Full text of "Annual"

THE

CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE
SOCIETIES LIMITED.

ANNUAL

.. FOR ..

PUBP

THE CO-OPERATIVE WHO^PKE SOCIETY LIMITED,
1, BALLOON STREET MANCHESTER; and

THE SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED,
MORRISON STREET, GLASGOW.

PREFACE.

THE literary contributions to this volume cover a wide field,
from "Co-operation as an Alternative to Socialism," by Mr.
F. Eockell, to Mr. Eeed's "Egypt under Lord Cromer." In
a Co-operative publication Mr. Rockell's article naturally claims
first attention. At the present time, when we find it maintained on
the one hand that Socialism is allied to Co-operation, and on the
other that the two movements are absolutely distinct, such a
comparison, focussing the main points in one article, is of
considerable value. The author, whilst appreciating the aims of
Socialism, is keen to discover its weaknesses, and indicates in a
clear and powerful style the latent force of reform in Co-operation
intelligently understood and diligently applied.

Of the articles dealing with other social problems, Mr. Alden's
plea for the children is perhaps the most pressing in its call for
prompt attention. Our age is the age of cheapness, not only of
commodities, but, alas! of human life worse still, of child life
and, although much has been done to protect the children of the
nation, the facts and figures collected by the author prove the need
for greater effort on their behalf. Mr. Alden deals with the infant,
the child at school and at work, the criminal and pauper, and
concludes: "Any Government worthy of the name to-day must
have a great constructive policy of social-reform on all sides in
order that this blot of a degraded child life^majr be removed from
the national escu\cheSh.'' ^/Tn' / O

From legislation ibAjhildreri to legifsl^b^Tfor adults is a natural
step, and this bringfeus.to Mr'. *E\ H/ B&se/s contribution discussing
the Eight Hours Da\f6'r Miners, .and 'ir/doing so he points out the
importance of the Act^s being an. interference with the conditions
of male adult workers. Tttie,' subjects one that touches the national
well-being at its heart, for''<cp.al bapbecome an integral part of our
civilisation, and knowledge ot,,tljrlife of those who drag it out from
the depths of the earth should be common to all of us. The
conclusions of Mr. Russell Rea's Departmental Commission are
examined, dissected, and criticised with trenchant force. The
apprehensions of the opponents of the Bill are shown to be
groundless, or, at least, to quote the author, "That the price of
coal will rise I believe that it should rise I refuse to admit."

III.

PREFACE.

Mr. Eose also reminds us that "it so rarely occurs to us that there
are profits which cannot be expressed in money values, and that
national credit and security must rise with the social and industrial
efficiency of our people."

It is ten years since an article appeared in the "Annual"
dealing with the Nationalisation of Eailways. Since then many
developments have taken place, and Mr. Chiozza Money re-states
the case with his customary ability. The success of State-owned
railways abroad is compared with the results of the working of the
English systems, much to the disadvantage of home methods.
The waste in competition, over-capitalisation, the railway in its
relation to traders and its own servants, are all considered and
much interesting information given respecting these aspects of the
question, concluding with a few practical suggestions as to the
acquiring of the railways by the British people.

Equality of opportunity is the dominant note of Mr.
Mansbridge's article "From Primary School to University. " We
are given a precise historical survey of educational work from
early times of primary, secondary, and University education,
followed by an examination of primary school work, and then
of the functions of the two higher spheres. The author points out
that "some day England will regard the right conduct of war with
ignorance and evil forces as of equal importance to the right
conduct of war with an opposing nation," and if the creation of an
educational highway for all who seek knowledge from a high
motive will hasten that day it behoves us all to further such an
agitation.

Professor S. J. Chapman takes us back into the bed-rock of
" Principles of Social Eeform," and in a scholarly paper reminds
as of the importance of true ideals, and of a definite basis of
principles which will help us in attaining them.

The work of our legislators and certain details of Parliamentary
procedure are dealt with by Mr. S. L. Hughes, who, in a fresh
and pleasant manner, tells us of the ways of our representatives at
Westminster; whilst Imperial matters, in this case "Egypt under
Lord Cromer," find a congenial exponent in Mr. J. H. Eeed, who
sketches the history o modern Egypt and the results of the
British occupation.

THE COMMITTEE.

IV.

LIST OF MAPS, DIAGRAMS, PLATES, &-c.

CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY.

Diagrams-
Comparison of the Sales of Wholesale and
Retail Co-operation.

Forty-five Years' Progress of Co-operation.

Forty-four Years' Progress of the Co-
operative Wholesale Society Limited.
Map of the World, showing Foreign and

Colonial Depots.
Map of the United Kingdom, showing

Depots, Ac., of the Wholesale Societies.
Manchester

Bird's Eye View of Central Premises.

Mitchell Memorial Hall, Boardroom,
Offices, &c., Corporation Street.

Balloon Street and Garden Street.

Drapery Warehouse, Balloon Street.

Dantzic Street.

Trafford Bacon Factory and Wharf.
Newcastle

West Blandford Street.

Waterloo Street and Thornton Street.

Quayside

Stowell Street.

Pel aw.
London

Leman Street.

Bacon Stoves.

Grove Street.

Tea Department.
Bristol Dep6t.
Brislington Butter Factory.
Cardiff Depot.
Northampton Saleroom.
Nottingham Saleroom.
Birmingham Saleroom.
Huddersfield Saleroom.
Limerick Dep6t.
Armagh Depot.
Tralee Egg and Butter Depot.

Bacon Factory.
Typical Irish Creamery (Bunkay).
Crumpsall Biscuit, Sweet, &c., Works.
Middleton Junction Preserve, Marmalade,

and Peel Works.
Middleton Junction Vinegar Brewery and

Pickle and Sauce Factory.
Leicester Wheatsheaf Boot and Shoe Works.

Leicester Duns Lane Boot and Shoe Works.

Enderby Boot and Shoe Works.
Heckmondwike Boot, Shoe, and Currying

Works.

Rushden Boot and Shoe Works.
Mam Soap, Candle, and Glycerine Works.
Silvertown (London) Soap Works.
Dunston-on-Tyne Soap Works.
Batley Woollen Cloth Factory.
Leeds Clothing Factory.

Brush and Mat Works.
Luton Cocoa and Chocolate Works.
Dunston-on-Tyne Flour Mill.
Silvertown (London) Flour Mill.
Sun Flour and Provender Mills, Trafford

Wharf.

Star Flour Mill. Oldham.
Silvertown (London) Grocery Productive

Factory.
Broughton (Manchester) Cabinet, Tailoring,

Mantle, Shirt, Underclothing, &c.,

Factories.

Desborough Corset Factory.
Longsight (Manchester) Printing Works.
Leicester Printing Works (late Hosiery).
Hartlepool Lard Refinery and Hide and Skin

Factory.

Littleborough Flannel Factory.
Manchester Tobacco Factory.
Hucknall Huthwaite Hosiery Factory.
Bury Weaving Shed.
Keighley Ironworks.
Dudley Bucket and Fender Works.
Birtley Tinplate Works.
Longton Crockery Dep6t.
Esbjerg Depot.
Herning Bacon Factory.
Sydney Oil and Tallow Factory.
S.S. "Fraternity."
S.S. "New Pioneer."
Roden Convalescent Home.

Tomato Houses.
Nugawella Tea Factory.
Weliganga Bungalow.

Tea Estate.
Bridge across the River Mahaweliganga.

SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY.

(Following page 80.)

Registered Office and Furniture Warehouse,
95, Morrison Street, Glasgow.

Grocery and Provision Warehouse, 119,
Paisley Road, Glasgow.

Leith Grocery and Provision Warehouse,
Links Place.

Kilmarnock Grocery and Provision Ware-
house, Grange Place.

Enniskillen Branch Central Premises.

Branch Creameries in Ireland.

Drapery Warehouse, Dundas Street,
Glasgow.

Productive Works, Shieldhall, Govan.

Shieldhall (New Front).

Chambers Street, Edinburgh.

Calderwood Castle and Estate.
Boot Factory, Shieldhall.
Cabinet Factory, Shieldhall.
Printing Department, Shieldhall.
Chemical Department, Shieldhall.
Dining-rooms and Ready-made Clothing

Factory, Shieldhall.

Chancelot Roller Flour Mills, Edinburgh.
Regent Roller Flour Mills, Glasgow.
Junction Mills, Leith.
Ettrick Tweed Mills, Selkirk.
Soap Works, Grangemouth.
Dress Shirt Factory, Leith.
Bladnoch Creamery, Wigtownshire.
Fish-Curing Works, Aberdeen.

INDEX.

PAGE.

ACTS, Public, passed 1908 ........................................... 337

Acts of Parliament restraining exportation of Tools, &c., used in Cotton,

Linen, Woollen, and Silk Manufacture ................... ....... 404

Accidents, Railway. Proportion of Passengers Killed from Causes beyond

their own Control .............................................. 356

Administrations from December, 1783 ................................ 367

ALden, Percy, M.P. Child Life and Labour .......................... 135

ARTICLES :

Child Life and Labour. By Percy Alden, M.P ................... 135

Collier's Cbaiter, The : The Eight Hours Day, and what it means.

By F. H. Rose ............................................ 269

Co-operation : An Alternative to Socialism. By Frederick Rockell . . 182

Egypt under Lord Cromer. By J. Howard Reed, F.R.G.S ......... '204

Primary School to University, From. By Albert Mansbridge ...... 297

Railways and the Nation. By L. G. Chiozza Money, M.P ........... 249

Social Reform, Some Principles of. By S. J. Chapman, M.A., M.Com. 229
Westminster; or, Parliament and its Work. By Spencer Leigh

Hughes .................................................. 160

BANK Holidays .................................................. 411

Barometer Instructions ............................................ 388

Births, Marriages, and Deaths, Registers of .......................... 411

CALENDAR for 1909 .............................................. 412

Calendar, Principal Articles of ...................................... 410

Chapman, S. J., M.A., M.C. m. Some Principles of Social Reform ...... 229

Child Life and Labour. By Percy Alden, M.P ....................... 135

Civil Service Supply Stores, Sales of .................................. 336

Collier's Charter, The : The Eight Hours Day, and what it means. By

F. H. Rose .................................................... 269

Congresses, Co-operative ........................ i ................... 118

Consolidated Stock, Average Price of ................................ 349

Contributions which have appeared in " The Co-operative Wholesale

Societies' Annual " from 1885 to 1909 ............................ 413

Co-operation: An Alternative to Socialism. By Frederick Rockell ...... 182

Co-operative Congresses ............................................ 118

Papers read at .............................. 120

Progress, 1862 to 1906 (United Kingdom) .................. 325

Societies, Summary of Law relating to .................... 132

,, Union : Its Principles and Constitution .................. 131

PAGE.
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETIES:-

.Artisan Clothing Factory ............................ . . 96

Advantages of Membership .......................... . . 83

Auditors, Past ...................................... 24

Biscuits, Sweets, &c., Works, Crumpsall .............. 38

Bonus to Labour .......................... . ........ . . 115

Boot and Shoe Department .......................... 31, 67 . . 92

Factory .............................. . . 98

Works, Leicester ...................... 56 . .

VI.

INDEX.

PAGE.

CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETIES (continued) : English. Scottish.

Boot and Shoe Works, Heckmondwike 56 . .

Kushden 58

Brush Factories 60 .. 101

Business Notices, &c 80-83

Business Premises, &c A - ' D ~' '

Cabinet Works 58, 62 . . 99

Coal Department 66

Committees, Auditors, and Scrutineers 7 . . 7b

Committees, Past Members of 20-22 . .

Committee, Members of, who Died during Office 23

Confectionery Works . 104

Corset Factory, Desborough 50

Creameries, Bladnoch and Whithorn HI

Drapery Department 30, 67 . . 91

Dress Shirt Factory H2

Events in connection with the Wholesale Society in 1909,

Coming 14

Events, Principal 15-17

Employes in Departments 11-13 . . 113

Fish Curing Works 108

Flannel Mills , 48

Flour Mills Dunston 42 . .

Silvertown. . 44

Manchester District 44

Chancelot . . 106

Junction . . 1 10

Furnishing Department 32, 67 . . 93

Grocery Department 30, 66 . . 87-90

Hosiery Factory 50 . . 100

Lard Refinery 46

London Branch 34-37, 65, 70-71 . .

Mantle Factory . . 97

Newcastle Branch 32-34, 65, 68-69 . .

Officers and Departments 8-10 . . 79

Preserve, &c., Works 40 . . 103

Printing Works . . 48, 60 . . 102

Progress of the Wholesale Societies 26 . . 75, 85

Reserve Fund Account 28

Shirt Factories 50 . . 95, 112

Soap, Candle, &c., Works 40 . . 109

Tailoring Factory . . 94

Leeds 54 . .

Broughton 54

Pelaw 62

Telegraphic Addresses 18

Telephonic Communication 19

Tobacco Factory 46 . . 105

Trade Terms, Conditions of Membership, &c . . 82

Underclothing Factory . . 107

Union Bank of Scotland, Branches . . 84

Weaving Shed 52

Woollen Department 31, 67

Mills, Batley 52

Customs Tariff 345

VII.

INDEX.

PAGE.

DEATH Duties, The 353

Discount, Average Minimum Rate per Cent, of 350

Duties, Customs, in the United Kingdom 345

ECLIPSES 4ii

Egypt under Lord Cromer. By J. Howard Reed, F.R.G.S 204

English Mile compared with other European Measures 407

Expectation of Life 362

H OLIDAYS, Bank . 411

House of Commons List of Members 370

Hughes, Spencer Leigh. Westminster ; or, Parliament and its Work. . . . 160

IMPORTS and Exports (1888-1907) 402-403

Income Tax Rates from its First Imposition 348

Income and Expenditure of the United Kingdom, year ending March

31st, 1908 344

Income under Review by Inland Revenue 387

Intestate, Rules by which the Personal Estates of Persons Dying, are

Distributed 357

Intestate, Rules of Division according to the Law of Scotland of the

Movable Estate of a Person who has Died 359

KlNG and Royal Family 366

LAND, Dealings with 351

Law Relating to Societies, Summary of the 132

Law Sittings 411

Life, Expectation of 362

M ANSBRIDGE, Albert. From Primary School to University 297

Meteorological Tables 391-396

Mile, The English, compared with other European Measures 407

Ministers, His Majesty's 368

Prime, since 1834 369

Money, L. G. Chiozza, M.P. Railways and the Nation 249

OLD Age Pension Act, 1908 338

PARLIAMENTS of the United Kingdom 366

Presidents of the United States of America 384

Price of Two-and-a-Half per Cent. Consolidated Stock 349

Primary School to University, From. By Albert Mansbridge 297

Progress of Co-operation (United Kingdom) 325

VIII.

INDEX.

PAGE.

RAILWAY Accidents, Proportion of Passengers Killed, &c 356

Railways and the Nation. By L. G. Chiozza Money, M.P 249

Rainfall, 1895-1907 397

Reed, J. Howard, F.R.G.S. Egypt under Lord Cromer 204

Registers of Births, Marriages, and Deaths 411

Rockell, Frederick. Co-operation : An Alternative to Socialism 182

Rose, F. H. The Collier's Charter : The Eight Hours Day, and what it

means 269

Royal Family, The King and 366

Rules by which the Personal Estates of Persons Dying Intestate are

Distributed 357

Rules of Division according to the Law of Scotland of the Movable

Estate of a Person who has Died Intestate 359

SOCIAL Reform, Some Principles of. By S. J. Chapman, M.A., M.Com. 229

TABLE Showing Number of Days from any Day of one Month to same

Day of any other Month 408

Table Showing the Number of Days between any Two Dates 405

Terms and Abbreviations Commonly Used in Business 409

Tide Table, Liverpool 398

Goole 400

Time all over the World 387

UNION, Co-operative, its Principles and an Account of 131

United Kingdom, the Public Income and Expenditure, year ending

March 31st, 1908 344

United Kingdom, Customs Tariff of the 345

Parliaments of the 366

States, Presidents of 384

WESTMINSTER; or, Parliament and its Work. By Spencer Leigh

Hughes ., 160

Wrecks, United Kingdom 385-6

Comparative Progress of Wholesale and Retail
Co-operative Societies in the United Kingdom.

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FORTY-FIVE YEARS' PROGRESS

Co-operative Societies in the United Kingdom.

BALKS.
YEARS. &
1862 2,333,523
loco Q fV73 778

SALBB.
YEAKS.
1885 31,305,910

1886 32,730,745

1864 2,836,606
1865 3,373,847

1887 34,483,771

1888 37 793,903

1889 40,674,673

\ot\a A 4fiQ 676

10^7 fi 001 153

1890 43,731,669

1868 7,122,360
1 ftfiQ 7 .353 363

1891 49 024 171

1892 51,060,854

1870 8 201 685

1893 51,803,836

1071 q 46S 771

1894 52,110,800

1 79 18012 1 20

1895 55.100,249

1873 15,639,714
1874 16,374,053
1875 18,499,901
1 k7fi 1Q Q21 054

1896 .. 59951,635

1897 64,956,049
1898 68,523,969
1899 73,533,686

1877 21,390,447
1878 21,402,219
1879 ... 20,382,772

1900 ... 81020,428

1901 85,872,706
1902 89,772,923
1903 . 93 384,799

1880 23,248,314
1881 24,945,063
1882 27,541,212

1904 ... 96263,328

1905 98,002,565
1906 ... 102,408,120

1883 29,336,028
1884 30,424,101
TOTAL SALES IN THE FORTY-I
YEARS, 1862 TO 1906
TOTAL PROFITS IN THE FORTY-I
YEARS, 1862 TO 1906

IVE 1 1,729,450,549.
IVE } .... 164,299,176.

STATISTICAL POSITION OF CO-OPERATIVE
SOCIETIES IN THE UNITED KINGDOM,
DECEMBER 31sT, 1906.

Compiled from the Returns made by Societies to the Registrar and
Co-operative Union.
Number of 'Members 2,493,981

Share Capital 31 985 848

Loan Capital 16,332,735

Sales for 1906 102,408,120

Net Profits for 1906 .. . . 10293.784

Devoted to Education, 1906

84,035

Forty-five Years' Progress of Co-operative Societies
in the United Kingdom.

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FORTY-FOUR YEARS' PROGRESS

OF THE

Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited.

SALES.
YEARS.
1864 ( W JW 51,857
iftfi^i 120 754

SALES.
YEARS.
1886 5,223,179

1887 5,713,235

1866 ... 175,489

1888 6,200,074
1889( We 5 * ks ) 7,028,944
1890 7,429,073

1867 ( W f ek8 ) 331,744
iftfitt 412 240

1869 507 217

1891 8,766,430

1870 ( We ^ e ) 677,734
1871 758 764

1892 9,300,904

1893 9,526,167

1R79 1 153 132

1894 9,443,93a

1873 . 1,636,950

1895 ( We 5 * k8 ) 10,141,917'
1896 . 11,115,056

1874 1,964,829
1875 2 247 395

1897 11,920,143

1876 ( W k8 ) 2,697,366
1877 2 827 052

1898 12,574,748

1899 14,212,375

1878 2 705,625

1900 16,043,889

1879 ( We 5 k8 ) 2,645,331
1880 3 339 681

1901 ( W k8 ) 17,642,082
1902 18,397,559

1881 3 574 095

1903 19,333,142

1882 4 038 238

1904 19,809,196

1883 4 546,889

1905 20,785,469

1884 ( W k8 ) 4,675,371
1885 4,793,151

1906 22 510,035

1907 ( We ^ ks ) 24,786,568

YFOUB | 333,785,027.
Y - FOUR }... 5,243,117.

TOTAL SALES IN THE FORT
YEARS, 1864 TO 1907^
TOTAL PROFITS IN THE FORT
YEARS, 1864 TO 1907.

STATISTICAL POSITION OF THE CO-OPERATIVE
WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED,
DECEMBER 28TH, 1907 (53 WEEKS).
Number of Societies holding Shares 1,139
Number of Members belonging to Shareholders, 1,768,935
Share Capital (Paid up) 1,476,021

Loans and Deposits 2.857.013

Reserve Fund Trade and Ban]
Insurance Fund

s 416 872 *

641,375

Sales for the Year 1907 (53 W
Net Profits for Year 1907 (53 ^

eeka) 24,786,568

Weeks) 488 571

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JOINT WITH 8COTTI8H WHOLESALE SOCIETY

Foreign and Colonial Depots.

JOINT WITH SCOTTISH WHOLESALE SOCIETY
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY

Map of the United Kingdom, showing
Depots, &c., of the Wholesale Societies.

BUSINESS PREMISES,

OWNED BY

THE COOPERATIVE WHOLESALE
SOCIETY LIMITED.

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The Co-operative
Wholesale Society Limited.

ENROLLED AUGUST llth, 1863,

under the Provisions of the Industrial and Provident Societies Act,
25 and 26 Viet., cap. 87, sec. 15, 1862.

BUSINESS COMMENCED MARCH 14th, 1864.

SHARES, 5 EACH, TRANSFERABLE.

Wholesale General Dealers, Manufacturers, Bankers, Millers, Printers,
Bookbinders, Boxmakers, Lithographers, Shipowners, Butter
Factors, Lard Refiners, Bacon Curers, Fruit Growers, Drysalters,
Spice Grinders, Saddlers, Curriers, Iron Founders, and Tinplate
Workers, Tea Growers, Blenders, Packers, and Importers,
Dealers in Grocery and Provisions, Drapery, Woollens, Ready-
made Clothing, Boots and Shoes, Brushes, Crockery, Carpets,
Furniture, Coal, <&c., <&c., &c.

Manufacturers of Flour, Butter, Biscuits, Sweets, Preserves, Pickles,
Candied Peel, Cocoa, Chocolate, Tobacco, Cigars, Cigarettes,
Snuff, Soap, Candles, Glycerine, Starch, Boots and Shoes,
Saddlery, Woollens, Clothing, Flannels, Shirts, Mantles, Under-
clothing, Corsets, Millinery, Hosiery, Silesias, Pants, Ladies'
Underwear, Cardigans, Furniture, Brushes, General Hardware,
Bedsteads, Wire Mattresses, &c.

CENTRAL OFFICES,

BANK, SHIPPING. AND COAL DEPARTMENT. GROCERY AND PROVISION.
AND BOOT AND SHOE WAREHOUSES:

Balloon Street, Manchester.

DRAPERY WAREHOUSES:

Balloon Street and Dantzic Street,
Manchester.

WOOLLEN CLOTH AND READY-MADES
WAREHOUSE:

Dantzic Street, Manchester.

FURNISHING WAREHOUSES:
GENERAL:

Holgate Street, Manchester.

CARPET:

Dantzic Street, Manchester.

STATIONERY DEPARTMENT AND
SADDLERY DEPARTMENT:

Balloon Street, Manchester,

HIDE AND SKIN WAREHOUSES:

Elm Street, Manchester,

AND AT

Copley Hill, Leeds.

BRANCHES

West Blandford St., Newcastle-on-Tyne,

AND

Leman Street, London, E.

SALEROOMS:

LEEDS, HUDDERSFIELD, NOTTINGHAM, BLACKBURN,
AND BIRMINGHAM.

PURCHASING AND FORWARDING DEPOTS.

England :

LIVERPOOL, MANCHESTER, BRISTOL, LONGTON, GOOLE, GARSTON,
CARDIFF, AND NORTHAMPTON.

Ireland :
CORK, LIMERICK, TRALEE, AND ARMAGH.

America : NEW YORK.
Canada : MONTREAL.
France: ROUEN.
Spain: DENIA.
Denmark : COPENHAGEN,

Denmark: AARHUS,
ODENSE,
HERNING,
ESBJERG.

Sweden : GOTHENBURG.

ABINGTON.

ANNACARTY.

AUGHADOWN.

BALLINAHINCH.

BALLINLOUGH.

BALLYBRICKEN.

BALLYFINANE.

BILBOA.

BOHERBUE.

BUNKAY BRIDGE.

COACHFORD.

CUTTEEN.

RISH CREAMERIES:

DEVON ROAD.

DICKSGROVE.

DINGLE.

DOONAHA.

DROMCLOUGH.

DUNGRUD.

FEALE BRIDGE.

GLENMORE.

GORMANSTOWN.

GRANTSTOWN.

GREEN ANE.

GREYBRIDGE.

GURTAGARRY.

KILCOMMON.

KILMIHILL.

LIXNAW.

MOUNT COLLINS.

OOLA.

SMERLA BRIDGE.

STRADBALLY.

TARMON.

TERELTON.

TRALEE.

And 50 Auxiliaries.

PRODUCTIVE WORKS AND DEPARTMENTS.

Biscuits, Sweets, and Drysaltery Works:

CRUMPSALL, NEAR MANCHESTER.

Boot and Shoe Works :

LEICESTER, HECKMONDWIKE, AND RUSHDEN.

Soap, Candle, Glycerine, Lard, and Starch Works:

IRLAM, NEAR MANCHESTER,
SILVERTOWN (LONDON), AND DUNSTON-ON-TYNE.

Tallow and Oil Works :

SYDNEY (AUSTRALIA).

Woollen Cloth Works:

LIVINGSTONE MILL, BATLEY.

Clothing Factories:

HOLBECK (LEEDS), BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER),
AND PELAW-ON-TYNE.

Cocoa and Chocolate Works:

DALLOW ROAD, LUTON.

Flour Mills:

DUNSTON-ON-TYNE, SILVERTOWN (LONDON)
OLDHAM, AND MANCHESTER. .

Furniture Factories:

BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER) AND PELAW-ON-TYNE.

Printing, Bookbinding, Boxmaking, and Lithographic

Works:

LONGSIGHT (MANCHESTER) AND PELAW-ON-TYNE.

Preserve, Candied Peel, and Pickle Works,
also Vinegar Brewery:

MIDDLETON JUNCTION, NEAR MANCHESTER.

PRODUCTIVE WORKS AND DEPARTMENTS contd.

Shirts, Mantles, and Underclothing:

BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER).

Millinery:

MANCHESTER.

Cabinet, Paper, Tailoring, Shirts, Kerseys, Drugs, &c.

PELAW-ON-TYNE.

Tailoring and Bedding:

LONDON.

Bacon Factories:

TRALEE (IRELAND) AND HERNING (DENMARK).

Lard Refineries:

WEST HARTLEPOOL AND IRLAM.

Tobacco, Cigar, Cigarette, and Snuff Factory:

SHARP STREET, MANCHESTER.

Pepper Factory:

HANOVER STREET, MANCHESTER.

Flannel Factory:

HARE HILL MILLS, LITTLEBORO'.

Corset Factory:

DESBOROUGH.

Hosiery, &c., Factory:

HUTHWAITE, NOTTS.

Brush Works:

LEEDS.

Tea Gardens

CEYLON.

Weaving Shed :

GIGG, BURY.

Fruit Farms:

RODEN (SHROPSHIRE), MARDEN (HEREFORD).

General Hardware, Bedstead, Wire Mattress, and
Tinplate Works:

DUDLEY, BIRTLEY, AND KEIGHLEY.

SHIPOWNERS AND SHIPPERS

BETWEEN

GARSTON AND ROUEN; MANCHESTER AND ROUEN.

STEAMSHIPS OWNED BY THE SOCIETY:

"FRATERNITY," "NEW PIONEER," "DINAH,"
AND "BRITON."

BANKING DEPARTMENT.
Agencies :

THE LONDON AND COUNTY BANK LIMITED.

THE MANCHESTER AND COUNTY BANK LIMITED.

THE NATIONAL PROVINCIAL BANK OF ENGLAND LIMITED.

THE MANCHESTER AND LIVERPOOL DISTRICT BANK LIMITED.

THE LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE BANK LIMITED.

THE UNION BANK OF MANCHESTER LIMITED.
THE LONDON CITY AND MIDLAND BANK LIMITED.

WILLIAMS DEACON'S BANK LIMITED.
MESSRS. BARCLAY AND CO. LIMITED, LONDON AND BRANCHES.

LLOYD'S BANK LIMITED (LAMBTON'S BRANCH),
NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE AND BRANCHES.

UNITED COUNTIES BANK LIMITED, BARNSLEY AND BRANCHES.

YORK CITY AND COUNTY BANK LIMITED, YORK
AND BRANCHES.

THE COMMITTEE.

ADAMS, Mr. THOMAS, 12, Park View, Stockton-on-Tees.
CIAPPESSONI, Mr. FRANCIS A., George Street, Carlisle.
COLEY, Mr. PHILIP, 22, Stansfield Street, Sunderland.
DEANS, Mr. ADAM, The Limes, B lie Grove, Welling, Kent.
ELSEY, Mr. HENRY, Bickleigh, Festing Grove, Festing Road, Southsea.
FAIRCLOUGH, Mr. JAMES, 33, Sackville Street, Barnsley.
GIBSON, Mr. ROBERT, 120, Sidney Grove, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
GOODEY, Mr. JAMES F., Holmsmuir, 133, Lower Addiscombe Road,

Croydon.

GRAHAM, Mr. WILLIAM D., 123, Bedeburn Road, Jarrow-on-Tyne.
GRINDROD, Mr. EMMANUEL, 13, Holker Street, Keighley.
HAYHURST, Mr..GEO., 45, Tremellen Street, Accrington.
HEMINGWAY, Mr. WASHINGTON, 108, Bolton Road, Pendleton,

Manchester.

HIND, Mr. THOMAS, 53, St. Peter's Road, Leicester.
HOLT, Mr. ROBERT, Brier Crest, Deeplish Road, Rochdale.
JOHNS, Mr. JOHN ERNEST, Wcstgate, Eldon Road, Reading.
KILLON, Mr. THOMAS, 7, Tenterden Street, Bury.
LANDER, Mr. WILLIAM, 32, Grosvenor Street, Bolton.
MARSHALL, Mr. CHARLES, 30, Markham Street, York.
Mc.INNES, Mr. DUNCAN, Hamilton Road, Lincoln.
MOORHOUSE, Mr. THOMAS E., Reporter Office, Delph.
MORT, Mr. ISAAC, 233, High Road, Leyton, Essex.
PARKES, Mr. MILES, 16, Heathfield Avenue, Crewe.
PINGSTONE, Mr. HENRY C., Yew Bank, Brook Road, Heaton Chapel,

Manchester.

SHILLITO, Mr. JOHN (President), 4, Park View, Hopwood Lane, Halifax.
SHOTTON, Mr. THOMAS E., Summerhill, Shotley Bridge, Durham.
THORPE, Mr. GEORGE, 6, Northfield, Highroyd, Dewsbury.
THREADGILL, Mr. A. E., 4, Sherfield Road, Grays, Essex.
TWEDDELL, Mr. THOMAS (Vice- President), Hutton Avenue, West

Hartlepool.

WARWICK, Mr. JOSEPH, 7, Waterville Terrace, North Shields.
WILKINS, Mr. H. J. A., 35, Hamilton Gardens, Mutley, Plymouth.
WOODHOUSE, Mr. GEORGE, The Laurels, 27, Renals Street, Derby.
YOUNGS, Mr. H. J., 6, Portland Place, Old Palace Road, Norwich.

SCRUTINEERS:

Mr. F. HARDERN, Oldham. | Mr. J. J. BARSTOW, Dewsbury.

AUDITORS:

Mr. THOS. J. BAYLIS, Masborough. I Mr. JAMES E. LORD, Rochdale.
Mr. THOMAS WOOD, Manchester. I Mr. C. J. BECKETT, Darwen.
Mr. B. TETLOW, Newcastle-bn-Tyne.

OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY.

Secretary and Accountant:
Mr. THOMAS BRODRICK.

Bank Manager and Cashier
Mr. THOMAS GOODWIN.

BUYERS, SALESMEN, &c.
Manchester Grocery and Provisions:

Mr. JAS. MASTIN.
Mr. A. W. LOBB.

Mr. LEWIS WILSON.
Mr. JOSEPH HOLDEN.
Mr. R. TURNER.

Manchester Paper, Twine, &c.
Mr. H. WIGGINS.

Mr. J. C. FODEN.
Mr. A. ACKROYD.
Mr. C. MARKLAND.
Mr. P. RYDER.

Manchester Drapery :

Mr. G. TOMLINSON.
Mr. J. BLOMELEY.
Mr. J. BOWDEN.
Mr. E. LEES.
Mr. T. B. AIDLEY.

Manchester Woollens, Boots, and Furniture:

Woollens and Ready-mades Mr. W. GIBSON.

Boots and Shoes and Saddlery Mr. HENRY JACKSON.

General Furnishing Mr. T. R. ALLEN.

Furniture : >. Mr. F. E. HOWARTH.

Shipping Department:
Mr. A. E. MENZIES.

Coal Department:
Mr. S. ALLEN.

Manchester, Leeds, and Newcastle Hides and Skins:
Mr. R. ASHTON.

Shipping and Forwarding Depots:

Rouen (France) Mr. JAMES MARQUIS.

Goole Mr. E. W. RAPER.

London :
Tea and Coffee Mr. W. B. PRICE.

Luton :

Cocoa and Chocolate Mr. E. J. STAFFORD.

Liverpool :
Grocery and Provisions Mr. WM. L. KEWLEY.

Salerooms :

Leeds Mr. WM. POLLARD.

Nottingham Mr. A. DELVES.

Huddersfield Mr. J. O'BRIEN.

Birmingham Mr. J. BARLOW.

Blackburn Mr. H. SHELMERDINE.

Longton :
Crockery Depot Mr. J. RHODES.

BUYERS, SALESMEN, <&c. continued.

Newcastle :

Chief Clerk Mr. H. B. BAILEY.

Grocery and Provisions Mr. KOBT. WILKINSON.

Mr. T. WEATHERSON.

Greengrocery Mr. JOSEPH ATKINSON.

Drugs, Drysaltery, &c Mr. B. A. WALLIS.

Paper, Twine, &c Mr. H. GLENNY.

Drapery, Woollens, and Ready-mades Mr. JOHN MACKENZIE.

Hosiery, MiUinery, and Fancy Mr. T. TOWNS.

Boots and Shoes Mr. O. JACKSON.

Furniture Mr. J. W. TAYLOB. .

Jewellery and Fancy Hardware > .. Mr. H. H. BAILEY.

Coal Mr. G. HENDERSON.

London :

Chief Clerk Mr. W. E. S. COCK.

Grocery and Provisions Mr. WM. OPENSHAW.

Drapery Mr. F. G. WADDINGTON.

Millinery, Dress, and Fancy Mr. A. S. MOTSON.

Woollens and Ready-mades Mr. GEOBGE HAY.

Boots and Shoes Mr. ALFBED PABTBIDGE.

Furnishing Mr. F. LING.

Coal Mr. J. BUBGESS.

Bristol Depot :

Chief Clerk Mr. J. WHITE.

Grocery and Provisions Mr. J. W. JUSTHAM.

Drapery Mr. W. J. SHEPHABD.

Boots Mr. M. WALFOBD.

Furnishing Mr. G. BLANSHABD.

Cardiff Depot: Northampton Depot:

Mr. JAS. F. JAMES. Mr. A. BAKEB.

IRISH DEPOTS BUTTER AND EGGS, ALSO BACON FACTORY.

Cork : Limerick :

Mr. JAMES TUBNBULL. Mr. WILLIAM L. STOKES.

Tralee : Armagh:

Mr. JAMES TUBNBULL. Mr. P. O'NEILL.

Tralee Bacon Factory :
Mr. J. BOBINSON.

COLONIAL AND
New York (America) :
Mr. JOHN GLEDHILL.

Copenhagen (Denmark) :
Mr. WM. DILWOBTH, JUNE.

Aarhus (Denmark) :
Mr. H. J. W. MADSEN.

Esbjerg (Denmark) :
Mr. H. C. KONGSTAD.

Odense (Denmark) :
Mr. C. W. KIBCHHOFF.

FOREIGN DEPOTS:

Denia (Spain) :
Mr. W. J. PIPEB.

Herning (Denmark) :
Mr. A. MADSEN.

Montreal (Canada) :
Mr. A. C. WIELAND.

Gothenburg (Sweden) :
Mr. W. JOHNSON.

MANAGERS, PRODUCTIVE, &c., WORKS..

ARCHITECT Mr. F. E. L. HARRIS,

A.R.I.B.A.

BATLEY WOOLLEN CLOTH WORKS Mr. S. BOOTHROYD.

BIRTLEY TINPLATE WORKS Mr. W. HEWISON.

BROUGHTON CABINET FACTORY Mr. F. E. HOWARTH.

BROUGHTON CLOTHING FACTORY Mr. A. GRIERSON.

BROUGHTON SHIRT FACTORY Mr. T. J. SHAW.

BUILDING DEPARTMENT Mr. P. HEYHURST.

BURY WEAVING SHED Mr. H. BLACKBURN.

CRUMPSALL BISCUIT, &c., WORKS Mr. GEORGE BRILL.

DESBOROUGH CORSET FACTORS: Mr. P. THOMAS.

DUDLEY GENERAL HARDWARE Mr. J. ROUNDS.

DUNSTON FLOUR MILL Mr. TOM PARKINSON.

DUNSTON SOAP WORKS Mr. GREEN.

ENGINEER Mr. R. L. GASS.

HECKMONDWIKE BOOT AND SHOE WORKS . . Mr. JOHN HAIGH.

HUTHWAITE HOSIERY FACTORY Mr. H. FRANCE.

IRLAM SOAP, CANDLE, GLYCERINE, LARD,

AND STARCH WORKS Mr. J. E. GREEN.

KEIGHLEY IRONWORKS Mr. H. WHALLEY.

LEEDS BRUSH FACTORY Mr. A. W. SAUNDERS.

LEEDS CLOTHING FACTORY Mr. WILLIAM UTTLEY.

LEICESTER BOOT AND SHOE WORKS Mr. T. E. HUBBARD.

LITTLEBORO' FLANNEL FACTORY Mr. W. H. GREENWOOD.

MANCHESTER PRINTING, BOOKBINDING, BOX-
MAKING, AND LITHOGRAPHIC WORKS . . Mr. G. BREARLEY.
MANCHESTER TOBACCO, CIGAR, CIGARETTE,

AND SNUFF FACTORY Mr. J. C. CRAGG.

MANCHESTER (TRAFFORD PARK) PROVENDER

MILL Mr. W. H. SLAWSON.

MANCHESTER (TRAFFORD PARK) SUN)

FLOUR MILL I Mr. W. MATTHEWS.

OLDHAM STAR FLOUR MILL J

MIDDLETON JUNCTION PRESERVE AND

CANDIED PEEL WORKS Mr. W. J. HOWARD.

MIDDLETON JUNCTION PICKLE WORKS AND

VINEGAR BREWERY Mr. GEO. REEVE.

PELAW DRUG AND SUNDRIES WORKS Mr. R. A. WALLIS.

PELAW ENGINEERING WORKS Mr. WM. FLETCHER.

PELAW PRINTING WORKS Mr. G. BREARLEY.

RUSHDEN BOOT AND SHOE WORKS Mr. F. BALLARD.

SILVERTOWN FLOUR MILL Mr. G. V. CHAPMAN.

SILVERTOWN PACKING Mr. E. BOTTOMLEY.

SILVERTOWN SOAP WORKS Mr. R. COWBURN.

SYDNEY (AUSTRALIA) TALLOW & OIL WORKS Mr. LOXLEY MEGGITT.
WEST HARTLEPOOL LARD FACTORY . Mr. W. HOLLAND.

EMPLOYES.

NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBEB, 1908.

DISTRIBUTIVE DEPARTMENTS. C Totals Ve
General, Drapery, Woollens, Boot and Shoe, and Fur-
nishing Offices Manchester 553

Bank 36

Architect's Office 22

Grocery Department ,, 314

Old Trafford Wharf, Bacon and Coffee 80

Paper, Twine, and Stationery Department Warehouse . . 13

Drapery Department 218

Woollen Cloth Department ,, 55

Boot and Shoe, and Saddlery Department ,, 69

Furnishing Department 92

Coal 9

Hides and Skins 8

Building 288

Dining-room ,, ,, 51

Engineers' ,, 35

Other 88

- 1,931
BRANCHES.

Newcastle (Office and Departments) 747

,, Building Department 187

Pelaw Drug and Drysaltery 321

,, Paper and Printing 1 71

Cabinet Works 249

Engineering. Shop 85

,, Dining-room 6

Clothing Factory 304

- 1,970
London (Office and Departments) 387

Bacon 19

Tailoring 173

Bedding and Upholstery and Polishing 14

Building 258

Stables 38

Engineers - . 24

Silvertown Factory 214

- 3,127
JOINT ENGLISH AND SCOTTISH C.W.S.

London Tea and Coffee Department 471

Tea Estates.. 447

918

Carried forward 5,946

NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBEE, 1908.

Collective

Totals.

Brought forward 5,946

DEPOTS.

Bristol 231

Cardiff 42

Northampton 28

301

PURCHASING DEPOTS.

Goole 6

Liverpool Branch Grocery and Shipping 75

Longtoii Crockery 64

Irish Branches 96

Creameries 295

Tralee Bacon Factory 80

616

FOREIGN PURCHASING DEPOTS.

New York 6

Montreal 4

Copenhagen 22

Aarhus 14

Gothenburg 11

Odense 11

Denia 3

Sydney 9

Herning 26

Esbjerg '. 13

119
SALEROOMS.

Leeds 4

Nottingham 3

Birmingham 2

Huddersfield 2

Blackburn 1

SHIPPING OFFICES-

Garston 1

Rouen 14

STEAMSHIPS.

" New Pioneer " 15

" Fraternity" 15

" Dinah " 4

" Briton " 4

Carried forward . . ... 7,047

NUMBER OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBER, 1908.

Collective
Totals.

Brought forward 7,047

PRODUCTIVE WORKS.

Batley Woollen Mill 250

Birtley Tinplate Works 36

Brislington Butter Factory 21

Broughton Cabinet Factory 176

Mantle 120

Shirt 380

Tailoring 575

Underclothing Factory 80

Millinery 11

Bury Weaving Shed 351

Crumpsall Biscuit Works 552

Desboro' Corset Factory 279

Dudley Bucket and Fender Works 155

Dunston Corn Mill 185

Enderby 191

Heckmondwike Currying Department 26

Shoe Works .' 401

Huthwaite Hosiery Factory 392

Irlam Soap Works 770

Keighley Ironworks 72

Leicester Shoe Works, Knighton Fields 1,596

Duns Lane 518

Leeds Ready-Mades 740

Brush Factory 163

Littleborough Flannel Factory 102

Longsight Printing Works 930

Luton Cocoa Works (Joint English and Scottish C.W.S.) 240

Manchester Tobacco Factory 626

Middleton Junction Preserve Works 686

Rushden Boot Factory 586

Silvertown Corn Mill 120

Star Corn Mill 84

Sun Corn Mill 121

Provender Mill 11

Sydney Tallow Factory 35

West Hartlepool Lard Refinery 29

11,610

Roden Estate 56

Convalescent Home 8

Marden Fruit Farm 30

Total.. 18,751

MEETINGS AND OTHER COMING EVENTS

IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOCIETY IN 1909.

Feb. 6 SATURDAY . .
Mar. 9 TUESDAY . .

13 SATURDAY..

20 SATURDAY..
May 8 SATURDAY . .
June 8 TUESDAY . .

,, 12 SATURDAY..

19 SATURDAY..

26 SATURDAY..
Aug. 7 SATURDAY . .
Sept. 7 TUESDAY . .

11 SATURDAY..

18 SATURDAY . .
Nov. 6 SATURDAY . .
Dec. 7 TUESDAY . .

11 SATURDAY..

18 SATURDAY..

25 SATURDAY..

. . Nomination Lists : Last day for receiving.

. . Voting Lists : Last day for receiving.

. . Divisional Quarterly Meetings.

. . General Quarterly Meeting Manchester.

. . Nomination Lists : Last day for receiving.

..Voting Lists: Last day for receiving.

. . Divisional Quarterly Meetings.

. . General Quarterly Meeting Manchester.

. . Half-yearly Stocktaking.

. . Nomination Lists : Last day for receiving.

. . Voting Lists : Last day for receiving.

. . Divisional Quarterly Meetings.

. . General Quarterly Meeting Manchester.

..Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving.

. . Voting Lists : Last day for receiving.

. . Divisional Quarterly Meetings.

..General Quarterly Meeting Manchester.

..Half-yearly Stocktaking.

PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY

SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT.

YEAR. DAY. EVENTS.

1863 . . Aug. 11 . . Co-operative Wholesale Society enrolled.

1864 . . Mar. 14 . . Co-operative Wholesale Society commenced business.
1866 . . April 24 . . Tipperary Branch opened.

1868 . . June 1 . . Kilmallock Branch opened.

1869 . . Mar. 1 . . Balloon Street Warehouse opened.
. . July 12 . . Limerick Branch opened.

1871 . . Nov- 26 . . Newcastle-on-Tyne Branch opened.

1872 . . July 1 . . Manchester Boot and Shoe Department commenced.
. . Oct. 14 . . Bank Department commenced.

1873 . . Jan. 13 . . Crumpsall Works purchased.
. . April 14 . . Armagh Branch opened.

. . June 2 . . Manchester Drapery Department established.

. . July 14 . . Waterford Branch opened.

. . Aug. 4 . . Cheshire Branch opened.

. . 4 . . Leicester Works purchased.

. . 16 .. Insurance Fund established.

. . Sept. 15 . . Leicester Works commenced.

1874 . . Feb. 2 . . Tralee Branch opened.

. . Mar. 9 . . London Branch established.

. . Oct. 5 . . Durham Soap Works commenced.

1875 . . April 2 . . Liverpool Purchasing Department commenced.

. . June 15 . . Manchester Drapery Warehouse, Dantzic Street, opened.

1876 . . Feb. 14 . . Newcastle Branch Buildings, Waterloo Street, opened.
. . 21 .. New York Branch established.

.. May 24 .. S.S. " Plover " purchased.

,. . . July 16 . . Manchester Furnishing Department commenced.

. . Aug. 5 . . Leicester Works first Extensions opened.

1877 . . Jan. 15 . . Cork Branch established.

,, . . Oct. 25 . . Land in Liverpool purchased.

1879 .. Feb. 21 .. S.S. "Pioneer," Launch of.
. . Mar. 24 . . Rouen Branch opened.

.. Mar. 29 .. S.S. "Pioneer," Trial trip.

. . June 30 . . Goole Forwarding Department opened.

1880 .. Jan. 30 .. S.S. "Plover" sold.

.. July 27 .. S.S. "Cambrian" purchased.

. . Aug. 14 . . Heckmondwike Boot and Shoe Works commenced.

. . Sept. 27 . . London Drapery Department commenced in new premises,
99, Leman Street.

1881 . . June 6 . . Copenhagen Branch opened.

1882 . . Jan. 18 . . Garston Forwarding Depot commenced.
,, . . Oct. 31 . . Lleds Saleroom opened.

. . Nov. 1 . . London Tea and Coffee Department commenced.

1883 .. July 21 .. S.S. "Marianne Briggs" purchased.

1884 . . April 7 . . Hamburg Branch commenced.

. . May 31 . . Leicester Works second Extensions opened.
. . June 25 .. Newcastle Branch New Drapery Warehouse opened.
. . Sept. 13 . . Commemoration of the Society's Twenty-first Anniversary
at Newcastle-on-Tyne and London.

PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY

SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT confined.

YEAR. DAY. EVENTS.

1884 . . Sept. 20 . . Commemoration of the Society's Twenty-first Anniversary

at Manchester.

29 .. Bristol Depot commenced.

Oct. 6 .. S.S. "Progress," Launch of.

1885 Aug. 25 . . Huddersfield Saleroom opened.
Dec. 30 . . Fire Tea Department, London.

1886 April 22 . . Nottingham Saleroom opened.
Aug. 25 . . Longton Crockery Depot opened.
Oct. 12 .. S.S. "Federation," Launch of.

1887 Mar. 14 . . Batley Mill commenced.

June 1 . . S.S. "Progress" damaged by fire at Hamburg.

July 21 . . Manchester New Furnishing Warehouse opened.

Aug. 29 . . Heckmondwike Currying Department commenced.

Nov. 2 . . London Branch New Warehouse opened.

2 . . Manufacture of Cocoa and Chocolate commenced.

1888 July 7 . . S.S. " Equity," Launch of.
Sept. 8 . . S.S. " Equity," Trial trip.
Sept. 27 . . S.S. "Cambrian" sold.
Oct. 14 . . Fire Newcastle Branch.

1889 Feb. 18 . . Enderby Extension opened.

Nov. 11 . . Longton Depot New Premises opened.

1890 Mar. 10 .. S.S. "Liberty," Trial trip.
May 16 . . Blackburn Saleroom opened.

June 10 . . Leeds Clothing Factory commenced.
Oct. 22 . . Northampton Saleroom opened.

1891 April 18 . . Dunston Corn Mill opened.
Oct. 22 . . Cardiff Saleroom opened.
Nov. 4 . . Leicester New Works opened.

4 . . Aarhus Branch opened.
Dec. 24 . . Fire at Crumpsall Works.

1892 May 5 . . Birmingham Saleroom opened.

1893 ,, 8 . . Broughton Cabinet Factory opened.

1894 June 29 . . Montreal Branch opened.

1895 Jan. 23 . . Printing Department commenced.
Aug. 5 . . Gothenburg Branch opened.

Oct. 2 . . Irlam Soap Works opened.
10 .. Loss of the S.S. " Unity."

1896 April 24 . . West Hartlepool Refinery purchased.

1896 June 26 . . Middleton Preserve Works commenced.
June 13 . . Roden Estate purchased.

July 1 . . " Wheatsheaf " Record first publibation.

1897 Feb. 10 . . New Northampton Saleroom opened.

Mar. 1 . . Manufacture of Candles commenced at Irlam.

,, 1 . . Broughton Tailoring Factory opened.

22 .. New Tea Department Buildings opened.

Aug. 7 . . Sydney Depot commenced.

Sept. 16 . . Banbury Creamery opened.

1898 April 1 . . Littleboro' Flannel Mill acquired.

.17

PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY

SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT continued.

YEAK. DAY. EVENTS. *

1898 . . May 9 . Tobacco Factory commenced.

. . July 11 . Lorigsight Printing Works commenced.

. . Oct. 20 . Corset Factory commenced.

1900 . . <flan. 19 . Herning Slagteri purchased.

. . Mar. 24 . Rushden Factory commenced.

. . June 20 . Silvertown Flour Mill opened.

1901 . . April 30 . Sydney Tallow Factory purchased.
,, . . July 27 . Roden Convalescent Home opened.
. . Sept. 3 . Tralee Bacon Factory commenced.
. . Oct. 9 . Rushden New Factory opened.

1902 . . April 9 . New Birmingham Saleroom opened.

25 . Fire at Newcastle Branch (Drapery Department).

. . May 1 . Work commenced at Pelaw.

,, . . Sept. 8 . Luton Cocoa Works opened.

,, .. Nov. 1 . Launch of New Steamer, " Unity," Greenock.

1903 . . July 1 . Leicester Hosiery Factory taken over.

,, . . Oct. 24 . Launch of New Steamer, "Fraternity."

1904 . . Feb. 20 . Marden Fruit Farm purchased.

,, . . AprillS . New Drapery Buildings, Manchester, opened.

. . June 20 . Brislington Butter Factory commenced.

. . July 1 . Huddersfield Brush Factory taken over.

1905 . . Feb. 15 . Bury Weaving Shed commenced.

,, . . Feb. 13 . Starch Manufacture commenced at Irlam.

.. 27 . Lard

,, . . July 3 . Desborough Corset Factory commenced.

. . SepC. 5 . Esbjerg Depot opened.

. . Oct. 26 . Launch of " New Pioneer."

1906 . . Jan. 1 . Rochdale Flour Mill taken over,

. . Mar. 31 . Oldham Star Flour Mill taken over.

,, .. April 28 . Sun Flour Mill taken over.

. . May 16 . Bristol New Depot opened.

1907 . . Sept. 14 . Mitchell Memorial Hall opened.

. . Oct. 1 . New Huddersfield Saleroom opened.

1908 . . Feb. 4 . Huthwaite Hosiery Factory commenced.
,, . . 8 . Birmingham Cycle Depot opened.

,. . . June 13 . Silvertown Soap Works commenced.

. . ,, 29 . Keighley Iron Works taken over.

. . 29 . Dudley Bucket and Fender Society taken over.

. . 29 . Birtley Tin Plate Society^taken over.

LIST OF TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESSES.

ARMAGH DEPOT: "WHOLESALE, ARMAGH."
BATLEY WOOLLEN MILL: "WHOLESALE, BATLEY."
BIRMINGHAM SALEROOM: "CO-OPERATE, BIRMINGHAM."
BIRTLEY TINPLATE WORKS : "WHOLESALE, BIRTLEY."
BLACKBURN SALEROOM: "WHOLESALE, BLACKBURN."
BRISLINGTON BUTTER FACTORY: "FACTORY, BRISLINGTQN."
BRISTOL DEPOT : "WHOLESALE, BRISTOL."

BROUGHTON CABINET FACTORY: "CO-OPERATOR, MANCHESTER."
BROUGHTON SHIRT FACTORY: "JACKETS, MANCHESTER."
BROUGHTON TAILORING FACTORY: "TAILORING, MANCHESTER."
BURY WEAVING SHED: "WHOLESALE, BURY."
CARDIFF SALEROOM: "WHOLESALE, CARDIFF."
CENTRAL, MANCHESTER: "WHOLESALE, MANCHESTER."
CORK DEPOT: "WHOLESALE, CORK."
CRUMPSALL WORKS : "BISCUIT, MANCHESTER."
DESBORO' CORSET FACTORY: "WHOLESALE, DESBORO'."
DUDLEY BUCKET WORKS: "WHOLESALE, DUDLEY."
DUNSTON-ON-TYNE CORN MILL: "WHOLESALE, GATESHEAD."
GOOLE DEPOT: "WHOLESALE, GOOLE."

HARTLEPOOL LARD REFINERY : " WHOLESALE, WEST HARTLEPOOL.'
HECKMONDWIKE SHOE WORKS: "WHOLESALE, HECKMONDWIKE."
HUDDERSFIELD SALEROOM: "WHOLESALE, HUDDERSFIELD."
HUTHWAITE HOSIERY FACTORY : " WHOLESALE, HUTHWAITE."
IRLAM SOAP WORKS: "WHOLESALE, CADISHEAD."
KEIGHLEY IRONWORKS: "WHOLESALE, KEIGHLEY."
LEEDS BRUSH FACTORY: "BROOMS, LEEDS."
LEEDS READY-MADES FACTORY: "SOCIETY, LEEDS."
LEEDS SALE AND SAMPLE ROOMS: "WHOLESALE, LEEDS."
LEICESTER SHOE WORKS: "WHOLESALE, LEICESTER."
LIMERICK DEPOT: "WHOLESALE, LIMERICK."

LITTLEBOROUGH FLANNEL MILLS : "WHOLESALE, LITTLEBOROUGH.
LIVERPOOL OFFICE AND WAREHOUSE: "WHOLESALE, LIVERPOOL."
LONDON BRANCH : "WHOLESALE, LONDON."
LONGSIGHT PRINTING WORKS : "TYPOGRAPHY, MANCHESTER."
LONGTON CROCKERY DEPOT: "WHOLESALE, LONGTON (STAFFS.)."
LUTON COCOA WORKS: "WHOLESALE, LUTON."
MANCHESTER SUN MILL: " SUNLIKE, MANCHESTER."
MARDEN FRUIT FARM : "WHOLESALE, MARDEN, HEREFORD."
MIDDLETON PRESERVE WORKS: "WHOLESALE, MIDDLETON

JUNCTION."

NEWCASTLE BRANCH: "WHOLESALE, NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE."
NEWCASTLE BRANCH, PELAW : "WHOLESALE, BILL-QUAY."
NEWCASTLE BRANCH, GREENGROCERY (STOWELL STREET) : " LOYALTY,

NEWCASTLE.

NORTHAMPTON SALEROOM: "WHOLESALE, NORTHAMPTON."
NOTTINGHAM SALEROOM: "WHOLESALE, NOTTINGHAM."
OLDHAM STAR MILL: "STAR, OLDHAM."
RODEN ESTATE: "WHOLESALE, RODEN."
RUSHDEN BOOT WORKS: "WHOLESALE, RUSHDEN."
SILVERTOWN FLOUR MILL: " CO-OPERATIF, LONDON."
SILVERTOWN PRODUCTIVE: "PRODUCTIVO, LONDON."
TEA DEPARTMENT: "LOOMIGER, LONDON."
TOBACCO FACTORY: "TOBACCO, MANCHESTER."
TRALEE BACON FACTORY: "BACON, TRALEE."
TRALEE DEPOT: "WHOLESALE, TRALEE."

TELEPHONIC COMMUNICATION.

Our Premises in the following towns are directly connected
Local Telephone System :

with the
Nos.

6621

*284

MANCHESTER GENERAL OFFICES

DRAPERY DEPARTMENT ....

BOOT AND SHOE DEPARTMENT

FURNISHING DEPARTMENT

CRUMPSALL SUB TO MANCHESTER GENERAL OFFICES...

LONGSIGHT

TOBACCO

BROUGHTON CABINET WORKS

NEWCASTLE WATERLOO STREET

WEST BLANDFORD STREET . . { 1 7 |oJf f <fc 498

SADDLERY DEPARTMENT (West Blandford Street).. 2116

GREENGROCERY DEPARTMENT (Stowell Street) . . 1 524

QUAYSIDE WAREHOUSE 564

PELAW WORKS Gateshead 1 21

2806

HIDES AND SKINS (St. Andrew's Street) 2907

LONDON GENERAL OFFICE Avenue 2591

GROCERY SALEROOM London Wall 3258 and 3259

DRAPERY Avenue 5571

GROVE STREET Central *4671

READY MADES London Wall 3924

TEA DEPARTMENT Avenue 5570

GENERAL OFFICE 3003

FURNISHING AND BOOT DEPARTMENT 2592

BUILDING AND ENGINEERING DEPARTMENT 1 049

CARTAGE 907

B ATLEY 1 01

BIRTLEY TINPL^TE WORKS 15

BRISTOL OFFICE 1913

SALEROOM 1914

DRAPERY DEPARTMENT 1915

FURNISHING, BOOTS, AND WOOLLENS 1 91 6

BRISLINGTON 1 643

BURY 1 79

CARDIFF *563

DUDLEY BUCKET WORKS 22

DUNSTON 1 261

, *2

GARSTON 6

GOOLE : 2

HECKMONDWIKE 112

HUDDERSFIELD 310

HUTHWAITE HOSIERY Sutton 36

IRLAM 5

KEIGHLEY IRONWORKS 1 60

LEEDS -SALEROOM 2098

READY-MADES, HOLBECK 1648

BRUSH FAG TORY 4035

LEICESTER-WHEATSHEAF WORKS 1 1 32 and 235

DUNS LANE 342

LIVERPOOL VICTORIA STREET 7862, 7863, and 7864

REGENT ROAD 5861

LONGTON 16

LUTON : 113

MANCHESTER SUN MILL Trafford Park 27 and 21 8

MIDDLETON PRESERVE WORKS (Failsworth) 33

NORTHAMPTON SALEROOM 206

NOTTINGHAM 21 06

OLDHAM STAR MILL 171

RUSHDEN 10

S1LVERTOWN FLOUR MILL EASTERN 602

PRODUCTIVE EASTERN 924

WEST HARTLEPOOL REFINERY 286

Post Office System. All others National Telephone Company.

CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY

LIMITED.

PAST MEMBEES OF GENERAL COMMITTEE.

Name.

Address.

Elected.

Retired.

Rochdale

1864 March ....
1864 March
1864 March
1866 May
1864 March

1865 Nov
1885 Dec

1874 August.
1869 May.
1867 May.
1869 Dec.
1868 Nov.

1874 May.
1886 March.
1889 Dec.

1869 Nov.
1866 October.

1865 Nov.
1868 Nov.

1865 Nov.

1866 Feb.
1877 Dec.

1867 Nov.

1868 May.
1872 August.
1882 June.

1868 Nov.
1871 May.
1869 Nov.
1869 Nov.
1871 May.
1871 May.
1871 Nov.
1870 Nov.
1870 Nov.
1871 August.

1874 Dec.
1885 Dec.

1873 May.

1884 Sept.

1871 Nov.
1877 April.

f Councillor Smithies . .
James Dyson

Rochdale

Manchester
Manchester

Edward Hooson

John Hilton

Middleton

"James Crabtree

Joseph Thomasson ....
Charles Howarth ....

J Neild

Heckmondwike . . -
Oldham

1886 June
1866 May

Heywood

1864 March ....

1864 March ....
1867 Nov

Mossley ^

Thomas Cheetham. . . .
W.Nuttall
E Longfield

Rochdale

1864 March

1865 Nov
1876 June

1867 May
1868 Feb

Oldham j

Manchester

j-J. M. Percival

IVTn.n p Vi pcf.pr

1870 Feb
1876 March

1867 Nov
1868 May

Isaiah Lee Old ha.

D. Baxter. .

Manchester
Hyde

J. Swindells

1868 Nov

T. Sutcliffe

Todmorden

1868 Nov
1868 Nov

J James C. Fox
W.Marcroft

Manchester

Oldham

1869 May

Thomas Pearson

Eccles

1869 Nov
1869 Nov
1870 August . .
1870 Nov

R. Holgate

Over Darwen

A. Mitchell . . .

W. Moore

Batley Carr

JTitusHall

Bradford

1871 May
1877 June . . .

B. Hague

. |

1871 May

Thomas Shorrocks
JR. Allen

Over Darwen
Oldham

1874 Dec
1871 May
1871 August ..

PAST MEMBERS OF GENERAL COMMITTEE continued.

Name.

Address.

Elected.

Retired.

Job Whiteley

Halifax j

1871 August ..
1873 Feb

1872 Feb.
1874 Feb.
1873 August.
1872 Feb.
1873 Feb.
1876 June.
1885 March.
1874 Feb.
1876 March.
1873 August.
1874 Dec.
1907 June.
1874 Dec.
1876 June.
1876 June.
1877 March.
1882 Sept.
1898 June.
1907 March.
1885 Sept.
1888 May.
1877 March.
1886 March.
1899 Feb.
1907 Sept.
1886 March
1905 August.
1890 January.
1891 Dec.
1889 August.
1895 March.
1895 June.
1895 July.
1904 October.

t Thomas Hayes . .

Failsworth

1871 Nov

Jonathan Fish wick . . .
J. Thorpe

Bolton

1871 Nov
1872 Feb

Halifax

+ W^ Johnson

Bolton |

1872 Feb

H Whiley

Manchester ]

1877 June
1872 August . .
1874 May

J Butcher

Banbury

1873 May

H Atkinson

Blaydon-on-Tyne . .
Eccles

1873 August ..
1873 August . .
1874 Feb
1874 Feb
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec

William Bates

J. F. Brearley
Robert Cooper

Oldham

Accrington

H Jackson

Halifax

J Pickersgill

Batley Carr

W Barnett

Macclesfield

John Stansfield

Heckmondwike
Huddersfield

Thomas Bland

S Lever

Bacup !

1876 Sept
1886 March....
1876 Sept

F. R. Stephenson
R Whittle

Halifax . .

Crewe

1877 Dec

{Thos Swann

Masborough

1882 Sept
1883 Nov
1883 Dec
1883 Dec
1884 Sept

John Lord

Accrington

Joseph Me Nab

Hyde

Alfred North
James Hilton

Batley

Oldham

Samuel Taylor ....

Bolton

1885 Sept

William P. Hemm....
*J. T. W. Mitchell ....
E Hibbert

Nottingham

1888 Sept
1869 Nov
1882 Sept

Rochdale

Failsworth

James Lownds

Ashton-under-Lyne. .
Derby

1885 March .. . .
1890 June ....

Amos Scotton

* Held Office as President. t Held Office as Secretary and Treasurer,
t Held Office as Secretary. Held Office as Treasurer.

* PAST MEMBERS OF NEWCASTLE BRANCH COMMITTEE.

Name.

Address.

Elected.

Retired.

Ephraim Gilchrist

Wallsend

1873 Oct

1874 Jan.
1877 Sept.
1879 May.
1877 Sept.
1876 Sept.
1891 Sept.
1875 March.
1892 May.
1884 June.
1883 Dec.
1890 May.
1887 Dec.
1893 June.
1893 Sept.
1893 Dec.
1905 May.
1904 August.
1902 July.
1903 June.

Chester-le-Street . . :
Blaydon-on-Tyne . .
West Cramlington . .
Newcastle-on-Tyne . .
Durham

1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec

Humphrey Atkinson . .
f James Patterson

John Steel

Thomas Pinkney

Newbottle
Gateshead

1874 Dec
1876 Dec
1877 Sept

William Robinson ....
William J. Howat ....
J Atkinson

Shotley Bridge ....
Newcastle-on-Tyne .
Wallsend
Cramlington

1877 Dec
1883 Dec
1883 Dec

George Fryer
Matthew Bates
Richard Thomson ....
George Scott
George Binney
Robert Irving
William Stoker
Thomas Rule

Newcastle-on-Tyne . .
Sunderland

1884 June
1874 Dec
1879 May
1891 Dec.

Newbottle
Durham

Carlisle

1892 June
1893 Sept
1893 June

Seaton Delaval ....
Gateshead

* PAST MEMBERS OF LONDON

BRANCH COMMITTEE.

Name. Address.

Elected.

Retired.

J. Durrant
John Green
f-Thomas Fowe
T. E Webb

Arundel
Woolwich

1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec

1875 Dec.
1876 Dec.
1878 March.
1896 Dec.
1901 Oct.
1907 March.
1907 June.
1882 March.
1888 Dec.
1886 Sept.
1907 March.
1888 Dec.
1904 Oct.
1904 Feb.
1907 April.

Buckfastleigh
Battersea

1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1875 Dec

J. Clay

Gloucester
Lewes . . .

H. Pumphrey
Geo. Hines

Ipswich
Sheerness
Banbury
Reading

f William Strawn

Frederick Lamb
F. A. Williams
Geo. Hawkins
J. J. B. Beach
G. Sutherland

1876 Dec
1882 June
1885 June
1886 Dec. ......
1883 Dec
1897 March
1902 Sept

Oxford . .

Colchester

WnolwinVi

R. H. Tutt Hastings

W. H. Brown Newport

* Newcastle and London Branch Committees constituted December, 1874.
t Held Office as Secretary.

THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY
LIMITED.

MEMBERS OF GENERAL, AND NEWCASTLE

AND LONDON BRANCH COMMITTEES WHO HAVE DIED

DURING TIME OF OFFICE.

DATE OF DEATH.

Edward Hooson :

Robert Allen |

Richard Whittle j

Samuel Lever

William P. Hemm

James Hilton

Samuel Taylor

J. T. W. Mitchell

E. Hibbert

James Lownds

Thos. Swann

Amos Scotton

Alfred North

J. Atkinson

William Green

John Thirlaway . . .
William Stoker . . .

Robert Irving Carlisle .

George Binney Durham

GENERAL.

Manchester December llth, 1869.

Oldham ! April 2nd, 1877.

Crewe ; March 6th, 1886.

Bacup ' May 18th, 1888.

Nottingham ; August 21st, 1889.

Oldham j January 18th, 1890.

Bolton ; December 15th, 1891.

Rochdale i March 16th, 1895.

Pailsworth j June 25th, 1895.

Ashton-un-Lyne . . ; July 27th, 1895.

Masboro' j February 15th, 1899.

Derby I October 2nd, 1904.

Batley ' August 14th, 1905.

NEWCASTLE.

Wallsend

Durham

Gateshead

Seaton Delaval

J. J. B. Beach
T. E. Webb . .

J. Clay

R. H. Tutt . .
G. Sutherland
W. H. Brown

LONDON.

Colchester

Battersea

Gloucester . .

Hastings

Woolwich

Newport

May 25th, 1890.
September 9th, 1891.
May 1st, 1892.
July 4th, 1902.
August 22nd, 1904.
May 5th, 1905.

December 21st, 1888.
December 2nd, 1896.
October 25th, 1901.
February 26th, 1904.
October 17th, 1904.
April 20th, 1907.

CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE

SOCIETY LIMITED.

PAST AUDITORS.

Name.

1
Address.

Elected.

Retired.

D.Baxter

Manchester

1864 March
1864 May

1868 May.
1865 May.
1867 May.
1881 Sept.-
1868 Nov.
1874 May.
1870 May.
1873 May.
1875 Feb.
1876 Sept.
1877 Sept.
1872 Nov.
1873 Nov.
1874 May.
1878 June.
1874 Sept.
1876 March.
1888 Sept.
1885 Sept.
1879 June.
1885 June.
1878 Sept.
1903 Feb.

Preston . . .

Manchester
Manchester

1865 May

1867 May

W Nuttall

Oldham -,
Rochdale

1868 May
1873 Nov
1868 Nov.
1870 May
1873 Nov

R Taylor

Oldham |

J C Fox

Manchester . . . . ]

1872 May

1876 Dec
1872 May
1872 Nov

H. C. Pingstone
W. Barnett
W^ Grimshaw

Manchester

Eccles . . .

1873 May
1874 May

J Leach.

Rochdale

J. Odgers
J M Percival

Manchester

1874 May

Manchester
Manchester

1875 March ....
1876 March
1876 Oct

W. Applebv

J. D Kershaw ....

Oldham

W. Nuttall
T. Whitworth

Eccles

1879 March ....
1881 Dec
1878 June

Rochdale

James Kershaw
Isaac Haigh

Rochdale

Barnsley

1888 August

STATISTICS

SHOWING THE
PROGRESS OF

THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE
SOCIETY LIMITED.

PROGRESS FROM COMMENCEMENT, IN

YEAR ENDED ,

5 Shares
taken up;

No. of Mem-
bers belonging
to our
Shareholders.

CAPITAL.

Net
Sales.

Shares.

Loans and
Deposits.

Trade and
Bank Re-
serve Fund.

Insurance
Fund.

Reserved
Balances.

October, 1864 (80 weeks) . .
1865
1866 .

5,835
6,949

13,899

17,326
22,254

24,717

24,979
28,206

30,688
33,663
34,351

88,648
41,783

45,099
51,099
58,612
64,475
67,704
72,899
92,572

100,022
112,339
121,555
127,211

132,639

142,868
151,682
1U1.720
170,993

182,810

196,556
208,299
216,249

257,424

270,366

287,915
303,701

18,337
24,005
81,080
59,849
74,737
79,245
S'.l.ssO
114,588
134,276

168,985

198,608
249,516

276,522

274,649
805,161

381,625
361,523
367,973

404,006
433,151

459,784
507,772
558,104
604,800
634,196
679,336
721,816

751,269
824,149
873,698
910,104

930,985

998,564
1,053,564
1,118,158
1,179,609
1,249,091

1,315,235
1,392,399
1,445,099

1,594,146

1,635,527

1,703,564
1,768,935

2,455
7,182
10,968
11,276
14,888
16,556
19,015
24,410
31,352

48,126

60,930
78,249

94,590

103,091
117,657

130,615
146,061
156,052

171,940
186,692

207,080
234,112
270,679
300,953
318,583
342,218
484,017

473,956
523,512
570,149
598,496

635,541

682,656
728,749
775,536
821,224

883,791

948,944
1,006,894
1,048,031

1,196,703

1,807,341

1,388,338
1,476,021

Inclu-
ded in
Shares.
14,355
16,059
22,822
22,323
25,768
112,589

147,949

198,594
286,614

299,287

287,586
291,939

321,670
361,805
386,824

416,832
455,879
494,840
524,781
567,527
590,091
648,134
722,321
824,974

900,752
925,471
917,482
972,586

1,092,070

1,195,895
1,254,319
1,297,182
1,372,541

1,568,163

1,664,765
1,701,982
1,871,026

1,890,352

2,192,681

2,581,120
2,^67,013

"82
682
1,115
1,280
2,826
1,910
2,916

1,618

5,373
8,910

12,631

14,554
16,245

25,240
38,422
16,037

20,757
20,447

25,126
31,094
87,755
39,095
51,189
58,858
48,549

53,165
56,301
85,818
37,556

64,354

97,852
Kl'.l.sXi
152,460
199,104

257,056

285,182
342,152
327,905

313,418

329,995

375,565
416,872

2,356

8,885
5,834

10,843

12,556
15,127

15,710
17,905
18,644

19,729
21,949

24,324
40,084
57,015
78,287
84,201
119,541
155,231

193,115
218,534
240,884
259,976

282,568

319,478
350,747
382,620
415,690

447,890
477,904
446,757
481,886

516,969

559,545

598,363
641,375

634

788
1,146

1,095
1,661
2,489

2,945
6,214

9,988
11,104
11,403
13,666
13,928
9,197
11,695

15,409
17,827
14,973
22,488

19,050

20,161
28,623
24,202
20,942

81,545

39,304
4,915
13,700

11,739

9,371

12,557
15,839

2,455
7,182
11,050
26,813
82,062
40,658
44,164
52,088
146,857
200,044
268,282
379,607
417,985

418,525
442,114

494,330
565,854
580,046

682,203
691,181

761,858
841,175
944,879
1,017,042
1,116,035
1,251,635
1,474,466

1,636,397
1,741,645
1,779,301
1,891,102

2,093,578

2,316,042
2,472,321
2,632,000
2,829,501

8,187,945

3,416,049
3,502,650
3,787,548

3,929,176

4,398,933

4,955,943
5,407,120

51,857
120,754
175,489
831,744
412,240
507,217
677,784
758,764
1,153,132

1,686,950

1,964,829
2,247,395

2,697,866

2,827,052
2,705,625

2,645,331
3,339,681
8,574,095

4,038,238
4,546,889

4,675,371
4,793,151
5,223,179
5,713,235
6,200,074
7,028,944
7,429,078

8,766,430
9,300,904
9,526,167
9,443,938

10,141,917
11,115,056
11,920,148
12,574,748
14,212,375

16,043,889

17,642,082
18,397,559
19,333,142

19,809,196

20,785,469

22,510,035
24,786,568

January, 1868 (65 weeks) . .
1869

1870

1871 (58 weeks) . .
' 1872

1873

1874

1875 .

1876

1877 (53 weeks) . .
1878

1879

December, 1879 (50 weeks). .
1880

1881 . .

1882 ..
1883 .

1884 (53 weeks)..
, 1885

1886

1887
1888
1889 (53 weeks)..
1890 .

1891 ..
1892 .

1898
1894 .

1895 (53 weeks) . .

1896 ..
1897

1898

1899

1900

1901 (53 weeks). .
1902
1908

1904
1905

1906

1907 (53 weeks)..

333,785,027

MARCH, 1864, TO DECEMBER, 1907.

Comparison

DISTRIBUTIVE

ADDITIONS

with corre-

EXPENSES.

TO TRADE DEPT.

sponding period
previous year.

a
a

RateonSales

Net
Profit.

ID P^

++ & G -w a 5

Dates Departments and Branches
* were commenced.

Rate

Increase.

per

3i ; Per

> ^

OGj

& fn

cent.

100.

; rt

s. d.

347 IS 13 4J

267

906

i 15

1,858

54',735

451

1,615

18 41

2,310

234

Tipperary.

112,688

5l|

3,135

18 101

4,411

450

124,063

3,338

1 16 21

4,862

2| 416

Kilmallock.

94,977

4,644

18 3|

4,248

l| 542 i

Limerick.

159,379

30|

5,583

16 5

7,626

1,620

86,559

12g

6,853

18 01

7,867

1,020 i . .

Newcastle. Bank.

894,368

51&

12,811

22 2|

11,116

1,243 I . .

Manchester Boot and Shoe, Cr umpsall.

483,818

41g

21,147

25 10

14,233

922

(Armagh, Manchester Drapery, Leices-
1 ter, Cheshire, Waterford, Clonmel.

327,879

28,436

28 111

20,684

4,461

London, Tralee, Durham.

282,566

141

81,555

28 Ol

26,750

4,826

Liverpool.

401,095

171

42,436

31 5i

36,979

4,925

(New York, Goole, Furnishing. S.S.
( "Plover" purchased. Cork.

188,897

7i *

43,169

3 f

30 61

29,189

579

121,427*

43,093

31 101

34,959

5,970

22,774

41,809

**!

31 21

42,764

8,060

J Launch of Steamship " Pioneer."
1 Rouen. Goole forwarding depot.

611.282

22f

47,158

28 21

42,090

10,651

Heckmondwike.

234,414

51,306

28 8}

46,850

7,672

( Copenhagen. Purchase of S.S. " Cam-
1 brian."

464,143

lag

57,340

28 41

49,658

3,416

Tea and Coffee Department, London.

508,651

iai

66,057

47,885

3,176

Purchase of S.S. "Unity."

41,042

70,343

80 1

54,491

6,431

J Hamburg. Bristol Depot. Launch of
1 S.S. " Progress."

203,946

74,305

77,630

4,454

13,259

480,028

81,653

31 3

83,328

7,077

15,469

(Longton Depot. Launch of S.S.
( " Federation."

490,056

98,979

32 101

65,141

9,408

2,778

Batley, Heckmondwike Currying.

486,839

105,027

33 lOJ

82,490

8,684

6,614

( London Cocoa Department. Launch of
t S.S. "Equity." Batley Clothing.

709,638

117,849

33 6|

101,984

2,249

16,658

532,750

126,879

34 Ig

126,979

20,982

(Launch of S.S. "Liberty." Leeds
1 Clothing.

1,337,357

143,151

32 7g

185,008

1,145

14,702

Dunston,Aarhus,LeicesterNewWorks.

534,474

165,737

35 78

98,532

6,511

1,000

Broughton Cabinet Works.

225,263

179,910

87 91

84,156

H7.215

7,659

82,229 4

186,058

89 4|

126,192

26,092

Montreal. Broughton Clothing Fac'ry.

516,365

199,512

39 4}

192,766

27,424

10,000

J Printing, Gothenburg, Irlam, Irish
( Creameries. [Denia

1,164,496

11$

218,393

39 3i

177,419

18,045

10,000

W. Hartlep'l, Middlet'n, Roden Est'te,

805,087

246,477

41 41

135,561

8,338

Sydney.

654,605

255,082

40 el

231,256

81,618

5,000

Littleboro', Manch'r Tobacco Fact'ry.

1,637,627

278,882

39 2g

286,250

63,838

1,831,514

lag'

314,410

89 21

289,141

48,210

f Rushd'n Shoe Fact'ry, Silvert'wn Corn
1 Mill, Herning Bacon Fact'ry, Odense.

1,448,150

335,188

37 llg

288,321

27,210

J Tralee Bacon Factory, Roden Con-
1 valescent Home, Sydney Oil Works,

1,014,5'22

345,855

37 71

336,369

51,697

Launch of S.S. "Unity," Pelaw.

935,583

354,316

86 71

297,304

4,759

f Luton Cocoa Works, Launch of S.S.
1 " Fraternity," Leicester Hosiery F'y.

/ Brislington Butter Factory, Hudders-

476,054

377,606

88 1|

332,374

87,774

1 field and Leeds Brush Factories,
Marden Fruit Farm, Bury Weaving

( Shed.

976,273

396,767

88 2}

304,568

+3,59*1

J Desboro' Corset Factory, Launch of
( S.S. "New Pioneer," Esbjerg.

1,724,566

430,862

38 3|

410,680

54,766

J Rochdale Flour, Oldham Star Flour, &
I M'chester Sun Flour &Provender Mills

2,089,570

468,101

87 9|

488,571

67,479

6,078,520

86 5

5,243,117

1552,586

1124.121

* Decrease. tFrom. J From Disposal of Profit Account.

RESERVE FUND
TRADE DEPARTMENT FROM

Deductions from Reserve Fund

Subscriptions and Donations to Charitable and other Objects 72,240

Investments Written off : Bank Department 18,259

Trade Department 10,660

Insurance Fund 6,000

Land and Buildings Account Depreciation, Special 1,148

Fixtures 852

Celebration Dinner : Opening Warehouse, Balloon Street 56

Newcastle Formation Expenses 16

21st Anniversary Commemoration Expenses, Manchester 2,017

Sprinklers Account Amount written off to date 58,399

169,647
EESERVE FUND, December 28th, 1907 :

Investments : Manchester Ship Canal Company, 2,000

Ordinary Shares of 10 each 20,000

Gilsland Convalescent Home, 7 ,500 Shares

of 1 each 7,500

,, British Cotton Growing Association, 3,000

Shares of 1 each 3,000

North-Western Co-operative Convalescent

Homes Association 5,000

35,500

Balance, as per Balance Sheet, December 28th, 1907 341,313

Add Per Disposal of Profit Account, December 28th, 1907 35,048

376,361

581,508

ACCOUNT.

COMMENCEMENT OF SOCIETY.

Cr.

Additions to Reserve Fund

From Disposal of Profit Account, as per page 27 Net 552,586

Balance Sale of Properties :

Strawberry Estate, Newcastle 1,953

Land, Liverpool 713

Kosedale 11

South Shields . . 96

Newhall 418

Durham 1 376

Gorton 10,923

Calais 319

Steamships 10,621

25,430

Balance Sale of Shares New Telephone Company 44

,, Share Investment Lancashire and Yorkshire Productive

Society 60

,, Sale of part Shares Co-operative Printing Society 63

Share Investment Leicester Hosiery Society 76

Star and Rochdale Corn Mills 14

Dividend on Debts, previously written off 786

Balances, Shares, Loans, &c., Accounts 220

Bonus to Employes : Differences between Amounts Provided and

actually Paid 311

Dividend on Sales to Employes 403

Interest on Manchester Ship Canal Shares 1,515

581,508

MANCHESTER GROCERY AND PROVISION

TRADE.

Since keeping a separate Account.

PERIOD. ENDED. Sales.

EXPEN
Amount.

SES.

Rate
per.

NET PROFIT.
1 Amount. 1 ^

Stocks
at end.

If Years, January, 1876.. 2,586,691
5 December, 1880. . 8,740,658

26,417
87,603

s. d.
2|
2g

; , d. !
31,028 2| 56,487
] 40,043 3J 70,091

3 ,. 1885..J 11,723,202
5 ., 1890.. ' 15,511,593

127,892
180,023

2
2|

157,209 3J 92,790
264,131 4 123,432

5 ,. 1895.. 21,956,461

279,262

839,816 3g

159,930

5 1900.. 28,186,928

374,568

500,911 | 4| 158,537

5 1905.. 41,629,024

489,689

774,698 ; 4| 237,874

Year, 1906.. 10,116,804

116,290

199,945 4

273,669

(53 wks) 1907.. 11,404,612

128,137

234,190

265,372

Half Year, June, 1908. . 5,486,939

67,644

o 25

104,332

232,934 '

34J Years' Total . . . . 157,342,912

1,877,525

2i*

1 2,746,303

MANCHESTER DRAPERY TRADE.

Since keeping a separate Account.

1
PERIOD. ENDED. Sales.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Htocks
at end.

Amount.

Rate
per .

Amount.

Rate
per .

s. d.

21 Years, January, 1876. . 211,351

11,484

1 1

2,165 2f

72,408

3 December, 1880. . 672,992

43,116

1 31

*941 Oi

44,105

8 1885.. 771,933

42,913

1 1J

20,277 6J

44,948

3 1890..! 1,205,935

60,656

25,278 ' 5i

84,739

3 1895..: 1,920,447

100,386

48,223

108,337

3 1900.. 2,568,623

141,497

88,133

153,641

3 1905.. 3,315,793

196,568

94,449

107,837

Year, 1906.. | 791,636

47,894

25,342

116,807

(53 wks) 1907.. 894,191

54,131

32,021

110,503

Half Year, June, 1908. . 461,299

29,459

1 31

12,443

122,608

34| Years' Total. . . . 12,814,200

728,104

1 11

347,390
4,757

Less Depreciation, October, 1877
Leaves Net Profit

342,633

* Loss.
NOTE. To December, 1883, the figures include Woollens and Ready-Mades
To June, 1905, inclusive, the figures include Desboro' Corset Factory, 1
To December, 1906, Brough ton Shirt

Department,
now separately
stated in Prod. Ac/s.

MANCHESTER WOOLLENS AND

READY-

MADES TRADE.

Since publishing a separate Account

in Balance Sheet,

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks at end.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Sales.

Amount.

Rate
per .

Amount.

Rate
per .

(*>)

s. d.

2 Years, December, 1885

41,578

2,470

1 21

745

5,242

5 1890

120,546

8,331

1 44

*1,196

11,463

3 1895

255,315

15,905

1 2&

*3,232

15,608

5 1900

622,486

35,706

1 1|

13,805

35,978

5 1905

874,585

51,849

1 24

16,346

51,262

16,779

Year, 1906

208,611

12,578

1 2|

4,826

56,468

26,647

(53wks) 1907

231,457

13,664

1 21

6,035

59,283

31,652

Half Year, June, 1908

143,254

7,777

1 1

3,021

50,707

33,615

24 Years' Total...

2,497,832

148,280

1 24

40,350

* Loss. (a) Woollens and Ready-mades and Outfitting. (b) Linings and Dyed Goods.
NOTE. To June, 1895, inclusive, the Results and Stocks include Broughton Clothing Factory.

MANCHESTER BOOT

AND SHOE

TRADE.

Since keeping a separate

Account.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at end.

PERIOD. ENDED. Sales.

Amount. *^

Amount.

per .

2i Years, January, 1876.. 96,648

2,659

1,524

7,711

5 December, 1880 .. 292,347

10,500 84

3,646

11,484

1885.. 439,988

14,703

6,33

16,074

1890 . . * 738,251

24,180

17,519

32,095.

1895.. 1,175,301

48,031 !

18,957

56,302

1900.. 1,493,428

59,448

30,468

62,178

1905.. 1,859,595

70,983

31,162

63,144

Year, 1906.. 426.797

15,167

9,661

57,329

(53 wks) 1907 . . 470,110

17,049 8|

9,03

57,663

Half Year, June, 1908.. 264,581

9,413 84

3,968

71,186

34j Years' Total 7,257,046

272,133 ; 8|

132,274

MANCHESTEB FTJBNISHING TBADE.

Since keeping a separate Account.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Sales.

Amount.

Rate
per .

Amount.

Rate
per.

at end.

(a)

s. d.

4| Years, December, 1880.. .

81,386

4,999

1 2|

617

4,307

5 1885...

184,218

9,354

1 (ft

2,379

5,817

5 1890...

439,580

21,250

6,408

12,930

5 1895...

781,803

41,130

1 Og

6,587

19,574

5 1900...

1,317,554

65,372

o 115

23,638

o 4;

27,817

5 1905...

1,639,436

80,885

11| !

22,300

28,388

Year, 1906. . .

378,332

18,321

11|

5.861

27,227

(53 wks) 1907. . .

416,266

19,510

11|

7,036

29,037

Half Year, June, 1908.. .

210,703

10,489

11|

3,972

30,056

32 Years' Total

5,449,278 ,

271,310

11J

78,798

NOTE. From March,

1893, to June

1895, inclusive, the Results and Stocks include

Broughton Cabinet Works.

(a) Excludes Longton Stock. MEMO

. In Balance Sheet Longton Stocks included with

Manchester Furnishing Stocks

NEWCASTLE BBANCH GBOCEBY AND

PBO VISION TBADE.

Since keeping a separate Account.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Sales.

Amount.

Rate
per .

Amount.

Rate atend "

s. d.

5 Years, December, 1880.. .

2,582,396

38,033

o 34

23,708

44,398

5 1885...

4,237,286

53,274

55,386

SJ | 53,546

5 1890...

5,217,881

70,760

93,880

4J 42,136

5 1895...

7,761,473

104,141

155,711

46,719

5 ., 1900...

10,795,105

169,596

185,269

87,591

5 1905...

14,933,269

210,120

182,038

74,783

Year, 1906...

3,208,817

48,957

50,190

o 33

95,764

,,(53 wks) 1907...

3,485,299

50,371

61,083

106,860

Half Year, June, 1908...

1,672,749

25,422

29,439

98,366

32| Years' Total . . .

53,894,275

! 770,674

836,704

NEWCASTLE BRANCH DRAPERY TRADE.

Since keeping a separate Account.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Sales.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks at
end.

Amount.

Rate
per .

Amount. ^

5 Years, December, 1880.
5 1885.
5 !, 1890.
3 1895.
5 1900.
5 1905.

Year, 1906.
(53wks) 1907.

Half Year, June, 1908..
32 Years' Total ....

234,269
513,938
876,923
1,351,804
1,864,292
2,259,678

493,226
563,332

292,671 I

10,745
17,599
30,548
44,684
71,047
122,128

29,330
30,330

16,064

s. d.
11
8i
8J
7g
9

1 21
1 Oi

i ii

s. d.
5,484 6}
21,903 lOi
37,968 10i
57,256 lOi
84,856 10|
64,195 6|

9,038 41
15,210 6|

7,538 6|

16,171
24,084
33,216
48,361
63,704
59,939

60,754
60,274

60,868

8,450,133

372,475

303,448

NOTE. To June, 1898, the figures include Woollens and Ready-Mades Department.

NEWCASTLE BRANCH WOOLLENS AND
READY-MADES TRADE.

Since keeping a separate Account.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Sales.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks at
end.

Amount.

Rate
per .

Amount. *

2J Years, December, 1900. .
5 1905..

Year, 190C. .
(53wks) 1907..

Half Year, June, 1908..
10 Years' Total

339,631 10,861

719,657 | 32,340

153,401 7,303
171,212 7,919

97,225 4,080

s. d.
7J

10|

H|
11

16,984

24,408

7,059
6,527

4,357

s. d.
1

11
9|

101

35,627

32,054

34,642
35,197

33,760

1,481,126

62,003

59,335

NEWCASTLE BRANCH BOOT AND SHOE
TRADE.

Since keeping a separate Account.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Sales.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks at
end.

Amount.

Rate
per .

Amount.

Rate
per .

S Years. December, 1880. .
3 1885..
8 1890..
3 1895..
3 " 1900..
3 1905..

Year, 1906. .
(53wks) 1907..

Half Year, June, 1908..
32J Years' Total ....

144,855
327,150
493,126
648,837
893,524
1,179,581 :

248,898
268,408

142,613

4,500
9,980
18,876
22,443
31,452
47,466

9,731
10,195

5,202

s. d.
71
7i
9&
8i
8|
9|

9|
9

2,412
8,276
7,874
14,020
21,199
18,082

6,081
5,089

2,730

s. d.
4
6

5|
4

5,971
11,319
11,870
20,680
26,770
29,423

27,237
27,469

26,712

4,346,992

159,845

85,763

NOTE. To December, 1888, the figures include Furnishing Department.

NEWCASTLE BRANCH FURNISHING

TRADE.

Since keeping a separ

zte Account.

EXPENSES. NET PROFIT.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Sales.

Amount.

Rate
per.

Amount.

Rate
per .

at end.

s. d.

s. d. ||

2 Years, December, 1890. .

138,487

6,287

10i

2,387

4J 10,474

5 1895..

485,907

26,707

1 IS

6,233

3 16,120

5 1900..

963,098

47,272

11|

24,066

29,796

5 1905..

1,285,488

76,223

1 2|

11,638

28,555

Year, 1906..

257,204

18,499

1 5i

4,246

o 35

30,650

(53wks) 1907..

301,266

19,853

1 32 8,367

28,357

Half Year, June, 1908..

156,908

9,852

1 3

4,864

30,507 '

19i Years' Total

3,588,358

204,693

1 11

61,801

LONDON

BRANCH GROCERY AND

PROVISION

TRADE

(INCLUDING BRISTOL, CARDIFF, AND NORTHAMPTON DEPOTS).

Since keeping a separate Account.

EXPENSES.

NET ProFiT.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Sales.

Stocks

Amount.

Rate
per .

Amount.

Rate
per .

at end.

s. d.

1| Years, January, 1876 . .

203,137

3,907

4ft

2,151

2ft

7,219

5 December, 1880 . .

1,119,233

17,326

17,688

20,789

5 1885..

1,746,107

29,470

24,718

24,256

5 1890..

3,661,913

66,023

51,270

57,347

3 1895..

6,125,158

125,071

74,567

45,828

5 1900..

8,924,536

188,854

137,122

109,468

3 1905 . .

15,225,894

247,770

221,376

129,171

Year, 1906 . .

3,638,704

59,051

58,069 3f

153,199

(53wks) 1907..

4,009,088

61,247

66,616 3

152,934

Half Year, June, 1908 . .

2,019,792

80,923

33,510 8

103,484

34J Years' Total

46,673,562

829,642

i |
687,087 3ft

LONDON BRANCH BOOT & SHOE TRADE

(INCLUDING BRISTOL DEPOT).

Since keeping a separate Account.

EXPENSES.

1
' NET PROFIT.

NET Loss.

Stocks

PERIOD. ENDED. Sales.

at end.

Amo'nt.

Rate
per .

Amo'nt.

Rate
peri.

Amo'nt.

Rate
per.

s. d.

3 Years, December, 1890. 105,438 5,640

152

6,051

5 1895. 242,974

15,350

1,013

11,182

3 1900. 376,424

24,274

2,064

20,287

5 1905. 596,359

34,976

4,919

li ; ..

24,120

Year, 1906. 138,633

9,003

1,054

33,529

(53wks),, 1907. 161,497

, 10,462

355

o 04

36,064

Half Year, June, 1908. 88,784

6,099

1 4|

1,107

38,929

]

20f Years' Total. ... 1,710,109 \'< 105,804

1 21

8,544

2,120

Less Loss

2120

Leaves Net Profit

6,424 05

LONDON BRANCH FURNISHING TRADE

(INCLUDING BRISTOL DEPOT).

Since keeping a separate Account.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

NET Loss.

Stocks

PERIOD. ENDED. Sales.

at end.

Amo'nt.

Rate
per .

Amo'nt.

Rate
per.

Amo'nt.

Rate
per .

s. d.

1| Years, December, 1890. 53,957

4,487

1 75

952

3,957

5 1895. 208,925

17,814

1 8

1,655

o 15

8,604

5 1900.1 370,518

29,067

1 61

160

12,854

5 1905. 490,048

40,071

1 7i

2,536

o 14

14,186

Year, 1906. 93,539

9,593

2 Dl

854

15,942

(53wks) 1907.; 111,721

10,228

1 91

464

0.5

13,919

Half Year, June, 1908. 62,648

5,423

1 8|

723

14,358

19i Years' Total. . . . 1,391,356

116,683

1 8J

3,723

3,621

Less Loss

3,621

Leaves Net Profit

102

LONDON BRANCH

(INCLUDING

Since keeping

SALES.

EXPENSES.

Drapery. Boots!

Total.

Amount.

Rate
per .

Half Year, December, 1880 . . . . 1,657 6,500

3 Years, 1885 .... 120,699 89,210
5 1890 .... 323,400 *45,281
5 1895 .... 439,003
5 1900 .... 693,385
5 1905 .... 989,710

Year, 1906 ....; 212,064
(53 weeks) 1907 .... 247,997

Half Year, June, 1908 .... 131,269

8,157

209,909
368,681
439,003
693,385
989,710

212,064
247,997

131,269

312

11,677
28,327
33,431
55,546
80,375

18,646
21,626

12,394

s. d.
9&

1 U
1 6f
1 64
1 7*
1 7|

1 9

1 8g

1 10|

28 Years' Total 3,159,184 140,991

3,300,175

262,334

1 7

* Two years only.
NOTE. The above figures include the following : Boots and Shoes to September, 1887 ;

LONDON BRANCH WOOLLENS

(INCLUDING

Since keeping

PERIOD. ENDED.

Sales.

EXPENSES.

Amount.

Rate
per .

2| Years, December, 1900

96,037

300,139

65,416

78,873

47,345

9,128

28,287

6,835
8,402

4,920

s. d.
1 10|

l 10i

2 1
2 1J

2 Oi

5 1905

Year, 1906

(53 weeks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908

10J Years' Total

587,810

57,572

111|

DRAPERY TRADE

BRISTOL DEPOT).
a separate Account.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at end.

Amount. ^^

Half Year, December, 1880

1,963

*5,789
515
9,992
10,986

613
3,416

324

s. d.
1

2|
31
OJ
3i
2|

. 3,805

11,502
12,607
21,859
45,685
44,749

53,120
61,475

65,721

3 Years, 1885

5 1890
5 1895

S 1900

3 1905

Year, 1906
(53 weeks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908

28 Years' Total . ...

22,056

o 14

*Loss.
Furnishing to March, 1889 ; Woollens and Ready-mades to March, 1898.

AND READY-MADES TRADE

BRISTOL DEPOT).
a separate Account.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at end.

Amount.

Rate,
per .

2 s Years December 1900

2,054

. 4,901

1,124
196

*514

s. d.
5

3|
4

o 04

o 24

14,908
21,602

21,921
28,218

31,249

3 1905

Year, 1906

(53 weeks) 1907 . ....

Half Year, June 1908

10J Years' Total

7,761

* Loss.

CBUMPSALL BISCUIT AND

Since keeping

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

Produc-
tion.

EXPENSES.

Wages
and
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest.

Total.

2J Years, January, 1876 . .

29,840

29,394

5,309

707

953

6,969

5 December, 1880 ..

87,213

87,003

14,589

2,427

2,298

19,314

5 1885 ..

106,679

106,959

18,014

3,194

2,122

23,330

5 1890 ..

177,924

181,173

35,716

6,308

4,022

46,046

5 1895 ..

421,775

426,035

73,418

10,340

8,048

91,806

5 1900 ..

464,581

443,116

101,908

13,412

6,020

121,340

5 1905 ..

799,152

791,129

188,172

21,110

12,793

222,075

Year, 1906 ..

183,913

180,133

42,111

5,132

3,146

50,389

(53 wks) 1907 . .

188,175

184,480

43,495

5,557

3,305

52,857

Half Year, June, 1908 . .
3if Years' Total . .

90,043

89,786

18,947

2,763

1,601

23,311

2,549,295

2,519,208

541,679

70,950

44,308

656,937

NOTE. Dry Soap and Preserves transferred to Irlam and

SWEET WORKS TRADE.

a separate Account.

PERIOD. ENDED.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at end.

RATE ON PRODUCTION.

Per cent.

Per..

Amount.

Rate
per
on Sup-
plies.

2J Years, January, 1876

s. d.
23 14 24

22 3 llf

s. d.
4 8g
4 5i

955

4,649

s. d.
7|
1 Oi

1,538

1,793

5 December, 1880

3 1885
3 1890

21 16 2|
25 8 3|
21 10 11|

27 7 8
28 1 4g

27 19 5J
28 7 7|

4 41
5 Oi
4 8g
5 5|
5 71

5 7|
5 8

7,987
1,027
23,500
24,157
57,382

13,969
12,276

1 5|
1|
1 11
1 Og

1 H

1 6J
1 3g

3,534
12,712
28,905
14,018
14,631

15,355
14,337

5 1895
S 1900

3 1905
Year, 1906

(53wks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908
34| Years' Total

25 19 3

5 21

6,663

1 6f

11,867

26 1 6

5 2}

152,565

1 2J1

Middleton respectively, September, 1896.

MIDDLETON PRESERVE, PEEL,

From

EXPENSES.

Net

Produc-

tion.

Wages &
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest.

Total.

4 Years, December, 1900 .... 608,218

639,903 82,018

12,740

11,254

106,012

5 1905 .... 1,214,080

1,229,847 134,015

17,728

20,507

172,250

Year, 1906 .... 305,318

303,829 82,719

4,174

4,429

41,322

(53 weeks) 1907 .... 317,220

355,147

46,432

4,221

5,214

55,867

Half Year, June, 1908 .... 140,838

103,914

19,127

2,143

3,000

24,270

1
12 Years' Total 2,585,674 i 2,632,640

314,311

41,006

44,404

399,721

IRLAM SOAP, CANDLE, STARCH,

From

EXPENSES.

PERIOD. ENDED. BnJSSei.

Produc-
tion.

Wages
and
Sundry.

Deprecia-! Interest .
tion.

Total.

20 Weeks, December, 1895 . . 26,999

82,391

3,597

807

656

5,060

5 Years, 1900 .. 908,258

904,415

104,511

19,765

15,343

139,619

5 1905 .. 1,875,031

1,852,601

201,734

29,576

24,813

256,123

Year, 1906 .. 609,171

580,195

54,817

8,836

7,368

71,021

(53wks) 1907 .. 920,662

813,328

64,933

9,028

6,456

80,417

Half Year, June, 1908 . . 408,831

367,131

30,592

4,553

2,977

38,122

12 Years and 11 Mo. Total. 4,748,952

4,550,061

460,184

72,565

57,613

590,362

AND PICKLE WORKS

commencement.

TRADE.

PERIOD. ENDED.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at end.

RATE ON PRO-
DUCTION.

Per cent.

Per . Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

4 Years, December, 1900

s. d.
16 11 4
14 11

13 12
1514 7J

23 7 Ig

s. d.
3 3|
2 92

2 8|
3 If

4 8

24,328
35,393

26,626
11,155

172

s. d.
9*
65

8|
OJ

66,044
99,938

94,920
131,721

104,150

5 1905

Year, 1906

(53 weeks) 1907 . .

Half Year, June, 1908
12 Years' Total

15 3 75

3 Og

97,674

AND LARD WORKS TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD. ENDED.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at
end.

(a)

RATE ON PRODUCTION.

Per cent.

Per .

Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

20 Weeks, December, 1895

s. d.
15 12 5&

15 8 85
13 16 6

12 4 9|
9 17 85

10 7 8

s. d.
3 11

3 1
2 Qi

2 5g
2

369

40,319

83,518

14,770
17,150

15,440

s. d.
3|

lOg
lOg

51
4|

30,825

74,059
125,435

113,008
127,527

88,266

5 Years, 1900
5 1905

Year, 1906
(53wks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908

12 Years and 11 Months' Total. .

12 19 65 2 7J

171,566

(a) Includes Sydney Works.

i '

DTJBHAM SOAP

From

Net
PERIOD. ENDED. i Supplies.

Produc-
tion.

EXPENSES.

Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest.

Total.

6$ Years, December, 1880 . . ; 64,378

65,883 4,193

1,654

2,119

7,966

5 1885 ..! 72,553

73,425 4,518

1,580

1,728

7,771

3 1890 .. 106,021

105,101 il 8,676

1,615

1,819

11,610

Si March, 1896 .. 180,868

175,503 ! 10,149

925

1,364

12,438

21f Years' Total 423,820

419,912

27,581

5,724

6,530

39,785

NOTE. Works sold 1896 and Trade transferred to Irlam.

DUNSTON FLOUB

From

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

Produc-
tion.

EXPENSES.

Wages &
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest. Total.

i Years & 36 Weeks, Dec., 1895 .

1,521,168

1,502,636

86,159

29,715

23,219

139,093

5 1900.

2,772,171

2,732,924

139,138

33,810

19,647

192,595

5 1905.

3,330,419

3,252,957

163,484

31,470

22,002

216,956

Year, 1906 .

698,394

683,029

37,178

8,817

8,291

53,786

(53 weeks) 1907.

749,411

732,721

' 40,940

9,034

9,398

59,372

Half Year, June, 1908 .
17 Years and 10 Weeks' Total .

409,182

413,483

17,757

4,592

5,088 27,432

9,480,745

9,317,750

484,656

116,938

87,640

689,234

"WORKS TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD. ENDED.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at
end.

RATE ON PRODUCTION.

Per cent.

Per jE.

Rate
Amount, per on
Supplies.

s. d.
64 Years, December, 1880 12 1 9|
3 1885 10 11 8

s. d.
2 5
2 1|

2 24
1 5

a. d.
*508 1| 3,571
1,099 8g 4,361
2,822 6g ' 5,097
11,535 1 3J 2,046

3 1890 ; 11 llj

SJ March, 1896 ' 7 1 8

21| Years' Total

9 9 51

1 10|

14,948 8g

* Loss.

MILL TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD. ENDED.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

NET Loss.

Stocks
at
end.

RATE ON PRO-
DUCTION.

Per cent. Per .

Amo'nt.

Rate
per
on Sup-
plies.

Amo'nt.

Rate
per
on Sup-
plies.

4 Years & 36 Weeks, Dec., 1895-
3 1900.
5 1905.

Year, 1906.
(53 weeks) 1907'

Half Year, June, 1908.
17 Years and 10 Weeks' Total.
1
]

s. d. s. d.
9 5 l^ 1 lOJ
7 Hi i 4 g
6 13 4| 14

7 17 5| 1 6|
8 2 0| 1 7|

6 12 8& 1 8g

20,952
34,917

2,187
11,018

3,034

s. d.
12

o 24-

o 02
o 34

31,884

s. d.
5

71,974

54,476
131,541

137,267
194,983

155,359

7 7 Hi 1 52

72,108
31,884

31,884

Jess Loss

Leaves Net Profit . .

40,224

SILVERTOWN FLOUR

From

PERIOD. ENDED. Net
Supplies.

Produc-
tion.

EXPENSES.

Wages &
Sundry.

Depre-
ciation.

Interest.

Total.

Half Year, December, 1900 .... 62,476
5 Years, 1905 .... 1,802,999

Year, 1906 .... 488,472
(53 weeks) 1907 .... 578,152

Half Year, June, 1908 .... 296,454

61,569
1,771,744

479,137
574,318

293,146

5,524
92,095

22,140
25,618

11,289

1,804
25,371

7,789
7,950

3,986

1,118

17,720

5,670
6,372

3,592

8,446
135,186

35,599
39,940

18,867

8 Years' Total 3228,553

3,179,914

156,666

46,900

34,472

238,038

FLOUR MILLS IN

From

MILL AND PERIOD ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

EXPENSES.

Wages &
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest.

Total.

ROCHDALE
Year, December, 1906 (51 weeks)

148,954
48,325

8,427
2,988

1,066
533

910

428

10,403
3,949

Half Year, June, 1907

1 Year and 25 Weeks' Total

197,279

11,415

1,599

1,338

14,352

OLDHAM STAR
Year, December, 1906 (38 weeks)

199,492
334,191

219,779

8,248
14,841

8,101
31,190

2,918
3,937

1,980
8,835

2,091
3,712

2,065

13,257
22,490

12,146

1907(53 )
Half Year, June, 1908

2 Years and 12 Weeks' Total

MANCHESTER SUN (Flour & Provender)
Year, December, 1906 (34 weeks)
1907 (53 )

753,462

237,923
508,141

306,503

7,868

47,893

10,824
21,561

11,446

3,262
4,615

2,112

2,460
5,122

2,510

16,546

31,298

16,068

Half Year, June, 1908

2 Years and 8 Weeks' Total

Totals for the Three Mills since com- 1
mencement j"

1,052,567

43,831
86,436

9,989

10,092

63,912

2,003,308

20,423

19,298

126,157

NOTE.- Rochdale Flour Mill closed June. 1907.

MILL TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD.

ENDED.

Half Year, December, 1900..
5 Years, 1905..

EXPENSES.

RATE ON PRODUCTION.

Per cent.

Per .

Year,

(53 weeks)

Half Year, June,
8 Years' Total

1906..
1907..

1908..

s. d.

1314 4

7 12 7

7 8 7J

6 19 1

6 8 8|

7 9

s. d.

2 8g

1 6J

1 5|

1 4|

1 55

RESULT OF WORKING.

Profit.

Rate

Loss, per on
Supplies.

10,962

\ 4,381

3,502
2,359

3,555
2,835

s. d.

1 4|

Stocks
at end.

18,538
31,712

82,617
117,243

79,042

MANCHESTER DISTRICT.

commencement.

MILL AND PERIOD ENDED.

ROCHDALE

Year, December, 1906 (51 weeks)

Half Year, June, 1907

1 Year and 25 Weeks' Total

OLDHAM STAR

Year, December, 1906 (38 weeks)

1907(53 )

Half Year, June, 1908

2 Years and 12 Weeks' Total

MANCHESTER SUN (Flour and Provender)

Year, December, 1906 (34 weeks)

1907(53 )

Half Year, June, 1908

2 Years and 8 Weeks' Total

Totals for the Three Mills since commencement

NET RESULT.

Profit.

7,118

5,584

69
9,236

5,001

6,199

Rate per
Sup p n ieg

2,796
1,590

4,386

4J
71

497

1,037 i

4,304

4J
3

"o~iT

Stocks
at end.

16,222
1,797

25,191
34,167
25,915

45,710
166.804

127,138

153,053

MANCHESTER TOBACCO

From

Net
PERIOD. Supplies.

EXPENSES.

Wages and Depreci
Sundry. tion.

*" Interest.

Total.

2 Years and 28* Weeks, Dec., 1900 .... 436,841 32,1

99 1,944

3,069

37,212

5 1905 .... 1,846,976

111,441 7,380

11,907

130,728

Year, 1906 .... 498,504

29,387 2,092

3,697

35,176

(53 weeks) 1907 .... 536,410

30,735 2,335

3,649

36,719

Half Year, June, 1908 .... Wl, r
10 Years' Total 3,590,E

14,627 1,191

1,955

24,277

17,773
257,608

| *

189 14,942

W^EST HARTLEPOOL

LARD REFINERY

From

PERIOD. ENDED. Supplies.

EXPENSES.

Wages and
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

tnterest.

Total.

4 Years and 37 Wks., Dec , 1900. . 374,595

12,475

3,690

3,298

19,463

5 1905.. 652,804

16,279

4,588

3,708

24,575

Year, 1906.. 111,758

2,838

1,002

553

4,393

,,(53 weeks) 1907.. 123,589

3,063

1,084

788

4,935

Half Year, June, 1908.. 53,729

1,349

542

436

2,327

12 Years and 11 Weeks' Total. . 1,316,475

36,004

10,906

8,783

55,693

NOTE. Egg Department closed June, 1904.

FACTORY TRADE.

commencement.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at end.

PERIOD. ENDED.
Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

s. d.

2 Years and 28 J Weeks, December, 1900 6,488

14,502

5 1905 i 35,326

77,749

Year, 1906 4,399

76,957

(53 weeks) 1907 4,583
Half Year, June, 1908. . 1 072

2
Og

72,807
88,979

10 Years' Total 51,868

AND EGG WAREHOUSE TRADE.

commencement.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at end.

PERIOD. ENDED.
Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

4 Years and 37 Weeks, December, 1900 . . .... 7,4%

s. d.
4|
3f

14,053
6,279

5 1905 10,418

Year, 1906 2,477
(53 weeks) 1907 * 1,079

51
2

9,778
17,092

14,969

Half Year, June 1908 1,414

12 Years and 11 Weeks' Total 20 726

* Loss.

jONGS

JIGH 1 :

C PB

INTI

From

EXPE

NSES.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

Wages &
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest.

Total.

47 Weeks, December, 1895

7,512

3,391

591

415

4397

5 Years 1900 ....

177,885

79,927

10,957

5531

96415

5 1905 . .

429 902

187,020

21,830

11,188

220038

Year, 1906

104,558

47,473

5,280

2,699

55,452

(53wks) 1907
Half Year, June, 1908

119,792
66,653

54,119

28,426

6,050
3,112

3,110

1,577

63,279
33,115

13 Years and 5 Months' Total

906,302

400,356

47,820

24,520

472,696

LITTL:

EBOR(

DUG!

I FL

.ANN

From

EXPE

NSES.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

Wages &
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest.

Total.

2| Years, December, 1900
5 1905

56,517

100878

12,093

28,098

1,515

2,287

952

2,547

14,560

32,932

Year, 1906

21,226

5,311

380

501

6,192

(53wks) 1907
Half Year, June, 1908

24,849
7,869

5,650
2986

380
190

526
271

6,556
3,447

10J Years' Total

211 339

54 138

4752

4797

63,687

WORKS TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET PROFIT.

Rate
Amount, per on
Supplies.

Stocks
at end.

47 Weeks, December, 1895

s. d.
475 1 3J

6,798 9|
13,369 7|

1,204 21
2,766 5}

2,058 7|

1,089

11,818
18,695

18,943
24,286

23,117

3 Years, , 1900

5 1905

Year, 1906
, (53 weeks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908 . ...

13 Years and 5 Months' Total

26,670 7

MILL TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET PROFIT.

NET Loss.

Stocks
at end.

Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

Rate
Amount, per on
Supplies.

2| Years, December, 1900
3 1905

400
329

s. d.
0|
3f

1 s. d.

120 | 1J

7,992

7,693

7,745
8,878

14,569

Year, 1906

(53 weeks) 1907
Half Year, June, 1908

10J Years' Total

775
120

120

....

Less Loss
Leaves Net Profit

655

LEICESTER AND HUTHWAITE

From

PERIOD.

ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

EXPENSES.

Wages and
Sundry.

24 Years, December, 1905.

Year, 1906.

(53 weeks) 1907.

Half Year, June, 1908.
5 Years' Total

168,315

78,457
23,144

44,581

18,929
22,948

337,778

95,080

Depre-
ciation.

5,120

2,123
2,344

10,456

Interest.

4,559

1,978
2,608

891

10,036

Total.

54,260

27,900
10,382

115,572

NOTE. Business transferred from Leicester to Huthwaite June, 1908.

DESBORO' CORSET

From

PERIOD.

ENDED.

Half Year, December, 1905

Year, 1906

(53 weeks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908
3 Years' Total . .

Net
Supplies.

5,142

15,018
19,799

15,088
55,047

EXPENSES.

Wages and
Sundry.

2,286

7,366
7,470

Deprecia-
tion.

1,160
589

Interest.

2,487

131

850
411

2,016

Total.

2,473

8,672
9,480

5,699

26,324

BROTJGHTON SHIRT

Since publishing a separate

PERIOD.

ENDED.

Year, December, 1907 (53 weeks) .

Half Year, June, 1908

1 Years' Total

Net
Supplies.

i3C

31,576

99,877

EXPENSES.

Wages and
Sundries.

14,886

7,958
22,844

Depre-
ciation.

1,337

Interest.

864

502

Total.

16,638

8,909

25,547

HOSIERY FACTORY TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET PROFIT.

NET

Loss.

Stocks
at end.

26,549

36,005
62,526

65,509

Rate
Amount, per on
Supplies.

Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

s. d.
5 Oi

2 Years, December, 1905

s. c
255

2,339 8
1,048 3

1-
1

5,814

Year, 1906 . .

(53 weeks) 1907

Half Year, June 1908

5 Years' Total

3,642

5,814
3,642

Less Profit
Leaves Net Loss

2,172

o 14

FACTORY TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET Loss.

Stocks
at end.

Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

Half Year, December, 1905

484

1,414
1,192

497

8. d.
1 10i

1 10

1 21

7,558

10,000
8,685

7,147

Year, 1906

,, (53 weeks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908 ...

3 Years' Total

3,587

1 3|

FACTORY TRADE.

Account in Balance Sheet.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET PROFIT.

NET Loss.

Stocks
at end.

15,617

21,846

Rate
Amount, per on
Supplies.

Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

Year, December, 1907 (53 weeks)

s. a.

775 2|

801

s. d.
6

Half Year, June, 1908
1J Years' Total

775

801
775

Less Profit

Leaves Net Loss

BATLEY WOOLLEN

From

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

Produc-
tion.

EXPENSES.

Wages &
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest.

Total.

4 Years, December, 1890 ....

44,326

47,618

20,973

1,124

1,607

23,704

5 1895 ....

95,265

94,954

81,138

2,239

1,990

35,367

5 1900....

183,387

183,125

48,641

4,394

2,808

55,843

5 1905 ....

245,026

245,771

71,871

8,374

4,566

84 ; 811

Year, 1906 ....

48,367

47,452

14,963

1,857

1,095

17,915

(53 wks) 1907 ....

52,238

52,885

16,355

1,441

1,105

18,901

Half Year, June, 1908 ....
21% Years' Total

27,800

28,394

8,995

741

573

10,309

696,409

700,199

212,936

20,170

13,744

246,850

BURY

From

EXPENSES.

PERIOD. ENDED.
Supplies. , Wages and
1 Sundry.

^ion"" Interest '

Total.

37 Weeks, December, 1905 27,620 7,668

1,223 823

9,714

Year, 1900 55,408 13,043

2,135 1,365

16,543

(53 wks) 1907 83,849 18,114

2,607 1,754

22,475

Half Year, June, 1908 . .

48,987 10,785

1,160 863

12,808

3 Years and 11 Weeks' Total . . 215,864 49,610

7,125 4,805

61,540

MILL TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD. ENDED.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

Stocks
at end.

RATE ON PRO-
DUCTION.

Per cent.

Per.

Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

s. d.

4 Years, December, 1890

49 15 7

9 llg

*6796

3 02

7,326

5 1895

37 4 11|

7 5|

3,039

8,139

1900
5 1905

30 9 10|
34 10 1|

37 15 0|
35 14 9J

36 6 1|

6 1J-
6 101

7 6}
7 If

7 3J

7,648
7,244

1,212
1,933

779

10,904

12,886

11,594
13,707

14,136

Year, 1906

(53wks),, 1907
Half Year, June, 190P

21 J Years' Total

35 5 1

7 0}

15,059

* Loss.

WEAVING- SHED.

commencement.

NET PROFIT.

NET Loss.

Stocks
at end.

PERIOD. ENDED. Rate
Amount. per on
Supplies.

Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies.

s. d.

37 Weeks, December, 1905

650

6,129

Year, 1906

11,510

(53wks) 1907 664 Ig

21,082

Half Year, June, 1908

22,951

3 Years and 11 Weeks' Total . . 664

767
664

Less
Lea\

Profit

es Net Loss ....

103

EEDS CLOTHING

From

EXPENSES.

Net
PERIOD. ENDED. Supplies.

2i Years, December, 1890 10,652
5 1895 97,978
5 1900 198,863
5 1905 . 251,014

6,414 149 128 6,691
53,712 903 760 55,375
109,204 2,639 j 1,740 113,583
137,638 5,365 2,938 145,941

Year, 1906 55,099
(53wks) 1907 57,665

Half Year, June, 1908 36,684

31,419 1,055 519 32,993
32,682 871 555 34,108

18,389 433 292 19.114

19 a Years' Total' 707955

389,458 11415 6932 407,805

BBOUGI

ITON CLOTHING

Since publishing a separate

EXPENSES.

PERIOD. ENDED. Supplies.

Wf^. .

Half Year, December, 1895 7,561
5 Years, 1900 146,319

4,920 171 106 5,197
96,238 8,671 2,252 102,161

5 1905 204,787

Year, 1906 41,262
(53 wks) 1907 42,608

127,974 5,630 3,245 136,849
|
25,232 1,170 651 27,053
26 305 1 170 640 28,115

Half Year, June, 1908 23,256

t "' '
14294 587 296 1 15,177

: i 1

13 Years' Total ... 465 793

294 963 12 399 7 190 814 552

FACTORY TRADE.

commencement.

NET PROFIT.

PERIOD. ENDED. Rate

Amount. ; per on
Supplies.

NET Loss.

Stocks
Rate at end.
Amount, per on
Supplies.

s. a.

2 1 Years, December 1890 . . . '

s. d.
1 125 2 I 1 1 316

5 1895 5 663 1 If

5 M 1900 13 728 1 4J

q 7(54

5 1905 10 949 10 3

Q QOT)

Year, 1906 2471 10|

8 928

(53 wks) 1907 . . 1 859 7|

9847

Half Year, June, 1908 1 090 7|

4737

19| Years' Total ' 35,760

1125

_ 1 " I] "

LessLoss ' 1,125

Leaves Net Profit . . 34,635 11|

FACTORY TRADE.

Account in the Balance Sheet.

NET PROFIT.

NET Loss.

PERIOD. ENDED. Rate

Amount, per on
Supplies.

Stocks
Rate at end.
Amount, per on
Supplies.

s. d. '
Half Year, December, 1895 254 08
5 Years, 1900

s. d.
1,003
1,677 2| 5,453

5 1905 6,635 7|
Year, 1906 2,101 1

3,306

3,986

(53 wks) 1907 2,081 11|

3,889

Half Year, June, 1908 731 7J

2,459

13 Years' Total 11,802

1,677

Ijess Loss 1,677

Leaves Net Profit 10,125 5J

LEICESTER

BOOT AND

Since

keeping

EXPENSES.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net Produc-
Supplies. tion.

i Wages &
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest.

Total.

2| Years, January, 1876 ....

86,565 97,576

28,264

166

914

29,344

5 December, 1880

369,357 ; 362,821

127,772

1,947

4,987

134,706

3 1885 ....

495,321 493,020

182,021

3,369

5,822

191,212

3 1890 ....

771,134 783,457

291,291

5,724

7,622

304,637

3 1895 ....

1,264,427 1,269,859

495,923

19,269

23,491

538,683

5 1900 ....

1,560,965 1,546,483

593,400

27,815

24,566

645,781

8 1905 ....

1,812,821 ' 1,781,627

687,119

25,134

23,234

735,487

Year, 1906 ....

342,066 343,706

126,232

5,222 ,

4,739

136,193

(53 wks) 1907 ....

375,286 346,777

128,198

2,520

5,374

136,092

Half Year, June, 1908 ....

237,823 220,718

77,856

1,137

2,350

81,343

34| Years' Total

7,315,765 7,246,044

2,738,076

92,303

103,099

2,933,478

HECKMONDWIKE BOOT, SHOE,

From

TOTAL EXPENSES

Boot and

(INCLUDING CURRYING DEPARTMENT).

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net Shoe
Supplies. Produc-

tion.

Wages &
Sundry.

De tion Cia Interest - ' Total.

Half Year, December, 1880 . . .

3,060 3,438

1,057

1,103

3 Years, 1885 ...

83,295 85,197

27,824

461

1,038

29,323

3 1890 . . .

. 139,007 117,020

44,539

2,389

2,857 49,785

3 1895 ...

. 229,350 192,594

78,872

4,552

5,408 88,832

3 1900 ...

. 280,601 238,078

100,647

8,605

6,104

115,356

3 1905 ...

. 342,878 307,637

115,788

10,183

6,161

132,132

Year, 1906 ...

58,903 53,131

20,669

2,102

1,298

24,069

(53 weeks) 1907 . . .

62,931 59,942

21,655

1,260

919 , 23,834

Half Year, June, . 1908 . . .

30,920 30,292

12,027

265

12,300

28 Years' Total

. 1,230,945 1,087,329

423,078

29,576

24,080 ! 476,734

SHOE WOBKS TBADE.

a separate Account.

EXPENSES.

RATE ON NET PROFIT '
PRODUCTION. ; ^^

er cent. Per . Amount.

at end.
Rate
per on
Supplies.

21 Years, January, 1876 3

s. d. s. d.
) 1 5 6 Oft 1,488

1 2 6| 75 4,008
j 15 8 79 8,630
J 17 8 7 91 35,946
J 8 41 8 51 24,347

L 15 11 ! 8 4ft ,: 27,905
L 5 7J 83 15,617

) 12 51 7 H 4,640
) 4 lOf 7 10ft 4,784

5 17 01 7 4| 1 7,935

1 1

s. d.
4ft ; 9,186

2J 15,772
4ft 15,752
lift 61,935
4J 101,621
41 114,013
2 114,216

31 154,946
3 125,046

8 91,987

3 December, 1880 3'
5 1885 3*

5 1890 3f

5 1895 i 45
5 1900 i 4

5 1905 4

Year, 1906 35
(53 weeks) 1907 3 (

Half Year, June, 1908 1 81

34 a Years' Total . . . ' 4(

]l
) 9 8ft 8 1ft jj 135,300

AND CUBBYING WOBKS TBADE.

commencement.

EXPENSES.

NET Loss.

Stocks
at end.

BOOT & SHOE R

TXpinn. F,,n. ON PRODUCTIC

ATE NET PROFIT.

Per cent. I P

Rate
r . Amo'nt. per on
Supplies.

Rate
Amo'nt. per on
Supplies.

s. d. s
Half Year, December,1880.. 32 1 7| 6

5 Years, 1885.. 34 8 41 6
5 1890.. 35 16 IJ 7
5 1895.. 38 2 11 7
S 1900. . 40 18 21 8
3 1905. . 42 19 0* I 8

Year, 1906.. 89 8 111 7
(53 weeks) 1907. . 34 16 41 ; 6

Half Year, June, 1908.. 3617 2| j 7

d. s. d.
41 ..
lOJ 71 Oft
1 4,953 j 8i
7 9,416 9f

7 6,074 41

10|
Hi

4| 587 4.i

s. d.
181 1 2J

2,273 11

4,541 1 6i
3,870 1 0|

2,473

5,814
11,325
20,711
15,437
12,935

15,995
11,175

21,681

28 Years' Total 37 19 6ft 7

7J 21,101

Less Loss . . .
Leaves Net Pr<

10,365

jflt.J 10,736 2

RTJSHDEN

BOOT AND

From

HALF-YEABLY

EXPENSES.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

Produc-
tion.

Wages &
Sundry.

Depre-
ciation.

Interest. Total. I

;

r *

31 Weeks, December, 1900 11,091

11,806

4,215

83 4,366

5 Years, 1905

285,920

295,640

84,225

5,191

8,867 ' 93,288
1

Year, 1906 107,895

117,693

29,701

1,738

1,672 33,111

,,(53 weeks) 1907 117,970 110,916

28,866

1,765

1,595 32,226

Half Year, June, 1908
8 Years and 5 Weeks' Total . .

62,907

61,566

893

690 17,816

585,783

,597,621

163,240

9,655

7,907 180,802
11

BROTJGHTON

CABINET

From

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

EXPENSES.

Wages &
Sundry.

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest. Total.

3 Years, December, 1895

22,423

65,846

15,442

39,217

1,216

2,414

1,326 17,984

2,524 44,155

5 1900

5 1905

69,879

36,847

2,921

2,363 42,131

Year, 1906

22,720

10,465

652

569 11,686

(53 wks) 1907

29,604

15,120

636

566 16,322

Half Year, June, 1908
15| Years' Total

13,207

7,017

352

323 7,692

223,679

124,108

8,191

7,671 139,970

SHOE WORKS TRADE.

commencement.

ACCOUNTS.

Stocks
at ena.

PERIOD. ENDED.

EXPENSES.

NET PROFIT.

RATE ON PRODUCTION.

Per cent. Per .

Rate
Amount, per on
Supplies.

s. a. s. a.
31 Weeks, December, 1900 36 19 7| 7 4|

5 Years, 1905 31 11 0| 6 3|

Year, 1906 28 2 8 57%
(53 weeks) 1907 29 1 1 5 9|

Half Year, June, 1908 28 is 91 s 93

s. a.

964 1 8t
22,070 1 6J

5,688 1 Of
7,022 1 2i

4,409 1 4|

2,482

20,549

29,197
21,719

17,120

8 Years and S Weeks' Total

.... 30 5 Of 6 OJ

40,153 ! 1 4|

WORKS TRADE.

commencement.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET PROFIT.

NET Loss.

Stocks
at ena.

Rate
Amount. per on
Supplies.

3J Years, December, 1895
5 1900
5 1905

Year, 1906

s. a.

389 04
494 4

19 Qi

s, a.
1,305 1 IS

5,950 1 9|
432 If

7,257
4,452
7,584

6,751
7,225

9,734

(53 wks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908
15| Years' Total

902

7,687
902

Less Profit
Leaves Net Loss

6,785 7J

LEEDS BBUSH

Since publishing a separate

PERIOD.

ENDED.

1 5 Years, December, 1905

Year, 1906

(53 wks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908 . . .

4 Years' Total . .

EXPENSES.

Vages and
Sundry.

16,814
15,777
17,636
10,901

7,530
6,086
6,996

4,481

61,128

25,093

Deprecia-
tion.

307
307
457
369

341

328
275

1,440

1,182

Total.

8,178
6,631
7,781
5,125

27,715

NOTE. Huddersfleld business transferred to Leeds, June, 1906.

PKKIOD. ENDED.

PELAW POINTING

Since publishing a separate

EXPENSES.

Wages &
Sundry.

2 Years, December, 1905

Year, 1906

(53 wks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908

4 Years' Total

15,530

9,064.
10,935

. 41,611

6,634

3,825
4,558
2,290

17,307

Deprecia-
tion.

Interest.

1,143
369
383
197

700

176
179

1,142

Total.

8,477

4,370
5,120

2,574

20,541

FACTORY TRADE.

Account in Balance SJieet.

PERIOD.

ENDED.

li Years, December, 1905

Year, 1906

(53wks) 1907

Half Year, June, 190S . . .

4 Years' Total

NET PROFIT.

|! Stocks
Rate at end.

j Amount. | per on
Supplies.

565
870
648
276

s. d.

1 I

8if

4,453
3,358
5,428
6,170

WORKS TRADE.

Account in Balance Sheet.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET PROFIT.

Amount.

Rate per
on Supplies,

Stocks
. at end.

2 Years, December, 1905

Year, 1906

(53 wks) 1907

Halt Year, June, 1908

4 Years' Total

494

. 1,141
763

s. d.

1 1

315

182

2 1 256

2 6 253

PELAW TAILOBING, KERSEY,

Since publishing a separate

PERIOD. ENDED.

EXPENSES.

Net
Supplies.

! Sundry, j tion

2 Years, December, 1905
Year, 1906

65,992 I 20,918 2,371

11,439 1,036

1398

Total.

24,687

13,164

(53wks) 1907 43,394 12,774 1057 725 j 14,556

Half Year, June, 1908 ....

24,095

6,667 532 354

7,553

*J Years' Total 172,781 ' 51,798 i 4,996 3,166

PELAW CABINET

Since publishing a separate

PERIOD. ENDED.

Net
Supplies.

2 Years, December, 1905

Year, 1906

(53 wks) 1907

Half Year, June, 1908

4* Years' Total . . .

24,788
29,795

16,811

123,617

EXPENSES.

Wages and I Deprecia- T .
Sundry. tion. Interest.

13,539
14,761

8,587

3,912
1,637
1,665

502

2,434

1,141
1,108

68,546 7,716

5,152

Total.

38,005
16,317
17,534

9,558

81,414

AND SHIRT FACTORIES TRADE.

Account in Balance SJieet.

NET PROFIT.

PERIOD. ENDED.

Amount.

2 Years, December, 1905 | 725

Year, 1906 1,098

(53 wks) 1907 | 1,660

Stocks

Rate per at end.
on Supplies.

Half Year, June, 1908.

1,747

s. d.

1 5g

Years' Total 5,230

5,606

6,431

5,208

6,569

WORKS TRADE,

Account in Balance Sheet.

PERIOD. ENDED.

NET Loss.

Amount.

Rate
per on
Supplies. I

Stocks
at end.

2 Years, December, 1905 .

Year, 1906 .

(53 wks) 1907 .

Half Year, June, 1908

& Years' Total

1,814

912

2,325

s. d.

2 8J

8,384

1 4J

9,877

10,218
9,978

10,981

DISTBIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PEE CENT. ON
(FIFTY-THREE

SALES

Expenses=

GRAND TOTAL.

23,233,398.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Wage" <.

s. d.
224156 9 3

772 19 1
34 5
9655 13 1
6824 19 10
763 7 10
12165 2
280 2 10
24235 18 10
7408 4 3
676 11 7
1271 17 11
1703 13 11
2434 14 8
8500 13 3
12683 7
8664 8
1276 10
831 18 11
324 19 1
39 16
840 8
17010 17 8
14947 1 5
5521 6 1
4841 4
17135 3 1
7853 3 5
75746 18 5

s. d-
19 3-55

0-80
0-04
9-97
7-05
0-79
1 0-57
0-29
2 1-04
7-65
0-69
1-31
1-76
2-52
8-78
1 1-10
8-95
1-32
0-86
0-34
0-04
0-87
1 5-57
1 3-44
5-70
5-00
1 5-70
7-60
6 6-24

Scrutineers
Committees

Postage
Printing and Stationery
Periodicals

Travelling

Stamps . . . . . .

Telegrams
Telephones
Miscellaneous

Advertisements and Showcards

" Wheatsheaf " Record

Rents, Rates, and Taxes

Power, Lighting, and Heating

Exhibition and Congress

Quarterly Meetings

Employes' Picnic

Legal

" Annual," 1907

Dining-rooms -

Repairs, Renewals, &c.

Insurance

Depreciation : Land

Buildings

Fixtures, &c

Interest

Totals

468100 18 10

40 3-54

SALES FOE THE YEAK ENDED DECEMBER 28 TH , 1907
WEEKS).

a-iR,.A.:Dsr:D STJ^/C^C^.S,^'.

MANCHESTER.

NEWCASTLE.

LONDON.

13,686,712.

4,824,054.

4,722,632.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

R S'i e OG Per Amount.

Rate per
100.

s. a.

112262 4 2

s. d.

16 4-85

s. d.
58098 15 9

s. d. s. d.
24 1-05 53795 9 4

s. d.
22 9-38

454 11 1

0-80

160 16 11

0-80 157 11 1

0-80

20 2 10

0-04

728

0-04 6 19 6

0-04

4917 6 11

8-62

2658 18 9

1 1-23 2079 7 5

10-57

8816 5 5

6-69

1231 6 3

6-13 1777 8 2

9-03

511 18 2

0-90

59 9 1

0-30 192 7

0-97

6397 1 2

11-22

2529 2 11

1 0-58 3238 16 1

1 4-46

147 11 7

0-26

55 1 3

0-27 77 10

0-39

11969 16 4

1 8-99

4604 19 9

1 10-92 7661 2 9

3 2-93

4230 17 6

7-42

1138 18 8

5-67 2038 8 1

10-36

368 15 1

0-65

200 8

1-00

107 8 6

0-55

661 13 11

1-16

307 3 4

1-53

303 8

1-54

1037 2 1

1-82

342 4 1

1-70

324 7 9

1-65

1550 6 3

2-72

400 15 9

1-99

483 12 8

2-46

4998 19 7

8-77

1769 4 9

8-80

1732 8 11

8-80

5160 2 9

9-05

3430 17 7

1 5-08

4092 3

1 8-80

4295 17 4

7-53

1874 15 9

9-33

2493 14 11

1 0-67

777 6 5

1-36

420 17 3

2-09

78 6 4

0-40

673 19 3

1-18

64 15 6

0-32

93 4 2

. 0-47

156 14 3

0-27

101 4 10

0-50

0-34

33 8

0-06

066

616

0-03

494 3

0-87

174 17 5

0-87

171 3

0-87.

10065 6 3

1 5-65

3731 5 7

1 6-56

3214 5 10

1 4-33

8733 18 7

1 3-31

3007 19 6

1 2-96

3205 3 4

1 4-29

1973 6 9

3-46

1218 10 6

6-06

2329 8 10

11-84

3315 1 6

5-81

979 10 11

4-87

546 11 7

2-78

5757 4 1

10-09

6911 7 6

2 10-38

4466 11 6

1 10-70

2589 10 6

4-54

3593 12 6

1 5-88

1170 5

5-95

38252 10

5 7-07

20020 17 6

8 3-60

17473 10 11

7 4-80

235622 18

34 5-16

119095 6 9

49 4-51

113382 14 1

48 0-20

DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PEE CENT. ON
(FIFTY-THREE

SALES

Expenses

HVC ^ ZEsT C IE! IE S T IE IR, .

TOTALS.

GROCERY.

COAL.

13,686,712.

11,404,612.

270,077.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Wages
Auditors
Scrutineers

s. d.
112262 4 2

454 11 1
20 2 10
4917 6 11
3816 5 5
511 18 2
6397 1 2
147 11 7
11969 16 4
4230 17 6
368 15 1
661 13 11
1037 2 1
1550 6 3
4998 19 7
5160 2 9
4295 17 4
777 6 5
673 19 3
156 14 3
33 8
494 3
10065 6 3
8733 18 7
1973 6 9
3315 1 6
5757 4 1
2589 10 6
38252 10

s. d.
16 4-85

0-80
0-04
8-62
6-69
0-90
11-22
0-26
1 8-99
7-42
0-65
1-16
1-82
2-72
8-77
9-05
7-53
1-36
1-18
0-27
0-06
0-87
1 5-65
1 3-31
3-46
5-81
10-09
4-54
5 7-07

s. d.
57832 10 3

379 18 1
16 16 2
2642 10 1
1989 7 9
463 2 1
3829 1 2
120 9 5
3929 6 3
3478 17 8
261
504 1 10
797 4 6
1073 13 9
4176 10 3
2553 7 1
1630 12 3
443 12 2
562 7 5
88 1 9
31 2 4
412 9 4
6983 3 4
6006 2 3
765 14
1440 3 5
2473 17 2
856 13 8
22395 4 10

s. d.
10 1-70

0-80
0-03
5-56
4-19
0-97
8-06
0-25
8-27
7-32
0-55
1-06
1-66
2-26
8-79
5-42
3-43
0-93
1-18
0-19
0-06
0-87
1 2-69
1 0-64
1-61
3-03
5-20
1-80
3 11-13
22 5-65

s. d.
1360 6 11

905
080
46 4 4
160

182 16
2 11 2
414 8 11
83 10 7
10 6 6
47 13 4
16 16
16 17 4
99 3 3
10 8 11
41 2
9 13
13 7 6
147
225
9 15 10
136 4 10
307 7 1
100
651
11 7
652
284 11 4

s. d.
10 0-88

0-80
0-04
4-11
0-12

1 4-24
0-23
3 0-83
7-42
0-92
4-24
1-49
1-50
8-81
0-93
3-65
086
1-19
0-11
0-19
0-87
1 0-11
2 3-31
0-09
0-55
0-98
0-55
2 1-29

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Postage
Printing and Stationery. .
Periodicals
Travelling

Stamps
Telegrams
Telephones

Miscellaneous

Adverts, and Showcards. .
" Wheatsheaf " Record . .
Rents, Rates, and Taxes. .
Power, Lighting, & Heat'g
Exhibition and Congress
Quarterly Meetings
Employes' Picnic

Legal

"Annual," 1907 .

Dining-rooms

Repairs, Renewals, &c. . .
Insurance

Depreciation : Land
,, Buildings..
,, Fixtures, &c.
Interest.

Totals

235622 18

34 5-16

128137 3

3131 17 1

23 2-31

SALES FOE THE YEAE ENDED DECEMBEE 28TH, 1907

WEEKS) continued.

IVC .A. IDsT O IE! IE S T IE IR, .

DRAPERY.

WOOLLENS AND
READY-MADES.

BOOTS AND SHOES.

FURNISHING.

894,191.

231,456.

470,110.

416,266.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

s. d.
27875 19 11

s. d.
62 4-19

s. d.
6051 1 4

s. d.
52 3-44

s. d*
8702 8 2

s. d.
37 0-26

s. d.
10439 17 7

s. d.
50 1-92

29 15 2

0-80

7 9 11

0-77

15 9 7

0-79

12 17 11

0-74

166

0-04

6 10

0-04

13 11

0-04

11 5

0-03

997 4 6

2 2-77

251 12 6

2 2-09

499 2 8

2 1-48

480 12 10

2 3-71

616 17 6

1 4-55

1138 9

9 10-05

1-43

42 5 2

2-44

18 11 7

0-50

4 13 5

0-24

25 11 1

1-47

1316 19 4

2 11-35

245 11 9

2 1-46

403 13 11

1 8-61

418 19

2 0-15

10 4

0-27

351

0-34

543

0-27

5 17 8

0-34

4732 2 2

10 7-01

1482 14 10

12 9-75

595 7 10

2 6-40

815 16 4

3 11-04

305 8 7

8-20

78 18 10

8-19

146 6 11

7-47

137 14 11

7-94

47 12 9

1-28

19 14 4

2-04

9 10 C

0-49

20 11

1-13

41 10 7

I'll

21 11

2-18

23 10

1-20

23 17 8

1-38

113 10 10

3-05

19 4

1-99

40 17 9

2-09

49 9

2-85

128 2 10

3-44

68 10

7-05

234 17 7

11-99

28 13 11

1-65

327 11 1

8-79

82 17 10

8-60

170 19 8

8-73

141 17 6

8-18

1329 3 7.

2 11-67

246 8 11

2 1-55

315 16 6

1 4-12

704 17 9

3 4-64

1393 7 1

3 1-40

228 3 7

1 11-66

307 9 7

1 3-70

695 2 10

3 4-08

162 18 1

4-37

72 6 2

7-50

75 1

3-83

13 16 11

0-80

44 5 7

1-19

11 8

1-18

23 7 11

1-19

19 2 10

1-10

31 5 9

0-84

7 15 4

0-81

10 16 11

0-56

17 9 11

1-01

016

004

009

008

32 8 5

0-87

858

0-86

17 6

0-87

14 6

0-81

1341 3 3

3 O'OO

331 9 1

2 10-37

690 11 1

2 11-25

582 14 8

2 9-60

1283 9 1

2 10-45

186 19 6

1 7-39

613 6 7

2 7-31

336 14 1

1 7-41

526 17 9

1 2-14

251 17 1

2 2-12

197 9 3

10-08

230 8 8

1 1-28

939 17 8

2 1-22

162 10 1

1 4-85

239 14 4

1 0-24

526 10 11

2 6-36

1640 16 6

3 8-04

285 5 2

2 5-58

415 4 7

1 9-20

931 1

4 5-68

1435 18 11

3 2-54

48 17 9

5-07

80 1 10

4-09

161 13 2

9-32

7406 16 4

16 6-80

2352 2

20 3-89

3182 12 1

13 6-47

2631 3 5

12 771

54131 6 10

121 0-88

13663 16 8

118 0-82

17049 8 2

72 6-40

19509 9

93 8-82

DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND EATE PEE CENT. ON

(FIFTY-THREE

SALES

Expenses =

1ST IEWC A. S T 3L IE .

TOTALS.

GROCERY.

COAL.

4,824,054.

3,485,299.

34,537.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Wages

s. d.
58098 15 9

160 16 11

728
2658 18 9

s. d.
24 1-05

0-80
0-04
1 1-23

s. d.
22646 5 2

116 7 9
530
1134 5

s. d.
12 11-94

0-80
0-04

7-81

s. d.
269 17 5

126
1
7 15 9

s. d.
15 7-53

0-78
0-03
5-42

Auditors

Scrutineers

Committees

Price Lists: Printing ....

1231 6 3

6-13

161 11

1-11

Postage ....

59 9 1

0-30

59 9 1

0-41

Printing and Stationery. .
Periodicals

2529 2 11
55 1 3
4604 19 9
1138 18 8

1 0-58
0-27
1 10-92
5-67

1065 13 3
33 7
758 18 2
553 16 10

7-84
0-23
5-23
3-81

7 12 3
041
38 11 4
3 5 11

5-29
0-14
2 2-80
2-29

Travelling

Stamps

Telegrams
Telephones

200 8
307 3 4
342 4 1

1-00
1-53
1-70

134 11 10
234 14
233 4 1

0-93
1-62
1-61

19 4
1 15 4
13 1

0-67
1-23
0-45

Miscellaneous

Adverts, and Showcards. .

400 15 9

1-99

207 1 2

1-43

241

1-53

" Wheatsheaf " Record . .

1769 4 9

8-80

1279 7 1

8-81

12 7 4

8-59

Rents, Rates, and Taxes. .

3430 17 7

1 5-08

1344 3 9

9-26

3 15 8

2-63

Power,Lighting,& Heating

1874 15 9

9-33

1113 9 11

7-67

894

5-88

Exhibition and Congress .

420 17 3

2-09

298 19 6

2-05

1 16

1-26

Quarterly Meetings

64 15 6

0-32

46 15 11

0-32

091

0-31

Employes' Picnic
Legal

101 4 10
066
174 17 5
3731 5 7

0-50

0-87
1 6-56

25 4 10
049
126 6 3
2507 18

0-17

0-87
1 5-27

033
1
146
11 6 4

0-10

0-85
7-86

" Annual," 1907 . .

Dining-rooms

Repairs, Renewals, &c. . .

3007 19 6

1 2-96

1659 15 5

11-43

9 16

6-82

Insurance

1218 10 6

6-06

539 9 6

3-72

0-35

Depreciation : Land ....

979 10 11

4-87

326 14 5

2-25

16 11

0-59

Buildings ..

6911 7 6

2 10-38

3264 15 5

1 10-48

347

2-24

Fixtures, &c.
Interest

3593 12 6
20020 17 6

1 5-88
8 3-60

1705 5 11
8788 10

11-74
5 0-51

C 12 5
38 8 3

0-43
2 2-72

Totals .

119095 6 9

49 4-51

50370 18 10

28 10-86

427 1 10

24 8-79

SALES FOE THE YE AE ENDED DECEMBEE 28TH, 1907
WEEKS) continued.

IN-EWO^STLIE.

DRAPERY.

WOOLLENS AND
READY-MADES.

BOOTS AND SHOES.

FURNISHING.

563,333.

171,211.

268,408.

301,266.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

s. d.
16215 9 2

s. d.
57 6-84

s. d.
3120 16 7

s. d.
36 5-48

s. d.
4885 12 7

s. d.
36 4-84

s. d.
10960 14 10

s. d.
72 9-17

18 15 2

0-80

5 13

0-79

8 18 6

0-80

16 8

0-04

052

0-04 080

0-04

8 10

0-04

627 10 1
219 9 6

2 2-73
9-35

203 7
610 19 6

2 4-46
7 1-64

337 17 9
38 13 9

2 6-21
3-46

348 3 2
200 12 6

2 3-74
1 3-98

654 9 5

2 8-88

106 13 11

1 2-97

217 17 3

1 7-48

476 16 10

3 1-99

8 17 9

0-38

1 3 4

0-16

4 11

0-41

6 18 1

0-55

1945 15 1

6 10-90

530 13 2

6 2-39

299 1

2 2-74

1032 1

6 10-22

259 16 10

11-07

33 2 5

4-64

59 12 7

5-33

229 4 1

1 6-26

45 9 8

1-94

534

0-72

2 19 10

0-27

11 4

0-89

30 9 1

1-30

9 6 11

1-31

14 11 1

1-30

16 6 11

1-30

86 16 5

1-57

5 11 8

0-78

13 13 11

1-22

52 4 11

4-17

71 10 8

8-05

41 8 7

5-82

29 19 8

2-68

48 11 7

3-87

206 11

8-80

62 8 5

8-75

98 7 8

8-80

110 3 3

8-77

785 14 2

2 9-47

184 3 -2

2 1-82

345 16 10

2 6-92

767 4

5 1-12

802 10 11

1 0-89

143 9 6

1 8-11

144 19 9

1 0-97

161 16 4

1 0-89

49 8

2-09

14 10 4

2-03

23 5 1

2-08

33 5 ^i$0 2-65

7 11 6

0-32

261

0-32

3 12 2

0-32

409

0-32

29 4 3

1-24

4 15 4

0-67

7 17 6

0-70

33 19 8

2-71

009

003

004

20 9 1

0-87

644

0-87

9 15 2

0-87

10 18 1

0;87

525 10 6

1 10-39

156 15 7

1 9-97

249 5 8

1 10-29

280 9 6

1 10-34

500 6 5

1 9-31

102 17 5

1 2-42

117 11

10-47

618 3 4

4 1-24

251 10 6

10-72

144 1 8

1 8-20

133 18. 6

11-97

149 4

11-87

269 1 6

11-46

64 6 5

9-02

104 14 9

9-39

213 16 11

1 5-04

1483 15 3

5 3-21

424 10 6

4 11-52

575 5

4 3-44

1159 16 9

7 8-40

923 1 5

3 3-33

188 16 2

2 2-47

406 13

3 0-36

369 3 7

2 5-41

4840 7 5

17 2-22

1745 6 4

20 4-66

2060 16 2

15 4-26

2547 18 6

16 10-97

30330 10

107 8-17

7918 16 1

92 6-03

10195 5 5

75 11-62

19853 3 9

131 9-58

DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND EATE PEE CENT. ON
(FIFTY-THREE

SALES-

Expenses=

LOICTIDOILsr.

TOTALS.

GROCERY.

COAL.

4,722,632.

4,009,087.

113,457.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

s. d.
12 0-31

0-80
0-04
4-82

Wages

s. d.
53795 9 4

157 11 1
6 19 6
2079 7 5
1777 8 2

s. d.
22 9-38

0-80
0-04
10-57
9-03

s. d.
27854 10 6

133 15 1
5 18 5
1246 19 10
507 1 8

s. d.
13 7-76

0-80
0-04
7-46
3-04

s. d.
682 3 4

3 15 9
034
22 16 2

Auditors
Scrutineers

Price Lists : Printing ....

Postage ....

192 7

0-97

192 7

1-15

....

Printing and Stationery. .

3238 16 1

1 4-46

1890 16 4

11-32

32 1 4

6-78

Periodicals
Travelling

77 10
7661 2 9
2038 8 1
107 8 6
303 8
324 7 9
483 12 8

0-39
3 2-93
10-36
0-55
1-54
1-65
2-46

62 8 5
2113 19 10
1683 6 11
86 15 9
207 12 11
231 12 8
395 12 6

0-37
1 0-65
10-08
0-52
1-24
1-39
2-37

10
276 9 5
10 19

7 1 3

0-10

4 10-48
2-32

1-49

Stamps

Telegrams
Telephones

Miscellaneous
Advertisements and
Showcards

" Wheatsheaf " Record . .

1732 8 11

8-80

1470 15 1

8-80

41 12 4

8-80

Rents, Rates, and Taxes. .
Power, Lighting, and
Heating

4092 3
2493 14 11

1 8-80
1 0-67

1559 5
1897 3 9

9-33
11-36

Exhibition and Congress.

78 6 4

Q-40

60 14 11

0-36

Quarterly Meetings

93 4 2

0-47

78 3 11

0-47

1 15 2

0-37

Employes' Picnic
Legal

67
6 1 6
171 3

0-34
0-03

0-87

89 17 2
555
145 6 2

0-24
0-03
0-87

15
002
4 1 10

0-16
0-87

" Annual," 1907

Dining-rooms

3214 5 10

1 4-33

2142 16 8

1 0-83

134 17 7

2 4-53

Repairs, Renewals, &c. . .
Insurance

3205 3 4
2329 8 10
546 11 7

1 4-29
11 84

2-78

1911 2 7
1316 18 4
309 10

11-44
7-88
1-85

92 15 8
10
143

1 7-63
0-10
0-26

Depreciation : Land ....

Buildings ....

4466 11 6

1 10-70

2779 12 3

1 4-64

2 5 11

0-49

Fixtures, &c.
interest

1170 5
17473 10 11

5-95
7 4-80

819 2 2
10598 17 5

4-90
5 3-46
30 6-65

2 3 10
99 10 9
1417 12 1

0-46
1 9-06

Totals

113382 14 1

48 0-20

61247 2 3

24 11-87

SALES FOE THE YEAE ENDED DECEMBEE 28 TH , 1907

WEEKS) continued.

O^TZDOisT.

DRAPERY.

WOOLLENS AND
READY-MADES.

BOOTS AND SHOES.

FURNISHING.

247,997.

78,873.

161,497.

111,721.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

Amount.

Rate per
100.

s. a.

10998 18 2

s d.

88 8-42

s. a.

3694 18 8

s. d.
93 8-32

s. a

5431 4 8

s. a.
67 3-13

s. a.
5633 14

s. a.
100 10-24

852

0-80

2 12 10

0-80

572

0-80

3 15 1

0-80

074

0-04

024

0-04

049

0-04

034

0-04

310 19 3

2 6-09

122 6 6

3 1-22

217 13 8

2 8-35

158 12

2 10-07

420 17 11

3 4-73

833 3 5

21 1-52

283

0-36

13 16 11

2-97

572 16 6

4 7-45

212 11 11

5 4-68

270 3 4

3 4-15

260 6 8

4 7-92

3 17 1

0-37

3 16 8

1-17

4 11 10

0-68

260

0-49

2362 18 5

19 0-67

1071 14 11

27 2-12

980 1 11

12 1-65

855 18 3

15 3-87

139 12 4

1 1-51

55 3 7

1 4-79

79 15 9

11-86

69 10 6

1 2-93

7 18 3

0-77

253

0-69

6 13 5

0-99

3 15 10

0-81

30 12 5

2-96

29 7 11

8-94

17 15

2-64

17 12 5

3-79

42 3 4

4-08

13 11 6

4-13

21 9

3-13

15 19 6

3-43

20 4 3

1-96

732

2-18

45 8 7

6-75

8 2 11

1-75

90 15

8-78

29 2 2

8-86

58 19

8-76

41 5 4

8-87

1166 2

9 4-84

343 8 3

8 8-50

321 15 5

3 11-82

701 11 5

12 6-72

252 4 6

2 0-41

110 8 1

2 9-60

119 13 1

1 5-78

114 5 6

2 0-55

7 11 2

0-73

220

0-64

5 16 4

0-87

2 1 11

0-45

585

0-52

1 8 11

0-44

3 16 7

0-57

2 11 2

0-55

12 6 1

1-19

253

0-69

5 11 11

0-83

647

1-34

004

15 2

0-23

003

002

8 19 1

0-87

2 17 9

0-88

5 16 8

0-87

416

0-87

384 3 8

3 1-18

136 6 9

3 5-48

247 11

3 0-71

169 3

3 0-32

460 19 8

3 8-61

230 14 4

5 10-20

239 5 7

2 11-56

270 5 6

4 10-06

453 14 6

3 7-91

187 13 9

4 9-11

222 9 6

2 9-06

148 2 9

2 7-82

90 16 3

8-79

15 17 9

4-83

52 2 3

7-74

77 1 1

1 4-55

593 5 7

4 9-41

265 8 5

6 8-76

319 2 5

3 11-42

506 16 11

9 0-88

122 7 7

11-84

72 13

1 10-11

65 14 6

9-76

87 19 4

1 6-90

3057 17 3

24 7-93

952 10 3

24 1-84

1711 17 10

21 2-40

1052 17 5

18 10-18

21625 19 8

174 4-86

8402 10 6

213 0-77

10461 11 4

129 6-68

10227 18 3

183 1-17

THE SCOTTISH

COOPERATIVE WHOLESALE

SOCIETY LIMITED.

PLATES, ADVERTISEMENTS,
STATISTICS, 6-c.,

Pages 73 to 117.

SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE

SOCIETY

LIMITED.

FORTY YEARS'
WHOLESALE DISTRIBUTION IN SCOTLAND.

COMMENCED SEPTEMBER, 1868.

YEARS.

CAPITAL.

SALES.

PROFITS.

1868 13 weeks

1,795
5,175
12,543
18,009
30,931
50,433
48,982
56,751
67,219
72,568
83,174
93,077
110,179
135,713
169,429
195,396
244,186
288,946
333,653
367,309
409,668
480,622
575,322
671,108
778,494
869,756
940,835
1,134,269
1,237,317
1,286,624
1,333,078
1,457,645
1,676,765
1,929,113
2,125,133
2,314,955
2,500,063
2,780,729
2,950,620
3,059,245
3,226,579

9,697
81,094
105,249
162,658
262,530
384,489
409,947
430,169
457,529
589,221
600,590
630,097
845,221
986,646
1,100,588
1,253,154
1,300,331
1,438,220
1,857,152
1,810,015
1,963,853
2,273,782
2,475,601
2,828,036
3,104,768
3,135,562
3,056,582
3,449,461
3,822,580
4,405,854
4,692,330
5,014,189
5,463,631
5,700,743
6,059,119
6,395,487
6,801,272
6,939,738
7,140,182
7,603,460
3,805,306

48
1,304
2,419
4,131
5,435
7,446
7,553
8,233
8,836
10,925
11,969
14,989
21,685
23,981
23,220
28,366
29,435
39,641
50,398
47,278
53,538
61,756
76,545
89,090
96,027
89,116
88,452
132,374
174,982
156,341
165,580
213,596
222,366
231,686
239,001
239,322
269,601
250,680
280,434
289,197
131,788

1869 52

1870 50

1871, 52

1872 52

1873, 52

1874 52

1875 52

1876 51

1877, 52

1878, 52

1879 52 ...

1880, 52

1881, 54
1882, 52 '

1883, 52

1884, 52
1885, 52
1886,60
1887, 53

1888, 52
1889, 52

1890 52

1891* 52

1892, 53

1893, 52
1894, 52

1895, 52
1896, 52

1897 52

1898, 53

1899 52

1900, 52

1901, 52

1902, 52
1903, 52

1904, 53
1905, 52

1906, 52
1907, 52

1908, 26
TOTALS

3,226,579

110,846,151

3,898,776

THE SCOTTISH
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY

LIMITED.

Enrolled 20th April, 1868, under the provisions of the Industrial and Provident
Societies Act, 20th August, 1867, 30 and 31 Viet., cap. 117, sec. 4.

Business Commenced 8tb September, 1868,

CENTRAL OFFICES AND FURNITURE WAREHOUSE :

MORRISON STREET, GLASGOW.

GROCERY AND PROVISION WAREHOUSES:

PAISLEY ROAD, CROOKSTON AND CLARENCE STREETS,

GLASGOW.

DRAPERY WAREHOUSE: . .

DUNDAS, WALLACE, AND PATERSON STREETS, GLASGOW.

BOOT AND SHOE WAREHOUSE :

DUNDAS STREET, GLASGOW.

SHIRT, TAILORING, WATERPROOF, AND AERATED WATER
FACTORIES :

PATERSON STREET, GLASGOW.

MANTLE AND UMBRELLA FACTORIES:

DUNDAS STREET, GLASGOW.

HAM-CURING, SAUSAGE FACTORY, AND CARTWRIGHT
DEPARTMENT :

PARK STREET, K.P., GLASGOW.

FACTORIES FOR BOOTS AND SHOES, CLOTHING, FURNITURE AND
BRUSHES, PRINTING, PRESERVES AND CONFECTIONS, COFFEE
ESSENCE, TOBACCO, PICKLES, AND TINWARE:

SHIELDHALL, NEAB GOYAN, GLASGOW,

Branches.

LINKS PLACE, LEITH.
GEANGE PLACE, KILMAENOCK.

ALLAN STEEET, DUNDEE.
HENEY STEEET, ENNISKILLEN, IEELAND.

FUENITUEE WAEEHOUSE, DEAPEEY & BOOT SAMPLE

EOOM CHAMBEES STEEET, EDINBUEGH.

CHANCELOT FLOUE MILLS EDINBUEGH.

JUNCTION FLOUE AND OATMEAL MILLS LEITH.

EEGENT FLOUE MILLS GLASGOW.

SOAP WOEKS GEANGEMOUTH.

ETTEICK TWEED MILLS SELKIEK.

DEESS SHIET FACTOEY LEITH.

LAUNDEY PAISLEY.
FISH-CUEING WOEKS ABEEDEEN.

CREAMERIES :

IEELAND ENNISKILLEN, BELNALECK, GOLA,
FLOEENCE COUET, S. BEIDGE, GAEDNEE'S CEOSS,

BLACK LION, MONEAH;
BLADNOCH AND WHITHOEN, WIGTOWNSHIEE, N.B.

CALDEEWOOD ESTATE, LANAEKSHIEE.

Bankers:
THE UNION BANK OF SCOTLAND LIMITED.

Head Offices :

GLASGOW : LONDON : EDINBURGH :

INGRAM STREET. 62, CORNHILL, E.G. GEORGE STREET.

General Manager: Manager: Manager:

EGBERT BLYTH. ARTHUR C. D. GAIRDNER. WILLIAM GRAHAM.

General Committee.

President :
Mr. EGBERT STEWART, 11, Great Wellington Street, Glasgow.

Secretary :
Mr. JOHN PEARSON, "Beechdale," Fenton Street, Alloa.

Directors :

Mr. ISAAC Mc.DONALD . . 7, Knoxland Square, Dumbarton.

Mr. JOHN ARTHUR 39, High Street, Paisley.

Mr. HENRY MURPHY. ... 2, Westport, Lanark.

Mr. JOHN STEVENSON . . 5, W. Fullarton Street, Kilmarnock.

Mr. PETER GLASSE 185, Byres Road, Glasgow.

Mr. THOMAS LITTLE 264, Scott Street, Galashiels.

Mr. WILLIAM R. ALLAN. . 47, Balhousie Street, Perth.

Mr. JAMES YOUNG 25, Market Street, Musselburgh.

Mr. JAMES WILSON "Helenbank," Victoria Street, Dunfermline.

Mr. ROBERT NESBIT 10, Lochrin Buildings, Edinburgh.

Sub-Committees :

(1) FINANCE AND PROPERTY

Messrs. STEWART, ARTHUR, and LITTLE.

Conveners: Mr. STEWART (Finance). Mr. ARTHUR (Property).

(2) GROCERY : DISTRIBUTIVE AND PRODUCTIVE

Messrs. Mc.DONALD, MURPHY, STEVENSON, and PEARSON.
Conveners: Mr. MC.DONALD (Distributive). Mr. MURPHY (Productive).

(3) DRAPERY AND FURNISHING: DISTRIBUTIVE AND PRODUCTIVE

Messrs. WILSON, GLASSE, YOUNG, and ALLAN.

Conveners: Mr. WILSON (Distributive). Mr. GLASSE (Productive).
The President is ex officio a member of the other Committees.

Auditors :

Mr. JNO. MILLEN, Rutherglen. | Mr. ROBT. J. SMITH, C.A., Glasgow.
Mr. WM. H. JACK, F.S.A.A., Glasgow.

Officers of the Society.

Accountant: Mr. ROBERT MACINTOSH, Glasgow.

Cashier : Mr. ALLAN GRAY, Glasgow.

Buyers, &c. :

Grocery and Provisions GLASGOW Mr. E. ROSS.

Mr. JOHN Mc.DONALD.

Mr. M. Mc.CALLUM.

, Mr. A. S. HUGGAN.

LEITH Mr. PETER ROBERTSON.

Mr. WILLIAM Mc.LAREN.

Mr. A. W. JOHNSTONS.

KILMARNOCK ..Mr. DAVID CALDWELL.

.. Mr. HUGH CAMPBELL.

DUNDEE Mr. JOHN BARROWMAN.

Potato Department GLASGOW Mr. JOHN Mc.INTYRE.

LEITH Mr. J. H. MORRISON.

Cattle. . ., GLASGOW Mr. WILLIAM DUNCAN.

' IRELAND Mr. J. H. TAYLOR.

Provisions ENNISKILLEN . .Mr. WILLIAM WHYTE.

Preserve Works GLASGOW Mr. N. ANDERSON.

Chemical Department ,, Mr. A. GEBBIE.

Tobacco Factory Mr. THOMAS HARKNESS.

Flour Mills Chancelot and/ Mr. WM. F. STEWART.

Regent Oatmeal and Flour J Mr. JAMES TIERNEY.

Mill Junction I EDINBURGH . .Mr. JOHN PAISLEY.

Soap Works GRANGEMOUTH .Mr. H. C. GREEN.

Printing & Stationery Dept GLASGOW Mr. DAVID CAMPBELL.

Drapery Department Mr. DAVID GARDINER.

Assistant.. Mr. J. Mc.GILCHRIST.

......Mr. WM. ALLAN.

f Mr. WILLIAM MILLER.

Furmture Department { Assi ^ ant Mr . THO MAS FENWICK.

EDINBURGH . .Mr. GEO. CARSON.

(GLASGOW Mr. ALBERT JOHNSON.

Boot and Shoe Department . . | ^.^ ^ j j ^^

Ettrick Tweed & Blanket Mills.. SELKIRK Mr. W. J. LUNN.

f GLASGOW Mr. JAMES DAVIDSON.

Building Department j Assistant Mr. WM. MERCER.

Engineering Department GLASGOW Mr. JAMES STEWART.

Carting Department Mr. JAMES CALDWELL.

Coal Department Mr. T. BURTON.

Fish Curing Department ABERDEEN Mr. W. C. STEPHEN.

Electrical Department GLASGOW Mr. A. R. TURNER.

Wheat Buying Dep6t WINNIPEG Mr. GEO. FISHER.

(CANADA)

Creameries WIGTOWNSHIRE . . Mr. ROBERT GREEN.

Estate . . . . LANARKSHIRE . . Mr. ROBERT HEGGIE.

Business Arrangements.

Registered Office :
MOEEISON STEEET, GLASGOW.

Branches :
LINKS PLACE, LEITH ; GEANGE PLACE, KILMAENOCK

ALLAN STEEET, DUNDEE ;

HENEY STEEET, ENNISKILLEN, IEELAND ;

LEMAN STEEET, LONDON, E.

Societies, to which our trade is strictly confined, desirous of opening an
account with this Society, should forward a copy of their registered Eules
and latest balance sheet ; or, if but recently started, a statement showing the
number of members, value of shares, amount subscribed for and paid up,
weekly turnover expected, and the amount of credit allowed, if any, per
member in proportion to the capital paid up. Should these particulars be
considered satisfactory, goods will be supplied on the following terms : The
maximum credit allowed is fourteen days, and interest is charged quarterly
on all in excess of this allowance at the rate of 2\ per cent, per annum, but in
cases where the debt exceeds one month's purchases 5 per cent, is charged.

Interest at the rate of 2\ per cent, per annum is allowed on prepaid
accounts.

The Directors, by authority of the general meeting, are empowered to have
the books of societies examined whose accounts are overdue, and to take the
necessary steps to protect the other members of the federation.

Orders for goods should bear the price or brand of the article wanted, the
mode of transit, and name of station to which the goods are to be sent. Orders
for the different departments should be on separate slips. Goods not approved
of must be returned at once and intact. No claim for breakage, short weight,
&c., can be entertained unless made within six days after goods are received.
Delay in delivery should be at once advised.

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WEEKLY STATEMENT OF ACCOUNT.

5TH WEEK. LEDGER POLIO, 929.

73RD QUARTER. 119, PAISLEY EOAD,

GLASGOW, September 3rd, 1887.

The Grahamston and Bainsford Co-operative Society Limited.

3Dr. The Scottish Co-operatiYe Wholesale Society Limited, (Er*

GOODS. CASH AND CREDITS.

Date.

Amount of Balance last
each Invoice. Statement.

Date.

Cash.

Credit.

Totals.

s. d. s. d.

S. d.

s. d.

S. d.

698 7 2

Aug. 30.

043

Aug. 30..

050

....

30.

18 11 7

31..

100

,, 30.

29 8

31..

12 9

30.

32 4

31..

12 10

,, 30.

, 17 7

'Sept. 1..

056

, 30.

4 10

1. .

010

, 30.

440

1..

136

, 30.

326

1..

270

, 31.

, 6 6

12 9

, 31.

083

2. .

12 9

, 81.

10 10

2.'!

14 9

, 31.

083

, 2..

, 31.

150

, 3..

15 6

, 31.

10 11

, 3..

10 11 1

, 31.

59 16 9

, 3..

15 6

, 31.

11 3

, 3..

1 12

7 Q K.

99 i 1 11

, O-L

Sept. 1.

1 O <_) ...

2 10 6

2..

600

....

-j-j J.JL -L_L

600

I-

4 17 6

15 2 i

, 3.

066

, 3.

092

, 3.

17 10

, 3.

3 10 6

, 3.

5 13 8

, 3.

1 12 11 1

, 3.

4 18 7

, 3.

536

, 3.

i 12 9

, 3.

1 10

, 3.

2 14 9

, 3.

: 1 8 6

, 3.

27 12 8

OK* in K

To balance ....

By balance

331 5 8

953 17 7

If the above Statement differs from your Books, we shall be glad if you

will point out the difference at once.

Terms of Membership.

EXCEEPT FEOM SOCIETY'S EULES.

ADMISSION OF MEMBERS AND APPLICATION FOR SHARES.

The Society shall consist of such Co-operative Societies registered under
the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, or any employ^ of this
Society who is over twenty-one years of age, as have been admitted by the
Committee, subject to the approval of a general meeting of the Society ; but
no society trafficking in intoxicating liquors shall be eligible for membership
in the Society, and each admission must be entered in the minute book
of the Society. Every application for membership, except in the case of
employes, must be sanctioned by a resolution of a general meeting of any
society making such application, and the same must be made in the form as
on next page, said form to be duly attested by the signature of the president,
secretary, and three of the members thereof, and stamped with such society's
seal. Every society making application shall state the number of its members,
and take up not less than one share for each member, and shall increase the
number annually as its members increase, in accordance with its last return to
the Registrar ; but no member other than a society registered under the
Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, shall hold an interest in the
funds exceeding 50. It shall be in the option of any society to apply for
shares in excess of their individual membership at any time ; such applications
shall be signed by the president, secretary, and three members of committee,
but the granting of such excess shares shall be at the discretion of the
Committee of this Society.

Any employe applying for membership must apply for not less than five
shares.

CAPITAL : How PAID UP.

The capital of the Society shall be raised in shares of twenty shillings
each, which shall be transferable only ; every member, society, or employe, on
admission, shall pay the sum of not less than one shilling on each share taken
up, and the unpaid portion of the shares may be paid by dividends, or bonus,
and interest ; but any member may pay up shares in full or in part at any
time.

APPLICATION FORM.

Whereas, by a resolution of the Co-operative

Society Limited, passed at a general meeting held on the. . . .day

of , it was resolved to take up shares (being

one share of twenty shillings for each member), said shares being
transferable, in the j$caiti&]j <K0-0pjeratifo WUjaltsalt %atitt%
fpntitfcfc, and to accept the same on the terms and conditions
specified in the Rules. Executed under the seal of the society on
the. . . .day of Attested by

Three Members.

BENEFITS DEEIVED FEOM MEMBEESHIP.

(a) The liability of the member is limited, each member being only
responsible for the value of the shares held.

(b) Members receive double the rate of dividend on purchases paid to non-
members.

(d) Members have a share in the management of the Wholesale in pro-
portion to the amount of goods bought, as each society has one vote in right
of membership, one for the first 1,000 worth of goods bought, and one other
additional vote for every complete 2,000 of purchases thereafter.

These advantages, added to the special benefits secured by the leading
position of the Wholesale, will, we trust, induce societies as yet non-members
to carefully reconsider the question, and take the necessary steps to secure to
their members the full benefits of co-operative distribution.

COEEESPONDENCE.

All letters must be addressed to the Society, and not to individuals.
Addressed envelopes are supplied at cost price. Separate slips ought to be
used for the different departments the Accountant's, Grocery and Provision,
Drapery, Boot and Shoe, Furniture. The slips can all be enclosed in the one
envelope. Attention to this simple rule will greatly facilitate the despatch of
goods and ensure promptitude in answering inquiries ; it will also aid in the
classification of the letters for reference in any case of irregularity or dispute.

Cash Remittance.

CJwques must be made payable to the Society.

LIST OF BRANCHES OF THE UNION BANK OF

SCOTLAND LIMITED.

HEAD OFFICES : GLASGOW, INGEAM STREET; EDINBURGH, GEORGE STREET.

LONDON OFFICE: 62, CORNHILL, E.G.

BRANCHES:

Aberdeen, Fishmarket.
George Street.
Holburn.

Edinburgh, Newington. Ladybank.
N. Merchiston. Largs.
Norton Park. Larkhall.

Torry.

S. Morningside.

Leith.

West End.

Edzell.

Leith Walk.

Aberfeldy.

Elgin.

Lerwick.

Aberlour, Strathspey.
Alloa.

Ellon.
Errol.

Leslie.
Lochgelly, Fifeshire.

Alva.

Fochabers.

Lochgilphead.

Ardrishaig.

Forfar.

Macduff.

Ardrossan.
Auchterarder.

Fraserburgh.
Galston.

Maybole.
Mearns (sub to Barrhead).

Auchtermuchty.

Gatehouse.

Millport.

Ayr.

Girvan.

Moffat.

Ballater.
Banchory.

Glasgow, Anderston.
Bridgeton Cross.

Moniaive.
New Aberdour (open on Mon-

Banff.

Buchanan Street.

days and Fridays sub to

Barrhead.

Charing Cross.

Rosehearty).

Barrhill. Cowcaddens.

New Pitsligo.

Bathgate. Dennistoun.

Paisley.

Beith. Eglinton Street.
Blair- Atholl (sub to Pitlochry). Billhead.

Paisley, Wellmeadow.
Partick.

Blairgowrie. Hope Street.

Hyndland.

Bo'ness. Kinning Park.

Perth.

Braemar.

Maryhill.

Peterhead.

Brechin.

St. Vincent Street.

Pitlochry.

Bridge of Allan.

Shawlands.

Port-Glasgow.

Buckie, Banffshire.
Campbeltown.

Springburn.
Tradeston.

Portsoy.
Renfrew.

Castle-Douglas.

Trongate.

Rosehearty.

Clydebank.

Union Street.

St. Margaret's Hope, Orkney.

Coatbridge.
Coupar-Angus.
Crieff.

Glencraig (open on Mondays,
Wednesdays, and Saturdays
sub to Lochgelly).

Scalloway, Shetland (sub to
Lerwick).
Shettleston.

Cullen.

Gourock. Stewarton.

Dalbeattie.

Govan. Stirling.

Dairy, Galloway.

Greenock.

Stonehouse.

Darvel (sub to Galston). ; Hamilton.

Strachur, Lochfyne (open on

Doune.
Dumbarton.

Helensburgh.
Huntly.

Thursdays-sub to Inveraray)
Stranraer.

Dumfries.

Inveraray. Strathaven.

Dunblane.

Inverness.

Stromness.

Dundee.

Inverurie.

Tarbert, Lochfyne.

Dunkeld.

Irvine.

Tarland.

Dunning.

Johnstone.

Thornton, Fife (open on Mon-

Dunoon.

Keith.

days and Market Days sub

Edinburgh, Chambers Street.
Golden Acre.

Killin.
Kilmarnock.

to Kirkcaldy).
Thornhill.

Haymarket.

Riccarton.

Tillicoultry.

Hunter Square.
Lothian Road.

Kincardine.
Kirkcaldy.

Tollcross (Glasgow).
Troon.

Morningside.

Kirkwall.

Turriff.

Murrayfteld.

Kirriemuir.

Wick.

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113

EMPLOYES.

NUMBER OF EMPLOYES, JUNE 2?TH, 1908.

DISTKIBUTIVB DEPARTMENTS. Collective

Totals.

General Office Glasgow 223

Grocery 179

Stationery 15

Potato 16

Cattle Buying 5

Coal ! 3

Drapery (Mantle and Millinery Workrooms included) . . 391

Boot 105

Furniture 147

Carting and Fodder 228

Waste , 14

Cleaners 13

Miscellaneous 7

Dining-room 16

Shieldhall 13

1,375

Leith Warehouse 90

Carting Department 61

Kilmarnock 29

Dundee 5

Enniskillen and Creameries 94

Edinburgh Chambers Street 29

Greenock Sugar Forwarding 1

London Drapery Office 2

Winnipeg (Canada) Wheat Buying 2

313

PRODUCTIVE DEPARTMENTS.

Boot Factory, Currying, &c Shieldhall 1,097

Parkview Glasgow 283

Clothing Factory (Ready-made) Shieldhall 391

(Bespoke) and Caps Glasgow 239

Shirt Factory 167

Underclothing Factory 124

Hosiery Factory Shieldhall 215

Clothing (Artisan) 197

Mantle Factory Glasgow 65

Waterproof Factory 51

Umbrella Factory

Hat Factory 8

2,845

Carried forward 4,533

114

NUMBER OF EMPLOYES, JUNE 27TH, 1908.
PRODUCTIVE DEPARTMENTS continued.

Brought forward

Saddlers' Shop Glasgow 12

Cabinet Factory Shieldhall

Brush Factory

Tinware

Engineering Department

Electrical Department Glasgow

Cartwright Shop ,

Horse Shoeing

Printing Department Shieldhall 416

Preserve Factory 182

Confection 68

Coffee Essence Factory

Pickle Factory 34

Chemical Department

Tobacco Factory ,, 176

Miscellaneous

Sausage Factory Glasgow 25

Ham Curing >,

Leith 12

Aerated Water Factory Glasgow 48

Leith 7

Stirling 10

Dunfermline 13

Chancelot Mills Edinburgh 96

Junction Leith 49

Regent Glasgow 84

Ettrick Selkirk 191

Dress Shirt Factory Leith 262

Laundry Barrhead 90

Soap Works Grangemouth 87

Farm Carntyne Glasgow 2

Calderwood Estate Lanarkshire 66

Creameries Bladnoch and Whithorn Wigtownshire 68

Fish Curing Aberdeen 30

Cartwrights' Shop Leith 4

Horse Shoeing ,, 3

Saddler's Shop 2

2,893

BUILDING DEPARTMENT.

Tradesmen 419

Management 14

433

Total 7,859

115

BONUS TO LABOUR.

The payment of bonus, since its institution in 1870, has taken three
different forms. Till 1884 employes received, on wages earned, double the
rate per allocated as dividend on members' purchases. This arrangement
was then replaced by one which set aside the double claim of the employe,
and, recognising a difference between workers in the distributive and produc-
tive departments, established a differential rate. The distributive employes
received the same rate of bonus as was the rate of dividend on members'
purchases, and the rate of bonus to productive workers was determined by the
net aggregate profit made in the manufacturing departments only. This
arrangement continued till 1892, when the system of bonus payment was
again revised. Hitherto the whole bonus allocated had been paid over ; but
the present system, which allows a uniform rate to both distributive and
productive departments, requires that one-half of each worker's bonus be
retained and put to his credit, forming a special fund, called the Bonus Fund.
This capital bears interest at the rate of 4 per cent, per annum, and is not
withdrawable until the expiry of three months after leaving the service of the
Society, unless with the consent of the Committee.

EMPLOYE-SHAREHOLDERS.

Simultaneously with the introduction of the present scheme of bonus,
arrangements were made to permit of employes becoming shareholders in
the Society. The number of shares held by one individual may range from
five to fifty of twenty shillings each, and the paid-up capital bears interest at
the rate of 5 per cent, per annum. By the rules of the Society, the share-
holding employes are entitled to send one representative to the quarterly
meeting, and one additional for every 150 employes who become shareholders.
At the present time there are 533 shareholders, which permits of a repre-
sentation of four at the business meetings of the Society.

116

BONUS TO LABOUR.

The following statements show the amount of bonus paid each

year since

1870, and the total amount thus paid to employes, also the Bonus

Fund and

the Employe-Shareholders' Fund at June 27th, 1908 :

FIRST BONUS SCHEME.

Average

Amount.

Rate per .

8. d.

s. d.

Qnnrfpr pTidino 1 Novprnber 19 1870 5 11 *

... 08

Year 18 1871 40 10 ...

10*

16 1872 52 7 ...

15 1873 90 1 8 ...

14 1874 116 90 ...

13 1875 109 15 4 ...

...08

4 1876 108 13 4 ...

...08

3 1877 . 121 10 ...

... 08

2 1878 147 17 ...

...08

2 1879.. 203 3

October 30 1880 322 93 ...

. .. 1 1

November 5 1881 368 3 8

4 1882 . 453 9 1

. .. 11

3 1883 542 3 ...

. 11

1, 1884 484 2 6 ...

SECOND BONUS SCHEME.

Vp.r PnrhW Distributive Rate Productive
Amount. per . Amount.

Rate
per .

s. d. s. d. s. d.

s. d.

October 31, 1885 483 13 1 6f

December 25, 1886 873 6 6

....

31, 1887 .... 603 2 .... 6| . . . . 315 2 1

.... 4

29, 1888 ... 683 12 1 .... 6 . . . . 628 11 7

.... 7

28, 1889 .... 833 16 10 .... 6 . . . . 1,016 14 10

.... 8J

27, 1890 1,139 6 10 7 1,752 10 6

.... 11

26, 1891 1,208 9 3 6| 1,802 14 9

.... 9

31, 1892 .... 1,813 8 3 .... 6 . . . . 2,320 11 4

.... 9

117

BONUS TO LABOUR.

PRESENT BONUS SCHEME. Rate

per .

s. a. s. d.

Year ending December 30, 1893 3,775 15 6

29, 1894 3,563 18 9 6

28, 1895 4,634 14 7

26, 1896 5,965 17 9 7|

25, 1897 7,431 8 8 8

31, 1898 7,017 2 6 7

30, 1899 8,943 12 8

29, 1900 9,938 10 8 8

28,1901 10,502 8 8 8

27,1902 11,136 8

26, 1903 11,832 11 9 8

31, 1904 12,476 12 8 8

; 30,1905 12,41815 7 8

"',.1 29,1906 12,849 4 8 8

28, 1907 13,407 14 7 8

Half Year ending June 27, 1908 7,050 1 4 8

Total amount paid as bonus to June 27th, 1908 161,585 6

Amount of Bonus Fund at June 27th, 1908 45,438 6 9

Employe-Shareholders' Fund at June 27th, 1908 533 employes holding
13,741 shares, with 12,006 paid up.

118

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121

-S

Name of Writer.

R. Harper.

N. Wilkinson.
J. C. Farn.

J. T. Mc.lnnes.
Malcolm Macleod.
J. Samuelson.

. Malcolm Macleod.
W. Nuttall.
Lloyd Jones.
W. Pare.

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Anonymous.
W. Pare, F.S.S.
E. V. Neale.

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> BEAD AT CO-OPEBATIVE

1 .
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Hmdrances to Co-operation
Co-operative Production
Co-operative Trading Companies . . .

The Relation of Trade and other Soc
Co-operative Cottage Building
Co-operative Newspaper
Co-operative Bank

Prospects and Objects of Co-operatio
The Amendment of the Law relating

Co-operation and Education

The More Complete Organisation of t
Co-operative Insurance
Co-operation and Trade Unions
People's Banks

The Establishment of a Co-operative
Co-operative Industrial Colleges
The State of the Law affecting Co-ope

(jj.
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122

.869 con tinned .

Name of Writer.

. . R. Stephens.
. . E. O. Greening.

. . J. Borrowman.

1 |

. . J. Borrowman.
. . Mc.Pherson.
. . . F. Smith.

O ho

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fl

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. . . Lloyd Jones.
. . . J. Borrowman.

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. . . J. T. Mc.lnnes.

. . . J. Borrowman.
. . . G. J. Holyoake.

JD
^ to

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SINCE :

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.ESSES

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J READ AT CO-OPERAT

London Co-operativo Agency . .
Mutual Guarantee

The Check System

A Plea for Checking the Cash ta
Co-operative Check System ....

Productive Co-operation
Production of Flour by the Wh
How to Dispose of the Surplus

Co-operative Agriculture

How the Rapidly Accumulatir
Employed.

Federative Trading
The Extension of Wholesale Co

o rt

<D CD

[El

The Best Means of Promoting (

Some Hints on the Problem of
The Co-operative News

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; READ AT CO-OPERATIVE CONG

The Present State of the Co-operative Moveme]
Proposal of a National Industrial Orphanage . .
Proposal for the Establishment of Internation
International Co-operation
Trade Societies' Funds and Co-operative Produ
The Policy of Paying High Dividends
Organisation for Propaganda
Co-operation and Trades Unionism
Hindrances to Productive Co-operation

How to Diminish the Risks and Increase t
Co-operation.
Associated Healthy Dwellings ; or, a New Plan

TjQVlVlYltt

A Special Means of Safe and Profitable Investr

TV.Q A/innmnlofirtTi r\f P.anifal

How should Labour be Paid in Co-operation ?

The Relation of Capital and Labour wher
Production.

T.nVwvn*. ; P rt rt Y.of^7o W-Wli/a

What Trade Unionists Might Do for the Wort

TVa/la TTViinna onrl P.r> nrkorofinn

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125

1869 continued.

Name of Writer.

... J. Greenwood.

bb d

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3 EEAD AT CO-OPEEATIVE (

Store Management
The Proper Position of Labour in the C

The Place of the Labourer in Co-operati

The Failures of Industrial Partnerships
Diffusion of the Co-operative News ....
He-establishment of Labour Exchanges
Educational Funds

The Necessity of Co-operative Educatio
Working Men's Clubs

Co-operative Friendly Society

Co-operation and Culture

.
49

1
s
1

^
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Voluntary Propagandist Efforts

The Co-operative Union : Its Work, Dut

))

Co-operative Production
Spread of Co-operation in Agricultural V

> i
The Attitude of the Co-operative Movem

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126

127

369 continued.

Name of Writer.

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. G. J. Holyoake.
. A. H. D. Acland.
. J. Lochhead.

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. J. Mc.Nair.

. W. Nuttall.
. G. Purcell.

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The Banking Question

Co-operation and Agriculture

The Education of Co-operators
The Revenue of the Central Board . . .

II II II . . . .

The Present Position and Future Dev

The Banking Question

Utilisation of Surplus Capital

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The Nationalisation of the Land

Co-operative Farming
Surplus Capital

The Economic Aspect of Co-operation
The Limited Liability Movement in C

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131

THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION LIMITED.

OFFICES :
2, NICHOLAS CROFT, HIGH STEEET, MANCHESTER.

WHAT IS THE CO-OPEEATIVE UNION ?

TT is an institution charged with the duty of keeping alive and diffusing a
* knowledge of the principles which form the life of the Co-operative move-
ment, and giving to its active members, by advice and instruction literary,
legal, or commercial the help they may require, that they may be better able
to discharge the important work they have to do.

WHAT HAS IT DONE?

THE greater part of the legal advantages enjoyed by Co-operators originated in
the action of the Central Board of the Union, and the Central Committee which
it succeeded. They may be summarised as follows :

(1) The right to deal with the public instead of their own members only.

(2) The incorporation of the Societies, by which they have acquired the right

of holding in their own name lands or buildings and property generally,
and of suing and being sued in their own names, instead of being driven
to employ trustees.

(3) The power to hold 200 instead of 100 by individual members of our

Societies.

(4) The limitation of the liability of members for the debts of the Society to

the sum unpaid upon the shares standing to their credit.

(5) The exemption of Societies from charge to income tax on the profits of

their business, under the condition that the number of their shares
shall not be limited.

(6) The authorising one Registered Society to hold shares in its own corporate

name to any amount in the capital of another Registered Society.

(7) The extension of the power of members of Societies to bequeath shares by

nomination in a book, without the formality of a will or the necessity
of appointing executors, first from 30 to 50, and now to 100, by the
Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, which also makes this
power apply to loans and deposits as well as to shares.

(8) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1871, which enables Societies

to hold and deal with land freely.

(9) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1876, which consolidated into

one Act the laws relating to these Societies, and, among many smaller
advantages too numerous to be mentioned in detail, gave them the right
of carrying on banking business whenever they offer to the depositors
the security of transferable share capital.
(10) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893.

The Union consists of Industrial and Provident Societies, Joint-Stock
Companies, and other bodies corporate.

132

THE CO-OPEBATIVE UNION LIMITED.

No Society is admitted into Union unless its management is of a representative
character, nor unless it agree

(1) To accept the statement of principles in the rules of the Union as the rules

by which it shall be guided in all its own business transactions.

(2) To contribute to the fund called the Congress Fund the annual payment

following :

(a) If the number of members of any such Society is less than 1,000,

then the sum of 2d. for each member.
(6) If the number of such members exceeds 1,000, then, at least, the

sum of 2,000d.

In estimating the number of members of a Society comprising other Societies,
each such Society is considered to be one member.

The financial year commences on January 1st in each year, and ends on
December 31st following.

N.B. Secretaries forwarding Cheques on account of the Union are requested
to make them payable to the Co-operative Union Limited ; Money Orders to
A. WHITEHEAD, Cashier.

SUMMAEY OF THE LAW EELATING TO SOCIETIES

UNDER THE

INDUSTRIAL AND PROVIDENT SOCIETIES ACT, 1893.

I. The Formation of Societies

1. Application must be made to the Registrar of Friendly Societies, in
London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, according to the case, on a form supplied
by the office, signed by seven persons and the secretary, accompanied by two
copies of the rules, signed by the same persons.

2. These rules must provide for twenty matters stated on the form of
application.

3. No fees charged on the registration of a society.

N.B. Model rules on these twenty matters can be obtained from the
Registrar's office ; and the CO-OPERATIVE UNION LIMITED, 2, NICHOLAS CROFT,
HIGH STREET, MANCHESTER, publishes, at the cost of ld. a copy, general rules,
approved of by the Chief Registrar, providing also for many other matters on
which rules are useful ; and capable of being adopted, either with or without
alterations, by a few special rules, with a great saving in the cost of printing.

The General Secretary of the Union will prepare such special rules, without
charge, on receiving a statement of the rules desired.

133

THE CO-OPEKATIVE UNION LIMITED.

II. Rights of a Registered Society

1. It becomes a body corporate, which can by its corporate name sue and be
sued, and hold and deal with property of any kind, including shares in other
societies or companies, and land to any amount.

2. Its rules are binding upon its members, though they may have signed no
assent to them ; but may be altered by amendments duly made as the rules
provide, and registered, for which a fee of 10s. is charged. The application for
registration must be made on a form supplied by the Registrar's office.

3. It can sue its own members, and can make contracts, either under its
seal or by a writing signed by any person authorised to sign, or by word of
mouth of any person authorised to speak for it, which will be binding wherever
a contract similarly made by an individual would bind him.

4. It may make all or any of its shares either transferable or withdrawable,
and may carry on any trade, including the buying and selling of land, and bank-
ing under certain conditions, and may apply the profits of the business in any
manner determined by its rules ; and, if authorised by its rules, may receive
money on loan, either from its members or others, to any amount so authorised.

5. If it has any withdrawable share capital it may not carry on banking,
but may take deposits, within any limits fixed by its rules, in sums not exceeding
10s. in any one payment, or 20 for any one depositor, payable at not less than
two clear days' notice.

6. It may make loans to its members on real or personal security ; and may
invest on the security of other societies or companies, or in any except those
where liability is unlimited.

7. It may make provision in its rules for the settlement of disputes between
members and the society or any officer thereof, and any decision given in
accordance with the conditions stated in the rules is binding on all parties to
the dispute, and is not removable into any court of law.

8. If the number of its shares is not limited either by its rules or its practice
it is not chargeable with income tax on the profits of its business.

9. It can, in the way provided by the Act, amalgamate with or take over
the business of any other society, or convert itself into a company.

10. It can determine the way in which disputes between the society and its
officers or members shall be settled.

11. It can dissolve itself, either by an instrument of dissolution signed by
three-fourths of its members, or by a resolution passed by a three-fourths vote at
a special general meeting, of which there are two forms (A) purely voluntary,
when the resolution requires confirmation at a second meeting ; (B) on account
of debts, when one meeting is sufficient. In such a winding up hostile
proceedings to seize the property can be stayed.

134

THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION LIMITED.

III. Eights of Members (see also IV., 4, 5, 6)

1. They cannot be sued individually for the debts of the society, nor com-
pelled to pay more towards them than the sum remaining unpaid on any shares
which they have either expressly agreed to take or treated as their property, or
which the rules authorise to be so treated.

2. If they transfer or withdraw their shares, they cannot be made liable for
any debts contracted subsequently, nor for those subsisting at the time of the
transfer or withdrawal, unless the other assets are insufficient to pay them.

3. Persons not under the age of 16 years may become members, and legally
do any acts which they could do if of full age, except holding any office.

4. An individual or company may hold any number of shares allowed by the
rules, not exceeding the nominal value of 200, and any amount so allowed as
a loan. A society may hold any number of shares.

5. A member who holds at his death not more than 100 in the society as
shares, loans, or deposits, may, by a writing recorded by it, nominate, or vary
or revoke the nomination of any persons to take this investment at his death ;
and if he dies intestate, without having made any subsisting nomination, the
committee of management of the society are charged with the administration
of the fund ; subject in either case to a notice to be given to the Commissioners
of Inland Revenue whenever the sum so dealt with exceeds 80.

6. The members may obtain an inquiry into the position of the society by
application to the Registrar.

IV. Duties of a Registered Society

1. It must have a registered office, and keep its name painted or engraved
outside, and give due notice of any change to the Registrar.

2. It must have a seal on which its name is engraved.

3. It must have its accounts audited at least once a year, and keep a copy of
its last balance sheet and the auditors' report constantly hung up in its registered
office.

4. It must make to the Registrar, before the 31st of March in every year, a
return of its business during the year ending the 31s December previous, and
supply a copy of its last returns gratis to every member and person interested
in its funds on application.

5. It must allow any member or person interested in its funds to inspect his
own account and the book containing the names of the members.

6. It must supply a copy of its rules to every person on demand, at a price
not exceeding one shilling.

7. If it carries on banking, it must make out in February and August in
every year, and keep hung up in its registered office, a return, in a form
prescribed by the Act ; and it has also to make a return every February to the
Stamp Office under the Banking Act.

The non-observance by a society of these duties exposes it and its officers to
penalties varying from 1 to 50, which are in some cases cumulative for every
week during which the neglect lasts.

135

Child Life and Labour.

BY PERCY ALDEN, M.P.

AT last we are beginning to recognise the vital importance
A\ to the nation of the physical well-being of its children.
Theoretically we have always held the view that healthy
and intelligent children were the best asset of any bbate, since
upon them will one day devolve the task of maintaining the
position of the nation in the competitive struggle with other
nations. As a matter of fact our theory has outstripped practice,
for, though we admit with much satisfaction that immense strides
have been made in the care of children during the last half
century, yet we are still behind other countries, especially
Germany, and we still lack any complete and scientific view
of the child problem in all its manifold bearings. The only
excuse that can be made for England, when we remember all
that she has inherited of experience and knowledge from Plato
down to the present day, is, that our growth in material wealth
has been so great, and the extension of empire so rapid, that
we have rather naturally lost perspective in the treatment of
the questions which confront us. The child drops out of sight
in an endeavour to solve what seems a more immediate and
pressing problem forced upon us by our industrial conditions.
Now that our eyes are at last open there must be no delay
in organising all the forces of civilisation to combat the evils
which have attacked the life of the child, and thus hindered
the final solution of every social problem.

The tradition that an Englishman's home is his castle dies
hard. Men and women still plead that they are at liberty to
do as they will with their own, and that since children belong
to them no one ought to interfere to prevent any form of
ill-treatment, whether direct or indirect, that parents may choose
to inflict. The strongest possible protest is still made on the
part of some parents against the attempt to raise the school age
of the child and to prevent it from being prematurely employed
at a scanty wage while still undeveloped and uneducated. These
beliefs and traditions have not yet received their quietus, but
slowly and surely a saner attitude is being taken both on the
part of the parent and the State towards the child, and all the
many Commissions, Committees, and Inquiries which have been

136

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

instituted have brought into prominence the greatness of the evil
and the necessity for immediate action. It is strange to think
that when the late Queen came to the throne not one single Act
of Parliament represented the parental interest which the State
ought to take in the welfare of its children. The child had
no rights and no liberties. Ignorance and cruelty held sway in
every domain, and but for the efforts of a few self-sacrificing
reformers it almost seems as though the child would have been
allowed to perish. But since that date Acts of Parliament by
the score have been placed upon the Statute Book, some good
and some inadequate, but all of them marking the growth of a
public opinion without which all reform must be impossible.

It is not the intention of the writer to trace the history of
this child legislation or to mark the steps by which philanthropists
like Lord Shaftesbury prepared the way for the present change
of attitude. The history of the industrial revolution and all the
horrors which accompanied it are too well known to require any
detailed description. It is sufficient to say that all the evidence
at our disposal goes to prove that little children of immature
age were regarded simply as wage-earning machines, that their
sufferings were intolerable, and that the loss to the country as
a result of death and disease and physical degeneration was
beyond all calculation. Amongst those whose names should
always be held in honour for the part they played in the
exposure of these atrocities were Shaftesbury, Oastler, Sadler,
and last, but not least, Eobert Owen, who showed a more
excellent way by the humane treatment of children in his own
factory. All the measures that were taken to limit by State
action the right of the parent or of the employer to exploit the
labour of little children were met with stout resistance from
the selfish exponents of the doctrine of non-interference. But
it can now be seen that these restrictions have strengthened
parental responsibility by enabling the man of humane motives
to compete with those who were inhuman or criminally careless
about the sufferings of the child.

The Interdepartmental Committee on Physical Deterioration,
the Eoyal Commission on Physical Training (Scotland), the
Departmental Committee on Defective and Epileptic Children,
and a host of Government reports have now given us the facts
and the figures upon which the legislation of to-day has been
based. The Children's Bill introduced by Mr. Herbert Samuel
and passed this year (1908) is the final and crowning illustration
of the growing interest that is now taken in every question
affecting the physical and mental condition of the child. Infant
life protection, the prevention of cruelty to children, the treatment

137

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

of children in reformatories and industrial schools, the question
of juvenile crime all these form part of an Act which may be
regarded as the Magna Charta of child life.

This Act has supplemented previous legislation which dealt
with the provision of meals for necessitous children in our
elementary schools, the compulsory medical inspection of all
children in the schools, the notification of births, and a
considerable number of other similar measures, so that it would
not be untrue to say that every portion oi a child's life has
now some care bestowed upon it by the State from the day
when it is born into the world to the time when it becomes
technically a "young person." That the position of the State
is still inadequate we must all admit, but the real ground for
hope is the immense advance that has been made during the
last few years, and the growing interest in the physical and
mental well-being of the child.

Eecent legislation has effected changes in three or four
ways, and we propose to take very much the same line in
dealing with the subject in this article. Eoughly speaking, t we
may say that attention has been concentrated chiefly in the
past few years on the infant, the school child (including the
Poor Law child), the child worker, and the child criminal.

THE INFANT.

Few questions have attracted so much public notice as the
failure on the part of the State to reduce the mortality amongst
infants. While the general death rate throughout the country
has, with fluctuations, been on the whole diminishing, infant
mortality has not decreased in the same proportion; in fact, it
would not be untrue to say that the death rate among infants has
not decreased at all during the past few years, notwithstanding
the growth of science and the multiplication of ameliorative
agencies. This is one result, and unfortunately not the only
one, of the huge growth of the town, for infant mortality in
country districts is comparatively low, even where the people are
poor. But the pressure of town life, with the lack of fresh air,
with its overcrowding and with the general tendency to hustle
which marks the city of to-day, makes it increasingly difficult
for the parents to provide a normal healthy life for the infant.
Add to this the fact that in many cases a pure milk supply can
hardly be obtained, and you have here some clues which if
followed up may lead us to a solution of the problem.

The conferences that have been held on infant mortality have
now resulted in arousing the interest of public health authorities,

138

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

Boards of Guardians, and philanthropic bodies. The doctors who
have so long fought this evil are beginning to reap the reward
of their labours, but there is much leeway to make up, there
is still a huge wastage of human life, a large loss of national
capital in the shape of children.

The death rate per thousand in various European countries
amongst children below one year of age is approximately as
follows: Norway, 79; Sweden, 93; Denmark, 112; England,
132; France, 137; Belgium, 155; Italy, 172; and Germany,
204. It is in Eussia that the death rate is most appalling, the
annual mortality amongst infants reaching the enormous figure
in twelve months of 1,200,000. In England and Wales the actual
number of infants who die every year is about 120,000; that is to
say, a quarter of all the deaths in one year are those of infants
under twelve months of age. A normal death rate would be from
50 to 80 per thousand, so that a death rate which reaches in
slum areas 350 or 400 per thousand is in truth the arithmetic
of woe. Our average infant mortality rate is nearly twice as
high as it should be, and much higher in urban districts than
in country districts, and highest of all in manufacturing towns
where there is a large proportion of married women's labour.
Burnley, Preston, Blackburn, Nottingham, Leicester, and Bury
all have an unenviable reputation in this respect, and the chief
cause is clearly the labour of the mother, which makes it
impossible for her to feed her own child, and which implies the
substitution of artificial feeding, wherein the risks to the child
are much greater. Of course, as we have pointed out, insanitary
surroundings, impure air, and general ignorance have much to do
with a high death rate, but when all allowance has been made
for these the chief cause will still be the failure on the part of
the mother to nurse her own child.

The factory labour of mothers can be shown in a variety of
ways to be detrimental to the infants, for it frequently means
the birth of immature and deformed infants. Dr. George Eeid,
the Medical Officer of Health for Staffordshire, has shown that in
North Staffordshire, where many married women are engaged
in factory work, the number of abnormalities and still births is
very high, being 15 and 9'4 respectively, while in South
Staffordshire, where few women are employed, the percentage
is only 6 and 3'2; that is to say, there are three times as many
still births in North Staffordshire as in South. These figures
might be supplemented to almost any extent, and it may now
be regarded as conclusively * proved that the factory labour of
mothers is a very fruitful cause of this deplorable evil.

139

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

Ee verting once more to the question of breast feeding, the
experience of the last twenty years has shown that hand- fed
infants die ten to fifteen times more readily than breast-fed
infants, for the following reasons. Artificial rearing means much
knowledge and experience which the average mother does not
possess. Instinct is of little or no value, and in the matter of
cleanliness, which is essential in artificial feeding, few mothers
are sufficiently careful. Another important cause is the difficulty
of obtaining the right food. Infants' foods are often extremely
harmful, while pure milk is rarely obtained by the working
classes, and even when obtained pure is often polluted in the
home itself.

Alderman Broadbent, of Huddersfield, has proved that much
can be done to remedy this state of things by an early system of
notification of births, followed up by advice and assistance on the
part of health visitors. In the special district of Huddersfield
where his experiment was first tried the death rate fell from 122
to 35 per thousand as a result of effort in three directions first,
a compulsory system of early notification; second, the advice given
to mothers by the health visitors; and third, the promise of a
gift of 1 if the child reached the age of twelve months and was
in good condition at the end of the time. Taking the first 39
completed weeks of the year of experiment, the infant mortality
for the town was 85, as against 138 for the corresponding period
of the previous year; that is to say, the infant mortality rate
became almost normal. The Notification of Births Act, passed
in August, 1907, has made the extension of this good work
possible everywhere. The Act provides that it shall be the duty
of the father, or of any person in attendance on the mother, to
give notice of the birth in writing to the Medical Officer of Health
of the district in which the child is born. The notice must be
posted or delivered within thirty-six hours of the birth. The
local authority undertakes to supply stamped and addressed post
cards containing the form of notice to any medical practitioner
or midwife in the area. The penalty for failure to certify is not
to exceed 20s.

So far as the artificial feeding of infants is concerned, it is
advisable that there should be more complete Government
supervision of the manufacture and sale of all so-called infants'
foods, and a rigorous supervision and inspection of cows' milk
is essential if we are to combat the causes which are most
destructive of infant life. When it is possible to establish municipal
milk depots, or to give the stamp of Government approval to
institutions working on the same lines, we shall speedily see a
great improvement in the death rate. Judging from Finsbury,

140

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUB.

where the death rate among depot infants is about 65 per 1,000
as compared with 160 in Finsbury as a whole, and Battersea,
where similar results have followed, we are encouraged to believe
that many thousands of lives might be saved annually if we could
be sure of a pure milk supply. In any case an attack has now
been made upon the outwork of the citadel, and it is to be hoped
that the innermost defences will before long be carried.

THE SCHOOL CHILD.

The question that has been agitating the minds of educationalists
for some years past is at what age the child should enter the
elementary school. Most countries exclude children under six
and in a few cases under seven years of age, but attendance at
school in England is compulsory at the age of five and optional
from three to five. A new regulation in the last code makes it
possible for local educational authorities by resolution to exclude
all children under five. There is much medical opinion in favour
of this treatment, so much so, in fact, that the result of compulsory
medical inspection will probably mean either the exclusion of all
children under five or the substitution of the public nursery for
the school.

Local authorities are not slow to see that if the Board of
Education discontinues the annual grant of 17s. to children under
five, simply allowing them the fee and the aid grant, it will
be uneconomical to attempt the teaching of children at such an
early age, apart altogether from the admitted dangers which
accompany the formal instruction of a child under five.

A system of nurseries might well be substituted, and if they
were economically worked local authorities would be willing to
incur the necessary expense for the sake of helping the children in
very poor districts, who would undoubtedly benefit by the purer
air and the more hygienic surroundings of the nursery. The
Board of Education has already expressed its willingness to
sanction special infants' schools limited to children under five
years of age, where there need be no formal instruction, and the
new Education Act of 1907 allows educational authorities to
provide play centres for children attending elementary schools.
No doubt these educational nurseries, exemplifying the principles
of Pestalozzi and Froebel, could be included in this definition,
and thus a satisfactory way out of our present difficulty would
have been discovered. It is, of course, a compromise, but a
compromise which is free from the many objections which the
older method carried with it. If these nurseries could be
established, with their games and their fairy tales, with their

141

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

simple meal consisting of a glass of hot milk and a biscuit, and
above all with opportunities for rest and sleep, they would prove
to be useful not only in preparing the little ones for the later
stages of formal instruction, but they might also become valuable
training grounds for young girls in domestic science and the care
of children. Immense advances have been made in all directions
so far as the elementary school child is concerned, and a humane
and enlightened spirit now pervades our educational methods. We
have learned that education is a combined development of mind
and body, and that the child and its environment act and react
upon one another. Accordingly we have improved our school
curriculum, our school premises, and our methods of helping the
child out of school hours.

Notwithstanding the great advances to which allusion has
been made, it is still the case that an immense amount of money
is wasted on the education of children because, owing to lack of
fresh air and hygienic surroundings in the home, improper food
or insufficiency of good food, children are not able to benefit by
the costly instruction which is given in the schools. This might
be proved in an endless variety of ways. Poverty handicaps the
poor child far more than people have been inclined to think,
for poverty means under-feeding or malnutrition; it means
impoverished blood and dwarfed physique. It must necessarily,
therefore, affect the brain power of the child.

Some of these results have been strikingly demonstrated by
the experimental medical inspection which has already been carried
out in this country. Perhaps the most striking figures are those
furnished by Dr. Leslie Mackenzie for Glasgow in the Eeport,
1907, of the Physical Condition of Children attending the Public
Schools of the School Board of that city. He divides the schools
into four grades poorest, the poor, better class, the best and he
shows what proportion of the 72,857 children examined live in
one, two, three, or four-roomed tenements:

. One room 5,922 8' 1 per cent.

Two rooms 42,100 57'8

Three rooms 17,648 24'2

Four rooms 7,188 9*9

The fact that over 57 per cent, of all the elementary school
children in Glasgow live in two-roomed homes is sufficiently
striking, and in itself an explanation of some of the facts of this
valuable report.

These children were also classified in respect to their heights
and weights side by side with the number of rooms occupied, and

142

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

poverty seems to affect the height and the weight to the following
extent :

One Room

Boys

Girls

Two Rooms

Boys .........

Girls

Three Rooms

Boys

Girls

Four Rooms

Boys

Girls

HEIGHT.

Inches.
46'6
46'3

48'1

50'0
49-6

51-3
51-6

WEIGHT.

Pounds.
52'6
51'5

56-1
54'8

60-6
59'4

64'3
65'5

Dr. Mackenzie adds: "It cannot be an accident that boys from
two-roomed houses should be 11 7 Ibs. lighter on an average than
boys from four-roomed houses, and 4' 7 inches smaller. Neither is
it an accident that girls from one-roomed houses are on the
average 14 Ibs. lighter and 5'3 inches shorter than the girls from
four-roomed houses."

In the face of this evident physical deterioration, the question
of a sufficient supply of good and wholesome food is perhaps the
most important. The London County Council Eeport for 1907
gives 50 to 60 per cent, of children as coming under the head
of indifferent nutrition. Dr. Hall, of Leeds (who for some years
past has made a close study of the effect of scientific feeding
upon height and weight), points out the remarkable difference
between the Jewish and Gentile children, due to the fact that
Jewish parents, . especially the Jewish mother, have more
knowledge as to the kind of food that should be given to young
children. After measuring 2,700 children he discovered m that at
ten years of age the Jew had the advantage of 6 Ibs. in weight
and 2 inches in height. Only 7 per cent, of the Jews had rickets,
as against 50 per cent, of Gentile children. Dr. Hall ironically
recommends the underfed child to play the truant in order that
he may be committed to an industrial school on a magistrate's
order, the advantages being a simpler education and three meals
a day, with the prospect that at the age of twelve a boy will
weigh on an average 4 Ibs. more than if he had been regularly in
attendance at school and insufficiently fed at home. If the local
authorities were awake to the importance of the question of

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CHILD LIFE AND LABOUE.

proper feeding they would immediately adopt the Education
(Provision of Meals) Act of 1906, and would do their best to
carry out the spirit of that Act and make it a success.

It is likely that medical inspection will increase the pace of
the movement in favour of feeding children in the school. But
for the present, at all events, we must sadly admit that the
Act has been largely unsuccessful owing to the failure of the
local authorities to adopt it. Full evidence as to the need is
contained in the Interdepartmental Committee's report on Medical
Inspection and Feeding of Children, supplemented by the Physical
Deterioration and Physical Training (Scotland) reports, to which
reference has already been made.

Since every fresh inquiry goes to show that lack of proper
food leads to a serious deterioration in physique and lies at the
root of many of the evils affecting child life, we ask ourselves what
can be done under the Act, and whether any steps have been taken
which are really effective? Of all the local authorities that have
made experiments in this direction none has set to work more
scientifically than the Bradford Education Committee. The report
of the Medical Superintendent, Dr. Ralph H. Crowley, on a
course of meals given to necessitous children from April to July,
1907, is an extremely interesting and instructive document. The
object of the experiment was not only to ascertain the effect upon
the children of providing them with meals, but also to ascertain
the kind of .meals most suited to the child, and the best methods
to adopt of serving them. The meals consisted of breakfast and
dinner given in a school of one of the poorest quarters of the
city. About forty children were selected, thirty coming from this
school and ten from an adjacent one. The children selected were
those apparently most in need of the meals, their parents being
in particularly poor circumstances. The meals were well cooked
and tastefully displayed. The children were encouraged to be as
clean as their surroundings, and were all carefully watched with a
view to grouping at one table the weakly ones who required most
supervision. Breakfast consisted every day of oatmeal porridge
with milk and treacle, followed by bread and margarine or
dripping, with hot or cold milk to drink. The two-course
dinners were so chosen that they reached a certain standard
as regards the proportion of proteid and fat, and yet at the
same time the cost of the material was between Id. and l-|d.
Seventeen dinners were carefully selected as fulfilling all these
conditions, and then the experiment began. The forty children
fed were weighed three times during the five weeks which
preceded the experiment. During the week previous to the feeding
their average gain was a quarter of an ounce, but during the first

144

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

four weeks of feeding their average increase was six ounces per
week, while the first week gave the extraordinary figure of an
average gain per child of lib. 4ozs. The holiday that intervened
during the experiment showed a distinct falling off, and it took
nearly a fortnight to make up for the effect of the holiday. These
children were also compared with sixty -nine selected children who
did not receive special meals, but who were regularly weighed
and measured. The poverty conditions in both cases were about
the same. These " control" children, as they were called, only
gained an average of loz. per week, although they benefited by
the Whitsuntide holiday to the extent of nearly half a pound in
eleven days. The whole experiment seems to prove conclusively
that if the conditions of success are observed, and if at the same
time every attention to detail as regards cleanliness and daintiness
is given, the children may not only improve in physique but may
also receive moral and mental benefit.

One valuable result of school feeding is the teaching and
training of the children in the matter of taste, for it is a well-known
physiological fact that the slum stomach cannot accommodate
itself in a moment to good wholesome food. It is advisable that
children of the very poor should eat in public under medical
superintendence, and organised school feeding on the part of all
local authorities is an urgent need. As Dr. Chalmers, of Glasgow,
has said, we are a nation of workers, but we cannot any more
than the Hebrews of old make bricks without straw. This is
what the schoolmaster at present has to do, and it Is this fatal
shortcoming that the Act of 1906 is intended to remedy. That
it is not wholly successful is due to the adoptive nature of the
Act, and the only remedy is, therefore, either to make the Act
compulsory or to create a sounder and healthier public opinion
on this question.

MEDICAL INSPECTION.

The question of medical inspection of school children has
now got beyond the stage of mere experiment. The general
feeling as to its importance in our elementary schools obtained
concrete realisation in the Education (Administrative Provisions)
Act of 1907, and, although up to the present it cannot be said
that every local authority has fully discharged its duty in
respect of this portion of the Act, a distinct step forward has
been taken, and gradually the local authorities are creating the
necessary machinery for the proper carrying out of this new
administrative function. Nearly all European countries have
been ahead of us in respect of this work, but England, utilising
past experience and basing its operations largely on the tentative

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CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

experiments of London, which appointed its first Education
Medical Officer in 1891, and Bradford, which followed in 1893,
has made an excellent start.

However heavy the initial cost may be and it is on the
score of expense that local authorities have objected a great
saving will be effected even in the immediate present by reduction
in the number of school days that are lost owing to sickness
and disease. Dr. J. T. Kronen, of New York, stated before
the International Congress on School Hygiene that in a public
school population of 650,000 it is estimated that 195,000 children
lose one year of school study in every six through ill-health,
and, since the education of each child cost the city about 4
a year, the loss in children's time of each school year would
amount to over 330,000. The first argument in favour of
medical inspection apart from any humanitarian reasons is that
of true economy. If the child is not fitted physically to receive
the education that is given at much expense, it is obviously
a clear national loss, and medical inspection followed by
treatment may make this educational work productive instead
of unproductive. It was discovered at Charlottenberg in Berlin,
after establishing inspection, that 12 '3 per cent, of the children
examined on admission were rejected as being unfit for the
ordinary work of the school. The second argument is that
medical inspection affords a guide to an appropriate course of
education. The statistics of the London County Council schools
show that of 2,353 children of the age of ten years 12 per
cent, were still in Standards 1 and 2, and were evidently not
profiting by the education offered. In some way or other the
school work was not being adapted to the mental powers of the
child, and in many cases the teaching was actually detrimental
to their health. A third argument is that medical inspection of
children tends to safeguard the health of the whole community,
since it checks at the outset the spread of infectious diseases,
and thus effects a great saving so far as our hospitals are
concerned.

Finally, almost the greatest argument in favour of medical
inspection is that it discovers the physical defects of children
at a very early stage, when there is possibility of cure defects
which tend through lapse of time to become permanently
disabling. This is the argument which carries most weight
with those who are looking to healthy citizens for the real
defence of the empire.

We have already quoted Dr. Leslie Mackenzie's figures in
respect of the school children at Glasgow. An examination of

146

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

school children in Edinburgh and Aberdeen by Dr. Mackenzie
and Professor Matthew Hay gave the following results:

In Poor Health

Badly Nourished

Mentally Dull

Diseased Glands (tubercular) .....

Nose and Throat Defects (at least half being adenoids)

Lung Disease >

Heart Disease

Defective Vision

Defective Hearing

EDINBURGH.

Per cent.
19-17
29-83

18'5

52'54

3-0

4'33
31-67
42'04

ABERDEEN.

Per cent.

8'8

2'6
30'0

1'8

I'O
23'9
14-0

Still more recent investigations for example, the 1906 Eeport
of the London County Council Education Committee confirm
these statements. Dr. Kerr's examination of 3,728 scholarship
candidates, who ought to have been considerably above the
physical average, showed that 24 per cent, were referred back
on account of such conditions as defective vision and hearing,
throat affections, heart disease, or dental troubles. Dr. Ealph
Crowley's figures in the Bradford Eeport (1907) show that 60
per cent, of the children examined had over four decayed teeth,
a fact which will account for the malnutrition obvious in a large
number of these cases.

We need not dwell upon the progressive nature of the evil
resulting from these physical defects, although it could be shown
that the whole body suffers, and that mental dulness often follows
from the neglect of some simple childish ailment which might
easily have been cured if attacked in the early stages. Legislation
now makes possible the preliminary examination of each child on
its admission to school, and Dr. Newman's memorandum issued
to all local authorities points out that every boy or girl should
be examined at least three times during its school career. In
the case of children known to have serious physical defects still
more frequent examinations are necessary. The register which
is the result of the physician's examination will contain the
height, weight, and general nutrition, chest measurement,
condition of the heart and lungs, the eyes, ears, and throat,
and, of course, the general mental conditions would be noted.
It goes without saying that medical inspection will also include
a careful supervision of the school premises.

The crux of the whole question is whether medical inspection
should be followed by treatment at the public expense. Dr.

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CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

Kerr, who was previously opposed to school treatment, says in
his latest report: "A point has been reached where the question
of rigid adhesion to the policy of excluding any medical treatment
from the educational branch of the Public Health Department
may have to be carefully reconsidered." The Sheffield Education
Committee, after having appointed four junior medical men to
assist the Medical Officer, and a special school nurse, has also
come to the conclusion that school surgeries will be eventually
required. Meanwhile the hospitals are being paid at a fixed rate
for the treatment of children sent to these institutions from the
schools. The London County Council and a few other education
authorities have already set aside nurses not only for the work
of examination under the supervision of the school doctors, but
also for the treatment of minor ailments, such as cuts and
bruises, burns, skin conditions, and sore eyelids. The London
County Council has thirty-two nurses engaged in such work,
who also assist in carrying out what is known as the cleansing
scheme, where children attend school in a dirty and verminous
condition. Greater New York has over fifty nurses who treat
minor ailments, while Germany, of course, leads the way with
670 school doctors and treatment for minor ailments in most
towns. In Strassburg the condition of the children's teeth has
caused the municipality to erect a dental surgery entirely
for school children. Two qualified dentists work under the
direction of Dr. Jessen, and they often examine and treat as
many as 100 children a day. In 1906 over 4,372 children had
their teeth seen to, and the number of teeth receiving attention
of one kind or another amounted to 21,878, of which 7,065 were
fillings and 7,985 extractions. A register is kept of each child
examined, and opposite each name is a coloured diagram of all
the teeth, and any that are unsound are marked in red ink.
The whole tradition of English life is against any attempt at
relieving parents of their responsibility in this matter, but it
will be found necessary in the interests of the nation as a whole
to deal with cases of disease where individual treatment through
the parent and the family doctor is impossible or ineffective.
Whatever may be the cost, medical inspection and treatment
will in the end prove a preventive and, therefore, an economic
measure, and the community as a whole will gain.

THE SCHOOL BATH.

A necessary corollary of medical inspection is the school bath.
Swimming is rapidly becoming a part of the school curriculum,
and municipal public baths as a rule make provision for elementary
school children. But something more is required. In Germany

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CHILD LIFE AND LABOUE.

even small places of a few thousand inhabitants provide in their
schools, certainly in their new schools, warm douche baths,
followed by a cold shower bath, and an abundance of slipper
baths. A certain portion of the school time (about twenty minutes
or half an hour) is set aside for the purpose of this bath, which is
usually a tiled room in the basement. Soap and towels are
generally provided. The result is that in Germany, where these
school baths have been in existence for twenty years, very few
children have verminous heads, although the bath is not
compulsory. At the same time no child is admitted to school
unless it is either clean in every sense or unless its parents -are
willing to consent to the bath being given. About 85 per cent, of
the children may be expected to take a bath about twice a week
under these conditions, and there can be no doubt whatever that
a great improvement has been effected in Holland, Belgium, and
Germany in the general condition of the child population.

Bradford is almost the only town that is as good or even better
than the German cities. It has its swimming baths, but it has
also a system of school shower baths in at least six schools, three of
which are used exclusively by children. Each of these schools
has about twenty shower and slipper baths, and all are used very
much on the German system, with a consequent improvement in
the health and general appearance of the children. It is to be
hoped that other towns will follow the good example set by
Bradford in this respect.

Space will not allow us to dwell upon the value of the school
garden, although it ought to be mentioned that one has recently
been established in connection with the Invicta Schools of
Blackheath, and the Lancashire Education Committee has thirty-
one gardens connected with elementary schools, the cost of
maintaining them being about 430 per annum.

FOREST SCHOOLS.

But something must be said about the comparatively new
development in England of the Forest School. The best
illustration of Forest Schools is to be found at Charlottenberg,
inaugurated in 1904 for the treatment of sick and debilitated school
children. For many years a discussion has been taking place as to
the proper treatment of such children. If consigned to sanatoria
or convalescent homes they are apt to fall behind in their school
work. If allowed to remain in their ordinary classes they rapidly
deteriorate and their ailments tend to be aggravated. It was
thought that the open-air school, by a combination of hygienic
treatment and educational work, would meet the necessities of
the case. If children can be taught and fed and allowed to play

149

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

and sleep in the fresh air and sunshine for only a few hours a day
it must have a beneficial effect, and this was speedily realised at
Charlottenberg when cases of incipient disease and general debility
were singled out and sent to the pine forest for this mode of
treatment. The experiment is too well known to need any very
detailed description. The children arrive quite early in the morning
either on foot or by electric tram on special cars, and at 7-45 a.m.
receive a bowl of soup and a slice of bread and butter. Brief
classes commence at eight o'clock. At ten o'clock they receive
milk and bread and butter, and then play or take exercise or
read while two other classes receive instruction. Dinner, which
is served at 12-30, consists of about three ounces of meat, with
vegetables and soup. After dinner the children sleep or rest for
two hours on folding chairs and rugs. At three o'clock the
remaining classes receive instruction, and at four another meal
follows with milk, black bread, and jam; after that play, and
finally soup and bread and butter as a last meal at 6-45 before
they return home. The school doctor is in constant attendance,
and bathing is an important part of the treatment. The result
is extraordinary. In a few weeks appetite, attention, and general
appearance are all improved, and at the conclusion of the season's
experiment about 23 per cent, of the cases had been cured and
45 per cent, greatly improved. The increase in weight is about
half a pound per week per child. The percentage of cures and
improvements has increased in the last years, and what was once
an experiment has now become an important factor in the
educational work of Oharlottenberg. Although most of the work
and the play is in the open air, sheds provided for the purpose
give shelter during bad weather, but, however bad the weather,
the children do not seem to suffer from colds or similar
indispositions. Mulhaiisen followed in the steps of Charlottenberg,
and further experiments are being carried on at M. Gladbach,
Dresden, and Elberfeld, while Berlin has voted 15,000 for this
special purpose. In England we already have a similar school
in connection with the London County Council at Bostall Woods,
near Woolwich, very much on the German lines, although, of
course, not nearly so complete or scientific, while recently the
Education Committee of the London County Council has voted
2,000 for the carrying on of these experiments in other places.
Perhaps the most interesting experiment in England is that of the
Manchester County School at Knoll's Green, in Cheshire, started
by the late Mr. Herbert Phillips. This school is a combination
of a country holiday home and an ordinary educational institution.
The buildings and equipments are designed for at least eighty
children, with permanent quarters for the teachers. Each child

150

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUE.

has a separate bed in a large, well-ventilated dormitory. There
is a schoolroom, a dining-room, and a covered play shed for wet
weather. For twenty-four weeks of last year, 1907, 'about 120
children, selected from the poorer schools of Manchester, were
accommodated for a fortnight each, very much on the
Charlottenberg principle. The sole charge made by the Committee
for their fortnight's stay in the school is 7s. per child, including
railway fare. The average cost per child is 11s. 7d. Apart from
the school offices which, of course, contain shower baths there
are flower and vegetable gardens, and a large play-field of four
acres upon which tents are erected during the summer for the
accommodation of extra children. One fortnight per season is
reserved for the mentally defective. It is stated that every class
of child shows marked improvement in health, manners,
demeanour, and in many other ways the Manchester County
School has proved entirely successful.

Special schools for defective children which are carried on
entirely in the town might well be taken into the surrounding
country in order to afford an opportunity for treatment upon the
same lines. The London defective schools are most of them of a
very high order of merit, and perhaps here, owing to the large
number of children who suffer from very severe physical and
mental defects, it would not be possible to carry out this method
as fully as in smaller towns.

THE POOE LAW CHILD.

Change in public opinion with regard to the treatment of
children has been most marked in the case of Poor Law children.
The old cry of "Down with the rates" (which meant rear and
educate our State children as cheaply as possible without regard
to the future) is a cry which is gradually dying down. These
pauper children may be, and often are, a valuable national asset,
and money spent wisely and judiciously upon them means that a
saving will be effected in national and local expenditure in the
future. This change in the treatment of Poor Law children dates
in the main from a Committee appointed in 1896 to inquire into
the existing systems of maintaining and educating children under
the charge of Boards of Guardians. It recommended in its report
that "in no circumstances should children above the age of three
years be allowed to enter the workhouse, but that small homes
outside the workhouse, adapted for the accommodation of not
more than twenty children, should be provided for their temporary
care, and that meanwhile arrangements should be made by which
they could be entirely separated from contact with workhouse
conditions."

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CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

The whole tendency of recent administration is to take a child
out of the workhouse and out of the special Poor Law school.
Inside the workhouse the children meet and associate with adult
paupers, some of whom are semi-criminals, and the effect of this
association leaves a mark on all the subsequent life. The
recommendations of the Committee were generally accepted, and
attempts were made to find accommodation for the children outside
the workhouse, yet even to-day, after all that has been done,
some 21,366 children out of 68,000 who are under the control
of the Poor Law authorities are still being reared and trained in
workhouses and workhouse schools. With the very best intentions
in the world, the officials have hardly been able to do more than
mitigate the evils of this life or to furnish a corrective for the
workhouse atmosphere. Four methods have been adopted in place
of the workhouse itself :

1. District Schools.

2. Village Communities.

3. Scattered homes.

4. A system of boarding out.

The District Schools are large schools of the barrack type,
situated in the country amid healthy surroundings, and many of
those in existence to-day are models of all that such schools
can be under the circumstances. As a rule, however, they are too
large, and the danger of infectious disease is very great. Individual
care and treatment are sacrificed, and accordingly the 11,800
Poor Law children who are still in these schools cannot be said
to be under the most favourable conditions, although many of
them do extremely well in after life. The second method, of
establishing children in a village community, has some great
advantages, especially in respect of physical health. Little colonies
of separate homes, each home containing thirty or forty boys or
twenty or thirty girls, must necessarily mean that the possibility
of individual attention is greater, and owing to the fact that there
is a foster parent or parents a certain degree of family life is
obtained. The real disadvantage is that the village community
isolates these boys and girls very much in the same way as the
barrack school does, since the colony is self-contained and separated
from the outside world. The initial cost is also very great, and the
annual up-keep is expensive.

The scattered home system originated by Sheffield fourteen
years ago has been imitated by nearly sixty Unions. The children
are first taken to a probationary home, and then to one of the
scattered homes situated in healthy suburbs. The children in each
home are of both sexes, and of ages from three to eight for boys,

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CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

and from three to thirteen for girls, and the foster mother so far
as possible is made to feel that she is responsible in every respect
for their physical and moral health. It is sometimes said that
the difficulty will be to find sufficient foster mothers, but the
experience of Sheffield and many other Boards seems to prove
the contrary. Those who approve of this system, which no doubt
produces the best results, have come to the conclusion that not
more than ten or twelve children should be placed in each home.
As to the boarding-out system, only this need be said, that if
the foster parent be wisely selected this system is not only the
most natural, but the best 'method of dealing with the homeless
or deserted child, while it has the additional advantage of being
the cheapest of all the methods employed. If the boarding-out
system is to be a complete success too many homes must not be
provided in any one place, for what is wanted is that the child
shall be free altogether from anything which may in the slightest
degree savour of the Poor Law taint. There should be regular
and systematic inspection, and such guidance and assistance as
can be afforded by the visits of lady visitors and women with
medical qualifications. The following table gives the cost of Poor
Law children under each of these systems :

In Metropolitan Barrack School, average cost .32. 18s. 8d. per annum.
In Metropolitan Village Communities, average cost 43. 15s. 4d. per annum.
In Scattered Homes the cost varies from 17 to 26 per annum.
In Certified Homes the cost varies from 15. 12s. to 18. 4s. per annum.

When Boarded Out the cost varies from 13. 6s. 8d. to 15. 18s. 8d. per
annum.

In Poor Law Training Ship "Exmouth," Metropolitan Boys 33. 15s.
per annum; ex Metropolitan Boys, 23. 8s. per annum.

THE CHILD WORKER.

The history of England in respect of child labour is, as we
have already pointed out, a disgrace to our civilisation a disgrace
not yet completely wiped away. What we allowed in the years
previous to factory legislation is still to be found in the Southern
States of America and in Japan, but we have at last reached
the point when the right of the State as over against the employer
and the parent has been limited, even if not so strictly as we
should desire. The employer in many cases still contends that
the trades unions have raised wages to such an extent that cheap
labour apart from that of women and children is unobtainable.
Cheap labour he regards as a necessity in his own special trade,
and however mistaken he may be, and he often is sadly mistaken,
the fact bears harshly upon the lives of children who even now

153

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUR.

have too little protection under the law. The Education Act of
1876 required that children under ten should not be employed at
all. The Factory and Workshops Act of two years later only
allowed children between the ages of ten and fourteen to work
as half-timers, and they were compelled to attend a school which
fulfilled the requirements of the Education Acts. At the age of
thirteen a child that was certified to have reached a certain
standard of proficiency might cease to be a half-timer, and in
that case it counted as a young person, young persons being
between the ages of fourteen and eighteen. There are three
sections of child workers even under the most recent Acts :
first, the half-timers proper from twelve to fourteen; secondly,
children between thirteen and fourteen who have qualified as
"young persons," and are allowed to work full time; and
thirdly, "young persons" in the ordinary sense from fourteen to
eighteen. Children and young persons under sixteen must obtain
medical certificates before they can be employed in a factory,
and in 1906 no less than 385,415 children and young persons
applied and were accepted, 201,143 being boys, and 184,272
being girls. Of these, 79,158 between thirteen and fourteen
were granted certificates for full time employment, while
half-timers proper, in the last complete year, included 20,790
boys and 21,259 girls. We have to remember that these
figures only apply to factories, and do not cover child labour
in workshops nor the regular employment of children in domestic
industries, so that they are only a very faint indication of the
size and persistence of the problem which is sufficiently appalling
even after we have made allowance for all the progress of the
last few years.

One of the worst aspects of the child labour problem is that
of Saturday and Sunday work, which is still almost without
any limit or regulation. A preliminary inquiry instituted in
1889 by Sir John Gorst, then Vice-President of the Education
Department, gives a return of the number of children employed,
the hours worked, their ages, occupations, and the pay received.
This return is necessarily incomplete, since it does not give
regular employment, and it leaves all out who are not in receipt
of wages. It is described by Sir John Gorst as "a painful and
sickening document, throwing a light upon the social conditions
of large classes of the population."

An Interdepartmental Committee was appointed in 1901, and
the report of that Committee shows that in the opinion of the
Commissioners a minimum estimate of the numbers employed
was 200,000, the occupations being classified under four heads:
(1) In and for shops; (2) street trading; (3) domestic work and

154

CHILD LIFE AND LABOUE.

home industries ; (4) agriculture. The longest hours were worked
by the children employed in shops, 76,000 in number, and the
inquiry showed that of these children 22,139 were between nine
and ten years of age, 11,000 between eight and nine, 4,211
between seven and eight, and 1,120 between six and seven.
About 12 per cent., or 17,617, were engaged in street trading.
An investigation into the physical condition of 2,000 school
children by Dr. Thomas, of the London County Council, revealed
the fact that long hours of Saturday work especially affected
schoolboy wage earners, and heart affections were very numerous
in this class. The street-trading children are subject not so
much to physical as to moral deterioration, and a Eeport of the
Departmental Committee, 1901, has led to many towns taking
action in the direction of limiting street trading, especially as
regards girls. Once a street trader always a street trader is
another piece of evidence of great importance, and, even where
this is not the case, street trading is fatal to industrial efficiency
in after life. The economic aspect of this underpaid labour is
extremely serious. The report already alluded to shows that in
47,273 cases the average weekly wage was between 6d. and Is.
This wage may be eked out by gifts of food and clothing/ but
generally speaking we may say that the value of the work done
and the reward for that work is disproportionate to the immense
amount of mental, moral, and physical harm inflicted on the
child. Cheap child labour has a bad effect upon the parents
as well as upon the child, and in some cases acts as an incentive
to a father to remain idle when he ought to be engaged in
employment. As far as possible the policy of local authorities
should be to cut down child labour, while the Government should
as soon as practicable raise the age at which children may be
allowed to work and make compulsory education in some shape
extend to the sixteenth year.

Recent legislation has not been altogether ineffective. The
Employment of Children Act, which came into operation in 1904,
does give a certain amount of general protection to children,
and at the same time allows local authorities to regulate the
employment of children in their own administrative areas.
Section 3 of the Act provides:

1. A child shall not be employed between the hours of nine in the evening

and six in the morning. Provided that any local authority may,
by bye-law, vary these hours either generally or for any specified
occupation.

2. A child under the age of eleven years shall not be employed in street

trading.

8. No child who is employed half-time under the Factory and Workshop
Act, 1901, shall be employed in any other occupation.

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4. A child shall not be employed to lift, carry, or move anything so

heavy as to be likely to cause injury to the child.

5. A child shall not be employed in any occupation likely to be injurious to

his life, limb, health, or education, regard being had to his physical
condition.

On the other hand, the local authority may frame bye-laws
dealing with street trading, and these regulations may fix any
age between eleven and sixteen below which street trading is
illegal. They may also entirely prohibit street trading by girls,
and they may require street traders to hold licences and wear
badges. Birmingham is one of the most enlightened authorities
in the use of this Act, and London has done much to carry out
its provisions, although there is still room for considerable
improvement.

This whole question of child labour is of immense importance
in relation to the question of competition with other countries.
Germany has now thoroughly co-ordinated all her methods of
education, and her system of compulsory evening and day schools
by arrangement with the employer is such that both boys and
girls start the serious business of life much better equipped
educationally than the large class of waifs and street traders in
our great cities, who emerge from childhood only to swell the
ranks of the unemployable and the social inefficients. It has
also a distinct bearing upon the unemployed problem, for the
boy who has no knowledge of a special trade, and who is
altogether unskilled and undisciplined, will never find anything
permanent in the shape of employment, nor be able to adapt
himself to the changing conditions of the occupation in which
he first engages. The immediate step along the pathway of
reform is to abolish the labour of little children and to raise
the standard of educational equipment to the fullest possible
extent.

THE CHILD CRIMINAL.

Closely associated with the child worker is that of the child
criminal or the juvenile offender. A hundred years ago the
child was placed in the same category with the adult in all
cases of felony, and children of tender years suffered the extreme
penalty of the law for such offences as stealing, and even where
such drastic measures were not taken the sentences were often
inhumane and the results in every case disastrous. Owing to
the contamination of prison life children grew up to be confirmed
criminals, and the punishment inflicted created a greater evil
than it removed. This old and unscientific treatment of juvenile
crime has almost entirely vanished. The reformatory and

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industrial school system, imperfect as it still is, has effected an
enormous change not only in public opinion, but also in the
treatment meted out to youthful offenders.

Eecently two Acts of Parliament have been placed on the
Statute Book dealing with juvenile offenders the Probation of
Offenders Act of 1907 and the Children's Act of 1908. These
two Acts are the result of this new spirit which has arisen in
the treatment of the criminal which may roughly be denned as
the "reformatory" spirit, as over against the "punitive." We
no longer despair even of the adult criminal, but so far as the
children are concerned the great object is to prevent them from
drifting into the channels of crime, to rescue them at an early
age from parents or relatives who make a profit out of their
corruption, and so far as possible free them from the associations
of early childhood. The conditions which created the child
criminal must be changed, and changed largely by the action
of the State; yet, while we are endeavouring to give to that
class of the very poor in which the criminal is usually trained
a new environment, we must continue our efforts to promote
such ameliorative measures in dealing with juvenile offenders as
are indicated by the Bills already alluded to.

The three reforms which have now passed into law, two of
which are calculated to greatly assist the work of reformation, are
as follows :

1. The arranging of separate places of detention for children

awaiting trial.

2. The necessity of hearing the cases of children in a separate

Children's Court.

3. The appointment of probation officers.

1. Children Awaiting Trial. The question of separate places
of detention apart from the adult at all stages has long been
considered a matter of prime importance. Some authorities on
their own initiative have taken tin's action. Now all authorities
will have to follow a similar course. When a boy or girl is
arrested it will be taken to some special home until the case
can be heard. London, perhaps, has given the best illustration
of what can be done by these remand homes. It has three
in different districts, Camberwell Green, Harrow Eoad, and
Pentonville Eoad, and experience shows that they have obviated
much of the risk which was associated with the prison or the
cell at the police court. When we remember that some of the
children sent to these homes are as young as six years old, and
that less than 1 per cent, were eventually sent to prison, no
other argument is required to convince the outsider of the value
of this new method.

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2. Children's Courts. The boy or girl is then taken from
the remand home to a special Children's Court. This court need
not necessarily be constructed especially for such cases indeed,
in most towns the expense would not be warranted but for the
time being it should be reserved exclusively for children, the
cases should be tried by magistrates especially chosen for the
purpose, and by the new Act the children are not allowed to be
associated in any waiting-room with adult prisoners, or to appear
in the same court with them. We have to remember that not
more than one-third of the boys and girls who are brought before
the magistrate are guilty of any offence. Sometimes the parents
are the guilty persons, or they are found wandering and destitute,
or they are living with persons of bad character. In all these
cases there can be no object whatever in exposing the children
to public gaze in an open court, and all authorities are agreed
upon the wisdom and common sense of the method which has
now become law.

In this respect England is only following in the footsteps of
the United States, of Canada, of Australia and New Zealand.
Wherever the Children's Court has been adopted it has been
followed by a marked diminution of juvenile crime. In this
way the number of juvenile criminals in New York has been
reduced by 50 per cent., and in addition a great saving has been
effected as regards trials. Chicago established a Juvenile Court
in 1889, and it is estimated that by means of these courts and
probation officers a saving was effected in one year alone of
12,135. Practically all the large towns in England have
already set aside one special room with a fixed time for these
juvenile offenders.

3. The Appointment of Probation Officers. The Probation
of Offenders Act of 1907 does not, of course, go so far as one
would wish, but it does allow and, indeed, recommends the
appointment of probation officers, so that when a child is released
on parole it may be followed up by some one man or woman
appointed for this purpose, whose business it will be to see
that the offender observes the conditions of his recognisance,
keeping the court informed as to his behaviour, to advise, assist,
and befriend him, and when necessary endeavour to find him
suitable employment. The method as employed in the States
has been most successful. The probation officer is not necessarily
a constable indeed, in many places in the States it is recognised
as unwise that a constable should be appointed. In England he
must be in plain clothes. The main thing is that the probation
officer should act on humane and rational principles, and should

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remember that the fatherly or friendly attitude of mind in dealing
with these young people is the method that is more likely to
produce reformation than any other.

So far as our reformatory and industrial schools are concerned,
useful as they have been in the past, they are likely to be still
more successful in the future in clearing our streets of the
potential hooligan and affording an opportunity to those boys
and girls who have been handicapped in life by reason of the
fact that their parents have had criminal propensities. We have
at present over fifty reformatory schools, containing over 5,000
inmates, and 142 industrial schools, 125 of which are under
voluntary control. This number as a result of the new Children's
Act of last year must inevitably increase. One of the great
weaknesses in connection with both reformatory and industrial
schools in the past is that we have not had sufficient
accommodation. The result is that large numbers of boys and
girls who are somewhat weak-minded, and who are, therefore,
more liable to become criminal than others, have either been
turned out of the schools or refused admission. Without
reflecting in any way upon the voluntary system, which has
some great advantages for example, in the freedom with which
religious instruction can be given and religious affections
awakened there can be little doubt that the State will have
to construct on its own account a considerable number of new
schools designed to deal with this class of child.

Meanwhile it is almost impossible to exaggerate the value of
the supervision exercised during the period of detention, which
extends up to the age of nineteen years in the case of reformatory
schools and up to the age of eighteen in the case of industrial
schools.

It is also enacted in the new statute of 1908 that no child
under the age of sixteen shall be sentenced to capital punishment.
This is a merely formal matter, as children are never actually
executed, although they have been condemned to death, but the
mere formality itself is harmful. Then again no child can be
sentenced to prison, and a " young person" cannot be sentenced
to prison except in certain very special cases. We have thus
abolished all imprisonment for children and substituted a suitable
place of detention at which the child can be dealt with upon
reformatory lines. This new Act may be called the Children's
Magna Charta, and, if improvements in administration proceed
pari passu with the legislation itself, we may expect a great
decrease in juvenile crime, and at a later stage a consequent
decrease in the number of adult criminal cases. We still require
to give more attention to the medical side of crime, especially

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in connection with the young, arid it is to be hoped that in all
large towns a doctor who is a specialist in mental cases will be
called in to consult where any unusual circumstances in connection
with the case will make it seem advisable to the magistrates.

If it were possible to co-ordinate to a greater extent the work
that is being carried on on behalf of children by various State
departments it would be a great advantage. We have treated the
whole question of child life and labour in such a haphazard and
unsystematic fashion that comparatively few people are aware of
the responsible authority or the steps that ought to be taken to
remedy a grievance. Voluntary societies such as the Society for
the Prevention of Cruelty to Children have done the work which
should have been discharged by . the Government itself. That
society is required to pay the actual charge of bringing criminals
to justice. The least that the State should do under such
circumstances would be to contribute the entire cost where
conviction has been obtained, and, generally speaking, to encourage
and to subsidise voluntary institutions wherever they have shown
themselves able and willing to do the work which rightly speaking
should fall upon public authorities.

Finally, the child question cannot be treated apart from other
and larger questions of social reform. If ever we are to save the
child we must attack the housing problem, the problem of
unemployment and casual labour, and put an end to the evil
conditions and the degrading atmosphere of slum life. At present
we are moving in a vicious circle. We build up with one hand
and pull down with the other. Any Government worthy of the
name to-day must have a great constructive policy of social
reform upon all sides in order that this blot of a degraded child
life may be removed from the national escutcheon.

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Westminster;
or, Parliament and its Work.

BY SPENCEE LEIGH HUGHES.

f I ^HE Palace of Westminster as we know it is only about
seventy years old, though the beautiful walls, towers, and

~^ turrets have been so mellowed and toned during that
period of time that they have the appearance of having stood
there at least a couple of centuries. But although this superb and
marvellous building, in which the chosen legislators and the
hereditary legislators of the land live and move and have their
being during the session, is comparatively modern, the site is
rich in historic interest and in traditions taking one back into
the remote past. There has been a Palace of Westminster for
more than a thousand years. Monarchs and statesmen assembled
there and made laws five centuries before the Tuileries arose, and
almost two hundred years before the foundations of the venerable
Vatican were laid. I doubt if any other spot in the world can
show a more remarkable continuous history. The Houses,
Westminster Hall, and Westminster Abbey may be said to be
full of ghosts of monarchs, of statesmen, and of heroes. Let
there be no doubt about the heroes, for I maintain that the
continued existence of a free Parliament in this country is proof
of heroisms in the cause of liberty compared with which some
of the heroisms of the battlefield appear almost vulgar.

The reader may perhaps ask what all this has to do with
Parliament and its work to-day. I think there is a very real
connection. Great traditions have an ennobling influence. John
Morley I prefer the old style to the new title has written
eloquently about

The indefinable charm that haunts the grey and venerable quadrangles
of Oxford and Cambridge; the stately halls, the silent and venerable libraries,
the solemn chapels, the studious old-world gardens, and all those elevated
memorials and sanctifying associations of scholars and poets, of saints and
sages, that march in glorious procession through the ages, and make of Oxford
and Cambridge a dream of music for the inward ear and of delight for the
contemplative eye.

That is well said but as much may be said for Westminster. I
do not suggest that all the thousands who have taken part in the

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WESTMINSTER; OB, PARLIAMENT AND ITS WORK.

noble struggles and the ignoble intrigues that have marked the
history of Parliament have been great or worthy. A few have
been infamous, and a vast number quite commonplace. But
moving across the screen of history there we have always had a
saving remnant of the great, setting an example and keeping the
standard high. This cannot fail to have had an inspiring influence
on the life of the place, for, in spite of the poet's dictum, it is
profoundly true that the good which men do lives after them.

Parliament as we know it is really the outcome of the scheme
of very imperfect representation drawn up by Simon de Montfort,
who was a foreigner, or, as we now put it, an "alien immigrant."
There is something quaintly interesting in the fact that so
pre-eminently British an institution as the House of Commons
should have been devised by one who was not British born, but
such is the fact. Green, the historian, puts the matter clearly
enough when he says

The attendance of delegates from the towns had long been usual in the
County Courts when any matter respecting their interests was in question;
but it was the writ issued by Earl Simon that first summoned the merchant
and the trader to sit beside the knight of the shire, the baron, and the bishop
in the Parliament of the realm.

Simon de Montfort, though originally a foreigner, seems to have
been soon and completely initiated into the methods of English
political life. For it is on record that when King Henry III.
denounced the reformer as a "false traitor" Simon brightly retorted
that the King was "a liar." These two words "traitor" and
"liar" have been bandied about in the world's politics ever since,
and have been applied to many a worthy man. Many of the
rules, standing orders, and unwritten laws of Parliament to-day
will be found to be really framed in order to keep men from saying
things of this sort to each other, and infinite skill has been shown
on many an occasion by gentlemen suggesting that which they
must not say, and yet not getting out of order.

We have seen that Simon de Montfort was the first man to
call into existence a Parliament with any pretence of being
representative in character and, of course, if his institution -be
examined in the light of the twentieth century it will seem a
small and privileged affair. But it had the living germ in it,
and all that has been added since has really been an extension of
his scheme. There were two Houses in his day there are still
two Houses. There were three Estates of the Eealm then
Lords Spiritual, Lords Temporal, and the Commons and those
three still exist. In the days of Henry III. it was necessary
before a Bill became an Act that it should be passed by and with
the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons

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in Parliament assembled, and should receive the assent of the
monarch and all this is still necessary. Thus when dealing
with Parliament and its work to-day it is well to remember
that there is much that is old still surviving in spite of almost
numberless reforms and alterations in franchise and procedure.

Parliament exists for two main purposes making laws and
granting supply. So far as law-making is concerned the two
Houses have an equal share of responsibility, but in regard to
granting supply or voting public money the House of Commons
has the sole control. It is true that the Finance Bill, which is
the Budget put in legislative form, has to pass the House of
Lords, as all Bills have before they become law, and thus the
Lords could reject the Budget if they chose to do so. But they
cannot alter it in the slightest degree they must either accept
it or reject it, and the rejection of the Budget, involving as it
would the collapse of all the public services both fighting and
civil services is a step that no sane man would ever suggest.
Thus for all practical purposes the Commons alone are responsible
for the public purse. There is a Parliamentary phrase, "getting
the Speaker out of the Chair," which sometimes puzzles the
outsider, and the phrase reminds one of what used to be the
main purpose of Parliament. At one time nay, on repeated
occasions in the past monarchs attempted to rule without
Parliament, but eventually they had to call the members together
in order to. get money. The members then resolved that, before
they formed themselves into a Committee for granting Supply,
they should have an opportunity of stating their grievances and
demanding redress. Thus, on the motion that the Speaker
should leave the Chair so that the House can go into Committee,
members raise various questions, and this is a continuation of the
old demand that grievances should be redressed before Supply is
granted.

In theory every member has an equal right to speak on every
question submitted to Parliament but, of course, this is a right
which cannot be carried out in practice. At one time there was
no means of stopping a member other than shouting him down,
and there are a few members who still think that this is
preferable to the more modern method of the closure. Sir
Spencer Compton, who was Speaker in the reign of George I.,
when he was appealed to by a member who claimed the right
to be heard, answered, "No, sir; you have a right to speak, but
the House have a right to judge whether they will hear you"
-but this curious ruling has been called in question by other
authorities. The House has, however, for a very long time
sought to exercise some such right, and even to-day if a man

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tries to speak when almost every other man in the place wants
a division he stands a poor chance of making himself heard.
Interruptions affect different men in different ways suppressing
some and rousing others to greater efforts. There is a curious
incident mentioned in the Parliamentary records for 1601, when
Serjeant Heale was addressing, and it is said that "all the
House hemmed," a demonstration which, I suppose, indicated
scepticism. This annoyed the hon. and learned gentleman, and
the report is continued in this way: "'Well,' quoth Serjeant
Heale, 'all your hemming shall not put me out of countenance,'
so the Serjeant proceeded, and when he had spoken a little while
the House hemmed again, and so he sat down/' This was a
case in which interruption succeeded and the man was suppressed.
In much more recent times, however, Mr. Peter Borthwick
was interrupted noisily and repeatedly, and he turned on his
tormentors saying that if he was not allowed to finish his speech
in his own way he would not leave off at all! The House was
so startled by this grim threat that they let the hon. gentleman
have his own way.

Of course, if this power of interruption were abused the
majority could exercise an absolute tyranny and so could a
minority, for a very few men can easily make debate impossible.
Fortunately the House as a whole, however it may vary from
time to time in political complexion, always has a regard for
order and for fair play. I have watched its proceedings for many
years now, and I have often said that the best thing about the
House of Commons is its general tone. It is not easy to define
in print exactly what that phrase means, but all those connected
with the life of Parliament will understand it. There is no place
in the world in which pomposity or pretence has a poorer chance
of making an impression. Mr. Birrell, who knows the House
intimately, has said truly that it makes no difference to a man
there if he has 100,000 a year or 80s. a week if he has
something to say which is worth hearing and can say it they
will listen; if he has not, or cannot, they will not. This is
not a new trait peculiar to the present exceptionally democratic
House either. More than fifty years ago it shouted down some
of the most aristocratic and wealthy members, but it burst into
a roar of sympathetic cheering when honest Joseph Brotherton,
then member for Salford, began his plea for the Ten Hours Act
by saying, with tears in his eyes, "Sir, I am now a member of
Parliament, but I was once a poor, wretched, half-starved factory
boy." As I have said, the general tone of the House is sound.
There are, of course, undesirable members, or at any rate I will
put it in this way some members are less desirable than others.

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WESTMINSTER; OB, PARLIAMENT AND ITS WORK.

No doubt there are self-seekers there, men with axes to grind,
men who are not too scrupulous as to method, men who in their
passion for tactics will stoop to trickery but I am talking of the
general tone of the place, apart from the few undesirables and
from the few exceptionally high-minded men. Looked at from
that point of view, and taking them all together, I believe there
is no more fair-minded body of men in the world. I would
sooner submit my fate to their judgment, if no party issue were
involved, than I would submit it to any other tribunal.

This instinctive regard for fair play, amounting almost to a
passion, does much, of course, to promote the smooth working
of the Parliamentary machine, but it would not do to trust to
that alone. And in addition to that we have the authority of
the Chair. It is said that foreigners are chiefly impressed by
two things in this country the implicit obedience shown to the
orders of the policeman who controls traffic in the street, and the
deference shown to the Speaker of the House of Commons. The
reason is the same in both cases those who are controlled by
the policeman or by the Speaker know that he does not interfere
for his own amusement but for the general good. Much,
however, depends on the manner of such interference. The
Speaker of the House of Commons is, of course, a member of
that Assembly, and has, therefore, to be elected. That means
he must belong to one party, and very likely before his promotion
to the Chair he has made party speeches, and naturally enough
given party votes. But directly he steps from the floor into the
Chair he must on all occasions exhibit the "cold neutrality of
an impartial judge." Not only must he be impartial, but he
must avoid even the suspicion of partiality. That is the first
requisite. Then he must be so well acquainted with all the
rules of Parliament, standing orders, sessional orders, and
unwritten law, as to be able, on the spur of the moment, and
possibly amid excitement, to give a ruling on some intricate
point of order. Again, he must be endowed with a double
portion of tact a priceless gift. The present Speaker, .Mr. J.
W. Lowther, has all these gifts and virtues in a pre-eminent
degree, and he adds to them the gift of humour natural,
unforced, good humour which enables him again and again to
avoid a crisis or a scene, and to soothe angry passions by raising
a general laugh. At the same time he never lacks firmness or
sacrifices dignity, and the affection with which he is regarded
in all parts of the House is based on admiration and respect.

And now let me attempt to describe some of the leading
types in the House of Commons. I do not propose to mention
members by name for more than one reason. In the first

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place, each man there belongs to some party or group, and if I
were to eulogise or criticise him it is probable that some reader
might take exception to my view. And, again, I prefer to deal
with types which are always there, in one Parliament or in
another, and on each side of the House. To begin with there
is the front bench man and the man who is not front bench
and only those acquainted with the life of Parliament can
appreciate how deep and wide is the gulf which separates the
two. The front bencher has many privileges which are denied
to the private member. He is always called on by the Speaker
in preference to men of humbler Parliamentary status. As a
rule he is allowed to keep on longer without audible or visible
signs of anguish from his hearers. And he has the very
considerable advantage of a table on which he can lean, and
which he can thump when he likes. There are unkind men
private members, as a rule who say that these eminent
gentlemen draw a sort of wooden inspiration from that piece of
furniture. Again, most front bench men have a private room
in the House and very snug, cosy resorts they are. Very
likely most of the time spent in these official retreats is given
up to hard and conscientious public work, but the private member
is apt to indulge in gloomy hints about these favoured leading
men lolling on sofas, smoking cigarettes, and reading novels,
English and otherwise. Thus there is always a certain amount
of not altogether unfriendly grumbling by the private member
at the expense of the more successful.

Another permanent type of member is the bore, and he is
the possession of not one party only by any means, for he is
to be found in all parts of the House. The Parliamentary bore
has been likened to the pestilence that walketh in darkness and
the destruction that wasteth at noonday. These gentlemen may
be roughly divided into three classes.. First of all we have the
unconscious bore, or the man who thinks he is making an
interesting speech, and giving pleasure, when he is not. He is
rather a pathetic figure, and inspires pity rather than resentment.
Then there is the semi-conscious bore, the man with lucid
intervals during which it flashes across his mind that he is not
quite a success. These recurring doubts induce him to keep on
and on, hoping to compensate for gloomy intervals by purple
patches of oratory. Such a man never knows when to end.
There is a tale told about an unfortunate man who was pursued up
a tree by a bear, and he was last seen with the bear close behind
him at the very top of the tree where the poor fellow was "feeling
out for more tree." So with the unhappy man who has said
all, and more than all, he had to say, but knowing that he has

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not been successful he "feels out" for more words. And the
third sort of bore is the avowed and brutal bore, who knows what
he is doing and who glories in it. No man is less of a bore than
Mr. Birrell indeed, bores and Mr. Birrell may be said to be the
extremes of an antithesis but that right hon. gentlemen has
pretended to do what the conscious bore does in real and deadly
earnest. He has said that there was a time when he used to
pity his audiences, but feeling that such weakness was unworthy
of a public man he has ceased to pity and has begun to punish
them. No one objects to Mr. Birrell's oratorical punishment,
but there are men of whom it may be said that the House
"suffers under them." It is not easy to define a bore indeed,
it is not easy to define anything, for either you say too much
and make your definition a long straggling statement, or in
attempting to compress you leave out something essential. I
have always thought that Johnson happily hit off one leading
trait in a bore's character when he said of a learned divine "The
worst of Warburton is he has a rage for saying something when
there's nothing to be said." It is that rage which leads many
a member of Parliament to his doom. But a man may have
something to say, something that really ought to be said, and
be a bore because he does not know how to say it. The fact
is that under our present Parliamentary system a man may try
often to get an innings and fail repeatedly to be called upon.
That is a very common fate. The result is that when an
unfortunate gentleman does get a chance after repeated failures
he feels that he must make the most of his opportunity, not
knowing when he may get another. Sir Walter Scott used to
advise men always to make a good meal, as they could not be
sure when they would get the next, and so the man who seldom
catches the Speaker's eye feels when his turn comes that it would
be absurd to say what he has to say in five minutes, though that
time may be ample for his purpose, and so he wanders on
and on, repeating himself, floundering this way and that, and
employing all those Parliamentary formulas which are so dear to
the heart of the member. It is hard to blame such a man, for
it is the system, that is at fault.

Another type of member to be found continually at Westminster
is the expert speaker, who may be a bore or may not, as the two
types sometimes overlap. There are all sorts of experts those
whose forte is foreign affairs, or engineering, or agriculture, and so
on. There is the education expert, of whom we have seen much
of late, and who is rather trying because of his tendency to
head straight off into the thickets of theology on the slightest
provocation. Thus, if the subject is the necessary amount of

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light, fresh air, or drainage for a certain school, he will begin
to argue about the difference between original sin and actual
transgression, or some such abstruse point. The chief experts,
however, the men who appear year after year, always with the
same message of woe, are the naval and military experts. These
gallant men, some of whom are retired officers who deserve well
of their country, are nearly all convinced that the services are
going to the dogs. They are all bluff and hearty pessimists,
though the gloom of the pessimism of some is deeper than that
of others. When I first heard them 1 used to tremble for my
country, feeling that one could not sleep in safety, and that we
might not only be invaded but annexed any morning. Since then,
however, I have learnt how to listen to these jeremiads unmoved,
and to imitate the wise theologian who looked the difficulty in the
face and passed on.

Intimately related to the expert is the crank or faddist, but
let me warn the reader against supposing that every man
who at Westminster is labelled "crank" deserves that scornful
description. The man who is so defined is often simply a man
in earnest, a man who really and honestly wishes to leave his
country and the world better than be found them. Some of the
very finest men I have known in Parliament, the salt of the
place, have been dismissed as cranks by men of more careless
dispositions. There Is something in the atmosphere, the mental,
moral, and physical atmosphere at Westminster, which discourages
enthusiasm, and which induces mental and bodily lounging.
Every man who has known the place half a dozen years will
admit that. And the man who can resist such influences, who
can be unwearying in well-doing amid such surroundings, deserves
respect and admiration. But there are "cranks" of a different
type men who are wedded to some trivial hobby which they
ride to death, men without any sense of proportion, men of one
idea, and that idea very often being a wrong one. They never
go far in Parliament. They are soon detected, and passed by
as of no importance, for no amount of persistence and your
faddist is deadly in that respect can force a question to the
front in Parliament unless it has some real claim on public
attention.

I must not pass over the obstructionist in my little gallery
of Parliamentary characters. I have spoken already of the
difficulty there is in giving a correct definition of anything, and
I am not going to try to define obstruction. As a rule, the
sound supporter of the party which is in regards everything that
is said by the Opposition of the day as gross obstruction, just
as the party which is out declares that every case in which

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loquacity is curtailed by the closure is an act of tyranny from
which Nero in his worst moments would have shrunk. But, of
course, there is such a thing as obstruction talking, moving
amendments, forcing divisions, and so on, for the mere sake of
wasting time and delaying the progress of business. And it often
happens that the man who is obstructing a measure has no hostile
feeling toward that particular measure indeed, he may be quite
willing to see it go through. The fact is he may be keeping his
eye on the next order of the day, and by keeping the first subject
before the House hinder the second from coming on. The way
of the obstructionist is more hard to-day than it used to be.
There was a time when a man could keep on as long as he liked.
He could get volumes of "Hansard" and read speeches from
their pages for hours but all that has been changed, and to-day
the obstructionist must appear, at any rate, to be debating some
point, must keep to the point, more or less, and must avoid vain
repetitions. Even in these more trying circumstances, and under
these harder conditions, there are some who manage to obstruct
with a considerable amount of success.

So far I have been dealing with men who speak or who
are anxious to speak, but in every Parliament there are some
gentlemen who never say anything and who do not want to hear
their own voices. The type is rare, I will admit, and like other
rare things it is precious. These are the men beloved of the
Whips, men who vote straight and say nothing. To some they
are known as "our dumb friends' league." In these days
constituents are more than ever requiring, and they are apt to
resent the continued silence, of a representative. The reply to
complaints of this sort is generally that the gentleman who may
have said nothing in the Legislative Chamber itself "has been
doing grand work upstairs on Committee" and this is very
often true, for an enormous amount of the most valuable work
in Parliament is done in those Committees work which brings
members down to the House early in the day, work demanding
close attention and vigilance, and work which ensures no glory,
as the public is hardly conscious of the fact that it is done at all.
Indeed, there are careful observers of Parliament who declare
that its most useful work is done in these almost unobserved
Committees. Members have there to examine the details of all
sorts of huge commercial proposals, dealing very often with
interests affecting millions of money. Some of these members
are poor men very poor in some cases yet there has never
been an instance in which bribery or corruption has been known
or even suspected. This is surely a source of legitimate pride.
Again, in Committees dealing with private Bills anything of the

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nature of party politics is almost entirely unknown, the members
of various parties settling down to do their work like so many
business men round a table. Of course, I do not say that this
is the case in Grand Committees, which examine the details of
controversial political Bills sent up from the House, for in such
cases there is plenty of party spirit, some would say too much,
in evidence. Indeed, some of the most subtle and persistent
obstruction on record has taken place in these Standing or Grand
Committees. In a recent case dealing with the Irish University
Scheme a curious manoeuvre was successfully carried out for a
time. A certain number of members had to be present in order
to form a quorum, and without that quorum, of course, no
business could be done. When the Committee met it was found
that the number present just formed a quorum, whereupon two
members who were opposed to the scheme left the room and sat
in the corridor outside. By this simple expedient they rendered
the Committee powerless for an hour or two until other members
could be discovered and induced to set the machine working again !
Eeturning to the House itself and the debates there, let me
try to explain to the sympathetic reader some of the woes of the
private member. I have already said that there are some members
who never speak, and who do not want to speak but there are
many others who are anxious to join in but who do not get a
chance. For many jump up calling out "Mr. Speaker," but few,
necessarily few, are chosen. The choice lies with the Speaker,
nor is his task an easy one by any means. No man likes to be
passed over, and yet so transparently fair and impartial is the
present Speaker that, while disappointed members curse their
luck, they never call in question the good faith of Mr. Lowther.
Let the reader imagine himself a member who is anxious to take
part in what is called a full-dress debate that is to say, a debate
lasting four days. I have known members jump up literally
scores of times, day after day, and never get a chance at all.
A friend of mine, a man with a scientific turn of mind, told me
that in one of those debates he had expended enough physical
energy to raise half a ton to the top of the Clock Tower and all
in vain. He also explained quite a curious psychological process
in this connection. He said that at the beginning of a debate
a man jumps up eagerly hoping and expecting to be called on.
Then as time goes on he ceases to expect, but he continues to
hope. Gradually as he jumps and jumps even hope dies away,
but he continues to jump from -force of habit. At last, though
he jumps up mechanically, he has ceased to want to be called
on; he would rather not catch the Speaker's eye, but he cannot
help jumping. A young member confirmed all this when I

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questioned him about it not long ago, and said that he made
his maiden speech in those melancholy circumstances. That is
to say, he was called on suddenly after three days of these
heart-breaking gymnastic performances, and he was thrown into
a panic. All that he had intended to say at the outset had been
said over and over again by other men, and yet he was in for
it. The unfortunate young man assured me that he had no
notion as to what it was he said. I had heard the speech, and I
assured him that I knew what he said, but that no one was quite
sure as to what he meant.

It is easy to make a little fun about the blunders perceptible
in maiden speeches, but few of those who criticise come through
such an ordeal with success. For it is no ordinary ordeal. Some
of the greatest men have confessed that they suffered acute mental
misery, that their voice sounded strangely in their own ears as if
someone else was talking, and that really they were scarcely
conscious of what they were saying. And, of course, directly a
man sits down on such an occasion he is haunted by the knowledge
that he had all sorts of good things to say and forgot to say them.
The House is very indulgent at such times, and is prepared to cheer
almost anything. They overlook nay, they welcome signs of
nervousness, regarding such displays as a compliment to the
House and a tribute to its awe-inspiring character. The one sort
of maiden speech which old members dislike is one that is marked
by too much self-confidence, or that is cocksure in tone. Very
artful members, even when they are old and experienced speakers,
know well enough that a little hesitation in style, pausing now
and then as if to choose the very best word, recommends a man to
the House. This deliberate and thoughtful style, if accompanied
by a good, deep-sounding voice, will make a rather commonplace
remark sound like the last word of wisdom. Nor should it be
supposed that nervousness affects young speakers and beginners
only, for many a man who has taken a. leading part in the rough
and tumble of debate for years has owned to being nervous to the
end. Mr. John Bright was painfully, miserably nervous whenever
he rose and long before he rose. Mr. Gladstone, when asked
about his experiences in this connection, admitted that he was
sometimes nervous before opening a great debate "but in reply
never!" It often happens that the man who is most nervous
before he rises does the best when he is up. That feeling known
as nervousness may be an impatience to begin, it is energy resenting
restraint, and when the man gets his chance that same energy
which made him restless and ill at ease helps him to add force and
fire to his speech. There have been men who have declared that
they never felt a touch of nervousness but, as a rule, they have

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been men whose performances have not been inspiring. The poet
has spoken of pensive writers who

Sleepless themselves, they give their readers sleep,

and in the same way there are members of Parliament who,
though not nervous themselves, when they rise fill all others with
nervousness and apprehension.

One often hears about legislating in a panic, and the rush of
business at Westminster, but I think those who have had anything
to do with getting a Bill through the House will not recognise that
there is much danger of exceeding what may be called the speed
limit. What strikes the man who is in earnest, and is perhaps
temperamentally rather impatient, is the number of obstacles that
have to be surmounted before a Bill can become an Act. The
rules of what is called Procedure seem to be chiefly concerned in
making it difficult to proceed. I am not concerned here with the
wisdom or unwisdom of these regulations, but merely mention
the fact that there are numberless opportunities of getting a blow
at a Bill before it leaves the Commons. It can be discussed on
first reading (though this is unusual), thoroughly debated on
second reading, examined line by line and word by word in
Committee, again minutely scrutinised on Report Stage (presuming
that it has been altered in Committee), and debated again on the
third reading. That is to say it is open to debate, criticism,
opposition, friendly remonstrance, and so forth during five different
stages. It is absurd to talk about a Bill that has gone through all
this as being rushed, or as illustrating the evils of legislation in a
panic. Of course, it is possible for a Bill to go through all its
stages in both Houses and to receive the Eoyal Assent all in one
day indeed, this was done at the time of the dynamite scares.
The members passed a special Act for their own protection, and
no one can blame them, but cynical people have not failed to
point out how much more agile and mentally nimble hon.
gentlemen can be when their own skins are in danger than they are
when they are only concerned with the public interest.

Perhaps this is not surprising, seeing that after all members of
Parliament are human. And being human they are easily and
eagerly interested in anything of the nature of a scene. A personal
incident between two members will fill the House instantly when
the consideration of some vote involving millions of money will
send them away in troops to the Terrace or the smokerooms. In
regard to scenes I may say and I am sure it is not the outcome
of narrow, insular prejudice that our Parliament is far better
behaved than any in the world. It is true that I saw members
fighting, literally fighting and smiting each other on the nose, on
July 27th, 1893, but such a scene is quite exceptional. The

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historian had to go back 200 years to find its equal, and we and
our successors will probably have to wait another couple of
centuries before it is repeated. Moreover, those who judge
Parliament from newspaper reports should remember that there is
a tendency among papers of a certain type to magnify trifling
disagreements into serious disturbances, turning molehills into
mountains, and using the word "scene" on the slightest
provocation, and sometimes without any justification at all. When
we remember that in Parliament there are some hundreds of men
confronting each other, men who are bitterly opposed in opinion,
men who hold those opinions strenuously and even savagely in
some cases, the wonder is that there are not more "scenes" really
worthy of the name. Here again the House owes much to the
Speaker, who knows how to make allowances, and who can give,
if not the soft answer, at any rate the humorous suggestion that
turneth away wrath.

As a rule, the liveliest part of a sitting comes at the beginning,
when questions are put to various Ministers. There was a time when
the member who asked a question used to recite it at full length,
but as questions increased in number, and as some members who
had few opportunities of addressing the House expanded questions
into short speeches, this right was taken away, and now a member
has to be content with mentioning the number of his question on
the paper. But he has the right to ask a supplementary question
"arising out of the reply" given by the Minister. This right is
very largely used indeed, there is a sort of general opinion that
a member is a poor-spirited fellow if he accepts first reply as
sufficient and final. It is very amusing to notice what a broad view
some gentlemen take of the phrase "arising out of the reply," as
many of the supplementary questions have not the remotest
connection with the original answer. Nor is it only the man who
asks the first question who has a right to put in a supplementary
or a series of supplementaries, as any member can take a hand in
the game the Speaker seeing that the right is not abused. The
onlooker may sometimes be surprised at the ease with which a
questioner, who may be a man of no exceptional ability, scores
over a Minister who is perhaps a man of singularly alert intelligence
and gifted with considerable powers of repartee. The explanation
is that the Minister, as a rule, is anxious to give an answer that
will not stir up hostility or provoke further inquiries. It is his
desire to get business through with the least possible friction or
delay, and many a time he will keep back a scorching retort that
he would like to indulge in were it not that he knows full well
that such a luxury can be enjoyed only at the cost of a score of
other questions from a dozen different members. There have been

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many strong things said in Parliament, but the strongest is poor
and tame when compared with the things that men would like to
have said but felt that they must not.

What I have said hitherto has applied almost entirely to the
House of Commons, but, of course, there is a Second Chamber,
also, the House of Lords, generally known by the rather grim
phrase, "another place." In these days the House of Lords, its
rights, its privileges, and even its existence have become a question
of controversial politics. In other words, the House of Lords is
a party question and it is a question in regard to which I hold
strong views. But for my present purpose political opinion may be
left on one side, and I will attempt to describe simply what goes
on in the other place from a non-controversial point of view. It
may surprise the reader to hear, but it is a fact, that in many
respects the members of the House of Lords, which is often
described as "the stately Gilded Chamber," are far more free and
easy than the members of the Commons. Many a new member of
the House of Commons gives himself far more airs than some
toddling old peer. I have known a peer not only quite willing
and even eager to get a stranger a ticket for the Gallery, but also
apparently quite touched and gratified at finding so much interest
taken in his Chamber. Then there are really no rules of order at
all in the Lords. They have a Speaker, known as the Lord
Chancellor, .but he has no power to call any peer to order. He
may tender advice, but tha't is all. In the Commons, if half a dozen
members jump up together all anxious to address the House, the
Speaker not only has the right but it is his duty to single out the
man to be heard. In the Lords it is not so. Of course, as a
rule, there is no undue rush of debate in the House, but if two
peers rise together and both persist in going on the only way out of
the difficulty is for some third peer to rise and move that "my Lord
So and So do be heard." This is a .polite or aristocratic way of
saying that "my Lord Someone else do shut up." The House
of Lords has been known to take a division on whether a man
should or should not be heard. It is easy to make fun of the
Lords all kinds of distinguished people have done it. The late
Frank Lockwood used to say that when he listened to a debate
in the House of Lords he always felt as if he were dining in the
house of a duke when the duke was lying dead upstairs. And
one of the peers themselves said that when he made a speech
there he felt as if he was addressing a row of corpses by candle-
light !

The speaking in the Lords is different in style from that in the
Commons, quieter as a rule, and seldom, indeed, is any speaker
rewarded by anything beyond a gentle murmur of applause or a

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polite ripple of laughter. The House of Commons is singularly
generous in regard to laughter, and the smallest joke or the most
ancient "chestnut" will send it off into loud guffaws but the
Lords are not so easily moved. Having said that it is easy to make
fun of the House of Lords I ought in fairness to add that when
the assembly pulls itself together for a really great debate one
looks upon a scene not surpassed in Europe for interest and
brilliance, and one hears debating of a very high order of merit.
Some of the House of Lords debates on Free Trade when the fiscal
controversy was .new were splendid because of the high level
maintained throughout. The late Lord Goschen and the late Duke
of Devonshire and others who opposed them handled the topic
in a manner worthy of so great a theme. I have mentioned the
interest and brilliance of the scene, and I may explain that the
chamber in which the peers meet has greater architectural merits
than the House of Commons. The two were originally of the same
design, but a false ceiling has been put in the Commons to make
it more easy to hear. The Lords have left their chamber alone,
it being said by cynics that the peers modestly recognised that it
did not really matter whether their words were heard or not. On
a great occasion you can see on the floor of the one chamber the
picked men of both Houses; for, in addition to the leading peers,
many of them men of the very highest order of ability, there are
the leading Commoners grouped round the throne by virtue of
their rank as Privy Councillors. I have often seen nearly every
member of the Cabinet and nearly every ex-Cabinet Minister who
happened to be Commoners standing there or sitting on the steps
of the throne. Nor is that the only or the greatest attraction
on a big night in the Lords, for they do not hide their womenfolk
away in a dark cage as is the case in the Commons. On the
contrary, the peeresses sit in the side galleries in the full blaze
of the electric light and in. all the glory of silk and satin and
precious stones, furs, and feathers, and all that goes to make
up their costly apparel. These ladies, or some of them, are far
better worth looking at even than the eminent men on the benches
beneath or around the throne. I have mentioned the electric light
in the Lords, and it is a curious fact that the peers have gone in
for the more modern illuminant, while the Commons still hold by
gas. It has been said that "Gas is the members' native air,"
but that is, of course, a slander on a worthy body of men. Before
leaving the Lords I may mention a fact that is not generally
known. There is no need for the Lord Chancellor to be a member
of the House of Lords though he is the Speaker of that House.
Lord Brougham while he was still plain Mr. Brougham sat and
presided there. Another quaint and not generally known fact is

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this when the Lord Chancellor is on the Woolsack he is not really
in the House in a technical sense. Thus, when he rises to take
part in debate and he can speak as a party man, unlike the
Speaker in the Commons he has to leave the mat which is just
in front of the Woolsack and step to one side, thus putting himself
in the House !

Now and then, of course, differences of opinion arise between
the two Houses, and the merits of those political disputes are
naturally matters of opinion. In these days such differences are
treated in a more or less decorous way, and are generally ended by
a compromise of some sort. There is on record rather an amusing
incident showing how the House of Commons showed its resentment
against the House of Lords. It was in 1772 that the House of
Lords treated Edmund Burke with marked incivility, keeping
him waiting at the door for three hours when he wished to present
a Bill to their lordships. When he returned to the Commons he
complained bitterly of the treatment he had received, and the whole
House of Commons sided with their distinguished member, but
nothing was done at the time, the House resolving to wait for an
opportunity to show its resentment. That opportunity soon came,
for a few days later the Lords passed a Bill to impose a bounty on
corn, and sent the Bill on to the Commons. That House at once
rejected the measure unanimously, but that was by no means all,
for it is on record that "the Speaker then tossed it across the
table on to the floor, and a number of members rushed forward
and kicked it out of the House." One has often seen the phrase
"Kicking a Bill out" used figuratively, but I imagine that this
was the only occasion on which a form of procedure was literally
carried into practice. Even to-day there is a curious little ceremony
which shows how the traditional jealousy between the two Houses
has not been entirely abandoned, for when the Black Eod proceeds
from the Lords to desire the immediate attendance of the Commons
in the House of Peers to hear the Eoyal Assent given to certain
measures the Serjeant-at-Arms in the Commons is always informed
of the approach of this distinguished official. Upon this the
Serjeant-at-Arms has the great doors of the Commons closed,
taking care to bang them together just as Black Eod arrives.
Then a little trap door is opened, and the Serjeant-at-Arms and
Black Eod confront each other. Three solemn taps are duly
delivered by the visitor, and then the doors are solemnly flung
back, Black Eod advances up the floor with many bows, delivers
his message, and walks out backwards way. This little ceremony
is always repeated on such occasions, and it is supposed to affirm
and to reaffirm the inviolability of the floor of the Commons.
Moreover, Black Eod has to be careful to say that the attendance

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of the Commons is "requested" or "desired." On one occasion
the visitor made a slip and used the word "required," and
immediately there was trouble. Again, though there is a gallery
in the Commons reserved for peers, noble lords are present as
strangers only, and should the House resolve, as it may, that
strangers are to be turned out the Lords, even if a Eoyal Prince
be among them, must withdraw with the rest.

In both Houses everyone (with the exception of a few officials)
who is not a member is a stranger, and even the representatives of
the Press have no statutory right to be present. They are allowed
in on sufferance, but their presence both in the Gallery and in
the Lobby is recognised by the authorities indeed, quite a little
Press world has grown up there. There are more than 200
pressmen who have tickets entitling them to enter the Gallery
no tickets are issued for the Lobby. The man who goes in there
has his name entered on what is called the Lobby list, and he
goes in literally because he is known to the police, that is to say
the police on duty, a marvellous body of men who hardly ever
make a mistake, recognise him and let him pass. The pressmen
at Westminster have quite a large suite of rooms, dining-rooms,
reading-rooms, smoking-room, a library, writing-rooms (smoking
and non-smoking), and a bar, so that the place is of the nature of a
club. Though technically under the control of the Serjeant-at-
Arms, the Press in Parliament is a very democratic community,
having its own Committees (elected by ballot and on the principle
of one man one vote), and it is allowed to manage its own affairs.
Moreover, the relations between the Press and both Houses are,
and have been for many a year, of the most friendly description.
The Press Gallery has contributed not a few notable men to the
life on the floor Eussell of Killowen, Sir Edward Clarke, Mr.
T. P. O'Connor, Mr. Harold Cox, to mention only one or two,
while Charles Dickens left that sphere to fill a great part in a
region of even greater importance than the House itself. There
has been one case of a man beginning upstairs in the Gallery, going
on to the floor, becoming a member of a Government, and then
returning to the Gallery again. This was Mr. Twiss, who was a
barrister and a reporter for the Times. He entered the House,
became Under- Secretary for the Colonies under the Duke of
Wellington, lost his seat owing to the great Eeform Bill, tried in
vain to get another, and came back to the Gallery to start the
Parliamentary summary for the Times. He is mentioned by
Macaulay in one of his letters describing the scene in the House
when the great Eeform Bill was carried the historian saying,
"and the face of Twiss was as the face of a damned soul." I
have said that the members of the Press at Westminster are in

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reality strangers, and this fact is proved by a quaint observance
which still survives. No pressman is allowed to be present at
prayers the reader probably knows that the proceedings in each
House are opened by prayers each day. If a pressman chooses
to enter his Gallery before the opening of the sitting in order to
watch the members assembling he can do so, but just before
prayers he is requested to withdraw, and he is locked out until the
ceremony is over. There is a friendly feud betwen pressmen
and members as to the reason for this. The members say that the
journalists are past praying for, and the journalists say that the
members stand in more need of such attentions.

There is a great and varied life at Westminster quite outside
the two chambers themselves what may be called the life behind
the scenes, in the smokerooms, reading-rooms, Lobby, libraries,
and on the Terrace. No doubt much of this is of a non-productive
nature given over to gossip and social entertainment. There are
careful observers who think that the tea parties on the Terrace
and the dinners given to strangers (ladies and gentlemen alike) are
sadly overdone. The late Sir Wm. Harcourt used to say in his
emphatic style that the Terrace would be the ruin of the
constitution but. of course, he may have referred to the individual
constitution which may be undermined by excessive tea drinking.
It would be a mistake, however, to think that all the time spent
behind the scenes is wasted. Constituents may not know, but it is
a fact that a member may be doing far better work for some cause
they have at heart by talking it over in the Lobby, and above all
by chatting about it to some Minister in his private room, than in
making speeches on the floor. This has always been the case,
and it is more true to-day than ever it was, for now we have all
sorts of groups of members specially interested in various
movements Labour, Church, Nonconformity, India, the near
East, foreign affairs, and so forth, and these groups often advance
their causes by consultations and confabulations outside the House.
And this sort of proceeding is almost essential to the success of
private Bills in which the interests of towns and municipalities or
great commercial corporations are at stake.

It has been said with truth that the House of Commons
resembles a cricket match in this you never know what is going
to happen there. The Lobby is the chief centre of rumour in
the whole Kingdom. You will seldom hear a member say "I
don't know" about anything. The man who would make such
a confession would be looked on as a poor-spirited fellow. I have
found that the safest rule to follow in regard to confident prophecies
is to remember that usually that which is said to be certain to
happen never takes place, and that which is declared to be

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impossible is sure to happen. And in dealing with individual
members the best method of "getting at" them is by flattery.
Disraeli said that royal personages not only welcomed flattery
but they "liked it laid on with a trowel." This is not the case
with all members, but as a rule they can stand a considerable
amount of such attentions. Lord Melbourne, who knew politicians
as well as any man ever knew them, summed them up in his old
age as "Good fellows, very good fellows, but vain, very vain,"
and there is no doubt that he was right. It is not surprising,
perhaps, that such a trait should be perceptible in a member of
Parliament, for it is almost impossible for a man to attain that
position without a considerable amount of self-assertion, and
without asserting strenuously, and very likely believing, that he
is a much finer fellow than some rival. And yet the House of
Commons is a splendid place for taking the conceit out of a man.
It is delightful to observe the bewilderment of some prominent local
man who comes there, some man who has ruled the public life of
his neighbourhood with a rod of iron, when he finds that the House
regards him as less than nothing and vanity. Such a process sours
a few, but as a rule a man gets his bearings sooner or later, and
joins in the life of the place, accepting the inevitable with the
best grace he can.

Mr. Birrell has said that the leading men in Parliament enjoy
a reputation in the country not unlike that enjoyed by the most
famous jockeys and prizefighters. They are looked upon as men
engaged in some form of sport, as gladiators or rival performers
in some great arena. The country likes a fighting politician, and
that is true also of the House of Commons. Many years have
passed since Lord Bolingbroke wrote to Sir Wm. Windham
concerning the House : ' ' You know the nature of that assembly ;
they grow, like hounds, fond of the man who shows them game,
and by whose halloo they are used to be encouraged," and it
is true to-day. Of course, "game" is sometimes scarce there,
that is to say the proceedings may be dull indeed, it is impossible
to conceive anything more dull than the House on what is
called a quiet night. But quiet nights are not to be despised,
for on these dull occasions very often a vast amount of useful
work is done, while a sitting which is given over to oratorical
fireworks is often entirely barren. At the same time, though
the great displays in the House seldom mean business, there
is something attractive, exciting, almost intoxicating in the
scene on such occasions, when the benches are packed on both
sides, and the members are leaning over from the side galleries,
when some reckless hard-hitter is up and his hits are acclaimed by
the triumphant shouts of his friends, answered by savage defiance

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WESTMINSTER; OR, PARLIAMENT AND ITS WORK.

from the other side, and when the whole place is seething and
swaying with excitement and passion then the House is worth
seeing. It is all very well for philosophers who were not there
to ask coldly the next morning what it all amounts to. It may not
amount to much but no one can help being caught in the whirl
at the time. There is a tale about a precise Senior Wrangler
with no ear for music who listened to some great oratorio, and
when the last notes had died away he said, "It's all very fine,
but what does it prove?" Very likely it proved nothing, and in
the same way many of the most telling and inspiring speeches in
the House do not prove much. But there are occasions when
human beings love to throw away logic and to "go for" each other,
and it is that feeling which leads to some of the most rattling and
resounding, though possibly the least fruitful, debates. The
contrast between the glare and din and wild excitement of such
a scene and the appearance of the House when a dozen prosy
gentlemen are considering Scottish Estimates is so great that it is
difficult to believe that the place is the same on both occasions.

And yet I maintain, after years of experience as a watcher
or onlooker in Parliament, that no debate is entirely unfruitful.
Pliny has said that something may be learned from every book
that has been written, and so the patient observer may pick up
something from any debate in the House. For, after all, there
are men there who, while they may be not worth hearing on
many subjects, are sure sooner or later to hit on their particular
topic, and then they illustrate the truth of the saying that it is
out of the fulness of the heart that the mouth speaketh. And
they show also that when a man, who may be comparatively ill
informed so far as many matters are concerned, is brought face
to face with a subject which is his own, a subject with which his
daily life has made him familiar, he can impress an audience
which always is ready to listen to a man in earnest. Beyond this
I can say from experience that no one can watch the proceedings
of Parliament year in and year out without being now and then
not only impressed, but also oppressed, by the greatness of the
scene. The debate may not be exciting, but the issues involved
are often tremendous, even when talking itself is dull. At
Westminster, if anywhere in the world, things are done on a
wholesale scale. Take, for instance, a humdrum debate on the
Foreign Office and Consular Vote, or the Colonial Office Vote,
when the speeches deal with regions and territories all over the
world east and west, north and south. To listen to such a
debate is in itself a liberal education, teaching the man who
listens something about the vast extent of the British Empire,
and something about the almost countless possibilities of trouble

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WESTMINSTER; OB, PARLIAMENT AND ITS WORK.

in one direction or another. It is this which quiets most men
who gain a seat on the floor, by showing them the extent of their
responsibilities.

I hope I do not exaggerate this part of the work at Westminster,
but I can say most truthfully that, though I am not a member
of that great assembly, the House of Commons, I have watched
its proceedings so regularly and for so long a time as to be
captured and captivated by its inner life. No one can sit there
looking and listening year after year without feeling every now
and then that he is in the very centre of affairs, and that he is
seeing history being made. For good or for ill one-fifth of the
population of the whole world is governed, or-, at any rate, is
influenced from that comparatively small chamber, which cannot
compare, so far as area is concerned, with half the town halls
in the land. This fact alone is enough to impress any man
who has a touch of the historic instinct, or who is open to the
influence of imagination. And when one has watched the long
and strenuous struggle in connection with some great measure
of supreme importance to the people of these islands, or to the
populations of distant continents over whom we have control,
and that struggle comes to an end at last, what man worthy of
the name can be indifferent to the final climax of the struggle?
You may be weary now and then during the small talk in
Committee, but when the division bells ring out their last
summons all through the great building, when the police pass
on the shout of ' ' Division ! ' ' from one to another until it is heard
in the outer streets, and when the Speaker says to the assembling
members, "The question is that this Bill be now read a third
time," he must be a curiously cold and unimaginative being who
is not conscious of a thrill.

And when all the shouting and cheering, and the answering
shouts and counter cheers are over, when in the midst of the
babble and din the old-world cry goes up, "Who goes home?"
you pass from the scene inside to that in New Palace Yard.
There all is life and animation, bustle, and hurry. Carriages,
motor cars, and cabs are being called up, and men are hurrying
away in this direction or that. Most men do not dream of
lingering, and yet it may be that some pause awhile to look on
the surroundings. Close at hand is Westminster Hall, a building
that architecturally has only one rival in Europe, and that has
been the scene of some of the greatest deeds in the history of
these islands. I will not attempt to describe all that is suggested
by a hall which has been the subject of some of Macaulay's most
eloquent passages but there stands the building, old, venerable,
magnificent, and possibly some of those who are hurrying away

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WESTMINSTER ; OR, PARLIAMENT AND ITS WORK.

from Westminster and its work may spare it a passing thought.
Nor is that all that may captivate the imagination of the
thoughtful student of history, the man who has some idea of
what the word "Westminster" really means. For just across a
narrow street he can see the venerable towers of the old Abbey,
and beneath its roof some of the greatest gladiators who have
fought and struggled, with or without success, in the arena of
the Commons have found their lasting peace. I think it was
Macaulay (who is himself taking his last rest there, after a
strenuous life) who described the Abbey as a great temple of
reconciliation, in which those who during their lifetime had
shaken the world with their controversies are to be found lying
side by side. Pitt's and Fox's marble effigies are close together,
and when I saw Gladstone laid to rest there I noticed that
Beaconsfield's statue seemed to be looking down into the open
grave. Let me end, then, by saying that in spite of much that
is commonplace and unworthy and that cannot be avoided seeing
that the actors in the scenes at Westminster are human there
is much that is inspiring and elevating in Parliamentary life.
A man may well be proud to know that he has added his name
to the roll of members, and though he may not have been able
to do much himself he can at least have the consciousness that
he is one of a great brotherhood, including Pitt and Fox, Burke
and Sheridan, Peel and Palmerston, Gladstone and Disraeli that
his name is in what is, I always maintain, the most noteworthy
list of names to be found in the world.

182

Co-operation :
An Alternative to Socialism.

BY FREDERICK ROCKELL.

IN putting forward Co-operation as an alternative to Socialism
it is perhaps necessary to remark at the outset that what
differentiates Co-operation from Socialism in the use we shall
here make of the terms is the voluntary character of the one
and the compulsory nature of the other. The essence of the
Co-operative Movement is the voluntary attachment of its members
to a principle. The key-note of Socialism that is to say, State
Socialism is compulsion. However much individual Co-operators
may be lacking in enthusiasm for Co-operative ideals, it cannot
be charged against any of them that they became or remain
Co-operators under compulsion. State Socialism, on the other
hand, takes no account of anything beyond majorities. If three-
fourths of the ratepayers decide to socialise the local water supply,
the minority are forced to co-operate. If the Houses of Parliament
were to decide to socialise all the means of production, the dissenting
minority would be forced into Socialism against their will.

While, therefore, Socialism may be put into general practice
long before all are Socialists, the complete realisation of the
Co-operative ideal can only come as the result of a practical
unanimity of opinion. This is regarded by many as a disadvantage.
It seems so much easier to convert a bare majority to Socialism
than to persuade all the people to Co-operation. But it must
be remembered that Co-operation, although apparently of slower
growth, is of greater stability. The establishment of the Works
Department of the London County Council was one of those
semi- Socialistic measures which, together with the municipalisation
of trams, water, and gas, would not be opposed by any Co-operator,
and least of all by the present writer. Judged by its utility, it
seemed certain to remain a permanent feature of the Council's
policy. Besting, however, upon majority rule, a political
reaction has ensured its destruction. A Co-operative venture
of the same kind could never meet with the same fate for the
same reasons. A productive department once successfully
established by the Wholesale Society could never be killed by a
reactionary movement in the electorate ; it could only be abandoned

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CO-OPEEATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

after persistent failure, and then with reluctance. But it is this
reference of things political to. majorities that gives to the State
Socialist a certain advantage in argument. It is so easy to assume
a majority, and thereafter so easy to predict what would be done
with the coercive powers thus conferred upon the executive, that
paper schemes of social reconstruction have an air of finality and
completeness that is denied to the Co-operator who is unarmed
with powers of compulsion.

Further, in electing to retain the privilege of voluntary
co-operation in our endeavour to solve economic problems,
unforeseen possibilities are at once introduced. For voluntary
co-operation implies freedom not to co-operate; freedom to secede
from any co-operative body either with or without the intention
of entering or forming another. And such implication of freedom
by permitting at least a residuum of individual initiative allows
for a plasticity not predicable of any compulsory system of
Socialism. Thus, while we may legitimately attempt to pourtray
the main features of a reformed state of society in which voluntary
co-operation played a principal part, there must ever remain a
vast unexplored field of possible social development, due to the
retention within the body politic of an appreciable amount of
unfettered individual initiative, which no prophet could be expected
to depict.

No one would dream of disputing that there are a great many
Socialists in the ranks of the Co-operative Movement. It would,
indeed, be remarkable were it otherwise. Membership of a
Co-operative Society is not restricted by considerations of religious
faith or political creed. The Socialist is welcomed equally with the
Individualist, the Tory with the Liberal. Indeed, when we
remember the eagerness of Socialists to bring about a better
condition of society, we may pause to wonder that they have not
invaded the Co-operative ranks to a more appreciable extent.
Statistics, of course, are unavailable. There is no register of
political opinions in the share books of the Societies. But we are
able, nevertheless, to get an approximate idea of their relative
numerical unimportance. Socialists are wedded to political action.
Therefrom it is deducible that practically every Socialist Co-operator
would support any agitation within the movement for Parliamentary
representation. The overwhelming defeat, therefore, at the
Newport Congress, of the resolution pledging the Co-operative
Movement to political action is an indication of the numerical
inferiority of Socialists in the movement. It does not follow,
however, that the support given to that resolution was wholly
Socialist. It is possible to look favourably upon Co-operative
representation in Parliament without holding to the Socialist faith.

184

CO-OPERATION: AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

But this qualification still further reduces our estim.ate of Socialist
strength, for it is inconceivable that a militant Collectivist, bent
upon capturing the political machine, would not take advantage
of such an opportunity. So that, after deducting a percentage of
non- Socialist supporters of the Newport resolution, we are left with
an almost negligible number of Socialists at the Congress, which
number would favourably rather than otherwise represent the
actual proportion of Socialists to non-Socialists in the ranks of
the Co-operative Movement. For it is an open secret that Socialists
are being advised by their leaders to capture the executive
machinery of the Societies to which they belong; so that, when
we remember the extent to which individual Co-operators neglect
to avail themselves of their democratic privileges in electing the
directorate, it is clear that a determined effort on the part of a
Socialistic minority might cause the Socialistic representation upon
Boards of Management to considerably misrepresent its actual
numerical strength in the Societies.

But even when this is said there is a further distinction to be
made, in view of our inquiry as to the extent of the hold that
Socialism has gained over the Co-operative Movement. The
distinction we have in mind is between Socialism as a creed and
Socialism as a vague desire for social improvement. Socialism
embodies a distinctive economic theory, variously expressed, but
sometimes stated as "the socialisation of the means of production,
distribution, and exchange, to be controlled by a Democratic State
in the interests of the entire community." But among Socialists
themselves you will find every variety of opinion or no opinion as
to economic theory. Many of the rank and file of the Socialist
movement, indeed, accept Marxian formula much in the same
way as the average Churchman accepts the Thirty-nine Articles.
They would be equally ready to adopt any other statement of creed
that their leaders put forward so long as it did not violate the
revolutionary principle of redressing the social wrongs from which
the majority suffer. If you could demonstrate to such as these
that the extension of the Co-operative Movement would do all that
Socialism claims to be able to do in improving the lot of the
worker, they would not- cling to Marxian economics as to a religious
faith. It is not that they love to dwell upon the idea of having
every activity of their lives controlled by a State official, it is
riot that they are deeply enamoured of the Collectivist ideal, but
that they want to see an improvement in the conditions of life
for themselves and for their fellow workers.

At this juncture we shall probably be met with the demand
from the theorist who is wedded to the economic formulas
propounded by Marx to show cause for our apprehensions as to the

185

CO-OPERATION: AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

dire consequences of any attempt on a large scale to materialise
Marxian theory. Before proceeding to demonstrate the manner
in which voluntary Co-operation may play a large part in social
reconstruction, you must convince us, they would say, that your
fears as to the dangers of Socialism are warranted. Why should
we trouble to take the long and toilsome road of Co-operation when
a mere Socialist majority at the polls would in a few short weeks
bring about the utmost that Co-operation could hope to achieve
in millenniums far distant? Not forgetting the possibility of a
reaction setting in against even the present small measure of
Socialist electioneering success, a not unimportant point, let -us
consider what are the administrative difficulties of a purely
Socialistic regime. In a new-born enthusiasm for a gospel of
social regeneration there is a fatal tendency to dismiss as being of
minor importance the crucial question of practicability. That is
of little consequence while the new faith is not put to the test of
practice, but it is a serious matter once the region of dreams is
left for the solid ground of reality. The architect's design may
present a noble appearance, but if the foundations are insecurely
laid, or if the laws of stability have been otherwise defied, the
beauty of the design will avail it nothing.

The ideals underlying Socialism may be, and we do not deny
that they are, noble ones; but what if the attempt to put them
into work should be attended with cataclysmic disaster ? Socialism
is not like a piece of clockwork which you can wind up and then
leave to go by itself. There is the human factor to be considered,
and while vast bodies of men can be organised into armies and
their movements controlled by a single intelligence, this is done
at the expense of the units, who by incessant meaningless drill are
taught to wholly subordinate their mental faculties to the will of
a superior, in order that the instinct of self-preservation shall not
override the word of command on the day of battle. Now, under
Socialism the leaders will be confronted with problems similar to
those which perplex military commanders. Only the task will
be greater and more complicated. Behind the military arm there
is always the civil power to render assistance; the vast industrial
organisation which exists independently of it and which supplies
it with the means of subsistence. But the commanders of the
Socialist industrial army can have no such reserves. Their
incompetence cannot be remedied by supplies drawn from outside
sources. And then we cannot suppose them, consistently with the
Utopian idea, to be possessed of such powers of extorting obedience
as belong to the military. Disobedience on the part of a soldier
is punishable by imprisonment, by flogging, and even by death;
but Socialism would not make many converts if it put such

186

CO-OPEBATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

possibilities in the forefront of its programme. But would it be
possible to maintain authority in the industrial army in the absence
of some such powers? Obedience in the industrial ranks to-day
is gained, partly by fear of unemployment, and perhaps more
because the average man realises that his inferiority of position to
that of his foreman or chief is largely the expression of the
difference of their relative abilities. If a worker to-day is not
satisfied with his job he is free to try elsewhere for a better one,
and if such efforts are fruitless the conviction is gradually borne in
upon him that he holds as good a position as is warranted by his
abilities.* But with the State as sole employer there would be
no such safeguard. In consequence, dissatisfaction would be rife,
and discipline much more difficult to maintain, unless we make the
intolerable assumption, repugnant to all lovers of freedom, that
military methods would be introduced into the office, the mill,
and the factory. The organisers of the national workshops would,
therefore, be subject to much more onerous conditions than prevail
at present; what warrant have we for assuming that they would
be as well fitted for their tasks .as are the Captains of Industry of
to-day? First of all, how is executive ability to be discovered
under Socialism? And what is to be the test of efficiency?
To-day, in the world of commerce, both individualistic and
Co-operative, the test is the making of profit, and the inefficient
are weeded out by the inevitable process of the survival of the
commercially fittest. Thus the control of capital remains in the
hands of those who can undertake expenditure with the certainty
that it will be remunerative.

But if all the instruments of production were socialised there
would be no such touchstone of efficiency, for the reason that
wasteful management could always be hidden hidden, that is to
say, until the day of the great catastrophe. Take, for example,
the manufacture of boots. In the total absence of competition,
any deficiency in the management of the State boot factories could
be covered up by increasing the price or lowering the quality. A
private capitalist and the same is true of a Co-operative Society
cannot do this, for competition soon exposes the true state of
affairs.

Again, there is the difficulty of selecting the men of real ability
to fill important posts, the implied danger being that men of
commanding ability might be denied opportunity, either from the
jealousy of superior officials or from the fact, which is too little
recognised, that 'men of genius in any sphere are as a rule caviare
to the general. Under existing conditions the capable man has a

* I am not here speaking of the rate of pay, but of relative position.

187

CO-OPERATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

wide choice of masters. If one master or one Co-operative Society
will not employ him another may. If one set of financiers will
not entrust him with capital another set may listen to his
inducements, or he may save capital and start in business for
himself. But under Collectivism a man once banned would be
-banned for ever. The official distrust of his abilities would be
recorded in the archives, and he would be a marked man.

It is frequently asserted that under Socialism inventions would
flourish, because everyone would be interested in contributing to
the general welfare, a contention that is out of harmony with
the saying that "what is everyone's business is nobody's business. "
Many of the greatest inventions, moreover, have at their
introduction met with tremendous opposition from the public,
even to the extent of smashing machines and burning the mills in
which they had been placed. A private capitalist may defy, and
before now has defied, public opinion by persisting in the teeth
of such opposition. It is to be doubted, however, if a Director
or a Committee of a State Department controlling inventions would
care to sanction the expenditure of public money upon an expensive
experiment in mechanics if popular opinion strongly opposed it.

It seems, then, that the attempt to socialise all industry would
end in gigantic failure and a reversal to conditions far worse than
those we now endure. Only on one condition does Socialism seem
feasible, and that is the reintroduction of military discipline such
as characterised the feudal system. But there would be a
difference. In feudal times life was simple, the population was
stationary, wants were few, communities were self-contained,
nothing but the most rudimentary machines were in use, the
factory system was unknown, it was a comparatively easy task
to organise life from the castle. Under the ramifications of
civilisation as we know it the task would be so stupendous
that the imagination fails in the attempt to conceive it. The
administrative machinery required for regulating our complex
industry would entail an intolerable burden of officialism. As
it is at present the number of State officials is enormous. What
would their number be if the whole of our industries were
nationalised ? And what would become of the liberties of the rank
and file under such an organisation? Should we not eventually
reproduce the worst features of feudalism, and build up a gigantic
system of castes out of the various grades of officials that would
rise one above the other directing the minutest activities of our
lives? To say that there is very little real liberty for the masses
at present is true enough, and as an argument is not without force
when addressed to a supporter of the existing regime, but it can
have no weight with a Co-operator who is intent upon solving the

188

CO-OPERATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM;

social problems upon other than Socialistic lines. Nor will the
Socialistic contention that absolute liberty is a chimera mislead
the ordinary man. There can, of course, be no such thing as
absolute liberty in society. But, apart from metaphysical
hair-splittings, the plain man knows very well what he means
by freedom. He does not want liberty to empty his slops in the-
middle of the street, nor to become an unmitigated nuisance to
his neighbours, but he does want to have freedom in his comings
and goings, to marry the wife of his choice, to bring or to refrain
from bringing children into the world, to co-operate with his
fellows in any social endeavour, or, if he be lacking in social
instincts, to paddle his own canoe. These liberties and the
hundreds of others they suggest might conceivably be the subject
of drastic interference under a bureaucratic Socialism which
disfavoured departures from the norm, which concerned itself too
intimately with domestic relationships, and which carried the
methods of the drill sergeant into the workshops, the playground,
and the home.

There are doubtless many Socialists who clearly enough
perceive the force of the above objections, but who attach
themselves to Socialism as to a gospel of despair. "Better to fly
to evils we know not of," they cry, "than endure the intolerable
horrors of to-day. Conditions of life are so terrible now for vast
masses of people, for the twelve millions who live on the verge of
starvation, that hardly under any system can their hardships be
increased. Let us, therefore, subvert the present state of society
even if after that comes the deluge."

Particularly is this frame of mind discernible in sudden converts
to Socialism. They are, perhaps, artists, poets, musicians,
dramatists, dreamers, ministers of religion. Living in a world of
ideas, the mighty stream of life flows by, leaving them high and
dry in pleasant retreats secured by the accidents of fortune. From
their fastnesses they look out upon the world and see its misery and
poverty, and they think to redeem mankind by a social gospel
which seems so simple because they do not realise the tremendous
complexity of the problem. Never having been in contact with the
organisation of industry, having always worked in a plastic medium
the colours of the palette," the rhymes and rhythms of language,
the notes of the scale, the imaginary persons of the drama, or the
revelations and dogmas of religion they imagine that the
organisation of all industry by the State is as simple a matter as
the construction of a sonnet or the preaching of a sermon. And
so they recklessly suggest that the State shall undertake functions
whose complexity their mode of life does not qualify them to
appreciate, and brush aside as inadequate such remedial agencies

189

CO-OPERATION I AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

as the Co-operative Movement, which, dealing in actualities and
not in the stuff of which dreams are made, move too slowly for
their impetuous minds. The Eev. E. J. Campbell's enthusiasm
for Socialism and his almost contemptuous dismissal of Co-operation
is a case in point. Scanning the social horizon, he sees nothing
across the vast sea of social misery that will adequately deal with
the situation save the Socialist Ship, empty at present, but
promising to find room for all if they will only consent to step
on board. It is true that he also discerns the Co-operative Lifeboat,
but compared with the Socialist Ship it is so small as to be
scarcely worthy of attention. It has certainly already some two
million families on board, and does actually assuage much of the
misery in the sea of humanity in which it floats, but what is this
actual performance compared with the alluring promises held out
by the Collectivist Ship? And so Mr. Campbell decries the
Co-operative Boat, that is already manfully struggling with the
waves, and bids us pin our faith to the vessel of more noble aspect,
forgetting that the Socialist Ship at present only exists in the
imagination and floats "as idly as a painted ship upon a painted
ocean." Thus, in his "Christianity and the Social Order," after
dwelling upon the limitations of profit-sharing as a solution of
social problems, Mr. Campbell goes on to say

The same criticism applies to the Co-operative Movement. It is partial,
not complete, an Imperium in Imperio. It is in the right direction, but it is
not the final solution. As things are at present, the Co-operative Movement
only gives us one more industrial organisation with many small shareholders
instead of a few large ones. And in any case the Co-operative Movement is
not going to capture modern industry ; it could not do that without getting hold
of all the natural resources whence capital is derived, and that will never be
done till the nation does it as a whole.

Now, the position taken up by Mr. Campbell contains a fallacy.
It implies that Co-operators hope to solve the social problem
absolutely unaided by the State, an unwarrantable assumption. He
regards the Imperium in Imperio or the State within a State,
as Lord Rosebery phrased it as being two mutually exclusive
ideas. There are certain things which the State that is within
the State cannot do by itself, therefore it must cease to exist,
and give place to the larger conception. It does not seem
to occur to him that each has entirely different functions and may
co-exist in harmony; he does not realise that the partial failure
of the Co-operative State is due to the shortcomings of the Political
State. To rule out Co-operation, for example, because unaided
it cannot solve the Land Question, is very much like asking us to
dispense with the doctor because he wants the assistance of the
nurse. To change the simile, if in stage coach days someone had
said, "The stage coach is a vehicle admirably adapted to take

190

CO-OPEEATION : AN ALTEENATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

you from London to York," it would have been a factitious
argument to represent that this was not true because there were
highwaymen on the road, and an armed escort would be necessary
before 'the coach could proceed. Now, we may liken the
Co-operative Movement to the stage coach, and the State to the
escort, which at present permits the coach to travel, but allows
the highwayman a free hand to despoil the passengers. The blame
should fall not upon the coach but surely upon the escort. Now
highwaymen, of course, are extinct, and the pickpocket and the
burglar maintain only a precarious existence. The Co-operative
traveller is not menaced by an actual highwayman with mask and
pistol, but the money-lords and the landlords stand at the gate
and demand toll.*

The truth is that, while civilisation has evolved upon highly
complex lines, the State has not outgrown babyhood. It affords
protection from the thief who picks your pocket or who breaks
into your premises. So did the State do these things when the
world was young. But the ever-increasing complexity of social
life has made the incursions of the pickpocket and the burglar of
infinitesimal importance by the side of those legal ways of
appropriating wealth which has been laboured for by others,
known as rent, interest, and profit. And the State will in no
wise have vindicated its position as the dispenser of justice until
it has realised that it is as much its duty to protect its members
from the landlord, the financier, and the monopolist as it is to
protect them from the pickpocket, the swindler, and the burglar;
until it has so altered the conditions determining the distribution of
wealth that it will no longer be possible to point out, as does
Mr. Chiozza Money in Kis "Kiches and Poverty," that "about
one-seventieth part of the population owns far more than one-half
of the entire accumulated wealth, public and private, of the United
Kingdom. ' '

Doubtless some readers will be in profound disagreement with
the above assumptions as to the nature of rent, interest, and
profit. To argue the matter here, however, would be beside the
point, seeing that while the present writer's polemic is directed
against Socialism, he is in agreement with its antagonistic attitude
towards rent, interest, and profit, and only begins to differ from its
exponents when remedies are discussed. For what is it that the
Socialist does? He sees the absolute failure of the State to stay
the depredations of the monopolist, the capitalist, and the landlord,

*"You had highwaymen in this country. We have them, too. Yours
were very modest fellows. We have got highwaymen who would put Turpin to
the blush, for they steal the highway itself." Mr. Pierce at the International
Free Trade Congress.

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CO-OPERATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

and in a frenzy of despair jumps to the unwarrantable conclusion
that this lethargy can only be overcome by making the State the
owner and manager of all the land and all the capital, the director
and manager of all industries, and the paymaster in chief of all the
workers. Because the State has lamentably failed to fulfil its
police functions, they ask that it shall be given a thousand other
functions. Or, to recur to our simile, because the escort has
failed to protect the stage coach from the highway robber Socialists
demand that the escort, the stage coach, the driver, the conductor,
the passengers, and the highwaymen shall be merged into one.
Failing in the simple task of protection, the State is asked to
undertake the infinitely greater, more complex, and more difficult
task of synthesising all interests under a Collectivist regime. It
does not seem to occur to them that if the State is incompetent
to perform the simple duties of the policeman it is expecting the
miraculous to happen when they ask it to undertake the stupendous
task of organising all industry and commerce.

We arrive, therefore, at this point, that, before voluntary
Co-operation can be expected to solve the social problem it must
have a fair field in which to conduct its operations; and we must
now consider those reforms which would clear the road of the
highway robber, so that the Co-operative coach may safely proceed
to its destination.

This inevitably brings us to the question of the land. The
moment we face this problem we find that we have to deal with
two very important facts. One is a fact of human nature, the
other is a fact of economics. In primitive times, when communism
was prevalent, men and women may have been content with joint
ownership of the soil. Primitive communities were small, and,
being subject to frequent attacks from neighbouring enemies, the
common interest was so obvious that the desire for individual
ownership was not evoked to any considerable degree. But to-day,
with the existence of world- wide Empires, the passion for
ownership cannot possibly be satisfied by the communal
method. If your community is no larger than a village, the pride
of possession may be adequately expressed in the Commune. But
when you belong to an Empire upon which the sun never sets,
communistic possession of the soil, even if possible, would
correspond to no real sense of ownership. We talk to-day of the
landless class, but with communal ownership in a vast Empire all
would be landless, in the sense that no one would or could feel
the satisfaction which comes from being rooted in a bit of soil,
however small. For it must not be forgotten that nationalisation
of the land under State Socialism would involve the continued
presence and interference of the State official. We may be

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CO-OPEEATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

permitted to describe a comic drawing which appeared some
years ago in a humorous paper which admirably points out this
distinction between private and public ownership. The scene is a
public park. A portly old gentleman is grandiloquently addressing
a small boy, his son, who accompanies him. Waving his arm in
proprietary fashion, he exclaims, "Look at this beautiful, this
magnificent park. It is all ours. It is mine. It is yours. It is
everybody's to enjoy now and for ever." But there is a stolid
policeman also in the picture who interrupts this communistic
eloquence with a peremptory, "Now then, there, get off the grass,"
suddenly awakening the old gentleman to the realisation of some
facts which he had temporarily forgotten.*

As evidence that this land hunger is no myth we may cite the
statement made in the House of Commons on June llth last by
Sir E. Strachey, in the debate on the Small Holdings Act, that,
in five months from January 1st, 1908, 16,000 persons applied
for a quarter of a million acres of land, and that it was clear that
the great majority of the applicants were suitable as to capacity
and capital.

The human fact, then, of which we have to take account, is
this desire for a permanent footing in the soil. The economic
fact is that, unaided, individual ownership of small allotments
produces only meagre results. It is true, as Prince Kropotkin
has shown, that, by intensive culture, individual ownership can
in certain cases overcome this disability. But even then the
individual owner cannot dispose of his produce to the best advantage
unless Co-operation comes to his aid to organise for him the
means of distribution.

That there are even Socialists who lean towards this view may
be seen by reference to the Labour Leader of July 17th, 1908, in
which the Editor, Mr. J. Bruce Glasier, advances the opinion
that small tenant occupancy of the soil is not inconsistent with
Socialist principles, and adds:

I find further that the more idealist and communistic (Socialist) writers
generally favour individual or family occupancy of plots as being calculated to
produce under a system of State and local co-operation the best economical
results, the greatest pleasure in work, and the highest development of
character. The Fabian Society, in its special report on agriculture, similarly
favours the multiplicity of small co-operative holdings.

Naturally enough this departure from the narrow way incensed
some of the more thorough-going Socialists, and in the same issue

*Ruskin puts the point pithily when he refers to the inconvenience of
having to get the permission of the Lord Mayor and the Corporation every
time your wife wants to go into the garden and cut a cabbage.

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CO-OPEBATION I AN ALTEENATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

is printed a manifesto from Messrs. Eichard Higgs and W. E.
Speed, representing the Socialists of Kent, where the editorial
policy of the Labour Leader is condemned in the following strong
words :

The Socialist who deserts the principles of collective control for the small
holdings policy is seeking to place the neck of the agricultural worker under
the tyranny of competition, and he will have his reward in the sweating,
overwork, women's and children's labour, and the insanitation and waste which
accompany competition in agriculture as in all other industries.

We have put these two statements in antithesis, not for the
purpose of illustrating the division of opinion upon vital matters
that is so characteristic of Socialist thought, but to show first that,
while the out-and-out Collectivist will have nothing to do with
peasant proprietorship nor Co-operative farming, the more far-
% seeing among the leaders of Socialism recognise that individual
ownership of small allotments, combined with Co-operation, may
have a rdle to play even in the Socialist State. It is perhaps
unnecessary to insist that this concession to Individualism and to
voluntary co-operation is a departure from strict Collectivist
principle.

What concerns us more deeply is the reflection that Co-operators
who despair of Co-operative effort may take heart of courage from
the thought that even such leaders of Socialism as Vandervelde,
Liebknecht, Jaures, Morris, and Dr. Eussell Wallace recognise
that voluntary Co-operation has a big part to play in the future
reorganisation of society.

Now, it will be clear from the foregoing that the present writer
hardly favours that kind of land nationalisation which would make
the State the sole landlord. Bather does he look to taxation of
ground values somewhat on Henry George's plan as providing a
solution which will tend to hand over the unearned increment to
the State, without introducing those evils of concentration and
bureaucratic administration which seem inseparable from actual
State ownership of the soil.

Even here, however, Co-operators need not wait for the State
to move. They can themselves put the hand to the plough. The
way has been pointed by Mr. Ebenezer Howard, who long ago
perceived the practical application of the truth that urban land
values depend upon density of population. The enormous value
of land in the City of London is due to the fact that millions of
people congregate there to do business. Take away the people and
the value of the land falls proportionately. Now, there are large
tracts of agricultural land scattered all over the country which,
in comparison with the value of land in big cities, can be purchased
for a mere song. To buy such land merely for agricultural

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CO-OPEEATION : AN ALTEENATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

purposes would not advance matters much, but to acquire land of
this' kind for the purpose of planting cities upon it, to take the
population from congested towns where the presence of immense
multitudes of people but adds to the wealth of the landlord, to
transfer such population to co-operatively-owned Garden Cities
would not only add to the health and happiness of the people, but
would cut at the root of the evil typified by the existence of large
landowners, whose sway extends over thousands of acres, and
whose income from rent passes beyond the dreams of avarice.

If you can imagine the countryside dotted with Co-operative
Garden Cities, each supplying the bulk of its own food supplies
and each contributing to the demands for manufactured articles of
the two million Co-operative families already in existence, an ideal
well within the bounds of practicability as applied to the immediate
future,, you will visualise a condition of society in which the >
pressure of the land problem has been eased without the application
of any violent or revolutionary methods. If, further, democracy
awakens to the truth that the proper basis of taxation is the land,
that those who are privileged to use our common heritage to the
exclusion of others should contribute largely to the necessary
expenditure of the State, then we should gradually reach forward
to a condition of things in which the advantages of belonging to a
Co-operative Society were not partly nullified by payments of rent
to landlords, whose property is raised in value by the very existence
of that Society.

It is due perhaps to the political economists that the part
interest plays in the production of poverty has not received the
attention it deserves. A more recondite problem than rent, the
enormity of interest is not so readily perceived by the plain man.
It does not require much perspicacity to understand that there
is something inherently wrong in a system which enables a duke
to draw from his tenants an income of ten or a hundred thousand
pounds a year for the permission to use land which, it is obvious,
the duke did nothing to create. But if the duke derives a
similar income from interest, the wonderment which might ensue
is stifled on reflecting that the services for which he receives so
handsome a payment are man-made, and that, therefore, he may
have a just claim to the perpetuation of his princely income,
which, as the economist explains, is the reward of abstinence.
In other words, by neglecting to consume the legitimate fruits
of his labour this is the way the economist states it he has
accumulated a claim upon a certain amount of the world's wealth,
which he proceeds to lend to others who have not accumulated
such a claim, for which service he receives as his reward interest
at so much per cent.

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CO-OPERATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

This is the justification of interest which the economist has
put forward, and upon the face of it a just claim seems at first
sight to have been established. We have all read the French
writer's example of James, the poor village carpenter, who made
himself a plane, which William, another carpenter, borrowed on
the understanding that he was to give back a new plane at the
end of a year, seeing that the one he had borrowed would be
worn out, and in addition to give James a plank of wood as
compensation for the loan. Bastiat, the economist in question,
then goes on to say :

The plane is the symbol of all capital, and the plank is the symbol of
all interest. If, therefore, the yielding of the plank by the borrower to the
lender is a natural and equitable remuneration, we may conclude that it is
natural and equitable that capital should produce interest.

Now, Euskin, perceiving that there was a radical flaw
somewhere in this justification, endeavoured to show in those
letters to the workmen and labourers of Great Britain known as
"Fors Clavigera" what was wrong with Bastiat's example.
That Euskin failed to convince his generation seems to be
attributable to the fact that while he saw clearly enough that
interest was a device for robbing the worker taking the peasant
by the throat, as he graphically described it he does not seem
to have discovered the root fallacy of the economist, or he would
have bowled Bastiat over much more effectively than he did.
The fallacy in question is found in the statement that "the plane
is the symbol of all capital, and the plank is the symbol of all
interest." For if this be true Bastiat's position is impregnable.
No unsophisticated person will ever be convinced by any amount
of argument that if he makes a plane and lends that plane to
another man he is not entitled to some payment for the use of
it. It is, however, quite unusual for carpenters to borrow planes
and pay planks as interest, for he must be a poor sort of carpenter
who does not buy a plane instead of borrowing one. To get a
clearer view of the question let us look at a case in real life, at
a transaction which actually does happen. Suppose, instead of
borrowing a plane, I borrow a boat. The conditions are that I
shall return the boat to the owner and pay him, say, sixpence
an hour for the use of it. Now, this is a perfectly fair
arrangement, and I should rightly be considered churlish if I
demurred at making the payment. But observe the difference
between this transaction and that described by Bastiat. In the
case of the carpenter, not only did he have to pay a plank for
the use of the plane, but he had to make good the wear and tear
of the plane; in other words, he had to give back a new plane.
When I borrow a boat, on the contrary, I do not have to make

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CO-OPEBATION : AN ALTEENATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

good the wear and tear in addition to the payment for hire.
That is to say, in every case where an actual article is borrowed,
be it a book from Mudie's, a bicycle, a horse and trap, or even
a dwelling-house, I do not have to return the article borrowed
in the brand new condition in which I received it from the owner.
But in Bastiat's illustration, not only does the borrower of capital
have to pay interest for the use of it, but he has to make good all
the damage to the article incidental to its use.

What is wrong, then, with Bastiat's illustration is that it is
not an illustration at all. Men do not borrow planes, and if they
did they would not pay for the hire and also make good the wear
of the plane. At the same time it is perfectly true that
when interest is paid for the loan of a thing, that thing is always
returned in its entirety. But it is not planes, nor boats, nor
bicycles, nor machinery, nor planks that are borrowed but
money. And if you borrow one hundred pounds for twenty
years at 5 per cent., payable annually, you must at the end of
the twenty years pay back the hundred pounds to the lender,
notwithstanding the fact that you have already paid him a
hundred pounds in the shape of interest. For the one hundred
pounds lent, you pay back two hundred.

The political economist confuses the whole matter at the
source by assuming that interest is paid for the use of materials,
tools, and machinery, whereas it is indubitably paid for nothing
of the kind, but for money. If a municipal authority decides to
build a bridge, or to construct a road, it does not go and borrow
so many iron girders, so many slabs of granite, so many tons .of
sand and cement. What it does is to go to the money market
and borrow sufficient money to buy these things. That comes
to precisely the same thing, says the economist, for if you
borrow money with which to buy granite you are really borrowing
granite. How comes it, then, when you borrow granite in this
roundabout way, that not only do you have to pay interest for
the use of the granite, but have to return an equal amount of
granite in perfect condition before you can be eased of continuity
to pay the interest, even though you should in the lapse of years
have by your payments of interest returned the cost of the
granite and more, when you do no such thing if you borrow a
boat or a bicycle? Now, in building a bridge it is obvious that
you cannot conceivably borrow the materials, for once you have
built your bridge it is impossible to return them. Quarry owners
do not lend granite, they sell it; but, as you are not at the
moment in the position to pay for the granite, the banker lends
you the money with which to buy it. Your transaction is clearly
enough with the banker. And note this. Bankers do not lend

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CO-OPERATION I AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

money without security. If you are a private individual you
must first hand to the banker the deeds of some landed property
that belongs to you, or give him a lien upon your family jewellery.
In the case of a municipal loan, of course, the security is the
power of the municipality to tax the ratepayers. What the
banker does is to monetise the realisable wealth of the borrower.
He, so to say, certifies to the community that the credit which
the bank lends him is backed by realisable wealth, and for doing
him this service he demands interest.

Now, why does money possess this power? Wherein does it
differ from all other things in that it should so command tribute?
Through what legerdemain does money command interest in
perpetuity? The matter is -really quite simple. Money is an
invention of man living in society whereby he may effect
exchanges. In primitive days, when commerce was of a simple
kind, when men met together at a market and exchanged various
goods with one another at sight, anything served as money
irrespective of its intrinsic value so long as it met with genera]
recognition. Discs of wood, cowry shells, as well as pieces of
commoner metals equally served the purpose. These shells or
wooden discs were of no value except as performing the function
of exchange. But as commerce grew more complex, as people
began to desire to sell goods and defer taking other goods in
exchange until some more favourable opportunity of getting
exactly the things they required instead of the goods actually in
the market at the moment, it was found that a species of money
which contained intrinsic value was advantageous because it
permitted the actual completion of the exchange to be so deferred.
The farmer could part with his wheat to the miller and, receiving
gold money, could wait until the following spring to buy a cow,
or could take the gold into strange parts and there purchase the
goods he required. This was an obvious advance upon the older
method. But here came also the opportunity of the usurer.
When the miller desired to buy the farmer's corn his barns
were filled with sacks of flour which eventually would be sold to
the villagers in return for various other commodities. But as the
farmer wanted none of these, but some articles from foreign
places, the miller, possessing capital but not gold, would be
forced to borrow the gold in order to effect the exchange with the
farmer. But gold being scarce, and being eminently desired for
its exchange qualities, it gravitated into a few channels, into the
hands of two or three rich men in the village. So that, when
the miller wanted to borrow the money to get the needed corn
from the farmer, the owner of the gold money could stipulate
that not only should the miller return him the gold in full to

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CO-OPERATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

the utmost farthing, but that until it was returned the miller
should periodically pay him a sum of money for the use of it.
Here we see it is not capital in the sense of raw material,
machinery, or tools that bears interest, but gold. The least
reflection, however, will show us that the precious metals,
particularly gold, assumed this tremendous power because society
had not then learned the essentials of bookkeeping, or, if they
had, that it was not possible to apply them for the lack of that
mutual confidence which bookkeeping assumes. Gold reigned
as king because society had not learned the art of keeping a
record of the miller's indebtedness to the farmer. To-day we
have learned that lesson, but gold still remains pre-eminent,
because Governments, blindly following custom, have decreed
that what was but a transient phase of the evolution of exchange
should remain permanent. Gold, in the absence of bookkeeping,
being the most convenient form of exchange, laws were passed
insisting that all exchanges should be made in gold; that the
farmer should not pay his debts in wheat, or pigs, or poultry,
that the miller should not pay his debts in flour, that the
shoemaker should not pay his debts in boots, but should always
pay them in the commodity which was peculiar to the trade of
the banker, namely, gold.

This was inconvenient enough in the days of limited trading,
but as commerce grows in volume, as it increases in complexity,
as it extends its borders to the far ends of the earth, so must the
medium of exchange accommodate itself to the expansion. If
it is not elastic enough to keep pace with the growing volume of
trade disaster inevitably results. Commodities accumulate in
warehouses, shirts, boots, coats, and even corn and flour, not
because supply has overtaken demand, for, as Carlyle long ago
pointed out, the bootmakers who are out of employment because
stocks have accumulated are badly in need of shirts, while the
unemployed shirtmakers are at the same time badly in want of
boots, which in times of bad trade applies to the whole circle of
production.

But it was always obvious that gold could never entirely fulfil
the functions of money, because of its relative scarcity. And
if law had not crystallised custom by making all debts payable in
gold we should have, before now, evolved a system of money
which, by not embodying intrinsic value, would have been elastic
enough to meet all requirements. As it is, by cheques, bills of
exchange, notes of credit, and an elaborate system of bookkeeping,
society has partly emancipated itself from the slavery to gold.
But this emancipation can never become complete all the while
law puts the possessor of gold in the favoured place. For always

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CO-OPERATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

behind every business transaction lurks the shadow cast by gold
over commerce; the spectre in the background, which at any
moment of panic caused by trade depression raises its grisly head
and spreads doom and desolation over whole continents. For, in
such moments of panic, every merchant wants gold in exchange
for his goods, because it is the privileged commodity that
commands all others, the open sesame to all doors, which
magical qualities it possesses because Governments have decreed
that it is the only legal payment for debt,* in spite of the natural
fact that there is not enough gold in the world to pay a thousandth
part of the world's debts.

Now we begin to see why money commands interest ; why
the man who possesses gold is the uncrowned king before whom
not only traders but kings and rulers of the earth bow down
and tremble. For society has decreed the impossible. It has
commanded that all debts should be paid in gold, which is no
more possible than that they should all be paid in white elephants.
Thus, what should be a mere matter of calculating debit and
credit, a service such as the Eailway Clearing House performs
for the various railways,, becomes an engine for levying interest.
For although the banker does not always issue actual gold to
his clients, the bulk of his business being performed with paper
instruments of credit, the underlying assumption that these
instruments will, if necessary, be met in gold gives him the
power to tax industry by supplying it with the medium of
exchange.

If the foregoing brief account of the true nature of money
payment for loans has served the purpose intended, the reader
will now be in a position to see how Government could abolish
interest without proceeding to the length, advocated by the
Socialist, of taking all production and distribution under its
control. For he will see that if interest is a payment for the
use of money rather than for the use of capital (i.e., commodities),
and that this power of money to command interest rests on the
legal status of gold, the remedy is to destroy the legal status of
the precious metal. Of course, this would meet with tremendous
opposition from the bankers, for such a reform would mean that
in future they would be paid merely for the work they do in
assisting exchanges, instead of possessing a power to levy a tax

* These remarks equally apply to silver in countries where that metal is
the medium of exchange, bi-metallism being but a diluted form of the gold
fallacy. Of course, there is nothing to prevent a merchant from agreeing to
exchange commodities with commodities, but convenience dictates that
exchanges shall be made in terms of money, which law interprets as gold
currency.

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CO-OPERATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

on industry which, by crippling trade, is responsible for the
periodical commercial crises which flood the labour market with
the unemployed and perpetuate wage slavery.*

Having shown how rent and interest may be abolished without
resorting to the dangerous experiment of Governmentalising all
industry, we now come to the consideration of profit, and the
part Co-operation plays therein. Even if rent ceased to extort
its toll from the worker, and interest was no longer an incubus
upon national prosperity, we should still be a long way off the
millennium if profit remained to enrich the few at the expense
of the many. Now, profit is that part of price which is in excess
of cost ; cost being understood to include every item of expenditure
incurred in production and distribution up to the moment when
the article is delivered to the purchaser. A close analysis,
however, reveals the fact that it is impossible accurately to
calculate the cost of every article sold. Take, for example, a
lady's bonnet. There is the straw grown by the farmer, which
is prepared for the women and girls who plait it, in readiness
for the machinist who conjures the straw into the desired shape
at the instructions of the designer. There is the production of
the ribbons, passing through numerous hands, from the silkworm
attendants to the girl who winds the finished ribbon on to the
reels. There are the flowers and feathers all undergoing various
processes of manufacture, and finally there is the milliner who,
with deft fingers and artistic invention, combines all these things
into the completed bonnet. Added to these is the cost of carriage,
of superintendence, machinery, buildings, and, finally, the wages
of the saleswoman who with silver tongue cajoles the guinea or
half -guinea out of the customers' pockets. As if this were not
enough, there is the risk to be taken into account, for some of
the hats may not sell, and the loss thus incurred has to be added
to the cost of those that do sell. More might but need not be
added to show that it is impossible accurately to calculate the
cost of any particular article. It is essential, however, to the
well-being of the community that some method should be devised
whereby the consumer should pay only the approximate cost of
the articles purchased, and not be heavily mulcted by being
charged a price grossly in excess of cost.

Happily, in the Co-operative Movement, the machinery
already exists for ensuring this result. Hence it is certain that,

*At the Autumnal Conference of Chambers of Commerce, held at Cardiff
on September 16th, 1908, the following resolution was carried unanimously :
"That a Committee be appointed to take into consideration the restrictive laws
relating to currency and banking in the United Kingdom, and their effect upon
the trade of the country."

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CO-OPERATION I AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

once the complexities of the social problem are simplified by the
relegation of rent and interest to the limbo of forgotten and
injurious things, there will inevitably occur a tremendous impetus
to the principle and practice of Co-operation, which provides a
method of returning to the purchaser the average difference
between cost and selling values; which provides, in other words,
for the elimination of profit.

This impetus will be derived from two sources. First, under
the reforms we have outlined, land and capital will be more
readily available for the purposes of Co-operation. If rent and
interest cease to tap the income of the workers at the source,
wages will rise, and there will be a greater surplus between
income and expenditure, which will find its way into channels
of Co-operative capital. This increase of capital will find an
outlet in catching up with the arrears of production, so that
before long the distributive store would contain nothing not
Co-operatively produced.

The Co-operative Movement would also doubtless receive
a great accession of strength from the same rise in wages.
Experience has shown that below a certain level, below an
almost definable poverty line, Co-operation to-day makes few
converts. The effect of the reforms we have indicated would
be to raise the submerged fourth* above that poverty line, when
the Co-operative Movement would without doubt gather them
into the fold.

There is a school of thought which opposes Socialism without
having any clear conception of what to put in its place. I am
not here referring to the Liberty and Property Defence League,
which, as far as I have studied its literature, seems to exist for
the purpose of defending the privileges and monopolies of the upper
classes, and is very well content to see society divided into rich
and poor.

Those to whom I do refer are the thoughtful people of all
classes who perceive that Socialism, however fair its promises,
would bring almost irreparable disaster upon the community which
attempted to put it into practice, but who, while opposing , it,
have almost lost hope of discovering any other satisfactory solution.
That there are many Co-operators among these may well be
imagined.

But if such well wishers of humanity would avert the disaster
of State Socialism they must be up and doing. They must think
their way into a position where they can hold out some alternative

* Vide the late Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's twelve million people on
the verge of starvation.

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CO-OPERATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

scheme to the masses, for otherwise these last, driven desperate by
hopes too long deferred, may take the bit between their teeth and
rush headlong to perdition.

There have been times in the world's history when liberty has
been preached as a panacea for social injustice. But, although
the gospel of liberty is out of favour just now, there are those
still among us who have not lost faith in its potentiality. That
the doctrine of liberty no longer commands its ancient respect is
due to the fact that those who have maintained its efficacy have
too seldom understood the guiding principles of its application to
society. True liberty does not permit its votaries to perform
unsocial actions, for these are the negation of liberty. A true
conception of liberty, a proper science of society, should allow
the State to forbid those actions which, because they deprive others
of liberty, are denials and not affirmations of freedom. For
example, it is desirable that all men should be at liberty
to drive along the public roads. It is, on the contrary, not
desirable that they should be at liberty to break the rule of the
road by driving along the right-hand side of it, which would
endanger the lives and property of other drivers in other words,
would be destructive of their liberty.

Unfortunately, reformers are always tempted to rush to
extremes. Because the ownership by one man of half a million
acres is a denial of the liberty of other people to use land, they
would forbid a labourer to own even a cabbage-patch. Because
a duke has a private park a mile square, they would deny to the
cottager a flower garden. Because the Steel Trust is a dangerous
monopoly and a grievous tyranny, they would socialise even the
travelling tinker.

Now, it is the glory of the Co-operative Movement that it
socialises but does not tyrannise. It offers the advantages of
working together for social ends without resorting to compulsion.
It provides the means whereby the profits of trade may be
mutualised without arrogating to itself a monopoly of all activities.
It leaves room for the artist, the poet, the musician to live the
only life that is conducive to creative effort, the life that is
unhampered by the whims of a moneyed patron or the commands
of a State official. It gives the advantages of society without the
loss of liberty. In its workshops will be found the men who work
best under authority. Outside them will be those independent
souls who would prefer to live in a garret so that they could
decorate a vase at the bidding of their own inner vision, rather than
earn a high salary in the State pottery ornamenting pots under the
direction of an official. That is to say that Co-operation, unlike
Socialism, would leave wide margins to its pages. The Co-operative

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CO-OPEEATION : AN ALTERNATIVE TO SOCIALISM.

Society, existing for the mutual interests of the producer and the
consumer, would supersede the Trust run solely to make profits
for the shareholders, but would put no obstacle in the way of the
widow who would preserve her independence by keeping a
sweet-stuff shop. While Co-operative farms would take the place
of the great landed estates of the gentry, Co-operators would
not stand in the way of a man like the Brighton waiter, made
famous by Kropotkin, who in his spare time, by intensive culture,
managed to make 50 a year out of a small allotment.

Finally, ought we to send Co-operators to Parliament to
advance these views? Provided adequate safeguards were adopted,
the present writer would favour this. But they must go as
Co-operators, and not as Liberals, Tories, or Socialists, political
distinctions with which the Co-operative Movement as a body must
have no connection whatever unless it would see itself rent in
pieces.

There would be work enough to do for the Co-operator in
Parliament. It would be his duty to support every measure
calculated to promote the solution of social problems on the lines
of voluntary co-operation ; it would be his task to oppose every
extension of class privilege; night and day he would work for the
extinction of, those monopolies which by taxing labour hinder the
growth of Co-operative capital ; monopolies which keep a fourth
of the population in a state of chronic poverty it scarcely desires to
escape from ; monopolies which drive the population from the land
into the towns and bring about race degeneracy and national
inefficiency. The Co-operator in Parliament, when we decide to
send him there, will be one who believes in liberty, and trusts in
the efficacy of voluntary methods of associated effort to bring
about that better distribution of wealth which is the aim of all
reformers. His watchword will be: "In things essential, Unity;
in things doubtful, Liberty ; in all things, Charity."

204

Egypt under Lord Cromer

BY J. HOWARD REED, F.R.G.S.,
Honorary Secretary Manchester Geographical Society.

ERODOTUS, "the Father of History," writing 500 years
B.C., said :

Egypt possesses more wonders than any other country, and exhibits works
greater than can be described in comparison with all other regions. . . .
The Egyptians, besides having a climate peculiar to themselves and a river
differing in its nature from all other rivers, have adopted customs and usages
in almost every respect different from the rest of mankind.

The country of Egypt, the cradle or birthplace of civilisation,
is as wonderful in our times as it was marvellous in the days of
the ancients, so that the remarks of the old historian above quoted
are as true to-day as they were when written twenty-four
centuries ago.

The greatest wonder of Egypt is without doubt its extraordinary
fruitfulness, notwithstanding its almost rainless climate, which
fertility is entirely due to the beneficent influence of the historic
river Nile. The prosperity of Egypt in ancient days was due to
a combination of the natural advantages just referred to and to
the work of capable rulers who realised how to make the most of
the conditions which nature had so bountifully provided. The
modern history of the country has shown that, under short-sighted,
extravagant, and dishonest rulers, Egypt, with all its special
advantages, could within a few short years be brought to a state
of practical bankruptcy and ruin. It has also shown, such is the
recuperative power of the country, that under an honest and
capable Government the land of the Nile can rise like a phoenix
from its ashes and become one of the marvels of the modern world.

The idea underlying the above paragraph was well put by a
writer in an American paper some few years ago who said :

The British found Egypt wrecked financially by the extravagance of its
rulers and dying with the dry rot of centuries; but under their brief suzerainty
an economic revolution has been accomplished.

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EGYPT UNDEE LORD CEOMER.

It is the purpose of this article to consider briefly how the
financial wreck of Egypt was brought about, and to trace the steps
by which the country has been led along to its present very
satisfactory position of progress and prosperity.

Egypt became part of the Turkish Empire in the twelfth
century, and its history may be said to have become mixed with
that of Europe through its invasion by Napoleon rather more than
a century ago.

In 1811 Mehemet Ali (who afterwards became the first Khedive
or Viceroy) commenced his work of government in Egypt. Capable,
clever, energetic, and not over scrupulous, this able man soon
made his mark and became a great and important power in the
country. Born in 1769, of Albanian parents, at Kavala, on the
coast of Macedonia, he was for the first thirty years of his life
an obscure person of no importance. Before commencing his
military career he was merely a small tax-gathering official who
added to the income of his office the profits obtained from the
retail sale of tobacco.

He first found his way to Egypt as the second in command of
a levy of a few hundred Bashibazouks recruited at Kavala, forming
part of the Turkish contingent sent by the Sultan to aid the
English forces engaged in turning Napoleon out of Egypt. He
fought through the war which followed, and by military genius
won his way to the supreme command of the 5,000 Albanian
troops engaged in the Egyptian struggle. The evacuation of Egypt
by the English forces in the early days of the nineteenth century
left Mehemet Ali the most able and prominent man in the country,
and from this time until that historic event, the massacre of the
Mamelukes in 1811, which made him supreme, he was busy
consolidating his power, sometimes posing as the protector of the
people, and at others as the Sultan's trusted representative.

In 1833, backed up by the influence of France, Mehemet Ali
practically threw off the Turkish yoke, and as a consequence
Egypt became self-governing, although nominally subject to the
suzerainty of Turkey and to the payment of tribute to the Sultan
of some 377,000 per annum, which tribute, increased later to
682,000, it may be remarked is still regularly paid.

Several other practically independent rulers succeeded the
Albanian Pasha. Ibrahim, his son, was the immediate follower of
Mehemet Ali, but reigned for only a few months during 1848.
He is described by Lord Cromer as "a distinguished soldier, and
a man of great personal courage." The same writer remarks,
however, "it must be added that he was a half -lunatic savage."

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EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMEB.

Abbas, grandson of Mehemet All, followed his uncle Ibrahim,
and he ruled from 1848 until 1854. Lord Cromer speaks of him
as "an Oriental despot of the worst type," without "any redeeming
feature in his character," which was "altogether odious." His
murder by his slaves brought his short but brutal career to a close.
The only noteworthy facts about his reign were a deliberate undoing
of all the useful administrative and other reforms introduced by
his grandfather, the alienation of Europe, and a return to the old
methods of Turkey. It may be mentioned, however, as somewhat
to his credit, that he encouraged the construction of a railway
between Alexandria and Cairo, and thus helped forward the
movement for an overland route to India by way of Egypt.

Said Pasha succeeded Abbas, and reigned as Khedive from
1854 to 1863. This prince was of weak mind, though of genial
personality. Ho was also a man of inordinate vanity, and
was specially distinguished for "hopeless incapacity in the art of
government." "It was he," says Lord Cromer, "who first
invited European adventurers to prey on Egypt.

Probably the most noteworthy event of the reign of Said Pasha
was the granting of the Suez Canal concession to the great
Frenchman, De Lesseps, an event which, although it was destined
to bring about a most stupendous change in the oversea commercial
progress of the world, laid the foundation of the enormous load of
debt which has been the bugbear of Egypt ever since. Probably
the land of the Nile is the one country which during the last
forty odd years has reaped the least advantage from the epoch-
making engineering feat which geographically separated the
continents of Africa and Asia, and brought the ports of Western
nations some weeks nearer to those of India and the East.

It is not the intention of the writer to discuss the ups and
downs of the construction of the Suez Canal, but the part played
by Said Pasha in that great undertaking may be briefly referred
to. According to the original request of De Lesseps the Canal
was not to cost Egypt or Said Pasha anything, but, on the
contrary, 15 per cent, of the revenue of the completed work was
to flow into the coffers of the Egyptian Government, and at the
end of ninety-nine years the whole Canal was to belong to Egypt.

As a matter of fact the promoters failed to obtain anything like
the amount of capital which was required to carry through the
undertaking, or even to give the work a promising start. De
Lesseps, therefore, appealed to Said Pasha, and succeeded in
persuading him to provide the money necessary to commence
operations. Further concessions and further money were later
obtained from the complaisant Said in the same manner, and very

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EGYPT UNDER LOED CROMER.

soon the Egyptian Government found themselves saddled with a
national debt which at the death of Said Pasha amounted to more
than three and a quarter millions sterling. This, it may be said,
formed the first material instalment of the immense financial
incubus which afterwards brought the country to the very verge of
bankruptcy and ruin.

Ismail Pasha, son of Ibrahim, became Khedive in 1863, and
controlled the affairs of Egypt until 1879, when he was deposed by
the Powers as a consequence of the wasteful and wholly unnecessary
extravagances which marked the period of his reign, and which
brought practical bankruptcy upon the country. The public debt
of Egypt, which was less than three and a half millions when
Ismail came to the throne, had increased by the year 1876 to the
enormous sum of over 94,000,000, which, as will be seen, was
an average addition to the debt of 7,000,000 per year for thirteen
years. "For all practical purposes," says Lord Cromer, "the
whole of the borrowed money, except 16,000,000 spent on the
Suez Canal, was squandered."

Ismail Pasha was certainly a unique personage in the history
of Egypt, and a few general facts with regard to him and his reign
will perhaps not be out of place. He was born in Cairo in 1830,
so that he was about thirty -three years of age when he was called
upon to control the affairs of Egypt. When thirteen years old he
was sent to Paris to be educated, and he remained there for about
six years. He attended classes at the Polytechnique, and obtained
a fair knowledge of mathematics and general sciences. He came
much in contact with the ruling house of France of that time, and
consequently developed ideas with regard to the order of succession
of rulers which prevailed in Europe, but which did not at that
time apply in Egypt. His stay in Europe coincided with the great
railway and kindred developments which were then taking place,
and this doubtless led him to desire the introduction of European
methods into Egypt.

Ismail, although a son of Ibrahim, the eldest son of Mehemet
Ali, had an elder brother, and was, therefore, not in the direct
line of succession, even if the European plan for the succession
of rulers had applied in Egypt. He was, however, firmly
convinced that he was far more fitted to rule over the Nile Valley
than was either of his uncles, Abbas or Said, who had preceded
him, and doubtless considered that his superior education fitted
him for the postr of Khedive in a much higher degree than did the
attainments which his elder brother possessed. A railway calamity
between Cairo and Alexandria, in which the elder prince lost his
life, cleared the way for Ismail to succeed to the throne when

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EGYPT UNDEE LOED CEOMEE.

Said Pasha should in the course of nature disappear from the
scene. It has always been believed that Ismail had much to do
with an intrigue or plot which led to the railway disaster in
question. In any case it was a fact that he should have travelled
by the same train, but at the last moment excused himself on the
ground of sudden illness, while the Director of Eailways at the
time, Nubar Pasha, who should also have travelled by the fatal
train, at the moment of starting also pleaded illness and remained
at Cairo. Nubar fell into disgrace over this incident, and left
Egypt for Europe for a time. As soon, however, as Ismail
ascended the throne Nubar returned, and was promoted by his
master to the post of Prime Minister, and was loaded with lavish
gifts of money and lands.

The period when Ismail became Khedive was one of great
prosperity. All the cotton which the country could produce found
a ready sale in Europe at a high price, owing to the shortage
brought about by the American Civil War. The new Khedive set
to work with energy to develop his State, determined to bring her
into line with the European countries he had visited. Eailways
were planned and built, harbours improved, docks and bridges were
constructed, and every effort made at enormous expense with a
view of bringing the country up to date. Ismail determined to
practically rebuild Cairo, and to transform that city into a veritable
Paris on the banks of the Nile. Fine Khedivial palaces were built
at different places, handsomely fitted up and furnished, and
everything was done in the most lavish and expensive fashion.
The whole of this work, executed in the most hasty and feverish
manner, was 'carried out by means of borrowed capital, which was
only raised at most usurious and continually increasing rates of
interest, and a very large proportion of which never reached the
coffers of the borrowing Government, but stuck in the hands of
the many unscrupulous people who had the manipulation of it.
Egypt, in short, became a happy hunting ground for all the clever
adventurers then to be found in Europe, and they fattened upon the
lavish and wasteful extravagance of the magnificent Khedive.

The terms of the original concession granted by Said Pasha to
De Lesseps bound the Egyptian authorities to furnish 20,000
labourers (practically slaves), and to make grants of certain lands
to the Canal Company. After the work of construction had been
proceeding for some years these and other conditions were broken
through, from causes which the Egyptian Government was
powerless to prevent. New conditions were offered, but the Canal
Company were not prepared to accept the modifications, and affairs
were brought to a practical deadlock. At this juncture the
Turkish Government stepped into the breach, doubtless largely

209

EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMER.

influenced by European and probably British representations, and
threatened force to compel the Canal Company to accept the new
conditions. After some little trouble the whole dispute was
submitted to the Emperor Napoleon for arbitration, with the
result that the company were awarded a sum of 3,800,000
compensation, which, of course, the Egyptian Government had to
find.

The award set the Canal Company on its feet, but it left Egypt
with an increased debt, and it also considerably reduced the rights
of the Khedive's Government as regarded the great artificial
waterway connecting the Mediterranean with the Bed. Sea. Other
claims were made from time to time, and further capital sums
were provided by the Khedive, but this is not the place to detail
these matters. It may be stated in general terms, however, that
the Suez Canal from beginning to end cost the Egyptian
Government from sixteen to seventeen millions sterling in hard
cash, some four millions only of which was, on completion of the
undertaking, represented by stock held by the Khedive. Even
this was destined not to remain an asset of the Egyptian
Government, as Ismail, when his financial difficulties became most
pressing, surrendered the shares to his creditors, from whom they
were purchased by Lord Beaconsfield's Government on behalf of
Great Britain.

When, early in the year 1869, the day for opening the Suez
Canal arrived, Ismail determined to celebrate the event in a
magnificent manner. This he did in a lavish and thoroughly
Oriental style. Fleets of vessels conveyed the Khedive's guests
through the new waterway, among the visitors being the Empress
of the French, the Emperor of Austria, and our own King and
Queen, at that time Prince and Princess of Wales, and numerous
other European royalties. Cairo was turned into a veritable
fairyland for a month, fetes of the most lavish and costly
description being held daily for the whole time. The cost of this
reckless display added a very considerable sum to the liabilities
of the Egyptian Government.

For some years after the completion of the Suez Canal Ismail
Pasha continued his lavish and extravagant methods, piling up year
by year the load of debt which has weighed down his country
ever since. Eeckless extravagance on the part of Governments or
kings, as with smaller institutions and ordinary private people,
cannot continue for ever, and sooner or later the inevitable day
of reckoning arrived. The open-handed, generous, and reckless
Ismail had his day, but the time came when it was found
impossible to pay the regular interest on the huge debt that had
been incurred.

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EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMER.

The failure of the Egyptian Government to meet the demands
of the national creditors, the majority of whom were Europeans,
led to the Governments of France, Germany, and Britain taking
matters up with the Cairo authorities and pressing for payment
of the interest due. Ismail pleaded inability to pay in full, and
requested the appointment of an International Finance Commission
to inquire into the condition of affairs. Such Commission was duly
appointed, and the investigation proved that Egypt was insolvent
and quite unable to pay the full interest of 7 per cent, upon the
national loan. The Commissioners further reported that the
financial crisis had been brought about by the wasteful extravagances
of the Khedive. Ismail offered to surrender large portions of his
private estates and other possessions to assist matters and to
illustrate his patriotic desires, but the foreign Governments
demanded more. Nothing short of his deposition, and the
substitution of his son Tewfik as Khedive, would suffice. Ismail
protested and struggled against this demand for a time, but when
the Powers invoked the aid of the Sultan of Turkey, and obtained
from him a firman of deposition, the unhappy Khedive was
compelled to comply. Within a week of the event just narrated
Ismail left Egypt for Naples, but he did not go empty-handed.
Train loads of valuables of every description accompanied him
from the country, and he afterwards lived for nearly twenty years
a princely life in exile.

Notwithstanding the sorry financial condition to which Ismail
brought the country of the Nile Valley, it is only fair to remember
that the earlier years of his reign were such as made for the
general advancement of the people and the extension of the
territory of Egypt. During his reign provinces were added, till
the . whole State embraced a territory of some one and a half
million square miles. The population also increased very
materially, while the cities of Cairo and Alexandria were greatly
improved, and the ports of Said, Suez, and Suakin were developed.
Increased land was brought under cultivation, and many other
improved conditions were introduced into the country. Had the
finances of the State been managed and administered in a saner
manner, and had the magnificent Khedive been saved from
fraudulent European adventurers, the condition of Egypt and its
people would at the end of Ismail's reign have been very different.

Ismail was deposed and left Egypt for Naples in June, 1879,
but for more than three years previous the financial troubles of
the Egyptian Government had been occupying the attention of
the European Powers. It was in April, 1876, that the Khedive
first suspended payment of his Treasury Bills, and a month later
the Commission of the Public Debt was created. Great Britain

211

EGYPT UNDER LOED CROMEE.

refused for good reasons to appoint a representative to this
Commission. The Khedivial Decree which was shortly after issued
caused not a little dissatisfaction, especially in England. Following
upon this, therefore, Mr. Goschen was sent on a special financial
mission to Egypt, and M. Joubert accompanied him as French
representative. These gentlemen came to an arrangement which
was issued as a Decree in November, 1876. Into the details of
this arrangement it is not necessary to enter here, but it may be
mentioned that it resulted in several European officials being
introduced into responsible positions in the Government of Egypt,
and in the commencement of the "Dual Control." A few months
later (March, 1877) Sir Evelyn Baring (now Earl of Cromer)
commenced his work in Egypt as one of the Commissioners of the
Public Debt, having been recommended for the post by Mr.
Goschen, who had been requested by the Khedive to make such
a nomination, the British Government having at that time declined
to do so.

It was soon found that more complete information of the
financial condition of Egypt was required than it had been possible
for the Goschen- Joubert Mission to obtain, and in April, 1878,
the Khedive consented to this fuller inquiry. Further investigation
by the new Commission, which had power to take evidence,
tended to a better understanding of the real financial condition of
Egypt, and led to the introduction of controlling Europeans into
an Egyptian Ministry with Nubar Pasha at its head, and brought
about the suspension of the Dual Control.

The new arrangement was not allowed to work smoothly owing
largely to the intrigues of Ismail, who made it impossible for Nubar
Pasha to maintain order in the country. He (the Khedive)
demanded that he should have power restored to him. The army
was in a condition of mutiny, due largely to the fact that their
pay was much in arrear, and that they blamed the Cabinet of
Nubar Pasha for this, composed as it was largely of European
and Christian Ministers. Nubar Pasha resigned, Prince Tewfik
became Prime Minister, and shortly after the European Ministers
were dismissed from office.

Just previous to the events narrated Nubar Pasha and Sir
Eivers Wilson had been mobbed and assaulted by a crowd of
Egyptian officers, and Lord Cromer remarks that "this mutiny
was the direct precursor of the Ardbi revolt.

On further representations being made by the Commissioners
of Inquiry, the British and French Governments came to the
conclusion that the deposition of Ismail Pasha and the succession

212

EGYPT UNDEE LORD CROMEE.

of his son as Khedive was the only manner in which the regeneration
of Egypt could be brought about. Pressure was, therefore, brought
to bear upon the Sultan of Turkey by all the European Powers
interested, with the result that on June 26th, 1879, Ismail was
deposed, as previously described, and his son Tewfik nominated as
Khedive in his place. The Dual Control was now revived, Sir
Evelyn Baring being appointed to represent Great Britain. He,
however, only remained in office for a few months, being succeeded
in June, 1880, by Sir Aukland Colvin.

Stirring events developed themselves in Egypt during the
following few years. The military remained in a state of
dissatisfaction, and more than once broke into open mutiny during
1881. Arabi Pasha became the leader of the military party of
dissatisfaction, and the influence of his clique brought about a fall
of the Ministry of the moment. Early in the year 1882 a new
Cabinet was formed, in which Arabi Pasha became Minister of
War. In the month of May the British and French Consuls-
General demanded that Arabi should leave the country. This
brought about the resignation of the Arabist Cabinet, the second
resignation of the same Government in the space of a few weeks,
but the very next day the Ministers were reinstated. The Arabist
movement, which made for disorder and fomented the condition
of ill-feeling towards Europeans, grew stronger day by day, while
the influence of the new Khedive and his foreign advisers
diminished at an equal rate. A crisis was reached when, a few
days later, a serious riot broke out in Alexandria.

During this disturbance an attack was made upon the European
residents, several of whom lost their lives. Law and order were
completely at an end, the Khedive and his Ministers were powerless
to protect life and property, while the military made common
cause with the rabble. It became evident that unless strong
measures were taken by the Powers represented by the Dual
Control the condition of disorder would become worse, and the
consequences be of a most serious character.

At this juncture the British Government called upon the
Arabists to discontinue their disorderly tactics and military
preparations at Alexandria, and decided to compel obedience in
the interests of law and order and general public safety. British
and French fleets of considerable strength were assembled at
Alexandria, and the French Admiral was expected to act in concert
with the British authorities were the demands already made
disregarded by the Arabist disturbers. Arabi Pasha ignored the
European request and hastily continued his warlike preparations,

213

EGYPT UNDER LOED CEOMER.

with the result that the British fleet opened fire upon and destroyed
the forts occupied by the military rabble. At the eleventh hour the
French fleet received instructions to take no part in the exercise of
force, and consequently the vessels of that country steamed away
before the historic bombardment commenced. This action of
France brought to an end the arrangement of Dual Control in
Egypt, and left the restoration of order in the hands of Britain,
and fastened the Egyptian burden securely on the back of John
Bull.

It will be remembered that immediately the forts of Alexandria
were dismantled or destroyed by British guns, and the Arabist
soldiery driven from them, the Egyptian rabble set fire to the city,
which as a consequence was very largely destroyed.

The soldiery under Ardbi Pasha dominated the situation in
Egypt, and the condition of the country rapidly went from bad to
worse. It became necessary, in order that the anarchy which
prevailed might be brought to an end, that the career of Arabi
Pasha should be arrested and the Egyptian soldiery disbanded.
For this purpose British troops under Sir Garnet (afterwards Lord)
Wolseley were sent to Egypt. The war was brought to an end
by the Battle of Tel-el-Kebir on September 13th, 1882, and by
the occupation of Cairo and the arrest of Arabi Pasha two days
later.

The evil effects worked in Egypt during the turbulent days of
1882 increased the burdens which the country had to carry, and
multiplied the difficulties which the ruling authorities had to
contend with; and in addition it compelled a reluctant British
Government to keep an army in occupation of Egypt in order
that the machinery of law and order might be re-established,
disorder brought to an end, and life and property, both Egyptian
and foreign, protected.

The events just briefly narrated did not bring the load of trouble
which Egypt had to bear to its greatest weight ; other difficulties of
enormous magnitude and far-reaching importance immediately
arose which still further complicated the national finances and
embarrassed the statesmen responsible for the affairs of the
country. The old proverb, "It never rains but it pours," was
certainly well exemplified in Egypt at the period under discussion.

Within a few months of the British occupation of the country,"
and the disbandment of the rotten, disaffected, and rebellious
Egyptian army, trouble arose in the Soudan provinces. These
districts, added at different times to the Egyptian State, which
owing to continuous bad government had always been a drag upon
the finances of the country, were threatened by an armed rebellion

214

EGYPT UNDER LORD CBOMEE.

under Mohammed Ahmed, the Mahdi. On January 19th, 1883,
the town of El-Obeid and its garrison fell into the hands of the
Mahdi 's forces, and the false prophet immediately began to threaten
other districts and to follow up the conquest he had made.

The real strength of the fanatical followers of the Mahdi could
not at the time have been realised by the responsible Egyptian
officials in Cairo, nor even by the British Cabinet in London, as,
notwithstanding the fact that the Egyptian army, such as it was,
had been practically destroyed by Lord Wolseley's forces, the
Egyptian military authorities organised a force of 10,000 men and
despatched them to give combat to and to destroy the dervishes,
flushed as they were with the successes they had achieved. The
Egyptian force was altogether inadequate, and was largely
composed of raw agricultural (fellaheen) recruits, largely undrilled,
badly equipped, and stricken with abject fear of the enemy from
the outset. It was little wonder that when the ill- formed and
frightened force fell in with the Mahdi 's forces, who had carefully
chosen the place of battle, they with their brave leader, Hicks
Pasha, were overwhelmed and massacred almost to a man.

This is no place to attempt any detailed history of the Soudan
troubles which followed the defeat of Hicks Pasha's force. The
massacre of Egyptian soldiers who attempted to relieve the
garrisons of such outposts as Sinkat and Tokar; the capture of
Dara with its Governor, Slatin Bey; the occupation of the province
of Darfour by the Mahdists, followed soon after by the fall of
the Bahr-el-Ghazal Province and the imprisonment of Lupton Bey ;
the defeat of the Egyptians at Tamanieb, and later at El Teb ; the
decision to abandon the Soudan; the sending of General Gordon
to Khartoum to attempt an impossible task the withdrawal of the
Egyptian garrisons from the Soudanese towns; the attempt to
overthrow Osman Digna, to open the road from Suakin to Berber
by British troops, and the brilliant but ineffective successes
achieved by General Sir Gerald Graham in the Eastern Soudan;
the fall of Berber; the isolation of Khartoum, and the heroic and
extraordinary defence of the city for long, weary, heart-breaking
months ; the popular demand of the people of Britain for the
sending of a British relief expedition; the tardy and reluctant
action of the authorities ; the achievements of the British troops
under the leadership of Lord Wolseley ; the brilliant fights at Abu
Klea and Gakdul ; the fall of Khartoum ; the death of Gordon and
the massacre of the garrison and people of the city ; the cry
of "too late" which startled a waiting world; the wail of
disappointment and distress which passed through the Empire,
are all events which have made a deep and permanent impression
on the British mind.

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EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMER.

The abortive attempts made, both by the Egyptian Government
and by Britain, to save the garrisons and Government officials in
the Soudan, and the signal failure of all efforts, made the final
abandonment of the country and the fixing of the Egyptian frontier
at Wady Haifa the only reasonable policy to follow. The Soudan
was, therefore, left to itself and to the victorious dervishes, while
the Egyptian Government under the guidance and advice of Sir
Evelyn Baring (Lord Cromer) turned its attention to the finances
and affairs of Egypt itself. Lord Cromer returned to Egypt, as
British Agent and Consul- General, in September, 1883, only a
few days subsequent to the despatch of the ill-fated expedition
under Hicks Pasha, so that his was the controlling hand during
the whole of the terrible period over which a glance has just been
taken. The difficulties of the early days of his administration
might well have daunted and even overwhelmed any ordinary
statesman. Lord Cromer, however, never flinched or hesitated;
he faced the facts and grappled with the difficulties as they arose,
and succeeded in working a beneficent revolution in all things
affecting the welfare of Egypt and its people during the quarter of
a century for which his labours were continued a work little
short of the miraculous.

Sir Alfred (Lord) Milner remarks, in his "England in Egypt" :
"The task which Great Britain found upon her hands after
Tel-el-Kebir was to all appearance one of the most thankless rdles
ever thrust upon an unwilling actor." The following further and
more lengthy quotation from Lord Milner 's work summarises in
very graphic terms the conditions under which .Lord Cromer, on
behalf of Great Britain, carried on his work in and for Egypt.
He says :

Imagine a people, the most docile and good-tempered in the world, in the
grip of a religion the most intolerant and fanatical. Imagine this people and
this faith, congenial in nothing but their conservatism, flung into the maelstrom
of European restlessness and innovation. Imagine a country full of turbulent
foreigners, whom its police cannot arrest except flagrante delicto, and whom
its courts cannot try except for the most insignificant offences. Imagine the
Government of this country unable to legislate for these foreigners without the
consent of a dozen distant Powers, most of them indifferent and some ill-
disposed. Imagine it carrying on its principal business in a foreign tongue,
which yet is not the tongue of the predominant foreign race. Imagine it
struggling to meet the clamorous growing needs of to-day with a Budget
rigorously fixed according to the minimum requirements of the day before
yesterday. Imagine the decrees of this Government liable to be set at naught
by courts of its own creation. Imagine its policy really inspired and directed
by the Envoy of a foreign State, who in theory is only one and not even the
doyen of a large number of such Envoys, and the chief administrative power
really wielded by a man who in theory is a mere adviser without executive
functions. Yes, imagine all these things, and then realise that they are no

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EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMER.

"Mikado "-like invention of comic opera, no nightmare of some constitutional
theorist with a disordered brain, but prosaic, solid fact an unvarnished picture
of the political Egypt of to-day.

In the space we have at our disposal we can only glance very
briefly at some of the more serious difficulties with which the
British Consul-General had to contend, and refer to the more
important reforms he has been able to carry through. The Arabist
rebellion, the burning of Alexandria by incendiaries, and the revolt
in the Soudan had all tended to intensify and further, complicate
the financial difficulties of the country. Heavy claims were made
upon the Government for compensation in connection with the
destruction of property in Alexandria belonging to the subjects of
various European Powers. To meet these claims and the other
demands which fell upon the State it became necessary to resort to
the old policy of borrowing money. On this occasion, however,
the matter was not left to an Oriental prince of lavish instincts
to make the best terms he could with usurious money lenders,
but the whole matter was submitted to an International Commission
which was known as the London Conference. The result of
the labours of this Commission was that an Egyptian loan of
9,000,000 was negotiated, and, being guaranteed by the Powers,
the money was obtained at a low rate of interest. The arrangement
made affected the whole of the Egyptian debt, and so modified
the Law of Liquidation previously in existence that, while the total
debt of Egypt was increased to 104 millions sterling, the annual
demands upon the Government became such that there was a
reasonable chance of their being met without the ordinary and
regular national needs being crippled.

Great Britain had some difficulty in negotiating the new
arrangement owing to European jealousy, but the Alexandria
indemnities, in which all the European Powers were more or
less interested, gave her a lever which was adroitly used for the
general benefit of Ijjgypt. By the new arrangement Germany and
Russia were each allowed to appoint a Commissioner to the Caisse
de la Dette, which had formerly consisted of the representatives
of four nations only, France, Austria, Italy, and Britain, and for
a time of only the representatives of the three first-mentioned
nations, owing to the refusal of the British Government to appoint
a Commissioner as previously stated. The new loan was
guaranteed by all the six Powers named, and its total was so
arranged as not only to cover the money required to meet the
Alexandria indemnities, but also to allow about one million sterling
for some important works in connection with a much-needed
irrigation improvement, which did a great deal to extend the
productive capacity of the country, and in the same ratio to

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EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMER.

improve the annual revenue. Lord Milner remarks that "the
history of that million is one of the most marvellous chapters
even in the romantic history of Egyptian finance." He goes
on to say :

It was life and death to her (Egypt) to put the great central works upon
which the irrigation of the Delta depended into proper working order. . . .
This extra million just provided the necessary capital. It saved the irrigation
system and with it the finances of Egypt. It has brought in cent, per cent.

The work just referred to is what is known as the Barrage,
situated some fourteen miles north of Cairo, and just below where
the main stream of the Nile divides into two, forming the Delta
district. It was orginally designed by a French engineer, and was
constructed during the reign of Mehemet Ali. It took twenty
years to build, and cost nearly 2,000,000, not to mention the
forced labour spent upon it. It was never properly completed,
and from the days of its construction had fallen into such decay
through neglect that it only served to hold up a head of water of
some twenty inches. The work of repair and improvement took
several years to fully accomplish, but when it was completed the
Barrage held up about fifteen feet of water, and enormously
increased the area of land capable of cultivation. A further
800,000 was spent in similar work later, and in referring to the
benefit conferred by the judicious spending of these two sums
Lord Cromer remarks that he has "no hesitation in saying that
the expenditure of this 1,800,000 on irrigation and drainage has
contributed probably more than any one cause to the comparative
prosperity that the country now enjoys."

Among the many obstacles to progress and much-needed reform
which have always obstructed the Egyptian Government and its
"Adviser," the British Agent-General, none have been so
formidable as what are known as the "Capitulations." These are
a series of treaties, some of which date back to the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, the earlier ones being rather concessions than
treaties in the ordinary sense. They have an interesting history,
are somewhat difficult to understand, and prove little short of
international political fetters to Egypt.

The Capitulations are in reality' obligations which belong to
Turkey, and they apply to Egypt simply because that State is in
theory part of the Ottoman Empire to which, as we have seen,
she still pays annual tribute. When special prerogatives, little
short of independence, were granted by Turkey to Egypt, the
Sultan was powerless to relieve the vassal State from the obligations
which applied to the whole Empire, even had he wished to do so,
and so Egypt remains, even to-day, subject to the incidence of the
Capitulations.

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EGYPT UNDER LORD GROMER.

The earlier of the concessions just referred to came into
existence at a time when Turkey was an all-powerful State,
and when most of the Christian countries of Europe were of
comparatively small importance. The Capitulations granted certain
extra-territorial rights, principally of a commercial character, to
fche subjects of the various countries interested, which in the early
days assured them, as strangers and aliens almost beneath
contempt, some measure of protection when resident in the
Turkish Empire. "The omnipotent despots," says Lord Milner,
"would have smiled at the thought that the favours they were
almost contemptuously conferring could ever become a serious
source of weakness or embarrassment to their successors. "

No less than fifteen different States have rights under the
Capitulations, and these are rigorously contended for by the various
nations concerned whenever occasion arises or excuse offers, and
generally much to the disadvantage of Egypt. Lord Milner
remarks: "In no part of the Ottoman Empire have the privileges
granted by the Capitulations received so wide, and indeed, abusive,
an extension as in Egypt." In most countries criminal offences
committed by the subjects of other States can be dealt with by
the ordinary courts. Not so in Egypt, however. There the
offender can only be tried by his Consul, and even his arrest can
only be effected, if on his own premises, in the presence of the
Consul of his country. If a case is complicated by the offender,
being the subject of one nation, taking refuge on the premises of
the native of some other State, then it becomes necessary to
obtain the presence of both Consuls concerned before the Egyptian
police can take action. Space will not permit of fuller attention
being given to this matter, but cases of various kinds might be
mentioned illustrative of the difficulties which on all sides confront
the Egyptian authorities in maintaining law and order, and which
at the same time make Egypt a happy hunting ground for ruffians
from every part of the world. "It would be hard," says Lord
Milner, "to exaggerate the amount, of injustice or the hideous
administrative confusion arising from this state of things."

While mentioning the .manner in which the Capitulations
work evil to Egypt so far as the Criminal Law is concerned, it
is only fair to mention that the establishment of what are known
as the Mixed Courts for dealing with civil cases has proved most
useful, and has done much to improve the administration of the
law as between subjects of different foreign nations or between
foreigners and Egyptians. These international tribunals were first
instituted so long back as 1876, and were established for five years.
They have been renewed from time to time since then, and certain
unimportant reforms have been introduced as occasion has required.

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EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMER

Generally speaking, they have worked extremely well, and have
made for equity and justice. The Mixed Courts have become so
popular, even among native Egyptians, that these people prefer
any cases in which they are interested parties to be heard by these
tribunals rather than trust them to their own native courts, and
with this view Egyptians have been known to transfer their
interests to some foreigner so that their cause might be brought
before a "Mixed" Court, where they had more confidence of
receiving justice. The obtaining of these international tribunals
was a very difficult and wearisome business which took the
Egyptian Government some eight years to negotiate, as it was
necessary to obtain the detailed consent of the whole of the
nations interested, who had rights under the Capitulations.

For the general advantage of Egypt and, for the matter of
that, for the foreign element, too it is to be hoped that the time
is not now distant when the Criminal Law may be brought under
the direction of similar courts, and it is to be hoped that when
the matter is seriously taken in hand the process of reconciling
the interests of the various States may be a less lengthy process,
and one freer from pitfalls, than was the arrangement completed in
1876.

Lord Cromer, for some years before his retirement from
Egypt, has had the need for further reform in the matter of the
Capitulations well in mind, and his successor, Sir Eldon Gorst, is
equally alive to the pressing character of this subject. In his
first report as Agent and Consul-General, issued in April last, Sir
Eldon refers strongly to this matter. He says :

Questions are constantly asked as to why the Egyptian Government do
not suppress this or that undesirable practice, or introduce some obviously
useful reform, which show that the inquirers are ignorant of the practical
effects of the Capitulations in reducing the Egyptian Government to legislative
impotency in regard to many important matters. ... Such measures
cannot be applied to the Egyptians alone, independently of the Europeans who
are living amongst them, and they cannot be applied to the Europeans without
the assent of fifteen different Powers. ... No proposal can be carried
if any single Power declines to assent.

Sir Eldon Gorst goes on to mention several matters of pressing
reform which at present cannot be carried out because of the
obstacles and difficulties presented by the Capitulations. Among
these are named legislation to regulate the sale of spirituous liquors
(a traffic at present carried on almost wholly by Europeans), the
employment of children in factories and workshops, a building law
to prevent jerry building (which has of late years often been the
cause of loss of life owing to the insecurity of structures erected),

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EGYPT UNDER LOED CROMER.

penalties for fraudulent weights and measures, law in regard to
trade marks, patents, and copyright, and many other no less
important matters.

The powers possessed by the "Caisse de la Dette," and the
manner in which the Commissioners have from time to time seen
fit to exercise them, have often proved a stumbling block to the
Egyptian Government and a serious obstacle to the carrying out of
much-needed reforms, especially where such have depended upon a
money consideration. By the provisions of the Law of Liquidation
the "Caisse" were able to claim each year not only that proportion
of the national revenue (roughly one-half) which was required to
meet the interest and sinking fund connected with the national
debt, but they had power to claim a substantial share of any -surplus
which the Government might possess at the end of the financial
year; not only so, but they were able to claim a share of any
surplus which would have resulted if certain expenditure, needed
and justified, but perhaps not "authorised." had not been incurred.

On the other hand, although the share of the revenue falling to
the "Caisse" might be considerably above what was required to
meet all the ordinary demands made upon them, and although
a large sum of money gradually accumulated in their hands, the
Government had no claim upon this money for the carrying out of
much-needed reforms without the "Caisse" was agreeable and
fully approved. It will be seen, therefore, that, despite the fact
that the money belonged to the people of Egypt, it could not
necessarily be used by them, even though the welfare of the
State might urgently demand it.

As a case in point it may be mentioned that when the
Egyptian Government required money for. the purposes of the
Dongola Expedition they applied to the "Caisse" for a grant of
500,000 out of their surplus funds. This sum was granted by
the vote of a majority of the Commissioners, but later on the
French and Eussian representatives brought an action against the
Government in the Mixed Courts for the money to be refunded, on
the plea that the vote of the Commissioners had not been
unanimous. Not only so, but the Courts decided against the State
and in favour of the "Caisse," and ordered the money to be repaid.

In the meanwhile, however, the grant had been spent, and
to meet the difficulty brought about by the unfriendly action of
the two Commissioners mentioned, the Egyptian Government,
through Lord Cromer, had to apply to the British Government
to lend the money required to make the repayment to the "Caisse,"
and to complete the war then in hand. This resulted in the loan
of 800,000 from Britain, which at a later date Parliament turned

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EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMER.

into a gift, and which it may be mentioned strengthened the claims
and rights of Britain in Egypt, a result the reverse of what the
objecting Commissioners probably desired.

The difficulties raised by the "Caisse" from time to time in this
way have made it necessary for the Egyptian Government to resort
to all kinds of expedients when money for special expenditure has
been required, rather than risk an undignified struggle with the body
in question. It will be remembered that when three millions of
money was needed for the great irrigation works at Assouan and
Assiut a few years back, an arrangement was made for the
financing of the undertaking which allowed the payment to be
made out of the results of the work, so that no money was
required till the dams were complete. By this plan the great
engineering work was made possible without the Government
running the risk and indignity of not being allowed to spend
Egyptian money on a much-needed national work by a dog-in-the-
manger refusal of the "Caisse" to grant the money.

The great irrigation works, which have been referred to in the
preceding paragraph in connection with another branch of our
subject, are so important, have already effected so much for the
benefit of Egypt, and promise so much more in the future, that
some little space may well be devoted to them. The great Barrage
in the Delta district, referred to previously, proved of vast benefit
to the country from the point of view of both agriculture and
economics, but after all its effects, vast as they were, could only
be looked upon as local. The expert engineers who had the
matter of irrigation in hand, after an elaborate investigation,
recommended the construction of two immense dams across the
Nile at considerable distances up the river from Cairo, which
would be capable of storing up such vast supplies of water that
the area of cultivation would be extended to an enormous degree.
It was estimated that the increased revenue from the tax levied on
cultivated lands would be much more than sufficient to meet the
capital expenditure, while the benefit to the agricultural and
general population would be of vast importance. The designs were
drawn up, the financial arrangements made, the contracts let, and
the actual work commenced early in the year 1899, the foundation
stone of the larger of the two dams, that at Assouan, being laid
by the Duke of Connaught on the 12th of February in that year.

The Assouan Dam is situated some six hundred miles south
of Cairo, in the neighbourhood of what is called the First
Cataract. The dam itself is* about a mile and a quarter in length,
and is composed of a solid wall of granite masonry, pierced by 180
openings or waterways having a total area of 24,000 square feet,
which give a maximum discharging capacity of about 15,000 tons

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EGYPT UNDER LOED CKOMER.

of water per second. The dam under consideration as originally
designed was intended to impound water to a maximum head of
about eighty-five feet. This would, however, have submerged
the whole of the celebrated island of Philae and the ancient
buildings upon it. A great outcry was consequently raised by
archaeological enthusiasts, with the result that the height of the
dam was cut down so as to leave the Philae buildings intact, which
allowed for a head of water of about sixty-seven feet. The dam
was designed of such strength that its height could be raised, if
such became necessary, without the safety of the structure being
imperilled. It was later found advisable to increase the height
of the dam, and this work is now in hand. In the meanwhile,
however, the Philae buildings have received attention, a large sum
of money having been spent in repairing and strengthening the
foundations. Navigation past the dam at Assouan is provided for
by a series or ladder of four locks, each 260 feet long and 32 feet
wide, by means of which shipping can be passed from the lower
to higher level of the river, or vice versd as may be required.

The dam at Assiut, 250 miles up the river from Cairo, is smaller
than that at Assouan, but is nevertheless a very large and important
structure. It is more than half a mile in length, and possesses
one hundred and eleven openings or sluices. It is also provided
with a series of locks to permit shipping to climb from one level
of the river to the other. The work of building this dam was
commenced in the winter of 1898, and it was finished early in 1902.
It is calculated that this dam alone has brought some 300,000
acres of land under cultivation.

The total cost of the two dams was about two millions sterling,
while for the subsidiary canals and other works another million
was provided. As before mentioned, the whole of this work was
built and completed before the Egyptian Government was called
upon to find any money. The whole of the cost is now being
paid off by yearly instalments extending over a period of thirty
years. The money required for the building of the dams and
other works connected therewith was supplied by the great
financier, Sir Edward Cassel, while the actual work was carried
out by Sir John Aird's firm.

It was estimated at the outset that the gain in the revenue
from land tax alone from the extension of cultivable land would
equal about 380,000 per year, while the value of reclaimed
Government lands alone would be augmented by about one million
sterling. Sir Eldon Gorst states in his report that the raising of
the Assouan dam will more than double the quantity of water held
in store, and will bring nearly a million acres of land under
cultivation which are at present lying waste.

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EGYPT UNDER LOED CROMER.

One of the first works which the British authorities undertook
in Egypt after the occupation was the creation and organisation
of a new Egyptian army, the old and almost worthless forces
having been largely destroyed at Tel-el-Kebir, and the remnant
afterwards disbanded. Sir Evelyn Wood commenced this work,
being aided in the task by a number of British officers. Lord
Grenfell continued the work, and in due course handed it on to Lord
Kitchener. It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that these
officers were completely successful in their undertaking, as the
splendid behaviour of the Egyptian troops in Soudanese warfare
under Lord Grenfell, and later under Lord Kitchener, when the
Soudan was rescued from barbarism, is well known to all. The
same type of men who in former times quailed and fled before the
Mahdist's dervishes, when properly trained and led, stood as
firm as a rock and never flinched.

From the Egyptian army one's mind naturally turns to the
work of the reconquest and rescue of the Soudan. To deal
adequately, however, with this bra'nch of the Egyptian question
would require too much space, and it is also really outside the
scope of the present work. It may, however, be remarked that
even the money spent upon the Soudan campaign was not all
expended in gunpowder and glory, as over and above the addition
of territory, and the removal of a constant source of danger and
unrest to the country, it provided a permanent and important asset
for the benefit of Egypt in the shape of railways and railway stock.
Almost one-half of the money which the campaign cost was spent
on railway construction, so that to-day there is satisfactory
communication not only from the old frontier into the Province
of Dongola, but also a line across the desert to Berber and
Khartoum. While speaking of railways it may also be mentioned
that a line has within the last few years been constructed from
the Bed Sea coast, in the neighbourhood of Suakin, to Berber, on
the Nile, a railway much discussed, it will be remembered, during
the Gordon period. In Lower Egypt, too, over a thousand miles
of light railways, mainly for agricultural purposes, have been
constructed, and have proved a great boon to the people.

In the old days when the Khedives were supreme, such public
undertakings as the railways just mentioned, the great irrigation
works, and similar matters would have been carried out by
corvee or forced labour. The old irrigation works and the Suez
Canal were largely the results of this cruel and barbarous system,
and the annual cleaning out of the irrigation canals was always
performed by the labouring population under compulsion and
without fee or reward. The forced labour was only made really
effective by the liberal use of the courbash or whip, and, indeed,

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EGYPT UNDER LOED CEOMEE.

it has been well said that the people of Egypt have from time
immemorial been governed by the lash. Under the old system
the courbash was used by the tax-gatherer to extort a second or
even a third time the tax which had already been paid. The
same instrument was used to compel a prisoner to confess himself
guilty of a crime which he had not committed, and, indeed, was
applied with effect by all whose official position gave them power
over a much abused and oppressed people.

Both the courbash and the oppressive system of corve"e have
disappeared under the enlightened rule applied by British officials,
and the groaning in the land of Egypt has been proportionately
lessened.

The corvee system was only abolished after a stiff fight by the
British Administrators, extending over several years, owing to
the obstacles put in the way by the Powers of Europe, who objected
to the cost of the free labour required to take the place of the
corvee, which it was feared would interfere with a reduction in the
land tax which was in prospect. It was only when the British
Government practically guaranteed the cost of the reform that
it was allowed to become a reality.

The only corvee which is now ever applied in Egypt is the
necessity for a certain number of men to be on the watch at the
flood season of the Nile to protect the banks, and thus prevent
inundations. Even for this service the numbers of men called out
for compulsory service are becoming fewer every year, and even at
its worst the service is not heavy or very exacting, and it is,
moreover, one which is of very direct benefit to those who are
affected by it. "The three C's," as Lord Cromer calls them,
"the Courbash, the Corvee, and Corruption," are in Egypt now
practically things of the past.

The taxation of the people of Egypt has been materially reduced
year by year, and the Egyptians are now more lightly taxed than
are the people of any European country. During the period of
Lord Cromer 's rule the total taxation of the people has been
reduced about 20 per cent., and it now stands at less than eighteen
shillings per head. Direct taxes to the amount of nearly
2,000,000 per annum have been remitted, and such indirect
taxes as the Salt Tax, octroi duties, bridge and lock dues on the
Nile, and the imposts upon river and sea fishing boats have been
completely abolished. The Salt Tax was an impost which acted
most oppressively on the poorer people, while the bridge dues,
instead of being paid by the people who passed over the bridges, to
whom they were a convenience, were unjustly collected from the
owners of the boats which passed under, although the presence

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EGYPT UNDEE LORD CEOMEE.

of such structures constituted an obstruction to navigation. This,
however, was quite in accordance with the old time conditions
in Egypt. It was never considered who should be legitimately
called upon to pay, but from whom could the money be most
readily extorted by the officials.

The dues on registration of land have been reduced from 5 to
2 per cent., light dues, ferry taxes, Customs duties on all kinds
of fuel, timber, live. stock, and meat have been reduced from 8 to
4 per cent., and many other imposts, too numerous to mention,
have been lightened or removed.

While the various reductions above referred to have been taking
place, money has at the same time been found for the introduction
of many improvements and much-needed reforms. The postal,
telegraph, and railway rates have been materially reduced, and the
services improved. Electric tramways, improved sanitation, and
water supply have been introduced into Cairo and Alexandria,
and a host of other more or less important matters have received
attention. The police have been properly organised, the
administration of justice overhauled, and prisons and lunatic
asylums improved and brought into line with those of European
countries. Education, elementary, secondary, and advanced, has
made great strides, large sums of money being provided for such,
while savings banks and many other useful institutions have been
organised and substantially established.

It is impossible to do more than indicate a few of the many
improvements and advantages which Egypt of to-day enjoys;
any detailed attention to them is quite out of the question. It
should be mentioned, however, that while taxes have been remitted,
and expensive reforms introduced into the country, the national
revenue has not suffered. The income of the Egyptian Government
may be said to have been steadily on the increase year by year,
practically at the rate of half a million per annum, notwithstanding
the increasing heavy drain upon the national exchequer.

In the year 1883 the total revenue was less than 9,000,000,
while, according to Sir Eldon Gorst's Eeport, the figure for the
year 1907 reached a total of well over 16,000,000, which was
more than a million and a half in excess of the estimates. The
surplus for the same year reached a total of more than 2,000,000.

The huge debt which, as we have seen, at one time totalled
over 104,000,000, is being gradually reduced, and that portion
of it which was still held by the public at the end of last year
had fallen to less than 87,500,000. The charge for that year for
interest and sinking fund amounted to 3,324,000, and this is, of

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EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMER.

course, a diminishing charge, which while the present prosperous
condition of the country continues can be paid without difficulty.
At the end of 1906 the Government held "a reserve fund of over
11,000,000, which after heavy payments for the carrying out
of various projects still stood at over 6,500,000 at the end of
1907. During 1908 further expenditure out of this fund has been
authorised of 3,400,000, which includes nearly 2,000,000 for
irrigation, always a remunerative investment in Egypt. During
the last twenty years or so nearly 16,000,000 has been expended
on various special works, including railways, canals, and other
public schemes, all of which money has been paid out of revenue
without the necessity of floating public loans. These general
figures are in themselves eloquent testimony of the present
progressively prosperous condition of the once bankrupt Egypt.

The population of the country has been steadily on the increase
during the British occupation. The census of 1907 shows the total
figure to have then reached 11,192,000, which was an increase
of 15 per cent, over the figures of the census taken ten years
before.

The volume of Egyptian trade has been regularly on the
increase for some years. During 1907 the value of the imports
and exports reached a total of over 54,000,000, an advance of
more than 5,000,000 on the year before. The proportion of
imports contained in the above figure was over 26,000,000, while
exports totalled over 28,000,000. It may be mentioned with
interest that the value of cotton exported during the year under
consideration reached no less than 23,598,000, a fact of some
interest to the people of Lancashire.

The difficulties of the Egyptian Government and the British
Agent-General will probably not be anything like so heavy in the
future as they have been during the past twenty-five years, due,
of course, to the fact that the country is now in a flourishing and
prosperous condition, and that nothing succeeds like success. The
international complications have, as we have seen, caused much
trouble in the past, and only very patient and astute statesmanship
has succeeded in steering the Egyptian vessel of State without
disaster among the rocks of difficulty and the shoals and quicksands
of European jealousy. The Anglo-French Agreement of 1904,
for which the diplomacy of King Edward VII. has primarily to be
thanked, has, however, removed the Egyptian question out of the
danger zone. France, in return for British support in Morocco,
has agreed to support Britain in Egypt, the practical result of
which is that Britain has now greater freedom than formerly in
dealing with the affairs affecting Egypt and its people ; while of

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even greater value, in the interests of the world's peace, is the
fact that many outstanding matters between Britain and France
have been cleared up and a close condition of friendliness
engendered.

It seemed at one time that trouble might be brought about by
the restiveness of the present Khedive, Abbas, who, while still
quite a youth, succeeded to the throne on the death of his father,
Tewfik, in January, 1892. Experience, however, combined with
the well-trained ability His Highness possesses, has no doubt long
ere this convinced him that the safety of his country and his
house is in good hands while the British remain the protectors
of Egypt.

It is very difficult to forecast what the future of Egypt is likely
to be. Lord Cromer suggests that two courses are open, either
the country must at some time become incorporated into the
British Empire, or it must become self-governing. Lord Cromer
clearly has personal leanings towards the self-governing idea, and
his work during the last few years of his administration of the
country has tended in that direction, as is evidenced by the steps
taken to introduce a system of local self-government. It is
equally clear, however, that the late Consul-General is satisfied
that many years must elapse before Britain can withdraw from
Egypt without the risk of a return to a condition little, if any,
better than that which prevailed before the advent of British
authority. He says : "If the British garrison were now withdrawn
a' complete upset would probably ensue."

It is evident that Britain must, for a considerable time to come :
continue to hold the reins, and there is no doubt that she will be
able to find men capable of becoming fitting successors of the great
pro- Consul who has preceded them.

In his work, "Modern Egypt," Lord Cromer, in summing up
the change which has come over Egypt since the British
occupation, says:

The contrast between now and then is remarkable. A new spirit has been
instilled into the population of Egypt. Even the peasant has learnt to scan
his rights. Even the Pasha has learnt that others besides himself have rights
which must be respected. The courbash may hang on the walls of the
Moudirich, but the Mudir no longer dares to employ it on the backs of the
fellaheen. For all practical purposes it may be said that the hateful corvee
system has disappeared. Slavery has virtually ceased to exist. The halycon
days of the adventurer and usurer are past. Fiscal burdens have been greatly
relieved. Everywhere law reigns supreme. Justice is no longer bought and
sold. Nature, instead of being spurned and neglected, has been wooed to
bestow her gifts on mankind. She has responded to the appeal. The waters
of the Nile are now utilised in an intelligent manner. Means of locomotion

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EGYPT UNDER LORD CROMER.

have been improved and extended. The soldier has acquired some pride in the
uniform which he wears. He has fought as he never fought before. The sick
man can be nursed in a well-managed hospital. The lunatic is no longer
treated like a wild beast. The punishment awarded to the worst criminal is
no longer barbarous. Lastly, the schoolmaster is abroad, with results which
are as yet uncertain, but which cannot fail to be important.

The foregoing quotation forms a splendid summary, of the
results of British effort honestly applied to a problem which a
generation ago appeared almost hopeless. Truly, as Lord Milner
has said, "In the Land of Paradox grapes do grow from thorns
and figs from thistles."

229

Some Principles of Social
Reform.

BY S. J. CHAPMAN, M.A., M.COM.,

Professor of Political Economy and Dean of the Faculty of Commerce
in the University of Manchester.

IT will be generally agreed that one of the chief needs of
social reformers to-day is definiteness with regard to
fundamental principles. We stand at a parting of the ways,
and most of us are not content to be opportunists and trust to
chance to bring us to a social Eldorado. Most of us believe in
a goal and reject the view that social reform is approximately
complete. By "social reform" I mean the steps which a
community takes by collective resolution for attaining its social
end. It will, therefore, be necessary to define the social end,
though many of the conditions of its realisation, such as the moral
development of the individual, fall without the scope of a paper
upon social reform as denned above.

It is beyond our powers to describe the social ideal in detail
with complete assurance. All reasonable attempts to do so must
proceed from an insight into human capacities and tastes. "0 thou
that pinest in the imprisonment of the Actual, and criest bitterly
to the gods for a kingdom wherein to rule and create, know this
of a truth: the thing thou seekest is already with thee, 'here or
nowhere, ' couldst thou only see ! ' ' But to see the oak in the
acorn is no simple feat. Human possibilities are only vaguely
foreshadowed, and the range of human choice is incalculable.
Nevertheless it is possible to indicate broadly some of the general
economic characteristics of the ideal which would meet with
widespread assent. We do not propose to ourselves now the
awkward task of holding the scales between Socialists and
Individualists. Socialism and Individualism relate rather to
means of reaching the ideal than to the ideal itself. For the
present, then, I have no fear of tilting against ready-armed
opposition.

In the last half century there has been developing an idea
of the community as an organism. This means on the economic
plane that society functions as a system of inter-related systems.
In these systems the individual plays a part only. The relations
between the parts are multitudinous, complex, and changeable.
On its productive side, the social organism is required to meet

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SOME PEINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

the needs of the community as consumer, and these needs
are never constant in their exact characters and proportions.
Moreover, ingenuity is daily fashioning improvements in
productive methods. The more we analyse, the more surely
do we realise that society is the most intricate and delicately
adjusted organism in the world, and that it is subject to its
laws or uniformities like any other organism. But its form is
determined teleologically and not solely by a vis a tergo; that
is to say, ideals consistent with human propensities govern what
is to be.

The first important truth concerning this organism which I
desire to emphasise may be expressed in the proposition that it
must be regarded as constituted fundamentally of individuals
and not of grades, groups, or castes. The form in which the
individuality of the person is obscured by the group is a primitive
social type. Patriarchalism, tribalism, the caste system,
feudalism, all these must ultimately yield to a social system
founded upon the capacity and potency of the individual.
Nothing in disparagement of modern teaching as to the
importance of the family is intended: the family is a natural
and necessary condition of social health; but it is justified of
the persons it gives to the world. No sociological investigation
has yet demonstrated that distribution of capacities takes place
almost entirely by classes, and, I venture to assert, never will.

The essentially personal foundations of society necessitate what
I shall term economic equality as they have necessitated political
equality. And the principle of ' ' economic equality ' ' should mean for
us this at least, the right of each person to have his potentialities
developed in due proportion and his right not to be interdicted
from the exercise of his powers. This proposition is somewhat
vague, but it conveys my meaning adequately for present
purposes, and it cannot be made more definite unless we are
prepared to embark upon an ethical treatise. It would be a
satisfaction to think that it was theoretically a platitude, but
actually it still needs insistent emphasis.

Now I pass on to outline other features of the ideal before
noticing the reforms to which the fundamental demand for
economic equality points. I shall examine these features under
the headings of Consumption, Production, and Distribution, but all
overlapping of treatment cannot be avoided.

Beginning with the consumption of wealth, all will agree that
incomes should be spent so as to realise the best in the nature
of the spender. It is needful to know, then, what things are to
be regarded as really valuable to society. As the individual
succeeds in attaining what he thinks valuable he may be said

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL BEFOEM.

to obtain satisfaction. By quantity of satisfaction I shall mean
merely the degree in which desire is satisfied; in short, by
satisfaction I understand measurement by an objective convention
of the fact of preference. Other things being equal, the individual
should aim at maximising satisfaction so defined on the principle
of economy. He should aim at getting the most of his ideal
that he possibly can with his income. By learning to avoid
thriftlessness and thoughtlessness and the acquisition of worthless
things, a society may really gain as much as from new inventions.
In sketching ideal consumption we evidently cannot avoid entirely
the subject of the distribution of wealth, for the question naturally
arises as to the circle of persons to which an individual's
consumption has reference. Expenditure should at least take into
account the whole requirements of family groups in the future
as well as in the present. For the attainment of a family ideal
the parents are chiefly responsible, and their responsibility involves
provision for the education and health of children. Further, there
is the circle of persons of varying degrees of intimacy around the
home to whom the individual owes obligations, and finally there
is his duty to the social whole. Moreover, production must be
remembered in consumption the need of consuming in such a
way, other things being equal, as to add to efficiency. Lastly,
I think we may agree that in the ideal world we all expect to
find individual powers so cultivated that the utmost attainable
satisfaction can be derived from any unit of wealth. A society is
certainly not near the end of evolution if most of its constituents,
because their higher faculties are dormant, fail to reap advantage
from the work of one of its members who, say, is a great writer.
In this event economy of consumption would be missing, and the
production of many of the most satisfying goods in the world
would be discouraged.

The end of production qua production is to secure what is
demanded at the least sacrifice. If possible, methods should be
such that their mere performance yields satisfaction. There is
also implied that the work of individuals should be governed by
their tastes ; and this desideratum seems to necessitate freedom of
choice. The development of tastes, too, is implied, and also that
the individual be not prevented from applying himself to the
work which suits him. Processes must be as little unhealthy
and as little dangerous as may be, and the time devoted to
production by any person must be such that any alteration would
diminish his balance of satisfaction, on the assumption that the
character and proportion of his demands are right.

Efficiency is the next attribute that I should emphasise. Other
things being equal, the more effective the instruments of production

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

the better. The public endowment of invention is a highly
profitable investment, but inventiveness should be guided by the
desire to enhance the satisfaction derived merely from the process
of production as well as to augment and improve the output.
The efficiency of a community depends upon its machinery being
ingenious, and this depends on inventive power not being overlooked
and neglected. And advance in productive methods is good not
only for its results on the output but also for itself. Such
progress means vigour and interest in life, and brings out the
powers of individuals. Further, the efficiency of a community
is magnified, as we have already remarked, in the degree in which
the most valuable capacities of all its members are evoked, and
in the degree in which the most valuable work of which they are
capable, in view of the conditions at the time, is assigned to
them. Waste of time in changing places and occupations, and
oscillations of good and bad trade, would be flaws in the ideal
that is a high degree of vertical and trade mobility in labour
would be characteristic of the ideal:

Equally with efficiency I should lay stress on appropriateness
of the output to the needs of consumers needs as shaped by
ideals of consumption. The things wanted most should be
produced first; and wants are constantly altering in intensity
and proportion. Movement towards the ideal implies continual
alteration in wants; in the ideal we should expect to find not
demand crystallised by custom and habit but liveliness and
individuality. To-day individuality in consumption is seriously
hampered by the inelasticity of the productive system. Hence
the more sensitively reactive the productive system is the better.
This seems to me to necessitate, in view of the immensity of
society, that it should be on the whole self -organised ; by which
I mean that its multiform reactions should be determined by the
millions of decisions of millions of free agents. Under another
arrangement there would be a fear of society becoming crystallised.
But observe that in expressing this opinion I am entering upon the
controversial question of the best means of securing a given end,
which, all will agree, Socialists as well as Individualists, is
appropriateness of the product to satisfy the most desirable needs
of the community. Much changing of occupation may be inherent
in the rapid responses of production to demand; hence another
reason for the trade mobility and geographical mobility of labour
already mentioned as a desideratum.

I may briefly notice here two defects strikingly exhibited in
pur productive system by which it is divorced from our ideal of
industrial life, namely, the unhealthiness of big towns and the
ugliness of the surroundings of manufacture. It is consoling to

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

think of the strength of the influences tending to prevent more
big towns from appearing. This I observe now by the way. The
spread of transport conveniences and their cheapening, combined
with the standardisation of machinery and its parts, which renders
it no longer needful for subsidiary industries to be carried on in
immediate juxtaposition with the manufactures which they
subserve, are steadily raising the conveniences of the small town
relatively to those in congested areas. Town planning with an
eye to health and beauty, and smoke prevention, may make our
towns of the future not unpleasant to reside in ; and when
transportation is cheap and rapid and hours of work are not so
long, the operative will experience less compulsion to live
beneath the factory wall. The sunny and beautiful town, with its
parks, boulevards, art galleries, and libraries (which are unknown
to the country), is neither an unpleasant nor unapproachable vision.
Ethics bear intimately on production, largely as regards the
motive of production and the attitude of members of productive
groups to each other. We should produce not merely for the
attainment of money income, but also for the attainment of
excellence in the thing produced and in ourselves. Producing to
achieve excellence is an end which it is beyond the power of
social reform, as I have defined it, to induce directly, but I
cannot set the question aside without quoting some words from
"a plea for chivalry in business" recently made by Professor
Marshall :

Chivalry in business includes public spirit, as chivalry in war includes
unselfish loyalty to the cause of prince, or of country, or of crusade. But it
includes also a delight in doing noble and difficult things because they are
noble and difficult. Knightly chivalry called on a man to begin by making his
own armour, and to use his armour for choice in those contests in which his
skill and resources, his courage and endurance, would be put to the severest
tests. It includes a scorn for cheap victories and a delight in succouring those
who need a helping hand. It does not disdain the gains to be won on the way,
but it has the fine pride of the warrior who esteems the spoils of a well-fought
battle, or the prizes of a tournament, mainly for the sake of the achievements
to which they testify, and only in the second degree for the value at which
they are appraised in the money of the market.

Finally, in this sketch of the ideal on its economic side, as it
appeals to me, I reach distribution. Much relating to distribution
has already been discussed. Distribution is the storm centre of
social controversy to-day, and there is not a little misunderstanding
of the manner in which distribution works now. ''To each
according to his needs" is certainly the ideal, according to ethical
doctrine, if by "needs" is not meant "wants" but the real
needs of a person's nature and occupation. Needs are only very
slowly becoming effective as determinants of earnings, but we
move towards the ideal as the mobility of society gets greater,

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SOME PEINCIPLES OF SOCIAL EEFOEM.

opportunity is more evenly spread, and moral forces strengthen.
Mobility and the equalisation of opportunity afford scope to
individuals to satisfy their present requirements, and the
strengthening of ethical obligations means that true standards come
to govern supply prices more fully. However, the immense
inequality of wealth to-day, and the low level of wages in the
vast majority of cases, must be regretfully recognised. It must
not be forgotten that distribution regulates production when
enterprise is free, and that the former cannot be forcibly corrected
without the latter being affected. Eelative wages are magnets
attracting labour to the localities and occupations where it is most
needed. I am inclined to argue but this again is a controversial
question of the means whereby the ideal is realised that we
require a fundamentally self-working system of distribution in
order to ensure appropriate production and to keep active the flows
of capital and labour, which are like the circulation of the blood.

This concludes my lightning presentment of my vision of the
social ideal. I do not pretend that it is complete. Fundamental
points are what I aim at indicating in this article. Next I shall
ask my readers to apply this ideal outline to existing conditions,
and to note the most striking discrepancies between what is and
what should be. Thus we shall be supplied with a rational basis
for the proximate ends of social reform. After making the test
for myself, I have drafted the following in order to show those
divergencies, not consisting wholly in the defective moral
development of the individual, which impress me most. In the
ideal the man is the fully-developed potentiality of the child; the
character and daily duration of work is adapted to the worker's
nature, and tastes; continuity of employment and rapidity of
accommodation to new conditions are characteristic; differences
between incomes correspond to differences between real needs;
surroundings are beautiful and salubrious. As things are what the
man is depends largely on the class in which he was born; the
individual is often demoralised by his work, which not infrequently
is disliked and is excessive; broken employment and very tardy
readaptations are not the exception ; differences between incomes
show little correspondence to differences between real needs;
surroundings are ugly and unhealthy.

Of these five contrasts the first is the gravest, and, as I hope
to show, though not the sole cause, far the most potent cause of
the four other contrasts taken as a whole. I shall, therefore,
examine this contrast at length, noting the reforms by which it
can be corrected and their reactions upon the remaining
discrepancies. Finally, I shall suggest for each of these remaining
discrepancies the specific action which they seem to call for. It is

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SOME PEINCIPLES OF SOCIAL BEFORM.

only fair to add here, however, that in some respects actual
conditions do not compare unfavourably in character with what I
have imagined to be perfection. Most of us enjoy a certain degree
of liberty to choose our work, though it is limited by lack of
opportunity. Again, production does seem to respond to demand
in a marvellous fashion when we take into account how vast and
complex a system the social one is.

"Vertical mobility," that is power to move from class to
class, is one of the qualities in society which it should be our
first aim to foster. The "mobility" recommended by early
popular economics meant horizontal and geographical mobility,
that is the power of labour to flow to the trades and places
where it was most needed. Important as these kinds of mobility
are, far more important is vertical mobility, which ensures a rapid
substitution upwards and downwards of capacity for incapacity.
This is a vital social process, the strength of which has the
same stupendous influence upon social healthfulness as a good
blood circulation has upon the vigour of the animal organism.
It is desirable in itself, as I have shown and shall show further,
and it results in most valuable reactions on efficiency and
distribution. Its reaction on distribution I shall examine at once,
as this bears directly on one of the most serious of the contrasts
noted above, namely, the great inequalities of income.

First, it will be necessary to say something of the "law"
of wages. I use the term "law" here merely to mean
"uniformity." A concentrated exposition of the nature of wages
will be difficult to follow, but it cannot be shirked. Society
produces in organic systems, as I have already said, and the
distribution of what it produces takes place roughly according
to the "marginal worths" of the factors included in the systems.
By "marginal worth" is meant. the effect of the last increment
of any factor. Thus any particular workman tends to get as
his wage what the business in which he is engaged would lose
if he were dismissed. Generally speaking, the same law explains
the remuneration of all factors. To take another example,
the rate of interest represents what would be lost annually by
a business if it diminished the capital that it used by 100 and
kept all else the same. There are two other points to be grasped.
Of these the first is that the larger the relative number of wage-
earners the 'lower is their marginal worth, and hence their wage.
For instance, taking a particular class of labour and supposing
the members of the class to be 1,000 and wages 30s., the wage
would be more than 30s. if there were 999 members of the class
(the quantity of other factors in production remaining as before),
and still more if there were fewer than 999 members. Finally

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SOME PEINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

we note that wages are not determined at a point, but between
limits owing to social friction. Thus, if theoretically the wage
should be 30s. because 30s. is its marginal worth, it will
actually lie between, say, 32s. and 26s. The span of these
limits measures the degree of social friction. In effect these
propositions are accepted universally by analytical economists, and
as regards appeal against them to sentiment, I would urge firstly
that, as society is now constructed, we cannot expect people on
any large scale to be paid more than would be saved if they
were not employed at all (that is their marginal worth), and
secondly that it would not be desirable that people should
ordinarily be authorised to appropriate from the national income
a larger amount than this. W T hen people are paid what they
are worth they are induced to do the work at which they are
worth most, as they would not be otherwise.

Now, what follows from the law of wages as above expounded?
The deduction is obvious that if the better paid classes are
relatively augmented their earnings fall, while the national income
is increased; and that if the wage-earning classes are relatively
decreased their wages rise. Here some of my readers may shrink
from what looks like a repetition of the heresies contained in early
popularisations of the teaching of Malthus. But the word
"relatively" makes all the difference. If the artisan army were
reduced by 10 per cent., and other things remained as before, wages
would rise; but if all other factors were reduced in magnitude by
10 per cent, at the same time, wages would not rise but almost
certainly fall. It follows that if artisans increase at a lower rate
than the other factors, wages rise. What is the conclusion?
Incontrovertibly that if vertical mobility be intensified so that a
great influx into the higher classes from the lower classes is
induced, wages must rise. The right inference from the law of
wages is not that the operative classes should check their natural
increase, but that they should encourage vertical mobility. And
vertical mobility is a further aid in raising wages in that it causes
improvement in the average quality of directing labour, and
elevates the level of vitality of the whole community. All
experience and a priori argument demonstrate that the progress of
a healthy society growing in numbers is immeasurably greater than
that of a similar society stationary in numbers.

Vertical mobility depends upon the equalisation of opportunity,
and the chief means of equalising opportunity is education.
Of the remaining results of education, hopefulness, enterprise, '
adaptability, efficiency, and interest in life and its work, are the
most important, including to some extent the restlessness which
Ruskin, with his love of economic medisevalism, deplored. The

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

"leading out" of the talents of all individuals in the community
I lay down as an essential condition of the ends that we desire
being attained. Eeforms in the past which have afforded scope for
capacity have frequently failed because the individual has not been
trained to take advantage of it. Our educational system must be
made of such a kind that the multitudes of dormant properties
inherent in the constituents of our social whole are discovered and
appropriately developed by means of it.

Now, all will agree that the elementary teacher to-day is, as a
rule, overwhelmed by the magnitude of his classes. Individual
attention is impossible, and any discovery of capacity is a miracle.
We fail at the stage of selection, and we fail again in placing the
selected in suitable schools. The educational ladder no doubt
exists to-day, but it is slender and reached only with difficulty.
The final stage should be the provision of a broad and easy avenue
to the Universities and institutions of similar standing for the
liberal handful left after the final sifting. And of those who
attained unto the last step it is to be hoped that the bulk would
ultimately choose ordinary business avocations. The Universities
to-day, if they are to play their proper part in national life, must
design measures to resist the thoughtless drift of those of their
alumni who have their livings to make into the so-called liberal
professions, and provide to a larger extent the training which
fits a man for the performance of industrial and commercial duties.
Educationalists will see how much that is urgent has been omitted
from this suggestion of educational reform. There are, for
instance, the questions of the age limit, continuation work, and
the character of the teaching. Immediately, I would chiefly press
for a raising of the age limit, its strict enforcement, smaller
classes, better paid teachers, more differentiation of methods, and
more scholarship arrangements (not necessarily in all cases upon
the basis of examination), by which passage from grade to grade
in education may be rendered easier. The annual cost would be
millions : the annual gain to society in wealth alone would in a
few years, in my opinion, greatly exceed the cost. It is
expenditure, observe, fruitful in returns, of which the burden,
therefore, would progressively become lighter.

Some social reformers, I have no doubt, will take the view
that the wages question is being steadily settled by the growing
effectiveness of trade unions. But their effectiveness is limited.
My readers must be reminded that I am now concerned only with
their effectiveness in levering up wages trade union efforts
intended to improve the conditions of work, to cause the
introduction of systems of paying wages thought to be advantageous
to the operative classes, to steady employment and protect the

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL EEFOEM.

individual against tyranny, important though they be, we must
resolutely ignore. Now, trade unions screw up wages (a) by
exerting a pressure which drives them to, and keeps them at,
the upper limit, and (b) by professionalising labour and so raising
its efficiency. Nothing is perfect in this by no means best of all
possible Worlds, not excepting the trade unions, but on the whole
T make no doubt that they have raised wages and elevated the
quality of labour. Social groups generally work beneficently on
their members in the long run despite any incidental damage done
by them. Advance is brought about largely by group action.
In groups the social consciousness is created and the social
conscience is awakened. The defined motives of group action are
usually loftier in tone than the vague motives which drive us
individually. What we place upon paper and are called upon to
defend must be consistent, or at least have a plausible appearance
of consistency, with ethical precepts. Hence social groups set up
effective standards of action by defining ends and insisting upon
them.

How much of the effectiveness of a trade union is attributable
to a counteraction of social friction I would not venture to
estimate, but no less an authority than Professor Marshall,
among many others, holds that, as things are, social friction works
on the side of the employer when labour is uncombined. Wages
rise as the marginal worth of labour rises, but only after
retardation which may be significantly less in case of a fall in
marginal worth. I have laid it down that wages are actually
determined, by the "law" of wages, not at a point but between
limits. Now, wages, when labour is uncombined, may ordinarily
follow the movements of the lower limit; and the lower limit
may be, and probably is, beneath the marginal worth of labour
by a higher percentage than the upper limit is above it. Trade
unions can secure that labour shall get as wage the upper limit,
and the gain thereby secured may be considerable. But, after
granting all that the soberest trade unionists claim for their
organisations as regards their effect on the general level of wages,
we must still recognise that by ordinary trade-union action every
cause bearing upon wages is not and cannot be harnessed in the
interests of labour. The educational reforms that I have sketched
and the provision of scope for unendowed capacity are beyond
their unaided efforts.

One might at first be inclined to assume hastily that measures
aimed at creating strong upward and downward currents between
the economic grades of society would be supported enthusiastically
by the lower economic grades, but some further consideration
would damp such optimism. Popular support is withheld not

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

only because of a general failure to recognise that the individuals
who rise benefit the whole of the class which they leave, but
also because of the prevalence of the doctrine that the salvation
of labour must be worked out by means of a class conflict
(klassenkampf), and that for this the proletariat is weakened by the
loss of any man, and particularly one of more than average gifts.
Continental Socialism is widely impregnated with this teaching.
It is derived from some theory of exploitation. Now, I think it
would be an irrelevancy to expound to those who have any grip of
modern economics the theory of exploitation as advanced by Karl
Marx. It has very little influence in England, and it involves
denial of the theory of wages as laid down and justified above.
Its very kernel is the contention that the workman neither gets,
nor tends to get, his marginal worth. And an examination of its
suggestions that interest charges might be economised by another
system of social organisation would involve us in lengthy argument
dependent upon principles of politics as well as of economics. But
every form of the doctrine of exploitation cannot therefore be
ignored.

As Marx laid the foundations of his system in his interpretation
of Eicardian theories, so some of his better instructed followers
have twisted the results of modern economic analysis into a new
theory of exploitation. Their argument runs as follows: Wages
always equal the marginal value of labour. If on any machine
one hand is worth 5 a week, a second hand 3, and a third
2, people doing that work will get 2 a week when three is the
number of hands employed on the machine. That is to say the
operatives at work on the machine will be paid 6 a week in all
though their total value is 10. This example proves, it is
contended, that labour must be robbed by the employer of a portion
of its value when labour is paid only its marginal worth.

Apart from certain minor defects in this reasoning which
need not detain us, it makes at first a most plausible appeal.
A few moments' thought, however, will reveal to the wary its
fallacious character. A similar argument could be used of every
factor in production, and it follows in consequence that all
the factors in production taken together are worth something
enormously greater than the value of their total product, and
that the employer exploits labour, labour exploits the employer,
and both exploit capital and are exploited by it in turn. The
conclusion is absurd, and the argument to prove that labour
is exploited is, therefore, erroneous. It establishes merely
that production is organic, so that no factor can point to its
independent output. We all receive advantage from the value
of others' capacity, and we must all make gifts to others of some

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of the value of our own. The share that any person acquires
of the wealth jointly produced depends upon his marginal worth,
and this in turn depends in part upon the numbers in the class
to which he belongs in relation to the quantity of other factors.

The theory of the klassenkampf, or class conflict, is usually
deduced from some form of the doctrine of exploitation, though
many accept it who neither understand nor care about its
theoretical foundations. Belief in the klassenlcampf is ingrained
in the revolutionary section of the Continental Social Democrats.
The revolutionary section, the reader must be reminded, does
not necessarily advocate actual physical force. Many of the
members of this section trust that reform will be brought about
gradually and peaceably, but they are all convinced that the
"proletariat" must seize the power to manage everything before
their share of wealth can be largely augmented. These Social
Democrats, therefore, place little reliance on trade-union action,
the limited triumphs of which they regard as too insignificant to
be worth the effort which they entail. It is in consequence of
this view, to no insignificant extent, that trade unionism has not
flourished abroad as it has in England, and that Continental
Socialism is a powerful organised party to be reckoned with.

Now, what are the leading truths and errors, to my mind,
of the beliefs formulated in the doctrine of the klassenkampf ?
The first important truth is that ideas can modify the existing
social organism. This all reformers, I imagine, would subscribe to.
The second is that strengthening by trade unions one party to the
bargain whereby distribution is arranged between labour and the
other factors in production to-day cannot eventuate in any very
striking changes ; that underlying the bargain are forces which lay
down rigid limits to the success which can be achieved in this
way. The third is that the reforms which would improve vastly
the earnings and conditions of labour cannot be brought about
without the intervention of a powerful and well-organised popular
party. But, these truths notwithstanding, those who subscribe
to the tenets of the school of the klassenkampf usually cherish
hopes as to the manner in which wages are to be raised which
are foredoomed to disappointment if they ever come to the test
of practice. The klassenkampf, taking that term with all that it
implies, is the labour expression of the economic medievalism
which has been attacked earlier in these pages. It starts from
the class conception of society, and in so doing, it has been my
effort to prove, it cannot benefit where it trusts to benefit, and
even if it could it would retard a reform on a higher level in so
far as it tended to maintain the class formation of society. If the
present large proportion that ordinary employed labour constitutes

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

of the factors in production is maintained and its maintenance is
implied in the root ideas underlying the klassenkampf labour
could not secure a much larger share of the national wealth without
its being paid more than its marginal worth, and other factors
being paid less than their marginal worth. And to any proposals
involving the unlinking of the connection between earnings and
the marginal worth of persons there are weighty objections.
The connection in question is of immense importance in securing
as continuously as possible appropriateness of output, and its
maintenance is otherwise to the interest of individual workers of
all grades, who are spurred by the knowledge that they tend to
benefit in the degree in which they enhance the value of their
services to the community. The question is not one of Socialism
versus Individualism. A Socialistic State would be most unwise
if it deliberately resolved to snap this link. It is not as if the
desired end that is, larger incomes for the wage earners could
not be reached by some other method which would escape damaging
reactions.

Certain of my readers may have chafed for some time at what
may seem over-subtlety in my argument. If some persons get
more than they really want, and others get less than they really
want, why not take from the former and give to the latter? I
shall not argue that this should never be done neither do I
affirm that it should but there are objections to any such course
sufficiently strong, I think, to induce us to seek a better way.
In the first place, merely to redistribute earned incomes is not
a solution of the difficulty but a cutting of the Gordian knot a
rough and ready correction of the wrong results ("wrong" as
judged by the ideal) which are brought about by the operation of
existing social forces. The wrong results would still jcontinue to
be brought about. It is infinitely more important to ensure that
wealth shall be automatically distributed in the future according
to our notions of ideal fairness than to share existing accumulations
according to such notions and still leave operative the forces making
for undesirable inequalities. If the whole, or a substantial part, of
existing fortunes were forcibly redistributed certain grave reactions
might be expected. An atmosphere of insecurity, which' is
destructive of steady activity, would be created, the application of
some producing power would be discouraged, and enterprise would
be debilitated.

I reiterate that measures which conduce to the further
equalisation of opportunity are the most urgently needed reforms
of the present day. And we have not yet exhausted in this
essay all that is implicated in the "equalisation of opportunity."
It is not enough merely to develop capacities and prevent the

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closing of avenues to their exercise. Capacity is a subtle quality
which is not always externally impressive, and tastes are frequently
peculiar. It seems inevitable, therefore, for this reason as well
as for other reasons already advanced, that we should cling to
some ideal of liberty. People must be left free to make their lives
and learn from experience to correct their estimates of their own
powers. Some despised men rise by hidden sources of genius to
lead their fellows. Again, society alters continuously, occupations
must sometimes be changed, and the exercise of foresight by each
individual for himself is the only guarantee of his moving in an
appropriate direction and preserving his peace of mind. If society
is to evolve, one of its prime needs is freedom of choice and
scope for the individual. The "spacious" days to come constitute
one of the greatest attractions to me of my ideal of the future.
We can help, stimulate, correct, remove obstacles, dimmish
friction, and furnish outlets for the expression of individual
powers, but we cannot settle satisfactorily by collective resolution
all the delicately reactive vital functioning which is involved in a
highly organised society.

To the provision of scope for the abilities of the people the
State is now showing a disposition to turn its attention. In a
perfect society the agricultural industry, for example, would
exhibit a wide range of organisation, from the immense farm
engaging many labourers to the small allotment cultivated as
a by-employment. In eyery district it should be possible for the
aspiring labourer to get the right education in youth for a farmer,
and to try his powers in the first instance on a small holding.
A proved man would not need to restrict his operations for long
for want of capital. But to-day, generally speaking, great difficulty
is experienced in obtaining small holdings at a reasonable rent.
Owners of large estates are not always willing to be burdened with
the trouble of them, and the intermediary the estate developer
is not yet active on a large scale, probably because the demand
for the small holding is still latent. Public authorities can
usefully fill the gap, and reformers will gladly welcome the powers
with which the State is investing them.

In this matter of the provision of opportunities for talent we
must not overlook the splendid services of Co-operation, which, it
may be incidentally noted here, has ever been regardful at the
same time of the important educational side of all social reform.
And Co-operation has not only been of value socially in offering a
field for the testing and exercise of unendowed power, but also in
furnishing proof that the worker may gain in satisfaction and
efficiency when he is given a wider interest in the system within
which he works, and that much of the best work of the world is

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFOEM.

capable of accomplishment by voluntarily associated efforts and
joint resolution. In this broad sketch it would be impossible for me
to treat of every variety of form in the economic world, but I
may seize this opportunity to remark that when I contemplate
the diversities of human nature I cannot believe that ultimately
a uniform system will characterise the methods of carrying on
the business of life. In the ideal I expect to find developed
municipal and State Socialism, but also developed private
enterprise outside the scope of State and municipal undertakings,
and developed systems of business by the voluntary association
which we term Co-operative. But, whatever the special business
form, I should certainly expect to find invariably the individual
worker less of a pawn than he is to-day his interests widened,
his tastes consulted, his views regularly expressed and carrying
weight. It needs but to state this to bring forcibly to our minds
again the prime need of more education.

My readers will have already deduced for themselves that I
have little belief that any large gains of the kind which we have
been considering will result from the lines of reform laid down
in our Australasian Colonies. Eldorado, I am convinced, does
not lie that way. The settlement of wages by an all-embracing
system of authoritative declarations by judges and majorities
on Wages Boards might easily result in an awkward deadlock.
For in any given set of circumstances there is a demand for
different quantities of labour at different wages. The State could
fix the wage, therefore, but not the number employed. Suppose,
for the sake of example, that the population of a country offering
three occupations, A, B, and C, is 100,000. Let the wage in A
be fixed at 2 a week, that in B at 3 a week, and that in C
at 4 a week. What is the guarantee that 100,000 people would
be employed at these wages? Let 40,000 be engaged in A at
2, and 30,000 in B at 3 ; maybe 20,000 only would be required
in C at 4. As many as 10,000 would then be left without work.
This would not mean that the community was incapable of keeping
all its members employed, for, to point to one way out of the
difficulty, as the wage in C was lowered more labour would be
engaged until the displaced 10,000 were reabsorbed. In the
Australasian Colonies the biggest industry of all, agriculture, is
not covered by the laws relating to arbitration and Wages Boards,
and this industry, therefore, could incorporate any number of
persons who were permanently deprived of work by the awards of
Courts or Boards. It does not follow, however, that failure more or
less complete looms ahead of the Australasian reformers. If
conciliation insensibly replaces arbitration proper, and it becomes the
custom both in Industrial Courts and in Wages Boards to withhold

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SOME PEINCIPLES OF SOCIAL EEFORM.

judgment until a mutually acceptable compromise is hit upon, then
the Colonies are to be congratulated on having solved the problem
of bargaining as between capital and labour. I am a firm believer
in the efficacy of conciliation as a lubricant to reduce friction
when questions of wages and hours are under discussion. But
what is chiefly relevant for me to say here is that the Labour
Courts and Wages Boards of Australasia, act they never so
favourably to labour, cannot so lever up the rate of wages as to
leave a general impression that the problem of distribution is
solved. The use of Wages Boards to check sweating raises
distinct issues. Sweating is a problem large absolutely but small
in relation to the social question as a whole. I shall make no
specific reference to it in this essay ; nor shall I make any specific
reference to the problem concerning those unfortunate people who
are incapable of supporting themselves owing to old age or
invalidity, except to point out that their numbers may be expected
to diminish as the reforms which I have indicated, and those to
which I have yet to refer, are carried out.

Next to the neglect of the individual the most serious defect,
perhaps, in present conditions is irregularity of employment. This
includes (a) short time and stoppages, (b) the passage of labour
from one business to another in the same trade, but not
necessarily in the same district, and (c) changes in occupation.
The periods of idleness occasioned by these incidents may be short
or long. The passage of labour from place to place and trade
to trade is not in itself a thing to be deplored. It becomes
serious when loss of value in the person moving results, and when
the time occupied by the process of change is long. The following
causes may conveniently be distinguished: (1) Seasonability of
demand and spasmodic demand; (2) variations in demand which
mark a permanent change in wants; (3) the influence of weather
on the possibility of working; (4) alterations in methods of
production; (5) trade cycles; (6) variations in the taste and
capacity of the workman; (7) disagreement between employer
and employee. The last is a personal matter, and trade unions
check any attempted tyranny. Cause (3) is beyond our control,
but some organisation of by-employments for times of slackness
would be a gain. Causes (1) and (2) fall within the sphere of
human control. Though the irregularity of employment resulting
from these causes is serious, it is satisfactory to observe the
growing split between irregular demand and irregular production.
Anticipation counteracts irregularity of demand, and anticipation is
getting to be more perfectly organised. Moreover, irregular
production is being steadily discouraged by its high relative cost
when expensive machinery is employed.

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

Causes (2), (4), (5), and (6) are the most serious matters.
I shall take (5) first, i.e., trade cycles, and I readily admit
that the temporary paralysis of enterprise which diagnosis shows
to be the chief feature of bad trade is a very grave defect in the
individualistic system. If these attacks were becoming worse and
more frequent there would be ground for serious alarm, but it
seems most likely that conditions are improving instead of
deteriorating. However, the present must count for a great deal
with every generation, and until the trade cycle, so far as its
intensity is sufficient to affect employment, belongs only to the
past which will not be in our lifetime we must recognise an
obligation to mitigate or counteract its effects upon the operative
classes. Labour Exchanges, the importance of which I am
anxious to press, would keep harmful consequences at the lowest
possible minimum in view of the state of trade, but they could
not wipe out cyclical unemployment entirely. Only two courses
can be pursued with reference to this kind of unemployment. The
one to make the demand of public authorities vary inversely as
the trade cycle so far as that is possible ; the other to start special
works in times of bad trade in order to afford occupation to the
efficient who are out of work through no fault of their own.
These "relief works," as they have been called, need not tre
associated with poor relief; the disgrace does not rest on the
workman but on the social whole. At such special public
employment a low wage would have to be paid for these reasons :
the work being started not primarily because it is wanted but
to afford employment has a low value; the level of efficiency
of the workmen would not normally be high, because the least
efficient are discharged first in times of bad .trade and because
the new work would be strange to most of the hands the State
would obviously find it too difficult and costly to run every type
of industry, and if it did there would follow an undesirably
depressing reaction upon the industries already depressed and it
is in the interests of everybody that persons out of work should
return to the main industrial current as soon as possible,.

.So much may be said as regards the treatment of cyclical
unemployment after it has appeared, but the question remains
whether at each recurrent period of bad trade the numbers of those
totally deprived of occupation need be so great. Contraction of
work consequent upon bad trade could take the form of less work
for each man, instead of the dismissal of a certain number of men.
In many industries to-day contraction of the demand for labour
does assume the first form on the whole, but in others this form
is uncommon, and in many industries it would be difficult to
arrange. It is highly desirable, however, that it should be generally

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SOME PEINCIPLES OF SOCIAL EEFOBM.

realised how considerably distress would be mitigated by a wide
extension of the system of spreading the effects of bad trade over
the working population as a whole instead of concentrating it upon
the few.

The bulk of the evils associated with causes (2), (4), and (6)
is connected with slowness of accommodation. Change is all
to the good the healthiest societies are those furthest removed
from the stationary state but it is essential that the process of
reabsorption should follow rapidly upon that whereby labour is
dispensed with. At present this reaction takes place most tardily.
The defect is that demand and supply find it so difficult to get into
contact. Everywhere the demand for labour is to be found;
everywhere labour is seeking occupation; but the contiguous
demands and supplies do not fit. Trade unions perform the office
of employment agent for their members, but only as regards
finding them work again in the same trade, and non-unionists
are helpless. I am being driven to the conviction that public
Labour Exchanges must be organised on the lines of Produce
Exchanges. There used to be exactly the same chaos in produce
markets, with the result that immense local differences in prices
were met with. If worked thoroughly from the first, with adequate
funds and under the most capable direction obtainable, a system
of Labour Exchanges might be productive of enormous advantage.
It would have to be complete, like that of Bavaria, for instance,
and compulsorily maintained. Society being so complicated and
varied, and so mutable that the ejectment of people from the tasks
which they have performed for years is taking place continuously,
for its steady and satisfactory working as fully manned as possible
it is requisite that adequate information as to the circumstances of
different trades should be periodically published, and that the
individual should, as need arose, be put in possession of all the
facts relating to the demand for labour, or the supply of it,
which were relevant to his circumstances.

I am assuming that in the competitively organised society
there is normally work enough for all. The correctness of this
assumption really follows from the theory of wages already
advanced. The contrary belief implies that demand is fully
satiated, or that enterprise is so scarce that nobody can be
found to employ more labour when a profit would result, and
that in such case labour is incapable of organising itself. The
effect of an all-round improvement in methods of production would
not be to turn people permanently out of work, but on the one
hand to shorten the hours of labour, and on the other hand to
cause the production of commodities which were not previously
produced because labour was then fully occupied in making

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SOME PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

sufficient to satisfy the then existing standards of life. Standards
of living are infinitely elastic, and instantaneously expand when
opportunity occurs, and so stimulate further production. Even if
standards of living were constant, and people, instead of working
shorter hours, worked the old hours in order to save when the
improvement in methods of production took place, still there
would be occupation for all. Savings employ labour if they are
invested in industry, and if they take the form of stored valuables
they must also represent the employment of labour, for valuables
in order to be stored must first be acquired.

As it has been my intention in this article to deal only with
the most fundamental questions, there remain many reforms,
important in themselves though of secondary importance in
relation to our main thesis, to which reference cannot be made.
But the State regulation of industry hardly falls within this
group, or housing policy which is now so prominently before
us. The battle over factory legislation has been fought and
won ; there survives only the problem of its exact form and scope.
Very few would deny now that competition does not of itself lead
to the most suitable hours of labour or the most satisfactory
processes. The lack of expert scientific knowledge and carelessness
on the part of the public render State regulation desirable when
more than usual danger is involved in production. Partially
related to the matter of danger is the question of the length of
the working day. The curtailment of this by the State may be
advocated with a view to the preservation of health and future
efficiency. Long-sightedness is not a characteristic feature of
the industrial army, and competition between businesses is not
unlikely to sacrifice the labour efficiency of the future. It might
also be urged with some show of justification that in settling the
length of the working day employers would be apt to forget or
disregard the direct value of leisure to their employees, even if
they took into account the reaction of the length of the working
day on efficiency.

The question of a housing policy links itself on to so-called
Municipal Socialism, for both proceed from the one sociological
root. Ideas of corporate responsibility, corporate control, and
corporate activity are rapidly becoming effective. If actuated
by devotion to social duty and regard for the public good,
public bodies will find themselves possessed of exceptional
capacities for carrying out certain works beneficial to the
community. It is not likely that these works will cover the
whole field of economic activities, but the question of the provision
of transportation, water, and illumination within local areas has
now almost passed beyond the boundaries of controversy. A

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SOME PEIXCIPLES OF SOCIAL REFORM.

housing policy connects itself with the need of public interest
in matters concerning health, and with the admitted value of the
higher social goods such as libraries and picture galleries with
which a community can only satisfactorily supply itself when it
acts as an organised whole. The aesthetic idea is applied to a
building by architecture, but much of the gain is thrown away
when the aesthetic idea is not applied to groups of buildings
regarded as a whole. And on grounds of economic convenience
and health the over-ruling of the individual in the matter of the
use made of urban land will be found requisite. The most recent
proposals relating to town planning pass a stage beyond the
building regulations by which municipalities exercised a negative
control. The passage marks a further phase in the evolution of
the idea of a corporate end and corporate responsibility. From
this evolution also proceed on the one hand the desire of many
advanced municipalities to set an example in the provision of
houses, and on the other hand the enterprise of Garden City and
Suburb Associations.

I have now completed my survey of social conditions and noted
the fundamental reforms which appeal to me as most urgent. I
shall conclude by recapitulating my chief points. I invite the
reader's attention again to the contrasts drawn earlier in this
article between the ideal and the actual. And first, as regards the
steps to which they impel us, I should urge equally the importance
of being practical and the importance of conceiving ends. The
prophetic vision, if framed rationally in the light of a knowledge
of social relations, may inspire and serve as a valuable test of
reform, but the road immediately before our feet is a more urgent
consideration at present than the nature of the nearer approach
which is still far distant. The views of Socialists and others need
not clash to any great extent as yet if attention is confined to
what can be done now. Differences of opinion as to the value of
distant means ought not to be allowed to obscure a fundamental
agreement as to the ultimate end. The particular reforms the
need of which impress me most may be generalised in these
terms : the cultivation of the individual, the provision of scope
for his powers, the removal of unnecessary friction in social
working so that unemployment may be reduced, and the application
of public authority to augment the amenities of life and render
its conditions healthier, less dangerous, and more beautiful.
Inequalities of earnings, I have striven to show, would be
greatly reduced were adequate measures adopted for bringing about
the first two of these reforms.

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Railways and the Nation

BY L. G. CHIOZZA MONEY, M.P.

1. THE INVENTIONS OF THE DEAD.

RICHAED Trevithick by the "tre" ye shall know the
Cormshman the inventor of the locomotive engine, was
born in 1771 and died in 1833. After a life spent in work
of which all men are the inheritors, he unsuccessfully petitioned
Parliament in 1828 to reward him for his inventions.

George Stephenson of the North Country the perfecter of
the locomotive engine, and inventor of the miners' safety lamp,
was born in 1781 and died in 1848. In 1825 he engineered the
first railway upon which goods and passengers were carried by
a locomotive. In 1829 he constructed the famous "Bocket, "
which did 29 miles an hour on her trial trip.

The "Kocket" of 1829 is in all essential features the
locomotive of 1909. It contained the multitubular flue. It
contained the blast pipe to exhaust the waste steam up the
chimney, the producer of the "puff-puff" which has delighted
children ever since 1829. It embodied the principle of directly
connecting the two cylinders, one on either side of the engine,
with the driving wheels.

In precisely the same manner in which George Stephenson got
up steam and sailed away in 1829, so in 1909, eighty years
afterwards, we run our locomotives. The modern engine is
bigger and more powerful, and costs thousands instead of
hundreds, but it is merely a glorified "Kocket. "

Neither Trevithick nor Stephenson passed on either a
millionaire estate or a title to their descendants. Their inheritors
are the world's peoples.

The whole point of my remarks lies in a modification of the
last sentence. I have written "Their inheritors are the world's
peoples." I should have said "Their unequal inheritors are the
world's peoples."

Trevithick and Stephenson, both of them British, have
remodelled the world. They did more for Free Trade than Peel or
Cobden or Gladstone. No politician, however blind, however
ignorant of engineering or science, could altogether prevent the
work of Trevithick and Stephenson from affecting the people at
large.

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RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

But this extraordinary thing has been wrought in the years
since 1829. The great estate the Trevithick-Stephenson estate
of genius is only partly enjoyed in the native land of those two
great engineers, while it has become national property in other
lands, e.g., Germany and Belgium.

The countrymen of Trevithick and Stephenson are permitted
to travel in trains, and to convey their goods and minerals by
trains. They own the "Rocket" it can be seen for nothing at
the South Kensington Museum. But they do not own trains, and
they can only use the many copies of the "Rocket" now exisiting
in the United Kingdom by permission of the few people whom they
have allowed to monopolise the inventions of the dead.

It is otherwise in Belgium. Belgium enlisted the services of
Stephenson even in his lifetime, and now that he is dead they
own their trains. They have no native "Rocket" to boast of.
It was not a Belgian who made railways possible. Yet, even as
early as 1844, four years before the death of Stephenson, the
t( Quarterly Review" pointed out to the British people that railway
fares in Belgium were only one-half as great as in the land of
Stephenson.

To-day, in 1909, sixty-five years after the "Quarterly"
reviewer wrote, attention may be usefully directed to the fact
that a large proportion of Belgian workmen are enabled to enjoy
houses in the country because the railway fares on the Belgian
State railways are so very low. Belgian workmen are enjoying
healthy homes through British genius, while British workmen
are denied them.

It is otherwise, also, in Germany. There are fine industrial
museums at Berlin, at Munich, and at other great German cities.
In Munich, indeed, I have seen a fine model of the "Rocket.''
Germans cannot boast of a native railway pioneer, yet the Germans,
like the Belgians, are full inheritors of the Trevithick-Stephenson
genius. They own their copies of the "Rocket. " They are not
merely permitted to ride in trains at a high price. Greatly daring,
they own them, and in consequence obtain the following benefits,
to which more particular reference will hereinafter be made:

1. Low fares. Workmen travel six miles a penny.

2. Low freight rates.

3. Bounty freights in aid of exportation.

4. Special freights for farmers in times of agricultural distress.

5. Promotion of national defence through strategic lines.

6. National railway profits so large that they actually pay the

whole of the interest and sinking fund charges of the
National Debt and a large balance over in relief of taxation.

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RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

Here in the land of Trevithick and Stephenson we are permitted
to furnish 44,500,000 a year for railway dividends, and so
little is the true position understood that we find a generous soul
writing to a leading newspaper to suggest that we should all
consent to pay still higher fares in order to enable British railway
companies to pay better wages to their workmen.

Between us and our great railway inheritance stand a handful
of men who on British soil are the sole inheritors of the inventions
of the dead.

In so far as we benefit by Trevithick and Stephenson, the
benefit is incidental. The companies charge us as much- as the
traffic will bear. They do not disguise the fact that they are in
business not for the public benefit but for their own.

And so, in 1909, the British people wait for a statesman of
courage and foresight who shall make them at last equal
inheritors equal inheritors with Belgians and Germans and Swiss
and Japanese and Cingalese of the Inventions of the Dead.

* * *

2. THE BAIL WAY A NATIONAL INSTRUMENT.

Not individuals, but a system, is chiefly to blame for what is
universally admitted to be the present uneconomic position of
British railway undertakings. It is not that railway directors or
railway managers had, or have, a double dose of original sin.
True it is that they ride the public hard, but they have been
placed in the saddle by the House of Commons itself. The
present technical and financial condition of our railways has its
roots in the policy of laissez faire which for so long consistently
resigned everything connected with British trade and industry to
unregulated haphazard development. In all the years since the
Stockton-Darlington Eailway opened in 1825 it has never been
realised in the United Kingdom that the railway problem is a
national one, needing national direction fully as much as the Army
or the Navy.

In ultimate analysis, trade and Industry resolve themselves
into movement. To manufacture is to move particles of matter
into new and useful positions. A railway, by readily enabling us
to bring particles of matter together usefully, is an instrument
of industry. It is a tool fully as much as a chisel or a plane is a
tool. And, since the rapid movement of persons enables them to
choose favourable positions in which to live and make their homes,
railways have, or may have, a profound effect upon the social
life of nations. A railway is at the back of home-making as
much as.it is at the back of trade and industry. The nature
of the ownership of such a prime instrument is, therefore, a

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EAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

matter of deep national concern, for the owners, by their action
or inaction, can in effect determine how a nation shall develop
under modern conditions. They can determine in what measure
a nation shall make use of its natural advantages. They can
determine whether towns shall be healthy or unhealthy. They
can determine not only the trade but the welfare of a people.

Through the inadequate manner in which geography is taught
in our schools few of our people realise the tremendous natural
advantages which they possess. Here we are at the gates of
Europe, living on islands no part of which is far removed from
the sea. What have we done with our advantages? We have
not, of course, entirely obliterated them; the worst folly could
not do that, but we have, by allowing our internal transport
system to become cumbrous, inefficient, and dear, robbed ourselves
of a great part of our natural transport efficiency. The United
Kingdom has handicapped itself in the use of its own inventions,
while Germany, possessed with the feeling of national organisation,
has a railway system, coherent and economical, which has atoned,
or largely atoned, for her unfortunate lack of coast line. As Mr.
J. Stephen Jeans puts it in his treatise on the British iron trade:

It would naturally be supposed that, in a small country like Great
Britain, with no point of its area more than one hundred miles or so from a
seaport, the cost of transport would be much less than in countries which,
like Germany and the United States, are differently situated. Geographical
conditions should be entirely favourable to this country. But the natural
advantages of our geographical position are not realised as they should be,
because of the relatively high railway rates enforced and the absence of
competition.

Britain has her coal arid iron near the water. She has great
coalfields intersected by the sea. Germany has neither our
ports nor our coast line. We have taken our advantages and
partly nullified them by neglecting the economic development of
transport. Germany, on the other hand, has wisely and
patriotically done her best, by thoughtful and coherent railway
and canal development, to atone for her natural disadvantages.
So conspicuously has she succeeded that in 1909 it may be said
that, through the wonderful facilities placed at the disposal of her
traders, she has largely compensated herself for her lack of access
to the sea.

3. THE CAPITAL TEOUBLE.

The present deplorable position of the British railways arises
from (1) over-capitalisation, and (2) economic waste through
competition and the existence of unnecessary units of management
and service.

253

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

To take first the question of capital, the burden of over-
capitalisation is so great that, even if the follies of competition
did not exist, the position of British railways would be exceedingly
unfavourable. This should be clearly borne in mind, for even
if fhe economic waste were got rid of the capital burden would
remain to oppress the railways, and through them to oppress our
trade and industries.

The capitals of British railway companies in 1906 were in
the aggregate :

BRITISH EAILWAY CAPITAL IN 1906.

Ordinary Stock 486,700,000

Preferred and Guaranteed Stock 458,500,000

Debentures and Loans 341,700,000

1,286,900,000

This enormous sum, almost twice as great as the British
National Debt, is probably three times as great as it ought to be.
Much of it is purely nominal. The Board of Trade give us the
following analysis :

NOMINAL ADDITIONS TO BRITISH RAILWAY CAPITALS.

Stock.

Nominal Additions.

Amount of Stock
without Nominal
Additions.

Amount.

Per Cent.

Ordinary

486,700,000
458,500,000
341,700,000

90,000,000
61,000,000
44,300,000

H<NH<N

oo co co

iH T-l t-H

396,700,000
397,500,000
297,400,000

Preferred

Debentures

1,286,900,000

195,300,000

1,091,600,000

This table is of very great interest and importance. The
watered capital, in point of nominal additions alone, amounts to
nearly 200,000,000. Deducting this, British railway capital is
reduced to 1,091,600,000 at a stroke.

The importance of the nominal additions lies in this. The net
profits of the British railways in 1906 amounted to 44,500,000,
a sum equal to one- third of our Imperial revenue, and furnished
from the same source as our Imperial revenue the pockets
of the British people. Although this sum is so enormous, it
suffices to pay an all-round return of rather less than 3^ per cent,
on the nominal capital of 1,286,000,000. But, as the Board
of Trade point out, the 44,500,000 is equal to over 4 per cent.
on the capital of 1,091,000,000.

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RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

How, then, was the nearly 200,000,000 of nominal capital,
which gives such a false appearance to railway figures, made?
It was done by a ridiculously simple process. The companies have
from time to time gone to Parliament, in which railway interests
have always been so largely and directly represented by directors
and shareholders, and obtained powers to take 100 of capital
and call it 200 or more. Mr. Mc.Dermott, Editor of the Railway
News, in his handbook on Eailways, thus comments on the
process :

The adoption of "watering" by duplicating stocks is largely responsible
for the unfavourable appearance in recent years of the aggregate statistics
of the railways of the United Kingdom in the matter of a return upon the
capital invested.

With regard to the practical details of this interesting process,
which amounts to financial jugglery, let me give an illustration.
The railway authority referred to, who, be it remembered, is the
Editor of a railway shareholders' paper, says :

The Taff Vale Eailway, which had earned and distributed dividends as high

as 18 per cent., carried the principle (of watering) still further

Permission was obtained by the Act of 1889 to issue 250 of new stock for
each original 100.

But it should not be imagined that this particular 200,000,000
of openly- watered capital accounts for the whole, or anything like
the whole, of the water which masquerades as British railway
capital.

In the first place, British landlords, greed meeting greed,
charged railway promoters the most outrageous sums for land.
In the early days railway Bills were deliberately fought in a
Parliament (then composed of two Houses of landlords) at
enormous expense until the promoters gave way and paid ransom.
Mr. William Gait, who, in the middle of the nineteenth century,
vainly endeavoured to persuade his countrymen to nationalise the
railways, tells of 120,000 being given to one noble lord as the
price of the withdrawal of his opposition to a railway Bill.
The reader has got to realise that that 120,000 still figures in
railway capital, and forms part of the 1,286,900,000 above
referred to.

The following examples will show the cost per mile for land
on the early railways :

Per Mile.

London and South-Western 4,000

London and Birmingham (now part of the London

and North-Western) 6,300

Great Western 6,300

London and Brighton 8,000

255

EAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

Apart from the pillage of the landowners, railway speculators
inspired, of course, by the same motives as the landowners piled
up Parliamentary costs by fighting for the control of routes.
The following examples will show the enormous costs of
introducing and fighting railway Bills in the House of Commons :

Per Mile.

London and South- Western 650

London and Birmingham 650

Great Western 1,000

London and Brighton 3 ,000

Again the reader has to realise, or try to realise, that these
extraordinary sums still figure on railway stock certificates to-day,
and form part of the '1,286,900, 000 of so-called British railway
capital.

To proceed, another variety of "water" was created by a
process thus described by Gait in 1865 :

The general demand for railways has called into existence a new class of
speculators, who unite in their own persons the several functions of promoters,
contractors, shareholders in the first instance, and lessees when necessary
men of great wealth, enterprise, experience, and energy, in every way fully
competent to carry out whatever they undertake, always on the look-out for
business wherever they can see there is work to be done and the likelihood
of a profitable investment. This class is the scourge of the railway interest;
in former times they were unknown. Kailway companies then only contended
with each other; now two or three individuals form a company, and run up an
opposition line with or without assistance from others, as the case may be;
and when the line is finished they sell it, lease it, or work it in opposition to
an old line till they can get their own price, and having cleared a small fortune
by the transaction they are off to fresh fields and pastures new in search of
some other enterprise.

A further large sum has been added to the fictitious capital by
the issue of railway stocks at enormous discounts, a fact only
partly balanced by certain premium issues.

Again, profits were improperly swollen year after year by the
unbusinesslike process of charging against capital large sums
which were properly chargeable against revenue. Perhaps the
classical instance of this sort of watering was the charging of
tarpaulins to capital account.

Finally, for generations promotion moneys of the most
scandalous character, fees, bribes, commissions, advertisement
charges, &c., have added their quota to the water which to-day
bulks as 1,286,900,000 of railway capital. In the second
railway mania alone newspapers and bogus railway papers, which
sprang up like mushrooms, netted enormous sums from railway
promoters.

256

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

It is not possible to estimate precisely, as in the case of the
stock openly watered with the consent of Parliament, how much
water has been added from the previously mentioned and other
causes to British railway capital through the resignation of railway
construction to promoters and speculators at the best selfish and
at the worst dishonest. But there can be no question that it far
exceeds in amount the 200,000,000 of manipulation stocks. If
the British railways had been constructed by a central authority
possessing compulsory power there can be no question that a very
much better railway system than we possess could have been
made for 400,000,000. That is to say, railway profits are so
enormous at the present time that they represent something like
12 per cent, upon the real capital employed. When the railways
talk of their small dividends they, in effect, ^condemn the methods
by which they were brought into existence.

Now let us look at the receipts and expenses of the railway
companies.

BRITISH RAILWAY KECEIPTS AND EXPENSES, 1906.

Eeceived from the British Public :

(a) From Passengers 49,900,000

(b) From Goods Traffic 58,400,000

(d) From Rents, Hotels, &c 4,100,000

117,200,000
Working Expenses (including rates only 5,000,000) ... 72,700,000

Net Profit for the Year 44,500,000

Yet this princely profit, as we have seen, pays only 3| per
cent, on the fictitious capital. Let us contrast the case of the
Prussian State Eailways.

BRITISH AND PRUSSIAN RAILWAYS CONTRASTED.

United Kingdom. Prussia.

Mileage 23,000 ... 21,000

Capital Employed 1,286,900,000 ... 437,700,000

Net Profits 44,500,000 ... 33,500,000

Net Profit per cent, of capital

employed 3.4 ... 7.5

I shall have occasion to return to the Prussian railway system
presently. In the meantime, the reader cannot fail to be struck
with these extraordinary figures. The Prussian State railway make
a yearly profit of 33,500,000 upon a capital of only 437,700,000.
They make 7'5 per cent, when we make only 3'4 per cent. Yet

257

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

German traders enjoy lower railway rates than we do. Out of
higher charges British railways make a lower rate of profit. The
reader has been given the explanation.

* * *

4. EAILWAY WASTE.

Competition in the railway industry is obviously and inherently
unnecessary, uneconomical, and absurd. The history of British
railway development, down to the latest amalgamations and
rumours of amalgamation, is largely concerned with the
elimination of competitive waste and unnecessary managements
and duplications of service. Small companies serving the same
district, in part competing with each other, and each burdened
with a separate staff of officials, and with separate offices and
depots, have joined up and created the great trunk lines as we
know them. Thus the London and North- Western Eailway
has been formed from, amongst other lines, the ''Manchester
and Birmingham," "London and Birmingham," and the
"Grand Junction," while the "Grand Junction" was itself the
amalgamation of five companies. Again, the Midland amalgamated
the "North Midland," "Midland Counties," "Birmingham and
Derby," "Bristol and Gloucester," and other lines. By such
combinations, strictly economic processes, the number of
companies has been reduced until at the present time by far the
greater part of our railway system is owned by only 27 companies,
which between them employ 90 per cent, of all the railway servants
of the United Kingdom. These 27 great companies are now
actively negotiating with each other to reduce some of the follies
of competitive waste which remain.

Although the economic folly of railway competition is so
obvious, Parliament for long blindly clung to the fetish of
competition as the protector of the public against railway
extortions. In 1872 a Joint Select Committee of both Houses
of Parliament pointed out

That Committees and Commissions carefully chosen have for the last thirty
years clung to one form of competition after another; that it has nevertheless
become more and more evident that competition must fail to do for railways
what it does for ordinary trade, and that no means has yet been devised by
which competition can be permanently maintained.

That, in spite of the recommendations of these authorities, combination
and amalgamation have proceeded at the instance of the companies without
check and almost without regulation. United systems now exist, constituting
by their magnitude and by their exclusive possession of whole districts
monopolies to which the earlier authorities would have been most strongly
opposed. Nor is there any reason to suppose that the progress of combination
has ceased or that it will cease until Great Britain is divided between a small
number of great companies.

258

EAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

It will be seen that the 1872 Committee were true prophets.
Their report went on to consider competition in detail. They
recorded that competition by sea was in places effective, as it still
is; that canal competition was weakening it has since become
even weaker. As to competition between railways, they said:

There is little real competition in point of charges between railway
companies, and its continuance cannot be relied upon. There is at the present
time considerable competition in point of facilities, but the security for its
permanence is uncertain.

"Self -interest," the Committee went on to say, "still is and
will continue to be the leading motive of railway companies."
But, unfortunately, the Committee, while recognising that "the
management of railways differs from that of an ordinary trade
or manufacture and approximates in some degree to the business
of a public department," and while also recognising that the
question of public ownership "may possibly arise" through "the
progress of combination," did not themselves face the question
of nationalisation, but contented themselves with suggesting
palliatives of the system of private ownership. Some of their
suggestions have since been carried into effect.

Unfortunately, then as now, we had not a Parliament or a
statesman prepared to grapple with this question as the Germans
grappled with it. And as the years pass the difficulties increase.

The public suffers and pays for all the follies of competitive
waste without securing any of the advantages of competition.
One may travel by five different routes between London and
Manchester. Many unnecessary trains are run between these
places daily, and the public pay to run them. In the last resort
it is the man at the ticket office window, or the trader sending
goods, who pays for the unnecessary services. The fare by each of
the five London-Manchester routes is precisely the same 15s. 5^d.
third class an obviously "arranged" price. Or one can travel
by three different routes between London and Birmingham, and
again the fare by each route is the same 9s. 5d. Or one can
travel by two routes from London to Jersey. The routes are
"competitive," but the fare, strange to say, is the same 33s.
Seventy-five trains are run between London and Sheffield daily by
three companies, many arriving about the same time or within a
few minutes of each other, three parts empty. The work could well
be done by sixty trains or less, and those who use the seventy-five
trains pay to run them when they need only pay to run sixty.
They pay also, of course, shares of the wasteful management
expenses, advertising, and other charges.

Very tardily the companies themselves appear to be awakening
to the follies of unnecessary train-running.

259

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

The Times of September 22nd, 1908, contained the following
paragraph :

We are able to announce that after November 1st the London and North-
Western, Midland, and Great Northern Bail way Companies will cease to run
competitive midnight trains from London to Inverness, and will concentrate on
one train each night. At present three expresses leave Euston, St. Pancras,
and King's Cross respectively each night for the North at intervals between
11-80 p.m. and midnight. As a rule the trains are half empty; except at
certain times during the holiday season the passengers might easily be
accommodated in one train. The companies concerned have now realised that
the three trains are a needless expense. It has been decided, therefore, that
in future each company shall despatch two trains a week and no more. After
November 1st the Inverness express will probably depart from Euston on
Tuesdays and Thursdays, from St. Pancras on Wednesdays and Saturdays,
and from King's Cross on Mondays and Fridays.

One of the advantages which is expected to follow from the "grouping" of
the principal English railway companies is, of course, the abandonment of
duplicated trains running to the same places at or about the same time of the
day. Passengers will be able to use their return tickets on any of the lines of
the allied companies. Whether the new departure which is announced with
regard to the Scottish trains foreshadows an Anglo- Scottish working
arrangement in the near future remains to be seen. By some railway officials,
at any rate, such an agreement is regarded as extremely likely to take place
sooner or later.

Thus one particularly obvious folly ceases, but such obvious
follies are to be counted by thousands up and down the railways
of the country.

The number of railway directors can only be expressed in four
figures. It is an army of waste. They are dummy figures for
the most part, who know little of railway management. They
draw an enormous sum of money and give the nation nothing
in return. They are not merely useless, they are worse than
useless. Their work could be done by a single Eailway Board.

The uneconomic division of what ought to be a single national
railway system demands, of course, a Eailway Clearing House,
with an army of 4,000 clerks, to adjust accounts between companies
which ought not to exist. From an economic point of view these
4,000 men are unemployed, for they are doing work which ought
not to need doing.

Each company is necessarily in trade with every other
company. Not only has a Central Clearing House to adjust
matters, but a large part of the time of the clerks and officers
of each company is taken up with the inter-company trading
which nationalisation would sweep away.

Take, again, the competition for freights. Each great centre
of trade has its competitive railway offices, wasting rent, rates,
light, salaries, wages, and printing. One great town has eight
railway shops in one street ; in many towns thousands of pounds
per annum per town are wasted in this way.

260

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

Here is an account got out by Mr.~P. W. Wilson, M.P., of
the amounts spent by seven of the largest companies on some of
the duplicated services :

GENERAL MANAGEMENT AND SUPERINTENDENCE.

Company.

General

Manager.

Superintendent
of the Line.

Locomotive
Superintendent.

No. of
Engines.

North-Western

64,456

40,999

40,922

2,590

Midland

48 112

25,653

24,308

2,790

Great Western
North-Eastern

49,430
35 500

33,784
23,434

18,379
25,318

2,509
2,000

South- Western

20 980

10,245

5,375

746

Great Eastern

32,769

3,312

7,205

1,085

Great Northern

31 353

12 269

8,679

1,279

282,600

149,696

130,186

12,999

Thus nearly 600,000 is spent by only seven companies on
services which, if consolidated, could probably be carried out
efficiently for less than one-half the money. It is amusing to
note that 12,999 locomotive engines demand the attention of seven
locomotive superintendents, each, of course, with his staff of
officials, offices, clerks, &c. If we got out the same particulars
for each of our many railway companies an enormous wastage
would be revealed.

The British public are familiar with the duplication of railway
stations and termini. The same sort of thing used to obtain in
Germany before nationalisation. One may now see in a great
German town a palatial railway terminus which has been paid for
out of the sale of the sites of the old childish, inefficient competitive
termini which it replaced. One wonders how long it will be before
King's Cross, St. Pancras, Euston, and Marylebone are turned
into one magnificent and convenient railway palace ; how long the
dirt and inconvenience of a terminus like King's Cross are to
remain as a reproach against our business ability and commonsense.

Or take the question of advertising. The railway companies
are now spending enormous sums on advertising, each advertising
its resorts and alleged facilities against the other, and doing it
in the most wasteful way. Here is an illustration. At Christmas,
1907, the Great Northern inserted in papers of general circulation
an expensive advertisement which ran :

G.N.E. EXPEESS DELIVEEY OF CHEISTMAS PAECELS.

FOR PARTICULARS OF EATES AND ARRANGEMENTS FOR
COLLECTION AND DELIVERY APPLY ANY G.N. OFFICE,
OR CHIEF PASSENGER AGENT, KING'S CROSS STATION.

261

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

As the Great Northern Kailway only serve certain districts,
to advertise in papers circulating all over the United Kingdom
is clearly to waste much money. It may be added that the man
who sent a Christmas parcel by a railway and not by the State
Parcels Post would be very ill-advised. The State has to use the
private railways, but its fine collecting and delivery system
triumphs in spite of the railways.

If it be thought that what has been here said is an exaggerated
picture of railway waste let the reader ponder what Lord Allerton,
Chairman of the Great Northern, said to his shareholders on
December 20th, 1907, on the occasion of their meeting to "agree"
with the Great Central Eailway :

If you go through the streets of London you will see say, in Shaftesbury
Avenue the Great Northern Railway have opened a receiving office, and
you will see a minute afterwards that the Great Central have opened a
receiving office on the other side of the street. . . . Take the case of
capital expenditure. Why, there is a mine of wealth there. During the past
few years there has been, I will say, hundreds of thousands of pounds spent
in capital expenditure by the two companies which might have been saved if
this agreement had been made so many years ago, such as in reaching collieries
and in what is called protecting the traffic by making fresh branches, all to be
worked over to the same point for the same traffic. All this necessitates
engines and trains where very often one would do. The lines are blocked,
your lines are crowded, trains are delayed, which lead to all sorts of waste and
extravagance, and if it were only for the purpose of saving the enormous waste
which necessarily goes on now I say it would have been well worth our
while to have made this agreement with the Great Central many years ago.
(Loud applause.)

Lord Allerton then went on to direct his hearers' attention
to the "intertwining" and "interweaving" of the two lines, and
said :

You can hardly conceive the disadvantages that exist by two unnecessary
and separate train services, not always taking the shortest road, not always
making connection at a particular junction so that trains may meet, and very
often making the arrangement such that they shall not meet. I know as a
matter of fact that this is the case.

The Great Northern Chairman then dropped into anecdote,
and gave his shareholders the following gem :

I complained one day at Doncaster and I hope the Great Central won't
be cross with me about this observation but I was trying to get to a place
called Frodingham. You can only get there by going round at Eetford, or
going by the Central by Doncaster, and I said to the stationmaster, I am
afraid in a tone which was not pleasant, "Why on earth don't you agree with
the Great Central to make these trains fit?" "Well, sir," he said, "we have
altered ours three times in order to make them fit, and every time we have
altered them they have altered theirs." (Laughter.) This is the way in which
the public is inconvenienced.

Lord Allerton spoke truly and without exaggeration. Indeed,
it would be difficult to imagine any absurdity more exaggerated

262

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

than the commonplaces of the British railway service. What the
British public should deduce from his speech is this: If an
agreement between two railway companies is desirable, to prevent
economic waste, then a fortiori is a combination of all the railways
desirable.

Between unnecessary trains, directors, managers, clerks, can-
vassers, offices, stations, trucks, carriages, engines, advertisements,
posters, handbills, time tables, and stationery our railway
companies perforce waste many millions every year. The waste,
it is clear, can only be eliminated by amalgamation. The more
amalgamation the more monopoly, and private individuals cannot
safely be allowed to exercise monopoly. Parliament, whose
fault it is primarily that the present chaos exists, must perform
for the nation what the companies are doing slowly and clumsily
in their own private interest. It must amalgamate all the systems
into one economic unit, and work that unit in the interest of the
people at large.

* * *

5. EAILWAYS AND THE BRITISH TRADER.

The British trader has a long list of grievances against our
railway companies. It is impossible to state the case more than
broadly in a general survey such as this, but we may note

1. The rates charged by British railway companies for the

conveyance of goods and minerals are generally in excess
of those enjoyed by the British traders' foreign
competitors. It follows that British railways act generally
in stimulation of foreign competition. In effect they levy
a heavy tax upon every trader who purchases or sells
minerals or materials.

2. Apart from the general handicap expressed in (1) our

railways actually give preferential rates to foreign

merchandise (e.g., potatoes) in such manner as to injure
British industry.

3. British agriculture is injuriously affected by lack of

facilities and high rates.

4. In regard to special charges, such as for cartage, siding

rents, demurrage, &c., the companies are practically out
of control of the law as it stands, and in regard to these
matters they are often unreasonable and tyrannical.

5. The companies, by exacting their high legal maximum rates

if traders do not submit, normally obtain freights at
"owners' risk," thereby escaping all liability for the
damage they inflict.

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RAILWAYS AND THE NATION

6. The companies have, in practice, frustrated the intention of

Parliament that any trader should be able to demand
quotation of through rates.

7. The companies refuse to take consignments of live stock

unless the consignor accepts in writing the condition that
the railway shall not be responsible for loss.

8. Owing to the long purses of the companies, and their

experience in fighting technical points, it is the height of
folly for a trader to take action against the companies.
Moreover, the railways do not hesitate to resort to
retaliation if a litigant is successful against them.

9. No trader is safe from having his trade injured by the

grant of preferential railway rates to his rival.

* * sic

6. BAIL WAYS AND THEIR SERVANTS.

Most people are aware that the railway service is an exceedingly
dangerous employment, but few people know how poor is the
remuneration of those who daily and hourly risk their lives in
the public service. About 100 platelayers are killed every year
in this country say, two a week and about 2,000 are injured
say, 40 a week. Yet the platelayers' pay is only 16s. to 21s.
a week. Even the gangers or foremen get only 19s. to 30s. a
week. A London platelayer I know, by working Sundays as
well as week days, can earn nearly 23s. a week, but obviously he
cannot work every Sunday. How is he to live, then, on something
less than 23s. a week in London, where living is so dear? He has
committed the imprudence of marrying, and the domestic problem
will doubtless be solved by the young wife leaving her home a day
or two a week to earn a few shillings to help with the rent.
If children come the case will be a constant fight with poverty,
needing but a slight accident to plunge the couple below the
surface.

And, unfortunately, that is a fair sample of what railway
service means in this rich country. The men as a whole are very
badly paid and much overworked. I well remember how astonished
I was when I first learned from a guard on a London suburban
line that he earned only 25s. a week. Since then I have ceased to
be surprised at the details of railway employment. Even the
signalmen are badly paid. The conditions of signalmen's pay
vary according to the class of cabin and station, and the 'amount
of traffic dealt with. The minimum wage is as low as 19s. a
week for twelve hours a day. In rather more busy cabins the
hours are ten a day and the wages 23s. to 25s. Even in
exceedingly busy cabins at large stations and junctions, while the

264

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

hours are eight -a day, the pay is only 25s. to 30s. a week. And
this in an employment of the highest type, where death and
disaster wait upon the slightest blunder. Even when we come
to the engine driver of an express passenger train we find him
getting only 48s. a week.

But let us pass to the average. The Board of Trade show that
in the first week in December, 1907 (I quote Cd. 4,255, page 43),
27 railway companies paid 618,304 to 478,690 men, an average of
only 25s. lOd. per week. These figures relate to men in the
following departments: Coaching, goods, locomotives, and
engineers, and the last named section, which swells the average,
is not strictly speaking railway work at all. Moreover, the
figure includes all overtime and Sunday work, and it shows plainly
that a large number of men are paid very low wages. There is
no doubt that at least 100,000 railway servants earn less than 1
a week.

The total number of railway servants, including clerks, carmen,
and others, and the 478,690 men mentioned . above, is about
600,000. It would, therefore, cost only 3,900,000 a year to
give them an average rise of only 2s. 6d. per week each. Let us
make a table of contrasts supposing that the average railway pay
were raised by 2s. 6d. per man.

(a) Those who own the railways (sleeping partners,
180,000 shareholders) would draw present profits
less 3,900,000 40,600,000

(6) Those who work the railways (600,000 men) would

draw 44,200,000

This table exhibits what may be called the triumph of the
sleeping partner. Even with an all-round rise of 2s. 6d. per
week the 600,000 railway workers would draw scarcely more
than the 180,000 sleeping partners. (There are not, be it
observed, 600,000 railway shareholders, as is sometimes slated;
there are about 600,000 holdings of shares, but many people,
of course, have more than one holding.)

But, it may be asked, how is railway nationalisation to improve
the lot of the railway worker? It would do so in this way. As
we have seen, there is a great deal of unnecessary railway work.
The State could, therefore, take over the present men, and, by
eliminating their unnecessary work, promptly reduce the present
excessive hours of labour. Many unnecessary clerks could be
drafted into other branches of the Civil Service, instead of taking
on new men from outside. As to rates of pay, the general increase
in profits which would result from economic management would
enable the State to pay fair wages while serving the public better.
Such has been the case in Switzerland. Since the recent

265

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

nationalisation, Swiss railway men have been treated very
better in the way of pay, hours, pensions, and many other matters,
even while the Swiss public have also benefited by lower fares
and freight rates and improved service.

7. SUCCESS OF EAILWAY NATIONALISATION ABROAD.

Nothing is more striking than the success which has attended
the policy of nationalisation in connection with foreign and
Colonial railway systems. The Parliamentary Eeturn No. 331
of 1908, which was made on my motion, shows that the great
majority of countries both own and work the whole or the
greater part of their railway systems. In the British Empire
the Mother Country is almost the only part which has not adopted
nationalisation. In Europe, Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark,
France, the various States of the German Empire, Italy, Norway,
Portugal, Eussia, Sweden, Switzerland, and even Turkey, have
in whole or part State railways. Elsewhere, Japan has recently
followed what is the almost universal plan. Britain and America
apart, the chief countries of the world give a clear verdict for
nationalisation.

The report gives, as far as can be ascertained, the financial
results of the policy. But it should be clearly remembered that
it is not necessarily the duty of a Government to make profit on
its railways at all. Profit may arise, and usually does arise, but
the first consideration is service to the nation. That, of course,
is the point which differentiates the public from the private
railway.

Germany may fairly claim to have achieved both the ends of
revenue and public benefit. It was never imagined when Prussia
began her policy of railway nationalisation that profits would be
made. The object aimed at was national benefit. The interests
of the travelling public were to be served. Trade was to gain,
rates were to be simplified, and so forth. In accomplishing these
things the Prussians found that revenue grew so rapidly with
improving management that profit arose, and the figures of recent
years have been extraordinarily good.

In 1904, while the receipts were 78,663,330, the expenses
were only 47,553,497, showing a net profit of 31,109,833, or
7*19 per cent, on the capital employed.

In 1905 the figures were even better. The receipts came
to 85,021,612, while the expenses amounted to 51,541,802,
showing a net profit of 33,479,810, or 7'54 per cent, on the
capital employed.

266

EAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

Now, if these figures had been obtained by excessive fares or
freights Prussia would have gained revenue and lost really national
profit, but all available evidence goes to show that profits have been
made even while enlarged facilities have been given. Thus, our
Attache at Berlin in a recent report said :

The improvement has not been brought about by starving the country,
but in spite, or, far more likely, in consequence, of reduction in rates, an
increase in wages and improvements in the passenger service, while at the
same time an amount of capital has been invested in new railways, many of
which are secondary lines.

Another observer, Professor Gustav Cohn, says:

Considerable reductions have been made in the rates of travel, more
especially in the goods traffic, and it is precisely and exclusively in this
department that the surplus has been earned. A number of new lines have
been constructed, which have diminshed the net profit of the whole system;
the rolling stock, &c., has been much improved, and new stations have been
built, the extraordinary magnificence of some of which no other country can
produce the parallel.

It is impossible here to set out the scale of German goods
traffic in detail, but especial attention should be given to the
"preferential rates." They are used not only as bounties to assist
certain districts to compete with foreign countries in Germany
itself, and as export bounties to encourage foreign trade, but to
assist districts when in special distress. Such a policy costs
money, and it is in spite of that cost that the Prussian State
railways pay a net profit of 1\ per cent. The export bounties may
be illustrated from the Levant trade. In order to favour German
exporters, a special Levant tariff was introduced in 1890. As a
consequence our exporters suffered.

To illustrate another point, in 1891 the German harvest was
very bad. Accordingly, the rates on all kinds of grain were
specially cheapened to relieve the consequent distress. But, in
spite of this policy, high railway profits were made in 1891.

With regard to general facilities, there can be no question that
the Prussian railway administration has achieved a simplicity in
its goods traffic and rates to which the British trader is unhappily
a stranger.

It should be added that the other States of Germany also own
their own railways, in every case with profitable results. In 1905
the report shows that the railways of the German Empire,
including Prussia, made a net profit of nearly 43,000,000.

To pass from bureaucratic Germany to democratic Switzerland,
tHe Swiss people sanctioned nationalisation in 1898 by a
referendum, and by a majority of two to one. Nationalisation is
thus quite recent, but already the financial results, the report
says, are quite satisfactory. Not only are the profits paying

267

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

interest, but they are paying of the capital in such fashion that in
sixty years the whole will be repaid. But again it is to be
observed that the question of profit is the smallest part of the
business, for goods rates have been reduced and the railway
service has been improved. The net profit in 1905 amounted to
1,620,816. As already pointed out, the railway men's hours
and wages have been improved, and they have been granted
old-age pensions and other benefits.

Belgium furnishes another instance of successful working in
spite of fares which, to a British traveller, appear incredibly low,
and in spite of low railway freights. The working expenses and
pensions of the Belgian State railways in 1905 were 3,706,362
less than the gross receipts, so that not only were all interest
charges met but a large amount of capital repaid.

Austria, on the other hand, is an instance in which, while a
considerable profit is made on the working, that profit is not large
enough to meet all the charges for interest and sinking fund, but it
should not be forgotten that in Austria, as in Germany, profit
has not so much been aimed at as public benefit.

A strangely inaccurate statement was recently put round the
press by a news agency with regard to the railways of Japan.
The statement was to the effect that Japan had repented of her
railway nationalisation. Nothing could be further from the truth.
The policy has been entirely successful, and in about a generation
Japan will own her railways clear of debt. She will then be
able easily to enjoy cheap fares and freights, and in addition to
have a magnificent profit in relief of taxation.

To sum up, there is as little inclination in the world at large
to revert from public railways to private railways as there is in
British towns to revert from public tramways to private tramways,
and for the same good reasons.

8. Is NATIONALISATION PRACTICABLE IN BRITAIN?

Is nationalisation practicable for us? The British railway
muddle has been made; can .we win our way through State
purchase and control to an economic railway position?

Nationalisation, obviously, could not at once dry up the oceans
of " water" which, as we have seen, exist in British railway
capitals to-day. A moment's thought, however, will show that it
is equally obvious that

1. Public credit being higher than private railway credit, a
great saving in interest could at once be effected by public
ownership.

RAILWAYS AND THE NATION.

2. The institution of a sinking fund derived from the large
sums that would be saved by the abolition of the follies
of railway waste would, year by year, diminish the railway
capital burden.

The finance of the question presents no insuperable difficulty.
It would be both practicable and equitable to pay out British
railway shareholders as the late Lord Goschen converted the
National Debt. Goschen 's conversion scheme dealt with nearly
600,000,000 of Consols. And it would be but little more difficult
to deal with twice that amount of railway stock on some such
lines as the following :

Taking the present profit 44,500,000 at 25 years' purchase,
we get 1,112,000,000, to which let us add, say, 40,000,000
for non-dividend stocks, making 1,152,000,000.

If the railway shareholders were paid this sum in Government
stock at par, bearing 3^ per cent, interest for ten years and 3 per
cent, interest thereafter, the immediate payment of interest would
amount to 40,000,000 per annum, which, after ten years, would
be reduced to about 34,000,000 per annum.

Immediately, therefore, charges could be reduced even if
there were no economy from combination. But large economies
would be certain, and out of them would proceed reduction of
fares and freight rates and increase of facilities which, in their
turn, would produce a vast increase of both passenger and goods
traffic and a consequent swelling of profits. In Britain, as in
Germany, the service of the public interest would bring in its train
a handsome addition to the Imperial revenue.

269

The Collier's Charter:

The Eight Hours Day and what it means,

BY F. H. EOSE.

MHHE popular interest in the Miners' Eight Hours Day is
| centred upon its commercial and economic aspects, and
not upon what is really more important. The reflection
that it forms a political precedent of vast concern is not usually
made the centre of its consideration. The possible effect of its
operation upon the price of an indispensable commodity to the
consumer and its influence upon the profits of owners and
middlemen form the generally accepted bases of most of the
criticisms hitherto passed upon it. Industrial progress by Act
of Parliament is not- by any means new to Great Britain, but
State interference with the conditions of male adult workers is
clearly an innovation unwarranted by any political fact or tradition
of the nation, at least since the mediaeval labour laws passed
into obsoletism. Apart, therefore, from the importance of its
actual effects upon society from any point of view there stands
its importance as a precedent to justify or condemn, according
to its results, future attempts to apply the same process and
principle to other classes of workers.

The easy gradations by which the British people pass to any
great change is vividly exemplified by the story of the Miners'
Eight Hours agitation. Last year was the twenty-second year
of the movement, and during the whole period there does not
appear to have been any serious thought on the part of the
miners to resort to any but the political method for the
achievement of their object. There has been ample justification
for this attitude. No class of the community has travelled so
far and so surely towards industrial liberty by the path of political
effort. To realise this one must have in mind the conditions
prevalent in colliery centres prior to the time when their effort
began. The pioneer of the miners' movement was Alexander
MacDonald, a Lanarkshire miner, whose strenuous life and
remarkable talents were devoted to the great purpose of
emancipating the British miners from a condition which very
closely approximated to actual serfdom. Some conception of
the old conditions can be gathered from the fact that, until
legislative deterrents were imposed upon the hitherto unbridled
power of coal owners, women and children of tender years were

270

THE COLLIER S CHARTER

employed underground under conditions which seem to-day to
border upon abomination. However these may have improved
by MacDonald's time, there were still existent such evils as
we should regard as shameful now. The father of the great
associations of mine workers expresses something of this in his
own reminiscences of his early struggles. He says:

It was in 1856 that I crossed the border first, to advocate a better Mines
Act, true weighing, the education of the young, the restriction of the age till
twelve years, the reduction of the working hours to eight in every twenty-four,
the training of managers, the payment of wages weekly in the current coin
of the realm, no truck, and many other useful things too numerous to mention
here .

Of this programme, which must have seemed almost fantastical
to the politicians of his time, all has been practically accomplished.
The process has been slow. Though the Eight Hours Day was
discussed at the Annual Conference of the Miners' National
Union, held at Leeds in 1863, the original proposal was only
for a restriction to eight hours for the boys, as, at MacDonald's
suggestion, it was deemed to be inexpedient to move for State
interference with adult labour. It is not within the scope of this
article to trace the course of the political struggles of the Miners'
Associations or to outline their triumphs. It is only necessary
to say that, while most of their strikes failed, the whole of their
political efforts were crowned with marked success. The fight
for Mines Eegulation Acts embodying the ideals of MacDonald,
and particularly that of "true weighing," culminated in 1887 in a
full statutory right to appoint checkweighmen quite independently
of -the employers' interference. It is to their actual experiences
of the advantage of political action that we must attribute the
constancy of the miners to the idea of industrial betterment by
Act of Parliament.

They have won their release from virtual helotry, they have
redeemed the women from the horrors of underground work,
and the only relics of the old wrong are the pit brow lasses, who
still toil at the unwomanly tasks of screening and wagon pushing
at the Lancashire collieries. They have escaped the consequences
of the callous frauds so systematically practised by their employers
through truck and the wholesale plunder of their earnings by
false weighing. It is not remarkable, therefore, that they pin
their faith to the Legislature as the most competent instrument
of working-class progress.

Their achievement of a legal Eight Hours Day has been
mainly retarded by internecine disagreements. The persistent
animosity of the Durham and Northumberland miners to a general
restriction of the working day has been the great deterrent.
Unhappily, this has not been prompted by the most generous

271

THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MKANS.

motives. Local customs, as we shall see, vary in the different
mining districts, and conditions have developed wide divergences
of interests, real or imaginary. The opposition of the Durham
men was evidenced from the very beginning. In 1863 their
representative, William Crawford, moved for a "Ten Hours
Bill" for boys, with the proviso of a "six hours day" for men.
The old standing custom of working two short shifts of hewers
and one long shift of boys had already given the Durham men
a distorted view of the situation and a stunted conception of the
real issues involved in the movement in which their brethren
were so earnestly engaged. This opposition has continued until
quite' recently, and one fears that it has been withdrawn somewhat
ungraciously even now. To what influence the breakdown of the
opposition of the two Northern counties may be due, it is not
to that of their old leaders. Their fears and suspicions have
been fostered and stimulated. The notion has been that a legal
shortening of the hours of the "datalers" would necessarily
lengthen the working day of the skilled miners, who now work
not more than seven hours. That in the inevitable readjustments
which must follow an all round eight hours maximum day there
may be some inconvenience felt is quite possible, but it does
not justify or satisfactorily explain the stubborn character of the
opposition which one section of the miners have shown towards
the movement.

Much more important and far reaching than the probable
effects upon prices of the new conditions are the considerations
which arise from the Eight Hours movement as a political
development. I do not suggest that the other considerations
are inconsequent, but rather that they must be examined from
humane as well as commercial standpoints. Happily, the
Nation is of more importance even yet than the Coal Consumers'
League. It is no mere experiment in industrial adjustment
that we are trying now. We are taking, consciously or
unconsciously, a huge stride in political development, and are
undertaking, as a community, the control of the conditions of
the life and labour of the people engaged in the second greatest
of our national industries.

THE CASE SIMPLY STATED.

I do not propose to inveigle my readers into a statistical
labyrinth and then leave them to find their way out as best
they can, or to assume, as an alternative, the responsibility of
extricating them when they get lost. I am much more disposed
to apologise for having to impose the few statistics which appear
to me to be indispensable. In one of Mr. Joseph Chamberlain's

272

THE COLLIER S CHARTER I

historic declarations we were told that he only used figures to
illustrate his arguments, but if we accept that as a principle of
polite controversy we run the danger of having to use arguments
solely -to amplify our figures. But I have observed, from a
careful perusal of the Eeport of Mr. Eussell Eea's Departmental
Commission on this subject, that statistical premises worked out
to two or more places of decimals will support but the most
hesitant deductions. It is difficult to account for this unless
upon the assumption that under the sheer ponderosity of their
arithmetical preliminaries they have found themselves unable
to rise beyond the effort of "damning with faint praise."
Their Summary of Conclusions under 22 heads is, generally, so
inconclusive as to constitute a misnomer. But doubtless their
figures are about as accurate as care and expert knowledge can
make them.

The probable effects of the change from the present working
day to a maximum working day "from bank to bank" of eight
hours have been exaggerated out of all proportion to their true
magnitude. The popular notion is that, except Durham and
Northumberland, the mining areas of the country are worked
upon some standard of hours much in excess of eight per day,
and that a statutory eight hours working day must, therefore,
mean some very drastic change from the present system.
Carefully examined, the changes necessary are far from
revolutionary. Nearly 70 per cent, of the underground workers
in coal mines will be slightly affected or totally unaffected by
an eight hours Act for five years.

The following table gives a fairly accurate statement of the
numbers engaged in coal mining operations in the United
Kingdom :

STATEMENT OF NUMBER OF MINES UNDER THE COAL MINES REGULATION ACTS
AT DATES SHOWN, AND OF NUMBER OF PERSONS EMPLOYED THEREAT.

Year.

1854.
I860.
1870.
1880.
1890.
1900.
1906.

Number

of
Mines.

2397
3009
3142
3904
3409
3384
3278

TOTAL NUMBER OP PERSONS EMPLOYED.

Under-
ground.

187695
219298
278961
391381
506812
624223
709545

Above
Ground.

48399

56549

71933

93552

125568

155829

172800

Under and

Above
Ground.

236094
275847
350894
484933
632380
780052
882345

AVERAGE NUMBER OF PERSONS
EMPLOYED PER MINE.

Under-
ground.

100

149

185

216

Above
Ground.

20
19
23
24
37
46
53

Under

and

Above

Ground.

98
92
112
124
186
231
269

273

THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

It is important to notice the enormous increase in the average
number of underground workers per mine, and to remember that
it is only underground workers that will come under the scope
of the legislative working day. Lancashire, Monmouthshire,
and South Wales are about the only districts which would be
considerably affected by the first stage of the reform contemplated,
viz., an eight and a half hours day for five years preceding the
full reduction. It would mean no difference worth mentioning
throughout Scotland, where in some districts there is already
a recognised "eight hours day." Mr. Eobert Smillie, the
well-known agent for the Lanarkshire miners, states that the
full measure of the eight hours day would make little difference
across the border. In Cumberland there is a practical eight
hours system in full operation. In Durham and Northumberland
the working day for "hewers" is barely seven hours, though the
"datalers" average over ten. The first stage (eight and a half
hours) will leave much of the Yorkshire and Midland areas
untouched, as an eight hours "winding" day is already largely
in vogue.

It is in Lancashire, Monmouthshire, and Wales that the
problem assumes the most important dimensions. In
Monmouthshire the hours are longest of all, and average out
to 9 hours 57 minutes for all underground workers. In Durham
the hours for "hewers" average only 6 hours 49 minutes bank
to bank. Between these extremes there are a hundred variants
and degrees. Consideration of a multitude of details will reduce
arithmetical calculations to sheer nonsense. Within the actual
areas themselves there are a thousand differences of detail
involved in what is known as the "unproductive time" (i.e., time
occupied in travelling from the shaft to distant working places,
meal and rest times) which befool figures and baffle averages.

It is the confusing variety of conditions even within defined
areas which makes statistical demonstration so misleading. Take
the following example from the report of Mr. Eussell Bea's
Commission :

NET WORKING TIME IN A FULL WEEK.

Hewers

Others underground

Total Time
Underground
per Full Week.

Hours. Minutes.
47 46

51 51

Unproductive

Time
per Full Week.

Hours. Minutes.
9 22

6 28

Net

Working Time per
Full Week.

Hours. Minutes.
38 24

45 23

Assuming that the whole of the reduction following an eight hours law is to
be taken from the productive time of full days, we have in the case of the

274

THE COLLIER S CHARTER I

hewers a loss of productive time in a full week of 4'88 X 36 minutes (since
the full day is reduced from 8 hours 36 minutes to 8 hours), or a total loss of
2 hours 56 minutes out of a total productive time of 38 hours 24 minutes,
that is a loss of 7'64 per cent., the same result as that otherwise obtained
above. In the case of other underground workers the loss of productive time
is 4'88 X 88 minutes = 7 hours 9 minutes out of a total working time of
45 hours 23 minutes, or a loss of 15'77 per cent. It will be observed that this
result differs very slightly from that given above.

By such processes, buttressed by tables of figures which are
quite terrifying in their complexity and volume, Mr. Eea and his
colleagues arrive at a terminus of restful dubiety, as follows:

1. We have found that the average time from bank to .bank of the

underground worker in the coal mines of Great Britain on a day of
full work is 9 hours 3 minutes, i.e., for hewers 8 hours 36 minutes,
and for other underground workers 9 hours 28 minutes.

2. That these hours vary greatly in the different colliery districts from

6 hours 49 minutes in Durham for hewers, to an average of 9 hours
57 minutes in Monmouthshire for all underground workers.

3. That, making allowance for customary weekly or fortnightly total stop

days and short days, the average theoretical full week's work amounts
to 49 hours 53 minutes.

4. That the institution of an eight hours day would reduce this time by

10'27 per cent., assuming the customary short and idle days to remain
as at present.

5. That if this loss of time be accepted as a basis of a proportionate

reduction of output, as it was contended by most witnesses engaged in
colliery management would be the case, the loss of production would
be 25,783,000 tons, calculated on the output of 1906.

6. That we do not accept this conclusion, for we have found that by reason

of the stoppage of work at the collieries . for various reasons, and by
voluntary absenteeism of workmen on days when the collieries are
open to them for work, the hours actually worked by the men are
13'36 per cent, less than their theoretical full time that is to say, the
average week at present worked is a week of 43 hours 13 minutes,
which, spread over six days, gives an average of 7 hours per day for
each day of the week. And, after analysis and inquiry, we believe
a certain portion of the time now lost would be utilised under a
legally restricted day.

What can be the value of these elaborately calculated averages
struck between a minimum working day of less than seven hours
and a maximum working day of nearly ten hours in giving the
average man a rational conception of the case? At the end of it
all we get a "conclusion" with an "if" in it, and are left in
perplexity as to whether it is a big or a little "if." To see the
valueless character of precise applications of arithmetic to this
question we have but to remember that the conditions of no
two areas are alike, and that within any area the conditions of
no two collieries are alike.

275

THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

Whatever contempt we may affect for mere generalisations,
they are certainly the most helpful to understanding!
Departmental Commissions may heap up statistics, but they
cannot bury facts. In the same Eeport, which assumes the
impudent exactitude of a ready reckoner and ends in an affable
and half apologetic "if," there are some incidental truths which
woefully belittle all its arithmetical filagree. We get to know
that the eight hours working day is a practical thing because it
is in practical operation; that it will not diminish production
because it does not; that coal masters can adopt it and compete
with other coal masters who have not adopted it; that it need
not raise prices because it has not increased the cost of production.
The whimperings of all the lachrymose pessimists whose doubts
and terrors are aroused whenever the workers demand some
measure of betterment, and who dismally predict the overthrow
of Britain's commercial interests in the realisation of the modest
working-class desire, are negligible in the face of such simple
practical testimony as this:

Mr. Sopwith, who represented the Cannock Chase coal owners before us,
stated that the reduction of winding hours from 12 to 9 was in result "a
matter more of cost than output." Dr. James Dixon, who represented the
coal owners of West Scotland, stated that in the year 1900 the 9 to 9 hours
winding shift in the Lanarkshire mines was reduced to 8 hours. This was
accompanied by a curtailment of meal hours, and "a hurrying up all round."
In answer to the question whether the reduction of working hours resulted in
a commensurate diminution of output, he replied, "No, it certainly did not."
In Lanarkshire we found the product per man in 1899, the year before the
alteration of hours, was 422 tons; in 1901, the year after the alteration, it fell
to 407 tons; but in the following year, 1902, it had recovered to 419 tons.
Mr. G. W. Macalpine, the managing owner of the Altham Collieries near
Accrington, who established in 1895 a working day at his collieries that very
slightly exceeds eight hours, although in Lancashire generally the hours are
the longest in England, stated "that the hewers worked a little harder for
eight hours than they would for nine," and, "we did not alter the day men's
wages. We told them we expected them to do the same amount of work,
but whether they did ft or not is another question;" and "we are very well
satisfied with the whole experiment. 11

The change proposed is not revolutionary. The acceptance
of a proposal to bring about the change in two stages will reduce
the difficulty to a minimum. It is proposed that for the next five
years the working limit is to be 8i hours, bank to bank. This will
render considerable alteration in the hours of about one-third
of the underground workers, a large proportion of whom will be
boys. The final stage will necessitate changes affecting rather
less than two-thirds of the underground workers, unless, as is
probable, many mine owners will elect to make the full change at
once. Apart from Lancashire, South Wales, and Monmouthshire,
the changes from existing conditions will demand more matters

276

THE COLLIER S CHARTER I

of reorganisation than any sort of revolution in the industry.
And the worst that can be said of the thing from the capitalistic
standpoint is that it enforces by law upon some coal owners a
system which others have voluntarily adopted and have found
practical, profitable, and convenient.

THE "EIGHT HOURS" IDEAL.

The belief that eight hours' daily labour in some way
constitutes a working-class ideal has grown in the minds of
workers for the last thirty or forty years. That a reduction of
the hours of labour should or could carry with it a corresponding
reduction of wages has always been scouted. In practice it is
seen that wages tend rather to rise than to fall with a shortening
of the working day. There has never been any evidence to
suggest that the cost of production has increased in ratio with any
of the previous reductions of hours that have taken place. On
the contrary, there is abundant evidence to show that all our
industries are sufficiently elastic to accommodate themselves
to changes far more drastic than that which is now under
consideration. We have already reduced this question to its
true proportions, and have placed in juster perspective to facts
the distorted representations of the opponents. From the point
of view of industrial betterment or that of commercialism the
contemplated change will not be revolutionary. The issue of
greatest importance is the precedent of State interference with
the conditions of male adult labour, conceded as a result of
persistent political effort.

The "step by step" instinct, strong in the minds of British
workmen, accounts for the acceptance of an eight hours working
day as an ideal. Why eight hours should be accepted as the
standard for an ideal working day can only be accounted for by
the fact that it imposes a lighter task than does nine hours.
Behind it there is a vague perception that "leisure is the true
wealth," and that an hour more for the man and an hour less
for his master without a diminution of his powers to obtain the
needs of his life must mean betterment. The argument, justified
by almost universal experience, that a man can do as much work
in eight hours as in nine is open to a suggestion of absurdity, I
know. Those who advance it are expected to pursue it by a
declaration that, by a parity of reasoning, the same man should
do as much in seven hours as in eight, or even to argue down
to a reductio ad absurdum to the effect that the less work a man
does the more he produces. Whether eight hours establishes
the precise balance between working time and production need

277

THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

not perplex us for the present. There is no demand for a shorter
day than eight hours, and well ascertained facts show that such
a limitation is safe under existing methods and existing conditions
of trade.

The simple human aspect of the matter is that eight hours
of work in a coal mine is enough. Next to the calling of the
seaman that of the miner is the most dangerous. If it is not
highly skilled in the sense of handicraft, it does demand the
exercise of special faculty and considerable experience. While
it is not unhealthy it is excessively laborious, and, though
familiarity diminishes a keen consciousness of its unpleasantness,
it is very far from attractive.

It is not better remunerated than the average of the skilled
trades. Hewers, who constitute the large majority of the
underground workers, are subject to a thousand incalculable,
because unforeseen, contingencies which constantly affect their
earnings. As a worker paid by results (piece-work being the
almost universal practice) he must bear the brunt of all this.
One experienced miners' agent tells me of many cases where a
hewer earning 10s. to 15s. a day comes across a "fault," and
will realise next to nothing until he has worked through it.
Other unforeseen contingencies arise from deficiency of tubs and
haulage arrangements, and particularly from "gassing" that is,
being unable to blast down the coal owing to the presence of
dangerous gas. In a trade beset with so many variations an
average of colliers' wages is difficult to ascertain. But from the
most careful inquiry I am disposed to think that about 30s. a
week will express the truth. I admit that this is a generalisation,
and that its demonstration is not the easiest thing in the world.
Still, we can get to approximations. Here is a copy of a miners'
pay note from one of the great Durham collieries. It shows the
result of a fortnight's work of four hewers.

No. 253.

HAYES BIT SON.

Shifts, 18.

Deductions, 5s. 7d.

Coal Leading Water, Is. 4d.

Laid Out Fines

Net Wages, B. 5s. 3d.

No. 254.

JOHNSON MC.GUIGAN.

Shifts, 17.
Deductions, 3s. 3d.

Coal Leading Water

Laid Out... Fines

Net Wages, 3. 8s. 7d.

Four men work 35 shifts for an aggregate wage of 6. 13s.
10d., which works out to a fraction less than 3s. lOd. a shift.
I am told that this example does not touch the lowest level of
miners' wages, but it is at least a fixed fact that this is a level
which it does reach in good times. If we take 4s. as a bottom
rate and 8s. as a top rate we have 6s. as an average rate, and

278

THE COLLIER S CHARTER I

five days' work at 6s. a day gives 30s. as an average week's
earnings. I have submitted this estimate to many working
miners and miners' agents, and I am assured that it is a fair
and reasonable calculation, erring if at all on the generous side.

I have made this note on miners' wages less because it
has any precise bearing upon the hours question than because
it is necessary to dispel the popular error that coal getting is a
luxuriously remunerative occupation. The point to be emphasised
is that there must surely be enough preventable waste in the
present system and a sufficient reserve of skilled energy to enable
the average collier to earn this amount of .money with a slightly
shorter working day.

It will be noted that, according to the conclusions of Mr.
Eussell Eea's Commission before quoted, the concensus of
opinion amongst those engaged in mine management favours the
idea that the reduction of output must be in exact ratio to any
reduction actually effected in the hours of working, and that the
complete concession of the eight hours maximum will reduce the
working day by 13^ per cent. But the Commission, which did
not include a single working-class representative, did not accept
the conclusion. They believe that some of the time now spent
unproductively could be saved by better internal arrangements,
and "a certain portion of the time would be utilised under
a legally restricted day." It would appear that while mine
managers and coal masters were anxiously trying to demonstrate
that the shorter day must involve a serious crisis in one of the
greatest of our national industries and seriously retard all the
others that depend upon cheap coal, they have succeeded only
in convincing a sympathetic tribunal "That, nevertheless,
some diminution of production would follow a statutory reduction
of hours, whether introduced gradually or suddenly." (No. 8,
Summary of Conclusions, Commission Eeport.)

A perusal of the Commission's "Conclusions" in the light
of the evidence arouses a thought of dissatisfaction at their
indefinite character, and suggests that the verdict is against
the weight of evidence. The evident desire to be judicial and
impartial has carried them to the fault of uncertainty. It is
shown that the first stage of the change will affect the hours
of little more than a third of the underground workers, and that
the second stage, not arrived at for five years after, will not
affect more than two-thirds. They show that where the full
change has been voluntarily effected it has not diminished output.
The adaptability of the British artisan is the factor which is
apparently left quite out of consideration. Yet it is perhaps the
most important of all. Of all the miners of Great Britain, those

279

THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

of Lancashire are the most earnest in this movement, and that
clearly because they have the most to gain by attaining its
object. Here it is that the opinion of the working-class authority
is of greater value than that of the employer. The best informed
agents of the Lancashire and Welsh colliers are unanimous in
the belief that the reduction of hours can be met by many
mitigants that, in sum, will restore the balance of production.
They are, though not very eagerly, supported by mine inspectors,
who agree that many pits are not working to anything like their
full capacity. Neglect of drawing roads and sometimes defective
haulage appliances are among the contributory factors of the
present shortages. Mine lessees keep above the irreducible
minimum of the Mines Eegulation Acts, and that is about all.
Leases are heavy, and royalties are sometimes exorbitant. The
only way to secure a return is to get as many men as possible
to the face of the coal and clear out the leased area as quickly
as possible. Initial arrangements for haulage are not always
adequate, and to make them so necessitates further capital outlay.
Having all these considerations in mind, and many others which
are technical and not clearly comprehensible to the inexpert, the
miners' leaders are conscious of a deep sense of responsibility,
and realise how onerous a position they are in. If heavy
difficulties overtake their industry they will have to answer for
their advocacy to the nation as well as to their men. It is
because they are convinced that the morale and the intelligence
of the working miner will fully overcome the possible difficulties
that their advocacy of the "Eight Hours Day" is so consistent
and resolute. The truth is that mine owners and officials object
to the change less because it will decrease output than because it
will in so many instances necessitate troublesome reorganisations
of present working arrangements, and involve capital outlay for
which they can expect little if any return in close competitive
markets.

SOME ANALOGIES FROM OTHER INDUSTRIES.

Whether eight hours is the final standard of a working day by
which the balance of working time and efficient production may
be maintained only the future can determine. But certain it is
that the reduction of the working day down to eight hours has
not destroyed it. The human animal is impelled by instinct, if
by no higher impulse, to satisfy his needs by the exercise of the
least amount of exertion. That he becomes, under the present
system, the human agent of commercial production does not
destroy that most natural of all incentives. As coal is one
indispensable need to most civilised men, we are concerned

280

THE COLLIEE S CHARTER !

naturally to get it with the least exertion to ourselves in effect,
to get it as cheaply as possible. If we pay more for our coal
we give more of our own labour to get it, and this consideration
is uppermost in the mind of the average man who is a coal
consumer and not a coal getter. While the price of commodity
is most important in relation to the purchasing power of the
people who need it, it must be admitted that a sudden and
considerable rise in the price of coal would raise serious issues
and have a bad effect upon the whole community. If there is
such a rise as that with which we have been threatened or,
indeed, any rise at all it can only be justified by showing that
the actual cost of producing coal under an eight hours day is
really greater than under the present system.

That the price of coal will rise I believe that it should rise
I refuse to admit. The question is not whether the decrease in
hours will stimulate a rise in wages, because wage advances,
apart from hour reductions, almost invariably enhance prices.
It is the assumption that a reduction of the working hours will
reduce output, and so intensify the scarcity of coal as to
automatically force up prices irrespective of the actual cost of
production.

That the actual net cost of production cannot be appreciably
increased is shown by the facts that hewers are paid so much
per ton, and other underground workers so much per hour,
without any extra rate or percentage for hours worked in excess
of existing recognised standards. The question to be determined,
therefore, is whether the reduction of hours will really diminish
output.

In the mining industry itself there is a mass of evidence to
favour the conclusion that the proposed changes in the working
day will not prejudice production unfavourably. Why is it that
the striking facts brought to light by the Commission should
not have demonstrated to its members that some generalisations
are more accurate guides to truth than precise arithmetical
elaborations ? Quoting from their own report :

For example, though the hours of work in the Newcastle and the Durham
districts are practically the same, the annual product per person underground
is 433 tons in the latter district and only 370 tons in the former. It is clear,
therefore, that the principal factor in the comparative productivity of the
individual is the character of the seams worked. Nevertheless, after making
due allowance for this governing fact and comparing like with like, so far as
the evidence enabled us to do so, we cannot but conclude that an hour's work
of the men employed in East and West Scotland, Northumberland, and
Durham, where the hours of work are shortest, is more effective than it is in
Lancashire and South Wales, where the hours are longest. The tables do not
show a uniform proportionate correspondence, but they do show some general
relation between short hours and efficient work.

281

THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

Again :

Mr. E. M. Harm, a witness of the greatest experience, whose impartial
consideration of the whole question under investigation impressed the Committee,
stated, in relation to the hewers, "I have had that question under consideration
for some time, and I have come to the conclusion that these men can do more
per hour than they are doing at the present time;" and "I am of the opinion
that the men at the face could do 10 per cent, more than they do at present."
Mr. Bramwell, also, a witness of very great experience, from South Wales,
confirmed Mr. Hann's opinion as to the possibility and likelihood of an increase
of efficiency in the South Wales hewer, but he estimated the increase of his
rate of production at 7^ per cent. Mr. Bramwell, however, gave to the
Committee figures showing that the output of one of his collieries per hour
during two short Saturdays of 7 hours bank to bank exceeded the average
output per hour of that colliery for the whole fortnight, consisting of two
Mondays of 9J hours, eight long days of 10 hours, and two short Saturdays
of 7| hours, by 10 per cent.

It must be stated that witnesses from several other districts were of
opinion that no improvement in the efficiency of labour is to be hoped for, or
is possible. Mr. C. Pilkington, of East Lancashire, stated that the Lancashire
collier is at present working at his maximum of energy, and Mr. A. Hewlett,
of Wigan, that the colliers maintain their maximum, and that their last hour's
work is as good as their first hour's work. We feel it difficult to accept these
unqualified statements respecting a county in which the miners work the
longest hours and the practice of absenteeism is the greatest.

Turning for a moment from the analogies afforded by the
coal industry itself, those of other industries are little less apposite
and conclusive. Every project to better the conditions of wage
earners in the direction of shortening the daily toil has evoked
the dismal croakings of those who coldly calculate that an hour's
less work must mean an hour's less production, and who will
never consider the labour of a human being as anything higher
than a mere commercial commodity to be bought and sold in
precise and even quantities at strictly commercial prices. The
most casual student of British industrial history knows how
frantic was the opposition of the old cotton lords to the Ten
Hours Bill. Mr. Joseph Pease, M.P. for Darlington, in 1832,
told the House of Commons that the proposal to reduce the
hours of the child operatives would necessitate the complete
closing of his mills. The most direful results of legislative
interference with labour conditions were predicted. But the
cotton trade has survived, and subsequent reductions of hours
have not stayed its expansion and prosperity. That the mental
and physical efficiency of the operatives has increased there can
be no question.

The Engineers' Nine Hours Day was ushered in to a chorus
of capitalistic jeremiad. The trade was to be hurried into ruin,
foreign competition would override it, capital would be withdrawn
from an avenue of investment which could no longer pay profit,

282

THE COLLIER S CHARTER I

and the unreflective intolerance and selfishness of the worker
would efface its last memorials. What did happen was that the
engineering trade entered upon a new era of development and the
worker upon a new period of industrial and social betterment.

The further reduction of the working day from nine hours to
eight in the same industry in the Government Dockyards and
Armament Factories, as well as the voluntary adoption of the
eight hours standard by some private firms, has been an
unqualified success. The unanimous testimony of the responsible
supervisors of the Eoyal Arsenal, the Dockyards, and Small Arms
Shops, together with that of such experienced employers as
Sir William Mather and Mr. Alfred Hill, of the Thames Limited
Iron Works, shows unmistakably that the eight hours basis is
a better balance between working time and efficient productivity
than any higher standard. It is the more remarkable when we
come to consider that in the engineering trade the increasing use
of automatic machinery is fast transforming the highly skilled
craftsman into a machine minder. It would appear that the
man who merely stands by a machine has little use for high
mental or physical power, and that, therefore, it would matter
little how many hours, within reasonable limits, he is required to
stand there. But no machine has yet been perfected which
requires no human attention, and the mental tension imposed by
mere machine minding is most profitably disposed in the shorter
working day. Better results are obtained in eight hours than in
nine even upon machinery which requires but a small degree of
skill and intelligence on the part of those who mind it.

The shorter working day is shown to be a constant and
unfailing waste preventer. That is apparently the secret of its
success. Of all the deterrents to highly efficient production that
of absenteeism, or lost time, is the most mischievous. Many
and various have been the devices of employers to combat this
evil. By penalties to time breakers, by the "furlough," and
finally by dismissal, the trouble has never been appreciably
minimised. The reduction of the working day to eight hours
in the engineering trade and other craft trades has had the effect
of reducing absenteeism to almost a vanishing point. Every
supervisor of labour, not excluding the colliery manager, knows
what this means, and wherever hours are longest absenteeism is
most extensively practised. A temporary extension of the
working day through the working of overtime leads to a
corresponding extension of absenteeism. Some statistics given
by the manager of a great eight hours engineering shop to a
Trade Union deputation quite recently showed that, as a result
of imposing overtime to the extent of an aggregate of about

283

THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

1,000 hours per week, the lost time had risen from less than
5 per cent, to nearly 250 hours, or fully 25 per cent, of the
extra time worked in excess of the normal standard.

This absenteeism is a factor of inefficient productivity,
universal in character and unvarying in result. With slight
variation it swells with long hours of work and diminishes with
reductions in hours. The mining industry, under the present
unequal system, offers no variant to the rule. Absenteeism
amongst colliers is greatest in Lancashire, where the hours are
longest, and least in Durham, where the hours are shortest. How
great is the difference is shown by the figures for 1905. In
Lancashire it was no less than 14*1 per cent, of the total available
time, and in Durham it was only 3'9.

In face of all the facts, of history and experience, is it too
much to claim that as the hours in Lancashire are brought into
approximation to those of Durham the .percentage of lost time
will more nearly correspond? Should this be so it would mean
that the institution of an eight hours bank to bank day would not
mean more than an infinitesimal fraction of reduction of the total
time now actually worked, for the difference between the
absenteeism of Durham and Lancashire is 10'2 per cent., and the
Commissioners estimate the total reduction of the average
working time when the eight hours is in full operation at no more
than 10'27 per cent.

The actual effects, broadly stated, of the measure will then
be to immediately shorten the working day by half an hour in
Wales and Lancashire and the further shortening by another
half -hour of the working day in Wales, Lancashire, Yorkshire,
and the Midlands after five years.

To meet and mitigate the difficulties which these changes will
impose we can draw upon two certain factors; first, that increased
efficiency is shown to accompany shorter hours, and, secondly,
that absenteeism will correspondingly diminish. Surely, then,
the alarmists' vision of decreased production and ruinously high
prices can only arise from an exaggerated and unreasoning fear.

THE OPPOSITION.

It would not be fair or courteous to ignore the objectors or
their objections. It would not be fair to the advocates of the
reform to leave those objections unchallenged and unanswered.
The opponents of the measure have had ample opportunities to
ventilate their hostility. Mr. Eussell Eea's Commission examined
74 witnesses, of whom only eight represented the working miners.
On many public platforms, at company meetings publicly
reported and in Parliament, the anti-eight hours apostleship has

284

THE COLLIER S CHARTER :

found a free and open field. The mine owning interest has been
voiced by Mr. Eadcliffe Ellis, of the Mining Association of Great
Britain, who maintains that

The inevitable effect upon the output of coal must be to reduce it in exact
arithmetical ratio to the reduction of hours. Adopting this principle as the
basis of calculation, he assumes an immediate loss to the annual product of
the United Kingdom of 21,471,000 tons if the reduction of hewers alone is
taken into account; or of 31,900,000, that is, 13 per cent., if the reduction
in the hours of persons engaged in conveying mineral be taken as the basis
of the reckoning; and, further, that as the latter class are as necessary to
production as the former, that the latter is more likely to be the true figure.

This is the advocate in chief of the opposition, and it is only
necessary to remark that the Commissioners absolutely reject
both his premises and his deductions.

Mr. Doig Gibb, M.Inst.C.T., utters a very typical capitalistic
plaint :

It seems extraordinary .that a Government should at any time pass a
measure to limit by law the hours of adult labour of a class which are perhaps
better organised and better able to look after themselves than any other, and
to do this at a time when general trade is so depressed, when employment
cannot be found by vast numbers, and when so many social evils of long
standing and great magnitude call for redress.

If Mr. Doig Gibb thought the interest of his class at stake he
would not hesitate to advise seeking security or redress from
Parliament. The idea that miners, having painfully acquired
political power, should not be allowed to use it is presumably due
to the fear that the "class" which has used Parliament so
shrewdly and for so long may suffer from political competition.
The prospect of Labour in Parliament is not terrifying in itself,
but the thought of Labour doing something in Parliament is
clearly disconcerting.

Even more clearly does Mr. Dudley Docker, Chairman of the
Metropolitan Eailway Carriage and Wagon Company Limited
after recommending a dividend of 10 per cent., a bonus of Is.
per share, and the placing to reserve of 100,000 sound the
alarum :

He felt bound to say that some of the signs of the times occasioned him
a certain amount of misgiving, and compelled him to look to the future
with some amount of apprehension. Pious opinion, predatory propaganda,
mostly left him unmoved; but legislation accomplished, or on the point of
accomplishment, was a different matter. He did not think the country had
at all adequately realised what the effect of the Miners' Eight Hours Bill
upon manufacturing industries was likely to be, and how serious were its
probable results. He was ready to admit that to remedy some evils no price
scarcely would be too great to pay; but the long-sustained resistance of the
Northumberland and Durham miners to the eight-hours movement was
sufficient proof that it was not the case here. The cost of fuel was already
so great that the increased charges necessitated by the new legislation would
very seriously handicap numerous industries, theirs amongst the number.

285

THE EIGHT HOUES DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

These are typical utterances, and find faithful echoes in
Parliament itself. The Parliamentary opposition to the Bill may
be fairly summed up in the following extract from the speech of
Mr. Bonar Law during the debate on the second reading, July
6th, 1908:-

The great majority of the miners looked on the Bill us a means of getting
larger wages for a smaller amount of work. He was not going to speculate
as to what the amount of the rise in the price would be, but anyone who
scoffed at the possibility of a great rise, a rise out of all proportion to the
increase in the cost of production, knew very little. The price of coal lay at
the root of prosperity in all our manufacturing industries, and the iron and
steel trade rested exclusively on the basis of cheap coal. Any man would
be rash if he said that the passing of the Bill might not have a most serious
effect on the iron and steel industry.

It is a trifle elementary to suggest to these amiable critics
that they should go and see how colliers work and personally
sample the joys of ten hours in a coal mine. That will only
reveal the sentimental side, and I shall not pursue it beyond
remarking that a little crawling along drawing roads designed
and maintained by coal owners upon the cheerful principle that
"where a tub will pass a man can creep" might possibly
encourage the belief that eight hours in a coal mine is enough
for any one day.

From the evidence furnished by the coal industry itself, from
the evidences furnished by industrial history and experience, it
is clear that there need not be any considerable diminution of
production or any serious increase in its cost. If prices are raised
it will not be blamable to the working collier but attributable to
the greed of owners and middlemen, and against these the
consumer, if he will remember that he is a citizen as well as a
consumer, may use weapons hereafter much more destructive
than the modest social and industrial reform foreshadowed by
the Miners' Eight Hours Act.

EFFECTS SOCIAL, PHYSICAL, MOEAL.

The most astounding "conclusion" arrived at by Mr. Eea's
Commission is-
That the health and physique of coal miners at the present time compares
favourably with that. of any other class of workpeople, and, while we have
found in the districts in which the longest hours are worked that the same
standard is not maintained, we believe that a legal limitation of hours
underground to eight per day cannot be expected to produce any marked
change.

Yet, by the aid of a mass of conclusive evidence, they
demonstrate that, amongst colliers, the levels of sickness and
long hours and health and short hours are consistently coincident.
They show that the lowest mortality is in Derbyshire and

286

THE COLLIER S CHARTER I

Nottingham, where the hours are below the average; and the
highest is in Lancashire, where the hours are the longest. They
further declare that in Lancashire, Monmouthshire, and South
Wales alone, the districts in which the hours are the longest,
the mortality from all causes exceeds that of "all occupied
males," and that it is only in Lancashire that there is an excess
due to ' ' other causes than accident. ' ' After ample demonstrations
that coal mining is "a healthy though a dangerous calling,"
we are led to the reasonable conclusion that a mortality amongst
Lancashire miners which, apart from accident, is excessive,
shows that there is nothing inherent in the calling itself that
could be considered inimical to health. To what, then, must the
excess be due if not to long hours of work?

In this, as in every other phase of this inquiry, the evidences
of general industrial fact and experience must guide us. The
health of all workers has been bettered by shortening the working
day. To say that in the case of miners it "cannot be expected
to have any marked change" seems almost frivolous. To infer
-that taking two hours, or even one hour, of exacting toil from
the daily task of boys will have no marked effect upon their
health is sheer idleness; to suggest that a healthier boy will not
make a healthier man is an insult to common sense. It is as
sensible to say that the limitation of hours for children in textile
factories has no marked effect upon the health of the operatives
generally.

One would hardly go to a mining village for "plaster saints"
any more than to a barrack canteen. With all the homespun
roughness of the miner, he is as human as his fellows. It is
impossible that industrial, betterment should have no effect upon
his moral sense. We need not anticipate his sudden conversion
from the rugged to the exquisite. He will remain very much a
miner, and his eight hours day will but mark another stage in
his development towards that fuller citizenship for which he, in
common with his working brethren, has some vague yearning.
Just as the moral sense of other classes of workers has developed
with the easy steps of progress so will the collier's. Citizenship
assumes a larger aspect, and with that comes a deeper sense of
responsibility. It is a painfully slow process, but the miner has
no farther to travel than his fellows. The senseless old libel
upon the working people to the effect that "an hour less at work
means an hour more in the public-house" has been too often
belied to need attention. Increased leisure has never yet led the
workers into evil, and there is not a vestige of reason for
supposing that the miners' eight hours day will involve an
exception to a rule so constant and so clearly established.

287

THE EIGHT HOUES DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.
EFFECTS UPON TRADE.

The gospel of reaction is not strongly characterised by
intellectual force. It is inspired by some cunning conception
that "every man for himself" is a generally accepted tenet,
forming the text of a very human faith. Happily we are
broadening out under the recognition of more blessed truths.
That we cannot depress the community by the uplifting of some
portion of it and "the better for some, the better for all," are
righteous thoughts if not axiomatic. Under the influences of newer
and truer beliefs we gradually outgrow our gullible faith in the
despicable charlatanry that ever stands against reform and
human progress. "Your coal will be dearer!" "Your beer
will cost you more ! ' ' and similar warning legends have still
some magic, and the genius of the Coal Consumers' League may
yet devise mural mendacities which will stay to protest until the
rain washes them off.

If our coal does cost us more it will not be the colliers'
Bight Hours Day that will be the reason for it, but the excuse
for it. If colliery proprietors really believe that this reform
will enhance the price of their product, why do they fear it?
If they can make up their alleged losses by increased prices,
surely it is an unkindly thing to oppose a boon to their
workers which will cost them nothing. They have had a wide
platform and a respectful hearing, but they have not proved
a single contention, and have not half convinced a sympathetic
Departmental Commission that they have a tenable case.

The export coal trade will be practically unaffected by the
change unless a very considerable rise in prices ensues. It
is admitted that our distant markets are secure against any
contingency, the nearer (European) markets can only be
jeopardised by sharp inclinations of price, while the middle
distance markets, which are our largest, are too firmly held to
be endangered in any case. As nearly one-fourth of the coal
raised in Great Britain is exported, it seems reasonable to believe
that one portion of the trade will be saved from total ruin.
Whatever may be the value of the conclusions of a Commission,
it is fair to quote their final opinion of the possible effects of
an Eight Hours Day upon our export coal trade.

Our consideration of the question of the economic effect of the institution
of an eight hours day for coal miners on the export trade, we must repeat,
has been entirely based upon the assumed case of a reduced output, and
consequently a considerable temporary increase in the price, to be followed by
a possibly smaller, but permanent, increase in the cost of production of British
coal, and of British coal only.

There is no clearer way of putting the issue than by saying
that unless the change stimulates a considerable and sudden

288

THE COLLIER S CHARTEE I

rise in prices it can have little or no effect upon commerce. The
same rule applies to home consumption as to exports. The coal
owners admit that there -can be a sharp rise in prices only on
the assumption of a sharp decline in production. The whole
weight of evidence seems to indicate that home consumers,
manufacturing and household, will suffer but little temporary
inconvenience, and that little will be imposed rather by caprice
than necessity on the part of coal owners and middlemen.

THE HUMAN ASPECT.

The teachings of the "dismal science" and it is dismal
without the leaven of collectivism has taught us to assess the
value of all human development by the formulas of s. d., and
to standardise national progress by Board of Trade returns.
It so rarely occurs to us that there are profits which cannot
be expressed in money values, and that national credit and
security must rise with the social and industrial efficiency of our
people.' And is it not true that the sordid ideal of a nation passing
rich in temporal wealth is more surely realisable with a people
rich in strength, liberty, and conscious responsibility?

Underlying every working-class movement there has been
what Sidney Webb has aptly described as "a vague aspiration
after a more equitable order of society." Whether the collier
holds this semi-consciousness at the bottom of his heart or the
back of his head, it is somewhere, somehow within him. It
has been a factor in every struggle for betterment from the revolt
of Israel in the brickfields of ancient Egypt till the last strike of
modern times, and its impulse will keep the workers in ceaseless
motion until the end of time.

However much or little the eight hours day may affect the
adult miner, there can be no question that it will more extensively
and beneficially affect the youth of the mining community.
Whether the grown up spends his newly acquired leisure in
ratting, drinking, or fighting and no one who knows him
expects that he will do either another hour in the playground
or the classroom instead of the coal pit for the boys must make
for a truer national manhood in the generations to come.
"Your coal will cost you more!" If it does, what then? If the
alternative to dearer coal be cheaper manhood and nastier
there should be no hesitation in making a choice. Even the
decrepit economy of the Manchester School offers us what it
calls an "equilibrium," and assures us that industrial changes
alter levels rather than disturb them. Manchesterism may have
no moral sense and very little common sense, but it does stumble
into truth occasionally. There can be nobody stupid enough to

289

THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

believe that the lads of Durham and Northumberland will not be
better for two hours more in the daylight and two hours less in
the coal pit, or that they will not be so much better as to repay
us in higher physical and mental efficiency as wealth producers
hereafter for some pence on the price of a ton of coal.

We cannot say that coal will not be dearer, but we dare say
that it need not be dearer. If we had absolute knowledge that
it would be, it would not give us the right to keep it cheap by
denying those who win it in danger and toil the small and dearly
purchased prize of so many years of effort and sacrifice.

A DEFENCE OF POLITICAL TEADE UNIONISM.

I have said that, to me, the most important phase of this
movement is that its success sets up a far-reaching principle of
industrial policy. It is the natural offspring of the alliance
between the old trade union force and the newer influence of
Labour politics. It has never appeared that Labour in Parliament
has any terrors for the employing classes as long as it remains
a docile auxiliary to Capitalism. It is Labour in Parliament
doing something for itself that makes the situation serious.

We have seen that the miners' agitation for the Eight Hours
Day has been entirely upon political lines. It has never once
during its progress been suggested that non-political or "trade
union" effort should be tried. This is probably due to the lead
given by MacDonald, who was instinctively a politician, and who
shrewdly calculated the chances of success as well as the material
with which he had to work. It has not been vouchsafed to
MacDonald to share the triumph, and it has been slow in its
progress. It says much for its strong vitality that it has lived
through so many ordeals and that, in the end, it has triumphantly
survived a Departmental Commission. Modern statecraft, chiefly
impelled by popular pressure, has made many reluctant excursions
into industrial legislation, but the legislative regulation of male
adult labour has hitherto been outside its purview. The records
are broken and the precedent is established. It sets Labour at
the portals of a new order of things in this country, and, unless
all the traditions of working-class effort are falsified, we shall
not stop here.

The Eight Hours Day is the avowed objective of the whole
trade union movement or one of them. Even to those workers
who are not permeated with the strident Socialism of the new
unionism the shorter day by Parliamentary enactment is a
cherished hope and an article of unchangeable faith. Year by
year they have passed pious resolutions at their. Trade Union
Congresses, troubled by the reactionary tendencies of the textile

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THE COLLIER S CHARTER '.

operatives, just as the miners have been retarded by the hostility
of the Durham and Northumberland Associations. The belief that
the Eight Hours Day can be achieved by "trade union effort" is
dead, not even the most prejudiced of the old union brigade urging
a word in its favour. It would be strange were it otherwise.
Not even prejudice can blind men to the stern truths of
experience. The engineers won their Nine Hours fight thirty-
seven years ago, but under conditions that not even a miracle can
reproduce. They tried to get the Eight Hours by the same
method in 1896 and found themselves faced by Capitalism,
organised to perfection and armed to the teeth. They know
better now, and the most hide bound amongst them has lost all
faith in the old gods and the old gospel.

Trade unionism, ever since the fifties a potent influence in
our national life, is passing swiftly through its transition from a
simple industrial instrument, concerning itself with wage rates
and workshop details, to a political force of vast power and
virility. The olden illusory faith in the strike would die even
faster but for the fact that it is harder to unlearn old falsities than
to learn new truths. The conquest by Labour of its reluctance to
handle the political weapon will be achieved as success gives
confidence. I do not pretend to prophesy the results. What is
certain is that political trade unionism has come to stay and must
be reckoned with. Whether its activities will bring unmingled
blessings or not time will determine. The cry of "dearer coal"
stimulates rather than disheartens it. The miners' victory opens
up possibilities that cannot be gauged by sixpence per ton on
the price of coals. Its effects on the national commerce may
or may not be profound ; concerning its effects as a stimulant to
political trade unionism there need be no speculation. It has
appreciably hastened the day upon which the workers will discard
for ever the effete paraphernalia of withholding labour, and will
regard the strike, the lockout, and the restriction of overtime alike
as impedimenta rather than aids to betterment.

The puerile argument of the opponents that the miners are so
well organised in their unions that it is wrongful and unjust to
invoke the aid of the Legislature to give them concessions at the
expense of the community which they can and should obtain for
themselves arises either from a conscious desire to misrepresent
the case or a strange misconception. It is much more accurate to
say that the miners have utilised their political power through
their unions than to say that they have sought the aid of the
State. If they had established their claim by a huge industrial
struggle we should have heard the old lament about "the
tyranny of trade unionism." Because they have had the

291

THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

sense to see and follow a wiser path, a servile and corrupt
Government has purchased their votes and made the community
pay the penalty. Miners more than any other body of highly
organised workers have learned their lessons. Until their
struggles for fair weighing they did not quite see their
inconsistency. But when it occurred to them that they could not
trust their masters to weigh the coal they won, it naturally struck
them that they were foolish to trust them with the power to make
the laws. In the Annual Eeport of the Yorkshire Miners for
1906 Mr. Wadsworth states that six strikes cost the Association
212,000. These were all failures, and, adding the attendant loss
of wages to the sum of the expended fund, the total loss of the
Yorkshire miners could have been little less than 900,000 on these
six strikes alone. It is reasonable to say that the strikes of the
last half century have cost the community a sum sumcient to
discharge the whole of the National Debt.

Will the opponents of political trade unionism express an
opinion on the effects of the strike on production? If the colliers
struck for a week and lost, the nation would be poorer by five
millions of tons of coal and the mining population poorer by more
than a million pounds. Then there might be some reason- in the
warning, "Your coal will be dearer !" If, as the wise ones tell us,
production and price expand and contract in inverse ratio, how
much have we paid, how much are we paying, for the coal strikes
of the last twenty years?

Whoever imagines that the Miners' Eight Hours Day
represents finality is hopelessly mistaken. It is nothing but a
slight widening of the path and a little, smoothing of the way by
which the workers will pass to a better order. It has vindicated
the superiority of the methods of the newer political trade unionism
over the reckless futility of the strike, and emphasised the necessity
of closer political unity among the masses. The mere power of
hunger endurance is no longer the determinator of industrial and
social strife. The conflict between Labour and Capitalism goes
on, but the battle field will be darkened no longer by the shadows
of famine and pain. A tithe of this blessing to humanity will
mean far more than the trifling inconvenience of higher prices
which cannot be other than temporary and need not be at all.
If a great nation has time to "winnow a chattering wind" it can
afford to take heed of "Your coal will be dearer ! " But not unless.

COLLECTIVIST DEDUCTIONS.

The opponents of this measure of long-delayed justice are
protesting too much. We can afford to take them upon their own
ground and accept their conclusion that our coal will be dearer

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THE COLLIEB S CHARTER I

and their doleful prophesy that dearer coal will derange and
dislocate all the presently existing and admirable system which has
its foundation in "buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest
market." Every believer in any form of Collectivism, from the
"dividend" Co-operator to the forceful revolutionary Socialist,
knows that his object is to substitute some form of co-operation
for any form of competition. His activity is a protest against
production for profit and a plea for production for use. It must
be something more to be worthy; it must set up just conditions
for human labour instead of commercial profit as the first charge
upon industry. If the claim of the miners for an eight hours day
is a righteous claim it must be conceded, and I do not think that
any co-operator of either the State or the voluntary order will
say that it is not righteous.

But if it prejudicially affects the interest of the community it
becomes a duty to defend the community against its consequences.
The inferential or direct suggestion to avert the catastrophe of
dearer coal by refusing the miner his demand might carry an
element of reason under other conditions and were there no other
available alternative. There are alternative possibilities, and coal
production is a field of operation for the Socialist possibly richer
in opportunity than most other industries. A nation exasperated
by the fleecing extortions of profit makers may take "Your coal
will be dearer" more seriously than may be pleasant or convenient
to the pure-souled devisers of that inspiring battle cry. It may
centre their attention upon an obvious, if much neglected, fact
that there are other ways of cheapening a common necessity than
by working colliers and their lads to the limit of human endurance.
If it promotes the conviction that "Our coal will be cheaper" under
an eight hours day plus the nationalisation of mining royalties
the Coal Consumers' League will not have lived and laboured in
vain.

Mr. T. E. Mardy Jones, F.B.E.S., estimates that "more than
8,000,000, at an average of 8d. per ton, was paid in 1906 on
the total output of coal of 251,050,809 tons." The total royalties
on all minerals reached the sum of 9,500,000, apart from
other products of legalised brigandage called "wayleaves." The
acquisition of these "rewards of enterprise" by the nation might
conceivably place us in a position to mitigate the destroying effects
of an eight hours day. As the same authority estimates that the
un worked coal in the United Kingdom will, at the royalty rate of
6d. per ton, yield exactly two and a half billion pounds sterling
to the landowning class before our coal supply is exhausted, there
seems to be considerable scope for national enterprise in this
direction without making the miners work ten hours a day. Yet

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THE EIGHT HOURS DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

all this is but makeweight to the prodigious loot of the landlord.
All mines pay dead rents, curiously enough a peculiarly lively
form of extortion, and it needs no profound economist to understand
that the consumer has to pay them. It certainly appears that if
our coal is to be dearer there are still some possibilities of
steadying the market.

When we realise that all these killing taxes upon the national
industry are based upon the appalling injustice of proprietary rights
over the treasures which Nature has buried and hoarded for
countless millions of years its enormity becomes startling.
Landlordism, for doing nothing but mischief, takes more of
Labour's reward than would suffice to give every worker an eight
hours day and double his wages.

Even to the Co-operator who has not accepted the teachings
of Socialism this question opens up an ample sphere for useful
and helpful work. Apart from my own conceptions of the matter
as a Socialist, my view as a Co-operator, merely, arouses the
hope that the Miners' Eight Hours Day is good for me as I feel
that it will be for a great and deserving section of the nation.
I pay more for my coal through the Co-operative Society than is
accounted for by the monstrous exactions of the landlord and
mineral owner. While English coal averages below 8s. per ton
(pit price) I am paying 20s. at my door. I know that Lancashire
colliers receive, on an average, about 2s. 4d. per ton for hewing
and filling and their share of the drawing. While I know also
that the colliers' labour is not the only charge upon its production,
and that mining entails great risks and heavy outlay apart from
wages, I cannot help wondering how much of my 20s. goes to the
middleman and the railway company. I get some portion of my
20s. back in dividend, but still there is a huge difference between
the collier's 2s. 4d. and my net payment of over 17s. It seems
to me that when the Lancashire collier has got his eight hours day
there will be somewhere about 9s. of middle profit to pay him
with or that there ought to be. If such a view, which I trust
is not exaggerated, does not stimulate practical Co-operators to
pay more serious attention to the supply and even the production
of coal, Co-operation will have sadly missed its mission.

As a convinced Socialist, I believe that the great problem of
life can never be fully answered save by complete State ordered
ownership and control of all the wealth-producing factors. But
few Socialists believe that Socialism is one lump of something
which can be taken down from a shelf and split up amongst the
world in one operation. If Socialism rejects the smallest aid or
resents the shortest step because they fall short of the ideal it
sets up, then is it of all vanities the vainest. Because the Eight

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THE COLLIER S CHARTER I

Hours Act is a step towards the collective control of Labour for
the good of all as well as for those whose labour is to be controlled,
it bears its hope and its help to the larger issues which lie beyond
and to which it leads. No Co-operator need attempt to blink the
fact. A* resort to the facile expedient of keeping our coal cheap
by refusing reasonable betterment to the producer will not expedite
the "elimination of the middleman." Whatever inconvenience
his progress may inflict upon us we shall not relieve ourselves by
seeking to penalise him or ease our minds by blaming him for
its incidence. The comical fear which has been expressed that the
miner, encouraged by the keen demand for his labour resulting
from the shorter day, will take advantage of the occasion by
demanding higher wages is not unfounded. He will most assuredly
do the best he can for himself. But is not "every man for
himself" the very corner stone of the whole competitive edifice?
It is not by retarding the progress of the miner that the Co-operator
will secure his own position as a consumer, but by going on more
resolutely with the work to which his own movement commits
him.

Should our coming experiences demonstrate to us that this
reform must entail loss and inconvenience or any form of trade
deterrent we shall at once realise the necessity of devising
remedies. For of all certainties the most certain is that industrial
and social betterment by Act of Parliament will not stop here.
The State regulation, not merely of hours, but of all the conditions
of labour, has become the rule in many of our self-governing
colonies, where the awards of the Arbitration Courts are virtually
the law of the land as affecting the trades over which their decisions
operate. The only reason why other classes of workers have not
struck for shorter hours is because there is a growing belief that
nothing more worth having can accrue from the strike method.
The reason why a concerted and well organised demand for an
eight hours day by legislative enactment has not been made is
that it has been understood that the present political machinery
of the unions is not capable of performing the task of obtaining
it. It has not been from any want of desire or any belief that such
a demand would be wrongful or unjust. The class of legislation
which this measure typifies, and for which it forms a precedent
in this country, is that for which we must all be prepared in the
future. The success of the miners will afford a powerful incentive
to other workers to follow the same course. Broad and enlightened
labour politics will be more and more the equipment of political
parties and Governments in the future.

"Working men are never satisfied" we shall be told, and well
it may' be said to be for the working man. If we elect to live

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THE EIGHT HOUES DAY AND WHAT IT MEANS.

under competitive conditions we must accept the conditions that
competition involves. The working man will not get all he wants,
but he will go on fighting and agitating if impelled only by that
"vague aspiration for a better social order."

RECAPITULATION.

The scope and intent of the measure is to reduce the working
day from "bank to bank," which means counting the time from
the winding down of the first man to the winding up of the first
man of a shift, or vice versa, to 8^- hours per day for, the next
five years. At the expiry of that term the maximum working day
of eight hours is to be established for all underground workers.
The effect, broadly stated, will therefore be as follows:

Unaffected or slightly affected by first stage: Scotland,

Northumberland (hewers only), Durham (hewers only),

Yorkshire, Cumberland, and Midlands.
Considerably affected by first stage: Lancashire, South Wales,

Monmouth, Forest of Dean, Northumberland, and Durham

(datal hands only).

The proportion considerably affected by the first stage will be
rather over one-third, counting in the Northumberland and Durham
boys and other datal hands. Over 60 per cent, will be practically
unaffected. The establishment of the eight hours maximum will
but- slightly affect Scotland, Northumberland, Durham, and
Cumberland, but will affect to the full extent of the second half-
hour reduction the whole of the remainder. There is a strong
probability, however, that the second stage will not be so serious,
because many mine owners declare that it will be best to face
the entire change at once. Eoughly, the first stage will affect
rather over 30 per cent., and the second stage rather less than
70 per cent, of all the underground workers in British coal mines.
Judged by experience and analogies from other industries, the
equalising factors preventing diminished production will be :

1. Better health.

2. Less absenteeism.

3. Increased individual productivity.

The Commission add to these :

1. By some increase in the efficiency of the labour at present employed,

especially in the districts in which the hours are longest.

2. By improvements in the mechanical equipment of many collieries, in the

winding and hauling machinery, in the construction of the underground
roads, and in some cases the sinking of new shafts, and bringing
upcast (ventilating) shafts into use for winding.

296

THE COLLIER S CHARTER.

3. By the extension of the use of labour-saving machinery coal-cutting

machines and conveyors.

4 By the extension of the multiple shift system.
5. By the improved conditions and the economic pressure stimulating

the existing flow of labour from other areas and industries into the

mines.

The "foreign competition" bogey need not be invoked for at
least another five years. Germany and the United States are our
only possible rivals, and in both those countries the hours are
shorter than here, though rather longer than eight hours on an
average.

All things considered, there is nothing very terrifying in this
project, regarded commercially. That it will be seized upon by
coal owners and middlemen to force up prices and impose
inconvenience upon consumers is not improbable, and, if that is
so, it is clear that the fault will not be the miner's and the remedy
will not be to retard his progress. Higher than all else is the
thought that this reform marks a stage in political and industrial
development that must bring a blessing to a great and useful
section of the community. Of all men, the Co-operator has least
to fear from its consequences be they as bad as the worst
predictions, for he, of all men, holds the surest and most practical
antidote.

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From Primary School to
University.

BY ALBERT MANSBRIDGE.

efforts of that ever-increasing band of men and women
who work incessantly for social betterment are inspired, to
a large extent, by a passionate yearning for the welfare of
the children of England, a yearning both of the heart and of the
mind, because they long to see the children happy, and because
they know that the care of the children is incumbent upon a
nation which would see glorious days.

THE WAYS OF THE CHILDREN.

An inadequately restrained industrialism snatches children
from quiet, happy ways and forces them to walk amid the perils
of the streets; to make bargains for pence in wrangling markets;
to toil in never-ceasing factories. Thus they are robbed of joy,
of strength, of mental power, in order that those who should
protect them, but are not infrequently unable to do so, may add
pence to a diminishing store ; in order that men may imagine they
are piling up gold more rapidly because child labour is so cheap ;
in order that those interested in affairs may obtain a paper at a
halfpenny without the trouble of seeking it; in order that petty
articles of purchase may be secured without inconvenience.

Not only are the children robbed by their exploitation in the
interests of cheapness, but the nation, too, is robbed. Her riches
are her children, and she is rich indeed when they are so cared
for as to ensure them becoming strong, resourceful men and
women, creators of national power and national wealth. To care
for them is the function of the family, extended as far as may be
into the outer family of the school.

THE SOLIDARITY OF SOCIETY.

No one part of society can suffer without the whole society
suffering also. The misery of the slum affects the happiness
of the mansion. This doctrine of solidarity has never been more

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FEOM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

completely realised than to-day. Most people will agree that there
is vital connection between the child of the slum and the child
of the mansion, that their fates are intermingled, and that you
cannot improve the one without improving the other.

The woof and warp of human society make a strange fabric.
Sadness is the portion of the master weaver, for in many parts
the piece is badly woven ; it must be woven anew ere it is worthy
of the highest use.

England has been idealised by the poet William Watson as

Mother,

Builder of peoples,
Maker of men.

She will be so, in very truth, when her children are rightly trained
to tread their legitimate way through wisely-devised schools.

CHILD LABOUR.

The day has passed when children of under twelve could
work in factories, although the early years of the present industrial
era saw them working at five and six years of age. But it is still
possible for them to work upon sweated goods at home, however
tender their years. A powerful local education authority* making
its bye-laws felt itself only able to enact that "A child under the
age of eleven years shall not be employed." After eleven he or
she may lead two lives that of the child labourer and that of the
scholar. In spite of the bye-law it is well known that children
commence work much before that age. The problem of the street
hawker may be solved by the utilisation of badges, but the problem
of the child home-worker is far more elusive. Half time in the
factory, pernicious as it is in the long run, compares well with
this system of full time school and as much work as can be done
outside it.

Of all problems which beset England this is one of the greatest.
It must be worked out. If the phrase "From Primary School to
University" is ever to become rich in meaning (it is extremely
poor at present) child labour for wages, direct or indirect, during
the years of compulsory attendance at school must be abolished.
No educationalist, as such, regards the present period as long
enough ; it must be extended to sixteen years of age by steady and
pre-determined stages.

Such a plan of action may be regarded as idealistic. Many
objections arise, but none which are worth regarding if schools
are worth establishing. A nation believing in schools does wisely

* London County Council.

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FKOM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

if it makes them efficient; to leave them inefficient is a policy of
destruction. , Economic loss can be overcome and even turned
into economic gain. This would be the direct result of raising the
school age. The menace of unemployment is due in part to the
inefficient training of children, and it is at least obvious that the
area of adult employment would be extended if child labour were
abolished.

POVERTY AND THE SCHOOL.

Legislation has taken place concerning ill-fed school children.
If, in addition to the prevention of child labour, it could be secured
that every school child be adequately clothed and sufficiently fed,
the result would be a great victory on the part of the school against
those evil forces to which it has heretofore been compelled to
submit. Another kind of poverty, or imagined poverty, forces
into our schools many unsuitable, unqualified teachers. These
are preferred by some authorities for their cheapness, and for the
same reason the pernicious system of impossibly large classes is
maintained. The problems which these things indicate can be
solved if the people will but begin to work out the meaning of
"primary school;" they will soon realise that little else matters
if the school is to promote physical and mental development.

THE ATTITUDE OF LABOUR.

Education is the mighty force by which brotherhood will be
enthroned. If it does not mean that to the workman it means
little enough. Knowledge and learning are to him merely
instruments of education, useful in so far as they add in various
ways to the joy of the common life. The workman estimates
schools not by their curricula but by the characteristics of the
children who come from them. He wants to see them increase
habits of observation, to turn to well-ordered occupations and away
from the petty and often foul things which modern commercialism
is anxious to supply. When he sees this he will rest content.
As it is he is not content.

THE HIGHWAY OF EDUCATION.

Labour is ready to bear its part, it is ready to work in faith
at the construction of a highway of education from primary school
to university. That highway " must be so broad and free that
passage shall be denied to none whose brains and character enable
them to tread it and to work in the universities at the head of it,
no matter if they have no money and can pay no price.

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FROM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

Some day the perfect highway will be built. The children will
dance and play upon it as they pass bright, eager, and happy,
fearing neither hunger nor cold. Those under five will turn into
the nursery schools,* and the elder children to those adapted to
appeal to their varying individualities, some doing more hand work
than others, but all doing a proportion. Many will leave the
school highway at sixteen and labour will welcome them, not
thinking them less worthy than, but differently equipped to, those
who pass on up to the universities for training in technology or
the humanities. Those who leave the schools at sixteen may in
later years send representatives to assist the small band of scholars
working upon the confines of knowledge by reason of lessons they
have learned in industrial life which cannot be learned in the
schools, and ye-b are essential to the highest research.

In the light of this ideal, the examination of past history and
present problems may well be pursued, and the strength as well
as the weakness of the present connection between primary school
and university stand revealed. This ideal will also serve to indicate
immediate steps towards the complete national system which is the
desideratum of educationalists and workmen alike.

A BRIEF HISTORICAL SURVEY.

The beginnings of school education in England lie hidden in
obscurity. After all, school means nothing more nor less than
the gathering together of children apart from their homes, to be
trained by one member of the community set apart for that
purpose. It is the outcome of "division of labour." There is
little doubt that the Eomans established schools, but no traces
remain in England as they do in Eome. Christianity brought
with it the idea of schools as essential parts pf its monastic
and episcopal institutions. Alfred the Great is said to have
re-established many of these Christian schools which had fallen
into desuetude, in order that "all the youth of England should
be well able to read English." He ordained that if a rich man
was incapable of learning he should be compelled to send a
substitute to school. It is probable that by the youth of England
Alfred meant the "noble" youth. He certainly founded a school
for the .sons of nobles exclusively.

PRIMARY.

Although the primary school as we know it is essentially a
nineteenth century development, yet it is held by some authorities

* See lleport on the Education of Children under Five. Consultative
Committee, Board of Education, 1908.

301

FROM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

that there were elementary schools in the villages as early as the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. In such schools the curriculum
consisted of one or all of the three "K's." They probably rose
and fell according to the needs of the hour. Out of 159 schools
existing at the time of the Eeformation, of which records still
remain, only 22 were elementary schools, 21 were free grammar
schools, 93 were fee-paying grammar schools, and 23 were song
schools. It may be taken as certain that many schools which
may be classified as elementary left no records, that they
existed at all times and in all parts, and that they were neither
better nor worse than those which stand revealed in the early
nineteenth century, when the State, by a system of doles,
commenced partially to support them. The initiative which
led to such State doles was supplied by sectarian societies.
In 1699 the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge started
work, and before fifty years had passed it could claim credit for
the development of nearly 2,000 schools. It had no rival until,
in 1808, the Eoyal Lancastrian Institution, later renamed the
British and Foreign School Society, was founded to establish
non-sectarian schools. As a kind of counterblast to this the
National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the
Principles of the Established Church was formed in 1811. It
took over the school work of the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge. Through these two societies the first dole (1833) of
20,000 was distributed. Ultimately the granting of doles led to
the formation of the Education Department (1839). After much
discussion the era of compulsory education was ushered in during
the year 1870. Subsequent Acts, notably Free Education (1891),
the important and still, in part, debatable Act of 1902, the
Provision of Meals Act (1906), and the Education (Administrative
Provisions) Act (1907) have tended to make the people of England
hope for a great forward movement in primary education.

SECONDARY.

At the time when Dean Colet founded St. Paul's School
(1512) there were probably 300 secondary schools in connection
with monasteries and guilds or upon independent foundations.
Of these last Winchester (1387) and Eton (1440) had been in
existence for some time. They were independent of both Church
(although in communion with it) and State, in the sense that they
were provided out of royal endowment or by private benevolence.

Without any appreciable increase in numbers secondary schools
(grammar and public) pursued the even tenor of their way, mostly
utilised by the rich, but still raising many humble students to

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FEOM PKIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

high power. In the county of Kent there are sixty-seven sources
of endowment for these schools, varying from 3. 6s. 8d. to four
over 1,000, and one at Tonbridge of 7,000 per annum. The
greater and lesser public schools, of which there are 119 in
existence, will probably not be increased. The latest foundations
are those of Wellington (1859) and Clifton (1862). Such
schools are administered in the interests of the sons of the wealthy
and perhaps the clever sons of poor gentlemen. The Education
Act of 1902 has directly stimulated the foundation and recognition
of secondary schools. In 1904-5, 491 were recognised by the
Board of Education, in 1906-7 the number had increased to 676.
One of the educational benefits conferred by the Act has been the
rendering efficient of those grammar schools which had been
ambling along, doing their best upon inefficient finance and
operating as class-conscious schools of the very worst character.

UNIVERSITY.

The ancient Universities of Oxford and Cambridge arose not,
as may have been expected, in a normal process of evolution
from the grammar schools, but as the result of an incursion of
foreign scholars, aided, most probably, by migrations of English
scholars from foreign universities. Thus Oxford probably
originated in or about the year 1167 (although later research
appears to suggest 1112), when a number of students from the
University of Paris settled round the shrine of St. Frideswide.
Cambridge in all probability owes its origin to a dispute between
the university and town at Oxford in 1209, which resulted in
the masters and scholars leaving Oxford for Paris, Beading, and
Cambridge. Some years later masters and scholars returned
to Oxford (except those who must have remained at Cambridge)
in triumph. In 1229 a similar disturbance at Paris caused a
great migration of Parisian students to Oxford, which swelled
its power and its numbers. One, Walter de Merton. founded
the first college, known after him as Merton, in the University
at Oxford (1264), and Hugh de Balsham founded St. Peter's
College, or Peterhouse, in the University at Cambridge (1281).
These, and subsequent colleges, were devised partly for purposes
of discipline, but mainly to secure that poor scholars should not
be excluded from the university because of lack of food and shelter.

The story of the development of Oxford and Cambridge is full
of interest, and even excitement. It is true to say that poor men
of humble birth have never been entirely excluded from them,
but in the main they have ministered to the social desires of
the wealthy. Not that they have ever left the lamp of learning

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untended, but they have tended it all too badly by reason of
their not drawing upon the full resources of the nation the
mental ability of all classes.

No other universities were founded in England until Durham
(1831) and London (1836), but the later nineteenth century
witnessed the beginnings of a university movement which has
already deposited vital and efficient universities at Liverpool,
Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield, and Bristol (charter
not yet granted). The nation needs more, and it is not probable
that the movement will subside until more have been established.

RELIGION AND EDUCATION.

It is true that English educational institutions, whether
primary, secondary, or university, have been constructed under
the dominating influence of religion. The present tendency is
strongly in the direction of establishing new schools apart from
this influence and of detaching the old ones. Education is
regarded by many religious people as the outer court of the
Temple, which may be frequented by those who do not desire
to enter the holy place. Moreover, the general conception of
education is so large and lofty as to give to education itself a place
among national institutions.

PRIMARY SCHOOLS OF TO-DAY.

After nearly a century of experience in the work of directly
aiding education, the State is face to face with a new movement
which is forcing forward the claims of the primary school as a
purifying and inspiring institution affecting all departments of the
national life.

Wilhelm von Humboldt said that "whatever we wish to see
introduced into the life of a nation must first be introduced into
its schools." It is the consciousness of this great truth which
has caused modern reformers to elevate the child in his relationship
to the school to the highest plane of English effort for social
betterment.

THE POSSIBILITIES OF THE PRIMARY SCHOOL.

In the school all the trained knowledge, all the science of the
time, can be focussed upon the future citizen, in a way quite
impossible in the families of other than wealthy citizens. Efforts
can be made to compensate as far as possible for the injustices which
modern economic conditions inflict upon the children of the poor.
Even "under fives" can be gently gathered in from slum dwellings

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and street gutters, and made amenable to the humanising influences
of careful training, as a preliminary to the time when after five
they enter upon the full school course. In the nursery schools
recommended by the Consultative Committee of the Board of
Education, and realised, at least in part, in some advanced towns,
the infants can be brought under the scrutiny of the school doctor,
and be saved from those diseases which, thus early, often set
their mark upon them. Not of least importance is the work that
can be done in turning their baby faces in the direction of purity
and truth before the continued influence of vicious environment
shall have set them stiffly in an untoward direction.

It is important that the individual abilities of the children
should be discovered as early as possible, and developed steadily
until the boy or girl is ready and fit to enter industrial life. No
school system may be regarded as efficient which is unable to
retain its hold upon the scholars until such time as it has
accomplished in them a complete work.

The present system of primary schools in England is very vast.
There are 19,186* schools, attended by 5,573,553 children, and
engaging 165,176 teachers. But the whole system is still unduly,
and most certainly unwisely, subject to the ravages of forces which
prevent its complete work being achieved.

At the same time it is necessary to recognise that the schools
are growing in strength, and that no educationalist need despair.
The schoolroom is a quite different place from what it was twenty
years ago, but the improvements all tend to reveal the need for still
greater reform. The real conflict between the school and the
interests outside it has yet to take place.

The religious conflict, although waged around the schools,
hardly affects their internal working. No noise of it disturbs the
hum of school life. It is hunger and its camp follower, disease,
which interfere with the working of the school, and industrialism
which prevents its working after lads are thirteen or fourteen years
of age. But the long fight has commenced. Acts for the feeding
of necessitous children and the medical inspection of school
children are on the Statute Book, and child labour is now the
concern of local educational authorities.

THE FINANCIAL DIFFICULTY.

The incidence of cost falls unduly upon the local rates. Mr.
Mc.Kenna was made to feel the force of this by "influential
deputations representing the Counties, County and Municipal

* Statistics of Public Education in England and Wales, 1906-7-8.

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Boroughs, and Urban Districts." He said in the House of
Commons on February 12th, 1908: "It has been borne upon me
during my short tenure of office how much local administrators
are harassed at every point and turn by the unwillingness of
ratepayers in heavily-rated districts to meet the expenses of
much-needed educational improvements."

As a matter of fact the present position reveals a contention
between three forces, the ratepayer endeavouring to keep the rates
down, the Chancellor of the Exchequer fighting for every pound in
his coffers, the educationalist trying to force the hands of both of
them. It is not to be wondered at that the educationalist turns
longingly to the Exchequer and advocates a National Education
Bate, but on the present basis of taxation his efforts with the
Chancellor will be useless, at any rate for a time. Old-age
Pensions need financing, and, besides being excellent, are much
more effective from an electioneering point of view than even the
most substantial grants to education. There is a strong case for
a National Education Eate. The mobility of our population
renders the charges not local but national. It is manifestly
unjust, in spite of varying methods of assessment, that a poor
district like Walthamstow should be rated at 2s. 9d.* in the ,
and a slightly better-off contiguous district like Ilford at Is. 6d.,
or a town like Gloucester at Is. 7d. and its next-door fashionable
neighbour, Cheltenham, at 6d. ; but here again the local feeling is
an unknown force until it be roused.

Unsatisfactory finance causes Acts which ought to be
compulsory to be made permissive; renders all attempts to secure
reduction in the size of classes abortive ; tempts education
authorities to engage unqualified teachers ; and forbids the
condemnation of unsatisfactory buildings.

SMALL CLASSES AND THEIR ADVANTAGES.

Part at least of the evil resulting from early entry into
industry on the part of pupils would be neutralised if the classes
were of reasonable size. As it is teachers are forced to become
"mere mechanical manipulators of child life," and _ unless they
have rare spirit must lose that pride in their work which is shared
by all those who labour under right conditions. Quantity and
output rule in the schools. Quality does not. seem to matter.
The greater the number of children in a class the cheaper the
proportionate cost of keeping them there.

* These figures are taken from Statistics of Public Education in England
and Wales, 1905-6-7.

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A census taken in September, 1906, of 30,706 children in
544 classes revealed that

94'2 per cent, were in classes exceeding in number 40.

77-5 ,, ,, ,, 50.

48-3 ,, ,, 60.

The experience of a London infants' school teacher, well known
as a Co-operator, is not uncommon: During the past year she has
taught an average of seventy -two at once, and has frequently
taught one hundred. Side by side with this it is well to consider
the maximum of thirty infants to one trained teacher recommended
by the Consultative Committee. The Board of Education
regulations allow sixty children in average attendance to each
certificated teacher, which may mean seventy on the roll.

The hope of the future lies in securing a maximum of thirty on
the roll. In such classes educational ideals would have free play.
Pestolozzi, Herbert, and other pioneers of education would not
appear such idealists as they do now to teachers with their massed
classes. Moreover, it is not by the cultivation of clever boys that
our secondary schools and universities will be manned, but by
the intensive cultivation of selected groups. Differentiation in
ability is common to all children. Small classes would enable
teachers to allow for and work along lines dictated by that
differentiation. It is time to recognise that a dull boy is nothing
but a departure from the normal. Dulness is often merely a term
for inability to assimilate literary education, and the dull boy may
be a perfect genius in the manual training centre. The head master
'of Westminster declared that he had not a dull boy in his school.
One certainly puzzled him until he found that the boy had fitted
up an excellent telegraphic apparatus in the garden of his house.

CURRICULA.

Greater adaptability in curricula would be the immediate
outcome of smaller classes. Professor Sadler, in his report on
Secondary Education in Essex, declared the desideratum of the
true primary school to be "not the pouring into children's minds
of a great deal of information from separate vessels each supposed
to contain a different 'subject,' but the training of them to work
with clear intelligence, concentration of attention, and self -activity
at a few things (not by any means the three 'E's' only), during
short school hours, in healthy conditions, with plenty of hand
work, singing, and physical training, and under the guidance of
cultivated teachers who see the connections between one subject
and another, and encourage questions in order that the bearing of
one thing on another may become plain to the children, and the
relation of cause and effect be made clear. ' '

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This is excellently stated, but it is certain, as, indeed. Professor
Sadler points put, that it will not exist until classes are smaller.
As the possibility of adequately working a class is realised, so
various forms of hand work natural "projections" of the child
and meditations upon citizenship will become not only easy but
inevitable.

SUPPLY OF TEACHERS.

A problem inseparable from that of small classes is the
supply of teachers. If finance were forthcoming and classes
were reduced it would be impossible to discover teachers. At
the end of the year 1905-6 there were 148,137 teachers in
employment; of these only 84,274 were certificated, which only
allowed one certificated teacher to sixty-three children. Obviously,
then, a reduction to thirty in each class implies two certificated
teachers to each one now existing. Teachers other than certificated
need not be considered; it would be easy to staff the schools as
they have been staffed in the past by inefficient persons. But
only on rare occasions, even now, is it possible for a totally
unsuitable person to secure appointment. An important part
then of the whole problem for the future lies in the training
of teachers. There is little doubt that the Board of Education
recognises this, and aims by its new regulations to draw the
supply from the middle and working classes instead of from the
working class only, as heretofore.

Although the training of teachers is a secondary and university
matter, yet it had better be discussed here. The new order of
secondary school has made it possible for the Board to declare
in favour of four years' training therein, with bursaries for the
whole or part of the time. The teaching ability itself may at
present escape examination until actual work as a recognised
teacher commences.- This is held by many to be a fatal flaw,
and one year's practical work, or the equivalent thereof, is
demanded. With the system of large classes this argument is
intensified because the management of a class is a different matter
from teaching, and may be acquired by anyone possessed of a certain
superficial smartness. One intention of the Board's regulations
is to secure that breadth of view which secondary education should
impart, but this is defeated unless no decision regarding teaching
as a profession is allowed to be made before the age of sixteen,
because prospective teachers tend to become segregated in secondary
schools. Special provision is made for them. The advantage of
contact with the various types of pupils tends to vanish. No
corrective is at present supplied during the training college period,
even though the day training colleges be in connection with

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FEOM PBIMAEY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

universities and university colleges. Labour demands that "the
best intellectual and technical training be provided for the
teachers of the children, that each educational district be required
to train the number of pupil teachers demanded by local needs,
and to establish training colleges preferably in connection with
universities or university colleges." It is doubtful what this
Trade Union Congress resolution really means, but at any rate it
demands the concentration of the educationalist upon the teacher.

At the same time, it may seriously be doubted whether a
reasonable portion of our capable children will desire to become
elementary teachers whilst the status and emoluments are so
low, whilst there is no pension fund, even though ideal conditions
of training be devised. Our teachers need to be the flower of
the nation. Our children cannot do with the second best. A
not uncommon attitude of mind is revealed by the child who
"if not clever enough to become a civil servant would become
a teacher.

In 1905-6, 32 per cent, of the male certificated assistant
teachers received less than 100 per annum, and nearly 59 per
cent, less than 120 per annum. Nearly 50 per cent, of the
head teachers received less than 150 per annum. A large
number of teachers are paid at artisan rates, but as a set-off
against permanent employment and holidays they have greater
expenses determined for them by the groove of their profession.

The establishment of a minimum wage, the provision of a
pension, and security of employment must be granted to teachers
before the development of our schools can be pushed ahead.

Properly -trained teachers teaching reasonably-sized classes, in
co-operation with the school doctor, would work a revolution in
English educational method in a short time.

The impetus would be so great as at once to force pupils
on to that educational highway which would be constructed
to receive them. The school-leaving age would be raised by
predetermined stages to sixteen. Primary and secondary education
would be unified in one system, and this not rigid but variable,
to the lasting advantage of England. The supply of teachers
would become proportioned to the need. The precise order and
method of the coming of these reforms it is impossible to indicate,
but the abolition of child labour, which Mr. Herbert Samuel
might well include in his Bill, and the raising of the school age
are probably the most important.

The verve and force given to working lads by their emancipation
from early toil will be turned to educational matters. They will
realise that they have the root of education in them, and they
will go out into the world determined that it shall blossom and

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bear fruit. They will work for the succeeding generation, and
will not hesitate to sacrifice themselves for it. They will be
men and women who desire wisdom more than money for the
nation, and as a result endow it with both.

SECONDARY EDUCATION.

The term secondary school under the Board of Education
regulations means "a day or boarding school which offers to each
of its scholars a general education of a wider scope and higher
grade than that of an elementary school, given through a complete
progressive course of instruction continuing up to and beyond the
age of sixteen." An attempt has been made to establish Higher
Elementary Schools, but its success has been limited, only 34
(not including 22 schools in London which may ultimately be
classified as higher elementary) being in existence on August
1st, 1907.

Before examining the present position of secondary schools it
will be helpful to ascertain what effect the raising of the school
age to sixteen would have on the provision of schools. No
enthusiast dares to hope that this reform is imminent, but every
educationalist knows that it ought to be. The period from five
years to fourteen years is inadequate to educate a child, and
fourteen years is too early for him to go to work.

A NEW TYPE OF SCHOOL.

Labour demands through the Trades Union Congress that
"technical and secondary education shall be given to every child."
The schools are totally unable to accomplish this at present. The
demand postulates a new type of school, primary and secondary
at the same time, with divided "tops," or a divided upper division
which would be open to efficient boys and girls at not less than
twelve years of age. Just as a public school has its "modern"
and "classical" sides, so the new school would have its industrial
and literary sides not wholly divorced from one another, because
there are grounds of education common to both. On no account,
as a general practice, should boys be moved from school to school.
An important thing in education is the "spirit of the school,"
and this is best generated when all sorts of boys feel that
attachment which only arises when the prospect of another school
is alien to their minds. A defect in the present higher elementary
school idea is that it tends to draft from the upper standards
of elementary schools all those bright boys and girls who may
have survived the ravages of child labour, leaving only the dull
ones behind.

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NO CLASS DISTINCTIONS.

An important fundamental idea of labour and, indeed, of all
true education is that in the school of the future there shall
be no "class distinctions."

The demand under consideration certainly implies that there
shall be none in schools supported, in however slight a degree,
out of public money ; and it is perfectly clear that non- State-aided
schools, of which Eton is the largest, must fulfil their liabilities
to the children of the poor, as in most cases their founders
intended. Thus class distinctions would be impossible so far as
the administration of the schools is concerned, although they may
be expressed by the boys. Yet the public school boy does not
trouble about such things. The antecedents of at least a few boys
at many schools are not so sweet as of those whose fathers' lives
have been spent in wage service. "Whatever its faults," says
a recent writer, "Eton is not snobbish. The duke's son is on the
same level with the son of the commoner, and wealth will not
purchase the honours which are coveted by all. It is solely by
his own merit by his own powers that a boy lifts himself
above his fellows." This opinion has been confirmed many times.
Eton is the "swell" school of England, yet birth and rank are
held in no esteem by boys under her roof less, indeed, said an
old Etonian the other day, than anywhere else in England.

INCREASE IN THE VARIETY OF SCHOLARS.

To the new 'type of school a far greater variety of scholars
would go than now go to the primary school. It is common
knowledge that many comparatively poor parents hesitate to use
the primary school to-day because they dread the effects upon
their children of uncleanliness, of large classes (70-100), and
unqualified teachers. They know also that their children's
individuality will be ignored unless it be of a forceful type,
harmonising or antagonising with the will of the teacher. These
arguments would in the main disappear, because most certainly
in the new schools the doctor (not only to prevent and cure disease
but to advise as to development) would be a permanent official;
no class would be larger than 30, and the curricula would be
devised by each school, on principles laid down by the Board of
Education, to meet its own needs.

But these are ideals true, but not unrealisable, surely. England
could do no better thing than realise them. They are conceived by
the mind of labour because they are essential to the development
of the .children. There is a profound unrest among thoughtful

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people, occasioned by signs of mental and physical deterioration
amongst our people. Crowding in cities is dangerous for a people
to practise. Earning money by the provision of petty things that
minister to no human need in the long run helps to devitalise a
nation. There is a land hunger because many feel that to till the
land is to get into harmony with something real. Over and above
this is an education hunger which must be satisfied. Satisfy this,
and the land hunger, and as you do so new blood will pulsate
through the hearts and brains of an England distracted by many
problems it imagines itself powerless to solve. It is a tired
England.

MAINTENANCE ALLOWANCES.

Among the instruments lying to hand which may assist the
realisation of the ideals pourtrayed the most necessary is
maintenance money. The idea of maintenance is no new one
in English education. Practically all the chief university and
public school scholarships are calculated to include maintenance.
Under the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1907, local
education authorities have power to grant bursaries to children
attending primary schools.* They are, as a matter of fact,
intended to assist poor people to keep their children at the higher
elementary schools, and are in effect maintenance allowances.
Very few, if any, local education authorities have taken steps
under the Act for the usual financial reason ; a-t least these have
been alleged when Trades Councils have pressed the clause upon
them.

Many children are prevented by their parents from proceeding
to a better school because not only will the comparatively high
wages for adolescent labour (leading to unemployment and
occasioning it) be lost, but expenses of clothes, books, &c., must
be met, and upon a different scale to that ordinarily regarded as
essential in the labourer's home. In many homes an appreciation
of education has overcome these difficulties, and men earning less
than 30s. a week have been known to keep not one but two boys
at school till sixteen. But surely the food of the family must in
many such cases, unless there be a garden, tend to fall below
subsistence level surely maintenance allowances ought to be paid
when the case is clear. It is far better for the State to regard
scholarship as- one of its activities, and pay boys for pursuing it,
than to have them "played out" at twenty, unemployed, unfit
eVen for the army.

* Colchester has granted bursaries under the Act.

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SCHOLARSHIPS.

Until quite recently scholarships open to the poor were very
few, and generally connected with old endowments. Now local
education authorities have, in many places, devised the beginnings
of comprehensive schemes. For example, a Battersea (London)
lad twenty years ago had an opportunity to compete for one of
about five scholarships annually given at an endowed school, from
which he might compete for one of two scholarships at a grammar
school. Such scholarships merely covered school fees. Books
and all else had to be paid for.

Nowadays, he would have his chance of securing one of the
2,000 Junior County Scholarships, awarded annually, by means
of which he may study to secure one of the 100 Intermediate
County Scholarships. All of these give substantial help. He or
his parents, rather need not be forced to regard the gap between
the school and the university as too great for him to cross, because
there is always the ultimate prospect of gaining a Senior County
Scholarship to add to any exhibition he may secure at a college
of university rank.

Examples of possibilities for boys and girls may be taken from
the records of almost every education authority in England, and
when collated they would seem to be considerable.

There is no authority that has not some story to tell of the
services to scholarship, and the high place attained by one or
other of those whom it has raised from the primary school.

But even though a volume such as was presented to the House
of Commons in 1902 may seem to contain considerable records,
and even though schemes like the London scheme may appear
comprehensive at first sight, immediately the supply is compared
with the need it approximates to vanishing point.

In the race for such facilities as do exist wealthier people's
children have the advantage, because they can and do pay teachers
to give their children special tuition. Just as the wealthy peer's
son can and sometimes does win a foundation scholarship at a
public school without anyone being apparently concerned with the
fact that the intention of the scholarship is thereby defeated, so
the son of the man who is well able to afford the fees wins the
scholarship afc the secondary school destined for the poor lad,
although it must be remembered that poor lads are often unable
to take advantage themselves of scholarships without maintenance
allowances.

All scholarships awarded under present conditions, whether at
primary school, secondary school, or university, ought merely to
entitle the winner to apply for financial aid. In this way no

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injustice would be done. If rich boys repeatedly won the
scholarships then there would be more with which "to help the
poor boy when his turn came. No scholarship system could be
satisfactory without this, or something that approximates to this,
being done.

FREE PLACES IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS.

Immediately State aid became available for secondary schools
a new claim for the inclusion of the child of the worker formulated
itself. Many of the old secondary schools were in need of much
aid, and, indeed, are still struggling to fulfil the Board of
Education regulations. Keen critics commenced to scrutinise the
grants, and to speak out as soon as there was a basis for saying
that the Board were paying more attention to the child of the
middle classes than to the child of the worker.

Considerable agitation was raised concerning what was
described as the anti-democratic tendency of the secondary schools
branch of the Board. This was somewhat allayed when Mr.
Mc.Kenna declared in the House of Commons that, as a condition
of receiving the grant he then proposed, each secondary school
would be compelled to preserve 25 per cent, of its places as free
places for children coming from the primary schools.

"These," he said, "must not be confused with scholarships,"
so implying, and probably meaning, that they should be additional.
The regulations, however, allow competitive scholarships to be
included. It seems very improbable that the new regulations have
advanced working-class education much, or that they will do so
without considerable expansion.

At the same time they must be made to advance such education
as much as possible. Free places must be carefully preserved until
such time as the municipal secondary schools at least are free, in
accordance with Mr. Mc.Kenna's expressed hope.

It is quite impossible to find out how the clause is working
unless specific schools be taken, and the Co-operative Society or
Trades Council should make it its duty to know exactly how the
schools in its district stand.

Meanwhile it has been a matter of considerable astonishment
to find that scholarships given to the children of members by
Co-operative Societies have been claimed by some authorities as
"free places" under the regulations, so that some Societies which
felt, and rightly felt, that they were doing real educational service
by the provision of scholarships were in effect relieving the rates
of exactly the amount they paid for their scholars.

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One Society has an excellent scheme, but it has relieved the
county of almost half of its responsibility.

Not only have Co-operative scholarships been treated in this
way, but also those provided by corporations (not responsible for
secondary education) and grammar school trusts (not supporting a
school). This is, of course, indefensible; it is, in effect, sharp
practice, however unconscious it may have been, and needs only
to be exposed to be condemned. Eepresentations have been made
to Mr. Eunciman, and he can hardly fail to put the matter right.

The new regulations should lay it down that no place shall be
counted as "free" under the regulations unless it is provided out
of the funds of the school (or the authority providing the school)
and the Government grant; that is, the school shall only receive
payment for a maximum of 75 per cent, of its places. Some
scholarships, it must be remembered, are given to boys from other
than primary schools.

Some authorities have contended that the ability of primary
school children has not revealed itself as sufficient to justify
action in allotting 25 per cent, of the places to them.

In spite of the fact that the brightest lads may not come
forward, yet it seems to us that such a statement is a most
damaging aspersion upon primary education in the specific districts.
It is inconceivable that selected boys and girls at twelve should
fail to pass the simple examination for admission to a secondary
school. Certainly no children should be admitted until they can
pass the prescribed and approved entrance examination, open alike
to "free" and "paying" scholars without discrimination. In spite
of large classes there is very little reason to doubt that poor primary
school children would hold their own with rich (comparatively
speaking) primary school children, and with those who have been
educated in preparatory schools.

It is interesting to note that the Leicester Society, who have
lately granted scholarships, have safeguarded themselves from the
danger specified above, and all Co-operative Societies before
granting further scholarships are urged to safeguard themselves ;
all help will be gladly afforded them by the Education Committee
of the Co-operative Union.

CURRICULA.

In the present state of secondary education in England no hard
and fast lines concerning curricula can be laid down. It is
gradually being recognised that primary schools are units as well as
portions of a great system. Secondary schools in the past have
looked out undisturbed to the professional world and the

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universities. At the present day the Board of Education is a
power to be reckoned with. Moreover it has ideas of its own
concerning curricula, and there always is danger in a central
department, however wise, imposing its will too strongly upon its
outlying connections. As secondary schools increase they will
necessarily tend to develop "sides," as indicated previously, and
it is quite certain that the function of the secondary school in the
community is to minister to the needs of organised life by turning
out pupils who are equipped to commence work upon even the
most difficult lines of action which are normally taken up by
adolescents of sixteen or seventeen.

It has not been our purpose to deal with public schools, those
which, by reason of adequate endowments, are independent of
State aid. They prepare youths mainly for the army and the
universities.

Similar schools exist for girls, the most notable being Wycombe
Abbey School. No working girls ever secure admission, and it
may be said at once that it is easier for a working-class boy to
rise than for a working-class girl. It is possible to talk of
introducing labouring men to Trinity and to do it, but it seems
much more difficult to suggest the introduction of a working woman
to Newnham, though it will be a sign of hope when it is done,
as some day it surely will.

UNIVERSITIES.

The present roads to Oxford and Cambridge lie almost entirely
through preparatory and public schools.

There are many sons of parents who are quite able to pay
the 'expensive fees" (at Eton 200 per annum; at Harrow 144
per annum; at Winchester 127 per annum) demanded by public
schools, who yet take advantage of the scholarships. Indeed, boys
regard the scholarships in the light of prizes, just as the athlete
regards the challenge cups. In this they are encouraged by their
parents. The public school scholarship does not satisfy them;
they win honour for their school by carrying off the "blue ribbon"
scholarships at the universities. For this they are specially
trained; they go straight along a well-mapped course; all others
are handicapped.

It is quite certain that wealthy parents who allow their children
to utilise money which was meant to keep the door open for poor
scholars are unconsciously defrauding, not the poor, but the
national life. They are preventing the development of men who
can best serve "Church and State" in and through education.

It is true that a movement has started which brings the position
clearly before the rich scholar, and affords him the opportunity

316

FROM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

to forego the emoluments of his scholarship or to return them,
but, as indicated previously, nothing really satisfactory will be
accomplished until scholarships are declared void of money value,
but confer a right to apply for financial assistance. A substantial
and notable prize could, of course, be awarded to every winner.

It does not always end with the "blue ribbon" scholarship. A
fellowship may be secured, and, as at "All Souls'," 200 a year
paid to him for simple willingness, on occasions, to dine well in
Hall and be as pleasant company as may be in the common room
afterwards. It is said that only one poor man of humble birth
has ever been elected to the All Souls' inner circle.

As municipal secondary schools arise, and, indeed, as the
S3holarship schemes have made possible during the last few years,
more and more primary school children will be brought into the
competing area for university scholarships, but the fact that most
of them are devised consciously with a view to securing the best
classical scholars from public schools prevents the chance of the
outsider being real. At the same time primary school boys do
carry off many of the less important scholarships and exhibitions.
These when aided by senior county scholarships or a school-
leaving exhibition, provide the scholar with a moderate
competence. He really ought to be provided with 120 at least
for his annual residence at the university, which lasts about six
months. It is not the custom in England, as in America, for
university students to undertake occupations during vacations,
but there are always opportunities for private coaching which a
wide-awake man can usually secure.

THE ATTITUDE OF LABOUR.

The fact that working-class boys become lost to their fathers'
friends and to their children has helped to prejudice labour against
the universities.

A poor boy who completes a successful university course
usually becomes a school teacher, a clergyman, or a journalist.
The careers of solicitor or barrister are not open to him because
endowment is necessary during the early years of practice. He
does not often become a doctor unless he takes a medical course
at Edinburgh or Manchester.

Of course, poor lads from other than public schools, when
they do get into the stride of things at the 'varsity, make up
their handicap and win the highest academical distinction. The
case of the Jewish lad who was not even born in this country
becoming senior wrangler is fresh in memory.

317

FEOM PEIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

But labour as such does not rejoice in their successes, although
all those labourers who know the boy may, because so often as a
university man he forgets his own people.

This may have been so, but the tendency is getting less
marked. The Co-operative scholars during the last few years
are keen to associate with and help Co-operators whenever
possible.

Besides there are more opportunities for expressing sympathy
than in times past. Moreover it is not so easy to be a snob as
it was; of course there always will be some; and, as Gorgon
Graham in his wisdom said, "If you send a fool to college you
make him a bigger fool."

Nothing good is lost to the cause of the people by the influence
of a university, but that is not enough. It is demanded of a
university that she shall impart to her sons and daughters a high
and noble view of life expressed in pure devotion to the cause of
humanity. By this will labour appraise her as great and true, and
not because she has hall marked a large number of graduates with
specialised knowledge adapted to the passing needs of civilisation.

THE UNIVERSITY IS, IN MANY WAYS, DEMOCRATIC.

It is well to remember that universities and university colleges
are the only educational institutions in England which make it
possible for the son of the workman to sit side by side with the
son of the peer, each alike unconscious of irrelevant distinctions.
It may be said with safety that the humblest born can win the
highest distinctions. A statement of the origins of leading men
at universities would occasion surprise. It would be seen that, in
spite of his limitations, the workman's boy has shown his might
in scholarship and his power in administration.

METHODS OF STUDY AND THE INFLUENCE OF LABOUR.

There is much discontent, inside as well as outside the older
universities, at the subjects taught and the methods of study. This
will probably always be so in a progressive institution, but there
is probably more reason for it in the older universities than that
tendency would condone. By the misfortunes of their careers both
Oxford and Cambridge have been monopolised by the propertied
and moneyed classes. Even if this did not induce bias (as it must
inevitably have done), yet the university missed that contact with
the fundamental forces of society which alone could give it that
impetus which would push it to be in the front rank, as it should,
be, of the schools of the world.

318

FROM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

Labour is a fundamental force, and we are unable to conceive
a university doing its complete work unless she draws within
herself not merely the physical effects of labour, but the rich
mental influence it alone can impart.

It would seem impossible to get the power of labour into
universities unless a method be adopted which stands apart from
that of progress through the school, but which would stand at
the utmost limit of the ideal highway of education at the point
where the scholar working on the confines of knowledge feels
the need of all possible co-operation and is keen to see where to
find it. He knows that many of those who have laboured for
wages have yet kept alight the lamp of learning and have not
turned deaf ears to the cause of society, and that in these men
there is evolved an intellectual power which is not obscured from
those who have eyes to see, and such eyes the worker on the
confines of knowledge must have.

OUTPOSTS OF THE UNIVERSITY.

The present educational revival is clearly in and through
political consciousness. Men who are afire with the pure spirit of
comradeship, who desire to see the slum vanish before the bright
garden dwellings as the foul mist before the sun, who desire to
see equality of opportunity in the interests of all, realise that
they will do their work better if they give enough of their time to
enable them to thoroughly understand the manifold complex
problems which beset society.

At Eochdale 40 working men and women decided to devote
two years to the study of industrial history and two years to the
study of economics. The conditions of study devised by them
approximated to those obtaining in a honours classroom at Oxford.
They pledged themselves to do fortnightly essays, and never to
stay away unless ill or unavoidably away from the district.

Oxford granted them a teacher after their own hearts, and
they have worked together for a considerable time with results
of rare excellence.

The chief difference between an Oxford lecture-room and the
Eochdale outpost Js supplied by the intense interest of adults who
bring large contributions to the research of the class.

From the class students will go to the university, and it is
hoped that no fit student who can so arrange will fail ultimately to
secure an opportunity.

At the university they will go either to Euskin College or to a
university college; the conditions of residence in the latter will
have to be carefully laid down. The utilisation of the colleges

319

FROM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

and their complete democratisation is really what labour wants,
and what many university men of standing desire, too.

These students will not take the degree course, because it is
no part of the scheme to prepare them for the professions. They
will stop at the university for a period of not less than one
academic year, and normally take a diploma course in subjects
cognate to those which they have studied in the outpost class.

Industrial history students, for example, would take the
diploma course in economics and political science. After their
course it is hoped that they will go back to their old interests,
and, indeed, it is so arranged that the scholars will be the
delegates of their classmates. It is hoped that they will act as
an order of workman teachers under full university sanction.

Just as the class is connected with the university through its
students, so it is essential that it should be connected through the
teacher. It is impossible for anyone to teach unbiassed economics
or kindred subjects unless he has sought the truth about things
in company with those who have experienced economic pressure.
The teacher of an outpost class would have for his fellow-workers
(his students are really that) men and women who have been
brought up amid unhealthy environment, and who have experienced
factory life in and out of employment. The lessons learned with
them would at once vitalise his teaching in the university, and
ifc is an essential part of the scheme that he should so teach.

Not only is there an outpost at Eochdale, but one at Longton
and one at Battersea. Outposts are waiting for teachers at
Oldham, Glossop, Chesterfield, Littleboro', and Wrexham, with
potential outposts at Swindon, Bushden, &c.

It may be that a big educational movement is pushing itself
into the open. If it be so, the construction of the highway will be
hastened. It is time for a heart of hope.

The new spirit of the age, comradeship and its concomitant
devotion to truth, is at work in universities. Not only the
younger men but some of the older are affected by it.

PURELY ACADEMIC PROBLEMS.

It has not been our purpose to deal with merely academic
questions, however profoundly they may affect the narrower
curricula of the schools. The retention or otherwise of compulsory
Greek is still a burning question. Provided that it is not demanded
of outpost students, it is not exactly a workman's question. The
boy picks it up on his way through the schools.

The problem for workpeople is to exercise their legitimate
influence to prevent the universities being used by those who are
not fitted to do so. Every man to his tool.

320

FEOM PEIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

THE TEST FOR ADMISSION.

Just because the colleges were largely endowed so that the
poor man should not be excluded, so now the workman demands
of the university that she shall do all in her power to make
provision for the poor student now. The test for admission
should be high and searching; no one should be admitted to
examination, if such be retained, until a searching inquiry has been
made into intentions and character. Anyone who passed such a
test should be admitted ; all who failed should be excluded. If by
such means only poor students were secured (which is not likely)
what matter? Life would become simpler; the army of servants
would be dispensed with ; comradeship in the pursuit of knowledge
would induce harmonious days, now sometimes rendered
inharmonious by lack of ability and excess of money. Many have
come to grief at the university through having too much money,
but few, if any, through having too little. "Of the ruin of the
over-supplied I know many cases, but not one case of the ruin
of the under- supplied," is the testimony of the head of a large
college.

All that the true university cares about is the extension of the
bounds of knowledge and the inspiration of national life.

A university faithfully endeavouring to live such a life would
not fail to receive help from the State, and from those who know
that research work is costly, especially if it be realised, as it is
not realised now, that the university is willing to go to as much
trouble to secure the brains as she is to conduct the experiments.

In any event the equipment of research laboratories in all
subjects must not be one whit behind the equipment of similar
laboratories in the universities of the world. Public bodies in
England pay 200,000 a year to university education ; in Germany
they pay over a million; in America just under. There is much
for England yet to do.

THE FUNCTION OF UNIVERSITIES.

From the point of view of the citizen, the functions of a
modern university may be stated as follows :

1. To take part in the maintenance of a great highway,
running through the schools to herself, and at the same
time to do everything in her legitimate power to sweep
aside the barriers in the way of the intellectual
development of the people erected by the conditions of
social life.

321

FROM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

2. To develop tutorial classes exterior to the university itself

upon lines of intensive study, if possible alongside of
public lectures, and leading directly to the university for
purposes of diploma (not degree courses), hopeful that
the students following this lead will return to their
ordinary avocations endowed with high mental power and
the sense of human solidarity.

3. To give, in conjunction with citizens, specific attention to

the problems concerned with curricula.

4. To extend the principle of admitting workpeople to the

government of the university and systematically to invite
help and criticism from recognised citizens when their
own specific duties and outlook are being dealt with by
the teachers.

5. To fearlessly cheapen the cost of living when it is admittedly

too expensive, and to take such steps as may be necessary
to maintain simplicity of common life within reach of
students of small means.

THE IDEAL.

All these things will tend to translate into the life of the
universities the glorious ideal which each one of them sets before
itself. It will be a "place for the communication and circulation
of thought by means of personal intercourse through a wide extent
of country." It will be a part of a national university "to which
students come from every quarter," and from all sections of
society, "for every kind of knowledge." It will operate as the
mind of the nation working in harmony with its great heart, the
centre and source of power.

CONCLUSION.

The old idea of the "ladder," or even of the "corridor," as a
means of connection between primary and university education
must give place to the free and large conception of the "highway."
No task out of the many tasks lying near to the power of the
democracy of England is more urgent than the construction upon
a splendid plan of the highway of education. It is a fundamental
task.

Those who have already started to work have undertaken their
immediate labours full of that inspiration which rises after calm
contemplation of the ideal, and which persists through long and
weary days.

322

FROM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

There is revival in England, but the spirit of it is not yet
strong enough to overcome the reluctance of those who guard
national and local finance to part with more money or to devise
new financial arrangements. Some day England will regard the
right conduct of the war with ignorance and evil forces as of equal
importance to the right conduct' of a war with an opposing nation.
Then, and then only, will finance assume its right relationship
with education; then, and then only, will the power of England
predetermine peace.

The builders of the highway are hindered through lack of
funds, but a joyful and adventurous spirit will carry them far, and
has, indeed, carried them to a position to-day which is in advance
of all previous achievements.

Among other immediate tasks are

1. The establishment of nursery schools on lines laid down

by the Consultative Committee of the Board of Education,
in order that children lacking efficient home conditions
may be carefully trained in childhood's happy ways and
isolated from the dangers to body and mind which infest
the streets of many districts in our towns.

2. The extension of the system of medical inspection by the

appointment to every school of a doctor whose business
it shall be to assist mental and physical development as
well as to detect the incipient stages of disease.

3. The gradual reduction of all classes to a maximum of thirty

on the roll, in order that the teacher may be in a position
to study the individual characteristics of each child, and
to assist the development of the child on the only possible
lines.

4. The gradual reduction in the number of untrained and

unqualified teachers, by methods of training which shall
be at once attractive and comprehensive, and by the
recognition of the important function of the teacher in the
community, as also by the gradual raising of the
emoluments and privileges accruing to the exercise of the
teaching profession.

5. The gradual raising of the school age to fourteen, and

then by definite and predetermined stages to sixteen,
accompanied (a) by the total prohibition of labour
certificates and other devices by which the most capable
children are allowed to leave school the earliest; (5) by
the total abolition of child labour during the years of
compulsory attendance.

323

FROM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

The raising of the school age to sixteen implies the unification
of primary and secondary education, but meanwhile secondary
school accommodation is very limited, and it is not possible to hope
that such accommodation will be provided free of charge in the
near future, but it is certain that the following steps for securing
some sort of connection are reasonable and possible:

1. The 25 per cent, free places in every grant-aided secondary

school (see Board of Education regulations) must be
carefully conserved for poor children from primary
schools, and only allotted, after a qualifying examination,
to children whose home circumstances and characters
have been carefully inquired into and estimated.

2. The Board of Education regulations governing the provision

of free places must be modified to prevent school
governors and local education authorities counting as free
pupils paid for by funds which exist independently of the
school, e.g., grammar school trusts not supporting a
school and the educational funds of Co-operative Societies.

3. The opportunity of participating in a maintenance.' fund must

be afforded to every poor child whose prospects of service
to the State will be increased by continued education in
the secondary school, and the same opportunity should be
afforded, if necessary, right through a university course.

The connection between secondary school and university is
complex because there are several types of secondary school.
Public school men are specially prepared to compete for the chief
scholarships, the examinations for which harmonise with the public
school curricula.

It is important, if universities are to do their complete work,
and if scholarship endowments are to be administered in the
interests of the nation, that

1. The winning of a scholarship, whilst rewarded with the

position of scholar and a substantial prize, shall only
entitle the successful candidate to a grant from the
scholarship funds upon application.

2. The test for admission to a university or college should be

high and searching, so as to prevent anyone securing a
place therein unless he or she is able to do the work
which it is held to be the function of a university to
perform. Moreover, the test should be of such a nature
as to justify the complete support of poor students who
succeeded in passing it.

324

FROM PRIMARY SCHOOL TO UNIVERSITY.

3. The principle of the direct representation on university
governing bodies of important classes in the community
should be greatly extended. It is in accordance with this
principle that Oxford has admitted seven representatives
of labour to share in the administration of its extension
work, and in organising those sides of university teaching
which particularly concern workpeople.

These reforms are typical. After they have been translated
into the common life of the highway England will be nearer the
time when, fitted with that power which emanates from carefully
trained and developed men and women, she sets a new example
to the nations the example of a brotherhood full and powerful
because it is the outcome of wise and careful training received
in her schools and intensified in her families.

The "socialisation of brains and character" is the desideratum
of all thinking men. It will be the inevitable outcome of a system
of schools which allows free movement onwards from primary
school to university on the part of all, even the most poverty-
stricken of the nation.

There is no other worthy toll but that of brains and character.
On the educational highway of our desire money will procure no
privileges. It will be as useless to the student as though he lived
apart from men.

325

Co-operative Societies in the United Kingdom.

STATISTICS SHOWING THE POSITION AND PROGRESS OF THE
CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT FROM 1862 TO 1906.

""THESE tables have been .brought up to date on the basis of
* the Annual Eeturns by Societies to the Eegistrar of
Friendly Societies, and corrected by the more recent returns to
the Co-operative Union.

The tables refer to the United Kingdom, England and Wales,
Scotland, and Ireland, and give the comparison between the
figures of 1906 and those of ten years ago. We have also inserted
below the figures relating to profits devoted to Education.

CO-OPERATION IN THE UNITED KINGDOM DURING 1896 AND 1906.

INCREASE

1896. 1906. PER CENT.

Societies (making returns) ..No. 2,010 . 2,823 . 40

Members No. 1,534,824 . 2,493,981 . 62

Capital (share and loan) 23,022,371 . 48,318,583 . 110

Sales 59,951,635 . 102,408,120 . 71

Profits 5,990,023 . 10,293,784 . 72

Profits devoted to Education.. 46,895 . 84,035 . 79

CO-OPERATION IN ENGLAND AND WALES DURING 1896 AND 1906.

INCREASE

1896. 1906. PER CENT.

Societies (making returns) ..No. 1,554 .. 1,979 .. 27

Members No. 1,264,763 .. 2,017,980 .. 60

Capital (share and loan) 18,573,543 . . 37,366,729 . . 101

Sales 47,331,384 .. 78,015,639 .. 65

Profits ...4,569,782 .. 7,652,244 .. 67

Profits devoted to Education.. 40,269 .. 70,410 .. 75

CO-OPERATION IN SCOTLAND DURING 1896 AND 1906.

INCREASE

1896. 1906. PER CENT.
Societies (making returns) ..No. 354 . 362 ..

Members No. 260,520 . 400,206 .. 54

Capital (share and loan) 4,390,529 . 10,466,948 . . 138

Sales 12,130,468 . 22,175,551 .. 83

Profits 1,413,873 . 2,596,974 . .

Profits devoted to Education.. 6,626 . 13,625 .. 106

CO-OPERATION IN IRELAND DURING 1896 AND 1906.

1896. 1906.

Societies (making returns) No. 102

Members ! . No. 9,541 75,795

Capital (share and loan) 58,299 484,90!

Sal e S 489,783 2,216,930

Profits'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 6,368 44,566

Profits devoted to Education & .

326

CO-OPEEATIVE SOCIETIES,

TABLE (1). GENERAL SUMMARY of EETURNS

(Compiled from Official

No. OF SOCIETIES

CAPITAL AT END

OF YEAR.

YEAR.

1 s

bo a5

Number of
Members.

Sales.

Net
Profit.

*3|

Share.

Loan.

1862

a454

f68

332

90,341

428,376

54,499

2,333,523

165,562

1863

381

111,163

579,902

76,738

2,673,773

216,005

1864

146

110

394

6129,429

684,182

89,122

2,836,606

224,460

1865

101

182

403

6124,659

819 367

107,263

3,373,H47

279,226

1866

163

240

441

6144.072

1,046,310

118,023

4,462,676

372,307

1867

137

192

577

171,897

1,475 199

136,734

6,001.153

398,578

1868

190

673

211,781

1,711,643

177,706

7,122,360

424,420

1869

133

754

229,861

1 816,672

179,054

7,353,363

438,101

1870

153

748

248,108

2,035,626

197,029

8,201,685

553,435

1871

235

746

262,188

2,305,951

215,453

9,463.771

666,399

1872

141

113

935

330,550

2,969,573

371,541

13,012,120

936,715

1873

226

138

983

387,765

3,581,405

496,830

15,639,714

1,110,658

1874

130

232

1,031

412,733

3,905,093

587.342

16,374,053

1,228,038

1875

117

285

1,170

480,076

4,403,547

849,990

18,499.901

1,429,090

1876

177

1,167

508,067

5,141,390

919,772

19 921,054

1,743,980

1877

246

1,148

529,081

5,445,449

1,073,275

21,390,447

1,924,551

1878

121

1,185

560,993

5,647,443

1,145,717

21,402,219

1,837,660

1879

146

1,151

572,621

5,755,522

1,496,343

20,382,772

1,857,790

1880

100

1,183

604,063

6,232,093

1,341,290

23,248,314

cl,868,599

1881

1,240

643,617

6,940,173

1,483,583

24,945,063

1,981,109

1882

115

1,288

687,158

7,591,241

1,622,431

27,541,212

2,155,398

1883

170

1,291

729,957

7,921,356

1,577,086

29,336,028

2,434,996

1884

1,400

797,950

8,646,188

1,830,836

30,424,101

2,723,794

1885

1,441

850,659

9,211,259

1,945,834

31,305,910

2,988,690

1886

1,486

894,488

9,747,452

2,160,090

32,730,745

3,070,111

1887

145

1,516

967,828

10,344,216

2,253,576

34,483,771

3,190,309

1888

100

140

1,592

1,011,258

10,946,219

2,452,887

37,793,903

3,454,974

1889

123

1,621

1,071,089

11,687,912

2,923,711

40,674,673

3,734,546

1890

122

159

1,647

1,140,573

12,783,629

3,169,155

43,731,669

4,275,617

1891

117

122

1,684

1,207,511

13,847,705

3,393,394

49,024,171

4,718,532

1892

127

1,791

1,284,843

14,647,707 "

3,773,616

51,060,854

4,743,352

1893

106

1,825

1,340,318

15,318,665

3,874,954

51,803,836

4,610,657

1894

113

1,930

1,373,004

15,756,064

4,064,681

52,110,800

4,928,838

1895

123

113

1,966

1,430,340

16,749,826

4,581,573

55,100,249

5,389,071

18%

128

134

2,010

1,534,824

18,236,040

4,786,331

59,951,635

5,990,023

1897

126

165

2,065

1,627,135

19,510,007

fc9,137,077

64,956,049

6,535,861

1898

182

227

2,130

1,703,098

20,671,110

;i9,914,226

68,523,969

6,939,276

1899

152

298

2,183

1,787,576

2-2,340,533

hi 1,025,341

73,533,686

7,529,477

1900

117

356

2,174

1,886,252

24,156,310

7il2,010,771

81,020,428

8,177822

1901

153

332

2,239

1,980,441

25,697,099

/il3,059,032

85,872,706

8,670 576

1902

253

335

2,466

2,103,264

27,063,405

M4,034,140

89,772,923

9,123,976

1903

225

381

2,523

2,215,873

28,200,869

^13,992,675

93,384,799

9,338,626

1904
1905

202
175

323
249

2,664

2,745

2,320,116
2,402,354

29,337,392
30,389,065

7il4,255,546
7il5 337,648

96,263,328
98,002,565

9,791,740
9,aS2,447

1906

166

239

2,823

2,493,981

31,985,848

M6,332,735

102,408,120

10,293,784

Totals

1,729,450,549

164,299,176

a The Total Number Registered to the end of 1862. b Reduced by 18,278 for 1864, 23,927 for
sale Society, and which were included in the returns from the Retail Societies, c Estimated

Joint-stock Companies, e The return states this sum to be Investments other than in Trade.

Share Interest.

327

UNITED KINGDOM.

for each Year, from 1862 to 1906 inclusive.

Sources, and Corrected.)

CAPITAL INVESTED IN

Trade

Industrial

Profit
Devoted

Amount
of

Expenses.

Stock.

and Provident
Societies, and
other than

Joint-stock
Companies.

to
Education.

Reserve
Fund.

YEAH.

Trade.

127,749

1862

167,620

1863

163,147

1864

181,766

. .. .

1865

219,746

1866

255,923

583,539

4494,429

'3,263

32,629

1867

294,451

671,165

137,397

166',398

3,636

33,109

1868

280,116

784,847

117,586

178,367

3,814

38,630

1869

311,910
346,415

912,102
1,029,446

126,736
145,004

204,876
262,594

4,275
5,097

52,990
66.631

1870
1871

479,130
556,540

1,383,063
1,627,402

318,477
370,402

382,846
449,039

6,696
7,107

93,601
102,722

1872
1873

594,455

1,781,053

418,301

522,081

7,949

116,829

1874

686,178

2,095,675

667,825

553,454

10,879

241,930

1875

1,279,856

2,664,042

1876

1,381,961

2,648,282

1877

1,494,607

2,609,729

1878

1,537,138

2,857,214

1879

1,429,160

2,880,076

3,447,347

13,9io

1880

3,053,333

13825

1881

I,690,i07

3,452,942

e4,28l',264

14,778

1882

1,826,804

3,709,555

e4,497,718

16,788

1883

1,936,485

3,575,836

04,550,890

19,154

1884

2,082,539

3,729,492

e5,433,120

20,712

1885

1,800.347

4,072,765

e3,858,940

19.878

1886

1,960,374

4,360,836

04,491,483

21,380

1887

2,045,391

4,556,593

e5,233,859

24,245

1888

2,182.775

4,795,132

e5,833,278

25,455

1889

2,361,319

5,141,750

e6,958,787

27,587

1890

2,621,091

5,838,370

e6,394,867

30,087

1891

2,902,994

6,175,^87

e6,952,906

32,753

1892

3,181,818

6,314,715

e7,089,689

32,677

1893

3,267,288

5,905,442

e7,174,736

36,553

1894

3,478,036

6,a33,102

e7.880,602

41,491

1895

3,786,063

6,844,018

013,929,329

46,895

1896

J3,074,420

7,602,211

jy 14,278,094

50,302

1897

j3,218,102

7,506,686

015,753,086

52,129

1898

j3,461,508

8,400,099

017,203 236

56,562

1899

J3,814,209

9,284,63

018,788,895

65,699

1900

j4,027,696

9,606,317

020,466,113

68,258

1901

j4,400,990

10,155,918

021,805,360

73,753

1902

j4,553,463

10,456,634

022,127,521

77,654

1903

j4.851.469
j4,952,745

10,779,803
10 691,518

022,968,250
024,991 839

79,693
81301

1904
1905

j5,172,483

11,396,293

026,725,655

84,035

1906

1865, and 30,921 for 1866, being the number of "Individual Members" returned by the Whole-
on the basis of the returns made to the Central Co-operative Board for 1881. d Includes
Estimated. Investments and other Assets, h Loans and other Creditors. ? Exclusive of

328

CO-OPEEATIVE SOCIETIES,

TABLE (2). GENERAL SUMMARY of EETURNS

(Compiled from Official

CAPITAL AT END

No'. OF SOCIETIES

OF YEAR.

YEAR.

o> *

.a-g

Number of
Members.

Sales.

Net
Profit.

.'2-S^ 1

S3 eS-i

Share.

Loan.

I *

1862

a454

/68

332

90,341

428,376

54.499

2,333,523

165,562

1863

381

111,163

579,902

76,738

2,673,778

216,005

1864

146

110

394

6129,429

684,182

89,122

2,836,606

224,460

1865

101

182

403

M24.659

819,367

107,263

3,373,847

279,226

1866

163

240

441

Z>144,072

1,046,310

118,023

4,462,676

372,307

1867

137

192

577

171,897

1,475,199

136,734

6,001,153

398,578

1868

190

673

211,781

1,711,643

177,706

7,122,360

424,420

1869

133

754

229,861

1,816,672

179,054

7,353,363

438,101

1870

153

748

248,108

2,035,626

197,029

8,201,685

553,435

1871

235

746

262,188

2,305,951

215,453

9,463,771

666,399

1872

138

104

927

339,986

2,968,758

371,531

12,992,345

935,551

1873

225

135

978

387,301

3,579,962

496,740

15,623,553

1,109,795

1874

128

227

1,026

412,252

3,903,608

586,972

16,358,278

1,227,226

1875

116

283

1,163

479,284

4,793,909

844,620

18,484,382

1,427,365

1876

170

1,165

507,857

5,140,219

919,762

19,909,699

1,742,501

1877

240

1,144

528,576

5,437,959

1,073,265

21,374,013

1,922,361

1878

119

1.181

560,703

5,645,883

1,145,707

21,385,646

1,836,371

1879

146

1,145

573,084

5,747,907

1,496,143

20,365,602

1,856.308

1880

100

1,177

603,541

6,224,271

1,341,190

23,231,677

cl, 866,839

1881

1,'230

642,783

6,937,284

1,483,583

24,926,005

1,979,576

1882

iis

1276

685,981

7,581,739

1,622,253

27,509,055

2,153,699

1883

165

1,282

728,905

7,912,216

1,576,845

29,303,441

2,432,621

1884

1,391

896,845

8,636,960

1,830,624

30,392,112

2,722,103

1885

1,431

849,616

9,202,138

1,945,508

31,273,156

2,986,155

1886

1,474

893,153

9,738,278

2,159,746

32,684,244

3,067,436

1887

140

1,504

966,403

10,333,069

2,252,672

34,437,879

3,187,902

1888

100

130

1,579

1,009,773

10,935,031

2,452,158

37,742,429

3,451,577

1889

118

1,608

1,069,396

11,677,286

2,923,506

40,618,060

3,731,966

1890

110

151

1,631

1,138,780

12,776,733

3,168,788

43,667,363

4,273,010

1891

108

1,656

1,205,244

13,832,158

3,390,076

48,921,697

4,714,298

1892

118

1,753

1,282,103

14,627,570

3,766,737

50,902,681

4,739,771

1893

1,784

1,336,731

15,297,470

3,567,305

51,577,727

4,606,811

1894

101

1,880

1,368,944

15,732,061

4,054,172

51,846,349

4,923,027

1895

1,895

1,423,632

16,726,623

4,570.116

54,758,400

5,382,862

1896

1,908

1,525,283

18,197,828

4,766,244

59,461,852

5,983,655

1897

1,930

1,613,038

19,466,155

^9,081,368

64,362,943

6,529,136

1898

1,955

1,682,286

20,618,822

/i9,837,103

67,869,094

6,931,704

1899

116

1,994

1,763,430

22,276,641

^10,928,770

72,743,708

7,516,114

1900

2,006

1,861,458

24,088,713

7ill,905,132

80,124,319

8,163,390

1901

107

2,073

1,956,469

25,620,298

7112,947,182

84,941,764

8,653,300

1902

143

2,180

2,058,660

26,937,475

7*13,831,354

88,420,435

9,108,860

1903

129

2,190

2,161,747

28,057,210

7il3,754,070

91,921,507

9,321,688

1904

154

2,262

2,258,158

29,177,480

7il3,978,857

94,733,258

9,772,073

1905

121

2,294

2,334,416

30,211,420

Til 5,049,262

96,112,124

9,795,620

1906

135

2,341

2,418,186

31,795,721

M6,037,956

100,191,190

10,249,218

Totals..

1,714,990,749

164,040,382

a The Total Number Registered to the end of 1862. ft Reduced by 18,278 for 1864, 23,927 for

Society, and which were included in the returns from the Retail Societies, c Estimated on the

Companies, e The return states this sum to be Investments other than in Trade. Estimated.

329

GEEAT BEITAIN,

for each Year, from 1862 to 1906 inclusive.

Sources, and Corrected.)

CAPITAL INVESTED IN

Trade

Industrial

Profit
Devoted

Amount
of

Expenses.

Stock.

and Provident
Societies, and
other than

Joint-stock
Companies.

to
Education.

Reserve
Fund.

YEAR.

Trade.

127,749

1862

167,620

....

1863

163,147

....

1864

181,766

....

1865

219,746

1866

255,923

583,539

d494,429

3,203

32,629

1867

294,451

671,165

137,397

166,398

3,636

33,109

1868

280,116

784,847

117,586

178,367

3,814

38,630

1869

311,910

912,102

126,736

204,876

4,275

52.990

1870

346,415

1,029,446

145,004

262,594

5,097

66,631

1871

477,846

1,383,063

318,477

382,846

6,696

93,601

1872

555,766

1,627,402

370,402

449,039

7,107

102,722

1873

593,548

1,781,053

418,301

522,081

7,949

116,829

1874

685,118

2,094,325

667,825

553,454

10,879

241,930

1875

1,279,392

2,664,042

....

1876

1,381,285

2,647,309

....

1877

1,493,842

2,609,729

1878

1,536,282

2,857,214

1879

1,428,303

2,878,832

03,429,935

17,407

13,910

1880

3,051,665

....

13,822

1881

1,689,223

3,450,481

04,281,243

14,778

1882

1,818,880

3,706,978

04,490,477

16,788

1883

1,933,297

3,572,226

04,543,388

19,154

1884

2,080,427

3,726,756

05,425,319

20,712

1885

1,797,696

4,068,831

03,858,451

19,878

1886

1,957,873

4,354,857

04,490,674

21,380

1887

2,041,566

4,550,743

05,233,349

24,238

1888

2,178,961

4,789,170

05,832,435

25,455

1889

2,357,647

5,136,580

06,958,131

27,587

1890

2,617,200

5,832,573

06,390,827

30,087

1891

2,897,117

6,168,947

06,946,321

....

32,753

1892

3,174,460

6,309,624

07,076,071

32,677

1893

3,256,156

5,898,804

7,169,710

36,553

1894

3,465,905

6,323,781

07,876,837

41,491

1895

3,767,651
j3,061,934

6,828,943
7,582,623

013,895,043
014,246,571

46,895
50,299

1896
1897

?3,201,894

7,490,945

015,699,161

52,118

1898

j3,443,627
j3,791,397
.74,002,960

8,380,722
9,264,705
9,577,474

017,136,035
018,714,549
020,383,660

'.'.'.'.

56,528
65,668
68,211

1899
1900
1901

j4,358,590
,;4,515,553
J4,808,149
74,904,571
J5,126,895

10,110,723
10,409,588
10,729,084
10,639,740
11,338,431

021,183,650
021,989,909
022,805,618
024,806,222
026,509,234

'.'.'.'.

73,713
77,654
79,691
81,131
84,035

['.'.'.

1902
1903
1904
1905
1906

1865, and 30,921 for 1866, being the number of "Individual Members" returned by the Wholesale
basis of the returns made to the Central Co-operative Board for 1881. d Includes Joint-stock
Investments and other Assets, h Loans and other Creditors, j Exclusive of Share Interest.

330

CO-OPEEATIVE SOCIETIES,

TABLE (3). GENEBAL SUMMARY of EETURNS

(Compiled from Official

CAPITAL AT END

No. OF SOCIETIES

OF YEAH.

YEAR.

1 s

O> 0>

ClD 02

+=> fl

Number of
Members.

Sales.

Net
Profit.

g!*

a o
*

Share.

Loan.

1862

454

332

90,341

428,376

54,499

2,333,523

165,562

1863

381

111,163

579,902

76,738

. 2,673,778

216.005

1864

146

110

394

129,429

64,182

89,122

2,836,606

224,460

1865

101

182

403

124,659

819,367

107,263

3,373,847

279,226

1866

163

240

441

144,072

1,046,310

118,023

4,462676

372,307

1867

137

192

577

171,897

1,475,199

136,734

6,001,153

398,578

1868

190

673

211,781

1,711,643

177,706

7,122,360

424.420

1869

133

754

229,861

1,816,672

179,054

7.353,363

438,101

1870

153

748

248,108

2,035,626

197,029

8,201,685

553,435

1871

235

746

262,188

2,305.951

215,453

9,463,771

666,399

1872

113

749

301,157

2,786,965

344.509

11,397,225

809,237

1873

186

790

340,930

3,344,104

431,808

13,651,127

959,493

1874

113

177

810

357,821

3,653,582

498,052

14,295,762

1,072,139

1875

237

926

420,024

4,470,857

742.073

16,206,570

1,250,570

1876

113

937

444.547

4,825,642

774,809

17,619,247

1,541,384

1877

186

896 461^666

5,092,958

916,955

18,697,788

1,680 370

1878

963

490,584

5,264,855

965,499

18,719,081

1,583,925

1879

106

937

504,117

5,374,179

1,324,970

17,816,037

1,598,156

1880

953

526,686

5,806,545

1,124,795

20,129,217

1,600,000

1881

971

552,353

6,431,553

1,205,145

21,276,850

1,657,564

1882

'82

1,012

593,262

7,058,025

1,293,595

23,607,809

1,814,375

1883

158

990

8-2,871

7,281,448

1,203,764

24,776,980

2,036,826

1884

1,079

672,780

7,879,686

1,359,007

25,600,250

2,237,210

1885

1,114

717,019

8,364,367

1,408,941

25,858,065

2.419,615

1886

1,141

751,117

8,793,068

1,551,989

26,747,174

2,476.651

1887

139

1,170

813,537

9,269,422

1,598,420

28,221,988

2,542,884

1888

125

1,244

850,020

9,793,852

1,743,890

30,350,048

2,766,131

1889

112

1,268

897,841

10,424,169

2,098,100

33,016,341

2,981,543

1890

103

149

1,290

955,393

11,380,210

2,196,364

35,367,102

3,393,991

1891

108

1,313

1,008,448

12,253,427

2,260,686

39,617,376

3,781,254

1892

106

1,404

1,073,739

12,848,024

2,487,499

40,827,931

3,701,402

1893

1,432

1,119,210

13,400,837

2,453,723

41,483,346

3.592,856

1894

1,525

1,139,535

13,668,938

2,520,779

41,731,223

3,841,723

1895

1,530

1,191,766

14,511,314

2,803,917

44,003.888

4,194,876

1896

1,554

1,264.763

15,620,803

2,952,740

47,331,384

4,569,782

1897

' 68

1,573

1,336,985

16,654,107

a6,569,493

50,693,526

4,989,589

1898

1,606

1,399,819

17,659,826

a6.990,007

53,256,725

5,333,221

1899

108

1,645

1,467,158

18,999,477

a7,860,518

57,134,086

5,742,523

1900

1,656

1,547,772

20,514,300

a8,504,385

62,923.437

6,208,116

1901

1,719

1,629,319

21,858,778

a9,114,772

66,?57,091

6,533,543

1902

134

1,824

1,713,548

22,981,436

a9,607.079

69,711,342

6,877,301

1903

120

1,840

1,800,325

23,792,554

09,257,997

72,296,789

6,984,344

1904

146

1,907

1,880,712

24,607,773

a9,201,947

73,713,727

7,278,535

1905

111

1,937

1,944,427

25,349,840

a9,874,248

74,555,412

7,323,093

1906

126

1,979

2,017,980

26,627,183

010,739,546

78,015,639

7,652,244

Totals..

1,391,330,345

128,764,959

a Loans and other Creditors.

331

ENGLAND AND WALES.

for each Year, from 1862 to 1906 inclusive.

Sources, and Corrected.)

CAPITAL INVESTED IN

Trade

Industrial

Profit
Devoted

Amount
of

Expenses.

Stock.

and Provident
Societies, and
other than

Joint-stock
Companies.

to
Education.

Reserve
Fund.

YEAR.

Trade.

127,749

1862

167,620

1863

163,147

1864

181,766

1865

219.746

1866

255,923

583,539

494,429

3,203 32,629

1867

294,451

671,165

137,397

16fi".398

3,636 33,109

1868

280,116

784,847

117,586

178,367

3,814

38,630

1869

311,910

912,102

126,736

204,876

4,275

52,990

1870

346,415

1,029,446

145,004

262,594

5,097

66,631

1871

419,567

1,219,092

300,712

380,043

6,461 79,292

1872

488,464

1,439.137

337,811

443,724

6,864

83,149

1873

517,445

1,572,264

386,640

510,057

7,486

98,732

1874

598,080

1,852,437

636,400

538,140

10,454

220,011

1875

1,137,053

2,377,380

....

1876

1,222,664

2,310,041

1877

1,315,364

2,286,795

....

1878

1,353,832

2,486,704

....

1879

1,285,875

2,512,039

+3,226,370

13,262

1880

....

2,585,443

13,314

1881

1,499,633

2,969,957

+3,919.455

14,070

1882

1,606,424

3,160,569

+4,113,995

15,903

1883

1,684,070

2,932,817

+4,118,751

18,062

1884

1,825,717

3,044,534

+4,811,819

19,374

1885

1,525,194

3,323,450

+3,475,319

18,440

1886

1,670,290

3,512,626

+4,112,807

19,707

1887

1,743,838

3,687,394

+4,868,141

22,391

1888

1,849,811

3,856,498

+5,386,444

23.38S

1889

1,996,438

4,121,400

+6,407,701

24,919

1890

2,207,143

4,691,801

+5,749,811

27,196

1891

2,420,270

4,947,231

+6,154,426

29,105

1892

2,645,989

5,032,623

+6,234,093

29,151

1893

2,687,388
2,881,742

4,763,953
5,108,794

+6,054,847
+6,625,724

32,503
36,433

1894
1895

3,097,516

5,535,227

Ul,303,924

40,289

1896

62,469,953

6,068,803

1 11,670,057

42,791

1*97

62,549,753

6,017,205

; 12,816,168

44,495

1898

62,733,022
62,992,995
63,174,796

6,714,611
7,393,378
7,660,701

U3,998,278
1 16,151,574
116,217,514

48,214
53,684
57,908

1899
1900
1901

63,464,182
63,556,921
63,772,825
63,801,069
63,972,756

8,031,117
8,199,925
8,389,857
8,407,953
9,040,833

J 16,688,477
U7,271,042
1 17,667,614
118370,085
:20,247,897

62,817
64,823
66,356
67,849
70,410

1902
1903
1904
1905
1906

6 Exclusive of Share Interest. + Investments other than in Trade.
t Investments and other Assets.

332

CO-OPEBATIVE

TABLE (4). GENERAL SUMMARY of BETURNS

(Compiled from Official

CAPITAL AT END

No. OF SOCIETIES

OF YEAR.

YEAR.

o) '
o3 *

.9 ^

Number of
Members.

Sales.

Net
Profit.

In C>H

"5 3

IS 3

Share.

Loan.

1872

178

38,829

181,793

27,022

1,595,120

126,314

1873

188

46,371

235,858

64,932

1.972,426

150,302

1874

216

54,431

250,026

88,920

2,062,516

155,087

1875

237

59,260

323,052

102,547

2,277,812

176,795

1876

228

63,310

314,577

144,953

2,290,452

201,117

1877

248

66,910

345,001

156,310

2,676,225

241,991

1878

218

70,119

381,028

180,208

2,666,565

252,446

1879

*40

208

68,967

373,728

171,173

2,549,565

258,152

1880

224

76,855

417,726

216,395

8,102,460

266,839

1881

259

90,430

505,731

278,438

8,649,155

322,012

1882

264

92,719

523,714

328,658

3,901,246

339,824

1883

292

106,031

630,768

373,081

4,626,461

895,795

1884

312

124,065

757,274

471,617

4,791,862

484,893

1885

317

132,597

837,771

536,567

5,415,091

566,540

1886

333

142.036

945,210

607,757

5,937,070

590,785

1887

334

152,866

1,063,647

654,252

6,215,891

645,018

1888

335

159,753

1,141,179

708,268

7,392,381

685,446

1889

340

171,555

1,253,117

825,406

7,601,719

750,423

1890

341

183,387

1,396,523

972,424

8,300,261

879,019

1891

343

196,796

1,578,731

1,129,390

9,304,321

933,044

1892

349

208,364

1,779,546

1,279,238

10,074,750

1,038,369

1893

352

217,521

1,896,633

1,413,582

10,094,381

1,013,955

1894

355

229,409

2,063,123

1,533,393

10,115,126

1,081,304

1895

365

231,866

2,215,309

1,766,199

10,754,512

1,187,986

1896

354

260,520

2,577,025

1,813,504

12,130,468

1,413,873

1897
1898

1
2

357
349

276,053

282,467

2,812,048
2,958,996

02,511,875
02,847,096

13,669,417
14.612,369

1,539,547
1,598,483

1899

349

296,272

3,277,164

o3,u68,252

15,609,622

1,773,591

1900

350

313,686

3,574,413

o3,400,747

17 200,882

1,955,274

1901

354

327,150

3,761,520

03,832,410

17,984,673

2,119,757

1902

356

345,112

3,956,039

04,224,275

18,709,093

2,231,559

1903

350

361,422

4,264,656

a4,496,073

19,624,718

2.337,344

1904

355

377,446

4,569,707

04,776,910

21,019,531

2,493,538

1905

357

389,989

4,861,5-50

o5,175,014

21.556,712

2,472,527

1906

362

400,206

5,168,538

a5,298,410

22,175,551

2,596,974

Totals.

323,560,404

35,275,423

* Not stated, but estimated at about 40. o Loans and other Creditors.

333

SOCIETIES, SCOTLAND.

for each Year, from 1872 to 1906 inclusive.

Sources, and Corrected.)

CAPITAL INVESTED IN

Trade
Expenses.

Trade
Stock.

Industrial
and Provident
Societies, and
other than

Joint-stock
Companies.

Profit
Devoted
to
Education.

Amount of
Reserve
Fund.

YEAR.

Trade.

58,279

163,971

17,765

2,803

235

14,309

1872

67,302

188,265

32,591

5,315

243

19,573

1873

76,103

208,789

31,661

12,024

463

18,097

1874

87,038

241,888

31,425

15,314

425

21,919

1875

142,339

286,662

1876

158,621

337,268

1877

178,478

322,934

1878

182,450

370,510

....

1879

142,428

366,793

203,565

17,407

648

1880

466,222

....

508

1881

190,190

480,524

+361,788

708

1882

212,456

546,409

+376,482

885

1883

249,227

639,409

+424,637

1,092

1884

254,710

682,222

+613,500

1,338

1885

272,502

745,381

+383,132

1,438

1886

287,583

842,231

+377,867

1,673

1887

297,728

863,349

+365,208

1,847

1888

329,150

932,672

+445,991

2,067

1889

361,209

.1,015,180

+550,430

2,668

1890

410,057

1,140,772

+641,016

2,891

1891

476,847

1,221,716

+791,895

3,648

1892

528,471

1,277,001

+841,978

3,526

1893

568,768

1,134,851

+1,114,863

4,050

1894

584,163

1,214,987

+1,251,063

5,058

1895

670,135

1,293,716

:2,591,119

6,626

1896

6591,981

1,513,820

12,576,514

7,508

1897

6652,141

1,473,740

12,882,993

7,623

1898

6710,605

1,666,111

{3,137,757

8,314

1899

6798,402
6828,164

1,871,327
1,916,773

13,562,975
14,166,146

11,984
10,303

;;

1900
1901

6894,408

2,079,606

14,495,173

10,896

1902

6958,632
61,035,324
61,103,502
61,154,139

2,209,663
2,339,227
2 231,787
2,297,598

14,718,867
J5.138.004
J5,936,137
t6,261,337

:::

12,831
13,335
13,282
13,625

1903
1904
1905
1906

6 Exclusive of Share Interest. + Investments other than in Trade.
t Investments and other Assets.

334

CO-OPEEATIVE SOCIETIES,

TABLE (d). GENERAL SUMMARY of EETURNS

(Compiled from Official

No. OF SOCIETIES

CAPITAL AT END
OF YEAR.

YEAR.

1 i

?.si

.11

Number of
Members.

Sales.

Net
Profit.

*5b fl>

*l|

Share.

Loan.

1874

481

1,485

370

15,775

812

1875

792

9,638

5,370

15,519

1,725

1876

210

1,171

11,355

1,479

1877

4 .

505

7,490

16,434

2,190

1878

290

1,560

16,573

1,289

1879

537

7,615

200

17,170

1,482

1880

. .

522

7,822

100

16,637

1,760

' 1881

834

2,889

....

19,058

1,533

1882

1,177

9,502

178

32,157

1,699

1883

1,052

9,140

241

32,587

2,375

1884

1,106

9,228

212

31,989

1,691

1885

1,043

9,121

326

32,754

2,535

1886

1,335

9,174

344

46,501

2,675

1887

1,425

11,147

904

45,892

2,407

1888

1,485

11,188

729

51,474

8,897

1889

1,693

10,626

205

56,613

2,580

1890

1,793

6,896

367

64,306

2,607

1891

' 22

2,267

15,547

3,318

102,474

4,234

1892

2,740

20,137

6,879

15&.173

8,581

1893

3,587

21,195

7,649

226,109

3,846

1894

4,060

24,003

10,509

264,451

5,811

1895

6,708

23,203

11,457

341,849

6,209

1896

102

9,541

38,212

20,087

489,783

6,368

1897

135

14,097

43,852

a55,709

593,106

6,725

1898

109

129

175

20,812

52,288

a77,123

654,875

7,572

1899

182

189

24,146

63,892

a96,571

789,978

13,363

1900

258

168

24,794

67,597

a!05,639

896,109

14,432

1901

302

166

23,972

76,801

alll,850

930,942

17,276

1902

110

303

286

44,604

125,9bO

a202,786

1,352,488

15,116

1903

335

333

54,126

143,659

a238,605

1,463,292

16,938

1904

295

402

61,958

159,912

a276,689

1,530,070

19,667

1905

213

451

67,938

177,645

a288,3s6

1,890,441

86827

1906

213

482

75,795

190,127

a294,779

2,216,930

44,566

Totals..

14,423,864

256,767

a Loans and other Creditors.

335

IRELAND.

for each Year, from 1874 to 1906 inclusive.

Sources, and Corrected.)

CAPITAL INVESTED IN

Trade
Expenses.

Trade
Stock.

Industrial
and
Provident

Joint-stock
Companies.

Profit
Devoted
to
Education.

Amount
of
Reserve
Fund.

YEAR.

Societies.

907

....

1874

1,060

1,350

1875

464

.. .

1876

676

973

1877

765

....

1878

856

....

1879

857

1,244

1880

1,039

1,668

1881

2,284

2,461

*ai

1882

1,924

2,577

*7,241

1883

3,188

3,610

*7,502

....

1884

2,112

2,736

*7,801

1885

2,651

3,934

....

1886

2,501

5,979

*809

1887

3,825

5,850

*510

....

1888

3,814

5,962

*843

1889

3,672

5,170

*656

1890

3,891

5,797

*4,040

1891

5,877

6,340

*6,585

....

1892

7,358

5,091

*13,618

1893

11,132

6,638

*5,026

....

1894

12,131

9,321

*3,765

1895

18,412

15,075

134,286

1896

612,486

19,588

131,523

1897

616,208

15,741

153,925

1898

617,881
622,812
624,736
642,400
637,910
643,320
648,174
645,588

19,377
19,958
28,843
45,195
47,046
50,719
51,778
57,862

167,201
+74,346
+82,453
+121,710
+137,612
+162,632
+185,617
+216,421

34
31
47
40

""a

170

1899
1900
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906

' ! ..- : iT"-
K .-(%(

Exclusive of Share Interest. * Investments other than in Trade.
+ Investments and other Assets.

336

SALES OF CIVIL SEEVICE SUPPLY STOEES.

Civil Service
Supply.

Civil Service
(Haymarket).

New
Civil Service.

1871

625,305
712,399
819,428
896,094
925,332
983,545
946,780
1,384,042
1,474,923
1,420,619
1,488,507
1,603,670
1,682,655
1,691,455
1,758,648
1,743,306
1,732,483
1,763,814
1,775,500
1,789,397
1,817,779
1,749,384

1,675,848
1,663,970
1,670,849
1,707,780
1,694,710
1,672,520
1,741,769
1,769,655
1,756,199
1,746,960
1,723,267
1,680,666
1,665,511
1,661,639
1,695.488

514,399
520,155
497,650
329,805
481,560
468,992
465,096
469,456
473,817
481,120
481,352
475,066
471,133

448,171
439,283
442,942
448,129
437,638
424,588
420,471
423,610
414,146
406,761
393,950
405,224
397,787
408,674
410,429

139,367

149,478
148,975
150,948
150,383
155,000
158,028
158,317
164,160
178,761
168,582

158,313
154,541
149,185
143,289
138,836
127,392
118,252
109,297
98,174
91,052
84,414

1872

1873

1874

1875

1876

1877

1878

1879

1880

1881

1882

1883

1884

1885

1886

1887

1888

1889

1890

1891

1892

1893

1894

1895

1896

1897

] 898

1899

1900

1901

1902

1903

1904

1905

1906

1907

Above we give the Sales of the Civil Service Supply Stores as distinct from the ordinary
distributive societies appearing in the previous tables.

337

LIST OF PUBLIC ACTS OF PARLIAMENT.
8 EDWARD VII. A. D. 1908.

Tlie figures before cadi Act denote the chapter.

1. Consolidated Fund (No. 1).

2. Army (Annual).

3. Prosecution of Offences.

4. Patents and Designs.

5. Police (Superannuation).

6. Public Health.

7. Fatal Accidents (Damages) .

8. Post Office Savings Banks.

9. Isle of Man' (Customs) .

10. Tobacco Growing (Scotland).

11. Wild Birds Protection.

12. Companies.

13. Polling Districts (County Councils).

14. Polling Arrangements (Parliamentary Boroughs) .

15. Costs in Criminal Cases.

16. Finance.

17. Cran Measures.

18. Expiring Laws Continuance.

19. Seed Potatoes and Seed Oats Supply (Ireland).

20. University of Durham.

21. Registration.

22. Evicted Tenants (Ireland).

23. Public Works Loans.

24. Summary Jurisdiction (Ireland).

25. Naval Lands (Volunteers).

26. Naval Marriages.

27. Married Women's Property.

28. Agricultural Holdings.

29. Grand Jury (Ireland) Act, 1836, Amendment Act, 1908.

30. Appropriation.

31. Whale Fisheries (Ireland).

32. Friendly Societies.

33. Telegraph (Construction).

34. Bee Pest Preservation (Ireland).

35. Polling Districts and Registration of Voters (Ireland).

36. Small Holdings and Allotments.

37. Coroners (Ireland).

38. Irish Universities.

39. Endowed Schools (Masters).

40. Old Age Pensions.

338

OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT, 1908.

AN ACT TO PROVIDE FOB OLD AGE PENSIONS. [1st August, 1908.]

BE it enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty, by and
with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled,
and by the authority of the same as follows :

BIGHT TO RECEIVE OLD AGE PENSIONS.

1 .(1) Every person in whose case the conditions laid down by this Act
for the receipt of an old age pension (in this Act referred to as statutory
conditions) are fulfilled, shall be entitled to receive such a pension under
this Act so long as those conditions continue to be fulfilled, and so long as
he is not disqualified under this Act for the receipt of the pension.

(2) An old age pension under this Act shall be at the rate set forth in the
schedule to this Act.

(3) The sums required for the payment of old age pensions under this
Act shall be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament.

(4) The receipt of an old age pension under this Act shall not deprive
the pensioner of any franchise, right, or privilege, or subject him to any
disability.

STATUTORY CONDITIONS FOR RECEIPT OF OLD AGE PENSION.

2. The statutory conditions for the receipt of an old age pension by any
person are

( 1 ) The person must have attained the age of seventy ;

(2) The person must satisfy the pension authorities that for at least

twenty years up to the date of the receipt of any sum on account
of a pension he has been a British subject, and has had his residence,
as defined by regulations under this Act, in the United Kingdom ;

(3) The person must satisfy the pension authorities that his yearly means

as calculated under this Act do not exceed thirty-one pounds ten
shillings.

DISQUALIFICATION FOR OLD AGE PENSION.

3. (1) A person shall be disqualified for receiving or continuing to
receive an old age pension under this Act, notwithstanding the fulfilment of
the statutory conditions

(a) While he is in receipt of any poor relief (other than relief excepted
under this provision), and, until the thirty-first day of December,
nineteen hundred and ten, unless Parliament otherwise determines,
if he has at any time since the first day of January, nineteen
hundred and eight, received, or hereafter receives, any such relief ;
provided that for the purposes of this provision

(i.) any medical or surgical assistance (including food or
comforts) supplied by or on the recommendation of a medical
officer; or

OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT, 1908.

(ii.) any relief given to any person by means of the mainten-
ance of any dependant of that person in any lunatic asylum,
infirmary, or hospital, or the payment of any expenses of the
burial of a dependant ; or

(iii.) any relief (other than medical or surgical assistance, or
relief hereinbefore specifically exempted) which by law is
expressly declared not to be a disqualification for registration as
a Parliamentary elector, or a reason for depriving any person of
any franchise, right, or privilege ;

shall not be considered as poor relief :

(6) If, before he becomes entitled to a pension, he has habitually failed
to work according to his ability, opportunity, and need, for the
maintenance or benefit of himself and those legally dependent upon
him;

Provided that a person shall not be disqualified under this
paragraph if he has continuously for ten years up to attaining the
age of sixty, by means of payments to friendly, provident, or
other societies, or trade unions, or other approved steps, made such
provision against old age, sickness, infirmity, or want or loss of
employment as may be recognised as proper provision for the
purpose by regulations under this Act, and any such provision,
when made by the husband in the case of a married couple living
together, shall as respects any right of the wife to a pension, be
treated as provision made by the wife as well as by the husband ;

Act, 1890, or while he is being maintained in any place as a pauper
or criminal lunatic;

(d) During the continuance of any period of disqualification arising or

imposed in pursuance of this section in consequence of conviction
for an offence.

(2) Where a person has been before the passing of this Act, or is after the
passing of this Act, convicted of any offence, and ordered to be imprisoned
without the option of a fine or to suffer any greater punishment, he shall be
disqualified for receiving or continuing to receive an old age pension under
this Act while he is detained in prison in consequence of the order, and for a
further period of ten years after the date on which he is released from prison.

(3) Where a person of sixty years of age or upwards having been
convicted before any court is liable to have a detention order made against
him under the Inebriates Act, 1898, and is not necessarily, by virtue of the
provisions of this Act, disqualified for receiving or continuing to receive an
old age pension under this Act, the court may, if they think fit, order that
the person convicted be so disqualified for such period, not exceeding ten
years, as the court direct.

CALCULATION OF MEANS.

4. (1) In calculating the means of a person for the purpose of this Act
account shall be taken of

(a) the income which that person may reasonably expect to receive
during the succeeding year in cash, excluding any sums receivable
on account of an old age pension under this Act, that income, in
the absence of other means for ascertaining the income, being taken
to be the income actually received during the preceding year ;

340

OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT, 1908.

(6) the yearly value of any advantage accruing to that person from the
use or enjoyment of any property belonging to him which is
personally used or enjoyed by him;

property belonging to that person which, though capable of
investment or profitable use, is not so invested or profitably used
by him ; and

(d) the yearly value of any benefit or privilege enjoyed by that person.

(2) In calculating the means of a person being one of a married couple
living together in the same house, the means shall not in any case be taken to
be a less amount than half the total means of the couple.

(3) If it appears that any person has directly or indirectly deprived
himself of any income or property in order to qualify himself for the receipt
of an old age pension, or for the receipt of an old age pension at a higher rate
than that to which he would otherwise be entitled under this Act, that
income, or the yearly value of that property, shall, for the purposes of this
section, be taken to be part of thn means of that person.

MODE OF PAYING PENSIONS.

5. (1) An old age pension under this Act, subject to any directions of
the Treasury in special cases, shall be paid weekly in advance in such manner
and subject to such conditions as to identification or otherwise as the
Treasury direct.

(2) A pension shall commence to accrue on the first Friday after the
claim for the pension has been allowed, or, in the case of a claim provisionally
allowed, on the first Friday after the day on which the claimant becomes
entitled to receive the pension.

OLD AGE PENSIONS TO BE INALIENABLE.

6. Every assignment of or charge on and every agreement to assign
or charge an old age pension under this Act . shall be void, and, on the
bankruptcy of a person entitled to an old age pension, the pension shall not
pass to any trustee or other person acting on behalf of the creditors.

DETERMINATION OF CLAIMS AND QUESTIONS.

7. (1) All claims for old age pensions under this Act and all questions
whether the statutory conditions are fulfilled in the case of any person
claiming such a pension, or whether those conditions continue to be fulfilled
in the case of a person in receipt "of such a pension, or whether a person
is disqualified for receiving or continuing to receive a pension, shall be
considered and determined as follows :

(a) Any such claim or question shall stand referred to the local pension

committee, and the committee shall (except in the case of a question
which has been originated by the pension officer and on which the
committee have already received his report), before considering
the claim or question, refer it for report and inquiry to the
pension officer;

(b) The pension officer shall inquire into and report upon any claim or

question so referred to him, and the local pension committee shall,

341

OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT, 1908.

on the receipt of the report of the pension officer, and after
obtaining from him or from any other source if necessary any
further information as to the claim or question, consider the case
and give their decision upon the claim or question ;

central pension authority against a decision of the local pension
committee allowing or refusing a claim for pension, or determining
any question referred to them within the time and in the manner
prescribed by regulations under this Act, and any claim or question
in respect of which an appeal is so brought shall stand referred to
the central pension authority, and shall be considered and
determined by them;

(d) If any person is aggrieved by the refusal or neglect of a local pension

committee to consider a claim for a pension, or to determine any
question referred to them, that person may apply in the prescribed
manner to the central pension authority, and that authority may,
if they consider that the local pension committee have refused or
neglected to consider and determine the claim or question within a
reasonable time, themselves consider and determine the claim or
question in the same manner as on an appeal from the decision of
the local pension committee :

(2) The decision of the local pension committee on any claim or question
which is not referred to the central pension authority, and the decision of the
central pension authority on any claim or question which is so referred to
them, shall be final and conclusive.

LOCAL PENSION COMMITTEE, CENTRAL PENSION AUTHORITY, AND PENSION

OFFICERS.

8. (1) The local pension committee shall be a committee appointed for
every borough and urban district, having a population according to the last
published census for the time being of twenty thousand or over, and for
every county (excluding the area of any such borough or district), by the
council of the borough, district, or county.

The persons appointed to be members of a local pension, committee need
not be members of the council by which they are appointed.

(2) A local pension committee may appoint such and so many sub-
committees, consisting either wholly or partly of the members of the
committee as the committee think fit, and a local pension committee may
delegate, either absolutely or under such conditions as they think fit, to any
such sub-committee any powers and duties of the local pension committee
under this Act.

(3) The central pension authority shall be the Local Government Board,
and the Board may act through such committee, persons, or person appointed
by them as they think fit.

(4) Pension officers shall be appointed by the Treasury, and the Treasury
may appoint such number of those officers as they think fit to act for such
areas as they direct.

(5) Any reference in this Act to pension authorities shall be construed as
a reference to the pension officer, the local pension committee, and the central
pension authority, or to any one of them, as the case requires.

342

OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT, 1908.

PENALTY FOR FALSE STATEMENTS, &C., AND REPAYMENT WHERE PENSIONER
IS FOUND NOT TO HAVE BEEN ENTITLED TO PENSION.

9. (1) If for the purpose of obtaining or continuing an old age pension

under this Act, either for himself or for any other person, or for the purpose
of obtaining or continuing an old age pension under this Act for himself or
for any ether person at a higher rate than that appropriate to the case, any
person knowingly makes any false statement or false representation, he shall
be liable on summary conviction to imprisonment for a term not exceeding
six months, with hard labour.

(2) If it is found at any time that a person has been in receipt o* an old age
pension under this Act while the statutory conditions were not fulfilled in his
case or while he was disqualified for receiving the pension, he or, in the case
of his death, his personal representative, shall be liable to repay to the
Treasury any sums paid to him in respect of the pension while the statutory
conditions were not fulfilled or while he was disqualified for receiving the
pension, and the amount of those sums may be recovered as a debt due to
the Crown.

REGULATIONS AND EXPENSES.

1 0. (1) The Treasury in conjunction with the Local Government Board
and with the Postmaster-General (so far as relates to the Post Office) may
make regulations for carrying this Act into effect, and in particular

(a) for prescribing the evidence to be required as to the fulfilment of
statutory conditions, and for defining the meaning of residence
for the purposes of this Act; and

(6) for prescribing the manner in which claims to pensions may be made,
and the procedure to be followed on the consideration and
determination of claims and questions to be considered and
determined by pension officers and local pension committees or by
the central pension authority, and the mode in which any question
may be raised as to the continuance, in the case of a pensioner, of
the fulfilment of the statutory conditions, and as to the
disqualification of a pensioner; and

(c) as to the number, quorum, term of office, and proceedings generally
of the local pension committee and the use by the committee, with
or without payment, of any offices of a local authority, and the
provision to be made for the immediate payment of any expenses
of the committee which are ultimately to be paid by the Treasury.

(2) The regulations shall provide for enabling claimants for pensions to
make their claims and obtain information as respects old age pensions under
this Act through the Post Office, and for provisionally allowing claims to
pensions before the date on which the claimant will become actually entitled
to the pension, and for notice being given by registrars of births and deaths
to the pension officers or local pension committees of every death of a person
over seventy registered by them, in such manner and subject to such con-
ditions as may be laid down by the regulations, and for making the procedure
for considering and determining on any claim for a pension or question with
respect to an old age pension under this Act as simple as possible.

(3) Every regulation under this Act shall be laid before each House of
Parliament forthwith, and, if an address is presented to His Majesty by either

343

OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT, 1908.

House of Parliament within the next subsequent twenty-ono days on which
that House has sat next after any such regulation is laid before it, praying
that the regulation may be annulled, His Majesty in Council may annul the
regulation, and it shall thenceforth be void, but without prejudice to the
validity of anything previously done thereunder.

(4) Any expenses incurred by the Treasury in carrying this Act into
effect, and the expenses of the Local Government Board and the local
pension committees under this Act up to an amount approved by the
Treasury, shall be defrayed out of moneys provided by Parliament.

APPLICATION TO SCOTLAND, IRELAND, AND THE SCILLY ISLES.

11. (1) In the application of this Act to Scotland, the expression "Local
Government Board" means the local Government Board for Scotland ; the
expression "borough " means royal or Parliamentary burgh ; the expression
"urban district" means police burgh; the population limit for boroughs
and urban districts shall not apply; and the expression "Lunacy Act,
1890," means the Lunacy (Scotland) Acts, 1857 to 1900.

(2) In the application of this Act to Ireland, the expression "Local
Government Board" means the Local Government Board for Ireland; ten
thousand shall be substituted for twenty thousand as the population limit
for boroughs and urban districts; and the expression "asylum within the
meaning of the Lunacy Act, 1890," means a lunatic asylum within the
meaning of the Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1898.

(3) In the application of this Act to the Isles of Scilly, those isles shall be
deemed to be a county and the council of those isles the council of a county.

COMMENCEMENT AND SHORT TITLE.

1 2. ( 1 ) A person shall not be entitled to the receipt of an old age pension
under this Act until the first day of January, nineteen hundred and nine, and
no such pension shall begin to accrue until that day.

(2) This Act may be cited as the Old Age Pensions Act, 1908.

SCHEDULE.

Means of Pensioner.

Rate of Pension
per Week.

Where the yearly means of the pensioner as calculated under
this Act

Do not exceed 21

Exceed 21, but do not exceed 23. 12s. 6d ...

Exceed 23. 12s. 6d., but do not exceed 26. 5s.
Exceed 26. 5s., but do not exceed 28. 17s. 6d. ,
Exceed 28. 17s. 6d., but do not exceed 31. 10s,.
Exceed 31. 10s^.,

s. d.

5
4
3
2
1
No pension.

344

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345

CUSTOMS TAKIFF OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.

ARTICLES subject to IMPORT DUTIES in ilie UNITED KINGDOM, and
the DUTY levied upon each ARTICLE, according to the Tariff in
operation on the 1st July, 1908.

ARTICLES.

RATES OF DUTY.

8. d.

IMPORTS.

BEER called Mum, Spruce, or Black Beer, and Berlin
White Beer and other preparations, whether fermented
or not fermented, of a character similar to Mum,
Spruce, or Black Beer, where the worts thereof were,
before fermentation, of a specific gravity

Not exceeding 1,215 | 1 12

Exceeding 1,215 | * S ' 1 17 6

BEER of any other description, where the worts thereof

were, before fermentation, of a specific gravity of 1,055. .1 080

And so on in proportion for any difference in gravity.

CARDS, PLAYING doz. packs. 039

CHICORY :

Raw or kiln-dried per cwt. 13 3

Roasted or ground per Ib. 002

CHLORAL HYDRATE \ 1 4

CHLOROFORM 3 3

COCOA :

Raw ! 001

Husks and Shells ! per cwt. 020

Cocoa or Chocolate, ground, prepared, or in any wayj

manufactured per Ib. 002

Cocoa Butter . . . i 1

UOFFEE :

Raw per cwt. 0140

Kiln-dried, roasted, or ground per Ib. 002

Coffee and Chicory (or other vegetable substances)

\ roasted and ground, mixed 00 2

C<^LODION per gallon. 163

ET^ER, Acetic per Ib. 1 11

\ Butyric per gallon. 16 5

1 Sulphuric... f 175

ETH vL, Bromide per Ib. Oil

,,\ Chloride per gallon. i 16 5

\ Iodide . . i i 14 3

346

CUSTOMS TABIFF OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.

ARTICLES. RATES OF DUTY.

FRUIT Dried, or otherwise preserved without Sugar :

per cwt.

per oz.
per Ib.

s. d.
020

070

012
10

012
10
005

007
003

Figs and Fig Cake, Plums, commonly called French
Plums, and Prunelloes, Plums dried or preserved, not

Fruit, liable to duty as such, preserved with Sugar
See Sugar.
GLUCOSE :
Solid

MOLASSES and invert Sugar and all other Sugar and ex-
tracts from Sugar which cannot be completely tested by the
polariscope and on which duty is not otherwise charged :
If containing 70 per cent, or more of sweetening matter
If containing less than 70 per cent., and more than

If containing not more than 50 per cent, of sweetening

Molasses is free of duty when cleared for use by a
licensed distiller in the manufacture of Spirits, or if
it is to be used solely for purposes of food for stock.

SACCHARIN and mixtures containing Saccharin, or other
substances of like nature or use . ....

SOAP, TRANSPARENT, in the manufacture of which Spirit
has been used

SPIRITS AND STRONG WATERS :
For every gallon, computed at hydrometer proof, of
Spirits of any description (except perfumed Spirits),
including Naphtha or Methylic Alcohol purified so as
to be potable, and mixtures and preparations containing
Spirits. Enumerated Spirits :
Brandy the proof gallon

Imported
in Casks.

Imported
in Bottles.

s. d.

11 4
11 4
11 5
11 5

001
11 6

11 5

S. d.

12 4

12 4
12 f
12

001

If 6

015

Rum

Imitation Rum

Geneva

Additional in respect of Sugar used in sweeten-
ing any of the above tested for strength, if
sweetened to such an extent that the Spirit
thereby ceases to be an Enumerated Spirit ;
the proof gallon
Unenumerated Spirits :
Sweetened the proof gallon

(Including Liqueurs, Cordials, Mixtures, and
other preparations containing Spirits ; if tested.)
Not Sweetened .... the proof gallon

(Including Liqueurs, Cordials, Mixtures, and
other preparations containing Spirits, pro-
vided such Spirits can be shown to be both
Unenumerated and not sweetened; if tested.)

347

CUSTOMS TARIFF OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.

ARTICLES.

SPIRITS AND STRONG WATERS continued.

Liqueurs, Cordials, Mixtures, and other preparations
containing Spirits, not sweetened, provided such
spirits are not shown to be Unenumerated ; if tested.

the proof gallon

Liqueurs, Cordials, Mixtures, and other preparations
containing Spirits in bottle, entered in such a manner
as to indicate that the strength is not to be tested ;

the liquid gallon

Perfumed Spirits the liquid gallon

Upon payment of the difference between the Customs
Duty on Foreign Spirits and the Excise Duty on
British Spirits, Foreign Spirits may be delivered
under certain conditions for Methylation or for use
in Art or Manufacture, but Foreign Methylic Alcohol
may be used in Art or Manufacture without payment
of this differential duty.
SUGAR :

Tested by the polariscope, of a polarisation exceeding

Of a polarisation not exceeding 76

Intermediate rates of duty are levied on Sugar of a
polarisation not exceeding 98, but exceeding 76, and
special rates on Composite Sugar Articles.
TEA ,

TOBACCO Manufactured, viz. :

Cigars

Cavendish or Negro-head

Cavendish or Negro-head Manufactured in Bond

Other Manufactured Tobacco, viz. :

Cigarettes

Other sorts

Snuff containing more than 131bs. of moisture in every

lOOlbs. weight thereof

Snuff not containing more than 131bs. of moisture in

every lOOlbs. weight thereof

Unmanufactured, if Stripped or Stemmed :
Containing lOlbs. or more of moisture in every lOOlbs.

weight thereof

Containing less than lOlbs. of moisture in every lOOlbs.

weight thereof

Unmanufactured, if Unstripped or Unstemmed:

Containing lOlbs. or more of moisture in every lOOlbs.

weight thereof

Containing less than lOlbs. of moisture in every lOOlbs.

weight thereof

WINE :

Not exceeding 30 of Proof Spirit

Exceeding 30 but not exceeding 42 of Proof Spirit

And for every degree or part of a degree beyond the

highest above charged, an additional duty

Additional : On Still Wine imported in Bottles ,

On Sparkling Wine imported in Bottles . .

KATKS OP I)I:TY.

Importer! Imported
in Casks, j in Bottles.

S. (1.

0115

12 5

16 4
18 1 19 1

per cwt. ; 1 10
i 10

perlb. 005

060
044
3 10

4 10
3 10

! 3 7
! 4 4

3 OJ
3 4

030
034

per gallon.! 013
! 3

003
010
026

348

INCOME TAX BATES

FROM ITS FIRST IMPOSITION IS 18i2 TO THE PRESENT TIME.

From and to
April 5th.

Income On 100
free to
under. 150.

On 100
and
upw'ds.

Chancellor of the
Exchequer.

Premier.

Rate in the .

1842 to 1846..

150

7d.

Henry Goulburn. Sir Robert Peel.

1846 1852. .

Do. !

7d.

Sir Charles Wood. Lord John Russell.

1852 1853. .

Do. !

7d.

Benjamin Disraeli. Earl of Derby.

1853 1854..

100 5d.

7d.

William E. Gladstone. Earl of Aberdeen.

1854 1855. .

Do. lOd.

Is. 2d. Do. Do.

1855 1857..

Do. Hid.

Is. 4d. Sir G. Cornewell Lewis. Viscount Palmerston.

1857 1858..

Do. 5d.

7d. Do. Do.

1858 1859. .

Do. ! 5d.

5d. Do.

Do.

1859 I860..
1860 ,,1861..

Do. 6Jd.
Do. 7d.

9d.
lOd.

Benjamin Disraeli. ! Earl of Derby.
William E. Gladstone. ' Viscount Palmerston.

1861 1863..

*100 6d.

9d.

Do.

1863 1864..

Do. 7

Do.

1864 1865..

Do. 6d.

Do.

1865 1866. .

Do. 4

Do.

1866 1867..

Do. 4d.

Do.

Earl Russell.

1867 1868..

Do. ' 5

Benjamin Disraeli.

Earl of Derby.

1868 1869..

Do. 6d.

George Ward Hunt.

Benjamin Disraeli.

1869 1870..

Do. i 5

Robert Lowe.

William E. Gladstone.

1870 1871..

Do. 4d.

Do.

1871 1872..

Do. 6

Do.

1872 1873..

Do. i 4

Do.

1873 1874..

Do. i 3

Do.

1874 1876..

Do. i>

Sir Stafford Northcote.

Benjamin Disraeli.

1876 1878..

H50 3

Do. Earl of Beaconsfield.

1878 1880..

Do. 5d.

Do. Do.

1880 1881..

Do. 6

William E. Gladstone. ' William E. Gladstone.

1881 1882..

Do. , 5d.

Do. Do.

1882 1883..

Do. 6

Do.

1883 1884..

Do 5

Hugh C. E. Guilders.

Do.

1884 1885. .

Do. | 6d.

Do.

1885 1886..

Do. 8

Sir M. Hicks-Beach. Marquis of Salisbury.

1886 ) 1QQr7

j Do. 8

Sir William Harcourt. William E. Gladstone.

1886 ,,[ 1887 "

I Do. 8d.

Lord Rand. Churchill. Marquis of Salisbury.

1887 1888..

Do. 7

G. J. Goschen.

Do.

1888 1892..

Do. 6d.

Do.

1892 1893..

Do. 6

Sir W. Harcourt.

William E. Gladstone.

1893 1894..

Do. : 7

Do.

1894 1895..

U60 8d.

Do.

Earl Rosebery.

18S5 1898..

Do. 8d.

Sir M. Hicks-Beach.

Marquis of Salisbury.

1898 1900..

Do. 8

Do. Do.

1900 1901..

Do. 1

Do. Do.

1901 1902..

Do. Is.

2d.

Do.

1902 ,,) 1Qnq

J Do. Is.

3d.

Do.

1902 ;) [ 1903 --

1 Do. Is.

3d. 1 C. T. Ritchie.

A. J. Balfour.

1903 1904..

Do. 11

Do.

1904 1905..

Do. Is.

A. Chamberlain.

Do.

1905 1906..

Do. 1

Do.

1906 1907..

Do. Is.

H. H. Asquith.

Sir H. C'mpb'll-B'nnerm'n

1907 1908..

l\ II On
snn | 2,000 &
Do ' under,
(\ 9d.

Over
2,000,
Is.

i :

Do.

1908 1909..

Do. ! Do.

Do.

D. Lloyd-George.

H. H. Asquith.

* Differential rate upon scale of incomes abolished. Incomes under 100 are exempt;
and incomes of 100 and under 199 per annum have an abatement from the assessment of
60 : thus, 100 pays on 40 ; 160 upon 100 ; 199 upon 139 ; but 200 pays on 200.
t Under 150 exempt ; if under 400 the tax is not chargeable upon the first 120.
t Under 160 exempt ; if under 400 the tax is not chargeable upon the first 160 ;
above 400 and up to 500, an abatement of 100.

Exemp

tion may be clai

med when the income from all sources does not exceed 160

per annum. Abatement of duty on 160 may be claimed when the income exceeds 160, but
does not exceed 400; on 150 when the income exceeds 400, but does not exceed 500; on

120 when the

income exceeds

X'500, but does not exceed 600 ; and on 70 when the income

exceeds 600,

but does not exec

>ed 700.

I; The rate of 9d. does not apply to unearned increment.

349

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351

DEALINGS WITH LAND.

SCALE OF LAW COSTS ON THE SALE, PURCHASE, OK MORTGAGE OF
REAL PROPERTY, HOUSES, OR LAND.

For the
1st 1,000.

' For the 4th , For each
For the and each subsequen
2nd and 3rd subsequent 1,000
1,000. 1,000 up to up to
10,000. 100,000.'

Per 100.
s. d.
Vendor's solicitor for negotiating a sale
of property by private contract 100

i Per 100. Per 100. Per 100.
s. d. s. d. s. d.

'100 0100 050

0100 050 026

|050 02G 013

I
I
.
1000 10 00 50

100 0100 050

1000 10 050

1000 10 00 50
100050 026

1
1 010 00.5

Do., do., for conducting a sale of pro-
perty by public auction, including the
conditions of sale

When the property is soldf ... 1

When the property is not sold,
then on the reserve pricef . . 10

Do., do., for deducing title to freehold,
copyhold, or leasehold property, and
perusing and completing conveyance
(including preparation of contract or
conditions of sale, if any) 1 10

Purchaser's solicitor for negotiating a pur-
chase of property by private contract. . 100

Do., do., for investigating title to free-
hold, copyhold, or leasehold property,
and preparing and completing con-
veyance (including perusal and com-
pletion of contract, if any) 1 10

Mortgagor's solicitor for deducing title to
f reehold,copyhold,or leasehold property,
perusing mortgage, and completing 1 10

Mortgagee's solicitor for negotiating loan 100

Do., do., for investigating title to freehold,
copyhold, or leasehold property, and
preparing and completing mortgage . . 1 10

Vendor's or mortgagor's solicitor for procuring execution and acknowledg-
ment of deed by a married woman, 2. 10s. extra.
Where the prescribed remuneration would amount to less than 5 the
prescribed remuneration is 5, except on transactions under 100, in which
case the remuneration of the solicitor for the vendor, purchaser, mortgagor,
or mortgagee is 3.

* Every trnasaction exceeding 100,000 to be charged for as if it were for 100,000.
t A minimum charge of 5 to be made whether a sale is effected or not.

DEALINGS WITH LAND.

Scale of Law Costs as to Leases, or Agreements for Leases, at Rack Rent (other
than a Mining Lease, or a Lease for Building Purposes, or Agreement for
the same],

LESSOR'S SOLICITOR FOR PREPARING, SETTLING, AND COMPLETING
LEASE AND COUNTERPART.

Where the rent does not exceed 100, 7. 10s. per cent, on the rental, but
not less in any case than 5.

Where the rent exceeds 100, and does not exceed 500, 7. 10s. in respect
of the first 100 of rent, and 2. 10s. in respect of each subsequent 100 of rent.

Where the rent exceeds 500, 7. 10s. in respect of the first 100 of rent,
2. 10s. in respect of each 100 of rent up to 500, and 1 in respect of every
subsequent 100.

Lessee's solicitor for perusing draft and completing one-half of the amount
payable to the lessor's solicitor.

Scale of Law Costs as to Conveyances in Fee, or for any other Freehold Estate
reserving rent, or Building Leases reserving rent, or other Long Leases not at
Rack Rent (except Mining Leases), or Agreements for the same respectively.

VENDOR'S OR LESSOR'S SOLICITOR FOR PREPARING, SETTLING, AND
COMPLETING CONVEYANCE AND DUPLICATE, OR LEASE AND
COUNTERPART.

Amount of Annual Rent. Amount of Remuneration.

Where it does not exceed 5. . 5.

Where it exceeds 5, and does The same payment as on a rent of 5, and also

not exceed 50 20 per cent, on the excess beyond 5.

Where it exceeds 50, but does The same payment as on a rent of 50, and

not exceed 150 10 per cent, on the excess beyond 50.

Where it exceeds 150 The same payment as on a rent of 150, and

5 per cent, on the excess beyond 150.

Where a varying rent is payable the amount of annual rent is to mean the
largest amount of annual rent.

Purchaser's or lessee's solicitor for perusing draft and completing one-
half of the amount payable to the vendor's or lessor's solicitor.

353

THE DEATH DUTIES.

ESTATE DUTY.

THIS duty, which in the case of persons dying after the 1st August, 1894, takes
the place of the old Probate Account and Estate Duties, is now regulated by
the Finance Acts, 1894, 1896, 1898, 1900, and 1907.

It is payable on the principal value of all property (save in a few exceptional
cases), whether real or personal, settled or not settled, which passes on death.

The rates of duty (which in case of real estate may be paid by instalments)
are as follow:

PRINCIPAL NET

VALUE OF

ESTATE.

RATE
PER CENT.

Above 100, but not above
500

1,000

10,000
25,000
50,000
75,000
100,000
150,000
250,000
500,000
750,000

1,000,000
1,500,000
2,000,000
2,500,000
3000000

500
1,000
10,000
25,000
50,000
75,000
100,000
150,000
250,000
500,000
750,000
1,000,000

1,500,000
2,000,000
2,500,000
3,000,000

1
2
3
4

4*
5

5
6

7
8
9
10
10

10
12
10
13

14
10
15

j 1st 1,000,000
1 Remainder

(1st 1 000000 . . .

1 Remainder

f 1st 1 000 000

1 Remainder

( 1st 1 000000

(1st 1 000 000

1 Remainder

Where the net value of the
no duty is payable.

estate (real and personal) does not exceed 100,

354

THE DEATH DUTIES.

Where the gross value of the estate (real and personal) excsads 100, but
does not exceed 300, the duty is only 30s., and where it exceeds 300, but
does not exceed 500, only 50s.

Where the property is settled, an extra duty known as Settlement Estate
Duty is in certain cases payable at the rate of 1 per cent.

Debts and funeral expenses are deducted before calculating the duty,
except where .the gross value of the estate does not exceed 500, and it is
desired to pay the fixed duty of 30s. or 50s., as the case may be, instead of the
ad valorem duty.

LEGACY DUTY.

This duty is regulated by 55 Geo. III., cap. 184, 51 Viet., cap. 8, and the
Finance Act, 1894, and is payable in respect of personal estate (including
proceeds of sale of real estate) passing on death, either under a will or in case
of intestacy.

The rates of duty are as follow :

DESCRIPTION OF LEGATEE.

RATE OF DUTY.

Children of the deceased and their descendants, or the father \
or mother or any linea'l ancestor of the deceased or the I
husbands or wives of any such persons j

Brothers and sisters of the deceased and their descendants, }
or the husbands or wives of any such persons j

Brothers and sisters of the father or mother of the deceased]
and their descendants, or the husbands or wives of any I
such persons )

Brothers and sisters of a grandfather or grandmother of]
the deceased and their descendants, or the husbands or L
wives of any such persons j

Any person in any other degree of collateral consanguinity)
or strangers in blood to the deceased j

1 per cent.

SUCCESSION DUTY,

This duty is regulated by 16 and 17 Viet., cap. 51, 51 Viet., cap. 8, and the
Finance Acts, 1894 and 1896, and is payable in respect of real estate (including
leaseholds) passing on death, and in certain cases in respect of settled personal
estate.

355

THE DEATH DUTIES.

The rates of duty are as follow :

DESCRIPTION OF SUCCESSOR.

Lineal issue or lineal ancestor of the predecessor, or the)
husband or wife of any such person )

Brothers and sisters of the predecessor and their descendants, {
or the husbands or wives of any such persons j

Brothers and sisters of the father or mother of the pre-)
decessor and their descendants, or the husbands or wives I
of any such persons j

Brothers and sisters of a grandfather or grandmother of the)
predecessor and their descendants, or the husbands or L
wives of any such persons j

Persons of more remote consanguinity, or strangers in blood..

RATE OF DUTY.

1 per cent.

NOTE. Where the duty under the foregoing tables is at the rate of 1 per cent.,
an extra duty at the rate of 10s. per cent., and in all other cases an
extra duty at the rate of 1. 10s. per cent., is leviable in respect of
legacies payable out of or charged on real estate (not including
leaseholds) and of successions to real estate (not including leaseholds)
on deaths between the 1st July, 1888, and the 2nd August, 1894.

The husband or wife of deceased is exempt from legacy or succession duty.

Legacy duty is payable on the capital value, while succession duty is in
certain cases payable on the capital value, and in other cases payable on the
value of an annuity equal to the net income of the property, calculated according
to the age of the successor.

Where the whole net value of the estate does not exceed 1,000, no legacy,
succession, or settlement estate duty is payable.

All pecuniary legacies, residues, or shares of residue, although not of the
amount of 20, are subject to duty.

In case of persons dying leaving issue, the estate duty covers all legacy and
succession duty which would formerly have been paid by such issue.

In case of persons dying domiciled in the United Kingdom, legacy duty is
payable on all movable property wherever situate.

In case of persons dying domiciled abroad, no legacy duty is payable on
movable property.

356

357

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366

THE KING AND EOYAL FAMILY.

E KING. EDWARD VII., of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland, &c., King, Defender of the Faith. His Majesty was born
November 9, 1841, and married, March 10, 1863, Alexandra of Denmark, born
December 1, 1844 ; succeeded to the throne, January 22, 1901, on the death of
his mother, Queen Victoria. The children of His Majesty are :

1. His Eoyal Highness Prince Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence and
Avondale, born January 8, 1864; died January 14, 1892.

2. His Eoyal Highness George Frederick Ernest Albert, PRINCE OF WALES,
born June 3, 1865, married his cousiu Princess Victoria May (Princess of
Wales), only daughter of the Duke of Teck, July 6, 1893; has six children
Edward, born June 23, 1894 ; Albert, December 14, 1895 ; Victoria Alexandra,
April 25, 1897; Henry William Frederick Albert, March 31, 1900; George,
December 20, 1902; and John Charles Francis, July 12, 1905.

3. Her Royal Highness Louisa Victoria Alexandra Dagmar, born February
20, 1867, married, July 27, 1889, Alexander William George, Duke of Fife.

4. Her Royal Highness Victoria Alexandra Olga Mary, born July 6, 1868.

5. Her Royal Highness Maud Charlotte Mary Victoria, born November 26,
1869, married H.R.H. Prince Charles of Denmark, 1896.

6. His Royal Highness Alexander John Charles Albert, born April 6, 1871 ;
died April 7, 1871.

PAELIAMENTS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.

Assembled.

Dissolved. Duration.

GEORGE III.
Sept. 27, 1796*
Oct. 29, 1802
Dec. 15,1806
June 22, 1807
Nov. 24,1812
Jan. 14,1819

Yrs.m. d.

June 29, 1802 592

Oct. 25, 1806 j 8 11 27

April 29, 1807 j 4 14

Sept. 29, 1812 j 5 3 7

June 10, 1818 5 6 16

Feb. 29, 1820 1 1 15

GEORGE IV.

April 23, 1820 i June 2, 1826 1 1 9

Nov. 14, 1826 1 July 24, 1830 j 8 8 10

WILLIAM IV.

Oct. 26, 1830 April 22, 1831

June 14, 1831 ! Dec. 3, 1332

Jan. 29, 1833 i Dec. 30, 1834

Feb. 19, 1835 July 17, 1837

5 27
159

1 11 1

2 4 28

Assembled. Dissolved. Duration,

VICTORIA.

Yrs. m. d.

Nov. 15,1837

June 23, 1841

378

Aug. 19, 1841

July 23,1847

5 11 4

Nov. 18,1847

July 1, 1852

4 7 13

Nov. 4, 1852

Mar. 21, 1857

4 4 17

April 30, 1857

April 23, 1859

1 11 23

May 31,1859

July 6, 1865

6 1 6

Feb. 1, 1866

Nov. 11,1868

2 9 10

Dec. 10,1868

Jan. 26, 1874

5 1 16

Mar. 5, 1874

Mar. 25, 1880

6 20

April 29, 1880

Nov. 18, 1885

5 6 20

Jan. 12,1886

June 25, 1886

055

Aug. 5, 1886

June 28, 1892

5 10 24

Aug. 4, 1892

July 24, 1895

2 11 20

Aug. 12, 1895

Sept. 25, 1900

5 1 13

Dec. 3,1900

, Jan. 2:4, 1901
EDWARD VII.

I Jan. 8, 1906

5 1 5

Jan. 22, 1901

i Feb. 19, 1906

* Parliament first met after the Union with Ireland, January 22, 1801.

367

Date.

LIST O

Prime Minister.

F AL
DE

Dura-
tion.

MINISl
CEMBE

Chancellor.

'RATIONS FROM
R, 1783.

Exchequer. Home Secretary.

Foreign Sec.

Dec. 23, 1783

William Pitt ....

Yrs.Dys.
17 84

/Thurlow . .
(Loughboro

William Pitt . .

Portland

Grenville.

Mar. 17, 1801

Hy. Addington . .

3 59

Eldon

H. Addington. . { Po h r ^ n ; y^ ke

Hawkesbury.

May 15, 1804

William Pitt ....

1 272

Eldon ....

William Pitt . .

Hawkesbury . .

/Harrowby.
I Mulgrave.

Feb. 11, 1806

jord Grenville . .

1 48

Erskine ....

Lord H. Petty..

Spencer

/Chas. .1. Fox.
1 Visct. Ho wick

Mar. 31, 1807

Duke of Portland.

2 246

Eldon ....

S. Perceval . .

Hawkesbury . .

G. Canning.

Dec. 2,1809

Spencer Perceval.

2 190

illdon ....

S. Perceval . .

R. Ryder

/Bathurst.
(Wellesley.

June 9, 1812

Earl of Liverpool.

14 319

Eldon

/N. Vansittart..
IF. J. Bobinson .

Sidmouth
Robert Peel

Castlereagh.
G. Canning.

Apr. 24, 1827

George Canning . .

134

Ljyndhurst. .

G. Canning . .

/Sturges Bourne.
(Lansdowue '

Dudley.

Sept. 5, 1827

Visct. Goderich . .

142

Lyndhurst. .

I. C. Herries . .

Lansdowne

Dudley.

Jan. 25, 1828

D. of Wellington..

2 301

Lyndhurst. .

H. Goulburn . .

Robert Peel....

/Dudley,
t Aberdeen.

Nov. 22, 1830

Earl Grey

3 238

Brougham. .

Althorp

Melbourne ....

Palmerston.

July 18, 1834

Visct. Melbourne .

161

Brougham. .

Althorp

Duncannon ....

Palmerston.

Dec. 26, 1834

Sir Robert Peel . .

113

Lyndhurst. .

Sir R. Peel....

H. Goulburn . .

Wellington.

Apr. 18, 1835

Visct. Melbourne .

6 141

/In Comm.. .
(Cottenham.

T. S. Bice
F. T. Barring

Lord J.Russell ..
Normanby

Palmerston.

Sept. 6, 1841

Sir Robert Peel . .

4 303

Lyndhurst. .

H. Goulburn . .

Sir J.Graham..

Aberdeen.

July 6,1846

Ld. John Russell .

5 236

/Cottenham
(Truro

Sir C. Wood . .

Sir George Grey

/Palmerston.
(Granville.

Feb. 27, 1852

3arl of Derby ....

305

St Leonards

B. Disraeli

S. H. Walpole. .Malmesbury.

Dec. 28, 1852

Earl of Aberdeen .

2 44

Cranworth. .

W. Gladstone..

Palmerston .... {^weiS" 8 "

Feb. 10, 1855

[jord Palmerston .

3 15

Cranworth..

/W.Gladstone..
(Sir G. C. Lewis.

Sir George Grey

Clarendon.

Feb. 25, 1858

Earl of Derby. .. .

1 113

Chelmsford.

B. Disraeli

S. H. Walpole. .

Malmesbury.

JunelS, 1859

Liord Palmerston .

6 141

/Campbell . .
(Westbury..

W. Gladstone .

/Sir G. C. Lewis. .
(Sir George Grey

Russell.

Nov. 6,1865

Earl Russell

242

Cranworth..

W. Gladstone. .

Sir George Grey

Clarendon.

July 6,1866

Earl of Derby

1 236

Chelmsford.

B. Disraeli ....

/S. H. Walpole ..
( GathorneHar dy

Stanley.

Feb. 27, 1868

Benjamin Disraeli

285

Cairns

G. W. Hunt ..

G. Hardy

Stanley.

Dec. 9,1868

W.E.Gladstone. .

5 74

/Hatherley..
(Selborne ..

Robert Lowe ....
W. E. Gladstone

H. A.Bruce
Robert Lowe

Clarendon.
Granville.

Feb. 21, 1874

Benjamin Disraeli)
Earl Beaconsfleld.j

6 67

Cairns

S. Northcote . .

R. A. Cross

/Derby.
1 Salisbury.

Apr. 28, 1880

W.E.Gladstone..

5 57

Selborne . .

/W.Gladstone..
IH.C.E.Childers

Sir W. Harcourt

Granville.

June 24, 1885

Marq. of Salisbury

227

Halsbury . .

Hicks-Beach..

R. A. Cross

Salisbury.

Feb. 7,1886

W.E.Gladstone..

139

Herschel ..

W.V. Harcourt

H.C.E.Childers

Rosebery.

July 24, 1886

Marq. of Salisbury

6 17

Halsbury . .

/Lord Churchil!
(G. J. Goschen. .

H. Matthews . .

/Iddesleigh.
(Salisbury.

Aug. 15, 1892
Mar. 3,1894

W.E.Gladstone..
Earl of Rosebery..

[2313

Herschel . .

W. V. Harcourt

H. H. Asquith..

J Rosebery.
I Kimberley

June24, 1895
July 12, 1902

Marq. of Salisbury
A. J. Balfour ....

[ 11 165

Halsbury -I

Hicks-Beach..

/C. T. Bitchie..
I A. Chamberlain

/Sir M.W.Ridley
1C. T. Bitchie ..
A.AkersDouglas

/Salisbury.
(Lansdowne.
Lansdowne.

Dec. 5,1905

Sir H. Campbell-
Baniierman

)

Loreburn -j

D.' 5oyd? m * h ' 1 H. J. Gladstone

Sir Ed. Grey

April 7, 1908

H. H. Asquith....

George)

368

HIS MAJESTY'S MINISTERS.

Prime Minister r H> -^ AsQTJITH>

First Lord of the Treasury

Lord Chancellor LORD LOREBURN.

Lord President of the Council LORD TWEEDMOUTH.

Lord Privy Seal EARL OF CREWE.

Chancellor of the Exchequer D. LLOYD-GEORGE.

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ... SIR EDWARD GREY.
Secretary of State for Home Department . . . HERBERT JOHN GLADSTONE.

Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs EARL OF CREWE.

Secretary of State for War R. B. HALDANE.

Secretary of State for India LORD JOHN MORLEY.

Secretary for Scotland CAPTAIN JOHN SINCLAIR.

First Lord of the Admiralty R. MC.KENNA.

Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of

Ireland AUGUSTINE BIRRELL.

Postmaster-General SYDNEY BUXTON.

President of the Board of Education W. RUNCIMAN.

President of the Board of Trade W. S. CHURCHILL.

President of the Local Government Board . JOHN BURNS.
President of the Board of Agriculture EARL CARRINGTON.

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster SIR HENRY H. FOWLER.

First Commissioner of Works LEWIS V. HARCOURT

The above form the Cabinet.

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland EARL OF ABERDEEN.

Lord Chancellor of Ireland SIR SAMUEL WALKER.

/J. A. PEASE.

! J. HERBERT LEWIS.

Junior Lords of the Treasury

j CAPTAIN C. W. NORTON.

U. H. WHITLEY.

Financial Secretary to the Treasury C. E. HOBHOUSE.

Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury . . GEORGE WHITELEY.

Paymaster-General R. K. CAUSTON.

First Sea Lord ADMIRAL SIR JOHN FISHER.

Second Sea Lord VICE-ADMIRAL SIR W. H. MAY.

Third Sea Lord REAR- ADM. SIR H. B. JACKSON.

Fourth Sea Lord REAR-ADMIRAL A. L. WINSLOE.

Secretary to the Admiralty T. J. MACNAMARA.

Civil Lord of the Admiralty GEORGE LAMBERT.

Parliamentary Secretary to Board of Trade HUDSON E. KEARLEY.
,, War Office LORD LUCAS.

369

HIS MAJESTY'S MINISTERS continued.

Parliamentary Secretary to Local Govern-
ment Board C. F. G. MASTERMAN.

Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs LORD FITZMAURICE OF LEIGH.

Under Secretary for Home Affairs HERBERT L. SAMUEL.

Under Secretary for the Colonies COLONEL SEELEY.

Under Secretary for India T. R. BUCHANAN.

Under Secretary for War EARL OF PORTSMOUTH.

Financial Secretary to War Office F. D. ACLAND.

First Military Member GEN. SIR NEVILLE LYTTELTON.

Second Military Member LT.-GEN. SIR C. W. H. DOUGLAS.

Third Military Member GEN. SIR W. G. NICHOLSON.

Fourth Military Member BRIG. -GEN. C. F. H ADDEN.

Parliamentary Secretary to Board of

Education T. MC.KINNON WOOD.

Attorney-General SIR W. S. ROBSON.

Solicitor-General SIR S. EVANS.

Lord Advocate of Scotland THOMAS SHAW.

Solicitor-General for Scotland ALEX. URE.

Attorney-General for Ireland R. R. CHERRY.

Solicitor-General for Ireland . . REDMOND J. BARRY.

PRIME MINISTERS SINCE 1834.

Sir Robert Peel Dec. 15, 1834

Viscount Melbourne . April 18, 1835

Sir Robert Peel Aug. 31, 1841

Lord John Russell .... July 0, 1 846

Earl of Derby Feb. 27,1852

Earl of Aberdeen .... Dec. 28,1852
Viscount Palmerston Feb. 26, 1855

Earl of Derby Feb. 26,1858

Viscount Palmerston June 18, 1859

Earl Russell Oct. 28. 1865

Earlof Derby July 8,1866

Mr. Disraeli, Mar. to Dec., 1868
Mr. Gladstone Dec. 9, 1868

Earl Beaconsfield .... Feb. 21, 1874

Mr. Gladstone April 29, 1880

and Ch. of Ex. to April, 1883.
Marquis of Salisbury . June 24, 1885

Mr. Gladstone Feb. 2,1886

Marquis of Salisbury . Aug. 3,1886

Mr. Gladstone Aug. 15, 1892

Earl Rosebery Mar. 3, 1894

Marquis of Salisbury. June 25, 1895

Mr. A. J. Balfour July 12, 1902

Sir H. C.'-Bannernmn, Dec. 5, 1905
Mr. H. H. Asquith... April 7, 1908

In 1885 the number of members of the Lower House was finally fixed at
670, as against 658 in previous years ; England returning 465, Wales 30,
Scotland 72, and Ireland 103 members. The previous distribution had
been England 469, Wales 30, Scotland 60, and Ireland 103 seats. There
are now 377 county members, as against 283 ; 284 borough members, as
against 360 ; and 9 University members, as against 9.

370

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

AS ELECTED JANUARY, 1906,

WITH CORRECTIONS TO NOVEMBER 1st, 1908-

" LR " means a member of the Labour group formed of the nominees of the Labour
Representation Committee. " Lab." indicates the Liberal and Labour members
sitting on the Government side of the House.

Member.

Constituency.

Party.

Abraham W Cork. NnrtTi-~En,st,

N
Lab.

L
L
L
C
Lab.
L
L
N
LU
LU
C
L
LU
C
L
L
L
L
C

L
L
C
U
C
L
C

L
C
L
L
L
L
LR

L
C

Abraham AVilliam

Glamorgan, Rhondda Valley...
Yorks.. Richmond .

Acland Francis D

Acland-Hood, Sir A., Bart Somerset, West, Wellington ...
Adkins W R Lancashire, Middleton

Agnew G W Salford, West

Akers-Douglas Rt Hon Kent St Augustine's

Alden Percy Middlesex Tottenham

Allen A Acland i Christchurch

Allen C P Glrmr>fist,ftrsViirpi St.rnnd

Ambrose Dr R

Mayo, West

Anson Sir W R

Oxford University

Anstruther-Gray, Major . ..

St. Andrews Burghs

Arkwright, John S.

^Hereford .

Armitage, R

Leeds, Central

Arnold-Forster, H. O
Ashley, Wilfrid W

Croydon
Lanes. , Blackpool

Ashton, T. G

Bedfordshire, Luton . . .

Asquith, Rt. Hon. H. H

Fifeshire, East

Astbury, J M

Lanes Southport

Atherley-Jones, L.

Durham North West

Aubrey-Fletcher, Rt. Hon. Sir H. .
Baker, J. A

Sussex, Lewes

Finsbury East

Baker, Sir John

Portsmouth

Balcarres Lord

Baldwin, Stanley

Worcester W Bewdley

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J

London City

Balfour, R

Lanark Partick

Banbury, Sir F

London City .. ..

Banner, J. S. Harmood- (see Ha
Baring, Godfrey

rmood-Banner).
Isle of Wight

Baring, Capt. the Hon. G

Winchester

Barker, John

Penryn and Falmouth

Barlow, John Emmott

Somerset, Frome

Barlow, Percy

Bedford

Barnard, E. B

Kidderminster

Barnes, G. N

Glasgow Blackfriars

Barratt (see Layland-Barratt).
Barran, R. H

Leeds, North

Barrie, Hugh T

371

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Barry, E

Barry, Redmond

Beach, M. H. Hicks

Beale, W. Phipson

Beauchamp, Edward

Beaumont, H

Beck, A. C

Beckett, W. Gervase

Bell, R

Bellairs, Lieut. Carlyon

Belloc, Hilaire

Benn, J. Williams

Benn, W. Wedgwood

Bennett, E. N

Berridge, T. H. D

Bertram, Julius

Bethetl, J. H

Bethell, T. R

Bignold, Sir A

Birrell, Rt. Hon. A

Black, Arthur W

Boland, J. P

Bolton, T. D

Bottomley, Horatio

Boulton, A. C

Bowerman, C. W

Bowles, G. Stewart

Boyle, Sir Edward

Brace, W

Bramsdon, T

Branch, Jas

Bridgeman, W. C

Brigg, John

Bright, J. A

Brocklehurst, W. B

Brodie, H. C

Brooke, Stopford W. W

Brotherton, E. A

Brunner, J. F. L

Brunner, Sir J. T

Bryce, J. Annan

Buchanan, T. R

Buckmaster, S. O

Bull, Sir W. J

Burdett-Coutts, W. L. A

Burke, E. Haviland- (see Havilan

Burns, Rt. Hon. John

Burnyeat, W. J. D

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Butcher, S. H

Buxton, Sydney C

Byles, W. P

Cork Co., South

Tyrone, North

; Glos., Tewkesbury

i Ayrshire, South

Suffolk, Lowestoft

Sussex, Eastbourne

Cambs., Wisbech

Yorks., Whitby

Derby

King's Lynn

Salford, South

Devonport

St. George : s-in-the-East

Oxfordshire, Woodstock

Warwick and Leamington

Herts., Hitchin

Essex, Romf ord

Essex, Maldon

| Wick Burghs

I Bristol, North

j Beds., Biggleswade

I Kerry, South

Derby, North-East

Hackney, South

Hunts., Ramsey

Deptf ord

Lambeth, Norwood

Taunton

Glams., South

Portsmouth

Middlesex, Enfield

Shropshire, Oswestry

Yorks., W.R., Keighley

Oldham

Cheshire, Macclesfield

Surrey, Reigate

Bow and Bromley

Wakefield

Lanes., South-West, Leigh

Cheshire, Northwich

Inverness Burghs

Perthshire, East

Cambridge

Hammersmith

j Westminster

d-Burke, E.)

Battersea

Whitehaven

Morpeth

Cambridge University

Tower Hamlets, Poplar

Salford, North

Party.

C
Lab.

L
LR

C
Lab.

Lab.

L
Lab.

372

THE HOUHI

: OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Party.

Caldwell J

Lanarkshire, Mid

Durham, Hough ton-le-Spring...

Pnmnhpll 1 "FT M

Dublin University

| Carlile Col E H i

Herts., St. Albans

Carr Gomm H W '

Southwark, Rotherhithe

Carson Sir Edward. H

Dublin University

Maidstone

Pnn<sfrm Rt TTon R K

Southwark ^SVest-

Surrey, Kingston

Cawley F

Lanes., Prestwich

Cecil Evelyn

Aston Manor

Lincolnshire Stamford

Cecil Lord Robert

Marylebone, East

Birmingham AVest

Chamberlain Rt Hon J Austen

\Vorcester East

Chance F W

Carlisle ....

Northamptonshire East . .

Chaplin Rt Hon H

Surrey N -E Wimbledon

Cheetham J F

Stalybridge

Cherry R R . .

Liverpool Exchange

Churchill Winston L. S

Dundee

Clancy J J

Dublin Co , North

Clark Geo

Belfast North

Cleland J W .

Glasgow Bridgeton

Clive Captain

Herefordshire, Ross

Clough W

dynes J R

Manchester, North-East

Coates Major E. F

Coats Sir T Glen

Renfrewshire ^W^st

Cobbold Felix

Ipswich

Cochrane Hon T

Ayrshire North

Collings Rt Hon J . .

Birmingham Bordesley

Collins Stephen . .

Lambeth Kennington

Collins Sir W J

St Pancras West

Condon, T. J

Tipperary East

Cooper, G. J

Southwark Bermondsey

Corbett, A. Cameron

Glasgow, Tradeston

Corbett C H

Sussex East Grinstead

Corbett T L

Down North

Cornwall Sir E

Bethnal Green North-East

Cory Clifford J.

Cornwall St Ives

Cotton, Sir H. J. S

Nottingham East

Courthope, G. Loyd

Sussex Rye

Cowan, W. H

Surrey, Guildford ....

Cox, Harold

Preston

Craig, C. C

Antrim, South

Craig, H. J

Tynemo uth

Craig, Capt. J.

Down East

Craik, Sir H

Glasgow University

Crean, E

Cork Co South-East

Crooks. William ,

\Voolwich .... ....

Crosfield, A. H

Warrington

373

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Party.

Cross, Alex | Glasgow, Camlachie

Crossley, W. J ' Cheshire, Altrincham

Cullinan, John Tipperary, South

Curran, Pete j Durham, Jarrow

Dalmeny, Lord

Dalrymple, Viscount

Dalziel, J. H

Davies, David

Davies, Ellis W

Davies, M. Vaughan-

Davies, Timothy

Davies, T. Hart

Davies, W. Howell

Delany, W

Dewar, Arthur ."...

Dewar, John A

Dickinson, W. H

Dickson-Poynder, Sir J. . .
Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir C. W.

Dillon, John

Dixon-Hartland, Sir F

Dobson, Thomas

Donelan, Capt. A. J. C.

Doughty, Sir George

Du Cros, A

Duckworth, Jas

Duffy, W. J

Duncan, Charles m .

Duncan, J. H

Duncan, R.

Dunn, A. E

Dunne, Major E. M

Edwards, A. Clement

Edwards, Enoch

Edwards, F

Ellis, J. E

Emmott, Alfred

Erskine, David

Esmonde, Sir T. G., Bart.

Essex, R. W

Esslemont, C. B

Evans, S. T

Everett, R. L

Faber, G. Denison

Faber, G. H

Faber, Capt. W. V.
Fardell, Sir T. G. .
Farrell, J. Patrick
Fell, Arthur

Edinburghshire

Wigtownshire

Kirkcaldy Burghs

Montgomeryshire

Carnarvon, Eifion

Cardiganshire

Fulham

Hackney, North

Bristol, South

Queen's Co., Ossory

Edinburgh, South

Inverness-shire ,

St. Pancras, North

Wiltshire, Chippenham

Gloucester, Forest of Dean

Mayo, East

Middlesex, Uxbridge

Plymouth

Cork Co., East

Great Grimsby

Hastings ,

Stockport

Galway, South ,

Barrow-in-Furness ,

Yorks., W.R., Otley

Lanark, Govan ,

Cornwall, Camborne

Walsall . .

Denbigh District

Hanley

Radnorshire

Nottingham, Rushcliffe

Oldham

Perthshire, West

Wexford, North

Gloucestershire, East ..

Aberdeen, South

Glamorganshire, Mid ..
Suffolk, Woodbridge ...

York

Boston

Hants., Andover ..
Paddington, South
Longford, North ..
Great Yarmouth ..

LU
L

N
Lab.

N
LU

N
LR

Lab.
L
L
L
L
N
L
L
L
L

C
L
C
C
N
C

374

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Member. Constituency.

Party.

Fen wick C ...

Northumberland, Wansbeck ....
Hnll. F.nst, .

Lab.
L

N
N
L
L

N
C
L
L

C
L
C

N
LR
N
L
L

L
L
C
LU
U
L
Soc.
L
L
U
L
L
L
L
C
U
L
L
N

L
Lab.

N
C

Ferens T R

Fetherstonhaugh G Fermanagh, North

Ff rench Peter Wexf ord . South

Field William

Dublin, St. Patrick's
Oxfordshire, Banbury

Findlay A

Lanark, North-East

Kerry North

Fletcher, Sir H. (see Aubrey-Fletch
Fletcher J S

er).
Hampstead

Flynn J C ....

Cork Co., North

Forster H W

Kent, Sevenoaks

Foster Sir Walter

Derbyshire, Ilkeston

Fuller J M F

Wilts., Westbury

Fullerton, Hugh

Cumberland, Egremont

Furniss Sir Chris

Hartlepool . . .".

Gardner Ernest

Berkshire, East, Wokingham...
Middlesex, Harrow

Gibb J

Gibbs G A

Bristol, West

Gilhooly James

Cork Co., West

Gill A H

Bolton

Ginnell L

Westmeath, North

Gladstone Rt Hon H J

Leeds West

Glendinning, R .

Antrim, North

Glen-Coats, Sir T. (see Coats, Sir T.
Glover Thomas

Glen-).
St Helens

Goddard D Ford

Ipswich

Gooch G P

Bath

Gooch H C

Camberwell Peckham

Gordon John

Londonderry, South

Goulding A E

\Vorcester

Grant Corrie

\Varwickshire, Rugby

Grayson Victor ...

Yorks, W.R., S., Colne Valley...
Peterborough

Greenwood G G .

Greenwood, Hamar

York

Gretton J

Rutlandshire

Grev, Sir E., Bart

Northumberland, Berwick

Griffith Ellis J

Anglesey

Grove, Archibald

Northamptonshire North

Guest, Hon Ivor C

Cardiff

Guiness, W

Bury St Edmunds

Guinness, Hon. R.

Shoreditch, Haggerston ....

Gulland, J. W

Dunlf ries Burghs . . . . ...

Gurdon, Sir W. B

Norfolk, North

Gwynn, S

Gal way

Haddock, G. B.

Lanes North Lonsdale

Haldane, Rt. Hon. R. B
Hall, Fred

Haddingtonshire

Yorks , Normanton

Halpin, Jas

Clare, West

Hamilton, Marquis of

Londonderry, City

375

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Party.

Harcourt Lewis V

Lanes., N.-E., Rossendale
Montrose Burghs

L
L
LR
L

L
L
N
U
C
L
L
L
LJ
N
L
C
N
L
N
N
C
L
L
L
C
L
LR
L
L
L
L
L
C
C
LU
L
L
LR
N
L
L
L
L
L
L
C
L
L
C
L

Harcourt, R. V

Hardie, J. Keir

Merthyr Tydvil

Hardy, G A .

Suffolk Stowmarket

Hardy, Laurence

Kent, Ashford

Harmood-Banner, J. S

Liverpool, Everton

Harmsworth, Cecil B

Worcester, Droitwich

Harmsworth, R. L

Caithness-shire

Harrington T

Dublin City, Harbour Division. . .
Tower Hamlets, Stepney
Yorks , Howdenshire

Harris Leverton

Harrison-Broadley, H B. ...

Harvey A G. C

Rochdale

Harwood, George

Bolton

Haslam, James

Derbyshire, Chesterfield
Monmouth District

Haslam Lewis

Haviland-Burke E

King's Co Tullamore

Haworth A A . .

Manchester South

Hay, Hon Claude

Shoreditch Hoxton

Hayden John P

Roscommon, South . . .

Hazel, Dr. A. E. W

AVest Bromwich

Hazleton, Richard

Galway, North

Healy, T. M

Louth, North

Heaton J Henniker

Canterbury

Heaton- Armstrong ^ff C

Suffolk Sudbury . .

Hedges A P

Kent Tunbridge

Helme Norval ^^atson

Helmsley Viscount

Yorks., Thirsk and Malton ....
Denbigh Ea^t

Hemmerde E G

Henderson Arthur ....

Durham, Barnard Castle
Aberdeenshire, West

Henderson J. Mc.D

Henry C S

Shropshire, Wellington

Herbert Col Ivor

Monmouth South

Herbert T A

Higham J S

Hill Sir Clement

Hill H Stavelev

Staffs., Kingswinford

Hills J W

Durham City

Hobart Sir Robert

Hobhouse C E

Bristol East

Hodge J

Tipperary, North

Holden E H

Lanes , Hey wood

Holland Sir W H

Yorks., W.R., Rotherham

Holt

Northumberland, Hexham

Hooper A G

Dudley

Fif eshire West

Somerset, North

TTrT-nKf7 Q-if "W TT

Chelsea

TTnrriHcr T G

Manchester, East

TToimtrm R T*

Liverpool, West Toxteth

Cumberland, Eskdale

376

THE HOUS

E OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Party.

Hudson Walter

Newcastle-on-Tyne

Hunt Rowland

Shropshire, Ludlow

Hutton A E

Yorks , W.R., Morlev

Wednesbury

Idris T H

Flint District

Illingworth P H

Yorks. , Shipley

Reading

Jackson R S .

Greenwich

Derbyshire Mid

Jardine Sir J ......

Roxburghshire

Chatham

Gateshead

Lab

Johnson \Villiam

Warwick, Nuneaton

Lab.

Joicey-Cecil, Lord J. (see Cecil,

Lord J. Joicey-).
Swansea District

Jones, Leif

Westmorland, Appleby

Jones \Villiam

Carnarvon, North, Arvon

Jordan J

Fermanagh, South

Jowett F W

Bradford, West

Jovce Alderman M

Limerick City

Joynson -Hicks "W

Manchester, North- West .

Kavanagh \V. M

Carlow County

Kearley HE ....

Devonport

Kekowich, Sir G. .

Exeter

Kelley, G. D

Manchester, South- West

Kennaway , Sir J. , Bart

Devonshire, East, Honiton ....

Kennedy V P

Cavan \Vest

Kerry Lord

Derbyshire ^West

Keswick \Villiam

Surrey Mid Epsom

Kettle, T M

Tyrone East .

Kilbride, D.

Kildare, South

Kimber, Sir H

\Vandsworth

Kincaid-Smith, Capt. . ...

Warwick, Stratford

King, A. J

Cheshire, Knutsf ord

King Sir H S

Hull Central

Laidlaw, R.

Rfip f TCI wsh i T*ft E B-st

Lamb, Edmund

Hereford Leominster

Lamb, Ernest

Rochester . ....

Lambert, G

Devon, South Molton

Lambton, Hon. F. W

Durham, South-East

Lament, Norman

Buteshire :

Lane-Fox, G R

Yorks Barkston Ash

Langley Batty

Sheffield AtterclifEe

Law, Bonar

D ulwich

Law, Hugh A

Donegal. West

Lavland-Barratt, F

Devon, Torquay

377

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

I'urty.

Member.

Constituency.

Lea, Hugh C

St Pan eras East

L
L

C
L
L
L
L
L
L
C
C
C
C
L
C
C
N
L
L
L
L
C

CJ
C
L
U
L
L
LR
LU
L
N
L
N
L
L
L
L
L
LR
N
N
N
Lab.
LU
L
L
L
L
L
C

Leese, Sir J. F

Lanes N -E Accrington

Lee. A. H

Hampshire Fareham

Lehmann, R. C

Leicestershire Harboro'

Lever, W. H

Cheshire. Wirril

Levy-Lever, A. L Essex. Harwich

Levy Maurice

Leicestershire, Loughboro'
Flint District

Lewis, J. H

Lloyd-George, D

Carnarvon District

Lockwood, Rt. Hon. M

Essex, West Epping

Long, Col. C. W

Worcester, South, Evesham
Dublin, South ... .

Long, Rt. Hon. W. H
Lonsdale, John B

Armagh. Mid

Lough, Thomas

Islington, West

Lowe, Sir Francis W

Birmingham, Edgbaston

Lowther, Rt. Hon. J. W.

Cumberland, Mid, Penrith
Limerick Co East

Lundon, "W

Lupton, Arnold

Lincolnshire Sleaford

Luttrell, H. F

Devonshire, Tavistock
Dorset, East

Lyell, C

Lynch, H. F. B

Yorks., Ripon

Lyttleton A

St. George's, Hanover Square..
Liverpool Kirkdale

Me Arthur

Mc.Calmont, Col. J

Antrim, East

Mc.Callum, J. M

Paisley

Me. Caw,

Down \Vest

Mc.Crae, G

Edinburgh, East

Macdonald, J. Murray

Falkirk Burphs

Macdonald, J. R

Leicester

Me Iver Sir L

Edinburgh West

Mackarness F C

Berkshire Newbury

M'Kean John .

Monaghan South

Me Kenna R

Monmouthshire, North

Me Killop William .

Armagh, South ...

Maclean Donald

Bath

McLaren, Sir C. B

Leicester, West, Bosworth
Staffs West

MacLaren H D

Mc.Micking, Major G

Kirkcudbrightshire

Macnamara Dr T J

Camberwell North

Macpherson J T

Preston

MacNeill J G Swift

Donegal, South

MacVeagh Chas

Donegal, East

Down South

Maddison F W

Burnley

Mallet C E

Plymouth

Manfield Harry

Northampton, East

Mansfield H R

Lincolnshire, Spalding

Markham A B

Notts Mansfield

Cornwall, Launceston

Marks H H

Kent, Isle of Thanet

378

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Marnham, F. J

Mason, A. E. Woodley

Mason, J. Francis

Massie, Dr. J

Masterman, C. F. G

Meager, Michael

Mechan, F

Meehan, P. A I Queen's Co., Leix .

Menzies, W j Lanark, South

Meysey-Thompson, E. C j Staffs., Handsworth

Micklem, N I Herts., Watford

Middlebrook, I Leeds, South

Middlemore, J. T Birmingham, North

Surrey, Chertsey ..

Coventry

Windsor ,

Wilts., Cricklade ..
West Ham, North
Kilkenny, North .,
Lei trim, North

Mildmay, F. B

Mitchell-Thomson, W

Molteno, Percy A ,

Mond, Alfred

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Montagu, E. S

Montgomery, H. G

Mooney, J. J

Moore, W

Morgan, G. Hay

Morgan, J. Lloyd

Morse, L. L

Morrison- Bell, Captain E. F.

Morpeth, Viscount

Morrell, Philip

Morton, A. C

Muldon, N

Munro-Ferguson, R. C

Muntz, Sir P. A

Murnaghan, G

Murphy, John

Murphy, W. J

Murray, Hon. A. O

Murray, James

Murray, Captain

Myer, Horatio

Nannetti, J. P

Napier, T. B

Newnes, Frank

Newnes, Sir G

Nicholls, George

Nicholson, C. N

Nicholson, W. Grant

Nield, Herbert

Nolan, Jos

Norton, Capt. C

Norman, Henry

Devonshire, South, Totnes . .

Lanark, North- West

Dumfriesshire

Chester

Paddington, North

Cambs., Chesterton

Somerset, Bridgwater

Newry

Armagh, North

Cornwall, Truro

Carmarthenshire, West

Wilts., Wilton

Devon, Ashburton

Birmingham, South

Oxfordshire, Henley

Sutherland

Wicklow, East

Leith Burghs

Warwicks., North, Tarn worth.

Tyrone, Mid

Kerry, East

Kilkenny, South

Peebles and Selkirk

Aberdeen shire, East

Kincardineshire

Lambeth, North

Dublin, College Green

Kent, Faversham

Notts., Bassetlaw

Swansea Town

Northamptonshire, North ....

Yorks., Doncaster

Hampshire, East, Petersfield.

Middlesex, Baling

Louth, South

Newington, West

Wolverhampton, South

379

Member.

THE HOUSE OP COMMONS.

Constituency.

Nugent, Sir W.
Nuttall, H. .

O'Brien, Kendall

O'Brien, Patrick

O^Brien, William

O'Connor, James

O'Connor, John

O'Connor, T. P

O'Doherty, Philip

O'Donnell, C. J

O'Donnell, John

O'Donnell, Thomas

O'Dowd, John

O'Grady, J

O'Hare, Patrick

O'Kelly, Conor

O'Kellv, J. J

O'Malley, William

O'Neill, Hon. Robert T

O'Shaughnessy, P. J

O'Shee, J. J

Oddy, J. J

Osmond- Williams, A. (see William

Parker, Sir Gilbert

Parker, J

Parkes, E

Partington, O

Paul, Herbert

Paulton, J. M

Pearce, Robert i Staffs., Leek

Pearce, William l Tower Hamlets, Limehouse

Westmeath, South ....
Lanes., Stretford ..

Tipperary, Mid

Kilkenny

Cork, City

Wicklow, West

Kildare, North

Liverpool, Scotland ....

Donegal, North

Newington, Wai worth

Mayo, South

Kerry, West

Sligo, South

Leeds, East

Monaghan, North

Mayo, North

Roscommon, North ....
Galway, Connemara . .

Antrim, Mid

Limerick, West

Waterford, West

Yorks., W.R., Pudsey
s, A. Osmond-).

Gravesend '

Halifax i

Birmingham, Central j

Derbyshire, High Peak j

Northampton

Durham, Bishop Auckland i

Pearson, H

Pearson, Sir W

Pease, H. Pike

Pease, Joseph A

Percy, Earl

Perks, R. W

Philipps, Col. Ivor

Phillips, John N

Philipps, Owen C

Pickersgill, E. H

Pirie, V. Duncan

Pollard, Dr. G. H

Suffolk, Eye

Colchester

Darlington

Essex, Saffron Walden

Kensington, South

Lincolnshire, Louth |

Southampton j

Longford, South J

Pembroke and Haverfordwest. . . !
Bethnal Green, South- West ...i

Aberdeen, North j

Lanes., Eccles !

Stirling Burghs i

Ponsonby, A.

Powell, Sir F. S., Bart i Wigan

Power, P. J j Waterford, East

Price, C. E i Edinburgh, Central ..

Price, R. J j Norfolk, East

Piirtv.

N
N
N
N
N
N
N
L
N
N
N
LR
N
N
N
N
C
N
N
C

LR
LU
L
L
L
L
L
L
L

LU
L
C
L
L
N
L
L
L
L
L
C
N
L
L

380

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Party.

L
L
L

L
L
C
L
C
LU
C
L
L
N
N
N
L
C
L
L
U
LR
Lab.
L
L
L
L
L
LR
L
L
C
L
L
L
L
L
N
N
L
L
U
C
L
LU
L
L
L
C
L
C

Priestley Arthur

Grantham

Priestley W E B

Bradford, East

Pullar Sir R -

Perth

Radford George H

Islington East

Rainy Dr A R

Kilmarnock Burghs

Randies Sir J

Cumberland, Cockermouth
Derbyshire, South

Raphael H H

Rasch Sir Carne

Essex, Chelmsford

Ratcliff, Major R. F
Rawlinson J F P

Staffs Burton

Cambridge University

Rea Russell

Gloucester

Rea Walter R

Scarboro'

Reddy M

King's County, Birr

Redmond John E

Waterford

Redmond William H K ....

Clare, East

Rees J D

IVTontcromfirv District

Remnant J F Finsbury, Holborn ..

Rendall A ; n-loiinaater. Thornhnrv

Renton Major Leslie

Lincolnshire, Gainsboro'

Renwick G

Newcastle-on-Tyne

Richards T F

Wol verhampton, West

Richards Tom

Monmouthshire, West

Richardson A

Nottingham, South

Rickett J C

Yorks. , Osgoldcross

Ridsdale E A

Brighton

Robarte'' Hon T C R

Cornwall, Mid, St. Austell ....
Lincoln

Roberts Chas H

Roberts G H

Norwich

Roberts J Bryn

Carnarvonshire Eifion

Roberts John Herbert

Denbighshire \Vest

Roberts Samuel

Sheffield Ecclesall ... .

Robertson, Sir George Scott
Robertson J M

Bradford Central

Northumberland, Tyneside ....

Brfinlcn nplrshirft

Pvobinson Sydney

Robson, Sir W. South Shields

Roch, W. ' Pembrokeshire

Roche, J

Galway, East

Roe, Sir Thomas

Derby

Rogers F Newman

Wilfs n\/i7Aa

Ronaldshay Lord \ Middlesex Hornsey

Ropner, Sir Robert Stockton

Rose, C. D Cambs Newmarket . . .

Rothschild, Hon. L. W. . Bucks , Mid, Aylesbury ....

Rowlands, James i Kent, Dartford . .

Runciman, Walter (jun.) Dewsbury

RuSSell, T. W. TVrnn Srmt.Vi

Rutherford, John

Lanes Darwen

Rutherford, Dr. V. H. .

IVTiHrllfiSftv Rrftn tf nrH

Rutherford, W. Watson Liverpool, West Derby

381

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Party

Salter,

Samuel, H. L

Samuel, S. M

Sandys, Lieut.-Col. T. M

Sassoon, Sir E

Scarisbrick, T. T. L

Schwann, C. D

Schwann, Sir C. E

Scott, A. H

Scott, Sir S

Sears, J. E

Seaverns, J. H

'Seddon, J. A

Seely, J. E. Bernard

Shackleton, D. J

Shaw, Charles E

Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thos

Sheehan, D. D

Sheehy, David

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Sherwell, A. J

Shipman, Dr. J. G

Silcock, T. B

Simon, J. A

Sinclair, Rt. Hon. J

Sloan, T. H

Smeaton, D. Mc.Kenzie

Smith, A. H

Smith, F. E

Smith, Hon. W. F. D

Smyth, Thos. J

Snowden, Philip

Soames, A. W

Scares, E. J

Spicer, Albert

Stanger, H. Y

Stanier, Beville

Stanley, A

Stanley, Hon. Arthur

Stanley, Hon. A. Lyulph

Starkey , John R

Steadman, William C

Stewart, Halley

Stewart-Smith, D

Stone, Sir J. B

Strachey, Sir Edward

Straus, B. S

Strauss, E. A

Stuart, James

Stuart-Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. ...

Summerbell, T. R

Sutherland, J. E

Berks., Basingstoke LU

Yorks., Cleveland L

Tower Hamlets, Whitechapel...| L

Lanes., South- West, Bootlo C

Hythe C

Dorset, South | L

Cheshire, Hyde j L

Manchester, North | L

Ashton-under-Lyne j L

Marylebone, West C

Cheltenham L

Lambeth, Brixton L

Lanes., Newton LR

Liverpool, Abercromby L

Lanes., Clitheroe LR

Stafford j L

Hawick Burghs L

Cork Co., Mid N

Meath, South N

Lincolnshire, Brigg U

Huddersfield L

Northampton L

Somerset, Wells L

Essex, Walthamstow L

Forf arshire L

Belfast, South C

Stirlingshire L

Herts., East C

Liverpool, Walton C

Strand C

Leitrim, South N

Blackburn LR

Norfolk, South L

Devonshire, Barnstaple L

Hackney, Central' L

Kensington, North L

Shropshire, Newport C

Staffs., North-West L

Lanes., South- West, Ormsklrk. C

Cheshire, Eddisbury L

Notts., Newark C

Finsbury, Central Lab.

Greenock L

Westmorland, Kendal I L

Birmingham, East | C

Somerset, South i L

Tower Hamlets, Mile End ....i L

Berkshire, North | L

Sunderland j L

Sheffield, Hallam | C

Sunderland LR

Elgin Burghs j L

382

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Party.

Talbot, Lord Edmund

Sussex, S.W Chichester

L
Lab.
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L
L '

LR
L
C
L
L
L
L
L
C
C

C
L
L
C
L

Lab.
N
L
C
C
LR
L
L
L
Lab.
C
LR
L
L
L
L
L
L
L

Talbot, Rt. Hon. J. G

Oxford University

Taylor Austin

Liverpool East Toxteth

Taylor J W

Durham, Chester-le-Street
Lanes., Radcliffe-cum-Farnw'th
Salisbury

Taylor T C

Tennant, E. P

Tennant, H. J

Berwickshire

Thomas, F. Freeman

Bodmin

Thomas Abel

Carmarthenshire East

Thomas, Sir Alfred

Glamorgan, East

Thomas, D. A

Merthyr Tydvil

Thomasson, F

Leicester

Thompson, J. W. H

Somerset, East

Thomson, W. Mitchell- (see Mitche
Thorne, W

H-Thomson).
West Ham, South

Thorne,

Wolverhampton East

Thornton, P. M

Clapham

Tillett, Louis J

Norwich

Tomkinson, J Cheshire, Crewe

Torrance, A. M Glasgow. rWitm,l

Toulmin, G

Bury

Trevelyan C P

Yorks W R Elland

Tuke Sir J Batty

Edinburgh & St. Andrew's Univ.
Sussex Horsham

Tumour Viscount

Ure A

Linlithgow AVest Lothian

Valentia, Viscount

Oxford

Verney F W

Bucks Buckingham

Villiers, E. A

Brighton

Vincent, Sir C. Howard

Sheffield, Central

Vivian, Henry

Birkenhead

Wadsworth, J

Yorks Hallamshire

Waldron, L. A ;

Dublin, St. Stephen's Green ...
Leicestershire Melton

Walker, H. de Rosenbach . ..

Walker, Col. W. Hall

Lanes. , \Vidnes

Walrond, Hon. Lionel

Devon, Tiverton

Walsh, Stephen

Lanes. , Ince

Walters W Tudor

Sheffield Brightside

\Valton Joseph

Yorks W R Barnsley

Ward, Hon. Dudley

Southampton

Ward, John

Stoke-on-Trent

Warde, Col. C. E

Kent Mid Medway

Wardle, G. J

Stockport

Waring, Captain L

Banff shire

Warner, T. C. T

Staffs Lichfield

\Vason, Eugene

Clackmannan and Kinross
Orkney and Shetland

Wason, J. Cathcart

Waterlow, D. S

Islington North

Watt, H. Anderson

Glasgow, College

Wedgwood, J. C

Newcastle-under-Lyme

383

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Member.

Constituency.

Party.
L

L
L
L
L
N
L
L
L
L
LR
L
Lab.
C
L
L
C
L
C
L
Lab.
Lab.
L
L
LR
L
L
L
C
L
C

N
C
L

Weir, J. Galloway

Ross and Cromarty

Whitbread, S. Howard

Hunts., Huntingdon

White, George

Norfolk North-West

White, J. Dundas

Dumbartonshire

W T hite, Luke

Yor ks. , B uckrose

White, Patrick

Meath, North

Whitehead, Rowland

Essex, South-East

Whitley, J. H

Halifax

Whittaker T P

Yorks., W.R., E., Spen Valley...
Islingtoi' South

Wiles Thomas

Wilkie Alex

Dundee

Williams, A Osmond

Merionethshire

Williams, J

Glamorganshire Gower

Williams, Col. R

Dorset, West . .

Williams, W. Llewel vn

Carmarthen District. .

Williamson, A

Elgin and Nairn

Willoughby de Eresby, Lord

Lincolnshire, Horncastle

Wills A W

Dorset North

Wilson A S

Yorks E R Holderness

\Vilson Henry Joseph

Yorks., W.R., S., Holmfirth . ...
Middlesbro'

"\Vilson j Havelock

^^ilson John

Durham, Mid

^^ilson John "W

Worcestershire, North, Oldbury
St. Pancras, South

Wilson P W ...

Wilson, W T

Lanes. , Westhoughton

AVilson Guy

Hull, West

Winfrey, R.

Norfolk, South

Norfolk Mid

Wolff Gustav W

Belfast, East

Wood T Me Kinnon

Glasgow, St. Rollox

V^yndham George

Dover

Cavan East

Younger G

Ayr Burghs

Yoxall J H

Nottingham, West

STATE OF PARTIES.

Conservatives and Union

ists 165

370

Labour, Trade Union Par
Labour Representation P

tv 22

ar t v 30

670

384

PKESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMEBICA.

YEAR.

Declaration of Independence 4th July, 1776

General Washington, first President 1789 and 1793

John Adams 1797

Thomas Jefferson 1801 and 1805

James Madison 1809 and 1813

James Monroe 1817 and 1821

John Quincy Adams 1825

General Andrew Jackson 1829 and 1833

Martin Van Buren 1837

General William Henry Harrison (died 4th April) 1841

John Tyler (previously Vice-President) 1841

James Knox Polk 1845

General Zachary Taylor (died 9th July, 1850) 1849

Millard Fillmore (previously Vice-President) 1850

General Franklin Pierce 1853

James Buchanan . 1857

Abraham Lincoln (assassinated 14th April, 1865) 1861 and 1865

Andrew Johnson (previously Vice-President) 1865

General Ulysses S. Grant 1869 and 1873

Rutherford Richard Hayes, after long contest with Tilden 1877

General Garfield (shot July 2 ; died September 19) 1881

Chester A. Arthur, Vice-President, succeeded September 20 1881

Grover Cleveland 1885

General Benjamin Harrison 1889

Grover Cleveland 1893

WiUiam M'Kinley 1896

William M'Kinley (shot September 6th, 1901; died September 14th) .... 1900

Theodore Roosevelt 1901

re-elected 1904

WiUiam Howard Taf t . . . 1908

The United States of America form a Federal Republic, consisting of 45
States and 5 Territories.

385

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387

THE TIME ALL OVEK THE WORLD.

When
places is a

Boston, U.
Dublin ..

the clock at
s follows :

Grreenwich po

H. M.

7 18a.m.
11 35 a.m.
11 47 a.m.
11 43 a.m.
11 43 a.m.
11 45 a.m.
7 14 a.m.
11 38 a.m.
6 59 a.m.
7 15 a.m.
9 11 p.m.
12 19 p.m
1 35 p.m.
12 54 p.m.
12 30 p.m.
4 52 p m.
12 17 p.m.
5 54 p.m.
1 14 p.m.
1 56 p.m.

3ulation, the t
At places eas
ier ; for unifo
eat Britain an

ints to Noon

Copenhagen
Florence

the time at t

he various

H. M.

12 50 p.m.
12 45 p.m.
2 21 p.m.
5 21 p.m.
12 58 p.m.
9 40 p.m.
2 30 p.m.
12 46 p.m.
12 9 p.m.
7 46 p.m.
12 58 p.m.
12 50p.m.
12 18 p.m.
2 1 p.m.
2 10 p.m.
10 5 p.m.
1 12 p.m.
37 p.m.
1 6 p.m.

lour of our
ne is later,
ich time is

Edinburgh
Glasgow
Lisbon . .

Jerusalem

Madras

Malta . .

Madrid . .
New York,
Penzance
Philadelph
Quebec . .
Adelaide, ^
Amsterdan
Athens

U.S.'.. .'.

Melbourne, Australia ....
Moscow . .

Munich

ia, U.S

Australia
i

Paris

Pekin

Prague . . .

Rome

Rotterdam

Berlin . .
Berne

St. Petersburg
Suez

Bombay
Brussels
Calcutta
Capetown
Constantin

Hence
day may b
and west c
kept at all

Sydney, Aus
Stockholm .

tralia

Stuttgardt

Vienna

ople

by a little cal<
3 ascertained.
>f London, ear
railways in Gr

ime for those places at any '.
t of London the apparent til
rarity sake, however, Greenw
d Ireland.

TOTAL GROSS AMOUNT OF INCOME BROUGHT UNDER THE
OF THE INLAND REVENUE DEPARTMENT.

REVIEW

Year.

England.

Scotland.

Ireland.

United Kingdom.

Year.

1892-3
1893-4
1894-5
1895-6
1896-7
1897-8
1898-9
1899-1900
1900-1
1901-2
1902-3
1903-4
1904-5
1905-6
1906-7

585,650,046
580,041,683
564,098,584
583,966,579
607,112,810
633,293,018
657,212,406
682,020,599
719,354,160
749,127,300
760,844,311
781,661,273
789,681,212
801,690,717
816,854,364

62,076,761
61,632,540
61,328,840
62,143,688
65,350,653
68,548,264
72,209,602
76,213,242
79,962,343
83,515,877
84,218,290
86,004,343
87,010,655
87,150,635
88,749,171

31,763,710
32,037,765
31,669,653
31,659,583
32,278,145
32,619,964
33,245,301
33,501,572
34,039,010
34,350,276
34,575,945
35,092,969
35,437,813
36,343,204
38,098,479
1

679,490,517
673,711,988
657,097,077
677,769,850
704,741,608
734,461,246
762,667,309
791,735,413
833,355,513
866,993,453
879,638,546
902,758,585
912,129,680
925,184,556
943,702,014

1892-3
1893-4
1894-5
1895-6
1896-7
1897-8
1898-9
1899-1900
1900-1
1901-2
1902-3
1903-4
1904-5
1905-6
1906-7

388

BAEOMETEE INSTEUCTIONS.

COMPILED BY THE LATE ADMIRAL FITZROY, F.R.S.

The barometer should be set regularly by a duly-authorised person, about
sunrise, noon, and sunset.

The words on scales of barometers should not be so much regarded ior
weather indications as the RISING or FALLING of the mercury ; for if it stand at
CHANGEABLE (29'50) and then rise towards FAIR (30-00) it presages a change of
wind or weather, though not so great as if the mercury had risen higher ; and,
on the contrary, if the mercury stand above FAIR and then fall it presages a
change, though not to so great a degree as if it had stood lower ; beside which,
the direction and force of wind are not in any way noticed.

It is not from the point at which the mercury may stand that we are alone
to form a judgment of the state of the weather, but from its RISING or FALLING,
and from the movements of immediately PRECEDING days as well as hours,
keeping in mind effects of change of DIRECTION, and dryness or moisture, as
well as alteration of force or strength of wind.

It should always be remembered that the state of the air FORETELLS
COMING weather rather than shows the weather that is PRESENT an invaluable
fact too often overlooked that the longer the time between the signs and the
change foretold by them the longer such altered weather will last ; and, on the
contrary, the less the time between a warning and a change the shorter will be
the continuance of such foretold weather.

If the barometer has been about its ordinary height, say near 30 inches at
the sea-level, and is steady on rising, while the thermometer falls and dampness
becomes less, north-westerly, northerly, north-easterly wind, or less wind, less
rain or snow may be expected.

On the contrary, if a fall takes place with a rising thermometer and in-
creased dampness, wind and rain may be expected from the south-eastward,
southward, or south-westward. A fall with low thermometer foretells snow.

When the barometer is rather below its ordinary height, say down to
near 29 inches (at sea-level), a rise foretells less wind, or a change in its
direction towards the northward, or less wet ; but when it has been very low,
about 29 inches, the first rising usually precedes or indicates strong wind at
times heavy squalls from the north-westward, northward, or north-eastward,
AFTER which violence a gradually rising glass foretells improving weather ; if
the thermometer falls, but if the warmth continues, probably the wind will
back (shift against the sun's course), and more southerly or south-westerly wind
will follow, especially if the barometer rise is sudden.

The most dangerous shifts of wind, or the HEAVIEST northerly gales, happen
soon after the barometer first rises from a very low point ; or if the wind veers
GRADUALLY at some time afterwards.

389

BAROMETER INSTRUCTIONS.

Indications of approaching change of weather and the direction and force
of winds are shown less by the height of the barometer than by its falling or
rising. Nevertheless, a height of more than 30 (3OOO) inches (at the level of
the sea) is indicative of fine weather and MODERATE winds, except from east to
north, OCCASIONALLY.

A rapid rise of the barometer indicates unsettled weather, a slow movement
the contrary ; as likewise a STEADY barometer, when continued and with
dryness, foretells very fine weather.

A rapid and considerable fall is a sign of stormy weather, and rain or snow.
Alternate rising and sinking indicates unsettled or threatening weather.

The greatest depressions of the barometer are with gales from S.E., S., or
S.W. ; the greatest deviations, with wind from N.W., N., or N.E., or with calm.

A sudden fall of the barometer, with a westerly wind, is sometimes followed
by a violent storm from N.W., N., or N.E.

If a gale sets in from the E. or S.E., and the wind veers by the south, the
barometer will continue falling until the wind is near a marked change, when
a lull MAY occur ; after which the gale will soon be renewed, perhaps suddenly
and violently, and the veering of the wind towards the N.W., N., or N.E. will
be indicated by a rising of the barometer, with a fall of the thermometer.

After very warm and calm weather a storm or squall, with rain, may follow ;
likewise at any time when the atmosphere is HEATED much above the USUAL
temperature of the season.

To know the state of the air not only the barometer AND THERMOMETER,
but appearances of the sky should be vigilantly watched.

SIGNS OF WEATHER.

Whether clear or cloudy, a rosy sky at sunset presages fine weather ; a red
sky in the morning, bad weather or much wind, perhaps rain ; a grey sky in
the morning, fine weather ; a high dawn, wind ; a low dawn, fair weather.*

Soft-looking or delicate clouds foretell fine weather, with moderate or light
breezes ; hard-edged, oily-looking clouds, wind. A dark, gloomy, blue sky is
windy, but a light, bright blue sky indicates fine weather. Generally, the
softer the clouds look, the less wind (but perhaps more rain) may be expected ;
and the harder, more " greasy," rolled, tufted, or ragged, the stronger the coming
wind will prove. Also a bright yellow sky at sunset presages wind ; a pale yellow,
wet; and thus, by the prevalence of red, yellow, or grey tints, the coming
weather may be foretold very nearly indeed, if aided by instruments, almost
exactly.

* A high dawn is when the first indications of daylight are seen above a bank of clouds.
A low dawn is when the day breaks on or near the horizon, the first streaks of light being
very low down.

390

BAROMETER INSTRUCTIONS.

Small inky -looking clouds foretell rain ; light scud clouds driving across
heavy masses show wind and rain, but if alone may indicate wind only.

High upper clouds crossing the sun, moon, or stars in a direction different
from that of the lower clouds, or the wind then felt below, foretell a change of
wind.

After fine, clear weather the first signs in the sky of a coming change are
usually light streaks, curls, wisps, or mottled patches of white distant clouds,
which increase, and are followed by an overcasting of murky vapour that grows
into cloudiness. This appearance, more or less oily or watery as wind or rain
will prevail, is an infallible sign.

Light, delicate, quiet tints or colours, with soft, undefined forms of clouds,
indicate and accompany fine weather ; but gaudy or unusual hues, with hard,
definitely-outlined clouds, foretell rain, and probably strong wind.

When sea-birds fly out early and far to seaward, moderate wind and fair
weather may be expected. When they hang about the land, or over it, some-
times flying inland, expect a strong wind, with stormy weather. As many
creatures besides birds are affected by the approach of rain or wind, such
indications should not be slighted by an observer who wishes to foresee
weather.

Remarkable clearness of atmosphere near the horizon, distant objects
such as hills unusually visible, or raised (by refraction),* and what is called a
"good HEARING day," may be mentioned among signs of wet, if not wind, to
be expected.

More than usual twinkling of the stars, indistinctness or apparent multi-
plication of the moon's horns, haloes, "wind-dogs" (fragments or pieces of
rainbows, sometimes called "wind-galls") seen on detached clouds, and the
rainbow, are more or less significant of increasing wind, if not approaching
rain with or without wind.

Lastly, the dryness or dampness of the air, and its temperature (for the
season), should ALWAYS be considered WITH OTHER indications of change or
continuance of wind and weather.

On barometer scales the following contractions may be useful :-

RISE

FOR

N.E.LY

(N.W.-N.-E.)
DRY

LESS
WIND.

EXCEPT

WET FROM

N.ED.

FALL

FOR

S.W.LY

(S.E.-S.-W.)

WET

MORE
WIND.

EXCEPT
WET FROM

N.ED.

When the wind shifts against the sun,
Trust it not, for back it will run.

FIRST rise after very low
Indicates a stronger blow.

Long foretold long last ;
Short notice soon past.

* Much refraction is a sign of easterly wind.

391

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402

VALUE OF THE TOTAL IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF

WITH PROPORTION THEREOF PER

The values of the Imports represent the cost, insurance, and freight ; or,
values of the Exports represent the cost and the charges of delivering

YEARS.

TOTAL IMPORTS.

EXPORTS OF BRITISH PRODUCE.

Total Value.

Proportion per
Head of
Population of
United Kingdom.

Total Value.

Proportion per
Head of
Population of
United Kingdom.

s. d.

1888

387,635,743

10 10 3

234,534,912

672

1889

427,637,595 11 10 1

248,935,195

6 13 11

1890

420,691,997 11 4 6

263,530,585

707

1891

435,441,264

11 10 5

247,235,150

6 10 10

1892

423,793,882

11 2 3

*227,216,399

5 19 2

1893

404,688,178

10 10 3

218,259,718

5 13 5

1894

408,344,810

10 10 2

216,005,637

5 11 2

1895

416,689,658

10 12 6

226,128,246

5 15 4

1896

441,808,904

11 3 2

240,145,551

614

1897

451,028,960

11 5 7

234,219,708 5 17 2

1898

470,544,702

11 13 1

233,359,240 5 15 7

1899

485,035,583

11 17 11

t264,492,211

699

1900

523,075,163

12 14 3

291,191,996

716

1901

521,990,198

12 11 3

280,022,876

6 14 9

1902

528,391,274

12 11 10

283,423,966 6 15 1

1903

542,600,289

12 16 1

290,800,108

6 17 3

1904

551,038,628

12 17 6

300,711,040

706

1905

565,019,917

13 1 5

329,816,614

7 12 7

1906

607,888,500

13 18 6

375,575,338

8 12

1907

645,807,942

14 12 11

426,035,083

9 13 3

NOTE. The above Accounts are exclusive of Bullion and Specie
* Tobacco manufactured in bond was included with the Exports of Foreign
has been included under the
t Inclusive of the value of ships and boats (new) with their
these Exports was not included in

403

MERCHANDISE INTO AND FROM THE UNITED KINGDOM,
HEAD OF TOTAL POPULATION.

when goods are consigned for sale, the latest sale value of such goods. The
the goods on board the ship, and are known as the " free on board " values.

EXPORTS.

TOTAL OF IMPORTS AND EXPORTS.

YEARS.

Of Foreign
and Colonial
Produce.

Total Exports.

Total Value.

Proportion per
Head of
Population of
United Kingdom.

s. d.

64,042,629

298,577,541

686,213,284

18 12 2

1888

66,657,484

315,592,679 743,230,274

19 19 10

1889

64,721,533

328,252,118

748,944,115

19 19 7

1890

61,878,568

309,113,718

744,554,982

19 13 11

1891

*64,423,767

291,640,166 715,434,048

18 15 3

1892

58,878,552

277,138,270

681,826,448

17 14 3

1893

57,780,230

273,785,867

682,130,677

17 11 1

1894

59,704,161

285,832,407

702,522,065

17 18 3

1895

56,233,663

296,379,214

738,188,118

18 12 10

1896

59,954,410

294,174,118 745,203,078

18 12 9

1897

60,654,748

294,013,988 764,558,690

18 18 8

1898

65,042,447

329,534,658

814,570,241

19 19 7

1899

63,181,758

354,373,754

877,448,917

21 6 5

1900

67,841,892

347,864,268

869,854,466

20 18 8

1901

65,814,813

349,238,779

877,630,053

20 18 4

1902

69,573,564
70,304,281

360,373,672
371,015,321

902,973,961
922,053,949

21 6 3
21 10 11

1903
1904

77,779,913

407,596,527

972,616,444

22 10 1

1905

85,102,480

460,677,818

1,068,566,318

24 9 6

1906

91,942,084

517,977,167

1,163,785,109

26 7 10

1907

and of Foreign Merchandise transhipped under Bond,
and Colonial Produce prior to 1892. In that and subsequent years it
head of British Produce
machinery in 1899 and subsequent years. The value of
the returns prior to the year 1899.

404

MEMOEANDA AS TO ACTS OF PAELIAMENT RESTRAINING

EXPORTATION OF TOOLS &C. USED IN COTTON LlNEN WOOLLEN

AND SILK MANUFACTURES.

T)Y Act of 14 Geo. III. c. 75 being "An Act to prevent the
-*-^ Exportation to Foreign Parts of Utensils made use of in the
Cotton Linen Woollen and Silk Manufactures of this Kingdom "
persons were prohibited from exporting "Tools or Utensils" used
in the Cotton Linen Woollen and Silk Manufactures of the
Kingdom.

By Act of 21 Geo. III. c. 37 being an Act to explain and amend
the last-mentioned Act it was enacted

That if at any time after the 24th day of June 1781 any person or persons
in Great Britain or Ireland shall upon any pretence whatsoever load
or put on board or pack or cause or procure to be loaden put on board
or packed in order to be loaded or put on board of any ship or vessel
which shall not be bound directly to some port or place in Great
Britain or Ireland or shall lade or cause or procure to be laden on
board any boat or other vessel or shall bring or cause to be brought to
any quay wharf or other place in order to be so laden or put on board
any such ship or vessel any machine engine tool press paper utensil or
implement whatsoever which now is or at any time or times hereafter
shall or may be used in or proper for the preparing working pressing
finishing or completing of the Woollen Cotton Linen or Silk Manu-
factures of this Kingdom or any or either of them or any other goods
wherein Wool Cotton Linen or Silk or any or either of them are or is
used or any part or parts of such machine engine tool press paper
utensil or implement by what name or names soever the same shall
be called or known; or any model or plan or models or plans of any
such machine engine tool press paper utensil or implement or any
part or parts thereof.

Any Justice might grant a warrant to seize the machines &c. and
on conviction the person offending should forfeit the machines &c.
and a sum of 200 and be imprisoned for twelve months without
bail and until the forfeiture should be paid.

Penalties were also imposed on the Masters of Ships and
Custom House Officers conniving at any offence and on persons
making machines &c.

405

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406

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407

THE ENGLISH MILE COMPARED WITH OTHER
EUROPEAN MEASURES.

English Statute Mile ..
English Geog. Mile

Kilometre

German Geog. Mile

Russian Verst

Austrian Mile

Dutch Ure

Norwegian Mile

Swedish Mile

Danish Mile

Swiss Stunde

English
Statute Mile,

1-000
1-153
0-621
4-610
0-663
4-714
3-458
7-021
6-644
4-682
2-987

English
Geog. Mile.

0-867
1-000
0-540
4-000
0-575
4-089
3-000
6-091
5-764
4-062
2-592

French
Kilometre.

German
Geog. Mile.

1-609
1-855
1-000
7-420
1-067
7-586
5-565
11-299
10-692
7-536
4-808

0-217
0-250
0-135
1-000
0-144
1-022
0-750
1-523
1-441
1-016
0-648

Russian
Verst.

1-508
1-738
0-937
6-953
1-000
7-112
5-215
10-589
10-019
7-078
4-505

Austrian
Mile.

Dutch
Ure.

Norwe-
gian Mile

Swedish
Mile.

Danish
Mile.

Swiss
Stunde.

English Statute Mile .
English Geog. Mile . . .

Kilometre

German Geog. Mile . . .

Russian Verst

Austrian Mile

Dutch Ure

Norwegian Mile

Swedish Mile . . ,

Danish Mile

Swiss Stunde

0-212
0-245
0-132
0-978
0-141
1-000
0-734
1-489
1-409
0-994
0-634

0-289
0-333
0-180
1-333
0-192
1-363
1-000
2-035
1-921
1-354
0-864

0-142
0-164
0-088
0-657
0-094
0-672
0-493
1-000
0-948
0-667
0-425

0-151
0-169
0-094
0-694
0-100
0-710
0-520
1-057
1-000
0-705
0-449

0-213
0-246
0-133
0-985
0-142
1-006
0-738
1-499
1-419
1-080
0-638

0-335
0-386
0-208
1-543
0-222
1-578
1-157
2-350
2-224
1-567
1-000

408

TABLE SHOWING THE NUMBER OF DAYS FROM ANY DAY OF ONE
MONTH TO THE SAME DAY OF ANY OTHER MONTH.
NUMBER OF DA$"S FROM DAY TO DAY.

FROM TO

JAN.

FEB.

MAR.

APRIL

MAY

JUNE

JULY

AUG.

SEPT.
243

OCT.

Nov.

DEC.

JANUARY . .

365

120

151

181

212

273

304

334

FEBRUARY..

334

365

120

150

181

212

242

273

303

MARCH

306

337

365

122

153

184

214

245

275

APRIL

275

306

334

365

122

153

183

214

244

MAY

245

276

304

335

365

123

153

184

214

JUNE

214

245

273

304

334

365

122

153'

183

JULY

184

215

243

274

304

335

365

123

153

AUGUST . . .

153

184

212

243

273

304

334

365

122

SEPTEMBER

122

153

181

212

242

273

303

334

365

OCTOBER . .

123

151

182

212

243

273

304

335

365

NOVEMBER.

120

151

181

212

242

273

304

334

365

DECEMBER.

121

151

182

212

243

274

304

335

365

Example of Use of Table: To find the number of days from 16th August to 27th February.
Find August in the side column and February at the top ; the number at the intersection,
viz., 184, is the number of days from 16th August to 16th February ; and 11 (the difference
between 16 and 27), and the sum 195 is the number required. Similarly, the number from
16th August to 5th February is 184 less 11, or 173.

409

TEEMS AND ABBEEYIATIONS COMMONLY USED
IN BUSINESS.

A/c Account.

C Currency.

ft A dollar.

E. E Errors excepted.

E. & 0. E. ..Errors and omissions

excepted.

F. 0. B Free on board (delivered

on deck without expense to the
ship).

F. P. A Free of particular

average.

INST Present month.

PROX Next month.

ULT Last month.

D/D Days after date.

M/D Months after date.

D/S Days after sight.

% Percent.

@ F fl> At per pound.

B/L Bill of lading.

AD VALOREM . . According to value.
AFFIDAVIT .... Statement on oath.
AFFIRMATION . . Statement without an
oath.

AGIO The premium borne

by a better sort of money above
an inferior.

ASSETS A term for property in

contradistinction to liabilities.

BANCO A continental term

for bank money at Hamburg
and other places.

DEAD FREIGHT. The damage payable by one who engages to load a ship fully,
and fails to do so.

DEVIATION, in marine insurance, is that divergence from the voyage insured
which releases the underwriter from his risk.

DISCOUNT. An allowance made for payment of money before due.

POLICY. The document containing the contract of insurance. A Valued Policy
is when the interest insured is valued. An Open Policy is one in which
the amount is left for subsequent proof. In an open policy where the
value shipped does not equal the value insured, the difference is termed
over insurance; and the proportionable amount of premium returnable to
the insurer is called a return for short interest.

PRIMAGE. A small allowance for the shipmaster's care of goods, now generally
included in the freight.

PRO RATA. Payment in proportion to the various interests concerned.

QUID PRO QUO. Giving one thing for another.

RESPONDENTS. A contract of loan by which goods in a ship are hypothecated
to the lender, as in bottomry.

ULLAGE. The quantity a cask wants of being full.

410

PEINCIPAL AETICLBS OF THE CALENDAE,
FOB THE YEAR 1909.

Golden Number 10

Solar Cycle 14

Epaet 8

Dominical Letter,
Roman Indiction .

Year 6622 of the Julian Period.

1913 from the Birth of Christ.

2662 Foundation of Rome according to Varron.

7417 of the World (Constantinopolitan account).

7401 (Alexandrian account).

5670 of the Jewish Era commences on September 16th, 1909.

1327 of the Mahommedan Era commences on January 23rd, 1909.
Ramadan (Month of Abstinence observed by the Turks) commences on
September 16th, 1909.

FIXED AND MOVABLE FESTIVALS, ANNIVERSARIES, ETC.

Epiphany Jan. 6

Septuagesima Sunday Feb. 7

Quinquagesima Sunday .... 21

Ash Wednesday 24

First Sunday in Lent 23

St. Patrick Mar. 17

Lady Day 25

Palm Sunday Apl. 4

Good Friday 9

Easter Sunday 11

Ascension Day May 20

Pentecost Whit Sunday 30

Trinity Sunday June 6

St. John Baptist Midsummer

Day 24

St.Michael Michaelmas Day Sept.29
King Edward VII. born (1841) Nov. 9

St. Andrew 30

Christmas Day (Saturday) ..Dec. 25

THE FOUR QUARTERS OF THE YEAR.

H. M.

Spring Quarter begins March 21st 6 13 morning.

Summer June 22nd 2 6 morning.

Autumn September 23rd 4 45 afternoon.

Winter December 22nd 11 20 morning.

411

BANK HOLIDAYS. LAW SITTINGS. ECLIPSES.

REGISTERS OF BIRTHS, MARRIAGES, AND DEATHS.

These are now kept at Somerset House, and may be searched on payment of
the fee of one shilling. If a certified copy of any entry be required, the charge
for that, in addition to the shilling for the search, is two shillings and seven-
pence, which includes a penny for stamp duty. The registers contain an entry
of births, deaths, and marriages since 1st July, 1837.

BANK HOLIDAYS, 1909.
ENGLAND.

Easter Monday April 12

Whit Monday May 31

First Monday in August August 2

Boxing Day (Monday) December 27

SCOTLAND.

New Year January 1

Good Friday April 9

First Monday in May May 3

First Monday in August August 2

Boxing Day December 27

LAW SITTINGS, 1909.

Begin End

Hilary Sittings January 11 April 7

Easter April 20 May 28

Trinity , June 8 July 31

Michael. Oct. 12 December 21

ECLIPSES, 1909.

In the year 1909 there will be two Eclipses of the Sun and two of the
Moon :

A Total Eclipse of the Moon, June 3rd 4th, visible at Greenwich.
An Annular Eclipse of the Sun, June 17th 18th, invisible at Greenwich.
A Total Eclipse of the Moon, November 27th, partly visible at Greenwich.
A Partial Eclipse of the Sun, December 12th, invisible at Greenwich.

412

CALENDAR FOR 1909.

January.

February.

March.

9 ... 310172431

... 7 14 21 28

M ... 4 11 1825 ...

1 8 15 22 ...

1 8 15 22 29

... 5121926...

Tfti

2 9 16 23 ...

2 9 16 23 30

... 6132027...

3 10 17 24 ...

3 10 17 24 31

[fe

... 7142128...

4 11 18 25 ...

Gte

4 11 18 25 ...

1 8 15 22 29 ...

5 12 19 26 ...

2 9162330...

6 13 20 27 ...

April.

May.

June.

... 4 11 18 25

... 2 9162330

... 6 13 20 27

... 5 12 19 26

... 310172431

... 7 14 21 28

... 6 13 20 27

'ftr

... 4111825...

r fty

1 8 15 22 29

... 7 14 21 28

... 5121926...

2 9 16 23 30

1 8 15 22 29

... 6132027...

3 10 17 24 ...

2 9 16 23 30

... 7142128...

4 11 18 25 ...

3 10 17 24 ...

1 8 1522 29 ...

5 12 19 26 ...

July.

August.

September.

... 4 11 18 25

1 8 15 22 29

... 5 12 19 26

2 9 16 23 30

... 6 13 20 27

r ftr

... 6 13 20 27

3 10 17 24 31

r fij

... 7 14 21 28

4 11 18 25 ...

1 8 15 22 29

te 1 8 15 22 29

[fe

5 12 19 26 ...

2 9 16 23 30

F 2 9 16 23 30

6 13 20 27 ...

3 10 17 24 ...

S 3 10 17 24 31

7 14 21 28 ...

4 11 18 25 ...

October.

November.

December.

... 310172431

... 7 14 21 28

... 5 12 19 26

... 4111825...

1 8 15 22 29

... 6 13 20 27

... 5121926...

r ftj

2 9 16 23 30

Tft:

... 7 14 21 28

... 6132027...

3 10 17 24 ...

1 8 15 22 29

... 7142128...

4 11 18 25 ...

2 9 16 23 30

1 8 152229 ...

5 12 19 26 ...

3 10 17 24 31

2 9 16 23 30 ...

6 13 20 27 ...

4 11 18 25 ...

413

CONTRIBUTIONS

TO THE "ANNUAL"
FROM 1885 TO 1909.

415

CONTRIBUTIONS

WHICH HAVE APPEARED IN THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE
SOCIETIES' "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

Annual."

Page.

Acland, A, H. D. Education of Co-operators and

Citizens I 1885 420

Acland, A. H. D. Secondary Education 1885 426

Adams, The late Mr. John i 1900 425

Africa; Europe and England in, or the Develop-") j

ment of the Dark Continent. By H. DE B.I 1895 345

GIBBINS, M.A., F.E.G.S j

African Developments, Eecent. By J. HOWARD

Eeed 1905 171

Agriculture, Co-operation as Applied to. By Prof.

JAMES LONG 1899 409

Agriculture, Co-operation in its Application to.

By G. HINES 1887 210

Agriculture, Co-operative. By BOLTON KING 1885 187

Agriculture, Co-operative, applied to Market Gar-^j

dening and Fruit Culture. By the Editor of 1885 194

The Agricultural Economist J

Agriculture, Possibilities of British, under Free

Trade. By JAMES LONG 1905 265

Aims and Ideals of the German Workers. By ED.

BERNSTEIN 1907 225

Alden, Percy, M.A , M.L.S.B. The Unemployed'

Problem 1904 163

Alden, Percy, M.A. Labour Colonies 1906 175

Alden, Percy, M.P. Child Life and Labour 1909 135

American Immigration Laws. By EDWARD PORRITT 1894 171

American Tariffs. By EDWARD PORRITT 1897 202

American Shipbuilding. By EDWARD PORRITT .... 1902 221
Anti-Co-operative Movement, the Private Traders'.

By JAMES DEANS 1899 269

Arnold, Arthur. The Land and the People 1887 184

Articles Consumed by Co-operators, The Growthj

and Manufacture of 1885 146

Art to Labour, The Eelations of. By WM. MORRIS. 1890 371

416

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

Annual."

Association v. Competition. By H. W. MACROSTY,
B.A..

Australasia as a Contributor to the World's
Supplies. By E. L. NASH

1900
1902

Bailey, H. E. Advantages and Necessity of a

Co-operative Wholesale Centre of Supply, as i

established in the Organisation of the English

and Scottish Wholesale Societies

Ballot, The 1886

Bate, John H. The Development of the Insurance

Business as a Field for Co-operative Enterprise.. 1908
Belgium and the Methods of the Belgians in]

Applying Co-operative Principles and Practice. 1 1 1908

By JAMES JOHNSTON )

Bernstein, Ed. Aims and Ideals of the German 1

Workers 1907

Billson, Alfred, M.P. Taxation of Land Values... 1899

Binney, The late Mr. George 1906

B. J., L. B. Co-operative Wholesale Societies and s

their Eelations to Eetail Co-operative Societies... 1896
B. J., L. B. Future Financial Development of the

Co-operative Movement , 1899

B. J., L. B. Possibilities of International Co-opera-j

tive Trade j 1898

B. J., L. B. Eetail Co-operation and the Eelationsl

between the Individual and the Store i 1896

B.J., L.B. The Position of - Co-operation in other!

Lands 1901

Blatchl'ord, Eobert. Land Nationalisation 1898

Boot and Shoe Making : As it Was and As it Is.

By AN OLD CRAFT I 1889

Bourne, H. E. Fox. Natives under British Eule.J 1904
Bradbury, Fred. The Woollen Industry, His-i

torically and Commercially Considered I 1900

Branford, Victor V., M.A. Electricity : Past,j

Present, Future 1896

British Colonial Policy, The Development of, During]

the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries.- By I 1908

L. KNOWLES, Litt.D ..I

417

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

Annual.'

Page.

British Trade, The Course of. By GEO. HOWELL,

F.S.S., M.P 1893 210

British Trade, Industrial Conflicts and 1886 285

Broadbent, Albert, F.S.S., F.E.H.S. Wheat

Growing, Milling, and Baking 1904 285

Brocklehurst, F., M.A. Eecent Democratic Legis-
lation 1904 185

Brown, The Late Mr. W. H 1908 312

Budget and Taxation. By W. M. J. WILLIAMS .... 1902 139
Burns, John, M.P. Eisks and Casualties of Labour. 1899 383
Burt, T., M.P. Trade Unions and the Working

Classes 1885 374

Burton, F. G. Advantages of Co-operative over")

Municipal and State Management in Produe-M 1897 303

tion and Distribution )

Business Life, Universities and. By Professor S.|

J. CHAPMAN I 1905 149

Callie, J. W. S. War Armaments of Europe 1898 324

Campbell, D. The Scottish Co-operative Whole- \ j

sale Society Limited, and its Productive I j 1896 323

Departments j

Canada in 1898. By EDWARD PORRITT L 1899 356

Canada, The Awakening of. By A. E. FLETCHER.' 1904 263
Can the Empire Feed its People ? By JAMES LONG. . 1893 595
Capital, The World's Accumulation of. By T.

LLOYD 1893 507

Carpenter, Edward. The Awakening of China ... 1907 177
Casartelli, Eev. L. C., Ph.D., M.A. Commercial-
Geography ! 1889 191

Casualties of Labour, Eisks and. By JOHN BURNS,!

M.P 1899 383

Cattle, Breeding and Feeding of Horses and. By

D. JOHNSON 1888 347

Chapman, W. W., F.S.S., M.E.A.S.E., &c. The

British Islands : Their Eesources in Live Stock.. 1903 245
Chapman, Prof. S.J. Universities and Business Life 1905 149
Chapman, S. J., M.A., M.Com. Some Principles of

Social Eeform 1909 229

Charities and their Administration. By GEORGE

HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1895 175

418

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

"Annual." Page.

Child Life and Labour. By PERCY ALDEN, M.P. . . . 1909 135
China, Awakening of. By EDWARD CARPENTER ... 1907 177
Christian Socialism, Modern, from 1848. By the;

Eev. J. GLASSE, M.A., D.D 1897 172

Citizens, Education of Co-operators and. By A.

H. D. ACLAND 1885 420

Citizenship, Education in. By HENRY DYER, C.E.,

M.A., D.Sc 1894 286

Citizenship, Geography and History for Economics

and. By Professor PATRICK GEDDES 1895 485

Civic Duties. By DAVID G. EITCHIE, M. A 1898 163

Civil Service Stores 1887 247

Civil Lists, Crown Lands and. By W. M. THOMPSON 1902 316

Clay, the late Joseph 1902 356

Coal and Coal Mining. By D. M. STEVENSON and

W. E. GARRETT FISHER, M.A 1897 450

Cocoa, Tea, Coffee, and. By J. E. JACKSON, A.L.S.

Illustrated by J. ALLEN 1893 339

Colonial Empire and Emigration, Our j 1885 243

Collier's Charter, The: The Eight Hours Day and!

what it means. By F. H. EOSE 1909 269

Colonial Policy, The Development of British,)

during the Nineteenth and Twentieth Oen-j 1908 242

turies. By L. KNOWLES, Litt.D ) I

Colonies Adapted for Permanent Homes 1885 259

Colonies Adapted for Temporary Eesidence only ... 1885 322

Colonies, Labour. By PERCY ALDEN 1906 175

Commerce and Trade, Fluctuations in. By GEO.

HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1890 161

Commercial Geography. By Eev. L. C. CASARTELLI,

Ph.D., M.A 1889 191

Commercial and Industrial History, Sketches from.

By H. DE B. GIBBINS, M.A 1892 279

Common Lands, The Enclosure of 1885 461

Communities, Ideal By W. C. J 1886 151

Company Frauds and Parliamentary Inactivity.

By J. G. SWIFT MACNEILL, Q.C., M.P 1900 169

Competition, Foreign, and its Influence on Home

Industries. By J. A. HOBSON 1899 197

Competition, Foreign, in the East. By HOLT S.

HALLETT, C.E 1893 371

Condition of Labour, The. By G. H. WOOD, F.S.S. 1902 > 247

419

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

"Annual."; Page.

Title of Article.

Conciliation Boards, Wages and. By W. BEES

JEFFREYS 1903 291

Constitution, The English : Its Origin and Growth.!

By H. DUNCKLEY, M.A., LL.D 1891 129

Co-operation: An Alternative to Socialism. By

FREDERICK EOCKELL 1909 182

Co-operation and Education. By Eev. T. G. DAVIES 1888 308

Co-operation, and the Poor. By J. C. GRAY ' 1902 111

Co-operation in its Application to Agriculture. By

G. HINES 1887 210

Co-operation in other Lands. By H. W. WOLFF... 1903 223
Co-operation in other Lands, The Position of. By

B. J., L. B : 1901 379

Co-operation in Italy. By BOLTON KING 1902 165

Co-operation as Applied to Agriculture. By JAMES

LONG 1899 409

Co-operation, Eminent Men on 1887 233

Co-operation: Its Spread and Power. By T.

SWANN 1888 125

Co-operation in its Relation to other Forms of Col-
lectivism. By A. E. FLETCHER 1899 224

Co-operation, Productive : Its Principles and

Methods. By H. W. MACROSTY, B.A 1903 161

Co-operation, Eetail, and the Eelations between

the Individual and the Store. By B. J., L. B. ... 1896 199

Co-operation, Valuable Opinions on 1888 337

Co-operation v. Socialism. By Prof. P. GEDDES ... 1888 285
Co-operation, Some Aspects of Continental and

Colonial. By the Eev. T. G. GARDINER 1897 499

Co-operation, Socialism and. By H. SNELL 1906 149

Co-operation and Currency Eeform. By MICHAEL

FLURSCHEIM 1898 210

Co-operation in Denmark, more particularly Co-
operative Agriculture. By ERIK GIVSKOV 1905 241

Co-operation of Consumers. By T. TWEDDELL,

J.P 1908

Co-operative Agriculture. By BOLTON KING 1885 187

Co-operative Agriculture Applied to Market Gar-]

dening and Fruit Culture. By the Editor of I 1885 194

The Agricultural Economist J

Co-operative Movement, Anti-, Private Traders'.

By JAMES DEANS 1899 269

420

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE '^ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

"Annual." Page.

Co-operative Enterprise, The Development of the \

Insurance Business as a Field for. By JOHN [ 1908 213
H. BATE )

Co-operative Efforts, Early 1886 . 86

Co-operative Movement, Future Financial Develop-
ment of. By B. J., L.B 1899 166

Co-operative Societies, Law Cases Affecting. Byj

HENRY HARWOOD 1895 530

Co-operative, The Advantages of, over Municipal]

and State Management in Production and Dis- t 1897 303
tribution. By F. G. BURTON J

Co-operative Principles and Practice, Belgium and]

the Methods of the Belgians in Applying. By I 1908 295
JAMES JOHNSTON )

Co-operative Production. By H. SLATTER, J.P. ... 1886 188

Co-operative Trade, The Possibilities of Inter-
national. By B. J., L. B 1898 257

Co-operative Wholesale Centre of Supply, The"\

Advantages and Necessity of a, as Established -. QQQ 077
in the Organisation of the English and Scottish
Wholesale Societies. By H. E. BAILEY ..) I

Co-operative Wholesale Societies, The, and their]

Eelations to the Eetail Co-operative Societies. L 1896 209
By B.J., L.B J

Co-operative Wholesale Society, The Productive

Departments of the 1892 430

Co-operative Wholesale Society, Progress and Pre-
sent Position of the 1899 445

Co-operative Wholesale Society, The Scottish,
and its Productive Departments. By DAVID
CAMPBELL 1896 323

Co-operative Wholesale Societies' Tea Estates 1903 , 359

Co-operative Societies, The System of Credit as;

practised by. By J. C. GRAY 1889 344

Co-operators, Education of, and Citizens. By A.!

H. D. ACLAND 1885 420

Co-operators, The Growth and Manufacture of

Articles Consumed by 1885 146

Cotton Industry, Past, Present, and Prospective, A

Sketch of British. By J. C. FIELDING I 1887 313

Cotton Kingdom, The New. By EDWARD PORRITT 1895 241

Cotton, Empire-Grown. By EDMUND D. MOREL... 1904 145

421

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

"Annual."

Title of Article.

Page.

Cotton Mill Towns of New England. By EDWARD
PORRITT 1900 195

Cows' Milk, On the Production of, and the Dis-]

eases Caused by its Use. By J. NIVEN, M.A., I 1897 282
M.B. (Cantab.) J

Creameries, Irish. By W. L. STOKES 1897 419

Credit as practised by Co-operative Societies. By

J. C. GRAY i 1889 344

Crown Lands and Civil Lists. By W. M.

THOMPSON 1902 316

Culture. By E. D. EGBERTS I 1885 424

Currency Eeform and Co-operation. By MICHAEL

FLURSCHEIM 1898 210

Dairy Farming in Sweden 1888 277

Dairy Produce, Our Trade in. By JAS. LONG j 1892 360

Davies, Eev. T. G. Co-operation and Education...; 1888 308
Deans, James. Private Traders' Anti-Co-operative

Movement 1899 269

Democracy and Foreign Policy. By J. EAMSAY

MACDONALD, M.P 1907 157

Democratic Legislation, Eecent. By F. BROCKLE-

HURST, M.A . 1904 185

Denmark, Co-operation in, more particularly Co-
operative Agriculture. By ERIK GIVSKOV 1905 241

Depopulation, Eural : Its Cause and Cure. By A.

E. FLETCHER 1906 129

Distribution, The Advantages of Co-operative over")

Municipal and State Management in Produc- L 1897 303

tion and. By F. G. BURTON J

Distributive Co-operation, One Outcome of 1886 194

Domestic Economy of the British Home. By

MARGARET MC.MILLAN 1907 256

Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D. The English Con-j

stitution : Its Origin and Growth ! 1891 129

Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D. The South Sea

Bubble ! 1892 243

Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D. Military and Naval

Forces of the World and their Cost 1893 427

Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D. Stock Exchanges :

Their Origin and History ' 1893 171

422

CONTBIBUTIONS TO THE " ANNUAL "^ FROM 188

5 TO 190!

Title of Article.

"Annual."

Page.

Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D. History andj
Effects of the Privileged Classes in Civilised I
Communities )

1894

262

Dunckley, Henry, M.A., LL.D. Would trie)
Nationalisation of Eailways be of Advantages
to the Country ? )

1895

203

Dyer, Henry, C.E., M.A., D.Sc. Influence of]
Modern Industry on Social and Economic L
Conditions )

1892

145

Dyer, Henry, C.E., M.A., D.Sc. Education in
Citizenship .

1894

286

Dyer, Henry, C.E., M.A., D.Sc. Some Lessons
from Japan ,

1908

146

Eastern Markets, Development of. By HOLT S.
HALLETT CE

1890

308

Economics and Citizenship, Geography and History
for. By Professor PATRICK GEDDES

1895

485

Economic Conditions, Influence of Modern Industry
on Social and. By H. DYER, C.E., M.A., D.Sc...
Education in Citizenship. By HENRY DYER, C.E.,
MA D Sc

1892
1894

145

286

Education in England and Wales in 1902. By
Dr MACNAMARA M P

1903

139

Education of Co-operators and Citizens. By A. H.

D ACLAND

1885

420

Education, Co-operation and. By Eev. T G.
DAVIES

1888

308

Education, Higher. By F. STORR

1885

437

Education of the People, The. By Eev. J. HIRST

HOLLOWELL

1892

319

Education, Primary, in England. By Dr. J. WATTS
Education, The Eoyal Commission on. By H.
SLATTER, J.P.

1885
1889

393
334

Education, Secondary. By A. H. D. ACLAND

1885

426

Education, Needs of Secondary. By H. DE B.
GIBBINS, M.A

1900

143

Education, Statistics of Expenditure of Public
Money on

1885

443

Education, Technical, at Home and Abroad.
t ' By Eev. J. HIRST HOLLOWELL

1894

439

423

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

"Annual." Page.

Education : The Problem To-day. By MARGARET

MC.MILLAN 1904 313

Educational Movements in England and Scot-'

land, A Survey of Working-class. By ALBERT i- 1906 259
MANSBRIDGE .' ) I

Egypt under Lord Cromer. By J. HOWARD KEED 1909 204

Eight Hours Day, The, and what it means, The

Collier's Charter. By F. H. EOSE 1909 269

Electricity : Light and Power. By M. HOLROYD

SMITH, M.I.M.E., M.S.T.E. and E., &c 1889 204

Electricity : Past, Present, Future. By VICTOR V.

BRANFORD M.A 1896 253

Emigration, The Advantages of. By G. J. HOLYOAKE 1885 245

Emigration Our Colonial Empire and 1885 243

Empire, Can the, Feed its People ? By Professor

JAMES LONG 1893 595

England, Land Tenure in. By Professor J. E.

THOROLD EOGERS 1889 167

English Constitution, The : Its Origin and Growth.

ByH. DUNCKLEY, M.A., LL.D 1891 129

English Industry up to the Beginning of the]

Present Century, A Short Outline of the I 1890 273
Growth of. By H. DE B. GIBBINS, B.A )

English Labour, A Century-and-a-half of. By Pro-
fessor J. E. THOROLD EOGERS, M.P 1885 327

Englishmen in the World of Labour. By B. J., L. B. 1887 270

Europe and England in Africa ; or the Development |

of the Dark Continent. By H. DE B. GIBBINS, L 1895 345
M.A., F.E.G.S )

Evans, Sparke, J.P. Leather 1889 322

Everett, E. L., M.P. Old Age Pensions I 1893 464

Evolution and Work of the Scots Parliament, The.

By WILLIAM WALLACE, M.A I 1897 331

Expenditure and Taxation of the United Kingdom,

1875-1900, The. By W. M. J. WILLIAMS ! 1901 345

'. ' jf ' ',

Factory Legislation in the United States. By

EDWARD PORRITT '. 1896 180

Factories, Sweating in Indian, and Workshops.

By HOLT S. HALLETT, C.E ,..; 1891 199

424

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

"Annual."! Page.

Fibre Supply, The World's. By J. E. JACKSON,!

A.L.S 1897 228

Fielding, J. C. British Cotton Industry ; Past,

Present, and Prospective, A Sketch of 1887 313

Fisher, W. E. Garrett, M.A. Coal and Coal

Mining 1897 450

Fishing Industries of the United Kingdom. By'

CHAS. E. FRYER j 1893 561

Fletcher, A. E. Co-operation in its Relation to

other Forms of Collectivism ] 1899 224

Fletcher, A. E. The Utilisation of Waste Lands. . . 1901 211

Fletcher, A. E. The Awakening of Canada 1904 263

Fletcher, A. E. Eural Depopulation: Its Cause

and Cure 1906 129

Flour, Wheat 1888 332

Flurscheim, Michael. Currency Reform and Co-
operation 1898 210

Food of the People, The. By T. OLIVER, M.A.,

M.D., F.R.C.P 1896 147

Food Products, New, with Suggestions on the \

Introduction and Cultivation in Britain or the

British Colonies of New and Little Known L 1895 279

Fruits and Vegetables. By J. E. JACKSON, A.L.S.

Illustrated by J. ALLEN J

Foreign Trade, The Eelative Values of our Home

and our. By T. LLOYD 1895 312

Foreign Competition in the East. By HOLT S.

HALLETT, C.E 1893 371

Foreign Competition and Its Influence on Home

Industries. By J. A. HOBSON 1899 197

Freedom, Popular, The Birth of, in England. By'

W. C. J I 1886 250

Free Trade, Possibilities of British Agriculture

under. By JAMES LONG I 1905 265

French and German Socialism. By LAURENCE

GRONLUND j 1886 138

Fruit Culture, Co-operative Agriculture applied to)

Market Gardening, &c. By the Editor of The 1885 194

Agricultural Economist J

Fruit-Growing Industry, Our. By G. T. TURNER. j 1889 366
Fryer, Charles E. Fishing Industries of the United

Kingdom 1893 561

425

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article. "Annual." Page.

Furniture Woods, with Suggestions for the Intro-'

duction of New Kinds. By J. E. JACKSON,}- 1894 349
A.L.S. Illustrated by J. ALLEN

Gardiner, Eev. T. G. Some Aspects of Continental

and Colonial Co-operation 1897 499

Geddes, Prof. Patrick. Co-operation v. Socialism... 1888 285
Geddes, Prof. Patrick. Geography and History for

Economics and Citizenship 1895 485

Geography, Commercial. By Eev. L. C. CASAR-

TELLI, Ph.D., M.A 1889 191

Geography and History for Economics and Citizen-
ship. By Professor PATRICK GEDDES 1895 485

German Socialism, French and. By LAURENCE

GRONLUND 1886 138

German Workers, Aims and Ideals of. By ED.

BERNSTEIN 1907 225

Gibbins, H. de B., M.A. A Short Outline of the)

Growth of English Industry up to the Beginning I 1890 273

of the Present Century J

Gibbins, H. de B., M.A. Sketches from Commercial

and Industrial History 1892 279

Gibbins, H. de B., M.A. The Needs of Secondary

Education 1900 143

Givskov, Erik. Co-operation in Denmark, more

particularly Co-operative Agriculture 1905 241

Givskov, Erik. Home Industries and Small

Farming 1906 237

Glasgow, The Eise and Progress of Industries of.

By EGBERT LEGGATT 1891 347

Glasse, Eev. J., M.A., D.D. Modern Christian

Socialism from 1848 1897 172

Glover, T. E. Insurance, and what is worthj

knowing about it ' 1888 264

Gold Fields of South Africa, The. By J. HOWARD!

EEED | 1907 133

Government, Local, and Taxation. By GEORGE

HOWELL, F.S.S 1897 395

Grain Trade, The Position of the World's. By G.i

T. TURNER . 1888 237

426

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE " ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

Annual." Page.

Gray, J. C. The System of Credit as practised byl

Co-operative Societies ; 1889 344

Gray, J. C. Co-operation and the Poor i 1902 111

Green, J. E., F.I.C., F.C.S. Soap | 1891 288

Grey, Sir E. Payment of Members of Parlia-
ment 1892 345

Gronlund, Laurence. Social Experiments in United

States 1886 116

Gronlund, Laurence. Socialism, French and

German 1886 138

Gums, Eesins, Balsams, and Kubbers. By J. E.

JACKSON. Illustrated by J. ALLEN 1899 297

Hallett, Holt S., C.E. India and its Neighbours... 1895 378
Hallett, Holt S., C.E. Development of Eastern

Markets 1890 308

Hallett, Holt S., C.E. Sweating in Indian Factories

and Workshops 1891 199

Hallett, Holt S., C.E. Foreign Competition in the

East 1893 371

Hallett, Holt S., C.E. Indian Taxation : Ancient

and Modern 1897 254

Hardie, J. Keir, M.P. Towards Municipal Socialism 1901 289

Hardie, J. Keir, M.P. The Perils of Property 1906 299

Harvey, J. W. Inland Navigation 1888 127

Harwood, Henry. Law Cases Affecting Co-
operative Societies 1895 530

Health and Long Life, Sanitation. By H. PITMAN. 1896 374
Hewins, W. A. S. The National Debt: Its Origin,)

Growth, and the Methods which have been I 1889 227
Adopted from time to time for its Eeduction . . . j

Hibbert, The late Emanuel 1896 416

Hines, G. Twelve Years of School Work in Ipswich. 1885 411
Hines, G. Co-operation in its Application to

Agriculture 1887 210

History of Milling. By E. WITHERINGTON 1887 304

History of the Travelling Tax. By G. J. HOLYOAKE 1901 231
History, Geography and, for Economics and Citizen-
ship. By Professor PATRICK GEDDES 1895 485

Hobson, J. A. The Problem of the Unemployed... 1896 351

427

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

Annual.

Page.

Hobson, J.A. Foreign Competition and its Effects

on Home Industries 1899 197

Hobson, J. A. The Industrial Future of Southl

Africa . 1901 269

Hobson, J. A. Euskin and Working-class Move-
ments 1905 199

Hollo well, Eev. J. Hirst. The Education of the

People . 1892 319

Hollowell, Eev. J. Hirst. Technical Education at

Home and Abroad 1894 439

Hollowell, Eev. J. Hirst. School System of the

United States 1902 279

Holyoake, G. J. The Advantages of Emigration... 1885 245
Holyoake, G. J. History of the Travelling Tax ... 1901 231
Home and Our Foreign Trade, The Eelative Values!

of our. By T. LLOYD 1895 312

Home Industries and Small Farming. By ERIK

GIVSKOV 1906 237

Horses and Cattle, Breeding and Feeding of. By

D. JOHNSON 1888 347

Hosiery Trade, The. By ANTHONY MUNDELLA... 1893 479

Housing of the Working Classes 1886 203

Housing Problem in the Towns, The. By C. M.

KNOWLES j 1901 309

Howell, George, F.S.S.,M.P. Trade Unions: Their

Origin, Eise, Progress, and Work 1885 352

Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. Great Strikes: Their

Origin, Cost, and Eesults 1889 266

Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. Fluctuations in

Commerce and Trade 1890 161

Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. Pauperism: Its

Nature and Extent, its Causes and Eemedies . . . 1890 187
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. Industrial London. 1891 163
Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. Eich Eicher and) j .

the Poor Poorer : An Essay on the Distribution L 1892 191

of Wealth ...j

Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. The Course of

British Trade ! 1893 210

Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. A Century of In-
dustrial and Social Legislation 1894 198

Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. Charities and their

Administration . 1895 175

428

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE " ANNUAL " FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

Annual." Page.

Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. Taxation : How

Eaised and how Expended 1896 232

Howell, George, F.S.S., M.P. Local Government

and Taxation | 1897 395

Howell, George. The Taff Vale Case: Its History,'

its Gravity, and its Lessons 1904 123

Hughes, Spencer Leigh. Westminster; or, Parlia-
ment and its Work 1909 160

Hughes, Thos., Q.C. Eugby Tennessee 1885 254

Hughes, the late Judge | 1897 511

Ideal Communities. By W. C. J 1886 151

Income Tax, Beform of the. By W. M. J. WILLIAMS 1908 1 89
India and its Neighbours. By HOLT S. HALLETT,!

C.E 1895 378

Indian Factories and Workshops, Sweating in. By

HOLT S. HALLETT, C.E 1891 199

Indian Famine and its Lessons, Tb. By VAUGHAN

NASH i 1901 163

Indian Taxation, Ancient and Modern. By HOLT

S. HALLETT, C.E j 1897 254

Industrial Conditions at Home and Abroad. By|

J. M. KNIGHT, F.S.S i 1906 307

Industrial Conflicts and British Trade 1886 285

Industrial Future of South Africa, The. By J. A.

HOBSON 1901 269

Industrial History, Sketches from Commercial. By

H. DE B. GIBBINS, M.A 1892 279

Industrial Progress, The Eecent History of. By

E. S. WATSON 1891 308

Industrial and Provident Societies : The Legislation

Eelating thereto. By E. V. NEALE | 1887 344

Industrial Evolution, The Continued : Its Bearing

on the Labour Question. By J. M. KNIGHT 1907 276

Industrial London. By GEO. HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P. 1891 163
Industrial and Social Legislation, A Century of. !

By GEORGE HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1894 198

Industrial Mortality, Some Aspects of. By VAUGHAN

NASH 1894 314

Industries of Glasgow, The Eise and Progress of.

By EGBERT LEGGATT 1891 347

429

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

"Annual." Page.

Title of Article.

Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. Tea, Coffee, and Cocoa ...

Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. Furniture Woods,' with
Suggestions for the Introduction of New Kinds.

Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. New Food Products, with
Suggestions on the Introduction and Cultivation
in Britain or the British Colonies of New and
Little Known Fruits and Vegetables

Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. The World's Fibre Supply.

Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. Tobacco, its History,
Culture, and Uses

Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. Gums, Eesins, &c

1893
1894

1895

1897

1898
1899

Industries, Fishing, of the United Kingdom. By

CHARLES E. FRYER 1893 561

Industries, Home, and Small Farming. By ERIK

GIVSKOV 1906 237

Industry, English, up to the beginning of the]

Present Century, A Short Outline of the Growth I 1890 273
of. By H. DE B. GIBBINS, M.A I

Industries, Foreign Competition and its Influence

on Home. By J. A. HOBSON 1899 197

Influence of Modern Industry on Social and]

Economic Conditions. By H. DYER, C.E.,l 1892 145
M.A., D.Sc )

Influence of the Production of the Precious Metals')

on Industry and Trade, The. By Professor J. 1895 456
S. NICHOLSON, M.A., D.Sc j

Influence of the Land Laws upon the Prosperity i

of the People. By Professor JAMES LONG j 1895 422

Inland Navigation. By J. W. HARVEY 1888 127

Insurance, and what is worth knowing about it.

By T. E. GLOVER 1888 264

Insurance Business, The Development of the,]

as a Field for Co-operative Enterprise. By I 1908 213
JOHN H. BATE J

International Co-operative Trade, The Possibilities

of. By B. J., L. B I 1898 257

Irish Creameries. By W. L. STOKES j 1897 419

Irlam Soap Works 1896 388

Irving, The late Mr. Eobert 1905 341

Italy, Co-operation in. By BOLTON KING . . . . / ! 1902 165

339
349

279

228

183
297

430

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE " ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

Annual.'

Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. Sugar, Botanically and

Commercially Considered 1900

Jackson, J. E., A.L.S. Eice, Sago, and Tapioca:

Commercially and" Botanically Considered j 1901

Japan, Some Lessons from. 'By HENRY DYER,

C.E., M.A., D.Sc 1908

Jeffreys, W. Eees. Wages and Conciliation Boardsj 1903

Johnson, D. Breeding and Feeding of Horses andj

Cattle r I 1888

Johnston, James. Belgium and the Methods of the ]

Belgians in Applying Co-operative Principles I 1908
and Practice )

King, Bolton. Co-operative Agriculture 1885

King, Bolton. Co-operation in Italy 1902

Knight, J. M., F.S.S. Railway Eates and Charges 1900
Knight, J. M., F.S.S. The Growth and Incidence

of Municipal Expenditure , 1905

Knight, J. M., F.S.S. Industrial Conditions at

Home and Abroad 1906

Knight, J. M., F.S.S. The Continued Industrial

Evolution: Its Bearing on the Labour Question.. 1907
Knowles, C. M. The Housing Problem in the Towns 1901
Knowles, L., Litt.D. The Development of]

British Colonial Policy during the Nineteenth I 1908

and Twentieth Centuries J

Kropotkin, P. Wha-t Man can Obtain from the Land 1897

Labour Colonies. By PERCY ALDEN , 1906

Labour, Eelations of Art to. By WM. MORRIS ! 1890

Labour Statistics, Articles from Bureau of ; 1886

Labour, Eisks and Casualties of. By JOHN BURNS,!

M.P I 1899

Labour, Condition of .By GEORGE H. WOOD, F.S.S. 1902
Land Laws, Influence of the, upon the Prosperity!

of the People. By Professor JAMES LONG 1895

Land and the People, The. By ARTHUR ARNOLD... 1887

Land Nationalisation. By A. J. OGILVY | 1890

431

CONTBIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FR'QM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article. "Annual." Page

Land Nationalisation. By EGBERT BLATCHFORD...' 1898 241
Land Settlement for Workmen. By JAMES LONG.., 1903 321
Land Tenure in England. By Professor J. E.

THOROLD EOGERS 1889 167

Land, What Man can Obtain from the. By P.

KROPOTKIN 1897 358

Land Values, Taxation of. By A. BILLSON 1899 330

Lands, The Enclosure of Common 1885 461

Laurie, Professor S. S. The University and the

People, and the University of the Future 1894 , 380

Law Cases Affecting Co-operative Societies. By

HENRY HARWOOD j 1895 530

Law, The History of the Poor. By GRAHAM

WALLAS 1894 262

Leather. By SPARKE EVANS, J.P 1889 322

Leggatt, Eobert. The Eise and Progress of the|

Industries of Glasgow 1891 347

Legislation, Factory, in the United States. By

EDWARD PORRITT 1896 180

Legislation, Industrial and Provident Societies.

By E. V. NEALB 1887 344

Legislation, A Century of Industrial and Social.

By G. HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1894 198

Legislation, For Direct. By A. M. THOMPSON , 1900 311

Legislation, Eecent Democratic. By F. BROCKLE-!

HURST, M.A. ; 1904 185

Live Stock, The British Islands : Their Eesources

in. By W. W. CHAPMAN, F.S.S., M.E.A.S.E., &c.i 1903 245
Lloyd, T. The World's Accumulation of Capital . . 1893 507
Lloyd, T. The Eelative Values of our Home and

our Foreign Trade 1895 312

Local Government and Taxation. By GEORGE

HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1897 395

London, Industrial. By GEO. HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P. 1891 .163
London School Board. By the Hon. E. LYULPH

STANLEY, M.P 1885 404

Long, Professor James. The Sources of our Meat 1

Supply 1891 380

Long, Professor James. Can the Empire Feed its

People? : 1893 595

Long, Professor James. Soil, and What it will

Grow ! 1894 397

432

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

"Annual." Page

Long, Professor James. Influence of the Land (

Laws upon the Prosperity of the People ] 1895 422

Long, Professor James. Co-operation as Applied!

to Agriculture j 1899 409

Long, Professor James. Land Settlement for!

Workmen 1903 321

Long, Professor James. Possibilities of British

Agriculture under Free Trade 1905 265

Long, Professor James. The English Village :i

What it is, and what it ought to be 1907 203

Long Life, Sanitation, Health, and. By H. PITMAN. 1896 374
Lownds, The late James j 1896 415

Macdonald, J. Eamsay, M.P. Democracy and

Foreign Policy 1907 157

Machinery and Industry, The Possibilities of, and)

Some of their Probable Eesults on Social and L 1893 301
Economic Conditions J

Machinery, Shoe: Its Effects on Wages and Cost

of Production. By AN OLD CRAFT 1890 383

Macnamara, Dr., M.P. Education in England and

Wales in 1902 1903 139

Macneill, J. G. Swift, Q.C., M.P. Company Frauds

and Parliamentary Inactivity 1900 169

Macrosty, H. W., B.A. Association v. Competition 1900 223

Macrosty, H. W., B.A. Productive Co-operation:!

Its Principles and Methods | 1903 161

Manchester School Board. By HENRY SLATTEB,!

J.P 1885 405

Manchester Ship Canal, An Account of the Origin

and Development of the ! 1889 389

Mansbridge, Albert. From Primary School toj

University j 1909 297

Mansbridge, Albert. A Survey of Working-class \ \

Educational Movements in England and Scot- [ 1906 259
land j

Marshall, Alfred. Theories and Facts About Wages 1885 379

Massingham, H. W. The Press and its Message... j 1907 169

Maxwell, Wm., J.P. The late John Thomas White-
head Mitchell, J.P 1896 392

433

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

"Annual." Page.

Maxwell, J. S. Tramways and Municipalisation... 1902 185
Mc.Millan, Margaret. Education: The Problem

To-day 1904 313

Mc.Millan, Margaret. Domestic Economy of the

British Home 1907 \ 256

Meat Supply, The Sources of Our. By Professor

JAMES LONG 1891 380

Melbourne and its District. By W. NUTTALL 1888 194

Members of Parliament, Payment of. By Sir E.

GREY 1892 345

Members of Parliament, Payment of : A Historical

Note. By A. H. WORTHINGTON 1893 555

Merchant Shipping Bill, The 1885 239

Merchant Shipping, Sketch of the Eise and Pro-
gress of 1885 198

Military and Naval Forces of the World and their

Cost. By H. DUNCKLEY, M. A., LL.D 1893 427

Milling, History of. By E. WITHERINGTON 1887 304

Mining Eoyalties. By Professor J. E. C. MUNRO. .'. 1891 269
Mitchell, J.P., the late John Thomas Whitehead.

By WM. MAXWELL, J.P -. 1896 392

Modern Christian Socialism from 1848. By the

Eev. J. GLASSE, M.A., D.D i 1897 172

Money. By Professor J. S. NICHOLSON 1887 137

Money, L. G. Chiozza, M.P. Eailways and the

Nation 1909 249

Money, L. G. Chiozza, M.P. Sweating: Its Cause

and Cure 1908 270

Morel, Edmund D. Empire-Grown Cotton 1904 145

Mortality, Some Aspects of Industrial. By

VAUGHAN NASH , 1894 314

Morris, Wm. Eelations of Art to Labour 1890 371

Movements and Eeforms of the Nineteenth Century,

Social. By G. H. WOOD, F.S.S 1903 193

Mundella, Anthony. The Hosiery Trade 1893 479

Municipal Socialism, Some Facts and Considera-
tions about. By SYDNEY WEBB, LL.B 1896 286

Municipal Socialism, Towards. By J. KEIR

HARDIE, M.P 1901 289

Municipal and State Management in Production^

and Distribution, The Advantages of Co-opera- [ 1897 303

tive over. By F. G. BURTON )

434

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

"Annual." Page.

Municipalisation, Tramways and. By J. SHAW

MAXWELL 1902 185

Municipal Expenditure, the Growth and Incidence

of .By J. MARTIN KNIGHT, F.S.S 1905 285

Munro, J. E. C. Mining Eoyalties 1891 269

Murphy, W. S. Eobert Owen as a Social

Eeformer 1903 111

;

Nash, Vaughan. Some Aspects of Industrial Mor-
tality 1894 314

Nash, Vaughan. The Indian Famine and its

Lessons 1901 163

Nash, E. L. Australasia as a Contributor to the

World's Supplies 1902 301

Nation, Eailways and the. By L. G. CHIOZZA

MONEY, M.P. 1909 249

Nation, The Eailways for the. By G. H. FERRIS,

F.S.S 1898 283

National Debt, The: Its Origin, Growth, and the]

Methods which have been Adopted from time to L 1889 227
time for its Eeduction. By W. A. S. HEWINS... )

National Expenditure Accounts and Audits. By

W. E. SNELL 1888 315

Nationalisation, Land. By A. J. OGILVY 1890 131

Nationalisation, Land. By EGBERT BLATCHFORD. 1898 241

Nationalisation, Would the, of Eailways be of]

Advantage to the Country ? By H. DUNCKLEY, I 1895 203
M.A., LL.D J

Natives under British Eule. By H. E. Fox BOURNE 1904 239

Naval, Military and, Forces of the World, and their

Cost. By H. DUNCKLEY, M. A., LL.D 1893 427

Navigation, Inland. By J. W. HARVEY 1888 127

Neale, E. V. The Legislation Eelating to Indus-
trial and Provident Societies 1887 344

Newman, P. L., B. A., F.I. A. Superannuation 1898 349

New Food Products, with Suggestions on the
Introduction and Cultivation in Britain or the
British Colonies of New and Little Known 1895 279
Fruits and Vegetables. By J. E. JACKSON,
A.L.S. Illustrated by J. ALLEN

435

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FBOM 1885 TO 1909.

"Annual." Page.

Title of Article.

Nicholson, Professor J. S., M.A., D.Sc. Money ... 1887 137
Nicholson, Professor J. S., M.A., D.Sc. The) j

Influence of the Production of the Precious}- 1895 456

Metals on Industry and Trade J

Niven, J., M.A., M.B. (Cantab.) On the Produc-)

tion of Cows' Milk and the Diseases Caused by I 1897 -282

its Use j

North, The late Mr. Alfred 1906 347

Nuttall, W. Melbourne and its District 1888 194

Ogilvy, A. J. Land Nationalisation 1890 131

Old- Age Pensions. By E. L. EVERETT, M.P 1893 464

Oliver, T., M.A., M.D., F.R.C.P. The Food of the

People 1896 147

On the Production of Cows' Milk and the Diseases) ,

Caused by its Use. By J. NIVEN, M.A., M.B.Li 1897 282

(Cantab.) )|

Owen, Robert, as a Social Reformer. By W. S.

MURPHY 1903 111

Parliament and its Work, Westminster; or. By ;

SPENCER LEIGH HUGHES | 1909 160

Parliament, The Evolution and Work of the Scots.)

By WILLIAM WALLACE, M.A 1897 331

Pauperism : Its Nature and Extent, its Causes and

Remedies. By GEORGE HOWELL, F.S.S., M.PJ 1890 187
Payment of Members of Parliament. By Sir E.I

GREY | 1892 345

Payment of Members of Parliament : A Historical!

Note. By A. H. WORTHINGTON I 1893 555

Pensions, Old- Age. By R. L. EVERETT, M.P I 1893 464

People, Influence of the Land Laws upon the

Prosperity of the. By Professor JAMES LONG... 1895 422
People, The Land and the. By ARTHUR ARNOLD... 1887 184
People, The University and the, and the University

of the Future. By Professor S. S. LAURIE 1894 380

Perris, G. H., F.S.S. The Railways for the Nation. 1898 283
Phonography, Spelling Reform and. By H. PITMAN 1890 236

436

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article. "Annual." Page

Physical Deterioration : Its Causes and Conse-
quences. By Eev. W. G. EDWARDS EEES, M.A. ... 1908 167
Piggott, A. E., F.S.A.A. Silk : Its History and itsj

Industries ' 1893 686

Pitman, Henry. Spelling Eeform and Phonography 1890 236
Pitman, Henry. Sanitation, Health, and Long Life 1896 374

Political Economy, The Working Classes and 1886 279

Poor Law, The History of the. By GRAHAM

WALLAS 1894 262

Poor Poorer, Rich Eicher and the : An Essay on]

the Distribution of Wealth. By GEO. HOWELL, I 1892 191

F.S.S., M.P )

Poor, Co-operation and the. By J. C. GRAY 1902 111

Popular Discontent 1886 80

Popular Freedom in England, The Birth of. By

W. C. J 1886 250

Popular Power : A People's Party 1886 238

Porritt, Edward. American Immigration Laws ..., 1894 171

Porritt, Edward. The New Cotton Kingdom 1895 241

Porritt, Edward. Factory Legislation in the United

States 1896 180

Porritt, Edward. American Tariffs 1897 202

Porritt, Edward. Canada in 1898 1899 356

Porritt, Edward. Cotton Mill Towns of New

England 1900 195

Porritt, Edward. The United States in 1900 1901 185

Porritt, Edward. American Shipbuilding 1902 221

Position of Co-operation in other Lands, The. By

B. J., L.B 1901 379

Possibilities of International Co-operative Trade,]

The. ByB.J., L.B i 1898 257

Possibilities of Machinery and Industry, and some)

of their Probable Eesults on Social and Economic L

1893 301

Conditions, The J

Press and its Message. By H. W. MASSINGHAM... 1907 169
Primary School to University, From. By ALBERT

MANSBRIDGE '. 1909 297

Printing, The Origin and Growth of the Art of.

By H. SLATTER, J.P 1893 285

Privileged Classes in Civilised Communities, The]

History and Effects of .By H. DUNCKLEY, M. A., 1894 262

LL.D...

43'

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

" Annual." Page.

Production, Co-operative. By HENRY SLATTER,

J.P 1886 188

Production of Cows' Milk, On the, and the Diseases]

Caused by its Use. By J. NIVEN, M.A., M.B. [ 1897 282

(Cantab.)

Production, The Influence of the, of the Precious'

Metals on Industry and Trade. By Professor (- 1895 456

J. S. NICHOLSON, M.A., D.Sc

Production and Distribution, The Advantages of]

Co-operative over Municipal and State Manage- [ 1897 303

ment in. By F. G. BURTON

Productive Co-operation : Its Principles and

Methods. By H. W. MACROSTY, B.A 1903 161

Productive Departments of the C.W.S., The 1892 430

Productive Departments, The Scottish Co-opera-]

tive Wholesale Society Limited and its. By I 1896 323

D. CAMPBELL )

Progress of Society, The 1886 77

Progress and Present Position of the C.W.S 1899 445

Progress, The Eecent History of Industrial. By

E. S. WATSON 1891 308

Property, The Perils of. By J. KEIR HARDIE,

M.P 1906 299

Prosperity of the People, The Influence of the Land

Laws upon the. By Professor JAMES LONG 1895 422

Provident, Industrial and, Societies : The Legisla-
tion Eelating thereto. By E. V. NEALE 1887 344

Eailwavs and the Nation. By L. G. CHIOZZA

MONEY, M.P 1909 249

Eailways for the Nation, The. By G. H. PERRIS,

F.S.S : 1898 . 283

Eailways, Would the Nationalisation of, be of]

Advantage to the Country ? By H. DUNCKLEY, L 1895 203
M.A., LL.D j

Eailway Eates and Charges. By J. M. KNIGHT,

F.S.S 1900 357

Eating 1889 312

Eating System, Some Eecent Modifications of Our.

By WM. J. WILLIAMS 1899 249

438

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

"Annual." Page.

Kedfern, Percy. The Social Teaching of Tolstoy.. 1906 202
Eeferendum in the United Kingdom, The Case]

Against the, with Special Eeference to thel 1900 337

United Kingdom. By LILIAN TOMN )

Eeed, J. Howard. Egypt under Lord Cromer 1909 204

Keed, J. Howard. Eecent African Developments.. 1905 171
Eeed, J. Howard. The Gold Fields of South Africa . 1907 133
Eees, Eev. W. G. Edwards, M.A. Physical

Deterioration: Its Causes and Consequences... 1908 167
Eetail Co-operation and the Eelations between the

Individual and the Store. By B. J., L. B 1896 199

Eice, Sago, and Tapioca : Commercially and] j

Botanically Considered. By J. E. JACKSON, I j 1901 135

A.L.S. Illustrated by J. ALLEN )

Eich Eicher and the Poor Poorer : An Essay on]

the Distribution of Wealth. By G. HOWELL, L 1892 191

F.S.S., M.P j

Eings, Trusts, and Syndicates. By W. E. SNELL... 1890 209
Eisks and Casualties of Labour. By JOHN BURNS,

M.P 1899 383

Eitchie, David G., M. A. Civic Duties 1898 163

Eoberts, E. D. Culture \ 1885 424

Eochdale School Board \ 1885 407

Eochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers, First Eules

of the 1895 544

Eockell, Frederick. Co-operation: An Alternative

to Socialism 1909 182

Eoden Estate of C.W.S 1900 421

Eogers, Professor J. E. Thorold. Land Tenure ini

England j 1889 167

Eose, F. H. Collier's Charter, The: The Eight!

Hours Day, and what it means j 1909 269

Eoyal Commission on Education, The. By H.

SLATTER, J.P I 1889 334

Eoyalties, Mining. By Professor J. E. C. MUNRO.! 1891 269

Eugby Tennessee. By THOS. HUGHES, Q.C 1885 254

Eural Depopulation: Its Cause and Cure. By A.|

E. FLETCHER 1906 129

Euskin and Working-class Movements. By J,. A.

HOBSON 1905 199

Eussia, the Industrial Situation in. By W. A.

SUTHERLAND . 1905 213

439

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

I
Title of Article. "Annual."! Page.

Sanitation, Health, and Long Life. By H. PITMAN 1896 374

Sanitation, The Economic Aspect -of 1888 182

School Board, London. By the Hon. B. LYULPH

STANLEY, M.P 1885 404

School Board, Manchester. By HENRY SLATTER,

J.P .' 1885 405

School Board, Eochdale 1885 407

School Board, Sheffield. By THOS. SWANN 1885 409

School Work in Ipswich, Twelve Years of. By G.

HINES 1885 411

School System of the United States. By Eev. J.

HIRST HOLLOWELL 1902 279

Scots Parliament, The Evolution and Work of the.

By WILLIAM WALLACE, M.A 1897 331

Scottish Wholesale Societies, The Advantages and

Necessity of a Co-operative Wholesale Centre

1889 377

of Supply, as Established in the Organisation

of the English and. By H. E. BAILEY

Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited, 1

The, and its Productive Departments. By D. j- 1896 323

CAMPBELL j

Scotton, The late Mr. Amos 1905 343

Settlement, Land, for Workmen. By Prof. JAMES!

LONG i 1903 321

Shipbuilding, American. By EDWARD PORRITT ... 1902 221
Shoe Machinery: Its Effect on Wages and Cost of'

Production. By AN OLD CRAFT ; 1890 383

Silk: Its History and its Industries. By A. E.I

PIGGOTT, F.S.A.A ! 1893 686

Slagg, John, M.P. Technical Instruction 1885 413

Slatter, Henry, J.P. School Board, Manchester ...] 1885 405
Slatter, Henry, J.P. Co-operative Production...... 1886 188

Slatter, Henry, J.P. The Eoyal Commission on

Education .' 1889 334

Slatter, Henry, J.P. The Origin and Growth of

the Art of Printing 1893 285

Smith, M. Holroyd, M.I.M.E., M.S.T.E., and E., &c.

Electricity: Light and Power 1889 204

Snell, W. E. Eings, Trusts, and Syndicates 1890 209

Snell, H. Socialism and Co-operation 1906 149

Soap. By J. E. GREEN, F.I.C., F.C.S [ 1891 288

Soap Works, Irlam ; 1896 388

440

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article. "Annual."! Page.

Social Eeform, Some Principles of. By S. J.

CHAPMAN, M. A., M. Com : 1909 229

Social Legislation, A Century of Industrial and.

By GEORGE HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1894 198

Social Movements and Eeforms of the Nineteenth

Century. By G. H. WOOD, F.S.S 1903 193

Social and Economic Conditions, Influence of Modern

Industry on. By HENRY DYER, C.E., M.A., D.Sc. 1892 145
Social Experiments in the United States. By

LAURENCE GRONLUND 1886 116

Socialism, Co-operation: An Alternative to. By

FREDERICK EOCKELL I 1909 182

Socialism and Co-operation. By H. SNELL 1906 149

Socialism, Co-operation v. By Professor PATRICK

GEDDES 1888 285

Socialism : French and German. By LAURENCE

GRONLUND 1886 138

Socialism, Modern Christian, from 1848. By the

Eev. J. GLASSE, M.A., D.D | 1897 172

Socialism, Towards Municipal. By J. KEIR

HARDIE, M.P 1901 289

Society, The Progress of | 1886 77

Soil, and What it will Grow. By Prof. JAMES LONG! 1894 397
South Africa, The Industrial Future of. By J. A.

HOBSON 1901 269

South Africa, The Gold Fields of. By J. HOWARD

EEED 1907 133

South Sea Bubble, The. By HENRY DUNCKLEY,

M.A., LL.D 1892 243

Spelling Eeform and Phonography. By HENRY

PITMAN 1890 236

Stanley, Hon. E. Lyulph, M.P. School Board.

London , 1885 404

Statistics of Trade Unions 1885 360

Statistics, Articles from Bureau of Labour 1886 218

Stevenson, D. M. Coal and Coal Mining 1897 450

Stock Exchanges : Their Origin and History. By

HENRY DUNCKLEY, M.A., LL.D 1893 171

Stoker, The late Wm 1903 356

Stokes, W. L. Irish Creameries 1897 419

Stores: Eetail and Wholesale 1886 185

Storr, F. Higher Education 1885 437

441

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

"Annual." Page.

Strikes, Great, Their Origin, Cost, and Eesults.

By GEORGE HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1889 266

Sugar, Botanically and Commercially Considered.

By J. E. JACKSON, A.L.S. Illustrated by J. ALLEN 1900 391

Sugar Question in 1902. By W. M. J. WILLIAMS. . 1903 267

Superannuation. By P. L. NEWMAN, B.A., F.I.A. . 1898 349
Sutherland, W. A. The Industrial Situation in

Eussia 1905 213

Sutherland, The late Mr. G 1905 345

Swann, Thomas. School Board, Sheffield 1885 409

Swann, Thomas. Co-operation : Its Spread and

Power 1888 125

Swann, The late Mr. Thomas 1900 427

Sweating in Indian Factories and Workshops. By

HOLT S. HALLETT, C.E I 1891 199

Sweating: Its Cause and Cure. By L. G. CmozzAi

MONEY, M.P i 1908 270

Sweden, Dairy Farming in | 1888 277

Syndicates, Eings, Trusts, &c. By W. E. SNELL. ..j 1890 209

Taff Vale Case, The: Its History, its Gravity, and!

its Lessons. By GEORGE HOWELL ; 1904 123

Tariffs, American. By EDWARD PORRITT i 1897 202

Taxation, Indian, Ancient and Modern. By HOLT!

S. HALLETT, C.E j 1897 254

Taxation of Land Values. By ALFRED BILLSON,I

M.P 1899 330

Taxation : How Eaised and how Expended. By

GEORGE HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1896 232

Taxation, Local Government and. By GEORGE

HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1897 . 395

Taxation, A Just Basis of. By FREDERICK

VERINDER 1900 285

Taxation, Budget and. By W. M. J. WILLIAMS ... 1902 139
Tea, Coffee, and Cocoa. By J. E. JACKSON, A.L.S.

Illustrated by J. ALLEN 1893 339

Tea Estates, The C.W.S 1903 359

Technical Education at Home and Abroad. By|

Eev. J. HIRST HOLLOWELL . 1894 439

442

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

: Annual."

Page.

Technical Instruction. By JOHN SLAGG, M.P 1885 413

Tennessee Eugby. By THOS. HUGHES, Q.C 1885 254

Thompson, A. M. For Direct Legislation 1900 311

Thompson, W. M. Crown Lands and Civil Lists... 1902 316
Tobacco, its History, Culture, and Uses. By J. E.

JACKSON, A.L.S. Illustrated by J. ALLEN 1898 \ 183

Tolstoy, The Social Teaching of. By PERCY

EEDFERN j 1906 202

Tomn, Lilian. The Case Against the Eefe-}

rendum, with Special Eeference to the United I 1900 337

Kingdom j

Towards Municipal Socialism. By J. KEIR

HARDIE, M.P.... 1901 289

Trade, British, The Course of. By GEORGE

HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1893 210

Trade, British, Industrial Conflicts and 1886 285

Trade, Fluctuations in Commerce and. By GEORGE

HOWELL, F.S.S., M.P 1890 161

Trade, The Possibilities of International Co-opera-
tive. By B. J., L.B 1898 257

Trade, The Eelative Values of Our Home and Our

Foreign. By T. LLOYD j 1895 312

Trade, The Hosiery. By ANTHONY MUNDELLA | 1893 479

Trade Policy? Shall we Change our. By W. M. J.:

WILLIAMS .' 1905 125

Trade Unions, Statistics of 1885 360

Trade Unions : Their Origin, Eise, Progress,]

and Work. By GEORGE HOWELL, F.S.S.,t 1885 352

M.P j

Trade Unions and the Working Classes. By T.

BURT, M.P 1885 374

Trade Unionism in its Permanent Effects upon the

Worker 1886 267

Tramways and Municipalisation. -- By J. S.

MAXWELL 1902 185

Travelling Tax, History of the. By G. J. HOLYOAKE 1901 231
Trusts and Syndicates, Eings. By W. E. SNELL... 1890 209

Turner, G. T. Our Fruit-Growing Industry 1889 366

Turner, G. T. Position of the World's Grain

Trade 1888 237

Tutt, The late Mr. E. H 1905 339

Tweddell, T., J.P. Co-operation of Consumers ... 1908 135

443

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" PROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article. "Annual." Page.

Unemployed, The Problem of the. By J. A.

HOBSON 1896 351

Unemployed Problem, The. By PERCY ALDEN,

M.A., M.L.S.B 1904 163

United States in 1900, The. By E. PORRITT 1901 185

United States, School System of the. By Eev. J.

HIRST HOLLOWELL 1902 279

Universities and Business Life. By Professor S.i

J. CHAPMAN | 1905 149

University, From Primary School to. By ALBERT;

MANSBRIDGE i 1909 297

University and the People, and the University]

of the Future, The. By Professor S. S.I 1894 380

LAURIE )

Utilisation of Waste Lands, The. By A. E.I

FLETCHER ; 1901 211

Verinder, F. A Just Basis of Taxation 1900 285

Village, The English: What it is, and what itl

ought to be. By Professor JAMES LONG | 1907 203

Wages, Theories and Facts about. By ALFRED!

MARSHALL 1885 379

Wages and Conciliation Boards. By W. BEES

JEFFREYS ! 1903 291

Wages and Prices since the Industrial Revolution, |

A Glance at. By G. H. WOOD, F.S.S 1901 244

Wallace, William, M.A. The Evolution and Work

of the Scots Parliament 1897 331

Wallas, Graham. The History of the Poor Law... 1894 262
War Armaments of Europe, The. By J. W. S.

CALLIE ~ 1898 324

Waste Lands, The Utilisation of. By A. E.

FLETCHER 1901 211

Watson, E. S. The Recent History of Industrial!

Progress i 1891 308

444

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article.

: Annual.'

Watts, Dr. J., Primary Education in England 1885 393

W. C. J. Ideal Communities 1886 151

W. C. J. The Birth of Popular Freedom in

England 1886 250

Webb, Sidney, LL.B. The Condition of the)

Working Classes in Great Britain in 1842 and I 1893 537

1892 J

Webb, Sidney, LL.B. Some Facts and Considera-i

tions about Municipal Socialism I 1896 286

Westminster; or, Parliament and its Work. Byj

SPENCER LEIGH HUGHES j 1909 160

Wheat Flour j 1888 332

Wheat Growing, Milling, and Baking. By ALBERT

BROADBENT, F.S.S., F.E.H.S 1904 285

" Wholesale," The, of To-day 1902 337

Williams, W. M. J. Some Eecent Modifications of

Our Eating System 1899 249

Williams, W. M. J. The Expenditure and Taxation

of the United Kingdom, 1875-1900 1901 345

Williams, W. M. J. Budget and Taxation 1902 139

Williams, W. M. J. The Sugar Question in 1902. . 1903 267
Williams, W. M. J. Shall we Change our Trade

Policy? 1905 125

Williams, W. M. J.-Eeform of the Income Tax ... 1908 189

Witherington, E. History of Milling 1887 304

Wood, G. H., F.S.S. A Glance at Wages and

Prices since the Industrial Ee volution 1901 244

Wood, G. H., F.S.S., The Condition of Labour 1902 247

Wood, G. H., F.S.S. Social Movements and

Eeforms of the Nineteenth Century 1903 193

Wood, G. H., F.S.S. An Outline of the History)

of the Employment of Women and Children in I 1904 209

Industry J

Woods, Furniture, with Suggestions for the Intro-)

duction of New Kinds. By J. E. JACKSON, L 1894 349

A.L.S. Illustrated by J. ALLEN j

Woollen Industry, Historically and Commercially

Considered. By FRED BRADBURY 1900 253

Wolff, H. W.Co-operation in other Lands 1903 223

Women and Children in Industry, An Outline)

of the History of the Employment of. By I 1904 209

G. H. WOOD, F.S.S ..)

445

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "ANNUAL" FROM 1885 TO 1909.

Title of Article. -'Annual." Page

Working-class ^Educational Movements in Eng-j

land and Scotland, A Survey of. By ALBERT ; 1906 259
MANSBRIDGE )

Working Classes and Political Economy, The 1886 279

Working Classes in Great Britain in 1842 and

1892, The Condition of. By SIDNEY WEBB,

1893 537

LL.B..

Working Classes, Housing of the 1886 203

Working Classes, Trade Unions and the. By T.

BURT, M.P .' 1885 374

Working-class Movements, Euskin and. By J. A.

HOBSON 1905 199

World's Supplies, Australasia as a Contributor to

the. By E. L. NASH 1902 301

Worthington, A. H. Payment of Members of

Parliament : A Historical Note . . 1893 555

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