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£ 8ii
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ANDOVER-HARVARD THEOLOGICAL
LIBRARY
MDCCCCX
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
i^:
ANNALS OF SALEM.
VOL. I.
-^>y««
Cnmch
ATSTNALS OF SALEM.
JOSEPH B. FELT.
•■•bL — Tmua Jtirit,
vol. I.
SECOND BDITION.
SALEM :
PUBLISHED BY W. & 8. B. IV
BOSTON :-JAME8 MONBOE ft. CQ*^^^^^
1845. -^^^
£ 'Syy
:>"
c • .
Fr H Smtadi StMnilr Actool
ANDOVER-HARVARD THEOLOGICAL
LIBRARY
MDCCXX^X
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
I.
1
1
\
ANNALS OF SALEM.
VOL. I.
6 NAME.
which their strongest affections were entwined, in
which centered their highest earthly hopes and their
dearest enjoyments, and for which they were ready to
endure the utmost priiration and suffering.
On the map ^ of Massachusetts and part of Maine, as
described by Captain John Smith, in 1614, and as hav-
ing its different portions subsequently named by Prince
Charles, the location of Salem was called Bastable.
It is not unlikely that the abundance of Bass, former-
ly in our waters, was the origin of such a name.
But an alteration of this kind had little influence on
the natives of our soil, to surrender their own Naum-
keag. Not until after the arrival of Mr. Higginson, is
any attempt known to have been made by the Coun-
cil, on the premises^ to have the word substituted by
another. He mentions, in his communication to
friends at home, that^ before the date of his writing,
which was July 24, 1629, such a change had taken
place, and that the settlement was then called Salem.
While thus speaking of what became the permanent
appellation of our city, he observes : " Here is plen-
tie of marble stone in such store, that we have great
rocks of it, and a harbour hard by. Our plantation is
from thence called Marble harbour." It appears from
this, that a term, afterwards applied exclusively to
Marblehead, was used to designate not only the latter
place, but also the whole town of Salem, to which it
then belonged.
The Planters' Plea,^ in adducing proofs that the
Indians here had anciently some knowledge of the
* Smith*B Palbway, etc., Mass. 'Printed in London, 1C30, and
Hist. Coll., s. 3, ▼. o, pp. 20, 34. supposed to have been written by
Rev. John White, p. 14.
NAME. f
Jews, makes the ensuing remark : ^< It fals out, that
the name of the place, which our late Colony hath
chosen for their seat, prooves to bee perfect Hebrew^
being called Nahum Keike; by interpretation, the
bosom of consolation ; which it were pitty that thosoi
which observed it not, should change into the name
of Salem, though upon a faire ground, in remembrance
of a peace setled upon a conference at a general!
meeting betweene them and their neighbors, after ex«
pectance of some dangerous jarre." In this paragraph,
there appears more of fancy than fact, as to the Indian
name. It is very probable, from the custom of our
early historians, that if ten persons had undertaken to
spell such a word, without any consultation with each
other, and as pronounced by the natives, they would
all have varied some, and that not one of them would
have made the exact number of letters, and those of
the same kind, contained in Nahum Keike.
On the same subject, Hubbard' remarks: <<In this
place, soon after by a minister, that came with a com-
pany of holiest planters, called Salem, from that in
Psalms, Ixxvi. 2, was laid the first foundation, on
which the next colonies were built." The minister
here referred to, was, most likely, Rev. Francis Hig^
ginson.
Cotton Mather^ writes : " Of which place I have
some where met with an odd observation, that the
name of it is rather Hebrew than Indian ; for Nahum
signifies comfort, and Keik signifies an haven ; and
our English not only foimd it an haven of comfort,
> Hubbard's New England, p. 'Mather's Magnalia, edition of
10^ J820, V. 1, p. 63.
8 SITUATION AND EXTENT.
but happened also to pat an Hebrew name upon it ;
for they called it Salem, for the peace, which they had
and hoped in it."
To the few aborigines whom the plague had spared,
such an alteration could be of no material consequence.
Still it was fraught with the depressing knowledge,
that the dominion of their soil had passed from them
and fallen to the hands of strangers.
SITUATION AND EXTENT.
As a Sagamoreship, Naumkeag had limits nearly
like the following: Its northwardly line was Salem to
Andover ; and its southwardly, Medford to Massachu-
setts Bay. As occupied and denominated by our an-
cestors, it originally comprehended Marblehead, Bev-
erly, Manchester, Wenham, Danvers, part of Topsfield
and of Middleton. For information of the stranger,
its present boundaries are given ,• northwardly by Bev-
erly and Danvers, southwardly and westwardly by
Lynn and Lynnfield, and eastwardly by Marblehead
and the aforesaid Bay. Its territory, including Islands,
contains ^ 5,429 acres. As calculated at the Marine
Hall, its latitude is 42© 31' 18'Yi^ N; longitude, 70^
63' 63"xj,y W.
INCORPORATION.
With regard to the incorporation of places in the
early years of the Colony, there was no settled rule,
no such formal enactments, as have existed for over a
century and a half. Respecting some towns, there is
much obscurity as to the time and mode of their be-
> Rev. Dr. Bentley.
INCORPORATION. (
ing.so constituted. Of this class is our own city. In
looking over the circumstances connected with the
date at which its incorporation has been generally set,
the writer is of opinion that chronologists, since 1700,
intended to reckon it so as to keep in remembrance
the arrival of Rev. Francis Higginson, and those with
him. If so, they seem to have drawn their authority
from Mather's Magnalia, which puts it on the 24th of
June. But this was a mistake, probably made, like
others, by the publishers in England. The truth,
however, is, that Mr. Higginson's journal records it as
the 29th. Hence, in this view, the incorporation of
Salem should stand the 29th, and not 24th of June,
1629.
In another aspect, it is more likely that if the origi-
nal settlers here had chosen one of two dates for cal*
culating such a privilege — namely, either at the said
arrival, or change of the Plantation's name, they
would have preferred the latter. A reason for this
conjecture is, that the Colony records, when describ-
ing certain towns as having their Indian names ex-
changed for English ones, seem to regard the com-
mencement of their corporate capacity as more at such
periods, than at any others of their mentioning them.
It is, also, observable, that a large portion of the an-
cient towns have, by a later consent, their age of
incorporation beginning when this alteration was
made. Had the manuscript proceedings of the ad-
ministration here, under Governor Endicott, cotne
down to us, light would dawn upon our search. But
they are gone, and it is feared irrecoverably so. Still,
Hubbard was a neighbor and cotemporary of Conaoti
2*
10 INCORPORATION.
and other founders of this community, and he wrote
not unadvisedly on matters of this kind. He informs
us, that Naumkeag was altered to Salem, by a cler-
gyman ^ soon after his coming hither, and circumstan-
ces denote that this divine was Mr. Higginson, more
than another. These considerations, with the fact
that such a change was prior to July 24, lead us to
conclude that it was in the early part of the same
month. Thus examined, the incorporation of Salem
would come in July instead of June. Still, as it has
been so long placed in the latter month, though with-
out £iny other known authority than the mere fancy
of some individuals under the second charter, it had
better stand, with the 24 substituted by 29.
There is no intention, in what has been said, to set
lightly by the occasion, at the date of which our in-
corporation has been usually placed. No. It was one
full of importance to this infant Commonwealth, and
richly deserved any such commemoration.
In the preceding observations, we have one of not
a few instances, wherein data have been fancifully
assumed, and thence accounted as the basis of indu-
bitable truth. Though, in some cases, the remark,
*< where ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise," may
hold correctly, yet it does not possess so much force
as to deny the propriety of the foregoing explanation,
INCORPORATION AS A CITY.
Before closing this section, we are called from its
doubt to the certainty of fact. After the continuance
* Probably he proposed it to the Council, of which he was a member.
INDIANS. 11
of Salem nearly 210 years, it became incorporated^ as
a City, March 23, 1836. During such a period, it saw
various changes, experienced many trials, and enjoyed
numerous blessings. Its course of existence, having
been planned and commenced on the noblest princi-
ples of human action, was kept from the baneful irregu-
larities which have marked the way of all commu-
nities, begun and continued in motives of vicious
ambition and debased selfishness. Could the judicious
Conant and his companions, when making this place,
as their retreat from the trials of unsuccessful experi-
ment, have looked down through the prospect of ages
and directed their vision to such a change, under all
its hopeful circumstances, their hearts would have
risen to heaven in the warmest aspirations of gratitude.
Could they commune with the thousands dwelling on
the foundations of their hands, they would utter the
counsel of wisdom — See to it that you cherish the
deepest sentiments of dependence on the divine aid,
which has preserved your inheritance. " Except the
Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in
vain."
INDIANS.
Before entering on the full nanation of events
which relate to our city, it may be desirable to look at
the natives, who anciently owned its territory. Great
interest has long been taken in searchiog out the abo-
rigines of various parts in the old world. Many of
the most inviting chapters in American history bear
upon the same subject. This will be increasingly so,
*Tbe seal adopted as the i^ult of this act, is impressed on the title
page.
12 INDIANS.
as our country advances in age. It is not then a busy,
barren idleness, to cull the facts which concern the
red men, who formerly planted on the sites of our
towns, ranged over our fields, hunted through our for-
ests, gazed from our mountains, and fished in our
waters. No. There may be intellectual and moral
improvement derived from the relics of a people, once
familiar with our own localities, but long since extinct.
Among the principal Indian nations ^ of New Eng-
land, were the Massachusetts and Pawtuckets. The
former held sway over the tribes of Weechagaskas,
Neponsitt, Punkapoag, Nonantum, Nashaway and some
of Nipmuck. One of their Sagamores, who lived be*
fore the plague, had Mount Wollaston^ "cleared for
himselfe," and it was called " Massachusetts fields."
The Pawtucket dominion was northwardly from Bos-
ton, and embraced the "Pennakooks, Agawoames,
Naamkeeks, Pascataways, Accomintas," and others.
Before the desolating sickness,^ it could raise 3,000
warriors, but after that only a few hundreds. When
Captain John Smith visited our coast before its settle-
ment by Europeans, he found that the Penobscots*
were at war with their neighbors, the Tarrentines ;
that the former were in alliance with various tribes,
among whom were those of " Augawoam and Naum-
keek."
While comparing these two places, as they were in
1614, he observes : " Naiemkeek, though it be more
^Gookin in Mats. Hist. Coll., HiffginMn, 1617: Wood'i N. E..
a. 1, ▼. 1. pp. 147—149. 1619.
•Wood's N. £. Protpeet, p. 96. « Smith in Moss. Hist. Coll. a.
*Gookin sajs 1612 and 1613; 3, y. 3, p. 22. Smith's History of
Virginia, t. 2, p. 193.
SQUAW SACHEM AND SONS. IS
^^*^)cky ground, for Augoan is sandy, not much inferi*
»ur neither for the harbour, nor any thing I could per*
{eive, but the fnultitude of peopW^ It appears from
^his, that Naumkeag had then less inhabitants than
^Agawam ; but, as the latter had a large population,
^he former may be calculated, from the phraseology,
-to have had its hundreds, if not thousands.
Speaking of the allies just named. Captain Smith
observes: "All these, for any thing I could perceive,
differ little in language or any thing, though most of
them be Sagamos and Lords of themselves, yet they
hold the Bashabes of Penobscot, the cheife and great*
est among them."
However, in the years of their strength, the Naum-
keags may have been greatly sought to unite in a
common league against the inroads of a powerful foe,
they were so dwindled away by fatal disease, when
our fathers entered upon their soil, they could do little
for turning the scale of victory and conquest to either
side.
Relative to such of them as survived when the
Rev. John Higginson came hither, his testimony ^ is of
the subsequent tenor : " To y« best of my remem-
brance when I came ouer with my father to this place,
being then about thirteen yeares old, there was in
these parts a widow woman, called squaw Sachem,
who had three sons. Sagamore John, kept at Mistick,
Sagamore James, at Saugust, and Sagamore George,
here at Naumkeke. Whether he was actual Sachem
here, I cannot say, for he was young then about my
age, and I think there was an elder man y^ was at
* Essex Coanty Records.
14 TOWN. NANEPASHEMET. FORT.
least his guardiau. But y* Indian towne of Wigwams
was on y® North side of y® North river, not farre from
Simondes and y"" both y* North and South side of
that river was together called Naumkeke."
The squaw here named was the relict ^ of Nanepa-
shemet, who was killed about 1619, and left five chil-
dren ; of these were James, Abigail, John, and George.
He was probably slain by the Tarrentines. It is most
likely, that the Indian town, from its adjacency to the
river, bearing the name of his nation, was one of his
principal residences. Mourt's Relation states, that the
party from Plymouth in 1621, while ranging through
some of his territory, met with two of his forts.
Wherever these fortifications were located, it is certain
that there was one,^ like them, on Marblehead neck,
near Forest River, remaining in 1658, and called aa
"old Indian fort."
This Sagamore's jurisdiction was more extensive
than generally supposed. By the deposition of John
Devereux,^ the three sons who succeeded him claimed
" all y® lands in these parts, as Salem, Marblehead,
Linn, and as far as Mistick."
For a second husband, the squaw Sachem married^
Wappacowet or Webcowet, a priest. With him she
grants land, 1639-40, lying against Mistick pond, and
reserved by her from Charlestown and Cambridge, to
Jotham Gibbons, son of Edward Gibbons, of Boston,
for benefits of the latter towards them. The land so
given was to be possessed by the former at her decease.
" Lewis* Lynn, p. 16. in 1630, and, in 1604, was aged 80.
» Essex Registry Records. « Drake's Book of Indians, b. H.
3 Came from England to Salem p. 40—42.
SqUAW SACHEM. TOWN. |5
In the deed^ of this conveyance, she styles herself
s^oaw Sachem of Mistick. In 1644, she with several
.Sagamore^ submits^ to the government of the Ck)lony,
and agrees to have the children of her subjects taught
the Bible. If, as has been supposed, she ruled over
some of the Nipmuk Indians, she may have been the
Squaw, who, as they related,^ being blind, died in
consequence of ill treatment firom a party of Narragan-
setts, who came, as enemies, in 1667, and robbed their
fort.
Speaking of the questions asked by his Indian hear-
ers, the apostle Eliot says, in 1647, that Webcowet
inquired why the English had not attempted sooner to
make sufficient exertions to evangelize the natives ?
In reference to the town beyond North River, Mr.
Dudley, in his letter* of 1631, may have intended it
in the following extract : " Neere to Salem dwelleth
two or three families, subiect to the Sagamore of Aga-
wam. This Sagamore hath but few subiects and
they and himself tributory to Sagamore James, hav-
ing beene before the last yeare, in James his minority,
tributory to Sbicka Talbott."^ If he meant the
Northfield town, he did not think it contained so many
people, as Mr. Higginson^s language, more likely than
his to be correct, seems to have signified.
The James just mentioned, was, as before stated,
one of the Squaw Sachem's soqs, was named Monto-
wompate, and was Sagamore of Lynn and Marble-
head. When Mr. Dudley wrote, it appears that James
' Mass. Archives) Indian, v. 1, • General Court Records.
p. 1. Her mark was a bow with ^ Mass. Archives, Indian, v. 1,
an arrow on its string, aad his, p. 138.
an oblong figure. ^ To the Countess of Lincoln.
' The sachem of Mass. Indians.
16 SAGAMORES JAMES, JOHN AND GEORGE.
had recently assumed his jurisdiction, and held author-
ity over the Indians of Salem and Ipswich, as tribu-
taries. This chief thus came into possession of part
of his father's territory, formerly under the Sagamore-
ship of Naumkeag. He and most of his people died ^
of the small pox in 1633.
His elder brother, John or Wonohaquaham, and
most of his subjects, died of the like disease, near the
same date. Mr. Maverick buried above thirty of them
in one day. He is spoken of on Charlestown records,
as giving leave for the emigrants from Salem to settle
that place, calling him a chief " of gentle and good
disposition." He " desired to be brought among the
English, and promised, if he recovered, to live with
the English, and serve their God. He left one son,
which he disposed to Mr. Wilson, the pastor of
Boston, to be brought up by him. He gave to the
Governor a good quantity of Wampompeague, and to
divers others of the English he gave gifts, and took
order for the payment of his own debts, and his men's.
He died in a persuasion that he should go to the Eng-
lishmen's God." His will^ was, that all the wampum
and coats left, should be given to his mother ; and his
land about Powder Horn hill to his son, and in case of
his decease, to his brother George.
Thus was George left as the only survivor of his
brethren. It is likely that he was the chief men-
tioned by Mr. Eliot, in his letter ^ of 1649: "Linn
Indians are all naught save one, who sometimes Com-
eth to heare the word, and telleth me that hee prayeth
»V^^inlhrop, v. 1, p. 119, 120, «MaMi. Archive«, Indian, v. 1,
mentions this under Dec. 5. p. 19.
3 Dated Nov. 13, in Mass. Hist. Coll. 8. 3, v. 4, p. 88.
SAGAMORE GEORGB. 17
to God, and the reason why they are bad is partly and
principally because their sachim is naught, and careth
not to pray unto God." If so, he had failed to imi-
tate the commendable example of his mother and eld-
est brother ; that it was thus, seems to be implied by
subsequent events. The son of John had died before
May 11, 1651, when his uncle George petitioned Gen-
eral Court, that he might possess the land, conditioi]^
ally left him by his brother. The inhabitants of
Chelsea, then Rumney Marsh, argued against his claim ;
said it would disturb the right to their township, and
likewise that to Lynn. By this time, it is evident
that George had attained to all the remaining rule of
the Indians from Naumkeag river to Mystic river ; and
thus supplied the place of his father as to territorial
limits, but not as to the number of his subjects.
Though nothing is left us on record, except the impli-
cation of Mr. Higginson's relation, to show that when
he came of age, he was acknowledged to be Saga-
more of the few Indians about Salem, yet there can
be no reasonable doubt but that such was the fact
George's Indian name was Winnapurkitt. He was
also called George Rumney Marsh, and No Nose.
For a considerable period, little is known of his
course. But he still held fast his claim to the fee of
all his father's domain. He lived to survive the aw-
ful conflict between Philip and New England. He
appears to have sided with the foes of our fathers.
The testimony ^ of two Christian Indians shows, that
he returned from Barbadoes. No probable reason can
be assigned why he should have been in that foreigQ
* Estsez Coantj Records, in 1686.
3
It^ SAGAMORE 6£OR6£.
port, imless, like a considerable number of Indian C9p
lives, he was transported to the West Indies, and sold
«s a slave, for being engaged in the rebellion. On
coming home, he lived and died at the house of his
Illative, James Rumney Marsh, of Natick, who had
been very active and seviceable for the English in
Iheir struggle with Philip. His decease occurred
1684, when he was 68 years old. George married ^
7oane or Ahawayetsquaine, the daughter of Poquan-
num, or Dark Skin, who lived on Nahant. He left
two daughters,^ Cicely Petaghuncksq and Sarah Wut-
taquatinnusk, and three grand-children, David Nonnu-
panohow and Sam Wuttaanoh, both children of his
son Nonnumpannumhow, and John Tontohqunne, the
son of Cicely.
These relatives, in 1686, lived at Chelmsford. He
had other connections, who resided at Natick and else-
where. However Sagamore George died from the
home of his fathers, yet he never surrendered his
claim on their territory, from our North River to Mys-
tick. As one of his dying injunctions, he left all
such country to his worthy kinsman, James Rumney
Marsh, on condition that he would use exertions to
have his fee in it acknowledged and a consideration
for it allowed. A leading characteristic of the Naum-
keag Sachem, thus called to sleep with his ancestors
from the feverish scenes of life, which he had expe-
rienced in large proportion, was his indomitable pur-
pose. Had he turned this inclination so as to have
had it under Christian influence, his passage to the
grave would have been less rough, and more accom-
' Lewis's Lynn, p. 18. 'Salem Indian Deed.
NAUMKEAGS. If
3)anied with the alleviations of usefulness. His ex*
pectation that a price would be paid to his relatives
for the fee of his Sagamoreship, was not altogether
ideaL The very year of his decease, Marblehead sat*
isfied such a demand for their premises. Two yeact
afterwards, Salem did the same.
Thus closed all further presentations of demand for
the domain, once populous with the race of the red
man. Thus terminated the regal sway of a house,
which, if it could speak, or its annals had been writ*
ten and preserved, would probably reveal many chan*
ges of thrilling interest ; many deeds of stale for tb#
weal or wo of multitudes ,- many demonstrations of
policy, approved or condemned by the decisions oi
equity. Here is one of the numerous responses of
experience to the truth of a master orator, << Whal
shadows we are, what shadows we pursue.^'
However the kings of Naumkeag ceased to be elect*
ed and jNTOclaimed as lords of its soil and subjeets^
still it continued to be trodden with the feet of waa»
dering natives. Credible tradition relates, that dowa
to 1725, and subsequently, a company of them paid
an annual visit to Salem, and encaniped on a side of
Gallows HiU. It is very likely that some, if not all
of them, were descendants of those who once ogci»p
pied the territory thus frequented. No doidbt, froot
the sympathies of human nature, these pilgrims walked
among the sepulchres, stood upon the houseless sites,
gazed on the mementoes, mused on the changes, re*
peated the traditions, and dwelt on the ex^doits of
their departed ancestors. So occupied, the heaving
sigh, the falling tear, the expressive countenance, told
4|§ INDIAN TOWN.
the deep workings of their soul, and its mysferioos
imagery, which portrayed the fancied glory of the
past in contrast with the melancholy present and the
hopeless future. When returning to the homes of
their adoption, though unskilled in the harp, and it
hung not on the willow, still the grief of Israel was
theirs, and they had little heart to join in the songs of
a strange land. With regard to the Indian Town in
North Fields, there is evidence that many of its in-
habitants were buried in the vicinity of its location,
from the quantity of human bones thrown up, as the
earth there has been disturbed by the operations of
improvement.
In a former account * of Salem it is observed : " The
natives had forsaken the spot before the English
reached it. On the soil they found no natives of
whom we have any record. No natives ever claimed
it, and the possession was uninterrupted." This pas-
sage contains a mistake. It is noticed not with a
spirit of pretended infallibility, for in nothing more
will the searcher for any truth find such a spirit se-
verely rebuked, than in his own liability to err. It is
adduced to show that, notwithstanding highly respect-
ed authority to the contrary, the evidence already pre-
sented substantiates the position, that there was a
remnant of the Naumkeags still lingering around this
settlement when first occupied by our fathers.
Relative to the composition of the Indian claim for
the territory of Salem in 1686, it seems to denote that
this matter was not virtually cancelled before. But
there are various facts which exhibit a different view..
^Ma«i» Hist. Coil.^ 1. 1, t. 6.
INDIAN CLAIM. 1|
William Dizy,^ who landed here in 1629, testified^
" When we came to dwell heare, the Indians bid Yi
welcome, and shewed themselues very glad that we
came to dwell among them, and I vnderstand tbef
had kindly entertained the English y^ came hether
before wee came, and the English and the Indians had
a feild in common, fenced in together, and the Indians
fled to shelter themselves vnder the English oft times^
saying they were afraid of theire enemy Indians in
the contry : in particular, I remember sometime after
we arrived, the Agawam Indians comfdained to Mr.
Endecott, that they weare afraid of other Indians^
called, as I take it, Tarrateens ; — Hugh Browne was
sent with others in a boate to Agawam for the Idt
dians' releife, and, at other times, wee vgaue our neigh*
bour Indians protection from their enemy Indians."
To the same import was the evidence of Humphrey
Woodbury,^ who came with Dixy. After stating that
the Naumkeags welcomed them and fled to them for
I^otection against the Tarrantines, he remarks, " Wee
had theire free leaue to build and plant where we
haue taken up lands."
Of a like signification is the following passage from
the Planters' Plea,^ of 1630 : " In times past the Tar-
entines (who dwell from those of Mattachusetts bay,
neere which our men are seated, about fifty or sixty
leagues to the North-East,) inhabiting a soile unfit to
produce that countrey graine, being the more hardy
people, were accustomed yearely, at harvest, to come
down in their canoes, and reape their fields, and carry
* Essex Coantj Records. He 'His age was 72, in 1680-1.
WM mged 73, in 1680-1. « Page 27.
o •
93 INDIAN CLAIM.
away their corne, and destroy their people, which
wonderfully weakened and kept them low in times
past. From this evill our neighbourhood hath wholy
freed them, and consequently secured their persons
and estates, which makes the natives there so glad of
our cofnpanyJ^
<• Prom writers of that period it was a general im-
pression that no objection should be arrayed against
the right of our ancestors' occupying this settlement,
because the natives did not merely consent, but were
even glad to have them do so, as the great means of
preventing their own extermination. In the minds of
Indians, situated as they were, there could have been
no other thoughts than that it was much for their ben-
efit to exchange land which they could not improve,
for a protection which enabled them to use the abun-
dant surplus with feelings of security.
Besides, in two letters from the Company's Court,
in London, to Governor Endicott, they were particu-
lar in desiring him to satisfy every just claim of the
natives, made to the territory of Naumkeag. From
his known promptitude and high sense of equity,
there can be no rational doubt but that he fulfilled
every iota of such instructions.
Such legislative care continued in various modes
and instances. At a session of General Court, Oct.
19, 1662, there were several enactments^ concerning
Indian titles to land. " That what lands any of the
Indeahs, within this jurisdiccon, have by possession or
improvement," shall be theirs. That whenever qual-
ified and disposed to live among the English, the In-
^ Colooj Recordf, t. 4, p. 96-7.
INDIAN CLAIM. 88
^ans shall have grants of land, or, to be incorporated
by themselves, they shall be allowed townships, and
participate in all civil rights, as the English do.
While security is thus rendered to the natives, it is
not withheld from the Colonists. << It is enacted, that
all the tract of land within this jurisdiccon, whether
already graunted to any English plantaccon or persons,
or to be graunted by this Courte, not being vnder the
qualification of right to the Indeans, is and shall be
accompted the just right of such English, as haue or
hereafter shall haue grant of lands from this Courte
and the authorietye thereof from that of Gennesis 1,
28, and the invitacon of the Indeans." These pro-
visions approve themselves to every candid mind.
They give no indication of a wish to lose sight of
rectitude in the application of power. They repeat
the argument of Indian presentatioUi as though it
were " known and read of all men."
The subsequent demand of George, the Naumkeag
Sachem, may have been based on some incident of
this kind ; that, being a minor when the affair was
compromised with his guardian, it did not receive his
mental consent, and, therefore, he would not hold to
it as valid. The numerous instances of thus taking
advantage of occasions, even among highly civilized
communities, indicates that such policy in the Ss^a-
more was no strange event in the circle of human
conduct.
There is one fact which bears on this point. Ips-
wich was bought by John Winthrop, Jr., in 1638, of
Masconnomet, for £20. In 1701, Topsfield paid £3
to one of this Sagamore's heirs, for the part originally
included in the very same purchase of Mr. Winthrop.
94 INDIAN CLAIM.
This AoiWSj that a demand's b^ing brought againgt
Salem for its territory by descendants of its former
Sachemi does not decide but that every such claim
was, at first, considered by both parties as settled.
Our position is further confirmed by the worthy
Higginson, whose word, at any time, was as good as
a bond. In a conirersation ^ of his with Sir Edmund
Andros and friends, he made the ensuing remarks :
<<I did certainly know that from the beginning of
these plantations, our fathers entered upon the land,
partly as a wilderness and Vacuum Domicilium^ and
partly by the consent of the Indians, and therefore
care was taken to treat with them, and to gain their
consent, giving them such a valuable consideration as
was to their satisfaction ; and this I told them I had
the more certain knowledge of, because having learned
the Indian language in my younger time, I was at sev-
eral times made use of by the government, and by
divers particular plantations, as an interpreter in treat-
ing with the Indians about their lands, which being
done and agreed on, the several townships and propor-
tions of lands of particular men were ordered and set-
tled by the government of the country."
By such evidence, the question whether the Naum-
keags had full satisfaction for the soil of our city —
even before the deed — ^is, as we believe, settled in the
affirmative. Still, even aside from the political mo-
tives, which then urged the measure, it was well to
deal kindly with the descendants of the chiefs, who
were once able to maintain their authority over the
soil, from our own North River to the Mystic, and
' Revolation in N. £. juitified, p. 19.
DESCRIPTION OP THE NAUMKEAG8 AND OTHERS. fU
thus obtain a quitclaim from them so as to silence all
subsequent demands. *
Before bidding adieu to a subject which is one of
the shades that '< more sweetly recommends the light "
of historic lore, we will view a description^ of the
Naumkeags and their neighboring tribes, from the elo-
quent pen of our patriarch Higginson. " For their
governors, they have kings, which they call Sagga*
mores, some greater and some lesser, according to the
number of their subjects. The greater Saggamores
about us cannot make above three hundred men, and
other lesse Saggamores have not above fifteen subjects,
and others neere about us but two. Their subjectS|
above twelve years since,^ were swept away by a
great and grevious plague, that was amongst them, so
that their are verie few left to inhabite the country.
The Indians are not able to make use of the one
fourth part of the land, neither have they any settled
places, as townes to dwell in, nor any ground as they
challenge for their own possession, but change their
habitation from place to place.
'< For their statures, they are a tall and strong limmed
people, their colours are tawney, they goe naked, save
onely they are in part covered with beasts' skins on
one of their shoulders, and weare something before
their privities ; their haire is generally blacke, and cut
before, like our gentele women, and one locke longer
than the rest, much like to our gentelmen, which
fashion, I thinke, came from hence into England.
" For their weapons, they have bowes and arrowes,
> Mass. Hist. Coll. s. 1, t. 1, pp. ' 1617. Other aathorities speak
122, 123. . of like ])estilence at dates diflfereot
from this.
S6 DESCHIPTION OF THE NAUMKEAG9.
some of them headed with bone, and some with
brasse. I have sent you some of them for an exam-
idie.
" The men, for the most, Hve idely ; they do nothing
but hunt and fish. Their wives set their corne and
do all their other work. They have little houshold
stuffe, as a kettle and some other vessels, like trayes,
spoones, dishes, and baskets. Their houses are very
little and homely, being made with small poles, prick-
ed into the ground, and so bended and fastened at the
tops and on the sides, they are matted with boughs
and covered on the roof with sedge and old mats ; and
for their beds that they take their rest on, they have
a mat.
" They doe generally professe to like well of our com-
ing and planting here ; partly because there is abun-
dance of ground, that they cannot possesse nor make
Use of, and partly because our being here will bee a
meanes both of relief to them when they want, and,
also, a defence from their enemies, wherewith (I say)
before this plantation began, they were often indan-
gered.
" For their religion, they do worship two Gods, a
good and an evil God. The good God they call Tan-
tum, and their evil God, whom they fear will doe
them hurt, they call Squantum.
'* For their dealing with us, we neither fear them nor
trust them, for fourtie of our musketeeres will drive
five hundred of them out of the field. We use them
kindly ; they will come into our houses sometimes by
half a dozen or half a score at a time, when we are
at victuals, but will ask or take nothing but what we
give them.
INDIAN DEED. S7
" We purpose to learn their language as soon as we
c^an, which will be a means to do them good."
In connection with so comprehensive a view of the
aborigines, Mr. Higginson states that, in their business
concerns, they sold beaver to the English for com.
But we are admonished, after so long a converse with
the original occupants of our soil, that we should take
our leave of them. Note the bright streak, curved on
the sky before the break of dawn. Once it Was full
orbed. Now rapidly fading away. Fit emblem of
the Naumkeags, when first seen by the Pilgrims.
They were fast in the wane. As a nation, they
speedily disappeared. But that extinguished curve is
to be re-illumined. Not so with them. Their only
place of action is eternity. There they move amid
the fixed laws of the moral universe. There we
shall shortly behold them. That the sight may be
blessed, we must improve the lesson of their adver-
sity, so as to prosper in the attainments of spiritual
elevation.
INDIAN DEED.
Prom circumstances of the period, it is evident that
there was one particular reason among others, why
the succeeding document was obtained. It was the
purpose of James II. to enforce his claim for the terri-
tory of our Province, on the plea that the Charter by
which it had been held, was already forfeited. In
connection with an argument of this kind, our ances-
tors well knew that diplomatic practice would call up
every incidental . query which could strengthen the
regal pretension. They were aware, that however
satisfaction had been rendered to the natives, at first,
28 INDIAN DEED,
for their right to the soil, yet, in all cases, wherein no
written evidence of it could be adduced, there would
be an attempt, by agents of the crown, to play off
such an omission against the rightful proprietors.
Hence the need of Salem and other like corporations,
to procure formal conveyances of their lands, as a
safeguard against the encroachments of the Usurjw.-
tion.
To all people to whom this present deed of sale shall come.
David Nonnuphanohow, Sam Wuttaannoh and John Tontoh-
qunne, Cicely's son, grandchildren of George Sagamore, Cicely
Petaghuncksq, Sarah Wuttaquatinnusk, both daughters or
George Sagamore aforesaid, Thomas Vkqueakussennum, alias
Capt. Tom, all of Waymessick, alias Chelmsford, in y« County
of Middlesex, within His Majesties territory and dominion or
New England in America. James Quanophkownatt, alias
James Rumney Marsh, Israeli Quanophkownatt, son of said
James, Joanna Quanophkownatt, relict, widow of old John
Quanophkownatt, Yawataw, relict, widow of John Oonsumog,
Wuttawtinnusk, wife of Peter Ephraim, all of Natick, in
y* county Middlesex within His Majesties Territory and Do-
minion of New England in America aforesaid, send greeting.
Know ye, that we, y« above said, David Nonnuphanohow, Sam
Wuttaanoh, Jn* Tontohqunne, Cicely's son, Cicely Petaghuncksq,
Sarah Wuttaquatinnusk, Thomas Vkqueakussennum, alias Capt
Tom, James Quanophkownatt, alias James Rumney Marsh,
Israeli Quanophkownatt, Joane Quanophkownatt, Yawataw,
Wattawtinnusk, fbr and in consideration of y* full and just
summe of twenty pounds, currant money of New England, to
them in hand at and before y* ensealing and delivery of these
presents, — By Jn^ Ruck, Jn*» Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Tim-
othy Lindall, William Hirst, Israel Porter, Selectmen and Trus-
tees for the town of Salem, in y« county of Essex, within His
Majesties territory and dominion of New England, in America,
well and truely paid the receipt whereof, they do hereby ac-
knowledge, and themselves therewith to be fully satisfied and
INDIAN DEED. c|Q
contented, and thereof and of every part thereof^ doe hereby
acquitt, exonerate and discbarge y* said Jn' Ruck, Jn** Higgin«
son, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst and
Israel Porter, as trustees — above said, their heirs, exeeutors and
administrators, as also all y* rest of y* Purchasers and Proprie>
tors of said township of Salem, and each and every of them
for ever by these presents, have given, granted, bargained, sold,
aliened, enfeofifed, and confirmed, and by these presents doe
fully, freely, clearly, and absolutely, giue, grant, bargain, sell,
aliene, enfeoffe, and confirme unto them, y* said Jno %ick, Jn«
HigginsoD, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst
and Israel Porter, as trustees abovesaid, and to their Heirs and
Assignes, for ever, to and for y* sole use, benefitt and behoof of
the Proprietors in and purchasers of y* township of Salem
aforesaid — All y* said township of Salem, viz. all that tract and
parcell of Land lying to y* westward of Neurakeage river,
alias Bass river, whereupon y" town of Salem is built, so pro-
ceeding along to y* head of Neumkeage river, called by y" Eng-
lish, Bass river, so comprehending all y^ land belonging to the
township of Salem, according as it is butted and bounded with,
and upon y* towns of Beverly, Wenham, Topsiield, Redding,
Lynne and Marblebead, down to y" sea, which said land is a
part of what belonged to the ancestors of y* granters and m
their proper inheritance ; or howsoever y" said township or any
part or parcell thereof is butted and bounded or reputed to be
bounded, together with all houses, edifices, buildings, landa^
yards, orchards, gardens, meadows, marshes, feedings, grounds^
rocks, stones, beach, flatts, pastures, fences, commons, commons
of pasture, woods, underwoods, swamps, waters, watercourses,
dams, ponds, head wares, fishings, fowlings, wayes, easements,
profitts, priviledges, rights, commodityes, emoluments, royal-
tyes, hereditaments, and appurtenances whatsoever — As also
all mines, mettalls, mineralls, with all islands, and priviledges
of Neumkeage river, alias Bass river, which the ancestors of
said Granters heretofore rightfully possessed with all and singu-
lar their appurtenances — to y" said township of Salem and other
y* premises, belonging or in any wise appertaining or therewith
now used, occupied, or iojoyed as part, parc^U ox hv^teXwx
4
80 INDIAN DEED.
thereof, and also all rents, arrearages of i^nta, qaitt natB,
rights of all things aboTe named, as also all riTers^ creeks, ecyres
whatsoeuer, with all their priviledges and appurtenances (noth^
ing excepted or reserved) and also all deeds, writings and evi^
dences whatsoeuer, touching and concerning y* premises, or
any irnrt or parcell thereof— To have and to hold all y* said
township of Salem, butted and bounded as abovesaid, with all
other the above granted premises, with their and every of their
rights, members and appurtenances, and every part and pareeH
thereof li^reby granted, bargained and sold, or meant, noen-
tioned or intended to be hereby granted and sold unto y^ said
Jn' Ruck, Jn' Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall,
William Hirst, and Israel Porter, as trustees above said, and to
their heirs and assignee for ever, to and for y* sole vse, benefitt
and behoof of y* proprietors in and purchasers of y« said towB*
ship of Salem — ^And y* said David Nonnuphanohow, Sam
Wuttaanoh, Jn<* Tontohqunne, Cicely Petaghuncksq, Sarah
Wuttaquatinnusk, Thomas Vsqueakussennum, alias CapL Tom,
James Quanophkownat, alias James Rumney Marsh, Israeli
Quanophkownatt, Joane Quanophkownatt, Yawataw, Wattaw-
tinnusk, for themselves, their heirs, executors, administratons
joyntly, severally and respectively, do hereby covenant, promise
and grant to and with y* said Jn° Ruck, Jn° Higginson, Sam-
uel Grardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst and Israel Porter,
as trustees above said, their heirs and assignes on behalf of y*
proprietors and purchasers of y* said town of Salem in manner
and form following, (that is to say,) that at y" time of this pres-
ent bargaine and sale, and untill y" ensealing and delivery of
these presents, they and their ancestors were y* true, sole and
lawfull owners of all y" afore bargained premises, and were
lawfully seized of and in y* same, and every part thereof ia
their own proper right, and haue in themselves full power, good
right, and lawfull authority to grant, sell, conveigh and assure
y* same unto y^ said Ju° Ruck, Jn"^ Higginson, Samuel Gard-
ner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst and Israel Porter, as trus-
tees abovesaid, their heirs and assignes for y* vse abovesaid,
as a good, perfect, and absolute estate of Inheritance in fee
simple, without any manner of condition, reversion, or limitar
INDIAN DE£D. SI
tioBy whatsoever, so as to alter, change, defeat, or make void
y« same, and y^ y said Jn' Ruck, Jn^ Higginson, Samuel
Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst and Israel Porter, at
trustees aboTesaid, their heirs and assignee, for y* use and bene*
fitt of the purchasers and proprietors of y* aforesaid township
of Salem, shall and may by force and virtue of these presents^
from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, lawfully,
peacably and quietly have, hold, use, occupy, possess and injc^
y« above granted premises, with their appurtenances and every
part and parcell thereof, free and clear, and clearly acquitted
and discharged of and from all and all manner of former and
other gifts, grants, bargains, sales, leases, mortgages, joynture%
dowers, judgements, executions, forfeitures, and of and from all
other titles, troubles, charges, and incumbrances whatsoever!
had made, committed, done, or suffered to be done by y* said
David Nonnuphanohow, Sam Wuttaanoh, Jn** Tontohqunne^
Cicely Petaghuncksq, Sarah Wuttaquatinnusk, Thomas Vsque*
akussennum, alias Capt Tom, James Quanophkownat, alias
James Rumney Marsh, Israeli Quanophkownat, Joane Quanoph-
kownatt, Yawataw, Wattautinnusk, or either, or any of them,
their or either or any of their heirs or assignee, or by their or
either or any of their ancestors, at any time or times before
y* ensealing hereof— And farther, that y* said David Nonnu*
phanohow, Sam Wuttaanoh, Jn** Tontohqunne, Cicely Petag-
huncksq, Sarah Wuttaquatinnusk, Thomas Vsqueakussennum,
alias Capt. Tom, James Quanophkownatt, alias James Rumney
Marsh, Israel Quanaphkownatt, Joane Quanophkownatt, Yaw-
ataw, Wattawtinnusk, their heirs, executors and administrators,
joyntly and severally, shall and will from time, and at all times
for ever hereafter, warrant and defend y' above granted prem-
ises, with their appurtenances and every part and parcell thereof
unto y* said Jn' Ruck, Jn** Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Timo-
thy Lindall, William Hirst, Israeli Porter, trustees as above
said, and to their heirs and assignee for ever, to and for y* sole
vse and benefitt of y* proprietors and purchasers in and of
y* said township of Salem, against all and every person and
persons whatsoever any wayes lawfully claiming or demanding
y* same or any part parcell thereof— And lastly, that they y* said
David Nonnuphanohow, Sam Wuttaanoh, Jn° Tontohqunne,
INDIAN DEED.
Cicely Petagfauoeksqf Sarah Wultaquatioiiuak, Tbouias Ysque-
akiiflsennum, alias Capt. Tom, Jarues Quanophkownatt, alias
James Ruroney Marsh, Israeli Quanophkownatt, Joane QuaD-
opbkownatt, Yawataw, Wattawtinnusk, or either or any of
them, their or any of their heirs, executors or administrators,
shall and will from time to time and at all times hereafler when
thereunto required at y* cost and charges of y* said Jn* Ruck,
Jn® Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William
Hirst and Israel Porter, their heirs or assignes, or y« purchasers
and proprietors of y^ said township of Salem, do, make, ac-
knowledge, execute, and suffer all and every such farther act
and acts, thing and things, assurances and conveighances in
y* law whatsoever for y* further and better surety and sure-
making of y* abovesaid township of Salem, with y* rights,
liereditaments and appurtenances above, by these presents,
mentioned to be bargained and sold vnto y* said Jn^ Ruck,
Jn*> Higginson, Samuel (Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William
Hirst and Israel Porter, trustees as abovesaid, and to their heirs
and assignes for y* vse aforesaid, as by y* said Jn** Ruck, Jn«
Higginson, Samuel Gardner, Timothy Lindall, William Hirst
and Israel Porter, trustees as above said, their heirs or as-
•ignes or said proprietors, or by their counsell, learned in
y law, shall be reasonably devised, advised or required. In
witness whereof, the said David Nonnuphanohow, Sam Wut-
taanoh, John Tontohqunne, Cicely Petaghuncksq, Sarah Wut-
taquatinnu^ Thomas Vkqueakussennum, alias Capt Tom,
James Quanophkownatt, alias James Rumney Marsh, Israel
Quanophkownatt, Joane Quanophkownatt, Yawataw, Wattaw-
tinnusk, have hereunto set their hands and seals, the eleventh
day of October, anno domini, one thousand six hundred eighty
and six, annoque regni regis Jacobi 11. Anglies, Scotice, Francio
et Hybemi», fidei defensoris secundo :
The mirk of TheiMrkeof The mirk of The mark of
David V^ 8am'
^ John ^^ Cicely #^ I ^M
Komuphaoohow* WaUaaoDoh, ToBtohqaime. Petaghoooki^.
INOUlf 0EEO.
88
The mark of The mark i of
ThomuMW JamM
^
4v«ry«W
VfqoeakaiMnniim, Qaanophkowiiat,
alias Capt Tom* aliaa Romney Marth.
The mark of
Iiraell
QuanophkowaaL
Tbomarkof
Joano
U
doanoplikownat.
Thamarkof
o
YawaUw.
Tha
4
WaiUwtimiaBk.
Signed, sealed and delivered by David Nonnupbanobow,
Cicely Petagbuncksq, Tbomas VsqueakiusennuiD, alias
Capt. Tom, James Qaanophkownat, alias Rumney Marsb,
Israeli Quanopbkownat, Joane Quanopbkownat,Yawataw,
WaUawtiDDusk, as tbeir act and deed in y presence of
us, after y same was read to them :
ANDREW ELLIOTT, senior,
THOMAS WEST,
JOHN HILL, senior,
SAMUEL HARDIE,
WILLIAM WOODBERY.
I%is instrument teas acknoule^ged by David Mnmuphanohouff Ciedf
Peiaghuneksq, 27U>mas Vsqueakussennum^ alias Captain Tom^ Jaimes
(^uanopkkoumat, aUas Rumney Marsh, Israel (^nophkownatf Joana
QjUiOnopkkovmat, Yawatawt Wattatotinnnsk to be their act and deed, this
deventh day of October , 1686, before me, Bartholomew Gedney^ one of
his Majesties eouncillfor his territory and dominions of AVio England
in America,*
^ It 18 80 on the deed, bat James
evidently wrote his name. There
is want of nniformity in the or-
thography of the original deed, par-
ticoiariy as to the Indian names.
' Thouffh Sam Wuttaanoh sign-
ed this deed, he is not named
amon^r those who acknowledged
the signing of it before B. G^d-
4*
ney. In the deed, all the Indian
signatnres are on on& horizontal
line. In comparing the copy of
this document with that in the
Mass. Hist. Coll. s. 1, v. 6, vari-
ous discrepancies will appear. But
Seat pains have been used to have
e former of these two correct.
84 SETTLEMENT — CAUSES.
SETTLEMENT.
Before we give our attention to particulars, it may
be well to look at the general causes which gave rise
to this community.
Prior to the elevation of Bishop Abbot in 1610,
some of his predecessors in office had turned the tor-
rent of their influence against the Puritan conformists
as well as the separatists from Episcopacy. But he
suppressed such treatment towards the former denom-
ination, because they were more exemplary than other
members of the national church. He continued to
exercise this leniency till his ejection by Charles I., in
1627. Then Laud was promoted by royal favor. He
was a strenuous advocate for the tenets of Arminius,
and a powerful opposer of the Puritans whether in or
out of the established pale. Through the exertions
of him and his supporters, the condition of such
Christians became exceedingly oppressive. They
prayed, hoped, and looked for brighter days ; but the
prospect gathered darkness. They were reduced to
the hard necessity of either relinquishing conscien-
tious worship, or be subjected to continual disquietude
in person and estate, or else expatriate themselves for
rest in some foreign clime.
So situated, the leading promoters of a settlement
here felt themselves obligated to prepare it as a refuge
for all of kindred faith and practice, who chose to
escape hither. Those of them and others, who first
emigrated to our shores, had been brought up in the
Episcopal order ; not did the most of them secede
from it till after their arrival.
WORTHY ORIGIN. 35
Hence, we perceive, that a purpose to be free from
the sufferings of persecution and to enjoy an undis-*
turbed attendance on sanctuary duties, led our ances-
tors to forsake the endearments of native home, and
to adopt this soil, fraught with perils and afflictions,
as the abode of themselves and their descendants.
While such was the leading motive, they connected
another with it of like exalted nature. This was to
endow the aborigines around them with the teachings
of Revelation, so that they too might be brought
under its elevating, improving and saving efficacy.
Hence we discern that few communities can claim
a nobler origin, as to the motives and character of
their founders, than our own city. Her commence-
ment was not in giving free scope to the baser pas-
sions of man, but in bringing them under dutiful
subjection, and overcoming them by those of loftier
aims and more blessed tendencies. It was to spread
the best influences of education, as conducted and
controlled by the gospel, and thus to lay the broad
basis of philanthropy, liberty and religion. Let other
codes of morals, other nomenclatures of opinion, cast
reproach on such a beginning. But what can they
avail ? They are nothing more than the figments of
diseased fancy ; than the offspring of perverted con-
science. They are doomed to degradation. What-
ever may be laid to her charge, Naumkeag, compara-
tively viewed, has no cause to blush at her infancy,
childhood, youth and maturity. So far as she has
departed from the righteous policy of her ancestors,
may she return and sit undismayed and unharmed
under the branches which were nurtured by their
36 PREPARATORY STEPS.
toils, and are still verdant and fruitful through the
genial influence of their principles and examples.
By the term settlement, it is intended to embrace
various occurrences which relate to Salem, from
its beginning until the removal of the government,
under Mr. Winthrop, to Charlestown.
Salem was indebted, for its first settlement, to the
failure of a planting, fishing and trading enterprise at
Cape Anne.^ For this place,^ the company in Eng-
land, for New Plymouth, had obtained a charter, by
the date of January 24, 1624, as a fit location for
profitable business. From them leave ^ appears to
have been soon given to merchants in the west of
England, who had traded in and about the same terri-
tory for several years, to employ emigrants there for
purposes of gain. These merchants ^ and others, raised
a stock of more than £3,000, as an earnest of some-
thing to be done in this quarter. In such an undertak-
ing, they were zealously and efficiently prompted by the
Rev. John White ^ of Dorchester. His engagedness,
in this matter, arose chiefly from his benevolent desire
to secure a retreat for his countrymen, who, while
still adhering to the government of the national
church, could not approve of what they deemed its
^ Hubbard's N. £. p. 105, says, the Patriarch of Dorchester, where
that Tragabizandi, a name given he was for many years minister,'
by Capt. John Smith, was ez- and where he showed an excellent
changed by Capt Mason for Cape faculty in the clear and solid in-
Anne, in honor of the consort of terpretation of the Holy Scrip-
James I. tures. He was a man of great
• Hubbard's N. E. 105. gravity, presence and influence,
^ Smith quoted by Prince, 151. in his party, for several years, and
* Planters' Plea, 68-9. one of the Assembly of Divines,
^ Echard's History of England, where he proved himself one of
p. 653. ** Mr. John White, a fa- the most learned and moderate
mous Puritan divine, usually called amongst them."
PREPARATORY 8TCP8. 97
&ults, and were consequently subject to severe trials.
He ^ had learned that individuals of the Plymouth
plantation were gone thence with their families and
resided at Nantasket.
The occasion of such a separation was their siding
with the Rev. Jno. Lyford,^ who was ordered to quit
the former settlement, chiefly for endeavoring to pro-
mote Episcopacy among its inhabitants.
Of those thus seceded, Roger Conant was chosen
Governor, and also to take charge of the planting and
fishing instead of others ; John Oldham, of the Indian
trade, which he declined ,* and Mr. Lyford, of the
ministry, — at the Cape. For a choice of this kind Mr.
White appears to have been favorable, but especially
as to Mr. Conant.
Governor Bradford relates,^ that such was the con-
cern which the proprietors of his plantation, who
were at home, had in this election, that it was one
occasion of dissolving their body and inducing two
thirds of them to forsake him and his friends, under
heavy responsibilities. The party* so withdrawing,
had been disaffected more than two years with the
people of New Plymouth. They had approved of
Mr. Lyford's measures while he was in that colony.
They evidently resolved to sustain him and his adher-
ents at the Cape, and hoped to succeed here though
they had failed there. But they were soon to be dis-
appointed.
In about a year from the going of Mr. Conant to
^ Habbard, 02, 93, 102, 106, 107. copal church, the most of the peo-
'" Master Lajford was, at the pie there ejected him. New Eng-
merchants* chardge, sent to Pli- lish Canaan.
mootli Plantation to be their pas- ^ Prince, 154.
tor.'* But as he refused to pve * Prince, 153; Hubbard, dS.
op hii conformitjr with the I^is-
33 NAUMKEAG OCCUPIED.
that place, and two and a half years ^ from its being
occupied, it was relinquished by its proprietors as the
place of a disastrous speculation. Nearly all the capi-
tal, previously mentioned, was sunk before the settle-
ment was abandoned.
1626. The people ^ collected at Cape Ann, were of
divers sentiments and from various places. The land
men,^ except a few of good character, embarked for
home. Others, from the west of England, resorted to
Naumkeag. Such an event seems to have taken
place early in the fall.
The location,^ so chosen, had been previously re-
garded by Mr. Conant as a suitable refuge for such
as desired to escape from religious intolerance. He
had accordingly written of it to his friends in Eng-
land.
Among the settlers of this place, besides himself,
were Mr. Lyford, John Woodbury, John Balch, Peter
Palfrey, Richard Norman^ and son, William Allen
and Walter Knight.
In the mean while, Mr. White, " being grieved in
his spirit " for the relinquishment of the Cape, wrote ®
and urged Mr. Conant and his lay-associates, not to
forsake Naumkeag. He encouraged them to expect a
patent for their greater protection, additional emi-
grants, supplies for their own wants, and for trade
with the natives. They returned him answer, that
they would comply with his proposals. The most of
them, however, became discontented with their new
abode. The dread of Indian hostilities and present
1 Planter's Plea, 73. * Prince, 157.
* Gorges Description of New «^ Deposition of Richard Brack-
England, 28. enbary.
•Planters' Plea, 75. • Hubbard, 107.
CONANT8 STATEMENT.
necessities, seriously affected them. Besides, they
liad an invitation to accompany their pastor to Yir-
jinia. Being partakers of his trials and strongly
ittached to him, several expressed a wish to go with
bim. But through reasoning and persuasion they
were induced to continue.
On this subject let Mr. Conant speak his own lan-
guage : ^ " Being one of the first, if not the very first,
that resolved and made good any settlement, under
Qod, in matter of plantation, with my family, in this
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, and haue been instru-
mental both for the founding and carrying on of the
same. When in the infancy thereof, it was in great
hassard of being deserted. I was a meanes, through
grace assisting me, to stop the flight of those few
that then were heere with me, and that, by my vtter
deniall to goe away with them who would haue gone
either for England or mostly for Virginia, but there-
upon stayed to the hassard of oin: lives." He adds,
that the first house of the settlement was his. Thus
successful in preventing the desertion of Naumkeag,
Mr. Conant and his companions were left by their
minister, who went to Virginia, where he soon died.
The plantation, so formed, received increasing
attention ^ and sympathy at home. Others were there
besides Mr. White and his friends, who earnestly
seconded his views, purposes and exertions.
1627. With reference to the patrons thus rising
up. Governor Dudley wrote to the Countess of Lin-
coln : " About the year 1627, some friends, being
together in Lincolnshire, fell into discourse about New
* Masa. Apchivea, Towns, voU. * Hubbard's New England, p.
page 217. ' 108.
40 CHARTER.
England and the planting of the gospel there ; and
after some deliberation, we imparted our reascms by
letters and messengers to some in London and tbe
west country, where it was likewise deliberately
thought upon, and at length, with often negotiations,
so ripened, as to have proposals made for a charter.''
While light was thus dawning on the strangers of
Naumkeag, they thought it well for one of their num-
ber ^ to cross the ocean and explain their condition to
those interested in their prosperity. For this office,
they selected John Woodbury. He went and gave
the information, sought and needed by proper inquir-
ers. His visit to the relations and scenes of his
nativity, being for six months, extended to the former
part of the succeeding year.
1628. Mr. White and his coadjutors made applica-
tion for State license, privilege and protection. They
obtained a grant from the council for New England.
This body, by a written document of March 19, 1628,
new style, conveyed the soil, then denominated Mas-
sachusetts Bay, to Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John
Young, Knights, Thomas Southcoat, John Hum-
phrey, John Endicott^ and Simon Whetcombe, gen-
tlemen.
These grantees were from and about Dorchester.
The bounds of their colony, so granted, were " be-
tween three miles to the northward of Merrimack
river and three miles to the southward of Charles
river, and in length, within the described breadth,
from the Atlantic ocean to the South Sea." As well
I Humphrey Woodbury's depo- apelt bis surname with an e in the
sition. second syllable instead of an ».
' Governor Endicott invariably
ACCESSION OF FRIENDS TO TUE COLONY. 41
known, these limits wtere so indefinite, as to become
the source of much subsequent litigation and cost, on
the se\reral frontiers.
An interest ^ in the plantation, so tolerated by the
sovereign, spread in various parts of his kingdom. It
was regarded as the final resort of Christians, not yet
departed from the pale of the national church, but
who were grieved for its lack of purity, and oppressed
for non-compliance with its abuses. Mr. White, still
acting on his beneficent rule for providing good for
others, though not permitted to share in it himself,
introduced the patentees to other persons of and about
London, who possessed respectability, property and
piety. He was well aware that to attempt great and
durable things in a wilderness, without such builders,
was indeed a Babel-like enterprise. Among the recent
supporters of the colony, were Messrs. Winthrop,
Saltonstall, Johnson, Dudley, Cradock and Goffe.
Soon after so hopeful a junction of kindred sym-
pathies, purposes and motives, Matthew Cradock was
chosen Governor, Thomas Goffe, Deputy Governor,
and others, Assistants.
While the prospect^ of the colonists was becoming
brighter in their native land, it was not without its
clouds in their immediate view. Like the rest of
well disposed settlers, from Piscataqua to Plymouth,
they were much alarmed by the course of Thomas
Morton at Mount Wollaston. He and his associates,
sold arms and ammunition to the Indians, indulged
themselves in dissipation, and otherwise imperiled
» Hubbard's N. E , 108. 109. chuseUa Historical Collection, Is.
* Bradtbrd's letters in Massa- 3 v. 62, 3, 4, (5.
5
4t ENDICOTT CHOBEN GOVERNOR.
the peace aod welfare of New England. The prin-
cipal men of the places within the range men*
tioned, requested Plymouth to send an armed force
and apprehend Morton. This was done. The cost
of the enterprise was £12 7* of which Naumkeag
was assessed £1 10*. The chief persons of these
plantations wrote to his Majesty's council, June 9,
and specified the leading charges against Morton,
who was sent home for trial, under the care of
John Oldham, in the vessel which bore the letter.
They also wrote by the same to Sir Ferdinando
Gorges on the like topic. In both epistles, they state
their fear that the Indians, being supplied with fire
arms by Morton and other traders, are purposing to
attack them ; and that unless such English offenders
are punished, they shall be forced to quit America.
To prosecute their purpose more fully, the com-
pany, however having reason to think highly of Roger
Conant's integrity, as the Governor of their planta-
tion, thought best to select one of their own number
for such an office. They accordingly chose John
Endicott. Governor Bradford called him " a worthy
gentleman ;" and the author of the Planters' Plea thus
wrote of him, "a man well known to divers per-
sons of good note."
Due preparations being made for the voyage, it was
no longer deferred. Mr. Endicott, with his wife and
company, sailed ^ in the ship Abigail, Henry Gauden,*
master, from Weymouth, June 20, for their contem-
* The bills of lading fop this * This name, Gaiiden, is also
vessel were signed June 20, which spelt Godden, on the records of
haa been aapposed to be the date the company.
of her sailing, tboagh it may have
ifeen later.
GOV. £NOICOTT*« ARRIVAL. 49
plated home in a new world. They reached their
destination the sixth of September. Striking must
have been the scene on this occasion. The islands
and main shores are covered with woods, thronged
i^ith their wild inhabitants. The harbor abounds
^ith sportive fish, far exceeding the wants of adja-
cent settlers. The new Governor, with his wife and
friends near the strand, which they had ardently
wished to behold. On one side, the old planters, with
the benevolent Conant at their head. On another,
the Indians, with their minor Sagamore and his guar-
dian before them. Those on the land gaze intently
on the new comers as they approach. Every one
receives a silent impression of the stranger, as he
looks upon his face. The thoughts and feeUngs of
the whole company are out of the common course.
The doings and emotions of that day were never
effaced from their memory. It was no ordinary theme
for the pencil of an artist. Its well drawn sketch
would deserve to be classed with that of the pilgrims
at Plymouth rock.
Mr. Endicott wrote, on the 13th, an account ^ of
their arrival, to Mr. Cradock. The " good report he
sent back of the country, gave such encouragement
to the worke, that more adventurers joined with the
first vndertakers. Uniting his own men with thosey
which were formerly plemted in the country, into one
body, they made up in all not much above fiftie or
sixtie persons."
Shortly after Mr. Endicott came over, he visited
the residence of Morton,^ to rectify abuses among his
remaining associates. He caused their ^^tlkaL^-^vc\<^VA
'HaM^d, r. i. p. 356. t Morton'. McmofViI, VSI ,V2^
44 INDIAN CONSPIRACY.
be cut down and rebuked them for their profaneness,
and admonished them to look to it that tiiey walked
better, so the name was again changed and called
Mount Dagon."
Among the emigrants who came in the Abigail, were
Richard Brackenbnry, Richard Davenport, Charles
Gott, Ralph, Richard and William Sprague, and Wil-
liam Trask. Their motives were various. Some
were mainly actuated by desires for religious liberty,
and othera by hopes of gain. Still the prime movers
for settling the colony purposed, as already signified,
to prepare it as an asylum for those on whom the
hand of prelacy was too heavily laid.
Mr. Endicott brought with him goods of the com-
pany in order to traffic with the natives for beaver,
otter, and other furs. He stated to the planters ^ who
preceded him, that he and his associate patentees had
purchased all the property and privileges of the Dor-
ehester partners, which were here and at Cape Ann.
Near this date there was an incident of no common
interest to the colonists. The relation of it, by a
credible person,^ follows: "About y® yeare 1628,
when those few y* came out with Collonel Indecot
and began to settle at Nahumkeick, now called Salem,
and in a manner all so seek of y® journey, that though
they had both small and great guns, and powder and
bullets for y", yet had not strength to manage y™ if
suddenly put upon it, and tidings being certainly
brought y"* on a Lord's day morning y' a thousand
^ Richard Brackenbury's Depo- that he had it from an old mnn,
sition. named Button, who died at Ha-
' Hey ThnmaH Cobhet of Ip- verhili, ll)7;2, and who was at Sa-
Bwich. wrote the account to Rev. lem, lO^id, when the event took
Jacreaae Mox\ket in 1077, and says, place.
GORGES' TERRITORY. 45
Indians from Sugust were coming against y" to cut
y off ; they had much adoe amongst y"* all to charge
two or three of y" great guns and traile y" to a place
of advantage where y* Indians must pass to y" and
and there to shoot y" off, when they heard their noise
they made in y® woods, y* y* Indians drew near, y*
noise of which great artillery, to which y* Indians
were never wonted before, did occasionally (by y^
good hand of God) strike such dread into y", y* by
some lads, which lay as scouts in y« woods, they
were heard reiterate that outcrie (O Obbomock) and
then fled confused back with all speed, when none
pursued."
After Mr. Endicott arrived at Naumkeag, he com-
missioned Messrs. Ralph, Richard and William Sprague
and others,^ to explore the country about Mishawum,
now Charlestown. Here they met with a tribe of
Indians, called Aberginiaus. By the consent of these,
they commenced a plantation. Th^y were followed
by other respectable colonists the next year. Mr.
Endicott was glad to have that territory so occupied,
in order to prevent its coming into the hands of others,
who should disclaim the authority of the Massachu-
setts corporation. While he was on his voyage hither,
John Oldham was on his for London, to negotiate
about the same land. This was part of a large grant^^
extending from the east of Charles river, made to
Robert Gorges in 1622, by the council for New Eng-
land. As claimed by Oldham and John Dorrell,^
(through purchase of John Gorges, brother to said
* Char1e«town Records. ' Hazard, v. i. p. 268.
' Mass. Aich. Laoda^v. L p. 1.
6*
46 DISCORD BETWEEN PLANTERS. DISTRESS.
Robert, deceased,) the company, by the April next
after its being occupied by the Messrs. Spragues, sent
orders to Mr. Endicott, that he cause it to be inhabited,
so that such claimants might not have the additional
plea of pre-occupancy.
As would naturally be anticipated in view of the
circumstances, there was not perfect harmony^ be-
tween the first planters of Naumkeag and their suc-
cessors. A principal question at issue between them
was, that the former wished to raise tobacco,*-* as requi-
site for their maintenance, while Mr. Endicott and
council deemed such a production, except for medi-
cine, as injurious to health and morals. It is very
likely that there were other main sources of alienation
between these two classes. One, the sale made by
the Dorchester proprietors of their patent of the colony
to the Massachusetts corporation. Another, the com-
munion, in sentiment, of Mr. Endicott and his friends
with the Plymouth church, and thus promoting a
separation from Episcopal formularies.
The colonists who remained at Naumkeag, were
called to endure severe afflictions.^ Their refuge from
civil and religious oppression, presented a scene of no
common calamities. Some had scarcely a suitable
place to lay their head on, or food to satisfy the crav-
ings of their hunger, A large proportion of them
died with the scurvy and other diseases. As an
enhancement of their distress, while sickness was
making its ravages among them, they were destitute
of regular medical assistance. To supply so fearful
1 Hubbard's N E.. 109, 110. ten in Mass. His. Coll, s. 1, t. i.
« Hawird, v. i p ^58. p. UG. Mr. Dudley's leUer.
' Hubbard, 110. Bradford's Let-
EMIGRANTS. SUPPLIES. CARGO. 47
and dangerous a deficiency, Dr. Samuel Fuller of
Plymouth, like a good Samaritan, came among them.
1629. While the people of Naumkeag were called
to endure the sujQTerings common to new colonies, they
were not without the benevolent remembrances of
their countrymen.
LETTER FROM THE GOVERNOR IN LONDON.
. Feb. 16. Matthew Cradock wrote ^ to Mr. Endi-
cott in the most friendly and encouraging terms. He
expressed much satisfaction as to his motives and
conduct, and an interest in the welfare of his wife,*
who was in ill health after she came hither, and to
whom he sustained the relation of cousin.
He mentioned, that the company had been enlarged
recently, and purposed to send over two or three hun-
dred emigrants with two ministers, and one hundred
head of cattle ; that they had bought one ship of two
hundred tons, and hired two more, each of two hun-
dred tons, one of ten and the other of nineteen guns.
He desired Mr. Endicolt to prepare houses for the
passengers, and return cargoes for the vessels, such as
fish, two or three hundred firkins of sturgeon, timber,
sassafras, sarsaparilla, sumach, silk grass and beaver.
With regard to the influence of the colonists on the
natives, he remarked as follows: "Wee trust you
will not be vnmiudfuU of the mayne end of our plan-
> Mass. Colony Records Mr. * This lady had probably died be-
Cradock did not receive Mr. En- fore the episije ot' Governor Cra-
dicoit's l»Hler, dale«l September dock reached Naiimkeaif. The
1'.^ till 13th of nt-xt February, new Knglish Canaan says, that
He made a minute at the bi>ttom her decease took place in one of
of his letter as follows: " From Dr. Fuller*s visits heie.
my hnwse in Swithens lane, neere
London stone, this 16 of ffebru-
arye, 1(528. Stilo Anglie."
48 MINISTERS. CAUTION.
tacon by indevoringe to bringe y« Indians to the
knowledge of the Gospell, which y* it may be y*
speedier and better eflFected, y* earnest desire of our
whole company is y* you have a dilligent and watch-
full eye ouer our owne people ; that they live vn-
blameable and without reproofe, and demeane them«
selves iustlye and curteous towards y® Indians, thereby
to drawe them to affect our persons and consequentlye
our Religion, as alsoe to endevour to gett some of
their children to trayne vp to readinge and conse-
quentlye to religion whilest they are yonge ; herein to
"yonge or olde to omitt noe good opportunity y' maye
tend to bringe them out of y' woefuU state and con-
dicon they nowe are in, in which case our predeces-
sors in this our land sometymes were, and but for y*
mercye and goodness of our good God, might have
continued to this daye. But God, whoe out of the
boundless ocean of his mercye hath shewed pittie and
compassion to our land, he is alsufficient and can
bringe this to passe, which wee now desire in y* coun-
trye likewise, onlie let vs not be wantinge on our
partes nowe wee are called to y" worke of the Lords,
neither havinge put our handes to the plowe let us
looke back."
He mentioned that Hugh Peters, then in Holland,
had been expected to come over, but had not returned,
and that the clergymen, engaged to emigrate hither,
had been approved by the Rev. Messrs. John White
and John Davenport. He advised that the first set-
tlers be allowed a short time longer to cultivate to-
bacco. He cautioned Mr. Endicott not to have too
great conSdence in the Indians, \es\ tVv^Y ^'^Q^^ld act
ihe per&dious and bloody scene ol Wt^voAa.
DOINGS OF COURT. 4Q
Mr. Cradock towards the close of his letter gave
this benediction : << The God of heaven and earth
preserve and keepe you from all fforayne and inland
enemies, and bless and prosper this plantacon to the
enlai'ginge of the kingdome of Jesus Christ, to whose
merciful! proteccon I recommend you and your asso-
ciates there, knowne or vnknowne." Fit words for
the author and occasion. Not only in its adverse
commencement, but also in its prosperous continu-
ance, should every Commonwealth feel and express
its dependence on the arm of Infinite goodness.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT OF ASSISTANTS IN
LONDON.
Desirous to strengthen the planters, the company
devised means for sending to them a reinforcement of
emisrrants, cattle and stores. From the tattered relics
of their journal we learn various particulars of their
proceedings. They collect for exportation the subse-
quent articles : ^ 2 loads of chalk, 10 m. bricks, 6
chaldron of sea coal, 1 tun of iron, 2 fagots of Steele,
1 fodder of lead, nails and red lead, — apparel for 100
men, 400 pair of shoes, 300 pair of stockings, 200
of which to be Irish at 13** a pair in Dublin, and
100 pair of knit at 2/4., 10 dozen pair of Norwich
garters at 5/. a dozen, 400 shirts, 200 " sates, dublett
and hose, of leather lyned with oiled skin leather, y«
hose and dublett with hooks and eyes ; 100 sutes
of Norden dussens or hampsheere kersies lyned, the
hose with skins, the dubletts with linen of gilford
or gedlyman ; sergeyes 2/10 to 3/ a yard, 4^ to 5
> This was about February. Mass. Colon/ Records.
M SUPPLIES FOR THE €X>L01IT, ETC.
yards a sute ; 400 bands, 300 playne falling bands ;
100 wastcoates of greene cottou bound about with nS
tape ; 100 lether girdles ; 100 munmouth capps, about
2' a peece ; 100 black halts, lyned in the browes with
lether ; 500 redd knit capps, milled about 5^ a peeoe ;
200 dussen hookes and eyes, and small hookes and
eyes for mandillions ; 16 dussen of gloues, whrof 12
dussen calf^s lether, and 2 dussen tand sheep's
lether, and 2 dussen kyd; sheine lynen for hand-
kerchers ; i a decker ^ of leather of the best bene
lether ; 50 matts to lye vnder 50 bedds abooid
sbtppe ; 50 ruggs; 50 peare of blanketts of Welsh
cotton ; 100 peare of sheetes ; 50 bed tykes and
bolsters, with wool to put them in ; Sketch ticking;
lynnen for towels, and tableclothes, and napkins. Sea
chests ; 4 cwt. hopps. Agreed ^ the apparell to bee
100 mandillions, lyned with cotton, 12"^ a yard;
breeches and wastcotes; and 100 lether sutes dub-
let ts and breeches of oyled lether ; 100 pr. breeches of
leather drawers to serve to weare with boeth there
other sutes." Guns and gunpowder and cattle, were
enumerated among the articles for the emigrants.
<< Men skylful in making of pitch and salt, and vyne
planters,'* were to be sent over. The Assistants or-
dered that ministers, a patent under seal, and a seal,
be provided for New England.
They required the succeeding items to be obtained
for the same direction : wheat, rye, barley, a hogshead of
each in the ear, beans, peas, stones of all sorts of fruites,
as peaches, plums, filberts, cherries, pear, apple, quince
kernels, pomegranets, woadseed, saffron heads, liquor*
* Dicker b ten hides. ' Maroh 16.
8UFPU£6 FOR THE COLONY. 51
ice seed, madder roots, potatoes, hop roots, hemp seed,
flax seed, conies, currant plants, tame turkies, shoes,
linen cloth, woollen cloth, pewter bottles of a pint
and quart, brass ladles, and spoons, copper kettles,
oiled skins ^ of leather and madder seed.
Feb. 23. Continuing their judicious preparations .
for the colony, the same court ordered ^ £100 to be
paid in part for the charge of passage and diet for
Governor Endicott, his wife and company, and goods
on freight, being 46^ tuns, from Weymouth to Naum*
keag.
Feb. 26. They mentioned various articles as need*
ful for the plantation : 5 pieces of ordnance to be
placed in the hands of Samuel Sharpe, who was to
have carriages made for them ; arms for 100 men ;
3 drums to each 2 pair of heads ; 2 ensigns ; 2 par-
tizheus, i. e. commander's leading staves for captain
imd lieutenant ; 3 halberts for 3 Serjeants ; 80 bastard
muskets with snaphauces, 4 feet in the barrel without
rests ; 6 long fowling pieces with musket bore, 6^ feet
long ; 4 do. with bastard musket bore, 5^ feet long ;
10 full muskets, 4 feet barrels with match cocks and
rests ; 90 bandeleers for the muskets, each with a
bullet bag ; 10 horn flasks for the long fowling pieces
to hold 1 pound a piece ; 100 swords and belts ; 60
corslets, 60 pikes, 20 half pikes, 12 barrels of powder^
8 of them for the fort and 4 for small shot, I
pound of shot to a bandaleer ; 8 pieces of land ord-
nance for the fort whereof 5 were already provided^
namely, 2 demy culverings 30 cwt. weight apiece,
* In the company*fl letter of lether is not of oyle ^kinns, for
April 17ih, ICi), thi*y leaiark: wee found them uver deere."
'* Wee haae made our servantti* ' Mass. Colony Records.
appareU of cloth and lether, which
53 SUPPLIES FOR THE COLONr.
3 sackers, each weighing 25 cwt., and 3 to be pro*
vided, being 1 whole culvering '<as long as may be,'*
and 2 small pieces, iron drakes, a fit proportion of '
great shot for the ordnance.
From the military they proceeded to enumerate
other things. A seine to catch fish. For the Talbot,
if having 100 passengers and 35 mariners, 45 tuns of
beer, " whereof 6 tuns 4/. and 39 tuns 6/. ; " Malaga
and Canary casks 16/. a tun ; 6 tuns of water ; 12 m.
of bread after % cwt. to a man ; 22 " hhedsof bieffe ; "
40 bushels of peas, a peck a nian for the voyage;
20 bushels of oatmeal ; 4 cwt. " haherdyne," or dried,
salted cod ; 8 dozen pounds of candles ; 2 tierces of
beer vinegar ; 1 J bushel of mustard seed ; 20 gallons
of oil "gallipolis or mayorke ; '* 2 firkins of soap;
2 rundlets of Spanish wine, 10 gallons a piece, 4000
of billets; 10 firkins of butter; 10 cwt. of cheesy
and 20 gallons aquavitae.
An agreement was made with John Hewson, to
make neat's leather shoes, for men, some at 2/1 and
others at 2/4.
March 2. Still intent on business for advancing
the colony, the court assembled. They were the
Governor, Deputy, Messrs Wright, Vassal, Harwood,
Cowlson, Adams, Nowel, Whetcombe, Perry and
Johnson. They agreed to employ James Edmonds,
a sailor, being a cooper and fisher, who required £10
the first year, £15 the second, and £20 the third
year ; and Sydrach Miller, a cooper and cleaver, with
his man, for £45 the first year, and i:50 the second
and third year, *^ to be at charges with all."
** Also for Mr. John Malbon it was propounded, be
hauinge skyll in Iron works and willing to put in
IRON AND SALT WORKS. BOSTON MEN. SB
C25 ^ in stocke, it should bee accepted as £50, and
die chains to bee bore out and borne from New Eng-
land and vppon his returne, and report what may bee
done about Iron works consyderacon to be had of
proceeding therein accordingly, and furder recompence
if there be cause to intertayne him."
" Towching making of salt, it was conseaued fFytt
that commoddetty should be reserued for the generall
stocks benefitt, yeet with this prouiso, that euery planter
or brother of the comi>any should haue as much as he
might aney way haue occasyon to make vse of, at
as cheape rate as themselues cowld make it, prouided
if the company bee not sufficiently prouided for them-
selffs, then particuler men may haue liberty to make
for there owne expence and vse aney way, but not to
transporte nor sell.''
The Governor was empowered to confer with John
CHdham, so that the company be not injured.
" Also it beeing propounded by Mr. Coney in the
behalfe of the Boston men, whereof dyuers had prom-
ised, though not in our booke vnderwritten, to adven-
ture £400 in the joint stock, that nowe there desire
was, that ten persons of them might vnderwrite, £26
a man, in the joint stock ; they withall promisinge
with theise shippes to aduenture in there particuler
2d>oue £250 more, and to prouide abell men to send
ouer for manadging the buissines, which though it
bee preiudiciall to the generall stock by the abate-
ment of so much money thereout, yeet appearing
realley to conduce more to the good of the Plantacon,
which is most desired, it was condisended vnto."
> The sign to 25 is like s, but £ was piobably intended.
6
M DIVISION OF LAND. ENGINEER.
March 3. << It was debated howe some good coarse
might be setteled for the deuission of the lands, and
that all men intendinge to goe in person or to send
ouer, might vnderwrite and seale some instrument to
bee made, whereby euery man to bee tyed to such
orders as sbalbee agreed vppon here ; and that a cop-
|)ey of this agreement be sent to Dorchester fibr all
mea to vnderwrite and seale that intend to take theire
{xissage in the Lyons Whelpe, or ells order to bee
taken that the shippe procecde without them."
A contract had been made with Samuel Sharpe for
three years, at £10 a year, '^ to haue the ouersight of
the ordnance to bee planted in the ffort to be built
vppon the plantacon, and what ells may conceroe
artillery busines to geeue his advize in. But fibr all
other implyments was left to bee intertayned by any
particuler brethren of the companie, who for other
occasions hath intertayned him alreddy, and held not
fytt to bee at furder chardge in that kynde."
CHARTER CONFIRMED.
1629. March 4. On petition of those who re-
•ceived a grant of Massachusetts from the council for
New England, nearly a year before, King Charles
confirms^ the same to them and other associates.
The names of this new company were Sir Henry
* As proof that this charter was Rnlph Freerren, upon direction of
not Burreptitiously obtained, as tlie lord keeper of the great seal ;
wltronff;\y asserted during the reign subscribed by Mr. Attorney Gen-
of Charles II. we have the sue- eral ; procured by the lord vis-
ceeding note, from a dociiet in re- count Dorchester j February. 1628.
lation to it, and among the New Tlieir charter pnssed 4th March
England papers in the Privy Seal following." Chalmer's Political
office at Whitehall: *' His Ma- Anuais, p. 147, 8.
jesty'a pleasure, signified by Sir
PRirmEGBS. COURTS. 55
Rosewell,^ Sir John Younge,, Thomas Southeott,
John Humfrey, John Endecott, Simoiv Whetcombe,
Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knight, Isaac Johnson, Sam-
uel Aldersey, John Yen, Mathew Craddock, George
Harwood, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Richard
Bellingham, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel Vassal, The-
ophilus Eaton, Thomas Gojafe, Thomas Adams, John
Browne, Samuel Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William
Yassal, William Pinchion and George Foxcrofte. For
these and all such as should be admitted to the free-
dom of their association, the charter made various
provisions, with part of which, as giving a cast and
complexion to our colonial policy, it is deemed advisa*
ble to connect some passing remarks.
Among the privilges granted to the patentees were
the following : They were to be a body corporate and
politic, called the Governor and Company of Massa*
chusetts Bay. Their Legislature was to be composed
of a Governor, Deputy, and eighteen Assistants.
These officers were to be of the freemen, and elected
every Spring, on the last Wednesday of Easter termi
by the General Assembly, which embraced all mem-
bers of the company. They were authorized to hold
each year, " four great and general courts on every
last Wednesday in Hilary, Easter, Trinity, and Mi*
chas terms," and also other needed courts.
As specified in the charter, his Majesty appointed
the ensuing officers of the corporation: Mathew
Craddock, Governor,^ Thomas Gofie, Deputy, Sir
* The six first were Dorchester ' Mr. Cradock took his oath of
patentees, to whom the preceding office before Charles CsMar, Mas-
eharter was granted. Their sar- ter in Chancery, March 18, 1699.
names are spelt here as the second There are several notices of him
charter has them. on the Colony Records. Onm of
56 FREEMEN. LEGISLATURE.
Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Samuel Aldersey,
John Yen, John Humfrey, John Endicott, Simon
Whetcombe, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Na-
thaniel Wright, Samuel Vassall, Theophilus Eaton,
Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutchins, John Brown,
George Foxcroft, William Vassall and William Pyn-
chon. Assistants. These authorities were regally em-
powered to appoint rulers and make laws, consistent
with those of the realm, for the colony. They were
permitted to admit individuals to be free of the com-
pany, who were deemed fit and desired the privilege.
From these particulars, it is perceived, that the
charter gives the outlines of legislative rule, adopted
by the company in London, delegated tojtir. Endicott
and others in the colony, and practiced after the re-
moval of the patent to Massachusetts. It is also
observed, that the mode of admitting freemen, or
members of such a corporation, and their privilege of
voting in general courts, is laid down in the same
document. Hence it was, that freemen, denominated
the Generality by the London records, and Commons
by those kept here, embracing all the voters for legis-
lative authorities, constituted, with other branches of
government, the "Great and General Court'' or As-
sembly. This they did till 1634, when deputies
became a part of the legislature, and it was ordered,
that the whole body of freemen be excused from
attending the four annual general courts, except that
for election of the Magistrates in May, when they
them dated November 7, 1032, dock, was subsequently married to
runs thus: J* Mr. Mathew Cra- Benjamin Whitehont, D. D. As
^k>ck fined iiii lb. for his men be- the liberal promoter of the colony's
ing absent from training dyvers interests, he lefl a claim upon it,
timet." His widow, Rebecca Cra- which in 1648, was j6(>79 6». 4d.
ELECTION PAT. COMMERCIAL PRIVILEGES. 57
continued to assemble for such a purpose. This prac*
tice remained till 1663, when a vote passed, that the
freemen should choose a part of their number to
assemble at the court of election and choose a gov*
emor and other magistrates. But this change was so
unpopular, that it was repealed the subsequent year.
The people were apprehensive, lest, by such a restric-
tion, power would pass from the many to the few, so
as to endanger their political heritage. The deputieSi
with other departments of the legislature, have, ex-
cept in the usurpation of Dudley and Andros, with
unessential variation, been called the General Court.
In a charter, with features of this kind, so promo<»
tive of rational liberty, when allowed its own legiti-
mate guidance, connected with the influence of Con-
gregational order in church, and untrammelled by the
immediate restraints of the crown, we have the sub*
stantial pattern of our long continued government.
Were the whole community, in the exercise of their
constitutional franchise, to resolve themselves into
one great generality or commons, and unite with the
branches of legislation, except that of the representar
tives, they would resemble, in principle, an assembly
of our ancestors, which in the first years of theiitf
incorporation were seen in the capital of England, and
in ancient towns of our commonwealth. But it was
well, that our fathers, when in the smallness of their
population, loaned, for short periods, their power to a
few, and vastly better, that their numerous successors
have not slighted their examine.
As well known, the election day, appointed by the
charter and so precious to the colonists as the time for
maiotuning their privilege of liberty, has been changed,
6*
58 COMMERCIAL PRIVILEGES. 8EAL.
after long continuance, in our time, and is thus swept
away with its associations of the past, which its suc-
cessor can never wholly revive nor replace in " the
city of our solemnities."
Not only did the patent thus favor the corporation
politically, but also commercially. It permitted the
colonists to be free from all duties to the national
exchequer, on their commerce, for seven years, and
after this to pay only five per cent, on importations
into England for twenty-one years, with proper re-
strictions. However, Charles I. freely consented to
the ecclesiastical policy of his bishops, which bore
hard on the emigrants to New England ; yet truth
requires us to confess, that his release of them, for a
considerable period, from taxation and customs to the
national treasury, was kind as well as liberal. << Ren-
der unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's."
Another provision, made by the charter in behalf
of the company, was, that they should possess and
use a common seal. This seal was of silver, and was
sent over to Governor Endicott in 1629. It was
used by our colonial authorities till 1686, resumed
1689, and suspended from 1692 till 1780. At the
last date it was partly revived, as to the Indian,
much more civilized in his appearance than his prede-
cessor, and with the adjuncts of an English Ameri-
can's arm,^ brandishing a sword, and different inscrip-
tions. So resuscitated, it has continued to our day,
and we hope will be preserved as long as the liberty
of our Commonwealth shall exist. That so valuable
fL relic of what once denoted the sanction of State
1 This wfts part of oar Seal from 1775 to 1780.
SEAL. PISHERT. 59
policy, as under coloaial jurisdiction, may be kept iu
lemembrance, the ensuing likeness of it is here pre-
sented.
Besides the privileges, which the patent conferred
on the corporation, it made certain requaitions of them.'
It required the fifth part of gold and silver, which
might be discovered in the colony, and which was
demanded of the council for New England by King
James, as well as by this body in the first Masschn-
setts patent, to be reserved for the crown. But these
minerals, so located, have ever since proffered their
revenues merely in fancied prospect.
Another condition of the new charter was, that the
subjects of England should be allowed to fish on our
shores ; to set up wharves, stages, and houses, acd use
needed wood without molestation. This was in con-
fonnity to [werious and repeated lesotutlons of the
60 PUBLIC R£SP£CT FOR RELIGION.
House of Commons. It seems that such a condition
was acted on so as to produce complaint. William
Walton and other inhabitants of Marblehead, presented
a petition ^ to General Court, in 1646, as follows :
** Where as there come yeerly into our plantation
many fishermen y' are strangers, and haue formerly
don vs very much dammage in y* consuming of our
fire wood, stage timber and flake stuffe." They de-
sired that an order might be established on this sub-
ject.
Thus dealing with the company, upon a generous
scale, in their political and commercial affairs, the
charter rises to the higher and nobler concerns of
morality and religion. It enjoined on the patentees,
that the planters should be so controlled, ^<as their
good life and orderly conversacon male wynn and
incite the natives of the country to the knowledge
and obedience of the onlie true God and Sauior of
inankinde and the Christian fayth." Continuing to
speak by the mouth of kingly authority, it adds,
** which is our royall intencon and the adventurers'
free profession, — is the principall end of this Planta^
con." Verily, this is advice worthy of the palace as
well as the cottage. Whenever man correctly appre*
hends and appreciates the wisdom, whigh so bears
the bright and broad seal of divinity, he knows and
feels the relations of his being and blessings ,* he lives
up to the purpose of his existence, and to the best
interests of his nature. The shame, which scouts
appeals to the precepts and principles of piety from
the halls of justice and legislation, from the domestic
> Date, Majr 6, foand in 1 r. of Maritime, 35 p. Maai. Archiyef.
ASSISTANT AND GENERAL CX>URTS. 6|
altar, the social circle and the intercourse of commu-
nity, is false, and betokens a moral poison in the soul,
which may produce temporary exhilaration, but is
followed with irretrievable perdition. It is but a poor
compliment which any community or nation pay
themselves, in view of what experience has long
taught and their own best good demands, when re-
joicing that they are so far delivered from the tram-
mels of restraint, as to omit, in their State documents
and proceedings, much of the reference made to the
Christian religion in laying the foundations of New
England.
In passing from the charter, there will be fre-
quent occasion to notice transactions of the Assis-
tant and General Courts, as held in England on vari-
ous concerns of the colony. Though having an im-
plied application to the whole soil of our Common-
wealth, yet these transactions had particular reference
to Naumkeag. As giving us, in a business-like style,
details of the basis on which the colony began, as to
several of its important relations, they deserve to be
presented with more than a stinted meeisure. Espe-
cially with regard to the conditions on which the
landed interests of the emigrants depended — ^to the
company's commercial investments, and the transfer
of the principal patent and government to this coun-
try— they will not be too sparingly quoted. Liberty
of this kind would have been neither desired nor
taken, but for an apprehension, lest a further abridge-
ment of them would mar their signification and make
erroneous impressions. It is hoped that the worth of
the matter in question, will carry its own recommen-
dation, so as to be a sufficient apology for extending
03 OLDHAM. SIR WILLIAM BREUERTEN.
our subject of settlement further, than would other-
wise have been needed or permitted.
COURT OF ASSISTANTS IN LONDON.
1629. March 5. Among the members belonging
to the Court and now present, were Sir Richard Sal-
tpnstall and Capt. Ven.^ A new proposition from
John Oldham was deferred. The nomination of John
Washborne for Secretary to the Company, was left
undecided. "A proposicon beeinge made by Sir
William Breuerten to the Gouernor, of a Pattent
graunted him of lands in the Massachusetts bay, by
Mr. John Gorges, and that if this companie would
make him a promise so as he could (come) to vnder*
write with this company, it might not bee preiudiciall
to his pattent, it was resolued this answere should be
geeuen him, namely, that if he pleased to vnderwrite
with vs without aney condicons whatsoeuer, but to
come in as all other adventurers doe, he should bee
welcome vppon the same condicons that wee haue."
"A proposicon beeing made to intertayne a sur-
geon for the plantacon, Mr. (John) Pratt was pro-
pounded as an abell man vppon theis condicons,
namely. That £40 should bee allowed him, viz' — ^for
his chist £25, the rest for his own sallery for the first
yeere, prouided he continue 3 yeeres, the Companie
to bee at charge of transporting his wiffe and (ser-
vant), haue £20 a yeere for the other 2 yeeres, and
to build him a howse at the Companie's chardge and
to allott him 100 acres of ground. But if he stay but
one yeere, then the Companie to bee at charge of his
' Colonj Records.
SURGEONS. LANDS. T. GRAVES. 6S
bringing back for England - and he to leaue his ser*
uant and the chist for the Companie's seruice."
^' Agreed with Robert Morley, seruant to Mr. An-
drewe Mathewes, late barber surgeon, to seme the
Companie in Newe England for three yeeres, the first
yeere to haue 20 nobles, the second yeere , the
third yeere 20 markes, to serve as a barber and a sur-
geon."
March 6. A committee of the Governor, Deputy,
and several Assistants, who were to advise with Messrs.
Graves and Sharpe, were chosen to consider the sub-
ject of dividing the lands, as proposed the 3d instant,
and " to sett downe in writinge what course they
conseaue fytt to bee held herein, whereby an equallety
may be held to avoyd all contention twixt the aduen-
turers." " Mr. Thomas Graues was propounded to
goe ouer with the Shippes nowe bound for Newe
England, to haue his charges borne out and home,
aud beeinge a man experienced in Iron Workes, in
salt workes, in measuring and surveyinge of lands,
and in fortificacons, in lead, copper and allum mynes,
as hauinge a chardge of wiffe, 5 children, a man and
maid seruant, after some conference with him, he
tcndring his implyment to goe and returne with one
of our shippes to the Companie's discression flfor his
sallery in that time. It was thought fytt, that he
should consyder twixt this and to-morrow what to
demand in ceise he doe returne presently with the
shippe he should take his passage in, and what his
demands would bee if the Compisinie should con-
tyneue him there and be at chardges of the transporta-
con of his wiffe and ffamely thether in their next
M ARMOUR. SUPPLIES.
ahippes, if he take lyking to contyneue in New Eng-
land." Mr. John Oldham was desired to consider
what further he had to olOTer relative to his proposition
of the 2d instant.
March 6. " Agreed with Mr. Thomas Steevens
Armorer in Buttolph lane jSbr 20 armes, viz^ corslett,^
brest, back, culet, gorgett, tasses and hed peece to ech,
varnished all black with lethers and buckles at 17' ech
armour, excepting 4, which are to bee with close hed
peeces and theis 4 armours at 24' a peece." An
agreement was made with John Weste, shoemaker in
Marke lane, for 10 dozen of shoes, 8 and 9, at 2/5 ;
10, 11, 12 and 13, at 2/7 a pair.
March 9. John Washborne was elected Secretary
of the Company for one year. A contract was made
with John Gace of London for 40 bandeleers,^ " neates
lether, broad girdles ech with 12 charges," at 2/.
apiece ; and 10 dozen of shovels and spades at IS/, a
dozen.
Provision specified for 120 men, 120 flitches of
bacon, 120 gallons of sweet oil, 150 quarters of meal,
30 do. of peas at 26/., 15 do. of groats at 4/., fully
dried, 20 firkins of butter at 17/., 60 quarters of
malt 17/6, 30 cwt. of cheese.
March 10. Thomas Graves, gentleman, who was
of Gravesend, in the county of Kent, agreed with
the company on what terms he would visit Naumkeag
and exercise his scientific qualifications in the colony,
* Corslett, to defend the fore der and hanging down under the
part of llw body ; gorgett, to cover left arm, for sustaining fire arms
ilie throat or neck, and tasses for and for the carriage of musket
the thighs. charges, which, being put in box-
* Bandileer, '* a lar^ leathern es, were hang to the number of
belt, thrown over the right shoal- 12 to each bandlleer."
GRAVES; SHARPE. 68
as circumstances might require. As additional to the
services which he might render and which were speci-
fied on the 5th, he was acquainted with finding lime
stones, planning aqueducts, drawing maps, and archi-
tecture. The terms on which he engaged to exert
his utmost ability for the benefit of his employers,
were, to have the charges of his outward and home-
ward' passages paid, his diet and £5 a month while
employed in New England, if for six or eight months ;
but in case he should be engaged there three years,
^the expense of transporting his family thither, their
support till harvest after their arrival, a house, 100
acres of land, £50 a year, and a proportion of such
land as should be granted to families who were to
sail with him, though his own would be left behind
for a time — were to be granted him. As to any fur-
ther compensation he left it to the discretion of the
company. As a renmant of his own hand-writing,
the subsequent likeness of it, in his name, is here
given.
cZ
■-y
A^ftf^C^i^
Samuel Sharpe was allowed, at his particular re-
quest, £20 to provide himself with clothes, on account
of his salary, as engineer for three years, it being £10
annually. He suggested, that in case of his decease
before the close of the period for which money might
be advanced him, the sum should be offset by the
apparel which it purchased. The question as to divi-
sion of lands in the colony^ was left to tYie dL^^chss^sn
r
4)6 JOHN AND SAMUEL BROWN.
of a committee. A further sum of £20 was paid to
John Humphrey towards charges for the patent.
March 12. As persons of note, on account of their
ecclesiastical difficulties in the short period they abode
at Namukeag, John Brown, a lawyer, seeming to be
of London, and Samuel Brown of Roxwell, in Elssex
County, agreed to take passage for this country. They
were to have lands, as if subscribers for £50 each in
the general stock, and to have equal privileges with
others. As some memento of them, fac similes ^ of
their names are subjoined.
March 12. Ricliard Claydon of Bedfordshire, aged
about 34, carpenter, desirous to transport himself, wife,
one daughter, his sister, aged 14, brother Bamaby,
aged 23, and his brother-in-law, Thomas Hanscombei
for the colony, makes an agreement with the com-
pany. He is able to pay £40 towards the expense of
such transportation, and the company are to supply
the rest on condition . that he and his two brothers,
after coming hither, shall each have board and 3/. a
day until the debt is discharged, and in this time he
shall learn any of the company's servants in the trade
of a " plow Wright." He is also to have land for him-
self, and his family, as usual for such emigrants.
Though Mr. Claydon could not come in the first ves-
^ Taken from the Colony jae^- deficiency is lapplied by Uie like
eordg. The torinijiation of the "whichptecedeB^except the final t.
murnameM u worn away, but the
SUPPLIES. ESTIMATE FOR THE TALBOT. 67
sels which sailed after his contract, yet he did in one
which followed them.
March 16. Messrs. Durbridge and Harret agreed
to furnish 14 dozen pair of shoes, from 10 to 13, larger
part of neat's leather at 2/7 a pair. Mr. Maio engaged
to furnish 20 bed ticks and bolsters of Scotch ticking,
11 yards for a bed and bolster, at 10 J^ per yard. The
following estimate was recorded :
** 100 men, there chardge 15 lbs. a man, £1,500
Freight of the Shippe Talbut 5 monthes, 80 lb. pr. mo. 400
Victualls and wages, 32 men, 70 lb. a monthe, . . . 350
The Lyons Whelpe sett to sea, 500
20 Cowes and Bulls, 4 lb. a peece, 80
10 Mares and Horses, 6 lb. a peece, 60
Charges of theis, 470
iB3,360"
March 17. A contract was made for 100 swords
at 4/6 each, all to have chapes or plates at the points
of the scabbards, and for 10 short swords at 2/6 eacbj
and Polonia hilts at 3/4. Purchase was made of 26
more swords. Ralph White agreed to furnish 12
gallons of aquavitae at 2/6 a gallon. John Gladwing
delivered 12 sides of bacon, being 74^ stone, each
stone 8 lbs. at 2/5 a stone. It was ordered that pay-
ment be made for 110 burrs at 2/. each for making
millstones, and 14 cwt. of plaster-of-Paris at 18* per cwt.
March 19. Warrants were drawn for payment of
2 coppers, £12 12', and 1 bale of French cloth £18,
both for the Lyon's Whelpe ; and 30 quarters of malt
to go in the ships, £25 15'.
March 23. Information was given by leUeta Iiotcl
Isaac Johnson, "that one Mr. Higgeson oi liesX^x^ vcl
68 MR. HIGGINSON. CONTRACT.
able minister, jHroffers to goe to our plantation, who
being approved for a reverend, grave minister, fitt for
our present occations, it was thought by thes present
to entreat Mr. John Humfry to ride presently to Lesi-
ter, and if Mr. Higgeson may conveniently be had to
goe this present viouge, that he should deale with
him. First, if his remooue from thence may be with-
out scandall to that people, and approved by the con*
sent of some of the best affected amonge them, with
the approbation of Mr. Heldersham of Ashely," de la
Zouch ; seccmdly, he may leave his wife and family
till Bartholmew, so that they may be better accommo-
dated with a passage, or not, as he prefers ; thirdly,
relative to his support, the items of which, as specified
under this date, are lost ; but happily they are con-
tained more at large in the subsequent psuragraph.
MR. HIGGINSON^S CONTRACT.
April 8, 1629. A contract ^ was formed between
Rev. Francis Higginson and the company. He was
allowed £30 to buy apparel and other articles for the
voyage, and £ 10 more for books, a free passage for
himself, wife, and children,^ and furniture. His salary
for each of three years, commencing from his arrival
at Naumkeag, was to be £30, a house and land, fire-
wood and diet. The dwelling and appurtenances
were to be a parsonage for the use of himself and
successors in the ministry. At the expiration of three
years, he was to have 100 acres of land assigned to
him, and of seven years, 100 acres more. Towards the
^ Hutohinson'* Collectiong, p. mentioned, yet they were evi-
^. dently implied, as included in tbe
' Tbaagh but Amlly wen not uxnft iptvTi\eg.e,
REASONS FOR ENCOURAGINO THE COLONY. 69
support of his household, he was to have the milk of
two cows, and half the increase of their calves ; the
other half, with the cows, the company were to re-
ceive at the end of three years. In case of his de-
cease, his wife while remaining his widow, and his
children, if the former and the latter continued in the
plantation, were to be supported at the public charge.
Should he not like to dwell longer here, than the
period agreed on, there was to be no charge for a pas-
sage back for himself and family*
Similar contracts ^ were made with Rev. Messrs.
Skelton and Bright,
REASONS OF MR. HIGGINSON FOR ENCOURAGING
THE COLONY.
About the time that Rev. Mr. Higginson engaged
to embark for America, he published, " Qenerall Con-
siderations^ for the Plantation in New England, with
an Answer to several objections." Such sound judg-
ment and elevated motives aboimd in this production,
and so immediate was its reference to Naumkeag, that
we cannot refrain from giving its thoughts a place
among the memorials of our city. Mr. Higginson's
considerations were of the ensuing tenor: First, it
would be for the prosperity of the church in general,
to have the gospel planted on these shores, and would
" raise a bulwarke against the kingdom of Antichrist,
which the Jesuits labour to rear up in all places of
^ Hazard's Collections, y. i, p. Similar considerations are con*,
256. tained in the Planter's Plea, print-
* Hatchinson's Collections, p. ed in London, 1630, and in Capt.
27. The same authority decidedly John Smith's Path- way to erect «
declares this production to be ^om Plantation, piiik\A<i \2beitt \^^.«
the pen of iir, Higginaon, p, 2i,
7'#
70 REASONS FOR ENCOURAGING THE COLONY.
the world.'* Second, the churches of Europe had
been desolated, except that of England, and there
was just fear lest this might be similariy judged; — and
who could know but that God had provided the
colony as " a refuge for many, whom he meanes to
save out of the general destruction." Third, England
grew weary of her impoverished population ; and,
sixth, why should they remain and starve, when
there was land enough and to spare, in the plantation,
for their sustenance. Fourth, " Wee are growen to
that excess and intemperance in all excess of riot, as
no meane estate almost will suffice to keepe saile with
his equals, and he that fayles in it, must live in sor-
row and contempt. Hence it comes to passe, that all
arts and trades are carried in that deceitful manner and
unrighteous course, as it is almost impossible for a good
upright man to maintayne his chardge and live comfort-
ably in any of them." Fifth, the literary and theo-
logical schools were inordinately expensive and were
" perverted, corrupted and utterly overpowered by the
multitude of evill examples and licentious governors
of those seminaries." Seventh, " What can bee a
better worke and more noble and worthy a Christian,
than to helpe to raise and support a particuleir church
while it is in its infancy, and to join our forces with
such a company of faithfuU people, as by a tymely
assistance may grow stronger and prosper, and for
want of it may be put to great hazzard, if not wholly
ruined ? " Eighth, " If any such as are known to bee
godly, and live in wealth and prosperity here, shall
forsake all this to joyn themselves with this church,
and runne in hazard with them of hard and meane
condition, it will be an example oi gteax w^^Xio^fex
OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 71
the removing of scandall and sinister and worldly
respects, to give more lyfe to the faith of God's peo-
ple in their prayers for the plantation, and also to
encourage others to joyne the more willingly in it."
From these premises, Mr. Higginson proceeds to
state objections and answer them.
First, " It will be a great wrong to our owne church
and country to take away the best people ; and we still
lay it more open to the judgments feared. — Reply.
But a small proportion of the most exemplary will
emigrate. Many of them will have greater opportu-
nities for usefulness in a new settlement, and thus
promote the welfare of the church, as a whole. It is
the purpose of God to have all nations receive Chris-
tianity, and whether the natives in the colony accept
it or not, all who proffer it to them discharge their
duty and glorify him."
Second. Though we have long feared judgments,
yet we are safe* It is better to remain till they come,
and then we may flee, or, if overtaken by them, we
should "be content to suffer with such a church as
ours." — Reply. " It is likely that this consideration
made the churches beyond the seas, as the Palatinate,
Rochel, etc., to sit still at home, and not look out for
shelter while they might have found it ; but the wofuU
spectacle of their ruine may teach us more wisdom to
avoid the plague while it is foreseene, and not tarry as
they did till it overtooke them. If they were now at
their former liberty, wee may be sure they would take
other courses for their safety. And though most of
them had miscarried in their escape, yet it had not
been halfe so miserable to themselves, ox ^^xidAiox^
to religiim, as this desperate backsUdiiig aoii ^^\)x^si%
72 OBJECTIONS ANSWERED.
the truth, which many of the antient professors
among them, and the whole posterity that remayne
are plunged into."
Third. " Wee have here a fruitful! land, with
peace and plenty of all things." — Reply. " Wee are
like to have as good conditions there in tyme ; but
yet we must leave all this abundance, if it bee not
taken from us. When we are in our graves, it will
be all one whether we have lived in plenty or penury,
whether we have dyed in a bed of downe or lockes of
straw. Onely this is the advantage of the meane
condition, that it is a more freedom to dye. And the
lesse comfort any have in the things of this world, the
more liberty they have to lay up treasure in heaven."
Fourth. " Wee may perish by the way or when
we come there, having hunger or the sword, etc. ; and
how uncomfortable will it be to see our wives and
children and friends come to such miserie by our
occasion ? " — Reply. " Such objections savour too
much of the flesh. Who can secure himselfe or his
from the like calamities here ? If this course be war-
rantable, we may trust God's providence for these
things. Either he will keepe those evils from us, or
will dispose them for our good and enable us to beare
them."
Fifth. " But what warrant have we to take that
land, which is and hath been of long tyme possessed
of others, the sons of Adam?" — Reply. "That
which is common to all is proper to none. This sav-
age people ruleth over many lands without title or
property ; for they inclose no ground, neither have
they cattell to maintayne it, but remove their dwell-
log's as they have occasion, ox as tih^^ csn ^gcsi^i^
INDIAN CLAIMS. 73
against their neighbours. And why may not Chris-
tians have liberty to go and dwell amongst them in
their waste lands and woods, leaving them such places
as they have manured for their corne, as lawfully as
Abraham did among the Sodomites ? For God hath
given to the sons of men a twofold right to the earth ;
there is a naturall right and a civil right. The first
right was naturall when men held the earth in com*
mon, every man sowing and feeding where he pleased.
Then, as men and cattell increased, they appropriated
some parcells of ground by enclosing and peculiar
manurance, and this, in tyme, got them a civill right.
Such was the right which Ephron, the Hittite, had to
the field of Machpelah, wherein Abraham could not
bury a dead corpse without leave, though for the outer
parts of the countrey, which lay common, he dwelt
upon them and tooke fruite of them at his pleasure."
There is more land than is sufficient for both the
Indians and colonists. A plague has swept off most
of the natives. The survivors of them welcome set-
tlers to their soil. — This question about occupying the
land of the aborigines was the subsequent occasion of
much controversy, through Roger Williams, both at
Plymouth and Salem. It was one which received
much deliberation from the original proprietors and
colonists of New England. Whatever may have
been thought, said, or written of them, on this sub-
ject, they were evidently disposed, as before stated,
and even anxious to satisfy every fair claim of the
Indians for the territory which they settled.
Sixth. " We should send our young ones and such
as can best be spared; and not the best o{ owi m\:i\v
ters and magistrates. '^ — ^Keply. " Xt is a gte^X ^oifts^
74 PURPOSE OF EMIGRATING HITHER.
and requires more skilful! artificers to lay the founda-
tion of a new building, than to uphold and repayre
one that is already built. If great things be attempted
by wcake instruments, the effect will be answerable."
Seventh. " Wee see that those plantations, that
have been formerly made, succeeded ill." — ^Reply.
" The fruit of any public designe is not to be dis-
cerned by the immediate success. It may appear in
tyme, that they were all to good use. There were
great fundamental errours in others, which are like to
be avoided in this ; — for their mayne end and purpose
was carnall and not religious ; they aymed chiefly at
profitt and not at the propagation of religion ; they used
too unfitt instruments, a multitude of rude and ungov-
erned persons, the very scums of the land ; they did
not stablish a right forme of government." This clos-
ing answer is one of the clear evidences, which prove,
that the great aim in peopling Massachusetts, was, like
that as to Plymouth, the spread of "pure religion."
The head which dictated and the heart that felt
the preceding opinions and sentiments, were of no
ordinary texture. Indeed, for the occupancy of this
soil, Mr. Higginson gave ingenious and forcible rea-
sons. It required great physical strength to cast down
the pillars of Dagon's temple ; but a greater moral
energy to surmount the impediments cast in the way
of pur pilgrim ancestors, when tearing themselves
from home and kindred, to embark for the inhospita-
ble coast of a distant and unsubdued wilderness.
EMIGRANTS AND SUPPLIES.
April 16. According to the Lord Treasurer's war-
rantj 60 married and unmaitied fem«\fe^^ ^^ OoMjwa
FAVOR TO THE COLONY. CHARTER, ETC. 75
and 300 men with supplies of food, arms, clothing,
tools and 140 head of cattle, are permitted to be em*
barked ^ for Massachusetts colony.
LETTER FROM THE COMPANY TO MR. ENDICOTT.
April 17. A letter,^ dated at Gravesend, is written
by the Governor and Deputy of the company in Eng-
land to Mr. Endicott. 'It relates to him what was
like glad tidings from a far country, that there was an
increased purpose to sustain the plantation. It gives
information of the charter's being confirmed, and that
a duplicate of it, with the royal seal, was about to be
sent over by Mr. Sharpe.
The writers of this epistle and their associates,
were fully aware, that every human enterprise, unin-
fluenced by religion, would soon fall to the ground.
They well knew that, let temporal prosperity be ever
so great for a season, still, if destitute of divine influ-
ence, it would draw in its train abounding corruptions
and become an instrument of ruin to its possessors.
Thus properly impressed, they sought for men worthy
to bear the ark of God. Their choice fell on the
Rev. Messrs. Francis Higginson, of Leicester; Sam-
uiel Skelton, of Lincolnshire, and Francis Bright.
These were among the Calvinistic clergymen of Eng-
land, who were reduced by its laws, while they lived
in the kingdom, to the hard alternative, either to with-
hold some of their opinions and read in time of public
worship the Book of Sports, which encouraged an
open profanation of the Sabbath ; or submit to prose-
cutions, fines, imprisonment, and deposition ftoia X\\&
' Prince's New Enghmd, p. 183. « Suffolk Deed«, 1A>«t \.
76 MINISTERS.
ministry. With the way for a satisfactory discharge
of their duty so hedged up, and with a sphere of use-
fulness opened for them, where spiritual freedom was
proffered, they felt obligated to turn from the one and
move in the other. In reference to them, the preced-
ing letter holds the subsequent language : " And for
that the propagating of the Gosple, is the Thing wee
doe profess aboue all to bee our ayme in setling this
Plantacon. Wee haue bin carefull to make plentyfull
provision of godly ministers, by whose faithfull preach-
inge, godly conversacon and exemplary lyfe, wee
trust not only those of our owne nation wilbe built
vp in the knowledge of God, but also the Indians
may, in God's appointed tyme, bee reduced to the
obedyence of the Gosple of Christ ;— one of them is
well knowne to yourselfe, viz : Mr. Skelton, whom
wee haue the rather desired to beare a part in this
worke, for that wee are informed your selfe hath for-
merly received much good by his ministory ; he com-
eth in the George Bonaventure, Mr. Thomas Cox.
Another is Mr. Higgeson, a graue man, and of worthy
commendacons ; hee cometh in the Talbot. The
third is Mr. Bright, sometymes trained vpp vnder Mr.
Davenport, who cometh in the Lyon's Whelp. We
pray you accommodate them all with necessaryes as
well as you may ; and in convenyent time lett there
bee houses built them according to the agreement wee
haue made with them." The letter proceeds to re-
mark, that there is prospect of harmony among these
ministers, which will be promoted by impartiality
towards them and all others j that the manner of their
preaching to the colonists and Indians, is left to their
DISCONTENT OF OLD PLANTERS. 77
own discretion ; and that for their labors to be appre-
ciated, they must be duly honored.
It informs Mr. Endicott, that a government, called
" the ^ Council of the Massachusetts Bay," had been
appointed to reside in the colony, of which he was
the head. The particulars of this information ^ are
under a subsequent record of General Court, in Lon-
don, the 30th instant. The letter — having ordered
that, if Roger Conant and his associates declined
being represented ill this council, this body might
supply their own vacancies, so caused — ^uses expres-
sions, which denote that a part of the first settlers
here considered themselves as injured, by having the
colony taken from their immediate control. The
language on this topic follows: <<And that it may
appeare as well to all the worlde as to the old planters
themselues, that wee seke not to make them slaues,
as it seems by your letter some of them thinke them-
selues to bee become by meanes of our patent, wee
are content they shalbe partakers of such priviledges,
as wee, from his Majesty's espetiall grace, with great
cost, fauor of personages of note, and much labor,
haue obtained ; and that they shalbe incorporated into
this Socyetie, and enioy not only those lands, which
formerly they haue manured, but such a further pro-
porcon " as the civil authorities think best. " Be-
sides, it is still our purpose, that they should haue
some benefitt by the common stock, as was by your
first commission directed, with this addicon, that if it
* This title is more brief than the colony, had been elected be-
the one under April 30th. fore the 30th of AptvV, «A.d. %%
* It leems from the above letter, early as the 17lh..
that the Governor and Council for
8
78 PRIVILEGES. CULTIVATION OF TOBACCO.
bee held too much to take 30 per cent, and the fraight
of the goods, for and in consideracon of our adven-
ture and disbursement of our moneyes, to bee paid
in Bevor at 6* per lb., that you moderate the said
rate," — as equity requires. << Our further order is,
that none bee partakers of any of the aforesaid priui-
ledges and profitts but such as bee peaceable men, and
of honest lyfe and conversacon, and desirous to hue
amongst ys, and cpnforme themselues to good order
and government." Thus careful to give the old
planters the respect and favor which their seniority,
as to the first occupancy of the soil, seemed to re^
quire, the letter desires Mr. Endicott to grant them
further indulgence in the cultivation of tobacco. At
the same time, it forbids all others here to raise this
article ; to sell or use it, '< vnless vpon vrgent occa^
sion, for the benefitt of health, and taken privately."
It also states that there is very little profit to be
gained by the exportation of such a commodity to
England. As much excitement had been sustained in
that kingdom for a series of years, concerning to-
bacco, by Sir Walter Raleigh's first introduction of it
into polite circles, and especially by the proclamations,
excises and phillipics of King James against it, as
contained in his Counter Blast, there is no great mat-
ter for surprise, that the company should feel and say
so much on such a subject. VJTouId it not be well, if
more antipathy of this kind had come down to our
day, and infused its influence into every walk of life ?
The letter informs Mr. Endicott, that John Oldham
had made various proposals to be connected with the
company in speculations of tmde, but that they
avoided an acceptance of thercv, aadi \!tv^x\\A^^& ^-
GOROE8 TERRITORY. RCV. RALPH SMITH. 79
ting out a vessel to come and take possession of the
territory in Massachusetts, conveyed to him by John,
brother of Robert Gorges. Of this claim, the author^
ities in London say, " which wee are well satisfyed,
by good Couucell, is voyde in lawe." Still they
had strong apprehensions, lest he should draw disaf*
fected colonists to his side and form a settlement
within their bounds, independent of their jurisdiction*
Hence, they were solicitous that Mr. Endicott should
contract with Mr. Conant and his associates to have
neither part nor lot in the projects of Oldham. They
proposed, that, if nothing less than severe measures
would arrest the progress of this individual, they
should be adopted ; though anxious to avoid any col*
lision with him, << wishing rather there might be such
an vnion as might drawe the Heathen by our good
example to the embracing of Christ in his Gosple."
They desired Mr. Endicott, that, as soon as emigrants,
about to embark, should arrive here, he would dis*
patch forty or fifty of them to take possession of the
soil on which Oldham had fixed his eye. They also
requested him to encourage such planters as were
already there, so that they might wish to be under
his authority ; and even, if requisite for this end, to
allow them " more than ordinarie preuiledges in point
of trade."
The letter notices Ralph Smith, a minister, as hav-
ing engaged a passage hither, before he was known
to differ in some points from the three other clergy-
men in the same fleet. It represents him as honest in
his creed, and hopes that he will be no occasion of
discord ; but if he should be, leave may Toe %t«sv\.e^
Aim to depart. From what is here suggesledi oi 'Sfix.
80 SALT. VINEYARDS. FORT. CAPITAL.
Smith,^ and from his being employed by the Plymouth
church soon aflter his coming over, he appears to have
been more Congregational in his views of ec,clesiasti-
cal polity than Mr. Cradock and other members of the
government at home, and this was probably the
source of their objection to him.
The letter alludes to a request made by Governor
Endicott for the assistance of Frenchmen to make
salt and plant vineyards. It says, that, however none
of such a nation could be obtained, Mr. Thomas
Graves,^ amply qualified for services of this sort, had
been engaged to reside in the colony. Besides the
scientific attainments of Mr. Graves, as specified in
his contract,^ the letter observes of him : " he hath
bin a traveller in divers forraigne parts to gain his
experience." The same epistle desires Mr. Endicott
to consult this gentlemen, in these words : " Wee
pray you take his advise touching the premises, and
where you intend to sett down in, to forty fie and build
a Towne, that it may bee qualified for good ayer and
water, according to your first instruccons, and may haue
as much naturall helpe as may bee, whereby it may
with the less labor and cost bee made fitt to resist an
enemie." This passage, taken in connection with the
facts, that Governor Endicott, under his fii^t commis-
sion retained the emigrants at Naumkeag, and fortified
it under his second, shows that it was the purpose of
his heart to make this place the capital of the colony.
* After preaching at Plymouth Rcyncr. He died in Boston, March
several years, he djd the same at 1, 1('6*2.
Manchester ; was at the former ^ Groves in I. 6. of Suffolk
place in J64] ; had sold his house Deeds.
Mad land there to John Dow, ' Made Yrilh. the Court of A8'
be/bre September 27, l(i42, when aUVAUla.
// was conveyed to Rev. John
GOV. CRADOCK'S BENEFICENCE. 81
The letter promises, that an account of names and
land for each of the settlers in the first allotment, should
be forwarded to him. It asks him to accommodate
servants and cattle, about to sail, either at << Nahum-
keeke or in the Mattachusetts Bay, or in both places."
It recommends part of such persons and stock to his
care, as belonging to Sir Richard Saltonstall and Mr.
Isaac Johnson. It desires attention to the interests of
"Matthew Cradock, who with some particuler breth*
ren of our company, haue deepely engaged them-
selues in their private adventures in these shipps and
those to come ; and as wee hold these men, that thus
deepely adventure in their priveate to bee, vnder God,
spetiall instruments for the advancing and strength-
ning of our Plantacon, which is done by them with-
out any charge to the Company's generall stock,
wherein notwithstanding they are as deepe or deeper
engs^ed then any other, soe being contented to bee
debarred from all priveate trading in Furrs for 3
yeares."
It mentions, that the common seal is to be sent
over by Mr. Sharpe. It observes, that if swine are
needed in the plantation, six of them may be had of
New Plymouth for £9, towards what they owe Mr,
Goffe ; and that 42 goats will be immediately shipped
for Naumkeag.
As to various articles, previously ordered by the
council in London, the letter furnishes the ensuing ex-
tract : " Wee haue followed your advice and sent most
of our guns, snaphance, bastard muskett bore; and
wee haue also sent store of powder and shott \ ^t^'ftL^
for seede, both wheat, barley and rye in \\ie OckaSis
e^ As for fruit stones and kernells, the tytoft ol lito^
8*
82 TRAINING. FAMILY DISCIPLINE.
year fitts not to send them now, soe wee purpose to
doe it per our next. Tame turkyes shalbe now sent
you if may bee, if not, per other shipps." It adds,
" Wee are disappointed of the provisions ordered to
haue bin sent you for yourselfe and Mrs. Endecott,
but God willing, they shall come by the next."
It orders, that every individual who sells arms and
ammimition to the Indians, and teaches them how to
use these things, shall be sent to England for punish-
ment according to the regal proclamation. It cau-
tions Mr. Endicott, as he had been previously, against
excessive reliance on the good faith of the natives.
It proposes to him, that, as a defence against foreign
and domestic foes, the colonists have set days for mil-
itary discipline, and that he may expect aid, in this
concern, from Messrs. Graves and Sharpe. Of the
last, it remarks : " Mr, Sharpe is by vs entertained to
bee Mr. Gunner of our ordnance, in which service he
is to employ soe much of his tyme as the charge of
that oflSce doth require ; and in the rest, hee is to
follow other imployments of our governors and others,
for whose employment hee is particularly sent over.'^
It states, that a memorandum of the provisions,
shipped for this place, and of the emigrants' names,
employed by the company, would be forwarded with
them. Of the people, thus coming to our shores, it
speaks — '^ Amongest which wee hope you will fynde
many religious, discreete and well-ordered persons,
which you must sett over the rest, devyding them
fnto famylies, placing some with the ministers, and
others vnder such as beeing honest men, and of their
owne calling as neere as may bee^ maiY haue care to
see item well educated in lYieii ^netoXV ^^vci^%^
TREATMENT OF INDIANS. RELIGIOUS DISPUTES. 83
Christians, and particuler according to their severall
trades, or fitness in disposicon to learne a trade." It
allows, that if any of the inhabitants here transgress,
they shall be punished ; and if irreclaimable, be sent
home, with certificates of their mal-condiict, as a terror
to others.
It gives special caution against injury's being done
to the natives, and advises Governor Endicott to pub-
lish a proclamation of this import, with the common
seal impressed on it, and posted up << in some eminent
place for all to take notice." To avoid mischief by
too great intimacy with the Indians, it orders " that
they bee not permitted to come to your Plantacon,
but at certaine tymes and places." As expressive of
honest purpose towards these natives, it»observes : "If
any of the Saluages pretend right of inheritence to
all or any part of the lands, graunted in our Pattent,
wee pray you endeavour to purchase their tytle, that
we may avoyde the least scruple of intrusion."
It desires the council, that in case any theological
controversies should arise here, to " suppress them,
and bee carefull to maintain peace and vnitie." It
proposes, with regai-d to having either Mr. Bright, or
Higginson, or Skelton, preach at Charlestown, that, if
they fail , to agree on this subject, it shall be decided
by lot, and whoever is selected shall dwell there with
his family.
It commissions Messrs. Skelton and Samuel Sharpe,
in case they found Governor Endicott dead, on their
arrival at Naumkeag, or if he should die before all the
vessels reached here, to take the lead of the council
and rule according to order.
It rwsammenda several of the emigtaiit& Xo \)afe ^3^
84 MECHANICS. CATfLE. CARGO. FISHERY.
thorities of the plantation. Of Lawrence Leech it
says, <<a careful! and painfull man, lett him haue
deserving respect ; " of Richard Waterman, with Uke
approbation, " whose chiefe employment wilbe to
gett you good venison." It mentions six shipwrights,
"of whom Robert Molton is chiefe," to be paid two
thirds by the general company and one third by Mr.
Cradock, and employed for them in similar propor-
tions I and Richard Ewstead, a wheelwright, approved
by Mr. Davenport as " a very able man," engaged to
the same parties on like conditions; and William
Ryall and Thomas Brand, coopers and cleavers of
timber, to be compensated one half by each of these
concerns, and to labor for them accordingly. The
last mechanics are required to get staves, etc., in read-
iness for part of return cargoes. One Norton, a car-
penter, is named among these emigrants, for a kind
reception.
The letter specifies horses, mares, cows, bulls and
goats, shipped by Mr. Cradock, and to be divided into
two equal parts after their arrival, one for him and the
other for the company. It expresses the hope, that
Governor Endicott had exchanged the goods he took
out with him, for beaver, otter, and other furs, and
that these, with other suitable lading, may be dis-
patched in the Talbot, which was at £160 charges a
month.
It requests that fishermen — of whom six, from Dor-
chester, are coming over — may, with part of the crews,
take fish, and that this be cured in hogsheads or other*
wise, with salt on board of the Whelp and Talbot,
and sent home in either of these vessels* It permits
iJbat the Whelp, being^ owued by fti^ c,om\«aK^>\ta^i
CHIRURGEON. THE SABBATH. 85
be detained a whiie, if she can be profitably employed.
It relates, that the George Bonaventure is to land her
passengers and goods, and immediately sail for New-
foundland.
The letter shows the care of the authorities in
London, that the colony should have further medical
assistaijce. It gives their language on this point :
" Wee haue entertained Lambert Wilson, chirurgion,
to remaine with you in the service of the Plantacon,
with whom wee are agreed, that hee shall serve this
companie and the other planters, that live in the Plan-
tacon for three yeares, and in that tyme apply him-
selfe to cure, not only of such as came from hence
for the generall and particuler accompts, but also for
the Indians, as from tyme to tyme he shall be direc-
ted " by the council. " Moreover, he is to educate
and to instruct in his art one or more youths, such as
you and the said Councell shall appoint, that may bee
helpful! to him, and if occasion serve, succeed him
in the Plantacon, which youth or youths fitt to learne
that profession, lett bee placed with him, of which
Mr. Huggeson's sonne, if his father approue thereof,
may bee one, the rather because he hath bin trayned
vp in litterature ; but if not hee, then such other as
you shall iudg most fitt."
The letter manifests that the company were fully
aware, that the great interests of society depended
much on a dutiful observance of the Lord's day. It
thus recites their words: "To the end the Saboth
may bee celebrated in a religious manner, wee appoint
that all that inhabite the Plantacon, both for the gen-
erall and particuler imployments, may sutceas^ \X\a\t
Mbor every Satterday throughout the yeate, aX "i ^i
6^ CHARTER. 9EAL. FAMILY ORDER.
the clock iu the afternoooe, and that they spend the
rest of that day in catichising and preparacon for the
Saboth, as the ministers shall direct." This order
furnishes a striking and ominous contrast to the pres-
ent general practice.
April 21. To the letter of the 17th, the Governor
and Deputy appended another to Mr. Endicott. . The
former, with the charter and the company's seal, was
committed to the care of Samuel Sharpe, on board of
the George Bonaventure, which was supposed to be
still riding at anchor for a fair wind. As to the char-
ter, there is a very good likeness of it in the collec-
tions of the Salem Athenaeum. It has the remains
of the party-colored cord, which once held the royal
seal. It has no record of Governor Cradock's official
oath, as there is on the charter in our State archives.
It appears to have been the document, sent over to
Mr. Endicott by order of the Company's Court in
London. It now reposes in the very settlement, where
it was once the magna charta, on which the council
of Naumkeag made their laws and grounded their
authority.
The last communication observes : •* Wee haue
devyded the servants, belonging to the company, into
seuerall famylies, as wee desire and intend they
should line togeather, a coppy whereof wee send you
here inclosed, that you may accordingly appoint each
man his charge and dutie." The accomplishment of
this order was left to the discretion of Mr. Endicott. In
this connection, it is perceived how deeply the com-
pany were impressed with the established truth, that
as the discipline and morals of families, so the eleva-
tj'oa or depression of the comiauuix^, svax^^ ot \i1^^:\^w^
JOHN AND SAMUEL BHOWN. 87
which they constitute. Their language follows 3
<< Our earnest desire is, that you take spetiall care in
settlinge these families, that the chiefe in the £uni*
lie, at least some of them, bee grounded in ReUgioni
whereby morning and evening famylie dutyes may
bee duly performed, and a watchful! eye held over all
in each familie, by one or more in each famylie to bee
appointed thereto; that soe disorders may bee pre*
vented, and ill weeds nipt before they take too great
a head. It wilbe a business worthy your best en-
deavors to looke vnto this in the beginninge."
They advise, that if any in their employment are
idle and disobedient, they must be chastised, adding
^< that correccon is ordained for the fooles back, as
necessary as food and rayment." It is plain, that
they were among the class of ancient disciplinarians,
who could scarcely be convinced that reason and
persuasion were enough for the reformation of the
spoiled and dissolute. They duly appreciated the
beneficial effects of industry, and thus urged it for
the colonists : " Wee hartely pray you, that all bee
kept to labor, as the only meanes to reduce them to
civill, yea, a godly life, and to keepe youth from fall-
ing into many enormities, which by nature wee are
all too much enclyned vnto."
Towards the close of their epistle, they introduce
John and Samuel Brown, of the emigrants, as " breth-
ren of our company, who though they bee noe adven-
turers in the generall stocke, yett are they men wee
doe much respect, being fully perswaded of their sin-
cere affeccons to the good of our Plantacon ; the one
Mr. John Browne is sworne an assistant Yieie, «a\di V}
rs chosen one of the CNOczQoell theie — ^a TDSua e'x:Q06r
88 GORGES TERRITORY. LETDEN EMIGRANTS.
enced in the lawes of our kingdom, and such an one
as wee are perswaded will worthylie deserue your
favor and furtherance, which wee desire he may haue,
and that in the first devision of lands there may be
allotted to ether of them 200 acres." Thus these
gentlemen left for the new world, under favorable
auspices. But discrepancy of views, as to ecclesiasti-
cal forms, was soon to cause their compulsory return.
The bow of morning often terminates in the storm of
evening.
The letter is closed by one, probably Governor
Cradock, with particulars of Messi*s. John Oldham
and John Dorrell's patent from Mr. Gorges. He re-
lates, that this grant extended five miles up Charles
river, N. W. from the border of Massachusetts bay,
and three miles up Abousett river, from its mouth, and
contained all between such lines of these two rivers,
with reserves of royal mines and 12** on every 100
acres of occupied land, and that William Blackstone
and William Jeffries were empowered to granit the
premises to Mr. Oldham on his showing them the
charter. The writer again authorizes Mr. Endicott
to take possession of this territory, as a means of ex-
cluding Oldham.
Among the passengers ^ in the Talbot, were some
of Mr. Robinson's people, from Leyden. Their emi-
gration to Plymouth, had been prevented by former
members of the company, in England, for that plan-
tation.
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
April 30. They order ^ " that thirteene of such as
' SMrleyg letien Mass. HU. CdlV.i.l.^.m.^.^. *C^,^^«»,
COUNCIL FOR THE COLONY APPOINTED. 89
shalbe reputed the most wyse, honest, expert and
discreete persons resident vpon the said Plantacon
shall haue the sole managing and ordering of the gou-
emment and our affaires there, who to the best of their
judgments are to endeavour soe to settle the same, as
may make most to the glory of God, the furtherance
and advancement of this hopeful Plantacon, the com-
fort, encouragement and future benefitt of vs and
others, the beginners and prosecutors of this, soe
laudable a worke. The said thirteene persons soe
appointed, to bee entytled by the name of the Gou*
emor and Councell of London's Plantacon in the
Mattachusetts Bay in New England. And having
taken into due consideracon the meritt, worth and
good desert of Capt. John Endecott, and others lately
gone over from hence with purpose to resyde and
continue there, wee haue with full consent and au-
thoritie of this Court and by ereccon of hands, chosen
and elected the said Capt. John Endecott to the place
of present Gouernor in our said Plantacon." They
also chose Francis Higginson, Samuel Skelton, Fran-
cis Bright, John Brown, Samuel Brown, Thomas
Graves and Samuel Sharpe, for seven of his council.
To these, power was delegated to choose three other
counsellors, and to the old planters for electing two
more. On this subject the General Court remarked :
" That the former Planters there may haue noe iust
occasion of excepcon, as being excluded out of the
priueleges of the Company, this Court are content
and doe order by ereccon of hands, that such of the
said former Planters, as are willing to hue within
the lymitts of our Plantacon, shalbe enaiAedi «iA
hereby authorized to make choice pf % such., ^ca ^«1
9
00 COLONUL GOVERNMENT.
shall thinke fitt to supply and make vpp the number
of 12 of the said Councell, one of which 12 is^ by the
Gouemer and Councell, or the maior parte of them, to
bee chosen deputie to the Gouemor for the tyme
beinge." The government of the colony, or greater
part of them, were authorized to choose a Secretary
and other needful officers. Each of them was to take
an oath << in a publique Court, and not elsewhere/'
for being faithful in his station, when elected or ad-
mitted to office. They were to continue a year, or
till others were appointed. The whole, or greater
part of them, were empowered to fill vacancies in
their body, occasioned by death, incompetency, or
immorality. The Governor, or, in his absence, the
Deputy might call courts at pleasure, who, or a ma-
jority thereof, among whom the Governor or Deputy
must be always one, had power to enact laws not
opposed to those of England, and punish offenders
according to their deserts. The court here were re-
quired to furnish the court in England with copies of
their transactions. Such was the model of a govern-
ment which was located at Naumkeag, and which
the best friends of this place earnestly wished might
be long continued within its limits.
The court in London ordered that a copy of their
acts, under this date, in relation to the settling of gov-
ernment in Massachusetts, with an impression of the
Company's seal and signed by the Governor and
Deputy, should be sent hither immediately. Messrs.
Walgrave, Pelham, Humphrey and Nowell, were de-
sired to draw up the form of an oath for Grovernor
^ndicott, his Deputy and Assistants.
OATHS. 91
COURT OF ASSISTANTS IN LONDON.
May 7. Of their number, at this session, wat
Thomas Pulyston.
. The forms of oaths for Governor Endicott and his
council, were ordered to be sent to them. These
forms, with those for other officers of the government
here, made the ensuing requisitions for substance.
The Governor's oath, — that he should be loyal to the
king, faithful to the company, and to the laws,
" made by y® authority of y« Assistants and Gener-
alitye," and punish << transgressors and brekers of y*
same " with impartiality.
The Deputy's was similar, with the addition of
pledging aid to the Governor.
The Assistants' — ^that they should give their " best
advice for supportinge y® Common Welthe," — ^allow
none " to be admitted into y® freedom of this fellow-
shippe contrarye to the true meaninge of the Charter.**
The Treasurer's — ^that he should honestly discharge
the evident duties of his trust.
The Secretary's — that he should be "obeydient,
diligent and attendant to Mr. Gouernor and y® Depu-
tye and Companye ; faithfully set doune, wright and
register in the Companye's book y® acts, ordinances
and constitutions of the said Fellowshippe j not give
out any coppie of the same actes without y® consent
of a Courte of Assistants ; keepe secret all matters,
talke or conference, the disclosing whereof may bee
preiudiciall to the Companye," and give notice of all
he knows, who attempt to injure the " Fellowshippe."
The Beadle's — that he should " warne t\ie OotKgaxx^^
to come to Courtes and Congregations to \>e a^^^xiX^
93 HUGH PETERS, JOHN OLDHAM. DR. FULLER.
by the Goueraor or his Deputye, as often and when
willed and required " by these officers ; " suffer no
hurts to the Company; stand or be within the hear-
inge of y* said Companye when they are sett at any
theire Courtes, nor come in before called for by the
Gouemor or his Deputye."
Letters were ordered for Governor Endicott about
allotments of land for adventurers in the common
stock ; a mill for Francis Webb ; and punishing such
as sold guns.
May 11. At a Court of Assistants, Hugh Peters
was present. "This daye Mr. Ouldum propounded
vnto Mr. White, that he would have his Patten ex-
amined, and its agreed by the Courte not to haue any
treatye with him about it, by resone its thought, he
doth it not out of loue but out of some synister
respect."
A Warrant was delivered unto Mr. Scale for 10
dozen and 2 hats,^ at 2/ pr dozen.
MR. ENDICOTTS LETTER TO MR. BRADFORD.
Having medically administered to the wants of the
colonists, for a few months. Dr. Fuller returned to
Plymouth, with the elevated enjoyment which benev-
olent action always affords.
May 11. By him Mr. Endicott wrote to Governor
Bradford. In this epistle, the former exhibits the ex-
panded views and feelings ever legitimately flowing
from Christian principle. He speaks of the union in
sympathy, motive and action, which should be cher-
ished by disciples of the same Divine Master. He
^ Thoagb tida price may »eem ULCied\VA»,HX>» v^te^w^R^,
JEALOUSY OF THE PLYMOUTH SETTLERS. 93
mentions the necessity of this, in order to establish a
religious commonwealth. To this import he remarks,
<< bending all our hearts and forces in furthering a work
beyond our strength, with reverence and fear, fastening
our eyes always on Him, that is only able to direct and
prosper all our ways." He expresses gratitude to Mr.
Bradford for promoting the visit of Dr. Fuller to
Naumkeag. He touches, with prudence, on the need-
less jealousy which had existed between the respec- ^
tive friends of Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies,
in reference to ecclesiastical discipline. Here, it may
not be inapposite to observe, that the latter Associates
suspected the people of Plymouth as leaning too
much to Brownism, though in fact they had learned|
under the judicious Robinson, to embrace and prac-
tice Congregational order. Such a suspicion explains
why Mr. Lyford and his followers, when expelled
from the jurisdiction of Gov. Bradford, were oflfered
an asylum at Cape Ann and then at Naumkeag. In
the same letter, Mr. Endicott also refers to the time of
his own religious reformation. The instrument of
such an alteration — the most important man can ever
experience — ^was the Rev. Samuel Skelton, to whom
he was ardently attached, and whose society he was
soon to enjoy.
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
May 13. The following persons were chosen^
members of the Court in London, " by the consent
of the generallity of y® Company : " Matthew Crar*
dock. Governor, and Thomas Goffe, Deputy. Of th©
' Colony Records.
9*
94 PUNCTUAL ATTENDANCE.
18 Assistants named in the charter, 16 were con-
finned, and instead of the other two, John Endicott
and John Brown, " beeinge out of the land," John
Pocock and Christopher Cowlson were elected. Wil-
liam Burges was chosen Secretary,^ George Harwood,
Treasurer, and Humphrey Scale, Beadle.
May 13. " Ordered, that whensoeuer any Court of
Assistants shalbe summoned, whosoeuer of the Assis-
tants comes not, twixt 25 March and 29 of Septem-
ber, before eight of y® clock in y® morning, and from
29 September to 25 March, before 9 of y® clock in y*
morning, shall forfett twelue pence for euery such
offence ; and if he comes not within towe houers after
either of the said houers respectyvely, then towe shil-
lings for euery default, ech man to flforffett and pay,
and for want of payment within daies after de-
mand made by the officer, to the Company, the fyne
doble to bee sett vppon his accounte." " It is also
agreed,^ that for aney y* shall haue pryuat conference
after y* Court is summoned by the Gouemor or his
Deputy, knocking of the hammer thrice on the table,
to sitt downe and attend y® Court, that six pence by
euery person for euery such offence shalbe payd."
COURT OF ASSISTANTS IN LONDON.
May 18. Messrs. Humphrey and Adams were au-
thorized to obtain supplies for being forwarded to Mr.
Endicott and his family. "The names of all the
adventurers to bee sent over, with the seuerall somes
by them vnderwritten." "It is ordered, that the
Gouernor and Councell there shall haue power to
' The Secretary's falarj wai 20 ' This paragraph is obscure ia
mvk9, the oii|^ii«X «B ^«\\ «A\At«.
DIVISION AND ALLOTMENTS OF LAND. 95
allott vnto every particuler adventurer, that shall de-
sire the same by himselfe or his assigness, 200 acres
of land vpon the some of £50 adventure in the gen-
erall stock in the first divident, and proportionally for
more or less according to their severall adventures."
May 19. Concerning this subject, " it is thought
fitt that letters bee writt to the Gouernor to sett out
and allott vnto them after the proporcon of 200 acres
of land ffor £50 adventure, and after y* rate for more or
less ; to build their houses and to improouc there labors
thereon ; and if within 10 dayes after their arrivall
and demand made, the same be not soe allotted, that
each man being an adventurer, is heereby permitted
flfree liberty to build in aney plase where himselfe
shall thinke most convenient, with reseruacon not to
build or manure that alredy built on or manured,
prouided y' if the plott of ground whereon the Towne
is intended to bee built bee sett out, y' it bee pub-
liqueley knowne to bee intended for that purpose,
(hat then noe man shall presume to build his howse
aney where else, (vnless it bee in the Massachusetts
Bay,^ and there according to such directions as shalbe
thowght meete for that plase,) but in case his allot-
ment be not sett out within the Towne where he
shall build, and hauing in his owne name, or in the
behalfe of his master, made request to the Gouernor
to haue the same assyned to him, if it bee not done
within 10 dales after his arryuall, it shalbee free ffor
aney in such case, beeing an adventurer in the com-
mon stock, to build his howse within the foresaid
jdott of ground, sett out for the Towne to bee built
' MaMftchuseliv Ba/ was then accoanted bo m not V^ ViftXu^ \Kt-
ritotjr Miortbwmtdly from Boaton.
96 ALLOTMENTS OF LAND. OATHS.
on, and to impale to his owne vsse proporconable to
hal£fe an acre of ground for £50 adventer in y" com-
mon stock, vnless a greter or lesse proporcon be for-
merley determyned of by the Gouernor and Counsell ;
in which case that proporcon is to bee made vse of and
appropriated to ech man within y® liberties of y*
plott, sett out ffor the Towne to bee built on, and it is
ordered, that Conueyance bee made in the Companies
name, with the common seale of the Companie to it, to
aney y* shall desire it, for ech man's peasable inioying
of y* land he holds, at the chardge of the Companie."
'^ It is further thought fitt and ordered, that all such
persons as goe over at their owne charge and are ad-
venturers in the common stock, shall haue lands
allotted to them for themselues and their families
forthwith 50 acres of land for each person ; but being
noe adventurers in the common stock, shall haue 50
acres of land for the Mr. of the familie, and such a
proporcon of land more, if there bee cause, as accord-
ing to their charge and qualitie, the Gouernor and
Councell of New England shall thinke necessary for
them, wherby their charge may bee fully and amply
supported, vnless it bee to any, with whom the Com-
pany in London shall make any other particuler agree-
ment, to which relacon is to bee had in such case.
And for such as transport servants, land shalbe allotted
for each servant, 50 acres to the Mr., which land the
Mr. is to dispose of at his discresion ; in regard the
servant's transportacon, wages, etc., are at the Mr.'s
charge."
May 21. A committee were to consult "Mr. White,
the Councellor to bee satisfied concerning the ad-
winistering of othes to the Go\ietuox mw^ Cqvmws.^ yo^
LANDS. CARE FOR THE INDIAKS. 97
New England." They made the subsequent addition
to the order of the 18th of May, about allotment of
land: ''If within 10 dayes after arrivall of these
shipps, and demand made by any person, adventurer
in the common stock, or his or their servant, of their
allottment of land, the same not being done, that
then each person be permitted to seate himselfe in a
convenyent place, not formerly built nor manured,
and build his house and inclose the same to his or
their vse, not exceeding the one halfe of that propor-
con, which by the former order of this Court is
allowed and when the devydent is made, to bee free
to make his choice within the said allottment, if hee
dislike what hee had formerly chosen." It was or-
dered, that the Company's seal shall be kept by the
Governor of the plantation, and, in his absence, by
the Deputy, A committee were empowered to pre-
pare letters and the orders for establishing government
and allotting lands in the colony, signed by the Gov-
ernor, Deputy, and six Assistants, with the Company's
seal affixed, so that they may be sent over in the ships,
ready to depart.
LETTER FROM THE COMPANY TO GOV. ENDICOTT.
May 28. Another valuable letter ^ is dated in Lon-
don from the Company's Court to Mr. Endicott. It
repeats the desire to him, that an edict, with penalty,
might be passed and published, in manuscript, here,
against injury to the natives. It informs him, that the
election of himself, as Governor of the plantation, and
> Suffolk Deeds, Book 1, Not 28th. Its Isisl dale *\e 3\ixi« ^^%\.
a few parts of this letter wefe Gravesend. '
writttn eoatmooaaly after the
M COLONIAL COUNCIL. PAPBR8. RBOiSTERS.
of his council, had, since the Company's last ciommu-
nication to him, been established by a full court ; that
forms of appropriate oaths, for such colonial authori-
ties, were now forwarded to them, who were empow*
ered to compose suitable oaths for their Secretary and
other officers. It mentions, that a list of adventurers
and the sums of their subscription, and of their ser-
vants, and other emigrants, alreadly sailed at their
own charge, is now sent, and orders that lots of land
be allowed to them, according to an act of the court
at home, impressed with their seal. It says, that
copies of agreements with servants and^ others, em-
barked in the three last vessels, accompany the pres-
ent epistle, and desires Governor Endicott to keep a
register of all persons, who have or may come to the
colony, as to their names, quality and age. Precious
indeed would such documents as this be, for throw-
ing light on the biography of many individuals, who
visited our goodly city in its earliest being. But they
have long since disappeared with all the papers of
Governor Endicott's first administration. Unless dis-
covered in the plantation office of London, or some
such depository there, scarce a possibility exists that
they will ever greet the vision of Naumkeag's de-
scendants.
The letter proceeds to specify the ships, on the
point of sailing for the plantation : the Mayflower, of
Yarmouth ; the Four Sisters and the Pilgrim, both of
London — the first commanded by William Pierce, the
second by Roger Harman, and the third by William
Wolridge. It repeats the injunction to Mr. Endicott,
ihat he, with advice of his council, make a fsdr settle-
went with the natives for lYie\i davoi xv^xi VJc^a \kkv-
REPORT. HOUSE OF CORRECTION. yg
tory. It calls for semi-annual reports of daily labor
performed by every Individual of each family. As
eziNressive of the Company's purpose to carry out their
system of colonial discipline, it remarks : << For the
better goueming and ordering of our people, espetiallie
such as shalbe negligent and remiss in performance of
their dutyes, or otherwise exorbitant, our desire is,
that a house of correccon bee erected and set vpp,
both for the punishment of such offenders, and to
deterr others by their example from such irregular
courses."
The letter commends Richard Claydon,* wheel-
-wxight, Richard Haward and Richard Inkersall.
These two had families, and were from Bedfordshire,
as well as the former. Proposal was made that Mr.
Claydon teach his art to some of the plantation, and
that his brother, Barnaby, work for Mr. Sharpe, as
agent of Mr. Cradock. The last gentleman had en-
gaged two gardeners to come over, and he offered
that one of them should assist the colonists.
The letter makes request for the Rev. Mr. White,
that attention may be shown to a number of passen-
gers in the Lyon's Whelp, from the counties of Dor-
set and Somerset ; that William Dodge, a skilful hus-
bandman, may have the " charge of a team of horses ; "
that Hugh Tillie and William Eedes may serve Sir
Richard Saltonstall ; that Francis Webb may have
encouragement in setting up a mill ; and that all per-
sons, sent over by the same clergyman, may be in the
employment of the Company. It states, that the ex-
pense of fitting out the three last ships, was assessed,
^ See hiB contract of March 12, 1629, wheiein be was deiioiavcA\ftdi
a carpenter.
100 SHIPWRIGHTS. MR. CRA1>0CK. CATTLE.
one half on the general stock of the Companyi and
the other part on the private stock of Governor Cra-
dock and his associates; and that whatever stores
remained after the discharge of these vessels at Naum-
keag, they were to be accordingly divided, and that
the proportion of the private stock be handed over to
Mr.^ Sharpe as the agent. It gives information, that
two thirds of articles for ship-building in the planta-
tion belonged to the Company, and the rest to Blr.
Cradock and partners, and that the chaises for George
Farr, a shipwright, now coming over, are to be alike
borne by the same concerns; desires, that a store-
house may be erected for the shipwrights, of whom
Robert Moulton was principal ; that they may be
assisted by other colonists; that, as soon as three
shallops are finished, they be owned by the preceding
bodies, be equipped and perform voyages on their
account in the proportions just specified. It says, in
the language of the Court, " as our Gouemor ^ hath en-
gaged himselfe beyond all expectacon in this business,
not only in his particuler, but by great sommes dis-
bursed for the generall, to supply the wants thereof;
soe our desire is, that you endeavor to giue all fur-
therance and friendly accommodacon to his agents
and servants." Such is the representation of one,
who stands among the foremost promoters of Naum-
keag's settlement and advancement.
In reference to cattle,^ now and previously shipped,
one half on account of this benefactor and the other
for the Company, it proposes a division of them after
their arrival by Messrs. Endicott and Sharpe, but, if
' Matthew Cradock. • Inclading lYie Yione na "wftW ^%\\q\\i<^^ VVoid.
TOBACCO. FISHERT. COST OF SHIPS. IQl
the latter be absent or sick, Henry Haughton is to
take his place.
The same communication renews the topic about
tobacco. "As in our former, soe now againe wee
espetially desire you to take care, that noe Tobacco
bee planted by any of the new planters vnder your
government, vnless it bee some small quantitie for
meere necessitie, and for phisick for preseruacon of
their healths, and that the same bee taken privately
by auncient men and none other ; and to make a
generall restraint thereof, as much as in you Is, by
perswading the old planters to employ themselues in
other business, according to our example, and not to
permitt that any Tobacco bee laden there vpon our
shipps." Could the givers of this injunction have
looked down to our day, they would not only have
been greeted by cooperation, but also perceived that
medical practice, for the most part, excluded such a
vegetable from its pharmacopoeia, as pernicious rather
than beneficial to health.
The letter mentions that, for carrying on the fishery,
as additional to the six on board the Lyon's Whelp,
three ^ more are now sent by Mr. Cradock and asso-
ciates, who are answerable for a third of their charge
and are to receive a like ratio of their gains, and, the
Company the remainder of their cost and profit. It
estimates the expense for freight, wages, and stores of
the three ships ready to sail, £2,400 ; that this is far
greater than what they can make on their outward
voyage, and asks that, to lessen such difference, due
' Two of Uiese three were dismissed before sailing, because they
were discovered to be immoral men,
10
109 8HIF BUILDING. MECHANICS.
care may be taken in sending back fish and other
articles, with all possible dispatch. It enumerates
quantities of salt, with lines, hooks, knives, boots and
barrels, for the fishery, as shipped in these vessels. It
leaves the fishermen to be employed either << in har-
bour or vpon the banke," as may seem best, and
refers to Capt. William Pierce for advice in the mat-
ter, as he had been acquainted with the places. It
adds, " if you send the shipps to fish at the Banck^
and expect them not to returne again to the Planta-
con, that then you send oiu Barke, that is already built
in the country, to bring back our fishermen and such
provisions as they had for fishing." We perceive
from this, that a vessel had been built, most probably
at Naumkeag, and that the Desire, afterwards launched^
at Marblehead, was not the first vessel built in the
colony, as some have supposed. It is very likely that
Robert Moulton and company erected many a ser-
viceable craft for its watery element, before the tim-
ber of the one, just named, was even levelled in the
forest.
The letter requests Mr. Endicott, that besides the
building of a storehouse for the shipwrights, there
may be another for the fishermen. It commends to
him Thomas Beard, a shoemaker, and Isaac Rickman,
who are each to be maintained at the public charge
for £10 a year, and to be under his guidance for their
place of employment. It states, that Beard had hides
in the Mayflower for the manufacture of bopts and
shoes, and was to pay, for the freight of them, in the
ratio of £4 a ton. It goes on to observe : " Wee de-
sire also the said Thomas Beard may have 60 acres
^ In 1636.
LANDS HELD BT TENURE Of 8EKVICE. IM
of land allotted to him, as one that transports him-
selfe at his owne charge, but as well (ot him as all
others, that shall haue land allotted to them in that
kinde, and are noe adventurers in the common stock|
which is to support the charge of fort3rficacons, as
also for the ministrie and diners other affaires, — wee
hold it fitt, that these kinde of men, as also such as
shall come to inheritt lands by their seruice, should
by way of acknowledgment to such, from whcxn they
receive these lands, become lyable to the performance
of some seruice certaine days in the yeare, and by
that seruice they and their posteritie after them, td
hold and inherite these lands, which wilbe a good
meanes to enioy their lands from being held in capitOi
and to support the Plantacon in generall and particu-
ler." How long this order was complied with, is not
left on record. Its execution, which called for a
part of the colonists to be employed at certain times,
as the tenure of holding their fields and farms, which
thus showed, that they were not of the number who
derived their landed possessions from the head, or
king, by a law, abolished under Charles II. must
have produced distinctions in community, which
would be strange to our observation and experience.
Still uttering the fulness of their heart, the Court,
at home, renew their caution against idleness as a
bane of society. " Wee may not omitt out of zeal
for the generall good, once more to putt you in mynde
to bee uery circumspect in the infancie of the Planta-
con, to settle some good order, whereby all persons,
resident vpon our Plantacon, may apply themselues to
one calling or other^ and noe idle drone ^je ^^ettoiXXsAL
to Hue among vs; which if you take cttte uo^ ^^2aft
104 PUNISHMENT. FROFANENESS. SERVANTS.
first to establish, wilbe an undoubted meanes, through
God's assistance, to prevent a world of disorders, and
many greuious sinns and sinners."
While solicitous to promote industry, they were
equally so to have justice executed upon transgressors.
On this subject they say : " Wee hartely pray you to
admitt of all complaints that shalbe made to you, or
any of you, that are of the Councell, bee the com-
plaint never soe meane, and pass it not sleightly over,
but seriously examine the truth of the business."
Our early records of a judicial character, closely ad-
hered to such advice. Hence the charge, not unfre-
quently made against our ancestors, for being exces-
sively particular. Still, however they had faults like
the worthiest of their kind, they well knew, that
omission to notice small offences, leads to the com-
mission of great crimes ; that, as the barriers againsi
vice are lopped away, so those which remain are more
easily borne down.
Intent upon having the plantation rest on the basis
of strict moral principles, far better than the mines of
Potosi, the Company proffer another request : " Wee
pray you make some good lawes for the punishment
of swearers, whervnto it is to bee feared too many
are adicted that are servants sent over formerly and
now." They urge compliance with this, as a meaiK
of securing the divine benediction. As evidence,
that they sincerely preferred godliness to gain in the
affairs of the colony, they remark : " Wee haue dis-
charged diuers servants heere, that wee had entertained
and bin at great charges with some of them ; yett
feahDg their ill lyfe might bee preiudiciall to the
PlantacoB^ wee rather thought &U to ^Ssxdos^ ^^Qas!^
STRONG WATERS. 105
and loose our charges, then to burden the Plantacon
with them." While careful to crush the first risings
of iniquity among the colonists, the Company seem
not to have understood the true method to prevent
and eradicate intemperance. They went with the
great mass of the world, in supposing, that strong
drink was so needed to sustain man in his toils and
cure him in his sickness, it might innocently be dis-
tributed among any portion of their race. Not unlike
a person, who should scatter firebrands amid goodly
habitations, and cautiously surround them with appa-
ratus to preserve such of them as the flames had not
too far devoured. On this point, let the Company
speak for themselves : " Wee pray you endeaveri
though there bee much strong waters sent for sale,
yett soe to order it as that the saluages may not for
our lucre sake bee induced to excessive vse, or rather
abuse of it ; and at any hand take care our people
giue noe ill example ; and if any shall exceede in
that inordinate kinde of drinking as to become drunck|
wee hope you will take care his punishment bee made
exemplary for all others. Lett the lawes be first pub-
lished to forbidd these disorders, and all others you
feare may growe vp, whereby they may not pretend
ignorance of the one, nor priuiledg to offend, and
then feare not to putt good lawes, made vpon good
ground and warrant, in due execucon." The spirit,
which dictated this passage, would probably have
induced its possessors, if living at this day, to re«
nounce their error and take rank among the foremost
in the reform, which has broken asunder many bonds
of inebriation.
10 •
106 MR. ENDICOTT FIRST GOVERNOR OF If ASS.
The foregoing commuDicatioa was directed U>
'< Captain Jo: Endecott Esquire, Gouemor," and
others of his council. This address is thus particu-
ticularly quoted in order to notice an error of rank.
Various authorities have placed Mr. Winthrop, as first
in the series of chief magistrates for our common-
mrealth. But the same body, who conferred on him
this station, did no less previously for Mr. Endicott
Besides, the latter was alike empowered by the Do^
Chester patentees, before the former had any connec-
tion with the settlement of this soil. The rule, which
required John Carver to be accounted Governor cf
Plymouth colony prior to William Bradford, gives Mr.
Endicott similar precedency to Mr. Winthrop. The
quotation just made from the Company's letter, shows,
that they who elected both of these gentlemen, had
no doubt but that such order of rank should be ob-
served. True, these worthies, conversant with reaU-
ties far above those of earth, cherish no anzious
thoughts on this question.^ Still, mistakes in the
record of their temporal honors should be corrected
and stand out on the page of history.
Of the emigrants, on board the Mayflower, were a
number of the Leyden congregation, formerly under
Mr. Robinson, bound for New Plymouth. They*
had been delayed, like others in the Talbot, in such a
voyage, by unfriendly adventurers in London, who
controlled the affairs of that colony.
Before taking our leave of the Company's two let-
^ As Cape Ann is in what haa have preceded both Messrs. Endi-
been long called Massaehusetts» cott and Winthrop in such office
and Roger Conant was Gover- for a part of this commonwealth,
nor for the Dorchester merchants ' Shirley's letter. Mass. His.'
there, he ja»y he trnlj said to Coll. «. 1. t. iii.' p. 65.
COMJPANT*S DEBTS. SUBSCRIPTIONS. OaDERS. 107
ters of April 17th and May 28th, it may be remarked,
that they have been largely drawn on, as to the morals
of the colony. This has been done, in part, to pre-
sent the foundation, on which the heritage of our
pilgrim fathers rested. If the survey taken of it
lead their descendants to examine and perform the
needful repairs, it will be neither unpleasant nor un-
profitable to them.
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
June 11. An order ^passed that, for considering
demands against the Company, the whole of them
'< bee summoned by ticketts " to meet the 17th inst.
June 17, Wednesday, at the Deputy's house. A
note was returned concerning Leicester men. For
the purpose of raising £ 1,600 to meet demands on the
Company, continued partly by the slack payment of
some subscribers', it was proposed for the prompt mem-
bers to increase their former subscriptions, and for the
corporation to borrow money on interest.
" Kamts of ikitse
*< Sir R. Saltonstall, . .
Matthew Cradock, Gov.
Thomas Goffe, Dep.
Richard Feme, .
Thomas Addams, .
Increase Noell, .
George Harwood,.
Richard Whyte, .
Samuel Aldersey,
in Court that vndenoritt to lend,"
jClOO Mr. Clarke,. . .
. 150 Simon Whetcomb,
. 50 Thomas Hutchins,
Edward Cooke, .
Daniel Ballard, .
Edmund Whyte, .
Joseph Carou,'
Thomas Andrewes,
25
50
25
50
25
50
JS525
£35
. 25
. 25
. 50
. 25
. 20
. 25
. 25
£220
5^
£745 "
* Colon/ Beeonb.
* h may b« Oueou.
/
108 ORDERS. MORTON AT NAUMKEAG.
Auditors of accounts were appointed. Among a
committee, for reducing previous orders into method,
was Mr. Darby. These orders were "to bee entered
into a faire booke to bee kept for that purpose, accord-
ing to the Ysage and custome of other companyes."
MEETING OF PLANTERS AT SALEM.
Soon after Mr. Higginson's arrival, Governor Endi-
cott issued warrants ^ to all, within his jurisdiction, to
appear at a session of the Council in Salem. The
object was, for the old and new planters to sign cer-
tain laws for the regulation of the colony. These
rules were based on the general position, that all
questions, relative to political or ecclesiastical order,
should be decided according to the word of God.
Thomas Morton, from Mount WoUaston, says, that
he was present and refused to subscribe, because the
Council declined to adopt his proposal of obedience to
their acts, so far as in conformity with the statutes of
England. He relates, that, on the same occasion, the
colonists, except himself, formed a company for the
beaver trade, and agreed to share the profits, if any,
at the close of a year, according to what each adven-
tured in the general stock. He informs us, that this
speculation was not profitable, while his own gain in
such a trade was "sixe or seaven for one." Having
thus kept himself aloof from the authorities, it was
not long before they commissioned some persons to
visit his residence and endeavor to break up his quar-
ters there. Hearing of their approach in a shallop,
he secjfeted his ammunition and other articles in the
> New Englif h Canaan in Foroe'a Tracta , t. ii. p. 105.
MINISTERS ELECTED. 100
woods. They tooi what goods were left, principalljv
corn, and brought them to Salem, as sequestered pro-
perty. Still Morton refused submission. But no dis-
tant arrest awaited him. He supposed himself called
to contend for civil and religious liberty, and was
therefore ready, on every occasion, to run a tilt with
the powers of Plymouth and Massachusetts. Thus
impressed, he cherished an insatiable purpose of retri-
bution upon them. But his experience, like that of
all similarly impelled, taught him, when too late, that
such a spirit, however sweet at first to a perverted
taste, turns upon itself with tenfold evil.
EMIGRATION TO CHARLESTOWN.
Near this time Mr. Graves,^ and a considerable num-
ber of the late emigrants, go to strengthen the settle-
ment of Gharlestown, and thus throw greater impedi-
ments in the way of its being occupied and retained
by Mr. Oldham. Here he soon had call for his talents
as an architect and surveyor.
July 20. In order to secure a primary object of
their emigration, our fathers begem to take measures
for the regular establishment of a church and minis-
try among them. Without these, though an Eden of
natural advantages might have smiled on them, they
would have felt spiritually impoverished and fearfully
expected a blast on all their purposes and efforts. At
this date, Mr. Skelton was chosen pastor and Mr.
Higginson teacher, and they were consecrated to their
respective offices. Brethren were also nominated for
a ruling elder and deacons, but were not ordained*
' Charleatown Records.
J 10 PURPOSE OF THE COLONY. SHIPS.
Of such services^ Mr. Charles Gott gave a graphic
description to Governor Bradford.
Having perceived that Messrs. Skelton and Higgin-
son did not **use the book of common prayer," and
were otherwise disposed to non-conformity, Messrs.
Browns and others, about this time, set up ^ an Epis-
copal church.
HIGGINSON'S JOURNAL.
July 24. The Rev. Francis Higginson dates the
journal ^ of his passage to Naumkeag, — ^for sending it
to many of his friends in England, who had desired
him thus to gratify their wishes. It has the ensuing
introduction : " The Company of New England, con-
sisting of many worthy gentlemen in the city of Lon-
don, Dorchester, and other places, ayming at the
glory of God, the propagation of the Gospell of
Christ, the conversion of the Indians, and the en*
largement of the King's Majesty's dominions in
America, and being authorised by his royal letters
patents for that end, at their very great costs and
charges, furnished 6 ships to go to New England, for
the further settling of the English plantation, that
they had already begun there." Though these are
ideas before presented, yet, as containing a compend
of the agents, means and ends in the promotion of
the colony, we thought them worth the repetition.
Mr. Higginson gives an account of the ships. The
Talbot* of 300 tons, 19 guns and 30 men. She
1 For a more particular account <Morton*8 Memorial, p. 147.
of doings now and on Aug. 6, see 'Hiitehinson'sCoIlectionsjp.SS.
Ecclesiastical. Bradford's Letter ^ Commanded by Thomas Bee-
Book. MsLBs, His. Coll. s. 1. v. chex.
iii. p. 67 f 8.
DARBT AND ARBOR LOT FORTa JH
'< carried about 100 planters, 6 goates, 5 great pieces
of ordinance, with meale, oatemeale, pease, and all
manner of munition of provision for the plantation
for a twelve monthe."
The cannon on freight for a fort here, and to be
under the care of Samuel Sharpe, as engineer, were
very probably soon placed in some fortification. Pa«
pers of the Lynde family mention a fort, as having
been in " Arbor Lot," on or about the premises of the
Methodist meeting-house,^ and built nearly as far
back as 1633, and called the first fort of Salem. But,
from the fact, that heavy cannon for a fort and a can-
noneer were transported hither in 1629, and the ex-
pressed desire of the Company in England to have
the plantation well defended against enemies, both
inland and foreign, may not the conclusion be fairly
drawn, that the fort, on "Arbor Lot," unless it was
there before 1633, was not the first built by the colo-
nists ? Wood's New England Prospect ^ seems to
settle the question. He sailed for England August
15, 1633. Before this he wrote for his book, that the
winter harbor of Salem "lyeth within Derbies Port."
Thus he mentioned this place of defence, not as a
thing of the passing year, but well known as of
longer continuance. It is very likely, that one was
erected as soon as 1639, and was the Daxby ^ fort on
Marblehead side, a part of Salem till 1649, though
long supposed to have been on Beverly shore. Still
from the cause, which the colonists had to fear the
Tarrentines, as well as other Indians, it is to be ration-
^ On Sewall street. the Company's records as one of
* Page 43.
' A Mr, Darby Ja naentioned in
* Page 43. their membeis, in l^'i^.
\Mr. ~ ' '
113 VESSELS. GOROES'S TERRITORT.
ally supposed, that Mr. Conant and his followers built
an inland fortification on their first occupation of
Naumkeag, and that it was continued by Mr. Endi-
cott. If so, such a place of defence may have been,
from its favorable location there, the identical one on
Arbor Lot, and that instead of its erection being set
at 1633 it should have been about 1626.
But Mr. Higginson's narrative calls us from this
digression. It mentions the other vessels in the fol-
lowing course : The George,^ of 300 tons, 20 guns,
and about 30 men. '< Her chiefe carriage were cattell,
12 mares, 30 kyne and some goates, 52 planters and
other provision." The Lyon's Whelpe,^ of 120 tons,
8 guns, <' carrying many mariners and about 40 plan-
ters, specially from Dorcester and places thereabouts,
with provision -and 4 goats." Four Sisters, of about
300 tons, " carried many cattell, with passengers and
provisions." The .Mayflower, freighted with emi-
grants and supplies. Mr. Higginson relates, that there
was specicJ reason for the George's sailing before the
rest. It is not unlikely, that this reason was, in part,
to notify Mr. Endicott of Oldham's intention to oc-
cupy a section of Massachusetts, and advise him to
make immediate settlement of the tract so claimed.
Mr. Higginson narrates, that the Talbot sailed from
Gravesend 26th of April, and had reached no further
than Cowes 6th of May. Here, he says, " I and my
wifle and my daughter Mary, and 2 maids and 'some
others with us, obtained of the master of the ship to
go a shoare and refresh us, and to wash our linnens."
On the 6th, " betyme in the morning, the shalope
' Called ako George Bonaten- ' Capt* John Gibbs.
tare, Capt, Thomas Cox.
DEPARTURE FROM LAND'S END. SMALL MlC. H)
was sent from the ship to fetch us to Yarmouth,'?
being eight miles from Cowes ; "but the wat^
proved rough, and our women desired to be sett on
shoare 3 miles short of Yarmouth, and so went on
foote by land and lodged at Yarmouth that night."
Here they were detained. On the 10th, being Sab-
bath, " we kept the ship, where I {nreached in the
morning ^ and in the aftemoone was intreated to preach
at Yarmouth, where Mr. Meare and Captain Borley
entertained us very kyndly, and earnestly desired to
be satisfied of our safe arrivall in New England, and of
the state of the country." The next day, the Talbot,
accompanied by the Lyon's Whelp, sailed with a fair
wind. On the 12th, " we came as farre as the land's
end, and so left our deare native soyle of England
behind us." Hard must have been the parting. But
while the Pilgrim epdures the pang of separation, —
God speed thee — as the voice of his faith — sooths
his heart and renews his hopes, inimitably higher
than the topmost wave of ocean, than the loftiest
mountain of earth.
Having had worship on the Sabbath of the 17tbj
as usual, Mr. Higginson relates, — ^that two of his
children, Samuel and Mary, were taken sick with the
" small pocks and purples together, which was brought
into the ship by one Mr. Browne, who was sicke of
the same at Graves-end, whom it pleased God to
make the first occasion of bringing that contagious
sickness among us, wherewith many were after af-
flicted." On the 19th, his daughter Mary, died, an
event of grief to her parents, and " terrour to all the
rest, as being the beginning of a contagious di§e»s«k
11
114 BfiA FA8T8. ilFP£AIlAKCE OF THE COAST.
and mortality." On Thursday, 21st, in view of their
afflictions, a season of fasting and humiliation was
observed. Messrs. Higginson and Smith performed
the services. The former notes, << I heard some of
the mariners say, they thought this was the first sea-
£Bist that ever was kept, and that they never heard of
the like perfourmed at sea before." Tuesday, June
fidj-^^aA the ship was delayed by contrary winds, —
some of the men sick with the scurvy and others
with the small pox, — another like occasion was
solemnly kept. With the varied interest, ariinng
from first impressions of ocean scenes, made on a
mind of disciplined taste, Mr. Higginson notices the
appearance of hostile vessels — the whale, and other
tenants of the deep — storms — ^floating ice — bank f<^
^-Jeath of a profane sailor — of another child as well
as his own — sea funerals, and the exhilarating sight
of land. He remarks, " We received instruction and
delight in behoulding the wonders of the Lord in the
deepe waters."
On the 26th, he writes : — "By noon we were
within 3 leagues of Capan, and as we sayled along
the coasts, we saw every hill and dale and every
island full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer
we came to the shoare, the more flowers in abun-
dance, sometymes scattered abroad, sometymes joyned
in sheets 9 or 10 yards long, which we supposed to
be brought from the low meadowes by the tyde*
Now what with fine woods and greene trees by land
tad these yellow flowers paynting the sea, made us
all desirous to see our new paradise of New England,
whence we saw such forerunning signals of fertilitie
afarre off. " Thus, having Yv\a \ix^\x«.\;vwi itt. \i%bted
BLOWN FROM THE HARBOR. US
up with early summer's beautiful sceneryi he and his
companions were to experience a bitter, though short
disappointment. Having neared the entrance of the
harbor, it was night, and they tacked for sea roonu
About 4 o'clock, next afternoon, they reached the
place which they left the evening before, and, on the
point of entering the desired haven, a squall, accom-
panied with rain, thunder and lightning, drove them
back. Fearing to try the passage into Naumkeag, as
night drew on, they put into Cape Ann. The fol-
lowing day, being the 28th, and the Sabbath, was
religiously kept there. As Mr. Endicott saw the
colors of the Talbot on Saturday, he then sent a
shallop with two men to pilot her. But as these were
blown out with her, they attended worship at the
Cape. By their aid, Mr. Higginson observes, and
^< God's blessing, we passed the 'curious and difficult
entrance into the lai^e spacious harbour of Naimkecke.
And as we passed along, it was wonderful to behould
so many islands replenished with thicke wood and
high trees and many fayre greene pastures." He
states that the George arrived seven days before them.
He proceeds,—" We rested that night with glad and
thankful hearts, that God had put an end to our long
and tedious journey. The next morning, 30th, the
Govemour came aboard and bade us kindly welcomCi
and invited me and my wiffe to come on shoare and
take our lodging in his house, which we did accord*
ingly."
In one of his reflections on the voyage, he gives
this paragraph : — << We had a pious and Christian-like
passage ; for I suppose passengers shall ^YdiOTKi ivsA
R company of more religious, honest and kYndL ^^xsv^xl
110 SABBATH KEPT AT CAPE ANN. ARRIVAL.
than we had. We constantly served Grod morning
Und evening by reading and expounding a chapter,
itinging and prayer. And tlie Sabbath was solemnly
kept by adding to the former, preaching twise and
catechising. Besides, the ship master and his com-
pany used every night to sett their 8 and 12 o'clock
watches with singing a psalme and prayer, that was
not read out of a booke."
Thus terminates a journal, which deserves a dis-
tinguished rank among the records, that perpetuate
the acts of our primitive clergy, — who, like Apostle^,
made great sacrifices to spread the doctrines and ben-
efits of Christianity. The same exhibitions of moral
beauty and sublimity in the character of Paul and his
coadjutors, are manifested in the principles and deeds
of those, who first ministered at the altars of New
England. When alt the splendid creations of per*
verted public opinion shall have passed away, the
monuments of real excellence, erected by these con-^
secrated leaders of the church, shall stand with inde-
structible strength and abounding brightness, —as
spectacles of admiration to the moral imiverse. '
HIGGINSONS LETTER.
Prom a letter ^ of Mr. Higginson to his friends in
Leicester, we have the following items. Notice had
been sent to Governor Endicott by sixty families in
" Dorcettershire," that they intended to sail next
spring, with their ministers, for the colony, and they
desired him <' to appoint them places of habitations."
'< Many families are expected out of Lincolnshire and
' Hatehinton'B Collectiont, p. 47 . ^nl a\><^x]\ ^xA^ ^^\^ft :
EiaORAllTS. CATTLE. BUPPLUBS. 117
a minister with them, and a great company of godly
Christians out of London." Those, intending to coma
from Leicester, are advised to do it soon, lest they
lose the opportunity by delay, and because the first
comers << speed best and have the priviledge of
choosing {daces " of residence. The rich would do a
good work to send over poor families to the plantation,
'^ where they may live as well both for soule and
body as any where in the world." <^Mr. Johnson
out of Lincolnshire and many others have helped our
godly Christians hither to be employed in their worke
for a while, and then to live of themselves." There
are forty goats, as many cows, six or seven mareSi
and one horse in the place. More of these animals
are daily expected. They who emigrate are request-
ed to bring as many of them and also of sheep, as
possible. Carpenters are much needed. As trans-
portation is high, being £5 an adult, £10 a horse,
and £i a ton of goods, — it would be judicious econr
omy for the richer emigrants to purchase a ship for
the accommodation of themselves and the rest. Some
of the colonists had been mistaken in supposing, that
when they put money into the common stock, they
were entitled individually to a house, besides a portion
of land. It is necessary for those, who purpose to
make their home here, to come with provisions for a
year, — " till they can gett increase of come by their
owne labor." Such should bring " woolen and linnen
cloath, and, leather for shoes, and all manner of car-
penters tooles, and a good deale of iron and Steele, to
make nailes, and lockes for houses and furniture, for
ploughs and carts^ and glasse for windowea, andL xoaxi^
118 nSH ABUNDANT. MERIT. HUMAN D£PENDANC£.
Other things, which were better for you to think of
there than to want them here." As an indication
how abundant a species of fish, before named, were,—
which are now seldom seen in our waters, — Mr.
Higginson says, << Whilst I was writing this letter my
wiffe brought me word, that the fishers had caught
1600 basse at one draught, which if they weie in
England were worth many a pound." It is docu-
ments, like the preceding, which exhibit the incipient
character of society in some of its most impressive
features. They give us no ordinary lessons of di-
minished reliance on the factitious distinctions ci
prolonged success and luxury,*— on noble birth with-
out desert,-— on fortune without justice and generook
ity,— -on elevation without merit ; and of enlarged
confidence in the sterner energies, — the higher aspira-
tions and efforts, — and the more exalted virtues, —
when commimity begins its career, puts forth its ut-
most strength to sustain its tottering interests, and
holds its course onward to a prosperous issue. They
command the emphatic responses of consent to the
mutual dependance of our race, — ^to the folly of turn-
ing away with scorn from any useful portion of them,
and to the sacred obligation of imitating the benevo-
lence of Heaven, as emblazoned on the face of nature
and on the pages of revelation, — ^in all our deportment
towards the human family.
HIGGINSON'S NEW ENGLAND PLANTATION.
As another contribution of friendship, made for the
information and pleasure of many in England, deeply
interested in the welfare of him. an^i ol x\va ?\asitatiott^
BRICK KILN. SOIL. VINES. ANIMALS. 1|Q
Mr. Higginson gives them an account^ of its scmI,
climate, location, prodactions, natives, and conditim.
While he describes the colony in terms, correspondiag
with his attachment for it, as the home of his adoptiMi
and the object of his ardent hopes, — be does not fidl
to be impartial in the confession of its disadvantages.
Though some, induced by his representations, to on-
igrate hither, complained, that they could not find so
many fieivorable realities, as he believed that he had,— -
still the integrity of his reputation forbids the suspi-
cion, that his motives were in the least deceitful. On
this very subject, he remarks, << The idle proverbe if,
travellers may lye by authorite. Yet I may say of
my selfe, aa once Nehemiah did in another case, shall
such a man a^ I lye? " This account says,< — " We
are setting a brick-kill on worke to make brickes and
tiles for the building of our houses." It mentions,
that the soil is exceedingly fertile and produces abun-
dant crops of hay, com, vegetables, and fniits. This
is as would be expected from land, that had not been
exhausted by agriculture, but continually enriched by
the decay of its owa growth. The account relates,
" Excellent vines are here up and downe in the
woods. Our Governour hath already planted a Vine^
yard with great hope of encrease." Much expectation
of profit from the raising of our grapes, was indulged
both here and in England. But they disappointed
those, who made an experiment upon them. The
description, after designating fruit and forest trees,
jMTOceeds. ''For beasts there are some beares, and
, they say some lyons ; for they have been seen at
. 1 CdOed New Eagbmd'§ PlftnUtion, printed Vn INliMu lSu0U Oj^
A J, r, 1, p. 117, ' '^ < •
ISO LIONS. F18H.
CSape Anne. Here are several sorts of deere. Also
wolves, foxes, beavers, oUers, martins, great wild cats,
and a great beast, called a molke, as bigge as an oze."
Mr. Higginson has been charged with excessive cre-
dulity for supposing, that lions had been discovered
in this climate. But it was not strange, that he, re-
cently come to the country, told that it contained
such animals, and not had time to examine for him-
self, should place a degree of confidence in the report
It is by no means improbable, that his mind was
influenced by authorities,^ like that of the noted
traveller, Capt. Smith, — ^who, on his map, representing
Massachusetts, as he knew and supposed it was in
1614, gives an impression of the same creature. It
is likely, that the molke is what is commonly called
a moose. When the Zoologist compares the animals
designated by Mr. Higginson, with those of the pre-
sent day for the same region, he readily perceives,
that no small part of them have disappeared before
the spread of population.
The account goes on, — <' The aboundance of aea
fish are almost beyond beleeving. I saw store of
whales, and crampusse, and such aboundance of
mackerils, that it would astonish one to behold, like-
.wise codfish in aboundance on the coast. There is a
fish called a basse. Of this fish our fishers take .many
htmdreds together. Wee take plentie of scate and
thornbacks, and aboundance of lobsters, herring, tur-
but, sturgion, cuskes, hadocks, mullets, eeles, crabbes,
muskles, and oysters." We perceive from this list,
that the quantity of all fish in our waters, has coi^-
' Wood, Jomelyn, and Johiiioa» mtoSSoji \2astA «a im»im< ^te
^aak of New EngltLnd.
WILDFOWL. WOOD. LIGHTS. WINTERS. 131
siderably diminished, as would be naturally supposed,
and that some species of them are very scarce, if not
entirely disappeared. Mr. Higginson's description
states, that wild turkies and geese were plentiful as
well as pigeons, ducks, and other fowl. "A great
part of winter, the planters have eaten nothing but
roast meate of divers fowles, which they have killed."
Among the comforts of a cold winter, it specifies a
liberal supply of wood for the poor as well as rich.
" All Europe is not able to afford to make so great
fires as New England." Speaking of lights, it re-
marks,— " Although New England have no tallow to
make candles of, yet by the aboundance of the fish
thereof, it can afford oil for lamps. Yea, our pine
trees, that are most plentiful 1 of all wood, doth allow
us plenty of candles, which are very usefull in a
house. And they are such candles as the Indians
commonly use, having no other, and they are nothing
else but the wood of the pine tree cloven in two little
isiices, something thin, which are so full of the moys-
ture of turpentine and pitch, that they burne as cleere
as a torch. I have sent you some of them, that you
may see the experience of them." Though this
present was undoubtedly welcomed as a memorial of
friendship, and a curiosity to denote the custom of an
uncivilized people, yet neither the giver nor receivers
imagined, that it would win its way to the parlors of
wealth and taste, and extinguish the more costly
lights of fashion.
Among objections to an abode here, the narrative
ipeaks of the winters, as more severe than in En-
gland,—of the troublesome musquetoe, lYv^ ^\sovi^\>.^
"nttlesnake^—^nd the want of more em\^pca»Xa oS. ^s«^
12B EMIGRANTS. MR. HIGGINSONS HEALTH.
character, accompanied with horses, kine, and sheep,
to improve the land. With regard to the last item, it
says, — " Great pitty it is to see so much good ground
for corne and for grasse, as any is under the heavens,
to ly altogether unoccupied, when so many honest
men and their families in Old England, through the
populousnesse thereof, do make very hard shift to Uve
one by the other." It states, that the health of Mr.
Higginson — quite infirm before he came hither — ^was
much improved. Therefore, it recommends the tem^
perature of the country ; "for a sup of New En-
gland's aire is better than a whole draught of Old
England's ale."
1629. July 24 Relative to the present condition ^
of Salem, the same production^ furnishes the succeed-
ing quotations. " When we came first to Naimkecke,
now called Salem, we found about half a score houses
built ; and a fayre house newly built for the goverxKHr,
and we found also abundance of corne planted by
them, excellent good and well liking." According to
the deposition of Richard Brackenbury,^ the mansioUi
here spoken of, was made from materials of. another,
first erected at Cape Ann, under the Dorchester, Asso-
ciates. It probably served for the residence of Roger
Conant, while Governor of that Plantation. Part of
its timber is said to be contained in the dwelling,
formerly a tavern, on the corner of Court and Church
streets. The account continues, — " We brought with
us about 200 passengers and planters more, which
now by common consent of all the ould planters, are
all now combyned together into one body politique
' Buppoged to he aboat July 84. ' Of Beverly^ iE. 80 in 1680-1.
^Ak» in Hotcbinmmn'M Co&leeUons, p. 46.
UNION OP OLD AND NEW COLONISTS. 128
nnder the same governor." Here is an allusion to a
schism, which threatened to arrest the progress of the
Colony, and which existed between the Conant and
the Endicott settlers. The first appear to have dis*
liked subjection to the Massachusetts Company,
though several patentees of this body had belonged
to the Dorchester Corporation. Hence, when Mr.
Endicott arrived, there was want of harmony in
opinion and action between the old and new colonists.
But through a judicious compliance with the Com-
pany's instructions, he was enabled to restore unar
nimity. One great inducement for effecting this re-
conciliation, was to counteract the plan of Oldham,
who had been a fellow sufferer with Conant at New
Plymouth.
The description proceeds, — " There are with us in
all, ould and new planters 300, whereof 200 are
settled at Naimkecke, and the rest plant themselves
at Massachusets bay, being to build a towne there
called Charleston or Charlestowne. We that are
settled at Salem, make what haste we can to build,
so that within a short tyme, we shall have a fayre
towne." It is observable, that Mr. Higginson refers
to Charlestown and its immediate vicinity as within
Massachusetts Bay, while Salem and its neighborhood
were excluded from such a circuit. This accorded
with former views and conversation, though contrary
to subsequent and present impressions. Not aware of
such a fact, some have had their thoughts occasionally
confused in perusing the early records of our Com-
lUonwealth. The narrative adds, — " We haue great
©irdnance, whereof we doubt not but to foiltfj^ oMt-
134 RELIGIOUS PRIVILEGES. SHIP EAGLB.
selves in short tyme, to keepe out a potent adver-
sarye*"
Rising above the temporal prospect of the planters,—
however one, on which he loved to look, — the writer
pomes to his still more favorite theme of spiritual
concerns. '< But that which is our greatest comfort
and means of defence above all others, is, that we
have here the true religion and holy ordinances of
Almighty God amongst us. Thanks be to God, we
have plenty of preaching and diligent catechising,
with strict and carefull exercise of good and com-
mendable orders to bring our people to Christian con-
versation, which whilst we do, we doubt not but God
will be with us ; and so Rom. 8, 31, what shall we
then say to these things ; if God be with us, who
can be against us ? " Such a conclusion is what would
be expected from one, who had drank deeply of
* Siloa's Brook ' — who had well scanned the immu-
table conditions, on which society can be prospered
and immortality be blessed.
GENERAL COURT, OF THE ASSISTANTS AND GENER-
ALITY, AT THE DEPUTY'S HOUSE IN LONDON.
July 28. Governor Cradock motioned^ that the
ship Eagle, of 400 tons and " of good force," should be
purchased for the use of the Company. As the funds
of the Corporation were low, individuals, as follow,
agreed to take the most of her.
Matthew Cradock, 1-8 Mr. Revell, 1-lG
Thomas Goffe, 1-16 Samuel Aldersey, 1-16
. Thomas Adams, 1-8 Mr. Milburne, 1-8
Nathaniel Wright, 1-8 Thomas Hewson, 1-16 '
Theophilas Eaton, 1-16 The Company, 1-8
Symon Whetcomb, 1-16
* Colony Becoida.
ILUCtT TRADE WITH INDIANS. PHYSICIAN. 12*
The Governor also proposed that the Company
employ other ships, offered by their members, "of
less defence for transport of their cattle and other
commodities soe long as they shalbe willing to farnidl
such shippinge."
«A letter of the 27th of May from Mr. John
Endicott was now read, wherin, amongst othef
things, hee complaines of the prophane and diss(^
lute living of divers of our nation, former traders t6
those parts, and of their irregular trading with thcf
Indians, contrary to his late Majesty's proclamacott,
desiring that the Company would take the same into
their serious consideracon, and to vse some speedy
iheans here for reformacon therof, whervpon the Plro*
clamacon, made in anno 1622, was read, and it i^
thought fitt, that suite bee made to his Majesty or the
Lords for renewing therof with addicon of such ben-
efitiall clauses, as shalbe needfull for reforming sd
great and vnsufferable abuses, and Mr. Gouemor, Mr.
Aldersey, Mr. Wright, and Mr. Eaton are desired to
repaire to the lo. Keep ^ and Mr. Secretary Coke to
acquaint their Honors herewith, and afterwards a
peticon to bee presented to the Councell Board ac-
cordingly." John Betts, saying that " hee is able to
discouer divers things for the advancement of the
Plantacon," — a French physician — '*well qualified,
of godly lyfe and conversacon, who is desirous to goe
ouer," — and "one Mr. Gardner, an able and expert
man in divers facultyes," — were named as candidates
for employment in the Colony. It was "ordered^
that letters bee written to those in the country to pay
' Prolmblf means Lord Keeper of the Gie«X SetX.
12
\j
139 TRANSFER OF THE GOVERRHENT.
in what they are behinde vpon their subscripcons,
and that some tradesmen, heere in London, that haue
occasion to trauell into any of those parts bee desired
to receive the money on the Company's behalfe."
<' Mr. Gouernor read certaine proposicons conceived
by himself, viz : That for the advancement of the
Plantacon, the inducing and encouraging persons of
worth and qualitie to transplant themselues and famy-
lyes thether, and for other weighty reasons therin
contained, to transfer the Gouemment of the Planta-
con to those, that shall inhabit there, and not to con-
tinue the same in subordinacon to the Company
heere, as now it is. This business occasioned some
debate, but by reason of the many great and consid-
erable consiquences therevpon depending, it was not
now resolued vpon, but those present are desired pri-
vately and seriously to consider hereof and to sett
downe their particuler reasons in wryting pro and
contra, and to produce the same 'at the next Generall
Court, where they, being^ reduced to heads and ma-
turely considered of, the Company may then proceede
to a fynall resolucon thereon, and in the meane tyme
they are desired to carry this business secretly, that
the same bee not devulged."
CHURCH FORMED.
1629. Aug. 6. According to appointment, the or-
ganization of the church was finished. Its platform
of rule, covenant, and articles of faith, were adopted.
The two last were professed,^ for substance, at the
Savoy, by the Congregational churches of England
in 1658.
' Boston AtheneamTnAU,'&ooYl^.
PLEDGE FOR PROMOTION OF THE COLONY. 137
COMPACT.
1629. Aug. 26. As an important step for the ad-
vancement of the Colony, a contract^ is made at
Cambridge, by certain members^ of the Ck>mpany.
Its premises follow : << Upon due consideration of the
state of the |dantation now in hand for New England,
wherein wee have engaged ourselves; and having
weighed the greatnes of the worke in regard of the
consequence, God's glory and the churches good ; — as
also in regard of the difficultyes and discouragements,
which, in all probabilityes, must be forecast upon the
execution of this businesse ; considering with all, that
this whole adventure growes upon the joynt confi-
dence we have in each others fidelity and resolution
herein, so as no man of us would have adventured it
without assurance of the rest." Then comes an
engagement, << in the word of a Christian and in the
presence of God," on the part of the subscribers, that
they would settle their affairs so as to be ready for a
voyage hither by the first of next March. This was
done on several conditions. One was, that the Gen-
eral Court should vote to transfer " the whole govern-
ment together with the Patent," to the Plantation and
here remain. Another was, that if any one of the
contractors should be prevented from compliance, and
such prevention was deemed sufficient by three-
fourths of their number, he should be excused from
embarking so long as his impediment continued. It
^ Hatehinson'f Coll. p. 25. phrey, Thomas Sharp, Increaie
* Richard Saltonstall, Thoma« Nowell, John W\u\:htoVi'^*^^vi^'ak
t}^\er,WUliMm VaM*ll,Nicholaa Pynchon, KeWam l&to^x«»^ isA.
f¥e»i, Ummc JobttMon, John Hbm- Willhun Colbion.
]28 TRANSFER OF THE CHIEF GOVERNMENT.
was also agreed, that if either of them failed to be
ready, he should forfeit £3 a day for detaining them.
Various have been the covenants formed by individ-
uals of different nations and for diverse purposes. But
none of them has exceeded this of our fathers, in
purity of motive, in denial of selfishness, iti firmness
of purpose, and in nobleness of end. The Achaean
league, long celebrated, sought and obtained civil
liberty. But its nature and results would not equally
compare with those of this and other compacts,
formed by our ancestors.
GENERAL COURT AT THE DEPUTY'S HOUSE IN LONDON.
Aug. 28. "Mr. Deputie acquainted^ this Court,
that the especiall cause of their meeting was to giue
answere to divers gentlemen, intending to goe into
New England, whether or noe the chiefe Gouernment
of the Plantacon, togeather with the Pattent, should
bee settled in New England or heere. Wherevpon it
was ordered, that this aftenioone, Mr. Wright, Mr.
Eaton, Mr. Adams, Mr. Spurstowe, and such others,
as they should thinke fitt to call vnto them, whether
they were of the Company or not, to consider of
furguments against the setling of the cheife Gouern-
ment in New England. And on the other syde. Sir
Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Johnson, Capt. Venn, and
«uch others as they should call vnto them, to prepare
furguments for the setling of the said Gouernment in
Jfew England, — and that tomorrow morning, being
the 29th of August, at 7 of the Clock, both sydes
should meete and conferr and weigh each others
1 MaM. Colony Bitcotdt.
TJ&AN8PER OF PATENT AND GOVERNMENT. ISO
arguments, and afterwards, at 9 of the Clock, (which
is the tyme appointed of meeting for a Generall
Court,) to make report thereof to the whole Companyi
who then will determine this business."
Aug. 29. As an important session, the names ^ of
members present are given.
** Mr. Thomas Gofle, Deputy. Mr. Geo. Harwood, Treagwrer,
Sir Richard Sakonstall. Mr. Richard Pernr.
Mr. Isaac Johnson. Mr. Geo. Fozcroll.
Mr. John Davenport. Mr. Dauys.
Mr. Samuel Aldene/. Mr. Ironsyde.
Mr. John Hamfirey. Mr. William Pinchon.
Capt. Waller. Mr. William Vassal.
Capt John Vena. Mr. Rowe.
Mr. Thomas Adams. Mr. Dan. Ballard.
Mr. Tkeophilus Eaton. Mr. Ihcrease Nowell.
Mr. Samuel Vassal. Mr. Webb.
Mr. Nathaniel Wright. Mr. Symond Whetcomfoe.
Mr. Christopher Colston. Mi. Colbrand."
Mr. John Focock.
" This day the Committees which were appointed
to meete yesterday in the afternoone to consider of
arguments pro and contra, touching the setling of the
Gouemment of the Companyes Plantacon in New
England, being according to the order of the last
Court, mett togeather^ debated their arguments and
reasons on both sydes, where were present many of
the Assistants and Generalitie, and after a long
debate, Mr. Deputie put it to the question as fol-
io weth; — ^As many of you as desire to haue the
Pattent and the Gouernment of the Plantacon to bee
transferred to New England, soe as it may bee done
legally, hold vpp your hands. Soe many as will not,
hold Vpp your hands. Where by erecon of hands, it
appeared by the generall consent of the Company,
* Surnames spelt as recorded.
i2*
130 DIFFICULTY OF MESSRS. BROWNS.
that the Gouemodent and Pattent should bee settled
ia New England, and accordingly an order to bee
drawne vpp."
Sept. 19. " At this Court letters were read from
Capt. Endicott and others from New England, and
whereas a diflference hath falne out, betwixt the
Gouemor there and Mr. John and Samuel Browne, it
was agreed, that for the determinacon of those dif-
ferences, Mr. John and Samuell Browne might choose
any 3 or 4 of the Company on their behalfe to heare
the said differences, — the Company choosing as
many." The Referees were accordingly selected.
Among those for Messrs. Browns was Mr. William
Pinchon, and those for the Company was Mr. John
Winthrop. Order was taken as to unloading the
Lyon's Whelp and Talbot, arrived from Naumkeag.
The Court agreed to take advice how they should act
relative to five boys, sent back in the Talbot, for
enormous immorality.
Sept. 29. The Court say as to the transferring
their government to New England, — " That business
being of great and weighty consiquence, is thought
fitt to bee deferred for determinacon vntill Sir R.
Saltonstall, Mr. Johnson and other gentlemen bee come
rpp to London." " It was propounded, that a com-
mittee should bee appointed to take advice of learned
Councell whether the same may bee legally done or
noe ; by what way or meanes the same may bee done
to corispond with and not to preiudice the Gouern-
ment heere ; to consider of the tyme when it wilbe
fitt to doe it; — to resolue on whom to conferr the
gouemment and divers other circumstances." " The
next thinge taken into considei^kcoti -w^iS \\\<ei Letters
LETTERS FROM MESSRS. BROWNS. SHIPS. 131
from Mr. John and Samiiell Browne, to divers of their
priveate freiuds heere in England, whether the same
should bee deliuered or detained, and whether they
should bee opened and read or not, and for that it
was to bee doubted by probable circumstances, that
they had defamed the Country of New England and
the Gouernor and Gouemment there, it was thought
fitt that some of the said Letters should bee opened
and publiquely read, which was don^ accordingly,
and the rest to remaine at Mr. Deputye's house and
the partyes, to whom they are directed, to haue notice,
and Mr. Gouernor, Mr. Deputie, Mr. Treasurer and Mr.
Wright, or any two of them, are entreated to bee at
the opening Shd reading therof, to the end the Gout'
pany may haue notice if ought bee incerted therin,
which may bee preiudiciall to their Gouemment or
Plantacon in New England. And it is also thought
fitt, that none of the Letters from Mr. Samuel Browne
sbalbe delivered, but kept to bee made vse of against
him as occasion shalbe offred." The care of unlading
the two ships, lately come from Naumkeag arid of
paying oflf the crews, — is committed to the Deputy
Governor. " It is also thought fitt and ordered, that
the Secretary shall wryte out a coppy of the former
grant to the Erie of Warwick and others, which was
by them resigned to this Company, to bee presented
to his Lordship as hee having desired the same."
The Court concluded, that the persons, who agreed,
July 28, to buy the ship Eagle for the use of the
Company, — might do so. " It was resolued on, that
this shipp, being of good force and bought for the
safety and honor and benefitt of the Planta^^oiY^ ^iifik
niwayes bee prefered in thai voyage betote ttiki o^tit
138 BEATER. TRADE WITH INDIANS. BOTS.
shipp, and to haue some consideracoa in her fraight
aboue other shipps accordingly."
Sept. 29. The Ck>urt set a price on the beaver
skins, recently brought from Naumkeag, of 20/ a
pound. They appoint Mr Wright to sell " the clap-
board and other wood" from the same place. Men-
tion was made of petitioning the Lords of the Council
at the request of Mr. Endicott, relative to an illicit
trade with Indians in his jurisdiction ; — but it was
deferred. A list of delinquent subscribers to the
common stock, was ordered. It was decided that
cows and calves, mares and foals, — ^bought for im-
portation to the Colony, — should be sold,-^because
the keeping of them over winter '^ould be too
expensive. " Concerning the fiue boyes, returned in
the Talbot, Mr. Whetcombe and Mr. Noell are desired
to acquaint Sir Henry Martyn with their misde-
meanor, and to advise what punishment may bee
inflicted vpon them, and how the Company may bee
legally discharged of them." A copy of accusations
against Messrs. John and Samuel Brown, — ^forwarded
from Naumkeag, — ^is allowed them, so that they may
give an answer. " Letters from Robert Moulton, the
shipwright, and from the cowpers and cleavers of
wood, were now read." To these persons, being in
the Plantation, replies were to be sent by the next
ships.
Oct. 15. " The espetiall and only occasion of this
meeting beinge to consider and resolue of the setling
the trade in New England (now vpon transferring the
Gouerment thither) for the incouragment as well of
the adventurers in the ioynt stock heere, as of thosOi
who already are, and of olYietS) 'w\io \\i\je^\A v<^ %<iq
COLONIAL TRADE. FORTIFICATIONS. 183
over in person to bee planters there, and for their
mutual corispoundence and behoofe and the advanc-
ment of the Plantacon to the end, which was at first
intended, — ^the Court tooke the same into due and
mature consideracon. And after a long debate and
sundry opinions given, and reasons why the ioynt
stock (which had borne the brunt of the charge
hetherto and was likely to beare much more) should
haue certaine comodityes appropriate thervnto for re-
embursment and defrayment therof, and divers ob-
iections being made to those reasons, all which was
largely discused and well weighed. The Court on
conclusion for accommodacon of both parts fell ypon
a moderacon as foUoweth, viz : That the Companye's
joynt stock shall haue the Trade of Beauer and all
other flfurrs in those parts soly for the tearme of 7
yeares from this day, for and in consideracon of the
charge, that the joynt stock hath vndergone already
and is yett annually to beare for the advancment of
the Plantacon. That for the charge of ffortyficacons,
the Companye's ioynt stock to beare the one-halfe,
and the Planters to defray the other, viz. for ordnance,
munition, powder, etc. but for laborers in building of
fiforts, etc. all men to bee employed an equall pro-
porcon according to the nomber of men vpon the
Plantacon, and soe to continue vntill such fitt and
necessari works bee finished. That the charge of
the ministers, now there or that shall hereafter goe to
resyde there, as also the charge of building conve-
nyent churches and all publique works vpon the
Plantacon, bee in like manner indiflferently borne, the
dne-halfe by the Companye's ioynt stock iot \\v^ ^\^
tearme of T yeares, and the other halfe \)Y VY\ft YVwxV
1S4 GOVERNMENT. THE MESSRS. BROWNS.
en. That the ordnance, already provyded for forty*
ficacon, bee rated as they cost, as also all {wwder and
munition whatsoever concerning armes, soe as the
same bee deliuered there for publique vse, and this to
bee accompted as part of the ioynt stock of the Com-
pany. All which, beeing seuerall tymes read, was
by Mr. Gouemor put to the question and by generall
consent by erecon of hands, was agreed and concluded
on and ordered accordingly.
''And forasmuch as by former order the Pattent
and Gouernment is to bee transferred to New England,
a committee is appointed, part of the Adventurers
heere, and part of those that intend to goe over, viz :
Mr. Daaenport, Sir Ri : Salstonstall,
Mr. Wright, Mr. Johnson,
Mr. Ferry, Mr. Winthrop,
Capt. Waller, Mr. Humfry,
Capt Venn, Mr. Dudley,
Mr. Adams, Mr. Vassal,
Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. Pinchon, and
Mr. Young, Mr. Downing,
Mr. Spurstowe, and
Mr. Resell.
who are desired to meete to-morrow morning to
confer of and drawe fitt and convenyent clauses to
bee inserted in articles of agreement, which may bee
comodious for ether part, and to prepare the same for
a Ck)urt of Assistants appointed that afternoone to
determine therof."
A LETTER FROM THE ASSISTANTS IN LONDON TO
MESSRS. SKELTON AND HIGGINSON.
Oct. 16. Anxious as to the result of John and
Samuel Browns' expulsion frpm Massachusetts, th^
Company's authorities address a letter ^ from London
THE 8TAT& I35
o Messrs. Higginson and Skelton. They mention
^hat the Messrs. Browns had recently arrived, being
asent home by Governor Endicott, who chaiged them
"vrith factious conduct ; — ^that, since their arrival, they
liad <' raised rumors of divers scandalous and intem*
perate speeches," as uttered by one or both of Messrs.
JEIigginson and Skelton in their ^'publique sermons (Mr
prayers," and of some innovations attempted by them.
The matters, here alleged, probably arose from the
compliance, made by the Salem church with the
Ck)ngregational discipline of Plymouth. The letter
remarks, — " Wee have reason to hope, that their re-
ports are but slanders ; " and then cautions the cler-
gymen here to be careful of their ministry, — and, if
having said or done aught to justify the censures
passed on them, to correct their course ; — and bear in
mind, that the Company in England would tolerate
no such severity, as was laid to their account. It
proceeds, — " Wee desire that this only may testyfie
to you and others, that we are tender of the least
aspersion, which ether directly or obliquely, may bee
cast vpon the State heere, to whom wee owe soe
much duty, and from whom wee liaue received soe
much fauor in the Plantacon where you now resyde."
A literal adherence to every part of this advice was
hard for such men as Higginson and Skelton. In a
new sphere, where they were unexposed to the ap-
prehension of a pursuivant at every turn, it was
natural for them to preach and pray so as to express
their disapprobation of crown-oppression to the Pu-
ritans, as weir as their gratitude for charter privileges.
They felt obligated not to cover up the lepwl^vi^xi^^
of the one with the fair mantle of lYie oVYvex^ vcl
136 DIFFICULTY OF MESSRS. BROWNS. THE STATE.
their high intercourse with the Judge of the universe,
as well as with the mortals who were to stand before
Him for retribution. They did not feel justified to
deal with the State as if needing no i^ysician. The
same conscientiousness, which led them to brave the
inflictions of misdirected power at home, would not
suffer them, while exiles abroad through its influence,
to speak of it by any other name than its own.
Thus actuated, they knew, that they were watched
by those who honestly differed from them, and who,
driven from their soil, and landed upon the shores of
England, would as honestly proclaim their clerical
course in no measured or commendable terms.
A LETTER TO MR. ENDICOTT.
Another communication ^ from the same hands and
of the same date as the preceding, is forwarded to
Governor Endicott, on a similar topic. It relates,
that Messrs. Browns had spoken against him and
the ministers, " concerning some rash innovacons
begun and practised in the civill and ecclesiasticall
gouernnient." It takes for granted, that their resent-
ment at being sent home, would lead them to make
representations in very strong terms ; but still, it adds,
there is a possibility "some vndigested councells haue
too sodainly bin put in execuccon, which may haue
ill construccon with the State heere, and make vs
obnoxious to any adversary." It then urges on Mr.
Endicott to be careful about introducing any laws,
which may have such a tendency, — and to watch
over social and religious concerns so that they lead to
GOVERNMENT IN LONDON AND IN THE COLONT. |St
no such end. This magistrate has had a greater
share of blame for excluding Messrs. Browns from
the Plantation, than actually belonged to him. Others
were active as well as himself to ensure their depart-
nre. For what he did in that affair, he had amj^
authority. But whether it was expedient to exercise
his power, as he did, is a question which religious
toleration, as generally understood in his day, would
answer in the affirmative, — but, as understood in
ours, would answer in the negative. Men should be
judged according to the light of the age in which
they live,
COURT OF ASSISTANTS AT THE DEPUTY'S HOUSE IN
LONDON.
Oct. 16. " This court ^ was appointed to treat and
resolue, that vpon the transferring of the Gouernmenl
to New England what Gouernment shalbe held at Lon*
don, whereby the future charge of the ioynt stock may
bee cherished and i»*eserved, and the body politique
of the Company remaine and increase. What persons
shall haue the charge of the managing of the ioynt
stock both at Liondon and in New England, wherein it
is conceved fitt, that Capt. Endecott continue the
Gouernment there vnless iust cause to the contraries
These and other things were largely discussed, and it
was thought fitt and naturall, that the Gouernment of
persons bee held there, the Gouernment of trade and
marchandize to bee here. That the ioynt stock being
Utttuall both here and there^ that some fitt persons
bee appointed for managing therof in both places*"
' Colony Records.
13
lae I>SBT. REV. MR. WHITE. CONTRACT. OFFICERS.
A committee were designated to report means for
papng the large debt due from the joint stock, before
the transferring of the Government to New England.
" The shipp Eagle is to bee fraighted from Bristol!."
Letters, addressed to Messrs. Endicott, Skelton, and
Higginson, were read and signed.
Oct. 19. '^ A meeting at Mr. Deputies house on
Monday." Mr. White, the preacher, and Mr. White,
the counsellor, were there. Articles of agreement^
between the Planters and Adventurers, drawn up by
Mr. White, the counsellor, were approved.
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
Oct. 20. The Contract (received 19th) was placed
in the hands of a Committee, for particular consider-
ation. Of this Committee, Sir R. Saltonstall, Messrs.
Winthrop, Dudley, Johnson, and Humphrey, werfe on
behalf of the Planters, and Messrs. Cradock, Aldersey,
Wright, Hutchins, and Capt. Venn, for the Adven-
turers. Provided they or a majority of them could
not agree, Mr. White, the lawyer, and Rev. Messrs.
White and Davenport, were to act as umpires. As
the government was to be transferred to New Eng-
land, Governor Cradock remarked, that new oiBcers
for it must be elected. Accordingly, of four put in
nomination, namely, Messrs. Winthrop, Saltonstall,
Johnson, and Humphrey, the first was chosen "with
full consent by ereccon of hands." Of him, so hon-
ored, the record of the occasion says, — " having re-
ceived extraordinary great comendacons, both for his
integritie and sufficience, as being one very well fitted
and accomplished for the place." " In like manner
and with like full consent^ 'Mi, 3oYai Hwcoir} ^%a
DEBT. MESSRS. BROWNS. CHIRURGEON. IM
ehosea deputie Groueraor," and Sir R. SaltonstaU,
Messrs. Is. Johnson, Tho. Dudley, Jo. Endicott, In.
Noell, Wm. Tassal, Wm. Pynchon, Sam. Sharpe,
Edw. Rositer, Tho. Sharpe, John Revell, Mat. Cra-
dock, Tho, Goffe, Sam. Aldersey, John Venn, Nath,
Wright, Theoph. Eaton, and Tho. Adams, were
chosen to be Assistants. The most of these officerS|
being present, took their respective oaths.
COURT OF ASSISTANTS IN LONDON.
Nov. 20. A representation of the Company's pe-
cuniary concerns, showed, that they owed upwards
of £1,200 for seamen's wages and freight of the ships
Talbot, May Flower, and Four Sisters. It was or-
dered, that this demand be paid before other debts.
Mr. Cradock was the chief agent for the Company's
commercial interests. Messrs. John and Samuel
Brown petitioned, that as some of their goods at
Naumkeag were undervalued and others not appraised
at all, they may have relief. It was concluded, that
if they could prove their statement, they should bo
compensated in London, — ^but, if not, Mr. Winthrdp
would examine their case after he reached America.
" Mr. Beecher, Mr. of the shipp Talbot, desired to
haue in a bond, which he entered into, to Mr. Pratt
for wages or allowance to a chirurgion to the Lyon's
Whelpe, who was to haue 2/6 for every person in
the shij^ according to an agreement made with them,
the nomber of the persons being about 125, of which
Mr. Beecher had formerly deliuered a particuler note
to Mr. Goffe. The Court conceiving the said allow-
ance to bee exorbitant and more than is vsvx^ Vw \^t^
cases, doe desire that the chirurgiou bee aipyovaXedi Vi
149 CAPT. BEVELL. CONTBACT. MONET NEEDED.
bee heere the next Generall Court and then such
conclusion is to bee made with him as shalbe fitt."
According to representation of Mr. Smith, the ac-
countant, some of the subscribers to the general stock
had paid nothing, and others but a part. It was
ordered, that << ticketts should bee sent vnto them to
desire them to send in the somes by them vnder-*
written."
GENERAL COURT IN LONDON.
Nov. 26. This was a quarterly General Court, as
appointed by Charter. A letter of 5th September
*'from Mr. Endecott, the Gouernor, and others in. New
England, was now read, as also, Mr. Gouernor ac-
quainted those present with certaine testymonyes sent
over against on Wm. Revell, Mr. of a shipp, con-
cerning some insolent and misbeseeming speeches
vttered by him in contempt of the Company's priui-
ledges and gouernment, which is to bee taken into
further consideracon, and hee proceeded against when
other certyfiicates are come, which are expected con-
cerning that business." Governor Winthrop stated,
that the Committee on the contract, between the
Planters and Adventurers, were not yet prepared to
report, << by reason of the greatness of the business
and the smalness of the supplyes^" — that they had
only << reduced it to certaine proposicons to bee repre-
sented to the consideracon of the Company to receive
their resolucon therin." The accountant produced
an estimate, viz :
" The ioynt stock appeares to bee in arreare £3,000
M)d vpwards; towards which £3,000, ther is 1,900
BTOCK. MAOA2INE. 141
in subscripcons not yett brought in, and aboat 8 or
£900 vpon fraight of shipps. There wilbe a neceti-
sitie for supply of necessarysi —
for the Companye's servants 1,000
for marchandizes for trade 500
for munition and Artillery for ffortificacon 500
soe as there being an inevitable necessitie of supply
of mony ether to revyve the old stock or to raise a
new, the proposicons were now expressed, viz : —
1. That all the former adventurers should double
their former subscripcons. 2. That the servants,
cattle, and all marchandizes or provisions belonging
to the ioynt stock should bee sold, and the vnder-
wryters bee paid their proporcons of what shall accrew
or arise therof. 3, or lastly. That the old stock bee
putt over to certaine vndertakers vpon such conditions
as can be agreed on, and they to goe on with the
worke and manage the business ; to beare all charges
an4.to stand to profitt and loss, and to pay the vnder-
wryters their principall by them brought at the end
of 7 yeares, and this to bee vnderstood not to exclude
any who haue afTeccon to this business, but that they
may come in vnder those vndertakers for such somes,
as they shall think fitt to adventure, but that for the
better furtherance and facilitating the business, the
same to bee managed by few hands. And for the
incouragment of- such vndertakers, the Committee
haue thought of certaine inducements, viz : That
they shall haue the one halfe of the beauer, — ^the sole
making of salt, — ^the sole transportation of passengers,
servants, and goods, to bee transported at resonable
rate,— to bee allowed a resonable profiU n^tl ^
13*
142 CHAPLAINS. CLERICAL ADVICE.
such provisions, as they shall keepe in magazine
there, for the vse and reliefe of the inhabitants." To
consider these premises, '^a spetisdl Court is appointed
on Monday next, and the whole Company to be sum-
moned by tickets to bee present." << To the end that
this business might bee proceeded in with the first
intencon, which was cheifly the glory of God and to
that purpose, that their meetings might bee sanctyfied
by the prayers of some faithfull ministers, resident
heere in London, whose advice would bee likewise
requisite vpon many occasions, the Court thought fitt
to admitt into the freedome of this Company Mr. Jo.
Archer and Mr. Phillip Nye, ministers heere in Lon-
don, who, being heere present, kindly accepted therof.
Also Mr. Whyte did recommend vnto them Mr. Na-
thaniel Ward of Standon."
Here the commendable custom of having legislative
business preceded by daily intercession for the divine
blessing, is first noted by the Company's records. As
ministers previously attended their sessions, it is very
likely, that they had performed similar service. This
is one of the ancient usages, not yet discarded by our
political authorities. Recreant indeed to the memory
of its founders and to a safeguard of its public in-
tegrity, must the State be, if ever so degraded in
moral sentiment, as to exclude devotion from its
councils.
Here, too, is a purpose of the Court to ask the
opinion of ministers on questions, which may come
before them. As well known, this was continued
mider our Colonial Charter. The origin of it was
with laymen, which implies that the clergy were not
so officious in thrusting themselves into civil affairs,
FREEMEN. JOUIT STOCK. ADVENTURERS' LOSS. Itf
as some would hare us believe. Though preachers
of the gospel have enough to occupy all their ener-
gieSy yet New England is greatly indebted to their
{Nredecessors for much salutary advice. We hope,
that she may never have less disinterested advisers,
than they, as a class, have been.
Here, also, we perceive the reception of freemen.
This must have been done before, as specified by the
Charter, and was afterwards, in our Colony, for a
considerable period.
Nov. 30. The Governor, Deputy, Treasurer, and
eleven Assistants, and twenty-five of the Generality
were present. The Court agreed that five of the
Planters and five of the Adventurers, ^< should take
the ioynt stock at the true value, and take vpon them
the engagements and other charges, for which there
should bee appropriated to the ioynt stock for 7
yeares " — the privileges specified at the last meeting.
A Committee was appointed to value the joint stock ;
among them was Rev. Mr. White of Dorchester.
Dec. 1. This Committee reported, " That wheras
divers somes had bin disbursed in publique charges
as transporting of ministers and their families, amu-
nition, etc. which were not now to bee valued to the
vndertakers, as being to remaine alwayes to the Plan-
tacou, and wheras many of the servants which were
transported at extraordinary charge, doe not prove soe
vsefuU as was expected, and soe will not yield the
vndertakers any such benefitt as may answere their
charge, divers of the cattle and provisions likewise
miscarryinge through want of experience in the be*
gininge of such a worke, they could not fynde thi^
said stock to remaine cleere and good, (^lYie dLeb\:& d^
144 LAND. NEW SUBSCRIPTIONS. UNDERTAKfiRS.
charged,) aboue one-third part of the whole some,
which hath bin adventured from the first to this pre-
sent day, which value vpon due examinacon and long
debate was allowed by all the Court Wherevpon it
was propounded and screed by the whole Court, that
the old adventurers, in lieu of this abatement of two-
thirds of their adventures, should haue an addition of
a double proporcon of land according to the first pro-
porcon of 200 acres for £50, and that they should
haue libertie to putt in what somes they pleased to
bee added to their former adventures, soe as they
subscribed the same before the first day of January
now next following, and such as hue in the country
remote from the cittie of London, to enter their sub-
scripcons before the second of February next, and
that any of the said adventurers may take out their
adventures after the aforesaid rate. And further, that
it should bee lawfull for all other persons, with con-
sent of any three of the vndertakers, to put in what
somes of mony they please to bee traded in the ioynt
stock, — ^vpon such allowance to the comon stock for
publique vses, in regard that they shall beare noe part
in the former losses, as the said adventurers or three
of them shall agree with them from tyme to tyme,
and that all adventurers shall pay in their adventures
in such time and manner, as shalbe agreed between
them and the said vndertakers or any three of them.
It was also agreed by the Court, that in regard the
vndertakers should beare the greatest charge and
burthen, and all other adventurers should haue equall
part of the gaine, if any did proceede, that therefore,
they should haue £5 in the hundred cleere gaines of
the said ioynt stock, bolYi in and omx^ ^ OcL^dx%<^
TERMS OF TRANSPORTATION. 145
being deducted. And that the ioynt stock, being
thus managed, at the end of 7 yeares, to bee ac*
compted from this day, as well the said stock,. as the
proceede and profitt therof, to be devyded to every
man proportionably, according to his adventure, and
all the said preuiledges then to cease, and all persons
to bee at libertie to dispose of their parts in the ioynt
stock at their owne pleasure. Hereupon the Court
thought fitt to desire the gentlemen here vndernamed
to vndertake the ioynt stock vpon the tearmes before
propounded, viz : Mr. John Winthrop, the Gouernor,
Sir Richard Saltonstall, Kt., Isack Johnson, Esq., Mr.
Thomas Dudley, Mr. John Revell, Mr. Matt. Cradock,
Mr. Nathaniell Wright, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, Mr.
Thomas Goff, Mr. James Young<; — which gentlemen,
vpon much entreaty of the Court, did accept of the
said charge and accordingly were chosen to bee
vndertakers, to haue the sole managing of the ioynt
stock, with all things incydent for the space of 7
yeares, as is aforesaid." Mr. Samuel Aldersey was
chosen Treasurer for this company of undertakers.
" It was also ordered by the Court, that the vnder*
takers should provyde a sufficient nomber of shipps
of good force for transporting of passingers at the rate
of £5 a person, and £4 a tonn for goods, which
shalbe ready to sett sail from London, by the first day
of March, and that if any passingers bee to take shipp
at the Isle of Wight, the shipps shall stopp there 24
howers, and that all such as intend to pass over, shall
giue in their names, with 40/ towards their fraight, to
one of the said vndertakers abyding in London, on
the Michaes tearme before the 20lh of Fe!\at. io>\»^«
Jngr, and shall giue securitie for the xesX ol i^ii^
146 MAGAZINE. TRADE.
fraight, as they can agree with the said vndertakers,
ether for mony to bee paid heere, or for comoditie to
bee deliuered in the Plantacon: ffurther, it was agreed,
that for the transportacon of children, this rate shalbe
kept, viz : sucking children not to bee reckoned; such
as vnder 4 yeares of age, 3 for one ; vnder 8, 2 for
one, vnder 12, 3 for 2. And that a shipp of 200 tonn
shall not carry aboue 120 passengers compleate, and
soe of other shipps after the same proporcon. And
for goods homewards, the fraight shalbe for beauer
£3 per tonn, and for other comodities 40/ per tonn,
and such as will haue their goods assured shall pay
£5 per C. Concerning the magazine, it is likewise
agreed, that the vndertakers should furnish the Plan-
tacon with all such comodities, as they shall send for,
and the Planters to take them off and retaile them at
their pleasure, allowing the vndertakers £25 in the
hundred aboue all charges, and the Planters to haue
liberty to dispose of their part of the beauer at their
owne will, and every man may fetch or send for any
comoditie for his owne vse, where or how hee please,
soe as hee trade not with interlopers, soe long as hee
may bee furnished suffitiently by the adventurers at
the rates aforesaid." As to other regulations, the
Court empower the undertakers to make such, as
need may require, which are to continue at the plea-
sure of the former body. " Provyded alwayes, that
if those, that intend to inhabite vpon the Plantacon,
shall, before the first of January next, take vpon them
all the said engagments and other charges of the
ioynt stock, then the power and J)riueledges of the
vndertakers to determine, and all trade, etc., to bee
free."
JOINT STOCK. DISCUSSION. REFEREES. 147
Dec. 15. "Mr. Deputie caused to bee read the
acts and orders, made at the last Generall Court of the
30th of November, which beinge of great consiquence,
as, namely, for setling the joynt stock and managing
of the whole business, it was desired the same should
receive confirmacon by this Court ; vpon debate
wherof, some excepcons were taken by those who
had doubled their adventures, conceiving themselves
to bee wronged in hauing both their somes drawne
downe to soe lowe a rate as one-third part, alleadinge
that the second some was paid in vpon a proposicon
of trade, which went not forward, and not as vnto
the ioynt stock for the Plantacon. This business
received a large discussion, and Capt. Waller and Mr.
Yassall were content to giue the first £50 to the
Plantacon, soe as their other £50 might goe on wholy
in this new stock ; but forasmuch as this concerned
divers others, who were in the same case, and that it
could not bee done without alteracon of the act made
the 30th of November, which was done by a Generall
Court vpon mature and deliberate consideracon, and
the vndertakers would not continue their said vnder-
taking but vpon the same conditions, which were
then propounded and concluded on, — this Court in
conclusion, put it to the question, and by ereccon of
hands, every particuler of the former Court was raty-
fied and confirmed. And the matter in difference
with them, who had doubled their adventures, being
noe more to each of them then between £50 and
£33 : 6 : 8, was by mutuall consent referred to the
three ministers heere present, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Nye,
and Mr. Archer, who are to reconcile the sama be-
tweene the new rndertakers and them.'*
148 MORTALITY. JOINT AND COMMON STOCK.
Though the colonists here had reason to be en-
couraged by movements of the Company at home ;
still the signs among themselves were cheerless and
depressing. As the winter approached, disease ^ and
mortality continued their dreadful work. Nearly
one-half of their number* died. Among them wai
the Ruling Elder, Henry Haughton. Such a re-
peated event was enough to have driven ordinary
adventurers from the shores, which breathed pestilence
and death. But the afflicted survivors continued firm
and hoped for better days. While they looked, in
imagination, to the more healthy residences of Eng*
land, others were earnestly engaged in preparing to
move thence, and become partakers with them in the
trials of a new country. Many are glad in the heri-
tage purchased by their hardships. Few would pay
its price.
GENKRAL COURT AT MR. GOFFE'S HOUSE IN LONDON.
1630. Feb. 10. " flforasmuch as the furtherance
of the Plantacou will necessarylie require a great and
continuall charge, which cannot with convenyence
bee defrayed out of the ioynt stock of the Company,
which is ordained for the maintenance of the trade,
without endangering the same to bee wasted and
exhausted, it was therefore propounded, that a com-
mon stock should bee raysed from such as beare good
afiecon to the Plantacon and the propagacon therof,
and the same to bee employed only in defrayment of
publique charges, as maintenance of ministers, trans-'
> ThM mekntm appeari to have beea iir^pMrtpd to Um inliabitantt^by
ibe passengers, who arrWed in the summeT. ^nnce^ ^. 193.
' Governor Dadley^a leileT to the Couii\»n ^ lAuockYci.
LAND FOR MONET SUBSCRIBED AND PAID. 140
portacon of poore famylyes, bnildeing of churcbei
and ffortyfycaconsj and all other publique and necea*
sary occasions of the Plantacon, and the Court doe
thinke fitt and order 200 acres of land shalbe allotted
for every 50 lb. and soe proportionable for what somet
shalbe brought in by any to this purpose. And Mr.
(jreorge Harwood is chosen Treasurer for this accom^
of the common stock, which he accepted of, who is
to receive all such money as shalbe by a&y sent in,
and to issue out the same vpon warrant vnder the
hands of any 2 or more of the vndertakers. And
it is further agreed on and ordered, that an order bee
drawne vpp and published vnder the scale of the
Company, to signifie and declare to what vses all
such monyes, as are giuen to the common stock shalbe
employed, and what land shalbe allotted to each man,
that giues thervnto, as well for the satisfaccon as the
incouragment of others to soe laudable and charitable
a worke, and it was further taken into consideracon
and ordered, that this allottment or devision of land
shall not preiudice the right of any the adventurers,
who are to haue ^ land and haue not yett the same
allotted out vnto them, nor vnto those, whose land is
already sett out according to the former order and
direccon of this Court, yett nevertheless, i* is further
agreed, that if for good and weighty reasons and fof
the benefitt of the plantacon in generall, there i^albe
occasion to alter any particuler man's allottment, the
said party is to haue such due recompence for the
same as in the wisdome of the Gouernor and Com-
pany there resident, shalbe thought reasonable and
expedient. Mocon was made on the behalfe of Sit
14
150 SIR WILLIAM BREWERTOBTS CLAIlt
William Brewerton, who by vertue of a late Pftttenf;
pretends right and tytle to some part of the land with-
in the Companye's priuiledges and Platitacon in New
England, yett nevertheless hee intends not to contest
with the Company, but desires, that a proportionable
quantitie of land might bee allotted vnto him for the
accomodacon of his people and servaifts now to bee
sent over, which request the Court taking into due
consideracoh, doe not thinke fitt to enter into any
particuler cappitulacon with him therin nor to sett
out any allottment of land for him more than 600
acres, hee is to haue by vertue of his adventure in
the ioynt stock, nor to acknowledg any thing due
vnto him £is of right by vertue of his said Pattent nor
to giue any consideracon in case hee should relinquish
his pretended right, but they are well content hee
should ioyne with them in the prosecucon of this
business according to their Charter and doe promise
in the meane tyme that such servants as hee shall
send over to inhabite vpon the Plantacon shall receive
all courteous respect and bee accomodated with land
and what els shalbe necessary, as other the servants
of the Company; which answere was deliuered vnto
those, that were sent from him and the Court desired
also that Capt. Waller and Mr. Eaton would signifie
the Companye's affection and due respect vnto him,
hee hauing written to them about this business."
The Court agreed to the settlement of Messrs. John
and SamueP Brown's claim for damages in their
> In the foTmer edition of this work, p. 38-9, the Messrs. Browns
were supposed to have come back and lived here. One reason for
tbt8 WBBf that a John Brown resid*'d in Salem a few jears after their
difEculliea, Bui from other conrnderaxVonB, \\. \« WVieV^} ^Uiat this person
wat not one of them and thai they did noV i«V.atu ViwViftT,
THE ll£ADL£*8 SALARY. SIR BRIAN JANSON. 151
property at Naumkeag, — ^by means of two referees.
<^ Mr. Roger Ludlow was now chosen and sworn an
assistant in the room of Mr. Samuell Sharpe, who by
reason of his absence had not taken the oath.''
Twenty Nobles were ordered for Humphry SealOi
the Beadle, as his salary ending at Christmas, to be
paid from the joint stock.
COURT OF ASSISTANTS AT SOUTHAMPTON.
March 18. " It was ordered and concluded by
ereccon of hands, that Sir Brian Janson, Kt., Mr.
William Coddington and Mr. Simon Bradstreet, gent.,
shalbe chosen in the roomes and places of Assistants
of Mr. Nathaniell Wright, merchant, Mr. Theophilus
Eaton and Mr. Thomas Goff, of London, merchants."
Sir Brian Janson took his oath before the Governor
and Mr. Dudley the same day, and Messrs. Codding-
ton and Bradstreet on the 23d, before the Governor,
Mr. Dudley and other assistants.
COURT OF ASSISTANTS ON BOARD THE ARBELLA.
March 23. " Mr. John Humfrey in regard hee
was to stay behinde in England, was discharged of
his deputyshipp, and Mr. Thomas Dudley chosen
deputy in his place."
Here close our records of Massachusetts Company's
Courts ^ on the other side of the Atlantic. They
have been adduced to throw light on the beginnings
of this community. Con them. They bear no im-
press of peculation, which soiled the registers of the
> Aceording to the deposition of Richard BnLckenbuTy,\Vie«e Cow(V%^
when Mr. EadicoU was about to embark for this conuVrj « iv^t^ ^BM^%
"/a Cane well Streete ia London,"
in REPORTS^DESIGN OF THE COLONISTS.
South Sea Corporation. They exhibit more attractir<?
traits of humanity, higher aims of moral obligation,
and a further reach into endless realities, than the
commercial acts of the far-famed East India Associar
tions in Europe. They contain transactions, which
•-^however wearing, when first penned, the aspect of
uncertainty, attendant on every new enterprise — have
given rise to results of momentous relation to the
temporal and eternal interests of our race. Like the
VcroU of Israel's covenant to them, — they should be
precious in our eyes.
PARTING ADDRESS.
April 7. An address^ from Governor Winthrop
and others,*^ on board the Arbella, at Yarmouth, is
made to their brethren in the Church of England.
The object of it was to request the prayers of such
Christians for a divine blessing on the Colony, and to
remove suspicions from their minds, concerning the
motives and purposes of the emigrants. It appears to
have had in view the reports of Messrs. Browns and
others, as though the design of the Colonists was to
counteract the civil and ecclesiastical authorities of
England. Its language is, << howsoever your charitie
may have met with some occasion of discouragement
through the misreport of our intentions, or through
the disaffection, or indiscretion of some of us, or
rather amongst us; for wee are not of those, that
» Habbard*8 New England, p. Fines, and George Phillips.—with
126, which imputes this Address two etceteras in the printed ma-
tothepen of the Rev. John White, count, which are piobabljr substi-
* Their names were Richard tutes for more subscribers to the
BUtonMiaJL iaaigc Johnson, Thoa. oh|rvuiV ^^4i«w.
Dadiey, Wm. Coddington, Chas.
APPEAL TO THE CLERGY. ]5S
dreame of perfection in this world ; yet wee desire
you would be pleased to take notice of the principals
and body of our Company, as those who esteeme it
our honour to call the Church of England, from
whence we rise, our deare mother, and cannot part
from our native Countrie, where she specially resideth,
without much sadness of heart and many tears in our
eyes." This is the expression of patriotic and Chris-
tian affection, which adorns character in any period,
clime and condition. Though the consequent, as
well as previous action of its authors was made the
target of strenuous conformists, no doubt it was a
sincere oblation on the common altar of benevolence.
The address appeals to the Clergy ; — " It is an usuall
and laudable exercise of your charity, to commend
to the prayers of your Congregations the necessities
and straights of your private neighbours. Doe the
like for a Church springing out of your owne
bowells." This was a proper request. Hard as it is
for human selfishness to call down blessings on any
body, — who break over its restrictions, — the duty
should be done against all the cabals of its resisting
propensities. The communication engages, that its
signers will do for their brethren in England, what
they so ask for themselves, when, as their words
are, " we shall be in our poor cottages in the wilder-
nesse, overshadowed with the spirit of supplication,
through the manifold necessities and tribulations,
which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we hope,
unprofitably befall us." These thoughts shadow
forth the anticipation of exceeding hardships and a
noble purpose to meet them in the onV^ nj^'^ ^1
24 #
104 CX)NSPiRACT. DUTIES OF COLONISTS.
duty-*-of peace and benefit to the soul— and of se-
curing the elevated objects of the enterprise.
INDIAN CONSPIRACY.
April and May. The colonists, here and elsewhere,
are alarmed by the report,^ that most of the Indians,
from Narraganset to the eastward, had laid a plan to
destroy the English. John, the Sagamore at Mystic,
exposed their design. The first point of their in-
tended attack was upon Plymouth. Governor Brad*
ford dispatched a boat to Salem for ammunition. The
people of Charlestown built a fort to defend them-
selves. Their records say, in reference to the un-
friendly natives of this quarter, '^ the people at Salem,
shooting off their great guns to clear them, the report
BO terrifies the Indians, that they disperse and run
away. This plot obliges us to be in continual arms."
GOV. WINTHROP ON BENEVOLENCE.
On his passage to Salem, Governor Winthrop em-
ployed his thoughts in penning an excellent treatise'
on Christiian Charity. His chief object in so rational
an employment, was to prepare himself and associates
for the duties and trials of their pilgrimage. Having
discussed the properties df so elevated a virtue, he
applies it to the enterprise of the colonists. Relative
to this undertaking, he considers the persons, work,
end and means. Of the first, he remarks, — "Wee
are a company, professing ourselves fellow members
of Christ, in which respect onely, though wee were
absent from each other many miles, and had our im-
' CbwhsiowB Kecords. * ^wa. B^ax. C^\l, ^ %,n ^ . ^ ^.
PRINCIPLES OF BENEVOLENCE^ ISS
ployments as farre distant, yet wee ought to account
ourselves knitt together by this bond of loue, and Hue
in the exercise of it, if wee would have comforte of
our being in Christ" Of the second, — »< It is by a
mutuall consent, through a speciail overvaluing ^
Providence, and a more than ordinary approbation of
the churches of Christ, to seeke out a place of co-
habitation and consorteshipp under a due form of
Grovernment both ciuill and ecclesiasticall. In such
cases as this, the care of the publique must oversway
all private respects, by which, not only consciencOi
but meare civill pollicy, dothe binde us. For it is a
true rule, that particular estates cannot subsist in the
ruin of the publique." Of the third, — " The end is
to improve our lives to doe more service to the Lord ;
the comforte and encrease of the body of Christe,
whereof we are members ; that ourselves and posterity
may be the better preserued from the common cor-
ruptions of this evill world, to serve the Lord and
worke out our salvation under the power and purity
of his holy ordinances." Of the fourth, — " They
are two-fold, a conformity with the worke and end
wee aime at. These wee see are extraordinary,
therefore wee must not content ourselves with usuall
ordinary meanes. Whatsoever wee did, or ought to
have done, when wee liued in England, the same
must we doe, and more allsoe, where wee goe. That
which the most in theire churches mainetaine a^
truthe in profession onely, wee must bring into fa-
miliar and constant practise." Noble sentiments;
strictly in accordance with the necessities, obligations,
and interests of men ! When will the whoW oi ova
' Probably overruling in the OT\g>iMiA.
156 ARRIVAL OF THE ARBELLA AT SALEM.
race imbibe their lofty spirit — and act more for
heaven than earth ! The principles, so inculcated,
and the practice of its author upon them, deserve, in
the eye of real desert, as explained by OmnisciencOy
a richer crown, and should receive a higher reward,
than all other temporal greatness. Common consent
may array the deeds of unsanctified genius, and the
success of vicious ambition, with its brightest robes, —
but the hand of everlasting truth will tear them
away, and expose the deformity which they attempt
to cover.
ARRIVAL OF EMIGRANTS.
June 12. After a long passage, from the 29th of
March, the author of the preceding sentiments saw
Salem,^ as the port of destination, and reached an
anchorage inside of Baker's island. He came in the
Arbella * of 360 tons, 62 seamen, and 28 guns, com-
manded by Peter Milborne. Three ^ other ships
sailed with heV, leaving seven ^ more at Hampton.
While at anchor, the Arbella was visited by the noted
Captain, William Peirce, of the ship Lion, then in the
harbor. The call of this Palinurus of our colonial
seas, must have been welcome to the newly arrived
emigrants. He soon came ashore and carried off
Messrs. Endecott, Skelton and Levett, to take part in
the mutual congratulations of the occasion. On the
return of these, after a few hours, they were accom-
' Winthrop's Joarnal, v. 1, p. the first commanded by John
25—27. Lowe, second by Nicholas Hurls-
* Said by Johnson to have been ton, and third by Thos. Beecher.
the Eagle, and named in lionor of * Charles, Mayflower, William
Jady Arbella Johnson. Wonder and Francis, Hopewell, Whalei
Workiag Pror, ch. 14, p. 29. Eacceaa, «ku4 Tim.
'Ambrose, Jewel f and Talbot,
EMIGRATION. SOCIAL FREEDOM. 157
panied by some of the passengers. Speaking of this
visit, so full of novel impressions and kind greetings,
Governor Winthrop thus expresses himself : " We
that were of the Assistants and some other gentlemen,
and some of the women, and our captain, returned
with them to Nahumkeek, where we supped with a
good venison pasty and good beer, and at night we
returned to our ship, but some of the women stayed
behind." He adds, — "In the mean time, most of
our people went on shore upon the land of Cape Ann,
which lay very near us, and gathered store of fine
strawberries.^' Pleasant introduction to a new coun-
try.
June 14. After the solemnities of the preceding
Sabbath, the Arbella was warped into the harbor.
Most of the emigrants left her under a parting salute
of five cannon. Happy exchange of confined ship*
board for the green earth and true welcome of coun-
trymen. The Jewel, which arrived on Sunday,
added her appearance with that of her busy crew and
passengers, to render the scene still more varied and
pleasing. These vessels were the precursors of
others, which landed passengers at different places.
It was not long ere the tide of emigration, so hope-
fully setting towards our shores, received a check.
Having finished his voyage, Mr. Winthrop entered
on his duties, as chief magistrate of the colony.
Though the civil power thus came to his hands, yet
the principles of his administration were like those,
which had directed the course of Mr. Endicott. The
spirit of liberty, contained in the charter brought by
the former, was the same, which breathed m \\^ Xi^sv*
scnptj previously received and followed by X)aft\^VV«t,
158 CAPITAL. SICKNESS. WANT OF FOOD.
The commencement of legislation, which was to
have an important part in promoting the social free-
dom, that has spread and is still spreading in the
world, began at Naumkeag under Endicott, and was
continued by his worthy successor.
No doubt, on the arrival of the new government at
Salem, there was a strong desire of its inhabitants,
that it might be continued as the capital of the colony.
But it was soon evident, that they would be disap-
pointed.
DISTRESS OF THE COLONISTS.
June 14 The last emigrants ^ found the inhabi-
tants here in a wretched condition. They saw a
large number of them weak and sick. They came
in season to relieve them from the horrors of ap-
proaching famine. Even provisions, by such a sup-
ply, was far from being abundant. There was only
enough for a few weeks. Of 180 servants in the
colony, whom the Company had sent over two years
before, at great cost, the remainder came to those,
recently arrived, and entreated for food. But, how-
ever so affectingly addressed, the latter were con-
strained to deny, lest their own stores should be
consumed. The supplies, put up for these suffering
settlers, had been left behind. The authorities, being
unable to maintain them, were under the necessity of
ordering, that they have their liberty and provide for
themselves.
The settlers who came last to Salem, were dissat-
isfied with it, as their permanent place of abode.
They consulted accordingly. A. party were sent^ to
' Gorernot Dudley's Letter. * ^^^^ ^'^ •
ANOTHER CAPITAL BOUGHT. 159
discover a more suitable location. On their return/
they spoke highly of a situation on Mystic river.
There was a dissent from this, which terminated in
the decision to settle on Charles river.
LETTER OF DR. FULLER.
June 28. In a communication^ of Dr. Samuel
Puller to Mr. Bradford, he remarks, that Governor
Winthrop and others, lately arrived at Salem, " are
resolved to sit down at the head of Charles river."
He states, that some individuals are unfriendly to
Plymouth. His language denotes, that these persons
endeavored to prejudice Mr. Winthrop against the
same colony; — ^but that he still appeared well disposed
towards the authorities there. The cause of such
alienation was probably the suspicion, that the Ply-
mouth church had too much of Brownism in its polity.
Dr. Fuller represents Mr. Endicott as giving no coun-
tenance to management of this kind. He calls him,
<< my dear friend and a friend to us all ; is a second
Burrow ; the Lord establish him and us all in every
good way of truth." Well for the union of two
religious colonies, destined to exert a great and salu-
tary influence, that there were leading men in both
of them, who calmed the fomentations of bigoted
zeal, and promoted the course of truth on a peaceful
current.
HENRY WINTHROP DROWNED.
While many of those recently arrived, were busy
in preparing to live amid new scenes, they receive a
> Jt ne 19.
'Bisdford'g Letter Book. Mnw. HUt. CoU, 1. 1, 'f. ^,^.1^.
160 GOVERNOR WINTHROP'S SON DROWNED.
solemn monition ^ of their mortality, in the soddea
death of a promising young man. This was a son of
Governor Winthrop. He had been prevented from
coming with his father. But as soon as practicable,
he followed. Among the objects which caused his
bitterest sorrow in leaving his native land, was the
wife of his ardent affection. Prompted by duty, he
forsook the dearest attractions of home, to bcave the
perilj of distant, savage climes.
. He reached the harbor of Salem, July 1st, in the
ship Talbot. Though he had witnessed the sea*
burial of fourteen among her passengers, yet he little
thought, that, with the promised enjoyments of land-
ing and living on the soil of his intended residence
just within his grasp, they would utterly elude his
touch. The day succeeding his arrival, he hastens on
shore. His eye already dances with delight, as it
falls on the gathering to welcome his approach. But
it soon closes, in a watery grave, no more to gaze on
human or earthly concerns. His afflicted parent, in
writing to his wife a fortnight after, thus gives vent
to his chastened grief. " We have met with many
sad and discomfortable things, as thou shalt hear
after ; and the Lord's hand hath been heavy upon
myself in some very near to me. My son, Henry I
my son, Henry ! ah ! poor child ! Yet it grieves me
more for my dear daughter. The Lord strengthen
and comfort her heart, to bear this cross patiently. I
know thou will not be wanting to her in this distress.
Yet for all these things (I praise my God) I am not
discouraged ; nor do I see cause to repent or despair
THANKSGIVING. REMOVAL. LADT ARBELLA« 161
of those good days here, which will make amends for
all."
July 8. In view of relief, afforded by the last
emigrants, to their brethren in distress, and of the
preservation, experienced by the former on the oceani
a day ^ of general thanksgiving is observed. To*
gether they mingled their oblations of gratitude to
Him, who was able to make all their changes termi-
nate in good.
In accordance with their purpose to relinquish
Salem, as the seat of legislation, Governor Winthrop
and others have their goods reshipped and brought *
to Charlestown. Here news was related, that the
French intended to attack the colonists. Many of
the emigrants were sick with fevers and scurvy so
that the ordnance and baggage could be carried no
further. These considerations led to a change of
purpose, and to a dispersion of the company, who had
concluded to form a town three leagues up Charles
river.
While things remained so unsettled, "the lady
Arbella and some other godly women aboad^ at
Salem."
REASONS FOR CHANGE OF CAPITAL.
At this juncture, varied was the prospect of the
colonists. But clouds, far more than a clear sky,
hung over them. Had mere earthly aims brought
them thus far, they would have turned back and for-
saken the coasts of toil, difficulty, peril and distress.
* Winthrop, 1 v. p. 29. ' Johnson, part 1, p. 37.
* This was before July 16.
16
IHB REASONS FOR CHANGE OF CAPITAL.
But iheir vision pierced the heavens end rested on
immutable promise and divine approbation. Thus
-they were each enabled to gather strength, far more
essential for their enterprise, than all the physical
power of a Hercules. So upheld, they looked at the
question of relinquishing Naumkeag, as the capital, with
an eye of conscientious duty. For the decision, given
to it, there were evident reasons. The comparative de-
ficiencies of this settlement in high and airy location ;
in soil for extensive and thrifty agriculture ; in water
for numerous and heavy ships, and in centrality of po-
sition, were of such a class. To these were probably
added, the desire to obtain a place of greater capability
'for safe fortification and one nearer the disputed terri-
tory of GK)rges, so that it might be retained by Massa-
chusetts proprietors. However satisfactory arguments
of this kind may have been to those swayed by them.
Still the separation, in view of its results, was far from
being pleasant to those, who remained upon the pre-
. mises. The latter emigrants had selected their quotas
of land and their sites for domicils, with the hope,
that this spot would be continued as the metropolis of
the colony. The recent arrival of the principal
charter and many passengers, — the assurance, that
the two administrations of the Company were amal-
gamated, for ought they knew, would give a powerful
impulse to their own community. But their expecta-
tion was disappointed, and their accession proved
diminution.
When informed that those, who had gone out from
them, were disconcerted in their plan by reports of
foreign invaders, the thought may have risen in their
minds, that such adversity wo\j\^ xe^gaSa VJaavt \a8ft-
FIRST SETTLERS. 103
But the dawn of a better experience, was evanescent.
No movement was made to readopt this town as the
seat of legislation. Hence Conant and his fellow-
pioneers, who selected it as highly favorable to sustain
such a relation, and Endicott with his friends, who
alike responded to its being so constituted, were con*
strained to give up their fond wishes, that it might
long be the radiating point of emigration — the source
of trade, wealth, law and influence. Still, knowing
that obligation demanded individual predilections and
interests to be waved for the greater public benefit|
they bowed in submission, and continued their efforts
to advance the common weal. They needed no
Charistfan festival to reconcile them with dissenting
countrymen. Worthy example ! To those of other
aims, it gives the severe rebuke —
*' What wretched ends on curst ambition wait."
To those of congenial motives, it issues the in-
junction—
** Ne'er from the golden mean of virtue bend.'*
May the like manly thought, the same elevated prin-
ciples and noble purposes of our pilgrim fathers, be
equally influential over every successive generation
of their descendants.
FIRST SETTLERS.
For the satisfaction of those who love to review
the names of such emigrants as took part in the early
concerns of Salem, and knew, from experience, the
difficulties attendant on a new settlement — ^the en-
suing lists are presented. Before, however, ^^ ^ton
eeed to give them, it may not be amiss lo \ooVLiv»V>RKt
164 ORIGIN OF NAMES. DU CANGE.
back on some facts with which they have a counec*
tioD. In the former periods of the world, each person
had but one name. Subsequently, as occasion seemed
to require, this number was increased. In nations,
both ancient and modem, names were applied to in-
dividuals, as expressive of parental good wishes for
children ; of some particular event, place, office, and
trade ; of physical, intellectual and moral qualities.
Names were, also, thus appropriated, as significant of
the winds, colors, animals and other things. The
Romans and other nations considered a person's name
as having much influence on his course and experi-
ence of life. Hence their proverb, " a good name, a
good omen." The Christian name, as is well known,
was so designated, because applied to children when
christened or baptized. It was used to distinguish
an individual. Surnames began to be adopted in
England about 1050. They were not popular among
the great mass of the inhabitants there till about
1307. Tillet maintained, that they were given as
sobriquets or nicknames. But Camden, with much
more argument, held that they were applied for the
reasons just mentioned. Du Cange stated, that the
term, surname (the sur meaning over) was so denom-
inated, because, when first used in Europe, it was
placed above the Christian name. Such a term was
employed to signify families. The different masters
of England — as the ancient Britons, who used per-
sonal appellations to express the colors of the paint,
put on themselves ; the Romans ; the Anglo-Saxons,
who introduced German names ; the Danes, and the
Normans, who increased the German vocabulary, —
left their respective words to be -jteseiN^ oix w^x.^^
TITLES OF MR. AND GOODMAN. 165
their successors preferred. Soon after the Norman
conquest, the English, for the most part, dispensed
with the Roman and Danish names, and incorporated,
with their first names of German origin, those from
the Scriptures. In accordance with this custom, the
settlers of Salem had their Christian names chiefly
derived, and their surnames mostly, from the occasions
previously specified. But the practice of assigning
personal appellations was observed by them, in gen-
eral, as by their descendants, without any particular
attention to the causes of their being originally em-
ployed. The lists of our ancestors show, that a por-
tion of their surnames have ceased from the first
bounds of Naumkeag, while many others have suc-
ceeded them. They also furnish the fact, that no
middle names had yet been chosen by them. Many
of the ancient surnames have undergone no small
change in their orthography.
The titles of Mr. and Goodman, as applied by our
fathers, call for a passing notice. They were derived
from England. A writer ^ makes the ensuing obser-
vations. " As for gentlemen, they be made good-
cheap in England ; for whosoever studieth the laws
of the realm, who studieth in the universities, who
professeth liberal sciences, and to be short, who can
live idly and without manual labor, and will bear the
port, charge and countenance of a gentleman, he shall
be called Master, for that is the title which men give
to Esquires and other gentlemen." "Yeomen are
next to the nobility, knights and squires. This sort
' BniUi*! Conu»oaw«iltk of EngjLuiA.
15 ♦
166 ADMISSION OF INHABITANTS.
of people are not gentlemen, but for the most part
farmers to gentlemen, and by grazing, frequenting
markets, etc., do come to such wealth, that they are
able to buy the lands of unthrifty gentlemen, and
after setting their sons to the universities, to the laws,
etc., do make their sons gentlemen. Yeomen are not
called masters, but to their simame, men add good-
man," and in law, they add yeoman. In our colony,
the title of Mr. or Master, was applied to captains, and
sometimes mates of vessels ; to military captains ; to
eminent merchants ; to schoolmasters, doctors, magis-
trates, and clergymen ; to persons who had received
a second degree at college, and who had been made
freemen. The wives and daughters of masters, were
called Mrs. To be deprived of the Mr. was considered
a grievous loss of cast. An instance of this kind
occurred in 1631, when the Court of Assistants took
such a title from an individual for immoral conduct.
Goodman was prefixed to the surnames of such as
were not denominated masters. The help>meets of
these persons were called good wives. Such appella-
tions were less frequent after 1650 than before.
Both parties, in* order that their example and titles_
might harmonize, must have felt bound to walk up-
rightly.
Another item lays claim to our attention. It refers
to the admission of inhabitants. Salem authorities,
like those of other ancient towns, were more strict,
in this particular, under the first charter than subse-
quently. Some who applied for residence among
them, were denied and warned away. Others were
accepted on trial, on condition of bringing their wives
jOvm abroad, and of obtaining «at\a&9iJ(:XoT^ ^x^di^atials
FIRST S£TTLERS.
167
as to their membership in churches, or good moral
character. Fines were not unfrequently obtained of
individuals, more hospitable than observant of legal
restrictions, for entertaining strangers without leave
from the municipal officers.
ABBilEVIlTIONS.
The first of our proposed lists will contain names not found
on the church records, down to 1651. For the convenience of
noting particulars relative to individuals mentioned on the lists,
— a collection far more laborious than entertaining to an en-
tirely romantic taste, — some abbreviations will be employed.
Namely, a, signifies arrived at iSalein ; 6. resident here before
the year given ; c. c. came with Roger Conant ; c. e. came with
Mr. Endicott; c,f. came in the fleet of 1629 ; d./, desired to be
freemen in 1630 ; g, L granted land by Salem authorities ; g, i, c.
grant of land confirmed ;' m. mentioned as of this place ; m. c.
member of the first church ; m. /. made freeman ; mr, made
freemen subsequent to the years standing on a line with the
names, and r. i. received as inhabitants. The numerical years,
to the right of the persons designated, are the dates when they
are known, or appear to have begun their abode in this settle-
ment It is probable that
the time assigned to them
records given details of na
less uncertainty on this po
lot a few of them lived here before
as being of Salem. Had our town
nes prior to 1634, there would be
nt.
Abby, John g. I.
Adams, Richard m.
AdamSf Robert g. I.
Aimedoune, Roger g. L
Alfbrd, Wm. mr.
Babson, Isabel g. I.
Baker, Robert g, I.
Barber, Wra. g. I.
Baitoll, John m.
Baxter, Daniel g. /.
Bay ley, Guy do g. I.
Bayley, Henry g. I.
Beard, Thomas, Mr. c.f.
Beaumont, John m.
Beere. Philip g. Z. c
Belknap, Joseph m.
Bemaii, Wm. m,
Bennet, Henry m.
Bennet, John nt.
Bennet, Rieliard g: I,
Meabet, Wm. g, /.
637
637
6:te
637
635
637
637
()39
648
639
644
638
629
640
637
644
637
630
()33
636
m.
9n.
Berry, Christopher
Best, John
Bixby, Thomas m.
Blancher, (widow) g, Lc,
Blomfield, Henry m.
Boggiist, John m.
Bourne, John g. I.
Bo wd itch, Wm. g, I,
Bo wen, Thomas m.
Brand, Thomas c.f.
Brately, John m.
Bridgeman, John m.
Brittell, John g. I,
Brown, Hugh e. e.
Brown, John e.f.
Brown, Samuel * c.j,
Bryan, (widow) g. L
Br van t, Thomas m.
Baifum, Roberl m%
Bullock, Henry _ g. U
Burdet, Georgb^Be^ g.V.
1640
1()38
1636
1638
lt>38
1630
1637
1643
1648
1629
1638
1637
1637
1628
1629
1629
1639
1642
\^^
Bafd»1). Henrj
«./.
1638
Dodg.. Willi.m. Mr.
«./.
ISB
Bnrro*!, John
g-l-
lti37
Downing, ThPophilu
Diantr. Nicholas
gi-
i6e
Bnntnw, Anlbonj
1637
rt-
1637
Burton. Jobn
gA.
1037
DrcaBer. Samuel
M.
1638
Bur wood, Thomij
1640
Enstj, J.ffiy
gi-
1637
BoibiKll, Jotan
g.i.
IIB?
Eboine, Samuel
ft-
leaB
Bushnell. Francii
1639
Kdea, Wiliiaai
cf.
leuo
Buxton, Anlbony
gA.
lli37
*■/■
ieS9
Billion, Tboniu
](i39
Edaon, Sdmnel
r-t-
1639
C.n«-rbnrj. Willisra
C»rr,Nicbnl«
gt-
1639
Edn-arda, Rice
g-i-
1643
g.t.
1637
Eirord, John
m.
1636
Ctiidwell, Thomu
16:t7
Eliton, John
1631
Chirlei, Wlllium
g^'
1637
Kvitead, Riehud
e.J.
)6!9
ChicketinB. Henry
g.L
I64U
Fairfield, Uioiel
1649
1648
Fan, George «r
'■/-
lew
China, George
Chnbt, Thoin«
t.l.e.
1638
FelloD, Beiij.* Mr
g-t.
1636
163G
Fi-rnia. lieniunin
1640
Chuaiunre. BLchird
1^
Fi.k, John »u-
g*^
1637
Clark, Arlbur
«./.
1640
rintiiiBn. TliomBi t»r
gt-
1637
Cliik, Wlllmm mr
d/f.
ItElO
Fhnl. William
1615
Cliydon. BHrni.hu
'/■
ma
Fn>iie, Pascha
g-t-
1637
Clajdiin, Bichara
<,y.
j(i3n
Franklin, goodoian
1646
Clud. iiiHHlwire
1647
Freeman, mr. m.
1636
Cwk, Richard,
m.
1645
Friend, John w
gt.
1637
Cod man, Robert
rt.
1U37
Fryir, ThmMi
i.l.
]fi»
Coitr Jolin r- 1, c.
wa
Fuller, Robert wr. m.
1S»
Colbourno, Samuel
'4.
]6:17
Gaily, John
g-l-
1637
C<M, Robert «t
IffilO
Guilner, John
g.t
1643
Cole, Thomu
gi-
)649
Gardner, Jowph
g.i.
1649
Collin*, John
g.i.
1613
Gardner, Richard
g I.
1643
Comjn., Wjlllom «i-
gi-
1C37
Gardner, San.uel
g t-
1649
Con<dihr; Johu
e-^-
1640
Uatcliell.John
1637
Cnniint, ftoser, Jr.*
Conyer.. Allen mr
gi-
IG40
Gilrhell, Sanmet g. t. c.
1638
'g.i.
1639
Gerry, Ilpnry
1648
Cook, Henry
g.i.
103^
Gd.l.milh.Thomaaa'
I. b.
1643
Corniih, 8>mufl
gi-
16:17
Goodall. Robert
g-l-
1637
Corn«h, Samuel, Jr.
Cornhill. 8«.nuel
i6as
m]
l<i4l
Grafton, Jow-ph '
g'i.
1637
Car win. Georre n
I6:<8
GraClon, Joihua
1649
Cory, Oylei
s i
1649
GrnniMT, llrvan
1637
Coti, Robert
m.f.
HOS
Orav.-a, Richard
g i-
1637
Cfomwpll, Philip
1647
Grave-.. Thoini.8l(i./."e./.
1699
Gurtia, Zachcui
g"t.
1646
Grfly,TI.»,.,aal
lOH
Curwilhen, David
]&M
GrcenRrld, Snmiiel
gt.
1(97
D.lib»r,J™?ph
«■ '-
164tl
Green way. Richard
Growr, Edward
g.i.
1637
Daniels, Alice, Hn.
gi-
1637
m.
1«33
Dam, tuao
m.
1637
<!oppy, Robert
1647
Dael^ WniiBid
gl-
1639
Hackn.rd. William
g-l-
1637
1630
HaiireU. Henrv
H.ri7Jobn
g.l
1049
D.ke, Anthony
m.f.
ie:ii
jwa
Dike, (widow)
16.10
Dili, Geoicre
g^l-
1639
• eo~>rM...Gn«.PaiiM.
J>iif, Tbomaa
g.L
16S7
tB<»aimttaChatlM<>*a.
\ . t.'^Tl«K* « ^ '■^
v«k«Vmf
• 71* AM »on oUU ii flataia.
FIRST SETTLERS.
HtDMomhe, Thomu
Httbert, Jobn
Hardy, John i
Hard/, Jobn, Jr.
HuTii, George
Hami. William
Hukpll, Roj
HaughUi
RoBi-r
ID, tfenryW-C
Haywitd. NLchola. g. I-
Hpr*»n. Chriitopher g- 1-
HewlfU, Mr, m
Hi?Eiiisoii,F., Re». 1* c. ef.
HireiQ«.ii, J. .nr.m «.(./.
HlgeiDS' Alexand'r fW- gl-
Hin; John g-l-
HottiriiaD, Ezrkiel g. i.
Hollingworlli, Richard jT- 1.
Hull, JoKpIl
HuUiDC, Oba
Hu.
Lereh.John, Jr.* g.L
Lrach, Rnhtrt mr. g. I.
I^ccb, RIchanI g. I.
LMda, Richard mr. g. L
Lrgge J..l.n m./.
Liiiiev, Cbrialophn m.
■■ ■ - "— -1 g.l.
Liilen, NicI
I,o»ell Tlioma
Lovcll, John
Luff, John
Lyfonl, John, Rer.
Lyo<i, John
Malbon, Jobn
ir>ll, NlcholB
f.I.
g.l.
g.l.
gl-
Ingr noil, Richard c.f.
Ingrraoll, Genrge ;■ I,
InjtPraoll, Jnbn nt.
lasrmll, Nathaniel vt.
Inirraham, Eilwaid g.l.
losbell, R.ilwrt g.l.
Junea, Eiaamua g. I,
Jamei, Elnsamand g.l. c.
Jaroea, William d.f. g.l.
Jamei, ThoQiaa g I.
Jarred, J-hn m./.
JpflVey, William" mr. *.
Jeggifa. naniel g. t.
Jeegka. Thomu m.
Jahnson. Richard g. I.
Kerne, William g. L c.
Kelham, Austin nr. g. I.
Enighl, Waller t c e.
Kniffhl. Ez^klpl g. I.
Knight, William g. I.
Lamliert, Ricliaid ; . I.
Langfiird, John m /.
I^alhrop, Mark g I.
Lravit, CspL ~
Leeefi, Jobn
g-l-
Maraton, Willii
MaaoQ, Enima (widow) g. I.
Maaon, Eliea g.l.
Miller, Sydrach c.f.
• W[lll>n JetTrBf pmWhljr ouopM
Unf Omt. now MtiTiiilHtUr, btlun
■ ■irivilDf Mr Cndle»li.
I'sd'NinlHk^l b; "KS,f™ L'hictn-
Moo
, Will
Moull.in,Ri>l.
r.i.
J636
I6W
liar
J637
ICM
163S
1637
]Gas
1638
169&
I63t
1636
1638
1637
1637
1649
um
1637
t, Willii
tallhi-i
Minn. Mallhew (
Noddle, (William) w
Normnn, Richard .
Norman, Richard, Jr. i
Noiinan. John i
Norris, Ed n aid, Jr.
Norton, John n
Oifer, Thomaa 4
OIney, Thomag mr. j
Pttjre, Robert mr. ;
Parminier, Benjamia i
Patch, Edmund i
Patch, Jamea j
Patlin, Thomas j
Paiily, Benjamin
Paine, Thomai mr. j
Peach, JoliQ
P,'B», John i
Peaa, Robert, i
Peirce, Anthony «
Peiroe. William, Mt.
Penny, Robert ^
Percie, Marmadoke i
Perry, rnnci*
1639
1639
1630
1637
1637
1637
1637
1637
1637
ll>30
isr?
1637
16.34
1630
1638
1C37
FIRST SETTLERS.
Perry, John
M.
](S7
Smylh, 0«™([«
g.L \b
pMter, WillUini, Mt.
g'-
)6:I7
Smjlh! Jam™
g.L K
Petrbrd, ppier
1U4I
Smylh, Malthew
%.L \t
rhillip., (John) R«T.
m.
leB
Smyth, (SamDel)mr
Sinyth, Thomas tnr
g.L 1
Finkeiing, John
7wh(un.Thi>inu
£■'■
1C37
w.L K
ii-
ll>3!)
8|.r.Boe, Ralph- d.f. 'cf. 11
Pick-orth, Jolin
gt
1637
Spragne, R.cKard
t.f. a
Pitnun, NmhlDKl
g.L
iKS)
Si.rai.-i.o. W,ll,o,„
..?. je
PitR»n Tham.1
I6M
Slaekhpu-;', Kichaid
g.Lc le
Plii-. W.ll«ra"
gi-
1(>37
Slary. Hu..h
g.L I«
g.L K
Polhrd, Genrp-
b.
I6«i
Slone, John
Poflrr Nsthntiipl
m.f.
11.37
Slrallon. John mr
g.L H
1647
8we«t, John n
r.'«. 16
FfiAe^'uhn'^
gi-
1(!37
Sweet, (widow)
g.L l«
Ftince. Robptl
ll.
1649
Talby.'johQ
Taybn-, Thomu
"«. \i
Pryor, Mmihew
gt-
163U
r.i. ie
Kny, DsnkI
m.f.
IKM
Temple. Abiahim
g.L It
Riyraond, Willmm
IVAti
Te.nple, Hidiard
fi. le
Reeve.. J«hn
?"■
1B43
Thalcher. Anihgny
m. It
RemoM., Henry
f.t.
IMS
Th-mn.. Jiihn
m. n
Rirkinan. Inic
c.f.
lean
Thomnc. James
g-L 1(
Ringe, Thomas
1637
r.*m. U
Robins, Tlinniai
g'l-
ifiap
Thmgmorlon,John
m. ]«
RniLs, JnahuH
g I-
16W
Thnnion, Richard
y.I. u
g.L 1«
RouU. Tliomu
g.l.
16.17
Thuraton, John
Riipr*, Georee
!'■
1837
Tidd, Jo.d>»
r..-. IG
RowLnd. Ricbard
1648
T.liJe, Hunh
t./. IC
Roch. John
in.t9
Tomkin*. Jnhn nr
g-L U
R<iriball. Daniel
gi-
1644
Tnmpkina, Kalph
™./. le
HuMpil.Jnhn mr. m.
1636
Tomp.-nn, (widow)
1 I(
»y»!l. Witli,m
"f
16®
Tom'on, AtPhibald
M. It
8>II.>WF>. Miehnel
gi-
I6:i5
T..wnde. Williim
b. It
16:t7
TiBC ,-, Thoma.
g.L 1
B.m., Thom». ff. I. e,
iei8
Trew, Henry
J.i. It
B*i>d»n. Arthur
g 1-
IGfii
1'uck, Tbomaa
g.L U
Sawyer, Waiiam
gi
IfiJ:i
Tuck. Robert
Le. n
1(35
Tueker, John
L ic
Sesrlel, Rnbert
IfiK
Turiand, Ann, Mtj.t
g. I. u
g.L U
Scudd^r, Thomw
g.L
1648
Turner, Chaile.
Sco-lder, Williara
g'-
KiW
Vand.Twood, Jamei
*«. It
Se.l*, Edward
IliSd : Vai.a], William
n. 16
8*»rf«, Richard g- I- «-
1638 1 Veiin, Joshua
g.l- w
Sh-plpy, John
g.L
1637 Ver..,-.«-,(A[ire)wid'
*J.I. IC
SH.ty. Henry
gl
l(i39 Vleur; Opor^e
m. If
Bicn>on, FniDcii
1648 W y... -William Mr.
r. 1. 16
Binpl<.|.r,,R,ch«rdmr.r,.-.
1637 W fcrfield J«hn r.~l. c. J6
Shellina, Th..ma>.
gl-
1643 W Font. Widiam, Mr
«■- L 16
Mellon. Samuel, Rei
. «./.
1629' W IliPr, Rlchiird
li. 16
Bk<-IU>n, B-'njamtn
l(i39 ' Waller, Mallhew
'■.i!!
1(I4« Waller, William
Smill, John
g.l.
1643 1 Waller. Chriitouher
j.t M
Bmiih, Ediih (widow
it.
1637
•CtOM "aJit Mr. WllUam PUlH," la \
• Tba Umra. BpH|iHa iho WMt la
FIRST SETTLERS.
171
WaltoD, Wm., Rev. g, I, e.
Ward, John, Mr. g, U
Warren, Abrahim g. L
Warren, Ralph g, I, c.
Waterman, Richard e.f.
Waters, Richard «tr. g. I,
Watkins, John a.
Watson, John m./.
Webb, F.*anci8 e.f,
Webb, Henry mr, g. L
Webster, John g, I,
Weeks, Thomas r. t.
Wescot, Stake 1/ m.
West, Thomas g. I.
Weston, Francis m,f,
Wheaden, Robert g. I. e,
Wheeler, Thomas m.f.
White, James m.
White, John g, L
1638
1641
1637
1638
1629
1637
1641
1633
16*29
1637
1638
1689
1636
1640
1633
1638
1642
1633
1639
Whitehaire, Abraham m. 1638
Wickenden, William m. 1639
Williams, Roger, Rey. m. 1631
Williams, William g. l. 1637
Wil.«on, Lambert, Dr. e,f, 16S9
Wilson, £dward m. 1647
WincoU, Thomas m. 1631
Wmthrop, John, Esq. g. I. 1630
Winthrop, Stephen, Mr. g. l. 1638
Wood, William * g, I. 1638
Woodbury, Nicholas g. l. 1638
Wotes, Richard g. L 1637
Wright, George g.L 1637
Young, Christopher g. I, 1637
Toung, Joseph g. L 1639
Toung, John g, L 1640
* William Wood, the historian, who
first came over in 1628, maj have beea
the person here noted.
In further showing the original settlers of Salem,
it is deemed needful to adduce the members of the
First Church, as found recorded, to 1651, though this
place is not under the ecclesiastical head. Those of
them who remained in 1636, when the record of them
only was made, of course excluded all who had de*
ceased or taken up their connection previously. The
names of these, so far as known, are on the preceding
list with m, c. subjoined. An alphabetical account of
the members in 1636, will be given under that date,
and so of others who united with them, under the
successive years of their making a profession of re-
ligion. The years pleiced on a line with the names,
refer to some particulars denoted by abbreviations
used in the foregoing list.
1636.
Alderman, Jane
Alford, Mary
Allen, William d,f. e. e. 1626
Alien, Elixabeth
Areher, Samuel <L/. 1630
Aoger,Wmuaa mJf. 1631
Balch, John d,f, e.e, 1696
Balch, Margery
Barney, Jacob m./. 1634
Batter, Edmund mr. g, I. 1635
Batter, Sarah
Bishop, TownBend m.f. \^2&
Black, John m.^. V^
Blacklettch, John ^a./.
178
Bomd, Williua m
BowDd, Anno
Brnclienbuiy RicVi
Br*ckenliuiy, Blten
Btijhl, Mmigery
Con«nt, Roger
Conatil, Ssrsh
Davi^npart, Hie hud 0
DareDport, Eliidbeth
Di.y, WilUini
Dily, Anne
Ebof n, TLimriM
Elkrd, Gerlrudo
Eadicolt, John
Endicolt, EUwbetli
Fellon, Ellen
Gara«" Tlioma. mr.
G.le> EdwnTd
Herrick, ll*nry d./.
Hetrick, Eiinii
Holgrave, J<.hn
Kalgn^i Uliubetb
Born, John
Hulcilinion, Alice
Inirerioll, Anne
Jofin»n. FfBnoi.
JohnKin, Joanne
Kendall, Pieaoa
King, Willi.m m
lj.,lL.n, Hntlh ™
Lalhro;
FIRST SETTLERB.
. g. I. 1637
A/.' leae
Snunden, John "«./ Ig*
Scruggi, Thoma* «r. e. ^ IBB
Slwrpc, Samuel »r. «,/. IBB
Sharpe, Alice
Sibly, John i^- "■/• '"£
Skwlet, Anne (widow) y.i. IW
- ■ — - Mr. «,/. 1^
d.f.
Leach. Elizabeth
Mmiey, JetFrey i
Mauiie, Roger
Moore, S»muel
Moore, John
Moore, Hannah
Nofton, George t
Falfray Peter d.
Piirtay, Kdilh
Pope, JoBcjh
llayment, Judilh
Beade, ThomiiB
Booti, Richard
•R-Cooanttoilrod li
c.f.
../. 1634
m./ 1633
m.f. 1631
g.l. 1637
r.l. 1G36
m/. 163J
u
'«!/. 1«3S
irua, WillisiD
Veren, Philip
Veren, Dorcu
VVolle, Martha
Woodbory, John i.J. e. a IW
Woodbmr, Agoea
163T.
Alderman, John mr. g. L lOT
es Joan' /-J- 163?
a.'Lydiat .„
Bailholomew.-. Henry mr. a- 1635
^"C;j'^gr'""''"'i/. 1638
„.-,rningl''TI">-'"»-/- f-'" !«"
Gedneyi John "./. g- '■ 1®
drh'^a11,7hom„ «./. 16M
„ Ji.e"'^w1lliam""'mr. f. I. 163T
"l^li'omr-^Villiam mr. ,. L 1636
llnluiave, Joa
ilnime, Dtboi
Huniplirey.J'
Jcgnles, Mi^r^
MumiiBll, tdmund IK./, ;,l.
I Moulton, Jauiea ""■■ f ■ '. 1637
, la IMT, tlw Cenenl Court "itn
! £4(HoMri.AmM,lhe wulow orOoiiioc
r Aft.. I»?l^ .hwni iwiii.lj-l»i. TMWJ
. unrlvr Iha Rnv. tl'r Nfo, of LondiHI. In
PUIST SETTLEItS.
NonoQ, Maty
Telers, Hugh, Rev.
RiiT, Bethinh
Barney, Anna
Slackieach, Eliinlwth
fuidsall, Hrnry
Donning. Emsnudm/.;.!.
t, JoTIq
Hart. J
HIn.
g.i
nr. g.l.
Jackann, Margnre
Marrir, Triphena
Moulton, Mary
Norman Ainbella
Pick worth, Ann
Robinson, Wm. mr. g. t.
ShsSin, Michel mr. ;, L
Skerry, Henry mr. g. I.
Spooner, Thomas mr. g. I.
Spooner, Amy
SUodiah, Sarah
Symonds, John mr. g. I.
Symondi, Mary
Veaner, Thomaa* mr. g. I,
1 639.
AnlTum, Tliomni mr. g.l.
Bsrnatdislaar, Catherine
flalchelder, John mr. g. I.
Balrhetdet, Mary
BcBchainp, EJw'd mr. g.l.
Biahnp, Richard mr. m.
Concklln.Ananiajmr. g.l.
Dliy, Cahe.ine
D union, Elitabeth
Ednatds
mr. i.
Fairfield, John mr. g. I.
Gardnei.Tho'i, Jr. mr. g.L
Gardner, Marnret
Garfhrd, Jervns
Oaaciyne, Satih
Goll, WiUiani
Green, (widow)
HarbErt. Miiy
HnmeH, Sicitia
FruDcis
olyrdve, Lydi
, Ob.id
, Calbeiine
Ksiieal'iinF,l)urnlliy,Mri.m.
Kilclierill, Josepli g.l.
Lemon, M.iry
Mar^, John ;. I.
Moore, Thomaa* mr. g.l.
and hi« wite Martha r. i.
1636
1636
1640
163T
1636
1648
1640
1637
• Bon at vidow Kgont
174
FIRST SETTLERa
BarUioloiiiew,Rich*d mr^.L 1G38
Beftcbam, Mary
Bowditch, Sarah
Bulfinch, (John) m.f, 1642
Bjam, George m./. 1642
Cook, John*8 wife
Cominff« Samuel mr, g, L 1638
and wife.
Curwin, Elizabeth
Eastwick, (widow)
Esticky goodwife
G€«re, William mr. g. L 1639
Glover, Charles mr. g. L 1G39
Good, Abigail
Graves, Richard *i wife
Hapcott, Sarah
Howard, Rose
Lawes, Francis mr, g. I, 1637
and wife.
Marston, John m.f, 1641
Marston, Thomas mr. m. 1636
Moody, Deborah
Moullon, Robert, Jr. g. I. 1638
Peters, Deliverance
Porter, Jonathan mr. g. I, 1637
Read, Alice
Reed, Esdras mr. g. L 1640
Reeves, Jane
Rennolls, William
Ruck, Thomas
and wife.
Sanders, Elizabeth
** i. e. Kitchen."
Scudder, Elizabeth
Veren, Jane
Veren, Jane
Vermayes, Abigail
Ward, Margaret
Woodbury, Ehzabtth
m.f. 1640
1641.
Bacon, Rebeckah
Blanchard, William mr, m.
Boyce, Joseph mr. m.
Bulfinge, Ann
Cleark, Arthur m.f.
Concklin, Susan
Cook, John mr. g. I.
Devinish, Thomas mr. g. L
Devinish, Mary
Dickerson, Philemon mr.g'.Z.
FairBeld, Mr.'a wife
^etjD, Deborah
Fiak/Jtimen m.f.
16.37
1639
1640
1637
1639
1638
1641
1637
m.f, 1641
Fisk, Phineas mr. g. I. 1641
risk, William mr. g, I. 1637
Gardner, George mr. g. l. 1637
Glover, Elizabeth
Gutch, Robert mr. g, I,
Harwood, good wife
Hunt, Mary
Kelly, Abel m,f.
Lemon, Robert mr, g, I,
Maury, Klizabeth
Monsall, Ruth
Norcross, Nathaniel m.f. 1643
Osborn, Frezwith
Pacy, Catherine
Perry, Jane
Pettingall, Richard
Putnam, Priscilla
Rabbe, Catherine
Read, Sarah
Shattuck, (widow)
Veren, Philip, Jr. mr, g. I. 1637
Ward, Alee
Waters, Joyce
Wathen, Greorge
Wright, Elizabeth
1642.
Allen, Robert g, I, 1637
Barber, John g. I. 1&37
Brown, William mr. g, I. 1637
Button, Robert c. e. 1628
Kenniston, (Allen) mr. g. I. 1638
Moore, Richard mr, g. L 1638
Price, Waller mr, m, 1641
and wife Elizabeth
Prince, Richard mr. g. I. 1639
Putnam, Thomas mr, g, I. 1641
Ropes, Mary
Scarlett, Margaret
Shattuck, Samuel
Tomkins, Catherine
Vermayes, Benjamin m.f, 1642
1643.
Bacon, (William)
Bennet, Jane
Blanchard, Ann
Corwithen, Grace
Dixy, Thomas's wife
Edwards, Thomas mr, g. I,
EI well, Robert m./.
Goyte, Mary
HaineVl, ^dyi vtd^ g . I,
lit. 1640
1637
1640
1699
FIA8T SETTUEB8.
17S
Hathorn, John g. I.
Kitchen, John mr, g. I.
and wife Elizabeth
Peas, Robert
Pntnam, Eliza
White, John
1644.
Bourne, John
Dodge, Richard
Hathorn, Sarah
Porter, Mar/
8 I'
g.t.
16 4 5.
Bishop, Edward
Dodge, Elizabeth
Skerry, Brid^t
Vaile, Catherine
1646.
g.L
Grascoyne* Edward
Grover, Margaret
Harnett, Edward , Jr. g, I,
Hibbeid, Robert
and wife Joan
1647.
Allcrton, Isaac
Charles, Sarah
Downing, Lucy, Jr.
Ellenwood, Ralph g, I,
Hutchinson, Richard g, L
Loofe, Bridget
Mason, Jane
Monta(!iie, Abigail
Neal, Mary
NeaTe, (widow)
Putnam, John mr. g. L
Scudder, John g, L
and wife.
Smith, Ralph
Veren, Mary
164 8.
Brpwn, William w./.
and wife Sarah
Dickeraon, Mary
Eborne, Catharine
Ellenwoody good wife
Emory^ Qeorge, Doct g. I,
■\
^SomeUmea exiled GuketL
1643
1643
1637
1639
1637
1638
m. 1639
1637
1639
m. 1633
1637
1637
1641
1642
1649
1637
m.
g. L
g.l.
Felton, Nathaniel e.
Field, Alexander mr. g, I,
and wife.
Giles, Bridget
Haines, William
Hardy, Joseph
Jeggles, William
Leech, Sarah
Leech, Sarah
Marsh, Susannah
Massey, Ellen
Pigkett, John
Porter, Unice
Prince, Mary
Putnam, Elizabeth
Putnam, Nathaniel
Rootes, Josiah
Stackhouse, Susannah
Towne, goodwife
Veron, Hilliard
Waller, Sarah
Weston, John
Wheeler, Mary
Woodbury, Humphrey m.
1649.
Concklin, Elizabeth
Corwithin, David
Gardner, Hannah
Haynes, Sarah
Pope, G^ertrude
Porter, John
Read, Mary
Scudder, Rachel
1633
164S
1644
1644
1637
g.l 1648
m. 1641
1628
m.
1648
mr, m. 1643
1650.
Bridgman, Elizabeth
Chichester, Mary
Cole, Ann
Cooper, Rebeokah
Curtis, Sarah
Felmingham. Francis g, L 1637
Gray, Elizabeth
Hardy, ffoodwife
Lovett, Mary
Maskall, Ellen
Moore, Christian
Morgan, Robert g, U 1637
Pacy, Nicholas g, I 1639
Patch * Nicholas g,L 1639
Payne, EUiabeih g.U \^^
* A Paioh fkmlW ^waa Va Bttesa am waiVi
aaliBd.
176
COMMON LANDS.
Payne, William
Rix, Thomas
Smith, Mary
South wick, Mary
m./. 1650
Vincent, William
and wife.
Woodbury y Hugh
mr. m. 1635
COMMON LANDS.
Such estate of any communities, in their early
settlement, as well as in later periods, holds a high
place among their chief dependences. As cultivated
on the sea-board, or in its vicinity, it is the right arm
of fisheries, commerce, mannfactures, education, and
arts. So thought and acted the wise and pious coun-
sellors, who, in troublous times, laid the foundations
of New England. As a prominent part of this wilder-
ness domain, once denominated North Virginia, the
whole soil of Massachusetts, as chartered to its pa-
tentees, was accounted their common propriety.
Such territory was adopted by this Body, as a prin-
cipal constituent of the basis, on which they made
their judicious calculations, though not wholly real-
ized, to meet the charges of planting our shores with
a population, sifted and purified by the trials of per-
secution. For the proper disposal of their landed
domain, they deliberately and prayerfully passed and
published several ^ resolutions. These they held as
essentially binding on themselves and successors 9§
long as their Patent should continue. In proof of
this position, various applications were made to our
Legislature, prior to the usurpation of James II., for
the granting of lands as a liquidation of sums^ ad-
vanced in England to promote the commencement of
our Commonwealth. A number of them was allowed,
' See them on paisea 9&— ^ of \)b\% n^oxV.
PETITrON OF JOHNSON. CONANT'S ISLAND. 177
while others were rejected. Of the latter class was
one from Francis Johnson, an early and respectable
settler of Salem, afterwards of Marblehead.' In 1660,
he petitioned that for £50, ^daced in the common
stock by his uncle, Christopher Coulson, deceased, he
might have a corresponding quantity of land. But
as he had only a verbal order, and this of 22 years
standing, his request was disallowed.
The principles, laid down by the Company in
London, were recognized by our colonial and muni-
cipal authorities, in relation to territory, with such
variations, as the necessity of subsequent periods
required. Such conformity answers the inquiry, why
some settlers of Salem were granted two, three, four,
and even five hundred acres — while others received
less quantities. The planters under Mr. Conant had
certain lots for cultivation. So did the emigrants
under Mr. Endicott. But a fuller distribution was
afterwards made in reference to these two classes, and
others, who came to share in the perils and toils of a
new country.
As one specimen of the jurisdiction that our govern-
ment exercised over the soil, about which there were
C€»iflicting claims, the following is presented. The
Court of Assistants ordered, July 5, 1631, thfet all
islands within their limits, should belong to the
Colony. Among the islands named on this occasion/
was Conant's, afterwards Governor's Island. The
former name denotes, that the earliest leader of the
settlers in Salem, may have been its previous owner.
The order, thus cited, is also adduced to show the
gioufid, on which the Legislature sabfiequexiiEV^ vcA.^^
178 GRANTS TO ME8SR8. KNDICOTT ^ SKELTON.
to our ancestors their principal islands. As another
sample of the mode in which our colonial authorities
appUed the rules of the Company, we have the ensu-
ing items. It is, also, given for the sake of keeping
in remembrance some Indian names, too many of
which have been suffered to sink in oblivion.
" 1632. July 3. There is a necke of land lyeing
aboute 3 myles from Salem, cont. about 300 ac. of
land graunted to Capt. Jo : Endicott to euioy to him
and his heires foreuer called in the Indean tonge
Wahquamesehcok, in English Birchwood, bounded on
the Southside with a ryvere call in the Indean tonge
Soewampenessett, comonly called the Cowe howse
ryver, bounded on the North side with a ryver called
in the Indean tongue Conamabsqnooncant, comonly
called the Ducke ryver, bounded on the East with a
ryver leadeing vpp to the 2 former ryvers, which is
called in the Indean tongue Orkhussunt, otherwise
knowen by the name of Wooleston ryver, bounded
on the West with the maine land."
" There is another necke of land lyeing aboute 3
myles from Salem cont. aboute 200 ac. graunted to
to Mr. Sam"* Skelton to enioy to him and his heires
for euer, called by the Indeans Wahquack^ bounded
on the South vpon a little ryver, called by the Indeans
Conamabsqnooncant, vpon the North abutting on
another ryver called by the Indeans Ponomenneuhcant,
and on the east on the same ryver."
These places, so assigned, suggest various interest-
ing reminiscences. Particularly is it so with the
allottoient to Mr. Endicott. Among his hired men
was Edward Grover. This individual testified in
1078^ that the farm was iotmeAY ^i»S\^^ ^^Vosi*
ENDICOTT PEAR TREE. 179
So signifies an extract from a letter of its owner to
Governor Winthrop, 1643-4, which reads thus : —
" The maid is now going along with vs to Orchard,
where your sonne shall be heartilie welcome." It
would not be the strangest phantasy to suppose, that
there was more than common sympathy between the
affections of the youthful couple so introduced.
Grover further deposed relative to the farm, that, in
1633, I "did helpe to cut and cleaue about 7,000
pallisadoies and was the first that made improvements
thereof by breaking vp of ground and plantinge of
Indian corne." Such evidence, with the date of the
grant, goes to confirm the position, that the soil was
not cultivated till about the last date. This indicates
rather than otherwise, that no fruit trees were pre-
viously planted there. Here, then, the question
occurs, how shall we meet other conflicting testimony
concerning the noted Pear Tree ? An unbroken tra-
dition of Governor Endicott's descendants affirms,
that this last survivor of the orchard, planted in his
day, was brought over with his dial in 1630. This
is not unlikely. So imported in the shoot, and not
in the seed, the tree may have found a place on the
premises of his town residence. But there is another
supposition, that, since transported, it has occupied'
only a single spot. Against the probability of this,
is the time of the land's being granted and cultivated.
That so venerable a relic of antiquity — ^which is fast
yielding to the pressure of years, and ere long must
mingle with the dust, like the many, who have looked
on its verdure, been cooled by its shade, and refreshed
with its fruit — ^may not be forgotten as to il^ ^i^^tiX
tppeamnce, the succeeding impression is %Weix.
ENDICOTT FEAR TUBE.
Before paying our cordial and parting respects to
this aged inhabitant of our soil, regard for iofomiatioa
of the stranger requires us to state, that, in 1767, it
became a tenant of Danvers, then set off from us and
incorporated. Whoever hears, as well as "sees
tongues in trees," may derive a moral from the steady
compliance of this representative of other ages with
the end of its creation and continuance, which teaches
him so to discharge his obhgations, that reflection
may hang the rich fruits of usefulness aronnd the
autumn of his life, and shed its peaceful rays on his
passage to the tomb.
In passing, with regret, from so attractive a point,
we come to one use of the common soil. This was
much employod for grazing. Nor was this alone so
occupied by our early planters. William Tiask de-
posed, that he, John Batch and others had leave, in
1633, from Thomas Dexter, one of the purchasers of
Nahant from Black William, to put their cattle oa
that romantic island.
As having an important reference to the estates of
Sa/em and other towiw, the 8a&c««(iw% ot^en «A <Cte
COURT ORDERS ABOUT ESTATES. Igf
Assistant Court, April 1, 1634, are here given. << It
is ordered, that if any man, that hath any greate
quantitie of land graunted him and doeth not build
upon it or improue it within three yeares, it shalbe
free for the Court to dispose of it to whome they
please ; " that the constable and four other chief in-
habitants of every Town, do make a record of all
houses and lands improved, enclosed or granted by the
Court, belonging to freemen, and a transcript thereof
to be lodged with the Court, which " shalbe a suffi-
cient assurance to euery such free inhabitant, his and
their heires and assignes of such estate of inheritance,
or as they haue in any such bowses, lands, or franke
tenements." From the disposition of common lands
by our colonial government, we turn to that of our
town authorities. The first notice of so absorbing a
subject in all newly settled communities, as found in
our records, is of Jan. 9, 1635. It runs thus : " After
discourse about deviding of 10 acre lotts, its ordered,
that the least family shall haue 10 acres, but great
familyes may haue more." The reason of this as-
signment is obviously just. The subsequent regula-
tion of Aug. 22, led to the recording of each man's
grant on the town books. ^' It is ordered, that all the
inhabitants of this towne of Salem y* haue fearmes
greater or lesse, or any quantitye of land granted to
them, or any ten acre lott medoes or marshes, be they
more or lesse in quantity, shall repaire to the men
appoynted to lay out bounds, and by the last of y® 3
mo. to haue all y' ten acre lots bounded, and all other
that haue fearmes, or meadoes, or marshes, by y** first
of y* 9 mo. next ensueing, and a\\ ^^^ Xaxvdi \ievek%
hounded, to make such marks or \)owx\Oi» ^\X\v«t \2rj
182 TOWN GRANTS.
staues or deepe holes. And that euerie man's bounds
may be recorded vpon y* penaltie of x», provided that
those deputed to lay out bounds, be paid for y'
paines." For the labor of laying out lands, the price
was set, Nov. 16, at 4^ an acre for small lots, and 10/
a hundred for large lots. Among the most interesting
assignments of soil, were 1,000 acres, Jan. 25, 1635-6,
to John Balch, Roger Conant, Peter Palfrey, William
Trask, and John Woodbury. This land lay in what
afterwards became Beverly, extended from the head
of Bass river, and ran by " the great pond " mostly in
Wenham. It was divided among the grantees in farms
of 200 acres each. It was an additional compensation
to a portion of the primitive planters here, for their
large share of toils incident to the founding of this
community, and of disappointment in having the
Dorchester interest transferred to the Massachusetts
Company. It was a tangible earnest of the benevo-
lent concern which the latter body professed to cherish
for them. The amount of grants recorded together
1636-7, was 8,930 acres. A condition on which
various appropriations of this kind were made, was,
that the grantees, if about to dispose of them, should
make the first proposals of sale to the town. The
freemen who had disposed of commons by vote in
general session, delegated their power, in this respect,
to the Selectmen, who continued to exercise it till
1664-5, when, by order of the. former, it was returned
to them. In accordance with a trust so committed,
the Selectmen adopted the ensuing rule of Dec. 4,
1637, which occasioned a valuable account of every
father and the number of his {arnvXy ^ nyVvX^vu tha limits
of oar settlemenU " It is agreed xViaX xYie T&as^s^ «n\.
DEACON'S MARSH. RAJL ROAD. 133
medow lands that haue formerly laid in common to
the towne, shalbe appropriated to the inhabitants of
Salem, proportioned out vnto them according to the
heads of y' families. To those y* haue y« greatest
uomber, an acre thereof; and to those that haue least,
not above half an acre thereof; and to those that are
betwene both, 3 quarters of an acre. Alwayes pro-
vided and it is soe agreed, that none shall sell away
y*" proportion of medow, more or lesse, nor lease them
out to any above 3 yeares, vnless they sell or lease
out y' bowses with theire medow." According to
this agreement, there were various appropriations.
Of them, five acres were voted, June 25, 1638, to
Charles Gott and John Home, which was long since
called the Deacon's Marsh. Its location is in South
Fields, near Castle Hill. Circumstances have thrown
around it more than ordinary interest, while many
other lots of even greater worth have been forgotten.
This is an emblem of distinctions and neglects, which
have often betided multitudes of our race. Such
land was in question between the First Church and
what is now called the Tabernacle Church, from
1735 to 1762. An amicable adjustment was made
by paying to the latter £13 : 6 : 8, for their proportion
of the Deacon's Marsh. Thus entirely under the
control of the First Church, it was steadily improved
till the rail-road ran through it and occupied two
acres. Compensation of $212, clear of charges, was
allowed for such damage. In all probability, it will
never undergo another so remarkable a change, from
being a sequestered spot, to the affording of a way for
the daily developments of human geuius m A\\^ ^x-
penmeotts of steam travelling.
IS4 FIELDS. NORTH FIBLD.
FIELDS.
Among the divisions of our once common territory,
which invite a casual notice, were certain Fields. In
1640, there were ten of these partitions. They were
occupied for planting and grazing. Each of them
had been allotted by our municipal authorities, to in-
dividuals in different sections of the town, who had
them severally enclosed. By the same authorities,
surveyors were designated to have the fences kept in
good order, and thus prevent the disturbance of peace-
ful neighborhoods by intruding animals. As there
had been much difficulty among the owners of such
territory in various towns, as to the mode of im-
proving it, General Court ordered, in 1643, that when
they could not agree how to cultivate and have it for
grazing, the Selectmen, and, if none of these officers,
the Freemen should decide. Among the appropria-
tions of this sort in Salem, was the North Field,
found so denominated in 1642. As well known to
those acquainted with our localities, it is situated on
the north side of Naumkeag river. It contained 490
acres. It embraces what has long been termed the
Horse Pasture, of much less area than its namesake,
formerly of the Great Pasture. At the time last
mentioned, as the deposition of Nathaniel Felton sig-
nifies, the proprietors decided to have it protected by
a four-rail fence from the head of Cowhouse river to
the head of North river. Six or seven years after-
wards, they agreed to have the fence divided to each
share of ten acres, containing the carved initials of
the ownefs name. Though the possessors of this
I^ieJd had power to make iegu\a\\oii^ fet \\» cxsi^k«cc\&^
BRITIBH FORCES. SOUTH FIELD. IgS
yet, by a town vote of 1683-4, they were of no foice
unless sanctioned by the Selectmen. This section
adds much to the attractire view of our city. Of its
rural and pleasant resorts in the season of verdure, is
the part called Paradise. It is remembered as the
position to which a British force under Col. Leslie, in
1775, directed their march in order to seize some
artillery. While they were held in check at the
bridge, then belonging to owners of lots on the Field
side, the Colonel protested against the hindrance, and
asked why he was not allowed to advance in the
King's highway. A Mr. Barr replied, this is not the
King's highway, but the way of proprietors. Though
the bridge, on this stirring occasion, had not ceased
to be a propriety, the Field to which it led, had so
ceased about a quarter of a century.
Another similar division was South Field. Our
records mention it by such a nsmie, 1643--4. Lying
between Forest and South rivers, it measures 600
acres. It presents some of the most attractive scenery,
and affords some of the pleasantest prospects within
the bounds of Salem. It is truly a very desirable
suburb. Prior to 1666, there was a gate-path through
it from Marblehead to this place. In 1673, the pro-
prietors received a hill, near John Holmes's, from the
town, as compensation for the widening of such a
way. As a specimen of business which came before
them at their meetings, the ensuing vote of 1702-3
is presented. "On the 14th of October the proprie-
tors haue liberty to put into the Field, that is to say,
6 cowes, or 4 oxen, or 3 horses, or 12 yearlings, or 24
calues to ten acres of land, and noe pTOi^i\eXoT% ^tcaSi
17
186 GLASS HOUSE FIELD.
eut there Indien com stolks after they gether there
com." Not only, as this intimates, were creatures
fed there in the fall, but a portion of land was also
used for them in the grazing season. Their gates,
convenient for travellers, were kept up, one towards
Forest river, and another at South Mills, after 1714
Other gates were continued till their dissolution.
They closed their association soon after 1742, when
a meeting was called " to see if the Proprietors will
dissolve the Body as a propriety." Thus they gave
opportunity for individual talent and industry to im-
prove the inheritance derived from their municipal
ancestors. Only one more of such divisions will be
particularly designated. This is the Glass-bouse
Field. It was so named from the following allot-
ments. In 1639, there were two acres set off for
each of the persons, Ananias Concklin, Obadiah
Holmes, and Lawrence Southwick, and thus were
<^ granted to the glassemen seuerall acres of ground
adioyning to their bowses." The next year, five
acres more, bordering on these lots, were appropriated
to John Concklin, of the same occupation. Such
apportionments made up the section, which, on our
town records of 1661, is called Glass-house Field.
Here glass was manufactured for a considerable pe-
riod. This place was located on the commons con-
nected with the Horse Pasture, and in the neighbor-
hood of what is now termed Aborn street. It appears
on a plan of Great Pasture, as drafted in 1723. It
has passed through the hands of various individuals,
as private property. Once regarded as a situation of
consequence for aiding to promote the manufacturing
interests of an infant Comm.oTrweB\X\v, \\. \aa \aiv^
PRICE OF LAND. PARTICULAR GRANTS. 18»
descended to a level with its adjoining territory, and
its title only remains to give it more than an ordinary
remembrance.
Turning to the track of the common soil, we notice
a vote of 1641, on our town records, relative to Mar*
blehead. It allowed, that they might grant lots ad*
joining their district and formerly assigned to otherSi
by the consent of one of the Salem Selectmen.
With regard to the price of land, it was sold, in 1643|
for 5/ an acre, in the principal part of this town ; and
in 1645, on the outskirts and being unimproved, for
1/ an acre ; and a farm of 100 acres, previously of the
commons and adjacent to Spring pond, was ex*
changed, in 1656, by William Trask, for a cow val-
ued, at £5. In the exercise of discretionary power,
as justified by practice of the colonial authoritieSi
Salem granted lots of different measurement, for spe*
cial reasons. Among these was one to Mr. William
Hathorne, 1638, "in consideracon of his many im*
ployments for towne and countrie." Another was in
1639-40, to a son of Roger Conant, as the " first
borne childe in Salem." With regard to modes of
conveying landed estate, originally of the commons,
there was one, which, however simple, was very
interesting from its being a relic of ancient usage.
In 1695, John Ruck, one of our respectable inhabit
tants, in granting a homestead to his son, Thomas,
before witnesses, took hold of a twig in the garden
and said, " Here, son Thomas, I do, before these two
men, give you possession of this land by turffe and ^
twigg." Palgrave, in his English Commonwealthj
remarks on such a custom, " Even aClei NttvXiva^ \»*
came kaown, the deed or record was ofleu ox^^ c^
188 TORF AND TWIG CONVEYANCE, NEW ULVT.
latteral to the form and ceremony.'^ To illustrate
this observation, he relates a story in the life of St.
Birlanda. '< The unkind maiden refused to consort
with her leprous father. Oidelardus revenged him-
self by disinheriting the undutiful child, and trans-
ferred all his domains, with all the villains thereupon,
to St. Gertrude, by placing all the symbols of property
upon her shrine, a turf, a twig, and a knife, indicating
that all his estate was alienated to the monastery."
That the ceremony of Mr. Ruck was no strange
thing in Essex County, we have the fact of a like
conveyance, made at Bradford in 1700, by a descend-
ant of the Agawam Sagamore.
As a relief to this and other of our oldest towns
who were apprehensive, lest they should have a
troublesome excess of claimants to their soil. General
Court enacted, 1660, that no cottage or dwelling
house should be admitted to the privilege of com-
monage, <' but such as already are in being or here-
after shall be erected by consent of the town." This
law was confirmed in 1692, so that no dwellings,
except those before 1661, could have any such claim,
unless they had been or might be allowed it by mu-
nicipal authority.
In 1678, the commoners began to break away from
restraints of the town, as to the regulation of their
territory. This, like every such innovation upon
common practice, raised up its advocates and oppo-
nents,— some who plead for it on principles of right
and liberty ; others, who construed it as a dark omen
of misrule, contention and injury. The commoners
instructed Thomas Oliver to notify all of their class
sccordiDg to law of 1660, to assem^A^ iot >^i<^ \xvsa-
EXTENSION OF COMMONAGE. 189
action of business. The Selectmen positively forbid
such a meeting as disorderly. During the same year
of such difficulty, an application being made to this
town by Beverly and Wenham, for an enlargement of
their bounds, the answer was, <^ Salem has already
granted away so much land, they cannot spare any
more without much straitening themselves." Still,
however good their reasons for this denial, they con*
tinned to give and sell lots occasionally, though with
much less frequency than prior to 1664 In the year
of the collision above-mentioned, fields of considerable
extent were leased to companies, part of whom paid
7d an acre per annum. Perceiving that it would be
for their greater harmony and advancement to extend
the advantage of sharing in the unappropriated soil,
our fathers, in 1702, passed the ensuing order. "For
y« incouragement and growth of this town, that all
freeholders of this town, viz. every one y* hath a
dwelling house and land of his own proper estate in
fee simple, shall have and is hereby admitted unto y®
priviledge of commonage." Conformably to this and
previous rules adopted by the inhabitants here, they
chose, March 12, 1711, a committee to ascertain the
number of legal commoners. A report ^w^ made,
which they rejected the next October. Notwith-
standing impediments of this kind, the conlmoners
organized, June 29, 1713, and admitted Mesiirs; Jo*
seph Green, Benjamin Prescott, and Samuel Marble,
as members of their body. However thus assuming
the control of their particular affairs, they did not
ungratefully forget the origin of their existence, nor
the means of exercising tbeir power. TYiey NcAfidi^
17^ . .
190 GRANTS MADE BT THE COMMONERS.
the succeeding Nov. 16th, that the highways, burying
places and common lands within the town bridge and
the block houses, at neck gate, should belong forever
to the town. Still disposed to exhibit a generous
policy, they agreed, Nov. 22, 1714, that every dwell-
ing house, erected from 1702 to this time, should be
entitled to a right in the commons. To be prepared
for incidental claims, they reserved 400 acres at Dog
Pond rocks. But what more particularly marked
their benevolent intentions, were the subsequent
grants. Five acres for the ministry of the village ;
the same for the middle or Brooksby precinct ; ten
for a like purpose in the two lower parishes, to which
five more in 1722-3 were added, so that the First
Church might have ten ; and sixty acres for the poor
and others who were not commoners. These appro-
priations were located, one above the other, on the
left of the old Boston road, as you go to Poole's
bridge, and between Glass-house Field and the Sheep
Pasture. The East Parish lot was sold in 1822 for
$146. That of the First Parish was disposed of in
1819 for $565. This sum was added to the fund for
supporting their ministry, except enough of its income
to purchase twenty bushels of potatoes annually for
the clergyman then their pastor, which had been the
amount of its rent. Thus have these mementos of
the old parsonage system ceased, and afforded another
lesson of the mutations induced upon society by the
change of opinions, conveniences and practices. With
reference to the charitable land of sixty acres, it was
let according to circumstaijces. In 1732, five rights
were used without price, and the rest at 15/ each. It
was sold by the town in 1854, ioi 1^^^^. 'Y^me^ii^
NECK. WINTER ISLAND. CUT. |01
a justifiable sale, as ample and judicious provision had
been made to support the impoverished, for whose aid
it was originally intended. When the commoners
made the preceding donations, they voted that the
town should retain the Neck for pasturage, and Winter
Island for fishery. These two divisions have under-
gone more than usual alteration in the uses to which
they have been applied. The Neck was occupied by
some of our earliest inhabitants at a place called
Watertown, on the point of rocks, and at another on
Abbot's Cove. Their chief business was to carry on
the fishery. Ornamented with a natural growth of
trees, the Neck was employed for grazing. An an-
cient record of 1635, says, " Its agreed that the
townes neck of land shalbe preserved to feed the catle
on the Lords dayes, and therefore particular men shall
not feed theire goates there at other tymes, but bring
them to the (hill), that grasse may grow against the
Lords dayes." Here, lots were granted to individuals
in 1637, for buildings and the fishing trade. To
prevent the depredation of animals, it was voted,
1644, "that the doggs at Winter Neck shall be tyed
vp in the day tyme, and if any doggs there spoile
fish, that they shall either be sent away or killed."
This place appears to have had a water course made
through it for expeditious communication with Winter
Island. In 1667, " voated that the passage that was
cut vppon the neck to goe over to Winter Hand, is to
be stopped, and a sufficient waye to be made over to
the Hand." Before 1677, it had supplied the inhabi-
tants with clay, when only the hither part of it was
ordered to be for such accommodation. A voX^ ^gassfeft.
1690, that the lower part of it, "below ILaxtf EYvsrofe
19S EXCHANGE FOR ROACH£*S POINT. .
coue, may be planted by some poor persons." In the
same year, the land formerly belonging to Richard
Hollingworth, was ordered to be laid out. As he
was a noted ship carpenter, it is likely that he built
and launched vessels from this spot, now in possession
of the Hathorne family. It was voted, 1702, '^ that
no sheep shall go or be kept on y* towns neck of land
beyond or to y® eastward of y* block housen, on y*
penalty of 6d per sheep to him y^ takes them up and
impounds them for each time." In 1728, the Neck
contained above 102 acres, exclusive of Col. John
Higginson's pasture of over 23 acres, besides about
20 acres of other land. It then allowed 2i acres for
a cow, and 4 acres for a horse. The former was
assessed 20/, and the latter 32/ a season. For that
year, 30 cows and 12 horses were fed there and in
Higginson's, or, as previously called, Abbot's pasture.
Benjamin Ives, having recently bought the latter
property, proposed, in 1730, to hire about two acres
towards Watch-house Point. His request was allowed,
the next year, to continue a century. He oflFered,
in 1739, to exchange Pignal's or Roache's Point
for an equivalent at the Point before named. The
town agreed to allow him, on such an oflFer, two
acres for three. On Roache's Point, a Pest-house was
ordered, 1747, to be erected. As to its martial ap-
plications, the Neck, in 1758, had long been guarded
by two block-houses, at the gate, and another at
Watch-house Point. Besides these defences, it had a
Fort on its heights, called new, to distinguish it from
the old one on Winter Island, and reconstructed in
ihe last war with England. In L765^ the town
TroMBurer was instructed to let iYlVe l^^axA toA ^^
FORTIFICATIONS. ALMS HOUSE. ]98
Neck together, as they had been, for 72 milch cows
at 10/8 each ; but, if he had not so many apjdied for,
to admit riding horses at 21/4 apiece. A lease was
granted, in 1799, for a Rope Walk on the upper part
of the Neck. Like a patient beast of burden, subject
to varieties of carriage, this portion of our public soil
was ordered, in 1805, to have no more bricks made
within its limits. The same year, an ineffectual ex-
ertion was made on the petition of John Baker and
others, to sell a portion of its western soil for the
purpose of erecting houses. Among its multifarious
accommodations, it supplied the inhabitants with
large quantities of rock for building, and so continued
till enclosed for agriculture. In the last contest with
Great Britain, commencing 1812, a lot on the hither
end was appropriated for an artillery deposit of the
United States, which still remains, a sad proof that
human benevolence is far from having reached the
highest point of its destination. But while there was
unhappy occasion for such care, our townsmen gave
evidence that there was a redeeming influence among
them, which, though unable to sheathe the sword of
nations, could provide a more convenient and hopeful
abode for their poor. On the premises of the old
Pest-house, where lie the silent remains of many a
respectable tenant, swept away by contagious disease,
they erected an Alms-house in 1815, and connected
with it the larger portion of the Neck, for agricultural
purposes. The former estbalishment had been discon-
tinued, except for indigent families, and another pre-
pared in 1799, on the north-east point. A small pro-
por,tion of the Neck is still employed in conioxixiiV^
with its ancient use, for the pasturage oi caVjXa.
194 WINTER ISLAND. FTSHERT. TAVERN.
Thus have we looked at some details of a donation
from the commoners, which may serve to aid the
mind as it roves back and compares the present with
the past aspect of our suburbs. From the Neck, we
pass to Winter Island. The caption of a request
presented a century and nearly a half since, ran thus :
" Whereas Winter Island hath been' improved for y*
making of fish ever since y*^ first settlement of this
towne." This shows us again the great purpose as
well as the occupancy of the place. Another use of
it, as tradition relates, was ship-building. In 1636
and the succeeding year, lots were granted there for
the fiishery. For the preventing of injury to the fish,
made on it, an order passed, 1640, for its enclosure,
<' vnless such as haue goats doe fence in the flaks."
In 1644, Capt. Thomas Breadcake was permitted by
General Court, to take two small guns from " Winter
Island by Salem," for his cruise against Turkish
pirates. In 1645, a way thither was ordered to^ be
made. Its income was applied in 1655, to support
the Fort there. Permission was given, 1669, to have
it secured " from all cattell, except sheep and wen-
linge calfes, which shall haue liberty to goe ther at
any tyme." So many were the people here in 1679,
that John Clifford was licensed to keep a victualling
house for their convenience. This may have been
the origin of the " Old Blue Anchor Tavern," famed
in traditionary story. In 1684, several merchants
had leave to build wharves on its flats. The ensuing
year, it was recorded, " The Selectmen to decide any
difference that may arise between aney persons con-
cerned at Winter Island la pitching of flackes, setting
of presses, houses, etc., by 'wYdcVi xaeoxi^ ^<c^ ^^^xvv!^
STREET. ROOMS FOR FISHERY. LEASE. 195
each other in their fishing concearns there." In
1698-9, the Island had not merely its paths, but even
a highway, as the description of a wharf implied,
" adjoyning to y* place known by y* name of Fish
Street." The following order was made in 1701 :
<<that y® shoremen shall have liberty to fence in
Winter Island, keeping a sufficient gate for passing of
men and carts, and to keep out all creatures y^ may
damnifie y" flakes and fish." Conditions of its being
granted by the commoners, 1714, were, that each
shoreman, who belonged to the town and did his
business there, should pay 5/ a year for room to ac-
commodate his vessel and flakes, and every person,
not an inhabitant, similarly employed there, should
be charged 20/ for the same privilege. From a con-
tract made in 1731, the Island had convenient places
for forty vessels and their fares of fish. As the busi-
ness previously transacted there had been removed, it
was let, 1739, with the Neck, for the pasturage of
horses and cows,* the former at 40/ each, and the
latter at 25/. A part of it, called Obear, or Palmer's
Head, was leased, 1755, to Richard Derby, for 1,000
years, at 1/ a year. Ona object, as his application for
this relates, was not merely to benefit himself, but
also to improve the commerce of the town. While
our relations to France were threatened with a rupture,
a vote passed, 1794, that the Selectmen cede to the
United States the land where the old Fort stood, and
as much more on the Neck and Island as might be
needed for fortifications. In 1799, the ship Essex, of
32 guns, built by order of Congress, was launched
from this place, and then first floated ou the QVex£k&\iX
where she was to win naval renown. TbA Xeo^s^X^
196 CONCLUSION OF DERBY'S LEASE. MALL.
Mr. Derby has curiously terminated. Where his
wharf and warehouse long stood, there appears an
establishment for the storing of powder. This was
bought by Mr. Oliver M. Whipple, who occupies it
with the proceeds of the Chelmsford Powder Factory.
Having purchased of the Derby family, their right in
the premises, for several hundred dollars, a few years
before, he in 1839, paid Salem f 152 83^ being an an-
nual rent of 1/ for the period remaining of the 1,000
years. Here close the remembrances of an Island
which has witnessed no trivial revolutions in hum^n
purposes and pursuits. Like the adjacent Neck, it
has long ceased to be traversed by the busy crews
and companies who cured their fish upon its soil.
A few days after their last gift, the commoners, on
16th of November, 1714, voted, that the spot " where
the trainings are generally kept, before Nathaniel
Higginson's house, shall be forever as a training field
for the use of Salem." The measurement of this
lot, in 1784, was 7f acres. As this was less by three-
quarters of an acre, than its present estimate, there is
a probability that an allowance was made for water
in its hollows. Down to 1770, portions of it were
leased for various buildings. Then it gave room, on
its northern bounds, for a new Alms and Work-house.
Liberty was granted, in 1793, for land connected with
the east part of the common, to be enclosed with the
cove, for the building and accommodation of a wind-
mill. During the same year, a section of this military
field, lying south of a street laid out by Nathaniel
Richardson, was ordered to be sold. Its surface now
wears a very different aspect from what it did prior to
1801. Then it had qwUe a tuiA a^^^eax»xit^^\^»?9V^^
IMPROVEMENTS ON THE MALL. 197
several ponds and hillocks. Among the former, were
Flag, Cheever's, and Mason's ponds. Of incum-
brances on the mall, were buildings for a public
school, a fire engine, and artillery. Towards the
close of the year, last mentioned, a number of our
generously disposed inhabitants applied to the town
for leave to have it levelled at their own charge.
The request was allowed. The work was energeti-
cally advanced and well done the ensuing Spring.
It was under the superintendence of General Elias
Basket Derby, who gave his services, and a large
portion of its pecuniary cost. There were elevations,
on the premises, sufficient to fill the hollows. The
expense of evening the surface was about $2,500.
At the same time trees, chiefly poplar, were planted
on each side of the walks, which were taken up,
18 17, and their places supplied by elms. So changed,
the common was called, by order of the selectmen,
1802, Washington Square. In 1805, contributions
were made by individuals and the town, for the erec-
tion of its eastern and western gates. Being de-
signed, arched, and ornamented by Mr. Samuel Mcln-
tire, a noted architect, they do much to honor his
taste. A contract was made, 1817, for a substantial
railing to succeed the one which had enclosed the
mall. Thus altered, this portion of the common
lands adds much to the worth and beauty of its envi-
rons. It confers an obligation on this community, to
remember the promoters of its improvement with
sentiments of esteem.
Returning to the position of the Commoners, we
6nd them disturbed in their progress by demaxvdi^ oi
18
198 DISCORD OF COTTAGERS AND COMMONERS.
the old cottagers. This class of our population based
their claim on the rights of cottages built before 1661.
They considered themselves as more entitled to the
undivided territory than others, who erected dwell-
ings here after that time.' Charges were paid by the
commoners, in 1714, for a lawsuit with them, on ac-
count of such discrepancy. While the former were
80 troubled, they had renewed evidence, that all
around them were not so honest as they should be.
They order prosecutions for the cutting and carry-
ing away of wood and timber from their land. As
before, so afterwards, such measures were not wholly
effectual. Besides, the commoners were often called
to notice, from an early period, that individuals made
too broad a distinction between mine and thine,
A singular record is preserved, to this import, show-
ing a prevalent fashion as well as a public vigilance.
Aug. 21, 1637, "John Gatchell is fyned teun shil-
lings for bordering vpon the Towne ground without
leaue. And, in case he shall cutt of his lonng har of
his head into a seuill frame in the mean time, shall
haue abated fine shillings of his fine.''
The lack of harmony between the commoners and
cottagers continued to 1716. Each party had its
separate meetings, officers, and policy. The cotta-
gers proposed. May 23, to unite with the town for the
choice of referees, who belonged to the county, to
settle their difficulties; but the majority of voters,
on the 25th, did not consent. Thereupon the select-
men, on the 30th, petitioned General Court to inter-
pose and prevent the alarming evils of so warm a
contest. How such an application was received, is
not left recorded. The couxxoveis^ ^o fax ^\i^i\^i^'5.^
DIVISION OF THE COMMONS. DWELLINGS. |99
that the commoners, Oct. 30, 1721, made large parti*
tions of their pasture. With regard to this, as situ-
ated in 1640, the subsequent action was taken by the
freemen : << Ordered, that none of the land within
the Catle's range shalbe granted henceforward to any
man for any particular vse. And the range of the
Calle at the Forrest river head where freshe water
fails in and where salt water floweth at high water
marke, shalbe a lyne sowthard vp to Mr. Hum-
phryes farme and from thence to the pond and soe
about to Brooksbye." Before proceeding to divide
such territory, part of which had been located for the
poor and the ministry among the parishes, the com*
xnoners prudently made other reservations to meet
claims which might be presented. They reserved
300 acres, clear of abatements, between Spring and
Heading Ponds, and the plains on the north side of a
road from Butts brook to Strong Water-brook bridge.
So prepared, they had three lots set oflf — one for the
Village and Ryall Side or north precinct, another for
the middle precinct, and a third for the two lower
parishes. According to a computation, in 1723, there
were 284 cottagers and other commoners within these
limits. Of them, 214 belonged to the two lower
parishes, and 70 to the other sections. In the circuit
of all such commoners, 459 dwellings, mostly hutg
or cottages, were erected, from the first settlement to
the close of 1660. Of these, 226 were built before
or about the first of 1638, and 233 subsequently.
There were, also, 583 houses, from 1660 to June 16,
1702, and, from this date to November 22, 1714, 107
houses erected. The whole number l\\v\s W\\\.^^^%^
J,J49. The coutents of appropriations, ^TeN\o\x^l,
200 LAND FOR CATTLE. PASTURES.
specified and clear of abatements, were as follow:
138 rights for the Yillage and Ryall Side, equal to
460 acres ; 204 rights for the middle precinct, equal
to 680 acres ; and 790 rights to the two lower par-
ishes, equal to 2^630 acres. Inclusive uf the abate-
ments, there were 3,773 acres. To the rights, 28
more were afterwards added. These partitions have
shifted hands and undergone various modifications
with the progress of time. Particularly the great-
est, as retained hy residents in what is now our city,
calls for a relation of its incidental occurrences.
Its usual denomination has long been that of the
Great Pasture. The general manner of holding ter-
ritory as this has been, was not peculiar to our colony
or country. Palgrave informs us, that every Anglo-
Saxon "Township contained common fields, of which
the usufruct was shared between the lord and the
men of the community." Relative to the pasture,
rules were adopted, 1723-4, as follow : One right for
a cow, or 3 calves, or 2 yearlings, or 3 sheep and 3
iambs ; one and a half for an ox, or 2 heifers of 2
years old or steers, or 6 sheep and 5 lambs ; and two
rights for a horse. The clerk of the proprietors was
to have i"^ for each calf or sheep, and 1* for the other
animals, as his compensation. This body have al-
lowed those changes which the increase and con-
venience of our population and the improvements
of time required. For the accommodation of some
among them, who lived above the town bridge, and
others wishing to unite with them, they agreed, in
1737-8, that about one third of their commons, being
west and southwest from the town^should be a distinct
propriety. This offset compiuei xYis ^o\v\l ^tA ^^^^
PLANTING OF LOCUST TREES. 201
Pastures. The former of these, containing over 190
acres, became a separate lot in 1740. It has been
variously transferred, and now has not far from eight
rights. The latter was appropriated to its owners ia
1740-1, and then had an area of 730} acres or 194|
rights, each at 3^ acres. It has been so bought and
united with farms, as to retain only 16 rights. As
another curtailment of the Great Pasture, its proprie-
tors voted, 1741-2, that the subscribers for the Horse
Pasture should have 3J acres for each of their rights.
They accepted and confirmed, in 1749, a list of these
associates. An old map describes this partition as
having 88 rights and 340 acres. The difference of
calculation here may be owing to abatements for
quality of soil. The land, thus newly named, was
subdivided in 1784. One of the lots, being 134
acres and embracing Gallows Hill, was assigned to
Benjamin Goodhue and others; it still remains en-
tirely in their possession. Two other lots, then made
over, have mostly passed into private hands for culti-
vation. Among the less public transactions of the
commoners, was that of having trees planted. Per-
ceiving that the woods, which once abounded on
their premises, were not enough to afford sufficient
shade for herds on the highlands, they made a propo-
sal in 1747-8. It was, that whoever would set locust
trees there, should have 2/6 old tenor for each of
them, and, if it lived fifteen months, 2/6 more. Called
again to give up another large section of their terri-
tory, the commoners, in 1749, consented to the loca-
tion of rights so as to constitute Pickering's Pasture
of 274 acres. This land, though loii^ xi^di^ ^V^x
18*
203 REMAINS OF GREAT PASTURE.
being so allowed, for the feed of cows, has been
united for a considerable period, with farms composed
of its own and other soil. The commoners con-
sented, in 1773, that four rights be given by any of
their company to accommodate a hospital. They
parted with 125 acres, 1786, for the Pickman and
Fitch farms. As the town had purchased the hos-
pital, the commoners, 1794, granted such an estab-
lishment more of the pasture. Among the interrup-
tions of their pastoral concerns, none had produced
more public attention, than the passage of the turn-
pike through a portion of their limits. In 1808, they
set oflf the Great Swamp to Samuel Putnam, Esq.,
and 40 acres to Benjamin Pickman, Esq. Some of
these rights were purchased as high as $100 a piece.
Such are now sold for $50 each. Then the com-
moners had only 520 acres left ; of this they have
since relinquished 41J acres to the Ware farm, which
leaves but 478J acres in the possession of about
twenty-two proprietors. Should the question arise,
On what conditions did they permit their bounds to
be so much reduced ? The answer is, as may be
gathered from their transactions, that whenever one
or more individuals petitioned to have a certain num-
ber of rights, either inherited or purchased, located
together on acceptable terms, the request was con-
sidered and soon granted ; or, if such a proposition
required an order of court, they settled it in that way.
The territory, so diminished, asks for a glance at part
of its present rules. It admits 80 or 90 cows annu-
ally : each of them occupies IJ right, and is assessed
$1 50 fox entrance, which includes the herdsman's
pay. Among the " coming eveu\»^^ -vYivOa. ^^ c»&\ ^^vs!
TERRITORY SET OFF. WENHAM. 203
shadows before," may we not place the one, that
this chief remnant of common land, this memorial of
ancient privilege and custom, of long and varied
counsels and mutations, will, ere the lapse of many
years, cease as a propriety and become mingled with
the private estates of our corporation ? Transitory is
the nature of all earthly interests.
It is well known, that our oldest towns were liber-
ally allowed by the legislature to extend their bounds.
Salem was numbered among them. After having
protected her more distant uihabitants, and they felt
able to stand alone, she received applications for re-
lease from municipal bonds. The general reasons
assigned for changes of this kind, were the incon-
veniences of attendance on town meetings, on ser-
vices of worship, and on privileges of education for
children. As our corporation advanced in populatioa _
and resources, as its land rose in value and its charges
increased, such separations were less willingly and
expeditiously granted.
WENHAM.
The first branch of the parent stock, thus parted
with, was Wenham. There are no sufficient data
to show precisely the period when this place begaa
to be inhabited. Though land there does not seem,
from Salem records, to have been assigned before
1637, still some of it may have been improved sooner.
The next year, Francis Felmingham was allowed
200 acres at Great Pond, which designated Wenham.
Leave was given by the General Court, 1639, for the
settling of a village near Ipswich rivet. T\v\^ %\^\i\.
was urged by Tops£eld, in a conttoveiSY ol \^^^
204 HUGH PETERS. PETERS' HILL.
with what is now North Dan vers, as being exclu-
sively intended for Weiiham. The reason advanced
for it was, that, on the margin of the original record,
there was this note, '' Lands granted to Salem Village,
DOW Wenham." But such a remark was written, at
least four years after the order was passed, and per-
haps many more. It was also in a hand differeut
from that of Increase No well, who entered the grant.
The renewed permission of the legislature, in 1643,
for such a settlement, evidently shows, that in both
instances they intended it for Topsfield, and not for
Wenham in either of them.
Tradition informs us, that, in the first occupancy
of the latter place, Hugh Peters favored the inhabi-
tants with one of his sermons. The spot, then se-
lected for his stand, was the top of a hill, near what
was recently the stage-road and the margin of the
spacious pond. His text, according to his frequent
custom, was strikingly suited to the localities of the
situation. It was, " At Enon, near to Salim, because
there was much water there." The eminence, thus
used as a natural pulpit, still bears the name of this
noted but unfortunate divine. Like most mementos
of human actions, it is gradually diminished before
the inroads of inventive convenience.
This town weis incorporated May 10, 1643, accord-
ing to the simple record of General Court, " It is
ordered, that Enon shalbe called Wenham."
MANCHESTER.
As a division of Naumkeag, this place was an-
ciently known as Jeffrey's Gceek. It appears to have
been thus called from WiWiam 3ettte>j,^\Mi\!ttt\«Mc^
MANCHESTER. MARBLEHEAD. 205
occupied it, as well as a neck of his surname in
Ipswich, for trade and fishery, not later than 1628.
In a general assignment of territory, 1636-7, lands,
located there, were granted by Salem to some of its
inhabitants. General Court, at their session of May
13, 1640, allowed a company of seventeen persons,
chiefly grantees at the Creek, to erect a village there
with suitable enlargement, under the direction of
Symon Bradstreet and John Winthrop, Jr. William
Walton, who headed the petition for such permissioDi
expected to remove thither, but he continued to
preach at Marblehead. The legislature, at a session
of May 14, 1645, exchanged the name of Jeffrey's
Creek for Manchester, whence the town dates its
incorporation, though the act was in July. To facili-
tate intercourse between this place and its parent
town, the same legislative body order, October 26 of
the next year, that a committee *^ forthwith lay out a
way between the ferry at Salem and the head of
Jeffryes Creeke, and that it be such a way, as men
may travell on horse-back or drive catle, and if such
a way may not be found, then to take speedy course
to sett vp a foote bridge at Mawkrell Cove."
MARBLEHEAD.
This settlement was so denominated from its abun-
dance of rocks, anciently called marble, and from its
high and bold projection into Salem harbor. Its
bounds included Naugus' Head, which, in 1629, be-
came the site of the noted Darby Fort. It was
selected about this time, as well adapted for carrying
on the fishery. Mr. Cradock, the first ^o>ie\wot ^^
the Massachusetts corporation, had one oi \v\s <iOTK^ap
206 MARBLEHEAD.
nies here in this business, not later than 1631. Isaac
Allerton, and Moses Maverick, his son-in-law, the for-
mer among the first settlers of Plymouth, were here
as soon as 1634, with their servants similarly em-
ployed. Wood gives the ensuing description in 1633:
<< Marvil Head is a place, which lyeth 4 miles full
South from Salem and is a very convenient place for
a Plantation, especially for such as will set upon the
trade of fishing. There was made here a ship's
loading of fish the last year, where still stand the
stages and drying scaffolds." At their session of
May 6, 1635, the Legislature order, that " there shalbe
a Plantacon att Marblehead ; " that the people there
<< plant and improue such ground" as they need;
and, according to their increase, the inhabitants of
Salem, who own land thereabouts are to let them
have it, on condition of << being payd for their labor
and cost." John Humphrey was allowed to im-
prove "the land betwixte the Clifte and the For-
rest Ry ver ; " but, if the necessity of Marblehead
population required it, he was to part with it on
terms similar to those last named, and they were to
retain it unless proved to be property of Salem. None
were to reside at Marblehead without leave from the
Court or two of the magistrates. At their session of
March 3, 1635-6, evidence was laid before the Legis-
lature, that Marblehead neck belonged to Salem. The
same authorities order, 1643-4, that, " in regard of
the defect of freemen at Marblehead," a person, not
80 politically qualified, but 6t for a constable there,
be nominated by Salem and sworn by the Deputy
Governor. They vote, that " Marblehead hath leave
granted to fortify itself by btea&x ^oxAift «t cfQckfi!ir«SaKki,
MR. HUMPHRET. TOPSFIELD. 207
and two guns to bee delivered unto them with con*
venient ammunition suitable thereto." The next
May, the Legislature require them to choose oue of
their inhabitants to give them military instruction, so
that they may be ready for "speciall occations." It
was agreed by Salem, March 12, 1648-9, that " Mar-
blehead, with the allowance of General Court, shall
be a towne and the bounds to be the utnnost extent
of that land, which was Mr. Humphries farme and
solde to Marblehead, and so all the neck to the sea,
reserving the disposing of the ferry and appointing
of the ferry was to Salem." Such permission wa3
confirmed by the Legislature, at their convention of
the 2d of the succeeding May. At the time of this
separation, Marblehead contained forty-four families.
Its territory was claimed by the Sagamore George as
a part of his father's inherited domain. As stated
previously, the heirs of the former disposed of their
claim to the soil in 1684, and thus quieted a demand
perseveringly made by their deceased relative.
NEW MEADOWS.
This place was assigned by General Court, at their
session of November 5, 1639, to the inhabitants of Sa-
lem for a village. The same authorities intended that
others of Ipswich, who made like application, should
share in the privilege. They rectified the omission
in 1643. They also voted, at the first date, farms
for Messrs. Belli ngham, Bradstreet and Endicott, in
or about the same territory. It was not long ere a
question arose whether the line of Salem, contained
in such land, reached Ipswich rivet. "SMYlvX^ ^Oons^
.Mubject was pending, the name o£ ISew 'ilJLe^^Qrsn%
208 BEVERLY. PETITION.
was exchanged for that of Topsfield, October 18,
1650, and was thus incorporated. This accorded
with the wish of some proprietors, while others peti-
tioned that it might be called " Hempsteed." The
Legislature decided, in 1658, that Salem should ex-
tend from their meeting-house six miles " into the
woods " towards Topsfield, and that the latter in-
clude such lands as were beyond this limit and
granted by the former, but to be owned by the indi-
vidual proprietors. Still a severe and protracted dis-
cussion was continued between parties of the two
places till 1700, when it was closed. The appoint-
ment and report of surveyors, employed on this occa-
sion, show the rareness of scientific qualifications for
such a trust. William Bowditch and William Ged-
ney were chosen by two justices "to be y* Artists
for y* stating and selling y* West line."
BEVERLY.
This place was originally called Cape Ann Side
and Bass River. Its early associations and interests
rendered it more nearly allied to Salem than any
other of the seceded corporations. Its soil was occu-
pied by the adventurous colonists about 1628. To
this conclusion is the deposition of Richard Bracken-
bury, who spake from personal knowledge : " The
same yeare wee came ouer, it was that wee tooke a
farther possession on the north side of Salem ferrye,
comonly caled Cape An Side, by cutting thach for our
houses, and soone after laid out lotts for tillage land
on the said Cape An Side, and quickly after sundry
houses were built on the said Ca^ An Side." Hav-
jng ^^ borne the burden o£ tVie da>j^^ VvCcl^^cti^^sA
MASON'S PATENT. WILL HILL. S09
been released from ecclesiastical engagements to them,
the people of Bass River petition General Court, in
1659, to be made a separate town. Their request
was suspended till 1668, when it was allowed, and
they received the appellation of Beverly. But this
name was far from being one of sweet sounds and
sensations to Roger Conant and his neighbors. They
besought the Legislature in 1671 to save them from
80 unpleasant experience by permitting them to be
denominated Budleigh. They had two reasons for
such a request : one was, that the desired name was
that of the market town of Devonshire in the west
of England, whence he and his fellow planters came ;
another, that the imposed appellation subjected them
to the nickname of beggarly. Still the arguments
failed to compass the object. In assuming a distinct
municipality, the people of Beverly subjected them-
selves to a claim sustained by the patent of John
Mason. On this account they were disturbed in
1680, and many years passed before a settlement
was effected. A further demand was made on them
by descendants of the Agawam Sagamores, for a title
to their soil. This they compromised in 1700, more
as a matter of charity than of justice.
WILL HILL.
The grant of a farm to Richard Bellingham, in
1639, was "on the head of Salem to the N. W.,
there being in it a hill with an Indian plantation."
The eminence here mentioned went by the name of
Will Hill, which was also applied to its vicinity. It
was probably so called from old Yf\V\\ani)«XL\GkdcL«Xk«
19
210 RTALL SIDE.
This individual had given a considerable tract of
land to John, son of Governor Endicott, before 1660,
as an expression of gratitude for the kindness shown
by the father to the impoverished natives. From
motives of policy the Legislature did not confirm
this gift, but they assigned to the grantee, in its
stead, a similar one of the colony. Bray Wilkins
and John Gingle, having purchased Mr. Bellingham's
farm, petitioned General Court in 1661, that it might
be under the jurisdiction of Salem. This was al-
lowed. As the people of Will Hill were more ac-
commodated to worship with their immediate neigh-
bors of other towns, they were released, 1723, from
ecclesiastical charges at Salem village, when the min-
istry should be established among them. After sev-
eral attempts to be set off, they, with parts of An-
dover, Boxford and Topsfield, were incorporated,
June 20, 1728, by the name of Middleton*
RYALL SIDE.
This division of our soil has been spelt variously.
Some have written it Ryal, supposed to be from the
surname of William Ryall, who came over in 1629 ;
and others. Royal. On the town records we find, in
1646, « Royall Side," and in 1650, « Rial's Neck."
It is probable that both of these nominal adjectives
refer to the emigrant's surname, just mentioned. As
the exact mode of spelling this name is not known to
have been continued in New England, and as a family
of Royals resided early in Maine, it is supposed that
Ryall was changed to Royal. Still we have thought
it well to retain what is likely to have been the
original appellation of the a\Ae, xVv^x *y& ^i^ai^* \sx
LEASKD LANDS. DANYERS. 211
1679, commons, located there, were let to indi-
viduals and were denominated << the leased lands."
These were sold to the lessees, soon after the final
separation of the premises from Salem, for £146 13* 4^.
A vote was passed here, 1711-2, that the inhabitants
of Ryall Side be allowed, with some of the village
and Beverly, to associate as a religious society, some-
times termed the Precinct. The consent of Salem
having been obtained, the Legislature enacted, Sep-
tember 11, 1753, that Ryall Side be united with
Beverly.
DANVERS.
Settlers were here as early as 1633. They annu-
ally increased and spread. Connected with a large
grant of land made by the Legislature, in 1635, to
John Humphrey, was "a fresh pond with a little
Ileland, conteyning aboute two acres." This spot
lies mostly within the bounds of Dan vers. The sub-
sequent condition was annexed to its being possessed
by the grantee : " The inhabitants of Saugus and
Salem shall have liberty to build stoore howses vpon
the said Ileland, and to lay in such provisions, as they
iudge necessary for their vse in tyme of neede." As
the north-westerly part of Salem was regarded as a
suitable place for considerable population, the follow-
ing movement was made, December 31, 1638, by the
people of this town : " Agreed and voted, that there
should be a village graunted to Mr. Phillips and his
company vppon such conditions as the 7 men ap-
pointed for the towne affaires should agree on." This
appears to have been the origin of ^Yv8l\. ^^a Vyck%
called Salem Village ; sometinies the i^XaxxVaA^oxt wcA
213 WATCH-HOUSE. DISTRICT.
its inhabitants were also denominated the farmers.
The Mr. Phillips, before named, was probably John,
who preached at Dedham and elsewhere. He was
received here, as a townsman, January 21, 1640, and
assigned land on condition of his remaining in the
country. Not long after this, he and his wife united
with Dedham church and returned to England in
1642. The people of the village were released,
1671-2, from parish charges to the first congregation.
As usual with such settlements, they very probably
kept up worship among themselves, either by laymen
or preachers, from their beginning. As a protection
against the devastations of Philip's forces, they had,
in the fore part of 1676, garrisons prepared, by order
of the town's military committee, and manned from
among themselves. In 1696, they dismiss from their
church some individuals, who, with others of Ipswich,
emigrate to South Carolina. They long had a place
of defence on " Watch-house hill," where ihey agreed,
in 1700, to erect their second meeting-house. Their
contest with Topsfield, as to bounds, has been spoken
of, and their still severer trials of witchcraft and other
concerns will be elsewhere presented. After long
continued applications of the village to become a
separate town, a vote is passed by Salem, October
23, 1751, that they and the Middle Precinct, with
consent of the Legislature, be thus privileged. When
they brought their petition, for such an object, before
the General Court, this body so modified it as to con-
stitute them a district instead of a town. The act,
thus incorporating them, was of January 28, 1752,
and gave them the name of Danvers. There was a
political reason for such AVsap^mVcaBtiV '^"^A.v^r
CAUSE OF THE NAME, DANVERS. 213
structioDs had been sent to the governor of our Prov-
ince to restrain the increase of representatives by
preventing the formation of towns. The party, both
here and in England, who favored the Parliamentary
taxation of our colonies, perceived that the popular
branch of our government gained strength to resist
such adverse policy. Hence they were sustained by
regal prerogative, to circumvent the power whose ad-
vance would cause their retreat. As to the name of
Danvers, it was so called through the influence of
Lieut. Governor Phips, from gratitude to one of his
patrons. While this district was connected with Sa-
lem, it had one of the representatives to the Legisla-
ture at its own charge, and the latter had another.
So soon as a favorable opportunity presented, the sub-
ject of its becoming a town was brought before the
General Court. The end of such a movement was
accomplished June 16, 1757, and thus one means
secured to enlarge legislative privilege and throw
weight in the scale of freedom. On this occasion,
however, Mr. Hutchinson of the council and subse-
quently governor, entered his protest. The substance
of the document dated the 9th, is of the ensuing
tenor : First. Excessive increase of representatives
retards business, burdens the people, and gives the
House undue proportion to the Board in joint ballot.
Second. As no governor nor lieutenant governor is
present, so important a matter should be deferred.
Third. The Board by passing the bill, as the second
branch of the government, immediately bring it be-
fore themselves, for consent or refusal, as the first
branch, thus directly opposing the King's oiAfei^ \a
19*
814 Pl^N TO OVERTHROW CHARTERED COLONIES.
the chief magistrate, in a case unnecessary for the
public good. The failure of this effort indicated,
that the political views of its author were less accep-
table to the greater portion of the community than
they had been.
MASON'S CLAIM.
When this city was settled, the whole portion of
it beyond the North River was claimed by John Ma-
son. This gentleman predicated his demand on two
patents, which preceded that of Massachusetts Com-
pany, but were destitute of legal sanctions. Still,
these were adduced at various periods, with another
of 1635, as proof of his propriety in the soil from
said river to the Piscataqua. In the year last men-
tioned, it was the purpose of the anti-Puritan party
in England, to make him governor of the same terri-
tory, and others to sustain a like office in different
divisions of our colonies, and all of them subject to a
president. But the project failed, and with it the en-
forcement of Mr. Mason's demand was suspended.
At his decease, in the same year, he left a widow,
Ann, and an only child, Jane, the wife of John Tuf-
ton. The children of the latter, besides two daugh-
ters, were John and Robert. These sons, on coming
of age, were to assume the surname of their grand-
father, as a condition of being numbered among his
principal heirs. The first, John, seems to have had
part of his bequest within the present Essex county
bounds. How long he lived is unknown to us. He
left no issue. His grandmother, Ann, through her
agent, Joseph Mason, sent a transcript of her hu&-
band'a wHl, copied 1653, to lAafis»A\k\>fiRXV& %3\\hori«
ROTAL CORRESPONDENCE. 21S
ties, as an indication of what was expected from
them. His brother, Robert, as opportunities pre-
sented, urged their ancestor's claim. In 1660 he
brought it before the lately restored monarch. No-
tice of this and other matters was communicated to
our General Court. They soon forwarded a loyal
address to the King. He sent them a friendly an-
swer of February 16, 1660-1, with the promise of
protection to our people in all their charter rights.
Mr. Mason still continued the agitation of his landed
inheritance here. In 1668, William Trask agreed to
give him 15/. a year for the use of his house and
land. Payments of this rent were to be " on the day of
St. John Baptist's nativity and on the feast-day of our
Lord's nativity." Such renewal of a vexed question,
was probably encouraged by the augmented prejudice
which the King cherished against our rulers, for their
late rejection of his uncompromising commissioners.
While our fathers were almost cnished with the bur-
den and afBictions of the Indian war in 1676, a com-
mand came from his majesty for them to dispatch
agents for his court to answer the complaints of
Gorges and Mason. Accordingly Messrs. Stoughton
and Bulkley were sent over. They were heard,
1677, before two lords, chief justices. These de-
cided, that as the ter-tenants of the soil, from Pis-
cataqua to Naumkeag river, had not been summoned
to prove their titles, they could give no conclusive
opinion on the subject. They however reported, that
Hampton, Elxeter, Dover, and Portsmouth, embraced
in such limits, should belong to New Hampshire, and
the rest, making ten towns, should be couXamedi \\i
Massacbasetts. They also gave their judgtaeuX.) \S[^aX
216 MARIANA. SIR WILLIAM JONES.
Mr. Mason ought not to be allowed the right of gov-
ernment over either of these two divisions. Relative
to the latter partition of territory, this gentleman in-
tended to have it denominated Mariana, and be sub-
ject to the jurisdiction of himself and descendants.
Thus it was his purpose to revive a favorite plan of
his ancestor, and it was his lot to experience a like
disappointment. The decision of the preceding ju-
rists received the Royal confirmation. Thus, with
respect to the fee of their lands, the inhabitants of
an early section of Salem, as well as of other places,
were left in anxious suspense. As some alleviation
to their fears. Sir William Jones, in 1679, gave his
opinion that such a demand was illegal. Still, Mr.
Mason was active at home, for what he deemed his
just inheritance in New England. He so gained the
ear of the King to his petitions, that a letter of Sep-
tember 30, 1680, came from His Majesty to our rulers.
It ordered, that the people of the intended Mariana
transmit proofs of their real estate, with colonial
agents, to the crown. Individuals were elected for
such an embassy. Among the instructions, prepared
for them, February 28, 1680-1, our civil authorities
made the ensuing remark : " With reference to Mr.
Mason's complaints and claime on the South side of
Merrimack River, you shall truly enforme his Majes-
tic of our ready obedience to his commands in pub-
lishing his letter to those Ter-tenents, who will make
their application to his Majestic, as he has been
pleased to direct." The persons designated for this
purpose declmed, and the agency was delayed, much
to the displeasure of the King. Such an occasion
brought out valuable depodtiona Itota ^^^tciL ^1 %«e^
PETITION OF BEVERLY. 217
lem's primitive planters, and thus preserved historical
facts which otherwise would have sUimbered in the
grave with them. It also produced interesting peti-
tions from towns immediately interested. One from
Beverly, of February 22, 1680-1, furnishes the subse-
quent details: We have our juste titles to the soil;
every proprietor expects a legal trial ; have had posses-
sion above 60 years. We "entered vpon the place
with good likeing of the Indians ; haue aduentured
our lines and estates and worne out much time and
strength in the subduing a wilderness for the increas-
ing his Majesties dominions and customs. And in
the late warrs with the heathen, haue carried our
lines in our hands to defend our possessions with the
loss of about twelve English lines of our town, and
expended some hundreds of pounds to maintain our
lands." In all this period, Mr. Mason has done noth-
ing for the defence or improvement of the territory.
We hope his Majesty does not mean, that we shall
send our original deeds and evidences 3,000 miles to
rebut his plea, and that the case may be heard on the
contested premises. We rely on his Majesty's prom-
ise of protection to the colonists, made in his first
letter to our civil authorities after being restored to
the throne, and that he will intercede for them if the
cause of Mason be brought before him in council.
The succeeding June 2, the assistants order £100 to
assist the defendants of the several towns in contro-
versy ; but the house non-concurred. Probably the
reason for this dissent was, lest it should commit the
Legislature as avowed opponents to the regal plea-
sure, already bent on vacating our cbailex. OtiXJoA
3d of the same mouth, both branches oi X\xe ^oN^ror
218 TERTENANTS* COMMITTEE AND ADDRESS.
merit make a remark in their letter to the King, re-
specting the occupants of Mariana. It is, " We are
in hope, that what may be presented to his Majesty
on behalf of said inhabitants, will obviate the clamour
^and groundless pretence of the complainers." Cer-
tain expenses of Ipswich, January 9, 1682, denote
that a committee of these persons, so accused, had
assembled to consult on expedient measures for re-
lief. The legislative* authorities, February 15, peti-
tion the King to protect the same individuals. These,
comprising the people of Gloucester, in their address
to the crown, repeat the leading arguments of the
Beverly document. They also say, We were con-
firmed in our rights by law of 1657, for settling in-
heritences. They mention the destitution of legal
forms in the first patents of Mason. They pray,
that whatever trial may be had in the case, it may
be in courts of justice within the disputed circuit.
In order for due attention to these documents in Lon-
don, a bill of exchange for £10 was sent to John
Hall. However careful to make such provision, yet
the last appeals to the throne were necessarily de-
layed. The magistrates, March 29, propose that the
occupants of Mariana re-write their petition, and omit
styling themselves " tertenants," lest their use of the
term' should be implicit evidence against their cause.
As proof how much the possessors of the land in
question were opposed to any acknowledgment, that
their titles lacked in validity, we have the ensuing
fact: The people of Ipswich, at a town-meeting,
November 27th, say, as Thomas Lovel, a selectman,
has been to Mr. Mason about a compliance, and advised
others that it would be \>eal Xo com^Vj^^^Xfc^^Vfea^
GOV. BRADSTRECT. SEC. JENKINS. 219
he be excluded from his office. The General Court,
at a session of February 15, 1682-3, appoint magis-
trates, unconcerned in the property so contested, to
hold a Court in Essex County, for hearing its respec-
tive claimants. Governor Bradstreet addresses a let-
ter to Secretary Jenkins in London, March 24th, on
this topic, which was embraced by the advocates for
regal prerogative, as a call for the nullification of our
colonial patent. He states, that the King's conununi-
cation of June 23, about Mason's demand, did not
reach him till the end of November, and that, on
January 26, he had another from this claimant, re-
quiring that he should be put in possession of Ma-
riana, according to the royal injunctions, and be al-
lowed to prosecute forthwith the holders of such
territory. He also writes, that he communicated
Mason's request to the Legislature, and that they
wished this person to be informed, •that he might
have been accommodated with a trial here long before,
and may still be so, by giving a month's notice, for
the purpose of selecting impartial judges and jurors.
He further relates, that after an answer was forwarded
to Mr. Mason he visited Boston, but made no motion
for a legal investigation of his case. The impracti-
cability which this gentleman had experienced in
New Hampshire, to obtain a verdict against the re-
tainers of his land there, and the fact, that similar
and even greater difficulty would attend his suit in
Essex County, was probably the chief cause why he
delayed to commence an action. The following
order of our government, at their session of May 16,
very likely referred to the same subject-. ^^\tv^xv^^«t
to the petition of John Wales and Oont^xit 1&as«a^
220 CLAIM INCREASINGLT REVIVED.
bis daughter, relict of John Mason, humbly desiring,
that the like power of making sale and confirming
deeds, as was formerljr by y* Court granted to John
Mason and no otherwise, may be by this Court
granted to them, being administrators of the said
John Mason's estate. The Court grants their request
and impowers them hereby accordingly." If this
has the application supposed, one of the petitioners
must have been the widow of John Tufton Mason,
deceased, and grandson of the patentee, and his
brother, Robert, may have allowed her, as a party
concerned, to secure, by private compromise with
those whom he considered as ter-tenants, what there
was no prospect of his obtaining by any judicial pro-
cess. Still, when James II. came to the throne in
1685, and increasingly leaned to despotism and pa-
pacy, and thus against the free institutions of New
England, Mason had encouragement to expect, that
events would so occur as to accomplish bis long de-
ferred purpose. So revived were his hopes, that some
land holders deemed it advisable to comply with his
requisitions while moderate, lest, with the enlai^e-
ment of his influence, they should be raised. One
of our most respected inhabitants. Rev. John Higgin-
8on, by May 28, 1686, had taken a lease of him for
700 acres of land, granted by General Court, 1661,
and bordering on Haverhill. The condition was, that
Mason, or his heirs, should have 2/. for every house
subsequently erected on the lot. Being of Andros's
Council and about to repeat the trial of his demands
in Boston, 1688, he finished his varied and perplexed
career. His was an inheritance of protracted and
continual disappointmeats. Bi& x^o «oi^ \i»A&»&. b^
CLAIM RELINQUISHED. PENNICOOK. 221
his adverse experience and sold their right to Samuel
Allen of London. The same was confirmed, 1691,
to this person, by our province charter. After sev-
eral unsuccessful efforts to enforce his demands on
the individual and common lands of towns in New
Hampshire, he died 1705. His son, Thomas Allen,
similarly failed, and deceased 1715. With so poor a
prospect before them, his heirs gave up the contest.
A descendant of Capt. Mason revived his claim, 1738,
and had it afterwards allowed in England. By his
sale of lands in Salisbury, and other of our north
towns, to Massachusetts, about the year just specified,
he implicitly relinquished all right to Mariana. Thus,
after long suspense, the inhabitants of this contested
section were freed from anj^ further charge as intru-
ders, and left to the undisturbed use of their soil.
Though the euphony of the name, applied by Mason
to their territory, must be allowed, yet, from its asso-
ciations of perplexity and cost, it could not bring
harmony to their views and feelings.
TOWNSHIPS GRANTED.
Among the multitudes of Salem, gone out at vari-
ous periods, to people other territories, are some who
had grants of townships from our civil authorities.
PENNICOOK.
This was an Indian name for a large tract of land
on the Merrimack River. It was generally applied
to the bounds of Concord, N. H. This seems to be
the location, or nearly so, for which our townsmen
made an early movement. " The SeVectmsn ^^t^ ft«r
20
3S2 CONDITION OF SETTLEMENT. INDIAN TRADE.
rired, September 27, 1662, to petition the General
Court for Pennie Cooke as a Plantation, and to ingage
for the planting of the same." This was done May
28, 1663, through our deputies. The reasons pro-
duced for it were, that the town had parted with so
much of their soil as not to have enough for the com-
fortable support of all its population ; and whoever
of them should have a new settlement allowed them,
would be more "helpful to Church and Common-
wealth." The deputies agree to the request, but the
magistrates defer the subject. Such delay may have
arisen from applications made by Maiden the preced-
ing June, and by individuals of Newbury and else-
where in 1659, for a plantation in the same quarter.
It was, however, continued no longer than the session
of October 20, when the wish of our townsmen was
gratified. They were assigned a tract of six miles
square, on condition of having it occupied with not
less than 20 families in three years. The record of
this grant states, that it had been made previously.
In the same vicinity, Governor Endicott, in 1664,
was allotted 600 acres, 36 of which were on an
island in the river. One mile square, in that neigh-
borhood, was voted for William Hathorne, 1673, in-
stead of 600 acres, which had been ordered for him
elsewhere. So large a lot was probably allowed him,
in part, to encourage a post for Indian trade, set up
by enterprising individuals of Salem, in 1674, which
must have been interrupted, as to its object, by the
disastrous war soon after waged with the natives.
It appears that the purpose for advancing the settle-
ment of Pennicook was long suspended. In 1714,
Salem repeated their appWcalvou \^ xSaa \iK^\^tfaX\«a^
ARROUSICK ISLAND. N. YARMOUTH. 223
that the place might be confirmed to them. They
remarked as if it was first appropriated to them
in 1661. Their plea for being renewedly heard was,
that the wars had prevented a requisite number from
emigrating thither according to contract ; their losses
in late hostilities ; the reduction of their bounds, and
part of their inhabitants needed land for support.
There is no record that the General Court allowed
this petition. The territory for which our fathers
thus made repeated efforts, had become occupied, in
1727, by emigrants from Ireland.
SOUTHEND OF ARROUSICK ISLAND.
This place lies in Maine. By September 6, 1676,
it had become the refuge for about 60 persons, who
were driven by an Indian enemy from adjacent settle-
ments. Among such a distressed company were emi-
grants from Salem. At the date already mentioned,
they were privileged to become a town, by Edmund
Andros, then governor of Sagadahoc, which had come
under the jurisdiction of the Duke of York. la
1689 the settlement was called Newtown, and subse-
quently made a part of Georgetown.
«* SWEGUSTAGOE " PLANTATION.
A company, mostly from Salem, are allowed by
General Court, at the session of May 19, 1680, a
plantation at the bottom of Casco Bay. The order
contains various particulars. It says, that ''fine miles
square to be allotted out for a Touneship and two of
the Islands adjacent ; " that a comtavUee ^^\>^ vcdl-
powered for the enterteyning of inhatoVlatkts wA ^j»x5X-
S24 BEATER &KINS FOR A TITLE. ENFIELD.
ing of allottments, and laying out the bounds of the
sajd Towne. And no Indian purchase, formerly or
hereafter to be made, shall give interest to any person
in sajd land, but by the approbation and allowance of
the sajd committee, refering to the Gouernor and
Company the royalties and priuiledges, due by Char-
ter to the cheife Lord Proprietor, and a farme of 300
acres, in any place where the President of the sajd
Province shall appoint and choose, and all this vpon
condition that they settle 20 or 30 familjes, with an
able minister, within two yeares. Also, they shall
allow as an acknowledgment of the Gouernor and
Company or the cheife proprietors by his Majestjes
Charter, after the first seven yeares are expired, five
Beauer skins per ann." Bartholomew Gedney, one of
our distinguished townsmen, was a large owner of
territory in this quarter, 1674, where he then had a
saw-mill erected. He was appointed on a committee
to superintend the settlement of the foregoing grant,
and the erection of a fort for its defence. This loca-
tion was permitted to be a township, 1684, and was
incorporated 1713, as North Yarmouth.
FRESH-WATER BROOK.
This was the name of territory which anciently
belonged to Springfield. It was set off by the parent
town 1681, and was mostly settled by emigrants from
Salem. Among these, were Capt. John Pease and
«on. They were allowed to be a township 1683, and
were then called Enfield. The inhabitants of the
place seceded from Massachusetts, and, in 1752, be-
came annexed to Connecticut.
WINDHAM. AMHERST. NEW SALEM. 225
NEW MARBLEHEAD.
This place, being in Maine, was granted in 1724,
and the plan of it accepted by the Legislature, 1736,
It was settled by individuals from Salem as well as
Marblehead. It subsequently received the name of
Windham.
SOUHEGAN WEST.
Among the survivors of the battle at Narraganset
in 1675, or their heirs, were some such of our own
town. To these a tract of land, with the above title
as one of its names, was assigned by Massachusetts.
A plan of it was approved in 1728, when it was de-
nominated " Salem Narraganset, No. 3." It after-
wards fell within the bounds of New Hemipshire, and
has been long known as Amherst.
NEW SALEM.
This place was assigned to Joseph Andrews and
others of our inhabitants 1729, according to inci-
dental evidence. It was confirmed to them and re-
corded, 1734, among the proceedings of the Legisla-
ture. The conditions were as follow : Sixty homelots
were to be laid out in a defencible manner. One of
them for the first settled minister, another for the
support of the ministry, and the third for the use of a
school. Each proprietor was to pay £5 on admission
for surveys and other public purposes. He was to
give a bond of £25, that his lot should have a house,
7 feet stud and 18 feet square ; 7 acres fit for cultivar
tion or mowing' of English grass ; " settle a leeraaftL
20*
326 LTNDEBOROUGH. TRADE PLANTATION.
and orthodox minister, and build a convenient meet-
ing-house," within five years. Whoever failed to
comply with the terms, lost his right and it reverted
to the Commonwealth. These were the common
Stipulations on which townships were granted. The
meetings of residents and non-residents, were held in
Salem till 1753, when it was agreed to transfer them
to the premises of the former.
SALEM CANADA.
This was among several tracts, assigned by our
government for service in the disastrous expedition
to Canada in 1690. It was granted, in 1736, to
Samuel King and others of our townsmen. It was
afterwards called Lyndeborough in compliment to
Judge Lynde, one of its chief proprietors. Like
many other townships, it came, by Royal decision of
1740, under the jurisdiction of New Hampshire.
TRADING PLANTATION.
For carrying on the fur-trade, which other compa-
nies had done, several of our inhabitants became asso-
ciated. The names of these were William Hathorne,
William Brown, George Curwin, and Walter Price,
They, with seven more, lay their request, 1659, be-
fore the Legislature. They ask for a tract of ten
miles square, 40 or 60 miles from Springfield to the
westward, and two thirds of the way to Awrania,
afterwards Albany, on condition of commencing its
settlement in 18 months. In October of the next
year they were allowed xheu desire^ if a house be
erected and ten men locale^, ticiftt^ \xi vo^^ ^^»ac^
FACE OF THE TERRITORY. HILLS. 227
They were styled the Company of the Western
Plantation for trade. They were permitted, 1662,
two years longer for effecting their object. Then a
report of their concerns stated, that they had expended
£250 towards running the southern line of our colony
^^ in meere charges on seuerall persons in a jurney by
land to Forte Auriania and one voyage to y^ mana-
tees by sea. In prosecution of the General Court's
orders, besides other disbursments, to y* vallue of
£160 and upwarde more in and aboute y® same."
The object of such an enterprise was long ago relin-
quished, as the forests gave place to our settlements
and the aborigines disappeared by the progress of our
population.
FACE OF THE TERRITORY.
As Salem has advanced in years and extended its
improvements, the appearances of nature have given
place to those of art. Though it lacks the varied
scenery of its ancient bounds, still it possesses inter-
esting features. While its main body lies nearly
level, its additional portions have their pleasant emi-
nences and valleys, with other original traits.
Hills, — Among these mute survivors of numerous
revolutions around them, the following may be num-
bered : Bellyhac, Lord's, Monument, Pickering, Pine,
Rail, Spring, Thistle and Timber. These are all
located in what was formerly the Great Pasture.
Lord^s, is so denominated from its ancient proprietor.
It overtops the rest. It furnished accommodation for
a house and garden of its owner. Long since it&
habitation of social enjoyments fell in \\i\xv&^ uxA \Xs^
&uitfal £eld was covered with the wM \iet\>«^^* ^I!>dia
S28 BEACON AND CASTLE HILL. INDIAN CASTLE.
height nearest to the turnpike, soon after entering on
this road, at the right as you go to Lynn, was called,
1749, Norman's rocks. Another, Brown's, is located
eastward of Marblehead road. Besides these, is
Legg's hill, near the upper bridge of Forest River.
It seems to have been so denominated from John
Legg of Marblehead. It rises 119.4 feet above high-
water mark. It commands a fine view of Massachu-
setts bay and the adjacent country. — Beacon Hill^
1698, a place for signals, is supposed by some to
have been the height of land on the neck. — Castle
Hill, This is so called on our records in 1636-7.
As well known, it forms a part of the Derby farm.
It was anciently owned by Erasmus James, who
sold it to William Brown. This gentleman be-
queathed it, 1716, to his daughter, the wife of Judge
Lynde. For a long period, it had an elegant sum-
mer-house on its top. This building, 40 years ago,
was suffered to decay. Afterwards, it was repaired
and raised for the additional purpose of an obser-
vatory. In a few years it was blown down, and
its ruins cleared away. No vestige remains to tell
where once the admirers of nature assembled and
discoursed on the beauties of the landscape around
them. The eminence furnishes an interesting specu-
lation. Mourt, in 1621, visited the territory of the
Naumkeag chief. While here he saw an Indian fort,
apparently the one on Forrest River, and said of a
second, " About a mile hence, we came to such an-
other, but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nan-
epashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the
time of his death." This lemaxk. probably applies
io Castle Hill, whose siluaiiou ^« fajvotsXAa fet ^^psr
SWAMPS. MARSHES. CREEKS. 229
venting a surprise from the hostile Tarrentines. The
early name of the height also denotes, that it was a
place of defence, which our first planters are not
known to have occupied for any such purpose. — Gal-
lows Hill. This spot is well known as located in
the vicinity of town bridge. It is associated with
sad remembrances. It is the site where the victims
of witchcraft delusion made their exit.
Swamps. — Of these, which have disappeared and
are gradually disappearing from our soil, we may num-
ber Ash, Blueberry, Cotton, Great, Long, Pine and
Round. The chief of them, as situated in our south-
west lands, is Great Swamp. This, 40 years ago,
contained 66 acres. It measured a half mile, nearly
N. and S. It used to be passed at Chip bridge, near
Lynn line, and empty into Forrest river. It was pur-
chased by Judge Samuel Putnam in 1808, and cost
him from $20 to $25 an acre. He soon had it pre-
pared for grass. It has since proved very fertile for
hay and vegetables.
Marshes. — Among these, which have become much
diminished, the Planters' Marsh has long been noted.
It is crossed by the lower part of Bridge Street. Its
name was derived from several of our primitive set-
tlers, to whom it was assigned. It continues the
memorial of departed worth.
Creeks. — There were not many such places in the
original limits of Salem. Within its present bounds,
there was a principal one which has undergone much
change. 'Its course was from the South River, below
the mills, and up between Norman and High Streets.
It contained a place called Sweet's eove,\ie\T\% xi^'si
the bouse of John Sweet. In the ftrst ^e«t^ oi owx
230 GREAT CHANGES IN SOUTH CREEK.
settlement, it aflforded accommodations for a principal
part of our commerce. When it was allowed to be
crossed by Mill Street Bridge, 1726, the subsequent
provision was made : " That the passage be 30 feet
wide, so that the proprietors of the lands above and
others, may not be stopped from bringing down or
carrying up any vessels or rafts, etc., that they may
have occasion for." The privilege of thus using the
creek continued for a long period. A century since,
boys would go in boats from its waters to a swamp
in Crombie Street, and collect eggs from black birds'
nests. After this, small vessels passed up to the
bottom of the middle of Norman Street. Britton's
hill, running from Summer Street, formerly had a
ship-yard, whence vessels were launched into the
creek. An Octogenarian vividly remembers a brig
of 150 tons, which was built on a margin of the
same waters. It has been a common tradition, that
the name, "Knocker's Hole," applied to High Street
and vicinity, arose from the noise of the ship-carpen-
ters at work on different parts of such premises.
Until 45 years ago, small craft went through the
draw and lay by the wharves above. You look now
and the whole creek is covered with earih. All
maritime indications have passed away.
Coves, — The ancient indentations of our shores
formed a considerable number of coves.^ Some of
them will be noticed. Great Cove, 1637, is in North
River, and now crossed by the Eastern Rail-road.
Colli ns's has its entrance from Beverly harbor. It ex--
* When any particular year, in figures, follows these and succeeding
features in the face of our so\\, \i deuoXeft \!ide d^Aa when their pam^s
nere found oa our town record».
COVES. POINTS. STAGE SEQUESTERED. 231
tends from Roache's Point to the Planters' Marsh,
near Essex Bridge, and includes the waters within
this line. Below the last is Rams-horn Cove, 1690.
The causeway, which unites the Neck and Winter
Island, makes two such inlets. The outer is named
Abbot's and the inner, Cat Cove, 1639, which had
been called Winter Harbor. Hardy's, 1677, or Jog-
gles', on the South River, was noted as a location
for ship-building. More remain, much lessened, by
the intrusion of the shores, while others, known and '
named by our fathers, have ceased to appear.
Points, — Spooner's on the upper part. One's on
the north side, Horton's and Windmill on the south
side of North River. The last point was probably
where John Horn moved his windmill, 1639, after
having a lot granted him, 1637, for such a building
on or near the burial place. It had a mill on it of
this kind, for grinding corn, in 1771. There was
another Orne's point, which was taken for the south
end of North Bridge. Symonds' Point was opposite
to it, and was used for the other end of the same
bridge. Pignal's, 1739, and Bar Points on the N.,
Juniper on the N. E., and Point of Rocks, anciently
Woodbury's Point, on the S. of the Harbor Neck,
Butt's Point seems to have been about the lower part
of Turner's Lane. Long and Pickering Points in
South Field. Stage Point, 1640, in the same quar-
ter. It was owned by the Brown family. William
Brown was its possessor at the commencement of our
Revolutionary difficulties. He went to England and
such property was confiscated. The town purchased
it for a careening location and ordered it to \)^ \»\^
foj> 1781. They let it, 1788, for £7 ipet «rai\rai\
{^2 SCALE OF PRICES. NECKS. SPiUNGS.
1797, for $30 ; 1802, for $36, and 1837, for $40. la
1803, the following prices for graving and sheathing
vessels on this point, were adopted :
GKATIRO. tBBATHina.
Under 50 tons 25 cts. a ton. 10 cts. a ton per day.
From 50 to 100
«« 100 " 150
« 150 " 200
•' 200 « 300
«' 300 '« 400
50 " " 15 •*
75 " " 20 **
M U
$1 00 " " 20
1 10 " " 25 " "
1 25 « " 30 " "
Thus occupied, such estate was sold by our city au-
thorities, 1841, for $1,000.
Necks, — Anciently the term neck^ was applied to
the main body of Salem, as lying between its two
principal rivers. This has led to a mistake of some,
who have supposed that our earliest and chief settle-
ment was made on what is now commonly designated
the neck. The latter, on our eastern bounds, has
already been noticed. The "Great North," 1637, has
been assigned to Danvers. South, 1669, Darling's,
adjacent to Licgg's Hill, Holmes's, between Claybrook
and Forrest River, are still with us. No doubt, many
an interesting incident connected with them, is buried
in oblivion.
Springs. — ^In the first occupation of the town, there
were various springs on the seaboard. But their natu-
ral situation has been so altered, as to become wells
or hidden by incumbent earth. Cold, Conconut, Flat-
rock, Lord's, Monument, Split-rock and Spring-hill,
in what was formerly Great Pasture. Goodale's in
Northfield. These have long been the welcome re-
sorts of the young, released ttom ^Ylo^ «£l^ ^^axAAu?
BROOKS. RUNS. PONDS. DUCK COY. 233
sciously contributing to their sound health, in pursuit
of berries and other wild productions.
Brooks, — Acorn, Clay, Cold Spring and Frost Fish,
1638, flow into South River. Spring Pond Brook
receives the name of But Brook, 1639, as it crosses
the Boston road and empties into North River.
Runs. — AUister and Ash Swamp Runs, in the pas-
ture. It is thought that the former bears the name
of a proprietor long deceased and forgotten.
Ponds, — Coy, Deep, and Silver, near Legg's hill.
They are of the hollows in the same premises, which
are called Dungeons. This term has long been one
of mysterious speculation with boys, before they
adventured to examine them. As to Coy and Deep
Ponds, we have the ensuing facts. General Court
passed the subsequent resolve, 1638. " Whereas
Emanuell Downing, Esq. hath brought over, at his*
great charges, all things fitting for takeing wild foule
by way of Duck Coy, this Court, being desires to
encourage him and others in such designs, as tend to
publike good, do give him full liberty to place the
same Duck Coy in some convenient place within the
bounds of Salem, as the towne can agree, and that it
shall not bee lawfull for any person to shoote in any
gunn within a halfe a mile of the pond, where such
Duck Coy shallbee placed, nor shall vse any other
meanes for disturbance of the Foule there," on pen-
alty of being fined, or, if such an oflender be im-
known to the servants of Mr. Downing, who attend
at the Coy, " it shallbee lawfull for them to make
seisure of his peece and detaine the same till the
cause be heard and determined" Iv a^\«»x^Vj ^
21
234 RITERa MASHABEQUASH OR FOREST RIVER.
record under the same date, which heads the fore-
going order, that Mr. Downing bought of John
Humphrey, two ponds and high ground about them,
sufficient to have the Duck Coy free of disturbance
firom "plowmen, herdsmen, or any others passing
that way." He was allowed to enclose the ground,
if not more than 50 acres of upland. The two
ponds which he purchased, were Coy and Deep ponds.
The name of the former was evidently derived from
the use to which it was so applied. The latter,
though of small compass, is about 28 feet in depth.
The origin of its name is evident. Silver Pond
is dry most of the year. It may have been so
denominated from some legend of piratical plunder
hidden beneath its surface. Besides the preceding,
we have Long, 1639, or Spring Pond, in the S. W.
division of our township. It is not far from the
eastern side of the old Boston road. It measures
above 60 acres and helps supply the city aqueduct.
The scenery around it is beautiful and romantic.
Though a part of South river, the water above the
mills on this stream, has been called Mill Pond. In
1795, it contained 56 acres. Its being divided by
the rail road, greatly changed its long continued
and pleasant aspect.
Rivers. — Forest, 1639, between Salem and Mar-
blehead, was denominated Mashabequash by the
Indians. In 1795, it measured 29 acres. Its English
title is likely to have been given from the abundant
woods with which it was formerly skirted. North,
1637, was originally called Naumkeag, from the
aborlgiues who lived about it, and were, as a tribe,
so named themselves. "NaihameV Ye\\.o\i^^\tfi ^^asi^
RIVERS PASSED IN CANOEa 235
hither 1633, deposed in 1705, that this stream began
" at Bar point and so runing to the Perry, is divided
into fine seuerall branches." South, 1636, has, as a
cause of deep regret, lost the name, by which it was
known to Nanepashemet and his subjects. Tradition
relates, that the cove next above the mill bridge on
the left, and opposite Broad-field, was anciently a
common wintering place for vessels. Relative to the
two last streams. Wood notes them, 1633, in his New
England Prospect. He mentioned the manner in
which our fathers passed them to and from their
farms in north and south fields. " There they crosse
these rivers with small Cannowes, which are made of
"whole pine trees, being about two foot and a half
ouer, and 20 foot long." He adds, " In these like- •
wise they goe a fowling, sometimes two leagues to
sea. There be more cannowes in this town than in
all the whole Patent. Every houshould having a
water house or two." With respect to such river
vehicles, there was an order issued, 1636, by the
Quarterly Court. It runs as follows : " It was agreed,
that all the canooes of the North syde of the Towne,
shalbe brought the next 2** day, being the 4*** of 5'^
mo. about 9 o'clock, A. M., unto the cove of the
kommon landing place of the North River by George
Harris his house. And that all the canooes of the
south syde, are to be brought before the port house
in the South River, att the same tyme, then and
there to be viewed by J. Halgrave, P. Palfrey, R.
Waterman, R. Conant, P. Veren, or the greater num-
ber of them. And that there shallbe noe canooe
used, upon penalty of 40/. to the owuei tYiet^o^, >}casel
sucb, as the surveiois shall allowe oi auA. s^\X >}aaVt
236 LOTTERY. ROCKS. ISLANDa
mark upon, and if any shall refuse or neglect to
bring their canooes to the said places att the tyme
appointed, they shall pay for said faulte 10/." The
price of a good canoe with two paddles was £3.
But bridges succeeded canoes, as a better method to
cross our waters. The town voted, 1789, that the
legislature be asked for a Lottery to pay the cost of
clearing out the North and South Rivers. It was not
granted. It was one of like applications, long made
from different quarters, till reform of the right sort
gave them a check.
Passing from our inland streams, we come to
objects of remark in our sea-board waters. Among
the spots perilous for the approaching and tempest
beaten mariners, are Johnson^s Haste, 1697, Black
and Grey Rocks, within, and Halfway Rock, without
Baker's Island.
Islands. — It is likely, that an injunction of our
Assistant Court, 1631, that all Islands within the
limits of our Commonwealth, should be public pro-
perty, was a precaution to quiet various conflicting
claims about such territory. Our legislative authori-
ties seem not to have noticed the smaller Islands.
These, in our own bounds, first call for attention.
Oegles is above the harbor, near Forest River Mills.
There is scarce a doubt, but that Jeggles is its proper
orthography. Another, named Jeggles, was situated
in the South River, lying " before the door of Joseph
Hardy, Sen." It was granted, 1684, to Thomas
Gardner. It was allowed by the town, 1726-7, to
become the foundation of the present Union Wharf.
Winter Island has been pattvculaclY noticed. Coney,
ia 1795 J measured 110 po\es. Ix ^^ «A^ \.^ ^«^
INCOME FROM THE ISLANDS. 237
Stephen Sewall, 1693-4, for £6, with a reserve to
the town for ballast stones, below high water mark.
Eagle, of 100 poles, has a productive soil. Whether
so denominated from one of the Company's large
ships, or from its being a resort for '* the king of
birds," is not known. Ram, of 115 poles, is covered
with a wild growth, and is crossed by the line be-
tween Lynn and Salem. Tinker, of two acres and
seven^eighths, has some good ground. Repeated
motions have been made to sell these two spots, but
ineffectually. They let together, 1775, for 48/. a
year, and, 1797, for ^4 50, and in general sincBi
for $6 a year. Not aware that Salem claimed Tinker
Island, John Prince, of Marblehead, planted trees
there, 1806, for land marks. The former town, ia
connection with the latter, petitioned the legislature,
1822, to grant the United States jurisdiction over two
acres on the S. W. part of the same Island, and also,
over Cat Island and Marblehead Rock, to preserve
similar guides for seamen. Our legislative acts show
no decision on this subject. The Gooseberries, are
high rocks with little earth on their summits. One is
designated as the Eastern, another the Western, and
the last as Pope's Head. However sterile as to vege-
tation, they afford large supplies of ballast stones.
On this account, they have yielded greater rents than
any Islands which have belonged to Salem. In 1832,
they .brought |32 a year ; 1836-7, $82 50 ; 1837--8,
$175; 1838-9, $212 50; 1839-40, $250 ; next year
the same ; 1841-2, $125 ; 1842-3, $135. The town
voted, 1768, to sell the N. W. Gooseberry, with
Elagle, Tinker, and Ram Islands. It Nir^ft v^^^Vst
21 *
238 COTTA GRANTED TO GOV. ENDICOTT.
their subsequent profit, that their purpose did not
succeed. All of the various isles, dotting their mari-
time waters, which still remain as their property, are
the Gooseberries, Ram, and Tinker. Let us now
survey the larger Islands. Cat contains over 9 acres,
and has springs at its S. E. termination. It was
granted, 1655, by General Court, to Gov. Endicott
and his heirs. It was bequeathed, 16S4, by Z. En-
dicott to his daughters, under the designation of
Gotta. This was its proper name, which was after-
wards contracted to its present form. Proprietors
of Marblehead erected a hospital here, for innocu-
lating with the small pox, which was burnt, 1774, by
a mob. This outrage led to other threatening dis-
turbances. House, is so denominated from a rock on
it, like a building. It measures 5 acres^ and is a half
mile eastward of the Miseries. These two, and
Baker's, of the remaining Islands, are the principal
ones. There can be little doubt, but that they were
improved, more or less, while in the hands of the
Colony. Salem appears to have had the direction of
them. They instruct the selectmen, 1658-9, to
ascertain if payment had been made for Moulton's
Misery. This was so named from a disastrous ship-
wreck. In October of the same year, several of our
townsmen petitioned General Court for leave to plant
com on it, where they had already set up a fishing
stage. Their request was not allowed. At the first
^ session of the legislature in 1660, Salem applied to
them for a grant of the three Islands. Part of their
application ran thus : << Whereas ther are certayne
Hands neare our towne, eoiaonly knowen by the
namea of the Misery a and Ba\Letf^ Ti^sjcA^to. \$st %Asr
ISLANDS GRANTED TO SALfiM. 239
inge imployments, a great part of our imployment,
our humble request to this honored Court is, that they
would be pleased to grant the propriety of those Hands
to y* towne of Salem, and you shall further ingage
your pettioners to be thankfull to you, desiringe
Almighty God to inable you with his presence and
blessinge in all your waighty occasions." An affirma-
tive answer was delayed till the next session. This
was thus recorded : " Vpon a motion made in the
behalfe of the inhabitants of Salem, this Court
judgeth it meete to graunt to them certaine Islands,
knowne by the name of the Miseries and Baker's
Island, lying in the mouth of theire harbor, provided,
that it shall be lawfull for any fishermen to make vse
of them in making fish, and whatever conduceth
thereto, as building houses, stages, etc. as also wood
and fiaking in all fishing seasons." Here we have
another instance of provision, made for the fishery,
as ordered by the Charter. As to the Miseries, the
Great one contains almost 64 acres, and the Little
between 3 and 4. They are united by a bar, which,
at half tide, is above water. John Lambert and
others petitioned the town, 1662-3, that they might
plant there, in the course of their fishing season.
The request wsis negatived. Thomas Tyler of Mar-
tha's Vineyard, son of Masconomet, the Ipswich
Sagamore, sold his claim on these Islands, 1673—4, to
Bartholomew Gale. Salem, who, of course, dis-
countenanced such a sale, leased the same property,
1678, to George Curwin, for 1,000 years and 1 day,
at £3 a year. This sum was appropriated for the
grammar school master. A condUiou ol >i!^^ ^'^^'^
was, that the paving stones and othet \wJ^asX wi ^Mi
240 MISERIES LEASED AND SOLD.
shores, should be kept for our inhabitants, and that
they should have the refusal of the wood and timber.
In 1731, Benjamin Marston, into whose possession
the lease had come, agreed to purchase the town's
fee ia such Islands, as he and their committee should
agree. The reservation about the ballast, below high
water mark, was continued. The contract was made,
but the price not found on our records. Mr. Marston,
at his decease, 1754, left part of the income from the
Islands, to a proposed Society in New England for
Propagating the Gospel among Indians. But, in a
few years afterwards, the King refused, from political
motives, to sanction the act for this association. In
1770, the Miseries were offered for sale by Benjamin
Marston of Marblehead. Then they had a good
dwelling house and barn, a well, and a pond, useful
for watering the land. They were divided into six
parts by strong stone wall. These Islands have been
some cultivated, but their principal use has been for
the pasturage of sheep. They have passed through
various hands, and have been the source of more
benefit than their name indicates. Relative to Baker's
Island, it was so denominated as early as 1630. Its
measurement is 66 acres, and its distance from Win-
ter Island, about 4 miles. In compliance with a
petition from the selectmen, it was granted, 1660, to
Salem, under the restrictions on which the Miseries
were at the same date. Still covered with the primi-
tive forest, complaints were repeatedly made, that its
woods suffered from depredators. As a ch^ck to such
trespass, our municipal authorities issued, 1670, the
y^auing order. <' Francis CcUinse haue liberty to fell
iM trees for to build his soni SoVm^to^^nx^^YisraaA^vi^
BAK£R'S ISLAND LEAS£D AND 80LD. 241
himself a house, vpon Baker's Hand, and ther to take
what he wanteth, and is apoynted to take care, that not
any cutt timber or wood without leave of Selectmen."
The same evil continued, 1673, when a committee was
empowered to have wood, illegally cut down there and
on Moulton's Misery, brought away, and to use suita-
ble means to prevent similar intrusion. So perplexed,
the town thought best to lease Baker's Island to John
Turner, as they did the Miseries to George Curwin.
This took place 1678. The conditions, as to pay-
ment, time, and reservation, being the same in both
cases. A son of the first lessee, purchased, 1731, the
fee of Salem in the premises, thus let to him. For
this right, and also for that in the Miseries, John
Turner and Benjamin Marston, offered £100, which
was not accepted, and the price was left to further
consideration. In 1759, a son of the former gentle-
man, held, as tenant, three-fonrths, and Timothy
Fuller of Middleton, one-fourth of the Island. A
question then existed between them whether the last
put on more cattle than he ought. It was laid
before the legislature. After being long appropriated
for pasturage, the Island was selected, 1797, as the
location for a Lighthouse. The two lights of so
needful an edifice, were first shown January 3, 1798.
Thus applied to benefit the mariner and the herdsman,
the soil presents an aspect very different from what it
did when our ancestors first descried it and sailed by
its shore to reach the wilds of Naumkeag.
Harbors. — Of these, Wood remarked in 1633 : Sa-
lem "hath two good Harbours, the one being called
Winter and the other Summer Harbour, which lyeth
withia Darbies Fort." The former, as previously
242 HARBORS. WOOD'S ACCOUNT OF SOIL.
Stated, is what has long been called Cat Cove. With
reference to the complicated access to the latter and
other havens, the elder Higginson observed : " They
are the better, because for strangers there is a verie
dilficult and dangerous passage into them, but unto
such as are well acquainted with them, they are easie
and safe enough." Had our chief harbor proved
suitably commodious for modern vessels of the laigest
burthen, as our primitive settlers strongly desired, it
would have converted their beloved plantation into
an emporium.
SOIL.
We have a passage, in the New England Prospect,
of more than two centuries old, which gives us the
subsequent description: Salem <' stands on the middle
necke of land very pleasantly, having a South river on
the one side and a North river on the other side. Upon
this neck, where most of the houses stand, is very bad
and sande ground. Yet, for seaven yeares together,
it hath brought forth exceeding good corne, by being
fished but every third yeare. In some places is very
good ground and very good timber, and divers springs
hard by the sea-side. Although their land be none
of the best, yet beyond these rivers is a very good
soyle, where they have taken farmes and get their
hay and plant their corne." Though this descrip-
tion accords not with scientific terms, yet it gave a
correct account of our territory. A large portion of
our unsettled land on the south and west, is of rocky
ridges. Such of these, as have not come under the
band of cultivation, ate mostly unproductive. The
V^U^s between them axe ca^^Y^ ol \^\&% Tfis^&s&i^ifi-
PLOUGHING. GEOLOGY. 243
tile. As to the means of reviving exhausted soil by
fish, as above mentioned, it was a common practice
in all our plantations. Captain John Smith made the
ensuing remark : " In Virginia they never manure
their overworn fields, which are very few, the ground,
for the most part, is so fertile ; but in New England
they do, striking at every plant of corn a herring or
two, which Cometh in that season in such abundance,
they may take more than they know what to do
with." After fish became scarce, through abundance
taken for food of the inhabitants and for exportation
to foreign ports, the supplies of the barn-yard and of
the sea-shore, were of course more depended on to
strengthen om: lands. Relative to the breaking up of
our fields, such employment seems not to have been
generally understood by our land-holders. The fol-
lowing vote of our townsmen, 1637, bears upon the
opinion. It was agreed, that if Richard Hutchin-
son " set up ploughing," he should have 20 acres of
land added, within two years, to his previous grant.
Graham observes, that there were but thirty-seven
ploughs at this time in all Massachusetts. As John
Blackleach, 1638-9, had "not sufficient ground to
mayntaine a plough," on his farm of 300 acres, " the
towne for the furthering of his endeavours in plowing
and for his incouradgement therein," allow him more
land.
With reference to the geological properties of our
bounds, they are of several sorts. Our western sec-
tion is mostly of greenstone, with some bowlders of
granite. Our eastern is chiefly of sienite, with some
porphyry between 'Lynn and Marblehead. 'Pvofe^'swt
Hitchcock, in bis Geology of MassacYiuseUs, a -woiS^
244 GEOLOGY.
which will long direct the memory to the period of
its being patronized by our legislative authorities, as
an Augustan age of our Commonwealth, describes
two noticeable localities within our limits. He says,
" It is in Essex county that we find the most abun-
dant and remarkable examples of dikes and veins."
He then instances Johnson's Haste : " The island is
only a few rods m extent, and is a naked rock of
sienite, which is traversed by several distinct veins
and dikes of granite and greenstone. Over a con-
siderable part of the surface, it seems as if the green-
stone, in fragments, had been thrown into the sienite
while in a soft state, and then the whole had been
consolidated. We have, at this place, rocks of at
least five, and perhaps more epochs." He then speaks
of the other place : " By far the most remarkable
case of dikes and veins that I have found, occurs in
the north part of Salem, on the left hand of the
bridge that passes to Beverly, and only a few rods
west of it." He proceeds to specify the varieties of
which the rock is composed, as greenstone, reddish
granite and feldspar. He continues, " The whole
space represented is 36 by 27 feet, and the lower part
of it is covered by the ocean at high tide, and the
upper part by soil. I have spent a good deal of time
in examining this complicated and very interesting
net work of veins and dikes ; and I cannot see why
we have not evidence here of the extraordinary fact-
unique so far as I know— of eleven successive erup-
tions of granite and trap rock."
CORN. PRICES. 245
PRODUCTIONS.
These, of the animal and vegetable kinds, have
been raised in various quantities, according to the
extent of our soil and the pursuits of our population.
We shall speak of them mostly in familiar language.
Grain, — When our ancestors first reached these
shores, they discovered corn cultivated by the natives,
and hence they called it Indian Corn. They had a
field of it in comtnon with the Naumkeags. They
correctly appreciated it as among the principal com-
mendations and supports of the settlement. In a
letter of 1631, from Gov. Endicott to Gov. Winthrop^
we have the ensuing passage : " I thought further to
write what my judgment is for the dismissing of the
Court till corn be set. It will hinder us that are afar
off exceedingly, and not further you there. Men's
labour is precious here in corn setting time, the Plain
tation being yet so weak." To prevent the scarcity
of such grain, the magistrates order, that no person
should feed his swine on it, except such as is exam*
ined by two or three of his neighbors and by them
accounted << unfit for man's meat." Its price, 1634,
was 4/6 a bushel; 1636, 6/; and fell to 2/6 before
1643. At the date last mentioned, corn became so
scarce, that, as Winthrop relates, " Many families, in
most towns, had none to eat, but were forced to live
of clams, cataos, dry fish, etc." Then, as in all such
emergencies, human selfishness was on the alert for
gain, and benevolence cast into the back ground.
From 1643 to 1694, corn generally averaged from 2/3
to 3/. a bushel. In that period its VugVveeX N^xwaX^ssfiL
22
246 SQUIRRELS DESTROY CORN. GRAIN.
for colony taxes was 3/6 and lowest 1/2. Before
the farms, so called, became a part of Danvers, they
furnished liberal supplies of so valuable an article.
There and in other divisions of our township, it has
suffered occasionally while on the stock, from different
animals. An instance of this sort is told, 1711, in a
diary of the Rev. Mr. Green : " Killed grey squirrels
that devour the corn exceedingly. They have eaten
one quarter of my corn. It is said there are millions
of them in this village." Of other enemies, with
which such productions have had to contend at vari-
ous periods, there are divers accounts. Gov. Win-
throp remarked, July, 1646 : " Great harm was done
to corn, especially wheat and barley, in this month,
by a caterpillar, like a black worm about one and a
half inch long." So it was 1666 and 1685. In
1770, canker-worms, having spread through a large
section of New England, appeared in July at Salem.
To prevent their ravages, some of our farmers dug
trenches round their corn-fields. With regard to bar-
ley, rye and wheat, it is very likely that Mr. Conant
and his associates endeavored to raise them on our
soil. Such an experiment had been successfully
made, before 1629, at Plymouth colony. At this
date, fresh seed of such articles was imported to
Naumkeag from London. Then they were denomi-
nated, by our emigrants, English corn — a phrase used
to the present day, in Great Britain, to the exclusion
of maize. The statement of Johnson, 1633, that "a
small gleane of rye was brought to the Court, as the
first fruits of English graine," seems to indicate that
previous efforts to cultivate such grain were unsuc-
cessfaL But this indicalVon \« xiox %\xs\»mv^^ Vj ^^^\.i^.
CARGO OP WHEAT-STAPLE. 247
At the same period, Wood says, that however " no
great try all " had been made to raise wheat, still it
was found to " grow well in gardens." In 1630, the
Planters' Plea, having spoken highly of our corn, says,
" If wee like not that, we may make use of our owne
Graines, (in Massachusetts,) which agree well with
that soyle." The General Court order, 1641, that a
deputy from Salem and other towns, inform Captain
Gibbons how much wheat may be ready the follow-
ing March, as an adventure for England, and to be
exchanged there for needed commodities. In con-
nection with this, the same authorities remark, that
wheat is likely to become a staple commodity of
Massachusetts. That the intended ship-load of it
might not fall short, they forbid all persons to malt it
and to have its floiu: baked for sale, except for the
use of vessels. For taxes, at the colonial treasury,
1642, wheat and barley passed at 4/., rye and peas at
3/4 a bushel. As our ancestors drank beer instead of
other beverages common since their day, they thus
used no small quantities of barley. Peas were classed
by them under the general term of com. One of our
early residents described beans as well as wheat, un-
der the head of grain. Both peas and beans, being
indigenous, were raised by our first settlers. As these
made considerable use of oat-meal, it is likely that
they began to cultivate oats not long after their arri-
val. Among the productions, paid for public rates,
1680, were oats at 1/8 a bushel. Concerning this
sort of grain, and rye and wheat, as being injured
by barberry bushes, Salem, 1747, issue an order, that
these shrubs should be destroyed. An ^jcX ^"^ ^^oa.
248 HA^- HA^ SCALES.
Legislature was passed, 1758, for a like purpose.
While narrating the manner in which the proscribed
plants did the work of desolation, it uses terms hardly
consonant with those of botanical science in the pres-
ent age. It says, " By the steam's flying oflf from
them, they are fomid by experience to blast." From
1642 to 1694, wheat was generally from 4/. to 6/. ; as
low as 2/9 one year ; barley from 4/. to 5/6 — its least
price 2/6 ; rye, 3/4 to 5/. — once 2/. ; peas 3/4. to 5/. —
lowest estimation 3/. a bushel. On the province and
state valuations, the subsequent returns of grain, as
raised by this town, are given. No doubt, peas and
beans are excluded from the account, however our
fathers may have classed them. 1768, 3,113 bushels
of grain; 1771, 1,820 bushels. The number of bush*
els is not given in the three next returns; but they
may be calculated more or less correctly. In 1771,
there were 86J acres of tillage. Give this in subse-
quent years as the ratio to 1,820 bushels, and we have
not far from the fact. In 1779, we had 500 acres of
tillage; 1781, 299, and 1791, 323 acres. In 1801,
we had 9,020 bushels of corn ; 1811, 6,735 bushels;
1821, 1,450; 1831, 7,035, and 1840, 1,940 bushels.
In 1821, we had 215 bushels of barley. By a return
to Congress, 1840, Salem raised in a year, 530 bush-
els of barley, 100 of oats, 80 of rye, and 2,600 of
buckwheat.
Hay. — On coming hither, our settlers found abun-
ance of grass to cut and dry. They soon introduced
the English grasses from their "father land." As
their limits were restricted, their crops of such fodder
were consequently less. In 1747, Joseph Buflfum
SCARCITY OF HAY. ITS QUANTITY. 249
-was allowed by our municipal authorities, to "erect
an engine for weighing hay," according to rules from
the selectmen. The diary of Doctor Holyoke in-
forms us, that in 1749, the crop of this product was
less than usual by 9-lOths through the province, and,
1762, that it was very scarce and was sold for $20 a
ton. The inhabitants here voted, 1768, to have hay
scales built near the first alms-house, and the income
of them for town use. The charge for weighing
such an article, 1772, was J^ a cwt. for loads of above
8 cwt., and 4^ for each load of a less quantity. John
Elson, at the same date, was allowed all fees from
the public scales by paying £3 6» 8^ a year for them.
Having been moved twice to locations westward of
the present grammar school, they were exchanged
1826, for patent balances. These were discontinued
there 1831. At this date a new place for weighing
hay was appointed on Forrester road, which, to ac-
commodate the new court-house, was supplied, 1841,
by another, on the same way, at the side of Howard
street burial ground. A vote passed, 1789, to have
hay scales made near the work-house, by the com-
mon. They were finished and let for a yearly rent
of £13 19' ; in 1797, for $30, and 1799, for $102,
and afterwards for a higher price. They were or-
dered, 1826, to be united with those of Broad Street.
The one, so composed of two, has yielded an annual
average profit of $91, for the last eight years. For
the financial year just closed, it has cleared $177 69.
Amount of hay weighed at the city scales is as fol-
lows: From 1839 to 1840, 165 tons; 1840 to 1841,
1,640 tons; 1841 to 1842, 1,330 tons-, 184^\.o\%<a^
22*
250 VEGETABLES.
1,502 tons. In the province and state valuation lists,
we have the following returns as to this commodity,
raised in Salem :
1768, Eoglish, . 395} tonn, Meadow, . 10 Salt, . 60i
1771, *• 61di «• " 3 " 51
The two ensuing decades give us only the acres :
1781, English and upland, 434 Meadow, 37 Salt, 123
1791, " " 192i " 8 «« 44
The remaining decades show the tons of hay :
1801, English,
. 2lPil tons,
Meadow,
. 00
Salt,
. 18
1811, "
77o| "
u
5
((
354
18*21, «'
559 "
K
4
<•
46
1831, «
877 «
(C
17
c<
70
1841, «'
1,0G7 "
((
17
f(
59
It is observable, from the preceding and other data,
that while an acre of English mowing ground, before
1811, yielded but little above a half ton of hay, then
and since it has averaged over a whole ton. This
shows a hopeful advance in one department of agri-
culture. Though the meadow lands occasionally ex-
ceed the marsh in crops, yet both of them have gen-
erally yielded from a half to a ton per acre.
Garden Vegetables, — Besides beans and peas, men-
tioned under grain, our ancestors had nearly all the
same kinds of vegetables which we have. Mr. Hig-
ginson wrote, 1629 : ** This country aboundeth natu-
rally with store of roots of great varietie and good to
eat. Our turnips, parsnips and carrots are here both
bigger and sweeter than is ordinary to be found in
England. Here are store of pumpions, cowcumben
POTATOES— RAISED IN LONDONDERRY. 251
and other things of that nature." He adds to these
leeks and onions. Some species of the squash were
natured to the soil. Whatever culinary commodities
were not found here by the emigrants, or if found,
were degenerated, were soon supplied or improved by
imported seed. As among their common sauce, Jos-
selyn, on his second visit to New England, 1663,
spoke of asparagus, beets, cabbages, lettuce and rad-
ishes. That the cultivation of all such things might
be properly and profitably understood, Mr. Cradock,
as before stated, had sent two gardeners for this place,
ere the foregoing extract was written. The company
ordered, 1629, that potatoes should be transported to
our plantation for the purpose of being cultivated. It
is very likely that this was done. In 1636, Bermuda
potatoes sold in our colony for 2^ a pound. Whether
our fathers cultivated such a vegetable at first or not,
they seemed to prefer turnips, that were long used
with all the freeness with which we now use pota-
toes. Such preference began to give way about 1733,
in this vicinity. From that period, potatoes, deserv-
edly called by Donaldson, "the bread-root of Great
Britain and Ireland,'' became increasingly popular,
till many families would almost as soon do without
meat for dinner as without them. It has been re-
peatedly stated, that the Irish, who descended from
Scotch Presbyterians, and settled Londonderry, 1719,
were followed by their friends before 1722, and that
these last introduced the potatoe, " till then unknown
in New England." This statement does not entirely
agree with the preceding remarks. Nor does it fully
harmonize with the fact, that potatoes wet^ ivi^V ^^x-
Tied from this country to Ireland, and Ocieie cxAVyn^x.^^
252 ^LAX AND HEMP.
by order of Sir Walter Raleigh. Tt is not unlikely
that such a vegetable was known to the Naumkeags
and to our primitive settlers, who declined to raise it
abundantly, because another was more acceptable to
their taste. A report to Congress of 1840, makes an
annual produce of potatoes in Salem, 11,200 bushels.
It also gives the value of a year's produce by our
market gardeners, at $400. Among the modern in-
troductions of agriculture to our fields, we have the
Swedish turnip.
Flax and Hemp, — Besides hop-roots, ordered by
the company for this plantation, 1629, was the addi-
tion of flax and hemp seed. The Planters' Plea ob-
serves, the soil " being naturally apt for hempe and
flax, may promise us linen suflicient with our labor."
The authorities of Salem allowed Samuel Cornhill,
1641, an acre of land for the cultivation of the for-
mer. The same year our Legislature required mas-
ters to instruct their children and servants to work on
wild hemp, " growing all over the country." As
evidence of continued interest about these products,
our townsmen were warned, 1645-6, to assemble and
consider the subject of sowing hemp and flax seed.
To encourage the raising of such articles, the Legis-
lature, 1731, ofiered liberal premiums for five years.
This was renewed. Among our municipal oflicers
of 1735, were surveyors of the same commodities.
These were so generally cultivated in our province,
that they were taken at the public treasury for taxes,
1737 — flax at 6** and hemp at 4** a pound. This was
done for several years. Messrs. Joseph Blaney and
Samuel Barton, Jr., in a letter from Salem, dated
January J 1765 ^ to Edmund QL\xme,^^'Eias\j^^\3a\i5i >jMax
FRUITS. DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN GRAPES. 253
experiment in raising hemp. They say, that each of
the ten acres of land, planted by them for this pur-
pose the preceding Spring, yielded from 7 to 10 cwt.
They remark, that such a plant was as easily culti-
vated as flax, and might be very profitable. They
express their wonder that it is no more extensively
produced.
Fruits, — Of these Mr. Higginson related, 1629,
" Mulberries, plums, raspberries, corrance, chesnuts,
filberds, wa'nuts, smalnuts, hnrtleberries, and hawes
of white thorne neere as good as our cherries in Eng-
land, they grow in plentie here." He before spoke
of wild strawberries as abundant in the plantation.
Among other indigenous fruits were black, blue, crane,
goose and thimble berries, and the oil nut. About
1663, Indians sold chesnuts for 1» a bushel. Mea-
sures were taken in London, 1629, to supply our
colonists with stones of the cherry and peach, and
with seeds of the apple, pear and quince. In 1648-9,
William Trask exchanged 250 acres of land with
Governor Endicott, for 600 apple trees of three years
growth. In the valuations of Salem, were the fol-
lowing barrels of cider returned, with the year pre-
fixed: 1768, 140 barrels ; 1771,39; 1791,9; 1811,
32, and 1821, 31. A statement of the judicial mar-
shal, 1840, sets the value of our orchard products for
a year, at $1,730. Respecting grapes, as the descrip-
tion of Mr. Higginson states, they were plentiful and
much was expected from them. It was supposed
that they would furnish wines for the European mar-
ket. Means were used to raise the foreign grape here.
Mr. Herbert Pelham, 1635, sent over diffetewX s\jfe^\ft%
of vines to Governor Winthrop ; but l\xe co\dA\^'a& ^\
254 REGULATIONS FOR CUTTING TREES.
our soil appears to have discouraged the long cul-
tivation of them, though within twenty years, parts
of the same territory have been successfully applied,
to a considerable degree, for such a purpose. The
unprofitableness of our native grapes put an end to
the vineyards in which they were planted.
Trees, — The account of Mr. Higginson, 1629, re»
marks : " For wood there is no better in the worlde,
I thinke, here being foure sorts of oke. There is
also good ash, elme, willow, birch, beech, saxafras,
juniper, cipres, cedar, spruce, pines and firre, that will
yield abundance of turpentine, pitch, tarre, masts,
and other materials for building both ships and houses.
Also here are store of sumacke trees. They are good
for dying and tanning of leather. Likewise such
trees yeeld a precious gem called wine benjamin, that
they say is excellent for perfumes." The list, here
quoted, may be enlarged by other trees, natural to
our soil, as the aspin, bass, locust and maple, with
such as bear fruits, specified under the last head.
However the forests, composed of the preceding
varieties, once spread over our territory, they have
scarcely a remnant here and there. Our garden fruit
trees are of foreign origin. With regard to our orna-
mental trees, they were chiefly of the elm, mulberry,
pine, spruce and willow till nearly a half century ago.
Then came the Lombardy poplar, which was in great
vogue, till suspected of breeding a poisonous asp.
This with its liability to speedy decay and its injury
to the soil around it, proved its rejection in less than
twenty years. Like descending fame, its degradation
was speedier than its elevation. Weeping willowSi
regaiaing their fonnei {avot)\ioi^ft-^«8Gix>x«si\\Sisyuie-
SHIP TIMBER. 255
tain ash succeeded the poplar. About ten years since
the catalpa was introduced.
While the forest was gradually diminished in our
borders, frequent rules were adopted by our townsmen
for its regulation. In 1635-6, " Whosoever hath or
shall cutt any trees and leave them in the paths about
the towne to the disturbance of carts, catle or pas-
sengers, not being removed within fiftene dayes,
shall forfeit 6/. for each such offence. InformerS|
with evidence, to haue halfe of the fynes." After
several months an additional order was made. It was
voted that if any tree remained in the way, when cut
down on the town commons, for one month, any
person might take it " to his owne proper vse." It
was ordered, 1640, " That such as have timber trees
within twoe miles of the towne of Salem, and any
timber trees within one mile of Marblehead, that are
fitt for shippinge, that such as haue felled them, shall
be paid for theer labour, either for theer felling, which
is done already, or for sawinge, if they will bestow
that labor vppon them for plank for shippinge, to be
paid by such ship carpenters, as are willing to imploy
them for that vse. And that none shall cleaue such
trees vp to clapboards or pipe staues. And if the ship
carpenters shall refuse the said plank, so sawed, at the .
rate of the Countrie, then it shall be lawfull for them
to sell them to any other." Thus careful, that our
forest trees, fit for the erection of vessels, should not
be employed for less appreciated purposes, our fathers
again endeavored, 1642, to arrest an increasing prac-
tice of cutting them down, on our commons, without
proper liberty. Their injunction ran t\\\xa\ ^^^\v«»
Bball noe more trees be felled by any laaa VvxSD^xi^dDA
S56 FUEL. LUMBER.
lymits of Salem, vnless it be in men's proprietfeSi
vppon the payne of 20/. for everie such tree felled by
any man, whither inhabitant or stranger, and that this
order be presently published and notice given to such
as sett them on work, provided, that this order extend
not to any that shall fell any tymber for his owne
building, or fencing, or building of ships here, within
the lymits of our towne, without spetiall lycence from
a magistrate." Admonitions of this sort came long
and often from the lips of our authorities. Then, as
ever, conscience was generally far less scrupulous
about public injury, than private detriment. The
temptation which so tried it, has passed away. With
the preceding interdicts, came some permissions.
Leave was given, 1670, to cut fire wood " lying
deepe vppon the ground in swamps." The same
year, William Lord was appointed "corder of wood,"
and to have 3** a cord, paid by the purchaser. The
period has long since gone by when our own soil
furnished us with abundant fuel. The diary of Dr.
Holyoke informs us, that in February of 1757, it
being very cold with much snow, wood was sold here
for £4 to £4 16' per cord. The only specific returns
of our wood land to General Court, as found on their
• documents, were 70 acres in 1811, and 14 in 1821.
Our dependence for fire materials, is on other places.
Besides abundance of coal, the wood and bark brought
to Salem market from adjacent towns, were 1,860
cords from 1838 to 9 ; l,792i— 1839 to 40 ; 1,819J
—1840 to 1 ; l,540i— 1841 to 2 ; 1,460—1842 to 3.
This is but a small proportion of what is annually
imported into our city from more distant parts, chiefly
from Maine. The iud\c\9\ maxd[\sii oi Q\tt ^^xioBAa-
JOSSELTN S ACCOUNT OF PLANTS. 257
wealth, in 1840, estimated that 30,000 cords were
sold in Salem during a year. In lieu of exporting
lumber and timber from our own limits, we have long
had it brought to us, principally from the last men-
tioned State. The following quantities, which came
by water, were landed here and surveyed : 1840 to
1841—538 10-40 tons of hewed timber ; 4,102,686
feet of pine, spruce, and hemlock lumber and timber ;
45,983 feet of hard wood lumber, board measure, and
6,696 feet of scab, ranging timber. 1841 to 1842 — *
577 3-40 tons of the first among these articles ;
4,090,081 feet of the second ; 82,970 feet of hard
wood and mahogany timber, board measure. 1842
to 1843—709 38-40 of the first ; 5,611,869 of the
second, and 37,506 of the third, except mahogany,
with the addition of lumber, in the last year.
Before leaving the productions of a vegetable kind,
it is thought advisable to give a general outline of
the plants, not previously enumerated and anciently
known as the growth of our soil. In his Rarities of
New England, Mr. Josselyn described the plants
which were natives of our territory and still common
in Old England. The following is a list of this class
in his own orthography. Alder's tongue, (probably
adder's,) autumn bell flower, alexanders, angelica,,
arsmart, avens, brakes, catmint, chickweed, cinkfoil,
clivers, clotbur, columbines, catstail, daflfodill yellow,
dewgrass, dogstones, dovesfoot, dragons, earth nut,
egrimony, fearn, flower de luce blue, fuss balls, glass-
wort, hedghog grass, hellibore white, herb Robert,
knobby cranes bill, lilly convalie, lilly red, lilly water,
liverwort, matweed, mouse ear, oak of G^.^5»fiLQcsa.^
23
258 ANCIENT BOTANT.
oak of Hierusalem, pellamount, peimiroyal, pimperneli
purcelane, rosepennywort, rupterwort, St. Johnswort^
St. Peterswort, sea plantane. of three species, small
water archer, Solomon's seal, of three species, sorrel,
speedwell, spurge lawrel, spurge time, stitchwort,
tormenlile, violets, of three species, watercresses, wild
mint, woodbine, woodwax, and yarrow. The same
author gives an account of plants which grew here
and not in England. Briony, or rather scammony,
hollow leaved lavender, Homer's molley, live forever,
loosestrife, maiden hair, marygold, mountain lillie,
mustard. New England daysie, pirola, of two species,
pooke, sarsaparilla, of two varieties, sea tears, solar
plant, sweet fern, sweet flag, true love, tree primrose,
and wild damask roses. Mr. Josselyn then described
several of our native plants, as having no name. Of
such were the noli me tangere, skunk cabbage, small
sun flower, and snake head. He also gave a list of
plants, having " sprung up since the English planted
and kept cattle in New England." Some of this
order are previously mentioned. Black henbane,
blood root, cheekweed, clotbur, compherie, couch-
grass, dandelion, groundsel, knot grass, mallows,
mayweed, mullen, nettles stinging, night shade, pa-
tience, plaintain, " which the Indians call English
man's foot, as though produced by their treading,"
sharp pointed dock, shepherd's purse, sow thistle,
wild arrach, and wormwood. As his final head on
this topic, the same author narrated the plants of
England which grew well in our territory. Of this
class are the following. Annis, bayes, burnet, cherval,
coriander, dill, English roses, enula campana, fennel,
fetherfeWj gilly ftoweis, gtoxiu^ *vi^, YkcXV^ hocks,
VARIETIES OF FLOWERS AND FRUITS. 259
hous leek, rauschata, musk mellon, parsley, pepper*
wort, purslain, sage, smaliedge, spearmiut, summer
and winter savory, sweet briar or eglantine, tansie,
and white satten. As our pasture lands hare come
under cultivation, so, of course, accommodations for
our wild plants have diminished. The period will
soon elapse, when the quantity and number of them
must be less than even now. The most of those
which find no protection in our gardens, will, ere
long, cease to appear within our boundaries. It is
readily perceived, that the foregoing arrangement and
expression of Mr. Josselyn, differ considerably from
the mode of modern botanists. Still it contains the
substance of knowledge, which is always sciencej
though less regularly presented than subsequent ex-
perience would dictate. It affords an opportunity to
institute comparisons, which show that the products
of our territory were investigated many years ago,
and that there is cause for congratulation, that much
progress has been made in this department of human
study.
In some respects, marked is the contrast between
our ancient and modern productions. The founders
of a community struggle to introduce and continue
the necessaries of subsistence, and leave to their
posterity the advancement which results from well-
applied age, wealth, and leisure. The annual display
of flowers and fruits in our own city and other places,
discover such difference. Many of our yards and
gardens give similar testimony. Of late years, much
attention has been paid, by a portion of our citizens,
to the culture of the dahlia, geranium, lo^^, Xxs^v^^
verbena, and others of the floral otdex. TiVi^ft ^m^
260 TOMATO. ANIMAL PRODUCTIONS.
year's exhibition of the Natural History Society,
whose exertions deserve high praise, presented 60
varieties of the geranium, 160 of the rose, 200 of the
dahlia, and so liberally of other kindred specimens.
A like enterprise is manifested with reference to fruits.
The same Association showed, last autumn, 300 va-
rieties— 10 of the grape, 30 of the peach, 70 of the
apple, 150 of the pear, and the rest of various samples.
As a newly adopted vegetable among us, is the to-
mato. Being a native of South America, it was
carried to Europe and raised in England before 1600.
Still, for a long period, it was no favorite in our
northern States. For twenty years, it has been rising
in the estimation of our larger towns and cities. It
is now extensively used by the people of Salem. It
bids fair to hold a long reign among the fashions of
the esculent kingdom. Like the potato, slow in its
rise, it is likely to be slow in its fall.
ANIMAL PRODUCTIONS.
These have been generally mentioned on pages 119,
120, 121, according to the relation of Mr. Higginson.
Fowl — Of these, the same writer remarked, 1629 :
" They are plentifull here and of all sorts, as we have
in England, as farre as I can learn, and a great many
of strange fowls, which we know not." With regard
to one kind of them, Gov. Dudley speaks in a letter
of 1631, to the Countess of Lincoln : ** Vpon the 8
of March, from after it was faire day light untill
about 8 of the clock in the forenoon, there flew over
all the towns in our plantacons soe many flocks of
doues, each flock conteyning many thousands, and
some soe many that tVie^ o\>^^\x\^^ \)cx^ ^^%^^V that
FOWLS. 261
passeth credit, if but the truth should bee written."
This author, not having before witnessed any such
sight, thought it portended some great event. But
Gov. Winthrop noticed, 1643 and 1648, two vast flocks
of similar birds, which aflforded the colonists abund-
ance of acceptable food. Besides the wild ducks,
pigeons, geese and turkies, noted by Mr. Higginson, he
also spoke of the partridge, eagle and various hawks.
The birds of diflerent species, which the plan of his
description did not edlow him to designate, have still
descendants in our bounds. Among birds of prey,
are the buzzard and owl. Of the omnivorous, are
the black-bird, blue-jay, bobolink, cedar-bird, chicha-
dee, crow, hang-bird and lark. Of the insectivorous,
are the blue-bird, cat-bird, king bird, pewee, phosbe,
and other fly-catchers, robin, thrush, yellow-bird, war-
bler and wren. Of the granivorous, are the gold and
other finches, indigo-bird, snow-bird, snow-bunting
and sparrows. Of the zygodactyli, are varieties of the
woodpecker. Of slender-bills, are the creeper and
humming-bird. Of the halcyon, is the king-fisher.
Of the swallow tribe, are several species, including
the martin and whippowill. Of wading-birds, are
the bittern, curlew, godwit, heron, plovers, sander-
ling, sandpipers, snipes, tattlers, turnstone, yellow
shanks and woodcock. Of the lobe-footed, are the
coot and grebe. Of the web-footed, are the cormo-
rant, divers, gull, coon, puflBln, razor-billed auk, shag,
stormy petrel and tern. While the diminution of our
woods has greatly reduced those of the feathered
tribe which love not to come around our habitations,
others of them, diflferently incUned, please \laft «^^
23^
262 ORDERS AS TO ROBINS AND GEESE. FISH.
with their plumage and the ear with their songs.
Who '' can forbear to joiu the general smile of na-
ture,— ^while ev'ry grove is melody ? "
Salem, not having been so agricultural a place as
others, has issued less orders for destroying the more
injurious among this class of animals. They voted,
1818, that the act of the Legislature, in their last
session, to prevent the killing of useful birds, at un-
seasonable times, be so far suspended, as to permit
the shooting of robins, between June 20 and July 4
of the same year. With regard to our domesticated
pigeons, ducks, hens, geese and turkies, they were
early brought from England. Speaking, 1633, of
eggs, probably those of the hen. Wood stated the
price of them at 3"^ a dozen. It seems that while
the poor geese thought creation made for them as
well as man, they became the objects of proscription.
An order is given here, 1681-2, that such creatures
shall be kept from going on the conunon lands after
the last of June, and ** y* it shall bee at the liberty of
any man to kill them, if found vpon y* common after
y* abouesayd time."
Fish. — ^As additional to the " herring, turbot, stur-
gion, cuskes, hadocks, mullets and eeles," as well as
'^ bass, whales, crampuse and mackerils," mentioned
by Mr. Higginson, we have others in our waters. The
alewife, which is the aloof of the Indians, and hard
heads, both used for bait. Those in general use are
the cod, halibut, perch or Conner, plaice and smelt.
Others, less plenty, are cat-fish, coal-fish, frost-fish,
hake, pollock and shad. The black-fish is a new
comer to our shores. Of our fresh water fish, once
abundant but now seldoxa takotv^ «i^ btoam^ perchj
BASS. COD. PORPOISE. SEA.8£RP£NT. 263
pickerell, pike, pout and trout. The stickleback,
sucker and tom-cod, of salt water, and the minnow
of the brook, are of little account. So it is with the
bull-heads, dog-fish and sculpin. With regard to
other fish which swarmed our coast when our fathers
came hither, the bass, salmon, and sturgeon, whose
sounds were made into isinglass, are seldom caught.
In reference to the bass and cod, the Legislature,
1639, forbid them to be used for manure, except their
heads and ofial. As an indication of the profit which
the latter kind of animal has been to our State, and
also of its abundance, we have the following : An
indenture for a new draw over our North River, 1765,
has a circular stamp on its top, which besides II pence
at the bottom, has a cod in the middle, and, round
the fish, " Staple of the Massachusetts." The last
year a sturgeon was taken here and excited much
curiosity. Occasionally an adventurous seal enters
our harbor. Varieties of the porpoise still sport in our
ofling. The ancients assigned them more intelli-
gence than the moderns. Pliny the elder, relates,
that one of these fish bore a boy on its back, across a
sea, to and from school. Having never witnessed
such a scene, we must withhold credence from the
philosopher's story. Among the monsters of the deep,
the thresher and mackerel-shark, are not unfrequently
seen, but the whale, whose plentifulness once gave
employment to our fishers, rarely shows itself. While
on this topic of monsters, we are reminded of one
which might properly be classed with reptiles. It is
the sea serpent, which for a considerable period has
crossed our outer waters at pleasure. Of this ct^ar
ture, JoBselyn gives a remarkable acco\xtiX« ISL^ ^^"i^
364 QUANTITIES OF HSH CAUGHT.
that some gentlemen, who called on him, 1639, gare
him the ensuing relation : " They told me of a sea
serpent or snake, that lay quoiled up like a cable upon
a rock at Cape Ann. A boat passing by with Eng-
lish aboard and two Indians, they would have shot
the serpent, but the Indians disswaded them, saying,
that if he were not killed outrightj they would be all
in danger of their lives."
Respecting mackerel, 2,394 barrels of them were
packed 1836, having been taken by vessels from Bev-
erly and Salem. It is to be regretted, that in this
and many other instances, the exact number of com-
modities for each town, has not been given from the
custom house. Perspicuous and satisfactory statistics
very much need a change in so long continued a
practice of putting these two places together, in our
maritime reports to the public. As a clearer source
of information, we have a statement of our assessors
to the Secretary of Massachusetts. It is, that for the
year from April 1, 1836 to 1837, there were 6,464
quintals of cod and 2,569 barrels of mackerel, caught
by our fishermen. In returns made to the State
department of Congress, 1840, Salem is represented as
having cured in one year 7,500 quintals and pickled 10
barrels of fish. Relative to ale wives, they have been
an occasion of much municipal and legislative action.
Coursing up the streams of diflferent communities,
they have been subjected to unsteady rules. For a
long period, this city have chosen a committee to
look after these fish. Among their various orders, is
one of 1748, which requires individuals to execute
the laws <^ for the preservation of fish called alewives,
to appoiat proper places fox t\xe XaVlvci^ ^ vo^dl fish
8HELL-FISH. REPTILES. INSECTS. 265
in scoop nets, and to limit ' the particular times and
days for taking the same in town, for the ensuing
year." Concerning other kinds, they appointed, 1769,
persons to superintend << salmon, shad and such fish,
as usually pass up into the natural ponds to cast their
spawn." Respecting shell-fish, we have no small
variety. Of the crustaceous, are the crab, horse-shoe,
lobster and shrimp. Of the testaceous, are the clam,
muscle and quahaug. As to one of these, Salem
adopted an order, 1724, " that muscles shall not be
used for making lime, or for any thing else, except
for food and bait to catch fish." Of our land and
water shells, about 150 species have been collected.
Reptiles. — Our resorts for this class of animals, ex-
cept that of the house adder, are continually dimin-
ishing. We have varieties of the turtle, frog, newt
and toad ; of the chequered and water adder, black,
brown, green, rattle and striped snakes. The rattle
snake, anciently adduced in England against emigra-
tion hither, has always been dreaded by those who
have known and crossed its haunts. Its number,
as a kind arrangement of Providence, has been com-
paratively small and is continually on the decrease.
Insects. — Of these, constituting a large proportion
of all the animal race, we have a common share.
Neither our plan nor space allows an enumeration of
them. We have some to try the patience, the bee to
cater for the taste, and the glow-worm to please the
eye with its nightly illuminations. The musketoe,
which pays no respect to condition or character in
search of its nourishment, is much lessened in its
numbers. This is owing, in one respect, lo \Jftfe dvRaX'-
ing and raising of our low lands*
266 I^^* MI<^£ AND RATS. BEAR. DEER.
WILD QUADRUPEDS.
Reverting to such animals as dwelt in our original
forests, we perceive that some of their species still
remain. These are the bat, fox, mink, mole, musk-
rat, rabbit or hare, racoon, skunk, squirrel, weasel
and woodchuck. With regard to sly Renard, he
seems to have been detected in some operations
against the poultry of our ancestors and suffered the
extremity of punishment. In 1656, our town au-
thorities paid 10/. for the killing of ten foxes. Simi-
lar severity was exercised before this and afterwards.
The mice and rats, which give our good housewives
so much annoyance, and would be enough, if they
were to entirely disappear, have different accounts given
of their origin. Some authors have represented them
as brought hither from Europe. One work says, that
our present rats came over about the commencement
of our Revolutionary war. But Josselyu, on his re-
visit to us, 1663, remarks, << the rat hath been brought
in since the English came, but the mouse is a native,
of which there are several kinds." Of those which
have forsaken our borders, are the bear, beaver, deer,
moose, otter, ounce or wild-cat, and wolf The diary
of Rev. Mr. Green, of Salem Village, says, 1700,
" killed a wild-cat." Our Legislature passed an act
to encourage the destruction of such creatures, 1728,
because they had done much damage. Of this dread-
ed animal, we occasionally hear as in our vicinity.
With the deer, for its utility, and the wolf, for its
destructiveness, our fathers had much to do. Be*
fpr^ attending particularly to these two animals, we
notice the bear. Thie ctealute)\\uraL^\tf2Xv^lLart*
WOLVES. WOLF-HOOKS. 267
ful to our flocks as the wolf, was far from being a
safe neighbor. Like the other ferocious beasts, its
numbers decreased as its woody habitation became
circumscribed by our population. In September of
1699, the woods were much infested with them.
They did not entirely leave our outskirts for sixty
years after this abundemt appearance. With regard
to the deer, it lingered long on our borders. For the
taking of them, as before observed, an individual
came over, 1629, who was acquainted with such em-
ployment. For an extended period, conmiittees were
chosen annually from our inhabitants to enforce the
province law for their preservation. This was done
as far down as 1767. Among the beasts which most
tried the patience and called forth the vigilance of
our fathers, was the wolf. This creature, from their
first landing here, made frequent contributions on
their flocks. Hence, their repeated consultation, orders
and efforts to hinder such perilous devastation. Win-
throp informs us, September 30, 1630, that Salem
lost six calves by wolves, and killed but one of these
destroyers. Such repeated losses led the Court of As-
sistants, the succeeding November 9, to adopt the sub-
sequent order : " Every Englishman who kills a wolf,
within this Patent, shall have 1*^ for every beast and
horse and 1 farthing for every weaned swine and goat
in every plantation." Such a requisition showed deep
concern for the safety of edible animals in our own
and the other few infant settlements. Among our
early sufferers from the deadly visits of the wolf, was
Mr. Skelton. As additional means of combatting
this animal, William Pynchon, colonial treasutet^ da-
livers Salem, 1636, twenty-five wo\i Yioo\ls» Kx ^^caa
368 PREMIUMS FOR KILLING WOLVES. HOUNDS.
date, our first records mention " the great Pen." This
was probably made soon after the arrival of our
primitive settlers. It was the resort of cattle, morn-
ing and evening, when the herdsmen drove them to
and from the pastures. It seems also to have been
intended as a safeguard for such creatures, against
the wily attacks of their besetting enemies, while
kept waiting for their drivers and owners. Of the
repeated rewards, offered by our authorities, several
will be given as specimens. Their public notice of
1640 is, " that if any man within the towne of Sa-
lem, shall take any wolfe within the precincts of
Salem, and bring him to the meeting-howse alive,
hee shall haue for euerie such wolfe 15/. and for
euerie wolfee hee kille, hee shall haue 10/. to be paid
vnto him by the towne." They had previously of-
fered a higher premium for the heads of such ani-
mals. They issue another proposal in 1644 : << It is
ordered, that whosoever shall take any wolfe by
trapes or falls, within the lymits of Salem, shall haue
for euery such wolfe, so taken, 30/., and for euery
wolfe that is killed by gunnes or peeces, there shall
be 15/. paid vnto him that killes any wolfe with his
peece." To increase the means of warring success-
fully against such depredators, it was voted by our
people, 1645, that a " halfe a dozen or 4 braches ^ or
hounds, shall be brought out of England, and the
chardge borne by the Towne." Continually did our
annual accounts show, that the promise to wolf him-
ters was punctually redeemed. An order of 1660-1,
indicates a liberal advance in their compensation. It
' In old French, Rack means Ihe do«r.hoand, and Bracks, the A*
ouUe. Mr, Winthrop, 1633, leceWed ftoiik VAU&«DL%Qnft\nil^ f]EAy-
houadt*
CATS AND DOGS IMPORTED. 260
runs thus: Ordered, that all that have killed any
wolves formerly are to haue 15/. pr wolue, and for
the yeare ensuinge 2/10 pr wolue." The succeeding
year, our Legislature co-operated with the towns in
this work. The price was reduced to 40/. in 1664-5,
with a condition, that its claimants '< bring the heads
and nayle them on the meeting-house." Our records
notice more wolves, for which recompense was le-
gally asked, for ten years immediately previous to
1670, than at any other equal period. The premium,
in 1680, for each of these creatures was 30/. In
1710, a townsman was awarded 20/. for killing a full
grown wolf, " y® head of which being presented to
one of the constables and one of the selectmen, and
the ears cut off, as the law directs." The last trans*
action of this kind, seen on our records, was eight
years afterwards. For more than a quarter of a cen-
tury from this date, our precincts were not entirely
cleared from so persecuting a foe to our flocks, which
would have its prey in despite of the watchful dog
and the deadly implements of the husbandman.
DOMESTICATED QUADRUPEDS.
Of these, kept to prevent the depredations of other
animals, are the cat and dog. Our ancestors so knew
the use of such appendages to every agricultural
household, as not to refuse them a passage to this
country. Wood, relating the means, which our plan-
ters used to arrest the spoiling of their grain by squir-
rels, observed 1633, " they* are constrained to carry
their cats into the corne' fields." Josselyn, on his
second visit here, says :*^<'Catts and do^s ^i^ ^& c.^\£ir
24f .'-J.--:.
270 CJATS AND DOGS KILLED.
mon as in England ; but our dogs degenerate ; the
Indians store themselves with them, being much bet-
ter for their turn than their breed of wild dogs."
With all the favoritism which many of such creatures
have had with their kind owners, they have not been
without the sufferings of proscription. In 1756, a
war of extermination seems to have been carried on
here against the race of poor puss. Then an indi-
vidual was appointed to bury them at 1/. apiece.
This was probably done to hinder the spread of the
small-pox. If gifted with sufficienjt knowledge and
speech, they might have justly said, Oh ! for the
days of Howel the Good, who had our lives and
liberties protected by the strong arm of law. Dogs
have been subjected to much greater trial. When
they guarded the flocks, the barn and the house,
against the intrusion of ferocious beasts and the vin-
dictive savage, their value was much greater. Still
the misdeeds of some brought them into diflSculties.
As before stated, those on Winter Neck were early
doomed to have each a leg tied up, so that they
should get no taste of the fish laid upon the adjacent
flakes. A more public notice was taken of the canine
tribe, though not more agreeable to their feelings.
The Legislature ordered, 1648, that if any one of
them should kill a sheep, it should be hung and its
master be fined. At the time when the cats were
ordered to be buried, so were the dogs, apparently for
the same cause. A similar precaution was used in
the reign of Charles II. Defoe's account of the
plague in London, relates, that an immense number
of these animals were killed there, lest they should
spread so dreadful a pesuleuce. ^\\^ &ia%i^V^\^ V^ve
BY-LAW FOR DOGS. SWINE. 271
endured several hot persecutions, lest their maddened
bile should prove the horrible death of our inhabi-
tants. An order was issued, 1831, that if found with-
out collars around their necks, containing the names
of their owners, they should be destroyed. It also
required, that during the warm months, they should
appear with wire muzzles, which was repealed in
1833. It assessed two dollars a year on each holder
of a dog for keeping it ; specified fines for neglect of
the regulation, and made provision for a registrar to
keep an account of all such animals as should be
licensed. To enforce the by-law, a bounty of one
dollar was appointed, 1840, for every person who
should kill any one of these creatures, found in the
city, destitute of the prescribed appendage to its neck.
Thus our canine friends are necessarily subjected to
hard measure, for the calamity which their disease
may inflict on our citizens.
Among the edible quadrupeds brought over by the
settlers of this community, were swine, goats, sheep
and cattle. To prevent the intrusion of these crea-
tures into tilled lands and the consequent evils of ani-
mosity, the ensuing rule was adopted: "It is deter-
mined, 1637-8, that all home fences for coniefields
and gardens, be sufficiently made vp by the 15^^ of
the first month vpon y® penalty of tenn shillings."
Swine. — By all the records of ancient plantations,
much attention seems to have been given to this
class of animals. To keep them and their owners
in proper order, hog-reeves were long chosen among
the annual officers. In modern times, individuals
were elected to such a trust, sometimes fo\ ^^^xX^ViNsX
mow often to gratify private pique. "WYiA^ ^^«fe
273 HOG-ORIYERS TO BLOW THE HORN.
creatures were abundant in our limits, various regula-
tions were made and practised. In 1638, " it is or«
dared, that all swine shall goe vnder keepers or be
kept vp, and that all swine taken abroad without a
keeper, it shall be lawfull for any man to pound them,
and to haue for euery swine 2/6 before they be taken
out of the pehn, and all damages.'^ Two persons
were appointed such keepers, 1640 ; were to have 6'
for each one they drove, and continue their labor
from 6th of April to 15th of November. Their in-
structions follow : << They are to blow their home
and the townes men to bring their swine out to them,
as they goe alonge by their homes. They are to
driue them out" at 6 o'clock in the morning and
back at sunset; '^aud every one is to receaue his
owne swine and keepe them in all night. And the
keeps shalbe (answerable) for any swine that are lost;
but for such swine as are kiled by wilde beasts and
they bring home the" remains, they shall not be
responsible. << That the Lord's day may be improued
by such as are the keeps, it is ordered, that the said
keeps shall one, one Lord's day, and the other, the
other Lord's day, by turns, keepe them. And it is
agreed that euery such two families, as are named by
the said keeps, shall prouide one man for the helping
one of the keeps to keep swine vppon the Lord's
day." This was care, worthy of the public senti-
ment which tlien honored the Sabbath. It was re-
quired, 1644, that every hog, above ten weeks old,
should " be sufficientlie ringed," or its owner be fined
2/. The following year such creatures were yoked.
With these indications, that they so used their liberty
A9 it appeared licentiovxsue«s Xo xYiq vckV^\«^ ^axtfifiOK
GOATS— THEIR VALUE. 273
the swine continued along till some of them did more
alarming evil. Then, 1681, it was ordered, that
-whereas while loose they are dangerous to the hfe
and limb of young children, any j)erson may kill
them, if found at large, from the bridge to the point
of rocks, and have one half of the body and the other
be for the poor. With regard to such restriction of
these creatures, there was here, as well as elsewhere,
an instability of purpose. Some years it was voted,
that they might roam abroad, and in others that they
should be closely confined to their pens. Parties on
a hog question could be rallied as fully as on one of
political importance. This shows that zeal to carry a
point, is not a sure sign that its motive is proportiona-
bly worthy. Our State valuations give the ensuing
returns of swine from Salem : 9 swine in 1768 ; 77,
1771; 93, 1781; 49, 1791; 118, 1801; 110, 1811;
70, 1821 ; 109, 1831, and 254, 1841.
Goats, — These animals being more able to endure
the privations of a passage to our shores than the
cow, did our planters good service. Josselyn remarks,
that they "were the first small cattle they had in the
Countrey ; he was counted no body, that had not a
trip or flock of goats." In 1629, there were 40 of
these in Naumkeag. Our neck weis a considerable
resort for creatures of this kind. As previously stated,
they were ordered away from such commons, 1635,
so that the grass might grow six days and then be
cropped by the cattle on the Sabbath, and thus holy
time be as little intruded on as possible, by the latter
animals requiring less attention and keepers than they
did at other times, when driven to the gteaX ^gasXxjct^,
24*
274 GOAT-HERDS. SHEEP.
The goat-herd was allowed, 1637, for a year's attend-
ance, 2/. for each milch goat. There were two per-
sons who held this trust, 1639. Together they were
to have £32 annually, in quarterly payments. Their
instructions say : <^ The goates are to be driuen out
an hower after the sun is vp, and brought into the
pen neer the pownd an hower afore sun settinge.
The chardges of the pen to be borne by the owners
of the goates." When any of these strayed and were
impounded, the price for such durance, 1644, was 2^
a head. The value of a ewe goat, 1633, was £3 to
£4, and 1638, £5. In the colonial valuation for
taxe.s, 1646, a goat, above a year old, was estimated
at 8/. ; 1694, 4/. j 1727, 3/. With the cessation of
the need for such creatures, their value lessened and
the pains to rear them discontinued. It is long since
they formed a prominent part of our farming stock.
Though on the valuation list of our Commonwealth,
1784, Salem has a return under the long standing
column of sheep and goats, yet of the latter there
must have been then very few, if any at all, among
our agriculturists. Like many other possessions, once
highly appreciated for their utility, they have gone
down and disappeared from the accounts of modern
chattels. The sight of the goat-herd, pursuing his
beaten track with his well known flock, to our wild
highlands, no longer enlivens the lover of rural scenes,
nor throws around our prospect some semblance to
the pastoral portions of Europe.
Sheep. — Of these useful animals none appear to
have been in our plantation, 1629, when Mr. Higgin-
8on wrote to his friends in England. He desired that
persons intending to ei)Ci\2ta\.Q \iv\Xv<^X) ^oraid bring
SHEEP NOT TO BE EXPORTED— DISEASED. 275
over some of them. Very likely this request was
soon granted. In 1637, when a contract was made
with the goat-herd of Salem, he took charge of sheep
with goats. Then might be seen the latter animals
taking the lead of the drove and thus keeping the
former in their rear, according to their instinctive
desire and habit. Even the goat knew^the pains as
well as pleasures of ambition to be at the head. The
goat-herd agreed to take care of each wether for 1/. ;
of every ewe Iamb, after weaned, for the same ; and
every wether lamb for 6^, the year round. As woollen
cloth was scarce on account of the European wars,
the Legislature, 1645, recommended to this and other
towns to preserve and increase their sheep. In 1654,
the same authorities, to promote a supply of the like
commodity, forbid the transportation of such animals
to foreign ports, and the killing of any, under two
years old, except for the owner's family. The ensu-
ing votes, of 1702, were passed by our townsmen :
" That no shepherd shall take or keep any sheep of
any person who is not an inhabitant of this town, on
Salem common, on penalty of 3/. for each sheep so
kept, one half to y® informer or prosecutor, the other
half to y® poor ; that all sheep y' go on y® common,
shall be kept by the shepherds between a line running
from y® Butts to y® head of Forrest River and Lynne
line." Vigilant for guarding our live stock against
contagion, the General Court, 1709, inform this and
other towns, " that the sheep on the islands and necks
in or near Boston, have an infectious disease, called
the scab J lately brought from beyond sea." As com-
merce extended among our population, and our agri-
cultural precincts were separated ftom ws, o\a ei»x-
276 PRICE AND RETURNS OF SHEEP. CATTLE.
meration of these creatures was lessened. Iq public
taxes, those of a year or more old, were estimated as
follows: 1646, £1 10'; 1657, £1 5- ; 1662,10/.;
1687, 8/ ; 1694, 4/. ; 1727, 3/. ; and of the last price
down to 1776. In accounts to the Legislature, sheep
are so coupled with goats that we cannot ascertain
how many there were of each sort. No public statis-
tics should ever thus mix up distinct items. It never
satisfies the subsequent searcher for specific facts.
The probability is, that when such accounts were
handed in, we had few or no goats. We quote the
column as it stands, in reference to this place : 1768,
46 sheep and goats of a year old and upwards ; 1771,
44 ; 1781, 51 of six months and above. The return
of 1840 to Congress, assigns 12 sheep to our city,
and thus can furnish but very slight materials to the
poet for a pastoral. A considerable period prior to
1768, the fewness of such animals could not support
a distinct keeper. The professional occupation of a
shepherd among us was discontinued. The crosier
was laid aside, the watch-dog dismissed, and the
beaten walks grown over with grass.
Cattle, — As the emigrants from Cape Ann to Naum-
keag had such stock there, they very probably brought
part of them hither. In 1629, our inhabitants num-
bered forty cows. With reference to moose, as a
substitute for oxen. Wood observed : " The English
have some thoughts of keeping them tame and to
accustome them to the yoake, which will be a great
commoditie." The same author also stated, that a
wolf would attack a red calf sooner than a black one,
because the former looked more like a deer, and that,
from this, a red cal£ was cYiQa^t\\x^ii\\x^\^OiLXQAtfi.
NEATHERDS. 277
With what anxiety the expected loss of kiue was
viewed by our ancestors, because an essential means
for the sustenance of community, is manifested in the
subsequent passage. It is in a letter of 1631, from
Gov. Endicott to Gov. Winthrop. "There are at
Mr. Hewson's plantation five or six kine very ill and
in great danger. I fear they will hardly escape it,
whereof two are mine, and all I have, which are
worse than any of the rest. I left mine there this
winter to do Mr. Skelton a pleasure to keep his for
him here at Salem, that he might have the benefit of
their milk." This article was sold, 1633, at 1* a
quart. Such animals being so valued, there were
frequent and particular rules for their preservation.
In 1637, "its agreed that Roger Morie, neatherd|
shall begin the keeping of all the Towne cattle, 1»*
day of 2^ month next, and to con tine w his help with
the help of another suffitient man, during the space
of 8 months compleat. And that euery two cattle
shall find one for the carefull looking vnto them oa
the Lord's days. And that the neat herd shall be
ready at the penn gate an hower after sun-rise each
morning, to take all the Towne catle to feed, and
whoso shall not haue their catle ready att that tyme,
are either to bring them after the heard, (i. e.) to the
heard, or else the losse y* acrews to their catle
through such neglect, to lye vpon themselues, and in
case the neatherds faile on either of their parts, in
not taking them forth, bringing them home, or care-
fully looking vnto them, that y" the said Roger Morie
is liable to further examinacon, and being found faul-
tie, to the sensure of the Towne. And \u V\^^ ^i
their service, the said Roger to have 7 1 . ^t Yk^^ oi
278 LIEUT. DAVENPORT. REGULATIONS.
all, excepting bulls, to be paid them by fower equall
portions, always one quarter beforehand." Lieut.
Davenport contracted, 1637-8, to perform this service
for £36 a year ; << to keep his man constantly about
the same and put in another man, such as the Towne
shall approue off." The cattle to be driven from the
pen a half hour after sun-rise and returned a half hour
before sun-set. In 1638-9, the ensuing regulations
were adopted : << Ordered, that the drie catle shalbe
put out to the farmes round about, and that none
shall goe with the milch cowes in the common this
year. Euerie man shall prouide for their owne calues."
The seven men are to agree with <' keeps of the
milch kine. All the kine that are kept vppon the
cow pastures shalbe paid for by the owners of them
to the keeps of the heard ; and if any farmers doe
put their cowes to eat vp the cow pastures, then they
also shalbe lyable to pay for their kine to the keep of
the heard, according to the tyme they keepe them
there." The herdsmen, 1641, had charge of about 90
cows, besides those which the farmers took care of
themselves. Cattle for being impounded were fined,
1644, at the rate of 2** a head. Robert Pease was
employed, 1655, to keep 100 cows, being a part of
the town drove, and to have help so that he might
attend worship every third Sabbath. This provision,
that the neatherd might partly cease from his work of
necessity to enjoy the privileges of the sanctuary,
was long continued. Thus the desire of employers
for gain was so controlled, as not to debar their ser-
vants from the bread of spiritual life. Better founded
would be the hope of community, had such a prac-
tice; ia public concerns, ecyaAV} ^i^'^w\fe^\» ouc day.
HERDSMEN'S PAT. 279
It was ordered, 1665-6, that the cows "from the
bridge and so downward, and one the great neck,''
should form one herd. The neatherd, 1656-7, had
X24 a season, providing a sufficient man or boy to
assist him. He had his pay, one quarter in butter,
one quarter in wheat, and the rest in Indian corn.
In 1662, all who would not put their kine under the
driver and suffered them to feed on the common,
were required to pay 12** a cow towards his compen-
sation. We might quote further from the oft repeated
contracts with the herdsmen ; but as the subject pre-
vents them from containing variety of thought, there
is little need of a fuller reference to them. In that
of 1695, however, we have the mention of a custom,
which was welcome, at least to the younger part of
society, and not altogether without interest to the
worthy housewife, desirous to see the supi)lier of her
dairy well off in the morning, and especially well
back at night : it was, that the cow driver, as he
called for his charge and brought them home, should
" sound or winde a home at the end of each cross
street in the Towne according to former vsage."
From 1663 to 1700, the herdsman received for each
cow of his drove from 3/3 to 4/6. Sometimes the
terms of his compensation were, one third in money
or butter, and the remainder in pay, such as grain
and goods. As no long period after this, concerns of
the preceding sort fell into the hands of the common*
ers or owners of great pasture, other like particulars
are mentioned under the description of that propriety,
and of the Neck and Winter Island. Concerning an
incident to our cattle, Mr. Green of the village, noted
May 2, 1701, that many are lost in a sloim oi mxi «xA
380 CATTLE— VALUE AND NUMBER*
hail of three days. With regard to the price of cattlci
they were formerly much higher than in later years.
In 1633, a cow was worth from £20 to £26 ; 1636,
£25 to £30 ; a pair of oxen, £40, and 1640, a cow,
£6. In the appraisal of such stock for taxes to the
Commonwealth, we have the following : In 1646,
oxen of 4 years old and above, each £6 ; cows and
bulls of 4 years and above, £5 ; heifers and steers,
between 3 and 4 years, £4 ; between 2 and 3 years,
£2 10», and between 1 and 2 years, £1 lO*; 1657,
the first in this list was £5, second, £3, third, £2 10",
fourth, £2, fifth, £1 ; 1686-7, the same price for all
the series of 1657 ; 1694 to 1775, first, £2, and cows
of 3 years and above, £1 10'. In the Province and
State valuation lists, Salem had the ensuing nimibers
of cattle : 1768, oxen, 42; cows, 248. 1771, oxen
of 4 years and above, 61 ; cows of 3 years and above,
247. 1781, cattle of 1 year and more, 82 ; cows of 4
years and more, 325. 1791, oxen of 4 years and
above, 53 ; cows and steers of 3 years and above, 261.
In the four next decades of years, these two species of
animals are calculated, as of the same age and order,
as in the last, except otherwise expressed. 1801, 56;
362. 1811,68; 373. 1821, 58; 360. 1831, 74;
426 of one year and more. 1841, 44; 346, with the
addition of 37 of one year and above.
Horse, — The freight of such animals from England
to our shores, was so high as to prevent large impor-
tations of them hither. In 1629, there were 7 or 8
of them, male and female, belonging to this place.
Before the elapse of many years, they were sufficient
to answer the purposes of drawing and travelling.
Though carriages weie \lxio^\i ^iA xs^s^d la Europe
TOWN.HORSE. PRICE AND NUMBER. 281
before New England was colonized, yet it was long
ere they were commonly employed by our settlers.
Hence journeying, when not on foot, was on horse-
back. Horses w^ere so much left to range about, that
persons, not their owners, would catch and use them
without liberty. The Legislature, 1647, passed a
law against this practice. As the most of these ani-
mals were turned out in the winter as well as sum-
mer, to sustain themselves, they were much reduced
in vahie. They were taken for colonial rates, 1647,
^ being of 4 years old and above, at £7 each ; 1653,
at £16, and afterwards for two thirds less. There
was one of more than ordinary interest in Salem,
because he was called the "town-horse." Such a
station probably subjected him, not only to compli-
cated and oppressive service, but to the discordant
criticisms of his many owners. This very likely
brought him under the hammer. He was sold, 1655,
to John Gedney for £10 14", payable in barley at
4/6, peas, 4/., wheat, 4/6, pork 3^ lb., and beef, 20/,
cwt. As some persons were in the habit of racing
these animals, to the hazard of people's lives, and of
driving them fast to and from Sabbath worship, the
quarterly Court, 1672, forbid such doings. From
returns made to the Legislature, the horses of this
town numbered, as in the subsequent extract : 1768,
130 horses; 1772, of three years old and above, 163;
1781, of two years and upward, 200 ; 1791, of tbree
years and more, 175; 1801,374; 1811,449; 1821,
368 ; 1831, of one year and above, 531 ; 1841, 300.
Since carriage by steam-cars began among us, these
animals have lessened in number, value and demand.
25
883 BOG-ORC COPPER MINE.
MliNERALS.
None of these has been so far discovered in our
present limits as to be manufactured here. Of the
bog ore, there are evident indications in the low wet
ground of our great pasture. Formerly several of
our adjacent towns had factories for working up this
article. John Ruck of Salem and others contracted,
1674, with Nathaniel and Thomas Leonard to carry
on this business at Rowley Village. The enterprise
proved unprofitable. Governor Winthrop wrote to #
his son John, 1648, that Mr. Endicott had found a
copper mine on his own land, which had been tested
by Mr. Leader, overseer of the Iron works at Lynn.
Governor Endicott, in a petition to the Legislature,
1661, says: ** Your petitioner hath been at some
charges already for the finding and melting of copper
ore, and is still in prosecution of bringing it to per-
fection, by sending over from Sweden and Germany,
workmen that are skilful in that art ; and that the
place where it is to be wrought, is not sufficiently
stored with wood to go through with such a work,
petitions for 300 acres of woodland near where he
intends to set up the works, named Blind Hole, near
a farm formerly granted to your petitioner." His
request was allowed. The place, here designated,
was about the northernmost bound between Danvers
and Topsficld. The mine did not yield enough to
meet the expectations and accomplish the plans of its
proprietor. Before 1700, there were much higher
anticipations, in both Old and New England, of find-
ing mines of various ores, in territory of the latteri
than so bsequenlly . A. Comipttxv7 fex ^q\>s\w% ^^ xsivqaa
THE MAIN AND RIVER ROADS. 283
of copper and other minerals " here, were to meet, May
1692, in London, to consult on carrying out their
plans. For the passing time, rich minerals are ex-
ceedingly desired ; but they have universally proved
less beneficial to communities than the well cultivated
soil. Before we leave this section, the remark occurs:
even within the circumscribed range of our bounda*
ries, we behold enough of its diversified productions
to commune in spirit with the proper sentiment,
*' Of skill divine what shining marks appear.
Creating power is all around exprest."
WAYS.
Before the commencement of our remaining records,
no doubt that various tracks, most needed for the
intercourse of our inhabitants one with another and
with the adjacent towns, were struck out and used.
These passages of our own settlement, like similar
ones in other ancient plantations, were made more for
accommodation at the time, than for future looks and
convenience. Within the main body of our present
limits, there were three primitive courses for travel,
eastwardly and westwardly. The chief thorough-
fare was by the first meeting-house, which, so far as
it went, hadithe general direction of our Essex Street.
It was called Main Street prior to 1727. Its western
entrance into Salem, was originally from Boston round
Gallows Hill, where it passed a house of entertain-
ment to the back of Norman's rocks and eastward of
Pickering's Pasture ; continued to the premises near
the powder-house, thence down through Wood's gate
into Broad Street, which led to Essex Street. WitK
I!e8pect to a part of the last pass, as is su^^^e^^ Vx ^M
284 THE MAIN AND RIVER ROADS.
ordered in 1635, that the '< lott next to the end of
Captain Endicotts lott to be an high way." At the
corner of ttiis rout ^^oiier against the meeting-house
on the north side," Ilngh Peters had land, being a
quarter of an acre, which his agent, 1652, sold for
40/. to John Horn. The second and third passages
were up and down on the banks of our north and
south rivers. A confirmation of them, as well as of
like communications on the other sides of the same
streams, is in the following order of 1644—5 : " Or-
dered, that all such as haue liowses and lotts next
the water side in any place of this towne, shall mayo-
tayne a good way both for horse and man of 8 foote
broade at least, vpon paine of presentment and such
fyne, as the towne or Court shall impose on such as
are defective." William Allen deposed 1664, that it
had been a resolve of our inhabitants, that when land
was granted on these rivers, a reservation should be
made for a passage between the top of the banks and
the water side. The original road to Marblehead
was a continuation of the one which entered Salem
through Wood's gate. Its direction was from the
neighborhood of the powder-house, up to Flint's,
afterwards MetcalPs field, over Clay Brook and to
Forest River road. From the preceding ways, in
the chief part of the town, individuals had their
cross paths, as they wished and the authorities al-
lowed. With regard to the north and south fields,
when their lots were laid out and cultivated, they
were accommodated with necessary openings for ac-
cess. It was ordered, 1642, that " an high way be
laid out through Daniell Ray his lott and he to haue
the old way laid out before ovot '\v\ \!ti^ \«ii «5^\^ VoM
REPAIRS. CUT. RUCKS VILLAGE. 285
on the North field." As samples of early practice ia
repairing our roads, wc have the ensuing items. A
warrant of 1637-8, for mending highways, requires
^'euery working man vpon the 7''' day of the moneth"
to appear, "vnder the pcnaltie of 3/." It was or-
dered, 1647-8, that " who soever shalbe warned to
the mending of any bridge or high way and make
default, shall allow the surveyors 3/. a day to procure
another in his place and take the 3/. by distresse."
In 1645, a way was laid out to Winter Island.
Relative to this section, a vote passed, 1667, that the
" cntt vppon the neck to goe over to Winter Hand is
to be stopped and a sulficient waye to be made over
to the Hand." *• Mordecay-s Cut " was mentioned
on our records, 1673. The consistency of these par-
ticulars could be better explained formerly, than at
present. In 1651, a highway is spoken of as between
the lots of Thomas Oliver and Thomas Watson.
The ensuing rule was adopted, 1660, that timber,
wood and other lumber be cleared from all the town
ways, " that there may be sufficient passage for carts
and foote and horse." A report was made, 1663, for
a road to the cove by the house of John Ruck, and,
1664, for another from the one near Bartholomew
Gedney's to the new mill over South River. JeflVey
Massey deposed, 1664, that there had been and was
a way between Mr. Ruck's house and the river,
which led over stepping stones across Sweet's cove,
to the south fields. There was a cluster of dwellings
near the one just named, in 1678, which was called
Ruck's Village. It was agreed by Salem and Mar-
blehead, 1666, to have a highway between tV\ft\i
26*
286 POTTER'S LANE. CAUSEY.
bounds, "as the common cart waye now lyetb," and
to enter this place by the mill last mentioned. The
same year, it was agreed to have a road come to us
from Will's Hill. In 1669, a way was opened from
Ebenezer Hathorne's house to the burying place;
one, 1673, by the widow Cook's through commons
and other ways in North fields: another, 1678,
through lots in South fields to Stage point. Potter's
Lane is mentioned on our records, 1680. It led to
Potter's field, from which its name was derived. It
seems to have been made many years before the year
last named. After having been let from 5/. to 10/.
a year, it was sold to William Brown, 1739, for £20.
An opening of 12 feet wide was made, 1686, from
that which led from Doctor Emory's or Tawley's
house towards John Norman's, and thence over the
mouth of the Creek to the south mill, and another
from Ingersol's Lane to the house of Francis Morey.
A lane from Samuel Beadle's to Rev. Mr. Higginson's
and the common, was ordered, 1698, to be surveyed.
In this connection. Prison Lane was mentioned. After
several attempts for having a new avenue to Beverly
Ferry, one was made 1701, from the entrance on
Francis Skerry's land through the premises of John
Smith, to, near and by the north-west corner of John
Massey's house. This was called Ferry Lane, prior
to 1754. On petition of James Symonds and his
Northfield neighbors, a Causey is allowed, 1705, at
their own charge, from Symond's Point, not to be
higher than dead low water, for horses and carts.
This was about the track of the subsequent North
River bridge. A highway by land of Philip English
to Point of Rocks, is «3\o^^^ m Vl\^» C*^xck?^lgint
SURVEYING. BLOWING ROCKS. 287
w^as entered to the selectmen of obstructions in the
" ancient and usual high way for carts, horses and
men, between Joseph Allins, Philip Hills and Mi-
chaell Bacon and the wharfe, and so along by Mr.
Sanders' ware house and Mr. Bartholomew's ware
house, now Mrs. LindalPs and to the pitch of y*
Burying Point." Mr. Bacon had a ship on the stocks
too near the warehouses, which he was to launch
and then build no more in that spot. Benjamin
Ashby had two vessels on the stocks at the pitch of
the Burying Point. A committee were instructed to
have the passage one rod wide. There was the re-
turn of another street, 1711, to the Burying Point.
The manner, in which the following entry, before
noted, is made, 1713, on our records, confirms our
opinion, that the knowledge of surveying by a com-
pass was anciently much more appreciated than at
present :
" We, the subscribers, being appointed by Benja-
min Browne, Esq., and John Higginson, Esq., and
y« selectmen of Salem, to be artists for y* stating
and settling y® West line formerly granted by y*
Towne of Salem to y® village, we having tried by
art what is y° variation of y® compass in this Lati-
tude, do find it to be, at least, ten degrees, and hav-
ing set a due west course at y® bridge by Mr. Phillips,
allowing ten degrees variation, have stated a west
line," etc.
Signed by William Bowditch and William Gedney.
As the specimen of a perilous practice, we find a
charge of 1724, thus expressed : " For blowing up
y* rock for y* bettering y® way by Threshers," la
1727, a way w^as laid out from tVi© "NLivcL ^vt^^x \»
28S DISCONTINUANCE OF EIGHT FEET WAY.
Union Wliarf, which the next year was denominated
Union Street. Town-house Street is mentioned,
1729. Residents in Love Street, leading from Cur-
win's Lane to Town-house Street, have leave, 1735,
pursuant to a vote of 1723, to set up posts before
their fences and houses. AVe meet, 1742, with Robin's
Lane, to be leased, and 1749, with School-house
Lane. Hohnes Lane, near the farm of Benjamin
Pickman, Esq., is spoken of, 1754, and also Beckford's
Lane, in 1758. A way of two poles wide is allowed,
1762, from Daniel's Lane to Becket's Lane. After
various trials for a road from Curwin's Lane to the
street leading from Buffum's corner to Town Bridge,
and up through the lots between Main Street and
North River, one, 1766, was accordingly laid out,
accepted and called Federal Street. This name ap-
pears to have been selected as a sign of the union of
feeling for such a p£issage, between the parties for
and against the discontinuance of the eight feet way
on the bank of North River. With regard to this
ancient line of communication, it was, as already in-
timated, the occasion of much protracted division
among our inhabitants. In 1755 an attempt was
made to have it closed, which seems to have suc-
ceeded by the next year. The advocates for its being
reopened, tried their strength again, 1758, but failed.
While the matter was thus in suspense, the old men
were called to state what they knew of its history.
Miles Ward, rot. 87, deposed, 1761, that he had been
one of its travellers for more than 70 years. la 1765,
the people, living above Curwin's Lane, were greatly
dissatisfied, that the River Path was shut up, and
ibey had no convemeul aN^nvx^ \.c^ x\v^ vxorth feny*
PAVING. LOTTERY DESIRED. 289
Under these circumstances, they proposed to have a
-way in which all might harmonize. This seems to
have resulted in the conclusion to make Federal
Street, and, in 1767, to a final disuse of the eight-feet
track. In the Isist year, we find that a street from
the house of Robert Allen to the Burying-point Lane,
was opened. A way was laid out, 1768, from a distil-
house to the homestead of Dudley Woodbridge, and
we meet, 1769, with Ives and Gerrish's lanes. A
road was opened, 1772, from Main Street to the one
from the ahns-house to the great pasture, through
land of John Dean and others. Subsequent to sev-
eral efforts of public spirited individuals for paving
the Main Street from West's to Britton's Corner, they
succeeded 1773. They tried for it 1731, and, with
their subscriptions and the town's appropriation, they
nearly attained it 1754. The selectmen were in-
structed, 1768, to petition General Court for a lottery
to do the work. Not allowed this application for
what has long been contrary to public sentiment, but
then a popular and oft tried measure, our townsmen
very properly relied on their own resources. They
soon found, that the chief difficulty in this, as well
as in most public improvements, was more the want
of a disposition than the means. A committee re-
port, that there were 2,250 yards to be paved, at 1/. a
yard, which, with other charges, would make a total
of £192 3' 4*^. They state, that it is supposed that
the manure saved on the pavements at Charleslown
and elsewhere, is equal to the interest on the cost of
them ; that King's Street here is so narrow, it cannot
be kept in repair otherwise than by pavemeat \ iVv^sX
many of the market productions, wYucVi go \o^^^£t\^
290 REPORT OF NAM£S FOR STREKTS.
head in a wet season, would come to the centre of
Salem, if this street were in good condition. As
£80 had been subscribed for this enterprise, the town
voted £100 more. The distance paved was 740 feet
in length.
Having gone over so many courses, hy no means a
romantic excursion, we now reach a breathing pause.
It is plain, that there must have been some streets,
made and used, of which there are left no particular
data. That we may have a condensed view of what
has been adduced on, and what relates to this sub-
ject, we present the substance of a report from a
committee for naming the streets, offered, 1773, to
our inhabitants. They applied the term, street, in all
the instances, except where lane stands in the sub-
joined list :
Assembly Courts from Pike's corner to Assembly Hall."
BtckttCa LanCf ** Lambert*s corner in Bow St. to South River.
JBoWf ' ** east end of King St. to Neck Gate.
Broad f " West's comer to Alms-house.*
Brown's Lane, " Geo. Peal's corner to Water St
Burying-point Lane,** Lynde's corner to Water St.
Bush Lane, «' Capt. John Hodges in Bow St. to Derby St
Church, ** Saint Peter's Church to the Elms.
Deans Lane, ** Dean's corner to North River.
Derby, " east enji of Winter St. to Rope-walks.
Englishes Lane, " Touzel's corner to South River.
Epes Lane, ** Centre School St. to Saint Peter^s chuick.
Essex f " Town-house ^ to Norman St.
Fish, I "Mill St. to Norman St.
Flint's Lane, «* Metcalfs corner to South St.
Front, «< Fish Street to Woodbridge corner.
' On the premises of South ^ Then Incnted on a comer of
meetinif-houee. the present Essex Street.
• Where the building, lately
occupied for the Registry ofi^ce,
ACCEPTANCE OF REPORT DEFERRED. 291
Hanover,
Hardy Lane,
Haskett's Lane,
Lynde^
Middle^
Mill,
Gorman,
J^orthf
Jforih Bridge^
Pope 8 Lane,
Prison^
Queent
School,
South,
Spring,
Town Bridge,
Turner's Lane,
Union,
Ward's Lane,
Water,
Winter,
from King's Arms* to South River.
Phippen's corner in Bow St. to Derby St.
John White, Jr.'s, in Bow St. to Derby St
Town-house to Capt. Jonathan Gardner's.
North Church to School St.
BufTum's corner to West's corner.
Alms-house to the Mills.
Broad Street to Essex St.
Friend Hacker's to Sprapfoe's distillery.
Clark's corner to North Bridge.
East Church to South River.
Osgood's corner to North River.
West's corner to Britton's corner.
Town-house to North River.
South gale to Alms-house.
Daniel's corner in Bow St. to South River.
Dan vers to Buffum's corner.
Murray's corner in Bow St. to South River
Mr. Watson's corner to Long Wharf.'
Lowder's coi ner to Water St.
Bottom of Hanover round the wharves to
Long Wharf.
Cole's corner to North River.
C(
it
«
It
u
n
«<
(C
«
u
u
«
«(
((
u
u
n
However needful for imparting a correct knowledge
of our municipal topography, the foregoing report
was, still its acceptance was deferred. Whether there
was a desire to suspend the formal confirmation of
Royal names, in the preceding list, until there should
be more certainty, as to our connection with Great
Britain, and thus a decision was made to put oflF the
whole matter, is not known. The Court of Sessions
order, 1774, that a road be opened, " near the way
by South River between the bottom of Hanover
Street and by a high way leading from the court-
house'to Marblehead." A street was accepted, 1776,
from one by Miles Ward's, to another which went from
* A pnblte house.
'Bad been called FederaUat
* Union Yf Visitt.
292 OBJECTION TO ESSEX BRIDGE WAY.
the town-house to Cabot's Wharf. The same year a
way was laid out, called Front Street. A passage
was opened, 1785, from School to North Street,
though not accepted till several years afterwards, and
Quaker Liane, from Henry Rust's house to the jail,
was mentioned. In 1786, a road by George Ervin's
to the mill granary, was allowed. Another, opened
this year, from D. Woodbridge's to Long Wharf,
was accepted 1789. In 1787, a passage between Mr.
Prince's meeting-house and Rust's store is mentioned.
It was ordered, 1789, that there be a road on the
east side of Essex bridge, for landing and taking
away goods, and that the new one, laid out by an
injunction of the Court of Sessions, to Essex bridge,
be put in good repair. Against the latter's being
surveyed by county commissioners, the year before,
our selectmen protested in the name of the town ;
because the common way had served for more than
80 years, and Salem had lately put down costly ferry
ways, which the bridge would render useless. A
street through Kitchen's field is allowed, 1790.
There was an appropriation by the town, 1792, for
£300, including pave-stones behind the court-house,
to pave Main Street from the corner of Henry Rust
to that of Mr. Andrews, and as much further east-
wardly, as this sum, with subscriptions, would sus-
tain. The work was done the same year. A com-
mittee were appointed, 1794, to name the streets
and have boards with each name, put up in some
conspicuous .place. The same year a way was ac-
cepted from South meeting-house to the hay-market,
and another from such new way eastwardly to the
south-east corner of Benjamin Dalaud's land. An
STREETS PAVED AND NAMED. 293
opening by the store of William Marston, to land of
Joseph Henfield, was accepted. This is now included
in the road by the railway. A way from .North
Bridge road to Cluaker Pasture and to Danven
through land of Thomas Mason and others, was pre-
sented; 1794, for acceptance, but it was not then le^
ceired. In 1796, a street through land of Retiah
Becket and others was reported, and in 1796, one,
afterwards called Chesnut Street, from Cambridge
Street to Flint Street, was accepted. Three more
were accepted, 1797, first from north part of Pleasanl
Street to Bridge Street ; second, through land of
Henry Williams to North River, and third, Webb
Street, near south-east corner of Clifford Crowninr
shield's land. Two were allowed, one, 1798, in
North field by Capt. Dennis's to Danvers line ; an^
other, 1799, from High Street to Gedney Court la
1799, Neptune and Liberty Streets were paved. The
same year IngersoU Street was accepted. Land, far
widening Chesnut Street, 1801, was valued at ^12 a
pole. Various ways are recorded 1801, viz., from
Chesnut Street to Broad Street ; from Chesnut to
Essex Street ; from Federal to Essex Street ; from
Neptune to Water Street; and, 1802, from North
Bridge to the iron factory. The last was laid out by
county commissioners. The town thought that the
old road would do with suitable alterations. The
following streets are first mentioned, Bath, 1802|
south of the mall ; and, 1803, from English to Dan^
iels' Streets ; from Essex to Chesnut between Flint
and Cambridge Streets ; from Mill through Creek
Court to Summer, and Green from Flint to Picker-
26
294 STREET LAMPS. LAND VALUED.
ing Court. Some of our inhabitants, who were far
from feeling that benefactions for public good were
like treasure cast into the sea, set up street lamps,
1803, and offered them to the town. Their present
was accepted on condition, that the cost of lighting
and keeping the lamps should not exceed $1,500 a
year. Such aids to prevent midnight crime, have
had their periods of not being used, because supposed
to be of less utility than the burden of maintaining
them. In 1835, they were ordered to be relighted,
and to the 50 then up, 5 more were added. It was
estimated that each lamp with its fixtures cost $5 75,
and for being lighted, $14 a year. An appropriation,
1838, for lighting the lamps, was $500. The ensu-
ing roads were accepted — from Marblehead road to
South River, at the charges of Ezekiel H. Derby,
1805, called Lafayette, 1825, in honor of General
Lafayette, who came over it the preceding year on
his visit to Salem ; Warren and Pine, from the west
end of Essex to Warren Street, 1806 ; and one from
Mill Street to Palmer's Hill, 1807. Land, taken to
widen Broad Street, 1808, estimated at $25 a pole.
A street' from Essex to Lynde Street, was allowed,
1810. 1820, the following streets were named — from
Essex to Federal, Munroe ; from Chesnut to Broad,
Pickering ; from Essex to Chesnut through Wallis'
land, Hamilton ; from main road in North fields to
Fry's Mills, Mason ; from Bridge Street to North
River, Saunders; from Brown to North River, by
new burying ground. Branch; and Market Street
changed to Central Street. 1820, Peabody, Northey
and Andover Streets reported. 1822, Harbor ; 1824,
Pickmaa ; 1825, South aud CtomV>\ft Su^ts, accepted.
LIST OF STREETS. 295
The town voted, 1825, to furnish edge stones for
inhabitants, who will have a brick walk in front of
their land. 1827, a way in South Salem from Mill
Hill, running southwardly, reported, and confirmed|
1829. Mall Street accepted, 1829. County commis-
sioners allow the road by North River, if made by
1831. This was done, and, 1832, was called For-
rester Street. 1832, Lynn Street accepted. 1833|
Oliver Street reported, and Front Street ordered to be
paved. 1834, March Street reported ; 1836, Ash ;
1837, Briggs; 1840, Porter, Cherry and Cedar; 1841,
Dearborn and Halhorne ; and, 1842, Everett Streets,
vrere accepted. Thus we reach the end of miscella-
neous particulars about our city streets. Such a ter-
mination is far from being unwelcome.
For a full list of our present ways, being 134, the
valuable Directory of Salem may be consulted. The
preceding account may catch the glance of some, and
from their habit of viewing such objects, may start
the question. Why not omit and leave its items to the
vicissitudes of time ? But the future inquirer will
have valid claims, in this respect, that there should
be a garnering up and not a scattering to the winds.
Various views and inclinations must be met in diver-
sified forms. Taste can resul, with patience and plea-
sure, a description of ways in ancient cities, on which
the lines of desolation have been long and deeply
drawn. Shall it cherish neither thought nor wish for
the registry of those passages in its own community,
"which furnish the means of easy intercourse to its
living population, as they pass on different purposes
of exercise and diversion, business and worship?
296 TURNPIKE.
INCORPORATED ROADS.
Turnpike. — ^When turnpike speculation prevailed,
much for public convenience, but generally to private
loss, many of Salem and vicinity partook of its influ-
ence. Willi their usual forecast, however, they de-
vised and acted judiciously. And still would their
investment have yielded good dividends, had not
steam travel, then scarcely suspected as likely so soon
almost to supersede toll roads, become extensively
successful. A petition was presented, January 26,
1801, by Dr. R A. Holyoke, and 52 others, for leave
of Salem to have a turnpike made through their
limits. The town approved this undertaking, June 1,
and desired their representatives in the Legislature, to
assist in having it allowed. Before this was accom-
plished, individuals of Newburyport and elsewhere,
moved for a turnpike from that place. Our inhabi-
tants, February 3, 1803, instructed their representar
tives to oppose this project as unnecessary and injuri-
ous to their own. On the 26th of the same month,
General Court granted an act of incorporation for a
turnpike from Salem to Charles River Bridge, being
a distance of 12 miles and 256 poles. When the
work on this avenue began, and while continued,
being a novel sight in the vicinity, it was visited by
multitudes of different ages and residences. It was
opened for travel, the 22d of September in the year of
its becoming chartered. Its stock consisted of 1,200
shares, each of which cost about $200. For six
years previous to the opening of the railroad, the
dividend was from $9 50 to $12 25 a year per share.
For four years since, \i Yiaa \^^^\i itQrav%4t.Q ^4 50.
EASTERN RAILROAD. 297
A single share now sells for about $40 to $45. This
is one of the depreciations in concerns, once exten-
sively popular and useful, which have continued to
occur through the alterations of public improvement.
While regretted in behalf of those who suffer, it is
not divested of all alleviation, in the thought, that
what has brought disaster on some, will confer ad-
vantage on many more.
Railroad, — The inhabitants of Salem desire, Feb-
ruary 15, 1836, that their selectmen, representatives!
and the Essex senators, would advocate a petition to
General Court for the Eastern Railroad. The com-
pany, for this enterprise, were incorporated the 14th of
April, to carry their way as far as the New Hampshire
line. They also proposed to have it reach, under
other authority, to Portsmouth. They received an ad*
ditional act, April 12, 1837, to alter the course of their
survey so that the road might run, as it now does. At
this juncture, the Commonwealth extended the hand
of seasonable aid. This was enlightened and noble
policy. The public treasury will be no poorer for it,
and the people at large will be increasingly and greatly
benefited. On the 18th of the last mentioned month,
the State Treasurer was authorized to loan the Eas-
tern Railroad proprietors $500,000 in State scrip, at 5
per cent., payable in sums of $100,000, as their work
advanced. The track from Boston to Salem was
opened August 27, 1838, when stockholders and in-
vited guests tried the speed of its cars. It was a day
of unusual interest to thousands who wished well to
the enterprise. The proprietors resolved, September
22, to proceed with the road further ei^tward. Oa
26*
298 INCOME. TUNNEL. MARBLEHEAD BRANCH.
the part, from this place to the metropolis, there was
an income of $37,422 36, and expenses of $17,818 19,
for 108 running days, to February 1, 1839, Sundays
being excepted. It would have been well for the
repute and the profit of the whole concern, had so
commendable an exception never been violated. Thus
grasping after riches over the down-cast pillars of
community's highest good, always tends more to loss
than gain. This is an established law of Omnipo-
tence. Neither human sophistry can destroy its na-
ture, nor human wishes and efforts prevent its efficacy.
At the date, last mentioned, the merchandize cars
iKigan to run. Such a two fold mode of transporting
passengers and goods, was at first daily gazed on by
throngs, as one of the greatest triumphs of mechani-
cal genius, ever witnessed in this quarter. Nor, even
after the lapse of years, has curiosity, though much
satisfied, closed its eyes on the sight. Every princi-
pal train still attracts its company of spectators. la
1839, a work of uncommon skill, labor and cost, was
finished in furtherance of the company's plan. It was
the tunnel of 650 feet long under Washington Street,
accompanied with walled excavations at both ends,
which, together, extended about the same distance.
This was done in a style, ornamental to the city, and
honorable to the corporation. Besides, a pile bridge
of 1,800 feet was made across North River to Beverly.
On December 10, a branch railroad was opened from
Salem to Marblehead. This passed Forest River,
by a pile bridge of 350 feet long. On the 18th of
the same month, the cars commenced their course to
Ipswich depot. They ran to Newburyport, June 19,
I840f south of High ^IteeX \ \a xYv^ ^\.Vi«t de^t theroi
DIVIDENDS. PASSENGERS. FERRIES. 299
August 28 ; to New Hampshire line, November 9 ;
and then continued on the railroad of that State to
Portsmouth. Thus a rout of 53 miles was termi-
nated and an enterprise, chiefly promoted, at the be-
ginning, in this city, was successfully accomplished.
This is an achievement which demonstrates the oft
proved fact, that, while individual strength can do
comparatively little, the combined energies of the
many may perform wonders. The cost of the whole
way from Boston to Portsmouth, has been computed
at $2,289,286. The income before July, 1840, was
taken to meet assessments. Since, the whole number
of shares, being 20,000, and each at $100, have paid
.6 per cent, a year in semi-annual payments. In
1842, 431,260 passengers were carried on the main
road, who paid $232,342 83, and 37,443 on Marble-
head branch, estimated at $4,680 39. There was
also an income, from the carrying of merchandizOi
$16,082 98, and from that of the mail, $11,040 43.
Thus, in a short period, from small and doubtful be-
ginnings, have arisen large revenues, a hopeful system
of reasonable income, and a source of wide-spread
convenience and benefit.
FERRIES.
Being easy to commence and of little cost, ferries
are among the first means of intercourse between in-
habitants, separated by rivers and harbors. Our town
records furnish us with several extracts concerning
them. 1636, December 26, << It is agreed, that John
Stone shall keepe a ferry, to begin this day, betwixt
his house on the neck vpon the north point and Cape
▲no side, and shall giue dilligent atteiuiUBLTic^ >)b^^^
300 BEVERLY AND MARBLEHEAD FERRIES.
durcing the space of three yeares, vnless he shall
giue iiist occation to the contrary, and in consideracon
thereof, he is to haue two pence for a stranger and one
penny from an inhabitant. Moreouer, the said John
Stone doth promise to provide a convenient boat for
the said purpose, betwixt this and the first month
next coming after the date hearof." This is the first
notice which we have of Beverly ferry. 1636-7,
January 12, Richard InkersoU is to have 1^ for every
person he may carry over the North Perry, during the
town's pleasure. 1637, September 25, George Wright
is granted half an acre of land on the neck for a
house ; five acres at << the Forrest side to plant on
and to keepe a ferry between Butt point and Darby
fort." This is the first mention of Marblehead
Ferry. The point designated, appears to have been
at the bottom of Turner's Lane. The fort was on
Naugus' Head. In 1639, William Dixy succeeds
John Stone, and takes a lease of Beverly Ferry for
the same period he did. He <' is to keep an horse
boate ,* to haue for strangers' passadge 2^ a peice ; for
towne dwellers 1* a peice ; for mares, horses, and
other great beasts, 6* apeice ; and for goats, calves
and swyne, 2* apeice." When Marblehead was in-
corporated, 1649, Salem reserved to themselves the
right of the ferry and the appointment of the ferry-
men. For the relief of Richard Stackhouse's family,
he was allowed, 1653, the profit of the ferry " towards
Ipswich," if he should find boat and men. This
was the Beverly Ferry, which was variously desig-
nated. The individual last named, continued in the
same station till the fore part of 1686. He was suc-
ceeded this year by JoVixl lAaasi^^^ \\i<^ oldest town
FERRIAGE. ANNUAL INCOME. 301
born child then residing in Salem. The Beverly
Ferry, like that of Marblehead, was retained by our
municipal authorities, with all its privileges. They
let the former for a yearly rent of £2, 1678 ; £3,
1679; £5, 1682; £6, 1694; £7, 1705; £10, 1708;
£3,* 1749, and £10, 1769. They leased the latter
at the annual price of 5', 1678; 18% 1699; £3, 1704;
£5, 1714 to 1734. The income from both of these
sources was applied towards the support of the gram-
mar school master. In 1690, Massey conducted the '
Beverly Ferry on the south side, and Roger Haskins
on the north side, where he resided. The latter was
followed, 1694, by Edmund Gale, one of his towns-
men, for seven years, when his own widow assumed
the charge. They agree to have two good boats
afloat constantly, one on each side. In the year of
1701, while Mrs. Ruth Haskins entered on her duties,
John, the son of Mr. Massey, did the like for the
Salem department. Her son Roger, united with the
last person, 1708, and they took a lease of the whole
ferry for 20 years. In 1742, the rates for passengers,
in old tenor, between this place and Beverly, were 3*
for a person ; 9** for a horse ; and 3* for a chair or
chaise. The next year, Beverly remonstrated against
the rules concerning fares. Salem justified them-
selves and claimed the right to lessen the ferriage for
strangers, as they had done, or even to charge them
nothing, and at the same time to take 1^ of Salem
and Beverly passengers, according to an agreement of
1639. By vote of our inhabitants, the selectmen
raise the fares of North Ferry, 1748, computed in old
* Sterling in this one insUnc^.
302 COMPLAINTS. LESSEES OF THE FERRIES.
tenor, to 8* a person ; 10* a horse ; 3* a chaise or two
wheel carriage; and 6" a four wheel "chaise or
chair." The same year, a complaint was made to
the Legislature by gentlemen of the county, that this
mode of conveyance was not fitly conducted j that
the lessees of it said their rent was so high, they
could not keep suitable boats and assistants; that
carriages and goods had, by carelessness, fallen into
the water ; and that the ferrymen helped to lighten
vessels in the river and thus occasioned vexatious
delay to travellers. In 1749, Robert Hale, of Beverly,
hired the ferry, at £3 sterling annually, as aforesaid,
for seven years. A reason why he had it at a lower
price than usual for the period, was, that he agreed
to repair the ways and landing there, and leave them
in good order. The fares in 1756, were 1* a person;
" two English half-pence for a horse ; 4 English half-
pence for a man and horse ; 5* for a chair ; 7* for
a two wheeled chaise ; 9* for a four wheel chaise."
Benjamin Waters, of Salem, and Ebenezer Ellin wood,
of Beverly, 1769, hired the ferry for three years, at a
yearly rent of £10. This way of passing to and
from our community, continued, as is well known, to
the opening of Essex Bridge. Then, after having
fulfilled a long and useful service, it gave place to a
safer and more convenient substitute.
Relative to the South Ferry, it was hired, 1699,
by Philip English for three years. After him, Capt
John Galley, of Marblehead, had it for ten years. His
successor and townsman was John Dixey, who took a
lease of it, 1714, for the same period as the last. For
Salem people he was to have 2^ each, and for others
what the Court of Se8sioxi& E\io\]\dL v^^mi* His boat
CLOSE OF THB FERRIES. 303
"Was to be sufficient for horses and carriages. Timothy
Day, of Gloucester, contracted, 1725, to find mate-
rials, except iron, and make a causey for the passen-
gers, " on y* flatts by Coll. Turners," for £40. John
Dixey, who was still ferryman, said, 1726, that un-
less more was done for the causey, he could not sus-
tain himself. The selectmen inform him, that when
a greater outlay is made for such a purpose, they must
advance his rent, and he must increase the ferriage.
As the causey by Col. Turner's was out of order and
allowed passengers to land with not less than half
tide, it proposed, 1730, to move the ferry to English's
flats south of the neck. This plan seems not to have
been executed. The small-pox prevailing in Marble-
head the latter part of 1730, the ferry thither was
stopped for a few months. In 1734, it was leased,
for seven years, to Joseph Willard, who requested,
before the period was out, to be discharged from his
obligation. The lower road to Marblehead must
have taken away many of his passengers. It seems to
have interrupted the ferry so that leases were not made
as previously. Another subsequent reason for similar
interruption, was that, in 1774, there was a coach
ready to convey passengers from our School Street to
Marblehead. We are informed by those, living at the
time, that the ferry was much used during the Revo-
lutionary war and the first year of the ensuing peace,
but ceased to be so employed altogether about 1786.
Thus in one direction, as well as in another, the for-
mer scenes which presented travellers, with hasty
Bteps, approaching the boatmen's range, " and press
for passage with extended hands," have vanished
from the view of curious and amused s^^cXdtocu.
304 TOWN AND TOWNSEND BRIDGES.
BRIDGES.
These were made soon after our settlement began.
In that period of doubtful, though determined ex-
periment, the most consulted in reference to them
was use and economy. Our records do not imme-
diately speak of them, though when they do, it is of
several as already decayed. In 1644, one of our
most skilful mechanics agrees to keep " the bridge "
in repair for 16 years, at 20/. per annum, the town to
find materials. This appears to have been what was
long denominated town bridge, which was often cited
as a noted boundary. Its erection has been thought
not to have been earlier than 1647 ; but this is likely
to be a mistake. An order passed, 1645—6, that the
bridge at " Townesend " be pulled down, "or so
much of it as shalbe needfull when the causeway is
begun to be made, and shall serue to pile and plank,
as farr as it will goe, the causeway next to the sea."
Overseers of this work were designated. They had
power to select individuals for doing it, each of
whom, if refusing, was to pay 3/. for a day. The
same fine was imposed on any person, who would not
let his " beast " be employed in this labor. The
bridge, so named, seems to have been one, which
united the Neck and Winter Island. A new bridge
is mentioned, 1648, but not its location. It has
been supposed to have passed over Forest River. As
there were three, out of our present bounds, ordered
the previous year, to be finished, one of these may
have been the same. Besides, " the old bridge," at
the head of that river, was standing the year after.
Mr. William Brown waa ^p^tnaW^ftL^ \^Q^^ to have a
HUMPHREY, MILL, CREEK AND NORTH ^RIDGES. 305
lock bridge erected at or near the head of Forest river,
where Mr. Humphrey's bridge stood, and to support
the same for foot passengers. The Quarterly Court
ordered, 1661, ''that the bridge, or causeway at the
Western end of Salem, be suj£ciently repaired and a
stone walk to be built against the side thereof upon
the County's charge." The Mill bridge, over South
river, was finished about 1664 Leave was granted,
1713, to John Trask and Joseph Boyce, Jr., to move
their mill, on the upper part of North river,, down to •
Spooner's point, if, within three years, they made and
supported a way across the same stream. This, of
course, included a bridge for men and teams. Per-
mission was given to Lt. Daniel Bacon and others,
1726, to build a bridge, at their own charge, near
"the stepping stones where it hath been usual to go
over the Creek in South river." It was to be " a
swing or draw bridge," to have 30 feet passage under
it, so that vessels and rafts might be conducted to and
from several places above. As the land, in process of
years, intruded on the waters of the Creek, the bridge
became less used for vessels. In 1821, its wooden
materials were exchanged for stones, leaving merely
a drain where once the proceeds of fishery and com-
merce had a free course. Liberty was allowed, 1735,
for John Gardner and Jeremiah Gatchell, to construct
a mill bridge, fit for carts, over Forest river, on the
lower road to Marblehead. Being found too narrow,
it was widened 1798.
In the history of our bridges, we are called to no-
tice one, which was considered a great undertaking
at the period of its commencement. James Lindall,
27
306 NORTH BRIDGE FORFEITED.
and other proprietors of the North Fields, petitioned
the town, May 17, 1742, for leave to build a bridge,
at their own charge, over North river, from Ome'i '
point to Symonds's point Their request was grant-
ed the 14th of June. A ];m>posal was made for the
same object, 1696, but it was deferred by vote of the
inhabitants. The bridge, so permitted, was to be, at
least, 18 feet wide, and its draw 18 feet long. It was
required to be kept in good order by the proprietors,
or else forfeited to the Town. Our inhabitants were
to have free passage over and under it, and their ves-
sels to lay at the bridge and land goods without any
expense. It was finished prior to March 12, 1744,
though two years were granted for its completion. It
was afterwards styled, " the great bridge." The en-
tire length of the causeway and bridge was 860 feet.
Thus made, on conditions which were to meet con-
flicting interests in the same community, the concern
could not promise long continued harmony. Soon
objections arose and were repeated at different peri-
ods, that the bridge came short of what it should be.
At length, the proprietors thought the public demands
too extravagant and ceased the necessary outlays.
The Town declared the bridge forfeited, and, in
1755, conveyed it to others, except the draw and two
adjoining piers. The new company took the rest
with the flats, on the specifications, that they would
keep it in order for travelling, or, if they did not, to
surrender the whole back to the Town with the
wharves, warehouses and other buildings, erected on
the premises. But this new plan did not proceed
without its perplexities. On the subject of repairs,
ESSEX BRIDGE PROPOSED. 307
the owners did not look with the same eyes as others.
Several withdrew from the partnership and their
shares were sold, 1768, by order of the Town. Still
difficulty did not cease. At last, the Town agreed|
1789, to widen and repair the south part of the bridgOi
if the remaining proprietors would do likewise, as to
the north part, on the condition, that, after doing this,
the latter be entirely excused from any other such
demands. This contract was fulfilled, and so the
bridge became the public property of Salem. Thus
closed an experiment, with a result, always likely to
accrue from every similar concern. It demands too
much of individuals and too little of community.
With the progress and necessities of population,
enterprise, for the performance of greater projects,
made an advance. A question was agitated in Salem,
1787, whether it was best for a 'bridge to be erected
over North ferry. The principal mover of it was
George Cabot, an eminent merchant of Beverly. It
was debated in our public meetings. A small majori-
ty opposed its adoption. It enlisted divers interests
and prejudices. It gave rise to strong party feeling
and much excitement. Mr. Blyth, a Umner, who
was noted for his ingenious play on words, said, on
the occasion, that he never knew a bridge built with-
out railing on both sides. When a petition for it was
presented to General Court, a vote passed here, that a
committee and the representatives from Salem oppose
its allowance, and that adjacent towns be invited to
unite in such resistance. In case the petitioners gain-
ed their object for a new bridge either from Orne's
point or the Ferry ways, the holders of estate, on tha
308 LEBfUEL COX, ARCHITECT. ESSEX BRIDGE.
North Fields route, determiDed to apply for being in-
corporated, 80 that they might have a toll bridge from
the same point to EUenwood's head. Among the
reasons assigned, why Mr. Cabot and others should
not have their petition granted, was, that the naviga-
tion of North river would be destroyed, where there
were 40 vessels of different tonnage. But the oppo-
sition, though various and energetic, did not prevail
An act passed, Nov. 17th, authorizing the plan to be
executed. The bridge began to be travelled over
Sept. 24, 1788, an event, which many assembled to
witness. The chief architect of the work was Lem-
uel Oox,^ afterwards similarly employed in England
and Ireland with distinguished success. It rested on
93 piers, was 32 feet wide, 1,484 feet long, all of
wood. Considered by its friends as particularly bene-
ficial to most of the County, it was called ESssex
bridge. Its cost was about $16,000, to be remuner-
ated by tolls, for 70 years from its being first opened
for passengers. This sum was divided into 200 shares,
which, prior to 1830, were worth five times their orig-
inal value. Such stock, however still yielding divi-
dends, is continually on the decline. This deprecia-
tion, though caused considerably by the rail road just
above the bridge, is mainly owing to the obvious rea-
* One of hif name, a wheel wrigrht, of Boston , and snppoMcl to be
the same indiTidual, was in Ipswich prison, Dec. 29, 1775, for his at-
lachment to the British goTernment. Iii 1796, he had a grant of 1,000
Acres of land in Maine from our legislature, for being the first inventor
of a machine to cut Card wire, the 6rst projector of a Powder Mill in
Massachusetts, the first soggestor of employing prisoners on Castle
Island to make nails, and for Tarioas other discoTeriea in mechanical
•rta.
SOUTH BRIDGE. 809
son, that the property will, ere long, revert to the
Commonwealth. The owners have paid Salem an
annuity of £40 and another of £10 to Dan vers, for
injury to their navigation of North river. So inter-
ested in the appearance of this bridge was General
Washington, on his tour of 1789, that, when he had
passed it, he dismounted and returned to the draw,
which was hoisted for the purpose, so that he might
examine its structure. Notwithstanding the violence
of party motives, counsels and exertions, which ralli-
ed against the execution of this work, experience has
long ago shown, that it was one of those enterprises,
which should commend themselves to general appro-
bation. When its opponents saw, that their resist-
ance to its erection was ineffectual, they had another
built over Frost fish river, which has been commonly
denominated " Spite bridge." Though this spirit of
retaliation fell far short of its design, yet it has result-
ed in the long accommodation of the public.
As promotive of convenience to many of our popu-
lation and for easier communication with Lynn and
Marblehead, a bridge was built over South river,
1805, in a line with Central and Lafayette streets.
The plea for this improvement, was like that for its
predecessor, allowed to be made above, on a branch of
the same stream, seventy-nine years before. As usual
with such works, the South bridge, so named, has
greatly diminished the maritime business of the wa-
ters, which it encloses. It was done at the expense
of Ezekiel H. Derby and others. It was accepted by
the Town, 1810, and rebuilt, 1821, at their charge.
However the several free bridges, over our North and
27*
giO FOOT BRIDGE.
South rivers, were erected by individuals for their
own accommodation, still, while thus acting for them-
selves, they conferred benefit on our community. As
we pass the avenues, opened by the hand of their en-
terprise, and consider the facilities of intercourse,
which they have promoted, such deeds should come
to our grateful recollection.
Before closing this section, we notice a Foot bridge
of about 6 feet wide, over North river, from Dean
street to Quaker pasture, so called. It was chartered,
March 23, 1843, for Jonathan T. Carlton, an enter-
prising carpenter, as its sole proprietor. He made it
to accommodate a village of fifteen houses, built by
himself, within a few years, on land of the aforesaid
pasture.
Looking back on the various bridges of our corpo-
ration, some of which have disappeared by the intru-
sion of land upon their waters, we perceive, that they
all have been of the simpler architecture. Still the
two principal ones, over our North river, were consid-
ered as works of much magnitude, when undertaken.
In 1696, when the legislature decided, that the
bridge, which crossed Charles river, near the.CoUege,
should be repaired at the chaise of the Province, they
styled it " The Great Bridge." But 140 years ago, the
project of erecting such a stnicture over the Perry of
Charles river, was publicly ridiculed, as the oflEspring
of distempered fancy and ruinous extravagance. The
progress of the arts, however, have proved, that this
opposition rose from mistaken views and inexperienc-
ed efibrts, and that mechanical genius is capable of
far greater achievements. Hence, a change has been
PKIMITIVE MODE OF JOURNETINa. 311
wrought in the public mind so that what it once
garded among our river passages, as specimens of
superiority, it now ranks as of the common order.
Thus it is, that improved inventions throw their pre*
decessors into the shade, and administer to the gratifi*
cations of our intellectual nature, whose bent is ever
onward.
TRAVELLING.
Neither the wish, nor the means of our primitive
settlers, as a body, allowed them to indulge in costly
modes of journeying. At the commencement of their
pilgrimage here, they had few horses and none of
them to spare from domestic work. Hence, they
were under the necessity of visiting adjacent planta-
tions either on foot or in boats. Some instances of
this plain custom, in the practice of our principal char**
acters, are handed down to us. In a letter of 1631,
Mr. Endicott wrote to Mr. Winthrop as follows. " I
did expect to have been with you in person at the
Court, and, to that end, I put to sea yesterday and
was driven back again, the wind being stiff against
us. And there being no canoe or boat at Saugus, I
must have been constrained to go to Mystic and thence
about to Charlestown, which, at that time, durst not
be so bold, my body being at present in an ill condi-
tion to wade or take cold, and, therefore, I desire you
to pardon me." The excuse, so given, in view of
the difficulties then attendant on the route from Sa-
lem to Boston, was amply sufficient. This being in
April, the Governor, with several officers, on the suc-
ceeding Oct 25th, came << on foot to Saugus and tba
313 U0E OF PILUONS ON BOESBBAGK.
next day to Salem, where they were bountifully en-
tertained by Capt Endicott, etc. and, the 28th, they
returned to Boston by the ford at Saugus river and so
over at Mistick." However strange it may strike us,
at first thought, that so much time was taken to go
from our settlement to the metropolis, yet a second
thought teaches us, that all the hours mentioned,
must have been spent in diligent progress, because
their course was through streams unbridged, and
through forests infested with voracious beasts, and
explored only by rough and devious paths. A tradi-
tion has been long accredited, that, soon after Boston
was settled, a few persons from Salem visited it ; that
they were four days in going and coming ; that their
perils and hardships, on the journey, were deemed so
great, they put up a note of thanks, in our first church,
the next Sabbath after their safe return.
In 1637, Governor Winthrop passed through Salem
to and from Ipswich. The next year he visited our
people by water and returned by land. In both of
these excursions, he was escorted by some of our
townsmen, out of respect for him, as well as for the
protection of his person. It appears, that he and his
attendants were all on foot. The rates of our ferriage
mention only persons till 1639, when they begin to
include the transportation of horses. From this pe-
riod, the mode of travelling on horseback, gradually
increased. The animal so used, often carried two
persons. Most usually, they were of both sexes. A
saddle served for the gentleman and a pillion for the
lady. The latter, when riding alone, had a side sad-
dle. As a sample of the fashion, we have a passage
SLOWNESS OF TRAVELLING.
firom Dunton's journal of 1686. It refers to his de-
parture from this Town, after a hospitable reception
by his friends here. It says, that, his landlord's
daughter of Boston, having taken a seat behind him
to visit her relatives at Ipswich, <<I rid to the river
that parts Boston from Ipswich, which though it be
often and usually crossed in a canoe, yet I rather chose
to cross it in a ferry, having my horse with me."
Such a custom continued for a long period, in our inr
land towns. The writer recollects a good old deacon,
who, till 25 years ago, took his '< Sabbath day's jour-
ney " to the house of worship, in this manner, with
the no less worthy companion of his youth and age.
Some of our country villages still show the large, flat
and elevated stones, close by their sanctuaries, where
the couples alighted and again took their seats on the
horse. Such a use of the pillion by ladies, can be
traced far back. Queen Elizabeth, in the beginning
of her reign, was thus carried to the House of Peers.
As a specimen of the comparative slowness in trav-
elling here and elsewhere, a considerable period after
our first settlement was made, we have the extract
firom a letter of Jonathan Dickenson to William Smith,
dated Philadelphia, Feb. 1697. It runs thus, << If any
occasion presents, write me by way of New England.
We have the Post go there. In 14 days, we have an
answer from Boston ; once a week from New York ;
once in three weeks from Maryland, and once in a
month from Virginia." From 20 to 25 miles a day,
was accounted good travelling. A principal cause of
•uch slowness was the want of bridges and good roads.
The people from this quarter, made repeated com-
314 CARRIAGES.
plaints, that they were delayed in their access to Bos-
ton. The ferrymen were empowered not to cross
when they thought there was danger from wind or
ice. Some of our principal men were engaged in a
petition to the Legislature, 1710, on this subject.
They desired, that a bridge << be built over to Noddle's
Island to the main, at northeast side," or that << there
be three boats kept plying betwixt Winisimet and
Boston, that the dueen's subjects may not be so long
detained to their great detriment and hindrance, as
now too often they are." With regard to their more
distant travelling, a statement was laid before the
General Court, 1700, which said, that the road to
Connecticut, especially between Worcester and Brook-
field, was << much incumbered with trees fallen and
many rocky swamps and other impassable obstruc-
tions to travellers, drovers and others, and hazarding
hfe or limb of both men and horses and other crear
tures, to great losses and damages."
Brelative to what was considered, in Essex County,
a great degree of travel, a representation was made,
in 1663, when a question was agitated in Newbury
about a new way there, so as to improve the great
Eastern road. The document remarked, " in winter
time, betwixt a dozen and twenty horsemen besides
foot, come over the bridge in a day, and twenty or
thirty cattell in a day, in one company."
One of the earliest notices, which we have of a
carriage, belonging to Salem, was in 1701. This
was called a calash and was owned by Henry Sharp,
an innholder. He let it for carrying a Mr. Bulkley
home, who had just arrived here sick, but who was
LADY ANDROS. SNOW SHOES. 815
unable to proceed any further than Lynn. The driv-
er came back with the calash on the Sabbath. This,
was deemed a violation of holy time. Mr. Sharp was
called to answer the charge, but was cleared on the
plea of necessity. However carriages of various sorts,
were used in England before the settlement of onr
cowitry, but few, even of the simpler forms, appear to
have been owned either in Salem or other towns, ex*
cept Boston and probably Dorchester, at the time of
the above case. When Lady Andros arrived at the
metropolis, in .1687, she and her husband, the Gov*
emor, rode in a coach. It seems to have been the
policy of our legislators to discourage the use of car-
nages, as well as foreign fashions of costly dress, lest
they should bring luxurious habits on the people and
so prevent the advancement of our Colonial interests.
Still, at the date last mentioned, such vehicles were
making their way to popular favor, and thus proper-
tionably reduced the practice of journeying on horse-
back. How they had increased by 1732, is indicated
by the remark, then made, that, at the funeral of Lt.
Governor William Tailer, " a great number of gentry
attended in their coaches and chaises, etc." As car-
riages came into vogue for the milder seasons, so, of
course, would sleighs be adopted for winter. One of
the latter was advertised, 1724, for sale, in Boston.
When the snow blocked up our roads, it was com-
mon for persons, whom necessity called abroad, to use
snow shoes or rackets. A newspaper of the metrop-
olis, in 1705, says, '< there is no travelling with horses,
especially beyond Newbury, but with snow shoes."
Dr. Holyoke's diary of 1748, notices a similar fact.
316 TAX ON CARRIAGES. THBIR 1I9MBER.
In order to derive benefit from the increase of car-
riages, the General Court, in 1737, laid a tax on them.
A coach was assessed at 50/, a chaise of four wheels
30/, and every other chaise, calash or chair 20/. For
the purchase of land and the erection of an edifice in
Boston, where linen might be manufactured, the leg-
islature, in 1753, adopted a similar measure. They
allowed every town to send, at least, one person for
the purpose of learning such an art free of expense.
The charge on each coach was 10/, chariot 6/, chaise
3/, calash 2/, and chair 2/. This excise was collected
for five years. It was assessed the first year, on 6
coaches, 18 chariots, 339 chaises and 992 chairs and
calashes, being all of the Province. At the same
time, Salem had 10 chaises and 40 chairs, apparently
including calashes. Here we have a definite idea of
this town's journeying accommodations, by means of
carriages, for that period.
The first notice we have of a vehicle, for the carry-
ing of passengers, our way, was in 1761. Then <<a
large stage chair " or curricle, drawn by two horses,
came from Portsmouth through Salem on its route to
Boston, and returned, once a week. In this respect,
our fathers were much behind the people of Boston.
These, as early as 1716, had a carriage, for the like
purpose, go and come from Newport, R. I., once a
fortnight '< while the ways were passable." Benjamin
Goats of Salem began to run a stage, in 1766, be-
tween this town and Boston. Such conveyance from
the eastward was greatly hindered, 1768, by the
horses having an '^epidemical distemper." Two years
afterwards, Mr. Goats advertised, that he had purchased
STAGES THROUGH AND FROM SALEM. 817
^<a new itage chaise," which would be placed on
the line from Salem to Boston, April 29, <<8o that be
will then, with the one now improved in that basincMi
he able to carry and bring passengers, bundles, etc.,"
every day, except Sunday. He also stated, that he
had five fall back chaises, one fall back curricle, six
standing top chairs and three sulkies to let. He had
a noted sleigh, called the Vengeance, and remembered
by the aged of our day, which was drawn by four
horses. Mr. Coats notified his customers, Feb. 1774|
that he intended to reside in Boston. The next April,
Ezra Lunt, of Newburyport, informed the public, that
he ran a four horse coach firom that place to the me*
tropolis through Salem, on Monday, and had it return
on Thursday. The ensuing July, Joseph Hovey, al
the sign of the King's head in Danvers, on the Bostoii
xoad, kept by William Jones, gave notice to our in-
habitants, that he had a coach to carry passengers t^
Winisimet ferry for 3/ a-piece. He, also, proposed, if
suitably encouraged, to carry them daily firom our
£hip Tavern in School street, to Marblehead, at 1/4 for
each person. The following August, an individual|
supposed to be a Mr. Very, who is said to have sujCp
ceeded Mr. Coats^ advertised a post chaise to ply be*
tween Salem and Boston, to goon Wednesday and rer
tarn on Thursday, for passengers, letters and bundlei^
His price was 3/4 a seat to Winisimet ferry. It must
be confessed, that there was occasion for the curiosity
of our observing people to dwell some on these ua»
common changes of travelling, as well as much on
jthose of the political world around them. We are
told by several, who lived in those perilous ^mes, that
28
tig NUMBER OF HORSSa
there was an occasional suspension in the mnning of
our carriages, while the Revolutionary war continued.
The number of horses in Salem, employed here, was,
as previously stated, 130 to 196, from 1768 to 178L
Ezra Burrill of this place, gave notice in 1782, that
by the middle of April, he should begin to run a stage
coach to Boston. The same year, as an article of un-
common sale in this community, the widow of Judge
Lynde advertised, that an elegant family chariot might
be purchased at her house in Liberty lane. In 1784,
Thomas Newhall published, that, on 13th of Decem-
ber, he should have a stage pass from Salem to
Charlestown one day and return the next. On the
14th of the same month, Mr. Burrill stated, that he
had made an alteration in his line so that one of his
coaches would go every alternate day through Med-
ford to Charlestown, and another thus come from Bos-
ton by Winisimet route, and, in this manner, till the
ferry closed, when both of the carriages would follow
the Charlestown course. Whoever went and came,
]>aid 6/ each way ; but if taking one passage, he was
charged 7/6. In 1789, Mr. Burrill, as a means of re-
viving patronage to his line, lowers the fare, so that
passengers both ways, should each pay 4/10 to, and
the same from Charlestown, through Medford ; but, if
they only went or returned, it was 6/ a seat. By an
excise act of our Legislature in 1790, which continu-
ed several years, carriages were taxed as follows.
Every coach, chariot and post-chaise, £6 ; phaeton
and four-wheeled chaise, £3 ; fall back chaise, 10/,
and other chaise 6/ ; sulkey and riding chair 4/ a year.
^ Though a stage was driven by Benjamin Teyler
MARBLEHEAD AND GLOUOESTBR STAGEa 319
from Marblehead to Boston, as far back as 1768, and
one passed occasionally from Salem to the former
town in 1774, yet it was not till 1794, that such a v^
hide was run from Marblebecul to our own city.
Michael Basset was the proprietor of the last carriage*
He came twice a day for three times a week, and, ii)L
1797, he came daily at 1/6 a seat. So convenient aa
arrangement was continued in different hands and
with partial, interruptions, for a considerable perio<|.
In 1817, the. fare was raised from 25 cents to 31 ; but
the change met with so decided a rebuff from the
public, that it was reduced in a few months to the
old price. This was so in 1828. About this date,
another concern ran a coach at 12^ cents a passenger.
Subject to such vicissitudes, a line was sustained till a
short period after the cars, in 1839, became its too pow-
erful competitors. When the Mashabequash was thus
passed by means, so strange to its waters, it was not
likely to be again crossed by a regular stage. But in
the course of 1843, Lot Peach removed the improbar
bility by running one at 12^ cents a seat.
For securing an easier communication on the rough
route between Salem and Gloucester, Jonathan Low
began to run a coach on it in 1796, thrice a week, for
the summer season. There had been a << Stage Wag-
gon" from and before 1792, on the same course. Mr.
Low gave notice, 1806, that his carriage would make
its passage daily. This line has been continued by
different proprietors. In 1843, it ran twice a day.
Besides the stages run at different periods, beginr
ning 1796| from Beverly through our city to the me«-
tropoUsy a daily commenced, 1828| between Salem
SM HACKNET COACHB8.
md the first town. A similar eonvenieiice vras afford-
ed, 1833, at 12^ cents a seat These accommodatioot
were bat temporary.
As an unusual event among our community, more
accustomed to carry themselves than to be carried,
John Femald, in 1806, took his stand with a hackney
coach near Stearns's building. An accommodation
of this kind, has slowly gained on the patronage of
the public. The location, assigned the next year by
the town authorities, for such coaches, and also sleighs,
was south of the Court house.
A stage, from Salem to Haverhill, was commenced,
1810, by Morse and Fox, once a week, through Tops-
field, Boxford and Bradford. Soon it went twice a
Week. Previously, travellers were only accommodate
ed, on this route, by carriers who had a spare seat or
two in their chairs. Robert Davis was in this service
as far back as 1774 Of the preceding firm, Richard
Morse, in 1811, took a new direction to Haverhill
through Andover. To the latter town his charge was
1^1, 12 J^, and to the former $1,25. The Post-^rhaise
Was succeeded, 1819, by a mail coach, which ran three
times a week, the fare being $1. This new establish-
ment belonged to one of the Manning companies, who
contined it as far down as 1839. It appears to have
tan daily for several years. Ephraim Corlis, Jr., gave
notice, in 1823, that he should run a coach three times
A week, from Haverhill to Salem. During the year
last named, another stage was driven from this jdace
through Haverhill to Concord, N. H. In 1828, an
opposition company set up a coach here for Haverhill
at a fare of 76 cents. The two last enterprises were
ANDOV£R, LOW£LL AND DANVEB8 STAGES. 821
not of long continuance. A line thither has been sus-
tained amid clashing interests and change of proprie-
tors. The present one, which goes thrice a week, is
conducted by Isaac Pinkham, at $1 a passenger.
In 1819, a coach began to run twice a week, for
the South Parish of Andover. It continued several
months. The next year, another was set up on the
same route, but it was not permanent.
The manufacturing interests of Lowell, had risen
so much as to justify the enterprise of extending its
conveniences of travel to our own town. In 1826, a
coach came thence every other day. The fare was
^1,25. The succeeding year, Samuel Manning set
up a mail stage, which went thither the like number
of times, at $1,50 a seat. This line is continued by
Thomas Adams. It seems to have been a daily for
several years. In 1842, Simon Pindar began to drive
a coach to Wilmington, every alternate day, so that
his passengers might take the cars for Lowell. Should
this Manchester of New England be fostered by the
protective policy of the General Government, its in-
tercourse with our citizens will be proportionably
increased.
To facilitate conmiunication with our neighbors of
Danvers, a coach, in 1828, began running thence to
Salem, twice a day, at 12^ cts. a passenger. Its route
included the north part of that town. An opposition
coach commenced soon afterwards, but it was not per-
manent. The line, in 1836, extended to Beverly.
Not long after, it was restricted to its original bounds.
At present, it passes twice a day, on each course.
Morse & Steele, in 1838, put an Omnibus on the road
28*
^ IPSWICH, ESSEX, LTlfN AND BOSTON STAGES.
ftom South DaoTers. It was called the Transport
This carriage, so pertinently named, appeared in our
fttreets soon after another of similar construction,
which plied on the way to Boston. Like its compeer,
it failed not, as a huge novelty, to attract many eyes
Und occasion many remarks. In 1841, it ran hourly
and so continues. Then a new line commenced here,
to compete with the other, but it continued only a few
weeks.
About 1833, a coach came daily from Ipswich to
this place. It was under the direction of Frederic
Mitchel. It continued after 1836. But the Railroad
dispensed with the need of such accommodation.
Thomas Nurse, in 1833, commenced a stage from
Essex to Salem. It ceased in several months.
A coach has run from Lynn to this city since 1832,
over Forest river road. At present, Benjamin Pierce
continues one in the same direction. Fare 26 cts.
Having attended to the public conveyances for
passengers on several of the avenues to Salem, we
will resume those between it and the metropolis. In
1798, Badger S& Blake set up a stage there for this
route. William Manning and Joseph Cross commenc-
ed here, in 1801, a similar enterprise. These two
persons became noted for their activity in so useful
an employment. Particularly has the first, in con-
nection with his brothers, secured such repute by ex-
tending the facilities of travel, more than any other
individual of Essex County. The fare, on the Boston
line, was $1,25 in 1817, and, in 1821, it was reduced
to $1. In 1819, Robert Manning and company be-
gan to nm a stage through Danvers. In 1827 and
OAMIBUSES. $3!i
1828, several new coaches were driven at 50 and 75
cts. a seat. Simon Pindar run one, 1831, over For*
est river road. He commenced with the last price,
bat, in several months, came down to the first. There
was a varying from one of these rates to the other un-
til the Railroad was opened for travel. Since, a half
dollar has been the fixed price.
As a matter of much attraction and speculation,
efiforts were made, with an apparent prospect of suc-
cess, in 1832 and 3, to form a company for running
Bteam carriages on the Turnpike, from Salem to Bos-
ton. This project was encouraged by experiments,
which had been made in England. But the conclu-
eion subsided finally in the more practical method of
running cars on the Railroad. Unable to compete
with this new mode of travelling, the Eastern Stage
Company, Feb. 12, 1838, advertised all their joint
istock for sale. Their enterprise was well conducted.
It greatly accommodated our own and other commu-
nities. When undertaken, it bid fair to have a long
mad profitable continuance. But it was met by an
overwhelming trial, disastrous to them, though bene-
ficial to the public. Such is the frequent experience
in human calculations. Among the difierent vehicles,
conducted on the ways to Boston, an Omnibus appear-
-ed, in the year last named, as an object of much curi-
osity. It was driven by Adrian Low for two years.
It reminded us, as to room for passengers, of the
wagons called caravans, in Old England, 1565, and
named on our colony records, 1645, each of which, as
fiushionable conveyances, would hold 26 persons.
With regard to the amount of tcavelkt^ fsA\SL t^sai
S24 AMOUNT OF TRAVELLERa FARES.
city to the metropolis, we may form an idea by a gen-
eral statement of the coaches at different periods. —
These carriages, of course, do not include many oth*
ers, which passed the same course through our streets
for the eastward. Nor do they embrace extras, which
were neither few nor unfrequent. From 1802 to
1823, there were four and five ; from the last year to
1834, there were six and seven ; from this to 1836,
eleven and twelve. In 1837 there were eight ; for a
portion of 1838, twelve, and the other portion, six. —
In 1839 there was one carriage, and this number has
continued at a fare of 50 cts. to tally with that of the
cars. We have a particular account, which bears on
the point before us. On Dec. 6th of 1831, the Salem
and Boston Stage Companies had 19 coaches run hith-
er with 219 passengers. For a week, ending the 3d
of the same month, their carriages brought us 1,031
persons. In view of our Stage history, we may say,
seldom are the instances, in which so sudden and ex-
tensive a change occurs, as it now lays before us.
The many have at once become few. Such alterna-
tions are likely to take place in all great thoroughfares,
wherever a Railroad is established. This, in point ci
absorption, is the rod that swallows up the rest.
As the roads to the metropolis were altered, so, of
course, were distances varied. Formerly the direc-
tion was over Charlestown ferry, through Medford,
-Maiden, Lynn and Danvers, making about 20 .miles.
Then, over the new road, including Maiden bridge, it
was 17 miles, and afterwards, over the Turnpike, 15
miles. This is one of the many varieties, in which
HORSE WAGONS. CABS. KM
human inclination always leans to the saving of time
and toil.
Though it b high time that we had done with
travelliiig, still there is one or two more of its con-
cerns, which will not suffer us to quit the track, till
they appear in the review. The wagon, though more
homely than the coach, is no less useful. . The kind
carried by a single horse, appeared about 1810, and
gradually increased. Most of our townsmen, engag-
ed in laborious occupations and owning horses, ceased
to ride these animals on the back and used them in
such vehicles. Wagons of this sort have been em-
ployed to bring produce to our market, which had
been borne hither either in carts, or in wallets and
panniers, thrown across the backs of horses.
The last call we have here, is from the Cab.
Though this handy, but not easy article, has been
long used in Europe, yet many years have not passed
since its appearance in our cities. The first notice
we have of them in Salem, was in the spring of 1842.
Then William Lovejoy and Joseph Smith advertised,
that each of them had provided one to accommodate
the public at the rate of 12^ cts. a seat. However
such carriages have been multiplied in other places,
yet they have not so won upon the liking of our citi-
sens as to be increased among them. Though a third
was subsequently set up, it did not long survive.
The present name of this conveyance is undoubtedly
the first syllable of the French Cabriolet The last
word is from Cabriole, which signifies a goat-leap, by
no means an inapposite expression of the motion of
the carriage.
336 POST MASTERS AND POST RIDERS.
MAILS AND POST OFFICES.
However letters from a fieur country^ may be partio
ularly acceptable to the scattered settlers of a new
world, yet years must elapse before the progress of so-
ciety there will be enough for the regular establish-
ment of mails and post offices. Such was the expe-
rience of our ancestors. Not till 1639, did our Gene-
ral Court, according to their records, take any steps in
a matter of this sort. Then they ordered, that all
who chose, should deposit letters, '' brought from be-
yond seas," with Richard Fairbanks of Boston. He
was to dispatch them according to their direction.
For his care, he was allowed 1^ a letter. In 1674^
the same authorities required, that post-men, on pub-
lic service, should have 3"^ a mile, as their full com-
pensation, and that no innholder should charge them
more than 2/ a bushel for oats, and 4^ for hay, during
day and night. A petition was laid before them,
1677, by a number of merchants, that, as letters of
importance had been frequently lost, because '^ thrown
upon the exchange'.' in Boston, they would pass a rale,
for the prevention of so great an evil and for the rates
of postage. Accordingly, they designated John Hay-
ward, the scrivener, for such an office in the metropolis.
With the repeal of our Colonial charter, the immedi-
ate power to control these concerns, was taken from
the Massachusetts legislature. They passed a law, in
1693, which complied with the appointment of Thom-
as Neal, as post master general of British America,
and Andrew Hamilton, as his deputy, by the King in
Council. The same act allowed, that, for Magsacha"
THE LETTER CASE CARRIED BT JOHN MOBLE. S37
aettSi a <' general letter office" should be located in
Boston, and its keeper be designated by the latter of
the two last named gentlemen. It set the postage of
a single letter^ from the capital to Salem, at 4^. It
confined the carriage of letters for hire, to the regular
post men. These facts, with the situation and size
of Salem, indicate, that a post office had then been
established here.
In 1704, the carrier of the mail had his route from
Boston to the eastward, through this town. There was
particular mention made, in 17 1 1, of a po3t office among
our population. Tradition affirms, that Jonathan Pal*
mer, who died at Newbury, 1726, in his 59th year, was
post man, for many years, on the course last specified.
The earliest name Of our post masters, which has
come to the knowledge of the writer, was Edward
Norris, in 1768. Among the most noted carriers of
the mail, with whom he had to do, was John Noble,
In the discharge of his duties, the last person rode
between Boston and Portsmouth. Benjamin Hart,
engaged in similar employment, advertised, 1770, that
he had left riding the post horse, and taken " the same
post stage, lately improved by John Noble." This
indicates, that Mr. Noble had relinquished his charge
of the mail by the year last expressed. The article,
in which he used to carry letters, is deposited in the
Portsmouth Athenaeum. << It is made of tin, and is
only four inches wide, four inches high and ten inches
long; about double the size of a common cartridge
box." A contrast indeed, when compared with the
large bags of the eastern mail, in our day, which are
transported six times oftener, than so interesting a
S38 RB-B8TABLISH1IENT OF MAILB.
relic of former years. A comnranieatioD, of March
28, 1774, from the Boston committee of correBpond-
ence, is received by a similar committee here, on the
snbject of establishing post offices and post riders, in-
dependent of the Crown. When the struggle for
freedom had commenced, our Provincial Congrea
took the concern, within their jurisdiction, into their
own hands. Among the post masters, whom they
appointed, May 13, 1775, was Mr. Norris, who thus
received a confirmation of the trust, previously con-
ferred on him. They raised the postage of a single
letter, from 4^ to 5^^, for not above 60 miles, and so
in proportion. Then there were only three other
post offices in Eissex County, besides our own, which
was kept in the shop,^ now No. 43, Washington street
The succeeding July, our National Government as-
sumed the control of this business for all the States,
and elected Benjamin Franklin, post master general
They allowed his deputies 20 per cent of what they
paid to him, not exceeding $1,000, but on what was
above this sum, only 10 per cent. Thus a concern,
which had been regulated, under the second charter,
by officers of the Crown, was broken from such a re-
lation and incorporated among our free institutions.
Congress required, Aug. 30, 1776, that << there be
employed, on the public post-roads, a rider for every
26 or 30 miles, whose business it shall be to proceed
through his stage three times in every week." In
1779, Muscoll Williams was the keeper of our post
office, in a shop, now No. 290, Essex street. He
seems to have succeeded Mr. Norris. He gave notice
' Letter from Caleb Foot, Eec^., on Salem poet office.
LOCATIONS or POST OrPtce. NtTMB£R OF MAILS. 830
in 178S, that from May 1, to Nov. 1, the eastern and'
1f(>^srtem mails would come three times a week. At
the other portion of the year, their arrival was one
third Ies9 frequents By 1792, there were carried in
tile eodrse of a week, two mails to Gloucester^ four to
MarUehead, and one daily to Boston. The last waflf
transported by "Burrill's Stage Wagon." The Mar-
blehead mail was then carried by Mr. Fabens, on foot,
who had lost one of his arms. Besides such convey-
ances, there still continued to be a carrier of letters
and other things to Haverhill weekly.
Having succeeded Mr. Williams, after Aug. 21,
1792, John Dabney kept the office at the corner of*
Essex and Washington streets. In 1800, he was at
the corner of Essex and Central streets. In the spring
of that year, he moved to a new building at the foot
of the Market street, called Concert square. His last
location was on the premises occupied by Bowker
Place. Three mail stages, from Boston on the east*
em route, in 1802, arrived daily at Salem* The en-
ding year, the mail was carried twice a day to Mar*
blehead, by the stage. In 1805 it was sent thrice a
week to Gloucester. Joseph E. Sprague succeeded
Mr. Dabney, 1819. He moved to Franklin building 5
to the corner of Court and Essex streets in 1817 ; to
the comer of Essex and St. Peter's streets in 1818)
Where he remained while in such official capacity*
tn 1826, there were six daily mails, three thrice a
Week and one weekly arrived at our Post Office, and,
68 many of like order departed. Two years after, th©
dJAiKes had increased one and the tri-weekly one*
After the accession of Andrew Jackson to the ?t«»^
90
880 ^AY OF POST MA8TfiR£k
dency, Mr. Sprague was succeeded, 1829, by Eben«
ezer Putnam. The latter gentleman remained a while
in the apartment hired by his predecessor, and then
moved to the East India Marine Buildings, where
the office has continued. As a novel event in corres^
pondence by letters, Mr. Putnam, after the Banks had
stopped specie payments, received an order from the
General Post Master and published it May 30, 1837,
not to take any other money than hard, for postage.
This measure, enforced through the country, was very
unpopular and did not remain long. In 1841, there
were ten daily mails, and two tri-weekly, which arriv-
ed here, and, 1843, eleven of the former and four of
the latter. This, in comparison with ancient data,
shows a great increase of correspondence. The
amount of such intercourse is more than twenty times
greater than it was 68 years ago, without taking into
the account the proportionate addition of offices incur
vicinity. With regard to the compensation of the
Post Masters, within a half century, it has been vari-
ous. Mr. Dabney's commissions ranged from ^200 to
$1,000 a year; Mr. Sprague's from $1,000 to $1,600
and over. The last sum has not varied much since.
Though there has been an enlargement of correspond-
ence, yet the new offices of the neighborhood have
been enough to prevent an increase of postage in this
city.
The question whether there may be private convey-
ances of letters on regular post routes, has been some-
times discussed in our community. The practice has
long existed here in a greater or less degree, and has
occasionally been checked by our Post Office authori-
CARRIERS. 831
ties. Still it has never assumed the open attitude
here, which it has recently in our largest cities. The
matter is before our highest judicial tribunal. All
must confess the need of national Post Offices, and
that whatever plainly jeopardizes their continuance,
should be suppressed. Few privileges, secured by
public supervision, exceed well regulated mails. These
have a large share in the promotion of intellectual in-
tercourse, in the advancement of literature and the
cultivation of social affections. These are among the
most efficient means that
*' Speed the soft intercourse from soul to soul,
And waft a sigh from Indus to the Pole."
CARRIERS.
Prior to the facilities of intercourse between differ-
ent portions of our country, by means of established
post roads, and of stages sustained by private enter-
inrise, necessity required that there should be carriers of
letters and packages. Hence, the ancient practice
of our Colonial authorities in employing expresses.
Their example was undoubtedly followed by individ-
uals, as they had occasion. But the lack of news-
papers, in our community, till modem years, prevents
our knowing much of such business. In 1774, Robert
Davis set off every Tuesday, at 9 o'clock, in his chairi
from the printing office of Messrs. Halls, with their
Gazettes, and also, with letters, packets and bundleSi
on his way to Haverhill. The manifest welcome of
many to his arrival, in the several towns of his course,
80 that their desire for news and family supplies might
be satisBedi must have continually imparted a lively
interest to his employment.
^ VilRIOUS LIMES OF WAGOH8.
In 1781, Joha Rea of Dauvers was wnilarijr en-
ji;aged by our inhabitants on the way from Salem to
Boston. The next yeari Benjamin Diamoni one of
pur townsmen, is found concerned in the like busi-
ness. He went, three times a week, from this place
to the metropolis. He yet vividly lives in the re-
membrance of our aged citizens, who have associated
him with the pleasant scenes of their childhood. On
the Eastern Route, Mr. Akerman, as successor of No-
ble and Hart, appears, 1785, occupied in so conven-
ient a calling. As stages rose and their drivers a^
sumed the duties of such carriers, so did the latter,
for the greater part, disappear. Since the steam cars
have run, the class last named, have gradually increas-
ed, so that there are several now on the track from
this city to the capital. The carrier, in the like di-
rection, on the Turnpike, is Adrian Low. He began,
1840, to run a light wagon, with one horse, for the
transportation of various articles. This concern is
called << the Package Line," and has proved itself wo^
thy of public patronage.
BAGGAGE WAGONS.
Among the diversified inventions to meet the calls
of our business community, are the carriages, specified
at the head of this article. We meet with, one, ad-
vertised, 1804, by John L. Matthews of this place.
He ran it twice a week to Boston and then back, for
the purpose of transporting goods. It appeared in his
jiame till after the fore part of 180S. The use he
applied it to, shows, that it resembled a baggagu wag-
^. But he oaUed it a '< stage wagon." If this name
MR. FULLER, A WAGONER, KILLED. 83S
really 8igni6ed baggage wagon, then one was employ-
ed^ on the same route, as early as 1792, by Mr. Burrill
of Salemj and another by Mr. Lowe, before 1792, from
Gloucester to this town. James Young notified,
1805, that he had commenced running a baggage
wagon from Salem to Boston. But dying before the
year closed, his concern was taken by George Wig^
gin. Philip Wells stated, 1808, that having been in
this business for several years, on the same routes, he
still proposed to have it continued. The following
year, his charge for the carriage of one hundred, was
75 cts., and, for a less weight, 1 ct. a pound. John
Todd established, in 1815, a daily wagon in the like
direction. The next year, Jesse Fuller gave noticei
that, having been similarly employed, for several
years, from this place to the metropolis, he should ex-
tend his line to Newbury port. In 1818, H. and D.
Merritt & Co. ran a wagon to the last town, through
ours, from Marblehead, where they were then located.
Merritt and Ashby, in 1822, had a daily from Salem
to Boston. During the saipe year, as Mr. Fuller was
killed by the overturning of his wagon, in the upper
part of Essex street, Stephen Towne, who had been
in his employ, succeeded as proprietor of the line.
Short of two years afterwards, this concern came into
the hands of Peter Edgerly and others. In 1831, H.
Noyes was engaged in such employment. David
Merritt, having taken an office in Boston, 1833, still
had tines continued from Salem to that city and to
Cambridge and Newburyport. In 1839, he gave no-
tice, that he should keep up his wagon to our city
ever the Turnpike, while he transported goods hither
29*
1184 AqUQQUQT.
by the Railroad cars. Exp^riencei 9f tp boainfnis a(
fhis kind, has shown it to b^ of much toil swd c^ no
great profit,
AQUEDUCT.
It was perceived by thosej provident for others ben-
efit as well as their own, that there was increasing
peed for our population to have a greater supply of
wholesome water. A movement was accordingly
made in 1796. The next year, March 9, subscriberv
to the objecti were incorporated, under the title of
<< The Proprietors of the Salem and Danvers Aque*
duct." Spring Pond was used as the head source for
furnishing the fountains. The stock consisted of 100
shares at $600 each. It yielded 6j per cent, for s
considerable period. At length, so mwy of the iih*
Jiabitants were dissatisfied with the aqnual chaise of
the corporation, that a new company associated, seve^
ral years since, and proceeded to the purchase of iroa
pipes. But a compromise was made by a lai^e reduc-
tion of the price, apd thejrival concern was dropped
9uch a diminution and a Urge outlay oq the workSf
)uM, for some years, allowed but. small incomei and,
for others, not any. A share now is worth about
$400. The terms are $4 for a family of thr^ metn*
hers, and 50 cts. for every additional one. Among
various obstructions in the pipes, one has been foundi
not originally anticipated. It is from the roots of trees,
which, while mere filaments of a hair's size, have en-
tered the logs and filled the bores. Near the Danvert
burying ground, it was observed, that two trees, of
•imilar size when planted, grew with differwt degree
TOWN OOVfiRNMENT AND OFFICERS. tMf
f^ rapidity. Ooe lifted and spread its branches much
nu>re tbaii the other, without any visible cause. At
lepgth, 1^ part of the adjacent aqueduct refused to per-
fprm its ^ffi^e. An examination was made and, lo, a
iroot of the luxuriant tree was found to have perforated
a log and entirely occupied its passage. The secret
.was explained. The craving tree was left to the
natural resources of its more honest neighbor.
MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS.
The government of towns in New England, like
that of her Congregational churches, promoted Re-
publican liberty before fully secured, and has done
much for its continuance since it was gained. The
honor and happiness of every community depend on
the righteous administration of its concerns. For the
Accomplishment of so desirable an end, rulers of in-
telligence and integrity must be elected. This was
(dspecially so in the first establishment of our ancient
plantations.
Town government, — ^The General Court allow in
1636, that the freemen of every plantation, shall not
only be empowered to grant lands within their bounds,
but also, to adopt rules for their government, not op-
posed to those of the colony ; to assess and collect
fines for offences not above 20" and appoint their seve-
ral officers.
Toum officers. — ^The different classes of these, as
)>elonging to Salem, will be named at the first dates,
when seen by the writer, or known to have been jr^
qjuired by laws of the Commonwealth. As the records
of th£p cprporatiouy How extant, are several years later
8M CONSTABLEB. WATCHMEN.
than its beginning, some of such trusts, in the gift of
its freemen, must have existed prior to the years
placed before them. Until the removtd of the colo-
nial government from Naumkeag, in 1630, the mem-
bers of it probably did for this location, all, which was
necessary, so that the choice of others, for the same
purpose, was inexpedient. From such a change, mu-
nicipal authorities were needed.
1630. Constables. — John Woodbury was appoint-
ed, as one of these officers for Salem, by the Court of
Assistants. Our records of 1646, read, <' Its agreed y^
two black staues of 6 feet long or thereabout be pro-
vided for y* Constables and Edmund Batter is to
speak to Francis Perry to have them made." A few
months afterwards, the legislature required such staves
to be tipped on the upper end with five or six inches
of brass. As a like order had existed in England, it
appears to have been the origin of the expression, ''tip
staff," as applied to Constables. The same year, such
an order was adopted, by our Oeneral Court. They
impowered Constables, where no magistrate wa§, " to
signe and put forth persuites, or Hue andCryes," after
certain offenders. In 1687, there was a vote of our
inhabitants, " that Timothy Lindall should write to
Capt. Gerrish at Boston, to gett this town six Consta-
bles' staves."
1634. Watchmen. — Two of these were ordered
by the Assistants, to guard each plantation every night.
It is likely, that such nightly protectors were chosen
from the first settlement of Naumkeag. In 1636, the
Cluarterly Court order, that the watchmen, warned to
serve, shall appear half an hour after sunset, to receive
BELLMAN. Sfy
instructions and not return home in the morning with-
out permission. The legislature requirOi that every
town shall provide accommodations for watchmeik
Two classes of these were spoken of in 1640 ; one
named the Constables' watch, because regulated by
such police officers, and the other, military, because
appointed by military officers. They were composed
of males, aside from exempts, who were above 16
years of age, and who were notified to take their turns.
The succeeding contract was made Nov. 10, 1676.
'' Agreed with Arthur Hughes to bee bellman for y*
towne from this present time to y® first of May next,
viz., that y® said Hughes shall begin to take his walk
about 10 o'clock att night from y® bridge to Henry
JAoises his house, passing through all y^ streets and
jianes within the circumference of y® towne, to give
inotice of y® time of night, what weather, etc. acconit-
ing to custome, and take special care to prevent fire
and any disorder in y*' night by giving timely notice
thereof and to continue y® said perambulation until
Jl>reak of day. In consideration whereof y® selectmen
liave agreed to pay y^ said Hughes £5 out of y*
iowne rate and, in case he noanage y*^ business to sat^
isfaction, it is left to y^ selectmen to give him more
iDOt exceeding 20*." Tradition used to tell wonder-
ful sights, said to have been seen by our ancient bell-
men. It related, that one of them, while passing his
eoUtary rounds, was surprised at the appearance of a
iimefal procession, in all its solemnities, passing- from
.the door of a particular bouse. Of course, this spec-
tral scene was extensively inter{»reted as the omen of
jyaedy affliction. -
S38 BELLMfiR.
1678. Ifay 1. << Agreed the Constables' watch
shall be sett of six men every night with arms and
ammunition according to law, and that they begin at
Deacon Prince's comer and goedowne eastward." It
appears that such a watch was kept till the fall, when
the bellmen did their service till the spring, when it
was resumed by them. In October, Hughes began
his duty at the small compensation of 12^ a night, in
" Town pay" or produce.
1679. Notice was given to one of our Constables,
as follows : << You are hereby required in his majes-
ty's name to warne 13 men euery night to watch and
bee exact to see the full number appeares and attends;
the one halfe, att least, to bee sober honest men and
householders, to one of which you shall commit the
charge and care of the watch, and warne them to bee
very carefuU to examine any night walkers, strangers
or others, who are abroad att unreasonable hours and
to secure any suspitious persons, that cannot giue a
good account of theire business and to the vtermost
of theire endeaver to bee careful to prevent fires be-
ing made or sett unto the towne by evil instruments,
that may seek our ruin." As successor to the last
bellman named, Walter Skinner agreed in 1680, to
serve from Oct. to May, when the Constables' watch
began, for £7 and " carsey sufficient to make him a
coate."
Walter Skinner having faithfully done the duty of
a bellman, was followed by John Simpson, who, in
Nov. of 1699, contracted, for 36/ a month, << to walk
y* towne" from 10 o.c. " till break of day and to doe
bis endeavor to prevent fire, or mischiefe any otfaiC
BELLMEN. 880
way, and to preuent any disorders in y* towne.'' As
■n object of great attraction to the younger part of
oommunity, and as significant of its use, the watch-
house was surmounted with the image of a watch-
man, which, in 1725, received a coat of paint, a rare
coTering for that age. The location of this specimen
of our sculpture was in '^ school house lane.'' By
1727, a bellman was the only watch for the year
round. John Meachem then served, and, for this pe-
riod, had jC30, probably the depreciated currency.
Two years afterwards, several men were hired to
watch with the beUman on election week. The rea-
•on was, " to prevent all disorders, that may arise from
•o great a concourse of people, as usually there are
on such publick occasions."
After the employment of a bellman, and the sus-
pension of the " Constables' watch" for a long pe-
riod, the latter was revived, 1774, and consisted of 10
persons. This number was drawn, as usual, from
lists of taxable inhabitants, who took their respective
turns each night. The same year, a new watch-house
was erected on land, southward of Joseph Henfield's
warehouse. The great fire occasioned these changes*
The customary arms of the watch were specified,
1784, as being a spear and hook. Having dispensed
several years with such nightly guards, and with even
the lone bellman, whose office seems to become ex-
tinct prior to 1774, a vote passed, 1790, to hire watch-
men at 48' a month, for each of them. A temporary
prevision of this kind had been recently made to al-
lay the fear of our inhabitants because of frequent
thefts in town. Such a mode of providing foe ihA
a40 WATCHMAN'S CRT AND COMPENSATION.
nfely of oaf population and of their property, has'
continued as a substitute for its predecessors. Among
the reminiscences of this senrice, least likely to be
forgotten, vas the watchman's voice, which broke
the stillness of midnight, and often disturbed slnmber
while it relieved the weariness of the wakeful, pro-
claiming the " all's well," the hour and the weather.
This custom, which seems to have begun with our
early settlement, was required, 1795, among the du-
ties of the watchmen. About 22 years after this
date, it was laid aside. Though its omission may be
better than its observance, for the detection of nightly
transgressors, yet there is regret to leave it among the
past realities, which no longer mark their pleasant
traces on the memory of childhood, as they once did
on that of other days* As a safeguard to our commu-
nity, a number of its public spirited members formed
Uiemselves, 1811, into a voluntary watch. This has
been done several times. On one occasion, like these,
some of the young men, attached to the watch, wonld
frequently pass Dr. Bentley's door, and in tones not
altogether unlike those of Stentor, would give the
watchman's cry. He, perceiving that this was done
more for their merriment, than his comfort, came out
in a newspaper and inquired, << if it would not be bet-
ter to cry out when all was not well and let well
enough alone."
The charge for Watchmen, 1830, Was 1 1,700, tod
1843, ^,234 Their wages, in 1836, was 75 cts. a
night for each of them, except their captain, who had
87^ cts. They are the same now. This, however
mnch greater than in ancient timeS) is no extravl^^ant
THIRTEEN MEN. .gl^
compeosation, thoagh when viewed in the BggtegaHief
it sometimes brings oyer the public mind such an
earnestness for retrenclHaent, that it is zealous to vote
down the whole concern as of little or no value. But '
a well regulated watch, in a series of years, besides ittf '
prevention of disorder and immorality, which is bettef
than money, it {ureserves far more property than all its
charges.
1635. << Overseers and Layers out of Letts of
ground."
1636. The Thirteen fnen, called, on our recordsj
the ** Towne Representatives." This phrase has led
to the mistake of supposing, that such individuals
were members of the General Court, instead of having-
only the oversight of our town affairs. Their number
was equal to that of the colonial government here
prior to the arrival of Governor Winthrop. It is like-
ly, that they were elected soon after the Court of As-
sistants left Naumkeag, and that they were as many
from that time to the year which heads' this paragraph.
Such authorities were twelve and seven, sometimes-
called "the Townsmen," "the select Townsmen,"
and, at otheis, " twelve men," and " the seven men,"
from the former part of 1637 to 1649. From the last
year to 1654, they were, for part of that period, de-
nominated selectmen and afterwards entirely so styled.
During a long series of years, they discharged the
duties of Assessors and Overseers of the Poor. In'
1643, the selectmen agreed to meet punctually once a-
month " vpon the penal tie of 10/, to be levied on the*
whole, or vpon such of them, as are absent without'
30
Sift TOWN CLERK. TRfiABURER.
fofficient ground." Each of them, was allowedi 1722|
for doing the work of an Assessor, 2* a day.
1636. Town Clerk. — There can be but little
doubt, that the varied calls of the selectmen, required
a acribe to record them so soon as snch authorities
were chosen. Still, the words. Town Clerk, were
■eldom used in our early records, nor do we meet with
them till 1666. From this date, such an officer, was
called, interchangeably, Recorder and Clerk, for some
years ; but since, the last term only has been applied
to him. His salary, in 1695, was £4 and << benefit of
the records," and, in 1795, £9.
1636. Hog Reeves. — One ordered for every plan-
tation, and to be <' a discreet man."
1637. — Auditors of accounts.
Trecisurer. — Ralph Fogg is mentioned, this year,
in such a capacity. The Treasurer, 1695, had 1*^ on
£1 of all the town's money, which passed through
his hands, as compensation for his service. In 1711,
he had £8 a year ; 1748, £60 depreciated currency ;
1800 $35, and 1808, $100. A vote passed, 1806, to
allow $100 salary to Benjamin Pickman, sen., then
holdiug the trust, but he declined to take more than
♦30.
Keepers of Cattle or Neat herds. Goat Herds.
Shepherds. Surveyors of high ways. Fence Viewers.
1639. Receiver of things lost. — Our freemen voted
<< that Ralph Fogg receive such goods as none doe
owne and send a note of them to the marshall att
Boston." A trust of this kind was assigned, by the
legislature, 1647, to Constables, who were obliged to
keep a written account of what was committed to
\
OFFICERS. MARRIAGISS. 84S
their charge and to cry them at the next Lecture, or
general town meeting on three successive days. If
an animal was fonnd, the finder was required to put
about its neck, as a sign, " a wyth or wreath." It
would be well for many a loser, if such a custom was
more fully observed in all our towns and cities. It is
one of the "good old ways," whose neglect does not
indicate the wisdom of the present age.
1640. Swine keepers.
1641. Gagers and Packers. Clerk of Writs.
1642. Town Crier. — He had 2* for every article
he cried. Leather Searchers.
1642. Clerk of the Market. — " Jeffery Massey is
chosen clarke of the market." As we had a market
1634, a clerk of it was probably then elected.
1644. Pound Keeper. — The legislature passed a
law 1635, that there shall be a pound in every planta*
tion.
1647. Cofn/nvissioner, called the eighth man, to
join with the selectmen in assessing taxes. He was
to look out for the interest of the Commonwealth.
Such an office was long continued. The legislature
would occasionally appoint a committee in each towDi
as in 1639, to value its {property.
1646. Fish Viewers.
1647. Sealer of weights and measures.
1648. Measurer of Salt.
1655. Commissioners for small causes in compli*
ance with law of 1647.
Commissioner for marriages. — ^William Hathome
was elected by the town to officiate on such occasions.
'The choice was not valid till confirmed by General
j044 OFFICERS.
XjoxuU Such a trust accorded with a law of 1646,
which was contrary to the law of Eoglaiid and sanc-
tioned a prior and similar custom here of none bitf
Jiaymen's performing a service of this kind. Lechford,
who left our Colony, 1641, said of it, " marriages are
solemnized by magistrates and not by ministers."
The duty was confined to laymen till 1686, when it
was extended to clergymen, who were impowered by
act of 1692, to continue its performance.
1658. Commissioners to carry votes to the Conn-
-ty Commissioners, for nomination of magistrates. —
This accorded with an act of 1647. -
1670. Injector of strangers.
Corder. — '' Thomas Oliver is chosen corder of the
wood, that is sold in the towne." Persons of his sta-
tion were called << measurers of wood," in 1783, when
.they had " three coppers a cord." Now they have 6
cts. a load for wood or bark.
1677. Tythingmen. — Twenty-five Tythingmen
were chosen to supervise the families, supposed to be
.ten, assigned to each of them respectively. Such an
■appointment was, in that period, a strong check on
.social irregularities. It was an imitation of English
custom, introduced as long ago as the reign of Alfred.
1683. Cullers of Fish.
1685. Valuers of Wheat for Bakers.
1687. Inspectors of I&icks.
1693. Collectors of Twes,— MGIonstables bad dis-
charged their duties.
1694 Field Drivers.^ — ^Their serviee bad long
.been dona by individuals und^r other nanies.
1713. SekwA Comm4iteB.—&^lectmw had served
in micb a capacity.
omcERs. 34S
1718. MeasurerB and Surveyors of Lumber.
1727. Executors of Bye-laws.
1731. Committee to prevent the destruction of
Alewives. — ^Their care was afterwards extended to
other River fisli.
1736. Surveyors of hemp and flax.
1740. Deer Reeves. — ^To see the law for the pre-
servation of I>eery enforced.
1747. Viewers and Cullers of staves.
1760. Overseers of Poor, whose duties had been
discharged by the selectmen.
1763. Fire Wardens. — Five chosen according to
law of 1744 Their place had been supplied by the
selectmen and others united with them.
1766. Warclens. — They were to see that the Sab-
bath was properly kept. The wards were then six,
which had one warden for each of them. In 1766,
there were four wards.
1790. Inspector of the Police.
Board of Healthy whose duties had been performed
by selectmen.
1793. Inspectors of Tobacco.
Thus have we looked over the various officeS|
which arose and continued in this place, before the
close of its long existence as a town. They denote
interesting changes of society, and manifest how in-
cidental exigences call for like alterations. Whatever
motives may h^ve actuated the occupants of any
among them, these persons, for the most part, have
been summoned from all earthly scenes and influen-
ces. The rupture of the tenor, by which such trusts
were formerly held in their respective lives, neither
30*
(46 Cmr GOVKENMENT ADOVTED.
wakei their reposing dutt nor disturbs their waiting
spirits. But while so inoperatiTe on those, who hsYe
passed away, it was properly a subject of attention
and action with their surviving successors. It came
before the population of Salem as far back as 1806,
when it was dismissed. Having gained on their fa-
Tor, it was approved by them February 15, 1836, and
an act of the legislature was obtained for its execu-
tion, the next March 23d. Thus broken from long
continued associations, connecting the deeds of the
fieithers with their children, our inhabitants subj^ted
themselves to the authority of a city government.
This was organized, May 9, in the Tabernacle church.
The ancient practice of prayer at our Spring meetings,
was continued, on the occasion, by Rev. John Brazer.
The official oath of Mayor to Leverett Saltonstall,
was administered by David Cummings, Esq. Mr.
Saltonstall then did the like service for the Aldermen
and Common Council. He, also, delivered an elo-
quent and pertinent Address. Similar proceedings
have been annually observed.
As a matter, more for the information of those, who
shall come after us to take their part in life's drama,
than of our cotemporaries, the succeeding items ars
stated. The several branches of our present govern-
ment, consist of a Mayor, six on the Board of Aiders
men and twenty-four in the Common Council. The
eharter divided the city into six wards, which were
diminished to four in less than a year. In these di-
▼isions, each of which makes an annual choice of a
warden, clerk, and two assistants, the Mayor, Aldei^
JBden and Council are as often elected Of the last
cirr OFFICERS. S4y
body, every ward chooses an equal proportion. The
Mayor and Aldermen have power to appoint police
officers, as the Marshal and C/onstables. The three
branches, in convention, being called, in this coUeo-
five capacity, City Council, elect, by joint ballot,
Overseers of the Poor, School Committee, Treasurer
and Collector, Fire Wards, City Clerk, Assessors and
their Assistants, Commissioner of Streets, and other
officers. As men cannot live by promotion alone, it
is needful and just, that they be compensated for their
labors. Among the different salaries of our present
officers, we give the following. Mayor $800, Treas^
urer $600, City Clerk $500, Commissioner of Streets
4^300, Marshal $200, and Assessors each $200. Be-
sides the above trusts in our city, are those of the
Clerk of the Common Council, Messenger, Board of
Health, Visiting Physician, Sealers of Weights and
Measures, Superintendent of Burials, Fish Committee,
Fence Viewers, Surveyor General of Lumber, Meas-
urers of Wood and Bark, Culler of Hoops, Culler of
Fish, Pound Keepers, Tythingmen, Field Drivers
and Keeper of the Powder House. In running the
eye along the several offices of this corporation, it
beholds some, which our fathers would hail as old
acquaintances, however clad in a more formal livery,
than was seen in their age. Though the ancient
voice was for a simple mode of government, yet the
modem has rightly decided, that the population and
interests of our community should be controlled by its
present system of authority.
348 <^ITT SEAL. TOWN MKETING8.
CITT SEAL.
Though Salem was incorporated as a city in 1836,
yet their seal was not adopted till March 11, 1839.
To meet inquiries, which may naturally arise about
the signification of the symbols, presented on the face
of this instrument, which is intended to seal the pub-
lic documents of our corporation, so long as it shall
stand, — we have the following items. Within the
shield is the view of a coast, located in the East In-
dies, with the figure of an inhabitant there in the
dress common to the Asiatics ; of trees indigenous to
the soil of that country, and of a ship, firom our own
port, entering one of its bays. The whole was de-
vised to represent this city as a place, distinguished
for its commerce with the most distant, as well as the
nearer portions of the globe. The dove, drawn above
the shield, with an olive branch in her mouth, is typi-
cal of peace, which is the original signification of
Salem.
TOWN MEETINGS.
The conventions of our towns and cities carry much
of their likeness and influence into our State and
Congressional Ck>uncil8. Much of weal or woe, de-
pends on the mode of their being conducted. As an
efficient means to keep our liberties from perversion
and our public conscience from hardness and debase-
ment, constant care should be exercised to preserve
such assemblies from the outburst of political ani-
mosities, and to have them regulated by justice to the
PLACE OF MEETlNOa g49
lights of the minority, to the claims of the general
{;ood, and to the demands of Christian rectitude.
These meetings, on a small scale, probably conn
menced in the year of Oonant and his company's r^
moval to Naumkeag. Mrs. Pynchon used to relate,
that the first General Court of the Freemen was under
a tree of the field, which was afterwards owned by
major Stephen Sewall, her grandfather, near the Aqu^
duct reservoir, on the height of land in Sewall street
Tradition, also, informs us, that Governor Endicott
and his Council met in a fort on the same premises.
It is likely that their first town meetings were held
there.
Before 165t5, there had been a building erected for
^hem. When such places of accommodation were
under repairs, or pulled down to be supplied with new
x>nes, the people usually resorted for their public busi-
ness, to the house of worship. For nearly four years,
from 1774 to 1778, they convened in the meeting
house of the first congregation, where many of their
most interesting resolves, on the subject of the Revo-
lution, were discussed and passed. Afterwards they
returned to the court house. When this was taken
away, 1785, they met sometimes at Jeffry's Insurance
Office, but generally at Joshua Ward's brick store, till
1787. Having been rebuilt, it was occupied by them,
iill the Town Hall was prepared, 1817, which they
used to 1836. At this date, the different wards began
to assemble in their respective ward rooms and they
have so continued. The City Council met at the
Court house till 1838, when the City Hall became
the place of their convention and has thus remained.
S50 MODE OF CALLING IIEBTINGS. BTTLE.
From the religious character of onr priiniti?e set-
tlers, we haye no cause to doubt but that all such as-
semblies were opened with prayer. So reasonable a
service was, in all probability, continued from that
period, thoagh the writer has not seen it, on our re-
cords, till 1756, when it was incidentally noticed.
Since that year, the same duty appears often on the
pages of such authority and the practice has been an-
nual, at our spring meetings, to the present day. Af-
ter this service, at different periods, acts of the legis-
lature, against prevailing immoralities, were read to
those convened.
The style, applied to our inhabitants in their col-
lective capacity for public business, was expressed
variously. It was, in 1636, " granted by the Free-
men," and <<at a generall Court or towne meeting."
In 1656, '' at a generall towne meeting of all the free-
men."
Particulars as to the manner of calling the inhabi-
tants together, may be worth the recital. In 1644,
Goodman Auger was allowed 9* for twice warning
the freemen from house to house, which took him
four days and a half. " Ordered and agreed, 1646,
that all the towne's men and freemen shall meet eue-
rie second day for four weeks together, now follow-
ing, to consider of the public good of the towne."
Ordered, 1650, " that for all publique meetings, that
concerne the towne in generall, or the freemen of the
towne, warning being given on a lecture day, by the
Constable, of the day and tyme, shall be a legall warn-
ing." The inhabitants voted, 1719, that "the town
meeting be always warned on the lecture dajrs whilst
NOnCE OF TOWN MJSETINQB. 351
aod when there is a lecture, by a public reading of
the warrant in the meeting house, immediately after
the lecture is ended, according to the ancient custome
of this town." In 1732, the voters within the Bridge
were to be notified of a town meeting, from << house
to house," and those beyond, by written notices on
the Precinct and Village houses of worship and on the
dwelling of Willieun Porter. So great a degree of in-
fluence did such assemblies of the towns in Massar.
chusetts, exert against the royal cause, they were for-
bidden, from August 1, 1774, by act of Parliament|
to be summoned, except for the bare election of offi-
cers and representatives to the legislature, without the
permission of the Governor, then General Gage.
Earlier, in the same year, than the last date, this offi-
cer ineffectually endeavored to prevent a political
meeting of our inhabitants, by the parade of an armed
«
force.
The regal mode of heading warrants for such con-
ventions, as well as of all public commissions, was
abolished June 1, 1776, in our Commonwealth. In-
stead of being, as they were under the second char-
ter, " in the name of his majesty," they were, " in
the name of the government and people of Massachu-
setts," and, of being, as to date, << in the reign of any
king or queen," they were, " in the year of our Lord."
By our State Constitution, adopted 1780, such docu-
ments were issued '< in the name of the Common-
wealth of Massachusetts," which has been used to
this time.
In 1787, notice of town meetings was given by
Constables to persons of their respective wards, and
TIliB or A88SMBUES. VOTING.
waS| also, posted up in these sections. The latter
pvt of this service is now practiced with a publica-
tion of the same, by the city clerk, in all the news-
papers of Salem.
Among the rales, for conventions of this sort, we
have the following. In 1639, over six freemen made
a quorum, after they had waited an hour for the rest
to come. In 1654, whoever did not seasonably at-
tend, on such occasions, either in person or by proxy,
after due notice, was fined 18^.
THme of annual assemblies. — Before Oct 19, 1653,
Aese meetings appear to have been in the last week
of March. Then the legislature ordered them to be
the second week of the last named month, in order to
have votes for magistrates and associates of County
Courts, which had been laid over from Nov. to the
annual meeting of towns, sooner confirmed. In 1738,
our inhabitants voted, that " the second Monday in
March be the time for this town's yearly meeting."
The rule, so adopted, was long in operation. The
city charter appoints the date, for such a convention,
" the Tuesday next preceding the second Monday in
March." Though the << old things " of our municipal
polity have passed away, they discover an inventive
mind judiciously scrutinizing the exigences of com-
munity, as they rose to view, and putting them under
the checks of experience and wisdom.
Voting. — ^The ballot box, under the control of intel-
ligence and virtue, is a more efficacious auxiliary for
the overthrow of oppression and the continuance of
freedom, than all the fortresses, navies and armies of
the most mighty nation. It was dearly prized by our
QUAUnCATiONS FOR VOTING. 353
fathers. They watched it with untiring vigilance.
They. threw around it all the safeguards, which dis-
cerning minds, patriotic hearts and strong hands could
provide.
Qttalificatians — For a considerable period from our
first existence as a town, none, in conformity with
usage and law of the colony, was permitted to sustain
any public trust, unless he was a freeman. Every
such individual was required, by order of 1631, to be
the member of a church till 1664 Then, to comply
with an order of Charles II. given in 1662, the Gene-
ral Court enacted, that others " orthodox in religion
and not vicious in their lives," who were 24 years
old and paid a tax of 10/, in a single country rate,
should be alike privileged. No inhabitant was allow-
ed, under the first charter, to vote in military and civil
concerns, if not freemen, with the following excep-
tions. In 1636, it was ordered by the legislature, that
individuals, attached to a train band and who had taken
the oath of fidelity, though not freemen, might vote for
their ofiicers. In 1647, the same class were allowed
to be chosen on juries and vote for selectmen, if a
majority of the latter were freemen. They were
privileged, 1670, not only to vote for the board of
selectmen, but, also, to be members of it, if there was
a similar majority and they were 24 years old and
rated for £80. In 1673, as an essential qualification
for their voting, eight persons presented themselves at
Salem town meeting, and took the oath of fidelity.
Voters, under the first charter, paid 1/8 a poll, 1* on
£1 of property, to the Commonwealth. Such a rule
ajqpears to have been continued under the Usurpation
31
S54 VARIETY OF VOTES.
and afterwards to the second charter. This docu-
ment, which greatly abridged the liberty of the peo-
pie and permitted them to have a voice in their gov-
emment only by choosing Representatives, required^
as a condition of this privilege, that they should have
a yearly income of 40*, or estate of £4Q sterling.
With regard to voting in town affairs, this rule was
altered in 1742. Then whoever paid a poll tax and
owned £20 where he lived, was thus privileged. As
one of the most welcome and important changes in
ballot qualifications, our State Constitution of 1780,
provided, that all might vote for concerns of Town,
Commonwealth and Nation, who paid their County
and State taxes. The like privilege was confirmed
by the Revised Statutes of 1836. But, according to
their charter, Salem now requires, that for a man to
be such a voter, he must pay his City as well as Coun-
ty and State taxes whenever assessed. The forego-
ing items furnish us with views, both ecclesiastical
and political, which are prominent features in the as-
pect of our history.
Different sorts of Votes. — The term vote, is from
the latin votum, and signifies the wish of electors for
particular persons to be chosen for places of trust. It
is called suffrage, a word used by Justinian to signify
money. It is denominated ballot, from the French
ballotte, a small ball cast in the election of men to
office. As well known, the practice of voting by
black and white balls is very ancient. With these
significations before them, our fathers did not confine
themselves to one mode or material for the expression
of their desire as to candidates for official promotion.
VOTING BY PROXY. 355
It is CYident that they, at first, were in the habit of
raising the hand as significant of approval. In I630|
a question was brought before the commons, from the
several plantations, assembled in Boston, whether they
diould choose the assistants and these elect the Oov*
ernor and his deputy, and the whole body so chosen
should make the laws and have them executed. The
legislative record of this matter says, <<this was fully
assented vnto by the generall vote of the people and
ereccon of hands." There was another practice, call-
ed in our time " polling the house/' or having voters
for opposite candidates collected by themselves. A
General Court, of 1631, agreed, that when the free-
men proposed assistants, and << it be doubtfull whether
it be the greater parte of the commons or not, it shall
be putt to the poll." As attacks were apprehended
from unfriendly Indians, the General Court of 1636|
ordered, that part of the freemen, in towns at some
distance, should be excused from coming to the seat
of government and taking part there in the choice of
magistrates. That those who should so stay at home
to protect their settlements, might not lose their share
of influence in the higher branches of the legislaturei,
they were permitted to exercise it by proxy. They
met in Salem, as well as elsewhere, gave in their
votes, which the deputies had sealed up, carried to
the legislature and there counted. In 1643, the ma-
terial, with which they so expressed their opinioDi
was denoted in what follows. It was ordered by
General Court, that << if any freeman shall put in more
than one paper or beane, for the choyce of any officerj
bee shall forfeit JSIO for every offence." This phrase*
356 VOTING BT BEANS AND CX>RN.
ology intimates, that the ballots, here meationed, had
been in common use. In 1647, it was required hj
the legislature, that the Governor, his Deputy, Treas-
urer, Secretary and Commissioners of the United Col-
onies, should be voted for by electors, who staid at
home, with papers, and the assistants, with <' beanes,
onely the white to be for election." The last clause
suggests, that colored beans were cast for the negative.
Our Colonial authorities, in 1680, made a law, that
while the former class of officers were to be chosen
as before, the latter should be with ^< Indian corn."
The language of such enactment utters not a syllable
about beans, and thus implies that they had been dis-
pensed with in the election of assistants. These facts
distinctly show, that the latter magistrates were set
apart to their station at one period with bean votes
and at another subsequently by those of com. When
however we depart from the original records and con-
sult our printed laws of former ages, we there read a
different version. Such enactments inform us, that
in all three of the last years named, corn and beans
were thrown as proxies, the former affirmative and
the latter negative. How such discrepancy took place,
is difficult to be explained at this late day. In a di-
lemma of this kind, the judgment naturally leans on
the manuscript evidence, as the stronger authority.
It is likely that corn proxies for assistants were used
to the Usurpation of 1686. While our townsmen
gave them for such a purpose, and paper ones for an*
other, as previously described, it is probable that they
used the latter sort as well as raised the hand, or, on
occasions of excitement, polled the assembly, in mil
ORDERS ABOUT VOTING. 357
Other voting respects. As one exception to this, they
resolved, 1776, when great care was needed in the
selection of Representatives to the General Court, to
have them chosen with differently colored balls. It
seems that there was a speedy reversion to the old
forms. These, however liable to abuse like every**
thing human, have come down to our times, approved
by experience as the most convenient for large assem*
blies.
Orders about Voting. — These were adopted by our
legislative authorities. One of 1670, ran thus: <'If
any man shall behave himself offensively at any town
meeting, the rest then present, shall have power to
sentence him for such offence so as the penalty ex*
ceed not 20*." Another of 1680, that, as a resident
of Salem had manifested a factious and litigous spirit,
he should be debarred from giving his vote in town
affairs, as well as from holding any ofBice, and from
bringing any case before judicial tribunals.
MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS.
Strangers. — Perceiving that this Colony was ia
peril, as to its social and religious interests, by the
intrusion of troublesome strangers, the General Court
ordered, in 1637, that none from abroad should be
allowed to reside in any town, except by leave from
«*one of the counsell or of two of the magistrates."
The fine of disobedience to this law, was ^£100. Oiur
Selectmen cautioned the people here, 1657, to comply
with such an act, on the penalty of 20* a week, during
its violation. With respect to this subject, as one of
long standing. Palsgrave gives us the subsequent in*
31*
358 FINES FOR ENTERTAINING STRANGERS.
formation. Among the Salick Franks, '' a villa was
entirely the property of the inhabitsmts, and no stranger
could settle within its boundaries unless with the
consent of the whole corporation. If a stranger re-
mained in the township without challenge, during
twelve months, he was thenceforth allowed to dwell
in peace and security, like the other neighbors of the
community.'' These two principles of habitance
were recognized in the polity of our New England
towns, and were more strictly observed in ancient
times, than they have been since. The authorities
of Salem were called to act on them at different pe-
riods. Benjamin Batch and Henry Herrick were fined
here, in 1660, for entertaining a stranger. Nicholas
Dreckan, who was the occasion of such forfeit to the
latter, was immediately after received as an inhabitant.
Samuel Robinson and Samuel Shadocke were amer-
ced, 1669, 20* apiece, for " entertayninge of Thomas
Maule." The last person, being a Quaker, was
warned to depart. But he persevered then and sub-
sequently, amid much opposition, in . retaining an
abode here. William Trask was required to send
John Turland out of town, and give security that he
be no charge to our corporation. For enforcing the
law on this subject, Thomas Oliver was instructed,
1670, << to goe from house to house aboute the towne,
once a moneth, to inquire what strangers are come, or
baue priuily thrust themselues into towne and to giue
notice to the Selectmen in beinge, from tyme to tyme,
and he shall haue the fines for his paynes or such
reasonable satisfaction as is meet." Francis Skerry
and William Lake were fined for non-compliance with
such an order.
FRENCH WOMEN. EMlOaANTS. dfif
General Court, in 1673, require that the inhabitaoti
of Salem as well as of Boston, Cbarlestown and Portat
mouth, shall not entertain strangers, except by leave
of the Governor or his Deputy, or two magistrates.
The same year, our town records have the following
entry. " Expenses for the French women brought
into town by Mr. Pipon in his ship." The femalej
named in the subsequent extract from the same bookj
was probably one of these strangers. " Samuel Wil-
liams doth acknowledge Rebecca Outen to be his
servant for one whole yeare, and the Selectmen doe
settle her with him, as a servant for that time, and
hee to find her with things needfuU for such a ser^
vant." Owing to the perils of war in Maine, a num-
ber of families who had lived there, fled hither. Oar
record of 1676, concerning them, says, they " being
driven from their habitations by the barbarous heatheiTi
are added as inhabitants of the town, most of them
affirming they have provision for themselves and
families a year." In 1679, the ship Hannah and
Elizabeth, Capt. Lot Gouding, arrived here from
Dartmouth with 47 passengers, among whom was
Doctor Barton. Several of our people were siunmon*
ed, this year, to answer the charge for permitting non*
residents to abide in their houses. Henry West, sen.
and John Mascoll, Jr., were empowered, 1693, to in-
spect the families of Salem and <* take an account of
all inmate^ or strangers, that are now in or may here-
after come into the towne and returne their names to
the selectmen every moneth, and, if need be, to wame
them to depart." In 1695, Clement Goady, a jersy-
man, who had served six years in this place, but had
f60 NON-4USSIDENT8 WARNED AWAT.
been gone over the two last years, was warned away.
Such notices were frequent for 25 years from this
time. It was ordered,. in 1721, that as << there are
many families of the Irish people, that were alSrighted
from their new settlements in the Eastern parts, come
into this town, that their circumstances be inquired
into and how many persons of them there are and
whether they intend to remove hence or not." In
1729, Capt. William Cash brought into this port, from
Ireland, 161 passengers. According to law, he fur-
nished the Selectmen with a list of their names and
circumstances. An order, relative to them, says,
" many of them, being men with their wives and
children and under good circumstances and others of
them, able bodied men and women and indented ser-
vants and of good report, and because there is one or
two on board sick, the well have liberty to go on
shore at Winter Island and the Fort and cleanse
themselves." Capt. Cash and Robert Boyce, the
merchant, gave bonds of £600 to our Town Treasu-
rer, for any charges, which might arise from 19 of the
passengers, who were not exempts by law. Similar
precaution was continued. As in 1790 and 1791,
there were several hundreds of people in Salem, both
white and colored, not regular inhabitants, they were
warned to depart. However such messages may have
appeared to wear a deep scowl, and sometimes affront-
ed a new comer of honest purpose and thrifty habits,
but not acquainted with their design, yet their neces-
sity to prevent an undue imposition of expense in the
support of paupers, needs no explanation. Being a
matter, which not merely affects our monied relations,
ORDERS. 861
but, also, our political and moral institutions, it has
received diversified attention from our legislative
authorities. To conform with their act of 1837, two
of our Aldermen were then appointed to see that its
provisions were not violated.
1635. Orders. — "All orders, as the towne shall
think meet to be published, shalbe published one the
next lecture day after the towne meeting."
1637. " Ordered that all the land along the shore
on Darby's fort side vp to the hog-sties, and to run
20 poles into the land, shall be reserved for the com-
mon of the towne to serve for wood and timber."
" Whereas diuers orders are made and agreed on by
the inhabitants of the towne of Salem, for the better
fulfilment of resolves and for want of a print howse^
or some other meanes whereby to publish them, not
only to the present inhabitants but to others, that may
hereafter set downe amongst vs, — these are therefore
to certifie all, whom it may concerne, and for his
avoyding of the breach of any of the said orders and
consequently the penalties of them, that they repaire
to Mr. Ralph Fogg, who keepes the records of said
orders, where they may satisfie themseliies in every
particular order as aforesaid." This shows a great
diflTerence between the means then and since we have
had our " print bowses," of acquaintance with such
bye laws.
Mr. Fogg is to have for entering grants of land, 9*
for 20, 12^ for 30, 15'* for 40, and 18^ for 50 acres and
upwards. He is to have 2^ for each warrant to lay
out land.
1647. Ordered, « that William Auger shall take
feS SPORTS. CONTESTS BETWEEN BOT8.
notice of births and deaths and marradges." This
oonformed with the law of 1639.
1666. Required that ail wellsi between Thomas
CSromwell and Richard Gardner's to the head of Mr.
Brown's cove, be repaired and secured against danger,
by raising them 2^ or 3 feet above ground with curbs
or hogsheads, or else be filled up.
1762. Bat and foot ball, throwing snow balls and
stones, in public places, are forbidden. Such injunc-
tions have been repeated at various periods. Every vio-
lation of them, as to casting snow balls in anger, brick
bats and stones, was, in 1824, to be fined $1. This is
wholesome policy. For a long series of years, boys,
in different divisions of the town^ and particularly
those of the east and west, had arrayed themselves,
in winter, against each other and frequently with dan-
gerous missiles and exasperated feeling. Bach of the
•ides engaged in these perilous affrays for no higher
prize, than to have it thought and said, that they
gained the mastery. Seldom could a boy, who had
distinguished himself on such occasions, venture into
the lines of his opponents, without receiving abuse
and blows. Thus early alienation was cherished be-
tween '* up-in-towners and down-towners," which, for
the most part, was continued in manhood. In this
manner, a wound was inflicted on the spirit of harmo*
ny, which should be constantly encouraged among
the young as well as old, of the whole community.
Whatever boys think of such restriction on what they
wrongly call liberty, men judge aright and come up
to the claims of society upon them^ when they put •
•top to all these breaches of the peace, these fiicilitias
PASTIMES. 368
of indulging the passions of hatred, craelty and dis*
cord. However collisions of this kind may be said
to discipline the lad for bold daring and brave exploits
against invading foes, traits, which may be cultivated
in other proper exercises, still their damage to pure
morals and social welfare, far outweighs all their im-»
aginary benefit.
The three first pastimes, which stand at the head
of the preceding paragraph, remind us of additional
ones with hand and foot balls, as well as of otherS|
which have been practiced, in ancient and modem
times, by our Salem boys. It may be for the satis-
faction of our juvenile friends hereafter, to have a
passing notice of most among the latter class. For
them and all else, whom it may please, the succeed-
ing brief is given. Beating the hoop, blind man's
buff, bow and arrow, cricket, dropping the handker*
chief, duck, flying the kite, French and English, hide
and seek, hop frog, hunting the slipper, king of the
castle, jumping, jumping the rope, leaping, leap frogj
and marbles. With regard to the last, though the ad-
vice has been given so often as to seem needless, boys
should be cautioned against playing with them in
order to win from each other. If they indulge in thiil
lighter species of gaming, they are likely to do the
same with "props" or "paw-paws," "coppers" or
cents, dice and cards. A small leak, unchecked, may
prove a large one and sink many a valuable ship. Ai
to the two last implements of diversion, our Court of
Assistants, in 1631, ordered them to be destroyed|
and, 1645, ordered the keeper of a tavern to be fined
for having a shuffle or shovel board. In resuminf^
854 VARIOUS ORDERS.
our list, we come to puss in the comer, quoits, sliding
with sleds, skating, sling, thieves and robbers, swim-
ming, spinning top, threading the needle, touch or
tag, walking on stilts and wrestling. As for the rest
of such amusements, too great care should be taken
not to engage in any of them, like that of ponds or
forfeits as generally played, which tend to debase
moral feeling and yield naught but discontent in re-
flection. With regard to in>door amusements, as
checkers, fox and geese, morrice and back gammon,
they are useful to quicken the memory and invention
while kept from the abuse of staking on the issue. A
habit of such perversion cannot be too soou resisted.
1793. Truckmen and bakers were forbidden to
drive rapidly through the streets. By authority of
the Quarterly Court, as long ago as 1672, horse racing
and riding fast to and from worship, were prohibited.
1801. The long repeated nuisance of comparative-
ly few persons and particularly youngsters, standing
at corners of streets, sitting on steps of houses, gath-
ering at places of worship on Sabbath evening, whose
appearance, speech and action are an outrage on de-
cency,— was renewedly interdicted. Scarcely a habit
among the class, who thus debase themselves in their
own consciousness and in the eyes of all, who observe
them, tends more to weaken the common respect for
good manners, and to cast reproach on the society,
which shields their rights and interests. Public vigi-
lance cannot be too prompt and active in staying every
such spot of leprosy on the body politic.
1819. In imitation of former and repeated exam-
jHe, the constables were ordered to patrole the streets
ORDERS. FIRST ENGINES KNOWN HERE. 26lt
on the Sabbath, from 9 A. M. to 9 P. M. Their spe-
cial duty then, was to hinder assemblages of boys and
young men at corners of streets and other places ; their
sea bathing and other accounted disorders.
1839. Passing from what affects character, we
come to a matter of public comfort. It was ordered,
that the machine for watering the streets be under the
direction of the street committee. This item is ad-
duced, partly, as a specimen, that economy now al«
lows conveniences, to which it would once have given
no quarter.
FIRE DEPARTMENT.
A comparative view of this department, shows that
its improvement has kept pace with the progress of
social arts. As a means of extinguishing fire, it was
ordered, 1644, that each of our inhabitants be supplied
with a ladder on penalty of 5».
1663. Ghimnies were ordered to be swept once a
month from October to April, and once in two months
the rest of the year, on penalty of 12"* for each neg-
lect. If a chimney should burn out of the top^
through an omission of the rule, 10" were to be paid«
John Milke was appointed the sweeper. He was to
have 4^ a chimney, if in money, wheat or butter, but
if in other pay, 6*. Any might clean their own
chimnies, or hire it done by whom they pleased.
1679. The selectmen and two others were author-
ized to take the command at fires, to blow up and
pull down buildings, as need may require. This ap*
pears to have been much more common before the use
of fire engines than subsequently. Hooks and other
32
SM
A HRE CLUB.
instruments for such a purpose, with two or three
dozen cedar buckets were to be purchased.
1689. Smiths' shops, inside of towa bridge, and
dwelling houses, within ten poles of each other, are
to have chimnies of sufficient material and height.
1729. Besides buckets, hooks and poles, two lad*
ders were kept in the town house.
1744 A fire club was formed here. Its number
was 28 and not to exceed 30. One of its articles was,
<'we will have a watchword, whereby to know one
another ; every member to whisper it to the Clerk at
each quarterly meeting, and to any other member,
when challenged, on penalty of 1* o. t." A law was
passed by General Court empowering towns to choose
firewardens. Each of them was to have << for a dis-
tinguishing badge of office, a staff of five feet long,
painted red and headed with a bright brass spire, six
inches long."
1749. On petition of Capt. Richard Derby and
others, they were to be excused from all town offices
as soon as they should purchase a good fire engine.
If any of the members should move away or die, and
leave sons, these might be their successors in the
company. The engine was approved by the select-
men next year. It still remained the property of its
purchasers. Its shares were sometimes sold. Though
almost a centenarian and laid aside for newer ones, it
is still carefully preserved, and highly appreciated, as
an old servant, which has done much good in its day.
Whether our townsmen had any engine, on a simpler
model, than this, first mentioned on our records, is
miknown. There were two of the former kind in
Boston prior to 1711.
THIRD ENGINE. 357
1751. Another engine, having been bought by
Benjamin Lynde and others, was accepted. It wai
larger than the preceding. As two novel objects of
public attention, they went by the names of *< the
small " and << the great " engines.
1753. There were five fire wardens. Their duty
had been done by the selectmen and others united
with them.
1754 The engine men had an additional privilege
of being excused from juries.
1767. The town sent to London, through Benja-
min Pickman, for an engine, which cost them £73
4* 4*. The company, approved for it, were Clark,
Gay ton, Pickman and fifteen others. It was voted to
have buildings made for the engines. One by the
Court house, another near Nathaniel Andrews*, and a
third on land of Edward Kitchen, deceased.
1771. Among the requests of the firewards was
that women and young children would stay at home,
when there was a fire. Sympathy for the distressed
as well as curiosity to witness a scene, uncommon for
small towns, must have been the occasion for so plain,
but still expedient advice.
1772. After several efibrts to have cisterns made
at the public charge, one was finished in School
street.
1773. As a preventive of fires, Benjamin Peirce
Beech was appointed sweejier of chimnies. His fees
were 1/2 for a chimney in each house of three stories,
crowned roof, aud 1" for it in the same with flat roof;
10^ for it of two stories, crowned roof, and 8* flat roof,
and for chimnies of other houses, 8^ apiece. In 1813,
gee EXERCI8R OF ENGINES AND THEIR LOCATION.
the price for such work was 50 ctt. for three, 40 for
two and 30 for one story chimnies.
1774. An order to pay for axe helves and fire fork
handles. A vote passed to procure another engine.
Among several things recommended by a committee
soon after a great fire, we have the following. << Bach
engine be furnished with a framed canvas screen in
three or four leaves about eight feet high and a handy
mop to each screen." Evrery owner of a house should
provide himself with one or more leather buckets.
On cry of fire, in cloudy nights, the people should put
lights in their windows. Boys should be so placed in
lanes by the fire wards, as to hand only empty buck-
ets. '' That the inhabitants ought to attend, as often
as possible, at the monthly working the engines with
their buckets, to learn to form lanes and work the en«
gines." The time for this <' to be at the breaking up
the schools." These suggestions were accepted.
The most of them were long continued. The exer-
cise of an engine company in former years, drew to-
gether a great concourse of people. Of these a large
and the merrier part were boys, released from their
afternoon instruction. The idea, that the exhibition
waited for them by public authority, aided to render
them very punctual and happy attendants.
1786. The selectmen were authorized to purchase
an engine. The managers of fire hooks, axes and
buckets to be exempted, from civil duties, like engine-
men. A committee were appointed to sink needed
cisterns.
1788. One of the engines was named the Gioaces-
ter and another No. 1030.
SMOKING TOBACCO FORBIDDEN. 369
1789. An agreement wsus made with William
Stearns and others, that they pay for half the cost of
a new well and pump, near George Osborn's fence.
1793. A cistern was made on the south western
part of the Mall.
1794 The selectmen were empowered to buy a
new engine.
1797. Benjamin Goodhue, a member of Congress,
purchased one in Philadelphia, for Salem. Timothy
Pickering superintended its erection. The manufac-
turer of it was Samuel Briggs, a Cluaker. It was so
injured, on its passage hither, that it would not work.
The maker sent on an agent to see it repaired. Names
and locations of engines in this town, were as follow.
The Union, of small size, N. of the Court house ; Sa-
lem, on the Common ; Reliance, made in Philadelphia,
near head of Long Wharf; Friend, near Bulfum's
corner ; Essex, N. of Court house ; Federal, near the
Episcopal church ; Exchange, new, in Essex street,
near Mrs. Rebecca Cabot's ; the four last were import-
ed from London ; and the Alert, old, in Washington
Btreet, near Mr. John Daland's store. To prevent
one occasion of fires, the selectmen forbade the smok-
ing of segars in the streets. A similar prohibition was
issued, in 1812, setting the fine, for each ofience, at
^3. Some of our earliest colonial laws were against
the use of tobacco in any place or manner. It has
long triumphed over the natural repugnance of human
taste, over many resolutions to deny its created appe-
tite, over the frequent protestations of cleanliness, over
the strong appeals of injured health, and over the
positive laws of community. It has imposed an iron
32*
flO CI8TEB1I8. BUILDING WITH BAlClLfL
isnritude on multitudes, who would suffer no man to
deprive them of liberty. Without interfering with
its private use, the authorities of this and other places,
ue often constrained to raise their voice against its
being smoked in our streets, lest it kindle a conflagra-
tion to sweep away the habitations of our citizens.
What more reasonable requisition ! No one should
be so reckless as to " take an enemy into his mouth to
Steal away " his reputation for order, and rob others of
their property.
A condition of the town's permission for an Aque-
duct, was, that a conductor should run from it to the
ektern at Buffum's corner, to be used if needed in 6res.
1798. Contracts were proposed to sink eight cis-
terns. The places reported for them, were Court, Es-
sex, Derby, Neptune, Market, Mill, Boston and Fede-
ral streets. It was ordered, that if an engine did not
appear at a fire, its company should be fined ^.
1800. A question came before the town for having
houses and stores built with brick, as a preventive of
fires. It was decided in the negative. Time will
show, though we earnestly wish that the demonstra-
tion by flame may never come, whether this decis-
ion should not have been entirely the reverse.
1804. The report for a cistern in High street, was
accepted ; 1806, $400 were allowed for another on
Mill hill ; 1817, voted to have one near the corner of
Liberty street, and, 1823, another in North Salem.
1824. Voted to supply the section, last named,
with an engine, and, 1825, to buy another instead of
the ancient Alert. Thus an old acquaintance of many
a school boy, whose daily track was along by its
OLD TOWN PUMP REUNQU16BED. 871
lodgement, who once delighted to see it equipped for
trial, and to race through its monthly sprinklings, and
whose bright locks had grown grey in the period of
its services, was laid aside, as no longer fit to arrest
the threatening conflagration.
1826. The first congregation were granted the
use of the land, on which the tenement of the Alert
stood, if they allowed room, for similar occupancy, in
the west porch of their new meeting house. This
place, being inconveniently small, was relinquished in
a year or two, and another substituted.
1833. A cistern, with two pumps, was ordered for
English street.
1835. An engine to be made for No. 9 company,
and located in Bridge street.
1836. Toted to have a well in Creek street.
1837. The town agreed to have the Daland well,
in the rear of house No. 2, Chestnut street, cleared
out and furnished with two pumps, if its owners give
up all control over them.
1838. It was ordered, that a cistern, partly dug in
Broad street, be filled, and a substitute for it made at
the junction of Green and Pickering streets.
1839. It was agreed tp have a cistern prepared for
Marlborough street, in the place of one relinquished to
accommodate the railroad. Little was it expected
when this fountain was opened and fitted for use, that
locomotives, like some monstrous leviathan, would
sweep over the bed of its waters, and pour out fire
and smoke, instead of the element designed to subdue
them. A cistern was ordered for Park street in South
Salem, and another near the first churchi in lieu of
^3 EXPENSES OF FIRE DEPARTMENT.
<< the old town pump," which Mr. Hawthorn, one of
our city's gifted sous, has given a prominent place
among his eloquent and impressive tales.
1841. It was voted, that Forrester street should
be supplied with a cistern.
1842. The fire clubs here were as follow : Active,
Adroit, Boston street, Enterprise, Naumkeag, Relief
and Social.
After thus coursing over diversified facts of our Fire
Department, we perceive a marked difference between
its present and ancient condition. In 1843, there
were 20 public cisterns with two pumps, and 8, with
one pump; nine operative engines, with as many
houses and suitable apparatus ; and 350 men, attach-
ed to the hose, hook and ladder, engine, and three
sail companies. These associations do not include
axemen, as a distinct body and as they formerly did.
Still two axes are attached to each engine to be used
by any of its company when needed, and, the hook
and ladder company, also, have axes. With regard
to the sails, used at fires here, they have been found,
by our inhabitants, for a long period, to be excellent
means, when thoroughly wet, to prevent the spread
of flames. It is singular, that there is no company,
in the metropolis, to carry them to their fires, nor in
any other place, known to the writer. The expenses
of the fire department, for a year, to the spring of
1843, were $1,481 38, a sum judiciously appropriated
and economically expended. This accords with the
truth, more allowed, in various respects, than prac-
tised, that it is better wisdom to prevent evil, than to
amend it, with increased charge, after its occurrence.
CRADOCK'S HOUSE. 373
riRES.
Among the calamities, which forcibly teach the iib>
security of earthly possessions, and which strike terror
through the heart of man, are the conflagrations, that
often threaten communities and sometimes spread
desolation through them. This is far more so in
chose sections of the world, where the training of
firemen and the improvements of their machinery are
much in the rear of such advancement, as many of
our principal places may justly claim. Our means of
information on the subject of fires in this city, prior
to our regular files of newspapers, preserved by a few
careful hands, who thus conferred great benefit on
Iheir successors, are very limited. A list of these
events, so far as known, here follows. It may be un-
derstood, that where naught is said to the contrary,
the buildings were entirely consumed.
1634. Mr. Cradock's house at Marblehead about
midnight. Mr. AUerton and many fishermen, whom
he employed, were in it, but were saved with most of
his goods. A taylor, who worked late that night,
looked out and saw the building on fire << above the
oven in the thatch."
1636, Oct. John Jackson's house with considera-
ble propel^.
1641. << Mr. Humphrey suffered much by fire at
Salem."
1645, April. A farm house of Emanuel Downing,
then in England. Loss £200.
1647, June. A barn with corn and hay. It was
caught by lightning. This <* fell upon the thatch in
the breadth of a sheet."
374 "THB GREAT FIRE.
1666, Sept. 10. A house, owned by Capt. Thomas
Savage. A woman, who set fire to it, was sent to
Boston jail for trial.
1698, June 28. At 9 P. M., a fire was discovered.
A ware house of Mr. Lindall. The dwellings of
majors Pilgrim, Hurst, William Brown and Mr. Sam-
uel Prince. One of Eli Hatborne was blown up to
arrest the flames. Damages £5,000, of which major
Brown owned £3,000. The premises of these build-
ings, were partly covered by Essex Coffee house.
This was called the great fire till that in 1774.
1714 Among claims for common land, this year,
Thomas Maul presented one for a place, where his
two shops were burnt.
1737, Sept. 3. At 5 in the morning, fire in Brit-
ton's hatter shop. Most of the hats and furs saved.
Loss about £100.
1774, Aug. 24. Alarm 2 A. M., five shops and a
ware house below the town house, then on Essex
street. Loss 7 or £800.
1774, Oct. 6. Rev. Dr. Whitaker's meeting house,
custom house, eight dwellings, fourteen stores, shops
and barns, besides sheds and other out houses. The
town house caught but was saved. An aged lady,
mother of Mr. Samuel Field, while attempting to es-
cape from her residence, struck her head, fell and was
burnt to death. This was the greatest fire, with
which Salem was ever before afflicted. As usual with
communities, suspension from such a trial, had in-
duced our townsmen to be slack in disci {dine and de-
ficient in implements, required for the emergency.
Its occurrence waked their vigilance, consultation and
THANKS TO MARBLEHEAD. 2Tf&
action. It led them to adopt rules and make provis-
ion, so that they might be better prepared to encoun-
ter a like event. Grateful for the seasonable aid, af««
forded them by adjacent inhabitants, they voted, lOth,
that their thanks ''be given to our brethren from the
neighbouring towns for their kind assistance at the
late distressing fire ; and that the most grateful returns
are due to our brethren from Marblehead, by whose
timely arrival with their engine and vigorous exer-
tions a great part of this town was rescued from de-
vouring flames." The following minute, from our
records, shows, that while hospitality was extended
to benefactors, the lessons of temperance were little
studied. " Allowed Jonathan Webb an order for
£3 19- 4*, for 132 breakfasts, 3 gallons of W. I. Rum
and 3 gallons of Gin, for the Marblehead people, who
assisted us at the great fire."
1795, March 30. Early in the morning, Mr. Dun-
lap's barn in Hardy street.
The Gazette of Tuesday, Sept. 8, says, " last Mon^
day " there were repeated alarms. At 3 A. M., one
in the hay loft of the Sun Tavern, not much damage.
At night, a barn of Thomas Brooks, on Palfray's
wharf, with four horses consumed. The same paper
mentions a fire, which broke out lately in the barn of
Capt. John Derby, " near the barn burnt last week."
1795, Sept. 18. In the night, an attempt to burn
a building of Mr. J. Dunlap, who had recently suffer-^
ed firom a like cause. A malicious lad was suspected
of it and committed to the Alms house. The fires of
this year were supposed to have been the work of in«
cendiaries.
S76 SCHOOL HOUS£. MAN BURNT.
1798, Jan. 31. Afternoon, the Grammar school cham-
ber in centre school house, was destroyed. Much dam-
age done to the books of the library, kept in an adjoin-
ing room. The cause of it was the anxiety of a boy,
who was sweeping the floor, to destroy a rat, which
he saw run to its hole, by throwing a live coal down
its hiding place. No doubt, this was undivided at*
tention to one object without a thought for conse-
quences.
Feb. 5. Monday morning, the ship Aurora was
seen on fire. She was owned by William Gray, an-
chored in the harbor and partly laden with valuable
merchandize for Europe. A considerable company of
men put off in boats, accompanied with an engine,
and saved her without much loss. Mr. Duncan, a
ship keeper, who had lost an arm, was burnt to death
in the cabin, where the fire commenced.
April 4 In the morning, Nehemiah Adams' cabi-
net shop, with all its stock and tools, in Newbury
street.
May 10. At 6 P. M., an apartment connected with
Mrs. Elizabeth Orne^s house, Essex street, was dis-
covered to be on fire, but soon extinguished.
1799, July 13. In the morning, an alarm, that the
warehouse of Elias H. Derby, on his wharf, was afire.
No great injury was done to it or its contents. Sup
posed to have been caught by a lighted segar.
Oct. 2. At 9 evening, shop of Mr. Jefferds, brass
founder, was seen in flames. It was partially saved.
Nov. 4 About dark, Capt. Peter Lander's bam
and Mr. Chadwick's barn, filled with hay, and near
each other, on Essex street.
FIRST FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY. $Tf
1800, Sept. 27. A sehocmer at Union wharf^ Capt
Silver, ready to sail for Alexandria, took firCr Caused
bf the unheading of a barrel of rum and itii running
on some cdsks of lime, which ignited. Cargo macb
injured.
1801, Jan. 24 A part of William Carlton's honse/
occupied for printing, caught fire, but was extinguish-
ed with little damage. The next night an attempt
was made to burn the shop of Jonathan Archer, which
succeeded only to a small extent.
1802, March 27. In the evening, a smith's shop,
opposite Creek Court, was discovered on fire ; but it
was soon put out. While the people were returning
from this, there was an alarm from the Alms house;
Two buildings which were connected with this estab-
lishment, and contained oakum and grain, were coih
sumed. The fire was kindled by a colored boy
about 11 years old.
April 13. In the evening, a house, inhabited by
colored people, at the bottom of St. Peter's street. M
woman perished in the flames.
15th. About 10 A. M., Josiah Woodbury's house,
in River street, caught fire, but was extinguished, with
considerable damage.
1804, June 13. In the afternoon, a shop in Water
street, owned by Mr. Dow and occupied by Mr. Hook,
a cabinet maker. The stock and tools of the latter
destroyed.
During this year, the first ofiice in Salem, for insoi^
ance against fire, was established here.
1805, Sept. 8. On Sunday night, a Twine Factor*
ry, carried on by Mr. Fisher, owned by the widow of
33
S78 FIR£S.
Capt. Daniel Rust, and situated back from Oouoty
•treet. The deed of an incendiary.
1806, Jan. 16. In the evening, three houses of Jo«
seph Edwards, Mr. Chaplin and Deacon Lamson, in
Carpenter street. They were all three stories high.
Caught, in the first, among shavings.
28th. Early in the morning, a building, occupied
by Messrs. Cushings, for a book bindery and printing*
office, on Essex street.
March 10. While the workmen were at dinner, a
cabinet maker's shop of Nehemiah Adams, near the
Mall, took fire and was much injured.
1809, Oct. 6. A shop of the same person just
named, was nearly consumed.
1811, June 21. Near midnight, Foye & Tuttle's
rope walk, in eastern part of the town, with a large
amount of stock.
1812, May 26. In the morning, the corn mill on
South river. The family there scarcely escaped with
their lives.
1813, Jan. 26. In the evening, the tobacconist
shop of Niles Tilden, English goods store of Mr. Con-
vers, a grocery of Mr. Goodhue, and a barber's shop
of Mr. Mottey.
1813, July 24. Near midnight, Thomas R. Wil-
liams' cabinet maker's shop, in Williams street.
Dec. 1. At 10 P. M., a currier's shop of Benjamin
Cheever, Boston street, with its contents. Loss above
$4,000.
1814, Sept. 24. About 3 A. M., a barn in Mill
street. Supposed by design.
1816, Aug, 6. On Sunday, A. M., divine service
BENEFIT OF BRICK WALLS. S79
was interrupted by an alarm, because Jerathmel
Peirce's house in Federal street and two others near
it had their rdofs on fire from a chimney in the first
one. Though the peril was great from a high wind^
the flames were extinguished with but little damage. -
- Dec. 20. About midnight, a brick store occupied
by. Hinman & Stodder for the sale of crockery and
dry goods, next door east of Essex Coffee house, was
consumed, except the walls, with its contents. Loss
about $8,000. Other stores in the same block, sepa-
rated by brick walls, were not injured by the firOj
though the owners of goods, taken out for safety, suf-
fered by theft. Such preservation proved the superi-
ority of brick ovier wood, especially in buildings for
merchandize. •'
V 1816, Aug. 22. At 4 A. M., a fire broke out at the
corner of Liberty and Water streets. Eleven build-
ings were destroyed on the east side of the former
street, as follow. One dwelling house, three storieSi
of the Salem Bank; one of E. & J. NorriSj with a
Distill house and store of theirs, containing much pro-^
perty ; two of Mr. Ball, one used, in part, for a bake-
ry, with a barn and store, which, also, belonged to
him ; one of Nathan Peirce ; one tenanted by a Stan-"
ley family, and a bam of Stephen Philips. Another
barn of William Procter, was pulled down. Two
houses of Samuel Buffum, on the same side, were
greatly injured. On the west side of Liberty street|
four- buildings were destroyed. Namely, a dwelling,
house and lAopof Messrs. Sauls & Martin ; one b^
Josiah Parsons, part of which was a store, and a shop
10^ LARGS FUL£«.
pwned by him and Jonathan Neal, the chambers oo-
eupied as a rigging loft by Thomas Farlesa and tbt
e^llar with several hundred barrels of tar, which mads
a great flame. On Y ioe street, a shoe noaker's shop of
Samuel Gray was pulled down and a dry goods stem
^ John Scobie nearly so. Thus were sixteen build-
ings destroyed and three much damaged. This was
the greatest conflagration, except that of 1774^ erer
experienced by the people of Salem. It still leaves
that to be chronicled^ in our calamitous history, ss
'< the great fire." May no sad reality ever give occa**
sion for the change of such a comparison.
1817, Jan, 29. In the forenoon, the.npper part of
% school house, near the first Baptist meeting houiP,
was considerably injured. The next evening, a me^
9banic's shop, at the bottom of Market (^reet, was
some damaged.
April 11. At noon, the house of Dr. B. L. Oliver,
^ the corner of Essex and Liberty streets, received
Ipme iqjury. The next evening. Col. Hawthorne's
barn in North field was consumed. It took fire from
buruing wood wax.
1818, Feb. 2. In the morning, through a defect in
the chimney. Rev. Thomas Carlisle's house, in Barton
Square, was some damaged and his furniture, by be«
ing moved, much more so.
1819, JnQ, 3. Sabbath morning, a house at the
corner of Summer and Essex streets, was some in*
juj^ ^ Caught from ashes in a wooden vessel. Near*
ly at the same hour, a currier's shop of Gapt. Hawes^
w Sk>9iQU street, was slightly burnt.
STORE CAUGHT BY UGHTNING. 381.
- 2Sth. The South mills were set oh fire, by a col-
ored boy, but were soon ejrtinguished.
' Juue 30. A small building, back of the court housci
occupied by colored people, much burnt. '
1820, Feb. 1. In the night, a brewery of Jamer
Steams, in the rear of Boston street, received some
damage.
1821, Jan. 21. Afternoon, a store, kept by Mr.
Norris, at head of Union wharf, was some burnt.
28th. In evening, the chair maker's shop of Mr.
Ames, Essex street, caught fire, but was speedily put
out.
June 23. A parcel of lumber, owned by Messrs.
Burrill & Robbins, in Water street, was kindled by a
cigar's being thrown there, but was soon extinguished.
Oct. 4. Afternoon, house of widow Whittemore,
in Bridge street, took fire, but it was soon put out. '
1822, Jan. 16. Between 1 and 2 A. M., a flame
burst through the side of Nathaniel West's house. It
was speedily extinguished.
1823, March 12. The cooper's shop of Mr. West,
on Winn & Whittredge's wharf, was damaged, in the
afternoon, by sparks from a chimney.
April 6. At 11 A. M., a dwelling house of Mrs.
Hilliard was much injured.
24th. At 8 P. M., another, owned by John How-
ard, in Brown street, was some damaged.
1824, Aug. 10. In the morning, a store on Derby
wharf, supposed by lightning.* Much of the mer-
chandize in it, was saved.
1825, Jan. 18. About midnight, a dwelling house
of James Bott, Essex street, was badly burned.
33*
. March 2& A store of Robert Oogswelli in EVtnk*
lin building, some damagecL
Not. 22. Cooper's shop^ occupied by Bsujamin
Gardner, on Orne's wharfi owned by Sayary 6c Ray*
iBond. Loss $600.
1826» June 14 At half past 1 P. M.^ a building at
the lead factory in South Fields.
1827, Jan. 14. About 11 A. IL, a house of Thomas
Hunt, on the old Boston road, was considerably iur
jiued.
Nov. 29. At 7 P. M., the houae of Ezekiel Say-
age in Broad street, received some damage.
1828, Feb. 8. Late in the evening, a house, at
ike head of Crowninshield's wharf, nearly consumed*
1828, Feb. 28. Between 1 and 2 A. M., Horatio
Pitrry's shop, at the head of the same whar^ was
some injured.
April 15. Soon after midnight two buildings in
tear of the custom house. Supposed work of incen*
diaries.
1829, April 15. At half past 12, in the night, a
store house of the United States.
20th. A sloop at Derby wharf. A building portly
burnt.
June 28. A barn of Elijah Sanderson's estate in
Federal street.
1830, March 5. A bam of Joseph Frothingham^
vpper end of Boston street, by an incendiary.
1831, Oct. 11. An eastern schooner laden with
lime at Pickering's Point.
1832, March 28. Afternoon, house of Ephraim
Emerton, some damaged.
idBI AQED WOMAN BUART. 888
JuD6 18. SioaU house, near the Tompike, nearly
destroyed.
July 8. la the evening, a twine factory, owned by
Joseph Fisher, and occupied by Thomas W. Gwinn^
with a house of the former, another house of Dixey.
Morgan, and a bam, adjacent to the Pratt house.
Several other buildings were much injured. Loss
about $4,000. The usual disposition of some ani*
mals, on such occasions, was exhibited. A horse tak*
en from the burning bam, was kept from going in
again by main force. A hog, driven out, mshed back
and perished. No insurance.
Ck;t. 28. A building, attached to Jose^^ Lovejoy's
stable, in St. Peter's street, while in flames, was pulled
down.
Dec. 7. Interior of a brick building, occupied by
soap and candle makers, Rugg &> Hildreth, in Boston
street, was destroyed in the forenoon. Much of the
stock and tools was lost. Insured.
13th. Oflice and stable of Mr. McMullen on Hawkes*
wharf. The fire communicated to lumber of Mr*
Gushing, which was partly destroyed. This year had
an unusual number of fires.
1833, Feb. 7. In the forenoon, store of Isaac New-
hall, Essex street, was some injured.
13th. At half past 3 in the morning, a one story
house, near Collins' cove, owned by James Dalrymple.
Mrs. Nichols, an old lady, the only resident in the
building, of 88 years, perished in the flames.
June 6. In the evening, a twine factory of Thomas
Owinn, in March street.
1834, March 12. The chamber of a house, in Waf*>
384 BENEFIT OF BELONGING TO A FIJtS GOMPANT.
ter street, owned by Samuel Brooks, was slightljr
burnt.
Dec. 28. Afternoon, a building attached to the
chemical labaratory in North Salem. Another there
partly burnt. Loss about $600.
1835, Sept. 4. About 2 in the morning, a three
story dwelling house, owned by Joshua Loring, in
Marlborough street. Another, near it and belonging
to Jonathan Holman, was nearly destroyed, and the
rear of David Pulsifer's house was burnt. The first
was partly insured, and so with the others. The loss
was not above $7,000, though the most destructive
fire here, for 19 years. An instance of the benefit
derived from membership in fire companies, was man-
ifested on this occasion. The house of Mr. Perkins,
80 associated, was in danger. His brethren of a com-
pany, entered his dwelling, carefully moved his furni-
ture, and, when the peril had passed, safely replaced
it, even to a bowl of milk, with a silver spoon in it,
left there the evening before. This was, indeed, the
verification of benevolent pledges.
1836, March 6. An engine house. No. 7, in Boston
street, was some burnt.
July 6. On Wednesday night, a barn of Joshua
Pope in Boston street, with hay, leather and other
commodities. His house was nearly consumed. Sus-
pected to have been done on purpose.
Sept, 24. Nearly 11 o'clock, Sunday night, three
houses of Israel Woodbury, and one of Joseph Noble,
in Northey street. Another building of the former
was injured. Loss $3,900. Insurance $2,700. Sails
of the sail company were very serviceable in prevent-
ing the spread of the flames.
FIRES CAUSEB QY INCENDIARIES. Sgft
1837, Feb. 4 After 10 Saturday night, a barn of
Solomon Yamey and another of William F, Nicholi,
in Boston street.
17th. At 4 P. M.| rope walk and spinning house
of William Stickney, and a rope walk of Joshua Saf-
ford. Loss towards $30,000. About half insured.
Thought to be the deed of an incendiary* ^
. June 3. In the i^ight, a building, at the head of
Charles' Parker's wharf, took fire from lightning, but
was not much burnt.
Aug. 29. At half past 9 P. M., an uninhabited
liouse in South Fields, of Mrs. Wyman.
31st. At half past 10 P. M., two brewery buildings
of Mrs. Stearns, in May street.
Sept. 5. A barn with hay, near the upper part of
Broad street, which belonged to the lady, last named.
. Dec. 22L In the morning, distillery of John Norrisi
in Water street, took fire by the bursting of a stilt
Some damaged.
; 26th. Shortly before 2 in the morning, oil audi
QWdle manufibctory of Caleb Smith, at the end of
Harbor street Ix>ss $6,000. Partly instired.
28th. A shed, at the corner of Federal and Beck«
ford streets, was caught by a segar, but soon extin*
guisbed.
1838, Jan. 31. In the night, a bam in North Salem.
April 23. A tenement in Church street, partially
burnt. _
1839, May 9. A house, in County street, injured.
June 16. At 10 A. M., a house of Mr. McCloy was
^atly injured, and a shop of William Peele, and
Aaron Perkins, was destroyed on Union wharf. Loss
about $700.
386 F1RE8IL
July 20. At 2 A. M., the brass foundry of John
Waters on North street, estimated at $800.
Oct. 18. At 9 P. M., a barn with hay, belonging
to the estate of J. H. Andrew, on Flint street. Loss
about $500.
1841, Oct. 3. An eastern schooner, at Derby wharf,
slightly damaged.
1842, Oct. 19. In the evening, the East India Ma-
rine building took fire from the bursting of a camphine
lamp, but was soon put out.
Dec 8. At 2 A. M., a large building, near Frye's
mills, attached to the tannery of Elijah A. Hanson.
Loss $2,600.^
Thus we have run through with a detail of fires so
far as they are known to the writer. There were a
few alarms in 1843, and many in some of the preced-
ing years. It is remarkable, that our city, with so
large a proportion of wooden buildings, has been no
more visited with destructive fires, especially since the
crime of arson has fearfully prevailed through our
country. But past exemption should neither lead us
to forget the source of our protection, nor slack in the
accustomed vigilance of this community. The max-
im, << fore- warned, fore-armed," is always applicable.
' Though thif work proceeds no fwUier than 1843, ytt it maj be
well to notice a fire of Dec. 18, 1844, beginning shorUy before 11 at
night. Building! totally destroyed, were seven on Front, four bn La-
fayette, ineloding a long block of wood tenements, and nine on Fish
streets. Over 90 oatpbuiidings were pulled down. Loss $100/NXl A
greater sum than ever beibre known to be lost here on aodlsastfons aa
occasion. *
t
■ 1 V i .
B£LL BOLD TO HARVARD COLLEOX. 38T
• _ - •
TOWN BELLS AND CLOCKS.
Before our fathers obtained a " church going biell/?
they were probably summoned together by the sound
of a horn, as was anciently the custom. It seem8|>
however, that they were not long without the former,
means of notice. It was agreed, 1638, that Nathaniel
Porter '< shall haue for the sweepinge of the meeting
howse and ringing of the bell, fiftie shillings per an^
num." The town were rated, 1667, for " a new bell
and hanging," £18. This, of course, must have been^
of moderate size. The bell was rung, 1673, from
spring to fall, at 5 o'clock in the morning, and 9 o'clock
in the evening, as an admonition to improve the light
of day and keep good hours at night. Such an order
has been repeated down to our time. In 1685, a new
bell is mentioned on our records.
It was ordered, 1695, that one be purchased for the
town house.
In 1772, David Nohhey agreed to take care of the
town clock, in the tower of the first church, for £3
10* 8^ a year.
During the same year, Capt. Stephen Higginson
brought home a bell of about 900 lbs. for the North
church and another of 590 lbs. for the East church.
The latter sold their old bell of 2 17 J lbs. to Harvard
College at 1/6 lb. and it was transported thither.
; The next year, a clock, made by Samuel Luscomb,
was put in the tower of the East meeting house, and
it was kept in repair by the town. The bells of the
North and East churches, 1774, were to be rung at 1
o'clock and 9 o'clock P. M. For this service each of
Sgg TOWN HOUSE. KINO'S ARMS THUS.
the two sextons, in 1793, had £5 8* a year. The
clock in the tower of the first church was transferred,
1826, to the tower of the North church. The loca-
tion of the dial, in this new place, as it was not gifted
eren so much as Janus with two faces and thus could
not show its hands to the four winds, was much fault-
ed by some, from whom it was compelled to look
away. Ten years afterwards, the clock was put ia
the tower of the South church, where it remains.
It will be seen that this notice of our time tellers is
confined only to those, in which our corporation had
some immediate concern. Others of them have been
placed in our sanctuaries as they have arisen from one
period to another.
PUBLIC BUILDINOS.
As the style and condition of a community's public
edifices, so is their taste appreciated by strangers, who
pass through their streets. So far as practicable, in
this respect, the general concern should be the private
care, that the name of the whole do not suffer. Some
of the buildings, now in view, will be noticed herCi
and others under sections, which relate to their special
purpose and use.
TOWN HOUSES.
These have accorded with the models, prevalent in
the periods of their erection. When the first of them
was built here, is unknown. It was probably where
the Cluarterly Courts began to hold their sessions at
Salem, in 1636. If so, the king's arms, as the insig*
nia of royal authority over the commonwealth, were
TOWN HOUSES. ' 39^
t
^ ordered by our legislature, to be placed there, in the
same year, above the seat of justice. It is something
more than mere imagination to have a reflective view*
of this edifice, as presenting an exterior generally sim-
ilar, in style of architecture, to the Curwen and Brad-
street mansions. Though uncertainty rests on thef
commencement of such a building, yet fact shows,
that it needed repairs in 1655. Its location appears to
have been on the west side of Washington street,-
several rods south of Essex street. Prom the follow-*
ing of 1674, a new one seems to have been proposed.*
" Agreed that the town house shall be set up by thtf
prison." Thus was the old place of municipal and
judicial assemblages dispensed with, as worn out with'
diversified service. Within its walls, cases were tried,
common in that age, but singular in ours. Here were
Baptists and duakers summoned to answer for absence
from worship in the Congregational meeting house.
Here wearers of long hair, great boots, large sleeves,'
lace, silk and tiffany were arraigned. Here scolds and
railers were sentenced to wear their tongues in cleft
sticks, liable to be gagged or have a threefold ducking;
and other transgressors to be fastened in a cage as
public spectacles. Here, too, lovers, for shewing signs
of the tender passion without precaution in consulting
parental authority, were fined according to their ad-
judged trespasses.
In June of 1677, it was ordered, that the town
house be moved near about John Ropes' dwelling. As
Joshua Buffum contracted to raise the materials of the
former, it must have been taken apart for its situation
to be so altered. Then Daniel Andrews was engaged
34
100 QUEEN ANNE'S ARMS.
to build its chimnies, one below and another in the
chamber, fill its walls and lath them and lay the un-
derpinning. John SneUing was to shingle and << cla-
board " it and make the floors, windows and stairs.
The latter had £20, one third in money and two
thirds in provisions, for doing the carpenter's work.
The building, so transferred, stood in the middle of
Washington, anciently School street, and in front of
the late John Derby's mansion, now owned by Robert
Brookhouse, having its front towards Essex street.
Its upper part was to be fitted up, 1679, for the ac-
commodation of the Court. The delay about it, from
the time it was begun to the last date, was, no doubt,
chiefly occasioned by the Indian war and its results
by way of exceedingly heavy taxes. A vote passed,
1695, that a turret be made on the town house and
a bell purchased and put therein. The year after, in
compliance with a petition of our selectmen, the court
of sessions decided, that one half of << y" reparation of
•aid house be discharged from time to time by y*
county," and the other by Salem. The rule, so adopt-
ed, continued in force over a century. In 1702, it
was ordered that the court chamber be repaired <' plais-
tered over head and white washed, and the Queen's
arms to be procured and handsomely placed over the
seat of justice." Thus was Anne honored by our
fathers as her royal predecessors were before her reign.
As the chamber of the second town house was too
small for the court, our people voted, Feb. 9, 1718-19,
to have a new one, 20 feet stud, 30 broad and 40
long, the second story to be for judicial and the lower
for municipal concerns. Its cost was £622 6% which
IMPRESSIVE SCENES. 89l
•was discharged by the two parties. It was situated
on Essex istreet, next to and westward of the first
ohurch. From a subsequent reference, it appears to
hsLYe been painted, a care, so seldom bestowed in that
period, as must have attracted no small degree of no»
tke.
Thus again we are called, in thought, to part with
an object, deeply engraved on the mind of those, wh6
beheld it and were sharers in its transactions. Her^
was anxiously agitated the question of submission to
the Commissioners of Charles II. ; of relinquishing out
revered charter to the presidents of his successor ; of
concerting measures to meet the contingencies of the
consequent revolution and of forming a (Hrovisionarjr
government till the arrival of another charter. Here,
too, was the tragic scene, exhibiting innocent victims
of delusion, from the child to the aged adult, charged
with the crime of witchcraft, and a number of them
doomed to suffer the extremities of the law. SeldottL
can descriptions, either of political or judicial charac-
ter, be drawn in bolder relief of truth, than those,
which veritably apply to this ancient, but departed
edifice.
Credible tradition relates that the building, connect^
ed with such prominent events, stood over 20 years
after its successor was erected. The lower part of it
served for a school, while the floor of the old court
room above was mostly taken up, except where thd
seats of the judges and juries were located. Here the
boys would sometimes collect, before master cani6|
and play over the scene, once acted there id dread reK
slity, of trying witches. Mr. Northey, afterwards ft
p9S 8CEN£8 IN THE TOWN HOUSES.
teacher here and long since deceased, was a pupil
there at that time. He used to state, that, in one in-
stance, while the boys were in grave, judicial con-
clave, and examining a poor wigbt, of their compan-
ions, who consented to personate a wizard, their teach-
er, not in his '< most blessed humor," appeared sudden-
ly among them, laid on his right and left, exclaiming
to the affrighted group, '^ I'll teach you how to try
witches."
The new town and county house continued, for a
considerable period, to answer its purposed design.
Like its predecessor, it had part of its lower story for
a sort of exchange, where men might collect and
transact business. It had a long bench in front, which
seldom wanted occupants when people were abroad.
Here news was related, questions discussed and, not
unlikely, scandal retailed. In 1773, Henry Standley
had the use of the fodder on the burying point, val-
ued at 48' a year, for taking care of the house and
jinging its bell for the same period. The next year
this building had a very narrow escape in the great
fire. After various counter motions and resolves^ a
final vote was taken, 1786, to have it relinquished and
supplied by another.
Could the building, thus laid aside, but relate the
scenes, which it witnessed, its story would be of the
most thrilling interest. Could its walls present the
eloquence, whose sound reverberated against them, it
.would appear in characters of living light. Here was
the Stamp Act, in 1765, held up with all its train of
impending evils. Here was justified, in 1766, the ad-
dressi issued by the Massachusetts house of repreaeib
SCENES IN THE TOWN HOUSES. SM
latives to all the colonies so that they might rally their
energies and stand in the breach against parliamentary
taxation. Here, in 1769, was the wresting away c^
our trial by jury in the admiralty court, and the impo»
sition of foreign troops on the inhabitants of Boston^
manfully discussed as omens of still greater eviUb
Here, in 1770, did our townsmen resolve, with patri*^
otic self-denial, neither to import nor purchase the
goods, subjected to crown duties. Here, in 1774,
did the house of representatives appoint the first Con-
tinental Congress, and designate our proportion of its
delegates for the most efficient resistance to British
encroachments. Here did they eloquently portray the
wrong of closing the port of Boston and the need of
sympathetic aid for the relief of its oppressed popula-
tion. Here, in order to finish their present strike for
liberty, did they keep their chamber door locked
against the Secretary, who was ordered by governs
Gage to declare their dissolution, and who, unable to
gain access, delivered his message in the entry. Here,
contrary to the proclamation of the chief magistrate,
did they form themselves into a Provincial Congress to
regulate the heaving elements of our disorganized
Commonwealth, and then adjourned to Concord, where
they won imperishable renown*
The location of the last town and county house was
altered from that of the preceding. For such a change,
Elias H. Derby engaged to give the town £100. It
was placed on the premises of an old brick school
house. For information of those, who come after us,
we would state, that it stood in the middle of Washr
ington street, with its west side facing the TabemacUi
34*
8Q4 DESCRIPTION OF TOWN AND COURT HOUSE.
church, and its front towards Essex street.. It was
planned by Samuel Mclntire, and built under the di-
rection of Daniel Bancroft, two ingenious architects.
It was two stories high, 62 feet long, and 36| feet
broad. It was finished in 1786. Its cost was $7,145,
paid, one moiety by the town and the other by the
county. Its walls were of brick and its roof surmount-
ed by a cupola. On the front or southern end of it,
was a balustrade, opening into the second story, sup-
ported by a row of Tuscan pillars. Under the balus-
trade were wide stone steps, which could accommo-
date a large number of persons and which led into a
-door of the lower hall. On the east side of this hall
were several offices and the rest was left open for pub-
lic assemblies and the exercise of military companies.
The part, thus occupied for the last purposes, was too
often appropriated by unruly boys to their boisterous
sports and destructive propensities, until loud bulls of
authority sounded in their ears and drove them from
the premises. A sketch and description of the build-
ing may be found in the Massathusetts Magazine of
1790. This work remarks, " The Court hall is said
to be the best constructed room, for the holding of
courts, of any in the Commonwealth. In the ceiling
is a handsome ventilator. Back of the judge's seat is
a venitian blind, highly finished in the Ionic order."
Its architecture was prevailingly Grecian ; its model
and execution were much admired.
Salem, having provided other accommodations in
Derby square, disposed of their share in this court
house to the county, in 1817, for $1,823 10, who ex-
pended on it, the same year, $6,071 28, to make the
PRESENTATION OF WASHINGTON. 895
lower story fire proof for the preservation of judicial
papers, and the court room above more commodious*
This was a judicious improvement, which had been
contemplated for several years. For the demolition
of such an edifice and the laud it occupied, the rail-
road corporation allowed $3,300 to the county.
Before we take our leave of this edifice, around which
many agreeable remembrances yet linger, we present
a view of it and of the street, at whose head it stood;
as they appeared in 1839.
So passed from the immediate concern of our cor«
poration, the court house still stood, as the safe deposit
of the county's evidences of its real estate and judi-
cial history, until its subversion, in 1839, to afford
rck)m for the railroad. Thus did justice, with her bal-
ance, quit the position, which she had long retained
and give place to the experiments of science and pru-
dent speculation. Before, however, we once more
tenant her, it may be well to state one reminiscencci
for which the edifice, so dispensed with, was remark-
able. This was the presentation of Washington on
its balustrade to a congregated mass in front, when he
made his northern tour. Here many a kindling eye
first caught the glance of his form, which enshrined
those noble excellencies of head and heart, that large-
ly contributed to free our soil from mighty invaders
and lay the foundation of our national freedom and
fame. To this point were directed the acclamations
of thousands, bidding the father of his country the
most grateful welcome and bearing above the devout-
est aspirations for his highest welfare. Sculpture
might group, painting draw and eloquence rehearse
S96 ^EW COURT HOUSE.
the scene, but it would fall far below the real impres*
sion, made on the memory of that great multitude on
80 sublime an occasion.
Though the substitute for the edifice, thus render-
ed memorable, all belongs to the county, yet, as a ten-
ant of our soil, it here calls for a passing notice. This,
of course, is not needed for those, who have seen it,
but for others, who may be as glad to receive particu-
lars of us, as we are from any of our predecessors.
The edifice, in view, is made of well wrought granite.
Its dimensions are 55 feet broad, and 105 long and
two stories high. Its four columns, two at each end,
are a species of the Corinthian order. Their flutes
and capitals are mostly copied from those in the Tower
of Winds, at Athens. Each of them is 3 feet 10
inches in diameter, and 32 feet high, including the
base and capital. The land was provided by our city
and cost them $4,000. The first breaking of ground
for the work, began July 8, 1839. The building was
erected in 1840 and 1841. The cost of it to the coun-
ty was $80,000. It was first opened for public use,
March 21, 1842, when the Court of Common Pleas
convened there and commenced a session. Its archi-
tectural correctness and beauty being chiefly Grecian,
may be ranked with those of the best edifices in our
country. It would have been a worthy specimen of
taste even in the age and city of Pericles. May its
career of usefulness, in sustaining the rights of the
people, the purity of law, morality and religion, " un-
awed by influence and unbribed by gain," be as suc-
cessful, as its design was liberal, its model excellent
and its appearance an honor to our own corporation
and county.
TOWN HALL. 397
TOWN HALL AND MARKET HOUSE.
Having paid our tribute of respect to the pale of the
judiciary, which had long been connected with our
municipal concerns, we once more return to the line
of our town houses. True, what is about to be spoken
of, is only, in part, of such a class. Still as no better
position for it can be found, it may be presented here.
When the separation, just alluded to, was contemplat-
ed, our public spirited inhabitants looked around so
that the peo{de should not be destitute of a resort for
the transaction of their general business. Among our
liberal devisers, on this occasion, were Benjamin Pick*
man Jr., and John Derby. They had recently pur*
chased of their brother, general Elias Hasket Derby,
the estate, which had been owned by his father, the
noted merchant. One of their propositions in 1816
was, that if the town would erect a suitable building
on such premises, in the centre of the spot, which, in
the same year, those two gentlemen called Derby
square, they would convey to them the fee of suffi*
cient land. This was accepted June 4, and a commit-
tee appointed to carry out the plan. Operations began
on the site at the end of the same month. An incident
of a sympathetic kind occurred while the earth was
removing for the foundation. About six feet from the
top, a gold mourning ring was found. On the inner
surface, it contained the following inscription. " W.
B. Esq. ob : 23 Feb. M 77." This referred to the
former owner of the soil, William Brown of noted and
•worthy memory.
ne <^nT HALL.
The lower part of the building was opened as a
Market, Nov. 26.
The town ball was first used fear the introduction of
President Monroe to our principal men, July 8, 1817|
and, in the evening, to a crowded assembly of ladies.
On this occasion it was tastefully decorated. At the
'< north end was a chair from Mount Vernon, with the
name of Washington inscribed on it," for the use of
the President, surrounded with beautiful designs.
Portraits of our distinguished countrymen were hung
on the walls, lighted by a profusion of lamps of vari*
ous hues. Out of respect to this distinguished guest,
some proposed to have it called Monroe hall, but a
preference for the name it bears, prevailed. It was
made of brick, two stories high, 40 feet broad and 100
feet long. Its cost was about $12,000. Though
utility was consulted in its construction, yet its model
is regular and its appearance very respectable. It was
improved for the exercise of military companies and
public meetings of the inhabitants, till the organixa*
tion of the city government. Since, it has been simi*
larly occupied, except that the first ward convene
there, on municipal afiairs, instead of all the citizens.
Being the last hall, provided under our town adminis*
tration, may its uses be so regulated, that it may be a
pleasant remembrancer of the past and an acceptable
monitor for the present.
CITY HALL.
It having become the prevalent impression of oar
population, that the city authorities needed acoommo-
dations in their several departments, steps were accord*
CITY HALL. 399
ingly taken. Having been less than a year in being
erected, the Hall was occupied, in the evening of May
31, 1838, for the first time, by the City Council. Ad-
cording to the wise example of our ancestors, the edi-
fice was dedicated by prayer and an address was de-
livered on the occasion. Its front is granite, whose
general style is Grecian. Its other walls are of brick.
Its height is about 32, breadth 45, and its length 68
feet. Its cost was $25,000. This sum was the great-
er portion of the surplus revenue, derived from the
national treasury, as the average of Salem. Such
windfalls are not likely to be realized again. Should
they occur, they may be well applied to repair the
breaches of our public credit, as caused by the repudi-
ating States. The whole appearance of the building
exhibits economy combined with strength, and con-
renience with chasteness of architectural taste. As
a precaution of wisdom, an order passed, Aug. 27^
1837, that it be insured for $15,000. Situated on the
east side of Washington street and immediately to the
north of Stearns' block, may its continuance and util-
ity be so prolonged, that none shall hereafter have
occasion to search for its foundations and ask for the
place it occupied. Whatever other changes may come
over it, imagination can furnish no probable advance
in human inventions, which may demand the spoiling
of its fair proportions and the subversion of its sturdy
materials.
REGISTRY.
Among the proper devices for good, was that ta
have an edifice, a part of which should be fire grooC
400 REQISTRT.
for the depositing of county papers. That it might
not rest in mere fancy and desire, our townsmen voted,
Aug. 22, 1806, that such a project should be accom-
plished. The succeeding March 10th, a committee
were designated to proceed with the work. It was
then, also, concluded, that the occupant should pay a
rent of about $200. This was subsequently lowered.
On the 23d, $4,000 were voted for the object. It
was placed on land, at the corner of Broad and Sum-
mer streets, which formerly belonged to the first Alms
house. Thus the soil, which once aided the poor,
became the situation of better security to the rich.
It is made of brick, and two stories high. Its struct-
ure, though built at a price, not allowing it to be very
permanent, was adapted to its purpose. It was among
the hopeful signs, that communities were not content-
ed with committing the documentary evidence of their
estates to repositories, whose chief barrier against de-
vouring fiiame, were wooden materials, on which it
most readily fastens. The registry department was
moved to the present court house, Oct. 1842. The
whole has been lately leased at a low rent.
DWELLINGS.
Civil architecture, in an improved state, is not only
the result of civilization, but, also, a great contribu-
tor to its advancement. The materials, which it em-
ployed in ancient nations, are used in modern, accord-
ing to their locations and productions. When our
fathers came to Naumkeag, they adopted it here in
general, as they left it in England. The first house,
erected on the soil of Salem, belonged to Roger Co-
COTTAGES. THATCHED ROOFS. 4M
nant. Up to 1660, the greater part of our dwellingB
were cottages. These, as would be expected, were of
iliffeffeiit value. Some had thatched roofs, wooden or
catted chimnies. It was usual for aucient towns to
Jhave certain lots, between the salt marsh and low watar
mark, where thatch grew, assigned for the purpose of
supplying roofs to their humbler abodes. One of the
places where this article was cut, 1628, for our set-
tlers, lay in what afterwards became Beverly. The
chimnies, spoken of, were no very . safe accommoda-
tions. They, of course, had their fire places of stone
or brick, but above was wood, or catted, being sticks
with ends over one another at right angles, and plais-
tered with clay. One of them is spoken of^ 1656, as
follows. George Norton took a lease of Emanuel
Downing's farm, near Mr. Endicott's, where he was
to build a house like Mr. Treadwell's of Ipswich, ex-
cept << brick chimneys, instead whereof he is to make
sufficient catted chimneys." They were among the
expedients, which prevalent practice often imposes on
new communities, when a little resolution to look at
customs, as they are, — to relinquish the dangerous
and adopt the safe, would be far better for present and
future benefit.
With reference to the combustible materials trf
dwellings, which have been mentioned, Governor
Dudley, while speaking of late fires, in 1631, wrote
the subjoined passage. "For the prevention whereof
in our new towne, intended this somer to bee builded,
wee haue ordered that noe man there shall build his
chimney with wood, nor cover his house with thatchi
which was readily assented vnto, for that diverse other
36
402 BETTER SORT OF fiOUSES.
howses haue beene burned since our arrivall (the fire
allwaies begininge in the woodden chimneys) and
some English wigwams, which haue taken fire in the
roofes covered with thatch or boughs." Abodes of
this kind, though diminished with the progress of our
plantation, continued over a half century. With such
perils, our fathers needed their restrictions and provis-
ion of the nightly bellman, which, like the curfew of
their native country, might prevent the devastations
of a devouring element.
We will now look at the better dwellings of our
ancestors. They did not build their habitations with
bricks, as we apply the phrase. Still they had these
for chimnies in their better houses, and, also, placed
one over another, on their narrow sides, plaistered
with clay inside and out ; between the timbers and
joists, and then covered externally with clayboards, as
sometimes pertinently written, and, at others, clap-
boards. Such buildings were not at all lacking in the
best of white oak for their frames. Their proportion
of it would be made to go three times further in our
day.
The different apartments had a large portion of the
beams in them, projected so as to be seen. They
were usually of two stories. The upper jutted, out-
side, a foot or two over the lower and the attic over
the second story. Such extension, as the fabulous
would sometimes have us believe, was contrived to
afford apertures for guns to be discharged on hostile
Indians. It may have been accommodated for such a
purpose, but it was originated long before the settle-
ment of our country. In the native land of our primi-
APPENDAGES OF DWELLINGS. 40S
live emigrants, it was carried so far as to shelter ladies-
from the rain before the introduction of umbrellas.
Some have supposed, that such projection was first
intended there partly to protect the outside of housef-
then usually plaistered, from the weather. The roofsj-
being of the gable or triangular form and shingled^j
were high and steep to throw off the rain rapidly.
A part of them may have been covered with tiles, as
these were made here in 1629. They were relieved
by dormer or luthern windows, each of which had
another roof to correspond with the main roof. The
{daces for these lights, on each side of a house, con-
tained sleeping rooms with peaked fronts.
Windows, — While oiled paper lighted the cottage,
glass did the same for more convenient abodes. The
latter material was named, 1629, as needed for this
place. It was cut in diamond form, set in lead lines/
from three to four inches long. The windows, con-
taining it, were from 2^ to 3 feet in length, and 1^ to
2, in width. Sometimes they were made in halves* -
They opened either outwardly, or inwardly, on hinges.
They were fashionable over a century. Such formed
and sized glass was succeeded by those of 4 by 6
inches measurement, these by 5 and 7, these by 6 and
8, these by 7 and 9, these by 8 and 10, set with putty
in wood sashes. When, fifty years ago, the 10 and
12, 12 and 14 squares came into vogue, they were
viewed by many persons of the old school, as an ex-
travagant advance on the dimensions of former timesi*
and almost likely to make our habitations literally
glass houses of peril and expense. The passion for
such brittle enlargement, is far from being satisfied.
4M CHIM1IIE8. FIRE fLACEt.
Of the varioos articles, exceedingly scarce in the Re¥«
olulioo, was glass. A petition from Groton to the
Council of Massachusetts, 1779, stated, that the win-
dows of their school and meeting houses were much
hroken, and they could find no glass to purchase at
private stores, and, therefore, prayed to pay for some
out of the public depository.
Ckimnies. — ^There was one, and sometimes two
brick chimnies in each eligible house. They were of
much greater size than in modern times. Their tops,
aboYe the roof,' were nicely worked. As an appen-
dage to chimnies, unknown to our ancestors, is the
lightning rod, invented by Franklin about 1747. Af-
ter this came into use, but comparatively few houses
had it either here or elsewhere. A large portion of
community considered it as opposition to Providence.
Prior to 40 years ago, aside from its appearance on
some of our public buildings, it only raised its forky
head above the chimnies of our more wealthy abodes.
Since, they have come more into vogue, and, particu-
larly within a dozen, years, have they bristled with
a greater number of points than formerly, along the
rod from its top downward.
Fire Places, — These were of larger dimensiom
anciently than in our day. Those of the front rooms
Urould be sometimes ornamented with Dutch tiles,
presenting scriptural sketches. Those of the kitchena
took up much space. In cold seasons, they were weU
Qceupied with great logs and other fueL Two large
seats, one in each comer, would accommodate no inr
coasidarable iamily. As evidence, that our fttheit
did not altogether depend on their £re pbces, ia wiiK
FRONT DOOR. ROOM WALLS. 405
ter time, for comfort, we have the succeeding extract
of 1652, from our legislative records. Mr. John
Clark's " invention for saving of fire wood and warm-
ing of rooms with little cost." He was allowed an
exclusive patent of it for three years. Whatever
family used it were to allow him 10*.
Front Door, — This was deeply recessed and had
an arched weather board above. It was sometimes
marked with lines so that the figures, thus made,
might agree with the form and size of the diamond
lights for the windows. It had brass nails driven in
at the points where the lines intersected. It was sup-
plied with a knocker outside, generally of iron, to
warn the inmates, that a caller wished admittance.
This was instead of the knob, attached to a bell for
like use and of recent introduction in our community.
The door often had a large porch before it, with a
seat on each side for the accommodation of the family
and social visitors. In 1655, Edward Wharton had
leave to put up an addition of this kind.
Room Walls. — These, in the common sort of
dwellings, were made of clay mixt with straw. But,
in others of greater cost, they were of lime, manu-
factured from shells, and mixt with cattle's hair, sand
and chalk. With regard to walls made of other lime,
the succeeding items are given. Among various par-
ticulars, which Thomas Graves, who came to our
colony in 1629, was commissioned to do, was one
^< in fynding out sorts of lyme stone and materials for
building." On the scarcity of lime, in New England,
Josselyn wrote, 1663, as though no stones had been
found, that would << run to lime, of which they have
35*
PAP£R lUNQiHOS. FLOOR GOVEiUNGS.
great want." But, as prior to 168 1, this aubstanee
had been discovered abundantly in Pennsylvania, our
vessels could bring it thence, if our own peojde did
not meet with it, in this quarter, soon after 1663,
Whenever thus supplied, our ancestors could more
easily and economically set o£f their rooms with lime
walls and give them occasional coats of white wash.
This was used, for a long series of years, in the most
of our chief mansions. Still, from the subsequent
order of 1724, there was then a continuance of using
■hell lime. '' Ordered that muscles shall not be used
for making lime or any thing else, except for food and
bait to catch fish."
Such was the policy of our rulers, under the first
charter, to exclude luxuries from their jurisdiction, it
is not probable, that the tapestry or paper, hung up as
ornaments to the rooms of houses in England, had
much encouragement here for that period. Aftsr the
government was wrested from their hands in 1686^ it
is likely that such articles began to make a less con-
fined appearance. Among the earliest notices, which
we have of them in newspapers, is one of 1737. . Some
were sold, 1761, in Boston, for a house at Roxbnry
from 4/9i to 6/ a roll. They have long been called
paper hangings, though pasted on the walls, evidently
from the ancient custom of hanging up such kind ol
appendages so as to take them down at pleasure. A
quantity of them, from India, captured by one of our
privateers, was advertized in a Salem Gazette of 1781.
Still they were not generally seen in our dwellings
till after 1800.
Floor Caverifigs. — ^Though in the first occupation
SANDED FLOORS. PAINTING PROSCRIBED. 407
of our soil, a few of the more distinguished brought a
stinted store of carpets with them, these articles were
not seen iu the far greater portion of our better houses.
£)own to even 1800, but a small part of our common
li?ers had their parlors ornamented with them.
Every Monday, after washing, the floors would be
scoured as white, as pine would allow them, in aU
regular establishments, and then the light blue sand,
firom the beaches of Gloucester and Ipswich, would
be thrown on, in handfuUs, so as to make circular and
spotted figures. James Burr notiOes our population,
1770, that he should like to supply them with such a
commodity. The building where this article was
stored and whence a horse cart daily departed with
its loads, stood, having the boards inside of the £rame,
on a wharf S. E. of North bridge. Among the
charges of William Baker, paid by the State, 1777,,
was sweeping and sanding the Council chamber,
*' against General Court came to town.'' When oixr
tidy house-wives had so prepared their floors, they
were lothfuUy crossed, for a day or two by orderly
ohildren, who hated to erase the handy work of their
mothers. Especially, if their little heads got inside
of the front room door, did the whole appearance seem
to salute them, — * kept for show, — ^keep off", — make na
tracks here.'
Pmnting.'-^This was an art scarcely practiced
among our early inhabitants. They had so much ej>^
ertion to make for the essential, they could do little
for the ornamental. Rev. Thomas Allen of Gharlet*
town was called in question, 1639, about a concern of
mm kind. A minute of the Assistant Court saya^ hft
408 PAINTERS* COLORS.
" appearing was discharged the painting, being before
his time and disliked of him." With the face of chief
authority, so set against paint for buildings, it could
hardly become popular. In a list of mechanics, 1670,
as given by our General Court, no painter was desig-
nated. But such persons as the latter were in Phila-
delphia 1681. Among the most ancient notices of
painting, as an ornament for any edifice in our limits,
was one of 1705, when Queen Anne's coat of arms
was ordered to receive a colored covering in the Court
house chamber. Painters' colors were for sale in Bos«
ton 1714 Down to the Revolution of 1775, the ad-
vance in using such materials was slow. As confirm-
atory of this, we have an instance not long prior to
the year last mentioned. A thriving cooper, who
wished to excel his neighbors in the appearance of his
house, painted one of its rooms. The report of it soon
spread. Several acquaintances, being met on a wharf,
one told the news to the rest, in the following singu-
lar style, << Well, Archer has set a fine example for as,
he has laid one of his rooms in oil." From the con-
sequent peace, the progress of painting was much
more rapid. Now many of our wooden dwellings are
painted inside and out and thus give an aspect of at*
traction to the city.
Having attended to the minutiae of ancient habita-
tions, we now take a general view of some among
them, which yet continue to afford us visible speci-
mens of style, strikingly different from that of the
more modern ones, which are fast crowding the former
* out of sight and out of mind.'
After Roger Conant and others had houses erected
ENDICOTT AND CUR WIN'S AiAIVSIONS. 409
at Naumkeag, Governor Endicott ordered the materi-
als of another, at Cape Ann, to be brought hitheri
1628, and rebuilded for his own abode. This man-
sion, so transferred, was prevailingly of the model, in
England, first called Tudor, and, afterwards, the
Elizabethean, which was essentially Gothic. It was
two stories high and generally resembled the cuts,
which will be presented in this connection. Portions
are still contained in the building at the comer of
Court and Church streets. It has undergone different
alterations and passed through hands of various occu-
pations.
Among the most tasteful of such edifices was that
of Geoi^e Curwin. He had it built in 1642. From
him it fell to his son, Jonathan. This person was a
judge and had several examinations of individuals,
charged with witchcraft, in one of its apartments. It
was the premises of a noted robbery, in 1684, which
resulted, as to its perpetrators, in the bitter experience
that iniquity, not only in the lashes of conscience, but,
also, of the body, brought its own punishment.
Though it has gone through several transformations,
still a part of it looks like the production of a bye-
gone age. That we may have a correct impression of
its original appearance, on the spot, now known as the
west comer of Essex and North streets, its likeness is
presented on the next page.
Our attention is next turned to the French house,
so called, because, at one period, it was tenanted by
French families. It stood on the corner of two lanes,
known as Gedney court, which leads from High street
to Summer street. It was of the form, which char-
410 -^ THE CUBWIH HAHBION.
ANCIENT HOUSES. 411
acterized the preceding. It was built, 1645, by Rich*
ard Claydon, and was occupied 34 years, as a Custom
house, when commerce centered principally on the
upper part of South river. It was razed about eight
years ago and the position, which it long held, tells
not that it ever had being. Another of similarly con-
structed mansions, which invites our passing notice, is
the Henfield house. This was situated on the east
ffide of Washington street, near to and southward of
the first church. It was formerly the residence of
Billiard Yeren and is supposed to have been built in
1650. A part of its first proportions and much of its
oak frame remained till its subversion, in 1839, to ac-
commodate the Railroad. Under the like class, we
have the dwelling, situated in Broad street, opposite
to the western end of the burying hill. It occupies
the pleasant premises, which once belonged to Eman-
uel Downing. It was built about 1650, by John
Pickering, who was its owner, and whose descendants
have ever since retained it in their possession. Its
present proprietor, who bears his name, has, within a
few years, restored two of the three peaks, which
formerly belonged to its front.
We might speak particularly of others, as that of
William Pickering at Wood's gate ; another of the
Pickering family, facing Pine street ; of Metcalf at
the corner of Flint and Essex streets ; of Deacon Hol-
man, formerly Thomas Maule's ; of the Clark family,
erected by Deliverance Parkman, on the corner of
North and Essex streets and opposite the Curwin
house ; of Dea. Hunt, on the corner of Lynde and
Court streets ; of William Brown, razed so that its lo-
41S BRADSTRBET UAHSIOir.
cation with the lai^ garden might accommodate the
Lafayette Coffee bouse, aod of Philip English at the
comer of Webb and English streets, built 168fi, and
lorn dovn in 1833 ; but we must leave them with tht
cursory notice, just taken of them. A few words an
lequired for the Bradstreet mansion. This appears to
have been owned by Joseph Gardner, who fell in de>
fence of the Colony, when threatened with extermin-
ation. Ailer his widow married Goremor Bradstreet,
it was called by the name of the latter. It was pulled
down about 1750. It occupied the site of the house,
erected by the late Joseph Augustus Peabody. Im
proportions and appearance are exhibited by the sub-
sequent drawii^.
Afl OUT eye runs over such representatioDS, we per-
ceive their resemblance to the many " cottages ornate,"
which are making their appearance in the vicinity of
our metropolis and thus reviving a style of architec^
HOUSES OF A NEW MODEL. 413
ure, which has been long disused in our communities.
When we catch a glance of the remnants, which be-
longed to edifices, thus portrayed, we are carried back
to the scene, when they began to peer above the cot-
tages around them, attract the gaze of the untutored
Indian, and renew, more impressively, the emigrant's
associations of domestic art in the land of his fathers.
After the fashion of dwellings, like those of Cur-
win's, began to wane, another, of course, was in the
ascendant. The new form was adopted in the man-
sion, owned by Benjamin Pickman, recently deceased.
It was particularly manifested in the roof, called man-
sard from the name of its projector in France, who
died 1666, and commonly denominated gambrel. It
was, also, noticeable for dropping the lattice-like win-
dows and the jutting upper stories of its predecessor.
This house was erected under the superintendence of
an English carpenter, 1743, who, also, directed in
the building of the Cabot house on the same street
up in town. Like specimens of model were exhibit-
ed in the dwelling, said to have been made for Timo-
thy Lindall and now owned by heirs of John H. An-
drews, deceased ; in that of master John Ford and at
present of Rev. Dr. Emerson, and of others, whose
names we should like to specify, if space would per-
mit. A form different from the preceding was, also,
used. It was applied to the house, erected for Bil-
lings Bradish, now owned by William Dean. In this
building, the roof presented four sides, rather steep,
without any gable ends. On our houses, made some
over a half century, such roofs have had less angles of
36
414 BRICK BUILDUfGS.
descent, and thus conform with the Grecian modeL
So modified, the four sided roofs predominate in Salem.
With regard to the height of our houses, there were
few of them three stories prior to the close of our
Revolutionary war. Down to 1800, these gradually
increased. Since, their ratio of advance has been
much greater.
AoioDg the most superb mansions of Salem, was
that of Elias Hasket Derby. It was finished in 1799,
was of wood and three stories high. Its cost was
^80,000. Its location had been occupied by a three
story, mansard roof house of Col. Samuel Brown. Its
worthy proprietor lived but a few years to enjoy so
fine a specimen of architecture. It came to his son,
Hasket, and finally was taken away before the erec*
tion of the Market and Town Hall, which occupy its
premises.
As to the materials of structure, down to 1774, our
dwellings, with very few exceptions, were all of wood.
This fact applied, in almost as great an extent, to
other buildings. Of the first brick houses, known in
Salem, was Benjamin Marston's, mentioned 1707, as
having been made by George Cabot, a mason, of Bos-
ton. Its location is occupied by the Lee house, at
the corner of Crombie and Essex streets. . It was an
elegant edifice for its day. It had free stone capitals
for its front corners, which were subsequently placed
on posts, before the Kitchen mansion at the comer of
Essex and Beckford streets. ^Tradition relates, that
the wife of Mr. Marston persuaded him to have the
house pulled down, because she supposed it was damp
and injurious to health, and that this circumstance
NUMBER OF BRICK BUILDINGS. tl$
created a strong prejudice here against brick dwellings*
Tha^neJit in order of age, so far as known, are several
in Essex street. These follow. The Haraden housei
erected for Francis Cabot, 1768 ; the Lawrence housOi
built for Doctor Prince by the order of his wife's fa-
ther, Richard Derby ; the Appleton house, built 1772;
the Hathorn house built for David Cheever, and the
Rust house, built for David Britton, and the one,
nearly opposite the market, built by order of Timo«
tby Pickering for his son Gardner. Then another
in- Summer street, erected for Matthew Mansfield|
aa a store, 1768, and, since 1800, raised a third story
and. much altered. In Washington street, near the
Railroad depot, is the two story house, formerly
belonging to Joshua Ward and made before the
Revolution, and the Rea house to the north of Esseit
street, was built for Samuel Field soon after the fire
of 1774 In Derby street is the house of Henry
Ropes. It was built about 1761 for Elias H. Derby
by order of his father, Richard Derby. Among othei^
brick buildings of this class, was the school house in
Washington street, made 1760, and taken down many
years ago. Very probably our forts, built over two
eentjories since, were of brick. With reference to the
number of buildings, made of such materials, and
staiiding in 1805, it was as follows. Those entirely
brick were 25 houses and 14 stores, and there were
10 others for additional purposes. Besides these there
were 12 more composed of brick and wood. Since
the year last designated, there has been a considerable
addition to our brick edifices, though far less thaoi
comparative safety demands. If our granite be not
416 PUBLIC HOUSES.
fine or popular enough, brick kilbs should, at least,
have more frequent and heavier draughts on them for
our habitations, stores and warehouses.
TAVERNS.
As a distinct class of buildings, public houses, of
different sorts, may claim our observance at this
Stage of our progress. By introducing them, however,
persons and particulars, with which they are associat-
ed, ask for a like attention. That both may be con-
nectedly presented, the succeeding method is adopted.
Such establishments were anciently called ordina-
ries and inns. Several requisitions were made of them
by our early laws, of the ensuing tenor. They who
kept them, were obliged to get licenses, and have
*' some inoffensive sign obvious for direction to stran-
gers." They were not to suffer " any to be drunke,"
nor to tipple " after nine of the clock at night." They
were required to clear their houses, << where week day
lectures^ are kept," of all persons able to attend meet-
ing.
1633. << Noe person that keepes an ordinary shall
take above &^ a meale for a person and not above 1^
for an ale quart for beare out of meale time vnder
* In (he first edition of this work, page 61, taverns are mid to hxn
been places for lectures in 1633. This is a mistake, occasioned as lol*^
lows. The legislative records, in the State Library, speak of such ser-
Tioes, as performed at '' Ordinary Houses." This phrase coaM mean
nothing else bat taverns, in its most obvious sense, according to aoeh
authority, which was all the writer then had to consult. But the orig-
inal records have the words, *' att the ordinary howres/' which eri*
dently mean time and not houses. The last authority is deeisive.
GAKE AND BUNS. 417
penalty of 10* for eury such offence, either of dyet ot
bcare."
1637. John Holgrave, at the earnest request of the
town, <' hath vndertaken to keepe an ordinary for the
entertaynement of strangers." Relative to persons of
hij» calling, as well as others, the subsequent order
was passed by the General Court. " No person shall
sell any cakes or buns either in the markets or victu-
alling houses or elsewhere vpon paine of 10' fine, pro-
vided, that this order shall not extend to such cakes
as shalbe made for an^ buriall or marriage, or such
like speciall occation."
1639. John Gedney succeeds Mr. Holgrave, but
they reversed the change the next year.
1645. William Clarke is chosen for a similar em-
ployment. His widow, Catherine, with a family of
children, takes his place the ensuing year. She was
granted a license for £10 per annum, if << she provide
a fitt man, that is godly, to manage the businesse."
1646. John Bourne is allowed to keep a cook shop.
His petition craved to <'sell such meate, as shall be
by him provided and also beeare both in his own house
and also abroade."
1648. As Mr. Downing's farm, on the road be-
tween Lynn and Ipswich and next to the Endicott
farm, was convenient for an ordinary, a servant of the
former was allowed to keep one there.
1651. The legislature forbid dancing at taverns.
1653. Elias Stileman had kept a house of enter-
tainment in Salem, but, finding it nnprofitable, he de-
sired to sell wine.
1661. A house was erefcted for John Massey, which
36*
418 FKRRT TAVERN.
became noted, as a taverD, on this side of Beverly
Ferry. It was thus employed till the erection of a
bridge there and was torn down in 1819. It was
long called " The old Ferry Tavern." As founded
on the soil, connected with lots of our primitive plant-
ers, as erected for one among their first born, as the
retreat of travellers over a century, it is associated in
our memories with incidents pleasant, sad and moni-
tory. Both it and its former possessors are passed
away and its premises are trodden by the feet of
strangers.
1663. John Ruck is allowed to be a taverner and
next year, a vintner.
1668. Richard Waters has leave to sell beer and
ale.
1670. Anthony Ashby has like liberty with the
addition of cider. Beer, of the best kind, was 1^^ a
quart. A horse's fodder for a day and night, was 4**
in summer and 6^ in winter.
1671. Joseph Gardner is elected to keep an ordi-
nary and sell wine.
1673. " Nathaniel Ingerson is allowed to sell bear
and syder by the quart for the tyme whyle the farm-
ers are a building of their meeting house and on Lord's
days afterwards."
1674. As Capt. More is reduced, he is permitted
to keep " a publick , howse of entertaynment for y*
selling of beer, wine and syder." Two years after,
Daniel King has the same privilege, George Dorland
and William Lake, also, with reference to beer and
cyder.
1678. The selectmen return to the County. Court,
BLU£ ANCHOR TAVERN. 419
as fit persons to be licensed for keepers of public
houses, John Gedney, Daniel King, Capt. More, Wil-
liam Lake, Mrs. Eleanor Hollingworth and Richard
Croade. It is likely, that the lady, on the list of
those, so recommended, may have kept the Blue
Anchor tavern, near the situation of the English man-
sion. Such a public house was formed like our best
ancient dwellings, with its steep peaks and other cor-
responding appendages. It was a noted resort for
Marblehead parties, who came over the South Ferry,
It was torn down about 1751.
1679. As previously stated, John Cliflford has leave
to open a victualling house^ at Winter Island.
1681. The widow Ann Lake and John Bullock
are approved for similar business, in which the latter
was previously engaged. He undertook it the year
before, because crippled in the late Indian war. Of
five individuals, including Mrs. Hollingworth and Mrs.
Lake, thus occupied, each of them is to " provide for
the accommodation of the Courts and jurors, likewise
all other matters of a publicke concerne proper for
them.^' Richard Croade was added to them in course
of the same month and Nathaniel Ingersol for the
village.
1683. Samuel Beadle, who lost his health in the
Narraganset expedition, is allowed to take the place of
Mr. Stephens, as an innkeeper.
1685. Samuel Shattuck is recommended to succeed
Daniel King, who had resigned his ordinary.
1689. Daniel Weeb and Thomas Beadle are alike
' This does not seem to have been (he origin of the Blue Anchor
TaTera, at toggetted on page 194.
420 8H^^ TAVERN.
approved, and Walter Phillips, sen., for the village.
The next year, Gilbert Tapley and William Trask are
recommended.
1692. John Stacy was occupying the Ship Tav-
ern, as a successor to John Gedney, who had been its
proprietor and keeper, and who had died a few years
before. The establishment had, very probably, long
retained such a name. This year, twelve persons
were approved as innholders and seven to dispose of
liquors out doors.
1693. Francis Ellis is allowed to take the Ship
Tavern and Mrs. Ann Stevens, Joshua Rea and Thom-
as Haines to engage in similar business.
1697. Widow Collins has leave to keep a public
house.
1700. Henry Sharp, from Boston, is permitted to
take the establishment of Francis Ellis.
1701. A late act, \v*hich required the venders of
liquor, to take oath how much of it they bought so
as to pay excise on it, occasioned great discontent.
Among the innkeepers from Essex County and else-
where, who applied to General Court to have the law
altered, were Walter Phillips and Nathaniel Ingersol.
1707. Thomas Waters is approved to keep a
house of entertainment, which belonged to Philip
English, and which Mr. Ellis had recently vacated.
This building was probably the Blue Anchor, which
has been supposed as kept by Mrs. HoUingwortb, the
mother-in-law of Mr. English.
1713. Samuel Goldthwaite is appointed as a tav-
ernerp The name of Mr. Pratt first appears among
our innholders, though he had evidently been coo*
GLOBE TAVERN. 421
nected with them before. Tradition informs us that
he long tenanted the Ship Tavern.
^ 1713. Mrs. Mary Gedney has permission for the
like calling, and, also, Elisha Odlin from Boston.
The next year, Samuel Goldthwaite Jr., Benjamin
Houlton and Joseph Tapley are similarly allowed.
1716. Benjamin Ropes; 1716, Lemon Beadle;
1719, Jonathan Nurse and Adoniram Collins ; 1720,
widow Ruth Fowls; 1721, Benjamin Pamel, and,
1722, widow Elizabeth Lindsey are approved as keep-
ers of public houses.
1727. The Globe Tavern is first met with by the
writer. As we proceed from this date to the time of
our first newspapers, we have less means of informa-
tion as to such establishments. Among our innhold*
ers, 1742, we find Abigail Elkins.
1748. Asa Putnam petitions to keep a tavern on
the upper road from Boston to Ipswich, where James
Phillips kept till two or three years past, and, for a
great number of years, John Porter, now dropsical,
was of like employment in his own house.
Several months after, Walter Smith petitions to
open a public house at the village.
1749. William Becket, John and Edward Britton
are allowed to follow such employment.
1760. Mr. Pratt moved to a large house, which
lesembled the Bradstreet mansion, and was located on
the east conier of Washington and Essex streets, where
the Stearns building is situated. There he continued
if} entertain travellers and others, as usual.
In 1752, Benjamin Waters, being connected with
489 Kma*8 ARMS TAVERN.
the Bererl7 ferry, obtains a license to entertain ttar*
ellers in the Massey house.
1759. The Governor forbids any taverner lo sell
spirituous liqors, wines, coffee, tea, ale, beer and cider
on the Sabbath.
1768. The King's Arms tavern is mentioned. It
was of the ancient form and the residence of Col.
Benjamin Brown a century since. Subsequently
William Goodhue occupied it for a public house.
When the Revolution began, its toyul name was dis-
pensed with and exchanged for that of Sun.
1773. Jonathan Webb states, that there is only
one public house, near the centre of Salem and de-
sires, that he may open another, which is granted.
His advertisement says, that he had taken the house
on the corner of what are now Washington and
Church streets. It remarks, that this location was
formerly the noted tavern of Mr. Somerville and af-
terwards tenanted by Benjamin Coats. It further
informs us, that the house had received the name of
Ship, which, as will be remembered, had been long
applied to the Gedney establishment.
Abraham Safford gives notice, that he had opened a
tavern in the upper part of the town, with an elegant
sign of King George the third, on what is now Fede-
fal street.
The London Coffee House is opened by Epbraim
Ingalls in what is now Central street. He eogagetf
that " English magazines and a variety of newspapers
will be procured for the amusement of his respectable
eustomers."
1774. Salem Coffee House is commenced by Da«
EAGLE TAVERN. 49S
▼id Ropes, Jr., near the Episcopal church. William
Goodhue kept the Sua Tavern.
1782. The latter offers to let his situation. It
was located at the head of Central street. His suc-
cessor was Samuel Robinson.
David Masury notifies, that he has opened the Es-
sex Coffee House, next to the Ship tavern.
1792. Zadoc Buffintoa had begun to occupy the
last of these two establishments. He had recently
married Deborah Saltmarsh, who had been an assistant
in the family of Benjamin Webb, had bought the estate
for £300 and, for a while, had been its landlady.
1794. Jacob Bacon kept a public house with the
sign of an Eagle, on the south side of Essex street,
not far below the head of Beckford street.
Before William Gray had the Sun tavern torn
down, about 1800, to accommodate his brick house,
it was occupied by Jonathan Webb, son to a former
keeper of the Ship tavern. After Mr. Gray moved
to his new mansion, his old one was tenanted by Mr.
Webb, who continued to have his usual sign.
The dwelling thus changed from one of our most
noted private abodes, was erected for Samuel Brown.
He left it to his son William, who advertised it to be
let, in 1760. Then it had brick, ends and sides, "ruff
cast," or plaistered with lime and glass and gravel
thrown upon them so as to adhere. As Mr. BroWn
was a loyalist, this estate was sequestered. After be-
ing made a tavern, it so continued, till taken down to
accommodate the Manning building, but now Bowker
Place.
424 LAFAYETTE TAVEllN.
1800. There were two public houses in town, the
Sun, just mentioned, and the Ship.
1803. Benjamin Crombie opens the Lee house as
a tavern and adopts the sign of a ship, being, at least,
the third by such a name. The ship did not appear
long, and in its place, is now seen nothing more than
City Hotel, in large letters, being the present name of
the concern.
1807. Thomas A. Breed advertises, that he has
commenced a public house where Mrs. Buffinton
formerly kept, which was the second Ship tavern.
1808. John Grant o|iened a public house, with the
sign of an anchor, at the west corner of Essex and
Beckford streets. It did not continue long.
1814. Prince Stetson occupies the elegant man-
sion of William Gray, and has it called the Essex
Coffee House. The sign is a well drawn likeness of
the edifice. When Lafayette made his last visit here,
the name was changed to that of this noble friend to
our country, which continued till within a year or
two, and thence it has been Essex house. Its first
name was the second of the kind, which has been
applied to Salem hotels.
1833. The dwelling of Nathaniel West is leased
for a tavern and called the " Mansion House." Its
sign is a drawing of itself. It occupies the situation
of the first Ship tavern. Soon after this was torn
down, about 90 years ago, that was erected for John
Turner. Thus its premises, after being long retained
by some of our most respectable families, have revert-
ed to their ancient use.
Besides several victualling concerns and restorators,
INCREASE OF HOUSES. 42K
Salem has only three public places of entertaintnient^t
These are the Essex house, the Mansion house and
City hotel. As well known, the term hotelf is of recent
application to such establishments. •>
The persevering exertions, which are made to haver
such resorts under the control of temperance and puri*i
ty, are worthy of real benevolence and of the best re-,
gard for public and private welfare. These houses
should never be otherwise than judicious legislation
would have them, resting places for the sick and wea*
ry, affording comfort to every rational want of the
traveller and boarder, and never placing before them
the stimulants of passion, as a stratagem to draw from^
their purses, all that avarice can grasp. Gain from'
the depravation of another, is recompensed to the:
gainer with moral debasement and pangs of guilt.
NUMBER OF HOUSES.
Before leaving the subject of dwellings, it may be
well to glance at various enumerations of them. For-
an estimate of cottages and houseS; erected in Salem/
within the first century of its settlement, reference
may be made to page 199. In that period an isolated-
account is given, which, unless explained, leaves at
vague impression. It is, that' in 1678, when our tep<
ritory was much more extensive than now, there were
only 86 houses for a population, whose polls number-
ed 300. The fact is, that cottages were more numer-
ous than what were called, by way of distinction^
houses, so as to conform with laws, respecting the di^
vision of common lan-'s. Probably, at that date^
there were not less than 300 cottages in addition* to
37
436 HUMBER OF HOUSC8.
the houseB, for the accommodation of our inhabitants.
More than once has the writer seen such bare state*
ments, with regard to the latter abodes, which imine-
diately, on being seen, excite the inquiry, were the
people so few as the limited number of their residences
imply, or, if more, did they crowd these habitations
excessively ?
A list, showing the number of dwellings in Salem,
inclusive of both small and great, after the first item,
with the year prefixed, is as follows :
1629, 11 besides cottages ; 1732, 620 ; 1764, 372;
1762, 473 ; 1771, 466 ; 1781, 646 ; 1791, 726; 1801,
1,017 ; 1811, 1,313 ; 1821, 1,328 ; 1831, 1,494 ; 1840,
1,637. The difference between the numbers, suffixed
to 1732 and 1764, arose from the incorporation of
Danvers, as a district, between such periods.
Thus we have surveyed the habitations of Salem,
firom its being first occupied by Pilgrims, in search of
a quiet home, to its* present ample accommodations for
their numerous descendants. Such ancestors sought
not only for. habitations of earth, but fiu more foi: man-
aioDS, '* not made with hands, eternal in the heavena''
Constant imitation of their example will render us
kappier tenants here and partakers with them of an
imperishable heritage.
EDUCATION.
> •
From the views, habits and relations of oui: primi-
tive settlers, they must have been careful, that the
younger part of their families should not be destitute
of instruction. As Oovernor Cradock recommended
lo Mr. Endicott, in 1628, that he train np some of the
PROPOSED COLLEGE. 4ST
Indian children to reading and religkmj no less atten-
tion could hare been given to the children of the col-
onists. It would be very gratifying to hare the first
proceedings of our ancestors, on this subject, in a fair
hand, before us. But such as they were, they are
loet
Among the early objects of education in this place,
there was one of high reach, though unobtained*
1636, May 2. An application of Mr. John Hum*
phrey for land, in the limits of Salem, was introduced
by Mr. Endicott. Among the arguments, on the oc
casion, in the negative, was this, ** least y' should hin«
der the building of a Colledge,*which would be maine
men's^ losse." The question was referred to .a com*
mittee. William Trask gave up his farm to Thomas
Scruggs, who took it for his beyond Forest river,, so
that Mr. Humphrey might be accommodated. Thiil
was the spirit of kindness for a noble purpose. It
seems to have left the lot desired, unincumbered and
thus ready for the erection of a college. The loca«
tion, so worthily intended, was a beautiful plain, usu-
ally denominated Marblehead farms.
Of our first school masters, whose names have como
down to us, was the Rev. John Fisk, who appears to
have commenced his duties here in 1637. Besides
teaching, he assisted Mr. Peters in the pulpit, and so
continued over two years. 1640, Jan. << A generall
towne meeting, — yong Mr. Norris chose by this aah
sembly to teach schoole."
1641, March 3a At the duarterly Court, << OoU
Endecot moued about the fiiences and about a fired
^ A chanoter is used here, which probably rignifies men.
428 ^^^^ SCHOOLS.
ikoole and therefore wished a whole towne' meeting
about it ; therefore, that goodman Auger warue a
towne meeting the second day of the week." This
applied to Salem. It is the first written intimatioHi
that we have of instruction, without price, among our
settlers. Still, the nature of the case requires us to
conclude, that whatever children could not be taught
without the aid of the plantation, they were thus pre-
viously assisted. How the measure, so proposed, was
carried into effect, may be learned from the succeed*
ing quotation. 1644, Sept. 30. << Ordered that a
note be published one the next lecture day, that such
as have children to be kept at schoole, would bring in
their names and what they will giue for one whole
yeare and, also, that if any poore body hath children
or a childe, to be put to schoole and not able to pay
for their schooling, that the towne will pay it by .a
rate." The latter clause shows what our ancestors
understood substantially by a free school. It was not
to have the teacher paid entirely by tax on the inhabi-
tants, but to be so compensated only for such of his
pupils, as could not otherwise attend on his instruc-
tions. This continued more or less so, among our
population till 1768. Such was the practice, to a lim-
ited degree, in the metropolis, and, to a considerable
degree, in other places of the Commonwealth. So it
still is in such States, as Connecticut and New York.
Though the laws of Massachusetts, from its infancy,
required, that schools should be sustained among its
inhabitants, yet, until the year last named, they left
them free as to the mode of paying for the tuition.
Then they began to assume a more imperative style
FREE SCHOOLS. 420
as to such compensations being raised by assessments
on property. From that period, the idea of a free
school, in Massachusetts, seems to have been general-
ly, that its teacher was entirely paid by a town tax
where no funds existed, and, not as before, partly by
tax and partly by the pupils. Hence, the ancient
signification of free school was not so extensive as in
modem years.
Passing over the first free school in our Republic^
founded 1621 and located in Virginia, we notice thd
order of such institutions in three of our towns. The
first notice of one, among the regular entries of Boston
records, is in 1642. But on the last leaf of the 6rst
▼olume, is a list, dated 1636, of subscribers and their
donations towards a school of this kind. Had that
leaf been lost, not long after it was written on, Boston
would have been deprived of its best evidence to prove
the honor of having preceded every settlement of our
Colony in so honorable an enterprise. Such a fact
intimates, that other towns may have made similar
provision years before it appears on their common
records. According to these, however, so far as they
have come to the writer's knowledge, Salem takes the
second stand, 1641, in so commendable a work, and
Ipswich, the third, in 1642. If each of seven illustri-
ous cities contended, that it was the birth place of
Homer, no less might these three ancient corporationSy
if the subject were clad with obscurity, vie with one
another for the name of having given life to the first
free school of our Commonwealth.
That the purpose of instructicm might be applied to
all suitable subjects in this and other places of their
37*
430 SCHOOLS BT CONTRIBUTION.
jurisdiction, the General Court, in 1642, passed a law*
This follows : '< Forasmuch as the good education of
children is of singular behoof and benefit to any (com-
monwealth and whereas many parents and masters
are too indulgent ; It is ordered that the selectmen of
every town shall have a vigilant eye over their brethren
and neighbors, to see, first, that none of them shall
suffer so much barbarism in any of their families as
not to endeavor to teach, by themselves or others,
their children and apprentices so much learning, as
may enable them perfectly to read the English tongue
and knowledge of the capital laws. Also, all masters
of families do once a week, at the least, catechise their
children and servants in the grounds and principles of
religion. And, if any be unable to do so much, that
then, at the least, they procure such children and ap-
prentices to learn some short orthodox catechism with-
out book, that they may be able to answer unto ques-
tions, that shall be propounded to them out of such
catechism, by their parents or masters, or any of the
selectmen, when they shall call them to a trial of
what they have learned in that kind."
To elucidate the progress of education among our
fathers, we may attend to the following items in detail.
1645. << Ordered and agreed, that all such as God
stirres vp their hearts to contribute to the aduance-
ment of learning, for the maintayninge of poore skol-
lers at the Colledge, at Cambridge, that they brlnge
into Mr. Price, within one moneth, what they please
to giue, and to enter their names with Mr. Fogge and
what they giue or contribute." On a subscription
paper, supposied of the same year, in the State Archives,
IMPORTANCE OF THE BIBLE. ' 431
for this purpose, Salem, among other towns, say they
will ** answer in two months."
At this point we are reminded of another legislative
order, passed 1647, which was intended to have the
Bible more fully taught among pupils so that they
might exercise greater vigilance against the influence
of Papacy and be led to a fuller practice of Protest-
antism. It runs thus : << It being one chiefe proiect
of y* ould deludor, Satan, to keepe men from the
knowledge of y® Scriptures, as in former times by
keeping y" in an unknown tongue, so in these latter
times, by persuading from y® use of tongues, y' so at
least y® true sence and meaning of y'' originall might
be clouded by false glosses of saint seeming deceivers,
y* learning may not be buried in y® grave of our
fathers in y® church and Commonwealth, y® Lord as-
sisting our indeavors : It is therefore ordered y' every
towneship in this jurisdiction after y® Lord hath in-
creased y" to y® number of 50 housholders shall then
forthwith appoint one within their towne to teach all
such children, as shall resort to him to write and reade,
whose wages shall be paid either by y® parents or
masters of such children, or by y® inhabitants in gene-
rail by way of supply, as y® maior part of those y* or-
der y® prudentials of y® towne shall appoint, provided
those y* send their children be not oppressed by pay-
ing much more y* they can have y"* taught for in
other townes. And it is further ordered y* where any
towne shall increase to y® number of 100 families, or
househoulders, they shall set up a grammer schoole,
y® master thereof being able to instruct youth so fare
as they may be fited for y*' university, provided y^ if
489 GRAyMAR SCHOOL. COLLEGE.
any towne neglect y* performance hereof above one
yeare, y** every such towne shall pay £5 to y* next
schoole till they shall performe this order.''
We will now resume the series of facts on the suIh
ject before us.
1654. Our legislature forbid persons of unsound
doctrine and immoral conduct to instruct scholars.
1655. Our school was kept in the town house.
1656. A committee are empowered to have " the
schoolehouse repayred."
1657. '< A bill came to hand to make a rate for the
Coledge" for £5 6. 1663. Tax for the same, £6 12.
1668. Voted £3 to Edward Norris so that he may
have a chimney built in his school house, and £6
" for his incouragment for teaching of children for the
yeare ensuinge." £8 to the College.
1669. Business to be done << about a school for the
towne."
1670. Feb. 21. A meeting of inhabitants ordered
in March, to consider << of a grammer scoole maister."
April 5. << The selectmen shall take care to prouide
a Grammer scool maister and agree with him for his
mayntenance."
July 5. A committee are to agree with Daniel
Epes, Jr. 18th. He was to have £20 a year from
the town '< in such pay as may be sutable for him ;
to haue, besides, halfe pay for all scollers of the towne
and whole pay from strangers." His salary was £60.
1671. "CoUedge money" £6. The expressioni
''where the scoolhouse formerly stood," was used in
an account. « Yoated that the selectmen shall take
care to provide a house for Mr. Epps to keep skoole
SERM05 ON EDUCATIOR. 433
io.'' « Edward Nonce shall haoe £10 allowed him
for the year ensueing, towards bis maintainance and
this to be paid out of the towne rate/'
1672, Jan. 16. Bill granted by selectmen to pay
Daniel Andrews << for keeping skoole in his house and
mending the skoole bouse, that now is." £1 18.
That we may have a general view of education, at
this time, in Massachusetts, and^ thus have some idea
of what it then was in Salem, the subsequent extract
is given from the election sermon of Rev. Thomas
Shepard, delivered in the same year. <<0 that infe-
rior schools were every where so settled and encour-
aged, as that the College (which the Lord hath made
to be a spring of blessing to the land) might not now
languish for want of a sufficient supply of young ones
firom them ! There is a great decay in inferior schools,
it were well if that, also, were examined and the
cause thereof removed, and foundations laid for Free
schools, where poor scholers might be then educated
by some public stock."
1673, Jan. 4. The town records show, that Mr.
Norris resumed the Grammar school, the preceding
July 17, for one year, and ^that a rate of £10 is now
ordered for him accordingly. They, also, speak of
bills, due Mr. Bppes for similar service << till he went
out of towne." This implies, that the latter had left
his employment here and gone elsewhere. How long
he staid, is unknown. It will be seen, under 1677,
that he was invited to take the school, and in so formal
a manner, as to indicate, that he may then have been
about to return. If so, Mr. Norris may have superiu^
4S4 tSCHOOLS. OOLLfiOS.
tended the school, daring his absence, though such
was the distressed condition of the whole Colony, on
account of the Indian war, that it is likely there was
not so great a call, as usual, for such service for about
two years.
In Nov. of 1676, the town allowed Mr. Norris £3
for the use of his house, 15 months, which time, it is
likely, he spent in teaching the Grammar scholars.
1673, Dec. As five men neglected to have their
children instructed and brought up to some useful
calling, our selectmen advertised that such children
would be put out to service.
1675. At the May session, Greneral Court ordered
letters for all town clerks, in which the ministers were
desired to promote the payment of contributions, due
for the new College building, and the subscription of
more for its completion.
1677, April 7. " Voted by y* towne y* Mr. Daniell
Epps is called to bee a grammar schoole master for y*
towne, soe long as hee shall continue and performe y*
said place in y^ towne, prouided hee may haue w^
shall bee anually allowed him, not by a towne rate,
butt in some other suteable way.''
June 28th. The selectmen <' agreed with Mr. Eppes
to teach all such scholars, as shall be sent to him from
persons in town in y® English, Latin and Greek tongue
soe as to fit them for y® Yniuersity, if desired and they
are capable ; alsoe, to teach them good manners and
instruct them in y* principles of Christian Religion."
He is to receive for each scholar 20/ a year, and if
this is not enough to make £60, the selectmen will
BGHOOLS. COLLEGE. 43S
make up this $um ; or, if more than enough, to ha¥%
it and the price of tuition for scholars out of towa
and a right to commonage, and be free from all taxea^
trainingSi watchings and.wardings.
1678, Feb. 17. Mr. Eppes had receiyed from hia
scholars, towards a half year's salary £17 19 10.
The balance he was to have from rent of certain com'«
mons, of Baker's and Misery Islands, as the proportion
from the town.
May 9. Joseph Brown, son of William, who had
preached several years at Charlestown, left £50 to-
wards paying for education at the Salem Grammac
school.
1680, April 5. A return is made from Salem to the
committee in Boston, '' concerning y® coUedge money
and Lt. John Pickering chosen and sent for that end."
For .this edifice our townsmen gave £130 9 3, of
which Rev. John Higginson gave £5, Messrs. Ed--
mund Batter £20, and William Brown, Jr. £40.
1682, Dec. 18. £25 5 3, a donation^ for the
Grammar school, by William Brown, sen., was loan*
ed on interest.
1684, March 8. Having appropriated annually from
£10 to £15, for the use of Mr. Edward Novris, froia
the first and last resignation of his office in £givor of
Mr. Eppes till the present, the town once more voted
him the latter sum, which was the last of the kind
he lived to receive and enjoy. Thus to smooth the
passage of so worthy a man to the grave, was an. act
of justice, as well as of kindness to him, who had
> A report on tha Khools, in 1835, lays, £21 5 3.
4M ANCIENT SCHOOL BOOKS.
expended the vigor of his life and intellect to enlight-
en this community with useful instruction* Such
expressions are among the redeeming traits of fallen
humanity and lead us to feel, that there is some flesh
in mortal hearts.
1687, Feb. 7. We hear again from the family of
noble views and liberal hands. William Brown, sen.,
gave to the Grammar school the remainder of a farm
which had been granted to him by Salem, but not
surveyed.
1688, Jan. 20. Breathing his last amid the influ-
ences, which crowned his life, the same benefactor,
besides his other literary bequests, left £50 to the
same school. This donation was made to lessen the
charge of tuition.
1691. An interesting notice is contained in a Bos-
ton Almanack. It relates to the New England Primer
of a second edition then in press. The purpose of
this little book in our schools is denoted by its name.
It is represented as being enlarged with more directions
for spelling, the prayer of Edward VI., and the verses
said to have been written by John Rogers, the martyr.
One edition of it, issued at Providence, 1774, has a
likeness of George III., another at Hartford, Conn.,
1777, has the portrait of Samuel Adams, and a third,
at Boston, of the same year, has a profile of John
Hancock. As well known, such a work, of far more
utility than size, contained the catechisms of John
Cotton, printed 1656, and of the Westminster Assem-
bly. How far it resembled the Primer of Great Brit-
ain, which existed before our fathers cam'e to America,
is not known to the writer; Locke, the philosopher,
AltetB^ SCHOOL BOOMw 437
mentions a book of this name, in his writihgs. One
tailed the Royal Primer was common here in 1759.
In one form or another, it was probably used in the
primary jsciiools of New England from its first settle*
ment till within a half century.
Here we are reminded of other books, once consid-
ered indispensable, but long since laid aside. The
Horn book seems to have been of a simpler plan than
the Primer. It was so called because of its horn
covers. Shakespeare spake of- it as the teacher of
boys in his day. It was employed, for a like purpose,
in Massachusetts, 90 years ago. It gave rise to au
ancient remark, as expressive of ignorance, << he does
' not know his horn book." This is equivalent to a
more modem saying, "he does not know his letters."
Another book, easily imported, was "the English
Schoole Master," a 15th edition of which was printed
in London, 1624. Its main object was to teach cor-
rect reading. The Psalter was long employed for a
similar purpose. Under different modifications, it was
known in Europe prior to the colonization of our ter*
ritory. One, styled the New England Psalter of 1784,
has the psalms of David, the proverbs of Solomon,
the sermon of Christ on the Mount and the Nicene
creed. It was advertised in Salem, 1771. It was
read, in some Massachusetts schools, to 1793. The
T.estament and Bible appear to have been read in our
schools, for the most part, from their first formation.
A bare hint to exclude them from this use would
have alarmed our fathers, as treason, to say the least,
against the claims of Protestantism.
Among our earliest Arithmetics was James Hod-
38
488 AlfCifiNT SCHOOL BOOlCg.
der'8. A 28th edition of his was printed in London,
1719. Of the aids to study Geography were th^
works of O. Meriton, printed in London, 1679, of
Laurence Eachard, issued there in a third impression^
1693, and other authors.
Of our ancient English Dictionaries was E.
Coles's, published in London, 1692, and another of
John BoUoker, the ninth edition of which was printed
in London, 1695.
For the Latin language, there was John Brinsley's
Accidence, by question and answer, first issued 16 1 1-12.
Another called, << Directions for young Latinists," print-
ed in Lotidon, 1639. An American publication by
Ezekiel Cheever, called the Accidence, and printed
about 1650, was long noted for such a study. Hoole's
Accidence, 1681. For the Greek, there was the West-
minster Grammar of 1671, and other like works. In
the Hebrew, was the grammar of William Schickard,
issued 1623, and of Buxtorf, printed before 1629.
With this view of some books for different branches of
education within the first century of our Common-
wealth, we pass on to a later period.
1694. Each able scholar of the town paid 15/ a
year at the Grammar school ; 1697, paid 12/ in mo-
ney, and, 1698, paid IS/.
1698, March 15. The village ask aid in support of
their school.
1699, March 1. Samuel Whitman, who came from
Hull, succeeded Mr. Eppes in the Grammar school.
May 9. The town in their communication to the
selectmen, said, << you . shall giue y*" Gramer school-
IHCOME FOR SCHOOLS. 430
master such instructions and directions, as you sha)!
thinit needfnil for regulation of y* schoole."
June 26. The selectmen ordered that Mr. Whit^
hian have £60 salary in money, each scholar to pay
12^ a month, and what this lacked should be made up
to him out of the funds " sett apart for y* Grammer
school."
Aug^ 25. They concluded to call John Emerson
of Gharlestown as successor to Mr. Whitman ; to
teach Greek and Latin, writing, cyphering and <' to
perfect such in reading, as can read a chapter compear
tently well." They were to give him £50 salary out
of the funds, and what these fell short, was to be
** proportioned on y* scholars by y* selectmen." A
contract was made with Mr. Emerson, Sept. 23.
1700, Feb. 9. As a sample of the income for this
school at the date here given, the subsequent items
are presented.
RjrallSide £29 5 6
Baker*s Island 3
Miserj Islands 3
BcTorly Ferry . . . • . . , 6
Interest on Wm. Brown's legacy of £50 3 .
I nterest on Joseph Brown's legacy of £50 3
Marblehead Ferry .... 18
Amount, £41 3 6
The school bell was to be rung at 7 A. M., and 5
P. M. from March 1 to Nov. 1, at 8 A. M. and 4 Fi
M. from Nov. 1 to March 1, and " y« school to begin
and end accordingly.^' The selectmen, in order, to
proportion the balance, due Mr. Emerson, gave the
ensuing hcis. He had 20 scholars. For the first
440 LEGACT TOR THE BENEFIT QT: SCHOOLS.
Quarter of his tuition, each schokr was to pay 3/, aody
in future, when the pupils are 20 and ander, 3/, when
as, 2/6, when 30, 2/, and when 40 and more, 1/6.
if any surplus, from this source, it should be for the
use of the school.
1700, May 20. Voted that the inhabitants, without
the bridge, have £15 annually, for three years, to-
wards " learning their children to read, write and
cipher." Grants, in this direction, as comprising
Ryall Side, Middle Precinct and the Village, were
continually made. John Cromwell, who died this
year, indicated his judicious and benevolent regard for
our community, in a bequest of £20 in money, for a
writing and cyphering school. He ordered this sum
to be laid out in land and increased until such a school
should be set up.
'- 1701, May 30. The village had chosen a commit-
tee to hire a school master for their children.
1708. Among the several gifts of Benjamin Brown,
who closed a useful life this year, was £60, the in-
come of which was to pay for indigent boys at the
Grammar school. This money was estimated at 8'
for an ounce of silver.
1712, March 10. As Mr. Emerson had died, a com-
mittee are chosen '' to procure a suitable Grammar
school master for y* instructing of youth in Grammar
teaming and to fitt them fbr y** CoUedge and iJso to
Ibam them to Write. and cipher and to perfect them in
xeadiiig." Thus we have notice of the first Board,
who were kept distinct from our selectmen, to super*
intend the concerns of education. Then commenced
the separate records of such a new organization. It
RESOURCES FOR THE SUPPORT OF SCHOOLS. 44l
was composed of Samuel Browne, Josiah Walcot,
Stephen Sewall, John Higginson, Jun., and Walter
Price. Their duties are among the highest of society
and, properly discharged, contribute to some of its
best interests. The election of a similar body had
been " some time practiced " in Boston, '' agreeably
to usage in England."
June 16. It was voted, that the old watch house
should be used for a writing school.
25th. John Barnard of Boston began to keep the
Grammar school at £50 a year.
Sept. 1. Nathaniel Higginson conmienced the
school for reading, writing and cyphering " in the
north end of the town," at £30 a year. Boy^, in each
of the schools, except those unable, paid 8' apiece for
a year's instruction. In looking over a list of them,
we are reminded, that a larger proportion of the indi-
gent scholars became distinguished than of the others.
24th. Under this date, we have an account of our
resources towards the support of the two schools with-
in the town bridge.
Latin School.
Rent of Ryall tide £22 5 6
Dixey's Ferry .... 3
Massey*8 *' 10
Baker's Island .... 3
Phippen & Pickeringr for land at Baryingr
Point 8
Money at Interest, £259, at 6 per cent . 15 10 9}
Rent of Miseries 3
£57 4 3i
38*
44S < •^ ' TEACHER'S SAIAaT.. ^
WRirnro SctrooL:
Rent of 70 acres to Felton . JSl 15 3
** Land adjoiningr to it . . . 14
" of Mr. Hurat for Thrasher*! houae . 5
« « Joseph Southwich .... 2
« « Gamaliel Hodges for land . . 5
•* *' Thomas BeU 2 6
•* •< Mihili Bacon for Burying Point . 1 8
•< " Tarbell and Patnam's land by Phelps's 12
John Cromwell's money, £56, at interest at .
6 per cent 3 6
£8 19 9
It will be perceived, that the Cromwell bequest had been considera-
bly enlarged.
Dec. 16. The people at the village, voted £5 to
<< widow Catherine Dealland," for teaching school
among them, and invited her to do the same service,
another year, for the like siun. She accepted.
1713, March 9. The committee, perceiving that
2' a quarter for each boy of the Latin and English
schools, in the body of the town, was insufficient,
agreed that it should be 2/6 in money, payable at the
commencement of the term. Every "scholar that
goes in the winter, to find three feet of wood, or to
pay to their masters 4/6 in money, to purchase wood
withal."
Sept. 25. Obadiah Ayres succeeded Mr. Barnard
in the Grammar school at the same compensation.
The latter took another school in Boston.
1714, Nov. 8. Samuel Andrews gave a receipt as
an instructer at the village.
Dec. 23. Francis Drake was approved by the
selectmen " for teaching y® mathematics, writing, etc."
ID Salem.
SUPPORT OF SCHOOLS. 44$
1716, Feb. 14 Departing this life, William Brown
left £100 to the Grammar school. The interest of this
Slim was to be used for lessening the price of tiution
there.
1716, March 12. Allowed £4, for the year, to-
wards the support of a reading, writing and cyphering
school at Will Hill, now in Middleton.
April 2. John Swinnerton began, 25th ult. to keep
the English school by the town house, at the usutd
compensation.
June 25. Samuel Andrews commenced teaching
the Grammar school, on the terms of his predecessor.
1717, Feb. 6. To accommodate the former school
with a stove, the town paid £8 2 1.
1718, July. As the Grammar school was destitute
of an instructor, and the town liable to prosecution
therefor, they sent off Mr. Pratt, on horse back, to Cam-
bridge, so that their deficiency might be supplied.
On this emergency, Col. Samuel Brown, of the kin-
dred whose benevolence always throbbed quick and
strong for the honor of Naumkeag, lent 18' to meet
the expenses.
23d. The result of this flurry in the concerns of
our education, was, that John Nutting took the place
of Mr. Andrews. At this time, there were 54 pupils
under Mr. Swinnerton. *
1719, April 14. John Brown deceased and left
£25 for the Grammar school.
June 16. The will of William Pauldon was proved
and designated £5 for the same object.
1724, Jan. 10. The village school master was to
instruct, one month at a time, in four different places.
444 SCHOOL TEAOHSRflL
namely, at Will Hill and three positions <<in the plan-
tation."
April 18. Receipt of John Gerrish for teaching
three months at the village, £6.
May 18. Daniel Wilkins paid for a month's simi-
lar duty at Will Hill, £2.
June 9. Order for John Maul to pay £8, which his
father left as a bequest to the town, £3 of which were
specified for the writing school.
1725, March 15. John Gerrish succeeds Mr. Swin*
nerton in the English school. A grant was made to
the latter of £10 annually, for three years, from the
school funds.
1727, Nov. 6. Ordered by the selectmen, that
£17 10, be granted to Mr. Gerrish for two years, end-
ing March 15 of this year. These sums were paid
him besides his stipulated salary.
1729, March 13. Mr. Nutting had an addition of
£20 annually made to his compensation for five years
to come. This with the £70, which he previously
had, made his salary £90. The average number of
his pupils, for a year, was 39^. The town meeting,
on this day, was unusually propitious to the cause of
education in Salem. The influence, which chiefly
presided over those convened, emanated from a mem-
ber of the family, who had often shed pleasure through
the hearts of their townsmen, by generous words and
deeds. Samuel Brown was the moderator. He pre-
sented the several articles for discussion, with the
consciousness and mein of a man, whose purposes and
actions are of an elevated order. When he reached
the line of his docket, where his eye caught the topic
: DONATION FOR THE USB <»r MCBOOLM.
of schools, a cfaoiad was touched in his sonl, which
discoursed in tones, that harmonized with the best
sympathies of himself and audience. He spoke of
the duty, incumbent on the inhabitants to make ready
and cheerful provision for the instruction of their chil«
dren and of what the good laws of the Province en-
joined on them for such a purpose. Then, as a mani-
festation of his own views and wishes on the subject,
he desired the town to accept of £240 for three spe*
cific objects. These were particularized by his in«
strument of gift, in the following terms. " Samuel
Brown grants unto the Grammar school in Salem, to
be kept in or near the town house street, £120 passa-
ble money, ^ to make the same a free school, or to-
wards the educating of eight or ten poor scholars,
yearly^ i in the Grammar learning or the mathematics^
viz : the mariner's art ; the interest thereof to be im-
proved only for .that end forever, as a committee, cho&*
en. by the town of Salem, for the taking care of said
school may direct, with the advice of the minister or
ministers of the first church and myself or children or
two of the chief of their posterity.*' Mr. Brown then
stated, that he gave £60 to the English school so that
its income might be applied '^ towards making the
same a free school, or for learning six poor scholars ;''
and a like sum << to a woman's school, the interest
thereof to be yearly improved for the learning of six
very poor children their letters and to spell and read,
who may be sent to said school six or seven months
in the year." He required, that the two last dona-
1 As passable money is supposed to mean carrent bills, it was the^
worth 18*. 'fatl<m>oi silver.
446 IK^NATIOliS FOR THfi USE Or SCHOOLS.
f ioD8 should be managed by the same trustees as the
first. When Mr. Brown bad announced bis intention,
the selectmen, for themselves and the town, " did im-
mediately signifie their grateful! acceptance and hear-
ty thanks for so generous and honorable a gift."
Judge Lynde expressed his obligations and asked
V liberty to call for a vote of thanks from the whole
assembly, which accordingly was done, by a very
cheerful lifting up of hands, none excepted."
In keeping with the part, so agreeably performed,
Benjamin Lynde, Jr., gave substantial proof of his
good will to the place of his residence. Having been
voted £12 for a year's service, as Town Treasurer,
he returned this with the addition of £8, so that the
interest might help sustain the Grammar school.
Such an act was met with the return of grateful feel-
ings and expressions. No one, as he retired to bis
home from such transactions and pillowed his head
for the repose of night, could be disturbed with the
reflection, " I have lost a day." The doings of that
annual assembly, were worthy of .a Ufe's recollection*
1731, March 15. It was voted, that whatever
Messrs. Curwin and Turner should pay for the town's
fee in Baker's and Misery Islands, should be for the
use of the Grammar school. For . such a considera*
tion, each of these persons paid £ 130 in bills of credit,
then at 19" for an oz. of silver.
May 16. Mr. Brown, living but a few years after
his last gift to. our schools, now closed his days* Still
he kindly remembered these nurseries of knowledge
among other objects of his beneficent regard. He
bequeathed £150 to them, on the qonditione of his
MCHIST RAISED BY TAX. i|4t
fveceding donationtu This sum was appropriated, as
Ibliows : ^iSO for the Latin, £60 for the English and
£50 for the woman's school.
. 1733, Jan. 24. The Grammar school had 36 and
the English school 30 scholars.
March 19. The avails of land, leased to John Tar*
bell and now aold to Joseph Ome, were set apart for
the u$e of: the writing school.
1734, March 18. A principal reason, assigned hf
the village for their frequent proposal to be set off
from Salem, was their '' want of power to raise mo^
ney for keeping a school " among them. A report
was made, '' that the town raise by a tax so much
with the annual income, appropriated to the Grammar
and Writing schools, as shall amount to £250 in Pro-»
yince Bills of the present value, exclusive of the be-
quests of particular gentlemen,'' and that the middle
Prcicinct, Ryalt Side and the Village shall draw from
this sum according to their Province tax. These par*
ticulars were accepted. The value of the paper-mo*
ney, here mentioned, was in the ratio of 24" for an
oz. of silver.
1738, Feb. 13. Of £250, raised on such terms,
Ryall Side' had £12 9, Yills^e X36 15, and Middle
Precinct £44 18, and the two schools, within the
bridge, £155 18.
1743, May II. Voted that the Latin and English
schools be uuited under a master and usher, which
was revoked in three years. Each Latin scholar paid
5* a quarter and each English scholar 2/6 a quarter.
> The partiealar floma vary from Uiose of another account.
448 8GHO0L TETACHERS.
1746, May 24 Mr. Nutting had £140, paper cur-
rency and Mr. Gerrish £40 a quarter. Such money
then passed at 37' for an.oz. of silver.
, 1747, Sept. 27. Peter Frye succeeds John Nut-
ting in the Grammar school, at a salary of £75, law-
ful money.
1748, March 25. John Gerrish is succeeded in the
English school by William Galew When the former
left, his salary was about £80 lawful money.
Aug. Mr. Leavit's church had lately contributed
money towards the tuition of our poor children.
1751, June 24. Jonathan Sewall takes the place
of Peter Frye in the Grammar school.
July 26. Mr. Gale had 57 scholars under his care,
and Mr. Frye, the preceding Feb. 11, had 56.
1752, March 9. After the first of May, all boys,
who go to the Grammar school must study Latin as
well as read, write and cypher. Each of them was
to pay 6/ a quarter. Abijah Hart chosen to assist Mr.
Gale and begin May 4, at £40 salary.
1753, Aug. 12. Mr. Gale leaves his place. Mr.
Hart succeeds him, and, 28th, William Jeffry becomes
his assistant, for £26 3 4, a year.
1755, Aug. 9. Mr. Jeffry resigns, and, Sept. 16, is
succeeded by Nehemiah Northey.
1756, July 12. Mr. Sewall relinquishes the Gram-
mar school, and, 19, his situation is taken by William
Walter.
1757, April 30. Mr. Northey declines longer ser^
vice, and. May 9, is succeeded by James Ford, at
£53 6 8 salary, who, next day, receives Ebenezer
Bowditch, Jr., to help him, for £40 a year.
SCHOOL T£ACH£RS. 449
1768, Sept. 6. Mr. Walter gives up his station,
which, Oct. 8, is supplied by Daniel Eppes.
1759, Sept. 7. The latter retires and has his place
filled by Nathan Goodale.
1760, Feb. 21. Mr. Ford's pay is enlarged to
£66 13 4 for twelve months.
May 19. A school house is to be erected, not on
the same spot of the old one, in " school house lane."
This new building stood where the late Court house
did, and was made of brick.
1761, Nov. 10. Mr. Bowditch leaves the English
school.
1762, Aug. 28. He is followed there by Ames
Cheever at £ 10 a quarter.
1763, Jan. 27. Mr. Cheever relinquishes teaching.
June 20. His place is filled by Samuel Gale.
1764, May 16. Order for $50 to be drawn from
the Treasury to pay for learning the poorest children
to read at women's schools.
1767, March 9. A committee of the English
school are empowered to expend the same sum for a
like purpose. Persons are appointed to inquire how
many such children have been instructed by female
teachers, within three years, with an expectation of
being paid by the town. Mr. Goodale is to have
;£13 6 8 quarterly from the town and 6" from each of
his scholars.
May 18. By this date, Samuel Gale, as usher of
the English school, had left, and Edward Norris, Jr.,
appears to have become his successor. Messrs. Ford
and Norris petition, the next year, for an increase of
their compensation.
39
468 '^^^^ ^^^ COMMENCING SCHOOLS.
1770, Jan. 1. Daniel Hopkins, afterwards settled
here in the ministry, has leave to open a private school
|br reading, writing and arithmetic. A teacher in one
of the public schools, recently taught in the evening
on his own accoimt.
Dec. 6. Town schools to begin in the morning at
7 o'clock in summer, and 8 o'clock in winter ; at I
o'clock all the year round, and leave off at 5 o'clock
in summer and 4 in winter. Vacations at general
election, commencement day and rest of that week,
fjaLSis, thanksgivings, trainings, Wednesday and Satur-
day afternoons. Among the regulations of the town
ibr their instructors, is one on the subject of punishing
scholars, which has always perplexed teachers, com-
mittees and parents. It judiciously observes of each
master and his pupils, 'Uhat when he is obliged to
correct them, he do it calmly and endeavor to make
such correction dreaded more on account of the shame,
than the pain attending it."
7th. Mr. Goodale, having resigned the Grammar
school yesterday, is succeeded by James Diman, Jr.
The former of these two individuals, is represented,
in a letter of Deacon Timothy Pickering, 1765, as a
talented man and an ingenious preacher.
1771, Feb. 12. Widow Abigail Fowler, a noted
" school dame," finished her earthly labors. She was
in her 68th year and began to teach children before
she was 18, and continued so to do till her decease,
with the exception of a few years after she was mar-
ried. Though humble her calling, yet its effects on
the numerous minds committed to her care, must have
been incalculable.
BRANCHES TAUGHT IN BCnOOU. <t5|
17Y2, July. Cbarles Shimmin advertises to instruct
children and youth in the rudiments of Engliish, "vrith
book-keeping, geography, astronomy, et6. The next
December, besides his proposal to keep an evening
school, he offers the free instruction of geometry, fot
an hour each day, to all who will punctually attend|
*< demonstrating the propositions with the greatest
perspicuity, chiefly by a new and easy method of rea-
soning by proportional quantities." This gentlemaA
died in Boston, 1789, set. 40, eminent as a teacher.
Oct. 19. Antipas Steward, from Harvard College,
follows Mr. Diman in having charge of the Grammar
school, at £66 13 4 a year.
1773, March 8. One or more stoves to be obtained
for the town schools.
2Gth. Mrs. Mary Gill is the keeper of the girl*!
school.
April 5. John Watson notifies, that he shall open
school, in a few days, where he will teach reading,
writing and cyphering.
20th. Mr. Norris, one of the town instructors, ad*
vertises to commence a school for young ladies, be»-
ginning at the hours of 11 and 5 o'clock, where the^
will learn to write and cypher.
27th. Elizabeth Gaudin opened a school yesterday
in Derby street, to instruct young ladies in plain sew*
ing, marking tent and Irish stitch. She also {iroposes
to take some misses as boarders.
27th. Notice is given, that applications will be
received for the instruction of nine poor boys by
the income of the Brown fund.
June 7. The boys, of indigent families, who attend
45'i PRIVATE AND PUBLIC TfiACHERS.
the masters' schools, but are not fitted, are to be placed
under the care of female teachers, with other children
of like condition, so that the whole expense of them
shall not exceed £30. This is a small sum indeed
compared with what our community now generously
and wisely pays for its primary schools.
1773, Dec. 18. Mr. Steward will teach, at the
Grammar school house, from the next Jan. 1, to April
1, six poor youth the »* mariner's art," and as many
indigent lads to write and cypher, every Monday,
Wednesday and Friday evenings. His compensa-
tion to come from the Brown donations. Such pa-
rents, as desire their children to improve the privilege,
are requested to call on the «chool committee.
1774, July 18. Samuel BIythe proposes to keep
a boarding school for females, near the Episco()al
church, where will be taught the branches, which
had been common, with French and dancing.
1775, Oct. 14. The town, depressed by adversi-
ties of the Revolution, had voted, that the amount of
the school masters' salaries should be reduced to
£133 6 8 L. M. Mr. Steward's portion £48 9 4,
Mr. Ford's the same, and Mr. Norris's £36 8 4.
1781, Dec. 12. Timothy Dawson teaches one of
the Euglish schools. He app)ears to have taken the
place of Mr. Ford, who died the preceding June 27.
1782, June 17. Belcher Noyes succeeds Mr.
Steward in the Grammar school. John Gray is em-
ployed by the town as an English teacher.
Oct. 3. Mr. Bartlett states that he shall instruct
young ladies in spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic,
composition and history.
NEW SCHOOL HOUSE. 453
Nov. 4. John Nutting, Jr., intends to begin a
mathematical school.
1783, June 12. Nathan Reed has commenced a
school near the town house, for young ladies, for read-
ing, writing, arithmetic, English grammar, elocution,
composition and geography. This gentleman became
noted for his mechanical science and inventions. He
is still living in Maine. When he resigned his school,
it went into the hands of the late Judge Jeremiah
Smith of Exeter, N. H., while a student at law under
Mr. Pynchon.
1784, Sept. 17. David Walch is an instructor iti
one of our public schools for English.^
1785, March 14. The inhabitants voted, that the
Centre school house should be 24 by 36 feet, and that
the members of the Library pay for such a proportion
of its cost, as they shall occupy room.
July 22. The school committee are empowered to
hire places for the Grammar school, and for the Eng-
lish schools at the centre, east and west sections of
the town. They are, also, authorized to have the
brick school house taken down to accommodate the
new Court house.
Nov. 18. Edward Norris is continued over the
centre, John Watson is appointed for the eastern and
Isaac Hacker for the western schools. Mr. Watson
accepted, but continued for a short time. His associ-
ations had been long with a private school and he
* As the former book of records kept by the school committee are
again missing, the writer is unable to have the benefit of them from
1784 to 1803, if they proceed so far.
39*
454 MEANS INADEQUATE FOR SCHOOLS.
found, that his predilections for it were so strong, as
to render the oversight of his new one very irksome.
Mr. Snelling, who was an apprentice in a store, was
employed as his assistant. This gentleman has long
been noted as the writing master in the Latin school
of Boston. For several months after Mr. Watson re-
turned to his private school, Mr. Snelling and Rev.
William Bentley had charge of the east school. The
latter person, with his accustomed benevolence and
regard for the general welfare, offered his services^ un-
til another principal could be obtained. The fore part
of next year, Edward Lang, who had established
himself as a silversmith, took his station.
1786, Jan. 9. John Gray advertises, that he has
begun a school for reading, writing and arithmetic,
near Mr. Prince's meeting house.
1788, Feb. 15. Messrs. Noyes, Norris, Lang and
Hacker address a petition to the town. It says, '' the
exhausted state of the Treasury, for these three years
past, has reduced us to the necessity of selling our
orders from 10 to 15 and, sometimes, from 20 to 25
per cent below par." They remark, that, as a conse-
quence, their salaries are insufficient to support them,
and desire allowance for such depreciation. The low
credit of our municipal scrip, was chiefly occasioned
by the taxes, imposed on this and every community
of the nation, to help reduce an immense debt for the
Revolutionary struggle. Men of all avocations in life
were called to endure heavy burdens.
An anecdote of about this date illustrates the scar-
city of money. A noted school mistress seldom re-
ceived aught for her trying labors but family stores
COMMON SCHOOLS. 455
usually called truck. Hence, when purchasing coun-
try provisions, she was obliged to offer what she had
in exchange. For Ihis object, she placed one of her
pupils, being females, at the window, every Saturday
forenoon, to look out for the market people, and ask
them if they would take truck for their produce. One
of the scholars told her mates, that she would no
longer serve in this manner after her next turn.
They questioned her, but she said time will show.
Accordingly she was located at the window with ex-
press orders, to put the usual inquiry. Soon a farm-
er, on horseback, with paniers of articles to sell, hove
in sight. The miss hailed him and asked, have you
any butter, mister i Yes, was his answer. Then,
instead of conformity w ith the Dame's command, she
said, do you take cash 7 Oh, yes, he quickly rejoin-
ed. On hearing this strange colloquy, the mistress,
with no measured step, hastened and pulled the of-
fending pupil from her station of honor, and declared,
that she should no more be intrusted with such a
commission.
June 9. James Scollay begins to instruct boys and
girls in arithmetic and book-keeping.
Dec. 2. Samuel Bingham intends to commence a
school for both sexes, at 9* a quarter.
1791, Jan. 18. I. Fraser proposes to begin a school
for common branches of education, and, also, to teach
these in private families, with book-keeping, naviga-
tion, geography, mathematics, Latin and Greek lan-
guages.
Dec. 6. William Gray notifies the public, that he
456 PROGRBSS OF EDUCATION.
will teach both sexes, reading, writing and arithmetic
in Mr. Blaney's chamber.
1792, July 3. Butler Fogerty had recently given
up a school to become clerk of Essex Bank; but
March 25, 1794, he gives notice, that he shall resume
the business of instruction in the common branches
and, also, book-keeping.
1793, March 11. The inhabitants authorize the
school committee to provide at the writing schools or
elsewhere, for the tuition of girls in reading, writing
and cyphering. This appears to be the beginning of
the additional service, useful but onerous, long requir-
ed of our English masters.
April 16. Mr. Frye has begun a school for misses
in Court street, to instruct them in writing, arithme-
tic, English grammar and geography.
1794, April 8. A merchant has offered to pay for
teaching sixty young seamen of Salem, the art of
navigation, while the embargo lasts. Three well
qualified instructors have been selected for this pur-
pose. Such charity bespoke a heart, that felt its ob-
ligations to a class, too much neglected, and a mind,
that had clear views of commercial interests.
May 20. Price of teaching French, is $5 a quarter.
1796, March 14. Voted that each English master
have a salary of £150 and find ink, and, April 4tb,
that the Grammar master have £130.
July 19. A notice of the town schools having
been examined, speaks of John Gray as master of the
centre school and of Nathaniel Rogers as master of
the Grammar school, who had succeeded Thomas
Bancroft. As if more than a usual outlay for the free
PROGRESS OF EDUCATION. 457
instruction oi females had been recently made by the
town, it states that schools for young girls have been
opened.
1797, Feb. 14. Mr. Rogers advertises, that he will
open a private school, in Liberty street, for the Eng-
lish, French, Latin, and Greek languages, etc. at 18*
a quarter. His place in the Grammar school, was
supplied by David Kendall, who resigned 1798, and
Daniel Parker was his successor.
June 23. William Biglow proposes to open a
school here. On the list of studies, under him, were
grammar and geography. He was long distinguished
for his able and successful labors as a teacher in this
community.
1798, March 27. Mr. Jackson notifies, that he
shall have a morning school, from 6 to 8 o'clock, for
young ladies, in the common and higher studies.
Thus far, notices of the various sorts of schools,
have been particularly given, so that an idea might
be formed as to the progress of education in this com-
munity. Collectively viewed, they show, that, even
down to this period, what was once untaught among
our predecessors, had become common. Relative to
the modes of instructing the young, whether full as
the pecuniary condition of our fathers might have al-
lowed, whether suited to the intellectual and moral
wants of the teachable class or not, the facts will en-
able each person to judge for himself. The subse-
quent remarks on private and public schools, in seve-
ral respects, must be more general.
1800, July 11. Among the appendages of Mr. Big-
low's school, was a military company, who now ap-
458 PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
pear, called the Trojan Band, whose uniform was
nankeen and whose discipline was superior. This
was a very popular concern with all the boys in town.
1801, April 13. Notice is published, that writ ng,
arithmetic, English grammar, composition and geog-
raphy are to be taught in the Grammar school, besides
Latin and Greek. A similar improvement was adopt-
ed in 1796 under Mr. Rogers.
May 2. The inhabitants are informed, that three
public schools, for children of both sexes and not less
than five years old, are opened. The alphabet, spell-
ing and reading are taught in them. Mrs. Holman
has one in Lynn street, Mrs. Lamperel, another in
Church street, and Miss Carlton, a third in the East
school house. A fourth mistress appears to have been
employed. This was a needful and wise advance.
Sept. 17. Mrs. Brown from London, intends to
open a Female Academy for the common and higher
studies.
1802, March 30. Mrs. Abigail Rogers proposes to
establish a similar institution. Her enterprise was
eminently successful.
Desirous to afford their sons the privileges of a
school with few pupils, under a teacher of high char-
acter and attainments and subject to their immediate
control, and willing to pay for so valuable an object,
William Gray, Benjamin Pickman and others con-
cluded to have such an establishment. Accordingly
it was opened,* January 1, 1803, under Jacob Knaj^
He taught first in a chamber of Joshua Ward's brick
store. Early next summer a school house was built
^ Letter from Jacob Knapp, Eiq.
PJ11VAT£ SCHOOI4S. 459
for him, placed on Mrs. Buffinton's garden, Church
street, and, about four years after, was moved to a
spot, neai* the Mall, now occupied by the mansion of
John Andrew, deceased. The concern, so commence*
ed, continued, with much success, till Mr. Knapp's de-*
pairture in 1811. The number of scholars was limited
to 30. For the three 6rst years, his salary was $1,200
and, afterwards, $2,000. This enterprise might seem
too exclusive for our Republican institutions. Still,
while it made greater room in the public schools, and,
consequently rendered them more useful, it promoted
the cause of education and required no more for its
undertakers, through their children, than they had a
right to obtain with their own property. According
to the gifts of Providence, so are we bound to make
the best use of them in all our relations. Want of
wealth should never render us unwilling, that its pos-
sessors should make a good investment of it in the
furtherance of instruction. The school, thus consid-
ered, was the forerunner of similar ones, which have
terminated by revolutions in our system of public ed-
ucation.
1803, April 15. Each of the four school mistresses,
employed by the town, to instruct children, is to have
a salary of $100 and 4 cords of wood.
Aug. 29. Boys, in the public schools, taught by
masters, number 213.
1804, March 14. The Latin master's salary is
placed at ^700, though settled for at $685 49, and
that of each English master at $650. Their pay for
a year, and $400 for the four mistresses was $2,285 49.
A comparison of their compensation with that of the
460 PRIVATE SCHOOLS.
clergy in towD, made the latter individually, receive
on an average, $685 49 a year.
Aug. 26. The school committee decide, that four
of the best scholars in each public school for boys,
shall have some token of approbation. This was car-
ried into effect a few years. The number in these
schools was 228, who were examined together in the
Court house.
1806, Aug. 28. In connection with some remarks
on an examination of such schools, it is stated, that
"the number of private schools greatly exceeds that
of the public schools.'* With regard to private Eng-
lish schools, aside from those for singing, French, etc.
which were advertised, for several years, as about to
commence, they were as follow. Not less than two
male and one female in 1801, three and one 1802,
two and two 1803, three and two 1804, three and
three 1805, and five and three 1806. Though a large
part of these were temporary, yet with the permanent
ones, previously established, they confirm the state-
ment just quoted.
1807, March 23. A report is made for a school
house in North Fields.
May 12. William B. Dodge, who opened a private
school three years before among us, is chosen master
for this section of the town. Such a division of our
city had seen various changes, since the da3''s of its
being a propriety, but none more promising for their
children, than the planting of public instruction on
their premises.
A committee are appointed to confer with Rev.
Joshua Spaulding about commencing a school for col-
PRIVATE SCHOOLS. 46 1
ored children. So just a provision was made and
Chloe Minns was long the teacher.
That the western section of the town might com*
mand privileges for the tuition of boys, whose parents
could meet the cost, equal to those in the eastern, <a
school, named the Salem Private Grammar School, on
the plan of Mr. Knapp's, began October 7, 1807, under
Benjamin Tappan. His salary was $900 the first
year and $1,050 the next. The scholars ranged from
25 to 30. The school house was two stories and
pleasantly located mid-way between Chesnut and
Green streets, on a lot, now in the garden of Stephen
C. Phillips. It had a library and some philosophical
apparatus. Its other preceptors, in succession, were
Josiah W. Gibbs, Abiel Chandler, John B. Davis,
Samuel B. Walcott, Walter R. Johnson and John
Balch. Their compensation, generally, was $1,000.
Mr. Chandler taught from 1811 to 1817, a longer pe-
riod than the rest. His compensation was $1,200 the
first year, and $1,600 annually for the rest of his time.
The school, after sustaining a high reputation for its
usefcrfness, was closed March 22, 1822. Such a ter-
mination was caused chiefly by the excellence of the
public Latin school.
Besides these two schools, there were several others
on a similar plan. The eldest of them had different
locations near the Mall and was instructed by Messrs.
Robert Rogers and Benjamin Tappan, Abiel Chand-
ler, Samuel Adams, Joseph E. Worcester, Joseph B.
Felt and Richard Gardner. The rise of our public
education was their decline and close.
A further notice of all the private schools, as they
40
463 PRlVATfi SCHOOLS.
iippear in our public prints, would be well, if our
space allowed. But it must be omitted, with the re*
gret, that leave is not asked for their commencement
of our city authorities, as formerly, so that a record of
them might stand on our public books.
1808, March 8. The amount paid for the town's
teachers, one year, is $3,^62 11.
June 6. As more than common advantages had
been secured for boys in private schools in town, this
led to the conclusion that similar provision should be
made for the other sex. Accordingly, an institution
for young ladies, was opened in Marlborough street,
under the charge of Thomas Cole. Its particular
name was, "The Salem Female School." It was
under the direction of proprietors, who limited its
number of pupils to twenty-five. So superior was
the furniture of its building, and of so high an order
were its studies, that it was the subject of general
conversation and by some, who regarded it as too
aristocratic, it was called " The Girl's College." The
jsalary of the preceptor, at first, was $1,000 and after-
wards, $1,200 permanently. Several months after he
took this school, in 1834, on his own account, his
health being much enfeebled, he transferred it to the
present General Oliver. This was a laudable experi-
ment, never before equalled in Salem, for the advance
of female education. The high promise, which it
gave, was long realized.
1810, Aug. 2. Mr. Lang resigns the EJast school,
which he had taught over 23 years. His place is
supplied by Dr. Daniel Berry.
PRIVATE SCHOOLS. 40^
22d. In the five masters' schools of the town there
are 359 boys.
Dec. 6. Moses Stevens is elected to instruct th6
Grammar school, relinquished by Daniel Parker.
The latter gentleman soon began a private school in
town.
1812, June 11. In the four public schools for Eng^*
lish, there are 466 boys, and 296 girls. The lattet
attended, as usual, an hour at noon and another in th<
afternoon. The Grammar school has 40 pupils. The
ancient custom of having prayers and an address from
clergymen, at the annual examination of the towtl
schools, is still continued. A practice most likely t6
promote education by motives of duty in teacher and
taught. There appear to have been seven women'ii
schools supported by the town.
1813, Dec. 10. The decease of Mrs. Mary HoU
man, set. 71, is contained in one of our newspapers.
She had spent many years as a school mistress. Use^
fulness was her merited fame.
1814, June. Salem Female Charitable school in
set up by an association of young women. It wasJ
open for girls from all the religious societies.
Aug. 28. As Mr. Hacker was out of health, and
wished to relinquish his employment, the school com-*
mittee speak highly of his instruction, in the west of
the town, for the long period of 29 years. He had
ample opportunity to test the remark, that the care of
scholars either lessens or increases a man's patience;
The result was favorable to his reputation. Edward
Sawyer is elected to sustain the trust, which he so
creditably laid down.
464 GREATER REQUIREMENTS IN SCHOOLS.
1815, July. Another Charity school is formed by
females of the first and north parishes. Its privileges
were equally wide as those of its predecessor.
1816, April 18. As an addition to the spelling,
reading, writing and arithmetic of the English schools,
under masters, employed by the town, grammar and
geography are required to be taught. This was an
improvement, highly beneficial to many boys, who
were to come forward, exert much influence, and have
a large share of the management in our municipal af-
fairs. It bespoke a wise oversight in the gentlemen,
intrusted with our public instruction. Before an ad-
vance of this sort, the larger portion of our prominent
townsmen, educated in the public schools, betrayed,
in their speech and composition, a want of grammati-
cal acquaintance with their native tongue. This was
more their regret, than of those, who perceived such
deficiency. It did not induce them to confine the
younger portion of community in the same bounds,
to which they had been accustomed, but to throw
open the gates of knowledge wider, so that the mind
of their posterity might be more enlightened.
A deBciency of this kind had existed, to a great
extent, in the free schools of New England. Since it
has begun to be supplied, the wonder is, that it was
ever suffered to exist. Next to the acquisition of read-
ing, should be that of grammatical acquaintance with
our vernacular tongue. As prior to such reform, the
English language was allowed, on all hands, to have
been spoken and written with greater purity in New
England, than in any other division of our RepubliCi
TEACHER'S SALARY. 4^5
we may well hope, that, since it has takea place, this
complirnent will be full as much deserved.
1817, Aug. 26. In the public schools for boys,
there are 406 scholars.
Sept. 1. Amory Felton takes the place of John
Gray in the Centre school. The latter gentleman
had held this station over twenty years. In this pe-
riod, he faithfully performed much service for the
benefit of hundreds under his tuition. He soon open-
ed a private school.
1818, March 24. Mr. Stevens being about to leave
the Latin school, advertises that he shall open another
the next month, on his own account. His station, in
the former, was filled by James Day, at $1,000 a year.
April 25. It is ordered that each of the mistresses,
to be chosen for the two vacant schools, have $150
salary. James S. Gerrish is selected to supply the
{dace of Samuel Preston in East school.
June 16. Voted to erect a school house in Broad
street on land of the former Alms house.
29th. Agreed to purchase the Duck Factory, on
the spot needed for this building, and the remaining
lease of its premises.
July 1. Regulations for the public schools allow
vacations as follow ; one week at Election, another at
Commencement, and a third at Thanksgiving, a day
at Regimental muster, one at Christmas and another
on Independent day, besides the customary Wednes-
day and Saturday afternoons. This was a very liberal
allowance to the scholars, compared with what their
predecessors had enjoyed. It must have been a memora-
ble change with the boys who passed into its liberties.
40*
469 INT£RMEDIAT£ SCHOOLS.
July 28. As Mr. Sawyer wished to retire from the
West school, Frederick Emerson is chosen in his stead.
Aug. 22. At an examination of the public school
for boys in the Town Hall, the Latin had 39, East
149 ; Centre, 120 ; West, 90, and North, 92 ; equal
to 490.
1819, April 19. The Latin school, transferred to
the building prepared for it in Broad street, com-
mences there under James Day, as principal, and
Moses Clark, as usher. Its whole appearance indicated
a more favorable era for education in our community.
The edifice, so appropriated, is of brick, 33^ feet
broad and 50 long. It cost $10,000. Its model is
pleasant to the eye of taste, and its purpose cheering
to the heart of philanthropy.
April 30. An order passed for a school house
to be erected in South Fields.
May 8. Scholars in the Latin school 86, in the
West, 132 ; North, 100 ; Central, 160 ; and East, 165;
equal to 643.
June 3. As Mr. Clark had desired to be released,
Thomas Henry Oliver' succeeds him at $600 salary.
2 1st. Daniel Parker is chosen as an additional as-
sistant to Mr. Day. A remonstrance of the English
masters on the subject of intermediate schools for girls
is presented. With such a burden, there is no won-
der that they prayed for its removal. They had a
task with their many male pupils, enough to wear
down iron constitutions. Not that the females should
have less of such tuition but more, though in a differ-
ent mode.
' Changed by act of Legiglatare in 1821, to Henry Kemble OliTer.
LAJKCASTERIAN METHOD. 467
July 23. Joseph . Lancaster^ delivers a lecture in
the evening, at the Tabernacle, to a large and grati-
fied audience, on his system of instruction. He lect«
ured a few times more, not all in immediate succes-
sion, on the same topic, which he greatly appreciated
for its benefit in imparting a knowledge of elementary
instruction to many, at small expense.
Aug. 23. William Carnes, who had taught a pri-
vate school, is elected instructor of the South school.
Thus a section of our city, once appropriated to agri-
culture and pasturage, had so altered its condition, as
to afford population enough for a large collection of
scholars. Instead of bars and gates, it presents a
building to accommodate many buds of intellect, save
them from the blasts of ignorance and aid them to
bear fruits of useful knowledge. This is a change
worthy to be welcomed, especially where talent, vir-
tuously cultivated and employed, leads to eminence.
23d. At the annual exhibition of the public schools,
the West had part of its exercises on the Lancasterian
plan, which are to be continued.
Nov. 6. James Gale is appointed successor to Dan-
iel Parker, in the English department of the Latin
school, at $500 a year, and Edwin Jocelyn for Centre
school, which Mr. Felton resigns, at $650.
1820, March 27. As the effort to advance our sys-
tem of instruction, was viewed by some, as likely to
embarrass the town finances, a reaction is produced.
Our debt was brought forward to prove the peril.
Movements of this sort, being addressed to the more
^ Mr. Lancaster was run over and killed in the city of New York,
Oct. 22, 1838.
468 LANGASTERIAN MKTHOD,
selfish feelings, most generally prevail. Sometimes
the consequence is beneficial, but oftener detrimental,
because it proceeds more frequently from a mistaken
judgment of what is general good, or from sinister
motives, than from any real necessity of curtailment.
Accordingly, the vote, which had been passed to have
a new West school house erected, for the accommo-
dation of 250 pupils on one fioor, after the plan of
Lancaster, is revoked and another taken for the old
one to be repaired. This change seems to have been
made more from doubt of the proposed form of in-
struction than from other causes. The school com-
mittee are desired to inquire about the expediency of
introducing the Lancasterian method.
30th. A vote is passed for retrenchment among
the public teachers. From each of the masters in the
English schools, $50 is to be taken, making j^700
for the East and $600 for the rest. From the $150
of every mistress, $20 are cut oflf, which ought to
have been spared. The charge for public instruction
the past year, is about $6,600.
May 4. A committee on the Lancasterian mode,
report, that it will do for spelling, reading, writing and
the first rules of arithmetic, but they can recommend
it no further. An account of scholars gives the Latin
school 113; the Centre, 120; West, 130; North,
100 ; South, 130 ; East, 160, equal to 753, of whom
638 regularly attended. Seven primary schools are
kept by women. Their scholars are of both sexes
from four years old and number 490, of which 160
are boys. The globes are used in one of the Eng-
lish schools. There are 2,750 children in Salem from
PRIVATE SCHOOLS. 469
4 to 15 years old. If taking half of them to be boys,
there are 788 of these who usually attend public
schools, leaving 587 who do not. Of the last number
472 do not claim to belong to any of these schools,
of whom probably 226 are members of private schools*
This makes 250, who are not sent to school. There
has been an increase of one third in the attendants at
our public schools within a few years. This speaks
distinctly in favor of the improvements, which were
made at the beginning of such a period.
About 1820, black boards were used in our com-
mon schools, for arithmetical calculations. Manu-
scripts of sums, set for the pupils by their masters,
which had been continued for a long period, began to
be laid aside. Thus instructors were relieved from a
burden, almost useless after printed books abounded
among us, and their scholars put on a course of ac-
quiring a more thorough knowledge of figures.
Sept. 7. James Gale becomes the successor of Mr.
Carnes in the South school.
21st. A new school house for the west district is
to be built at a cost not above $3,000.
Oct. 18. Daniel A. Poor is chosen as an assistant
in the Latin school.
To the close of 1820 from 1806, there were not
less than 75 advertisements for private English schools.
Of these 40 were by masters, a few of whona taught
girls, 35 by mistresses. In 18 16, the year when the
studies of the public schools for English, were enlarg-
ed by geography and grammar, there were seven mas-
ters, who set up private schools, but there were only
eight of such for the next four years, while there were
470 PRIVATE SCHOOLS.
•leven begun by mistresses in the same period. This
indicfUes, that the town schools, so improved, had ren-
dered private ones for boys, far less in demand than
they had been. It has indeed been so ever since in
an observable degree. The fact is thus established,
that, notwithstanding the high schools for larger girls,
the most of our families of easy condition, while dis-
posed to have their sons instructed at the public
schools, send their daughters to private schools. This
preference rests in a great degree, on the probability
that where there is a smaller number of pupils, as
under private instructors, there will be less contact
with faults in principle and deportment. For the sake
of such expected benefit, the privilege of free educa-
tion as to daughters, is thus properly foregone.
1821, Aug. 23. A return of pupils in all the pub-
lic schools, being 14, eight of them taught by mis-
tresses, and the rest by masters, estimates them at
1,395, of whom 1,144 are regular attendants. Of the
former teachers was Mrs. Lawrence, who was colored
and had long instructed the African school. She had
been married. Her former name was Minns. She
had 40 pupils.
Sept. 12. The town vote to have a new school
house for the east district.
1822, Jan. 12. Samuel Burrill is elected to instruct
in this building. Mr. Gerrish of the other school, in
the east ward, proposes to resign the 15th of March.
He soon opened a private school for boys.
March 7. The new town school, in Williams
street, is opened under Mr. Burrill. Thus another
AF&ICAN SCHOOL. 47|
auxiliary is impressed into the service against tho
power of ignorance.
July 22. The successor of Mr. Gerrish being Mr.
Peirson, leaves and is followed by Jacob Hood.
Sept. 22. Mr. Oliver, assistant in the Latin school,
has $150 added to his salary from 1st of next month.
Oct. 1. Mr. Poor who had been usher of the same
school, opens a private one on his own account.
Nov. 22. Each of the mistresses, who teach inter-
mediate schools, has $33 33, additional compensatioUi
for the term to 1st of April.
1823, April 26. Theodore Eames succeeds Mr*
Day in the Latin school.
Aug. 9. Mr. Emerson, having resigned the West
school, Oliver C. Felton takes his place.
Nov. 29. The African school to be discontinued
after the close of the current year. This appears to
have been the one, long kept by a colored mistress.
Dec. 13. Mr. Hood is allowed $75 for an evening
school, to instruct young men above 15 years old,
whose education has been neglected. This is one of
the cares for bettering the condition of society, that
are out of the common course and thus the more de-
noting a benevolent vigilance and a wise application
of the public money.
1824, March 26. Ira Cheever is elected to take
charge of the South school, which Mr. Gale had relin-
quished. Mr. Cheever began a school here for young
ladies April 15, 1822.
June 4. The salary of Mr. Eames to be $1,200
and of Mr. Oliver $900.
. 1826, March 4 Mr. Hood leaves one of the east
479 PUNISHMENT.
•chools and takes the place of Mr. Cheever, who was
about to engage in a private school.
15th. Alfred Greenleaf is appointed to occupy the
station of Mr. Hood.
18th. Richard Gardner is chosen to supply the
place of Mr. Burrill, who was in a consumption.
April 8. A committee are to inquire about the abo-
lition of corporal punishment in the Latin school.
This has always been a perplexing subject. Most
teachers, having charge of boys, inconsiderable num-
bers, some of whom are habitually disobedient, and
refuse to mind at home without the rod there, know,
that when once the latter are assured, that no such
penalty abides their misconduct in school, its strict
order is soon impaired. Still it is very desirable, that
an evil of this kind, often more repulsive to the mas-
ter than to the scholar, might cease wherever it can
consistently with proper discipline. If it cannot be
laid aside entirely, discretion, learned from patient ob-
servation and experience, should direct its application.
A vote passes to have a master's school for colored
children.
May 2. To remedy a great inconvenience in the
toils of public instruction, which had long existed
here and elsewhere, in the want of books, suitable for
the several classes, notice is given, that a deposit is
open where the scholars who needed, must be sup-
plied with them at the prime cost, with a provision,
that those, unable to purchase, may be furnished at
the expense of the town. This was in compliance
with an act, lately passed by our General Court.
July 18. A report of the schools in Salem, fur^
NUMBER ANO EXPENSE OF SCHOOLS. 473
iiishes ns with the ensuing facts. There are 17 publie
-schools. One of these is called the Latin or Grrammar
school, and seven of them are usually denominated
^writing schools ; one of which, containing 40 colored
boys and girls, is kept by a colored man. They have
639 pupils. There are seven primary schools, taught
by mistresses, composed of children from five years
and upward, who number 457. Two other such
schools, under females, are instructed the principal
part of the year, one beyond Tapley's brook on the
old Boston road, and the other in the upper part of
Boston street. The cost of teaching our public schools
is $S,692 89 a year. The number of our private
schools is 69 and the scholars in them are 1,686.
The amount of tuition for the latter, is $18,836 a year.
One fifth of this sum is paid for boys and four fifths
for girls and small children of both sexes. While in
Boston three fifths of the money, laid out for instruc-
tion, is for that of public schools, less than one third of
the sum paid in Salemona^similar account, is expend-
ed for schools of this sort. The report states the need
of a classical school for boys and a high school for girls.
It mentions, that one of the former sort had been con-
nected with the Latin school, but had failed after two
or three years' trial.
Aug. 10. Agreed that $30 shall be distributed, for
prizes to scholars of the Latin school, and the like
amount for those of the English schools, kept by mas-
ters. Similar encouragement was given the last year.
It was of short duration.
Nov. 25. A Gymnasium had been lately establish-
ed on the premises of the Latin school, for the exer-
41
474 GYMNASIUM.
cise of its members. Such a mode of amusement
was adopted by high schools and colleges far and near.
It soon went down, and its disordered machinery was
seen, for a time, here and there, exposed to the wast-
ing effects of the elements.
1827, March 3. As Mr. Greanleaf had resigned,
Herman Bourne of Watertown is to serve in his stead.
The former begins a private school the 2d of April.
May 12. As the primary school for colored chil-
dren had been terminated, and efforts were made for
its restoration, a committee report, that it should not
be revived.
26th. Mr. Hood, having resigned and intended to
commence a private school for young ladies, is to be
succeeded by Jonathan Fox Worcester. As the town
had sanctioned the formation of two high schools for
females and one for males, accommodation, for the lat-
ter, is to be prepared in the Latin school house. Such
an addition to our privileges of instruction was im-
portant. Already has it raised the standard of thought
and conversation among those, who have come under
its influence. Such provision for the young is among
the richest gifts, which a community can confer upon
them.
June 16. Mr. Oliver is appointed principal of the
boys' high school at a salary of $ 1,000. The studies un-
der him were reading, grammar, geography, Colburn's
sequel, algebra, history, declamation, rhetoric and com-
position.
July 7. Henry I. Hamilton is elected to keep the
West High School for girls, in Beckford street, and
Rufus Putnam, Jr., of Beverly, the East for the same
HIGH SCHOOLS FOR GIRLS. 47|^
sex, in Bath street. Each of their salaries, $600, to
begin 1st of October. The buildings for these schools,
are estimated at $1,475 apiece. Thus two of the first
high schools, ever established here for females, com-
mence their operation. Were justice rendered to the
"better half" of our community ; did the succession
of persons, whose influence controls our municipal
course, comply with a correct view of the power, ex-
erted over every age by the position and example of
females, there would be, this moment, as many public
schools and of as high an order, among us, for girls as
for boys. When the day comes for such an amend-
ment of past mistake, there will be as much wonder
that it was left so long unrectified, as there is now,
that what has been done towards the reform, was not
done before.
At this time, the tuition of females for an hour each
day, during part of the year, at the masters' schools,
seems to have been relinquished. Such an omission
was well for those teachers and better for the girls, as
it was accompanied with the substitution of schools
for them all the year round.
1828, Aug. 16. Abner Brooks of Medford is elect-
ed to supply the place of Mr. Bourne.
26th. The first public examination of the Female
high schools. It gave proof, that however our sistera
are the weaker vessels physically, they are not so
much so intellectually as some would have us believe.
1829, March 11. Corporal punishment to be dis-
continued in the Latin and English high schools.
The cost of the public schools for tb^ past year, if
$10,000.
47d CX>LOIl£D CHIU>&EN.
Sept 19. Jacob Hood is to succeed Mr. Worce»-
tec, who engaged in private instruction.
Oct. 31. Voted that Col. Rodriquez instruct the
pupils, under Mr. Oliver, in French and Spanish.
This he did for six months.
1830, April 1. Mr. Eames closes his connection
with the Latin school. He did not think, as the
committee did, about the order for the exclusion of
corporal punishment.
3d. George Nichols takes his place for one month.
May 15. The Latin school to be discontinued till
a teacher can be obtained. After waiting, the com-
mittee employ Amos D. Wheeler to fill the vacancy.
July 9. Mr. Oliver resigns the English high school.
He engaged in a school Sept. 1st, on his own account,
which he taught with great repute to himself and
much benefit to his scholars.
10th. On the question of admitting a colored fe-
male to the high school for girls, it was decided affirm-
atively.
Aug. 21. Elisha Mack is chosen to take the place
of Mr. Oliver in the English high school, at $1,000 a
year.
Oct. 19. His health not being sufficient, he relin-
quishes the station, to which William H. Brooks is
appointed at the same rate.
1831, March 28. An effort is made to abolish the
high school for boys, because of its expense. Bot a
majority prevail to have it continued.
May 7. So sensitive was the mind of most in Sa-
lem on the admission of colored children with the
whites to our public schools, and as there was a doubt
ENCOURAGEMENT OF SCHOOLS. 477
of its legality, the school committee designate some of
their body to obtaia counsel relative to the subject.
This was done, and the advice was fully in favor of
granting such permission.
1833, Jan. 14. Mr. Hamilton's connection with
West school for females, ceases.
March 26. John E. Dearborn, who had taught one
of our public schools, two years, will succeed Mr.
Fairfield in his private school.
July 27. Oliver Carlton is elected to succeed Mr.
Wheeler in the Latin school.
1834, March 31. For the encouragement of edu-
cation, our Legislature pass an act of the subsequent
tenor. " Be it enacted, that from the first day of Jan-
uary next, all monies in the treasury derived from the
sale of lands in the State of Maine, and from the
claim of the State on the government of the United
States for military services, and not otherwise appro-
priated, together with fifty per centum of all monies
thereafter to be received from the sale of lands in
Maine, shall be appropriated to constitute a permanent
fund for the aid and encouragement of common
schools." From this, called " The Massachusetts
School Fund," there have been annual grants to Sa-
lem. The sum, so received, in 1836 was over $500,
1839, $431 76, and in 1842, $519 72. Since the
Colonial gift of Baker's and Misery Islands, appropri-
ated for education, this community has not had cause
to remember a benefaction of the Commonwealth, for
a similar purpose, until the present. Such provision
tends to cherish benevolent sympathies and ties of
strength between the State and its towns and cities.
41*
478 COMMON SCHOOtiS*
June 7. A remonstrance is presented against hav-
ing colored girls in the East high school.
July 24. The town empower the school commit^
tee to establish separate instruction for the African
children.
Aug. 5. William B. Dodge, who had taught in
North Fields, is chosen to instruct such scholars.
The place provided for them, was the chamber of the
Central school house, where the Latin school was
formerly kept.
30th. Albert Lackey of Danvers is to take Mr.
Dodge's former place.
Nov. 13. The public schools are allowed four days
to hear Mr. Mulkey on his new system of orthoepy.
There are 19 town schools, with 783 male, and 528
female scholars, from 4 to 16 years old. The cost of
their instructors for a year, is $8,450.
!^835, May 16. A report is made on donations by
Samuel Brown and others, for the benefit of our com-
mon schools. It states that, however such gifts have
long ceased to be accounted for, yet the intention of
them has been essentially complied with in our annual
appropriations for education.
Oct. 12. William Leavitt is elected to fill the place
of Mr. Hood in the South school. The teacher of
the Latin school has $1,100, of the High, #1,000, each
of the nine other masters, has $600, and each of the
eight mistresses has $150 salary.
1836, May. The school committee now receive
their authority from the city council, instead of the
whole corporation. Though there is this turn in the
tide of our affairs, yet there is the same bearing ti>-
wards improvement.
NORMAL SCIiOOL. 479
Oct. 10. Daniel P. Gallop of Beverly is to take the
West school, which was under Mr. Felton.
3 1st. An addition of $200 is made to each salary
of the town masters, and $50 to that of every mis-
tress in the primary schools, to begin the first of next
year.
1837, March 20. There are 70 private schools in
Salem, mostly taught by females, having 589 males
and 1,001 females, supported at an annual charge of
$22,700. The town schools have 1,236 pupils, being
756 males and 480 females, at the yearly cost for
teachers of $8,877.
1839, Jan. 6. The annual compensation for each
master of the common schools is placed at $750, and,
the next quarter, it was reduced $50. Such diminu-
tion seems to have come from the late and continued
embarrassment in business.
March 8. Mr. Towndrow had been lately employ-
ed to teach writing in the public schools. He con-
tinued in this capacity a year.
May 31. Richard Gardner of Williams street
school is succeeded by Mr. Felton, formerly of the
West school.
Aug. 19. Joseph Hale is instructor of the East
female school, which had been under Mr. Putnam.
Sept. 26. A committee, appointed to consider the
Normal schools, lately established by the State Board
of Education, and the introduction of libraries into
public schools, as proposed by the same body, report
in their favor. They, also, recommend, that two
girls, from each of the female high schools, be select-
ed and placed at the Lexington Normal institution.
480 VACCINATION OF SCHOLARS.
and fitted to instruct children here, at the expense of
the city. This was partly carried into effect. One
young woman, chosen the next February, was thus
educated.
Oct. 7. The new, but judicious practice of employ-
ing female assistants in our public schools for boys,
under the charge of masters, commences. The com-
pensation for each of such assistants weis $150.
1840, Jan. 20. It is ordered, that no child shall be-
long to any public school without a certificate of hav-
ing been vaccinated. The utility of this regulation,
if perseveringly adhered to, is evident to all.
May 17. The school committee agree in a remon-
strance to General Court, against the abolition of the
State Board of Education and Normal schools. The
object, for which this document was forwarded, was
secured by a majority of the Legislature.
Sept. 14. Amos Choate proposes to give the city
$120 annually, for three years, as prizes to six of the
best scholars in the Latin school, and to nine of like
merit in the high school, and not less than $10 for a
boy in each of these schools, who has the highest
mark for good conduct. This generous and useful
gift was accepted.
1841, Feb. 15. Voted to have a school house of
wood erected in Aborn street, for $1,500.
April 3. Mr. Lackey is transferred from the North
school to the East female school, resigned by Mr.
Hale.
6th. Charles Northend is appointed to the North
school.
19th. It is voted, that a site, for a building after-
SCHOOL FESTIVAU 481
wards called the Union school house, be purchased
between Bath and Essex streets, known as the Brown
lot, instead of the one, preriously contracted, for, be-
tween St. Peter and Forrester streets.
May 17. It is decided to have a new building for
the North school. Mr. Lackey is to take this again
and Mr. Northend to teach the Aborn street school.
Mr. Jocelyn is to succeed Mr. Lackey in the East fe«
male school. Messrs. Brooks and Felton are designat-
ed for the Union school, composed of the Central, Wil-
liams street and East schools for boys. So many
changes at once, never before or since occurred in our
department of instruction. The female assistant in
the West school has a salary of f 175.
Aug. 7. Mr. Dodge relinquishes the African school
after a long and useful service, as one of our public
instructors, of 34 years.
16th. Thomas B. Perkins of Lynn is elected to
succeed him.
Oct. 11. A school house for colored children, is
ordered to be erected on the city land, opening into
Mill street, and called Gravel Pit.
1842, March 1. There is a festival to celebrate the
opening of the new school houses. A procession move,
in the forenoon, from the East school house to the Me-
chanic hall. 1,900 scholars are present. There are
prayers, singing by the pupils, and addresses. Invited
guests partake of a collation in the lower rooms. In
the afternoon, the Mayor relates the operations of the
school committee and speeches are made. In the
evening, Horace Mann delivered a valuable address.
Among the strangers present, is the Nestorian bishop,
489 NEW SCHOOL HOUSES.
Mar Yohannan, who attracted much notice. This was
a novel, but highly interesting scene for Salem.
3d. It is concluded that the donation of $2,400 by
Stephen C. Phillips to Salem, shall be expended for
improvements on the school house in Broad street.
The language of the school committee, subseqently^
expressed towards this gentleman, is justly applicable.
"Resolved that this Board tender their sincere and
grateful acknowledgments to the Hon. Stephen C.
Phillips for his generous liberality, his untiring indus-
try, as a member of this Board and as chairman of the
standing committee, for the great amount of labor,
which he has voluntarily performed, for his valuable
suggestions and the deep interest, which, for several
years, he has constantly manifested to perfect our sys-
tem of public instruction, and to which, in a high de-
gree, we are indebted for the present elevated condi-
tion of the public schools."
The chief of these two school houses, situated on
Essex and Bath streets, is of brick, two stories high,
60 feet wide and 136 feet long. Its cost was $17,600.
It is calculated for two departments, which together
4^^ comprise Jf9§^ scholars. This and the present Gram-
mar school house are well adapted for their purpose,
and the best ever before in Salem.
April 18. At a late session of the legislature a re-
solve was passed, that $16 be paid from the school
fund to every school district, which show, that they
have appropriated as much for a district library.
1843, April 17. Of 3,910 pupils from 4 to 16 years
1 March 21, 1844.
SCHOOL BOOKS. 4S3
of age, 972 are in 49 private schools, at an annual
expense of $13,594 75. Of the same number, 2,256
belong to 28 public schools, taught by 10 males and
41 females, though but about 2,000 are regular attend-
ants. For the teachers and fuel of these schools one
year, the city paid $14,816 86.
Oct. 17. Our colored population are and have been
dissatisfied with the separate school for their children,
as too distinctive in point of complexion. Hence, the
school had greatly declined in numbers. The result
was, that it was closed tbe next spring to the no small
stir among those, who differed in opinion as to the
mode of its termination and the reason for its contin-
uance.
Before closing the subject of education, it may be
well to look back on a portion of the manuals, by
which learners of the past century acquired the rudi-
ments of their knowledge. The following books, ad-
ditional to others, named under 1691, are presented
as the means for so commendable an attainment.
Their use appears to have commenced here and in
other sections of Massachusetts, as convenience and
preference dictated, about the particular years, which
accompany them. This reference of them, as to time
and place, is more vague than desired. But the want
of data, for the greater part, forbid it to be otherwise.
Such books, as refer to branches above those of spell-
ing, reading and cyphering, were confined, chiefly, to
private schools and were not used in any of our pub-
lic English schools, till 1816, as previously stated.
Spelling Books. — Dyche's, Dilworth's, 1750, the
latter continued in use till after 1800; Fenning's,
484 SCHOOL BOOKS. READING THE BIBLE.
1766 ; British Instructor, 1768 ; Perry's, 1780, pub-
lished by Thomas, 1808, and used here 1834, as edit-
ed by Alger; Webster's, 1802; Alden's, 1812; New
York spelling book, 1818 ; Murray's, 1819; Picket's,
Gummings's, 1820; Emerson's, 1835, and Fowle's,
1842.
Reading Books. — Several English spelling books
had lessons for reading, which were used, for this pur-
pose, as well as the Bible and Psalter, for a long pe-
riod. Webster's selections 1785 ; Morse's Geography,
abridged ; Youth's Preceptor, 1789 ; American Pre-
ceptor, 1792 ; Economy of human life, 1793 ; Colum-
bian Orator, from which pieces were spoken by boys
at their public examinations ; Dana's selections, Scott's
Lessons, 1800 ; Saunpson's Beauties of the Bible,
1802; English Reader, 1805; New York Reader,
1818; American First Class Book, 1825; National
Reader, 1828 ; Sullivan's Moral Class Book, 1836 ;
Story's Constitutional Class Book ; Young Analytical
Reader, 1838 ; Mount Vernon, 1839 ; Leavitt's, Por-
ter's, 1840. The period is not known when the
Scriptures were ever excluded from our public schools.
But instead of being read by the scholars as previous-
ly, they have been read for not less than 24 years,
either by the teacher, or, at his direction, by one of
the pupils, at the opening of the school in the morn-
ing. In one mode or another, they have been gener-
ally used in our private schools. If the reading of
them by instructors has proved sufficient to command
the attention of scholars so much as the old custom,
it may be the means of gain in point of reverence for
their sacred contents. Still the subject is open for
SCHOOL BOOKS. 48g
consideration and the way should be pursued, which
is best to bring the mind of ouf youth under the sway
of Christianity and thus render them fit to love and
sustain the principles of the reformation.
Arithmetics. — leak's, 1713 ; Fisher's Young Man's
Companion with lessons of spelling, reading, etc.,
1727; an edition of this work, enlarged, was printed
by Dr. Benjamin Franklin, 1748 ; an Arithmetic, vul-
gar and decimal, printed in Boston, 1729 ; Hill's,
1752; School Master's Assistant, 1770; Perry's As-
sistant, 1777; Pike's, 1786; Temple's, 1790; Walsh's,
1801, continued in 1838; Adams's, 1802; Welch's,
calculated in Federal money, 1813; Daboll's, 1814;
Bonnycastle's, Staniford's, 1818; Colburn's First Les-
sons, 1820 ; Colburn's Sequel, 1826 ; Robinson's,
1834; Emerson's, 1835; GreenleaPs, Smith's, 1838 ;
and Leonard's, 1841.
Stepping over the studies of Algebra, Geometry,
Surveying, Astronomy and History, taught in the
higher schools and of which there was a convenienC
supply", we come to other branches.
Book Keeping. — Besides Oldcastle and Collins, pri-*
or to 1700, there have been Snell's, 1710 ; Mair's,
1738; Perry's, 1777; Booth's, 1789; Turner's, 1800;
Staniford's, at the end of his Arithmetic, 1818, and
Robinson's, 1835.
As many sons of " our Zebulon " have, from its first
settlement, chosen the pursuits of the Ocean, we must
not omit Navigation. Jones's, 1702 ; Halley's Tables,
1761 ; Wilson's, 1763 ; Hutchinson's, 1777 ; Moore'Sj
1800 ; Bowditch's, 1807, which is still used.
Geographies. — Gordon's, 1708; Rudiments, 1712;
42
486 SCHOOL BOOKS.
Bohun's, 1713 ; Salmon's, 1756 ; Guthrie's, 1785 ;
Morse's, 1790; Dwight's, 1796; Cumming's, 1813
Adam's, 1816; Worcester's, 1825; Boston School
Atlas, 1829; Carter's, Field's, 1834; Woodbridge's
1835 ; Olney's, Parley's, 1838 ; Smith's, Smiley's
Hale's, Child's, 1839 ; Fowle's, 1830, and Mitchell's
1842.
English Grammars.—«Salmon's, 1759; Lilly's, 1761
British Grammar, printed in Boston, 1784; Lowth's
Ash's, Webster's, 1785; Bingham's Accidence, 1790
Alexander's, 1797 ; Murray's, 1806 ; continued, 1834
Teacher of Youth, 1807 ; Staniford's, 1815 ; Smith's
1838; Parker's, 1839; Goold Brown's, 1842.
English Dictionaries of Bailey, 1745 ; Dyche
1750; Johnson, 1759; Entick, 1770; Perry, 1783
continued, 1834; Walker, 1806, used, 1843; Web-
ster, 1807, and Worcester, 1835.
Of the various productions in Belles LiCttres, for
teaching young ladies, was Dodsley's Preceptor, two
large volumes, 1748.
Latin Grammars of Garretson, 1704 ; Rules of Syn-
tax, 1712; Bailey's exercises, 1720; Burr, 1757 ; In-
troduction to the Latin tongue, 1789 ; Adam, 1800 ;
Biglow, 1809; Smith, 1813; Andrews and Stoddard,
1839.
Latin Dictionaries of Ainsworth, 1736; Cole, 1743;
Young, 1762 ; Entick's Tyro Thesaurus, 1808 ;
Leverett, 1836, and Gardner, 1840.
Passing over a variety of French, Italian and Span-
ish Grammars and Dictionaries, which have been
studied in our high schools, we come to the Greek
Grammars. Vossius, used after the year 1700, as well
SCHOOL BOOKS. 487
as before ; Institutio, etc., 1730 ; Wettenhal's, 1739 ;
Milner's, 1761 ; Glocester, 1800, the chief successor
to Westminster Grammar ; Valpy's, 1808 ; Smith's,
1810 ; Fisk's, 1830, and Sophocles's, 1836.
Greek Lexicons of Schrevelius, editions prior to
1700, and down to 1774 and afterwards, an edition of
it by John Pickering, with an English translation,
1826 ; Donnegan, 1832, and Grove, 1834.
Thus we come to the close of bibliographical de-
tails. Viewed independently of their relations, they
are dry and uninteresting. But look at them as the
signs, set up on the long course of education, and
they soon change their appearance and tell us of what
occupied the early days and attention of our ancestors
as well as of their descendants. They also show us,
that the facilities for instruction, in the different pe-
riods of our community and commonwealth, were
more than is generally supposed.
Though beyond the common bound of this work,
yet the present is an instance wherein we may be al-
lowed to step over and notice the books, studied in all
our public schools. True, such an addition may in-
crease the tedium of looking through what has been
just offered. Still, not a few, who may come after
us, will be glad to know the studies of our childhood,
as we are to ascertain those of the multitudes, who
have preceded us. The thought of thus preparing
satisfaction for them, should add to our own pleasure
and impel us to endure so as to prevent their disap-
pointment.
Text books used in the schools of Salem in 1844
Latin Grammar school. — Andrews's Latin Lessons and
438 SCHOOL BOOKS.
Reader, Caesar de bello Gallico, Cicero's Select Ora-
tions, Virgil, Andrews and Stoddard's Latin Gram-
Qiar and Exercises. Greek Delectus, Felton's Greek
Reader, Sophocles's Greek Grammar, Classical Read-
er, Emerson's Arithmetic, Totten and Sherwin's Al-
gebra, Brown's English Grammar, Worcester's Ancient
and Modern Geography.
English High School. — Tower's Gradual Reader,
Scholar's Companion, Brown's Grammar, Walker's
Dictionary, Smith's Geography, Gray's Chemistry,
Pictorial Natural History, Hitchcock's Geology, Way-
land's Political Economy, City Charter, Constitution
of Massachusetts, Bayard's Constitution of the United
States, Emerson's Arithmetic, 3d part, Clark's Book-
keeping, Sherwin's Algebra, Ingram's Mathematics,
Olmstead's Natural Philosophy, Wilkins's Astronomy,
Wayland's Moral Science, Paley's Natural Theology,
and Dick's Christian Philosopher.
English Grammar Schools. — Fowle's Improved
Guide, Scholar's Companion, Parker and Fox's Pro-
gressive Exercises, Frost's Exercises in Composition,
Young Reader, Worcester's Thijrd Part, Mount Vernon
Reader, American First Class Book, Tower's Gradual
Reader, Child's Own Book of American Geography,
Smith's Atlas, Emerson's Outlines of Geography and
History, Fairfield's Map Questions, Wilkins's Astron*-
omy. Frost's History of the United States, Colburn's
First Lessonsand Sequel, Bailey's Algebra and Grund's
Geometry.
Primary Schools. — My Little Primer, My First
School Book, Spelling and Thinking combined, Wor-
SCHOOL BOOKS. 489
cester's Second Book, Mount Vernon Junior Reader,
Emerson's Arithmetic, first part.
We have reached the end, designed for considering
the chief branch of school education in this comma-
nity. The course, so pursued, covers a long period
of various incidents. It shows the views, inclinations,
and changes of the public mind as to one of its most
vital concerns. Its light has increased, as its distance
has lengthened. But success should not blind our
eyes. It should never disarm us of caution. A vig-
ilant care should be constantly exercised, lest the in-
tellect of the young be cultivated to the exclusion of
conscience. Earthly learning without the balance
and direction of heavenly wisdom, is like an orb of
the firmament, drawn from its proper sphere, endan-
gering itself and every object it approaches. As a
ppet has observed, " It is not the whole of life, to
live," so we may remark, it is not all of learning,
to learn. There are important consequences. If the
faculties and affections be trained under a correct im-
pression, that, for whatever ideas they bring to the
soul so as to bias its motives and actions, there is an
inevitable accountability at the bar of Omniscience,
it will have a salutary influence. The pupils of a
teacher are neither so dull nor so forgetful hearers of
such precepts, as many suppose. The more our schools
are thus instructed, the more this city may continue
to point them out, as the Roman matron did her well
disciplined children, — " These are my jewels."
42*
490
ORADUATiSS.
COLLEGE GRADUATES.
Since the commendable efforts of our fathers to
found a College on the plain, subsequently known as
Marblehead farms, great has been the increase of lite-
rary privileges. Had success crowned their exertions,
the first institution of this kind, in New England,
would not, of course, have derived its origin as that
of Harvard has. As it is, we proceed to give a list
of the individuals, who have taken their first degrees,
while residents of Salem. To those, who have made
the experiment, this is no easy task. The difficulty
arises mainly from a lack of records in the different
colleges of Massachusetts and the adjoining States.
So far as such deficiency arises from keeping no regu-
lar entry of the students, it should be forthwith recti-
fied. So far as it comes from the unavoidable loss (f
records, it is matter of much regret.
Harvard Graduates,^
Ab the entriei made of scholars who joined this University down to
1728, are lost, we have not so sure information of them as is necessary
to know all of their number who hailed from this city. The ^aduates
having d subjoined, were of that section of Salem aflerwards called
Danvers.
George Downing, 1642
Joseph Brown, 1666
Nathaniel Higginson, 1670
Peter Ruck, 1685
Benjamin Maiston, 1689
Walter Price, 1695
Timothy Lindall, '/
George Curwin, 1701
John Rogers, 1705
Samuel PhHlips, 1708
John Tufls, d n
Benjamin Marston, 1715
Samuel Plaisted, n
John Higginson, 1717
Daniel Putnam, d n
Benjamin Lynde, 1718
Mitchell Sewall, //
Theophilus Pickering, 1719
» Letters from Hon. Josiah Quincy, President of Harvard College,
and from Rev. John Pierce, D. D.
GRADUATES.
491
Joseph Green, d
John Wolcott,
Stephen Sewall,
William Osgood,
Thomas Lee,
Samuel Jefferds,
John Gardner,
James Osgood,
Marston Cabo^
John Cabot,
Benjamin Browne,
Samuel Browne,
William Browne,
Nathaniel LindaU,
Richard Clarke,
John Barton,
Samuel Gardner,
William Lynde,
Benjamin Gerrish,
Joseph Orne,
Samuel Curwin,
George Curwin,
Benjamin Prescott, d
Peter Clark, d
Samuel Orne,
Ichabod Plaisted,
Andrew Higginson,
Nathaniel Ropes,
James Putnam, d
William Browne,
Thomas Toppan,
Benjamin Pickman,
John Pickering,
Nathan Goodale,
Samuel Gardner,
George Gardner,
John Barnard,
John Cabot,
Timothy Pickering,
Jonathan Goodhue,
Henry Gardner,
Joseph Orne,
Nathaniel Ward,
William Pickman,
Henry Gibbs,
Thomas Barnard,
Jacob Ashton,
1720
1721
n
1722
1723
1724
ti
1725
1727
tt
1728
1729
1730
1732
1733
//
1735
ti
1736
1739
1740
1745
n
1746
1755
1757
1759
ti
tf
1762
//
1763
1764
1765
n
1766
1766
1768
//
1778
1780
1781
n
1784
//
//
Benjamin Goodhue,
James Diman,
Timothy Orne,
William Goodhue, 1769
Joshua Dodge, 1771
Edward Kitchen Turner,* */
Thomas Fitch Oliver, 1775
Joseph Blaney,
Samuel Williams,
Samuel Orne,
John Saunders,
Benjamin Pickman,
Timothy Williams,
Samuel Gardner Derby, 1785
Ebenezer Putnam, "
John Derby, 1786
Samuel Pickering Gardner, f
John Gibaut,
William Mason,
Joseph Cabot,
Ezekiel Hersey Derby,
Thomas Pickman,
Nathaniel Cabot Lee,
John Sparhawk Appleton, 1792
George Gardner Lee,
Willard Peele,
Joseph Sprague,
John Pickering,
Francis Williams,
John Hathome,
Timothy Pickering,
William Rufus Gray,
John Prince,
John Forrester,
Benjamin Peirce,
Ichabod Nichols,
Charles Saunders,
Simon Forrester,
Benjamin Hodges,
Samuel Orne, 1804
Benjamin Ropes Nichols, n
1787
1788
1791
ft
n
It
n
II
1796
n
1798
1799
1800
1801
1802
1803
It
* Though the town, whence ht
came, is not placed against his
name, recorded on the College
book, when he entered, yet he wsfl
evidently from Salem.
493 ORADI
Joseph Spragae Steems,* 1804
Ebenexei HuDt Beckford, 1B05
BenJBDun Binney Oagtxid, 1806
Daniel Oliver, .<
Nathaniel West,
Heniy Peirce,
Fraiicia Calley Gray,
JomthBD Peele Dabney,
Sftniuel Gilman, "
Robert Hawkioa Osgood, k
Clarke Gayton Pickmui, "
WilllBiD Augustus Rogers, "
' 1812
1807
1811
Richard Derby i
Francis Gerrish,
Andrew Dunlap,
Charles Forrester,
John Foster,
Thomas Savage,
George Derby,
Jose^ Peirce NJchola,
Edward West,
Henry Felt Baker,
Joseph Sebastian Cabot,
William Fairfield Gardner,
Richard Manning Hodges,
1813
but did not B'sduale. are the Fol-
lowiuf. Zechariah Hickea 1752,
Slephen Goodbup, and Klj Justin
1^, Jusoph Cabol 1761, George
Cabot 1707, Jonatban Peple J7fi>,
died, Paul Mascarene 1774, John
Pvnchon 17dO, Richard Dprby
1781. Elias Haxkel Derby 1762,
Btrphen Cleaveland BIylh 1786,
Jnbn FiBk 1794 and Henry Gray
1798.
or Ihoee numbered by Mr. Dab-
ney among Salem Rradualen, in
Ibl American Quarterly Regisler
of Npyember, 1t(42, but who be-
MarslOD of Marblehead
174''i, Juhn Pa^e of New Salem,
1757, and Joaepb Dowse of Butau
Charles Lawrence, 181S
Joseph Ome, n
Gayton Pickman Osgood, "
Basket Derby Pickman, >i
Samuel R. Putnam, '<
Ebenezer Putnam, "
Richard Gardner, 1616
Nathan Ward Neal,
Joseph Augustus Peabody, "
Joseph Gilbert Waters,
Stephen WheaUand, ••
Thomas March Woodbridge,"
Samuel Burrill, 181B
William Paine Cabot, .•
Eiekiel Hersey Derby, n
George Osbom, n
Richard Goodhue Wheatland,
Thomas Cook Whittredgre, "
Oliver Frye, 1819
Stephen Clarendon Phillips, "
Joseph Hardy Prince, »
Benjamin Wheatland, ••
Gideon Tucker, 1830
Benjamin Tucker, 1831
Nath. Ingersol! Bowditch, 18SS
William Putnam Endicott, <•
Horatio Robinson, >/
Sam'l Melanclhon Worcester,
Augustus Choate, 1833
Stephen Webb,
Joseph Osgood, 1834
Samuel Adams Cooper, n
Edward Pickering, »
David Roberts, »
Charles Gideon Putnam, "
George Thomas Saunders, »
Nathaniel Silsbee, »
Jeremiah Chaplin Stickney, "
Augustus Torrey,
Stephen Palfrey Webb,
George Wheatland, >.
John Goodhue Treadwell, 1835
Nehemiah Adams, 1896
Benjamin Cox, i>
Nathaniel Phippen Koapp, if
Wm. Hathome Brooks, 1827
David MighUl Perley, »
GRADUATES.
498
//
ti
tr
II
n
n
1830
//
If
II
1831
Benj. Varnum Crowinshield,
Charles Babbidge, 1828
Ephraim Flint Miller,
George Nichols,
John Lewis Russell,
Nathaniel Foster Derby,
Nicholas Devereux,
George Humphrey Devereux,
Joshua Holyoke Ward,
William Andrews,
John White Browne,
Richard Pulling Jenks,
Samuel Mc Burney,
Francis Henry Silsbee,
Benjamin Hodges Silsbee,
Haley Forrester Barstow, 1832
Charles Timothy Brooks,
George William Cleveland,
William Fabens,
William Prescott Gibbs,
Charles Grafton Page,
Jonathan Archer Ropes,
John Boardman Silsbee,
William Silsbee,
John Henry Silsbee,
Augustus Story,
William Henry West,
Henry Wheatland,
Samuel Page Andrews,
William Mack,
II
II
n
II
II
n
II
It
II
II
II
II
II
1833
//
H
1835
II
II
II
1836
II
II
II
1838
John Osgood Stone, 1833
Gideon Forrester Barstow, 1834
William Putnam Richardson,
Nathaniel West,
James Freeman Colman,
Francis Cummings,
Francis Alfred Fabens,
Edward Lander,
Charles Warwick Palfrey,
James Chisholm,
Daniel Cook,
Jones Very,
Thomas Barnard West,
William Burley Howes,
John Gallison King,
William Henry Prince,
Henry Ome Stone,
George Francis Cheever, 1840
Edward Brooks Peirson, n
William Ome White, n
Wm. St Agnan Steams, 1841
Henry Osgood Stone,
Benjamin Barsto-nr,
Frederick Howes,
Samuel Johnson,
Stephen Henry Phillips,
Horace Putnam Fammn,
James Henry Trask,
Washington Very,
Henry Ome White,
II
II
II
II
1842
rr
II
II
1843
//
//
The following pp-aduates were natives, but not residents of Salem,
tvheti taking their degrees. Jonathan Whitaker, 1797, Samael Calley
Gray and- John Chipnian Gray, 1811, William Hickling Prescott 1814,
William Ward 1816, Horace Gray 1819, Benjamin Swett 1823, Elias
Hasket Derby 1824, Edward Goldsborough Prescott 1825, Henry
Ingersoll Bowditch and William Gray Swett 1828, Benjamin Pierce
1829, John Pickering 1830, Henry White Pickering 1831, Joseph
White and Charles Henry Pierce 1833, Edward Augustus Crownin-
flbield 1836, Wm. IngersoU Bowditch and Wm. Wetmore Story 1838.
Joseph Hunt Rassell, of the class of 1841, died while a member of
College.
Yale Graduates.
Edward Warner,
1835
Josiah Willard Gibbs, 1800
Henry Gibbs, 1814
Joseph Hardy Towne, though of Salem when he prepared to enter
T&le, was not so when he graduated, 1827.
494
GRADUATES.
Brown Graduates.
George Phippen,
1811
Joseph Famum, Jr.,
1832
Thomas Russell,
It
Samuel Randall,
II
John Mosely Moriarty,
1827
Stephen Osgood Shepard,
1836
Lucius Stillman Bolles,
1828
Thomas Perkins Shepard,
II
Samuel Lamson,
II
David Abott Putnam,
1837
Stephen Phippen Hill,
1829
William Hathome Bott,
1840
Benj. Herbert Hathome,
1830
Ebenezer Dodge, Jr.,
II
Joseph Moriarty,
//
Tracy Patch Cheever,
1843
Dartmouth Graduates.^
Robert Crowell,
1811
RichM Manning Chipman
,1832
Joseph Barlow Felt,
1813
Edward B. Emerson,
II
Ebenezer B. Caldwell,
1814
Charles D. Jackson,
1833
Joseph Torrey,
1816
James M. Dodge,
II
Samuel Haraden Archer,
1818
Nathaniel F. Safford, Jr.,
1835
George W. Punchard,
1826
Frederic W. Choate,
1836
Jonathan Fox Worcester,
1827
Edward D. Very,
1837
Loammi Sewall Coburn,
1830
William W. Morland,
1838
Daniel Hopkins Emerson,
II
Frederic Foster,
1840
Charles C. Webster,
II
The following persons entered Dartmoath College, but did not
frraduale. Stephen Caldwell 1807, died, Henry S. Safford 1808,
Samuel L. Driver 1825, John C. Tread well and Francis Cammings
1830, Robert W. King and Edward Warner 1831.
Bowdoin Graduates,
John Barton Derby,
Edward Orne,
Ebenezer Shillaber,
1811
ldl4
l6l6
Nathaniel Hawthorne, 1825
George W. Cleaveland, 1837
Amherst Graduates,
Joseph Howard, Jr., 1827
Stephen Caldwell Millet, 1830
John Lawrence Fox, 1831
John Northend Goodhue, »/
Albert Samuel Payson, 1833
George Phillips Smith, 1835
Wm. Charles Treadwell, 1836
Alden BurriU Robbins, 1839
James Locke Batchelder, 1840
George Baker Jewett, "
John Herrick Stratton, »»
Daniel Kimball, 1841
* Letters from Rev. John Richards of Hanover, and Mr. MtUea
Chamberlain, of Concord, N. H.
GRADUATES.
495
Waterville Graduates.
James Upham,
James Stone,
1835
tt
Stephen Hervey Herrick, 1838
James Oliver, *>
Should there he deficiency of names in the preceding lists, the
writer would be glad to have information of them.
SABBATH SCHOOLS.
These institutions have probably existed, to a Hm-
ited extent, in one form or another, at different periods
of Christianity. Among the most prominent pro-
moters of them in ancient times, was Charles Borro-
meo, by some written Boronia, bishop of Milan, in the
16th century. They were adopted by a Synod of
Germany in 1695. But the man, whose example has
exerted an influence among Christians of both hemis-
pheres, for carrying on so valuable an enterprise of be-
nevolence, is Robert Raikes. To reclaim dissolute
children, who trampled on the Lord's day, in Pains-
wic of Gloucestershire, England, Mr. Raikes had
them collected into a Sunday school. Such an essay
has met with the signal blessing of Providence and
bids fair to be an increasing auxiliary for the advance-
ment of the world's spiritual renovation. It is a richer
memorial of him, than Westminster's costliest monu-
ments of its sleeping heroes.
The first movement for a Sabbath school in Salem,
which has come to the notice of the writer, is the
following. In 1807, S. Cleaveland Blydon, who
taught school here, gave notice, that, on Sept. 6, he
would begin to instruct any children every Sunday,
from half past 6 to 8 A. M., and from half past 4 to
490 ' FIRST SABBATH SCHOOL.
6 P. M., free of all charge^ except for Bibles and
blank books.
1813. A school of this sort was taught in the
Tabernacle during the summer, one hour prior to the
afternoon service. It continued to be thus kept pe-
riodically till 1818, except one summer. Another was
commenced, 1813, in the South Congregation,^ by
Miss Susan Bulfinch, afterwards the wife of Daniel
Poor, a distinguished Missionary in Ceylon.
1816, Jan. 25. A school of this kind^ had just be-
gun at the South meeting house, for indigent boys,
unable to attend instruction on other days. They
learned from the spelling book, Testament and Bible.
At the same place, a school for boys, in better circum-
stances, then commenced.
1817, May 17. A Bible class began under the in-
struction of Rev. Samuel Worcester.
1818, April 19. A Sunday school for colored fe-
males and children, is opened by a number of ladies,
who soon took the name of the Clackson Society.
June 9. This association had another such school
lately commenced for colored males. A similar school
had recently begun in the Branch Congregation.
Schools] of this kind were becoming general in the
towns of Essex County.
Aug. 13. A Sabbath School Society is organized
in the first Baptist church. They had a school pre-
viously in operation.
1819, The Society for the moral and religious in-
struction of the poor, open such schools in diiSerent
^ Letter from ReT. Michael Carlloo.
SINGING. 49f
sections of the town. These, in the summer of 192i^
contained 475 children. At the same time, the cok
ored school numbered 114 children and adults. la
1823, the schools, under the last society named, were
supplied with Libraries. On Oct. 12, of this year,
they were addressed, in the South meeting house, hy
Rev. Dr. Price, of Hampden Sidney College.
1825, Oct. 27. There had been eight of these schoola
in townthe past summer, of 750 scholars. Their anni^
versary was observed in the same meeting house. Mr«
Upham preached a sermon on the occasion. A collec-
tion of $50 was taken.
1828, June. A Sabbath school is opened in the
North church. Others were commenced, 1830, in
the rest of the religious societies. As new oongrega*
tions have been since formed, they have adopted such
schools. From the year last specified, the schools
have been continued, for the most part, through the
year. They are generally furnished with good libra-
ries. It is a hopeful sign of our day, that institutions
of this sort have risen and spread among our popular
tion. Wherever their legitimate influence is allowed,
they will open the spiritual vision of man to his moral
necessities, and thence guide him to the revealed sup-
plies of his Maker.
INSTRUCTION IN SINGING.
This art, which, when properly exercised, contrib-
utes so much to the refined pleasure of social inter-
course and to the chastened enjoyment of religious
worship, has had its changes of depression and elevar
tion. Though the primitive settlers of our soil de-
43
498 SINGING.
clined the use of organs in their sanctuarieS| they were
no haters of vocal music. While they survived^ this
gift of the voice was cultivated according to the tuneSi
contained in such versions of the Psalms, as Ains-
worth and others. After their departure, a disposition,
to learn more from memory than rule, extensively pre-
vailed. This probably arose from a scarcity of suita-
ble books, occasioned by the adversities of war with
the Indians and of severity from the Crown, as well
as from too much indulgence to bad taste.
By 1714, the need of reform was greatly felt by
men, who desired that their children should make
" sweet singers," as well as true followers of rectitude.
Among such reformers were Rev. John Tufts of New-
bury and Rev. Thomas Symmes of Bradford. The
former published a singing book, about the year last
named, with 24 tunes, taken from Ravenscroft, at 6^.
The latter issued, in 1720, a witty, sensible piece, styled
" joco-serious dialogue on singing," which adduced
and answered the various objections, made against the
use of notes. He too, preached and wrote on this sub-
ject. For his exertions in this behalf, he encountered
frequent opposition.
As a specimen of the deep feeling, which such an
effort produced, the society of what was then the
south part of Braintree, under Mr. Niles, may be ad-
duced. In 1723, several members of his church were
excommunicated, because they advocated the propos-
ed amendment. Shortly after, a council called to set-
tle their difficulties, decided, that they should have
singing by note and rote, so that each party might, in
turn, be gratified. This was a conclusion more sig-
SINGING SCHOOLS. ^ 490
nificant of kind wishes than of adopting the best
means to promote peace. The contest; so carried oii|'
in a greater or less degree, in many parishes, gradual-
ly subsided in favor of truth, and the musical jargon,
if not bowlings, of our temples, became far less popu-
lar. Still, however victory was declared for notes,
there remained too much inclination to neglect the
" grave tunes " of our fathers, or more modern ones
like them, and substitute those of greater jingle, but
of far less impressiveness. Such a taste, though par-
tially corrected, was widely indulged till about
thirty-five years ago.
Having thus adduced the preceding facts, which
have a bearing on our own town in common with
other parts of New England, a few particulars will
now be presented.
As a common concern in this department of instruc-
tion, an act was passed by our legislature, July 14,
1773, " for granting William Billings of Boston the
sole priviledge of printing and vending a book by him
composed, consisting of a great variety of Psalm tunes.
Anthems, and Cannons, in two volumes." Though
this appears to be the first copy right of the kind, re-
corded among the transactions of our General Court,
yet there had been, for many years, various books of
such tunes, for sale in Massachusetts.
The first published information, that we have met
with of singing's being taught in Salem, though it
very probably was long before, is of Sept. 14, 1773.
Then Mr. Munson advertised his purpose to give such
instruction.
1774, April 19. Youth of both sexes, who had
fQQ SUIGINO SCHOOLS.
been under the tuition of Mr. Ripleyi meet at one of
tfie houaes of worship and sing psalm tunes and an-
Jbems. The next day, more of them from Mr. Man-
eon's scholars, belonging to this and other towns, as-
jemble here in another meeting house and make a
like exhibition.
1783, Aug. 12. An advertisement states, that a
ainging school will be opened in the brick school
house.
1796, March 2. Rer. Mr. Law notifies, that he
continues to teach sacred music in this town. He
did much to promote a correct taste and practice in
iuch a department.
Nov. 2. Of the scientific teachers of the same art,
is Samuel Holyoke. He proposes to teach it among
our population. Since this time, such instructors have
appeared, sufficient to meet the calls of community.
The Essex South Musical Society, formed 1814; the
Handel Society, 1818, and the Haydn Society in
1821, exerted a beneficial influence on the singing of
our religious congregations, through their members,
who resided here.
1825. About this date, the Mozart Association is
formed. They had stated meetings to practice in vo-
cal and instrumental music. Occasionally, they gave
concerts. They continued six years.
1832. A society, denominated the Glee Club, com-
mences. They assemble once a week to improve in
ainging English and German glees. Of these they
have 36 volumes by the best masters. Instrumental
music accompanies, the vocal. Ladies, though not
Inembers, sometimes take part in the perfotmances.
MUSIC. 501
Merriment, as the name of the society is sometimes
taken to mean, is not their object, but rational amuse-
ment in the cultivation of musical taste.
1839. There is a reorganization of persons, who
take the name of Union Social Singing Society.
Their main purpose is to advance in the art of sacred
music. They are assisted with several of the orches-
tral instruments.
As among the salutary novelties of late years, we
have the subsequent items.
1842, Sept. 1. A teacher of vocal music is to be
employed by our city, for ^150, in all our public
schools, under masters, except the one for Latin.
1843, April 17. For a like purpose, $300 are vot-
ed. This was paid to three instructors for a year's
service. The proper use of the voice in this and
other respects, is not half enough appreciated as to its
power, in accordance with the purpose of its Creator,
for harmonizing the discordant passions and improv-
ing the better aflfections of our nature.
*< The song instructs the soul and charms the ear."
INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.
The settlers of New England, when coming hither
to found colonies, left behind them the instruments of
music, employed in the churches of their native land.
Not that their ears were insensible to the harmony of
sounds or their hearts unaflfected with its strains. No.
They judged, from past experience, that by such de-
nial, they and their children should be less likely to
cherish an excessive reliance on the forms of religioUi
which prevailed among their countrymeOi and thus
43*
1^ FIRST ORGANS^
lose its spirit and power. A decision of this kind
long exerted an efficient influence orer our Common-
wealth.
The first oi^ans, we know of, in Massachusetts,
were noticed, 1711, by Rev. Mr. Green of Salem Vil-
lage. He said of them in his diary, << I was at Mr.
Thomas Brattle's, heard the organs and, saw strange
things in a microscope." It is probable, that one of
these instruments was that, which Mr. Brattle gave,
in 1714, to the King's Chapel of . Boston. A strong
objection made by some persons, 1720, against the
revival of singing by note, was, lest it should bring
instrumental music into our churches. In 1743, an
organ of John Clark was put in the Episcopal church
of Salem. When they had another made by Thomas
Johnston of Boston, 1754, they presented their old
one to the Episcopal church of Marblehead.
With regard to other musical instruments, they
were seldom advertised in the public prints, before the
Revolution of 1776. One of the instances, when
they were, was in 1764. Then a gentleman from
London offered several for sale in Boston, as flutes,
violins, a harpsichord, hautboys, and a bass viol. Rel-
ative to the harpsichord, so named, it as well as the
spinnet, was not in general use at this date. The
piano forte, being an improvement on them, was grad-
ually coming into use by 1795, and has since become
quite common among our citizens.
1771. A pamphlet is published here, entitled, <<The
lawfulness and advantages of instrumental music in
the public worship of God." A similar {voduction
had been inued in Philadelphia, 1763«
ORGANS IN CHURCHES. 50$
1772. Robert and George Yirat propose to give
musical lessons in Salem.
1774. A concert of instrumental and vocal music
is given at the Assembly Room.
1783. The Massachusetts Band, from Boston, per-*
form at a concert in Salem, for the benefit of our poor.
About 1799, several young men of Salem form a band.
They were much noticed for their skilful performances.
1800. An organ is made in London for the first
church. It came over in a ship of Hasket Derby.
Its cost was $1,800. It is among the best of our
country.
Prior to this time, orchestral instruments, particu-
larly the bass viol, had been played in our Congrega-
tional societies, for many years. They were thus em-
ployed in each of such societies as has been sup-
plied with an organ, till it weis so accommodated.
They are still used in our congregations which have
no organs.
1806. About this time, some of our musicians
unite and receive the name of Brigade Band, under
the auspices of General Samuel G. Derby. Their
career, while so connected, was of few years, but very
respectable.
1808. The North church supply themselves with
an organ, made in New York by John Giebe, al
$2,800.
1826. The Independent church are alike accom-
modated. Theirs was manufactured by Thomas Ap-
pleton of Boston for j^ 1,600. It is creditable to its
architect.
1828. The Tabernacle church have an organ of
504 ORGANS IN CHURCHES.
Messrs. Hooks, natives of Salem, but residents of Bos-
ton, for about $800. Convinced, that the purchase of
a low priced article at first, is not good economy in
future, they are about to obtain another of better
quality.
1832. The East church purchase one of Mr. Good-
ridge of Boston for $1,700.
The South church buy another of Messrs. Hooks,
at $1,200. It has recently had the addition of a sub-
base at $300.
1833. The first Baptist church have an organ of
Mr. Appleton at $1,600. It is a superior instrument.
About 1835, a new Brigade Band is constituted.
Its repute is deservedly high. One hopeful feature in
its character is, that its members are all temperance
men. This is a virtue, which has been too much dis-
regarded by such associations. The more skill in
music is exercised with a salutary influence on its
possessors and hearers, the more it complies with the
purpose of its being given as a talent for improvement.
1838. Howard street church procure an organ from
Messrs. Stevens & Gayette of East Cambridge. It is
accompanied with a sub-bass.
1839. The Universalist church obtain an organ.
Besides the preceding, there are two organs, of small
jize, in the Crombie street and the Catholic churches.
More than a century since, one reason assigned why
organs would not find a place in our Congregational
churches, was the expense of them. But this objec-
tion, as well as others of a religious nature, has given
way so much, that, in less than fifty years, nearly all
our houses of worship, though still imconformed to
the usages of Episco^^^yt^Y, ate su^jplied with such in-
DANCING. 50S
struments. This denotes a rapid change in pecuniary
circumstances and ecclesiastical sentiments.
DANCING SCHOOLS.
This subject may appear to some, at first sight, as
hardly a fit companion for other branches of educa-
tion. But whatever may be its repute in minds of
different inclinations, it has long been accounted, by a
portion of our community, suitable to hold such a
place. Though the far greater number of emigrants
to these shores, were, in purpose and example, oppos*
ed to dancing, yet there were continually^ individuals
about and among them, who would participate in the
exercise. This was so, in the outset of our colony, at
Merry Mount. It is evident from the early interdicts
against it, as contained in our legislative records.
The first information, which the writer has seen
relative to instruction in dancing, at Salem, was in
1739. Then our selectmen allowed Charles Brad*
shaw to teach this art in connection with French, "so
long as he keeps good order." Henry Sherlot, pro-
fessor of the same art, as well as of fencing, was or-
dered, 1681, to leave Boston, because of his immoral
deportment.
In 1755, Lawrence D'Obleville, a native of Paris
and a Protestant, was employed in Salem and other
towns, " teaching children and youth to dance and
good manners."
Robert and George Virat,^ whom remarkable adver-
sity had thrown on our coast, gave notice, in 1772,
that they would take scholsurs to learn dancing as well
> In 1773, Monsienr Viart, of the same employment, is mentioned*
who may have been one of these two, with his Bame diffecently «^VL
506 DANCING.
as fencing, music and French, in Salem and Marble-
head. Their price was $2 a quarter for either of these
branches. Among other subsequent instructors of
dancing in this city, were William Turner from Lon-
don, 1774, James Boyd 1781, and Mr. Olive 1785.
Of the places occupied by them, was the << Assembly
House," standing next to the north side of the South
church and used by the congregation of Rev. Daniel
Hopkins, 1774, afterwards the Putnam Mansion in
Federal street, and the Hall over Safford's store, re-
cently consumed. As well known, there has long
been a question on dancing, because of its results.
Gould it be practised, without an abuse of time and
morals, it would be as proper as calisthenics or any
other amusement for physical health. But whenever
its fascinations are such, whether in the mansion or
ball-room, as to encourage extravagance in apparel,
intemperance in feasting and drinking, and absence
from home at late hours, then it infringes on man's
duty to his Maker and to community.
Thus we have looked at various departments of in-
struction. If training the intellect and affections to
love the knowledge and practice the duties divinely
imposed on us, then it ranks among the most valuable
privileges of society. So coming up to its great end, it
is followed with results of good, which reach through
life and commingle with endless realities.
** *T IB 8o with man. His talents rest
Misshapen embryos in his breast ;
Till education's eye explores
The sleeping intelieotaal powers,
Awakes the dawn of wit and sense,
And li({hta them into excellenee."
APPENDIX.
Page 6. Perhaps it ^ould be more correct to say that Mar-
ble harbor was pcarUy and not excluiwdy applied to Marblehead.
P. 8. Salem boundary took in a small portion of Lynn.
P. 11. Indiana, Desirous to preserve facts relative to the In-
dians, who once occupied the soil of Naumkeag, or of those
who had particular concerns with our inhabitants, the succeed-
ing items are presented, as additional to those from page 11 to
33.
1639, June 25. Hope, a servant of Hugh Peters, was sen-
tenced to be whipped for drunkenness and running away.
1652, April 17. Ned, or Peckanaminet, an Indian residing at
Ipswich, mortgages to Henry Bartholomew, for £30, land of
eight miles square. It was about ten miles above Andover, on
the Merrimac river, between lands of his uncle William and
brother Humphrey. The conditions were, that Ned should pay
the sum in merchantable beaver before the 10th of June next, or
forfeit the security,
1657, June 30. George Sagamore, and Sagamore of Aga-
wam, depose, that duke William sold Nahant to " farmer Dex-
ter," for a suit of clothes. But, as these were returned, the pur-
chaser gave two or three coats for the same Island again. The
mark of George was a bow and arrow. William was his cou-
sin.
1661, March 2D. John Bourne, set. 49, now of Barbadoes,
sells to Henry Harwood, five acres in South Fields, called " In-
dian Corn Hills."
1668, July 8. The following is an order of Salem selectmen.
" Vpon the complaint of severall persons about the North Neck,
concerninge the Indians residinge thereabouts; It's ordered,
that if the inhabitants desire a watch there, the constable shall
sett the watch by the inhabitants of the North Neck there."
1676, July 18. Benjamin Felton, keeper of our prison, had
kept two Indians, one confined 17 weeks, and another24 weeka
The Quarterly Court allowed him 2s. a week for each of them.
It is likely that they were concerned in Philip's insurrection.
Oct 9. According to an examination of John Flint, before
William Hathorne, the former shot a hostile Indian at the end
of Spring pond, next to Lynn.
508 APPENDIX.
1679, Aug. 13. No Indian is to lodge in the town oyer night
He is to depart by sunset, and not return till sunrising. Any
Indian breaking this order, is to be secured in prison, ai^ in the
morning carried before authority and punished.
1721, July 1. An inquisition had been lately held on the
body of Betty Thomas, ^ an Indian squaw in Salem." Verdict,
that she died a natural death.
1793, March 26. Many bones of human bodies had been
lately dug up near the water side, ** in the S. E. part of the
town." They were concluded to be the remains of the abori-
gines.
1803, Oct 25. Nine human skeletons were lately found in
Mr. Buffum's ground, in N. Fields, many parts of which, par-
ticularly the teeth, were very sound. Two skeletons were found
there about three years before. There can be little doubt but
that they were remains of some Naumkeags.
1809, Dec. 4. While persons are making an excavation in
South Salem, they meet with ten human skeletons^' two or
three feet from the surface of the ground, which are supposed
to have been those of Indians.
1829, Sept 16. While workmen are engaged in levelling a
yard of Francis Peobody's factory in South Salem, they disturb
the remains of Indians. These were deposited in groups of
tiiree or four, reclined on one side, in a north and south line,
with their faces towards the east, emblematical of the resurrec-
tion morn. Most of the bodies were those of adults, and only
three of children. Their knees were towards the breast, their
hands against their faces, except one, who seemed to have been
interred at full length. The bones of animals lay near their
heads. Upwards of 4,000 people went to see them, and turn
back their sympathies on the race, entirely swept from our soil.
The relics of so sad a remembrance, were decently reburied in
the evening, two days afler their being discovered.
P. 31. line 20. For u in the second syllable of Wittautinnusk,
readu^.
P. 31. 1. 29. Afler Hme supply to time,
P. 32. 1. 26. For Vk read Vs.
P. 41. lAst of Subscribers. To understand more fully the
persons and particulars of the company, who laid the foundation
of Massachsetts, we have the following and two specific con-
tracts with Messrs. Bright, Higginson, and Skelton.
In the name of god, Amen. London, May, 1628.
Sundrie men owe vnto the general stock of the adventurers
for plantacon intended att Massachusetts Bay, in New England,
APPENDIX.
509
in America, the some of tow thousand one hundreth and fiflie
pound. And is for soe much yndertaken by the pticuler per-
sons menconed heareafler, by there seuerall and general! stock
for the foresaid plantacon. Subscripcons, to be by them aduen-
tured In this Joint, wherevnto the Almighty grant prosperous
and happie Svccess, that the same may redound to his gloria,
the propagation of the Gospell of Jesus Christ, and the particu-
ler good of the seuerall Adventurers, that now are or hereafter
shalbe Interested therein. The persons nowe to be made debt-
ors to the generall Stock being as followeth :
Sr.Rich'd Saltonstall, Knt. oweth £100
Mr. Isacke Johnson, Esqr. 100
Mr. Samuel Aldersey fiO
John Venn(l)
Hugh Peter
John humfrey
Thomas Steeuens
George harwood
John Giouer
Mathew Cradocke
Simon Whetcombe
fiirancs Webbe
Increase Nowell
Mr. A. C.
Richard Tufineale
Richard Perrie
Joseph Offeild
John White
Joseph Caron
Thomas Adams
Richard Dauis
Abraham Palmer
WillmDarbie
John Endecott
Daniell Hodsen
Edward fiborde
Daniell Bullard
Tho : hewson
Andrew Arnold
Richard Bushord
Richard Young
George Wave
Richard Bullingham
Job Bradshawe
Joseph Bradshawe
Herye Durleye
Tho : hutchins
Charles Whitchcolls
George fibxcroft
WUlm Crowther
Nathaniell Maostreye
George Harwood, Treasurer for the plantacon of the Matta-
chusetts Bay, oweth vnto sundrie accompts, for Moneyes Red
by him of sundrie adventurers, vizt.
To Sr.Rich'd Saltonstall, Knt.recd£dO
Isacke Johnson, Esq.
John Glover
Increase Nowell
Mathew Cradock
Richard Perrey, Esq.
Hughe Peter
Joseph Ofeild
Captaine John Venn
Abraham Palmer
Samuel Aldersay
Simon Whetcombe
Richard Younge
Josephe Carron
2d
25
15
Edward fiborde
Thomas Hewson
Daniell Ballard
Thomas Stevens 50
Job Bradshawe
Joseph Bradshawe
Andrew Amott
Nathaniell Manestreye
A. C.
George Harwood
Abrie
John Smyth; per tow pumts 25
"765
(1) The rabscriben firom S. Aldersey sicnedeach £50.
44
SIO APPENDIX.
P. 47. Mr. BrighPi ContracL *<The coppie of die masters
agreemeot with tM compsnie. **
^ I, ffirsDcis Bright, of Roily, in Essex, Clark, have this present
dth fTebr. 1^28, agreed with the compa of aduenturers for New
England, in America, to bee ready wth my wyf 2 children and
one maid servant, by the begining of Mrch next, to take oar
passage to the plantation at or neare Massachusetts Bay, in New
England, as aforesaid ; whear I doe premise, God sparing mee
Kfe and health, to seme the said company in the work of the
ministery, by my true and iaithfuU endeuours for the space of
three years, for and in consideration whereof, these seuerall par-
ticulars are this day agreed vpon, by the sd company, and by
me accepted, namely.
*< 1. That twenty pounds shalbe fourth with paid mee, by the
companies Treasurer towards charges of fitting myself wth ap-
parell and other necessaris for ye voiadgo. 2. That ten pounds
more shalbe paid mee by him towards provideing of bookes,
which said bookes, vpon my death or removall from the cbardg
now intended to bee transferred vpon mee, are to be and re-
maine to such minister as shall succeed in my place for the said
company, and before my departure out of England I am to de-
liver a particuler of the said bookes. 3. That twenty pounds
yearly shalbee paid mee for three yeares, to begin from the tyme
of my first arrivall in New England, and so to bee accounted
and paid at the end of each yeare. 4. That dureing the said
tyme, the company shall provide for mee and my family afore-
mentioned, necessaries of dyet, housing, fierwood, and shalbee
at the chardge of the transportacon of vs into New England,
and at the end of the said three years, if I shal not like to con-
tinew longer there, to be at charges of transporting us back for
England. 5. That in convenient tyme a house shalbe built,
and certeine lands aloted their vnto, wch during my stay in the
country and continuing in the ministerie, shalbe for my vse, and
after ray death or removall the same to be for succeeding min-
isters. 6. That at the expiracon of the said three years, one
hundred acres of land shalbe assigned vnto me, for mee and my
heirs for euer. 7. That in case I shal depart this life in that
country, the said company shall take care for my widow dureing
her widowhood and aboad (in that) country and plantation ; the
like for my children whilst they remain on the said plantation.
8. That the milk of twoe kine shalbee appointed mee toward
the chardg of dyet, for me and my family as aforesaid, and half
their increes dureing the said three years to be likewise mine,
but the said twoe kine and the other half of the increase to re-
lume to the Company att the end of the said three years. 9.
That I shall haue liberty to carry bedding, linnen, brasse, yron,
pewter of my owne, for my necessary vse diireing the said tyme.
APPENDIX. fill
10. That if I coDtiaew seaven years vpon the said plantation,
that then one hundred acres of land more shaB)e allotted to mee
for me and my heirs forever. "
P. 68. Mtssrs. Hi^gin»on and SkeUon^s Contract. <* The 8
of April, 1629. Mr. ffrancis Uiggeson and Mr. Saniuell Skelton
intended ministers for this piantacon, and it being thought
meete to consider of their entertainment, who expressing their
'willingness, together also with Mr. fTrancis Bright, being now
present to doe their endeavour in their places of the ministerie,
as well in preaching, catechisinge, as also in teaching or caus-
ing to be taught the Companys servants and their children,
as also the salvages and their children, wherby to their vtter-
raost to further the inaine end of this plantation, being by the
assistance of Almighty God the convertion of the salvages; the
S repositions and agreements concluded on with Mr. ffrancis
»right the second of ffebruary last, were reciprocallie accepted
of by Mr. ffrancis Higgeson and Mr. Samuell Skelton, who are
in euery respect to haue the like conditions as Mr. Bright hath,
only whereas Mr. Higgeson hath eight children, it is intended
that £10 more yearly shalbe allowed him towarde their chards-
es ; And is agreed that the increase to be improved of all their
grounds during the first 3 years, shalbe att the Companies dis-
poseinge, who are to find their dyet during that tyme ; and £10
more to Mr. Higgeson, towards his present fitting him and his
for the voyage,"
FFRANCIS HIGGESON.
SAMUEL SKELTON.
*< Further, though it was not mentioned in the agreement,
but forgotten, Mr. Higgeson was promised a man seruant to
take care and look to his things, and to catch him fish and foule
and provide other things needful! and also two maid seruants
to look to his family. "
That we may have a particular knowledge of the articles for
domestic use, and their prices^ for a clergyman's family at Sa-
lem, in its beginning ; as well as other &cts ; the subsequent
document is presented :
A coppie of an Accompte of Monies Mr, Skelton is Cr. viz,
Ano. 1629.. By so much which should haue beene
paid him in England towards fit-
ting him for ye voyadg £20 0 0
Charges at Tiltbury Cowes and Pli-
moth being wind bound 2 10 0
Twenty per annum for 3 years 60 0 0
One bushell of wheat flower 15
«««<<« oatmeale 10
51]|f APPENDIX.
1 holland & 2 ordenary cheese 10
XXlb. of powdered sugar 13 9
One sugar loafe cont 71b. at Is. 6d. 10 6
« « ** " 51b. at Is. 7d. 7 11
61b pepper 12
Nutmegs 4oz. 1 8
loz. of cloves and 1 of mace 2
31b. of starch 1 3
121b. Rice 6
61b. of untried suet 3
1 gall, of aquavites 3 8
1 flitch of bacon 14
Castile soap 91b. at 8d. 6
Raisins, currants and prunes 14
2oz. saffron 5
5 qu. of strong water. 8
21b. almonds at Is. 2d. 2 4
151b. tried suet at 8d. 10
1 gall, of « sallert oyle" 6
61b. candles 3
5 geese & 9 ducks 8
1630 121b. Butter 8
6 pots of butter, each of 71b. 1 8
2 Cheeses about 101b. apiece 11 8
half a firkin of butter 17 6
i of barrel of white " biskett " 10
71b. honey 7 10
1 pot of butter 3
101b. currants 5
Bacon 10
1 dozen of candles 8
2 Cheeses of 6d. lb. 11 3
3 « « 7 « 17 9
1 "porkett" 1 5
421b. tried suet 8
6 geese & 12 ducks 14
61b. powdered sugar at 20d. 10
5 « " 18d. 7 6
101b. Loaf « 1
Cloves & mace 1
2oz. nutmegs Is. & Cinnamon 16d. 2 4
Work mens wages for cutting and
bringing home wood for winter 3
So much paid Mr, "Pearce" for
provisions of meal, peas, canvas,
kersey, and ** elce" with £3 5s. 9d.
adventure after 25 per cent and
freight 12 15 1
APPENDIX. 61«
3 quarts of aquavites
3 9
lOlb. Rice at 5d.
4 2
101b. Butter
6 8
41b. Cbeese
13 4
10 pieces of pork
11 8
281b. Butter
10
4 bushels of Virginia corn
2
4 galls. Vinegar 8s. 1
gal. 2s.
17*
2 pecks of wt. salt
3
£124 13 7
" Now de Increase
The first yeare next after the receipte of the two heifers, both
the calues niiscaried, one about a quarter ould dyed, th' other
neare vpou a yeare old lost by the wolves.
The second yeare there was a heiffer calfe and a bull ealfe,
wch heiffer is now in my hands and the bull calfe Mr. Skelton
sould att one year and three quarters ould for eight pounds.
The therd yeare was 2 bull calues which the begining of win-
ter weare both eaten with the woolues.
Now since the three foresaid yeares the next year after was
two bull calues and an heifter calfe, the springe before Mr. Skel-
ton's death. And this yeare since was three bull calues, two
wherof are dead, the one when it was about twenty & twoo
weeks ould, the other since winter did begin. Now for the
keeping of the catle wch should haue been at the Coropanys
chardges, hath wholly lyen vpon vs."
Mr. Skelton^s .Account continued. 14yd8 of Dutch serge £259;
17 yds Fustian £1 7 ; 11 yds of wt English Jeans 13 9 ; 12 yds
of red p-petuana £1 16; 12 yds of green, say 1 13 ; 12 yds of
yellow, say 1 13; 12 ells of blue linen 14s.; 14 ells of course
holland £1 17 4; 20 ells of course Lockerum 1 5 10; 23 yds of
striped Linsey Woolsy 19 4; 7 yds buckerum 5 3 ; 1 piece of
"Noridg serge "25; 20 ells of Lockerum 1 5 10 ; 15 yds Flan*
nel 15s. ; 20 ells of course canvas 1 4 ; lib of whalebone ;
91b8 Iron at 3d. 2 3; one syth 3s.; one fishing line 3s.; 30lb8 oak*-
uni 7 6; 2000 nails 6d. 10s.; t>60 nails lOd. 5 5 ; 1 ream of paper
10s. ; 7 yds of « bays " 2 6 yd. ; 2i yds of yellow
** carsey "34 yd. ; 2 galls, of metheglin 8s. ; Articles
mentioned ; cambrick ; 6.i yds of loom work ; 2 drinking borys^
thread; 2000 pins; 6 awls; one web of blue gartering; one
leather Jack ; 2 tubs ; 1 wooden hand bowl ; 3 pewter quart
bottles and 1 pint do.; 1 hat ; 2 knots of tape.
* Evidently a miftaka.
44*
514 APPENDIX.
P. 88. Aboosett River is the same as Saugus River.
P. 91. One entry of the Court of MassachuBetts Company,
in London, as to oaths for officers of Government, is not so
clear as to make us sure whether they refer to such authorities
in New or in Old England. Hence, when stating the requisi-
tions of these officers, which were alike in both administrations,
based on the same charter, the writer remarked, that they were
made of Governor Endicott and his coadjutors in authority, ^ for
substance. " The writer recollected that he had seen among
the transactions of the London Court, other oaths, more distinct-
ly applied to the Chief Magistrate and others, at Naumkeag. He
looked for them, but as they were bound in a volume out of
their proper place, he did not find them in season for the press.
He soon discovered them, and has concluded to have them
printed here.
The Oath of the Chtuemor in JVew England. ** You sbal-
be faithful! and Lyali vnto our Soueraigne Lord the Kings
maiestie and to his heires and Successors. You shall support
and maintaine to your power the Gouernment and Companie of
the Mattachusetts Bay in New England in America, and the
priviledges of the same, hauing noe singular regard to your
aelfe in derogacon or binderance of the Commonwealth of the
Company, and to every person vnder your authoritie you shall
administer indifferent and equal] iustice, statutes and ordinances
shall you none make, or without th' advice and consent of the
Councell for the Gouernment of the Mattachusetts Bay in New
England. You shall admitt none into the freedome of this
Company, but such as may clay me the same by vertue of priu-
iledges therof. You shall not bynde your selfe to enter into
any business or process for or in the name of this Companie
without the consent and agreement of the Councell aforesaid,
but shall endeavor faithfully and carefully to carry your selfe in
this place and office of Gouernor as long as you shall continue
in it, and like wise you shall doe your best endeavor to draw on
the natiues of this country called New England to the know-
ledge of the true God, and to conserve the Planters and others
coming hether in the same knowledge and feare of God, and you
shall endeavor by all good meanes to advance the good of the
Plantacons of this Companie, and you shall endeavor the rais-
ing of such commodities for the benefitt and encouragement of
th' adventurers and Planters as through God's blessing on your
endeavors may bee produced for the good and service of the
kingdome of England, this Company and their Plantacons ; all
these promises you shall hold and keepe to the vtterraost of
your power and skill soe long as you shall continue in the
place of Gouernor of this fellowship. Soe help you God."
APPENDIX. 515
This form was applied to the Deputy Governor, by prefixing
the word " Deputy" to the word " Governor. "
71u Oath of the Councdl in JV*eu^ EnglantL You sweare to
bee faith full and loiall to our Soueraigne Lord the Kings Ma-
iestie and to his heires and successors, you shall from tyme to
tyme giue your best advice and councell for supporting and
maintaininge the Communwealth and Corporacon of the Gou-
ernor and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay, in New Eng-
land, not sparing for loue nor dread, for fauor nor meede, but
according to the statutes and ordinances made and to bee made
by vertue of the charter of the said Companie, shall effectually
assist the Gouernor, or his deputie and Councell, of the said
Companie, in executing the said Statutes and Ordinances, hau-
ing noe singular regard to yourselfe in derogacon of the Com-
monwealth of the same. All these promises you shall hold and
truely keepe, to your power, soe long as you shall continue
in the place or office of one of the said Councell. Soe helpe you
God. "
P. 166. After the resumption of our Colonial government in
1689, the custom of making freemen by General Court, as be-
fore the usurpation in 1686, was continued into a portion of
1691.
P. 167. John Bennet came to New England 1630.
P. 168. Francis Collins, in 1687, had lived in Salem over
fiAy years.
P. 169. A John Hill, John Pick worth, and Daniel Ray, had
led Plymouth by 1632, as a letter of Gov. Bradford stated.
P. 170. Benjamin Scarlett, who was aged 54 in 1678, came
to Salem 1635, when he was bound by his mother to Governor
Endicott.
There should have been suffixed to each of the three Messrs.
Spras^ue, c. c. 1628, instead of c./. 1629.
John Throgmorton arrived 1630.
Jacob Towne lived here, in North Fields, 1637, and so con-
tinued twelve years before he went to Topsfield.
William Vassal was brother to Samuel Vassal.
P. 171. John White, who moved to Lancaster, is the same
as on p. 175.
P. 172. Ellen Felton probably came hither in 1633, when
her son Nathaniel did.
P. 173. Catharine Bernard istone is supposed to have l)een a
connection of Sir Nathaniel Bernardistone, a knight, of Parlia-
616
APPENDIX.
ment for Stiffblk, who was a friend of Grovernor Winthrop, and
mentioned by the latter, April 5, 1630, as desirous to be a sub-
Bcriber in the joint stock of the Massachusetts Company.
P. 175. Isaac Allerton had estate in New York, as well as at
New Haven, Marblehead and Plymouth.
P. 167 to 176. Among the names in Hon. James Savage^s
Gleanings for New England History, published in the 8 v. 3 s.
of the Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, the follow-
ing are such as are found on lists of the first settlers in Salem.
The persons so denoted, were about embarking from Great
Britain for New England. The wives and children and ser-
vants of some will be mentioned with them.
1635.
Feb. John Best, taylor, from Can-
terbury
March. John Keeves, aet. 19
April. Francis Bushnell, carpenter 26
- • - ■• 26
1
21
23
Marie Busbncll,
Martha Busfanell
John Biishnell, glazier
John Beamond
June. Henry Bullock; husband-
man, from SU Lawrence,
in Essex
Susan Bullock
Henry 8, Mary 6, and Tho-
mas Bullock, 2
John Harbert, from North-
ampton, shoemaker,
Richard Adams, bricklayer,
of the same town
Susan Adams
Richard Graves
William Vassal]
Ann Vassall
Judith 16, Francis 12, John
10, Ann 6, Margaret 2, &
Mary Vassall 1
John Jackson, fisherman
Margaret Jackson
July. Richard Hollingworlh
Susan Hollingworth
Wm. 7, Richard 4, Eliza-
beth 3, and Susan Hol-
lingworlh 2
40
42
23
29
26
23
42
42
40
36
40
SO
Sept. William Wood, hushand-
man 27
Elizabeth Wood 24
Ralph Tomkins, husband-
man 50
Katharine Tomkins SB
Samuel 22, lUizabeth 18,
Marie Tomkins 16
Ralph Ellwood 28
A g^up of names, showing that their
possessors were of New Saram, and
were near sailing for New Ensrland.
1635.
April. Edmund Batter, malster,
John Smale, his servant
Michael Shafflin, taylor
Joshua Verin, roper
Thomas Antramlweaver
Thomas Browne, his senrant
George Smythe, taylor
Phillip Varren, roper
John Green, surgeon
The last person is supposed to have
been the husband of the widow
Green, named among our first set-
tlers.
1636. Joseph Bachelor, of Canterbury,
taylor
Elizabeth, his wife, and one
child
Marmaduke Peerce^ of Sand-
wich, taylor, his wife, and one
servant
P. 194. Blue Anchor Tavern was near the site of the Eng-
lish house.
P. 195. There was fear of a war with England as well as
with France.
APPENDIX. 617
P. 196. The part of the mall disposed of in 1793, was sold
to Mr. Richardson mentioned on this page.
P. 207. Rev. Dr. Bently related, that he had seen men who
owned rif^hts in the mall, cut flags and hoops there, and that it
was called the Town Swamp.
In 1802, proposals were made for 60 to 100 elms, and in 1818
for 200 of them, to be planted on the mall.
P. 211. Salem and Saugus had leave, in 1635, to build four
houses for provisions on the Island in Humphrey's pond.
P. 225. A township was granted to John Higginson and
others, in 1718, located between Dunstable and Lancaster. The
legislative discussions respecting this grant, denote that it was
in or about Townsend. But the people there have no know-
ledge that it was so.
The grantees of Salem Narragansett, No. 3, were 29 from
Salem, 27 from Lynn, 14 from Topsfield, 14 from Beverly, 9
from Andover, 7 from Marblehead, 5 from Gloucester, 4 from
Wenham, 4 from Boxford,2 from Reading, 2 from Falmouth, 1
from Bradford, 1 from York, 1 from Scarborough, and 1 from
Chatham.
P. 227. In'1776, Ebenezer Porter, a native of Salem, peti-
tioned the Council of Massachusetts that he might remove his
furniture from Yarmouth, in the bay of Fundy, "inhabited
chiefly by people from Salem and Beverly, and some from Ips-
wich and Wenham. "
P. 228. The summer-house on Castle Hill was blown down
in the gale of Sept. 23, 1815.
P. 231. Brown's Cove was at the bottom of Derby Square.
Stage Point was entailed to the eldest male heir of the Brown
family forever. In 1781, General Court allowed it to be sold
and deeded to the purchaser.
P. 234. Long pond is distinct from Spring pond. The for-
mer was anciently called Curwin's pond, from its proximity to
his farm. Now it is known as Brown's pond; is in Danvera,
near the Lynn and Salem boundaries.
P. 241. The price paid for Baker's Island, was £130, in
bills of credit, at 18s. 6d. for 1 oz. of silver. A like sum was
paid for Misery Islands.
A description of Baker's Island, in 1783, said that it was of
the best soil for grass; great quantities of superior butter and
cheese had been made there from the milk produced on its fod-
der ; always had a supply of fresh water, and was ** never
518 APPENDIX.
known to be infested with fliesi muaketoes^ or other insects to
disturb ^ the cattle.
P. 251. Among several credible aathors who mentioned po-
tatoes in their works, before 1600, was Holinshed. In his de-
scription of England, 1577, is the passage : '^Of tbe potato and
■Qcb venerous roots as are brought out of Spaine, Portingaie,
and the Indies, (America,^ to fhmish vp our bMinkets." The ill
name which potatoes had m England, of being great stimulants,
may have partly rendered them so unpopular among our fa-
thers as Uiey were for over a century.
P. 254. We are informed that the willow tree was first raised
in Great Britain, by Alexander Pope, the poet He received a
basket of fies, as a present, from Turkey, which had a twig
ready to bud. He placed this in the ground, and it became the
parent of such trees in England and America. This species of
the willow was called by Linnaeus, Babylonica, in reference to
the 137th Psalm. The buttouwood tree, which has for over a
century been placed before some of our houses, began to fail
here and throughout New EIngland about four years ago. A
disease is upon them, which gradually diminishes their vitality.
P. 266. A wildcat was killed, Jan. 1821, in Front street, of
this city, having come from Orne's Point.
P. 270. An act was published in the News Letter of March
4, 1756, having been passed by the Legislature then in session.
It related to dogs, cats, and other creatures. It ordered, that, as
such animals haid died of a distemper, in great numbers, through-
out the province, and lying unburied, were likely to create a
dangerous contagion, they should be put two feet under ground
on penalty of 408. for every neglect. It required all selectmen
to appoint buriers, who should have their ^es from owners of
the animals so buried.
P. 296. The turnpike to Chelsea bridge cost $182,063, and
this bridge cost $55,469. The par value of a share in the road
part was $178. The directors ordered. May 4, 1802, that Lom-
bardy poplars be planted each side of the road.
P. 303. For WiUard read Haiiard.
As some intimation of the carriages which may have been
used here, and in the vicinity, we give the following. Moses
Prince, brother of the New England annalist, wrote in bis diary,
1717, that he visited Gloucester, saw a carriage there of two
wheels, for two horses, which Capt Robinson, who first gave
the name of schooner to a vessel, had built for his wife. Mtk
APPENDIX. 619
Prince gave a handsome drawing of it, which looked much like
one of our modem cabs.
Though President Dwight remarked, in his Travels, that in
1796 no four-wheel carriage for private use was owned by any
family here, yet such carriages had been thus owned in Salem,
long before. The heavy taxes laid on them and other property,
to meet the revolutionary debt, had kept these vehicles from
making their reappearance among some of our wealthy fami-
lies.
P. 327. As stated in the first edition of this work, Mrs. Ly-
dia Hill preceded Mr. Norris, many years, as a keeper of the
post office.
P. 328. For MuscoU reafi. MascoU,
P. 331. An independent letter office was set [up in Salem
about the first of July, 1844.
P. 339. The watch-house stood in the middle of School
street, about as far north as the north end of Stearns's building.
It had a soldier, in full uniform and armed, on the top of it,
which was carved by Leaman Beadle.
P. 367. As Clark Gayton Pickman refers to one person,
there is no need of commas between the names.
P. 407. For Burr read Bear,
P. 423. The first William Brown, here mentioned, appears to
have been the person who died 1763. The second William,
who follows him, was his son.
P. 429. Compensation should have had the sign of the pos-
sessive case.
P. 430. For the heading, ^^ Schools by contributmh^ read
Contribvtionsfor poor scholars,
P. 438. A Brinsley's Accidence, with the name of John
Swinnerton, supposed to be the physician, of Salem, written in
it 1652, came into the possession of Rev. Dr. Bentley, who left
it to William B. Fowle, Esq. of Boston.
»
INDEX
TO THE PRINCIPAL MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLCTIIE.
«IMMMMkMMMMM»
When several pages, referring to the aame thing, are denoted by tens or hundredt|
these figures will be expressed but once, excopt when intervened by words.
ntmm0i0i0im0>0mmm
Aberginians, 45
Abigail, ship, 42
Abousett or Saugus river, 88, 614
Adventurers, 134; losses, 143
Aga warns, 12; numerous, 13
Agriculture, 60-1, 66, 81-2; two gar
deners to come over, 99, 119, 2^
Almshouses, 193, 6
Ambrose, ship, 156
Amherst, N. H. granted to persons of
Salem and other towns, 225
Andover, 517
Animals, 1 19, 20, 32, 260-823 wUdeat
killed, 518
Aaueduct, 334-5
Aroella, ship, 151, 2, 6, 7
Armour, 94
Arrousick Island partly settled by Sa-
lem people, 223
Baker's Island, 156 ; petition for, 238-9 ;
leased, 241 ; income, 439, 41, 77 1 no
flies there, 517
Bands, Brigade, Massachusetts, 503
Barberry bushes hurtful to grain, 247-8
Beadle, salary, 151
Beaver trade, 84, 108, 32-3, 226
Bellman, 337-339
Bells, one sold to Harvard College,
387-8
Beverly, incorporated, 208-9 ; petition,
217,517
Bible, importance, 431
45
Births, marriages, and deaths, 362
Blowing up houses at fires, 3b5
Board of Education, 480
Book of Sports, 75 ^
Books for Rev. F. Higginson, 68: fet
schools, 436-8, 483-9
Boston Men^ 53
Itotany, ancient, 257-9
Boxford, 517
Boys sent home, 132 $ contests, S6M
Bradford, 517
Bradstreet mansion, 412
Brick buildings, 370, 414-16
Hrick-kihi, 119
Bridges, 304-10
Brooks, 233
Buildings, public, 388-400$ private,
400-416; taverns, 416-4253 number
of houses^ 425-6
Burying-pomt, 287
Cabs, 325
Cakes and buns not to be sold, 417
Canker worms, 246
Canoes much used, 235
Cape Ann, 36-8, 44$ Sabbath kept
there, 115
Cape Ann side, 208
Capital, 80, 1583 another sought, 159 j
reasons for changing, 161-3
Cargoes, 47, 84, IQZ
Carpets, 407
529
INDEX.
CarriaMs, S14; tu aiidiniiiiberof,316
618, 19
Carriers, 331 -t
Oateehunn to be taoght, 430
Cau, tBU-lO
Cattle, 67, 75, 84, 100, 11, IS, 17, 3S;
pasturace, 191-3,276-80; wolves at-
tack red calves sooner thiui the black,
276 ) prices and number, tdO
Causey from Simond's point, 286
Chaplains, 142
Charles, ship, ld6
Cbariestown settled, territory of Robt
Gorges, 45, 123
Charters, 40; confirmed, 54; privileges.
65 ; confirmed, 75 ; sent over, in Sa-
lem Athenaeum, 86, ISO
Chelsea, or Kumney Marsh, 17
Chimnies, to be swept, 365, 7-8^ 404
Church, formed, 126 ; list of members,
171
Cider, returns, 256
Cisterns, 367-72
City government, 346, 7
City HaU, 398-9
Claims, Indian, 21-4, 73; Brewerton's,
150; Mason's, 214-21
Clarkson Society, 496
Oocks, 387-8
Clothing for emigrants, 49, 50, 117
Coast, appearance, 114
Colleges, one proposed, 427 ; eontribu
lions, 430, 2, 4-5 ; graduates, 490-5
Colonies, plan to stibvert them, 214
Colonists, union of old and new, 123;
designs, parting address, appeal, du<
ties, 152-4; distress, 158. See Emi
grants.
Colony, settlement, 38-40: accession
of iriends, 41 ; main ena, 47 ; sup
plies, 49-52, 64-7; reasons for en
couragine, 69-70 ; objections an-
twered, 71-4 ; favor, 75; capital, 80 ;
■ regulations, 8f , 6-7 ; council, 89 ;
dcmts, 107; purpose, 110; descrip-
tion, 118 24; pledge for promotion,
127-93; plan for its subversion, 214
Commercial privileges, 57-8, 78. See
Maritime.
Commonage, new law, 188 ; extension,
189
Commoners, difficnity, 188-9; grants,
190; discord with cottagers, 198
Commons, division of. 199
Company of Mass. 47-9, 75-88 ; debts,
107; ofders, 108, 10. 34-7 140-1;
subscriptions, 144; joint stock, 147;
subscriptions. 149
Concord, N. H. granted to Salem, 221
Constables, 336
Contrarts, 138 ; of planters and adv«ii*
turers, 140
Com, destroyed by squineb, 246-6
Cottagers, 198
Cottages, thatched, 401-2; number,
425-6
C^ourt House, 393-6
Courts of Assistants in handon, 49^,
61-8, 91,4-7, 137,9; prayer before.
142; at Southampton, ana on boanl
tbeArbeIla,15l
Courts, general, in London, 65, 88-90,
93; summoned by tickets, 107, 124-6,
128-34, 138, 140^51
Coves, 206, 30-1, 517
Creeks, 204-5, 29-30
Curwin mansion, 410
Custom-houses, 235, 41 1
Cut, Mordecay's, 191, 286
Dancing Sehools, 506-6
Danvers, 8 ; incorporated, 211-14
Darby fort, 111, 205. See Forts.
Deer, 266, 345
Deer Reeves, 545
Defoe, plague in London, 270
Derby mansion, 414
Diet, social, 157
Dorsetshire families, 116
Duck coys, 233-4
Dunstable, 517
Dwellings, number, 199, 400-16
Ecclesiastical, 37, 9, 47, 8, 60, 7-9, 7KK
6; disputes, 85; ruling elder and
deacons, 109 ; Episcopal churfth for-
med, 110; gospel to be preached to
Indians, 1 10, 13, 16, 24 ; religioas
privileges, 124; church formed, 126;
difficulty with Messrs. Brown, 130*'^
9 ; chaplains, 142 ; design of the co-
lonists, appeal to the clergy, 102^;
Piymoutn church, 159 ; church mem*
bers, 171-6; Quakers, 358; prayer
at town meetings, 346, 50, 463 : ud-
portance of the Bible, 431 ; salaries
of ministers^ 460; Scriptures read,
484 ; dissension about singing, 496-9.
Eklucation, 426 ; colleges, free schools,
427-9^ contributions for the ccAlm,
430 ; importance of the Bible, 431 :
grammar schools, 432; state or
schools, 433; contributions for col*
lege, donations, 434-5 ; books for
scholars, 437-8 ; income, 439 ; l^a-
cy, school committee, 440, 1 ; hicone,
441, 2 ; donations, number of sebol-
ars, school money fyr other parts of
Ufl>£X.
6»
Salem, 445-7 ; women's seboolt, pri-
vate schools, 449, dt ; scbocdmasiers'
orders depreciated, 454 ; intermedi-
ate schools for girls, merchant's offer
to have yoang seamen taught, 4QCi ;
progress of education, 457 ; proprie-
tors" schools, colored schools, 458,6:2 ;
number of pupils, 463; greater re-
c|uirement8 m schools, ^^; vaca-
tions, 465; Lancasterian method,
467-9; African scbocd, 471 ; punish-
ment, scholars supplied with books,
472 ; number and cost of schools,
473 ; gymnasium, 474 ; high schools
for gins, 475 ; colored scholars, 476 ;
school fund of the state, 477 ; Nor-
mal schools, 479, 80; vaccination of
scholars, 480 ; festival, 48 1 , 2 ; school
books, 483-9. See Salaries and Tu-
ition.
Election day, 57, 8
Emigrants, 38, 42, 3, 6, 7, 74,5, 82, 3;
from Leyden, 88 ; list of, 98, 106 ;
to Charlestown, 109, II, 12; depart-
ure from Land's Rnd, 113, 16; char-
ges of, 1 17, 22, 89 ; arrival, 166, 8 ;
to South Carolina, 212, 359, 60
Endicott pear-tree, 179-80
Enfield settled mostly by Salem peo-
ple, 224
Engines for fire, 366-72
Eoon. See Wenham.
Essex, ship, 195
Essex, South, musical society, 500
Estates, order, 181
Face of the territory, S27
Falmouth, 517
Family orders, 82, 6, 1, 430
Fasts at sea, 114
Females employed as tesLcfaers in pub-
lic schools for boys, 480
Ferries, 207, 99 ; tare, income^ com-
plaints, 300-2, 439, 41
festival of schools, 48 1
Fields, North, Glass-house, and South,
184-7
Fire club, 366 ; benefit, 384
Fire department, 365-72
Fires, 373-86
Fish, used for manure, 243; returns,
264 ; orders as to alewives,264, 5
Fishery, 59, 60, 84, 101, 2, 118, 20, 91-
6,205,62,3; shell, 266
Flax and hemp, 252. 3
Forts, Indian, 14,54; Darby, Arbor
lot, 111,23,4,33,94,6,205; Auria-
nia, 227
Fortified town, 80
Four Sisters, a ship, 98, 1 1 2, 39
Fowl, tame and wild, 82, 121, 260-2, 5
Freedom, social, 157, 8
Freemen, 55, 6, 142, 66, 614
French women, 359
Fruits, 119,253,4,60
Geology, 243, 4
George Bonaventure, ship. 76, 86, 6,
112,6
Glee club, 500
Gloucester, 218, 319, 33, 517
Goats, 81 , 1 1 1 , 12, 17, 273; price, STM
Goatherds, 274
Goodman, goodwoman, tides, 166 . i
Graduates from colleges, 490-6 1
Grain, 245-8
Grapes, 253. See Vinejardt.
Gymnasium, 473
Hackney coaches, 320
Hair, long, unfashionable, 198
Handel Society, 500
Harpsichord, 602
Hay, 248-60
Haydn Society, 500
Hayscales,249 f
Hills, 201, 27-9, 617
Hogdriver to blow the horn, 272
Hopewell, ship, 156 i
Uorseg, 1 12, 17, 280; townhorse,mi]ni
ber and price of, 281,318 •
Hospitals, on Roach's Pomt, 192$ ia
Great Pasture, 202; onCk>tta's IsU
and, burnt, 238 t
Hounds, 268 '
House of Correction, 99 '
Houses, 122, 99, 400; ancient, 409:
new model, 413; number of, 4^, 6 >
1
Idleness, 103
Incendiaries, 374, 5, 85
Indian claims, 21-4, 73
" cornfields, 507
** conspiracies, 44, 164
" deed, 27-33
« town in Northfield, 14, 20
Indians, 1 1-33 ; to be taught Ubristiani-
ty, 48, 60, 82, 3, 92-7; trade, 222}
watched, skeletons, 607, 8, 9, 11, 14
Inhabitants, admission, 166
Insects, 265, 517
Insurance for fire, 377
Ipswich bought, 23, 218, 617
Iron woriks, 62,3, 282
Islands, Baker's, 166; Conanfs, 177}
Winter, i91, 4-6 ; one for stofe-boo**
es,2ll,23,36; income, 237; CottiL
Baker, and MJseriet, 238-41, 617 -T!
Jewel, lUp, 106,7
Kiuf't unu, 3Se
L4aipirorilrceU,I94
LuKuter, S<7
Luculcnu mode of lescfainr, 46T-8
LuhJ), diviiion.Al, 63,^9-7: held b;
wbKribed. 149 j fommon, 176^1 1
nuiii Id Kndicott anil Skeltoii, 173
I, lSt,3; fieldi, panuret,
IITDBX.
HanbMj peuoB'i, IS3, SS
ir Forml riiwr, IM
■nnnai, uesEi
Mb« eiuB, 1
'liiuc(i*fiei<b,~i)
Latin KlKwI-bi
I, ail: tinee,3»
liidiu
>ll
•,«fr-7
I«Uer-»M of John Nobis, 3t7
LaUen, U Our. Oadoek, 43 j
djcolt, 47-9, 7»-BR ; to Bndic
to Eudicotl, 'J7 ; rrom HiKEiiuoB.I Ui
•IB ; from Endicott. ISn-.l^iRi Hool-
Wd, l3t[lo8kelUiii,HinHiim,ud
EnditoU, IM-7; Troni FSidlej and
M88
Mailer and miilren, 166, 6
HayBower, ship, 9S, MX, It, B6
Meehanifj, M, 66, S4, 99, 100,1, 17, 9t
ooni, ««
D, S j iDcanxnUHl, SB, 10
Hlliury, 14. 54, 64, 7, 80, 1, 1 1 fortifi-
-Jioo., 103, 1 1 S3 4, 41, 86, 91, 3,
a, a», 6, 7,12,0,419
Mill, yt, 9
MioeraL*, bar ore, eeppomina, S8t
Miniiien, 4S. 75, 6, 109, 43
idi, petition for, leaiad,
inn, 439, 41, 7,617
, ISa, 9i Irom Eodicott. I7S)
nevand BarloD, SMi fr-
,311
Ligtatniw. buUdingi baunl, 373, B1 , 1
.iglili or pileh-piiM, Itl
jma.lOe
Illy U
. Wollarton, 12
t AuocialioD. SOO
ipal aSwra, S3B-T3
, UBUnnenlal, BOl-6
TOeal,497-Ml
Nanmlieek*, II, I3,U-T
Nan
Nameaoli
Narngansi
■» Whelp, «hip, 64, 67, 76, 84, 99,
3M
Maniiiii
Mali), St
MaarhoLar. S ; in .
Haouraelurai, SO, 2, 3. 80, 4;
hoiue, 135.9}; duck raclorr, wu
KoDuscripU in Khoola laid aaide, 469
MarhlelieBd, 6,7, 14,16) incorniraMd,
105-7, iS; Ihaoki to, faraldialbe
neal fire, 375,517
Haritlms, 47 ; nulllt of veneli, 67, 76,
84, 98, 9, 100 1 eoil of ihipi, 101 1
■hip-hulldine, 102. 6, 10-16,24,30, i,
2, S, 9, 45. 6,61,2, 6, 7, 94,6,131
f, i.*»
I, IS
irv Society, 260
..„ . .-cupied, Sa
d., 277, B, 9
ir palliUBge, 191-4, 232
Noo'Tendenta, 360
NonnatuhDol.1,479,80
Nonb Yannnulti paiily aatUad bj 8*-
. peo(>)e. beaver ikina to dirf
Oaihs,91,6,6l4,l9
OmnibuKi, 323
Oiyasa, 501-4
e.407, 8
langiap, 40S
Iramlar oT, 129
. „ main nreel, IBS
PawliKkalf, IS
XHDEX.
62S
Peltry. 84. 106, SS, 3
PeDoakooKSy 13
Pennicook, or Ck>iicord, SSI, S
PenobscotSy IS
Piano fortes, 502
Pilgrim, ship, 98
Pillioiis, used, 31S
Piscatawmys, IS
Pitch, 60
Plague, Indian, 12, 25
Plantation. N. E 118
Planters, discord, distress, 46 $ diseon-
tent, privileges, 77, 8 ; meeting, 108
Plants, account of, 257-9
Plymouth settlors, jealousy of, 93
PoinU of land, 192, 231, S, 517, 18
Ponds, 199, 203, 3^, 4, 517
Population, 123 ; mortality, 148
Port- house, probably a cuslom-houae,
235
Post offiees, 326-31, 519
Post riders, 326-9
Potatoes. 251, 2, 518
Potter's laac, 2lb6
Prayer at town-meetiiu^, 346, 50
Price of articles, 49, 50,2,67, 190,2,3,
5, 202, 37, 45-50, S, 6, 62, 74, 6, 80,
81,511-13
Prizes for scholars^ 473^ 80
Proclamation agamst uyuring the In-
dians, 83
Productions, vegetable, 245-60; ani-
mal, 260-82
Profanity, 104
Public houses. 194, 416-24. 516
Punishment, 104; m schools, 472, 6
Punkapoags, 12
Quadrupeds, wild, 1 19, SO, 266-9 ; do-
mesticated, 969-82
Quakers, 358
Reading, 517
Regisler of emigranti, 94y 8
RegiUfy,399,400
Reptiles, 265
Ring, mourning^, 397
Rivers, passed m canoes, 234-6
Roads, to Manchester, 205, 283-96;
ineorporaled, tmnpike, and rail road,
296-&, 618
Robbery, 409
Rocks, 836 : blamng, 287
Ruck's Vil^ge, S85
Runs, 239
RyaU tide, tlO, 11, 439, 41, 7
Sabbath schools, 495-7
Salaries of teadien, 43S, 61, S. 5, 7, 8,
71,5,8,9,80,1,3
Salem, name, 5-8 ; situatioBj 8 ; iaeoiw
poration as town and city, 8-11;
deed of, 27-33 ; settlement, 34-161.;
relinquished as the capital, 161-3,
507
Salem Canada, 226
Salem Female School, 462
Salick Francks, as to strangers, 368
Salt works, 50, 3, 80
Sanded floors, 407
Saugus, 517
Scaroorough, 517
Scholars, number, 463, 6, 9, 70, 3, 9,
481,2,3
Schools, 427-89, 95-506. See Educa-
tion.
School committee, 440
Sehool donations, 436, 6, 40, 3-7, 48S
School fund. 477
Seal, Colonial, 58, 9, 86
" City, 1,348
Sea serpent, 263, 4
Selectmen, 341
ServanU, 104
Sevenmen, 341
Settlement of Salem, 34-163
Settlers, list of them, 167-76
Sheep, 1 17. 92, 274-6
Ship buUding, 100, 2, 12, 94, 231, 6. 87
Sickness, 12, 16, 26,44, 113, 68,238,
303
Singing, instruction, 497-501
Small pox, 16, 113, 305
Snow shoes, 315
SoU. 119,242
Soubegan West. 226
Sports of bioys, 362^
Springs, 232
Squaw sachem, 13-16
Stages, 316-23
Stock, 141,3,7,8,606,16
Strangers, 357-61
Streets, one on Winter Island, 19(^S88-
95
Strong waters, 106
Success, ship, 156
Subscribers to the Compnny't atock,
608
Supplies, 47, 9-51, 64, 7, 76,81, S, 117,
Swunps, 229
Swine, 81 ; hon to bn blomi fof
S71-3
8tf>balk, 8fl^ 6) m Cape Ann, 116,91,
S7S,8,98
Tarrentines, IS, 13, SI, SS9
Tavemi, one al "
416-Si,616
19*.
4tt6
INDEX.
Territorj' let off, 203-14
T^rteMUitA^ 116 ; rnddtma, S18
Thanksgiving, 161
Thiffteeuman, 341
mdes of Mr. and Mn. 165, 6
Tobacco, cultivation, 78, 101 ; tmoking
forbidden, 369
Tomato, 260
Topsfield, 8 : set off, S04>» 7, 8, 617
Town, H, 15; government, 335^*);
BMOlings, voting, regulations, 348^:
bells, houses, hall, &7.98
Townsnips. etc. settkd by Salem peo-
ple, 221-7. 617
Trade, with Indians, 126, 32; colonial,
133,41.3,6
Trading plantation, 226, 7
Tragabizandi, 36
'JVansportation, terms, 146
Travelling, 303, 11-26
Trees, I'l^ ; locusts, 201 ; cutting, 264 ;
willow^ buttonwood, 618
Trial, ship, 156
Trojan band, 458
Tuition, 438, 9, 40, 1, 2,7-9, 55-7
Turf and twig conveyance, 187, 8
Turkish pirates, 194
Tyler, Thomas, son of Maseonomet,
239
TjTthingmeo, 344
Society, 601
Undertakers. 144
Umon
Vacations, 465
VaccinatioB of scholan, 480
Vegetables, 250-2
Vessels, first built, 102, IS
Vineyards. 50, 80, 1 19, 263, 4
Voting by erection of hands, hewH and
com, 89, 362-7
York, 617
Young men, instnietioii, 466, 71
Wagons, 325, 32-4
Wanung out of town, 957-61
Washington Square. See Mall.
Watch bouse Hill, 212
Watchmen, their cry, 336-40
Ways. See Streets.
Weechagaskas, 12
Wenham, 8 ; set off, 208, 4, 617
Whale, a ship, 156
Will Hill. See MiddletoB, 209, 10
William and Fraocb, ship, 166
Windham, 226
Windows, 403
Winter Island, 194-6
Winters, 121
Wolves, 266-9, 513
Wood, isi, Sjtf
INDEX OF NAUES OF PEBSOII.
VMMWWWMMMMM
*hii will contain such names, except those of the first setttois, flom u, 187 to p. 17l|
and of colle^ graduates firom p. 490 to 495. The remark, under iaaes of entjeeii,
as to tens or hundreds, which uiow the pages, will be ohsenred here.
•WWWMXIMIMHk
Abbot^ Bishop. 34
Abigail, an Indian, 14
Abrie, Mr. 509
Accomintas, 12
Aidam, Alexander, 486
Adams, Daniel, 485,6
Nehemiah, 376, 8
Richard, 167,516
Satnuel, 496,
Samuel, 461
Adams, Susan, 616
Thomas, 62, 5, 6,
94, 107, 124, 8,
9,509
Thomas, 134-9
Ahawayeksquaine, 18
Ainsworth, Henry, 498
Robert, 486
Akeman, Air. 33S
Alden, Abner, 484
Akieney. Sumial, 66, 6,
107, 124, 5, 9, 138, 9,
145,609
Alexander, Caleb, 486
Alger, lirad, 484
Allen, Robert, 289
8BiiiiMi,9U
Thomas, 221
Rev. Tboaw, 40V
Wm., 88, ni, 184
IHDEX.
M7.
ADerloB, Imm, 175, 906,
973, 616
AUin, Joseph, t87
Ames, Joane, ITS
Theodore, 471, 6
Rev. Wm. 172
Mr. S81
Andrew, E. A. 4S6, 7, 8
Andrew, John^ 45U
Andrews, Daniel, 389, 433
Jolm H. 2»6,413
Joseph, 225
Nathaniel. 967
Samuel, 442, 3
Thomas, 107
Mr. 292
Andfos, Sir Kdmund, 24,
57.220-3
Lady, 315
Antrum, Thomas, 173, 516
Appleton, Thomas, 503, 4
Archer, Rev. John, 142-7
Jonathan, 377
Mr. 408
Arminius, 34
Arnold, Andrew, 509
Ash, John, 486
Ashbj, Anthony, 418
Beni.TO7
Blr.333
Auger, Wm. 171, 350, 61,
428
Ayres, Obadiah, 442
Bachelder, Elizabeth, 5f 6
Jos. 173, 516
Bacon, Lt Daniel, 305
Jacob, 423
Michael, 287
Badger, IVfr 322
Bailey, Nathan, 486-8
Ebenezer, 488
Baker, John, 193
Wm. 407
Balch, Benj 3.%
John, 38, 171, 80-S
John. 461
Ball. Mr. .379
Ballard, Daniel. 107, 9
BancroA, l>nniel 394
Thomas, 466
Barnard, John, 441 , 2
Barr, James, 407, 519
Mr. 185
Bartholomew, Henry,172,
287.507
Bartlet, Mr. 452
Barton, John, I »r. 359
BauiHcl, 25S
Michael, 319
Baiter, fidoMnd, 171,386,
435,516
Bayard, James, 488
Beadle, Lemon, 421, 519
Samuel, 286. 419
Thomas, 419
Beard, Thomas, 102, 167
lieaumont. John, 167,516
Becket, Wm. 421
Mr. 288
Beeeh, Benj. Pierce, 367
Beecher, Thos. 110,189,
56
Bellincham, Richard, 55,
207, 9, 10, 509
Bennet, John, 167, 515
Bentley, Kev. William, 8,
340; teacher of East
school, 4, 54, 517, 19
Bemardistone, Catharine,
173, 515
Bemardistone, Sir Nath-
aniel, 515
Berry, Daniel. 462
Best, John, 167, 516
Betts, John, 125
Bifflow, Wm. his school,
457,86
Bingham, Caleb, 486
Samuel, 455
Billings, William, 499
Black, William, an Indian,
180
Blackleach, John,171, 243
RIackstone, Wm. 88
Bk«ke, Mr. 322
Blaney, Joseph, 252, 456,
91
Blydon, S. Cleaveland,
492,5
Blyth, Samuel, 452
Mr, limner, 307
Rohun, 4^
Bolloker, John, 438
Bonnycastle, John, 485
Booth, 485
Rorley, Capt. 113
Roromeo, Charles, 495
Bott, James, 381
Bourne, Herman, 474, 5
John, 167,75,417,
607
Bowditch, Ebenezer, Jr.
448,9
Nath. 485
Wm 208,287
Boyce, Joseph, Jr. 305
Robert, 360
Boyd, James, 506
Braekenbury, Richard,38,
44.122,51,72,208
Braaford, Wm., Gov. 37,
41,2, 92, 3,106- lU, 154-
9, 515
Bradisb, Billings, 413
Bradshaw, Charles, 605
Job, 509
Joseph, 509
Bradstieet, Simon, 151,
205. 7, 19, 412
Brand, Thomas, 84, 167
Brattle, Thomas, 502
Brazer, Kev. John, 346
Breadcake, Thomas, 194
Breed, Thomas A. 424
Brewerton, Sir Wm., pro-
positions as to Gorges't
patent, 62, 160
BngFs, Samuel, 369
Bright, Rev. Francis, 69,
75, 6, 83-9 3 h^ con-
tract, 510-11
Brinsley, John, 438, 519
Britton, David, 415
Edward, 421
John, 421
Mr, 374
Brookhouse, Robert, 390
Brooks, Abner, 475-81
Samuel, 384
Thomas, 375
Brown, Benj. his donation,
Benj 287,422
Goold, 486-8
Hugh, 21, 167
Jdin, a lawyer,
55, 6, 66; re-
commended, 87
-9, 94,110, 30,
1,2,4.5,6,9,
50, 2, 67
John, 172, 240
John, 443
Joseph, his dona-
tion, 435, 9, 490
Kellam. 127
Mrs. 458
Mr. 113
Samuel, 55, 66 $
recomm«ided,87,
9,110,80,1,2,4,
5.6,9,60,2,67
Samuel. 414, 23,
41,3,4; hisdoAa-
tion, 445-6, 78
Tbomas, 443
Brown, Thomas, 516
Si, 304, 74 J
435,6
Wm. 175,374,97,
435, 43
Wm.t86
Wm 411,423,519
Baflbton, Zadoc, 423
Mrs., 4S4. 69
Bufium, Joseph, 248
Joshua. 389
Sainuel, 379
Mr, 506
Bulfinch, Susan, 496
Bullard, Daniel, 509
BuUock, Henry, 167,516
Henry, 516
John, Mroooded,
419
Mary, 516
Husan, 516
Thomas, 516
Boltdey, Peter, 215
Mr., 314
Burges, Wm.. 94
Burr, Aaron, 486
Burrill, Ezra, 318-333
Bamuel, 470, 2,
92
Mr, 381
Bushnell, Fran., 168, 516
John, 168, 516
A^larie, 516
Martha, 516
Bushord, Richard, 509
Button, Robert, 44, 174
Boitorf, John, 438
Caboty Francis, 415
George, 307, 8,402
George, 414
Caesar, Charles, 55
Calley, John, 302
Camden, Wm., 164
Carlisle, Rev. Thos , 380
Carlton, Jona. T., 310
Michael, Re V.496
Miss, 458
CMiver, 477
Wm., 377
Cames, Wm.. 467-9
Caron, Joseph, 107, 509
Carter, 486
Carver, John, 106
Cash, CapU Wm. 3G0
Chadwick, Gilbert, 376
Chalmers, George, 54
INOEX.
Chamberiain, lUncB, 4M|Oonfaitt, Sanud, 2fit
Chandler, Abial. 461
Chaplin, Mr., 378
Charles I., 6, 34, 54, 8
11., 54, 1(^,215,
70, 365, 91
Cheever, Ames, 449
Beni., 378
David, 416
Ezekiel,438
Ira, 471, 2
Chickatalbot, ttegajtoore,
169
Choate, Amos, 480
Cicely, an Indian, 18, 28-
Clark, Cathariae, 417
John, 405
John, 502
J. G.,488
Moses, 466
Mr. 107
Wm., 168, 417
Claydon, Bamaby, 66-99,
168
Rkb'd, his eon-
tract, 66, 99,
1G8, 41 1
Clifford, John, 194, 419
Toats, Beiij.,316, 317y422
Cobbett, 'Phos., Rev., 44
Coddington, Wm., 151-2
Cogswell, Robert, 382
Coke, 8ir Kdward, 125
Colbron, William, 127, 9
Colbam. Warren, 485-8
Cole, Thomas, his school,
462
Coles, Elisha, 438, 86
Collins, widow, 4'20
Adoniram, 421
Francis, 240, 615
John^ 485
Colston, Christopher, 129
Conant, Roger, 9, 1 1 . 97,
8: statement, 39,42,
77, 9, 106, 12, 22, 3,
63, T7, 8«, 7 ; peU-
lion, 209, 35, 46, 349,
400,8
Conant, Roger, Jr., 167
land granted to him,
187
Concklin, Ananias, 186
Obadiah, 186
Coney, Mr. 63
Con vers, Augustus. 378
Cook, Edward, 107
Corlis, Ephraim, 320
Cotton, Rev. John, 496
Countess of Lincoln, 39,
148, 260
Cowlsoo, Christopher, 62,
94. 17i
Cowther, William, 509
Cos, Lemuel, (architect.)
308
Thomas. 76, 112
Cradock, Matlhew, 41,
3,7,9,52,6, 6, 63,
75,88,90, 3, 101,7,
24-6,31, 8, 9,43,6,
205, 6, 373, 426, 609
Cradock, Rebecca, 56
Croade, Richard. 419
Crombie. Beni., 424
Cromwell, Joon/ionation,
440
Thomas. 362
Cross, Joseph, 322
CrowninshiekL Clifford,
293
Cummings, David, 346
Jacob A., 484-6
Curwin. George, 226, 39,
46,409
Jonathan, 409
Mr., 446
Gushing, Messrs., 378
M?.,383
Dahney, John, 329, 330
DaboU, Mr. 485
Daland, Beni., 292
John. 369
Dalrympfe, James, 383
Dana, Mr. 484
Daniels, Mr , 288
Darby, William, 106, 11,
509
Dauys, Mr., 129
Davenport, Rev. John,48,
76,84, 129,34,8
Richard, 44, 172,278
David, an Indian, 18, 28-
33
Davis, John B., 461
Richard, 609
Robert, 320, 3.')!
Day, James, 465, 6,71
Timothy, 303
Dawson, Tioiothy, 452
Dealland, Catharine, 41S
Dean, John, 289
William, 413
Dearborn. John B., 477
Dennis, Capi., 299
INDEX.
65»,
Derby, EliasH., 376, 393,
414, 15
Derby,EliasH., 197,397,
4^,503
Ezekiel 11., 294, 309,
491
John, 375, 390, 397,
491
Richard, 195, 6, 366,
416
Samuel G, 49 1,503
Devereux. John, 14, 168
Dexter, Thomas, 180,507
Diamon, Benj., 332
Dick, Thomas, 488
Dickinson, Jonathan. 313
Dilworth, Thomas, 483
Diman, James, Jr., 450, 1,
491
Dixy. John, 302, 3
William, 21, 172,300
D'Obleviile, Lawrence,
505
Dodge, Wm., 99, 168
Wm. B., 460, 78,
81
Dodsley, Robert, 486
Donalson, John, 251
Donne^an, James, 487
norland, Greorff^e, 418
Dorrell, John, 45, 88
Dow, John, 80
Mr. 377
Downing, Emanuel, 134,
73,2^3,4,373,401,11,
17
Drake, Francis, 442
Samuel G. 14
Dreckan, Nicholas, 358
DuCange, 164
Dudley, Joseph, 57
Thomas, nis letter, 15,
39, 41-6, 127, 34-8,
45; letter. 148,51,
2, 8, 9, 2»3, 401
Duke of York, 223
Duke William, an Indian,
507
Dunlap, J 375
Duncan, Mr., burned to
death, 376
Dunton, John, 313
Durbridge, Mr 67
Durleye, Henry, 509
Dwight, Mr. 486
Timothy, 519
Dyche, Thomas, 483-6
Eames, Theodore, 471, 6
Eaton, Theophihis, 55, 6,
124,5,8,9,39, 46, 6M
Echarcl, Lawrence, 36,438
Edgerly, Peter, 333
Edmonds, James, 52, 168
Edward VI 436
Edwards, Jo.seph, 378
Eedes. William, 99, 168
Eliot, Rev. John. Id, 16
Elkins, Abigail, 421
EUlinwood, Ebenezer, 302
Ralph. 175, 516
Elliot, Andrew, 33
Ellis, Francis, 420
Elson, John, 249
Emerson, Beuj D. 484, 8
Rev. Brown, 413
Frederick, 466, 71,
85, 8, 9
John, 439, 40
Emerton, Epbraim, 382
Emory, Dr. George, 175,
286
Endicott, Anna, 42; her
death, 47, 51, 82
Gov. John, 9, 21. 2,
40, 2, arrival, let-
ter, 43-8, 51,5,6,
8, letter to, 75, 7,
8, 9, 80, 2, 4, 6, 8.
9,90,2,4,7,8,100,
2, first Governor of Fox, Charles, 488
Mass. 106, 108, 12,
15,16,23,6.30,2,
5, 9, 40, 51, 6, 8,
72, 7, grants, 178,
9, 8(), 207, 10, 22,
38, letter. 245, 53,
77,82,4, bis letter,
311,12,49,409,26,
7, 509, 16
John, 210
Zerubbabel. 238
Epes, Daniel, 432, 6, 8
Daniel 449
English, Philip, 286, 302,
4l2, 20 *^' ' '
Entick, John, 486
Ervin, George, 292
Ewstead, Richard, 84, 168
Fabens, Mr 329
Fairbanks, Richard. 326
Fairfield, John B. 488
Mr. 477
Farr, George, 100, 68
Earless, Thomas, 380
Felmingham, Francis, 203
Felt, Joseph B. 461, 94
46
Felton, Amorr, 466, 7 .
Beij. 16ff, 607
Cornelius C. 488
Ellen, 168,72,616
Nathaniel, 176, 84^
234
Oliver C. 471, 9, 81
Fenning, D 483
Femald, John, 320
Field, Bamum, 486
Mrs., burned to death,
374
Samuel, 37i, 416
Fisher, George, 486
Joseph, 377, 83
Fisk, Rev. John, 168, 4S7
Fitch, Mr. 202
Flint, John, 507
Mr. 2K4
Fogerty, Butler, 466
Fogg, Ralph, 172,342, 61,
Foord, Edward, 509
Foote, Caleb, 328
Ford, James, 413, 48, 9»
52
Fowie, Wm. B. 484, 6, 8,
619
Fowler, Abigail, School
dame, 460
Fowls, Ruth, 421
Mr 320 ,
Foxcrafte, George, 65, &
129,509 :
Foye, Mr. 378 ;
Franklin, Benj. 328, 401^
86 ;
Eraser, L 466
Freeman, Sir Ralph, 64
Frost, John, 488 .
Frothingham, Joseph, 38z
Frye, Mr.456
Peter 448
Fuller, Dr. Saml. 47, SL
3, 159 ^
Jesse, 333
Timothy, 241
Gace, John, 64
Gaffe, Gen. Thos. 361, 93
Gate, Bartholomew, 239
Edmund, 301
James, 4457,9,71
Samuel, 449
William, 448
Gallop, Daniel P. 479
Gardner, Benjamm, 38S
Francis, 486
«i»
Gardner, JoSn, MS
Joseiih, 411, 18
Wr. tS5
Rtchani, ICn 96J
Oarrfisnn, Mr. 4116
Oaichdl, Jeremiah, 3
John. HM.ya
aiudeu, EliiabcLb, 4
G»jeile, Mr. SW
Oeducy, Banbolainew,33,
Ctrahnm, Jamn, 943
B™,Kirh«rrf, 168, hi.
wllfc. m, 516
ThninHs.hitcontrael
B3,+,5, hadbeeni
Iravfllet, SO, 2, 9
109, 68. 409
■ay, Alouio, IBS
JcAn, 45i, *, 6, lonf
an iraliuclor, 469
Geonn RiimDey Honh,
n, 18
Swunoro, 13, I9,!3.
111. 436
Oetiiib, Cspl. 336
JiuiEiiJ. 4R5,'7D,1
John, iU, S
QibboiKi, Edward, 14,14^
Gibba, Jobn, 111
Giebe, John, SUS
Gill, Mary, 4SI
Gingic, John. £10
Oladwine, John, tiT
Glover, Jobn, 609
Goady, Clement, 333
GD(re,ThoinB>>,41,S3,G
£1,93, ll>1,Xl,9,3!J,4&
8, SI
Goldlbwait, Simnel, 4!0
eBmud,Jr.4fl
Goodde, NuUlan, 449, 30.
91
GtHxIhue, Reaiamm, £01
Bern. 369, 491
John. 378
William, 4M, 3
GDodridge, Mr. aOl
fo(ilim,llaniel, 12
ordon, Mr. 4tl6
oreei, Sir Ferclinaudo
3e,4«,9tfi
3ohii.«,6l,T9,Bfl
Roberl, his lerrltory.
B.fi.terrilorylol
tilled, 79, M, II
Rev. Joseph, 189,
!46, 6fi. 79, COT
enlear, Alfred, 47^,4
Beirfamin, 48»
VB, John, 487
uruvcr, Kdward, 168,78
Gnind, Prancil i. 488
(iuibrie, William, 486
Qwynn. Thomat W. 383
Haeker, I^aae, 4M, long
an, TboniM, 4W
e, Joseph, 479, 80
Nathan, 466
Hoberl, 30a
Hall, John, !1S
Ateasn. SSI
Htallry, Edmund. 436
Hamilion, Andrew, 316
Henry I 474, 7
Hanrork. John, 436
■ ,Thui.fi6,ie9
j:ih A 386
hii, 169. S16
llardie, SamnrI, 33
Hardy, Josppb, 175,936
Hannen, Knger, 98
Hangblon, Henhr, 101 , Ui
^-h, 148,6?
rd, Hi<'hard,9ff,l69
i,Caf^380
Hayward, John, 316
Hazard, Ebeiwzer, 43, S,
6,69
Hitderefaani, Arlhnr, 68
Henfield, Jowpb, 193, 339
Herrick, Henry, 17S,35«
HewaoD, John, St
Thoi. H*, S77, 609
nrnHm, Rev. Fmoeir,
6, 7, 9. 10, U, !8,
7, 67, contraei, 68,
S
*<(, 71-4 6,6,83, 9,
109.hiijaumalu>d
leUer, 110-14, 36,
8, 69, !1S, 60,3,4,
6U, 1, S, 74, coD-
lnet,6ll
Rev.Jahii,l3,IS,l7,
M, 85, 169, pari
rem for land under
i. (ieorire, 61,
t, 107 ai, 49,9
onj, 69,
86,435
Jofaa, 98-33, 987
John, 199,441,517
Uary, ber deub, I|3
Naihaniel, 196,441
SiecAfTi, 387
Hildretfa, Mr. 3S3
Hilllard, Joseph, 303, SIS
Marnrel, 381
•-•^- wn., 83, 167,
bia
a, 519
p 987
>p 987
- 'S)iBm,»4I9,S74
Hilt-bcock, Edw. 143, 488
Hodder, James, 437
Hodson, Daniel, 509
Holrrave, John, 17:!, tSS,
■til
Hollinrwoilh, Eleanor,
4ig.W
Eliidieth, 516
Richard. 169,91,516
Obsdiah, US, 86
Holvoke, F^IoHrd A. iUS.
AG, %, 3IS
Samuel, 5U0
Hood, Jacob, 471,1,4,6.
a
Hook, Elist, 377
Messn 501
Hofdclus, DnnM, openi ■
Hbooi, 450, boe
John, ITS, 83, £31,84
HodUod, Benj.4SI
Hiwey, Jo$ei.h, 317
Howard, Jutiii, 381
Hovrel, ATI-
Hubbard, Kev. Willimui,
7,9,36-9,41,6, 152
Huglies, At llnir, 337, 8
Humphrey, Johu, 4li, 56,
6, 66, a, 90,4, 127,9,
34,B,il,71,S)9,i0fi,7
11,31,305,73,427,609,
Jm-elyn, Edwin, 467, Bl
Jabn, an IwliaH, 18,^8-^
Johiiv>D, Lady Arbella
t, Dea. 41 1
Thou
1,333
iDgalls, F.phrBim,41
Innrsoli, NaltaanieJ,
418,19,10
Richard, 39, 169, 300
Ingram, Air. 488
Ironside, Mr. IS9
IiraeL, an Indiai, ^-33
JaekscHi, iohD, 173, 373,
Margaret, 173, SI 6
Mr 457
Jamei, Krosmos, 169,39
1 3(5.78
II. S7,«0
Rumney Harsh, 18,
SB-33
Janten, Sit ISrii
£46
Fraiicii
172, li
..,3D, 177
base, 41, 6i, 5, 6,
67, ei, biibenefi-
30,4 8,45, '6a,50y
Samud, 466
Waller R, 461
linalon, 'I'homai, 502
iws, Mr. 485
»lr WiUiam,£lG
WUiiam.317
Joaselyn, John, ISO, 257.
" 9, 263, 6, y, 273, 405
Ktad^, David. 457
Kine, Uaaiel.llS, 19
"-muBl, S3S
- -J, Edward, 367
Knuw, Jacob, his schao),
4^,9,61
Kuig^t, Waller, 38, 169
Lackey, AllMri, 478, 80, 1
Lo&yetie. Geu. 294, iU
• -•-- Wm. 358, 418, 19
011,419
•jt, John, !39
Timoihv, 413, M
Mrs. SH7
yily, Wflliam, 4S6
Lind^y, Ellzaheih,4SI.
Lord, William, 173, SSS
Lorio^. Jadliua,384
l.ovel, ■I'homBi. IC9, *18
Low. Adrian, 3S3, 3SS
Jimadian,3IU,93
467-8
Lander, Paler, 376
EdwanI, 4&t, 62
l-arg, E
Laud, Biihop Wn
Law, Rev, Aiidie
didlaw, Roger, 151
.unl, Ezra,^17
..ueromb, ISamuel, 387
Lyford, Kev. John, 37, fl,
93,169
Lyude, BenjanuD, SSe,t,
Maiboa, John, 52, 169
Majin. Horace, 481
Maiming, Robert, sa '
MamneJd, MaltheH',4IA
Maolreye, N alhaiiilj. Ml
Marble, Samuel, 1&»
-■ .Wn, Benjamin, «4
Reiii. £41,490
Bel m
WiAiam, 193
(in, Mr. 379
Manyn. Sir Henry, I3t
»liiiVuheonaa,483
MB.scolt,Jolm,Jr.3S9
JofaD, 36,209, hiiAk-
mily, a 1 4, SI
John r. JI4, £20
Jobepb.214
Robert,S14,l5,16,SI)
Massey.JeBiey, 17^184,
■hiMV. Jobn, Jr. 301
Join, »6,3(», 1,417
Kuury, ilavid. 413
Bthw,ColUin,7,9
Malihe*!, AiiJrew,)
JohD L. 3X
Hsulq, Jubn, 4-14
Tt»<niu,3£«, 7^,411
Msune. Roger, 171,277
Mivrridk.Hcwe*, ni,MI(
Samuel, 16
McCloy, Mr, 38S
Uclaiirc, Samuel, S»
Samuel, ISO
HeMulleii,Mr.3a3
Meuhcm, John, 339
HeBH, Mr.
113
n, G. 438
Menill, H 1). &. Co. SS
Milbarae, Peler, IX
MiHHime, Mr. tt4
Hilke, John, 36b
Hiller, Sydrach, St, 169
HUner, Mr. 487
M>Diu,Ch1oe,46l,70
Milfhel, Fiflcieoe, 311
Milcbe!rs.Aueu91ui,4E£
Hobtei, Heufv, 337
in To»ii Hall, 3H»
HoDlowsmnale, IS
Moore, J. HamlllDii, «
Hordecay, hit cm. 165
HoM, CaM.418, 19
Money, Fraarii.ISfi
Morgao. Diney, 383
Horlcy, Rotwrt, but
HDrtan,r4allianiel,4:
ThD]noj,ll,1.3,
Bi Sslem. im
Money, Mr, 378
Hauluin, Robert, 84, 100,
1, Si, €3
Hoiin, George. 14, OS
Mulkey, Mr. 478
Munaon. Mr. 4W, MM
llDmy, Liodley, 481, 6
NBM'faall, Isaac, 3t
Tbonai, SIS
Nicbols, Oeo^, 476, 493 Falmcr
18-33
torman, John. 1K»,
Richard, 38, !(■'.
Riclmrd, Jr. 38, -
NorrU, Edward, 16^, «7,
31,6
Edw.SlS, 449, 51,
E. &. J. 779
John, 385
Mr. Sai
Northend, Ctaa. 4n0. 1
Nonbey, Ui ' ' —
NonooVueorge, n'^,401
■If. 84
Nowell, Imrease, 55, &,
90. |07. 17, 9, 3S,
104,609
Noyei, BelFher, 452
1,31^
pBrker, CbBrlea, 389
l>Biiiel,467,S3,6,7
Ki(bardG.,4B6,3
Peabody, FianrH, MS
JoHpii A. 411, 91
Peacb, Lai, 319
P«Me, Capt. join, I6B,
«4
Robert, 169, ITS
Peele, WiUlam, 985
Pdrre, Jeratbind, S79
«», Mr. 471
lam, Herbert, 90, f53
■ie, Marmwliike, 169,
lliDBiai, 31!
Nulling, JobD. 4-^,4,8
JoTiB, Jr 4fl.1
Nye, Rev. PhiUp, 141-7
Odliu,Elisba,4JI
' lid, JoKiiJi, 509
^aille. Mr. 485
lam, John, 37,4t,t
'. Gl, 4, 78, 9, Ua, 9i
■J, 13,23
e, Mr. 506
er. Dt. Item. L. 380
Ilepr.K.fe,C,«l
4, b
Eliiabeih, 376
DKiib, 447
(Jsbotn, George, 309,4
Srry, Franci*, 169, 336
llorBiio, 381
Richsrd,52,6,6,i07,
Willi'aiD,'484,5,6
Mar, Eptiraun, £8
etan. Hocfa, 13,91, m
■erinoD, 304, land, 184,
507,9
Philip, King, 17, IR, sis
"hillipi, George, 153
/Bnu.sA,4il
Rev. John, 170, Sll,
It
Stephen, 379
Slepbeo C. 461, BS,
hipa, Spenrar.SrS
ickering, Jobn, 170,411
John, 436
John, 487
TbiDthT, 416. SO
Timothy, S69, 491
Bern. SOS, 397, 413,
aBrlca.S67,S19
INDEX.
53a
Pickwortb, John, 170,615
Pierce, Benjamin, 322
Rev. John, D D. 480
William, 98, 102, 56,
69
Pike, Nicholas, 485
Pilgrim, John. 374
Pinchion, William, 55,6.
127,9,30,4,9,267
Mrs. 349
Mr. 453
Pinckham, Isaac, 321
Pindar, i^imon, 321,3
Pipon, John, 359
Pocock, John, 94, 129
Poor, Daniel A. 469,71
Rev. Daniel, 496
Pope, Alexander, 518
Joshua, 384
Porter, Ebenezer, 517
Kbenezer, 484
Israel, 28, 33
John, 421
Nathaniel, 170, 387
Poquanum, 18
Pratt, John, surgeon, 62,
139
Mr. 420, I, 43
Prescott, Benjamin, 189
Preston, Samuel, 465
Price, Kev. Dr. 497
Walter, 174,226, 430
Walter, 44i, 90
PriiSce, John, 237
Dr. 415
Samuel, 374
Thomas, 37, 8, 75,
148
Procter, William, 379
Pulsifer, David, 384
Pulyston, Thomas, 91
Punkapoags, 12
Putnam, Asa, 421
Ebeuezer, 330, 492
Rufus, Jr. 474. 9
Samuel^ 202, 229
Pynchon, see Pinchion
Queen Anne's arms, 390
408
Queen Elizabeth, 313
Quincy, Edmund, Esq.
262
Josiah, Hon. 494
Raikes, Robert, 495
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 78,
262
Ravenscrofl, Thomas, 498
Ray, Daniel, 170,284, 515
Raymond, Mr. 382
Kea, John, 332
Joshua, 420
Reed, Nathan, 453
Reeves, John, 170, 516
Revell, John, 124, 39, 45
William, 140
Reyner, Rev. John, 80
Richards, Rev. John, 494
Richardson, Nath'l, 196
Rickman, Isaac, 102, 170
Kipley, Mr. 500
Robbms, Mr. 288
Mr. 381
Robinson, Andrew, 518
James, 485
Rev. John, 88,
93, 106
Samuel, 358
Samuel, 423
Rodriquez, Col. 476
Rogers, Abigail, 453
Rev. John, 436
Nathaniel, 456, 7, 8
Robert, 461
Ropes, Benjamin, 421
David, 423
Henry, 415
John. 389
Rositer, Edward, 139
Koswell, Sir Henry, 40, 55
Rowe, Mr. 129
Ruck, John, 28-33, 170,
87, 8, 2«2, 5, 418
Thomas, 187
Rugg, Mr. 383
Rust, Daniel, 378
Henry, 292
Ryall, WilUam, 84, 170,
210
Safibrd, Abraham, 422
Nathaniel, 506
Joshua, 385
Sagamore of Agawam,
15, 188, 209, 507
George, 13, 4, 6, 7,
his death, 18, 28
207, 607
James, 13, 14, 15
John, 13, 14, his will,
16, 17, 134
Philip, 17
Salmon, Thomas, 486
Saltmarsh, Deborah, 423
Soltonstall, Leveretl, 346
Sir Richard, 41, 65,
6, 62, 81, 99, 107,
27, 9, 80, 4, 8, 45,
52,509
Sam, an Indian, 18,28-33
Sampson, Ezra, 484
Sanders, Mr. 287
Sanderson, Elijah, 382
Sarah, an Indian, 18
Saul, Mr. 379
Savage, Ezekiel, 382
James, 516
Thomas, 374
Savary, Mr. 382
Sawyer, Edward, 463,6
Scarlet, Benj. 170,515
Schickard, William, 438 .
Schrevelius, Cornelius,
487
Scobie, John, 380
Scollay, James, 455
Scott, William, 484
Scruggs, Thomas, 172,427
Seale, Humphrey, 92, 4,
151
Sewall, Jonathan, 448
Stephen, 349, 441
Shadocke, Samuel, 358
Shafflin, Michael, 173, 516
Sharpe, Henry, 314,5, 420
Samuel, 61, his con-
tract, 54, 63, his
contract, 65, 6, 75,
81, 2, 3, 6, 9,99,
100,11,39,51
Thomas, 127, 139
Shattuck, Sam'l, 174, 419
Sbepard, Rev. Thomas,
Sherlot, Henry, 605
Sherwin, Thomas, 488
Shickatalbot, 15
Shimmin, Charles, 451
Silver, Capt. 377
Simpson, John, 338
Skefion, Rev. Samuel, 69,
75,6,83,9,93, 109,34,
5, 8, 56, 70, land grant-
ed, 178, 267, 77, co*.
tract, account, 51 1-13
Skerry, Francis, 173,286,
368
Skinner, Walter, 338
Small, John, 170, 516
Smiley, Mr. 486
Smith, Caleb, 385
Jeremiah, 453
John, 6, 12, 13, 36,
69, 120, 243
John, 286
Joseph, 325
684
INDEX.
Gtauth, Mr. 165
Mr. 140
Rev. Ralph, 79, 80,
114,75
Roswell a 485, 8
Walter, 421
William, SIS
Smyth, John, 509
Snell, Mr 485
Snelling, John, 390
Jonathan, 464
Somerville, Mr. 42i
Sophocles, Cvangelimus
A. 487, 8
Southcoat, Thomas, 40,
55
Southwick, Lawrence,
173, 86
Spauldine, Rev. Joshua,
460
Sprague, Joseph E. 329,
30,492
Ralph, 44, 6, 6, 170,
515
Richard, 44, 5, 6, 170,
515
William, 44, 5. 6, 170,
615
Sparstowe, Mr. 128, 34
Stackhouse, Richard, 170,
300
Stacy, John, 420
Staniford, Wm. 485, 6
Standley, Henry, 392
Steams, James, 381
Sarah W. 385
William, 369
Steele, Mr. 321
Stephens, Mr. 419
Stetson, Prince, 424
Stevens, Ann, 420
Moses, 463, 5
Thomas, 64
Thomas, 509
Mr. 419
Mr. 504
Steward, Antipas, 451 , 2
Stickney, William. 385
Stileman, Clias, 172, 417
Stoddard, S. 486, 8
Stodder, Mr. 379
Stone, John, 170, 299,300
Stoughton, WUliam, 215
Story, Joseph, 484
Sullivan, Wm. 484
Sweet, John, 170, 229, 85
Swinnerton, Dr. John,519
John, 443, 4
Symmes; Rev. Tbos. 498
Symmids, James, 286 [Vassal, John, 516
Judith, 516
Tailer, William, 315
Tapley, Gilbert, 420
Joseph, 421
Tappan, l)enj.461
TarbeU, John, 447
1*awley, Mr. 286
Temple, Samuel, 485
l^yler, Benj. 318
Thomas, an Indian, 28, 33
Thomas, Isaiah, 484
Betty, 608
Thresher, Mr. 287
Throffmorton, John, 170,
Tilden, Niles, 378
Tillet, John. 154
Tillie, Hugh, 99, 170
I'odd, John, 333
Tomkins, Catherine, 174,
516
Elizabeth, 516
Marie, 616
Ralph, 170,516
Samuel, 516
Totten, 8 488
Towers, Mr. 488
Towne, Jacob, 170, 515
Stephen. 333
Towndrow, Mr. 479
Trask, John, 305
William, 44, 172, 80,
2, 7, 215, 53, 368,
427
William, 420
Treadwell, Mr. 401
I'ufiheale, Richard, 509
Tuflon, Jane, 214
John, 214
Tufls, Rev. John, 490, 8
Turiand, John, 358
Turner, John, 241
John, 241, 303, 446
John, 424
Mr. 485
William. 506
Tuttle, Mr. 378
Tyler, Thomas, son of
Masconomet, 239
Upham, Rev. Charles W.
497
Valpy, Richard, 487
Vamev, Soloman, 385
Vassal, Ann, 516
Ann, 616
Fraqcis, 516
Margaret, 516
Mary, 516
Samuel, 52, 6, 129,
615
William, 55, 6, 127,
9, 34, 9, 70, 252,
615
Venn, John, 55, 6, 62, 128,
9, 34, 8, 9, 6U9
Verin, HiUiard, 175,411
Joshua, 170, 516
Philip. 172, 235, 516
Very, Mr. 317
Virat, Geoi^, 603, 5
Robert, 506, 6
Vossitts, Gerard J. 486
Walch, David, 453
Walcot, Josiah, 441
Walcott, Samuel B. 461
Wales, John, 219
Walrrave, Mr. 90
Walker, James, 486, 8
Capt 129,34,47,60
Walsh, Michael, 485
Walter, WUliam, 448, 9
Walton, Rev. William,
60,171,205
Wappacowet or Wd^co-
wet, 14
Ward . Joshua, 349,415,58
Miles, 288, 91
Rev. Nathaniel, 142
Warwick, Earl, 131
Washbome, John, 62, 4
Washington, (]ieoi^e,309,
presentation of, 395
Waterman, Richard, ven-
ison hunter, 84, 171
Waters, Benj. 302, 421
John, 386
Richard, 171,418
Thomas, 420
Watson, John, 451, 3, 4
Thomas, 173, 285
Wattawtinnusk, 28-33
Waye, George, 509
Wavland, Francis, 488
Webb, Benjamin, 423
Francis, to have a
mill, 92, 9, 129,71,
609
Jonathan, 375, 422
Jonathan, 423
Webcowet, 14, 15
Webster, Noah, 484, 6
Weeb, Daniel, 419
INDEX.
635
Welch, Mr. 486
Wells, Philip, 333
West, Henr}', 359
John. 64
Nathaniel, 381, 424
Nicholas, 127
Thomas, 33, 171
Wharton, Edward, 405
Whetcombe, Simon, 40,
62,6,6, 107,24,9,
32 4 609
Whipple/ Oiiver, M. 196
Whitaker, Uev. Nath'l,
'374
Whitchcolls, Charles, 609
Whitchcot, Rev. Bern. 66
White, Rev. John, 6, 36,
7,8,9,40,1,8,99,
138, 42, 3, 52
John, 92, 6, 138, 609
John, 171,515
Ralph, 67
Whitman, Samuel, 438
Whittemore, (widow) 381
Wh^^te, Edmund, 107
Richard, 107
Wiffgin, George, 333
Wiliuns, Uray, 210
Wilkins, Daniel, 444
John H. 488
William, an Indian, 209,
10
Williams, Henry, 293
Mascoll, m, 9, 519
Roger, 73, 171
Samuel, 359
Thomas R. 378
Wilson, Rev. John, 16
11.486
Lambert, chirurgeon,
85, 171
Winnapurkitt, 17
Winthrop, Henry, drown-
eu 159
John' 16,36,41,106,
27, 30, 4, 8, 9, 40,
6, 9, parting ad-
dress, 162, 4, on
benevolence, 164,
6, 7, 69, 60, 1 . 79,
245, 6, 63, 61, 8,
77,82, 311, 12,41
John, Jr. 23, 171, 205
Stephen, 138
Wolridge. William, 98
Wood, Elizabeth, 616
Wood, Wm. 12, 111,20,
71, 206, 36,42,7,
69,76
William, 171,616
Woodbridge, Wm. 486
Woodbury, Humphrer,
21, 40, 176
Israel, 384
John, 38, visits Eur-
land, 40, 17278,
336
Josiah, 377
WUliam, 33, 173
Worcester, J oseph E. 461,
86, 8
Rev. Samuel, 496
Wright, George, HI, 900
r«iathaniel, 62, 6, 6,
124, 6, 8, 9, 31, t,
4, 8, 9, 45, 61
Wyman, Mrs. 386
Yawataw, 28, 33
Younsr, Mr. 486
James, 146
James, 333
John, 40, 56, 134
Richard, 609
ADDENDA TO INDEX OP SUBJECTS.
Eag^e, ship, 124, 31, 8, called Arbella,
Government of Colony, 42, 64, 6, 6, 7,
76, called council of Massachu-
setts Bay, 77, 88, called govern-
ment and council of London
plantation, officers, 89-90, oaths
of officers, 91, 3, 4, papers, 98,
transler, 126-30; vote for remo-
val, 134, in London and in
Colony, 137, Winthrop suceeedt
Endicott, 167
Government of Town, 335-46
" of City, 346-48
Pest House, 192, 3
Physicians, 86, 125, 39
Talbot, ship, 67, 76, 84, 106, 12,3,5,
39,60
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3 2044 037 712 957
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