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ANNALS 


OF  THE  FIRST  FOUR  YEARS  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 


QUEEN  ELIZABETH, 


BY  SIR  JOHN  HAYWARD,  KNT.  D.C.L. 


EDITED    FROM    A    MS.    IN  .  THE    HARLEIAN    COLLECTION, 

BY   JOHN    BRUCE,    ESQ.    F.S.A. 


LONDON: 
PRINTED  FOR  THE  CAMDEN  SOCIETY, 

BY  JOHN  BOWYER  NICHOLS  AND  SON,  PARLIAMENT  STREET, 


M.1HTC.XL. 


c/- 

+H 

> 

U'qt 


We 


COUNCIL 

OF 

THE  CAMDEN  SOCIETY, 

ELECTED  MAY  2,   1839. 


President, 
THE  RIGHT  HON.  LORD  FRANCIS  EGERTON,  M.P. 

THOMAS  AMYOT,  ESQ.  F.R.S.  Treas.  S.A.  Director. 

THE  REV.  PHILIP  BLISS,  D.C.L.,  F.S.A.,  Registrar  of 
the  University  of  Oxford. 

JOHN  BRUCE,  ESQ.  F.S.A.  Treasurer. 

JOHN  PAYNE  COLLIER,  ESQ.  F.S.A. 

C.  PURTON  COOPER,  ESQ.  Q.C.,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.,  F.S.A. 

RT.  HON.  THOMAS  PEREGRINE  COURTENAY. 

T.  CROFTON  CROKER,  ESQ.  F.S.A.,  M.R.I.A. 

THE  REV.  ALEXANDER  DYCE. 

SIR  HENRY  ELLIS,  K.H.,  F.R.S.,  Sec.  S.A. 

THE  REV.  JOSEPH  HUNTER,  F.S.A. 

JOHN  HERMAN  MERIVALE,  ESQ.  F.S.A. 

JOHN  GAGE  ROKEWODE,  ESQ.  F.R.S.,  Director  S.A. 

THOMAS  STAPLETON,  ESQ.  F.S.A. 

WILLIAM  J.  THOMS,  ESQ.  F.S.A.  Secretary. 

THOMAS  WRIGHT,  ESQ.  M.A.,  F.S.A. 


INTRODUCTION. 


WHEN  some  future  Hallam,  or,  I  would  rather  say, 
when  Mr.  Hallam,  in  some  future  edition  of  his  History 
of  European  Literature,  shall  have  bestowed  a  critical 
attention  upon  the  works  of  our  national  historians,  the 
author  of  the  following  Annals  will  be  found  to  have 
occupied  a  prominent  literary  position. 

Amongst  the  many  consequences  which  followed  upon 
the  Introduction  of  Printing  into  England,  one  of  the 
earliest  was,  that  it  made  our  history  popular.  Caxton's 
Chronicle  effected,  in  that  respect,  a  change  which,  half 
a  century  later,  would  have  been  the  result  of  the  dis- 
solution of  the  monasteries.  It  withdrew  History  from 
the  exclusive  care  of  the  Church,  and  taught  her  to 
speak  the  language,  and  appeal  directly  to  the  feelings,  of 
the  people. 

But  the  vernacular  chroniclers  who  succeeded  the 
monastic  writers  of  history,  were  little  conscious  of  the 
importance  of  their  task.  They  followed  in  the  foot- 
steps of  the  humblest  of  their  predecessors,  and  seldom 


M  INTRODUCTION. 

aimed  at  any  higher  mark  than  that  of  being  found 
faithful  and  diligent  annalists.  They  were  industrious 
collectors  of  facts,  pains-taking  chronologists,  honest 
narrators,  but,  as  a  body,  were  totally  devoid  of  that  power 
of  description  which  makes  manifest  the  truth  respecting 
past  events  in  such  manner  as  to  render  it  conducive  to 
the  instruction  of  mankind. 

In  such  hands  History  lost  much  of  its  usefulness  and 
all  its  dignity,  and  greatly  is  it  to  be  regretted  that  this 
depression  of  historical  literature  took  place  at  a  time 
when,  in  other  departments  of  human  knowledge,  our 
intellectual  strength  was  at  its  height;  when  Poetry 
shone  with  pre-eminent  brilliancy,  and  the  profoundest 
depths  of  Theology  were  investigated  with  an  acuteness 
which  has  never  been  surpassed. 

No  doubt  there  were  many  men  who  saw  and  deplored 
the  state  of  things  upon  which  I  am  commenting,  and 
there  were,  at  any  event,  two  who  endeavoured  to  amend 
it — Camden  and  Hayward;  united  in  their  lives  as  the 
joint  historiographers  of  King  James's  College  at  Chelsea, 
and  now,  after  the  lapse  of  two  centuries,  again  brought 
together  in  name, — the  one  as  the  author  of  the  follow- 
ing work,  and  the  other  as  the  patron  of  the  Society  by 
whom  it  is  published.  Camden  and  Hayward  took,  in- 
deed, different  paths,  and  I  by  no  means  seek  to  place 
them  upon  an  equality ;  it  is  honour  enough  for  Hay- 


INTRODUCTION.  vii 

ward  if  it  be  allowed  that  both  were  well  acquainted 
with  the  great  classical  models  of  historical  composition, 
and  wrote  with  minds  imbued  with  a  strong  persuasion 
of  their  many  excellent  qualities,  and  an  anxious  de- 
sire to  catch  some  portion  of  their  spirit ;  *  and  that 
whilst  Camden  was  setting  forth  in  pure  and  simple 
Latin,  his  admirable  Britannia)  and  his  Annales,  and 
was  placing  before  the  world  some  of  the  most  valuable 
of  the  foundations  of  English  History  in  his  collection 
of  Chronicles,  Hayward  was  composing,  in  our  own  lan- 
guage, works  which,  notwithstanding  their  many  defects, 
were  of  a  higher  character,  and  approached  more  nearly 
to  a  better  description  of  historical  writing,  than  any  which 
had  then  been  published. 

But  these  remarks  are  premature,  until  I  have  given  an 
outline  of  Hayward's  biography.  The  rank  or  station  of 
his  parents,  the  place  and  time  of  his  birth,  have  not  been 
ascertained  ;  but,  judging  from  the  few  particulars  which 
exist,  we  may  infer  that  he  was  born  shortly  after  1560, 

*  Hayward's  feeling  of  respect  for  the  authors  of  antiquity  is 
strongly  expressed  in  the  following  passage  in  his  "  David's  Teares  :" 
— "  The  rich  compositions  of  ancient  times  I  reverence  and  admire  ; 
they  do  not  only  satisfie  but  astonish  mee.  I  see  them  not  to  the 
depth,  but  I  see  them  so  farre,  that  I  conceive  the  farthest  reach  of 
our  age  cannot  neerely  approach  them.  Of  my  own  productions, 
never  any  did  fully  content  mee,  and  the  approbation  of  others  is  no 
warrant  to  my  own  judgment — tender  and  severe  in  what  I  doe." 


Viii  INTRODUCTION. 

at,  or  near,  Felixstow,  a  small  town  on  the  sea-coast 
of  Suffolk,  not  far  from  Land-guard  Fort,  and  that  his 
father  was  a  man  of  no  family,*  but  possessed,  at  his 
death,  of  some  "  lands  and  tenements,"  which  he  devised 
to  his  son.  Hay  ward  mentions  in  his  will  several  of  his 
relatives,  and  some  of  them  as  residents  in  that  part 
of  Suffolk ;  as  "  Ursula  Revett,  my  sister,"  "  James  Revett, 
of  Witlesham,  my  sister's  sonne,"  "  my  halfe-brother,  Mr. 
Thomas  Brandston,"  "Ann  Snell,  of  Wolverston,  daughter 
to  my  half-sister ;"  and,  in  the  same  document,  he  dis- 
poses of  all  his  "  lands  and  tenements"  in  Felixstow  to 
his  grandaughter,  and,  in  case  of  her  death  under  age, 
directs  that  they  shall  descend  "  according  to  the  purport 
of  his  father's  will." 

In  his  will  he  also  states,  that  he  received  the  means 
of  his  education  from  the  parish  of  Felixstow,  and,  in 
return,  he  bequeathes  to  the  poor  of  that  parish  "  twentie 
pounds,  to  remaine  as  a  stocke,  and  the  profits  thence 
ariseing  to  be  converted  to  the  use  of  the  poore  there 

*  There  is  a  coat  of  arms — argent  gutte,  a  fesse  nebule  gules — in 
the  right-hand  upper  corner  of  Hayward's  engraved  portrait,  inserted 
in  his  Edward  VI.,  edition  1630,  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  find 
any  authority  for  rightly  attributing  those  arms  either  to  Hayward 
or  any  one  else.  They  do  not  seem  to  have  been  recognised  as  be- 
longing to  Hayward  by  the  College  of  Arms,  for  there  is  a  blank 
shield  in  the  place  usually  occupied  by  the  arms  in  the  Book  which 
contains  the  certificate  of  his  burial  :  vide  post,  p.  xlvii. 


INTRODUCTION.  IX 

for  the  tyme  being."  His  education  was  completed  at 
Cambridge,  where  he  took  the  degree  of  Doctor  in  Civil 
Law.*  From  thence  he  removed  to  London,  and  prac- 
tised as  a  pleader  in  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts. 

He  entered  the  world  as  an  author  at  a  time,  and 
under  circumstances,  well  calculated  to  secure  public 
attention.  It  was  near  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth, when  the  question  of  the  succession  to  the  throne 
and  the  intrigues  of  the  Earl  of  Essex  disquieted  both 
court  and  country.  That  nobleman,  whilst  apparently 
belonging  to  the  party  which  upheld  the  indefeasibleness 
of  the  succession,  and  the  consequent  right  of  the  King 
of  Scotland,  was  diligently  seeking  popularity,  surrounding 
himself  by  a  band  of  able,  zealous,  and  not  over-peaceable 
followers,  and  acting  as  if  he  entertained  ambitious  hopes 
of  himself  supplanting  the  various  competitors.  Appointed 
Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland,  he  embroiled  the  affairs  of  that 
country  by  mismanagement,  and  then,  either  acting 
upon  a  persuasion  that  his  popularity  would  be  a  suffi- 

*  I  state  this  fact  upon  the  authority  of  all  the  biographical  writers 
who  have  made  mention  of  Hay  ward,  with  the  addition,  also,  of  Cole, 
the  Cambridge  Antiquary  (Addit.  MS.  5871) ;  but  1  must  add  that 
Hayward's  name  does  not  occur  in  the  transcript  from  the  Register 
amongst  the  Baker  MSS.  (Harleian  MS.  7038),  and  J.  O.  Halliwell, 
Esq.  of  Jesus  College,  having,  very  kindly,  done  me  the  favour  to 
make  a  search  at  Cambridge,  has  not  been  able  to  find  the  date  of 
Hayward's  degree  there. 

CAMD.  SOC.  /.  b 


X  INTRODUCTION. 

cient  protection  for  his  person,  or  misled  by  that  singular 
want  of  judgment  which  marred  all  his  noble  qualities,  he 
excited  universal  astonishment  by  the  sudden  desertion 
of  his  government.  Whilst  in  custody,  preparatory  to 
an  investigation  into  his  conduct,  his  numerous  friends 
endeavoured  to  excite  and  maintain  the  popular  feeling 
on  his  behalf.  The  conduct  of  the  Queen's  advisers, 
and,  through  them,  that  of  the  Queen  herself,  was  made 
the  subject  of  unsparing  condemnation ;  defamatory 
libels  against  them  were  spread  abroad  on  every  side ; 
whilst  "  loose  idlers,"  remarks  Camden,  "  wherever  they 
came  together,  and  even  some  clergymen  in  their  pulpits, 
lauded  Essex  with  most  immoderate  praise."*  Hayward 
took  part  in  these  indiscreet  and  censurable  proceed- 
ings by  the  publication ^  of  his  first  work,  being  the  com- 
mencement of  a  Life  of  Henry  IV.,  dedicated  to  the  Earl 
of  Essex,  in  terms  which  are  an  ample  specimen  of  the 
"  immodicce  Idudes  "  to  which  Camden  alludes. 

*  "  Homines  male  feriati  Essexium  ubique  per  circulos,  et  ministri 
quidam  etiam  e  suggestu,  immodicis  laudibus  extulerunt."  Annales, 
ii.  185,  edit.  1627. 

f  The  work  bears  date  in  1599,  and  was  no  doubt  published  after 
the  28th  September  in  that  year,  the  day  of  Essex's  arrival  at  the 
palace  of  Nonesuch  on  his  return  from  Ireland,  as  the  very  full  enu- 
meration of  his  titles  does  not  include  that  of  Lord  Deputy  of  that 
country.  The  full  title  of  this  and  of  all  Hayward's  other  works  will 
be  found  in  the  Catalogue  which  1  have  appended  to  this  Introduc- 
tion. 


INTRODUCTION.  Xi 

The  dedication  commences  with  an  ostentatious  cata- 
logue of  Essex's  various  titles,  which  concludes  with  that 
of  "  dominus  meus  plurimum  observandus."  He  is  then 
told  that  "  optimus  et  nobilissimus"  are  appellations  pecu- 
liarly his,  and  that  if  his  name  "  Henrici  nostri  fronte 
radiaret,  ipse  et  Icetior  et  tutior  in  vulgm  prodiret ;"  that 
he  is  "  magnus,  et  presenti  judicio,  et  futuri  temporis  ex- 
pectatione"  and  that  if  he  would  but  deign  to  receive  the 
present  volume  graciously,  it  would  be  safe  under  the 
shadow  of  his  name — "sub  nominis  tui  umbra."  It  con- 
cludes— "  honori  tuo  deditissimus,  I.  Haywarde" 

If  from  this  dedication,  couched  in  a  style  of  almost 
royal  flattery,  we  turn  to  the  work  itself,  and  observe 
that  the  principal  events  upon  which  it  dwells  are  the 
misgovernment  of  a  sovereign  and  his  advisers  ;  the  un- 
authorised return  to  England  of  Henry  of  Lancaster  ;  and 
the  unbounded  popularity  by  force  of  which  he  was 
borne  onwards  to  the  throne,  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
book  was  justly  calculated  to  irritate,  if  not  to  alarm, 
Elizabeth.  The  author  does  not  indeed  attempt  to  vindi- 
cate Henry  IV. —  that  would  have  been  inconsistent  both 
with  his  opinions  and  with  the  principles  professed  by 
the  Essex  party — he  even  puts  into  the  mouth  of  Bishop 
Merks  a  long  argument  in  favour  of  the  divine  right  of 
hereditary  succession,  and  enlarges  upon  the  misery  which 
arose  out  of  the  usurpation  of  the  House  of  Lancaster  ;  the 


Xii  INTRODUCTION. 

sting  of  the  work  is  not  in  itself,  but  in  the  period  of  its 
publication.  It  was  no  doubt  written  before  Essex's 
return,  and  does  not,  as  far  as  I  have  observed,  contain 
any  allusion  to  passing  events ;  but  advantage  was  taken 
of  the  recurrence  of  incidents  which  had  a  Macedon-and- 
Monmouth  sort  of  similarity  to  those  of  the  opening 
of  the  fortunes  of  Henry  IV.,  to  hurry  forth  the  book 
into  the  world,  in  the  expectation  that  the  attractiveness 
of  the  dedication,  and  the  situation  of  public  affairs, 
would  conduce  to  its  sale.  If  that  advantage  was  gained, 
it  was  not  without  being  dearly  paid  for ;  for  the  indiscre- 
tion of  the  publisher  and  the  dedicator  converted  the  book 
into  a  source  of  trouble  both  to  the  patron  and  the  author. 
It  was  objected  against  Essex  in  the  proceedings  in  the 
Star  Chamber,  and  his  friend  Bacon  was  deputed  by  the 
council  to  set  forth  his  undutiful  carriage  in  giving  occa- 
sion to  that  seditious  pamphlet — "  as  it  was  termed" — 
Bacon  significantly  adds.*  It  was  in  some  manner  made 
matter  of  charge  against  Sir  Gilly  Merick,  one  of  Essex's 
followers,  who,  having  had  the  story  of  Richard  II.  thus 
pointedly  brought  to  his  notice,  used  it  again  to  excite 
the  people  before  the  denouement  of  the  Essex  conspi- 
racy .f  Hayward  himself  was  committed  to  prison,  and 

*  Works,  vi.  265,  Montagu's  edition. 

t  He  procured  "  an  old  play  "  founded  upon    "  the   deposing  of 
Kichard  II.,"  to  be  played  on  the  afternoon  before  their  breaking  out 


INTRODUCTION.  xiii 

the  Queen,  in  her  extreme  anger,  was  discreditably 
anxious  that  he  should  be  subjected  to  very  severe  treat- 
ment, from  which,  it  is  delightful  to  learn,  that  he  owed 
his  safety  to  the  wit,  good  temper,  and  humane  and 
liberal  feeling  of  Lord  Bacon.  We  have  the  incident 
upon  the  authority  of  that  great  man  himself.  "Her 
Majesty  being  mightily  incensed  with  that  book  which 
was  dedicated  to  my  Lord  of  Essex,  being  a  story  of  the 
first  year  of  King  Henry  IV.,  thinking  it  a  seditious  pre- 
lude to  put  into  the  people's  head  boldness  and  faction, 
said,  she  had  an  opinion  there  was  treason  in  it,  and 

into  rebellion,  and  he,  and  a  great  company,  attended  the  per- 
formance ;  see  the  circumstances  related  in  Camden's  Annals,  anno 
1601 ;  Bacon's  Works,  vi.  363,  Montagu's  edition ;  State  Trials,  i. 
1412.  What  "  old  play  "  it  was  that  Sir  Gilly  Merick  revived  is  a 
moot  point  amongst  Shakspeare  critics  and  commentators,  the  solu- 
tion of  which  has  been  rendered  more  difficult  by  Mr.  Collier's  inte- 
resting publication  of  the  notes  of  Forman,  the  astrologer,  in  his 
"  New  Particulars  regarding  the  works  of  Shakespeare,  8vo.  1836." 
Forman  gives  clear  testimony  to  the  existence  of  a  play  entitled  Richard 
II.,  which  differed  both  from  Shakspeare's  play  of  that  name,  and 
also  from  that  ordered  to  be  played  by  Merick.  Mr.  Collier's  book 
contains  all  the  facts,  together  with  a  very  ingenious  letter  from  Mr. 
Amyot,  in  which  he  suggests  various  reasons  for  believing  that 
Shakspeare  wrote  a  "  First  Part  of  Richard  II.,"  and  that  that  First 
Part  was  the  play  which  Forman  saw ;  see  also  the  Introduction  to 
Richard  II.  in  the  Pictorial  Edition  of  Shakspeare. 

The  notion  of  the  applicability  of  the  precedent  of  Richard  II.  to 
the  case  of  all  weak  and  erring  sovereigns,  occasioned  a  republication 
of  Hayward's  Henry  IV.  in  1642. 


XIV  INTRODUCTION. 

asked  me  if  I  could  not  find  any  places  in  it  that  might 
be  drawn  within  case  of  treason :  whereto  I  answered : 
(  For  treason  surely  I  find  none,  but  for  felony  very  many.' 
And  when  her  Majesty  hastily  asked  me  ' wherein?'  I 
told  her,  the  author  had  committed  very  apparent  theft ; 
for  he  had  taken  most  of  the  sentences  of  Cornelius  Taci- 
tus, and  translated  them  into  English,  and  put  them  into 
his  text.  And  another  time  when  the  Queen  would  not 
be  persuaded  it  was  his  writing  whose  name  was  to  it, 
but  that  it  had  some  more  mischievous  author  ;  and  said, 
with  great  indignation,  that  she  would  have  him  racked 
to  produce  his  author  :  1  replied,  '  Nay,  madam,  he  is  a 
doctor,  never  rack  his  person,  but  rack  his  style  ;  let  him 
have  pen,  ink,  and  paper,  and  help  of  books,  and  be  en- 
joined to  continue  the  story  where  it  breaketh  off,  and  I 
will  undertake  by  collating  the  styles  to  judge  whether  he 
were  the  author  or  no.'"*  But  although  thus  kindly 
sheltered  from  personal  outrage,  he  suffered  a  long  im- 
prisonment-^— how  long  does  not  appear.  Beyond  doubt 

*  Bacon's  Works,  vi.  259,  Montagu's  edition. 

f  Camden's  Annals,  anno  1601.  Upon  reference  to  the  Books  of 
the  Privy  Council — which  was  kindly  permitted  by  C.  C.  Greville, 
Esq. — with  a  view  of  procuring  some  further  information  respecting 
Hayward's  imprisonment,  an  entry  was  found,  under  the  date  of  the 
17th  May,*1600,  which  purports  that  a  person  of  the  same  name,  but 
described  as  of  the  Inner  Temple,  was  summoned  before  the  Lords  at 
that  time,  and  bound  to  give  attendance  to  answer  whatever  might  be 


INTRODUCTION.  XV 

he  was  confined  until  some  time  after  the  death  of  his 
earliest  patron  in  1601,  and  probably  until  the  death  of 
the  Queen. 

The  accession  of  James  I.  produced  a  great  change  in 
Hayward's  situation  and  prospects,  and  if  it  did  not  re- 
store his  person  to  liberty,  set  free  his  pen,  and  converted 
the  silenced  and  disgraced  defender  of  hereditary  mo- 
narchy into  a  court-advocate,  a  champion  of  the  lofty 
notions  and  pretensions  of  the  new  dynasty.  His  next 
two  publications  were  in  the  nature  of  political  treatises 
or  pamphlets,  in  which  he  discussed,  separately,  two 
subjects  of  great  public  importance  :  James's  title  to  the 
throne,*  and  the  union  of  the  two  kingdoms.-}-  I  infer 
from  passages  in  these  works  that  they  were  not  written 
under  the  direct  sanction  of  the  court,  but  were  mere 

objected  against  him.  Upon  further  inquiry  I  found  that  the  John 
Hayward  to  whom  that  entry  refers  was,  at  one  time,  of  Clifford's 
Inn,  and  afterwards  of  Tandridge,  in  Surrey;  that  he  was  admitted 
of  the  Inner  Temple  on  22nd  November,  1588,  and  was  called  to  the 
bar  on  the  3rd  November,  1598.  The  entry  in  question  rather 
puzzled  me  at  first,  and  I  mention  these  facts  lest  any  future  inquirer 
should  be  misled  by  it.  The  same  person  is  mentioned  as  John 
Howard  in  Manning  and  Bray's  Surrey,  ii.  305,  379. 

*  The  Right  of  Succession  asserted  against  the  false  Reasonings 
and  seditious  Insinuations  of  R.  Doll  man,  alias  Parsons,  and  others. 
4to.  London,  1603. 

f  A  Treatise  of  Union  of  England  and  Scotland.  4to.  London, 
1604. 


xvi  INTRODUCTION. 

ambitious  attempts  to  draw  upon  their  author  some  share 
of  court  notice  and  favour.  The  first  of  them,  published 
in  1603,  was  dedicated  to  the  new  monarch,  and  the  at- 
tention of  his  Majesty  was  drawn  to  the  opinions  and 
previous  labours  of  its  author  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  I  here  present  unto  your  Majesty  this  defence,  both 
of  the  present  authority  of  Princes,  and  of  succession 
according  to  proximity  of  blood ;  wherein  is  maintained 
that  the  people  have  no  lawful  power  to  remove  the  one 
or  repel  the  other :  in  which  two  points  I  have  heretofore 
also  declared  my  opinion,  by  publishing  the  tragical  events 
which  ensued  the  deposition  of  King  Richard  and  usur- 
pation of  King  Henry  the  Fourth.  Both  these  labours 
were  undertaken  with  particular  respect  to  your  Majesty's 
just  title  of  succession  in  this  realm." 

The  book  corresponds  to  its  author's  description  of  it. 
He  argues  strenuously  in  favour  of  the  divine  right  of 
kings,  and  contends  that  instability  and  misery  must  be 
the  certain  results  of  teaching  the  people  that  they  may 
depose  the  sovereign  or  divert  the  succession ;  doctrines 
which  he  charges  upon  the  Jesuits. 

His  book  in  favour  of  a  legislative  union  of  the  two  king- 
doms, a  project  at  that  time  under  discussion  in  Parliament, 
is  a  skilful  exposition  of  the  advantages  likely  to  accrue 
from  such  a  measure.  Hayward  argued  that  a  union  would 
extinguish  wars  between  the  two  kingdoms ;  increase  the 


INTRODUCTION.  XV11 

dominion,  and  add  to  the  dignity,  of  both  of  them ;  be 
a  defence  against  foreign  enemies,  and  a  means  of  quiet- 
ing the  borders.  It  is  worthy  of  observation  that, 
amongst  the  Harleian  MSS.*  there  is  preserved  a  paper 
of  critical  notes  upon  this  work  of  Hayward's,  in  which 
the  writer  contends  for  the  very  contrary  of  all  Hayward's 
positions — those  I  have  mentioned  amongst  them.  Time 
has  now  decided  between  the  rival  politicians. 

Hayward's  probable  expectations  from  his  political 
writings  were  not  realized ;  but  instead  of  court  favour 
he  acquired  reputation  amongst  the  suitors  in  the  Court 
of  Arches,  where,  judging  from  the  property  he  possessed 
at  his  death,  he  must  have  had  considerable  practice. 
His  attention  to  his  profession,  however,  did  not  prevent 
his  maintaining  his  reputation  as  a  man  skilled  in  histo- 
rical researches,  and,  in  1610,  when  King  James  founded 
his  College  at  Chelsea — "  Controversy  College,"  as  it  was 
termed  by  Laud — Hayward  was  selected  as  one  of  the 
two  Historiographers,  Camden  being  the  other.  The 
failure  of  the  royal  scheme  rendered  his  appointment 
merely  honorary,  but,  regarded  even  in  that  light,  it  con- 
stitutes a  satisfactory  proof  of  his  literary  reputation 
amongst  his  contemporaries.  Whether  it  was  obtained 
through  the  recommendation  of  Prince  Henry,  who  pa- 

*  Harl.  MS.  292,  fo.  128. 
CAMD.  SOC.  /.  C 


XVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

tronized  that  very  questionable  institution,  I  have  not 
discovered;  but  the  next  incident  in  our  author's  life 
exhibits  him  as  one  of  the  many  learned  men  upon  whom 
that  promising  young  Prince  bestowed  his  favour,  and  at 
the  same  time  brings  to  our  notice  the  state  of  historical 
literature,  and  the  origin  of  two  of  Hayward's  historical 
works  ;  one  of  them  the  Annals  now  published. 

"  Prince  Henry/'  relates  Hayward,  in  the  Dedication 
of  his  Lives  of  the  Norman  Kings  to  Prince  Charles, 
"  sent  for  mee,  a  few  monethes  before  his  death,  and,  at 
my  second  comming  to  his  presence,  among  some  other 
speeches  hee  complained  much  of  our  Histories  of  Eng- 
land ;  and  that  the  English  nation,  which  is  inferiour  to 
none  in  honourable  actions,  should  be  surpassed  by  all, 
in  leaning  the  memorie  of  them  to  posteritie.  For  this 
cause  hee  blamed  the  negligence  of  former  ages ;  as  if 
they  were  ignorant  of  their  owne  deseruings ;  as  if  they 
esteemed  themselues  vnworthie  of  their  worth. 

"  I  answered,  that  I  conceiued  these  causes  hereof ; 
one,  that  men  of  sufficiencie  were  otherwise  employed, 
either  in  publicke  affaires,  or  in  wrestling  with  the  world, 
for  maintenance  or  encrease  of  their  priuate  estates.  An- 
other is,  for  that  men  might  safely  write  of  others  in 
maner  of  a  tale,  but  in  maner  of  a  history  safely  they 
could  not:  because  .  .  .  some  aliue,  finding  themselues 
foule  in  those  vices  which  they  see  .  .  .  condemned  in 


INTRODUCTION.  XIX 

others,  their  guiltinesse  maketh  them  apt  to  conceiue, 
that,  whatsoeuer  the  words  are,  the  finger  pointeth 
onely  at  them.  The  last  is,  for  that  the  argument  of  our 
English  historic  hath  bene  so  foiled  heretofore  by  some 
vnworthie  writers,  that  men  of  qualitie  may  esteeme  them- 
selues  discredited  by  dealing  in  it. 

"  And  is  not  this  (said  he)  an  errour  in  vs,  to  permit 
euery  man  to  be  a  writer  of  historic  ?  Is  it  not  an  errour 
to  be  so  curious  in  other  matters,  and  so  carelesse  in 
this  ?  We  make  choise  of  the  most  skilfull  workemen  to 
draw  or  carue  the  portraiture  of  our  faces,  and  shall 
euery  artlesse  pensell  delineate  the  disposition  of  our 
minds  ?  Our  apparell  must  be  wrought  by  the  best  arti- 
ficers, and  no  soile  must  be  suffered  to  fall  upon  it :  and 
shall  our  actions,  shall  our  conditions,  be  described  by 
euery  bungling  hand?  Shall  euery  filthie  finger  defile 
our  reputation  ?  Shall  our  honour  be  basely  buried  in 
the  drosse  of  rude  and  absurd  writings  ?  Wee  are  care- 
full  to  prouide  costly  sepulchers,  to  preserue  our  dead 
Hues,  to  preserue  some  memorie  of  what  wee  haue  bene : 
but  there  is  no  monument,  either  so  durable,  or  so  largely 
extending,  or  so  liuely  and  faire,  as  that  which  is  framed 
by  a  fortunate  penne ;  the  memory  of  the  greatest  monu- 
ments had  long  since  perished,  had  it  not  bene  preserued 
by  this  meanes. 

"  To  this  I  added :  that  I  did  alwayes  conceiue,  that 


XX  INTRODUCTION. 

we  should  make  our  reckoning  of  three  sorts  of  life  :  the 
short  life  of  nature,  the  long  life  of  fame,  and  the  eternall 
life  of  glorie.  The  life  of  glorie  is  so  farre  esteemed  be- 
fore the  other  two,  as  grace  is  predominant  in  vs  :  the 
life  of  fame  before  our  naturall  life  is  so  farre  esteemed, 
as  a  generous  spirit  surmounteth  sensualitie  .  .  .  Now 
seeing  this  life  of  fame  is  both  preserued  and  enlarged 
chiefly  by  history,  there  is  no  man  (I  suppose)  that  will 
.  .  .  resist  .  .  .  the  .  .  .  writing  thereof,  but  such  as  are 
conscious  to  themselues,  either  that  no  good,  or  that 
nothing  but  ill,  can  bee  reported  of  them.  In  whom  not- 
withstanding it  is  an  errour  to  thinke,  that  any  power  .  .  . 
can  .  .  .  obscure  the  memorie  of  times  succeeding.  Pos- 
teritie  will  giue  to  euery  man  his  due :  some  ages  here- 
after will  aifoord  those,  who  will  report  vnpartially  of  all. 

"  Then  he  questioned,  whether  I  had  wrote  any  part  of 
our  English  Historic,  other  then  that  which  had  been 
published,  which  at  that  time  he  had  in  his  hands;  I 
answered,  that  I  had  wrote  of  certaine  of  our  English 
Kings,  by  way  of  a  briefe  description  of  their  Hues  :  but 
for  historic,  I  did  principally  bend  and  binde  myselfe  to 
the  times  wherein  I  should  Hue  ;  in  which  my  owne  ob- 
seruations  might  somewhat  direct  me  :  but  as  well  in  the 
one  as  in  the  other  I  had  at  that  time  perfected  nothing. 

"  To  this  he  said ;  that  in  regard  of  the  honour  of  the 
time,  hee  liked  well  of  the  last ;  but  for  his  owne  instruc- 


INTRODUCTION.  Xxi 

tion,  he  more  desired  the  first :  that  he  desired  nothing 
more  then  to  know  the  actions  of  his  auncestours  ;  be- 
cause hee  did  so  farre  esteeme  his  descent  from  them,  as 
he  approached  neere  them  in  honourable  endeauours. 
Hereupon,  beautifying  his  face  with  a  sober  smile,  he 
desired  mee,  that  against  his  returne  from  the  progresse 
then  at  hand,  I  would  perfect  somewhat  of  both  sorts  for 
him,  which  he  promised  amply  to  requite  ;  and  was  well 
knowen  to  be  one  who  esteemed  his  word  aboue  ordinary 
respects.  This  stirred  in  mee,  not  onely  a  will,  but 
power  to  perfourme  ;  so  as  engaging  my  duety  farre  aboue 
the  measure  either  of  my  leisure  or  of  my  strength,  I 
finished  '  The  Hues  of  these  three  Kings  of  Norman  race/ 
and  c  Certaine  yeeres  of  Queene  Elizabeth's  Reigne.' 

"  At  his  returne  from  the  Progresse  to  his  house  at  S. 
James,*  these  pieces  were  deliuered  vnto  him  ;  which  hee 
did  not  onely  courteously,  but  ioyfully  accept.  And, 
because  this  [the  Lives  of  the  Norman  Kings]  seemed  a 
perfect  worke,  he  expressed  a  desire  that  it  should  be 
published.  Not  long  after  he  died  :  and  with  him  died 
both  my  endeauours  and  my  hopes." 

Hayward  then  eulogises  his  deceased  patron,  and 
"  having,"  he  says,  "  accomplished  his  desire  in  publish- 
ing this  worke,  more  to  testifie  to  the  world  the  height  of 

*  This  was  in  September,  1612;  which  is  the  date,  therefore,  of 
the  composition  of  the  following  Annals. 


XXii  INTRODUCTION. 

his  [Prince  Henry's]  heart  then  for  any  pleasure  I  have  to 
set  foorth  any  thing  to  the  view  of  these  both  captious  and 
unthankfull  times/'  he  dedicates  it  to  Prince  Charles. 

Without  entering  into  any  detailed  criticism  upon  the 
book  thus  ushered  into  the  world,  I  may  remark,  that  I 
think  it  scarcely  deserves  the  disregard  into  which  it  has 
fallen.  It  is  a  clear  narrative,  written  in  a  simpler  style 
than  most  of  its  author's  works,  and  founded  upon  the 
best  authorities,  both  printed  and  manuscript ;  amongst 
others,  William  of  Malmesbury,  and  Ingulphus,  then  re- 
cently published  by  Sir  Henry  Savile,  William  of  Ju- 
mieges,  included  in  Camden's  Collection,  and  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Chronicle.  A  knowledge  of  the  last,  which  was 
at  that  time  not  merely  unpublished,  but  unknown  to 
the  great  majority  of  scholars,  betokens  that  Hayward 
was  a  diligent  inquirer  into  the  more  recondite  sources 
of  English  history.  He  no  doubt  consulted  it  in  the 
library  of  Sir  Robert  Cotton. 

Disappointed  of  a  patron  in  Prince  Henry,  receiving  no 
encouragement  from  that  prince's  successor,  and  pro- 
bably but  little  from  the  public,  by  whom  historical  works 
were  slightly  regarded,  Hayward  forsook  a  path  of  publi- 
cation which  yielded  him  neither  profit  nor  fame,  and 
embarked  upon  another  in  which  he  was  more  certain  of 
receiving  attention.  "  The  Sanctuary  of  a  troubled  Soul ;" 
"  David's  Teares,  or  an  exposition  of  the  Penitential 


INTRODUCTION.  XX111 

Psalmes ;"  "  Christ's  Prayer  on  the  Cross  for  his  enemies  ;" 
these,  which  are  the  titles  of  his  three  next  works,  first 
published  successively  in  1616,  1622  and  1623,  sufficiently 
explain  their  character.  Like  similar  works  of  that 
period,  they  are  distinguished  by  an  admirable  tone  of 
fervent  piety,  and  were  no  doubt  popular;  the  first  and 
second  were  several  times  reprinted  within  a  few  years 
after  publication. 

On  the  5th  of  August,  1616,  Hayward  was  admitted  a 
Member  of  theCollege  of  Advocates  in  Doctors' Commons,* 
and  in  1619,  on  the  9th  November,  he  was  knighted — 
an  honour  for  which  he  was  doubtless  indebted  to  his 
professional  eminence. ~\-  Notwithstanding  his  strong 
religious  feelings,  there  are  many  traces  in  his  works, 
and  in  his  will,  of  a  mind  very  far  from  uninfluenced 
by  worldly  distinctions,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  the 
title  was  an  object  of  his  ambition.  Two  years  before  his 
knighthood  he  applied  to  be  incorporated  LL.D.  of  Oxford, 
but  unsuccessfully;^  on  what  account  does  not  appear. 

His  next  work  —  a  treatise  upon  the  Ecclesiastical 
Supremacy  —  possesses  an  interest  on  account  of  the 

*  Coote's  Catalogue  of  English  Civilians,  p.  73. 

f  There  were  two  other  Doctors  of  Laws  knighted  on  the  same 
day,  Sir  John  Amie  and  Sir  James  Hussey.  The  latter  was  registrar 
of  the  University  of  Oxford,  principal  of  Magdalen-Hall,  and  Chan- 
cellor of  Sarum.  He  was  admitted  of  Doctors'  Commons  on  28th 
January,  1604.  Coote's  Cat.  p.  68. 

J  Wood's  Fasti  Oxon.  i.  368. 


INTRODUCTION. 

circumstances  out  of  which  it  arose — circumstances 
which  afford  a  glance  at  our  author's  position  in  so- 
ciety in  1605,  when  they  occurred,  although  the  work 
was  not  published  until  1624.  "  During  the  time  of  the 
Parliament  held  in  1605,  I  dined,"  Hay  ward  says,  "at 
the  House  of  the  most  reverend  Thobie  Mathew,  then 
Bishop  of  Durham,  since  Archbishop  of  York ;  a  man  of 
eminent  esteem  both  for  industry  and  abilitie  in  his  pro- 
fession, equall  both  for  sharpnes  of  understanding  and 
for  sweetnesse,  both  in  conversation  and  in  speech :  whose 
table  being  much  frequented  by  persons  for  different 
qualities  well  reputed,  and  their  speeches  both  excited 
and  maintained  by  him,  had  commonly  the  great  variety 
of  dishes  answered  by  like  varietie  of  discourse. 

"  The  first  part  of  the  dinner  was  passed  over  in  sad 
and  sober  silence  ....  at  the  last,  silence  was  broken,  and 
some  speeches  spent  in  matters  of  conceit.  In  which 
veine  one  of  the  company  tooke  often  occasion  to  speake 
of  a  ( terrible  blow?  alluding  to  the  same  words  in  that 
letter  whereby  the  late  practise  against  His  Majesty  and 
the  whole  body  of  the  state  was  beaten  out  and  brought 
into  light. 

"  Hereupon  a  Gentleman  somewhat  more  severe  by 
*  [longe]  exercising  the  office  of  Justice  in  his  country," 

*  The  words  within  brackets  are  derived  from  an  interleaved  copy 
of  this  work  in  the  British  Museum,  which  contains  those  and  various 


INTRODUCTION.  XXV 

contended  for  the  propriety  of  measures  of  retaliation 
against  the  Roman  Catholics.  This  speech  was  variously 
taken,  but  the  Bishop  said  "  that  as  this  was  suddenly,  so 
happilyit  was  too  severely  spoken."  "And  yet  he  seemed  to 
admire  either  the  fortune,  or  fine  dexteritie,  of  the  Italians  : 
who  having  once  obtained  the  Empire  of  the  chiefest  part 
of  the  world,  and  not  able  to  hold  it  one  way  ....  have 
since  erected  a  spirituall  Empire,  comprising  not  only 
the  whole  surface  of  the  earth,  but  extending  to  heaven 
[as  Clement  the  Sixth  charged  the  Angells  to  carrye  their 
soules  directly  to  Paradise  whoe  should  dye  upon  the 
waye  towards  his  jubilee],  and  [alsoe]  to  the  neerest  con- 
fines of  hell  [for  upon  some  reasonable  redemption  they 
will  grant  Indulgencies  ....  not  onlye  to  preserve  soules 
from  coming  into  Purgatorie,  but  for  discharging  such  as 
are  there  :  eyther  absolutelye,  or  for  soe  many  hundred 
or  thousand  yeares,  as  it  shall  please  them  to  appoint.] " 
Then,  after  the  Bishop  had  enumerated  certain  qualities 
of  the  Church  of  Rome  incompatible  with  its  being  the 
true  church  of  God,  the  conversation  passed  to  the  Bill 
propounded  to  Parliament  against  recusants,  and  the  Oath 
of  supremacy,  respecting  which  several  opinions  were 
expressed.  Hayward  then  interfered  and  drew  the  ques- 
tion, as  he  says,  "  to  a  higher  degree :  affirming  that  it 

other  passages,  inserted  in  a  handwriting  which,  judging  from  com- 
parison, I  believe  to  he  that  of  Hayward  himself. 

CAMD.  SOC.  /.  £ 


XXVI  INTRODUCTION. 

seemed  ....  necessary  ....  that  a  King,  who  acknow- 
ledgeth  no  superior  under  God,  should  be  acknowledged 
to  have  supreame  authority  under  God  in  ecclesiasticall 
affaires.  That  this  is  a  principal  point  of  regalitie,  and 
therefore  necessarily  annexed  to  the  soveraigne  majesty 
of  every  state  :  That  it  is  a  hard  matter,  if  not  impossible, 
for  any  nation,  either  to  grow,  or  long  time  to  continue, 
very  great,  wherein  a  forraine  power  holdeth  the  regi- 
ment in  religion  :  That  in  all  ancient  Empires  and  Com- 
monwealths it  has  been  used:  That — -I  could  not  finish  that 
which  I  was  about  to  speake,  being  interrupted  by  a  con- 
fused clamour  of  three  or  four  at  the  table,  who  esteemed 
that  which  I  had  said,  not  for  a  Paradoxe,  but  for  an 
Adoxe,  or  flat  absurdity  :  seeing  many  Christian  countries 
....  have  admitted  forraine  government  in  matters  of 
religion. 

"  By  this  time  the  Basons  and  Ewers  were  set  upon  the 
table,  and  all  of  us  were  attentive  to  the  giving  of  thanks. 
After  we  had  washed,  and  the  cloath  was  taken  away,  the 
Bishop"  renewed  the  conversation  with  some  remarks  in 
favour  of  Hay  ward's  proposition.  A  long  discussion  en- 
sued ;  Hay  ward  was  called  upon  to  make  it  appear  from 
history  that,  in  all  principal  Empires  and  Commonwealths, 
the  supreme  authority  in  ecclesiastical  matters  not  affect- 
ing religious  truth,  but  relating  to  "  discipline  or  matters 
of  circumstance  and  externall  forme,"  hath  been  exercised 


INTRODUCTION.  XXVli 

by  the  chief  power  in  the  state,  and  the  result  was  the 
delivery  of  the  argument  which,  in  an  enlarged  form,  con- 
stitutes the  present  pamphlet.  It  is  dedicated  to  Prince 
Charles,  in  terms  which  contrast  strangely  with  the  immo- 
dicce  laudes  of  Essex  in  our  author's  first  publication.  There 
is  something  like  the  bitterness  of  disappointment  in  the 
unceremonious  bluntness  of  the  opening  passage — "  I  had 
long  since  given  over  the  conceit  of  dedicating  Books  to 
any  great  Personage.  Knowing  right  well,  that,  as  badd 
bookes  cannot  receive  countenance  from  any,  so  good 
bookes  need  not :  and  finding  the  one  and  the  other  to 
be  commonly  answered  with  silence  alike." 

This  was  the  last  work  of  our  author  which  saw  the 
light  in  his  lifetime.  He  died,  three  years  afterwards,  on 
the  27th  of  June  1627,  and  it  then  appeared  that,  although 
the  popular  taste  had  driven  him  into  the  paths  of  theo- 
logy, his  heart  had  still  been  amongst  historical  researches, 
and  that,  besides  the  "  Certain  yeeres  of  Queene  Eliza- 
beth's Reigne,"  which  he  had  presented  to  Prince  Henry, 
he  had  left  behind  him  a  complete  history  of  the  reign  of 
Edward  VI. —  a  work  of  higher  interest  and  pretensions 
than  any  he  had  previously  written,  and  that  by  which 
his  name  has  since  been  principally  known. 

It  was  first  published  in  1 630,  and  again  in  1 636,  with  the 
addition  of  "  the  beginning  of  the  raigne  of  Queene  Eliza- 
beth," that  is,  a  small  portion  of  the  "  Certain  Yeeres"  pro- 


XXviii  INTRODUCTION. 

sented  to  Prince  Henry.  The  remainder  of  that  work 
was  entirely  lost  sight  of  by  historical  inquirers,  and, 
as  far  as  I  have  observed,  has  remained  unknown*  up 
to  the  present  time.  Having  found  a  manuscript  of  it  in 
the  Harleian  Collection,  I  brought  it  to  the  attention  of 
the  Council  of  the  Camden  Society,  and  suggested  the 
propriety  of  its  publication.  The  proposal  was  very  kindly 
acceded  to,  and  the  work  is  now  laid  before  the  Members 
in  the  following  pages. 

It  will  be  found  to  partake  of  the  qualities  of  all  Hay- 
ward's  writings,  and,  in  some  respects,  to  be  superior  to 
any  of  them.  On  the  one  hand,  he  wrote  nothing  more 
graphic  than  the  description  of  Elizabeth's  person,  and 
of  her  courteous  behaviour,  at  pages  6  and  7  ;  on  the 
other,  there  is  not  in  any  of  his  writings  a  more  striking 
exhibition  of  that  pedantry  which  was  the  vice  of  his 
age,  than  the  arguments  at  page  58,  respecting  the  pro- 
priety of  bombarding  the  fortified  churches  of  Leith. 
Many  similar  instances  of  the  misapplication  of  scrip- 
tural and  classical  knowledge  occur  in  his  other  works. 
The  pretended  bequest  of  the  throne  of  England  by  Ed- 
ward the  Confessor  to  William  the  Conqueror  is  justified, 
if  true,  by  the  precedents  of  Attalus,  King  of  Pergamus, 
and  Nicomedes,  King  of  Bithynia,  and  by  Solomon's  gift 

*   Vide    Nicolson's    Historical    Library,    p.    87,    edit.    173G,    and 
Urydges's  Censura  Litcraria,  iii.  43,  n. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXIX 

of  twenty  cities  to  Hiram,  King  of  Tyre  (Lives  of  the 
Norman  Kings,  p.  40) ;  the  substitution  of  William  for 
Robert,  as  the  Conqueror's  successor  in  the  throne  of 
England,  is  by  no  means  justified,  for,  in  Hayward's  opi- 
nion, there  was  not  any  circumstance  that  could  justify 
a  departure  from  hereditary  succession,  but  it  is  illus- 
trated by  the  cases  of  David  and  Solomon,  Prusias  and 
Ptolemy ;  and  there  is  a  singular  proof  amongst  the 
Caesar  collections*  of  the  length  to  which  Hay  ward  car- 
ried his  fondness  for  this  peculiar  mode  of  exhibiting  his 
learning.  The  proof  to  which  I  allude  is  contained  in 
a  paper  indorsed  by  Sir  Julius  Caesar — "  D.  Hay  ward 
touching  remaunding  of  prisoners,  or  offenders,  from  one 
soveraigne  to  another  soveraigne  King.  8  Julii,  1618." 
It  evidently  has  reference  to  the  case  of  a  Dutch  captain 
who  had  improperly  captured  and  taken  into  Holland  a 
person  named  Browne,  an  English  collector  of  dues  from 
fishermen.-)-  The  English  government  demanded  that 
the  captain  should  be  delivered  up  to  them  for  trial  and 
punishment,  and  this  was  a  paper  upon  the  subject 
sent  by  Hayward  to  Sir  Julius,  who  was  then  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Exchequer.  It  consists  of  authorities 
for  the  "  remaunding  "  alluded  to,  gathered  from  Livy, 
Pausanias,  and  the  Book  of  Judges,  and  referring  to 

*  Lansd.  MS.  No.  142,  fo.  418. 
t   Ibid.  to.  414  ;  ib.  416. 


XXX  INTRODUCTION. 

transactions  of  the  Romans  and  Sabines,  the  Lacede- 
monians, the  Messenians,  the  Elians,  and  the  Israelites. 
It  concludes  with  the  following — "  Herodes  Christum 
sub  ditione  eius  degentem  Pilato  remisit."  Hayward 
wrote  the  first  word,  Pilatus,  by  mistake;  Sir  Julius 
corrected  the  blunder,  and  then,  with  good  taste,  ran  his 
pen  through  the  sentence,  but  it  remains  perfectly  legible, 
a  singular  proof  not  only  of  the  characteristic  to  which 
I  have  referred,  but  also  how  far  the  lawyers  of  that  day 
would  go  in  search  of  a  precedent.* 

That  I  may  not  be  thought  to  treat  my  author  with 
injustice,  I  ought  to  repeat  that  this  perversion  of  learn- 
ing was  the  common  foible  of  the  times.  Examples 
might  be  adduced  from  the  writings  of  all  classes,  from 
the  Sovereign  downwards,  but  it  is  unnecessary.  Scholars 

*  I  look  upon  this  paper  as  an  unquestionable  specimen  of  Hay- 
ward's  handwriting,  and  it  is  from  comparison  with  it  that  I  have 
concluded  that  the  MS.  notes  in  the  copy  of  the  treatise  on  Supre- 
macy before  mentioned  (p.  xxiv,  n.),  were  also  written  by  him.  The 
character  of  neither  of  them  resembles  the  autograph  published  as 
Hayward's  in  Nichols's  Autographs  (plate  44),  nor  does  that  agree 
in  the  spelling  of  the  name  with  any  variation  of  it  that  I  have  found 
used  by  Hayward.  It  is  derived  from  a  fly  leaf  preserved  in  one  of 
Bagford's  volumes  (Harl.  MS.  5991,  No.  197),  and  followed,  in  the 
original,  by  several  Latin  lines,  all  in  the  same  handwriting  as  the 
name.  Probably  they  are  in  the  writing  of  John  Haiward,  author  of 
"  The  Strong  Helper  ;  teaching  in  all  troubles  how  to  cast  our  burden 
upon  God."  London,  1614.  8vo. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXI 

of  this  description  have,  in  our  day,  been  pourtrayed 
to  the  very  life  by  that  prolific  genius,  who,  under  the 
guise  of  fiction,  rendered  us  acquainted  with  so  many  of 
the  customs  and  ^peculiarities  of  our  ancestors.  The 
Baron  of  Bradwardine  is  an  instance  in  point,  and,  with 
a  very  slight  modification  of  language,  it  might  have 
been  Hayward,  and  not  the  Baron,  who,  as  an  argument 
against  insulting  Ensign  Waverley  by  the  proposal  of  a 
treasonable  toast,  entreated  the  Laird  of  Balmawhapple 
to  "  Look  at  Titus  Livius ;  what  he  says  of  those 
Roman  soldiers  who  were  so  unhappy  as  exuere  sacra- 
mentum" 

In  other  requisites  of  an  historian,  Hay  ward  was  far 
from  deficient.  He  spared  no  pains  to  gather  information, 
and  often  obtained  it  from  sources  the  most  difficult  to 
reach.  I  have  already  noticed  this  fact  respecting  his  Nor- 
man Kings  ;  his  Edward  VI.  was  the  first  history  founded 
upon  the  valuable  journal  of  that  sovereign,  to  which  Hay- 
ward  had  access  through  the  liberality  of  Sir  Robert  Cotton ; 
and  a  comparison  of  various  passages  in  the  following  work 
with  the  diplomatic  correspondence  relating  to  the  same 
facts,  which  has  since  been  published,  has  led  me  to  the 
conclusion,  that  he  must  have  had  access  to  many  public 
or  official  documents.  His  fidelity  was  equal  to  his  dili- 
gence. Mistakes  there  are  in  his  works — and  who  can 
write  without  them  ?  and  prejudices  and  superstitions 


XXXii  INTRODUCTION. 

will  occasionally  peep  forth ;  but  the  following  work 
contains  in  its  highly  favourable  picture  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth,— whose  memory  Hayward  had  certainly  no  personal 
cause  to  revere,  and  dispraise  of  whom  would  not  have 
been  unacceptable  in  the  court  of  her  successor, — a  strik- 
ing proof  that  the  author  could  follow  truth  even  at  the 
sacrifice  of  his  own  feelings. 

But  Hayward's  claim  to  consideration  and  regard  is  not 
founded  on  his  style,  or  his  diligence,  or  his  fidelity,  but 
on  the  fact  to  which  I  have  before  alluded — that  he  was 
amongst  the  first  of  those  who  sought  to  make  our  History 
something  better  than  a  mere  extended  chronology.  It 
was  his  desire,  "  by  the  light  of  language,"  to  use  the 
expressive  words  of  Lord  Bacon,  "  to  place  before  our 
very  eyes,  the  movements  of  the  times,  the  characters 
of  persons,  the  hesitations  of  councils,  the  course  and 
flow  of  actions,  as  of  waters  ;  the  hollo wness  of  pretences, 
the  secrets  of  empire."  To  do  all  this,  Lord  Bacon  con- 
tinues, "  is  truly  a  work  of  great  labour  and  judgment," 
and  if  it  be  so,  great  should  be  the  honour,  and  many  the 
allowances,  which  they  meet  with,  who  first  lead  the  way 
towards  its  accomplishment. 

Of  Hayward  the  man,  I  can  relate  little  more  than 
has  already  appeared  of  Hayward  the  historian.  The 
engraved  portrait*  in  his  Life  of  Edward  VI.  represents 

*  Granger  (ii.  27),  and   Bromley  (p.  100),  mention  another  por- 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXiii 

him  in  his  Doctor's  robes  at  about  the  age  of  sixty ;  a 
strong,  large-boned,  muscular  man,  with  a  capacious  fore- 
head, heavy  brow,  most  portentous  moustaches,  lank,  thin 
hair,  and  a  solemn,  determined,  and  somewhat  melancholy 
expression  of  countenance. 

He  married  Jane,  one  of  the  daughters  of  Andrew 
Paschall,  of  Springfield,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  Esquire.* 
The  marriage  was  not  a  happy  one  ;  his  wife,  as  he  states 
in  his  will,  brought  him  but  a  small  portion,  led  an  un- 
quiet life,  and  treated  him  with  little  respect.  She  sur- 
vived her  husband,  and  died  at  a  very  advanced  age  in 
1642.  Their  only  child,  of  whom  there  is  any  trace,  was 
a  daughter,  named  Mary,  who  was  married  at  Great 
Saint  Bartholomew's  on  the  16th  January,  1621-22,  to 
Nicholas  Rowe,  Esquire,  of  Muswell-hill,  in  the  county 
of  Middlesex,  a  young  gentleman  of  a  good  London 
family,  then  only  nineteen  years  of  age.  Mr.  Rowe 


trait,  a  small  oval  inserted  in  the  title-page  of  his  "  Sanctuary  for  a 
troubled  Soul,"  and  several  times  engraved  in  different  editions  of 
that  work.  The  copies  which  I  have  been  able  to  inspect  have 
wanted  that  portrait. 

*  See  the  certificate  of  Sir  John  Hayward's  interment  derived 
from  the  College  of  Arms,  which  is  printed  post,  p.  xlvii.  I  am  in- 
debted to  Charles  George  Young,  Esquire,  York  Herald,  for  a  refer- 
ence to  that  certificate,  as  well  as  for  much  other  information,  and  a 
great  deal  of  trouble  very  kindly  taken  in  furthering  my  inquiries 
upon  this  occasion. 

CAMD.  SOC.  7-  e 


XXXiv  INTRODUCTION. 

was  knighted  on  the  16th  July,  1625.  Before  the 
marriage  of  his  daughter,  Hayward  settled  upon  her  and 
her  heirs  "  certain  houses  and  lands  near  Woodgreen,  in 
Tottenham."  At  the  date  of  his  will,  the  30th  March, 
1626,  we  learn  that  Lady  Rowe  had  died,  leaving  "one 
young  child,  named  Mary ;"  and  we  may  further  gather, 
that  his  son-in-law,  Sir  Nicholas,  had  highly  displeased 
him.  Mary,  Sir  Nicholas's  daughter,  died,  an  infant,  in 
1634. 

Hayward  resided  for  many  years  in  the  parish  of  Great 
Saint  Bartholomew,  near  Smithfield,  a  situation  well  suited 
for  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  containing,  at  that 
time,  many  excellent  family  mansions.*  He  had  a  bene- 
ficial lease  of  his  residence,  and  left  ten  pounds  to  the 
poor  of  the  parish. 

Besides  the  "  lands  and  tenements "  at  Felixstow,  in 
Suffolk,  which  he  inherited  from  his  father,  the  "  houses 
and  lands"  at  Tottenham,  which  he  purchased,  and 
the  lease  of  his  residence,  his  will  makes  mention  of 
£1300  invested  upon  a  mortgage  of  some  lands  of  John 
Bill,  the  king's  printer,  situate  at  Kentish  town,  and 
contains  other  indications  that  he  possessed  property. 


*  Amongst  them  that  of  Lord  Rich,  Lord  Chancellor  in  the  reign 
of  Edward  VI.  His  residence  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Charter 
House,  then  the  mansion  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  led  to  the  mistake 
in  the  delivery  of  a  letter,  which  was  the  cause  of  his  hasty  resigna- 
tion of  the  Great  Seal.  Vide  Fuller's  Church  History,  book  vii. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXV 

Of  his  friends,  there  are  few  or  no  traces :  he  was  a 
guest,  we  have  seen,  at  the  table  of  the  Bishop  of  Dur- 
ham ;  he  was  admitted  to  personal  intercourse  with 
Prince  Henry ;  and  was  permitted  by  Sir  Robert  Cotton 
to  have  the  use  of  his  collections.  He  was  mentioned  in 
1617  in  the  proposal  for  erecting  an  "Academy  Royal," 
which  was  a  scheme  for  the  revival  of  the  first  Society 
of  Antiquaries,  as  a  person  fit  to  belong  to  such  an 
association.*  Camden  declares  that  he  was  a  learned 
man,-f~  and  all  who  have  examined  his  works  have  con- 
firmed that  opinion  ;  Wood  says  the  same  thing,  with  an 
addition: — "He  was  accounted  a  learned  and  godly 
man,  and  one  better  read  in  theological  authors  than  in 
those  belonging  to  his  profession."^;  His  piety  may  be 
inferred  from  his  religious  works,  but  I  am  not  aware 
of  any  authority  for  the  latter  part  of  Wood's  state- 
ment. 

He  held  extreme  opinions  on  many  points  of  politics  ; 
the  divine  right  of  kings,  and  the  indefeasibleness  of 
hereditary  succession,  are  a  key  to  the  whole  of  them  : 
and  those  he  maintained  consistently,  and,  no  doubt,  con- 
scientiously. His  theological  opinions  were  in  strict  con- 
formity with  the  Articles  and  Formularies  of  the  Church 
of  England,  and  his  practice  was  that  of  a  man  strongly 
impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  importance  of  religious 

*  Archaeolog.  i.  xviii.  f-  Annul,  anno  1601. 

J  Fasti  Oxon.  i.  368. 


XXXVI  INTRODUCTION. 

observances.  His  "  Sanctuary  of  a  troubled  Soul"  arose, 
by  degrees,  out  of  the  devotional  exercises  in  which  it 
had  been  his  custom,  for  many  years,  to  pass  some  hours 
of  the  days  specially  appointed  for  the  service  of  God ;  and 
he  appeals  to  the  prayers  in  the  second  part  of  the  same 
work  as  the  best  account  he  can  give  of  his  Sabbath-day's 
employment.  Nor  was  his  piety  without  its  reward. 
Amidst  many  troubles  and  disappointments,  he  declares 
that  he  had  attained  a  quiet,  contented  life,  and  thus 
concludes  the  Introduction  to  his  work  on  the  Peniten- 
tial Psalms,  "  Let  others  hunt  after  favour  and  wealth  .  .  . 
I  desire  and  pray  that  this  heavenly  harmony  may  alwayes 
ring  in  my  eares  ;  that  I  may  close  the  last  period  of  my 
life  with  one  of  these  songs  of  Sion." 

His  will  is  so  characteristic,  especially  in  its  com- 
mencement, in  the  severe  passages  relating  to  his  wife,* 

*  The  bitter  feelings  which  Hayward  entertained  against  woman- 
kind lead  to  inferences  not  very  favourable  to  his  lady  :  "  O  wives  ! " 
he  exclaims,  when  commenting  upon  the  conduct  of  the  Duchess  of 
Somerset  in  his  History  of  Edward  VI.,  "  the  most  sweete  poison, 
the  most  desired  evill  in  the  world.  Certainly  as  it  is  true,  as  Syra- 
cides  saith,  that  there  is  no  malice  to  the  malice  of  a  woman,  so  no  mis- 
chiefe  wanteth  where  a  malitious  woman  beareth  sway.  A  woman 
was  first  given  to  man  for  a  comforter,  but  not  for  a  counsailor,  much 
lesse  a  controler  and  director,  and,  therefore,  in  the  first  sentence 
against  man,  this  cause  is  expressed,  because  thou  obeyedst  the  voice  of 
thy  wift."  (p.  84,  edit.  1630.)  Notwithstanding  their  mutual  disagree- 
ments, it  may  be  inferred  from  their  wills  that  both  Hayward  and 
his  wife  lived  upon  friendly  terms  with  her  relations. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXVii 

and  in  the  direction  that  his  body  should  not  be  "  mangled 
after  death  for  experience  to  others/'  that  I  have  thought 
right  to  print  it  at  length.  His  interment,  which  was 
probably  hastened  by  a  fear  of  the  plague,  took  place  on 
the  day  after  his  death,  at  the  church  of  Great  Saint  Bar- 
tholomew's, and  his  will  was  proved  at  Doctors'  Commons 
on  the  same  day.  It  will  be  seen  near  the  close  of  his  will 
that  he  directed  his  executor  to  cause  a  monument  to  be 
erected  over  the  place  of  his  interment,  "  wherein,"  says  he, 
"  I  desire  that  he  do  not  beare  an  over-sparing  hand."  Dis- 
appointment followed  him  through  life,  and  its  measure 
was  completed  by  the  failure  of  this,  his  last,  desire.  His 
patrons  successively  failed  him  ;  he  aimed  at  public  em- 
ployment, but  without  success  ;  his  books  brought  him 
little  fame ;  he  li ved  unhappily  with  his  wife ;  his  only 
child  died  at  an  early  age ;  her  surviving  husband  dis- 
pleased him  ;  his  ample  provision  for  his  grandchild  was 
rendered  unavailing  by  her  death  in  childhood;  and, 
finally,  after  all  his  care  to  have  his  memory  perpetuated 
by  some  costly  erection,  no  trace  can  be  discovered  of  any 
monument  whatever. 

The  manuscript  from  which  the  present  work  is 
printed  occurs  in  the  volume  of  the  Harleian  MSS.  No. 
602 1 .  The  first  article  in  the  volume  is  a  MS.  of  Hay- 
ward's  Edward  VI.  and  the  third  is  a  contemporary  tran- 
script of  the  Annals  now  published,  written  in  three  several 
hands.  About  a  page  and  a  half  is  repeated  at  fo.  124,  where 


XXXV111  INTRODUCTION 

the  second  hand  begins,  and,  in  some  places,  there  are 
slight  verbal  variations  between  the  part  of  the  work 
which  is  printed  at  the  end  of  the  Edward  VI.  of  the 
edition  of  1636  and  the  MS.  When  those  variations  add 
anything  to  the  sense,  or  correct  palpable  mistakes,  I 
have  introduced  them  into  the  text  within  brackets :  in- 
stances may  be  seen  in  pages  9  and  1 1 .  There  is  nothing 
in  the  MS.  to  prove  that  Hayward  was  its  author,  but 
that  fact  is  capable  of  being  satisfactorily  established.  It 
is  clear  he  wrote  a  work  of  this  character  ;  "  the  beginning 
of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,"  appended  to  the  edition  of  his 
Edward  VI.  published  in  1636,  is  directly  assigned  to 
him ;  and  that  work  is  identical  with  the  following,  as 
far  as  it  goes.  Besides  which,  there  is  so  close  a  simila- 
rity between  the  style  of  the  present  work  and  the  other 
publications  of  Hayward,  that  certainly  the  penetration  of 
Lord  Bacon  is  not  necessary  to  determine  by  "  collation" 
that  they  proceeded  from  the  same  pen. 

When  I  recur  to  what  I  have  written,  and  observe  the 
length  to  which  my  observations  have  extended,  I  feel 
apprehensive  that  I  may  be  thought  to  have  occupied  a 
greater  space  than  is  due  to  my  subject.  It  should,  how- 
ever, be  borne  in  mind  that  the  present  publication  com- 
pletes the  series  of  Sir  John  Hayward's  works,  and 
affords,  therefore,  a  proper  opportunity  for  endeavouring 
to  add  something  to  the  few  biographical  particulars 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXix 

hitherto  known  concerning  him.  Little  as  I  have  been 
able  to  effect,  I  would  fain  hope  that  my  mite  will  be 
acceptable,  as  a  contribution,  not  only  to  our  Literary 
History — a  subject  which  well  deserves  the  attention  of 
the  Camden  Society — but  to  two  important  works,  the 
non-existence  of  which  is  daily  more  and  more  deplored ; 
a  History  of  Suifolk,  and  an  Athena  Cantabrigienses. 
The  former  is,  I  trust,  happily  in  progress,  under  the  care 
of  Mr.  Gage  Rokewode ;  for  the  latter  there  exists  an 
abundance  of  materials,  but  where  is  the  scholar  whose 
zeal  and  learning  are  to  secure  for  Cambridge  advantages 
as  great  as  those  which  Oxford  derives  from  the  conjoint 
labours  of  Anthony  Wood  and  Dr.  Bliss  ? 

JOHN  BRUCE. 

31st  October,  1839. 


P.S. — By  favour  of  the  Right  Hon.  Sir  Herbert  Jenner 
I  am  enabled  to  add  a  copy  of  the  entry  in  the  Treasurer's 
Book  of  the  Society  of  Doctors'  Commons  signed  by  Sir 
John  Hayward,  upon  his  admission  into  that  body — "Ego 
Johannes  Haywarde  promitto  me  soluturum  huic  societati 
DD.  de  Arcubus,  singulis  annis  quod  vixero,  sex  solidos, 


Xl  INTRODUCTION. 

et  octo  denarios;  5°  Augusti,  1616.  Jo.  HAYWARDE." 
— This  entry  confirms  what  I  have  before  stated  upon  the 
authority  of  Dr.  Coote.  I  am  indebted  to  Sir  Herbert 
Jenner  for  very  great  kindness  in  endeavouring  to  forward 
my  inquiries  upon  this  occasion.  He  caused  the  Registers 
of  the  Court  of  Arches  and  of  the  Vicar  General's  Office 
to  be  searched  for  information  respecting  Sir  John  Hay- 
ward,  but  nothing  farther  could  be  found. 

J.  B. 

28th  January,  1840. 


xli 
WILL  OF  SIR  JOHN  HAYWARD. 

DATED    30TH    MARCH,    1626. 

STATUTUM  EST  OMNIBUS  MORI,  HEB.  ix. — This  Statute,  soe  an- 
cient as  Adam's  fall,  and  never  since  repealed,  newer  any  priviledg 
from  the  execution  thereof,  doth  advertise  mee  of  the  advise  which 
the  Prophett  Esay  gave  to  King  Ezechias,  "  Sett  thie  house  in 
order,  for  thou  must  die:"  Therefore,  I,  SIR  JOHN  HAYWARD, 
Knight,  and  Doctor  of  Law,  in  good  estate  and  condicion  of  health, 
doe  hereby  dispose  of  my  worldly  estate  as  followeth ;  First, 
WHEREAS  I  purchased  certaine  houses  and  lands  neere  Woodgreene, 
in  Totenham,  within  the  countie  of  Middlesex,  of  Ambrose  Wheeler, 
of  London,  gentleman,  and  of  Thomas  Hanchet,  late  of  Braughing, 
within  the  countie  of  Hertford,  Esquire,  and  of  Edward  Hanchet, 
hissonne,*  and  did  graunt  the  same  to  my  Daughter,  Mary,  and 
to  the  heires  of  her  body  lawfully  begotten,  and  this  graunt  made 
before  her  marriag  with  Sir  Nicholas  Rowe,  Knight ;  f  and  for  de- 

*  All  these  persons  were  connexions  of  Sir  John  Hayward.  It  has  been  stated 
(p.  xxxiii.)  that  he  married  a  daughter  of  Andrew  Paschall,  of  Springfield,  in  Essex, 
Esq.  His  wife  had  an  elder  sister,  Mary,  who  married  the  Thomas  Hanchet  here 
mentioned.  They  had  two  sons,  Edward,  also  mentioned  above,  who  was  Sir  John 
Hayward's  executor,  and  Thomas,  who  will  be  found  hereafter  noticed  in  the  will. 
They  had  also  three  daughters  ;  Mary,  wife  of  Mr.  Ware,  of  the  county  of  Norfolk ; 
Frances,  wife  of  Mr.  Abraham  Williams,  agent  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  Bohemia ; 
and  Penelope,  wife  of  the  Mr.  Ambrose  Wheeler  who  is  here  mentioned,  and  who 
is  described  in  the  books  of  the  College  of  Arms  as  a  merchant  in  London.  I  am  in- 
debted to  C.  G.  Young,  Esq.,  York  Herald,  for  many  of  these  and  many  other  par- 
ticulars respecting  the  persons  mentioned  in  the  will. 

•f  There  were  two  branches  of  the  family  of  Rowe  seated  near  London.  One  at 
Hackney  and  the  other  at  Muswell  Hill.  Sir  Nicholas  was  one  of  the  Rowes  of 
Muswell  Hill,  son  of  Sir  Nicholas  and  grandson  of  Sir  William  Rowe  of  the  same 
place  ;  which  Sir  William  was  Lord  Mayor  of  London  in  1592.  It  appears,  from  the 
books  of  the  College  of  Arms,  that,  after  the  death  of  Sir  John  Hayward's  daughter, 
CAMD.  SOC.  7.  / 


Xlii  WILL    OF    SIR    JOHN    HAYWARD. 

fault  of  such  issue,  the  same  houses  and  lands  to  remayne  to  mee 
and  to  my  heires  againe  ;  insomuch  as  the  said  Dame  Mary,  my 
Daughter,  is  now  departed  this  world,  hauing  left  behind  her  one 
young  child  by  the  said  Sir  Nicholas  Rowe,  named  Mary,*  whereby 
the  said  Sir  Nicholas  Rowe  hath  the  said  houses  and  lands  for 
tearme  of  his  life,  by  the  curtesie  of  England  ;  in  case  the  said  Mary 
Rowe,  my  Grandchild,  departe  this  life  without  issue  of  her  bodie 
lawfullie  begotten,  then,  the  said  curtesie  determined,  I  devise  and 
giue  the  said  Tenements  and  lands  to  my  Wife,  during  the  tearme 
of  her  naturall  life,  and,  after  her  decease,  or,  if  shee  shall  not  bee 
liueing  when  the  said  remainder  shall  fall,  Then  I  giue  all  the  same 
houses  and  lands  to  James  Rivett,  of  Witlesham,  within  the  countie 
of  Suffolke,  my  Sister's  Sonne,f  and  to  the  heires  of  his  bodie  law- 
fully begotten.  ALL  my  Lands  and  Tenements  in  Felixtow,  in  the 
countie  of  Suffolke,  I  giue  to  my  wife,  during  the  tearme  of  her 
naturall  life,  and,  after  her  decease,  I  giue  the  same  to  my  Grand- 
Sir  Nicholas  married  into  the  family  of  Sir  Edward  Duncomb,  Knight,  and  had  a 
son  named  George,  who  was  buried  at  Saint  James's,  Clerkenwell,  (of  which  parish 
Muswell  Hill  is  an  outlying  and  isolated  portion,)  on  7th  July,  1661.  The  Hackney 
branch  of  the  family  became  extinct  in  the  male  line  upon  the  decease  of  Anthony 
Rowe,  Esq.,  who  was  buried  at  Hackney  in  1704.  One  of  Anthony's  daughters  mar- 
ried an  ancestor  of  the  Marquess  of  Downshire.  (Vide  Lysons's  Environs,  ii.  425 ; 
and  Rowe  Mores's  Hist,  of  Tunstall,  Bibl.  Topog.  Brit,  i.) 

*  There  were  two  children  of  the  marriage  of  Sir  Nicholas  Rowe  and  Jane  Hayward ; 
Elizabeth,  buried  at  Saint  James's,  Clerkenwell,  on  the  5th  January,  1625-6,  and  the 
Mary  who  is  here  mentioned.  She  died  in  the  year  1634,  and  was  also  buried  at  Saint 
James's,  Clerkenwell. 

f  It  appears,  from  the  various  statements  of  relationship  mentioned  in  this  will,  and 
from  some  further  information  derived  from  Reyce's  Suffolk  Collections  in  the  College 
of  Arms,  that  Sir  John  Hay  ward's  mother  was  twice  married.  By  one  husband  she  had 
Sir  John  Hayward,  and  a  daughter,  Ursula,  living  in  1626,  who  married  Robert  Revett  of 
Witlesham  in  Suffolk,  and  had  a  son,  the  James  Revett  here  mentioned,  who  married 
*  *  *  Armiger  of  Otley.  The  Revetts  are  a  well  known,  and  still  existing,  Suffolk 
family.  By  her  other  husband,  whose  name  was  Brandston,  Sir  John  1 1  ay  ward's  mother 
had  a  son  named  Thomas,  who  is  mentioned  in  this  will,  and  a  daughter,  who  had  died 
long  before  1626,  leaving  a  daughter,  named  Anne  Snell. 


WILL    OF    SIR    JOHN    HAYWARD. 

child,  Mary  Rowe,  and  to  the  heires  of  her  body  lawfully  to  bee 
begotten ;  Prouided  alwaies  that  Sir  Nicholas  Rowe,  my  said 
Grandchild's  Father,  shall  noe  waies  intermedle  with  the  said  lands 
and  tenements,  or  with  any  rents  or  profitts  riseing  from  the  same, 
but  that  James  Revett,  my  Sister's  Sonne,  or  his  heires,  shall  haue 
the  letting  of  the  said  lands  from  tynie  to  tyme,  and  receaue  the  rents 
thereof  to  his  proper  vse,  vntill  such  tyme  as  my  said  Grandchild 
shall  accomplish  the  age  of  Eighteene  yeares,  or  bee  married,  which 
first  shall  happen  ;  And,  after  her  accomplishment  of  the  said  age 
of  eighteene  yeares,  in  case  shee  shall  then  bee  vnmarried,  then  the 
said  James  Revett  to  continue  lettinge  and  receauing  rents  as 
aforesaid,  vntill  my  said  grandchild  shall  accomplish  the  age  of  one 
and  twentie  yeares,  or  bee  married,  and  then  to  bee  accomptable  to 
her  for  all  the  rents  which  he  shall  receaue  after  her  age  of  eighteene 
years,  vntil  the  age  of  one  and  twentie  yeares,  or  tyme  of  her  mar- 
riage, which  first  shall  happen.  And  in  case  my  said  grandchild 
shall  departe  this  life  without  heires  of  her  body  lawfully  begotten, 
then  I  giue  the  said  tenements  and  lands  in  Felixtow  to  James 
Revett  aforesaid,  and  to  the  heires  of  his  body  lawfully  begotten, 
according  to  the  purport  of  my  Father's  will.  My  Lease  of  my 
house  wherein  I  now  dwell,  scituate  in  Great  Saint  Bartholomew's, 
neere  Smithfeild,  London,  I  giue  to  my  sayd  Grandchild,  Mary 
Rowe,  in  case  she  bee  liuing  at  the  tyme  of  my  decease,  otherwise 
to  my  executor  hereafter  to  bee  named,  Provided  that,  in  case  my 
said  grandchild  bee  liuing  at  the  tyme  of  my  decease,  Sir  Nicholas 
Rowe,  her  Father,  shall  haue  nothing  to  doe  with  the  said  house, 
or  any  parte  of  the  profitts  thereof,  but  that  my  Executor,  hereafter 
named,  receave  the  rents  and  bee  accomptable  for  one  cleere  moity 
of  the  same  to  my  said  grandchild  at  her  age  of  one  and  twentie 
yeares,  or  tyme  of  her  marriag,  which  first  shall  happen,  and  the 
other  cleere  moity,  the  rent  reserued  vpon  the  said  lease  being  paid, 
to  retaine  to  himselfe.  I  giue  to  my  wife  the  bedd  wherein  she 


xliv  WILL    OF    SIR    JOHN    HAYWARD. 

lieth,  with  all  things  pertayning  there  vnto,  and  two  other  of  the 
meanest  bedds  for  servants,  which,  together  with  all  my  former 
legacies  vnto  her,  and  her  thirds  which  she  maie  clayme  out  of  the 
Lands  in  Totenham  before  mencioned,  I  esteeme  enough,  in  regard 
of  the  small  porcion  she  brought  mee ;  And  regard  of  her  vnquiet 
life,  and  small  respect  towards  mee,  a  greate  deale  to  much.*  I 
give  to  my  Sister,  Ursula  Riuett,  twentie  pounds  ;  and  to  my  halfe- 
brother,  Mr.  Thomas  Brandston,  fortie  pounds ;  and  to  Ann  Snell, 
of  Woluerston,  in  Suffolke,  Daughter  to  my  half  Sister,  long  since 
deceased,  ten  pounds.  And  whereas  Mr.  John  Bill,  one  of  the 
King's  Printers,  hath  mortgaged  to  mee  all  his  houses  and  lands 
lying  and  being  in  the  parish  of  Kentishtowne,  within  the  countie  of 
Middlesex,  for  the  some  of  thirteene  hundred  pounds,  and  hath  re- 
serued  the  space  of  three  yeares  for  redempcion,  First,  I  will  and 
desire  my  Executor  to  purchase  the  same  lands  out  of  the  residue 
of  my  estate  directly  and  fully,  whereof  I  haue  entertayned  speech 
with  the  said  Mr.  Bill,  And  then  I  giue  the  said  houses  and  lands 
to  my  said  grandchild,  Mary,  and  to  the  heires  of  her  body  lawfully 
begotten,  desiring  my  Executor  to  apply  the  profits  and  rents 
thereof  to  the  performaunce  of  this  my  will,  and  for  the  benefitt  of 
my  said  Grandchild,  to  bee  accomptable  to  her  for  the  same  when 
she  shall  arive  at  the  age  of  one  and  twentie  yeares,  or  at  the  tyme 
of  her  marriag,  which  shall  first  happen,  reteyning  to  himselfe  for 
every  meane  yeare  twentie  pounds,  which  I  giue  vnto  him  for  his 
paines,  care,  and  trust,  concerning  this  busines.  And  if  it  happen 
that  my  said  Grandchild  departe  this  life  without  heires  of  her  body 


*  It  appears  from  Lady  Hay  ward's  will,  proved  at  Doctors'  Commons  on  the  9th 
May,  1642,  that  she  resided  at  its  date,  the  1st  September,  1641,  at  Hincksworth  in 
the  county  of  Hertford.  She  describes  herself  as  a  very  aged  woman  ;  makes  mention 
of  her  sister  Mary  Hanchet  and  her  husband,  and  also  of  Edward  Paschall,  grandson 
of  Sir  Andrew  Paschall,  Knight,  her  brother.  She  appointed  her  nephew,  Edward 
Hanchet,  Sir  John  Hayward's  executor,  executor  of  her  will  also. 


WILL    OF    SIR    JOHN    HAYWARD.  xlv 

lawfully  begotten,  Then  I  giue  the  said  lands  and  houses  to  the 
aforesayd  James  Iliuett,  and  to  the  heires  of  his  body  lawfully  be- 
gotten, And  my  will  is,  that  the  said  accompt  bee  made  vnto  him 
or  to  his  heires,  But,  if  the  said  purchase  cannot  conveniently,  or 
resonably,  bee  made,  then  my  will  is,  that  my  Executor  shall  take 
into  his  hands  the  said  thirteene  hundred  pounds,  and  apply  the 
same  in  some  beneficiall  course  for  my  grandchild,  and  to  be  ac- 
comptable  to  her  for  the  same  at  her  age  of  one  and  twentie  yeares, 
or  tyme  of  her  marriag,  which  first  shall  happen,  reteyning  to  him- 
selfe  twentie  markes  every  yeare  for  his  honest  industry  about  that 
businesse.  And  if  she  die  at  any  yeares  before  her  marriag,  then 
my  will  is,  that  the  said  moneys  and  profitts  thereby  arising  bee  con- 
verted to  other  vses  expressed  in  this  my  will ;  Prouided  alwaies 
that  Sir  Nicholas  Howe,  my  Grandchild's  Father,  haue  noe  doeings 
with  the  said  houses  and  lands,  or  any  parte  of  the  moneys  or  pro- 
fitts before  mencioned,  or  reape  any  benefitt  at  all  by  this  my  last 
will  and  Testament.  I  giue  to  the  poore  of  Felix towe,  in  the 
countie  of  Suffolke,  out  of  which  parish  I  receaued  the  meanes  of 
my  educacion,  twentie  pounds,  to  remaine  as  a  stocke,  and  the  pro- 
fitts thence  ariseing  to  be  converted  to  the  use  of  the  poore  there 
for  the  tyme  being.  To  the  poore  of  the  Parish  of  Great  Saint 
Bartholomew's,  London,  where  I  haue  long  remained,  I  giue  ten 
pounds.  I  giue  to  every  servant  which  shall  remain  with  mee  in 
house  at  the  tyme  of  my  decease,  fortie  shillings.  My  breathlesse 
putrifying  Carkase  I  leaue  to  a  private  vnceremonious  Buriall, 
where  I  shall  hereafter  appoint.  And  my  desire  is,  that  my  grave 
bee  made  eight  foot  deepe,  at  the  least,  where  my  bones  are  like  to 
remaine  vntouched ;  And  I  vtterlie  dislike  that  my  bodie  bee 
ripped,  cutt,  or  any  waies  mangled  after  my  death,  for  experience 
to  others.  Also  I  will  that  a  monument  bee  erected  over  the  place 
of  my  buriall,  at  the  discretion  of  my  Executor,  wherein  I  desire 
that  he  doe  not  beare  an  over-sparing  hand.  I  constitute  and  ap- 


Xlvi  WILL    OF    SIR    JOHN    HAYWARD. 

point  Edward  Hanchet,  my  wiue's  Sister's  Sonne,  sole  executor  of 
this  my  last  Will  and  Testament,  and  I  desire  Thomas  Hanchett, 
his  younger  brother,  to  bee  assistant  to  him  herein,  and  doe  giue 
them  for  theire  paines  fiftie  pounds  apeice,  besides  any  legacie  for- 
merly giuen  to  the  said  Edward.  And  if  the  said  Edward  Han- 
chett shall  either  die  before  mee,  or  refuse  to  take  upon  him  thexe- 
cution  of  this  my  Will,  Then  I  appoint  the  said  Thomas  onelie  to 
vndergoe  it,  and  to  take  to  himselfe  the  whole  hundred  pounds,  and 
whatsoever  besides  I  haue  giuen  to  the  said  Edward  by  this  my  will. 
All  my  bookes,  and  the  moitie  of  the  residue  of  all  my  goods, 
chatties,  and  debts,  I  giue  to  my  said  grandchild,  Mary,  in  case  she 
liue  to  bee  married.  And  then  the  other  moitie  I  giue  to  the  said 
James  Rivett,  he  paying  to  my  Sister,  his  Mother,  twentie  pounds, 
in  case  she  shalbe  liuing  at  the  tyme  of  my  death.  But,  in  case  my 
said  Grandchild  shall  die  before  her  marriag,  Then  all  the  residue 
of  my  goods,  chatties,  and  debts,  I  giue  to  the  said  James  Riuett,  be 
paying  to  his  said  mother  fortie  pounds.  In  witness  whereof  I  haue 
sealed  and  subscribed  to  every  sheete,  and  acknowledged  this  writing 
as  my  last  Will  and  Testament,  in  presence  of  the  witnesses  whose 
names  are  vnderwritten,  JOHN  HAYWARD.  Sealed,  subscribed,  ac- 
knowledged, the  thirtith  daie  of  March,  one  thousand  sixe  hundred 
twentie  sixe.  John  Bill.  John  Olwer.  Thomas  Baker. 

This  will  was  proved  by  Edward  Hanchet,  the  sole  Executor,  in 
the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury,  on  the  28th  day  of  June,  1627, 
before  Sir  Henry  Marten,  Knight,  LL.D.  The  original  will  was 
given  back  to  the  Executor,  and  a  copy  only  retained  in  the  Pre- 
rogative Court. 


CERTIFICATE    OF    BURIAL    OF    SIR    JOHN    HAYWARD.        xlvii 


CERTIFICATE  OF  THE  BURIAL  OF  SIR  JOHN  HAYWARD, 
RECORDED  IN  THE  COLLEGE  OF  ARMS. 

The  right  worshipfull  Sir  John  Hayward,  Knight,  and  Doctor  of 
the  Civill  Lawe,  departed  this  mortall  life  at  his  house,  in  Great 
St.  Bartholomew's,  London,  on  Wednesday,  the  xxvijth  Of  June, 
1627,  and  was  buried  in  the  Church  of  Great  St.  Bartholomew's 
aforesaid.*  He  maried  Jane,  daughter  of  Andrew  Pascall,  of 
Springfeild,  in  Essex,  Esquier,  by  whom  he  had  yssue,  Mary,  his  only 
daughter  and  heire,  who  married  Sir  Nicholas  Roe,  Knight,  of 
Highgate,  in  the  county  of  Middlesex,  and  hath  yssue  by  him  Mary, 
only  daughter.  His  Executor  was  Mr.  Edward  Hanchet,  of  Uphall, 
in  Brohun,  in  the  county  of  Hertford,  Esquier.  This  certificate 
was  taken  the  vijth  of  July,  1627,  by  Henry  Chittinge,  Chester,  and 
testified  to  be  true  by  Thomas  Hanchet,  of  Uphall  aforesaid,  Esquier, 
and  Thomas  Hanchet,  his  sonne. 

(Signed)  THO.  HANCHET. 

THO.  HANCHET,  Junior. 

*  It  appears  in  the  parish  register  that  the  interment  took  place  on  the  28th  June, 
1627. 


xlviii  WORKS    OF    SIR    JOHN    HAYWARD. 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  WORKS  OF  SIR  JOHN  HAYWARD. 

I.  The  First  Part  of  the  Life  and  Raigne  of  King  Henrie  the  IIII. 
extending  to  the  end  of  the  first  yeare  of  his  raigne.     Written  by 
I.  H.     Imprinted  at  London  by  John  Wolfe,  and  are  to  be  solde 
at  his  shop  in  Pope's  head  Alley,  neere  to  the  Exchange.     1599. 
4to.  pp.  149,  besides  title-page,  dedication,  and  preface. 

Copies  of  this  work  differ  in  the  ornaments  upon  the  title-page,  and  in  the  dedica- 
cation.  It  would  seem  that  part  of  the  impression  was  worked  off  when  a  mistake  of 
"  fronti"  instead  of  "  front* "  was  discovered  in  the  dedication.  The  title-page  and 
dedication  were  then  again  set  up,  with  different  typographical  ornaments,  and  the 
mistake  corrected. 

It  was  reprinted  Lond.  1642,  8vo.  with  Sir  Robert  Cotton's  Short  View  of  the 
reigne  of  Henry  III.  prefixed.  Lowndes,  in  his  Bibliographer's  Manual,  makes  men- 
tion of  an  edition  in  1627,  4to.  of  which  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  other  trace. 

II.  An  Answer  to  the  first  part  of  a  Conference  concerning  Suc- 
cession, published  not  long  since  under  the  name  of  R.  Dollman. 
London,  4to.  1603. 

This  work  was  reprinted  during  the  discussions  respecting  the  exclusion  of  the  Duke 
of  York  from  the  throne,  with  the  following  title,  "  The  Right  of  Succession  asserted 
against  the  False  reasonings  and  seditious  Insinuations  of  R.  Dolman,  alias  Parsons, 
and  others.  By  the  learned  Sir  John  Hayward,  Kl.  Doctor  of  Laws.  Dedicated  to  the 
King,  and  now  reprinted  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  zealous  promoters  of  the  Bill  of 
Exclusion.  London,  printed  for  Mat.  Gillyflower,  Will.  Hensman,  and  Tho.  Fox, 
Booksellers  in  Westminster  Hall."  1683,  8vo.  pp.  175. 


III.  A  treatise  of  Union  of  the  two  Realmes  of  England  and 
Scotland,  by  I.  H.  At  London.  Imprinted  by  F.  K.  for  C.  B., 
and  are  to  be  sold  at  his  shop  in  Paul's  Church  Yard,  at  the  Signe 
of  the  Swanne.  1604,  4to.  pp.  58. 


WORKS    OF    SIR    JOHN    HAYWARD.  xlix 

IV.  The  Lives  of  the  iii.  Normans,  Kings  of  England  :  William 
the    First ;    William   the   Second ;    Henrie  the  First.      Written   by 
I.  H.     Mart.  Improb&  facit  qui  in  alieno  libro  ingeniosus  est.     Im- 
printed at  London  by  R.  B.,  Anno  1613,  4to.  pp.  314,  besides  title- 
page  and  dedication. 

Reprinted  in  the  Harleian  Miscellany ;  part  in  vol.  ii.  p.  438,  and  the  remainder  in 
vol.  ix.  p.  264. 

V.  The  Sanctuarie  of  a  troubled  Soule.     London,  1616,  12mo. 

There  are  other  editions,  all  in  12mo.,  assigned  by  bibliographical  writers  to  the  years 
1618,  with  a  portrait  engraved  by  W.  Hole ;  1623,  with  a  portrait  by  *  *  *  Payne  ; 
and  1632,  with  a  portrait  by  T.  Cecill.  The  only  copy  which  I  have  seen  is  in  Sion 
College  Library.  It  is  in  two  parts,  with  separate  title-pages  ;  "  The  Sanctuarie  of  a 
troubled  soule  ;  by  Sir  John  Hayward  Knight,  Docr  of  Lawe.  London.  Printed  by 
Jeane  Bell,  1650."  12mo;  and  "The  Second  Part  of  the  Sanctuarie  of  a  troubled 
Soule.  By  Sir  John  Hayward,  Knight,  Dr  of  Law.  London.  Printed  for  Mores  Bell 
at  the  east  end  of  Christ  Church.  1649."  12mo.  pp.  386. 

VI.  David's  Teares.     By  Sir  John   Hayward,   Knight,    Doc.  of 
Lawe.  London.   Printed  by  John  Bill,  1622,  8vo. 

There  are  other  editions  in  4to.  1623  and  1625.  The  only  copy  I  have  seen  is  that 
in  Sion  College  Library  of  the  edition  of  1623.  It  contains  pp.  343. 

VII.  Christ's  Prayer  on  the  Crosse  for  his  Enemies.     Lond.  1623. 
8vo. 

VIII.  Of  Supremacie  in  Affaires  of  Religion,  by  Sir  John  Hay- 
ward,  Knight,  Doctor  of  Lawe.     London.     Printed  by  John  Bill, 
Printer  to  the  King's  most  excellent  Maiestie.  1624.  4to.  pp.  88. 

Lowndes,  in  his  Bibliographer's  Manual,  mentions  an  edition  of  this  work  dated  in 
1606,  as  occurring  in  the  Gordonstoun  Catalogue,  with  the  title  "  Report  of  a  Dis- 
course concerning  supreme  Power  in  Affaires  of  Religion."  I  have  not  been  able  to 
find  any  other  trace  of  such  an  edition,  and,  although  the  circumstances  out  of  which 
the  work  arose  would  warrant  a  publication  in  1606  (vide  ante,  p.  xxiv),  there  are  pas- 
CAMD.  SOC.  7.  £- 


1  WORKS    OF    SIR    JOHN    HAYWARD. 

sages  in  the  dedication,  and  in  the  work  itself,  as  printed  in  1624,  which  seem  opposed 
to  an  earlier  publication.  I  have  therefore  assigned  the  work  to  that  year.  If  printed 
in  1606,  it  must  have  been  considerably  altered  on  its  republication  in  1624.  There 
was  another  edition  in  1625,  4 to. 


IX.  The  Life  and  Raigne  of  King  Edward  the  Sixt.     Written 
by  Sr  John  Hay  ward,  KX,  Dr.  of  Lawe.      London.      Printed  for 
John  Partridge,  and  are  to  be  sold  at  the  signe  of  the  Swanne  in 
Paules  Church-yard.    4to.     1630.   pp.  178,    besides  title-page   and 
preface. 

There  is  a  portrait  of  Edward  VI.  engraved  by  Robert  Vaughan,  inserted  in  the 
title-page,  and  a  portrait  of  the  author,  engraved  by  William  Pass,  on  the  back  of  the 
last  page  of  the  preface.  Another  edition  in  12mo.  was  published  by  the  same  book- 
seller in  1636  "  with  the  beginning  of  the  Raigne  of  Queene  Elizabeth,"  that  is,  a 
portion  of  the  work  now  published.  This  edition  has  a  title-page  engraved  by  William 
Marshall,  containing  portraits  of  Edward  VI.  and  Elizabeth,  and  contains  pp.  494, 
besides  title-pages,  preface,  and  index.  The  Life  of  Edward  VI.  is  also  reprinted  in 
Kennett's  Complete  History  of  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  273.  There  is  a  MS.  of  it  in  the 
Harleian  MS.  No.  6021,  art.  1,  and  another  amongst  Gale's  MSS.  in  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge.  Some  strictures  upon  it  may  be  seen  in  Strype's  Ecclesiastical  Memo- 
rials, fol.  1721,  vol.  ii.  chap,  xxviii.  p.  470;  8vo.  iii.  357,  edit.  1816. 

X.  Annals  of  the  First  Four  Years  of  the  Reign  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth.      London.  Printed  for  the  Camden  Society,  1840. 


Hayward  also  wrote  a  preface  to  a  book  by  Sir  Roger  Williams,  entitled,  "The 
Actions  of  the  Lowe  Countries,"  4to.  London,  1618,  reprinted  in  the  second  volume 
of  Somers's  Tracts. 


ANNALS   OF   QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 


THE     FIRST    YEAR. 


THE  last  sicknesse  of  Queene  Mary  was  both  exceeding  sharpe     A.  D. 
and  of  long  continuance,  her  body  being  wearyed,  and  almost      1558- 
wasted,  with  the  violence  of  her  disease ;  her  minde  anguished  Sickness 
with  thoughts,  no  lesse  strange  for  variety,  then  strong  for  the  of  Queen* 
great  importance  they  drewe,  whereof  some  (doubtlesse)  were  secret  Mary, 
and   singular.     And  whilest  she  Jay  thus  languishing  under  the 
heavy  hand  of  death,  many  false  rumours  were  spreade  abroade  that 
shee  was  deade  :  whereupon  a  notable  example  might  have  been 
scene  how  in  a  royall  State  the  surety  of  the  common  people  de- 
pendes  much  upon  the  life  and  safety  of  their  Prince.     For  every 
man's  mynd  was  then  travayled  with  a  strange  confusione  of  con- 
ceits, all  things  being  immoderately  eyther  dreaded  or  desired. 
Every  report  was  greedily  both  inquired  and  received,  all  truthcs 
suspected,  diverse  tales  beleeved,  many  improbable  conjectures 
hatched  and  nourished.     Invasione  of  strangeres,  civill  dissentione, 
the  doubtfull  dispositione  of  the  succeeding  Prince,  were  cast  in 
every  man's  conceite  as  present  perills  ;  but  noe  man  did  buysy  his 
witts  in  contriving  remedyes.  They  who  held  themselves  in  dangere, 

CAM  1).   SOC.   7-  B 


2  ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.  seemed  to  desire  nothing  but  safety :  they  who  apprehended  any 
°8'  opinione  of  safety,  did  rise  into  unreasonable  desire  of  liberty ; 
wherein  they  were  as  various  as  in  any  thing  beside,  as  well  for 
the  particulars,  as  for  the  limitts  of  that  which  they  desired.  In 
this  medley  of  thoughts,  some  thought  to  serve  themselves 
by  adherents,  some  by  adjoyning  to  those  whoe  had  more  to 
lose  than  themselves ;  some  stood  upon  their  proper  strength, 
eyther  for  their  owne  preservation,  or  for  abating  of  such  as  they 
esteemed  too  great.  Generally,  the  rich  were  fearefull,  the  wise 
carefull,  the  honestly-disposed  doubtfull,  the  discontented  and 
the  desperate,  and  all  such  whose  desires  were  both  immoderate 
and  evill,  joyfull,  as  wishing  trouble,  the  gate  of  spoyle. 

During  this  tyme,  a  Parliament  was  held  at  London,  where  the 
Nobility  of  the  Realme  remayned  with  a  more  constant  counte- 
Announce-  nance,  eyther  as  holding  themselves   assured,  or  for  that  they 
Queen        would  not  descend  to  any  other  seeming.     When  they  received 
Mary's       certaine  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Queene  Mary,  they  assembled 
the  Parlia-  together  in  the  upper  howse,  and,  after  a  short  debatement,  sent 
ment-         to  the  Speaker  of  the  Parliament,  desiring  him  to  come  to  them 
forthwith,  accompanyed  with  the  whole  body  of  the  lower  house, 
[for  that  they  had]  to  impart  a  matter  of  importance  unto  them. 
When  they  were  come,  and  had  setled  themselves  to  attentione, 
Doctor  Heath,  Archbishop  of  Yorke,  and  Lord  Chauncelor  of  Eng- 
land, with  a  composed  countenance  and  voice,  as  neither  glad  at 
the  death  of  the  old  Prince,  nor  discontented  at  the  new,  declared 
to  them  the  assured  advertisement  of  the  death  of  the  Queene : 
That  albeit  the  Parliament  by  this  heavy  accident  did  dissolve,* 
yet  for  that  they  had  bin  elected  to  represent  the  common  people 

*  This  was  the  law  until  1696.  It  was  then  enacted  by  7  and  8  William  III.  cap.  15, 
that  the  Parliament  in  being  should  continue  to  sit  for  six  months  after  the  death  of  any 
King  or  Queen,  unless  sooner  prorogued  or  dissolved  by  the  successor.  The  same  pro- 
vision was  re-enacted  by  6  Anne,  cap.  41  of  the  authentic  edition,  or  cap.  7  of  the  com- 
mon editions.  Vide  authentic  edition,  vii.  84,  and  viii.  738. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  3 

of  the  Realme,  and  to  deale  for  them  in  matters  of  estate,  they  A.  D. 
could  noe  waye  better  dischardge  that  trust,  then  in  joyninge  with 
the  Lords  to  publish  the  next  Successour  to  the  Crowne :  That 
the  right  and  title  of  Lady  Elizabeth,  sister  to  the  deceased 
Queene,  and  onely  daughter  then  surviving  of  King  Henry  the 
Eighth,  was  esteemed  by  the  Lords  free  from  all  quarrell,  free 
from  all  questione  and  doubt :  that  in  no  case  expeditione  is  more 
expedient,  than  in  these  high  passages  of  State,  for  extinguishing 
as  well  the  vayne  hopes  of  enemyes,  as  the  false  and  needelesse 
feares  of  friendes  :  that  for  this  cause  the  Lords  had  desired  their 
presence,  that,  with  joynt  consent  of  the  whole  assembly,  the  Lady 
Elizabeth  might  forthwith  be  proclaymed  Queene. 

The  Knights  and  Burgesses  gave  easy  consent  to  that  which  Proclama- 
they  sawe  noe  reason  to  deny.    If  happily  some  few  had  noe  inch-  Q™^  EU> 
nation  that  waye,  yet,  beeing  unable  to  stay  the  course  of  so  greate  zabeth,^ 
a  current,  they  were  content  not  to  shew  a  will  to  affect  that 
which   they  had  no  power  to  effect.     Soe  the  same  day  shee  was 
proclaymed  Queene   by  the   principall  Heraalts-at-Armes — first, 
at  the  Pallace  at  Westminster,  directly  before  the  Hall-dore,  after- 
wards at  the  Crosse  in  Cheape,  and  in  other  places  of  the  Citye. 
This  ceremony  was  performed  upon  Thursday,  the  seventeenth 
day  of  November,  in  the  yeare  1558,*  in  the  five-and-twentieth 
yeare  of  her  age,  when  shee  had  been  well  instructed  by  experience 
and  adversity,  two  excellent  teachers  for  her,  who  had  a  judgment 
farre  beyond  her  yeares. 

The  same  dayef  Reygnold  Poole,  Cardinall,  and  not  long  before  Death  of 
made  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  departed  this  life,  doubtfull  whe- 

*  Mary  died  at  "  her  Mauour  of  Saint  James  by  Charing  Cross,"  (Stowe,  634)  on 
Thursday,  November  the  17th,  "  about  three  or  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning." 
(Holinshed,  iv.  137.)  Elizabeth,  it  will  be  perceived,  was  proclaimed,  and  her  regnal 
years  were  subsequently  reckoned  from  that  same  day.  (Nicolas's  Chron.  of  Hist. 
319.) 

t  "The  same  evening,  or  (as  some  have  written),  the  next  daie."    Holinshed,  iv.  141. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.  ther  by  natural!  disease,  or  by  violence  of  griefe,  or  by  some  other 
strange  inforcement.  He  was  one  of  the  younger  sonnes  of  Mar- 
garet, Countesse  of  Salisbury,  daughter  to  George,  Duke  of  Cla- 
rence, brother  to  King  Edward  the  Fourth.  Hee  was  learned  and 
eloquent,  of  noe  comely  presence,  but  of  good  grace  in  delivering 
his  speach  :  herewith  haughty,  ambitious,  and  vehement  in  the  pur- 
suite  of  his  purposes.  Whereupon,  as  he  had  been  formerly  impa- 
tient for  not  atteyning  to  the  full  degrees  of  his  desires  and  hopes,  so 
now,  most  of  all,  in  fore-seeing  the  abatement  of  his  honour,  and 
the  alteratione  of  the  relligeone  which  hee  did  professe ;  for  esta- 
blishment whereof,  in  former  times,  he  had  practised  so  farr  that 
he  had  reasone  to  conceive  he  could  not  be  indured  in  the  change. 
For  the  change  in  Religion  which  then  insued,  and  had  alsoe 
Alteration  happened  not  long  before,  was  easily  fore-seene  by  men  of  under- 
tabiishetT  standing,  not  onely  by  reasone  of  the  consciences  of  the  Princes, 
Faith  an-  formed  in  them  by  education,  but  alsoe  out  of  their  particular 
interests  and  endes.  For  King  Henry  the  eighth  had  taken  to 
wife  Katherine  of  Arragon,  who  had  beene  formerly  marryed  to 
Prince  Arthur  his  elder  brother ;  for  which  marriage  (being  within 
the  degrees  expressely  prohibited  in  Leviticus)  the  Bishop  of  Rome 
gave  a  dispensatione.  Now  King  Henry,  following  the  opinione  of 
those  Divines  (as  well  Catholickes  as  Protestants)  who  judged  those 
prohibitiones  to  bee  naturall  and  morall,  and  that  noe  power  uppon 
earth  had  power  to  grant  a  dispensatione  against  them,  put  away 
Queen  Katherine,  and  marryed  Queene  Anne  Sullen,  whilest  she 
still  remained  in  life.  Of  this  Katherine  he  had  issue  Mary ;  of 
Anne  Bullen,  Elizabeth.  So  it  was  a  marveilous  motive  for  Queen 
Mary  to  embrace  and  advance  the  authority  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome,  for  that  the  validity  of  King  Henryes  marryage  with  Queene 
Katherine  her  mother,  was  thereupon  grounded :  And  this  hath 
not  bin  the  weakest  threed  in  the  Pope's  net,  by  dispensing  in 


ANNALS  OF    QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  5 

such  prohibited  marriages  to  hoald  Princes  obnoxious  unto  him.      A.D. 
But  on  the  other  side,  because  yf  the  Bishop  of  Rome  had  power 
to  dispense  in  the  first  marriage  of  King  Henry  the  eyght,  then 
was  the  subsequent  marriage  with  Anne  Bullen  voyde;  besides 
the  command  of  conscience,  it  was  alsoe  an  inducement  in  reasone 
for  Queene  Elizabeth  to  reject  his  authority.     And,  albeit  many 
greate  Princes  doe  neyther  so  easily  resist,  nor  so  moderately  follow 
their  desires  as  other  men,  because,  by  how  much  more  they  are 
accustomed  to  be  honoured  and  obeyed,  by  so  much  lesse  (ad- 
vancing their  wills  above  other  respects)  are  they  able  to  indure 
to  have  their  purposes  eyther  frustrated  or  delayed  :  yet  was  not 
this  alteratione  brought  in  sodaynly  (as  in  other  places  it  was 
usually  done)  but  by  a  more  felt  than  scene  manner  of  proceed- 
ing.    Yea,  some  colour  of  hope  was  conceived,  that  noe  alteratione 
should  be  made  at  all ;  for  that  a  Proclamatione  was  presently  Proclama- 
set  foorth,*  that  no  man  should  alter  any  Rites  or  Ceremonyes  at  aitermg  ce- 
that  tyme  used  in  the  Church  :  And,  because,  in  such  division e  of  remonies. 
opinions,   the   Pulpits  often  serve  as   drummesf    and  fiffes,  to 
inflame  fury,  Proclamatione  was  made,  that  noe  man  might  preach,  And  for- 
but  such  as  should  be  allowed  by  authority :  and  thes  alsoe  were  preaching 
charged  to  forbeare  treating  of  controversyes  in  Religion  not  to 
move  dispute  touching  governement,  eyther  for  altering  or  reteyning 
the  present  forme.  Hereuppon  no  Sermon  was  preached  at  Paules 

*  Dated  27th  December,  1558. 

f  Our  author  has  here  partly  anticipated  a  celebrated  simile  in  Hudibras-- 

"  When  gospel-trumpeter,  surrounded 
With  long-ear 'd  rout,  to  battle  sounded ; 
And  pulpit,  drum  ecclesiastic, 
Was  beat  with  fist  instead  of  a  stick." 

Dr.  Grey,  in  his  edition  of  Hudibras,  i.  58,  edit.  1806,  refers  to  another  instance  of  the 
use  of  the  same  simile  in  "  Sir  J.  Birkenhead  revived,  p.  5." 

"  God  bless  us  from  a  pulpit  drum. 
And  preaching  Catiline." 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH 


A.D. 
1558. 

No  Sermon 
at  Paul's 
Cross  until 
after 
Easter. 

The  Ports 
closed. 


The  Queen 
removes 
from  Flat- 
field  to 
Lou don, 
Nov.  18th. 


Her  cour- 
tesy. 


Crosse,  untill  the  Rehearsall  Sermon  was  made  upon  the  Sunday 
after  Easter :  at  which  tyme  when  the  Preacher  was  ready  to 
mount  into  the  Pulpet,  the  keye  could  not  be  found :  and  when, 
by  commandement  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  it  was  opened  by  a 
smyth,  the  place  was  very  filthy  and  uncleane.  Alsoe  the  Ports 
and  Havens  were  diligently  kept,  that  noe  man  might  passe  forth 
of  the  Realme,  or  enter  therein,  without  eyther  licence  or  notice  at 
the  least,  whereby  many  suspiciones  and  doubtes,  and  happily  some 
dangeres,  were  prevented.  Lastly,  inhibitione  was  straightly  given 
that  no  monyes  should  be  made  over  by  exchange  for  a  tyme. 

And,  for  that  the  presence  of  the  Prince  is  of  greatest  moment 
to  establish  affayres,  the  Queene,  the  next  day  after  her  title  was 
proclaimed,  removed  from  Hatfield,  in  Hartfordshire,  where  shee 
then  lay,  towardes  London ;  and  was  upon  the  way  incountred 
and  intertained  in  all  places  with  such  a  concourse  of  people,  with 
soe  lively  representationes  of  love,  joy  and  hope,  that  it  farr  ex- 
ceeded her  expectatione.  The  people  of  all  sorts  (even  such  whose 
fortunes  were  unlike  either  to  bee  amended  or  impaired  by  change) 
went  many  myles  out  of  the  City  to  see  her,  some  uppon  particular 
affectione  to  her  person,  others  upon  opinione  of  good  to  the  State, 
some  uppon  an  ordinary  levity  and  delight  in  change,  and  not  a 
few  because  they  would  doe  as  others  did  ;  all  with  like  fervency 
contending  who  should  most  neerly  approach  unto  her,  who  should 
most  cherefully  bestow  uppon  her  all  honourable  titles  and  happy 
wishes. 

Now,  if  ever  any  persone  had  eyther  the  gift  or  the  stile  to  winne 
the  hearts  of  people,  it  was  this  Queene ;  and  if  ever  shee  did  ex- 
presse  the  same,  it  was  at  that  present,  in  coupling  mildnesse  with 
majesty  as  shee  did,  and  in  stately  stouping  to  the  meanest  sort. 
All  her  facultyes  were  in  motione,  and  every  motione  seemed  a  well 
guided  actione ;  her  eye  was  set  upon  one,  her  eare  listened  to 
another,  her  judgement  ranne  uppon  a  third,  to  a  fourth  shee  ad- 


ANNALS  OF    QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  7 

dressed  her  speecli ;  her  spiritt  seemed  to  be  every-where,  and  yet  A.D. 
so  intyre  in  her  selfe,  as  it  seemed  to  bee  iioe  where  else.  Some 
shee  pityed,  some  shee  commended,  some  shee  thanked,  at  others 
shee  pleasantly  and  wittily  jeasted,  contemning  noe  person,  neglect- 
ing noe  office ;  and  distributing  her  smiles,  lookes,  and  graces,  soe 
artificially,  that  thereupon  the  people  againe  redoubled  the  testi- 
monyes  of  their  joyes ;  and  afterwards,  raising  every  thing  to  the 
highest  straine,  filled  the  eares  of  all  men  with  immoderate  extolling 
their  Prince. 

Shee  was  a  Lady,  upon  whom  nature  had  bestowed,  and  well  Her  per- 
placed,  many  of  her  fayrest  favores ;  of  stature  meane,  slender, 
streight,  and  amiably  composed ;  of  such  state  in  her  carriage,  as 
every  motione  of  her  seemed  to  beare  majesty :  her  haire  was  in- 
clined to  pale  yellow,  her  foreheade  large  and  faire,  a  seemeing  sete 
for  princely  grace  ;  her  eyes  lively  and  sweete,  but  short-sighted  ;* 
her  nose  somewhat  rising  in  the  middest ;  the  whole  compasse  of 
her  countenance  somewhat  long,  but  yet  of  admirable  beauty,  not 
so  much  in  that  which  is  tearmed  the  flower  of  youth,  as  in  a  most 
delightfull  compositione  of  majesty  and  modesty  in  equall  mixture. 
But  without  good  qualityes  of  mynde,  the  gifts  of  nature  are  like 
paynted  floweres,  without  eyther  vertue  or  sappe  ;  yea,  sometymes 
they  grow  horrid  and  loathsome.  Now  her  vertues  were  such  as  and  cha- 
might  suffice  to  make  an  Aethiopian  beautifull,  which,  the  more  a  ra 
man  knowes  and  understands,  the  more  he  shall  admire  and  love.  In 
life,  shee  was  most  innocent ;  in  desires,  moderate ;  in  purpose,  just; 
of  spirit,  above  credit  and  almost  capacity  of  her  sexe ;  of  divine 
witt,  as  well  for  depth  of  judgment,  as  for  quicke  conceite  and  speedy 
expeditione ;  of  eloquence,  as  sweete  in  the  utterance,  soe  ready  and 
easie  to  come  to  the  utterance  :  of  wonderfull  knowledge  both  in 

*  Mary  also  was  short-sighted,  so  much  so  that  she  could  not  "  read,  or  do  any 
thing  else,  without  placing  her  eyes  quite  close  to  the  object."  Report  of  Michele  the 
Venetian  ambassador  in  1557,  quoted  by  Sir  F.  Madden  in  his  Introd.  to  Mary's  Privy 
Purse  Expenses,  p.  clvi. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.  learning  and  affayres;  skilfull  not  only  in  the  Latine  and  Greekc, 
but  alsoe  in  divers  other  forraine  languages :  none  knew  better 
the  hardest  art  of  all  others,  that  is,  of  commanding  men,  nor 
could  more  use  themselves  to  those  cares  without  which  the 
royail  dignity  could  not  be  supported.  She  was  relligeous, 
magnanimous,  mercifull  and  just ;  respective  of  the  honour  of 
others,  and  exceeding  tender  in  the  touch  of  her  owne.  Shee 
was  lovely  and  loving,  the  two  principall  bands  of  duty  and 
obedience.  Shee  was  very  ripe  and  measured  in  counsayle  and 
experience,  as  well  not  to  lett  goe  occasiones,  as  not  to  take  them 
when  they  were  greene.  Shee  maintained  Justice  at  home,  and 
Armes  abroad,  with  great  wisdome  and  authority  in  eyther  place. 
Her  majesty  seemed  to  all  to  shine  though  courtesy :  but  as  shee 
was  not  easy  to  receive  any  to  especiall  grace,  so  was  shee  most 
constant  to  those  whom  shee  received ;  and  of  great  judgment  to 
know  to  what  point  of  greatnesse  men  were  fit  to  bee  advanced. 
Shee  was  rather  liberall  than  magnificent,  making  good  choys 
of  the  receivoures ;  and  for  this  cause  was  thought  weake  by  some 
against  the  desire  of  money.  But  it  is  certain e  that  beside  the 
want  of  treasure  which  shee  found,  her  continual!  affayres  in  Scott- 
land,  France,  the  Low  Countries,  and  in  Ireland,  did  occasion  e 
greate  provisione  of  money,  which  could  not  bee  better  supplyed, 
than  by  cutting  off  eyther  excessive  or  unnecessary  expence  at 
home.  Excellent  Queene !  what  doe  my  words  but  wrong  thy 
worth  ?  what  doe  I  but  guild  gold  ?  *  what  but  shew  the  sunne 

*  We  have  here  a  proof  that  Shakspeare's  King  John  was  written  before  1612,  the 
date  of  the  present  composition.  It  does  not  appear  to  have  been  printed  until 
included  in  the  first  folio  edition  of  the  plays  in  1623.  The  words  referred  to — 

"To  gild  refined  gold 

or  with  a  taper  light 

To  seek  the  beauteous  eye  of  heaven  to  garnish." 

(King  John,  Act  IV.  scene  2),  are  not  to  be  found  in  "  the  Troublesome  Raigne  of 
King  John,"  the  play  which  Shakspeare  used  in  the  composition  of  his  noble  drama, 
and  which  some  persons  have  thought  to  be  Shakspeare's  first  rough  draft,  as  it 
were,  of  the  play  which  we  now  possess. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

witli  a  candle,  in  attempting  to  prayse  thee,  whose  honor  doth  A.  D. 
flye  over  the  whole  world  upon  the  two  wings  of  Magnanimity 
and  Justice,  whose  perfection  shall  much  dimme  the  lustre  of  all 
other  that  shall  be  of  thy  sexe  ?  I  will  noe  longer  staye  upon 
generall  descriptiones,  but  proceede  to  such  particular  acts  as  shall 
manifest  much  more  than  I  have  said. 

When  shee  came  to  London,  shee  was  lodged  the  first  night  in  Lodges  at 
the  Charter-howse,*  where  many  greate  persones,  eyther  for  birth, 
or  worthinesse,  [or  place  in  the  State,]  resorted  unto  her ;  and  now, 
rising  from  dejected  feares  to  ambitious  hopes,  contended  who 
should  catch  the  first  hold  of  her  favour.  The  Queene  did  beare 
her  selfe  moderately  and  respectively  to  all,  desiring  them,  if  they 
would  not  be  deceived  in  her,  that  they  would  not  be  the  first  to 
deceive  themselves :  that  they  would  not  prejudice  her  in  their 
opiniones,  as  not  by  uncourteous  suspicions  and  doubts,  so  not  by 
immoderate  expectationes  and  hopes,  promisinge  unto  themselves 
out  of  a  suddayne  likeing  more  then  is  fitt,  or  perad venture  possible, 
to  be  performed :  the  fayleance  whereof  would  eyther  change  or 
abate  theyr  loves :  that  they  would  lay  aside  all  fore-taken  con- 

*  She  occupied  "the  Lord  North's  House  "  in  the  Charter  House.  (Holinshed, 
iv.  156.)  The  same  mansion  which  was  afterwards  the  town  residence  of  the  Duke 
of  Norfolk,  beheaded  in  1571.  The  dates  of  Elizabeth's  movements  at  this  period 
are  very  unsettled.  According  to  Hayward,  she  removed  from  Hatfield  to  the  Charter 
House  on  the  18th  November.  Holinshed  dates  the  same  removal  on  "the  three- 
and-twentieth  of  November  "  (ibid.} ;  and  Stowe  on  the  nineteenth  (p.  635).  A 
Letter,  printed  in  the  appendix  to  Strype's  Annals  i.  No.  ii.,  and  since  in  Lodge's 
Illustrations  (i.  301,  edition  1791),  determines  in  favour  of  the  23rd,  the  day  men- 
tioned by  Holinshed.  The  Citizen's  Journal,  also,  so  much  used  by  Strype  (Cot. 
MS.  Vitellius,  F.  v.),  contains,  at  fol.  94  verso,  the  following  entry — "  The  xxiij.  day 
of  November  the  Queen  Elsabeth's  grace  toke  here  gorney  from  Hadley,  beyond  Bar- 
nett,  toward  London  unto  my  Lord  North's  place."  The  mention  of  this  journal 
affords  an  opportunity,  which  I  cannot  let  slip,  of  directing  the  attention  of  antiquaries 
to  the  admirable  manner  in  which  it  has  been  repaired,  bound  and  illustrated,  under 
the  direction  of  Sir  Frederick  Madden.  It  is  one  proof,  amongst  many,  of  the  zeal 
and  efficiency  with  which  that  gentleman  executes  his  office  at  the  Museum. 
CAM.  SOC.  7-  C 


10  ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.     ceits,  which,  like  painted  glasse,  doth  colour  all  things  which  are 
58'      scene  through  it.     Lastly,  that  they  would  not  too  rashly  judge  of 
her  actions,  as  being  privie  neither  to  the  occasiones  of  them,  nor 
to  their  endes. 

Removes  So,  after  shee  had  passed  the  offices  of  court  done  to  her  by 
to  the  the  Nobility  and  others,  the  day  following,*  in  the  afternoone, 
shee  rode  from  thence  to  the  Tower.  At  the  Charter-howse  gate 
the  Mayor  of  the  city  met  her,  and  the  Recorder  with  a  short 
speech  saluted  her  in  the  name  of  the  whole  city.  Shee  rode  in 
great  state  through  Barbican,  the  Mayor  riding  with  Garter 
King  at  Armes,  and  carrying  a  Scepter  before  her :  shee  entered  f 
at  Cripplegate,  and  so  passed  by  the  Wall  to  Bishoppes-gate.  This 
gate  was  richly  hanged,  and  thereuppon  the  Wayts  of  the  City 
sounded  loud  Musicke.  At  the  head  of  the  streete  a  scholler  of 
Paul's  Schoole  made  to  her  a  short  speach  in  Latine  Verses ; 
next  unto  him  stood  the  Company  of  Mercers  within  their  rayles, 
and  after  them  all  the  other  Companyes,  extending  to  the  fur- 
thest end  of  Mart  lane.  When  she  entred  Mart  lane  a  peale 
of  ordnance  began  at  the  Tower,  which  continued  halfe  an 
hour  or  thereabouts.  The  presence  of  the  Queene  gave  perfec- 
tione  and  life  to  all  thes  solemnityes.  Shee  answeared  such 
speaches  as  wer  made  unto  her ;  shee  graced  every  persone  eyther 
of  dignity  or  employment ;  shee  soe  cheerfully  both  observed  and 
accepted  every  thing,  that  in  the  judgement  of  all  men,  all  these 
honours  were  esteemed  too  meane  for  her  worth.  When  shee  was 
entred  into  the  Tower,  shee  thus  spake  to  those  about  her: 
"  Some  have  fallen  from  being  Princes  of  this  land,  to  be  pri- 
soners in  this  place;  I  am  raysed  from  beeing  prisoner  in  this 

*  Here  again  there  is  great  discrepancy  amongst  the  authorities  as  to  the  date  of  this 
removal.  Hay  ward's  date  is  the  19th  November ;  Holinshed's  the  28th  ;  Stowe  does  not 
give  any  date,  but  says  that  she  stayed  "  many  dayes"  at  the  Charter  House  (p.  G35). 

f  Holinshed  says  that,  "  taking  her  chariot,"  her  grace  "removed  from  my  Lord 
North's  House  aloagst  Barbican,  and  entring  by  Cripplegate  into  the  citie,  kept  along 
the  wall  to  Bishopsgate,  and  so  by  Blanch  Chapelton  unto  Mark  Lane."  (iv.  156.) 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  11 

place,  to  bee  Prince  of  this  land.     That  dejectione  was  a  worke  of     A.  D. 
God's  justice;    this  advancement  is  a  worke  of  his  mercy;   as 
they  were  to  yeeld  patience  for  the  one,  so  I  must  beare  my  selfe 
towards  God  thankfull,  and  to  men  mercifull  and  beneficiall  for  the 


This  place  was  prepared  for  her  aboade,  both  with  furniture  and 
officers  of  assurance  and  credite  ;  with  the  Lievetenaunt  of  the 
Tower  two  of  trust  were  joyned  in  Commission,  one  skilfull  to  put 
the  house  in  order,  the  other  to  make  provision  of  diett.  Soe 
shee  remained  here  untill  the  fift  day  of  December,  and  then  re-  And  thence 
mooved,  by  barge,  to  Somerset-howse,  in  the  Strand.  set  House, 

In  the  meane  tyme  certaine  Commissioners  were  appoynted  for  December 
the  Funerall  of  the  deceased  Queene,  others  for  the  Coronatione 
that  was  to  ensue.  New  Commissiones  were  sent  into  Walles,  and 
the  Marches  of  the  North.  Thomas  Earle  of  Sussex*  [was  ap- 
pointed for  Ireland,  who]  with  a  garrison  of  three  hundred  twenty 
horse,  and  eight  hundred  sixty  foote,  kept  that  country  eyther  in 
obedience,  or  awe.  New  Commissions  were  made  to  the  Judges 
of  the  Law,  to  continue  only  untill  the  end  of  that  Terme; 
but  with  exceptione,  that  they  should  not  in  the  meane  time 
bestow  any  offices.  All  the  Coun  sellers  in  the  State  who  had  The 
served  Queene  Mary,  and  favoured  the  Religeone  then  establish- 
ed,f  were  againe  admitted  to  their  proper  places.  To  these  were 
adjoyned  William  Parre,  Marquesse  of  Northampton,  Francis 

*  "Essex,"  in  MS.  fol.  114. 

f  These  councillors  were  Nicholas  Heath,  Archbishop  of  York  and  Lord  Chancel- 
lor,  William  Paulet,  Marquis  of  Winchester  and  Lord  Treasurer,  Henry  Fitz  Alan, 
Earl  of  Arundel,  Francis  Talbot,  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  Edward  Stanley,  Earl  of  Derby, 
William  Herbert,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  Edward  Lord  Clinton,  Lord  High  Admiral, 
William  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord  Chamberlain,  Sir  Thomas  Cheyney,  Sir 
William  Petre,  Sir  John  Mason,  Sir  Richard  Sackville,  and  Dr.  Nicholas  Wotton. 
(Caraden.  .Afimal.  p.  18,  Edit.  1615).  Sir  Thomas  Cheyney,  one  of  the  number,  and 
Treasurer  of  the  Household,  survived  his  late  mistress  only  until  the  8th  December  : 
his  liberality  and  many  other  excellent  qualities  are  recorded  in  Holinshed,  iv.  157. 


12 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH 


A.D. 

155B. 


Ambassa- 
dors ap- 
pointed to 
the  Pope 
and  other 
foreign 
States. 


Corpse  of 
Queen 
Mary  re- 
moved to 
Westmin- 
ster, Dec. 
18th. 
Interred 
Dec.  14th, 


Russell,  Earle  of  Bedford,  Thomas  Parre,  Edward  Rogeres,  Am- 
brose Cave,  Francis  Knolles,  and  William  Cecill,  and,  soon  after, 
Nicholas  Bacon,  men  of  assured  understanding  and  truth,  and 
well  affected  to  the  Protestant  Relligeon.  All  these  the  Queene 
ruled  with  such  moderation,  as  shee  was  never  obnoxious  to  any 
of  them,  and  all  devoted  and  addicted  to  her. 

New  Justices  and  SherifFes  were  appoynted  in  every  shire, 
and  Writs  went  foorth  to  summon  a  Parliament,  agaynst  the 
time  of  Coronation.  Ambassadours  were  appoynted  to  the  Pope, 
to  the  Emperour,  and  other  Princes  of  Germany,  to  the  French 
King,  to  the  King  of  Spaine,  to  the  King  of  Denmarke,  and  to 
the  State  of  Venice,  to  renue  leagues,  to  remove  all  prejudice  that 
might  be  conceived,  to  performe  unto  them  openly  all  ceremonyes 
of  State,  and  secretly  to  search  into  their  inclinationes.  The  Am- 
bassadour  into  Spain  had  further  in  charge,  to  make  a  thankfull 
acknowledgement  in  the  name  of  the  Queene,  of  all  the  honourable 
offices  which  the  King  did  unto  her  whilest  hee  was  married  to 
Queene  Mary  her  sister.  The  Ambassadour  into  Rome  interteyned 
many  treaties  with  the  Pope.  The  Pope  desired  above  all  things, 
that  Relligeon  should  not  be  changed  in  England.  This  did  not 
the  Ambassadour  eyther  obstinately  deny,  or  any  wayes  grant ; 
but  it  could  not  bee  assured  he  said,  unlesse  the  Pope  would  first 
declare  to  his  Catholickes,  that  the  marriage  of  the  Queene's  mother 
with  King  Henry  was  lawfull.  This  crosse  request  so  stumbled 
the  Conclave,  that  they  made  choyse  rather  to  doe  nothing,  than 
to  doe  that  which  they  were  not  assured  they  should  not  repent. 

Uppon  the  thirteenth  of  December  the  body  of  Queene  Mary 
was  honourably  conveyed  from  Saint  Jeames,  where  she  died,  to 
the  Abbey  of  Westminster,  and  there  placed  under  a  rich  Herse, 
where  it  remayned  that  night.  The  next  daye,  after  a  Masse  of 
Requiem,  and  a  Sermon,  preached  by  Doctor  White,  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  shee  was  buried  on  the  North  side  of  the  Chappell, 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  13 

built  by  King  Henry  the  Seventh.     Upon  the  foure  and  twentieth      A.D. 
of  December  a  solemne  obsequie  was  kept  in  the  same  Abbey,      1 
Queene  Maryes  Herse  yet  standing  covered  with  a  rich  pall-cloth  obsequyfor 
of  gold,  for  Charles  the  fift,  Emperour,  who  dyed  in  September 
next  before  ;  in  which  solemnity  the  Emperors  Ambassadour  was 
cheife  mourner. 

All  this  tyme  no  change  was  made,  none  attempted,  in  matters 
of  Relligeone,  only  a  preparatione  thereto  was  made,  by  changing 
some  officers  both  in  Houshold  and  in  State.       Among   thes, 
Doctor  Heath,  Archbishopp  of  Yorke,  was  removed  from  being 
Lord  Chancelour  of  England,  a  man  of  most  eminent  and  gene- 
rous simplicity,  who  esteemed  any  thing  privately  unlawfull,  which 
was  not  publicklye  beneficiall  and  good.   But  as  it  is  noe  new  thing 
for  merchants  to  breake,  for  saylers  to  be  drowned,  for  soldiers 
to  be  slayn ;  so  is  it  not  for  men  in  authority  to  fall.     Hee  was  the 
last  cleargie  man,  who  during  the  Queenes  life  did  beare  the  honour 
of  that  place.     In  his  steade  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  Knight,  was  made  Sir  Nic. 
Lord  Keepour  of  the  great  scale  of  England,*  a  man  of  greate  dili- 
gence  and  ability  in  his  place,  whose  goodnesse  preserved  his 
greatnesse  from  suspicion,  envye  and  hate.     But,  upon  the  last  of 
December,  Proclamatione  was  published,  that  in  all  Churches  the  Proclama- 
Letany,  the  Epistle  and  the  Gospell,  should  be  reade  in  the  English  reading  the 
tongue,  according  as  it  was  used  in  the  Queenes  Chappell;  which,  E^iish111 
the  daye  following,  being  Sundaye,  was  done  in  all  the  Churches  Dec.sigt. 
within  London,  and  neere  unto  it.     And,  as  this  was  the  first  act 
of  the  alteratione  which  ensued,  soe  was  it  most  plausible  to  the 
people. 

The  common  people  at  that  time  conceived  a  hard  opinione  Unpopuia- 
against  the  Clergy  (howsoever,  blinded  with  selfe-love,  they  per-  ™fy  of  tne 
swaded  themselves  that  they  wer  loved)  and  charged  them  with 

•  The  Seal  was  committed  to  Sir  Nicholas,  or  rather  to  Nicholas  Bacon,  for  he  was 
not  knighted  until  afterwards,  on  the  23rd  December,  1558. 


14  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      many  imputationes,  mens  tongues  being  alwayes  prone  to  taunt 
their  superiores ;  and  the  worst  speaking  worst,  hoping  to  shadow 
themselves  under  the  blemishes  of  their  betters.     Some  charged 
them  with  cruelty,  in  persecuting  more  to  death  for  the  cause  of 
Relligeone,  in  five  yeares  during  Queene  Maryes  reigne,  then  had 
bene  executed  in  thirty-seven  yeares  under  King  Henry  the  eight. 
Some  taxed  them  with  covetousnesse,  some  with  pride;  vices 
happily  observed  in  some,  and  maliciously  extended  to  all.     But 
all  men  were  heard  to  murmurre  and  complayne,  that  not  onely  the 
Scriptures,  but  the  publick  prayeres  were  concealed  from  their  un- 
derstanding, as  if  thereby  they  were  excluded  (almost)  from  the 
condition  of  beeing  Christianes,  in  that  they  wer  not  permitted  to 
heare  God  by  the  one,  nor  to  speake  to  him  by  the  other.     And, 
as  in  other  countryes  thes  had  bene  the  principall  pretenses  of  de- 
fection from  the  Church  of  Rome,  soe  here  this  first  morsell  of 
Prayer  and  Scripture  in  the  English  toungue  was  not  only  most 
sweetly  swallowed  by  the  common  people,  but  also  served  for  a 
preparatione  to  the  further  change  which  afterwardes  ensued. 
A-D.          Upon  the  twelfth  of  January  the  Queene  removed  by  water  from 
The  Queen  Westminster  to  the  Tower,  attended  with  the  Mayor,  Aldermen, 
removes      and  other  Cytizens  in  their  Barges,  adorned  with  Scutchions,  and 
minster  to"  Banners  of  their  Mysteryes,  and  sounding  lowd  musick  all  the 
Jan  Ti°2thr'  wa^'     ^ee  Passed  under  the  Bridge  about  one  of  the  clocke  in 
1559.      '  the  afternoone,  and  landed  upon  the  privy  stayres  at  the  Tower, 
from  whence  the  Mayor  and  his  Company  returned  to  the  Three 
Creation     Craynes  in  the  Vine-tree.*     The  day  following,  Sir  William  Parre, 
h.   Knight,  was  created  Marquesse  of  Northampton/!*  Edward  Sey- 

*  "The  Three  Cranes  in  the  Vintry"  was  the  name  of  a  wharf  set  apart  for  the 
landing  of  wines,  the  cranes  being  the  machines  used  for  that  purpose.  Vide  Pennant's 
London,  p.  466,  edit.  1813. 

f  Vide  the  patent  for  his  creation,  Foedera,  xv.  496.  This  nobleman,  the  brother 
of  Queen  Catharine  Parr,  was  created  Baron  Parr  of  Kendal,  and,  afterwards,  Earl  of 
Essex,  by  Henry  VIII.  and  in  the  1st  of  Edward  VI.  was  advanced  to  the  title  of  Mar- 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  15 

mor  was  made  Viscount  Beauchampe,  and  Earle  of  Hartford,*      A.D. 
Lord  Thomas  Howard  was  made  Viscount  of  Bindon,f  Sir  Oliver        59* 
Siiint  John,  Knight,  Lord  Saint  John  of  Bletso,J  Sir  Henry  Carew, 
Knight,  Lord  Carew  of  Hunsden.§     Assuredly,  as  this  Queene 
was  not  prodigall  in  any  thing,  soe  was  shee  most  sparing  in  dis- 
tributione   of  honor,   whereby  shee  advanced  it  to  a  very  high 
valuatione  with  all  men. 

Upon  the  fourteenth  day  of  January,  in  the  afternoon,  shee  The  Queen 
passed  from  the  Tower  through  the  City  of  London  to  West-  %£%££? 
minster,  most  royally  furnished,  both  for  her  persone  and  for  her  to  West  - 
trayne,  knowing  right  well  that  in  pompous  ceremonies  a  secret  of  prepara- 


government  doth  much  consist,  for  that  the  people  are  naturally 
both  taken  and  held  with  exteriour  shewes.     The  Nobility  and  tion,  Jan. 
Gentlemen  wer  very  many,  and  noe  lesse  honourably  furnished.  14th* 
The  rich  attire,  the  ornaments,  the  beauty  of  Ladyes,  did  add  par- 
ticular graces  to  the  solemnity,  and  held  the  eyes  and  hearts  of 
men  dazeled  betweene  contentment  and  admiratione.     When  shee 

quis  of  Northampton.  He  forfeited  his  honours  in  the  1st  of  Mary  in  consequence  of 
his  adherence  to  Lady  Jane  Grey,  and  was  sentenced  to  death,  but  pardoned.  The 
present  creation  restored  him  to  the  rank  he  held  at  the  death  of  Edward  VI. 

*  This  was  the  eldest  son  of  the  Protector  Somerset,  and  the  same  nobleman  who 
afterwards  married  Lady  Catharine  Grey.  The  present  creation  was,  like  the  former, 
a  restoration,  although,  unlike  that,  it  was  only  an  incomplete  one. 

f  Lord  Thomas  Howard  was  second  son  of  Thomas  Duke  of  Norfolk,  who  died  in 
1554,  and  younger  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Surrey.  His  patent  of  creation  is  in  the 
Foedera,  xv.  495. 

J  The  reason  for  the  grant  of  the  peerage  to  this  gentleman  does  not  appear.  He 
was  a  lawyer,  and  probably  a  zealous  Protestant. 

§  Henry  Carey,  not  Carew,  Lord  Hunsdon,  was  the  Queen's  peer  upon  this  creation. 
He  was  her  cousin,  being  the  only  son  of  Mary  Boleyn,  her  mother's  sister.  Catha- 
rine, his  sister,  the  only  other  issue  of  Mary  Boleyn  married  Sir  Francis  Knolles,  a 
sincere  Protestant,  who  was  much  trusted  by  Elizabeth,  but  never  ennobled,  although 
he  received  the  order  of  the  Garter.  Some  judicious  observations  upon  the  sparing  way 
in  which  Elizabeth  granted  the  honours  of  the  state  to  her  maternal  relations  will  be 
found  in  the  volume  of  Anecdotes  and  Traditions  recently  published  by  the  Camdea 
Society,  p.  16. 


»  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.  tooke  her  coach  within  the  Tower,  she  made  a  solemne  thanks- 
giving to  God,  that  he  had  delivered  her  noe  lesse  mercifully,  noe 
lesse  mightily  from  her  imprisonment  in  that  place,  then  he  had 
delivered  Daniell  from  the  lyones  denne  :  that  hee  had  preserved 
her  from  those  dangers  wherwith  shee  was  both  invironed  and  over- 
whelmed, to  bring  her  to  the  joye  and  honour  of  that  daye.  As  shee 
passed  through  the  City,  nothing  was  omitted  to  doe  her  the 
highest  honours,  which  the  Citizens  (whoe  could  procure  good  use 
both  of  purses  and  inventiones)  were  able  to  perfourme.  It  were 
the  part  of  an  idle  orator,  to  describe  the  Pageants,  the  Arkes,* 
and  other  well  devised  honoures  done  unto  her ;  the  order,  the 
beauty,  the  majestic  of  this  actione,  the  high  joye  of  some,  the 
silence  and  reverence  of  other,  the  constant  contentment  of  all ; 
their  un tired  patience  never  spent,  eyther  with  long  expecting 
(some  of  them  from  a  good  part  of  the  night  before)  or  with  un- 
satiable  beholding  the  Ceremonies  of  that  day. 
Her  pleas-  The  Queene  was  not  negligent  on  her  part  to  descend  to  all 
P^easmS  behavior,  which  seemed  to  proceede  from  a  natural  1  gentle- 
nesse  of  dispositione,  and  not  from  any  strayned  desire  of  popula- 
rity or  insinuatione.  Shee  gave  due  respect  to  all  sorts  of  persones, 
wherein  the  quicknesse  of  her  spirit  did  worke  more  actively  than 
did  her  eyes.  When  the  people  made  the  ayre  ring  with  praying 
to  God  for  her  prosperity,  shee  thanked  them  with  exceeding  live- 
linesse  both  of  countenance  and  voyce,  and  wished  neither  prospe- 
rity nor  safety  to  her  selfe,  which  might  not  bee  for  their  common 
good.  As  she  passed  by  the  Companyes  of  the  City,  standing  in 
their  liveryes,  shee  tooke  particular  knowledge  of  them,  and 
graced  them  with  many  witty  formalityes  of  speech.  Shee  dili- 
gently both  observed  and  commended  such  devises  as  were  pre- 
sented unto  her,  and  to  that  end  sometimes  caused  her  coach  to 

*  i.  t.  the  arches.     A  very  full  account  of  the  whole  of  this  interesting  progress  may 
be  found  in  Holinshed,  iv.  158-175,  and  another  in  Nichols's  Progresses,  vol.  i. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  \J 

stand  still,  sometimes  to  be  removed  to  places  of  best  advantage      A.D. 
for  hearing  and  for  sight ;  and  in  the  mean  time  fairely  intreated 
the  people  to  be  silent.     And  when  shee  understoode  not  the 
meaning  of  any  representatione,  or  could  not  perfectly  heare  some 
speeches  that  wer  made,  shee  caused  the  same  to  be  declared 
unto  her.     When  the  Recorder  of  the  City*  presented  to  her  a 
purse  of  crimson  sattin,  very  richly  and  curiously  wrought,  and  Receives  a 
therein  a  thousand  markes  in  gold,  with  request  that  shee  would  foocT  ° 
continue  a  gracious  Mistris  to  the  City;  Shee  answered,  That  marks- 
shee  was  bound  in  a  naturall  obligatione  so  to  doe,  not  soe  much 
for  ther  gold,  as  for  ther  good  wills :  that  as  they  had  beene  at 
great  expence  of  treasure  that  daye,  to  honour  her  passage,  so  all 
the  dayes  of  her  life  shee  would  be  ready  to  expend  not  only  her 
treasure,  but  the  dearest  dropps  of  her  bloode,  to  maintayne  and  in- 
crease ther  flourishing  estate.     When  shee  espyed  a  Pageant  at 
the  Little  Conduite  in  Cheape,  shee  demanded  (as  it  was  her  cus- 
tome  in  the  rest)  what  should  be  represented  therein  :  Answeare 
was  made,  that  Time  did  there  attend  for  her  :  "  Time  ?  (sayd  she) 
How  is  that  possible,  seeing  it  is  tyme  that  hath  brought  mee 
hither  ?"     Here  a  Bible  in  English  richly  covered  was  let  downe  A?d  a 
unto  her  by  a  silk  lace  from  a  child  that  represented  Truth.     Shee 
kissed  both  her  hands,  with  both  her  hands  shee  received  it,  then 
shee  kissed  it ;  afterwardes  applyed  it  to  her  brest :  and  lastly  held 
it  up,  thanking  the  City  especially  for  that  gift,  and  promising  to 
be  a  diligent  reader  thereof.     WThen  any  good  wishes  were  cast 
forth  for  her  vertuous  and  religious  government,  shee  would  lift 
up  her  hands  towards  Heaven,  and  desire  the  people  to  answer, 
Amen.    When  it  was  told  her  that  an  auncient  Citizen  turned  his 
heade  backe  and  wept :  "  I  warrant  you"  (said  shee)  "  it  is  for 
joy ;"  and  so  in  very  deede  it  was.     Shee  cheerfully  received  not 

*  "  The  ryght  worshippfull  Master  Ranulph  Cholmelie."    Holinshed,  iv.  167.     He 
died  April  25th,  1563.     Vide  Collectanea  Topog.  et  Geneal.  iv.  102,  112. 
CAM.  SOC.  7-  D 


18  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A'P-  only  rich  giftes  from  persons  of  worth,  but  Nosegayes,  Floweres^ 
Rose-marie  branches,  and  such  like  presents,  offered  unto  her  from 
very  meane  persones,  insomuch  as  it  may  truly  be  saide,  that  there 
was  neyther  courtesy  nor  cost  cast  away  that  daye  uppon  her.  It  is 
incredible  how  often  shee  caused  her  coach  to  staye,  when  any 
made  offer  to  approach  unto  her,  whither  to  make  petitione,  or 
whither  to  manifest  their  loving  affectiones. 
Effectofher  Hereby  the  people,  to  whom  no  musicke  is  soe  sweete  as  the 

behaviour  J        .   r   _  .  .  . 

upon  the  affability  of  ther  Prince,  were  so  strongly  stirred  to  love  and  joye, 
people.  £naj.  a|j  men  contended  how  they  might  most  effectually  testify 
the  same;  some  with  plausible  acclamations,  some  with  sober 
prayers,  and  many  with  silent  and  true-hearted  teares,  which  were 
then  seen  to  melt  from  their  eyes.  And  afterwardes,  departing 
home,  they  so  stretched  every  thing  to  the  highest  streyne,  that 
they  inflamed  the  like  affectiones  in  otheres.  It  is  certaine,  that 
thes  high  humilities,  joyned  to  justice,  are  of  greater  power  to 
winne  the  hearts  of  people  than  any,  than  all  other  vertues  beside. 
All  other  vertues  are  expedient  for  a  Prince,  all  are  advised,  but 
thes  are  necessary,  thes  are  enjoyned;  without  many  other  a 
Prince  may  stand,  but  without  thes  upon  every  occasione  he  standes 
in  danger. 

Her  Coro-      The  day  following,  being  Sundaye,*  shee  was,  with  all  accus- 

Jan.  13th.  tomed  ccremonyes,  crowned  in  the  Abbey  Church  at  Westminster ; 

having  made  demonstration  of  soe  many  Princely  vertues  before, 

that  all  men  wer  of  opinione  that  one  crowne  was  not  sufficient 

to  adorne  them. 

The  Coronation  ended,  shee  passed  in  greate  state  to  Westmin- 
ster Hall,  and  ther  dined. 

*  Holinshed,  whose  Chronicle  is  about  this  period  generally  pretty  accurate  in  dates, 
mistakes  the  day  of  Elizabeth's  coronation.  He  makes  it  "  Sundaie  the  five  and 
twentith  of  Januarie,"  (iv.  17C)  instead  of  "  Sunday  the  fifteenth."  Fabyan  states  the 
day  correctly  (p.  722). 


ANNALS  OP  QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  l!> 

During  thes  tymes  a  Parliament  had  bene  summoned  to  begin      A.D. 
at   Westminster  upon   the   twenty-fifth   day   of  this   month   of 

*  *  Parliament 

January.  summoned. 

And  now  wer  certaine  Divines  returned  from  beyond  the  Seas,  Return  of 
who  in  the  tyme  of  Queene  Mary  forsooke  the  Realme  uppon  con- 


science  for  Relligione,  and  (with  no  lesse  magnanimity  despising  Divines 
honours,  then  others  did  affect  them,)  remained  voluntarie  exiles  vomi 


untill  the  tyme  of  her  death,  some  distressed  with  dangeres,  others 
assured  by  obscurity  and  contempt,  none  of  them  wanting  abund- 
ance of  want.  These  wer  exceedingly  both  favoured  and  followed 
by  the  common  people,  who,  having  litle  knowledge  to  judge  of 
knowledge,  did  out  of  affectione  immoderately  extoll  their  learning 
and  vertue,  supposing  that  for  the  one  they  could  not  err  them- 
selves, and  for  the  other  they  would  not  seduce  others.  Between 
thes  and  the  Prelates  of  the  Realme  a  publicke  conference  was  agreed  Conference 
to  be  held  concerning  poynts  of  controversie  in  Religione.  By  controverf- 
the  Prelates  nine  persones  were  appointed,  five  Bishopps  and  fowre  ?d  points 
Doctores,*  men  for  the  most  part  mellowed  in  contemplacione, 
a  glorious  title  to  shadow  sloath.  On  the  other  side  were  appointed, 
Doctor  Scory,  Doctor  Coxe,  Doctor  Sands,  Master  Whitehead, 
Master  Grindall,  Master  Home,  Master  Guest,  Master  Elmer, 
and  Master  Jewell,  men  esteemed  the  more  worthy  of  advancement, 
because  they  seemed  nothing  to  desire  it  ;  of  most  of  whom  some- 

*  Burnet  (Reform,  ii.  494,  edit.  1825)  says,  that  the  Bishops  of  Winchester,  Lich- 
field,  Chester,  Carlisle,  and  Lincoln,  and  Doctors  Cole,  Harpsfield,  Langdale,  anil 
Chedsey  were  the  disputants  on  the  side  of  the  Roman  Catholics  ;'  hut  it  appears  from 
the  authorised  account  of  the  conference  printed  hy  the  Queen's  printer,  and  which  is 
introduced  into  Stowe,  p.  G37,  and  is  also  printed  in  Burnet's  Appendix,  vol.  ii.  part  ii. 
p.  411,  that  there  were  but  eight  divines  on  each  side.  The  Bishop  of  Carlisle,  on  the 
side  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  and  Doctor  Sands,  on  that  of  the  Reformers,  were  pre- 
sent, but  were  not  appointed  to  take  part  in  the  conference  ;  nor  was  the  celebrated 
John  Feckenham,  at  that  time  Abbot  of  Westminster,  who  was  also  present,  and  is 
stated  in  the  report  to  have  conducted  himself  with  a  very  praiseworthy  moderation. 


20  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.  what  shall  be  said  in  particular  hereafter.  The  place  was  pre- 
1559'  pared  in  Westminster  Church,  where  a  table  was  sett  for  the 
Bishopps  and  ther  associates  uppon  one  side  of  the  Quire,  and  an- 
other table  for  the  opposites  on  the  other  side.  At  the  upper 
end  a  table  was  placed  whereat  the  Queenes  Councell  should  sit. 
The  residue  of  the  Nobility  and  others  of  the  Parliament  were  ap- 
poynted  to  bee  present,  for  satisfactione  of  their  consciences,  and 
for  directione  of  their  judgments  (as  it  was  sayde)  touching  such 
poyntes  of  Religeone  as  were  to  be  treated  and  concluded  in  the 

Articles       Parliament.     The  Articles  propounded  agaynst  the  Bishopps  and 

KUdi8-   ther  adherents  were  these  : 

cussion.  1.  That  it  is  against  the  word  of  God,  and  the  custome  of  the 
auncient  Church,  to  use  a  toungue  unknowen  to  the  people  in 
Common  Prayer,  and  in  the  administratione  of  the  Sacraments. 

2.  That  every  Church  hath  authority  to  appoynt,  take  awaye, 
and  change  Ceremonyes  and  Ecclesiasticall  Rites,  soe  the  same 
be  to  edificatione. 

3.  That  it  cannot  be  proved  by  the  Word  of  God,  that  ther 
is  in  the  Masse  offered  upp  a  Sacrifice  Propitiatory  for  the  living 
and  the  deade. 

Now  for  the  manner  of  this  conference,  the  Bishoppes  requested 
that  it  might  be  perfourmed  in  writing.  This  was  easily  yeelded 
unto,  for  that  in  disputatione  by  words,  besides  confusiones,  be- 
sides digressiones,  which  are  often  occasioned,  the  truth  many 
tymes,  eyther  by  boldnesse  of  spirit,  or  by  nimblenesse  of  wit,  or 
by  strength,  or  by  readinesse,  or  smoothnesse  of  speech,  or  else 
by  some  pleasing  gesture  and  behaviour,  is  eyther  altogether  over- 
borne or  much  obscured.  Hereupon  the  Apostle  sayth,  To  con- 
tend with  words  is  profitable  to  nothing  but  onely  to  the  subver- 
sione  of  the  hearers  Soe  it  was  ordered,  that  the  Bishopps,  because 
they  were  superioures  in  dignity,  should  first  declare  ther  opi- 
niones,  and  the  reasones  of  them  in  writing,  and  that  their  opposites 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN     ELIZABETH.  21 

the  same  daye  should  doe  the  like  :   That  eyther  party  should     A.  D. 
deliver  a  coppy  of  ther  writing  to  the  other  ;   That  yf  they  would      1559' 
make  any  answeare  thereto  agaynst  another  daye,  which  should  bee 
appoynted,  they  should  prepare  the  same  in  writing :  that  all  this 
should  be  perfourmed  in  the  English  toungue. 

Upon  the  first  day  of  ther  meeting,  which  was  Fridaye  the  last  First  Meet- 
of  March,  in  the  foorenoone,  both  parties  appeared  and  tooke  their  confer^* 
place ;   but  the  Bishopps  brought  nothing  in  writing.     This  did  ence. 
greatly  displease  the  heareres,  and  mooved  many  to  breake  forth  31g™ 
into  open  shew  of  discontentment.     The  Bishopps  excused  them- 
selves that  they  had  mistaken  the  order,  but  they  wer  ready  to  dis- 
pute (they  sayde)  and,  for  that  time,  came  to  declare  their  myndes 
by   speech.     The   Lords   of  the   Councell  wer   much   vexed   at 
this   variatione ;    yet  their  wisdome  held  their  thoughts   so  well 
repressed,  that  the  Bishopps  might  rather  suspect  than  discerne 
that  they  were  offended.     At  the  last,  they  wer  permitted,  with- 
out any  greate  reproofe,  to  declare  by  speach  what  they  had  to  say 
touching  the  first  Article,  under  promise  that  they  should  reduce 
their  speech  into  writing,  and,  according  to  the  first  order,  deliver 
the  same  to  the  other  party. 

Then  Doctor  Cole,  Deane  of  Paules,  made  a  large  declaratione 
concerning  the  first  poynt ;  partly  by  speech  onely,  and  partly  by 
reading  authorities,  which  he  had  written.  He  spent  so  much 
speech  in  commending  divers  persones,  in  insisting  upon  former 
generall  determinationes  of  the  same  doubts,  and  uppon  other  cir- 
cumstances of  winning  favour,  and  so  sleightly  slipped  over  the 
substance  of  the  cause,  that  many  compared  him  to  men  un- 
wisely liberall,  more  forward  to  give  presents  then  to  pay  debts. 

When  he  had  ended,  the  Lords  of  the  Councell  demanded  if 
any  of  them  had  more  to  saye  :  whereto  answeare  was  returned, 
"  Noe."  Then  the  other  party,  after  a  short  prayer,  with  a  pro- 
testation to  stand  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Catholique  Church, 


22  ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH, 

A.  D.     grounded  uppon  the  Scriptures,,  exhibited  a  written  booke  which 
59*      was  distinctly  read  by  Master  Home,  sometyme  Deane  of  Duresme. 
This  done,  some  of  the  Bishoppes  began  to  affirme,  that  they  had 
much  more  to  saye  to  the  first  Article. 

Hereuppon  it  was  ordered,  that  uppon  Mundaye  then  next  en- 
suing both  parties  should  bring  in  writing  what  they  thought  fitt 
touching  the  second  Article,  and  the  third,  if  they  could,  which, 
being  openly  reade,  either  party  should  deliver  the  same  writings 
to  the  other :  That  in  the  meane  time  they  should  put  that  into 
writing  which  Doctor  Cole  had  spoken  that  day  [and  whatsoever 
they  thought  fit  to  adde  thereto]  :  that  they  should  send  the  same 
forthwith  to  the  other  partie,  and  should  againe  receive  of  them 
that  which  Master  Home  had  read :  that  at  the  next  meeting  a 
daye  should  bee  appoynted  to  exhibite  answeares  touching  the  first 
Article.  To  thes  orderes  both  sides  agreed,  and  soe  the  assembly 
dissolved  for  that  tyme. 

Second  Mundaye  being  come,   and  the   place  of  assembly  both  with 

Mating  of  Actors  and  Auditores  fully  furnished,  the  Bishopps  (for  what  cause 
ference.  they  would  not  discover,  and  therefore  was  it  conjectured  at  the 
April  3rd.  wors^j  refused  eyther  to  reade,  or  exhibit,  any  thing  in  writing 
touching  the  second  Article,  as  it  had  beene  appoynted  :  but  sayd, 
that  they  would  reade  onely  to  the  first,  pretending,  that  albeit 
they  had  spoken  to  that  question  the  daye  before,  yet  they  should 
bee  disadvantaged  if  they  should  not  reade  also  that  which  they 
had  conceived  in  writing.  This  was  granted,  upon  conditione,  that 
when  they  had  done,  they  should  also  proceede  to  the  second 
question  :  but  then  they  refused  to  begin  to  any  Article,  pretend- 
ing that  their  adversaries  maintained  the  affirmative,  and  that  it 
was  contrary  to  the  order  of  schooles,  that  they  who  maintayned 
the  negative  should  beginne. 

The  Lord  Keeper  did,  first  with  wordes  of  amity  and  office, 
fayrely  intreate,  then  earnestly,  and,  at  the  last,  sharpely  require 


ANNALS    OP    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  2.5 

them,  not  to  stand  upon  the  order  of  Schooles,  but  to  performe  A.  D. 
that  order  whereunto  both  they  had  consented,  and  were  injoyned. 
This  they  absolutely  refused,  with  such  high  behavior,  such 
vayne  surmises  and  evasiones,  as  they  seemed  litle  to  regard  eyther 
the  honourable  presence,  or  their  owne  reputatione,  or  the  creditt 
of  the  cause.  The  Lords  pressed  them  to  declare  the  reasones  of 
their  refusall,  least  happely  they  should  be  taken  to  be  worse 
then  they  wer.  The  Bishops  affirmed  that  they  did  it  for  many 
reasones  ;  but  not  expressing  any  one,  they  condemned  themselves 
by  their  owne  silence,  eyther  that  they  had  noe  reasones  at  all,  or 
that  they  feared  to  have  them  disclosed. 

Thus  the  assembly  was  dissolved,  the  expectatione  frustrated,  confe- 
the  purpose  disappointed.     The  Lord  Keeper  at  his  departure  rence  dig. 
said,  "  Seeing  you  are  not  willing  that  we  should  heare  you,  it  is 
likely  that  shortly  you  shall  heare  of  us." 

The  people  discoursed  diversly  hereof,  disagreeing  noe  lesse  in  Discourses 
fancy  than  in  face.     Some  disallowed  disputationes  in  this  cause, 
where  the  victory  is  carried  by  the  swaye  of  the  state ;  others  dis- 
liked the  manner  of  the  disputatione,  that  men  should  meete  toge- 
ther to  contend  by  writing.     But  most  of  all  condemned  the  Bish- 
opps,  who  first  desired,  then  approved,  and,  in  the  end,  resisted, 
this  manner  of  disputing.  And  the  more  obscure  the  causes  wer  the 
greater  did  they  seeme,  and  the  more  strange  constructiones  were 
made  of  them,  their  silence  being  imputed  by  most  men  rather  to 
pride  then  eyther  modesty  or  feare.     It  is  very  probable  that  the 
Bishopps  could  eyther  not  be  provided  in  soe  short  a  time,  their 
myndes   being   somewhat    clogged   with   former    pleasures    and 
present  cares ;  or  else,  that  they  discerned  such  an  inclinatione 
against  them  that   all  their  hopes   did    playnely  vanish.     And, 
beeing  men  noe  more  able  to  indure  adversity  then  they  had  been 
to  moderate   prosperity  (both  which   proceede  from  the   same 
strength  of  mynd ),  they  weakely  yielded,  and,  abandoning  both, 
their  creditt  and  cause,  gave  full  wave  to  their  owne  ruine. 


24  ANNALS    OP    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.         Afterwards  the  Bishoppes  of  Winchester  and  of  Lincolne,  who 
1  59'      behaved  themselves  (especially  Lincolne)  more  indiscreetly  than 
ingsagainst  otheres,  wer,  for  this  contempt,  committed  to  the  Tower.     All  the 
the  Clergy.  resjciuej  except  the  Abbot  of  Westminster  (who  was  more  respec- 
tive and  appliable  then  the  rest)   stoode  bound  to  make  their 
personall  appearance  before  the  Lords  of  the  Councell,  and  not  to 
depart  the  City  of  London  and  Westminster  untill  farther  order 
should  be  taken  with  them.*     Many  of  the  common  sorte  wer 
well  pleased  with  this  disgrace,  not  soe  much  for  any  particular 
grievaunces,  not  soe  much  for  the  publicke  cause  of  difference  in 
relligeone,  as  out  of  a  weakenesse  and  hastenesse  of  mynd,  which 
joyeth  to  see  any  hard  happ  happen  to  them  whoe  are  extreme 
happy. 

After  this  the  parliament  proceeded,  the  patience  of  the  mul- 
titude beeing  wearyed,  and  almost  spent,  with  the  expectatione  of 
some  change.     And  now  the  Catholicke  party  was  much  weak- 
ened, partly  by  the  restraint  of  some  Bishopps,  mentioned  before, 
and  by  the  death  of  other,  which  was  a  mayne  mayme  to  that  side, 
Suspension  and,  partly,  by  suspending  of  certayne  greate  officeres  from  the 
officers  and  executionc  of  their   places,  for  qualificatione  whereof  a  procla- 
prociama-    matione  was  published  that  ther  was  no   meaning  to  displace 
specting      them,  but  onely  to  examine  ther  abuses,  whereof  some  should  be 
the  same.    jujge(j  m  fae  parliament,  other  reserved  to  inferiour  courtes,  and 
some  very  like  to  be  pardoned.    But  on  the  Protestants5  party  the 
assembly  was  made  strong,  as  well  by  the  electione  of  Knights  and 
Burgesses  as  by  creating  certayne  Barones  whose  devotione  was 
that  waye  setled. 

And  yet  there  wanted  neyther  will,  nor  industrious  indeavour, 
in  many,  to  reteyne  still  the  forme  of  religeone  which  in  Queene 

*  Ultimately  the  Bishop  of  Lichfield  was  fined  £338  6*.  8d. ;  the  Bishop  of  Car- 
lisle £250  ;  the  Bishop  of  Chester  200  marks  ;  Dr.  Cole  500  marks  ;  Dr.  Harpsfield 
£4O;  and  Dr.  Chedsey  40  marks.  Strype's  Annals,  i.  95,  edit.  1725. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  J ."> 

Maryes  tyme  had  beene  observed.     Among  others  Doctor  Story     A.  D. 

shewed  himselfe  soe  bould.  yea  rash,  yea  furious  and  madd,  that 

V          ,.      '  J  Conduct 

it  was  sufficient  to  have  discredited  a  good  cause ;  for,  beeing  of  Doctor 

charged  with  some  cruell  severity,  which  he  had  used  for  matters  S< 
of  religione,  he  denyed  it  not,  but  affirmed,  playnly,  that  he  had 
done  nothing  which  as  well  his  conscience  as  his  commissione 
did  not  both  warrant  and  discharge ;  that  he  was  noe  lesse 
ready  at  that  tyme  to  doe  the  like,  in  case  he  had  the  like  autho- 
rity ;  that  he  was  soe  farr  from  beeing  ashamed  for  any  thing  he 
had  done,  that  he  was  sorry  he  had  done  noe  more;  that  the 
fault  thereof  was  not  in  him  but  in  otheres,  whom  he  much 
blamed  for  the  same ;  that  they  laboured  onely  in  lopping  small 
twiggs,  but  his  advice  was,  to  strike  at  the  roote  ;  that  as  a  March 
sunne  is  of  sufficient  force  to  rayse  stormes,  but  altogether  unable 
to  dispell  them,  soe  theire  tepiditie  did  onely  serve  to  stirre 
uncivill  humores,  but  was  too  feeble  to  consume  them ;  that  he 
had  beene  at  the  burning  of  an  earewigg  at  Uxbridge  (for  soe  he 
tearmed  one  Denby  who  had  ther  suffered  death)  and  that  he 
threw  a  fagott  at  his  face,  as  he  was  singing  of  a  psalme,  and  sett 
a  bush  of  thornes  at  his  feete,  a  litle  to  pricke  him,  but  this  was 
nothing  avayleable  to  the  cause ;  that  his  advise  was  to  plucke 
at  men  of  higher  degree ;  that  this  had  beene  wisely  and  well 
done  indeede ;  this  might  have  kept  downe  the  contrary  factione ; 
this  might  have  secured  the  cause.  These  speaches  and  other 
of  the  same  temper  wer  by  some  adjudged  to  proceede  from 
zeale,  by  other  from  frenzy,  both  which  I  deeme  to  be  true,  fop 
zeale  without  discretione  is  nothing  else  but  a  degree  or  resem- 
blance of  frenzy. 

On  the  other  side  many  invectives  wer  made,  both  against  Complaints 
the  Clergy,  and  the  Councell  whoe  guided  aflfayres  in  the  time  of  J£ainst  the 
Queene  Mary,  and,  namely,  for  misapplying  and  diminishing  the  Council 
the  revenues  of  the  Crowne ;  for  continuall  exactiones  fruitlessly 

CAMD.  SOC.  7-  E 


26  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.     expended ;  for  dividing  among  themselves  the  possessiones  and 
59'      offices  of  the  Kingdome,  especially  during  the  sicknesse  of  Queene 
Mary  ;  for  seeking  the  destructione  of  Queene  Elizabeth,  at  leaste 
to  defeate  her  of   successione ;   for  bringing  the  Spaniard  into 
the  realme,  whereby  rebelliones  wer  occasioned,  to  the  overthrow 
of  many  men  both  of  nobility  and  worth,  whereby  the  realme 
was  spoyled  of  many  sowles,  and  spent  much  upon  his  intertain- 
ment,  whereby  it  was  much  ingaged  in  his  warres,  spent  therein 
millions  of  treasure,  and  lost  Callice,  the  glory  of  England. 
Settlement      After  many  like  contentiones,  not  without  violence,  and  sharpe- 
ofCommon  nesse  °f  humor,  after  much  debatement  alsoe  among  the  Pro- 
Prayer,       testantes  themselves,  a  forme  of  publicke  prayers,  and  of  admi- 
nistratione  of  the  sacraments,  in  the  English  tongue,  was  agreed 
uppon,  and  authorized  to  be  used  in  churches,  not  much  varying 
from  that  which  had  been  used  in  the  tyme  of  King  Edward  the 
The  people  Sixt.     All  per  son  es  were  enjoyned  to  resort  unto  theire  parish 
togcTto       church   uppon    Sundayes   and  holy-dayes,  during  the  time  this 
Church.      common-prayer  should  be  used,  and   greate  penaltyes  injoyned 
for  such  as  should  eyther  deprave,  or  not  observe,  the  orderes 
prescribed  in  that  booke.*  Likewise  the  nominatione  of  Bishoppes, 
and  the  first  fruites  and  tenthes  of  Ecclesiasticall  livings,  wer 
agayne  restored  to  the  Crowne.f 

The  Queen      The    supreame    authoritie   over   Ecclesiasticall   persones    and 

be°Headof  affayres  within  the  realme,  which  Queene  Mary  had  resigned  to 

theChurch.  ^ne  pope,  was  agayne  annexed  to  the  Crowne ;  {  for  it  was  held 

to  derogate  from  sovereigne  Majestic,  to  infeeble  both  the  dignity 

and  authority  of  a  royall  state,  if  the  consciences  and  soules  of  a 

prince's   subjects  should  be  commanded   by   a   forreine   prince. 

Because,  by  commanding  their  consciences  and  soules,  he  might 

*  By  stat.  1  Eliz.  cap.  2.     Auth.  edition,  iv.  355. 

t  By  stat.  1  Eliz.  cap.  4,  and  cap.  19.     Auth.  edition,  iv.  359,  and  381. 

J  By  stat.  1  Eliz.  cap.  1.     Auth.  edition,  iv.  350. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  27 

easily  command  both  ther  bodyes  and  estates  to  what  endes  he     A.  D. 
pleased.    Hereuppon  the  Archbishop  of  York,  the  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don, and  diverse  otheres,  to  the   number  of  xiij    or   xiiij,  wer  preiate8 
shortly  after  called  before  the  Queenes  Councell,  and,  because 


they  refused  to  take  the  oath  which  was  established  for  acknow-  forPrefusing 


ledgment  of  this  supremacy  in  the  Queene,  they  wer  removed  from  *?  l^e  the 
ther  dignityes,  and  some  of  them  committed  to  prison.  And,  with  the  Supre- 
thes,  diverse  others  of  the  Clergy,  for  the  same  cause,  wer  deprived.  macy' 

And  soe,  in  place  of  Cardinall  Poole,  succeeded  Matthew 
Parker,  in  the  sea  of  Canterbury.*  In  place  of  Doctor  Heath 
succeeded  Doctor  Yonge,  in  the  sea  of  Yorke.  In  steade  of 
Bonner,  Edmund  Grindall  was  made  Bishopp  of  London:  for 
Hopton,  Thurleby,  Tunstall,  Pates,  Christopherson,  Peto,  Coates, 
Morgan,  Feasy,  White,  Oglethorpe,  Doctor  Parkhurst  was  placed 
in  Norwich,  Doctor  Coxe  in  Elie,  Jewell  in  Salisburie,  Doctor 
Pilkington  in  Duresme,  Sandes  in  Worcester,  Bentom  in  Co- 
ventrie  and  Lichfield,  David  in  Saint  Davies,  Ally  in  Excester, 
Home  in  Winchester,  Scory  in  Hereford,  Beast  in  Carlile, 
Bullingham  in  Lincolne,  Seamier  in  Peterborough,  Bartlet  in 
Bath,  Gest  in  Rochester,  and  other  dignityes  alsoe  by  otheres 
wer  supplied. 

*  All  the  Bishops  then  alive  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  supremacy,  except  only 
Kitchen,  Bishop  of  Llandaff  —  "  sedis  suae  calamitatem"  (Camden.  Annal.  p.  36). 
All  the  lists  of  the  deprived  Bishops  differ  ;  the  following,  I  believe,  to  be  a  correct 
one  :  —  Heath,  Archbishop  of  York  (Fred.  xv.  599)  ;  Bonner,  Bishop  of  London  (ibid. 
532)  ;  Thirleby,  of  Ely  (ibid.  537)  ;  Pates,  of  Worcester  (ibid.  549,  553)  ;  Watson, 
of  Lincoln  (ibid.  549)  ;  Goldwell,  of  St.  Asaph  (ibid.  551)  ;  White,  of  Winchester 
(ibid.  552)  ;  Bayne,  of  Lichfield  and  Coventry  (ibid.  555)  ;  Morgan,  of  St.  David's 
(ibid.  561)  ;  Bourne,  of  Bath  and  Wells  (ibid.)  ;  Oglethorpe,  of  Carlisle  (ibid.  577)  ; 
Turbevil,  of  Exeter  (ibid.  579)  ;  Tunstall,  of  Durham  (ibid.  60S)  ;  Poole,  of  Peter- 
borough (ibid.  606).  Although  I  refer  to  the  Foedera  in  proof  of  this  list,  the  docu- 
ments there  published  are  not  to  be  exclusively  relied  upon.  The  Bishoprick  of  Wor- 
cester, for  instance,  is  stated  to  be  vacant  by  deprivation,  as  was  the  fact,  at  p.  549,  by 
death  at  p.  559,  and  again  by  deprivation  at  p.  553  ;  and  Hereford  is  said,  at  p.  551,  to 
be  vacant  by  death,  and  at  p.  574  by  deprivation. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

.*. 

A.  D.          Further,  the  landes,  and  other  possessiones,  of  all  religious 

houses  which  had  bene  dissolved  under  the  reigne  of  King  Henry 

sionofreli- the  VIIIth.  and  of  Edward   the    Sixth,  were   confirmed  to  the 

Queene.     And  those  houses  which  had  beene  eyther  erected,  or 

uouses.  • 

else  restored,  and  repayred,  by  Queene  Mary;  as  the  Priory  of 
Saint  John  of  Jerusalem,  by  Smythfeild;  the  Nunnes  and  Bretheren 
of  Sion,  or  Sheene;  the  Blackfryers,  in  Smythfeild;  and  the 
Fryeres,  at  Greenwich  ;  wer  agayne  suppressed.*  In  stead  of  the 
Abbot  and  Monkes  at  Westminster  it  was  ordeyned  that  a  Deane, 
Prebendes,  and  Canonnes  should  ther  be  placed,  under  the  name 
of  the  Colledge  of  Westminster. 

Lastly,  certayne  articles  wer  published  towching  matteres  of 
religione,   and   Commissioneres    (for  whose   authority  a  speciall 
acte  was  madef)  to  visitt  every  diocesse  in  the  realme,  and  to 
Zeal  of  the  esta^^sn  religione  according  to  the  same  articles.     The  orderes 
people  in    which  the  Commissioneres  sett  wer  both  imbraced  and  executed 
st^ucdon  of  with  greate  fervency  of  the  common  people  ;  especially  in  beating 
images.       downe,  breakinge,  and  burning  images,  which  had  been  erected 
in  the   churches,  declaring  themselves   noe  lesse   disordered   in 
defacing  of  them  then  they  had  been  immoderate  and  excessive 
in  adoring  them  before;  yea,  in  many  places,  walls  wer  rased, 
windowes  wer  dashed  downe,  because  some  images  (little  regard- 
ing what)  were  paynted  on  them.     And  not  onely  images,  but 
rood-loftes,  relickes,  sepulchres,  bookes,  banneres,  coopes,  vest- 
ments,  altar-cloathes  wer,   in  diverse  places,  committed  to  the 
fire,  and  that  with  such  shouting,  and  applause  of  the  vulgar  sort, 
as  if  it  had  beene  the  sacking  of  some  hostile  city.     Soe  difficult 
it  is  when  men  runn  out  of  one  extreeme  not  to  runn  into  the 
other,  but  to  make  a  stable  staye  in  the  meane.    The  extreemes  in 
religion  are  superstitione  and  prophan  [iti]  e,  eyther  negligence,  or 

•  By  stat.  1  Eliz.  cap.  24.     Autli.  edition,  iv.  397. 
f  Stat.  1  Eliz.  cap.  l,sec   8.     Auth.  edition,  iv.  352. 


AXNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  29 

contempt :  betweene  which  extreames  it  is  extreamly  hard  to  hold     A.  D. 
the  meane.  }559- 

Not  many  dayes  after  this  fyring  of  images  and  church  orna-  Violent 
ments  in  London,  a  mightie  tempest  did  rise,  which  continued 
about  three  howres;  in  the  end  whereof  a  thunder  clapp  and 
flash  of  lightening  brake  foorth  more  feareful  then  any  that  wer 
before ;  and,  at  the  very  same  instant,  one  of  the  South  doors, 
and  alsoe  the  vestrie  doore,  of  Saint  Dionyse  Church,  in  Fan- 
church  Streete,  wer  beaten  thorough  and  brooken.  Likewise  the 
spire  of  Allhallow  church,  in  Breed  Streete,  being  then  of  stone, 
was  smitten  aboute  ten  foote  beneath  the  topp,  from  which  place 
a  stone  was  strucke  that  slew  a  dogg  and  overthrew  a  man  with 
whom  the  dogg  played.  The  accident  was  at  that  time  esteemed 
prodigious  by  some  whose  affections  rann  with  a  bias,  onely  be- 
cause it  ensued  soe  greate  actiones  of  change. 

Whilst  this   mutatione  was  in  working  the   Queene  was  not  The 
negligent  to  winne  the  love  of  London,  by  supporting  the  liberties 

r     i       rr  i       -n      f    i       ^  endeavours 

of  the  City ;  to  gayne  the  good  will  of  the  Countne,  by  erecting  after  popu- 
a  military  discipline  in  every  shire,  and  by  giving  pensiones  and  lanty* 
preferments  to  men  of  actione ;  which  wrought  exceeding  both 
contentement  and  assurance,  to  all  the  realme  ;  alsoe  to  hold  men 
of  worth  in  expectatione  and  hope,  by  taking  a  list  of  the  most 
worthy  men  in  every  kind,  with  such  alsoe  who  had  served  her 
father,  brother,  or  sister ;  whoe  were  fitted  eyther  with  advance- 
ment or  suites,  agreeable  both  to  their  quality  and  meritt ;  lastly, 
to  procure  favour  from  the  common  people,  by  relieving  them 
against  the  exactiones  of  inferior  officeres,  not  onely  by  setting 
downe   strict  orderes    against  their  abuses,  but  by  severe  exe- 
cutiones  of  them.     In  so  much  as,  by  speciall  appoyntement  from  Punish- 
herselfe,  a  purveiour  (which  sort  of  officers  since  the  destruction  ^udu°llnt 
of  wolves  have  been  reputed  the  most  noisome  and  vile  vermin  in  purveyor, 
the  realme,)  who  had  taken  smelts  for  her  provisione,  and  sold 
them  agayne  at  a  higher  price,  was  sett  three  dayes  upon  the 


30  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.  pillory  in  Cheapside,  a  bawdricke  *  of  smelts  about  his  necke, 
and  uppon  his  foorehead  a  paper  containing  an  inscriptione  of 
his  offence.  Upon  the  last  day  one  of  his  eares  should  have  beene 
slitt,  but,  by  intreaty  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  that  part  of  his  punish- 
ment was  exchanged  for  a  long  imprisonment. 

Modes  And,  because  money  is  the  very  spiritt  and  life  of  actiones, 

procure  °  whether  peaceable  or  of  armes,  as  without  which  neyther  witts  nor 
money.       swords  have  any  edge,  to  come  into  purse,  which  Queen  Mary  had 
left  quite  drained  and  exhaust,  many  unnecessary  officers  and  at- 
tendants wer  discharged;    enquirie  was  made  what  grants  had 
passed  from  Queen  Mary,  by  restitutione,  gift,  sale,  or  exchange, 
and  to  what  valew  they  did  extend ;  Commissioners  were  appoynt- 
ed  to  call  in  debts ;  to  take  upp  moneyes,  at  home  and  abroade ; 
to  make  sales  of  lands ;  to  ferme  out  the  customes  of  London,  and 
the  Cinque  Fortes,  for  a  yearely  rent,  and  to  take  money  before- 
hand; to  demand  of  the  Queenes  tenants  a  yeares  rent  before 
hand,  and  soe  of  all  the  Coppy-holderes  westward.     And,  the  bet- 
ter to  inable  men  to  contribute  towardes  the  necessary  charges  of 
state,  excesse  of  apparrell  in  all  degrees  was  much  restrained. 
The  Com-       And,  during  the  continuance  of  this  parliament,  the  Knightes 
™c°n  the6  l"  anc^  Burgesses  of  the  Lower  house  (doubtful  whither  of  themselves 
Queen  to    or  sett  unto  it  by  some  lofty  spiritt)  made  suite  to  the  Queene 
that  they  might  have  accesse  to  her  presence,  to  move  a  matter 
unto  her  which  they  esteemed  of  great  importance  for  the  general 

*  I  believe  the  bawdrick,  or  baldricV,  was  generally  passed  round  one  side  of  the 
neck,  and  under  the  opposite  arm  ;  but  there  is  an  instance  in  Fabyan  of  a  bawdrick 
worn  round  the  neck,  as  a  collar,  which  was  probably  the  cage  in  the  unsavoury 
example  in  the  text.  The  passage  in  Fabyan  stands  thus  —  "  Then  Kyng  Rycharde 
seyng  the  bounte  of  the  Frenshe  Kynge  gaue  to  hym  a  bawderyke,  or  coler  of  golde, 
sette  with  greate  dyamantys,  rubyes,  and  balessys,  beynge  valued  at  V.M.  marke,  the 
whiche  for  the  preciosyte  thereof,  that  it  was  of  such  an  excellency  and  fynesse  of 
stuffe,  the  Frenshe  Kyng  therefore  ware  it  about  his  necke,  as  often  as  the  Kynge  and 
he  mette  together."  P.  540,  edit  1811. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  31 

state  of  all  the  realme.  This  was  granted,  and  a  certayne  time  of  A.D. 
audience  appoynted ;  uppon  which  daye  she  came  foorth  into  the 
greate  gallery  at  White-Hall,  richly  furnished  in  attire,  and  honor- 
ably attended.  And,  when  she  was  placed  in  her  royall  seate,  the 
Commones  of  the  Parliament  wer  brought  before  her.  Here  the 
Speaker*  delivered  a  sett  oratione,  but  it  plainely  appeared  that 
her  eminent  excellencyes,  together  with  the  greatnesse  of  her 
state,  made  him  feare  the  unworthinesse  of  every  word  which  he 
was  about  to  present  to  her  eares.  The  summe  and  substance  of 
that  which  he  sayde  contayned  a  suite  that  she  would  be  pleased 
to  dispose  herselfe  to  marriage,  as  well  for  her  owne  comfort  and 
contentment,  as  for  assurance  to  the  realme  by  her  royall  issue : 
that,  if  successione  to  the  Crowne  wer  by  this  means  certaynely 
knowne,  not  onely  those  dangeres  should  be  prevented  which,  after 
her  death,  might  fall  uppon  the  state,  but  those  alsoe  which,  in 
the  meane  tyme,  did  threaten  herselfe :  and  that,  thereby,  as  well 
the  feares  of  her  faythfull  subjects  and  frendes,  as  the  ambitious 
hopes  of  her  enimyes,  should  cleane  be  cutt  offe. 

The  Queene,  after  a  sweete  graced  silence,  with  a  princely  Her  reply, 
countenaunce  and  voyce,  and  with  a  gesture  somewhat  quicke  but 
not  violent,  returned  answeare,  that  shee  gave  them  greate  thankes 
(as  shee  saw  greate  cause)  for  the  love  and  care  which  they  did 
expresse  as  well  towardes  her  persone  as  the  whole  state  of  the 
realme;  "and  first"  (sayd  shee)  "  for  the  manner  of  your  peti- 
tione,  I  like  it  well,  and  take  it  in  good  part,  because  it  is  simple, 
without  any  limitatione,  eyther  of  persone  or  place.  If  it  had 
beene  otherwise ;  if  you  had  taken  uppon  you  to  confine,  or 
rather  to  bind,  my  choyse  ;  to  draw  my  love  to  your  likeinge  ;  to 
frame  my  affectione  according  unto  your  fantasyes  ;  I  must  have 
disliked  it  very  much ;  for  as,  generally,  the  will  desireth  not  a 
larger  liberty  in  any  case  then  in  this,  soe  had  it  beene  a  greate 

*  Sir  Thomas  Gargrave.     (D'Ewes's  Journal,  p.  15.) 


32  ANNALS  OP  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      presumptione  for  you  to  direct,  to  limitt,  to  command  me  herein, 
to  whome  you  are  bound  in  duty  to  obey. 

"  Concerning  the  substance  of  your  suite,  since  my  yeeres  of 
understanding,  since  I  was  first  able  to  take  consideratione  of  my 
selfe,  I  have  hitherto  made  choyce  of  a  single  life,  which  hath  best, 
I  assure  you,  contented  mee,  and,  I  trust,  hath  beene  most  accept- 
able to  God ;  from  which,  if,  eyther  ambitione  of  high  estate, 
offered  unto  me  by  the  pleasure  and  appoyntment  of  my  prince, 
whereof  I  have  some  testimony  in  this  place  (as  you  our  Treasurer 
well  doe  know) ;  or,  if  avoyding  the  malice  of  my  enemyes,  or  the 
very  danger  of  death  itselfe,  whose  messenger,  or  rather  continuall 
watchman,  the  prince's  indignatione,  was  dayly  before  myne  eyes  ; 
if  any  of  these,  I  saye,  could  have  dissuaded  mee,  1  had  not  now 
remayned  as  I  doe.  But  soe  constant  have  I  always  continued  in 
this  determinatione — albeit  my  wordes  and  my  youthe  maye  hap- 
pily seeme  hardly  to  agree — that  it  is  most  trew  I  stand  now  free 
from  any  other  meaning.  Neverthelesse,  if  any  of  you  suspect 
that,  in  case  it  shall  please  God  hereafter  to  change  my  purpose, 
I  will  determine  something  to  the  prejudice  of  the  realme,  putt 
the  jealousy  out  of  your  heades,  for  I  assure  you — what  credit  my 
assurance  have  with  you  I  can  not  tell,  but  what  it  doth  determine 
to  have  the  sequell  shall  declare — I  will  never  conclude  any  thing 
in  that  matter  which  shall  be  hurtfull  to  the  realme,  for  the  pre- 
servatione  and  prosperity  whereof  as  a  loving  mother  I  will  never 
spare  to  spend  my  life.  And  uppon  whomsoever  my  choyse  shall 
fall  he  shall  be  as  careful  for  your  preservatione, — I  will  not  saye 
as  myselfe,  for  I  can  not  undertake  for  another  as  for  myselfe, 
—  but  my  will  and  best  indeavour  shall  not  fayle  that  he 
shalbe  as  carefull  for  you  as  myselfe.  And,  albeit  it  shall  please 
God  that  I  still  persevere  in  a  virgines  state,  yet  you  must  not 
feare  but  he  will  soe  worke,  both  in  my  hart  and  in  your  wis- 
domes,  that  provisione  shall  be  made,  in  convenient  tyme,  where- 
by the  realme  shall  not  remayne  destitute  of  an  heyre  who  maye 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

be  a  fitt  governour,  and,  peradventure,  more  beneficiall  then  such  A.D. 
offspring  as  I  should  bring  foorth,  for,  although  I  be  carefull  of 
your  well-doings,  and  ever  purpose  soe  to  be,  yet  may  my  issue 
degenerate,  and  grow  out  of  kind.  The  dangeres  which  you  feare 
are  neyther  soe  certayne,  nor  of  such  nature,  but  you  may  repose 
yourselves  upon  the  providence  of  God,  and  the  good  provisions 
of  the  state.  Witts  curious  in  casting  things  to  come  are  often 
hurtfull,  for  that  the  affayres  of  this  world  are  subject  to  soe  many 
accidents  that  seldom  doth  that  happen  which  the  wisedome  of 
men  doth  seeme  to  foresee.  As  for  mee,  it  shall  be  sufficient  that 
a  marble  stone  shall  declare  that  a  Queene,  having  lived  and 
reigned  soe  many  yeeres,  died  a  Virgine.  And  here  I  end,  and 
take  your  comeing  in  very  good  parte,  and  agayne  give  harty 
thankes  to  you  all ;  yet  more  for  your  zeale,  and  good  meaning, 
then  for  the  matter  of  your  suite." 

These  wer  her  wordes ;  there  wanteth  nothing  but  the  grace  Source  of 
wherewith  shee  delivered  them,  which  gave  such  life  to  that  which 
shee  spake  that  not  onely  satisfied,  but  almost  amazed,  those  that 
wer  present.  And,  having  once  wonne  opinione,  every  poynt  of 
her  behaviour  was  afterwards  observed,  extolled,  admired  as  ex- 
cellent. And  to  this  purpose  have  I  declared  this  passage  at  large, 
that,  thereby,  we  may  perceive  by  what  actions  and  abilityes  shee 
advanced  herselfe  to  the  highest  pitch  both  of  love  and  feare  with 
all  her  subjects,  the  true  temper  whereof  is  the  heart  of  honour. 

Now,  the  yeare  next  before,  the  French  King  and  the  King  of  War  be- 
Spayne,  with  two  mighty  armies,  affronted*  each  other  neere  to  ^^e  and 
the  river  of  Some,  eyther  of  them  beeing  obstinately  bent  to  drive  Spain, 
the  other  out  of  the  feild.     For  this  cause  they  intrenched  their 
armies  soe  neere  together,  that  it  was  thought  he  must  have  been 

*  This  instance  of  the  use  of  the  word  "  affront"  in  its  original  sense,  "  to  stand 
front  to  front,"  was  derived  by  Hayward  from  Grafton's  Chronicle,  where  the  same 
passage  occurs,  vol.  ii.  p.  565,  edit.  1809. 

CAMD.  SOC.  7»  F 


34  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      a  good  man-at-armes  whoe  should  have  parted  them  without  bat- 
taile.  Notwithstanding  Christiann,  Dutchesse  of  Lorraine,  did  soe 

Mediation    .  _    { 

of  the         incessantly  travaile  betweene  them,  that,  by  her  mediatione,  com- 

Lorraine  Of  missi°neres  wer  appoynted,  by  both  the  Kings,  to  treate  of  peace. 

but  without  By  thes,  diverse  conferences  wer  held  that  yeare,  first  at  Lisle, 

and  after  at  the  Abby  of  Eercampe,  not  farr  from  Dorlens,  but 

nothing  was  concluded. 

Negocia-         This  year,  both  the  Kings  sent  their  deputies  to  Chateau-Cam- 

newed  be-  bresi,  about  sixe  leagues  from  Cambray,  to  which  place  the  Queene 

fore  the      of  England*  sent  her  Commissioneres,  and  soe  did  the  Duke  of 

Queen        Savoy.     The  Dutchesse  of  Lorayne  came  thither  in  persone,  ac- 

companied with  the  young  Duke,  her  sonne,  whose  honest  endea- 

vours to  compound  a  peace  betweene  thes  parties,  by  persuasiones, 

by  intreatyes,  by  all  other  moderate  meanes,  hath  gayned  to  her  a 

perpetuall  honor  in  the  annalles  and  histories  of  all  thes  nationes. 

At  the  last  all  differences  wer  accorded  except  the  restitutione  of 

Calais  to  the  English,  which  was  both  stifly  demaunded  by  King 

Phillipp  and  denyed  by  the  French.     King  Phillipp  held  himselfe 

obliged  in  honor  to  procure  a  restitutione  of  that  towne,  which, 

under  his  government,  and  principally  in  his  cause  and  quarrell, 

Broken  off  was  lost.     The  French  were  unwilling  to  receive  that  people  to 

of  th?  re"*  any  ^ootmg  m  France  whoe  had  soe  roughly  overtrampled  all  ther 


fusai  of  the  country  before. 

restore  But  when  they  saw  that,  without  performance  of  this  conditione, 

Calais.        nothing  could  be  done,  they  studied  onely  how  they  might  for  the 

present  deferr  it  ;  knowing  right  well  that  tyme  worketh  many 

advantages,  which  neyther  are  contrived,  nor  can  be  conceived  at 

*  Not  Elizabeth  but  Mary  ;  the  negociations  were  renewed  before  her  death,  but  the 
subsequent  arrangement  effected  by  Cavalcanti  was  with  Elizabeth.  Mary  appointed 
the  Earl  of  Arundel,  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  and  Dr.  Wotton,  as  her  commissioners,  and 
their  authority  was  renewed  by  Elizabeth  on  the  23rd  November,  1558.  (Forbes's 
State  Papers,  i.  1.) 


ANNALS  OP  QUEEN    ELIZABETH 


the  first.     To  this  purpose  they  imployed  Guido  Cavalcanti,  a     A.D. 
gentleman  of  Florence,*  by  whose  meanes  a  speciall  treaty  was 
interteyned  betweene  the  Queene  of  England   and  the  French  ment  re- 


King.  And  so  effectually  did  Cavalcanti  deale,  that,  in  short 
tyme,  it  was  concluded,  that  Callais  should  remayne  in  possessione  fected 
of  the  French  King  for  the  terme  of  eyghtyeares;  that,  this  terme  Cavalcant;. 
beeing  expired  he  should  render  the  same  to  the  Queene  of  Eng- 
land, or  else  to  forfeite  to  her  the  summe  of  five  hundreth  thou- 
sand crownes  ;  that,  for  suerty  of  the  performance  hereof,  he 
should  deliver  fowre  such  hostages  to  the  Queene,  as  shee  should 
thinke  fitt  ;  that,  in  case  the  money  should  be  payd,  and  the 
towne  not  rendered  at  the  end  of  the  sayd  terme,  yett  the  right 
and  title  of  the  sayde  towne,  with  the  country  adjoyning,  should 
pertayne  to  the  Crowne  and  Realme  of  England.  And,  further, 
by  the  same  treaty,  a  peace  was  concluded  betweene  the  Realmes 
of  England  and  Scotland  ;f  such  fortresses  in  Scotland  wer  to  be  Scotland 

included  in 

beaten  downe,  as  had  beene  built  by  the  French  and  Scotts  uppon  the  peace 
the  borderes  towardes  England.  England 

Itt  is  very  like,  that  the  Queene  was  lede  to  this  speciall  treaty  and  France. 
and  agreement,  partly  by  consideratione  of  her  new  and  unsettled 
estate,  the  lesse  assured  by  reasone  of  the  greate  mutatione  which 
shee  had  made,  and  partly  for  that  shee  had  some  cause  of  jealousy, 
least  the  French  King  and  the  King  of  Spayne  (especially  for  the 
cause  of  relligeone)  might  be  drawne  to  make  a  peace  prejudiciall 
unto  her.  But  certayne  it  is,  that  in  diverse  of  the  greatest  trea- 
ties betweene  England  and  France,  many  principall  poyntes  have 
not  punctually  beene  performed. 

*  The  instructions  given  by  the  Sovereigns  of  France  and  England  to  Cavalcanti, 
together  with  many  other  interesting  documents  relating  to  this  important  transaction, 
will  be  found  in  Forbes's  State  Papers,  i.  8  —  84.  Cavalcanti  was  rewarded  by  Elizabeth 
with  a  pension  of  ,£100  per  annum.  (Feed,  xv,  567.) 

f  The  treaty  between  England  and  Scotland  is  printed  in  the  Foedera,  xv.  513.  It 
bears  date  on  the  2d  day  of  April,  1559,  the  same  day  as  the  French  treaty. 


3f>  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 

A.D.          Noe  sooner  was  this  agreement  made,  but  Sir  John  Mason, 

Knight,  and  Secretary  for  the  French  toungue,  was  foorthwith  dis- 

patched to  signify  the  same  to  the  Queenes  Commissioneres  lying 

at  Cambresi.    Soe,  the  knot  beeing  loosed  whereat  onely  the  Com- 

missioneres did  sticke,  a  generall  peace  was  presently  concluded 

Proclama-  betwecne  all  the  partyes  mentioned  before,  ther  Realrnes,  Domi- 

tion  of        niones,  and  subjectes,*  which,  uppon  the  seaventli  daye  of  Aprill, 

7thCApril.   was  publickly  proclaimed  at  London. 

LordWent-      Upon  the  xxijth  of  Aprill  the  Lord  Wentworth,  late  deputy  of 
worth  tried  Callais,  was  araiffned,  at  Westminster,  uppon  an  inditement  of 

for  the  loss 

of  Calais,    treasone,  which  had  beene  fownd  agaynst  him  in  Queene  Maryes 

22nd  April.  f.yme?  for  f-ne  losse  of  Callais.     But,  all  circumstances  beeing  well 

examined,  he^vvas  acquitted  by  his  Peeres.     This  actione  I  have 

esteemed  worthy  the  memory,  first  for  the  rarenesse  thereof,  be- 

cause very  few  before,  and  not  any  since,  have,  uppon  the  like 

triall,  beene  acquitted  ;  Secondly,  to  manifest  the  justice  of  that 

tyme,  for,  assuredly,  in  cases  of  this  nature,  the  Attorney  Generall 

hath  never  had  cause,  but  under  a  good  and  moderate  prince. 

The  Cap-    Afterward,  Hurleston,  who  had  beene   captayne  of  Risebancke, 

tains  of      an(j  Chamberlcyne,  who   had  beene   captayne  of  the   castle   of 

and  the       Callais,  wer  arraigned,  and  alsoe  condemned  of  treasone,  for  that 


at  ^e  ^rst  aPProach  °f  tf16  enemy,  without  assault,  without  bat- 
tried.          tery,  without  necessity,  they  abandoned  ther  charges  ;  whereby 

Risebanck  was  taken  without  any  resistance,  and  the  Towne  was 

entred  at  the  Castle,  which  is  commonly  the  last  peece  that  hold- 

eth  out. 

8th  May.  Uppon  the  viijth  of  Maye  the  parliament  dissolved,  and,  albeit 
The  Pariia-  princes,  in  the  beginning  of  ther  reigne,  doe  commonly  rather 
solved.  give  then  receive,  yet  in  regard  that  the  treasure  of  the  Realme 

was  consumed,  the  revenewes  of  the  Crown  e  diminished,  and  the 

*  The  treaty  is  printed  in  Rymer  (Foed.  xv.  505),  and  also,  more  perfectly,  in  For- 
bcs's  State  Papers,  i.  68. 


ANNALS  OF  QL'EEX    ELIZABETH.  37 

Crowne  much  indebted,  in  regard  alsoe   of  the  greate  charges      A.D. 
which  the  Queene  was  both  presently  occasioned,    and  did  in 
short  tyme  after  not  onely  suspect,  but  expect  certeynly,  to  sus- 
teyne,  a  subsidie  was  granted*  of  ijs.  viijd.  the  pownd  for  moveable  Subsidy 
goodes,  and  of  iiij8.  the  pownd  for  land,  from  all  persones,  as  well  sranted- 
spirituall  as  temporall,  within  the  Realme. 

This  yeare  John,  Duke  of  Fin-land,  second  sonne  to  Gustavus  Embassy 
King  of  Sueden,  was  sent  into  England  by  the  King  his  father,  dento  deal 
to  deale  for  a   marriage  betweene  the  Queene  and  Ericus  the  f?r  a  m*r~ 
eldest  sonne  to  the   said  Gustavus.     He  arrived  at  Harwich  in  tween  the 
Essex   about  the   end  of  September,   and  was   ther   honorably  pjjnce M 
received  by  the  Earle  of  Oxford  and  the  Lord  Robert  Dudley,  Eric, 
and  by  them  conducted  from  thence  to  London.f     He  had  in  his 
owne  trayne  about  fifty  persones  well  mounted ;  the  Earle  of  Ox- 
ford alsoe,  and  the  Lord  Robert  Dudley,  wer  followed  with  a 
fayre   attendance  both  of  gentlemen  and  yeomen.      At  London 
he  was  received  by  diverse  Knights  and  gentlemen  of  the  court, 
and  lodged  at  the  Bishopp  of  Winchesteres  place  in  Southwarke. 
Here  he  remayned  untill  two  dayes  before  Easter  next  following* 
and  then  departed  towardes  his  country,  having  fully  requited 
his  honorable  usage  with  very  civill  and  modest  behaviour.     At 
his  returne  Gustavus  was  deade,  and  Ericus   possessed  of  his 
state,  who,  suspecting  that  his  brother  John  had  demeaned  him- 

*  By  stat.  1  Eliz.  cap.  21.     Auth.  edition,  iv.  384. 

t  Cecil,  writing  to  Sir  Ralph  Sadler  and  Sir  James  Croft,  on  the  20th  October 
1559,  makes  mention  of  this  noble  visitor  in  the  following  terms  : — "Here  is  the  Duke 
of  Finland,  who,  on  his  brother's  behalf,  sheweth  himself  very  politique  to  furder  the 
suyte.  He  is  very  curteose  and  yet  princely  liberall,  and  yet  in  things  necessary. 
Well  spoken  in  the  Latten  tonge.  How  he  shall  spede  God  knoweth,  and  not  I." 
In  the  same  letter,  Cecil,  after  alluding  to  a  rumour  of  a  contemplated  visit,  with  a 
view  to  a  marriage,  to  be  paid  to  Elizabeth  by  the  Archduke  of  Austria,  adds — 'What 
maye  come  tyme  will  shortly  shewe.  I  wold  to  God  her  Majesty  had  one,  and  the 
rest  honorably  satisfyed."— (Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  507.) 


38  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      selfe  eyther  faintly  or  falsely  in  his  businesse,  committed  him  to 
59*     prisone.     Afterwardes  he  attempted  the  same  suite  agayne,  and 

was  againe  in  like  sort  refused. 

Obsequies  ^n  October,  a  solemne  obsequie  was  kept  in  Paules  church  for 
for  Henry  Henry  the  Second,  King  of  France.  He  died  of  a  wound  received 
France.  in  the  eye,  as  he  ran  at  tilt  against  Count  Mountgomery,  in 
October,  honor  of  the  marriage  betweene  the  Lady  Margaret,  his  sister, 
and  Philebert  Duke  of  Savoy.  Some  wright,  that  the  splitteres 
of  the  broken  staffe  peirced  through  the  sight  of  his  beaver,  beeing 
somewhat  open :  others  affirme,  that  his  beaver  slipped  downe 
at  the  instant  when  the  staffes  did  breake.  After  his  death 
Francis,  his  eldest  sonne,  being  about  sixteene  or  seaventeene 
yeares  of  age,  succeeded  in  his  state,  whoe  the  same  yeare  had 
taken  to  wife  Mary  the  Queene  of  Scotland,  daughter  to  James 
the  fift  by  Mary  of  Lorraine,  daughter  to  Claude  the  first  Duke 
of  Guise.  Of  this  Queene  I  must  now  speeke,  soe  farr  onely  as 
may  suffice  to  open  the  occasiones  of  such  enterprises  as  I  am  to 
declare  betweene  the  English  and  the  French  in  Scotland.  The 
residue  shall  more  fully  and  fitly  be  supplyed  afterward. 


THE    SECOND    YEARE. 

Retrospect.  MARIE  STUART,  the  onlie  daughter  to  Jeames  the  fift  Kinge 
ofCMary°of  of  Scotland  begane  her  reigne  over  the  Realme  of  Scotland  upon 
Scotland,  the  18th*  daie  of  December  in  the  yeare  1542,  beinge  then  not 

18th  De- 

cember,"     above  seaven  daies  old,  so  that  almost  the  world  did  no  soner 

1542. 

*  This  ought  to  be  the  14th.  Buchanan,  Knox,  Robertson,  and  other  historical 
writers,  are  mistaken  in  the  dates  they  assign  to  the  birth  of  Mary  and  the  death  of 
her  father.  Chalmers,  upon  the  authority  of  the  official  registers,  determined  the 
former  to  have  taken  place  upon  the  7th  of  December,  1542,  the  latter  upon  the  14th. 
(Chalmers's  Life  of  Mary,  i.  2.) 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  39 

behold  her  an  infant,  then  a  Quene ;  no  soner  was  she  borne,  but     A.D. 
forthwith  she  was  a  Quene ;  and  no  soner  was  she  a  Quene,  but 
forthwith  she  was  desired  by  Henry,  then  Kinge  of  England,  to  Proposal 
be  assured  in  marriage  to  prince  Edward,  his  onlie  sonne,  beinge  marriage 
then  not  past  six  yeares  of  age.     To  this  purpose  he  called  before  with  Prince 
him  the  Earles  of  Cassill  and  Glencarne,  the  Lords  Maxwell  and  8on  of  Hen- 
Fleminge,  and  diverse  others  who  had  bene  taken  in  the  warres,  **  VI11* 
and  were  deteyned   prisoners   in   England;   upon   these   he  be- 
stowed their  libertie,  and  manie  liberall  promises  besides,  in  case 
they  would  faithfullie  endeavour  to  effect  this  marriage. 

This  they  liked  well,  this  they  undertooke  with  great  decla- 
racion  both  of  diligence  and  hoope,  and  so  returned  into  Scot- 
land ;  here  they  acquaynted  the  Governor  with  the  King's  request, 
perswadinge  him  that  this  marriage  would  be  exceedinge  ad- 
vantageable  to  the  Realme  of  Scotland,  as  well  for  extinguishinge 
warres  with  a  people  more  mightie,  and  for  participatinge  bene- 
fitts  from  a  people  [more  wealthy]  then  were  themselves ;  that  it 
was  more  convenient  to  knit  Scotland  with  England  then  with 
anie  other  Realme  whatsoever,  in  regard  as  well  of  the  scituacion 
of  the  Countries,  not  onlie  joyned  togither,  but  divided  from  all 
the  world  beside,  as  of  the  nature  of  the  people  not  much  differ- 
inge  in  the  language,  or  in  fashion  and  behaviour  of  life.  Here- 
upon the  Governor  assembled  the  nobilitie  of  the  Realme  at 
Edenburgh,  where  they  concluded  that  a  parliament  should  be 
held  in  March  next  ensuinge,  to  give  perfection  and  forme  to  this 
busines. 

In  the  mean  tyme  Sir  Ralph  Sadler,  Knight,  was  sent  Embas-  Authority 
sador  from  King  Henry  the  Eight  of  England  to  the  Deputie  ^cot- 
and  other  Lords  of  Scotland,  who  dealt  so  earnestlie,  and  ad-  tish  pariia- 
visedlie  too,  that  authoritie  was  given  by  parliament  to  the  Earle  include 
of  Glencarne,  Sir  George  Douglas,  Sir  William  Humellton,  Sir  the  same- 
Jeames  Leirmouth,  and  one  of  the  Secretaries  of  State,  to  con- 


40  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.D.  elude  this  busines  with  the  Kinge.     These  Commissioners  passed 

J<  into  England,  with  whom,  before  the  end  of  Julie,  all  covenants 

eluded  were  agreed,  and  enterchaungeably  were  sealed,  the  marriage  was 

j^^'  contracted,  and  a  peace  established  for  ten  yeares.* 

Dissatis-  The  French   all  this  while  were  so   enterteyned  with  warres 

faction  of  against  the  Emperour,  that  they  litle  attended  theise  procedings, 

the  French  . 

therewith,   but  when  they  understood  of  this  conclusion,  both  of  marriage 

and  of  peace,  they  applied  all  their  endeavours  to  dissolve  it; 

ffirst,  with  intent  to  empeache  the  greatenes  and  strength  of  the 

Kinge  of  England ;  afterwards,  to  win  Marie  Quene  of  Scotts  to 

be  knit  in  marriage  with  Francis,  who  afterward  was  Kinge  of 

Their  en-    France.     To  this  purpose  the  Frenche  Kinge  sent  for  Matthew 

di^'unite8  *°  Earle  of  Leneox,  who  then  served  under  his  pay  in  the  warres 

England      of  Italic,  and  furnished  him  with  monie,  forces  and  freindes,  to 

land.          recover  the  regencie  of  the  realme  of  Scotland  from  the  Earle  of 

Arraine,  who  then  did  possesse  it,  and  to  reverse  such  pactions 

as  he  had  made.     The  pope  sent  also  the  patriarche  of  Apulia,  as 

his  legate  a  latere  into  Scotland,  who  in  the  name  of  the  pope 

did  assure  both  forces  and  monie  to  be  sent  into  Scotland  against 

The  Clergy  the  Englishe,  he  drewe  all  the  Clergie  of  the  Realme  to  the  side, 

French!    *  °^  whom  manie  were,  as  in  peace  factious,  so  of  no  great  use  for 

the  warres.     One  the  other  side,  the  Kinge  of  England  did  not 

faile  to  support  his  partie  with  supplies ;  whereby  a  long,  and  very 

great  warre,  both  for  importaunce  and  varietie  of  accidents,  was 

War  which  raysed  in  Scotland,  betwene  the  two  Realmes  of  England  and 

ensued.         ,, 

France. 

Mary  con-  In  the  yeare  1548  the  yonge  Quene  was  conveied  over  by  seas 
France"1*'  out  °^  Scotland  into  France,  and  afterwards  the  regencie  of  the 
A.D.  1548.  Realme  was  comitted  to  the  Queene  Dowager  her  mother,  who 

much  favoured  and  affected  the  French,  as  beinge  of  the  same 

*  The  treaty  is  printed  in  Rymer's  Feed.  xiv.  786. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  41 

nation  by  birth.     In  the  yeare  1558  she  was  married  to  Frances,      A.D. 

then  Dolphin,  but  before  he  expired  Kinge  of  France.     And  nowe 

it  might  have  been  conjectured,  that,  by  reason  as  well  of  her  mar-  *£j  ^the 

riage,  as  of  the  death  of  Kinge  Edward  the  Sixt,  the  warres  should  Dauphin, 

have  [been]  extinguished  :  but  it  often  falleth  out  that,  the  causes  of  A'D* 1S 

thinges  ceasinge,  the  effects,  once  set  on  foote,  continue  their 

courses. 

In  the  yeare  followinge  a  provinciall  counsell  of  all  the  prelates  Meeting  of 
and  Clergie  of  Scotland  was  assembled  at  Edenburgh,  and  herein  and  clergy 
the  temporall  state  required  that  praiers  might  be  read  and  sacra-  ffc  E?in"f 
mentes  administred  in  the  Scottishe  language ;  that  election  of  whom'the 
Bishops  and  beneficed  men  should  passe  by  voices  of  the  people,  ^/a  re- 
with  diverse  other  like  articles  of  alteration  ;  all  which  were  no  lesse  form  in  the 
stoutlie  denied  by  the  Clergie,  than  the  laie  people  did  stiffelie  de-  AJ>?1559. 
maund  them. 

The  Queene  Regent  caused  fower  ministeres,  Knox,  Wullock,  Knox  ana 
Douglasse,  and  Meffane,  to  be  sumoned  to  Strevellinge,  as  princi-  formers 
pall  firebrandes  of  these  demands,  and,  for  want  of  appearance,  sumraoped 
they  were  denounced  rebells,  and  put  to  the  home.*     But  it  is  a  and  out- 
great  poynt  of  wisdome  to  make  true  conference  betwene  the  ]na(  '*^?r 
nature  of  injuries  and  abilitie  to  revenge ;  to  fore-cast  (I  saie)  tendance. 

*  This  is  an  allusion  to  a  practice  in  the  Scotch  law  with  which  the  readers  of  "  The 
Antiquary"  have  been  made  partially  acquainted.  The  process  of  horning  is  simply 
this.  The  Sovereign  by  his  letter  commands  a  debtor  to  pay  a  debt,  or  an  obnoxious 
reformer  to  appear,  under  pain  of  rebellion.  If  the  command  be  not  obeyed,  the  per- 
son to  whom  it  was  directed  may  be  declared  a  rebel.  This  declaration  is  made  at  the 
market  cross  of  the  head  borough  of  the  shire  in  which  the  culprit  dwells,  and  in  the 
following  form  :• — "  The  messenger  must,  before  witnesses,  first  make  three  several  '  O 
yesses'  with  an  audible  voice.  Next  he  must  read  the  letters,  also  with  an  audible 
voice,  and  afterwards  blow  three  blasts  with  an  horn,  by  vthich  the  debtor  is  understood 
to  be  proclaimed  rebel  to  the  King  for  contempt  of  his  authority,  and  his  moveables  to 
be  escheated  to  the  King's  use.  Hence  the  letters  of  diligence  are  called  letters  qf 
horning,  and  the  person  summoned  said  to  be  denounced  at  the  horn."  Eiskine's 
Institutes,  edit.  1838,  i.  295,  6. 

CAMD.  SOC.  7«  G 


42  ANNALS  OP   QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.     whether  the  hurt  of  revenginge  will  not  exceed  the  harmes  al- 
59'      redie  receyved  ;  for  Knox  was  followed  by  manie  men  of  principall 
qualitie  and  degree,  and,  to  these,  the  multitude  adioyned  them- 
selves, who  made  the  example  of  the  nobilitie  a  sufficient  warrant 
for  all  their  actions.     And  nowe,  supposinge  he  could  not  escape, 
either  by  lurkinge  or  submission,  he  set  his  saftie  upon  bold  ad- 
vise.    Hereupon  he  assembled  manie  of  his  followers,  and,  have- 
inge  first  inflamed  them  to  furie  by  a  sermon,  they  began  in  Perth, 
otherwise  called  St.  John's  towne,  and  from  thence  proceeded  in 
The  Re-     other  places,  to  pull  downe  images  and  altars,  to  abolishe  reliques, 
puUdown    anc*  t°  overthrowe  howses  of   religious  persons,   seizinge  upon 
images  and  their  ly  vinges  and  goodes  ;  not  the  weakest  argument  for  their 
overthrowe.     And  thus  it  happened  to  the  Quene  Regent,  as  is 
reported*  of  a  beare,  which,  beinge  stunge  by  a  bee,  tore  the  hive, 
and,  thereby,  brought  the  whole  swarme  about  her  eares.   Agayne, 
the  remedie  which  she  used  was  farre  more  dangerous  then  the 
disease,  for  she  did  all  togither  followe  the  advise  of  the  French. 
The  Queen  She  used  their  aide  cheiflie  against  those  enterprises,  whereas,  in 
ve"e  truth,  whatsoever  was  pretended,  her  immoderat  both  favour- 


to  put        inge  and  trustinge  of  the  French  was  the  principall  occasion  of  all 

Reformers  those  stirres,  and  especially  for  that  she  reposed  almost  absolute 

by  the  aid  creclit  and  faith  in  the  counsell  of  Mounseir  Doysell  and  Rubee, 

French.      who  were  adioyned  to  her  by  the  States  of  Scotland.     For  no 

people  will  easilie  endure  that  more  should  be  attributed  within 

their  state,  either  in  trust  or  authoritie,  to  others  than  themselves. 

So  William,  Kinge  of  Cicelie,  by  makinge  a  Frenchman  his  chan- 

chellor,  gave  occasion  to    Cicelian  evensong.     So  the  Duke  of 

Britaine,  by  callinge  the  Englishe  into  Britaine,  was  enforced  him- 

self to  flie  into  England  ;  and  this  was  the  cheif  cause  whereby  the 

Englishe  lost  Aquitane  ;  and,  afterward,  the  French  Naples. 

*  «  the  reporteth,"  in  MS. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  43 

But  the  Quene  Regent,  persistinge  in  her  errour,  tooke  two      A.D. 
thousand  Frenche  men  undir  the  command  of  Mounsair  Doysell, 
and,  ioyninge  to  them  certeyne  bands  of  Scotts,  entered  Perth  by  She  obtains 
appoyntement  and  placed  a  good  garison  therein  ;  afterwards  she  Jf  Perth™ 
fortified  Leth,  defeated  the  lords  of  Scotland,  nere  to  the  Abbey  Ma7» 
of   Holieroode-howse,   entered   and    possessed   Edenburgh,   and  and  of 
either  raised  or  repaired  manie  other  peices  of  good  conditions  for  j^  u 
defence ;  and,  further,  she  receyved  newe  forces  out  of  France, 
under  the  conduct  of  Mounseir  de  le  Brosse,  leivetenant  generall, 
and  of  Mounseur  Martignes,  Colonell  of  the  foote.     The  Bishop 
of  Amiens,  and  thre  Doctors  of  Sorbone,  passed  with  these  com- 
panies into  Scotland,  to  assist  the  Quene  Regent  for  affaires  of 
religion.      These  knewe  right  well,  that,  besids  the  countenance 
of  the  Regent,  amongest  the  Scotts  their  partie  was  good,  and  as 
for  anie  other  nation  their  reckoninge  was,  that,  if  they  came  with 
a  greate  armie,  the  place  would  soone  reduce  them  to  some  neces- 
sitie  ;  if  with  a  slender  strength,  they  should  limit  their  fortunes 
well  inoughe. 

The  Scottishe  Lords  were  unable  of  them  selves  to  beare  head  The  Scot- 
against  this  storme,  and  the  rather  for  that  all  the  great  artillary  ^e^Wm 
of  the  realme  was  in  the  power  of  the  Quene  Regent,  and  of  the  at  th.e  Pr°- 
Captaine  of  Edenburgh  Castle  ;  they  begane  also  to  frame  feares,  the  French, 
that,  as  the  French  were  possessed  of  the  person  of  their  Quene, 
so  they  would  seise  upon  her  state,  even  under  colour  of  her 
authoritie.     They  sawe  that  by  the  meanes  of  Mounsair  Rubee, 
who  had  bene  an  advocate  in  the  Court  of  Paris,  and  was  then 
one  of  the  principall  in  counsell  with  the  Quene  Regent,  the  an- 
cient orders  of  the  realme  were  altered,  newe  customes  and  im- 
positions brought  in,  agreable  to  the  lawes  and  customes  of  France. 
By  the  counsell  of  Count  Martignes  all  the  country  about  Lieth 
was  laid  wast,  bycause  it  should  afford  no  releif  to  anie  that  should 
beseige  the  towne.  Labrosse  signified  his  opinion  into  France 


44  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETII. 

A.D.      (whose  lettres  were  intercepted  in  the  cariage)  that  all  thenobilitie 
of  Scotland  should  be  destroyed,  and  a  thousand  men  at  armes 
out  of  France  placed  in  their  castles,  to  kepe  the  comen  multi- 
tude in  subjection.     The  Bishop  of  Amiens  gave  incoragement  to 
put  to  death  not  onlie  those  that  imbraced  not  the  Catholeke  Re- 
ligion, but  those  also,  that  did  not  favour  the  faction  of  France,  in 
so  much  that  he  had  openlie  reproched  the  French  soldiers,  for 
enduringe  their  masters  enimies  to  lyve.    Hereupon  the  Lords  of 
Scotland  did  more  than  probably  (as  they  thought)   conjecture, 
that,  whatsoever  was  pretended  in  shewe,  yet  the  French  Kinge, 
either  by  his  owne  ambition,  naturall  almost  to  all  great  princes, 
or  through  insolence  of  those  who  guided  his  affayres,  had  a  secret 
They  sus-    purpose  to  enlarge  his  dominions  ;  that  supposinge  all  his  pur- 
sign  of  an~-  posses  were  faire,  suposinge  that  he  intended  that  he  pretended, 
nexing       yef-  no  man  could  assure  howe  he  would  moderate  himself  when 

Scotland  to  J  . 

France.  all  thinges  should  stand  at  his  discretion  :  no  man  could  then 
assure  that  he  would  onlie  impeach  attempts  for  change  of  reli- 
gion, that  he  would  no  further  bridle  the  people,  that  he  would 
not  oppresse  them,  that  he  would  not  subvert  the  lawes  and 
governement  of  the  Realme,  and  annexe  it  to  the  Crowne  of 
France ;  that,  howsoeuer  publicke  affayres  might  be  carried,  yet,  in 
regard  of  their  particuler  safties,  there  was  left  no  midlinge  either 
place  or  advice,  they  had  gonne  so  farre  they  could  not  goe  backe, 
they  must  of  necessitie  perishe  or  prevaile ;  they  might  playe  the 
fooles  to  half. 

They  apply      Hereupon  diverse  of  the  nobilitie  to  the  number  of  28  persons 

beth  for"     addressed  themselves  to  the  Quene  of  England,  intreatinge  her, 

stance.  un(jer  manie  arguments  both  of  amitie  and  compassion,  under 

manie  workinge  reasons  of  state,  to  be  aidinge  unto  them,  in  dis- 

lodginge  the  French  out  of  their  countryes,  not  meaneinge  (as 

they  said)  to  perswade  her  to  partialitie,  not  to  enterpose  betwene 

her  affection  and  anie  person  whatsoeuer,  but  to  desire  her  with 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  45 

an  indifferent  hand,  she  would  help  to  uphold  in  their  proper     A.  D. 
states,  first  her  neighbours,  then  herself. 

The  Quene,  to  cover  herself  with  manie  excuses,  alledginge  that  Her  reply, 
her  owne  state  was  not  well  established,  as  neither  herself  beinge 
setled  in  authoritie  nor  her  subjects  in  obedience,  that  she  was  not 
so  ambicious  either  of  the  hate  or  hassarde  of  warre,  as  without 
urgent  necessitie  to  drawe  them  upon  her,  that  she  desired  to  com- 
municate so  litle  as  she  could  in  a  warre  betwene  two  nations  so 
nere  unto  her,  that  she  had  lately  concluded  a  peace  with  the 
French  Kinge,  that  a  prince  is  not  bownd  to  aide  one  confederate 
against  another,  and  therefore  she  would  answer  them  as  they  of 
Massilia*  answered  Caesar  in  the  warres  against  Pompey, — if  they 
came  peacebly  and  as  freinds,  they  were  both  welcome ;  if  as  eni- 
mies,  neither. 

The  Lords  of  Scotland  beinge  so  inflamed  with  this  answere,  Arguments 
that  it  did  inflame  them  the  more,  "  your  unsettled  and  uncer-  g^Jteigh 
teyne  state"  (said  they)  "is  no  sufficient  grownd  to  withdrawe  Lords  to 
you  from  this  action,  because  the  undertakinge  of  great  enter-  ^"th  to*" 
prises  abroad,  is  the  most  assured  meanes  to  divert  away  disquiet  interfere, 
at  home.     In  your  peace  with  the  French  Kinge  it  was  expressly 
comprised  that  such  fortresses  should  be  beaten  downe,  as  had 
bene  built  in  Scotland  by  the  French.     But  have  they  done  so  ? 
is  this  condition  well  performed  ?  Nothinge  lesse,  they  have  forti- 
fied more  stronglie  since  than  before ;  they  send  over  such  com- 
panies dailie,  that  it  draweth  nowe  to  a  plaine  invasion.     Howe 
should  you  accompt  them  persons  in  a  league  ?  or,  if  you  do,  yet 
manie  tymes  a  prince  not  onlie  maie,  but,  both  in  honor  and 
justice,  is  bownde  to  aide  one  confederate  against  another :  assu- 
redlie  in  this   cause,  manie   respects  may  justlie  move  you  to 
undertake  the  aideinge  of  us  against  the  French. 

"  For,  first,  we  are  your  more  ancient  allies :  we  are  ioyned 
more  to  you  in  nearer  termes  of  confederacion,  we  are  almost 

*  "Margilia"inMS. 


46  ANNALS  OF   QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.  naturally  knit  in  our  bodie  with  you ;  in  which  case  the  Romanes 
did  help  and  aid  the  Campanians  against  the  Samnites  their 
ancient  confederates,  and  so  the  Switzers  did  aid  usually  their 
fellowe  Switzers  against  all  other  confederates  whatsoeuer.  Agayne, 
a  confederate  that  hath  a  good  cause  should  be  maynteyned 
against  another,  who  by  unjust  armes  oppugneth  another;  for 
this  is  sometyme  expressed  in  leagues,  that  if  anie  of  the  asso- 
ciates make  warr  upon  the  other,  the  residue  shall  assist  the 
cause  that  is  just.  But  the  French  do  nowe  attempt  upon  us 
onlie  (as  they  pretend)  for  matter  of  religion.  We  desire  to  re- 
forme  our  church,  and  to  conforme  it  to  tymes  of  antiquitie, 
wherin  we  follow  your  owne  example ;  your  self  for  doeinge  the 
like  before  us  have  thereby  not  onlie  approved  our  action,  but 
bownd  your  self  in  honor  to  support  it,  partlie  for  that  we  have 
taken  imitacion  from  you,  and  partly  for  that  your  actions  shal- 
be  iustified  by  beinge  imbraced  and  followed  by  others ;  further, 
the  defence  of  one  confederate  is  to  be  undertaken  against  the 
invasion  or  offence  of  another,  especially  if  the  partie  assailed 
be  inferiour  in  forces,  if  he  be  like  to  be  oppressed,  for  naturally 
we  are  bownd  to  defend,  even  strangers,  even  against  our  very 
freinds;  no  freindship  maie  debarre  us  from  drivinge  dangers 
from  the  necks  of  others,  yea  in  all  civill  respects  you  must  pre- 
serve your  neighbours  both  from  ruine  and  change,  if  you  will 
suerly  provide  for  the  stabilitie  of  your  self. 

"  Lastlie,  omit  these  respects  to  us,  and  consider  (which  com- 
monlie  is  the  end  of  aidinge  others)  howe  nerelie  the  cause  con- 
cernes  your  self :  our  young  Quene  is  married  into  France,  where 
she  nowe  lyveth  as  a  stranger  both  to  them  and  us,  unable  to  use 
the  liberty  of  her  crowne,  partely  by  reason  of  her  tender  yeares, 
and  partlie  for  that  the  French  King,  her  husband,  beinge  no 
lesse  yonge  both  in  age  and  judgement  then  her  self,  is  wholly 
governed  by  his  mother,  and  by  the  Duke  of  Guise,  unckle  to  the 


ANNALS  OP  QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  4? 

Quene.  These,  as  if  France  susteyned  not  calamitie  inoughe  by  A.D. 
chalenginge  the  dominion  of  Milane,  Naples,  and  Flanders,  have 
also,  under  colour  of  her  name,  pretended  title  to  your  crowne ; 
they  have  proclaymed  her  Quene  of  your  dominions.  She  as- 
sumed the  armes  and  stile  of  England  and  Ireland,  and  annexed 
them  to  the  stile  and  armes  of  Scotland  and  France :  thus  are 
publicke  instruments  made. 

"  And  nowe,  to  what  end  is  this  invasion  of  Scotland,  but  to 
open  an  entraunce  thereby  into  England  ?  what  assurance  either 
of  peace  or  of  saftie  can  you  expect,  when  you  shalbe  so  nerely 
approched,  and  almost  invironed  with,  then,  by  those  who  do 
pretend  a  title  to  your  Crowne  and  have  alredy  imbraced  the 
same  in  their  ambicious  hopes  ?  can  anie  respect  debarr  you 
from  deffendinge  your  self,  from  providinge  for  your  self,  from 
shakinge  your  enimies  from  of  your  skirts,  from  takinge  the 
alarme  against  you  in  good  tyme  ?  Let  others  sit  downe  and 
lament  their  losses ;  it  is  the  part  of  wise  men  to  sit  downe,  and 
foresee,  and  to  prevent  them." 

The  Quene,  whose   deliberacions  depended  much  upon  her-  The 
self,  was  neither  ignorant  nor  irresolute  what  to  doe,  and  also  not  ^J^* 
un  skillfull  to  carry  affayres  in  fayrest  forme,  and  therefore,  albeit  conduct, 
she  both  graciouslie  enterteyned  and  heard  the  Lords  of  Scotland, 
yet  received  they  nothinge  for  the  present,  but  onlie  hopes  doubt- 
full  and  weake;  afterwards  she  dispatched  manie  messengers  of 
assurance   and  credit,  as  well  to  the  French  Kinge  as   also  to  She  re- 
those  that  managed  his  state  cheifely,  requestinge  them  to  for-  p^encV " 
beare  their  fortifications,  and  withdrawe  their  forces  out  of  Scot'  King  to 
land,  accordinge  to  the   capitulations  of  their  late  league :  but  his  forces 
receiveinge  an  answere  nothinge  answerable  to  her  demand,  she  [ron?  Scot> 
undertooke  the  action,  and  appointed  thereto  forces  and  order. 

And,  first,  she  published  a  declaration,*  that  she  bare  no  other  Declara- 
tion of  her 
*  Printed  in  Haynes,  268.     It  is  dated  the  24th  March,  1560. 


48  ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.     intent  hereby,  but  onlie  to  defend  and  preserve  her  state,  which 
59'      indeed  was  afterwards  declared  by  the  event.     Then  she  made  the 
tention  in  Duke  of  Norfolke  leiuetciiant  generall  over  the  north  parts  of  the 
in  the  af-     Realme,  and  sent  him  to  Barwicke  to  give  direction  and  order 
Scotland     *OT  t^ie  warr  >  a  man  ^an  wnom  noe  man  regarded  either  other 
Sends  the    things  lesse,  or  reputation  more,  and  yet  not  so  stronge  in  de- 
Duke  of     sireing  honors  as  in  useing  them  he  was  moderate.     When  he 
Berwick,     was  arrived  at  Barwicke,  their  came  to  him  the  Earle  of  Argile, 
the  Prior  of  St.  Andrewes,  the  master  of  Maxwell,  and  the  yong 
Agreement  Lord  of  Ledington,  and,  all  agrements  beinge  fully  confirmed,* 
thev  delivered  their  hostages,  Claude  Hamilton,   sonne  to  the 


the  Scotch  Duke   of  Chattellereault,   Archebald  Campbell,   Lord  of  Long- 

Hosta  es    h611*6^  and  cosine  to  the  Earle  of  Argile,   Robert   Douglasse, 

delivered  to  half  brother  to  the  Lord  Jeames  Stuart,  Georg  Greame,  second 

eth*   sonne  to  Lord  Monteith,  and  James  Cuningham,  sonne  to  the 

Earle  of  Glencarne,  to  remaine  in  the  custodie  of  the  Englishe 

for  their  assurance,  duringe  the  life  of  the  French  King,  and  one 

yeare  after  his  decease.f 

In  the  moneth  of  Januarie  J  a  navie  was  set  forth  to  Scotland, 

*  They  are  printed  in  Haynes's  Collection  of  State  Papers,  p.  253. 

t  Not  during  the  life  of  the  French  King,  but  during  the  continuance  of  his  mar- 
riage with  the  Queen  of  Scotland,  and  one  year  after  the  dissolution  of  that  marriage 
(Haynes,  255).  In  addition  to  the  hostages  named  by  Hayward,  there  is  mention  of 
"  The  Lord  Ruthen's  sonn,  Archibald  Ruthen  "  (ibid.  238.  244).  The  hostages  were 
to  be  changed  every  six  or  four  months,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Scottish  party  (ibid.  255). 
Whilst  in  England  they  were  distributed  about  amongst  the  Bishops,  "both  for  safe 
keeping  and  the  increase  of  their  learning  "  (ibid.  287). 

J  In  one  of  Cecil's  letters  dated  "At  Westminster,  hora  12*  nocte,  23  of  De- 
cember, 1559,  "  he  exclaims  in  his  usual  hearty  manner,  "  Our  ships  be  on  the  seas, 
God  spede  them  !  "  He  mentions  at  the  same  time  that  William  Wyntcr  was  ap- 
poynted  to  their  command  (Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  654).  Extraordinarily  boisterous 
weather  detained  them  beating  about  on  the  coast  until  the  third  week  in  January, 
when  part  of  the  fleet  succeeded  in  reaching  the  Frith  of  Forth.  The  details  may  be 
seen  in  Haynes,  pp.  225.  227.  231. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  '19 

which,  waftinge  along  the  coast,  came  into  the  Frith,  and  cast      A.D. 
anchor  in  the  roade  of  Lieth,  as  well  to  empeache  the  landinge  of  . 
men  out  of  France,  as  also  to  cut  of  victualls  and  other  supplie  An  English 
from  those  that  laie  in  Inskeith,  and  in  Lieth.     When  they  were  fleet  arrives 
first  discouered  from  the  land,  they  were  taken  to  be  ships  sent 
out  of  France,  with  aide  and  other  supplies  for  the  warre,  which 
the   Regent   did    euery  howre   expect  ;    hereupon   the    French, 
riotous   in    ioy,   sounded   all  ther    musicke   of  warre,   drumes,  Are  mis- 
trumpets  and  cannons,  for  a  soldier's  welcome,  but,  when  they  ^French 
understood   their   errour,   they   changed   their   countenance  and  for  the. 
cheere,  and  with  hast  ans  wearable  to  their  feare  made  diligent  d'Elboeuf, 
preparation  for  their  defence.      Indeed,   about  the   same  tyme, 
Marques  Elbeufe,  the  Quene  Regent's  brother,  had  set  forth  from 
the  coast  of  France  with  viii  talle  ships,  charged  with  soldiers, 
monie,  and  other  provision  to  furnishe  the  warres  in  Scotland,  but, 
upon  intelligence  that  the  Englishe  fleete  was  at  sea  before  him,  who  puts 
he  pretended  foule  and  contrarie  windes,  and  returned  to  the  port  prance! 
from  whence  he  came. 

The  Quene  Regent,  upon  arrivall  of  the  Englishe  ships,  with-  The  Queen 
drewe  herself  into  Edenburghe  Castle,  and  then  sent  to  Hr.£2Sfo?" 
William  Winter,  vice-admirall  of  the  fleet,  to  understand  the  cause  Winter  the 

,  .        ,  ,         cause  of  his 

of  their  cominge.     He  returned  answere  that  he  was  appointed  to  coming. 
skowre  the  seas  from  unlawfull  adventurers  ;   and,  in  case  anie 
such  were  come  into  these  waters,  he  was  readie  to  waite  upon 
them.      After  this  she  sent  a  herault  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  She  sends 
who  at  that  tyme  laye  at  Newecastle,  with  a  letter  of  credence,  for 


such  matters  as  he  had  by  speech  to  impart  :  when  audience  was  the  Duke 
given  him,  he  plainly  affirmed,  that,  besides  the  charge  of  de-  at  New" 
liuereinge  that  letter,  he  was  not  furnished  with  anie  instruc-  castle' 
tions.*     However,  the  Duke  sent  a  herault  to  the  Quene  Regent 

*  The  Duke's  account  of  this  matter,  contained  in  his  report  to  the  council,  dated 
llth  February,  1559,  is  as  follows:—  "I  have  received   Lettres  from  the  Quene 
CAMD.  SOC.  7«  H 


50  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.  to  understand  her  pleasure.  The  Quene  Regent  first  semed  to 
marvaile  that  her  herault  wanted  instructions,  then  she  com- 
playned  of  the  arrivall  of  the  Englishe  ffleet  without  her  leave, 
without  her  knowledge.  Mounseir  Martignes  beinge  present,  and 
full  of  bold  corage,  added,  that  the  Quene  of  England  should 
have  as  little  ioy  (he  made  no  doubt)  of  her  warres  agaynst 
France,  as  had  before  Quene  Mary  her  sister.  To  this  the 
Englishe  herault  made  answere,  that  he  expected  to  have  found 
but  one  Regent  in  Scotland,  but  then  he  perceyved  that  others 
also  had  a  stroke  in  the  state ;  that  the  Quene  Regent  could  not 
more  marvaile  at  the  arrivall  of  the  Englishe  then  the  Quene  of 
England  did  both  at  the  arrivall  and  fortifications  of  the  French, 
whereby  she  was  enforced  so  farr  onlie  to  declare  in  armes,  as 
might  suffice  to  serve  her  owne  state.  He  further  complayned 
that  the  French  were  both  favourably  and  honorably  enterteyned 
into  Scotland,  but  against  the  Englishe  the  canon  had  bene  bent  ;* 

Dowagier  of  Scotland,  brought  hither  by  a  Scottishe  herauld,  which  lettre  I  send  you 
herewith.  And,  albeit  the  same  importeth  sum  credytt  to  have  bene  commytted  to 
the  seid  herauld,  yet  he  had  nothing  at  all  to  saye,  besides  the  contents  of  his  Lettres. 
Wherefore  supposing  rather  that  he  was  addressed  hither  to  espie  our  doinges  here, 
then  for  any  other  speciall  cause,  I  thought  good  for  the  reciproque  to  send  the 
aunswer  to  the  seid  Dowagier  by  an  Englishe  herauld,  to  th'intent  he  may  bring  us 
such  intelligence  of  their  doings  in  Scotland,  as  he  cann  attein.  And  I  dismissed  the 
Scottish  herauld,  to  whom,  I  said,  that,  within  a  daie  or  twoo,  I  wold  send  a  special! 
messenger  to  the  seid  Dowagier,  with  such  aunswerr  to  here  seid  Lettres  as  I  doubted 
not  shuld  be  to  here  contentacion.  According  whereunto  I  have  nowe  sente  Chester 
Herauld  to  Edenburghe  for  that  purpose,  with  lettres  to  the  seid  Dowagier  of  such 
effect  as  ye  shall  perceive  by  the  copie  of  the  same,  which  I  send  you  herewith." 
(Haynes,  i.  240).  On  the  24th  February,  the  Duke,  in  another  despatch,  makes 
mention  of  the  return  of  Chester  Herald,  and  incloses  his  written  report  of  such  matters 
as  passed  in  his  conference  with  the  Queen  (ibid.  250). 

*  This  is  an  allusion  to  the  reception  of  the  English  fleet  in  the  Frith  of  Forth. 
The  French  quartered  at  Inchkeith,  Burnt  island,  and  Leith  received  Winter  "  with  great 
creueltye,"  as  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  remarked,  "shooting  canons  and  all  their  other 
great  artilarye."  (Haynes,  231,  233.)  In  return  for  this  uncourteous  reception,  at 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  51 

and,  further,  that  since  his  cominge  to  her  Court,  a  guard  had      A.D. 
bene  set  upon  him,  and  therefore  she  must  not  take  it  in  evill  part 
if  anie  of  her  messengers  to  England  should  after  tast  of  the  like 
enterteynement  ;  and  so,  either  without  replie  or  reward,  he  was 
permitted  to  depart. 

In  the  meane  tyme  the  armie  by  land  was  both  amassed  and 
ordered  about  Barwicke,  over  which  the  Lord  Grey  of  Wilton  Lord  Grey 
was  appoynted  leiuetenant  general!,  a  man  valorous  in  warre,  and 


in  peace  courteous  ;  great  both  in  birth  and  estate,  but  greater  in  army  ad- 
courage;  in  counsaile  a  commander,  a  soldier  in  armes.*     This  Scotland. 
armie   conteyned  about   6000  foote,  and  of  lancieres  and  light  March. 
horsemen  1250  men  of  good  choise,  and  assured  executioners  of 
things  commanded.     In  the  very  end  of  March,  the  companies, 
ranginge  under  their  proper  ensignes,  were  led  by  their  generall 
into  the  borders  of  Scotland,  and  as  they  marched  close,  and  in  They  are 
firme  order  by  Dunbarre,  certeine  soldiers  both  horse  and  foote  5?ckiby 

»  tne  garri- 

issued  out  of  the  towne,  and  made  offer  to  charge  upon  them  :  son  of 
but  very  lightly  (and  as  it  semed)  more  to  tast  their  contenance 

which  he  pretended  to  be  much  surprised,  Winter  "  fell  uppon  certein  French  ships 
lying  in  Fiffe  side  ....  and  tooke  two  of  them,  being  men  of  warre,  and  one  hoy," 
laden  with  arms  and  ammunition,  (ibid.  231.) 

*  Lord  Grey  esteemed  himself  to  be  more  of  a  soldier  than  a  counsellor.  When  the 
French  began  to  treat,  he  wrote  to  the  Council  that  he  could  not  "attend  both  the 
marshall  affayres  and  a  treatye,"  wherefore  Sir  Ralph  Sadler  was  sent  into  Scotland 
to  take  the  burthen  of  the  latter  off  his  hands.  (Haynes,  287.)  The  Council  corres- 
ponded with  Lord  Grey  as  if  they  thought  him  a  mere  rough  soldier,  one  whom  it  was  not 
well  to  perplex  with  long  letters  or  many  instructions.  The  following  is  one  of  their 
characteristic  epistles  to  him  :  —  "  After  our  hasty  commendations,  we  will  not  trouble 
your  Lordship  how  so  euer  you  be  occupyed,  but  bidd  God  spede  yow,  and  wish  you 
all  good  fortune  to  accomplish  this  so  honorable  a  Jornaye,  as  never  the  like  was 
attempted  for  good  to  our  Posterite.  Styck  not  to  go  through  with  this  enterprise, 
and  your  praise  wilbe  more  than  all  the  rest  of  your  lyfFe,  if  all  your  lyffe  war  layd 
togither.  Take  hede  of  French  Inchantements.  They  will  wyn  Tyme  of  yow,  if  ye 
take  not  good  end  [heed?].  Well,  thus  we  leave  your  Lordship  to  your  Business." 
(ibid.  290.) 


52 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH 


A.  p. 

°* 


They  halt 


are  joined 
Scotch. 


April  6th. 

vaiujefrom 
Preston 

towards 

Leith. 


They  offer 

with  the 
Queen  Re- 


Sir  James 


Howard, 

and  six 
others  sent 
to  her. 


then  to  fight  with  them  in  good  appoyntment  ;  for,  upon  the 
approche  of  some  lanciers,  and  shot*  of  the  Englishe,  they  kept 
themselves  so  within  their  strength,  that  only  two  of  their  horse- 
men and  one  of  their  footemen  [were]  slayne,  and  one  Englishe 
horseman  hurt.  At  Salt  Preston  they  encamped,  and  there  remayned 
ccrteyne  daies.  To  this  place  diuerse  of  the  nobilitie  of  Scotland 
came  unto  them,  and  had  conference  with  the  leivetenant  generall. 
They  came  so  well  attended  both  for  number  of  men,  and  well 
and  good  appoyntement,  that  a  fewe  of  them  joyned  togither 
would  have  made  a  competent  strength  for  the  feild. 

Upon  the  sixt  of  Aprill  the  armie  rose  from  Salt  Preston  and 
marched  forward.  About  half  a  mile  from  Lestericke,  beneath  a 
cragg  called  Arthur's  Seate,  certeyne  of  the  nobilitie  of  Scotland 

5  .     ,        . 

met  with  them,  accompanied  with  200  horse  and  500  foote  or 
there  abouts.  And  whilest  they  enterteyned  some  spech  with 
the  generall,  the  armie  was  commanded  to  continue  their  march. 
When  they  were  come  to  a  place  called  the  Linkes,  besides  the 
towne  of  Lieth,  the  generall  -sent  to  the  Quene  Regent,  abidinge 
then  in  the  castle  of  Edenburgh,  desireing  a  safe-conduct  for  some 
of  his  counsell  to  come  unto  her,  as  well  to  declare  the  cause  of 
his  cominge,  as  also  to  treat  with  her  about  some  meanes  of 
extinguishing  these  flames,  otherwise  than  by  the  blood  of  her 
freinds.  The  Quene  Regent  did  send  a  safe-conduct  presently 
bie  a  herault  furnished  with  apparell  of  his  office,  and  tokens  of  a 
peaceable  message.  Hereupon  Sir  Jeames  Crofts,  Sir  Georg 
Howard,  and  six  others  went  unto  her  ;  and  for  this  tyme  of  confer- 
ence,  an  abstinence  from  hostilitie  on  both  parts  was  promised. 

*  Hayward  has  this  word  several  times  (vide  pp.  53,  56,  and  elsewhere)  in  the  sense 
of  —  "  a  foot  soldier  who  used  fire-arms."  This  probably  fixes  the  meaning  of  a  passage 
in  Falstaff  'a  expression  of  admiration  at  Wart's  management  of  his  caliver,  "  Very 
good  !  exceeding  good  !  O  give  me  always  a  little,  lean,  old,  chapt,  bald  shot.1'  (Second 
Part  of  Henry  IV.  act  iii.  sc.  3.)  We  retain  this  use  of  the  word  in  the  phrase—"  a 
good  shot." 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  53 

The  meting  was  upon  the  blacke  howse  at  the  first  gate  of  the  A.  D. 
Castle,  where  the  Englishe  declared,  that  the  cominge  of  the 
French  drewe  them  thither  ;  that  if  the  Quene  would  procure  the  ference?" 
French  men  to  depart,  they  also  would  orderlie  retire  out  of  her 
Realme.  The  Queene  desired  respit  untill  the  next  daie,  to  ad- 
vise with  those  that  were  within  Lieth  :  she  desired  also  that  she 
might  in  the  meane  tyme  send  her  messengers  without  impeach- 
ment unto  them.  The  Englishe  semed  to  dislike  that  the  Quene 
Regent  in  this  case  should  stand  upon  advisinge  with  the  French, 
but,  as  they  came  not  to  desire  anie  thinge  of  her,  so  would  they 
not  oppose  openlie  against  anie  of  her  desires. 

Duringe   the  tyme  of  this  debatement,  Mounseir   Martignes,  The  Eng- 
collonell  of  the  French,  came  forth  of  Lieth,  with  900  or  1000  ^a8chk*5ebat~ 
shot  backed  with  500  corslets  and  pikes,  and  about  50  horse.   The  the  garri- 
generall  of  the  Englishe  sent  word  unto  them,  that  a  surcease  of 


armes  had  bene  promised  one  both  sides,  which  if  they  pur- 
posed to  maynteyne,  they  must  retire  their  forces  out  of  the 
feild.  The  French  returned  answere,  that  they  were  upon  the 
grownd  of  their  mistres,  and  intended  not  for  anie  man's  pleasure 
to  depart,  or  remove.  The  messenger  at  armes  was  sent  againe 
to  signifie  unto  them,  that,  either  they  must  presently  depart,  or 
else  addresse  themselves  to  abide  their  adventure  ;  scarce  was 
this  second  message  deliuered,  but  the  French  discharged  a  volley 
of  shot  against  the  Englishe  in  the  feild. 

Hereupon  the  skirmishe  begane,  which  was  with  great  both  Skirmish  at 
valour  and  discretion  maynteyned  on  both  parts,  for  the  space  of  JJ^®  J1*11' 
foure  houres  and  more,  their  corages  guided  with  skill,  and  their  French  re- 
skill  armed  with  corage.     The  French  had  the  advantage  of  apul 
hill,  called  Halke  Hill,  and  of  a  cragg  adioyninge  to  it  ;  but  the 
Englishe,  striveinge  a  while  both  against  the  dificultie  of  the  place 
and  the  force  of  their  enimies,  at  the  last  beate  them  from  the 
hill,  and  wanne  the  cragg  from  them  ;  and,  in  deed,  seldome  do 
anie  forces  thrive  which  repose  much  trust  in  other  advantages 


."»  I  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A-P-  besides  the  valour  of  the  soldier.  After  this  they  used  a  chaple 
as  a  cover  against  the  Englishe  shot,  where  they  maynteyned 
firme  and  sure  footing  for  a  good  space,  but  in  the  end  they  were 
driven  from  it  by  playne  courage  of  their  enimies.  Then  they 
within  Lieth  discharged  diverse  peces  of  great  artillerie  against 
the  Englishe,  who,  on  the  other  side,  brought  forth  two  feild 
peces,  which  they  covered  with  a  troup  of  horsemen,  untill  they 
had  planted  them  to  some  advantage,  and  then  discharged  them 
against  their  enimies :  this  caused  them  to  begine  to  dissolve,  and 
therewith  the  dimi-lances  gave  a  feirce  charge,  brake  them,  and 
Loss  on  chased  them  almost  to  the  gates  of  the  towne.  Of  the  French 
S*  in  this  conflict  about  140  passed  under  the  sword,  and  amonge 
them  12  of  name,  either  for  nobilitie  of  birth  and  state,  or  for 
honorable  places  they  mannaged  in  the  armie :  manie  other  were 
hurt,  and  manie  taken ;  manie  of  the  Englishe  were  also  slaine 
and  hurt ;  but,  as  generally  the  Englishe  are  reputed  more  roughlie 
resolute  then  subtill  and  fine,  so  it  was  at  this  tyme  conjectured 
that,  if  the  advantage  which  the  French  offerred,  by  coming  so 
farr  from  their  strength,  had  so  well  bene  apprehended  by  the 
Englishe  commanders  as  the  soldiers  were  valiant  in  executinge 
their  charge,  the  whole  power  of  the  French  might  have  bene  cut 
of.  But  the  adventures  of  warre  have  manie  hidden  fortunes, 
which  neither  the  counsell  and  courage  of  men  can  assure. 
Influence  It  is  alwaies  incredible  how  much  the  event  of  this  conflict 
suit  of  this  discouraged  those  Scotts  who  favoured  the  French,  and  lifted  up 
t^ie  ot^ier  *n  assurance  of  hope,  every  one  interpretinge  this  to  be 
a  presage  of  the  absolut  issue  of  the  whole  warre.  The  Englishe 
were  also  inflamed  in  courage,  that,  when  the  Quene  Regent  sent 
a  trumpeter  to  the  French  in  Leith,  with  a  letter  conteyninge 
the  effect  of  the  treatie  mencioned  before,  he  was  staied  by  the 
Englishe,  and  comanded  to  returne  againe  to  the  Queene,  and 
to  signifie  unto  her,  that  they  would  take  such  order  with  the 
French  that  they  should  be  glad  to  quite  Scotland,  objecting 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  55 

further  against  them  that  the  lawes  and  rules  of  warre  did  lay      A.  p. 
upon  invaders  to  hold  the  feild,  to  charge,  and  assaile,  and  not  to 
run  like  conies  to  their  covert. 

After  this  the  Captaines  drewe  to  consideration  all  the  meanes  Prepara- 
for  the  exploit  of  the  towne,  either  how  much  the  scituacion  did  English  for 


help,  or  what  might  be  hoped  for  by  Industrie,  which  parts  were  the.  ^ege  of 
weake,  and  how  to  levy  the  difficulties  where  was  any  showe  of 
resistance  or  strength  ;  and  certeyne  it  is,  that  the  generall,  beinge 
none  of  those  who  thincke  all  things  done  for  which  they  have 
given  direction,  followed  alwas  his  commandement  with  his  pre- 
sence, being  an  eie  witnes  of  every  man's  performance,  and  suffer- 
ing no  profitable  counsell,  for  want  of  due  execution,  to  be  lost. 

Certeyne  daies  were  spent  in  casting  trenches  and  planting  them 
with  ordinance,  in  discharginge  the  artillerie  also,  aswell  from  the 
towne  as  against  it,  with  greater  terrour  than  hurt  to  either  partie. 
The  Generall  was  lodged  within  the  towne  of  Lesterick,  in  the  Disposi- 
Deane's  howse,  and  the  most  part  of  the  horsemen  were  quartered 


in  that  place  ;  the  foote  men  lay  under  tents  and  pavillions  in  the  troops. 
feild,  upon  the  south  and  south-east  side  of  Lieth,  and  with  these 
diuerse  Lords  of  Scotland  were  encamped,  and  namelie  the  Earles 
of  Argile,  Morton,  Arraine,  Glencarne,  the  Lords  Boid,*  Ogiltre, 
the  Prior  of  St.  Andrewes,  the  Master  of  Maxwell  and  others. 

Upon  Easter-daie  the  artillerie  plaied  and  the  footemen  skir-  Town  at- 
mished  most  part  of  the  daie,  for  suerlie  if  there  be  anie  behavi-  Jjj5  Easter" 
our  that  may  be  taxed  with  the  note  of  irreligious,  it  maie  be  Day»  APril 
found  amongest  men  of  warre.     The  same  daie  two  captaines  of 
the  fleet,  called  Dethick  and  Wood,  havinge  passed  up  the  river, 
presented  themselves  with  their  bands  of  men  before  the  Castle  of 
Blacknesse,  which  upon  sumons  of  the  canon  was  yelded  unto 
them.     The  French  within  it  were  taken  prisoners,  and  the  place 
deliuered  to  the  kepinge  of  the  Scotts.     The  same  daie  one  of  the 
Englishe  scowtes  was  trayned  from  his  companie,  by  nine  French 

*  "  Bloid"  in  MS. 


56  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.D.  men,  apparrelled*  like  women,  who  stroke  of  his  head,  and  set  it 
upon  the  top  of  one  of  the  steples  ;  a  vaine  victorie,  and  of  small 
moment,  but  onlie  to  satisfie  the  cruell  humor  of  revenge. 
April  isth.  The  next  daie  sallied  forth  of  Lieth  about  500  shot  and  50 
by  thegar-  horsemen,  who  joyninge  courage  with  celeritie,  surprised  on  of  the 
rison,  and  trenches  so  sodenlie,  that  they  within  were  soner  in  danger  then 
siegers  they  could  almost  bethincke  themselves  of  defence :  the  amase- 
mente,  and  there withall  the  confusion,  was  very  great ;  and  so 
would  the  slaughter  have  bene  had  not  the  other  Englishe  com- 
panies, with  great  diligence,  come  into  the  rescue,  who  findinge  the 
victorious  in  a  disorderlie  persute  (which  in  the  like  cause  for  the 
most  part  happeneth)  gave  a  furious  charge  upon  them,  beate 
downe  sixtene  within  the  trench,  and,  in  that  vaine  of  courage, 
chased  the  rest  with  a  great  execution '  to  the  very  towne.  And 
yet  they  were  much  annoyed  with  great  artillerie  from  the  towne 
and  walles,  which  discharged  about  an  100  shot  against  them. 
The  Englishe  that  were  surprised  fell  at  great  variance  upon  whom 
should  be  laid  the  fault  of  their  foile,  euery  man  cleareing  himself 
and  castinge  the  blame  upon  his  fellowes.  Assuredlie  the  sodaine- 
nes  of  a  danger  is  often  tymes  more  terrible  then  the  danger  it 
self,  and  if  it  happen  amonge  a  multitude  ungoverned,  it  is  most 
desperate. 

April  16th.      Upon  Easter-twesdaie   a  supplie  of  2200  foote  came  to  the 
li&h  receive  Englishe  camp,  men  well-trained,  and  able  to  execute  offices  of 
a  reinforce-  the  feild  ;  but  the  French,  never  supplied,  and  dailie  weareinge  out, 
partely  by  sickenes,  and  partlie  by  sword,  by  reason  of  their  over- 
adventurous  hardines  in  sallienge  forth,  began  alredie  to  decline,  as 
in  companie  of  men,  so  in  courage,  insomuch  that,  the  daie  follow- 

April  nth.  inge,  an  akrme  beinge  made  by  shipboats  on  the  side  of  the  towne 

The  French  ,  ,  ,.,, 

exhaust      towards  the  sea,  a  loud  cne  was  made  by  women,  children  and 

themselves  other  feble  folkes,  within  the  towne,  and  yet  the  French  ceased 

in  conti-  ' 

nued          not  from  often  sallies,  not  so  much  upon  disorders  of  their  enimies 

sallies. 

*  "  Apparrell"  in  MS. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  5/ 

or  to  followe  the  favour  of  anie  other  occasion,  as  upon  a  vaine      A.  p. 
bravery  to  give  unquiet  lodginges  to  those  whom  enmitie  had 
made  new  neighbours,  their  present  feircenes  not  permittinge  them 
to  se  their  present  declyninge  ;  an  errour  famillier  to  men  of  greater 
courage  then  foresight. 

All  this  tyme  the  Quene  Regent  laie  sicke  in  the  Castle  of  The  Queen 
Edenburgh,  and  yet  she  ceased  not  to  worke  the  Lords  to  some  ^gst  en- 
reconcilement,  sometimes  puttinge  them  in  remembrance  of  their  deavours  to 
particuler  both  duties  and  states,  sometymes  of  the  comon  danger  a  reconcili- 
of  the  Realme,  which  semed  liked  a  fallinge  tower,  the  parts  ation' 
whereof,  as  windowes,  roufes  and  walles  were  entire,  but  the  foun- 
dation ruinous.     To  this  purpose  she  sent  for  the  Earle  of  Hunt- 
ley  out  of  the  north,  who  travailed  with  great  paynes  betwene  the 
Quene  and  the  Lords.     But  bycause  she  endevoured  to  drawe 
them  from  the  Englishe,  to  imbrace  amitie  with  the  French,  aswell 
in  regard  of  ancient  alliance,  as  for  that  the  French  King  was  then 
joyned  in  marriadge  with  their  Quene,  the  Lords  would  not  listen  but  without 

i  success. 

unto  her. 

Also  such  variance  did  arise  in  France  betwene  the  Duke  of  Troubles 
Guise  and  the  princes  of  the  blood,   for  causes  which   shalbe 


touched  hereafter,  that  fresh  forces   could  not  be  supplied  from  wl"ch  Pre- 

.  .  .  .  4*Ti  vent  the 

thence,  within  such  tyme  as  necessitie  required.      Whereupon  sending  of 


Count  Randon  and  Monlac  Bishop  of  Valence  were  sent  in  the 
French  King's  name,  not  with  anie  limitted  Comission,  but  with  thence. 
authoritie  and  instructions  at  large,  to  deale  in  those  affaires  as  the 
qualitie  and  state  of  them  did  require.*   They  were  brought  to  the  Arrival  of 
Englishe  armie  by  Sir  Henry  Percie  and  300  light  horsemen  in  don  and  the 
trayne,  and  from  thence  were  conducted  by  an  officer  at  armes  to  Bishop  of 
Edenburgh  Castle,  to  talke  with  the  Quene  Regent.  They  were  no  ambassa- 
sooner  entred  the  Castle  but  forthwith  the  French  salied  forth  of 


Lieth  [and]  began  a  sharp  skirmishe,  which  they  mayntened  the  treat  of 

peace  ; 
*  Their  instructions  are  printed  in  the  Foedera,  xv.  581. 

CAMD.  SOC.  7'  * 


y  ANNALi  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      space  of  two  howres  :  at  last,  they  gave  grownd,  leavinge  them  onlie 
60*     to  kepe  it,  who  in  kepinge  it  had  lost  themselves.  After  some  con- 
ference with  the  Quene  Regent,  the  Bishop  of  Valence  went  to 
the  Lords  of  Scotland,  but  fownd  them  inclinable  to  no  agrement 
being  un-    without  advice  and  allowance  of  the  Englishe.     So,  a  fewe  daies 
thejniepart  beinge  unprofitably  spent,  they  departed  towards  Barwicke  to 
towards      treat  of  this  busines  with  the  Quene  of  England,  beareinsre  them 

England  to  . 

treat  with    in  shewe  that  they  were  directed  principally  about  this  busines  to 

the  Queen,  j^  an(j  not  un^o  faQ  subjects  of  Scotland ;  for  that  it  was  not  mete 

that  the  King  their  master  should  either  treate  or  condicion  with 

those,  which,  by  reason  of  his  marriage,  were  his  proper  subjects. 

The  French      Nowe  the  French  within  Lieth  had  mounted  certeyne  peices  of 

tiffed  the F"  ordinance   upon   St.  Anthonie's  steple,  and   upon  St.   Nicholas 

churches  of  steple,  within  the  towne,  which,  by  reason  of  their  height,  did 

was  dis-      more  anoye  the  Englishe  then  did  the  artillery  from  the  walles. 

P"te*         In  St.  Nicholas  Church  also  they  had  laid  all  their  stoore  both  of 

whether 

gacred  edi-  victualls  and  of  munition.     Hereupon  question  was  made  amonge 
be  battered.  t^ie  Englishe  counsell  of  warre,  whether  battery  might  be  made 

against  those  places. 

Arguments      Some  were  of  opinion,  that  the  deffaceinge  of  places  dedicated 
to  God  was  an  action  both  impious  and  against  the  lawe  of  na- 
Liv.  lib.      tions,  for  so  Phillip  is  blamed  in  Livie,  and  likewise  in  Florus, 
Flo.  lib.  2.  for   minateinge  temples,  as  if  by  them  he   had  given  defiance 
against  the  Powers  of  Heaven,  as  if  naturall  and  divine  lawes  were 
thereby  infringed ;  so  doth  Polibius  obiect  against  the  Aetoolians 
that  they  extended  there  rage  to  the  laying  wast  of  sacred  places. 
Cicero  calleth  such  warres  horrible,  nefarious,  worthie  of  all  hos- 
Scand.  9.  ?  tilitie  and  hate.     The  Barbarians  accomptid  it  to  precede  not  from 
Tac.  An.  3.  courage,  but  from  outrage  and  flat  furie.     Tacitus  observeth  that 
the  temple  of  Ephesus  was  never  violated  by  any  of  the  conquer- 
ors of  that  cittie,  whether  Greeks,  Romans  or  Barbarians.     Jose- 
Jos.  Antiq.  p]lus  setteth  it  downe  for  a  lawe  of  God,  that  the  temples  of 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  59 

heathen  should  not  be  spoiled,  either  bycause  the  Jewes  should  A.D. 
not  defile  themselfes  with  the  spoile  of  them,  or  bycause  they 
should  not  provooke  the  heathen  to  do  the  like  against  the  temple 
of  God.  So,  when  Alexander  destroied  Thebes,  he  gave  in  charge  Suid. 
that  the  temples  should  in  no  case  be  violated.  So  Brutus  pre- 
served temples  from  the  fury  of  warre.  And  so  feirce  Tamerlaine 
was  alwaies  favourable  to  sacred  places.  So  that  it  appeareth  they 
were  nothinge  lesse  then  magi  (that  is,  wisemen,  and  oracles  of 
religion)  who  perswaded  Zerzes  to  set  on  fire  the  temples  of 
Grecia,  albeit  this  counsaile  agreed  well  with  them  of  Persia,  which 
held  it  a  high  poynt  of  impietie  to  worship  God  as  inclosed  in 
roofes  and  walles. 

But  Isocrates  sayth,  that  the  Jouians  did  afterwards  devote 
those  to  dire  execrations  who  should  repayre  the  temples  which 
the  Persians  had  fired,  for  that  they  would  have  them  remayne 
perpetuall  monuments  of  their  barbarous  impietie.  "  They  are 
fooles/'  sayth  Euripides,  "  who,  haveinge  taken  any  cittie,  lay 
temples  wast  and  sacred  places  wast."  These  are  the  Giants 
(as  ApoDonius  conceived)  who,  therefore,  are  said  to  have  made 
warre  against  Jupiter  in  heaven,  bycause  they  destroied  his 
temples  upon  earth. 

This  is  true,  answered  another,  so  longe  as  they  retayne  their  In  favour, 
proper  nature,  so  longe  as  they  are  applied  to  sacred  and  religious 
uses,  it  is  not  lawfull  to  spoile  nor  deface  them  ;  but,  when  they 
are  prophaned,  when  they  are  directed  from  religious  ends,  then 
they  loose  the  priviledge  of  religion.  When  they  are  made  magi- 
zens  for  stoore,  when  they  are  turned  to  fortresses  and  castles,  not 
onlie  to  defend  our  enimies,  but  to  offend  and  anoye  us,  to  impeach, 
to  cut  of,  the  course  of  our  victories,  then  may  we  deale  with  them 
as  with  peices  newelie  erected  to  such  a  purpose,  then  may  we  beate 
them  downe,  not  onlie  as  beinge  hindered,  but  as  beinge  endamaged 
and  endangered  by  them.  And  thus  it  was  determined  by  Titus,  the 
sonne  of  Vespasian,  against  the  temple  of  Jerusalem.  For,  when  he 


60  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 

A-D-  was  perswaded  by  manie  to  destroy  it  upon  hatred  (as  it  like), 
which,  at  that  tyme,  all  men  had  and  did  beare  against  the  religion 
of  the  Jewes,  the  resolucion  was  taken,  that  if  the  Jewes  should 
fight  out  of  the  temple,  then  it  should  be  set  one  fire ;  then  ac- 
compted  a  castle,  and  not  a  temple.  Upon  the  same  reasons  the 
Venetians  did  not  spare  the  temple  of  Ptolomaida,  when  the 
Genoans  did  fortifie  the  same  against  them ;  for  what  should  they 
do  with  temples,  who  applie  them  to  no  better  ends  ?  Assuredly 
they  cannot  complayne  of  any  violation  who,  by  prophane  uses, 
do  violate  them  first  most  of  all. 

This  advise  beinge  taken,  battery  was  forthwith  made  with  nine 

The  peices  of  ordinance  against  the  steples,  and  although  they  lay  a 

are  batter-  quarter  of  a  mile  of,  yet  the  peices  that  lay  upon  St.  Anthonie's 

ed-  steple  were  by  them  dismounted,  and  within  six  or  seaven  tyre* 

after,  the  peices  on  St.  Nicholas  steple  were  likewise  cast  downe, 

togither  with  a  gunner  that  stode  by  one  of  them.     The  battery 

continued  all  that  daie,  and  especially  against  St.  Nicholas  Church, 

which  the  enimies  had  made  their  stoorehowse  for  provision,  so  as 

the  walles  and  roofe  were  torne,  and  the  steple  altogither  defaced. 

And  bycause  the  trenches  were  unfitt,  in  regard  both  of  dis- 

New          tance  and  scituation,  to  do  anie  great  harme  to  the  walles  on  that 

arTdug*      side  of  the  towne,  the  pioners,  as  well  Englishe  as  Scotts,  were 

imploied  to  cast  newe  trenches,  and  to  raise  a  mount  on  the  south 

and  a         and  south-west  of  the  towne.     The  daie  after  the  begininge  of 

raUed*        tn*s  w<>rke,  about  300  or  400  shot  of  the  French  were  secretly  sett 

out  of  Lieth  under  covert  of  a  place  called  litle  London,  ready  to 

breake  forth  as  occasion  should  invite  them ;  after  this  a  fewe 

A  sally       horsemen  issued  forth,  and  lightly  hovered  upon  the  Englishe 

garrison,     armie.      At  the  last  certeyne  Englishe  lances  charged  upon  them, 

whereupon  they  retired,  and  drewe  the  Englishe  within  danger  of 

A  "  tyre,"  or,  as  we  spell  it,  "  tier,"  or  "  teer,"  of  guns,  is  now  used  to  signify  a 
number  of  guns  placed  in  a  row,  as  along  a  ship's  side ;  in  this  place  it  seems  to  mean 
the  discharge  of  the  whole  row  of  battering  ordnance. 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  61 

their  shot,  but  they  agayne  were  as  hotly  saluted,  partely  by  a  A.  D. 
supplie  of  smale  shot  from  the  armie,  and  partlie  by  the  artillery 
from  the  trenches ;  and,  albeit  the  French  did  behave  themselves 
bravelie  that  daie,  in  skirmishinge  almost  two  howers  in  the  face 
of  the  cannon,  yet  were  they  enforced  with  much  expence  of 
blood  to  retyre  themselves  into  the  towne. 

Diverse  like  games  of  fortune  were  plaied,  with  some  losse  to 
both  parties,  the  French  beinge  desirous  to  give  impediment  to 
the  Englishe  pioneers,  but,  either  by  their  naturall  rashenes,  or  ill 
fortune,  they  returned,  for  the  most  part,  with  disadvantage.  At 
the  last  the  trenches  were  finished,  whereof  some  drewe  so  nere  The  new 
to  the  towne,  that  a  harquebuze  might  reach  them  that  were  in 
the  grene  bullwarke  close  to  the  walles.  Then  was  the  armie 
removed  to  the  newe  trenches,  and,  as  they  passed,  manie  peces  of 
artillery  were  discharged  from  the  towne  against  them ;  as  they  were 
busied  in  setlinge  their  campe,  the  French  salied  forth,  and  offered 
skirmishe,  but  the  Englishe,  beinge  then  both  divided  in  companie 
and  otherwise  imploied,  held  them  selues  within  their  strength. 

Presently  after  this  the  Englishe  assaulted  a  trench,  which  the 
French  men  had  made  without  the  towne,  slue  the  skout  and 
diuerse  soldiers  that  were  within  it,  and  made  themselves  masters 
of  the  place.  Then  they  gave  a  great  alarme  to  the  towne  both 
by  land  and  by  water,  and  in  the  meane  time,  the  newe  trenches 
were  planted  with  canon.  This  done,  the  battery  began  on  that  and  planted 
part  of  the  towne  against  the  walles,  with  effect  answerable  to 
the  assaylant's  desire. 

On  a  certeyne  daie,  whilest  this  battery  continued,  a  sodaine 
fire  was  raised  towards  eveninge  in  Lieth,  which  was  no  sooner 
espied  by  the  Englishe,  but  they  discharged  their  ordinance  against 
the  same  place,  so,  as  helpe  beinge  dangerous,  and  the  winde 
growinge,  the  flame  mightilie  encreased  and  raged  all  that  night, 
and  imbraced  also  some  of  their  stoore  howses,  so  as  much  of  their 


62  ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.p.  provision  was  consumed  :  the  sodainenes  of  the  adventure,  and  the 
darckenes  of  the  night  brought  a  great  feare  and  confusion  upon 
them  within  the  towne.  Notwithstandinge,  the  French  regarded 
lesse  their  safety  than  their  glory,  salied  forth  at  the  same  tyme 
and  maineteyned  skirmishe  almost  two  howres.  They  manned 
»  the  walles  also,  and  prepared  all  thinges,  as  if  the  assault  should 
presently  have  bene  given.  But  the  breach  was  not  then  held 
reasonable,  and  therefore  an  alarme  onlie  was  made,  and  certeyne 
soldiers  entered  the  ditch  to  veiwe  exactly  the  state  of  the  walles. 
After  this  two  trenches  were  made  ;  the  one  was  planted  with 
great  ordinance,  in  the  other  certeyne  shot  were  lodged,  to  beate 
of  those  who  should  appeare  in  defence  of  the  walles.  Then  were 
two  false  assaults  given,  onlie  to  discover  where  the  flanckees  of 
A  breach  the  breach  did  lie,  and  no  sooner  had  the  Englishe  approched  the 
ditch,  but  two  or  three  voleyes  of  shot  were  discharged  against 
them  from  the  flanckees,  whereby  about  twenty  of  them  were 
slaine  or  hurt.  Hereupon  the  battery  was  bent  against  the 
flanckees,  and  in  the  greatest  fury  thereof,  the  French  made  a 
salie  upon  the  newe  trenches,  and  so  lyvelie  charged  the  Englishe, 
that  they  constreyned  them  to  give  grownd  a  good  waye,  and, 
notwithstandinge,  redublinge  in  courage  upon  the  importance  of 
their  danger,  they  drave  the  French  againe  home  to  the  towne ; 
and  in  the  meane  tyme,  the  great  artillery  did  much  hurt  on  both 
sides.  In  the  very  heat  of  these  hurliments,  the  Englishe  burnt  one 
of  the  milles  beyond  the  water,  and  the  daie  followinge  the  other, 
which,  when  the  French  endeavoured  to  save,  they  were  so  galed 
by  two  demie-culveringes  from  the  trenches,  that  they  were  con- 
streyned to  abandon  the  enterprise. 

The  breach      And  nowe  the  artillery  had  executed  so  well,  that,  by  the  opi- 
cedcom-    nion  of  the  Englishe  commanders,  the  breach  was  faire,  and  the 
plete.         towne  in  fit  state  to  be  assaulted  :  and  thus  it  was  comonly  con- 
cluded by  some,  bycause  they  denied  so  inded ;  by  others,  through 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  63 

a  rashe  impaciencie,  more  apt  to  contemne  dangers,  then  able  to  A.p. 
judge  them ;  by  the  rest,  to  show  themselves  valiant,  in  things 
which  perteyne  to  the  hasard  more  of  the  soldieres  then  them- 
selves ;  and  herein  also  they  were  supported  by  manie  bold  blouds 
amonge  the  comon  soldieres,  who  confirmed  this  devise  with  all 
sorts  of  hopes  which  men  followed  with  fortunate  succes  do  no 
lesse  usually  then  vainely  frame. 

Hereupon  the  general  1,  reposinge  so  great  assurance  both  in  the  6th  May. 
courage  and  fortune  of  his  soldiers,  commanded  them,  upon  the  give^to 
sixt  daie  of  Maie,  towards  the  eveninge,  that  they  should  be  readie  PrePare  for 

,.,.,,.,  an  assault, 

in  armes  by  midnight,  and,  in  the  meane  season,  gave  order  that 

the  battery  should  not  cease :  he  encouraged  them  also  that  euery 
man  should  go  to  his  charge,  and  shewe  the  same  will  to  execute 
the  enterprise  which  they  had  done  to  undertake  it ;  that  they  had 
no  more  neede  to  doubt  of  the  victorie,  then  they  had  to  doubt  of 
their  owne  valour ;  that  it  was  in  vaine  to  have  so  often  chased 
their  enimies  to  their  burrowes,  if  then  they  could  not  ferret  them 
out  of  their  hoales  ;  that,  if  they  vanquished  the  first  bruit  of  dan- 
ger, which,  like  a  storme,  would  be  furious  and  short,  the  residue 
of  the  enterprise  would  be  easy  to  attcheive. 

On  the  other  side,  the  French,  haveinge  often  tasted  the  tough  The  French 
temper  of  the  Englishe,  omitted  no  preparacion  for  their  defence,  ^^J^for 
knowinge  right  well,  that  there  is  no  greater  token  of  receyving  a  fence, 
bio  we  then  when  men  esteme  to  much  of  themselves  and  to  litle 
of  their  enimies,  presuminge  also  that  manie  former  good  fortunes 
of  the  Englishe  began  to  bred  a  presuminge  boldnes. 

The  next  morninge  by  ij  of  the  clocke  diverse  bands  of  Eng-  7th  May. 
lishe,  with  greater  courage  then  preparacion,  advanced  towardes 
the  towne.  The  lancers  and  light  horsemen  were  appoynted  to 
girde  the  feild,  the  residue  of  the  foote  were  left  to  defend  the 
trenches,  and  to  endanger  those  who  should  make  appearance 
upon  the  walles.  The  assailants  pressed  forwards  and  entered  the 


64  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 

A.D.  ditches  with  boldenes  inoughe,  some  approchinge  the  walles,  some 
the  bulwarks,  others  attemptinge  the  breach  besids  the  milles. 
But  when  they  came  to  the  impe  of  their  exploite,  the  breach  was 
fownd  in  good  condition  of  defence,  and  for  the  bulwarks  and  the 
walles,  the  ladders  were  too  short  by  two  yards  and  more.  Besids, 
the  French  had  stopped  the  current  of  the  river  that  night, 
whereby  the  ditches  were  so  anoyed  with  water,  that  they  were 
troublesome  to  passe,  albeit  no  other  impediment  should  have 
bene  offered. 

Hereupon  the  assailants  begane  to  give  a  greivous  sentence 
against  their  own e  state;  yet  these  difficulties  did  rather  double, 
then  anie  thinge  diminishe  their  endeavours.  The  medley  was 
terrible.  The  French  at  the  first  did  cast  downe  plentie  of 
stones  and  great  plenty  of  timber  upon  the  assailants,  who,  not- 
withstandinge,  mounted  up  and  advanced  themselves  to  the  pushe 
of  the  pike  and  stroke  of  the  halbert.  The  canon  was  dis- 
charged continually  one  both  sides ;  the  small  shot  went  of  from 
the  flanckees,  walles  and  trenches  so  thicke,  that  it  semed  for 
the  tyme  a  very  hell:  nothinge  was  sene  but  fire  and  smoake, 
nothinge  was  heard  but  roareing  of  shot ;  the  earth,  the  aire,  the 
heavens,  semed  to  be  turned  into  a  cloud,  castinge  forth  continuall 
thunder  and  lighteninge.  In  the  middest  of  these  furies  the 
Englishe  mainteined  the  assault  aboue  the  space  of  an  howre  and 
half,  and  that  with  such  obstinacie  and  heat,  that  every  man 
semed  to  strive  who  should  shewe  himself  most  carelesse  of  lyfe. 
Yea,  manie  of  them,  beatinge  downe  all  resistance  before  them, 
entered  the  towne  in  diverse  places.  But  the  courage  of  the  sol- 
dier was  not  able  to  recompence  the  overesight  of  their  com- 
manders ;  and  so,  at  the  last,  by  vertue  of  the  defendants  of  the 
The  assail-  place,  they  were  enforced  to  retyre,  leaveinge  behind  them  some 

repulsed.     150>  or>  as  some  ^°  sa^  20°  men>  Part  witnm  tne  towne  and 
part  in  the  ditches,  bledinge  in  their  deadly  wounds ;  200  or  300 


ANNALS  OP  QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  65 

did  beare  away  the  reward  of  their  rashenes  in  hurts  and  maimes,  A.D. 
sheweinge  howe  easilie  valour  falleth  to  the  grownd,  when  it  is  156°* 
not  guided  by  the  eie  of  wisdome.  The  French,  haveing  thus 
repelled  their  enimies,  advanced  fourteen  ensignes  about  the 
walles,  and  addressed  themselves  to  repaire  their  breaches,  even 
in  the  face  of  the  Englishe  cannons.  The  Englishe  were  so  much 
the  more  vexed,  at  their  repulse,  by  howe  much  they  had  bene 
victorious  before,  by  howe  much  also  the  action  was  undertaken 
with  a  resolute  will,  and  thus  bold  counsells  for  the  most  part  are, 
in  the  begininge  plausible,  in  proceedinge  hard,  and  heavie  in 
event. 

After  this  the  Englishe  raised  another  mount  one  the  west  side  Another 
of  the  water  of  Lieth,  and  named  it  Mount  Faulcon.     When  it 


was  finished,  and  planted  with  great  artillery,  it  so  beate  into  the  the  town 
towne,  that  it  rent  and  defaced  manie  buildinges,  and  in  such  sort 
anoyed   the  streets,   that  none   could    openlie   passe,  especially 
towards  that  part  of  the  towne,  without  danger  of  beinge  slaine. 

The  Duke  of  Norfolke,  beinge  advertised  of  the  late  adventure  The  Eng- 
of  the  Englishe,  wrot  unto  them,  that  they  should  not  let  falle  {Sffo^"" 
any  poynt  of  courage,  not  intermitt,  not  remitt  anie  enforcements  and  urged 
of  their  seige,  for  that  they  should  want  no  soldiers  so  longe  as  by  the^  " 
there  were  anie  within  the   place  of  his  command  (which  was^ukeof 
betwene  the  Rivers  Twede  and  Trent)  that  were  able  to  beare 
armes  :  that  if  neede  required  he  would  come  in  person  and  lodge 
with  them  in  the  feild  ;  and,  for  assurance  thereof,  he  sent  his 
pavilion  and  caused  it  to  be  set  up  in  the  campe.     This  letter  was 
seconded  with  diverse  supplies,  which  were  sent  to  the  armie  in 
severall  companies  ;  at  one  tyme  450  soldiers  came,  and,  within  a 
fewe  daies  after,  500  more,  within  a  small  tyme  after  600  more 
arrived,  able  bodies,  and  not  unskilfull  in  the  use  of  their  weapons. 
One  the  other  side  the  French,  by  reason  of  their  often  salies, 
did  almost  as  fast  decrease,  for,  beinge  by  nature  firy,  active,  im- 

PAMD.  soc.    »  K 


<>K  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 

A.p.  patient,  and  bold,  they  were  so  desirous  to  hurt  their  enimies,  as 
they  did  not  sufficiently  consider  the  meanes  to  hurt  them.  Upon 
a  certeyne  eveninge,  about  x  of  the  clocke,  an  affray  happened 
betwene  two  Scotts  that  watched  in  the  trenches  next  to  the 
towne,  insomuch  that  one  of  them  slue  the  other,  parts  were 
taken,  and  a  great  disorder  did  followe.  This  might  have  set  the 
whole  armie  in  tumult,  but  that  the  French  had  not  the  pacience 
Continued  to  expect  till  so  faire  an  occasion  might  be  ripened.  For  so 

sallies  of     Soone  as  they  percey  ved  some  extraordinary  stirre,  they  salied 
the  French.  /  J 

forth,  supposmge  to  make  advantage  of  the  contention.     But  this 

happened  to  be  the  fittest  remedie  that  could  have  bene  divised 
to  set  them  at  one ;  for,  upon  the  veiwe  of  a  common  enimie,  their 
division  was  soone  appeased :  the  common  enimie  made  them 
freinds,  made  them  knit  togither, — first,  for  their  common  deffence, 
afterward  for  their  common  victorie.  At  another  tyme  they  salied 
forth  at  the  releif  of  the  warders,  when  the  watch  should  be  set, 
with  intention  and  hope  to  have  gayned  the  trenches,  but  they 
were  resolutely  receyved,  and  beaten  backe  to  the  place  of  their 
strenght.  At  another  tyme  the  French,  being  short  of  provision 
of  foode,  went  forth  in  manie  companies  to  gather  cockles  upon 
the  sand ;  the  Englishe  permitted  them  to  gather  for  a  tyme,  as- 
well  to  dissolve  their  order  thereby,  as  also  that  the  charge  of 
some  praye  would  both  hinder  their  fightinge  and  hasten  them  to 
flie ;  then  they  charged,  slue  70,  and  toke  16  prisoners.  Diverse 
other  actions  of  warre  were  enterchanged  betwene  them,  not 
without  larg  losse  to  either  partie  ;  amonge  others  of  those  within 
the  towne,  two  Scotts  of  name  were  slaine,  Captaine  Kenedie 
and  yong  Henry  Dannimond ;  of  those  without,  a  Scottishe  gentle- 
man, called  the  Lord  of  Cleigh,  lost  his  life. 

All  this  while  the  Englishe  armie  was  well  furnished  with 
victualls  from  all  parts  of  Scotland,  and  that  upon  very  easy 
prises.  But  the  French  was  so  streightly  girt  up  within  Lieth, 


ANNALS  OF  Ql'EEX    ELIKAliETH.  (>J 

that  no  supplies  was  brought  unto  them.     Hereupon  they  grewe      A.D. 
very  short  in  strength  of  men,  and  no  lesse  short  in  provision      Jj 
of  foode  for  those  men  which  they  had  ;  the  one  happeninge  to  trm  for 


them  l>y  the  force  of  their  enimies,  the  other  either  by  disabilitie  **n£  of 
or  negligence  of  their  freinds  ;  so,  their  old  stoore  beinge  spent, 
they  were  inforced  to  make  use  of  euery  thinge  out  of  which 
hunger  was  able  to  drawe  norishement.  The  fleshe  of  horses 
was  then  more  daintie  then  ever  they  esteemed  venison  before  ; 
doggs,  catts,  and  vermine  of  more  vile  nature  were  highelie  valued  ; 
vines  were  striped  of  their  leaves  and  tender  stalkes  ;  grasse  and 
weedes  were  picked  up,  and,  beinge  well  seasoned  with  hunger, 
were  reputed  amonge  [them]  for  dainties  and  dilicate  dishes  ;  in  a 
word,  this  enimie  within  their  entrales  was  farr  more  furious  then 
was  the  enimie  without  the  walles,  and  the  feble  state  of  the 
towne  was  not  unknowne  to  the  Englishe  armie  ;  for  that  one 
Scattergood,  an  Englishe  gunner,  fled  into  Lieth  for  committinge 
of  manslaughter  (as  he  gave  forth)  within  the  campe,  who,  beinge 
receyved  by  the  French,  and  abiding  certeyne  daies  amonge 
them,  returned  agayne  to  the  camp,  with  certeyne  advertisement, 
that  the  enimies  were  emptie  both  of  present  meanes  and  future 
hope  to  susteyne  their  lyves.  They  also  within  Inskieth  were 
reduced  to  the  last  extremitie,  but  neither  the  one  nor  the  other 
would  render  the  places  which  they  held,  and  assuredly  their 
valour  was  not  so  terrible  as  was  their  obstinacie,  beinge  despe- 
rately bent  either  to  maynteyne  the  enterprise,  or  else  to  die. 

But  it  often  happeneth  that  men  in  distresse  and  readie  to 
falle  are  suddenlie  releived  by  some  unexpected  accident:  so  at 
this  tyme  Count  de  Randon,  and  Monluc,  Bishop  of  Valence, 
Commissioners  for  the  French  Kinge,  had  obteyned  of  the  Queue 
of  England,  that  she  should  send  Commissioners  into  Scotland  to  j^!6  E  »g- 
treate  aswell  with  them  as  with   [the]   Quene  Regent  and  the  sends  Com- 
Lords  of  Scotland,  of  some  reasonable  nicancs  to  appease  these 


C8  ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.p.  said  effects  of  armes.  To  which  purpose  she  sent  with  the  French 
60*  Embassadors  William  Cecill,  Knight,  her  principall  Secretary,  of 
Queen*Re  whom  hereafter  very  much  shalbe  said ;  and,  with  him,  Doctor 
gent.  Wotton,  Deane  of  Canterbury  and  of  Yorke,  and  one  of  the 
Sir  William  privie  counsell,  furnished  with  most  ample  authoritie  to  deale  in 
Dr.Wotton  these  affaires.*  They  arrived  at  Barwicke  upon  the  xiij.  of  June  ; 
the  Com-  from  thence  they  passed  to  the  Englishe  armie,  and,  after  they  had 

missioners.  .  .  . 

bene  lively  saluted  with  a  peale  of  shot,  were  forthwith  conducted 
to  Edenburgh. 
The  Queen      Here  they  fownd  that  the  Quene  Regent  of  Scotland,  consumed 

Regent  dies  .  ,  ...  .  /       .   . 

before  their  partly  With  care  and  greif,  and  parthe  with  incurable  sickenes, 
arnval.  jia(j  finis]iej  the  course  of  her  mortalitie  a  fewe  daies  before  their 
Hercha-  comminge.  She  was  a  ladie  of  lif  innocent,  in  wit  florishinge, 
religious  in  purpose,  ruled  and  measured  in  all  her  actions.  She 
was  loved  while  she  lived,  and,  after  her  death,  lamented  by  the 
Skotts  ;  aswell  for  mainteyninge  good  justice  amonge  them,  as  for 
mild  moderation  in  all  her  behaviour,  whereby  she  did  beare  out 
manie  disorders  of  court.  But  her  favour  did  more  forceably 
incline  to  the  Catholick  religion  and  faction  of  the  French,  than 
the  state  of  Scotland  at  that  tyme  could  well  endure.  Her  bodie 
was  conveied  by  sea  into  France,  to  the  Abbey  of  Fescampe,  from 
whence  it  was  carried  to  the  Abbey  of  St.  Peter  at  Rhemes,  where 
Interred  at  her  sister  was  Abbesse,  and  there  buried.  Her  death  much  dis- 
couraged the  French  within  Lieth,  and  also  the  Embassadours 
that  were  come  out  of  France;  who,  notwithstandinge,  entered 
into  conference  with  the  Englishe  Embassadours,  both  parties 
advisinge  dailie  with  diverse  Lords  of  Scotland. 

June  l?th.  By  reason  of  this  treatie,  upon  the  xvij.  of  June,  a  surcease  of 
tice Treed  armes  was  agreed  uPon  betwene  the  Englishe  and  the  French, 
upon.  warnieinge  beinge  given  by  dischargeinge  two  peces  of  great 

*  Vide  their  Commission  in  the  Foedcra,  xv.  596, 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  69 

artillerie  out  of  Edenburgh  Castle,  whereupon  the  French  ad-     A.D. 
vanced  themselves  boldlie  upon  their  rampieres.     This  abstinence 

...  .  .          June  22nd. 

was  observed  untill  the  xxij.  of  June,  and  then  againe  was  oro-  The  armis- 
ken  of.  ti«»  broken 

off. 

Upon  the  iiij.  of  Julie,  in  the  afternoone,  the  French  came  out  Jul  4th 
of  Lieth  to   gather  cockles,  which,  since  the  begininge   of  the  Skirmish 
treaty  they  accustomed  to  doe  ;  but  at  that  tyme  they  ranged  the*Eng- 
beyond  their  ordinary  limitts.     The  Generall  sent  a  drumme  to 
Mounsier  Doysell,  to  declare  unto  him,  that  he  should  reteyne  his 
soldiers  within  their  usuall  bownds.     Doysell  answered  that  they 
were  not  soldiers,  but  poore  people  of  the  towne.     The  drumme 
replied,  that,  whosoeuer  they  were,  if  they  did  adventure  further 
then  they  should,  the  Generall  would  do  his  best  to  drive  them 
backe.     Doysell  agayne  answered,  that  if  he  so  did,  he  would  do 
the  best  he  could  to  releive  them.  Hereupon  the  Englishe  charged, 
both  with  horse  and  foote,  slue  50,  and  toke  manie  of  the  residue 
prisoners. 

Presentlie  after  this  the  peace  was  concluded  :  whereupon  order  Peace  con- 
was  given  to  the  soldiers  that  warded  in  the  trenches,  and  upon  c 
the  bulwarkes,  that  no  shew  of  hostilitie  should  be  made  ;  so  upon 
Sondaie,  the  vij.  of  Julie,  two  Englishe  knights  and  two  French  July  7th. 
gentlemen  were  sent  into  Lieth,  to  advertise  this  agrement  to 


Monseir  Doysell,  the  Bishop  of  Amiens,  La  Brosse,  Martignes,  t?  the  « 
and  to  other  Lords  and  Captaynes  within  the  towne.  Leith, 

Hereupon  proclamacion  was  made,  that  the  most  mightie  Prin-  and  pro- 
cesse  Quene  Elyzabeth,  by  the  grace  of  God  Quene  of  England,  clalmed- 
France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  fayth,  £c.  and  the  most 
Christian  Kinge  Frances  and  Mary,  by  the  same  grace  of  God 
Kinge  and  Quene  of  France  and  Scotland,  have  accorded  upon  a 
reconciliacion  of  peace  and  amitie,  to  be  inviolably  kept,  betwene 
them,  their  subiects,  kingdomes  and  countries,  that  therefore,  in 
their  names,  it  is  streghtly  commanded  to  all  maner  of  persons 


70  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      borne  under  their  obeysances,  or  beinge  in  their  services,  to  for- 
°*      beare  all  hostilitie,  either  by  sea  or  by  land,  and  to  kepe  good 
peace  each  with  other,  from  that  tyme  forward,  as  they  would  an- 
swere  thereunto  at  their  uttermost  perills. 

Banquet         This  proclamacion  beinge  made,  the  gentlemen  before  mencioned 

%renh*     were  can*ied  to  Mounseir  DoyselPs  lodginge,  where  a  banquet  of 

garrison  to  30  or  40  dishes  was  prepared  for  them,  and  not  any  of  fishe  or 

came  with   fleshe,  except  on  onlie  of  powdered  horsefleshe;  and  albeit  the 

tidings  of    French  were  glad  they  were  deliuered  from  so  extreame  both 

danger  and  want,  yet  remayned  they  offended,  regardinge  more 

that  the  Englishe  had  drawen  these  evills  upon  them,  then  that 

they  were  the  meanes  to  set  them  free.   The  Commissioners  stood 

not  longe  to  debate  the  condicions,  by  reason  both  of  the  neces- 

sitie  of  the  French,  and  of  the  moderation  of  the  Englishe,  the 

on  yeldinge  to  all  with  a  naturall  facilitie,  the  other  demandinge 

nothinge  which  did  not  tend  rather  to  substantiall  goode,  then  to 

a  vaine  smoake  of  glorie,  which  never  perceth  deper  then  opinion. 

Terms  of        The  articles  of  the  peace  were  these.* 
the  treaty. 

1.  That  the  Kinge  and  Queue  of  France  and  Scotland  should 
relinquishe  the  stile,  title  and  armes  of  England  and  Ireland,  and 
forbeare  from  thenceforth  to  use  or  beare  the  same,  and  also  for- 
bid their  subiects  to  use,  or  the  usinge  of,  that  title  or  armes  in 
any  sort  within  their  countries  or  dominions  ;  and  also  forbid,  as 
much  as  in  them  lieth,  any  manier  of  joyninge  or  quarteringe  the 
armes  of  England  with  them  of  Scotland  or  France. 

2.  That  all  letters  patents  and  other  writtings  which  had  bene 
formerly  made  in  such  stile,  or  sealed  with  such  armes,  should  be 
renued  and  reformed,  without  puttinge  them  to  the  title  and  armes 


*  The  Treaty  is  printed  in  the  Fuedera,  xv.  593,  and  the  separate  convention  for  the 
destruction  of  the  fortifications  of  Leith,  ibid.  591. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  7l 

of  England  and  Ireland ;  and  whatsoever  writtinge  should  not  so     A.D. 
be  reformed  within  six  monethcs,  to  be  utterly  void. 

3.  That  Scotland  should  be  governed  by  a  counsell  of  xij  of  the 
cheif  of  the  nobilitie  of  that  realme,  seaven  of  them  to  be  nomi- 
nated by  the  Scottishe  Quene,  and  five  by  the  Lords  assembled 
in  Parliament;   and  this  nominacion  to  be  made  out  of  the  num- 
ber of  24  which  should  be  elected  by  the  whole  bodie  of  the  Par- 
liament. 

4.  That  all  thinges  passed  in  Scotland  against  the  authoritie  of 
the  Quene  of  Scotts  betwene  the  tenth  day  of  March  155  [8]  and  the 
first  daie  of  August  15 GO,  should  be  overpassed  and  forgotten,  and 
the  suertie  of  the  same  confirmed  by  Parliament,  which  should  be 
holden  in  Edenburgh  in  the  moneth  of  August  next  ensuinge,  by 
commission  to  be  sent  from  the  Kinge  and  Quene  of  France,  and 
that  every  man  should  be  refered  to  his  office  within  the  realme  of 
Scotland, 

5.  That  no  Frenchman  should  beare  anie  office  in  Scotland. 

6.  That  all  Frenchmen  should  depart  out  of  Scotland  by  sea 
within  xx  daies  next  ensueinge,  except  onely  120  soldieres  which 
should  remayne,  in  Dunbarr  60,  and  so  manie  in  Inskieth,  to  kepe 
a  kind  of  possession  for  the  French  Kinge  and  Quene,  and  these 
to  receyve  paie  from  the  counsaile  of  Scotland. 

7.  That  no  munition  or  victualls  should  be  brought  into  Scot- 
land out  of  France,  but  from  sixe  monethes  to  six  monethes ;  and 
then  onlie  for  those  places,  and  the  said  number  of  120  soldieres. 

8.  That  no  forreyne  ships,  or  men  of  warre,  should  be  brought 
into  Scotland  but  by  consent  of  the  Scotts. 

!).  That  the  walles  of  Lieth  should  be  throwen  downe,  and  the 
fortifications  demolished  by  veiwe  of  the  commissioners  of  the 
Quene  of  England,  in  such  sort  as  they  should  thinck  fit. 

10.  That  the  fort  which  had  bene  raised  by  the  French  before 
the  Castle  of  Dunbarr  should  also  be  defaced. 


72  ANNALS  OP  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.         11.  That  matters  of  religion  should  stand  in  Scotland  in  the 
60*      same  condicion  where  in  they  were,  without  any  change. 

12.  That  the  league  betwene  the  Quene  of  England  and  the 
Lords  of  Scotland  should  stand  without  renovacion  or  revocation. 

13.  Lastly,  the  French  Kinge  and  Quene  were  by  a  speciall 
clause  bownd  to  the  Quene  of  England  to  performe  and  kepe  all 
such  covenants  as  concerned  the  realme  and  subiects  of  Scotland. 

The  French      These  articles  beinge  concluded,  the  Frenchmen  that  were  in 
barken6"1"  Scotland,  bycause  they  had  no  shipinge  of  their  owne,  were  im- 
Engiish      barked  in  Englishe  vessells  at  Lieth,  only  some  remayned  as 
pledges  until!  the  English  ships  should  returne,  and  a  fewe  were 
permitted  to  passe  through  England  into  France.     Then  the  for- 
tifications about  Lieth  and  Dunbarr  were  beaten  downe ;  and, 
The  Eng.    lastly,  the  Englishe  forces  retired  fairely  out  of  Scotland,  without 
retire  into   reteynhige  or  spoilinge  any  places,  without  doing  violence,  with- 
England.     out  layeing  heavy  condicions  upon  anie  persons,  without  making 
advantage  of  any  man's  necessities;  whereas  fewe  princes  will 
enter  into  forreyne  warres  with  travaile  and  expenses,  but  to  gayne 
dominion  over  them  for  whom  they  fight.     By  this  honorable  and 
upright  dealinge,  the  Quene  of  England  purchased  farre  greater 
both  reputacion  and  assurance  to  herself,  then  she  should  have 
done  by  reteyning  a  great  part  of  Scotland  in  her  hands  ;  for  it  is 
an  unfalible  propertie  of  fortune,  when  victories  are  not  used  with 
justice  and  moderacion,  to  defile  their  glory  with  some  unexpected 
accident. 

Importance      It  is  certeyne  that  if  we  respect  either  the  preparations,  or  the 
treaty  they  a^chivements,  or  the  continuance  of  this  warre,  it  was  not  great ; 
concluded,  but  if  we  regard  the  end  which  it  atteyned,  or*  the  effects  which 
did  ensue,  it  was  a  very  great  and  weightye  warre,  the  most  im- 
portant service  that  the  Englishe  performed  in  many  yeares  be- 

*  "Of"  in  MS, 


A  \NAL8  OF  QUEEN  EM'/AIIETH.  fo 

fore  ;  for  hereby  the  realmc  of  England  did  remove  a  dangerous  A.  D. 
neighbour,  and  a  j)retence  to  the  crowne  was  disavowed,  which,  in 
these  waveringe  tymes,  might  have  produced  troublesome  effect. 
The  realme  of  Scotland  pulled  out  of  the  Frenchmen's  gripe,  who, 
partlie  upon  colour  of  supportinge  religion,  and  partly  under  con- 
teynance  of  the  yong  Queue,  did  suppose  themselves  suerly  seized 
thereof ;  also  the  people  were  confirmed,  both  in  government  and 
in  religion,  and  especially  in  peace  with  England,  which,  continu- 
inge  more  then  xl  yeares,  did  weare  out  that  hatred  betwene  the 
two  nations  which  former  hostilitie  had  made  almost  naturall,  and 
made  preparacion  to  the  present  union  of  these  ij  realmes,  which 
before  could  neither  by  amitie  nor  by  armes  be  contrived.  As- 
suredly the  troubles  in  France,  which  then  were  growen  to  a  very 
high  head,  were  the  principall  meanes  that  this  peace  was  so  easi- 
lie  atteyned,  the  French  nobilitie  beinge  more  ambicious  to  have 
dominion  at  home  then  to  reduce  strangers  to  their  subiection. 

And  thus,  in  Scotland,  armies  were  dissolved,  armes  laid  downe, 
all  feare  and*  hope  of  all  parties  did  cease.  The  Quene  of  England 
was  better  pleased  that  she  should  establishe  a  peace  by  wisdome 
then  if  she  had  ended  the  warre  by  battle  and  blood,  haveinge 
obteyned  the  true  end  of  one  that  is  assailed,  onlie  to  repell  the 
enimie,  without  so  greate  either  losse  or  shame,  as  might  both 
renue  and  encrease  the  danger.  And  so  should  warres  begin 
with  justice,  proceed  with  valour  and  wisdome,  and  end  with 
clemencie. 

This  yeare,  in  the  end  of  September,  the  copper  monnies  which  September, 
had  bene  coyned  under  King  Henry  the  Eight,  and  once  before 
abased  by  Kinge  Edward  the  Sixth,  were  agayne  brought  to  a  of  the 
lower f  valuacion.     The  teston  of  the  best  sort,  marked  with 
port-culleis,  which  had  bene  coyned  for  twelvepence,  and  after- 
ward embased  to  sixpence,  was  then  brought  downe  to  fourpence 

*  "  of"  in  MS.  f  "  greater"  in  MS. 

CAMP.  SOC.  7-  J- 


74  ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.     halfpenny.     That  of  the  second  sort,  marked  with  the  greyhownd, 
which  had  bene  coyned  for  sixpence.,  was  brought  downe  to  two- 
pence.    The  third  and  worst,  not  marked,  was  made  of  no  valua- 
tion at  all.     The  groat  was  brought  downe  to  twopence,  and  the 
Base  money  two  pence  to  a  penie.     In  short  tyme  after  all  these  base  coynes 
m>     were  called  into  the  minte,  and  allowance  was  made  of  fine  ster- 
linge  monie  for  them,  accordinge  to  the  rate  before  expressed ; 
and  French  a|SQ  a])OUt  this  tyme,  the  French  crowne,  which  then  went  currant 
duced  in     for  vjs  iiijd,  was  jtroclaymed  to  be  but  vjs. 

In  the  moneth  of  Julie,  certeyne  gunpowder  was  fired  in 
cident  Crooked  Lane  by  crooked  and  carelesse  dischargeinge  of  a  peice, 
from  gun-  ^fa  tjie  violence  whereof,  fower  howses  were  torne  and  cast  up. 

powder  in  (  ' 

Crooked      and  diverse  other  sore  shaken  ;  nine  persons  were  slayne  outright, 
and  manie  more  greivouslie  hurt. 


THE    THIRD    YEARE    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

The  Lordes  of  Scotland  beeing  now  setled  in  security  of  peace, 
land  to  the  sent  the  Earles  of  Morton  and  Glencarne,  and  the  young  Lord 
Oaten        °^  Lcdington,  Embassadoures  into  England,  to  give  thankes  to  the 
Queene  for  her  honorable  ayde  against  the  French,  and  to  assure 
unto  her  all  offices  of  amity  from  them,  offering  alsoe  the  best 
among  them  (whom  they  esteemed  to  be  the  Earl  of  Arrane)  to 
be  disposed  in  marriage  at  her  pleasure.     And  in  truth  they  did 
afterwardes  very  constantly  carry  themselves,  not  onely  in  holding 
faythfull  frcndshipp,  but  in  reposing  greate  confidence  in  the  fayth 
Fidelity  of  and  strength  of  the  English  state.     Insomuch  as  when  Noale,  an 
tish  Lords  Embassadour  out  of  France,  propounded  iij  poyntes  unto  them  in 
1  a  'em'crfts"  Pu^c^  assembly,  1 .  To  renew  ther  auncient  amity  with  France ; 
with  Ens-   2.  To  abandon  ther  league  with  England;  3.  To  restore  preistes 
their  an-     to  ^ier  f°rmer  livings :  ther  answere  was,  that  they  wer  not  guilty 
bwi-r  to  the  of  any  breach  of  frcndshipp  with  France,  but  the  French  had 


ANNALS  OP  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  J5 

many  wayes  violated  ther  fayth  to  them,  especially  of  late,  in     A.  p. 
seeking  to  subvert  the  liberty  of  ther  countrey,  and  to  reduce  them 
to  a  servile  conditione ;  that  in  perswading  [them]  to  abandon  5s™S^s*° 
their  league  with  England,  they  seemed  to  deale  as  the  fable  re- 
porteth  of  the  woolves,  whoe  pers waded  the  sheepe  to  put  awaye 
ther  dogges,  to  the  end  that  the  woolves  and  they  might  fasten 
perpetuall  frendshipp  together ;  that,  towelling  the  restitutione  of 
those  whom  they  called  preistes,  they  knew  neyther  office  nor  use 
for  them  in  the  church. 

In  December,  Francis  the  French  King  changed  his  life ;  where-  December, 
uppon  the  Queene  of  Scotes,  being  then  a  widow  and  dowager  of  p^ci^n 
France,  remooved  from  Orleance,  wher  the  court  then  laye,  to  husband  of 
Reimes  in  Chambeigne,  and  ther  remayned  for  a  tyme.     Here  Scotland. 
many  diswaded  her  from  returning  to  Scotland,  laying  before  her 
as  well  the  danger  of  the  journey  (especially  for  that  it  was  thought 
to  be  litle  favoured  by  the  Queene  of  England)  as  alsoe  the  nature 
both  of  the  country  of  Scotland,  neyther  pleasant  nor  plentifull  in 
comparison  of  France,  and  likewise  of  the  people,  whoe  some- 
tymes  had  shewed  themselves  hard  to  be  held  in  bridle  even  by 
the  arme  and  author! tie  of  men.     Notwithstanding,  the  Queene,  she  deter- 
beeing  nothing  pleased  to  remayne  in  France,  in  other  conditione  "J."^  ^to 
then  formerly  shee  had  bene,  and  the  rather  for  that  shee  would  Scotland, 
not  be  at  the  curtesy  and  command  of  the  old  Queene  mother, 
whoe  much  swayed  the  aftayres  of  France,  and  from  whom  she  did 
expect  but  litle  favor,  resolved  to  returne  into  Scotland.     In  which 
purpose  shee  was  confirmed  by  her  uncles,  the  Cardinall  of  Lorraine, 
the  Duke  of  Guise,  the  Duke  of  Daumale,  and  the  Marquesse  Dal- 
boeuf.     For  they,  rising  into  hopes  not  so  honorable  as  high,  did 
suppose  that  her  presence  in  Scotland  might  be  much  to  ther  de- 
signes,  by  reasone  of  diuers  services  and  helpes,  which  ther  shee 
might  better  procure  from  that  natione,  then  if  shee  should  re- 
mayne in  France.   Ilereuppon  slice  moved  discourse  with  her  selfe, 


76  ANNALS  OP  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.  p.     that  the  dangeres  of  the  journey  shee  had  undergone  before  ;  the 
61 '      feare  from  the  Queene  of  England  she  ment  to  remoove  by  pro- 
curinge  good  assurance  from  her ;  the  countrie  of  Scotland  shee 
esteemed  not  soe  farr  inferiour  to  France  as  a  private  persone  is 
inferiour  to  a  prince.     And  that  for  twoe  respects  that  countrie  did 
suite  well  anough  with  her  likeing,  one,  for  that  it  was  the  place 
of  her  birth,  the  other  for  that  it  was  the  seate  of  her  sovereigntie. 
The  disorderes  which  had  sometyme  beene  raysed  by  the  people, 
shee  much  imputed  to  unskilfull  gouernment,  in  striving  to  reduce 
them  to  a  stricter  subjection e  then  that  whereto  they  had  beene 
accustomed.     But,  whensoever  ther  kings  attempted  not  to  im- 
peach ther  liberty,  they  lived  without  danger  of  honor,  or  of  life ; 
they  wer  not  onely  mainteined  free  from  inward  tumultes,  but 
made  invincible  against  ther  enemyes.     Shee  nothing  mistrusted 
the  disability  of  her  sexe  ;  for,  besides  a  generall  respect  that  men 
beare  towardes  women,  in  regard  whereof  many  people  would  bee 
governed  onely  by  princes  of  that  sexe ;  besides  her  large  inclow- 
ments  of  nature,  a  lovely  and  lively  countenance,  a  fayre  feature, 
fine  and  percing  witt,  a  mild  and  modest  dispositione,  and  then  in 
the  flower  of  beauty  and  youth  (strong  strings  to  draw  men  to 
duty  and  love);  besides  an  affable  and  curteous  behaviour,  fashioned 
by  her  educatione  in  the  court  of  France, — shee  intended  not  to 
make  any  alteratione  from  the  present  state  of  affayres  in  Scotland. 
Soe  shee  prepared  for  her  passage,  and  in  the  meane  tyme  went 
into  Lorraine  to  take  leave  of  her  kindred  by  the  motheres  side. 
An  English      The  Queene  of  England  about  this  tyme  sett  foorth  certeyne 
durin^he  °^  ^er  Srea^e  shippes  to  sea,  according  to  the  yearely  custome  of 
time  of       the  realme,  to  guard  the  coastes,  to  scoure  the  seas,  and  to  be  in  a 
JmSge       redinesse  for  all  adventures.     This  was  interpreted  by  some  to  be 
from          done  for  intercepting  the  Ciueene  of  Scotts  in  her  passage  ;  where- 
Scotland.    upon  shee  sent  the  Abbot  of  St.  Colmes  Inch  to  the  Queene  of 
England,  to  require  a  safe  conduct,  in  case  slice  should  be  en- 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  77 

forced  by  any  accident  to  land  in   England.     Shee   sent   alsoe     A.  p. 
Monsieur  Doysell  to  passe  through  England  into  Scotland;  their 
to  receive  the  fortes  of  Dunbarre  and  Inskieth  of  Monsieur  Charle-  quesLT 
bois,  and  to  keepe  them  untill  her  comeincre  thither.  *"&  c°n- 

.  duct  from 

Monsieur  Doysell  was  stayed  at  London,  for  it  was  conceived  Elizabeth, 
that  his  presence  in  Scotland  would  not  onely  breede  distrust  ™>0aes"y8 
and  discord  among  the  Lordes,  as  having  bin  one  of  the  prin-  to  pass 
cipall  authores  of  all  the  troubles  the  yeere  before,  but  alsoe  be 


nothing  safe  for  the  Queen  ;  because  it  is  noe  lesse  dangerous  to  into  Scot- 
Princes  to  have  hatefull  men  in  place  of  office  and  authoritie  neere  _ 

D  Ovsdl  is 

unto  them,  then  if  they  should  be  hateful  themselves.     The  safe  stayed  in 
conduct  was  granted,*  and  all  offices  of  honor  assured  to  the  Queene  London> 
of  Scottes,  which,  in  regard  eyther  of  amity  or  of  bloode,  shee 
could  expect,  in  case  it  should  stand  with  her  pleasure  to  take 
her  journey  through  England  ;  but,  if  shee  should  passe  that  waye 
and  not  vouchsafe  to  visit  the  Queene,  it  would  be  taken  in  very 
evill  part.     Before  the  Abbot  was  returned  with  his  message,  and  Mary 
safe  conduct  to  Calleis,  the  Queene  of  Scotts,  having  the  advan-  foj^Jj^" 
tage  both  of  a  greate  callme  and  thicke  mist,  adventured  to  sea  return  of 
in   certayne  French   gal  lies,  and  arrived  safely  in  the  roade  of 
Lieth.     The  mist  covered  them  from  the  sight  of  the  English 


*  Hayward  is  here  mistaken.  The  published  correspondence  of  this  period  esta- 
blishes beyond  question  that  the  passport  was  refused.  Cecil,  writing  to  the  Earl  of 
Sussex,  says — "  Many  reasons  moved  us  to  myslike  her  passadg,  but  this  onely  served 
us  for  answer,  that  where  she  had  promised  to  send  the  Quene's  Majestic  a  good 
answer  for  the  ratification  of  the  last  league  of  peace  made  in  Edenburgh,  and  now  had 
sent  none,  her  Majestic  wold  not  disguise  with  her,  but  playnely  wold  forbeare  to  shew 
her  such  pleasure  untill  she  shuld  ratify  it ;  and,  that  done,  she  shold  not  only  have 
free  passadg,  but  all  helpcs  and  gratuities." — Wright's  Queen  Elizabeth,  i.  GO'.  Other 
letters  having  reference  to  the  same  subject  will  be  found  in  the  Cabala  and  in  the 
Hardwicke  State  Papers.  The  best — and  certainly  the  most  interesting — account  of 
this  transaction,  and  of  Mary's  voyage  home,  with  which  I  am  acquainted,  is  that  of 
Sir  James  Mackintosh,  in  his  History  of  England,  iii,  5.'$. 


f 8  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      shippes,  which,  alsoe  by  reasone  of  the  calme,  wer  unable  to 
61 '      stirre ;  yet  was  one  shipp  taken  by  the  English  and  brought  to 
London,  wherein  the  Earle  of  Eglinton  and  some  otheres  of  the 
Scottish  nobility  did  passe ;  but  it  was  presently  discharged,  and 
Her  com-    permitted  freely  to  depart.     In  company  of  the  Queene  of  Scottes 
panions       went  three  of  her  uncles,  the  Duke  Daumale,  the  Grand  Prior, 
return  to     and  the  Marquesse  Dalboeufe ;  and,  with  them,  Monsieur  Dan- 
Scotland.    vji^  the  Constables  sonne,  and  divers  others  of  the  nobility  of 
France.     The  Duke  Daumale,  after  a  small  staye  in  Scotland,  de- 
parted againe  towardes  France  with  the  shippes ;  the  other  three 
remayned  longer,  and  passed  through  England  into  France. 
Mary  sends      The  Queen  of  Scotts,  in  a  short  tyme  after  her  arrivall,  sent  an 
sador1tbaS~  Embassadour*  into  England  to    salute  the  Queene,  to  declare 
England,     her  good   affectione,  and  the  desire  that  shee  had  to  preserve 
peace  and  frendshipp  between e  them.     He  brought  alsoe  letteres 
from  the  nobility  of  Scotland,  conteyning  a  curteous  remembrance 
of  her  former  favoures,  with  like  request,  that,  as  well  in  publicke 
as  private  actions,  shee  would  expresse  a  true  inclinatione  toward 
their  Queene,  to  provoke  her  thereby  not  onely  to  embrace  the 
present  peace,  but  by  mutuall  offices  of  love  and  good  will,  dayly 
to  assure  the  same ;  that,  as  they,  for  their  partes,  woulde  omitt 
noe  occasiones  to  perpetuate  the  peace  betweene  the  twoe  realmes, 
soe  it  laye  then  in  her  power  altogether  to  extinguish  as  well  the 
memory  of  former  variances,  as  the  sparkes  of  all  dissentiones 
who  re-       afterward,  if  shee  would  declare,  by  act  of  Parliament,  that,  next 
quests  that  to  her  selfe,  and  such  issue  as  shee  might  bring  foorth,  their 
the  Englis°h  Queene  was  heyre  to  the  Crowne  of  England.    The  Embassadour 
Elizabeth8'   in^arge^  ^Y  man>T  argumentes  that  this  request  was  both  reason- 
presump-    able  in  it  selfe  and  exceeding  beneficiall  to  both  the  realmes; 

*  This  was  the  celebrated  Maitland  of  Lethington.  Hayward's  account  of  his  em- 
bassy, and  hig  various  interviews  with  Elizabeth,  is  founded  upon  Buchanan's  History 
of  Scotland,  lib.  xvij. 


ANNALS  OP  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  79 

that  it  was  expected  that  none  should  be  more  forward  therein     A.  D. 

then  the  Queene  herselfe,  to  testify  thereby  her  love  to  ther  Queene,      156L 

,       .        A,  i        •     i  i       i    '  tivesucces- 

as  beeing  the  neerest  unto  her  in  bloode.  80r,  maybe 


To  this  the  Queene,  with  countenance  full  of  comely  majesty, 
made  answeare,  that  it  was  another  embassage  which  shee  did  Parliament. 
expect  :  "  For  I  marveile,"  sayde  shee,  "  that  your  Queene  should  Elizabeth 
forgett,  how,  before  her  departure  out  of  France,  after  long  im-  hereto8- 
portunity,  at  last  shee  promised  to  ratify  and  confirme  the  con-  nishment 

7*  *  ,        that  Mary 

ditiones  of  peace  concluded  at  Lieth  ;  and  that,  soe  soone  as  shee  delayed  to 


should   returne  into  her  realme,  I  should  heare  from  her  con  - 
cerning  that  matter.     I  have  now  beene  delayed  long  anough  ;  it  Leith. 
is  now  tyme  (if  you  beare  an  eye  to  the  honor  of  your  Queene) 
that  wordes  should  be  seconded  with  effectes." 

The  Embassadour  of  Scotland  excused  his  Queene,  for  that  he  The  Am- 
was  sent  upon  this   embassage   within   a  fewe  dayes   after   her  b*sjiador  s 
landinge,  when  shee  had  not  dealt  in  any  publicke  affayres  of  the 
realme  ;  when  shee  was  onely  buisied  in  interteyning  the  nobility 
and  taking  particular  knowledge  of  them  ;  when  shee  was  much 
troubled  with  the  troubled  and   uncertayne   state  of  religione  ; 
when  shee  had  noe  free  tyme  to  deliberate  with  her  lordes  (as  in 
an  actione  of  soe  high  nature  it  was  fitt),  seeing  thos  that  abode 
in  the  north  parts  of  the  realme  at  that  tyme  wcr  not  come  unto 
her. 

Then  the  Queene,  with  gesture  and  voyce  somewhat  more  Elizabeth's 
quick  —  "  And  what  deliberatione  was  requisite/'  sayd  shee,  "  for 
performance  of  that,  whereto  shee  was  bound  under  her  hand  and 
scale  ?  Is  that  onely  a  greate  buysinesse  of  state,  and  is  not  this 
alsoe  wherein  nowe  you  deale  ?  It  is  *  of  greater  moment  to 
confirme  a  League  then  to  assure  successione.  What  ?  will  you 
rather  clayme  courtesies  then  dischardge  debts?  Are  you  de- 
sirous to  have  your  Queene  acknowledged  an  heyre,  and  shall 

*  "  Is  it,"  in  MS. 


cession. 


SO  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 

A.D.  shee  not  acknowledge  her  selfe  a  frend  ?  Assurely,  it  is  reasone, 
that,  by  ratyfying  the  League,  slice  first  declare  her  selfe  a  frend, 
before  you  require  her  to  be  declared  an  heyre." 

The  Embassadour  had  nothing  to  saye ;  but  onely,  that  he  had 
nothing  to  saye,  for  want  of  instructions  concerning  that  poynt, 
and  therewith  desired  the  Queene  to  consider  what  greate  causes 
of  impediment  the  Queene,  his  mistresse,  had. 

Herobaer-  "  Well,"  answeared  the  Queene,  "you  see  what  a  stopp  doth 
refectin  tye  Pn]  vour  wave*  And  vet>  ^°  sPeake  somewhat  of  the  mayne 
the  sue-  head  of  your  message,  you  have  declared  at  large  that  your  Queene 
is  descended  from  the  race  of  the  Kings  of  England ;  and  that,  by 
a  natural  obligatione,  I  am  bound  to  love  her,  as  beeing  neerest 
unto  me  in  blood  :  all  this  I  neyther  will,  nor  cann,  nor  must, 
deny.  Yea,  I  have  manifested  to  all  the  world,  that  I  never 
acted,  or  attempted  any  thing  against  her  safety,  or  the  tranquil- 
lity of  her  state.  And  many,  whoe  are  privy  to  my  most  secret 
intentiones,  doe  know  right  well,  that,  when  shee  gave  mee  just 
cause  of  offence  by  assuming  the  armes  and  title  of  my  kingdome, 
I  would  never  be  induced  to  beleeve  but  that  the  seedes  of  hatred 
wer  cast  rather  from  other  then  from  herselfe.  But,  howsoever 
shee  is  descended,  I  suppose  that  during  my  life  shee  will  not 
wrest  the  scepter  out  of  my  hand ;  I  suppose  shee  will  not  debarre 
thos  children  which  possibly  I  may  bring  foorth,  from  succeeding 
in  my  place  :  in  other  cases  shee  shall  never  find  any  thing  done 
by  mee  to  prejudice  her  right.  What  that  right  is,  I  have  not 
hitherto  exactly  examined  ;  I  intend  not  deeply  to  search  into  it ; 
I  leave  this  questione  to  be  debated  by  the  judgment  of  thos 
whom  it  shall  concerne.  But,  if  the  cause  of  your  Queene  be 
just,  let  her  assuredly  expect  that  it  shall  noe  wayes  be  impayred 
by  mee.  And  I  take  God  to  my  judge,  who  knoweth  our  secretes 
better  then  our  selves,  that  I  know  none,  next  my  selfe,  that  I 
would  preferr  before  her,  I  know  none,  if  the  matter  should  come 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH.  81 

into  questione,  whoe,  eyther  in  title  or  in  power,  are  able  to  oppose  A.D. 
against  it.  You  are  not  ignorant  what  competitores  shee  hath.  With 
what  forces  of  ther  owne,  with  what  confidence,  eyther  of  ther 
cause,  or  of  ther  frendes,  shall  they  ever  attempt  soe  greate  an 
actione  ?  But  this"  (sayd  shee)  "  is  a  matter  of  weight,  and  I 
never  had  speach  thereof  seriously  before.  There  remaynes 
something  more  to  be  sayd,  which  we  will  dispatch  at  another 
tyme." 

After  a  few  dayes,  the  Embassadour  beeing  againe  brought  into  Another 
presence,  the  Queene  seemed  to  marvaile  what  the  Lordes  should  ^t^een* 
intend  by  this  ther  abrupt  request  uppon  the  very  first  comeing  Elizabeth 
of  ther  Queene,  especially  seeing  they  could  not  be  ignorant  that  bLsador™ 
all  offences  wer  not  abolished,  that  the  breach  betweene  them  was  upon  thf 

same  suo- 

not  perfectly  made  upp.  "  For  what  is  it,"  sayd  shee,  "thatject. 
they  doe  require  ?  that  I,  forsooth,  whoe  have  received  soe  high 
an  injury,  without  any  satisf actione,  should  gratify  her  in  this 
greate  matter ;  what  is  this  request  short  of  a  threate  ?  If  thus 
they  proceede,  I  would  have  them  understand  that  I  am  furnished 
noe  lesse  then  they,  both  with  force  at  home  and  frendes  abroad, 
to  mayntayne  my  right." 

To  this  he  answered,  that  he  had  expressed  himselfe  before, 
that  the  Lordes  wer  induced  to  make  this  demand,  partly  in  regard 
of  the  duty  wherein  they  stood  bound  both  to  preserve  the  safety 
and  inlarge  the  dignity  of  ther  Queene,  and  partly  for  desire  to 
establish  publick  peace  and  concord  betweene  the  twoe  realmes ; 
that  they  wer  moved  to  deale  more  freely  with  her  then  they 
would  have  done  with  any  other  Prince,  as  well  uppon  proofe  of 
her  exceeding  favor  towardes  them,  as  alsoe  uppon  care  for  the 
preservation  of  themselves  ;  as  foreseeing  that  ther  lives  and  ther 
fortunes  should  be  sett  at  the  stake,  if  any  should  oppose  against 
the  right  of  ther  Queene,  if  the  twoe  realmes  should  side  into 
armes  for  this  cause. 

CAMD.  SOC.  7»  M 


ANXALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.  «  Indeede"  (sayd  the  Queene)  "  if  I  had  attempted  any  tiling 
/  '  '  to  the  prejudice  of  your  Queene,  then  had  the  cause  of  your  de- 
further  ob-  mand  beene  just.  But  in  this  request,  whilest  I  am  alive,  in  good 
reTectin8  sta^e  °^  l)Ody,  in  the  principall  strength  and  flourish  of  my  yeares, 
the  sue-  I  should  have  my  wynding  sheete  presented  unto  mee.  This 
exceedes  all  example :  the  like  was  never  required  of  any  prince 
before.  And  yett  the  mynd  of  your  nobility  I  take  in  good  part, 
for  that  I  perceive  they  have  a  desire  to  advance  the  dignity  of 
their  Queene.  I  doe  not  lesse  allow  ther  wisedome,  both  in  pro- 
viding ther  owne  safety,  and  in  preventing  the  expense  of  Chris- 
tian bloode,  wherof  (I  confesse)  ther  would  follow  some  losse,  if 
any  other  factione  should  stand  for  the  crowne.  But  what  fac- 
tione  maye  that  bee  ?  With  what  eyther  right  or  power  shall  it  be 
supported  ?  But,  goe  to,  suppose,  for  the  tyme,  that  I  wer  in- 
clinable to  your  desire,  that  I  would  consent  to  this  declaratione, 
doe  you  thinke  that  I  would  doe  this  to  satisfy  the  pleasure  of  the 
Lordes  rather  then  to  gratify  ther  Queene  herselfe  ?  Many  other 
respects  doe  strongly  withdraw  mee.  First,  for  that  I  am  not 
ignorant  how  dangerous  it  is  to  blow  these  coales.  I  have  had 
good  reasone  (mee  thinke)  alwayes  to  forbeare  to  move  disputa- 
tione  and  doubts  concerning  this  matter.  The  controversy  of 
marryage,  allowed  or  voyd,  the  questione  of  issue,  lawfull  or  un- 
lawfull,  hath  beene  soe  often,  and  by  soe  many  witts,  canvased  on 
both  sydes,  whilest  every  man  favoureth  one  party  or  another, 
that,  for  this  cause,  I  have  beene  hitherto  the  lesse  forward  to 
marriage.  I  was  once  marryed  to  this  realme  at  my  coronatione, 
in  token  whereof  I  weare  this  ring;  howsoever  thinges  stand,  I 
will  be  Queene  of  England  soe  long  as  I  live ;  after  my  death  lett 
them  succeede  to  whom  in  right  it  shall  apperteyne.  If  that  be 
your  Queene  (as  I  know  not  whoe  should  be  before  her),  I  will  not 
be  against  it.  I  will  be  noe  impediment  unto  her.  If  ther  be  any 
law  against  her  title,  I  am  ignorant  thereof,  But  this  I  know,  that 


ANNALS    OF    QUEEX    ELIZABETH. 

in  suceessionc  of  kingdomes,  the  funclamentall  law  of  the  crownc  of     A.D. 
tlu>  rc'iilmc,  the  immutable  law  of  nature  and  of  nations  (which  pro- 
ceedeth  by  propinquity  of  bloude)  is  more  regarded  then  eyther 
sccrett  implicationes  or  expresse  cautiones  of  positive  lawes. 

"  For  that  you  assume,  in  the  second  place,  that,  uppon  this 
declaratione,  the  freindshipp  would  be  more  firme  betweene  us,  I 
feare  you  are  deceived :  I  feare  it  would  be  rather  an  originall  of 
hatred.  It  is  naturall,  indeede,  for  parentes  to  favour  the  succes- 
sione  of  ther  children,  to  be  carefull  for  it,  to  provide  for  it,  to 
assure  it  by  all  meanes  unto  them,  because  nature  is  of  force  to 
extinguish  both  the  cause  and  the  care  of  other  respectes.  But, 
in  more  distant  degrees,  it  is  almost  peculiar  to  kings  to  be  jealous 
of  those  whoe  are  in  next  expectatione  to  succeede.  Yea,  Charles 
the  vijth.  King  of  France,  how  was  he  affected  to  Lewes  the  xjth  ? 
Agayne,  how  was  Lewes  affected  towarde  Charles  the  eight  ?  or 
how  was  Francis  of  late  toward  Henry  the  second  ?  Is  it  like, 
then,  that  I  shall  beare  any  better  affectione  towardes  one  that  is 
noe  neerer  in  kindred  to  mee  then  your  Queene,  when  shee  shalbe 
once  declared  myne  heyrc  ?  Is  it  like  that  I  shall  be  well  pleased 
in  regard  of  her,  with  continuall  vew  of  myne  owne  herse  ?  Add 
hereto,  that  which  I  esteemc  of  greatest  moment,  I  am  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  nature  of  this  people  ;  I  know  how  easily  they 
dislike  the  present  state  of  affayrcs ;  I  know  what  nimble  eyes 
they  beare  to  the  next  successione ;  I  know  it  to  be  naturall  that 
more  (as  the  saying  is)  doe  adore  the  rising  then  the  falling  sunne. 
To  omitt  other  examples,  I  have  learned  this  by  experience  of 
myne  owne  tymes.  When  my  sister  Mary  was  Queene,  what 
prayeres  were  made  by  many  to  see  mee  placed  in  her  seate ;  with 
what  earnest  desire  wer  they  carryed  for  my  advancement.  I  am 
not  ignorant  with  what  dangeres  men  would  have  adventured  the 
event  of  ther  counsayles,  if  my  will  had  beene  applyable  to  ther 
desires.  Now,  happely,  the  same  men  are  not  of  the  same  mynd. 


84  AXXALS  OF   QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.  P.  But,  "as  children,  which,  dreaming  that  apples  are  given  them, 
whilest  they  sleepe  are  exceeding  glad,  but  waking  and  finding 
themselves  deceived  of  ther  hope  they  fall  to  crying  :  soe  some  of 
them,  who  did  highly  favour  mee  when  I  was  called  Elizabeth, 
whoe,  if  I  did  cast  a  kind  countenance  uppon  them,  did  foorth- 
with  conceive  that,  soe  soone  as  I  should  atteyne  the  crowne,  they 
should  be  rewarded  rather  according  to  theire  desires  then  ther 
dcsertes,  now,  finding  ther  happ  not  answeareable  to  ther  hope 
(because  noe  prince  is  able  to  fill  the  insatiable  gulfe  of  menes 
desires),  they  would  happely  be  content  with  another  change, 
uppon  possibility  thereby  to  better  ther  state.  Now  then,  if  the 
affection es  of  our  people  grow  faynt,  if  ther  myndes  change  uppon 
bearing  a  moderate  hand  in  distributions  of  rewardes  and  giftes, 
or  uppon  some  other  cause  more  light,  what  maye  we  looke  for 
when  evill-mynded  men  shall  have  a  forreine  prince  appoynted  the 
certayne  successor  to  the  crowne,  to  whom  they  maye  carry  all 
their  complayntes  ?  In  how  greate  danger  shall  I  bee  (doe  you 
thinke)  when  a  prince  soe  powerfull,  soe  neere  unto  mee,  shall  be 
declared  my  successor  ?  to  whom  soe  much  strength  as  I  shall 
add  by  confirming  her  successione,  soe  much  security  shall  I  de- 
tract from  my  selfe.  Neyther  can  the  danger  be  avoyded  by  any 
assurances  and  bandes  of  law,  for  that  princes,  in  hope  of  a  king- 
dome,  will  not  easily  conteyne  themselves  within  the  limitts  of 
any  lawe.  Assuredly,  if  my  successour  wer  knowen  to  the  world, 
I  should  never  esteeme  my  state  to  be  safe." 

Conversa-       With  thes  speeches  was  that  meeting  spent.     A  few  dayes  after 
tjon,  at  a     the  Embassadour  desired  to  know  the  Queenes  pleasure,  whether 

third  inter- 

view,  be-     slice  would  returne  any  farther  answeare  to  the  letteres  of  the 

':beee.hE.»i  Sc0ttish  nobi%' 

theAmbas-  "  For  the  present'5  (sayd  the  Queene)  "  I  have  noe  other  thing 
to  saye,  but  that  I  commend  both  ther  love  and  ther  care  towardes 
their  Queene,  for  this  is  a  matter  of  such  conditionc,  that  I  cannot 


AX.VALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  85 

eyther  sodaynely  or  fully  answearc  unto  it.  But,  when  your  A.  p. 
Queene  hath  performed  that  where  to  shee  hath  bound  her  selfe, 
in  confirming  the  league,  then  will  it  be  seasonable  to  make  triall 
of  my  affectione  towardes  her.  In  the  meane  tyme,  I  am  of 
opinione  that  I  cannot  gratify  her  herein  without  some  diminutione 
of  myne  honour.'5 

The  Embassadour  sayde,  that  he  received  noe  instructions; 
that  he  never  had  speech  with  the  Queene,  his  mistresse,  con- 
cerning that  businesse ;  that  the  reasones  which  he  used  for  the 
right  of  successione  wer  not  from  her  but  from  himselfe ;  that  the 
confirmatione  of  the  league,  whereto  the  Queene  of  Scotts  was 
drawen  by  the  French  King,  her  husband,  without  consent  of 
thos  whom  it  did  concerne,  was  noe  such  matter  as  should  ex- 
clude her  and  all  her  posterity  from  the  inheritance  of  the  realme. 
"  But  I  doe  not  now  inquire  "  (sayd  he)  "  by  whom,  when,  how, 
by  what  authority,  or  for  what  cause,  this  league  was  made ;  for 
that  I  am  not  commanded  to  touch  any  of  thos  poyntes.  But  I 
dare  affirme,  that,  although  it  wer  ratifyed  by  our  Queene,  to 
please  her  husband,  yett,  soe  greate  matteres  depend  uppon  it, 
that  in  tyme  shee  would  search  into  many  reasones,  for  which  it 
might  and  should  be  dissolved.  And  yett,  I  speake  not  this  in 
the  name  of  our  Queene,  but  onely  to  declare  that  the  nobility  of 
Scotland  have  greate  cause  to  desire  that  all  dissentions  should  be 
pulled  upp  by  the  rootes,  and  a  perfect  and  perpetuall  peace  esta- 
blished." 

To  this  the  Queene  breifly  answered,  that  oftentymes  our  in- 
tentiones  are  good,  but  yett  wre  fayle  of  our  endes,  because  we 
mistake  and  err  in  the  meanes ;  that  noe  meanes  can  be  sufficient 
to  establish  a  perfect  and  perpetuall  peace,  soe  long  as  Princes 
would  search  into  many  reasons  for  which  it  might  and  should  be 
dissolved ;  that  this  was  (to  speake  sparingly)  a  sodayne  word ; 
that  he  might  well  have  forborne  to  touch  that  string,  and  yett 


86  ANNALS   OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.  D.     shee  would  not  streyne  it  beyond  the  eompasse  of  that  which, 

61  '      happely,  he  would  call  his  meaning. 

Commis-         At  the  last,  after  a  few  like  interchanges  of  speach,  it  was  con- 

^nteVfor  c^U(^e^  tnat  Commissioiieres  should  be  appoynted  for  both  the 

ratification  Realmes,  to  revew  the  conditiones  of  the  League,  and  that  the 

League  and  ^ueene  of  Scotts  should  ratify  thos  that  concerned  herselfe  and 

settlement  the  realme  of  Scottland  ;  that  the  Queene  of  Scotts  should  not 

question  of  us^  the  armes  of  the  Kings  of  England,  or  the  titles  of  the  realmes 

succession.  of  England  anci  Ireland,  soe  long  as  the  Queene  of  England,  or 

any  issue  of  her  bloude,  should  continue  in  life.     On  the  other 

side,  that  neyther  the  Queene  of  England,  or  any  of  her  offspring, 

shall  doe  any  act  to  prejudice  the  right  of  the  Queene  of  Scotts 

for   successione  to  the  crowne  of  England.     And  this  was   all 

which  at  that  tyme  could  be  obteyned  ;  whereby  it  was  euedent 

that  the  Queene  euen  at  that  tyme  had  noe  conceit  of  any  other 

successor  then  the  Queene  of  Scotts  then,  in  case  shee  should  dye 

without  issue.     The  substance  of  this  suite  was  not  disallowed 

by  her,  or  any  other  ;  but  that  it  was  so  unseasonably  begunne, 

and  soe  immoderately  followed,  many  did  dislike. 

Warlike          And  now  it  had  bin  discovered  by  the  late  wanres  in  Scottland, 

tionsTmade  tnat  the   realme,  through  negligence  of  former  tymes,  was  but 

mEngiand.  weakely  furnished  with  any  manner  of  military  provisione.    Here- 

uppon  the  Queene,  in  peace  not  unmyndfull  of  warre,  caused 

such  preparatione  to  be  made  of  armour,  weapones,  and  all  kind 

of  furniture  for  the  feild,  as  might  suffice  not  onely  for  necessity 

of  defence,  but  for  the  setting  foorth  of  any  enterprise  that  might 

perhappes  be  sodaynely  occasioned. 

April.  This  yeare,  in  Aprill,  one  William  Geffry  was  whipped  from 

ment  of      the   Marshall-sea,  in  Southwarke,  untill  he  came   to   Bedlame, 


Bishopsgate,  for  affirming  that  one  John  More,  whoe 
cused'of      then  la  ye  in  Bedlame,  was  Jesus  Christ,  and  that  the  same  Gef- 
*y*       frye  was  his  disciple  ;  uppon  his  heade  was  sett  a  paper,  wherein 
was  expressed  the  quality  of  his  offence,  in  thes  wordes  —  «  William 


ANNALS  OF   QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  *J 

Geffryc,  a  most  blasphemous  hereticke,  denying  Christ  our  Sa-  A.D. 
viour  [to  be]  in  heaven."  At  Bedlame,  John  More  was  brought 
fourth,  before  whom  Geffrye  was  whipped,  untill  he  confessed 
that  Jesus  Christ  was  in  heaven.  Then  was  More  examined,  who 
answearing  both  stoutly  and  crosly,  was  commanded  to  put  offe 
his  apparrell,  which  he  readily  perfourmed,  and  then  was  tyed  to 
a  cart.  But  scarce  had  lie  bin  whipped  one  bow-shott  in  length, 
but  he  confessed  that  Jesus  Christ  was  in  heaven,  and  that  he, 
the  sayd  More,  was  a  miserable  man.  Then  was  More  returned 
prisoner  to  Bedlame,  and  Geffrye  to  the  Marshall-sea,  where  they 
had  remayned  prisoneres  about  a  yeere  and  a  halfe  before.  I  have 
sett  downe  this  as  a  notable  president  to  convince  and  reclayme 
hereticks  both  obstinate  and  absurd,  especially  when  they  rise  to 
any  high  pitch  of  madnesse ;  for,  from  some  degree,  without  ex- 
ceptione,  I  exempt  none. 

Uppon  the  fourth  of  June,  in  the  afternoone,  the  steeple  of  June  4th. 
Paules,  in  London,  was  fired  by  lightening.  The  fire  was  seene  J^ofth 
to  breake  foorth  about  two  or  three  yardes  beneath  the  foote  of  steeple  of 
the  Crosse,  not  much  greater  in  appearance  then  the  flame  of  a  by  * 
candle,  from  whence  it  burned  downward,  and  in  short  tyme  ning 
imbraced  the  whole  spire  of  the  steeple,  and  all  the  rooffes  of  the 
church.  This  fire  was  the  more  terrible,  by  reasone  it  was  in  a 
conspicuous  place,  and  threatned  danger  unto  many,  and  was  all- 
together  unapproacheable  for  remedy,  as  well  in  regard  of  the  height 
of  the  church  as  of  the  falling  downe  of  the  moulten  lead.  The 
flames  flew  over  many  partes  of  the  city;  sparkes,  and  small 
coales,  were  cast  soe  farr  as  the  conduite  in  Fleete  streete ;  the  * 
channelles  about  the  church  wer  stopped,  and  the  streetes  seemed 
to  be  paved  with  leade.  The  people,  being  strooke  with  amaze- 
ment, filled  all  places  with  tumult  and  confusione,  expecting  a 
generall  calamity  of  the  city,  and,  thereuppon,  buysying  them- 
selves to  remove  such  goodes  out  of  ther  howses  as  they  wer 


88  ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.  most  desirous  to  save.  The  fury  of  the  fire  was  soe  greate,  that, 
61 '  within  the  space  of  fowre  howres,  it  burned  downe  the  spire  of 
the  steeple  and  all  the  rooffes  of  the  church.  The  timber  worke 
was  consumed,  the  leade  moulten,  the  belles  cast  downe,  which 
made  a  hideous  noyse  in  the  fall ;  the  stone  work,  alsoe,  especially 
towardes  the  topp,  was  sore  shaken  and  weakened  with  the  force 
of  the  fire.  And  herein  wer  two  things  especially  admired  and 
observed  by  some :  one  was,  the  sodayne  encrease  of  the  fire,  for 
that  it  was  noe  sooner  begunne,  but  foorthwith  it  was  at  the 
highest ;  the  other  was,  that,  as  if  it  had  beene  destined  onely  for 
the  ruine  of  that  place,  it  beganne  at  the  topp  of  the  spire  of  the 
steeple,  and  from  thence  fastened  uppon  every  part  of  the  rooffes 
of  the  church,  and  yet  fell  not  from  the  rooffes  (where  the  fire  did 
most  rage)  uppon  any  of  the  buildings  underneath.  Hereuppon 
strange  conjectures  wer  conceived,  as  of  secret  causes,  soe  of  vayne 
events,  which  did  never  ensue. 

Measures        Immediately  uppon  this   misadventure,   the  Queene   directed 
taken  for     her  ietteres  to  the  Lord  Mayor  and  citizens  of  London  to  take 

its  restora-  J  . 

tion.  speedy  order  for  the  repaynng  of  thes  harmes ;  and,  for  ther 
better  encouragement,  shee  delivered  foorthwith  one  thousand 
markes  in  gould  toward  the  charge,  and  a  warrant  for  one  thou- 
sand loades  of  timber,  to  be  taken  out  of  her  woodes  or  parkes 
wheresoever.  The  citizenes  of  London  granted  a  benevolence, 
and  three  fifteenes,  to  be  presently  payd.  The  clergie  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Canterbury  granted  the  fortieth  part  of  the  yearely  valew 
of  thos  benefices  which  payd  first  fruites,  and  of  those  which  payd 
"  noe  first  fruits,  the  thirtieth  part.  The  clergie  of  the  diocesse  of 
London  granted  the  thirtieth  part  of  the  yearely  valew  of  such 
benefices  as  were  charged*  with  first  fruites,  and  the  twentieth 

Sum  col-  part  of  thos  that  were  charged,  f  All  this,  being  collected  to- 
gether, with  many  other  voluntary  contributiones  besides,  amounted 
to  the  sum  of  5,96Si».  1C8.  ld.  ob.  Two  of  the  clergie  of  the 
*  "  Not  charged  "  in  MS,  t  "  Soe  charged  »  in  MS. 


AXNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  89 

church  of  St.  Paule,  and  sixe  citizenes  of  London,  wer  appoynted      A.D. 
<  to  oversee  and  sett  forward  the  worke,  who  used  such  diligence        61' 
in  ther  charge,  that,  within  one  month  after  the  firing  of  the 
church,  all  the  fower  greate  roofes  wer  covered  with  a  sleight 
roofe  of  boordes  and  leade,  onely  to  preserve  the  walles,  floores, 
and  vaultes,  from  the  enjurie   of  the   rayne.     And,  before  the 
yeare  was  expired,  all  the  long  rooffes  wer  raysed  of  new  and 
strong  timber,  the  most  part  whereof  was  framed  in  Yorkshire. 
and  by  sea  conveyed  to  London :  the  charges  of  which  worke  Amount 
amounted  to  the  summe  of  5,982!i.  13s.  4d.  ob. 

Soe  the  receites  wer  fully  expended ;  and  yett  the  two  crosse-  The  cross- 
roofes,  which  stand  north  and  south,  were  not  finished,  but  re-  J^h^f  j, 
mayned  still  covered  with  boardes  untill  the  yeare    1564.      At  Bishop 
which  tyme  they  wer  raysed  and  perfected  at  the  onely  charge  of  A!D.  1564. 
Edmund  Grindall,  then  Bishopp  of  London,  whoe  expended,  out 
of  his  proper  estate,  720H.  in  finishing  that  worke.     This  Bishopp  Character 
was  a  man  famous,  whilest  he  lived,  for  his  deepe  judgment,  both 
in  learning  and  affayres  of  the  world ;  famous,  alsoe,  both  for  his 
industry  and  gift  in  preaching ;  but  cheifly  he  was  famous  for  his 
magnanimous  courage,  in  that  it  was  noe  lesse  easy  to  divert  the 
sunne  from  his  proper  course,  then  to  pervert  him  to  indirect 
actiones.     Hereuppon,  because  he  stoode  inflexible,  eyther  to  a 
bad  cause  or  from  a  good,  because  his  authority  could  not  be 
made  serviceable  eyther  to  the  ambitione  or  lustes  of  otheres^ 
certayne  greate  persones  wer  displeased  against  him,  and  drew 
uppon  him  some  displeasure  from  the  Queene.     But,  for  that  he 
was  not  fearefull  of  the  losse  of  his  dignity,  he  was  esteemed  by 
her  the  more  worthy  to  retayne  it.     And  yet  I  am  not  assured 
that  the  memory  of  his  vertues  would  not  have  worne  out,  if  this 
[the]  last  worke  (worthie  of  any  account)  which,  since  that  tyme, 
hath  hitherto  bin  bestowed  uppon  the  church  of  St.  Paule,  had 
not  beene  an  occasione  to  preserve  them  in  lyfe. 

CAMD.  soc.  ?•  N 


90  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.p.          The  Church  of  St.  Paule  in  London  was  first  built  by  Ethel- 
bert,  the  first  Christiane  Kins:  of  the  Saxones.  wherein  Melitus 

St   Paul's 

church  (one  of  those  fowre  whoe  wer  sent  by  Pope  Gregory  to  convert 
founded  by  the  Saxones)  was  appoynted  to  have  his  sea.  This  church  was 
Burnt  ruined  in  the  20th  yeare  of  William  the  Victor,  by  a  raging  fire, 
down  in  the  which  did  prostrate  the  greatest  part  of  the  city  of  London.  Here- 
of wiiHam  uPon  Maurrice,  at  that  tyme  Bishopp  of  London,  beganne  the 
the  Con-  foundatione  of  the  new  Church  of  St.  Paule ;  a  worke  so  admirable 

that  many  conjectured  it  would  never  have  bin  finished.    Rychard, 
Begun  to  J          J  J    . 

be  rebuilt,  his  next  successor,  as  well  in  vertue  as  in  place,  purchased  the 
ground  about  the  church,  whereuppon  many  buildings  did  stand, 

Inclosed      and  incloased  it  with  a  strong  wall  of  stone  for  a  place  of  buriall, 

stonVwall.  °^  which  walle  many  partes  continue  at  this  tyme  on  both  sides  of 
the  church,  but  covered  and  obscured  with  dwelling  houses.  He 
expended  all  the  revenues  of  his  Bishopricke  in  advancing  the  build- 
ing of  this  church,  and  maynteyned  himselfc  uppon  his  patrimony 
and  freindes,  and  yet  all  which  he  could  doe,  made  noe  greate  shew. 

The  steeple  And  albeit  the  succeedinge  Bishoppes  did  with  all  diligence  drive 

finished  in  ,  ,  .       .      ..  * 

the  6th  on  the  worke,  yet  was  not  the  building  of  the  steeple  finished  un- 
till  the  sixth  yeare  of  King  Henry  the  Third,  neyther  could  it  be 
made  fitt  for  dedicatione  untill  the  24th  yeare  of  the  same  King's 
reigne.  In  that  yeare  it  was  dedicated  by  Roger  Bishopp  of  Lon- 

year  of  don,  the  King  beeing  present,  attended  with  many  personages  of 
'  honour,  whoe  wer  all  feasted  by  the  bishopp  and  canonnes  of  the 

sions.  "  same  church.  The  length  of  this  church e  is  720  foote,  the  bredth 
thereof  130;  the  height  of  the  steeple  was  520  foote,  whereof  the 
stone  worke,  which  still  remayneth,  is  260,  and  the  spire,  now 
burned,  was  likewise  260.  The  bodye  of  the  church  is  a  150  foote 
in  height. 

firedSbeeple  In  tlie  22th  yearc  of  Kg  Heni7  the  Sixth,  uppon  Candlemas 
lightning  Eve,  in  the  afternoone,  this  steeple  was  fired  by  lightening,  about 
yea'r  of^nd  the  ver>r  middest  Of  the  spire  or  shaft.  But  at  that  tyme  it  was 
Henry  VI.  quenched,  especially  by  the  devise  and  diligence  of  a  preist  of  St. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  91 

Mary  Bow  in  Cheape ;  howbeit  the  worke  was  given  over,  as  un-  A.D. 
feasible  by  many.  At  divers  other  tymes  it  had  bin  torne  and 
defaced,  partly  by  wyndes,  and  partly  by  lightening,  even  when  all 
meanes  had  bin  used,  both  for  exquisite  workmanshipp  and  sub- 
stantiall  stuffe,  to  make  it  strong  and  durable  against  all  violence. 
After  this  last  calamity  v  .  .  .  .  have  bin  often  made  by  what 
meanes,  and  at  what  charge,  the  steeple  might  be  restored  againe 
to  the  same  state  and  statelinesse  wherein  it  stoode  before  it  was 
fired ;  but  the  enterprise  did  not  take,  partly  in  regard  of  the 
greatnesse  of  the  worke,  and  partly  in  regard  of  the  small  assurance 
that  such  buildings  can  have  against  the  like  casualties,  and  soe 
many  men  are  content  to  conteyne  themselves  within  a  firme 
midling  estate,  beneath  envy  and  above  contempt. 

Uppon  this  adventure  certayne  orderes  wer  devised  and  sett  Orders  de- 
downe  bv  the  aldermen  and  commons  of  London  for  relieving  the  viscd  f°r 

.  ,  .  protection 

city  against  any  calamity  by  fire,  whereby  provisione  was  made  of  the  city 
both  for  giving  ready  knowledge  of  the  place,  and  for  speedy  sup- 
pressing  the  danger,  and  alsoe  for  preserving  the  goodes  of  such 
persones  uppon  whose  howses  the  mischeife  should  rage. 

In  November  the  Queene  restored  to  the  realme  divers  small  November, 
peeces  of  silver,  namely  the  vjd,  iiijd,  ijd,  jtl,  three  halfe-pence,  and  j^™*10"8 
three  farthings.     All  forren  coynes,  as  well  gold  as  silver,  wer  for-  coinage, 
bidden,  and  called  into  the  mynt,  except  two  sortes  of  crownes, 
the  French  and  the  Flemish. 

This  yeare  there  was  agreate  scarcity  of  corne,  and  consequently  Great  scar, 
a  dearth  of  all  other  victualles,  but  wheate  and  rye  wer  supplyed 
from  beyond  the  seas  in  a  good  proportione ;  whereby  it  happened  j 
that  the  city  of  London,  which,  in  fruitful!  yeares,  receiveth  the  wheat  and 
abundance  of  all  other  partes  of  the  realme,  did,  in  this  tyme  of  En 
scarcity,  supply  all  ther  defectes.     The  people,  beeing  sufficiently 
buysied   how  to  live,   seemed  to   attend   noe   other  though tes ; 
noe  warres  wer  abroade,  noe  tumultes  at  home,  noe  dangeres 
threatened,  none  probably  feared.     Onely  the  eyes  of  the  state 


92  ANNALS  OP  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      wer  fixed  uppon  the  troublesome  aftayres  of  France,  which  at 

61  *      this  tyme  beganne  to  blaze  in  such  flames  as  could  not  be  quenched 

without  much  bloude.     Thes  fires  wer  kindled,  nourished,  and 

brought  to  the  height,  uppon  this  occasione,  and  by  thes  meanes, 

which  now  I  must  breifly  declare. 


THE  FOURTH  YEAR  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

Retrospect      AFTER  the  death  of  Henry  the  Second,  Francis,  his  sonne, 
of  affairs  m  succeeded  to  the  crowne  of  France ;   a   King  yong   in   yeares, 
Character    wea^e  ln  judgment,  raw  in  experience,  and  altogether  governed 
of  Francis   by  his  mother,  and  by  the  Duke  of  Guise,  and  the  Cardinall  of 
Lorrayne,  uncles  to  his  wife.     And  with  thes  the  common  cour- 
tieres  went,  whoe  commonly  doe  stoope  to  the  strongest.     On 
the  other  side,  the  princes  of  the  bloud,  having  neyther  credit 
nor  countenance  in  the  court,  complayned  of  many  indignityes 
and  wrongs  presently  offered,  and  more  feares  in  tyme  to  be  ex- 
pected ;  and,  with  thes,  the  nobility,  for  the  most  part,  did  side. 
Factions  of  Soe  the  rcalme  was  divided  into  two  factiones  (the  more  dan- 
tlje GD.uke    gerous,  because  they  wer  but  two),  inflamed  by  ambitione  and 
and  Prince  hate,   two   mightie   ministeres   to   all   mischeife.     The  Duke  of 
of  Cond*.    QUJSC  was  iieade  of  the  one  factione  ;    Lewes  of  Burbone,  Prince 
of  Condee,  of  the  other.     The  Duke  was  the  more  cunning  and 
pliable,  the  Prince  the  more  firme  and  sincere ;  he  full  of  devises, 
this  of  distrustes ;  both  open  in  words,  both  in  ther  intentiones 
dissembled,  or  at  least  close  :  sometymes  not  speaking  what  they 
would  doe,  at  other  tymes  not  doing  what  they  did  speake.     The 
Duke  pretended  the  honor  and  safety  of  the  King ;  the  Prince  the 
good  and  surety  of  the  state.     But,  assuredly  in  such  actiones  as 
thes,  howsoever  the  pretenses  are  both  publicke  and  fayre,  the 
enterpriseres  are  commonly  pushed  on  with  private  and  ambitious 
endes. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  93 

The  Duke  of  Guise  had  got  the  personne  of  the  yong  King     AD 
into  his  possession^  which  gave  a  greate  reputatione  to  his  side, 
and  with  him,  alsoe,  the  Queene  mother  did  joyne,  and  armed  oAhe" 
him  with  her   authority  and  strength ;  he  had  alsoe,  generally,  Guiaes- 
the  clergie  to  friend,  and  all  the  principall  officeres  of  the  realme. 
The  Princes  of  the  bloud,  finding  both  the  King  and  the  Estate  The  other 
of  the  realme  in  the  handes  of  the  Duke  of  Guise  and  the  Cardi-  1>arjy  ap~ 
nail  his  brother,  both  strangeres,  of  whom  the  Cardinall  had  the  people, 
goverment  of  the  treasure,  and  the  Duke  the  command  of  warr ; 
and  that,  in  the  affayres  of  the  state,  they  had  but  the  leavings 
of  thes  two  Lorraines ;  wer  supported  with  the  fury  of  injured 
myndes,  and  cheifly  followed  by  the  mutinous  multitude,  whoe, 
as  they  are  apt  to  engage  themselves  into  dangeres,  so  are  they 
unable  to  susteyne  them,  when  they  are  present,  partly  through 
disorders  and  partly  through  ignorance  in  thos  affayres.     Here- 
uppon  a  wise  man  might  very  well  have  commended  the  last,  and 
yet  made  choyse  to  follow  the  first. 

And,  as  factions  do  commonlie  growe  to  insurrections,  either 
for  desire  of  reveng,  or  fear  of  harme,  so,  from  these  divisions, 
upon  particular  either  fears  or  desires,  an  universall  confusion 
did  proceed,  wherin  the  parties  on  both  sides  were  carried  further 
then  their  first  counsaills  did  designe  ;  civill  discords  being  of 
condition  to  increase  allwaies  with  occasions.     The  Duke,  confi-  The  Duke 
dent  in  his  strength,  determined  utterlie  to  extinguish  the  con-  8ee!cs  to 
trarie  faction,  and,  the   more  to  hold  the  clergie  to  friend,  he  Protestan- 
determined  also  to  expell  the  Protestant  religion  out  of  France. 
In  which  purpose,  he  shewed  himself  so  resolute,  that  he  that 
should  offer  advise  to  the  contrarie,  much  lesse  [than]  that  he 
would  grant  him  audience,  he  would  not  forbear  to  hold  an  hard 
opinion  of  him.     On  the  other  side,  the  Princes  of  the  bloud 
purposed  to  chase  the  two  Lorrains  from  the  government  of  the 
realme ;  who,  by  giving  the  King  guards  upon  guards,  endevoured 


94 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 


A.D. 

1561. 


The  Pro- 
testants 
favoured  by 
the  other 
party. 


Edicts 
against  the 
Protes- 
tants, 


and  perse- 
cution. 


Death  of 
Francis  II. 


nothing,  they  sayd,  but  to  enterteine  him  in  distrust  of  his  sub- 
jects, and  his  subjects  in  fear  and  hatred  of  him ;  but  they  had 
no  means  to  support  themselves,  but  by  favouring  those  of  the 
reformed  religion,  which  sinew,  if  it  were  cutt  from  them,  they 
knew  they  could  not  possiblie  stand.  And  thus  both  parties 
thought,  with  the  mantell  of  religion,  to  overshadow  the  quarrell 
of  state ;  and,  by  both  togither,  so  to  blind  the  world  that  no  man 
should  espie  their  private  ambition ;  but  these  publick  considera- 
tions had  so  manie  particular  passions  that  the  adventure  must 
needs  be  fatall  to  the  undertakers. 

And,  first,  the  Duke  caused  divers  edicts  to  be  published  against 
the  Protestants,  and  great  rewards  were  promised  to  such  as 
would  discover  their  assemblies  :  hereupon  manie  townes  stuffed 
their  prisons ;  all  devices,  all  violence,  was  emploied  for  their 
ruine.  The  Princes,  on  the  other  side,  devised  a  plott  suddainlie 
to  surprize  the  Duke  and  the  Cardinal!,  and  appointed  both  guids 
and  forces  for  the  execution  thereof;  but  they,  having  discovered 
the  attempt,  did  not  onelie  discover  the  present  danger,  but  make 
themselves  more  secure  against  the  like,  both  by  guarding  them- 
selves and  by  regarding  ther  enemies.  Hereuppon  bloudie  exe- 
cutions did  ensue  at  Ambois :  some  were  beheaded,  some  were 
hanged,  some  were  tied  to  poles,  6,  8,  10,  12,  15,  in  a  companie, 
and  soe  drowned.  And,  albeit,  here  was  more  question  of  state 
then  of  religion,  yet  were  all  executed  by  the  name  of  rebellious 
Lutherans;  and,  from  this  time,  religion  was  the  onelie  crime. 
For  this  cause  of  religion,  the  streets  in  Valence  did  flowe  with 
bioud,  houses  were  sacked,  and  the  people  intreated  as  in  a  towne 
taken  by  assalt.  Mortlimart  ranne  the  verie  like  fortune.  In 
many  other  places,  besides  executions  under  forme  of  justice, 
the  sword  ranged  at  large,  swayed  by  hands  both  tumultuous  and 
fierce. 

In  the  middest  of  these  stormye  commixtions,  Frances  the 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  95 

Second  ended  his  life,  and  Charles  the  Ninth,  his  brother,  sue-      A.p. 
ceeded,  being  not  above  11  years  of  age,  by  which  change  the 


state  of  France  did  fall  from  a  fever  to  a  frenzie  ;  the  factions  in-  ceeded  by° 
creased  both  in  furie  and  strength;    and,  as  in  all  warrs  wher  Charles  IX. 
discipline  is  at  large,  these  insolencies  are  infinit,   so  in  these 
licentious  tumults  all  places  were  defiled  with  fire,  rapine,  and 
bloud :  the  libertie  of  warre  making  all  things  lawfull  to  the  furie 
of  the  strongest.     Among  the  gentlemen,  not  a  disunion  onelie, 
not  onelie  a  division  both  in  minds  and  in  armes,  but  a  cruell  Cruelties 
throte-cutting,  a   most  immortall  and  mercilesse  butcherie,  did  juringUie 
arise ;  the  poor  people  stood  at  the  curtesie  and  pleasure  of  the  Civil  War- 
men-at-armes,  their  lives  and  goods  exposed  to  perpetuall  pillage. 

And  nowe  againe  the  religion  of  the  Protestants  by  publick 
edict  was  banished  the  realme ;  but  they,  confident  both  in  their 
strength  and  in  their  cause,  did  more  openlie  both  practise  and 
professe   the    same ;    from    hence    sprang   divers    mutinies    [at] 
Beavois,  Amiens,  Pontois,  Paris,  St.  Marceau,  St.  Medard,  and 
else  wher.     Hence  followed  the  massacre  at  Vassie,  the  principall  Massacre 
firebrand  of  the  civill  warre  which  did  ensue,  for  this  did  pre-  testauts.™ 
sentlie  putt  all  the  Protestants  in  alarme. 

Hereuppon  either  faction  did  assure  itself  by  surprize  of  di- 
verse places,  not  without  effusion  of  bloud,  spoiling  and  ruin- 
ating of  churches,  and  such  other  insolencies  as-  do  commonlie 
followe  a  licentious  warre.     In  all  places,  extreme  violence  was 
used  against  the  Protestants;  who,  on  the  other  side,  revenged  Their  man. 
themselves   upon  images,  churches,  and  religious  houses.     The  "^ 
Protestants  did  beat  downe  the  images  of  saints,  but  they  them- 
selves were  beaten  downe  by  the  Catholicks. 

Then  the  Duke  of  Guise  took  the  field  with  12,000  foot  and  The  Duke 
3000  horse.     The  Prince  of  Conde  did  the  like  with  like  strength  °[£^ee 
and  better  discipline.     The  Prince  had  a  faire  opportunitie  to  have  Prince  of 
buckled  in  fight ;  he  desired  it  above  all  men ;  Duke  Andelot,  and 


96  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      Boucart,  above  all  men,  urged  it,  but  he  was  abused  with  vain 
hope  of  accord,  untill  the  Duke's  armye  was  much  increased,  both 
loses  the°e  wi*n  French  forces  and  other  aides  from  diverse  forreyn  coun- 
advantage    tries.     For,  besides  his  partie  in  France,  he  drew  many  soldiers 
out  of  Germanie,  having  the  King's  purse  at  pleasure  and  com- 
mand.    He  was  allso  supported  by  the  King  of  Spaine,  who  had 
declared  himself  tutor  and  protector  of  the  realme  of  France  and 
of  the  King's  affairs;  who,  besides  many  supplies  that  he  sent 
Attempt  to  out  of  Italic  and  Spaine,  advised  allso  to  plant  the  Spanish  Inqui- 
theT*"6*    siti°n  m  France.     The  Privie  Councell  gave  way,  the  Parliament 
sition  into   was  content,  but  the  Chancellor  Hospitall  did  oppose  against  it, 
ranee.      foouidije  affirming  that  the  free  nature  of  the  French  could  not 
possiblie  endure  so  heavie  a  yoke. 

The  Prince  of  Condee  having  lost  opportunie,  the  very  life  of 
actions,  mainteined  his  armye  for  a  time  with  commendable  dis- 
cipline ;  but,  being  short  for  pay,  the  taking  of  Baugencie  by 
assault  opened  a  wide  way  to  all  disorder.    The  Prince  was  forced 
to  endure  that  with  patience  which  he  had  no  power  to  restreine ; 
and  so,  reteining  forces  enough  to  ammuse  their  enemies  and  to 
The  Prince  attend  upon  them  at  everie  start,  he  sent  home  troupes  to  Lions, 
to'sentf'1    Grenlis,  and  Burges ;  into  Poitou,  Xaintonge,  Angoulmois,  and 
home  his     Normandie,  wher  they  wanne  possession  of  the  most  principall 
townes   of  import.      Duke  Andelot  he  sent  to  hasten  the  suc- 
He  sends    cors  out  of  Germanic ;  he  sent  Briguemant  into  England  to  deal 
sengerTo5"  w^n  ^e  ^ueen  f°r  some  furnishment  of  men,  but  especiallie  of 
England     monie,  the  very  sinewes  and  hartstrings  of  warre. 
assistance^.       And  here  we  will  leave  the  French,  in  the  fierie  heat  of  their 
furie,  bathing  their  countrie  with  the  bloud  and  teares  of  her 
owne  children,    and  will  accompanie  Briguemant  in  his  voiage 
into  England,  who,  travailing  with  hast  answerable  to  the  dis- 
tresse,  and  to  his  charge,  in  short  time  arrived  in  England  and 
presented  his  suit  presentlie  to  the  Queen  ;  recommending  to  her 


ANNALS  OF  QUERN    KM'/AHKTH.  97 

the  dangers  of  the  Princes,  the  manifold  miseries  of  the  Protes-      A.  p. 
tants  in  France,  and,  with  manie  humilities,  intreated  her  assist- 
ance and  aid,  and  that  under  all  the  reasons  and  grounds  which, 
in  consideration  of  enterprises,  meritt  chiefest  place. 

But  these  discourses  were  in  vaine  ;  for  the  Queen,  being  of  Reasons 
great  judgment,  to  give  both  hopes  arid  fears  their  due  estimation,  *eighe(j 
held  all  these  regards  either  so  uncertaine  or  of  so  slender  moment,  with  Eiiza- 
or  else  so  overbalanced  with  contrarie  respects,  as  they  were  not 
worthie  to   exercise   her  thoughts  with   consideration  of   them. 
For,  on  the  other  side,  she  weighed,  first,  the  danger  of  the  French  Danger  of 
King,  being  whollie  possessed  both  in  person  and  judgment  by         " 


the  Duke  of  Guise,  who  disposed  offices  at  his  pleasure,  and  pur- 
chased either  servants  or  friends  in  all  places  both  of  justice  and 
command  ;  who  had  byn  heard  to  give  forth  that  the  crowne  of 
France  belonged  to  the  house  of  Lorraine,  as  descended  from 
the  lyne  of  Charlemaine,  from  which  Hugh  Capett  (from  whom 
the   French  King  drew  his  discent)   did  manifestlie   usurpe  it; 
who,  likewise,  had  been  heard  to  give  forth  that  France  was  made 
to  full  of  people,  and  that  he  would  take  such  order  that  victuaills 
should  be  better  cheap.     Further,  the  Princes  of  the  bloud  and  Situation  of 
others  of  the  nobility  of  France  who  principallie  had  sollicited  her  Ofetn^nnces 
aide,  endured  manie  both  indignities  and  despights.     For,  besides  Blood. 
that  they   were   excluded  both   from   authoritie   and   advice   in 
government  of  the  state,  some  were  ruined,  manie  were  hardlie 
plunged,*  all  were  threatned,  all  attempted.     But,   chieflie,  she  Cruelties 
was  moved  at  the  calamitie  of  the  common  people,  and  likewise  {^"J^ 
at  the  cause  of  their  calamitie  ;  for  all  passages  and  parts  of  the  people. 
realme  were  besett  with  armed  men,  by  whom  rich  townes  were 
spoiled,  villages  and  fields  were  harrassed  ;  much  unarmed  people 
were  butchered  and  abused,  and  doubtfull  it  was  whether  the 
rage  bare  more  rule  either  of  covetousnesse  to  spoile,  or  of  crueltie 

*  So  in  MS. 
CAMD.  SOC.  7«  ° 


98  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      to  kill,  or  of  lust  to  defile.     The  massacres  in  diverse  parts  of  the 
,  realme,  from  the  beginning  of  March  to  *  the  end  of  August  this 

Number  of 

as       present  year,  was  esteemed  to  extend  to  the  destruction  of  one 


hundred  thowsand  persons,  most  of  them  quiett,  harmlesse  hearts, 
to  August,  whose  highest  ambition  was  to  mainteine  themselves  upright  in 
goodnes;  who,  by  the  law  of  humanitie,  the  naturall  league  of 
humane  societie  which  susteineth  the  life  and  condition  of  man, 
should  not  onelie  be  pittied  but  with  all  help  defended. 

The  onelie  cause  of  these  cruelties  was  given  forth  to  be  for 

overthrow  of  the  Protestant  religion  in  France,  wherof  a  list  had 

Number  of  byn  given  to  the  Queen  of  England,  conteining  2,150  churches, 

Chu^bes*  &N  which  the  Duke  of  Guise  did  professe  that  he  intended  utterlie 

in  France,  to  abolish.     But  it  is  a  weake  suretie  which  is  grounded  upon  the 

bloud  of  innocents  ;  for,  albeitt  this  inhumane  crueltie  brought 

astonishment  to  some,  yet  it  estranged  the  affections  of  manie, 

both  from  the  contrivers  therof  and  from  the  cause  for  which  it 

was  used,  and  doubtlesse  drew  on  a  secret  revenge.     Assuredlie 

the  religion  which  they  terme  "  reformed  "  never  sprang,  spredd, 

thrived,  and  flourished  better,  in  all  parts  of  Europe,  then  when  it 

was  most  grevouslie  oppressed. 

Enmity  be-      Nowe,  in  regard  of  her  owne  person  and  state,  the  Queen 

house  of6    considered  that,  if  the  Duke  of  Guise  should  prevaile,  these  fires 

ftni.se  and   of  France  both  easilie  might,  and  readilie  would,  cast  dangerous 

;th'   sparkes  over  the  ocean  into  England,  as  well  for  vicinitie  both  of  the 

place  and  the  cause,  as  for  the  respect  of  those  who  guided  the 

enterprise;  for  these  were  knowen  to  be  the   same   men  who, 

partlie  by  ielousie  and  partlie  by  ambition  (two  mightie  motives 

to  carrie  on  disordered  designes),  had  formerlie  bent  their  best 

endevors  against  her,  as  well  in  devising  and  divulging  pretenses 

of  title  to  empeach  her  right  to  the  crowne  of  England,  as  by 

enterprising  a  manifest  invasion  of  her  by  the  way  of  Scotland. 

That  this  enmitie  was  neither  ended  nor  abated,  but  they  daily 

*  "And,"  in  MS. 


ANNALS  OP  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

gave  fresh  cause  of  suspition  and  distrust,  partlie  for  that  they 
had  generallie  declared  their  intention  to  be,  that,  after  their  sub- 
version of  religion  in  France,  they  would  do  the  like  against  all 
persons  and  states  abroad,  and  partlie  by  many  particular  argu- 
ments of  iniustice,  both  against  her  self  and  against  manie  of  her 
subjects,  which  did  fairelie  warne  her,  first,  to  suspect,  then  to 
discerne,  and,  lastly,  to  prevent  intended  mischief;  for  her  owne 
messengers  had  byn  dispoiled  of  packetts  of  letters  sent  unto  her  Letters  of 
from  her  Embassadors,  which  fact  was  passed  over  without  either  J,®  J^1 
punishment   or  reproof.     Many  merchants  of  London,  Exeter,  dors  inter- 
Fallmouth,  and  of  other  townes  in  the  west  parts  of  England, ce 
being  in  diverse  ports  of  Brittaine,  onelie  for  the  trade  of  mer-  merchants, 
chandise,  were  arrested ;  their  goods  and  merchandise  to  a  great 
value   seyzed,   their   bodies   imprisoned,   and    some,   that   made 
resistance,  slaine ;  and  yet  were  they  charged  with  nothing,  but 
onelie  furiouslie  called  "  Hugonotts,"  a  word  which  plainlie  de- 
clareth   both   whence  the  commandement  came,  and   what  was 
further  intended  when  time  should  serve,*  especiallie  seing  this  was 
not  done  in  a  loose  unbridled  furie,  but  by  publick  officers  which 
were  supported  by  the  greatest  governors  of  those  countries ;  yea, 
no  English  were  spared  that  could  be  taken  in  France ;  no  Eng-  and  all 
lish   that   were   taken   could,  without  great   hazard,   escape ;   all  Objects  in 
which  newe  iniuries  could  not  but  renewe  both  the  memorie  and  France  ar- 
grief  of  former  offences.     As  for  the  contrarie  reasons,  they  were 
both  future  and  contingent,  in  which  cause  it  is  allwaies  neces- 
sarie  to   referre  manie  things  to  the  arbitrement  of  adventure, 
otherwise  whosoever  will  seek  in  any  great  action  to  avoid  all 
inconveniences  which  may  possiblie  happen,  to  answer  all  objec- 
tions which  may  probablie  be  made,  must  sit  still  and  do  nothing. 

*  The  derivation  of  the  title,  Huguenot,  is  well  known  to  be  a  subject  of  dispute. 
It  is  evident  from  the  passage  in  the  text  that  Hayward  considered  it  had  reference 
to  the  support  given  by  the  Protestants  to  the  descendants  of  Hugh,  or  Hugo,  Capet, 
in  preference  to  the  family  of  the  Guises.  Vide  ante,  p.  97. 


100  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.p.      It  concerneth  a  Prince  not  onelie  to  repell  dangers  when  they  fall, 
but,  much  more,  to  prevent  them,  before  either  they  growe  to 
strength  or  opportunitie  to  make  easie  their  enterprise. 
The  Queen      Upon  these  reasons  the  Queen,  between  lothnesse  and  neces- 
Henr  Ssid  S*^Q>  resolved  to  ioyne  to  the  Princes  and  Protestant  faction  in 
ney  to  me-  France ;  but,  first,  she  sent  over  Sir  Henrie  Sidney,  Lord  Presi- 
behai°of     dent  °^  Wales,  by  a  quiet  course  to  mediate  those  troubles  to  a 
the  Protes-  pacification,  but  he  could  do  no  good ;   after  this,  she  sent  a  more 
without      solemne  and  honourable  embassage  of  certaine  persons,  both  of 
success.      experience  and  indifferencie,  of  her  Privie  Counsaill,  but  nothing 
could  be  effected ;  no  answer  could  be  had  from  the  young  King, 
but  by  direction  and  appointment  of  the  Queen,  his  mother,  and 
the  Duke  of  Guise ;  and  yet  this,  happilie,  did  not  proceed  from 
hate  of  peace,  but  rather  for  that  no  Prince  will  easilie  endure  that 
another  Prince  should  mediate  between  his  subiects  and  him; 
becaus,  in  that  case,  he  may  be  assured  that  his  subjects  will 
afterwards  cleav  more  close  to  that  Prince  then  himself.     Here- 
She  ad-       upon  she  furnished  the  Princes  with  diverse  summs  of  monie  to 
them  mo-    wage  soldiers  ;   she  permitted,  also,  many  of  the  English  to  go  to 
"ermits1     their  aid,  who  passed  the  seas  dailye  in  small  companies  unto 
English       them,  who,  being  voluntarie  adventurers,  were  the  more  resolute, 
to  join*"  and  apt  to  serve  as  ensamples  and  incouragers  of  others.     And  it 
them.         is  very  like,  that,  upon  some  surmise  or  fear  of  these  aids,  that 
diverse  English  had  byn  hardlie  entreated  in  France  by  the  con- 
trarie  faction  ;  who,  not  onelie  as  hating  them,  used  all  means  to 
oppresse  them,  but,  as  fearing  harme  from  them,  endeavoured  to 
harme  them  first. 

Lastlie,  after  long  treatie,  or  rather  intreatie,  of  Monsieur  de 
The  Earfof  Vidam,  Captaine  of  Newhaven,  she  sent,  in  the  moneth  of  Sep- 
dltT^k  d  tem^er?  6000  soldiers  of  good  assurance  and  choise,  under  the 
to  be  sent  command  of  Ambrose  Dudley,  Earle  of  Warwick,  second  sonne 
haveiTwith  to  ^°^n  Dudley,  Duke  of  Northumberland ;  a  man  more  noble  in 
(Jooo  men.  birth  then  of  any  other  abilitie,  not  noted  for  any  vice,  nor  for 


ANNALS    OP    QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  101 

any  vertue  notable,  preferred  to  this  high  place  of  charge  more  by      A.D. 
favour  of  them  who  were  in  favour  with  the  Queen,  then  either 
upon  experience  or  expectation  of  his  owne  worth.     So,  upon  the 
seventeenth  of  October,  they  loosed  from  the  haven  of  Fortes-  October 
mouth,   and   committed   themselves   to   the   favour   of  the   sea, 
full   of    proud   confidence    and   ioy,   as   well   upon   their    owne  from  Porte- 
valour  as  upon  faire  and  formall  assurances  of  the  French ;  but  m 
this  was  happilie  preiudiciall  unto  them,  by  reducing  them  to 
negligence  and   omission  in  making  provisions  out  of  England. 
For,  of  this  armie  (in  regard  of  the  enterprise  for  France)  it  might 
well  haue  byn  said,  as  Tigranes  said  of  the  armie  of  Lucullus, 
that  they  were  to  manie  for  Embassadors  and  to  fewe  for  fighters. 
As  these  forces  were  insufficient  and  unperfect  to  lead  their  hopes 
on  to  their  desired  end,  so  supplies  came  afterwards,  both  later  and 
in  lesser  nombers,  then  were  expedient  for  the  exploit. 

When  they  had  sailed  all  that  afternoon  and  that  night  follow- 
ing, and  were  in  the  morning  within  twentie  myles  of  Newhaven, 
the  wind  turned  so  suddainlie  as  it  caused  them  to  returne,  and, 
within  as  short  a  time  as  they  had  byn  under  saile,  drave  them  They  are 
back  to  the  downes  upon  the  coast  of  Kent;  here  they  cast 
anchor,  and  the  Earle  of  Warwick  was  sett  on  shoar  at  Sandon 
Castle,  and,  from  thence,  passed  directlie  towards  Dover,  wher  he 
remained  untill  the  twenty-third  of  October ;  then  they  loosed  October 

Q^.rt\         * 

againe  and  committed  to  the  sea,  but  the  wind  being  both  con-  sail 
trarie  and  stiffe,  after  they  had  lyen  all  that  night  and  the  dayand.ar®. 
following  wrestling  with  the  winds,  tumbling  and  beating  upon  ven  back, 
the  seas,  they  returned  back  to  the  haven  of  Dover.  This  crossing 
of  the  winds,  this  troublesome  and  hard  passage,  was  interpreted 
by  some  to  portend  no  prosperous  event  to  the  iourney.     Upon  27th.  They 
the   twenty-seventh    of  October  they   mounted    upon   shipbord 8al1  again> 
againe,  and  had  the  wind  so  favourable  unto  them,  that,  upon  the 
twenty-ninth  of  the  same  moneth,  they  arrived  at  Newhaven.          Newhavcn. 
Here,  the  Earle  was  enterteined  by  the  French  with  all  cere- 


102  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 

A.p.      monies  and  demonstrations  of  joy.     The  towne  was  delivered  to 
\'          him  to  the  use  of  the  Queen,  as  a  caution  and  assurance,  as  well 

ception  by  for  the  men  which  she  emploied,  as  for  the  monie  which  she  ex- 

the  French.  pen(je(i  in  this  action.  Here  fell  a  curteous  contention  between 
the  English  and  manie  of  the  French.  The  English  protested 
(and  so  had  the  Queen  assured  before)  that  they  intended  no  way 
to  prejudice  the  French  King's  sovereigne  awthoritie  or  the  estate 
of  the  realme  ;  diverse  of  the  French  professed,  that,  not  onelie 
Newhaven,  but  all  the  townes  of  France,  were  a  true  inheritance 
to  the  crowne  of  England.  But  assuredly  factions  are  no  further 
to  be  trusted  then  they  are  perswaded  that  it  is  good  for  their 
good  ;  for,  notwithstanding  these  faire  formalities  of  speach,  manie 
secret  surmises  were  framed  by  the  French,  manie  fears  were  cast 
in  their  conceits,  and  those  [so]  contrarie  that  it  was  vaine  to 
think  that  the  English  could  in  any  case  content  them.  Some 
supposed  that  this  small  supplie  was  fitt  rather  to  nourish  the 
warre  then  to  end  it,  and  that  it  would  be  a  means,  by  prolonging 
the  warre,  to  weaken  both  parties;  wherbie  the  English  might 
with  more  facilitie  oppresse  them  when  their  strenght  on  both 
sides  should  be  consumed.  Others  were  of  opinion,  that  they 
were  to  manie  to  be  endured  togither  in  so  broken  and  disordered 
an  estate,  and  indeed  hereupon  manie  of  them  were  drawen  away 
and  dispersed  into  garrisons,  and  some  were  sent  to  the  armie 
ranging  at  large  ;  so  they,  who  might  have  byn  assured  by  keeping 
togither,  were,  by  seperating,  made  of  lesse  regard. 

Here  I  cannot  but  taxe  the  heavines  of  some  of  our  English 
writers,  who  affirme  that  Roan  and  Diep  were  also  delivered  into 
the  possession  of  the  Queen  ;  wheras  Roan  was  taken  from  the 
French  Protestants  before  the  Earle  of  Warwick  did  arrive  ; 
Diep  had  allso  byn  taken  from  them,  but  it  was  then  verie  newlie 

Proclaim-  recovered. 

tiJoni'0f  the       The  Earle,  after  sometime  spent  in  devises  of  courtesie  and 

fj&rl  scorn-       f  •  t  x 

mirth,  caused  his  commission  to  be  proclaimed  in  Latine,  Eng- 


scorn- 

mission. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIKADETII.  103 

lish,  and  French,  by  a  pursivant-at-armes.     This  done,  he  went  to      A.D. 
the  church,  and  there  the  Knight-Marshall  gave  him  his  oath. 
Then  were  sworne  the  same  Knight-Marshall,  the  Comptroller, 
the  Knight-Porter,  the  Master  of  the  Ordinance,  and  diverse  others 
in  place  either  of  command  or  charge  in  that  service. 

About  this  time  50  light   horsmen,   Scotts,  came  to   him  to 
Newhaven  from  Diep.     Upon  the  second  of  November  he  rode  November 
out  of  Newhaven  to  view  the  countrie,  followed  by  all  the  hors-  g^^h 
men,  English  and  Scotts,  and  a  thousand  foot.     The  Scotts  skir-  at  Monde- 
mished  with  them  of  Mondevill,  and  brought  away  a  bootie  of  300  vUle* 
sheep,  but  the  next  day  they  were  restored  againe,  by  commande- 
ment  of  the  Earle.     Some  of  the  English  landed  so  farre  as  Har- 
flew,  and  skirmished  with  them  of  the  garrison ;  but  this  seemed 
a  training  of  soldiers  rather  then  a  skirmish,  becaus  no  hurt  was 
received  of  either  part.     In  the  meantime,  fowre  barkes  of  Brit-  Four  ships 
tanie  were  taken  and  brought  into  the  haven,  charged  with  200  la.dcn  with 
tunns  of  Gascoine  wine,  which  was  made  good  reprisall,  as  well  tured. 
in  regard  of  the  English  merchants5  goods  which  before  had  byn 
arrested  in  France,  as  allso  for  that  they  were  bound  toward  the 
enemie. 

A  fewe  daies  running  between,  the  Rhingrave,  who  was  come  Arrival  of 
out  of  Germanic  to  aide  the  Duke  of  Guise,  and  the  Vice-Admi-  ^^jjj11^ 
rail's  sonne  of  France,  shewed  themselves  upon  the  hills,  followed  of  the  Duke 
by  Allmanes  and  some  French  to  the  number  of  2000  foot  and  of 
500  horse,  lustie  bodies  and  bravely  armed,  but  without  either 
skill  in  weapon  or  art  in  array.     Hereupon  a  great  alarme  was 
raised  within  the  towne  ;  but  the  Rhingrave  sent  a  trumpetter  with 
a  message  to  the  Earle,  that,  if  he  would  give  assurance  upon  his 
honor  and  faith,  he  would  come  in  friendlie  manner  to  see  and 
to  salute  him.     The  Earle  sent  a  messenger  and  a  trumpetter  to 
the  RhingraVe,  who  declared  unto  him,  that  the  Earl  was  then 
comming  towards  him,  wher  his  owne  forces  should  be  his  owne 


104  ANNALS    OF    QUEEN    ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      assurance  ;  and  that  lie  desired  no  better  securitie  for  his  safe 

1  r  t  '  * 

returne  then  the  promise  which  he  made  to  himself  of  his  honor 
Interview  and  vertue.  So  the  Earle  rode  forth  of  the  towne  with  a  fewe 
the  Rhin-  gentlemen  in  his  traine,  and  the  Rhingrave  advanced  forward  with 


fheVEarid  f  ^ie  ^e  attendance  to  meet  him  ;  here  they  embraced  and  corn- 
Warwick.  muned  verie  kindlie  and  pleasantlie  togither,  manifesting  therbye 
to  all  that  were  present,  that  their  contention  in  armes  was  more 
for  honour  (the  true  whetstone  of  valour)  then  it  was  for  hate. 
The  Rhinegrave  said  to  the  Earl,  that  he  was  come  to  be  his 
neighbour  ;  the  Earle  returned  answer,  that  he  should  be  no 
nearer  neighbour  to  him  then  to  his  owne  danger  and  disquiet. 
They  departed  with  manie  complements  of  courtesie,  wishing  one 
to  the  other  all  their  owne  wishes,  save  those  that  might  be  hurt- 
full  to  other  men.  Counte  Mongomerie  and  Monsieur  Beauvois 
were  allso  present,  and  had  some  speach  with  the  Rhinegrave  ;  but 
they  could  not  abstaine  from  reprochfull  words  against  the  Duke 
of  Guise,  and  others  of  his  faction,  traducing  them  as  men  stub- 
bornlie  stout  and  striving  against  all  reason,  either  to  have  their 
wills  or  to  shew  their  awthoritie.  Doubtlesse  the  neerer  men  are 
in  countrie,  or  in  bloud,  or  in  other  respects,  the  more  hott  is  their 
hate,  if  the  flame  break  forth. 

The  same  afternoon  the  Rhingrave  harrassed  all  the  countrie, 

and  drove  awaie  such  cattaill  as  he  could  finde  ;  at  the  last  he 

came   to   the  Church  of  Hautevill,  wher  an   hundred  and  fifty 

A  skirmish  soldiers  of  Mongommeries  band  did  lye  in  garrison.     The  skir- 

ville.aU        mish  was  offered  by  the  one  partie  and  received  by  the  other,  but 

Mongomeries  forces  were  enforced  in  the  end  to  abandon  the 

place  and  retire  to  Newhaven  ;  notwithstanding,  the  day  following 

they  returned  againe,  took  the  church,  and  held  it  as  before. 

Dissatis-         Nowe,  the   French  of  the  other  faction,  when  they  saw  the 

faction  of    English  (their  old  unwellcome  guests)  thus  to  build  their  nest  in 

the  Guises          <  v  ' 

at  the  land-  France,  beganne  to  look  one  upon  another,  as  finding  an  error,  but 


ANNALS  OP  QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  105 

unprovided  of  a   present  remedie.     Their  witts  were  wavering,      A.D. 
their  courage  irresolute,  their  fears  generall,  their  hopes  doubtfull, 
in  their  wills  no  agreement,  their  conjectures  and  judgments  full  EngHsb.6 
of  varieties ;  no  man  was  constant  in  his  owne  designes,  none 
could  aime  at  the  ends  of  others ;  they  were  afraid  to  pursue  and 
loth  to  leave ;  they  could  have  byn  content  they  had  not  begun, 
but  knew  not  howe  to  make  an  end,  finding  it  more  easie  to  tye 
knotts  then  to  loose  them,  yet  somewhat  they  must  do,  least  they 
should  be  undone.     The  Queen  mother  preferring  to  her  remem-  Attempts 
brance,  how  much  it  would  savour  of  indiscretion,  to  consider to  di8lodge 
indignities  so  farre, — so  farre  to  have  small  rule  over  her  self,  as  Newhaven. 
not  to  preferre  the  safetie  of  her  estate  before  the  satisfieng  of 
her  will,  dealt,  under  hand,  with  Monsieur  Beauvois,  and  pro- 
mised him  50,000  crownes,  with  a  collar  of  the  order,  and  a  com- 
panie  of  men-at-armes  enterteined,  in  case  he  would  yield  up  the 
towne  of  Newhaven ;  but,  whether  he  had  no  minde  to  repose 
assurance  in  her  word  (as  nothing  more  naturallie  breedeth  sus- 
pition  then  matters  of  state),  or  whether  he  had  no  power  to 
effect  that  which  she  affected,  she  prevailed  as  litle  by  this  faire 
solicitation  as  the  Rhinegrave  did  before  by  presenting  himself  to 
the  towne  in  armes.  When  this  would  not  succeed,  she  attempted 
to  induce  the  Queen  of  England  to  withdrawe  her  forces  out  of 
France;  but  she  had  given  her  word,  and  did  think  her  self  greater 
in  being  subiect  to  that,  then  in  the  greatnes  of  her  estate. 

In  the  mean  time,  between  the  French  of  Newhaven  and  the  Contention 
English  soldiers   (as  litle  time  as  they  had  byn  together)  much  thelnliabi- 
contention  did  arise,  manie  grievances  did  growe ;  whereof  com-  t^nts  of 
plaint  was  made  from  both  sides  to  the  Earle  of  Warwick.    Here-  and  the 
upon  a  proclamation  was  made  to  appease  this  disagreement,  and  En8l'8n- 
to  remedie  the  grievance  from  whence  it  was  occasioned ;  allso  to 
enjoyne  the  soldiers  to  be  diligent  in  frequenting  the  church,  to 

CAMD.  SOC.  7-  P 


106  ANNALS  OF  QUEEN   ELIZABETH. 

A.D.      represse  swearing,  drinking,  gaming,  and  other  dissolute  disorders, 

which  commonlie  follow  those  that  follow  the  warrs. 

November  Upon  the  twelfth  of  November,  three  bands  of  Frenchmen, 
Kkirmish\t  contemmg  about  600  foot,  marched  out  of  Newhaven  towards 
Graviile.  Harflew  to  seak  adventure,  committing  the  successe  to  fortune  and 
industrie ;  these  were  encountred  by  the  Allmanes  and  French  of 
the  garrison  of  Hareflewe,  and  by  them  so  livelie  charged  that  they 
were  driven  to  take  a  village  called  Gravill.  Here,  making  courage 
of  necessitie,  they  comforted  and  counsailed  one  another  to  labour 
for  the  best,  and  yet  to  endure  whatsoeuer  should  befall ;  so,  sup- 
ported more  by  valour  then  by  strenght,  they  susteined  the  skir- 
mish the  space  of  two  houres,  untill  the  Earl,  understanding  the 
danger,  sent  a  thowsand  foot  and  all  the  horsmen,  English  and 
Scotts,  to  their  reskewe,  to  whom  Monsieur  Beauvois,  with  cer- 
taine  French  horsmen,  did  allso  adioyne.  They  of  Harflewe 
espieng  these  succors,  sent  likewise  a  large  supplie  of  Allmanes, 
both  horse  and  foot,  to  reliev  their  partie;  and  now  the  fight 
entred  into  a  new  fitt  of  heat,  and  was  stoutelie  maintained  on 
both  sides  for  the  space  of  three  houres ;  at  the  last,  the  English 
carried  the  honour  of  the  day,  as  well  for  that  they  beat  their 
enemies  out  of  the  field,  and  chased  them  to  the  verie  gates  of  the 
towne  (notwithstanding  the  artillerie  plaied  freshlie  from  the 
walls  and  bullwarks  of  the  towne),  as  also  for  that  they  lost  fewer 
of  their  companie  in  the  fight :  of  the  English,  eight  men  were 
slaine  and  One  hurt ;  of  the  Allmanes.  one  captaine  and  twenty 
soldiers  were,  left  dead  upon  the  place  :  another  captaine  and  manie 
soldiers  were  dangerouslie  hurt.  The  Scotts  did  verie  valiantlie 
acquitt  themselves;  Monsieur  Beauvois,  also,  did  fight  bravelie 
in  the  head  of  his  troupes,  to  the  excellent  example  and  incourage- 
ment  of  his  soldiers. 

Capture  of      A  fewe  daies  following,  two  French  shipps,  fraughted  with  wine, 
were  ta^en  ky  the  English  and  brought  to  Newhaven. 


ANNALS  OF  QUEEN    ELIZABETH.  107 

Thus,  while  great  matters  were  acted  abroad,  nothing  of  any      A.D. 
moment  either  happened  or  was  observed  at  home;  onelie  cer- 
taine  prodigies  are  reported  to  have  befallen  this  year,  which  men  Prodigies 
do  commonlie  regard  in  prosperitie  to  litle,  and  in  adversitie  to  during* this 
much.     In  March,  a  mare  brought  forth  a  foal  with  one  bodie  and  y6*1"' 
two  heads  :  also  a  so  we  farrowed  a  pigge  having  hands  and  fingers 
like  a  man  child.     In  Aprill,  a  sowe  farrowed  a  pigge  with  two 
bodies,  eight  leggs,  and  but  one  head.     Many  calves  and  lambes 
were   monstrous,   having  collars  of   skinne  growing  about  their 
necks,  like  the  double  ruffes  that  then  were  in  use.     In  May,  a 
man  child  was  borne  in  Chichester,  the  head,  armes,  and  leggs 
like  an  anatomye,  without  any  flesh ;  the  brest  and  bellye  mon- 
struous  bigge ;  a  long  string  hanging  from  the  navell ;  about  the 
neck  grewe  a  collar  of  flesh  and  skinne,  pleighted  and  foulded  like 
a  double  ruffe,  and  rising  up  unto  the  eares,  as  if  nature  would 
upbraide  our  pride  in  artificiall  braverie,  by  producing  monsters  in 
the  same  attires. 


INDEX. 


Ally,  Bishop  of  Exeter,  27. 
Ambois,  94. 
Amiens,  95. 

-  Bishop  of,  44,  69. 
Amyot,  T.  xiii,  n. 
Andelot,  Duke,  95,  96. 
Apulia,  Patriarch  of,  40. 
Argyle,  Earl  of,  48,  55. 
Armiger,  . . . . ,  xlii  n. 
Arran,  Earl  of,  40,  55,  74. 
Arthur's  Seat,  52. 
Arundel,  Henry  Earl  of,  11. 
Austria,  Archduke  of,  37. 

Bacon,  Lord,  xiii. 

Sir  Nicholas,  12,  13,  22,  23. 

Baker,  Thomas,  xlvi. 

Barbican,  10. 

Bartholomew,  Great  St.,  xxxiii.  \\.\iv. 
xxxvii.  xliii.  xlv.  xlvii. 

Bartlet,  Bishop  of  Bath,  27. 

Bawdrick,  or  Baldrick,  30. 

Bayne,  Bishop  of  Lichneld  and  Coven- 
try, 27. 

Beast,  Bishop  of  Carlisle,  19,  24,  27. 

Beauchamp,  Edward  Viscount,  14. 

Beauvois,  95. 

Mons.,  104,  105,  106. 


Bedford,  Francis  Earl  of,  12. 
Bedlam,  86,  87. 

Beutom,  Bishop  of  Lichneld,  19,  24,  27. 
Berwick,  48,  51,  58. 
Bill,  John,  xxxv.  xliv.  xlvi. 
Bindon,  Thomas  Viscount,  15. 
Bishopsgate,  10,  86. 
Blackfriars,  in  Smithfield,  28. 
Blackness  Castle,  55. 
Bletso,  Oliver  Lord  St.  John  of,  15. 
Bonner,  Bishop  of  London,  27. 
Boucart,  Mons.,  96. 
Bourne,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  27. 
Boyd,  Lord,  55. 

Brandston,  Thomas,  viii.  xlii  n.,  xliv. 
Braughing,  xli.  xlvii. 
Briguemant,  Mons.,  96. 
Burges,  96. 

Bullingham,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  19,  24, 
27. 

Caesar,  Sir  Julius,  xxix.  xxx. 

Calais,  restitution  refused  by  the  French, 
34  ;  terms  upon  which  it  was  given 
up  to  France,  35  ;  Lord  Wentworth 
tried  for  its  loss,  36 ;  Hurleston  and 
Chamberlayne  tried  and  condemned, 
ibid. 


110 


INDEX, 


Cambridge  University,  ix. 

Cam  den,  William,  vi.  vii.  x.  xvii.  xxxv. 

Campbell,  Archibald,  48. 

Cassilles,  Earl  of,  39. 

Cavalcanti,  Guido,  35. 

Cave,  Sir  Ambrose,  12. 

Cecil,  Sir  William,  12,  68. 

Chamberlayne,  . . . . ,  36. 

Charlebois,  Mons.,  77. 

Charles  V.,  13. 

Charles  IX.  of  France,  his  accession,  95. 

Charter  House,  xxxiv.  9,  10. 

Chateau  Cambresis,34. 

Chatres,  le  Vidam  de,  100. 

Chedsey,  Dr.,  19,  24. 

Chester,  Bishop  of,  19,  24. 

Cheyney,  Sir  Thomas,  11. 

Chittinge,  Henry,  xlvii. 

Cholmelie,  Ranulph,  17. 

Christopherson,  Bishop,  27. 

Cleigh,  the  Lord  of,  66. 

Clerkenwell,  St.  James,  xlii. 

Clinton,  Edward  Lord,  11. 

Coates,  Bishop,  27. 

Coinage,  abasement  of  the  copper,  73  ; 
base  money  called  in,  74 ;  French 
crowns  reduced  in  value,  ibid. ;  coin- 
age of  small  silver  pieces,  91. 

Cole,  Dr.,  19,  21,  22,  24. 

Collier,  J.  P.,  xiii  n. 

Conde",  Prince  of,  head  of  the  Protes- 
tants, 92  ;  takes  the  field  on  their  be- 
half, 95  ;  is  obliged  to  disband  his 
troops,  96  ;  sends  to  Elizabeth  for  aid, 
96. 

Conference  at  Westminster  for  settle- 
ment of  disputed  points  in  religion, 
19  ;  at  Chateau  Cambresis  for  eflect- 


ing  peace  between  England  and  France, 

34. 
Cotton,   Sir   Robert,   xxii.  xxxi.  xxxv. 

xlviii. 

Cox,  Bishop  of  Ely,  19,  27. 
Cripplegate,  10. 
Croft,  Sir  James,  37,  52. 
Crooked  Lane,  74. 
Cunningham,  James,  48. 

Dannimond,  Henry,  66. 
Danvill,  Mons.,  78. 
D'Aumale,  Duke,  75,  78. 
David,  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  27. 
D'Elboeuf,  Marquess,  49,  75,  78. 
Denby,  ..,25. 
Derby,  Edward  Earl  of,  11. 
Dieppe,  102,  103. 

Douglas 41. 

,  Sir  George,  39. 

,  Robert,  48. 

Dover,  101. 

Downshire,  Marq.  of,  xlii  n. 

D'Oysell,  Mons.,  42,43,  69,  70,  77. 

Dudley,  Lord  Robert,  37. 

Dunbar,  51. 

Duncomb,  Sir  Edward,  xlii  n. 

Edinburgh  Castle,  57. 

Edward  VI.,  Life  of,  xxvii.  xxxi.  1.  39, 

73. 

Eercampe  Abbey,  34. 
Effingham,    William  Lord  Howard  of, 

11. 
Elizabeth,   Queen,  her  desire  to  have 

Hayward  racked,  xiv. ;  proclaimed,  3 ; 

removes  from  Hatfield  to  London,  6  ; 

her  courtesy,  ibid. ;  personal  appear- 


INDEX. 


Ill 


ance,  7  ;  character,  ibid. ;  at  the  Char- 
ter House,  9 ;  removes  to  the  Tower, 
10;  appoints  her  council,  11;  ap- 
points ambassadors  to  foreign  powers, 
12;  removes  from  Westminster  to 
the  Tower,  14;  thence  to  West- 
minster  preparatory  to  her  Corona- 
tion, 15  ;  her  pleasing  behaviour,  16  ; 
receives  a  purse  of  1000  marks,  17  ; 
and  a  Bible,  ibid.  ;  effect  of  her  beha- 
viour on  the  people,  18  ;  her  corona- 
tion, ibid. ;  her  endeavours  after  popu- 
larity, 29  ;  the  Commons  petition  the 
Queen  to  marry,  30  ;  her  reply,  31  ; 
sources  of  her  popularity,  33 ;  pro- 
posed marriage  with  Prince  Eric,  37  ; 
her  interference  in  the  affairs  of  Scot- 
land, 44—73  ;  vide  "  Scotland"  and 
"  Leith ;"  embassy  from  the  Lords  of 
Scotland,  74  ;  messenger  from  Queen 
Mary  to  request  a  safe  conduct,  76  ; 
embassy  from  her  upon  her  arrival  in 
Scotland,  78 — 86;  messenger  from  the 
Huguenots  requesting  assistance,  96  ; 
reasons  which  weighed  with  her,  97  ; 
she  mediates  ineffectually,  100  ;  sends 
money  and  men  to  their  aid,  ibid.  ; 
progress  of  the  war  which  ensued, 
100—106  ;  vide  "  Proclamations." 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  Annals  of,  origin, 
xxi ;  date  of  composition,  ibid.  ;  part 
publication,  xxvii ;  MS.  of,  \.\ \\iii. 

Elmer,  Mr.,  19. 

Eric,  Prince  of  Sweden,  37. 

Essex,  Earl  of,  ix.  x.  xii. 

Exeter,  99. 

Falmouth,  99. 


Feasy,  Bishop,  27. 

Feckenham,  Abbot  of  Westminster,  19, 
24. 

Felixstow,  viii.  xxxiv.  xlii.  xliii.  xlv. 

Fescamp,  Abbey  of,  68. 

Finland,  John  Duke  of,  37. 

Fleet  Street,  87. 

Fleming,  Lord,  39. 

Forman,  the  Astrologer,  xiii  n. 

France,  Embassy  from  Elizabeth,  12; 
war  between  France  and  Spain,  33  ; 
French  dissatisfaction  with  the  pro- 
jected  marriage  of  Mary  of  Scotland, 
40 ;  endeavour  to  disunite  England  and 
Scotland,  ibid. ;  supported  by  the  clergy 
of  Scotland,  ibid. ;  the  French  assist  the 
Queen  Regent  against  the  Reformers, 
42 ;  the  Scotch  call  in  the  assistance 
of  the  English,  44  ;  war  which  ensued, 
48 — 72 ;  retrospect  of  affairs  in 
France,  92 ;  the  Guises  seek  to  extir- 
pate Protestantism,  93 ;  cruelties 
practised  with  that  view,  94,  95  ;  the 
Protestants  seek  the  aid  of  Elizabeth, 
96  ;  indignities  offered  to  the  English 
ambassador,  99  ;  and  to  English  mer- 
chants and  subjects,  ibid. ;  war  which 
ensued,  100 — 106. 

Francis  II.  of  France,  death  of,  75,  94  ; 
his  character,  92. 

Geffry,  William,  86,  87. 

Genlis,  96. 

Glencairn,  Earl  of,  39,  55,  74. 

Goldwell,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  27. 

Graville,  106. 

Greame,  George,  48. 

Greenwich,  the  Friary  at,  28. 


112 


INDEX. 


Grey,  Lord,  51. 

Grindall,  Bishop  of  London,  19,  27,  89. 

Guest,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  19,  27. 

Guise,  Duke  of,  57,  75,  92 ;  authority  of 
his  party  in  France,  93  ;  seeks  to  ex- 
tirpate Protestantism,  ibid. ;  edicts 
published  against  the  Protestants,  94 ; 
persecution,  ibid. ;  takes  the  field 
against  the  Prince  of  Conde",  95  ;  en- 
mity against  Elizabeth,  98 ;  obtains 
aid  from  Germany,  103. 

Haiward,  John,  xxx  n. 

Halke  [Hawk] hill,  53. 

Hamilton,  Lord  Claude,  48. 

Sir  William,  39. 

Hanchet,  Edward,  xli.  xliv  n.,  xlvi.  xlvii. 

Mary,  xli  n.,  xliv  n. 

Thomas,  xli.  xlvii. 

jun.  xli.  xlvi.  xlvii. 

Harfleur,  103,  106. 

Harpsfield,  Dr.  19,  24. 

Harwich,  37. 

Hauteville,  104. 

Hay  ward,  John,  of  the  Inner  Temple, 
xiv  n. 

Sir  John,  his  birth,  vii ;  edu- 
cation, viii ;  imprisonment,  xii ;  ap- 
pointed Historiographer  of  Chelsea 
College,  xvii.107 ;  his  intercourse  with 
Prince  Henry,  xviii ;  admitted  of  Doc- 
tors' Commons,  xxiii;  knighted,  ibid. ; 
death,  xxvii ;  misapplication  of  his 
learning,  xxviii ;  character  as  an 
historian,  xxxi  ;  personal  appear- 
ance, xxxii ;  marriage,  xxxiii.  xli ; 
issue,  ibid. ;  residence,  xxxiv  ;  proper- 
ty, ibid.  ;  opinions  in  politics,  xxxv  ; 
in  religion,  xxxvi ;  interment,  xxxvii ; 


certificate  of,  xlvii ;  desire  of  a  monu- 
ment not  complied  with,  ibid.  ;  his 
works,  ix.  xv.  xxii.  xxiii.  xxvii.  xlviii ; 
his  will,  viii.  xxxvi.  xli ;  his  respect 
for  the  authors  of  antiquity,  vii  n.  ; 
his  arms,  viii ;  portraits  of  xxxii  n., 
xlix  ;  hand-writing,  xxx  ;  grand-chil- 
dren, xlii  n.  ;  descendants  from  his 
mother,  ibid. 

Hayward,  Lady,  xxxiii.  xxxvi.  xliii.  xliv. 
xlvii. 

Heath,  Lord  Chancellor,  and  Archbishop 
of  York,  2,  11,  13,  27. 

Henry  I.  Life  of,  xxii.  xlix. 

II.  of  France,  38. 

IV.  Life  of,  x — xiv.  xvi.  xlviii. 

VIII.  39,  73.« 

,  Prince,  son  of  James  I.  xvii.  xviii. 

Highgate,  xlvii. 

Hincksworth,  xliv. 

Hopton,  Bishop,  27. 

Home,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  19,  22, 
24,  27,  37. 

Howard,  Sir  George,  52. 

Huguenots,  persecuted  in  France,  94 ; 
massacred,  95  ;  cruelties  practised 
against  them,  97  ;  number  massacred, 
98  ;  number  of  their  churches,  ibid.  ; 
origin  of  their  name,  99. 

Uunsdon,  Henry  Lord,  15. 

Hurleston 36. 

James  I.  xiv. 

Jewell,  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  19,  27. 

Kenedy,  Capt,  66. 
Kentish  town,  xxxv.  xliv. 
Kitchen,  Bishop  of  Llandaff,  27. 
Knolles,  Sir  Francis,  12. 


INDEX. 


113 


Knox,  John,  41. 

La  Brosse,  Mons.,  69. 
Langdale,  Dr.,  19. 
Ledington,  the  Lord  of,  48,  74. 
Leirmouth,  Sir  James,  39. 
Leith,  an  English  fleet  arrives  off,  49  ; 
mistaken  by  the  French  for  the  Mar- 
quis d'Elboeuf,  ibid.  ;  the  English  at- 
tacked by  the  garrison  of  Leith,  53  ; 
siege  of  Leith,  55,  56;  churches  bat- 
tered, 60  ;    new  trenches  dug,  ibid. ; 
planted  with   cannon,    61  ;  the  town 
assaulted,  63 ;  peace  concluded,  69 ; 
arrival  of  Queen  Mary,  77. 
Lennox,  Matthew  Earl  of,  40. 
Lesterick,  52,  55. 
L'Hospital,  Chancellor,  96. 
Lisle,  34. 

London,  violent  tempest  in,  29  ;  recep- 
tion of  the  Duke  of  Finland,  37  ;  or- 
ders for  protection  against  fire,  91. 
Lorraine,  the  Cardinal  of,  75,  92,  93, 
94. 

Christiana  Duchess  of,  34. 

Lyons,  96. 

Maitland  of  Lethington,  78. 
Margaret,  sister  of  Henry  II.  of  France, 

38. 

Mark  Lane,  10. 
Marshalsea,  the,  86,  87. 
Marten,  Sir  Henry,  xlvi. 
Martignes,  Mons.,  43,  50,  53,  69. 
Mary,  Queen,  death,  1  ;  announced  to 

the   Parliament,   2;    interment,    12; 

complaints  against  her  council,  25 ; 

inquiry  relating  to  her  grants,  30. 
CAMD.  SOC.  7' 


Mary,  Queen  of  Scotland,  accession, 
38;  proposal  for  her  marriage  with 
Prince  Edward,  39 ;  conveyed  into 
France,  40  ;  married  to  the  Dauphin, 
41  ;  his  death,  75  ;  she  removes  from 
Orleans  to  Rheims,  ibid.  ;  determines 
to  return  into  Scotland,  ibid. ;  requests 
a  safe-conduct  from  Elizabeth,  76  ; 
arrives  at  Leith,  ibid. ;  sends  an  Am- 
bassador to  England,  78;  requests 
that  her  title  as  Elizabeth's  successor 
may  be  recognized,  ibid. ;  interviews 
on  that  subject,  78-85  ;  commissioners 
appointed  on  both  sides  for  settlement 
of  the  questions,  86. 

Mason,  Sir  John,  11. 

Mathew,  Tobie,  Archbishop  of  York, 
xxiv. 

Maurice,  Bishop  of  London,  90. 

Maxwell,  the  Master  of,  39,  48,  55. 

Meffane,  ...  41. 

Merick,  Sir  Gilly,  xii. 

Mondeville,  103. 

Mongomerie,  Count,  38,  104. 

More,  John,  86,  87. 

Morgan,  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  27. 

Mortlimart,  94. 

Morton,  Earl,  55,  74. 

Muswell-hill,  xxxiii.  xli  n. 

Noailles,  74, 

Norfolk,  Duke  of,  48,  49,  65. 

Northampton,  William   Parr,    Marquis 

of,  11,  14. 
Newcastle,  49. 
Newhaven,  101,  103,  104,  105,  106. 

Ochiltre,  Lord,  55. 


114 


INDEX. 


Oglethorpe,  Bishop  of  Carlisle,  27. 
Oliver,  John,  xlvi. 
Oxford,  Earl  of,  37. 
University,  xxiii. 

Paris,  95. 

Parker,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  27. 

Parkhurst,  Bishop  of  Norwich,  27. 

Parliament  of  1558,  2  ;  of  1559,  19, 
24,  30  ;  dissolved,  36. 

Parr,  Sir  Thomas,  12. 

Parsons,  Father,  xv.  xlviii. 

Paschall,  Andrew,  xxxiii.  xlvii. 

Sir  Andrew,  xliv  n. 

—  Edward,  xliv  n. 

Pates,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  27. 

Pembroke,  William  Herbert,  Earl  of, 
11. 

Percy,  Sir  Henry,  57. 

Peto,  Bishop,  27. 

Petre,  Sir  William,  11. 

Philip  II.  King  of  Spain,  34. 

Pilkington,  Bishop  of  Durham,  27. 

Pole,  Cardinal,  3. 

Pontois,  95. 

Poole,  Bishop  of  Peterborough,  27. 

Portsmouth,  101. 

Preston-pans,  52. 

Prior,  the  Grand,  78. 

Proclamations  of  Elizabeth,  of  her  ac- 
cession, 3;  against  altering  ceremo- 
nies, 5  ;  forbidding  preaching  without 
license,  ibid. ;  for  reading  the  Litany 
in  English,  13;  respecting  the  sus- 
pension of  public  officers,  24 ;  of 
peace  with  France,  36  ;  of  peace  with 
Scotland,  69. 

Prodigies  in  1562,  107. 


Randon,  Count,  57,  67. 

Reformation  in  Scotland,  progress  of; 
demand  of  reform,  41 ;  reformers  sum- 
moned to  Stirling,  ibid.  ;  they  pull 
down  images  and  religious  houses, 
42 ;  the  Regent  endeavours  to  put 
them  down  by  the  aid  of  the  French, 
ibid. 

Regent  of  Scotland,  endeavours  to  put 
down  the  reformers,  42  ;  obtains  pos- 
session of  Perth,  43  ;  and  of  Edin- 
burgh, ibid. ;  demands  of  Winter  the 
cause  of  his  coming,  49 ;  sends  to  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk  at  Newcastle,  ibid. ; 
the  English  army  offer  to  treat  with 
her,  52  ;  the  conference,  53  ;  her  en- 
deavours to  bring  about  a  reconcilia- 
tion, 57 ;  her  death,  68  ;  character, 
ibid. ;  interment,  ibid. 

Religion.  Alteration  in  the  Establish- 
ment anticipated,  4  ;  unpopularity  of 
the  clergy,  13 ;  return  of  Protestant 
Divines  from  beyond  seas,  19  ;  confer- 
ence concerning  controverted  points, 
ibid. ;  articles  propounded  for  discus- 
sion, 20  ;  first  meeting  of  the  confer- 
ence, 21  ;  second  meeting,  22 ;  con- 
ference dissolved,  23 ;  proceedings 
against  the  clergy,  24  ;  settlement  of 
the  Prayer  Book,  26  ;  the  people  en- 
joined to  go  to  church,  ibid. ;  the  Queen 
declared  to  be  Head  of  the  Church, 
ibid.  ;  prelates  and  clergy  deprived  for 
refusing  to  take  the  Oath  of  Supre- 
macy, 27  ;  religious  houses  suppress- 
ed, 28;  vide  "  Reformation  in  Scot- 
land," and  "  Huguenots." 

Revett,  James,  viii.  xlii.  xliii.  xlv.  xlvi. 


INDEX. 


115 


Revett,  Ursula,  viii.  xlii  n.,  xliv.  xlvi. 
Rheims,  75. 

.  Abbey  of  St.  Peter,  68. 

Rhingrave,  the,  103,  104,  105. 

Rich,  Lord,  xxxiv. 

Richard  II.,  play  of,  xii  n. 

Roger,  Bishop  of  London,  90. 

Rogers,  Sir  Edward,  12. 

Rouen,  102. 

Rowe,  Anthony,  xlii  n. 

Elizabeth,  xlii  n. 

George,  xlii  n. 

Mary,    x \\iii.   xxxiv.   xli.    xlii. 

xliii.  xliv.  xlv.  xlvi.  xlvii. 
Sir  Nicholas,  xxxiii.  xxxiv.  xli. 

xlii.  xliii.  xlv.  xlvii. 

Sir  William,  xli  n. 

Rubee,  Mons.,  42,  43. 
Ruthen,  Archibald,  48. 

Sackville,  Sir  Richard,  11. 

Sadler,  Sir  Ralph,  37,  39,  51. 

St.  Andrew's,  Prior  of,  48,  55. 

St.  Colme's  Inch,  Abbot  of,  76. 

St.  Dionis,  Church  of,  in  Fenchurch- 
Street,  29. 

St.  James's  Palace,  3,  12. 

St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  Priory  of,  28. 

St.  Marceau;  95. 

St.  Medard,  95. 

St.  Paul's  Church,  39  ;  measures  taken 
for  its  restoration,  88  ;  sum  collected 
ibid.  ;  amount  expended,  89 ;  the 
cross-roofs  finished  by  Bishop  Grin- 
dall,  ibid. ;  when  founded,  90  ;  burnt 
down,  20th  William  I.,  ibid. ;  rebuilt, 
ibid. ;  inclosed  within  a  stone  wall, 
ibid. ;  the  steeple  finished,  6th  Hen. 


III.,  ibid. ;  dedicated,  ibid.  ;  its  di- 
mensions, ibid.  ;  struck  by  lightning, 
22nd  Henry  VI.,  ibid.  ;  again  in 
1561,  87. 

St.  Paul's  Cross,  5,  87. 

Sandown  Castle,  101. 

Sandys,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  19,  27. 

Savoy,  Philebert  Duke  of,  38. 

Seamier,  Bishop  of  Peterborough,  27. 

Scarcity,  in  1561,  91. 

Scory,  Bishop  of  Hereford,  19,  27. 

Scotland,  Elizabeth's  interference  in 
the  affairs  of.  The  Scotch  apply  to 
Elizabeth  for  assistance  to  drive  out 
the  French,  44  ;  her  reply,  45  ;  argu- 
ments to  induce  her  to  interfere,  ibid. ; 
her  caution,  47;  she  requests  the 
French  to  withdraw  their  forces,  ibid. ; 
declaration  of  her  intentions  in  inter- 
fering in  the  affairs  of  Scotland,  48  ; 
sends  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  to  Ber- 
wick, ibid. ;  agreement  concluded 
there,  ibid. ;  hostages  delivered  to 
Elizabeth,  ibid.  ;  English  fleet  sent 
to  Scotland,  ibid. ;  English  army  in- 
vades by  land,  51  ;  their  proceed- 
ings, 51-72;  vide  "  Leith  ;  "  peace 
concluded,  and  the  articles  thereof, 
70  ;  vide  "  Regent"  and  "  Reforma- 
tion." 

Shakspeare's  "  King  John,"  8  ;  "  Rich- 
ard II."  xiii. 

Shrewsbury,  Francis  Talbot,  Earl  of,  11. 

Sicily,  William  King  of,  42. 

Sidney,  Sir  Henry,  100. 

Sion  Monastery,  28. 

Snell,  Ann,  viii.  xlii  n.,  xliv. 

Somerset  House,  11. 


116 


INDEX. 


Southwark,  37,  86. 

Stirling,  41. 

Story,  Dr.,  25. 

Subsidy  granted  in  1559,  37. 

Sussex,  Thoraas  Earl  of,  11. 

Sweden,  Gustavus  King  of,  37. 

Tandridge,  xv,  n. 
Thirleby,  Bishop  of  Ely,  27. 
Tottenham,  xxxiv.  xli.  xliv. 
Tower  of  London,  10,  14, 15,  24. 
Tunstall,  Bishop  of  Durham,  27. 
Turbevil,  Bishop  of  Exeter,  27. 

Uxbridge,  25. 

Valence,  94. 

Bishop  of,  57,  58,  67. 

Vawie,  95. 

Ware,  Mary,  xli  n. 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  his  expedition 


into 


France  to  assist  the  Hugenots,  100 — 

106. 

Watson,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  27. 
Wentworth,  Lord,  36. 
Westminster  Abbey,  12,  13,  18,  20. 

College,  28. 

Hall,  18. 

Palace,  3. 

Wheeler,  Ambrose,  xli. 

White,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  12,  19, 

24,  27. 

Whitehall,  31. 
Whitehead,  Mr.,  19. 
William  I.,  Life  of,  xxi.  xxii.  xlix. 

II.,  Life  of,  xxii.  xlix. 

Williams,  Abraham,  xli  n. 
Willock,  ...,41. 

Winchester,  William  Marquis  of,  11. 
Wotton,  Sir  Nicholas,  11. 

Dr.,  68. 

Wynter,  William,  48,  49,  50,  51. 

Young,  Archbishop  of  York,  27. 


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