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.. THE
Co-operative Wholesale
Societies Limited.
ANNUAL
FOR
.. 1903. ..
PUBLISHED BY
THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED,
1, BALLOON STREET. MANCHESTER: and
THE SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED.
MORRISON STREET. GLASGOW.
hx_.
_JU
MANCHESTER:
PRINTED AND BOUND BY THE
TD.
AT THEIR WORKS. LONGSIGHT.
c^^ PREFACE, x^
Tf ll^HE present volume will be found to contain, as usual, a
-' '- wide selection of articles written by competent authors.
The contributions upori Co-operative subjects include a
paper upon Co-operation abroad by Mr. H. W. Wolff,
comprehensive and critical; and an article upon "Co-operative
Pi'oduction," by Mr. Macrosty, who gives evidence of careful
thought and clear insight into this oft-discussed problem. "Eobert
Owen as a Social Eeformer " affords Mr. W. S. Murphy a
congenial topic, to which he does full justice.
Social questions also claim a place, and that of Education,
being now prominent, has an able exponent in Dr. T. J. Macnamara,
M.P. The articles on "Wages and Conciliation Boards" and
"Social Movements and Eeforms," by Messrs. Eees Jeffreys and
G. H. Wood respectively, will be read with much interest,
especially by students of the democratic tendencies of the past
century.
Mr. W. M. J. Williams writes exhaustively on Sugar, reviewing
the course of the agitation on this subject and the Convention.
" Land Settlement for Workmen " affords Professor James Long
an opportunity for publishing the results of many experiments in
this direction, and also for indicating lines of future development.
Mr. W. W. Chapman's article on the resources of the British
Isles in Live Stock contains much information respecting the
supply of cattle, &c., both in the form of statistics and comment.
Since our last issue the two Wholesale Societies have purchased
jointly two Tea Estates in Ceylon. A brief account of this fresh
enterprise will be found on page 359.
We trust that this volume may prove as welcome and useful
as its predecessors.
THE COMMITTEE.
IV.
LIST OF MAPS. DIAGRAMS, PLATES, &c.
CO-OPEkATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY.
Diagram : CompariBon of the Sales of Whole-
sale and Retail Co-operation.
„ Thirty-nine Years' Progress of
Co-operation.
„ *rhirty-eight Years' Progress of
the Co-operative Wholesale
Society Limited.
Map of the World, showing Foreign and
Colonial Depots.
,1 „ United Kingdom, showing
Depots, &c., of the Wholesale
Societies.
Diagrams showing Purchasing Power of a
Sovereign.
Manchester: Balloon Street and Garden
Street.
„ Dantzio Street.
Newcastle : West Blandford Street.
„ Waterloo Street and Thornton
Street.
„ Quayside.
„ Pelaw.
London : Lenian Street.
„ Bacon Stoves.
„ Grove Street.
„ Tea Department.
Nottingham Saleroom.
Northampton Saleroom.
Birmingham Saleroom.
Bristol Depot.
Cardiff Dep6t.
Limerick Depdt.
Armagh Depot.
Tralee Egg and Butter Depot.
„ Bacon Factory.
Typical Irish Creamery (Bunkay).
Crumpsall Biscuit, Sweet, &c.. Works.
Middleton Jam, Pickle, and Peel Works.
Leicester Wheatsheaf Boot and Shoe Works.
„ Duns Lane Boot and Shoe Works.
Enderby Boot and Shoe Works.
Heckmondwike Boot, Shoe, and Currying
Works.
Bushden Boot and Shoe Works.
Irlam Soap. Candle, and Glycerine Works.
Batley Woollen Cloth Factory.
Luton Cocoa and Chocolate Works.
Leeds Clothing Factory.
Dunston-on-Tyne Flour Mill.
Silvertown (London) Flour Mill.
Broughton (Manchester) Cabinet, Tailoring,
Mantle, Shirt, Underclothing, &c.,
Factories.
Longsight (Manchester) Printing Works.
Hartlepool Lard Refinery and Egg Pickling
Warehouse.
Littleborough Flannel Factory.
Manchester Tobacco Factory.
Longton Crockery Depot.
Herniiig Bacon Factory.
Sydney Oil and Tallow Factory.
Calais Offices.
S.S. " Pioneer."
S.8. " Progress."
S.S. " Federation."
S.S. " Equity."
S.S. " Liberty."
S.S. " Unity."
Roden Convalescent Home.
„ Tomato Houses.
Nugawella Tea Factory.
„ Coolies.
„ Tea Estate.
Wellaganga Bungalow.
Tea Estate.
SCOTIISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIEIY.
(Following page 72.)
Registered Office and Fomiture Warehouse,
95, Morrison Street, Glasgow.
Grocery and Provision Warehouse, 119,
Paisley Road, Glasgow.
Glasgow Grocery and Provision Warehouse
and Hall, Clarence Street.
Grocery, &c., Crookston Street, Glasgow.
Leith Grocery and Provision Warehouse,
Links Place.
Kilmarnock Grocery and Provision Ware-
house, Grange Place.
Dundee Branch.
Enniskillen Depot: Butter, Eggs, and Bacon.
Warehouse, St. James Street, Glasgow.
Chambers Street, Edinburgh.
Boot Factory, Shieldhall.
Printing Department, Shieldhall.
('abinet Factory, ' „
Tobacco Factory, „
c liemioal Department, „
t'liancelot Roller Flour Mills, Edinburgh.
i;ttrick Tweed Mills, Selkirk.
Soiip Works, Grangemouth.
1 iress Shirt Factory, Leith.
Bladnoch Creamery, Wigtownshire.
V.
ajsx INDEX. K^.
PAGE.
Acts of Parliament restraining exportation of Tools, &c., used in Cotton,
Linen, Woollen, and Silk Manufacture 432
Accidents, Railway. Proportion of Passengers Killed from Causes beyond
their own Control 385
Administrations in Last Century 399
Articles : —
British Islands : Their Resources in Live Stock. — By W. W. Chapman,
F.S.S., M.R.A.S.E., &c 245
Co-operation in other Lands.— By H. W. Wolff 223
Education in England and Wales in 1902. — By T. J. Macnamara, M.P. 139
Land Settlement for Workmen. — By James Long 821
Robert Owen as a Social Reformer. — By.W. S. Murphy Ill
Productive Co-operation : Its Principles and Methods. — By H. W.
Macrosty, B.A 161
Social Movements and Reforms of the Nineteenth Century. — By
G. H. Wood, F.S S 193
Sugar Question in 1902.— By W. M. J. Williams 267
Stoker, the late W 356
Tea Estates, The E. and S. C.W.S 359
Wages and Conciliation Boards. — By W. Rees Jeffreys 291
Average Retail Price of Articles of Domestic Consumption 442
Bank Holidays 453
Barometer Instructions 436
Births, Marriages, and Deaths, Registers of 453
British Islands : Their Resources in Live Stock. — By W. W. Chapman,
F.S.S., M.R.A.S.E., &c 245
Cabinet, The 400
Calendar for 1903 454
Calendar, Principal Articles of 452
Chapman, W. W., F.S.S., M.R.A.S.E., &c. The British Islands : Their
Resources in Live Stock 245
Civil Service Supply Stores, Sales of 375
Conciliation Boards, Wages and. — By W. Rees Jeffreys 291
Congresses, Co-operative 54
Consolidated Stock, Average Price of 381
Contributions which have appeared in " The Co-operative Wholesale
Societies' Annual" from 1885 to 1903 455
Co-operation in other Lands.— By H. W. Wolff 223
Co-operation, Productive: Its Principles and Methods. — By H. W.
Macrosty, B.A 161
Co-operative Congresses 54
„ „ Papers read at 56
„ Progress, 1862 to 1900 (United Kingdom) 305
„ Societies, Summary of Law relating to 68
„ Union : Its Principles and Constitution 67
„ Wholesale Societies' Tea Estates 359
VI.
INDEX.
Paok.
Co-operative Wholesale Societies:— English. ^ Scottish.
Artisan Clothing Factory • • 93
Advantages of Membership • • 80
Bank of Scotland, Branches • • 81
Biscuits, Sweets, &c., Works, Crumpsall 30 . .
Bonus to Labour • • 108
Boot and Shoe Department 26, 49 . . 89
„ Factory •• 95
„ „ Works, Leicester 32
„ „ „ Heckmondwike . . '. 32 . .
Rushden 34 . .
Brush Factory • • 98
Business Notices • • 77
Business Premises, &c 2-4 . . 73-74
Cabinet Works 38 . . 96
Coming Events in connection with the Wholesale Society
in 1903 11 • •
Committees, Auditors, and Scrutineers 5 . . 75
Committees, Past Members of 17-19 . .
Committee, Members of, who Died during Office 20 . .
Confectionery Works • . 101
Drapery Department 24, 49 . . 88
Employes in Departments 9-10 . . 106
Ettrick Tweed Mills . . 104
Flannel Mills 44 . .
Flour Mills— Chancelot . . 103
„ „ Dunston 38 . .
„ „ Silvertown 46
Furnishing Department 26, 49 . . 90
Grocery Department 24, 48 . . 84-87
Hosiery Factory . . 97
Lard Refinery .• 42 . .
London Branch 28-30, 52 . .
Mantle Factory . . 94
Newcastle Branch 26-8, 50 . .
Officers and Departments 6-8 . . 76
Offices, &c 1 .. 73
Preserve Works 44 . . 100
Principal Events ' 12-14 . .
Printing Works 42 .. 99
Progress of the Wholesale Societies 22 . . 72, 82
Shirt Factory ^ . . 92
Soap Works, Irlam and Durham 40 . .
Tailoring Factory . . 91
„ „ Leeds 36 . .
„ „ Broughton 36 . .
Tea Estates 359
Telegraphic Addresses 15 . .
Telephonic Communication 16 . .
Tobacco Factory 46 . . 102
Trade Terms, Conditions of Membership, &c . . 79
Underclothing Factory . . 105
Woollen Department 25, 49 . .
„ Mills, Batley 34 ..
Customs and Tariff 377
VII.
INDEX.
Death Duties, The , 336*
Discount, Average Minimum Rate per Cent, of 382
Duties, Customs, in the United Kingdom 377
Eclipses 453
Education in England and Wales in 1902. — By T. J. Macnamara, M.P. . . 1.S9
English Mile compared with other European Measures 449
Expectation of Life 394
H OLIDAYS, Bank 453
House of Commons — List of Members 402
I NCOME Tax Rates from its First Imposition 380
Income and Expenditure of the United Kingdom, year ending March
81st, 1902 376
Income under Review by Inland Revenue 435
Intestate, Rules by which the Personal Estates of Persons Dymg, are
Distributed 389
Intestate, Rules of Division according to the Law of Scotland of the
Movable Estate of a Person who has Died 391
J EFFREYS, W. Rees. -Wages and Conciliation Boards 291
King and Royal Family 398
Land, DeaUngs with 383
Land Settlement for Workmen. — By James Long 321
Law Relating to Societies, Summary of the 68
Law Sittings 453
Life, Expectation of 394
Live Stock, The British Islands; Their Resources in. — By W. W.
Chapman, F.S.S., M.R.A.S.E., &c 245
Long, Professor James. — Land Settlement for Workmen 321
M ACNAMARA, Dr., M.P.— Education in England and Wales in 1902 . . 139
Macrosty, H. W., B.A. — Productive Co-operation : Its Principles and
Methods 161
Meteorological Tables 439
Mile, The English, compared with other European Measures 449
Ministers, His Majesty's 400
Movements and Reforms of the Nineteenth Century, Social.— By G. H.
Wood, F.S.S 193
Murphy, W. S.— Robert Owen as a Social Reformer Ill
Owen, Robert, as a Social Reformer.— By W. S. Murphy Ill
VIII.
INDEX.
PAGE.
Parliaments of the united Kingdom 398
Presidents of the United States of America 431
Price of Three per Cent. Consolidated Stock 381
Prime Ministers since 1834 401
Principal Articles of the Calendar for the Year 1903 452
Productive Co-operation: Its Principles and Methods. — By H. W.
Macrosty, B.A •, 161
Progress of Co-operation (United Kingdom) 366
Public Income and Expenditure of the United Kingdom for the Year
ending March 31st, 1902 876
Railway Accidents, Proportion of Passengers Killed, &c 385
Registers of Births, Marriages, and Deaths 453
Royal Family, The King and 398
Rules by which the Personal Estates of Persons Dying Intestate are
Distributed 389
Rules of Division according to the Law of Scotland of the Movable
Estate of a Person who has Died Intestate 391
Settlement, Laud, for workmen.— By James Long 321
Social Movements and Reforms of the Nineteenth Century. — By G. H.
Wood, F.S.S 193
Stoker, The late W 356
Sugar Question in 1902.— By W. M. J. Williams 267
Table showing Number of Days from any Day of one Month to same
Day of any other Month 450
Table Showing the Number of Days between any Two Dates 447
Tea Estates, The E. and S. C.W.S 359
Terms and Abbreviations Commonly Used In Business 451
Tide Table, Liverpool 443
„ Goole 445
Time all over the World 436
Union, Co-operatlve, its Principles and an Account of 67
United Kingdom, the Public Income and Expenditure, year ending
March 31st, 1902 376
United Kingdom, Customs Tariff of the 377
„ „ Parliaments of the 398
„ States, Presidents of 431
Wages and conciliation Boards.— Bv W. Rees Jeffreys 291
Williams, W. M. J.— The Sugar Question in 1902 267
Wolff, H. W. — Co-operation in other Lands 223
Wood, G. H., F.S.S. — Social Movements and Reforms of the Nineteenth
Century 193
Wrecks, United Kingdom 433
•^
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GomparaHve J^rogress of Wholesafe and Jtetcul Go-operative
Societies in the United JCingdom.
Team
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I
THIKTY-NINE YEAKS' PROGRESS
Co-operative Societies it) tbe Ui>ite5 Kiry^bom,
Sales.
Ykars. £
1862 ...... 2,333,523
1863 2,673,778
1864 2,836,606
1865 3,373,847
1866 4,462,676
1867 6,001,153
1868 7,122,360
1869 7,353,363
1870 8,201,685
1871 9,463,771
1872 13,012,120
1873 15,639,714
1874 16,374,053
1875 18,499,901
1876 19,921,054
1877 21,390,447
1878 21,402,219
1879 20,382,772
1880 23,248,314
1881 24,945,063
Total Sales in the Thirty-nine
Ye.\b8, 1862 TO 1900.
Total Pbofits in the Thirty-nine
Yeabs, 1862 to 1900.
S.U.E8.
Years. £
1882 27,541,212
1883 29,336,028
1884 30,424,101
1885 31,305,910
1886 32,730,745
1887 34,483,771
1888 37,793,903
1889 40,674,673
1890 43,731,669
1891 49,024,171
1892 51,060,854
1893 51,803,836
1894 52,110,800
1895 55,100,249
1896 ...... 59,951,635
1897 64,956,049
1898 68,523,969
1899 73,533,686
1900 81,020,428
£1,163,746,108.
107,248,027.
I
STATISTICAL POSITION OF CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETIES
IN THE UNITED KINGDOM,
December SIst, 1900.
Compiled from tlie Returns made by Societies to the Registrar and
Co-operative Union.
Number of Members
Share Capital
Loan Capital
Sales for 1900
Net Profits for 1900
Devoted to Education, 1900
1,886,252 £
24,156,310
12,010,771
81,020,428
8,177,822
65,699
Thirty-nine Years* Progress of Co-operative Societies
in the United Kingdom.
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6 7 8 9 70 1
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THIRTY-EIGHT YEAKS' PROGRESS
OF THB
Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited.
Sales.
Sales.
£
Years.
£
^»J 51,857
1883 .
4,546,889
120,754
1884 (wSJ
4,675,371
175.489
1885 .
4,793,151
^^«,.) 331,744
1886 .
5,223,179
412.240
1887 .
5,713,535
507,217
1888 .
6,200,074
.w»J 677,734
1889 (we1,„)
7,028,944
758,764
1890 .
7,429,073
1,153,132
1891 .
8,766.430
1,636,950
1892 .
9.300.904
1,964,829
1893 .
9,526,167
2,247,395
1S94 .
9,443.938
i^Z^,) 2.697,366
1895 (wIL.)
10,141,917
2,827,052
1896 .
11.115,056
2,705,625
1897 .
11,920,143
(^21..) 2,645,331
1898 .
12,574,748
3,339,681
1899 .
14,212,375
3.574,095
1900 .
16,043,889
4,038,238
1901 (w^ka)
17,642,082
Ykars.
1864 (,
1865
1866
1867
1868
1869
1870
1871
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
Total Sales in the Thibty-eiqht)
Years, 1864 to 1901. )
Total Profits in the Thirty-eight [
Years, 1864 to 1901. )
£208,163,058.
3,073,251.
STATISTICAL POSITION OF THE CO-OPERATIVE
WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED,
December 28th, 1901.
Number of Societies holding Shares 1,092
Number of Members belonging to Shareholders, 1,315,235 M
Share Capital (Paid up) 948,944
Loans and Deposits 1,664,765
Reserve Fund— Trade and Bank 285,132
Insurance Fund 477,904
Sales for tlic Year 1901 (53 Weeks) 17,642,082
Net Profits fr>r Year 1901 288,321
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Map of the World, showing
SOUTH POLE__ _
JOINT WITH SCOmSH WHOLESALE SOCIETY
Foreign and Colonial Dep6ts.
o JOINT WITH SCOTTISH WHOLESALE SOOETT
•COOPERATIVE WMOLESAl£ SOCIETY
Map of the United Kingdom, showing
Depots, &c., of the Wholesale Soc+eties.
Diagrams and Tables
.. SHOWING ..
Purchasing Power of a Sovereign,
IN SELECTED ARTICLES, 1882 TO 1901.
A Society's Purchasing Power for a Sovereign, in Weight,
OF Selected Articles in the Years under-mentioned
(Wholesale Prices).
Goods.
1882.
1887.
1892.
1897.
1898.
1899. 1900. am.
lbs.
lbs.
lbs.
lbs.
lbs.
lbs. 1 lbs.
lbs.
Butter
18-45
20-71
20-30
2300
23-06
21-24
2071
20-60
Cheese
3409
33-72
35-86
38-30
46-93
40-24
39-16
4.<1-.qq
Flour
140-13
75-93
213-80
131-40
197-86
120-3;^
209-06
164-53
192-83
161-56
246-61
154-82
243-05 248-43
149-33 139-62
Sugar
Tea
10-43
17-40
1200
18-06
13-52
17-20
14-71
17-83
14-83
18-43
15-14
19-26
14-29 li-fU
Coffee
19-35
20-34
A combined parcel in)
porportion to trade |'
done in above articles )
57-61
74-61
67-98
77-22
83-89
84-19
83-22
83-87
Taking 100 as representing the unit for the turnover of weight
per £ sterhng in the year 1882, the figures (i.e., weight) for
succeeding years would be as follows :—
Goods.
1882.
1887.
1892.
1897.
1898.
1899.
1900.
1901.
Butter
100
100
112
99
110.
105
125
112
125
138
115
112
112
127
Cheese
118 ! 115
Flour
100
100
100
100
152
173
115
104
141
158
130
99
149
216
141
102
188
213
142
106
176
204
145
111
173
196
187
111
177
184
135
117
Sugar
Tea
Coffee
A combined parcel in \
proportion to trade !■
done )
100
129
118
134
145
146
144
146^
FISCAL changes.
„ advanced „ 4d. „ 6d. „ 1901.
Duty imposed on Sugar, Conservative Government, April 18th, 19<)1.
„ „ Flour, „ „ „ 15th, 1902
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Business Premises,
&c.,
OWNED BY
THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE
SOCIETY LIMITED.
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THE
Co-operative Wholesale Society
LIMITED.
Enrolled August 11th, 1863, under the Pravisims of the Industrial and Provident
Societies Act, 25 and 26 Vict, cap. 87, sec. 15, 1862.
BUSINESS COMMENCED MARCH 14th, 1864.
SHAEES, £5 EACH, TEANSFEEABLE.
Wholesale General Dealers, Manufacturers, Bankers, Millers, Printers,
Bookbinders, Boxmakers, Lithographers, Shipowners, Butter
Factors, Lard Refiners, Bacon Curers, Fruit Growers, Drysalters,
Saddlers, Tea Growers, Importers, Blenders, and Packers,
Dealers in Grocery and Provisions, Drapery, Woollens, Ready-
Made Clothing, Boots and Shoes, Brushes, Crockery, Carpets,
Furniture, <&c., &c., &c.
Manufacturers of Flour, Butter, Biscuits, Sweets, Preserves, Pickles,
Candied Peel, Cocoa, Chocolate, Tobacco, Soap, Candles,
Glycerine, Boots and Shoes, Woollens, Clothing, Flannels,
Shirts, Mantles and Underclothing, Corsets, Millinery, Furniture,
and Brushes.
Central <^fQce6,
asanft, Sblpping, an& Coal department, ©rocerg an&
provision, m\t> J6oot anD Sboe TKHarebouses :
BALLOON STEEET, MANCHESTER.
Drapery TlClarebouees :
DANTZIC STREET, MANCHESTER.
TKHooUen Clotb m\t> 'Rea&B^nia&es "CClarebouse :
CORPORATION ST., MANCHESTER.
3Furni6binfl TKflarebouses :
©cncral :
HOLGATE STREET, MANCHESTER.
Carpet :
CORPORATION ST., MANCHESTER.
Sa&Dler^ Department:
CORPORATION ST., MANCHESTER.
JBrancbes:
WEST BLANDFOED STEEET, NEWCASTLE -ON-TYNR,
AND
LEMAN STREET, LONDON, E.
Depots an& Salerooms:
LEEDS, HUDDERSPIELD, NOTTINGHAM, BLACKBURN,
AND BIRMINGHAM.
Ipurcbasing anb jforwarMng H)epots.
jEnglanJ):
LIVERPOOL, BRISTOL, LONGTON, GOOLE, GARSTON, CARDIFF,
AND NORTHAMPTON,
5relan& :
'
CORK, LIMERICK, TRALEE, AND
ARMAGH.
america: new york.
CanaDa: Montreal.
3f ranee: Calais and rouen.
Buetralia: Sydney.
Serimarh :
(5ermani2 :
COPENHAGEN,
AARHUS,
ODENSE,
HERNING.
HAMBURG.
Spain: denia.
Sweden: Gothenburg.
5nsb Creameries:
ABINGTON.
DEVON ROAD.
HOLLYFORD.
ANNACARTY.
DICKSGROVE.
KILCOMMON.
AUGHADOWN.
DINGLE.
KILMIHILL.
ballinahinch.
DOONAHA.
LIXNAW.
BALLINLOUGH.
DROMCLOUGH.
MOUNT COLLINS.
ballybricken.
DUNGRUD.
OOLA.
BALLYDWYER.
EFFIN.
RATHMORE.
BALLYFINANE.
FEALE BRIDGE.
SMERLA BRIDGE,
BILBOA.
GLENMORE.
STRADBALLY.
BOHERBUE.
GORMANSTOWN.
TARMON.
bunkay bridge.
GRANTSTOWN.
TERELTON.
CASTLEMAHON.
GREENANE.
TOEM.
COACHFORD.
GREYBRIDGE.
TRALEE.
CUTTEEN.
HERBERTSTOWN.
And 52 Auxiliaries.
jpro^uctive Morfts.
JStecuite, Sweets, anb Drssaltert "Clllorits :
CRUMPSALL, NEAR MANCHESTER.
IBoot an^ Sboe IXlorhs:
LEICESTER, HECKMONDWIKE,
AND RUSHDEN.
Soap, CanMe, an^ (Bl^cehne IKIlorlis:
IRLAM.
ITallow an& Oil WLovlns:
SYDNEY (Australia).
"OCloolIcn Clotb TtOlorlte:
LIVINGSTONE MILL, BATLEY.
Clotbfng jFactorfes:
HOLBECK (LEEDS) AND
BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER).
Cocoa an& Cbocolatc "TOlorks:
DALLOW ROAD, LUTON.
Corn /IDills :
DUNSTON-ON-TYNE.
SILVERTOWN (LONDON).
furniture jFactor^ :
BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER).
printing, 3Bool;bfn^ing, £onnal?ind, an^
Xitbograpbic llClorhs :
LONGSIGHT (MANCHESTER).
preserve, (ranMe& peel, an^ pictsle "CClortts:
MIDDLETON JUNCTION.
Sbtrts, rt>antles, 'Un^erclotbing, Corsets,
an^ /Billincr^ :
BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER).
paper, Uailorfng, Drugs, &c. :
PELAW, NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.
Sbirts, Uailoring, Kedding, anb £rusbes:
LONDON.
Xar6 IRefiners an^ £gg Department:
WEST HARTLEPOOL.
XEobacco Jactorig :
SHARP STREET, MANCHESTER.
pepper jf acton? :
HANOVER STREET,
MANCHESTER.
iFlannel jfactorij:
HARE HILL MILLS, LITTLEBORO",
Uea Oarbcns :
CEYLON.
Sbipowners an& Sbippers
GARSTON AND ROUEN; GOOLE AND CALAIS; GOOLE AND
HAMBURG; MANCHESTER AND ROUEN.
Steamsbips ©wneC) b^ tbe Socicti?:
"LIBERTY." "EQUITY." "FEDERATION." "PIONEER."
"PROGRESS." "UNITY." "DINAH." "BRITON."
Banftfna Hoencfes:
THE LONDON AND COUNTY BANK LIMITED.
THE MANCHESTER AND COUNTY BANK LIMITED.
THE NATIONAL PROVINCIAL BANK OF ENGLAND LIMITED.
THE MANCHESTER AND LIVERPOOL DISTRICT BANK LIMITED.
THE LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE BANK LIMITED.
THE UNION BANK OF MANCHESTER LIMITED.
THE LONDON CITY AND MIDLAND BANK LIMITED.
WILLIAMS DEACON BANK LIMITED.
MESSRS. BARCLAY AND CO. LIMITED, LONDON AND BRANCHES.
MESSRS. LAMBTON AND CO., NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE AND BRANCHES.
(Beneral Committee.
dbairman:
Mr. JOHN SHILLITO,
4, Park View, Hopwood Lane, Halifax.
lDice*Cbairman:
Mr. THOMAS BLAND,
Rashcliffe, Huddersfield,
Mr. WILLIAM BATES Green Lane, Patricroft.
Mr. THOMAS HIND 53, St. Peter's Road, Leicester.
Mr. JOHN LORD 19, Tremellen Street, Accringtou.
Mr. ALFRED NORTH Mount Pleasant, Batley.
Mr. E. GRINDROD 13, Holker Street, Keighley.
Mr. T. E. MOORHOUSE Reporter Office, Delph.
Mr. A. SCOTTON Avondale House, New Normanton, Derby.
Mr. THOMAS KILLON 45, Heywood Street, Bury.
Mr. WILLIAM LANDER 155, Escrick Street, Halliwell, Bolton.
Mr. R. HOLT 84, Tweedale Street, Rochdale,
Mr. JAMES FAIRCLOUGH 33, Sackville Street, Barnsley.
Mr. H. G. PINGSTONE Yew Bank, Brook Road, Heaton Chapel.
Mr. G. THORPE 6, Northfield, Highroyd, Dewsbury.
Mr. D. Mc.INNES 63, Portland Street, Lincoln.
IRewcastle Brancb Coininittee.
Chairman: Mr. T. TWEDDELL, Hutton Avenue, West Hartlepool.
Vice-Chairman : Mr. THOS. SHOTTON, Summerhill, Shotley Bridge,
Durham.
Mr. ROBERT GIBSON 120, Sidney Grove, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Mr. GEORGE BINNEY 8, Atherton Street East, Durham.
Mr. ROBERT IRVING Woodrouffe Terrace, Carlisle.
Mr. THOMAS RULE 20, Ravensworth Terrace, Bensham, Gateshead.
Mr. W. D. GRAHAM 123, Bedeburn Road, Jarrow-on-Tyne.
Mr. PHILIP COLEY 22, Stansfield Street, Sunderland.
nLon&on Brancb Committee.
Chairman: Mr. GEO. HAWKINS, 79, Kingston Road, Oxford.
Vice-Chairman : Mr. GEO. SUTHERLAND, 41, Taylor Street, Woolwich, S.E.
Mr. HENRY PUMPHRE Y Paddock Terrace, Lewes.
Mr. GEORGE HINES North Bank, Belstead Road, Ipswich.
Mr. H. ELSEY Bickleigh, Festing Grove, Festing Road, Southsea.
Mr. J. F. GOODEY New Town Lodge, Colchester.
Mr. R. H. TUTT 134, Braybrook Road, Hastings.
Mr. W. H. BROWN 1, Cardiff Road, Newport, Mon.
Scrutineers :
Mr. F. HARDERN, Oldham. | Mr. J. J. BARSTOW, Dewsbury.
BuMtors:
Mr. THOS. J. BAYLIS, Masborough. | Mr. JAMES E. LORD, Rochdale.
Mr. THOMAS WOOD, Manchester.
Mr. ISAAC HAIGH, Barnsley.
©ftiicers of the Society.
Sccretacg anO accountant:
Mr. THOMAS BRODRICK.
JSanh ^anaflcr an& Casbier
Mr. JOHN HOLDEN.
Buyers, Salesmen, dc.
/llbancbcstcr— (Broccrg an5 provisions:
Mr. THOMAS PEARSON. | Mr. JAS. MASTIN.
Mr. A. W. LOBB.
/Bbancbestcr— paper, Qiwine, ^c.
Mr. H. WIGGINS.
^ancbcster— ©rapcrg :
Mr. J. MEADOWCROPT.
Mr. WILLIAM T. ALLITT.
Mr. JOHN T. OGDEN.
Mr. J. C. PODEN.
Mr. A. ACKROYD.
Mr. C. MARKLAND.
Mr. P. RYDER.
^ancbcster— MooUcns, JBoots, ani) furniture:
Woollens and Ready-mades Mr. W. GIBSON.
Boots and Shoes Mr. HENRY JACKSON.
Purniture Mr. T. R. ALLEN.
Sbipping an& Coal Department:
General Manager Mr. CHAS. R. CAMERON.
Sbipping an& jforwarDtng Depots:
Rouen (France) , Mr. JAMES MARQUIS.
Goole Mr. W. J. SCHOPIELD.
Calais Mr. WILLIAM HURT.
Hamburg Mr. WILLIAM DILWORTH.
XonJ)on :
Tea and Coffee Mr. CHARLES PIELDING.
Xuton :
Cocoa and Chocolate Mr. E. J. STAPPORD.
Xiverpool :
Grocery and Provisions Mr. J. T. HOLBROOK.
Salerooms :
Leeds Mr. JOSEPH HOLDEN.
Nottingham .Mr. A. DELVES.
Huddersfield Mr. J. O'BRIEN.
Birmingham Mr. W. AMOS.
Northampton Mr. A. BAKER.
Cardiff Mr. JAS. P. JAMES.
Blackburn Mr. H. SHELISIERDINE.
Xongton :
Crockery Depdt Mr. J. RHODES.
Buyers, Salesmen, Sic— continued.
IWewcastlc:
Grocery and Provisions Mr. ROBT. WILKINSON.
Mr. T. WEATHERSON.
Drugs, Drysaltery, &c Mr. R. A. WALLIS.
Paper, Twine, &c Mr. H. GLENNY.
Drapery Mr. JOHN MACKENZIE,
Millinery and Fancy Mr. T. TOWNS.
Boots and Shoes Mr. 0. JACKSON.
Furniture and Hardware Mr. J. W. TAYLOR.
Chief Clerk and Branch Secretary Mr. H. R. BAILEY.
ILonDon :
Grocery and Provisions Mr. WM. OPENSHAW.
Drapery Mr. F. G. WADDINGTON.
Woollens and Ready-mades Mr. GEORGE HAY.
Boots and Shoes Mr. ALFRED PARTRIDGE.
Furnishing Mr. F. LING.
Chief Clerk and Branch Secretary Mr. WILLIAM STRAWN.
:fi3r(6tol Depot:
Mr. J. W. JUSTHAM.
5risb Depots— Butter anb Boqs, also Bacon jfactori?,
Coth : Xlmcricft :
Mr. JAMES TURNBULL. Mr. WILLIAM L. STOKES.
^ralee : armagb :
Mr. JAMES DAWSON. Mr. J. HOLLAND.
XLtalee 3Bacon jfactocg:
Mr. J. E. PEOSSOR.
dolontal anD foreign Depots :
/nSontrcal (Cana&a):
Mr. A. C. WIELAND.
Bew l^orft (Bmcrica):
Mr. JOHN GLEDHILL.
Copenbagcn (2>cnmarft) :
Mr. J. HALPIN.
aarbus (Denmark):
Mr. H. J. W. MADSEN.
©£)en0C (Denmark) :
Mr. C. W. KIRCHHOFF.
Iberntng (Denmark):
Mr. C. CHRISTENSEN.
Ibamburg ((Sermans):
Mr. WM. DILWORTH.
(5otbenburg (Swe&en):
Mr. H. C. K. PETERSEN.
SBbneB (2lU0tcalia) :
Mr. JNO. ROYLE.
productive Morfts, «Xc.:
Xower Crumpsall JBiscuit, ^c, "OClorhs:
Mr. GEORGE BRILL.
%eicc8tex asoot and Sboe TKHorfts:
Mr. JOHN BUTCHER.
1becftmonJ>wlhc 3S3oot an5 Sboe IClorhs:
Mr. J. YORKE.
aSatlCB moollen Clotb TDQlocfia : Dunston Corn /fttll :
Mr. S. BOOTHROYD. Mr. TOM PARKINSON.
asrougbton Cabinet jfactor^:
Mr. J. HOLDING.
5tlam Soap, Can&le, and ©Igcerine IKflorfts:
Mr. J. E. GREEN.
Xee&s Clotbing jFactorg: JBrougbton Clotbing jfactorg;
Mr. WILLIAM UTTLEY. Mr. A. GRIERSON.
West Ibartlepool XarD jfactorg anj) figg Department:
Mr. W. HOLLAND.
^id&leton Junction preserve, CanDieD peel, anC> iplcftle TiClorfts:
Mr. A. J. CLEMENTS.
Xittleboro' flannel jfactorg:
Mr. W. H. GREENWOOD.
/iftancbester ^Tobacco jfactorg:
Mr. J. C. CRAGG.
/Iftancbester printing, JBooftbinDing, :J6o£mafting,
anJ) Xitbograpbic "Wflorhs:
Mr. G. BREARLEY.
■Kusbben 3Boot anD Sboe IQlorfts:
Mr. F. BALLARD.
Silvertown Corn Itsill:
Mr. G. V. CHAPMAN.
SB&nes (Bustralia) tlallow anJ) ©il Works:
Mr. J. C. T. POLLITT.
asuil&ing Department: arcbitect:
Mr. P. HEYHURST. Mr. F. E. L. HARRIS.
Employes.
NUMBEE OP EMPLOYES, SEPTEMBEE, 1902.
Distributive Departments.
General, Drapery, Woollens, Boot and Shoe, and Fur- ^Totah^*
nishing Offices Manchester 423
Cashier's Office 29
Architect's Office " 15
Grocery Department " 291
Paper, Twine, and Stationery Department " 10
Drapery Department " iqq
Woollen Cloth Department " 40
Boot and Shoe, and Saddlery Department „ 54
Furnishing Department 79
Shipping „ g
Building „ [[[[[ ][ 353
Dining-room „ 28
Other „ "^ 78
Branches. 1,587
Newcastle (Office and Departments) 633
„ Pelaw Works 507
Building „ 36-1,176
London (Office and Departments) 338
„ Bacon, Packing, and Pickling 94
„ Tailoring 110
„ Shirts 24
„ Brush, Bedding, and Upholstery and Polishing 42
„ Building 394
Tea 403
„ Office and Saleroom 49
„ Coffee and Cocoa 77
„ Stables 35
„ Engineers 46
Depots. 1.412
Bristol 86
Cardiff 17
Northampton 18
Purchasing Depots.
Liverpool Branch — Grocery and Shipping 85
Longton Crockery , 48
Irish Branches 82
„ Creameries 421
Tralee Bacon Factory 63
Foreign Purchasing Depots.
New York 6
Montreal 3
Copenhagen 20
Hamburg 9
Aarhus 9
Gothenburg 10
Odense 7
Denia 2
Sydney 9
Herning 24 — 99
Carried forward 5,094
39
91
10
NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, SEPTEMBEE, 1902.
Collective
Totals.
Brought forward 5,094
Salerooms.
Leeds 5
Nottingham 3
Birmingham 1
Huddersfield 1
Blackburn 1
11
Shipping Offices.
Goole 22
Garston 1
Rouen 9
Calais 7
Steamships.
" Pioneer " 14
" Progress " 13
" Federation " 18
" Equity " 19
" Liberty " 19
" Briton " 4
" Dinah " 4
Productive Works.
Banbury Shirt Factory 24
Batley Woollen Mill 187
Broughton Cabinet Factory 85
Corsets 150
Mantle • „ 70
Shirt „ 200
Tailoring „ 545
Underclothing Factory 60
Millinery 24
Crumpsall Biscuit Works 468
Dunston Corn Mill 184
Enderby 112
Heckmondwike Currying Department 38
Shoe Works 391
Irlam Soap Works 352
Leicester Shoe Works, Knighton Fields 1,882
„ „ Duns Lane 492
Leeds Ready-Mades 573
Littleborough Flannel Factory 105
Longsight Printing Works 515
Luton Cocoa Works 61
Manchester Tobacco Factory 435
Middleton Junction Preserve Works 449
Rushden Boot Factory 234
Silvertown Corn Mill 86
West Hartlepool Lard Refinery 34
Sydney Tallow Factory 71
— 7,827
Roden Estate 64
„ Convalescent Home 7
E. and S. Tea Estates 380 . Total 18,133
11
MEETINGS AND OTHER COMING EVENTS
IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOCIETY IN 1903
^(*. M •?,/ .
Feb. 7-
-Saturday . .
..Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving.
Mar. 10-
-Tuesday . .
. . Voting Lists : Last day for receiving.
„ 14-
-Saturday. .
. . NevFcastle and London Branch and
Quarterly Meetings.
Divisional
» 21-
-Saturday . .
. . General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester.
May 9-
-Saturday . .
..Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving.
June 9-
—Tuesday ..
..Voting Lists: Last day for receiving.
,, 13-
-Saturday,.
. . Newcastle and London Branch and
Quarterly Meetings.
Divisional
„ 20-
-Saturday..
. . General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester.
„ 27-
-Saturday..
. . Half-yearly Stocktaking.
Aug. 8-
-Saturday . .
. . Nomination Lists : Last day for receiving.
Sept. 8-
-Tuesday . .
. . Voting Lists : Last day for receiving.
,, 12-
-Saturday . .
. . Newcastle and London Branch and
Quarterly Meetings.
Divisional
„ 19-
- Saturday . .
. . General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester.
Nov. 7-
-Saturday . .
..Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving.
Dec. 8-
-Tuesday . .
. . Voting Lists : Last day for receiving.
„ 12-
-Saturday . .
. . Newcastle and London Branch and
Quarterly Meetings.
Divisional
„ 19-
-Saturday..
..General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester.
„ 26-
-Saturday . .
..Half-yearly Stocktaking.
12
PEINCIPAL EVENTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE
CO-OPEEATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY
SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT.
Events.
Co-operative Wholesale Society enrolled.
Co-operative Wholesale Society commenced business.
Tipperary Branch opened.
Kilmallock Branch opened.
Balloon Street Warehouse opened.
Limerick Branch opened.
Newcastle-on-Tyne Branch opened.
Manchester Boot and Shoe Department commenced.
Bank Department commenced.
Crumpsall Works purchased.
Armagh Branch opened.
Manchester Drapery Department established.
Waterford Branch opened.
Cheshire Branch opened.
Leicester Works purchased.
Insurance Fund established.
Leicester Works commenced.
Tralee Branch opened.
London Branch established. ^
Durham Soap Works commenced.
Liverpool Purchasing Department commenced.
Manchester Drapery Warehouse, Dantzic Street, opened.
Newcastle Branch Buildings, Waterloo Street, opened.
New York Branch established.
S.S. "Plover" purchased.
Manchester Furnishing Department commenced.
Leicester Works first Extensions opened.
Cork Branch established.
Land in Liverpool purchased.
S.S. "Pioneer," Launch of.
Rouen Branch opened.
S.S. "Pioneer," Trial trip.
Goole Forwarding Department opened.
S.S. "Plover" sold.
S.S. "Cambrian" purchased.
Heckmondwike Boot and Shoe Works commenced.
Yeab.
Day.
1863 .
. Aug. 11
1864 .
. Mar. 14
1866 .
. April 24
1868 .
. June 1
1869 .
. Mar. 1
)> •
. July 12
1871 .
. Nov. 26
1872 .
. July 1
)>
. Oct. 14
1873 .
. Jan. 13
)»
. April 14
„
. June 2
»
. July 14
>i
. Aug. 4
»
. ,, 4
„
• » 16
..
. Sept. 15
1874 .
. Feb. 2
„
. Mar. 9
))
. Oct. 5
1875 .
. April 2
)>
. June 15
1876 .
. Feb. 14
)>
• » 21
»>
. May 24
»
. July 16
»
. Aug. 5
1877 .
. Jan. 15
,,
. Oct. 25
1879 .
. Feb. 21
»
. Mar. 24
»
. Mar. 29
11
. June 30
1880 .
. Jan. 30
»»
. July 27
»
. Aug. 14
13
PKINCIPAL EVENTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE
CO-OPEEATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY
SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT— continued.
Year. Day. Events.
1880 . . Sept. 27 . . London Drapery Department commenced in new premises,
99, Leman Street.
1881 . . June 6 . . Copenhagen Branch opened.
1882 . . Jan. 18 . . Garston Forwarding Dep6t commenced.
„ . . Oct. 31 . . Leeds Saleroom opened.
„ . . Nov. 1 , . London Tea and Coffee Department commenced.
1883 .. July 21 .. S.S. "Marianne Briggs" purchased.
1884 . . April 7 . . Hamburg Branch commenced.
„ . . May 31 . . Leicester Works second Extensions opened.
„ . . June 25 . . Newcastle Branch — New Drapery Warehouse opened.
„ . . Sept. 13 . . Commemoration of the Society's Twenty-first Anniversary
at Newcastle-on-Tyne and London.
„ . . „ 20 . . Commemoration of the Society's Twenty-first Anniversary
at Manchester.
Bristol Depot commenced.
S.S. "Progress," Launch of.
Huddersfield Saleroom opened.
Fire — Tea Department, London.
Nottingham Saleroom opened.
Longton Crockery Depot opened.
S.S. "Federation," Launch of.
Batley Mill commenced.
S.S. "Progress" damaged by fire at Hamburg.
Manchester — New Furnishing Warehouse opened.
Heckmondwike — Currying Department commenced.
London Branch — New Warehouse opened.
Manufacture of Cocoa and Chocolate commenced.
S.S. " Equity," Launch of.
S.S. " Equity," Trial trip.
S.S. "Cambrian" sold.
Fire — Newcastle Branch.
Enderby Extension opened.
Longton Depot — New Premises opened.
S.S. "Liberty," Trial trip.
Blackburn Saleroom opened.
Leeds Clothing Factory commenced.
))
. „ 29 ..
„
. Oct. 6 ..
1885 .
. Aug. 25 ..
)>
. Dec. 30 ..
1886 .
, April 22 ..
)>
. Aug. 25 ,.
„
. Oct. 12 ..
1887 .
. Mar. 14 ..
))
. June 1 ..
»
. July 21 ..
..
. Aug. 29 ..
„
. Nov. 2 ..
„
• ,, 2 ..
1888 .
. July 7 ..
)>
. Sept. 8 ..
,)
. Sept. 27 . .
„
. Oct. 14 .,
1889 .
. Feb. 18 ..
,,
. Nov. 11 ..
1890 .
. Mar. 10 ..
))
. May 16 ..
" •
. June 10 . .
14
PEINCIPAL
EVENTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE
CO-OPEEATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY
SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT— continu*<J.
Ykab.
DAT.
EVKNTS.
1890 .
. Oct. 22 .
. Northampton Saleroom opened.
1891 .
. April 18 .
. Dunston Com Mill opened.
)>
. Oct. 22 .
. Cardiff Saleroom opened.
)i
. Nov. 4 .
. Leicester New Works opened.
»
. „ 16 .
. Aarhus Branch opened.
»i
. Dec. 24 .
. Fire at Crumpsall Works.
1892 .
. May 5 .
. Birmingham Saleroom opened.
1893 .
. „ 8 .
. Broughton Cabinet Factory opened.
1894 .
. June 29 .
. Montreal Branch opened.
1895 .
. Jan. 23 .
. Printing Department commenced.
„
. Aug. 5 .
. Gothenburg Branch opened.
„
. Oct. 2 .
. Irlam Soap Works opened.
„
. „ 10 .
. Loss of the S.S. " Unity."
1896 .
. April 24 .
. West Hartlepool Refinery purchased.
„
. June 26 .
. Middleton Preserve Works commenced.
„
. June 13 .
. Roden Estate purchased.
„
. July 1 .
. "Wheatsheaf" Record— first publication.
1897 .
. Feb. 10 .
. New Northampton Saleroom opened.
„
. Mar. 1 .
. Manufacture of Candles commenced at Irlam.
„
1-1
. Broughton Tailoring Factory opened.
„
• „ 22 .
New Tea Department Buildings opened.
„
. Aug. 7 .
Sydney Depot commenced.
„
. Sept. 16 .
Banbury Creamery opened.
1898 .
. April 1 .
Littleboro' Flannel Mill acquired.
„
. May 9 .
Tobacco Factory commenced.
„
. July 11 .
Longsight Printing Works commenced.
»
. Oct. 20 .
Corset Factory commenced.
1900 .
Jan. 19 .
Herning Slagteri purchased.
))
Mar. 24 .
Rushden Factory commenced.
»
June 20 .
Silvertown Flour Mill opened.
1901 .
April 30 .
Sydney Tallow Factory purchased.
))
July 27 .
Roden Convalescent Home opened.
)>
Sept. 3 .
Tralee Bacon Factory commenced.
))
Oct. 9 ..
Rushden New Factory opened.
1902 .
April 9 .
New Birmingham Saleroom opened.
»
„ 25 ..
Fire at Newcastle Branch (Drapery Department).
„
Sept. 8 ..
Luton Cocoa Works opened.
„ .
Nov. 1 ..
Launch of New Steamer, " Unity," Greenock.
15
List of Telegraphic Addresses.
Banbury Shirt Factory: "WHOLESALE, BANBURY."
Batley Woollen Mill: "WHOLESALE, BATLEY."
Bristol Depot: "WHOLESALE, BRISTOL."
Cardiff Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, CARDIFF."
Central, Manchester: "WHOLESALE, MANCHESTER."
Crumpsall Works: "BISCUIT, MANCHESTER."
Dunston-on-Tyne Corn Mill: "WHOLESALE, GATESHEAD."
GooLE Dep6t: "WHOLESALE, GOOLE."
Hartlepool Lard Refinery : " WHOLESALE, WEST HARTLEPOOL.'
Heckmondwike Shoe Works: "WHOLESALE, HECKMONDWIKE."
Irlam Soap Works: "WHOLESALE, CADISHEAD."
Leeds Ready-Mades Factory: "SOCIETY, LEEDS."
Leeds Sale and Sample Rooms: "WHOLESALE, LEEDS."
Leicester Shoe Works: "WHOLESALE, LEICESTER."
Littleborough Flannel Mills: "WHOLESALE, LITTLEBOROUGH.'
Liverpool Office and Warehouse: "WHOLESALE, LIVERPOOL."
London Branch: "WHOLESALE, LONDON."
Longsight Printing Works : "TYPOGRAPHY, MANCHESTER."
LoNGTON Crockery Depot: "WHOLESALE, LONGTON (STAFF.)."
Luton Cocoa Works : "WHOLESALE, LUTON."
MiDDLETON Preserve Works : " WHOLESALE, MIDDLETON
JUNCTION."
Newcastle Branch: "WHOLESALE, NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE."
Newcastle Branch, Pelaw : "WHOLESALE, BILL-QUAY."
Northampton Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, NORTHAMPTON."
RoDEN Estate: "WHOLESALE, HIGH ERCALL."
Rushden Boot Works: "WHOLESALE, RUSHDEN."
SiLVERTOWN Flour Mill: ,"C0-0PERATIF, LONDON."
Tea Department: "LOOMIGER, LONDON."
Tobacco Factory: "TOBACCO, MANCHESTER."
16
Telephonic Communication.
Our Premises in the following towns are directly connected
with the Local Telephone System : —
K08.
MANCHESTER— GENERAL OFFICES
DRAPERY DEPARTMENT
BOOT AND SHOE DEPARTMENT ...
FURNISHING DEPARTMENT
CRUMPSALL—SUB to MANCHESTER GENERAL OFFICES
LONGSIGHT— „
TOBACCO
BROUGHTON— CABINET WORKS " "
NEWCASTLE— West Blandford, Waterloo, & Thornton Streets 1260
1787
1989
2506
2507
498
*284
Quayside Office 1710
LONDON— GENERAL OFFICE .'.'.'..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'...'.'.'.'.'.'..'.'.'.'. 2591
GROCERY SALEROOM 5572
DRAPERY 5571
TEA DEPARTMENT 6570
GENERAL OFFICE.... 3003
FURNISHING and BOOT DEPARTMENT .... 2592
BUILDING & ENGINEERING DEPARTMENT 1049
BATLEY 101
BRISTOL— OFFICE 40
SALEROOM 940
CARDIFF *563
DUNSTON 1261
*2
GARSTON '. 6
GOOLE 2
IRLAM 5
LEEDS READY-MADES, HOLBECK 1648
SALEROOM 2098
LEICESTER 235
LIVERPOOL— VICTORIA STREET 397
, 5865
•!
REGENT ROAD 5861
LONGTON 16
MIDDLETON— PRESERVE WORKS (Failsworth) 33
NORTHAMPTON SALEROOM 206
RUSHDEN 610
SILVERTOWN— ALBERT DOCK : 602
WEST HARTLEPOOL REFINERY 286
* Post Office System. All others National Telephone Company.
17
CO-OPEEATIV
PAST ME
E WHOLESALE SOCIETY L
IMITED.
:e.
MBERS OF GENERAL COMMITTE
Name.
Address.
Elected.
Retired.
•A. Greenwood
t Councillor Smithies . .
§ James Dyson
Edward Hooson
John Hilton
Rochdale
1863 August ..
1863 August ..
1863 August ..
1863 August ..
1866 May
1863 August ..
1863 August . .
1865 Nov
1885 Dec
1886 June
1863 August ..
1866 May
1864 March ....
1864 March ....
1867 Nov
1864 March ....
1865 Nov. .....
1876 June .....
1867 May .....
1868 Feb
1870 Feb
1876 March ....
1867 Nov
1868 May
1868 Nov. .....
1868 Nov
1868 Nov
1869 May .....
1869 Nov
1869 Nov
1870 August ..
1870 Nov
1871 May
1877 June
1870 August.
1869 May.
1867 May.
1864 March.
1869 Dec.
1868 Nov.
1864 March.
1874 May.
1886 March.
1889 Dec.
1864 March.
1869 Nov.
1866 October.
1865 Nov.
1868 Nov.
1865 Nov.
1866 Feb.
1877 Dec.
1867 Nov.
1868 May.
1872 August.
1882 June.
1868 Nov.
1871 May.
1869 Nov.
1869 Nov.
1871 May.
1871 May.
1871 Nov.
1870 Nov.
1870 Nov.
1871 August.
1874 Dec.
1885 Dec.
Rochdale
Manchester
Manchester
Middleton
i
•James Crabtree*
Joseph Thomasson
Charles Howarth
J. Neild
Heckmondwike
Oldham
Heywood
Mossley
Rochdale
Thomas Cheetham
W. NuttaU
Oldham
Manchester ....
■1
§E. Longfield
t J. M. Percival
Manchester -
Oldham
§D Baxter
Manchester
Hyde
T Sutcliffe . .
Todmorden ........
:[ James C. Fox
W Marcroft
Oldham
Thomas Pearson
E. Holgate
Over Darwen
A. MitcheU
Batley Carr
JTitus HaU
Bradford
18
PAST MEMBERS OF GENERAL
COMMITTBIS,— continued.
Name.
Address.
Elected.
Retired.
B. Hague
Barnsley ]
1871 May
1874 Dec
1873 May.
1884 Sept.
Thomas Shorrocks ....
Over Darwen . .
1871 May .....
1871 Nov.
JR. Allen
Oldham
1871 August ..
1877 AprU.
1872 Feb.
1874 Feb.
Job Whiteley
HaUfax -[
1871 August ..
1873 Feb
JThomas Hayes ......
Failsworth
1871 Nov
1873 August.
Jonathan Fish wick . . .
Bolton
1871 Nov
1872 Feb.
J. Thorpe
Halifax
1872 Feb
1873 Feb.
+W. Johnson
Bolton \
1872 Feb
1877 Jime .....
1876 June.
1885 March.
§H. Whiley
Manchester . .
1872 August ..
1874 May
1874 Feb.
1876 March.
J. Butcher
Banbury
1873 May
1873 August ..
1874 Feb
1873 August.
1874 Dec.
H. Atkinson
Blaydon-on-Tyne . .
Oldham
J. F. Brearley
Robert Cooper ....
1874 Dec.
Accrington
1874 Feb
1876 June.
H. Jackson
Halifax
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1876 June.
1877 March.
J. Pickersgill
Batley Carr
W. Barnett
Macclesfield
Heckmondwike ....
1874 Dec. ....
1874 Dec
1882 Sept.
1898 June.
John Stansfield
S. Lever
Bacup 1
1876 Sept
1886 March.,..
1885 Sept.
1888 May.
F. R. Stephenson ....
Halifax
1876 Sept
1877 Dec
1882 Sept
1877 March.
R. Whittle
1886 March.
1899 Feb.
jThos. Swann
Masborough
Joseph Mc.Nab
James Hilton
Hyde
1883 Dec
1884 Sept
1885 Sept
1886 March.
1890 January.
1891 Dec.
Oldham
Samuel Taylor
Bolton
William P. Hemm
Nottingham
1888 Sept
1889 August.
H. C. Pingstone
Manchester
1886 March ....
1894 June.
•§J. T. W. MitcheU ....
E. Hibbert
Rochdale
1869 Nov. .....
1882 Sept
1895 March.
1895 June.
Failsworth
James Lownds
Ashton-under-Lyne. .
1885 March ....
1895 July.
* Held Office as Pr
t Held Office as Se
esident. + Held C
cretary. § Held C
)fflce as Secretary an<
)ffice as Treasurer.
1 Treasurer.
19
PAST MEMBERS OF NEWCASTLE BRANCH COMMITTEE.
Name.
George Dover
Humphrey Atkinson
f James Patterson . . . .
John Steel
William Green
Thomas Pinkney
f John Thirlaway . . . .
William Robinson . .
William J. Howat . .
J. Atkinson
George Fryer
Matthew Bates . . . .
Richard Thomson . .
George Scott
William Stoker . . . .
Address.
Elected.
Chester-le-Street ...' 1874 Dec.
Blaydon-on-Tyne . , 1874 Dec.
West Cramlington . . i 1874 Dec.
Newcastle-on-Tyne . . 1874 Dec.
Durham 1874 Dec.
Newbottle | 1874 Dec.
Gateshead ' 1876 Dec.
Shotley Bridge . 1877 Sept.
Newcastle-on-Tyne..' 1877 Dec.
Wallsend 1883 Dec.
Cramlington 1883 Dec.
Newcastl^-on-Tyne . . 1884 June
Sunderland • 1874 Deo.
Newbottle : 1879 IMay
Seaton Delaval 1893 Sept.
Retired.
1877
1879
1877
1876
1891
1875
1892
1884
1883
1890
1887
1893
1893
1893
1902
Sept.
May.
Sept.
Sept.
Sept.
March.
May.
June.
Dec.
May.
Dec.
June.
Sept.
Dec.
July.
*PAST MEMBERS OF LONDON BRANCH COMMITTEE.
Name.
Address.
Elected.
Retired.
*
J Durrant
Arundel
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Deo.
1874 Dec
1875 Dec
1876 Dec
1882 June
1886 Dec
1875 Dec.
1876 Dec.
1878 March.
1896 Dec.
1901 Oct.
1882 March.
1888 Dec.
1886 Sept.
1888 Dec.
Woolwich
fThomas Fowe
T. E. Webb
Buckfastleigh
Battersea
J. Clay
Gloucester
Sheerness
fWilliam Strawn
Frederick Lamb
F. A. WiUiams
J. J. B. Beach
Reading
Colchester
* Newcastle and London Branch Committees constituted December, 1874.
+ Held Ofiace as Secretary.
20
CO-OPEEATIVE
WHOLESALE SOCIETY
LIMITED.
MEMBERS OP GENERAL, AND NEWCASTLE
AND LONDON BRANCH COMMITTEES WHO HAVE DIED
DURING TIME OF OFFICE.
NAME.
ADDRESS.
DATE OF DEATH.
Edward Hooson
Robert Allen
GENERAL.
Manchester..
Oldham
Crewe
December 11th, 1869.
April 2nd, 1877.
March 6th, 1886.
May 18th, 1888.
August 21st, 1889.
January 18th, 1890.
December 15th, 1891.
March 16th, 1895.
June 25th, 1895.
July 27th, 1895.
February 15th, 1899.
May 25th, 1890.
September 9th, 1891.
May 1st, 1892.
July 4th, 1902.
December 21st, 1888.
December 2nd, 1896.
October 25th, 1901.
Richard Whittle
Samuel Lever
Bacup
William P. Hemm
James Hilton
Nottingham
Oldham
Bolton
Samuel Taylor
J. T. W. Mitchell
E. Hibbert
Rochdale
Failsworth
Ashton-un-Lyne. .
Masboro'
NEWCASTLE.
Wallsend
Durham
Gateshead
Seaton Delaval . .
LONDON.
Colchester
Battersea
Gloucester
JameSjLownds
Thos. Swann
J. Atkinson
William Green
John Thirlaway
WiUiam Stoker
J. J. B. Beach
T. E. Webb
J Clay
21
STATISTICS SHOWING
THE PROGRESS ? ? ? ?
OF THE
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE
SOCIETY LIMITED.
22
PEOGEESS FEOM COMMENCEMENT, IN
Year endino
October, 1864 (SO weeks) .
1865
1866
January, 1868 i
1869
1870
1871 i
1872
1873
'< (65 weeks) .
( ,
I
(53 weeks) ,
«•-■ a) ^ fi
d ?* ^
^1 S
1874
1875
1876
1877 (53 weeks) .
1878
1879
December, 1879 (50 weeks).
„ 1880
„ 1881
1882
1883
1884 (53 weeks).
1885
1887
1889 (53 weeks).
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894-
1895 (53 weeks)..
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901 (53 weeks)..
5,835
6,949
13,899
17,326
22,254
24,717
24,979
28,206
30,688
83,663
34,351
38,643
41,783
45,099
51,099
58,612
64,475
67,704'
72,899
92,572
100,022
112,339
121,555
127,211
161,720
170,993
182,810
196,556
Capital.
18,887
24,005
31,030
59,349
74,737
79,245
89,880
114,588
134,276
168,985
198,608
249,516
276,522
274,649
305,161
331,625
361,523
367,973
404,006
433,151
459,734
507,772
558,104
604,800
634,196
679,336
721,316
751,269
824,149
873,698
910,104
132,639 I 930,985
142,868
151,682
993,564
1,053,564
1,118,158
1,179,609
1,249,091
1,315,235
£
2,455
7,182
10,968
11,276
14,888
16,556
19,015
24,410
31,352
48,126
60,930
78,249
94,590
103,091
117,657
130,615
146,061
156,052
171,940
186,692
207,080
234,112
270,679
300,953
318,583
342,218
434,017
473,956
523,512
570,149
598,496
635,541
682,656
728,749
775,536
821,224
883,791
948,944
S ? C
t£ t
£
j Inclu-
{ dedin
; Shares.
I 14355
16,059
22,822
22,323
25,768
112,589
147,949
193,594
286,614
299,287
287,536
291,939
321,670
361,805
386,824
416,832
455,879
494,840
524,781
567,527
590,091
648,134
722,321
824,974 \
900,752
925,471
917,482 ,
972,586
1,092,070
1,195,895
1,254,319
1,297,182
1,372,541
1,568,163
1,664,765
1,115
1,280
2,826
1,910
2,916
1,613
5,373
8,910
12,631
14,554
16,245
25,240
38,422
16,037
20,757
20,447
25,126
31,094
37,755
39,095
51,189
58,358
48,549
53,165
56,301
35,813
37,556
64,354
97,852
109,883
152,460
199,104
257,056
285,132
2356
3,385
5,834
10,843
12,556
15,127
15,710
17,905
18,644
19,729
21,949
24,324
40,084
57,015
73,237
84,201
119,541
155,231
193,115
218,534
240,884
259,976
282,563
319,478
350,747
882,620
415,690
447,390
477,904
a *
2.465
7,183
11,060
40,666
44,164
52,068
146357
200,044
634
788
1,146
1,095
1,661
2,489
2,945
6,214
9,988
11,104
11,403
13,666 I
13,928 '
9,197
11,695
15,409
17,827
14,973
22,488
19,050
20,161
28,623
24,202
20,942
31,545
39,304
879,607
417,985
418,525
442,114
4943S0
665,854
580,046
632,203
691,181
761358
841,175
944379
1,017,042
1,116,035
1,251,635
1,474,466
1,636,397
1,741,645
1,779,301
1,891,102
2,093,578
2316,042
2,472,321
2,632,000
2,829,501
3,187,945
3,416,049
Net
Sales.
£
61367
120,754
176,489
881,744
412.240
607,217
677,784
768,764
1453482
1,636;
1,964329
2,347396
2,697366
2327363
2,705,625
2345331
3339,681
8374,096
4,038,238
4346389
4,676371
4,798451
5,223,136
6,713379
6300,(ir74
7,028,944
7,429,073
8,766,430
9300,904
9326,167
9,443,933
10,141317
11,115,056
11,920,143
12,574,748
14312375
16,043389
17,642,082
Db. EESEBVE fund ACCOUNT— TEADE DEPABTMENT
Deductions from Reserve Fund — £
Subscriptions and Donations to Charitable and other Objects 40,994
Investments Written off : Bank Department 18,259
„ „ Trade Department 10,660
Insurance Fund 6,000
Land and Buildings Account Depreciation, Special 1,148
Fixtures „ „ ,, 862
Celebration Dinner : Opening Warehouse, Balloon Street 66
Newcastle Formation Expenses 16
21st Anniversary Commemoration Expenses, Manchester 2,017
Reserve Fund— December 28th, I'JOl :— 80,002
Investments :— Manchester Ship Canal Co., 2,000 Ordinary Shares of ^10 each . . £20,000
„ Gilsland Convalescent Home, 7,500 Shares of j£l each 7,500— £27,500
Balance, as per Liabilities and Assets Account 227,857
„ as per proposed Disposal of Profit Account 11,196—239,053—266,653
£346355
23
MAECH, 1864, TO DECEMBEE, 1901.
Comparison
with corre-
sponding period
previous year.
Increase. Bate.
54,735
112,688
124,063
94,977
159,379
86,559 I
894,368
483,818
827,879
282,566
401,095
188,897
121,427*
22,774
611,282
234,414
464,143
508,651
41,042
203,946
430,028
490,056
486,839
709,638
532,750
1,337,357
534,474
45|
511
43
23
30|
I2I
5l|
41i
20
141
m
41'
01
221
7
12i
m
OS
4|
8i
9i
85
llj
71
18
225,263
82,229*
oi^
516,365
5i
1,164,496
805,087
1|
n
654,605
5i
1,637,627
13
1,831,514
12s
1,448,150
8i
Distributive
Expenses.
RateonSales
£
347
906
1,615
3,135
3,338
4,644
5,583
6,853
12,811
21,147
28,436
31,555
42,436
43,169
43,093
41,309
47,153
51,306
57,340
66,057
70,343
74,305
81,653
93,979
105,027
117,849
126,879
143,151
165,737
179,910
186,058
199,512
218,393
246,477
255,032
278,882
314,410
335,183
3,705,013
Per
£100.
s. d.
13 4J
15 0
18 4|
18 10|
16 2i
18 31
16 5|
18 0|
22 2§
25 10
28 -Hi
28 0|
31 5§
30 61
31 lOi
31 23
32 10|
33 104
33 61
37 Hi
Net
Profit.
2 fl ft
4J I 35 7|
£
267
1,858
2,310
4,411
4,862
4,248
7,626
7,867
11,116
14,233
20,684
26,750
36,979
29,189
34,959
42,764
42,090
46,850
49,658
47,885
54,491
77,630
83,328
65,141
82,490
101,984
126,979
135,008
98,532
84,156
126,192
192,766
177,419
135,561
281,256
286,250
289,141
288,321
Additions
TO Trade Dept,
► 41 B
3,073,251
2|
234
450
416
542
1,620
1,020
1,243
922
4,461
4,826
4,925
579
5,970
8,060
10,651
7,672
3,416
3,176
6,431
4,454
7,077
9,408
8,684
2,249
1,145
6,511
+17,215
26,092
27,424
18,045
8,338
. 31,618
63,843
48,210
27,210
13,259
15,469
2,778
6,614
16,658
20,982
14,702
1,000
7,659
10,000
10,000
5;ooo
;339,7Q7 ': 124421
Dates Departments and Branches
were commenced.
Tipperary.
Kilmallock.
Limerick.
Newcastle. Bank.
Manchester Boot and Shoe, CrumpsaJl.
f Armagh, Manchester Drapery, Leices-
1 ter, Cheshire, Waterford, Clonmel.
London, Tralee, Durham.
Liverpool.
(New York, Goole, Furnishing. S.8.
t "Plover" purchased. Cork.
(Launch of Steamship "Pioneer."
t Rouen. Goole forwarding depdt.
Heckmondwike.
J Copenhagen. Purchase of 8.S. " Cam-
t brian."
Tea and Coffee Department, London.
Purchase of S.S. "Unity."
( Hamburg. Bristol Dep6t. Lauirch of
t 8.8. " Progress."
jLongton Dep6t. Launch of S.S.
t " Federation."
Batley, Heckmondwike Currying.
I London Cocoa Department. Launch of
t S.S. " Equity." Batley Ready-mades.
(Launch of 8.8. "Liberty." Leeds
t Ready-mades Department.
Dunston,Aarhus,Leicester New Works.
Broughton Cabinet Works.
Montreal. Broughton Clothing Fac'ry.
(Printing, Gothenburg, Irlam, Irish
t Creameries.
West Hartlepool, Middleton.
Sydney.
I Littleboro', Manchester Tobacco Fac-
1 tory.
( Rushden Shoe Factory, Silvertown
I Corn Mill. Herning Bacon Factory,
Tralee Bacon Factory. [Odense.
* Decrease. + From. t From Disposal of Profit Account.
FEOM COMMENCEMENT OF SOCIETY.
Cr.
Additions to Reserve Fund — oaonm
From Disposal of Profit Account, as above— Net ■ '.li oVu °°^'' '
Balance— Sale of Properties :-Strawberry Estate, Newcastle 7TS
Land, Liverpool '^^
Rosedale }^
South Shields ,™
NewhaU "°
iiib
Durham .
3,567
44
60
754
Balance— Sale of Shares— New Telephone Company
„ Share Investment— Lancashire and Yorkshire Productive Society ,
Dividend on Debts, previously written off '?^
Balances, Shares, Loans, &o ,' " "i" ' 'l" ii "ri' "j qii
Bonus to Employes : Differences between Amounts Provided and actually Paid oii
Dividend on Sales to Employes , Vri
Interest on Manchester Ship Canal Shares i,oia
^£346,555
24
MANCHESTEB GBOCEBY AND PEOVISION
TRADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
1
1 Stocks
at end.
Amount.
Rate
per ;£.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
1| Tears, January, 1876.
£
2,586,691
£
26,417
s. d.
0 2|
£
81,028
8. d.
0 2i
56,487
5 „ December, 1880.
8,740,658
87,603
0 2g
140,043
0 8|
70,091
8 „ „ 1885.
11,723,202
127,892
0 2i
157,209
0 Si
i 92,790
8 „ „ 1890.
15,511,593
180,023
0 2|
264,181
0 4
: 123,432
8 „ „ 1895.
21,956,461
279,262
0 3
8S9316
0 Sg
1 159,930
Year, „ 1896.
4,873,827
65,957
0 3i
85,060
0 4i
1 155,114
„ „ 1897.
5,085,202
70367
0 Si
77,745
0 ss
1 124,776
yy )t loVfO. .
5348,244
71,626
0 Si
105,544
0 4|
137,460
„ „ 1899. .
6,082,567
79,605
0 Si
118,475
0 4|
168,624
„ „ 1900..
6,797,088
87,018
0 8
119,087
0 4i
158,537
,,(53 weeks),, 1901..
7,432,684
91,256
0 2g
119322
0 ^
211,041
Half Year, June, 1902. .
28i Years' Total....
3,763,826
45,753
0 2i
73,953
0 4§
173.198
99,902,043
1,212,774
0 2g
1,626,413
0 31
..
MANCHESTER DRAPERY TRADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Expenses. j Net Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Amount.
Rate
perf. '
Amount.
Rate
per £.
2i Years, January, 1876 ..
£
211351
£
11,484
s. d. 1
1 1
£
2,165
8. d.
0 2g
£
72,408
8 „ December, 1880 ..
672,992
43,116
1 Si
*941
0 Oib
44,105
8 „ „ 1885 ..
771,933
42,913
1 li
20,277
0 6i
44,948
8 „
1890 ..
1,205,935
60,656
1 0 25,278
0 6J
84,739
8 „
1895 ..
1,920,447
100386
1 OJ 48,223
0 6
108,337
Year,
1896 ..
482,444
25,837
1 Of 13,626
0 6| {
111,911
M
1897 ..
484,240
27,294
1 IJ 13,065
0 61
113,899
11
1898 ..
481,136
27,323
1 1§ 16,460
0 8i 1
119399
>«
1899 ..
549,017
29,296
1 Of 23,157
0 10
142,102
>»
1900 ..
571,786
31,747
1 IJ 21,835
0 9i !
153,641
„ (53 weeks)
1901 ..
606,630 1
35,289
1 Ig , 17,212
0 62
136,005
Half Year, June, 1902 ..
283 Years' Total....
331,765
17,591
1 Of!
13,788
0 9i
143,910
8,289,676
452,932
1 1
214,186
4,757
Less Depr
aciation. Octo
1
ber, 1877
coflt
Leaves Net P
209378
0 6
♦ Loss.
Note.— To December, 1883, the figures include Woollens and Ready-Mac
les Depa
rtment.
26
MANCHESTEB "WOOLLENS
AND
BEADY-
MADES TEADE.
Since publishing a separate Account in
Balance Sheet.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Expenses.
Net Pkofit.
Stocks
at end.
Amount.
Rate
periB.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
2 Years, December, 1885. .
£
41,578
£
2,470
s. «.
1 2i
£
745
8. d.
0 4i
£
6,242
3 „ „ 1890..
120,546
8,331 1 4i
♦1,196
0 2i
11.468
3 „ „ 1895..
255,315
15,905
1 n
♦3,232
0 8
15,608
Year, „ 1896. .
100,593
5,061
1 0
2,669
0 6i
18,479
1897. .
113,202
6,382
1 1§
2,097
0 4|
24,444
„ „ 1898. .
114,121
6,838 1 2i
8,107
0 6h
25,184
„ „ 1899. .
134,878
7,746 1 IJ
2,826
0 5
87,643
„ „ 1900. .
159,692
9,679 1 1 ^
8,116
0 4g
86,978
,,(53 weeks),, 1901..
157,387
9,795 ; 1 2g
4,106
0 6i
49,655
Half Year, June, 1902 . .
18J Years' Total
103,822
1,301,134
5,258 1 0|
1,620
0 8g
89,242
1 77,465 1 2J
15,848
0 2S
* Loss.
Note.— To June, 1895, inclu
sive, the Results and Stocks inclu
de Broughto
Q Clothir
g Factory.
MANCHEST]
ER BOOT AND
SHOE
TBADE.
s
ince keeping a separate Ace
Tunt.
Expenses.
Net Pbofit.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Amount.
Rate
per:e.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
at end.
2i Years, January, 1876..
£
96,648
£ s. d.
2,659 0 6i
£
1,524
s. d.
0 83
£
7,711
3 „ December, 1880 . .
292,347
10,500 0 8J
8,646
0 2i
11,484
8 „ „ 1885..
439,988
14,703
0 8
6,880
0 8g
16,074
3 „ „ 1890..
738,251
24,180
0 73
17,519
0 6g
82,095
3 „ „ 1895..
1,175,301
48,031
0 93
18,957
0 83
66,302
Year, „ 1896 . .
281,889
11,207
0 9i
5,993
0 6
62,161
„ „ 1897 . .
279,570
11,830
0 lOi
4,762
0 4
59,341
„ „ 1898 . .
275,365
11,681
0 lOi
6,896
0 4|
62,332
„ „ 1899 . .
314,771
12,041
0 9i
6,014
0 4} 1
56,728
„ „ 1900 . .
341,833
12,689
0 8S
8.805
0 63
62,178
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901 . . |
358,247
13,486
0 9i
6,218
0 4i
61,060
Half Year, June, 1902 . .
208,005
6,993
0 8
8,996
0 4}
70,169
283 Years' Total
4,797,215
180,000
0 9
88,667
0 41
26
MANCHESTER FURNISHING TRADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
ExPENSKS. j . Net Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Amount.
5?1 ^°"°*-
Rate
per jE.
£
£
s. d. 1 £
s. d.
£
Ǥ Years, December, 1880. . .
81,386
4,999
1 2§ 617
0 1}
4,307
S „ „ 1886...
184^18
9,364 i 1 Oi [ 2,379
0 3
6317
S „ „ 1890...
439,580
21,250 Dili 6,406
0 Si
12,930
8 „ „ 1895...
781,803
il,130 1 eg 1 6,687
0 2
19,574
Year, „ 1896...
228,132
11,161 0 Hi 4,244
0 4g
19,972
„ 1897...
245336
12,567 1 OJ 2,868
0 ^
j 22,500
„ 1898...
251,932
12,979 1 Oi 4,366
0 4J
j 22328
„ 1899...
286,598
13,469 0 Hi 6,681
0 6^
23,754
„ „ 1900.. .
805,056
16,196
0 Hi 5,479
0 4i
1 27317
„ (5,8 weeks) „ 1901.. .
315,596
15,577
0 Hi 5,248
0 35
[ 28,429
Half Year, June, 1902.. .
26 Years' Total
158,888
7,745 0 Hi 1,434
0 %
27,202
3,278,975
166,427 1 0
46311
0 ^
i
Note.— Prom March, 1898, to June, 1895, inclusive, the Results and Stocks include
Broughton Cabinet Works.
NE"WCASTLE BRANCH GROCERY AND
PROVISION TRADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
1 1
Amount, ^^fj
Amount.
Rate
per jE.
8 Years, December, 1880.. .
£
2,582,396
£
88,033
s. d.
0 8i
0 3 '
£
23,708
8. d.
0 2i
-. £
44,898
S „ „ 1885...
4,237,286 53,274
65,386
0 3i
53,546
8 „ „ 1890...
5,217,881 j 70,760
0 3i
93,880
0 4i
42,186
8 „ „ 1895...
7,761,473 104,141
0 Si
155,711
0 42
46,719
Year, „ 1896...
1,781,129
26346
0 Si
84,486
0 41
66,589
„ 1897...
1,929,788
82,137
0 3S
39,492
0 3|
59,741
„ , „ 189a..
2,108,434
83,609
0 ^
46,i994
0 4^
69,515
-„ „ „ 1899.. .
2,383,636
37,082
0 S3
38,563
0 Si
78,551
„ „ 1900...
2,642,123 1 39,922 | 0 ^
42,634
0 32
87,691
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901.. .
2,922,146 89,791 0 3J
41,414
0 8g
1 86,941
Half Year, June, 1902.. .
264 Years' Total
1,422,546 19,527 0 Si
22320
0 8|
i. 78,938
34,938,833 495,122 0 Sf
577,988
0 3i
,
27
NE^WCASTLE BBANCH DKAPEEY AND
WOOLLENS TKADE.
Siiice keeping a separate Account.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
!
1
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Amount. ^*^
Amount.
Bate
per jg.
Stocks at
end.
' £
£
8. d.
£ B. d.
£
5 Years, December, 1880.
234,269
10,745
0 11
6,484 0 5i
16,171
S „ „ 1885.
51.S,938
17,599
0 8|
21,908 0 lOi
24,084
5 „ „ 1890.
876,923
30,548
0 8i
87,«68 0 log
33,216
5 „ „ 1895.
1,351,804
44,684
0 75
67,256 0 lOJ
48,361
Year, „ 1896.
337,674
10,959 0 7i
13,908 0 9J
53,110
„ „ 1«97.
376,754
13,824 0 8| ;
17,674 0 llj
68,508
„ „ 1898.
403,875
14,515 0 8§
20,178 0 111
63,296
„ „ 1899.
489,112
17,816 0 8g
24,102 0 Hi
92,331
» „ 1900.
596,508
24,294 0 9| I
25,979 0 lOi
99,331
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901 .
626,989
28,686 1 0 log
23,046 0 83
100,168
Half Year, June, 1902.
28| Years' Total . . .
306,118
6,113,964
14,931 0 111
228,601 0 8|
14,636 0 Hi
61,231
262,134 1 0 lOi
..
NEWCASTLE BRANCH BOOT AND SHOE
TRADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
Expenses.
Net Pbofit.
Stocks at
end.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
I
Amount.
Bate
per £.
Amount. ^^^
£
£
t
B. d.
£ 8. d.
£
8 Years, December, 1880.
144,865
4,500
0 71
2,412
0 4
5,971
8 „ „ 1885.
327,150
9,980
0 7i
8,276
0 6
11,319
8 „ „ 1890.
493,126
18,876
0 9i
7,874
0 8f
11,870
S „ „ 1895.
648,837
22,443
0 8|
14,020
0 5i
20,680
Year, „ 1896.
146,395
4,826
0 7S
8,949
0 61
20,059
„ „ 1897.
151,274
5,738
0 9
2,761
0 41
20,171
„ „ 1898.
164,762
6,022
0 8|
8,416
0 45
20,131
„ „ 1899.
203,453
6,699
0 7i
6462
0 61
25,911
„ „ 1900.
227,640
8,167
0 8i
6,621
0 65
26,770
,,(53 weeks),, 1901.
239,836
9,550
Q 9i
8,967 0 35
26,705
Half Year, June, 1902.
26^ Years' Total . . .
119,777
4,707
0 91
1,481 j 0 25
80,287
2,867,105
101,508
0 81
69,219
0 4i
Note.— To December, 1888, the figures include Furnishing Department.
28
NEWCASTLE BBANCH PUENISHING
TBADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
Expenses.
Net PBOFTf.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Amount.
Rate
pet je.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
at end.
£
£ 8. d.
£
8. d.
£
2 Years, December, 1890..
138,487
6,287
OlOi
2,887
0 ^
10,474
S „ „ 1895..
485,907
26,707
1 n
6,283
0 S
16,120
Year, „ 1896. .
130,846
7,069 1 1 Oi
2,349
0 4i
18,974
„ „ 1897. .
149,726
7,986 ; 1 0|
2,765
0 if
20,746
» „ 1898. .
170,410
9,210 1 1 Oi
4,074
0 6|
22,455
1899..
233,643
10,567 ! 0 lOi
6,104
0 6i
27,102
„ „ 1900..
278,473
12,440 1 0 log
8,774
0 7i
29,796
„ (53 weeks),, 1901..
309,711
14,749 0 Hi
6,102
0 4i
29,925
Half Year, June, 1902..
13i Years' Total
131,920
7,601 ! 1 If
2,386
0 41
31,929
2,029,123
102,616 , 1 OJ
41,173
0 4|
LONDON
BBANCH GBOCEBY
AND
PBOVISION TBADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
Expenses.
Net ProFiT.
Stocks
at end.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Amount.
Kate
per f.
Amount.
Rate
per jB.
£
£
s. d.
£
s. d.
£
1| Years, January, 1876 . .
203,187 3,907
0 4i
2,151
0 2i
7,219
5 „ December, 1880..
1,119,238
17,326
0 31
17,688
0 3|
20,789
S „ „ 1885..
1,746,107
29,470
0 4
24,718
0 8g
24,256
5 „ „ 1890..
3,661,913
66,023
0 4^
61,270
0 Si
67,347
5 „ „ 1895..
6,125,158
126,071
0 41
74,667
0 2g
45,828
Year, „ 1896 . .
1,491,187
\ 81,439
0 5
28,389
0 8}
61,833
» „ 1897 . .
1,631,532
37,505
0 5i
20,084
0 2i
75,265
„ „ 1898 . .
1,726,505
38,692
0 5i
26,097
0 Sg
67,943
„ „ 1899 . .
1,897,617
89,161
0 4i
84,047
0 4i
82,699
„ „ 1900..
2,177,795
42,057
0 4g
84,556
0 ^
109,468
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901 . .
2,620,986
46,021
0 4i
83,189
0 Si
111,945
Half Year, June, 1902..
28i Years' Total
1,296,785
23,196
1
0 4i i 23,595
0 4J
71,262
26,597,855
i 498,868
0 4g \\ 364,300
0 81
29
LONDON BKANCH BOOT & SHOE TEADF..
Since keeping a separate Account.
i
Expenses.
Net Peofit.
Net Loss.
Stooks
at end.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Amo'nt.
Rate
per jE.
Amo'nt.
Bate
per £.
Amo'nt.
Rate
per £.
3^ Years, December, 1890.
5 „ „ 1895.
Year, „ 1896.
„ „ 1897.
„ „ 1898.
„ „ 1899.
,, „ 1900.
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901.
Half Year, June, 1902.
£
105,438
242,974
66,501
67,528
64,342
80,870
* 97,183
104,047
53,295
£
5,640
16350
8,830
4,391
4,542
5,015
6,496
5,988
3,267
8. a.
1 Of
1 3i
1 1|
1 3J
1 45
1 2i
1 4
1 1|
1 21
£
152
952
769
737
968
853
8. d.
0 Oi
0 Si
0 2i
0 13
0 2i
0 li
£
1,013
J74
220
B. d.
0 1
0 Oi
0 C^
£
6,051
11,182
18,380
16,340
14,285
18,878
20,287
16,260
15,656
Hi Years' Total....
882,178
54,519
1 i^
8,931
1,407
1.407
Tifiss 1
jOSS
Leaves Net Profit
2,524
0 og
LONDON BBANCH FUBNISHING- TBADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
I
Period. Ended. Sales.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
Net Loss.
Stocks
at end.
i
A ^«'^+ i Rate
^™°°*- per£.
Amo'nt.
Rate
perjE.
Amo'nt.
Rate
per jE.
1 J Years, December, 1890.
5 „ „ 1895.
Year, „ 1896.
„ „ 1897.
„ „ 1898.
„ „ 1899.
„ „ 1900.
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901.
Half Year, June, 1902.
£
53,957
208,925 i
61,685
70,302
68,142
80,906
89,483
96,596
49,518 !
£
4,487
17,814
4,634
5,660
5,885
6,193
6,695
7,108
3,917
8. d.
1 75
1 ^
1 6
1 7i
1 8i
1 6i
1 55
1 51
1 65
£
135
967
2020
1088
812
8. d.
0 Oi
0 2|
0 5|
0 2|
0 li
£
952
1,655
3,167
115
s. d.
0 4i
0 15
0 lOi
0 Of
£
8,957
8,604
10,672
10,917
11,002
11,894
12,854
13,181
18,656
13i Years' Total....
779,514
1
62,393
1 %
4,522
5,889
4,522
T,eRa Prnflt .
Leaves Net Loss
1,387
0 Og
30
LONDON BBANCH BKAPEBY
/Since keeping
Sai£S.
EXFEHSES.
^
Drapery.
Boots.
TotaL
Amount.
Rate
per £.
£
£
£
£
s. d.
Half Year, December, 1880
1,657
6,500
8,167
812
0 9i
5 Years, „ 1885 ....
120,699
89,210
209,909
11,677
1 li
S „ „ 1890 ....
323,400 *45,281 ' 368,681
28,327
1 61
S „ „ 1895 .... 439,003 .. 439,003
33,431 1 6J
Year, „ 1896 ... .
128,989 .. 128,989
9,669 1 6f
„ „ 1897 ....
138,303 .. 138,303
10,798
1 61
„ „ 1898 ....
141,045
141,045
12,108
1 8^
„ „ 1899 ... .
175,511
176,611
14,190
1 71
„ „ 1900 ....
205,574 !
205,574
18,014
1 9
,,(53 weeks) „ 1901 '....
225,475
226,475
18,889
I 8
Half Year, June, 1902 ....
22 Years' Total
124,295 ; .. 124,295
10,471
1 ^,
2,023,951
140,991 j 2,164,942
167,781 1 1 6i
* Two years only.
Note.— To September, 1887, and March, 1889, Boot and Shoe and Furnishing figures
included respectively.
CBUMPSALL BISCUIT AND
Since keeping
Period. Ended.
•
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Sundry. I^^j^^^*:^*- Interest. ' Total.
£
£
£ £ £ £
2J Years, January, 1876 . . i 29,840
S „ December, 1880 . ., 87,213
5 „ „ 1885 ..! 106,679
5 „ „ 1890 ..j 177,924
5 „ „ 1895 .. 421,775
29,394
87,003
106,959
181,173
426,035
5,309 707 953 6,969
14,589 2,427 2,298 19,314
18,014 3,194 2,122 23,330
35,716 ! 6,308 4,022 46,046
73,418 \ 10,340 ' 8,048 91,806
Year, „ 1896 ..
I Year, September, 1897 . .
II „ December, 1898 ..
Year, „ 1899 ..
„ „ 1900 ..
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901 . .
82,962
43,423
96,508
112,194
131,494
147,823
66,838
43,918
93,784
109,128
129,448
146,319
15,435
11,916
21,868
22,585
30,104
31,817
2,050
1,406
3,504
2,917
3,535
4,913
1,091 18,576
631 13,953
1,638 27,010
1,144 26,646
1,516 35,156
2,338 39,068
Half Year, June, 1902 . ,
282 Years' Total
■
75,848
74,778
17,996
1,261
1,070 20,317
1,511,683
1,494,777
298,767
42,652
26,871 368,190
KoTE. — Dry Soap and Preserves transferred to Irlam and Middleton respectively,
September, 1896.
31
AND ^WOOLLENS TEADE.
a separate Account.
Period.
Ended.
Half Year, December, 1880 .
5 Years, „ 1885.
8 „ „ 1890.
8 „ „ 1895.
Year,
„ (.53 weeks) „
Half Year, June,
22 Years' Total .
1897.
1898.
1899.
1900.
1901.
1902.
' Loss.
Net Pbofit.
Amount.
Rate
per Jg.
515
1,428
902
2,449
3,150
4,117
2,715
2,380
13,866
S^SATEET ^WORKS TBADE.
a separate Account.
8. d.
0 1
0 2J
0 3|
0 0}
0 2|
0 1}
0 4J
0 4^
0 4|
0 2J
0 4^
0 IJ
Stacks
at end.
&
3,805
11,602
12,607
21,859
28,547
29,245
32,147
45,518
60,593
59.918
66,042
Period. Ended.
2J Years, January, 1876
5 „ December, 1880
5 „ „ 1885
3 „ „ 1890
8 „ „ 1895
Year, „ 1896
I Year, September, 1897
li „ December, 1898
Year, „ 1899
„ „ 1900
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June,
1902
Bate on Peoduction.
Per cent. Per £.
£ s. d.
23 14 24
22 3 111
21 16 2|
25 8 3i
21 10 118
27 15 1(^
31 15 4
28 16 0
24 8 4;
27 3 1:
26 14 0
27 3 41
28| Years' Total | 24 12 7i
s. d.
4 4i
5 0|
4 3|
5 68
6 4i
5 9
4 lOi
5 5|
5 4
5i
Net Profit.
Amount.
4 11
£
955
4,649
7,987
1,027
28,500
2,775
*546
4,210
11,775
5,943
14,882
6,556
83,713
Bate
per £.
Stocks
' at end.
1 IJ
1,538
1,793
3,534
12,712
28,905
7,715
12,924
11,723
10,719
li,018
18,291
21,095
* Loss.
Note. — Dry Soap and Preserves transferred to Irlam and Middleton respectively,
September, 1896.
32
LEICESTEK BOOT AND
Since keeping
Net
Supplies.
Prodac-
tion.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Sundry. I>«t?^«- interest.
Total.
2J Years, January, 1876
£
86,565
£
97,576
! 1
£ I £ \
28,264 I 166
£
914
£
29344
S „ December, 1880 ....
369,357
362,821
127,772 1,947
4,987
134,706
S „ „ 1885 ....
495,821
493,020 1
182,021 3,369
5,822 191,212
5 „ „ 1890 ....
771,134
788,457 i
291,291 5,724
7,622 304,637
S „ „ 1895 ....
1,264,427
1,269,859
495,923 19,269
23,491
538,683
year, „ 1896 ....
283,033
266,531
105,155
5,964
5,237
115,756
„ „ 1897 ....
297,385
316,326
118,970
6,647
5,083
129,600
„ „ 1898 ....
282,994
252,264
101,860
5,598
4,861 112319
„ „ 1899 ....
341,538
356,451 ; 134,616 5,633
4,629 144,878
„ „ 1900 ....
356,015
354,911 132,799 5,673
4,756 143,228
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901 ....
368,221
336,573 i
129,198 5,005
4,286
138,489
Half Year, June, 1902 ....
28| Years' Total
214,951
200,050
74,855 2,498
2,122
79,475
5,120,941
5,089,839 1
1
1,922,724 j 65,793
73,810
2,062327
HECKMOND^WTKE BOOTS,
SHOES,
From
Period, Ended.
Net ■
Supplies.
Boot and
Shoe
Produc-
tion.
ToTAi, Expenses.
8-^- °S'"
Interest. ! TotaL
Half Year, December, 1880 ....
£
3,060
£
3,438
£
1,057
£
16
£ £
30 1,103
8 Years, „ 1885 ....
83,295 1 85,197
27,824
461
1,038 29323
S „ „ 1890 ....! 139,007 117,020
! 44,539 : 2,389
2,857 49,785
3 „ „ 1895 ....
229,350
192,594
78,872 4,652
6,408
88332
Year, „ 1896 ....
51,846
89,401
18,784 1,139
1,140
21,013
J „ September, 1897 ....
37,002
32,251
14,637 1,072
878 16,587
1J„ December, 1898 .... 61,444
54,001
22,499 2,402
1,635 26,536
Year, „ 1899 .... 62,545
52,218
21,320 1,971
1,209 24,500
„ „ 1900 .... 67,764
60,212
28,457 2,021
1,242 26,720
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901 .... 65,577
59,582
21,749 2,081
1,266
35,046
Half Year, June, 190B ....
28,048 32,323
11,024 1,017
643
12,684
22 Years' Total
828,938 1 728,232
i
ii 285,712 19,071
!l ■ 1
17,346 322,129
1
33
SHOE ^WOBKS TBADE.
a separate Account.
2i Years, January, 1876
s
„ December
1880
s
n I
1885
s
>» 1
1890
s
>» )
1895
Year, ,
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
, (53 weeks) ,
1901
Half Year, June
1902
28| Yeai
s' Total .
Rate on
Pboduction.
Per cent Per £.
£ 8. a.
30 1 5^
37 2 61
38 15 8
38 17 8
42 8 4S
43 8 7i
40 19 4|
44 10 53
40 12 10§
38 13 5|
41 2 11|
1(^
39 14 6J 7 Hi
40 10 41 8 li
Net PsoriT.
Amount.
£
1,4%
4,008
8,680
35,946
24,347
6,522
8,867
4,456
4,996
3,064
6,455
5,598
114,377
Rate
per £.
B. d.
0 a
0 2J
0 4i
OllJ
0 4J
0 3|
0 3)
0 2
0 ii
0 6i
0 5i
Stocks
at end.
£
9,186
15,772
15,752
61,935
101,621
97,588
115,125
82,995
120,828
114,013
72,606
AND CURBYING ^WOBKS TBADE.
c&inviencement.
Boot & Shoe Rate
ON Production.
Half Year, December, 1880
3 Years,
3 „
Year,
1885
1890
1895
1896
I „ September, 1897
II „ December, 1898
Year, „ 1899
„ „ 1900
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
22 Years' Total
Per cent.
£ s. d.
32 1 7J
34 8 4J
85 16 IJ
38 2 li
44 4 4
43 13 4
41 2 lOi
39 19 8i
37 17 41
37 2 6J
34 6 lOJ
37 18 Hi
6 lOi
7 li
7 71
8 10
8 8|
8 21
7 Hi
7 6i
7 5
6 lOi
7 7
Less Loss
Leaves Net Profit. .
Net Pkofit.
Per £. Amo'nt.
71
4,953
9,416
%7
934
363
2,121
1320
20,145
4,718
Rate
pet£.
B. d.
0 8J
0 9i
0 Si
0 Si
0 li
0 8
0 Hi
15,427 0 4|
Net Loss.
Amo'nt.
Rate
per £,
£
181
2,794
1,743
4,718
1 («
0 Hi
Stocks
at end.
2,473
5,314
11,325
20,711
17,481
16,722
15,703
18,442
15,437
15,403
21,676
34
BUSHDEN
BOOT AND
From
HALF-YEAELY
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Sundry.
^^fy^- Interest,
ciation.
Total.
31 Weeks, December, 1900
£
11,091
£
11,806
£
4,215
£
68
£
88
£
4,366
Year (53 weeks) „ 1901
21,584
22,673
7346
232
274
8,852
Half Year, June, 1902
21,299
22,090
6,461
543 ' 373
7,377
2 Years and S Weeks' Total . .
53,974 56,569
1
18,522
843 730 20,095
BATLET
■ WOOLLEN
From
Period. Ended.
Expenses.
Supplies.
tion.
Sundry.
''S"-!"*--*-
Total.
4 Years, December, 1890
44,326
£
47,618
£
20,973
£
1,124
£
1,607
£
28,704
8 „ „ 1895 ....
95,266
94,954
31,138
2,239
1,990
36,367
Year, „ 1896 ....
g Year, September, 1897
IJ „ December, 1898
Year, „ 1899 ....
„ „ 1900 ... .
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901 ....
27,423
27,297
39,624
44,875
44,168
52,952
28,990
24,939
40,700
44,852
44,344
51,996
7,730
6,660
; 11,601
'■ 11,309
11,341
13,796
602
530
1,000
1,104
1,158
1,158
417
347
669
723
662
682
8,749
7,687
18,a60
18,186
18,161
15,686
Half Year, June, 1902 ....
1S4 Years' Total
24,327
24,488
1 6,779
579
381
7,689
400,257
402,181
121,327
9,494 7,418
138,289
35
SHOE ^W^OBKS TRADE.
Commenceni^nt.
ACCOUNTS.
Period. Ended.
Rate on Phoduotion.
Ne* Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Per cent.
PeriE.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
31 Weeks, December, 1900
£ s. a.
36 19 71
36 16 8f
33 7 10|
s. d.
7 42
7 4i
R 9X
£
964 1
1,701
1,843
s. d.
1 ^
1 6g
1 8i
£
2,482
4,332
5,491
Year (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
2 Years and 8 Weeks' Total —
35 10 5i
7 li
4,508
1 8
MILL TBADE.
commiencement.
Peeiod. Ended.
Rate on Pro- \
DUCTION.
Net Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Per cent.
Per£.
Amount.
Rate
per f.
4 Years, December, 1890
5 „ „ 1895
Year, „ 1896
1 Year, September, 1897
IJ „ December, 1898
Year, „ 1899
„ „ 1900
„(53weeks)„ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
15i^ Years' Total
£ s. d.
49 15 7
37 4 Hi
30 18 6i
30 4 5|
32 11 7i
29 5 8|
29 13 7
30 1 5i
31 7 llj
s. d.
9 11g
7 5i
6 2J
6 Oi
6 6i
5 lOi
5 114
6 (^
e 8i
£
*6796
3,039
829
1,156
1,183
1,991
2.489
8,788
1,149
s. d.
3 02
0 7g
0 7J
0 lOJ
j 0 7J:
0 108
j 1 li
1 sk
0 11j[
£
7,326
8,139
8,680
8,039
11,131
14,051
10,904
10,155
10,531
34 7 5i
6 M
8,828
0 6i ,
* Loss.
36
LEEDS CLOTHING
From
Pkhiod.
Ended.
2i Tears,
December, 1890
8 „
1895
Year,
1896
1897
1898
1899
„ 1900
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
133 Years' Total
Net
Supplies.
£
10,652
97,978
34,388
37,729
83,201
43,746
49,799
62,184
33,001
392,678
Sundry.
£
6,414
53,712
19,337
20,708
18,260
25,096
25,803
27,189
14,499
^P^«"*-' Interest : TotaL
149
903
333
606
600
600
600
602
663
211,018 4,956
£
128
217
332
364
378
419
419
404
£
6,691
760 65,375
19,917
21,546
19,224
26,074
26,822
28,210
15,566
3,451 219,425
BROUGHTON CLOTHING
Since publishing a separate
Period.
Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Sundry.
^^t^on"''"! Interest- Total.
Half Year, December, 1895
Year, „ 1896
1897
1900
(53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
7 Years' Total
£
7,661
22,024
27,010
27,246
30,350
39,689
40,180
22,698
4,920
18,782
17,751
18,129
20,450
26,126
25,444
13,885
£
171
671
840
870
922
994
515
£
106
226
402
631
516
578
325
£
5,197
14,876
18,824
19,500
21,835
27,626
27,077
14,725
216,758
140,487 : 5,351
3,822 : 149,160
37
FACTOBY TBADE.
commencement.
Net Pbofit.
Net Lobs.
stocks
at end.
Period. Ended.
Amount.
Rate
per jS. '
Amonnt.
Rate
per j6.
2J Tears, December, 1890
£
5,663
8. d.
1 IS
£
1,125
s. d.
2 li
£
1,816
5,276
a „ „ 1895
Year, „ 1896
824
0 5|
1 5i '
1 3i 1
5,102
„ „ 1897
2,752
6,680
„ „ 1898
2,130
6,181
„ „ 1899
4,326
1 llg 1
..
10,964
„ „ 1900
3,696
1 53 !
..
9,764
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
2,948
1 li I
•• ■
9,274
Half Year, June, 1902
132 Years' Total
730
0 5i
..
1 4,027
23,069
1,125
1,126
..
1 ••
Leaves Net Profit . .
21,944
1 If
^WOBKS TBADE.
Account in the Balance Slieet.
Net E
SOFIT.
Net Loss.
Period. Ended.
Stocks
' at end.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
Amount.
Rate
per jE.
Half Year, December, 1895
£
254
s. a.
0 8
£
s. d.
£
! 1,008
1
Year, „ 1896
439
0 41
1
; 1,703
„ „ 1897
719
0 63
' 3,217
1898
__
773
108
0 62
0 03
8,038
1 6,063
1899
1900
616
0 3
5,453
, (53 weeks) , 1901
699
0 4i J
,,
1 4,622
HalfYear, June, 1902
7 Years' Total
238
0 ^
; 2,609
1630
"
2416
1630
i
Leaves Net Loss .
486
0 Oi
38
DUNSTON COBN
From
Period.
Ended.
I Tears ft 36 Weeks, Dec, 1895 .
Year,
„ (53 weeks)
Half Year, June,
1896.
1897.
1900.
1901.
1902.
11 Years and 10 Weeks' Total
Net
Supplies.
£
1,521,168
454,080
637,475
604,163
559,439
617,014
664,700
330,951
Produc-
tion.
5,288,990
£
1,502,636
451,908
531,189
588,175
561,663
599,989
639,955
324,675
Expenses.
Sundry.
£
86,159
26,470
27,259
24,417
29,143
31,849
35,695
17,745
''S'*" !»*«'««»•
£
29,715
6,747
6,768
6,762
6,760
6,778
6,802
3,442
£
23,219
5,105
4,632
3,537
3,082
3,291
3,735
1,924
Total.
£
139,098
38,654
34,716
38,985
41,918
46,232
23,111
5,200,190 i 278,737 7.3,769 48,525 ! 401,031
BKOUGHTON CABINET
Fiom
Period.
Ended.
4 Years, December, 1895
Year,
„ (53 weeks)
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
Net
Supplies.
£
22,423
11,371
12,457
12,960
13,8()2
15,256
13,259
Sundry. ^^^icm.'*" Interest. Total.
£
15,442
7,362
7,802
8,136
8,475
7,442
6,833
£
1,216
412
465
522
492
523
518
483
549
570
517
405
425
£
17,984
8,257
8,816
9,228
9,484
8,370
7,776
Half Year, June, 1902
lOJ Years' Total
6,716
108,244
3,436
247
64,928 : 4,395
221
4,496
3,904
73 819
39
MILL TBADE.
commencement.
Period.
Ended.
Bate on Pro-
duction.
Per cent. Per £
4 Years & 36 Weeks, Dec, 1895.
Year, „ 1896.1
„ „ 1897.1
„ „ 1898.1
„ 1899.1
„ 1900.|
„ 1901.
„ (53 weeks)
Half Year, June,
1902.
11 Years and 10 Weeks' Total
£ s. a.
9 5 14
8 9 7i
7 5 61
5 18 OJ
6 18 9|
6 19 82
7 4 53
7 2 4J
Amo'nt.
s. a.
1 lOi
1 8i
1
1
1
1
1
1
7 14
1 64
Net Pbofit.
5,164
5,967
8,404
6,709
2,890
796
29,930
Less Profit
Leaves Net Loss
Rate
perf.
s. d.
0 2|
0 2i
0 3§
0 24
0 1
0 jOJ
Amo'nt.
Net Loss.
£
31,884
5,292
37,176
29,930
7,246
Rate
perf.
s. a.
0 5
0 2i
0 0^
Stocks
at
end.
A-
71,974
78,073
51.650
30,086
50,717
54,476
77,637
80,536
^WOBKS TRADE.
commencemen t .
Period.
i Years, December, 1895
Year, „ 1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
, (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
104 Years' Total
Net Profit.
767
337
104
Rate
per £.
s. a.
1 0
0 6
0 3|
Less Profit
Leaves Net Loss . .
Net Loss.
Amount.
£
1,305
1,262
946
879
8,630
8,022
1,208
6,814
Rate
per £.
a. a.
1 IJ
1 3
Stocks
at end.
£
7,257
8,732
9,044
9,657
6,943
4,452
4,187
4,593
40
DUEHAM SOAP
From
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest
Total.
£
£
£
£
£
£
8J Years, December, 1880 . .
64,878
65,888
4,193
1,654
2,119
7,966
8 „ „ 1886 ..
72,553
7.3,425
4,513
1,630
1,728
i,Tn.
8 „ „ 1890 ..
106,021
105,101
8,676
1,616
1,819
11,610
8J „ March, 1896 ..
180,868
175,503
10,149
925
1,364
12,438
21i Years' Total
423,820
419,912
27,531 5,724
6,530
39,785
NOTE.— IflTorks sold 1896 and Trade transferred to Irlam.
IBLAM SOAP AND
From
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Sundry. ^\?on"'*- Interest.
Total.
£
£
£ £ £
£
20 Weeks, December, 1895 . .
26,999
32,391
3,597
807 656
1
5,060
Year, „ 1896 . .
101,092
103,152
12,256
2,730 1 2,428
17,414
1897 ..
130,477
132,181
18,171
3,802 2,685
24,158
„ „ 1898 . .
170,762
164,846
19,968
4,186 i 3,135
27,289
„ „ 1899 . .
226,994
225,024
24,403
4,669 j 3,268
32,340
„ „ 1900 . .
278,933
279,212
29,713
4,878
8,827
38,418
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901 . .
816,608
304,793
32,245
5,098
8,972
41,315
Half Year, June, 1902 . .
6 Years and 11 Months')
Total )
156,282
161,258
17,461
2,665
1,870
21,996
1,408,097
1,402,857
157,814
28,335
21,841
207,990
41
■WOBKS TKADE.
commeTicement.
Period. Ended.
Rate on Production.
Net Profit.
Stocks
at
end.
Per cent.
PeriE.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
6i Years, December, 1880
£ a. d.
12 1 9|
10 11 8
11 0 Hi
7 1 8i
s. d.
2 5
2 1|
2 2}
1 5
£
*508
1,099
2,822
11,586
8. d.
0 li
0 Si
0 61
1 3i
£
8,571
4,361
6,097
2,046
S „ „ 1885
3 „ 1890
5J „ March, 1896
21| Years' Total
9 9 5i
1 lOi
14,948
0 81
* Loss.
CANDLE ^WOBKS TBADE.
commencement.
Period. Ended.
Bate on Production.
Net Profit.
Stocks
at
end.
Per cent.
PeriE.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
20 Weeks, December, 1895
Year, „ 1896
„ „ 1897
£ s. d.
15 12 5i
16 17 7i
18 5 6i
8. d.
8 li
8 44
8 7#
£
869
7,822
7,661
9,907
10,117
4,922
8,984
2,638
8. d.
0 8i
1 6J
1 15
1 li
0 101
0 4i
0 63
. 0 4
£
80,825
45,747
46,847
i 44,108
j 54,001
1 74,059
50,866
102,848
„ „ 1898
16 11 1 ! 8 8B
„ „ 1899
14 7 5J
2 101
„ „ 1900
13 15 2i
13 11 IJ
13 12 91
2 9
2 8i
2 8S
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June 1902
6 Years and 11 Months' Total. .
14 16 6i 1 a Ui
52,260 0 8?
1
42
LONGSIGHT PBINTING
From
PsBios. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
1
Sundry.
'^W^!^\l-^r.J Total.
47 Weeks, December, 1895
£
7,512
15,333
17,445
£
8,891
7,387
' 7.736
£
691
£ j £
415 \ 4.397
Year, „ 1896
1
1,011 699 8,997
869 607 9,112
2,006 ' 1.028 19.177
34,102 16.144
Year, „ 1899
45,665
21,898
3.287
1,568 26,753
1,«9!9 32,376
.2,107 J 37,038
1,149 19,646
„ „ 1900
65,340
73,056
26,762 8,785
S0.S51 ! 3.980
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, *1902
1' i
39,885 16,375 2,122
7 Years and 5 Months' Total
298,338 , 130,644 17,650 9,202 157,496
■Will ST HABTLEPOOL LABD BEFINEBY
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Sundry.
^ Mon"'*' I«*«'«8*- ' "T""^
37 Weeks, December, 1896
Year, „ 1897
„ „ 1898
„ „ 1899
„ „ 1900
„ (63 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
6 Years and 11 Weeks' Total. .
£
28,815
65,875
78,344
83,062
118,499
159,877
83,184
£
1,104
2,916
2,282
3,129
3,044
4,770
1,738
]
£ £ £
510 471 2,085
760 1 550 1 4,226
780 ' 792 1 3,854
813 ' 822 4,764
827 663 4,534
849 802 6,421
470 439 , 2,647
617,656
18,983 5,009 4,539
W.-'Wl
43
■WOKKS TBADE.
commencement.
Period. Ended.
Net Pkofit.
' Stocks
atend.
Amount.
•
Rate
per jB.
£
s.
a.
£
475
1
Si
1,089
695
0
los
2,255
938
1
05
1,019
1,731
1
OS
4,300
785
0
4i
6,450
2,649
0
n
11,818
2,227
0
7i
14,158
1,199
0
71
13,172
10,699
0
84
1
47 Weeks,
December, 1895
Year,
1896
I »
September, 1897
li»
December, 1898
Year,
1899
«
1900
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
7 Years and S Months' Total
AND EGG "WAREHOUSE TBADE.
commencement.
Period.
37 Weeks, December,
Year,
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
„ (53 weeks)
Half Year, June, 1902
6 Years and 11 Weeks' Total.
Net Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Amount.
Bate
per £,
£
*837
8. d.
0 65
£
6,653
2,388
0 8|
7,223
1,317
0 4
13,717
366
0 1
13,488
4,262
0 8§
14,053
2,165
0 Si
1 13,893
2,654
0 7g
20,662
12,315
0 4i
Loss.
44
MUJDLETON PBESEBVE
PEEL,
From
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Sundry.
De^ecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
£
£
£
£
£
£
Half Year, December, 1896 37,023
47,612
6,068
889
685
7,682
2 Year, September, 1897
74,172
85,562
12,828
1,696
1,816
15,840
li „ December, 1898 ....
171,055
175,106
21,394
3,608
8,382
28,879
Year, „ 1899 ....
162,041
168,390
19.240
3,235
2,944
25,419
„ „ 1900 ....
163,927
163,233
22,996
3,317
2,927
29,242
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901 ... .
176,651
179,779
22,206
3,404
8,621
29,231
Half Year, June, 1902 ....
103,168
75,206
9,913
1,714
1,906
13,533
6 Years' Total
888,037
894,888
114,137
17,868
16,781
148,776
LITTLEBOBOUGI
I FLANNEL
From
Peeiod. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
TotaL
Three Quarters, December, 1898
£
15,152
£
3,084
£
888
£
251
£
3,723
Year, „ 1899
21,279
4,459
618
297
5,274
„ 1900
20,086
4,550
609
404
5,563
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
20,058
5,166
634
893
6,198
Half Year, June, 1902
7,192
2,647
824
209
3,180
4i Years' Total
83,767
19,906
2,473 1
1,564
28,933
45
AND PICKLE ^WOBKS TBADE.
commencement.
Ended.
Half Year, December, 1896.
Bate on Pbo-
DUCTION.
Per cent. Per £.
£ s. d.
16 0 7
a Year, September, 1897 [ 17 18 63
IJ „ December, 1898 ; 16 4 IJ
Year, „ 1899 15 1 lOJ
„ „ 1900 17 18 3|
1
,,(53 weeks),, 1901 16 5 2i
Half Year, June, 1902 17 19 101
6 Years' Total
8. d.
8 2i
3 7
3 21
3 Ok
3 6S
3 3
B 7i
16 12 6 3
Net PBOFrr.
Amount.
8,611
8,891
8,728
6,266
6.011
1,772
Bate
per £.
8. d.
0 115
0 111
0 51
1 Oi
0 9J
0 Si
Stocks
at end.
32,111 I 0
£
17,784
49,768
51,611
66,044
72,114
41,961
"WORKS TBADE.
commencem,ent.
Net Profit.
Bate
per £.
Stocks
at end.
Three Quarters, December, 1898
Year, „ 1899
„ „ 1900
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
HalfYear, June, 1902
4J Years' Total
♦ Loss.
£
140
202
*829
24
s. d.
0 2J
0 2i
0 35
0 Oi
Olli
373
0 1
£
8,146
9,090
7,992
7,771
11,689
46
MANCHESTER TOBACCO
From
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
ExfBNSBS.
Sundry.
""S"- !-*«'««*•
Total.
Half Year, December, 1898 (2Si weeks). .
Year, „ 1899
£
55,570
158,781
222,540
284,118
156,160
£
4,372
11,075
16,752
18,826
9,740
£
281
640
1,073
£
425
1,052
£
5,028
12,767
19,417
22,304
11,659
„ „ 1900
„ (53 weeks) „ 1901
1
1,806 2,172
689 1,130
Half Year, June, 1902
i Years' Total
1
877,119
60,765
3,939
6,371 71,075
SIL"VEBTO"WN ELOUB
Fro7n
HALF-YEAELY
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Sundry.
Depre-
ciation.
Interest. ' Total.
Half Year, December, 1900
Year (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
2 Years' Total
£
62,476
209,220
132,102
£
61,569
198,113
133,127
£
5,524
11,787
6,861
1,804
3,720
1,860
£ ! £
1,118 8,446
2,524 18,031
1,346 10,067
403,798 387,809
24,172 7,384 4,988 36,544
47
FACTOBY TRADE.
commencemeiit.
Period. Ended.
Net Pbofit.
Stocks
at end.
Amount.
Bate
vers.
Half Year, December, 1898 (28J weel
Year, „ 1899
„ 1900
„ (53 weeks) „ . 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
4 Years' Total
£8)
£
1,742
8,715
1,081
4,669
3,684
a. d.
0 7i \
0 5)
0 1
0 Si
0 61
£
26,847
83,667
44,602
89,350
48,351
14,841
0 4
••
MILL TBADE.
Com mencement.
ACCOUNTS.
Period. Ended.
Rate on Production.
Net Loss.
j Stocks
at end.
Per cent.
PeriE.
Amount.
Bate
per iE.
Half Year, December, 1900
£ 8. d.
13 14 4J
9 6 8i
7 11 22
s. d.
2 85
1 lOi
1 6i
£
4,381
3,266
*753
s. d.
1 4|
0 31
0 li
£
18,538
27,993
37,884
Year (53 weeks) „ 1901
Half Year, June, 1902
2 Years' Total
9 8 5A
1 10)
6,894
0 4
* Profit.
48
DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PER CENT. ON
(FiFTY-THBEK
TOTALS.
SALBS :
Expenses =
£15,911,330.
Bate per
flOO.
^£.j^isic:s3csiB'r:si:R
GROCERy.
£7,43a,68<.
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
Wages
Auditors' Fees and Mileages
„ Deputation Fees
„ Fares
„ Deputation Fares
Fees and Mileages — General and Branch
Committees
„ „ Stocktakers
„ „ Scrutineers
„ „ Deputations
Fares and Contracts — General and Branch
Committees
„ „ Stocktakers
„ „ Scrutineers
„ ,, Deputations
Price Lists : Printing
„ Postage j
Balance Sheets : Printing
Printing and Stationery
Periodicals
Travelling
Stamps
Telegrams
Petty Cash
Advertisements and Showcards
" Wheatsheaf " Record Expenses
Rents, Rates, and Taxes
Coals, Gas, and Water
Oil, Waste, and Tallow
Exhibition and Congress Expenses
Expenses Quarterly Meetings
Telephones
Legal
"Annual," 1901
Employes' Picnic
Dining-rooms
Repairs, Renewals, Sxs
Insurance
Depreciation : Land
„ Buildings
„ Fixtures
Interest
Totals
£
154294-32
469-92
47-78
46-50
44-51
4342-02
59-58
25-35
1756-66
1628-74
13-58
8-90
867-28
4417-35
588-49
322-00
10106-33
188-66
15516-72
6067-48
881-59
1700-20
2904-56
5265-88
8028-47
5642-53
662-47
2014-53
755-37
708-43
124-92
907-42
204-92
18350-25
9616-43
4493-96
8142-38
13627-52
3373-49
57086-64
335184-48
232-73
-71
•07
-07
■07
6-55
-09
-04
2-65
2-46
-02
•01
1-30
6-66
•86
•49
15-25
-28
23-40
915
1-25
2^57
4-38
7^94
12-11
8-51
lOO
804
1-14
106
•18
136
•30
20-13
14-56
6-77
4-74
20-56
5-08
86-03
505-57
3/2/1'S
39195-16
219-58
22^40
21-73
20-71
1057-94
5-10
11-85
539-49
636-92
4-87
4-16
286-11
1322-34
299-60
156-48
3219-39
97-89
236410
272610
570-29
680-13
1393-66
2459-09
1640-20
2016-53
365-34
576-67
528-87
341-74
1306
423-08
25-62
528-2-46
2321-51
572-49
9-27-86
2360-26
26-2-72
16282-59
91255-99
126-56
-71
•07
-07
•07
3-42
•02
-04
1-74
2H)6
-01
•01
-92
4-27
-97
-50
10-39
-32
7-63
8-80
1-84
2-20
4-50
7-94
5-30
6-51
118
1-87
1-71
1-10
-04
1-37
-08
17-06
7-50
1-85
2-99
7-62
-85
52-57
294-66
lliitt
49
SALES FOE THE YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 28th, 1901
Weeks).
3s^n -A. isT o h: E S T E I^ .
DRAPEBY.
WOOLLENS AND
READY-MADES.
BOOTS AND SHOES.
FURNISHING.
£606,630.
£157,387.
£353,247.
£315,596.
Amount.
Rate per
jeioo.
Amount. ^^\X'
Amount.
Rate per
i;ioo.
Amount. ^*jfoO."
£
d.
£
d.
£
d.
£ d.
17709-62
700-64
4252-32
648-43
6295-21
427-68
8086-58 i 614-96
17-98
■71
4-72 1 -71
10-53
-71
8-53 , -65
1-81
•07
•47 ^07
1-05
•07
■87
•07
1-78
•07
•47 ^07
1-04
•07
•84
•07
1-72
•07
•47 ^07
1-03
•07
•80
•07
236-79
9-37
31-16 4-75
71-69
4-87
63-99
4-87
11-07
-44
-98 -15
1-40
•10
1-46
•11
•97
•04
-26 -04
•57
•04
-46
•04
209-80
8-30
32-49 4-95
20-81
141
46-14
8-51
66-02
2-61
16-01
2-44
35-93
2^44
29-34
2-23
1-05 i -04
■29
•04
-25
•02
-30
•02
•34 j -01
•09
•01
-20
•01
-16
•01
131-71 I 5-21
14^23 2^17
12-23
■83
17-54
1-33
33018 13-06
466-24 71-10
25-00
1^70
46-90
3-57
21-61 -85
1-25 1 -20
3-63
•25
33-49
2-55
12-76
•50
3-31 -55
7-41
•51
6-08 1 -46
983-18
88^90
265-31 40-46
596-62
40-54
382-23 29-07
5-62
•22
2-33 -35
4-18
-29
306 -23
2415-85
95-58
1398-53 213-26
414-98
28-20
559-74 1 42-57
221-48
8-76
57-80 8-81
128-35
8-72
104-28 1 ■ 7-93
29-22
1-16
17-86 2-72
9-79
•67
13-99
1-06
92-31
3-65
21-24 3-24
44-11
3-00
42-77
3-25
133-08
5-27
67-23 1 10-25
201-15
13-67
30-60
2-33
201-60
7-98
53-23 1 8-12
118-47
8-05
95-54
7-26
1004-61
39-75
573-03 87-38
147-54
10-02
486-20
36-97
2-26-17
8-95
138-20 21-07
122-73
8-34
171-22
13-02
28-18
1-11
11-43 1-74
16-22
1-10
13-46
1-02
104-98
4-15
35-85 1 5-47
49-39
3-36
17-72
1-35
43-36
1-72
11-45 1-75
25-48
1-73
20-55
1-56
21-78
•86
10-38 ! 1-58
18-08
1-23
13-53
1-03
1-00
-04
•28 -04
-63
-04
-47
•03
34-82
1-38
9-32 1-42
20-66
1-40
16-45
1^25
17-44
•69
7-75 1-18
8-62
-59
12-70
•96
1140-25
45^11
296-10 45-15
661-70
44-96
543-18 41-31
754-42
29-85
113-87 17-36
136-45
9-27
226-82 1 17-25
603-32
23-87
139-35 21-25
274-26
18-63
173-47 13-19
5-26-64
20-84
16-50 2-52
182-03
12-36
463-23 1 35-22
1342-66
53-12
17215 26-25
509-52
34-62
1080-78 82-19
102-44
4-05
40-25 6-14
383-34
26-05
370-38 28-17
6499-52
257-14
1510-40 230-32
2923-02
198-59
2390-99 1 181^83
35289-14
1396-14
9794-60 1493-58
13485-30
91621
1
15576-84 1184^57
i
8/16/4-1
6/4/9-3
3/16/4-2
</18/8-8
50
DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND EATE PEE CENT. ON
(Fifty-three
GROCERY.
SALES
Expenses =
Wages
Auditors' Fees and Mileages
„ Deputation Fees
„ Fares
„ Deputation Fares
Fees and Mileages — General and Branch Committees . .
„ „ Stocktakers
„ „ Scrutineers
„ „ Deputations
Fares and Contracts — General and Branch Committees
„ „ Stocktakers
„ „ Scrutineers
„ „ Deputations
Price Lists : Printing
„ Postage
Balance Sheets : Printing
Printing and Stationery . .-.
Periodicals
Travelling
Stamps '.
Telegrams
Petty Cash
Advertisements and Showcards
" Wheatsheaf " Record Expenses
Rents, Rates, and Taxes
Coals, Gas, and Water
Oil, Waste, and Tallow
Exhibition and Congress Expenses
Expenses Quarterly Meetings
Telephones
Legal
' Annual," 1901
Employes' Picnic ,
Dining-rooms
Repairs, Renewals, &c. .
Insurance ,
Depreciation : Land . . . . ,
„ Buildings .
„ Fixtures
Interest
Totals .
£2,922,146.
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
18091-58
148-59
86-89
■71
8-80
•07
8-55
■07
8-15
-07
1106-89
909
6-01
•05
1-64
-04
200-20
1-64
872-65
3-06
1-22
-01
1-63
01
48-10
•40
148-73
1-22
52-96
-44
40-36
■33
1070-47
8-79
22-32
-18
617-81
508
465-85
3-82
120-17
-99
305-94
2-51
432-69
3-55
967-74
7-96
625-11
5-18
687-96
5-24
70-50
-58
835-89
2-76
44-24
-36
118-01
-97
6-44
-05
166-56
1-87
26-10
-22
2411-01
19«)
1705-09
14-00
311-02
2-66
220132
1-81
1504-87
12-36
822-30
6-75
6597-19
54-18
89791-36
326-81
I/7/2«8
51
SALES FOE THE YEAE ENDED DECBMBEE 28th, 1901
Weeks) — continued.
IsTE^WCJ^STXiE.
riRAPTTPV ' WOOLLENS AND
DRAPERY. i READY-MADE8.
BOOTS AND SHOES.
FURNISHING.
£469,069. £157,920.
£239,836.
£:M9,711.
Amount. ^^foo.^^ Amount.
Rate per
jEIOO.
Amount. «|\y
. „j ! Rate per
Amount. ^^^
1
£ d. £ d-
£
d.
£ d.
11205-32 573-32 2695-52
409-65
3959-17
396-19
810196
627-83
13-93 , -71 4-73
-72
7-14
•71
9-20
■72
1-40 ' -07 -47
-07
■72
-07
■93
•07
1-38 -07 -47
•07
•71
•07
■91
■07
1-33 -07 -47
-07
•70
•07
■89
■07
311-65 15-95 69-57
10-57
108-03
10-81
14164 1 10-98
3-90 -20 -31
-05
1-94 -19
1-36 10
-76
-01 ; -26
-04
■39 -04
■50 ^04
95-94
4-91 10-71
1-63
13-78 1-38
28-29 2-19
67-10
3-43 21-97
3-34
3394 3-40
44-33 3-44
•11
-09
-01
-07 -01
-09 i ■Ol
-27
•01 ! -09
-01
•14
•01
■17 ! -01
47-18
2-41 1 2-02
-31
314
•31
11-53 -89
165-08
8-45
197-51
30-02
54-74
5-48
24-25 1-88
' 6-47
'"-33
' 2-i8
' ' -33
3-3i
"•33
"4-28 "'-33
482-87
24-71
145-91
22-17
176-79
17-69
401-74 31-13
4-73
■24
3-83
-58
4-68
-47
2-95 -23
1416-49
72-48
352-92
53-64
3.38-35 33-86
420-72 32-60
281-22
14-39
39-38
5-99
82-52
8-26
25008 19-38
28-33
1-45 10-20
1-55
7-38
•74
10-93 -85
34-14
1-75 9-39
1-43
19-86
1^99
47-96 3-72
57-49
2-94
18-78
2-85
119-99
12-01
39-10 3-03
156-41
8-00
53-20
809
80-29
8-03
103-39 801
464-06
23-74
86-30
13-12
301-94
30-21
464-94 36-03
342-85 17-54
114-06
17-33
201-56
2017
259-70 2012
12-33 -63
5-29
-80
6-46
-65
7-36 -57
53-66 2-75
18-68
2-84
44-72
4-47
35-19 2-73
7-24 1 -37
2-52
-38
3-76
-88
4-80 -37
23-04 1-18
13-54
2-06
16-05
1-61
1819 1-41
-85 1 -04 1 -23
-03
-39
-04
-53 -04
27-09 I 1-39 9-30
1-41
13-96 1-40
17-91 1-39
11-50 ! -59 1 15-25
2-32
18-51 ' 1-85
8-40 -65
482-27 24-68 ' 159-61
-24-26
244-79 24-50
318-83 24-71
617-15 31-58 201-06
30-56
268-43 , 26-86
191-19 14-81
404-16 20-68 11450
17-40
17709
17-72
196-76 15-25
171-17 8-76 32-58
4-95
100-73
10-08
153-48 11-89
1230-81 62-97 231-72
35-22
724-64
72-51
1108-08 85-87
463-44 23-71 ! 89-57
13-61
371-74
37-20
91-39 7-08
3758-41 192-30
1498-73
227-77
2037-68 203-91
2225-27 172-44
22453-53 1148-84
6232-92
947-25
9550-23
955-68
14749-22 1142-94
4/15/8-8
3/18/ll'2
S/19/7-8
«/i8/a-9
52
DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PEE CENT. ON
(FiFTY-THBEE
SAIiES=
Expenfies=
IjOIiT3D02Sr.
GROCERY.
£2^90,986.
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
Wages
Auditors' Fees and Mileages
„ Deputation Fees
„ Fares •.
„ Deputation Pares ,
Fees and Mileages — General and Branch Committees . ,
„ „ Stocktakers
„ „ Scrutineers ,
„ ,^ Deputations
Fares and Contracts — General and Branch Committees
„ „ Stocktakers ,
„ „ Scrutineers
„ „ Deputations ; ,
Price Lists : Printing
„ „ Postage
Balance Sheets : Printing '. . .
Printing and Stationery . . ^
Periodicals
Travelling
Stamps
Telegrams
Petty Cash
Advertisements and Showcards . . . . ,
" Wheatsheaf " Record Expenses
Rents, Rates, and Taxes
Coals, Gas, and Water
Oil, Waste, and Tallow
Exhibition and Congress Expenses
Expenses Quarterly Meetings
Telephones
Legal :
" Annual," 1901
Employes' Picnic
Dining-rooms
Repairs, Renewals, &c
Insurance
Depreciation : Land
„ Buildings
„ Fixtures
Interest
Totals.
19653-04
187-10
74-55
-71
7-59
-07
7-38
-07
7-04
-07
817-61
7-78
13-05
-12
4-01
•04
418-67
3-98
222-62
2-12
4-94
-05
1-41
•01
225-79 •
2-15
387-73
3-69
155-95
1-48
68-31
-65
1579-05
15-03
30-08
-29
1788-43
17-03
1885-56
13-19
11-25
-11
328-69
808
307-00
2-92
835-16
7-95
1075-32
10-24
1016-08
9-67
96-58
-92
565-11
5-38
53-91
•51
98-14
•94
77-63
-74
143-79
1-37
82-90
•31
1206-69
11^49
2125-63
20^24
658-31
6-27
174-83
1-66
1969-48
18-75
324-78
3-09
7072^)1
67-33
4502L-00
428-60
l/lS/S-ft
53
SALES FOR THE YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 28th, 1901
Weeks) — continued.
XjOITJDOIT.
DRAPERY.
WOOLLENS AND
READY-MADES.
BOOTS AND SHOES.
FURNISHING.
£175,116.
£50,359.
£104,047.
£96,596.
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
Amount. ! 1^^-
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
Amount. ^^\X'
£
d.
£ d.
£
d.
£
a.
6352-54
870-63
1818-75 866-78
2897-87
668-44
3979^68
988-78
519
•71
1-48 1 -71
3-08
•71
2-89
•71
•52
•07
•15 -07
-31
-07
-29
•07
•51
•07
•15 -07
-30
•07
•28
•07
■49 -07
•14 -07
-29
•07
•28 ^07
224-34 1 30-75
20^09 9-58
41-68 1 9-61
38^95 9^68
8^39 : 1-15
•85 ^41
1-70 , -39
206 ; ^51
■28 i ^04
•09 ^04
-16
04
■15 ' 04
70-07 1 9^60
13^06 6^22
33-48
7-72
23^83 ; 592
55^87
7-66
5^12 2^44
10-79
2^49
1013
252
•18
-02
•04 -01
•04
•01
•04
•01
-10
-01
•03 ^02
•06
•01
•05
•01
32-26
4-42
507 2^42
14^53
335
15^84
394
700-48
96-00
486^41 231^81
61^86
1538
' 4-75
' ' -65
' ik ' ' •64
' b'^si
' ' -65
' 2^64
■■■•66
308-38
42-26
15407 7343
164^04
37-84
17fr28 ; 43^79
1-97
•27
2-63 1-25
134
•31
■95 1 . -24
1432-68
196-35
685^29 326-60
63125
145^61
679-58 16885
141-54
19-40
43^25 20^61
73^97
1706
6610 16^42
-90
■12
•26 -12
-53
•12
•49 12
32-61
4-47
9-59 4-57
15-40
355
21^06 5^23
20-51
2-81
5-70 2^72
59-08
1363
18^50
4-59
58-21
7-98
lfr62 7-92
34-53
7-97
3-2-40
805
597-85
81-87
110-28 52^56
12510
28-86
326^49
81-12
167-76
22-99
68^75 32^77
72-96
16-83
8600
2136
12-19
1-67
3^45 ! 1^64
7-10
1-64
6-58
1^64
59-76
819
20^56 9^80
65-63
1514
30-72
763
3-76
-52
110 -52
2-23
•51
2-10
•52
13-44
1-84
•02 •Ol
•04
•01
245
•61
9-89
1-35
3^03 144
5-96
1-37
553 j 1^37
10-04
1-38
2^88 ! 1^37
5-97
1^38
559 1 139
9-15
1-25
1^82 ^87
3-85
•89
5-31
132
249-12
34-14
6952 ! 3313
146-46
33^78
138-26
3435
416-84
5713
1-20-.S8 57-37
230-85 ! 50-94
196-74
48-88
435-95
59-75
143-95 68-60
172-73 39-84
116-60
28-97
60-64
8-31
16-43 7-83
29-44 ! 6-79
66-55
16-54
607-19
83-22
217-63 103-72
236-28 I 66-03
281-45
69-93
48-27
6-62
•34 i -16
1-20
•28
1-33
-33
2074-36
284-30
610-17 290-79
854-66
19T14
701-64
17483
14228-48
195004
4660-50 •2221-09
5987-70
138115
7107-67
1765-95
8/2/6-0
9/8/1-0
8/15/1-1
7/7/1-9
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67
THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION LIMITED.
Offices: LONG MILLGATB, MANCHESTEE.
WHAT IS THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION?
TT is an institution charged with the duty of keeping alive and diffusing a
•^ knowledge of the principles which form the life of the Co-operative move-
ment, and giving to its active members, by advice and instruction — literary,
legal, or commercial — the help they may require, that they may be better able
to discharge the important work they have to do.
WHAT HAS IT DONE ?
The greater part of the legal advantages enjoyed by Co-operators originated in
the action of the Central Board of the Union, and the Central Committee which
it succeeded. They may be summarised as follows : —
(1) The right to deal with the public instead of their own members only.
(2) The incorporation of the Societies, by which they have acquired the right
of holding in their own name lands or buildings and property generally,
and of suing and being sued in their own names, instead of being driven
to employ trustees.
(3) The power to hold £200 instead of £100 by individual members of our
Societies.
(4) The limitation of the liability of members for the debts of the Society to
the sum unpaid upon the shares standing to their credit.
(5) The exemption of Societies from charge to income tax on the profits of
their business, under the condition that the number of their shares
shall not be limited.
(6) The authorising one Registered Society to hold shares in its own corporate
name to any amount in the capital of another Registered Society.
(7) The extension of the power of members of Societies to bequeath shares by
nomination in a book, without the formality of a will or the necessity
of appointing executors, first from £30 to £50, and now to £100, by the
Provident Nominations and Small Intestacies Act, 1883, which also
makes this power apply to loans and deposits as well as to shares.
(8) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1871, which enables Societies
to hold and deal with and freely.
(9) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1876, which consolidated into
one Act the laws relating to these Societies, and, among many smaller
advantages too numerous to be mentioned in detail, gave them the right
of carrying on banking business whenever they offer to the depositors
the security of transferable share capital.
(10) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893.
The Union consists of Industrial and Provident Societies, Joint-Stock
Companies, and other bodies corporate.
68
THE CO-OPEBATIVE UNION LIMITED.
No Society is admitted into Union unless its management is of a representative
character, nor unless it agree — •
(1) To accept the statement of principles in the rules of the Union as the rules
by which it shaU be guided in all its own business transactions.
(2) To contribute to the fund called the Congress Fund the annual payiuent
following : —
(a) If the number of members of any such Society is less than 1,000,
then the sum of 2d. for each member.
(b) If the nimiber of such members exceeds 1,000, then, at least, the
sum of 2,000d.
In estimating the number of members of a Society comprising other Societies,
each such Society is considered to be one member.
The subscription is considered due, Id. in the first and Id. in the third quarter
of each year, but may be wholly paid in the first quarter.
The financial year commences on January 1st in each year, and ends on
December 31st following.
N.B. — Secretaries forwarding Cheques on account of the Union are requested
to make them payable to the Co-operative Union Limited ; Money Orders to
A. Whitehead, Cashier.
H-^-^
SUMMAEY OF THE LAW EELATING TO SOCIETIES
UNDER THE
INDUSTRIAL AND PROVIDENT SOCIETIES ACT, 1893.
I. The Formation of Societies —
1. Application must be made to the Registrar of Friendly Societies, in
London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, according to the case, on a form supplied
by the ofl&ce, signed by seven persons and the secretary, accompanied by two
copies of the rules, signed by the same persons.
2. These rules must provide for twenty matters stated on the form of
application.
3. No fees charged on the registration of a society.
N.B. — Model rules on these twenty matters can be obtained from the
Registrar's ofiice; and the Co-operative Union Limited, Long Mill-gate,
Manchester, publishes, at the cost of l^d. a copy, general rules, approved
of by the Chief Registrar, providing also for many other matters on which rules
are useful ; and capable of being adopted, either with or without alterations, by
a few special rules, with a great saving in the cost of printing.
The General Secretary of the Union wiU prepare such special rules, without
charge, on receiving a statement of the rules desired.
69
THE CO-OPEBATIVE UNION LIMITED.
II. Bights of a Registered Society —
1. It becomes a body corporate, which can by its corporate name sue and be
sued, and hold and deal with property of any kind, including shares in other
societies or companies, and land to any amount.
2. Its rules are binding upon its members, though they may have signed no
assent to them ; but may be altered by amendments duly made as the rules
provide, and registered, for which a fee of 10s. is charged. The application for
registration must be made on a form supplied by the Registrar's office.
3. It can sue its own members, and can make contracts, either under its
seal or by a writing signed by any person authorised to sign, or by word of
mouth of any person authorised to speak for it, which will be binding wherever
a contract similarly made by an individual would bind him.
4. It may make all or any of its shares either transferable or withdrawable,
and may carry on any trade, including the buying and selling of land, and bank-
ing under certain conditions, and may apply the profits of the business in any
manner determined by its rules ; and, if authorised by its rules, may receive
money on loan, either from its members or others, to any amount so authorised.
5. If it has any withdrawable share capital it may not carry on banking,
but may take deposits, within any limits fixed by its rules, in sums not exceeding
10s. in any one payment, or £20 for any one depositor, payable at not less than
two clear days' notice.
6. It may make loans to its members on real or personal security ; and may
invest on the security of other societies or companies, or in any except those
where liability is unlimited.
7. It may make provision in its rules for the settlement of disputes between
members and the Society or any officer thereof, and any decision given in
accordance with the conditions stated in the rules is binding on all parties to
the dispute, and is not removable into any court of law.
8. If the number of its shares is not limited either by its rules or its practice
it is not chargeable with income tax on the profits of its business.
9. It can, in the way provided by the Act, amalgamate with or take over
the business of any other society, or convert itself into a company.
10. It can determine the way in which disputes between the society and its
officers or members shall be settled.
11. It can dissolve itself, either by an instrument of dissolution signed by
three-fourths of its members, or by a resolution passed by a three-fourths vote at
a special general meeting, of which there are two forms— (A) purely voluntary,
when the resolution requires confirmation at a second meeting ; (B) on account
of debts, when one meeting is sufficient. In such a winaing up hostile
proceedings to seize the property can be stayed.
70
THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION LIMITED.
III. Bights of Members (see also IV., 4, 5, 6) —
1. They cannot be sued individually for the debts of the society, nor com-
pelled to pay more towards them than the sum remaining unpaid on any shares
which they have either expressly agreed to take or treated as their property, or
which the rules authorise to be so treated.
2. If they transfer or vrithdraw their shares, they cannot be made liable for
any debts contracted subsequently, nor for those subsisting at the time of the
transfer or withdrawal, unless the other assets are insufficient to pay them.
3. Persons not under the age of 16 years may become members, and legally
do any acts which they could do if of full age, except holding any office.
4. An individual or company may hold any number of shares allowed by the
rules, not exceeding the nominal value of £200, and any amount so allowed as
a loan. A society may hold any number of shares.
5. A member who holds at his death not more than £100 in the society as
shares, loans, or deposits, may, by a writing recorded by it, nominate, or vary
or revoke the nomination of any persons to take this investment at his death ;
and if he dies intestate, without having made any subsisting nomination, the
committee of management of the society are charged with the administration
of the fund ; subject in either case to a notice to be given to the Commissioners
of Inland Revenue whenever the sum so dealt with exceeds £80.
6. The members may obtain an inquiry into the position of the society by
application to the Registrar.
IV. Duties of a Registered Society —
1. It must have a registered office, and keep its name painted or engraved
outside, and give due notice of any change to the Registrar.
2. It must have a seal on which its name is engraved.
3. It must have its accounts audited at least once a year, and keep a copy of
its last balance sheet and the auditors' report constantly hung up in its registered
office.
4. It must make to the Registrar, before the 31st of March in every year, a
return of its business during the year ending the 31st December previous, and
supply a copy of its last returns gratis to every member and person interested
in its funds on application.
5. It must allow any member or person interested in its funds to inspect his
own account and the book containing the names of the members.
6. It must supply a copy of its rules to every person on demand, at a price
not exceeding one shilling.
7. If it carries on banking, it must make out in February and August in
every year, and keep hung up in its registered office, a return, in a form
prescribed by the Act ; and it has also to make a return every February to the
Stamp Office under the Banking Act.
The non-observance by a society of these duties exposes it and its officers to
penalties varing from £1 to £50, which are in some cases cumulative for every
week during which the neglect lasts.
71
THE SCOTTISH
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE
SOCIETY LIMITED.
PLATES, ADVERTISEMENTS, STATISTICS, &c.,
PAGES 71 TO 110.
72
CMrtp four Vearr WDolesalc Distribution in Scotland,
i
P&< ^^ SCOTTISH )o.
1^ CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LTD.
lb
Yeabs.
Capital.
Sales.
Profits.
Yeabs.
1868, 13 weeks
£1,795
£9,697
£48
13 weeks, 1868
1869,52 „
5,175
81,094
1,304
62
, 1869
1870, 50 „
12,543
105,249
2,419
50
, 1870
1871, 52 „
18,009
162,658
4,131
52
, 1871
1872, 52 „
30,931
262,530
5,435
52
, 1872
1873, 52 „
50,433
384,489
7,446
52
, 1873
1874, 52 „
48,982
409,947
7,553
52
, 1874
1875, 52 „ 56,751
480,169
8,233
52
, 1875
1876, 51 „
67,219
457,529
8,836
51
, 1876
1877, 52 „
72,568
589,221
10,925
52
, 1877
1878, 52 „
83,174
600,590
11,969
52
, 1878
1879, 52 „
93,077
630,097
14,989
52
, 1879
1880, 52 „
110,179
845,221
21,686
52
, 1880
1881, 54 „
135,713
986,646
23,981
54
, 1881
1882, 52 „
169,429
1,100,588
23,220
28,366
52
, 1882
1883, 52 „
195,396
1,253,154
52
, 1883
1884, 52 „
244,186
1,300,331
29,436
52
, 1884
1885, 52 „
.288,946
1,438,220
39,641
62
, 1885
1886, 60 „
333,653
1,857,152
50,398
60
, 1886
1887, 53 „
367,309
1,810,015
47,278
63
, 1887
1888, 52 „
409,668
1,963,853
63,538
62
, 1888
1889, 52 „
480,622
2,273,782
61,766
52
, 1889
1890, 52 „
575,322
2,475,601
76,645
52
, 1890
1891, 52 „
671,108
2,828,036
89,090
52
, 1891
1892, 53 „
778,494
3,104,768
96,027
53
, 1892
1893, 52 „
869,766
3,135,562
3,056,582
89,116
52
, 1893
1894, 52 „
940,835-
88,452
52
, 1894
1895, 52 „
1,134,269
3,449,461
132,374
62
, 1895
1896, 52 „
1,237,317
3.822,680
174,982
52
, 1896
1897, 52 „
1,286,624
4,405,854
156,341
62
, 1897
1898, 53 „
1,333,078
4,692,330
165,580
53
, 1898
1899, 52 „
1,457,645
5,014,189
213,596
52
, 1899
1900, 52 „
1,676,765
5,463,631
222,366
52
, 1900
1901, 52 „
1,929,113
5,700,743
231,686
52
, 1901
1902, 26 „
2,038,243
2,919,165
115,746
26
, 1902
Totals.
2,038,243
69,020,750
2,314,495
Totals.
COMMENC
ED September, 1868.
GLASGOW GROCERY AND PROVISION WAREHOUSE AND HaLL.
Clarence Street.
Grocery etc. Crookston Street. Glasgow.
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73
THE SCOTTISH
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCI ETY
LIMITED.
Enrolled 20th April, 1868, under the provisions of the Industrial and Provident
Societies Act, 20th August, 1867, 30 and 31 Vict., cap. 117, sec. 4.
Business Commencet) Stb September, 1868.
REGISTERED OFFICE, FURNITURE, & STATIONERY WAREHOUSE:
MOKKISON STREET, GLASGOW.
GROCERY AND PROVISION WAREHOUSES:
PAISLEY ROAD, CROOKSTON AND CLARENCE STREETS,
GLASGOW.
DRAPERY WAREHOUSE:
DUNDAS, ST. JAMES', AND PATERSON STREETS, GLASGOW.
BOOT AND SHOE WAREHOUSE :
DUNDAS STREET, GLASGOW.
SHIRT FACTORY, TAILORING FACTORY, WATERPROOF FACTORY.
AERATED WATER FACTORY, AND CARTWRIGHT DEPT. :
PATERSON STREET, GLASGOW.
MANTLE FACTORY:
DUNDAS STREET, GLASGOW.
BOOT AND SHOE FACTORY, CLOTHING FACTORIES,
CABINET AND BRUSH FACTORIES, PRINTING WORKSHOP,
PRESERVE AND CONFECTION WORKS, COFFEE ESSENCE WORKS,
TOBACCO FACTORY, AND PICKLE WORKS:
SHIELDHALL, near GOVAN, GLASGOW.
6a
74
Branches:
LINKS PLACE, LEITH.
GRANGE PLACE; KILMAENOCK.
TRADES LANE, DUNDEE.
HENRY STREET, ENNISKILLEN, IRELAND.
FURNITURE WAREHOUSE, DRAPERY & BOOT SAMPLE
ROOM— CHAMBERS STREET, EDINBURGH.
CHANCELOT ROLLER FLOUR MILLS— BONNINGTON,
EDINBURGH.
SOAP WORKS— GRANGEMOUTH.
ETTRICK TWEED MILLS— SELKIRK.
JUNCTION FLOUR AND OATMEAL MILLS— LEITH.
DRESS SHIRT FACTORY— LEITH.
Creameries :
ENNISKILLEN, BELNALECK, GOLA, FLORENCE COURT,
S. BRIDGE, GARDNER'S CROSS, BLACK LION, IRELAND;
BLADNOCH and WHITHORN, WIGTOWNSHIRE, N.B.
Fish-curing Works: ABERDEEN.
The English and Scottish Wholesale Societies' Co-partnery
Cocoa Works: LUTON, BEDFORDSHIRE.
Tea and Coffee Department : LEMAN STREET, LONDON, E.
Tea Estates: NUGAWELLA and WELLAGANGA, CEYLON.
Bankers:
THE UNION BANK OF SCOTLAND LIMITED.
Head Offices :
GLASGOW : LONDON : EDINBURGH :
Ingram Stbeet. 62, Cornhill, E.G. George Street.
General Manager: Manager: Manager:
ROBERT BLYTH. JOHN A. FRADGLEY. JAMES MORTON.
75
General Committee.
President :
Mr. WILLIAM MAXWELL, Caerlaverock, Polmont Station.
Secretary :
Mr. ANDREW MILLER, Haldane Cottage, Balcarres Street, Tillicoultry.
Directors :
Mr. DANIEL THOMSON . . Rolland House, RoUand Street, Dunfermline.
Mr. JOHN PEARSON Fenton Street, Alloa.
Mr. ISAAC McDonald . . 7, Knoxland Street, Dumbarton.
Mr. JOHN ARTHUR 39, High Street, Paisley.
Mr. T. C. Mc.NAB 43, Dudley Crescent, North Leith.
Mr. HENRY MURPHY Clydeview Villa, Castlegate Street, Lanark.
Mr. JOHN STEVENSON . . 5, W. Fullarton Street, Kilmarnock.
Mr. PETER GLASSE 296, St. George's Road, Glasgow.
Mr. THOMAS LITTLE 264, Scott Street, Galashiels.
Mr. ROBERT STEWART .. 15, Rutland Crescent, Paisley Rd.W., Glasgow.
Sub-Committees:
(1) Finance and Property —
Messrs. MURPHY, GLASSE, MILLER, and STEVENSON.
Conveners: Mr. Murphy (Finance). Mr. Glasse (Property).
(2) Grocery : Distributive and Productive —
Messrs. THOMSON, STEWART, LITTLE, and Mc.NAB.
Conveners: Mr. Thomson (Distributive). Mr. Stewart (Productive).
(3) Drapery and Furnishing: Distributive and Productive —
Messrs. Mc.DONALD, MAXWELL, PEARSON, and ARTHUR.
Conveners: Mr. McDonald (Distributive). Mr, Maxwell (Productive)
Auditors :
Mr. JNO, MILLEN, Rutherglen. | Mr. ROBT. J. SMITH, C. A., Glasgow.
Mr. WM. H. JACK, Glasgow.
76
Officers of the Society.
Accountant: M. ROBERT MACINTOSH, Glasgow.
Cashier : Mr. ALLAN GRAY, Glasgow.
Buyers, &c. :
Grocery and Provisions Glasgow Mr. E. ROSS.
, Mr. JOHN McDonald.
„ Mr. JOHN JAMIESON.
Leith Mr. PETER ROBERTSON.
, „ Mr. WILLIAM Mc.L AREN.
Kilmarnock ..Mr. DAVID CALDWELL.
„ ..Mr. HUGH CAMPBELL.
Dundee Mr. JOHN BARROWMAN.
Potato Department Glasgow Mr. JOHN Mc.INTYRE.
Leith Mr. JOHN Mc.KERACHER.
Cattle Glasgow Mr. WILLIAM DLTSTCAN.
Provisions Enniskillen . .Mr. WILLIAM WHYTE.
Preserve Works Glasgow Mr. N. ANDERSON.
Tobacco Factory „ Mr. THOMAS HARKNESS.
Chancelot and Junction Flour ( Edinburgh . . Mr. WM. F. STEWART.
Mills \ Master Miller . . Mr. SYLVANUS WEAR.
Soap Works Grangemouth .Mr. T. B. BOLTON.
Farm Cabntyne . . . .Mr. ROBERT DEMPSTER.
Tea Department London Mr. CHARLES FIELDING.
Printing & Stationery Dept Glasgow Mr. DAVID CAMPBELL.
Drapery Department , Mr. DAVID GARDINER.
Assistant.. , Mr. J. Mc.GILCHRIST.
„ .. , Mr. WM. ALLAN.
„ ., -r. . , •, f „ Mr. WILLIAM MILLER.
Furmture Department { ^^^^^^^^^ ^r. THOMAS FENWICK.
Edinburgh . .Mr. GEO. D. LAWSON.
13 4 .:! cv, T^ \ ^ (Glasgow Mr. ALBERT JOHNSON.
Boot and Shoe Department . . | Assistant Mr. J. J. HORN.
Ettrick Tweed & Blanket Mills.. Selkirk Mr. ANDREW WESTLAND.
Building Department Glasgow Mr. JAIMES DAVIDSON.
Engineering Department „ Mr. JAMES STEWART.
Carting Department „ Mr. JAMES CALDWELL.
Coal Department „ Mr. T. BURTON.
Fish Curing Department Aberdeen Mr. W. C. STEPHEN.
Electrical Department Glasgow Mr. A. R. TURNER.
Dress Shirt Factory Leith Mr. ARCHER MITCHELL.
Travellers :
Grocery Department Glasgow Mr. GEO. BLACKWOOD.
„ Mr. JOHN KNOX.
„ Mr. J. M. STEWART.
Leith Mr. A. STODDART.
Flour MiUs Edinburgh . . Mr. GEORGE FISHER.
Drapery Department Glasgow Mr. J. D. STEWART.
„ Mr. JAMES HENRY.
Mr. JOHN BOWMAN.
„ „ „ Mr. ROBERT WOOD.
Edinburgh . . Mr. GEORGE TAIT.
Ettrick MiUs Glasgow Mr. JAMES ALLAN.
Furniture Department Mr. GEORGE CARSON.
Boot and Shoe Department , Mr. G. W. ROSS.
77
Business Arrangements.
Registered Office :
MORRISON STREET, GLASGOW.
Branches :
LINKS PLACE, LEITH ; GRANGE PLACE, KILMARNOCK ;
TRADER LANE, DUNDEE;
HENRY STREET, ENNISKILLEN, IRELAND;
LEMAN STREET, LONDON, E.
Societies, to which our trade is strictly confined, desirous of opening an
account with this Society, should forward a copy of their registered Rules
and latest balance sheet ; or, if but recently started, a statement showing the
number of members, value of shares, amount subscribed for and paid up,
weekly turnover expected, and the amount of credit allowed, if any, per
member in proportion to the capital paid up. Should these particulars be
considered satisfactory, goods will be supplied on the following terms : — The
maximum credit allowed is fourteen days, and interest is charged quarterly
on all in excess of this allowance at the rate of 2\ per cent, per annum, but in
cases where the debt exceeds one month'' s purchases 5 per cent, is charged.
Interest at the rate of 2\ per cent, per annum is allowed on prepaid
accounts.
The Directors, by authority of the general meeting, are empowered to have
the books of societies examined whose accounts are overdue, and to take the
necessary steps to protect the other members of the federation.
Orders for goods should bear the price or brand of the article wanted, the
mode of transit, and name of station to which the goods are to be sent. Orders
for the different departments should be on separate slips. Goods not approved
of must be returned at once and intact. No claim for breakage, short weight,
&c., can be entertained unless made within six days after goods are received.
Delay in delivery should be at once advised.
78
i
WEEKLY STATEMENT OF ACCOUNT.
5th Week. Ledger Folio, 929.
73rd Quarter. 119, Paisley Road,
GLASGOW, September 3rd, 1887.
The Grahamston and Bainsford Co-operative Society Limited.
Dr. ^0 The Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited. Cn
GOODS.
CASH AND CREDITS.
Date.
Amount of
each Invoice.
Balance last
Statement.
Date.
1
Cash. i Credit.
Totals.
& s. d.
£ s. d.
698 7 2
£ s. d. £ s. d.
£ s. d.
Aug. 30..
0 4 3
Aug. 30..
,
0 5 0
„ 30..
18 11 7
„ 31..
10 0
„ 30..
29 0 8
» 31..
: 0 12 9
„ 30..! 32 4 0 . ...
„ 31..
... ! 0 12 10
„ 30..; 0 17 7
Sept. 1..
0 5 6
„ 30.. 4 10 0
„ 1..
0 10
„ 30.. 4 4 0
„ 30..^ 3 2 6
1
13 6
2 7 0
„ 1..
„ 1..
„ 31.. 0 6 6
„ 2..
0 12 9
„ 31.. 0 8 3
,, 2..
0 12 9
„ 31..
0 10 10
„ 2..
0 14 9
„ 31..
0 8 3
„ 2..
0 10 0
„ 31..
15 0
„ 3..
0 15 6
„ 81.. 1 0 10 11
• • •
„ 3..
10 11 1
„ 31..
59 16 9 j
„ 3..
... j 0 15 6
„ 31..
0 11 3 1
„ 3..
! 1 12 0
„ 31..
Sept. 1..
1 ^ ?t 1
99 n 11
2 10 6
'.'.'.
„ 2..
600 0 0 !
^ji 1. L XX
600 0 0
„ 1..
4 17 6
„ 1..
0 15 2
„ 3..
0 6 6
„ 3..
0 9 2
„ 3.. 17 10 0
„ 3.. 0 18 0
„ 3.. 3 10 6
„ 3..
5 13 8
„ 3..
12 11 1
„ 3..
4 18 7
„ 3..
5 3 6
„ 3..
0 12 9
„ 3..
0 1 10
„ 3..
2 14 9 !
„ 3..
18 6!
„ 3..
27 12 8 !
i 0*;?; if> K
To balance
£
....
By balance
331 5 8
953 17 7
£
958 17 7
If the above Statement differs from your Books, we shall be glad if you
will point out the differetice at o)ice.
79
Terms of Membership.
EXCEEPT FEOM SOCIETY'S EULES.
Admission of Members and Application fob Shares.
The Society shall consist of such Co-operative Societies registered under
the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, or any employe of this
Society who is over twenty-one years of age, as have been admitted by the
Committee, subject to the approval of a general meeting of the Society; but
no society trafficking in intoxicating liquors shall be eligible for membership
in the Society, and each admission must be entered in the minute book
of the Society. Every application for membership, except in the case of
employes, must be sanctioned by a resolution of a general meeting of any
society making such application, and the same must be made in the form as
on next page, said form to be duly attested by the signature of the president,
secretary, and three of the members thereof, and stamped with such society's
seal. Every society making application shall state the number of its members,
and take up not less than one share for each member, and shall increase the
number annually as its members increase, in accordance with its last return to
the Kegistrar ; but no member other than a society registered under the
Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, shall hold an interest in the
funds exceeding £50. It shall be in the option of any society to apply for
shares in excess of their individual membership at any time ; such applications
shall be signed by the president, secretary, and three members of committee,
but the granting of such excess shares shall be at the discretion of the
Committee of this Society.
Any employ^ applying for membership must apply for not less than five
shares.
Capital : How Paid Up.
The capital of the Society shall be raised in shares of twenty shillings
each, which shall be transferable only ; every member, society, or employ^, on
admission, shall pay the sum of not less than one shilling on each share taken
up, and the unpaid portion of the shares may be paid by dividends, or bonus,
and interest ; but any member may pay up shares in full or in part at any
time.
80
Application Poem.
Whereas, by a resolution of the Co-operative
Society Limited, passed at a general meeting held on the .... day
of it was resolved to take up shares (being
one share of twenty shillings for each member), said shares being
transferable, in the ^coiiisl^ (S,a-aptTaiibt Mljolesalc S^ociti^
lEimiteil, and to accept the same on tlie terms and conditions
specified in the Bules. Executed under the seal of the society on
the .... day of Attested by
j- Three Members.
BENEFITS DEEIVED FEOM MEMBEESHIP.
(a) The liability of the member is limited, each member being only
responsible for the value of the shares held.
(b) Members receive double the rate of dividend on purchases paid to non-
members.
(c) Share capital is paid 5 per cent per annum.
(d) Members ha*ve a share in the management of the Wholesale in pro-
portion to the amount of goods bought, as each society has one vote in right
of membership, one for the first £1,000 worth of goods bought, and one other
additional vote for every complete £2,000 of purchases thereafter.
These advantages, added to the special benefits secured by the leading
position of the Wholesale, will, we trust, induce societies as yet non-members
to carefully reconsider the question, and take the necessary steps to secure to
their members the full benefits of co-operative distribution.
COEEESPONDENCE.
All letters must be addressed to the Society, and not to individuals.
Addressed envelopes are supplied at cost price. Separate slips ought to be
used for the different departments— the Accountant's, Grocery and Provision,
Drapery, Boot and Shoe, Furniture. The slips can all be enclosed in the one
envelope. Attention to this simple rule will greatly facilitate the despatch of
goods and ensure promptitude in answering inquiries ; it will also aid in the
classification of the letters for reference in any case of irregiilarity or dispute.
81
Cash Remittano
mitted through the Union
Cheques must be made payable to the Society. If re
Bank op Scotland Limited, the usual commission c
barged will bo saved.
:S
LIST OF BRANCH E
UNION BANK OF SCOT
LAND LTD.
BURGH, George Street.
Head Offices: — Glasgow, Ingram Street; Edi>
London Office:— 62, Cornhill
, E.G.
BRANCHES:
Aberdeen.
Edinburgh, Morningside.
Largs.
Aberdeen, George Sta-eet.
„ Murrayfield.
Larkhall.
„ Holburn.
„ Newington.
Leith.
„ Torry.
„ Norton Park.
Lerwick.
„ West End.
„ S. Morningside
Leslie.
Aberfeldy.
Edzell.
LochgeUy, Fifeshire.
Lochgilphead.
Aberlour, Strathspey.
Elgin.
Alloa.
Ellon.
Macduff.
Alva.
Errol.
Maybole.
Ardrishaig.
Eochabers.
Mearns (open on Tuesdays and
Ardrossan.
Forfar.
Fridays— sub to Barrhead).
Auchterarder.
Fraserburgh. '
Millport.
Auchtermuchty.
Galston.
Moffat.
Ayr.
Gatehouse.
Moniaive.
Ballater.
Girvan.
New Aberdour (open on Mon
Banchory.
Glasgow, Anderston.
days and Fridays — sub to
BanflE.
„ Bridgeton Cross.
Rosehearty).
Barrhead.
„ Buchanan Street.
New Pitsligo.
Barrhill.
„ Charing Cross.
Paisley.
Bathgate.
„ Cowcaddens.
Paisley, Wellmeadow^
Beith.
„ Eglinton Street.
Partick.
Blair- Athole (sub to Pitlochrie).
Hillhead.
Perth.
Blairgowrie.
„ Hope Street.
Peterhead.
Bo'ness.
„ Kinning Park.
Pitlochrie.
Braemar.
„ Maryhill.
Port-Glasgow.
Brechin.
„ St. Vincent Street.
Portsoy.
Bridge of Allan.
„ Shawlands.
Renfrew.
Buckie, Banffshire.
„ Springburn.
Rosehearty.
Campbeltown.
„ Tradeston.
St. Margaret's Hope, Orkney.
Castle-Douglas.
„ Trongate.
Scalloway, Shetland (open on
Clydebank.
„ Union Street.
Tuesdays and Fridays — sub
Coatbridge.
Gk)urock.
to Lerwick).
Coupar-Angus.
Govan.
Shettleston.
Crieff.
Greenock.
Stewarton.
Cullen.
Hamilton.
Stirling.
Dalbeattie.
Helensburgh.
Stonehouse.
Dairy, Galloway.
Huntly.
Straohur, Lochfyne (open on
Darvel (sub to Galston).
Inveraray.
Thursdays-sub to Inveraray)
Doune.
Inverness.
Stranraer.
Dumbarton.
Inverurie.
Strathaven.
Dumfries.
Irvine.
Stromness.
Dunblane.
Johnstone.
Tarbert, Lochfyne.
Dundee.
Keith.
Tarland.
Dunkeld.
Killin.
Thornton, Fife (open on Mon-
Dunning.
Kilmarnock.
days—sub to Kirkcaldy).
Dunoon.
Riccarton.
Thornhill.
Edinburgh, Forrest Road.
Kincardine.
Tillicoultry.
„ Golden Acre.
Kirkcaldy.
Tollcross.
„ Haymarket.
Kirkwall.
Troon.
„ Hunter Square.
Kirriemuir.
Turriff.
„ Lothian Road.
Ladybank.
Wick.
82
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106
Employes.
NUMBER OF EMPLOYES, SEPTEMBER 27th, 1902.
DiSTKiBUTivE Departments.
General Office Glasgow
Grocery
Stationery
Potato
Cattle Buying
Coal
Drapery, Mantle, and Millinery Workrooms
Boot
Furniture
Carting and Fodder
Cleaners ,
Dining-room
Shieldhall
Collective
Totals.
Leith :
Kilmarnock ,
Dundee
Enniskillen and Creameries . .
Edinburgh — Chambers Street
Greenock — Sugar Forwarding ,
180
156
11
14
1
1
376
79
121
161
12
14
16
97
22
3
76
24
1
1,142
223
Productive Depabtments.
Boot Factory, Currying, &c. Shieldhall 1,130
„ „ Parkview Glasgow 346
Clothing Factory (Ready-made) Shieldhall 338
„ „ (Bespoke) Glasgow 158
Shirt Factory ,, 125
Underclothing Factory „ 103
Hosiery Factory Shieldhall 154
Clothing „ (Artisan) „ 135
2,489
Carried forward 3,854
107
NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, SEPTEMBEE 27th, 1902.
Productive Departments — continued. ColleotiTe
Totals.
Brought forward 3,854
Mantle Factory Glasgow 72
Waterproof Factory „ 63
Umbrella Factory • „ 9
Saddlers' Shop „ 9
Cabinet Factory Shieldhall 349
Brush Factory „ 40
Tinware „ „ 60
Mechanics' Department „ 46
Electrical Department „ 23
Cartwright Shop Glasgow 27
Horse Shoeing „ 4
Printing Department Shieldhall 273
Preserve Factory „ 155
Confection „ „ 64
Coffee Essence Factory ,, 35
Pickle Factory „ 48
Drug Department „ 75
Tobacco Factory „ 140
Miscellaneous „ 10
Sausage Factory Glasgow 22
Ham Curing „ 26
Aerated Water Factory ^ . . . „ 29
Chancelot Mills Edinburgh 108
Junction „ Leith 48
Ettrick „ Selkirk 172
Dress Shirt Factory Leith 193
Soap Works Grangemouth 69
Farm— Carntyne Glasgow 5
Creameries — Bladnoch and Whithorn Wigtownshire 55
Fish Curing Aberdeen 44
2,278
Building Department.
Tradesmen 196
INIanagement 11
207
Total.... •:•,:/••. ^'^^*
108
Bonus to Labour.
TKe payment of bonus, since its institution in 1870, has taken three
different forms. Till 1884 employes received, on wages earned, double the
rate per £ allocated as dividend on members' purchases. This arrangement
was then replaced by one which set aside the double claim of the employ^,
and, recognising a diSerence between workers in the distributive and produc-
tive departments, established a differential rate. The distributive employes
received the same rate of bonus as was the rate of dividend on members'
purchases, and the rate of bonus to productive workers was determined by the
net aggregate profit made in the manufacturing departments only. This
arrangement continued till 1892, when the system of bonus payment was
again revised. Hitherto the whole bonus allocated had been paid over ; but
the present system, which allows a uniform rate to both distributive and
productive departments, requires that one-half of each worker's bonus be
retained and put to his credit, forming a special fund, called the Bonus Loan
Fund. This capital bears interest at the rate of 4 per cent per annum., and
is not withdrawable until the expiry of three months after leaving the ser%'ice
of the Society, unless with the consent of the Committee.
EMPLOYE-SHABEHOLDERS.
Simultaneously with the introduction of the present scheme of bonus,
arrangements were made to permit of employes becoming shareholders in
the Society. The number of shares held by one individual may range from
five to fifty of twenty shillings each, and the paid-up capital bears interest at
the rate of 5 per cent per annum. By the rules of the Society, the share-
holding employes are entitled to send one representative to the quarterly
meeting, and one for every 150 employes who become shareholders. At the
present time there are 343 shareholders, which permits of a representation
of three at the business meetings of the Society.
109
The following statements show the amount of bonus paid each year since
1870, and the total amount thus paid to employes, also the Bonus Loan Fund
and the Employd-Shareholders' Fund at 28th June, 1902 : —
First Bonus Scheme.
Amount.
£ s. d.
Average
Rate per £.
a. d.
Quarter ending November 19, 1870 .
Year „ „ 18, 1871.
5 11 0 0 8
40 10 0 0 lOJ
16,1872 52 7 0
15,1873 ....;... 90 1 8
14,1874 116 9 0
13,1875 109 15 4
4,1876.............. 108 13 4
3, 1877 121 10 0
0 9i
0 9J
0 8i
0 8
0 8
0 8
2, 1878.
147 17 0 0 8
2,1879 203 3 0
October 30,1880 322 9 3
November 5,1881 368 3 8
4,1882 453 9 1
3,1883 542 3 0
1,1884 484 2 6
0 9J
1 1
1 0
0 11
0 Hi
0 9i
Second Bonus Scheme.
Year ending
October 31, 1885 .
December 25, 1886 .
31, 1877 .
29, 1888 .
28, 1889 .
27, 1890 .
26, 1891 .
31, 1892 .
Distributive
Amount.
£ s. d.
483 13 1
873 0 6
603 0 2
683 12 1
833 16 10
1,139 6 10
1,208 9 3
1,813 8 3
Bate
per £.
s. d.
... 0
61 ....
... 0
6i ....
... 0
6f ....
... 0
6J ....
... 0
6i ....
... 0
7
... 0
Of ....
... 0
6i ....
■ Productive
Amount.
£ s. d.
315 2 1
628 11 7
1,016 14 10
1,752 10 6
1,802 li 9
2,320 11 4
Rate
per £.
s. d.
0 4
0 7
0 8^
0 11
0 9
0 9
no
Pbesent Bonus Scheme. Rate
per £.
£ s. d. s. d.
Year ending December 30, 1893 3,775 15 0 0 6J
29, 1894 3,563 18 9
28, 1895 4,634 14 0
26, 1896 5,965 17 9
25, 1897 7,431 8 8
31, 1898 7,017 2 6
30, 1899 8,943 12 0
29, 1900 9,938 10 8
28, 1901 10,502 8 8
Half Year ending June 28, 1902 5,477 16 8
0 6
0 n
0 71
0 8
0 7
0 8
0 8
0 8
0 8
Total amount paid as bonus to 28tb Jirne, 1902 £85,892 1 7
Amount of Bonus Loan Fimd at 28tb June, 1902 19,746 4 0
Employe-Shareholders' Fund at 28th June, 1902 — 343 employes holding
. 7,341 shares, with £6,189 paid up.
Ill
Robert Owen as a Social
Reformer.
BY W. S. MUBPHY.
I HE brotherhood of man is a subhme ideal and a physical
fact. Though accepted and known by the majority of
mankind, neither the fact nor the ideal has hitherto
influenced greatly the voluntary* intercourse of man
with man. During the feudal age every inhabitant
of Christendom implicitly believed in the common
fatherhood of Adam, and with equal unanimity
regarded slaughter of relatives as the only occupation
worthy of honour. Even at the present hour, when the Christian
law of love is universally accepted as the rule of human conduct,
the frontiers of every nation bristle with pointed guns, armed
sentries keep watch day and night, drilled armies constantly
confront each other, warships of rival nations jealously patrol the
seas, and self-interest is the blazoned motive of every individual
life. So little do opinions and ideals crossing prevalent disposition
and selfish interest affect human conduct.
Discrepancy between faith and practice, knowledge and action,
ethical ideal and actual life, is as common as daylight, as constantly
recurrent as the tides, yet through it all there runs a continual
protest that now and again takes positive shape ; then the godlike
reappears upon the earth — the majestic passion of a great people
uprisen to destroy in flaming wrath a corrupt tyranny, a perfect
life lived in obedience to the law of love and devoted to teaching
mankind its lofty rule, a noble enthusiasm for a purer faith in the
Church, or the desire for a nobler form of social life among the
people. The salvation of mankind depends upon their wallingness
and ability to recognise and obey the godlike. Nations suffer
decline, revolution, trouble, commotion, only after they have again
and again rejected the true for the false, the new right for the old
injustice, turned from the quickening dawn to sluggard night.
Nothing can be surer than that. Apart from his religious
significance altogether, Jesus offered to the Jews the only
practicable ideal for them, the only method by which they could
save themselves from destruction ; they refused, and, persisting
in worldly ambition, have endured nineteen centuries of oppression.
During the 16th century, when new thought was springing all
112
ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
over Europe, Spain searched out the very germs of mental life and
consumed them with fire; now she sinks into decrepitude, and
adventurous aliens exploit her resources. France suppressed the
Eeformation, drove from her hosts of free, industrious citizens, and
expiated her crime in the Eeign of Terror, the Napoleonic wars,
the revolution of 1848, the coiqj d'etat of 1851, the humiliations of
1870. In 1667 the British people rejected Oliver Cromwell and
the Puritan ideal for Charles II. and licentious debauchery ; for
that they have had to endure Monmouth rebellions, Irish rebellions,
Stuart rebellions, the revolution of 1688, the loss of America, and
confusions of mind and life immeasurable. Again, at the beginning
of the 19th century, Eobert Owen called upon the British
people by his word ?ind example to organise industry upon a just
basis, and they refused ; in consequence, they are now in the grasp
of the capitalist. The door of repentance is long kept open, the
road to expiation is never closed to those who have the strength to
seek it ; but the longer repentance is delayed the truth is the more
difficult to find, the agony of expiation becomes bitterer and more
severe. Through long struggle we have regained the powders and
privileges so thoughtlessly bartered in 1667 for a worthless king,
and in these days we are coming to see the wisdom of Eobert
Owen. But to stand in the freedom wherewith he would have
endowed us we must endure long agony and bitter strife.
Some may be disposed to consider it an impertinence to class
Eobert Owen with Oliver Cromwell. The mild philanthropist and
the stern Puritan were wholly unlike in many ways ; but the
framer of the "New Model " was not a better organiser than the
reformer of New Lanark, and both pursued their ends with the
same inflexible determination. Each had his practical social ideal
based upon what he believed to be fundamental truth. Cromwell's
faith was more mystical, religious, deeper, if you will, than Owen's;
but his temper and methods w^ere less Christian. The two men
were types of different centuries. The 17th centiary, with its
religious persecutions and palpable injustices, naturally produced
men of stern disposition, whose sole hope lay in the existence of
an eternal divine Judge who would give victory in the end to the
just cause. In that hope Cromwell fought, and when victor used
his power to bring the realm under the government of his God,
earnestly desiring the British people to become worshippers of
justice, self-governed in righteousness. He utterly failed, and for
one hundred and fifty years he was vilified and despised by the
people he tried to save. His victories gave him no title to military
renown; his just government and wise legislation gained him no
reputation as a ruler; his keen diplomacy, feared by the subtlest
politicians in Europe, gave him no rank as a Minister — according
113
ROBEET OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
to the historians of England. Eobert Owen was equally typical of
the best life of the 18th century, and met with a similar fate.
Born into an age when philosophic scepticism had shorn conduct
of its sacred sanctions, when religion was either a fanaticism or a
form, Owen founded his faith on the observed facts of life. The
Church, in all sects and sections of it, offered no guidance to the
people in the new circumstances rapidly forming around them ;
the State made no attempt to govern the new forces developing
within the social body ; therefore, Eobert Owen conceived a social
faith which would unite all men of all creeds, and a form of society
in which men of every political party might find spheres of useful
activity. His view of life may have been as partial as Oliver
Cromwell's was ; but his theory was coherent, his plans practicable,
and his life blameless. Let those who would despise Eobert Owen
take note of his marvellous mastery over every practical problem
he encountered ; by pure force of intellect he excelled in every
pursuit. Trained to the retail drapery trade, Eobert Owen became
by accident a cotton spinner, and within the space of two years
was renowned as the greatest cotton spinner in the country ;
untrained to mechanics, he solved, after a few experiments, the
problem of the twisting machine that had baffled the skill of
professed inventors for years ; sent from school at nine years old,
he founded the infant school, and laid down lines of education
toward which educationists are slowly strugghng ; unskilled in
science, he was persecuted for anticipating the results of the
investigations of Darwin and Huxley ; without philosophic
pretensions, he encountered the anathema of the Churches
forestalling Buckle and Herbert Spencer; a private individual,
he moulded State policy and added to the statute book the Factory
Act of 1819 ; claiming no supernatural revelation, he was yet able
to foresee the future effects of land monopoly and capitalist industry
upon the position of the workers. Yet in the British roll-call
of great industrial leaders, inventors, educationists, teachers,
thinkers, statesmen, Eobert Owen is not mentioned. Why ?
Because the enemies of social progress triumphed for the time.
Though a living power to-day, Eobert Owen was born in the
18th century and shared in the disabiUties of his fellows. Census
returns, vital statistics, trade reports, market reports, and data of
that kind were not then gathered, compiled, and printed for the
information of the people. Past social conditions were only known
to the average person through personal experience, local gossip,
and common report. Every new event, therefore, was a marvel ;
every change came for the worse, and the present never appeared
so dismal as when the "good old days" were recalled. With all
his scientific dehberateness, Owen would have been superhuman
114
EOBEBT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
had he been quite free from a mode of thought caused by
circumstances he shared with his contemporaries. Addressing the
Manchester public in 1837, he said : —
You live in the midst of a society altogether different from that in which
your ancestors lived in this district -one hundred years ago. At that
period .... there were no feelings of hatred between masters and
servants, there were no poor wretches over-exhausted with labour in unhealthy
atmospheres, doomed in bad times of periodical and frequent occurrence to live
miserably or to die by slow starvation while surrounded by wasteful and
extravagant luxury ; there were light poor rates and all ashamed to apply
for them ; there were many holiday periods in the year, much health, and a
considerable degree of rustic enjojTnent for the working classes, who were then
chiefly employed in agriculture, living in family with their employers and
working daily with them, or living and working in a similar manner.
That this statement was historically true of Manchester district
need not be questioned. Nor was Owen's motive in making the
comparison that of the mere grumbler. In the same address he
goes on to show that the forces which had produced the change
for the worse would, if properly directed, bring about a state of
unprecedented prosperity and happiness. Here we touch upon
the point of misunderstanding between Owen and the men of his
ov/n generation. He supposed that the social change and causes
of change he saw were fundamental and general, that the
grievances and the causes of suffering were new, and, therefore,
that the remedy, was obvious and ardently desired. Owen was
neither wholly mistaken nor absolutely right. Long before
machinery and the factory came, and where they were wholly
unknown, pauperism and misery among the working classes of
Great Britain were on the increase. Says Karl Marx : —
From the last third of the 16th century the student of English history
finds continually complaints, only interrupted at certain intervals, about the
encroachment of capitalist farming in the country districts, and the progressive
destruction of the peasantry. On the other hand, he finds this peasantry
turning up again, although in diminished numbers, and mider worse conditions.
The people were being gradually driven off the land and
deprived of other means of subsistence than manufacturing
industry. Early in the 18th century a wi'iter describes the
process : — " The great farmer is mounted up to the level of the
gentleman, while the poor labourer is depressed almost to the
earth." Dr. Richard Price, writing of the same period, says: —
Modern policy is indeed more favourable to the higher classes of people,
and the consequence may in time prove that the whole kingdom will consist of
only gentry and beggars, grandees and slaves.
It was not of a factory worker Burns said : —
See yonder poor, o'erlaboured wight,
So abject, mean, and vile.
He begs a brother of the earth
To give him leave to toil ;
115
ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
And see his lordly fellow-worm
The poor petition spurn,
Unmindful though a weeping wife
And helpless offspring mourn.
During the 18th century British society was ripening for
change. So far from hving in idylHc happiness, the people were
being slowly goaded into revolt, and but for the growth of the
manufacturing industries a revolution more bloody than the
French Revolution of 1793 would most certainly have ensued.
Social development is continuous ; to the close student the long
chain of cause and effect appears unbroken throughout human
history ; the seemingly sudden catastrophe or uprising represents
the sum of forces tending in the same direction gathered and
concentrated by opposition or repression into a unity that acts in
whole instead of in detail. The sea waves continually dash upon
the precipitous shore, and in furious moods lift the gravel to
smite the unyielding, impassive rock, chipping away its base bit
by bit. Up on the top of the cliff the sun sees a little vein of
quartz in the dull mass, and warmly smiles upon its brightness.
Under the heat the quartz cracks, and when the sun has gone the
rain descends into the httle crevice, wearing it deeper and wider ;
then comes the frost to expand the water in ice and open the
crack still further. Thus sun, rain, and ice gradually loosen the
rock above, while below the sea sullenly labours at the base ; and
one day a falling stone, a sudden gust of wind, a swelling wave
from the wake of a passing vessel, gives the last touch, and
the massive rock falls thundering into the sea, shaking the land
and sending roaring surge far out into the ocean. The noise and
commotion bring spectators to the spot, and they tell each other
how suddenly and mysteriously that tremendous rock fell. Nature
knows better; she had been working that coup for more than a
thousand years.
Robert Owen's quarrel was with capitahsm, and he hoped, with
the co-operation of all right-thinking persons, to destroy the evil.
To understand the magnitude of Owen's task, it is necessary to
glance along the history of the power against which he declared
war, for social forces gather more power from long continuance
than from any other source. In 1349, the year of the great
plague, the Statute of Labourers, framed to prevent the workers
from enjoying the advantage a scarcity of labour conferred on
them, substituted the bondage of law for feudal serfdom, and
eclipsed the hope of freedom rising in the working classes amidst
the decay of feudalism. King, baron, and landowner made
common cause with merchant, manufacturer, and farmer against
the labourer. For the first time in English history the common
116
KOBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMEB.
man was defined as the property of the capitaUst. Conscious of
their wrongs, the peasants rose in protest. John Ball, their
greatest spokesman, cried : —
Good people, things will never go well in England so long as goods be not
in common, and so long as there be villeins and gentlemen. By what right are
they whom we call lords greater than we? On what groimds have they
deserved it ? Why do they hold us in serfage ? If we all came of the same
father and mother, Adam and Eve, how can they say or prove that they are
better than we, if it be not that they make us gain for them by our toil what
they spend in pride ? They are clothed in velvet, and warm in their furs and
their ermines, while we are covered with rags. They have wine and spices and
fair bread, and we have oatcake and straw, and water to drink. They have
leisure and fine houses ; we have pain and labour, the rain and the wind in the
fields. And yet it is of us and of our toil that these men hold their state.
Thus urged by the recital of their wrongs and goaded by further
exactions, the people took up arms. Defeated by treachery and
false treaties, they were flung into deeper degradation than before.
"Villeins ye were," replied the young ruffian, Richard II., when
the peasants reminded him of his pledges, " and villeins you are.
In bondage you shall abide — not your old bondage, but a worse."
The history of the British labouring class is one long record of
oppression, robbery, and wrong, broken occasionally by a short
interval of comparative ease and prosperity. It was not of the
Greek gods Tennyson was thinking when he wrote :
But they smile, they find a music centred in a doleful song.
Steaming up a lamentation and an ancient tale of wrong.
Like a tale of little meaning, tho' the words are strong,
Chanted from an ill-used race of men that cleave the soil,
Sow the seed, and reap the harvest with enduring toil.
Storing yearly little dues of wheat, and wine, and oil,
Till they perish.
Nearly two hundred years after the peasants' revolt Sir Thomas
More saw in the system of society around him "nothing but a
conspiracy of the rich to rob the poor," so that the w^orkers,
without whom " no commonwealth were able to continue and
endure for one year, should get so hard and poor a living, and live
so wretched and miserable a life, that the state and condition of the
labouring beasts may seem much better and wealthier." Under
Henry YII., Henry VIII., Edward VI., Elizabeth, James I.,
George II., and George III. the Statute of Labourers was
re-enacted and rendered more stringent, tightening always the
bonds that the growth of the labouring class and the multiplication
of employments tended to loosen. In the 15th century the
common land, formerly regarded, even in the most savage times,
as the sacred heritage of the whole people, began to be usurped by
the landowners, and because the commons afforded a last refuge
for the wretched people from the exactions of capital all the
moneyed classes eagerly seconded the robbery. By kingly tyranny.
117
KOBEKT OWEN AS A SOCIAL BEFORMER.
royal corruption, and condoned fraud the land was gra,dually
alienated from the people, till, at the restoration of Charles II.,
land was decisively legalised as private property, and under
William III. the robbery of common lands was made systematic
in form of Enclosures Acts which were added to and amended
under the Georges. We have said the process was gradual, but
the robbery always kept pace with the growing value of the land.
Writing about the middle of the 18th century, Dr. Eichard
Price said :—
Upon the whole the circumstances of the lower ranks of men are altered
in almost every respect for the worse. From little occupiers of land they are
reduced to the state of day-labourers and hirelings, and at the same time their
subsistence in that state has become more difficult.
The records of the same time tell one story : —
In several parishes of Hertfordshire twenty-four farms, comprising from
50 to 150 acres each, have been malted into three farms. ... In
Northamptonshire and Leicestershire the enclosure of common lands has taken
place on a very large scale, and most of the new lordships resulting from the
enclosures have been turned into pasturage. The ruins of former dwelling-
houses, barns, stables, and cottages alone remain. ... A hundred houses and
families in some open villages have dwindled to eight or ten. . . . It is no
uncommon thing for four or five wealthy graziers to engross a large enclosed
lordship which was before in the hands of twenty to thirty farmers and as
many smaller tenants and proprietors. All these are thereby thrown out of
their livings, with their families, and many other families who were chiefly
employed and supported by them.
From healthy independence to miserable dependence, then to
be further down-pressed, the people were driven from pillar to
post, beaten out and held down — surely deliverance would come, if
not from wise statesmanship, then from the fiery outbreak of a
million desperate hearts.
The growing tension of the British social state was relieved,
but in a fashion totally unforeseen. Driven off the land, the
agriculturist and his labourers had in old times settled on some
waste patch of ground, and there they found life not altogether
insupportable by engaging in industrial production, scouring,
combing, spinning, and weaving into cloths the wool of the sheep
farmers who had driven them out, or by mutual exchange of
labour and culture of gardens toilfully wrested from the poor soil
founded self-supporting little communities. Alternatively, the
wanderers sought shelter in some little borough, protected by
charter and customary rights, and there swelled the ranks of
apprentices to crafts and servitors of guilds, thus increasing the
wealth of the burghers and freemen. Slowly through the centuries
English industrial life was built up, now and again stimulated
suddenly by external causes, such as the upbreak of the monasteries
by Henry VIII., the Enclosures Act of William III., the alternations
118
of peace and war. To detail all the forms which industry took in
beginnings and course of developments would take us too far from
our subject. Probably the form most general at first was that of
the single craftsman or worker undertaking a particular trade or
process of manufacture. The latter is the more interesting, because
it leads directly to the line of British industrial development. The
cloth-maker has settled ; he procures the wool, and, with the help
of his wife, scours and spins it into warp and weft ; he weaves the
cloth, and sells it or exchanges it. As the family grows up, each
member of the household takes a share in the labour. This was
the ideal state of which Eobert Owen spoke, but at no time and in
no place did it long subsist ; it was merely a stage in an irresistibly
developing process. Scouring, spinning, and weaving soon
separated into trades ; the wool merchant, the yarn merchant, and
the cloth merchant quickly made themselves indispensable ; then
the scourer become an employ^ of the wool merchant ; the yam
merchant instituted the spinning factory ; the cloth merchant
formed the weaving factory. Capital made the factory.
In no industry was the process of development so rapid as in
cotton manufacture. The first mention of the cotton trade occurs
in "The Treasure of Traffic," published in 1641. The writer
says : —
The town of Manchester, in Lancashire, must also be herein remarked,
and that worthily -. . . for they buy cotton wool in London that comes
first from Cyprus and Smyrna, and at home work the same and perfect it into
fustians, vermilions, dimities, and other such stuff, and then return it to
London, where the same is vended and sold, and not seldom sent to foreign
parts.
During the century following the cotton industry rapidly
increased, and the oppressed labourers in the south flocked to
Lancashire as to a new country. Bolton, Blackburn, Oldham,
Burnley, Wigan, and other Lancashire towns grew apace. At first
cotton manufacture was a domestic industry, but not for long.
Toynbee says : —
In Lancashire we can trace step by step the growth of the capitalist
employer. At first we see, as in Yorkshire, the weaver furnishing himself with
warp and weft, which he worked up in his ovm house and brought himself to
market. By degrees he found it difficult to get yarn from the spmners, so the
merchants at ]\Ianchester gave him out linen warp and raw cotton, and the
weaver became dependent upon them. Finally, the merchant would get
together thirty or forty looms in a town.
The factoiy was established.
Still, the subjection of labour to capital was not complete.
" Since handicraft skill is the foundation of manufacture," says
Karl Marx, " and since the mechanism of manufacture as a whole
possesses no framework apart from the labourers themselves,
capital is compelled constantly to wrestle with the insubordination
119
BOBEKT OWEN AS A SOCIAL BE FORMER.
of the workman." The situation thus created was full of
impediments and strange anomalies. Girt by Statutes of Labourers
and Combination Laws, the workers were manacled ; but the
capitalist could not compel them to obey him, and to free them
was too generous. While both capitalists and labourers were
seeking a solution, and almost on the brink of compromise, they
heard a voice, terrible to the one and joyous to the other. The
inventor had come.
In 1730 John Wyatt invented the roller spinning machine ; but
he was too early; the manufacturers could not see the use of it.
When Kay, of Bury, invented the fly shuttle in 1738, however, the
yarn spinners could not produce fast enough for the weavers.
Lewis Paul helped a little by producing the rotary carding machine ;
and Hargreaves, the Blackburn weaver, devised the spinning jenny.
This was what was wanted ; but, as of a cornucopia suddenly
opened, the manufacturers soon were flooded with inventions. In
1768 Arkwright produced the throstle spinner ; and eleven years
later Crompton combined the ideas of Hargreaves, Wyatt, and
Arkwright in the spinning mule. Arkwright applied his gigantic
brain to the whole factory, and soon had every detail of the process
done by machinery driven by water power. " Order was wanting
in the factory based on division of labour," cried Andrew Ure,
"and Arkwright created order." In other words, he supplied
capital with the weapons with which it conquered labour.
Freed from irksome restraint, the manufacturers became
delirious with greed. John Fielden, a Lancashire man, says : —
In the counties of Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, and more particularly in
Lancashire, the newly-invented machinery was used in large factories built on
the sides of streams capable of turning the water-wheel. Thousands of hands
were suddenly required in these places, remote from towns ; and Lancashire, in
particular, being till then comparatively thinly populated and barren, a
population was all she now wanted. The small and nimble fingers of little
children being by far the most in request, the custom instantly sprang up of
procuring apprentices from the different parish workhouses of London,
Birmingham, and elsewhere. Many, many thousands of these little hapless
creatures were sent down into the north, being from the age of seven to the age
of thirteen or fourteen years old. The custom was for the master to clothe his
apprentices, and to feed and lodge them in an " apprentice house ' ' near the
factory ; overseers were appointed to see to the work, whose interest it was to
work the children to the utmost, because their pay was in proportion to the
work that they could exact. Cruelty was, of course, the consequence. ... In
many of the manufacturing districts, but particularly, I am afraid, in the guilty
county to which I belong, cruelties the most heartrending were practised upon
the unoffending and friendless creatures who were thus consigned to the charge
of master manufacturers ; they were harassed to the brink of death by excess of
labour . . . were flogged, fettered, and tortured in the most exquisite
refinement of cruelty . . . they were in many cases starved to the bone while
flogged to their work and . . . even in some instances . . . were driven
to commit suicide. . . . The beautiful and romantic valleys of Derbyshire,
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ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
Nottinghamshire, and Lancashire, secluded from the public eye, became the
dismal solitudes of torture and of many a murder. The profits of manufacturers
were enormous, but this only whetted the appetite that it should have satisfied,
and, therefore, the manufacturers had recourse to an expedient that seemed to
secure to them these profits without any possibility of limit ; they began the
practice of what is termed "night working," that is, having tired one set of
hands by working them throughout the day, they had another set ready to go
on working throughout the night, the day set getting into the beds that the
night set had just quitted, and in their turn again the night set getting into the
beds that the day set quitted in the morning. It is a common tradition in
Lancashire that the beds never got cold.
Such is only a fragmentary glimpse of the horrors of the factory
system. Like a poison injected into the blood, the lust for gain
spread all through the British industrial body ; the methods of the
cotton factory were introduced into other industries. The rising
discontent of the people was hushed in the roar of the machinery
that called them into another bondage. Society was dislocated in
all its joints ; the pulsing arteries and hidden veins through which
life had run were broken, clogged, deformed ; and in consequence
all the diseases that can afiHict the social body, iiTational ignorance,
immorality, crime, and pauperism, sprang into loathsome vigour.
All this had to be remedied^ — all this, the product of centuries, had
to be grappled with at once. The wealthy classes paid little heed to
the new form of suffering inflicted on the people, for they had long
grown familiar with their outcries ; the capitalist class who were
rising on the tide of new wealth were not only blinded by self-interest,
but also saw nothing very grievous in sufferings they themselves
had borne unscathed ; the working people had become inured to
age-long oppression, counted it part of their lot, sank to the level
of their fate, and even the best of tbem only looked for deliverance
by violent revolution, having not the remotest idea of organisation.
The man, or body of men, who would seek to remedy such a state
of things attempted a colossal task. Perhaps it is fortunate that
reformers seldom know the strength of the evils they endeavour to
overthrow.
Eobert Owen was born in Newtown, Montgomeryshire, on
May 14th, 1771. He was the sixth child of his parents, w^ho
belonged to what is vaguely termed the lower middle class. His
mother was a farmer's daughter, named Williams, and his father
had a small saddlery business which he combined with the
management of the local post office. From this it will be seen
that Eobert Owen had no personal experience of squalid poverty
in his childhood. As an equipment for a helper of the poor
experience of poverty is almost indispensable. Sent to school at
three years of age, Owen quickly showed precocity. At seven he
became a monitor in the school and known in the village as a
voracious reader. The clergyman and the schoolmaster lent books
121
to the postmaster's clever boy, and before he was nine years old
he had read "Eobinson Crusoe," "Philip Quarles," "Pilgrim's
Progress," and, mirabile dictu, "Harvey's Meditations among the
Tombs," Young's "Night Thoughts," and Richardson's novels.
The child that could read "Pamela" and " ( larissa Harlowe "
was either willing to wade through pages of stuff he could not
understand or had an intuitive insight little less than marvellous.
Perhaps a little of both alternatives may safely be predicted of the
Newtown schoolboy. When Owen was nine years old the village
schoolmaster recommended that he should be taken from school
and put to a trade or sent to an academy. His parents could not
afford him a higher education ; but, as he was rather small for his age,
they were reluctant to apprentice him to a trade. As a compromise,
Owen was engaged for six months with a friendly tradesman, the
intention being to send him to London, there to begin his working
life under the care of his eldest brother, when ten years old. At
the time appointed Eobert went to London, and entered on a
situation procured by his brother. Within a few weeks, howiever,
the independent youth engaged himself with Mr. James Mc.Guffog,
a Scotchman, who had a good drapery business in Stamford,
Lincolnshire. Here for three years Eobert Owen comported
himself with characteristic discretion, diligence, and ability. It is
said that Mary Mc.Guffog, a girl about Owen's age, had already
romantic notions of the diligent apprentice ; but, blind to the
beckonings of fate, the youth at the termination of his apprenticeship
sought and obtained a situation with Messrs. Flint and Palmer,
drapers, London Bridge. In that place the young draper first
tasted the bitterness of commercial servitude. The average working
day for assistants in that fashionable establishment was eighteen
hours. His health began to give way, and, fearing a breakdown,
he sought another situation and received and accepted an offer
from Mr. Satterfield, a wholesale and retail draper in St. Ann's
Square, Manchester. There he remained till he was eighteen
years of age, when an offer came to him that changed the whole
current of his life. A young wire-worker named Jones supplied
the Satterfield establishment with bonnet frames, and, as Owen
was buyer in that department, he and Jones became friendly.
Jones had the idea that, if he could get a partner with a little
money, he could make a business in the manufacture of the
spinning frames then newly invented, and asked Owen to join him.
The partnership was formed and btisiness commenced forthwith.
Within a year the two partners discovered mutual incompatibility,
and Owen left the concern, receiving as his share some spinning
frames and auxiliary machinery. With these he started business
as a spinner of yarns, and in his first year made a profit of £300.
122
BOBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
About this time, however, Mr. Lee, the manager of Drinkwater's
mill, one of the largest in Manchester, resigned to take up a
partnership in a new firm, and Robert Owen applied for and
obtained his place. The step was audacious ; a lad of twenty,
without previous experience, undertook the management of one of
the finest mills in the country and control of 500 workers. Within
six months Owen had begun to enhance the reputation of the mill;
in two years Owen's fine counts were known all over the cotton
trade. By an amicable arrangement, highly creditable to the
young manager at least, Owen left Mr. Drinkwater's employment
in 1795, and became a partner in the Chorlton Twist Company.
This firm had business connections in Glasgow, and one day,
travelling to Scotland with a friend on pleasure bent, Owen turned
aside with him to visit the Falls of Clyde. As they passed New
Lanark mills on their way to the falls, Owen said : " Of all places
I have seen I should prefer this in which to try an experiment I
have long contemplated, and have wished to have an opportunity
to put in practice," though scarcely hoping that he would ever see
the place again. On reaching Glasgow, Owen met a Manchester
lady named Spiers, and with her was Miss Dale, daughter of David
Dale, proprietor of New Lanark. Owen was introduced to Miss
Dale. Hewe was a coincidence potent to stir romantic feelings.
The angel of the young manufacturer's life had come, and with
her came dreams of blessing for mankind. As yet, however, all
was vague and confused ; one false step and his hopes were ruined.
The lady became more than friendly, but there were other obstacles,
for David Dale's daughter was high above Owen in the eyes of the
world. In fact, the relations of the lovers were almost clandestine.
How to bring the facts before David Dale without prejudice was a
problem. Hearing that New Lanark was soon to be in the market,
Owen resolved to seek an interview with Mr. Dale, first as
pi'ospective purchaser, then as wooer. He was received, but his
reception was chilling in the extreme. Robert Owen, however,
had gained his point. He laid the business before his partners
and obtained permission to purchase New Lanark. Armed thus,
the lover and negotiator returned to Glasgow, succeeded in
purchasing New Lanark, and obtained a less positive rejection of
his suit. With this small success Owen was content for the time,
so indomitable was he, and ultimately by persistent quiet wooing
obtained the hand of Miss Dale in marriage. They settled in New
Lanark in 1800, and Robert Owen there began that series of
experiments in social regeneration and construction which laid the
foundations of his fame.
Among the many falsehoods against Robert Owen that time has
refuted one still obtains currency in the encyclopaedias that
123
ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
naisinform the people. He is said to have been a visionary,
inspired chiefly by egotism and personal vanity. Nothing could
be further from the truth. Owen was driven by tlie slow process
of experience into the course he took. In his life there is not the
slightest touch of personal passion ; no sudden conversion, no
imagined vision, no superior assumption. The misery he saw
around him stirred Owen to inquiry into social philosophy and
history. In the course of his reading he came across " The College
of Industry," a book written by a Quaker named John Bellers,
published in 1696. This work entered deeply into his mind ; it
seemed to him the gospel needed by the time, and in his enthusiasm
he had it reprinted and distributed at his own expense. Owen, when
in Manchester, joined the Manchester Literary and Philosophical
Society, from which originated the agitation that issued in the
Factory Act of 1802. The results of the Society's investigations
brought out the following facts : — The herding together of children
in insanitary apartments tended to produce disease and spread
contagion ; night labour destroyed the lives of the children ; factory
children were wholly uneducated ; these evils were not only
dangerous to the whole community, but were also unnecessary to
the profitable conduct of the cotton industry. John Bellers' " College
of Industry" and the Manchester Literary and Philosophical
Society's Eeport give the keynote to the whole of Eobert Owen's
subsequent career. He was one of those rare men who, when they
know the truth, endeavour to put it into practice.
New Lanark was built in 1784 by Mr. David Dale. It was
designed as a cotton spinning and weaving factory, driven by
water power from the rapids below the Falls of Clyde. A village
was formed beside the mill to accommodate the workers, but the
inhabitants of the district would neither engage in the mill nor
reside in the village. In consequence, the proprietor resorted to
the workhouses for child labour, aad received as adult workers all
who would come in response to advertisements, irrespective of
character or qualification. A population so gathered must contain
many undesirable elements ; in fact, despite Mr. Dale's benevolent
and religious efforts. New Lanark was a by-word in the locality.
Eobert Owen truthfully and forcibly described the notorious
character of the people when he entered into possession thus : —
It may with truth be said that at this period they possessed ahnost all the
vices and very few of the virtues of a social community. Theft and the receipt
of stolen goods was their trade ; idleness and drunkenness their habit ; falsehood
and deception their garb ; dissension, civil and religious, their daily practice ;
and they were united only in a jealous and systematic opposition to their
employers.
According to ordinary notions of government, this population
needed a strong dose of coercion. When Owen entered into
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ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL BEFOBMEB.
possession he was met with a hostility so offensive as might well
have roused arrogance in the breast of most men. Instead, at the
first opportunity, after a careful survey of the whole gi'ound, Owen
summoned a meeting of the mill managers and leading workers
and addressed them in terms that astounded them. He announced
his intention of devoting his life to the good of the workers in New
Lanark, and besought their friendly co-operation. More surprising
still, this strange capitalist immediately began to take a direct
personal interest in the conduct and welfare of every individual
worker. He removed temptation to theft by introducing a system
of checks, leniently but firmly punished the crime, and assiduously
taught the virtue and advantage of honesty. Drunkenness was
similarly dealt with ; drink shops were removed from the village,
and sobriety continually inculcated. Immoral conduct was
fearfully prevalent, but by the same undeviating justice and wise
counsel the evil greatly abated. By his systematic, rigorous, yet
reformatory rule Eobert Owen gradually converted a disorderly
village into an exemplary social community, and that without once
invoking the aid of the criminal law. Nor was Owen content with
merely moral improvement. He made the dwellings of the people
sanitary and healthy, rescued them from debt and the rapacity
of the shopkeepers by establishing a store in the village from
which they could procure all the necessaries of life at moderate
cost, instituted ■ a sick fund, and in numerous other details
improved the life of the village.
These were but the preliminaries of Owen's social scheme.
Having demonstrated the truth of the first proposition in his social
philosophy he went on to the second. Owen held, first, that —
Any character, from the best to the worst, from the most ignorant to the
most enlightened, may be given to any community, even to the world at large,
by applying certain means which are to a great extent at the command and
under the control, or easily made so, of those who possess the government of
nations.
About the absolute truth of that proposition we may have
doubts ; but that Eobert Owen demonstrated it to be an important
principle of government we have already shown. His second
proposition was —
That children can be trained to acquire any language, sentiment, and
belief, or any bodily habits and manners, not contrary to human nature, even
to make them to a great extent either imbecile or energetic characters. ,
To carry into practical effect this second proposition the New
Lanark philosopher-governor devised his famous "Institution for
the Formation of Character." Here he encountered the opposition
of his partners in the ownership of New Lanark, and for a little
while the work was interrupted by the necessity for securing
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EGBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL BEFORMER.
capital with which to buy out the dissentients, the formation of a
new company, and Hke details. These matters disposed of, the
reformer quietly returned to his task. Owen's conception of
education is worthy of note. With him the formation of character
is the sole object of education. A school system that merely turns
out children able to read, write, and sum does not properly educate ;
it only affords the opportunity of self-education which very few
are able or willing to carry into effect. This fact is being slowly
driven into the British mind one hundred years after Owen began
his work. But the great educationist would be unfairly represented
if we did not go further. He laid down a system of education
which embraced the training of youth socially, morall}^ intellectually,
and technically. In practice Owen proceeded tentatively, and
began with the ordinary day school for children between five and
ten, with evening classes for those older, all free of expense. The
success of this school assured, he proceeded to build a splendid
institution in which to carry out his whole scheme of education.
Here again the greed of his partners took fright, though they had
derived very good profits from their investment. Taking no care
to accumulate a private fortune, Owen had again to look for
capitalists to buy out his partners. Again the business was bought,
and again the philanthropist returned to his people, having, as it
seemed, secured enlightened partners in his enterprise. The new
institution was a fine building, square, of two lofty storeys, with
broad entrance and vestibule, and a spacious playground in front,
with shelter for the children in rainy weather. On the ground
floor were the infants' room and lower school; on the upper floor
the more advanced scholars were taught, and the whole of the
children exercised in military drill, gymnastics, and dancing at
certain hours of the day. No expense was spared. Objects and
paintings illustrating natural history, geology, geography, and
history were lavishly procured. The girls were taught sewing and
cookery, the boys painting, carving, and the use of tools. This
institution became the admiration of the civilised world. Strangers
came from America and the Indies; Duke Nicholas (afterwards
Czar of Russia), Baron Just (of Saxony), Count Munster, the Duke
of Kent (grandfather of the King), Henry Brougham, and
numerous other notables visited New Lanark, to leave it with deep
feelings of wonder. Czar Nicholas offered Owen a province in
Russia to govern as he , pleased ; the Duke of Kent gave Owen
unqualified friendship; Baron Just sent a gold medal from his
Sovereign, the King of Saxony, as a mark of approval; Lord
Brougham many years afterwards testified to the excellence of
New Lanark schools. The cotton spinner far surpassed all the
educational authorities of his age in the accuracy and depth of his
126
BOBSBT OWEN AS A SOCIAL BBFOBMEB,
theories, and after a hundred years the collective wisdom of the
most enlightened nation on the earth limps slowly towards the
practical ideal he realised.
Theorist and reformer as he was, Robert Owen possessed the
largest sympathy for all forward movements designed for the good
of mankind. He early helped Fulton, the improver of the
steamboat, and even in his own sphere of labour he recognised
none as rivals but all as co-workers, allies, and helpers. To
further Lancaster's system of English education he gave £1,000,
and made a donation of £500 to Bell's system, conceived though it
was in bitter animosity to dissenters. Oberlin and Pestallozzi he
honoured highly, praising their work as though he himself had
done nothing.
For twelve years Robert Owen worked quietly at New Lanark ;
but, as he had said at the first, it was merely an experiment
designed to test theories of wider and more important application.
The sufferings of the children and the degradation of the people in
the English manufacturing districts lay heavy on his heart all those
years; yet he patiently bided his time, calmly, deliberately, and
with inflexible determination preparing for the campaign against
the colossal wrong. In 181'2 he issued a pamphlet addressed, to
his fellow-manufacturers calling their attention to -the urgent heed
for education of the young and the profitableness pf . caring for
their workpeople-; but it elicited no response. Qn January 24th,
1815, Robert Owen attended a meeting in-- the . Tontine Hotel,
Glasgow, called in the interests of the cotton- trade, to protest
against the tariff levied on imported raw cotton.' As the most
important manufacturer in the country, Mr. Owen was requested
to move the resolution. In his speech he exposed the errors of
protection with lucid clearness amid continued applause ; but he
went further, and added on a second resolution urging Parliament
to take into consideration the condition of children working- in
factories, this part of his speech being received iii silence. The
Lord Provost of Glasgow, who was in the chair, put the first
resolution to the meeting, and it passed with acclamation. The
second resolution found no support, and Owen left the meeting.
In a letter to the Lord Provost, published in the Glasgoiv Courier,
January 31st, 1815, Owen repeated his speech. The terms of the
resolution rejected were as follows: —
That it is expedient to prevent children from being employed in cotton or
other mills until they are twelve years old. That the hours of work in mills of
machinery- — including one hour and a half for meals — shall Hot exceed twelve
per day ; that, after a period to be fixed, no ehild shall "Ije received into a
mill of machinery until he shall have been taught to' read, to write a legible
hand, and to understand the first four rules of arithmetic, and the girls in
addition to be taught to sew their coimuon articles of clothing.
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POBEBT OWEN AS A SOCIAL HEPORMEB.
By. -his action at the Tontine meeting Owen displayed the
indiscretion of the I'eformer who knows his cause hopeless in the
present and confides in the future. Scottish manufacturers knew too
well that Owen had proved his theories to be sound. In 1812, when
they allowed their workers to scatter and their machinery to rust
because the British-American War cut off the cotton supply, Owen
kept his workpeople together and paid them wages for cleaning,
oiling, and repairing the machinery. In consequence, after peace
was declared and raw cotton came pouring in, Owen simply swept
the market. Moreover, New Lanark produce was continuously in
demand and always rising in quality and value. Still, those
practical men distrusted, theory ; they were making profits on
their own lines, and what Owen could make profitable might not
be profitable, to them. The great cotton spinner was tqo shrewd
a man to be totally ignorant of this fact. We look upon his
resolution at the Tontine meeting only as the first move in a
planned ..campaign, and find ample justification in what followed.
Owen went to London, consulted with the leaders of both parties
in both Houses of "Parliament, defined his proposals in a Bill which
he entrusted to Sir- Robert Peel, and at the end of four years saw
a very-small part of his wishes embodied in the Factory Act of
1819'. Disappointing though the result was to Robert Owen, we
now- see the true . inagnitude of his achievement. It was nothing
less than a revolution . of the whole attitude of Parliament toward
the labouring classes.- . For the first time in British history an Act
of Parlianient was passed to guard the interests of the working
people. Up till that time, with the apparent, though unreal,
exception of the Factory Act of 1802, the power of Government
was directed to the oppression, repression, and enslavement of the
wage-earners. . Robert Owen laid the foundation of industrial
legislation in this country, and though through long progress we
have surpassed his actual proposals as a practical legislator his
declared aims are yet unrealised.
The year 1815 marked the beginning of a new period in Robert
Owen's career. Hitherto he had been content to work out his
theories apart from the rest of the world, to practise benevolence
which all might "admire and none feel compelled to imitate ; now,
however, he awakened wonder, astonishment, hostility, and
contempt in the minds of his fellow capitalists. What was it he
sought ? Was it wealth ? He had that in abundance, despite his
philanthropy. Was it fame ? His name was praised throughout
Europe, and he. was flattered by kings and princes. The men- of
the world sought in their own hearts for an explanation of his
conduct, and could find none. To them his wealth seemed ample
and his fame enviable. Success, they said, had turned Owen's
128
ROBBBT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
brain ; * he was mad. This is the first tribute the world pays the
practical reformer, and the second tribute is the hunt for his life or
his honour. In Owen's case the first was quickly followed by the
second. It is currently reported in encyclopaedias, and held as
newspaper opinion, that Eobert Owen arrogantly challenged the
world and all its religions. The contrary is the fact. Robert
Owen was quietly going about his business of rescuing children
from ignorance, slavery, and death, when the exploiters of
little children's lives called religious bigotry to their aid. The
Parliamentary friends of the manufacturers, in bitterness of
opposition to the Factory Act, sent for Mr. Menzies, parish minister
of Lanark, to impugn Owen's religion and character ; but the rev.
gentleman, though unfriendly to the philanthropist's opinions, was
too honourable to deny his admiration for his personal conduct.
The plot failed of its immediate object, but the religious controversy
was begun. If Eobert Owen was unaware of the deep enmity
between his social theory and society as it then existed, his
opponents knew, and unwittingly compelled him to take the wider
field. The theatre of his activity ever after was to be the world.
New Lanark's function was accomplished ; it had developed the
reformer's social theory, and provided the foundation for his life
work. Though he continued to reside there till 1825, always
adding to New Lanark institutions, the chief interests of his life
were elsewhere. " The rest of Owen's experience at New Lanark
must, therefore, be briefly told. First, the Lanark Presbytery,
taking the hint from London, sought to interfere with the religious
instruction given in New Lanark schools; then a bigoted and
self-conceited Quaker gentleman, named William Allen — one of
Owen's London partners — feainng for the eternal welfare of New
Lanark children, and knowing that Owen's philanthropy left him
no surplus capital, took a worldly advantage of his wealth and
forced Owen to sell out. By way of commentary on the worldly
wisdom and tender religiousness of the Quaker's action we record
the facts that New Lanark soon sank to half its value as a
manufacturing concern, and within a generation tyranny ran
rampant over sin and misery in what before had been the fair
birthplace of social ideals.
Called to London to promote his Factory Bill, Robert Owen
found himself in a new sphere of activity — in a world of governing
men swayed and ruled by opinions he knew to be false and
dangerous. He saw the Corn Law passed, and uttered this
prophecy: "It is deeply to be regretted that this Bill has passed
into law ; and I am persuaded its promoters will ere long discover
the absolute necessity for its repeal to prevent the misery which
must ensue to the great mass of the people." He was right in
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KOBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
every particular, except that he credited the landed aristocracy
with a rational humanity akin to his own. Misery ensued, the
Coi'n Law was repealed ; but it was in the teeth of determined
opposition from its promoters. British legislators and leaders of
public opinion openly professed the belief that wealth was the
chief object of national policy. With his experience, Owen was
simply amazed that rational men could entertain such a notion.
During these days public opinion has veered round to Eobert
Owen's side, and credits John Ruskin, to whom reverence is due,
with what was Owen's original conception. "The true business
of human life," said Owen, " is to improve the character of each
individual, and to surround him with whatever can contribute to
his I'eal well-being and happiness." For the time, however, his
protests were in vain. He spoke to ears deafened with the jangle
of a political economy that flattered the worst tendencies of the
age. Pauperism and the number of the unemployed were
increasing alarmingly in the years 1815-16-17. None knew how
to cope with this tremendous evil ; the sole resort was doles and
ever more doles. At this juncture Owen stood forth the only man
able to take a statesmanlike view of the subject. He proposed,
first, to nationalise the poor. How far-seeing and wise this
proposal was the " Old- Age Pensions" agitation of the present
day abundantly testifies. Second, he offered to constitute the
poor and unemployed into self-supporting communities based
upon agriculture and built up by manufacture if the Government
would simply give him the power. Nothing could have been more
rational, and even an experimental colony would at least have
been useful if not successful. But pauperism and the unemployed
were no grievances to the farmers, who were enabled through
supplementary parish relief to obtain labour cheap, or to the
manufacturers, to whom the unemployed were a source of strength.
Against the adamant of self-interest Robert Owen spent his
strength in vain.
Though so constantly concerned for the welfare of the people
and the good of the State, Robert Owen was not a democratic
politician ; all forms of government were to him means for
protecting, guiding, and promoting the happiness of the people ;
if an autocrat could train his subjects to noble conduct and a
republic left them free to wallow in the gratification of low desires,
he would unhesitatingly have preferred the former to the latter.
His early public utterances, indeed, led many to believe that he
was a worshipper of the established governing power. Taken as
a whole, Owen's theory implied that all institutions,, laws, and
governments were the outcome of the circumstances preceding and
surrounding them, and, as no one was more keenly alive to the
__
130
BOBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL KEFORMER.
importance of every human life within it to. the State, he naturally
regarded the people as the most important factor in the formation
of government. But Owen never allowed his theory to conflict
with facts. He emphasised the power of government to form the
character of the people, and the ability of employers to make
their workers happy or miserable, because he saw bad laws
making criminals of the people, and capitalists using their power
to oppress and destroy the workers. Judging by himself and by
rational standards of conduct, he supposed that if any man or
class of men could be convicted of error and shown that the right
way was both their interest and duty they would abandon their
former course. Humble and faithful as he ever was, Owen did
not accuse his opponents of wanton and deliberate wrong even
though they refused to accept and act upon his irresistible
arguments. He believed that the fault lay with himself, with
his inability to convince. Therefore, in the year 1817, he assumed
the function of public teacher, hoping by that means to create a
body of opinion so general as to permeate the thought of the
world. He engaged the great hall of the London Tavern and
invited all and sundry to meet him there. His speeches were
given to the newspapers and scattered broadcast all over the
country at his expense. Eobert Owen was now the social
propagandist, and his activity rose to feverish intensity. In
1818 he addressed a memorial "To the Governments of Europe
and America on behalf of the Working Classes," and the year
following issued an address to the working people of this country.
The latter is specially noteworthy. Said Eobert Owen to the
British working people : —
You have been filled with all uncharitableness, and have in consequence
cherished feelings of anger towards your fellow-men who have been placed in
opposition to your interests. These feelings of anger must be withdrawn before
any being who has your real interests at heart can place power in your hands.
You must be made to know yourselves, by which means alone you can discover
what other men are. You will then distinctly perceive that no rational ground
for anger exists, even against those who, by the order of the present system,
have been made your greatest oppressors and your most bitter enemies.
Thus in language of friendliness and calm reason the loving
humanist continued his address, and finally besought the help of
his readers toward the formation of a new social oi'der in which
oppression and wrong would be impossible. Nothing could better
illustrate Owen's superiority to the errors of his time than this
address ; but his sweet reasonableness and perfect charity seemed
only presumptuous arrogance and cold-hearted egoism to a
populace maddened with suffering and governing and propertied
classes distraught with the fear of revolution. Neither oppressed
nor oppressor paid heed to the calm voice of reason, but passion-
131
ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
driven rushed on to a long course of strife, to Peterloo Massacre,
to Chartist agitations, to futile movements and repressions. equally
futile, till the present hour, when the fruit of passionate struggle
appears as a phantom political franchise powerless to avert the
economic slavery of the people. Along one line alone has social
progress been achieved, . and that is the direction toward which
Robert Owen calmly and confidently pointed.
The appeal to the working classes marked the beginning of the
most important part of the great reformer's life-work. Up till that
time Owen would as soon have invited infants to a banquet as
asked workmen to co-operate with him in his schemes. Brother
to all men, he yet distinguished the wise from the foolish, and feared
that the toilers were too immature in social capacity, too young in
thought, to act independently or as a class. Their response to his
appeal and the numerous attempts working people made to give
practical effect to his ideas opened Owen's eyes. In London,
Leeds, Manchester, and Govan Co-operative Associations were
springing up inspired and stimulated by his teaching. Like
Robinson Crusoe, who found corn growing up from seeds he had
carelessly sown, Robert Owen was surprised, delighted, and tilled
with new hope. Fully accepting the social gospel issued from
New Lanark, those workmen, disabled by lack of capital from
carrying out their ideals in whole, attempted to socialise the
distribution of goods as the first step to the social community.
Neither the master nor his disciples, however, realised the necessity
for consolidating and organising the social distribution of goods ;
they only regarded it as a minor means to an end. As an experiment
in organised effort, as an instrument for the gathering of capital,
the Co-operative Store was useful ; but the notion of working
toward the end desired through successful shopkeeping had not
then occurred to anyone.
Experience had yet much to teach this wisest of social
reformers. In June, 1822, under royal auspices, the association
formed for the amelioration of the condition of the working classes,
named the British and Foreign Philanthropic Society, issued an
appeal for subscriptions with which to found a settlement on
Owen's plan. The response was wholly inadequate ; £100,000
was required, and from the wealth, rank, and royalty of England
only £45,000 was offered, while Owen himself subscribed £10,000.
It would be unjust to say that the great philanthropist erred in
attributing to the aristocracy and the capitalists power to change
the conditions of the people ; but he had to learn that they were
wholly unwilling. Very slowly and reluctantly, Robert Owen was
driven from faith in the governing classes to faith in the governed
people. .
132
ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
Ireland, the distressful, was in direst straits in 1823, and the
ardent philanthropist eagerly responded to her cry. He held
meetings in London, in Dublin, and elsewhere, unweariedly
explaining his plans for the amelioration of Ireland's sad state.
Though supported by many Irish leaders and noblemen, his scheme
met with little practical encouragement. The Government was
appealed to, and a loan of £5,000,000 asked to establish at once
as many model villages as the population of Ireland demanded.
The request was dismissed as preposterous. We have not space
to detail Eobert Owen's plan for the relief of Ireland, but the
undernoted extract from the Sun, August 11th, 1823, will serve to
indicate the rational quality of his scheme : —
We subjoin . . . the " Memorial of the Committee of the Hibernian
Society to the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the state of
Ireland," signed by the chairman, Lord Cloncurry, and by the two secretaries.
General Browne and Edward Groves, Esq., strongly recommending the adoption
of Mr. Owen's plan in Ireland as a general measure for the relief of the distress
in that country, and suggesting the Parliamentary application, by way of loan,
of the sum of five millions for the imnaediate establishment of a sufficient
number of the new villages. . . . The memorial states that, in Ireland, where
there are no large manufacturing establishments, no injury could be done to
capitalists by enabling the population to manufacture in the new villages for
themselves. By way of remarking upon this statement, we think it necessary
to observe that no injury would result to capitalists or to manufacturers even
by the establishment of new villages in the manufacturing districts of England.
It can never be too often repeated that one of the direct effects of Mr. Owen's
arrangements is that of giving an illimitable extension to the markets, by
enabling the population to consume equivalents for all that they can produce ;
and, therefore, that the employment of all the capital, of all the skill, and of all
the productive power now possessed by the country would continue to be required
under the new arrangements, with the additional certainty of their employment
being profitable and advantageous to all parties.
Owen's efforts on behalf of Ireland were not wholly fruitless ;
but the Irish campaign was only a minor incident in his long
career. In 1824 he purchased the land and village owned by the
Eappists in Indiana, U.S.A., and set about forming a social
community there. The religious education controversy at New
Lanark, however, called him back, and he w^as compelled to leave
the organisation of New Harmony in other hands. Nothing could
have been more unfortunate. The average American hopes to
make a fortune, and settlement in New Harmony entailed the
resignation of that hope. None, therefore, save the faddist, the
crank, the convicted criminal, and the wastrel could be induced to
join the colony. Had it been possible to deal with the people of
New Harmony as the people of New Lanark had been dealt with,
all might have gone well ; but the founder of the colony had
neither the time nor the distrust to supervise its working, and
the people would not have submitted to his dictation, while they
133
BOBEBT OWEN AS A SOCIAL EEFOBMEB.
were utterly unworthy of trust. Despite the unpromising outlook,
this sanguine, indomitable man, after winding up his affairs at
New Lanark, returned to Indiana and settled his family there.
New Harmony, however, became an admitted failui'e. Numerous
apologies have been offered on behalf of Owen in regard to New
Harmony ; but for once it must be conceded that the wisest
social organiser of his time made a great blunder. He imagined
that a collection of human beings utterly devoid of social sense,
in a country only beginning to develop social institutions, could
become self-governed without training. Holyoake says that Owen
failed at New Harmony because he trusted too much in human
nature ; but a trust so unbounded deserves another name. Only
one thing can be said in excuse, and that is, the founder of New
Harmony was then plunging into a world-wide campaign, and the
magnificence of the enterprise explains his inability to attend to
small details and excuses consequent blunders and failures.
During the following years . he flitted to and fro across the
Atlantic, lecturing in the United States, visiting Mexico, and
carrying amicable messages between the Governments of the
United States and Great Britain, yet all the while keeping in
touch with the social movement rising in this country.
For the seed sown was beginning to sprout and grow. In
1828 there were nearly 130 Co-operative Societies in the United
Kingdom, though the greater number of these were engaged in
retail trading only. With his habitual rapidity of thought and
deep economic insight, Owen perceived in these co-operative
trading concerns a prmciple of exchange which might, if carried
to successful practice, do away, not only with the middleman,
but also the capitalist employer, money, and all the media of
exchange that stand between producer and producer, consumer
and consumer. He had been for a long time convinced that
labour-time was the only just measure of value, and here again
the derided dreamer showed a practical grip of economics far
surer and deeper than the teachers of those who scorned him. In
his report to the County of Lanark, dated May, 1820, Eobert Owen
developed a plan of labour exchange whereby the poor and the
unemployed might be kept from idleness and destitution, but the
report was disregarded. In 1830, on his return to London, the
indefatigable lover of the people unfolded a scheme for establishing
a Labour Exchange Bazaar. The time now seemed ripe.
Pauperism was largely on the increase ; the unemployed swarmed
all over the country; the general body of the people writhed in
such distress that even the Government became alarmed. Within
eighteen months the Labour Exchange Bazaar was set on foot.
Premises were taken in Gray's Inn Road, London, and business
134
ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
started forthwith. Though all this haste seemed perilous to the
clear mind of the projector, he allowed his enthusiastic associates
to rush forward. Lloyd Jones gives a clear, though apologetic,
account of the famous project: —
The Labour Exchange project interfered with nothing that formed part of
the existing system. Its proposal was to establish a centre of exchange in
which every worker who produced anything of exchangeable value might
dispose of it and receive its value in time notes. The material that had to be
purchased was paid for in these notes at market value, and the time spent in its
manufacture calculated at the rate of 6d. per hour. Suppose the article to be a
pair of shoes, the value of the material 3s. 6d., and the time occupied in making
them seven hours. In material, leather, &c., and labour, this would bring the
value up to 7s., which would be paid in the currency of the Exchange in
fourteen sixpenny notes. With these the maker of the shoes might purchase
in the Exchange material for the continuing of his work and food for his
family. While he was engaged in making boots or shoes, other people were
employed in producing the things needed by him, in depositing them, as he had
done, and taking home for their use the shoes he had made. There need be no
limit to the operations carried on in such an establishment, nor need there be
any idleness among the people connected with it, so long as there is a want
that can be supplied by mutual interchange.
The details of the Labour Exchange Bazaar were arranged with
Owen's brilliant business skill. The Bazaar charged &§■ per cent,
for expenses on all transactions; expert buyers valued the goods
brought in ; a sharp check was kept upon the tendency to sell
goods bought elsewhere and palm them off as produced by hand.
Given time and capital, the Labour Exchange would have succeeded.
But, unfortunately, the promoters trusted in the zeal of the landlord
of the Exchange, and accepted the premises from him rent free and
without signed agreement. Like Judas, the landlord was over-
come by greed. He saw the Bazaar suddenly prosperous, and,
eager for gain, j)ut in a claim of £1,700 a year for rent and taxes.
Owen and his associates had to clear out; they struggled on in
different premises for about a year, but lack of capital, treachery,
and disloyalty brought the project to an end in 1834.
Foolish and ill-informed persons laughed at the Labour
Exchange Bazaar as an economic absurdity, and for nearly seventy
years they kept up the joke. But the doctrines of Karl Marx on
the one hand and John Euskin on the other, with their hosts of
intelligent followers, have come to turn the jest. Labour-time is
the only scientific basis of value ; labour for labour is the only just
exchange. So say the authorities of to-day and to-morrow.
Moreover, Eobert Owen did not propose to reduce all exchange to
barter, or all production to hand labour. He was far from
professing that the commercial and industrial system of the 19th
century could be superseded by the Labour Exchange Bazaar and
domestic industry. Even before failure was precipitated by
treachery, Owen, in one of his addresses, described the Exchange
135
ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
as " a bridge over which the people might pass into a more secure
condition of hfe," and who can now dare say that his words were
not modest, wise, and just ?
Still undeterred by losses and failure, the heroic reformer,
now sixty-three years old, continued his efforts on behalf of
the poor, the unemployed, and the worker. For two years
he laboured chiefly in London, promoting schemes for social
improvement, laying plans before Government and the wealthy for
the establishment of labour colonies, and unweariedly reiterating
the truth which was not believed.
By those falsehoods which pass for history Owen has constantly
been represented as a lone dreamer, carrying about his pack of
fantasies like a mad pedlar, and turned from every door. Till the
very last hour of his life the Welsh saddler's son was regarded as
a personage, a great man, by hundreds of influential persons and
thousands of people. Aristocrats of the highest rank and men of
European repute as scientists and political thinkers were always
willing to take the chair at his meetings ; trusted leaders of the
people sought his countenance and counsel. Most important of
all, the Co-operative Societies, which, in 1829, were 130 in number,
had incr-eased to 250 in 1831, and every Society was a centre of
Owenism, or, more properly. Socialism. The Co-operative Societies
of that time were not conducted on the dividend on purchase system
now so popular. They were organised chiefly for propagandist
and social purposes, and the profit earned was chiefly devoted to
missionary enterprise. Congresses were held, an organ of the
movement, named The New Moral World, established, and a
missionary service organised, two of the missionaries being George
Jacob Holyoake and Lloyd Jones. In 1836 Robert Owen visited
Manchester and delivered a series of lectures there to crowded
audiences, arousing such enthusiasm in Lancashire and Yorkshire
that further propagandism was resolved on. Early in 1837 Owen
undertook a lecturing tour, visiting all the principal manufacturing
towns from London to Glasgow. The annual Co-operative
Congress was held at Salford in Vlay, 1837, and it not only merits
special mention as the largest and most enthusiastic Congress held
up till that time, but is also worthy of note as the starting-point of
a new form of Co-operative activity. A Central Board was formed,
The Neiv Moral World was transferred to Manchester, and two
missionaries were appointed to spread the principles of the
movement. Now began a period of strenuous Co-operative
agitation. The opponents of the new movement were aroused
and alarmed. Clergymen, manufacturers, and all the reactionary
powers of society came forth to oppose this new social crusade
against social evils. Owen and his followers knew no discretion
136
KOBEBT OWEN AS A SOCIAL BEFORMER.
when a wrong was to be attacked. They advocated shorter hours
of labour, a secular system of popular education, trades unionism,
the repeal of the Corn Laws ; they denounced capitalist greed,
commercial corruption, the degrading Poor Laws, taxes on
knowledge, as they named the paper stamp tax, and the unsocial
system of capitalist society. Eecognised as the leader and always
in the front, the brunt of the battle fell on Eobert Owen.
Falsehood, slander, misrepresentation of every kind was heaped
upon him. A foolish Bishop of Exeter accused the most peaceable,
merciful, and charitable man then living of bloody-mindedness ; a
still more foolish Marquis of Normanby asserted in the House of
Lords that Owen had contrived to possess himself of the money
David Dale left for religious purposes and used it for ends subversive
of religion ; the press, growing every year more capitalistic in
sympathy, teemed with lies bred by fear and hate. Not content
with these weapons, the opponents of social reform stirred up the
ignorant mob to violence wherever Owen or his associates appeared.
At Newcastle, Stoke, Burslem, and Bristol the gentle lover of the
people was assailed by fierce crowds stirred to passionate frenzy
by appeals to their bigotry and ignorant prejudice. Upon that
unhappy time we do not care to dwell, for the issues involved are
too complicated to be justly adjudged here. The populace of
England are never wholly unfair, and very seldom completely in
the wrong. When men like Richard Carlile misunderstood and
opposed Owen the ignorant masses may well be excused if they
felt some things precious he did not properly respect. But nothing
can excuse violence toward a public teacher however mistaken he
may be, and our history presents no spectacle more heroic than
this man bordering on seventy calmly preaching his gospel of
human brotherhood to a mob of yelling foes.
In the midst of the strife and struggle Eobert Owen was calm
and unruffled ; he was quietly working as the " Social Father " of
the Congress to promote social unity the while he engaged in an
agitation sufficiently distressing to unnerve most courageous men.
An inner organisation, named the " Social Community Friendly
Society," had been all those years enrolling members who desired
to see established a model village for industrial and educational
purposes, and the Co-operative Congress of 1840 saw the first
result of that work in a report laid before it announcing the lease
of an estate at East Tytherley, Hampshire, for community
purposes. After much discussion, instant action was resolved
upon. The funds were inadequate, the estate was poor, much
expense would have to be incurred before suitable buildings
could be erected. Owen held back ; he threatened to resign all
connection with the affair ; he counselled delay ; but at last was
137
ROBEBT OWEN AS A SOCIAL KEFORMEB.
persuaded to accept nomination as governor of the community for
a year. Thus was Queenwood, the last of the social communities,
founded. Ill-devised, poorly equipped, and settled upon an estate
the reverse of fertile, such is the vital force of the social
principle that Queenwood community survived till 1844, and
might have continued to exist had the enthusiasm of its members
and those supporting them kept burning. But the vigour of the
Co-operative movement of that period had spent itself. Hope
had departed and desire came in its place ; they were weary of
sowing, and looked for the harvest. When this temper enters
any movement the end is not far off, for dissensions, bickerings,
and recriminations begin, and the torn body quickly decays.
Queenwood community was wound up, and one by one the
supporting societies died out or sank into mere shopkeeping
associations, more or less capitalistic in form.
Co-operation, however, was not dead. Those who hailed the
dissolution of the Queenwood community as the end of the
Co-operative movement were wholly wrong. Away up in the
north, at Rochdale, near the scene of Eobert Owen's early labours,
even then a society had been started to carry out the principles of
Co-operation on a new plan. The constitution of the Eochdale
Society bears the impress of Robert Owen, and its avowed objects
were his. By selling goods at market rates to its members and
devising an equitable method of distributing the profit the Rochdale
weavers solved the problem of distributive Co-operation — for the
time ; but the ideal sprang from the fertile brain of Robert Owen,
and but for his self-sacrifice that mighty organisation known as
the Co-operative movement, with its hundreds of millions of trade,
its millions of members, its educational and social institutions,
and all the light, hope, gladness, fellowship, and material comfort
it has brought into the lives of working people, never could have
been born.
For nearly thirteen years Robert Owen took little part in public
affairs ; but the formation of the Social Science Association in 1857
revived his old enthusiasm, and, though eighty-six years old, he
attended its first meeting and read a paper entitled " The Human
Race Governed without Punishment." The year following Owen
again attended the Social Science Association meeting, which was
then held in Liverpool, and attempted to read an address he had
prepared. Lord Brougham supported him on the platform ; but
the effort was too much for the aged reformer's strength. He
sank back exhausted, and was borne from the platform unconscious.
Rallying sufficiently to be moved, he was taken at his own request
to his native town, Newtown, Montgomeryshire, and there on
November 17th, 1858, the apostle of social unity breathed his last.
138
ROBERT OWEN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.
When Eobert Owen retired from public activity he was deemed
a failure, and when he died the world vaguely remembered him as
a futile visionary. In hfe a man's aims are the measure of his
success, and, no matter how great his achievements, if they fall
short of his declared aims he is disappointed and the opposing
powers and the children of this world laugh. Owen had done
enough to win gratitude and applause from all men. No one can
deny that he was a great industrial captain, an organiser of industry,
and the importance of such men is everywhere being more and more
recognised. He originated the infant school, and gave a valuable lead
to technical education. He framed the Factory Act of 1819, and first
enunciated the doctrine, now universally admitted and slowly coming
into practice, that the well-being of the worker contributes to the
success of industry. These are substantial facts about which
there can be no controversy, and contributions less important to
the world's progress have won men lasting fame. Why has Owen
fallen into disrepute ; why has he hitherto been excluded from the
category of great men ? With every desire to be impartial, we
cannot resist the conclusion that the obloquy heaped on Owen's
name was the work of capitalist hate and religious bigotry. He
strove to rescue the people from the dominion of capital and the
slavery of superstition. We have seen the colossal magnitude of
the task. Strengthened by contemporary ignorance and greed,
impelled by irresistible social forces developed through the centuries,
capitalism was a power no man, however godlike, could hope to resist
or control. Owen attempted the impossible and failed, and this is
his highest title to honour. At a time when the right of capital to
exploit labour for profit was unquestioned he asserted the right of
labour to the fruit of its own activity, and denounced capitalist
appropriation of the profit on industry as a wrong and unjust
conditions of labour as the parent of misery. When the antagonism
between capital and labour was in course of development he
proposed compromise, unity of interest, co-operation. When the
organic character of society was only a high philosophic speculation
Robert Owen taught it as a practical doctrine and based his social
scheme upon the principle. Was this man not a gigantic pioneer on
the path of progress ? He was the prophet of social development ;
he foresaw all we now see and further ; he taught the working people
to rely on themselves, to seek in mutual co-operation freedom from
the greed and oppression of the wealthy and ruling classes. By the
slow course of social development Robert Owen has been justified.
In our future progress as we climb the height on which rest the
cities of social harmony we shall meet him at the summit, and his
spirit will flit before us to beckon us again forward and away up to
where all the nations of the earth will Uve together as one family.
139
Education in England and
Wales in 1902.
BY DE. MACNAMARA, M.P.,
Member of the London Scliool Board.
iHEN the cry is "General Post!" everything and
everybody is "at sixes and sevens." So it is just now
with Education in England and Wales. If the
Education Bill — over seven of the twenty clauses of
which we have just been spending ten Parliamentary
weeks — passes into law, a great revolution will take
place. If it doesn't, things will remain as they are for
a short time. I say short time advisedly, for issues
have been raised by the discussions in the House and the country
on the present Bill which will call for prompt treatment whether
the next Administration be Tory or Liberal. For instance,
practically everybody in the country has been astonished to find
that the majority of the working-class children of England and
Wales depend for their education to an appreciable extent upon
voluntary contributions. And practically everybody except a few
selfish obscurantists is agreed that this dangerous anachronism
cannot be perpetuated. The education of to-morrow's citizens is
too vital a communal obligation to be left to the hand of Charity.
Then everybody has been surprised to learn that many hundreds
of the Denominational Schools are entirely, and many thousands
almost entirely, supported day by day exclusively out of public
funds, remaining at the same time in the hands of private and
non-representative managers. If the British people generally had
possessed the shadow of an interest in education they would have
known these and many other things long ago; and, knowing them,
would have swept such anomalies away.
But the fact is, and I set it down with sorrow, up to date
the British people have shown little or no interest in education.
In the past they have won their way to superiority by i^hysical
pre-eminence. But physical pre-eminence will not suffice for the
fights of the future. The magician skill of the chemist, the
electrician, and the like is rapidly changing the governing force
of the universe. Less and less wall mere brawn satisfy ; more
140
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
and more will brain be essential. This is what John Bull is too
slow to note. If he doesn't wake up to the fact in double-quick
time he is bound, as Brother Jonathan puts it, to be "left."
Compare British happy-go-lucky indifference to education with
the picture of German zeal for education drawn for us by Mr.
Sadler in the second volume of "Special Eeports" issued by the
Board of Education : —
To a degree almost incredible to us parents in the humbler orders of German
society are familiar with the aims, with the privileges, and even with the
programmes of the various grades of schools. Travellers find that small
shopkeepers, workmen in factories, waiters in hotels, are alive, not merelj' in a
general way to the advantages of education, but to the meaning and conditions
of the different grades of schools which public authority provides. And, in this
atmosphere of national sympathy with educational aims, men of the highest
learning and position in all walks of life are incessantly working for the
improvement of the schools, investigating their results, canvassing their
curricula, defending or urging their claims.
Now, whatever be the fate of the great Education Bill of 1902
it will have achieved one enormous result, which is bound in the
near future to bear fruits the magnitude of which cannot be
measured. It will have stimulated the interest of the people in
their educational system. And, as I say, of the value and
importance of this fact I could not write too strongly.
THE GREAT EDUCATION BILL OF 1902 THE PROBLEM OF
LOCAL ADMINISTRATION.
But now let me turn to this much-discussed Education Bill,
examining, as I go, its probable effects upon the education of the
country. The first purpose of the Bill is, as its authors aver,
to set up in each County and County Borough a general and
paramount authority for education. That, let me say, is a most
urgent and desirable reform. Let me examine the existing facts.
In the first place, dotted all over the country, and in existence for
the last fifty years or more, are the groups of managers of the
Elementary "Voluntary" Schools. Altogether there are now no
fewer than 14,359 of these bodies in existence. Nominally they
consist in each case of not less than three persons ; but in reality
they are composed as a rule of one working member only — the
parson of the parish. These managing bodies are in no sense
responsible to the localities, though here or there the
representatives of the parents of the children attending the
school have been very wisely co-opted. The only responsibility
is to the Central State Executive — the Board of Education — and
this responsibility takes the form of observance of certain x'Ules
and regulations in return for the receipt of Government aid.
141
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
Then, still engaged upon elementary education — this time in
the Board Schools — we find that since the Act of 1870 there have
grown up public local authorities, elected ad hoc, for purposes of
education. These are the School Boards. To-day these publicly-
elected bodies cover 55 of the 63 County Boroughs (Preston,
St. Helens, Bury, Chester, Wigan, Lincoln, Stockport, and
Bournemouth have no School Boards, their elementary education
being entirely confined to the Voluntary Schools) ; they cover
about half the non-county and urban district municipalities ; and
they cover about half the rural areas of the country. Altogether
to-day there are 2,544 School Boards.
So much for elementary education, "Board" and "Voluntary."
But the matter does not end here. Fifteen years ago the Tory
Government of that time laid before Parliament a temperance
measure. Part of the purpose of that measure was the extinction
of certain public-house licences. To compensate these the sum of
something like three-quarters of a million was put into the Budget.
The money was voted, but the Temperance Bill afterwards fell
through. What became of the money? If it was not at once
diverted it would drift into the Sinking Fund. About this time
we were very much enamoured of the wonderful things the
Germans were doing in the way of promoting Technical Education ;
so, Liberals joining with Tories, it was decided to send the money
down to the localities nominally in relief of local taxation, but
with a very plain hint that if it were to be continued year by year
the best thing to do with it was to apply it for purposes of
technical education. Certainly. But to what local authority
could it be sent? The School Boards were the only public local
authorities for education. But they only covered about two-thirds
of the country, and where they did exist they were not always
everything that could be desired. The Government, however,
had just passed the Local Government Act of 1888. Why not,
therefore, send it to the newly-created County and County
Borough Councils ? This was done ; and from that day forward
these universally existent municipal bodies became more and
more engrossed in the work of technical and modern secondary
education.
THE NEED FOR ONE AUTHORITY.
This, then, is the hotch-potch of local government on education
which confronts us to-day. It has many defects, the most obvious
of which is the waste of money upon the unnecessary duplication
of official and administrative machinery. But there are others.
There is the regrettable friction that so constantly arises between
the several local a,uthorities respecting conflicting territories. Your
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EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
great School Board considers that science and art work in the
Evening Schools belongs to its province. The City Council
through its Technical Instruction Committee thinks so, too.
Hence local irritation and an ultimate appeal to Mr. Cockerton
and the Law Courts ! But from the point of view of the working
man's child the most disastrous result of this multiplication of
independent local authorities has yet to be mentioned. At present,
each grade of school being under separate and independent
management, there is no community of purpose, no co-ordination
of educational aim, and, therefore, no coupling up and linking
together of the schools. To-day we talk eloquently of an
educational ladder up which the "lad of parts," but of humble
extraction, may climb, if he has the capacity and the industry,
until he reaches the topmost rung. This educational ladder
business is largely a delusion and a snare. For it to be real and
complete the Elementary School must stand on the broad
foundation. Eising from it, and in direct and organic connection
with it, must come the Higher Elementary School, and then as a
further telescopic development must come the Technical and
Secondary School, and so on. All the grades of school must be
linked together, their curricula must be shaped so as to have
regard the one to the other ; and the whole scheme of organisation
must have as its genius the necessity to provide free passage from
one institution to the other. Obviously, these desirable ends can
never be secured, even in the most halting fashion, so long as each
class of school is under an independent body of management.
I am, therefore, all for "One Authority," as, indeed, everybody
else is now-a-day. But the really acute question is this : Wlmt
authority ? The Government Bill goes to the County and County
Borough Councils and confers upon each of them the function of
"Local Education Authoi-ity." It thus sweeps away the directly-
elected ad hoc authority— the School Board. It is round this
scheme that the first great battle has waged ; and that battle isn't
by any means over yet. Nobody is at all keen about continuing
the small village School Boards ; and most of us agree that in
the counties the County Councils are probably the best authorities
to exercise a general rating and administrative control. But the
case of the great boroughs is different. There the ad hoc
educational bodies have done a magnificent work, and the
Municipal Councils have already enough on their hands. The
plea of the educational progressives is that the ad hoc educational
authority should be continued, at any rate in the larger urban
areas. So far the Government has turned a deaf ear to that plea.
But I am not sure that the last word on the matter has yet been
said.
143
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
BUT NOT FOR 1,183!
The Government, as I have explained, goes to each County
Council and each County Borough Council for its local authority.
But as a result of the demand of the smaller urban areas for
independence it says that in each county every Municipal Borough
of over 10,000 people and every Urban District of over 20,000
shall be autonomous as to rating and administration for purposes
of elementary education. At the very outset, therefore, the
principle of "One Authority" by which co-ordination is to be
secured is seriously vitiated. But that isn't all. Under the
Technical Instruction Acts the small urban areas have had, by
the grace of the county authorities, certain sums bestowed upon
them from the "Whisky Money," and have had the right to rate
themselves up to a penny in the pound for technical education.
The scheme of the Government, as modified in Committee, is to let
all urban areas of whatever size continue these concurrent powers
of rating in the future. Thus by rapid stages our principle of
"One Authority" disastrously disappears until we arrive at the
following as the number of local authorities possible under the
Bill :—
Local Authorities Autonomous for Elementary
Education and Autonomous for Higher
Education without any limit of rating.
Local Authorities Autonomous for Elementary
Education and Autonomous for Higher
Education up to a rate of 2d. in the £.
Local Authorities Autonomous for Elementary
Education and Autonomous for Higher
Education up to Id. in the £. (Also liable
to be rated for Higher Education — without
Autonomy — by the County Council up to 2d.
in the £.)
Local Authorities Autonomous for Elementary
Education and Autonomous for Higher
Education up to Id. in the £. (To be rated
also by County up to 2d.)
Local AuthoritiesNon- Autonomous for Elementary
Education, but Autonomous for Higher
Education up to a limit of Id. in the £.
(Ratable also up to 2d. more by the County
Council.)
Local Authorities Non- Autonomous for Elementary
Education, but Autonomous for Higher
Education up to Id. in the £. (Ratable also
up to 2d. more by the County Council.)
The County
Boroughs.
The Adminis-
trative
Counties.
The Municipal
Boroughs
with over
10,000
population.
Urban Districts
with population
of over 20,000.
The Municipal
Boroughs of
under 10,000 f
population. j
Urban Districts )
up to a 20,000
population.
67
62
140
61
108
745
Grand Total 1,183
144
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
My reader may fairly ask whether this isn't a "One Authority"
remedy worse than the existing disease. The question is a very
proper one ; and all I can hope is that on Eeport stage we may be
able to straighten things out a bit.
LOCAL CONTROL : SHAM AND REAL.
Leaving now the general question of the desirableness or
otherwise of abolishing the School Boards and of handing the
local control of education to the Municipal Councils, let me come
to the details of the later policy as set forth in the Government
Bill. Assuming that the policy of " municipalisation " is a good
one, most progressives will agree that in the 1902 Education Bill
the policy has been disastrously vitiated. In the first place, the
County and County Borough Councils are to do nothing themselves
except raise money by rate or on loan. They are at once to delegate
all their poivers to an Education Committee. The Committee must
consist, as to a majority of its members, of persons selected by
the Municipal Council. Thus, supposing the Leeds City Council
resolve upon an Education Committee of thirty persons, the
Council would at once name sixteen; when the sixteen got
together they would select fourteen more; thus the thirty. But
710 1 one of these need necessarily be a member of the Leeds City
Council. Now, this is not good business at all. In the
municipalisation schemes of the Government Bills of 1896 and
1901 it was provided that the majority of the Education Committee
in each case must be members of the present Council. And surely
Liberal and Tory may agree each to assist the other in the task of
bringing the Government back to its wiser schemes of 1896 and
1901.
But this is not all. Not only is the Education Committee
deliberately framed on the lines of one remove from the direct
control of the ratepayer who finds the money; when we get to
the actual management of the schools themselves we find ourselves
another remove away from the influence of popular pressure. The
Education Committee cannot, of course, maiiage any school. That
must be left to the "local managers." And where do the public
come in there? Each school or group of schools is to have six
managers, and of these the public is to send two! No wonder
Parliament spent six sittings over the brief clause, Clause 7, which
for the time being settled this extraordinary scheme. For look at
the finances of the question — and it is the finances of the question
which ought to settle the matter. In the Denominational School
of the future eleven-twelfths of the annual maintenance charge
will be met from public sources, central and local. (I leave one-
twelfth as the measure of the voluntary help which in future will
145
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
go to the upkeep of the buildings.) In return, then, for finding
eleven-tiuelfths of the money the pziblic is to have four-twelfths (i.e.,
two managers out of six) of the management I Of course, the thing
cannot last. Bate aid means rate control, and in endeavouring
to evade rate control Mr. Balfour is a pathetically belated Mrs.
Partington. For myself I have no anxiety about the matter. It
may be wrong at the outset, but it will rapidly right itself.
THE " PKOVIDED-THE-BUILDINGS " ABGUMENT.
Before I leave this point, however, I must deal with the reply
liade by the denominationalists. They say in effect, " Oh, yes,
the public will now find nearly all the maintenance charge ; but
look at the milhons we, the Church, spent on the buildings."
This claim needs examination. From 1839 to 1882, 5,676 Church
of England Schools were built at a total cost of £5,811,904. 10s. 8d.
Of this amount the State found £1,515,385. 9s. 8|d. and the
Church found £4,296,519. Os. ll^d. Since 1882 the number of
Church Schools has gone up to 11,734 and the accommodation has
risen from 1,062,418 to 2,811,956 places. The operations roughly
have been doubled. Put the new cost at eight millions (there have
been no " Building Grants " since 1882) and you get a total outlay
by the Church of £12,000,000 or thereabouts. But, to clear our
minds of cant, it has in reality been a first-class investment. No
smaller an amount than £63,700,750 in the shape of Government
Grants have passed through these Church Schools ; and the
dispensation of nearly 64 millions of money has meant power
and patronage for the parsons (I leave the Church School as the
"seed-bed" of the Church out of the question). Besides, on
account of that later £8,000,000 of outlay large rents year by year
have been charged to the State for the use of the buildings — rents
that have ranged from £5 up to £300 and even £400 a year.
Further, in some recent 'cases part of that wonderful £8,000,000
has meant a purely business investment — as at Eastbourne, where,
in order to evade a School Board rate, we have the Church people
and others building a school and drawing 4 per cent, on their
outlay from the income of the school, the late Lord President
of the Council not being above figuring as one of the number !
Therefore, when I hear all this talk about the Church's outlay
on buildings as a ground for giving the Church four out of the
six managers in each case, I sententiously chuckle — not to put
too fine a point upon it, as Mr. Snagsby would say.
THE FINANCING OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION.
But now, leaving the general problem of local control and the
more detailed question of the management of the schools, let me
11
146
EDUCATION IN BNOIiAND AND WAIiES IN 1902.
come to the second of the two great issues raised in this very
revolutionary Education Bill. This brings me to the other of the
two great controversial points in the Bill — the proposed future of
the financing of primary education in Elementary Schools,
Denominational and Undenominational. Let me again rehearse
the existing facts very briefly. At the present time there are 5^
millions of working-class children in attendance at the Elementary
Schools of England and Wales. Eoughly, three millions of these
are attending the Voluntary Schools (in future to be known as
Denominational Schools) and two and a half millions the Board
Schools (in future to be known as Public Authority Schools).
The main differences in these two classes of schools at present
are : —
1. In the form of the local management.
2. In the nature and amount of the local financial support
accorded.
3. In the character of the religious instruction given.
With number one I have already dealt ; with number three I
will deal hereafter. Meanwhile, as to number two, which raises
the question of the financing of the schools. The financial support
accorded to both Board and Voluntary Schools is of two kinds —
central and local. The central support consists of grants from
the Exchequer paid upon the report of H.M. Inspectors of
Schools, and, generally speaking, is receivable by the Voluntary
Schools on the same terms as the Board Schools. Additional,
however, to the Government Grants hitherto payable under the
Education Code to both Board and Voluntary Schools alike,
special Treasury Grants have been provided for under the
Voluntary Schools Act and the Necessitous School Boards Act
of 1897. In all the "Special i\id" dispensed under these Acts
has amounted to about £800,000 a year. In the future these Acts
will be repealed ; but the £800,000 a year provided by them will
be still allocated to education, and a further sum of £900,000
a year has been provided. These two together — in all £1,760,000
a year — will be paid at the rate of 4s. a child all round, plus a
sum per child ranging from a penny a year up to 5s. a year,
according to the poverty of the locality. But these new grants do
not raise any new fundamental principle, except, of course, the
principle of throwing more of the cost on the Exchequer and less
on the locality, and do not very appreciably affect the total
maintenance charge, because even when increased by the new
grant the Central Exchequer aid will not be nearly sufficient to
conduct a school with anything like efficiency. It must, therefore,
be supplemented with money raised locally. In the case of schools
147
known in the past as Board Schools, this supplementary income
has been provided from the rates, and in School Board districts
this local contribution is compulsory upon all ratepayers. The
schools hitherto known as Voluntary Schools, and now to be
known as Denominational Schools, have had no such compulsory
local income to turn to. They have had to supplement their central
aid from the offerings of benevolent and charitable persons. The
School Boards last year found it necessary to supplement their
central aid by a sum equal to £1. 8s. 2d. per child of the children
in attendance in the schools. The conductors of the Voluntary
Schools were only able to secure a local supplement to their
central aid in the form of a voluntary subscription equal to 6s. 8d.
per child. It is this serious difference in the local income of the
schools which must in some way or other be removed before the
prol)lem can be considered to be finally settled.
THE VOLUNTARY SCHOOL PREFERRED — BECAUSE IT IS CHEAP.
Taking the country as a whole, it will be found that the School
Board system with its concomitant of a compulsory local
contribution covers rov^hly two-thirds of the area. Eoughly
speaking, this two-thirds of the area raises under the compulsory
local rate about four and a half millions of money annually. Many
of the inhabitants of this two-thirds are also contributors, over
and above the sum they pay in rates, to the Voluntary Schools ;
and the total amount of voluntary contributions over the whole
area of the country is roughly three-quarters of a million of
money. Thus, putting the facts in rough-and-ready fashion, and
dividing the country into three equal parts, we get the following
incidence in the local support of schools : —
One-third of
Area.
One-third of
Area.
One-third of
Area.
Compulsory Bate
&
2,250,000
260,000
&
2,250,000
250,000
£
250,000
Voluntary Subscriptions
Total Local Support
2,500,000
2,500,000
250,000
The question for educational reformers to consider — a question
raised acutely in the Education Bill — is whether the last third of
the country as shown in the foregoing table should get off with
one-tenth the measure of annual local support provided by each of
the other two-thirds. It should be noted, too, that, whereas in
the last third probably the majority of the inhabitants escape a
148
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
local contribution altogether, in the former two-thirds all are
compelled to contribute once, and many subscribe twice. That in
the last third, where there is no compulsory rate, many escape
altogether may be gathered from the fact that there are over a
thousand school districts with no local subscriptions at all, the
schools being thus compelled to subsist on Central Exchequer
Grants.
How the children and teachers in the Voluntary Schools have
fared under this abominable system of enabling selfish people to
evade their communal obligations by perpetuating a voluntary
system — to which most of them do not contribute — is best seen
from the following figures from the Education Blue Book for
1901-2:—
Class of Schooi,.
Total Cost of
Maintenance
per Pupil.
Local Centkal
Support. Support.
Voluntary
Contributions
per Pupil.
Government
Grants received
per Pupil.
Church Schools
£ s. d.
2 6 7^
2 6 4J
2 4 2|
2 10 5
£ s. d.
0 6 10
0 3 3J
0 6 5i
0 7 6|
£ s. d.
1 15 5|
1 15 llf
1 14 6^
1 15 5J
Wesleyan Schools
Roman Catholic Schools
British Schools
Total Voluntary Schools
Total Board Schools
2 6 8J
0 6 8 1 15 5
3 0 2
^ R 9. 1 1 11 (U
[Rates.]
The local support to which the Denominational School, then,
has had to look in the past in supplement of the Exchequer Grants
it receives has taken the form of charitable contributions. What
a grotesque anachronism to permit any portion of the cost of such
a communal necessity as education to depend upon private
benevolence ! It is the attempt to break down this system — which
in so many cases has simply meant that parsimony has been
permitted to masquerade as piety — that commends the present
Education Bill in some degree to me. You will remember that I
said that eight of the County Boroughs have no School Boards —
and, therefore, no local rate. See the result in cold finance in the
cases of seven of them as compared with seven of the School Board
cities or towns.
149
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
City ob Town.
Raised by Rate
per Child in the Board
Schools of the City
or Town.
Contributed by
Voluntary Contribu-
tions per Child in
the Voluntary
Schools of the City
or Town.
Hastings . . . ,
Brighton . . . .
London
Croydon . . . ,
Huddersfield
Bath ,
Oxford ,
Bournemouth
Chester ,
Lincoln ,
Preston
Bury
St. Helens . .
Stockport . . . ,
£ s. d.
2 3 6
1 17 1
2 8 0
1 12 0
18 9
12 3
13 0
Nothing.
£ s.
0 11
0 10
0 9
0 9
0 9
0 8
0 8
0 10 2
0 4 11
0 4 10
4 9
4 8
4 6
2 0
Let it be observed that towns like the first seven given not only
raise handsome sums out of their local rates, but beat others (like
the last seven given) absolutely hollov^ in their contributions to the
Voluntary Schools. Personally I have nothing but unmitigated
contempt for the lack of public spirit in these last seven towns.
They prate about preferring the Voluntary School to the Board
School because in it they get Denominational Religious Instruction !
This is, so far as the great bulk of the people in these towns are
concerned, unmitigated humbug. Their preference is not for this
or that form of religious instruction. It is for a system which
enables them to get out of paying for either. And, whatever else
may be said about the Education Bill (and it has very many
faults, I at once agree), it certainly has this advantage, that it wall
make the Preston and Stockport and Bury and St. Helens people
pay ! To secure which I would sacrifice a good deal.
SOME RESULTS OF "VOLUNTARYISM."
It is, then, with me, a great thing to have definitely secured
through the medium of a Government Bill the policy of abrogating
160
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
the attempt to maintain education by charity. And whether this
Bill fails — as it may well do — or succeeds, we have once for all
laid down this principle that Public Elementary Education must he
in future maintained as a j^ublic charge. That I lay such stress
upon this will not surprise anybody who knows our educational
system from the inside. For see some of the direct results of
endeavouring to maintain education in part by voluntary'
contributions. Take the salaries paid to the certificated teachers.
Look at the following table from the Blue Book for 1901-2 : —
Class of School.
Certified Mastbrs.
Certified Mistresses.
Head.
Class.
Head.
Class.
Average
Salaries.
Average
Salaries.
Average
Salaries.
Average
Salaries.
Church Schools connected with
National Society or Church
of England
£ a. d.
128 6 3
182 3 8
130 19 1
154 5 10
173 11 0
£ s. d.
85 16 1
91 12 2
86 16 5
101 8 3
111 8 5
£ i. d.
83 4 1
94 16 5
75 1 3
89 2 7
124 3 6
£ 8. d.
60 2 9
62 10 7
58 19 7
65 6 7
85 3 3
Wesleyan Schools
Koman Catholic Schools
British and other Schools ....
Board Schools
N.B. — A number of teachers in each case are provided with house rent free.
Thus we see at once that the Church School master and mistress
really bear Mr. Balfour's "intolerable strain."
Take again the quality of the teaching staff. At this point I
may say that the Elementary Schools, Board and Voluntary, are
manned by four classes of teachers. These are : —
1. Adults who have gone through all the grades of training,
and are classed as fully certificated.
2. Teachers who have been apprenticed as pupil teachers,
but have not completed the course for the teacher's
certificate. These are styled ex-pupil teachers.
3. Young women over eighteen years of age— technically
known as "Article 68's" — who have no professional
qualification whatever, except that, in the opinion of
the Inspector, they are presentable young persons, and
can give evidence that they have been successfully
vaccinated.
4. Juvenile apprentices to the art of teaching, known as pupil
teachers.
151
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
Under any efficient system of education, neither the "Article
68 " nor the pupil teacher would be looked upon as an efficient
member of the school staff. But it is too common an experience
to find the schools — especially Voluntary Schools in town and
country and rural Board Schools — staffed almost entirely with
these inefficient supernumeraries. Now let me give a little table
showing the way the Board Schools and the Voluntary Schools are
staffed, winding up with the staffing arrangements for the London
School Board — a standard which might well be striven after in
the provinces, urban and rural.
England and Wales.
Percentage engaged of
Certificated
Adult
Teachers.
Ex-Pupil
Teachers.
Article
68's.
Juvenile
Pupil
Teachers.
lu all Voluntary Schools
In all Board Schools
38
51
23
21
4
18
5
0
21
23
15
Under the London School Board. .
81
This table is eloquent of the state of things in the Voluntary
Schools. But it is really worse than it looks, because the case of
the pupil teacher in the Voluntary School is far worse than that
of his youthful colleague in the Board School. The Voluntary
School pupil teacher is usually turned on from the very first as a
full-blown "journeyman" teacher, In the Board Schools he is
usually treated strictly as an apprentice, spending only half of
each day in actual teaching and being occupied with learning the
technique of the teaching art during the other half. This state of
things is not only grossly unjust for the Voluntary School child,
whose intellectual training is thus left to the blundering hand of
the apprentice, but it is also shamefully unjust to the apprentice
himself. They work him so hard as a substitute for an adult
teacher (at a wage that ranges from eighteenpence to ten
shillings a week) that at the end of his apprenticeship he fails
the "Scholarship" test which is to admit him to a Training
College so that he may ultimately become a trained certificated
teacher, and is either turned ignominiously out of the profession
altogether or perpetually committed to its lowest and worst-paid
152
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
ranks ! (I am not necessarily blaming the school managers. It is
only another direct result of the vicious voluntary contribution
policy.)
Here is another vivid contrast of the results of local rate
contribution (for the Board School) and local voluntary contribution
(for the Voluntary School). I exclude from my calculation all
ex-pupil teachers, "Article 68's," and pupil teachers. Comparing
the number of children enrolled to the number of certificated
teachers in each class of school I get the following : —
Ci^ss OF School.
Children
Enrolled.
Certificated
Teachers
Employed.
Number of
Children to
each Certifi-
cated Teacher.
All Voluntary Schools
All Board Schools . . . .
3,043,006
2,662,669
29,294
34,744
103
76
I could give many other examples of the disastrous results of this
attempt to fob off the majority of the children of the country with
a voluntary-contribution education ; but these will suflBce.
THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION.
I have left a word or two on the religious question until last.
I would fain not enter upon it at all, because, after five-and-twenty
years of the closest study of our educational system, I am pretty
sure that nothing I or anybody else can say will soften the
acrimony of the conflict in which we are once more plunged, or
tend to the calling of a "Truce of God" upon this unhappy
problem so that we may push on with this vital question of the
training of our people. The present Education Bill has been
before the country but a few months, and already there is little
heard but the clamour of conflicting sects. So it was in 1870.
Eeligion was mentioned many more times than education during
the memorable discussions that year ; and so, apparently, it has
been during the present year of grace.
The Bill of 1870 originally left the form of religious instruction
in the new rate-aided schools to be determined by the localities
themselves. This scheme was the subject of sharp criticism on
the occasion of the second reading, when Mr. George Dixon moved
a declaratory amendment to the effect that no Bill could be
considered which did not settle by statute the form of the religious
instruction in the Board Schools that were to be.
153
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
On going into Committee the religious question was again the
subject of long and heated debate, this time the proposition being
advanced that no further State grant should be made to
Denominational Schools : that the State should confine itself
rigidly to secular education, and that religious instruction should
be left to the volunteer efforts of the religious bodies themselves.
This policy, I may add in passing, was very badly beaten. In the
end, and after all sorts of proposals had been put forward and
rejected, a compromise was arrived at. It provided that the
religious instruction in the rate-aided schools should be strictly
undenominational, not involving any formulary distinctive of any
particular denomination. This stands as part of the famous
Clause 14 of the Act of 1870, and is known as the " Cowper-
Temple " Clause. Clause 7 of the Act, known as the "Conscience
Clause," has ever since hung conspicuously on the walls of every
State-aided Elementary School, Board or Voluntary. It announces
to all whom it may concern that any parent may withdraw his
child from the religious instruction of the school if he so wishes ;
and such withdrawal shall be made without any forfeit on the part
of the scholar "of the other benefits of the school." It is a
striking commentary upon either the indifference of the parents as
to the precise form of religious instruction to be imparted to their
children or the satisfactory nature of the settlement of 1870 that
the " Conscience Clause " has proved practically a dead-letter.
Both in the Denominational and the Board Schools withdrawals
have been almost entirely unknown, a fact which has been
contributed to very largely by the tact and discretion of the school
teachers.
THE EXPERIENCES OF THIRTY YEARS.
This, then, is how religious instruction has been and is given
to-day under the Act of 1870. In the Board Schools it is strictly
Biblical. The whole school assembles at nine in the morning, and
under the direction of the head teacher a hymn is sung and the
Lord's Prayer is recited. Often a short general exhortation of the
pupils by the head teacher follows. Then the classes are marched
away to their respective rooms and the Scripture Lesson follows.
It is conducted by the class teacher, and consists of a lesson on
some of the historical parts of the Holy Word together with the
committal to memory by the pupils of carefully selected portions
of the Psalms, the Proverbs, the Gospels, and so on. The syllabus
of Scripture teaching is usually a fine tribute to its compilers, and
the lessons are almost invariably models of reverence and devotion.
Can anything be more reassuring to the country than this picture
of the whole of the children gathered together day by day for this
admirable family worship ? Inspired by a simple sense of justice
154
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
the highest dignitaries of the Church of England from her
Archbishops downwards have felt constrained to chide those
amongst her flocks who, through ignorance or fanaticism, have
raved about "Godless Board Schools." This common religious
teaching, founded on the Cowper-Temple compromise, is, of course,
given subject to the " Conscience Clause " which I have already
described.
In the average Church of England School the religious
instruction is pretty much the religious instruction of the Board
Schools, and very little more — whatever may be the protestations
of parish clergy at Church meetings. Of course, in all cases the
Apostles' Creed is added, and there is a lesson or so per week in
the Church Catechism. But, unless the clergyman be very " High "
and very active. Church teaching wears down in practice to
something very little beyond the undenominationalism of the Board
Schools. In many of the villages this is frankly admitted, and
both Churchmen and Nonconformists agree that the thing shall
be softened down to an acceptably common denominationalism.
Why? Because then there will be no demand on the part of
the Nonconformists for an undenominational school. If the
religious instruction was aggressively Church of England the
Nonconformists would promptly inflict a rate upon the locality.
And neither Churchmen nor Nonconformists want this. Thus in
practice a new compromise has grown up: the compromise
whereby dissenting religionists may so compose their differences
as to avoid the nuisance of a local rate for education. Of course,
in the schools belonging to the Eoman Catholic Church, and, as I
have said, in those associated with "High" Anglican Churches,
the religious instruction is much more definitely and specifically
denominational. But here again the instruction is given subject
to the protection of the "Conscience Clause."
EMPTY COMPLAINTS.
What have been the objections to this system? In the first
place, it is complained that the undenominationalism — rate and
State aided as it is — of the Board School is, in effect, the
denominationalism of Nonconformity. Thus it is that Noncon-
formity gets all it wants without voluntary contribution. The
Church of England, on the other hand, is represented as having
to provide its denominationalism out of its own pocket after having,
in School Board districts, paid its rates to the Board School. I
need not say that the Nonconformists resent this way of putting
the case. They view the School Board as the Common School
providing a common basis of religious teaching, and urge that
those who want more must expect to make a special payment over
155
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
and above their contribution to the rates and taxes which help to
maintain the Common School. On the other hand, not only do
Church people claim rate aid for the denominationalism at present
taught in their Church Voluntary Schools, but they also go on to
point out that many children of Church parents are in attendance
at the undenominational Board Schools, and that, therefore, it is a
fair thing to ask that " facilities " should be given for the instruction
of the Church children attending the Board Schools "in the
particular faith of their parents."
To those who work in the school day by day all this is very
amusing, though no doubt it is inspired by motives which are
entirely creditable, sincere, and honest. As a matter of fact 99
per cent, of the English working people want their children
taught the Bible. But as to what particular denominational
colour should be put upon the religious teaching they have no
feeling whatever. Thus, notwithstanding. Parliament will continue
to go raving mad over the problem !
THE SCHEME OF THE 1902 BILL.
How does the Government propose to deal with this terribly
thorny problem in its present Bill? It proposes to leave the
religious instruction absolutely as it is, both in Board Schools and
in the Denominational Schools, pei'petuating the Cowper-Temple
Clause for the former and the Conscience Clause for both. We
thus have at once raised the proposal to throw denominational
education entirely upon the rates and taxes, leaving only to the
denominationalists the task, as I have already said, of keeping
the fabric in good repair. This determination to rate-aid the
Denominational Schools has immediately created, and will create,
no end of a pother. In its blundering way the Government has
endeavoured to meet the situation. It says that if the parents of
thirty children do not like the form of religious instruction given in
the school or schools available to them, they can go to the Local
Authority's Education Committee and ask that a school may be
built for them. If such a school be built for the Nonconforming
thirty it will be a Local Authority School, and the religious
instruction will be undenominational. I say " if such a school
be built" advisedly. For this thirty-children-separate-school
absurdity is edged round in a way that, whilst reducing its
absurdity, also detracts from its genuineness as an honest offer.
Here are the clauses which deal with the building of such a new
school : —
9. Where the local education authority or any other persons propose to
provide a new public elementary school, they shall give public notice
of their intention to do so, and the managers of any existing school,
156
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
and the local education authority (where they are not themselves the
persons proposing to provide the scnool), and any ten ratepayers in the
area for which it is proposed to provide the school, may, ^vithin three
months after the notice is given, appeal to the Board of Education on
the ground that the proposed school is not required, or that a school
provided by the local education authority, or not so provided as the
case may be, is better suited to meet the wants of the district than the
school proposed to be provided, and any school built in contravention
of the decision of the Board of Education on such appeal shall be
treated as unnecessary.
10. The Board of Education shall determine in case of dispute whether a
school is necessary or not, and in so determining, and also in deciding
on any appeal as to the provision of a new school, shall have regard
to the interest of secular instruction, to the wishes of parents as to the
education of their children, and to the economy of the rates, but a
school actually in existence shall not be considered unnecessary in
which the number of scholars in average attendance as computed by
the Board of Education is not less than thirty.
How many attempts to build new schools will successfully run
the gauntlet of these clauses I should like to know ? Financially
and educationally I am glad that they will be few, because I do
not want money wasted on a lot of microscopic little schools that
will not only be financially most extravagant, but from their
minute proportions will be impossible of effective educational
organisation.
This, then, briefly is the Government scheme for dealing with
the religious question. It is indeed a clumsy device. It does not
meet the demand of the Church of England for " Church teaching
for Church children in the Bible Schools," and its proposals for
meeting the grievance of the village Nonconformist is so patently
insincere that it will only exacerbate those whom it was intended
to deceive. Surely something fairer, something more practicable,
could have been devised as " a way out " of this woful impasse!
SUGGESTED COMPKOMISES.
Let me suggest a better compromise. If there really are any
parents of children attending the Board Schools who object to the
Bible teaching (I have worked in and about the Board School as
pupil, pupil teacher, assistant teacher, head teacher, and School
Board member for the last thirty years, and never met such a
case) let its give them facilities for having their children instructed
by the representatives of their own denomination in Church,
Chapel, Mission Hall, dc, for as many mornings a iveek as they
please during the time that the general body of the scholars will
be receiving the ordinary religious instriLction of the school. Let
the school open for secular subjects at say ten, and let those
157
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
children then come in "without forfeiting the other benefits of the
school." As to the Denominational Schools, these are, as I have
shown, much more nearly undenominational than their conductors
would probably be willing to admit. My suggestion is that they
should be made frankly undenominational on, say, Monday,
Tuesday, Thursday, and Friday, and that on Wednesday specific
denominational teaching should be the order of the day, subject
always, of course, to the Conscience Clause.
There is another possible compromise, and that is that Church
and Nonconformity should agree on a common form of religious
lesson, to be strictly Biblical, 2>Zms the Apostles' Creed and, say,
the "duties" of the Church Catechism. A compromise of this
sort ought to be agreeable to the great body of the Christian
community, and, being subject to the Conscience Clause, would
present no particular hardship to the conscientious objector. In
Scotland a compromise of this sort involving a Bible-teaching
syllabus, phis the Shorter Catechism, has been in force for many
years. But the Scotch are too shrewd to allow fine distinctions
of faith to rob their children of that first-class business asset —
a good education. Some day the same will be true of England,
and in that day the bickering theologian will have a bad time.
When that day arrives may I be there to see !
HIGHER EDUCATION.
MAINTENANCE BY EXCHEQlJEB GRANTS.
Having devoted so very much space to the acute question of
elementary education — upon the foundation of which, of course,
the whole superstructure must necessarily depend — space fails me
to do anything like adequate justice to the very important problem
of higher education. Under the Education Bill of 1902 the Local
Authority responsible for elementary would also have control of
higher education. I have explained why this is educationally and
administratively desirable. But it is when I come to the vital
question of funds for the prosecution of this higher education that
the prospect is less reassuring. In the first place, the Bill as
amended provides that in the future all the "Whisky Money"
shall be spent on education, and none of it applied to the relief of
local rating. Already of a total annual grant of £925,000 no
smaller a sum than £864,000 is so applied — mainly to purposes
of technical instruction— the remaining £60,000 odd being still
applied to relief of rating. This £60,000 will now be applied to
higher education in the following districts and amounts, these
being the districts still applying the sums named to the relief of
rating.
158
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
Further Amount to be
Spent in Higher
Education.
Counties —
London (County)
Isle of Ely
Hereford
Holland (Part of Lincoln)
^Middlesex
Soke (Part of Peterborough)
Rutland
North Riding
County Boroughs —
Gateshead
Gloucester
Preston
Grimsby
Oxford
Croydon
Middlesbrough
£ s. d.
32,711 9 2
160 0 0
3,380 3 0
991 4 3
9,553 5 0
408 0 6
520 9 11
2,110 14 11
681 5 8
1,532 11 2
1,078 9 10
328 8 4
195 5 11
1,909 16 11
484 10 7
As to Wales, I may mention that all the Counties and all the
County Boroughs are already spending all their "Whisky Money"
on education.
But, of course, a sum of less than £1,000,000 a year is a
grotesquely small sum out of which to establish a sufficient and
effective system of secondary education, especially when we
remember that most of this money is already applied to technical
instruction. Of course, the Board of Education will in addition
offer subject and attendance grants under a code of regulations, as
it does in the case of elementary education. But these are not
likely to err in the .direction of extravagance.
HIGHER EDUCATION AND THE RATES.
There remains, however, rate aid for higher education. Very
much cannot be expected from this source. Eates are already
high, and there is elementary education (denominational as well
as undenominational in the future) to be provided partly by rate
aid. At present the localities have the power to rate themselves
up to Id. in the £ for technical education. In England two County
Councils only (out of 49), 24 County Boroughs (out of 67), 99
159
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WAIiES IN 1902.
Municipal Boroughs (out of 248), and 195 Urban Districts (out of
806) are availing themselves of this power by rating themselves
Id. or under (mostly under) in the £. The total amount so raised
last year was £107,000.
As to the English Counties only two, as I have said, are rating
themselves. The two are Surrey (which raised the small sum of
£110) and Staffordshire. (Here no rate was levied directly, but
the County Council only gives subventions from its "Whisky
Money" to localities which rate themselves. The effect was that
27 Urban Districts in Staffordshire raised in all, by way of I'ate,
£4,750.)
Turning now to the English County Boroughs I get the
following spending nothing from the rates : — Reading, Birkenhead,
Chester, Devonport, Exeter, Plymouth, Gateshead, South Shields,
Sunderland, Bristol, Gloucester, Canterbury, Barrow-in-Furness,
Bootle, Oldham, Preston, St. Helens, Wigan, Grimsby, Lincoln,
London, Yarmouth, Norwich, Northampton, Newcastle, Oxford,
Portsmouth, Southampton, Hanley, Wolverhampton, Croydon,
Brighton, Hastings, Middlesbrough, Huddersfield, Leeds, and York.
SPENDING A PENNY OR UNDER FROM THE HATES.
£ s. d.
Derby 1,852 0 0
West Ham 2,479 18 0
Blackburn 2,008 12 8
Bolton 2,600 0 0
Burnley 1,397 11 5
Bury 657 10 1
Liverpool 8,946 3 0
Manchester 8,187 18 11
Rochdale 1,280 0 0
Salford 3,630 12 7
Leicester 1,521 0 0
'Nottingham 3,500 0 0
Bath 494 12 3
£ s. d.
Bournemouth 245 6 5
Walsall 129 3 2
West Bromwich 886 0 0
Ipswich 868 15 0
Birmingham 13,487 10 10
Coventry 1,004 6 4
Dudley 281 0 0
Worcester 2,664 11 9
Hull 1,081 15 1
Bradford 5,175 0 0
Halifax 1,668 0 0
Sheffield 2,745 0 0
* From proceeds of Gas undertakings ; no rate actually levied.
In addition a number of the County Boroughs devote small
amounts from their Public Libraries' penny to purposes of
technical education.
Turning now to Wales I find that not only is all the Imperial
aid spent on education, but nine Counties (out of 13), three County
Boroughs (all), five Boroughs (out of 28), and nine Urban Districts
(out of 74) are rating themselves for technical education. The
amount thus raised locally reached in 1900-1 the sum of
£44,791. 4s. 9d.
160
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES IN 1902.
By way of showing more clearly the contrast between what is
now being raised locally and what would be raised under a 2d.
rate anticipated by the Education Bill, I append the following
table : —
Ratable
Value.
At Present
Raised by Local
Rate.
Proceeds of
2d. Rate.
English Administrative Counties
(excluding London)
County of London
English County Boroughs
Welsh Administrative Counties . .
The Three Welsh County Boroughs
96,650,000
39,750,000
41,130,000
7,185,000
1,777,000
46,400
59,846
16,700
7,296
805,416
881,250
342,750
59,875
14,808
It is obvious that, with all the "Whisky Money," generous
Government grants for secondary education, and the proceeds of a
full 2d. rate, most districts could make a good start with higher
education. But will they get the latter two of these three
conditions ?
m
161
Productive Co-operation:
Its Principles and MetJiods.
BY HENRY W. MACEOSTY, B.A.
jUPPOSE that a person, hitherto totally unacquainted
with the Co-operative movement, were to examine the
large amount of productive industry carried on by the
Co-operative Wholesale Societies, and to scrutinise
the great variety or their products and the vast bulk
of their trade, and after this survey suppose that he
were confronted with the thesis, placed before the
present writer by the Editors of this "Annual" —
"The Wholesale Societies being established in the interests of
consumers, are they the best medium for carrying on Co-operative
production?" — he would probably be amazed at the imagination
which could put such a question. Yet he would be face to face
with the bitterest controversy which has ever raged within the
Co-operative ranks, with a dispute which not once nor twice has
seemed to threaten disruption of the associated forces, with a
quarrel which has not yet entirely died out, and on which it is
even now difficult to write without appearing to do injustice to
generous-hearted and single-minded men. On looking back into
the history of Co-operation our investigator would find that at
least since the Wholesale Societies put their hands to manufacture
there have been two theories as to the organisations by which
manufacture should be undertaken and as to the methods in which
it should be conducted, theories which have been distinguished as
"federal "and "individualist" respectively and may be temporarily
described as looking mainly to the interests of the consumer in the
one case and mainly to the interests of the producer in the other.
He would find also that while the former, as conducted by the
Wholesale Societies, had achieved the greater measure of success,
the latter, or co-partnership system, had secured the support of
those who claimed to be the inheritors of the great prophets of
Co-operation and the adhesion of a younger band of advocates
scarcely less intense in energy and devotion. And he would also
find that it is claimed that the difference is not only economic but
moral in character. The late Mr. Vansittart Neale, who was not
only an ardent Co-operator but a hard-hitting controversialist,
~12 ^
162
PBODUCTIVE CO-OPEBATION : ITS PBINCIPLES AND METHODS.
once expressed his hope "that the great idea of a federation
between worker and consumer for their mutual benefit is on the
point of replacing that ill-starred scheme of exploiting the worker
for the benefit of the consumer which has masqueraded under the
name of the federal system."''' Earl Grey at the Co-operative
Festival of 1898 expressed himself with no less vigour. He said : — f
The present weakness of the Wholesale Co-operative movement was that it
had degenerated too much into a hunt after dividends. As practised by the English
Wholesale Society, Co-operation lacked the qualities which were necessary to
stir the soul. He knew for a fact that they were alienating the sjTnpathy of
many who would otherwise be their well-wishers, because it was alleged against
them, and it could not be sufficiently denied, that they had abandoned the
faith of the founders of the movement, and were organising Co-operation on a
basis of selfishness. The experience of ages showed that, to stir human nature
to altruistic effort, a cause was required which appealed to man's nobler
feelings and called for sacrifice. The missionary, the reformer, the trade
unionist, all supplied instances of the subordination of self-interests to those of
a higher cause. He looked in vain in the distributive movement for an equally
inspiring cause which would lift men out of the narrow groove of selfishness,
and impel them to labour for the common good ; and yet the gospel of
Co-operation, preached by the founders of the movement, was virtually a
religion which appealed to the highest feelings of human nature, and caused
men to submit cheerfully to heavy pecuniary losses and frequent disappointments
in the certain faith that eventually their principles would triumph. If
Co-operation was to become a living force in moving the character of the
nation along an upward plane it must return to the spirit of its founders and
show that it had a soul above a shopkeeper's.
The Labour Co-partnership system on behalf of which such
lofty principles are invoked deserves a detailed examination.
Historically we can trace its ancestry back to the period preceding
the inception of the Stores, but the ideals of that early time are
scarcely the ideals of to-day, and we shall probably not be far
mistaken in attributing the acerbity with which the federal system
is attacked in some quarters quite as much to the disappointment
which attends the non-fulfilment of esbrly ideals as to conscious or
subconscious jealousy of the greater success of the rival system.
Throughout all transformations of that ideal there is one common
feature, the great importance laid upon production or manufacturing
in contradistinction to distribution or " mere shopkeeping." Eobert
Owen sought the redemption of labour first by establishing
colonies or "communities" of a self-sufficing character, in which
each member was to be a worker and to share equally in the
ownership of the means of production. Later on he and J. F.
Bray each proposed to organise the trade unions into "industrial
companies," each owning the means of production for its trade, a
* Preface to Report of Co-operative Congress, 1883, p. iv.
t Daily Chronicle, August 20th, 1898.
163
PBODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION I ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
"Grand Lodge" in each industry controlling the several local
branches. These crude suggestions had an enormous influence on
the minds of working men suffering from the evils of uncontrolled
capitalism. They coloured working-class thought for over half a
century, and are not entirely dead even to-day. Conspicuous and
repeated failure seemed for a long time scarcely to detract from
their attractiveness. Most of the Eochdale Pioneers had come
under the influence of Owen and his followers, and it is, therefore,
not a matter for surprise that in the declaration of their objects
and plans we find the following : —
That, as soon as practicable, this society shall proceed to arrange the
powers of production, distribution, education, and government ; or, in other
words, to establish a self-governing home colony of united interests, or assist
other societies in establishing such colonies.
The failure of modern Co-operators to live up to this pious
declaration of faith is repeatedly made a matter of reproach to
them, which is just about as sensible as if one were to reproach a
grown man because under the stern teachings of experience he has
had to give up the grandiose dreams of his boyhood. A brief
flickering attempt was made by the Eedemptionist Societies to
revive the ideas of Owen, and then the Christian Socialists, who
had studied in the school of Fourier, introduced a new idea, the
self-governing workshop. In such an establishment the workers
were to own all the capital, either contributing it themselves or
borrowing it from outside friends and repaying it. Owning the
capital, they were equally to supply the management, fair wages
were to be paid, and the net profit was to be "equally divided
between all the associates in proportion to the time they have
severally worked." A central distributing agency was started for
the interchange of goods. After four years' activity the promoters
had to admit, in 1852, that their associations either failed owing to
internal dissensions or, if successful, were converted into close
corporations.
The working men were once again thrown back on their own
resources. Much was hoped at one time from the "Oldham
Co-ops.," or joint-stock companies largely owned by working men.
They soon came to differ not at all from ordinary businesses, and
need not concern us further except to note that the insight into
business acquired through their operations was of great use to
the leaders of the cotton operatives in their struggle with the
capitalists. Workmen's associations for production still continued
to be founded more or less on the principles of the self-governing
workshop. Altogether up to 1880 about three hundred were
established in a great variety of trades, and many of them received
abundant support from the trade unions, the Co-operative Stores,
164
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPEKATION : ITS PKINCIPLES AND METHODS.
and the Wholesale Societies. This phase of the movement was a
complete failure ; internal quarrels, inopportune time of starting,
general trade conditions, and above all bad management proved
fatal to the vast majority of the societies. Large sums of
working-class savings were irretrievably lost, and in 1883 only
fifteen societies remained, besides cOrn mills.
In the following year a fresh impulse was given to "productive
Co-operation" by the establishment of the Labour Association,'''
which had the support of such tried Co-opei'ators as Vansittart
Neale, Holyoake, and Ludlow. Thomas Burt, M.P., and F.' Maddison
represent a large section of trade union support given to the new
movement; Sir W. Mather, M.P., and the Hon. T. A. Brassey
speak on their behalf for the enlightened employers of labour ;
Professor Marshall and W. J. Bonar, LL.D., lend the approval of
economists ; among other patrons are Earl Grey, the Bishops of
Durham and Eipon, the Eight Honourable G. W. Balfour, M.P.,
Major-General Sir !BVederick Maurice, and Mr. Ealph Neville, K.C. ;
while among its most active workers (among whom must not be
forgotten that brilliant propagandist, the late Mr. Blandford) are
Messrs. E. O. Greening, x\neurin Williams, and Henry Vivian. On
examining into the aims and objects of this organisation we find a
notable divergence from the views of Owen and the Christian
Socialists. " The idea of a self-governing workshop, an independent,
individualised group, self-owned, self-directed, and self-absorbed,
has been as definitely abandoned as the earlier idea of a colony."!
To describe the new idea the promoters of the Labour Association
have chosen a new name, Labour Co-partnership, thereby avoiding
much of the confusion of words and ideas which disfigured the old
controversies, and for this at least we are deeply indebted to them.
Mr., Vivian says : — |
The essence of this co-partnership is (1) That in virtue of their position as
loorkers the workers receive a share in the profits ; it is not claimed that they
receive the whole profit. (2) That in virtue of their position as tvorking
shareholders the workers should have a share in the management ; it is not
claimed that they should have the whole management. (3) That this
arrangement be a matter of fixed rules, so that the privileges of the workers be
as it were secured by the law, and not left to the caprice of individuals, to be
given or withheld as a matter of favour. It is the practice in most of the
co-partnership businesses for the profit allotted to the workers to be capitalised
as shares up to an amount fixed by rule instead of its being paid out in cash.
Partly owing, no doubt, to the better education of the working
classes, partly also as a result of long training in Co-operative
* Re-named in 1902 The Labour Co-partnership Association.
t "Labour Co-partnership," by H. D. Lloyd, p. 222 (Harper Brothers, 1899).
I " Co-operative Production ' ' — The Labour Association, 1900.
165
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
Stores, trade unions,, and friendly societies, and certainly in no
small degree on account of the active propaganda and assistance of
the co-partnership advocates, the number of societies fulfilling the
above conditions rose from 15 in 1883 to 100 in 1901, according
to "Labour Co-partnership," August, 1902. Their sales in the
latter year amounted to £2,947,061, their capital to £1,480,883,
net profits to £156,054, and dividend on wages £20,846. But in
these figures are included those relating to the Scottish Wholesale
Society, the United Baking Society, and the Agricultural and
Horticultural Association, whose position is special. Nevertheless,
an increase in trade from £160,761 in 1883 to £1,073,690 is no
small achievement. The movement, however, was not without its
difficulties. The Report of the Productive Committee to the
CQngress of 1892 dealt with " dangers arising from the rapid
multiplication of boot and shoe societies ' in Northamptonshire.
"It was charged against them," says tlie Report,* "that in practice
they were nothing but joint-stock companies with limited
shareholding, employing large numbers of non-shareholders, while
the profits of the businesses were divided almost entirely to the
advantage of the shareholders." A conference was held at which
representatives of most of the societies attended, and " it was
elicited in the course of the discussion that the practice of at
least some of the societies had not been exactly in accordance
with their professed principles." A resolution was passed "That
in the opinion of this conference the only way to promote true
Co-operative production is by allowing anyone to become members
of the societies, and by giving them a fair share of the profits.
We further pledge ourselves to do our utmost to bring this
about." Exactly how far this resolution has been carried out it
is difficult to say, but gut of twenty-one societies classed by Miss
Potterf as " Associations of workers governing themselves, but
employing non-members (practically small masters)," six have
joined the Co-operative Productive Federation, and so have
somewhat purged themselves of their offences ; eleven of the
others are dead. Out of thirteen societies classed by the same
author as " Societies in which outside shareholders and Stores
supply bulk of capital, but in which the employes are encouraged
or compelled to take shares, but are, in nearly all instances,
disqualified from acting on Committee of Management," six are
members of the Productive Federation and three are dead. The
Co-operative Productive Federation was started to aid productive
• Congress Report, p. 36.
f'The Co-operative Movement in Great Britain." — Swan, Sonnenschein,
and Co., 1891.
166
PHODUCTIVE CO-OPEBATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
societies by united action, to open up a market for the sale of their
goods, to obtain capital for Co-operative production, and to prevent
overlapping and competition. Its Year Book states : —
No society can join the Federation which does not, by its rules, practiss
profit sharing with its workers, under which, in the first place, a substantial
and known share of the profit of a business belongs to the workers in it, not by
right of any shares they may hold, or any other title, but simply by right of
the labour they have contributed to make the profit ; and in the second place,
every worker is at liberty to invest his profit, or any other savings, in shares of
the society or company, and so become a member entitled to vote on the affairs
of the body which employs him.
At the end of 1900" fifty-two societies were members with capital
of £356,576 ; trade, £664,515 ; and profit, £29,003 ; twenty-six paid
a dividend on wages varying from l^d. to 2s. in the £ of wages,
and totalling up to £6,554. All but two of the societies in these
two lists which are still alive appear in the Labour Co-partnership
list. Their workers aggregated in 1899 2,734, and their employ^
members 1,169. The other two societies (boot) had 326 employes,
of whom 67 were members.
Another subject of contention was the treatment of the
consumer. On this whole the strict adherents to theory seem to
be of the opinion that a dividend on purchases is not a necessary
part of the labour co-partnership system. It does not appear in
the statement of principles as given by Mr. Vivian, who elsewhere
states that the interests of the consumers would be secured by the
share of the profits which they drew through Co-operative
Stores being shareholders. Mr. Vansittart Neale wrote :— t
The consumer must not feel himself in permanent antagonism to the
producer. If the plan of removing this antagonism by a division of profits on
his purchases must be given up as injurious to the permanent elevation of the
worker by the results of his work, some way should be suggested for assuring
the consumer that he is not to be sacrificed to those who derive from his
purchases the means of their elevation. This way, we believe, is to be found
in the important function that wholesale Co-operative trade should fill in
inaugurating Co-operative production.
Mr. Holyoake decided in favour of a dividend on purchases,
but solely as a means of attracting custom. In fact, labour
co-partnership recognises two partners only, the worker and the
capitalist ; to safeguard his interests the consumer must become a
capitalist, and any consideration which he gets in his own capacity
is purely a matter of expediency.
The co-partnership societies claim to pay at least the recognised
wages as a minimum. Mr. Eobert Halstead has given :J particulars
* " Co-operators' Year Book," 1902, p. 151. In 1902 there were 59 members.
t "The Principles, Objects, and Methods of the Labour Association," p. 10.
J " Variation of Wages in some Labour Co-partnership Workshops. ' ' — Labour
Association, 190O.
167
PBODUCTIVE CO-OPEKATION : ITS PEINCIPLE8 AND METHODS.
of thirty-four societies (nine of which employed under 20 workers
each, and twelve over 100 each) ; in fourteen the wages paid in 1899
averaged 7 per cent, above those paid by non-Co-operative employers,
and in ten more 11 percent, higher, while the others claimed to pay full
trade union rates or over; in twelve cases the hours also were from
one to eight less per week ; and the dividend on wages varied from
2d. to Is. lid. in the £. In all the large societies the bulk of the
members are trade unionists. Admitting the improvement in the
financial position of the workers, their position with regard to share
in the management is less clear, though in most cases it seems to
be small and in some insignificant. It is not sufficient to realise
Mr. Vansittart Neale's ideal of making all the workers capitalists
if they are liable to be voted down by outsiders with different
interests. Mr. Vivian says : — *
The constitutions vary without end. In some cases membership (a member
is a shareholder) is ahnost confined to the workers in the trade. In other
cases the workers in the trade will form a small proportion of the membership.
The same applies to the ownership of the capital and the share in management.
The Committee of Management in one case will consist entirely of workers for
the business, and in another the workers may not be members of the Committee,
although they may vote in the election of others. In one society the workers
make the start and find the means, and here they hold nearly all the power.
In another it is a private individual who is the founder, and here he naturally
has great power for a time ; and in a third. Co-operative consumers' Stores
come in and bear most of the burden. In the division of profit, too, there is
variety. The Kettering Boot and Shoe Society gives, independent of provident,
educational, and other funds, 40 per cent, of its profits to labour, whilst the
London Leather Manufacturers give 63 per cent. Some businesses arrange to
give consumers a share of the profits, others do not. The Hebden Bridge
Fustian Society only gives share capital 5 per cent, interest ; the Kettering
Clothing Society gives it 5 per cent., plus a share of net profit. The interest
usually paid to share capital before net profits are divided is 5 per cent., but
the Walsall Padlock Society gives share capital 7^ per cent. On the other
hand, it gives no profits to' the purchasers or consumers, probably because the
market is not organised co-operatively. Some of the Labour Co-partnership
businesses only sell goods to the Co-operative Store movement ; others sell
partly to the Store movement and partly to the outside world, and some
altogether to the outside.
Here are some other scattered facts : — The Hebden Bridge
Fustian Society has 348 workers, of whom 314 are members, 338
Society shareholders, and 200 outsiders ; the workers contribute
about £10,000 of the capital, the Stores over £11,000, and the other
members about £11,000. The Leicester Hosiery Society has 788
members, of whom 357 are Stores, 207 worker members, and 224
outside shareholders; the Stoics appoint four directors directly.
In the Higham Ferrers Boot Society the employ^ members {i.e.,
all of the thirty-six workers who were over eighteen years of age)
'■"Co-operative Production," p. 4.
168
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPIiES AND METHODS.
held in 1899 316 shares out of 551 and £76 out of £155 loan.
The Burnley Self-Help Society under its reconstituted form is
governed by a Committee of two to represent the workers and old
shareholders, two to represent the debenture holders, and two to
represent the creditors, neither shareholders nor workers to receive
cash payment of interest or profits till £11,700 of debts is paid ofif.
In the Paisley Manufacturing Society 74 out of 320 employes
were members in 1899 ; Walsall Padlock Makers, 76 out of 183 ;
Eccles Manufacturing, 8 out of 89 ; Alcester Needle, 6 out of 25.
The Board of Trade "Eeport on Workmen's Co-operative
Societies in the United Kingdom" for 1899 (Cd. 698, 1901) deals
with 132 productive societies, including 14 Scottish bread-baking
societies, all of which are organisations of consumers. The Eeport
says : —
It appears that of the total individual membership of these associations in
Great Britain 15 per cent, only consisted of employes, and that these employes
held between them about 9 per cent, of the total share and loan capital of the
associations. Tt should be remembered, however, that the influence of the
employes in controlling the action of these associations cannot be measured by
the proportion of capital held by them, as, owing to the general adoption of the
principle of one man one vote, an employe with a single £1 share has usually
the same voting power as the largest shareholder. On the other hand, the
employes take a much greater share in actual management than is represented
by the above proportions. Thus out of the total number of Committee-men
engaged in managmg the associations nearly 30 per cent, are employes. If we
classify the sales of the associations according to the constitution of the
Management Committees we find that of the total sales of the 132 associations,
valued at £1,573,121, £696,486, or 44 per cent., was attributable to twenty
associations, in which the whole or the majority of the members of Management
Committees were representatives of retail distributive societies; £332,403, or
21 per cent., to sixty-six associations, in which the whole or the majority were
individual members other than employes; £391,834, or 25 per cent., to
twenty-nine associations, in which the whole or the majority were employes;
and the remaining £152,448, or 10 per cent., to seventeen associations, in which
no one of the classes named had a majority, or as to the constitution of the
Committee of which no information is forthcoming. Out of the 132 associations
fifty-four, with about 53 per cent, of the total sales, were known at the end of
1899 to have no employes on their Management Committees.
Looking more closely to labour co-partnerships we find that,
excluding the United Baking Society on account of its special
constitution, 74 societies recorded in "Labour Co-partnership" for
August, 1902, were included in the above-mentioned Board of
Trade Eeport. They employed 6,215 workers, of whom 2,973, or
478 per cent., were members, and there were also 11,383 other
individuals and 2,865 societies among the members. The workers
contributed 8-4 per cent, of the capital, societies 46-1 per cent., and
other individual members 25-7 per cent., the remaining 19-8 per
cent, being non-members' loans. The majority of the capital was
contributed by employes in five cases, by societies in fourteen, and
169
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
by other individuals in twenty-three. Employes contributed no
capital in two cases and societies none in ten cases. In twenty-three
associations the whole or a majority of the members of Committees
were employes, in twelve representatives of societies, and in
thirty-two other individual members. In nineteen cases the
employes had no representatives on the Committee, in thirty-five
societies had none, and in five the other individual members had
none. Altogether the employes had 38 per cent, of the management,
societies 18 per cent., and other individual members 44 per cent.
To complete the view of co-partnership, 228 retail societies,
with 24 per cent, of the total membership and 23 per cent, of the
total trade, distributed to their employes in 1901 £33,850. Needless
to say, the employes have no share in management.
"In Scotland," says Mr. Williams,* "the consumers' societies
not only form an element, as they do in most English societies, but
they are very decidedly the predominant partner." The United
Baking Society of Glasgow is a federation of 118 Co-operative
Stores, with a capital of £98,000, a trade of £350,000, and profit
of £40,500, of which in 1901 £5,200 went to the workers. The
profit shared to labour is paid over to a Bonus Investment Society
to which the workmen belong, and each man receives credit for
the share he is entitled to.
The total funds of the Bonus Investment Society are invested in the
Bakery Society. The workers, therefore, meet amongst themselves as and
vs^here they choose and discuss their affairs, and take such decisions for social
or provident or other purposes as seem good to them, while in regard to the
general meetings of the Bakery Society ttie workers individually have no locxLS
standi, but are collectively represented by delegates who go and speak in the
name of the whole body of employes and of the total amount of capital held by
them, according to the decision of the majority.f
This is the plan which Mr. Vivian recommends should be
adopted by ordinary distributive Stores with respect to their
employes, and which Mr. Aneurin Williams desires to see adopted
by ordinary limited companies.
Looking at the societies from an ordinary business point of view
they approximate to three common forms. Where they derive
from a benevolent employer who retains an assured position for
himself they are an extreme form of a common kind of philanthropy.
Where the workers have most of the management in their own hand
they are like limited liability companies with a large amount of
borrowed capital for which they pay special terms ; where the
Stores shareholders, as in the United Bakery Society, control the
management they resemble ordinary productive departments of
* " History and Present Position of Labour Co-partnership," p. 5.
f'The Better Way," p. 8. By Aneurin Williams. — Labour Association.
170
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
ordinary Stores. The parallels are not complete, but they are
suggestive ; and it is noteworthy that the last class is the most
successful. To quote Mr. Aneurin Williams again : — *
Meanwhile we have to face the fact that while associations of consumers
employing labour on co-partnership lines are growing big, and associations
such as those of the Irish farmers are multiplying rapidly, associations of
artisans such as constitute our English societies are not multiplying very fast,
though on the whole they are steadily growing in importance.
It is a fair assumption that when societies do all or the bulk of
their trade with Co-operative Stores and the latter take shares in
order to secure their interests, then as the societies grow and
require more capital the share of the Stores in control and
management wall increase and the "independent" productive
societies will tend to become a special kind of productive
department of federated Stores. What is the real nature of the
"profit" in such cases will be considered later on. This
development will be hastened by the circumstance that the
Stores offer the safest market. Societies which sell mainly in the
outside market like the Walsall Padlock Makers or the Shefl&eld
Sheep Shear Society (which sells mainly to Australian farmers)
are exposed to every storm which sweeps across the competitive
market. The small societies of builders, for example, are mostly
ground between the upper millstone of the large builders with their
powerful capital and labour-saving appliances and the netlier
millstone of the small jerrj'-builder, who can quote cheaply owing
to his illegitimate but gainful practices. Again, while those
societies which are members of the Productive Federation are
to some extent restrained from competing with one another the
others — about equal in number — compete with one another and
with the federated societies (and all, of course, with the Wholesale
Societies) for the trade of the Stores and the open market. The
Congress of 1899 directed inquiry to be made into competition
between productive societies. A conference was held in the
following year without any definite result, and the Committee
on Co-operative Production reported their inability " to suggest
any definite methods to be adopted either for the prevention or
cure of overlapping amongst productive societies, because, from the
experience gained in our discussion of the question during the past,
we are confident that the productive societies themselves are not
yet ripe for any action being taken in this direction." They,
therefore, belong to that competitive form of society which it was
Eobert Owen's object to destroy, and will belong to it until they
come completely under the control of the Stores.
'"History and Present Position of Labour Co-partnership," by Aneurin
Williams. — Labour Association.
171
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPEBATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
The most serious danger of the old self-governing workshop was
that if successful it tended to become a close corporation owing to
the workmen who had liorne the heat and burden of the day
refusing to share profits equally with new members. In the Stores
that danger has been averted by the rule which keeps them open
corporations, compelling them to admit on equal terms on the
principle of one man one vote every person who presented
himself for membership. The same rule obtains with most of the
co-partnership societies, and every Co-operator will admit that
.those societies where it does not hold have no claim to the title
of Co-operative. Here there is another deduction to be made
from the somewhat heterogeneous collection of societies which
are presented to us in the mass as the sole inheritors of the
Co-operative principle.
It is to be hoped that it will be admitted that in the foregoing
account no injustice has been done to Labour Co-partnership.
There is no quarrel with it as a means of raising the condition of
certain workpeople in the existing competitive organisation of
society, but we hold that it does not afford the prospect of a
reconstitution of society on a basis more favourable to all the
individual citizens. The criticism so far made has been intended
solely. to establish this point, but more serious arguments derived
from economic principles remain to be advanced. Before they are
given it will be well, however, to consider in some detail the
relation of labour co-partnership to the Wholesale movement.
The organisation of the English Wholesale Society is based solely
on the interests of the consumers. A Co-operative Store is
managed by a Committee elected by the consumer-members on
the principle of one man one vote. In the "distributive" and the
"productive" departments alike a workman receives no special
recognition or privilege as a workman. He may receive a bonus
on sales or a dividend on wages as a special inducement to good
work, but he has no share in the management beyond what he may
obtain as a consumer-member of the Store, and sometimes he is
disqualified from serving on the Committee. The Wholesale
Society in turn is a federation of Co-operative Stores only, these
taking up shares in proportion to the number of their members,
voting for the Committee in like proportion, and dividing the
"profit" or surplus in proportion to the trade done. A worker in
a Wholesale workshop has no voice in the management of that
workshop except what he may possess as a member of a Co-operative
Store belonging to the federation, nor does he receive any share of
the "profit",." The workers in the productive departments are
always paid the trade union rate of wage, and m the sweated
trades, such as shirtmaking, cabinet-making, &c., a higher than the
172
PBODUCTIVE OO-OPERATION : ITS PBINCIPLES AND METHODS.
market rate even when this has involved loss, as at the Broughton
Furniture Works. The hours average about forty-seven per week.
The report of the Women's Co-operative Guild in 1897 showed
that, while there was undoubted room for improvement, wages were
higher and hours much shorter in the Store movement than in
outside shops and occupations. Mr. W. Maxwell, in a paper read
to the 1893 Congress, said of employment in the Stores : —
With managers and head shopmen there can be little or no fault found in
the way they are remunerated ; although, here and there, it is painful to think
of men having the responsibility of conducting a ca>h business and receiving
only 28s. and 30s. per v?eek. ... It is, however, when we come to consider
the wages of the second counter hands that we cry out in amazement. Is it
possible these are the employes of a movement that boasts of raising the people
socially and materially? It is no uncommon case to find a man who has
served an apprenticeship, possibly two or three years journeyman, working for
from 20s. to 23s. per week.
Yet even these wages are not below market rates but above, and
the conditions as to hours and holidays are immeasurably superior.
The views of the employes themselves on profit sharing as a
remedy are significant. The Secretary of the Amalgamated Union
of Co-operative Employes writes : — '■'
Even were a majority of the members in favour of the principle — which is
doubtful — it could not be carried into effect in the majority of cases until another
task to which the A.U.G.E. has set itself in earnest has been accomplished, viz.,
the establishment of a recognised standard minimum rate of wages. . . . With
years of persistent effort things are improving a little, but until some standard
is generally adopted it will be impossible to say whether " bonus" is an actual
addition to fair wages or merely a part of what ought to be the weekly wage,
retained till the quarter end and then presented as a gift. In the meantime,
employes will continue to look askance at a system which is in too many cases
used as a lever to reduce wages in order that credit may be taken for the
generosity of the society in granting "bonus."
This is unquestionably the correct course of action, and it is
sincerely to be hoped that all reproach will soon be removed from
the Stores. The employes, however, must in turn be reminded
that, human nature being such as it is, there is little chance of their
receiving wages higher than their employers earn in apparently
more arduous occupations. The working class must move upwards
in a body without any privileged sections whether in State,
municipal, or Co-operative employ.
It goes without saying that the basis of the Wholesale Society
has always been thoroughly repugnant to the believers in labour
co-partnership, and many plans have been devised for its reform.
Mr. Vansittart Neale thought that the distributive Stores should
be grouped round natural centres of Wholesale Societies through
which they should obtain all their supplies and with which they
• Co-operative News, June 14th, 1902, p. 722.
173
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
might invest their surplus capital ; these Wholesale Societies
should establish productive departments where required, providing
the necessary capital and the guidance required to guard them in
the days of infancy ; when the works were fairly established they
should be handed over to the workers to become independent
societies united through the Wholesale Societies in a federation
with the Stores and marketing their products through the Wholesale
Societies. The transition was to be operated by the Wholesale
Societies ceasing to distribute the profit on their productive
departments among the distributive societies.
All these profits would be accumulated and converted into shares, to be
allotted to the workers who were willing to take them up, and, if not taken up,
would be kept in reserve. Thus they would gradually replace the capital originally
advanced, and form a fund on which the rules of the society might throw the
primary responsibility for losses, with a constantly increasing guarantee to the
remainder of the original capital not replaced for the time being, till the stage
was attained where the whole of this capital had been redeemed. Then the
managers of the central body would have the pleasing duty of handing over a
well-appointed and well-stocked factory, and a thriving business, to a body of
workers trained under its fostering supervision to the efficient management of
the work by which they were to live, and accustomed to all those better modes
of life that the far-seeing benevolence of their Co-operative employers might
have created around them — who had purchased the right to conduct this
business, and control the conditions of their own lives thereafter, by having
repaid, either from the profits of their own work, or, probably, in part, from
independent savings of their own, the whole capital required to supply the
means of carrying on that work successfully.*
This ingenious device for restoring the self-governing workshop
has remained part of the doctrine of the Labour Association ever
since the first year of that body's existence when the address was
delivered and formally approved at Hebden Bridge, but it has
remained as a pious aspiration and not as an active principle of
daily practice.
To-day those who wish to reform the English Wholesale Society
seek to get it to adopt the profit-sharing plan of the Scottish
Wholesale Society or that of the United Baking Society. The
Scottish Wholesale Society has had three diiferent forms of bonus
since 1870. Under the present plan, adopted in 1892, a uniform
share of "profit" is paid to both distributive and productive
workers, but only one-half is paid over in cash, the other half
being placed to each worker's credit in a special fund called the
Bonus Loan Fund, on which 3 per cent, interest is allowed. The
accumulated bonus can only be withdrawn at the end of three
months after leaving the service of the Society, unless with the
consent of the Committee. At the same time employes were made
"The Principles, Objects, and Methods of the Labour Association," p. 12.
By E. Vansittart Neale. — Labour Association.
174
PKODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
eligible for membership of the Society by applying for a minimum
of five shares (and a maximum of fifty) on which one shilling per
share must be paid, the balance being payable from bonus. The
individual worker-shareholder can do nothing by himself, but as
a body the employ6-shareholders are entitled to send one
representative to the quarterly meeting and one additional for
every 150 employes taking up shares. In 1902 there were 343
employes holding 7,341 shai-es with £6,189 paid up, and entitled
to send three representatives to the business meetings. As the
total number of employes exceeds 5,200 the number who become
shareholders is quite negligible. Little wonder that " Labour
Co-partnership " in January, 1899, should describe the result as
"not a httle lamentable," and urge that shares should be
substituted for the Bonus Loan Fund, such compulsory membership,
however, to be restricted to adults who had been some time in the
service of the society. But even were all the employes shareholders
they would not aggregate forty votes, and since eveiy society
joining (at present there ai'e about 320) has one vote in virtue of
membership, one vote for the first £1,000 bought, and one vote
for every succeeding complete £2,000, the employes' share in
management must be always of the slenderest kind. The extent
to which labour is made more dignified and honourable by such an
arrangement is infinitesimal, and as for the additional reward of
6d. or 8d. in the pound of wages given as bonus it could be secured
in other ways ; the economic nature of the fund out of which it is
paid must remain for discussion later. It may be remarked in
passing that it is plainly unfair and misleading to include, as is often
done, the figures of the Scottish Wholesale Society in statistics
of "Productive Co-operation." As "Labour Co-partnership" says
in the number already quoted : —
The S.C.W.S. is not a producers' society, such as the great majority of our
societies are ; it is not even a consumers' society formed expressly for some
branch of production, as the minority of our Societies are. It stands alone as
a great consumers' society, formed primarily for distribution, but having also
taken up certain branches of production, and having admitted its workers to
co-partnership under very special conditions.
Attempts to restrict the operations of the English Wholesale
Society or to bring it into some kind of partnership with the
independent productive societies have also been numerous,
noteworthy discussions having taken place at the Congresses of
1891 and 1892. On the former occasion Mr. W. Harrison read an
interesting paper, in which, assuming that the Wholesale Society
would retain the bulk of the Stores' trade, he urged the productive
societies "to turn their attention to the non-Co-operative field, the
general and the export markets," and to establish a Co-operative
Merchants' Society or federation of productive societies to undertake
175
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
the marketing of their goods. The registration of such a societ}^
"The Associated Manufacturers Limited," was announced to the
Congress of 1900, but information as to its progress is not
forthcoming. And it may simply be said that if the societies had
tried to confine themselves to the outside market few of them
would have remained out of the Bankruptcy Court. Mr. J. Deans,
in 1892, took up the same subject, and proposed —
(1) That the Wholesale Societies shall refrain from entering into the
manufacture of articles that are being manufactured by any productive society
which is acknowledged by the Co-operative Union to be conducted on what are
really Co-operative principles, and they shall also agree to take their entire
supply of such goods as these productive societies produce, provided that the
societies that are their customers can be persuaded that in style, quality, and
cost ftie goods thus produced are equal to what are offered by private firms.
(2) That in the event of either of the Wholesale Societies agreeing to manufacture
a class of goods already being manufactured by a productive society, they shall,
before taking any action to inanufacture the same class of work, make a generous
offer to such productive society to purchase the plant of the concern at a valuation.
(3) That in no case where the workers were entitled by rule, and hitherto had
received a share of the surplus profits, should they be deprived through a
change of proprietorship, brought about in this way, from still participating in
such a share of the surplus profits. (4) That the productive societies on their
part shall agree to withdraw their travellers from callhig with their goods on,
and shall take no part in the distribution of their goods to, the societies who
are members of the Wholesale Societies.
Disputes were to be settled by arbitration of the Co-operative
Union, and a federation was to be formed of the Wholesales and
the productive societies "whose principal functions wall be to
devise and direct the efforts of members of the federation to
overcome such obstacles as may prevent them from securing a
share of the trade of home and foreign markets." These suggestions
were accepted by neither side. Mr. E. 0. Greening said "it was
impossible to follow Mr. Deans' advice," and Mr. Holyoake declared
that "if Co-operators permitted the formation of a Co-operative
monopoly in which distribution was to control production there
would be an end altogether to that greater part of Co-operation
which represents the interests of labour. Not only did Mr. Deans
propose that productive Co-operation should become a monopoly,
but he proposed that some body should be formed in London or
Manchester to control Co-operative production." Mr. W. Maxwell,
the Chairman of the Scottish Wholesale Society, and therefore a
believer in profit sharing, in supporting Mr. Deans, gave some
useful testimony in support of the criticism several times made in
this paper that the productive societies are part of a competitive
system. He said: —
The Scottish Wholesale divided among its employes no less than 22 per
cent, of the net profits. Who were their competitors ? People who believed
in profit sharing, Mr. Greening's friends of the "Eagle Brand," who came into
176
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPEBATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
Scotland with maudlin sentiments about profit sharing in order to get the
custom of the Stores. . . . The productive societies that had come down to
them with their maudlin sentimentalities about profit sharing were ruining
the principle of Co-operation.
The subject was referred back for the preparation of a scheme,
but the Enghsh Wholesale Society would have nothing to do with
the matter at all. The diflficulties of union were shown a little
later when, in 1896, the Paisley Manufacturing Society cancelled
their contract with the Scottish Wholesale because the latter had
purchased the Ettrick Works. The essential point was that the
Wholesale, being a national society, could not entertain any
claim to monopoly on the part of a local society; on the other
hand, there have been no difficulties between the English and
Scottish Wholesale Societies, and when the Scottish Wholesale
Society in 1896 undertook oatmeal milling the quarterly meeting
decided not to make biscuits, since the United Baking Society,
itself a federal body, was doing a national trade in that article.
The Bristol Congress of 1893 reaffirmed "the principle of
co-partnership of labour as an essential of industrial Co-operation
and as the best mode to adopt to create a greater interest by the
employes of the movement in its work and advancement; and
that we earnestly urge upon all federal bodies to adopt a measure
that shall be generous towards their employes." This was openly
aimed at the English Wholesale, but the heart was really out of
the fighting. Mr. Acland's warning in 1891 that the fervour of
criticism had defeated its own object was bearing fruit, new views
on economics were coming to the front, and Miss Potter's book
was being widely read. An attempt at further action in 1894
ended in a deadlock, no one being able to count the votes.
Conciliation was the order of the day in 1895, and a Joint
Committee was appointed to search for harmony. The
representatives of the United Board, Scottish Wholesale, and the
Pi'oductive Federation agreed upon recommendations which were
a remarkable declension from the old fervent gospel. The
effective parts are: —
That in connection with all Co-operative enterprises, whether distributive
or productive, there should be set apart some portion of the profits as they
arise for the purpose of making some provision for the workers over and above
such remuneration as they would receive in ordinary competitive workshops.
That such portion of the profits may be used for the benefit of the workers,
either (1) by way of increasing their remuneration ; (2) by enabling them to
become shareholders ; (3) by providing superannuation or pensions in old age,
under such conditions as the society concerned may fix from time to time.
The English Wholesale representatives declared : —
We contend for a just and generous treatment of employes, aud that the
benefits from Co-operation should accrue to them through the medium of the
Store in like manner as the mass of Co-operators receive it who are not directly
177
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
employed in the movement. The Co-operative Wholesale Society being the
creation of the Stores and their own institution, it is obviously the proper
means by which they should be supplied with their requirements, and the
Wholesale Society, therefore, should mqiuufacture the goods wanted by its own
members.
Decision was again postponed till 1897, a happy policy, for
Mr. Hardern could announce in 1900 that both parties were ready
to cease firing and to rest content to prove their theories by practice.
We thus find ourselves with labour co-partnership and
consumer-controlled production confronting each other as they did
at the beginning of this paper, all efforts at reconciliation having
broken down by their own weakness. In the course of our survey
we have also found that the profit-sharing bond of union conceals
wide differences of principle and practice. Some co-partnership
societies are under fixed Committees or managers, others prohibit
their workmen from serving on Committees, others do not adopt
the rule of one man one vote ; these in strict terms should not be
called Co-operative associations at all. We also find considerable
difficulty in conceding the title to those societies which refuse to
regard the consumer as entitled to a share in profit. Some
manufacture solely for the open market like any private firm ; they
in no wise reduce competition, and are really modified joint-stock
companies. Others again produce mainly for the Co-operative
market, competing therein in varying degrees, and controlled by
Stores to a greater or less extent. They tend to come more and
more under the control of Stores, as they draw their new capital
from that source. And, finally, we find the Scottish Wholesale
and the United Baking Societies to be pure federal consumer-
controlled societies modified only to a trivial degree by profit sharing.
It remains for us to consider the nature of the fund, called "profits "
in both cases, out of which capital, consumer, or labour draw their
additional reward, and it will appear that in the case of the federal
societies it is different in nature from what it is in the case of the
individual productive societies, and that important consequences
flow therefrom.
A number of exploded ideas borrowed from the old political
economists have been utilised to obscure the real matters at issue
in the controversy. Foremost among these is the false antithesis
of "production" and "distribution" in industry. There is no
essential difference in the operations performed on a commodity
from its origination as raw material until it is handed over to the
final consumer ready for consumption. All the workers are
concerned in making it more available for use, in adding successive
increments of utility. If, for example, we follow a loaf of bread
from the agricultural labourer who sows and reaps the wheat to
~^l3
178
PBODUCTIVE CO-OPEBATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
the carter who takes the grain to the mill, the miller who grinds it,
the railway-men who transport it to the bakehouse, the baker who
bakes it, and the counterman or vanman who delivers it to the
housewife — we trace a series of operations all essential, all involving
the expenditure of fresh labour. All these necessary functions
might conceivably be performed, and in some stages of society may
be performed, by one individual, and according to theory he would
be constantly passing from productive to non-productive labour as
he produced or did not produce any physical alteration in the
commodity. Yet to move goods from a place where they are not
available to a place where they are available is as productive of
utility as the causing of some physical change. Political economy
as we understand it grew up in a period when England was being
transformed by a great outburst of manufacturing activity.
" Production " was the great fact of the time, the necessity of
freeing it from legal and traditional restrictions was the greatest
political need of the day ; it is hardly to be wondered at that the
bookmen should have elevated it to an eminence in theory which
was quite unwarranted. When we recognise the essential identity
between "production" and "distribution" we are forced to draw
the inevitable conclusion that there is no logical reason for any
difference of treatment of workers whether they are employed in
the Store, the workshop, or the Wholesale Society. If it is essential
that the employ^ in a workshop should be entitled to a share in
profits and management solely in virtue of the labour which he
contributes, that is equally true for the salesman in a Store or a
workman in a Wholesale "productive" department, and the
distinctions which give the share of management to the individual
worker in the workshop and to a society of associated employes in
the Store and Wholesale Society appear purely fanciful.
A more serious error is that which makes the producer and not
the consumer the dominant figure in industry. Hera Co-operatoi's
have sinned in good company, for it is only the most modern school
of economists which has given due weight to the importance of
consumption. To produce and to keep on producing appeared to
be the ideal of some older economists. J. S. Mill said : — *
All labour is, in the language of political economy, unproductive, which
ends in immediate enjoyment, without any increase of the accumulated stock
of permanent means of enjoyment. And all labour, according to our present
definition, must be classed as unproductive which terminates in a permanent
benefit, however important, provided that an increase of material products
forms no part of that benefit. The labour of saving a friend's life is not
productive, unless the friend is a productive labourer, and produces more than
he consuzaes.
'Political Economy." — Book I., chap iii., sec. 4.
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PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
Such a philosophy, with its rigid verbal definitions, was
peculiarly pleasing to the manufacturers, who inculcated it with
Gradgrind-like ferocity. For the workman and the master life was
to be one unending labour devoted to the production of material
wealth. A manufacturing class imbued with this spirit has an
unquestionable advantage in the world of competition, and will
enrich not only itself but the community of which it forms part.
Mr. Jeans* finds this true in the United States to-day. "The
typical American," he says, "appears to live only to work, and to
work at something that will be a life-long career of usefulness to
himself as an individual, and to the community as interested m
mechanical improvements and economies," and one result is that
"in the United States it is every man for himself, and the result is
often bad for the individual." In Britain to-day, thanks largely
to the teachings of Carlyle and Ruskin, we have come to see that
consumption is the really important thing in life, that what
matters most is not how much we produce but the use which we
make of the things we have produced. Ethically, therefore, the
consumer transcends the producer.
Economically the accentuation of the producer implies an open
market in which there is a ready sale for all products at a
remunerative price. Every citizen, being equally figured as a
producer, will be equally situated in the market, and in selling his
produce will receive a reward exactly proportioned to his exertions.
Some such notion as this seems to underlie any theory which
bases life on production, but it is far removed from the conditions
of the actual market. Unrestricted production means unfailingly
a discrepancy between supply and demand. It is to the interest
of each individual producer to produce to the utmost extent of his
capacity, if by skill or luck he can sell all his goods, heedless of the
fate of his fellow-producers. When all the suppliers of a market
act in this way a glut, dislocation of trade, and commercial collapse
follow. A century of experience has taught business men,
statesmen, and economists alike that such unregulated competition
spells disaster. Industry must be regulated, and is regulated,
either in the interests of producers or consumers, either for a class
or for the community. When manufacturers combine, as Professor
Ashley says, "to lessen and, if it may be, avert altogether the
disastrous and harassing effects of cut-throat competition," we
have the Trust ; when consumers combine we have the Co-operative
Store, the municipality, the central government. It is not without
significance that some advocates of labour co-partnership show
* " American Industrial Conditions and Competition." Reports of British
Iron Trade Association. — London, 1902.
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PBODUCTIVE CO-OPEBATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
themselves as jealous of State or municipal trading as of production
by Stores, and that they oppose their form of organisation to the
"Socialistic" character of the Wholesale Societies. The nature
of the components of a Trust matters little. Whether the
constituent members are firms or joint-stock companies is of no
importance, and a federation of labour co-partnerships dividing,
say, the boot trade between them would be of essentially the same
character. All alike would be organisations of producers formed
to restrict competition primarily in the interests of the producers.
Any differences in their working would be due, apart from State
conti'ol, to the moral character of the components, and that varies
among co-partnerships as among individual employers. And
experience shows us that to rely for reform on the " moralisation
of the employer" is to trust in a doubtful and fluctuating guarantee..
There is another difference between organisations of consumers
and organisations of producers, which we may describe as political,
since the former are democratic, the latter oligarchical. This is an
inevitable result of the modern stratification of society. To quote
Mr. Tweddell's most admirable Congress Address of 1894 : —
The consumers of any article are always in a large and ever-increasing
majority ; the producers of it in a small, ever-diminishing minority. One
hundred and twenty-four men employed in Dunston Mill are able to produce
5,000 sacks of flour per week, enough to supply a population of 200,000 people ;
1,600 workers, incjuding men, women, girls, and boys, engaged at Leicester
Shoe Works will supply 300,000 individuals with boots at the rate of four pairs
each in the year.
Every day sees the disproportion between producers and
consumers becoming greater. To-day about one hundred and
eighty men in Dunston mill turn out 8,250 sacks of flour weekly,
or about six sacks more per man. In Leicester some twenty-four
or twenty-five hundred workers make about 460,000 pairs of boots
and shoes a quarter. Look through the trade papers or the factory
inspectors' reports, and the all-conquering march of machinery is
evident to the dullest. The industrial revolution which killed
handwork and forced men to congregate into factory towns has not
yet spent itself. Just as the size of businesses has increased and
their number decreased so, too, in proportion to output, has the
number of workers diminished. Mr. Jeans, in the report already
quoted, says that in the United States in 1890 the output of
pig-iron averaged 275 tons per man employed at the blast furnaces ;
in 1900 it had risen to 354 tons, and at the Duquesne works of the
Carnegie Steel Company to about 1,300 tons per man in 1901.
This one example may serve to show what is done in the steel
industry of America by the wholesale application of machinery and
electricity. Eight at the other end of the industrial scale our own
factory inspectors note the introduction of power-driven machinery
181
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
into dressmaking and millinery. In the cotton industry excellent
reports are heard of the increased output per worker from the
Northrop loom. The general result of this development is to make
it easier for producers to combine, and in all industrial countries
they are combining. In America and Germany the organisation
of industry has gone a great way, in Britain it is advancing with
rapid steps, in newer lands like Eussia and Japan it is springing up.
Economically these combinations are supreme; they can buy out
or crush out opposition, their only limit is the dread of civil war or
the fear of the political power of the consumer. Suppose these
Trusts swept away and their place taken by Owen's "industrial
companies" of trade unions, the situation would be essentially the
same. The community would be economically subject to a series
of trade oligarchies, each liable to the temptation to exact an undue
toll from the mass of the population. That this fear is not fanciful
is shown by the fact that the workmen of the Midlands have shown
no hesitation in uniting with the employers into " Birmingham
alliances," whereby the masters were assured of whatever
percentage of profit on cost they chose to fix themselves and the
men's wages rose with prices. Several times the South Wales
miners have advocated limitation of the output in order to keep up
prices and wages. It is the tritest of truisms that no class can be
entrusted with uncontrolled power ; it is the merest folly to put on
human nature more than it can bear. Trusts have misused their
power until they were beaten back by fear of the people. Working
men have misused their power until confronted by the strength of
the community. Had Eobert Owen's dream been realised the
nation would have had to take measures for its own protection — it
would, that is to say, have had to control industry and production
in the interests of the consumers.
Nor is the case altered if we figure to ourselves the industrial
world organised in a system of federated co-partnerships. W"e
would not have even the pure spirit of labour in which bygone
leaders trusted so implicitly, but labour unequally yoked with
capital. In the co-partnerships which exist to-day we find that
capital — moralised, it is true, in some cases, but still capital — has
the predominant power. Co-partnership leaders acknowledge that
their hope of winning ground in the wider spheres of manufacture
depends on the benevolence or self-interest of capital, on the
adoption of schemes like that of the South Metropolitan Gas
Company, where, for a share of the profits and an illusory and
microscopic share of control, labour is tamed and fettered. With
both partners in production — labourer and capitalist united — we
still have a minority opposed to the consumer majority, and all the
great and growing mass of workers who do not produce commodities
182
PBODUCTIVE CO-OPEBATION : ITS PBINCIPLBS AND METHODS.
but render services left outside any organisation. Again we depend
for safety solely on the moral character of the producing societies,
and again we are reminded of some un-Co-operative traits in
co-partnerships, which exist though blamed by their leaders.
Again we would find the community compelled to organise in its
own interests, again the consumers would have to use their power
as citizens to control industry. It may seem fanciful to look so far
ahead, but we are considering plans for the reform of the whole
industrial world, and must, therefore, pay regard to ultimate
consequences. The Co-operative Store is the only true democracy,
for, with its lists ever open to new members, its only limit is the
whole population. Although every consumer is or should be a
producer, his interests as consumer are of a far wider economic
range than his interests as producer, and if in one capacity he can
hold the community at his mercy in all others he is at the mercy
of other producers. We can easily imagine a condition of things
in which the characteristic of industrial society would be a wild
fight between the different classes of producers for the right of
exploitation, those in the most necessary trades having the
advantage. Even if such a nightmare were/ not realised, it is
repugnant to the political instinct of an educated man that he
should be economically defenceless before an oligarchy of producers,
however intelligent or benevolent. If it lessens the dignity and
independence of a man to have no voice in the management of the
business in which he is employed, it is at least as objectionable to
be compelled to accept the prices fixed by producers for the
necessaries or luxuries of life. In the latter case far more than in
the former the whole character of a man's life is determined by
outside powers. This is the strongest objection to the Trust, and
the Co-operative Store escapes from it at the beginning by founding
itself on the broadest possible basis.
Eobert Owen, in attacking society as he found it, hit straight
at its central feature — profit. Declaring that profit could only
exist when the demand for goods equalled or exceeded the supply,
he sought to establish a state of society in which supply should
exceed demand. Then it would no longer be possible for the
strong to oppress the weak, profit and all its moral evils would
cease to exist. "A profit on price for individual gain," he said,
"brings into action all the lower passion of human nature." The
Co-operative Store alone among modern institutions, except such
trading or manufacture as is carried on by the State or municipality,
has made any approach towards the realisation of Eobert Owen's
ideal. Profit exists only when the producer of a commodity sells
it to an independent person at a price exceeding the cost of
manufacture. If a person makes an article for himself for less
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PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
than he could have bought it in a shop he saves money, but he
makes no profit. He may make a pair of shoes for ten shilhngs
and enter them in his books at the market price of fifteen shillings,
but that does not create a profit. He may lock the surplus away
in a box for six months and then pay it out to himself, but still it
is not profit. If he employs a man at the ordinary market wages
to make the article which he then consumes he may save on the
market price, but he will make no profit. Again, he may buy an
article from the manufacturer and so save the profits of the
middleman and the retailer, but he makes no profit for himself.
If two, twenty, or two thousand men unite to do the same thing
the truth of the analysis is not disturbed. All this to-day sounds
the merest platitude, but the importance of its bearing on the
Co-operative movement was not recognised until Miss Potter's
brilliant book appeared and revolutionised economic thought in
this respect. A number of men and women combine together and
start a Co-operative Store, agreeing for reasons of convenience to
sell their goods to one another at the ordinary shopkeepers' prices
and to divide the surplus later in proportion to their purchases
under the name of dividend. They save the retailer's profit and
obtain their goods at what they would have cost the shopkeeper
plus the expenses of distribution; they save the surplus, but they
make no commercial profit. If a number of Stores combine
together to establish a wholesale agency for purchasing directly
from the manufacturer or producer they save all middle profits,
but make no profit for themselves. The net result is the same as
if they sold their goods at once at cost price, as, indeed, the
English Wholesale Society did at first until it was compelled to
desist through difficulties of accounting. If a Store establishes a
productive department, or if a number of Stores do the same thing
through their Wholesale Society, a further series of profits, the
manufacturers', are saved, but economically the case is the same
as if they made the goods themselves — there is no profit. We
may go right back to the extraction of the raw materials, as a
Store does with its Vegetable garden or dairy farm or the Wholesale
Societies with the tea plantations they have recently purchased,
but no profit anywhere arises. Everywhere we get back to original
cost, everywhere profit is saved, the ultimate distribution of
dividends brings about the same result as if the goods had been
sold in the bulk at their cost price.
To talk, as labour co-partnership advocates habitually do, as if
profit sharing in the case of a Co-operative Store were the same
thing as profit sharing in an ordinary business is a mischievous
confusion of things essentially different. The Scottisn Wholesale
Society and the United Baking Society have no profits to distribute,
184
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
only a surplus produced by an arbitrarily determined price. What
they give to their workers is wages, and wages only, one part being
determined in a clumsy and illogical fashion. The folly of the talk
about the profits of Co-operative business is well shown by those
societies which raise their prices above the market rate in order to
produce a larger dividend. Just so might our man who made the
pair of boots for himself charge himself a price of fifty shillings
and so claim to have made a profit of 400 per cent. Similarly
with "productive" societies which are controlled by shareholding
Co-operative Stores to whom they sell all their product — the
workers get an artificially high wage, but there is no commercial
profit. When we come to productive societies which dispose of
all or part of their goods in the open market, like the Sheep Shear
Society, we come to an entirely different class. Here there is no
distribution of surplus or "profit" bringing the cost to the consumer
back to the cost of production ; we are dealing with an ordinary
commercial business making profit out of its customers in the usual
way. This is the essential, ineradicable difference between the
Store and the co-partnership, which is only loosely hidden by the
common feature that both are associations mainly of working men.
Co-partnerships live by making profit ; Co-operative Stores can
never produce a profit. On the other hand, there is no essential
difference between a co-partnership and any other profit-making
concern. Indeed, if the working-class shareholders in the " Oldham
Co-ops. " chose to work in their own mills they would have a far
greater control over their own labour than the workers in an
ordinary co-partnership have.
The claim for a share in profits in a Co-operative Store is simply
a claim that higher wages should be paid, a claim which in itself
is always justified, since Co-operative Societies should lead, and
generally have led, the industrial world in the treatment of labour.
But if higher wages are paid they should be paid in the simplest
and most straightforward way, unencumbered by faulty economics
oi false philosophy. The claim for a share in management
touches the most delicate question of modern business — the proper
management of the factory or workshop. Workmen have an
unquestionable claim to an equal voice in the arrangement of
wages, hours, and conditions of labour, and this they can obtain
through collective agreements negotiated by their trade unions.
The nature and methods of woi'k, the selection of workmen for
particular jobs, the introduction of machinery, and the sale of
goods — these must always remain matters for the managing
authorities. To give the workmen a voice in these questions
would be to put all industry at the mercy of the vested interests
of the shop. These problems remain the same in a Co-operative
186
PEODUCTIVE CO-OPEKATION : ITS PRINCIPIiES AND METHODS.
workshop if, indeed, they are not greater, since there is in every
grade and kind of employment a large number of people who
think that they need not exert themselves so much for a collective
employer — whether that be the State, a municipality, or a
Co-operative Society — -as for a private employer. So far as we
can at present see the interests of industry will be best consulted
by keeping the departments of labour and management quite
separate. The position of the Co-operative employe closely
resembles that of a State or municipal servant. A public
servant, whether clerk or dockyard operative or municipal
employe, has no voice in the management of his office or
workshop, he must do what he is told ; but, though he cannot
sit in Parliament or on the Town Council, he has a vote, and
therewith a voice in the selection of his masters, and through his
representatives can make his grievances known. A Co-operative
employe who is a member of a Store is similarly disqualified from
serving on the Managing Committee, but he has a vote in the
selection of that Committee, and can bring forward complaints or
proposals at the half-yearly or quarterly meetings. Here is an
element of control and independence not possessed by the employ^
of a private firm, which gives the Co-operative employe, if he is a
Store member, a dignity possessed by no other worker. It is said
that to make the reward of the worker pai'tly dependent on profit
brings him into contact with the broader questions of industry, and
makes him see that profit is governed by other factors besides
labour. Of this there is no special need, for the fluctuations of
employment bring home to every intelligent workman the fact that
there are other elements in industry and commerce besides his
labour, and the growth of advanced political and economic thought
shows that workers in their capacity as citizens appreciate that fact.
At the bottom whether we prefer the Co-operative or the
co-partnership system of industry depends upon whether we are
inclined towards collective or individualist control. It is at
least a remarkable coincidence that, while a good many co-partnery
advocates oppose their movement to the control of industry by the
State or municipality. Co-operative leaders constantly use the
language of Socialists in speaking of their hopes. Thus Mr.
J. T. W. Mitchell, in his address to the Congress of 1892, said : —
My desire is that the profits of all trade, all industry, all distribution, all
commerce, all importation, all banking and money dealing, should fall back
again into the hands of the whole people. If Co-operators will manage their
business in such a way as to concentrate all their trade in one channel I am
certain that this can be accomplished.
Perhaps this is expecting from Co-operation a little more than
it is able to perform, but the adherents of co-partnerships are never
186
PBODUCTIVB CO-OPERATION : ITS FRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
weary of pointing out that the Co-operative State when realised
would not differ from the Socialist State. In this they are right.
Imagine all the inhabitants of Oldham members of the Co-operative
Store, in whose shops all the retail trade of the town was carried
on, and in whose productive departpaents all the manufacture was
conducted. There is no essential difference between such a state
of things and one in which all trade and manufacture was
municipalised. In the one case all the citizens would as Store
members elect a Store Committee as governing body ; in the other
these very same people would for the same pui-pose elect a Town
Council — that is all.
It is of more importance to point out that the efficiency of
Co-operation depends upon its meeting the defects of competition
on collectivist principles. Competition as a principle of industrial
organisation fails because of its incapacity to equate supply to
demand. To-day there is but one market for commodities, and it
is open to all the producers in the world. No one producer can
form any reliable estimate of what the demand for his product is
likely to be, and just as little can he forecast what his competitors
are going to do to meet that demand. More or less blindly he
must produce up to the limit of his capacity, hoping to place his
goods on the market at a price which will enable him to dispose of
them all. Whether the demand is adequately met, or whether
his competitors are ruined, is of no concern to him, except, indeed,
that it is to his interest that demand should always outstrip supply,
for then he can get a higher scarcity-price. Trade under such
circumstances has cycles of prosperity and adversity ; when good
profits are made fresh competitors spi'ing up, the output increases,
somewhere or other in the productive series there is before long
over-production, and a glut of goods chokes up the avenues of
distribution. Then comes a commercial crisis and trade depression
until the unnecessary producers are squeezed out and trade once
more revives. Co-partnerships, whether of ordinary firms admitting
their employes to a share of profits and control or of associations
of working men, cannot, so far as they sell to the open market, resist
this trade tendency ; on the contrary, every new co-partnership
stimulates competition. When, on the other hand, production is
carried on by a Co-operative Store or federation of Co-operative
Stores, competition is excluded. Production is no longer speculative,
but based on the accurate ascertainment of the demands of the
customers of the Stores. Supply is equated to demand, for no
advantage can arise from an inadequate supply. The Co-operative
market is a part of the world market walled in and protected from
the tide of competition ; there can be neither depression nor glut
nor over-production in it. These remarks apply only in their
187
PKODUCTIVE CO-OPEBATION : ITS PKINCIPLES AND METHODS.
fulness to a Store whose members are faithful to their principles
and purchase only goods made in their own productive departments
or by the Wholesale or other federal societies. When a Store deals
largely in outside goods competition is readmitted with its evils,
Co-operative development is hampered, and there is great need for
Co-operative missionary effort among the members. But in so far
as these remar-ks do apply the Co-operative Store is an anticipation
of the Sociahst State. Eobert Owen sought to secure the blessings
of Socialism for small, self-centred communities ; the Labour
Co-partnership advocates aim at greater advantages for select
bodies of associated capitalists and workers. But the Co-operative
Stores socialise those branches of production which concern them,
and spread the advantage over all their members ; instead of all
Socialism for a few, or all Capitalism for a few, their motto is
some Socialism for all.
One word must be said with regard to profit sharing as a means
of securing a higher reward for the worker. Where it is used to
detach workers from their trade union or as a substitute for a living
wage it merits only condemnation, and time need not be wasted in
discussing it. But even in its best forms it presents few attractions
to the worker. The capitaHst who introduces a profit-sharing
scheme does not give his employes something for nothing, but
rather intends to get something for nothing. The workers are
expected to show greater interest, intelligence, and assiduity in
their work, and very seldom do they get all the extra produce or
all of what they save to their employer. Mr. Sedley Taylor, in his
address on "Profit Sharing" to the Co-operative Congress of 1884,
frankly said : —
We have here reached the foundation on which profit sharing, considered
from a purely economic point of view, is based — the fact, namely, that it has
at command potential energies capable of opening an entirely new source of
profits, and so of independently creating its own fund. From this we see at
once that an employer who introduces the system is under no necessity of
lowering the rate of profits which he has previously been obtaining. He has
only to arrange matters in such wise that the share allotted to his employes
shall represent no more than the surplus brought in by their improved work.
Now for a certain expenditure of energy the worker gets a
certain reward in wages ; for a certain further expenditure of energy
he is to get an additional reward in a share of profit, which must
be less than he would get for that expenditure if he were paid in
wages, else there would be no advantage to the employer. All
over, therefore, he is paid at less than the trade union rate and is
unwittingly a " blackleg." The instinct of the trade unions which
led them to oppose profit sharing was fully justified. Of course, if
the worker is a shareholder he will get back part of his loss, but
only a small part. It is, further, plain that the share of profits is
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PBODUCTIVB CO-OPERATION : ITS PBINCIPLES AND METHODS.
a reward for labour, and therefore wages, deferred wages calculated
in a special way ; there is no " raagic of property " in it for the
worker, he is still a wage-paid labourer. What is worse is that he
is called upon for the extra exertion without any guarantee that he
will get the reward, for matters beyond his control — an unskilful
manager or a crisis in some foreign market — may destroy the
profits. According to Board of Trade figures 195 schemes whereby
a definite prearranged share of profits has been allotted to
workpeople in addition to wages have been started in Great Britain
and the British Colonies between 1829 and June 30th, 1902. Of
these 107 have ceased to exist, 72 are still in operation, and
particulars cannot be obtained about 16. This particular movement
cannot be regarded as a success. There are other means whereby
the energies of workpeople can be fully elicited, and a high rate of
ordinary wages is the basis of them all. After that is secured a
bonus on output or a premium on speed may be given, so long as
the average worker is not oppressed for the benefit of the speedy.
When there is a strong trade union a scientifically ascertained
piece wage with a high minimum is as good a form of remuneration
as can be found.
So far we have dealt with the analysis of the economics and
philosophy of Co-operation and Co-partnership, and shown that
there is no foundation for the attacks on the Wholesale Societies
or for the eulogies of co-partnership as an alternative scheme for
the redemption of labour. It remains for us to consider the
question briefly from the point of view of the distribution of
material forces in the industrial world. The labour co-partnerships
are all small; the largest of them is a tiny dot compared with
large business firms. Their growth is slow, so slow that, as one
of their supporters, the Hon. T. A. Brassey, says," "for complicated
industries, which have to compete with the whole world, I think
we shall have to look for the development of co-partnership
principles on other lines." These lines are laid down in Mr.
Aneurin Williams's pamphlet "The Better Way," and are, briefly,
that the large industrial undertakings should take their workpeople
into partnership in something like the way adopted by the
United Baking Society or the South Metropolitan Gas Company.
Whatever merits such a proposal may have it offers no obstacle to
the amalgamation of separate businesses into large combinations
which is now proceeding on all sides and in all countries, and it may
be noted that the profit-sharing schemes in force in the firms of W. D.
* " Can Labour Co-partnership Furnish a Satisfactory Solution of Industrial
Problems?" — Labour Association, 1900.
189
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
and H. O. Wills Limited, and Franklyn, Davey, and Company, came
to an end when these firms entered the Imperial Tobacco Company.
The predominant power still remains with the capitalists. Two ways
of dealing with the " Trusts " present themselves— the extension
of State control and the development of Co-operation. For the
former we must wait until public opinion is much further educated
than is the case to-day ; the latter is a force in actual operation.
It must be remembered that under the term "Trust" or private
monopoly we must include not only permanent amalgamations on
a large scale but also temporary associations of m mufacturers and
retailers for the purpose of fixing and maintaining prices and large
firms exercising a commanding influence in the market. With
both of these Co-operative Stores and the Wholesale Societies
have already tried conclusions. Local associations of bakers and
grain millers are familiar institutions in all large towns, and their
periodical meetings for the regulation of prices within their districts
are habitually recorded in the newspapers. In every active
Co-operative centre there is a vivid memory of a struggle between
the Stores and the local bakers respecting the price of bread, and
the Co-operative loaf sold at a reasonable price, below the bakers'
rate, has been perhaps the most fertile missionary of the movement.
Most of the Co-operative corn mills were started to provide relief
from the extortions of the millers, and the fight between the Dunston
Mill and the "flour ring," in which the popular institution won at
immense cost, is one of the proudest recollections of the Co-operator.
The Co-operative boycott and the fight against the butchers'
associations in Scotland are memories of the immediate past.
The policy of the grocery trade to-day is to persuade the
manufacturers to join with the retailers in fixing for all proprietary
goods minimum retail prices which will give the retailer a profit of
not less than 15 per cent, on sales, and in several instances they
have been successful. That this practice is likely to spread may
be seen by the following letter from Messrs^ Cadbury, quoted in
The Grocer of January 11th, 1902 : —
When the time comes that the grocery fraternity will unite in fixing price
limits that will leave a substantial margin of profit it will be to the mutual
advantage of both the trade and ourselves, and we should gladly do our share
to support such an action.
The struggle which has been begun at St. Helens by a union of
170 shopkeepers who have declared a boycott of the Co-operators
at the suggestion of the local Grocers' Association shows how little
sympathy that trade has with Co-operation. It is, therefore, not
a matter for surprise that the manufacturers have been dragged in
to their assistance. The Mazawattee Company has lately put a
190
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
new cocoa on the market, and the following letter, also from the
number of The Grocer just quoted, shows the methods by which
they seek to commend themselves to the grocers : —
Whilst I am exceedingly pleased that your association agrees with the
circular which has been sent out re our not supplying our cocoa to Co-operative
Societies in places where there are grocers' associations and where the members
of these associations promise to keep our goods to the front and not to cut the
prices below those distinctly marked on the tins, I regret being unable to go so
far as to say we will not supply Co-operative Stores in any part of the kingdom.
. . . I would add that we have given our word not to supply the Wholesale
Co-operative Society, and also to stop the supplies of any local wholesale firm
who may supply indirectly the Co-operative Stores about which we have pledged
ourselves down to associations.
Co-operators can rest undisturbed by such tyrannical manoeuvres.
Whatever outsiders may suffer from a rise in the price of groceries,
the member of a Store is as secure as he is in the case of bread.
If supplies are cut off that is a matter of little consequence, for the
Wholesale Societies manufacture cocoa' and a variety of other
groceries and obtain tea and other articles from sources which
the trade associations cannot reach. They can increase their
output of these goods and undertake the production of others just
in proportion as the demand from the Stores increases, and loyal
Co-operators should offer them the best of inducements to do so —
the compulsion of demand. Even should a large Trust, say the
Imperial Tobacco Company, enter into the fray the Co-operator
can enjoy the fragrant pipe none the less while the tobacco
factories at Manchester and Shieldhall produce their excellent
Co-operative mixture.
The strength of the Wholesale Societies lies in their immense
and gi'owing capital and their large and secure market. With the
former they put themselves in the same line with modern giants of
commerce ; in the latter they possess an advantage shared by no
other industrial institution They can easily endui'e a loss which
would ruin many a large firm, while no co-partnership could have
survived the loss made by the Dunston Mill in its tight with the
"ring." To-day the industrial battle is with the strong, and while
the Trusts are gathering for the conquest of the commercial world
we cannot wait for the slow growth of co-partnerships. The
Batley Manufacturing Company and the Lancashire and Yorkshire
Productive Society failed as "productive societies" to survive the
stress of competition ; they were taken over by the English
Wholesale Society, and since then have been carried on with great
success. It would be foolish to neglect the evidence of the growth
of the Wholesale Societies, that the principles on which they have
been conducted are sound, that success lies in manufacturing for
an assured demand. That is the central feature of Wholesale
191
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPERATION : ITS PRINCIPLES AND METHODS.
production, with which vagaries of profit sharing have nothing to
do. The theoretical advantages of giving employes a share in
profits and in management we have shown to be unfounded, and
the share in management actually conceded to be infinitesimal.
The Co-operative employ^ will find his elevation most surely by
becoming a member of his Store and his trade union, and by the
wise exercise of his powers as a citizen. The inherent defects of
the small capitalist system are well exemplified by the building
trade, which is often declared to be the most suitable ground for
co-partnerships. The present house famine in Berlin is largely
due to the fact that the small builders, who form the vast majority
of the trade there, have proved themselves unable to bear the
increased burden of the rise in the price of materials, in wages,
and in interest.'''
Co-operators, however ardent, cannot hope to include all
production within their activities. The great bulk of the iron, steel,
and chemical industries, for instance, are quite outside the lines
of their development. Their first function is the distribution of
the goods required for family consumption, their next the
immediate processes of manufacture necessary for the preparation
of such goods. The remoter processes of manufacture are only
likely to be taken up under the stress of special circumstances.
This is far short of Eobert Owen's dreams, but the supply of food,
clothing, and furniture is no small or unimportant part of the
people's needs, and to extend the work of Co-operation to embrace
all that production is a development we can scarcely dare to hope
to see in our time. The Wholesale Societies have made an
excellent beginning, but it is only a beginning compared with the
work which lies before them. Every day sees a fresh portion of
territory acquired, and with that extension come fresh problems.
Already the labour has proved too much for the original Committee,
and just as the democratic forin- of representative government
through a Committee was naturally assumed by our democratic
" State within a State," so to-day the democratic device of
devolution of powers to District Committees is being adopted as
pressure of business demands. Inside the federation of Stores is
arising a federation of Committees, all subject in the long run to
the great democracy of Store members. In the natural growth of
this form of organisation we may see another proof of the soundness
of the Wholesale movement. The success of Co-operation as of
every form of business depends on management, and the growth of
the Wholesale Societies will depend on their ability to equip
themselves with a detailed form of administration capable of
' Soziale Praxis," p. 1,139. July 31st, 1902.
192
PRODUCTIVE CO-OPEBATION : ITS PBINCIPLE8 AND METHODS.
coping with the new problems. There is no reason to be alarmed
at the magnitude of the undertaking. The United States Steel
Corporation manufactures a vast range of commodities, from barbed
wire to iron bridges, and has a capital of £276,000,000, but it is
controlled by 24 directors. This is made possible by an admirable
system of devolution, by regular conferences of managers, and by
excellent statistical and intelligence departments. The Calico
Printers' Association, with £8,200,000 capital, will in future be
governed by six directors with seven advisory committees of the
leading branch officials to deal with the chief departments of the
business — stores, selling, &c. ; to these an eighth of workmen might
be added. From instances like these hints may be obtained as
to the proper organisation of a large and diversified business.
Success will turn on the proper application of three principles —
concentration of responsibility, devolution of details upon
subordinates, keeping the supreme managers free to deal with
large problems only. In a word, we want commercial statesmen,
not shopkeepers. One final point : if the Co-operative movement
is to become really great in manufacturing. Co-operators must be
prepared to pay for it. They have no right to exploit the
Co-operative enthusiasm of individuals, as they often do at present.
Heads of departments, directors, and leading officials need not be
paid fortunes, but if they are not paid good salaries for highly-
skilled and responsible work a sufficient number of the best brains
will gravitate to private trade and Co-operation will have no
chance of becoming a dominant force in industry. Brains deserve
a living wage as much as labour; great brains command a scarcity
wage as much as skill.
Ifl^ ^j'^
193
Social Movements and Reforms
of the Nineteenth Century.
BY GEORGE H. WOOD, P.S.S.
(HE opening of the nineteenth century saw, in Great
Britain, an economic revolution in progress which
shook old social arrangements to the roots, and in
rude and sudden violence brought into being the
modern proletariate. Distinct from, but the underlying
cause of, all the subsequent changes in our social and
economic conditions, the "Industrial Eevolution" was
the most important event that has ever happened in
the nation's history, and in the misery and degradation of the
wage-earning classes consequent upon a too sudden uprooting of
habits and customs is to be found the spring from which flowed
the greatest social movements and reforms of the century. These
movements and reforms have been many and diverse in their
immediate aims and methods, but underlying them all has been
the broad idea of a fuller and better life for the wage-earning
classes. In the following essay only a few of the movements will
be noticed (an attempt to inention all the most important would
resolve itself into a mere chronology), and even these few will not
be traced with great detail. The central idea of the paper is to
show how in all the social movements of the past the ultimate aim
has been to raise the standard of life and well-being, and to remove
injustice and the predominance of class feeling and class prejudice.
Yet nearly the earliest, and certainly one of the most important
reforms of the century was not the result of any organised and
widespread movement, but the work of two men who, if they had
never done anything else for "industrial democracy," deserve to
live for ever in our memories, and to receive our enduring gratitude.
The two men were Francis Place and Joseph Hume, and the
reform they won for the workers was the repeal of the Combination
Laws.
The Combination Laws went back, so far as certain trades were
concerned, to very early in the eighteenth century, but, though
designed to do so, did not put down combinations. Many applied
to masters as well as to men, but though the men were summoned
and punished, and with the help of a judge-interpreted common
__
194
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AJJID BEFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
law " a master who had a quarx'el with his journeymen " was
enabled to "punish them with the most abominable tyranny,"* we
find no record of the employers being punished for combining to
enforce reductions of wages. Adam Smith says : •' The masters
are always, and everywhere, in a sort of tacit, but constant and
uniform, combination not to raise wages above their actual rate,"
and, though this was probably only a shrewd guess on the part of
the great founder of economic science, there is ample evidence of
the existence i of combinations of masters which were allowed to
remain unmolested while the combinations of workmen for the
protection of their standard of life were put down rigorously. But
the early Combination Laws were only partial in their operation,
and in 1799 and 1800 laws were passed which forbade any
combinations of workmen.
It is curious how some Acts which produced far-reaching
consequences have been passed in haste and secrecy without the
Legislature realising what the consequences would be. The
Combination Laws afford two illustrations of this. They were
passed huri'iedly through Parliament, and there is no account of
any debates on either the Act of 1799 or the supplementary and
reaffirming Act of 1800, neither are they referred to in the Annual
Eegister.| As we shall see, the repeal of these laws was also
carried through in a somewhat similar manner.
The consequences of these Acts were disastrous to the workmen.
At a time when the prices of bread and other necessaries were rising
rapidly, and the standard of life was being degraded, they were
forbidden the one means whereby they might have arrested part of
the fall. The Acts were stringently enfoi'ced, and there are
numerous cases recorded of imprisonment for joining a union or
taking part in a strike. " Justice," wrote Place, " was entirely out
of the question. Working men could seldom obtain a hearing
before a magistrate — never without impatience and insult — and
never could they calculate on even an approximation to a rational
conclusion." j Yet this stringency failed to put down the unions,
and many existed among the artisans of the metropolis and other
towns, il In the Lancashire and Yorkshire textile districts these
combinations were of a secret nature, with oaths of secrecv and
• Wallas' " Life of Place," p. 197.
t See S. J. Chapman's " An Historical Account of Masters' Associations in
the Cotton Industry." IManchester, 1900.
I Stephen's " History of the Criminal Law," Vol. III., p. 208 ; Webb's
" History of Trade Unionism," p. 63.
§ Place's MSS., quoted Wallas, p. 198.
II See the "Report of the Social Science Association on Trade Societies and
Strikes." 1860.
195
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND EEFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY.
long initiation ceremonies, but in the towns those of the artisans
were more thorough and businessHke, and had more complete
control over the conditions under which they worked.
Francis Place, when working as a breeches maker, had, at an
early age, become connected with the London combination in his
trade, and, as the secretary of the union and leader of a strike, was
victimised by the employers. At various times he helped to form
unions in different trades, and assisted, when he could, those who
were victimised for their connection with them. But what brought
more clearly before him the injustice of the laws was the case of
the Times compositors in 1810. They were " prosecuted for the
crime of belonging to a combination and taking part in a strike,"
and were sentenced to terms of imprisonment varying from nine
months to two years. The pronouncement of the judge. Sir John
Silvester, was worthy the ferocity of Judge Jefferies, and one can
hardly believe that it was made less than a hundred years ago in a
British Court of Justice. It ran : — -■'■
Prisoners, you have been convicted of a most wicked conspiracy to injure
the most vital interests of those very employers who gave you bread, with
intent to impede and injure them in their business ; and, indeed, as far as in
you lay, to effect their ruin. The frequency of such crimes among men in your
class of life, and their mischievous and dangerous tendency to ruin the fortunes
of those employers which a principle of gratitude and self-interest should induce
you to support, demand of the law that a severe example should be made of
those persons who shall be convicted of such daring and flagitious combinations,
in defiance of public justice, and in violation of public order.
Place resolved that he would leave no effort unmade to obtain
the repeal of the obnoxious laws, and his method was a marvel of
patience, sagacity, and power of organisation and " wire-pulling."
Never was so great a piece of political work carried through almost
single-handed. While Cobbett and " Orator Hunt" were stirring
the populace with their invectives against the governing classes,
and their demands for parliamentary reform. Place quietly and
steadily worked for the great end he had set himself to accomplish.
He put himself in touch with the working people all over the
country, and whenever there was a strike, or a prosecution for
combining, he procured the particulars and preserved them for
future use. After some years of study he had the thing at his
finger ends, and then placing the material in the hands of Hume
persuaded that member of Parliament to the advocacy of the
repeal. In the meantime, instead of public meetings, resolutions,
and petitions. Place utilised the press as far as possible for the
conversion of public opinion. Every opportunity for drawing
attention, by writing letters and articles, was seized. An important
* Wallas' " Life of Place," pp. 200-1.
196
SOCIAIi MOVEMENTS AND BEF0RM8 OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY.
convert was made in J. E. Mc.CuUoch (who received the material
after Hume had read it), and he did good service by writing first
some articles in the Scotsman, which he then edited, and later,
when the time was ripe, an important article in the Edinburgh
Review.
After much quiet work outside the House of Commons, the
question of repealing the laws began to be discussed among the
group of Parliamentary Eadicals of whom Hume was the leader.
The movement was somewhat precipitated by the action of Peter
Moore, M.P. for Coventry', who introduced an elaborate Bill for
repealing all the Combination Laws and substituting a complicated
machineryforregulatingpiece-work and settling industrial disputes.*
Baulked for the moment, for the Bill created much alarm, Hume
did not know how to act, but he procured the appointment of a
Select Committee in 1824, and proceeded to "pack" it. He was
appointed Chairman, and Place, though not a member, was supplied
by Hume's secretary with notes and minutes of evidence, prepared
the workmen witnesses for examination, and suggested to Hume
the questions which they were to be asked. Moore was placed
upon the Committee with the intention of getting him outvoted,
and this actually occurred. When the taking of evidence was
completed, a series of resolutions was quietly passed, and three
short Bills were introduced into Parliament. So quietly was the
whole thing done that there was no discussion on the Bills, and
few except their promoters knew what they were intended to do.
Such few as did realise the situation, and were inclined to oppose
the Bills, were talked over, and the three Acts — [a) 5 George IV.,
c. 95, an Act to repeal the laws relating to the combinations of
workmen, and for other purposes mentioned therein ; {h) 5 George
IV., c. 96, an Act to consolidate and amend the laws relative to
the arbitration of disputes between masters and workmen ; (c) 5
George IV., c. 97, an Act to repeal the laws relative to artisans
going abroad — were passed, t
The workmen, although they had rendered Place and Hume
little assistance in obtaining the repeal of the laws, were not loth
to take advantage of their liberty, and combinations sprang up all
over the country. The year 1825 was marked by an inflation in
the building and other trades,]: and the workmen were able, by
their combinations, to obtain in many cases considerable advances
of wages. The employers became alarmed, especially the
* Webb's " History of Trade Unionism," p. 89.
t Wallas' " Life of Place," pp. 216-7.
\ See the diagrams facing page 90 in A. L. Bowley's " Wages in the United
Kingdom." Cambridge, 1900.
197
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND EEFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
shipowners,* and tried to persuade Huskisson to bring about
the re-enactment of the laws. Peel, too, was very keen against
the men. Huskisson moved for, and obtained, the appointment of
a Select Committee to consider the effect of the Act repealing the
Combination Laws, in respect of the conduct of workmen and
others, and " to report their opinion how far it may be necessary
to amend or repeal the said Act.f
The intentions of the promoters of this Committee were that it
should examine a few witnesses friendly to the re-enactment of the
laws, and then report at once. But Hume, as Chairman of the
previous Committee, could not be kept off this, and therein lay its
promoters' undoing. The workmen had done little to obtain the
right to combine, but, having found their liberty useful, were little
inclined to lose it again. A fortunate holiday intervening between
the sittings of the Committee gave Place time to marshal his
forces, and the workmen were warned. In eager haste the
delegates came to London, and stationed themselves at the doors
of the Committee-rooms demanding to be heard, and to refute the
evidence of the employers, which they had obtained through Place
from Hume. After refusing for a time, the Committee were
forced to examine some of the men, and, though the case for tlie
repeal was not entirely won, the new Act (1825) differed little in
the end from the previous one; and, although the punishments
for intimidation were increased, combinations for the purpose of
altering wages and hours of labour were declared legal. ;]:
Thus was won a great step towards working-class freedom. It
was not so great a step as was first thought, for in one way and
another the right of combination was opposed by the governing
classes. The case of the Dorchester labourers (who were actually
transported for administering illegal oaths because of some sentences
in the initiation ceremony of the Union of which they were forming
a branch) showed that tyranny and injustice to trade unionists
was not yet a thing of the past, but even the moderate amount of
legal privilege they enjoyed was a great boon to men who had
been liable to imprisonment for merely leaving their work without
notice. The right to collective bargaining was obtained, and this
was the workers' "Magna Charta."
With the future history of the trade union movement we are
not now concerned, but must take a retrospective glance at the
rising of a movement which culminated in a reform more often
mentioned by historians than the modest but far reaching one we
have considered.
* There was a great seamen's strike in this year.
t Wallas' " Life of Place," p. 224. J Wallas' « Life of Place," p. 226.
198
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
The Reform Bill was passed in 1832, but the'Eeform Movement
began many years before. As a purely political measure, we should
not need to trace the movement which procured it were it not for
its intimate connection with the great social movement which
succeeded it, namely, Chartism. Unless we understand the causes
which led up to it the full meaning of Chartism does not appear,
and instead of being, as it was, the last great effort of an oppressed
people to obtain that for which they had been striving for many
years, it appears as a mere hunger riot which died through its
leaders being tempted off into side issues.
English Eadicalism was born towards the end of the eighteenth
century, the date being about the year 1780. In that year the
Duke of Richmond introduced in the House of Lords a Bill to
provide for adult suffrage and other reforms, and outside Parliament
Cartwright and Home Tooke were taking prominent parts in the
work of the Society for Constitutional Information, of which the
programme was as follows :— Annual Parliaments, Universal (Adult
Male) Suffrage, Equal Voting Districts, Abolition of the Property
Qualification for Membership of Parliament, Payment of Members
of Parliament, Vote by Ballot.
When, fifty years after, the Working Men's Association drew
up the programme which became the "People's Charter," the only
new demand added to this list was that all elections should take
place on one day.
The French Revolution caused this movement to come to a
sudden end, for, although the British reformers hailed this event as
the dawn of a new era in the world's history, war with the French
came soon after, and any movement for reform became at first
unpatriotic, and then, as the opponents grew in power, treasonable.
A time of repression set in, and in 1795 the famous Pitt and
Grenville Acts were passed. "By these Acts almost every possible
form of agitation, or indeed of political action, was rendei'ed illegal.
At the same time Habeas Corpus was suspended, and many
reformers were arrested and sent to prison without trial."''' These
dark days continued for upwards of twenty years, and it was not
until the end of the wars on the Continent that reformers made
any serious attempts to attain their desires.
Like most great social and reform movements the agitation
revived during a time of depression. The misery of the people in
1816 was intense, and hunger riots were taking place on all hands.
It was small wonder that at such a time the old yearnings for a
share in the government should return, and the need for reform
had increased, rather than decreased, since the end of the previous
• Wallas' " Life of Place," p. 25.
199
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND BEFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
century. The state of representation was so bad that one wonders
not that reform should have been demanded, but that it could have
been so long delayed. Of the 658 members of which the House of
Commons was then composed 487 were returned by nomination
(300 of these being nominated by peers), and only 171 were
returned independent of nomination.'- The war had added
hundreds of millions to the National Debt, brmging it up to 861
millions, and the interest to 32^ millions annually, or 30s. per head,
and the disbanded soldiers were seeking for work in an already
depressed and overcrowded labour market. Hampden Clubs were
formed all over the country, especially in the Yorkshire and
Lancashire districts, with the only result that more repressive
measures than ever were introduced. The " Gagging Acts " were
passed in 1817, and between November 23rd and December 30th,
1819, the " Savage Parliament " passed the infamous " Six Acts,"
against delay of justice, against drilling, against blasphemy and
sedition, for disarming, and imposing the fourpenny newspaper
stamp.! How the reformers were treated will ever be remembered
in the massacre of -Peterloo in 1819, when for the simple act of
meeting in the open-air to hear an address by " Orator Hunt " the
people were charged, first by the Yeomanry, and then by the
Hussars, to such effect that eleven were killed, and between four
and five hundred were wounded.
Another long period of smouldering quiescence followed, and
then followed the first successful Eeform Movement of the century.
This also was heralded in by a period of intense depression and
rioting. Molesworth's description of the people at this time is
worth reading in this connection. Eef erring to the cause of
riotings he says : — |
The simple fact was that wars, national debt, increase of population, corn
laws, maladministration of the poor laws, and other legislation or hindrance of
legislation had reduced the great mass of the people, and especially the
agricultural labourers, to the verge of starvation and despair. They were going
mad with misery ; and in their madness they did raischief by which they
themselves were sure to be the first and greatest sufferers.
In 1830 innumerable petitions were received by the House of
Commons, and in 185 of these which this historian examined
distress and depression were evidenced in every part of the
kingdom and in every branch of industry.
The time was ripe for reform, and it could not, without danger
of revolution, be delayed. The successful French Ee volution of
1830, and the accession to the throne of William IV., who was
• Hone's " Political Register." May 14th, 1817.
t Wallas' " Life of Place," p. 148.
I Molesworth's History, Popular Edition, p. 29.
200
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
known to be favourable to reform, gave hope to its advocates in
the country. The Duke of Wellington's Ministry was overthrown,
and Earl Grey and the Whigs came in. At last, on March 31st,
1831, the long looked for measure was introduced by Lord John
Eussell. It provided for the disfranchisement of many rotten
boroughs, and the enfranchisement of those large industrial towns
which the Industx-ial Eevolution had called into being. It extended
thefranchise, lessened the cost of elections, provided for each election
to extend over only two days, and, by providing more polling
stations, reduced the distance a voter would have to travel to
record his vote to a maximum of fifteen miles. When, however,
the second reading was moved it was carried by a majority of only
one, and, this victory being in many respects worse than defeat,
an appeal to the country was unavoidable.
Meanwhile, the out-of-doors agitation had continued with
vigour, and petitions were pouring in to the House of Commons.
The dissolution became the signal for a more thorough agitation
than ever. Victory was in sight, and nothing gives heart to a body
of reformers so much as to see the end of their labours. The
work had been commenced and carried on for a long time by the
middle-class Radicals, but now the working classes were led to
join the movement in the hope that, once the franchise was
extended to the middle and shopkeeping classes, they in their turn
would help their late assistants to the attainment of a share in
the government of the country. One important organisation, the
"Eotundanists," stood aloof, and this was important because of the
influence two of the members, Lovett and Hetherington, were able
to exert. As a general rule, however, the demand for reform was
unanimous so far as the workers were concerned. When the
elections took place the reform party triumphed, and the Bill was
reintroduced in June, 1831.
After all, the parliamentary battle had only begun. The
divisions of the previous session were mere skirmishes, and in
comparison there were now two great contests to be fought. The •
first, the Committee stage of the House of Commons, was won
after hard struggles, and the Bill passed the third reading in
September by a majority of 109. The second barrier seemed
impassable, for the Lords were too acutely interested in the
nomination of members of rotten boroughs to give up without a
struggle. As was expected, they threw out the Bill, and the fight
had to be fought all over again.
Having got so far, nothing could daunt the reformers, and they
set to work with redoubled energy. No longer a question of
"reform versus corruption," it was now "the Lords versus the
people." Could the people win ? They formed political unions all
201
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND BEF0EM8 OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
over the country, and, although in several places riotings and the
destruction of property took place, on the whole the agitation
was a peaceful and orderly one.
When Parliament met, the reconsideration of the question was
almost the first business, and a Bill not greatly differing from the
last was introduced by Lord John Eussell on December 12th.
The second reading passed, before Christmas, by a majority of
162 — exactly two to one — and the Bill went into Committee
immediately after the recess. On March 23rd, 1832, it was passed
by an overwhelming majority, and then again rose the question,
"What will the Lords do?" This time the answer was not a
foregone conclusion, for they had been alarmed by the display
of feeling against them in the previous year. Besides, a new
suggestion, that the King should create sufficient peers to ensure
the passing of the Bill if again rejected, had obtained considerable
adherence among the Ministers, who hoped, however, that such
extreme action would not be necessary.
The Lords changed their tactics. Instead of rejecting the
measure at the second reading, they passed it by a majority of
nine, the leaders of those who changed their votes intimating that
they would endeavour "to amend the Bill" in Committee. So far
the game was still in the hands of the Opposition, and they w^on a
seemingly minor point when the order of procedure came into
consideration. Earl Grey took this as an indication that the Bill
would be so mutilated that the Government would not be able to
accept it, and there was nothing left to him but to recommend to
the King that more peers should be created. He accordingly went
dowm to Windsor with a memorial from the Cabinet asking for the
creation of fifty new peers. The King, however, had changed his
mind on the whole question, and refused to grant the Cabinet's
request. Earl Grey and the Ministers resigned, and then commenced
the most exciting eleven days in the nation's history. The Duke
of Wellington was sent for, and, after Sir Robert Peel had refused
to try, undertook to form a Ministry and to pass a modified Reform
Bill. He failed, and where he failed no Tory Minister could hope
to succeed. The King became very unpopular. Cards with "No
Taxes Paid Here" began to appear in the windows, and the
people were agitating and preparing for revolution. All classes,"
even the "Huntites," whose leader had opposed the measure in
the Commons because it was not drastic enough, joined in the
* Place says that in several places the working men refused to join because
they wanted " a revolution, in which they might gain and could not lose; " but
they were a small minority, and generally in extreme poverty.— C/. Wallas'
" Life of Place," p. 280.
202
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
agitation. At Birmingham a meeting of 100,000 people was held,
and they determined not to pay any more taxes, but to arm
themselves. The soldiers sided with the people, and the newly-
formed police were declared by their officers not to be relied upon
to act against the people. The movement in the Midlands became
a gigantic force, and a rising was actually planned, with military
men as officers. But Place and other astute organisers, working
in London, did not want a rising — they only wanted things to be
sufficiently turbulent and riotous to keep the troops busy where
they were, and to prevent them from being sent from one place to
another. Plenty of rioting on a small scale, but no revolution, was
the order of the day.
What was needed was to harass the Duke, so as to prevent
.him from succeeding in his endeavour to form an Administration of
desperate men and proceed to put down the people by force, cost
whatever it might. The unions met daily — nay, hourly — and at
the London Union's meeting one of the most magnificent bluffs
ever worked was decided upon. The idea was that if a run ou the
banks could be created a panic would ensue, and would bring the
Duke to his senses. The Bank of England could not hold out long,
and if it closed its doors there was an end for the time being to the
credit system of the country. Would the organisers be justified in
taking such a step? They argued thus : " We shall cause a panic
if we do this, but we shall succeed in getting the Bill passed, and
prevent a revolution. If we do not take this step the Duke will
succeed in his intention of forming an Administration, and a panic
will be just as certain, with the difference that nothing will prevent
a revolution." After much deliberation, Place took the final step
and drew up the famous placard, " To Stop tJie Duke, Go for Gold."
The move was almost instantaneously successful. The reformers
got the posters printed and put up in the metropolis, and were
about to despatch them to the provincial towns when it was
announced that Wellington had failed, and that the King had sent
for his old Ministers. Within three days over one million pounds
had been withdrawn from the Bank of England."-
Thus was won the struggle between the people and the peers.
The King had consented to the creation of as many new peers as
were necessary for the passage of the Bill, but the permission was
never used. The anti-reform peers gave up the contest, and the
Bill passed its third reading in the House of Lords on June 7th,
httle over a month from the time the Duke gave up his attempt to
defeat the people.
• Wallas' "Life of Place," ch. xi., is the main authority for the facts stated
in this paragraph.
203
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
What had the people gained from the measure ? If the truth
be faced, they gained practically nothing, and in very few years
Lovett and his friends saw how true had been their forecast that
the middle classes only wanted the people's help for their own
purposes, and that when their end had been obtained their old
assistants would be discarded. The movement had done one great
thing, however, for it had shown the people their power, and out of
the ashes of the unions formed to agitate for the Eeform Bill rose
the Chartist movement.
What had they hoped to gain? The manufacturers of
Lancashire and Yorkshire were making large profits while the
people starved. Wages had fallen till they could fall no longer,
and if ever the rich grew richer and the poor poorer it was then.
The people believed that the first step to a better standard of life
was the control of Parliament and taxation, and they also believed
that through an extension of the franchise to include the middle
classes this power would, in gratitude for their aid, be handed on to
them. An indefinite desire for social reconstruction existed in the
minds of the great mass of the people, and the Bill was supported
by most because it was expected to hasten this reconstruction, and
opposed by the " Eotundanists " because it would stave it off. As
it happened, the "Eotundanists" were right.
The people's expectations of assistance from the middle classes
who were enfranchised by the Eeform Bill were not realised. It
was soon found that Lovett and his friends had been right, and
the chief thing the new Parliament did for the workers was to
give them the doubtful benefit of the New Poor Law. The old
agitation for reform was destined to recommence soon, and the
time was hastened by the spread of the teachings of Owen,
Hodgskin, and Thompson, that labour was the sole producer of
wealth, and that the labourer was entitled to the whole produce of
his labour. This doctrine was largely held by the leaders of the
"Eotundanists," and it ultimately gave to the movement which
followed a distinctly economic as well as political basis.
Trade for a while had been good, and while trade is brisk social
movements do not usually flourish. A few^ ardent workers, were
teaching the London democracy that many reforms were still
needed ; an attempt at self-help was made in the great wave of
trade unionism which came and went in 1833-34 ;* but for four
years social politics were comparatively quiet. Then came an
agitation for an unstamped press, in which the reformers were
partly successful by forcing the Government to reduce the
* See Webb's " History of Trade Unionism," p. 114 ff. Robert Owen was
intimately connected with this movement.
204
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OP THE NINETEENTH CENTTJRY.
newspaper stamp to one penny, and it was out of the small
association organised for this purpose that the great Chartist
movement grew. An association, called " The Working Men's
Association," was founded by Lovett, Cleave, Hetherington,
Julian Harney, Vincent, and others, and in November, 1836, the
famous programme of reform which has since been known as
" The People's Charter " was drawn up and adopted.
The movement started as soon as the programme was ready.*
The men who drafted the Charter were all adepts in the arts of
popular agitation, and were perhaps the most capable body of
working-men organisers that up to that time had ever led a
democracy. All had suffered in some way for their parts in
previous agitations, so that their democratic opinions were, in each,
deeply rooted convictions, and not transient illusions. Further,
nearly all were good speakers, and could rouse a gathering to the
highest pitch of enthusiasm. Hetherington went all over the
country forming Working Men's Associations, and Vincent went
into the West of England and Wales on a lecturing tour which
ended in his devoting himself to that district till the Chartist
Movement ended.
No better time could have been selected for commencing the
new agitation. A bad harvest and a commercial crisis in 1837
gave the organisers the opportunity they needed, and the people
listened with willing ears to the message the Chartist emissaries
brought them. Besides the new organisations which were formed,
old associations were revived, notably the Birmingham Union, and
in a few months the movement had gi-own above all anticipations.
The next siep was the holding of a great convention. What was
to be done was not quite clearly defined, but, looking at events
over an interval of half a century, at this stage it is clear that the
Charter was to be obtained by legitimate means. The use of
physical force had not, so far, been mentioned. The main body of
the Chartists had no votes, so almost the only large step possible
was the petition. All the usual arts of public agitation are
exhibited in the Chartist movement, newspapers, pamphlets,
lectujres, meetings, demonstrations, processions and conventions,
petitions, and even riots, but the petition was the grand finale to
many local attempts to influence the Legislature, as it was to the
movement itself.
The convention was held in 1839, when a host of delegates met
in London to consider the great petition which the Birmingham
* For the history of the Chartist Llovenient, see Gammage's History, and
Rose's " The Rise of Democracy." Gammage's account is not entirely to be
trusted, but his book contains the most details.
205
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND KEFOBMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
men had drawn up, and which Mr. Attwood ultimately presented
to Parliament. The London association had excluded all but
working men from active participation in its work, though some of
the " Philosophical Eadicals " in Parliament were originally
concerned in drafting the Charter, and no less a man than O'Connell
handed it to Lovett at a meeting, with the words, " There, Lovett,
is your Charter, agitate for it, and never be content with anything
less."* The provincial unions were wider in their membership,
and many middle-class reformers were found in their ranks.
O'Connor, originally an Irish politician, and assistant to O'Connell,
saw a wider field for his activities in the English movement, and
soon became a great force ; Brontierre O'Brien, the most logically
minded of all the Chartist leaders ; Joseph Eayner Stephens, a
hard-working factory reformer ; John Frost, a magistrate of
Newport, and others of the middle classes were prominent in
various parts of the country, and were elected at huge mass
meetings as delegates to the convention. Ebenezer Elliot, a true
poet, although dubbed the " Corn-law Ehymer," was connected
with the movement in its early days.
The convention! had hardly opened its sittings when signs of a
split were seen. So accustomed have we now become to peaceful
methods of political agitation that it seems hard to realise that the
Chartists wrecked their great movement by quarrelling over the
question of moral versus physical force. Yet, not only was such
the case, but the physical force Chartists soon won the day. All
were unanimous as to the end they desired, but about the means to
be employed there were grave differences of opinion.
x\fter much vacillation and wasting of time by discussing such
unnecessary topics as the New Poor Law and the Police, it was
decided that the delegates should return to their constituents and
report progress, and then reassemble in Birmingham. Scarcely
had the convention reopened than it was decided to return to
London. In the meantime, the great petition had been presented
to Parliament, and the House had so far moved from its previous
uncompromising attitude as to allow Messrs. Attwood and Fielden
to address them respecting it. But a motion that the House
should go into Committee was lost by 48 to 237 votes, and moral
force Chartism came abruptly to an end.
The convention reassembled in London soon after, and ulterior
means of obtaining the Charter were, considered. Attwood and
Fielden recommended more petitions, on the ground that the chief
* Gammage's " History of Chartism," p. 11. Edition of 1854.
f Gammage's " History of Chartism," ch. xxxiii.-xxxv.
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
objection to the House going into Committee on the previous one
was that the petition had only 1,280,000 signatures, and was not
an unanimous expression of the people's desire. But the advocates
of physical force were in the ascendant, for the moral force section
had been sadly weakened by defections and persecutions, and the
remaining members were in no mood to petition a Pai'liament
which had passed the advei'se vote by such a large majority.
The most drastic of the ulterior means suggested for obtaining
the Charter was that of a general sti'ike. The idea was that, as the
ruling classes would not consent to an extension of the franchise,
the workers should refuse to work till that extension was conceded.
A more impossible proposal could scarcely have been made at the
time, for food was dear, employment was scarce, and wages were
at the starvation level for all except the best skilled artisans.
Distress reigned supreme, yet the distressed were to simultaneously
give up their bare subsistence. Happily, the impossibility of the
idea was seen at an early stage, for nothing but the collapse of the
whole movement could come of it. In short, it spelt suicide.
About this time the Government awoke to the fact that the
agitation was widespread, and that only drastic measures could put
it down. The Ministers commenced to " hit back," and for some
time trials for sedition, libel, and other similar offences were the
order of the day. Scarcely one of the leaders of the movement
escaped imprisonment, and in many instances the punishments
were atrocious. Some were even transported, and a list of fines
and impi'isonments passed in two years would extend to many
pages. The movement, depleted of its leaders, had apparently
come to its end.
Unfortunately for the authorities, it was only the end of the
first stage which had come, and the next stage was to be a far more
difficult one to manage. While the old leaders were in prison, a
few enthusiasts had met and started a new organisation, which
was strengthened when, one by one, the leaders were released from
prison. Many, however, were lost to the movement for ever.
Lovett, for instance, came from prison full of an education scheme
by which the rank and file were to be thoroughly educated before
again demanding the adoption of the Charter. Several others had
also new plans of their own, and where unity had been superficially
possible before it became impossible now.
The idea of a universal strike had long been given up, but
something approaching it occurred in 1842. If trade had been
depressed and people ill-nom-ished before, this year seems to
compete with 1848 for the position of the worst year of the
century. Strikes were prevalent in the manufacturing districts,
I
207
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
and the Chartists of Lancashire and Yorkshire used these strikes
as a means to their end. From being trade strikes, these local
affairs grew to be one large strike for the Charter.* The strikers
marched from mill to mill, demanding that the employes should
leave their work and join them. Some they turned out, others
they forced into unemployment by withdrawing the plugs from the
boilers. In many places there were riots, and it was from the
plug removing that they got the name of "Plug Eiots." Again
the Government interfered, and it is asserted by Gammage that
spies were actually employed to make riots and then turn "Queen's
evidence." Contemporary evidence also indicates that this was
done on the former occasion of the Newport riots.
The next five years are chiefly noticeable for the position
of Feargus O'Connor in the movement. Practically speaking.
Chartism was O'Connor, for nearly every man of talent and
influence was driven out of the movement by his jealousy and
treachery. O'Connor had proposed a land scheme, by which
social regeneration was to come through the workers being
associated as members of the Chartist Co-operative Land Society,
in groups of houses with two acres of land each. The scheme was
unsound, and would have failed if worked on the soundest and
most economical plan, but O'Connor had little knowledge of the use
of money, and it seems well proven that the subscriptions were
applied to keep up his paper. The Northern Star, and to pay for
conventions and meetings organised at his suggestion. O'Brien
and many others adversely criticised the scheme, but O'Connor's
influence kept it going for some time, when it came to a sudden
collapse. Its critics, however, had to pay the penalty for their
criticisms by having the most flagrant abuse heaped on them by
O'Connor and his followers.
In 1847, however, the second part of the Chartist movement
really lived. A general election tOok place, and O'Connor was
returned for Nottingham. Friends and sympathisers were also
returned, notably W. J. Fox for Oldham and Colonel Perronet
Thompson for Bradford. The old hopes were revived, and another
petition was decided upon. Not only so, but if the petition was
not granted the next step was to be the application of physical
force. The French Eevolution of 1848 gave colour to the Chartists'
hopes. If the people of France could revolt and win, why not the
people of England? The Irish democrats made common cause
with the Chartists, and the movement spread like wildfire.
Chartist papers were started all over the country, large meetings
* Webb's " History of Trade Unionism," p. 158.
208
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
were held, and it seemed as if the whole populace were of one
mind. A convention to arrange the petition was called, and met
on April 4th, 1848. When the delegates reported on the positions
in their respective districts, one after another declared that their
constituents were prepared to move for the Charter at all hazards.*
The plan resolved upon was that a demonstration should be held,
and then that the delegates should proceed in a body to the House
of Commons, at the head of a procession, and present the petition.
The Government became alarmed, and resolved to prevent the
carrying out of this plan. The demonstration on Kennington
Common they would permit, but not the procession. London was
quickly fortified, thousands of special constables were sworn, troops
poured in from all quarters and were placed under the command of
the Iron Duke, and cannon were placed in commanding positions.
When the morning of the 10th of April arrived thousands
assembled on the Common. Contemporary estimates of the
number range from 30,000 to 300,000, but the right number
appears to have been about 50,000. The people were addressed
from several platforms, and, having no thought of abandoning their
plan of going e7i masse, were surprised when O'Connor, the
instigator of the plan, advised that the procession should be
abandoned. The petition, he said, contained 5,700,000 signatures,
and such a unanimous demand could not possibly be refused.!
After many speeches, the petition was placed in three cabs, and
the executive drove with it to the House. No others were allowed
to cross the bridges, any attempt to do so being stopped by the
police, and after a while the people quietly went away. O'Connor
presented the petition, which was read by the Clerk of the House,
and referred to the Committee on Public Petitions. Three days
after the Committee presented its report— that the petition
contained only just under 2,000,000 signatures, that many of these
names were obviously fictitious, and many wei*e too obscene to be
repeated.
So ended the great petition, and, although the delegates at the
convention did not realise it, the end of the Chartist movement
came with it. Meetings continued to be held in various places,
but funds dwindled down, and the leaders found other outlets for
their energies. O'Connor's land scheme burst, and its founder
soon after became insane.
Chartism failed for several reasons, the most prominent being
quarrels between the leaders. O'Connor's jealousy could brook
♦ Gammage's " History of Chartism," ch. liv.
f Gammage's "History of Chartism," p. 338 ff.
209
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFOEMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
no rival, and v^^hen a man showed signs of becoming povsrerful all
the forces at O'Connor's command were set to work to injure him.
The movement, too, was founded too much on discontent and not
enough on education. More potent still, as a destructive force,
was the sedition in the speeches, and the continuous menace of
physical force. The time for revolution in England had long
passed, and if it was possible in 1832 (and this is doubtful) it never
has been possible since.
Chartism was no mere agitation for political democracy as an
end ; it had an economic as well as a political aim. The petition
presented to Parliament in 1838, drawn up at the promptings of
Attwood, the Currency reformer, contained these words : — '''
We tell your honourable House that the capital of the master must no
longer be deprived of its due profit ; that the labour of the workman must no
longer be deprived of its due reward ; that the laws which make food dear, and
those which, by making money scarce, make labour cheap, must be abolished.
The Poor Law of 1834 always came in for severe condemnation,
and in Lancashire and Yorkshire the advocates of shorter hours
wanted the Charter carried that their own reform might be brought
about more speedily. Towards the later stages of the movement
nothing short of complete social regeneration was the distant but
distinct end in view. O'Connor opposed the Corn Law Eepealers
on the ground that the accomplishment of the Charter would make
all such reforms as the repealers wanted easy of attainment.
Brontierre O'Brien, whom O'Conner called "The Schoolmaster,"
was a thorough social reformer, with a programme which anticipated
much that is vital in the programme of present day Socialist
Societies. He was for nationalisation of the land, mines, and
railways ; equitable adjustment between debtor and creditor in
consequence of the fall of prices ; and the payment of interest on
the National Debt by owners of property, in whose interest, he
held, it had been contracted.
Although nothing tangible resulted from the Chartist Movement
it would be wrong to conclude that it was a wasted effort. It was,
if nothing more, a splendid education for thousands, and it provided
a start in useful public service for many whose names are held in
respect by the democracy to this day. G. J. Holyoake, W. J.
Linton, Ernest Jones, Samuel Kydd, Thomas Cooper, Lloyd Jones,
G. W. M. Reynolds, and others too numerous to mention, served
their apprenticeship to public work in the movement. Robert Owen,
Oastler, Joseph Sturge, W. P. Roberts, W. J. Fox, and John
Fielden were all connected with it. If ever such a movement
arises again, able to command such a large number of able and
* Wallas' " Life of Place," p. 372. Gammage's " History of Chartism," p. 97.
~1m
210
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND BEF0BM8 OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
zealous men, and winning the hearts of the people, but free from
the personal jealousy which kept the Chartists from working in
harmony, the last thirty years of free education would give a new
steadfastness of purpose to the people (lacking in those times), and
success would assuredly attend its efiforts. Chartism was the
greatest social movement of the past century, but it failed ; another
movement as great which had learned and taken to heart the
lessons of the past would not fail.
The period of the Chartist Movement was fertile in popular
agitations, both in this country and abroad. At home, a continuous
agitation was going on in Ireland for the repeal of the Union ; a
religious struggle took place in Scotland, which, led by Dr. Chalmers,
ended in the establishment of the Free Church ; and in England
the repeal of the Corn Laws and the enactment of the Ten Hours
Bill were both violently agitated for and won. As in all such
agitations, success or failure depended mainly on the work of one
man, and it is as impossible to narrate the incidents leading up to
the repeal of the Corn Laws without mentioning the name of Eichard
Cobden ■■' as it is to describe the repeal of the Combination Laws
without mentioning Francis Place. Not that the two movements
have any other resemblance to each other, for the later one was
popular, extensive, and the almost universal demand of the nation,
while the earlier one, which can only be called a movement by a
stretch of language, was entirely local, and so far from being the
will of the people was almost carried in spite of them.
For the genesis of the protective system we have to look back
to the time when it was believed that gold and silver were the only
forms of national wealth, and that nations grew rich or poor in
proportion as their external trade brought a surplus or deficit of
the precious metals in exchange for the goods they sold. They
aimed, therefore, at selling as much and buying as little as possible.
Trade was trammelled ; raw materials were costly, and foreign
nations could not buy our goods as they would because we
declined to take their products in exchange for them. As commerce
expanded by the introduction of new articles, the protective duties
were extended, and in 1824 a list of the articles on which import
duties had to be paid formed a tolerably complete catalogue of the
products of human industry.! The chief taxes were on grain
foods, to afford, it was declared, protection to our agriculture, and
these taxes had the effect of making the people's food dear without,
* The history of the movement is fully told in John Morley's " Life of
Cobden," and in " The Free Trade Movement," by G. Armitage Smith. 1897.
t Mongredien's " History of the Free Trade Movement," p. 4.
211
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND KEFOBMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUKY.
as was fondly hoped, keeping agriculture from depression. This
effect of the Corn Laws (the whole protective system centred in
these laws) had been noticed for many years, and in a spasmodic
fashion reform had been proposed, but until a change took place
in the constitution of the House of Commons, and the will of the
people was represented therein, it was hopeless to think of getting
the taxes removed. When, in 1832, Manchester and other large
manufacturing towns were enfranchised there came a possibility of
the repeal of the laws, and earnest reformers began to consider in
what way it might be done. The first definite step was taken in
1838, when a few Manchester men formed an Anti-Corn Law
Association, having for its object the repeal of all import duties —
in other words, free trade. Their first step was to move the
Manchester Chamber of Commerce, and it was at a meeting
of that body, called to consider the Corn Laws, that Eichard
Cobden attracted attention by a telling, closely-reasoned speech, in
which he argued for a complete repeal, instead of a revision, of the
laws. The speech was successful, and the amendment which he
moved to the official resolution was carried."
The next step seemed clear. A body of men had determined
to attack and overthrow the strongest bulwark of monopoly and
landlordism in the countiy, a task so great that they were told
that they might as well try and overthrow the monarchy itself.
Undaunted, with a sublime faith in themselves and their mission,
they made a commencement by raising a subscription of £5,000,
and immediately set about their work of teaching and organising
the country. Their plan was to form Anti-Corn Law Associations
in every place, and to unite them into a League, with its head-
quarters at Manchester. We have not the space to follow the
course of the organisation they built up, but it may be safely said
that never before or since has there been one like it in this country.
Eealising the gigantic task they had set themselves, they commenced
their work with quiet earnestness, and soon had a staff of lecturers,
paid and unpaid, travelling over the country, distributing literature,
addressing meetings, and doing all they knew to win the people to
their side. Cobden and Villiers (afterwards joined by Bright)
were the Parliamentary leaders of the movement, keeping strictly
from party entanglements, and ready to accept any services from
new converts, or to use any legitimate opportunity as it arose for
furthering their cause. How stupendous the movement in the
country became may be seen in the sums the League raised for
propaganda purposes. In 1839, £5,000 ; in 1840, £8,000 ; in 1843,
£50,000, and in 1844 between £80,000 and £90,000 were spent.
* Prentice's " History of the League," Vol. I., p. 79.
212
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
Nor can any charge of corruption be made against them, for this
money was spent in strictly honourable ways. Contributions to
the fund ranged from the shillings of the operatives to the thousand
pounds of the cotton lords. Inside Parliament they were only a
handful, and they had to convert the greatest political leader and
strongest party of the first half of the century.
In 1842 the first success came, but it was only a small one.
Peel, in that year, laid their foundation by reducing the duties on
about 750 articles, and imposing instead an income tax (hitherto
only imposed in time of war) of 7d. in the pound. He also revised
the Corn Laws, retaining the sliding scale system, but lessening
considerably the duty to be paid.''' The only difference between
the two great political parties on the corn question was that
whereas the Whigs, led by Lord John Russell, wanted a fixed
duty, the Tories preferred the sliding scale, which increased the
duty when the price was low, and decreased it when the price
rose. Both parties were, therefore, against the reformers, who
advocated total repeal. So far as the Corn Laws were concerned,
this alteration of Peel's was no success at all, but in the revision
of the other duties they had undoubtedly won a step. There was
no relaxation of effort on their parts, and as the League grew in
numbers and power they carried the war into the enemy's own
camp — the agricultural districts. Here the lecturers were confronted
with the greatest difficulties, and were even occasionally threatened
with ill-treatment, but they held their own, and victories came as
in the towns. Yet the end seemed a long way off, and probably
would have been but for a new set of circumstances. Villiers had
annually moved a motion for repeal, and the majority against it
had been gradually decreasing as the speeches of Cobden, Bright,
and himself told on the minds of their hearers. Of still greater
importance, the facts and arguments began to tell on Peel himself.
On one occasion, when Cobden had made one of his most telling
speeches. Peel was so much affected that he could not answer it,
and had to put up Mr. Herbert to answer it for him. Then came,
in the autumn of 1845, the Irish potato famine, and in England
and Scotland rain and the failure of the crop. From the prospect
of a plentiful harvest came scarcity, and Peel found himself unable
conscientiously to tax the people's bread. He called the Cabinet
together, and advised the suspension of the duties by an Order in
Council, but the Cabinet refused, and nothing was done. Then
Lord John Russell announced his conversion in a letter to the
constituents of the City of London, and Peel, having decided that
he could no longer support the Corn Laws, resigned office. Lord
* Mongredien's " History of the Free Trade Movement," ch. v.
213
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
John tried to form an Administration, but failed ; and after fourteen
days, in which the nation was agitated with suspense. Peel resumed
office.
These events had been watched with the closest interest by the
League, for with the Whig party converted, and Peel decided even
against his party, the end was suddenly in sight. A great fund
was decided on for future agitation, and no less than a quarter of
a million was guaranteed. The very amount of the sum was
enough to strengthen Peel's hands, for, with promises pouring in
fast, he could not fail to see how much the whole country was
united. The money might not be wanted, but it was there, and
wath such a sum the League would not be disbanded until success
was achieved. Peel himself afterwards said that he thought he
could have held out for another three years, but he could not stifle
his convictions in the face of a starving people.
Early in 1846 Peel introduced his proposals. These abolished
the import duties on some manufactured articles, and greatly
reduced others. These alterations affected about 150 articles. He
further proposed to abolish all duties on wheat, oats, barley, and
rye, from the 1st of February, 1849, with a reduced sliding scale
in the meantime. A great debate took place a few^ days later,
lasting over twelve nights, no fewer than 103 speeches being made.
Lord John Eussell supported Peel with a splendid speech. At
various stages the struggle dragged on, the Opposition fighting
every stage, and at the end of June the two Bills, " The Customs
Duties Bill " and " The Corn Bill," were passed.
Peel had carried the greatest measure of commercial reform of
the century, but he had to pay the price. Scarcely had the Bills
received the Koyal Assent than he was attacked in a most virulent
manner by Lord George Bentinck and Benjamin Disraeli, the former
of whom accused him of " betraying the honour of Parliament and
the constituencies of the empire." The occasion of these speeches
was a Coercion Bill for Ireland, and, the disaffected Tories voting
with the Opposition, the Government measure was lost by a minority
of 73. Peel had not expected to carry his measure, and was
prepared for resignation. In a touching and eloquent speech he
defended his policy, and paid that oft-quoted tribute to the one
man who had forced him to the course he had taken. True, he
was defeated, but his defeat was sweeter than many a victory, for
he had won the hearts of the people. When he left the House he
found a large concourse of people waiting outside to see him.
" Every head was bared, the crowd made way for him, and many
accompanied him in respectful silence to the door of his house."
The work of the League was now accomplished, and. it was
formally dissolved. Cobden's work, too, he thought, was done.
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SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND BEFOBMB OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY.
and that at the cost of financial and physical ruin. In carrying on
his great campaign his business, once so flourishing, had been
neglected, and had practically failed. But the services of such a
man could not be unrequited, and a movement for a national
testimonial soon raised the sum of nearly £80,000. Part of this
was spent in settling his affairs, and the rest was invested. It has
been said that he was mercenary in accepting such a testimonial,
but it was entirely unsolicited. In the people's eyes he was their
benefactor, and just as it is honourable for a successful warrior to
receive a tribute for his services so it w'as honourable for one who
had benefited his countrymen to receive a reward at their hands.
It will not be out of place to consider for a moment what the
repeal of the Corn Laws meant to the people. The ten years
preceding 1846 were years mostly of depression, and bad trade
and defective harvests had brought the great mass of the people
to the verge of starvation. Much of the menace of the Chartist
Movement was due to absolute hunger, and with the trade revival
brought about by the gold discoveries and the repeal of the Corn
Laws a distinct improvement in the condition of the people was
noticeable.''' The unstable element in the Chartist Movement
melted away, and it is not too much to say that, if the movement
was crippled by the failure of the demonstration and petition of
1848, it died as soon as the people had a sufficiency of food once
more. The removal of the duties gave an upward impetus to the
standard of life, and the "progress of the people" dates from the
time when the corn monopoly was broken down. Since that time
a vast improvement has taken place, our own great Co-operative
Movement has taken root and flourished, trade unions and friendly
societies have grown in membership and affluence, and, though the
time may be at hand when we shall have to seriously consider the
question whether it is well for us to be so dependent on other
countries for our food supplies, it cannot be disputed that the
repeal of the Corn Laws saved the workers of this country from a
depth of distress awful to contemplate, and helped to make possible
the improvement which has since taken place.
The last great movement I propose to sketch is the movement
for the "Ten Hours Bill." The year 1902 is the centenary of the
Factory Acts,t and as nearly as possible half-way through the
* Wages rose by 16 per cent, between 1850 and 1855. See article on Wi^es,
&c., in the C.W.S. " Annual " for 1901, by the present writer.
t What follows relating to the " Ten Hours " Movement is mainly taken
from " The Life and Work of the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury," by Edwin Hodder ;
"The Life of Eobert Owen," by Lloyd Jones; "The History of the Factory
Movement," by "Alfred" (S. Kydd) ; and "The History of Factory Legislation,"
by Philip Grant, Secretary of the Short Time CommiUee.
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SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
century was passed, after long years of agitation, the most
important Act of the whole series, and the only one in favour
of which an extended popular agitation took place. As in the case
of other movements, it had a devoted leader, but no movement
of the past century has had at its head one who sacrificed more,
or was more distinguished for the purity of his motives, than Lord
Ashley, afterwards the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, who for twenty
years devoted his life to the cause of the factory operatives.
The earlier Factory Acts were concerned with the labour of
children, for the machinery invented by Hargreave, Arkwright,
.Crompton, and others, revolutionised the system of manufacturing
textile fabrics, and made the labour of children, hitherto of minor
importance, to be as useful in its way as that of adults. A hateful
system of employing pauper children as " apprentices " had grown
up, full of abuses, and dangerous to public health. The system
attracted the attention of the Manchester Justices of the Peace,
who invited Dr. Percival, the pioneer of Sanitary Eeform, and a
Committee called the Manchester Board of Health, to investigate
the system. This was done, and in a report issued in 1796 the
horrors of the system, the injurious effects on the health and
morals of the children, and the infectious diseases transmitted
from one child to another employed in the factory, and from these
to persons living in the neighbourhood, were all pointed out.
This was the first step in the agitation ioy reform, and the first
legislative success was obtained in 1802, when, at the proposal of
Sir Robert Peel, an Act was passed to regulate the labour of
apprentices in cotton and woollen mills. The peculiar necessity
for employing pauper children ceased a few years after, and the
children of parents residing in the neighbourhood of the mills
were employed instead. This produced another children's labour
question which Robert Owen had solved in his own mills at
Lanark without financial loss to himself or his partners, and he
issued a letter to the manufacturers suggesting a ten hours day, to
be enforced by legal enactment. The proposal was unanimously
rejected. He next went to London and interviewed many Members
of ParUament, including Sir Robert Peel. Peel, as a successful
cotton spinner, knew well the evils of the child labour system, and
was in favour of strong measures. In 1815 he introduced a Bill to
provide for the exclusion of children up to ten years of age, and a
ten hours day of actual employment for those from ten to sixteen
years old.
From the day Peel formulated his proposals the active opposition
of the manufacturing classes to reform commenced. Their interest
was strong enough at the outset to force Peel to withdraw his Bill,
216
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
and to move instead for a Select Committee to consider the
question. This was granted. The evidence given before the
Committee showed an even worse state of affairs than had been
alleged by the advocates of reform — children of seven years of age
working twelve, twelve and a half, thirteen, fourteen, and even
fourteen and a half hours a day in ill-ventilated rooms, and
atmospheres of 70 to 78 degrees. Owen's evidence attracted
considerable attention, for it proved that the abuses which had
grown up were not really necessary, and that the industry could
be profitably worked without them.
Nathaniel Gould, a wealthy Manchester merchant, now became
the out-of-doors manager of the movement, and with his influence
Peel's Bill was passed in 1819. This measure was not so
satisfactory as the one which was proposed in 1815, so the
opponents of reform had gained something, but it was a useful
step. The minimum age for entrance into a factory was fixed at
nine years (the Act only applied to cotton mills), and from nine to
sixteen years of age children were only to work twelve hours a day.
Two more Acts were passed before the agitation for the Ten
Hours Bill seriously commenced, one in 18.^5, which reduced the
hours to sixty-nine per week, and one in 1831 which abolished
night work for all young persons under twenty-one years of age.
In 1830 Eichard Oastler commenced his great work for the
cause of Factory Legislation. The conditions of labour in woollen
mills were wholly unrestricted by law, and Oastler, Hving at Leeds,
was in the midst of a great cloth manufacturing district. The
agitation against the slave trade had received strong support from
him, his tender heart being touched to the quick at the inhumanity
of the slavery system and the iniquities the negroes had to undergo.
Yet he had never heard of the systems of child slavery existing at
his own door until his attention had been drawn to them by his
friend, John Wood, a wealthy manufacturer of Bradford, who "had
in vain endeavoured, by his own private influence, to reform the
factory system." Oastler, filled with indignation, took what turned
out to be the first step in the Ten Hours Movement by writing to
the Leeds Mercury an account and denunciation of what he had
seen. A prolonged discussion of this letter was carried on in the
Yorkshire papers, and the smouldering hatred of the people broke
into fierce fire.
The next step came from the worsted manufacturers, twenty-
three of whom met at Bradford and resolved in favour of legislation
to reduce the hours of labour in all worsted mills.
This was in 1831, and Sir John Hobhouse's Bill was at the
time before the Commons. Petitions in favour of amendment
217
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
began to pour in, but the opposition, led by the manufacturers of
Hahfax, was too strong, and all Hobhouse could do was to obtain
the conditions previously mentioned.
Oastler became now the head of a definite movement, and in a
letter to the people said, " Let your politics be a Ten Hours Bill
and a Time Book." In response, the people organised Short Time
Committees, and a strongly-welded federation grew up which was
not dissolved until the reform was won. In Parliament, Sir
John Hobhouse found himself unable to support the measure of
reform the operatives desired, and the leadership was entrusted to
Michael Thomas Sadler. Sadler's first step was to introduce a
Bill for the ten houis day (1832), in support of which he made a
speech which takes a high place in the literature of the subject. It
resulted in the appointment of a Committee, where the whole case
was opened up.
In the stormy times of the Eeform agitation the Ten Hours
Movement grew apace, keeping on the whole a strictly non-party
position. It is true that Oastler and Sadler were Tories, but in
the ranks of the movement wex'e to be found all shades of existing
political opinion. At meetings held to further the cause, mill-
owners, barristers, doctors, clergymen, journalists, and workmen
were all to be found making speeches and recording their votes in
favour of a " Ten Hours " resolution.
One dramatic incident, illustrating the intensity of the
operatives' feelings, was the great York meeting, where thousands
of men, women, and children met in the Castle Yard. The nearest
factory town was Leeds, twenty-four miles away, and many of the
outlying districts were forty to fifty miles away, but from these
places they-came to swell the numbers and show how unanimous
was the demand for protection of the children. That many
thousands of ill-fed, badly-nourished people would travel forty,
fifty, and even a hundred miles, on foot, in " the most inclement
weather within memory," was the strongest evidence which could
be given of the earnestness and determination of the people.
Even the enthusiasm of the Chartist Movement failed to produce
such a meeting as this.
When the Eeform Bill was passed Parliament was dissolved.
Sadler had sat for Newark, and, that place being disfranchised, he
tried to obtain a seat at Leeds, and then at Huddersfield, but the
opposition of the manufacturing classes was strong enough to keep
him out. This was the end of his Parliamentary career, but it had
not come until the foundations of success had been laid, and its
completion was only a matter of time. Had he done no more than
make his great speech when introducing his Bill in 1832 he would
218
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
have earned a high place in the history of the movement, but his
greatest work was done on the Committee which followed. The
evidence taken by that Committee established an unanswerable
case for the regulation of hours, and that this was so was largely
due to the way in which Sadler procured and examined witnesses
who could authoritatively give the evidence required.
The gi-eat problem now was, "Who will be the leader?" The
elections had resulted in the return of several staunch advocates of
the measure, notably John Fielden, a wealthy manufacturer who
had once been an operative, and who had been a factory reformer
from the time Nathaniel Gould had worked so hard for the success
of Peel's Bill in 1819. He would have made an excellent leader,
but he lacked experience of the House of Commons. The Short
Time Committee sent the Eev. G. S. Bull (Parson Bull, of Bierly)
to London to find a leader, and the result of that mission was
notified to the Committee in a letter saying that he had prevailed
upon Lord Ashley to renew Mr. Sadler's Bill, and that his lordship
had that day given notice of motion to that end.
From now till 1853 the history of the movement is largely
biography of Lord Ashley. He identified himself entirely with it,
and made enormous sacrifices of time, money, and even refused to
take office, for it. Lady Ashley, too, was a true helpmate in the
work from the. moment she persuaded her husband that, come
what would, it was his duty to lead the movement, and trust the
future to Providence.
His first step was to reintroduce Sadler's Bill. The opposition
had now grown stronger, and was more decided and better
organised. Some measure of reform they were prepared to give,
but "Ten Hours" clauses they were determinedly opposed to.
Had he not reintroduced the Ten Hours Bill it was certain that
Lord Morpeth would have introduced a Government "Eleven
Hours" measure to stop the agitation. The only result of Lord
Ashley's movement was another strategy for delay — a Commission
of Inquiry — which spent some time in going from place to place
examining for themselves the actual conditions under which the
children laboured. The disappointment of the Short Time
Committees was keen, and they refused to give any more evidence,
but they invented a novel way of proving to the Commissioners
that the evils of long hours for the children had not been over-
stated. They arranged demonstrations of cripples and children,
and marched them to the hotels in which the Commissioners were
staying. In the end, the Commission appointed to refute the
chax'ges of the reformers affirmed them, their report corroborating
what Sadler's Committee had previously stated, viz., that the
children worked the same hours as adults, that their work led to
219
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND KEF0RM8 OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
physical deterioration, that they were uneducated, and that they
were not free agents, but were entirely under the control of their
parents, who neglected their best interests. Therefore, they
resolved, "a case is made out for legislation on their behalf."
Lord Ashley reintroduced his Bill, and Lord Althorp opposed
it on the grounds that the Government intended to introduce one
based on the Commissioners' report. This opposition ensured
Lord Ashley's defeat, and the Government measure was brought
in. It provided for the limitation of hours in all textile industries,
except silk, for children from nine to thirteen years of age, to nine
hours daily and forty-eight weekly, and for young persons up to
eighteen years of age to twelve hours a day, and sixty-nine hours
a week. Night work (between 8-30 p.m. and 5-30 a.m.) was
prohibited. By a cunning arrangement of the clauses relating to
children's ages, the Act did not come fully into effect until 1836.
One other good feature was the appointment of Factory Inspectors.
The agitation for, and the opposition to, the Ten Hours Bill
grew apace for the next few years, and the two parties had a test
of their relative strength in 1836, when Poulett Thompson
introduced a Bill to repeal the thirteen years limit. This clause
had only come into operation nine days before, and the effect of the
repeal would have been to make 40,000 children, mostly females,
work sixty-nine instead of forty-eight hours a week. But the
Government had itself introduced this clause, and the House would
not let them go back on their own proposals. In a division of over
350, Thompson could only get a majority of two, and the Bill was
withdrawn.
For the next few years attention was directed mainly to seeing
that the provisions of the xAct were faithfully adhered to. Lord
Ashley, in 1838, tried to get the same regulations for silk as for the
other textiles added to an amending Bill which Lord .John Eussell
introduced, but the latter declared that if his lordship persisted in
his proposal he should be forced to withdraw the Bill. Lord
Ashley, therefore, gave way, but a greater testimony to his power
and influence could not have been given than this, that the Prime
Minister would have to withdraw a Government measure if a
private member of the Opposition persisted in an amendment to it.
Yet this happened at a time when the movement out-of-doors
was temporarily disorganised through its leader, Oastler, being
imprisoned for a debt of £3,000. He remained in prison for four
years (issuing thei^efrom the Fleet Papers weekly), until the debt
he had incurred was paid for him by public subscriptions.
In 1841 Peel returned to power, and offered Lord Ashley a
place in his Ministry, but Lord Ashley declined to accept the
proffered position because Peel would not declare himself in favour
220
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
of the Ten Hours Bill. In the light of later events we can see, as
Lord Ashley did at the time, that Peel endeavoured to get him to
take office mainly to prevent him from going on with the measure.
Peel soon came out in his true colours as an opponent of the Bill,
and gave the management of factory legislation over to Sir James
Graham, who was even more determinedly opposed to it than
himself. Lord Ashley regarded Peel's Tory Government as ten
times more hostile than Lord John Eussell's Whig Government
had been.
In 1843 Sir James Graham introduced a Government measure,
but it was abandoned, to be reintroduced in an amended form in
the following year. That year was the year of dramatic incidents,
and, although the Ten Hours Bill was not carried until 1847, the
cause was really won during the debates on the Government
measure. The chief gain from that measure was that children
were only to work six and a half hours a day, and thirty hours a
week, and that women''' were only to work twelve hours a day and
sixty-nine hours a week. When the Bill reached the Committee
stage Lord Ashley proposed that the term night should mean from
6 p.m. to 6 a.m., and, to the amazement of the Ministers, this was
carried. Graham said that this meant a ten hours day, and to this
the Government were entirely opposed. He did not, however,
withdraw the Bill, but the point came up for discussion on a later
clause which stated the daily hours. Lord Ashley moved for ten
to be inserted as the number, but the resolution was lost by nine
votes. Graham then moved for twelve hours, but this, too, was
lost. Instead of then moving for eleven hours, as everyone
expected, Graham withdrew the Bill, and later in the session
introduced one which admitted of no amendment. Lord Ashley,
however, moved a new clause for an eleven hours day and sixty-four
hours week, to become a ten hours day and fifty-eight hours week
in 1847, and Loi-d Macaulay, in a powerful speech, supported him,
but Sir Robert Peel threatened to resign if this were carried, and
to save the Government the House voted against it, and it was lost
by 138 votes. In due course the Bill became law. Except for
Peel's threats of resignation the amending clause would probably
have been carried, so that, although it was defeated by a large
majority, there was no cause to fear but that it would become law
soon.
Here, in a sense. Lord Ashley's connection with the measure
ends, for he resigned his seat for Dorset over the question of the
Corn Laws. The leadership now devolved upon John Fielden,
* This marked a new stage in factory legislation. Adults had not previously
been included in any arrangements.
A
221
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND EEFORMS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
who reintroduced the Ten Hours Bill in 1846, and only lost the
second reading by ten votes. Soon after the Government were
defeated as a penalty for repealing the Corn Laws, and Lord John
Russell became Prime Minister.
The end is soon told. Fielden again introduced the Bill in
1847, and this time it was carried. In the Lords, to the honour of
the Bishops, it must be recorded that nearly every one of them was
in his place and voted for the measure. Many of them also spoke
in its favour.
Fielden did not live long after his Bill was carried, for he died
in 1849. Faithful to the end, he was active as ever in the cause
when, just before he died, the question was reopened in an
unsuspected manner. He was buried at Todmorden, followed to
the grave by thousands of sorrowing operatives from all parts of
Lancashire and Yorkshire.
Unfortunately, complete success had not yet been obtained.
There had l)een a flaw in the Act of 1847, which formed for the
manufacturers a loophole of escape. The workers' hours were to
be ten per day, but these could be worked between 5-30 a.m. and
8-30 p.m. The employers soon discovered that by working in
relays, and running the mills during the whole of this fifteen hours,
they could compel their operatives to work more than ten hours
without being discovered by the Factory Inspectors. It seemed as
though the whole battle had to be fought over again, and Lord
Ashley, who had now returned to Parliament as member for Bath
(where he had defeated his bitter and cynical opponent, Roebuck),
introduced another Bill. But he could not carry it and retain the
fifty-eight hours week, and in the end he entered into a compromise
whereby the limits of the working day were to be assimilated to
the actual working time, with ten and a half actual working hours
for five days in the week, and seven and a half on Saturdays —
sixty in all. For this compromise he was reviled by many of the
men for whom he had laboured, but subsequent events showed
that he had adopted the wisest course. Even then children were
omitted from these Acts, and relays of children were resorted to
to compel the men to work longer than the young persons and
women. Another Act was necessary, and in 1853 the limits of
the working day for children were made to correspond with those
of the women.
This was the end of the movement. The cause for which so
many had fought and suffered over twenty odd years was won,
and it has been a blessing, not only to the women and children
concerned, but to the men whose work depended on theirs, and
consequently could not be carried on without their help. The
male operatives knew all along that a ten hours day for their
222
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND BEF0BM8 OP THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY.
helpers meant one for' themselves, but they never proclaimed this.
"They hid themselves," it has been said, "beneath the women's
petticoats," and even now, although the textile operatives enjoy a
fifty-five and a half hours week, only the women, young persons,
and children are legislated for. As the foundation of subsequent
extensions of the Factory Acts, the Ten Hours Act and its
amendments are the most important on the Statute Book. The
Short Time Committees "builded better than they knew," for they
laid the foundation of that protection for factory workers which
has so materially aided in raising the standard of life and physical
efficiency during the past half-century.
Space will not permit of a glance at later movements, and the
early Co-operative and Christian Socialist movement demand much
more than a short sketch ; but each of the movements we have
passed under review were, in their ways, the foundations of the
greater privileges we now enjoy. We have only to compare the
workers as they are described in the burning pages of Engel's
well-known w^ork on the " Condition of the Working Classes in
1844" with the workers as they are to-day to see that, although
much poverty remains to be removed, and many problems are yet
to be solved, the " agitators " and reformers of the first half of the
nineteenth century were paving the way for a vast improvement in
the lives of the people. Our duty, if we would show appreciation
of their work arid sacrifices, is to hand down to future generations
the benefits we have received, not wasted or impaired, but enlarged
and extended, that their lives may be as much better for our having
lived as are ours for the lives of the Owens, Places, Lovetts, Cobdens,
Shaftesburys, Oastlers, and Fieldens who have gone before.
In addition to the authorities mentioned in the previous notes, I have to
acknowledge the helpful suggestions I have derived from Mr. Ramsden
Balmforth's " Some Social and Political Pioneers of the Nineteenth Century."
Soimeuschein, 1900.
:*=t:
223
Co-operation in other Lands.
BY HENRY W. WOLFF.
jHE twentieth century, so it has been predicted, is to be
the century distinctively of " Co-operation." Combined
effort is to become the ruling force throughout the
world. History seems disposed to make good the
prophecy, for in nearly every civilised country do we
see Co-operation, which has long since assured its
footing in some form or other, advancing steadily and
resolutely. What Lord Eosebery some ten or fifteen years ago
called, without exaggeration, "a State within the State," now bids
fair to become "a world within the world." This being so, there
could be no more interesting study than to measure exactly, in
every country, the economic effect which this new power has
there produced, the number of its adherents, the precise amount of
its production or trade, the creation of new capital, by thrift or
otherwise, that it is accountable for, and then to draw a comparison
between country and country. Unfortunately, an inquiry of this
comprehensive sort is, for the present, wholly out of the question.
We tried to institute one, some years ago, in the International
Co-operative Alliance ; but although we managed to enlist the help
of the ablest collaborators to be found, most of them in official
positions, our attempt as good as failed in view of an absolute
dearth of figures abroad. And while foreign Ministers of Finance
persist in trying unfairly to tax Co-operative Societies on their
supposed " profits," and while Co-operative Unions of different
types continue, in hostile rivalry with one another, to conceal data
which it looks as if some of them were loth to have published,
such dearth of figures is likely to prove permanent.
However, if we cannot accurately measure the economic effects
already assured, there is ample material for an inquiry of a different
sort, which ought to prove no less interesting. We are in a good
position to examine and compare the characteristic features of each
several movement which now presents itself to us under the
comprehensive name of "Co-operation." We shall find that these
several movements, though sharing a common name, are not in
essence all of a piece, that all is not gold that glitters — is, at any
224
CO-OPEBATION IN OTHEB liANDS.
wite, not gold of the same quality; and we shall be better able
than we now are to judge of the educational value of each system
and to estimate, if not its precise actual effects, at any rate its
capacity for producing such.
Among ourselves the name of "Co-operation" has long since
acquired a definite, well understood meaning. We look upon it as
a product of the Eochdale system, embodying Eochdale principles.
That is the rootstock of all our " Co-operation." However, now
that Co-operation has become strong and general, foreigners appear
unwilling to allow that it is in every instance an outcome from
Eochdale. And they are right in this, that there are in every
country indigenous organisations for common work to be found
which have grown up from germs that have probably existed there
time out of mind. Spain has had its "co-operative" compania
gallega probably for centuries. Portugal its Sociedade familiar,
Eussia its artel, and all Slav countries alike their j^omotch, their
droujina, their wataga, which may still be observed in their original
humble and homely, rudimentary but effective, forms in Eastern
Europe. Asia could match all these things with institutions of
probably still greater antiquity. It has become the fashion
elsewhere to father modern local Co-operative organisation upon
such early racy gropings. However, the peculiar merit of the
Eochdale Pioneers is not that they brought men together for common
action. That has been easy enough since the days of Adam.
What the Pioneers did to make their enterprise truly memorable
was to raise such common action from the status of casual
collaboration, for a temporary object, with purely economic aims,
to that of a permanent institution with a higher purpose than the
saving or earning of a few paltry pounds or shillings. And foreign
Co-operators have in their modern organisations accepted that
principle. Our Co-operators do not, since the Eochdale days,
combine, as many Eussian artels still do, merely to execute some
particular job with greater economy, or to labour together for a
season. They join a society which is intended to last and to live,
to produce very much more the longer it lives, very much more
than an insignificant immediate gain ; which is to level up, raise,
educate and emancipate, enrich without trenching upon any other
interest, and leave the w^orld and its inhabitants, when all is done,
better than it found them. That is, I take it, what in our mind
constitutes "Co-operation," and that is the standard by which we
shall presumably want to measure different Co-operative movements
elsewhere. It is this nobler purpose which has given Eochdale
Co-operation its peculiar prestige and made its influence to diffuse
itself, as that of a pattern to be followed, throughout the world.
Nearly in all countries do we find its impress, though not imprinted
225
CO-OPERATION IN OTHER LANDS.
everywhere with equal clearness — even where it has asserted itself
only at second or third hand, filtering through other systems.
Then let us look around in the world and see what its various
systems are and how they have grown up !
Our most direct and most self-avowed pupils are the distributive
societies of Prance, which were formed with the distinct object of
injplanting the Eochdale shoot on French soil. The leaders of this
movement have adhered faithfully to the British model. They
have laboured, and are still labouring, to produce from the same
root precisely the same fruit that is culled here. In many cases
have they been successful. There are brilliant specimens of
distributive Co-operation in France, which do ample credit to
their parent, which realise more or less fully the object which
the Pioneers had in view, creating business, and creating also
character, building up by slow degrees fortunes by thrift, large
collective funds by a steady accumulation of share capital.
However, in many cases the effect falls very much short of the
ideal. The tempting jingle of the present paltry gain, the few sous
that are netted over a season's purchases, have proved too much
for the poor struggling working men. Working men undoubtedly
they are. That is so much to the credit of this movement, and in
this respect due justice ought to be done to it. It addresses itself
to the right persons. And the working men Co-operators, so it
ought to be observed, think in France first of labour, for they
nearly all share their "profits" with their employes. But, oddly,
among the population of all others most famed in Europe for its
habitual thrift there is in this particular application a most notable
absence of thrift, as well as of enterprise, of plodding on and
toiling, slowly but steadily, for a great distinct object, of that spirit of
" go " of which, nevertheless, we find magnificent examples in other
provinces of Co-operation. Frenchmen are capable of great and
prolonged efforts once they plainly see a high ideal before them —
as do their productive societies, which are still all instinct with the
spirit of the Eevolution ; or else a direct personal gain, as do their
agricultural syndicates, which have during the past fifteen years
multiplied like mushrooms. The difficulty to our French neighbours
seems to be to work on with only faith, not sight, to guide them,
on a long weary path, such as distributive Co-operation has almost
necessarily to travel over in achieving what must in most cases be
a work of years. There is in the great mass of small, struggling
societies little thrift, little effort at development of the existing
institution. It would be of advantage to secure it its own house,
to add new features to its business. But there is the little sui-plus,
which means so many francs to everj'one, and those francs are
claimed. The foundation of all this Co-operation is undoubtedly
— _
226
CO-OPERATION IN OTHER LANDS.
good. However, it will need a good deal more of the Rochdale
leaven to produce out of this slowly rising lump a genuine Rochdale
loaf. The tendency, however, is a right one.
The next convert that we can claim is Switzerland ; for, jx^ice
Dr. Miiller, who will have Swiss Co-operation to be an indigenous
growth of its own soil, Edmond Pictet avowedly introduced
distributive Co-operation into Switzerland directly from Rochdale,
as M. de Boyve did in France. There is greater uniformity here,
on a smaller area, and more uniformly good business. Generally
speaking, good management is one of the characteristics of Swiss
Co-operation, both distributive and of credit. Shares in the proceeds
are also allowed to the employes. There is, moreover, more thrift
and greater enterprise, which in the best societies rises to a great
height — not in that model store of Basel only. But there is alreadj'
an infusion to be observed of a socially more pretentious influence,
which rather modifies the character of Co-opei'ation and substitutes
a different aim. In Geneva, Edmond Pictet's own society bears so
much of a middle-class character that working men prefer to keep
up their own humbler institution, the FideliU, which is much
more feeble, but thoroughly " working man." We shall see this
middle-class preponderance increasing as we go along. In
Switzerland, where schoolmasters and professors play a fairly
leading part in the organisation of Co-operation, a rather curious
plea is advanced to defend it, which, to put it plainly, smells just a
little of the theorist's lamp. Some of the Co-operation there has
assumed, if not yet a Socialist character, at least, in the mouth of
its most prominent champions, a Socialist tendency. Co-operation,
so it is contended, ought not to be a "class" movement at all,
whether " working class," as it is in Great Britain, or otherwise.
It is to create a common possession of all, in which magnate and
beggar may equally share. That is a specious plea enough. But,
obviously, to call British Co-operation a " class " movement is to
employ a misnomer, however much that Co-operation may be
directed at improving the position specifically of working men, for
it nowhere trenches upon the legitimate interest of any other class.
It simply helps those first who need help most. It levels up by
raising the valleys, not by laying additional soil upon the hilltops.
So far as business enterprise and arrangements go, there are
specimens of Co-operation in Switzerland which are unsurpassed
anywhere. But the aim has been slightly deflected from the
Rochdale model.
We must leave Rochdale now, though, as already observed, its
influence is apparent everyw-here, to examine the work of a great
German master in Co-operation, the power of whose example is to
•227
CO-OPERATION IN OTHEll LANDS.
be detected all over the Continent, namely, Schulze Delitzsch.
Co-operation in Germany, in Austria, in Belgium and Italy, in
Russia and Servia, to some extent in the Scandinavian kingdoms
and in the Netherlands, is all more or less traceable to him. His
work has left its mark upon different races as well as upon
different nations. There is a considerable mass of Slav Co-operation,
of which we hear little, some of it of admirable quality, distinctly
attributable to his teaching and example. To some extent his
Co-operation admits that it is copied from Rochdale. Its
distributive form certainly is. However, in Germany and Austria
distributive Co-operation occupies only the second place. The
first place is there assigned to credit. And that circumstance at
once explains certain differences which are apparent at first glance
in German and congenerous Co-operation as compared with our
own. You need but move from one of the two spheres to the
other to notice it. I do not know how the fable could have
obtained currency here that Schulze Delitzsch Co-operation does
not make sufiicient provision for the accumulation of capital, that
its stores are carried on, mainly or exclusively, with borrowed
money. I siippose it is because there are Co-operative Credit
Banks by the side of stores, which, indeed, make it their business
to lend for Co-operative enterprises as well as for individual. But
it is the very reverse of the truth. Capital — the steady, continuous
accumulation of share capital — is the peculiarly leading feature in
all Schulze Delitzsch Co-operation ; and, notwithstanding the
prevalence of Co-operative credit, loan capital is, under the
guidance of this school, watched with a more searching and
jealous eye than anywhere else. In distributive societies its
excessive accumulation is impossible, for this reason, if for no
other, that distributive societies are not allowed to receive deposits.
There is nothing in the German law to forbid them, as seems to
be assumed in some quarters in this country. The prohibition
is simply the i-esult of German excessive consistency — call it
pedantry, if you like — which lays it down that a society must not
engage in two kinds of work at once. Schulze*' Delitzsch and his
successors argue that a distributive society may buy and sell, but
it must not on any account become a savings bank — any more, by
the way, than a productive workshop ; for that likewise goes against
their principle. If people want to save, let them go to the
Co-operative Bank ! Otherwise saving stands in high honour. The
credit societies of this order — which have, of course, as representing
the leading form of Co-operation practised, communicated something
of their character to the other forms — have for a long time gone, in
popular parlance, by the name of "Compulsory Savings Banks."
Their author, advisedly, compelled members to save, by insisting
228
CO-OPEBATION IN OTHER LANDS.
upon the issue of very large shares. He approved of nothing
under £5, and allowed £30, £40, and, I believe, £50. There is no
fault to be found with the Schulze Delitzsch societies on the score
of respect for capital, nor yet on the score of self-help, which they
take a pride in practising in its most rigorous form. In fact, they
abominate every kind of State-help. And for that reason, among
others, they abominate also everything that smells to the smallest
extent of Socialism, with which form of collectivism they are in
great fear of being confounded by public opinion. These societies
would not for the life of them at their Congresses vote resolutions
in favour of the nationalisation of railways or of ground values, of
State-aided old-age pensions and the like, as our societies do.
They will have absolutely nothing but what they can raise
themselves by their own unaided efforts. And they will not on
any consideration swerve from the straight and narrow path that
" Altmeister " Schulze Delitzsch has traced out for them. Principle
is for them everything.
What we, judging from our own particular point of view, may
reasonably take exception to in these societies is, in the first place,
that Schulze Delitzsch Co-operation limits its scope and aim
considerably more than we do ; and, in the second, that it is only
very partially a working-men's movement. It approves of and
encourages education, and consistently devotes a portion of each
year's surplus by rule to educational and other beneficent purposes.
But it rather plumes itself upon being strictly economic, not
altruistic, and, moreover, not collectivist. It builds up wealth by
combined effort. However, that wealth, though employed in
common, is the wealth of individuals, created with the object of
benefiting individuals. As for working men, an admixture of
about 32 per cent, is considered rather a good average, except in
special sections, such as that of building associations. And at the
outset Schulze Delitzsch advisedly barred admission to the very
poor ; he distinctly referred them to charitable institutions. A
member must, in his opinion, have at any rate something to save
up. All this peculiar colouring is, of course, to a great extent due
to the particular form which Schulze Delitzsch gave to his
Co-operation in preference to others. Banking facilities, ready
credit at reasonable rates, were indeed badly wanted when he
began work. And what he gave to his country in this way has
proved of inestimable benefit. It has created millions of pounds
worth of new values. l^ut it is not working men who above
all things stand in need of credit and banking. Subsequent
experience has made it plain that these institutions may be made
most sei'viceable to working men and small cultivators, and may,
indeed, be turned into specifically working-men's institutions.
229
CO-OPERATION IN OTHER LANDS.
There are numbers of credit societies of this sort in Germany,
to which working men are most grateful, and which, with
working-men membership, as a matter of course, have widened
their scope and become, so to speak, more generally human, in
some instances touchingly altruistic, everywhere less purely
economic. There are numbers elsewhere under what may be
called the same Schulze Delitzsch regime. The Banque Populaire
of Verviers, the most rapidly growing in Belgium, is distinctly a
working-men's bank. The Banchina and the Societd operaia
mascJiile, of Bologna — the latter a very humble institution indeed,
with only 4s. shares — are as fully devoted to working-men's
interests, and have proved unspeakable boons to their members.
But these are the exceptions. You notice the difference between
Rochdale and Schulze Delitzsch at once when attending a German
Congress, where, so to speak, broadcloth is far more in evidence
than fustian. But the effect goes down a good deal deeper than
dress. It is in grain. Schulze Delitzsch addressed himself first
to tradesmen and dealers, and so from the outset gave something
of a middle-class character to his Co-operation.
Suffice it to point out two very patent evidences of middle-class
supremacy which are likely to present themselves to us as very
much graver than they really are. In no Co-operative Bank of
this particular type up to quite recently — and even now only in
some banks in Belgium and two in Italy — has the essentially
Co-operative principle of " a dividend to custom " been applied.
All divided surplus has gone to capital. Not even was dividend to
capital originally limited. M. Luzzatti has explained to me that
in early days it was not considered necessary to limit dividend,
because no large surplus was then looked for. That shows how
careful we ought to be in the application of principle from the very
outset. We see the results of this non-limitation, earnestly
regretted by leaders, in shares quoted at a premium and sold in
some special instances in the market, and in large dividends. We
also see them in the abuse, happily not common, which prevails in
such out-of-the-way countries as Galicia, in which the Co-operative
form of bank is selected by usurers as an attractive garb to allure
borrowers. All this, of course, springs from the self-same root,
namely, that this kind of Co-operation was not originally intended
for working men.
We are apt, from our own point of view, to consider this a
blemish. However, we ought in justice to bear in mind that
working men's needs did not present themselves to the first
organisers of this Co-operation in the same searching light in
which we see them now ; and, moreover, that by bringing home to
large populations, at the time still ignorant of them, the value of
230
OO-OPEBATION IN OTHER LANDS.
combination and the merit of self-help, exhibited in its purest
and most unadulterated form, such Co-operation has done truly
invaluable work in acting as a veritable pioneer on wholly
unreclaimed ground, preparing the way for what working-men's
Co-operation, as we shall see, in later times has brought forth.
Let me notice one peculiar form of middle-class pi^eponderance
to be observed in the Netherlands, which are for Co-operation, at
the present time, distinctly a land of promise. In the Netherlands
Co-operative credit, which in Germany gives the tone, is scarcely
existent. Nevertheless, there has long been an exclusion of the
working class from the leading societies, because the national
institution of " Eigen Hulp," which was copied from the Army
and Navy Stores of Vienna, advisedly and by special rule limited
membership to "brain workers." Now, manual labourers, if they
are w-orth their salt, work with their brains quite as much as do
professors or civil servants. However, this liberal construction
was not allowed. A curious kind of organisation was adopted.
The "Eigen Hulp" was organised all over the kingdom (including,
in respect of services rendered, several sections), with the object of
forming local "Eigen Hulps " under it in as many localities as
possible. But members must belong to the national "Eigen Hulp"
first, and pay it a contribution. This contribution, which was at
the outset fixed at 2^ guilders once for all. Dr. Elias, in view of
the absence of any visible return, wittily described, in allusion
to a well-known conjuring trick, as the "vanishing rigsdaler."
However, the one payment did not prove sufficient, and now a
guilder a year is levied on each member, which seems to be rather
resented, inasmuch as it does not appear to purchase much more
than a subscription to the weekly Co-operative newspaper. Two
really more serious drawbacks to the system are these: — (1) That
the "Eigen Hulp" fritters away power unnecessarily by
pedantically tying down every association to one function only,
baking, it may be, or butchery, or selling groceries, Sac , which
splits up the movement into small organisations ; (2) that the
" Eigen Hulp " keeps the societies composed of its members in
very hampering thraldom. They must not alter their rules
without its consent. To break away from it means breaking
up their local society. Now, there is a good deal of sound
Co-operative spirit and enterprise in the Netherlands, as witness
the Nederlandsche Cooperaticcc Bond, which, although nominally a
section of " Eigen Hulp," is developing a great deal of independent
activity and bids fair to become the nucleus of a new and better
organisation. It is endeavouring to do as our Union and Wholesale
Society do, uniting Co-operation of all kinds and forms, starting
productive works, a banking department, and so on. But it is
I
231
CO-OPERATION IN OTHER LANDS.
inconveniently held in leash by the "Eigen Hulp." Moreover,
there ig the question of working men. The working men have
very naturally formed Co-operative Societies of their own, some
Socialist, others not, all thoroughly democratic and thoroughly
"working man." Here is power running to waste! In the
Hague there are three distinct organisations with from 6,000 to
7,000 members each. They might accomplish a good deal were
they to join together. The working men's societies are rather
deficient in good management, which members of the " Eigen
■Hulp" could supply. The "Eigen Hulp" would now be willing
to join hands with them ; but the working men, remembering the
first rebuff, are too proud to accept the proffered hand. There are,
however, good Co-operators at work trying to bring about a
reform, and it looks as if they were likely to succeed.
Schulze Delitzsch's system has, as observed, spread, among
other countries, into Belgium and Italy. In Belgium it is
represented exclusively by People's Banks, which are, generally
speaking, admirably managed, some of them very popular in spirit,
and reaching down, in respect of benefits dispensed, to the humblest
classes ; one or two, on the other hand, are very capitalist. In
Italy there are a fair number of distributive societies practically
associated or in alliance with the People's Banks, which, as in
Belgium, make up the main host of Schulze Delitzsch Co-operation.
The distributive societies are, as in Germany, moulded on the
Eochdale model. Once more like the German, these societies have
become essentially middle class. The evidence of a " Co-operative
spirit" in such bodies is — just as in some influential quarters in
France — sought in doing good to the working classes rather than
enabling those classes to do it, at any rate directly, for themselves.
It is fully recognised that Co-operation should aim at benefiting
the working classes. However, the traditions of paternal
government have not yet been altogether discarded. M. Luzzatti,
who has all his life devoted himself with particular assiduity to the
promotion of working men's welfare, was evidently seriously
pained when about a year ago I pointed out publicly — that is, in a
Review article — the middle-class character of the Co-operative
institutions with which he is specifically identified. His answer
was this: "Do we not do this, that, and the other for working
men? " Assuredly his societies do. At the time when I wrote the
Unione Cooperativa of Milan, a wholly middle-class society full of
generosity and public spirit, had only quite recently opened that
magnificent Alhergo Fopolare, the first " Rowton House " in Italy,
which is entirely due to its initiative. That is only one instance of
its habitual beneficence. M. Luzzatti's Co-operative Banks help
the working classes with small, unsecured " loans of honour," and
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CO-OPEKATION IN OTHEB LANDS.
with much money voted for educational and charitable purposes.
In respect of solicitude shown for working men's interests,
M. Luzzatti can truthfully say of himself what I will not quote in
the original Latin : " What region is there that is not full of the
proofs of my labour?" He introduced the Post Office Savings
Banks into Italy ; he induced Savings Banks, at a time when no
Compensation Law was yet passed, to endow a fund for cheap
insurance against workmen's accidents, another for payment of
old-age pensions ; although disapproving entirely the Socialist
tendencies of Italian labour societies, he has stood their firm friend
in Parliament and in the Law Courts, obtained new powers for
them, shielded them against persecution. Only quite recently he has
successfully used his influence to obtain the employment of public
money for housing purposes. There is nothing in this way, so one
may say, that he will not do, and he rightly takes credit .for it
among Co-operators. But is this " Co-operation? " In Italy and
in some quarters in France it passes for it. In 1896 the late
Charles Robert absolutely astounded some very representative
Co-operators by the list of names which he had prepared Jfor the
"Committee of Patronage" in connection with the International
Co-operative Congress of that year. There were philanthropists
included in it whom everybody was bound to revere, but with
whom, at a Co-operative Congress, not a few Co-operators would not
have cared to share the same platform; they stood too far off
from self-help. This benevolence, which does not know how to
discriminate between charity and Co-operation, is really in a very
large measure responsible for the powerful wave of State Socialism
which is now sweeping over the Co-operative world abroad,
substituting subvention for self-help. It has prepared the way for
it, led people to expect assistance from outside. And so far from
keeping what are supposed to be the dangerous tendencies in
working-man Co-operation in check, it has directly stimulated
them. Thus in Italy, while men of M. Luzzatti's type habitually
bracket philanthropy with Co-operation and seem inclined to
turn away from the more democratic and independent forms of
working-men's self-help, on the other hand working men openly
group trade unionism, friendly societies, and political Socialist
agitation, anything that unites working men in "organisation,"
together with Co-operation, and at the last Co-operative Congress
a proposal was seriously brought forward to consolidate them all
in one great democratic organisation.
It is time now to turn to a Co-operative movement of an essentially
different type, which has conquered for itself as prominent a place
in the world, and has overspread quite as much ground as that
just spoken of, though differing from it as day does from night.
233
CO-OPEKATION IN OTHEK LANDS.
Raiffeisen's object in organising'his own form of Co-operation —
which should soon become familiar to us, seeing that it has made
itself at home both in Ireland and in India — was wide as the poles
asunder from that which Schulze proposed to himself. Schulze
provided means by which men possessing some little property or
income should be enabled to create more, and at the same time he
limited his view entirely to economic effects. RaifTeisen descended
a good deal lower in the social or financial scale, but he materially
widened his aim. His object was, so to speak, to raise up
something out of nothing, and practise Co-operation chiefly for the
sake- of its educational effects — above all things of education for
the formation of character. Honesty being thus created, he might,
in M. Luzzatti's words, "capitalise" it for economic purposes.
Means must be found for raising " the beggar from his dunghill,"
provided that the beggar should show himself worthy of such
treatment. If he would help the very poor, Raiffeisen could not
in reason ask members to take up shares. Accordingly he waived
the consideration of shares altogether. But he insisted rigorously
upon the qualification of " character" — "character" to be attested
by the applicant's own neighbours. Since his Co-operation was
intended for rural communities only, in which, as a matter of
course, people must have something of a settled home and be in
constant touch with one another and under one anothers' eye, that
evidence would be sufficient — all the more that it must needs be
backed by the unlimited liability of those who give it. For the
corner-stone of all this system is the unlimited liability of all for
all, which, experience has shown, may be rendered absolutely
harmless. For while, on the one hand, it has it in its power to
produce security which will purchase credit even where those who
join in it are all only poor, on the other hand it will secure itself
by necessarily arousing the keenest vigilance in all who join.
Another essential condition is that all surplus accruing from
business must be paid into a common indivisible fund. The
system is, therefore, thoroughly collectivist. Not a farthing is
asked in subscription, but not a farthing is paid out in dividend or
principal. The system of itself assures remarkable educational
efficiency, for it necessarily repels the unworthy, who might
occasion loss, in the interest of others who do not wish to incur
such, and thereby places a premium upon good conduct and leads
those who would share in its benefits to be permanently on their
good behaviour. To have contrived a system which produces such
results would in itself mean to have achieved something. However,
Raiffeisen aimed at more, and he accomplished it. His favourite
desire was to "work for God." On the one hand he would have
his societies to train up good God-fearing Christians, as well as
234
CO-OPERATION IN OTHER LANDS.
careful cultivators or workmen ;>on the other he desired to provide
means by which the. better-to-do might show their "love of their
neighbour" — this was his great watchword — in helping the poorer
without demoralising them. The wealthier man can do this by
taking his place in the society as an equal with the poorer, putting
his knowledge of business, experience, capacity, personal influence,
and the use of his credit in the common stock, so as to ensure a
better and more immediate effect. The use of his credit will
involve risk, of course ; however, he may secure himself against
loss by doing just what — on other grounds as well — Raiffeisen was
anxious that he should do, that is, by taking an active personal
part in the conduct of affairs, which must enable him to avoid
danger by withdrawing at once, as he is entitled to do, whenever
he finds the society incurring undue risk.
Here is a kind of Co-operation quite distinct from any other,
which ought to satisfy the strictest collectivist and the most
zealous Christian Socialist. Members jointly pledge their credit.
By such means they raise money to be employed in loans, in
common purchases, in every conceivable form of Co-operation, and
out of the accruing surplus they build up a fund which belongs to
all in common, and, indeed, prospectively, to the entire local
community.
The success of this system has been something sux-prising. It
has raised up societies by the thousand in Germany, Austria,
Transylvania, Servia, Italy, France, all over the Continent. It still
keeps spreading and growing. It has made Co-operation for
agricultural purposes possible, finding money in plenty — which
has been regularly repaid — for the creation of Co-operative Dairies
and similar institutions. It has reached down to the lowest depths
of poverty, fertilising previously desert places. By its economic
successes it has attracted and gained the favour of the poor.
By its educational successes it has secured the goodwill of the
authorities and the clergy. That is its possible weak point. It
should not be so, but by such abuse as in this imperfect world
every institution is liable to at one point or another, the upper class
members may conceivably become too dominant. Most of this
Co-operation is only humble. It deals with small sums and satisfies
small wants. But it penetrates where no other Co-operation
could hope to do so. There is no question here about "how to
help the poor," as in this country. The problem settles itself. In
its collective aspect this system deals with very large values and
represents great power. It has not asked for boons or subsidies.
It has taken the comparatively small sums which authorities have
placed at its disposal for propagandist and organising purposes.
235
CO-OPERATION IN OTHEll LANDS.
But for its loans it has negotiated with great banks on equal terms,
as a matter of business. And its effect in stimulating thrift and
collecting savings has been very great.
Such excellent results might be counted upon to suggest
imitation. Two distinct powers have made the system their own,
suppressing, or else adding, something as occasion required, so as
to make it answer their particular purpose.
In the first place Eaiffeisenism may claim to have become the
parent of nearly all that Co-operation applied to agriculture which
has lately astonished the world by its rapid expansion and its
magnificent successes. Thirty years ago, before the Eaiff'eisen
system had become well known, there was none. You may strip
off the religious and educational side of Eaiffeisenism and still
leave something economically very useful. That is what has been
done in respect of agriculture. The several systems created havfe
all adopted Eaiff'eisen methods, but not, as Eaiffeisen himself was
often heard to complain, the Eaiffeisen "spirit." Their object is
to make agriculture more remunerative, and nothing more. And
the consequence is that many of the bodies so created have become
absolutely class organisations, pursuing selfish objects, class
benefits, which may or may not come into collision with other
interests. Co-operation is avowedly only one of the instruments
employed to benefit agriculture. Others may be found in
State aid, political agitation in favour of protection, in opposition,
to graduated income tax, and so on. Since agriculturists have
votes, and candidates for Parliament desire to be elected, and
Governments to maintain themselves in power, a bargain may
easily be struck on these lines. The argument that by benefiting
agriculture you will benefit the entire community is too captivating
not to impose on many well-meaning but illogical people. Thus,
in Germany and France, we have seen many millions voted out of
the taxpayers' pockets. Central Banks endow^ed to provide money,
sometimes under market rate, not only for more or less legitimate
loans, but for such hazardous enterprises as the purchase of
nitrate mines in Chile, and with the effect of raising up mushroom
societies by the thousand, often enough subsisting upon nothing
but borrowed capital. As so tempting is the prospect of doing
good almost bound to present itself that in Italy the late Minister,
M. Ferraris, not long ago proposed to devote £2,000,000 of
Savings Bank money every year to the endowment of agricultural
Co-operation, which was to be created wholesale — so to speak,
forced upon the country, willy nilly, leaving it open to people to
join if they liked, but creating the machinery with State aid
all the country over; Now, all this is a very doubtful kind of
" Co-operation." It has nothing in it of the Eochdale principle.
236
CO-OPERATION IN OTHER LANDS.
Yet as SO praiseworthy does it present itself to those interested in
agriculture — and, let it be added, evidently ignorant of the true
meaning of " Co-operation " — that we have had one prominent
leader of the agricultural syndicate movement not long ago
publicly vaunting himself, in a truly pharisaic spirit, that he and
his colleagues are not as "ordinary Co-operators," mere dividend
mongers, but working for higher ends. What are those "higher
ends?" Agriculture is, of course, to be benefited, which may be
a very good thing for agi'iculturists, more particularly when coupled,
as it is in this case, with a seven francs duty upon wheat, the
rejection of commercial treaties designed to cheapen goods for the
advantage of the working classes, and the blocking of graduated
income tax. The smaller folk are also to be enriched and raised,
but not by their own efforts, but by methods which will keep them
ih their proper places. It is not, in many cases, these small men
who govern the syndicates, but gentlemen of a superior order. The
small ai'e admitted as beneficiaries, but excluded from service on
the Committee. All this is given out as "Co-operation," quite
evidently in ignorance of the true article. For here we have
another curious confession from one of the recognised leaders of
the same movement, who in his newspaper seriously tells his
readers " how to secure all the benefits of Co-operation without
practising it." They are to combine in great numbers and so
.obtain good prices from dealers. Caricature of " Co-operation "
could not be carried much further. Yet all this very peculiar
combination is given out for "Co-operation." It appears to be
veiy difficult for agricultural Co-operative Societies to resist being
swept away into this enticing maelstrom. We can understand such
simple and straightforward Co-operation as that of agriculturists in
Denmark and the Netherlands, who combine, it is quite true, for
their own benefit as agriculturists, but without the intention of
trenching upon any other interest, merely eliminating the
middleman and carrying their organisation to a high pitch of
perfection. We shall feel, I think, quite as fully disposed to
sympathise with the agricultural Co-operators of Eastern Switzer-
land, who do not stop short at agriculture, but, like the Danes,
benefit an entire rural population in its domestic wants, boldly
defying "the trade" in non-agricultural articles (from offending
which other agricultural Co-operative Societies, dependent upon
State favour, nervously shrink), and successfully ousting private
trade altogether from not a few villages. But even this great
and democratic union has already been to some extent tarred
with the " agrarian " brush. In France and (jermany agricultural
egotism and class greed are often carried very much further. Of
course, they succeed — up to a certain point. The leader of the
237
CO-OPEEATION IN OTHER LANDS.
largest of these unions in Germany not long ago, when declining
my invitation on behalf of his union to become a member of the
International Co-operative Alliance, did so on the ground that his
union, having proved successful far away above all other unions,
must hold aloof. However, what would remain if his union were
to be swept away '? Nothing. The ideal of many of these foreign
agricultural Co-operators is not the creation of something that will
endure and will grow, having a foundation in itself, but an open
source of benefits, supplied by the community, for the use of
agriculture, from which those who want anything may draw at
■pleasure — something like the four rivers watering Eden — which
simply gives, in a providential way, without calling for any effort,
and lasts only while Providence leaves it there. The help so got
may yield a good harvest ; it can yield nothing more. Light come,
it is likely to prove light go. It certainly does not make better
men, though it may make better schemers and fighters for their
own hand. Evidently a great deal of Rochdale principle is still
required to turn Co-operative organisations like those here spoken
of into what they might and should be, and what with, after all,
their good material and their opportunities and legitimate wants
and claims they may still become.
Here we have the Raiffeisen system dragged down into a purely
economic sphere. On the other hand, its second distinctive feature,
devotion to religion, has been accentuated so as to become
denominational. The system has not been otherwise changed
in structure. It still aims at and attains the same ends and
dispenses the same benefits. But it has become, if not everywhere
avowedly, yet everywhere essentially, preponderatingly Roman
Catholic. There are people, naturally, who eye this peculiar
"Church-branded" kind of Co-operation with suspicion, surmising
that Co-operation so directly connected with Rome, almost blessed
by the Pope in a special Brief, must be intended for eventual abuse
for political purposes Well, that remains to be seen. There is
no evidence of such intention yet. If it is entertained, it may be
that the Pope will find that he has reckoned without his host, just
as Prince Bismarck did when, at the instance of the Socialist
Lassalle, he gave Germany manhood suffrage, counting with
certainty upon the gratitude of the working classes to reward him
with a solid, dependable majority. The upshot was, as it turned
out, all the other way. Co-operation may be, as Socialists maintain-
that it is, a capital training school for Socialism ; it cannot possibly
be a training school for absolutism and dictation. Meanwhile this
"Catholic" Co-operation — which, be it remembered, ie "Cathohc"
only in Catholic countries — is doing a great deal to benefit the poor
people. The denominational method may be bad; the practical
238
CO-OPERATION IN OTHER LANDS.
results are good. It reaches down to the lowest pauper and
creates all varieties of Co-operative institutions. Italy has already
over a thousand village banks of this type, with Co-operative
dairies, stores, wine presses, &c. attached, to say nothing of the
town banks which act to some extent as centres, and which
invariably function under the sign of some chosen patron saint.
In France M. L. Durand keeps, figuratively speaking, stamping
theSe societies out of the ground, as Pompey did legions. In
Germany the Lutherans have been quick to follow the Roman
Catholic example, organising equally religious "Peasants' Unions"
of their own, which go so far as to find their members in
Co-operative "law." In Belgium and the Netherlands the Roman
Catholic Boerenbonds have assumed a particularly sable dye, but
have not yet had time to become as useful as their counterparts
elsewhere. Needless to say, other Co-operative movements for the
present have nothing to say to the Roman Catholics, who in
moments of excitement sometimes amiably style them "Belial."
Nor will Roman Catholic Co-operators have much to say to others.
The rivalry subsisting has this good result that it produces a
rather keen competition, each system desiring to be beforehand
with the other and "head it off." In this way Co-operation may
be said to gain.
There is a final chapter to the history of Co-operation which I
have to tell, which is more particularly connected with the
distributive foi'm. Before I open it, a few words seem due to w-hat
has been going on in a different quarter, to some extent paving the
way for that democratic incursion which is the characteristic
feature of the present epoch.
Co-operative production scarcely counts for much anywhere
abroad, except in France, which, as being the country of the
Revolution of 1848, is considered its birthplace and its peculiar
home. Of the societies formed in 1848, wdth great hopes of a
permanent "socialisation" of industry, at the present time only
one survives. But the old Republican spirit still pervades all that
exist, and infuses into them that mixture of dash and patient
perseverance which makes for success. Pi'inters, house painters,
cabinet-makers, cabmen — the last named running about 1,000
Co-operative cabs in the streets of Paris — whatever their calling
may be, you find that what they value in Co-operation is less the
additional shilling or half-crown earned than the Republican
independence which it assures to them. As for additional earnings,
these men have often enough in times of ti'ial had to pinch on less
than the ordinary wage. And they have done so patiently, in view
of the ultimate benefit to be gained. The lithographers of Paris
have twice struggled through heavy insolvencies — one almost
239
CO-OPERATION IN OTHER LANDS.
crushing — toiling on from year to year, not for themselves but for
their creditors, rather than take advantage of the Bankruptcy Act,
liquidate, and start afresh. They insisted upon paying every penny
of the principal due, and every farthing of interest. Such an act
as this alone argues character, which deserves to be honoured.
Unfortunately, together with the Eepublican spirit these Co-operators
have, until recently, also retained their distinctively Republican
form of organisation and their Republican fondness for even the
outward appearance of equality, which renders administration and
the choice of capable chiefs difficult. In both respects a remarkable
change has recently taken place. Co-operators now know how to
value capable directoi-s, and gladly pay them according to their
worth, which has improved management. Deprived of sufficient
capital by pedantic adherence to the old rule, which allowed only
working craftsmen to be members in each society, many societies
have of necessity had to procure themselves a market for their
goods under shelter of official patronage. This is objectionable, of
course, though in France allowance should be made for exceptional
temptation. But, in truth, rather too much has been made of this
feature. There are many productive societies, large and small,
which compete fairly in the open market and obtain ample orders.
And although some societies — as, for instance, several societies of
cabinet-makers — would find it difficult to subsist without official
patronage, they are known to give value for money in the shape of
more dependable work. This productive Co-operation presents a
peculiarly attractive appearance w^ien it descends into the humbler
callings, such as those of paviors and stone hewers. And that leads
us on to a particularly noteworthy form of democratic Co-opei^ation
which has its home in Italy — -that of the braccianti and ninratori,
whom it is an absolute mistake to speak of, as has been done at a
recent Bi'itish Congress, as Co-operative "labour gangs." Many
of the old-fashioned Russian artels are "labour gangs" truly
enough. They combine for their job and then separate. The
Italian braccianti and muratori, however poor their members may
be, and however humble may be their work, certainly have very
much higher aims in view. They distinctly want their society to
be a permanent, pronouncedly collectivist institution. It is, in
their conception of it, to lead on to a fundamental reform of State
organisation on collectivist lines. Whatever these people be, they
call, and consider themselves, Socialists. They combmed for
Co-operation because they were too miserably poor to strike against
starvation wages. They have organised societies in which every
member is reqviired to take a share, to be paid up by easy
instalments, which will be eventually repaid out of profits. They
undertake contracts, which a special law has enabled them to do.
240
CO-OPERATION IN OTHEB LANDS.
Out of their receipts they pay fair wages, but not a farthing of
profit is divided until the reserve fund, which is to provide the
collectivist indivisible working capital, has reached a certain figure.
"When opportunity presents itself they rent land for collectivist
occupation. Such an experiment was made, with very fair promise
of success, at Ostia. They form part, of course, of the organised
labour movement, enlisting in the local "Chamber of Labour," and
they have contributed in a large measure to the formation of the
new, democratic, National (Co-operative) League. They are political,
no doubt, but they set very special store by education. They have
successfully raised wages wherever they are sufficiently strong to
do so, and in certain districts already absolutely control contract
work, and they have put a stop to that abominable employment of
child labour in those pestiferous rice swamps where little urchins,
standing up to their ankles in foul water, under a scorching sun,
were engaged for days together weeding — and contracting lifelong
fever. Men of this kind, combining in abject weakness, are often
enough brought face to face with serious difficulties, to which
some of the smaller societies have succumbed. But the movement
is going on.
Not on this ground alone does Socialism, or what believes itself
to be such, appear to have become a very active ally of Co-operation.
Spain is organising its new Co-operative Societies distinctly on
collectivist lines. In the Netherlands what working-man's
Co-operation there is is taking a pronouncedly democratic, partly
a Socialist, form. So is the very little Co-operation which is to be
found among industrial working men in Denmark. In Switzerland
the example of a most original Co-operator, Herr Gschwind, of
Oberwyl, bids fair to exercise considerable influence. His idea is
to make all trade, all enterprise — in fact, all possessions — in a
given district collectivist and Co-operative. District by district
the country is in this way to be converted, and then there will
be a collectivist State! Herr Gschwind has made a beginning
in jiis own parish. Truth to tell, though he has ventured
upon a determined start at several points, and finds, owing to
accommodating credit, that he can do with comparatively little
capital, he has not yet made much headway. But he has scored one
remarkably lucky hit. He has organised the supply of electric
light and power on Co-operative lines with such signal success
that this institution has spread, I believe, over the whole of his
little Canton.
That brings me up to the final chapter of my tale : the story of
the new democratic movement which, blending with the other
beginnings just spoken of, is making its influence felt all over
Europe. You cannot teU precisely at what particular point it
'Ail
CO-OPERATION IN OTHER LANDS.
began. There was evidently unrest and a longing for something
more democratic, more beneficial to working men, than was
prevalent, in more quarters than one. Working-man opinion
rebelled against the exaggerated worship of capital, the monopolising
of working-man's Co-operation by the middle classes, and the
baneful narrowing of the Co-operative aim. In Italy, concurrently
with the societies of the hraccianti and muratori — it may be before
them — working-men's Co-operative associations were formed which
were very democratic. Like the large distributive society of
Sampierdarena and the engineers' society in the same place, they
might declare themselves anti-Socialist, or else, like the excellent
society of Turin, which has, by coalition with the friendly societies
in the district, grown into the powerful Alleanza, they might own
themselves Socialist. In any case they were genuine working men's
societies, pursuing working men's aims. In the "seventies" the
Socialist Inteniational collapsed of atrophy and divisions, breathing
its last in Belgium, where priestly domination by a natural reaction
keeps the Socialist party strong. Its members survived. Casting
about for some new method of organisation, they bethought
themselves of Co-operation, and discovered that Co-operation might
be turned to account as an admirable training school and make-
penny — Co-operation, which had up to then been contemptuously
spurned by Socialists everywhere, and has been so until recently
elsewhere. In weakness and poverty Socialist Co-operative Societies
were formed, with the avowed object of being employed to serve the
party as milch cows, by means of a levy regularly made on the
profits in aid of a propagandist party fund.
The striking success of the Vooruit of Ghent and the Maison
du Peiiple of Brussels, both formed about the same time, in 1880,
gave the movement a powerful impetus. Socialists felt that they
had found the proper weapon for new warfare. Maisons du Peuple
sprung up in towns all over the country, almost as "Trees of
Liberty" did in France at the time of the Eevolution. Such
Maisons du Pewple are very much more than mere stores. They
are centres of working-man life and activity. In them the working
man finds his shop, his bank, his club, his library, his restaurant,
his free dispensary, his discussion forum. In them he is trained
to think and act as a Socialist. Party politics are canvassed,
party moves prepared. Outside, " the people " meet, when occasion
requires, to be harangued in the Socialist interest, from a window
or balcony. And it has been found that districts in which the
Maison du Peuple is strong invariably return Socialist Deputies to
Parliament. Here is an encouraging proof of power in the
organisation! The Belgian example accordingly impressed its
lesson upon Socialists and Democrats elsewhere. The French
__
242
GO-OPEKATION IN OTHEB LANDS.
Socialists have now become ardent Co-operators. Their movement
is still in its infancy, but it is spreading. In Italy, where the Lega
Nazionalc — the national "Co-operative Union" — rather severely
ignored by the Co-operative leaders till it became too strong to be
given the cold shoulder, had prepared the way for action. The
Maison du Peuple, here called Casa del Popolo, is being resorted to
specifically as a means for organising democratic Co-operation in
the rural districts. The hope is entertained that by such means,
in addition to the benefits which result from the institution in
Belgium, among an almost purely industrial population, in Italy
small cultivators and the land may be brought together on living
terms, the exacting middleman being replaced by the necessarily
fair-dealing Co-operative Society. While Socialists and Democrats
were arming in these three more or less "Latin" countries, by a
natural rebound fi'om excessive worship of capital, a new movement
was started on rather different but equally democratic lines in
Germany. Distributive societies, so it was thought, were being
neglected. Certainly they were seriously hampered by pedantic
insistance upon that antiquated rule which forbids alike productive
workshops and saving departments in connection with distribution.
Working men and those who act with them, and for them, were
not likely to rest content indefinitely, merely looking on, while
"middle-class" interests were being persistently put forward and
their defence — the defence of private retail ti'ade, even as against
associated consumers — represented as the main object of a great
Co-operative Union. There seemed all the less sense in this since
distributive societies, catering for the small man, kept increasing
rapidly in number, power, and membership, thus obtaining the
mark of public approval and of justification by success for their
democratic movement. Between 1890 and 1901 distributive
societies in the Schulze Delitzsch Union increased in number from
263 to 638, and their membership grew from 215,420 to 630,755,
so as to outnumber the other societies making returns of the same
Union. The working men Co-operatoi's tenaciously kept inside
the old Union, and were careful to bring in others, like-minded
with themselves. Evidently their object was, in course of time, to
become the more powerful section, and then to compel the Union
to accept their principles, which mean : elimination of the middle-
man for the consumers' benefit, independent production for the
direct supply of goods to the Stores, and the institution of savings
departments. Antagonism between the two sections grew fierce,
and bitter things were openly said on both sides. Since as long
ago as 1893 there has been friction severe enough to foreshadow a
rupture. Things were brought to a climax last September, at the
Annual Congress of the Union, when the "old gang," being still
243
CO-OPEEATION IN OTHER LANDS.
in a large majority, avowedly judged the time come for putting
such power to a high-handed use in order to prevent the threatened
swamping process. Upon the motion of the governing Board, the
Congress, by a very large majority, voted the expulsion of 98
distributive societies there and then. The spokesmen of the Board
at the same time openly threatened to deal with many others in
the same way. There was no fighting against overwhelming
numbers. The 98 societies had to go. Their friends, as a matter
of course, made common cause with them ; and on the spot a new
Union was constituted, which is to represent democratic principles
and working men's interests. The movement has developed so
fast in the past that there can be no doubt that there is a
prosperous — it may be, even a brilliant — future in store for it.
The sympathies of most British Co-operators will presumably go
with the new Union. JLn any case, then, in Germany also the
working men's cause is advancing.
The reflecting mirror having thus been passed all round, it will
be admitted that there is ample variety in what throughout Europe
styles itself "Co-operation," and that perhaps the inquiry first
suggested, into statistics of the effects produced, might without
some explanation not have proved quite so useful as at first blush
the idea was apt to suggest. Rather imposing figures might be
produced from countries in which the millions granted by the
State facilitate what is thought to be Co-operation. On the other
hand, where Co-operation is democratic the effect of its work
might easily be underrated. For the organisation of Wholesale
Societies, without which the distributive movement can impossibly
work at its best, is on the Continent still in its infancy. The good
material is there ; but it waits to be made effective. Evidently
that is now likely to be done. Even where Co-operation is not
democratic and has gone a little astray in its eagerness for
immediate results there is good stuff enough in it to be
manufactured into a better article. What seems wanted is, that
these various movements should be brought well in touch with
one another, so that the imperfect may learn from the more
perfect, the agricultural Co-operators — who now depend upon
State aid, studying short-sightedly only their own immediate
advantage and considering " Co-operation " merely a matter of
cheapening articles of consumption — may be brought to understand
that leaning upon others instead of standing firm upon one's own
feet is disadvantageous to the person who leans as well as to those
who are made to feel his weight in supporting him. There is
probably not one movement in the whole half-dozen which is not
in a position to bring something that is good and valuable into the
common stock, even if it should only be something to balance
244
CO-OPEBATION IN OTHER LANDS.
some exaggerated feature in another movement. In such " concert "
of movements British Co-operation, it seems to me, may be made
to play a most valuable and important part. And assuredly it will
play it. It admits that it does not sufficiently reach the poor as
do the Socialist and the religious Co-operative movements. But
it is thoroughly democratic, thoroughly a working man's movement,
well organised, well centred, and accordingly strong. It has in
these respects a pattern to set up for others to follow. If it will
patiently maintain touch with them, relying above all things upon
the teaching force of its example and of necessarily instructive
intercourse, it may do much to transform what still is amiss and
render an invaluable service to the working population elsewhere.
I
245
The British Islands:
Their Resources in Live Stock.
BY WALTER \VM. CHAPMAN, F.S.S., M.R.A.S.E., ETC.,
Secretary of the National Sheep Breeders' Association and of the Kent or
Romney Marsh Sheep Breeders' Association.
[RACTICALLY it may be said that the governing classes
of this country are now, and have been for generations,
to a very large extent drawn from the great territorial
families or their collateral branches, and yet there has
been no section of British industry where statistical
information and record has been more generally
neglected or incompletely obtained even to the present
date than those which refer to British live stock and
agricultural pursuits as a whole. Exception may be taken to my
statement, but, though undoubtedly great improvement has been
made during the past few years in connection with these returns,
they cannot yet be termed either complete or satisfactory when, to
name two omissions only, there is no reliable statement in respect
to the number of horses we possess in the country, nor any
reference to that most valuable and important industry in
connection with the production of eggs and poultry. Of these two
omissions, that in respect to the horses is unquestionably one of
primary importance, and one it is difiicult to conceive being
neglected to the extent it is after the experience we have recently
had in connection with the South African War. Why there should
be no complete return made of all the horses, as there is siipposed
to be of the cattle and sheep, &c., is a question which needs
immediate attention, particularly so from the fact that public
money is voted annually to the Royal Commission on Horse
Breeding. Hence it should, seeing public money is devoted to the
furtherance of breeding horses, follow that the fullest information
in respect to this industry, which is, though only to a limited
extent, supported by the State, be made available to the public
who supply the funds. The real nature of the returns in connection
with horses will be more fully explained under their sectional
heading, but it has been considered advisable to give prominence to
this question in the introduction so that the importance of the
omission may be placed in the forefront and thus attract, it is
246
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
hoped, such notice as will ere long result in full and complete
returns being made of this important section of our " Live Stock
Eesources."
It was the intention to have prepared and tabulated a series of
tables covering the last fifty years of the nineteenth century, an
object which was unfortunately prevented by the fact that earlier
than the year 1871 it was found the records covering the whole of
the United Kingdom were not complete, and therefore it became
compulsory to limit the period of comparison to that from the year
1871 to 1901 inclusive. The several tables will be dealt with in
their order, and no further reference is necessary at present other
than to say that every care has been taken to secure the most
reliable data from \vhich to obtain the results tabulated. In all
cases official figures have been used, and in the percentages the
actual, and not the nearest, figures have been given.
The term " Live Stock " for the purpose of this paper includes
horses, cattle, sheep, and pigs. Each of these are dealt with in
separate sections, and so that the several divisions of the United
Kingdom can be compared one with the other, separate comparative
tables having been prepared for each, a uniform plan being followed,
and all results shown in the different tables, which are complete
within themselves, have been obtained by the same method.
Horses.
The results we have tabulated are those taken from the
Agi-icultural Eeturns for the United Kingdom, and include only (1)
horses used solely for agriculture (a term which is stated in the
official publication to include mares kept for breeding), (2) unbroken
horses one year and above, and (3) unbroken horses under one year.
There are, therefore, three divisions wliich go to make up the
aggregate returns in this section, and from the indefinite manner
of the classification it is absolutely impossible to arrive at any
satisfactory conclusion as to what they consist of. For instance,
does the first class in the case of a landowner farming his own
land and keeping thoroughbred brood mares include those brood
mares? or do divisions 2 and 3, "unbroken horses," include
unbroken thoroughbred, hunter, hackney, or other colts ? If so, for
it would appear impossible to fully comply with the requirements
of the returns and not include them, why should they be returned
as unbroken and unmatured horses and not when they are made
and matured? Then, again, why are no returns secured and
tabulated from the owners of thoroughbred studs, liveiy stable
keepers, the omnibus, tramway, railway, and carrying companies,
nor of the hunters, carriage, harness, and pleasure horses owned by
the private gentlemen throughout the country ? Most, if not the
247
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
whole of the lai'ge number of horses owned by the foregoing, there
is every reason to beheve, are not included in the numbers given
in our tables, and hence they can only be taken as representing a
portion, and probably but a minor portion, of a very important
section of the live stock resources of the kingdom. Attempts
might have been made to have computed the number of horses
owned by those who are not required to make returns to the
Board of Agriculture, but such computations would have been at
their best the merest estimates, and, the object of this paper being to
prepare reliable references for both present and future requirements,
it was deemed better, even at the risk of incompleteness, to use only
official figures.
ENGLAND.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or - Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
187 L-1875
988,715
1,081,946
1,085,940
1,094,683
1,169,420
1,167,708
1,161,914
+ 9-43
+ 0-86
+ 0-86
+ 6-82
-0-14
-0-49
0-04
0-04
0-04
0-04
0-04
0-04
004
0-04
004
0-04
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
0-04 ! 0-04
0-03 0-04
1901
This table shows that in England, during the first twenty-five
years of the period under review, there was a steady and progressive
increase in the number of horses given in the returns. The
highest yearly total was 1,190,038 in the year 1896, since when
there has been a slight annual reduction, probably arising from
the further reduction of the arable portion of the cultivated area of
the country, whilst the diminished proportion per head of the
population for the year 1901 is fully accounted for by the increase
in the population shown by the census returns for that year.
WALES.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of '
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
120,789
132,275
138,924
140,757
147,403
153,685
154,624
+ 9-50
-1-5-02
+ 1-32
+ 4-72
-I-4-26
+0-61
0-08
0-08
0-08
0-08
0-08
0-08
0-07
004
0-04
0-04
0-04
0-05
0-05
005
1876-] 880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
248
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
There has been throughout the whole period a steady progress
in connection with the number of horses in this division. Each
quinquennial period shows an increase over its predecessor; and
there is a further matter for gratification, namely, the fact that the
number of horses returned for the year 1901 is in excess of that
for the average of the previous five years. The proportionate
number per head of the population is considerably larger than that
of any other division of the United Kingdom except Ireland. It
is evident, though, that the population in the industrial and
manufacturing centres is increasing at a more rapid rate at the
present time than the number of horses, as the proportion of the
latter to the former for the past year, 1901, is one point lower than
it was during the last quinquennial period. One other point in
connection with this division is also worthy of note, namel)', that
the horse population shows an increase per acre of cultivated area
as compared with the earlier part of the period under review, and
at the same time that the proportion in Wales since 1890 has been
higher than in any other part of the United Kingdom during this
period.
ENGLAND AND WALES.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
j Number per
Acre of Cnlti-
j vated Area.
1871-1875
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
1,109,504
1,214,221
1,224,864
1,235,440
1,316,823
1,-321,393
1,816,538
+9-43
+0-87
+0-86
+ 6-58
+ 0-34
-0-36
004
004
004
004
0-04
004
004
004
004
004
004
0-04
004
0-04
As England and Wales are for so many purposes treated as
one country and one division of the United Kingdom, it has been
deemed advisable to prepare a series of tables giving the combined
results for these countries. From these, as stated above, it will
be observed that, whilst there has been practically no variation of
any moment in respect to either the number of horses per head of
the population or of cultivated area, there has been during the
whole of the period under review sufficient increase in the number
of horses to keep pace with the increase of population, the
comparative small reduction disclosed in the number of horses
returned in 1901 being more probably than not a matter of only a
temporary character.
I
249
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
SCOTLAND.
Peiuod.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
178,652
191,716
189,591
190,180
202,318
201,169
194,893
-t-V-si
-1-10
+ 0-31
0-05
005
005
005
003
004
003
003
004
0 04
003
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
+ 6-37 j 0-04
-0-56 004
-313 004
1896-1900
1901
The tendency in Scotland, as disclosed by our table, has been
for the horse population to decline, its maximum numbers dui-ing
the period having been reached in that from 1891 to 1895, the
highest yearly return being that for 1895, when the total was
207,233. The proportionate number of horses to the population is
steadily decreasing, which would also appear to be the case in
respect to its proportion per acre of the cultivated area, to judge
from the results disclosed by the yearly returns for the last three
years, 1899, 1900, and 1901, each of which show a reduced total
in the aggregate returns.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over Average
Previous Number per
Corresponding Head of
Period. Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
1,288,156
1,405,937
1,414,455
1,425,620
1,522,573
1,521,152
1,511,431
+ 9-14
0-04
004
0-04
0-04
004
004
004
0-04
0-04
1876-1880
1881-1885
+ 0-06 0-04
+ 007 004
+ 6-80 004
-0-01 ' 004
-0-64 0 04
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
The result of the combined totals for England, Wales, and
Scotland, which make up the area of Great Britain, disclose a
condition of affairs which may be considered as satisfactory, for,
notwithstanding the increase in the population during the period
covered by these tables, the proportionate number of horses has
been fully maintained.
250
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
IRELAND.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
I Period.
Average Average
Number per ' Number per
Head of lAcre of Culti-
Population. I vated Area.
1871-1875
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
474,062
498,547
484,566
507,587
556,555
518,876
491,430
+516
-2-80
+ 4-75
+9-64
-6-77
-5-28
008
009
009
010
012
Oil
Oil
003
003
003
003
003
003
003
Ireland, unfortunately for her material prosperity, shows the
highest proportionate number of horses per head of her diminishing
population, which has gone on increasing at each of the several
periods given in the above table except the last, namely, 1896 to
1900, when, not from the fact that the population increased, but
because the number of horses decreased, there was a reduction of
one point in the proportionate rate per head of population. With
all the great advantages of soil and climate, and with that
notoriously high reputation for its horses, it is a matter of serious
concern to note that a material and important decline is shown to
have taken place in the quinquennial period from 1896 to 1900
compared with that for the corresponding period of 1891 to 1895,
a fact further accentuated by the numbers in the returns for 1901 —
491,430 — which is the lowest annual return since that for the year
1877. These returns range for the past thirty-one vears from
557,139 in 1895 to 468,089, the total for the year 1874. "
THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
! Number per
I Acre of Culti-
' vated Area.
1871-1875
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
1,820,133
1,913,936
1,908,279
1,942,290
2,075,531
2,050,827
2,011,701
+ 5-15
-0-29
+ 1-78
+6-85
-1-14
-1-97
005
005
005
005
005
005
005
003
004
003
004
0-04
004
004
The aggregate result for the whole of the United Kingdom is
brought out in the preceding table. From this it will be seen that.
251
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
although the average of the aggregate total for the past five years
is just over 1 per cent, less than the preceding five years, the
proportionate number.of horses compared either with the population
or cultivated area at that date is, with but slight variation, the same
as it was thirty years ago. This is very satisfactory, and discloses
the welcome fact that the equine population has to all intents and
purposes maintained the needful rate of increase to equal the
requirements made by the increased population. The reduction of
the total for 1901 to below that for the average of the preceding
five years- is a matter that may or may not be ascribed to the
increased requirements for military purposes, a fact that will
require another quinquennial period to expire before it can be
definitely decided one way or another, mainly on account of the
great uncertainty that exists of how many, if any, of the horses
taken for military purposes were included in the returns for the
years prior to 1901.
Cattle.
The returns for this section are far more complete than those for
horses, though there is still room for more detailed information.
However, in this country, particularly in respect to agricultural
statistical information, it is a matter of considerable difliculty to
secure any improvement or alteration of detail. Therefore, whilst
not in any degree being satisfied with either the scope or
completeness of the details given, approval may be expressed
that such useful divisions as cows and heifers in milk or in calf,
cattle two years old and above, cattle one year and under two, and
cattle under one year have been separately given, and the hope
entertained that in the near future steps will be taken to secure
returns so that the number of animals kept for stud, male and
female, for dairy, and for feeding may also be given.
ENGLAND.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over t Average
Previous Number per
Corresponding Head of
Period. Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875 4,054,074
1876-1880 4,075,520
1881-1885 ; 4,324,461
1S86-1890 ! 4,543,192
1891-1895 i 4,741,195
1896-1900 i 4,701,258
1901 ; 4,791,535
+ 0-52
+ 6-10
+ 5-06
+ 4-35
-0-88
+ 1-92
0-18
0-17
017
0-17
017
0-16
015
016
016
017
0-18
0-19
0-18
019
Practically right away from the year 1871 there has been a
steady and progressive increase in the number of cattle in England.
252
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
There have been variations in the yearly totals, these having
ranged, during the period under review, from 4,968,590 in 1892,
the maximum, to 3,671,064, the return for 1871 and minimum.
Taking, however, the quinquennial periods and averaging their
aggregate totals, we secure the result given in the second column
of the foregoing table. This shows, as ah-eady stated, a steady and
progressive increase in each period except that for the years
1896-1900, when the small reduction of 0-88 per cent, was shown,
which may be considered as having been more or less brought
about by a reaction resulting from the low range of values realised
in the early nineties. We find on reference to the yearly totals for
the past three years that these have each been above that recorded
as the average for the five years ending in 1900 or in 1895.
Another source of satisfaction demonstrated by the above method
of comparison is that the number of cattle per acre of the cultivated
area of the country is now larger than it was thirty years ago, and
that in this respect last year's total is as high as it has ever been,
namely, 0-19 per acre. It is, however, very patent, on the other
hand, that were it not for the supplies from outside sources
England alone would not be able in any sense of the word to
provide for its own requirements, the present ratio of cattle to
population being 0"15 per capita, as against 018 thirty-one years
ago.
WALES.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
631,712
631,914
668,286
699,999
730,242
723,791
743,078
+003
+ 5 77
+ 4-74
+ 4-32
-0-88
+2-65
0-44
0-42
0-42
0-41
0-41
0-38
0-36
0-23
0-23
0-23
0-24
0-25
0-25
0-26
The position of Wales in respect to the cattle industry is in
every way most satisfactory. The thirty years' record given in
the preeeding table brings to notice the fact that whereas at the
commencement of this period the proportion of cattle per acre of
cultivated area was 0-23, it has now increased to 0"26 in the year
1901, whilst in comparison to population W'ales has more than
double the cattle per head than is the case in England. The
yearly total for 1901, which is 2-65 per cent, in excess of the
average one for the preceding five years, is not, however, the
253
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
record for the whole period, this having been made in 1891, when
the yearly return was 759,309, whilst the lowest yearly total was
596,588, that recorded in 1871, the first year of the period under
review.
ENGLAND AND WALES.
Period.
Average^
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
4,685,786
4,607,430
4,992,747
-1*67
+ 8-36
0-20
0-18
0-18
0-18
018
0-17
017
0-16
016
0-18
0-18
0-19
019
0-20
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
5,243,191
-4-5-02
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
5,471,437 +4-35
5,425,049 1 -0-84
5,534,613 +2-01
With the addition of the more satisfactory condition of affairs
prevailing in Wales to those in England, the result of the tables for
these two countries combined brings out the fact here disclosed.
From this table it is gratifying to note the important fact that the
proportion of cattle to the cultivated area in England and Wales
is, and has been, steadily on the increase; and that, whereas in
1871-1875 it was only 0-16 per acre, it had increased in 1901 to
0-20. It is also satisfactory to notice that last year's aggregate
total, 5,534,613, was in excess of that for any of the quinquennial
average totals given in the table, and was 2-01 per cent, higher
than the average for the five years ending 1900, which is the
SCOTLAND.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
-f or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
1,127,337
1,102,287
1,116,876
1,138,912
1,208,418
1,218,418
1,229,281
-2 -22
-M-32
-f-1-97
+6-10
-f-0-82
-1-0-85
0-32
0-30
0-29
0-28
0-29
0-24
0-23
0-23
0-23
0-24
1876-1880
1881-1885
1891-1895
1896-1900
0-27
0-24
1901
0-27 0-25
Scotland, whose capabilities for the production of high-class
beef and cattle are known all over the world, holds a record, as
disclosed in the foregoing table, of which indeed she may be justly
254
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
proud. In respect to the number of cattle there has been, with
the exception of a reduction of 2-22 per cent, in the average of
the second, as compared with the first, quinquennial period, a
continuous increase in each of the subsequent periods, and the
total for the year 1901, 1,229,281, whilst not quite the highest
yearly total during the thirty-one years, is 085 per cent, in excess
of the average for the past five years, and this, it will be observed,
is higher than any of the other comparative totals given in this
table. Then, taking the comparison of the number of cattle, which
in 1901 was larger than it had been since the year 1898, we find
that the number of cattle per acre was higher than at any other
period covered by the table. The increase in the population has,
however, been in excess of that of the cattle, and, therefore, it
follows in this section, as in those which precede it, that there is
need for importation of meat supplies from beyond the seas.
GREAT BRITAIN.
Pekiod.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average Average
Number per Number per
Head of Acre of Culti-
Population. I vated Area.
1
I
1871-1876
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
5,813,123
5,809,721
6,109,803
6,373,103
6,639,946
6,643,463
6,763,894
-005
+ 5-16
+ 4-30
+ 4-18
+ 0-05
+ 1-86
0-20
0-20
0-20
019
0-18
018
0-18
0-18
018
0-18
019
0-20
0-20
0-20
Aided by the increase in the cattle of Scotland, the table for
Great Britain discloses the fact that, with the exception
of a reduction of 0-05 per cent, shown between the averages for
1871-1875 and those for 1876-1880, there has been a continuous
increase in each successive period, with the still more gratifying
and important fact that the total for the year ending June 4th, 1901,
was practically 2 per cent, in excess of the average for the five
preceding years. The results given in the third and fourth
columns of the table are a curious instance of the transposition of
the proportionate number of cattle per head of the population and
to the cultivated area, for whereas in the first three quinquennial
periods the former was 020 per head and the latter 0-18 per acre,
these results were exactly reversed in the last three periods given,
the middle one being 0"19 in both cases ; the actual result being
that, whereas in 1871-1875 the number of cattle was 0-20 per
capita and 018 per acre, the position in 1896-1900 and in 1901
was exactly reversed.
255
THE BBITISH ISLANDS: THEIB KESOUECES IN LIVE STOCK.
IBELAND.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average j Average
Number per i Number per
Head of Acre of Culti-
Population. vated Area.
1871-1875
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901 . . . .
4,082,384
4,016,518
4,075,673
4,137,175
4,438,753
4,494,748
4,673,323
-1-61
+ 1-47
+ 1-51
+ 7-28
4-1-24
+ 3-95
0-76
0-76
0-81
0-86
0-96
0-99
1-04
0-26
0-2G
0-26
0-27
0-29
0-29
0-30
The doleful reports one reads of the agricultural condition
of Ireland are hardly borne out by facts such as are disclosed in
the foregoing table, which is, without exception, the most
satisfactory one in respect to the cattle industry for any of the
divisions of the United Kingdom. In a very striking manner it
brings out the fact that if more attention and energy were given to
agriculture and less to politics the future of Ireland as an
agricultural country could indeed be made a bright and prosperous
one. It is not necessary to refer in any detail to the increase in
the number of cattle in Ireland ; this is readily seen from the
preceding table. It will, however, be of interest to observe that the
number of cattle returned for the year ending June 4th, 1901, is
the highest that has been recorded for the past thirty years, and is,
as the table shows, practically 4 per cent, in excess of the average
of the previous five years. In comparing the number of cattle
with the population the increased proportionate rate of the former
to the latter is a matter of great regret, and it is no great honour,
but quite the contrary, to place upon record that in Ireland the
cattle are in excess of the population ; on the other hand, the high
proportionate number of cattle per acre, 0-30, only discloses the
fact how very valuable a country Ireland is, even under the
existing circumstances, in connection with the cattle industry of
the United Kingdom.
THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
9,932,443
9,864,108
10,225,379
10,568,799
11,120,955
11,178,958
11,477,824
-0-06
+ 3-66
+ 3-35
+ 5-22
+0-52
+ 2-67
0-30
0-29
0-28
0-28
0-28
0-27
0-27
0-21
0-20
0-21
0-22
0-23
0-23
0-23
256
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIB BESOUBCES IN LIVE STOCK.
The aggregate summary of the cattle industry for the whole of
the Dnited Kingdom is given in the foregoing table, and, viewed in
the broadest light, it would hardly be correct to assume that the
condition of the home supplies has in any degree been the cause
of the rise in the value of the commodity produced from the raw
material — "the bullock." The calculations in the foregoing table
disclose the fact that in each of the quinquennial periods since
1880 there has been a continuous increase in the average yearly
number of cattle, and also that the total number declared for the
j'ear ending June 4th, 1901, namely, 11,477,824, was 2-67 per cent,
in excess of the average for the previous five years, and was, with
the exception of the yearly total for 1892 — 11,519,417 — the highest
during the period of thirty-one years included in this review. The
proportionate number of cattle per head of the population, though
at the present time smaller than it was thirty years ago, was, it
should be remembered, equal in the year 1901 to that for the whole
of the preceding five years, whilst the number of cattle per acre of the
cultivated area (0-23) shows a satisfactory but by no means excessive
increase as compared with 0-20 per acre for the years 1876-1880.
Sheep.
The several divisions in which these animals are now returned
have, it is worthy of note, been made uniform for the whole of the
kingdom by reason of the Irish returns for the past year being
made in the sarrie form as the rest of the kingdom, namely, as
follows : — Ewes kept for breeding, other sheep one year and above,
and ditto under one year. Another division, however, is surely
necessary, namely, for stud rams, because under the present system
of classification these are included in one or other of the two last
sections, to neither of which they really belong. The facts disclosed
in respect to the sheep industry will be dealt with as they arise in
their several sections. They may, however, be referred to in
general terms here, and for this reason, namely, that the enormous
losses which were the result of the wet years of the later seventies,
culminating in that disastrous year 1879, were so tremendously
heavy that our flocks twenty years afterwards are still far and away
less numerically than they were previous to the time mentioned
above. Indeed, it is very evident that the recuperative power is
hardly more than sufficient to maintain them at their lower range
of average numbers. This is a matter of serious moment,
agriculturally speaking, for many reasons, principal amongst which
is the heavy loss to the fertility of the soil of the countiy which
such lessened numbers of sheep have caused, no other animal
being nearly so valuable for this purpose, nor in respect to its
power and ability to assimilate and convert into food and manure
the quickly grown and easily raised catch crops.
257
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
ENGLAND.
Period,
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
18,717,511
18,973,728
15,832,671
16,264,922
16,748,765
15,948,995
15,548,057
-t-1'37
-6-55
+ 2-73
+ 2-98
-4-74
-2-51
0-87
0-82
0-65
0-63
0-61
0-55
0-50
0-78
0-77
0-63
0-65
0-67
0-64
0-63
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
The position disclosed in respect to the number of sheep in
England in the foregoing table is one that can only be viewed
with seriousness, for whereas in the period of 1871-1875 we had in
England 0'87, or over seventeen-twentieths, of a sheep per capita,
we have now but 0-50, or ten-twentieths; and, further, there is
almost an equally large reduction in the pro rata proportion of
sheep per acre of the cultivated area. The range in the yearly
totals for the past thirty-one years was from 19,859,758 in 1892,
the maximum, to 14,947,994 in 1882, the minimum; whilst the
total number for the past year, 1901, 15,548,057, is, with the
15,382,856, the lowest yearly total during the period under review.
WALES.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
2,911,385
2,850,547
2,598,153
2,780,703
3,122,562
3,304,151
3,427,734
-im
-8 85
+ 7-41
-h 12-29
+ 5-81
-^3-58
204
1-90
1-64
1-65
1-77
1-74
1-70
1-09
1-03
0-92
0-97
1-09
116
1-21
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
The recuperative power of the Welsh flocks has been far
greater than that exhibited in the English — in fact, it is more than
probable that these flocks never suffered to the same extent as
those of England did during the wet seasons of the later seventies.
18
258
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIB BESOUBCES IN LIVE STOCK.
Although the numbers for the two quinquennial periods of
1876-1880 and 1881-1885 show a very considerable reduction, it
is satisfactory to note that the increase shown in the next average
given, that for the five years 1886-1890, has continued right up to
the present time, last year's total, 3,427,734, being 3-58 per cent,
in excess of the average total for the last quinquennial period,
1896-1900. This total is, with the exception of those for the year
1889 (namely, 3,840,689, the maximum yearly total for the period
under review) and 1900 (3,432,516), the highest for the thirty-one
years ; the proportionate number per head of the population being
for the past year somewhat lower than in either of the two previous
quinquennial periods, but the proportion per acre of cultivated area
is larger than during any other comparative period included in the
table.
ENGLAND AND WALES.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period,
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
21,628,896
21,824,275
18,330,824
19,045,625
19,871,327
18,253,146
18,975,791
+ 0-90
-1600
+3-84
+ 4-33
-8-14
+3-95
0-94
0-87
0-68
0-67
0-66
0-57
0-59
0-78
0-80
0-66
0-68
0-71
0-66
0-68
Combined into one table, the results for England and Wales as
a whole are more satisfactory than those for England alone, but
still they afford much room for reflection, particularly when the
results given for the period of 1871-1875, or either of the other
periods given in the table, are taken and compared with those
for the last similar period, namely, the years 1896-1900. The
seriousness of the loss that has fallen upon the country as a
whole, and flock owners more particularly, could not be more
easily nor more strikingly shown than it is in this comparison.
It is true that the results for the last year ai'e somewhat better,
showing as they do an increase under all three heads, but it
remains to be seen whether or not this is merely a temporary or
permanent increase. It may be hoped, for the benefit of all
concerned, that the latter is the case, though there is no question
that circumstances at the present time are largely against any
material increase being made and maintained.
259
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIB RESOUBCES IN LIVE STOCK.
SCOTLAND.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
7,161,122
6,981,013
6,883,592
6,882,598
7,409,432
7,470,842
7,401,409
-251
-1-25
-000
+ 7-66
+ 0-82
-0-92
208
1-91
1-83
1-74
1-82
1-72
1-65
1-57
1-48
1-41
1-41
1-51
1-52
1-51
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
Scotland has the distinction at the present time of having the
largest proportion of sheep to its cultivated area of any portion of
the kingdom, and with but a little difference it is almost equal
to Wales in the number of sheep per head of its^ population.
Practically the recovery from the disastrous period in the seventies
commenced, as in the case of Wales, in the quinquennial period of
1886-1890, though the increase in number was not of sufficiently
large proportion to make itself felt previous to the next period,
that is to say, 1891-1895, when the large increase of 7"66 per cent,
was recorded, this being maintained during the following period
1901 was somewhat under the average of the previous five years,
nearly 1 per cent., there is every ground for anticipating that such
falling away may be termed of a temporary description.
GREAT BRITAIN.
Pebiod.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
28,790,018 '
1-07
0-97
0-83
0-80
0-80
0-74
0-72
0-91
0-87
078
0-79
0-83
0-81
0-81
1876-1880
27,905,290
25,314 416
-3-07
-9-28
+ 2-42
+ 5-21
-2-00
-1-33
1881-1685
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
. 25,928,223
1 27,280,258
26,732,988
26,377,200
This table, composed of the combined results given by the two
which precede it, brings out the fact mentioned in the introduction
260
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIB BE80URCES IN LIVE STOCK.
to this section, namely, whether or not the recuperative power of
the EngUsh flocks can, under the existing circumstances, make up
the lost ground in respect to numbers which took place in the
years 1871 to 1885. During the ten years from 1886 to 1895 there
were strong hopes that this gradual process of breeding up our
flocks to the numbers that prevailed in the seventies was being
gradually accomplished, but, with the result disclosed by the
quinquennial period of 1896-1900, it would appear more than
problematical whether or not this will be the case, particularly
now that we have that other most important factor turned against
the flock master, namely, the ruinously low values that are ruling
at the present time for the wool produced by English sheep. When
the total for the past year is taken into consideration it will be
observed that, whilst it practically maintains the same number of
sheep per acre of the cultivated area, it is less by 1"33 per cent, in
number than the yearly average for the five preceding years, and
shows that, instead of giving an average of nearly one and one-tenth
sheep per head of the population, as in the period of 1871-1875, it
gives something under three-fourths of a sheep per capita.
IRELAND.
Period
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over Average Average
Previous Number per I Number per
Corresponding ' Head of Acre of Culti-
Period. ! Population. | vated Area.
1871-1875
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
4,332,612
8,934,085
3,254,117
3,697,271
4,398,358
4,255,800
4,378,750
-9-19
-17-28
-I- 13-61
-h 18-95
-8-25
+ 2-85
0-81
0-74
0-64
0-76
0-95
0-96
0-98
0-28
0-25
0-21
0-24
0-28
0-27-
0-28
The main feature disclosed by the Irish returns is that there
has practically been during the past thirty-one years little, if
any, advance in the sheep industry of that country, because the
proportionate number per acre of cultivated area works out for the
past year, when the yearly total number of sheep was 2-85 per cent,
in excess of the average for the five preceding years, with exactly
the same result as that given for the first period of the table,
namely, 1871-1875, the yearly totals having fluctuated during this
period from 4,827,702 in 1892, the maximum, to 3,071,493 in 1882,
the minimum.
261
THE BEITISH ISLANDS! THEIR RESOUBCES IN LIVE STOCK.
THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous |
Corresponding j
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875 33,192,418
1876-1880 31,906,248
1881-1885 28,631,008
1886-1890 29,689,535
1891-1895 1 31,752,858
1896-1900 31,051,718
1901 1 30,829,889
-6-91
-7-13
+ 3-69
+ 6-91
-2-24
-0-71
103
0-94
0-80
0-80
0-82
0-76
0-74
0'70
0-67
0-59
0-62
0 66
0-64
0-64
From the conclusions arrived at in the remarks upon the
preceding tables there remains little need of further details being
given in connection with this, the last table of this section, save
to call attention to those two most important and material facts
which cannot have other than most vital effects upon the welfare
of the agricultural community as a whole, namely, that whereas
in the first quinquennial period of the past thirty years the
proportionate number of sheep per head of the population was
well over one, with 7-tenths of a sheep per acre of the whole
cultivated area of the kingdom, the corresponding figures for the
last quinquennial period showed just about 7|-tenths of a sheep
per capita and 6^-tenths per acre of cultivated area.
Pigs.
The returns made in connection with this section were not
uniform throughout the whole kingdom until the past year, when
for the first time the Irish returns were made upon the same basis
as those for the other portions of the kingdom, namely, showing
in two divisions — sows kept for breeding purposes and other
descriptions of pigs. It is questionable whether or not the returns
for these animals can be taken as anything but approximate
for the reason that it is more than probable many in all parts
of the country are not within the ken of the enumerator,
particularly those owned by occupiers of cottages in country
villages and towns, this more complete and thorough enumeration
being a matter that is worthy of immediate attention being given
in respect to all sections of live stock. That the mere matter
of a few hundreds more or less of any breed of stock may not be
of vital importance may be admitted, but the necessity of reliable
returns is a matter of most urgent importance, and the reason
their utmost completeness is urged is in order that so far as
possible every available means may be taken to secure full and
comprehensive results. This is neither the time nor the place to
262
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
discuss whether or not sufficient funds are provided to secure
the results that should be secured, but merely an unrivalled
opportunity to bring before a large and important clientage the
necessity of this important work being thoroughly done.
ENGLAND.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
2,100,314
1,926,500
-8*9.7
009
0 08
0 08
007
0-07
0-08
0-07
0-08
0-08
008
0-08
0-07
1876-1880
1881-1885
2,066,242 +7-35
2,063,154 -0-14
2,073,605 -i-O-.'sn
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
2,158,552
1,842,133
+ 0-49 007
-14-61 0-06
1901
Considerable variation is the most noticeable feature in respect
to the annual returns of swine, and this forms strong ground for
the assumption that these annual returns are not of that absolute
completeness one would' desire. However, by taking the annual
returns in quinquennial periods it is probable the averages arrived
at will be found more nearly representative of the actual condition
of affairs. The foregoing results for England bring out the fact
that there has been but little variation between the first and the
last of the quinquennial periods into which our table is divided.
On the whole the increase works out at about 50,000 head,
and shows about the same proportionate number to the acre of
cultivated area in the last as in the first period included in the
table, whilst the proportionate number per head of the population
has decreased from 0-09 in 1871-1875 to 0-07 in 1896-1900.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average j Average
Number per Number per
Head of Acre of Culti-
Population. vated Area.
1871-1875
218,410 oi.'i 1 0-na 1
1876-188(1
207,861 ; -4-82
217,714 +4-74
231,668 +6-40
231,169 -0-21
239,795 +3-70
0-13 0 07
013 007
0-13 0-08
0-18 0-08
0-12 0-08
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
212,971 -11-80 010 0-07 1
1 1
I 1
There has been in Wales a steady increase in the number of
swine during the period under review from and after the period
263
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
of 1876-1880, with the exception of a shght falling off in the
1886-1890 period. This increase, while it has fairly maintained
the proportionate number per acre of cultivated area, has, as is the
case in England, shown a decline when compared with the
population ; or, in other words, the rate of increase in the population
has been considerably in excess of that in the supply of pork of
home production.
ENGLAND AND WALES.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
2,318,724
1,935,261
2,283,956
2,294,822
2,284,739
2,898,347
2,055,104
-16-58
+ 18-01
+ 0-47
-0-43
+ 4-96
-14-81
009
nns
1876-1880
007 0-07
0-08 008
0-08 ons
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
0-07
007
0-06
0-08
0-08
0-07
1896-1900
1901
The combined results for England and Wales bring out the
point which has purposely been omitted from notice in the two
foregoing sections, namely, the important decrease that is shown
to have taken place in the number given for the past year, which
it will be observed is no less than 14-31 per cent, below the average
of the preceding five years. The cause for so large a reduction
is difficult to account for, but the most probable one is that
the increased stringency in the administration of the law with
regard to the prevention of swine fever (both in respect to
compulsory slaughter and movement) has been so etiective that it
has been the means, temporarily though it be, not only of reducing
the increase to a minimum, but actually of stopping it entirely.
SCOTLAND.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
166,148
189,238
148,848
147,089
138,155
137,341
124,841
-16-19
+ 6-90
-1-18
-6 07
-0-58
-9-11
004
003
003
0-03
0-03
003
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
0-03
008
1891-1895
003 002
0-03 002
002 0-02
1896-1900
1901
Eight away from 1885 the number of swine in Scotland has
shown a steady and regular dechne one period of comparison as
264
THE BBITISH ISLANDS: THEIB RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
compared with the other, taking the quinquennial averages as a
basis, for these are in this, as in the preceding sections for these
animals, evidently more reliable as a data than the yearly totals,
which show considerable variation year to year. For instance,
quoting the two extremes reached during the past thirty years, we
find that in 1897 no fewer than 195,642 swine were returned for
Scotland, and that in 1892 the number was as low as 112,015, a
difference of over 83,000 head.
GREAT BRITAIN.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
1871-1875
2 484 872
n-ra
nCtT
1876-1880
2,273,599 -8 50 j 6-07 6-67
2,432,804 +7-00 ' 008 nf>7
1881-1885
1886-1890
2,441,911 +0-37 1 0-07
2 482 924 i ■4-^■f\^ c\-m
007
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
2,533,688
2,179,925
4-2-04 0-07 007
- 13-92 0-06 006
Making the same combination as given in the preceding sections,
the foregoing table has been prepared, wherein are combined the
aggregate result for England, Wales, and Scotland, and the result
shows that the average proportionate number of swine per acre of
the cultivated area of the whole country works out at about the
same figure now as thirty years back, but that the number of
swine, according to the last quinquennial average, was fully two
points less per head of the population than in the first of the same
periods included in the table. The figures for the last year, 1901,
show, however, a still further decline in the last-named comparison,
as well as giving the smallest number per acre of the cultivated
area shown in the foregoing table.
IRELAND.
Period.
Average
Yearly
Number.
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
Average Average
Number per Number per
Head of Acre of Culti-
Population. ^ vated Area.
1871-1875
1 278 417
-4-85
+ 6-00
+ 7-94
-8-35
+ 3-99
-7-89
0-23 ons
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
1,216,504
1,289,056
1,391,449
1,272,759
1,323,650
1,219,135
0-23
0-25
0-28
0-27
0-29
0-27
0-07
0-08
009
008
0-08
0-08
I
265
THE BBITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RE80UKCES IN LIVE STOCK.
The importance of the swine breeding industry in Ireland has
long been known and recognised, and the high repute that the
products of these animals produced in Ireland hold in the markets
of the world is so well known that no reference is needed to remind
the reader of the wealth that in former years has been taken to
Ireland in exchange for its unrivalled bacon and hams. The
highest quinquennial average during the period under review was
that from 1886 to 1890, there having been a progressive rise during
ten years dating from 1880. This was followed by a sharper
falling away, for the next quinquennial total discloses the fact that
the whole of the 7"94 per cent, increase in numbers gained during
the preceding five years had been lost, together with 0-41 per cent,
in addition. The next five years, which brings us down to 1900,
show another rise of practically 4 per cent., which, however, is
rather discounted by the fact that last year's total shows a deficit
of 7"89 per cent, when compared with this period's average yearly
total. Turning to the proportionate number of swine per head of
the population, we find that in this particular Ireland leads the
way over either of the other principal divisions of the kingdom,
this being, with the existent diminished population of that country,
0-27 per head, as against 0-23 in 1871-1875, whilst the number per
acre of cultivated area remains the same in the last as in the first
year of the series given in the foregoing table.
THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Period.
1871-1875
1876-1880
1881-1885
1886-1890
1891-1895
1896-1900
1901
Average
Yearly
Number.
3,782,134
3,505,686
3,736,986
3,860,334
3,771,721
3,874,060
3,411,129
+ or — Over
Previous
Corresponding
Period.
-7-20
+ 6-59
+ 3-27
-2-32
-2-71
-11-94
Average
Number per
Head of
Population.
0-11
010
0-10
010
009
009
0-08
Average
Number per
Acre of Culti-
vated Area.
008
0-07
0-07
0-08
007
008
0-07
The final table for this section combines within itself the results
of those for the three main divisions of the kingdom, England,
Scotland, and Ireland, and shows in the most concise manner
possible, so far as regards the swine section of our live stock
resources, there has upon the whole been but little variation in
the position it holds now as compared with the corresponding
position thirty years since, the slight variation in respect to
increase of numbers being in favour of the last-named quinquennial
266
THE BRITISH ISLANDS: THEIR RESOURCES IN LIVE STOCK.
period, but the proportionate number of swine has, like the results
in respect to other animals, failed to keep up its increase at the
same ratio as the population of consumers has done, though in this
respect the predominance of the latter over the former has not yet
assumed any large excess that betokens a near approach of the time
when the world's products look like being unable to more than fully
supply its wants.
Conclusion.
A brief word in conclusion is required to repeat that the object
of this paper has been to concisely put on record the live stock
resources of the British Islands in such a form that it may be
available for both reference and comparison. There has been no
mention made of its value either from the pecuniary or national
point of view, nor of any of the pax'ticular breeds which are
comprised within the sub-title of this paper, and whose value in
the world's market are without price. These items would form
material for papers of equal interest and importance in future
years ; particularly so would be a record of the value of British
stud stock from the point of view of the breeder at home, in the
colonies, and abroad, to whom, year in and year out, selections are
constantly being despatched, where, by the power of impressiveness
resulting from the many generations of thoughtful selection and
care, they are enabled to improve the quality and merit of their
immediate offspring that these and their descendants ai'e able
when sent to our own markets to compete successfully with the
second rate, if not some of the lower ranges of our first rate, home
produced and fed animals in the supply of food for the ever-
increasing number of consumers in our towns and villages.
I
267
The Sugar Question in 1902.
BY W. M. J. WILLIAMS.
(HE sugar question is moving again, and will have taken
a new course, probably, before this paper appears; but
the subject is so widely acknowledged as important
that it will be of service to survey it, and to mark the
movements which recent years chronicle. Particularly
important is it to recognise how the question in the
United Kingdom has become complicated by the
reintroduction of a sugar duty, said to be for revenue
purposes, but which cannot but affect proposals which are made
by British subjects concerned with sugar, and have, moreover, a
very important bearing upon the Convention proposed for ratification
as the result of the Brussels Conference of 1902. A halfpenny
tax sounds a trifle, but a matter which touches vitally the condition
of colonies so wide apart as Queensland, Mauritius, British Guiana,
and the West India Islands, not to speak of important interests in
foreign realms, is by no means so trifling as it sounds. Again, at
home this is, from a social, economic, and commercial point of view,
a matter which has always been recognised as of great importance
to the British people. The conjunction, therefore, of the imposition
of a tax upon sugar imported into the United Kingdom and
the agreement on the part of our Government, by the Brussels
Convention, to attempt the abolition of bounties, direct or indirect,
given to beet sugar productions and exportations on the Continent
of Europe, by prohibiting the importation of such bountied goods
to the United Kingdom, or by imposing a countervailing duty upon
them, cannot be other than an occasion when we should take
stock of our position, especially to consider whether such steps
as these last are justified in these or any circumstances.
The first point to be observed is that economically the situation
has not changed vitally and essentially since Bai'on de Worms
(now Lord Pirbright), as Under-Secretary for the Colonies,
introduced a Bill into the House of Commons to ratify the
Convention on the Sugar Question which had been made in London
between several Powers, and signed on August 30th, 1888. That
Convention was not ratified by the British Government, and the
Bill had to be withdrawn, though its framers had a large majority,
much as is the case to-day. Not only so, it is impoitant to note
that all the prime features of the 1888 Convention have reappeared
in the proposals of 1898 and 1902, viz., the working in bond under
268
THE SUGAR QUESTION IN 1902.
constant supervision of revenue officers, the engagement to make
no distinction by fiscal means between the product of colonies and
that of foreign countries, to prohibit the importation of sugar from
bounty-giving countries, or to meet a bounty with a countervailing
duty exceeding it, and above all to take a part in the creation of an
International Commission which should have power to examine
the laws and practices of each party to the Convention, and to
declare whether they involved bounty-giving, and, if so, to call
upon the oifending country, through the various parties, to take
steps to countervail such a bounty, or to prohibit the importation
of the goods which benefited so. Many readers will still remember
how Baron de Worms seemed incapable of realising the force of
the arguments used against the ratification of such a Convention,
an inability from which his lordship suffers still; but the countiy
was plainly against ratification as soon as it understood the
diplomatic language used. The objections might be summed up
by saying that under it Great Britain would not have been master
in its own house. Not only was it rendered subject to an
arrangement which in spirit and in detail was antagonistic to Free
Trade, but it made our fiscal legislation subject to interference by
other countries. The power to tax or not to tax ourselves as we
will would have been taken away. We should have been restricted
by an obligation to gain the consent of other nations as to what
burden we might impose on our people. The strong Government
of 1888 had to sacrifice the feelings of Baron de Worms and Mr.
Goschen, and also the Bill. A strong presumption that matters
have not changed much economically is found in the fact that all
the features deemed mischievous in 1888 are reproduced in the
Convention of Brussels, 1902.
Since the failure of 1888, however, the West India Committee
has been very active. It consists of "interests" which are said,
and said loudly, to be on the brink of perishing. Patronised by
some returned Colonial Governors, who good-naturedly show a
willingness to aid colonies with which they have been connected
officially, and with which some of them have a more material
connection, the bulk of the members are bankers and merchants,
together with planters in the various colonies, and a number of
sugar refiners, whose industry has undoubtedly suffered severely
during the last twenty years. It will be recollected how vigorously,
and at what an expense, this Committee and its friends have kept
up an agitation on the sugar question until this day, working up a
movement which has been a force in electoral matters, and which
has not failed to sing aloud the wail of distress at the working man
out of work. Further, all praise is due to this organisation for the
success, to a point, which has attended its efforts, for the West
269
THE SUGAR QUESTION IN 1902.
India Commission of 1897 and the Brussels Conferences of 1898
and 1902 have in large measure been the result of their work,
known and unknown. Nor is it suggested that in some respects
the case which they represent is not a legitimate one for attention
and inquiry, and the opposition which the Committee has met has
not failed to acknowledge that some measures were necessary to
prevent a collapse of colonies subject to the strain of economic
competition. Opinion, however, differed widely respecting the
limits within which aid was legitimate, and the amount of aid was
also much canvassed. From the very first the Committee and its
friends have taken up a very firm position ; in some respects their
attitude might be described in harsher terms, for they have not
failed in some cases to use threats against the Government of the
United Kingdom which have verged upon disloyalty. This was
because to this day it has not been found advisable in the interest
of the United Kingdom, no less than other portions of the Empire,
to adopt the only measure which would satisfy the demands of the
sugar interest, viz., prohibition of bounty-fed goods, or a differential
tariff which should put the sugar colonies and our refiners in a
special position, at the price of dislocating commerce and checking
consumption at home, and of raising delicate international issues.
Eecent events, such as the imposition of a duty on sugar, have
rather strained the co-operation of refiners and West India and
other planters, but matters seem to be in abatement pending the
result of the last Brussels Convention, that of 1902.
In 1896 the British Government appointed a Eoyal Commission,
consisting of Sir Henry Norman, Sir Edward Grey, Bart., M.P.,
and Sir David Barbour, to proceed to the West Indies to investigate
and report on the condition and prospects of those possessions,
with particular reference to the claim put forth on their behalf that
a countervailing duty should be levied in Great Britain and Ireland
in favour of their sugar products, so as to discourage the purchase
and consumption of sugars made from beetroot on the Continent.
It has been already intimated that the West India Committee had
much to do with the appointment of that Eoyal Commission, and
it must be added that it is well known that one or two of the most
prominent of the London members of that Committee accompanied
the Commissioners on their travels, and further, that a large and
preponderating part of the evidence taken was that which had>
been prepared by their friends. The Commission's Eeport is dated
August 25th, 1897, and it was a document signed by all three
members, with an addendum by Sir Henry Norman in favour of a
countervailing duty on Continental sugars, while the general report
doubted whether such a measure could be of any permanent good,
though the account given of the condition of the West India Islands
270
THE SUGAR QUESTION IN 1902.
and of British Guiana was doleful enough. The report made it clear,
too, that the tiying circumstances of our West India possessions
were by no means the result of the special condition of the sugar
industry alone, but that the whole, including the sugar industry,
was due largely to the deliberate and long-continued policy of the
insular legislatures in making the sugar industry into a monopoly,
and, in one or two cases, the sole industry in those possessions.
Bounties were shown to be mischievous, as all confess them to be,
and, though they aggravated the condition of the West Indies, they
were not regarded as the chief factor in the reduction of the price
of sugar, which was obviously the salient fact of the situation ; the
supply from various parts of the world, both of cane and beet sugar,
bounty-fed and otherwise, had become so great that the woi'ld
price of sugar had fallen. In that situation, the fact that many of the
West India factories were ill-furnished for competition with newer
Continental factories added to the distress. And, lastly, it was
brought out in evidence that in order to compete with Continental
sugar it was necessary, not only to countervail the bounties, but to
add a sum which would also counterbalance the greater distance,
and the consequent freight — a sum such as that allowed by France
under the name of detaxe-de-distance. The result was that a
British Government which could not be suspected of a strong
attachment to our commercial policy was not in a position to
ignore the general trend of the report, and could not do more for
the West India possessions than to assist liberally in teaching
better methods of cultivation, and in subsidising some steamers
plying between the various islands, and others from the islands to
Great Britain.
The review of the situation, as found by the Eoyal Commissionei's,
though they were beset on every hand by representatives of the
planters, would not be complete without emphasising other aspects
of the situation in the West Indies. It is well known that since
the emancipation of the slaves some of the most powerful citizens of
that region have never been reconciled to the situation thus created,
and the want of cordiality between some whites and the coloured
people has undoubtedly led to consequences in the economic field
which are of importance. First of all, the emancipated Caribbee is
able to support life easily; a few "ground provisions" will satisfy
absolute necessities, and that requires little work to provide it.
Hence a certain vain independence of spirit, which is not improved
by a hauteur too characteristic of some who would secure their
labour. The "damned nigger" attitude is not a success from an
economical point of view. In British Guiana the emigration laws
have been worked vigorously, and their working is only too little
known in this country. Under them, so as to ignore and master
27]
THE SUGAR QUESTION IN 1902.
the coloured natives, East Indians have been imported for labour
upon the sugar plantations, and that under conditions and on terms
about which much controversy has raged. These people are
indentured for a series of years at fixed wages to the importer, who
enters into a bond to repatriate them at the end of the term
should the labourers demand it. In many cases large numbers
have thus returned to India, but some have elected to settle in
British Guiana. But very recently, since the abundance of sugar
on the market has caused the price to tumble down lower still,
threats have been held over Mr. Chamberlain's head that the
Imperial Government may at any time become responsible for the
cost of returning these people to India. It ought to be known that
the obligation to return is personal to the planters importing them,
and is due to these people quite as strictly as their wages. The
reference, however, to the contingency helps to remind us, not only
of the risky nature of this indenture system, but of the temper of the
planters who resort to it, who could in many cases find the labour
required without importing any coolies. It is necessary to refer
to this aspect of the West Indian question for the reason that the
agitation in this country has always portrayed the condition of the
people in the West Indies as an urgent reason why we should
interfere and aid them by fiscal means. But the importation of
coolie labourers where natives abound reveals another aspect of
the matter. The pages of the appendices to the Eeport of the
Eoyal Commissioners have much to reveal from this point of view.
One witness for a planting company complained that labour was
excessively costly because of " the absence of competition among
the labourers because existence was easy, the lax administration of
defective labour laws, the depletion of the estates by the unchecked
desertion of indentured immigrants, which is encouraged by
legalised depletion of the estates by the unrestricted sale of Crown
lands to immigrants not yet out of their indentures." This
statement was met by these immigrants by another placed before
the Commission, through the "Protector of Immigrants," in which
each of these statements is traversed and even refuted, and it is
added that in some cases the condition of immigrant women is a
very hard one : —
If a woman is unable to work through any disorder of health peculiar to her
sex she is not exempted, but liable to prosecution at the will and pleasure of the
overseer or manager, and on being taken to Court is bound to state openly and
publicly the nature of her sickness, otherwise she is imprisoned.
Such treatment is a disgrace to the British name. But it is only
fair to say that in many cases the condition of the immigrants is
prosperous, and many return to India having saved what they deem
a large sum. It is plain, nevertheless, that some of the managers
272
THE SUGAB QUESTION IN 1902.
and companies look upon the natives and the coolies as only
so much material from which to grind profits, and it is peculiarly-
nauseous to find complaints of labourers in such instances. That
these relations of capital and labour are inimical to prosperity is
evident : they destroy confidence ; immigration irritates the
natives, and the immigration system is such that it ought to be
forbidden by a country of free men. Economically, these colonies,
or their planters chiefly, complain of depression, and then add by
special laws to the population of the estates a large number
brought from India. The facts show that success would be a
curse in the circumstances.
Two gentlemen of position in Trinidad ventured to make
unpopular representations to the Commission, which may be
regarded as independent of the capital and labour controversialists.
They were the Hon. H. A. Alcazar (Mayor of Port of Spain) and
the Hon. Vincent Brown (Acting Attorney-General). Both agree
in the view they take of affairs, and the latter says concisely as
follows : —
The first thing to be done is to discontinue coohe immigration, commute
the return passage of coolies whenever practicable by grants of land, and call
upon all Indian immigrants entitled to a return passage to elect within a stated
period whether they will or will not return to India. This being done, the
Government will be in a position to know exactly the evils it will have to cope
with, and what provisions it will have to make. It will be able to give a larger
share of its time and attention to the settlement of the labouring population on
the Crown lands of the colony, which should be directed to improving the
means of transport, encouraging all industries likely to afford employment,
and readjusting the taxation so that the labouring classes may be relieved from
its burdens as far as possible. With these measures on the one hand, and a
rigid enforcement of economy in the general administration of the Government
on the other, I have no doubt that the colony will experience no general
distress.
Trinidad is in a more favourable condition than some of the
smaller islands of the Caribbean Sea, but every word of Mr.
Brown's may be applied in its degree to each of those colonies
which are dependent on sugar, as the evidence shows abundantly,
and every word ought to be read carefully so as to gain its full
import.
The Commissioners, too, in paragraph 118, confirm these
impressions when they say : —
It must be recollected that the chief outside influence with which the
Governments of certain colonies have to reckon are the representatives of the
sugar estates, that these persons are sometimes not interested in anything but
sugar, that the establishment of any other industry is often detrimental to
their interests, and that under such conditions it is the special duty of your
Majesty's Government to see that the welfare of the general public is not
sacrificed to the interests, or supposed interests, of a smaU but influential
minority which has special means of enforcing its vrishes and bringing its
claims to notice.
273
THE SUGAB QUESTION IN 1902.
There is no reason to think, from subsequent proceedings, that
the British Government has heeded the warning thus given so
significantly. But side by side w^ith such a warning we may
quote paragraph 82 of the same report, which is very adroitly
ignored by the sugar agitators when quoting the Commission,
though this paragraph is the direct and deliberate judgment of
that Commission on the main question at issue :—
In view of all the foregoing considerations — namely, the loss to the British
consumer that would result from any rise in the price of sugar ; the
inconvenience to trade that would be caused by the imposition of countervailing
duties ; the uncertainty whether any such measure would permanently save
the sugar industry in the West Indies ; the inexpediency of raising questions
connected with the interpretation of the most-favoured-nation clause, which
might have the effect of weakening its force ; and, finally, the danger, direct
and indirect, of departing from what has hitherto been considered to be the
settled policy of the United Kingdom — we have been unable to agree to a
recommendation that such duties should be imposed. At the same time we
consider it to be our duty to draw attention to the precarious condition of the
sugar industry in the West Indies, to the very serious consequences to the
colonies which must result from a failure of that industry, and to the fact that
the levy of countervailing duties is practically the only remedy pressed upon us
by the witnesses we have examined, which rests in the hands of your Majesty's
Government.
A remarkable pronouncement. The latter part evidently a
calmative to the Chairman, while the former gives the judgment
of the Commission on the issue submitted to them. It amounts
to this : — The West Indies are suffering, but their condition cannot
warrant the United Kingdom in departing from sound policy.
We have also seen that there is evidence that these colonies are
suffering in part from the selfishness of some of the strongest
interests — especially the sugar interests. Another point of capital
importance is put in the forefront of the Eoyal Commission's
Eeport, and that is the fact that the great decrease in the price of
sugar is due, not to bounties, which have, indeed, been operative,
but to developments of a wider and more potent nature. In
paragraphs 22 to 38 these factors in the economic decline are
dealt with, but the main conclusion is given in the opening
sentence of paragraph 26: —
It will be seen that there has been a great increase in the total production
of sugar, and to that increase, which has been accompanied by a progressive
economy in production, must the fall in the price of sugar be mainly attributed.
The report goes on to refer to the production, the growing
production, of the United States ; to the temporary cessation of
production in Cuba, which would recover in the near future, a
suggestion justified by subsequent events ; to the production of
sugar in Egypt and Argentina, with all the advantages of virgin
soil and the most recent experience in manufacturing processes ;
and to the discovery, especially in Germany, of improved
19
274
THE SUGAB QUESTION IN 1902.
processes, and the invention of new machinery, these last
accompanied by the introduction of improved strains of beetroot.
The conclusion to these remarks is found in paragraphs 49 and 50 :
By far the greater portion of the fall in the price of sugar, which has
conferred so great a boon upon the consumer, is not due to the existence of
bounties, and would not be lost if they were abolished. The fall in the price of
sugar is mainly due to a lowering of the cost of production of both beet and cane
sugar, and in so far as this is the case the abolition of the bounties would not
affect the case. Some British industries possess an advantage over their
foreign competitors owing to the low price of sugar in the United Kingdom ;
but the difference between the high price in foreign countries and the low price
in England is due far more to the high internal taxation and prohibitive
Customs dues levied in the former than to the effect of the bounties in lowering
the price here. The amount of the bounties varies from £1. 5s. per ton in
Germany to £4. 10s. per ton in France, but the internal taxation in Germany
is £10 per ton, and in France £24 per ton, with surtaxes on foreign sugar.
That was the position in 1897, and the judgment of the Royal
Commission upon it : bounties a nuisance, and having an effect on
price, but the chief reductions were due to other causes — more
economical production, the internal fiscal policy of Germany and
France, combined with an expanding field of production. The
position is, essentially, the same to day, though matters have not
stood still.
The report of the Eoyal Commission did not please the
agitators for aid to the West Indies, though it contained some
portions which acknowledged that the actual condition of these
possessions was serious. The plan was adopted of booming the
addendum of Sir Henry Norman, who favoured a countervailing
duty, and of ignoring the criticisms and decisions of the three
Commissioners, including Sir Edward Grey and Sir David Barbom*,
both men of greater w'eight in economic matters. Pressure brought
to bear upon the Government of Lord Salisbury resulted in Great
Britain's joining in the Brussels Conference of 1898, to which the
work of the Eoyal Commission was supposed to work up. The
Conference met in June, 1898, and it was observed that among
those chosen to represent Great Britain were some of those who
had been foremost in leading the agitation at home, so that there
could be no doubt what advice our experts would give to the
diplomatists. Germany, Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Spain, France,
the Netherlands, Russia, and Sweden were also represented. It soon
became evident that there was a reluctance to place every aspect
of the qtiestion at the disposal of the Conference. Particularly
was that the case with regard to the internal surtax imposed to
counterbalance export bounties in the sugar-beet counti'ies, and
of these France was undoubtedly the least ready to surrender.
Russia, too, averred that she had accepted the invitation to the
Conference on the express understanding that her internal law was
275
THE SUGAR QUESTION IN 1902.
not to be discussed. From the first it appeared that affairs were
in such a condition that a favourable issue to the negotiations
could not be expected, and it is a matter of history that the
Conference rose without concluding its work, and without hope
of definite reassembly. To us, perhaps, the most significant
paragraph of the report of the proceedings by our representatives
is that on Great Britain's place at the assembly. We are told that
During the course of this discussion it became evident that great interest
was attached to the views which might be entertained by Great Britain in
regard to a penal clause for the imposition of countervailing duties on, or the
prohibition of, bounty-fed sugar. We, however, maintained an attitude of
reserve upon this point, stating that the decision of Her Majesty's Government
could not be taken until they were in possession of some definite project of
agreement, and were in a position to know which Powers were willing to
become parties to it.
How significant such a passage is we can perceive only when
we come to review the work of the Conference which sat recently.
We know that Lord Salisbury, in his instructions to our
representatives at Brussels in 1898, spoke of "ulterior measures
which might be rendered necessary, especially in regard to the
British Colonies, if the system of bounties should still be retained,"
but in the upshot no action was taken. The position of England
at the Conference was clearly singular and decisive. Much
importance had attached to getting her to attend, though it was a
Conference of those Powers by which bounties were given. The
above extract, however, shows that quite as much importance was
attached to England's attitude, and probably more, than to France,
and still less Russia's internal surtax and other fiscal devices.
Indeed, it might have been foreseen, and it has been hinted by
the Powers more than once, that England had no place at the
Conference unless she was prepared to give an assurance that she
would impose a duty on bountied sugar which might be offered
her by those outside the Conference, including her own colonies.
The whole question practically hung upon England's decision, for
the chief importer and consumer of the sugar which was so made
the subject of Conference was found in the United Kingdom, and
no decision could be taken until the chief market for sugar was
secured to all the parties. No wonder that at that moment the
proceedings at the Conference proved abortive. Many of our own
people joined with those of other nations in thinking that Great
Britain ought not to have joined in the Conference, but for very
different reasons.
Though the Brussels Conference of 1898 proved abortive,
chiefly because of the attitude of France regarding the internal
surtax on sugar, but also very really because of the non-committal
attitude of Great Britain, the greatest consumer, it did much to
276
THE SUaAB QUESTION IN 1902.
bring the bounty system into the clear light of day, and in particular
it made that signified by the word "bounty" much clearer to
the non-technical man. At one of its sittings it agreed on the
following as the definition of "bounty": —
The Conference, while reserving the question of the provisional arrangements
and dispositions which exceptional circumstances may justify, thinks that by
bounties should be understood (and of which abolition is to be sought) all
advantages secured to manufacturers and refiners by fiscal legislation of the
States, and which are supported directly or indirectly by the public Treasury.
Notably should the following be so regarded: —
(a) Direct premiums on export ;
{b) Direct premiums on production ;
(c) Exemption from taxes (total or partial) of a part of the manufactured
product ;
(d) Indirect advantages arising from a large yield, or from premiums of
manufacture realised above the presumed legal standard ;
(e) Benefits accruing from an excessive drawback.
Also the Conference is of opinion that advantages, similar to those arising from
bounties as defined aboVe, might arise from a disproportion between import
duties and those on consumption (surtax), especially where the public power
imposes, encourages, or provokes combinations among sugar producers. It
will be desirable that the surtaxes should be regulated so as to limit their
action to the protection of the home market.
To this may be added an admirably terse summary of the bounty
system in European countries given by M. Yves Guyot in his
brochure on " The Sugar Question in 1901 " (a work of great interest,
though his conclusions cannot be commended indiscriminately).
He says that the legislation on sugar in European countries has
the following features in common : —
1. To promote the production of sugar;
2. To limit the home consumption;
3. To stimulate foreign consumption ;
and this is done by bounties on production, avowed as in France,
disguised as in Belgium and Eussia, by direct bounties on
exportation as in Germany, in Austria-Hungary, and, since the law
of 1897, in France. It will be observed that, as the. definition
adopted by the Conference included both direct and indirect aids
afforded by the State, the attempt to omit any review of the internal
surtaxes in France (a matter so vital, as will be shown hereafter)
placed the Conference in a difficulty, and made the various
parties only too ready to decline further negotiations at the time.
But, on the other hand, it was virtually admitted bj^ all the
Powers represented that bounties were follies commercially, and
monstrosities financially, and that it was not only desirable but also
necessary that States should cease to grant them.
The Conference dispersed, leaving the reassembling in the hands
of its hosts, the Belgian Government, and it was difficult to tell how
the difficulties which had arisen, especially with France, were to be
277
THE SUGAR QUESTION IN 1902.
overcome. There cannot be any doubt that the abortive result of
the Conference was disappointing to many European Powers who
have suffered financially under the bounty system, and were anxious
to find a safe way out of their difficulties. In England the parties
identified with the sugar agitation were equally mortified, and for
some time were much at a loss for encouragement. This, however,
they found within a year.
Shortly before the close of the financial year 1898-9 a law was passed
empowering the Government of India to impose countervailing import duties
on articles which receive direct or indirect bounties from their country of origin,
and such duties were at once levied on bounty-fed sugar. (P.P. 207, of 1901.)
Meanwhile the Belgian Government was not idle, and opened
negotiations with various European Powers respecting the question
as left by the Conference of 1898. The result was an informal
meeting in Paris in October, 1900, of representatives of France,
Germany, and Austria-Hungary to discuss some of the difficulties
which had arisen. An agreement was arrived at that France
should abolish her direct bounties, and reduce her indirect bounties
by one-third, and that Austria-Hungary and Germany, who gave
no indirect bounties at that time, should abolish their direct
bounties. This engagement between the three Powers was, however,
conditional upon other Powers following their example. But it was
clear that events were tending to make the reassembling of the
Brussels Conference more easy and probable. It will be found
also that from an economic point of view, on the Continent by the
action of "Cartels" or Trusts, and by the action of the Indian
Government, as well as by the pressure of the sugar interests in
Great Britain, the various Governments were being urged and
driven to reassemble that Conference. From our own point of
view it cannot be disguised that the interests connected with sugar
thought the political position in Great Britain propitious for such
an enterprise as they had in hand.
Events known to the public, and correspondence recently made
known, make it plain that parties which urged our Government to
take part in one Conference after another were still active. Soon
after the Paris meeting of 1900 the sugar interests of London were
found active in the Chamber of Commerce, getting their stereotyped
resolutions passed there, with the aid of M. Yves Guyot, from
Paris. When the Budget of 1901 was produced, which had been
preceded by much correspondence and other forms of agitation,
both known and otherwise, it was found that the cry for differential
duties on sugar in favour of our colonies had not been heeded.
A duty of ^d. per lb., or 4s. 2d. per cwt., was imposed on all sugar
imported, with consequential duties on articles into which sugar
entered ; but no preference was shown to colonial sugar. To tui'n
278
THE 8UGAB QUESTION IN 1902.
now to M. Yves Guyot's book, at page 141, which was written
early in 1901, is a significant and amusing example of co-operation
in agitation, for there it is recorded that : —
It is stated that the Chancellor of the Exchequer will propose the following
tariff (in the forthcoming Budget) : —
Foreign Refined Sugar ^d. per pound.
„ Raw Sugar Jd. „
English Colonies, refined Jd. „
„ „ raw free from duty.
And it was " estimated that the duty will yield £5,500,000
(138,875,000fr.)." Such a paragraph affords an insight into the
ways of those who compass our Ministers, and would arrange our
finances to suit special interests. The above tariff is so neatly
arranged, not only to suit our straitened colonies, but also to
afford aid to British refiners, as the distinction is made, not only
between foreign and colonial sugars, but also between raw and
refined. The only interest left unconsidered is that of 40,000,000
consumers in the United Kingdom, together with their trade in
sweet goods. But there are some fiscal devices which Sir M. H.
Beach has not yet been brought to, and to impose differential duties
is one of them. He declined publicly to differentiate in favour of
colonial sugars, and undoubtedly caused those who had done so
much to influence the British Government to suffer a deep
disappointment. That refusal, however, was understood to be
accompanied by a declaration that the Government was prepared
to enter into a resumption of the Conference at Brussels should it
appear that affairs promised a substantial result. On the 16th of
December, 1901, the Conference met again at Brussels, and the
Convention made as the result of the proceedings is now awaiting
ratification by the various Governments who are parties to it.
Some of the Powers have already passed into law Bills ratifying
the treaty ; but in September, 1902, the British Parliament had
not yet been called upon to express an opinion on the Brussels
compact.
Before the official Convention is placed before the reader there
are one or two matters disclosed by the official papers'^' respecting
this second Brussels Conference which deserve notice, especially
in this country. The first is the letter of Lord Lansdowne to the
British delegates, written on the 12th of December, 1901, giving
them their instructions. That letter discloses the fact that our
Government had regard in this negotiation " to the interests of
the British West Indian Colonies and of the sugar-refining trade
in the United Kingdom " rather than to the general weal, whether
at home or in our colonies. Such an attitude, which regards
*Cd. 1,013.
279
THE SUGAR QUESTION IN 3902.
sectional interests chiefly, is a most significant one at all times,
and usually leads to sinister courses. Here the same letter makes
it clear that the Government had made up its mind in favour of
the adoption of " a penal clause," meaning thereby the prohibition
of bounty-fed sugar rather than countervailing duties, before it
entered upon this last Conference, and instructed its representatives
in that sense should it appear necessary to get a sufficient number
of Powers to agree to the suppression of the bounties. During
the proceedings our representatives found themselves once more,
inevitably, the centre of attention at the Conference. In our
reports the discussion of France, Germany, and Austria's internal
taxes bulked largely, and they were, doubtless, matters of detail of
much stubbornness ; but it is also evident that the fate of the
Conference hung on the action of Great Britain. Above all, we
were confronted with the fact that we did not appear with clean
hands this time. Demanding the abolition of bounties on pains of
prohibition, we were charged, and rightly charged, to declare that
we gave none, nor encouraged our colonies to do so. Our
representatives could not make such a declaration, and though
they did so afterwards it is questionable whether their assurances
were considered satisfactory. The reference was to the manner in
which the 4s. per cwt. duty on sugar has been imposed, varying as
it does according to the polarisation of the sample. M. Beauduin,
one of the Belgian delegates, illustrated the working of our duty
by the following table : —
Degrees of
Polarisation.
Yield in
Refining.
Yield according
to the Bill.
Balance Under.
Bounty.
86-87
80-1
60-4
13-7
1-42
89-90
81-6
72-8
8-8
0-91
90-91
83-3
75-2
8-1
0-84
91-92
83-6
77-6
60
0-62
92-98
86-4
80-0
6-4
0-66
98-94
88-3
82-4
5-9
0-61
94-95
88-9
84-8
4-1
0-42
95-96
90-5
87-2 -
3-3
0-33
96-97
90-8
89-6
1-2
012
The analysis and calculations are in accordance with the practice
of the trade in Belgium. It is true that three weeks after we find
a declaration on the part of our Government that the exports of
sugar from British refineries since the duty was imposed on sugar
proved that no bounty was given, but such an argument is by
no means satisfactory. Our representatives must have found
themselves in an unwonted position. Moreover, the German
delegates followed the matter up by communicating a significantly-
headed memorandum to the Conference.
280
THE SUGAR QUESTION IN 1902.
AMOUNT OP THE ENGLISH BOUNTY.
In accordance with the experience of the trade, which is confirmed by the
official analyses of the French Government (see Journal Officiel of the French
Eepublic for June 22nd, 1901), it may be estimated that the raw sugar of 94
degrees of polarisation gives a yield of refined sugar of 88 per cent., less 1-5 per
cent, loss in refinement = 86-5 per cent., or 96-881b8. English per English
quintal. One English quintal of raw sugar, of 94 degrees of polarisation, pays
an import duty of 3s. 5-2d. The drawback on exportation of 96-881bs. English
of refined sugar is
96-88 X 4s. 2d. „ „^^
_ = 3s. 7-2d.
, Consequently the bounty is 2d. per English quintal, or about 40 centimes per
100 kilog of refined sugar. This bounty is increased by the advantage which
the English refiners receive from the fact that the molasses produced during the
process of refinement are exempt from duty, whereas imported molasses pay at
feast Is. per English quintal. This advantage may be estimated, particularly
in the case of the refiner working on raw cane sugar, at about Is. 9d. per English
quintal, or 38 centimes per 100 kilog of refined sugar.
112-96-88 = in round numbers 151bs. of molasses per quintal of raw- sugar.
151bs. per quintal of raw sugar = 18-31bs. per quintal of refined.
18-31bs. of molasses x Is.
Il2- = !'• ^^-
For other sorts of sugar corresponding results are obtained. The present
bounty would be increased if the import duty were raised.
So seriously did the delegates regard this that M. de Smet de
Naeyer (the Belgian Premier) requested the British delegates to
ask the British Government to rectify this fault of our sugar duty
in order to help him to make the Conference a success. The British
delegates played this slight advantage given to British refiners
against the advantage retained by Germany, France, and Austria in
regard to their home trade. How important the attitude of Great
Britain seemed to the foreign producers was shown by the inquiry
made when the agreement at Brussels was almost complete, and
particularly by Germany, whether our Government would give a
formal assurance that the United Kingdom will not grant
a preferential tariff to sugar from the colonies during the
Conventional period. On the other hand, our people have not yet
realised the reservations with which our Government signed the
Convention ; but two days before doing so Lord Lansdowne
telegraphed to the delegates : —
Is it clearly understood that, should we desire to do so, we are at liberty to
give a preference to sugar from the colonies up to September 1st, 1903, when
the Convention comes into force ?
For, though Sir Michael Hicks-Beach has not touched sugar in
the Budget of 1902, there is yet ample time to develop plans for
aiding colonial sugar as here suggested ; and, indeed, in several
letters and documents now available it is expressly reserved that
while, in common with other countries, we shall not sanction any
bounty-giving in our colonies, this must leave us free in regard to
281
THE SUGAB QUESTION IN 1902.
an Imperial tariff for the Empire. Such far-reaching reservations
are not yet as widely known as they should be ; for while the
consumers of this country are in a comfortable state of acquiescence
the British Sugar Eefiners' Association (apart from the West
India Committee) are pressing the Government to secure or to
allow them an advantage, a different duty for raw and refined
imports, which must always be a disadvantage to the public.
On March 6th, 1902, the Brussels Convention was signed
by all the countries represented except Eoumania. The document
is of the highest importance, both from a public and commercial
point of view. Some of its chief stipulations are, therefore, added
in a translation : —
The object is the suppression of bounties on the production or export of
sugar, and that whether direct or indirect, and preserves, chocolate, biscuits,
condensed milk, and all other analogous products containing, in a notable
proportion, sugar artificially incorporated, &c., will be regarded as sugar.
Bounties are defined as given above, but with the addition of the surtax in
excess of the rate permitted by this Convention. That rate (Art. III.) is a
limitation of the surtax on imports to a difference between the duty on foreign
sugar and that imposed on home products to a maximum of 6frs. per 100 kilog
(or say 3s. per cwt.) for refined sugar and assimilable sugars, and a maximum of
5-50frs. for other sugars. Sugar making and refining to be in bond (Art. II.).
A special duty on importation of sugar from bounty-giving countries (Art. IV.)
or the option to prohibit such sugar. Sugar from contracting countries to be
admitted at the lowest rate, cane and beet sugar to be subject to the same rates
of duty (Art. V.). Countries which do not export sugar to be exempt from the
above provisions (Art. VI.), and legislation on these lines to be undertaken
within a year from notice that these conditions do not exist. The Permanent
Commission to be appointed to watch events, to sit at Brussels, and to examine
legislation of the various countries, and at need, through the Belgian Government,
call attention to a defaulting Government, and demand conformity with the
Convention (Art. VII.). This is, obviously, a very important point, and requires
the closest attention. Bounty-fed sugars transported through contracting
countries to be watched, and denied advantages of the Convention (Art. VIII.).
Other States may be admitted (Art. IX.). Convention to come into force
September, 1903 (Art. X.), and for five years, and then from year to year. Any
party may "denounce" the Convention. Oversea provinces to be afEected, save
British and Dutch, which will still be subject to Art. V. and VIII. (Art. XI.).
Ratification at Brussels on February 1st, 1903, or earlier (Art. XII.). A final
protocol was added which provides that, as regards Art. III., each Power, in
certain circumstances for itself, may add to the "surtax" not more than Ifr.
per 100 kilos. And, as regards Art. XI., the British and Dutch Governments
give an assurance that no preference shall be given to colonial products during
the period of the Convention, and the British Government claims liberty at
the same time " as regards the fiscal relations between the United Kingdoin
and its colonies and possessions."
This last provision seems contradictory and will cause trouble.
That, in brief, is the Convention which now awaits ratification by
the various Governments, and it contains ample ground for
apprehension regarding the action to be taken by our own
Government. It has been shown that the correspondence reveals
282
THE SUGAB QUESTION IN 1902.
the purpose of our Government in entering the Conference was
confined to the interests of the West India Colonies and those of
British refiners. Further correspondence reveals these interests
as most "pushful," and even threatening, during the course of
the negotiations, and going so far as to suggest that the Imperial
Government might have to pay the cost of repatriating the Indian
coolies from Trinidad to British Guiana, at a cost of £1,000,000,
besides assuming a debt of £1,548,000, and an annual payment of
£1,250,000 for some years. How far such importunity prevailed
to make the Government sign the above Convention cannot be told,
but it is very well worth knowing that such arguments were used
by interested parties.
The issues raised by the Convention are not new. The price
of sugar has been tumbling down for years, and the condition of
our West India Colonies and of our refiners has not been
flourishing. From that unpleasant admission many have sought
to convince us that we should enter into such a Convention as the
above. Of the West Indies, and the rather mottled and complex
state of affairs there, we have spoken already, and of the refiners
it may be added that the policy pressed upon us in their interests
is an unusual one, and a policy likely to be very expensive. Some
tables will be added to this paper to illustrate the position of our
sugar industry and consumption, and they will be of service in
what follows as a judgment of the Convention and the question
whether it should be ratified on our part.
First of all, in view of the harsh words spoken by sugar men
of the British policy of the last twenty-five years, it should be
observed that we cannot be regarded as in any way responsible
for bounties and their effects. Arguments have been addressed
to us frequently as though the British Government were the
authors of bounties on sugar. It is well known, but it ought
to be emphasised, that bounties are the acts of foreign
Governments in their own realms. When it is said that
foreign sugars are protected in our ports language is used
in an unnatural and unusual sense. That bounty-fed sugars,
especially those from the Continent, are competing successfully
in our ports with West India sugar is true, and there is no
wonder that they do. We have seen that bounties account for
that only in part, and it may be added that freight is another
important factor in their favour, not to speak of their quality
and appearance in certain cases. But protected by us these
foreign sugars never have been, nor can any sane person doubt
that where value is equal the products of our colonies would be
favoured by our merchants and consumers. The bounties have
been given by foreign Powers, with whose fiscal regulations we
283
THE SUGAK QUESTION IN 1902.
cannot interfere except by diplomatic channels, and that with the
utmost care. Above all things, the fiscal laws of every country
are a realm in which each Power must be free and supreme. The
agitation which has been conducted and maintained now for so
many years with such persistence has too carefully ignored such a
patent fact as this, and has preferred to represent the matter in a
totally false light. The fact was, and is, that to interfere in such
matters is one of the most delicate things in international relations.
The assembling of these Conventions one after another is a proof
of the importance of this view : the matters in hand can be
approached only in a most formal and circumspect manner, and
this last Conference at Brussels affords us further proof how it is
impossible to secure uniformity even in the European family,
Eussia even now abstaining from the agreement. Only those
who, for reasons which they deem sufficient, pursue their aim
with much disregard of larger issues could have been guilty of
addressing .this reckless and foolish argument to the British world.
This brings us to one of the chief issues of the Convention.
Article VII. sets up a Permanent Commission charged with
watching legislation touching sugar, and gives it inquisitorial duty
of the most objectionable character. This is felt abroad also, for
Baron von Thielmann was asked in the German Eeichstag how he
justified the interference of the foreigner under the Convention in
German tariff legislation, and he could only answer that he did
not interfere wdth theirs more than they did with his. But that
the interference might be substantial, and might cause much
friction, if not stir up dangerous passions, is clear from a little
thinking over the provisions of this article. This Permanent
Commission is to judge whether a country does or does not
grant a bounty ; whether a country does export sugar or not,
and, therefore, whether it is liable to the restrictions and
advantages of the Convention or not ; to ascertain the bounties
in States which are non-signatory, and to estimate the amount ;
and to pronounce an opinion on contested points. Not only so,
but the contracting parties are required to submit to the
Commission all the laws, orders, and regulations made in the
taxation of sugar which ai-e or may be in force in their countries,
as well as statistical information relative to the object of the
present Convention. Acting through the Belgian Government,
a country adjudged to be in default will be liable to be " pulled
up" by a demand that it should amend its ways. The proposal
is, on the face of it, of such a character that it should not be acted
upon lightly and without grave consideration. In commercial life
rivalries are keen, and politically the state of Europe is such
that no irritant seems to be demanded, and indeed might prove
284
THE BUOAB QUESTION IN 1902.
disastrous ; and irritation may be predicted as the effect of such
superintendence and interference as this from time to time. As
time goes by it may be expected that the objection to such
interference will find utterance by thousands instead of the dozens
of to-day.
Another issue of far-reaching importance, and perhaps the
most imminent of the points raised by this Convention, is that
of the prohibition of the import of beet sugar from bounty-giving
countries, or, in the alternative, a countervailing duty on such
sugars. The British people should not go to sleep over this
matter because Sir M. Hicks-Beach has not imposed such a duty
in the Budget of April, 1902. The Convention will come into
force only in September, 1903, and there is ample time to do
mischief, therefore, either in the Budget of 1903, or before, or
after, by some special provision for the West Indies in the
meantime — measures which might set up relations which it would
be difficult to undo in the future. First of all, it should be
reiterated that our home market benefits by the unnatural state
of things in the bounty countries. M. Yves Guyot, in 1901, shows
how loaf sugar, which was then 13s. 9d. per cwt., or 34:-20fr. per
100 kilogs, in London's world market, is sold wholesale in Paris at
103fr. The figures, in detail, are the following : —
Francs.
1. The world's quotation in London 34-20
2. Consumption Duty 60-0
3. Eefining Tax 40
4. Export Bounty 3-11
5. Supervision Tax 004
Total 101-35
The Parisian grocer has to bear carriage and other charges which
bring the price up to 107-30fr. per 100 kilog, and he sells at
llOfr., or about 5d. a lb. It is a well-known fact that much
sugar is thus sold at a sacrifice. But that sacrifice is a gain to
us, and on the 35,000,000 cwts. which we imported in 1900 (there
are 4,000,000 cwts. only produced by the West Indies, &c.), out of
a total value of £20,000,000, our gain was probably as much
as £3,000,000 or more. In manufacture, to which a large part of
our home consumption of 881bs. per head is applied, a further
profit is made, with the additional advantage that in making it
employment is afforded to thousands of people, a number many
times greater than were ever employed in our refineries. Nor will
it avail that Sir Neville Lubbock and his friends should summon
engineers to their aid in agitation, for a little knowledge and
reflection will sufi&ce to convince an inquirer that all the biscuit.
285
THE 8UGAH QUESTION IN 1902.
jam, and confectionery factories, not to omit breweries, as a visit
to any of them demonstrates, must have given more employment
to machine-makers than refineries in their palmiest days. No
recrudescence of the labour cry in connection with this matter
should be possible if the facts of the case are regarded. The
nation gains commercially in the purchase of these cheap sugars, it
gains for engineering works, and it gains immensely for labour in
the new industries which have flourished recently. Now, the
demand which the Convention and its friends make upon us is
that for the sake of the West Indies principally, whose total
production of sugar is not one-seventh of our requirements, and
who send but a moiety or less of that production to our shores,
the British Government should prohibit any importation of bountied
sugar, or impose a countervailing duty upon it. Prohibition is
practically impossible and equally insensate. We could not
prohibit a necessity as food and as raw material because it is
made artificially cheap. And the countervailing duty is not so
simple a matter as its advocates would have us believe. We are
pressed to impose such a duty with an assurance that its action
will be sudden and certain, as though we had never had any
experience of such devices, whereas our fiscal history is strewn
with the debris of all the shifts and schemes of protective ways.
Is it credible that all the European countries — Eussia, Germany,
France, Austria, and the rest — would immediately proceed with
one mind and without hesitation at once to undo their fiscal follies
connected with sugar? Powerful interests have grown around
these in all these countries who are able to fight successfully for
their own hand and profit, to the acknowledged loss of their
several countries. No better proof of this need be asked for than
the way in which the Cartels in Germany and the corresponding
interests in France have secured, under this Convention, a shelter
for themselves in the surtax reserved on imports and the
reservation of the home market. The only signatory to the
Convention which really penalises, and penalises herself, is Great
Britain, a producer of but little, if any, sugar, but a great
consumer, and as between the other signatories and herself her
signally unique role is that she consents to injure herself to benefit
the rest, and help them to extricate themselves from the tangle
into which they have got. No one imagines we should be there
at all except for our West Indies and their allies our refiners, and
we are asked to shelter a cane in the Caribbean Sea while we
shatter mighty forests of oaks in Britain. Surely, that game
cannot be "worth the candle!" A due regard for our situation
must make such an agreement as this impossible. Our industries
would, indeed, be penalised, our food would be made unnecessarily
286
THE SUGAR QUESTION IN 1902.
dear, our legislators would be hampered in a vital matter in
settling our tax burdens, and all would be done because we, at
home, are reaping a material advantage from the present state of
affairs. However desirable it is that bounties should be done
away with, it is clear that we cannot, without committing a folly
greater even than the European countries are now guilty of, place
ourselves in their hands only to lose very materially in addition.
And this Convention would so place us at a disadvantage in the
hands of other countines whether we adopted prohibition or
countervailing duties, or tried both at need.
The question discussed here is the ratification of the Convention,
and not the case of the West Indies, which is a case sufficiently
serious, but not such as can be regarded justly and wisely as
sufficient to warrant our hypothecation of Britain's legislative
rights or the artificial regulation of her commercial and economic
interests. It is confidently submitted that were some of those
connected with the sugar agitation, directly or indirectly, free from
ulterior designs no such claim as this, made for the West Indies,
would be put forward — a case in which the great majority is
sacrificed for the small minority. The case of the West Indies
should be dealt with as a special one, and efforts should be made
to prevent the recurrence of the internal evils which have brought
the islands and other possessions to their present predicament.
Parliament might well listen to well-devised measures to help
these possessions temporarily, and Parliament has ah-eady shown
a willingness to do so. But an agitation which forces bounties
forward as the only cause, or chief cause, of the troubles suffered
should become discredited, and that quickly. Such a phenomenon
as the recrudescence of Cuba should teach us that European
bounties are only a minor difficulty compared with the extended
production of sugar everywhere. Cuba is now likely to prove a
competitor, and a successful one, in the United States market.
When the cry is heard, therefore, in London, on behalf of the
West Indies, as it will be heard, it will be necessary for those who
at once would conserve the commerce and independence of the"
United Kingdom, while ready to assist the West Indies, to see that
an earthquake is not caused when a golden pill might be effective.
A hard time is before the islands, probably, but it may be tided
over without any dire suffering, and there is no reason yet in view
why they should not see good days again, provided they are ruled
for the people, and not for a few. To assist them in the transition
from sugar alone to a variety of cultures a Parliamentary grant for
some years might be made under certain conditions ; to ask for a
sacrifice, and perhaps an unavailing sacrifice, on the part of the
United Kingdom is not only bad business, but a rash and selfish folly.
287
THE SUGAB QUESTION IN 1902.
Little need be said on the relations of such Conventions as this
in regard to our treaties, with their most-favoured-nation clauses,
for the subject has received a very great deal of attention, and it is
evident that in this regard this Convention might raise more points
than it is calculated to settle. But of countervailing duties a point
of some economic and practical importance has been raised when it
is asked if such duties are consonant with Free Trade. Some Free
Traders think they are, but it is probable that the great majority
do not. It is pointed out that such duties are not protective of any
home industry in the case of Great Britain. Such a contention is
not literally true, as has been shown in relation to refining ; for it
is certain that refined beet can be produced more economically at
Magdeburg than at the distance of Glasgow from the beet fields.
Sir Neville Lubbock's demand was a duty of £2 a ton, and it was
confessed that in part this was to balance the higher freight from
the West Indies. But suppose a countervailing duty placed on an
article not produced in the United Kingdom, it has still to be
pointed out that the non-protective attitude is not the whole
attitude and aim of the Free Trader. He does not and cannot
look with favour on legislative and fiscal means of regulating
prices. If he is told that "a natural price" is all that is
demanded, and that these duties will secure it, the assertion must
be met by the fact that no one can tell that from any experience
warranting such confidence. Especially with regard to sugar, as
the stipulations and exceptions of this Convention witness, such a
confidence is not warranted ; for no one can tell what the amount
of duty which would be equivalent to the indirect as well as to the
direct bounties, and that in the several countries granting them
on various scales and methods. These special difficulties and
uncertainties are backed up by general considerations. Why should
French subsidies to ships and to railways, as also similar grants
in Germany and Belgium, not be made the subjects of similar
treatment '? From every point of view the fact that a country
which enters on such a course becomes literally enmeshed in
fiscal devices of all kinds is decisive of the question. What is
wanted is the freedom of commerce ; to impose duties of any kind,
with any intention, is fatal to freedom, and cumbers with cost. It
is vain to say that we must differentiate between revenue and
protective duties ; here undoubtedly the principle is to protect
against a fiscal device, but a device resorted to, not in our own,
but in several of the principal foreign States. Let some writers go
on saying that this is conceived in the interests of Free Trade ; but
it will be impossible to convince any who are versed in the history
of that movement that the classic exponents of the ideas known
thereby would join for a moment in taxing sugar in Britain to
288
THE SUOAB QUESTION IN 1902.
benefit refiners and the islands of the West. To tell them that
foreign countries will immediately drop the bounties, on a decree
made in Britain that duties shall be imposed, would meet with
words winged with scorn ; and the imagination declines to portray
Richard Cobden abandoning his method of treaty-making for a
fiscal law which would dislocate our trade, raise the prices of food,
and fail to accomplish anything, possibly, but a demand for more
of the medicine — a medicine calculated to produce an invahd
instead of a strong man.
The answer to the question w^hether the Brussels Sugar
Convention should be ratified should be an emphatic No ! It is
reassuring as it is fitting to find the Manchester Chamber of
Commerce taking the lead in declining to do so by a resolution
which was passed on May 7th, 1902, as follows : —
That this Chamber is of opinion that the terms of the Convention agreed to
at the Sugar Convention in Brussels will deprive Great Britain of her freedom
of action in the exercise of her fiscal rights, that the advantages (so called) of
the Convention as pertaining to the industrial interests of the United Kingdom
and British Colonies are illusory, and that this Chamber strongly urges
Parhament not to ratify the Convention.
I. — Impobts of Sugab into the United Kingdom.
These imports grew from 1886 to 1900 from 23 to 35 miUion
cwts., or a growth of 52 per cent. ; the value grew fi'om £16,000,000
to £20,000,000, or a growth of 25 per cent., as follows : —
SUGAB — quantities AND VALUES.
Refined-
Loaf . . .
other Sorts
1886.
Cwts.
1,715,679
£1,516,108
1890.
1894.
Cwts. Cwts.
2,061,322 2,711,040
£1,774,639 £2,300,350
Cwts. Cwts. I Cwts,
4,656,371 I 7,915,343 11,233,752
£3,804,527 i £6,365,871 £8,524,003
Unrefined — Cwts. ' Cwts.
Beet 6,671,795 '10,004,612
I £3,988,534 £6,126,459
Cane and other Sorts
Molasses
Glucose
Cwts.
9,461,866
£6,552,615
Cwts.
5,712,864
£3,808,638
Cwts.
7,744,736
£4,339,730
Cwts. Cwts.
430,490 563,68
£137,763 ; £184,416
Cwts.
502,567
£335,947
Cwts.
786,905
£446,147
Cwts.
6,561,268
£4,007.981
Cwts.
853,478
£226,568
Cwts.
1,062,074
£542,195
1898.
Cwts.
2,546,213
£1,685,967
Cwts.
13,974,041
£8,482,915
Cwts.
9,565,811
£4,431,196
Cwts.
5,127,095
£2,621,928
Cwts.
1,353,188
£346,917
Cwts.
1,887,046
£731,727
1900.
Cwts.
2,878,877
£1,985,437
Cwts.
16,369,810
£10,358,564
Cwts.
10,239,556
£5,120,821
Cwts.
2,995,376
£1,796,617
Cwts.
1,347,931
£348,130
Cwts.
1,842,602
£745,578
289
THE SUGAE QUKSTION IN 1902,
Up to the end of December, 1901, 13,419,775 cwts. of raw
sugars, and 21,591,051 cwts. of refined, with 1,696,717 cwts. of
molasses, had been imported into the United Kingdom. The
values of these, respectively, were £6,394,435, £13,112,602, and
£364,261, or a total of £19,871,298.
II. — Home Consumption pee Head of Population of the
United Kingdom.
1886.
1890.
1894.
1898.
1900.
Sugar — Raw
Lbs.
47-3
18-96
Lbs.
44-99
28-22
Lbs.
40-17
39-89
Lbs.
39-89
45-29
Lbs.
35-48
52-23
„ Refined
Total
65-99
73-21
80-16
85-18
87-71
A constant growth of consumption, attended by a decided
transfer from imports of raw to imports of refined sugar. Eefining
at the centre of production tends inevitably to this. The amounts
here stated, however, include the proportionate amount of raw
sugar which was refined and afterwards exported. ■
III.— ExpoBTS — Quantities and Values.
Exports of sugar, whether of British or foreign production, is
an unsatisfactory industry, liable to fluctuations, but on the whole
declining steadily.
20
1886.
1890.
1894.
1898.
1900.
British Refined
Cwts.
852,733
£
606,761
Cwts.
709,416
£
505,777
Cwts.
1,037,821
£
728,892
Cwts.
736,041
£
414,380
Cwts.
606,353
£
381,733
Foreign Refined
Cwts.
226,118
£
192,756
Cwts.
531,876
£
443,996
Cwts.
131,300
£
103,603
Cwts.
269,759
£
155,379
Cwts.
173,466
£
119,309
Unrefined
Cwts.
659,514
£
456,877
Cwts.
660,171
£
464,052
Cwts.
393,518
£
252,028
Cwts.
378,794
£
213,591
Cwts.
276,144
£
165,215
"
Cwts.
67,822
£
27,578
Cwts.
131,991
£
51,622
Cwts.
195,878
£
72,502
Cwts.
297,762
£
91,310
Cwts.
152,057
£
49,561
290
THE SUGAK QUESTION IN 1902.
IV. — Estimated Crop of Beet Sugar on the Continent of
Europe for the Current Campaign, compared with the
Actual Crop of the three previous years.
(From LichVs Monthly Circular.)
Germany
Austria
France
Russia
Belgium
Holland .......
Other Countries.
Total
1901-1902.
Tons.
2,270,000
1,320,000
1,200,000
1,060,000
350,000
200,000
400,000
6,800,000
1900-1901.
Tons.
1,984,186
1,094,048
1,170,332
920,000
340,000
178,081
387,450
1899-1900.
Tons.
1,798,631
1,108,007
977,850
905,737
302,865
171,029
253,929
6,073,992
5,518,048
1898-1899.
Tons.
1,721,718
1,051,290
830,132
776,066
244,017
149,763
209,115
4,982,101
V. — Exports of Sugar and Molasses from the West Indies
AND British Guiana to the United Kingdom in 1900.
Sugar.
Molasses.
Jamaica
Leeward Island? ....
Trdnidad and Tobago
British Guiana ....
Barbadoes
St. Vincent
St. Lucia
Total ..
Cwts.
£
40,518, at 20,259.
9,000, ,
4,349.
489,228, ,
.332,124.
318,620, ,
251,710.
54,324, ,
41,655
580, ,
340
4,612, ,
3,242
916,882, „ 653,679.
Galls.
£
90,303, at 2,257.
77,520, „ 2,423.
167,823, „ 4,680.
This is but about a fifth of the produce of the West Indies ; the
remainder goes chiefly to the United States and Canada, but Cuba
will now enter that market again. The rum of these colonies is
largely sent to the United Kingdom. The population of the W^est
Indies, including the Bahamas, Turk's, and Caicos Islands, and
Britisii Guiana, is about 1,640,000, excluding the aborigines in
British Guiana. The population of the United Kingdom (1901) is
41,454,621. Can the welfare of the latter be subordinated to that
of the former, wisely ?
291
Wages and
Conciliation Boards.
BY W. BEES JEFFBEYS.
)HEEE has been a marked increase in the number of
permanent agencies for the settlement of disputes
between employers and workpeople during the past
few years. An examination of the statistics of trade
disputes shows that in the last decade of the nineteenth
century nearly 300,000 workpeople were annually
involved in strikes and lock-outs. During the ten
years 7,900 disputes, large and small, took place.
The time lost by these disputes may be estimated at 106,000,000
days. Public opinion has declared strikes to be a wasteful and
barbarous method of determining the wages and conditions of
labour. In these days, when industrial methods are so complex
and industries are so mutually interdependent, the general
dislocation of trade caused by a big strike or lock-out is even more
important than the working time actually wasted. Under the
pressure of the losses and the suffering occasioned by prolonged
disputes, the organised employers and workpeople of this country
have been building up slowly, with difficulty, and in spite of many
mistakes, effective machinery for the settlement of their differences.
It is difficult to measure the growth of these conciliatory agencies.
Between 1897 and 1902 the number of Trade Conciliation Boards
and Joint Committees increased from 80 to 130. But a mere
comparison of these numbers is of little service in estimating the
growth and extension of the permanent machinery for the
settlement of trade questions. The number of workpeople
affected as well as the character of the questions submitted to the
decision of the conciliation agency are elements that have to be
taken into consideration. It is necessary, in short, to examine the
work of Trade Conciliation Boards in some detail in order to
arrive at any sound conclusions as to their value.
It is proposed, therefore, in the following pages (1) to summarise
the work of Trade Conciliation Boards during recent years as a
whole; (2) to point out the principal variations in the objects,
constitutions, and methods of work of Trade Boards ; (3) to give a
short account of the history and work of a few typical Boards in
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOABDS.
each of the principal industries ; (4) to consider the work of District
Boards; (5) to describe shortly the arbitration and conciliation
legislation of New Zealand and Australia and its results; and
(6) to indicate so far as possible the direction of the conciliation
movement in the United Kingdom, and to consider in particular
whether it is tending towards compulsion.
In dealing first with the Trade Conciliation Boards it is
desirable to make clear the distinction between these organisations
and District Conciliation Boards.
. A Trade Conciliation Board or Joint Committee consists of an
equal number of representatives of employers and workpeople,
appointed as a rule by the Employers' Association on the one
side and the Trade Union on the other, to determine questions
affecting one trade only in a defined district. The Board of
Conciliation for the coal trade of Northumberland, the Board of
Conciliation for the house painting trade of Sunderland, the Board
of Conciliation and Arbitration for the manufactured steel trade of
the West of Scotland, the Board of Conciliation for the iron-
founding industry of the North-East Coast, the Tees Joint
Committee of Employers and Boilermakers and Iron Shipbuilders,
the South Staffordshire Bolt and Nut Trade Wages Board, and the
Board of Conciliation and Arbitration for the boot and shoe trade
of Leeds are all Boards of this kind. They derive their existence
directly from the employers and workpeople engaged in the
industry, and their jurisdiction is acknowledged by both parties.
As a rule, no one unconnected with the trade has a seat upon
them except in some cases, as will be shown later, provision
exists for calling in an outside official, variously described as the
President, Chairman, Umpire, or Referee, to settle questions upon
which the Board is unable to agree.
On the other hand, District Boards stand outside any particular
trade. In most cases they have been formed in connection with
the local Chambers of Commerce and Trade Councils, and consist
of nominated representatives of employers and workpeople selected
from different trades. Their sei'vices are rarely sought. Neither
employers nor workpeople have the confidence in them that they
have in the Trade Boards. The difference in structure is of great
importance, as it suggests an explanation of the disappointing
degree of success that has attended the Conciliation Boards in
New Zealand. A knowledge of the structure and achievements
of the two types of Conciliation Boards is essential also to a proper
consideration of any proposals that may be put forward in this
country for further labour legislation in the dix-ection of industrial
conciliation.
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
TRADE BOARDS : THEIR WORK AS A WHOLE.
It may be stated broadly that the number of workpeople subject
in a greater or less degree to the jurisdiction of some recognised
trade conciliation agency has increased from less than three-quarters
of a million in 1897 to about one and a quarter millions in 1902. In
arriving at these totals no workman has been counted twice,
although he may be subject to two different Boards or Committees.
On the other hand, a workman has been included if he is subject
to the jurisdiction of a Conciliation Board in however small a
degree. Some Conciliation Boards consider and settle all matters
affecting the respective interests of the employers or operatives,
while there are others whose functions are limited to specified
questions, such as the general rates of wages or the apportionment
of work between trades. It is wrong to assume that all Conciliation
Boards and Joint Committees are of very similar constitution or
are entrusted with the same powers.
The next question that suggests itself is, are these trade
conciliation agencies effective for the purpose for which they
have been created — are they living organisations doing good
work, or are they institutions existing on paper only like most
of the "District" Conciliation Boards'?
Mere figures do not give any satisfactory answer to this query.
The official statistics show that in 1897 53 Trade Boards considered
1,448 questions and settled 792 of them, and that in 1901 56
Boards considered 1,401 questions and settled 683. Comparing
these totals it will be seen that there is a slight increase in the
number of Boards considering questions, but a decrease in the
number of questions considered and settled.
On the face of it these figures would appear to indicate a
decline in the work and influence of Trade Boards. Such a
conclusion however, would be the opposite of the fact. The
figures given above, for example, do not discriminate between
the nature of the questions considered. A question of the
readjustment of the price to be paid for hewing a seam of coal
affecting only 25 men is counted one case. A question affecting
the rate of wages to be paid to 5,000 men is equally considered
one case. Furthermore, in one sense the measure of the efficiency
of a Board is the fewness of the questions brought before it. ^ As
one by one it determines the rates of wages and general conditions
that are to prevail in the industry that it regulates, and determines
them to the satisfaction of both parties, it is only when some
important new development takes place that a question arises
which has to be referred to it. For example, many of the cases
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
referred to the Boards in the boot and shoe trade relate to the
classification of materials. The total number of cases considered
by the Boards in this trade in 1897 was 314. In 1901 the number
of cases considered was 146. The decline indicates not any
falling off in the efficiency of the Boards, but a gradual perfecting
of the wages lists and lists of classified materials in the trade.
It is possible, however, to adduce another set of figures which
speak eloquently as to the increasingly successful work of
conciliation agencies during the past few years. A reference
to the statistics of trade disputes shows that the most fruitful
causes of strikes and lock-outs are questions of remuneration.
On the average about 75 per cent, of the workpeople affected
by trade disputes cease work or are locked out in order to
determine in this forcible way the rates of wages. It may be
fairly concluded, therefore, that the ability of conciliation agencies
to determine peacefully questions of wages is a measure of their
general success. During the last few years the number of
workpeople whose wages were arranged by Conciliation Boards,
Joint Committees, Mediation or Arbitration, has greatly increased.
In 1897 the total was 16,000; in 1898, 33,000; in 1899, 379,000;
in 1900, 480,000 ; and in 1901, 507,000. In 1897 the workpeople
whose wages were arranged by conciliation agencies formed only
2 per cent, of the total number of workpeople whose wages were
changed in that year. In 1898 the percentage had increased to 3,
in 1899 it jumped up to 32, in 1900 the percentage was 42, and in
1901 it was 54, or more than one-half of those whose wages were
altered.
These figures afford a striking testimony to the work of
Conciliation Boards and Joint Committees, and, taken in
conjunction with the increase in the number of workpeople
subject to the jurisdiction of these Boards, establish their
growing importance.
TRADE BOARDS : VARIATIONS IN THEIR OBJECTS, CONSTITUTIONS,
AND METHODS OF WORK.
The objects, constitutions, and procedure of ConciUation Boards
vary greatly. The matters with which a Trade Conciliation Board
is authorised to deal are in most cases clearly defined in its rules.
In many instances all matters concerned with the wages and
conditions of labour are within the jui-isdiction of the Board. The
rules of the Midland Iron and Steel Wages Board provide that —
The objects of the Board shall be to discuss, and, if necessary, to arbitrate
on wages or any other matters affecting the respective interests of the employers
or operatives, and by conciliatory means to interpose its influence to prevent
disputes, and put an end to any that may arise.
295
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
The objects of the Conciliation Board for the Wear shipbuilding
trade are equally comprehensive. They are stated in the following
terms : —
The Board shall at all times adjust by conciliatory means all questions that
may from time to time arise and be referred to it by either employers or
workmen, and pending settlement of any question by the Board there shall
thereby be no stoppage of work, and the wages, piece rates, hours of work, or
other working conditions shall, until settlement, be those current at the time
of notice given.
Most of the Boards in the boot and shoe trade have also very
wide jurisdiction, their rules providing in most cases that —
In accordance with the terms of settlement, the Board shall have full power
to settle all questions submitted to it concerning wages, hours of labour, and
the conditions of employment of all classes of workpeople represented thereon
within its district which it is found impossible to settle in the first place
between employer and employed, or, secondly, between their representatives.
Another class of Boards deals only with general rates of wages.
The Board of Conciliation for the coal trade of Northumberland is
one of this type. The rules of the Boai'd for the iron-founding
industry of the North-Eastern Coast provide that it shall regulate
general advances or reductions in the wages of moulders, but any
other general question may by common consent be brought before
the Board.
The jurisdiction of the Board of Conciliation for the coal trade
of the federated districts is still more limited, for it is confined to
fixing the general rate of miners' wages within certain limits,
which limits are laid down in the agreement constituting the
Board. The powers of the Board of Conciliation for the coal
trade of Scotland are limited in the same way.
Other Boards are concerned only with the apportionment of
work between trades. They are known as Demarcation Boards.
Not only do the objects of conciliation agencies vary, but so
to a limited extent do their powers. In most cases the decisions
of a Conciliation Board or Joint Committee are final and binding,
but in others they are recommendatory only. An instance of
the latter type is the Joint Committee in the cotton weaving trade.
This Committee has drawn up from time to time important lists
of prices and drafted provisional agreements, but such lists
and agreements have to go before its constituent bodies, viz.,
the Employers' Association and the Trade Unions, for final
determination and signature.
Most Conciliation Boards are constituted of representatives
appointed by the Employers' Associations on the one hand and the
Trade Unions on the other. In a few cases, however, the Board
is formed of one employer representative and one operative
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOABDS.
representative from each works joining the Board. The Scottish
Manufactured Iron Trade Conciliation and Arbitration Board is an
example of a conciliation agency constituted in this way.
It is, however, in provisions for escape from a deadlock that the
greatest difficulties appear, and it is these provisions which are
the most interesting and which have been the keenest causes of
controversy.
The device that is now most commonly employed is to appoint
from the outside a standing official, variously called Chairman,
Umpire, President, and Eeferee, who is called in when the
members of the Board are unable to arrive at an agreement. In
others there is no standing officer, but one is appointed when
occasion requires. Of instances of the first type the Coal Trade
Board for the federated districts may be mentioned. In this case
Lord James of Hereford is the outside Chairman. Other instances
are the Durham Coal Trade Board, which has appointed Lord
Davey as its "Umpire," and the Board of Conciliation for the
"West of Scotland steel trade, which has elected Mr. Cameron
Corbett, M.P., as its outside President. In the case of the Midland
Iron and Steel Wages Board, Aid. G. J. Johnson, J.P., has been
appointed President in accordance with the following rule : — '■'
The President shall be a person of position not connected with the iron
trade, chosen by the Board, whose duty shall be to attend at special meetings
upon being requested by the Board to do so. He shall take no part in the
discussions beyond asking for an explanation for the guidance of his own
judgment, and if no settlement can be made he shall give his adjudication.
In the case of some of the boot and shoe trade Boards the
machinery is still a httle more complicated. Each side appoints
an Arbitrator, and in the event of the Board being unable to agree
the question goes before the two Arbitrators, and they in their turn
appoint an Umpire if they fail to agree. The rule under which
this procedure is adopted is as follows : —
That the Board at its first meeting elect an Umpire, or in case of
disagreement each side shall, within seven days, elect an Arbitrator, to whom
shall be remitted for arbitration any question referred to the Board under the
Board of Trade terms of settlement which it is unable to settle or determine.
Should the two Arbitrators not agree, the question shall be referred to an
Umpire appointed by themselves, or, failing such an appointment, to an Umpire
to be appointed by the President of the Board of Trade for the time being.
The last provision of the above rule directs attention to another
difficulty that the rules of several Boards provide against, viz.,
what is to happen if the Board cannot agree upon its outside
*The first President of the Midland Board, appointed in 1876, was the
Right Hon. J. Chamberlain, M.P. Up to the present time it has had five
Presidents, all of whom have been Mayors of Birmingham.
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
officer, be he called Chairman, Umpire, President, or Arbitrator?
In the case of about nine Boards in the boot and shoe trade an
appeal is made in these circumstances to the Board of Trade.
There has been, in fact, a rather marked tendency during the last
two or three years to constitute the Board of Trade the final
authority for appointing the Arbitrator to determine the points on
which the Boards fail to agree. This procedure has been facilitated
by the Conciliation Trade Disputes Act of 1896, which enables the
Board of Trade to pay the fees and expenses of the Arbitrators
appointed by them under the provisions of the Act.
Accordingly we find that a number of Boards in the building
trade, including most of those in London, have adopted rules
providing that in the event of the Conciliation Board failing to
agree it shall make application to the Board of Trade under the
Conciliation Act, or apply for the appointment of a person to
act as Conciliator, whose decision shall be final and binding on
both parties.
Of the important Boards in the coal trade the rules of the one
for Durham provide that the Board of Trade shall appoint an
Umpire after conferring unitedly with each of the parties if the
Conciliation Board fail to agree upon the person to be appointed.
Some Boards, however, nommate other authorities to select
the official charged with the duty of determining the questions
between the parties if they are unable to agree. The rules of the
Northumberland Coal Trade Conciliation Board, for example,
provide that if the Board should not be able to agree on the
appointment of a Chairman, the Chairman for the time being of
the County Council of Northumberland shall be asked to nominate
one after conferring jointly with the parties.
The rules of most Boards provide for the appointment of Joint
Secretaries, one from the employers' and one from the workmen's
side. In nearly every case the Secretary of the Employers'
Association and the Secretary of the Trade Union are elected
Secretaries to the Board. In a few instances, principally in the
boot and shoe trade, there is only one Secretary, who is invariably
the Secretary of the Employers' Association.
In all Conciliation Board rules clauses are inserted to regulate
the voting, so as to secure that the absence of a representative from
one side shall not give an unfair advantage to the other. The
following rule extracted from those of the Northumberland Coal
Trade Board is typical : —
All votes shall be taken at meetings of the Board by show of hands. "When
at any meeting of the Board the parties entitled to vote are unequal in number
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WAGES AND CONCIIjIATION BOARDS.
all shall have the right of fully entering into the discussion of any matters
brought before them; but only an equal number of each shall vote. The
withdrawal of the members of whichever body may be in excess to be by lot,
unless otherwise arranged.
It is unnecessary to carry this analysis of the rules of Conciliation
Boards further. The vital points of similarity and divergence have
been noted. In minor details of procedure the practice of nearly
every Board differs, but these variations are unimportant. It will
be clear, however, that the rules of Conciliation Boards are by no
means of a cast-iron character. Most Boards started with rules of
an exceedingly tentative character, which have been amended and
added to as experience has suggested. . To describe the history of
each Board or Joint Committee would be a tedious task, and is,
moreover, precluded from considerations of space. A fairly full
description of the history and work of a few typical Boards will be
sufficient, however, to enable general conclusions to be formed as
to the value and possible future developments of conciliation
agencies.
TRADE BOARDS IN THE MINING INDUSTRY.
In the nineteenth century the mining industry was more
disturbed by trade disputes than any other. During the period
1895-1900 about 20 per cent, of the total number of miners
employed were annually involved in trade disputes. The
corresponding average for all other trades was 2 per cent. During
the ten years 1891-1900 five big disputes of national importance
took place in the coal trade. The time lost by these five disputes
alone was 47,500,000 days, or not far short of one-half of the
time lost by the remaining 7,895 disputes. So many other trades
depend for their proper working upon a cheap and plentiful
supply of coal that mining disputes on a large scale do more to
dislocate industry than those in any other trade.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the most sti'enuous efforts
to form conciliation machinery have been made in this industry.
These efforts have on the whole been successful. Conciliation
Boards or Joint Committees have been established for determining
the general rate of wages of coal miners in all parts of the country
except in South Wales. The work of these Boards in settling the
general rate of wages of miners is largely responsible for the
increase in the number of workpeople whose wages were arranged
by conciliatory agencies, and to which reference has already been
made. The most important of the Coal Trade Boards is the one
for the federated districts of England and Wales. The present
Board came into existence on January 1st, 1899. It was constituted
on the same lines as the one formed in 1893 at the conclusion of
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
the big dispute in that year. The Board formed in 1893 was
dissolved on July 31st, 1896. The jurisdiction of the Board
extends over Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, Derbyshire,
Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Shropshire, part of Staffordshire,
Warwickshire, part of Worcestershire, and North Wales. All
demands on the part of the men for an increase or on the part of
the employers for a decrease are in the first instance submitted to
and considered by the Board sitting without the independent
Chairman. If the parties on the Board cannot agree, then the
meeting is adjourned for a period not exceeding twenty-one days,
and the matter in dispute is further discussed by the constituents
of the two parties. To the adjourned meeting the Chairman is
summoned, when the matter is again discussed, and in default of
agreement by the parties on the Board the Chairman's decision is
final and binding.
By the decisions of the Boards the wages of the coal hewers
in the districts governed by it were advanced during the years
1899-1901 by instalments to 60 per cent, above the standard of
1888.
During 1902 a demand on the part of the employers for a
reduction of 10 per cent, was resisted by the men, and the matter
was finally left to the decision of the Chairman, Lord James of
Hereford, who gave his vote in favour of the resolution proposed
by the employers.
In Scotland, where disputes between employers and workpeople
in the coal trade have been exceptionally frequent and violent, the
first General Board was not established until January 5th, 1900.
Like the Board in the federated districts of England and Wales,
it exists to fix a rate of wages within certain specified limits, and
is composed of representatives of coal owners and miners. Unlike
the English Board, however, it has no standing outside Chairman,
but its rules provide that *
If the parties cannot agree, then the meeting shall be adjourned for a
period not exceeding fourteen days, to allow the matter to be discussed by the
constituents of the two parties. In the event of a disagreenient at the second
meeting, a neutral Chairman may be called in to settle the matter, but only
if both parties agree to that course. If it is agreed to call in a neutral
Chairman, he shall be nominated at this second meeting, or an adjournment
thereof, and a third meeting of parties shall be held not later than fourteen
days thereafter. The decision of the neutral Chairman shall be final and
binding on both parties.
Miners' wages in Scotland rise and fall more frequently and by
larger amounts than is the case in England. Wages were advanced
18f per cent, during 1900, and reduced 50 per cent, in 1901 in
three instalments. The first instalment of 25 per cent, was
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
arranged by the Board, the second of 12|- per cent, was awarded
by Lord James of Hereford, and the third, also of 12^ per cent.,
was awarded by Sheriff Jameson. During 1902, two further
reductions, both of 6^ per cent., were awarded by the same
Arbitrator. In connection with his last award the Arbitrator
stipulated that the reduction should not reduce wages below 37-|-
per cent, above the 1888 standard in any district.
In the counties of Northumberland and Durham Conciliation
Boards have had a longer and more interesting history than in
other parts of Great Britain. Negotiations for the formation of a
Board in Northumberland began so far back as October, 1891, but
the proposal fell through owing to the unwillingness of the owners
to accept an independent Chairman. Negotiations were resumed
in March, 1894, and the principle of an independent Chairman was
accepted by the owners in April. A Board was formed, and Mr.
Strachan, barrister-at-law, was appointed outside Chairman. The
Board continued to meet quarterly for the purpose of settling the
general level of miners' wages throughout the county. The basis
of discussion was a return of the ascertained average selling price
of coal at the pit's mouth, as ascertained from the books of certain
firms by accoixntants appointed by the Board. In 1896, owing to
dissatisfaction being expressed by some of the men as to the
working of the Board, a vote was taken on the question, and
resulted in a majority against the continuance of the Board. Due
notice having been given, it ceased to exist on the last day of that
year. In 1899 the Board was re-established, and since that date
it has changed from time to time the general rate of wages in
Northumberland.
In Durham a Board for the revision from time to time of the
county rate of wages was formed in February, 1895. This Board
came to an end in August, 1896, but was re-established in 1899.
The Board ^does not meet quarterly, as in the case of the
Northumberland Board, but whenever application is made by
the owners or men. Wages in Durham do not change quite so
frequently as those in Northumberland. The rules of the Durham
Board are very similar to those of the one in Northumberland.
In addition to the Conciliation Boards for settling county
questions in Northumberland and Durham, there exist Joint
Committees of employers and employed which deal with questions
affecting single establishments only. Their chief function is the
local readjustment of wages with the view of bringing the wages
paid to particular classes in individual pits into conformity with
those generally paid in the two counties. A very large number of
cases are brought before these Committees in the coiirse of the
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
year, the Durham Joint Committee, in particular, setthng as a
rule from 200 to over 300 differences between employers and
workpeople in the course of the twelve months. Committees for
dealing with small disputes exist in the West of Yorkshire, the
West Lothians, and other districts. In South Wales and
Monmouthshire it is not an infrequent practice to refer small
disputes to the Sliding Scale Committee, to which reference will
be made later, for consideration.
In addition to the federated districts, Northumberland, Durham,
and Scotland, >^oards for determining the general rate of wages
exist in most of the smaller coal mining centres. Practically,
therefore, throughout Great Britain, with one exception, the
general rates of wages are now regulated by Conciliation Boards.
The exception is South Wales and Monmouthshire, where a sliding
scale is (October, 1902) in operation. Under this sliding scale
wages vary automatically with the selling price of coal, which is
ascertained every two months by accountants appointed by the
Sliding Scale Committee.
The present scale was first put in operation in 1892. Previous
to that date four scales had been in existence, dated 1875, 1880,
1882, and 1890 respectively. In October, 1897, the miners gave
six months' notice to terminate the scale. The notice ran out
without the parties being able to agree to the terms on which it
should be renewed. A large party of the men were opposed to
renewal on any terms, and a stoppage of five months' duration
resulted. After a long and bitter dispute the workmen were
defeated, and the scale was renewed practically on the same lines
as before. The agreement under which the employers opened
their collieries to the men provided that the sliding scale should
remain in force until January 1st, 1903, and thenceforward, unless
six months' notice to terminate the agreement should be given on
the previous 1st of July, and thereafter on any other .following 1st
of January or 1st of July. On the 1st of July, 1902, the men gave
notice to terminate the agreement of 1898, and the sliding scale
embodied in it. They put forward in substitution for the scale a
scheme for a Conciliation Board of twenty-four members on each
side and an independent Chairman. The miners' leaders stand
committed to the principle of the Conciliation Board, and at the
time of writing there is reason to fear that unless some agreement
is arrived- at another of those fierce disputes which have marked
the industrial history of South Wales will take place.
There was a time when sliding scales were popular. Many
people regarded them as a means by which the vexed question of
the rate of remuneration should be equitably and peaceably settled.
302
WAGES AND CONCILIATION B0ABD8.
Between 1877 and 1890 nearly every coal mining district in
England tried one or more sliding scales, but they have all been
abandoned with the exception of the one in South Wales.
The sliding scale system of fixing the rate of remuneration
according to the selling price of the product has always appealed
more to the employers than to the workpeople. The workmen have,
in the coal trade, revolted against sliding scales — first, because of
the extreme fluctuations to which they rendered wages liable ;
secondly, because of the difficulty of obtaining a satisfactory basis ;
thirdly, because of the permanent tendency of prices to decrease ;
and fourthly, because the workmen believed that there is a great
inducement under the sliding scale system for employers to cut
prices.
As a result, difficulties in connection with the operation of
scales arose either when wages were very high and trade good
or when trade was bad and wages were very low. At both these
periods a tendency on the part of one of the parties to break
through the scale was generally manifest.
TRADE BOARDS IN THE IRON AND STEEL TRADES.
Sliding scales have met with a greater measure of success in
the iron and steel trades than in any other, and it is only in these
trades that they continue to flourish. One reason for this is to be
found in the fact that they have usually been worked by Wages
Boards charged with the supervision of the scale, which Boards
have not hesitated to depart from the agreed scale under special
circumstances or to vary and amend the scale when it has not
been working to the satisfaction of both parties. For example, on
September 27th, 1900, the Standing Committee of the Midland
Wages Board unanimously agreed that, in view of the fact that a
further advance of wages would make the difference between the
Northern and Midland Districts wider than in any time past, it
was in the interest of the iron trade of the district to waive any
advance, as on nine former occasions (during the period 1895-99)
the employers had made similar concessions. Again, at a meeting
held on July 26th, 1901, it was agreed that, "the operatives having
on a recent occasion waived their right to an advance of wages to
which they were entitled, the employers under present circumstances
waive their right to a reduction."
Of the Wages Boards administering sliding scales and generally
regulating the conditions of employment in the iron and steel
industry, the two most important, as they are also the two with
the most continuous history, are the Board of Conciliation and
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
Arbitration for the Manufactured Iron and Steel Trade of the
North of England, which was founded in 1869, and the Midland
Iron and Steel Wages Board, founded in 1876.
In the case of the North of England the full Board meets twice
a year, but a Standing Committee is appointed which deals with
questions affecting individual works. This meets fairly frequently,
and deals as a rule with a considerable number of cases. If the
Joint Committee is unable to come to an agreement the matter is
usually referred to an Arbitrator.
The Midland Board also appoints a Standing Committee to deal
with cases affecting individual works. The number of cases
settled varies from year to year, but they average about eight per
annum.
There is no doubt that these two Boards have succeeded in
preventing strikes and maintaining good feeling between the iron
workers of the Midlands and the North and their employers.
This is attested by both sides.
On the other hand, independent inquirers who have examined
the structure of the iron trades have arrived at the conclusion that,
although the conditions are peaceful, in other respects they are not
altogether satisfactory. Sub-contracting prevails to a very large
degree, and while the sub-contractors who are members of the
Iron Workers' Union make large wages it is freely asserted that
both from the point of view of the under hands and the organisation
of the industry for cheap and rapid production the present
condition of affairs leaves something to be desired, and that the
friendly relations of employers and workpeople, combined with the
conservative instincts of both parties, have tended to prevent the
introduction of those improvements in production which are
necessary if the districts affected are to continue to compete
successfully with foreign countries.
While the workers' Boards in the North of England and the
Midlands date back over a quarter of a century, the Scottish
Manufacturers' Iron Trade Conciliation and Arbitration Board
was not formed until March, 1897. Its objects as embodied in
its rules are very similar to those of the Midland Board. It deals
both with general wages changes and also with questions of
dispute affecting single works. Its operations have been very
successful up to the present time. Boards for the regulation of
steel workers' wages and for other purposes exist in Scotland
and South Wales. In the pig iron industry Boards or Joint
Committees are in operation in Cleveland, West Cumberland,
and in Scotland, the three principal centres of the industry.
304
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
TRADE BOARDS IN THE ENGINEERING AND SHIPBUILDING INDUSTRY.
An important group of Conciliation Boards exist in this trade
known as Demarcation Boards. Questions of demarcation of
work have until quite recently been a most fruitful cause of strikes
and lock-outs. These disputes were of a most irritating nature,
and usually caused much ill-feeling. They were strikes in the
main between workpeople, although nominally directed at the
employer. The latter was frequently a helpless sufferer by
quarrels which once commenced were diflScult to terminate. To
the outside public demarcation disputes, i.e., whether a shipwright
or a joiner should do a given piece of work, or whether a smith
or a boilermaker should carry out a particular job, were senseless
in the extreme. The deep-rooted traditions and the practical
reasons which prompt a shipwright or a joiner or other workman
jealously to resist the encroachment of any other trade upon work
which he considers particularly his own will, when understood,
excuse even when they do not justify disputes between two
classes of workpeople. As a result, however, of the general
formation of Demarcation Boards these contests have been greatly
reduced in number. Boards to settle the apportionment of work
between trades exist on the Tyne, Wear, Tees, at Hartlepool,
Middlesbro', Liverpool, Birkenhead, on the Clyde, and at Leith.
One example" will probably be sufficient to indicate the methods
of procedure in the case of these Boards. In the rules of the
Clyde Standing Committee of Shipwrights, Joiners, and Employers
for the demarcation of work it is provided that all differences
which cannot be settled by the operatives themselves in the yard
in which they arise shall be submitted to a Committee consisting
of three shipwrights, three joiners, and three employers. Work
in the yard affected must proceed without stoppage, and the firm
affected is entitled to give a temporary decision, but it is specially
provided that that decision must not be adduced in evidence or in
any way used to prejudice the ultimate arrangement of the
question. The quorum of the Committee is six, but in all cases
the voting power of the three parties represented upon the
Committee must be equal. Should the representatives of any of
the parties on the Committee be dissatisfied with any of its
decisions, appeal may be had to a body of referees whose
appointment is provided for in the rules. It may be stated as
showing the importance of the work of these Committees that in
1895 the one on the Clyde dealt with twenty-seven cases, in 1896
with thirty-nine, in 1897 thirty-three cases were considered, in 1898
fifteen cases were disposed of, in 1899 twenty-nine wer6 brought
before the Board, and in 1900 thirty-five cases were settled.
305
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOABDS.
There is no doubt that a considerable number of these cases
in the absence of conciHation machinery would have resulted in
irritating and probably prolonged disputes.
Apart from the Demarcation Boards a number of Boards exist
in the engineering and shipbuilding industry for the settlement
of wages disputes and other questions. The wages of both
ironfounders and pattern-makers on the North-East Coast are
considered and determined by Boards of Conciliation. The wages
of marine engineers are similarly regulated.
On the Wear, questions affecting the wages and conditions of
employment of shipwrights, joiners, painters, drillers, and hole
cutters have been settled successfully for many years by the
Board of Conciliation for the Wear shipbuilding trade. Since 1894
the wages and conditions of employment of boilermakers and
shipbuilders have been settled by a separate conciliation agency.
On the Tyne, Tees, Clyde, and at Leith Joint Committees of
employers and boilermakers and iron shipbuilders exist for the
purpose of settling questions affecting these trades.
No account of the conciliation machinery in this industry is
complete without some reference to the engineering dispute of
1897-8, and the agreement that sprang out of it. That dispute,
the nominal object of which was to reduce the hours of labour in
London, was really concerned with the whole question of workshop
management and the practice and limits of collective bargaining.
The employers demanded, as the means by which they hoped to
increase the output and to reduce the unit of cost, complete
freedom in the management of their workshops. The workpeople
failed to put forward an alternative method by which the same
results could be obtained, while at the same time conserving to
themselves the right to determine by collective agreement the
general conditions under which work should be carried on. The
confusion of the issues, combined with the absence of a clearly
thought out proposal on the part of the workpeople, resulted in
their defeat. But in the agreement by which the great dispute
was terminated are clauses which established machinery for the
settlement of questions in debate between employers and employed
under which many points in dispute have been arranged.
TRADE BOARDS IN THE OTHER METAL TRADES.
In addition to the Boards in the iron and steel and engineering
and shipbuilding industries, to which reference has already been
made, there exist a number of these organisations among other
classes of metal workers.
__
306
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
The rules of the South Staffordshire Bolt and Nut Trade Wages
Board, which are dated 1893, state that the object of the Board
shall be to deal from time to time with the wages paid for any
forged work in the bolt and nut trade. The Board has met and
considered questions each year since that date, and has altered
from time to time the general rate of wages.
An important Board in this group of industries is that for the
brass foundry trade. The objects of this Board are stated in its
rules to be the "amicable settlement of all disputes between the
manufacturers of and workmen engaged in brass foundry as to the
amount of day wages, piecework prices, and hours and conditions
of labour." During 1900 an important arbitration took place in
connection with this Board, acting jointly with the Gas and
Electric Light Fittings and the Water, Steam, and Beer Fittings
Conciliation Boards. The workmen put forward a number of
important proposals embodying some radical alterations in the
wages and conditions under which the brass trade was then
carried on. The employers replied with a number of counter
proposals, and, neither side being able to agree, the Boards applied
to the Board of Trade to appoint an Arbitrator. Sir David Dale
was appointed to act in that capacity. After a long and careful
inquiry, extending over many days. Sir David Dale issued his
award, which, in the main, disallowed the proposals of the men
while it conceded a few of the minor alterations asked for.
Another important Board is that in the bedstead trade. Its
objects are stated in its rules to be "the amicable settlement of
all disputes between members of the Bedstead Manufacturers'
Association and the Bedstead Workmen's Association as to the
amount of day wages, piecework prices, and hours and conditions
of labour, and the improvement of the bedstead trade by the
consideration and furtherance of all matters tending to the mutual
benefit of employers and employed." This Board has done a good
deal of work since its formation both in setthng the general rates
of wages and in dealing with cases affecting individual shops where
it was necessary to fix the prices of fresh patterns or work.
A number of Boards in the metal trades of Birmingham and
district were formed in connection with alliances between employers
and employed, including the Bedstead Trade Board and the
Conciliation Board of the metal trade. Nearly all of these alliances
have now come to an end, but the Wages Boards have, in most
cases, been continued.
Other Boards in the metal trades include the Tin-Plate Trade
Conciliation Board, the Wages and Conciliation Board of the
fender and fire brasses trade, and Boards in the brass and iron
fender trade, the cycle tube trade, and the stair-rod trade.
307
TRADE BOARDS IN THE BOOT AND SHOE TRADE.
Boards of Conciliation and Arbitration exist at the present
time in nearly all the important centres of the boot and shoe trade.
In 1895 a long and bitter dispute took place in this industry. The
dispute was settled at a conference held at the Board of Trade,
when terms of settlement, dated April 19th, were drawn up and
agreed to by both parties. Among other things the settlement
provided that a general Joint Committee of employers and
workpeople should draft a model set of rules for the guidance of
the local Boards of Conciliation and Arbitration, and that any
points in dispute should be settled by Lord James of Hereford.
These model rules have been generally adopted by the local Boards.
Previous to the dispute of 1895 local Conciliation Boards had
been in existence, but they worked under exceptional difficulties.
For many years the method of production in the boot and shoe
trade had been passing through rapid transformations, chiefly
because of the wider introduction of machinery and the application
of mechanical processes to operations previously performed by hand.
The transition from hand work to machine working is a fruitful cause
of friction between employers and employed in every industry, and
owing to the peculiar circumstances of the trade it was exceptionally
so in the making of boots and shoes. The general introduction of
machinery had also greatly reduced home work and led to the
establishment of a factory system. This state of things, combined
with questions as to the classification of work and modes of
payment — always causes of controversy in a piecework trade —
led to numerous local disputes. With a view to preventing such
disputes, local Boards of Arbitration and eventually a National
Conference of the Trade were established. For a time these
institutions succeeded in somewhat mitigating the evils to which
the trade was subject. Eventually, however, the difference between
the organgised employers and workpeople became too serious for
settlement by the machinery then established. A series of
differences, one of the most important of which was the refusal
of the operatives to abide by the decision of the Chairman of the
National Conference, led to the prolonged dispute referred to above.
In November, 1894, a number of proposals from the Federated
Employers' Association to the Operatives' Union was accompanied
by a letter, the following extract from which contains the
explanation of the attitude of the employers to the conciliatory
machinery in existence at that date : —
For some time past the operations of our General Conference and Local
Arbitration Boards, as you must be aware, have not been satisfactory. Instead
of remaining Boards of Conciliation and Arbitration they have been largely
used as a vehicle for the general abuse of manufacturers and the introduction
308
WAGES AND CONCILIATION B0ABD8.
of propositions based upon extreme Socialistic doctrines, encroaching upon the
individual rights of manufacturers. In fact, they have been made the easy
means of raising disputes rather than settling them. The policy the Union
has adopted in attempting to find work for the unemployed, by restricting the
output and placing every obstacle in the way of the satisfactory operation of
machinery, thus increasing the cost of production, is, in the opinion of the
manufacturers, suicidal, calculated to materially reduce the demand, and to
drive the trade into other countries where no such restrictions exist. These
circumstances, coupled with the action of the Union in ordering illegal strikes,
declining to carry out the awards of the Umpire, or in other cases seeking a
re-hearing, or reading into the award what obviously was never intended, make
it impossible to go on under present conditions.
The rules now generally adopted contain provisions calculated
to remedy some of the evils of which the employers complained in
1894.
The important character of the work discharged by the existing
Boards is well illustrated by the following summary of the work of
the Leicester organisation during the period 1895-1900. In the
course of the six years the Board settled the question of the
general rate of wages, determined the regulations affecting
overtime and boy labour, and dealt with innumerable questions
of classification which previously were a fruitful cause of small
disputes.
In 1895 twenty-one cases were brought before the Board, in 1896 thirty, in
1897 forty-four, in 1898 thirty-nine, in 1899 twenty-five, and in 1900 twenty-
one. All these questions were either settled by the Committee, withdrawn or
ruled out of order, or referred to arbitration. Included in the latter was the
important question of boy labour which resulted in an award of Lord James in
1892, restricting the number of boys under eighteen to one boy to every three
men employed being retained. Another important proposal resulted in the
Arbitrators refusing to devise a minimum wage for youths between eighteen
and twenty. They decided that aU minimum wages then in force should
continue and remain in force for a further period of three years. Upon
the question of overtime the Arbitrators decided that, with a view as far
as possible to abolish persistent overtime, " we award that for the period of
four weeks next before or next after or partly before and partly after the usual
holidays . . . overtime may be made to the extent of five hours per week
without extra payment, and that time lost through a breakdown of machinery
or through the temporary illness of a workman may also be made up without
extra payment. In all other cases, time and a quarter shall be paid to each
workman upon weekly wages for all time made beyond fifty-four hours in any
one week. This award shall not apply to pieceworkers."
TEADE BOAKDS IN THE BUILDING AND OTHER TRADES.
In the building trades about forty Conciliation Boards and
Joint Committees have been formed. Their constitution is
generally provided for in the working rules which now regulate
the wages and conditions of labour of bricklayers, carpenters and
joiners, masons, painters, plasterers, &c., in nearly every district.
Some account has already been given of the work of the Joint
Committee in the cotton weaving trade, and reference should also
309
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOABDS.
be made to the Brooklands Agreement in the cotton spinning trade.
This agreement was drawn up at the conclusion of the great dispute
of 1892-3. It provides the machinery whereby any question,
difference, dispute, or grievance with respect to work, wages, or
other matters shall be settled without resort to a strike or lock-out.
Under it many points of dispute have been arranged.
In the less organised industries not many Conciliation Boards
are to be found. Strong organisations on both sides are conditions
precedent to the establishment of a successful Conciliation or
Wages Board. In the clothing industry such conditions do not
exist, and, with the exception of two or three Boards in the
tailoring trades, these organisations are absent from this important
industry.
Among dock and waterside labour successful Boards have been
established, more particularly at Bristol, Cardiff, and Dundee. A
Board exists in the Scottish baking trade, another in the China
furniture trade, and Boards which have not been so far particularly
successful in their action exist in the London cabinet-making trade
and in the Staffordshire pottery trade.
DISTRICT CONCILIATION BOARDS.
District Conciliation Boards exist in Aberdeen, Birmingham,
Bristol, Derby, Dewsbury, Dudley, Halifax, Leeds, Liverpool,
London, Manchester, and other towns. There are altogether
at the present time about sixteen such Boards. Six years ago
their number exceeded twenty-five, about ten having dropped
out of existence during that period. Their objects are usually
stated as follows : — " To promote amicable methods of settling
labour disputes and the prevention of strikes and lock-outs
generally." They are usually composed of a few leading
employers of labour and trade unionists, representative of the
principal trades and industries of the district. During the last
six years the average number of these District Boards known to
have settled any disputes between employers and workpeople has
been two. The Boards in London and Aberdeen have been the
most successful. The average District Board, like an individual
Arbitrator, is usually out of touch with the disputants. They
accordingly have little confidence in it, and it is only in exceptional
cases that its good offices are solicited.
CONCILIATION AND ARBITRATION IN THE COLONIES.
It is of interest in connection with this subject to consider
the results of the conciliation and arbitration experiments in
Australasia.
310
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOABDS.
In the United Kingdom the State has interfered with questions
of dispute between employers and workpeople only in a half-
hearted manner. The keynote of the Conciliation Act of 1896* is
voluntary agi*eement ; the keynote of the legislation in Australia
and New Zealand is compulsion. In this country the State will
arbitrate if asked to do so by both parties, but even then no
compulsory powers are vested in its representatives. In the
colonies referred to it intervenes unasked, and the decisions of
its representatives are enforced by the machinery of the State.
The industrial legislation of New Zealand has so far attracted
more attention in this country than that of Australia. The New
Zealand law provides for the formation of industrial unions of
employers and employed. Industrial agreements regulating the
conditions of labour may be made between industrial unions,
industrial associations, or employers. These agreements can be
enforced by the State.
The law next provides for the formation of Boards of Conciliation.
For this purpose the country is divided into districts. The members
of the Board are elected by the respective industrial unions of
employers and employed, but if the proper electing authority
neglects to exercise its powers the Governor makes the appointment.
Any party may make an application for reference of any matter in
dispute to the Board of Conciliation. The Board has then to
inquire into the matter and to make suggestions to induce the
parties to come to a settlement. If a settlement is arrived at its
terms are embodied in an industrial agreement. In the contrary
event the Board is required to make a recommendation, and, if
the recommendation is accepted either in its entirety or with
alterations, then as originally made or subsequently modified it
becomes an industrial agreement.
If any party is dissatisfied with the recommendation he may
within one month have the dispute referred to the Court of
Arbitration. If within that time no application is made, the
recommendation becomes an industrial agreement binding on the
parties.
It is generally admitted that these Boards have not worked so
well as was expected. Mr. W. P. Eeeves, the author of the
* The Conciliation Act of 1896 gives the Board of Trade power to take
action where a difference exists or is apprehended between an employer or any
class of employers and workmen, or between different classes of workmen.
Between August, 1896, and June, 1901, 113 cases were dealt with, of which
seventy were settled under the Act, ten between the parties during negotiations,
and in thirty-three cases the Board refused to intervene or, intervening, was
not successful in inducing the parties to come to a scttkment.
311
WAGES AND CONCILIATION B0ABD8.
original Act, expressed the hope that they would do the major
portion of the work, but it has been found that the decisions of the
local Conciliation Boards are not accepted. The majority are
appealed against and referred for final settlement to the Court of
Arbitration. When, however, the constitution of these Boards is
examined in the light of the English experience, the cause of their
ill success is not far to seek. It has been pointed out that in
England Trade Conciliation Boards owe a large measure of their
success to the fact that they are formed of employers and
workpeople actually engaged in the trade in which the dispute
arises, and who are accordingly familiar with every detail of the
points at issue. The general Boards of Conciliation in New Zealand
correspond more with the English District Boards, which it has
been shown have not so far accomplished very much. On a
New Zealand Conciliation Board a tailor, a baker, a butcher,
with a clergyman or lawyer in the chair, may have to decide on
technical points of dispute concerning, say, bootmakers, wharf
labourers, or printers.
The Court of Arbitration consists of three members appointed
by the Governor, viz., one member on the recommendation of the
industrial union of employers and one on that of the mdustrial
union of workers, and it is presided over by a Judge of the Supreme
Court. In some ways this Court has more far-reaching powers
than any other within the limits of the British Empire. It
determines all matters before it in such manner and in all respects
as in equity and good conscience it thinks fit, and is not bound
by the ordinary rules of evidence. It may summon witnesses, it
may call for the production of books and allow the parties to
inspect them, and it may refer any matter to a special Board for
report. So long as it acts within its jurisdiction no Court can
restrain it, and its jurisdiction is very wide. From its decisions
there is practically no appeal. It interprets its own awards and
fixes the penalty for any breach of them. Generally speaking, the
greatest satisfaction is expressed with the constitution of this Court,
its proceedings, and its decisions. It has power to make awards
extending over the whole colony, and these awards continue
notwithstanding expiry until new agreements or awards are made.
Practically, therefore, the Court of Arbitration in New Zealand is
the authority for finally determining the wages and conditions of
labour in any trade in New^ Zealand, and its decisions can be
enforced by fines and penalties. Although it is possible to
exaggerate the importance of the New Zealand industrial legislation
and to ignore its weaknesses, it must be admitted that the Act has
prevented strikes of any magnitude, and has on the whole brought
about a better relation between employers and employes than would
312
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOABDS.
exist if there were no Act. It has enabled the increase of wages
and other improved conditions to which the workmen are entitled
to be settled without friction and bitterness of feeling. It has
enabled the employers to know with certainty the conditions of
production, and, therefore, to make contracts with the knowledge
that they will be able to fulfil them.
So far, however, the New Zealand experiment has not been
tested by a period of bad times. The awards generally have been
in favour of the workers, and the ever-increasing w^ave of prosperity
which has passed over New Zealand would probably have brought
them improved conditions if the Act had not been in existence.
Whether in a period of declining trade and slackened employment
the system will work smoothly has yet to be demonstrated.
In Victoria labour legislation has taken the hue of establishing
Wages Boards for the purpose of fixing the minimum rates of
wages for certain trades and industries. Each Board consists, in
addition to the Chairman, of not less than four and of not more
than ten persons, and of such a number not more than one-half
are appointed as representatives of employers and one-half as
representatives of employes.
Boards have been brought into existence in thirty-eight trades,
including (1) baking, (2) boot and shoe making, (3) clothing, (4)
furniture making, (5) shirt making, (6) manufacture of underclothing,
(7) brick making, (8) carriage making, (9) cigar making, (10)
coopering, (11) printing, (12) pottery making, &c., &c.
In his latest report, the Chief Inspector of Factoxies in Victoria
estimates "that when all the Boards have made their determinations
about 35,000 persons will receive the benefits of the system."
Boards are required to fix the minimum prices or rates of
payment which shall be adopted in each trade. The minimum
fixed may be a piece rate or a time rate or both, except in the
case of clothing made outside a factory, in which case piece rate
wages only may be fixed. The Board are required to fix the
number of hours' employment, overtime rate, number of apprentices
or improvers, and the wages to be paid to them, &c. Power is given
to the Chief Inspector of Factories to grant to an aged or infirm
person a licence for twelve months to work at a less wage than the
minimum fixed.
The chief difficulties in connection with the successful working
of these Wages Boards are (1) the selection of a suitable Chairman
and (2) the enforcement of the awai'ds.
As regards the Chairman, not only does the temper and method
in which the questions at issue are discussed largely depend upon
him, but with him also rests the final decisions in cases of
difference.
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
It has been found in practice that Boards on which both parties
are anxious to come to an agreement, and which have secured the
services of an able and unbiassed Chairman, have had little difficulty
in settling rates of wages and conditions of labour which have
commended themselves to both parties.
On the other hand, in the case of Boards in which the Chairman
has not been equal to the task of maintaining good feeling between
the opposing parties, and who has failed to secure the confidence
of both sides, friction not unaccompanied with bitter feelings has
resulted.
The second difficulty, viz., that connected with the enforcement
of awards, has been even more serious. In establishing the
Boards the authorities in Victoria apparently were governed by the
consideration "in what trades are they most required?" and not
"in what trades would they be most effective?" Accordingly,
Boards were established in the first case in the more or less
sweated industries, where the difficulties of enforcing an award
would obviously be great. In sweated industries, where the
standard of living is low, where the competition for work is
exceedingly keen, where there exists little good feeling and
comradeship between workpeople, it is very difficult indeed to
enforce conditions as to wages and employment. It is necessary
only to consider the obstacles in the way of enforcing a standard
rate of wages among the workpeople employed in the clothing
industry in London as compared with the comparative ease with
which it has been possible to fix and enforce a standard rate for
bricklayers to see the dangers that confront the factory officials
in enforcing the awards of the Victorian Boards. Accordingly,
evasions are not infrequent. Employer and employ^ agree upon
an illegal rate. The wage prescribed is probably paid, but some of
the money is forthwith given back to the employer. In another
trade the law was evaded by the employers insisting upon the men
living on the premises and charging them an excessive rate for
board and lodging. Varying devices have been resorted to in
other trades. When both workpeople and their masters combine
together to break the law, and commit unblushing perjury to hide
their action, the difficulties of securing conviction are obviously
very great. In the case of the furniture-making trade the difficulty
of enforcing the decisions of the Board have been increased by the
competition of the Chinese. It is admitted that it is practically
impossible to compel the Chinese to comply with the law,
with the result that the manufacturer of European extraction has
suffered. Notwithstanding these difficulties it seems to be admitted
that the Boards have to a large extent put a stop to sweating.
314
WAGES AND CONCILIATION B0ABD8.
Among the charges brought against the Victoria Wages Board
system are (1) that the minimum wage tends to become the
maximum wage, with the result that the incentive to do his best
is taken away from the good workman, and (2) that it prevents
old and infirm men from obtaining work.
Dealing with the first of these criticisms, the Chief Inspector
of Factories in his last issued report declares that " I have no
hesitation in saying that the minimum wage is never the maximum
wage," and he submits tables of earnings in support of this
statement. With reference to the second objection he declares
" I have never heard of such a case, and probably I see more of
old and infirm workers than anyone in the State."
That the system has commended itself to the employers as well
as the workpeople, notwithstanding the difficulties attendant upon
its introduction and any inherent objections, is apparently borne
out by the fact that many of the newer Boards were asked for by
the employers.
It is interesting to observe that, although the New Zealand
legislation started out with the idea of settling disputes, it has in
efi'ect operated in the same direction as the Victorian law, viz., to
prescribe for each trade the minimum rates of wages and the
conditions under" which it shall be carried on.
At the beginning of 1902 all the important industries in New
Zealand with the one exception of agriculture had been brought
under the operation of the law, with the result that in all those
trades the conditions of employment had been fixed by a Court
whose decisions were as much the law of the land as an Act of
Parliament.
"It is necessary to put aside altogether the idea that our Act is
simply a device for preventing strikes," says Dr. John McGregor,
of New Zealand, one of its opponents ; "it is nothing of the kind.
It is a device for putting the regulation of trades and occupation of
industries under the control of a statutory Com't."
There is this important difference, however, between the two
colonies. In New Zealand the enforcement of the conditions
prescribed in an industrial agreement or by the Court of Arbitration
is left to the parties concerned. The aggrieved employer or
workman must initiate the legal proceedings at his own expense
before the Court of Arbitration if an award or an agreement has been
broken. In Victoria, on the other hand, the decisions of the Wages
Boards are enforced by the Victorian Inspectors before a Court of
Summary Jurisdiction at no expense to the aggrieved party.-
315
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
Perhaps the greatest tribute to the success which has attended
the labour legislation in New Zealand and Victoria is to be found
in the fact that it has been re-enacted with certain modification in
other colonies.
In December, 1900, South Australia established Wages Boards
on almost identical lines with those in existence in Victoria.
In 1901 New South Wales, after a careful investigation by a
Special Commissioner of the operation of the labour legislation
of New Zealand and Victoria, passed an Industrial Arbitration
Act. In this statute provision is made for the registration and
incorporation of industrial unions and the settlement of industrial
disputes by a Court of Arbitration. The Court of Arbitration
constituted under the Act consists of a President who is a Judge
of the Supreme Court and two other members. The Court has
power to hear and determine according to equity and good
conscience any industrial dispute or any industrial matter referred
to it by an industrial union or by a registrar. One of the most
important provisions of this Act runs as follows : —
The Court in its award or by order made on the application of any party to
the proceedings before it, at any time in the period during which the award is
binding, may (a) prescribe a minimum rate of wages or other remuneration,
with provision for the fixing, in such manner and subject to such conditions as
may be specified in the a^-^ard or order, of a lower rate in the case of employes
who are unable to earn the prescribed minimum ; and (b) direct that as between
members of an industrial union of employes and other persons, offering their
labour at the same tiine, such members shall be employed in preference to
such other persons, other things being equal, and appoint a tribunal to finally
decide in what cases an employer to whom any such direction applies may
employ a person who is not a member of any such union or branch.
It will be seen that by giving the Court power to secure
preferential treatment for trade unionists the Act encourages the
workpeople to organise.
The Court may also declare any practice, regulation, rule,
custom, term of agreement, condition of employment, &c., to be a
common rule of an industry, and direct within what limits of area
and subject to what conditions and exceptions such common rule
shall be binding upon persons engaged in the said industry,
whether an employer or an employ^, and whether members of an
industrial union or not. It will thus be observed that the New
South Wales Court has practically power to settle finally the
conditions under which workpeople shall labour in the colony — it
is an authority for the regulation of trades and occupations.
Western Australia followed the example of the other States,
and in February, 1902, the Industrial Conciliation Act I'eceived
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WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
the Eoyal assent. This Act repeals the previous one of 1900, and
is in the main identical with the industrial Conciliation and
Arbitration Act of 1900 in New Zealand, but in certain respects
follows the statute passed by New South Wales in the following
year, and which is referred to in the preceding page.
THE CONCILIATION MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Hitherto there has been a great objection on the part of Trade
Unionists in this country to any form of compulsory arbitration.
They have looked to the action of their Unions rather than to
legislation as the means by which to secure improved conditions.
But the limitations that are now being placed upon the actions of
the Unions, the success which has attended compulsory arbitration
in Australasia, and the fact that Trade Unionism makes no progress
among the unorganised and unskilled trades is bringing about
considerable modifications in the Trade Union attitude. The
majority are still opposed in principle to compulsory arbitration,
and this was manifest at a debate which took place in September,
1901, at the Trade Union Congress. At that Congress Mr. Ben
Tillett moved a resolution proposing to establish, as in New
Zealand, a Supreme Court of Arbitration, presided over by a Lord
Justice and constituted of an equal number of workmen and
employers' representatives, to settle questions at issue between
employers and workpeople. After an interesting debate the
resolution was defeated, delegates representing 676,000 Trade
Unionists voting against it, as compared with delegates representing
366,000 who voted in favour. These figures represoated a marked
growth in favour of compulsory arbitration. Apparently the chief
objection in the minds of the delegates was the fact that the
ultimate decision would rest with a Judge. The judicial bench
have been in such frequent opposition to the views and aspirations
of Trade Unionism that most of the delegates seemed to feel that,
as one of the speakers stated, "to make the Judges arbitrators to
decide conditions and wages would be suicidal."
This lack of confidence in the judicial bench was still more
manifest at the Congress held in London in September last. A
resolution for creating a Court of Arbitration, presided over by a
Lord Justice and armed with compulsory powers, was again brought
forward and again rejected by 961,000 votes to 303,000. The
voting showed that the movement for compulsory arbitration had
received a set-back during the twelve months as a result of a
number of judicial decisions which had increased the trade union
distrust of the Judges. One of the miners' leaders declared that
"he had had enough of Judges during the past eighteen months.
317
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOABDS.
They were biassed against trade unions. Under compulsory
arbitration unions would wither and die." The Secretary of the
Boiler Makers' Society said that his members "would rather agree
to submit their case to their employers than to a Judge, who, with
the bias of his class, would think those conditions too favourable."
The calling in of an outside Arbitrator, apart from the machinery
of a Conciliation Board, to settle disputes has also found little
favour either with workpeople or their employers. The difficulty
of obtaining an Arbitrator at once acceptable to both parties has
been an almost insuperable one. Some disputants consider that
the Arbitrator should be chosen from among persons intimately
acquainted with all the details of the industry affected. This
usually involves that he shall be either an employer or a workman
in the trade. The employers invariably object to a workman
Arbitrator, and the men do not care for an Arbitrator drawn from
the employers' class. Others favour the selection of an Arbitrator
drawn entirely from the outside who knows nothing at all about
the technical matters involved. Further, it has been found that in
practice there is a tendency on the part of Arbitrators to split the
difference, irrespective of the merits of the case. Decisions of
this kind usually fail to give satisfaction or effect a permanent
settlement.
In districts and in trades where arbitration has been tried it is
often found that the party adversely affected by the award is
indisposed to refer the matter to arbitration on a subsequent
occasion. Of the many thousands of wages settlements of a
collective character that have been made in this country during
the last ten years quite an infinitesimal proportion have been
arrived at on award of an Arbitrator.
A great distinction exists in the minds of Trade Unionists
between an outside President or Chairman of a Conciliation Board
and an Arbitrator called in to settle an isolated dispute. They
consider that a permanent Chairman appointed by the Board itself
is more likely to arrive at a just decision than a Judge or an
irresponsible person appointed by an outside authority. The
former hears the disputed points discussed across the table by
employers and workmen thoroughly familiar with every detail,
while the latter has to form conclusions after an inquiry conducted
in a more or less formal manner.
The lack of confidence in the judicial bench which characterises
Trade Unionism, and the preference for Conciliation Boards
presided over by an outside Chairman in whose selection they
have had a voice, will tend probably to cause the movement for
conciliatory legislation to develop along slightly different lines to
318
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
the corresponding movements in the colonies. While it is a
difficult task to measure the force and determine the direction of
modern movements, it is probably safe to say that, although
cognisance will be taken of colonial experience, yet in this country,
before setting up new Boards of Conciliation, recognition will be
extended to those that already exist.
Under the Conciliation Act of 1896 a Conciliation Board may
apply for registration to the Board of Trade. As, however,
registration carries with it no special privilege or practical
advantage, very few Boards have availed themselves of this
provision. It has been suggested, however, that under certain
safeguards a registered Board should be enabled to file its decisions,
and that such decisions should be enforced by the State in the
same way as the special rules promulgated by the Secretary of
State under the Factory Act are enforced. The organised trades
are ready, it is stated, for a measure of this kind. It would
enable them to deal with a permanently disturbing element,
viz., the unorganised employer and the unorganised workman.
Employers who are not members of and who are not bound by
the decisions and agreements of the Employers' Associations and
workpeople who are not members of and subordinate to the
discipline of the Trade Unions are a frequent cause of disturbance
in every industry. If they exist in any large numbers they tend
to prevent friendly arrangements between the organised employers
and workpeople.
It was given in evidence before the Labour Commission by
the workpeople that their difficulties in obtaining redress arose
with employers who were not members of the Employers'
Associations, and they believed that if all the employers joined
the Associations it would materially conduce to the settlement
of disputes. The employers on their part stated that it was easier
to discuss causes of dispute with Union officials than with the
operatives, and they attributed the improved relations in a great
measure to the frequent intercourse which takes place between
the officials of the Associations on both sides.
When, therefore, an agreement as to wages and conditions of
labour has been arrived at by Associations representing the greater
part of the capital and workpeople employed in a given trade in
any district, there seem to be strong arguments in favour of that
agreement being registered and enforced under certain safeguards
as part of the Factory Act. One of the results would be to induce
both employers and workpeople to go into the various trade
organisations, and this would facilitate the establishment of
effective Joint Boards of Conciliation generally.
319
WAGES AND CONCILIATION B0ABD8.
I
The Eoyal Commission on Labour pointed out in their final
report in 1886 that
Strong organisation in any trade is almost a condition precedent to the
establishment of permanent and effective Joint Boards of Conciliation and
Arbitration for the trade generally, because unless most men in a trade belong
to the society it is (a) difficult to obtain a satisfactory representation of
workmen on such a Board, and (6) difficult for the executive or leaders of the
men to stop local strikes or to ensure that disputes shall be carried to the
Joint Board and that the decisions arrived at by that Board shall be respected
by the workmen.
On the other hand, it may be pointed out that there is
very Httle chance of Wages Boards being formed by voluntary
agreement in the unorganised industries. It is the characteristic
of the development of Trade Unionism in recent years that the
organised and skilled trades are growing stronger, their Unions
are increasing in membership, and their power is becoming
consolidated. At the same time the unskilled trades are
becoming weaker and more disorganised. It is hopeless to
expect that these unskilled trades will ever form the strong
organisations which are a condition precedent to the establishment
of voluntary Wages Boards. It is only, therefore, by legislation
that the conditon of the unskilled worker can be improved and
minimum standards as regards wages and other conditions of
labour enforced.
It is probably to meet this difficulty that a Wages Boards Bill
has been introduced into Parliament by Sir Charles Dilke, for the
purpose of establishing Wages Boards in England on lines similar
to those in Victoria. In the Memorandum that prefaces the Bill
it is stated that
The object of this Bill is to provide for the establishment of Wages Boards,
with power to fix the minimum rate of wages to be paid to workers in
particular trades. It is left to the Home Secretary to say for what trades
Wages Boards are to be appointed, so that, at all events in the first instance.
Wages Boards need be appointed only for what are known as the " sweated
industries," that is, industries in which outworkers are largely employed, and
in which the rate of remuneration is low. A Wages Board will have power, if
they think fit, to fix a minimum rate for any single kind of work or for any
single class of workers in a particular trade. They will have the widest
discretion as to fixing a time rate or a piecework rate, and as to varying the
minimum according to the kind of work and the class of persons employed.
The Bill provides that a Wages Board shall be composed of representatives of
employers and representatives of employed in equal numbers, with a Chairman
chosen by the members or nominated by the Home Secretary. It is proposed
to entrust the enforcement of payment of the minimum rate to Factory
Inspectors.
It has been suggested, however, in criticism of this measure,
that it proposes to commence at the wrong end. The difficulty
of enforcing minimum rates of wages in the unorganised trades
320
WAGES AND CONCILIATION BOARDS.
would be so great that the whole movement would be brought
into public disrepute. It is urged that in the long run the objects
of the promoters of the measure would be more readily obtained if
statutory powers were given in the first place to existing Boards.
Subsequently similar institutions could be introduced gradually
and cautiously into the unorganised and sweated industries.
This suggestion accords with Parliamentary practice. Public
opinion is not ripe for the wholesale creation of new and untried
Wages Boards armed with large compulsory powers similar to
those in the colony of Victoria. It is not improbable, however,
that the day is not far distant when some of the existing Voluntary
Boards will be recognised by the State, and, subject to certain
safeguards, clothed with legal powers.
321
Land Settlement for Workmen.
BY JAMES LONG,
Member of the Council of the Central Chamber of Agriculture.
jHETHEE the unemployed in our towns — many of
whom, in Lord Portescue's words, probably desire
nothing so little as employment — owe their submerged
position to the constant influx of young men from the
country — a proportion of whom in their turn share the
same fate — cannot be precisely determined, but it is
significant that simultaneously with the increase in
the number of town out-o'-works there is a diminution
in the number of rural labourers. With a long and wide experience
of country life and country people we can point to no period during
the past twenty-five years in which agricultural labour has been so
costly or so inferior, nor to conditions which have been so anxious
and so difficult as they are to-day. Within reasonable distance of
large populations the cultivation of the soil of the farms is becoming
impossible, owing in part to the more tempting wages which are
offered by employers of another order, and in part to the fascination
of town life, with the glamour of its saloons, its music-halls, and its
alluring methods of wasting time. Whenever we consider all those
conditions which are applicable alike to the town and country
labourer — health, home, rent, garden, advantages in the bringing
up of a family, possibilities of saving, and length of days — we are
bound to believe that the countryman has the best of the bargain,
and that his chances of constant employment and of life are
immeasurably superior. The young are, however, not yet blessed
with wisdom, and so long as they can choose for themselves they
will select the vocation which they regard as the quickest road to
success, or to self-gratification, which in many minds stands for
much the same thing.
Desire for the possession of live stock and land is inherent in
man, and although the young develop tastes for such varied
occupations as they may subsequently follow, whether as alumni
of the village or the public school, there almost always arrives a
time when, success having been achieved, there is a pronounced
desire to acquire land by purchase and to stock it with domestic
animals, or failing this, to hire it, even though it be but a garden
in which to grow the cabbage and the rose or to keep a flock of
hens. The determination of the sons of farm labourers not to
~^2
322
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
follow the occupation of their fathers is very largely based upon
common sense. We confess that if we were placed in such a
position we should decline a career involving 13s. a week, a cottage
and a garden, £3 at harvest, and occasional if useful perquisites, in
spite of the moral pi'omise of nature that health would be assured
and years prolonged. The vocation of farm labourer is the only
one in which upward progress is next to impossible. The miner,
the collier, and the artisan, with the exercise of less skill, obtain
high wages and are able to provide for the future if they choose.
The railway porter, like the soldier of the imagination, carries
position in his waistcoat pocket; the trader can commence business
with a very small capital ; but the labourer, who lives where
successful shopkeeping is impossible, affords no analogy to either
of these individuals. There are no prizes in the service of which
he is a member, while the smallness of the wages he usually
receives practically precludes the possibility of saving money, for
few among us can realise the difficulty of putting aside a weekly
sixpence from the pittance which must suffice to fill many mouths
and something more. Yet what often follows immigration to the
town ? The young, sturdy, and vigorous countryman is gladly
employed by those who are always in want of strong arms and
steady nerves, the wages are comparatively high, and, in spite of
more costly lodgings and more extravagant rations, life swings
merrily along, and the young man drinks of it to the full. He
adorns his person in the orthodox style, sports an occasional cigar,
joins a band of boon companions, some of whom were once precisely
like himself, and gradually he is drawn into the vortex by whicli
so many fine fellows are overwhelmed. His robust constitution,
however — part of his inheritance — his frugal training, and his
native air have served him well, and he survives to marry and to
settle in one of those dismal, gardenless terraces which abound in
our third-class suburbs, which he reaches by railway or tramcar
involving a costly addition to his rent. Gradually he sinks into
the usual type of an overworked, unhealthy-looking town employe,
struggling to rear a still more unhealthy family. What is the
result? The family circumstances and environment are such that
one more group of human beings is added by the countryside to
the still swelling town population with its submerged tenth, its
hospitals, its workhouses, and its cemeteries. This is how human
life — the very pith and marrow of our manhood — is being used up.
There is after all little difference in the method by which the human
machine and the mechanical machine are I'espectively worn out ;
but there is this difference in the result — the human machine is
reproductive, and its offspring reduces the physical power of the
average man.
323
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
Let us see what the picture might be if statesmen were wilUng
to devote as much attention to the welfare of a deserving class
of men who assist in planting them in office as they devote to
the Derby or to those social functions which are said to soften
the asperities of life. We are apt to insist that the masses are
dissatisfied, but let us put ourselves in the place of the men of
whom we write. Should we willingly value flesh and blood so
cheaply, or should we contend that those who possess the power
and the means ought, if only in gratitude for the gift of that power,
at least to provide the opportunity for the acquisition of land by
the thrifty, the industrious, and the prudent? No sane man would
ask for more than this. The clay cannot question the wisdom of
the Potter in making human vessels respectively aristocrats and
proletariat; but it is not sufficient for me to say, "Thank God I
am not of the proletariat," and to go my way. Men live for a
purpose, and that purpose can only be fulfilled in many instances
by the contribution of labour or by the sacred employment of
money.
In this country we do not often legislate unless we are
compelled, and, as great questions are only taken in hand by
Governments when they are forced by a power behind them, it
will be understood why nothing has been or is likely to be done to
preserve agriculture or to encourage the countryman to remain on
the countryside. Not only do we import an enormous proportion
of our food, but, as a manufacturing people who are abandoning
the plough and the threshing machine for the loom and the
furnace, we allow more than half our wage-earners to depend for
their very existence upon imported raw material — -most of which
we manufacture for export. In the race for wealth and in the effort
to follow the flag with our wares — desirable though it may be —
we forget the duties to be performed at home. Our susceptibilities
are aroused by the startling accounts of the progress of American
and German commerce, but how little is known of the still greater
progress which each country is making in the cultivation of the
soil. As one who has seen something in both countries the writer
no longer hazards an opinion with regard to the British position in
agriculture. In Germany, as in America, the land is in chief
owned by those who till it ; in both countries agricultural science
is so far in advance of us that we are compelled to go to them for
facts in relation to almost every department of the farm, and the
writer is in almost daily touch with the results of their work.
The Continent of Europe, as we shall show, is a great hive of
working bees, who are content to live unostentatious and simple, if
laborious, lives upon the land, because it is their own. There is no
such class in England, and yet it is the most stable, the most
324
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
conservative, and the most valuable of all. It is desirable that
there should be such a class, and it happens that the newer
conditions of life not only demand its institution but provide
methods for its support without which small farming might not
succeed. Co-operation, which has raised Denmark to the position
of the richest country in the world, next to our own, for its size, is
the lever which is employed by the peasant owners in every
country but in Britain. Its practical absence here is owing to the
non-existence of the men for W'hom it was primarily designed,
and in consequence there are almost no Village Banks, Mutual
Insurance Societies, local Cattle Breeding Clubs, nor such other
organisations as the Swiss, the Danes, the Germans, and even the
Luxemburgei^s, have established for national utilitarian purposes.
In reply to the statement that small farming will not pay — a
statement which has been made so often that its authors have
begun to believe in its truth — it may be pointed out that the profits
of the soil depend upon two main factors — labour and skill. Within
a dozen miles radius of London there are thousands of acres of land
which do not return £5 per acre per annum ; and yet side by side
with many of its occupiers there are humbly-born as well as
humbly-educated nurserymen who are able to realise nearly £1,000
an acre for their produce. It is true that this is not farming in
any accepted sense, but it is crop production, and the margin
between the tw^o figures which we have quoted is as wide as the
capacity of men.
The fact is that " land is idle for want of people, and people
are idle for want of land," and this is literally true. That land is
idle I have been enabled to prove abundantly from actual experience,
and there is not a little within twenty miles of St. Paul's. Nor is
this because it is worthless. Almost every acre to which I refer
has in the memory of man borne excellent and profitable crops,
while considerable areas which were in similarly poor condition
have been reclaimed within the past five years, and are now
bearing respectable crops. Such land in the hands of a tenant
who farms on a large scale is not likely to improve very rapidly.
The average farmer knows too well that the cost of reclaiming land
is considerable, and that when reclaimed by his energy and labour
a substantial rent will be placed upon it. It is quite another thing
where such land becomes the property of an industrious and
capable small owner, for the whole family combine to win prosperity.
Working for themselves, they are content to labour during long
hours, to practise self-denial, and to subsist in large part upon the
produce of their own soil, which, indeed, they make extraordinary
efforts to provide. The small holder can provide himself with
bread, with potatoes, which form the principal ration of the Irish
325
LAND SETTLEMENT FOB WOEKMEN.
peasant, and other vegetables and fruit in variety, eggs, milk,
butter, pork, and bacon ; and when he has accomplished this much
he has reduced the list of life's necessaries to a few articles of
grocery. It has been authoritatively shown that a quarter of wheat
weighing 4801bs. will provide 3601bs. of fine flour, which in its
turn will produce 120 four-pound loaves. My friend, Mr. Robert
Turnbull, finds that 5001bs. of wheat will produce 3501bs. of flour
and 125 four-pound loaves. The Secretary of the Master Bakers'
Association has pointed out that 92 loaves may he obtained fi'om a
sack of the best American flour, but he has admitted that 110
loaves could be obtained from fine flour. A miller and baker,
according to Mr. Southall, obtained 126 loaves from 5041bs. of
wheat. The small grower, on the basis of such testimony — which
in part we have been able to verify from actual experiment — ^might
with ordinary cultivation provide his family — assuming it to
consist of five hearty persons — with 601bs. of bread per week,
together with a gallon of flour for pastry, from two acres of land,
or, indeed, by high cultivation, from an acre and a half.
Let us, however, look at this question from another position.
An acre of useful land in the occupation of a capable working man
produces 36 bushels, or practically a ton, of wheat, which at 28s.
per quarter is worth £6. 6s. At the higher prices which prevail
at the time we write the return would be still better. If we add
the value of the straw the sum quoted is increased to £8. 12s. 6d.
Although we are able to base our calculation upon an actual
experimental production of bread from a given quantity of flour
we take the results of an inquiry which was made by the Highland
and Agricultural Society of Scotland, from which it was shown that
a quarter of wheat weighing 631bs. to the bushel yielded an average
of 3591bs. of fine flour, sufficient to produce 119 four-pound loaves.
The expense of milling was covered in this as in many other cases
by the bran and other oflals which were produced in the process.
If flour from hard imported wheat were employed the bread
produced would be larger in quantity owing to the moisture-
absorbing power of the flour. The cost of the production of bread,
for which the consumer has to pay, as well as the pi-ofit of the maker,
has been placed by one expert at 27s. lOd. per sack of flour, by
another at 28s. 8d., and by a third at 28s. 6d. ; the totals including
yeast and other necessary materials as well as labour. Let us next
follow the wheat' which our acre of land has produced until its final
purpose is accomplished and the bread is placed upon the table.
The 36 bushels should produce l,5951bs. of flour, which at the
price which we have suggested would cost -9^. per ib. This flour
should produce 2,1641bs. or 541 loaves of bread, costing about 2fd.
per loaf, or but a trifle more than half the price which is charged
326
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
by the baker when wheat is below 288. The supply of bread would
thus be nearly 61bs. a day, or practically sufficient for a man and
his wife and three children. We may here mention that the average
consumption of bread and flour in -this country is equivalent to six
bushels of wheat per person, so that 36 bushels should on this basis
feed a father and mother and four children, but making every
allowance for the fact that bread is the staple food of the working
man we do not venture to place his own ration at quite so low a
figure.
By such a process of self-help the most costly item in the
housekeeping account would be literally wiped out ; and with the
wheat safe in the granary the battle of life is half won. Such a
man as we have in mind would sell his straw or utilise it in such a
way that it would cover a large proportion of the expense entailed in
the purchase of seed and manure, in the cultivation and harvesting
and the milling of the grain. What applies to the provision of
bread applies equally to the production of meat, for barley and
potatoes grown for the feeding of pigs would realise far more than
their market price, unless where fine brewing samples of grain are
grown on the one hand and early potatoes on the other. We need
not, however, pursue an argument which is obviously indisputable.
Mr. J. H. Jones, who read a paper before the Incorporated Law
Society, and who. combines the accuracy of the lawyer with the
practical knowledge of the farmer, claims that an acre of land
should maintain an individual, and still more under a system of
intense farming ; and, as he has estimated that the cultivated area
of England and Wales was equivalent to 4f acres per household, it
would appear that our people ought to be in a position to maintain
themselves. That, however, is a proposition which we cannot
endorse, and the reason will be found in a paper which the writer
prepared for the C.W.S. "Annual" under the title of "Can the
Empire Feed its People?" in the year 1893. It is, however, to be
feared that with the increase in the urban, and the decrease in the
rural, population, the land will become less productive for want of
hands to till it. In 1891, for example, the urban population was
17,515,000, and the rural population 7,258,000, whereas in 1901
the former had increased to 20,518,000, and the latter to only
7,471,000 — and this exclusive of the 4^ millions of people in the
County of London. There are decreases of population in no less
than 401 of our rural districts, and in a number of those instances
the decrease exceeds 1,000, whereas the increases very largely
consist of persons engaged in business pursuits in our smaller
country towns.
We have no desire to discuss at any length a proposition which
is so frequently made upon the platform that while we import a
327
LAND SETTLEMENT FOB WORKMEN.
large quantity of food from our colonies and foreign countries we
have a market at our doors which is of an unlimited character,
and every opportunity is, therefore, afforded to the occupier of land
in this country to acliieve success. It will be useful, however, if
we capitulate the figures showing the actual value of the imports
of farm produce.
Impokts, 1901.
Live Stock 9,400,033
Meat 39,3?:6,108
Dairy Produce 29,887,083
Eggs, Lard, Poultry, &c 11,105,903
Wheat and Flour 33,430,434
Grain and Meal 27,810,593
£151,030,154
The above prodigious total is exclusive of horses, sugar — on
which we spend 19^ millions, and ^a large proportion of which
could be produced in this country — hops, vegetables, and fruit,
which cost us nearly Hi- millions, of which a very large proportion
could also be produced in the British Islands, flax, hemp, and seeds
of various kinds. We do not conceal the fact that production on
a larger scale would mean the importation of very much larger
quantities of artificial manures ; but even so, the advantages to be
gained, both to the consuming public and the tiller of the soil, are
out of all proportion to the additional expense in this direction
which would be involved. It is usually claimed that the small
holder is unable to extract so large a yield of produce from the soil
as the farmer who occupies a few hundred acres, and who is
equipped with capital sufficient for his purpose, and, therefore,
with stock and the implements necessary for the thorough conduct
of his business. If, however, we appeal to the farmer himself we
find that his chief complaint is want of capital, and that in a
preponderating number of instances his equipment is confined in
large part to implements and machinery which belong rather to the
past than to the present. Apart from this, labour is both scarce
and inferior ; the soil is not tilled so well as it was, and crops in
all directions are in consequence much smaller in average years
than they ought to be. Wb hold, too, that English farms are too
large for the means of the occupiers, and that larger net profits
would be earned if the same capital were employed in the
cultivation of half the average area, omitting small holdings from
this estimate. The small holder, where he is capable as well as
industrious and thrifty, occupies an altogether different position.
He does not depend upon inferior or hired labour ; he is aware of
the importance of cultivating every square yard of land in his
328
LAND SETTLEMENT FOB WORKMEN.
possession, and by the help of his family he makes the most of the
many branches of industry from which he attempts to extract
profit. It is sometimes pointed out that either in a particular
instance or in specific districts small holdings are a failure. We
do not desire to dispute the fact ; but we insist that such failures
are not owing to the system but to the individuals, or to the
conditions under which they occupy land. The small holding
system is not a panacea which will convert naturally careless,
indifferent, unthrifty men, who are neither industrious nor capable,
into intelligent and prosperous farmers. In all departments of
industry it is the majority who are more or less unsuccessful, while
it is to the minority that we must look for those who succeed.
This fact is not recognised by those who view such proposals as
we have been induced to make from a hypercritical standpoint.
Let us now ask whether an extension of the system of small
-culture is desirable. In asking that question we do not confine
ourselves either to the prodiiction of animals or plants, nor, as
regards plants, to those which apply in particular to the farm, the
market garden, or the nursery. Our question really relates to the
occupation of the soil. Is it, in a word, desirable that the soil
should be more generally as well as more extensively occupied by
small cultivators? If these questions were put to half a dozen
sympathisers with the small holdings movement it is possible that
half a do^en different replies would be obtained, inasmuch as there
are many reasons why small culture should be extended. In the
first place, we believe that it satisfies the natural craving of men
for the possession or occupation of land and the breeding and
feeding of animals. There are few sane beings who do not at
some time crave for land, however small its area, or who do not
exhibit some desire for the possession of a domestic animal. Just
as the humbler occupiers of a crowded city delight in the possession
of poultry or rabbits, so do the members of the wealthy classes
enjoy the breeding and exhibition of stock of the most expensive
character, and their tastes and actions in these directions are
emulated by the successful trader, the manufacturer, and the
professional man, as their means increase and as opportunities
are afforded. As we have already suggested in previous remarks,
the occupation of land on any tangible scale involves a country
life, and contributes to the maintenance of health and vigour, as
well as to the stability and prosperity of a people. We cannot
compare the life of the miner or the factory hand, the shop
assistant or the office clerk, from the point of view of health or the
prospect of long life — to say nothing of the vitality which is
imparted to the children — with that of the worker on the land.
The farmer, breathing the pure air of heaven during sixteen hours
329-
out of the twenty-four, living upon simple fare, and constantly
using his muscles, seldom requires either the drugs of the physician
or the baths of Carlsbad for the purification of his system or the
restoration of his health. The worker who toils in the fields is
seldom affected by the commoner ills of man — impaired digestion,
cardiac weakness, or tuberculosis of the lungs. He is enabled by
the very process which his life involves to produce and maintain
healthy tissue, and he is in consequence the progenitor of more or
less robiist children. It is practically impossible, in spite of the
advances which have been made in medical science, in hygiene,
and in sanitation, to claim that our sons and daughters are
physically equal to the demands which have been made upon our
race, and the failure of the response v/hich is made upon them is
in large measure owing to the transfer of their energies from the
fields in the country to the factories and workshops of the city.
The demands of the time are for people who possess both muscles
and brains. We need many more pioneers than are forthcoming
for the material progress of our colonies, apart from which muscle
and sinew are needed in our quarries and our shipyards, in our
army and our navy, to a much larger extent than is represented
by the existing supply.
We are now in a position to reply to our question in the
following form. Rural workmen leave the country for the town —
(1) Because they are able to obtain higher wages, although not
necessarily greater purchasing power ; and
(2) Because town life is more attractive.
In order to induce them to remain on the land counter attractions
are demanded, such as —
(1) Higher wages, and ■
(2) An equivalent to the attraction of town life, such as
amusement and company.
Both, however, being next to impossible, the question arises
whether any dominating influence would succeed in inducing men
to remain in the country when all popular attractions have failed.
In answering this question let us seek for the factor which in
Continental countries restrains the peasantry who are engaged in
rural pursuits from migrating to the towns, and under which they
become the most contented, thrifty, and conservative of citizens.
That factor is the possession of land.
No other definite proposal which is possible of achievement has
been or, as we believe, can be suggested. If, therefore, this view
is correct, it is not merely the duty of the citizen who loves his
330
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
country, but of the Government which is responsible for the
maintenance of its high traditions, to adopt any legitimate course
which will provide for the possession of land by those, necessarily
capable and industrious, who desire it, and in this way to arrest
the depopulation of our rural districts.
Our advocacy of a system must not be misinterpreted. It is
the men who are adapted to succeed under that system who need
encouragement, and we should be quite content if the Grovemment
followed the plan recently adopted by the Government of Denmark.
In that country, whose agricultural growth we have watched since
we made a pioneer visit nearly twenty years ago, a law has been
passed which enables labourers to purchase holdings of from 2f
acres to lOf acres in extent and not exceeding £222 in value. The
purchaser must provide 10 per cent, of the purchase money and
pay interest on the balance for five years, when payment of the
instalments commences, and when 4 per cent, is charged until
one-half has been paid off— the interest then falling to 3^ per cent.
The men, who must be persons of known integrity and industry,
are selected by specially appointed Committees, and with their
enfranchisement it may be practically said that every farmer and
labourer in Denmark is in possession of, or may possess, land and
farm it for himself.
DENMARK.
It is important that the thinking people of this country should
learn something from authoritative figures in relation to the part
played by the small holders of land in some of the agricultural
countries of the Continent, at the head of which stands Denmark,
small in area but gi-eat in the arts of agriculture. Denmark covers
7h million acres, or four-and-a-half times less than the area of
Great Britain, but whereas we possess only 267,000 holdings of
land over one acre in extent and under twenty acres, Denmark
numbers 161,000 under one tonde hart-korn, which averages
twenty-four acres in extent, and the occupiers have been described
as the most enlightened peasantry in the world. It is probable
that the majority of the English holdings are not peasant farms at
all, for, while many are accommodation fields near the towns, a
large number are in the occupation of clergymen, country residents
of independent means, and those — a considerable class — who
combine rural life with a business or professional occupation.
There is no land question in Denmark, and it is x-emarkable that
almost the complete ownership of the land by the agricultural
classes — which was brought about by reforms dui'ing the last
century — is co-existent with the prosperity of the little nation.
The labourers, whose share may be gradually increased under the
new law, and the large proprietors, each hold one-sixth, the
331
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
remaining four-sixths belonging to the small farming class. No fewer
than 150,000 labourers own their own homes and the plots of land
attached to them, while only 35,000 labourers, although owning
houses, are without land. The peasantry are educated in a measure
altogether unknown in this country, chiefly through the medium
of the peasant High Schools, from which 10,000 young people
return annually to their native villages. Nor does the work cease
here, for lectures have been delivered by the ten thousand during
the past thirty years. It is not surprising, then, that the people
whose personal efforts can alone enable them to retain the property
they possess should have made a great advance in knowledge
during a process of fifty years' continuous educational nurture.
Within thirty years 1,140 square miles of land have been reclaimed
and are now under cultivation ; the country has been drained, thus
advancing the harvest and increasing the yield per acre ; while
horse and cattle breeding and Control Societies, of which 320 were
formed in Jutland alone in six years, number 1,000, covering the
entire country, and receiving subventions from the State. In
twenty-five years an excess of exports of meat, butter, eggs, A-c,
over imports of £1,420,000 has been increased to £7,790,000.
Most significant of all, however, are the returns showing the
number of cows kept by the small farmers, who are the backbone
of the 1,800 odd Co-operative and Loan Societies of the country.
There are 70,000 peasants who keep from one to three cows ;
52,000 who keep from four to nine ; 50,000 who keep from ten to
twenty-nine ; or 172,000 who keep less than thirty cows, whereas
the remaining cow-keeping farmers in the. country number only
7,500. In a word, the Danish cow-keepers are peasants.
HOLLAND.
Let us next look at the small farmers of Holland, some of whose
pretty properties we were privileged to inspect when acting as
Commissioner and Juror at the last International Exhibition at
Amsterdam. The cultivated land area is 5,163,000 acres, and the
number of. holdings above 2| acres in extent is 169,000. These
may be classified as follows : —
Number of Persons occupying from 2^ to 12i^ Acres 79,620
. „ „ 12^ to 50 „ 63,820
„ „ „ more than 50 „ 25,500
„ Tenants of Land (43 per cent.) 72,700
„ Owners of Land (57 per cent.) 96,300
It will be noticed that 85 per cent, of the -farmers of Holland
occupy less than fifty acres of land — sufficient to constitute the
Netherlands, a country of small, as they are prosperous, holdings.
We have seen how large is the proportion of owners, and ownership
332
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
in Holland means a great deal more than in most countries in
consequence of the greater value of the land, which, when rented,
realises from 408. to 80s. an aci'e, whereas plenty of land can be
obtained in this country at less than 10s.
BELGIUM.
We next turn to Belgium with its 5,470,000 acres, nearly
five-sixths of which are under spade and plough, and its &^ millions
of people. In this country there are 829,000 distinct holdings of
land, and of these 634,000 are under five acres in extent. In all,
too, there are 715,000 cottage occupiers, of whom 400,000 are
tenants. If we class farms of from 50 to 100 acres as large, we
have in Belgium 813,000 small holdings, of which 355,000 are
between 1^^ acres and 50 acres in area, which is a stupendous
number for so small a country. The following figures, however,
will show more clearly than words how the land is sub-divided and
how it is owned. How the ownership compares with ownership in
Britain we shall see later : —
Size of Holdings. | Occupied by
Owners.
I No.
IJ Acres and under } 109,169
l| to 5 Acres 1 27,395
5 to 10 Acres 12,089
10 to 50 Acres 10,090
50 to 100 Acres i 2,021
Over 100 Acres 903
Occupied by
Tenants.
Total
Holding^.
No.
No.
305,413
458,120
70,465
176,233
25,006
81,308
28,387
97,429
4,517
11,350
2,395
5,135
The above figures show that there are 715,000 small farmers
who occupy less than ten acres of land, and that of these 400,000
are wholly tenants, the remainder — 315,000 — being owners or part
owners. Taking the holdings or farms of all sizes, Belgian statistics
show that there are 63,000, more than half of which are the property
of the occupiers, and 162,000, less than half of which are owned by
the occupiers. Thus we have 393,000 holdings in land wholly or
partially owned by those who till them. If we may' estimate a
Belgian family to consist of five persons it follows that those
dependent upon the 813,000 small holdings— under fifty acres in
extent — omitting labourers employed upon them and their families —
number 4,000,000, or 62 per cent, of the entire population. Those
engaged on the land, however, actually number 1,204,000, and
these figures include 187,000 servants and permanent day labourers,
of whom 58,000 are women. Making every allowance for female
labour, we cannot but conclude that the land claims nearly 5,000,000,
or in round numbers 75 per cent, of the population. If we compare
333
LAND SETTLEMENT FOE WOEKMEN.
these remarkable figures with those which relate to our own
country we find that we have, according to the old census, only
201,000 farmers and only 774,000 labourers — probably many less
now — in England and Wales. Thus a country about a fifth of the
size of our own in agricultural area boasts of more small occupiers
than we number labourers. We do not lose sight of the number of
small holdings in England, but we claim that the vast majority are
occupied by persons of an entirely different social position.
Further, the holdings in Great Britain under five acres in extent
cover only 1-13 per cent, of the total area, while those under twenty
acres form only 6-25 per cent. It is, however, quite otherwise with
our large farms. In Belgium, as we have seen, holdings above
100 acres in extent number only 5,185, whereas in Great Britain
there are 100,000 such farms.
Female labour is a noteworthy feature of the Continental
system of small farming, and this is the case in parts of Scotland,
in the North of England, and in all parts of Ireland, and so long as
the labour is proportionate to the strength of the woman and the
conditions of her life it is impossible to raise any serious objection,
especially as the woman's hand is often far more successful with
stock and petite culture. She is superior to man as a milker of the
cow and a feeder of swine, in raising chickens and rearing calves,
and she can plant seeds and weed growing crops better than her
mate. At a time when the population of our large cities is being
annually increased by mothers who have been engaged in the
lighter forms of labour, but which neither conduce to the maintenance
of a robust constitution nor meet the claims of maternity, it would
be well if the shop counter, the factory, the warehouse, and the
office, with their impure and sunless atmosphere, gave place more
often to the rural home and healthy environment of the countryside.
GEEMANY.
Let us now turn our attention to Gex'many, with its 80,000,000
of cultured acres and its 5,556,000 separate holdings. The
Fatherland is essentially a home of farming in a small way, but
we may take it that, as there are no fewer than 1,852,000 holdings
under IJ acres in extent, many of these, included in the figures we
have quoted, are mere plots or parts of an acre owned or rented by-
labourei's and others for mere garden purposes. Within the past
twenty years the number of holdings rented has increased, although
the area rented has decreased, and yet the number owned by the
occupiers is no less than 2,600,000, quite apart from the large
number partly owned and partly rented. This number will be
more readily understood when the figures showing that only 16'4
per cent, of the holdings of all sizes are occupied by tenants are
334
examined. The following table gives the number of occupiers of
holdings of different areas, the total acreage for each group, and the
percentage both in number and area ; and the figures help us to
grasp the extent of the small farm system : —
Size of Holdings.
Under 5 Acres ....
6 to 12^ Acres ....
12J to 60 Acres
50 to 247 Acres
247 Acres and over
Total
Size of
Holdings.
3,235,169
1,016,239
998,701
281,734
25,057
Caltivated
Area— Acres.
4,465,000
8,116,000
24,011,000
24,375,000
19,337,000
Percentage of Total.
No. of
Holdings.
Area.
58-22
5-56
18-29
10-11
17-97
29-90
5-07
30-35
0-45
24-08
5,556,900 j 80,-304,000
100
100
It will be noticed —
(1) That nearly 60 per cent, of the holdings of land in Germany
are under five acres in extent, and that 94-48 per cent, are under
50 acres ;
(2) That small farmers cultivate 45-57 per cent., or nearly one-
half of the agricultural land ; and
(3) That although there are 281,000 farms of 50 acres to 247
acres in extent— suggesting that there is after all a very large
number of large farms — yet these farms average only 86 acres.
Practically, therefore, small farming is conducted upon 76 per
cent, of the German cultivated area. The tendency is for the large
farms to decrease both in number and area, but it must be admitted
that there is some decrease in the average area of the small farms.
We next come to the question of ownership, and here we find
that only 12|^ per cent, of the land area is occupied by tenants.
The percentage of farms of different sizes occupied by owners and
tenants exclusively is as follows : —
Size of Holdings.
Owners
Exclusively.
Tenants
Exclusively.
Under 6 Acres .
5 to 12 J^ Acres .
12J to 60 Acres
50 to 247 Acres
247 and over . . .
All Holdings.
Per cent.
81-18
43-62
53-53
74-06
61-46
30-68
Per cent.
25-68
4-84
1-97
3-54
19-91
16-43
335
LAND SETTLEMENT FOB WORKMEN.
Of the very considerable remainder the great majority are part
tenants only. It will be noticed that the legitimately small farms
are those which are in the largest degree occupied by the owners,
while the tenants are chiefly found on the very small holdings,
averaging less than 1^ acres each, and the very large holdings,
which form but 0-45 per cent, of the entire number. In Great
Britain w^e have 117,900 holdings between one acre and five acres
in extent. In Germany there are 1,382,000 holdings between
1^ acres and five acres. If our smaller area prohibits our progress
in this direction our population does not, and the evidence provided
by such cases as the allotments of the Duke of Portland, occupied
by the miners of Hucknall Torkard, is sufficient to prove that men
other than the farm labourer are glad of a plot of land. We next
compare in groups the size of the farms of Germany and Great
Britain, omitting all under five acres in extent that we may the
better get at the actual state of the case from a purely agricultural
point of view.
Size of Holdings.
Gekmany.
Great Britain.
5 to 50 Acres
No. Acres.
2 014 940 -^9 1 '^R (^'"i
No. 1 Acres.
235,481 ! 4,533,000
161 438 "^^ ft'^'^ '^^'^
50 to 500 Acres
292,982
13,809
28,191,000
15,522,000
500 Acres and over
5 to 50 Acres
5,219
3,803,000
2,321,731
75,839,000
402,138
32,211,000
Per cent.
86-8
12-6
0-6
Per cent.
42-3
37-2
20-5
Per cent.
58-6
401
1-3
Per cent.
14-1
74-1
11-8
•50 to 500 Acres
500 Acres and over
100
100
100
100
Here we see the enormous preponderance of the small holder
and the part he plays as the chief factor in the German Empire;
indeed, the total number, not of farmers, who are much fewer, but
of occupiers of land of five acres and upwards in Great Britain
is insignificant when compared with the huge number of men
engaged in petite culture, chiefly on their own land, in Germany.
Again, it will be noticed that farms of 50 to 500 acres average in
Germany less than 100 acres, whereas in Great Britain they average
nearly 150 acres in extent.
Let us now compare the question of ownership in the two
countries, retaining the same system of grouping. Here the
extent of property in land is exhibited in its fullest light as regards
Germany, just, indeed, as the great extent to which our farmers
are tenants is exhibited in regard to Great Britain.
336
LAND SETTLEMENT FOB WORKMEN.
•
Size of Holdinos.
Oerxany.
Orkat Bbitaim.
^S^^rl i Occupied
wholly or in , m ^_i„
part by Owners, ^y Tenants.
Occupied
wholly or in
part by Owners.
Occupied
by Tenants.
5 to 50 Acres
Per cent. | Per cent.
96-5 3-5
95-8 4-2
77-7 22-8
Per cent.
15-8
141
30-9
Per cent.
84-2
85-9 .
69-1
60 to 500 Acres
600 Acres and over
Clearly the German farmer owns the land, whereas the British
farmer rents it. It should be added that the figures in the first
column do not absolutely correspond with those in the group
relating to Great Britain, but they are sufficiently near for all
practical purposes.
FRANCE.
It is not possible to speak so highly of petite culture in France
as in Denmark or Holland, for, in spite of the many organisations
which exist for the promotion of the prosperity of the small farmer,
that individual is still much behind the times. Speaking as one
who has often been among the French country people, the writer,
while bearing testimony to individual cases of energy, is constrained
to admit that the vast majority still follow a system which ought
to have been forgotten ; and yet these people are thrifty and lead
simple and laborious hves. There are in France 85| million acres
of land under cultivation, comprising 5,618,000 holdings, of which
4,190,000 are owned by those who occupy them. These peasant
farms average 10-8 acres each, a fact which speaks volumes for
the wealth of rural labour. It is not surprising that agriculture
embraces considerably more than one-half of the total French
population. The figures defining the various areas occupied by
owners, metayers, and tenants are as follows : —
Occupied by
Owners.
Occupied by
Metayers.
Occupied by ^ .,
Tenants. ^°'**-
Number
4,190,795
Acres.
31,607,800
1
349,338 i 1,078,184 5,618,317
Acres. 1 Acres. Acres.
7,294,400 1 25,034,400 ' 63,936,600
1 570 400 -T -'^nQ anri ' i r i qs icv^
Arable
Pasture
9,116,000
3,723,500
813,900
Vineyards
368,000
71,600
3551700 4!447!200
293,700 1 1,179,200
Gardens
Total Area
Average Area . .
45,261,200
9,304,400
31,193,100 1 85,758,700
Per cent.
10-8
Per cent.
26-63
Per cent. ! Per cent.
28-93 15-26
337
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
The most instructive facts exhibited by these figures are : —
That the peasantry own more than half the land ;
That 75 per cent, of the holdings are owned by their occupiers ;
That in France the owner-occupier is in possession of 45^
million acres, while in this country the owner-occupier possesses
4,640,000 acres.
In France there are 4,190,000 farms occupied by owners ; in
Great Britain there are only 61,014.
In Great Britain 84-5 per cent, of our farms are occupied by
tenants ; in France tenants number only 19 per cent.
There are slightly more day labourers in France than in
England, but quite one-half of these men own and occupy land.
The French peasant-farmer is practically the national banker, and
the stable member of the population. He is simple in his habits,
and contented with his lot. His wants are few, his meals frugal,
and his sympathy extended to his little live belongings. What
would England be like if six occupiers of land out of every seven
were small holders ; if three occupiers of land out of four were also
its owners ; and with one-half the soil in the actual possession of
working farmers, chiefly peasants ? As an English delegate to the
International Congress on two occasions, I have seen splendid,
nay, princely work, conducted on large French and Swiss estates,
but never more remunerative work than upon some of the numerous
small holdings of Manche, Calvados, and Loire et Cher, Seine et
Marne, and Seine Inf^rieure, the inner working of the holding having
in many cases been shown me as the guest of a neighbour of higher
degree, or, as on one occasion, of the French Society of Dairy
Farmers whom I was invited to join in their annual tour. The
truth is that the peasant farming industry in France is prodigious,
and if it were conducted with as much skill and energy as the
Danes exercise our country would, be Hooded with French produce
to the practical destruction of our dairy farming industry.
AUSTRIA AND LUXEMBURG.
In Austria, out of an area of 75,000,000 acres in round numbers,
53,000,000 acres, or 71 per cent., are in the hands of small
proprietors, whereas only 8-7 per cent, of the land is owned by
large proprietors. It is, however, necessary to add that a small
proprietor is designated by that title only when he owns less than
500 acres and pays a direct tax of less than 100 florins. In a
monograph prepared by the Austrian delegate to the Agricultural
Congress held in Paris in 1900, which the writer attended as a
delegate from this country, details of the systems followed on
forty-seven properties were supplied, and from them ib appears
that there is a special reason why peasant holdings in Austria cover
23 ~~~
338
LAND SETTLEMETKT FOR WORKMEN.
a large area. This reason will be better explained by the following
brief examples : In Styria a farm of 173 hectares included 124
hectares of forest. In Vorarlberg a farm of 25 hectares included
11 hectares of Alpine pastures and A hectares of forest. In
Corinthia a farm of 115 hectares included 54 hectares of forest.
At the conclusion of the report the delegates add : " The conditions
of petite culture are far from flourishing, but, in spite of the
financial situation, the peasant, who is the principal supporter of
the State, remains profoundly attached to the soil he cultivates,
and lives more happily in the bosom of his family than the
members of any other class of society."
Luxemburg, next to Denmark, is giving a better account of her
agricultural position than any other country in the world. With
an area actually less than that of either of our fifteen largest
counties — only 650,000 acres — and a population only equal to that of
a leading English city, this little Duchy has raised herself by steady
but distinctly advanced work to a position of such eminence that
her methods, which are chiefly educational and Co-operative,
deserve to be better known. The land is divided amongst no less
than 80,000 separate proprietors, the average area of each farm being
about 7^ acres. In 1889 there were 76,500 persons owning less
than 25 acres each, and 2,401 owning between 25 acres and 50
acres each, so that Luxemburg is essentially a country of petite
culture. It is to the union of the peasantry that the great work
which has been accomplished is owing. Since 1883 new roads,
measuring 900 miles, have been created over one-fourth of the
entire arable land at a cost of 2^ million francs, and with the
result that fallows have disappeared, while the whole system
of cultivation has been revolutionised. Some 358 agricultural
syndicates have been established, comprising 27,000 members,
with the object of constructing roads and works of irrigation and
drainage. There are in addition associations with meeting-rooms
in 328 out of the 500 villages in Luxemburg, for the purchase
of implements, tools, stock foods, seeds, and manures. Each
association owns a store or barn in which farm implements owned
by the association are kept, and these are placed at the disposal of
the members free of cost. The farmers patronise their "club,"
with its little library and its newspapers, instead of the village inn
or cabaret. In addition to the two large organisations to which we
have referred there are in Luxemburg twenty-six societies for
mutual insurance against mortality in cattle ; fifty-four Co-operative
Dairy Societies, which provided the finest collection of butter
exhibited at the Paris Exhibition — on the authority of a friend of
the writer. Major Alvord, the U.S. Juror — and a syndicate for the
sale of fruit, which is now being cultivated in the public highways
339
LAND SETTLEMENT FOB WORKMEN.
instead of the eternal poplar. Lastly, apart from the excellent
system of education for boys, ten institutions, or "^cole m^nageres,"
have been established for the training of girls, whose future will
necessarily be closely allied with that of the small farming system
of the State ; and this in a country which is not so large as Sussex
or Kent.
EFFORTS IN ENGLAND.
Let us see what has been accomplished in this country. About
a year ago the writer visited parts of three different counties with
the object of seemg more of what is actually being accomplished
in everyday life. In the parish and neighbourhood of Willington,
in Cheshire, Mr. James Tomkinson, M.P. for Crewe, owns a
handsome property upon which are some almost ideal small
holdings. Mr. Tomkinson was good enough to introduce me to
some of his tenants, who not only permitted an inspection of their
farms but supplied answers to every question which was put to
them. It is only fair to point out that Cheshire is a county in
which small holdings are admittedly prosperous, but those at
Willington are suggestive of the ideal rural life. Opponents of the
system are prone to insist that small farms cannot succeed in this
district or in that, but those who think with the writer agree that it
would be folly to provide them for those who possess no experience,
or where the character and the condition of the soil do not lend
themselves to the work. At Willington nothing could be better.
The owner is happy to be of service to the men, and the men are
happy in their prosperity.
Let us now travel to the parish of Deeping St. James, in
Lincolnshire, where a property owned by Lord Carrington —
himself owner of 1,000 allotments and farms under twenty acres
in area — has been cut up into small holdings. This property,
with a farm sold by the same owner to the County Council — in all
650 acres in extent — has provided within four miles of Spalding
farm holdings which are let to some 200 tenants. The promoters
of the movement find the land, and an organisation known as the
"Provident Allotments Club" finds the tenants. This club consists
of men holding, or desirous to hold, land, who pay a very small
subscription. When a member applies for a farm he may be
required to show that he has a deposit in the hands of the treasurer
of at least half a year's rent before he is accepted as a tenant.
The Committee of the club are necessarily better able to appraise
the character of the applicants than either the steward or the
owner of the land, and thus they are practically a guard against
the admission of improvident men. At the last rent audit, although
the work has been going on for several years, less than £4 had been
340
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
lost by non-payment of rent. There are certain conditions which
have been recognised as essential, and to the observance of these
the success which has been achieved is largely due. The tenants
are practical men who have neither failed as agricultural labourers
nor in any other branch of industry. They have been accustomed
to commence with a small acreage, and to make that a success
before increasing it. The land is suitable both in character and
position, and the rent paid for it is no more than is paid by the
large farmers in the district. It is claimed by the secretary of the
club as within his knowledge that young men who left home would
have remained in the country if they could have obtained land.
There is, too, a large proportion of young men in the club, and
some are waiting until they have reached the necessary age in order
that they may be able to ballot for a holding. Within the past
year 175 acres have been added to the previous 475 acres in extent,
and Mr. Diggle, the steward, informs us as we write that 500 acres
are still needed to satisfy the requirements of the members, while
a credit bank has recently been established in connection with the
movement, the accumulated capital of the club providing a nucleus
for this development. With regard to the influence of land
occupation and the willingness of the men to work, it may be
remarked that while the smaller holders are able to retain their
regular employment, and while the larger holders supplement
labour on their land by job work with their own horses and carts,
the occupiers of medium-sized holdings take a good deal of piece
work from the larger farmers. As an instance of what is possible
in a small way we found that the man who drove Mr. Diggle and
the writer was himself an occupier of an acre allotment of first-class
land in another district, for which he paid a round sum of 50s., and
that he had sold his crop for £21, in spite of a more than usually
dry season.
The result of the "Carrington" experiment in Lincolnshire
induced some Norfolk gentlemen to make an experiment in the same
direction. They commenced by purchasing a farm of 133 acres
near Swaffham, and to the inspection of this property we devoted
another day. There are, in fact, thirty-three tenants each
occupying from one to fifteen acres of land, the rents, including
tithe, varying from 22s. 6d. to 27s. 6d. an acre. Here, too, there
is an Allotments Club, the avowed object of which is "that
persons desirous of obtaining land for allotments or small holdings
may assist each other by combination and organisation." The
subscription must not be less than 9d. a month, of which Id. only
is retained for working expenses. The rules of the club, like the
agreement which tenants are required to sign, are simple and
expedient. We walked over most of the little farms just after the
341
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
com crops had been harvested, and, making allowance for first
year's proceedings and the difficulties which naturally arise where
so many small tenants are making a start on their own account,
we were much gratified with the results. It was possible to learn
the history of almost all the men, and to put one's finger, as it
were, upon those who from facts explained and the work performed
are apparently certain to make their mark. The promoters of the
Swaffham movement have acquired two other small estates near
Watton and Whissonsett respectively. In the latter case the land
is already let in thirty-two lots at rents varying from £1 to 27s. 6d.
an acre.
We may practically assume that the word "home" is unknown,
in the sense in which most of us understand it, to the family of
the average working man. A property which has been the home
of a family for a long period of time exerts an influence for good
on almost every individual associated with it. How different is
the case among the working classes who to so large an extent do
not occupy even a settled residence. From this point of view,
sentimental though it may be, there is much to be said for the
system which enables the artisan or the labourer to acquire a home
for himself. Some ten or eleven years ago an organisation known
as the "Northern Allotments Society" was formed in Newcastle,
in chief part by the labours of Mr. Wakinshaw, who has been good
enough to pay the writer a visit and to give an address on the
subject to the artisans of a neighbouring town. In ten years the
members of the society, who now number some 800, have paid
£176,000 for land which is divided into twelve colonies. On this
land at the time of purchase there were 42 houses occupied by 101
people. Eighteen months ago 454 new houses had been built on
eight colonies alone, while the population was 2,386. Here we
have one of the most remarkable instances of the power of
co-operation by men who, with scarcely an exception, had nothing
to depend upon but their weekly wages. On this system of
combined effort it is thus shown to be possible for town workmen
to live on their own property some miles in the country even
though, as in this case, the cost of land was considerable.
I next take an instance of a very different character and in
another part of England. In a village a few miles from Dorchester,
Sir Eobert Edgcumb purchased 343 acres of land. Having
arranged it for occupation by small holders by making roads,
fences, and wells, he offered it for sale. Two hundred acres of this
land were of very poor quality, but the whole of this area sold
within a few days. The cost price, including the improvements
and valuations, was £18 an acre, but the land was sold at prices
varying from £7 to £25, and it is not surprising that the poor land
342
LAND SETTLEMENT FOB WORKMEN.
was sold first. Sir Robert, referring to the prevalent opinion that
poor land is dear at any price, points out that to the small man
who works for himself it represents only the difference between a
lesser and a greater return for his labour and not a difference
between profit and loss. Had there been four times as much of
this land for sale it could have been sold. In almost all cases the
purchasers elected to pay by instalments — half yearly for nine
years — the interest charged being 4^ per cent. After a few years
several of the buyers asked to be permitted to pay more quickly,
and on the expiration of 6^ years only £400 remained unpaid.
The average area of each of the twenty-seven holdings was eleven
acres. It is worthy of notice that the better land, costing about
one penny a square yard — a yard of land for a ylass of beer — and
the poor land, costing less than half a penny, has maintained
twenty-six of these families, seventeen of whom were recently
living upon it, having built their own houses. In only one case
was there a failure. This man attempted to live upon five acres,
and failing to do so he sold his interest to a better man, from whom
he now rents it and is striving to make a living upon it. Sir
Robert Edgcumb tells the writer that he has great faith in the
system, but he complains severely of the difficulties of land transfer,
for not only are there delays which are troublesome but charges
which are monstrous, a fact which we can fully endorse from
experience. The small holders have appai-ently been a great help
to each other, so much so that this particular instance affords an
example to colonies which will be established in the near future.
Several of the small buyers prospered sufficiently to pay off their
entire balance en bloc ; indeed, Sir Robert remarks that with one
exception the whole of them are a thorough success. There is
something else to be said from another point of view. The tenant
of the farm which was thus sub-divided became bankrupt. His
rent was £240 per annum, and he employed only three men
and a boy. On the basis of the rentals of small farms in the
neighbourhood the present rent of the property if let to one tenant
would not at the outside exceed £180, but divided among twenty-
seven persons it is now rated at £313. Again, the ratable value of
the rural parishes of the Union in which this property is situated
fell from £80,800 in 1881 to £78,300 in 1886, and to £68,200 in
1895. Thus, whereas the ratable value of this portion of the Union
fell some 13 per cent, in nine years, the ratable value of the farm
rose in seven years by 34 per cent., and the next valuation is
expected to show a still greater divergence.
In the adjoining county of Wilts Major Poore has been the
medium of producing similarly satisfactory results. He pui*chased
a farm of 112 acres at Winterslow, which was sold to applicants
343
LAND SETTLEMENT FOR WORKMEN.
under similarly convenient, conditions. These people have not only
paid their instalments but they have erected thirty cottages which
are the homes of thirty families, and there is further a surplus to
their credit as between the money paid for the land by Major
Poore and that paid by the men of £800. Major Poore established
another colony at Bishopstone, where we understand similar
results have been achieved, and where many applicants are still
awaiting opportunities for the acquisition of land.
When we read of these successes, and when we remember the
fact that Dr. Barnado is training lads at a cost of £16 each per
annum for an agricultural career in Canada, we are astonished that
our Government should refuse to spend a sixpence in assisting the
industrious and experienced members of the working classes, who
have borne the brunt of the agricultural battle, to acquire a few
acres of land for themselves.
In reply to the question which has been so often put that small
holdings are insufficient to provide for the maintenance of a
labourer's family, we would only point to such cases as the following :
On the poultry farm, near Ascot, which is conducted on behalf of
Mr. Walter Palmer, M.P., a net profit of £83 was realised in the past
year after paying a rent of £5, £133 for labour, and £22 for skimmed
milk. A friend of the writer, Mr. Eows, who is chairman of the
Technical Education Committee for the county of Cornwall,
realised on his experimental plot of a quarter of an acre — which we
have seen on two occasions — an average return, on the basis of
four years' cropping, of £56 for tomatoes and £17 for cabbage
taken as a second crop. If space permitted we could refer to
other instances in which humble people have realised comparatively
large incomes by the manufacture of cheese, the feeding of pigs,
the growing of lucerne, potatoes, and other green crops ; while still
smaller occupiers have realised considerable profit by the growth of
roses, tomatoes, gooseberries, and black currants.
There are two other points to which reference may be made in
connection with this system. It is possible for a small buyer of
land on the Co-operative principle by the addition of a trifling sum
for insurance to guard against difficulty and loss to his family in
case of his death. A well-known London actuary has provided the
writer with figures in relation to this particular point. Thus by the
addition of the insurance to the annual instalment of principal and
interest the land becomes absolutely the property of the relatives
of a deceased small holder without any further payment whatever
being required. Eeference has been made to Co-operation. A
colony of small holders, such as those to which we have referred,
by the complete introduction of the Co-operative system as it is in
large part carried out in Denmark, in Luxemburg, and in Ireland,
344
LAND SETTLEMENT FOB WOBKMEN.
are able to purchase almost every requirement — implements, seeds,
foods, manures, coals, and the like — on unique conditions both as
regards price and quality. If it is not so easy to sell in the same
way, the farmers of the countries mentioned have show^n us that
some products at least can be sold to the value of millions per
annum. A group of small holders can insure their cattle, as in
the case of a Cov^^ Club ; they can establish a small bank ; a
club, with its reading-room and library; like the Luxemburgers,
they can purchase special implements, such as the drill, the
manure distributor, and the roller, for common use. By mutual
agreement the horse labour can be conducted for the smaller men
by those who farm on a larger scale, and who may thus be enabled
to keep a pair of horses. Nor are these suggestions altogether
applicable to Wonderland alone. A number of gentlemen have
combined to establish colonies of small holdings on the lines
which have been indicated in this paper. The first colony, chiefly
consisting of grass land, has been secured within thirty miles of
the Metropolis. The system will receive a fair trial at the hands
of its promoters, some of whom are in Parliament, for it is regai'ded
as vital not only in the interest of a large, loyal, and deserving body
of men, but of the whole country ; land which is unoccupied, which
is derelict, or which is not employing the labour which ought to be
bestowed upon it should be brought under higher cultivation, at
once adding to the country's prosperity and security and, by
arresting the deplorable practice of migration to the towns, the
population of our agricultural districts.
We do not conceal our recognition of the fact that the majority
of our rural workmen are either unadapted to manage land with
success or that they prefer town life, nor that small holdings
themselves are only adapted to particular districts. Those who
ridicule the system in its every phase are as unsuitable guides as
those who would implant them throughout every county and enlist
every labourer in the cause if they had the power. The process
must be patient and sure to be successful, and the land and the
men alike well chosen. If this method is followed throughout a
course of years the results will be as far reaching as they will be
valuable to the nation. The man who stands with folded arms
and denounces any and every attempt to repopulate the country
and to rehabilitate agricultural labour is an unprofitable Englishman
who will die as he has lived, as ignorant of the principle he has
enforced, as of the importance of the greatest problem which
confronts modern statesmanship. That problem is the salvation of
agriculture and the physical and intellectual dominance of a people
who have beneficially influenced the moral and material welfare
of the whole human race.
345
LAND SETTLEMENT FOJK WORKMEN.
Since the foregoing was prepared the Small Holdings Association,
established on the initiative of the writer, has purchased its first
estate, near Newdigate, in Surrey. There suitable men will be
provided with small holdings, of from five to twenty-five acres in
extent, on terms of purchase by instalments which are within the
means of all who are thrifty and industrious. The Trustees are
Sir James Blyth, Bart., and Mr. J. H. Whitley, M.P. for Halifax,
and the Directors are Mr. James Tomkinson, M.P. for Crewe,
Mr. Spear, M.P. for Tavistock, Mr. S. Whitley, and Mr. James Long
(Managing Director). Other properties will be acquired as each
is colonised, and as financial support, for which the interest is
limited to 5 per cent., is forthcoming.
Explanation of the Illustkations.
Figure 1 represents the front elevation of a two-storeyed cottage,
the rooms in which can be arranged in accordance with the
requirements of the owner or occupier. There may be two living
rooms and kitchen on the ground floor, with w.c. at the back,
and either two or three bedrooms overhead, the front bedroom
occupying one-third of the depth of the house and the remaining
two bedrooms the other two-thirds, these being made by dividing
the space at command down the centre. The disadvantage in this
case is that in each room there is a waste of space under the eaves.
Figures 2 and 3 represent a modification of a smaller house,
but in this instance the two rooms may be built in the ordinary
way, the low eaves being dispensed with. The living room is
large, with plenty of window space, and both kitchen and living
room are entered from doors right and left from a central porch.
The scullery is entered from outside, while communication is
arranged between the living room, the kitchen, and the scullery
from the interior. Stairs erected in a corner of the living room
lead to the three bedrooms overhead. There are stoves back to
back in the kitchen and living room, and the same flues are utilised
for stoves in two of the bedrooms.
Figure 4 is the front elevation of a cottage, all the rooms of
which are on the ground floor. This can be made one or two
bedrooms deep at will, and in Figure 5 we have shown how four
bedrooms may be provided in such a cottage by building two
rooms deep. Stoves are provided in both living room and kitchen
and in the two bedrooms at the back of each. We may point out
that where two such cottages are built end to end, and where
three bedrooms are sufficient in each case, considerable economy
may be effected if the third bedroom in one case is the front
346
LAND SETTLEMENT FOB WOBKMEN.
right hand corner room as shown in the plan, while the third
bedroom in the other case is the back corner bedroom. In this
way the two cottages would dovetail, and occupy not only much
less ground space but cost less for labour and material.
Figure 6 represents the front elevation of one of three cottages,
the two ends of which are alike. These are of a more substantial
character than are common, and have recently been constructed
on the farm of Hall o' Coole, near Nantwich, in Cheshire, by Mr.
James Tomkinson, M.P. The ground plan is shown at Figure 7,
while the plan of the first floor with its three bedrooms is shown
at Figure 8. These cottages have been inspected by the writer,
and, with the outbuildings and the five acres of grass land which
is allotted to each occupier, it is not surprising that they meet
with the approval of the labourers who are their tenants. Figure 9
represents the outbuildings, which are attached to one cottage,
and which are erected at the back some dozen yards from the
kitchen door. It wiU be noticed that each labourer is provided
with a pig-sty and court, a cow-house large enough for two cows,
a calf-pen, a wash-house, and other necessary apartments.
Overhead is a hay-loft, so that each little holding is practically
self-contained. Figure 10 represents the end elevation, and it
shows how the hay is passed into the loft.
347
LAND SETTLEMENT
FOR
WORKMEN.
ILLUSTRATIONS
OF THE PLANS.
348
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Fig 9 Ground Plan
355
356
IN IMEiVlORIAIVl.
Mr. W. STOKEE.
After a prolonged illness Mr. William Stoker
passed away on Friday, July 4th, 1902.
Mr. Stoker belonged to what may be termed the
"Old Guard" of the Northumberland and Durham
miners, being for many years considered one of
their leaders, together with Messrs. Burt, Fenwick,
John Wilson, and others.
His connection with Co-operation dated from
the time he joined the Seaton Delaval Society in
1861, of which he was one of bhe oldest members,
and not long ago the employes of that Society
made him a presentation in token of regai'd. It
was in September, 1893, that he was elected to
the Board of Directors of the C.W. S., and to the
service of the Wholesale Society he earnestly
devoted his abilities.
He vras equally prominent in Nonconformist
circles, being Chairman of the Newcastle District
of the United Methodist Free Churches, and a
marble tablet to his memory has been placed in
the church at Seghill, Northumberland. He fre-
quently lectured and preached for that body, in
his earlier days debating with Mrs. Besant, Mr.
G. J. Holyoake, and others.
His death followed an illness of ten months, and
came in his sixty-eighth year. The funeral took
place on Sunday, July 6th, and was numerously
attended by representatives of the various bodies
with which Mr. Stoker was connected.
357
359
The C.W.S. Tea Estates.
iHE first remark to be made on the above subject is that
the letters C.W.S. are not to be read in the singular
number, as elsewhere in this "Annual," but in the
plural, since the two Wholesale Societies are concerned.
English and Scottish Co-operators joined hands in the
tea business long ago, and, now that the buying and
blending of tea no longer satisfies them, they have
joined in buying tea estates in Ceylon, where they
have begun to grow their own tea. The importance of the venture
is to be judged not so much from its present magnitude as from
its possibilities. Nowadays we know the wisdom of staking just
enough at first to enable us to pick up the laws of the game.
Some of the chief considerations that have led to the purchase
of the two estates of Nugawella and Wellaganga may be briefly
indicated. Apart from the general desire of Co-operators to produce
for themselves where possible, it has been felt that the importance
of tea in our domestic budget makes it necessary to be prepared
for a possible attack of the Trust fever on our chief sources of
supply. It is again felt that Co-operation has reached a phase of
development at which it may be as well to have other outlets for
capital than those at present available. Furthermore, we are not
too diffident to wish to study for ourselves some of the economic
problems of Colonial government.
The two deputations from the Tea Committee of the Wholesales
that have already visited India and Ceylon came home deeply
impressed by the gravity and intricacy of the labour question on
the tea plantations. In accepting the responsibility of managing
tea estates the Tea Committee are determined to study the question
for themselves, so that when the time comes they may be able to
communicate the results to the general body of Co-operators by
whom they are appointed. They do not mean to adopt ready-made
either of the extreme and opposite views of the matter so generally
held. For the present they will neither cry with the optimist that
everything is for the best in the best of all possible worlds, nor are
they prepared on the other hand to assert that the lot of the coolie
is one of hard labour and starvation imposed by a cruel Government.
A general account of the present method of tea cultivation in
Ceylon may therefore be of interest to our readers.
360
THE C.W.S. TEA ESTATES.
We do not propose to give a history of tea drinking, or of the
tea trade. Most people know that it used to come from China
alone, then India began to grow it, and that some twenty years ago
Ceylon started. It was almost by accident that it was discovered
that certain districts in Ceylon were extraordinarily suited for tea
growing. Ceylon used to be noted for coffee growing until a leaf
disease attacked the trees and almost ruined the whole of the
planters. About 1880, at the most critical period, several of them
turned their attention to tea, which had only been slightly successful
up to that time. The immediate success that rewarded them led
to the complete conversion of coffee estates into tea estates, and
since that time Ceylon has sprung by leaps and bounds into the
position of premier supplier of the English market.
The tea estates lie in a central mountairious district, ranging
from 100 to 7,000 feet above sea level. Steep hills, intersected by
narrow and irregular valleys, formerly clothed with forests, are the
staple features of the landscape. Now most of the forests are
cleared, and tea bushes are planted in thousands. Whether on the
level, as rarely, on gentle, or on steep slopes, they run in orderly
lines, so set as to catch the sun and air. Here and there a
picturesque bungalow stands in a commanding spot, whence the
Manager can survey his dominions. We look for the factory, and
find it on a good stream with power enough to drive the machinery.
Not far from the factory may be seen long rows of huts where the
labourers live.
The requirements of the tea plant in the matter of soil and
climate seem to be met in the most perfect way in these hills.
The soil, though partly formed by the trees that once covered
them, is chiefly made up of the natural rock of the district broken
down and made ready by the agency of the combined heat and
moisture of the climate. The rainfall must lie between 100 and
130 inches per annum, and the average temperature in the shade
should be between 60° and 70° Fahrenheit.
Perhaps the most surprising fact about the tea plant is that it
yields its leaves all the year round. Situated in a tropical region,
where autumn, winter, and spring have no existence, and where
perpetual summer is enjoyed, the vegetation does not go through
the annual stages familiar to us here. Therefore, the work of a
tea estate is not seasonal, but remains constant all through the
year. Plucking is always going on, as well as the factory
operations. Each plant is plucked about every ten days, that
interval being enough to produce a fresh show of leaves. The
plants are specially grown and pruned so as to yield as large a
supply of leaves as possible.
361
THE C.W.S. TEA ESTATES.
The actual process of plucking is an extremely skilled one.
'I'he quality of the tea depends entirely on the pluckers and the
supervision of them. The younger the leaf the finer the tea, but
as pluckers are human, and as they are paid according to the
weight they gather, the temptation to take more leaves from a
bush than they ought to is very great. If a very fine quality of
tea is desired the young bud and the two leaves nearest to it are
nipped off; if a larger crop, though lower in quality, is desired,
the bud and the next four leaves are taken. When a leaf is taken
the eye or bud in the axil of the leaf, that is, where the leaf joins
the twig, must be left uninjured, since the fresh growth starts
there.
From this it will be seen that not only has the greatest care to
be taken of the plants in a general way, but the pluckers must be
skilled and also must be carefully supervised. Yet many of them
are mere children. To watch the plucking casually, one might
think it the most hurried and haphazard of operations, but a
careful eye will soon learn that the speed has come of practice,
and that only the special leaves required are taken.
The daily round of work on an estate is easily followed. At
6 a.m. comes the " muster " of all hands. The Manager attends it
as well as his two right-hand men, the conductor or superintendent
of the estate and the "tea-maker," who looks after the factory.
These two are men with complete practical knowledge, the one of
tea growing and gathering, the other of tea making as far as the
factory operations go.
At the muster all the coolies attend in groups under their
canganies or taskmasters. After the count the Manager sends the
different gangs to their work, entering in a book the numbers
assigned to various tasks. Each cangany takes his gang to their
place of work, whether in the fields or the factory. Pluckers are
the most numerous, others are engaged in pruning, weeding,
draining, and the other work necessary. The pluckers carry deep
baskets hanging on their backs and supported by a cord passing
over their heads. As they gather the buds and leaves they throw
them over the shoulder into the basket. The cangany keeps a
sharp eye on all his company to see that none are shirking or
plucking coarse leaves. Each basket holds about lilbs., and is
filled two or three times in the course of the day. The leaves are
taken into the factory, where each plucker's lot is laid on a piece
of matting. At 4 p.m. the last lots are carried in, and each
plucker sits by his or her mat until the superintendent examines
it for coarse leaves and enters the weight in a book.
When the leaves have been plucked and brought into the
factory the "making of the tea" begins. The operations are few
362
THE C.W.S. TEA ESTATES.
in number and simple to describe. They are withering, rolling,
fermenting, sunning, and firing. The withering of the leaf is
merely the natural process that takes place after the leaf is torn
from the tree and the flow of sap interrupted. Knowing the
agencies that control the withering, however, we are able to hasten
the process and carry it out even in weather when nature would
postpone it somewhat. Sun, light, heat, and air are the essential
factors. "When the heat of the sun cannot be had artificial heat
will do as well. The freshly gathered leaves are spread out the
same evening they come in, usually in large airy glass-roofed
rooms if the weather is not perfectly fine, and the withering is
complete next morning. The leaves are turned over during the
night. When withered the leaves are limp and soft, and have
lost their crispness and elasticity. When crushed in the hand the
leaves no longer recover themselves on release. When withering
is complete the leaves are ready for rolling, which should be done
without delay. The object of the rolling is to break up the juice
cells in the leaves, so that when the leaves come to be fermented
the action may take place uniformly, and later on the tea may
infuse more readily and give a stronger liquor. Rolling is done
either by hand or machine. In hand rolling large handfuls of
leaves adhere together, the juice expressed being mopped up again
so as not to be lost. In the machines used for rolling the hand
action is imitated, the breaking up of the leaf cells being more
certain and rapid. The soft, mashy balls of leaves resulting from
the rolling are next allowed to stand while fermentation takes
place. When this has proceeded far enough, judged by the inside
of each ball, it is stopped by breaking up the balls and spreading
the leaves loosely and very thin on mats. The next work is to dry
the leaves, and this is best done in two stages, sunning and firing,
though in wet weather the former may have to be omitted. An
hour in the sun is usually thought sufficient, after which the leaves
are spread thinly on network trays or drawers. These are slid
into the firing or drying machine, sometimes called a " sirocco,"
where hot air is passed through and through the trays until the
leaf is quite dry and crisp. When this is done the tea is made.
All that remains is to pack it tightly while quite dry in lead-lined
boxes, a lead sheet being soldered round the top so that air, and
especially moisture, may not get at it. The quality of the tea
depends almost entirely on the judgment used in the manufacture,
and especially on stopping the fermentation at the right moment
and beginning to dry immediately after.
A tea is judged by three things, the tea, the liquor, and the
out-turn or leaves left after infusion. The tea itself should be a
good colour and uniform. The colour and taste of the liquor are
363
THE C.W.S. TEA ESTATES.
carefully considered. The colour of the out-turn is important
because it will show any burnt leaves black amidst the " new
penny " tinge of the rest.
Nowadays very few original teas are sold in this country.
When a manager of an estate has a good parcel of tea of one
make and character he marks it with a special number and sends
the whole lot to the London tea market, where it is put up to
auction. Buyers have lists furnished to them of the various lots
of tea with the quantity and trade description of each. Likely
parcels are marked, and a messenger sent round to obtain samples.
The messenger takes with him an equal amount of a similar
quality of tea which he leaves behind in exchange for the sample
he takes. The samples are next examined and tasted. The buyer
then makes up his mind as to the values of the different teas and
decides how much he will bid. He attends the auction and buys
in open market the teas he wants.
The blending, mixing, and packeting are done so as to secure
a standard and uniform tea, while in many cases special care is
taken to blend the tea so as to suit the water of the district and
the palates of the consumers.
The C.W. S. receives now regular consignments of tea from the
Nugawella and Wellaganga estates. So far the yield has been
entirely satisfactory in quality and quantity.
A visit to a tea estate is attended by one very serious drawback,
especially in damp weather or after a shower of rain. The plants
and ground are infested with small leeches, which seem able, in
spite of some care, to penetrate one's clothing and stockings.
They are about an inch and a half long, and when hungry as
slender as a lady's hat pin. When fed, that is, in fact, when
discovered on returning to the bungalow and undressing, they reach
the size of a lead pencil. Europeans are peculiarly attractive to
the little beasts, while the coolies seem to escape their attentions.
It is said that anointing oneself with cocoanut oil will keep them
off. Perhaps our readers will make a note of it in case they ever
go to Ceylon. For our own part we think the biggest fisherman's
rubber boots obtainable would be safer and pleasanter.
The life of the coolies on most of the tea estates in India and
Ceylon is one of great hardship. Hard as it is in respect of work,
wages, food, and housing, it is far better than that of the average
Indian peasant or agricultural labourer, who has to face months
of famine almost every year. Comparatively speaking, the coolies
in Ceylon enjoy a happy life secure from this care, since they have
364
THE C.W.S. TEA ESTATES.
steady work, steady wages, cheap, wholesome food, and a roof to
shelter them. But we cannot suppose that their present lot is the
best that Providence designed for them, nor that the interference
of Europeans, either as rulers or employers, has always been
disinterested. On the C.W.S. estates the welfare of the coolies
will be steadily promoted, and the experience gained therein will
be used to direct the political action of Societies at home in the
near future. We hope later on, when detailed information and
possibly photographs come to hand, to give accounts of the people
engaged on our own and other tea estates. Till then Co-operators
may rest assured that their own estates will be conducted with
every care for the native labourers.
365
Co-operative Societies in the United Kingdom.
STATISTICS SHOWING THE POSITION AND PROGRESS OF THE
CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT PROM 1862 TO 1900.
v^HESE tables have been brought up to date on the basis of
^^-^ the Annual Eeturns by Societies to the Eegistrar of
Friendly Societies, and corrected by the more recent returns
to the Co-operative Union.
The tables refer to the United Kingdom, England and Wales,
Scotland, and Ireland, and give the comparison betw^een the
figures of 1890 and those of ten years ago. We have also inseiiied
below the figures relating to profits devoted to Education.
Co-operation in the United Kingdom during 1890 and 1900.
1890.
Societies (making returns) . .No. 1,647
Members No. 1,140,573
Capital (share and loan) £15,952,784
Sales £43,731,669
Profits £ 4,275,617
Profits devoted to Education. .£ 27,587
1900.
2,174
1,886,252
36,167,081
81,020,428
8,177,822
65,699
Inckease
PER CENT.
32
65
126
85
91
137
Co-operation in England and Wales during 1890 and 1900.
1890.
Societies (making returns) ..No. 1,290
Members No. 955,393
Capital (share and loan) £13,576,574
Sales £35,367,102
Profits £ 3,393,991
Profits devoted to Education. .£ 24,919
1900.
1,656
1,547,772
29,018,685
62,923,437
6,208,116
53,684
Increase
PER CENT.
28
62
113
77
82
115
Co-operation in Scotland during 1890 and 1900.
1890.
Societies (making returns) . .No. 341
Members No. 183,387
Capital (share and loan) £2,368,947
Sales £ 9,304,321
Profits £ 933,044
Profits devoted to Education . . £ 2,891
1900.
350
313,686
6,975,160
17,200,882
1,955,274
11,984
Increase
PER CENT.
2
71
194
84
109
314
Co-operation in Ireland during 1890 and 1900.
1890.
Societies (making returns) No. 16
Members No. 1,793
Capital (share and loan) £ 7,263
Sales £64,306
Profits £ 2,607
Profits devoted to Education £
1900.
168
24,794
173,236
896,109
14,432
31
366
CO-OPEEATIVE SOCIETIES,
TABLE (1). — General Summary of Eeturns
(Compiled from Official
No.
or SOOIKTIXB
Capitai. at Ekd
OF ^" ' "
Tkar.
n
Number of
Members.
L r.jui.
Sales.
Share.
Loan. -
Net
Profit.
£
£
£
£
1862
a454
/68
332
90,341
428,376
54,499
2,333,523
166,562
1863
51
73
381
111,163
579,902
76,738
2,673,778
216,005
1864
146
110
394
6129,429
684,182
89,122
1 2,836,606
224,460
1865
101
182
403
6124,659
819,367
107,2631 3,373,847
279,226
1866
163
240
441
6144,072
1,046,310
118,023
1 4,462,676
372,307
1867
137
192
577
171,897
1,475,199
136,734
6,001,163
398,578
1868
190
93
673
211,781
1,711,648
177,706
7,122,360
424,420
1869
65
133
754
229,861
1,816,672
179,054
7,363,363
438,101
1870
67
153
748
248,108
2,035,626
197,029
8,201,685
563,435
1871
56
235
746
262,188
2,305,951
215,453
9,463,771
666,399
1872
141
113
935
330,550
2,969,573
371,541
13,012,120
936,715
1873
226
138
983
387,765
3,581,405
496,830
15,639,714
1,110,658
1874
130
232
1,031
412,733
3,905,093
587,342
1 16,374,053
1,228,038
1875
117
285
1,170
480,076
4,403,547
849,990
' 18,499,901
1,429,090
1876
82
177
1,167
508,067
5,141,390
919,772
19,921,064
1,743,980
1877
67
246
1,148
529,081
5,445,449
1,073,275
21,390,447
1,924,6.51
1878
52
121
1,185
560,993
5,647,443
1,145,717
21,402,219
1,837,660
1879
52
146
1,151
572,621
5,755,522
1,496,343
20,882,772
1,857,790
1880
69
100
l,i83
604,063
6,232,093
1,341,290
23,248,314
cl,868,599
1881
66
1,240
643,617
6,940,173
1,488,588
24,945,063
1,981,109
1882
67
115
1,288
687,158
7,591,241
1,622,431
27,541,212
2,155,898
1883
55
170
1,291
729,957
7,921,356
1,577,086
29,336,028
2,434,996
1884
78
63
1,400
797,950
8,646,188
1,830,836
30,424,101
2,723,794
1885
84
50
1,441
850,659
9,211,259
1,945,834
31,305,910
2,988,690
1886
83
65
1,486
894,488
9,747,452
2,160,090
32,730,745
3,070,111
1887
87
145
1,516
967,828
10,344,216
2,253,576
34,483,771
3,190,309
1888
100
140
1,592
1,011,258
10,946,219
2,452,887
37,793,903
3,454,974
1889
93
123
1,621
1,071,089
11,687,912
2,923,711
40,674,673
3,734,546
1890
122
159
1,647
1,140,573
12,783,629
3,169,155'
43,731,669
4,275,617
1891
117
122
1,684
1,207,511
13,847,705
3,393,394:
49,024,171
4,718,632
1892
127
24
1,791
1,284,843
14,647,707
3,773,616'
51,060,854
4,743,352
1893
106
59
1,825
1,340,318
15,318,665
3,874,954
51,803,836
4,610,667
1894
113
61
1,930
1,373,004
15,756,064
4,064,681
52,110,800
4,928,838
1895
123
113
1,966
1,430.340
16,749,826
4,581.573
55,100.249
5,389,071
1896
128
134
2,010
1,534,824
18,236,040
4,786,331
69,961,6.35
5,990,023
1897
126
165
2,065
1,627,135
19,510,007
fe9,137,077
64,956,049
6,636,861
1898
182
227
2,130
1,703,098
20,671,110
^9,914,226
68,523,969
6,989,276
1899
162
298
2,183
1,787,576
22,340,533
/il 1,026,341
73,533,686
7,529,477
1900
117
356
2,174
1,886,252
24,156,310
fel2,010,771
Totals . .
81,020,428
8,177,822
1,163,746,108
1
107,248,027
aTh
e Total
Number Registei
-ed to the end of 1862. b R
educed by 18,2
78 for 1864, 23,92'
for 1865, and
were in
eluded ii
1 the returns froi
n the Retail Societies, e %i
itimated on th
e basis of the ret
urns made to
sum to
be Inve
stments other tl
lan in Trade. /Estimated
. g Investme
Its and other As
sets. ^ Loans
367
UNITED KINGDOM.
for each
Year, from 1862 to 1900 inclusive.
Sources, and Corrected.)
Capital Invested in
Profit
Amount
Industrial
Trade
Trade
and Provident
Societies, and
I Joint-stock
Devoted
of
Year.
Expenses.
Stock.
other than
Trade.
Companies.
to
Education.
Reserve
Fund.
£
£
£
£
£
£
127,749
....
....
....
1862
167,620
....
1868
163,147
1864
181,766
....
1865
219,746
1866
255,923
583,539
d494,429
' 3,203
'32,629
1867
294,461
671,165
137,397
166,398
3,636
33,109
1868
280,116
784,847
117,686
178,367
3,814
38,630
1869
311,910
912,102
126,736
204,876
4,275
62,990
1870
346,415
1,029,446
146,004
262,594
6,097
66,631
1871
479,130
1,383,063
318,477
382,846
6,696
93,601
1872
656,540
1,627,402
370,402
449,039
7,107
102,722
1873
594,455
1,781,053
418,301
522,081
7,949
116,829
1874
686,178
2,095,675
667,825
653,454
10,879
241,930
1876
1,279,866
2,664,042
1876
1,381,961
2,648,282
1877
1,494,607
2,609,729
....
....
1878
1,537,138
2,857,214
1879
1,429,160
2,880,076
3,053,333
63,447,347
13,910
13,825
1880
L881
1,690,107
3,452,942
e4,281,264
14,778
1882
1,826,804
3,709,555
64,497,718
16,788
1883
1,936,485
3,575,836
e4,550,890
19,164
1884
2,082,539
3,729,492
€5,433,120
20,712
1885
1,800,347
4,072,765
63,858,940
19,878
1886
1,960,374
4,360,836
64,491,483
21,380
1887
2,045,391
4,556,593
65,233,859
24,245
1888
2,182,775
4,795,132
65,833,278
25,455
1889
2,361,319
5,141,750
66,958,787
27,687
1890
2,621,091
5,838,370
66,-394,867
30,087
1891
2,902,994
6,175,287
66,952,906
32,753
1892
3,181,818
6,314,715
67,089,689
32,677
1898
3,267,288
5,905,442
67,174,736
86,653
1894
8,478.036
6,333,102
67,880,602
41.491
....
1896
8,786,063
6,844,018
<7l3,929,329
46,895
....
1896
j8,074,420
7,602,211 1
9^14,278,094
60,302
....
1897
y3,218,102
7,506,686
fifl5,753,086
52,129
1898
j3,461,508
8,400,099 :
(717,203,236
56,562
....
1899
i8,814,209
9,284,663
f7l8,788,895
65,699
1900
80,921 for 1866,
being the number of " Individual ^
lembers " return
ed by the Wholes
ale Society, and
tvhich
the Central Cc
)-operative Board for 1881. d Inch
ides Joint-stock
Companies, e '.
rhe return state
s this
and other Ore
aitors. j Exclusive of Share Inter
est.
368
CO-OPEEATIVE SOCIETIES,
TABLE (2). — General Summary of Eeturns
(Compiled from Official
No.
OF SoonriBs
1
Capitai. at End
OF 7**^
Tbab.
3
2
n
.2 «
11
Number of
Members.
Share.
lioan.
Sales.
Net
Profit.
j
£
£
£
£ i
1862
a454
/68
332
90,341
428,376
54,499
2,333,523
165,562 1
1863
51
73
381
111,163
579,902
76,738
2,673,778
216,005 '
1864
146
110
394
6129,429
684,182
89,122
2,836,606
224,460 ,
1865
101
182
403
6124,659
819,367
107,263
3,373,847
279,226 ;
1866
163
240
441
6144,072
1,046,310
118,023
4,462,676
372,-307 1
1867
137
192
577
171,897
1,475,199
136,734
6,001,153
398,578 i
1868
190
93
673
211,781
1,711,643
177,706
7,122,360
424,420
1869
65
133
754
229,861
1,816,672
179,054
7,353,363
438,101
1870
67
153
748
248,108
2,035,626
197,029
8,201,685
553,435
1871
56
235
746
262,188
2,305,951
215,453
9,463,771
666,399
1872
138
104
927
339,986
2,968,758
.371,531
12,992,345
935,551 1
1873
225
135
978
387,301
3,579,962
496,740
15,628,558
1,109,795
1874
128
227
1,026
412,252
3,903,608
586,972
16,358,278
1,227,226
1875
116
283
1,163
479,284
4,798,909
844,620
18,484,382
1,427,365
1876
82
170
1,165
507,857
5,140,219
919,762
19,909,699
1,742,501
1877
66
240
1,144
528,576
5,437,959
1,078,265
21,374,013
1,922,361
1878
52
119
1,181
560,703
5,645,883
1,145,707
21,385,646
1,8.36,871 j
1879
61
146
1,145
573,084
5,747,907
1,496,148
20,365,602
1,856,808
1880
67
100
1,177
603,541
6,224,271
1,341,190
23,231,677
cl,866,839
1881
62
1,230
642,783
6,937,284
1,488,588
24,926,005
1,979,576
1882
66
113
1,276
685,981
7,581,739
1,622,258
27.509,055
2,153,699
1883
55
165
1,282
728,905
7,912,216
1,576,845
29,303,441
2,432,621
1884
76
57
1,391
896,845
8,636,960
1,830,624
30,392,112
2,722,103
1885
84
47
1,431
849,616
9,202,138
1,945,508
81,273,156
2,986,155
1886
82
62
1,474
893,153
9,738,278
2,159,746
82,684,244
8,067,486
1887
84
140
1,504
966,403
10,383,069
2,252,672
84,487,879
3,187,902
1888
100
130
1,579
1,009,773
10,935,081
2,452,158
87,742,429
3,451,577
1889
89
118
1,608
1,069,396
11,677,286
2,928,506
40,618,060
3,781,966
1890
110
151
1,631
1,138,780
12,776,788
3,168,788
43,667,363
4,273,010 t
1891
95
108
1,656
1,205,244
18,832,158
3,390,076
48,921,697
4,714,298
1892
118
14
1,753
1,282,103
14,627,570
3,766,737
50,902,681
4,739,771
1893
98
42
1,784
1,336,731
15,297,470
3,867,305
51,577,727
4,606,811
1894
101
43
1,880
1,368,944
15,782,061
4,054,172
51,846,349
4,923,027
1895
78
70
1,895
1,423,632
16,726,628
4,570,116
54,758,400
5,382,862
1896
92
87
1,908
1,525,283
18,197,828
4,766,244
59,461,852
5,983,655
1897
73
99
1,980
1,613,038
19,466,155
fe9,081,368
64,362,943
6,529,136
1898
73
98
1,955
1,682,286
20,618,822
/i9,837,103
67,869,094
6,931,704
1899
84
116
1,994
1,763,430
22,276,641
7*10,928,770
72,748,708
7,516,114
1900
63
98
2,006
1,861,458
24,088,713
All>905'132
Totals . .
80,124,319
8,163,390
1,158,670.471
107.139,623
oTl
le Total
Numbe
r Regist<
sred to the end of 1862. 6 R
educed by 18,
278 for 1864, 23,92
7 for 1865, and
were ii
icluded
in tbc re
sturns fr
om the Retail Societies, c
Estimated on 1
he basis of the re
turns made to
gum to
be Inve
stments
other th
Bin in Trade. /Estimated.
g Investmei
its and other As:
lets, h Loans
369
GEEAT
BEITAIN.
for each
Year, from
1862 to 1900 inclusive.
Sources, and Corrected.]
Trade
Trade
Capitai, Invested in
Profit A
Devoted
mount
of
Yeak.
Industrial
and Provident
Societies, and
Joint-stock
Expenses.
Stock.
other than
Trade.
Companies.
to R
Education. I
B serve
^und.
£
£
£
£
£
£
127,749
1862
167,620
1863
163,147
1864
181,766
1865
219,746
1866
255,923
583,539
^494,429
" 3,203
32,629
1867
294,451
671,165
137,397
166,398
3,686
33,109
1868
•280,116
784,847
117,686
178,367
3,814
38,630
1869
311,910
912,102
126,736
204,876
4,275
52,990
1870
346,415
1,029,446
145,004
262,594
6,097
66,631
1871
477,846
1,383,063
318,477
382,846
6,696
93,601
1872
555,766
1,627,402
370,402
449,039
7,107 1
02,722
1873
593,548
1,781,053
418,301
522,081
7,949 1
16,829
1874
685,118
2,094,325
667,825
553,454
10,879 2
41,930
1875
1,279,392
2,664,042
....
1876
1,381,285
2,647,309
....
1877
1,493,842
2,609,729
....
1878
1,536,282
2,857,214
1879
1,428,303
2,878,832
3,051,665
e3,429,935
17,407
13,910
13,822
1880
1881
1,689,823
3,450,481
64,281,243
14,778
1882
1,818,880
3,706,978
e4,490,477
16,788
1883
1,933,297
3,572,226
e4,543,388
19,154
1884
2,080,427
3,726,756
e5,425,319
20,712
1885
1,797,696
4,068,831
63,858,451
19,878
1886
1,957,873
4,354,857
e4,490,674
21,380
1887
2,041,566
4,550,743
65,233,349
....
24,238
1888
2,178,961
4,789,170
65,832,435
25,455
1889
2,357,647
5,136,580
66,958,131
27,587
1890
2,617,200
5,832,573
66,390,827
30,087
1891
2,897,117
6,168,947
66,946,321
. . . •
32,763
1892
3,174,460
6,309,624
67,076,071
32,677
1893
3,256,156
5,898,804
67,169,710
....
36,653
1894
3,465,905
6,323,781
67,876,837
• • . •
41,491
1895
3,767,651
6,828,943
grl3,895,043
• • • •
46,895
1896
i3,061,934
7,582,623
grl4,246,571
50,299
1897
y3,201,894
7,490,945
^15,699,161
52,118
1898
i3,443,627
8,380,722
5rl7,136,035
56,528
1899
i3,791,397
9,264,705
^18,714,549
65,668
1900
30,921 for 186fi
being the numb
3r of "Individual I
klembers" return
ed by the Wholesale 8c
ciety, and
which
the Central C
o-operative Boa
d for 1881. dlncl
udes Joint-stocli
L Companies, e The r«
stum state
s this
and other Cre
ditors. j Exclu
3ive of Share Inte
rest.
25
370
CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETIES, ■
TABLE (3). — General Summary of
Returns
(Compiled from Official
No.
or SOOIBTISB
Capitai, at End
.S .
M
vr X
""-^
Ykar.
go
li
teti
II
Number of
Members.
Share.
Loan.
Sales.
Net
Profit.
1^
£
£
£
£
1862
454
68
332
90,341
428,376
54,499
2,333,523
166,562
1863
51
73
381
111,163
579,902
76,738
2,673,778
216,006
1864
146
110
394
129,429
684,182
89,122
2,836,606
224,460
1865
101
182
403
124,669
819,367
107,263
3,373,847
279,226
1866
163
240
441
144,072
1,046,310
118,023
4.462,676
372,307
1867
137
192
577
171,897
1,475,199
136,734
6,001,163
398,578
1868
190
93
673
211,781
1,711,643
177,706
7,122,360
424,420
1869
65
133
754
229,861
1,816,672
179,054
7,363,363
438,101
1870
67
163
748
248.108
26^188
2,036,626
197,029
8,201,685
653,435
1871
56
235
746
2,305,951
216,463
9,463,771
666,399
1872
113
66
749
301,167
2,786,965
344,509
11,397,225
809,237
1878
186
69
790
340,930
3,344,104
431,808
13,661,127
959,493
1874
113
177
810
367,821
3,653,582
498,052
14,296,762
1,072,139
1876
98
237
926
420,024
4,470,867
742,073
16,206,570
1,250,570
1876
72
113
937
444,547
4,826,642
774,809
17,619,247
1,641,384
1877
58
186
896
461,666
6,092,968
916,956
18,697,788
1,680,370
1878
48
65
963
490,584
6,264,866
965,499
18,719,081
1,583,925
1879
40
106
937
604,117
6,374,179
1,324,970
17,816,037
1,598,166
1880
53
62
963
626,686
6,806,545
1,124,795
20,129,217
1,600,000
1881
50
971
552,353
6,431,653
1,205,145
21,276,850
1,657,564
1882
51
82
1,012
593,262
7,058,026
1,293,695
; 23,607,809
1,814,376
1883
42
168
990
622,871
7,281,448
1,203,764
; 24,776,980
2,036.826
1884
64
48
1,079
672,780
7,879,686
1,369,007
25,600,250
2,237,210
1885
73
47
1,114
717,019
8,364,367
1,408,941
1 25,868,065
2,419,615
1886
67
61
1,141
751,117
8,793,068
1,551,989
! 26,747,174
2,476,651
1887
73
139
1,170
813,537
9,269,422
1,598,420
1 28,221,988
2,542,884
1888
94
125
1,244
860,020
9,793,862
1,743,890
30,350,048
2,706,131
1889
81
112
1,268
897,841
10,424,169
2,098,100
33,016,341
2,981,543
1890
103
149
1,290
955,393
11,380,210
2,196,364
35,367,102
3,393,991
1891
88
108
1,313
1,008,448
12,263,427
2,260,686
39,617,376
3,781,264
1892
106
12
1,404
1,073,739
12,848,024
2,487,499
40,827,931
3,701,402
1 1893
92
40
1,432
1,119,210
13,400,837
2,463,723
41,483,346
3,692,856
i 1894
96
41
1,525
1,139,635
13,668,938
2,520,779
41,731,223
3,841,723
1895
68
69
1,530
1,191,766
14,611,314
2,803,917
44,003,888
4,194,876
1896
88
84
1,554
1,264,763
16,620,803
2,952,740
47,331,384
4,569,782
1897
68
98
1,578
1,836,985
16,654,107
a6,569,493
50,693,526
4,989,589
1898
71
96
1,606
1,399,819
17,659,826
a6,990,007
63,256,726
5,333,221
1899
75
108
1,645
1,467,168
18,999,477
a7,860,618
57,134,086
5,742,623
1900
64
91
1,666
1,647,772
20,514,300
a8,504,386
Totals . .
62,923,437
0,208,116
£966,180,345
£86,115,899
a Loans and other Creditors.
371
ENGLAND AND WALES.
for each Year, from 1862 to 1000 inclusive.
Sources, and Corrected.)
Trade
Capital Invested, in
Profit Amount
Devoted of
Year.
Trade
Industrial
and Provident
Societies, and
Joint-stock
Expenses.
Stock.
other than
Trade.
Companies.
to Reserve
Education. Fund.
£
£
£
£
£
£
127,749
1862
167,620
1863
163,147
....
1864
181,766
1865
219,746
1866
. 255,923
583,539
494,429
* 3,203
32,629
1867
294,451
671,165
137,397
166,398
3,636
33,109
1868
280,116
784,847
117,586
178,-367
3,814
38,630
1869
311,910
912,102
126,736
204,876
4,275
52,990
1870
346,415
1,029,446
145,004
262,594
5,097
56,681
1871
419,567
1,219,092
300,712
380,048
6,461
79,292
1872
488,464
1,4.39,187
837,811
443,724
6,864
33,149
1873
517,445
1,572,264
386,640
510,057
7,486
98,732
1874
598,080
1,852,437
636,400
538,140
10,454 220,011
1875
1,137,053
2,377,380
1876
1,222,664
2,310,041
1877
1,315,364
2,286,795
1878
1,353,832
2,486,704
1879
1,285,875
2,512,039
2,585,443
t3,226,370
13,262 '.
13,314
1880
1881
1,499,633
2,969,957
t3,919,455
14,070
1882
1,606,424
3,160,569
14,113,995
15,903
1883
1,684,070
2,932,817
t4,118,751
18,062
1884
1,825,717
3,044,534
t4,811,819
19,374
1885
1,525,194
3,323,450
13,475,319
18,440
1886
1,670,290
3,512,626
t4,112,807
19,707
1887
1,743,838
3,687,394
t4,868,141
22,391
1888
1,849,811
3,856,498
t5,386,444
23,388
1889
1,996,438
4,121,400
t6,407,701
24,919
1890
2,207,143
4,691,801
15,749,811
27,196
1891
2,420,270
4,947,231
t6,154,426
29,105
1892
2,645,989
5,032,628
t6,234,093
29,151
1893
2,687,.388
4,763,953
16,054,847
32,503
1894
2,881,742
5,108,794
t6,625,724
36,483
1895
3,097,516
5,535,227
: 11,303,924
40,269
1896
2,469,953
6,068,803
Ul,670,057
••■ '
42,791
1897
2,549,753
6,017,205 1
:i2,816,168
44,495
1898
2,733,022
6,714,611
: 13,998,278
. . .
48,214
1899
2,992,995
7,393,378
115,151,574
53,684
1
1900
!) Exclusive of
Share Interest.
t Investments o
ther than in Tr
ide. I Investments a
nd other j
\.ssets.
372
CO-OPEKATIVE
TABLE (4). — General Summary of Eetubns
(Compiled from Official
Ybab.
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
NiTHBER OF Societies
25
39
15
18
10
8
4
11
14
12
15
13
12
11
15
11
5
8
7
7
12
6
5
10
4
5
2
9
9
38
66
50
46
57
54
54
•40
38
9
31
7
9
1
1
5
6
2
.2
2
2
1
3
1
2
tun CO
•Sg
178
188
216
237
228
248
218
208
224
259
264
292
312
317
333
334
335
340
341
343
349
362
355
365
354
357
349
3*9
350
Number
of
Members.
38,829
46,371
54,431
59,260
63,310
66,910
70,119
68,967
76,855
90,430
92,719
106,034
124,065
132,597
142,036
152,866
159,753
171,555
183,387
196,796
208,364
217,521
229,409
231,866
260.520
276,053
282,467
296,272
313,686
Capital at End of Teas.
Share.
£
181,793
235,858
250,026
323,052
314,577
345,001
381,028
373,728
417,726
505,731
523,714
630,768
757,274
837,771
945,210
1,063,647
1,141,179
1,253,117
1,396,523
1,578,731
1,779,546
1,896,633
2,063,123
2.215,309
2,577.025
2,812,048
2,958,996
3,277,164
3,574,413
* Not stated, but estimated at about 40. a Loans and other Creditors.
373
SOCIETIES, SCOTLAND.
for each
Year, from 1872 to 1900 inclusive.
Sources, aud Corrected.)
Net
Proat.
Trade
Expenses.
Trade
Stock.
Capitai, Invested in
s
n .
I.§
II
1
Yeak.
Sales.
Industrial
and
Provident
Societies,
and other
than Trade.
Joint-
stock
Com-
panies.
£
£
£
£
£
£
£
£
1,595,120
126,814
58,279
163,971
17,766
2,803
285
14,809
1872
1,972,426
150,302
67,302
188,266
82,591
5,315
248
19,573
1873
2,062,516
155,087
76,103
208,789
31,661
12,024
463
18,097
1874
2,277,812
176,795
87,038
241,888
31,425
15,314
426
21,919
1876
2,290,452
201,117
142,389
286,662
• .
1876
2,676,225
241,991
158,621
337,268
..
..
1877
2,666,565
252,446
178,478
822,934
..
..
1878
2,549,565
258,152
182,450
870,610
..
**
1879
8,102,460
266,839
142,428
366,793
203,565
17,407
648
1880
3,649,155
322,012
466,222
508
1881
8,901,246
839,824
190,190
480,624
1361,788
..
708
••
1882
4,526,461
395,795
212,456
546,409
t376,482
886
1883
4,791,862
484,893
249,227
639,409
t424,637
1,092
1884
5,415,091
566,540
254,710
682,222
1613,500
..
1,888
1885
5,937,070
590,785
272,502
745,381
t883,132
..
1,438
1886
6,215,891
645,018
287,583
842,231
t377,867
1,678
..
1887
7,392,.381
685,446
297,728
863,349
1865,208
1,847
1888
7,601,719
750,423
329,150
932,672
t445,991
2,067
1889
8,300,261
879,019
361,209
1,015,180
t560,430
2,668
1890
9,304,321
10,074,750
10,094,381
10,115,126
10,754,512
12,1.30,468
13,669,417
14,612,369
15,609,622
17,200,882
933,044
1,038,369
1,013,955
1,081,304
1,187,986
1,41.3,873
1,539,547
1,598,483
1,773,591
1,955,274
410,057
476,847
528,471
568,768
584,163
670,136
6591,981
66.52,141
6710,605
6798,402
1,140,772
1,221,716
1,277,001
1,134,851
1,214,987
1,293,716
1,513,820
1,473,740
1,666,111
1,871,327
t641,016
t791,895
t841,978
tl,114,868
tl,251,068
+2,591,119
+ 2,576,514
+2,882,993
+3,187,757
+3,562,976
••
2,891
3,648
3,526
4,060
5,058
6,626
7,508
7,623
8,314
11,984
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
02,490,126
21,023,724
b Exclusive c
f Share Inter
est. t Invest
ments other t
lan in Trade.
t Investments anc
I other A
LSsets.
374
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375
SALES OF CIVIL SERVICE SUPPLY STOEES.
1871
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
Civil Service
Supply.
£
625,805
712,399
819,428
896,094
925,332
983,545
946,780
1,384,042
1,474,923
1,420,619
1,488,507
1,603,670
1,682,655
1,691,455
1,758,648
1,743,306
1,732,483
1,763,814
1,775,500
1,789,397
1,817,779
1,749,384
1,675,848
1,663,970
1,670,849
1,707,780
1,694,710
1,672,520
1,741,769
1,769,655
1,756,199
Civil Service
(Haymarket).
514,899
520,155
497,660
329,805
481,560
468,992
465,096
469,456
473,817
481,120
481,352
475,066
471,133
448,171
439,283
442,942
448.129
437,638
424,588
420,471
423,610
414,146
New
Civil Service.
139,367
149,478
148,975
150,948
150,383
155,000
158,028
158,317
164,160
178,761
168,582
158,313
154,541
149,185
143,289
138,836
127,392
118,262
109,297
98,174
Above we give the Sales of the Civil Service Supply Stores as distinct from the ordinary
distributive societies appearing in the previous tables.
376
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377
CUSTOMS TAEIFF OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Articles subject to Import a7id Export Duties in tlie United
Kingdom, aiid the Rate of Duty levied upon each Article,
distinguishing the Duties levied as ordinary Import Duties and
those levied to countervail Excise and other Inland Revenue Duties
7ipon British Productions, according to the Tariff in operation at
1st August, 1902.
Articles.
Rates
of Duty.
EXPOKT DUTY.
COAIi
ORDINARY IMPORT DUTIES.
Cocoa :
Raw
Husks and Shells
Cocoa or Chocolate, ground, prepared, or in any way
manufactured
(For additional duty, if Spirit has been used in the
manufacture, see page 379.)
Cocoa Butter
Coffee :
Raw
Kiln-dried, roasted, or ground
Chicory:
Raw or kiln-dried
Roasted or ground
Chicory (or other vegetable substances) and Coffee
roasted and ground, mixed
Corn and Grain :
Wheat, Barley, Oats, Rye, Buckwheat, Peas and Beans
(not fresh). Lentils, Rice (other than whole and cleaned)
Maize
Offals of the above mentioned articles
Flour, meal or milled products of above mentioned
articles (other than offals) except Maize
Maize Meal or milled products of INIaize, other than Offals
Starch, Arrowroot, Cassava Powder and Tapioca, Potato
Flour, Sago, Malt, Pearled Barley and Rice (whole
and cleaned)
Fruit — Dried : —
Currants
Figs, Fig Cake, Plums preserved. Prunes, and Raisins . .
Molasses :
Containing 70 per cent, or more of sweetening matter
Containing less than 70 per cent., and more than 50 per
cent, of sweetening matter
Containing not more than 50 per cent, of sweetening
matter
Sugar : '
Tested by the polariscope, of a polarisation exceeding
98°
per ton.
per lb.
per cwt.
per lb.
per cwt.
per lb.
per cwt.
per lb.
per cwt.
£ s. d.
0 10
0 0 1
0 2 0
0 0 2
0 0 1
0 14 0
0 0 2
0 13 3
0 0 2
0 0 2
0 0 3
0 0 1^
0 0 li
0 0 5
0 0 2^
0 0 5
0
2
0
0
7
.0
0
2
9
0
2
0
0
1
0
0 4 2
378
CUSTOMS TABIFF OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Articles.
Sugar :
Of a polarisation not exceeding 76°
Intermediate rates of duty are levied on Sugar of a
polarisation not exceeding 98°, but exceeding 76°.
Tea
Tobacco — Unmanufactured : —
Containing lOlbs. or mOre of moisture in every lOOlbs.
weigbt thereof
Containing less than lOlbs. of moisture in every lOOlbs.
weight thereof
Tobacco — Manufactured : —
Cigars
Cavendish or Negro-head
Snuff containing more than 131bs. of moisture in every
lOOlbs. weight thereof
Snuff not containing more than 131bs. of moisture in
every lOOlbs. weight thereof
Other Manufactured Tobacco, and Cavendish or Negro-
head Manufactured in Bond from Unmanufactured
Tobacco
Wine : —
Not exceeding 30° of Proof Spirit
Exceeding 30° but not exceeding 42° of Proof Spirit. .
Every degree or part of a degree beyond the highest
above charged, an additional duty of
Degree not to include fractions of the next higher degree.
Wine includes Lees of Wine.
Additional duty on Sparkling Wine imported in Bottle
Still
per cwt.
per lb.
per lb.
Import Duties to countervail Excise Duty upon British
Beer, Glucose, and Saccharin.
Beer called Mum, Spruce, or Black Beer, and Berlin
White Beer and other preparations, whether fermented
or not fermented, of a character similar to Mum,
Spruce, or Black Beer, the worts of which were,
before fermentation, of a specific gravity —
. Not exceeding 1,215° ]
Exceeding 1,215"
Beer of any other description, the worts of which were,
before fermentation, of a specific gravity of 1,055°. . . .
And so on in proportion for any difference in gravity.
per gallon.!
per every)
36 galls, j
Rates
of Duty.
0 0 6
0
3
0
0
3
4
0
5
6
0
4
4
0 3 7
0 4 4
0 3 10
0 0 3
1 12 0
1 17 6
0 8 0
Glucose :
Solid ...per cwt. 0 3 3
Liquid j „ | 0 2 6
Saccharin (including substances of a like nature or use) . . | per oz. j 0 1 3
379
CUSTOMS TARIFF OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Abticles.
Import Duties to countervail Excise Duty upon
British Spirits.
Spirits and Strong Waters :
For every gallon, computed at hydrometer proof,
of Spirits of any description (except Perfumed
Spirits), including Naphtha or Methylic Alcohol,
purified so as to be potable, and mixtures and
preparations containing Spirits
Additional on Spirits imported in bottle, enumerated |
and tested, and Sweetened Spirits imported in I
bottle, unenumerated and tested )
Sweetened, tested for strength, additional to the Spirit
Duty, in respect of the Sugar used therein
Additional Imitation Rum, Geneva and unenumerated
Spirits sweetened and not sweetened, tested
Liqueurs, Cordials, or other preparations containing "j
Spirits, in Bottle, entered in such a manner as to [
indicate that the strength is not to be tested )
Perfumed Spirits
Additional if imported in bottle
Spirits, Methylated, in Bond \
Chloroform
Chloral Hydrate
Cocoa or Chocolate, in the manufacture of which Spirit
has been used, in addition to any other duty to which
such Cocoa or Chocolate is at present liable
Collodion
per
proof y
gallon. J
per
gallon.
per proof )
gallon. J
per lb.
per gallon.
Confectionery, in the manufacture of which Spirit has
been used, in addition to any other duty to which such;
Confectionery is at present liable per lb.
Ether, Acetic | „
„ Butyric per gallon.
„ Sulphuric ,,
Ethyl, Bromide ■ per lb.
„ Chloride per gallon.
„ Iodide of „
Methylic Alcohol f purified so as to be potable — see
Naphtha „ ( Spirits and Strong Waters.
Soap, Transparent, in the manufacture of which Spirit
has been used
per lb.
Rates
of Duty.
£ s. d.
0 11 4
0 10
0 0 2
0 0 1
0 16 4
0 18 1
0 10
0 0 4
0 3 3
0 14
0 0 OJ*
16 3
0 0 Oh*
0 1 11
0 16 5
17 5
0 1
0 16
0 14
0 0 3
Playing Cards (Import Duty to countervail Stamp Duty), doz. packs.j 0 3 9
*Or such additional spirit duty rate as analysis may show to be necessary.
Note as to Abticles charged with Import Duties: — In this Return, sub-divisions of
Articles of a similar nature, and subject to the same rate of duty, are classed under one head.
380
INCOME TAX RATES
From its First Imposition in 1842 to the Present Time.
From and to
April 5th.
Income
free
under.
On £100
to
£150.
On £100
and
upw'ds.
Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
Premier.
184-2 to 1846. .
£
150
Rate in the £.
Henry Goulburn.
Sir Robert Peel.
_
7d.
1846 „ 1852..
Do.
—
7d.
Sir Charles Wood.
Lord John Russell.
1852 „ 1853..
Do.
7d.
Br-njamin Disraeli.
Earl of Derby.
1853 „ 1854..
100
6d.
7d.
William E. Gladstone.
Earl of Aberdeen.
1854 „ 1855..
Do.
lOd.
Is. 2d.
Do.
Do.
ia55 „ 1857..
Do.
llAd.
Is. 4d.
Sir G. Cornewell Lewis.
Viscount Palmerston.
1857 „ 1858..
Do.
5d.
7d.
Do.
Do.
1858 „ 1859..
Do.
5d.
.5d.
Do.
Do.
1859 „ I860..
Do.
«■
9d.
Benjamin Disraeli.
Earl of Derby.
1860 „ 1861..
Do.
lOd.
William E. Gladstone.
Viscount Palmerston.
1861 „ 1863..
*100
6d.
9d.
Do.
Do.
1863 „ 1864..
Do.
7d.
Do.
Do.
1864 „ 1865..
Do.
6d.
Do.
Do.
1865 „ 1866..
Do.
4d.
Do.
Do.
1866 „ 1867..
Do.
4d.
Do.
Ear Russell.
1867 „ 1868..
Do.
5d.
Benjamin Disraeli.
Earl of Derby.
1868 „ 1869..
Do.
6d.
George Ward Hunt.
Benjamin Disraeli.
1869 „ 1870..
Do.
5d.
Robert Lowe.
William E. Gladstone.
1870 „ 1871..
Do.
4d.
Do.
Do.
1871 „ 1872..
Do.
6d.
Do.
Do.
1872 „ 1873..
Do.
4d.
Do.
Do.
1873 „ 1874..
Do.
3d.
Do.
Do.
1874 „ 1876..
Do.
2d.
Sir Stafford Northcote.
Benjamin Disraeli.
1876 „ 1878..
H50
3d.
Do.
Earl of BeaconsHeld.
1878 „ 1880..
Do.
. 5d.
Do.
Do.
1880 „ 1881..
Do,
6d.
William E. Gladstone.
WiUiam E. Gladstone.
1881 „ 1882..
Do.
5d.
Do.
Do.
1882 „ 1883..
Do.
6Jd.
Do.
Do.
1883 „ 1884..
Do.
5d.
Hugh C. E. Childers.
Do.
1884 „ 18S5..
Do.
6d.
Do.
Do.
1885 „ 1886..
Do.
8d.
Sir M. Hicks-Beach.
Marquis of Salisbury.
1886 „ ) isfi7
1886 „)" ^**"--
(Do.
8d.
Sir William Harcourt.
William E. Gladstone.
lUo.
8d,
Lord Rand. Churchill.
Marquis of Salisbury.
1887 „ 1888..
Do.
7d.
G. J. Goschen.
Do.
1888 „ 1892..
Do.
6d.
Do.
1)0.
1892 „ 1893 .
Do.
6d.
Sir W. Harcourt.
William E. Gladstone.
1893 „ 1894..
Do.
7d.
Do.
Do.
1894 „ 18W5..
:i6o
8d.
Do.
Earl Rosebery.
18S5 „ 1898..
Do.
8d.
Sir M. Hicks-Beach.
Marquis of Salisbury.
1898 „ 1900..
§IJo.
8d.
Do.
Do.
1900 „ 1901..
SDo.
Is.
Do.
Do.
1901 „ 1902..
§Do. •
Is. 2d.
Do.
Do.
1002 „! g^
1902 „i ^•'^••
f§Do.
1 mo.
Is. 3d.
Do.
Do.
Is. 3d.
C. T. Ritchie.
A. J. Balfour.
* Differential rate upon scale of it
comes abolished. Incomes under £100 are exempt ;
and incomes of jEIOO and under £199 p
Br annum have an abatement from the assessment of
£60:— thus, £100 pays on £10; £160 upoi
1 £100; £199 upon £139; but £200 pays on £200.
+ Under £150 exempt; if under £4C
K) the tax is not chargeable upon the first £120.
1 Under £160 exempt; if under .
£400 the tax is not chargeable upou the first £160;
above £400 and up to £500, an abateme
nt of £100.
§ Exemption may be claimed whe
n the income from all sources does not exceed £160
per annum. Abatement of duty on £16C
may be cl limed when the income exceeds £160, but
does not exceed £400; on £150 when the
' income exceeds £400, but does not exceed £500; on
£120 when the income exceeds i'oOO, bii
t does not exceed £600 ; and on £70 when the income
exceeds £600, but does not exceed £700.
i
381
382
o
i
1
1
c3
6
1-9
09
s.
1
1
[ Average
for the
i year.
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383
DEALINGS WITH LAND.
SCALE OF LAW COSTS ON THE SALE, PURCHASE, OB MORTGAGE OP
REAL PROPERTY, HOUSES, OR LAND.
For the
1st ^1,000.
For the 4th For each
I For the I and each subsequent
2nd and 3rd subsequent i;l,000
i £1,000. £1,000 up to up to
£10,000. £100,000.*
Per £100.
£ s. d.
Vendor's solicitor for negotiating a sale
of property by private contract i 1 0 0
Do., do., for conducting a sale of pro-[
perty by public auction, including thei
conditions of sale —
When the property is soldf ■ . •
When the property is not sold,
then on the reserve pricef . .
10 0
0 10 0
Do., do., for deducing title to freehold,
copyhold, or leasehold property, and
perusing and completing conveyance!
(including preparation of contract orl
conditions of sale, if any) I 1 10 0
Purchaser' s solicitor for negotiating a pur- 1
chase of property by private contract..! 10 0
Do., do., for investigating title to free-
hold, copyhold, or leasehold property,
and preparing and completing con-
veyance (including perusal and com-
pletion of contract, if any) , 1 10 0
Mortgagor's solicitor for deducing title toi
f reehold, copyhold, or leasehold property,!'
perusing mortgage, and completing | 1 10 0
Mortgagee's solicitor for negotiating loan 10 0
Do., do., for investigating title to freehold,
copyhold, or leasehold property, andj
preparing and completing mortgage . . [ 1 10 0
Per £100. Per £100. Per £100.
£ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d.
100 0 10 0 050
0 10 0 050 026
I I
050 026|oi3
100 0 10 0050
10 0
10 0
0 10 0 i 0 5 0
0 10 0 0 5 0
1000 10 0 050
100050 026
1000 10 0 050
Vendor's or mortgagor's solicitor for procuring execution and acknowledg-
ment of deed by a married woman, £2. 10s. extra.
Where the prescribed remuneration would amount to less than £5 the
prescribed remuneration is £5, except on transactions under £100, in which
case the remuneration of the solicitor for the vendor, purchaser, mortgagor,
or mortgagee is £3.
* Every transaction exceeding £100,000 to be charged for as if it were for £100,000.
+ A minimum charge of £5 to be made whether a sale is effected or not.
384
DEALINGS WITH LAND.
Scale of Law Costs as to Leases, or Agreements for Leases, at Back Rent {other
than a Mining Lease, or a Lease for Building Purposes, or Agreement for
the same).
lessor's solicitor for preparing, settling, and completing
lease and counterpart.
Where the rent does not exceed £100, £7. 10s. per cent, on the rental, but
not less in any case than £5.
Where the rent exceeds £100, and does not exceed £500, £7. 10s. in respect
of the first £100 of rent, and £2. 10s. in respect of each subsequent £100 of rent.
Where the rent exceeds £500, £7. 10s. in respect of the first £100 of rent,
£2. 10s. in respect of each £100 of rent up to £500, and £1 in respect of every
subsequent £100.
Lessee's solicitor for perusing draft and completing — one-half of the amount
payable to the lessor's solicitor.
Scale of Lato Costs' as to Conveyances in Fee, or for any other Freehold Estate
reserving rent, or Building Leases reserving rent, or otlier Long Leases not at
Rack Rent (except Mining Leases), or Agreements for the same respectively.
vendor's or lessor's SOLICITOR FOR PREPARING, SETTLING, AND COM-
PLETING CONVEYANCE AND DUPLICATE, OR LEASE AND COUNTERPART.
Amount of Annual Rent.
Amount of Remuneration.
Where it does not exceed £5 . . | £5.
Where it exceeds £5, and does The same payment as on a rent of £5, and also
not exceed £50 20 per cent, on the excess beyond £5.
Where it exceeds £50, but does The same payment as on a rent of £50, and
not exceed £160 10 per cent, on the excess beyond £50.
Where it exceeds £150 The same payment as on a rent of £150, and
I 5 per cent, on the excess beyond £150.
Where a varying rent is payable the amount of annual rent is to mean the
largest amount of annual rent.
Purchaser's or lessee's solicitor for perusing draft and completing — one-
half of the amoimt payable to the vendor's or lessor's solicitor.
386
0
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386
THE DEATH DUTIES
ESTATE DUTY.
This duty, which in the case of persons dying after the 1st August, 1894, takes
the place of the old Probate Account and Estate Duties, is now regulated by
the Finance Acts,. 1894, 1896, 1898, and 1900.
It is payable on the principal value of all property (save in a few exceptional
cases), whether real or personal, settled or not settled, which passes on death.
The rates of duty (which in case of real estate may be paid by instalments)
are as follow : —
Pbincipai. Net Value of Estate.
Rate
Peb Cent.
)ove £100, but not above dE500
500
1,000
1,000
10,000
10,000
25,000
25,000
50,000
50,000 • ,
75,000
75,000
100,000
100,000
150,000
150,000
250,000
250,000
500,000
500,000
, 1,000,000
„ 1,000,000
1
" 2
3
^
5
5^
6
6i
7
8
Where the net value of the estate (real and personal) does not exceed £100,
no duty is payable.
Where the gross value of the estate (real and personal) exceeds £100, but
does not exceed £300, the duty is only 30s., and where it exceeds £300, but
does not exceed £500, only 60s.
Where the property is settled, an extra duty known as Settlement Estate
Duty is in certain cases payable at the rate of 1 per cent.
Debts and funeral expenses are deducted before calculating the duty,
except where the gross value of the estate does not exceed £500, and it is
desired to pay the fixed duty of 30s. or 50s., as the case may be, instead of the
ad valorem duty.
387
THE DEATH DUTIES.
LEGACY DUTY.
This duty is regulated by 55 Geo. III., cap. 184, 51 Vict., cap. 8, and the
Finance Act, 1894, and is payable in respect of personal estate (including
proceeds of sale of real estate) passing on death, either under a will or in case
of intestacy.
The rates of duty are as follow : —
Description of Leoatee.
Rate of Duty.
Children of the deceased and their descendants, or the father \
or mother or any lineal ancestor of the deceased or the •
husbands or wives of any such persons
£1 per cent.
£3
£5
£6
£10
Brothers and sisters of the deceased and their descendants, \
or the husbands or wives of any such persons )
Brothers and sisters of the father or mother of the deceased]
and their descendants, or the husbands or wives of any ■
such persons
Brothers and sisters of a grandfather or grandmother of]
the deceased and their descendants, or the husbands or •
wives of any such persons )
Any person in any other degree of collateral consanguinity]
or stranger^ in blood to the deceased f
SUCCESSION DUTY.
This duty is regulated by 16 and 17 Vict., cap. 51, 51 Vict., cap. 8, and the
Finance Acts, 1894 and 1896, and is payable in respect of real estate (including
leaseholds) passing on death, and in certain cases in respect of settled personal
estate.
The rates of duty are as follow : —
Description of Successor.
Rate of Duty.
Lineal issue or lineal ancestor of the predecessor, or the)
husband or wife of any such person )
Brothers and sisters of the predecessor and their descendants, )
or the husbands or wives of any such persons f
Brothers and sisters of the father or mother of the pre-
decessor and their descendants, or the husbands or wives -
£1 per cent.
£3
£5
£6
£10
Brothers and sisters of a grandfather or grandmother of the)
predecessor and their descendants, or the husbands or ^
Persons of more remote consanguinity, or strangers in blood..
388
THE DEATH DUTIES.
NoTK. — Where the duty under the foregoing tables is at the rate of £1 per cent.,
an extra duty at the rate of 10s. per cent., and in all other cases an
extra duty at the rate of £1. 10s. per cent., is leviable in respect of
legacies payable out of or charged on real estate (not incluaing
leaseholds) and of successions to real estate (not including leaseholds)
on deaths between the 1st July, 1888, and the 2nd August, 1894.
The husband or wife of deceased is exempt from legacy or succession duty.
Legacy duty is payable on the capital value, while succession duty is in
certain cases payable on the capital value, and in other cases payable on the
value of an annuity equal to the net income of the property, calculated according
to the age of the successor.
Where the whole net value of the estate does not exceed £1,000, no legacy,
succession, or settlement estate duty is payable.
All pecuniary legacies, residues, or shares of residue, although not of the
amount of £20, are subject to duty.
In case of persons dying leaving issue, the estate duty covers all legacy and
succession duty which would formerly have been paid by such issue.
In case of persons, dying domiciled in the United Kingdom, legacy duty is
payable on all movable property wherever situate.
In case of persons dying domiciled abroad, no legacy duty is payable on
movable property.
389
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398
THE KING AND EOYAL FAMILY.
I
y^HE Kn^^G. — Edward VII., of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
^""^ and Ireland, &c., King, Defender of the Faith. His Majesty was born
November 9, 1841, and married, March 10, 1863, Alexandra of Denmark, born
December 1, 1844; succeeded to the throne, January 22, 1901, on the death of
his mother. Queen Victoria. The children of His Majesty are : —
1. His Royal Highness Prince Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence and
Avondale, bom January 8, 1864; died January 14, 1892.
2. His Royal Highness George Frederick Ernest Albert, Prince op Wales,
bom June 3, 1865, married his cousin Princess Victoria May (Princess of
Wales), only daughter of the Duke of Teck, July 6, 1893; has four children —
Edward, bom June 23, 1894 ; Albert, December 14, 1895 ; Victoria Alexandra,
April 25, 1897 ; and Henry William Frederick Albert, March 31, 1900.
3. Her Royal Highness Louisa Victoria Alexandra Dagmar, born February
20, 1867, married, July 27, 1889, Alexander William George, Duke of Fife ; has
two daughters, born October 3, 1891, and April 3, 1893.
4. Her Royal Highness Victoria Alexandra Olga Mary, born July 6, 1868.
5. Her Royal Highness Maud Charlotte Mary Victoria, born November 26,
1869, married H.R.H. Prince Charles of Denmark, 1896.
6. His Royal Highness Alexander John Charles Albert, born April 6, 1871 ;
died April 7, 1871.
PAELIAMENTS
OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Assembled.
Dissolved.
Duration.
Assembled.
Dissolved.
Duration.
Victoria.
Yrs. m. d.
George III.
Yrs. m. d. 1
13
Nov. 15,1837
June 23, 1841
3 7 8
1
Sept. 27, 1796*
June 29, 1802
5 9 2
14
Aug. 19, 1841
July 23, 1847
6 11 4
2
Oct. 29, 1802
Oct. 25,1806
3 11 27
15
Nov. 18, 1847
July 1, 1852
4 7 13
S
Dec. 15,1806
April 29, 1807
0 4 14
16
Nov. 4, 1852
Mar. 21, 1857
4 4 17
4
June 22, 1807
Sept. 29, 1812
5 3 7
17
April 30, 1857
April 23, 1859
1 11 23
5
Nov. 24,1812
June 10, 1818
5 6 16
18
May 31, 1859
July 6, 1865
6 1 6
6
Jan. 14,1819
Feb. 29,1820
1 1 15
19
Feb. 1, 1866
Nov. 11,1868
2 9 10
1
20
Dec. 10,1868
Jan. 26,1874
5 1 16
George IV.
21
Mar. 5, 1874
Mar. 25, 1880
6 0 20
7
April 23, 1820
June 2, 1826
6 19
22
April 29, 1880
Nov. 18, 1885
5 6 20
8
Nov. 14,1826
July 24,1830
3 8 10
23
Jan. 12,1886
June 25, 1886
0 5 5
24
Aug. 5, 1886
June 28, 1892
5 10 24
William IV.
25
Aug. 4, 1892
July 24,1895
2 11 20
9
Oct. 26,1830
April 22, 1831
0 5 27
26
Aug. 12,1895
Sept. 25, 1900
5 1 13
10
June 14, 1831
Dec. 3, 1332
15 9
(
Dec. 3, 1900
11
Jan. 29, 1833
Dec. 30,1834
1 11 1
27-1
Jan. 2i, 1901
12
Feb. 19, 1835
July 17,1837
2 4 28 1
Edward VII.
1
(
Jan. 22,1901
•Par
lament first met
after the Ui
lion witl
li Ireland, January 22, 1801.
399
LIST OF ADMINISTEATIONS IN THE LAST
CENTUEY.
Dec. 23,
Mar. 17,
May 15,
Feb. 11,
Mar. 31,
Dec. 2,
June 9,
Apr. 24,
Sept. 5,
Jan. 25,
Nov. 22,
July 18,
Dec. 26,
Apr. 18,
Sept. 6,
July 6,
Feb. 27,
Dec. 28,
Feb. 10,
Feb. 25,
JunelS,
Nov. 6,
July 6,
Feb. 27,
Dec. 9,
Feb. 21,
Apr. 28,
June 24,
Feb. 7,
July 24,
Aug. 15,
Mar. 3,
June24,
July 12,
1783
1801
1804
1806
1807
1809
1812
1827
1827
1828
1830
1834
1834
1835
1841
1846
1852
1852
1855
1858
1859
1865
1874
1880
1885
1892
1894
1895
1902
Prime Minister.
William Pitt
Hy. Addington . .
William Pitt
Lord Grenville . .
Duke of Portland-
Spencer Perceval.
Earl of Liverpool.
George Canning. .
Visct. Goderioh . .
D. of Wellington..
Earl Grey
Visct. Melbourne .
Sir Robert Peel . .
Visct. Melbourne .
Sir Robert Peel . .
Ld. John Russell.
Earl of Derby
Earl of Aberdeen .
Lord Palmerston .
Earl of Derby. . . .
Lord Palmerston.
Earl Russell
Earl of Derby. . . .
Ben j amin Disraeli
W.E.Gladstone..
Benjamin Disraeli)
Earl Beaconsfleld.J
W.E.Gladstone..
Marq. of Salisbury
W.E.Gladstone..
Marq. of Salisbury
W.E.Gladstone..
Earl of Rosebery..
Marq. of Salisbury
A. J. Balfour ....
Dura-
tion.
Yrs. Dys
17 84
3 59
1 272
1 48
2 246
2 190
14 819
0 134
0 142
2 301
5 238
0 161
0 113
6 141
4 303
5 236
0 305
2 44
3 15
1 113
6 141
0 242
1 236
0 285
5 74
6 67
5 57
0 227
0 139
6 17
I 2 313
/Thurlow ..
(Loughboro
Eldon .
Eldon .
Erskine .
Eldon ■
Eldon ,
Eldon .
Lyndhurfet.
Lyndhurst. .
Lyndhurst.
Brbu^hato'.
Brougham.
Lyndhurst. .
JIn Comm.. .
(Cottenham
Lyndhurst. .
jCottenham
tTrurp
St Leonards
Cranworth. .
Cranworth..
Chelmsford.
/Campbell . .
IWestbury .,
Cranworth..
Chelmsford.
Cairns ....
JHatherley..
(Selborne ..
Cairns ....
Selborne . .
Halsbury . .
Herschel . .
Halsbury . .
Herschel . .
Halsbury . .
Halsbury . .
Exchequer.
William Pitt . .
H. Addington. .
William Pitt . .
Lord H. Petty..
S. Perceval . .
8. Perceyal . .
JN. Vansittart..
If. J. Eobinson.
G. Canning . .
J. C. Herries . .
H. Goulburn . .
Althotp
Althorp
Sir R. Peel....
T-S. Rice
F. T. Barring....
H. Goulburn . .
Sir C. Wood . .
B. Disraeli ....
W. Gladstone. .
j W.Gladstone..
(Sir G. C. Lewis.
B. Disraeli ....
W. Gladstone. .
W. Gladstone.
B. Disraeli ....
G.W.Hunt ..
Robert Lowe
VV. E. Gladstone .
S. Northcote . .
W.Gladstone..
H.C.E.Chlldera
Hicks- Beach. .
W. V. Harcourt
(Lord Churchill
IG. J. Goschen..
W.V. Harcourt
Hicks-Beach
C. T. Ritchie
Home Secretary.
'Portland, Pel
I ham, C. Yorke
Hawkesbury . .
Spencer
Hawkesbury . .
R. Ryder
fSturges Bourne.
(Lansdowne
Lansdowne . . . .
Robert Peel
Melbourne
Duncannon
H. Goulburn . .
Lord J. Russell . .
Normanby
Sir J. Graham .
Sir George Grey
S. H. Walpole..
Palmerston
Sir George Grey
S. H. Walpole. .
/Sir G. C. Lewis..
(Sir George Grey
Sir George Grey
jS.H. Walpole ..
{ GathorneHardy
G. Hardy
H. A. Bruce . .
Robert Lowe ,
R. A. Cross .
Sir W. Harcourt
R. A. Cross .
H.C.E.Childers
H. Matthews . .
H. H. Asquith. .
j Sir M. W. Ridley
t C. T. Ritchie . .
A.AkersDouglas
Foreign Sec.
Grenville.
Hawkesbury.
(Harrowby.
iMulgrave.
(Chas. J. Fox.
1 Visct. Howlck.
G. Canning.
(Bathurst.
(Wellesley.
Castlereagh.
G. Canning.
Dudley.
Dudley.
(Dudley,
l-^berdeen.
Palmerston.
Palmerston
Wellington
Palmerston.
Aberdeen.
(Palmerston.
tGranville.
Malmesbury.
Clarendon.
Malmesbury
Russell.
Clarendon.
Stanley.
Stanley.
Clajendon.
Granville.
/Derby.
(Salisbury.
Granville.
Salisbury.
Rosebery.
fiddesleigh.
(Salisbury.
J Rosebery.
1 Kimberley
(Salisbury.
/Lansdowne.
Lansdowne.
400
HIS MAJESTY'S MINISTEES.
Prime Minister and Lord Privy Seal ) t»^ -rr . -r t,
- Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour.
First Lord of the Treasury I
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Marquis of Lansdowne.
Lord President of the Council Duke of Devonshire.
Lord Chancellor Lord Halsburt.
Secretary for India Lord G. Hamilton.
Chancellor of the Exchequer Rt. Hon. C. T. Ritchie.
Home Secretary Rt. Hon. Akers Douglas.
Secretary for the Colonies Rt. Hon. J. Chamberlain.
Secretary for War Rt. Hon. St. John Brodrick.
Secretary for Scotland Lord Balfour op Burleigh.
First Lord of the Admiralty Earl of Selborne.
President of the Board of Trade Rt. Hon. G. Balfour.
President of the Board of Education Marquis of Londonderry.
President of the Local Government Board Rt. Hon. W. H. Long.
Lord Chancellor of Ireland Lord Ashbourne.
Chief Secretary for Ireland Rt. Hon. G. Wyndham.
President of the Board of Agriculture Rt. Hon. R. W. Hanbury.
Postmaster-General Rt. Hon. A. Chamberlain.
The above form the Cabinet.
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Earl op Dudley.
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Rt. Hon. Sir W. Walrond.
First Commissioner of Works Lord Windsor.
(H. T. Anstruther.
Junior Lords of the Treasury
H. W. Forster.
AlLWYN FeLLOWES.
Financial Secretary to the Treasury W. Hayes Fisher.
Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury Sir A. Acland Hood.
Under Secretary for the Home Department. . . .Hon. J. Cochrane.
Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs Viscount Cranbourne.
Under Secretary for the Colonies Earl of Onslow.
Under Secretary for India Earl Percy.
Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of Trade. .A. Bonar Law.
Parliamentary Secretary of the Local Govern- ) ^
f Grant Lawson.
ment Board )
Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of ) „ ,,,.„.
^ •' ^ Sir W. H. Anson.
Education J
Secretary to the Admiralty H. 0. Arnold-Foster.
401
HIS MAJESTY'S MINISTERS— co^i^mwe^.
Under Secretary for the War Office Earl of Hardwicke.
Financial Secretary to the War Office Lord Stanley.
Civil Lord to the Admiralty Capt. E. G. Pretyman.
Attorney-General Sir R. B. Finlay.
Solicitor-General Sir E. Carson.
Lord Advocate for Scotland Rt. Hon. A. G. Murray.
Solicitor-General for Scotland C. Scott Dickson.
Attorney-General for Ireland Rt. Hon. John Atkinson.
Solicitor-General for Ireland J. H. M. Campbell.
Paymaster-General Duke of Marlborough.
I Vice-Admiral LordW. T. Kerr.
Naval Lords of the Admiralty , Sir J. Fisher.
Rear-Admiral W. H. May.
1 Rear- Admiral J. Durnford.
PRIME MINISTERS SINCE 1834.
Sir Robert Peel. ... December 15, 1834
Viscount Melbourne. . . .April 18, 1835
Sir Robert Peel August 31, 1841
Lord John Russell July 6, 1846
Earl of Derby February 27, 1852
Earl of Aberdeen . . December 28, 1852
Viscount Palmerston February 26, 1855
Earl of Derby February 26, 1858
Viscount Palmerston . . June 18, 1859
Earl Russell October 28, 1865
Earl of Derby July 8, 1866
Mr. Disraeli.March to December, 1868
Mr. Gladstone December 9, 1868
Earl Beaconsfield . . February 21, 1874
Mr. Gladstone April 29, 1880
and Ch. of Ex. to April, 188a.
Marquis of Salisbury . .June 24, 1885
Mr. Gladstone February 2, 1886
Marquis of Salisbury . . August 3, 1886
Mr. Gladstone August 15, 1892
Earl Rosebery March 3, 1894
Marquis of Salisbury . . June 25, 1895
Mr. A. J. Balfour July 12, 1902
Twenty-one changes of Governments have taken place since the beginning
of 1834, but in that time only ten men have been Premiers, and of these the
Marquis of Salisbury and Earl Rosebery are the sole survivors. Mr. Gladstone
had been Premier longer than any other statesman since the Earl of Liverpool,
who held office nearly fifteen years in succession.
In 1885 the number of members of the Lower House was finally fixed at
670, as against 658 in previous years ; England returning 465, Wales 80, Scot-
land 72, and Ireland 103 members. The previous distribution had been —
England 469, Wales 80, Scotland 60, and Ireland 108 seats. There are now
877 county members, as against 288 ; 284 borough members, as against 360 ;
and 9 University members, as against 9.
27
402
THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
AS ELECTED OCTOBER, 1900,
WITH CORRECTIONS TO NOVEMBER 20th. 1902.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politics.
a
1!
r
Is.
o o
1
i
'2
BEDFORD (3).
County Divisions {2).
Biggleswade, or N
Lord A. Compton
1
62,496
1 : 73,609
13,734
13,529
T. G. Ashton
Borough (1).
Bedford
C. G. Pym
1
1
1 136,105
35,144
27,263
5,081
2
1 171,249
32,344
BERKS. (5).
County Diviskms (3).
Abingdon, or N
A. K. Lloyd
1
1
1
••
45,999
55,240
fi7 fi.«l4.
8,705
10,588
11,652
W. G. Mount
Wokingham, or E
Boroughs (2).
\ Reading
Ernest Gardiner
G. W. Palmer
'
3
. . 168,873
1 65,468
21477
30,945
10,484
3,103
Windsor (New)
BUCKS. (3).
County Divisions' (3).
Aylesbury, or M
Buckingham, or N
Wycombe, or S
Sir F. T. Barry
1
Hon. Lionel Rothschild
W. W. Carlile
'
4
1
255,818
44,532
1
1
1
56,742
.59.^0.^
11,459
11,898
13,679
W. H. Grenfell
. . 1 761244
3
.. 1 192,289
37,036
CAMBRIDGE (4).
County Divisions (3).
Chesterton, or W
Newmarket, or E
Wisbech or N
Capt. W. R. Green
Col. H. Mc.Calmont
Hon. A. Brand
1
1
1
43,313
48,350
61,287
10,397
9,538
10,357
Borough (1).
Cambridge R. U. P. Fitzgerald
2
1
1
142,950
47,737
30,292
8,413
3
1
190,687
38,705
403
HOUSE OP COMMONS.
Constituencies.
CHESTER (13).
County Divisions (8)
Altrincham
Crewe
Eddisbury
Hyde
Knutsford
Macclesfield
Northwich
Wirrall
Boroughs (5).
Birkenhead
Chester
Stalybridge
Stockport (2)
Members.
CORNWALL (7).
County Divisions (6)
Bodmin, or S.E
Camborne, or N.W. . .
Launceston, or N.E. .
St. Austell, or M
St. Ives, or W i E. Hain
Truro Sir E. Lawrence
C. R. Disraeli
J. Tomkinson
H. J. ToUemache
E. Chapman
Hon. A. de T. Egerton
W. Bromley-Davenport
Sir J. T. Brunner
J. Hoult
Sir EUiot Le^s..
R. A. Yerburgh . .
M. White Ridley.
Sir J. Leigh
B.V.Melville ..
Sir L, W. Molesworth
W. S. Caine
P. Moulton
W. A. Mc.Arthur
Borough (I).
Penryn and Falmouth .
F. J. Horniman
CUMBERLAND (6).
County Divisions (4).
Cockermouth j J. S. Randies .
Egremont, or W i J. R. Bain
Eskdale, or N , C. W. Lowther .
Penrith, or M J. W. Lov^^ther .
Boroughs {2). \
Carlisle *W. C. Gully, K.C.
Whitehaven A. HeMer
Politics.
10
-So
.32
78,796
74,545
54,292
60,931
60,199
51,700
69,099
100,830
lis
•go
14,064
13,905
10,488
10,690
10,339
8,472
12,240
10,414
550,892
110,926
46,204
46,558
78,871
832,951
55,480
52,925
45,391
51,971
51,318
49,576
96,612
15,555
7,549
7,565
12,551
139,832
10,386
8,605
9,881
10,038
8,452
9,441
306,661
16,296
322,957
56,803
2,799
59,602
62,121
52,604
46,310
11,116
9,368
10,132
43,369 1 8,797
204,404
43,687
18,830
266,921
39,413
7,065
3,038
49,516
•' Speaker.
404
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
DERBY (9).
County Divisions (7).
Chesterfeld
High Peak
Ilkeston
Mid
North-Eastem T. D. Bolton
Southern | J. Gretton
Western V. C. Cavendish
T. Bayley
0. Partington . .
Sir W. B. Foster
J. A. Jacoby ....
Boroughs (2).
Derby (2)
DEVON (13).
County Divisions [8)
Ashburton, or M . . .• .
Barnstaple, or N.W.
Honiton, or E
South Molton, or N.
Tavistock, or W
Tiverton, or N.E
Torquay
Totnes, or S
Boroughs (5).
Devonport (2)
fixeter
Plymouth (2) |
Sir T. Roe
R. Bell (Labour)
C. Seale Hayne . .
E. J. Soares ....
Sir J. Kennaway
G. Lambert ....
F. W. Spear
Sir W. Walrond
F. L. Barratt . .
F. B. Mildmay . .
Hudson Kearley
J. Lockie
Sir E. Vincent . .
H. E. Duke ....
Hon. Ivor Guest
DORSET (4).
County Divisions [4).
Eastern Hon. H. N. Sturt
Northern J. K. Wingfield Digby
Southern W. E. Brymer
Western Lieut. -Colonel R. WilBams.
Politics.
tt d»
82,486
63,272
84,914
67,384
81,187
76,493
58,675
514,411
} 105;
.785
620,196
53,315
62,695
51,518
42,627
56,934
50,562
59,406
46,784
423,840
[ 78,059
63,141
1 106,404
660,444
a ox
!z;iiS
•3W.S
EH
13,159
10,593
16,255
11,811
13,848
16,153
10,954
90,773
18,963
109,736
9,904
12,180
9,299
8,628
12,382
8.943
9,702
8,950
79,988
8,946
8,875
14,116
111,926
62,799
43,099
61,056
36,008
202,962
11,930
8,217
9,543
7,159
86,849
405
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politics,
DURHAM (16).
County Divisions [8).
Barnard Castle
Bishop Auckland
Chester-le-Street
Houghton-le-Spring
Jarrow
Mid
North-Western
South-Eastern
Boroughs {8).
Darlington
Durham
Gateshead
Hartlepool '
South Shields
Stockton
Sunderland (2) |
ESSEX (11).
County Divisions (8).
Chelmsford, or M
Epping, or W
Harwich, or N.E
Maldon, or E
Romford, or S
Saffron Walden, or N. . .
South-Eastern
Walthamstow, or S.W.
Boroughs (3).
Colchester -
West Ham, North
South
Sir J. W. Pease
J. M. Paulton ,
Sir J. Joicey, Bt
R. Cameron
Sir C. M. Palmer
J. Wilson
L. Atherley-Jones . •
Hon. F. W. Lambton
Pike Pease
Hon. A. R. D. Elliot
William Allan
Sir C. Furness ,
W. S. Robson ,
Colonel Ropner . . . ,
W. T. Doxford
T. S. G. Pemberton.,
Major Rasch
Colonel A. R. M. Lockwood.
J. Round
Hon. C. H. Strutt
L. Sinclair
J. A. Pease
Colonel E. Tufaell
D. J. Morgan
Sir W. D. Pearson
E. Gray
Major G. E. Banes
GLOUCESTER (11).
County Divisions (5).
Cirencester, or E Hon. A. B. Bathurst
Forest of Dean Rt. Hon. Sir C. Dilke
Stroud, or M C. P. Allen
Tewkesbury, or N Sir J. E. Dorington . .
Thornbury, or S j C. E. H. A. Colston . .
«S
60,497
66,223
93,175
79,887
92,043
74,748
82,579
70,166
619,313
44,496
14,935
109,887
86,310
97,267
71,812
159,359
10 1,203,379
62,647
58,805
62,691
53,148
217,030
43,042
96,987
185,567
J3 u ,
■go
EH
11,112
11,976
17,573
14,708
16,360
13,055
14,449
15,581
114,764
7,799
2,595
17,427
18,633
17,204
11,960
25,863
211,245
779,917
38,351
105,722
161,586
1,085,576
49,555
53,258
54,520
51,256
72,727
10,817
10,368
12,338
10,200
35,948
8,631
16,399
28,160
132,861
5,837
16,289
22,490
177,477
9,394
10,260
10,389
12,271
13,048
281,316 55,857
406
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
PolitioB.
GLOUCESTER— cow.
Boroughs (6).
Bristol, East C. E. Hobhouse . . .
„ North .Sir F.Wills
South J W. Long
„ West I Sir M. Hicks-Beach
Cheltenham J. T. Agg-Gardner .
Gloucester R. Rea
HANTS (12).
County Divisions (6).
Andover, or W B. Beckett Faber
Basingstoke, or N A. F. Jeffreys
Fareham, or S Colonel Lee
Isle of Wight Captain Seely
New Forest Hon. J. Scott Montagu
Petersfield, or E W. Nicholson
Boroughs (6). "
Christchurch i K. R. Balfour . . .
/ J. A. H. Majendie
{ R. Lucas
f T. Chamberlayne ,
\ Sir J. B. Simeon .
Winchester W. H. Myers
Portsmouth (2) . .
Southampton (2)
12
HEREFORD (3).
County Divisions (2). '
Leominster, or N Sir J. J. Rankin, Bt.
Ross, or S Captain P. Clive . . .
Borough (1).
Hereford
J. S. Arkwright
HERTFORD (4).
County Divisions (4).
Hertford, or E A. H. Smith
Hitchin, or N G. B. Hudson
St. Albans, or M Hon. Vicary Gibbs
Watford, or W T. F. Halsey
86,553
81,310
83,196
70,849
52,858
45,145
701,227
52,238
82,968
81,593
82,387
52,870
50,366
402,417
67,924
} 189,122
1 120,302
18,991
13,896
12,394
13,661
8,499
7,669
7,686
119,162
9,493
10,606
16,442
14,613
10,403
9,040
798,756
70,597
8,622
28,022
16,967
2,731
126,939
44,629
48,390
9,461
10,301
93,019
21,382
19,762
3,620
114,401
23,382
I
59,419
47,490
63,343
80,198
250,350
10,700
9,525
11,358
14,315
45,898
407
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
HUNTINGDON (2).
County Divisions (2).
Huntingdon, or S G. Montagu
Ramsey, or JST Hon. A. E. Fellowes
KENT (19). j
County Divisions (8). •
Ashford, or S ; L. Hardy
Dartford, or N.W ! Rt. Hon. Sir W. Hart-Dyke
Paversham, or N.E.
Isle of Thanet
Medway, or M
Sevenoaks, or W
St. Augustine's, or E.
Tunbridge, or S.W. . . .
Captain J. Howard
Rt. Hon. J. Lowther
Col. C. E. Warde
H. W. Forster
Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Douglas .
A. Griffith Boscawen
Boi-oughs {11). \
Canterbury i J. Henniker-Heaton
Chatham I H. D. Davies
Deptford [ A. H. A. Morton . . .
Dover ' G. Wyndham
Gravesend I G. Parker
Greenwich Lord H. Cecil
Hytlie I Sir E. A. Sassoon . . .
Lewisham J. Penn
Maidstone
Rochester
Woolwich
LANCASTER (57).
County Divisions [23).
Northern Part {4).
Blackpool
Chorley
Lancaster
North Lonsdale
N. -Eastern Part {4).
Accrington
Clitheroe
Darwen
Rossendale
S.-Eastern Part (8).
Eccles
' Gorton
Heywood
Middleton
Prestwich
Radcliffe-c'm-Farnworth
Stretford
Westhoughton
Sir Francis Evans .
Viscount Cranborne
Lord C. Beresford .
Worsley Taylor
Lord Balcarres.
N. W. Helme .
R. Cavendish .
Sir J. F. Leese, K.C.
D. J. Shackleton . . .
J. Rutherford
W. Mather
Politics.
73 --I
18
0. L. Clare 1
E. E.G. Hatch 1
G.Kemp 1
E. B. Fielden ' 1
F. Cawley j . .
T. C. Taylor ! . .
A. C. Cripps, K.C , 1
Lord Stanley 1
22,918
31,091
54,009
66,913
109,896
76,745
71,518
65,957
94,799
76,250
80,290
642,368
24,229
78,746
110,181
39,558
39,766
95,620
46,663
128,313
33,516
30,730
117,157
1 1,386,847
111,611
77,057
78,657
50,430
1 ! 84,878
I : 110,864
. . ! 78,793
II .71,480
92,812
95,615
. . I 57,896
. . I 74,713
1 103,001
1 I 78,298
96,174
. . I 97,307
5,189
6,958
12,147
12,888
17,281
13,793
10,627
13,9J7
15,420
14,975
13,670
112,571 .
4,010 I
11,557
14,884
6,444
5,823
12,657
5,883
17,370
5,358
5,226
15,-376
217,159
18,237
12,663
13,363
9,762
14,651
19,461
15,639
12,361
15,388
15,202
10,161
13,985
17,008
12,606
20,842
16,574
408
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constitaencies.
LANCASTER— con.
S.- Western Part (7)
Bootle
Ince
Leigh
Newton
Ormskirk
Southport
Widnes
Borotighs (34).
Ashton-under-Lyne .
Barrow-in-Furness .
Blackburn (2)
Bolton (2)
Burnley
Bury
Liverpool, Abercromby
East Toxteth
Everton .' .
Exchange
Kirkdale . .
Scotland . .
Walton
West Derby
West Toxteth
Manchester, East . .
North
North-East
North-West
South
South-West
Oldham (2)
Preston (2)
Rochdale .
Salford, North
„ South
West
St. Helens . . . .
Warrington . .
Wigan
Members.
Politics.
Colonel Sandys
Colonel Blundell . .
C. P. Scott
Colonel Pilkington
Hon. A. Stanley . .
E.Marshall HaU..
Col. W. H. Walker
W. F. Lawrence
Austin Taylor
Sir J. A. Willox
C. M. Mc.Arthur
David Maclver
T. P. O'Connor (Nationalist)
J. H. Stock
S. W. Higginbottom
Lees Knowles .
H. Seton-Karr .
R. Pierpoint ...
Sir P. S. Powell
H. Whiteley
Sir C. W. Cavzer
W. H. Hornby
Sir W. Coddington
H. Shepherd Cross | 1
G. Harwood
W.Mitchell
G. Toulmin
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
R. P. Houston 1
Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour
C. E. Schwann
Rt. Hon. Sir J. Fergusson . .
Sir W. H. Houldsworth ....
Hon. W. R. W. Peel
W. J. Galloway
A. Emmott
W.Churchill
R. W. Hanbury
W. E. M. Tomlinson
C. M. Royds
F. Platt-Higgins
J. G. Groves \ 1
1
1
1
1
AC
45
121,090
79,344
79,465
80,372
76,142
90,224
67,269
21.23
18,531
12,603
12,611
12,656
11,635
13,678
9,826
1,962,492
51,080
67,684
1 127,527
1 130,602
95,816
56,408
62,418
70,425
83,572
41,999
83,257
62,992
89,873
86,694
66,800
94,497
82,608
71,770
68,054
91,710
66,916
1 194,197 I
1 118,220 I
76,122 I
69,750
65,064 ,
86,162 I
80,722
64,702 I
60,770 i
329,243
7,978
7,972
19,876
20,056
15,189
8,786
7,898
9,485
10,.S47
6,450
10,816
6,097
12,884
11,982
8,519
12,816
10.779
9,858
11,146
12,450
8,782
30,725
17,711
13,321
9,485
8,781.
12,956
11,246
9,797
8,481
11 4,389,683 681,911
409
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politios.
ii
> {
§ 11
LEICESTER (6).
Cottnty Divisions (4).
Bosworth, or W
Harborough, or S
Loughborough, or M. . .
Melton, or E
C. B. McLaren
1
1
1
66,892
73,074
66,162
76,382
12,121
16,511
12,197
14,532
J. W. Logan
M. Levy
1
Boroughs (2).
Leicester (2) ■
LINCOLN (11).
Counhj Divisimis (7).
Brigg, or N. Lindsey . .
Gainsboro',orW. Lindsey
Horncastle, or S. Lindsey
Louth, or E. Lindsey . .
Sleaf ord, or N. Kesteven
Spalding, or Holland . .
Stamford, or S. Kesteven
Boroughs (4).
Boston
H. Broadhurst
1
3
1
282,510
1 151,484
55,361
25,575
Sir J. Holleston
1
H. J. Reckitt
2
4
433,994
80,936
1
1
1
52,307
52,323
43,565
43,220
45,680
47,975
45,305
11,019
12,499
9,486
9,654
9,953
12,659
9,478
S. Ormsby-Gore
1
1
Lord Willoughby de Eresby.
R. W. Perks
Rt. Hon. H. Chaplin
H R Mansfield
1
W. Younger
1
W. Garfitt
4 3
1 1 .-
330,375
20,456
18,001
78,198
51,751
74,748
3,557
3,054
13,981
9,324
Grantham
1
Great Grimsby
Lincoln
George Doughty
1
C. H. Seeley
1
••
MIDDLESEX (47).
County Divisions (7).
Brentford
J. Bigwood
7
4
498,781
104,664
1
1
1
90,637
101,325
123,826
167,394
111,453
136,702
83,111
13,449
15,688
18,619
23,027
17,257
20,596
14,943
Ealing
Rt. Hon. Lord G. Hamilton.
Lieut-Col. H. F. Bowles
Irwin Cox
Enfield
Harrow
1 ..
1 ..
1 i..
1 --
Hornsey
C. B Balfour
Tottenham
Joseph Howard
Uxbridge
Sir F. D. Dixon Hartland, Bt.
M. M. Bhownaggree
S. F. Ridley
Boroughs (40).
Bethnal Green, N.E. . .
„ s.w. ..
Chelsea
7
1
1
1
••
814,448
63,786
65,926
93,841
1 26,897
64,086
123,579
8,089
8,093
12,616
33,028
8,295
C. A. Whitmore
City of London (2) . . |
Finsbury, Central
Sir J. Dimsdale
A. G. H. Gibbs
M Mainwaring
1
1
1
410
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politics.
|§
MIDDLESEX— con.
Finsbury, East
Fulham
Hackney, Central
„ North
South
Hammersmith
Hampstead
Holborn
Islington, East
North
South
West
Kensington, North
South
Marylebone, East
West
Paddington, North
South
Shoreditch, Haggerston .
„ Hoxton . . . .
St. George's, Hanover-sq,
St. Pancras, East. .". . . .
„ North
South
„ West
Strand
Tower Hamlets :
Bow and Bromley.
Limehouse
Mile End
Poplar
St. George
Stepney
Whitechapel
H. C. Richards
W.H.Fisher
A. H. Allhusen
W. R. Bousfield, K.C. .
T. H. Robertson
W.J. Bull
T. Milvain
J. F. Remnant
B. L. Cohen
G. C. T. Bartley
Sir Albert RoUit
T. Lough
W. T. Sharpe
Earl Percy
E. Boulnois
Sir Samuel Scott
John Aird
Sir G. Fardell
W. R. Cremer
Hon. Claude Hay
Hon. H. Legge
T. Wrightson
E. R. Moon
Capt. H. M. Jessel . . .
H. R. Graham
Hon. W. F. D. Smith.
W. M. Guthrie
H. S. Samuel
Spencer Charrington
Sidney Buxton
T. R. Dewar
Major W. E. Gordon
S. M. Samuel
Westminster ' W. Burdett-Coutts
MONMOUTH (4).
County Divisions (5).
Northern
Southern
Western
Borotigh (1).
Monmouth Group. . . .
R. Mc.Kenna
Hon. P. C. Morgan .
Sir W. V. Harcourt .
Joseph Lawrence.
43
39,830
137,249
67,612
84,263
101,850
111,976
82,329
61,949
89,080
99,841
71,826
74,159
87,697
85,372
58,887
73,436
72,200
55,106
55,437
62,461
77,989
60,248
59,374
55,491
59,769
53,237
91,081
55,996
48,348
78,430
51,071
63,689
78,624
50,758
4 3,585,139
1 68,668
73,415
1 I 82,190
224,273
68,054
292,327
411
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
NORFOLK (10).
County Divisions (6)
Eastern
Midland
Northern
North-Western
Southern I A. W. Soames
South-Western T. L. Hare . . .
Members.
R.J. Price
F. W. Wilson . . .
Sir W. B. Gurdon
G.White
Boroughs (4).
Great Yarmouth
King's Lynn ....
Norwich (2)
NORTHAMPTON (7).
County Divisions {4).
Eastern
Mid
Northern
Southern
Sir J. C. Colomb .
T. Gibson Bowles
S. Hoare
Sir H. BuUard . . .
F. A. Channing
Hon. C. R. Spencer
Col. S. G. Stopford-Sackville
Hon. E. A. Fitzroy
Boroughs (3).
Northampton (2)
Peterborough . .
NORTHUMBERLAND
(8).
County Divisions {4).
Berwick-on-Tweed . . . .
Hexham
Tyneside
Wansbeck
H. Labouchere
J. G. Shipman ,
R. Purvis
Sir Edward Grey, Bart.
W. C. B. Beaiimont
H. C. Smith
C. Fenwick
Boroughs (4).
Morpeth
Newcastle-on-Tyne (2)
Tynemouth
Thomas Burt . .
W. R. Plummer
G. Renwick . . . .
L. Harris
Politics.
o
>
1
•3
a
_2
u
^ 1
NOTTINGHAM (7).
County Divisions (4). j
Bassetlaw , Sir F. Milner . .
Mansfield j A. B. Markham
Newark i Sir Chas. Welby
Rushcliffe I J. E. Ellis
Pig
50,651
46,150
53,729
51,384
46,610
43,495
292,019
51,250
20,289
1 111,728
11,013
9,235
10,483
10,900
9,762
8,878
475,286
87,219
55,288
47,294
43,751
233,552
76,073
32,203
60,271
8,640
3,444
19,325
91,680
15,853
12,676
10,317
8,966
47,812
12,487
5,693
341,828
50,208
54,658
101,039
80,668
286,573
49,969
214,803
51,514
602,859
65,992
9,259
10,649
20,586
15,303
55,797
8,838
35,983
8,504
109,122
..I 57,113
1 ; 86,510
. . i 50,960
1 1 80,201
2 274,784
10,652
15,264
10,504
15,746
52,166
412
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politics.
P
•g-H
ill
o o
NOTTINGHAM— con.
Boroughs {H).
Nottingham, East . .
South . .
West ..
OXFORD (4).
County Divisions (3).
Banbury, or N
Henley, or S
Woodstock, or M
Borough (J).
Oxford
RUTLAND (1).
County Division (1).
Rutland
SALOP (5).
County Divisions {4).
Ludlow, or S
Newport, or N
Oswestry, or W.
E. Bond
Lord H. Bentinck
J. H. Yoxall
A. Brassey
R. Hermon Hodge
G. H. Morrell
Viscount Valentia
G. H. Finch
R.J. More
Colonel Kenyon Slaney
Hon. G. Ormsby-Gore
Wellington, or M A. H. Brown
Borough (1).
Shrewsbury
H. D. Greene, K.C.
SOMERSET (10).
County Divisions (7).
Bridgwater ; E. J. Stanley
Eastern \ H. Hobhouse
Frome J. E. Barlow
Northern i E. H. Llewellyn
Southern \ Edward Strachey
Wellington, or W Sir A. Acland-Hood, Bart.
Wells R. E. Dickenson
Boroughs (3).
Bath (2)
Taunton
Colonel Wyndham Murray.
E. R. Wodehouse
Lieut.-Colonel Welby
73,203
73,203
93,347
514,537
12,245
13,008
15,620
93,a34
40,612 7,722
48,630 9,124
46,471 9,716
135,713 I 26,562
49,413 8,310
185,126 84,872
19,708
4,165
55,909 10,521
52,391 10,603
53,984 ; 10,022
48,641 8.464
210,925 39,610
28,396 4.750
239,321 44,360
48,490
47,435
56,678
59,143
49,535
48,182
59,615
10,015
9,121
11,867
10,847
9,361
9,707
11,129
369,078 , 72,047
I 52,751 I 7,378
19,714 3,314
441,543 82,739
413
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
STAFFORD (17).
County Divisions (7).
Burton
Handsworth
Kingswinford
Leek
Lichfield
North-Western
Western
Boroicghs {10).
Hanley
Newcastle-under-Lyme
Stafford
Stoke-on-Trent
Walsall
Wednesbury
West Bromwich
Wolverhampton, E.. . .
S. . . .
w. .
SUFFOLK (8).
County Divisions (5)
Eye, or N.E
Lowestoft, or N
Stowmarket, or N.W.
Sudbury, or S
Woodbridge, or S.E.. .
Boroughs (3).
Bury St. Edmunds
Ipswich (2).
Members.
Q. F. Ratcliffe
Sir H. Meysey Thompson
Col. G. Webb
Charles Bill
Thos. Courtenay Warner
James Heath
Alex. Henderson
A. H. Heath
Sir A. Haslam
C. E. Shaw
D. H. Coghill
Sir A. Hayter
W D. Green
J. Ernest Spencer
Rt. Hon. Sir H. H. Fowler.
H. Norman . ,
Sir A. Hickman
F S. Stephenson
Col. F. Lucas
I. Malcolm
Sir W. Cuthbert Quilter, Bt
Captain Pretyman
Sir E. W. Greene.
D. F. Goddard . . ,
Sir C. Dalrymple.
Politics.
12
SURREY (22).
Cotmty Divisions (6)
Chertsey, or N.W H. C. Leigh-Bennett
Epsom, or M i W. Keswick
Guildford, or S.W Rt. Hon. St. John Brodrick
Kingston T. S. Cox
Reigate, or S.E Hon. H. Cubitt
Wimbledon, or N.E ; E. Hambro
a
.2iH
Ib
61,787
126,254
52,378
61,853
56,697
68,969
60,449
488,387
100,290
60,667
20,894
89,023
86,440
72,478
65,172
58,258
58,887
75,605
1,176,101
51,399
69,859
54,854
52,161
57,802
286,075
16,255
} 66,622
368,962
79,898
86,705
77,289
103,040
73,279
99,066
619,277
11,128
22,465
12,614
11,113
9,732
14,794
10,816
92,662
16,251
9,572
3,514
13,769
13,719
12,265
10,342
9,403
9,497
12,084
203,078
10,196
13,094
10,769
10,259
12,178
56,496
2,645
'11,095
70,236
12,800
13,492
13,086
15,356
12,271
19,662
86,667
414
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Ck>n8titaenoieB.
SURREY— con.
Boroughs (16).
Battersea
Camberwell, Dulwich . .
„ North
„ Peckham. .
Clapham
Croydon
Lambeth, Brixton
„ Kennington .
North
„ Norwood ....
Newington, Walworth..
West
Southwark, Bermondsey
„ Rotherhithe
West
Wandsworth
SUSSEX (9).
County Divisions (6)
Chichester, or S.W. . .
Eastbourne, or S
East Grinstead, or N.
Horsham, or N.W. . .
Lewes, or M
Rye, or E ". .
Boroughs (5).
Brighton (2)
Hastings
Members.
John Burns ,
Sir J. Blundell Maple.,
J. T. Macnamara
F. G. Banbury
P. M. Thornton ,
Rt. Hon. C. T. Ritchie .
Sir R. G. Mowbray . . . ,
F.L.Cook ,
F. W. Horner
C. E. Tritton ,
J. Bailey
Captain Cecil Norton . ,
H. J. C. Cust
J. C. Macdona
R. K. Causton ,
H. Kimber ,
Lord Edmund Talbot
L- Hogg
G. J. Goschen, jun. . .
J. H. Johnstone
Sir H. Fletcher
Col. A. M. Brookfield
G. W. E. Loder...,
Bruce Wentworth
F.Thomas ,
WARWICK (14).
County Divisions (4). i
Nuneaton, or N.E F. A. Newdigate
Rugby, or S.E J. C. Grant
Stratf d-on-Av'n,or S.W.; P. S. Foster
Tamworth, or N \ P. A. Muntz . . . .
Politics.
18
.1
102,450
97,354
93,756
91,432
120,760
138,885
75,355
78,323
59,522
85,691
61,672
60,481
81,987
69,445
62,653
179,882
■go
15,072
13,188
12,587
11,924
17,307
19,950
10,240
10,583
7,181
11,767
7,678
8,750
11,220
9,274
7,711
23,944
1,973,925 284,943
58,448
79,415
56,966
53,629
76,267
64,031
10,095
11,945
9,833
9,809
14,836
12,379
388,746 68,397
153,393
62,913
19,001
8,243
605,052
68,995
56,221
46,667
72,361
244,234
95,641
13,329
10,541
9,842
13,246
46,95S
415
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
WARWICK— COW.
Boroughs (10).
Aston Manor
Birmingham, Bordesley .
„ Central . .
„ East
„ Edgbaston
„ North
„ South ....
West ....
Coventry
Warwick & Leamington
WESTMORLAND (2).
Cotmty Divisions (2).
Appleby, or N
Kendal, or S
WILTS (6).
County Divisimis (5).
Chippenham, or N.W . .
Cricklade, or N
Devizes, or E
Westbury, or W
Wilton, or S
Borough (J).
Salisbury
WORCESTER (8).
Cotmty Divisions (5).
Bewdley; or W
Droitwich, or M
Eastern
Evesham, or S
Northern
Hon. E. Cecil
Rt. Hon. Jesse Collings . . . .
E. Parkes
Sir B. Stone
P. Lowe
J. T. Middlemore
J. Powell Williams
Rt. Hon. J. Chamberlain . .
C. J. Murray
Hon. A. Lyttelton
R- Rigg
Major J. F. Bagot
Sir J. D. Poynder
Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice..
A. E. Goulding
J. M. Fuller
Lieut. J. A. Morrison ....
W. Palmer
A. Baldwin
R. B. Martin
Austen Chamberlain
Colonel C. W. Long. .
J. W.Wilson
Boroughs (5).
Dudley Brooke Robinson .
Kidderminster Sir A. F. Godson, K.C.
Politics.
13
Worcester j Hon. G. H. AUsopp 1
'3'-'
77,310
99,022
54,142
82,552
77,586
60,339
72,171
76,370
63,817
39,075
946,618
31,480
32,825
64,305
44,709
70,899
46,648
50,045
42,128
254,424
19,421
273,845
54,021
50,699
95,720
49,782
77,635
327,857
96,988
26,274
46,623
497,742
9. «>
12,182
16,343
11,562
13,636
12,414
9,858
12,185
13,093
12,656
5,961
166,748
6,509
6,274
12,783
8,567
13,150
8,891
9,888
8,121
48,617
3,032
51,649
10,235
10,606
15,819
10,071
13,690
60,421
16,214
4,487
7,966
89,088
416
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Congtitnenoies.
Members.
PoUticg.
AS
<2-
YORKSHIRE (52).
County Divisions {26).
East Biding :
Buckrose
Holdemess
Howdenshire ,
North Riding :
Cleveland
Richmond ,
Thirsk and Mai ton
Whitby
West Biding :
Barkeston Ash ,
Bamsley
Colne Valley
Doncaster ,
Elland
Hallamshire
Holmfirth
Keighley
Morley
Normanton
Osgoldcross ". . . .
Otley
Pudsey
Ripen
Rotherham
Shipley
Skipton
Sowerby
Spen Valley
Boroughs {26).
East Riding:
Hull, Central
„ East
„ West
North Riding :
Middlesbrough
Scarborough
York (2) I
West Riding :
Bradford, Central
„ East
West
Dewsbury
Halifax (2) I
Huddersfield
L. White
A. S. Wilson
Captain W. H. Wilson-Todd.
H. Samuel . .
J. Hutton ....
J. G. Lawson
E. W. Beckett
Colonel Gunter
J. Walton
Sir J. Kitson
F. W. Fison
Chas. P. Trevelyan
Sir F. Mappin
H.J.Wilson
J- Brigg
A. E. Hutton
B. Pickard
Sir J. Austin
J. H. Duncan
G. Whiteley
J. L. Wharton
W. H. Holland
Sir J. F. Flannery
F. W. Thompson
Rt. Hon. J. W. MeUor, K.C..
T. P. Whittaker
Sir H. S. King
J. T. Firbank
C. H. Wilson
Colonel Sadler
J. C. Rickett..
J. G. Butcher
G. D. Faber . .
1
1
1
17
J. M. L. Wanklyn 1
Capt. The Hon. R. P. Greville
E. Flower
W. Runciman
Sir S. Crossley
J. H. Whiteley
Sir J. T. Woodhouse
53,553
42,193
50,063
60,019
50,878
57,720
61,200
53,292
101,041
58,160
92,860
66,127
90,106
65,179
70,427
70,921
80,285
81,214
68,774
52,092
68,301
101,041
65,686
64,038
66,026
57,997
1,739,192
60,737
82,319
96,820
116,539
38,160
75,391
61,002
88,236
79,429
74,349
88,909
96,383
417
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politics,
o o
YORKSHIRE— con.
Wes< Biding :
Leeds, Central
„ East
„ North
„ South
„ West
Pontefract ,
Sheffield, Attercliffe.
„ Brightside
„ Central . .,
„ Ecclesall . .
„ Hallam . . ,
Wakefield
UNIVERSITIES (5).
Cambridge (2) |
Oxford (2)
London
ANGLESEY (1).
County Division (1).
Anglesey
BRECON (1).
County Division (i).
Brecon
CARDIGAN (1).
County Division (1).
Cardigan
CARMARTHEN (3).
County Divisions (2).
Eastern
Western
G. W. Balfour
H. S. Cautley
Rowland Barran
J. L. Walton, K.C
Rt. Hon. Herbert Gladstone
T. W. Nussey
Batty Langley
J. F. Hope
Sir Howard Vincent ....
S. Roberts
C. B. Stuart- Wortley ....
E. A. Brotherton
64,153
65,854
116,693
82,114
100,139
20,742
89,716
73,084
67,082
75,662
75,173
41,189
25
27
3,569,067
Professor R. C. Jebb . , ,
Rt. Hon. Sir J. E. Gorst
Sir W. Anson
J. G. Talbot
Sir M. Foster
WALES.
E. J. Griffiths
50,590
C. Morley
V. Davies
57,212
60,237
Abel Thomas . .
J. Lloyd Morgan
Borough (1).
Carmarthen Group A. Davies
28
54,551
44,894
2 99,445
1 [ 35,880
— I
3 135,325
9,391
9,504
19,094
14,369
17,737
3,178
14,755
11,896
9,570
12,501
11,949
6,103
635,588
6,824
6,303
4,748
17,875
9,847
11,847
13,390
10,777
11,382
22,159
5,739
27,898
418
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Const! tnencies.
Members.
Politics.
3S
8 $
CARNARVON (3). I
County Divisions (2). i
Arfon, or N i W. Jones . . .
Eifion, or S I J. B. Roberts
Borough (I).
Carnarvon Group.
D. Lloyd George
DENBIGH (3).
County Divisions (2).
Eastern
Western
Borough (i).
Denbigh Group . .
FLINT (2).
County Division (1).
Flint ,
Borough (J).
Flint Group ,
GLAMORGAN (10).
County Divisions {5).
Eastern
Gower, or W
Mid
Rhondda
Southern
Boroughs (5).
Cardiff Group
Merthyr Tydvil (2)
Swansea District . .
Town
MERIONETH (1).
County Division (1).
Merioneth
Samuel Moss
J. H. Roberts
G. T. Kenyon
Samuel Smith
J. H. Lewis . .
Alfred Thomas.
J. A. Thomas .
S. T. Evans . . .
W. Abraham . . .
Major Quinn. . .
Sir E. J. Read
D. A. Thomas
J. Keir Hardie (Labour) .
D. Brynmor Jones
Sir G. Newnes
Osmond Williams
1 50,479
1 43,875
94,364
82,481
126,835
54,844
48,157
103,001
26,9.34
129,935
59,026
21,407
80,433
105,568
63,286
82,723
88,968
103,905
444,449
167,679
} 122,536
64,674
63,478
9 862,716
49,1.30
141,211
419
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politioa.
li
§•5
:3' cjS
■go
1
1
1
3
MONTGOMERY (2).
Coimty Division (i).
Montgomery
Bc/roiigh (i).
Montgomery Group
PEMBROKE (2).
County Division (i).
Pembroke
A. C. Humphreys Owen
Col. Pryce Jones
1
1
37,090
17,802
7,921
3,238
Wynford Philipps
1
1
54,892
11,159
1
1
51,869
36,880
11,028
6,766
Borough (i).
Pembroke Group
RADNOR (1).
County Division (I).
Lieut.-General Laurie
F. Edwards
1
1
88,749
17,794
1
23,263
5,284
ABERDEEN (4).
County Divisions (2).
Eastern
1
1
1
77,433
65,893
12,425
10,773
SCOTLAND.
A. W. Maconochie
Dr. R. Farquharson
Captain D. V. Pirie
Western
Boroughs (2).
Aberdeen, North
„ South
ARGYLL (1).
County Division (1).
Argyll
1
1
1
143,326
65,793
77,935
^3,198
10,'206
11,919
Professor J. Bryce
D. Nicol
Hon. T. H. Cochrane
Sir W. Arrol
1
3
287,054
45,.317
1
60,270
10,771
AYR (4).
County Divisions (2).
Northern
1
87,946
94,838
, 14,405
16,394
Southern
Boroughs (2).
Ayr Group
1 ..
C. L. Orr-Ewing
2
1
1
••
182,779
50,877
96,433
30,799
7,007
14,424
Kilmarnock Group
Colonel Denny
4
••
330,089
52,230
420
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Politico.
Population
in 1901.
s us
•3W.S
1^
Members.
Conserrtive
Liberal.
BANFF (1).
Cminty Division (i).
Banff
H. W. Black
1
52,846
8.248
BERWICK (1).
County Division (2).
H J Tennant
1
80,888
5,407
BUTE (1).
County Division (1).
Bute
A. G. Murray, K.C
L. Armsworth
1
18,641
3,444
CAITHNESS (2).
County Division (i).
Caithness
1
25,741
17,493
4,089
2,755
Borough (J).
Wick Group
A. Bignold
1
CLACKMANNAN AND
KINROSS (1).
County Division (J).
Clackmannan & Kinross
DUMBARTON (1).
County Division (1).
Dumbarton
E. Wason
1
1
43,234
6,844
1
43,315
7,662
A. Wylie
1
90,722
14,203
DUMFRIES (2).
County Division (1).
Dumfries
W. J. Maxwell
1
••
52,586
27,799
9,227
3,802
Borough (1).
Dumfries Group
Sir R. T. Reid, K.C
EDINBURGH (6).
County Division (i). i
1
80,385
13,029
91,887
14,326
7,247
11,357
15,540
8,913
16,284
Boroughs (5).
Edinburgh, Central
„ East
„ South
West
Leith Group
G. M. Brown
G. Macrae
1 73^181
Sir A. V. Agnew , 1
Sir L. Mc.Iver 1 1
R. C Munro Ferguson . . . . ' - -
. . 107,206
55,464
1 97,554
2
487,554
73,667
421
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politics.
>
i i
d
o .
II
-Ha
•go
EH
ELGIN & NAIRN (2).
County Division (1).
Elgin and Nairn
Borough (1).
Elgin Group
J. E. Gordon , .
1 --
37,975
33,498
5,860
4,625
A. Asher K.C
1
FIFE (4).
County Divisions (2).
Rt. Hon. H. H. Asquith, K.C.
J. D. Hope
1
1
71,473
10,485
1
1
, 51,475
77,037
9,744
12,776
Western
Boroughs (2).
Kirkcaldy Group
St. Andrews Group
FORFAR (4).
County Division (1).
Forfar
J. H. Dalziel
••
2
1
128,512
43,877
19,311
22,520
7,510
3,134
H. T. Anstruther
1
1
Capt. J. Sinclair
3
191,700
33,164
1
1
1
1
69,658
1 159,040
56,321
12,286
19,233
8,824
Boroughs (3).
Dundee (2) |
Montrose Group
HADDINGTON (1).
County Division (1).
Haddington
Sir John Leng
E Robertson
J. Morley
R. B. Haldane, K.C
J H. Dewar
••
4
285,019
40,343
1
38,798
6,669
INVERNESS (2).
County Division (1).
Inverness
1
67,700
30,882
9,477
4,104
Borough (1).
Inverness Group
KINCARDINE (1).
County Division (1).
Kincardine
Sir R. B. Finlay
1
J W. Crombie
1
1
98,582
13,581
1
39,846
6,682
KIRKCUDBRIGHT (1)
County Division (1).
Kirkcudbright
Sir M. Stewart
1 ! .-
31,503
5,817
422
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constitaenoies.
Members.
LANARK (13).
County Divisions (6)
Govan
Mid
North-Eastem
North- Western
Partick
Southern
Boroughs (7).
Glasgow, Blackfriars and
Hutch'sont'n
Bridgeton
Camlachie
Central . .
College . .
St. Rollox
Tradeston
LINLITHGOW (1).
County Division (1).
Linlithgow
R. H. Craig . . . .
J. Caldwell
Sir W. Rattigan
Dr. C. Douglas . .
J. Parker Smith
J. H. C. Hozier..
ORKNEY AND
SHETLAND (1).
County Division (1).
Orkney and Shetland
PEEBLES AND
SELKIRK (1).
County Division (1).
Peebles and Selkirk . .
A. Ure
J. C. Wason
Sir W. Thorburn.
PERTH (3). [
County Divisions {2). \
Eastern Sir J. Kinloch
Western J. Stroyan
Borough (1).
Perth R. Wallace
PolitioB.
38
A. B. Law
C. Scott-Dickson
Alexander Cross
J. G. A. Baird
Sir J. Stirling-MaxweU
J. Wilson
A. C. Corbett
10
J2
SSg
SOS
103,978
90,966
119,349
100,209
115,528
56,504
16,991
13,981
17,786
14,614
17,551
9,442
586,534 I 89,365
76,122
91,242
78,011
74,601
112,492
118,626
71,278
9,949
11,825
10,441
15,399
16,944
17,960
9,814
1,208,906 180,697
58,667 I 9,081
51,803
7,550
19,609
3,589
1 42,330
47,399
1 I 89,729
1 32,866
2 122,595
7,483
8,227
15,710
4,948
20,658
423
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politics.
I--
II
a
s
i
1
2
RENFREW (4).
County Divisions (2).
Eastern
M. H. Shaw-Stewart
C. B. Renshaw
1
1
••
84,773
68,160
13,106
10,695
Boroughs. {2).
Greenock
Paisley
J. Reid
2
1
1
152,933
67,672
79,354
23,801
7,506
11,246
Sir W. Dunn, Bart
ROSS & CROMARTY (1).
County Division (i).
Ross and Cromarty ....
ROXBURGH (2).
COU7ity Division (J).
Roxburgh
J. G. Weir
3
1
299,959
42,553
1
68,908
8,048
Earl of Dalkeith
1
1
31,702
35,826
5,790
5,711
Borough (1).
Hawick Group
STIRLING (3).
County Division (1).
Stirling
Thomas Shaw
J. Mc.Killop
1
1
67,528
11,501
1
1
1
105,6.37
78,931
44,536
17,4.39
11,408
6,743
Boroughs (2).
Falkirk Group
Stirling Group
SUTHERLAND (1).
County Division (i).
Sutherland
WIGTOWN (1).
County Division (1).
Wigtown
J. Wilson
Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman
F. S. Leveson-Gower
Sir H. E. Maxwell
Sir J B. Tuke
2
1
229,104
35,590
1
20,656
2,800
1
■
32,593
5,546
UNIVERSITIES (2).
Edinburgh and St.
Andrews
1
1
-
10,354
9,673
Glasgow and Aberdeen..
J. A. Campbell
2
20,027
424
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
CoDBtitnenoies.
Members.
PolitioB.
ill
"2^ s
lo"
i
1
n
5
1
a
o
eg
li
ANTRIM (8).
County Divisions (4).
Eastern
lEELAND.
Captain J. Mc.Calmont
The Hon. R. Torrens O'Neill
W. Moore
1
1
1
1
53,281
44,855
45,726
49,161
8,949
7,760
8,1.32
10,328
Mid
Southerii
W. G. E. Macartney
G. W. Wolff
Boroughs [4).
Belfast East
4
1
1
1
1
'-
193,023
121,784
89,307
73,437
64,348
35,169
17,850
11,284
10,246
8,638
North
Sir J. H. Haslett
„ South
T. Sloan
„ West
H. 0. Arnold Forster
J. B. Lonsdale
ARMAGH (3).
County Divisions (5).
Mid
8
••
541,899
83,187
1
1
1
41,476
46,137
37,372
7,182
7,545
7,359
Northern
Colonel Saunderson
J. Campbell
Southern
CARLO W (1).
County Division (i).
Carlow
J. Hammond
2
1
124,985
22,086
1
36,769
6,156
CAVAN (2).
County Divisions [2).
Eastern
S. Young
1
1
46,764
50,604
9,460
9,425
Western
T. Mc.Govern
CLARE (2).
County Divisions {2).
Eastern W. Rfidmnnr]
••
2
97,368
18,885
1 53,504
1 57,016
9,136
9,176
Western
Major Jameson
. . 2 110,520
18,312
425
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Politics.
a
o .
p
c o
Members.
1 1
§ I
O j ^
CORK (9).
County Divisions (7).
Eastern
Mid
Captain Donelan
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
45,245
43,779
43,303
45,572
41,081
42,523
43.617
6,780
7,119
7,371
7,241
6,917
6,924
6,559
D. D. Sheehan
Northern
J. C. Flynn
North-Eastern
W. Abraham
Edward Barry
South-Eastern
Western
E. Crean
J. Gilhooly
Boroughs (2).
Cork (2) j
DONEGAL (4).
County Divisions (4).
Eastern
J. F. X. O'Brien
7
1
1
305,120
I 99,693
48,911
12,877
W. O'Brien
E. Macfadden
••
9
404,813
61,788
1
1
1
1
41,589
43,346
42,276
46,414
6,608
6,820
6,480
7,303
Northern
W. O'Doherty
Southern
J. G. Swift MacNeill
E. J. Boyle
••
DOWN (5).
Couyity Divisions (4).
Eastern
J. Wood
4
173,625
27.211
1
1
1
47,136
55,519
48,223
44,930
8,184
9,474
8,799
8,474
Northern
J. L. Corbett
Southern
M. Mc.Cartan
Western
Captain Hill
1
Borough (J).
Newry
P. G. Carvill
3
1
1
195,808
13,121
34,931
1,921
DUBLIN (6).
County Divisions (2).
Northern
J. J. Clancy
3
2
208,929
36,852
1
1
81,283
82,070
14,240
10,453
Southern
J. Mooney
Boroughs (4).
Dublin,College Green
„ Dublin Harbour. .
„ St. Patrick's
„ St. Stephen' sGreen
J. P. Nannetti
T. Harrington
••
2
1
1
163,353
74,385
76,257
69,078
66,608
24,693
10,464
9,655
9,840
8,166
William Field
1
W Mc Cann
1
6
449,681
62,818
426
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituenoies.
Members.
Politics.
Population
in 1901.
III
Conserytiye
Nationalist.
FERMANAGH (2).
County Divisions (2).
Northern
Southern
E. M. Archdale
1 ..
33,487
31,806
5,172
5,482
J Jordan
1
GALWAY (5).
County Divisions (4).
Connemara
W. O'Malley
1
1
65,243
10,654
1
1
1
1
46,580
44,363
46,306
41,189
6,774
7,253
8,209
6,927
Eastern
Northern
Captain Nolan
Southern
W. J. Duffy
Borough (i).
Galway
4
1
178,438
16,245
29,163
2,359
KERRY (4).
County Divisions (4).
Eastern
J. Murphy
••
5
194,683
31,522
1
1
1
1
40,622
39,047
41,888
43,774
5,669
5,702
5,739
5,813
Northern ". . . .
M Flavin
Southern
Western
T. O'Donnell
KILDARE (2).
County Divisions (2).
Northern
E. Leamy
4
1
1
165,331
22,923
30,590
32,879
5,391
5,880
Southern
M. J. Minch
KILKENNY (3).
County Divisions (2).
Northern
.
••
2
63,469
11,271
1
1
32,008
33,566
5,484
5,221
Southern
J. O'Mara
Borough (1).
Kilkenny
P. O'Brien
2
1
65,574
12,924
10,705
1,553
KING'S COUNTY (2).
County Divisions {2).
Birr
Tullamore
M. Reddy ^
.. 3
78,498
12,258
1
1
30,737
29,392
4,668
4,896
H. Burke
.. 2
1
60,129
9,564
427
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
Politics.
k
<2-
Is
-go
Eh
1
1
IS
§
LEITRIM (2).
Cotmty Divisions (2).
North
P. A. Mc.Hugh
1
1
84,440
34,761
6,672
6,995
South
J. Tully
LIMERICK (3).
County Divisions (2).
Eastern
W. Lundon
2
69,201
13,667
1
1
49,909
60,303
8,024
8,623
Western
P. J. O'Shaughnessy
M. Joyce
Borough (1).
Limerick
••
2
1
100,212
45,806
16,647
6,029
LONDONDERRY (3).
County Divisions {2).
R. J. Atkinson, K.C
J. Gordon
3
146,018
22,676
1
53,744
50,712
9,922
8,519
1
Borough (1).
Londonderry
Marquis of Hamilton
J. P. Farrrell
2
1
...
104,456
39,873
18,441
5,313
LONGFORD (2).
County Divisions (2).
Northern
3
1
1
144,329
23,754
23,379
23,202
•
4,149
3,978
Southern
Hon. E. Blake
LOUTH (2).
Couyity Divisions {2).
Northern
Timothy M. Healy
••
2
46,581
8,127
1
1
35,203
30,538
5,911
5,095
Southern
J. Nolan
MAYO (4).
Coiinty Divisions (4).
Eastern
Northern
Southern
Western
John Dillon
••
2
65,741
11,006
1
1
1
1
48,911
49,511
52,252
52,519
8,281
7,517
8,252
9,450
Conor O'Kelly
J. O'Donnell
Dr. Robert Ambrose
••
4
203,193
33,500
428
HOUSE OP COMMONS.
Constituencies.
Members.
1 Politics.
Population
in 1901.
1°
i
1
1
1
1
MEATH (2).
County Divisions {2).
Northern
Southern
MONAGHAN (2).
County Divisions (2).
Northern
P. White
1
1
84,274
33,189
5,830
6,031
J. L. Carew
•'
••
D.MacAleese
••
••
2
67,463
11,861
..
, ,
1
1
38,126
36,379
6,691
6,605
Southern
QUEEN'S COUNTY (2)
County Divisions (2).
Leix
M. A. MacDonneU
P. Delaney
••
2
74,505
13,296
..
1
1
29,184
28,996
5,153
5,164
Ossory
ROSCOMMON (2).
County Divisions -{2).
Northern
J. J. O'Kelly
••
2
58,180
10,317
1
1
•
'48,762
. 51,244
9,096
9,029
Southern
J. P. Hayden
SLIGO (2).
County Divisions (2).
Northern
W. Mc.Killop
••
••
2
100,006
18,125
1
1
44,584
42,773
8,556
7,572
Southern
John O'Dowd
T. J. Condon
Kendal O'Brien
P. J. O'Brien
TIPPERARY (4).
County Divisions (4).
Eastern
••
••
2
87,357
16,128
-•
••
1
1
1
1
40,581
40,598
39,591
37,076
5,734
6,469
5,954
5,179
Mid
Northern
Southern
TYRONE (4).
County Divisions (4).
Eastern
Mid ^
B. C Doogan
••
••
4
167,846
23,336
1
1
39,503
37,953
38,240
34,772
6,410
7,349
6,162
6,292
1
Northern
Southern
Serjeant Hemphill
T. W. Russell
1
1 1
2
150,468
26,213
429
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Constituencies.
MeAbers.
Politics.
— He
o o
E-t
>
•s
1
i
a
O
WATERFORD (3).
County Divisions {2).
Eastern
P. J. Powe
J. J. Shee
J. E. Redn
r
1
1
29,205
32,368
4,176
4,410
Western
Borough (i).
Waterford
lond
2
1
61,573
27,947
8,586
3,296
WESTMEATH (2).
County Divisions (2).
Northern
3
89,520
11,882
P. J. Kenn
D. SuUivai
edy
1
1
29,837
28,494
5,047
5,441
Southern
1
WEXFORD (2).
County Divisions {2).
Northern
2
58,331
10,488
Sir T. H. I
Peter Ffre
jsmonde
1
1
51,180
52,421
9,053
8,715
Southern
nch
WICKLOW (2)
County Divisions (2).
Eastern
2
103,601
17,768
D. J. Coga
James O'C
n
1
1
31,142
27,122
5,002
4,534
Western
UNIVERSITIES.
Dublin University (2) |
onnor
2
68,264
9,536
W. E. Led
Sir E. Car
jy
1
1
••
)
ion, K.C
j- 4,492
2
••
.... 1 ....
STATE OF PARTIES.
England. Wales.
Scotland.
Ireland.
Total.
Conservatives
338 1 4
126 ' 26
39
9.n
! 401
186
83
Liberals
33 ' 1
Nationalists
1 .. ..82
I
465 30
72
103
670
430
1
i
750
062
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431
PEESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMEEICA.
YEAR.
Declaration of Independence 4th July, 1776
General Washington, first President 1789 and 1793
John Adams 1797
Thomas Jefferson 1801 and 1805
James Madison 1809 and 1813
James Monroe 1817 and 1821
John Quincy Adams 1825
General Andrew Jackson 1829 and 1833
Martin Van Buren 1837
General William Henry Harrison (died 4th April) 1841
John Tyler (previously Vice-President) 1841
James Knox Polk 1845
General Zachary Taylor (died 9th July, 1850) 1849
Millard Fillmore (previously Vice-President) 1850
General Franklin Pierce 1853
James Buchanan 1857
Abraham Lincoln (assassinated 14th April, 1865) 1861 and 1865
Andrew Johnson (previously Vice-President) 1865
General Ulysses S. Grant 1869 and 1873
Rutherford Richard Hayes, after long contest with Tilden 1877
General Garfield (shot July 2 ; died September 19) 1881
Chester A. Arthur, Vice-President, succeeded September 20 1881
Grover Cleveland 1885
General Benjamin Harrison 1889
Grover Cleveland 1893
William M'Kinley 1896
William M'Kinley (shot September 6th, 1901 ; died September 14th) 1900
Theodore Roosevelt 1901
The United States of America form a Federal Republic, consisting of 45
States and 5 Territories.
The official announcement of the total population of the United States for
1900 was 76,295,220. The total population in 1890, with which the aggregate
population of the present Census should be compared, was 63,069,756. Taking
the 1890 population as a basis, there has been a gain in population of 13,225,464
during the past ten years, representing an increase of nearly 21 per cent.
432
MEMOEANDA as to Acts of Parliament restkaining
EXPORTATION OF TOOLS &C. USED IN COTTON LiNEN WoOLLEN
AND Silk Manufactures.
T)Y Act of 14 Geo. III. c. 75 being "An Act to prevent the
-^ Exportation to Foreign Parts of Utensils made use of in the
Cotton Linen Woollen and Silk Manufactures of this Kingdom '
persons were prohibited from exporting "Tools or Utensils" used
in the Cotton Linen Woollen and Silk Manufactures of the
Kingdom.
By Act of 21 Geo. III. c. 37 being an Act to explain and amend
the last-mentioned Act it was enacted —
That if at any time after the 24th day of June 1781 any person or persons
in Great Britain or Ireland shall upon any pretence whatsoever load
or put on board or pack or cause or procure to be loaden put on board
or packed in order to be loaded or put on board of any ship or vessel
which shall not be bound directly to some port or place in Great
Britain or Ireland or shall lade or cause or procure to be laden on
board any boat or other vessel or shall bring or cause to be brought to
any quay wharf or other place in order to be so laden or put on board
any such ship or vessel any machine engine tool press paper utensil or
implement whatsoever which now is or at any time or times hereafter
shall or may be used in or proper for the preparing working pressing
finishing or completing of the Woollen CottoJi Linen or Silk Manu-
factures of this Kingdom or any or either of them or any other goods
wherein Wool Cotton Linen or Silk or any or either of them are or is
used or any part or parts of such machine engine tool press paper
utensil or implement by what name or names soever the same shall
be called or known ; or any model or plan or models or plans of any
such machine engine tool press paper utensil or implement or any
part or parts thereof.
Any Justice might grant a warrant to seize the machines &c. and
on conviction the person offending should forfeit the machines &c.
and a sum of £200 and be imprisoned for twelve months without
bail and until the forfeiture should be paid.
Penalties were ?blso imposed on the Masters of Ships and
Custom House Ofi&cers conniving at any offence and on persons
making machines &c.
433
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435
THE TIME ALL OVER THE WORLD.
When the clock at Greenwich points to Noon the time at the various
places 18 as follows : —
Boston, U.S 7 18 a.m.
Dublin 11 35 a.m.
Edinburgh 11 47 a.m.
Glasgow 11 43 a.m.
Lisbon 11 43 a.m.
Madrid 11 45 a.m.
New York, U.S 7 14 a.m.
Penzance 11 38 a.m.
Philadelphia, U.S 6 59 a.m.
Quebec 7 15 a.m.
Adelaide, Australia 9 11 p.m.
Amsterdam 12 19 p.m.
Athens 1 35 p.m.
Berlin 12 54 p.m.
Berne 12 30 p.m.
Bombay 4 52 p m.
Brussels 12 17 p.m.
Calcutta 5 54 p.m.
Capetown 1 14 p.m.
Constantinople 1 56 p.m.
Copenhagen 12 50 p.m.
Florence 12 45 p.m.
Jerusalem 2 21 p.m.
Madras 5 21 p.m.
Malta 12 58 p.m.
Melbourne, Australia .... 9 40 p.m.
Moscow 2 30 p.m.
Munich 12 46 p.m.
Paris 12 9 p.m.
Pekin 7 46 p.m.
Prague 12 58 p.m.
Rome 12 50 p.m.
Rotterdam 12 18 p.m.
St. Petersburg 2 1 p.m.
Suez 2 10 p.m.
Sydney, Australia 10 5 p.m.
Stockholm 1 12 p.m.
Stuttgardt 0 37 p.m.
Vienna 1 6 p.m.
Hence, by a little calculation, the time for those places at any hour of our
day may be ascertained. At places east of London the apparent time is later,
and west of London, earlier ; for uniformity sake, however, Greenwich time is
kept at all railways in Great Britain and Ireland.
Total Gkoss Amount of Income brought undee the Review
■ OF the Inland Revenue Department.
Year.
i
England.
Scotland.
Ireland.
United Kingdom.
Year.
£
£
£
£
1891-2
585,974,437
60,866,631
31, .352,374
678,193,442
1891-2
1S92-3
585,650,046
62,076,761
31,763,710
679,490,517
1892-3
1S93-4
580,041,683
61,632,540
32,037,765
673,711,988
1893^4
1894-5
564,098,584
61,328,840
31,669,653
657,097,077
1894-5
1895-6
583,966,579
62,143,688
31,659,583
677,769,850
1895-6
1896-7
607,112,810
65,350,653
32,278,145
704,741,608
1896-7
1897-8
633,293,018
68,548,264
32,619,964
734,461,246
1897-8
1898-9
657,212,406
72,209,602
33,215,301
762,667,309
1898-9
1899-1900
682,020,599
76,213,242
33,501,572
791,735,413
1899-1900
19C0-1
719,364,160
79,962.843
34,039,010
883,355,513
1900-1
436
BAEOMETEE INSTEUCTIONS.
COMPILED BY THE LATE ADMIRAL FITZHOY, F.R.8.
The barometer should be set regularly by a duly-authorised person, about
sunrise, noon, and sunset.
The words on scales of barometers should not be so much regarded for
weather indications as the rising or falling of thie mercury ; for if it stand at
CHANGEABLE (29-50) and then rise towards fair (30-00) it presages a change of
wind or weather, though not so great as if the mercury had risen higher ; and,
on the contrary', if the mercury stand above fair and then fall it presages a
change, though not to so great a degree as if it had stood lower ; beside which,
the direction and force of wind are not in any way noticed.
It is not from the point at which the mercury may stand that we are alone
to form a judgment of the state of the weather, but from its rising or falling,
and from the movements of immediately preceding days as well as hours,
keeping in mind effects of change of direction, and dryness or moisture, as
well as alteration of force or strength of wind.
It should always be remembered that the state of the air foretells
COMING weather rather than shows the weather that is present — an invaluable
fact too often overlooked — that the longer the time between the signs and the
change foretold by them the longer such altered weather will last ; and, on the
contrary, the less the time between a warning and a change the shorter will be
the continuance of such foretold weather.
■ If the barometer has been about its ordinary height, say near 30 inches at
the sea-level, and is steady on rising, while the thermometer falls and dampness
becomes less, north-westerly, northerly, north-easterly wind, or less wind, less
rain or snow may be expected.
On the contrary, if a fall takes place with a rising thermometer and in-
creased dampness, wind and rain may be expected from the south-eastward,
southward, or south-westward. A fall with low thermometer foretells snow.
When the barometer is rather below its- ordinary height, say down to
near 29 J inches (at sea-level), a rise foretells less wind, or a change in its
direction towards the northward, or less wet ; but when it has been very low,
about 29 inches, the first rising usually precedes or indicates strong wind — at
times heavy squalls — from the north-westward, northward, or north-eastward,
after which violence a gradually rising glass foretells improving weather ; if
the thermometer falls, but if the warmth continues, probably the wind will
back (shift against the sun's course), and more southerly or south-westerly wind
will follow, especially if the barometer rise is sudden.
The most dangerous shifts of wind, or the heaviest northerly gales, happen
soon after the barometer first rises from a very low point ; or if the wind veers
GRADUALLY, at soiue time afterwards.
437
BAKOMETBB INSTRUCTIONS.
Indications of approaching change of weather and the direction and force
of winds are shown less by the height of the barometer than by its falling or
rising. Nevertheless, a height of more than 30 (30-00) inches (at the level of
the sea) is indicative of fine weather and moderate winds, except from east to
north, OCCASIONALLY.
A rapid rise of the barometer indicates unsettled weather, a slow movement
the contrary ; as likewise a steady barometer, when continued and with
dryness, foretells very fine weather.
A rapid and considerable fall is a sign of stormy weather, and rain or snow.
Alternate rising and sinking indicates unsettled or threatening weather.
The greatest depressions of the barometer are with gales from S.E., S., or
S.W. ; the greatest deviations, with wind from N.W., N., or N.E., or with calm.
A sudden fall of the barometer, with a westerly wind, is sometimes followed
by a violent storm from N.W., N., or N.E.
If a gale sets in from the E. or S.E., and the wind veers by the south, the
barometer will continue falling until the wind is near a marked change, when
a lull MAY occur ; after which the gale will soon be renewed, perhaps suddenly
and violently, and the veering of the wind towards the N.W., N., or N.E. will
be indicated by a rising of the barometer, with a fall of the thermometer.
After very warm and calm weather a storm or squall, with rain, may follow ;
likewise at any time when the atmosphere is heated much above the usual
temperature of the season.
To know the state of the air not only the barometer and thermometee,
but appearances of the sky should be vigilantly watched.
SIGNS OP WEATHER.
Whether clear or cloudy, a rosy sky at sunset presages fine weather ; a red
sky in the morning, bad weather or much wind, perhaps rain ; a grey sky in
the morning, fine weather ; a high dawn, wind ; a low dawn, fair weather.*
Soft-looking or delicate clouds foretell fine weather, with moderate or light
breezes; hard-edged, oily-looking clouds, wind. A dark, gloomy, blue sky is
windy, but a light, bright blue sky indicates fine weather. Generally, the
softer the clouds look, the less wind (but perhaps more rain) may be expected ;
and the harder, more " greasy," rolled, tufted, or ragged, the stronger the coming
wind will prove. Also a bright yellow sky at sunset presages wind ; a pale yellow,
wet ; and thus, by the prevalence of red, yellow, or grey tints, the coming
weather may be foretold very nearly — indeed, if aided by instruments, almost
exactly.
* A high dawn is when the first indications of daylight are seen above a bank of clouds.
A low dawn is when the day breaks on or near the horizon, the first streaks of light being
very low down.
438
BAROMETER INSTRUCTIONS.
Small inky-looking clouds foretoU rain ; light scud clouds driving across
heavy masses show wind and rain, but if alone may indicate wind only.
High upper clouds crossing the sun, moon, or stars in a direction different
from that of the lower clouds, or the wind then felt below, foretell a change of
wind.
After fine, clear weather the first signs in the sky of a coming change are
usually light streaks, curls, wisps, or mottled patches of white distant clouds,
which increase, and are followed by an overcasting of murky vapour that grows
into cloudiness. This appearance, more or less oily or watery as wind or rain
will prevail, is an infallible sign.
Light, delicate, quiet tints or colours, with soft, undefined forms of clouds,
indicate and accompany fine weather ; but gaudy or unusual hues, with hard,
definitely-outlined clouds, foreteU rain, and probably strong wind.
When sea-birds fly out early and far to seaward, moderate wind and fair
weather may be expected. When they hang about the land, or over it, some-
times flying inland, expect a strong wind, with stormy weather. As many
creatures besides birds are affected by the approach of rain or wind, such
indications should not be slighted by an observer who wishes to foresee
weather.
Kemarkable clearness of atmosphere near the horizon, distant objects
such as hills unusually visible, or raised (by refraction), f and what is called a
"good HEARING day," may be mentioned among signs of wet, if not wind, to
be expected.
More than usual twinkling of the stars, indistinctness or apparent multi-
plication of the moon's horns, haloes, "wind-dogs" (fragments or pieces of
rainbows, sometimes called " wind-galls ") seen on detached clouds, and the
rainbow, are more or less significant of increasing wind, if not approaching
rain with or without wind.
Lastly, the dryness or dampness of the air, and its temperature (for the
season), should always be considered with other indications of change or
continuance of wind and weather.
On barometer scales the following contractions may be useful : —
EISE
FOR
N.E.LY
(n.w.-n.-e.)
DRY
OR
LESS
WIND.
EXCEPT
WET FROM
N.Ed.
FALL
FOR
S.W.LY
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OR
MORE
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EXCEPT
WET PROM
N.Ed.
When the wind shifts against the sun.
Trust it not, for back it will run.
First rise after very low
Indicates a stronger blow.
Long foretold— long last ;
Short notice — soon past.
t Much refraction is a sign of easterly wind.
439
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THE ENGLISH MILE COMPAEED WITH OTHBE
EUEOPEAN MEASUEES.
English
Statute Mile.
English
Geog. Mile.
French
Kilometre.
German
Geog. Mile.
Kussian
Verst.
English Statute Mile . .
English Geog. Mile
Kilometre
1-000
1-163
0-621
4-610
0-663
4-714
3-458
7-021
6-644
4-682
2-987
0-867
1-000
0-540
4-000
0-575
4-089
3-000
6-091
5-764
4-062
2-592
1-609
1-856
1-000
7-420
1-067
7-586
6-666
11-299
10-692
7-636
4-808
0-217
0-25
0-135
1-000
0-144
1-022
0-750
1-523
1-441
1-016
0-648
1-508
1-738
0-937
6-953
1-000
7-112
5-216
10-689
10-019
7-078
4-505
German Geog. Mile ....
Russian Verst
Austrian Mile
Dutch Ure
Norwegian Mile
Swedish Mile
Danish Mile
Swiss Stunde
Austrian
Mile.
Dutch
Ure.
Norwe-
gian Mile.
Swedish
Mile.
Danish
Mile.
Swiss
Stunde.
English Statute Mile . .
English Geog. ]\Iile
Kilometre
0-212
0-245
0182
0-97
0-141
1000
0-734
1-48
1-409
0-994
0-634
0-289
0-333
0-180
1-333
0-192
1-363
1-000
2-035
1-921
1-354
0-864
0-142
0-164
0-088
0-657
0-094
0-672
0-493
1-000
0-948
0-667
0-425
0-151
0-169
0-094
0-694
0-100
0-710
0-520
1-057
1-000
0-706
0-449
0-213
0-246
0-133
0-986
0-142
1-006
0-738
1-499
1-419
1-080
0-638
0-335
0-386
0-208
1-543
0-222
1-578
1-157
2-350
2-224
1-567
1000
German Geog. Mile
Russian Verst
Austrian Mile
Dutch Ure
Norwegian Mile
Swedish Mile
Danish Mile
Swiss Stunde
30
460
Table Showing the Number op Days from any Day of one
Month to the same Day of any other Month.
number op days from day to day.
Fbom to
Jan.
Feb.
Mar.
Apbil
1
May j June
July
Auo.
Sept.
Oo*.
Not-
Dec.
January . .
365
31
59
90
120 151
181
212
243
273
304
334
February..
334
365
28
59
89
120
150
181
212
242
273
303
March
306
337
365
31
61
92
122
153
184
214
245
275
April
275
306
334
365
30
61
91
122 153
183
214
244
May
245
276
304
335
365 31
i
61
92 123
153
184
214
June
214
245
273
304
334
365
30
61 92 1 122
153
183»
July
184
215
243
274
304
335
365
31 62 92
123
153
August . . .
153
184
212
243
273
304
334
1
365 31 61
1
92
122
September
122
153
181
212
242
273
303
334
365
30
61
91
October . .
92
123
151
182
212
243
273
304 335
365
31
61
November.
61
92
120
151
181 212
242
273 j 304
334
365
30
Decbmber
31
62
90
121
151
182
212
243 1 274
304
335
365
Example of Use of Table:— To find the number of days from 16th August to '27th February.
Find August in the side column and February at the top; the number at the intersection,
viz., 184, is the number of days from 16th August to 16th February; and 11 (the difference
between 16 and 27), and the sum 195 is the number required. Similarly, the number from
451
TEEMS AND ABBEEVIATIONS COMMONLY USED
IN BUSINESS.
A/c Account.
C Currency.
^ A dollar.
E. E Errors excepted.
E. & 0. E. . .Errors and omissions
excepted.
F. 0. B Free on board (delivered
on deck without expense to the
ship).
F. P. A Free of particular
average.
Inst Present month.
Peox Next month.
Ult. Last month.
D/D Days after date.
M/D Months after date.
D/S Days after sight.
% Per cent.
@ ^ Ih At per pound.
B/L Bill of lading.
Ad valorem . . According to value.
Affidavit .... Statement on oath.
Affirmation . . Statement without an
oath.
Agio The premium borne
by a better sort of money above
an inferior.
Assets A term for property in
contradistinction to liabilities.
Banco A continental term
for bank money at Hamburg
and other places.
Dead Freight. — The damage payable by one who engages to load a ship fully,
and fails to do so.
Deviation, in marine insurance, is that divergence from the voyage insured
which releases the underwriter from his risk.
Discount. — An allowance made for payment of money before due.
Policy. — The document containing the contract of insurance. A Valued Policy
is when the interest insured is valued. An Open Policy is one in which
the amount is left for subsequent proof. In an open policy where the
value shipped does not equal the value insured, the difference is termed
over insurance ; and the proportionable amount of premium returnable to
the insurer is called a return for short interest.
Primage. — A small allowance for the shipmaster's care of goods, now generally
included in the freight.
Pro rata. — Payment in proportion to the various interests concerned.
Quid pro quo. — Giving one thing for another.
Respondentia. — A contract of loan by which goods in a ship are hypothecated
to the lender, as in bottomry.
Ullage. — The quantity a cask wants of being full.
452
PRINCIPAL AETICLES OF THE CALENDAE,
FOB THE YEAR 1903.
Golden Number 4
Solar Cycle 8
Epact 2
Dominical Letter D
Roman Indiction 16
Year 6616 of the Julian Period.
1907 from the Birth of Christ.
2656 „ „ Foundation of Rome according to Varron.
7411 of the World (Constahtinopolitan account).
7395 „ „ (Alexandrian account).
5664 of the Jewish Era commences on September 22nd, 1903.
Year 1321 of the Mahommedan Era commences on March 30th, 1903.
Ramad4n (Month of Abstinence observed by the Turks) commences on
November 21st, 1903.
FIXED AND MOVABLE FESTIVALS, ANNIVERSARIES, ETC.
Epiphany Jan. 6
Septuagesima Sunday Feb, 8
Quinquagesima Sunday „ 22
Ash Wednesday „ 25
First Sunday in Lent IMar. 1
St. Patrick „ 17
Lady Day „ 25
Palm Sunday April 5
Good Friday „ 10
Easter Sunday „ 12
Ascension Day May 21
Pentecost— Whit Sunday „ 31
Trinity Sunday June 7
Corpus Christi „ 11
St. John Baptist — Midsummer
Day „ 24
St.Michael — Michaelmas Day Sept.29
King Edward VII. bom (1841) Nov. 9
St. Andrew „ 30
Christmas Day (Friday) Dec. 25
THE FOUR QUARTERS OF THE YEAR.
H. M.
Spring Quarter begins March 21st 7 15 afternoon.
Simimer „ „ June 22nd 3 4 „
Autumn „ „ September 24th 5 44 morning.
Winter „ „ December 23rd 0 33
453
BANK HOLIDAYS. LAW SITTINGS. ECLIPSES.
REGISTEES OF BIRTHS, MARRIAGES, AND DEATHS.
These are now kept at Somerset House, and may be searched on payment of
the fee of one shilling. If a certified copy of any entry be required, the charge
for that, in addition to the shilling for the search, is two shillings and seven-
pence, which includes a penny for stamp duty. The registers contain an entry
of births, deaths, and marriages since 1st July, 1837.
BANK HOLIDAYS, 1903.
ENGLAND.
Easter Monday April 13
Whit Monday June 1
First Monday in August August 3
Boxing Day (Saturday) December 26
SCOTLAND.
New Year's Day January 1
Good Friday April 10
First Monday in May May 4
First Monday in August August 3
Christmas Day December 25
LAW SITTINGS, 1903.
Begin. End.
Hilary Sittings January 11 April 8
Easter „ April 21 May 29
Trinity „ June 9 August 12
Michael. „ October 24 December 21
ECLIPSES, 1903.
In the year 1903 there will be two Eclipses of the Sun and two of the
Moon : —
An Annular Eclipse of the Sun, March 28th-29th, invisible at Greenwich.
A Partial Eclipse of the Moon, April llth-12th, visible at Greenwich.
A Total Eclipse of the Sun, September 21st, invisible at Greenwich.
A Partial Eclipse of the Moon, October 6th, partly visible at Greenwich.
454
Calendar for 1903.
January.
February.
March.
»
... 4 11 18 25
»
1 8 15 22
^
1 8 15 22 29
M
... 5 12 19 26
M
2 9 16 23
M
2 9 16 23 30
'Rj
... 6 13 20 27
Itr
3 10 17 24
Tftj
3 10 17 24 31
W
... 7 14 21 28
W
4 11 18 25
W
4 11 18 25 ...
:&
1 8 15 22 29
^1
5 12 19 26
Ik
5 12 19 26 ...
F
2 9 16 23 30
F
6 13 20 27
F
6 13 20 27 ...
S
3 10 17 24 31
. S
7 14 21 28
S
7 M 21 28 ...
April.
May.
June.
»
... 5 12 19 26
^
...3 10 17 24 31
^
... 7 14 21 28
M
... 6 13 20 27
M
...4 11 18 25 ...
M
1 8 15 22 29
'Si
... 7 14 21 28
lb
...5 12 19.26 ...
"Sj
2 9 16 23 30
W
1 8 15 22 29
W
...6 13 20 27 ...
W
3 10 17 24 ...
lb
2 9 16 23 30
Ik
...7 14 21 28 ...
Ik
4 11 18 25 ...
F
3 10 17 24 ...
F
1 8 15 22 29 ...
F
5 12 19 26 ...
S
4 11 18 25 ...
S
2 9 16 23 30 ...
S
6 13 20 27 ...
July.
August.
September.
»
... 5 12 19 26
^ ...2 9 16 23 30
^
... 6 13 20 27
M
... 6 13 20 27
M
...3 10 17 24 31
M
... 7 14 21 28
^
... 7 14 21 28
lb
...4 11 18 25 ...
Itj
1 8 15 22 29
W
1 8 15 22 29
W
...5 12 19 26 ...
W
2 9 16 23 30
Ik
2 9 16 23 30
Ik ...6 13 20 27 ...
Ik
3 10 17 24 ...
F
3 10 17 24 31
F
...7 14 21 28 ...
F
4 11 18 25 ...
S
4.11 18 25 ...
S
1 8 15 22 29 ...
S
5 12 19 26 ...
October.
INovember.
December.
J$
... 4 11 18 25
S 1 1 8 15 22 29
^
... 6 13 20 27
M
... 5 12 19 26
M 2 9 16 23 30
M
... 7 14 21 28
'Sj
... 6 18 20 27
'Bj 1 3 10 17 24 ...
Tb
1 8 15 22 29
W
... 7 14 21 28
W
4 11 18 25 ...
W
2 9 16 23 30
:&
1 8 15 22 29
a
5 12 19 26 ...
Ik
3 10 17 24 31
F
2 9 16 23 30
F
6 13 20 27 ...
F
4 11 18 25 ...
S
3 10 17 24 31
S
7 14 21 28 ...
1 S
5 12 19 26 ...
455
CONTRIBUTIONS
WHICH HAVE APPEARED IN THE CO-OPERATIVE
WHOLESALE SOCIETIES' "ANNUAL"
From 1885 to 1903.
Title of Article.
Acland, A. H. D. — Education of Co-operators and
Citizens
Acland, A. H. D. — Secondary Education
Adams, The late Mr. John
Africa; Europe and England in, or the Develop
ment of the Dark Continent. — By H. de B
GiBBiNS, M.A., P.E.G.S
Agriculture, Co-operation as Applied to. — By Prof
James Long
Agriculture, Co-operation in its Application to. —
By G. HiNES
Agriculture, Co-operative. — By Bolton King
Agriculture, Co-operative, applied to Market Gar-
dening and Fruit Culture. — By the Editor of
The Agricultural Economist
American Immigration Laws. — By Edward Porkitt
American Tariffs. — By Edward Porritt
American Shipbuilding. — By Edward Porritt
Anti-Co-operative Movement, the Private Traders'.
By James Deans
Arnold, Arthur. — The Land and the People
Articles Consumed by Co-operators, The Growth
and Manufacture of
Art to Labour, The Eelations of. — By Wm. Morris
Association v. Competition. — By H. W. Macrosty,
B.A
Australasia as a Contributor to the World's
Supplies. — By E. L. Nash
Bailey, H. E. — Advantages and Necessity of a
Co-operative Wholesale Centre of Supply, as
established in the Organisation of the English
and Scottish Wholesale Societies
' Annual.'
1885
1885
1900
1895
1899
1887
1885
210
187
1885
194
1894
1897
1902
171
202
221
1899
1887
269
184
1885
1890
146
371
1900
223
1902
301
1889
Page.
420
426
425
345
409
377
456
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article,
" Annual.'
Ballot, The
Billson, Alfred, M.P. — Taxation of Land Values. . .
B. J., L. B. — Co-operative Wholesale Societies and
their Eelations to Eetail Co-operative Societies...
B. J., L. B. — Future Financial Development of the
Co-operative Movement
B. J., L. B. — Possibilities of International Co-opera-
tive Trade
B. J., L. B. — Eetail Co-operation and the Eelations
between the Individual and the Store
B. J., L. B. — The Position of Co-operation in other
Lands i
Blatchford, Eobert. — Land Nationalisation !
Boot and Shoe Making : As it Was and As it Is. — \
By An Old Craft
Bradbury, Fred. — The Woollen Industry, His-
torically and Commercially Considered j
Branford, Victor V., M.A. — Electricity : Past,!
Present, Future
British Trade, The Course of. — By Geo. HowELii,
F.S.S., M.P
British Trade, Industrial Conflicts and
Budget and Taxation. — By W. M. J. Williams . ...
Burns, John, M.P. — Eisks and Casualties of Labour
Burt, T., M.P.— Trade Unions and the Working
Classes
Burton, F. G. — Advantages of Co-operative over]
Municipal and State Management in Produc- -
tion and Distribution
1886
1899
1896
1899
1898
1896
1901
1898
1889
1900
1896
1893
1886
1902
1899
1885
1897
1898
Callie, J. W. S. — War Armaments of Europe
Campbell, D. — The Scottish Co-operative Whole-]
sale Society Limited, and its Productive [i 1896
Departments ]
Canada in 1898. — By Edward Porritt [ 1899
Can the Empire Feed its People? — By James
Long 1893
Capital, The World's Accumulation of. — By T.i
Lloyd 1893
Casartelli, Eev. L. C, Ph.D., M.A. — Commercial
Geography 1889
457
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
-By John Burns,
-By
Casualties of Labour, Eisks and.
M.P
Cattle, Breeding and Feeding of Horses and
D. Johnson
Chapman, W. W., F.S.S., M.E.A.S.E., &c.— The
British Islands : Their Eesources in Live Stock..
Charities and their Administration. — By George
Howell, F.S.S., M.P
Christian Socialism, Modern, from 1848. — By the
Eev. J. Glasse, M.A., D.D
Citizens, Education of Co-operators and. — By A.
H. D. ACLAND
Citizenship, Education in. — By Henry Dyer, C.E.,
M.A., D.Sc
Citizenship, Geography and History for Economics
and. — By Professor Patrick Geddes
Civic Duties. — By David G. Eitchie, M.A
Civil Service Stores
Civil Lists, Crown Lands and. — By W. M. Thompson
Clay, the late Joseph
Coal and Coal Mining. — By D. M. Stevenson and
W. E. Garrett Fisher, M.A
Cocoa, Tea, Coffee, and. — By J. E. Jackson, A.L.S.
Illustrated by J. Allen
Colonial Empire and Emigration, Our
Colonies Adapted for Permanent Homes
Colonies Adapted for Temporary Eesidence only ...
Commerce and Trade, Fluctuations in. — By Geo.
Howell, F.S.S., M.P
Commercial Geography. — By Eev. L. C. Casartelli,
Ph.D., M.A
Commercial and Industrial History, Sketches from.
By H. DE B. GiBBiNs, M.A
Common Lands, The Enclosure of
Communities, Ideal. — By W. C. J
Company Frauds and Parliamentary Inactivity. —
By J. G. Swift Macneill, Q.C, M.P
Competition, Foreign, and its Influence on Home
Industries. — By J. A. Hobson
Competition, Foreign, in the East. — By Holt S.
Hallett, C.E
Condition of Labour, The.— By G. H. Wood, S.F.S.|
"Annual."! Page.
1899
1888
1903
1895
1897
1885
1894
1895
1898
1887
1902
1902
1897
1893
1885
1885
1885
1890
1889
1892
1885
1886
1900
1899
1893
1902
383
347
245
175
172
420
286
485
163
247
316
356
450
339
243
259
322
161
191
279
461
151
169
197
371
247
458
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
"Anntial."
Conciliation Boards, Wages and. — By W. Eees
Jeffreys
Constitution, The English : Its Origin and Growth.
By H. DuNCKLEY, M.A., LL.D
Co-operation and Education. — By Eev. T. G. DaviesI
Co-operation and the Poor. — By J. C. Gray |
Co-operation in its Application to Agriculture. — By
G. HiNES
Co-operation in other Lands. — By H. W. Wolff...!
Co-operation in other Lands, The Position of. — Byj
B. J., L.B I
Co-operation in Italy. — By Bolton King i
Co-operation as Applied to Agriculture. — By James
Long
Co-operation, Eminent Men on
Co-operation : Its Spread and Power. — By T. Swann
Co-operation in its Eelation to other Forms of Col-
lectivism.— By A. E. Fletcher
Co-operation, Productive : Its Principles and
Methods.— By H. W. Macrosty, B.A
Co-operation, Retail, and the Relations between
the Individual and the Store. — By B. J., L. B
Co-operation, Valuable Opinions on
Co-operation v. Socialism. — By Prof. P. Geddes ...
Co-operation, Some Aspects of Continental and
Colonial. — By the Rev. T. G. Gardiner
Co-operation and Currency Reform. — By Michael
Flurscheim
Co-operative Agriculture. — By Bolton King
Co-operative Agriculture Apphed to Market Gar-
dening and Fruit Culture. — By the Editor of
The Agricultural Economist j
Co-operative Movement, Anti-, Private Traders'. —
By James Deans
Co-operative Efforts, Early
Co-operative Movement, Future Financial Develop-
ment of.— By B. J., L.B
Co-operative Societies, Law Cases Afifecting. — By
Henry Harwood
Co-operative, The Advantages of, over Municipal]
and State Management in Production and Dis- 1
tribution. — By F. G. Burton ]
1903
1891
1888
1902
1887
1903
1901
1902
1899
1887
1899
1903
1896
1888
1888
1897
1898
1885
1885
1899
1886
1899
1895
1897
Page.
291
129
308
111
210
223
379
165
409
233
125
224
161
199
337
285
499
210
187
194
269
86
166
530
303
459
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
" Annual." Page
Co-operative Production. — By H. Slatter, J.P. ...
Co-operative Trade, The Possibilities of Inter-
national.— By B. J., L. B
Co-operative Wholesale Centre of Supply, The"\
Advantages and Necessity of a, as Established |
in the Organisation of the English and Scottish [
Wholesale Societies. — By H. E. Bailey )
Co-operative Wholesale Societies, The, and their^
Eelations to the Eetail Co-operative Societies. I
By B.J., L.B )
Co-operative Wholesale Society, The Productive
Departments of the
Co-operative Wholesale Society, Progress and Pre-t
sent Position of the I
Co-operative Wholesale Society, The Scottish, andj
its Productive Departments. — By D. Campbell.
Co-operative Wholesale Societies' Tea Estates 1
Co-operative Societies, The System of Credit as
practised by. — By J. C. Gray
Co-operators, Education of, and Citizens. — By A.
H. D. ACLAND
Co-operators, The Growth and Manufacture of
Articles Consumed by
Cotton Industry, Past, Present, and Prospective, A
Sketch of British. — By J. C. Fielding
Cotton Kingdom, The New. — By Edward Porritt
Cotton Mill Towns of New England. — By Edward
Porritt
Cows' Milk, On the Production of, and the Dis-
eases Caused by its Use. — By J. Niven, M.A.,
M.B. (Cantab.)
Creameries, Irish. — By W. L. Stokes
Credit as practised bv Co-operative Societies. — By
J. C. Gray ."'
Crown Lands and Civil Lists. — By W.M.Thompson
Culture. — By E. D. Eoberts
Currency Eeform and Co-operation. — By Michael
Plurscheim
1886
1898
1889
1896
1892
1899
1896
1903
1889
1885
1885
1887
1895
1900
1897
1897
1889
1902
1885
1898
188
257
377
209
430
445
323
359
344
420
146
313
241
195
282
419
344
316
424
210
Dairy Farming in Sweden I 1888 i 277
Dairy Produce, Our Trade in. — By Jas. Long 1892 i 360
Davies, Eev. T. G. — Co-operation and Education... i 1888 308
460
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAIi" FBOM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
" Annual."
Page.
Deans, James. — Private Traders' Anti-Co-operative
Movement
Distribution, The Advantages of Co-operative over"!
Municipal and State Management in Produc-l
tion and. — By P. G. Burton j
Distributive Co-operation, One Outcome of
Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D.— The English Con-
stitution : Its Origin and Growth
Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D.— The South Sea
Bubble
Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D. — Military and Naval
Forces of the World and their Cost
Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D. — Stock Exchanges :
Their Origin and History
Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D.^History and Effects
of the Privileged Classes in Civilised Communities.
Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D.— Would the]
Nationalisation of Railways be of Advantage Ij
to the Country ? j i
Dyer, Henry, O.E., M.A., D.Sc— Influence of)!
Modern Industry on Social and Economic p
Conditions j !
Dyer, Henry, C.E., M.A., D.Sc— Education inj
Citizenship
Eastern Markets, Development of. — By Holt S.
Hallett, C.E *
Economics and Citizenship, Geography and History
for. — By Professor Patrick Geddes
Economic Conditions, Influence of Modern Industry
on Social and.— By H. Dyer, C.E., M.A., D.Sc...
Education in Citizenship. — By Henry Dyer, C.E.,
M.A., D.Sc
Education in England and Wales in 1902. — By
Dr. Macnamara, M.P
Education of Co-operators and Citizens. — By A. H.
D. Acland
Education, Co-operation and. — By Eev. T G.
Da VIES
Education, Higher. — By F. Storr
Education of the People, The. — By Rev. J. Hirst
Hollo WELL
1899
1897
1886
1891
1892
1893
1893
1894
1895
1892
1894
1890
1895
1892
1894
1903
1885
1888
1885
1892
269
303
194
129
243
427
171
262
203
145
286
308
485
145
286
139
420
308
437
319
461
CONTBIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
J.
Primary, in England. — By Dr
Eoyal Commission on. — By H
— By A. H. D. AcLAND
Secondary. — By H. de B,
Education,
Watts . .
Education, The
Slatter, J.P.
Education, Secondary
Education, Needs of
GiBBINS, M.A
Education, Statistics of Expenditure of Public
Money on
Education, Technical, at Home and Abroad. —
By Eev. J. Hirst Hollowell
Electricity : Light and Power. — By M. Holroyd
Smith, M.I.M.E., M.S.T.E. and E., &c
Electricity : Past, Present, Future. — By Victor V
Branford, M.A
Emigration, The Advantages of. — By G.J. Holyoake
Emigration, Our Colonial Empire and
Empire, Can the. Feed its People ? — By Professor
James Long
England, Land Tenui^e in. — By Professor J. E.
Thorold Eogers
English Constitution, The : Its Origin and Growth,
By H. DuNCKLEY, M.A., LL.D
English Industry up to the Beginning of the~)
Present Century, A Short Outline of the I
Growth of. — By H. de B.Gibbins, B.A j
English Labour, A Century-and-a-half of. — By Pro-
fessor J. E. Thorold Eogers, M.P
Englishmen in the World of Labour. — By B. J., L. B.
Europe and England in Africa ; or the Development |
of the Dark Continent. — By H. de B. Gibbins, l
M.A., F.E.G.S )
Evans, Sparke, J.P. — Leather
Everett, E. L., M.P.— Old Age Pensions
Evolution and Work of the Scots Parliament, The.
By William Wallace, M.A
Expenditure and Taxation of the United Kingdom,
1875-1900, The.— By W. M. J. Williams
" Annual."
Page.
Factory Legislation in the United States. — By
Edward Porritt
1885
1889
1885
1900
1885
1894
1889
1896
1885
1885
1893
1889
1891
1890
1885
1887
1895
1889
1893
1897
1901
1896
393
334
426
143
443
439
204
253
245
243
595
167
129
273
327
270
345
322
464
331
345
180
462
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FBOM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
Factories, Sweating in Indian, and Workshops. —
By Holt S. Hallett, C.E
Fibre Supply, The World's. — By J. E. Jackson,
A.L.S
"Annual."! 1**86.
Fielding, J. C. — British Cotton Industry ; Past,
Present, and Prospective, A Sketch of
Fisher, W. E. Garrett, M.A. — Coal and Coal
Mining
Fishing Industries of the United Kingdom. — By
Chas. E. Fryer
Fletcher, A. E. — Co-operation in its Eelation to
other Forms of Collectivism
Fletcher, A. E. — The Utilisation of Waste Lands. ,
Flour, Wheat
Fliirscheim, Michael. — Currency Eeform and Co
operation
Food of the People, The.— By T. Oliver, M.A.,
M.D., F.E.C.P
Food Products, New, with Suggestions on the\
Introduction and Cultivation in Britain or the
British Colonies of New and Little Known -
Fruits and Vegetables. — By J. E. Jackson, A.L.S
Illustrated by J. Allen
Foreign Trade, The Eelative Values of our Home
■ and our. — By T. Lloyd
Foreign Competition in the East. — By Holt S.
Hallett, C.E
Foreign Competition and Its Influence on Home
Industries. — By J. A. Hobson
Freedom, Popular, The Birth of, in England. — By
W.C.J
French and German Socialism. — By Laurence
Gronlund
Fruit Culture, Co-operative Agriculture applied to]
Market Gardening, &c. — By the Editor of The-
Agricultural Economist )
Fruit-Growing Industry, Our. — By G. T. Turner.
Fryer, Charles E. — Fishing Industries of the United
Kingdom
Furniture Woods, with Suggestions for the Intro-]
duction of New Kinds. — By J. E. Jackson, '-
A.L.S. Illustrated by J. Allen j
1891
1897
1887
1897
1893
1899
1901
1888
1898
1896
1895
1895
1893
1899
1886
1886
1885
1889
1893
1894
199
228
313
450
561
224
211
332
210
147
279
312
371
197
250
138
194
366
561
349
463
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
Gardiner, Eev. T G. — Some Aspects of Continental
and Colonial Co-operation
Geddes, Prof. Patrick.— Co-operation v. Socialism...
Geddes, Prof. Patrick. — Geography and History for
Economics and Citizenship :
Geography, Commercial. — By Eev. L. C. Casar-
TELLI, Ph.D., M.A
Geography and History for Economics and Citizen
ship. — ^By Professor Patrick Geddes
German Socialism, French and. — By Laurence
Gronlund
Gibbins, H. de B., M.A.— A Short OutHne of thej
Growth of English Industry up to the Beginning I
of the Present Century j
Gibbins, H. de B., M.A. — Sketches from Commercial
and Industrial History
Gibbins, H. de B., M.A. — The Needs of Secondary
Education
Glasgow, The Eise and Progress of Industries of.
By Egbert Leggatt
Glasse, Eev. J., M.A., D.D. — Modern Christian
Socialism from 1848
Glover, T. E. — Insurance, and what is worth
knowing about it
Government, Local, and Taxation. — By George
Howell, F.S.S
Grain Trade, The Position of the World's. — By G.
T. Turner
Gray, J. C. — The System of Credit as practised by
Co-operative Societies
Gray, J. C. — Co-operation and the Poor
Green, J. E., RLC, F.C.S.— Soap
Grey, Sir E. — Payment of Members of Parlia-
ment
Gronlund, Laurence. — Social Experiments in United
States
Gronlund, Laurence. — Socialism, French and
German
Gums, Eesins, Balsams, and Eubbers. — By J. E.
Jackson. Illustrated by J. Allen
"Annual."
Hallett, Holt S., C.E. — India and its Neighbours.
1897
1888
1895
1889
1895
1886
1890
1892
1900
1891
1897
1888
1897
1888
1889
1902
1891
1892
1886
1886
1899
1895
Page.
499
285
485
191
485
138
273
279
143
347
172
264
395
237
344
111
288
345
116
138
297
378
464
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM ]885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
"Annual."
Hallett, Holt S., C.E. — Development of Eastern
Markets ,.,..... 1890
Hallett, Holt S.,C.E. — Sweating in Indian Factories
and Workshops 1891
Hallett, Holt S., C.E. — Foreign Competition in the
East 1893
Hallett, Holt S., C.E. — Indian Taxation : Ancient
and Modern 1897
Hardie, J. Keir, M.P. — Towards Municipal Socialism 1901
Harvey, J. W. — Inland Navigation 1888
Harwood, Henry. — Law Cases Affecting Co-
operative Societies 1895
Health and Long Life, Sanitation. — By H. Pitman. 1896
Hewins, W. A. S.^The National Debt: Its Origin, |
Growth, and the Methods which have been :- 1889
Adopted from time to time for its Reduction . . . )
Hibbert, The late Emanuel 1896
Hines, G. — Twelve Years of School Work in
Ipswich 1885
Hines, G. — Co-operation in its Application toj
Agriculture I 1887
History of Milling. — By R. Witheeington 1887
History of the Travelling Tax. — By G. J. Holyoake' 1901
History, Geography and, for Economics and Citizen-
ship.— By Professor Pateick Geddes 1895
Hobson, J. A.— The Problem of the Unemployed... 1896
Hobson, J. A. — Foreign Competition and its Effects
on Home Industries 1899
Hobson, J. A. — The Industrial Future of South
Africa 1901
Hollo well, Eev. J. Hirst. — The Education of the
People 1892
Hollowell, Rev. J. Hirst. — Technical Education at
. Home and Abroad 1894
Hollowell, Rev. J. Hirst. — School System of the
United States 1902
Holyoake, G. J. — The Advantages of Emigration... 1885
Holyoake, G. J.— History of the Travelling Tax ... 1901
Home and Our Foreign Trade, The Relative Values
of our.— By T. Lloyd 1895
Horses and Cattle, Breeding and Feeding of. — By
D. Johnson 1888
465
CONTEIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FBOM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article..
"Annual." Page.
Hosiery Trade, The. — By Anthony MuNDEiiiiA . . .
Housing of the Working Classes .,...■
Housing Problem in the Towns, The. — By G. M.
Knowles
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P.— Trade Unions : Their
Origin, Eise, Progress, and Work
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P.— Great Strikes: Their
Origin, Cost, and Eesults
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P.— Fluctuations in
Commerce and Trade
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. — Pauperism: Its
Nature and Extent, its Causes and Eemedies ...
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. — Industrial London.
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P.— Eich Eicher and the
Poor Poorer: An Essay on the Distribution of
Wealth
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P.— The Course of
British Trade
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P.— A Century of In-
dustrial and Social Legislation
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. — Charities and their
Administration
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P.— Taxation : How
Eaised and how Expended
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. — Local Government
and Taxation
Hughes, Thos., Q.C. — Eugby Tennessee
Hughes, the late Judge
Ideal Communities. — By W. C.J
India and its Neighbours. — By Holt S. Hallett,
C.E
Indian Factories and Workshops, Sweating in. — By
Holt S. Hallett, C.E
Indian Famine and its Lessons, The. — By Vaughan
Nash
Indian Taxation, Ancient and Modern. — By Holt
S. Hallett, C.E
Industrial Conflicts and British Trade
Industrial History, Sketches from Commercial. — By
H. DE B. GiBBINS, M. A
31
1893
1886
1901
1885
1889
1890
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1885
1897
1886
1895
1891
1901
1897
1886
1892
479
203
309
352
266
161
187
163
191
210
198
175
232
395
254
511
151
378
199
163
254
286
279
466
CONTKIBUTION8 TO THE "ANNUAL" FBOM 1886 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
-By J. A.
-By
Industrial Future of South Africa, The
HOBSON
Industrial Progress, The Eecent History of.
E. S. Watson
Industrial and Provident Societies : The Legislation
Relating thereto. — By E. V. Neale
Industrial London. — By Geobge Howell, F.S.S.,
M.P
Industrial and Social Legislation, A Century of. —
By Geobge Howell, F.S.S., M.P
Industrial Mortality, Some Aspects of. — By Vauqhan
Nash
Industries of Glasgow, The Rise and Progress of.
By Robeet Leggatt
Industries, Fishing, of the United Kingdom. — By
Chaeles E. Feyee
Industry, English, up to the beginning of the\
Present Century, A Short Outline of the Growth >•
of. — By H. de B. Gibbins, M.A ]
Industries, Foreign Competition and its Influence
on Home. — By J. A. Hobson
Influence of Modern Industry on Social and]
Economic Conditions. — By H. Dyee, C.E., -
M.A., D.Sc )
Influence of the Production of the Precious Metals]
on Industry and Trade, The. — By Professor J. -
S. Nicholson, M.A., D.Sc j
Influence of the Land Laws upon the Prosperity
of the People. — By Professor James Long
Inland Navigation. — By J. W. Haevey
Insurance, and what is worth knowing about it. —
By T. R. Glovee
International Co-operative Trade, The Possibilitiesj
of.— By B. J., L. B I
Irish Creameries. — By W. L. Stokes
Irlam Soap Works
Italy, Co-operation in. — By Bolton King
"Annual."
Jackson, J. R., A.L.S. — Tea, Coffee, and Cocoa ...
Jackson, J. R., A.L.S. — Furniture Woods, with
Suggestions for the Introduction of New Kinds.
1901
1891
1887
1891
1894
1894
1891
1893
1890
1899
1892
1895
1895
1888
1888
1898
1897
1896
1902 I 165
1893
1894
467
CONTBIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FEOM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. — New Food Products, with^
Suggestions on the Introduction and Cultivation
in Britain or the British Colonies of New and
Little Known Fruits and Vegetables
Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. — The World's Fibre Supply.
Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. — Tobacco, its History,
Culture, and Uses
Jackson, J. E., x\.L.S. — Gums, Eesins, &c
Jackson, J. E., A.L.S.— Sugar, Botanically and
Commercially Considered
Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. — Eice, Sago, and Tapioca:
Commercially and Botanically Considered
Jeffreys, W. Eees. — Wages and Conciliation Boards
Johnson, D. — Breeding and Feeding of Horses and
Cattle
King, Bolton. — Co-operative Agriculture
King, Bolton." — ^Co-operation in Italy
Knights, J. M., F.S.S. — -Eailway Eates and Charges
Knowles, C. M. — The Housing Problem in the
Towns
Kropotkin, P.— What Man can Obtain from the
Land
Labour, Eelations of Art to. — By Wm. Morris
Labour Statistics, Articles from Bureau of
Labour, Eisks and Casualties of. — By John Burns,
M.P
Labour, Condition of.^ — By George H. Wood, F.S.S.
Land Laws, Influence of the, upon the Prosperity
of the People. — By Professor James Long
Land and the People, The. — By Arthur Arnold...
Land Nationalisation. — By A. J. Ogilvy
Land Nationalisation. — By Egbert Blatchford...
Land Settlement for Workmen. — By James Long..
Land Tenure in England. — By Professor J. E.
Thorold Eogers
Land, What Man can Obtain from the. — By P.
Kropotkin
"Annual."! Page.
1895
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
1903
1888
1885
1902
1900
1901
1897
1890
1886
1899
1902
1895
1887
1890
1898
1903
1889
1897
279
228
183
297
391
135
291
347
187
165
357
309
358
371
218
383
247
422
184
131
241
321
167
358
468
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FBOM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
Land Values, Taxation of. — By A. Billson
Lands, The Enclosure of Common
Laurie, Professor S. S. — The University and the
People, and the University of the Future
Law Cases Affecting Co-operative Societies. — By
Henry Harwood
Law, The History of the Poor. — By Graham
Wallas
Leather. — By Sparke Evans, J.P
Leggatt, Eobert. — The Eise and Progress of the
Industries of Glasgow
Legislation, Factory, in the United States. — By
Edward Porritt
Legislation, Industrial and Provident Societies. —
By E. V. Neale
Legislation, A Century of Industrial and Social. —
By G. Howell, F.S.S., M.P
Legislation, For Direct. — By A. M. Thompson
Live Stock, The British Islands : Their Eesources
in.— By W. W. Chapman, F.S.S., M.E.A.S.E., &c.
Lloyd, T. — The World's Accumulation of Capital . .
Lloyd, T. — The Eelative Values of our Home and
our Foreign Trade
Local Government and Taxation. — By George
Howell, F.S.S., M.P
London, Industrial. — By George Howell, F.S.S.,
M.P
London School Board. — By the Hon. E. Lyulph
Stanley, M.P
Long, Professor James. — The Sources of our Meat
Supply
Long, Professor James. — Can the Empire Feed its
People?
Long, Professor James. — Soil, and What it will Grow
Long, Professor James. — Influence of the Land
Laws upon the Prosperity of the People
Long, Professor James. — Co-operation as Apphed
to Agriculture
Long, Professor James. — Land Settlement for
Workmen
Long Life, Sanitation, Health, and. — By H. Pitman.
Lownds, The late James
'Annual.'
1899
1885
1894
1895
1894
1889
1891
1896
1887
1894
1900
1903
1893
1895
1897
1891
1885
1891
1893
1894
1895
1899
1903
1896
1896
469
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
'Annual."
Page.
Machinery and Industry, The Possibilities of, and]
Some of their Probable Eesults on Social and I
Economic Conditions )
Machinery, Shoe: Its Effects on Wages and Cost
of Production. — By An Old Craft
Macnamara, Dr., M.P. — Education in England and
Wales in 1902
Macneill, T. G. Swift, Q.C., M.P.— Company Frauds
and Parliamentary Inactivity
Macrosty, H. W., B.A. — Association ^7. Competition
Macrosty, H. W., B.A. — Productive Co-operation :
Its Principles and Methods
Manchester School Board. — By Henry Slatter,
J.P
Manchester Ship Canal, An Account of the Origin
and Development of the
Marshall, Alfred. — -Theories and Facts About
Wages
Maxwell, Wm., J.P. — The late John Thomas White-
head Mitchell, J.P
Maxwell, J. S. — Tramways and Municipalisation...
Meat Supply, The Sources of Our. — By Professor
James Long
Melbourne and its District. — By W. Nuttall
Members of Parliament, Payment of. — By Sir E
Grey
Members of Parliament, Payment of : A Historical
Note. — By A. H. Worthington
Merchant Shipping Bill, The
Merchant Shipping, Sketch of the Else and Pro
gress of
Military and Naval Forces of the World and their
Cost.— By H. DuNCKLEY, M.A., LL.D
Mining, History of. — By E. Witherington
Mining Eoyalties. — By Professor J. E. C. Munro..
Mitchell, J.P., the late John Thomas Whitehead.—
By Wm. Maxwell, J.P
Modern Christian Socialism from 1848. — By the
Eev. J. Glasse, M.A., D.D
Money. — By Professor J. S. Nicholson
Mortality, Some Aspects of Industrial. — By
Vaughan Nash
1893
301
1890
383
1903
139
1900
1900
169
223
1903
161
1885
405
1889
389
1885
379
1896
1902
392
185
1891
1888
380
194
1892
345
1893
1885
555
239
1885
198
1893
1887
1891
427
304
269
1896
392
1897
1887
172
137
1894
314
470
CONTEIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1886 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
" Annual."
Morris, Wm. — Eelations of Art to Labour 1890
Movements and Eeforms of the Nineteenth Century,:
Social.— By G. H. Wood, F.S.S ! 1903
Mundella, Anthony. — The Hosiery Trade \ 1893
Municipal Socialism, Some Facts and Considera-
tions about. — By Sydney Webb, LL.B 1896
Municipal SociaUsm, Towards. — By J. Keiri
Hardie, M.P 1901
Municipal and State Management in Production]
and Distribution, The Advantages of Co-opera- ■ 1897
tive over. — By F. G. Burton ) I
Municipalisation, Tramways and. — By J. Shawi
Maxwell ! 1902
Munro, J. E. C— Mining Eoyalties ' 1891
Murphy, W. S. — Eobert Owen as a Social Eeformer 1903
Nash, Vaughan. — Some Aspects of Industrial Mor-
tality •. 1894
Nash, Vaughan. — The Indian Famine and its
Lessons 1901
Nash, E. L. — Australasia as a Contributor to the
World's Supplies I 1902
Nation, The Eailways for the.— By G. H. Perri8,i
F.S.S i 1898
National Debt, The: Its Origin, Growth, and the^i
Methods which have been Adopted from time to j- 1 1889
time for its Eeduction. — By W. A. S. He wins...] |
National Expenditure Accounts and Audits. — Byl
W. E. Snell 1888
Nationalisation, Land. — By A. J. Ogilvy 1890
Nationalisation, Land. — By Eobert Blatchford. 1898
Nationalisation, Would the, of Eailways be of j
Advantage to the Country? — By H. Dunckley, I 1895
M.A., LL.D )
Naval, Military and, Forces of the World, and their
Cost.— By H. Dunckley, M. A., LL.D 1893
Navigation, Inland. — By J. W. Harvey 1888
Neale, E. V. — The Legislation Eelating to Indus-
trial and Provident Societies 1887
Newman, P. L., B.A., F.I.A. — Superannuation 1898
471
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
New Food Products, with Suggestions on the\
Introduction and Cultivation in Britain or the
British Colonies of New and Little Known .
Fruits and Vegetables. — By J. E. Jackson
A.L.S. Illustrated by J. Allen
Nicholson, Professor J. S., M.A., D.Sc. — Money ...
Nicholson, Professor J. S., M.A., D.Sc— The]
Influence of the Production of the Precious [■
Metals on Industry and Trade j
Niven, J., M.A., M.B. (Cantab.)— On the Produc-)
tion of Cows' Milk and the Diseases Caused by \-
its Use )
Nuttall, W. — Melbourne and its District
' Annual."
Ogilvy, A. J. — Land Nationalisation
Old- Age Pensions. — By E. L. Everett, M.P
Oliver, T., M.A., M.D., F.E.C.P.— The Food of the
People
On the Production of Cows' Milk and the Diseases]
Caused by its Use. — By J. Niven, M.A., M.B. I
(Cantab.) )
Owen, Eobert, as a Social Eeformer. — By W. S.
MUKPHY
Parliament, The Evolution and Work of the Scots.
By William Wallace, M.A
Pauperism: Its Nature and Extent, its Causes)
and Eemedies. — By George Howell, F.S.S.,1
M.P )
Payment of Members of Parhament. — By Sir E.
Grey |
Payment of Members of Parliament : A Historical
Note. — By A. H. Worthington
Pensions, Old-Age. — By E. L. Everett, M.P
People, Influence of the Land Laws upon the
Prosperity of the. — By Professor James Long...
People, The Land and the. — By Arthur Arnold...
People, The University and the, and the University
of the Future. — By Professor S. S. Laurie
Perris, G. H., F.S.S. — The Eailwavs for the Nation
1895
1887
1895
1897
1888
1890
1893
1896
1897
1903
1897
1890
1892
1893
1893
1895
1887
1894
1898
Page.
279
137
456
282
194
131
464
147
282
111
331
187
345
555
464
422
184
380
283
472
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
' Annual."
Phonography, Spelhng Eeform and.— By H. Pitman 1890
Piggott, A. E., F.S.A.A. — Silk : Its History and its
Industries 1893
Pitman, Henry. — Spelling Eeform and Phonography 1890
Pitman, Henry. — Sanitation, Health, and Long Life 1896
Political Economy, The Working Classes and 1886
Poor Law, The History of the. — By Grahamj
Wallas 1894
Poor Poorer, Eich Eicher and the : An Essay on|
the Distribution of Wealth, — By Geo. Howell, [ 1892
F.S.S., M.P j
Pool', Co-operation and the. — By J. C. Gray 1902
Popular Discontent 1886
Popular Fi-eedom in England, The Birth of. — By
W. C. J L 188a,
Popular Power : A People's Party | l886
Porritt, Edward. — American Immigration Laws ... 1894
Porritt, Edward.— The New Cotton Kingdom 1895
Porritt, Edward. — Factory Legislation in the United
States .■ ; 1896
Porritt, Edward.— American Tariffs 1897
Porritt, Edward.— Canada in 1898 1899
Porritt, Edward. — Cotton Mill Towns of New
England | 1900
Porritt, Edward.— The United States in 1900 1901
Porritt, Edward. — American Shipbuilding 1902
Position of Co-operation in other Lands, The. — By
B. J., L.B 1901
Possibilities of International Co-operative Trade,
The.— By B. J., L.B 1898
Possibilities of Machinery and Industry, and some]
of their Probable Eesults on Social and Economic I 1893
Conditions, The j
Printing, The Origin and Growth of the Art of. —
By H. Slatter, J.P 1893
Privileged Classes in Civilised Communities, The^i
History and Effects of.— By H. Dunckley, M.A., I 1894
LL.D )
Production, Co-operative. — By Henry Slatter, J.P. 1886
Production of Cows' Milk, On the, and the Diseases] i
Caused by its Use.- By J. Niven, M.A., M.B. | 1897
(Cantab.) J|
473
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 188t
) TO 1903
Title- of Article.
"Annual."
Page.
Production, The Influence of the, of the Precious]
Metals on Industry and Trade. — By Professor •
J. S. Nicholson, M.A., D.Sc J
1895
1897
1903
1892
1896
1886
1899
1891
1895
1887
1898
1895
• ■
1900
1889
1899
1900
1896
1901
1892
456
303
161
430
323
77
445
308
422
344
283
203
357
312
249
337
199
135
191
Production and Distribution, The Advantages of]
Co-operative over Municipal and State Manage- •
ment in. — By F. G. Burton j
Productive Co-operation : Its Principles and
Methods. — By H. W. Macrosty, B.A
Productive Departments of the C.W.S., The
w
Productive Departments, The Scottish Co-opera-]
tive Wholesale Society Limited and its. — By -
D. Campbell ]
Progress of Society, The
Progress and Present Position of the C.W.S
Progress, The Eecent History of Industrial. — By
E. S. Watson
Prosperity of the People, The Influence of the Land
Laws upon the.^By Professor James Long
Provident, Industrial and. Societies : The Legisla-
tion Eelating thereto. — By E. V. Neale
Eailways for the Nation, The. — By G. H. Perris,
F.S.S
Eailways, Would the NationaUsation of, be of]
Advantage to the Country ?^By H. Dunckley, •
M.A., LL.D ;
Eailway Eates and Charges.^By J. M. Knights,
F.S.S .•
Eating
Eating System, Some Eecent Modifications of Our.
By Wm. j. Williams
Eeferendum in the United Kingdom, The Case'
Against the, with Special _ Eeference to the ■
United Kingdom — By Lilian Tomn
Individual and the Store — By B.J. , L. B
Eice, Sago, and Tapioca : Commercially and
Botanically Considered. — By J. E. Jackson, •
A.L.S. Illustrated by J. Allen
Eich Eicher and the Poor Poorer : An Essay on]
the Distribution of Wealth. — By G. Howell, •
F.S.S., M.P ,
474
CONTKIBUTION8 TO THE "ANNUAL" FBOM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
' Annual.'
Eings, Trusts, and SyBdicates. — By W. E. Snell... 1890
Eisks and Casualties of Labour. — By John Burns,!
M.P 1899
Eitchie, David G., M. A.— Civic Duties 1898
Eoberts, E. D.— Culture 1885
Eochdale School Board 1885
Eochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers, First Eules
. of the 1895
Eoden Estate of C.W.S 1900
Eogers, Professor J. E. Thorold. — rLand Tenure in
England 1889
Eoyal Commission on Education, The. — By H.
Slatter, J.P 1889
Eoyalties, Mining. — By Professor J. E. C. Munro. 1891
Eugby Tennessee. — By Thos. Hughes, Q.C 1885
Sanitation, Health, and Long Life. — By H. Pitman 1896
Sanitation, The Economic Aspect of 1888
School Board, London. — By the Hon. E. Lyulph
Stanley, M.P 1885
School Board, Manchester. — By Henry Slatter,
J.P 1885
School Board, Eochdale 1885
School Board, Sheffield.— By Thos. Swann 1885
School Work in Ipswich, Twelve Years of. — By G.
HiNES 1885
School System of the United 'States. — By Eev. J.
Hirst Hollowell 1902
Scots Parliament, The Evolution and Work of the.
By William Wallace, M.A 1897
Scottish Wholesale Societies, The Advantages and\
Necessity of a Co-operative Wholesale Centre! -tooq
of Supply, as Established in the Organisation [
of the English and. — By H. E. Bailey )
Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited, j
The, and its Productive Departments. — By D. I 1896
Campbell j
Settlement, Land, for Workmen. — By James Long 1903
Shipbuilding, American. — By Edward Porritt ... 1902
Shoe Machinery : Its Effect on Wages and Cost of
Production. — By An Old Craft 1890
475
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
'Annual."
Silk : Its History and its Industries. — By A. E.
PiGGOTT, P.S.A.A 1893
Slagg, John, M.P. — Technical Instruction 1885
Slatter, Henry, J. P. — School Board, Manchester ... 1885
Slatter, Henry, J. P. — Co-operative Production 1886
Slatter, Henry, J. P. — The Eoyal Commission on
Education 1889
Slatter, Henry, J.P. — The Origin and Growth of
the Art of Printing 1893
Smith, M. Holroyd, M.I.M.E., M.S.T.E., and E., &c.
Electricity: Light and Power 1889
Snell, W. E. — Eings, Trusts, and Syndicates 1890
Soap.— By J. E. Green, P.I.C, F.C.S 1891
Soap Works, Irlam 1896
Social Legislation, A Century of Industrial and. —
By George Howell, F.S.S., M.P 1894
Social Movements and Eeforms of the Nineteenth
Century.— By _G. H. Wood, F.S.S 1903
Social and Economic Conditions, Influence of
Modern Industry on. — By Henry Dyer, C.E.,
M.A., D.Sc 1892
Social Experiments in the United States. — By
Laurence Gronlund 1886
Socialism, Co-operation v. — By Professor Patrick
Geddes 1888
Socialism : French and German. — By Laurence
Gronlund 1886
Socialism, Modern Christian, from 1848. — By the
Eev. J. Glasse, M.A., D.D 1897
Socialism, Towards Municipal. — By J. Keir
Hardie, M.P 1901
Society, The Progress of .....: 1886
Soil, and What it will Grow. — By Professor James
Long 1894
South Africa, The Industrial Future of. — By J. A.
HOBSON 1901
South Sea Bubble, The. — By Henry Dunckley,
M.A., LL.D j 1892
Spelling Eeform and Phonography. — By Henry
Pitman 1890
Stanley, Hon. E. Lyulph, M.P. — School Board,
London 1885
Page.
686
413
405
188
334
285
204
209
288
388
198
193
145
116
285
138
172
289
77
397
269
243
236
404
476
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
Statistics of Trade Unions
Statistics, Articles from Bureau of Labour
Stevenson, D. M. — Coal and Coal Mining
Stock Exchanges : Their Origin and History. — By
Henry Dunckley, M.A., LL.D
Stoker, The late Wm
Stokes, W. L. — Irish Creameries
Stores : Eetail and Wholesale
Storr, F. — Higher Education
Strikes, Great, Their Origin, Cost, and Results. — :
By George Howell, F.S.S., M.P I
Sugar, Botanically and Commercially Considered. — j
By J. R. Jackson, A.L.S. Illustrated by J. I
Allen I
Sugar Question in 1902.— By W. M. J. Williams..
Superannuation. — By P. L. Newman, B.A., P.I.A...!
Swann, Thomas. — School Board, Sheffield
Swann, Thomas. — Co-operation : Its Spread and
Power
Swann, The late Mr. Thomas
Sweating in Indian Factories and Workshops. — By
Holt S. Hallett, C.E
Sweden, Dairy Farming in
Syndicates, Rings, Trusts, &c. — By W. E. Snell.
Tariffs, American. — By Edward Porritt
Taxation, Indian, Ancient and Modern.^ — -By Holt
S. Hallett, C.E
Taxation of Land Values. — By Alfred Billson,
M.P
Taxation : How Raised and how Expended. — By
George Howell, F.S.S., M.P
Taxation, Local Government and. — By George
Howell, F.S.S., M.P
Taxation, A Just Basis of. — By Frederick
Verinder
Taxation, Budget and. — By W. M. J. Williams ...
Tea, Coffee, and Cocoa. — By J. R. Jackson, A.L.S.
Illustrated by J. Allen
Tea Estates, The C.W.S
Technical Education at Home and Abroad. — By
Rev. J. Hirst Hollowell
" Annual."
1885
1886
1897
1893
1903
1897
1886
1885
1889
1900
1903
1898
1885
1888
1900
1891
1888
1890
1897
1897
1899
1896
1897
1900
1902
1893
1903
1894
439
477
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
Technical Instruction. — By John Slagg, M.P
Tennessee Eugby. — By Thos. Hughes, Q.C
Thompson, A. M. — For Direct Legislation
Thompson, W. M. — Crown Lands and Civil
Lists
Tobacco, its History, Culture, and Uses. — By J. E.
Jackson, A.L.S. Illustrated by J. Allen
Tomn, Lilian. — The Case Against the Eefe-'j
rendum, with Special Eeference to the United I
Kingdom j
Towards Municipal Socialism. — By J. Keir
Haedie, M.P
Trade, British, The Course of. — By George
Howell, F.S.S., M.P
Trade, British, Industrial Conflicts and
Trade, Fluctuations in Commerce and. — By George
Howell, F.S.S., M.P
Trade, The Possibilities of International Co-opera-
tive.—By B. J., L.B
Trade, The Eelative Values of Our Home and Our
Foreign. — By T. Lloyd
Trade, The Hosiery. — By Anthony Mundella...,
Trade Unions, Statistics of
Trade Unions : Their Origin, Else, Progress
and Work. — By George Howell, F.S.S.
M.P
Trade Unions and the Working Classes. — By T.
Burt, M.P :
Trade Unionism in its Permanent Effects upon the
Worker
Tramways and Municipalisation. — By J. S.
Maxwell
Travelling Tax, History of the. — By G.J. Holyoake
Trusts and Syndicates, Eings. — By W. E. Snell...
Turner, G. T. — Our Fruit-Growing Industry
Turner, G. T. — Position of the World's Grain Trade
Unemployed, The Problem of the.^ — By J. A.
Hobson
United States in 1900, The.— By E. Poeritt
United States, School System of the. — By Eev. J.
Hirst Hollowell
"Annual." Page.
1885
1885
1900
1902
1898
1900
1901
1885
413
254
311
316
183
337
289
1893
1886
210
285
1890
161
1898
257
1895
1893
1885
312
479
360
352
1885
374
1886
267
1902
1901
1890
1889
1888
185
231
209
366
237
1896
1901
351
185
1902
279
\
478
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
"AnnuaL" Page
University and the People, and the University of
the Future, The. — By Professor S. S. Laurie ...
Utilisation of Waste Lands, The. — By. A. E.
Fletcher
Verinder, F. — A Just Basis of Taxation
Facts about. — By Alfred|
Boards. ^-By W. EeesI
Wages, Theories and
Marshall
Wages and Conciliation
Jeffreys
Wages and Prices since the Industrial Eevolution,
A Glance at.— By G. H. Wood, F.S.S
Wallace, William, M.A.— The Evolution and Work
of the Scots Parliament
Wallas, Graham. — The History of the Poor Law...
War Armaments of Europe, The. — By J. W. S.
Callie
Waste Lands, The Utilisation of. — By A. E.
Fletcher .- '.
Watson, E. S. — The Eecent History' of Industrial
Progress
Watts, Dr. J., Primary Education in England
W. C. J. — Ideal Communities :
W. C. J. — The Birth of Popular Freedom in England.
Webb, Sidney, LL.B.— The Condition of the]
Working Classes in Great Britain in 1842 and I
1892 j
Webb, Sidney, LL.B. — Some Facts and Considera-}
tions about Municipal Socialism
Wheat Flour ,
" Wholesale," The, of To-day :
WiUiams, W. M. J. — Some Eecent Modifications oi\
Our Eating System j
Williams, W. M. J. — The Expenditure and Taxation
of the United Kingdom, 1875-1900
Williams, W. M. J. — Budget and Taxation
Williams, W. M. J.— The Sugar Question in 1902..
Witherington, E. — History of Milling :
Wood, G. H., F.S.S.— A Glance at Wages and
Prices since the Industrial Eevolution
Wood, G. H., F.S.S., The Condition of Labour
1894
1901
1900
1885
1903
1901
1897
1894
1898
1901
1891
1885
1886
1886
1893
1896
1888
1902
1899
1901
1902
1903
1887
1901
1902
380
211
285
379
291
244
331
262
324
211
308
393
151
250
537
286
332
337
249
345
139
267
304
244
247
479
CONTBIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FBOM 1885 TO 1903.
Title of Article.
Wood, G. H., F.S.S. — Social Movements and
Eeforms of the Nineteenth Century
Woods, Furniture, with Suggestions for the Intro-
duction of New Kinds. — By J: E. Jackson,
A.L.S. Illustrated by J. Allen
Woollen Industry, Historically and Commercially
Considered. — By Fred Bradbury . . . '
Wolff, H. W. — 'Co-operation in other Lands
Working Classes and Political Economy, The
Working Classes in Great Britain in 1842 and
1892, The Condition of.— By Sidney Webb,
LL.B j
Working Classes, Housing of the
Working Classes, Trade Unions and the. — By T.
Burt, M.P.......
World's Supplies, Australasia as a Contributor to
the.— By E. L. Nash
Worthington, A. H. — Payment of Members of
Parliament': A Historical Note..
"Annual."
Page.
1903
193
1894
349
1900
253
1903
223
1886
279
1893
537
1886
203
1885
374
1902
301
1893
555
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