tongue river. On 
our next day's march, Jim Bridger informed us that we would 
cross a small spring stream which he said was poison, and cau- 
tioned us not to drink of it, nor to allow our stock to drink from 
it. About noon the next day while traveling down Tongue river, 
Major North and Major Bridger came in and reported that they 
had discovered an Indian village about thirteen miles south of 
us, on or near the river, and that they had also found Colonel 
-^ James A. Sawyer's outfit surrounded by hostile Indians, and 
that they had been fighting for three days. We were ordered to 
stop and camp. Major North informed us that General Connor 
proposed to surround the village at night and attack the Indians 
at daylight the next morning. Mr. Leighton obtained permission 
for himself and I to accompany them. We left our camp after 
dark guided by Bridger, North and the Pawnees. I remember 
that there were two ambulances, the Seventh Iowa Battery under 
Major Nicholas J. O'Brien. Captain Conrad's and Captain 
Brown's companies of the Second California Volunteers and a 
part of the Eleventh Ohio. The Winnebagos and others were 


left to guard camp. We traveled slowly, and cautiously up the 
valley and on reaching the vicinity of the village the troops were 
deployed so as to practically surround it, and at dawn the bugle 
sounded the charge. A. C. Leighton and I, with General Con- 
nor and his staff, General Connor leading the charge, and in the 
confusion we found ourselves out in front and between the fire 
of our own troops and the Indians. General Connor ordered 
us to lie down on our horses, and just as we did this a shot struck 
the bugler just below his cartridge belt, and the ball was after- 
wards located under the skin between his shoulders. This boy 
was between seventeen and eighteen years old. He was a mem- 
ber of the Second California Volunteers. I do not remember his 
name. He was known as Little Dick by his comrades. He was a 
brave little soldier, and refused to go to the ambulance under the 
doctor's care, making light of his wound. I remember that he 
was riding a, small nervous cream-colored horse which caused 
him a great deal of trouble and pain. He carried dispatches 
back and forth over the field during the day, and at night, dur- 
ing our return to camp, thirteen miles down Tongue river, and 
refused to ride in the ambulance with others who were wounded. 
I remember another soldier who was shot in the mouth with an 
arrow. The point of the arrow penetrated the tongue and stuck 
in the jaw bone. The shaft of the arrow came loose from the 
point which could not be extracted until we arrived at our camp 
thirteen miles down the river. I do not remember how many of 
our men were killed and wounded. The Indians lost between 
sixty and seventy killed. All their lodges, buffalo robes, furs 
and provisions were burned. Twenty-five or thirty women cap- 
tured, and a great herd of horses. I think there were over two 
thousand horses. Major Nicholas J. O'Brien killed a woman. It 
happened in this manner : There were a number of Indians in 
the brush along the creek who were firing at the men who were 
at work destroying the village. Major O'Brien was ordered to 
drive them out of the brush, and he and his men were skirmish- 
ing along the creek driving the warriors ahead of them, when 
two women came out of the brush, the old one with her left hand 
extended saying How ! How ! and approaching the Major. A. C. 
Leighton came up behind the two women and called to the Major 
to look out as the old one had a hatchet in her right hand behind 
her back. The warning came just in time to save the Major's 
life. The woman threw the hatchet just as Leighton called, and 
it grazed the Major's head. He had the pistol in his hand and 
shot before he thought. When he realized what he had done he 
was sorry and said : ' ' Great God, boys, don 't ever tell that I 
killed a squaw. ' ' We never did tell on him until he had passed 
away to the far land beyond, where he could apologize to the old 
lady for his discourtesy. 


The day after the destruction of the Arapahoe village, Gen- 
eral Connor ordered two companies of the Second California un- 
der Captain Conrad and Captain Brown to escort Colonel Saw- 
yer's outfit until they crossed the Big Horn river. Jim Bridger 
was ordered to guide them. Bridger afterwards told me that they 
escorted them to Pryor Creek, where he instructed them to cross 
the Big Horn Mountains by way of Pryor 's Gap, and from this 
on they were in the Crows' country, and out of danger from 
Sioux, Cheyennes and Arapahoes. The squaws and children that 
were captured in the Arapahoe village were given what horses 
they claimed as their own out of the captured herd, and were 
escorted by a company of the Eleventh Ohio regiment, on their 
return to their people. This was done to protect them from the 
Pawnees and Winnebagos who wished to kill them and take their 
scalps, saying that it was not right to let them go as they would 
produce more bad Indians. From this camp we followed down 
the valley of Tongue river by short drives, the range feed being 
very poor on account of the great herds of buffalo and elk. The 
valleys and hills being literally overrun with them. They afford- 
ed us an abundance of excellent meat, but it was difficult to find 
sufficient grass for our horses and mules, and as we were short of 
forage the horses and mules soon became thin and weak. General 
Connor to get in communication with other divisions of the ex- 
pedition had scouted the country both east and west of the river 
thoroughly day after day. The Eleventh Ohio regiment was 
mounted on eastern horses, and their horses became practically 
useless after our grain w T as exhausted, and this necessitated the 
Californians and Pawnees to do all the scouting. When we were 
about sixty-five miles from Tongue river, Major North, Jim 
Bridger and the Pawnees located a large hostile Indian village 
north of us on a tributary of the Tongue river. About this time 
a company of the Second California, and the Pawnees under 
Major North, located the eastern and central divisions, which 
had become united on Powder river. They found them in bad 
condition. They had lost most of their horses and mules and 
were on foot and ragged, having abandoned many of their 
wagons and thrown their artillery in the river, and were march- 
ing south up the river to Fort Connor. I do not know what or- 
ders they received from General Connor, but it was generally 
understood that they go to Fort Laramie. Our division never 
overtook them. General Connor's plan was to attack the hostile 
Indian village, and destroy it as he had destroyed the Arapahoe 
village. He with North, Bridger and the Pawnees had counted 
the lodges in the village and estimated the number of warriors, 
in fact the Pawnees had kept in touch with the village, and re 
ported every move that they had made for several days. The 
Eleventh Ohio regiment 's horses were in such poor condition that 


General Connor thought it best to let them rest for two or three 
days on good grass that they would gain strength to stand a good 
day's battle, and in the meantime keeping in touch with the scouts 
who were watching the village of the hostile Indians. All was in 
readiness to attack the village, when, the next morning when 
about dark two companies of the Sixth Michigan regiment came 
into camp with orders from headquarters for General Connor to 
cease hostilities and to return to Fort Laramie. Connor and all 
his officers and men were greatly disappointed. They realized 
that the expedition had been hampered from the first of April 
until the fifth of July, before they were allowed to start on the 
expedition, and I am convinced that this power or what it was 
or whoever it be, thought that he would be unable to move as 
they had taken most of his transportation for use of the Eleventh 
Kansas regiment which had been ordered back to Leavenworth, 
Kansas, to be mustered out of the service. We had been marched 
.up to the Platte Bridge, and were camped on Garden Creek four 
miles southwest of the present city of Casper, then in June we 
were ordered back to Fort Laramie, and then ordered to move 
southwest up the Laramie river to the mouth of Chugwater. In 
the , meantime General Connor had been ordered east several 
times for what cause none of his subordinates knew. He had just 
returned when we received orders to be ready to move on the 
fifth of July, and I am convinced that General Connor sneaked 
away from the higher ups who had been obstructing his move- 
ments and delaying him, as we marched to Fort Laramie and 
forded the North Platte river at Bridger 's Crossing, which is also 
called the Mormon Crossing, and in this way succeeded in get- 
ting away from the obstructionists. General Connor was angry 
when he read the order to cease hostilities, and vowed that he 
would disobey it and attack the village the next morning, destroy 
it and suffer the consequences ; but his officers pleaded with him 
not to disobey the order, warning him that he would be cashiered 
and dishonored if he disobeyed the order. What a pity, what a 
misfortune that he did not disobey it. If he had he would have 
ended the Sioux war, there would have been no Fetterman mas- 
sacre, no Custer battle, no eleven years of Indian atrocities, 
thousands of lives would have been saved, and the settlement of 
the West would not have been retarded for years. Whoever, or 
whatever power it was who opposed him, continuing their ne- 
farious work until they broke his heart, and finished their under- 
hand work by destroying his records, so that the traitors who did 
the work could never be found. 

They ruined the life of a fine brave officer, and defeated the 
finest organization of veteran Indian fighters that had ever been 
organized in the West, and caused our government to expend 


millions of dollars, and was the cause of the death of many brave 
pioneer men and women and children. 

I was with the Western Division of the Powder River Ex- 
pedition from April 1st, 1865, until October of that year when it- 
returned to Fort Laramie. I helped to construct Fort Phil 
Kearney in 1866, and am the only survivor of the Hay Field fight 
which occurred on the first day of August, 1867, about three miles 
north of Fort C. F. Smith. I remained in the country until 1868, 
when Forts C. F. Smith and Phil Kearney and Reno were or- 
dered abandoned. Respectfully, F. G. BURNETT. 

The following letters, or excerpts therefrom, received from 
F. G. Burnett during the writing and completion of his History 
of the Western Division of the Powder River Expedition under 
the command of General Patrick E. Connor in 1865, may be of 
value and interesting to students of the history of Indian war- 
fare in the West : 

Thermopolis, Wyoming, April 23, 1931. 
Mr. Albert W. Johnson, 

Marine-on-St. Croix, Minn. 
Dear Friend and Bro. : 

Your dear and much appreciated letter came to me at Cody 
on my 87th birthday. I received many letters of love and con- 
gratulation from my children and friends on that day, which 
afforded me much happiness and pride. One from our mutual 
friend, Mr. W. H. Jackson, and a lot of kodak pictures of old 
forts, monuments and trails taken in his travels through Wyo- 
ming and Montana last year. 

I am in good health and am endeavoring in my poor way to 
write the History of the Western Division of the Powder River 
Expedition for you and Mrs. Beard. I have sixteen pages writ- 
ten. It conflicts with other stories of the expedition, markedly 
with Capt. Palmer's whom I am satisfied was not with the ex- 
pedition. He makes it appear that he was the most important 
individual of the expedition, practically ignoring Jim Bridger, 
Frank North and others who did wonderful deeds of heroism day 
after day. I am writing the history truthfully as I remember it 
with the idea of vindicating General Connor and others who 
formed the Western Division of the Powder River Expedition in 
1865. Yours truly, F. G. BURNETT. 

Also the letter accompanying the manuscript as follows : 
Fort Washakie, Wyoming, May 5, 1931. 
Mr. Albert W. Johnson, 

Marine-on-St. Croix, Minn. 
Dear Friend and Brother: 

Enclosed I am handing you what I remember of the Western 
Division of the Powder River Expedition under command of 
General Connor in 1865 After looking over it, if you 


find it is worth correcting and typing, send a copy of it to Mrs. 
Beard and one to me. I have been careful to write nothing but 
the truth, as I remember what occurred from day to clay. 

Yours sincerely, 


Supplemental to the foregoing, on request for more detail, 
F. G. Burnett sends the following letter : 

Harding Court, Rock Springs, Wyoming, 

Care of A. F. C. Greene, June 17, 1931. 
Mr. Albert W. Johnson, 

Marine-on-St. Croix, Minn. 
Dear Friend : 

I have been thinking that in your last letter you 

wished to know the date of the Western Division of the Powder 
River Expedition's arrival on Powder river at the site of Fort 
Connor, afterwards called Fort Reno. As near as I can remem- 
ber, counting the days march from our camp on the Laramie 
river at or near the junction of the Chugwater, it was not later 
than the 15th of July, 1865. I remember that after the stockade 
had been finished, and the garrison had moved inside two com- 
panies of the Eleventh Ohio regiment came into camp at night. 
The sentinel hearing them approach thought we were being at- 
tacked, fired his gun, the long wall was beat, and every one 
turned out, thinking we were being attacked by Indians. The 
men turned out without taking time to put on their boots, and 
as the ground was covered with cactus, the air was blue with 
oaths, when it was found to be a false alarm. These two com- 
panies had been on detached duty, and had not been with the 
expedition up to this time. I remember that they reported the 
fight at Platte Bridge in which Lieutenant Caspar Collins was 

The Arapahoe village was attacked and destroyed about the 
tenth or twelfth of August, 1865. I remember that on the six- 
teenth of August there was a hard hail and rain storm and a 
number of the men had discarded their boots for moccasins which 
they had captured in the village, consequently, the suttler sold 
all of the boots and shoes he had in stock that day. 

With best wishes for you and 3^our dear ones. 

Your friend, 


That the originality of F. G. Burnett's manuscript might 
be saved and become a distinct contribution to the Annals, and 
the history of Wyoming, no changes or alterations have been 
made on the subject matter, so that what he has written has been 
faithfully preserved for historical reasons. 




(Mr. Fox was an early day and prominent resident of Laramie; he was 
a member of the Constitutional Convention) 

January 1, 1866 — New Year found me at a Methodist Chapel, 
Davis Co., Iowa, attending worship. Came home to Uncle I. M. 
Brown 's, had a cold and rough sleigh ride. Went 2 miles to take 
the sled home — slept 3 or 4 hours. This morning I went over to 
Uncle Saml. Orrs dined on roast turkey ; met a couple gents of 
the neighborhood. 

April 17, 1866 — Weather fair; done no trade much, sold a 
drum. Raymond came over today. I notified him that I should 
quit his employ the end of the month. He offered me a position 
to clerk in a sutler store at $125.00 per month or take an interest 
in the store at Fort Cassiday, 150 miles west of Ft. Laramie ; 
supposed to start the institution in about 30 days. 

April 19, 1866 — I went over to Omaha this morning in the 
coach, came back with K's express, in the rain. Seen Mr. Kinney, 
he wanted to hire me at $40 per month to go with Col. Sawyer's 
expedition from Sioux City to Virginia City, Montana, I prom- 
ised to consider the matter. 

May 5, 1866 — I went over to Omaha again this forenoon. 
Came back on the Express, done nothing. Met Mr. Bernard this 
eve. He is going to Montana with ox teams, said I could go ; 
think I will. Terms, I furnish my own provisions and pay for 
hauling them. 

May 7, 1866 — Raining. I had a good opportunity to start 
for Denver City this morning with Mr. Davis and another young 
gent. They go with a mule team. I telegraphed to Raymond to 
come over and settle so that I could go but I heard nothing of 

May 15, 1866 — It has been a very warm day. I dusted off 
the goods and had a dish of ice cream to wash down the dust. 
Got a dinner coat. Maj. Gen. Sherman was in town today. I had 
the distinguished honor of eating dinner at the same time and 
place with him, viz. Pacific house. Some of the boys got out an 
old brass cannon and barked a few times. Read an invitation to 
Mr. Morse's party. Mr. Eicher and I called on a couple of young 
ladies on the square and spent the eve. 

May 28, 1866 — Bernard put his teams in camp this morning. 
He and I went down a couple of times. Raymond came over 
this eve. 

May 29, 1866 — I bought a bu. of onions; tried my gun, 
didn't shoot right, bought a lot things for my outfit. Went down 
to camp this eve. 

May 30, 1866 — Raymond came over and settled with me this 
morning. Bernard went down and brought up the teams and we 


loaded up the goods this eve. I went over to the ice cream saloon 
and met some young friends. 

May 31, 1866 — This morning we were busy getting ready. 

I called on Miss W ; she gave me her photo; also called on 

Miss L . We pulled out this afternoon. One of the teams 

didn 't go well, came very near upsetting ; went down on the bot- 
tom near the river and camped 3 miles. Afterwards went back 
to town and then left it for good with some bread under my arm. 
Bound for "Montana." 

Friday, June 1, 1866 — Rained nearly all night. I laid under 
a wagon. The mosquitoes didn't let me sleep much. Today we 
spent in tinkering and fixing little matters. Our crowd consists 
of A. Bernard, the proprietor; Geo. W. Schlicht, Joseph Lewis, 
James Blacketon, F. Clause, Henry Rabe, drivers ; John Wagner, 
cook, and myself. Bernard dismissed the Herder yesterday. 

June 2, 1866 — We yoked up this morn. My first experience 
in the biz. Pulled out at 8 o'clock. Crossed the river in good 
style, went up in Omaha and purchased a few fixtures ; pulled 
out from there at 12 :30 ; drove to Little Papillion, 5 miles from 
Omaha and 9 from Council Bluffs. I left Omaha on the mule 
but had to drive part of the way out, one of the drivers getting 
sick; my first experience in ox driving. Mr. Leroy and his driver, 
Patterson and 2 wagons are in our train; also Mr. Bowers with 
12 wagons at camp. No wood, one stick 40c, size of post ; good pas- 
ture and water. 

June 3, 1866 — I was wakened up to breakfast this morn. I 
bunk with Bernard. The boys brought in the cattle and yoked 
up ; we left camp at 7 :30, drove to Reed's Ranch 7 miles. Have 
good pasture and good spring water. Fine day, don't seem like 
the Sabbath. I stopped a few minutes at the ranch formerly 
owned by Messrs. Abbotts of my native town. 

June 4, 1866 — We left camp at 9 :20 ; came through Elkhorn 
City, population about 40, also Bridgeport at the crossing of 
Elkhorn River, population about 30. We came to and stopped at 
Rawhide Bottoms. Just after getting in camp we had a heavy 
rain. Had a view of Platte river at a distance. Plenty of grass 
and water; distance today 13 miles. 

June 5, 1866 — It rained steady and part of the time hard 
until 6 o'clock p. m. We went to the house of Mr. Fuller and 
cooked our grub. Cooler, the mosquitoes nearly ate us up last 

June 6, 1866 — We left camp at 9 :45. The roads were very 
muddy. Our mess wagon stuck once, had to double team, partly 
unload to get out. We came through Fremont, population 300. 
Came to the railroad and camped at the Dale house. Distance 
today 12 miles. Mr. Bernard's pony ran off this eve. He and I 


went to town after it ; could not hear of it, so we stopped at the 
hotel and stayed all night ; a gay institution. I got supper. 

June 7, 1866 — I got up this morning at the tavern and 
walked out to camp 23/2 miles, there found the pony. Mr. Ber- 
nard came on and we yoked up and pulled out at 9 o'clock. We 
went to North Bend. We camped on the bank of the Platte. I 
took a wash in the river — the river is high. We crossed the rail- 
road several times today, distance 14 miles. 

June 8, 1866 — We had a very heavy rain last night, I went 
on herd the latter part of the night and this morning. We pulled 
out at 9 :40 ; came to Shell creek ranche and camped, 12 miles. 
Have spring water and good grass, camped at 5 'clock. I wrote 
a letter to Sister Cal. and home this eve. 

June 9, 1866 — A beautiful day ; we made a drive of 8 miles 
before breakfast; left camp at 4:30. Stopped at Russel's oppo- 
site Shinn's ferry. Started again at 1 and drove 6 miles and 
camped on the bank of the Platte. Have plenty of pasture and 
water. We pick up wood along the road to cook with. I put some 
fish lines in the Platte this eve. 

June 10, 1866 — This morning just as we were driving up the 
cattle there came up a heavy rain so we turned them back. It 
rained all day. We cooked and eat at the house of Mr. McPher- 
con this eve. Mr. LeRoy's man got drunk and the cattle could 
not be found. 

June 11, 1866 — This morning the cattle were all right, Pat- 
terson left, started back with his carpetsack and Leroy coat. I 
went after him and got his coat. We hitched up ; B trade for a 
couple of oxen, one of them was never before worked. We drove 
to Columbus and the Loup Fork; was too high to cross. There 
was a pontoon bridge across the main stream; I went on herd 
this eve. We saw some Pawnee Indians today. Columbus is a 
small place of about two or three hundred, well represented in 

June 12, 1866 — It was raining this morning; we concluded 
to cross the river. I took my gun and went up the river but 
didn't see any game. We pulled out at 10 and crossed the river 
by 1 'clock ; had to double teams and wade waist deep, had some 
trouble but got over safe. I rode over on the mule ; came one mile. 

June 13, 1866 — We pulled out this morning at 5 :35, went to 
Prairie Creek and camped; 13 miles. Got to camp at 1 o'clock. 
Have good water and pasture. We had some good roads and 
some very bad. A couple of teams stuck and we double teamed. 
The creek came to the wagon's bed. Fine day. 

June 14, 1866 — We left camp this morning at 5 :30. Had 
the hardest day's drive yet; stalled several times, had to put as 
much as 17 yoke of oxen to the team to get through. Went about 
6 miles and camped on the bank of the Platte. Silver Creek was 


too high to ford so went through a back road which made us 
some bad road. Saw an Indian on his war horse. The Great 
Pacific R. R. is completed this far, 100 miles. They are pushing 
the work ahead one mile per day. 

June 15, 1866 — The cattle 'was not herded last night. This 
morning Bernard and I rode about 10 or 12 miles before finding 
them. The boys got things together and we started at 1 :45, leav- 
ing Leroy with his two teams, one of them sticking in the mud. 
This was against my principles but I could do nothing. The boys 
were anxious to help him out but Bernard wasn't. Our traveling 
together is at an end. We came 10 miles and camped at 6 :30 near 
a ranch on the Platte. We saw some 40 teams across the river 
on the south road going west. 

June 16, 1866 — This morning and eve I go on herd. Ber- 
nard's pony was gone again this morning. Rained some last 
night. We pulled out at 6 :45, drove 14 miles and had good roads 
excepting one place where we doubled teams to go through the 
water. B went back and got the pony. 

June 17, 1866 — I drove the cattle in early, got breakfast and 
left camp at 5. Drove 8 miles and had an oyster dinner. Bernard 
settled with Geo. Schlicht, our chief driver. He has been dis- 
satisfied for several days. We drove again this P. M. 7 miles and 
found a good camping place. 

June 18, 1866 — Bernard was on herd last night. He came in 
at 12 and sent out another man. We left camp at 5 and drove to 
the O. K. Store 6 miles. Stuck with the mess wagon. Started at 
2 and drove to Wood River, 9 miles. Found good camping 
ground. Bernard hired another driver today, one that left C. 
Leroy Nathan Kimbal. 

June 19, 1866 — We left camp at 5, drove about 10 miles; 
camped on Wood River. Excellent water. Started again at 1 :20 
and drove 10 miles. Camped on Wood River. We had the best 
roads today I ever saw. Bernard had a fuss with another of his 
drivers this eve and discharged him. I rec'd a letter from C. 

June 20, 1866 — We pulled out at 5 :35 and drove to the 
river 5 miles above Port Kearney, distance 18 miles ; got to camp 
at 4 o'clock. Have good pasture and water. The roads were ex- 
cellent. I saw some prairie dogs today, the first. There are 
camped here now 15 wagons besides our 5 making 20 which will 
leave this place together. Saw the flag at Fort Kearney at 12 
o 'clock. I drove a team of 4 yoke today voluntarily. B wants to 
hire another hand. The train has unanimously chosen Mr. Bar- 
ton captain of the train, the same I took dinner with last Easter. 
He is a good man for the place. 

June 21, 1866 — We left camp at 6 o'clock. The emigrant 
part of the train left first, came near having a fuss about it ; con- 


eluded to start together afterwards, drove about 7 miles and 
stopped on the prairie without water. Stopped at 11 and started 
at 2 and drove to Elm Creek, where we got water by driving out 
the snakes and toads. — 8 miles — 15. I helped to kill 2 rattle- 
snakes today; one had 6 and the other 9 rattles, I saw some 
antelope at a distance this eve. Heard the wolves barking and 

June 22, 1866 — We got ready to roll out at 6 o'clock, when 
one of the emigrant wagons was found to be broke — the sand 
board. They made a new one. While at work on that an antelope 
came close to corral. We fired half a dozen shots but none hit. 
Pulled out at 9 o'clock, drove about 6 miles, stopped to water at 
11 :20 ; had poor water in a slough and poor pasture. We started 
again at 1 :30 and went to the river about 12 miles. There was 
some dissent about the gait of travel; our teams in front we 
went too slow for the emigrants. They tried to pass us but 
couldn't. I went off of the road after antelope but could not get 
close enough to shoot ; seen 8 or 10 tonight. We have good pas- 
ture and water, no wood. 

June 23, 1866 — Bernard and I were on herd the latter part 
of last night. Pleasant night, cool and dry. The dissatisfaction 
between our trains and the emigrants were such that we dis- 
solved. Bernard dictated too much to please the captain or the 
emigrants. We lay by and wait for a freight train and they go 
ahead. I would rather risk it alone. I went out after antelope 
but couldn't get close enough to shoot. Done some washing too; 
got out my clothes and aired them. 

June 24, 1866 — Today about noon a freight train of 25 
Avagons and 4 or 5 emigrants wagons came up, the men we ex- 
pected to cross the plains with. Mr. Ben j amine is one of the 
principal men ; he has 8 wagons. Mr. Bowers has 12 wagons, 
part of them loaded with a quartz mill. Benjamin was chosen 
captain. I like the appearance of him and all the crew. We 
have now 34 wagons and 49 men, 12 women and 10 children and 
80 head of cattle. This eve while after the cattle I saw a jack rab- 
bit, fired 6 shots at it with a navy revolver and killed it with a 
vest pocket pistol. 

June 25, 1866 — We left camp this morning at 6 :20. Our 
teams in front drove about 6 miles and stopped at 10 o'clock. I 
took the gun and went after antelope, started 2 young ones, 
killed one and shot at and missed the other. Carried the one to 
corral 2 or 3 miles, This was the hottest day of the season. I 
brought in the first game. Left corral at 2 and drove about 7 
miles. A storm of wind and rain forced us to corral about 5 
o'clock. Have good pasture and water in the Platte. We trav- 
eled in a few hundred yards of the river. Bernard hired an- 
other man, Mr. . Cool this eve. Came 15 miles. 


June 26, 1866 — Cool and pleasant. I was hunting antelope 
all day. Had the mule this forenoon. Could not do much with 
him. Benjamin killed 2 antelope, came in and to dinner. This 
P. M. I went a foot, wounded one, saw 3 wolves and not many 
antelope. Came in to camp at dusk. We started this morning at 
6 :15, drove until 12, about 10 miles ; started again at 3, stopped 
at 4; 10 miles making' 20. Have good pasture and water. No 
timber. I killed a large rattlesnake today. 

June 27, 1866 — Left camp at 6 :40 ; drove over the sand 
bluffs that extend to the river about 10 miles ; had some bad 
roads; stopped 11:30; started 4:10; stopped at 6. Benjamin's 
brother went a hunting and didn't come in at noon. He went to 
hunt him. The lost came in first this P. M. The roads are good ; 
camped at good water and pasture, no wood. This eve while cor- 
raling, an antelope came in gunshot ; he was fired at but not hit. 

June 28, 1866— Left camp 6 o'clock. I took the gun and 
walked but didn't see any game. It took us some time to cross 
Skunk creek, 30 feet of mud and water. Camped after crossing, 
10 o'clock. Started again at 3:30 and drove 7 miles; stopped at 
a good spring of water 7 o'clock, the first I have seen in the ter- 
ritory. The spring makes the Pawnee swamp extending down 
the river to Skunk Creek. We also have good pasture and no 
wood. Cottonwood was in sight on the opposite side of the river 

June 29, 1866 — Left camp 7 :20 ; had some bad sandy roads 
for a couple of miles while passing the junction of the North 
and South Platte up the North Platte we have the best of roads. 
The ground is covered with alkali. Drove to the river 9 miles this 
P. M. drove 6 miles — 15. Passed the grave of Mr. Manning killed 
by Indians in 1864. I carried the gun most all day but didn't 
see anything but a couple of sand hill cranes. We have no wood 
but use tame buffalo chips. 

June 30, 1866 — Left camp at 6, drove 10 miles, camped 
near the river at 12 :15. I went after game ; was about 2 miles 
off of the road ; shot at and wounded a sand hill crane, 200 yds. 
Walked up within 12 feet of it and it got away. I came to cor- 
ral tired. This morning we had some trouble crossing a small 
muddy creek. Some of the wagons stuck. Left corral at 3 :15 
and drove to North Bluff Fork, a clear stream 5 or 6 rods wide, 
1 foot deep, bottom quick sand ; some of the wagons stuck. We 
crossed the stream and camped in a storm of wind and rain at 
4 :45 ; no wood. Came since noon 2 miles — 12. Killed a rattle- 
snake, 3 rattles. 

Sunday, July 1, 1866 — We yoked up and left camp at 6 :40. 
Doubled teams and crossed the sandy bluffs that extend to the 
river opposite the lower point of bluffs between the North and 
South Platte. From the height of these bluffs we could see far 


up and down the river, also the South Platte and trains on the 
opposite side. Went about 3 miles and camped at 10 o'clock. 
Laid by the rest of the day. I took a good sleep. Have good 
pasture, no wood and poor water. Some of the boys were back 
in the bluffs and found some dead Indians had died. 

July 2, 1866 — Left camp 6, in one mile we crossed a sand 
bluff, had to double teams y 2 mile, came 4 miles, stopped at 
11 :30, started at 3. I took the gun and went back in the bluffs 
a couple of miles but saw no sign of game ; found a good spring as 
I started. The teams came to another sand bluff one mile or 
more across; had to double teams most of the way over; got 
across at sundown and went into corral, 6 miles — 10 miles today, 
weather cool ; camped on the Platte. 

July 3, 1866 — Left camp at 6 and stopped at 11 :30. Had 
some sandy roads. Came 5 miles this P. M. We traveled from 
3 to 6 and camped on Rattle Snake Creek. A good campground 
for water and grass. Came 7 miles — 13. We had some excellent 
roads this afternoon. We camped near the river also. Tomor- 
row we lay by for independence day and rest. 

July 4, 1866 — Got up late; was wakened by the firing of 
guns in camp ; helped to get berakf ast then took the pony and 
gun and went to the bluffs after game. The air was hot. Mr. C. 
LeRoy was with us. He shot at a wolf. We both shot at and 
wounded an antelope; didn't get it. Seen several but couldn't 
get near them. Was out 6 or 7 miles. Found the head of the 
creek. There had been Indians there to water stock a few days 
before. Came to camp about 6 P. M. The first thing told us was 
one of the men was accidentally shot, Mr. Canovan of Flanagan's 
outfit. A lady handing him the pistol it went off, hit his hand 
and went into his side. They don't think he will live. Bernard 
gave an excellent 4th dinner to the proprietors of the train. Yet 
it ends in sorrow. I was thinking today how they are at work 
in the harvest field at home. 

July 5, 1866 — The wounded man seemed better today. The 
train lays still on his account. We done our washing today, had 
my hair cut off short. The air is oppressively hot, 114°. One of 
Mr. Murray's work cows turned back today. Two of his boys 
followed her but didn't catch her. They got back at 1 o'clock 
this night. 

July 6, 1866 — Left camp at 6 and stopped at 11 :30. I took 
the gun and went over the bluffs ; seen 4 antelope ; came in to 
dinner. Left camp at 2 o 'clock and stopped at 6 :40 near Wolf 
creek. Came about 14 miles today. Weather cool ; roads tolerable 
good but some places sandy. 

July 7, 1866 — Left camp at 5 :40 ; got up to breakfast at 3, 
drove about 6 miles, camped near the river on a wet piece of 
land. Some of the wagons stuck while driving into corral. Alkali 


is plenty; some of the cattle got some. We pulled over some 
steep sandy bluffs this morning y 2 mile, doubled teams. I went 
a hunting this morning, seen one antelope. This P. M. we drove 
4 miles and camped y 2 mile from the river. Have good pasture. 

July 8, 1866 — We had breakfast at 3. I drove up the cattle; 
some of them strayed off a couple of miles. Started 5 :15. We 
drove about 8 miles ; good roads, crossed one very nice creek 30 
feet wide, 1 deep. Stopped at 10 :30. Bernard saw some Indians' 
ponies this morning while hunting cattle in the bluffs. Started 
at 1 :45 and drove 9 mile ; camped % mile of the river ; plenty 
of grass. I rode in the mess wagon ; good roads, 17 miles. 

July 9, 1866 — Left camp at 5 :30 ; drove 9 miles and camped 
at 10 :30. Started at 2 :15 ; passed some high bluffs. I went up 
on them, saw Chimney rock 46 miles distant to the west. Stopped 
at 6 o 'clock near the river ; have poor pasture. The cattle came 
near stampeding this eve ; we headed them. I killed a large rat- 
tlesnake, 8 rattles. 8. 

July 10, 1866 — Left camp at 5 :10 eve ; came over Cobbs hills 
and past the ancient ruins or bluffs. I went up on them with my 
spyglass. The bluffs resemble old solid buildings crumbling down. 
They are part stone and clay and sand. In front of the principal 
one is a grand plaza or gradual slope down towards the river. 
They are about 60 to 80 feet high. A noise gives my echo around 
the walls. I left my cards there on a white stone. I could see 
chimney rock very plain, also bluffs beyond distance 50 miles. 
We stopped at the river. Came 9 miles ; had very poor pasture ; 
drove this eve from three to 6, about 6 miles — 15. Bernard took 
up a Mormon cow that was left on the road. I went after some 
antelope this eve. 

July 11, 1866 — Left camp 5 :20 ; drove about 9 miles. I rode 
in the mess wagon. Have poor pasture. We can pick up wood 
enough now along the river bank to cook with. This P. M. we 
started at 2 :15 and drove until 7 :01, 10 miles — 19. We came to 
the road that runs from Laramie to Julesburg this afternoon. 
We saw a mule train on that road this P. M. of 50 wagons. The 
road is on the south side of the river. We passed the court house 
bluff this P. M. At a distance it resembles a large square build- 
ing. It is on the south side; saw a ranche on the other side. 

July 12, 1866 — We left camp at 5 :20. Passed Chimney rock. 
It consists of a pyramid shaped pile of earth and rock about 50 
feet high and in the center is a rock resembling an old chimney 
about 40 feet higher. Today is extremely hot; the roads dusty 
and not very good. The land yesterday and today abounds in 
alkali. Bernard settled up with another of his hands this morn- 
ing, Kimble. We stopped at 11 ; came 10 miles ; laid by this P. M. 
\ r ery hot, mercury 105. I wrote part of a letter to Clem Sheafer. 
Had a little rain this eve. 


July 13, 1866— We left camp at 6 and drove until 11 :30, 
10^2 miles. The roads were excellent; had good pasture. The 
first Indian we have seen out here came to camp today at noon ; 
could see their camp up the river ; several Indians came to camp 
begging. We drove from 5 to 6 — 15, 2y 2 miles — 13. Corraled in 
1 mile of the Indians ' camp ; about 50 of them came down to 
camp ; they have made a treaty June 28. They showed us their 
paper. They run a horse race with Leroy and beat him. One of 
them at noon had 2 antelope he killed ; they have new shotguns 
and went to get sugar & c. They look tolerable clean ; their salu- 
tation is how and shake hands. 

July 14, 1866 — I was on corral guard the latter part of last 
night. This morning the cattle were strayed off; I got 4; iy 2 
miles found 3, killing 2 snakes — 5 miles. Left them while I went 
farther. Mr. Ferbar'came down ; we went 7 or 8 miles. Couldn't 
find. Coming back we met the Indians on the march ; looked like 
1000 horses and" Indians. Their manner of packing was a nov- 
elty to me; saw them run down an antelope; one Indian got 
throwed. They told us they took the three home. Went back to 
corral. Mr. Leroy came in; he found one of his oxen butchered 
by the Indians in the bluffs. Started at 2 o'clock, 6 oxen out. The 
Indians brought in 2 and a gun they stole. One of the oxen 
wounded by shooting through the head. Gave them some bacon. 
They said they would bring in the other 3 live ones. Said pa- 
poose stole the gun and killed the ox. They had a white girl 7 
years old. We went 8 miles and camped on spring creek at rock. 
Good road and pasture. Saw Laramie Peak this eve from camp. 

July 15, 1866 — We left camp at 6 :20. Soon after starting 
there were about 15 Indians came up to settle for the missing 
cattle. The train stopped ; they formed half of a circle and com- 
menced smoking a pipe passing it from one to the other. They 
talked a good deal. I couldn 't understand. Spotted Tail, a chief 
of the Brules had a signed treaty 28 ( ?) They said the Indians 
eat the cattle. They gave the captain a No. 1 buffalo robe and 
Leroy a ponjr for his ox and Ferber 2 ponies for his 3. They 
gave them for bringing these, 2 sides of meat and % sac ^ °f 
flour. The Indians were perhaps afraid of the government so 
soon after the treaty. We corraled at 10 :20, started at 3 :15 and 
stopped at 6, came 7 and 5 — 12. Camped on the bank of the 
river; good pasture and wood on the islands. One light wagon 
broke a wheel to pieces. Hot day. One of the chiefs today had 
a medal dated 1801 and another had one 1866. 

July 16, 1866 — We laid by to make a new wagon wheel and 
set 12 other tires. Mr. Bernard is sick with a pain in the back 
I am doing his work. We had some rain late this eve. The boys 
overhauled the mess wagon and reloaded. 


July 17, 1866— We left camp at 5 :20 and drove 11 miles. 
Weather cool and roads excellent. Stopped at 11 :15 ; find good 
pasture, water in the river and plenty of wood. We passed 2 
creeks on the south of the road. Came past a government bar- 
racks on the largest creek ; they were out of use ; had been used 
by soldiers. There were plenty of fish in the creek. Left camp 
at 2 and drove till 6 ; have not very good pasture. There is quite 
a grove of cottonwood close to camp and the river also. Had 
some good roads and some sand. . From Omaha to Ft. Laramie 
510 miles — 522 by Campbell's guide. 

July 18, 1866 — This morning we left camp at 6 and drove 
9 miles. Had some bad sand roads ; camped 10 :30, 6 miles of Ft. 
Laramie. Poor pasture. Cap. Benjamin, P. Canover, Flanigan 
and I went ahead to Fort Laramie. Passed a ranche kept by a 
man equal to an Indian ; bought of him a buckskin. Crossed the 
Platte on a ferry which runs itsself by the current. Laramie has 
no fortifications except a ditch. There are 30 or 40 houses, bar- 
racks, officers' quarters, warehouses, a blacksmith and suttler, 
etc., such as is seen at such posts. This post is well fixed. There 
are some Indians camped about here, loafers. Got one letter for 
Bernard. Wrote a couple of letters for him and also telegraphed. 
At camp 1 :30 and lay by, have to drive 6 miles above — 12 ; too 
far of afternoon drive. Saw an Indian buried in the air on poles. 

July 19, 1866 — I went to Ft. Laramie again this morning. 
The cook went along to get the horses shod. The ponies were gone 
this morning and the train got a late start and stopped late. 
Drove 10 miles and stopped 5 miles above Laramie. I saw the 
major commanding the post VanVost and the adjutant or provo 
marshal. They had to know the number of everything in the out- 
fit of wagons, had to have 20 or 30 men well armed. Traded some 
with suttler. The major showed me some dispatches from N. York 
17th and Europe. There is war in Europe. About noon the In- 
dians had a brush. Utes and Sioux I guess; didn't amount to 
much. A sergeant came over to the train and inspected it. Our 
captain went over and got his pass. 

July 20, 1866— We left camp at 4 :20 before breakfast. Four 
miles we found good pasture on the river ; then we left the river 
and went into the Black hills. Traveled 8 more miles — 12. 
Stopped at 11 at a small spring and coming out of the bluffs, 
the highest bluffs. We watered most of the cattle in a bucket ; had 
no pasture. Started again at three ; went 4 miles ; stopped at 4 ; 
had to go down a very steep and rough hill, then up a very long 
and steep hill. Had to double teams ; corraled on top of the hill 
and drove the cattle down the ravine to the river 2 miles. I took 
the mule and stayed with the cattle. Seen sage brush today. We 
should have come 4 miles farther yesterday and drove through 
to the river stopping at the spring for lunch. I went on top of 


the hill at noon, could see down the river to chimney rock. The 
hills are rightly named ; look black dark stone. We saw our first 
pine this morning ; there is pine and cedar on the hills. 

July 21, 1866 — I had no trouble last night on herd. Came 
in with the cattle this morning. "We left camp at 8 :20 and drove 
to the river at 10, 3 miles. Roads not as rough as yesterday ; hills 
not large. There were some tire to set in the train. Left corral 
at 4:15 and drove until 7. Intended to make a dry camp but I 
found plenty of water at the foot of bluffs in a creek ; come from 
rain and stood in holes. Have very good pasture. 

July 22, 1866 — Fine morning. We left camp at 6 and drove 
to alder clump, 10% o'clock. Found a good spring of water; 9 
miles. Had good roads, a little rolling. There were 6 graves near 
the spring. Left camp at 2 :30 and stopped at 4 at a good cold 
spring and very good pasture but no wood. The water is the 
coldest I have seen on the trip. At noon Flanigan lost an ox; 
died. I left my name on the rock near where we camped last 
night, also on a bush on the top of the highest hill near the 
spring in the Black Hills. 

July 23, 1866 — This morning there were 12 horses gone. 
They got them in about 7 o'clock. The captain got dissatisfied 
and we came near having a bust-up in the organization of the 
train. Finally they quieted down and lay by for today. Mr. 
Ferber and I took a ride up the road 4 or 5 miles. While in 
Laramie the other day I saw men going into the Black Hills to 
prospect for gold. I understand that Phil Cameron was ap- 
pointed assistant to the captain. 

July 24, 1866 — We left camp at 5 :20. Crossed a small creek 
4 miles. Drove to the river, distance 17 miles ; had a good place 
to camp but no pasture much; camped at 2 o'clock. Had a 
good road today. I went on top of a sugar loaf peak on the 
road, had a good view of the surrounding country. 

July 25, 1866 — We left camp at 5 :25 and drove 7 miles. 
Passed a ferry on the Platte. Bridgers, as usual, the proprietor, 
has some Indians around him. The road was good but some 
rolling this afternoon. We left camp at 1 :25 and drove 11 miles. 
Stopped at 6. Good watering place in the river ; no wood, but 
sagebrush ; no pasture ; roads good. We passed this eve some 
steep points and bluffs. 

July 26, 1866 — We left camp at 6 and drove 7 miles. Had 
sand most of the way. Passed over a steep hill, looked like iron 
ore, and camped on the river. Have a nice camping ground, 
wood, water and grass. Some of the boys caught two young 
oagles and I called the camp Eagle Camp; wrote the same on a 
tree in the corral. Some of the crew mended their wagons this 
p. m. I shot at mark with the captain this eve. There was a 


dance in the corral this eve; the ladies took part. I drove a 
team for one of the boys. 

July 27, 1866 — "We could have got an early start this morn- 
ing but the cattle crossed the river while watering them. Some 
of the boys swam the river and drove them back. Left camp 
at 6 and drove until 11 ; 10 miles. Had the hilliest road yet, 
none very large. The roads were solid; we had to go a long 
distance to get a few miles. Just as we were yoking up this 
p. m. at 4 o'clock there were two men came ahead from the 
camp we left this morning for help. The Indians (6) dashed in 
there at 1 :30 and stole 12 head of horses, leaving 4 wagons 
without team. Some of our men went back to see their train 
up with ours. We wait. They came up at dusk. Met W. Mc- 
Fadden from the C. Bluffs ; they lost 8 horses and 4 mules; lost 
all except their cattle. They have 18 wagons and 32 men. The 
boys found stone coal here on the river bank. I drove. 

July 28, 1866 — We left camp at 5 :35 and drove 8 miles. 
Left the river a few miles and camped at 9 o'clock near a 
sulphur spring on the left of the road. The other train followed 
and camped close by. This p. m. we left camp at 12 :45 and 
drove 8 miles. Camped in a hollow ; found water in pools, some 
grass and sagebrush for fuel. The other train corraled with us 
this eve. 

July 29, 1866 — Last night some of the cattle got sick, about 
12 of them. They brought them into corral and gave them 
some whisky and fat meat. Supposed they ate some poisoned 
weeds. We left camp at 7. Four miles we found a little pond 
of water. We stopped, watered the cattle with pails. Drove all 
day, crossed the dividing ridge between the Platte and Missouri 
waters. I quit driving about noon. The roads were rolling but 
good. About 4 o'clock Ave came to where there had been a 
fight on the 24th, between a train and the Indians. Saw where 
they had been corraled; saw blood and 4 graves — W. H. Dear- 
born, H. E. Cambell, Wm. Bothwell, S. C. Carson. I suppose 
they were the train we dissolved with at Fort Kearney. This 
begins to make things look "skaly." We went into corral 2 
miles beyond; found water at a spring in a dry creek, also 
wood; pasture scarce. Came today 20 miles. Camped at 6. 
Laramie Peak passed from view today. 

July 30, 1866 — We watered the cattle with pails this morn- 
ing. Kept them in corral last night. Left camp at 8 and trav- 
eled until 2 o'clock p. m. Came 10 miles; had good road but 
hilly or rolling. Bernard tied behind a wagon belonging to a 
man that had his mules stole at Eagle Camp. We had a shower 
of rain about 5 o'clock. Found plenty of water in the hollow 
in a creek; a springs, good pasture. There is plenty of petri- 
fied wood on the prairies. 


July 31, 1866— We left camp at 5:20. Kept the cattle in 
corral last night. Traveled 5 miles ; camped at Wind creek ; 
good pasture and muddy rain water. Crossed a high divide 
between two camps. This p. m. we started at 2. Five miles we 
passed a dry creek, water by digging, where there was brush 
and timber. There had been a train corraled on the side hill; 
I think in a fight. It was a good place for an ambush. Some of 
the train picked up a paper today saying they had been at- 
tacked on the 22d and 23d. On a buffalo skull "Look out for 
Indians." We came to another creek in 2 miles, water by dig- 
ging, and camped 1 mile beyond on top of the ridge ; dry camp ; 
good pasture ; 13 miles. Can see the table mountains to the 
right — mountains. 

Wednesday, August 1, 1866 — We left corral at 5, without 
water or pasture. Traveled until 3 p. m. steady. Made dry — 
creek, 20 miles. There we found wood, pasture and but very 
little water and that in stagnant pools. Tried to water the 
cattle in pails, some of them got some and some none. The 
roads were good but rolling. We had scouts on either side of 
the road. Saw some antelope and while coming over a hill with 
a party of men we came on 2 black-tailed deer. They shot and 
killed one buck, 3 prongs; had some of it for supper. We came 
in sight this morning of the Big Horn mountains, the tops 
being covered with snow. They looked like clouds. This p. m. 
I was appointed assistant to the captain. I go on guard tonight. 
We passed some points today covered with stone, round as 
cannon balls. 

August 2, 1866 — We left camp at 8 o'clock. The cattle had 
some grass and but few of them any water. One mile we went 
into the bed of dry creek and traveled down it. Went about 10 
miles and camped to let the cattle rest and dig wells for water, 
got but little. Started again at 5 :30 and drove until 9. I went 
out over the hills. About sunset I got in sight of Powder river 
and Ft. Reno. Went back to the train and came on with it. 
Came 7 miles — 17 the road left dry creek about 3 miles back. 
The creek has high square banks, timber in the bed of the 
creek. Camped 1 mile of the river, the fort is on the opposite side. 
We were the first train that has come through without being at- 
tacked by Indians. 

August 3, 1866 — We pastured the cattle and crossed the 
river this p. m. Camped near the fort, which consists of posts 
set about 8 feet high and 8 inches through; enclosed about ^ 
acre; soldiers quarters made of logs, covered with dirt. One 
company stationed here under Capt. Proctor. The sutler seems 
to be doing well. There was a government train came from the 
west this p. m. They report the Indians not very troublesome 
ahead. The men were badlv scared this morn but feel in better 


spirits this p. m. I wrote a letter to Mother this p. in. The mail 
starts east tomorrow. The train all goes under Cap Benjamin 
with Maiden assistant. Had to leave the No. and names of all 
the men at the fort and also of wagons, guns, etc. 

August 4, 1866 — Rained last night. I run some bullets. 
Bought a pair of shoes. I helped to bring up the cattle and we 
left camp at 3 :30. A missouri family had a drunken quarrel 
just as we were starting ; drew revolvers, etc. We Avent to dry- 
creek 10 miles and camped at dark. Have poor pasture and no 
water. Powder river was so muddy it looked red and the cattle 
would hardly drink it. The stream was about 50 feet wide and 
18 in. or 2 feet deep, sandy bottom. 

August 5, 1866 — We pastured the cattle before daylight. 
Left camp at 3 :30 and traveled 16 miles. Had excellent road, 
not very rolling. Camped 1:30 on Crazy Woman's fork, a 
stream of water running over gravel, about as muddy as the 
Platte ; 20 feet wide and 18 inches deep ; no pasture. Here was 
where there had been a good deal of Indian troubles. We pulled 
out from here at 6 and drove until 8 — 4 miles— 20. Camped on 
a high knoll for the night. Just as starting this eve the air was 
oppressive hot and in a minute it changed windy and so cold 
we had to put on thick coats. We pastured the cattle after 
dark ; no water. 

August 6, 1866 — We left camp at 5 :50. We passed through 
some rough country. Near the foot of the Big Horn mountains 
the road was not very bad. Saw where there had been a fight 
with the Indians a few days before. The snow on the moun- 
tains looks but a little ways off, the peaks are not covered but 
it lays in the ravines. We passed the junction with the Boze- 
man road. Stopped at 2 o'clock on a dry creek with a little 
water, enough for the cattle; good pasture. Came 14 miles. 
Left camp at 5 :30 and stopped at sunset on clear creek — 3 miles 
— 17 — 40 feet wide, 1 foot deep, rocky, swift and clear as a 
spring ; good pasture ; comes out of the mountains a short dis- 
tance from the road, also from the snow. Weather warm part 
of the day and cool part of the day — 17 miles. 

August 7, 1866 — We left camp at 7 :50. Crossed rock creek 
in two miles, and going on up the divide I had a good view of 
Smith lake. I went on down to the edge of the water. The 
water is clear and looks like it was not more than a couple of 
feet deep. Seen some wild geese and ducks. The lake is about 
three miles long and one wide, surrounded by bluffs, making a 
nice place. The whole of it can be seen from the top of the 
bluffs. The train camped about 2 o'clock 1 mile opposite the 
head of the lake near a little run of water. A picket from Fort 
Philip Kearney came down and told the captain where to camp. 
Came 12 miles. Two miles of the fort some of the men went 


over, Bernard stayed. I think all that went got drunk. I saw 
my first buffalo this morning. 

August 8, 1866 — I was on guard last night. We left camp 
at 8. Pulled over to the fort ; 2 miles mountainous road good. 
Crossed Little or 1st Piney fork, 1 foot deep and 2 wide. 
Stopped below the fort. I was up to the parade ground. They 
were mounting guard. They have a good band, 30 members. 
The music sounded well; something like civilization. Bernard 
gave me a buffalo robe, a very good one. A captain went down 
and saw the men and guns, and we were permitted to go on. 
Had to have 60 armed men. The fort is just building ; the garri- 
son is in tents ; been established 6 weeks. Situated between 1st 
and 2nd Piney forks in a mountainous country. "Water, timber 
and grass plenty. They tell us there is a good prospect of gold 
here. We left the fort at 11, crossed 2nd Piney fork, 50 feet 
wide, 2 feet deep, swift and rocky. We drove 8 miles — 10 and 
camped on a little stream 2 feet wide, 4 in. deep. Had the most 
mountainous country we have come over. The road good, ex- 
cept hilly and sidling. 

August 9, 1866 — Left camp at 7 and drove 10 miles. 
Camped on a small stream, but very little water. I was on the 
high hills and saw some buffalo, also a train ahead. I went 
ahead at noon to the train, 4 miles, 200 wagons — several trains 
consolidated. I had quite an audience when I first came up. 
They had all had Indian troubles. Found out that my friend 
Barton was killed. Our train came up and camped where they 
left, 4 miles — 14 miles. We traveled up the creek all the way 
nearly; could camp anyplace. Reno creek. The big train was 
2 miles long. 

August 10, 1866 — We left camp at 7, crossed the divide 
and came up with the large train before they all got out of 
corral at Goose creek, branch of Tongue river, 60 feet wide, 2 
feet deep, current swift and clear. We went behind their train. 
Sixteen miles more crossed another stream. Middle fork of 
Tongue river, 20 feet wide, 1 foot deep, clear and swift. I saw 
a front one of the men caught. Came most of the way from 
Goose creek up a ravine. Two miles farther we came to another 
creek, fork of Tongue river, 60 feet wide, 2 feet deep, clear and 
swift. Plenty good pasture all the way. One of Maiden's 
wagons upset; didn't do much damage. Came 20 miles. Camped 
with the large train which made 5 corrals. The road was good 
but very rolling, two or three steep hills to go down. I saw 
some buffalo at a distance. Weather cloudy. 

August 11, 1866 — This morning we put the best foot for- 
ward to get in front of the other trains. One corral beat us. 
Left camp at 5, soon discovered buffalo, about 6 miles. The boys 
surrounded some and drove them towards the train, we after 


them. Some on foot, some horseback, the horsemen conld not 
run them. I shot at them, but too far. Out of about 20 these 
men 6 killed buffalo; very large. Got plenty of meat. It was 
exciting sport. They look like lions. We camped 11 miles. 
Very poor watering place, not much of it. Left camp again 
3:30 — 4 miles. Crossed two little creeks near their junction, 
each 10 feet wide; good water and well dammed by beavers. 
I would call them beaver creeks. I went over the bluff for 
buffalo, shot at one with a spencer but missed 6 shots. Hit one 
long range. Afterwards took a Henry rifle, shot a buffalo bull, 
130 yds. and killed it. Shot it the second time, the 1st shot cut 
out the tongue, let the rest lay. Came to another creek 50 feet 
wide, 2 feet deep in 4 and camped — 8 miles — 13 Little Horn or 
a branch of it. 

August 12, 1866 — "We lay by today, got up late. Went out 
to where I killed the buffalo. Fine day. Some of the men set 
wagon tires and some went a fishing. 

August 13, 1866 — This morning we started at 5, without 
breakfast or pasture. I took my little rifle and went ahead and 
killed a big bull buffalo 1st shot. Hit the heart. Shot another 
and wounded him badly. Flanigan broke a wagon wheel and 
tongue. I took the buffalo tongue, liver and heart and a saddle 
blanket off of the shoulder. Drove to a small creek 10 miles, 
15 feet wide and 1 deep. Sloughs, swamps and thick bushes 
along the creek. Could call it Brush creek. They fixed the 
wagons and we left there at 4 and drove to another mud creek 
5 miles — 15, 6 feet wide and 1 deep. The road has been good 
but a little sidling in places; bad crossing at the last creek. 

August 14, 1866 — Yoked up at 2 o'clock and got started 
at 4. Had quite a race for the road with another corral; we 
beat. Drove to a creek 8 feet wide, 18 in. deep, 9 miles. Ferber 
upset his wagon, didn't break anything. The road was long 
hills. I saw a spring on top of the hills. After dinner we left 
camp at 2:30. Had another race and beat them. Went over a 
high hill and down on the same creek and camped for the night 
— 7 miles — at a small branch 4 feet Avide and 4 in. deep. The 
roads today were bad. After starting this morning I had a 
view of the country for 50 or 60 miles. 

August 15, 1866 — We yoked up this morning at daybreak ; 
some grumbling about getting up so early. Left camp at 5, just 
in time to get ahead of another train. Went to the Big Horn 
river ; 3 miles of good road. Camped 6 miles below Fort C. F. 
Smith. Good pasture, water and wood. Cattle and men tired 
out. We stop for rest. Most of the men put in the time sleep- 
ing, some went a fishing, caught some fine fishes. The river is 


6 to 10 rods wide, water muddy, current swift. Too deep to 

August 16, 1866 — I went down the river to look for a ford. 
Failed in finding one. Came back and took a nap. This p. m. 
Bernard and I went up to the fort and ferry. The ferry is 
run by Mr. Layton. Five dollars per wagon and swim the stock. 
It is a rickety boat made out of hewed plank, leaks some and 
will hold one wagon. They run it with oars, the crossers doing 
the work. There is 150 wagons to cross before ours cross. 
The fort is just established, having a very good position on the 
second table land above the river and under the edge of the 
mountain. The garrison is in tents. Two comp. of the 18th reg. 
Lt. Col. Kinney commanding. They say there is good prospect 
for gold here and up the river. Bernard stayed with his friend 
the suttler, Layton. I came back to camp at sundown. 

August 17, 1866 — Last night we had a heavy rain. This 
morning I went down to the river with Blacke.tor to prospect 
for gold. We washed out a couple of panfuls of gravel and 
sand at the edge of the water and found an amount of colors, 
very fine but plain to be seen. The first I ever seen washed out. 
I picked out some specks of gold to save as specimens. 

August 18, 1866 — Foggy morning. Was on guard last 
night. Today is my birthday, 28. We left camp at 9 and pulled 
up to the ferry and past the fort 6 miles. We commenced cross- 
ing our teams at 3 and crossed 19 before dark. Swam part of 
the cattle. 

August 19, 1866 — They commenced crossing teams early 
this morning ; also swam the stock. I herded the cattle until 
noon. Our cook John flew the ranks ; nothing lost. I went down 
to the river and helped to cross some wagons. The quickest 
trip made was 10 minutes. About the time they were through 
a number of men were getting tight. Had the wagons all 
over at 2 :30 and put in corral before night. 

August 20, 1866 — I got breakfast this morning. Left 
camp at 7. Drove 7 miles from the fort or ferry. Stopped at a 
running spring. Came up a long hill, when on top we could 
see the Wind River mountains to the west. The Big Horn 
mountains cease here. P. M. We found a creek in 2 miles, 4 
feet wide, 4 in. deep. Four miles more found a spring below 
clump of standing rock, 14 rods to the right of road. We 
camped here. Drove the stock % mile farther to a small run- 
ning stream or spring. I went ahead hunting this p. m. but 
didn't see anything. P. M. We left camp at 2 and stopped at 
5. Came today 13 miles. 

August 21, 1866— Left camp at 6. Creek y 2 mile, 2 feet 
wide, 3 in. deep. In 2 mile more found another creek 4 feet 
wide and 4 in. deep. One mile more creek 2 feet wide, 4 in. deep. 


One mile more creek, 3 feet wide and 4 in. deep, steep banks. 
One mile more another creek, 3 feet wide, 4 in. deep. "We 
camped on this creek for noon and here we divided the train, 
Mr. Maiden taking his old train and going ahead. We have 
now 34 wagons. P. M. We left camp at 4:45. In 1 mile we 
fonnd another creek 4 feet wide and 4 in. deep. We camped 
after crossing. Came today 7 miles road and country moun- 

August 22, 1866 — We left camp at 6 :15. Creek in one mile, 
4 wide, 6 in. deep. About a mile more one of Flanigans wagons 
npset Maiden's train, stampeded, broke 3 or 4 wagons, 5 or 8 
oxen. Three miles from the creek we found another, 8 feet 
wide, 8 in. deep. Crossed the divide or Wind Eiver mountains. 
Camped at the creek. P. M. Left camp at 3. Passed through 
Pryers Gap. A wagon track with Barren Bluffs on either side 
came to another creek 4 miles, 8 in. 4 deep. Saw some fresh 
Indian huts. Archy Hurry and I started for the highest peak 
of the Wind River mts. Made the top just at sunset. In the 
valley it was sultry hot. Up there it was chilly cold. Was 
farther to the top than I expected. Could see the Rocky Moun- 
tains and a region of country for hundreds of miles around. 
Coming home we killed a large buffalo at the base of the moun- 
tains. Shot him after dark, 7 or 8 times. He showed fight, but 
we mastered him. Got to camp at 8 :30. The mt. was l 1 /^ miles 
high. Game this p. m. 8 miles — 12. 

August 23, 1866— Left camp 6:35. Drove to 10:45; came 9 
miles; good roads. Could see the Rocky Mountains from the 
road. Stopped on a creek 1 rod wide and 1 foot deep. P. M. 
Started at 4 and drove until 7. Came 4 miles. Stopped at 
beaver pond. I went ahead with W. Benjamin hunting. I shot 
and killed 6 fine buck antelope this p. m. Saw some buffalo. 
Bejamin broke a wagon tongue. Came today 13 miles. This 
afternoon we came up a ravine towards the divide east of 
Clark's fork; 1 mile beyond the pond there was the same rim 
or campground. 

August 24, 1866 — We left camp at 6 :25. Crossed a run 1 
mile, came up hill 3 miles. On the divide we had a splendid 
view of a mountainous country and 3 or 4 streams of water. 
CTarks Fork. Came down hill 6 miles, dry creek 10 miles more 
or 10 this morning. Water to the right; no pasture. We went 
on to Clarks Fork, 6 rods wide. The stream raises in the after- 
noon and falls at night. Fordable in the a. m. We came in at 
1 p. m. ; too high to cross. Came today 12 miles. W. Benjamin 
and a couple of more hunters killed 4 cinnamon bears, 1 old, 3 
young. They took a light wagon back and got the three young 
ones. We all had bear meat, very good, tastes a little porkish. 


From the divide the Yellowstone mountains were in plain sight, 

August 25, 1866 — Left camp and crossed the river (Clarks 
Fork). At 9 o'clock the creek was lowest then. It rises in the 
afternoon and falls in the forenoon. Crossed in good style and 
drove to Rock creek at 1 o'clock. Came 6 miles. Rock creek 
is f ordable, clear and very swift ; rocky ; 4 rods wide, 2 feet 
deep. Plenty of good cottonwood timber on either side of the 
creek. P. M. Left camp at 4 and camped at 7. Came 4 miles. 
Crossed one tolerable bad hill. I acted wagonmaster today. 

August 26, 1866 — Left camp 6 :15. "Went up the creek, 
passed the junction with the north fork, crossed the north fork 
in 4 miles. Camped at 10 o'clock. Came 7 miles; some rocky 
road. P. M. Left camp 1 :25. Crossed the creek again in 3 
miles. Drove to where the road left the creek and corraled at 
4:40. Came this p. m. 6 miles, today 13. Came up the creek 17 
miles. I forgot today was Sunday and went a hunting ; shot at 
and wounded a deer (buck). The north fork of Rock creek is 
about 2 rods wide, 1 foot deep. 

August 27, 1866 — Left camp at 6 :35 and stopped at 11 :30 
at Elk Horn spring,- bad roads. Came 8 miles. Archy Murry 
and I went a hunting and killed 2 antelope and wounded the 
third one. He wounded them both and I shot one, and he the 
other. I killed a young one and he the old one. Carried them 
part of the way in and some of the men came out on horseback 
and took them in. Afterwards shot at a deer and missed. P. M. 
We left camp at 3. Made the top of the big hill at Rosebud 
creek at 5 o'clock; 4 miles. The wagons all got down at dark. 
Took a new road down the creek 1% miles and camped. Came 
today 13 miles. Mr. Gum saw three Indians this morning where 
we camped last night. Maiden's train. Lost one man yesterday. 
Sent him out on picket and never saw him afterwards. 

August 28, 1866 — Left corral 6 :35. Two and one-half miles 
we crossed Little Rosebud, good roads; 4 rods wide, 3 feet 
deep. Went up the west bank of Rosebud 4 miles and corraled 
for noon 11 :10. Came this forenoon 7 miles. There was plenty 
of trout caught in the creek at noon. P. M. Left camp at 3. 
Rained a little. Crossing of Rosebud, 3 miles, 6 rods wide. 3 
feet deep; the water clear as crystal, cold as spring water. 
Drove 2 miles from the creek and camped on a little stream 
2 feet wide, 6 in. deep. Came this p. m. 5 miles. Today 12. 
From the big hill down to the crossing near the junction of the 
creek 4 miles, from there the crossing of the Rosebud 7 miles. 

August 29, 1866 — Left camp 5 :50. Started ahead with the 
gun. Didn't see anything. Caught up with another train. Got 
in sight of the Yellowstone river at 12 :30. Made the top of 


Big hill 1 :30. Koads good, rolling, mostly down hill and some 
places loose rocks. Good road to make time on. Descended the 
big hill and camped on a little creek 10 feet wide, 6 in. deep, 
at the foot of hill near the Yellowstone. Came 17 miles ; camped 
at 2 :30. 

August 30, 1866 — We left corral at 7 :45. About 4 miles up 
the river we came to good pasture and half of the train pro- 
posed to pull out and stop for the cattle to recruit. Bernard 
and Benjamin went on, also Mr. Hyde. One wagon and 3 men 
making a train of 14 wagons and 22 men. The balance corraled. 
"We drove to a small creek 8 feet wide, 6 in. deep, and camped 
at 12 ; came 7 miles. Stormed a little most all day and got 
cooler this p. m. We left camp at 3, drove until 7, passed two 
corrals and camped at Sardine creek, 5 rods wide, swift and 
rocky; fordable. The boys saw where there had been a fight 
with Indians this forenoon and 4 men killed. We saw it snow- 
ing this afternoon on top of the mountains. Had good level 
roads in some places, some rocks. 

August 31, 1866 — Left camp at 5:30. Crossed the creek 
(Big Boulder), rough crossing. Very cold this forenoon; the 
boys put on overcoats. The mountain tops are covered with 
snow. We drove to a small creek 2 feet wide, 4 in. deep, and 
camped at 10 o'clock. Came 10 miles. P. M. We left camp at 
1 :25 and drove to the ferry owned by Boseman ; not very good 
concern; runs with rope and pulleys. We passed another train 
this p. m., and there is about 40 wagons ahead of us at the 
ferry. Came 3 miles this p. m. Twenty-eight miles back to the 
big hill. 

Saturday, September 1, 1866 — We went up the river this 
forenoon to look for a ford, but failed. Blacketor and I went 
up the river 6 miles, saw 4 animals, didn't know what they 
were, ran like buffalo, looked like they were the size of sheep. 
Suppose they were young elk. Came back to camp and laid 
around loose. The wind blew too high to run the ferry this 
p. m. There is an old ford here but dangerous to cross. 

September 2, 1866 — We prepared to ford the river this 
morning. Put half the wagons across at a time ; chained them 
together. Some chains broke both trips but we got across all 
safe and sound. The water came nearly to the beds ; was swift. 
Forded up stream and % mile across. I helped on mule back. 
The other portion of our old train came up and crossed the 
same time. We passed some of them in the river. Left the 
bank after getting dinner. At 5 :30 came to a small creek l 1 /^ 
miles, 8 feet wide, 6 in. deep. Two and one-half miles more we 
came to a warm running spring 3 feet wide, 6 in. deep. Camped 
here at 7 :30. Crossed the river between 9 a. m. and 3 p. m. 


September 3, 1866 — Rained all this forenoon. We left camp 
at 7 :30. In crossing a small run, 1 mile, Isloam upset one of 
Bernard's wagons; broke a reach. We fixed it up; drove on all 
right. In about % an hour drove across a range of bluffs and 
camped on the river bank at 12 :20 ; came 8 miles. Most of the 
boys fished the balance of the day. 

September 4, 1866 — There was plenty of frost this morn- 
ing. We left camp at 5 :10. One and one-half miles to the foot 
of big hill. We pulled up without much trouble. Doubled in 
one place some teams. Drove a cross a range of bluffs and down 
a large hill to 25 Yard creek and the river; 3y 2 miles. Moved 
three miles more, creek 4 feet wide, 3 in. deep and camped for 
noon — 8 miles. Afternoon left camp 1 :30. Creek 4 miles, 6 ft. 
wide, 6 in. deep. We then left the river towards the north and for 
Gallitan valley. Mountains all around us. I saw 3 teams haul-* 
ing lumber for flatboats this p. m. Came to another creek, 4 
miles, 4 feet wide, 6 in. deep, and camped. Came 8 miles — 16 
miles. After coming up big hill this morning the roads forked ; 
we took Jacobs, the left-hand one, the right was Bosemans. 

September 5, 1866 — Left camp 7:35. Wal Benjamin went 
up on the mountain slope to hunt ; seen several antelope. I 
wounded one, missed one and killed one young buck. We 
swung it on a pole and carried it to noon camp, most all up hill, 
5 or 6 miles. Train camped at 10:50. Came 6 miles. Crossed 
good many gullies. P. M. Left camp at 2:10. Crossed a large 
hill; creek 8 feet wide, 8 in. deep; 4 miles; water runs to the 
Gallitan. Crossed the summit at 6 and had good view of 
Gallitan valley. Saw some trains ahead. Went on to the top 
of another hill and camped at 7 on top of it. Came this p. m. 
8 miles, today 14. Saw several men today teaming and travel- 

September 6, 1866 — Left camp at 8 ; came mostly down 
hill. Came to a ranche or farm in 3 miles. Can see several 
houses; looks like civilization. They are cutting wheat. SaAv a 
reaper running and men stacking wheat. Came to Bridger 
creek, 2 rods wide, 1 foot deep, in 1 mile more and Boseman 
town in 3 miles more on the East Gallitan, 2 rods wide, 1 foot 
deep. The town consists of about 1 doz. cabins, a couple of 
stores (small ones), blacksmith shop, a grist mill. A short dis- 
tance they irrigate the land. I saw Boseman, the man that 
laid out one of the roads ; don't like his looks. P. M. Left camp 
2 :20. Drove to Middle creek, 2 rods wide, 10 in. deep — 6 miles. 
Here some of the emigrants that came over the plains with us 
settled down. 


September 7, 1866 — Left camp at 8. Crossed "West Gallitan 
2 miles, 6 rods wide, 2 feet deep ; fordable. There is some good 
farming on this stream. We bought half bushel of new pota- 
toes, 10 cents per pound. Greenbacks 85 cents on the dollar. 
One lb. butter $1.25. Bernard, Benjamin and Bamer went ahead 
to Virginia. I have charge of the train. We drove to a spring, 
head of a creek, and camped at 1 :45. Came 11 miles. P. M. Left 
camp at 4 and drove to a small creek 2 feet wide, 6 in. deep — 
5 miles. Camped at sunset. 

September 8, 1866 — Left camp at 6 :30. Drove to Madison 
river, 6 miles; ranche there. The river is 12 rods wide, 2 feet 
deep. Crossed ; splendid stream. Traveled up the river 3 miles 
more and camped for noon at 11 — 9 miles. P. M. Left camp at 
2 :10. Had one mile rough road. Left the river, drove up 8 
mile more and camped on Hot Spring creek. Came today 18 
miles. Saw a quartz lode today staked off; the first. 

September 10, 1866 — Left camp 7:45. Benjamin returned 
to the train from V city this morning. Had level road. Drove 
to a small creek 6 feet wide, 1 foot deep, camped for noon. 
Came 9 mile ; had poor pastures. P. M. Left camp 3 :45 and 
drove to the 8 mile house at the foot of big hill. Poor pasture ; 
water in a run. Came 4 miles, making 13 today. We met this 
p. m. one or two hundred men starting back to the states. They 
give a poor report of this country. They go to the Yellowstone 
and go down in boats. I go on guard the fore part of tonight. 

September 11, 1866 — Left camp 6 :45. Drove over the big 
hill ; doubled in one place ; had a rough hill down in one place. 
Arrived at Virginia City at 11 o'clock. Not much business at 
the place ; looks dull. We took the teams in town, met Bernard, 
unloaded the wagons at grocery and commission house. I 
helped to open goods this afternoon. Tonight I sleep in the 

September 12, 1866 — Helped to open goods today. Got 
breakfast at the store, saloon. Opened most of the goods. Got 
supper at the planters house. Had my picture taken in my 
dirt. Got two letters today, one from Col and one from Hattie. 

(This diary is continued through to the end of that year, 
but from September 12 on it is Montana history. There is also 
an expense account, giving his expenses from January 22, 1866.) 

Sharp Nose visited the school the other day and he said it 
was now 20 years since he first asked for a school house. He 
said he always helps the Agent and Superintendent. He has, 
he said, always been a friend with the whites since his visit to 
Washington in 1881.— (The Indian Guide, Vol. 2, No. 6, Sho- 
shone Agency, Wyoming, November 1897.) 



October, 1931— January, 1932 

Burnett, Edward — Picture of Bozeman Trail marker near Buffalo, 

Williams, A. B. — Twelve photographs: seven of old Fort Laramie, 
three of Custer Battlefield Cemetery, two of Guernsey Cliff. 

Corbridge, W. J. — One Oregon Trail Historical set of twelve pic- 

Lovejoy, Fred — Ox shoe found by Mr. Lovejoy near South Pass, 

Ashby, Mrs. William H. — Group photograph of Roy Bobinson, 
Shockey Hall, Newt Albott, Bartlett Richards, William H. Ashby, John 
Harris, taken in 1882. Newspaper clipping, giving history of picture, at- 

Vorhees, Mrs. Luke — Picture of the first meeting of Wyoming State 
Pioneers held at the State Fair, Douglas, Wyoming, September 12, 1912. 
All members of this group came to Wyoming prior to 1890. Names of 
pioneers listed. 

Henderson, Paul C. — Two calendars, 1909 and 1912, kept at the 
Hunton Ranch. Dated for the years 1878 thru 1888 used at Fort Lar- 
amie. Whiskey case found in the attic of the old post office building at 
old Fort Laramie. Stirrup and bullets found at old Fort Laramie. 

Carlisle, Wm. L. — Printing press dated 1873 used by convicts serving 
time in the State Penitentiary. Secured thru the efforts of Mr. Roscoe 

Masters, J. G. — Three kodak pictures taken by Mr. Masters on Au- 
gust 26, 1931: (1) Oregon Trail Crossing at Deer Creek, Wyoming; (2) 
Graves a mile west of Burnt Ranch, Wyoming (on second bench 100 
yards south of Sweetwater). These graves were discovered in 1930. Left 
grave, 1844; right, 1845; (3) Headstone of North grave — one mile west 
of Burnt Ranch, Wyoming. 

Stevenson, S. P., Jr. — Box of matches carrying the stamp of the 
Tivoli Mercantile Co., Cheyenne, Wyoming, Carl Muelrausen, Mgr. ' One 
of the earliest electric light switches which were used. Taken from the 
Supreme Court room in the State Capitol Building, November 6, 1931. 

Haas, Miss Minnie — Steatite bowl found by W. G. Haas about 20 
years ago in the Wind River mountains. These bowls were made by the 
Northern Shoshone Indians. 

Warn, Jack — One steel helmet used in World War. 

Burnett, F. G. — Photograph of himself. 

Original Manuscripts 

Wilson, Col. R. H.— "Stage Ride in 1896 from Rawlins to Agency 
School." This was the Wind River Boarding School at Shoshone Agency, 
Fremont County. 

Burnett, F. G. — "The History of the Western Division of the Powder 
River Expedition under the command of General Connor in 1865. ' ' 

Durham, Mrs. H. B. — "State Historical Department and Museum." 



Barry, J. Neilson— " General B. L. E. Bonneville, U. S. A." This 
manuscript includes annotated copy of General Bonneville's original 
report. Brig. General B. L. E. Bonneville U. S. A. from Army and Navy 
Journal, 1878. This is a photostat from Library of Congress and procured 
by J. Neilson Barry of Portland, Oregon, who is a member of the Execu- 
tive Board and Secretary of The Trail Seekers Council. Extracts of Let- 
ters of Washington Irving compiled by Mr. Barry. 

Governor's Office — Diploma for silver medal awarded State of Wyo- 
ming for collection of Wyoming woods consisting of 22 varieties at the 
Lewis and Clark Centennial, 1905 and American Pacific Exposition and 
Oriental Fair, Portland, Oregon. 

Henderson, Paul C. — Ten old account books and large collection of 
documents consisting of letters, bills of merchandise, cancelled checks, 
from old Fort Laramie. 

Mechling, J. S., Chairman of Natrona County Chapter American Red 
Cross, Casper, Wyoming. — Records of 4th Liberty Loan Subscription for 
Xatrona County, Wyoming. Kept by L. F. McMahon, of Guaranty Reg- 
istry Corp., Casper, Wyoming. Letters written by J. Davis of Lost 
Cabin, Wyoming, dated February 7, 1919; Burlington Railroad, Casper, 
Wyoming, November 7, 1918, list of Liberty Loan Subscribers for Bur- 
lington employees; Lucy R. Taliaferro, State Chairman, Woman's Lib- 
erty Loan Committee, Rock Springs, November 2, 1918; Mrs. R. A. Clark, 
October 30, 1918, Casper, Wyoming; Mrs. George W. Fuller, Chairman 
Woman's Committee Federal Reserve Dist., Kansas Citv, Missouri, Oc- 
tober 28, 1918. 

Carter, Hon. Vincent — "History of the Three Vessels of the Navy 
that Used the Name U. S. S. Wyoming." 

Haas, Miss Minnie — Letter written to Herman Haas, Cheyenne, Wyo- 
ming Territory, September 22, 1869, by Edward M. Lee, Secretary of the 
Territory. Two certificates of election issued to Mr. Herman Haas (1) 
dated October 1 1873, Cheyenne, signed by J. A. Campbell, Governor of 
Wyoming Territory; (2) dated October 2, 1877, Cheyenne, signed by 
John M. Thayer, Governor of Wyoming Territory. 

Chapman, Mark A. — Photostat of the first Telephone Directory of 
Cheyenne 1883; and of Weather Statistics from 1871 to 1882 inclusive, 
compiled at the Signal Service Office, Cheyenne. 


The McCormick Family— " Cyrus Hall McCormick" by William T. 
Hutchinson, Assistant Professor of History, The University of Chicago. 

University of Michigan — "The Youth of Erasmus" by Huma; 
"Royal Forests Sheriffs and Smuggling" by Cross; "The Senate and 
Treaties, 1789-1817" by Hayden; "The Color Line in Ohio" by Quillin. 

David, Robert B. — Author's copy of "Malcolm Campbell, Sheriff" 
written by Mr. David. 


Burnett, Edward — "Live Stock Markets" containing Mr. Bur- 
nett's story, "The Buffalo and Early Buffalo Hunters." 

Henderson, Paul C. — Six copies "Mines and Minerals Journals;" 
five "Monthly Weather Reviews;" one copy "Annual Reports of the 
President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1890-91." 

Henderson, Kenneth A. — "In the Tetons" by Mr. Henderson, ar- 
ticle reprinted from ' ' The Canadian Alpine Journal, 1930. ' ' 

Fryxell, F. M— < < The Green Tree ' ' by Dr. Fryxell. 


Carroll, Major C. G. — "The American Legion Monthly," December, 
1931 — a history number. 

Henderson, Paul C— Guernsey Gazette, July 28, 1905, October 13, 
1905, April 12, 1912; Wheatland World, September 29, 1905; Bill Bar- 
low's Budget, August 14, 1907. These papers belonged to John Hunton 
and were found at old Fort Laramie. 

"Bill" Hooker Collection 
Books: "Indian Creek Massacre 1882." "The Lady Elgin Disaster, 
1860," autographed by the author Charles M. Scanlan. "Malcolm Camp- 
bell, Sheriff," by E. B. David. Pamphlet: "Eeport of the American 
Bison Society," 1927-1930, inc. Photographs: Mr. Hooker in the office 
of the Milwaukee Journal, 1929; 2 recent pictures of Mr. Hooker; Pic- 
ture from a painting of W. H. Jackson, artist and photographer — dis- 
covered Jackson Canyon in the 60 's, explored Box Elder Canyon with 
a government party in 1870. I followed him there in 1874 to cut cord- 
wood for the commissary at Fort Fetterman and helped haul it to the 
fort as a bullwhacker for John Hunton. Harry Young was in one crew. 
He shot and killed an Indian. They were always taking pot shots at us. 
Mr. Jackson took the first photographs in Yellowstone Park and they 
are owned by the U. S. Government. (Bill Hooker) Kodak views of 
Diltz ranch from Bill Hooker's cabin site on LaBonte Creek; scene 
near his cabin, July 1930; 4 pictures of the Covered Wagon Centennial 
at Independence Eoek, July 3, 4, 5, 1930; picture of D. W. Greenburg in 
1930; picture Frontier, Cheyenne; Teapot Eock, 2 views of business dis- 
trict in Casper; picture from "the viaduct to my farm in Wisconson"; 
one " of a corner of my ranch." Photostatic copy of page in an account 
book kept by John Hunton in 1874-5. This page contains the date — 
I remembered the provisions we picked up at Hunton 's on the Chug- 
water (May 1874) especially the dried apples. I was a bullwhacker in 
the Hunton outfit, Nath (Nathan) Williams was Hunton 's wagon boss. 
There are other historical names and items on this picture. "The last 
heard of Nath Williams he was living at Hot Springs, S. D. I failed to 
find him in 1921. Mr. Hunton wanted an affidavit from him relating to 
the running off of 30 head of our bulls (oxen) so he could collect on a 
claim made to the government. The oxen were stampeded while being 
herded on LaPrele Creek, a few miles south of old Fort Fetterman, and 
not far from Natural Bridge, which was then in a very wild part of 
Wyoming. We of the Hunton crew visited the bridge frequently against 
the advice of Mr. Hunton who knew, as we did, that the ' ' bridge ' ' was 
a favorite spot for Sioux hunting parties. 

(Signed) Bill Hooker, Dec. 11, 1931. 

In explanation of the account sheet Mr. Hooker gives the following: 

"(1) It will be noted that buckskin pants had two prices. Prob- 
ably one pair were fringed and of extra quality. 

"(2) Sam Young was also called Harry: (Author of 'Hard- 

"(3) We picked up these provisions at Hunton 's fortified cabin 
on the Chugwater, en route to Fort Fetterman. 

"(4) The 'order to Hall' items means that I owed Hall $35 lost 
to him in a 'shut-mouth' poker game. 

"(5) George Powell owned a bull train." 

>up Uc 

gfonate of Idpommg 

VOL. 8 

APBIL, 1932 

No. 4 




Capt. Bonneville By J. Neilson Barry 


History of Carbon, Wyoming's First Mining 

Town By Mrs. Chas. Ellis 

Carbon By Mrs. Chas. Ellis 


Published Quarterly 

by the 


Mrs. Cyrus Beard, State Historian 
Cheyenne, Wyo. 

gfanate of OTipommg 

VOL. 8 APRIL, 1932 No. 4 


Capt. Bonneville By J. Neilson Barry 


History of Carbon, Wyoming's First Mining 

Town By Mrs. Chas. Ellis 

Carbon By Mrs. Chas. Ellis 


Published Quarterly 

by the 


Mrs. Cyrus Beard, State Historian 
Cheyenne, Wyo, 


Acting Governor A. M. Clark 

Secretary of State A. M. Clark 

State Librarian Mrs. Clare E. Ausherman 

Secretary of Board Mrs. Cyrus Beard 


Judge E. H. Fourt Lander 

Dr. Grace R. Hebard Laramie 

Mrs. C. L. Vandevender Basin 

Mr. L. C. Bishop Douglas 

Mr. Phillip E. Winter Casper 

Mrs. R. A. Ferguson Wheatland 

Mr. Howard B. Lott Buffalo 

Miss Spaeth Gillette 

Mrs. P. J. Quealy Kemmerer 

Neither the State Historical Board, the State Historical Advisory Board nor the 
State Historian is responsible for any statements made or opinions expressed by 
contributors to the Annals of Wyoming. 

(Copyright applied for by State Historical Department) 



Session Laws 1921 


Section 6. It shall be the duty of the State Historian : 

(a) To collect books, maps, charts, documents, manu- 
scripts, other papers and any obtainable material illustrative 
of the history of the State. 

(b) To procure from pioneers narratives of any exploits, 
perils and adventures. 

(c) To collect and compile data of the events which mark 
the progress of Wyoming from its earliest day to the present 
time, including the records of all of the Wyoming men and 
women, who served in the World War and the history of all 
war activities in the State. 

(d) To procure facts and statements relative to the his- 
tory, progress and decay of the Indian tribes and other early 
inhabitants within the State. 

(e) To collect by solicitation or purchase fossils, speci- 
mens, of ores and minerals, objects of curiosity connected with 
the history of the State and all such books, maps, writings, 
charts and other material as will tend to facilitate historical, 
scientific and antiquarian research. 

(f) To file and carefully preserve in his office in the 
Capitol at Cheyenne, all of the historical data collected or 
obtained by him, so arranged and classified as to be not only 
available for the purpose of compiling and publishing a History 
of Wyoming, but also that it may be readily accessible for the 
purpose of disseminating such historical or biographical in- 
formation as may be reasonably requested by the public. He 
shall also bind, catalogue and carefully preserve all unbound 
books, manuscripts, pamphlets, and especially newspaper files 
containing legal notices which may be donated to the State 
Historical Board. 

(g) To prepare for publication a biennial report of the 
collections and other matters relating to the transaction of the 
Board as may be useful to the public. 

(h) To travel from place to place, as the requirements of 
the work may dictate, and to take such steps, not inconsistent 
with the provisions of this Act, as may be required to obtain 
the data necessary to the carrying out of the purpose and 
objects herein set forth. 

Annals! of looming 

VOL. 8 APRIL, 1932 No. 4 


Excerpts from original letter on file in Wyoming State Historical 


Portland, Oregon, September 18, 1931. 
Dear Mrs. Beard, 

It gives me great pleasure to donate this annotated copy of 
Bonneville's report and his letter. As I formerly wrote to you 
I became convinced that this long searched for report must have 
been written, and so succeeded in having it unearthed. 

It had been filed by someone who wrongly numbered the 
pages so it required much effort to adjust it and to decipher the 
aged writing. 

I spent some months in identifying localities which is my 

little contribution which probably will add considerable value to 

the document. 

* * # 

I succeeded in obtaining a photostat of the Army and Navy 
Journal, and it gives me great pleasure to present this photostat 
to you for your files, although you may possibly wish to include 
this also for your readers. 

Much unjust and some malicious criticism has been showered 
upon this noble patriot, and it was an act of justice on my part 
to try to let his real motives be known to the world. 

•Jp w w 

It may interest you that my book of notes contain the fol- 
lowing for West Point, 1813 when Bonneville was there. 

Cadet uniforms were blue, with round hat with silk cocade 
and yellow eagle. Some cadets wore cherry- valleys, with buttons 
along the sides. There were open fires in the rooms and the 
cadets sawed and split their fuel for their rooms. At the mess 
there was no table cloth the cadets used tin cups and no glasses. 
The school benches were painted red and the cadets used slates. 

An entire book could easily be written of the life of this 
noble old man who, after being retired for age and disability 
again volunteered and served four years during the Civil War. 

Thanking you for the privilege of being able to do honor to 
this old soldier to whom honor is due, I am 

Very sincerely yours, 




J. Neilson Barry, Portland, Oregon 

A cloud has always hung over the name of General Bonne- 
ville because of his supposed desertion from the U. S. Army, and 
although he was reinstated he was always regarded with sus- 
picion, and much ridicule has been aimed at him on account of 
the utterly ridiculous methods in which he conducted his fur- 
trading adventure. The writer having resided for years in the 
region which he had traversed and having trudged many weary 
miles over part of his route, became convinced that there must 
be some deep reason to explain his actions, and succeeded in in- 
teresting Gen. Lutz Wahl U. S. A. in a search for the lost report 
which was unearthed, and a photostat obtained by Lewis A. Mc- 
Arthur through E. M. Douglas and Col. C. H. Birdseye. 

It is the opinion of the writer that Gen. Bonneville was es- 
sentially a soldier, and that his fur-trading venture was a pre- 
text for wresting the Oregon country from the British. Attention 
is especially called to this report which says ' ' If our Government 
ever intend taking possession of Oregon the sooner it shall be 
done the better, and I deem a subaltern's command .equal to en- 
force all the views of our Government . . . yet I would recom- 
mend a full company . . . (The Hudson's Bay Company post 
at) Walla Walla may easily be reduced by fire or want of wood. 
... If you have any instructions for me, I shall be glad to 
receive them, either to join any party that might be sent, to 
comply with any other commands in this country, or to return 
to the States." If such an obvious suggestion from an Army offi- 
cer had been published it would probably have led to some un- 
pleasant complications with Great Britain, so while the official 
at the War Department promised that the Secretary of War 
would extend Bonneville's leave of absence, this was not done 
and his name was dropped from the rolls under pretext that he 
had not made any report. 

Bonneville was born in France, 1793. His father was a 
prominent engineer and author and was imprisoned by the Revo- 
lutionists. Through the efforts of Lafayette the wife was sent 
to America with her two sons. One entered the U. S. Navy, but 
was drowned by the sinking of his ship. The other son, after- 
wards Brigidier General, graduated from West Point, 1815, 
served in the Seminole war and with the construction of the 
military road in Mississippi. In 1825 he became Captain and 
was selected to escort Lafayette on his tour, and then taken to 
France as the guest of Lafayette. In 1831 he obtained leave 
of absence to obtain information in regard to the far west while 
engaged in fur-trading, and since this is so very extraordinary 


that it is possible that some higher official had much the same 
feeling toward Great Britain as Bonneville. In 1834 his name 
was dropped from the Army rolls, but he was reinstated in 1836. 
His extensive map of the "West is very highly praised by Capt. 
George M. Wheeler, U. S. A. in the XL S. Geological Report of 
West of the 100th Meridian, p. 541, and by Lieut. Thomas W. 
Symons, U. S. A. in his Report of the Columbia river, p. 92, since 
Bonneville was the first to correctly represent the hydrography 
of the region west of the Rocky mountains. He was Major in 
1845, and commanded a regiment during the Mexican war, be- 
ing wounded and brevetted for gallantry in action. In 1852 he 
was in command of Vancouver Barracks, Wash, with U. S. 
Grant, later General, as his Quartermaster. He surveyed and 
laid out the post so efficiently that the plan and many of the 
buildings still are in use. Bonneville was then sent to New Mex- 
ico, and commanded during the Gila expedition, his map of that 
region shows a high degree of skill. He was retired in 1861, but 
volunteered and served until 1865 as Superintendent of the Re- 
cruiting Department in Missouri. He died at Fort Smith, Ar- 
kansas in 1878, being the oldest officer in the Army. 

The writer wishes to acknowledge the great assistance given 
by Brig. Gen. Lutz Wahl, Acting Adjutant General, U. S. A. 
Col. C. H. Birdseye, Chief of the Topographic Office. Major 
General Robert C. Davis and Major Stuart A. Howard of the 
U. S. A. To Mr. E. M. Douglas, Lewis A. McArthur, Dr. G. R. 
Hebard of the University of Wyoming. Hon. Miles Cannon, of 
Weiser, Idaho and to Miss Nellie Pipes of the Oregon Historical 

Letter from Capt. Bonneville to Maj. Gen. Macomb. 

Bated Wind River 29 July 1833 

Crow Country Wind River July 29 33 

Capt. Bonneville Report relative expedition. 

Filed with 2742 H. C. P. 78 

Crow Country Wind River (Wyoming) July 29 1833 . 

This country I find is much more extensive than I could 
have expected, as yet, I may say I have actually visited, only, 
the heart of the Rocky Mountains, or in other words the head 
waters of the Yellow Stone, the Platte, the Colorado of the West, 
(Green River), and the Columbia. I have therefore remained, 
I hope I have not trespassed too much upon your goodness, to 
explore the North of the Columbia in the Cottonais country 
(Kutenai country, Montana) and New Caledonia (British Co- 
lumbia), to winter on the Lower Columbia, and going to the 
South West toward California on my return, which will cer- 
tainly be in the course of next fall. I would not have presumed 


this much, were I not aware how desirous you are of collecting 
certain information respecting 1 this country, and my return at 
present would have afforded but half a story, which would have 
been laughable in the extreme. I have constantly kept a journal, 
making daily observations of courses, country, Indians, etc. In 
fine, of everything I supposed could be interesting. The informa- 
tion I have already obtained authorizes me to say this much; 
That if our Government ever intend taking possession of Oregon 
the sooner it shall be done, the better, and at present I deem a 
subaltern's command equal to enforce all the views of our Gov- 
ernment, although a subaltern's command is equal to the task, 
yet I would recommend a full company, which by bringing pro- 
visions to last till June could then live upon the salmon which 
abounds there (on the lower Columbia) during the summer and 
fall, and farming for themselves for the next near could subsist 
themselves well, five men would be as safe as an hundred either 
from the indians (Chinookan) who are extremely peaceable and 
honest, or from the establishments of the Hudson Bay Compy. 
who are themselves to (too) much exposed by their numerous 
small posts ever to offer the least violence to the smallest force. 
They have a trading post at the Mouth (Fort George, Astoria) 
of three or four men to oppose all trading vessels, another above, 
Vancouver, which is strongly built, and capable of a garrison of 
one hundred and eighty men, here they have farms, mills etc. 
and every convenience of old settlements, manned by half breeds, 
indians and some Canadians, but they are generally distributed 
in trapping companies who frequently remain about a year. 
Walla Walla (Wallula, Wash) a post still higher up, on the left 
bank of Columbia, handsomely built, but garrisoned by only 3 
to 5 men. May easily be reduced by fire or want of wood which 
they obtained from drift. Colville (Kettle Falls, Wash.) another 
post upon the North Fork, is also feeble, 3 to 5 men there to 
keep up a connection and trade. The Returns from Vancouver, 
Walla Walla and Colville, do not exceed 3000 skins, which may 
be considered trifling for their expense, but from New Caledonia 
to the North of Columbia, and from towards the Californias their 
returns are immense; these are the countries I have not yet ex- 
amined and am now so anxious to visit. 

As to the cultivation of the bottoms of the Columbia, the 
lands are of the best, the timber abundant, but it is deluged at 
the rise of the river, but the Multnomah or as it is named here 
the Wallamet, (Willamette), runs through one of the most beau- 
tiful, fertile and extensive vallies in the world, wheat corn and 
tobacco country. 

The Hudson Bay at present have every advantage over Amer- 
icans. Woolens at half price flour and tobacco the same, horses 
they obtain from their indians at 1$ prime cost, shells they fish 


for, and their other articles of trade reaching them by water in 
the greatest abundance and at trifling expense, compared to the 
land carriage of the Americans, that the latter have to avoid 
their rencontre by every means in their power, not only on the 
Columbia, but even on the Colorado, (Green River) the Head 
waters of the Arkansas, the Platte, the Missouri ; they even speak 
of making a Fort on the Big Horn to oppose the American Fur 
Company. So you see, the Americans, have, to as it were to steal 
their own fur making secret rendezvous and trading by stealth. 

The History of the Country is this, first the Hudson Bay 
entered it in 1810 trapping and trading, generally employing 
between 80 and 100 men, gradually increasing their present num- 
ber of about 280 men. The A. M. Compy (American Fur Com- 
pany) about 1816 sent Imel and Jones with about 30 men, who 
remained about 5 years then totally defeated by the Blackfoot 
indians on the Yellow Stone. Mr. Henry also entered it about 
the same time of Imel and Jones with about 80 men, built forts 
on the Big Horn on Lewis (Snake) River and on the three forks 
of the Missouri was also defeated by the Black foot indians on 
three forks. In 1825 Genl. Ashley came in with about 50 men 
met the Hudson Bay on Lewis (Snake) River. On the point of 
Fighting with them, however took from them the Iroquois and their 
furs, subsequently himself was defeated by the Arrapahoes on 
the Head Waters of the Colorado, and lost all his horses, 120 
head. Ashley then sold out to his clerks Smith, Jackson and 
Sublette who raised their number to 130 men, who in 1830 them- 
selves sold out to their clerks and best trappers, Fitzpatrick, 
Younger Sublette, Bridgers, Frap and Jarvie who now remain 
in the country with about 90 men. Drips, Fontenelle, Pilcher, 
Vanderbergh and Benjamin came in a firm in about 1827 with 
about 75 men, reached the Head of the Platte there lost all their 
horses by the Arraphoes there caching the greater part of their 
merchandise and packing their men in the winter got lost in the 
deep snow finally dispersed Dripps Fontenelle and Vanderburgh 
offering their services to the A. M. C. (American Fur Company) 
increased their number to 160 men. Gantt came up in 1831 with 
about 50, men mostly afoot done (did) little then retired to the 
head waters of the Arkansas where I understand he opened a 
trade with the Camanche, the Arrapohoes, and Shians (Chey- 

The above I think will give you a tolerably correct idea of 
the great quantities of Furs (which) must have been taken from 
the country in order to keep alive so many companies at such 
great expense in men and horses. This country may be said at 
present to be poor, but beaver increases so rapidly that any part 
permitted to rest three years is said to be as rich as at first the 
companies therefore endeavor to ascertain each others hunting 


grounds and to conceal theirs and even their successes or dis- 
asters. Last year Fitzpatrick's company in their 2 years trap- 
ping sent down about 150 pack, 60 skins per pack; A. M. C. last 
year one years work sent about 31 packs. This year A. M. C. 
and Fitzpatricks appear to have each about 44 packs, and sus- 
tained great loss in horses taken by the Aurickeries (Arikaras) ; 
again the same party lost 17 men by desertion, taking each 2 
horses and six traps. 

As to the Indians, that the Pawnees reside on the lower 
Platte in several bands, amounting to about 1200 warriors, they 
are well mounted, and war with the Crows, the Sioux, Shians and 
Arricories, make their hunting grounds in the Black Hills, 2500 
Sioux, 400 Shians, 160 Arricories, they reside on the Missouri 
and wage war upon the Crows and Pawnees. They are extremely 
warlike and are well mounted, the Crow Indian range upon the 
Yellow Stone and head waters of the Platte, about 1500 strong 
in three villages fight with the Black Foot, and the Arrepohoes. 
The Crows have good horses and I believe the best buffaloe coun- 
try in the world. The Arrepehoes range upon the heads of the 
Arkansas and Canadian (rivers) are very numberous, fight also 
with the Shoshones. 

The Shoshones a poor unwarlike race, some few who have 
arms and horses venture to descend into the plains in villages, 
but they are generally dispersed by twos and threes into the 
mountains without horses, without arms but the stone pointed 
arrow, and depending upon their numerous dogs to take the 
Mountain Sheep, they are met with in almost every mountain 
running from every body, and are termed Digne de Pitie i. e. 
Worthy of Pity, they will steal and kill whenever a good oppor- 
tunity offers, their villages are generally more friendly tho dan- 
gerous to be met alone. They range about the Salt Lake. 

The Bannocks in villages about 400 warriors mostly afoot 
live about the falls of Lewis (Snake) River, there during the sal- 
mon months catching and drying salmon, and in the fall move 
up that river to the Great Plain, and hunt buffaloe which they 
dry and return to their falls, unwarlike (yet) defend themselves 
from the Black Foot. The Flat Heads, 100 warriors with about 
150 Nez Percey warriors detatched from the lower Columbia, 
range upon the heads of Salmon Eiver, the Racine Amere (Bit- 
ter Root) and towards the three forks of the Missouri. The Flat 
Heads are said to be the only Indians here, who have never 
killed a white man, they and the Nez Percey are extremely brave 
in defence, but never go to war. Are the most honest and re- 
ligious people I ever saw, observing every festival of the Roman 
Church, avoiding changing their camp on Sundays tho. in dis- 
tress for provisions. Polygamy so usual among all indians, is 
strictly forbidded by them. I do not believe that three nights 


passes in the whole year without religious meetings. The (they) 
defend themselves from the Black Foot. 

Descending the Columbia waters. The great body of the 
Nez Percey and the large bands of the Pends Oreilles (roam) 
Here horses may be said to abound, some individuals having 
from 2 to 3000 head, upon which they live, together with roots. 
The Cootenais (Kootenays) 200 warriors, having the other day 
commenced a war with the Black Foot have been driven from 
their original grounds upon the Northern Branches of the Co- 
lumbia and have joined the Flatheads. The numerous herds of 
Indians upon the head waters of the Missouri and its Northern 
branches are in one term the Black Foot Indians (these are di- 
vided into) the Blood, the Sarcies, the Piedgans and the Gros 
Ventres of the Prairies, (Atsina) (who) are those most trouble- 
some in these mountains. The (they) are well mounted abun- 
dantly supplied by the richness of their country in excellent shot- 
guns and ammunition. They are extremely numerous. "When 
the snow begins to fall bands from 3 to 400 men move with their 
families all afoot and packing dogs, locate themselves some bands 
in the Shoshone country, some toward the Nez Percey etc. build 
stone forts then despatch their most active men to steal horses 
and to kill their nearest tribe, and as the snow melts in the 
spring gradually retreat with their spoils to their own country. 
When the grass is found sufficient, bands of about the same size 
leave their families and move to the plains in all directions to 
kill and steal. The only security against these Indians is to fight 
from the bushes in the plains 'tis most certain destruction. The 
whites are unsafe with any tribe except the Nez Percey and Flat- 
heads. (While it is) true parties of size are unmolested, save by 
the Black Foot but individuals must be careful of the Bannacks, 
the Shoshones, the Arrepehoes, the Shians, the Pawnees, the 

As to the whites, they have their leader, a trader, his hired 
men, also what is termed free men who join or runaway from 
other companies and going to the next, remain with it in the fol- 
lowing manner, if they have horses and traps of their own, they 
agree to sell all the furs caught at $4 per lb. purchasing all their 
supplies from that company, if they have no horses and do not 
wish to hire, they are then loaned horses and traps and are to 
sell their beaver unskinned at 4 to $5 each paying for their sup- 
plies and loss of traps. And the great object of companies is to 
catch these men on the way to their rendezvous and trade all 
their credits with whiskey, tobacco etc. In the winter the parts 
of the same company meet and pass the winter together, sep- 
arating in the spring and again meeting at some other place for 
their summer rendezvous, where the supplies from St. Louis are 


expected each company, generally, having a place of its own. 
Rendezvous are certainly the scenes of the most extreme de- 
bauchery and dissipation. 

Prices at the Ms. (Mountains) 

Furs — vary from $3 to 5 per lb. 

Skin trapping do.... $4 to 5 per ps. (piece) 

Blankets Colored... 18 to 20 ea. (each) 

Tobacco — - - 2 to 3 per lb. 

Alcohol 32 per gallon 

Coffee... - 2 per tin cup, a pint 

Sugar 2 do 

Flour 1 do 

Shot guns, prime cost 4$ 40 each 

Rifles " 10$ 60 do 

Horses " 20 to 25$ 120 to 250$ ea. 

The customary price as a year's wages from 250 to 400$ 
As to the prices and regulations of the Hudson Bay I know but 
little, but this summer, fall and spring I believe I shall be able 
to explain all their regulations of trade etc. 

On the 30th of April I left Independence with 121 men and 
20 wagons. On the 12 May crossed the Kansas, kept up the left 
bank, move up the Republican which I headed, having at first 
gone through a rolling country upon the republican I marched 
upon an elevated place they struck it a little west and in one 
day fell on the Platte, the 2nd of June, here found the river % 
mile wide. The banks 2 to 3 feet high river about 4 feet deep 
but full of quicksands ; the plains upon the banks of the Platte 
are from 3 to 5 miles wide and I marched to the forks 130 miles 
without a break or creek at the forks I first found buffaloe 45 
days from the settlements, having gone up the south fork about 
10 miles I crossed this fork, the river below I measured 1% 
mile wide in two places, general width 1% mile cut the tongue 
of land and fell upon the north fork here the river plain is small 
bluffs of immense size putting in the river, finally reached the 
main Branches of the north fork, crossed this south (or) Lar- 
amies Fork there began one of the most broken countries I ever 
beheld, frequently letting my wagons down the bluffs with long 
ropes 80 men to each wagon at last we came to the main forks 
of the north forks, having cut the tongue of land to the north 
and in two days came to Sweet Water, which we ascended on the 
right bank to Wind River mountains, having turned the moun- 
tains we struck a large sand plain, upon which we slept without 
grass or water, having traveled from sunrise till nine o'clock at 
night, next morning started again at day light and at twelve 
o'clock had the satisfaction to fall upon the water of the Colo- 
rado of the West (Green River, Wyoming), having ascended 


this river on the right bank forty miles we built a picket work 
(Note — Near Daniel, Sublette Co. Wyoming. On the ranch, 
now, of Dr. Montrose. N. E. quarter of N. E. quarter, Section 
30, Township 34 N. Range 111 W. Identified by Dr. G. R. 
Hebard, University of Wyoming, Laramie.) 

Fell in with the Gross Ventres of the Prairies (Atsina) Black 
Foot about 900 warriors, had no difficulty with them, here we 
remained to recruit our horses then went a North West course 
and on the 10th November fell upon Salmon River where I again 
built two Log Cabins and waited for my men. (Note — This post 
was six miles north of Salmon, Lemhi County, Idaho Identified 
by Miles Cannon, Weiser, Idaho.) 

One of my parties, 21 men among the Crows was entirely 
lost. (Note— See Irving 's Bonneville, Chapter XIX The "Parti- 
san" probably Montero.) another of my parties of 21 men by 
the Shoshones lost 7 horses and 4 men, (Note — Matthieu. See 
Irving 's Bonneville, Chapter XVI.) and another of my parties 
on the route through Horse prairie, (Sublette County, Wyo- 
ming), of 28 men lost all their horses, but fighting from 8 a. m. 
till sun set recovered all but one, taken by the Black Foot and 
four badly wounded. (Note — Walker. See Irving 's Bonneville, 
Chapter X.) 

On the 28 November, some of my parties had returned, I 
then proceeded to the Flat Heads and Nez Perceys, where I in- 
tended to wait the arrival of the remainder of my parties. At last 
on the 25 December I started with twelve men in search around 
the great Shoshone plains in the deep snow, lost one animal 
frozen to death, reached Lewis (Snake) river on the 18 January, 
here I found one of my men from the Shoshone party, ( Mat- 
thieu 's party), finding that not only the mountains were loaded 
with snow and that my animals were weak, I determined to send 
for that party to join me immediately, which they did, having 
increased another of my parties in the Shoshone Valley I started 
on the 19th of February with 18 men to join Mr. Cerre who I 
had left at the Flat Head town there I again reached on the 
14 March, and on the 18th proceeded with 23 engages and 14 
indians, Nez Percey and Flat Heads toward the Comanche 
(Camas) Prairies laying on the route to the Lower Columbia. 
On the 6 April came to the mountain (North of Blaine County, 
Idaho) which I found impassable and remained at its base till 
the 27 May at which time I succeeded in passing losing 4 horses 
and two mules then continued to the West fall Bosy (blurred) 
Malade, Comanche (Camas), Boisey and La Payette Rivers 
At last I found that living upon fish, horses and roots would not 
do, I then tried to cross the mountain to the North 1st July 
(June), the great depth of snow forced me to seek another pass, 
at last reached the Forks of Salmon River on the 15th of July 


(June), here I waited 4 days for my parties, having found their 
path I took it and on the 29th found them, (Hodgkiss), Much 
to my surprise with the Pends Orreilles and the Cottonais 
(Kutenai), the Flat Heads and Nez Percey having been driven 
from the country by the Black Foot, who that spring consoli- 
dated for that purpose, here I remained with these people till 
the 5th July The Black Foot being at that time quite near, made 
me fear to cross the prairies with my small party of 23 men. I 
therefore induced these friendly indians by presents, to march 
upon the Black Foot towns and pretend to war, while I pushed 
across the plains, and on the 23 (July) reached the valley of 
the Colorado, (Green River) here I found so many buff aloe car- 
casses and these only skinned that I actually feared to approach 
the Rendezvous and at night sent two men to examine it, had the 
satisfaction to hear all was well I then continued and next day 
met all the whites in the country, and on the 25 (July) started 
with Mr. Cerre to escort him to the Big Horn, which I expect will 
take me till the 10 Augt I will then proceed to the North West to- 
wards the North of the Columbia. 

The country upon the Lower Republican (Kansas and Ne- 
braska) is rolling, becoming high level plain as you ascend, the 
country gradually rising to the West, the Platte runs through 
one of the most beautiful and level plains in the world, upon the 
North Fork the country becomes much broken, from Laramies 
Fork to Sweet Water is most horribly broken and difficult to 
pass,- this county is termed the Black Hills, upon Sweet Water 
high hills are constantly in view but easily passed (by) traveling 
generally on the bank of the river in the sand ; The Sweet Water 
heads into the Wind River Mountains, said to be the highest in 
the country, about 2500 feet elevated above the plains, and con- 
stantly covered with snow. I have not measured these moun- 
tains, 'tis mere supposition. In the same bed of mountains rises 
the Yellow Stone, the Columbia, the Colorado and the Northern 
Platte. They are extensive and exceedingly difficult to be gone 
through, and are always turned. The General course I traveled 
to head Sweet Water was about West North West, and estimated 
by me at 1050 (miles) by the winding of the route. From the 
Forks of Horse Creek of the Colorado (Green River) to the head 
of Salmon River (Idaho) the route lays generally through a 
country easily passed, with the exception of two mountains which 
must be gone over. One is low (In Butte County, Idaho), the 
other must be passed upon the river, and upon a cornice of the 
mountain from which horses fell from every party, descent per- 
pendicular 270 feet high. (Note — See Irving 's Bonneville, Chap- 
ter XIX. Near Snake river, between Jackson's Lake and Ho- 
back's river.) course to the Salmon N West 350 miles, here 
again a bed of mountains lying North and South from the ex- 


treme North to a great distance to the south, about the big Salt 
Lake, these again form the Southern bank to no person knows 
where, however this much is known, that every river even all 
creeks run through Cannions or Columnar blocks of Limestone, 
Greenstone trap. To the North a little east lays immense plains ; 
to the South a little west lyes immense plains of sand, without 
water, without grass. To the West is a rough broken country and 
West of North is the Cottonais (Kutenai) Country, remarkable 
from the great quantity of wood, and its difficulty of passage. 
The Black Hills are the primitive class of Mineral, Granite, Mica, 
Slate, Hornblende and Lime Rock, without organic relics. Yet 
occasionally I would observe immense beds of red Sand Rock. 
(In) some places (I) saw Slate, Coal, Iron Ore, in one place only 
I found small quantities of greasy quartz and Talcose slate. 

As we ascended the Sand Rock and Clay prevailed, which 
yielded upon the heads of Sweet Water, when began an immense 
region of Lime Rock, rilling every mountain, and Lava (filling) 
every plain. In one of which sixty by forty miles is filled up 
with large crevices about 15 feet wide and depth unknown, with- 
out a drop of water, or the smallest bunch of grass to be found. 
The Rivers to the east of the mountains increase their size but 
slowly, upon the banks we find no wood to the North Fork of the 
Platte, having to cook with buffalo dung, dried weeds, occasion- 
ally however we find the yellow of bitter cotton wood above this 
and through the Black Hills we have the Sweet Cotton wood, 
upon which we feed our horses in the winter, and (upon which 
they) become extremely fat, above this and upon the western 
waters the bitter cotton wood prevails ; upon the mountains the 
Pines and Cedars are abundant. 

The thermometer with me ranged at sunrise through the 
summer at about 47° at 2 p. m. 72° Once I saw it as high as 
91° during the winter months, in the vallies where we wintered 
it stood generally about at 12 p. m. 26° I left it (my thermom- 
eter) and traveled across the plains, where the cold was much 
more severe. (See Irving 's Bonneville, Chapter XY.) I find 
that at 25° my feelings were much as they would be in the states 
at 13° but the heat of 72° as oppressive as that of the states of 
100° Soil of the Platte and other Rivers from the east are in- 
tirely unfit for cultivation, these of the west are much the same 
till we reach the Boisy a branch of Lewis (Snake) River, the 
soils here are excellent but not extensive. The Buffaloe range 
from North to South, beginning about the Forks of the Platte, 
and extending to a line running from about the Forks of Salmon 
River to the east of the Big Salt or Eutah Lake, then running 
so as to strike a little North of Tours, (Taos, New Mexico) west 
and south of this line not a buffaloe can be seen ; elk, deer (moun- 
tain) sheep and bear can be had for a small party to subsist ex- 


cepting some large sand plains where nothing' can be fonnd. The 
Big Salt Lake I have never seen, but I am told it has never been 
traveled around; five trappers once attempted to coast it, and 
were near dying from hunger and thirst. 

Thus much, General, I have been able to collect in compli- 
ance with my promises, and I hope will be satisfactory when you 
consider how extensive this country is. An individual in the 
states goes his 40 to 50 miles easily but here, when we have to 
feed our horses of grass and (they) being closely tied up every 
night, requires time to feed morning, noon and night, makes 
Traveling very slow. I omitted to state that the horses here are 
generally about 14 to 141/2 hands high, stout built, and upon 
which the Indian will gallop all day. The mode of traveling here, 
is this. The Indians in villages at 8 a. m. raise camp, the chief 
leads upon a. fast walking horse, the whole (village), men, wom- 
en and children follow, the women with their lodges poles and 
baggage, while the men ride totally unencumbered, at 10 or 11 
a. m. the chief pitches his lodge, the camp is then formed extend- 
ing along the river or creek, making for each lodge a small brush 
pen to secure their horses from their enemies; besides planting 
an 18 inch stake into the ground with a cord attached to the 
horses fore foot. In the morning the horses are turned out at 
clear day light, making their camps or journeys about 8 miles 
•long. The whites travel much in the same way, making however 
longer journeys. 

In the course of a few days I shall be on my route to the 
Cottonais (Kutenai) country, (Western Montana.) and round 
by the lower Columbia to the South On my return about the last 
of June (1834) I shall meet Mr. M. S. Cerre and if you shall 
have any instructions for me, shall be glad to receive them either 
to join any party that might be sent, (or) to comply with any 
other commands in the country, or to return to the States 

I have the honor, to be, General with every consideration 
Your most obdt. svt. (servant) 

Captain 7 Infy (Infantry) 
To Major General Alexander Mac Comb (Macomb) 
General in Chief, U. S. Army. 

Wash D. C. Sept. 30, 35 

Capt. Bonneville to Sec of War Endorsed by President (Jackson) 

B. 25 W. D. (War Department) Filed with 2742 A. C. P. '78 

1 October 1835 copied. 

Com'ing General 

Report Reed 19 Nov 

Returned to the Department for a report whether the com- 
munication alleged to be made by Capt Bonneville was received 


at the Department and whether the Commanding; Genl. approved 
of his Capt Bonneville continued his exploring expedition, and 
gave the messenger to understand that his furlough would be 

A. J. (Andrew Jackson) 
Referred to the Major Gen. for a report of the circumstances 
on his return 

L. I (Either L. C. or L. L.) 
5 Oct. '35 

Washington City September 30, 1835 
To the Honorable Lewis Cass Secretary of War 

Sir. In obedience to your orders I have the honor to report, 
that in August 1831, I received a furlough from the Commanding 
General of the Army, to expire in October 1833. with a view of 
proceeding to the mouth of the Columbia River, and exploring 
the tract of country between the settlements of the United States 
and the ultimate point of destination. I here beg leave to remark 
that the lateness of the season, when my furlough was granted, 
absolutely precluded my leaving the Settlements until 1st May 
1832, thus in the outset nine months of my furlough were con- 
sumed. The plan of operation presented to the Commanding 
General was submitted to the Department of War, and approved 
and with my furlough received instructions to collect all the in- 
formation in my power, touching the relative positions of the 
various tribes of Indians in my route, their numbers, manners 
and customs, together with a general history of the country 
through which I was destined to pass. On the 1st May 1832 I 
departed from the Frontiers of Missouri with a number of men 
I had hired for that purpose. My route lay up the Kansas, the 
Main Platte, its northern branches and Sweet Water, and reached 
the Waters of the Colorado of the West (Green River) in the 
latter part of August 1832. Finding that this long journey had 
very much weakened my horses and that my men were yet badly 
qualified to feed themselves in small game, when they could 
scarcely do it among the buffaloe, I determined to travel North 
into the lands of the Nez Percez's Flat Heads, Cottonains 
(Kutenais) and Pend'Oreilles, where I would find game would 
find game for my men, and plenty of grass and bark for my 
horses, and at the same time to become particularly acquainted 
with these several tribes. As soon as the snow had disappeared in 
the spring 1833 I proceeded to the Big Horn River, by the South 
point of Wind River Mountains and continued down that river 
to where it became navigable, here I halted, made boats and hav- 
ing engaged a Mr. Cerre with several men to proceed to the States 
and gave him a report for the Commanding General, stating that 
the shortness of my leave of absence made it impossible for me 


to accomplish the objects contemplated at starting, within its 
limits, therefore requested its extension, at the same time report- 
ing the progress I had made. This report cannot now be found 
in the Office of the Adjutant General, but Captain (Samuel) 
Cooper recollects such an one was received. As the application 
for an extension was made several months anterior to the expira- 
tion of the furlough already obtained, having scarcely commenced 
collecting the information desired and believing there would not be 
the least difficulty in obtaining a further extension of furlough, 
I determined to prosecute the object originally intended and pro- 
ceeded down the Big Horn which runs nearly north giving the 
advantage of latitudes so high, that I could easily cross over the 
heads of the Yellow Stone, to the northern branches of the Co- 
lumbia, and winter near the Sea, and that in the spring I could 
return upon its Southern (Snake) Branches, which plan I at- 
tempted to execute; but finding so much hostility on the part 
of the Black Foot, that it was impossible to advance without 
continued fighting and severe loss in men and horses. As sev- 
eral battles had already been fought with these Northern tribes 
I found it I found it absolutely necessary for me to retreat by the 
south point of the Wind River Mountains, by doing which I 
reached the Bannocks late in the winter 1833 and my men passed 
the remainder of that season with them. Constantly intent upon 
getting to the lower Columbia, I left my party with the Bannocks 
Tribe and on the 25 December 1833 started with three men down 
Snake river in order to ascertain the best manner of entering the 
vast wilderness still to the west, leaving instructions with the 
party in my rear to descend Snake River the moment the winter 
broke up and meet me in my ascent. In obedience to these in- 
structions the party started, but finding that I did not arrive at 
the point proposed, after tarrying until they had exhausted ev- 
ery means of subsistence, they determined to abandon the route, 
and returned above the Bannack tribe, to the buffaloe ground, 
where I overtook them the 16th June 1834, and where I learned 
they had relingquished the prosecution of their route under the 
belief that my party of three men and self had been killed and 
they had so reported. Knowing that Buffaloe were generally 
plenty upon the heads of Black-Foot and Portneuf rivers I de- 
termined to go there and make meat sufficient to subsist my party 
on its descending the Columbia. Upon this route I fell in with 
Mr Cerre 28 June 1834, the gentleman to whom I had eleven 
months before entrusted my communications to the General in 
Chief, which he informed me, he had delivered, and that the Gen- 
eral appeared perfectly satisfied with my Report and also with 
my determination to persevere in the course I had adopted and 
persued, that owing to his remaining longer in New York, than 
he had originally contemplated, he was prevented returning to 


Washington and consequently had left the former city without 
bringing an extension of my furlough or any communication 
whatever from the Dept of War. Highly gratified at the verbal 
report of Mr. Cerre of the flattering expressions made by the 
General in Chief, I was inspired with renovated ardor for the 
enterprise I had undertaken being now determined to accomplish 
it at all hazzards. Previous to putting this intention into prac- 
tice I had prevailed upon Mr Cerre to take charge of my letters 
and reports to the General in Chief General (Abram) Eustes 
and other Gentlemen, which although he had now become at- 
tached to the American Fur Company, and felt some delicacy in 
doing, he did promise to forward them to their various addresses, 
upon his reaching Council Bluffs. These letters owing to causes 
impossible for me to explain, I regret to state, never reached their 
destination, which appears to have been the fate of most of the 
communications made to the states and which it was next to an 
impossibility to accomplish without employing persons expressly 
for that purpose. 

Having supplied my party and self each with a load of 
dried meat, I proceeded North West over the Portneuf and Cassia 
Mountains and fell upon Snake River early in July 1834, kept 
down the valley of that river for several days, then left it taking 
a course West South West over the Wyee (Owyhee) and Gun 
(Burnt) River Mountains, so as to fall low down upon the Co- 
lumbia, which I did about thirty miles below Walla Walla a 
trading post of the Hudson Bay Company, to which place I re- 
paired in order to procure provisions. On my arrival aid of 
every species was not only refused, but the settlers used all their 
influence, with the Indians, not only not to trade with us but to 
hold no intercourse whatever. 

Here I became acquainted with the Sho-sho-coes the Lower 
Nez Percez's or Salmon Eaters, the Skyuses (Cayuse), the Walla 
Walla and Touellican (Bannock) Tribes. Notwithstanding the 
unkind reception of the traders I continued down the Columbia, 
subsisting on horses, dogs, roots and occasionally a Salmon, un- 
til I reached the vicinity of Mounts Hood and Baker (Adams), 
both of which are visible from the Pacific Ocean. I now discov- 
ered that if I advanced much farther, the snow that was then 
falling in the mountains, would soon prevent my retreat from 
this impoverished country and that in the spring I would not 
have a horse left, as it become indespensably necessary to slaugh- 
ter them for subsistence. I consequently took a South course and 
entered the mountains of John Day's River, gradually turning 
my course towards the mountains of the upper country, which I 
reached the 15 November 1834. My men and horses completely 
exhausted. Shortly after this moving slowly up Bear River, I 
fell in with a village of the Shosgones and determined to unite 


with them to pass the winter. About the 10th January 1835 we 
came upon a village of Eutah (Ute) Indians, that had been 
caught there by the snow, as the two tribes were at war, I used 
all my influence and a treaty of peace between these two tribes, 
and all united for greater safety from the Black Foot, tribes con- 
tinually prowling for plunder and delighting in bloodshed. 

Believing now that I had fully executed the order of the 
General in Chief and that from my Maps, Charts and Diary I 
would be able to furnish the department of War with every in- 
formation desired, respecting the Rocky Mountains and the Ore ■ 
gon Territory I therefore congratulated myself with the pleasing 
anticipation that in the spring I should be able to leave this cold 
and solitary region for the more genial one of Society and civ- 
ilization. Accordingly, so soon as the snows had melted away I 
moved eastwardly to the Popo Asia (Agie) river, where I lay to 
give my horses flesh and good hoofs for the long rout of return- 
ing home, which I did by the heads of Powder River and its 
mountains, arriving at Independence Missouri the 22d August 

Judge then, upon my return to the settlements, what must 
have been my mortification, when instead the approbation I ex- 
pected for my exertions and enterprise, I learned my name had 
been dropped from the rolls of the Army and the consequent loss 
of my commission which I held dearer than life. 

Trained at the Military Academy, I became as it were iden- 
tified with the Army ; 'twas my soul, my existence my only hap- 
piness and at a time, that I was exerting every nerve to win the 
approbation of my superiors, I find myself branded as a culprit, 
'tis mortifying indeed, my character as a Soldier has been fair 
too long, to believe my superiors will hesitate one moment, to 
restore me my character and my rank. 

I have the honor to be, Sir very respectfully your most 
obedient Svt. 

Late Capt 7 Regt. U. S. Infty. 

Brig. Gen. B. L. E. Bonneville V. S. A. 
Army and Navy Journal, 1878. 
Photostat from Library of Congress Donated to the Depart- 
ment of History, Cheyenne, Wyoming by J. Neilson Barry, Port- 
land, Oregon, 1931. 

Annual Reunion June 13, 1878. — Benjamin L. E. Bonneville. 

No. 155. Class of 1815. 

Died June 12, 1878, at Fort Smith, Ark., aged 85. 

General Benjamin L. E. Bonneville, who recently died at 
Fort Smith, Ark., was born in France in 1793. His father emi- 
grated to this country sometime during or shortly after the 


French revolution, and settled in New York city. He has been 
described as a kindly old gentleman, possessed of a happy tem- 
perament, great simplicity of heart. He was an excellent scholar. 
Washington Irving tells us that often would he be seen in sum- 
mer weather seated under one of the trees on the Battery or on 
the portico of St. Paul's Church in Broadway, his bald head un- 
covered, his hat lying by his side, his eyes riveted to the page of 
his book, all unconscious of the passing throng or the passing 
hour. The son inherited to a very great degree the bonhomie of 
his father, and to this he added the love of the life of the voy- 
ageur. In 1813 he received an appointment as cadet at the Mili- 
tary Academy, graduating in 1815. In those days no class stand- 
ing was established, neither was the term of the course fixed. 
Young Bonneville was the 155th graduate of the institution, and 
among his classmates were the late Colonel James Monroe, Gen- 
eral Samuel Cooper, General Leslie, and Professor Charles Da- 
vies. All of the class are now gone, and those just mentioned 
have passed away within a few years. 

The last war with Great Britain had just closed, and in the 
partial reorganization of the army young Bonneville fell to the 
corps of Light Artillery, but in 1819 he was transferred to the 
Eighth Infantry, and in the most extensive reorganization of the 
army in 1821, he was retained as First Lieutenant of the Seventh 
Infantry, and he was promoted to captain in 1825. After serv- 
ing at various posts in the "West for several years he was again 
seized with his old desire to explore the great West. At that 
time the country west of the Mississippi was ' ' the great American 
desert," a perfect terra incognita. It is true that a few enter- 
prising men had carried on a traffic in furs and peltries for some 
years, and there was a great rivalry between the company of 
which John Jacob Astor was at the head, and the Rocky Moun- 
tain company, the head of which was our esteemed friend, Rob- 
ert Campbell, of St. Louis, the Hudson's Bay company and the 
American (Chouteau) Fur Company. All of these companies 
had kept large parties of trappers in the field, engaged prin- 
cipally in trapping the beaver. 

In 1831 Captain Bonneville made an application to be per- 
mitted to explore the great West, and a letter was received in 
reply from Alexander Macomb, Major-General commanding the 
Army, dated "Headquarters of the Army, Washington, August 
3, 1831. ' ' It authorized him to be absent until the month of Oc- 
tober, 1833, it being understood that the expedition was to in- 
volve the Government in no expense, and was to devote himself 
to obtaining information of service to the Department, and was 
to report at every opportunity. 

Armed with this letter Captain Bonneville proceeded to St. 
Louis, and having organized a party of 110 experienced trap- 


pers and lumbermen, he left the Missouri River at the old post of 
Fort Osage, on the 1st day of May, 1832. 

Captain Bonneville had provided himself with the best out- 
fit that his means would afford. He had some wagons, but he 
had to depend on pack animals principally. He had a few astro- 
nomical instruments, sufficient to enable him to determine his 
latitude and longitude, and he had a plentiful supply of the 
trinkets which were at that time so much prized by the Indians ; 
for the Captain's idea was not only to explore the country, but 
to find new and profitable trading grounds, and he went not only 
prepared to trade, but his party was provided with everything 
necessary for hunting and trapping. 

The route he took when he left the Missouri River was sub- 
stantially the same that was used seventeen years later by the 
emigrants for California and Oregon. This was up the South 
Platte, crossing the river near what is now Julesburg, thence up 
the Polo Creek route to where the Laramie River empties into 
the North Platte, or where Fort Laramie now stands, and thence 
up the Sweetwater. It was not until the 26th of September that 
the first winter camp was established on the Salmon River. Here 
he was soon surrounded by numerous friendly bands of Nez 
Perce's and Flatheads, whose ponies soon cleaned the country 
of the grass, and the Captain was obliged to move his camp. He 
organized a party to go around the great Salt Lake while he 
went up through the Grand Road and over the Blue Mountains 
to Fort Walla Walla, where the Hudson's Bay Company had a 
trading post. Being rather uncivilly treated here he returned to 
his old ground, and after moving around the country, which is 
now Northern Idaho, for some months, he made his second win- 
ter camp on the Pont Neuf River. 

In the meantime the Captain did not appear to pay much 
attention to making his monthly reports to Washington, and we 
shrewdly suspect that he did not bother himself much in thinking 
of his letter of insrtuctions or of General Macomb. At any rate 
he did not set his face eastward until the spring of 1835, and he 
did not reach the settlements of the Missouri River until the lat- 
ter part of August of that year. In the meantime, as nothing 
had been heard of the Captain for a long time after ' l the month 
of October, 1833," he was supposed to have been lost, and his 
name had been dropped from the Army Register. He had some 
difficulty in arranging this affair at the War Department, but in 
time he was restored to his old position in the Seventh Infantry, 
where he served until 1845, when he was promoted Major of the 
Sixth Infantry, and he joined his regiment just before the com- 
mencement of the Mexican war. 

At the savage attack by our army on the fortified Convent 
of Churubusco in August, 1847, the Major commanded his regi- 


ment. It was a glorious day for our little army, but Captain 
Hoffman of the Sixth had seen his brother, who was a Lieutenant 
of Artillery, killed before his eyes ; he was exasperated, and he 
made such charges of mismanagement on part of Major Bonne- 
ville that a Court-martial was ordered to settle the case. The 
Major, or "Old Bonny," as we called him, was such a, genial, 
kind, companionable old fellow that a great deal of regret was 
expressed at the action of the Captain. The trial did not result 
in much, but it mortified the Major terribly, and he could never 
forget it. He was promoted Lieutenant-Colonel of the Fourth 
Infantry in 1849, and in 1855, after forty years of service, he 
was promoted Colonel of the Third Infantry. Since his retire- 
ment in 1861 he lived in the West. He married for the second 
time a lady at Fort Smith, and he was living a quiet, happy life 
when the message came. 

By a former marriage General Bonneville had a charming 
daughter, who was the pride of the old man's heart, and a great 
favorite with all who knew her. She died many years since, and 
for a quarter of a century the old gentleman was alone in the 
world. He was excellent company, fond of the society of young 
people. His amiability and genial ways made him a favorite with 
old and young, and up to the time of his death we had never 
heard of his being ill a day in his long life. Employing the pe- 
culiar phrases so much used by the good old gentleman, we will 
only add: "I tell you, sir, we'll never see him any more, sir; 
I tell you, sir, no more." 

(Army and Navy Journal.) 

Pierre M. Irving. 
The Life and Letters of Washington Irving, New York, 1864. 

Vol. Ill, p. 98 "The month of January, 1837, found Mr. 
Irving in his little cottage. (Sunnyside, near Tarrytown, N. Y.) 

... In these winter quarters which he found ' ' anything but 
gloomy," he was exercising his pen, and "getting on briskly" 
with the Adventures of Captain Bonneville, which he was intend- 
ing to launch in the spring." Pp. 112-113. (In a letter to his 
brother, dated January 10, 1837 he wrote) "Let me hear by 
mail about the maps" "The maps in question were designed for 
the work he was about to publish, entitled ' ' The Adventures of 
Captain Bonneville, U. S. A., in the Rocky Mountains of the 
Far West. Digested from his Journal, and illustrated from va- 
rious other sources. ' ' A few weeks later, we find this work going 
through the press. Peter (Irving) writes from his cottage, (Sun- 
nyside), on the 6th of March. "Washington (Irving) is in New 
York, superintending the printing of a new work, which will be 
supplementary to Astoria, as it treats of expeditions in the same 
regions since that date, with an ample account of the Indian 


tribes and the white trappers, with details of their peculiar char- 
acters and adventurous lives beyond the Rocky Mountains. It is 
a picture of a singular class of people midway between the sav- 
age state and civilization, who will soon cease to exist, and be 
only known in such records, which will form a department of 
great interest in the history of our country. ' ' 

The leading theme of these pages, however, was the expedi- 
tions and adventures of Captain Bonneville, of the United States 
Army, who in a rambling kind of enterprise, had strangely in- 
grafted the trapper and hunter upon the soldier." Mr. Irving 
had first met this gentleman in the autumn of 1835, at the coun- 
try seat of Mr. Astor. Coming upon him afterwards, in the fol- 
lowing winter, at Washington, and finding him engaged in re- 
writing and extending his traveling notes, and making maps of 
the regions he had explored, he purchased this mass of manu- 
scripts from him for one thousand dollars, and undertook to fit 
it for publication, and bring it before the world. That manu- 
script, which was full of interesting details of life among the 
mountains, and of the singular castes of races, both white and 
red men, among whom he had sojourned, formed the staple of 
the work, though other facts and details were interwoven, gath- 
ered from other sources, especially from the conversations and 
journals of some of the captain's contemporaries, who were ac- 
tors in the scenes he describes ; while to the whole he gave a tone 
and coloring drawn from his own observation during his tour 
of the prairies. Mr. Irving obtained for the work, from his Amer- 
ican publishers, Carey, Lea & Co., three thousand dollars, and 
from Bentley, in London £900 ' ' 

Gustavus Hines, Wild Life in Oregon, Hurst and Co. 

(Reprint of earlier edition) 

Page 170. May 12, 1843. (On Snake river west of Lewiston, Ida) 

"Red Wolf, in more than one instance, has proved himself 
a friend to the Americans. When Capt. Bonneville was in this 
country, many years ago, in his trade with the Indians, he met 
with violent opposition from the Hudson's Bay Company, and 
was compelled to leave that portion under the control of the 
company. But, in his attempt to do, he lost his way, and wan- 
dered about until he and his men were reduced to a starving 
state. Fortunately he struck a trail that led him to the lodge of 
Red Wolf, and he immediately told the chief of his great dis- 
tress. Red Wolf was moved by the story, and ordered a horse to 
be butchered without delay. Bonneville and his men feasted 
themselves to their entire satisfaction ; and when they were 
ready to leave, they were supplied with a guide, and provisions 
for their journey." 

Page 411. "When the writer visited the Snake river in 
1842, an incident of Bonneville's experience in that country, 


was related to him by Red Wolf, an Indian chief of the Nez 
Perce tribe. Bonneville had met with the most violent opposition 
from the Hudson's Bay Company, in his trade, and in attempting 
to leave a portion of the country where everything, even the 
game, appeared to be under their control, he and his party, 
which by desertion and other causes, had been greatly reduced, 
lost their way, and wandered about without food for three days 
and nights. At length, in a state of starvation, they fell in with 
Red Wolf and his party on the Snake or Lewis river, and the 
chief received them kindly, and treated them with the best which 
his means afforded, which was the flesh of a fat horse, which he 
killed for that purpose. Having given them this timely relief, he 
prevailed upon them to tarry with him a few days, and recruit 
their exhausted strength. They accepted this kind offer, and 
were astonished at their departure, on being supplied by their 
Indian benefactor with provisions to take with them, and a guide 
to conduct them on to their proper route. ' ' 

Note by J. N. B. This was probably when Bonneville crossed 
the Wallowa range on his journey to Fort Walla Walla, Hines 
had antiphathy toward the Hudson's Bay Company. In this 
case they had nothing to do with the matter. Bonneville was on 
his way to visit Fort Nez Perce, (Wallula, Wash) to request 
them to sell him supplies so as to undersell them in trade with 
the Indians and was befriended by these kind Indians, of whom 
Irving poked fun. 

47th Congress 1st Session. Ex. Doc. No. 186 


Report of an examination of the Upper Columbia River 
. . . 1881 ... by Lieut. Thomas W. Symons, Corps of Engi- 
neers, U. S. Army Chief Engineer of the Department of the Co- 
Washington, Government Printing Office, 1882. 

Page 92. "The geographic knowledge of the country was 
greatly augmented in the years 1832- '33- '34 by the examinations 
and surveys of Captain Bonneville. . . . Captain Bonneville's 
maps are the first to correctly represent the hydrography of the 
regions west of the Rocky Mountains, and determine the exist- 
ence of the great interior basins without outlets to the ocean, to 
prove the non-existence of the Buenaventura and other hypo- 
thetical rivers, and to reduce the Willamette to its proper 
Engineer Department, U. S. Army. 

Report upon United States Geographic Surveys west of the 
one hundredth meridian. In charge of Capt. Geo. M. Wheeler, 
Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army. . . . Appendix F. Memoir of 
Explorations and Surveys, Etc. Vol. I Geographical Report. 


Washington, Government Printing Office, 1889. Chapter II. 
Explorations from A. D. 1832 to A. D. 1844. 

Bonneville's expedition to Rocky Mountains, 1832 to 1836. 
(He mentions Irving 's work). "This is accompanied by two 
maps, one on the scale of 23 miles to an inch, showing the sources 
of the Missouri, Yellowstone, Platte, Green, Bear, Snake and 
Salmon Rivers, and a portion of Lake Bonneville (Great Salt 
Lake) ; the other, on a scale of 50 miles to an inch, giving the 
country from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, between the 
parallels of 38 and 49 north latitude." . . . 

P. 541. "Captain Bonneville's maps, which accompany the 
edition of Irving 's work, published by Carey, Lea & Blanchard 
in 1837 (the later editions generally do not give the original 
maps), are the first to correctly represent the hydrography of 
this region west of the Rocky Mountains. Although the geo- 
graphic positions are not accurate, yet the existence of the great 
interior basins (without outlets to the ocean) of Great Salt Lake, 
of Mary's or Ogden's River (named afterwards Humboldt by 
Captain Fremont, of the Mud Lakes, and of Sevier River and 
Lake, was determined by Captain Bonneville's maps, and they 
proved the non-existence of the Rio Buenaventura and of other 
hypothetical rivers. They reduced the Wallamuth or Multno- 
mah (Willamette) to its proper length, and fixed approximately 
its source, and determined the general extent and direction of 
the Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers. The map of the sources 
of the Yellowstone is still the best original one of that region." 

Notes on Captain Bonneville 

Just returned from western border. Missouri Republican, 
Aug. 14, 1838. 

Capt. B. L. E. Bonneville of United States Army married at 
Carlisle, Pa., Dec. 12, 1842, Miss Anne Callender, daughter of 
the late Dr. Charles W. Lewis of Monroe County, Virginia. 
Missouri Republican, Dec. 29, 1842. 

Madame Margaret de Bonneville, a native of France, died 
Oct. 30, at a very advanced age. She has been a resident of this 
city for many years. She is the mother of Maj. Bonneville, now 
in the U. S. Army in Mexico. Missouri Republican, Oct. 31, 1846. 

(From Miss Stella Drumm, Librarian, Missouri Historical 
Society, January 26, 1932.) 

January 25th, 1932. 
Dear Mrs. Beard: 

I take great pleasure in sending to you a sketch-map of 
the region where Captain Bonneville ranged during his alleged 
fur trading expedition, 1832-1835. 


I have omitted practically everything except the rivers, 
etc., mentioned and have reduced these to the one main stream. 
The two forts which Bonneville erected, and his winter camp 
on the Portneuf River are shown, and the approximate location 
of the famous Pierre's Hole, which was in the Teton Valley. 

The modern state boundaries are indicated by dotted lines, 

and also their names, to facilitate recognition of localities. 

* # # 

Owing to Bonneville having traveled back and forth over 
much of the same region it is impossible to show his itinerary, 
which in some cases can not be exactly ascertained. His trip 
with Wyeth to the Bighorn River is indicated by the moun- 
tains and the note of where Wyeth embarked. 

His journey to old Fort Walla Walla (Fort Nez Perce), 
now Wallula, Wash., was down the Snake from his winter 
camp on the Portneuf, (He uses the name "Powder River" for 
some stream near Salmon Falls). The Owyhee River, so named 
from three Hawaiians having been murdered there, he called 
the "Big Wyer", and Malheur River, where the Indians had 
stolen furs from trappers who thereby had a "bad hour" of 
grief, he called the "Little Wyer". He called Burnt River, 
"Gun Creek" and entered the vast canyon of the Snake, to 
Pine Creek, and actually crossed the towering Wallowa Moun- 
tains in mid-winder. I had the range so named. 

Wallowa or "Way-lee-way" means fish-trap, or wyer, and 
was applied by the Indians to the entire river, but now only to 
one branch. This was due to former "ronds" or horseracing 
etc., by the natives, in the large valley near the source of the 
larger tributary, and the whole river is now called Grande 
Ronde, or Grand Ronde. 

Bonneville descended the Imnaha River to the Snake and 
then crossed to the Grande Ronde ("Way-lee-way") and then 
across to Fort Nez Perce "Walla Walla". Subsequently he 
went via Burnt River, Power to Grande Ronde Valley, and 
across the Blue Mountains to the Umatilla River, and down the 
Columbia to the John Day River. My own idea is that there he 
learned that Wyeth 's ship, the May Dacre, had arrived with 
abundant supplies, so that it would not be advisable for him to 
attempt to establish a rival trading post in the Willamette Val- 
ley, so he turned back, via the John Day River, and returned to 
the Snake River. 

Very sincerely yours, 


Washington Irving was in error in calling PINE Valley on 
Pine Creek, the "Grande Ronde". I have trudged over the 


hills in that locality, and once my wife and I made a several 
day "hike" through the lower Grande Ronde River region. 
The road is ten miles long from the river straight uphill to the 
level above. It is one of the most wild, weird regions I have 




February 5, 1932. 

Born in France. Appointed from New York. 

Cadet, Military Academy April 14, 1813 

Brevet, 2nd Lieutenant, Light Artillery.. ..Dec. 11, 1815 

2nd Lieutenant Jan. 15, 1817 

Assigned to 8th Infantry March 10, 1819 

1st Lieutenant July 9, 1820 

Transferred to 7th Infantry June 1, 1821 

Captain Oct. 4, 1825 

Dropped May 31, 1834 

Restored April 19, 1836 

Major, 6th Infantry July 15, 1845 

Lieutenant Colonel, 4th Infantry May 7, 1849 

Colonel, 3rd Infantry Feb. 3, 1855 

Retired Sept. 9, 1861 

Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, August 20, 1847, for gal- 
lantry and meritorious conduct in the battles of Con- 
treras and Churubusco, Mexico ; and Brigadier General, 
March 13, 1865 for long and faithful service in the 

He was on duty at New England posts, 1815 to 1819 ; on re- 
cruiting service and on construction of military road through 
Mississippi in 1820 ; on duty at Fort Smith, Arkansas, and San 
Antonio, Texas, with 8th Infantry to 1824 ; at Fort Gibson, In- 
dian Territory to 1828 ; at Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, 1828 and 
1829 ; at Fort Gibson, Indian Territory to April, 1831 ; granted 
leave to go to the Rocky Mountains to be absent until October, 
1833 ; absent without authority from October, 1833 to May 31, 
1834, when by order of the President as announced in Orders 
No. 42, Adjutant General's Office, dated May 31, 1834 he was 
dropped from the rolls of the Army. General Order No. 25, Ad- 
jutant General's Office, April 22, 1836 states, "Captain B. L. E. 
Bonneville, is re-instated in the Army and by the President, by 
and with the advice and consent of the Senate, is restored to his 
former rank and regiment as Captain in the 7th Infantry, to 
rank as such from the 4th of October, 1825 " : at Fort Gibson, 


Indian Territory with 7th Infantry, October, 1836 to 1838 ; at 
Fort Towson and Gibson, I. T., and Fort Smith, Arkansas to 
1839 ; in Florida war with regiment to 1842 ; on recruiting serv- 
ice to end of 1842 ; at Fort Brooke, Florida, Baton Rouge, Louis- 
iana and Pass Christian, Mississippi to 1845; at Fort Smith, 
Arkansas to outbreak of Mexican War in 1846 ; as Major, 6th 
Infantry, served in Mexican invasion; in siege of Vera Cruz, 
March, 1847 ; battle of Cerro Gordo, April, 1847 ; at Amazoque, 
May 14, 1847 ; San Antonio and Churubusco, August, 1847 (was 
wounded at Churubusco) ; at Molino del Ray, Chapultepec, and 
capture of Mexico City in September, 1847 ; returned to the 
United States and served at Fort Kearney, Nebraska to 1849 ; 
at Fort Howard, Wisconsin, 1851 and 1852; at Fort Columbus, 
New York in 1852 ; at Benicia, California to September, 1852 ; 
at Columbia Barracks, Oregon to August, 1853 ; name of post 
changed to Fort Vancouver, W. T. from August, 1853 ; Colonel 
Bonneville remaining in command to May 20, 1855 ; Fort Fill- 
more, New Mexico, and commanding Department of New Mex- 
ico with headquarters Santa Fe to October 25, 1859 ; at Fort 
Marcy, New Mexico, Fort Clark, Texas, and on leave of absence 
to date of retirement. 

Served as Superintendent of recruiting service in Missouri, 
1861 to 1863 ; as Chief Mustering and Disbursing Officer of Mis- 
souri to November 17, 1865, and commanding Benton Barracks, 
Missouri, March to August, 1862; and September 12, 1862 to 
December 1, 1865; of Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, and Com- 
missary of Musters Department of the Missouri to October 15, 

He died June 12, 1878 at Fort Smith, Arkansas. 



Major General, 
The Adjutant General. 


The Union Pacific Coal Company's Magazine of July, 1924, 
contains the following article which is said to be authentic : 

"With the advent of the Union Pacific Railway in 1868, the 
town of Carbon, Carbon County, Wyoming, came into being. It 
was situated eleven miles southeast of the present site of Hanna. 
Messrs. Thos. Wardell, Michael Quealy, William Hinton, and 
associates from Bevier, Missouri, entered into an agreement with 
the railway authorities, whereby the parties named acquired 
permission to open and develop mines on lands granted the rail- 
way by the United States Government. John Tompkins was in 
charge of this work at the outset and was succeeded in 1869 by 


James Williams, who remained in the capacity of Superintendent 
until 1873, he being replaced by William Robinson, who stayed 
in control of operations until 1878. 

In The Beginning, the work was conducted under the name of 
The Wyoming Coal and Mining Company, but in 1874 the Union 
Pacific Railway Coal Department took charge, and development 
work increased to such an extent that a, larger production with 
consequent lower cost was noticeable. The store continued under 
the direction of Messrs. Wardell and partners for several years, 
later being transferred to Beckwith & Quinn and their successors. 
The Beckwith Commercial Company, under the supervision of 
0. C. Smith. In the early days of the building of the railway, 
Smith was paymaster for the Construction Company, the claim 
often being made by him that he had walked over every foot of 
the line from Omaha to Ogden, in the performance of his duties. 

The mercantile business was later taken over by the coal 
Department, and in more recent years, the Union Pacific Coal 
Company, which was incorporated September 25, 1890, under 
the laws of the state of Wyoming. 

The seam in mine No. 1 was reached by a shaft, approximately 
from 80 to 100 feet in depth. Coaling pockets for storing coal 
for locomotive use were erected in connection with the tipple so 
that pit cars could be taken from the cage, coal pushed to pockets 
and dumped, making one handling suffice for all purposes. Water 
entered the mine thru surface caves, the workings were flooded 
and the mine laid idle for several months, until it could be de- 
watered. The writer recalls that the women of the town sewed 
sacking together and these receptacles were filled with sand for 
use in making embankments or dykes to turn the water in other 
directions. This mine was in operation until 1881 when it was 

In 1869 Messrs. Quealy and Hinton moved to Rock Springs, 
leaving their Carbon interests to be looked after by Charles War- 
dell and his brothers, Thomas and John. 

Mine No. 2 was opened in 1868 by John A. Creighton of 
Omaha, Nebraska, but later came into possession of Thomas War- 
dell. It was originally started as a drift running level on the 
strike of the seam for several hundred feet, from which a slope 
was driven on the pitch. For many years coal was hauled up the 
slope to the drift intersection by mules, one car to the trip, and 
from that point an additional car or two were hauled out to the 
surface. The mine was abandoned in 1900. Mines No. 3 and 4 
were never more than prospects, and about the only coal moved 
therefrom was that necessary to prove the seam. 

Mine No. 5 located nearly five miles north of the town, was 
opened in 1880 and abandoned in 1885. L. R. Meyer was its 
first Superintendent, the Foreman being at different times such 


well known coal experts as Michael Quealy, Dave Thomas, and 
W. R. Gardener. This camp was quite a lively one with its fifty 
or sixty log houses, boarding; house, saloons, etc., and the men 
entered quite spiritually into such sportive pursuits as horse 
racing, pigeon shooting, quoits, etc. 

Mine No. 6 was started in 1880, and worked continuously 
until 1890, with the exception of a few short periods. L. G. 
Smith and L. R. Meyer were its early Superintendents, while 
Thomas Quealy, Joseph Cox and Alex Briggs served in the ca- 
pacity of Mine Foremen at various times. Mine No. 7, two miles 
south of town was opened in 1899, and abandoned in 1902, owing 
to impurities in the coal." 

Carbon was not merely a construction camp for the railroad 
as so many of the towns along the line were, but grew to promi- 
nence thru the coal beds there. The name "Carbon" was derived 
from the mammoth coal deposits. 

In early days the money with which to pay the miners was 
shipped into the town in canvas sacks, coming by express. It was 
very often dumped onto the depot platform and left lying there 
for hours before being picked up, but strange to say, it was never 
molested, altho it was generally known that it was there. 

The first hotel in the town was built by Joseph Cruise, a 
Missourian, who sold it to Mr. and Mrs. Adam Arnold before it 
was entirely completed. The hotel was called "The Wyoming 
House" and from March 1873 until 1902 it was managed by the 
Arnolds. Mr. Arnold operated a saloon in connection with the 
hotel, but he died and for many years afterward Mrs. Arnold 
ran only the hotel. 

Oscar Collister, Carlin and Calvin were operators and depot 
agents of early days. 

The timbers used in the mine were cut on Elk Mountain, 
hauled to Percy station in wagons, loaded on the train and 
brot to Carbon. The railroad ties used at that time were also 
cut on Elk Mountain and shipped from Percy. Later the tim- 
bers were cut in the Medicine Bow Mountains, near the head of 
the Medicine Bow river, down which they were floated. A 
"boom" caught them in the river near Medicine Bow station, 
and here they were taken ashore and distributed along the rail- 
road as needed. Mine timbers were hauled from the Sublet land- 
ing. Tom Morrow, (colored) and Tom Jackson operated these 
timber wagons, first using oxen then changing to mules. 

The first mine opened in Carbon exploded on a Sunday 
morning in 1869. The explosion was caused by dust and for 
many years afterward the mine was on fire. It being Sunday, no 
one was in the mine when it blew up. 


There was a misunderstanding between the Superintendents 
and the miners, and the miners left. On May 9, 1871, fifty men 
arrived and the mine again began operations. In 1874 the miners 
went out on a strike, and work did not resume again until the 
Union Pacific Coal Company took possession of the mine during 
that same year. 

During the early days of Carbon the inhabitants were kept 
in constant terror of attacks by Indians. Many nights the entire 
population of the town retreated into the mine while guards on 
top walked their beats the whole night long. Among those who 
acted in the capacity of guards were William Bragg, William 
Richardson, Charles Bloomer and Howard Michael, better known 
as "Mitch Howard." 

Many lone travelers were found murdered and scalped in 
the near vicinity of the town, and stock was frequently stolen 
by the Indians and driven into the mountains, where it was al- 
most impossible to find animals of any sort. 

Among the first school teachers in Carbon were, Miss Anna 
Fisher, who later became Mrs. J. S. Jones, Mrs. Randall Clay, 
Professor Mathews and Mrs. L. G. Smith. 

Randall Clay and J. S. Jones operated a general store in 
the old town for some time. 

William Bangs, Sr., was the owner and manager of the first 
meat market in the town and Joe Brammer opened the first 
saloon. For many years Theodore Henkle acted as bar-tender in 
the Brammer saloon. Mr. Henkle served two terms as county 
clerk of Carbon County. Many more residents of the old town 
were elected at different times to act as county officers, and win 
a reputation for their home town as producing brainy citizens 
who were really worth while. Jens Hansen was sheriff, C. L. 
Vagner was a member of the Territorial Assembly, F. M. Baker 
was County Treasurer, W. L. Evans was county clerk, Andy 
Rasmussen was assessor, Fred Shannon was County Superin- 
tendent of Schools, Joseph Widdowfield was County Commission- 
er, and Mike Quealy was County Commissioner as also was John 
Thocle. L. R. Meyer was State Senator. 

James Fisher built the first livery barn in Carbon. It was a 
large log barn on the south side of the track. 

Dr. Whitney was the first doctor to settle in the town, and 
before this when a physician was needed it was necessary to call 
one from either Rawlins or Laramie. Dr. Harris from Laramie 
made more trips to Carbon and vicinity than any other doctor, 
it is said. Dr. Magee often came from Rawlins to attend sick 
folks in Carbon. 

The first church was built there in 1873, and it stood on the 
hill near the Fisher livery barn. 


In 1874 William Isaacs and William Kane were killed by a 
cave-in in mine No. 1. A short time later Johnnie Mack was 
killed in the same mine, and soon Asmus Boison met with a like 
fate there. 

The Carbon mines were never so dangerous as some others, 
and not many fatalities occurred there. 

Fred Bean was the first post master, and delivered the mail 
from rows of home made boxes. 

Jack Farcell owned a saloon in the old town in early days. 
In 1874 the yardmaster was killed during a melee in Brammer's 
saloon. He and a. gambler became involved in a row over a game 
of cards. The gambler shot him, killing him instantly. The 
gambler was sentenced for life to the penitentiary at Laramie. 
After serving a short time there, he escaped, and was never cap- 

During that same year, Jens Hansen was stable boss and 
cared for all the mules and horses used by the Coal Company. 
In No. 1 mine were two mules which had been beneath the ground 
for about three years, The shaft-head burned down and a man 
was lowered into the mine by means of a. rope and windlass to 
hoist the mules out. The first one was a gentle animal known to 
all the miners as "Sage", and she was brought to the surface 
without any trouble, but when her mate, "Pete" was to be 
hoisted out, there was trouble and lots of it. Pete was mean and 
tricky and did not like the treatment he was receiving at the 
hands of his rescuers, the principal one of whom was Robert 
Jackson. Pete plunged and struggled, and when about half way 
up the sixty-five foot shaft the rope slipped up around his neck, 
shutting off his wind. It was a bad predicament to be in for both 
men and mule, but there was only one thing to be done and that 
was to haul Pete out by the neck. When he reached the surface 
he was limp as a rag, but after a while recovered and lived sev- 
eral years in the daylight which he had not seen for thirty-six 

After that mine was worked out a little Italian took the 
contract to fill up the shaft. When the job was about half clone 
the Italian in some manner lost his footing and fell into the hole, 
receiving such painful injuries that he died. 

Pat Greene, the engineer who ran the stationery engine at 
the mine was blind in one eye. Early one morning he came out 
of Brammer 's saloon and attempted to cross the track, but failed 
to see the east-bound train coming down from Simpson Hill. 
The train struck him scattering his remains for half a mile down 
the track. 

Old Henderson, the pit boss was found dead in an empty 
room in Mine No. 1. The doctor said heart failure had been the 
cause of his death. 


"Old Jim" the coal heaver, lost his life on the track in the 
middle of town. He ran to turn the switch for the siding, when 
his foot was caught in the "frog", and the engine struck him, 
knocking him down and cutting him in two. 

During the year 1871 Thomas Wardell received six dollars 
per ton for coal on the cars. 

Williams Evans, Tom and William Jackson, the Co-Opera- 
tive Association and J. W. Johnson each had general stores in 
Carbon during the 80 's. 

In later years, Jens Hansen, Charles Vagner and J. A. 
Jackson opened meat markets which prospered as the town grew. 
John O'Connor built the "Scranton House", which he named 
after his home town in Pennsylvania, and it was considered one 
of the finest hotels. Here several of the O'Connor children were 
born and some passed away. When Harvey O'Connor was about 
two years old he was playing in the middle of the railroad track 
with several other tots, all of whom were there without their 
mothers' knowledge, when a train whistled. Mrs. O'Connor 
rushed to investigate the whereabouts of her baby, saw him fall 
flat in the middle of the track with an on-rushing freight train 
within a few feet of him. The other little ones had scampered off 
to one side, but her baby lay flat on his face as the train passed 
over him. Panic stricken Mrs, O'Connor squatted beside the 
track and peered beneath the flying cars. The baby seeing her, 
attempted to come to her, but well knowing if his head raised 
high enough, his brains would be beaten out, she motioned him 
to lie flat and still. He could not hear her voice on account of 
the noise of the train, but by her motions and expression he un- 
derstood and did as she wished. The train was an exceptionally 
long one and more than once he would have risen, had she not 
each time, made him understand that he must lie still and flat, 
for well she knew that if he rose the least bit the rods beneath the 
train would kill him. Many people of the little town witnessed 
the distressing state of affairs, crowded about the mother and 
waited breathlessly for the outcome. As the last car flew over 
the boy, Jim Finch, Sr., snatched him from the track and handed 
him to his mother, whose nerve and willpower had saved him 
from an awful end. 

Among others who conducted hotels in the town were Mr. 
and Mrs. John Thode, (who later had a dairy east of town and 
daily delivered milk there), Mr. and Mrs. Nels Hansen, Mr. and 
Mrs. F. R. Schoen, and Mrs. Hall and daughters. At No. 5 Mine, 
Mrs. Jessie Petrie ran a boarding house. 

A spur track branching from the main line at Pyncheon was 
used in hauling coal from No. 5 mine. 


On December 9, 1891, the Carbon State Bank was organized 
with a capital stock of $15,000, which was divided into one hun- 
dred and fifty shares of $100 each. The president of this bank 
was Otto Gramm of Laramie, and L. R. Meyer was Cashier and 
Secretary. There were five Directors, viz: Otto Gramm, L. C. 
Hanks, C. W. Wilkinson, R. Brackenbury, and 0. H. Archer. 
The stockholders were as follows: Otto Gramm, Laramie; A. 
Kendall, Rock Springs ; W. C. Wilson, Jr., Laramie ; L. C. Hanks, 
Laramie; H. Hadden, Great Mahrin, England; J. D. Dawson, 
Laramie ; R. H. Homer, Laramie ; W. C. Wilkenson, Laramie ; J. 
W. Young, Salt Lake City; Belle Homer, Laramie; Albert Bis- 
torious, Elk Mountain, and C. L. Vagner, W. L. Evans, Jens 
Hansen, J. M. Baker, O. H. Archer, T. O. Minta, John Lewis, 
S. W. Johnson, W. C. Fuller, Mander Peterson, L. R. Meyer, 
Peter Pampel, H. B. Allen, M. Quealy, T. J. Wyche, A. E. 
Jones, E. W. Roberts, R. Brackenbury, S. G. Clark, James 
Fisher, and Theodore Henkle all of Carbon. This was one of the 
first state banks in the county. After the demise of Carbon the 
bank was moved to Hanna and on December 3, 1903, a charter 
was granted for "Carbon State Bank" in the village of Hanna. 
Later the name of the institution was changed to Hanna National 
Bank, and two years ago it was again made a state bank, and is 
now known as "Hanna State Bank." 

A small addition was built onto the east side of Carbon which 
was called ' ' Chinatown. ' ' This was to accommodate Chinese min- 
ers whom the Coal Company intended bringing to the town, but 
after the "Chinese Riot" in Rock Springs in 1885, the plans 
were changed and the Chinese were never brough to Carbon. 

On June 19, 1890, a very disastrous fire swept Carbon, burn- 
ing almost everything on the north side of the track, including 
the Union Pacific Store. As the water supply of the town was 
quite meager, (water had to be hauled on the train from Medi- 
cine Bow, and the tanks were emptied into two wells on the out- 
skirts of Carbon), there was no chance of fighting the blaze and 
consequently the loss was very great. 

In the fall of 1890 the town was incorporated and the first 
ordinance passed by the new city fathers was one compelling 
every house owner to build brick chimneys and abolish the old 
fashioned stove pipes which extended thru the roof. 

One of the most memorable crimes in which citizens of Car- 
bon were implicated, and its ending, was that committed by 
"Big Nose George" and "Dutch Charlie". About the middle of 
August, 1878, a rail was removed from the track of the Union 
Pacific road, about six miles east of Medicine Bow, at what was 
known on the old line as Como station, for the purpose of ditch- 
ing the train and robbing the express car and the passengers. 
Fortunately, the section men discovered the rail that had been 


tampered with, and repaired the damage. This party of would-be 
robbers and murderers then retired to Elk Mountain, making 
their camp in a wild unaccessible canyon. The section men hav- 
ing given the alarm that, a party of train robbers were on the 
road, and the taking up of the rail, Tip Vincent, a special Union 
Pacific agent, and Bob Widdowfield, a deputy sheriff from Car- 
bon, went out to follow the trail and ascertain, if possible, if the 
robbers were still in the country. The trail was found and fol- 
lowed up Rattlesnake canyon on Elk Mountain until they came 
to the camp. Vincent got off his horse and stuck his hand in the 
ashes of the camp fire, remarking to Widdowfield that it was red 
hot and they would soon have the robbers. The robbers who were 
concealed in a clump of nearby willows, fired when Vincent 
spoke, killing "Widdowfield. Vincent made a terrific fight for his 
life, but was killed also. 

Widdowfield was a very popular man in Carbon and vicinity 
and absolutely knew no fear of anything. On the discovery of 
the bodies of the two men, the entire town was aroused, and vows 
to avenge the cowardly deed were heard on every side. The mur- 
derers had vanished and for some time no trace of them was 

One day in autumn came word from Fort Benton, Montana, 
that "Dutch Charlie" had been arrested there, and was being 
held for Carbon County officers. Sheriff James Rankin left Raw- 
lins immediately for Fort Benton to bring the prisoner back with 
him to Rawlins. On his return with his prisoner, the train made 
its scheduled stop in Carbon, a party of masked men calmly en- 
tered the car occupied by Rankin and his charge. Three men 
seized the sheriff and held him down between the car seats, while 
the others deliberately took the prisoner off the train. The crew 
were commanded to hold the train until orders to move on were 
given, and a mob of masked men were there to enforce this bid. 

"Dutch Charlie" was taken over near the school house to a 
pile of railroad ties and there questioned. He admitted his guilt, 
told the details of the awful killings, and who were implicated. 
After half an hour he was taken to a telegraph pole, made to 
stand on a box, a rope placed about his neck, and the other end 
thrown across the cross arm of the pole. Someone kicked the box 
from under him, and he strangled to death within a few minutes. 

After the lynching, the coroner in Rawlins, A. G. Edgerton, 
was notified of the hanging. Owing to the fact that but one pas- 
senger train went east and one west each day, and that the east- 
bound train for that day had already gone, Coroner Edgerton 
was unable to get to Carbon until the next day. There the body 
of the youth who was in his early twenties, swung and swayed in 
the wind until the arrival of the coroner on the day after the 


"Big Nose George" whose real name was George Parrot, was 
later captured and after attempting to kill the jailor in Rawlins, 
Bob Rankin, George was taken from the jail by a mob and lynched 
in Rawlins. 

T. 0. Mint a was the first mayor, Isaac Amoss the first city 
marshal and Jens Hansen the first city treasurer. 

During the year of 1899, the Union Pacific Coal Company 
began making preparations to abandon the mine at Carbon. Here- 
tofore there had been only a spur track from Medicine Bow to 
Hanna, while the main line led from Medicine Bow to Carbon, 
west over Simpson Ridge and on past Percy station. In 1899 
the "Hanna Cut-Off" was built, thus placing Hanna on the 
main line and leaving Carbon on a spur track. The work in the 
Carbon mine slackened to such a degree that many were forced 
to leave the old town and all their belongings, and seek employ- 
ment elsewhere. The inhabitants of Carbon owned their own 
homes and places of business, quite unlike the mining towns of 
the present day. During the fall of 1902 even the spur track 
was removed, leaving Carbon standing there alone among the 
hills. The mine closed down and the town was dead. Many who 
had spent happy and prosperous years there were reluctant to 
leave, always hoping that the Union Pacific Coal Company would 
decide to come back and open the mine once more. However, 
their cherished hopes were blasted and one by one thy left the 
old town which had been home to them thru many years of storm 
and sunshine. 

Some of the pioneers of the little city whose population was 
at one time more than two thousand, were John Sullivan and 
family, Nathan Amoss and family, John Milliken and family, 
Henry Cardwell and family, John Butler and family, Peter 
Kamp and family, Dave Jones and family, John Allison and fam- 
ily, John Jones and family, Jackie Jackson and family, John 
Burke and family, Asmus Boison and family, John West and 
family, John Watkins and family, Oscar O'Malley and family, 
Mr. Parker and family, Mr. Dibble and family, Thos. Whalen 
and family, John Finch and family, Pete Travis and Nels Rob- 
inson, James Fisher and family, Wm. Bangs and family, and 
many others. 

The majority were unable to sell their houses in Carbon 
when the town passed into oblivion, and were compelled to leave 
them stand, they being eventually destroyed by thieves and van- 
dals. Today Carbon stands there wrecked and forlorn, alone and 
forsaken, the bare ghost of its former self. 




Carbon how we loved you forty years ago today ; 

Not a soul had dreamed at that time that you weren't with us to 

You were prosperous and thriving, and the people held their own, 
Who could tell them that today you 'd be standing there alone ? 
Bright lights glittered in the night-time and the days were busy, 

Dark clouds always slighted Carbon, and her skies were always 

Such a jovial lot of pioneers were very seldom found, 
And they'd brave the wildness of the west to old Wyoming's 

Snows or Indians could not scare them for they had a world of 

The frontier life held charms for them, for heroes do not quit. 
There "you knowed everybody, and they all knowed you," 
And no one cared a penny what the other one would do. 
The women dressed in calico, the men wore old time jeans, 
All of them were genuine and lived within their means. 
They traveled with a team and rig — autos were unknown, 
And just imagine those plain folks a-talking o'er a phone! 
They hadn 't any radio, but danced after a fiddle, 
The halls were always crowded, where they came from was a 

They danced old fashioned steps and they played old fashioned 

And they strolled in the silvery light of real old fashioned moons. 
Times have changed beyond description ; some have gone beyond 

Some have gone to other countries — thev are scattered one and 

And Carbon, you are shattered, you are dead, you are no more, 
And the sight of you, dear Carbon, makes our hearts ache to the 

When we go where once you flourished, our spirits are depressed, 
To think this hopeless wreck of now, was once the very best. 
Your houses are all tumbled down, the windows broken out, 
The doors are gaping openings now, and gophers run about. 
The streets are full of tumble-weeds, the bridges fallen in, 
And silence reigns, where at one time was industry and din. 
The coyotes come within the wreck of this downtrodden place, 
And howl in cheerless mournful tones — there's no one to give 

The sage brush flat is just as green, where the hills slope toward 

the sky, 
But Carbon now reminds us of the fact that all things die. 


It used to be that winds of spring made music in the air, 

But now the night winds sob and sigh around old walls so bare. 

Out on the side hill north of town a silent city lies, 

Where monuments and blocks of stone among the graves arise. 

'Tis here that old time "Carbonites" return to add another, 

For here are resting young and old, the baby and the mother. 

'Tis here that many pioneers of those old times are sleeping, 

'Tis here that some good angel o 'er the dead a watch is keeping. 

So Fare Ye Well, old Carbon, ye are crumbling to the dust, 

And our hearts ache at your downfall which we cannot think is 

Altho you're past redemption, still we reverence your name, 
And always, dear old Carbon, we will love you just the same ! 


Difficulty, Wyoming. 


January 1, 1932 to April 1, 1932 


Bruce, Eobert — Photograph of General Connor. 

Holmes, W. S. — Seven pictures of Indian drawings on bluffs at the 
W. S. Holmes Ranch near Green River, Wyoming. 

Ross, Margery — Picture of the planting of a tree to the memory of 
George Washington's 200th Anniversary, in the George Washington 
Memorial Park, Cody, Wyoming, February 22, 1932. 

Wills, Olive — Collection of original drawings. 

Lutz, Fred — A metal disc found in 1929 near old Fort Laramie. 
Further history unknown. 

Pennsylvania Railroad — Poster of Washington, D. C, in 1798. 

Original Manuscripts 

Jackson, W. H. — "Bullwhacking Across the Plains. " 
Hooker, W. F. — "John Hunton, Bull Team Freighter, Ranch Owner, 
Army Post Trader and Contractor." 

Waldo, Mrs. F. H.— "Deadwood to the Big Horns, 1877 "— a diary 
kept in German by the late Herman Bischoff of Deadwood, South Da- 
kota. Translated by Mrs. Waldo in 1931. 


Original Manuscripts 

Barry, J. Neilson — ' ' Some Clues to Primary Source Material Re- 
garding Captain Bonneville's Life and Adventures." 

Davis, William Harper — "Cope: Master Naturalist," reviewed by 
Mr. Davis. Contains Wyoming history. 

Willson, G. M. — "Wyoming State Training School" — Paper read by 
Mr. Willson at the Open House Celebration at Emerson School Building, 
Lander, Wyoming, February 22, 1932. 

Wills, Olive — "Wyoming Artists." 

Burnett, F. G— "The Hayfield Fight." 


Meyers, E. D. — Map of the Southern Department — 1918; map of the 
Texas Territory north and west of Fort Sam Houston — 1918; map of 
Leon Springs and Camp Bullis Military Reservations, Southern Depart- 
ment 1918; five maps of Salado Creek Drill Grounds, March 1922. 

Barry, Prof. J. Neilson — Map of the region where Captain Bonneville 
trapped from 1832-1835, drawn by Prof. Barry of Portland, Oregon. 

Logan, Ernest — Fly-leaf from book carrying presentation written by 
William W. Corlett. 


Meyers, E. D. — "Map Maneuvers and Tactical Rides" by F. Sayre, 
Major, U. S. Army. Map in pocket of Cover. 

Clark, A. M. — "Four Hundred Million Acres" — The Public Lands 
and Resources by Charles E. Winter. 

Oregon Trail Memorial Association, Inc. — "Covered Wagon Cen- 
tennial and Ox-Team Days." 


Fryxell, Dr. F. M. — "The Ascent of Mount Owen"; "Mountaineer- 
ing in the Grand Teton Park" by Dr. Fryxell. 

Hooker, W. F.— "Fort Bridger," a brief history by R. S. Ellison. 

Convent of the Holy Child Jesus, Cheyenne, Wyoming — "Fifty 
Golden Years— Society of the Holy Child Jesus— 1862-1912." "Shall I 
Be a Nun?" by Daniel A. Lord, S. J. 

Greenburg. D. W. — Highway map of the United States showing the 
Oregon Trail and points of historical interest. Collection of programs 
and Oregon Trail literature. 


Ross, Margery — Three newspaper clippings relating to the William 
F. Cody celebration plans and the George Washington Memorial Park 
celebration in Cody, Wyoming. 

Wyoming Labor Journal — Bound volume of the Wyoming Labor 
Journal for 1931. 

Crowe, George R. — Four copies of Mr. Crowe's article on the Devil's 
Tower National Monument in Wyoming. 

Crane, A. G. (President of the University of Wyoming) — "Uni- 
versity of Wyoming Policy Told by President — Dr. Crane Outlines Serv- 
ice Goals of State Institution. ' ' Published in the Casper Tribune-Herald, 
February 10, 1932.