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Hagerman Collection
tllSTORV AND POLITICAL SCIENCE
JAMES i. HAGERMAN OF CLASS OF '61
Proftuor Chiriu Kendall Adanu
IS83.
I
THE
ANNUAL REGISTER
OR A VIEW OF THE
HISTORY,
POLITICS,
LITERATURE,
OF THE YEAR
1831.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR BALDWIN AND CRADOCK;
J. G. & F. RIVINGTON;
LONGMAN, REUS, ORME, AND CO. 1 E. JEFFERT AND SOKj I. M. RlCHAl
SON; J. BOOTH: J. BOOKER; J. RODWEU.; E. LLOYD; SHERWOOD, C
BERT, AND PIPER; HAUILTON. ADAMS, AND CO.; G. LAWTOKD; J. DOV
ING; WHITTAKBR, TREACHER, AND ARNOT; SFMPXItl A^D HARSHAI
T. LATCOCK ; J. MARTIN ; 8- W. fVlfrBNANCS i *NP RiNBHAW AND RUSH
1833.
T. C. HaOMiTd, Piinler, Si, Paternotter-row, London.
,w^ ^i/^-^^—
CONTENTS.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
CHAPTER I.
iState of the Reform Question — Reform Bill introduced by Ministers into
the House of Commons — Debate of seven nights on the Motion for leave
to bring in the Bill— Speech of Lord John Russell— Sir R. H. Inriis--
Mr. Twiss— The Chancellor of the Exchequer— Mr. Hume— Rfr. B.
Ward— Mr. Macaulay— Mr. Hunt— Sir Charles Wetherell— The Attor-
ney-General [I
CHAPTER H.
Continuation of the Debate on the Motion for leave to bring in the Re-
form Bill— Speech of Mr. Bankes — Mr* Hobhouse — Mr. Baring — Lord
Palmerston— Sir Robert Peel— Mr. Stanley— The Lord Advocate— Mr.
Croker— Mr. Hope — Mr. R. Grant— Mr. (yConnell- Mr. Attwood—
Sir James Graham — ^Bill allowed to be brought in without a Division,
and read a First Time [34
CHAPTER m.
Effects of the Reform Bill on the Public Mind— Conduct of the Reformers
— London Declaration — ^The Press, and Complaint of Breach of Privi-
lege— Debate on the Motion that the Bill be read a Second Time, and
Amendment moved that it be read a Second Time that day six months —
Speeches of Sir R. Vyvyan— Mr. Shell — Mr. C. Grant — ^The Solicitor-
General — Sir E. Sugden — Mr. Ward — ^The Second Reading carried by a
Majority of One — Irish Reform Bill brought in and read a First Time —
Statements of Ministers regarding the Numbers of the House . [77
CHAPTER IV,
Alterations in Reform Bill subsequent to the Second Reading — Motion
that the House go into Committee — General Gascoyne moves that the
existing number of Members for England and Wales shall not be
dimini^ed, which is carried against Ministers by a Majority of Eight —
Nature and Effect of the Division — ^Lord Wharncliffe ^ives notice, in the
House of Peers, of a Motion for an Address to the Kmg not to Dissolve
— In the Commons, a Motion of Adjournment, pending the Ordnance
Estimates, carried against Ministers — Scene in the Commons on the
22nd of April— In the House of Peers, Lord Wharncliffe's Motion inter-
rupted by the entrance of the King to Prorogue Parliament — Proroga-
tion and Dissolution — Case of Privilege in the House of Lords, con-
nected with tlie Press [103
iv CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
The Budget — Proposed changes in Taxes — Opposition to a proposed T
on Transfers in the Funds — Ministers abandon it — Proposed aiminutl
of Duties on Baltic Timber, and augmentation of those on Canac^^
Timber — Ministers defeated on a Division — Arrangement of the Ci^^Y
List — Ministers, r^fusi^ to Abide by a liedudtidn litommended by tl^e
Select Committee — Increase of the Army . . . . [126
CHAPTER VI.
General Election — Popular Excitement in Favour of the Bill — Pledges
demanded from Candidates — Election Riots — Result of the Election —
Opening of the-NeVirPaHiament-^DisctisAiOfts on thi Address — Reform
Bill brought in, and read a First Time — Clamour of the Reformers
against the limitation of the £\0 Franchise*— Ministers yield the point —
Debate on the Second Reading of the Bill — Second Reading carried by
a Minority of 13&-^-4)i80u«8ti>ti in regard to Applteby^Th^ HoUte det«N
rainefi that it bhall not be allowed to bring Eviaence of its FopulatioA —
Debate lind Divisions on the Motion for going Into Comtnittee^-^DiicUs-
sio^ in Comtnittee on an Amendmeiit that the Enfran^ieihg Clauses
should be fint cOto^idered — Diyition on the Question Whe^er all
Boroughs having fewpr than 2,000 Inhabitants should b^ diefraBekiBed
— Motion that the Boroughs proposed to be disfranchised shall be
divided into Districts returning Memberr--Motion that the Population
be taken according to the Census of 1831 instead of 1821 . [149
CHAPTER VIL
Continuation of the Committed on the Reform Bill — Diieussion regarding
Appleby— T;^he Borpug^h of Dovirnton — ^The Borougk o^ St Germain's —
The fiorough of Sallash — Complaints of the fteformers that ailment
^SLS alfowed upon the Bill — Proposal of Ministers thiEit tlie Bill should
take the lead of all other Business — Proceedings of the Reformers —
Motion that the Boroughs tn Schedule B should retain both Members —
Boroughs of Chippenham — ^Dorchester-^Guildfbrd — Sudbury^— Motion
that Greenwich be excluded from the new Boroughs-^Molion that Stoke
upon Trent have two Members — ^Motion of Lord Milton that the new
Boroughs, to which the Bill gave only one Member, shoidd have two-
Motion against the Enfranchisement of Gateshead as separate from
Newcastle — Motion that a Member be given to Merthyr-Tyavil— 4)ebate
on the Clause of the Bill for dividing^ large Counties — Discussion on the
Clause enacting that ^freeholders m Boroughs should vote for the
County — Amendment moved that tenants at will of land should have
a vote for Counties, and carried against Ministers . . . [178
CHAPTER Vm.
CbntintiatSon of C\)tnmittee on Reform Bill-^Mr. Hunt's Amendment on
the £10 Pranthlse, to the eflfect of admitting Universal Sutfhige—
Amebdmeht, that Freeholders iii Boroughs shall vote for the BofoUjfh,
a^d not for the County-^Motion^ th&t the £ lO rent (^hall not be playable
moi^e fretjueAtly than quarterly — Disi^ttssioM fe|fahlin^ existing lights
of Franchlse^Diicussioni on thte Clauses dltiftctrng^the tttode of Regis-
ttatibn and r^^lating Electiotts-^Oonstdertttioh ot the Ret>6tt of the
Bill— Motloh, that Aldborough be totally Disfhmchised— Altertitions
made oh considering the Report— Debate bn Motit^n that the Bill |>ass—
Mbtion carried by a Majority of 109 ..... [216
n
CONTENTS, T
CHAPTER IX.
Il6f6irm Bill read a Mrst tlrnte in the House of Lords— Threats of the
tlefbrmers a^itist the Peers^-^bate on the Second Reading; of the Bill
in the tiousfe of Lords—Speeches of Lords Grey, Whamclifie, Winchil-
sea, Harrowby, the thike Of Wellington, Lord Eldon, the Lord Chan-
edllor, Lord'Lyndhurst, &c; — ^The Bill is thrown out by a Majority of
forty-one— Motion carried in the House of Commons that Ministers
ought not to resign — Lofd Howe dismissed from his office of Queen's
Chamberlain, oii acCbunt of his yote> and disclosures thereupon in the
House of Oouimons— --^Attacks on the persons and houses of the Peers —
Riots at Derby and Nottingham — Correspondence of Ministers with the
P^itieal Unions, and discussions thereon in the House of Commons —
Flnatieial Statement-^Prorogation of Parliament-^ Riots in Bristol —
Pdnnatioa of a National Political Union in London^— Proposed general
meeting of the Working Classes^-^Proclamation a|^ainst Illegal Associa-
tions-^Appearance of the Cholera Morbus in the North . . [252
CHAPTER X.
Ireland. "— La wies6 state of the Peasantry in Ireland— Distress of the
Population — Associations in Dublin for a Repeal of the Union —
0*t!onneirs intended Procession of the Trades prohibited by Proclama-
tion— ^O'Connell Summons his assemblies under a new name, and they
are again prohibited by Picoclamation — Proposal that O'Connell himself
dhail be declared to be an association — He renews his meetings in the
shape of a Public Bl-eakfasl— The Breakfasts are prohibited by Procla-
mation— New devices of the Agitators to evade the law, followed by
another Proclamation — Partial run upon the Banks — O'Connell convokes
another meeting, which is dispersed by the Magistrates — O'Connell and
' his eoa^Uto'rs apptehended for illegal proceedings — True Bills are found
against them'— He puts in a demurrer, then withdraws it, and pleads
Not Guilty — Attempts to delay his Trial— Withdraws his plea, and
pleads Guilty — Discussions in Parliament whether Government had
made a Cbtnpfomise with the Agitators — None of the Agitators brought
up for Judgment — Declarations against a Repeal of the Union — Dis-
cussions in Pai'liament on the Same suWect — C/ontinued disturbances in
tlfeland— tnsurrection Act enfbrced by Proclamation in several Counties,
aftd Special Commissions to try the offenders — Fatal collisions between
the Peasantry and the Authorities at Castle Pollard — At Newton-barry
—In County Kilkenny [300
CHAPTER XL
FkANCiv-^State of Parties— Turbulence of the Students— Rlot« in Paris
against the Clet*gy-*-Proceeding6 against the Bourbonists — In«ecurity
of the Ministry — Resignation of Ministers^ and formation of a New
Mlalstry-^Policy Of the New Ministry— Riot Act passed — New Electoral
LaW>-4Expenditure — Attempt to raise a Loan by Public Subscription —
Prorogation of the Chambers — Tumults in Paris — Quarrel between the
Ministry and the Heroes of July — Tour of the King in the Provinces —
Disorderly state of Paris — Dissolution of the Chambers — General Elec-
tion— Rfots in Paris— Expedition against Portugal — Opening of the
Session of the New Chamber— Celebration of the Revolution — Exhibi-
tion of Austrian banners in the Chamber of Peers — Small Majority in
j^vour of the Ministerial Candidate for the Presidency of the CnamDers
-Ministers Resign— They withdraw their Resignatious on the Invasion
vi CONTENTS.
of Belgium by Holland — Expedition to Belgium— Great Majority ii
favour of Ministers on the Address — Bill for altering the Institution o
the Peerage— Creation of Peers to carry it through the Upper Chambe
— Riots in Paris — Complaints against the Bourbonists — Act banishiuj
from France all Relations of the Bourbon Family, or of Napoleon-
Serious Disturbances at Lyons . . . ^ . . [32!
CHAPTER XH.
Holland and Belgium. — Candidates for the Belgic Crown — Franc
declares that it will not recognize the Duke of Leuchtenberg — The Duk
of Nemours is chosen — Decision of the Five Powers in regard to th
Sovereign of Belgium — The Duke of Nemours refuses the Crown — ^Th
Belgians elect a Regent — Proceedings of the Conference — Disputes n
garding the Scheldt — Warlike spirit of the Belgic Congress — ^'Fhc Coi
ference lays down Bases of Separation — Belgium rejects and protest
against them — Waverin<j Policy of France — Holland accepts of th
Bases — Answer of the Conference to the Belgian Protest — The Confe
ence declares the terms accepted by Holland to be ** fundamental an
irrevocable*' — Belgium refuses them» demands War, and calls on Luxen
burg to rise against the decision of the Five Powers — Anarchy througl
out Belgium^ and Riots in the principal Towns — Belgium is allowed ti
the 1st of June to accept of the Bases, under the pain of all relatioi^^
between her and the Five Powers being broken off— The Conference
endeavours to compass the Election of Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg,
and promise their good offices with Holland in favour of Belgium, on
the latter accepting the Bases — Belgium endeavours to negociate directly
with Holland, under a threat of renewing hostilities— Breach of the
Armistice by the Belgians at Antwerp — Letter of Lord Ponsonby, on the
part of the Conference, to the Belgian Government — The Congress,
without accepting the Bases, elects Prince Leopold King — Holland de-
mands the execution of the fundamental and irrevocable Bases — The
Conference again promise to enforce them, and order their Representa-
tives to quit Brussels — Prince Leopold delays accepting the Crown—
The Conference recede from the irrevocable Bases, and propose new
terms at the expense of Holland — ^The Belgian Congress accepts them —
Holland rejects them, and demands the performance of the existing
Agreements — Prince Leopold accepts the (Jrown, and he is installed at
Brussels with the concurrence of the Conference — Holland declares the
Armistice at an end, and the Dutch Army enters Belgium— Rout of the
Belgians at Hasselt — Their Army, commanded by the King, defeated at
Louvain, and Lou vain eapturea — A French Army arrives at Brussels,
and the Dutch troops retire — Proceedings of the Conference in reference
to the march of the Dutch and French Armies — ^The French troops are
recalled — Opening of the Session of the Belgic Chambers — The Confer-
ence frames another new set of Articles, and declares that their accept-
ance shall be compulsory — Belgium accepts them — Holland rejects
them, but offers to negociate— Negotiation refused — Treaty signed be-
tween the Five Powers, and the King of Belgium . . . [372
CHAPTER XIIL
Germany. — Insurrections in Hanover, at Osterode, and Gottingen — ^Ac-
cession of Duke William of Brunswick in place of his brother — Public
movements in Hesse Cassel and Saxony. — Switzerland. — Insurrections
and military operations in the Canton'of Basle — ^The insurgents are put
down— and again take arms — A federal army occupies the Can«
CONTENTS. vu
ton— Insurrection in Schwyz — Insurrectipn in Neufchatel — Changes in
the other Cantons — Proceedings of the Diet. — Poland. — ^The Dictator
attempts to negociate — He resigns and a Committee of Government is
appointed — ^Pohsh Manifesto against Russia — ^The Throne of Poland
deckred vacant — ^Preparations for war — ^The Russian army approaches
Warsaw — Battles in the neighbourhood of Warsaw — The Russians
retire — The Poles attack and carry their positions — Defeat of the Poles
in Volhynia and Podolia — ^The Russian army again advances and again
retreats — ^The Poles assume the offensive — ^Battle of Ostrolenko— The
Polish army falls back upon Warsaw — Operations in Volhynia — ^The
Poles defeated in Lithuania— The Russians prepare tq cross the Vistula —
Dissensions in Warsaw — ^The Russians establish themselves on the left
bank of the Vistula — Insurrections and outrages in Warsaw — The Com*
mittee of Government resigns, and a Dictator is appointed — Progress of
the Russians — Storming of the fortifications of Warsaw— Warsaw sur-
renders— Dispersion of the Polish army — Progress of the Cholera
Morbus. ....... [417
CHAPTER XIV.
Spain.— Insurrection at Cadiz — Defeat of the rebels — ^Arrests and execu-
tions at Madrid — Unsuccessful attempt of General Torijos. — Portugal.
—Complaints of the British Government, and demands for satisfaction
r—A fleet is sent to the Tagus, and satisfaction obtained— Complaints of
the French Government — Satisfaction is refused — France makes reprisals
pn the Portuguese flag — Britain refuses the application of Portugal to
interfere — ^A French fleet dispatched to Lisbon — ^The demands of the
French Admiral refused, till he forces the Tagus — ^The French carry off
the Portuguese fleet — State of Lisbon — Return of Don Pedro from
Brazil to Europe — He makes preparations for a descent on
Portugal — Unsuccessful Insurrection by part of the garrison of
Lisbon — British men of war sent to Lisbon and Oporto— The forces
of the Regency of Terceira capture the Island of St. George, and
the Island of St. Michael — Defensive preparations of Don Miguel. —
Italy. — ^Election of a Pope — Plan of general Insurrection — Insurrection
at Modena — The Duke leaves it and a provisional Government is esta-
blished— Insurrection and establishment of a provisional Government at
Bologna — ^It becomes general in the Legations — Insurrection at Parma
— Proclamations of the insurgents to the inhabitants of Austrian Lom-
bardy — and of Naples — Differences between France and Austria — The
Austrian troops cross the Po against the insurgents, who immediately
disperse — The insurrection put down, and the former Government re-
stored in Modena, in Parma, and in the Papal States — New troubles in the
Papal Legations — Death of the King of Sardinia. — Greece. — Unpopu-
larity of the President — Maina and Hydra revolt— The Hydriots take
possession of the Greek fleet at Poros — Tlie Russian fleet blockades
them, and demands the surrender of the ships — ^llie President attacks
Poros by land, and is repulsed— Its inhabitants are removed to Hydra —
The Russian Admiral prepares to attack the Greek fleet — Its commander
Miaulis blows it up — Proceedings of the Mainotes — Assassination of the
President. ..... [440
CHAPTER XV.
United States — South America. — State of Brazil — Disturbances at
Rio Janeiro — ^The Emperor abdicates in favour of his son. — Buenos
Atrbs — Military operations — Colombia — Death of Bolivar — Insurrec-
tion in Panama— Mexico— Peru. — Disturbances at Lima. . [460
• ••
vm
CONTENTS.
CHRONICtE . * 1
APPENDIX TO C^HOKici^B.
King^s Ministers . ... 196
Members of the House of Com-
mons . . . . 197
Sheriffs . . . .201
Births 202
Marriages . . . 204
Promotions , . . .210
Deaths . . , . 216
Public Income , , ,262
I'ublic Expenditure , . 264
Disposition of Grants • . 266
Ways and Means . . 272
Public Unfunded Debt .. . 273
Public Funded Debt . . 274
Trade of the United Kingdom 276
Navigation of the United King-
dom . . .277
Public General Acts . 279, 284
Public Acts of a Local and Per*
sonri nature . • 280, 286
Stocks 4 . , .291
Pricts of Corn, Hay, and But-
cher's Meat . . , .292
Bllh of Mortality-^Bankrupts
^and Meteorological Table 293
Table of Number of Houses
rated for the Inhabited House*
Tax . . . 294
Ditto, for the Metropolis . 295
Committals, Convictions, &c. ibid.
tState of Savings' Banlis and
Charitable Societies . , 296
University Intelligence • . 297
LAW CASES AND NARRA-
TIVES.
Contempt of Court— Privilege
of Parliament . .301
Court of Justiciary, Edin-
burgh.^Riot at Dundee . 307
Ditto, Riots at Haddington .310
Ditto, Rioting at Edinburgh .311
Ditto, Murder of Alexander
Ross .313
Old Bailey.— Trials of Bishop,
Williams, and May, Murder,
for the purpose of selling the
bodies . , , 31^
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS,
I. Domestic, r.- Abstract of the
Reform Bill • . 336
Instructions and Regulations
regarding Cholera, issued
under authority of the Privy
Council . • .357
II. Foreign.— Documents eoiu
qeoted with the separation of
Belgium from HoU^id . 361
Speech of King Leopold on
opening .the Belgic Congress 403
Speech 0? the King of Holland
on opening the Sessions of
the States General . . 406
Manifesto of the Polish Estates 407
Circular of the Polish Govern^
ment to Foreign Cabinets .414
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
Present State qf the Fewantry
of LivQuia , , ,432
Russian Miiit(try Colonios , 433
The Pay of a PhitadelpUian
Lady , . . .435
American Society , , . 437
American Servants . , 438
American C^mp Meeting . 440
ARTS.
The Life-buoy now In use in
the Navy , , ,445
PATKNT3 ? , • ,446
POETRY.
Parental Love . . ,463
Evening . . , ibid.
Night , . . ihid.
Spring Hymn . . . , 4M
Naples : ^ The Song of the
Syren , . . .455
Vouih , ^s
Index.
THE
ANNUAL REGISTER,
FOR THE YEAR
1831.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
CHAP. I.
State of the Reform question — Reform Bill introduced by Ministers
into the House of Commons — Debate of seven nights on the Motion
for leave to bring in the Bill — Speech of Lord John Russell — Sir
R, H. Inglis — Mr. Twiss-^The Chancellor of the Exchequer — Mr,
Hume — Mr, B, Ward — Mr, Macaulay — Mr, Hunt — Sir Charles
Wetherell — The Attorney -General,
THE ministry which succeeded far they would be satisfied with
that of the Duke of Welling- diffusing t'le elective franchise over
ton, had entered office under places which had grown up in the
express declarations that they course of years^ and still remained
would forthwith apply themselves unrepresented, or how far they
to what was termed the reform of would allow themselves to be se-
tbe representation^ that is> to duccd by the love of making consti-
streDgtnen and enlarge the demo- tutions,— remained unknown; nei-
craticpart of the Constitution. To theV was there any thing in the com*
this they were gledged^ both by position of the ministryfrom which
their general principles as a party, its measures could be predicted.
and by the opinions to which they If at its head was Earl Grey^
bad given utterance regarding the whose opinions were favourable to
political events which had agitated changes of no moderate kind^ it
Europe during the preceding year, contained Lord Melbourne, Lord
What might be the extent oi the Palmerston^ and Mr. Grant, the
dtanges which they meant to intro- disciples of Mr. Canning, the most
duoe^ how much they would destroy inveterate and unyielding foe of
and how much reconstruct; how changes in the Constitution. The
Vol. LXXHL [B]
2]
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
fact tbat tliey had accepted office
under a ministry pledged to change,
was sufficient evidence that tliey
were prepared to depart from their
former opinions; but it was not to
be anticipated that they would
readily rush into the opposite ex-
treme. It was clear, too, that the
whigs themselves were not all of
one mind. Lord Brougham's mo-
tion on parliamentary reform had
stood, in the House of Commons^
for the very day succeeding that on
which the Duke of Wellington had
retired. His plan, therefore, if not
iti all Its details, yet in its broad
principles and general arrange-
ments, must have been ready for
presentation ; but the long ad-*
journment till the third of Febru-
ary, confessedly on the ground that
much time and many inquiries were
necessary to settle the intended
ministerial constitution of the com-*
mpns, gave reason to believe that
this plan would be very different
from that of the Lord Chancellor,
which, if his colleagues had ap-
proved of it, courted their accept-
ance.
While the members of the min-
istry were occupied in framing the
new parliamentary constitution,
meetings were held in all parts of
the country, in counties, in towns,
and in parishes, for the purpose of
getting up petitions, which were
at once to be the result and the
support of the declared intentions
of the government. Such expres*
sions of opinion are at all times
easily obtained ; and, in reference
to such a topic, they bear on the
solution of the question only in
so far as they pfove the fact of the
existence of an unsatisfied desire
in masses of the population, in
regard to their political condition.
Ileform> in all the thousand mo-
difications of meaning which were
included under this general term,
comprehended an extension of the
elective franchise: to extend the
franchise was to confer political
power; to petition for reform,
therefore, was merely the very
natural expression of a desire to
possess political power — a desire
which it is always difficult to con-
trol and repress, but the excite-
ment of which, into even its most
extravagant expression, is an ex-
ploit of absolutely vulgar facility.
That thousands of men declare
political power to be their riffht,
does not make it a right ; that tney
unanimously demand to be put in
possession of it, no more touches
the reason of the question — is it
fitting and expedient that they
should possess it ? — than their
unanimous de.mand to be put in
possession of the estates of their
neighbours, or to be exempted from
taxation, would prove that what
they souffht was useful and proper.
No difficulty, therefore, was
found in bringing forth all over
the country, loud and violent de-
mands that the democratical part
of the constitution should be
strengthened and extended; and
the task was the more easy, as the
reformers were aided by the con-
tagion of foreign example. The
revolution of the preceding year in
France was the origin of tne out-
cry for reform in Britain. Previous
to that event, reform, a standing
topic, to some extent or other, in
every session of parliament, had
excited less attention than usual ;
even the restless spirit of pe-
titioning had fallen into a slumber ;
in the public mind there was no
agitation. In 1821 there had been
nineteen petitions for reform ; in
1622 there had been twelve ;
twenty-nine in 1 823 : during the
following six years there had not
- HISTORY OF EUROPE. [3
been a single petition^ and in the tbem^ that the power and efficacy
session of 1830, only fourteen. No of the democratical part of the
domestic causes had sprung into constitution should be increased.
Operation to produce a sudden and Therefore, if the British constitu-
general change in the people, or tion was to be preserved, the
the populace of Britain ; no rights answer to the question whether
had been infringed; no grievous reform should be granted, depended
and wide malversations had been entirely on the degree to which
newly detected ; in nothing had the control of the great body of
the government come into violent the people, acting by the House
collision with public opinion. But of Commons, over the measures of
the populace of Paris rose sue- government, should be increased
oe»fuliy in arms to resist an and extended. The efficiency of
open and outrageous attack by the the democratic branch of the con-
crown upon the rights which the stitution might be so augmented,
constitution had secured to the overwhelming property and educa-
country. They rose, not to seize tion beneath the weight of mere
power which tney did not possess, numbers, as to render the govern-
but to resist an attempt to deprive ment a democracy in every thing
the people of the power of which but in name ; or the change might
it was already legally in possession, be so limited, by extending the
The triumph of popular resistance franchise to places, which, though
to tyrannical aggression in France wealthy and populous, had not yet
roused the spirit of popular en- received members, as to render
Oroachment upon established insti- it nothing more than the intro-
tutions in Britain. The crown duction of an additional quan-
had made no assault on the recog- tity of the mixed representation
nized rights of the people ; there which already existed. The de-
had been no attempt to govern by grees, by which the power of the
proclamations, to raise money by popular body might be increased,
orders in council, to establish a were infinite; and the question,
censorship over the press, or to how far its increase was fitting
alter the representative system of and safe, or how far necessary to
the country. But the exhibition secure the objects of good govern-
6f popular power, in full possession, ment, was a question to be decided
for a time, of the government of by sound reason — not by the mere
one country, excited all the popular fact that certain bodies of men
propensities of the other ; and as desired political power. The peti-
the excitement thus produced tions, however, which were now
found no tyrannical attack against industriously manufactured in
adcnowledged rights on which it every part of the country, were
could fix as its object, it sought for almost uniformly found wanting
itself an object in rights which it in this, the only intelligible ques-
did not possess, and found vent in tion that could arise. Thus one
a cry for parliamentary reform. set of petitioners prayed for ** the
Tne men who raised or pro- equalization and extension of the
pagated this cry, might diflfer as to right of suflTrage," — but whether
the means by which the object was they meant such an extension and
to be attained : biit the cry itself equalization as would convert the
tflnified. in the mouths of all of government into a democracy, or
CB2]
4] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
some more modified degree of
change^ they either did not know^
or were afraid to declare. Others
annouDced that ^< for the sake of
every thing that is truly valuable
in society^ a real^ substantial and
effectual reform in the representa-
tion of the people is become
absolutely necessary/*— but what
would amount^ in the opinion of
the petitioners^ to a real, substan-
tial^ and effectual reform, and
whether a reform, meriting, in
their eyes, the honour of these
epithets, would not be inconsistent
with the permanent and useful
existence of the other branches of
the constitution, was left to con-
jecture. When the petitioners de-
parted from these unmeaning
generalities, the demands which
they put forward were, the an-
nihilation of all influence on the
part of the aristocracy in returning
members to the House of Commons
— the shortening theduration of par-
liaments— the extension and equal-
ization of the elective franchise;
but how it was to be extended
was left untold; except in those
petitions which demanded that the
right of suffrage should be univer-
sal. A large proportiqn of these
petitions further set forth, that no
measure of reform, however radical
might be the changes which it
would introduce, would prove an
effectual remedy, unless it provided
that all votes in future should be
given by ballot. The evils sup-
posed to have been inflicted on the
community by the absence of some
full and substantial reform, were
found in the existing commercial
and manufacturing distress; the
frequency of unjust and unneces-
sary wars ; the profligate expendi-
ture of the public money ; and the
amount of taxation, kept up, it was
s^id^ merely to impoverish the
country by squandering its rew
resources on pensioners and place-
men. These were assertions in
which no sober-minded or well-
informed man reposed any con-
fidence. The most popular of them
all, the abuse of paying public
money to pensioners and placemen^
was, at the same time, the most
ridiculous. No man could believe
that the amount of the pension
list, even if every item it contained
were unjustifiable, could be felt as a
pressure on the country; and the
new ministers themselves not only
did not diminish it, but refused to
accede' to a recommendation to
reduce the civil list, contained in a
report of their own committee^
Another feature in some of the
petitions was, that they recom-
mended a reform of property as
well as of representation, by de-
manding that the possessions of the
church should be seized, and ap-
propriated to what they called the
necessities of the state. In many
places again, the petitioners, satis-
fied with announcing the general
proposition, that the country was
ruined, and could be restored only
by reform, left it to his Majesty's
ministers to declare what kind and
quantity of change would best
answer the purpose. The true
result to be obtained from gene-
ralities which meant nothing, or
particular propositions which all
rational men disliked, was simply
this, that the great mass of the
people were desirous to be put in
possession of political power, and
having come to consider that pos-
session as a matter of abstract
right— a thing which does not
exist in political institutions — they
did not willingly bring their reason
to weigh consequences, or when
they did, that reason was easily
bribed to the belief that their pos*
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[5
session of power must be beneficial
to the community, and that all
resistance to what they deemed
and called a rights must be treated
as oppression and usurpation.
Besides the usual machinery of
petitions, permanent political as-
sociations had already begun to be
formed in different parts of the
country, for the purpose of organ-
izing large numbers of individuals
into one body, to act on the mind
of the public around them and
press upon the government. These
«elf-constituted organs of popular
opinion took the name of Political
Unions. They had a regular array
of officers, and a council which
transacted the ordinary business.
Their objects were, to push on po-
litical changes to any extent, by
any means 3 to insist on whatever
they chose to demand, as a right
which could not be refused with-
out a crime ; to repress, by their
display of force, any expression,
in their neighbourhood, of opinions
of an opposite tendency ; and to
make even the government, which
they pretended to be supporting,
feel, by their violence, that they
eiisted in order to dictate, not to
•obey. They did not even conceal
the effects which they would pro-
duce by their mere physical power,
and used language of abuse and
intimidation which had no mean-
ing except upon the idea that they
were prepared and resolved to ex-
tort by force the possession of that
•power which, in their hands, was
to save the country. The great
object of all their deliberations
was to excite incurable enmity in
the middling and lower classes
against those who stood above
them in the order of society. The
latter were uniformly represented
ks persons who had robbed the
former of tbeir rights and their
comforts, and whose resistance to
the intended new order of things
must be put down by force, if they
were not timeously frightened into
submission.
It was in this state of matters
that parliament met, pursuant to
adjournment, on the 3rd of Feb-
ruary. Ministers had hitherto
veiled in profound secrecy the plan
of Reform which they intended to
introduce. All that was known
was, that neither the acts nor tlie
language of their partisans had in
any degi'ee tended to repress or
allay the excited feeling which ex-
isted all around them, and than
which nothing could be more un-
favourable to the calm discussion
of so grave a question. All extra-
vagant demagogues styled them-
selves, and were treated as, the
friends of Ministers ; Ministers on
the other hand could not venture
to cool the attachment of dema-
gogues who guided the voice of
the populace. Ministers alone
knew the length to which they had
resolved to go ; and seemed al-
ready to be aware that no expedi-
ent was to be neglected which
might keep up the flood of excita-
tion, the only tide to which they
could trust for floating through
their perilous project. On the
first day of the meeting of Parlia-
ment, earl Grey stated, that, al-
though it had been a work of con-
siderable difliculty, ministers had
at last succeeded in framing a mea-
sure which would be effective,
without exceeding the bounds of a
just and well-advised moderation.
It had received the unanimous as-
sent of the government, and would
be introduced into the House of
ComTmons at as early a period as
possible. Although, however, the
measure was thus declared, on the
3rd of February to have been al-
6]
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ready framed^ aod sanctioned hy
the unanimous approbation of all
the members of the government^ it
was not till the Ist of March^ that
it was introduced into the House
of Commons. It was introduced
by lord John Russell, to whom^
although not a cabinet minister,
this duty had been intrusted, in
consideration of his lordship hav-
ing made^ on many occasions^ many
motions for many partial changes
in the existing state of the repre-
sentation.
His lordship declared in the
outset that the measure which he
was about to propose had been
formed in the mind of earl Grey
himself: the world believed that
the greater portion of the premier's
mind, had been founds on this oc-
casion, to reside within the body
of his son-in-law, lord Durham.
His lordship farther declared^ that
the object of ministers had been,
while they discarded the notion of
complying with violent and extra-
vagant demands^ to frame a mea-
sure with which every reasonable
man in the country would be satis-
fied : that they wished to take their
stand between two hostile parties,
neither agreeing with the bigotted
on one hand, that no Reform was
necessary, nor agreeing with the
fanaticism of others, that only one
particular reform could be whole-
some or satisfactory, but taking a
firm and steadfast ground between
abuses which were to be amended^
and convulsions which were to be
averted. These were all most ex-
cellent general expressions.
His lordship next laid it down
as one principle on which he and
his colleagues agreed, that the
question of riglU was in favour of
the reformers ; for the ancient
constitution of the country declar-
edj that no man should be tax«d
for the support of the state who
had not consented, by himself or
his representative to tne imposition
of the taxes. The statute de Tallu"
gio non concedendo spoke the same
language j and, although some his-
torical doubts had been thrown
upon it, its legal meaning had
never been questioned. It includ-
ed ^^all the Ireemen of the land ;*'
and it provided that each county
should send to the Commons two
knights, each city two burgesses,
and each borough two members;
About an 100 places sent repre-
sentatives, and thirty or forty
others occasionally enjoyed the
privilege ; but it was discontinued
or 'revived as they rose or fell in
the scale of wealth, and importance.
No doubt, at that early period, the
House of Commons did represent
the people of England ; but, added
his lordship, there is likewise no
doubt, that the House of Commons,
as it presently subsists, does not
represent the people of England.
The right bemg thus in &-
vour of reform, the house would
find that the result would be the
same, when they looked to what
was reasonable \ for it would be
impossible to keep the constita«
tion of the House as it at present
existed. Who had not heard of
the fame of this country, that in
wealth it was unparalleled, in civi-
lization unrivalled, and in freedom
une(}ualled, in the history of the
empires of the world ? iSow sup«
pose that a foreigner, well ac-
quainted with these fact^ were
told, that in this most wealthy,
most civilized, and most free coun«
try, the representatives of the
people, the guardians of her liber-
ties, were chosen only every six
years, would he not be very curi-
ous and very anxious to hear
in what way ti)at operation wa^
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
19
perfbrmed^ by wliicli this great ami
wise nation selected the members
who were to represent them^ and
upon whom depended their fortunes
and their rights ? Would not such
a foreigner be much astonished if
lie were taken to a green mound
and informed that it sent two
members to the British parlia-
ment ? — if he were shown a stone
wail, and told that it also sent two
Members to the British parliament
—or, if he walked into a park^
without the vestige of a dwelling,
and learned that that too sent two
members to the British parliament?
—He would, be still more asto-
nished were he to go into the
northern part of the country, and
were to see flourishing towns, con-
taining immense manufiEiCtories and
depositories of every sort of mer-
ehandize, and be informed that
these places sent no representatives
to parliament. He would be still
more astonished, were he taken to a
great and opulent town — Liverpool
for instance — and were to observe
the manner in which general elec-
tions were there conducted. He
would see bribery prevail to the
greatest extent ; he would see men
openly paid for their votes ; and he
would be astonished that a nation,
whose representatives were so
chosen, should be at all competent
to perform the functions of legisla-
tion. The people called loudly
for reform, saying that whatever
good existed in the constitution of
this House — whatever confidence
was placed in it by the people, was
completely gone. Whatever might
be tnougnt of particular acts> the
confidence of the country in the
constitution of the House had long
ceased ; and so long as towns like
Leads and Manchester elected no
representatives! while such places
aa Ontton and Old Smxm did; it
was impossible to say that the repre-
sentation was fairly and properly
carried on . From these premises h is
lordship arrived at this conclusion
— if the case be one of right, it is in
favour of reform — if it be a question
of reason it is in favour of reform —
if it be a question of expediency,
expedience calls loudly for it.
His lordship then stated the
plan by which ministers proposed
to meet and satisfy the demand for
reform which they averred them-
selves to believe could no longer
be resisted. That plan had been
so framed as to remove the reason-
able complaints of the people, and
these complaints again were prin-
cipally directed, first, against nomi-
nation by individuals; secondly,
elections by close corporations;
tbirdlv, the expenses of elections.
In so tar as concerned the first two
grounds of complaint, the plan of
ministers consisted first of disfran-
chisement, in order to get rid of
places which had hitherto sent
members to parliament : secondly,
of enfranchisement, in order to en-
able places which had hitherto been
uilrepresented, to elect members :
thircfly, of an extension of the fran-
chise, in order to increase the num-
ber of electors in those places which
were to be allowed to retain in whole,
or in part, their existing privilege
of sending members to the House
of Commons.
The part of the plan, which
related to disfr.anchisement, pro-
ceeded on a very plain rule, viz.
to disfranchise all boroughs whose
population did not exceed a cer-
tain number. Lord Jolm Rus-
sell allowed it would be ana x-
tremely difficult task to ascer-
tain the wealth, trade, extent,
and population of a given number
of places. We h^ve therefore been
gov^erned, said he^ hy what is a
9]
AN J? UAL REGISTER, 1831.
public record — ^the population re-i
turn of 1821^ and we propose that
every borough which at that date
contained fewer than 2,000 in-
habitants> shall be deprived en-
tirely of the privilege of sending
members to parliament. This
would utterly disfranchise sixty
boroughs, and get rid of 119
members.* This, he was perfectly
aware, was a bold and decided
. * The following were the Boroughs
thus to be disfranchised, and their po-
pulation according to the census of
1821. They formed Schedule A of the
bill:—
Population.
Aldborough (York) . . 484
Aldeburgh (Suffolk) . . 1 ,2 1 2
Appleby .. •. 824
Bedwin 1,928
Beeralston •• ..
Bishop's Castle .. •• 1,616
Bletchingley .. .. 1,187
Boroughbridge •• •• 860
Bossiney •• •• 877
Brackley .. .. 1,851
Bramber 98
Buckingham ». •• 1,495
Callington 1,321
Camelford •• •• 1,256
Castle Rising • • • • 343
Corfe Castle • • • • 1 ,465
Dunwich"^ .. .. 200
• Eye .. .. .. 1,882
Fowey .. •• • 1,455
. Gatton .. .. •• \35
Haslemere .. .. 887
Hedon .• .. .. 902
Heytesbury .. .. 1,329
Higham Ferrers • . • • 877
Hindon •• .. 830
Ilchester ,. .. 802
Looe, Bast 770
Looe, West . . . . 539
Lostwithiel .. .. 933
Ludgershall •• •• 477
Malmesbury •• •• 1,322
Midhurst •• •• 1,335
Milborne ,• .. 1,440
Minehead 1,239
Newport (Cornwall) . • 977
Newton (Lancashire) •• 1,643
Newton:(l8le of Wight) . . 767
Okehampton *• •• 1,907
Orford .. .. 1,119
Petersfield ,. ., 1,446
Plympton #• tt 7
measure ; he knew that, on ordin«
ary occasions, no interest, however
trifling, should be touched. But
this was no ordinary occasion ; and
the interests to be touched were
not private interests, but public
trusts. The House had done the
very same thing, when, under the
former ministry, it disfranchised
the forty-shilling freeholders of
Ireland. All the boroughs to be
thus totally disfranchised were
nomination boroughs, in the gift
of individual patrons, and the in*
terest of the latter certainly was
not deserving of more considera-*
tion than had been the franchise
of the Irish peasant. *' Shall we
say that the principle of allowing
no partial interests to stand in the
way of the public good is to be
maintained^ when the poor peasant*
ry of Ireland are concerned, but
that when it touches the great and
wealthy, we are not to venture to
treat the question as the public
interest demands ? Shall we at
once deprive the freeholder of Ire-
land of that right which he merely
exercised as the constitution gave
it to him, and shall we be afraid
to touch the right of the noble
proprietor of Gatton, who returns
PopnlAtion.
Queenborough . . , ,
881
Reigate
1,328
. Romney •• «• ..
962
St. Mawes • •
1,648
St Michael (Cornwall) ..
1,893
Saltash
1,548
Old Sarum .. _..
Seaford .. .. ..
1,047
Steyning
1,324
Stockbridge . , , ,
715
Tregony
1,035
Wareham . • , ,
1,931
Wendover
1,602
Weobley
739
Whitchurch • • . ,
1,434
Winchelsea • • . •
817
Woodstock
1,455
Wootton Bassett •• .•
1,701
Yarmouth (Islo of Wight)
m
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[9
two members to parliament, al«
: though he derived no such power
from the constitution ? ShaJl we
say that a strictly constitutional, a
strictly legal right shall be abo-
lished^ because the convenience,
the necessity of the country, de-
niaDds it — and that a right which
is mere usurpation, with no sanc-
tion of law, and sapported only by
usage^ shall be respected and left
untouched, though the public in-
terest requires, and the public voice
demands its abolition ! Shall we
make this glaring distinction be-
tween rich and poor, high and
low, disfranchise the peasant, and
prop the falling fortunes of the
peer 1 '*
But disfranchisement was not to
stop here. There were boroughs
which should be blotted out alto-
gether. , There were others which,
although more flourishing in point
of population, were too low to have
any good title to retain their pre-
sent privilege of sending two
members to the House of Commons.
It was, therefore, farther pro-
posed, that all boroughs, whose
population, according to the cen-
sus of 1821, though it exceeded
2,000, was under 4,000, should in
future send only two members
instead of one. The number of
these boroughs was forty-seven,*
• Population of the 47 Boroughs, in
each of which there was to be a reduction
of one Member : —
Population.
Amersham •• •• 2,612
Arundel 2,511
Ashburton •• .. 3,403
Bewdley 3,725
Bodmin .. .. 2,902
Bridport 3,742
Chippenham • 8,201
Clithcroe .. .. .. 3,213
Cockermouth .. •• 3,790
Dorchester .. .. 2,743
Downton •• • •• 3,114
Proitwich «, •• 2,176
and thus forty-seven members
more were disposed of. Wey-
mouth likewise, which had hitherto
sent four members was, in future,
to send only two.
This process of disfranchise-
ment, proceeding on the simple
fact of numbers, and necessarily
utterly arbitrary in its very prin-
ciples, having deprived the House
of Commons of 1 68 members, then
began the work of enfranchisement,
by giving members to places which
had hitherto been unrepresented,
and giving more members to other
places which had always enjoyed
them. In the first place it was
proposed that each of seven con-
siderable towns should send two
members, and twenty others, one
Popalation.
Evesham •. .. 3,487
Grimsby .. •• •• 3,064
(xrinstead •• .. 3,153
Guildford •• •• 3,161
Hclston 2,671
Honiton .. .. 3,296
Huntingdon .. .. 2,806
Hytbe 2,181
Launceston 2,183
Jjeominstcr •. •• 3,651
Liskeard 2,423
Lyme Regis • • . . 2,269
Lymington 3,164
Maldon .. .. 3,198
Marlborough •• .. 3,038
Marlow .. .. 2,532
Morpeth .. ' .. 3,415
Northallerton .. .. 2,626
Penryn .. .. 2,933
Richmond . . * • • 3,546
Rye .. .. .. .. 3,599
St.«Germain's •• •• 2,404
St. Ives 3,526
Sandwich .. .. 2,912
Sudbury .. .." .. 3,950
Shaftesbury .. .. 2,993
Tamworth •• «• 3,574
Thetford .. .. 2,922
ThirsTc .. .. .. 2,533
Totness .. .. 3,128
Truro ' 2,712
Wallihgford .... . . 2,093
Westbury .. .. 2,117
Wilton 2,058
Wycombe •• •• 2,864
loj
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
member each.* This restored
thirty-four members. Next were
selected twenty-seveD of the largest
countieSyt includiDg Yorkshire,
each of which was. Id future» to
return four members instead of
two> with this exception that
Yorkshire, already possessing four,
was now to return an additional
member for each riding. The
representation of London likewise
was to be more than doubled. The
Tower Hamlets, containing a po-
pulation of 28,000 inhabitants,
were to return two members; the
district of Holborn (218,000) two
members; Finsbury and its dis-
trict (162,000) two members;
Lambeth, and the places beyond
the river, ( 1 28,000) two members ;
and the parish of Marylebone, two
members.
The most important part of the
ministerial new constituticm still
remained behind. The cities, bo-
roughs, and counties which were
to send members, and the number
of members to be elected, being
thus ascertained, the existing right
of franchise in ail of them was to
be altered, and a new franchise
introduced, extending . equally to
those which remained untouclied,
with the declared purpose of in-
creasing the number of electors,
and having but one uniform right
• Population of the proposed
new Boroughs :
Population
No. of HocuM
of lOl, Bout
And upw&Tds.
To send (wo Members*
Manchester and Salford
133,788
4.288
Birminghom and Aston
104»60£
4,561
Leeds .. •• •• ••
86,746
3,492
Greenwich, Deptfofd, and Woolwich
56^93
4.177
Wolverhampton, Bilston, and Sedgeley . .
66,036
1,052
Sheffield . . . • • •
62,105
1,556
Sunderland and the Wearmouths
33,911
1,153
To send one Member^
Isle of Wight
31,616
Brighton .. •• ••
24,429
2,763
Blackburn
21,940
410
Macclesfield
17,745
659
South Shields and Westoe ••
14.000
Warrington . •
10,000
494
Huddersfield
20,000
427
Halifax • • • •
^^
12,628
461
Gateshead
11,767
Whitehaven, Workington, and Harrington
16,000
468
Kendal • • . . • .
8,000
Bolton • • • . . •
22,037
766
Stockport . •
10,100
546
Dudley
18,211
437
Tynemouth and North Shields •«
11,000
Cheltenham .. •• ••
13,396"
1,939
Bradford •• •• ••
12,411
444
Frome •• ,. . .
12,411'
256
Wakefield ;. ., ..
10,764
657
Kidderminster ..
10,709
262
JNbie i-'-^QSi of the foiegoSng enumerated towns had increased
fottftb to oiie«hftift in popuUtiOD| 9iQC« 182U
Iromone*
flISTORY OF EUROPE..
[11
-af clectioo tbrotighont tlie empire.
That right was to be as follows :
the elective franchise was to be
extended to all persons paying a
rest of lot per annum, wnether
tliej occupied the premises or not.
Eusting reddest electora were not
to be deprired of their right, dur-
ing their life-time, but do non-
nndent elector was to be allowed
to retain hie fiiwchise. Copy-
holders wtiose property was of the
Tearlj' value of lOA, audallhouse-
Bolders to an equal amount, were
to be electora for counties. All
Jiolders of leases for twenty-one
yean, which had not been renewed
within two years, were to have the
{trivilege of voting in towns ; and
all leaseholders for twenty yeare,
9f pn^ierty worth 50/. per annum.
were to vote for counties. In tlie
towns to be named to send niem-
here to parliament, the property
which entitled a man to vote for
the town, was not likewise to en-
title him to vote for the county ;
so that where the towns had
renresen tat Ires chosen by them-
selvea, they would not interfere
with the county representatives,
and the two classes of voters would
be kept as distinct as possible. No
alteration was to be made in regard
to the forty-^shilling freeholders.
Thenew constituency being thus
formed, the remaining part of the
ministerial plan regarded the ac-
tual election. All electors were
to be registered. The church-
wardens and overseers of each
pariah were to make a return, at
t Population or the Countiet wbich i
Conilia.
Popul.ltoB.
No.dlAi^™.
No.DfHan™
ol 101. HoiX
and gpl.a.d=.
CbaFhire
Coinivoll
Derbyshire
SevooabirB
DnrbftiQ
Eaaex
<;iouceeter!diiie
Kent
Norfolk
Shropf^ire
Somersetshire
StaSbrdBhire
HoBblk
Sussex
M'ftmrickshire
Wiltshire
Yorlahlre
270.093
257,447
156,194
213333
439.040
307,473
SeiS,424
335.843
3S3,i9S
134,014
I,0fi2,8fi8
174^71
283,058
344,349
J98.96S
1SS,4S3
W6,S73
204,lfi3
355,314
341,040
BJ0,543
396,658
333,019
274.392
233,167
184,434
1.173,167
673,230
B45.92U
958.680
eS6.640
1,650,560
678.040
SB 1,480
803.840
1,819,000
983,630
1,171,848
514.660
1. 756.720
l,333,8t«)
1.197,440
650,680
636.680
BSe,240
1,050.830
734,730
967,680
485,120
936,320
577,980
889,660
466.500
3,816,040
4.784
2,fi52
9.400
8,287
13.397
4,2W
6,264
9,080
6,Mi
16,129
38,406
3,3S7
4,026
6,333
6,140
9,237
3,i97
3,403
16,569
6.110
3,586
33,866
S.37Z
3.6S3
4373
ao.iBo
12] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831:
a certain period of every year, of
•all persons occupying houses of
10/. a year. An officer still to be
appointed was to hear and decide
upon all objections to the return
so made. The return itself was
then to be made public every year
on the 1st of December ; and every
person whose name appeared in it
was to be entitled to vote, without
being asked any other question
than what was necessary to ascer-
tain his identity. In counties, the
list was to be affixed to the doors
of every parish church -, in all
cases of dispute^ a barrister was
to be appointed by the Judge of
Assize to examine into the ques-
tion, whose judgment should be
final ; and the list^ signed by such
barrister, was to be sufficient evi-
dence of the party applying being
entitled to vote. Lastly, in order
to diminish the expense of elections^
the duration of tne poll was to be
diminished^ and the poll was to be
taken simultaneously in different
places. In towns> the poll was to
be limited to two days, or, if ne-
cessary, to four. In counties, the
poll was to be taken simultaneously
in different hundreds, and even at
different places in the same hundred.
In this way it was expected, that
a county might be polled in one
day; but if any dispute should
arise regarding votes, power was
to be given to adjourn the decision
till next day. The arrangements
were to be such as that no voter
should have more than fifteen
miles to travel ; and the counties,
which were to receive addition^
members, were to be divided into
two districts. These arrangements
were to be made by a committee
of the privy council, named by his
majesty; and whenever the number
of lO/t voters in any boroughs,
retainiDg its francbise, should be
below 300, the same committee
was to have power to bring up the
number to that point by including
the adjoining parishes and chapel-
ries. His lordship admitted that
these were vast and extensive
powers ; but ministers had felt,
that the only guarantee, which
could be proposed for the due per-
formance of the important auty
that would devolve on these com-
missioners, must be sought for in
the known resiiectability and in-
tegrity of the persons to whom it
should be confided.
This was the general outline
of the reform bill, in so far as
England was concerned. In Wales
the only alteration, besides intro-
ducing there the same uniform
franchise about to be created in
England, was to consist in adding
to the towns in Wales which al-
ready sent members to parliament
the neighbouring unrepresented
towns ; for instance, Holyhead to
Beaumaris ; Bangor to Carnarvon ;
Wrexham to Denbigh; Holywell
and Mold to Flint ; Llandaff and
Merthyr Tydvil to Cardiff; Welch-
pool, LlanviUing, apd three other
places which returned members of
parliament formerly, but which
had been disfranchised by a deci-
sion of the House of Commons^ to
Montgomery ; St. David's, Fish-
guard, and Newport to Haverford-
west; Milford to Pembroke ; Pres-
teign to^Radnor,' A new district
of boroughs was to be erected, con-
sisting of Swansea, Cowbridge,
Laugharn and three other places,
which should have the privilege of
returning one member to parlia-
ment— the only additional member
which it was proposed to add to
the representation of Wales,
His lordship next gave a general
outline of the changes to be intro-
duced into the represeDtatioa of
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[13
Scotland and Ireland. In the
former^ the existing county fran-
chise^ which depended^ not on the
possession of land^ but on a mere
feudal right of superiority over
lands belonging to others^ was to
be annihilated 5 the election of
members for boroughs was to be
taken from the town-councils^ and
vested in the citizens at large;
and both in counties and in bo-
roughs^ the new English franchise
was to be introduced. Every re-
sident owner of lands or houses
worth 10/. yearly, and every te-
nant^ under a written lease for nine-
teen years or upwards, paying 50/.
a year, was to have a vote in county
elections. In towns the franchise
was to attach to the occupancy of
a dwelling-house rented at 10/.
per annum . To some of the larger
towns, which hitherto had elected
only in conjunction with others,
as Glasgow and Aberdeen, or
which, not being royal boroughs,
had enjoyed no share in the repre-
sentation, as Paisley and Greenock,
separate or new members were
conferred, while the Fife district
of Burghs was annihilated, and
thrown into the county, and some
counties were conjoined. The de-
tail of these arrangements belongs
more properly to the history of
the Scottish bill : the result of
them was, that Scotland was to
have fifty members instead of forty-
five. In Ireland the principal al-
terations were to be, the introduc-
tion of the 10/. qualification, and
that, in towns, the franchise should
be taken out of the hands of the
corporations, and given to all quali-
fied resident citizens. Belfast was
to return one member, and Limer-
ick, and Waterford two each, thus
making an addition of three mem-
bers to the representation of Ireland*
The general result of the whole
measure, his lordship said, would
be to create a new constituency of
about 500,000 persons. The in-
crease for the towns already repre«
sented would be about 110,000;
for the new towns, 50,000 ; for
London 95,000; for Scotland
60,000 ; and for Ireland, perhaps,
40,000. In counties 100,000^ at«
least, would be entitled to vote
under this bill, who never had the
advantage of voting before; and,
upon the whole, the constituency
of the Commons' House of Parlia-
ment would certainly be increased
by half a million of persons, and
half a million of persons, be it ob^
served, connected with the pro-
perty of the country, persons hav-
ing themselves a valuable stake in
the country, and upon whom it
would depend in any future strug-
gle which this country might
have to sustain, to support par-
liament, and to support the
throne in carrying that struggle
to a successful termination. The
probability of the possession of this
franchise would be an inducement
to good conduct. When a man
found, that by being rated to a cer-
tain rent, and by paying rates, he
became entitled to a vote in the
election of a member of that House,
it would be an inducement to him
to be careful, frugal, and punctual
in his dealings — to preserve his
character amongst his neighbours,
and the place which he might hold
in society. To add this large
constituency provided for the po-
litical and moral improvement of
the people.
It was true that the necessary
result of the arrangements which
he had detailed was to diminish
the total number of members in
the House, but that was not a re*
U] ANNUAL R E O I S T E R, 1831.
suit i^bicb ministers considered as
a disadvantage. The present num^
ber of members was 6h S. Of tbese
1 68 were to be struck out by dis-
franchisement, while there would
be added^ thirty-four for English
towns and fifty-fire fbr counties,
eight for London^ one for Wales^
five for Scotland, three for Ireland^
in all 106> leaving an absolute
diminution of sixty-two^ which
diminution was inflicted exclusive*
ly upon Engknd. Lord John
Russell, however, stated the opi-
nion of ministers to be, that this
reduction in the number of mem-
bers would only enable the House
to transact the public business
more efi^ctually and conveniently.
This being what the new bill in-
tended to do, his lordship adverted
to two charges which might be
brought against it on account of what
it did not do. In the first place it
contained no provision for shorten-
ing the duration of parliaments.
That question had been anxiously
considered by ministers, and they
had thought it better to leave it
entire as a separate question, than
to bring it m at the end of a
bill which afiected the franchise,
and other matters totally separate
from that question, without saying
what was the opinion of ministers
upon that question — a question of
itself of the utmost importance,
and deserving the utmost consider-
ation. It was thought better to
present the large measure of reform
by itself, and leave the other mea-
sure as to the duration of parlia-
ments, either to be brought in by
some other member, or to be
brought in at a future time by
ministers for future consideration.
"For my own nart, I can only say
that though I think it most desira-
ble that constituents should have a
proper control over their represent*
atives, I yet think that it would
be inexpedient to make the dura-
tion of parliaments so short that
members of this house should be in
a state of perpetual canvass with
the opinions of their constituents,
and therefore unable to advise, de-
liberate, and decide upon any great
question which might be brought
before them with that freedom
which should prevail in the legis-
lature of a great empire, with tnat
confidence which a generous people
of a great country ought to grant,
when that question is brought for*
ward. The government has no
measure of the kind to propose, sa-
tisfied, that if they can provide for
the constituents tne means of elec-
ting their own representatives, it
would be better not to narrow
that question by another which has
its own doubts, difiSiculties, and
obstacles to contend with," The
other obiection would be, that the
proposed bill made no provision
for voting by ballot, an expedient
which of late had obtained many
advocates, and much general sup-
port. It no doubt had much to
recommend it ; but he hoped the
House would pause before ven-
turing on its adoption. While, on
the one hand, it favoured the con-
scientious voter, it furnished, on
the other, a corer to fraud and
crime; it exposed a man to the
influence of bad passions ; it pre-
vented bad influence over the good^
but it likewise prevented good in-
fluence over the bad. He also
thought it very doubtful whether
the people of this country, who
had always been accustomed to
vote openly, and to state their
opinions in the face of day, would
ever resort to concealment in the
exercise of a most important
HISTORY OF EUROPE, [III
privilege^ At all events he thought arisen fi'om the examples of France
it doubtful whether there ought and Belgium. It was all to be found
to be in the community any class in the three days of Paris, and the
of persons wholly irresponsible, events which had followed those
and that the ballot did create three days. When there was any
an irresponsible power^ no man excitement of insurrection in other
could doubt. He did not think it countries^ it had been found to be
would counteract the influence of an epidemic disease ; as such^ it was
different classes of society^ the in- brought to this country also ; and
fluence of the ci^own^ or the influ- simultaneous popular tumults were
ence of the aristocracy ; but even produced. It had been so in 1 793,
if it did, he would not like to see and the French legislators of that
irresponsible power confided to the day reckoned upon the efficacy of
hands of any one man, or of any the conta^on. As to the measure
body of men. The formal motion itself^ he aenied that it was in any
with which his lordship concluded one ppint^ what ministers wished
was, for leave to bring in a bill to it to be considered, via., a restora-
amend the Representation of the tlon of the Constitution to its
people in England and Wales. pristine purity, which had been
This motion introduced a debate obscured and polluted by successive
which lasted for seven nights^ hav* accumulations of abuses. The very
ing begun on Tuesday the 1st of foundation of it, that representa*
March^ and terminated on Wed* tion should depend merely on
nesday the 9th. In the course of population and taxation, had at no
it between seventy and eighty time been a principle of the Eng^
members delivered their opinions, lish constitution. Our sovereigns
The debate would, of itself, form a first called parliaments together,
volume; but, as it terminated because they wanted men and
without a division, and as the money, and their appeal was made
subsequent fate of the bill occa- to the liberi homines* The next
sioned the renewal of the whole thing that took place was the
discussion, we shall confine our- calling on the '* communities " to
selves to such an outline as may assist at these Parliaments 3 but in
give some idea of the sentiments this case each community had but
called forth by this the first an« one vote; so that even if two
nouncement of a new paper Consti- members were returned, they had
tution for the United Kingdom. but one vote between them. At
Sir Robert H. Inglis, member that time the county of Cornwall
for the University of Oxford, who had but eight members. If it
followed Lord John Russell, ad- could be shown that places were
mitted that there was excitement called on to return members which
and expectation among the people, were neither parishes nor market
but neither to the extent which his towns, it would be admitted that
lordship seemed to suppose, nor to those places could not be very con-
any extent greater than at former siderable. Now, there were Hasle*
periods, when the firmness of the mere. West Looe, and others,
government, opposing instead of fo- which had never been one or the
menting, had been able to repress other, and yet they had been called
it, and the country had seen it pass on to send representatives to Far-
away. The present excitation had liament. How could it be con-
16] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tended that population or taxation
was the basis on which the prin*
ciple of representation had been
grounded^ when not only small
towns had been called on to send
representatiFes^ but large towns had
been left unrepresented ? He de-
fied the noble Lord to show in the
former precedents of England^ a
trace of what he had that night laid
down— that any town or borough
had been called into parliamentary
existence because it was large and
populous^ or excluded from it^ be*
cause it was small. Old Sarum^
had always been the great stum-^
bling block with those who pursued
the same line of argument. In
one and the same year — the 23rd
of Edward I. — a writ had been
issued to both Old and New Sarum^
and in neither case had it been con-
ferred with reference to population
or taxation. On the contrary,
it had been given, in the first in*
stance, to oblige some Earl of
Salisbury^ by putting his friends in
the house. And in an account of
the borough it was stated that it
had lately been purchased by Mr.
Pitt, the possessor of the celebrated
diamond of that name, who had
thus obtained an hereditary seat in
the House of Commons, as much
as the Earl of Arundel possessed
one in the House of Peers by being
the owner of Arundel Castle. How,
then, was it to be said, that ac-
cording to the constitution of the
country, noblemen were not to be
represented and their interests re*
garded in that house? The cause of
the creation of many boroughs was
obscure ; but, on the other hand,
the origin of some was as clear
and as well ascertained as possible.
It was known that two writs to re-
turn members had been issued by
Elizabeth at the desire of one of
her favourites, Sir Christopher
Hatton ; and Newport, in the Isle
of Wight, had received its franchise
to please Sir G. Carew. This was
the history of many of the small
boroughs; and, in fact, all the
Cornish boroughs had sprung
up in that manner, rifteen
Cornish boroughs had at one time
received the right of representa-
tion, some of which were only
small villages, and none of them
entitled to rank as considerable
among the towns of England. It
was in vain after this to talk of the
purity of representation in former
times : nay, many of the towns, to
which it was now proposed to give
members, were considerable places
at the period when the right of
representation was given to other
places, and yet they had been
omitted. Halifax, three hundred
years ago, was known to contain a
population of 8,400 ; Wakefield
was a very considerable town at the
same time ; Manchester, according
to tradition, had not less than
5,400 inhabitants for nearly two
centuries before 1580, and, at all
events it was certain, that, at
the latter period, it possessed that
amount of population. Since the
dates at which Halifax and Man«
Chester possessed that population^
fifty-one boroughs, in the former
case, and fourteen in the latter, had
received writs to send members to
parliament, while these two places,
had been overlooked. He must
confess he did not know how much
Manchester had lost by not having,
every five or six years, such election
scenes as had lately taken place at
Liverpool. Both places enjoyed a
high degree of prosperity ; Liver-
pool was prosperous with two
representatives; Manchester was
prosperous without any; and he
had never heard, that any of the
commercial interests of the latter
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[17
had suffered from the want of
hanng advocates in that house who
were able and willing to maintain
its rights.
Or was this pretended renova-
tion of the constitution to be
found in restoring the Commons
house to some former independence
of the crown which it had lost by
the lapse of time ? It was easy to
show that it had been at all times
much more dependent upon the
crown and the aristocracy than at
present. Was the influence exer-
cised over the house now greater
than in the reign of James II. ?
Would the house now submit to
be treated as it would have been
treated by Henry VIIL? What
was the state of things when the
Queen's Majesty directed the
sheriffs to return to parliament
such men only as were of a par-
ticular faith in matters of religion^
and of known compliance in matters
of politics? In the reign of Ed-
ward VI., the sherifl^s were di-
rected to select only such members
as had been previously recommend-
ed by the privy council. Or would
they refer to the reign of Henry
IV., or the time of Richard II.,
when a member of parliament was
threatened to be executed for
merely making a motion on the
civil list? Time was, when the
Duchess of Norfolk determined
not only who should sit for the
county of Norfolk, but likewise
who should represent Maldon ;
when Lord Essex could return his
kinsman for the county of Stafford,
and his servant for the borough of
Tamworth. What period, in short,
would ministers select as the
period of that greater independence
than now existed, to which their
new constitution was to restore the
House of Commons ?
The influence exercised by means
VOL. LXXIIL
of small boroughs, while it was not
new, had to the people been any
thing but prejudicial. Had it not
been for these boroughs, many of
those who had been the boast of
the country, and the chief orna«
ments of that house, would never
have appeared within its walls.
The first borough for which Lord
Chatham sat, had been Old Sarum.
Mr. Pitt had sat for Appleby : Mr.
Fox had come in for a close borough,
and, when rejected by a populous
place, had again sought refuge in
a close borough. Mr Burke had
first sat for Wendover, and, when
his talents had been made known,
was transferred in his glory to
Bristol. Mr. Canning, too, had
fixed his fame as a member for
Wendover, before he was called for
and accepted at Liverpool. It was
only thus that young men, not
connected with large towns by
birth or residence, could ever hope
to enter that house, unless they
were cursed with that talent of
mob oratory, which was used for
the purpose of inflaming the lowest
and most debasing passions of the
people.
In truth, the whole essence of
the scheme was, not reform, in any
common and sensible meaning of
the word — it was revolution. It
forgot the immense power which
public opinion had been gaining by
the press ; it forgot that the peo-
ple were daily becoming more in- .
telligent, and the sympathy be-
tween them and their represent-
atives greater, and that all public
men were infinitely more under the
control of public opinion than at
any former period. He believed
that in the history of civilised
man, there was not to be found
any system of representation so
completely popular as that now
proposed^ co-existing with a free
18] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
press OD the one hand^ and a mo-
narchy, on the other ;— there was
no instance upon record of a free
press being placed in juxta-posi-
tion with a monarchy and a system
of representation sucn as that which
the noble Lord had just explained.
Before ten years passed away^ all
the institutions of the country
would sink under the effects of the
present measure. An attempt at
such an experiment as this had
been made by the National Assem-
bly in France. Something of the
sort had been attempted in Switzer.
land also^ and a similar trial was
now being made in France. In
France it was too obvious to escape
observation^ that the attempt to
produce a purely popular represen-
tation had interrupted that country
in the fairest course of liberty^
arts^ domestic trade, and foreign
commerce, to which she had ever
attained : and he entertained not
the slightest doubt that were the
calamity proposed by the noble lord
to be inflicted on this land, a similar
result would ensue. When the
noble Lord, from whose government
the present measure proceeded,
forty years ago made a proposition
in that house for a much more
moderate reform^ he did not conceal
that that very moderate reform in-
volved a fundamental change in the
government of the country. What,
then, was he not bound to admit
with respect to a reform, which
went, at a blow, to sweep away
one- third of the House of Com-
mons? Were it agreed to, the
House of Lords, before ten years,
would have but a nominal exis*
tence. If the representation of
the people was complete and per- '
feet in all parts, nothing could
withstand its power and authority.
An unreformed House of Lords
would not for a moment be toler-
ated by a reformed House of Com«
mons. Mr. Canning more than once
had expressed his fiill conviction
that the House of Lords could not
continue as at present constituted,
if the measure of reform were once
carried with reference to the House
of Commons; and yet the ministry,
which proposed the present mea-
sure, contained the men who had
been called, and had held them*
selves out as being Mr. Canning's
chosen disciples and peculiar
friends.
Mr. Horace Twiss, too,- main-
tained, that the proposed measure
went to nothing less than to re-
move from the House of Commons
every alloy of monarchical or aris-
tocratical principle, and convert it
into a pure and resistless demo-
cracy, which it never had been,
and which, consistently with> the
British constitution, it never ought
to be. The most radical specula-
tor that ever existed could scarcely
have expected to see the ministers
of the crown destroying all the
proportions of the legislature — re-
moving all the landmarks of the
constitution— calling on the house
to sweep away, he would not say
the charters of corporations, but
all the charters of the realm itself.
They had, to be sure, one prece-
dent for their conduct — that of
James IL; who by the assistance
of unprincipled judges, had des-
troyed the charters of the boroughs.
But this grossly illegal and un*
constitutional conduct cost him
his throne; — and what was done
at the revolution? Those who
effected it again placed the boroughs
and corporations on their proper
footing; and the declaration sent out
by King William, even before his
landing in this country, after re*
probating the illegal acts of James,
declared, ''that all the boroughs of
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[19
r
Engltnd sliall return again to
their ancient prescriptions and
dbarters ;'* — and the convention
parliament which, at the ReFolu-*
tion, settled the country^ never
dresuned, that part of their labours^
as restorers of its liberties^ ought
to consist in destroying charters,
and remodelling the representative
^rstem. Yet the first parliament
of William IV. was now to declare,
that the first parliament of William
III., instead of re-establishing our
free constitution, had ratified its
destruction.
The new constitution rested on
some supposed necessity for in-
creasing the power of the peo-
ple; but the time danger to be
dreaded in our mixed government
arose from the influence of the peo-
ple, not from any influence of the
Crown, or of the aristocracy.
Neither would this increase of the
power of the people be eflected in
a beneficial manner. There were
a variety of interests connected
with the country which required
to be represented, and were now
represented by means of the bo-
roughs that were to be disfran-
chised— and the representation of
those interests would be annihi-
lated. Neither would the new
constituency be one which this
country required. He had no ob-
jection to any increase of the re-
presentation of great trading in-
terests, or of those interests which
might be considered necessary to
support the executive in times of
difficulty or danger, but he could
not see the policy of calling to the
aid of the country, in such times,
the wisdom of householders paying
10/. of rent. The measure would
let in no great interests : it would
Cmote the influence of shop-
pers and country attornies ;
the leader of the country dub
would now be the important man
in his district, and these interests,
however respectable in their way,
were not the interests which re-
quired additional representation.
They were interests which would
be represented, under the pro-
posed change, by those shallow, but
dogged politicians, with whom re-
lief from taxation was every thing,
and public credit and national
faith were nothing— who looked
upon rent and tithe as useless in-
cumbrances. And, when half
the constitution had thus been
suiTendered, would the violent
reformers be satisfied ? They
themselves had avowed that they
would not; and that, having ob-
tained so much, they would, at a
convenient time, demand more.
This measure might create a sen-
sation, and excite intrigue, in some
parts of the country, to take ad-
vantage of the new power which
it would create ; but, for the pro-
motion of our great domestic or
foreign interests, it would do
nothing, or worse than nothing.
If it could be shewn that it
would relieve the distress which
existed, or that its refusal would
aggravate the evils of the coun-
try, the argument might be listened
to. But ministers themselves knew
well, that no change in the consti-
tution would afford them the means
of retrenching the expenditure of
the country to any considerable
extent ; their own financial mea-
sures must have convinced every
one that such relief was hopeless.
Earl Grey himself had said, in
1819, "that he did not believe
that reform would make the coun-
try less inclined to war, which was
the chief cause of our burdens. A
fondness for war was not the fault
CC23
20] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
of an oligarchical^ but of a popu-
lar government." Another au-
thority on the same point wsls, the
conduct of the people of France,
who planted the tri-coloured flag
in the summer of 1 830, and were
waring it for war in the spring of
1831. If this were the true state
of the case, he trusted that hon.
members would not be induced, by
the excited and irritated state of
the public mind, to yield their own
well-considered opinions with re-
spect to a matter of so much im-
portance. He did not agree with
the noble lord in thinking, that the
danger which he had so obscurely
glanced at, was so near as it had
been pictured. The reformers,
who menaced revolution if reform
should be refused, would hardly
think the proposed measure good
enough to run a risk for it. It
was, indeed, nothing but a mere
evasion of their claims. But there
was a better security than their
moderation for the preservation of
order. The widely-spread indus-
try of the country, the stored-up
savings even of the lower orders,
the whole dividends even of the
public stocks, were solid grounds
for coniidence in the security of
the institutions of the country.
By the special blessing of Provi-
dence, the burdens of the coun-
try formed some sort of security
for the welfare of the country.
The superincumbent weight, while
it pressed, gave stability. There
would be no revolution to fear, nor
any permanent dissatisfaction to
dread. But, if surrendering the
free privileges of the legislature,
we blindly obeyed the will of the
people instead of consulting their
welfare — -if we decided on this great
question, not acco]*ding to experi-
ence and wisdom^ but led away by
the cry of the day — then we should ,
let in danger— then we should let
in revolution, of which the noble
lord had spoken, by teaching the
people that their will would alone
direct the course of the legislature*
Lord Althorp, the chancellor of
the Exchequer, maintained, on the
other hana, that there was no
symptom or appearance of agitation
in the country; but there was
wide-spread dissat]s£su;tion with
the state of the representation,
and a loudly-expressed desire that
it should be reformed. These
opinions were universal among
the great body of the middling
classes ; and, if the middling
classes in this or any other country
were hostile to the form of go-
vernment under which they lived,
that government would never be
safe, whatever the state of the re«
presentation might be. These classes
possessed a degree of intelligence
which fully qualified them to re-
turn members, whose honesty and
ability would be useful to the coun-
try. They prized the present go-
vernment, a government by King,
Lords, and Commons — but not with
a House of Commons constituted
partly by nomination, and partly
by the purchase of seats. They
desired, and he himself was one of
those popular theorists who thought
them right in desiring, that the
popular branch of the legislature
should be a real and genuine re-
presentation of the people. Go-
vernment, therefore, had pledged
themselves to bring forward a full
and efficient reform, and that pledge
tliey had endeavoured to redeem,
by annihilating the nomination
boroughs, and diminishing the
temptation to corruption, by plac-
ing the franchise in the hands of
the middle classes. The nomin-
mSTORY OF EUROPE.
[21
ation boroughs mighty no doubts
be occasionally useful, by introduc-
ing distinguished men into parlia-
ment^ though it did not follow that
they would not have got in some
other w^y ; but any advantage of
tbis nature was more than coun-
terbalanced by tbeir putting it in
tbe power of persons of large pro-
perty to dictate to the ministry of
the day — a dictation which must
constantly interfere with good go-
vernment. The total, or partial^ dis-
franchisement of the small boroughs
could never be placed side by side
with the attacks made on their
charters by James II. The latter
attacked the boroughs for the pur-
pose of subverting the constitution ;
but the present measure was to es-
tablish^ not to destroy, freedom of
election ; not to curtail or impair^
but to improve and enlarge the re-
presentation of the people. Neither
ought the proposed bill to be re-
garded as merely a first step — as
something which was not to be
final. In so far as he was con-
cerned^ he did propose it as a final
settlement. It might be supposed
that his own opinion would have
been favourable to a somewhat dif-
ferent measure; but he thought
the best way to succeed in what
be had long aimed at as the great
object of his political life, was to
sacrifice some of his own opinions.
Havings therefore^ united with his
colleagues^ and agreed upon thie
measure, he felt himself pledged
to support it^ and not to go beyond
it. He thought that great advant-
age would be secured to the coun-
try by the proposition, and that the
measure would be sufficient to place
4:hat House, as it ought to be, under
the influence of the great body of
the intelligent and respectable
classes of the community.
Mff Hume frankly declared
that^ radical reformer as he was,
the plan proposed much exceeded
what he had expected ; that, with
all his disposition to put confidence
in ministers, he was not prepared
to find them come forwara with so
manly a measure. They had fiilly
redeemed their pledge; and though,
in his own opinion, the omission to
shorten the duration of parliaments,
and to introduce the ballot, were
deficiencies, yet, as these were
points on which a large portion of
the members had not been able to
make up their minds, ministers had
acted wisely in not encumbering
the present measure with them, as
they could be brought forward at
any time as entire questions. In
regard to the measure itself, a few
of the details might be objected to,
but there was so much good, so
much advantage to the crown and
to the aristocracy in this bill, that
he would not, m consequence of
any of the details, throw the least
objection in the way of the success
of any part of the measure. Un-
doubtedly^ in the course of the pro-
ceedings through which the mea-
sure had to pass, suggestions would
be oflTered to government of moder-
ate alterations in the details, which
they might be satisfied would ren-
der the plan more efficient ; minis-
ters would act properly in adopting
those suggestions, with the view
of perfecting their own plan of re-
form. With these statements, he
could assure the House, that all
those with whom he had conversed
were satisfied with the measure.
Even many whom he knew to be
the strongest reformers in Eng-
land, were perfectly satisfied, and
allowed that they had the utmost
reason to be delighted. It was
the perfection and wisdom of every
government to meet the rising
wishes of the country, {^nd to e&
22] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
feet, by degrees, those changes
which circumstances required, gra-
dually and properly, under the
legal authorities calculated to ef-
fect them, and not to risk those
useful changes by substituting any
thing such as had been brought
forward at former times, and in
other places, having all the pre-
tensions of entire and infallible
wisdom. He had no doubt, though
many might think the qualifica-
tions for voting too high, there
was too much good sense in the
British community not to feel that
vast good was to be obtained by
this measure, that, though some
might not immediately participate
in its benefits, yet great advantage
would result to the community.
Mr. Baring Wall stated, that
he was decidedly opposed to the
measure, and looked upon any plan
of reform proceeding from the pre-
sent government with suspicion.
The House had been told, that the
cabinet was unanimous 5 but when
had that unanimity been made ap-
parent, and how had it been brought
about ? There had been none till
the eleventh hour ; and even then
it had been effected, according to
the statements of ministers them-
selves, by compromise and shifting.
One member of the cabinet gave
up the ballot; another sacrificed
the close boroughs ; a third threw
overboard the Scottish counties.
Unanimity, in proposing such a
measure, was to him no recommen-
dation. He would have looked at
it with less doubt, if the cabinet
had come to so momentous a ques-
tion with anxiety, fear, and trem-
bling, instead of rushing to a rash
and extravagant conduiuon. That it
would satisfy the reformers, whose
clamours were now made to con-
stitute its justification, was a glar-
ing fallacy. No measure had erer
been brought forward, with the
professed intention of meeting the
views of the people, in which the
discrepancies were so great between
the measure and the petitions.
The Examiner newspaper, and the
Westminster Review spoke the
sentiments of one class of reform-*
ers» certainly not the most modern
ate, nor the least daring and cla-
morous, ^d the House would be
able to judge how far the proposed
change would meet the views of
these persons. *' Ballot," said the
Examiner, '^ is the instrument
that will break our bonds asunder,
and dash to the dust all the foul
powers of the oligarchy. We must
not omit to mention, that we ob-
served this significant circumstance
at the Middlesex meeting, that
fervent loyalty to the throne was
expressed, together with the choice
of civil war, in preference to sub-
mission to existing grievances.
Efficient reform will turn the pri-
vileges of the peers to dust and
rottenness." The Westminster
Review was equally energetic.
'' Anarchy is fearful, but it is a
passage sharp and short; while
the misrule, under which the na*
tion has suffered every injury,
moral « political, and financial, b a
chronic disease, a continuous af-
fliction, spoiling the health, the
temper, and spirit of the commu-
nity ; and, should it come to the
question of passing through the
fiery ordeal of anarchy, or support-
ing the system that threat^s us
with it» we speak the sentiments
of tens of thousands, when we as-
sert that the crisis would be pre-
ferred to the maintaining the oli-
garchy in its accursed domination.
The aristocracy have had their
long and disastrous day ; it is now
the time of the Demos. The choice
is momentoust Reform in parlia^
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
t23
ment^ with the ballot, and a na-
tional guard, or the aristocracy and
anarchy." The House would thus
iee^ that^ if its object was, to. meet
popular claims^ the measure pro-
posed would not be efficient. Then
came the class of moderate re-
formers. If they were asked what
they wanted^ they gare no direct
reply; they dwelt in generalities
-—they could not say what they
wanted^ or how far they were pre-
pared to go. Of that class he
qpoke with much respect, for he
was one of it. What they required
it was difficult to say ; but much
that they objected to had been ex-
cellently well set forth in a speech
of extraordinary ability, which was
made in that House by the present
lord Dudley, in 1817, and, strange
to say, had not been answered up
to the present time, 1831. But,
before these moderate reformers at-
tempted todevelope their own plans
and wishes, there was one thing
which was absolutely necessary,
and that was, to get rid of, destroy,
and turn out, the measure brought
forward by the noble lord. That
measure, m fact, could not stand ;
it was impossible it should do so ;
and to get rid of it should be the
first object of the moderate re•^
former. That done, he, for one,
should be ready to inquire and see
what improvements could be made
in the representation. There was
DO possibility of saying what plan
had regulated the disposal of the
right of returning members to that
house. This he felt to be the case,
and he should say that, as there
was no system in the represent-
ation, so there was no system in
his reform. Even if the harshness
and injustice of disfranchising so
many boroughs could be over-
looked; one consequence of the
prindple of the proposed bill
would be, that, as they grew old,
the southern part of the kingdom
would be left almost without re-
presentation. In the county to
which he belonged, three boroughs
were to be disfranchised. Two
members were, however, to be
added to the county; but that
would be but a poor return for the
loss of six members ; and Ports-
mouth was to be thrown open.
Portsmouth had hitherto been a
Whig borough, but, thrown open,
it would return two junior loras of
the Admiralty, let who would be
ministers. Then a part of the
measure was to divide the counties,
as they would police districts ; but
how would all the principle of the
measure operate? It was well
known, from the great advantages
the north enjoyed in possessing
coals and machinery, that the po-
pulation would travel northward,
and the consequence would be,
that, in a short period, Hants,
Wilts, Dorset, aye, and Surrey
too, would be left almost without
representatives. Look to another
part of the measure. Certain dis-
tricts in the metropolis were to
have representatives, and, among
others, Marylebone was to be thus
distinguished. Why, in two years,
Paddington would be requiring
delegates, and Hampstead would
be factious for representatives.
This was evident, and yet the
noble lord talked of the nnal set-
tlement of the question. The
measure was one of constant
change. Supposing the plan had
been adopted in 1 800, what would
have become of Brighton and of
Cheltenham ? In some places, the
growth of population was extraor-
dinary; and yet ministers had
been in 00 much baste, that they
24] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
could not wait for the result of the
census which their own officers
were then making.
Lord Newark confessed, that the
measure was more sweeping than
he had expected^ and he hoped it
would be modified. He would sup-
port any reasonable reform ; but,
if the question came to be, this re-
form, or none at all, he would vote
for the bill. Lord Darlington,
too, though he would not go the
length of saying that no con-
cession should be made, and ad-
mitted the necessity of giving re-
presentatives to the large towns,
was unwilling to accede to an al-
teration so sweeping and so general
as that now proposed, which af-
fected the vexy vitals of the consti-
tution, and raised the question,
whether the sovereign power was
to be lodged in King, Lords, and
Commons, or to be transferred to
the people alone . Lord Stormont
said, he would not oppose the
bringing in of the bill, in order
that the country might have an
opportunity of knowing, and fully
considering, this most extraordi-
nary proposition — a measure which,
calling itself reform, was to end in
revolution, as it began with set-
ting up spoliation in the place of
possession. Lord Ebrington, on
the other hand, expressed his full
approbation of the whole plan. It
was efficient an^d full ; and, be-
cause it was so, it was safe. He
owed his seat, and he was proud
of owing it, to persons belonging to
the middle classes ; but he was ne-
vertheless connected with the aris-
tocracy, and he should be the last in
the world to desire to see that body
overthrown; but he apprehended
no such result from the present
measure, and he hailed with great
satisfaction a bill^ the object of
which was, to increase the num-
bers and influence, amongst the
constitutional body, of the class to
whom he owed his seat. He had
been, he confessed it, for many
years a moderate reformer ; he was
for paring off gradually a few at a
time of the imperfections which
had arisen upon the body of the
representation, getting ria at in-
tervals of some of the decayed and
rotten boroughs ; but he since had
reason to change his opinions. On
the most mature reflection, he had
arrived at the full persuasion, that,
if the principle were once conceded,
the removal of one portion of the
abuses existing would leave the re«
maining parts without defence.
He therefore hailed with satisfac-
tion a measure which would give
due weight to all the several por-
tions of the constitutional body,
and to every interest in the state ;
and he hoped, that, when the bill
was passed, it would have the ef-
fect— as far as any human law
could have such an efl^ect — of con-
ciliating the |ieople of the empire ;
and, in a great degree, revive that
sympathy and confidence which
had subsisted, and ought to sub-
sist, between the constituency and
their representatives*
Mr. Macaulay commenced a
very spirited piece of rhetoric in
defence of ministers, under whose
patronage he sat in the House, by
declaring that he supported the
measure, because he was opposed
to universal suflrage ; because he
looked with horror on the thought
of any thing in the shape of revo-
lution, and believed that the pro-
posed change was the best security
against all possibility of revolu-
tion. If he wished to set before
the House, in the strongest light,
the evils of the present system of
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[25
representation, he would refer to
the northern part of this city. If
he wished to make that foreignei'^
who had been introduced first into
the debate by the noble lord who
opened it, fully sensible of the pe-
culiar evils of our system, he would
conduct him to that great city
which lies to the north of Oxford-
street, and the west of Russell-
square. There he would shew him
a city exceeding in size the capitals
of many kingdoms^ and even su-
perior in intelligence and know-
ledge to any city on the face of the
globe. He would there show him
long lines of interminable streets
and spacious squares^ filled with
well-built magnificent houses, in-
habited by opulent and intelligent
men^ some of the first citizens of the
state. He would show that stranger
the magnificent shops^ the splendid
apartments ^ he would like to carry
him to the palaces that stretch
along each side of the Regent's-
park^ and he would tell him that
the rental of these palaces and
houses exceeded the rental of all
Scotland at the time of the Union
—and then he woUld tell the
stranger^ that all this wealth and
intelligence were unrepresented.
He should not need to refer him
to Leeds or Manchester^ or Mac-
clesfield^ or to tell him that Scot-
land had only the shadow of a re-
presentation. The principle of
the Property-tax was, that no in-
come below a certain amount per
annum should be taxed ; and he
doubted, should he include only
the property assessed to that
tax^ if ne should find one-half
of the persons who paid that
tax had any votes for represent-
atives. One-fiftieth part of those
persons returned a greater num-
ber of representatives than did
the other io^%Y^mue partst Oursj
then, was not a government on the
principle of property ; it was only
a government founded on some
fragments of property, and no
principle whatever presided over
its formation. It had been said,
that it was never better than at
present; but the House was there
to inquire into what it ought to
be, not into what it had been ; they
were legislators, not antiquaries.
They could not possibly think it
right, that the seat of government
should be transferred from London
to York, because York was the ca-
pital of the country in the time of
Constantius Chlorus ? Was the
representation of the country,
adapted for two millions of people,
to be kept now as it had been in
the 13th century? New property
had been called into existence ; so-
ciety had assumed a different form;
much wealth and much capital,
which were formerly unknown,
were now unrepresented. Some
towns had sunk to villages; others
had remained stationary; but many
had risen from villages to be as
large as London in the time of the
Plantagenets. Society had grown
the form of the government must
be renewed to make it accord with
that on which it depended ; and
it was time that our old institu-
tions should be new-modelled.
If it was true, as had been said
on the other side, that a House of
Commons, reformed according to
the proposed plan, would destroy
our king and peers in ten years —
that the property and intelligence
of the middle classes could not be
adequately represented without the
result bf !ng to pull down the ma-
jesty of the throne, and the dignity
of the aristocracy — if that were a
true representation, it spoke vo*
lumes against the monarchy and
the peerage* Monarchy mi aris^
26] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tocracy were not valuable in tbem-
selres : they were only means to an
end ; and if the bill should pro*
duce a republic by improving the
representation — tnough he was
convinced it would have no such
effect— what did that imply but
that the peerage and the crown
were opposed to the welfare of the
nation. If the subversion of the
kinff and peers were the only ob*
jection to the measure^ then there
was no ground for opposing it.
But the people did not forget what
was due to the king, and what was
due to the peers ; it was against
that House that the popular voice
was raised. They had not lost
their respect for the king — they
had not lost their respect for the
aristocracy^ so long as the arista-
cracy remained in its proper sphere;
but they had lost their respect for
the representative system of the
country ; and there was good rea-
son why they should^ for corruptio
optimi pesstma.
Further^ it was said that many
great and eminent men had been
returned for nomination boroughs.
True ; but in estimating such facts,
you must look at general tendencies,
not at accidents. It would scarcely
be possible to hit on any mode of
election which would not bring
some able men into the House ; and
if the boroughs were done away
with J able men would still find
their way into it. If one hundred
of the tallest men in the kingdom
were to be elected members of par-
liament, some among them would
be eminent. If one hundred men
of a tawney complexion were to be
representatives, men of eminence^
too^ would be found amongst them.
In ancient tiroes, a king was chosen
by the. neighing of 'a horse ^ and,
though nobody would recommend
that mod^ of election^ it might
happen that the one so chosen
might be a good king. In Athens
public officers were chosen by lot
— not a rational mode of election ;
yet it once caused Socrates to be
chosen. Whatever might be our
system of representation, clever
men would find their way into the
House. They might not be the
same men as would come in under
the borough system ; but they
would be men of talents, and no
one man was indispensably neces-
sary* Give a country good insti-
tutions, and it will be sure to find
good and great men. The feeling
of the people^ which could not be
denied, was said to be temporary
— to have sprung from the events
which had taken place in France
and Belgium. On the contrary,
it possessed all the symptoms of a
deeply-rootedmalady, and had been
growing for two generations. The
legislature had tried every means
in its power to put an end to it.
Was it to be supposed that any
probable measure of cure had
escaped the subtlety of Burke, or
the sagacity of Windham ? Had
not every species of coercion been
tried by lord Londonderry } Had
not laws been passed to put down
public meetings and to enthral
the press, and was not the evil still
in existence^ increasing from day
to day ? What new palliatives
could they try ? Now, then, when
every thing was alarming around
us, when the spirit of the age had
just crushed the proudest crown in
£urope, and the palace of our
monarch was suppling an igno-
minious asylum to the expelled
heir of forty kings— -but while the
heart of £ngland was yet sound
•—while the national ieelings of
many old associations were yet re-
tained bound to the honour and
Gbam^ter of the cpuntaryi and which
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[27
might soon, too soon, pass away—
now was the accepted time^this was
the day of our salvation, when, if
we acted with a due regard to the
signs of these portentous times,
the great debt due from the aris-
tocracy to the people should be paid :
and if it were paid^ the deed would
never be forgotten by the people,
whose happiness it would insure.
Mr. Hunt, member for the pot-
wallopping borough of Preston,
and, after Mr. Hume, the most
ultra-reformer in the House, de-
clared he had not heard a single
word that was new to him : all
that had been said in the House
had been said twenty years ago by
the weavers of Lancashire. As
the bill was not to touch the rights
of his constituents, he would give
it his support ; but he was sorry
that so little was said about the
ballot, and the duration of par-
liaments. The suffrage was not
widely enough extended If the
rabble, as they were called,
were not to have votes, he wished
to know whether they were still
to be liable to pay taxes, and to
serve in the militia ? The people
fought the battles of the country,
and were they to be denied repre-
sentation, merely to transfer it to
the middle classes ? No man, how-
ever poor or low, could infringe
the law with impunity ; his ignor-
ance would be no excuse; why then
should he not have a vote in the
election of those who made the law?
After lord Morpeth had ex-
pressed his intention of supporting
the bill, as being a sure means of
escaping the dangers which sur-
rounded the pountry if it remained
where it was. Sir Charles Wether-
ell addressed the House. It was
astonishing, he said, to observe the
difference produced on a man by
oitting on one side of the House
rather than on the other. The
noble mover of this bill had been
only six or eight weeks in office as
paymaster of the forces, yet he had
acquired military habits, and pro-
posed to cashier 120 corporations
unheard, thus uniting military
proscription with parliamentary
reform. One hundred and sixty-
seven members were to be dis-
missed by a species of proceeding,
which, in compliance with the
recommendation of Locke— to give
every thing its true name-^he would
call a corporation robbery. The
total result was to be, that, by
pursuing a system of pillage and
plunder towards some, and of gene-
rosity and munificence towards
others, the number of members in
the House was to be diminished
by sixty-two. This diminution,
he must confess, appeared to him
an odd proposition. It had never
occurred as desirable to those re-
formers whom Mr. Hunt took un-
der his special charge ; it had never
been proposed by the reforming
population, but had been reserved
for a reforming cabinet. Yet it
had not the merit of original-
ity. Ministers, in reducing the
number of members, were only
imitating the conduct of Crom-
well, Fairfax, and Co. ; and, in-
deed, the reforming plan of the
present government was almost
the same in form and substance
as the reforming plan of that
government, which, after the com-
mission of regicide, proceeded to
establish a commonwealth in Eng-
land. Ministers professed that
they wished to preserve the in-
stitutions of the counti-y — to up-
hold the principle of conservation,
to avoid every thing calculated to
degrade the church, diminish the
rank and dignity of the House of
Lordi; or wwen the crown ; bat
28] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
still it did 80 happen tbat this con-
senratiFe plan of theirs was similar
to that of Cromwell^ after the assas-
sination of the monarchy and the
destruction of the peerage. Yet
the House was told^ that all who
opposed this measure must be pre-
pared to negatiFe all reform. He
was not one of those who were
ready to negative all possible re-
form ; he had never maintained
that no improvement could be made
in the state of the representation ;
he had never argued^ that the
election laws were incapable of
amendment, or that there were
no places in the kingdom at pre-
sent unrepresented, on which the
elective franchise could be bene-
ficially conferred ; yet ministers
said, ^'unless you agree to our
terms, you will show yourselves
the enemies of all possible reform.*'
That might be thought very good
logic in Downing-street, but he
was sure it would not be reckoned
so, either in that House, or in the
country. The measure had been
characterized, too, as being merely
an experiment ; but did the men
who so characterized it reflect that
there were rather too many expe-
riments making on governments
at the present moment — that there
was a smithy where political black-
smiths were at work, forging new
constitutions for all Europe ? Did
they recollect the endeavours to
make a new government for Greece ?
Did they remember that a new
charter had been tried in Portugal ?
Did they recollect the unsettled re-
lations of Belgium, or the condi-
tion of France } Had they forgot-
ten that the states of South America
had been for eight or ten years en-
deavouring to form stable institu-
tions, and that in no one instance had
they been successful? Yet this was
the time which ministers bad select**
edto sketch out a new constitution;
as if the existing constitution of
Great Britain had not, from age
to age, been undergoing improve-
ment and emendation. At a time
when all the states of Europe were
in so disturbed a condition, this
country was to put to sea, under
the flag of the noble lord, on a
voyage of experiment and discovery
in quest of a new constitution.
He repeated, that tlie provision,
by which the constituents of 160
members were to be deprived of
their franchises, was a corporation
robbery. He by no means asserted
that the omnipotence of parlia-
ment was not CO -extensive with
any purpose to which it might be
required to be applied ; but it had
hitherto been thought, that any
act of parliament destructive of
popular privileges was as liable to
censure as a similar act on the
part of the crown. If the viola-
tion of any chartered rights by
ministers were a criminal deed,
the same principle rendered the
deed equally criminal when perpe-
trated by parliament; and those
rights which were established by
prescription were as valid as those
which were established by charter.
No parliamentary conflscation of
any charter had ever before been
attempted,' except in cases of de-
linquency ; but now, without any
trial, without anv conviction, with-
out any fault, the civil and con-
stitutional rights of numerous
bodies of men were to be taken
away by the arbitrary edict of a
theorist; while those who truly
adhered to the constitution were
stigmatized as bigots, because they
did not forthwith give their un-
compromising adhesion to the new
laws proclaimed by a consolidated
and unanimous cabinet, which went
upon the norel principle in the
f
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[2a
admioistration of justice^ of con-
demning without trial and decid-
ing without hearing. The prjn-
ciple upon which the govern-
ment were proceeding was, he con-
tended, perfectly false. It would^
unless he were^indeed^ most grossly
mistaken, appear from the journals
of ihe House^ that never since the
days of Richard 11^ had any
minister presumed to propose to
that House the confiscation of any
charter. Perhaps the noble lord
had in his view the confiscations of
church property in the times of
Henry VIII, and wished to call
them into precedent. Certainly
they had been suffered to sleep in
the accumulated dust of ages, and
would in all probability never have
been again drawn into light, except
by a combined, or united, and an
unanimous cabinet. But now there
did certainly seem to be a mar-
vellous similarity in the system of
proceeding adopted by the military
I'aymaster and Harry the Eighth,
when he was minded to get pos-
session of the property of the Ec-
clesiastical Corporations. All those
charters, whicn were freely sur-
rendered, were greedily accepted ;
but the abbots of large monasteries,
who would not surrender their
charters, were indicted for high
treason, as, for instance, the abbots
of Reading, of Glastonbury, and
of ' Winchester ; and when the
charters were thus wrung from
them, it was called a surrender.
Now, this robbery was perpetrated
secundum artem, and it was, no
doubt, an admirable model to be
followed under the new system of
military law, whereby charters
were to be forfeited without a trial,
and much less without proof of
delinquency in those who held
them. But he was really curious
to hear by what sound argument
—by what show of reason — by
what apparition of authorities— >
by what shadow of facts — by what
strain of sophistry — they could ac«
count, or pretend to account, for
their invasion of long-received and
time-honoured principles, the ex-
tinguishing of established rights,
and the confiscation of property
which that House had always es«
teemed, and was bound to esteem,
sacred. Did ministers mean that
the violence they now were minded
to perpetrate against the elective
rights of the corporations should be
exclusively confined to this branch
of the constitution ? If they con-
fiscated charters for one object,
they might with equal ease ao so
for another ; if they acted upon
a principle of spoliation in one
quarter, they might freely extend
it to all. The churchy neld its
property under charter. The
peerage enjoyed its rights under
instruments granted under the
Great Seal — the Bank of England,
the East-India Company, the cor-
porations, all exist under charters,
and enjoy their property, their
privileges, their municipal autho-
rity, under the faith of charters.
All of them could be reached by
the mischievous principle now pro-
mulgated, which left no safety for
the monied interests, the landed
interests, the peerage, or the
church. He who broke in and
bore away the archives of a town
house, would not hesitate much
about plundering a cathedral.
It was instructive, too, to mark
the difference between the noble
mover and the radicals behind him,
in regard to the character and con-
sequences of the proposed bill.
The former describea it as a pacific
measure — one that was to heal all
wounds, and allay all irritation;
one that was to be of themostaospi-
30] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
cious augury to the middle classes
•^holding forth to them good
promise of comfort, and happiness,
and prosperity, that was to say> to
all who could prove a clear pos-
session of ten pounds a-year. But
the radicals^ on the contrary, ex-
claimed that there was nothing
done, and that the community
would be split into two classes,
which would be placed in hostile
array .against each other j for
the multitude under this system
would have no vote at all ; and
therefore, it was argued, would be
in no degree gainers by it. It was
clear at least from this, that the
people would be divided into two
classes of different and opposing
pretensions ; and yet this was the
pacification the noble lord held out
to the House of Commons. Aye,
truly : was that the healing mea-
sure— was that the oil which was
to be poured into the wounds, and
at once destroy their virulency,
and abate all irritated feelings.
And this, forsooth, was the great
remedy for all the ills the country
laboured under. He should like
to hear how the right hon. the
first lord of the Admiralty would
explain at Cockermouth to his con-
stituents his conduct since he last
addressed them. On that occasion
retrenchment unlimited was to be
the order of the day; — all taxes
burdensome to the middle and
poorer classes were to be removed,
and the constitution was to be re-
stored to its ancient splendour, by
a full and satisfactory measure of
reform. Now what answer could
the right hon. baronet make to one
of his agricultural constituents, if
thus accosted by him, *' Well, sir
James, have you taken off the malt-
tax ?' '' No," quoth the right hon.
baronet. • * Have you," rejoins the
ikriner, '' at least, taken off the
assessed taxes ?*' ^^ No," again
quoth the first lord of the Ad-
miralty, 'Hhe House of Commons^
and a sense of duty prevented
me." *^Then," again quoth the
farmer, '* since you have neither
repealed the malt-tax, nor the a8<*
sessed taxes, what the d-— 1 have
you done V " Why, we have not
to be sure, much reduced taxes,
but, to make amends, we have
taken off sixty-two members."
And the merry conceit might pass
on the hustings, as a redemption
of all his pledges of retrench-
ment and economy. They most
certainly proposed a pretty con-
siderable ana somewhat novel
species of retrenchment as a re-
medy for the ills of the country*
reminding one of the process of
that eminent practitioner, Mr. St.
John Long.^ They found one sore
a grievance, and they established
a raw, by which they made the
whole surface a mass of sores — and
this they called reform. He hoped
that some member of the cabinet
would rise and explain the system
of reform which was to ampu-*
tate no less than sixty- two mem-
bers of Pari lament. There existed
in Cromwell's time a purge of the
House of Commons. The purge
was called colonel Pride's purge.
The gentlemen on the opposite side
of the House were close imitators
of the Cromwellian system, not
only of his system of parliament-
ary reform, but also of his sana-
tory purgative system ; for they
were prepared to expel, by one
strong dose, no less than 168
members of that House. He did
not know what name he ought to
to attach to this specific ; for he
had not conceived it possible that
the country would see a repetition
* See Cbroniole p. 34.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[31
ot such a process a second time.
Within the last three days, how-
CTer, the House had been promised
a purge, to which, as no name
haa yet been attached, he would
attach the name of Russell's purge.
He would call this bill Russell's
Purge of Parliament. Its princi-
ple was republican in its basis : it
was destructive of all property, of
all right, of all privilege : and the
same arbitrary violence^ which ex-
pelled a majority of members from
that House, in the time of the
Commonwealth, was now, after the
lapse of a century from the Revo-
lution, during which we had en-
joyed greater happiness than was
ever enjoyed by any population
under Heaven, proceeding to ex-
pose the House of Commons again
to the nauseous experiment of a
repetition of Pride's Purge.
The Attorney-general denied
that any parallel could be drawn
between the measure now presented
to the House, and the reformations
of Cromwell. There had been
two alterations in the House in
Cromwell's time ; at the earlier pe-
riod, the change was effected by
violence; at the later by a plan
brought forward on a conservative
principle— a plan by which the
three estates were to be retained
mutilated in some respects, indeed,
but still preserved in form as the
government of the country. There
was, perhaps, the same object in
view — namely, a change in the
House of Commons; but that was
the only point in which the two
cases resembled each other, for the
plan now proposed went on conser-
vative and restorative principles,
while, on the other, the Protector
brought in his soldiers, and forci-
bly took away the mace. Still less
could it be said there was any simi-
larity in the present to the prin-
ciple of the cases of quo warranto ?
Was this case to be put upon a
parallel with the interfering with
the rights of corporations ? Was
it an attempt to deprive them of
their legitimate municipal powers ?
Surely the power of voting for
members of parliament was not a
municipal privilege ; still less so
was the power of selling to some
duke or lord this valuable privi-
lege.
The Attorney-general went on
to say, that not one argument had
been used by the opponents of the
measure which did not go the
length of declaring that no reform
whatever was necessary. These
members had not taken any prac-
tical view of the subject till this
moment, when they were actually
driven into doing so. What plan
of reform had they ever proposed,
or what plan did: they even now
propose ? He knew of none, unless
they called that a plan which con-
sisted in introducing ex post facto
laws against Evesham and East
Retford — unless they called that
a plan which was only a bill of
pains and penalties, agreed upon
by some committee, no one mem-
ber of which owed his seat to
means more pure than those which,
as a member of that committee,
he was formally to condemn. If that
were a plan, against any such plan
he protested, as one of needless
expense, great waste of time, and
insulting hypocrisy. Even the
duke of Wellington, who declared
at the commencement of the pre-
sent Session that no reform was
necessary, had been willing, dur-
ing last Session, to disfranchise
East Retford : he had been ready
to make that miserable sacrifice in
the expectation that it would
satisfy the wishes of the people.
That readiness admitted in effect
32] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
that some reform was necessary^ state of the representation should
but the people would not be satis- be put on a sounder footing,
fied with reform to that extent ; For the necessity of reform they
and those who admitted reform to had the authority of Chatham^
that extent, were bounds having Pitt, Fox, and Burke. Mr. Pitt
admitted the principle, to carry it had declared that, with such a
farther than by merely applying it House of Commons, no honest man
to the passing of an ex post facto could be minister of the country ;
law, the institution of. committees, and Mr. Fox had afterwards adopted
or the punishment of abuses ac- the sentiment, when, on Mr. Pitt
cidentally discovered. It was said, taking office, he said, with great
thattalent and rank, the wealthy in bitterness, that Pitt seemed des-
trade, and others who had elevated tined to prove the truth of his own
themselves in the world, made their prophecy. In the year 1780, Mr.
entry into the House by means of Pitt introduced a plan to get rid
the impure boroughs. It might of forty boroughs, and then a
be very true, that they did ; but compulsory compensation was pro-
then it was notorious that that posed : but he believed that none
object was gained by seats in the of those who were to' have b^n
House being bought and sold, called on to receive it would have
Why, then, was not East Retford, considered themselves well used in
or any other borough to be allowed being forced to accept it. He did
to drive the same traffic ? Why not, however, know that any com-
prohibit the poor man to sell his pensation was constitutional for
solitary vote, while you allow the property so bought, or whether any
rich man to sell all the votes of all act of that sort was not itself ille-
the electors ? Who could expect gal, and liable to prosecution under
the people to submit to this ? If the bribery laws. If a peer, or
it was necessary that peers should any other holder of a borough,
return their nominees, why was made a bargain to admit a man to
it that every peer had not his that House for a certain stipulated
nominee, like his chaplain or his sum, or on condition of voting in
steward ? The privilege was not a certain manner, he would not only
granted to his rank or station, but be guilty of a gross breach of the
belonged to him through the acci- privileges of that House, but would
dent of having purchased the bo- be liable to an indictment for his
rough which returned the two offence.
members; and thus he acquired the To the argument that the system
power of influencing the delibera- had been productive of no practical
tions of that House, and made it evil, it was enough to say, that the
worth the while of the crown to people, for a century, had not been
consult his interests and his wishes, happy under it. They had been
Was it possible that any thing a suffering people — suffering by
could be worse ? Under "such cir- the acts of that House, injuries
cumstances the question was, whe- inflicted on them by means which
ther the House should wait for an- the constitution condemned, and
other instance of particular delin- which the people required to be re-
quency, or whether the boroughs formed. As to the allusions made
shoulu no longer be permitted to to occurrences in France of modern
send representatives, and the or of more ancient date^ he would
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[33
ask^ whether it was possible that
that dynasty should remain upon
the throne, which had ordered the
military to fire upon the people?
Was that^ too, a revolution to be
viewed with horror and disgust^
which was merely a resistance to
arbitrary power and the resort of
self defence ? There might be some
reason to lament that the French
people did not so well know how
to improve a victory as to gain
it : but in whatever situation he
might be placed^ he never would
consent to put the recent events in
Belgium in comparison with the
achievements of those three glori-
ous days when the French people
defended their fire-sides and their
families^ and not only asserted but
maintained their rights against a
degrading and detestable tyranny.
But what^ in fact^ had the fiitiJe
efforts of arbitrary monarchy^ or
the illegal violence of an excited
population, to do with a question
like the present, which related
to a measure which had the
high sanction of the government,
and, above all, the intelligent ap-
proval of a great, free, and en-
lightened people ?
•VoIh LXXIII.
CD]
34] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
CHAP. II.
Continuation of the Debate on the Motion for leave to bring in the
Reform Bill — Speech qf Mr, Bankes — Mr. Hobhouse — Mr, Baring
*— jLord Palmerston^^Sir Robert Peel — Mr, Stanley — The Lord
Advocate'^Mr, Croker — Mr, Hope^-^r. R, Or ant — Mr, O'Connetl
•^Mr, Attwood — Sir James Graham — Bill allowed to be brought
in without a Division, and read a First Time,
THE third night*s debate was
opened by Mr. . Bankes, who
complained of the profound secrecy
in which ministers had most un-
accountably thought it necessary
to wrap up their scheme, till the
very moment when it was pre-
sented to the House. If the mea-
sure was so popular, what had they
seen to fear? What danger did
they expect to aroid^ what advan-
tage did they hope to gain, by hav-
ing recourse to so unusual a con-
trivance. He complained likewise
of the use which had been made
of the king's name to gain sup-
porters to the bill, and of a very
intelligible hint which had been
given by sir James Graham, the
first lord of the Admiralty, that
if the House refused to pass the
bill, the king would dissolve them.
He repeated the arguments which
had been already urged against
the wholesale spoliation of the
boroughs, unjustified by any one
precedent to which a good citizen
would ever wish to refer. The
Attorney-general had talked of
one of Cromwell's reforms being
founded on a conservative principle,
and if members would only look to
the history of that parliament,
they would see the value of bodies
so constituted. It was only two
years iince a part of our parlia*
inentary debates, contain ing that
period, had been rcfcovered, and it
appeared that every thing absurd,
futile, and ridiculous had taken
place in this reformed parliament.
Cromwell had given that parlia-
ment two trials, the first of five
months, and the second of sixteen
days, at the end of which he dis-
solved them, with the following
speech : " I had very comfortable
expectations, that God would make
the meeting of this parliament a
blessing ; and the Lord be my
witness, I desired the carrying on
the aflfairs of the nation to these
ends. Having proceeded upon
these terms, and finding sucn a
spirit as is too much predominant,
every thing being too high or too
low, where virtue, honesty, piety,
and justice are omitted, I thought
I had been doing that which was
my duty, and thought it would
have satisfied you ; but if every
thing must be too high or too low,
you are not to be satisfied. You
liave not only disjointed yourselves,
but the whole nation, which is in
likelihood of running intomorecon-
fusion in these fifteen or sixteen
days that you have sat, than it
hath been from the rising of the
last Session to this day. And if
this be the end of your sitting,
and if this b« your carriag«| I
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[36
tbink it high time that an end be
put to your sitting, and I dissolve
this parliament^ and let God judge
between me and you." That was
the parliament which had be^n re-
formed and amended according to
what the Attorney-general called^
** a conservative principle," unable
to protect either itself or the coun-
try. The proceedings, which had
terminated in the framing of this
parliament^ had surely been revo-
lutionary enough ; ana the essence
and tendency of the measure now
proposed were equally entitled to
be so characterized. He should
like, at least, to know how those
members and adherents of the
present ministry, who, while Mr.
Huskisson lived, had been his
followers and associates, could re-
fuse to give it that name, without
renouncing all their former creed.
No farther back than the 23rd of
February, 1830, Mr. Huskisson
bad said in that House, '' as to a
more extensive parliamentary re-
form, a measure founded upon
the principle of a general revision^
reconstruction, and remodelling
of our present constitution — to
such a general revision and change
of our constitution, he had been
always opposed, and while he had
a seat in that House, he should give
it his most decided opposition.
He conceived, that if such an ex-
tensive reform were effected, they
might go on for two or three Ses-
sions in good and easy times, and
such a reformed parliament might
adapt itself to our mode of govern-
ment, and the ordinary concerns
of the country; but if such an
extensive change were effected in
the constitution of parliament, sure
he was that whenever an occasion
arose of great popular excitement
or reaction, the consequence would
be a total subveraion of our con* '
stitution, followed by a complete
confusion and anarchy, terminate
ing first in the tyranny of a fierce
democracy, and then in that of a
military despotism, these two great
calamities maintaining the natural
order of succession which they
have been always hitherto seen to
observe.'* Not more than twelve
months ago, Mr. Huskisson had
denounced in this strong and em-
phatic langua^, any measure of
such a description. Such measures
were so denounced by a man who
belonged not to the aristocracy of
the country — who had sprung
himself from the people, and who
felt with them and for them. With
the weight of such an authority
against them, even those who had
been always friendly to such mea-
sures should pause and reflect, be-
fore they proposed them ; but that
the political associates of Mr. Hus-
kisson— that the men who had
been bred up under him, and who
held the principles which had been
held by him — should. So soon after
his death, be parties to the intro-
duction of sucn a measure as the
present, was certainly a most ex-
traordinary and unaccountable fact.
Mr. Hobhouse said, that the
example which Mr. Bankes had
selected of Cromwell's reformed
parliament was the very worst,
for the opponents of the bill, on
which he could have fixed. If he
had only looked into a page of
Hume, he would have found that
Cromwell dismissed that parlia-
ment for the very reason that some
persons would wish for such a
parliament now — because it did
represent the people of England —
because he found that the mace
was hardly laid on the table, when
they began, not to exert them-
selves in &vour of tyrrany, not
to flatter- the Protector, not f
[D2]
36] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
prove complying tools in the
bands of ambition^ but to pull to
pieces the instruments of the go-
vernment. This was the offence
committed by that representation
which lord Clarendon had declared
to be worthy of better times, and
which Cromwell found to be in-
compatible with the tyranny he
meditated. In like manner the
examples, which had been referred
to in order to frighten the House
with the idea that they would
render parliament too pure for the
safety of the crown, were misre-
presentations of history. Charles
the 1st had not received his doom
from the democracy of England^
nor in consequence of their aver-
sion to monarchical power^ but be-
cause^ when an attempt was made
by the party uppermost to come
to terms with the king, they dis-
covered that he had a mental re-
servation^ by means of which he
was determined not to keep his
bargain. It was the usurping
army, not the people^ that put
Charles to death. Moreover the
parliament of that time was a bo-
rough parliament. It contained
but sixteen members for counties^
and six for cities; the remainder
were all for boroughs. The exam-
ple of Spain^ too^ had been quoted
to shew the impossibility of a purely
democratic assembly co-existing
with a monarchy. But it was not
the Cortes that dethroned Ferdi-
nand VII. Ferdinand dethroned
himself^ with the aid of a French
army marched into Spain contrary
to the law of nations. Sicily^
likewise^ had been pointed at.
But why had the two principles
not been found compatible there ?
Because lord Castlereagh had made
his famous settlement of Europe^
the consequences of which were
before their eyes every day. Last-
ly^ the late French revolution had
again been called up to haunt them.
He thought it was agreed on all
hands that the revolution of 1830
was an experiment which the
French people were justified ia
making; and it was not because
the Chamber of Deputies repre«
sented the people too much that
the two parties in France were
ready to go to war — it was because
it did not represent the people
enough.
To the argument that parlia«
ment^ in disfranchising the bo«
roughs^ would be guilty of some
unjustifiable act of confiscation — a
corporation robbery^ as it had beea
called — he would only oppose an
authority which, to the opponents
of reform^ ought to be unanswer-
able, that of Mr. Pitt. Mr. Pitt,
in a speech delivered on the 31st
of January, 1798, on the legisla-
tive union between England and
Ireland, spoke thus regarding the
power of parliament to take away
corporate rights, and disfranchise
such borou^s as it might think
fit : ^^ If this principle of the in-
competency of Parliament to the
decision of the measure be admit-
ted, or if it be contended that Par-
liament has no legitimate author-
ity to discuss and decide upon it,
you will be driven to the necessity
of recognising a principle the most
dangerous that ever Was adopted
in any civilized state. I mean the
principle that Parliament cannot
adopt any measure new in its na-
ture, and of great importance^
without appealing for airections
to the constituent and delegat-
ing authority. If that doctrine
be true, look to what an extent it
will carry you. If such an argu-
ment could be set up and main-
tained, you acted without any le-
gitimate authority^ when you ere-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[37
ated the representation of the prin-
cipality of Wales, or of either of
the counties palatine of England.
Every law that Parliament erer
made,' without that appeal^ either
as to its own frame and constitu-
tion, as to the qualifications of the
electors or the elected, as to the
great and fundamental point of the
succession to the Crown, was a
breach of treaty, and an act of
usurpation. If we turn to Ireland
Itself, what do gentlemen think of
the power of that Parliament,
which, without any fresh delega«
tion from its Protestant consti-
tuents, associates to itself all the
Catholicelectors, and thus destroys
a fundamental distinction on which
it was formed ? God forbid, that
I should object to, or blame any of
these measures. I am only stat-
ing the extent to which the prin-
ciple, that Parliament has no au-
thority to decide upon the present
measure, will lead 3 and, if it be
admitted in one case, it must be
admitted in all. Will any man
say, that (although a Protestant
Parliament in Ireland, chosen ex-
clusively by Protestant constitu-
ents, has, by its own inherent
power, and without consulting
those constituents, admitted and
comprehended the Catholics, who
were till then, in fact, a separate
community) Parliament cannot as-
sociate itself with another Pro-
testant community, represented by
a Protestant Parliament, having
one interest with itself, and simi-
lar in its law, its constitution, and
its established religion ? What
must be said by those who have at
any time been friends to any plan
of Parliamentary Reform, and par-
ticularly such as have been most
recently brought forward, either
in Great Britain or Ireland ?
Whatever may have been thought
of the propriety of the measure, I
never heard any doubt of the com-
petency of Parliament to consider
and discuss it. Yet I defy any
man to maintain the principle of
those plans, without contending
that, as a member of Parliament,
he possesses a right to concur in
disfranchising those who sent him
to Parliament, and to select others,
by whom he was not elected, in
their stead." Mr. Pitt still more
strongly expresses himself against
the principle insisted upon by sir
Charles Wetherell, in the imme-
diately succeeding passage : ^' I
am sure,*' continued Mr. Pitt,
^' that no sufficient distinction, in
point of principle, can be success-
fully maintained for a single mo-
ment ; nor should I deem it ne-
cessary to dwell upon this point in
the manner I do, were I not con-
vinced that it is connected, in
part, with all those false and dan-
gerous notions on the subject of
government which have lately be-
come too prevalent in the world.
It may, in fact, be traced to that
gross perversion of the principles
of all political society, which rests
on the supposition, that there ex-
ists continually, in every govern-
ment, a sovereignty in abeyance,
as it were, on the part of the peo-
ple 3 ready to be called forth on
every occasion, or rather on every
pretence, when it may suit the
purposes of party or faction, who
are the advocates of this doctrine,
to support an occasion for its exer-
tion." After an argument so mas-
terly and overpowering, the House^
he should think, must now have
done with the arguments about
corporation robbery, and the in-
competence of Parliament to deal
with corporate franchises.
Still more clear, in his opinion,
was the justice, the expediency.
18] ANNUAL REGISTER. 1831.
tht oeeeMity of dealing witb these
boroughs, as this bill did deal with
them. It was not from the exten-
sion of the franchise that danger
was to be apprehended. Danger^
he believed^ there was^ but it came
from a totally different and dis-
tinct quarter to that to which some
honourable gentlemen were most
ready to ascribe it. The danger, as
he conceived^ arose from that blind,
benighted^ selfish class of politi-
cian8-*^if politicians they could be
called-— who^ in spite of what had
passed^ and was still passing around
them, were still left in the double
night of ignorance and presump-
tion^ and would rather that thrones
should be subverted, and empires
crumbled into dust^ than forego
one iota of their own petty inter-
ests and long-cherished prejudices.
The last speaker had taunted the
friends of Mr. Huskisson with
abandoning his principles; but he
ought rather to hare learned wis-
dom from the example of his own
former leader (sir R. Peel). When
that right hon. gentleman was
doing himself immortal honour by
carrying through the Catholic Re-
lief Bill> the House had heard one
of his own relations read against
him one of his own speeches. Did
that, however, deter him from per-
severing in his object ? If it had,
instead of earning the high cha-
racter which he now enjoyed, and
having entitled himself to the gra*
titude of the country, he would
have held himself up as a politi-
cian who had not studied the signs
of the times, and who had not the
magnanimity, or the patriotism, to
prefer the good of the country to
his own consistency. Let not such
men entertain the idea that Reform
would exclude them from the
House. His own opinion was, and
it formed one of his reasons for
supporting Reform, that be did
not think the complexion of thai
House, individually, would be much
changed by the success of the
question. Let them make any
change consistent with the princi*
pies of the constitution, and they
would have the best men in that
House whom the constituency
could find to advocate their riffhts.
Capacity was certainly one of the
qualifications for a member of Par*
liament, but capacity might be
employed in the wrong way at
well as in the right Great
talents had done more harm than
good in the history of this coun-
try ; and the great quality neces*
sary, above all, was, the resolution
to speak the sentiments of their
constituency honestly, or, if ther
could not do so, consistently wita
their own opinions, to resign their
seats.
Mr. Baring declared that the
measure now proposed, was not a
reform of the manner in which the
House was elected, but was, in
fact, a new constitution. Minis-i
ters might say that the old consti-
tution was worn out, that it worked
ill, that it had produced among
the people misery and discontent^
to which they would no longer sub-^
mit, and must therefore be re-
modelled on new principles. Thie
would be intelligible ; it would be
calling things by their right name.
But sure he was, that what
the government now presented as
a measure of Reform » was as essen-
tially a qew constitution, as if it
had come fresh from the pigeon*
holes of the Abb^ Sieyes. During
a long course in Parliament, he
had been known by his principlea
to be almost a party man attached
to the men who at iiresent formed
the government, n'om his high
opinion of their chwactersi and
HISTORY OP EUROPE.
[>9
hit belief in tb« •incerity of tbeir
iotontiont ; but, fond of liberty as
he was — and be bad been as con-
stant and as warm a friend of li-
berty as any man in tbat house —
no consideration could induce him
to support the measure which that
government had now proposed for
the adoption of the legislature.
We possessed a constitution^ in
wbicbj he would not say by the
wisdom of our ancestors^ but by a
long course of accidental circum-
stances, which might be more pro-
perly called the gifts of Providence^
improvement had been going on
from its earliest existence, through
all its subsequent changes, until it
bad acquired that* state which
made it the envy of the world,
and, as he had been accustomed to
believe^ until of late years, the
pride and glory of the people of
this country. He had been taught
that this constitution consisted of
three estates — King, Lords, and
Commons. Pass this bill^ and you
must reverse the order : you will
have a constitution consisting of
Commons, Lords, and King. Under
the constitution, so long as it had
existed, the contents of the House
of Commons had formed a popular
representation, arising, indeed,from
varied materials^ but essentially
representing the popular interests
of the country. So long as the
Constitution had existed^ they had
bad in the House of Commons the
influence of the popular body,
mixed up with mucn of the influ-
ence of the Crown, and much of
the influence of the aristocracy,
with the influence of property, of the
dsrgy, and of all the variea inter-
ests of which the public body is
composed. But the principle now
inculcated was^ let the Crown keep
to itself, let the peers keep to
tli9misl?ei| and 1st the peojde nave
the House of Commons to them-
selves. That might be, in the
opinion of ministers, something
better than the constitution, but
assuredly it was not, and never had
been, the constitution ; it was not
that constitution which had
brought us through three centuries
of progressive freedom and pros-
perity. He knew well that it was
very easy for shallow minds to find,
in this mixed representation, de-
fects and imperfections at which to
goint their scoffing and sarcasm ;
ut, if all the constitution-mongers
in the world had never been able
to set up one^ under which any
thing approaching to the same de-
gree of rational liberty^ of order,
and of happiness, had been en-
joyed b^ the community, then
he felt himself warranted in say-
ing, that there was something in
the forming such a constitu-
tion, above the reach of any body
of men, and depending on accident
alone ; and if we had been so fa-
voured as to have such a jewel
placed in our possession^ let neither
the clamours of demagogues, nor
the vain and self-satisfied fancies
of constitution-makers, induce us
^' to throw a pearl away, richer
than all their tribe."
What were the practical objec-
tions to the existence of this mixed
representation in the House of
Commons? Had the peers been
interfering to restrain or lessen the
freedom of speech, or to take from
them any of the privileges they
had formerly possessed ? Had the
peers been exercising their influ-
ence to oppress them, and to pass
laws for tneir own exclusive ad-
vantage against the interests of
other classes? He knew of no
such thing. On the contrar|r,
while the mixture of aristocratic
and popular iufluenoe in tbat Houss
40] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
had been the greatest promoter of
just and equal laws ; he knew of
no oppression or grievance which
had sprung from their union. Was
popular influence losing its weight
m the House by the increase of
other influences ? No ; the House
of Commons now responded to the .
popular wishes more than at any
other period since its existence.
The popular feeling was never
more truly represented there than
at the present moment. There
had been of late much restlessness
abroad^ and the spirit had extend-
ed itself to the people of this
country ; and let him ask whether
that feeling of the public had not
shown itself in that House ? The
people did not know much what
they wanted^ and he believed that
House knew as little what it would
have. It turned out one ministry
and chose another^ and was not^
perhaps, very much disposed to
support either. The existing re-
presentation was one upon which
the opinions of the people did
duly act. No difficulty could
arise to any interest in the coun-
try— no branch of trade or manu-
facture suffered a temporary de-
pression— but committees were set
afloat, and applications were forth-
with made to the government and
to the House 5 and he would ven-
ture to assert, that never were the
distresses of the people, under any
form of government whatever, con-
sidered with more parental feeling
and anxiety to afford them relief.
This had been the state of the re-
presentation, and these had been
Its effects. Formerly, they had
been appreciated ana beloved by
all Englishmen. But it seemed
t}iat new lights had broken in upon
them, and what his hon. friends
now proposed was, that the whole
influence of the aristocracy in the
representation should go. The
pnnciple of these market-place re-
formers was, that the present con-
stitution of the House was illegal ;
that the influence of the peers,
their nominations, and their pa-
tronage, were all good for nothing,
and must be got rid of.
After objecting to the proposed
qualiflcation as being greatlyt(^ low,
especially for counties, and stating
that in France, under all the effer-
vescence of the revolution of last
year, nobody had thought of going
nelow a sum equal to at least 100/.
per annum in this country, Mr.
Baring (who sat for Callington)
said, he could not help observine
that lord John Russell had passed
over Tavistock, and put his mark
upon Callington. He did not
know why Callington should be
selected more than Tavistock.
There had been no corruption in
Callington. He had never ex«
pended one shilling in his election
which he should be unwilling to
submit to the inspection of any re-
forming member of that House.
He did not charge his noble friend
with partiality ; but it was remark-
able, that, when Tavistock was on
one side, and Callington on the
other, Tavistock should escape.
He wished to know who drew
the line, and why it was drawn ?
They were both small towns,
within ten miles of each other.
At the last election, everything
was fair. He polled 200 votes,
and his election bill amounted to
no more than 150/. His noble
friend said these objectionable bo-
roughs went to the Treasury. He
did not know why Callington
should go to the Treasury more
than Tavistock, or why the duke
of Bedford might not direct its two
members to the Treasury. There
could be no doubt; whatever might
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[41
be the fate of the plan proposed by
ministers^ that Tavistock would
still belong to the duke of Bedford.
He thought he could ensure the
maintenance of the present inter-
est. If his grace the duke of Bed-
ford gave him half-a-crown^ he
would ensure the noble duke the
return of two members for Tavis-
tock, and both should be in the in-
terest of the house of Russell.
Lord Palmerston^ a disciple of
Mr. Canning and Mr. Huskisson^
followed in defence of the ministry
and their bill. He admitted that^
however important had beel| the
subjects which had heretofore been
submitted to the attention of the
House, there never had been one
of so great importance, and involv-
ing so many difficulties, as the
present. Measures heretofore
brought forward had been single
measures, the consequences of
which might be judged of from
past experience 3 but the present
was one which could not be tried
upon such guesses; it was one
which must be influential on the
character of the government and
the people to all future time, and
one which would have a direct in-
fluence upon the existence of the
empire. He had no wish to dis-
semble its importance, or to at-
tempt to underrate it -, for so to do
would be to declare his incompe-
tence to judge upon a proposition
which went to make a material
change in a constitution that had
so long been productive of great
beneflt to the country. A love of
change was no part of the charac-
ter of the people of England ; pn
the contrary, they were remark-
able for their tenacious adherence
to old institutions. When, there-
fore, the public mind called for a
change, and that not suddenly, but
at the calm and steady instance of
those whose property and station
put them in a position to judge
wisely, then, he would say, there
must exist some evil, for which it
became the serious duty of Parlia-
ment to And a remedy. Now, in
point of fact, public opinion did
call for a change in the Constitu-
tion ; and, for proof of this, he
need merely refer to himself and
his colleagues now sitting as minis-
ters on the benches so recently oc-
cupied by thjB present opposition.
It was his firm opinion, that no-
thing but the unbending notions
of a few men in power, on the sub-
ject of Reform, had been fatal to
the late ministry.
The present measure was said
to go too far— to be pregnant with
danger 3 and those who had for-
merly proposed, or supported, more
partial measures, were now taunted
with extravagance and inconsis-
tency. But he would tell such
persons that, if they foreboded
danger, it became them, three
years ago, to have looked forward
to the consequences of resisting
those moderate and necessary re-
forms, which, at that period more
particularly, lay within their power.
If they had convicted the corrupt
boroughs which were then brought
under the cognizance of the House
— if government, admitting the
principle, had agreed to carry it
further, as circumstances might
arise, and had transferred the fran-
chise to large manufacturing towns,
the more general reform now in-
troduced would not have become
necessary. He had supported
these measures because he thought
them good in themselves, and be-
cause he was convinced that such
a mode of proceeding would have
afforded well-grounded hopes of
seeing the franchise conferred in
time on all large manu&cturing
i%] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1631.
townt^ as well a« on counties not
sufficiently represented. His pre-
dictions^ at that time^ were con-
demned by the members opposite,
for the same reasons for which they
now condemned the present mea«
sure I and he could only say in re«
turn> that he supported that limit-
ed proposition for the same rea-
son for which he now supported
the more extensive measure intro-
duced by the government.
As to that measure itself, the
more it was examined^ the more it
would be found to apply a sound
and safe remedy to the points in
which the existing representation
was defective, and these were^ that
a single individual could return
members — that the grossest cor-
ruption prevailed both in great
and in small boroughs — that manu-
facturing and trading towns had
no representatives— that elections
were expensive — that the franchise
was unequally distributed among
the middle classes. That nomina*
tion boroughs had their partial
advantages by giving seats to per^
sons of splendid talent and great
capacity, who could not otherwise
have got in ; and that they had
not injured popular interests^ as
many of the individuals returned
for such boroughs had been the
champions of popular rights, might
be very true; but the question
wa8> how can you provide for large
towns without disfranchising bo-
roughs ? It seemed to be admitted
on the other side that the large
manufacturing towns ought to be
brought in; but room could not
be made for them> unless the smaller
boroughs were excluded —for the
House, as it now existed, was
already too numerous for business.
It had been insinuated, if not openly
stated^ that the line between the
boroughs to be disfranchised^ and
those to be preserved, had been to
drawn as to preserve the influence
of some particular party, and Tavi^
stock had been pointed at as having
suspiciously escaped proscription.
Whoever could seriously believe
that any such partial considera**
tions had been regarded, only
shewed that his views on the
question were not entitled to much
weight. It was necessary to draw
a line somewhere, and the difficulty
was to determine what point of
population it ought to pass through
-•-neither was it true that the bill
was founded merely on population.
Population had been adopted to
ascertain what places ought to send
members ; but, among the popula-
tion of these places, it was property
which regulated the distribution
of the franchise ; and the eifect of
the plan would be, to extend tho
franchise to the great body of re-
spectable householders, who had an
interest in preserving the institu-
tions of the country. Instead of
separating the respectable and in-
telligent classes of society from the
aristocracy, it would unite j^hem,
while it would likewise form a
bond between the former and the
government. He would not deny
that the House, as at present con-
stituted, contained much intelli*
gence and ability ; but still it was
not that House of Commons which
the people of England wished, nor
that which they would be most likely
to regard with respect. If there
were any classes who required more
than others proper representation,
they were the inhabitants of large
manufacturing towns j they needed
representatives who understood
their interests, and who might be
ready to watch over them. For
this purpose the government had
proposed to give thirty-six mem^
bers to the manufacturing towns j
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[43
and bioaui« this was done> a cry
was raised that the system was
destroyed. But how could such
an assertion bear a hearings when
it was known that, to counter-
balance this, fifty-five members had
been added to the counties, and
that those who voted for towns
were to have no vote for the county
members? The landed interest
well merited this consideration,
and he looked upon it as the basis
on which the best interests of so-
ciety and the sacred institutions of
the country rested. In making
this ebservation, he meant no dis-
paragement to the manufacturing
and trading community, because,
be was well aware that wherever
there was property, there must be
a co-existing interest in the insti-
tutions of the country. The ten-
dency of the bill, too, to prevent
corruption was obvious. The
present mode of election was
the most offensive and disgusting
that could be imagined. At a
general election, a third man was
always wanted -, but 10/. or 12/.
a-head must be paid, one half down,
and the other at tJie close of the
election. This species of abuse
was chiefly practised bv the non-
resident voters; and by doing away
with that class, the evil would at
least be diminished. Electors, again,
in most cases, consulted not so much
the fitness of the candidates as the
length of their purses. The man
who, whatever were his endow-
ments, could not pay his agents,
his houses, and post-horse charges,
till the fourteenth day, was obliged
to retire. This evil the bill would
remedy by shortening the duration
of elections, and empowering voters
to poll at different places at the
same time.
Sir Robert Peel> who was now
loudly called for^ said that he caxne
to the consideration of the tremtn«
dous subject before the House,
with feelings of pain and humilia-
tion beyond any thing he had ever
experienced in considering a ques<i
tion of this description. He was
asked to adopt a new constitution^
and he was not asked to do this,
after a calm and dispassionate in-
quiry, but was called upon to
take this hasty step by an appeal
to motives, to act on which would
be subjecting his judgment to his
fears, instead of controlling his
fears by his judgment. Why had
the king's name been introduced }
Why had it been atated in an-
other place that this plan had
received the particular sanction
of the king? AVas it necet«
sary, day i^ter day, to state in
both Houses of parliament, and
from the public press, that this
measure was brought forward with
his majesty's express sanction?
He held it to be no imputation
upon his respect and loyalty to the
crown^ if he disregarded the inti-
mation that the king had stamped
the measure with the royal ap->
probation ; and if, as a member of
parliament, he exercised his judg.*
ment on the merits of the question
as unreservedly as if no such inti-*
mation had been obtruded upon
them day after day. Then the
House was menacea with dissolu-
tion— an event equally probable if
the measure were earned. But
he cared not whether the House
were dissolved or not, and he
would be unfit for the performance
of a single legislative duty, if he
permitted any such menace to influ-
ence him. He cared not whether
he was returned again or not ; but
if he felt any anxiety on that head,
he would go to his constituents
with this bill in his hand, and
would plead special claims to their
44] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
renewed confidence in his deter-
mined opposition to it. He would
tell them that the bill had been
brouffht in to deprive them of their
constitutional privileges^ without
any allegation of necessity^ without
any case being made out against
them, and that he had opposed it.
He knew they had never abused
their rights — that the humblest
man amongst them had never asked
or received a bribe — and, till the
necessity of the measure was es-
tablished by more cogent argu-
ments than he had yet heard, he
would never consent to deprive
them of rights which the constitu-
tion gave them, and which they
had innocently and honestly ex-
ercised.
But he was told that he must
adopt the new constitution as the
only alternative to prevent civil
commotion : he was to be scared
from the exercise of his deliberate
judgment on a peculiai'ly complex
and important question, by the
apprehension of a threatened massa-
cre. If it was so—which no man
who knew the people of England
could believe — let those answer for
it, who had preferred manifesting
their ability to destroy, rather than
their capacity to govern. "I, at
least, am not one who has industri-
ously laboured to excite the stormy
multitude, and employed all his
faculties to foster discontent. I,
at least, have never uttered the
language used by a noble lord in
1827> who found the people peace-
ful, quiet, and contented, ana com-
plained that he could not rouse
their indignation against the
House of Commons, and grieved
that they were so apathetic as to
be deaf to the voice of the charmer,
charm he never so wisely. I, at
least, have never called for a list
of privy councillors^ in order to
direct against them the torrent of
popular resentment on account of
the remuneration which they re-
ceived for their services. I have
never encouraged any body of men
to display, under the very eyes of
the government, a foreign emblem
of revolution. I have never been
the person to excite the people to
phrensy, or to spur on their lazy
indifference to an emulous compe-
tition in revolutionary clamour. If,
therefore, this extraordinary mea-
sure, which common prudence
would have forborne to introduce
at such a crisis of our foreign and,
domestic relations, when every
fresh cause of excitement ought to
have been studiously avoided — if
it should be defeated, I shall never
allow that any responsibility for
the consequences attaches to my-
self or to those who have thought
and acted like me.'*
Sir Robert went on to say that
he must repeat the question, to
which no answer had yet been
given by the other side; what
practical evils has the constitution
inflict^ on the country, to render
it deserving of a sentence of
proscription. - If the constitution
as it existed, existed exclusively
for the benefit of those whom it
was the fashion to term borough -
mongers, and if in them only all
its benefits centered, argument in
its defence would be nugatory;
but no such assertion could be
ventured, and it would not be
difficult to' make a calm and
temperate appeal to the people of
England on behalf of their old
English constitution. It was in
vain to say that this or that par-
ticular part appeared to answer no
rational end. The question was,
what mischief has it done, and
what is its action as apart of the
whole? Who would pretend to
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[45
judge of the symmetry and pro-
portions of the human frame, of
its organs, faculties^ and endow-
ments, which fell so little short of
angelic existence itself, by merely
examining an isolated member or
detached feature of the fabric when
perfect as created } It was the
form of government to which all
ancient wisdom^ and all mode'rn
experience had borne testimony,
and of which all that wisdom and
all that experience proved, that no
sagacity^ of any one body of men,
could bring it into existence. The
House had already heard stated
the opinions of our most distin-
guished modern statesmen ; but
one still remained to be adduced^
and that one was the noble mover
himself of the present bill. In the
session of 1819^ that noble lord,
when speaking on the disfranchise-
ment of a corrupt borough in
Cornwall, had said, that he would
consider a general disfranchisement
of the unconvicted boroughs as a
re-construction of the House
of Commons altogether, and he
went on thus : — " Old Sarum
had existed when Montesquieu
pronounced the constitution of
England the nearest to perfection
of any which the most enlightened
states had ever before experienced.
When lord Somers, and the other
great legislators and philosophers
who flourished with him^ bore
attestation to its merits^ it was
open to the same objections which
were since urged against it 3 and
when Hampden lost his life, Rut-
land returned the same number of
representatives as Yorkshire. He
was not inclined, with the pseudo
merchant in the fable^ to cry, '* new
lamps for old," and would not con-
sent to exchange the instrument
which had created so much national
prosperity for a burnished and
tinselled article of modem manu-
facture. Neither would he will-
ingly throw our political system
into the wheel on the chance of
obtaining a prize in the lottery of
constitutions." Such had been the
noble lord's judicious^ and, at the
present moment^ seasonable warn-
ing against the danger of rashly
departing from the practical wis-
dom of mankind during centuries
of historical experience — proffered,
too, at the critical juncture of the
year 1819, when the Six Acts had
passed, when the seizure of arms
bill, the blasphemous libel bill, and
the newspaper stamp bill, were
in actual progress through the
House. If such was the line of
argument of the noble lord in
1819, he, in his lordship's lan-
guage, would now call upon the
House to prefer the solid ancient
lamp of the constitution to the
tinsel of modern sophistry.
Looking at such opinions as con-
trasted with the proposed bill, he de-
clared that he could see in the latter
only the instrument of men endea-
vouring to retain power. If minis-
ters had felt it necessary to propose
a safe and moderate measure of re-
form of some branches of our repre-
sentation, he would most probably
have acted on the views taken by
some other members, of the danger
to be apprehended from all resist-
ance to change, and have given it
his support as a private individual,
though he might not have thought
it fit to originate it in an official
capacity. He would not have ob-
jected to a measure for extending
the elective franchise to some places
not at present possessing it. But
he could not consent to a measure,
which, in the words of its very
mover, went to reconstruct that
House ; and, be the consequences
what they might, so wholly did he
46] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
despair of being able to modify the
noble lord's bill into a kind oi mo-
derate measure less objectionable^
that he would oppose the plan alto-
gether. And why would he act
thus? Because^ having atten^
tively listened to the noble mover's
statement^ and to all that had been
subsequently said for and against
it^ he felt convinced that if the
noble lord's argument was good for
anything^ the measure which he
then proposed could not be a final
one) but a mere precedent to still
more dangerous innovations. The
noble lord had told them that he
found the ancient constitution of
this country in 25 Edward I.^ and
in the statute de tallasio non cou"
cedendo. But what did these sta-
tutes express ? Simply that "taxes
should not be levied without the
oonsent of the commonalty of the
realm." And then, argued the
noble lord^ if reform be a question
of right, which he held it to be^
here was the right anciently esta-
blished. If this were the right
principle of the case^ how far had
the proposer of this bill consulted
it^ when he proposed to disfran-
chise so many thousands of those
upon whom taxes are levied ? Did
he assume that the law admitted
of such a distinction ? It did not;
yet he would at once disfranchise
all tax payers rated under 1 0/. How
could he justify this his distinction^
particularly upon his own premises?
Where was there here any regard
to principle and right ?
But practical consequences were
still more important than abstract
principles; and one of the worst
things about this bill was^ its ine-
vitable tendency to sever every link
of connexion between the poorer
classes^ and that class from which
representatives were commonly
dhosen. The great characteristic
feature> and the practical working
of the present system of represent-
ation was, that it enabled every
class in the community to have a
voice, in some way or other^ in the
election of the members of that
House. He did not mean to say
that the franchise should be ex-
tended to all the members of all
the classes of the community^ but
that the constitution worked well
from having here and there an en*
trance channel for the broadest
principle of popular representation.
If it was proposed to him to make
a selection between the franchise
in force in Windsor and that in
force in Preston, he would not
hesitate to prefer the former; but
he would not therefore abolish the
Preston franchise and assimilate it to
that in Windsor : all that he would
do was to take care not to take it
as the model for his plan of ex-
tending the franchise to other
places ; but not so the present
bill. It would disfranchise all
those open boroughs, the voters of
which were not rated at 10/.^
though no reason had been, or
could be, adduced for depriving
the freemen of Coventry, or the
pot-walloppers of Preston, of their
franchise. Would not, he put it
to the noble lord and the House^
the effect of this disqualifying
principle be the affixing a politicid
stigma upon those not eligible to
vote under the 10/. qualification ?
He could not consent to the mea-
sure, were it only on this ground ;
for he could not consent to a stig-
ma upon from 200 to 300 of his
constituents whom the bill would
disfranchise; to be left, forsooth, to a
privy council arrangement by which
others might possibly be enabled
to vote from an adjoining parish.
Lord Palmerston bad talkea much
of the great check which would h%
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[47
giren to corruption by disfran*
chising nOD-resident voters ; yet
his lordship represented the Uni-
yersitv of Cambridge, and what
would his nonoresident constitu-
ents say to such an arrangement ?
[Here it was intimated across the
House, that this provision would
not be applied to the universities,
on which sir R. Peel exclaimed]
"No! what! is this their general
rule that has'no exception ? the rea-
son, the peculiar beauty of which is,
that it applies unflinchingly and
without exception to all classes and
places. What does it do ? It makes
an exception of a body— the clergy,
the very men who least need being
made an exception ; while it de-
prives the less protected poor man of
the privilege of voting,where he does
not possess a house rated at 1 0//'
To the convincing fact, that the
close boroughs were advantageous,
by bringing in men who had no-
thing but ability to recommend
them, nothing liKe an answer had
yet been given, though two had
been attempted. The * answer of
Mr. Hobhouse was, that it was not
desirable that men of splendid ta-
lents should be members of that
House— that in a reformed parlia-
ment solid sense and integrity
would be more highly valuecf.
Now, on the other hand, he main-
tained, nothing tended more to
foster the public respect for that
House than its being the great
arena of talent and eloquence, and
that nothing would lower it more
in public estimation than that it
should be below the average ability
of educated gentlemen. Mr. Mac-
aulay> again, argued that the intro-
duction of able and useful men was
only an accident, and you must
judge of the fitness of institutions,
not by their accidents, but by their
ttodencies. Now> he was content
to judge by the tendency, and not
by the accident, of the close bo-
rough system, and would maintain
that the tendency was essentially
favourable to the entrance of men
of ability into that ^ouse. He
had that morning turned over the
names of from twenty to twenty-
five of the most distinguished men
that had graced that house for the
last thirty or forty years ; and he
found that, with three exceptions,
they were all returned for boroughs
which the present bill would wholly
disfranchise. There was Mr. Dun-
ning, lord North, J. Townsend,
Mr. Burke, Mr. Flood, Mr. Pitt,
Mr. Fox, lord Granville, the mar-
quis Wellesley, Mr. Percival, lord
Plunkett, Mr. Canning, Mr. Wind-
ham, Mr. Horner, Mr. Huskisson,
Mr. Brougham, sir S. Romilly, lord
Castlereagh, Mr. Tierney, sir W.
Grant, lord Grey, and the late lord
Liverpool — all first returned for
close boroughs, and but three of
them ever members for counties.
Nor was the mere facility of ad-
mission the only benefit. The in-
troduction, by affording them an op-
portunity of displaying their legis-
lative ability, recommended them,
at a more mature age, to places
enjoying a more extensive fran-
chise ; and when, again, from ca-
price, from the loss of popularity
— a loss so easily, and how often
most honourably incurred — they
were deprived of these latter seats,
the close boroughs secured to the
country the continuance of their in-
valuable services. Burke had been
repelled from Bristol, to take refuge
in Malton ; when Sheridan was
defeated at Stafford, he found
shelter at Ilchester j Mr. Wind-
ham, having failed at Norwich,
sat for Higham Ferrers. Lord
Castlereagh lost his election in the
county of Down, and was r^f^
48] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
turned for Oxford. Mr. Tierney,
when he lost Southwark^ was re-
turned for Knaresborough ; and
lord Grey for Tavistock, when de-
feated in Northumberland. And
yet this system, working so adran-
tageously for the public weal, so
fostering of talent and statesman-
like ability, was to be destroyed
for the sake of a new theory and
an untried experiment !
Against these untried theories,
we had long experience of the con-
stitution as it is, and in what re-
spect had it failed to attain all the
desirable ends of good government ?
It had been in force, in its present
form, for a century and a half, and
he had not yet found a man bold
enough to declare that the expcr
rience of history had produced any
form of government, so calculated to
promote the happiness, to secure
the rights and liberties, to foster
all that ought to be the boast and
glory of a free and enlightened
people. Many other experiments
had been tried to engraft democra-
tical upon monarchical institutions.
In France, in Spain, in Portugal,
in the Netherlands, in almost every
country, the experiment had been
tried of uniting democracy with
monarchy, and in all of them it
had signally failed. In England
alone had that mixed constitution
succeeded. During the last 150
years, England, under its protec-
tion, had stood the shock of a dis-
puted succession— of long wars—
of almost every evil that could be-
fal a state. During that period,
every other country in Europe had
suffered invasion-^had submitted
to a change of dynasty, or been
compelled to bow the neck to a
foreign power. England, by the
free hearts which her constitution
alone created and encouraged, had
stood untouched. Did not all
history teach us, that the great
danger of great nations was the.
danger of a successful military
chieftain attaching to himself the
affections of his legions, and being
misled by vanity to turn the arms,
which he had first employed for the
defence of his country, to his own
ambition and aggrandizement. Had
not the presentconstitutionof Eng.
land saved it, for more than a cen-
tury and a half of military glory,
from that unfortunate accident?,
The staff of Marlborough, the
greatest chieftain of his age, had
been broken in this country with
impunity ; and had not the baton
of the duke of Wellington, the most
illustrious commander of the pre-
sent age, before whose culminat-
ing star even the fortunes of Na-
poleon had quailed — had not that
baton crumbled into atoms before
the vote of that very House ? All
this had been done by the con-
stitution which we enjoyed : it had
served all the purposes of govern-
ment, as no constitution had ever
done ; and, up to the present mo-
ment, no one practical advantage
had been held out as the natural
result of the proposed change. AH
the reasons which had been urged
to the House centered in this, that
it was necessary to conciliate public
opinion. No better way, it seemed,
of conciliating public opinion could
be devised than increasing the con-
stituency of the country by half a
million of electors. Well, then, if
another government, equally anx-
ious to participate in the favour of
what was made the public, should
propose to add another half million,
their argument must be entitled to
the same success. Formerly, when
reform was proposed, some practical
tangiblegain was promised; now no
such consequence was proclaimed.
We used to be.promised that; when?
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[49
the constitution of the House of
Commons should undergo a change^
securities could be taken to pre-
vent it from engaging us in ruin-
ous wars. All persons who knew
any thing of history were well
aware that, of all governments, po-
pular governments were the most
warlike. Mr. Fox had left it on
record, that the American war was
highly popular at its commence-
ment. At a later period, it had
been asserted by other statesmen,
inferior only to him,that all the wars,
in which we had been subsequent-
ly engaged, were popular at their
outset, but had lost the favour of
the people on the first appearance
of failure. We used to be told,
that retrenchment of the expendi-
ture would be the first step of a re-
formed parliament -, but now this
reforming government itself had
already declared that farther re-
trenchment was impossible. We
used also to be told, that reform
was necessary to check the enor-
mous power of the crown in the
House of Commons. That, too,
was no longer repeated — and with
good reason. Would any member
venture to state it as his grave
opinion that any influence could
successfully contend in that House
with the influence of public opi-
nion }
And what was, in truth, the cha-
racter of those public wishes which
were to be gratified even by the
destruction of the constitution .? If
members would only look at the
history of the reform question, they
would find that it was the mere play-
thing of foreign example, or do-
mestic distress, and that when-
ever it was much agitated, some
dire misfortune lurked behind. It
came forth with great pomp of cir-
cumstance in the year of rebellion
Vol. LXXIII.
of 1745 ; it was brought promi-
nently forward during the Ameri-
can war ; it was brought forward
at the commencement of the French
war; and, to come to our own
times, it was brought prominently
forward in the years 1817, 1819,
and 1 822 ; in a word, at every pe-
riod when there was either great
commercial or great agricultural
distress in the country, reform was
brought conspicuously forward, and
was certain to find favour in the
eyes of the people. It was brought
forward, too, at periods when the
excitement of foreign revolutions
misled the judgment of the British
public, and, deluding them with
a false love of liberty, rendered
them discontented with the mo-
derate freedom which they enjoyed.
Mr. Pitt was its advocate and
champion in 1780, when the esta-
blishment of American independ-
ence, after a successful struggle
with this country, had deluded the
enthusiastic lovers of freedom with
notions of liberty which it was dif-
ficult to comprehend. From the
year 1785 to the year 1790, the
question of reform slept in lethargy
like that of the grave ; but in the
latter year the appalling events
of the French revolution recalled
it into life, and inspired it with
new power. When the present
lord Durham brought it forward
in the year 1821, he appealed to
the events which then had just
taken place in Spain, as the dawn
of liberty over this benighted
country. Again, with the events
of the last French revolution fresh
in the recollection of the country,
he had no hesitation in saying,
that the same experiment was again
in agitation, and the country was
again expecting that it could im-
prove its own liberty from the ex-
[E]
50] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ample of what had recently passed
in France. " Oh ! let us wait
until we see the result of that ex-
periment, for it is proper that we
should pause before we make it in
our own happy country. Before
we venture upon it, let us feel
assured that the liberty, which now
exists in France, if it be the off-
spring of a just revolution, is that
liberty which has justice and virtue
as its companions, and peace and
prosperity as its attendants. I see
at present no reasons for expect-
ing such consequences to ema-
nate from the late revolution in
France, and I deprecate, above all
things j making the revolution in
•France a precedent for a revolu-
tion in this country. Let us, there-
fore^ remain content with the well-
tempered freedom which we now
enjoy, and which we have the
means of securing, if we act with
ordinary discretion. I lament ex-
ceedingly that government should
have determined to agitate such a
question as that of reform at this
particular crisis; it would have
been wiser, in my opinion, to have
avoided these new causes of excite-
ment, for, depend upon it, that
by this process throughout this
land the first seeds of discontent
and disunion are sown. In every
town there will be a conflict — a
moral conflict, I mean — between
the possessors of existing authority
and' existing privileges, and those
to wliom the existing authority and
the- existing privileges are to be
transferred. Oh ! sir, I lament be-
yond measure that government had
not the prudence to adhere to that
temperate course of policy which
they have pursued elsewhere. I
lament that, if they did think it
necessary to propose a plan of re-
form in this excited state of the
public mind, they did not confine
it within those narrow limits which
are consistent with the safety of
the country, and the dignity of
their own characters. They have
thought proper, however, to adopt
another course: they have sent
through the land the fire-brand of
agitation : and it is easy so far to
imitate the giant enemy of the
Philistines, as to send fire-brands
tl^rough the country, carrying dan-
ger and dismay in all quarters; but
it is not easy, when the mischief
is done, to find a remedy. In the
present difiiculties of your situa-
tion, you should take care that you
do not signalize your own destruc-
tion by bowing down the pillars of
the edrifice of your liberty, which,
with all its imperfections, still
contains the noblest society of free-
men known to the habitable world/'
Mr. Duucombe said, he was one
of those who had taken part in put-
ting in the present ministers;
and he had been desirous to afford
them his utmost support, and to
stand by them, especially in any ra-
tional and practical reform. But no
friendly feelings which he might
entertain towards them could ever
justify him in supporting them
in a bill like this, which was re-
volutionary as regarded the con-
stitution, insulting as regarded
the House, unprincipled, partial,
and oppressive as regarded the
country. Mr. John Smith, al-
though proprietor of the borough
of Midhurst, declared, that when
the proposed measure was first ex-
plained to the House, " it almost
took away his breath, so much had
he been delighted with it;" and
if any member would move the dis-
franchisement of MJdhur8,the would
give him his cordial support.
Mr. Calcraft had been thought
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[51
ft pretty good reformer^ but now
found himself " a puny whipster."
He had often expressed his opinion^
he said^ that the present system
did not work well -, but he was
sure that the new one would work
a great deal worse. He had been
prepared, before the measure was
opened^ to support ministers in
their reform^ never imagining it
possible that they could fall upon
what they were now attempting 5
and the present difference between
him and them was this^ that he was
for reform, and they were for revo-
lution. He never would agree to
a measure which would render the
legislature the mere slave of popu-
lar opinion^ and enable one estate
to destroy the others. If this bill
were passed, they might depend
upon it that the change would not
stop where the government wished
it to stop : the end would be, that
they must convert the monarchy
into a republic.
Mr. Stanley, secretary for Ire-
land, the most adroit debater
whom ministers had to fight their
battle in the lower House, main*
tained that it was a mere abuse
of words to call the measure a
revolution. The distinction be-
tween the word '* revolution*' and
the phrase ** new constitution,'*
meaning thereby a new consti-
tution of the Commons house of
parliament, was very evident. By
revolution, he understood a great
change effected in the constitution
of a country by the application of
unconstitutional force. The very
lowest and mildest sense in which
it could be used was, the infringe-
ment, by the exercise of power
by one class of the community, of
tne rights belonging to another.
But what was the case here?
Ministers proposed an alteration
with respect to one estate of the
realm. The plan was to be can-
vassed in all its parts : it was sub-
jected to the control of public
opinion ; it must be submitted to
the other two estates of the realm ;
and yet, forsooth, this was called
revolution. At every turn, too,
ministers had been met with the
cry, that they wished to carry
this measure by intimidation. But
suiely it was allowable to advert
to the state of the country as a
collateral argument, to relieve the
timid and hesitating from their
doubts, and clearly pointing out
to them whence the greater dan-
ger was to be apprehended, — from
the refusal or from the concession
of reform. For this there was
the authority of sir Robert Peel
himself, who, when arguing in
favour of the late Catholic bill,
spoke thus: '^We have also had
the experience of civil discord and
bloodshed. Surely it is no unman-
ly fear that shudders at its re-
currence— no degenerate impulse
that prompts one to exclaim with
lord Falkland, Peace ! peace ! peace !
— that looks out with anxiety for
the alternatives by which civil war
may be honourably averted, which
may rescue the natives of the same
land, the fellow-subjects of the
same king, from the dire necessity
of embruing their hands in each
other's blood.*' Now, he asked the
House, whether, in the course of
this debate, there had been made so
direct and strong an appeal as to
the danger which might result from
the refusal of this great and heal-
ing measure which he had intro-
duced } That right hon. baronet
had likewise complained that the
measure was brought forward at an
unfortunate and unfitting season.
But ministers had come in upon
the pledge that they would intro-
duce a measure of reform. If, with
[E2]
52] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1881.
this pledge upon their lips^ they
had told the people^ as soon as they
found themselves seated in office^
that this was no convenient time
for reform^ then, indeed, would
have rested upon them the fearful
responsibility of the consequences
arising from disappointed hopes,
and of high-raised expectations,
blighted and falsified by the mean
conduct of those upon whom the
people had relied. Procrastina-
tion in such matters was always
mischievous. All these cases of
tardy political concession were like
the old Sybilline books — the longer
you delay the purchase, the higher
IS the price you must pay, and
the less the advantage you receive.
fiy selecting, one after another,
the most notorious cases of delin-
quency, not as technically proved,
but those great cases in regard to
which moral conviction prevailed,
though legal evidence could not
reach them, they might have
shewn a desire to reform, by de-
grees, the abuses of the system,
and then the public would, have
been satisfied with a less sudden
change^than was now contemplated.
But let the House look back on
the few last years, and mark the
time, the money, and the talent
which had been wasted in discuss-
ing useless questions regarding
boroughs charged with malprac-
tices— inquiring, for instance, whe-
ther one voter received one guinea,
and another five, when it was no-
torious that boroughs were bought
and sold by their proprietors. And
after all this labour and minute
inquiry, what had been gained for
the cause of reform ? Not one great
town, not one great district had
been added to those represented in
that House : not one corrupt borough
had been deprived of the means of
corruption. The opponents of the
present measure said. We don't
object to the disfranchisement of
delinquent boroughs : prove cor-
ruption, and we shall give them up.
fiut how was it possible for the in-
genuity of man to discover delin-
quency in the wall at Midhurst, or
detect corruption in the green
mound at Old Sarum ? If delin-
quency were to be the rule of
cashiering, as it had been called,
how was the disfranchisement of
the Irish 40^. freeholders to be de-
fended? He agreed that that
disfranchisement was a beneficial
measure ; but still the 40^. free-
holders had been guilty of no de-
linquency. Their franchise had
been taken from them, not on ac-
count of any delinquency of theirs,
but because the right, while nomi-
nally exercised by the many, was
really wielded by the few for their
own purposes. Why not make a
beneficial change on the franchise
in England, as much as in Ireland f
and it was to be observed, that the
new proposed qualification of 10/.
was the very qualification which
the former ministry had introduced
into Ireland, with this difference,
that, under the present bill, no
man would be deprived, during his
life, of the franchise which he now
enjoyed.
As to the accusation that the
bill was a robbing and despoiling
of the corporations, it had already
been sufficiently disposed of ; and
he would only add, that it was
strange to hear such charges
coming from men with whom Mr.
Pitt was the great authority, con-
sidering how distinctly Mr. Pitt
had maintained that boroughs
ought to be disfranchised and en-
franchised as they decayed or rose
into importance. In one of his
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[63
speeches on parliamentary reform,
Mr. Pitt, adverting to the earlier
periods of the constitution, obser-
ved, '' that as one borough decayed
and another rose, the franchise of
the one was abolished, and the
other was invested with the right.
That the same system should still
prevail, but that it should be rescu-
ed from the accident and ca-
price in which it had before been
involved ; that the alteration should
be made on principle; and that
they should establish this as a
clear axiom in representation —
that it should depend, not upon
locality or name, but upon number
and condition. He would submit to
the world which of the two was most
anxious for the preservation of the
original principle of the constitu-
tion ; he who was for maintaining
the exterior name of representation,
when the substance was gone, or
he, who, preferring the substance
and reality of representation to the
name and exterior, was solicitous of
changing its seat from one part of
the country to another, as one place
might flourish and another decay.
This ought likewise to be a
sufficient answer to the fears of
those who apprehended from the
bill the destruction of the proper
influence of the aristocracy. Were
the present ministers the men who
could possibly be suspected of a
wish to strike down the aris-
tocracy ? Was he himself likely
to be a party to such a scheme?
Was the noble lord who had intro-
duced the measure to the house a
man without any stake in the
country ? Was not the name he
•bore, in itself a guarantee against
any such intention? Was the
noble earl at the head of the
government — one said to be strenu-
^ously attached to the privileges of
his order — and who had on more
than one occasion, been made the
object of attack on that ground —
was he likely to advocate a mea-
sure which was to involve those pri-
vileges, along with the monarchy,
in one common ruin ? Look round
at the other members of his majes-
ty's government, and those who
had come forward to support them
on this occasion ^ were they men
of no fortune, mere adventurers,
who would have every thing to
gain and nothing to lose by a
revolution ? Or were they not
men who had large stakes m the
country, and whose individual in-
terests were bound up with the
permanent peace and security of
the state ? What, then, could they
gain by a revolution ? Their ob-
ject was the promotion of the true
interests of the country. For his
own part, he felt no alarms of the
kind for the results of the bill.
By that bill would be upheld the
influence of the aristocracy as it
was before — he meant that legiti-
mate influence which they ought
to possess — the influence which it
was always within their power to
secure — the natural influence of
property — the influence arising
from that respect to high rank
which was nowhere greater than
in this country — the influence of
affection generated by kindness and
good offices to those around them.
Mr. C. Wynn, likewise a mem-
ber of the government, said that,
when he accepted office, he did so,
although convinced of the necessity
of reform, only on the understand-
ing that he should be at liberty to
hold and maintain his own opin-
ions as to any particular measure
of reform which the cabinet might
propose. He now found that in
the proposed bill> while there was
54] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
much which he approved^ there
was likewise much from which he
must dissent. In its present form
he could not support it^ nor could
he expect that such modifications
would be made in it as would
meet his views. He was aware
that a member of a government
differing materially on an inipor«
tant measure from the administra-
tion to which he belonged^ could
not expect to remain long in office ^
but he had acted conscientious! y>
and was ready to take the con-
sequences.
Mr. Jeffrey, who had been ap-
pointed by the new ministry Lord
Advocate of Scotland, next ad-
dressed himself to the question.
The European reputation which
this gentleman had long enjoyed as
the editor of the Edinburgh Re-
view, and the author of many
articles displaying great acuteness
of thought, and the happiest felici-
ties of expression, joined to the
more popular and business talents
of skill and oratory, which had
raised him to the undisputed
leadership of the bar of Scotland,
had rendered his maiden speech in
parliament a subject of consider-
able .expectation. Although by
his office he was more particularly
charged with the bill which was
to remodel the representation of
Scotland, he very prudently ab-
stained from attempting to engage
the House in a matter which
would much less interest it than
the general principles applicable
to England, in the discussion of
which it had hitherto been engaged.
The constantly repeated assertion,
that the present system ought not
to be changed, because the country
had prospered under it was, he
said, a mere paralogism. The
country had prospered under the
government of the Tudors and the
Stewarts ; but who would maintain
that it ought therefore to have re«
mained. satisfied with the civil
liberties which it then enjoyed?
Political freedom was the daughter,
and not the mother of wealth.
How had the Italian republics, and
the free towns of Germany arisen ?
At their outset, as in all Europeaa
communities which had prospered,
absolute rulers had bestowed some
Privileges on the honey-bees of the
ives, whose combs they found
useful. Under these privileges,
industry had brought wealth }
wealth had brought infiuence; and
in the end, despotic power had
been cast aside, and political liberty
had been established. This country
had been prosperous and splendid^
while saddled with the star chamber,
with purveyance, and with 6hip«
money. At that time there were
merchants of great opulence ', men
of honour and intelligence; im-
mortal works of genius were then
composed, as now; England then
bore as proud a name among other
nations as at any other period.
But, as wealth multiplied, intelli-
gence appeared to spread among the
population ; and, in the same pro-
portion, the basis on which the
constitution rested was widened,
to provide room for the multiplied
children of freedom. We all knew
how, in feudal times, the barons
extorted charters from the sove-
reign, and how towns were taken
under the protecting wings of the
barons or sovereigns, to give
strength to the one or to the other
of these parties. Then came the
burgesses, gradually rising into
wealth ; and, last of all, the serfs
and villains were emancipated.
Where was the man who would
say that^ at any of those periods.
HISTORY 0^ EUKOPE.
[55
concession ought to have stopped
short ? By what criterion could a
judgment be formed as to the
point beyond which it would be
impossible to go without ruin?
He knew no limits to improvement^
except the limits to the desires of
intelligent men, craving, and ren-
dering reasons for craving more, or
the want of those arguments by
which their desires must be de-
fended and explained ? Now, was
it true or not, that, within the
last thirty years, there had been
manifested among the people a
great capacity to understand, and
intelligence to comprehend, civil
rights and obligations, compared
with which all that had existed in
the most glorious days of our for-
mer history was insignificant ?
Look to the greater number of
persons of wealth, intelligence, and
respectability belonging to the
middle ranks who were now un-
represented. Was it true, in point
of fact, that that great body of
citizens was discontented, and
alienated from a system which ex-
cluded them ? The answer to that
question was to be found in the
petitions already on the table in
favour of reform, signed by hun-
dreds of thousands, while the only
petition he could find on the other
side was one from Bristol, mimic-
ing the language of the iron barons
of Merton '^ we wish not the laws
of England to be changed."
Much had been said of the ad-
vantage conferred by the present
system in so far as the hereditary
aristocracy and the democracy were
beneficially blended in the House
of Commons. Now he conceived,
in the first place, that the here-
ditary aristocracy, in their indi-
vidual capacity, possessed no pre-
rogatives or privileges at all, except
that of bein^ hereditary legislators
and magistrates, and these pri-
vileges they could not exercise any
where but in their own house.
But even of the peers, it was only
the rich proprietors who enjoyed
this influence in the lower House :
peers who had no boroughs had no
such influence. This influence,
therefore, did not belong to the
peerage ; it belonged merely to
wealth. Wealth, again, undoubt-
edly ought to possess influence ;
but were all wealthy persons pro-
prietors of boroughs.^ Were the
landed and mercantile interests pos-
sessed of this influence ? A man
of small property might lay out
his money in this way, and manage,
by the purchase of a borough, to
get a kind of stock in trade ; but
whatever was done in this way
ought to be done openly. If it
were desirable that peers should
have boroughs, as some of them
had at present, not because they
were peers, but because they were
rich men who had laid out their
money just as a commoner might
do, it would be better to pass an
act, that every peer with a certain
income should have a member, or,
with a certain larger income, a
couple of members, in that House.
Then there would be insured a
proper appendage to their rank,
instead of a monopoly conceded
to those among them who were
wealthy.
In truth, the objections to the
proposed measure were singularly
contradictory. Some objected to
it as too popular and democratic,
and yet others objected that it
excluded the lower classes. Mr.
Hunt called out for a broad, pot-
wallopping, almost pauper fran-
chise, like that which was in force
in his own borough of Preston ;
while sir R. Peel, in the same
breathy condemned the Preston
56] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
francbise^ and appealed to it as a
proofs and as a triumphaDt boast^
that every order of the state was
in some way or other represented
in that house. To both these, for
the nonce auxiliaries^ there was
the one answer — a true and lasting
representative system must have
property for its basis; and you
must have some minimum stand-
ard, by which you can ascertain^
whether the individual seeking
the possession of the elective fran-
chise has so much permanent
property, as will give him an in-
terest in observing the decisions of
the legislature. But the quali-
fication was said to be too low.
On the contrary, it was increased
fivefold; for, at present it was
only forty shillings. The 10/.
qualification, too, comprehended all
above iO/., and that might be an
hundred or a thousand fold. Was
this to inundate the land with a
democracy? Really if the 40*.
freeholders and the pot-wallopers
of the present system did pot
produce that effect, it was extra-
ordinary how it was to be pro-
duced by raising the qualification.
Would it be said that a compara-
tively poor man was less interested
in the security of his little pro-
perty, than the rich man who was
dying of ennui, or gloating upon
his useless hoards ? On the con-
trary, a man who had acquired a
certain degree of competency looked
with the greatest anxiety on what
affected the security of his pro-
perty, and was of all others the
most likely to rally round the
authority by which that property
would be defended. He felt him-
self lifted above that want which
he once endured; and though he
felt pride in contemplating his own
elevation, and his exaltation in
the scale of society^ he looked down
with affection upon those who were
still struggling with adversity.
No thinking man, who reflected
upon the subject, would contend
that the safety of the country
rested upon any other basis than a
regard for the security of property;
and when society was founded upon
that basis, the coronet was in no
danger of being touched, nor a
jewel of the diadem of being soiled.
The Lord-Advocate admitted
that there were numbers of discon-
tented, whom nothing but destruc-
tion would satisfy ; but that fact
was the strongest possible rea-
son for adopting this measure.
There were two classes of dis-
affected persons in the country.
One consisted of industrious per-
sons, in comfortable circumstances,
who, though an almost uncount-
able number, were excluded from
what they considered to be their
right, and therefore felt vexation
and resentment. The second class,
from what cause he could not say,
perhaps by distress operating upon
their passions, perhaps excited by
the scenes which had taken place
in a neighbouring country, cer-
tainly incited by infamous publica-
tions, were ready to proceed to
greater lengths. There was a set
of doctrinaires, who were against
all law, for they hated law and
hated authority, and would plot
against them when they could,
and would be ready to riot in the
licence of disorder. He admitted
that there were such men in the
country ; but would any man tell
him that these were the men who
petitioned for Reform ? Not they ;
they cared not for Parliamentary
Reform ; they went far beyond
that. They cared nothing for
King, for Lords, or for Commons.
Their maxim was, every man for
bimselfj and God — or some other
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[57
being, whom it would not be seemly
to name there — for all. There
being then such a set of men in
the country, and there being also
a body of persons reasonably discon-
tented, the lattter had a tendency
to graduate into the former ; and
men, who were only desirous to
seek their own just rights, were
tempted^ by the refusal of those
rights, to coalesce with the others,
who did all they could to be identi-
fied with them. It was only com-
mon prudence, therefore, to con-
cede to men who asked nothing
whatever but their rights, and
thereby segregate them from the
others, and not by a refusal, alienate
them, and create that just excite-
ment, which would make them
listen to those who said that this
House was a mockery — that it was
confined to creatures of its own —
that, whilst it took exorbitant taxes
out of the pockets of the people, it
would not admit the tax-payers
amongst the constituents of the re-
presentation. If he was asked
what was the evil which the'exist-
ing system generated, he would
say, the evil was the growing and
imminent peril of driving a great
proportion of the distressed popu-
lation into excess, by the denial of
their just demands, or generating
among them feelings of reproba-
tion and contempt. He granted
that no reform would satisfy the
artfully bad and desperate class.
A reasonable reform would not sa-
tisfy unreasonable men, but from
the very force of the terms, it would
satisfy reasonable men ; and if the
reasonably dissatisfied were made
contented, should we not be better
able to deal with the unreasonable ?
The evil was great and imminent 5
and he wished to draw a firmament
between the pure waters above and
the impure surges of corruption
below.
To the question, therefore, which
had been so often put, what prac-
tical good was to result from the
intended reform, he would answer
at once, that it was the only means
of averting the danger he had de-
scribed, of discontent graduating
into disaffection, and disaffection
into insurrection. Another ad-
vantage of a reformed Parliament
would be the great practical influ-
ence which it would exercise on
the minds of the people in opening
their eyes to a conviction of their
best interests, and this it would
acquire from its afifording greater
facilities for the conveyance to it
of the feelings and wants of the
people. He did not mean by this
that that House should be a mere
echo of the popular will — that its
discussions and decisions should be
guided by every enthusiasm, in-
dignation, or zeal, of the public
mind — but that the public mind
should possess a ready audience
within its walls. Would any man
tell him that such was the case
under the present system ^ Had
not abuses been habitually perse-
vered in, on account of the tardy
influence which public opinion had
on the acts of the legislature.^
Was it not true that wars had
been protracted for years after the
people were sick of them, and were
pining after peace? Was it not
true that a system of oflicial mis-
application of the public money
had been persevered in, for want
of an efficient popular control .'* Was
it not true, that the Slave-trade
had been persevered in for years
after public opinion had held it up
to scorn and indignation ? Was it
not true that abuses in the Crimi-
nal-law were persevered in, till the
581 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
feeJiDgs of the people, long awake But, unfortunately for its oppo-
to their enormity, were roused to nents, that boon had not been
such a pitch, that a remedy could granted ; and now, the cup being
not be longer withheld ? Were full, a single drop made it overflow,
not all these facts true of the pre- The House had been told by sir
sent system, and were they not in- R. Peel, that ministers called on
compatible with a reformed Parlia- them to surrender their judg-
ment ? He was not so absurd as ments to their fears, instead of
to hold out the reform he was then their fears to their judgments,
advocating as the panacea for the Now, in the first place, it was im-
ills of the country. By no means ; possible not to see that grave de-
they who thus represented it, and ductions must be made from the
there were such, were mischievous judgments of many members who
pretenders, if not designing traders were opposed to the bill. Those
in public delusion. But he consi- who sat for boroughs, which were
dered it the essential condition of to be wholly, or partially, disfran-
the future safety and prosperity of chised, were not the most impar-
the country — one which could not tial judges of the justice or expe-
be much longer delayed, and of diency of that disfi*anchisement.
which every delay was a tenfold They had such an interest in the
aggravation of the evils which all question, that the application of
must admit called for remedy. It even the strict principles of law
was worse than idle to say the would disqualify them from having
present cry for Parliamentary Re- a voice in its decision. But, far-
form was but a temporary ebulli- ther, said the Lord Advocate, the
tion of popular excitement— it was difference between the right hon.
the expression of a long-felt public baronet and us is this : — We are
grievance, to which existing cir- afraid of the consequences to the
cumstances might communicate a country of denying the people
force of tone, but which they could their just rights j they are afraid
not generate. It was true, that of the consequences to themselves
the demand for Reform was usually of granting them. We are afraid
louder in periods of distress and not to do justice to the people;
political excitement, as it was also they are afraid to do it, lest the
true that the late memorable trans- doing of justice should produce in
actions in neighbouring states the people a perversion of moral
might have added to that excite- feeling. We would grant the peo-
ment. But it was no less true, that pie their just demands, were it
the demand for reform was never only to prevent our being com-
dead even in the calmest periods, polled, at a later period, to grant
and that, when renewed, it came them unjust ones ; they would per-
forth, like a giant after sleep, with petuate a system which must end
increased strength and influence, in greater evils than any man can
They had been told, and he be- foresee."
lieved truly, that had, no later than Mr. Croker rose after the Lord
1 828, the franchise of East Retford Advocate — the Quarterly Re-
been transferred to Birmingham, view after the Edinburgh. He
there would not exist the present said, that he could not think it
excitement with respect to reform, either prudent or parliamentary
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[50
in tlie Lord Advocate^ who was
no doubt a great legal author-
ity, to lay it down, that even the
strict rules of the courts of law
would exclude from this discus*
sion the majority of the opponents
of the ministerial proposition.
Such, at least, was not the law
of Parliament, nor of common
sense ; and, idthough, if it had
come from any other quarter, he
would have treated it with what it
better deserved than an answer,
yet, as being given with the weight
due to the learned lord's profes-
sional station, it could not be over-
looked ; and he would take the
liberty of adding, that, if he was
surprised at such an observation
from a professional person, he was
doubly surprised at its coming from
one in the situation of the learned
lord, whose sole seat in that House
was from a place of the sort now
to be disfranchised, and moreover
was suspected to be more than fic-
titious.*
The most remarkable feature in
the speech of the learned lord,
continued Mr. Croker, was the
* The circumstances to which Mr.
Croker here alluded were these. Short-
ly after Mr. Jeflfery had heen appointed
Lord Advocate, and before a seat in
parliament had been obtained for him, a
vacancy occurred in the representation of
the Perth district of Scotch boroughs, in
consequence of the decision of an election
committee in December. The Lord Ad-
vocate immediately became a candidate.
The district contained five boroughs, of
which Dundee was one. Of the other
four, the Lord Advocate and his oppon-
ent had each secured two. If Dundee
was entitled to votej it was in the inter-
est of the former; if it was not, the
remaining four were equally divided,
and the casting vote belonged to Forfar,
which was in the interest of his anta-
gonist. But Dundee had been disfran>
chised not long before by a judgment of
the Court of Session ; and the committee
had ruled iu December that it had no
ri^ht to vot9. There was no legal magis-
boldness with which he assailed,
and the ability with which he over-
came, the propositions maintained
by the noble lord who introduced
the bill. The latter had gone
back, not only to the Tudors and
Stuarts, but to the times of Ed-
ward ]., and to the statute de taU
lagio non concedendo, to find the
principles and foundation of his
plan, and had conjured the House
to return, without delay, to the
ancient constitution of their ances-
tors in those venerable periods.
But the Lord Advocate had dis-
covered, with no small justice,
though without much difficulty,
that all this was folly. He had
begun with asking, whether it was
possible that they could, at this
time of day, devote their consider-
ation to questions agitated so long
ago as the times of the Tudors and
the later Stuarts, and whether
they did not know, that, within
the last twenty-five, or, at the ut-
most, forty years, new lights and
new principles had got abroad —
new elements of consideration had
been opened, and, on this experi-
ence of the last forty years, they
tracy in existence to elect a commis-
sioner; there were no persons entitled
to choose a new magistracy. The Lord
Advocate's party, however, prevailed on
the old magistracy of Dundee to meet
and elect a commissioner, as if no judg-
ment annulling their very existence as
magistrates had been pronounced. The
commissioner appeared and voted at the
election; and, the returning ofl&cer, under
the election statutes, holding himself not
entitled to look at any thing but the com-
mission, the Lord Advocate obtained the
return. He was petitioned against. A
few days after the discussion recorded
in the text, the committee to whom the
petition was referred, at once unseated
him, and earl Fitzwilliam then brought
him in for the borough of Malton, where
sir James Scarlett had just vacated his
seat in consequence of finding himself
unable to support the reform billt
60] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
were required to decide ? He had
told the House in plain terms, that
they must concede what was pro-
posed, because they were compel-
led by necessity, and, for his proof,
he had referred to the petitions on
the table, which, according to him,
did not come from the dangerous
classes — oh, no ! — those were not
the men who petitioned for Reform
— but from the more favoured,
peaceable, and moderate orders of
society, whom this bill was to call
into life and activity. Now, he
had read two or three hundred of
these petitions, and he defied the
members opposite, who wielded
these petitions as arms against the
enemies of the bill, to produce any
one from which it appeared that
the people would be satisfied with
the measure now proposed. Of the
many hundreds that he had read,
there were only two or three which
did not demand infinitely more
than the bill conceded. These two
or three were, indeed, distinguish-
ed by a happy generality, that left
them to expect any thing or no-
thing. He would select one, be-
cause it was well and moderately
worded, and afforded the best spe-
cimen of the sort of demands made
by the people. It was the petition
from Merthyr Tydvil. That town
was a large manufacturing place,
with a numerous and intelligent
population. The petition asked
for four things. The first was the
right — the just right (as they
termed it) of having all placemen
dismissed from the House of Com-
mons. The second was for the
right of annual, or, at most, trien-
nial parliaments. The third was the
only point which the measure of the
noble lord met, and that was, the
right of having all the large towns
and populous districts represented
in the House of Commons^ mi
that those places which came
within the class of close and de-
cayed boroughs, containing few in-
habitants, should be disfranchised.
The fourth claimed the right of
every man to vote at elections, who
was called on in any way to contri-
bute either to'national or local taxa-
tion, directly or indirectly. "These
are," said the petitioners, " the
principal rights which we at present
demand." All the other petitions,
or, at least, the majority of them,
used the same language. When it
was answered to the hon. member
for Preston, who objected to the
limitation of 10/. a-year as a quali-
fication for a voter, that some line
must be drawn, he thought that
a rational reply. That line, how-
ever, must be arbitrary — it must
be subject to the discretion of those
who drew it, and for that reason
he knew not a better than that
drawn by the petitioners, for there
was some foundation for that in the
ancient constitution of the country,
and it did not seem to be drawn
arbitrarily and without reference
to principle. Their principle was,
that every man who was called on
to contribute to the exigencies of
the State, should have a right to
vote. He said, therefore, that the
measure, so far from satisfying the
petitioners, would but increase the
alarm and disappointment of the
people.
Such was the character of the
demands made by the petitioners,
and it was not useless to remark
how the crop of petitions, always
referred to with so much triumph,
had been called into existence, the
more especially when the House
was told that there was nothing
new, or temporary, or artificial in
the excitement which had been
stirred up. The very history of
this petitiouiDg proved th^ con«
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[61
trary, and shewed that the outcry,
of whi(5h ministers now took ad-
vantage, had been called forth by
themselves, aided by the infection
of foreign example, that they might
take advantage of it. In 1821,
there were nineteen petitions for re-
form J in 1822, there were twelve ;
in 1823, there were twenty nine :
in 1 824, there were none ; in 1 825,
none; in 1826, none; in 1827,
none; in 1828^ none 3 in 1829;
still none ; in the Session of 1830,
there were fourteen, and then came
the dissolution of parliament. The
noble lord and the several gentle-
men who were with him then
went down to the general election,
under circumstances which gave
them no reason whatever to expect
or hope that they should be in their
present situation ; they according-
ly looked about for a political lever
to move the then existing govern-
ment, and on the hustings, from
bow- windows, and from their differ-
ent abodes in all parts of the coun-
try, they addressed the people on
the subject. The people answered
the appeal of the noble lord, and
650 petitions were the result.
What could prove more clearly the
action of extraneous and factitious
influence in calling forth this ex-
pression of political sentiment ?
After arguing on the practical
advantages of that variety in the
existing representation which it
was proposed to replace by one
uniform standard, and answering
the objections urged against the
complexity of the present system,
which he described as being like
the complexity of the universe,
" complex only in appearance, but
within all order, working out the
most beautiful and magnificent
results,'* — ^Mr. Croker went into a
more particular examination of the
manner in which it was now in-
tended to distribute the franchise.
It appeared, he stated, from the
returns laid before the House, that
there were, in all, 378,000 houses
in England and Wales, and that,
if they were divided into sixteen
classes, the three lowest of these
classes would contain 250,000.
Thus it clearly appeared, that ac-
cording to the new system pro-
perty would not be fairly repre-
sented. It had been stated, that,
in framing the new plan, it was
necessary to draw a line somewhere.
Let the House then mark the ef-
fects of the line which had been
drawn. The noble lord drew his
first line, without even attempting
to assigli any reason for it, except
the sic volo, sicjubeo, and disfran-
chised all boroughs whose population
was under two thousand. He then
drew his second line in like manner,
without assigning any reason ; and
giving a single member to the
boroughs with a population, be-
tween the 2,000 and the 4,000, he
generously bestowed two members
on those whose population exceeded
the 4,000. The third line was
drawn at 10,000, and the fourth at
20,000. Then to all places having
10,000 inhabitants was given only
one member, as to places between
2,000 and 4,000, and to places
whose population was 20,000 was
given only the same number of
members which was retained for
such boroughs as Knaresborough
and Tavistock. Now, he could not
conceive how ministers, according
to their own arithmetical princi-
ples— and here they gave the House
no other — could account for giving
a representative to a borough
whose population was under 4,000,
when, in the creation of electoral
rights, they went upon the princi-
ple that one member was enough
for a population of 10,000. He
62] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
did not mean to impute any im-
proper motives^ but certainly the
line ^drawn was in some respects
extraordinary^ and for certain in-
terests singularly felicitous. Here
was the whig borough of Malton in
Yorkshire^ and the House would
be amused to see how very nicely,
in regard to it, the line had been
drawn. The inhabitants of Malton
in 1821, were precisely 4,005, and
the line enabled it to retain its two
members; — and thus, while the
rest of the country was disfran-
chised, while the counties (except
a few of the manufacturing coun-
ties in the north) were curtailed of
their fair proportions, and ampu*
tated of their limbs, the fortunate
borough of Malton escaped un-
scathed— so near was the line, and
yet so conveniently distant. But
there was more than this. In the
north riding of Yorkshire were
Malton, Richmond, and Thirsk,
making up amongst them a popu-
lation of 10,084 inhabitants ; in
the west riding were Halifax, Hud-
dersfield, and Wakefield, making
up amongst them a population
more than three times as large,
viz. 36,000 ; yet the former were
to have four representatives, and
the latter only three. He would
tell the noble mover, that he would
be compelled to explain this fact to
the country; the country must
know, whence came this strange
departure from his own principles.
Take another example. Calne,
Tavistock, Bedford, and Knares-
borough, all of them whig bo-
roughs, made up amongst them an
aggregate population of 1 9,400 :—
yet they were to return no fewer
than eight members; while Hali-
fax, Huddei*sfield, and Wakefield,
with nearly double the population,
were to return only three ! Black-
burne, which bad five times the
population of Tavistock, was to
have only one representative, while
the latter had two; and Bolton,
with a population of 22,000, was
to have only one while Bedford
was to have two; and Brighton,
with 30,000 inhabitants was to
have only one, and be no better off
than if its population had been
only 2,000. He would only add
that the result was, that there
was a vast majority of representa**
tives in favour of a set of towns
whose aggregate population was
20,000, over a boay of seventeen
great towns whose aggregate popu-
lation amounted to 1 70,000. No-
thing so monstrous as this plan
had ever been heard of; and were
he ever so favourable to the gene-
ral principle of reform, he should
feel it his duty to resist so blind
and unjust a disproportion. But
he had in vain waited to hear some
intelligible statement of practical
evils to justify even that general
Srinciple. He had been told, in-
eed, that the times demanded it
— that the deluge of public opin-
ion was rising, and that all who
expected safety must fiy to this
frail and slippery raft. He would
answer,
'' Trust not that fatal and perfidious
bark,
Built in th' eclipse, and rigged with
curses dark '*—
'* Remain where you are, and wait
till the threatening waters sub-
side. What you hear is not only
a fictitious, but a factitious cla-
mour. Be patient, and the people
will recover, becoming sensible of
the value of what they would lose,
and the uselessness of what they
would gain."
Mr. J. T. Hope said, that as yet
he had been able to detect only one
argument used to shew the House
that this refoi*m was necessary, and
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[63
that argument was, that the voice
of the people required a reform^
and therefore reform must be
granted. This was but feeble
reasoning. If it proved any thing,
it proved too much. It proved
that the House of Commons was
no longer a deliberative assem-
bly, but was on all occasions, and
under all circumstances, to give
way to the demands of the people.
Cambyses once demanded a change
utterly subversive of the fixed cha-
racter of the laws of the Medes
and Persians^ and his council were
at a loss how to conduct themselves.
They, however, discovered a law
by which it was provided that the
king could do no wrong, and, ac-
ting upon that, they made the
change required. So now, with
respect to reform, no argument
was urged in its favour, but that
the sovereign people required it,
and they required it because they
required it ; and he supposed the
ministers had, like Cambyses^s
council, discovered a law which
said that the people could do no
wrong. He would admit that out
of doors a feeling in favour of re-
form did exist ; he would even go
farther, and allow that it was
strongly pressed upon that House,
and allow that, too, without desig-
nating the expression of it as cla-
morous, or by any of those harsh
terms which had been so freely used
against the people when they im-
plored that house not to pass the
Catholic relief bill. But he denied
that the expression of the public
feeling in favour of reform went at
all to the extent represented ; and
also that it was of that durable
character which some hon. mem-
bers contended it was. Two classes
were said to demand reform. One,
the radicals, who looked only to
plunder and anarchy, and they had
been given up ; the other consist*
ing of intelligent respectable per-
sons of the middle classes. Did
the middle classes call for a theo-
retical reform because it would be
beneficial merely assuch ? Assured-
ly not. For every petition from those
classes praying for reform prayed
also for a reduction of taxation and
for retrenchment ; and it must be
evident to every one who paid the
slightest attention to those peti-
tions that reform was regarded
merely as the means of obtaining
the end desired, which was a re-
lief from present burthens. Nor
did this conduct astonish him.
There were unquestionably many
taxes which pressed heavily on the
middle classes — as the assessed taxes
and the malt tax ; and when the
public mind was inflamed by exag-
gerated statements — when it had
been said by hon. members now on
the other side of the House, but
who had changed places since they
made such statements, that the
public money had been squandered
— ^and when false lists of salaries
and emoluments had been publish-
ed— it was not at all extraordinary
that, in a moment of discontent and
dissatisfaction,the people should call
for reform as a remedy for all their
supposed grievances. The case had
materially changed since the hon.
gentlemen opposite came into power.
They had examined into the ex-
penditure, and they had found that
they could not make any reductions.
And that being the case, they were
bound not only to tell the people
that fact, as he confessed they had
done, but also to state how a reform
of that House would enable them
to meet the desires of the country
with respect to retrenchment ana
a reduction of taxation. Would a
reform in that House amend the
condition of Ireland ? Ireland was
641
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
hardly touched by the projected
measure. Would a reform in that
House better the condition of the
labouring agriculturist ? It would
take some old privileges away, but
it would not confer a single new one.
But what were the circumstances
which would enable the government
to make the reductions required ?
Why, a material reduction of the
national debt, and the breaking up
of our colonial empire. These were
the sacrifices which would enable
the administration to effect a re-
duction in taxation commensurate
with the notions and desires, which,
however unconsciously and unin-
tentionally, had been raised in the
public mind ; and what portion of
the middle classes of the commu-
nity would consent to such an aban-
donment of justice, of power, and
dignity ? Then what answer was
to be given to the middling classes }
Let those in power give utterance
to the truth. Let these things be
fairly stated. Let the people be
told by the government that a re-
form in that House would not en-
able them to reduce the taxation
to any serious amount, and it would
speedily be apparent that reform
was not asked as a theoretical mea-
sure, and the cry for it would die
away.
Mr. Tennyson, member for
Bletchingley ; lord Dudley Stuart,
for Arundel; Mr. Long Wellesley,
for St. Ives; lord Howick for
Higham Ferrers, although these
boroughs were all to be totally or
partially disfranchised, supported
the bill, on the ground which had
been previously stated by other
speakers — that a more extensive
share in the representation was the
right of the people who demanded
it, and would restore peace and
strength to the country. Lord
Howick^ the son of the prime
minister, said that the proposal
before the House had^ in his
opinion, been wise and patriotically
made. At all events, it would not
be prudent to disappoint the ex-
cited hopes of the people. Whe-
ther it was proper to have excited
these hopes so far, he would not
stay to inquire. He begged the
House to remember that the thing
was done. The proposal had been
made, and it was now too late to
recall it. It was impossible to sup-
pose that the reformers would be
satisfied with any thing short of
what was now intended. More
they might have, but less they
would never accept.
Mr. Russell, a member for the
county of Durham; sir J.Johnston,
a representative of the county of
York; Mr. Wood, the colleague
of Mr. Hunt in representing the
universal suflfrage of Preston, took
the same side. On the other hand
colonel Sibthorp, who sat for Lin-
coln ; colonel Tyrrel, for the county
of Essex ; sir George Clerk, for
the county of Edinburgh; sirGeorge
Warrender, one of the members
forHoniton; and Mr. William Peel,
one of those for Yarmouth, repeated
the arguments which had already
been put forward against either the
necessity or the expediency of the
measure.
Mr. North said, if there was
any man who had believed that
the spirit of moderation actuated
his majesty's government, the
speech of lord John Russell must
have undeceived him. He knew
there were many reformers, all
differing in opinion; but he had
not thought there was any gentle-
men who could destroy the British
constitution even in the hope of
producing something better, with-
out feeling deep regret for our
ancient institutioDS. But the noble
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[65
lord had insulted the victim which
he was about to sacrifice ; he had
admitted that that assembly was
the noblest in the world, and yet
had found it necessary to maintain,
that there was nothing disgraceful
and injurious with which it might
not be charged. He wished they
had learned what was the found-
ation for this tremendous charge
against parliament. What had it
done, to make them all at once dis-
cover in 1831, that they were
convicted in the face of the coun-
try ) and unfit to legislate ? What
was this new corruption — this ma-
lignant disease which had seized
on the constitution ? The only
answer uniformly vouchsafed was,
there is a clamour for reform out
of doors : if it is not yielded to,
there will be violence — a convulsion.
He could never believe that that
House ought to yield to such in-
timidation. No man would be
more ready than himself to sup-
port the aeliberate voice of the
people of England, but he did not
hola that every feverish symptom,
every hobby of the people, was
to be considered the real current
of popular opinion. They had a
free press, and every system was
brought forward with great ability
and fecility. It was the duty of
parliament to look calmly on the
effervescence of public opinion, and
expect those transitory gusts of
popular feeling; above all, they
should beware of mistaking them
for the real manifestation of popu-
lar opinion. If ever there was a
time when public men deserved the
gratitude of their fellow subjects,
it was in Ireland in 1 782. Mr.
Grattan and Mr. Flood had then
contended for a free constitution.
They justly obtained popularity,
and had done nothing to forfeit it
in 1 783, when the parliament was
Vol. LXXIII.
dissolved. After the dissolution of
parliament, the counties, cities, and
towns did not prove their grati-
tude. The men who had so glori-
ously led them to independence
became unpopular. Mr. Flood
and his illustrious colleague were
rejected. At that time they had
demagogues clamorous for parlia-
mentary reform, yet the people,
whom they supported, were found
rejecting those illustrious patriots,
and they made their way again
into pai'liament through the bo-
roughs of a liberal gentleman.
Mr. North called the attention
of the House particularly to one
effect, which would be produced in
Ireland by the bill. Its franiers
had evidently forgotten the great
change produced there by the
emancipation act. When they
admitted the Roman Catholics to
the privileges of the constitution,
it was necessary to guard against
their interest becoming too power-
ful, and in that view the House
had disfranchised the 40^. free-
holders. But if the new plan
came into a law, the whole of that
arrangement would be upset, and
the Protestants of Ireland would
be bound hand and foot, and thrown
out of their elective rights.
Mr. Robert Grant, who, like
lord Palmerston, had been the dis-
ciple of Mr. Canning and Mr.
Huskisson, and was now joined to
a ministry resolved to carry mea-
sures to which these distinguished
men had declared, at every period
of their public lives, irreconcile-
able enmity, as a marked and
leading part of their political
creed, was compelled to admit,
that he had been hostile to reform ;
but recent events, he said, both
in this country and in others, had
induced him to change his opinion.
Much eKcitement on this question
66] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
there certainly was, and it was the
misgovernment of the late minis-
try alone which had produced it.
He then proceeded to justify the
different parts of the scheme, and
particularly, the total or partial
disfranchisement of the smaller
boroughs, upon grounds which
might be right or wrong, in point
of argument, but certainly were
not to be ranked among recent
events. The House of Commons,
he said, ought to be the House of
the whole Commons, and nothing
but the House of Commons. This
was not such a House, although it
was said that the close boroughs
constituted a beauty in our system.
If any other influence than that of
the people was exercised in that
House, it could not be said, con-
stitutionally speaking, that the
members of parliament were the
fair and legitimate representatives
of the people. What was the
theory of our constitution ? What
its practice ? Decidedly different,
and he regretted it ; but the House
might rest assured that the time
had now gone by, when the people
of [ilngland were unacquainted with
the nature and value of their rights
and interests. Where could any
authority be found for the dictum
that other influences than those of
the people should be admitted into
the -House ? Neither in Black-
stone, nor De Lolme. On the
contrary, they both contended, in
the beautiful theory of our consti-
tution, that the House of Com-
mons was to be nothing else than
the direct representatives of the
people. By the express terms of
our constitution, by the regula-
tions and orders of this House,
peers were not allowed to interfere
in the election of members of par-
liament. The people out of doors
knew this, as well as the members
of the House ; and in the present
state of knowledge it would be a
ridiculous attempt to blind them
by new theories or fanciful specu-
lations, however ingenious they
might be. Delusion had long been
tried and had failed ; the power of
knowledge was every day making
itself known, and it would be
worse than futile upon the part of
any government to resist it. Such
times had existed, and had passed
away, and it would be wild in the
extreme to talk of their return.
The general diffusion of knowledge
enabled the people to know their
rights, and they were now in a
condition to assert them.
Mr. O'Connell, the most selfish
and mischievous of all demagogues,
commenced a long speech by as-
suring ministers that they would
have in support of their plan,
not only his vote, but what-
ever influence he might possess
elsewhere, and that, too, although
he had many objections to the bill.
He was an advocate for universal
suffrage, for shortening the dur-
ation of parliaments, and for vote
by ballot, in all of which points
the bill was defective. But still it
was a liberal and extensive mea-
sure ; and by its operation it would
either demonstrate that the other
measures, to which he was favour-
able, would be of no farther ad-
vantage, or it would furnish the
means of obtaining them safely
and certainly j as a radical reformer,
therefore, he heartily accepted the
bill.
The extension of the franchise
to copyholders and leaseholders,
he highly applauded. Though
copy-holders held by copy of court-
roll, their property was as valu-
able and as saleable as if it were
freehold. By introducing lease-
holders, too, they avoided this
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[67
absurdity^ that hitherto a man
might have a lease of 1,000 acres
for 1,000 years, but could not
vote, although his next neighbour,
who owned, perhaps, a single acre
upon an old life, enjoyed the fran-
chise. He was delighted, too,
at the unsparingness with which
the pruning knife had been applied
to the boroughs, and he directed
against them the usual arguments.
Was it not the first order of the
House, even before the king's
speech was delivered, that it was
a breach of privilege for any peer
or prelate to interfere with the
freedom of election ? and could
they be told, in the face of this,
that the duke of Newcastle had
the right of appointing a member
of the Commons' House of Parlia-
ment ? Would gentlemen tell him,
in the teeth of that House, that
the giving that power to a lord
was *' the old constitution V* Yet
these were the gentlemen who
denied hypocrisy. The hypocrisy
of that resolution was theirs, or
they were parties to it. If any
gentleman attempted to violate
that resolution clandestinely, it
was the duty of the Speaker to
defeat the attempt. But if the
violation of it was, as gentlemen
insisted, the '^ old constitution,"
let the question be regularly
brought before the House, and let
the resolution be rescinded. But
let them not be told that a bill
to enforce its observance, whilst it
stood upon their books, was a
revolution.
The learned member, having
insisted at great length on the
open corruption practised in the
smaller, half-closed boroughs, and
the practice of beating up for a
third man, to com|)el the two can-
didates to be liberal, asked, if there
was any conscientious man, who
would give his voice for the pre-
servation of a system which opened
such a field for profligacy, cor-
ruption, and the violation of the
privileges of that House — every six
years, almost every year ? Would
any one— at least, would any one
out of that House — deny that such
was the case in all the half- open
boroughs.^ Nobody. Would any
one in that House deny it ? Cer-
tainly, no one ; except those who
in sophistical speeches, which said
nothing distinctly, and deceived
the speakers themselves, insinu-
ated what they dared not assert.
Who would deny that the votes of
those burgesses were sold as oxen
were sold in Smithfield, and that
the seats which represent them
were sold and let as the stalls in
Leaden hall- market ? Did any man
suppose that the people of Eng-
land would not resist and destroy
that system of corruption } He
didmot mean by any sudden vio-
lence, but by the force of opinion
rising gradually, calmly, and irre-
sistibly, as a giant rising from bis
sleep. Was it fit, then, that gen-
tlemen with the full knowledge
that corruption is so common m
those boroughs, and tolerating that
corruption themselves, should come
into that House and gravely vote
a resolution, that any person ob-
taining a seat there by bribery is
guilty of a gross violation of the
rights of the Commons of Eng-
land ? An outcry had been raised
against corporation robbery. Now
he had looked into thirty-six of
these cases, and of these only six-
teen were corporations ; the other
twenty had never been corporations
at all. *' I farther insist, said Mr.
0*Connell, that all those members,
who denounce this corporation
robbery, shall join with me in pro-
curing the repeal of the union be-
[F2]
68] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tween Britain and Ireland -, for, if
the proposed bill contained such
a seizure of the franchise as
parliament had no right to make,
what would they say to the seizure
of the franchises of 100 corpo-
rations by the act of union. Par-
liament^ too, had not done this^
because the boroughs were corinipt;
it admitted that they were inno-
cent^ for it voted 13,000 guineas
a-piece to the proprietors of forty
of them. He was entitled there-
fore to demand the assistance of
his present antagonists^ either in
carrying through this bill, or in
carrying through a repeal of the
union.
Mr. O'Connell, however, was
not equally satisfied with the in-
tentions of the framers of the new
scheme in so far as regarded Ire-
land. In the propositions regard-
ing that kingdom he saw the
malign influence prevailing M'hich
seemed to control every thing
that related to Ireland. The
capital of England was to double
the number of its representatives,
having sixteen instead of eight;
the capital of Scotland was to be
proportionally benefitted; but no
such boon was intended for the
capital of Ireland. Of those Eng-
lish counties to which an additional
number of representatives was
given, there were fifteen inferior in
population to the county of An-
trim ; nineteen inferior to the
county of Down ; twenty-two in-
ferior to Tipperary 3 and there was
not one, with the exception of
Lancashire and Yorkshire, but was
inferior to the county of Cork. It
might be said, indeed, that Cork
contained a considerable number of
boroughs; but, even excluding
them, its population was greater
by 100,000 than anj of the fa-
voured English counties, with the
exceptions he had mentioned. He
demanded, therefore, an additional
member for each of the counties of
Antrim, Cork, Down, Galway,
Kerry, Mayo, and Tyrone, for fie
could shew that every one of them
was above the line of 200,000. He
demanded another for the town of
Galway, and another for Kilkenny
and its vicinage, which, before the
union, had sent four representa-
tives to parliament :— and he was
the better entitled to make these
demands, as there confessedly were
sixty-two members in the bank.
There was another provision of
the bill, of which, on behalf of Ire-
land, he thought he had a right to
complain. It was that by which
borough freeholders were deprived
of votes in the county. That was
taking the privilege from a very
respectable and excellent class of
electors — men who had the inde-
pendence and intelligence to think
for themselves, and the sturdiness
to act upon the suggestions of their
own consciences. A large class of
th6 respectable inhabitants of Bel-
fast were thus excluded from any
share in voting for the representa-
tion of Antrim ; and the inhabit-
ants of Tralee, in a similar way,
from their proper shai-e in the re-
presentation of Kerry. Then copy-
holders were enfranchised, or to be
enfranchised, by the present bill,
and so were leaseholders for years in
England. Why were persons of a
similar description in Ireland not
to be enfranchised also ? A very
large proportion of the property of
Ireland was of necessity let upon
leases for years; and surely, if
the principle were good in Eng-
land, there was nothing in Ireland
which went to vitiate it. A very
large proportion of the church
lands in Ireland were let upon
leases for years, and he might be
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[69
asked^ with what consistency did
he demand the enfranchisement of
bishops' tenants ? Did not that go
directly to increase the influence of
the church } Gentlemen^ he trust-
ed, would remember that the reve-
rend and right reverend persons
to whom those lands belonged took
especial care to have the leases re-
newed as often as they possibly
could^ and to procure the highest
S rices that the tenants could he in-
uced to pay ; for this reason the
tenants were independent of their
landlords -, and therefore to give
them the franchise was to bestow
it upon a large body of intelligent
and independent men. Ireland, too,
he thought had a right to complain,
that the 50/. and 20/. freeholders,
being non-resident, werrto be de-
prived of their votes. He would
select Dungarvon, merely as an
instance ; there, the 5/. house-
renters were^to be disfranchised as
well as the 50/. and 20/. free-
holders. Those instances, he con-
ceived, ought to be enough to sa-
tisfy the House that the present bill
had been prepared without sufficient
knowledge of the state of represent-
ation in the different counties and
boroughs in Ireland. Was the
House prepared to get rid of the
old established system of the 5/.
liouse-renters in the Irish boroughs.
Then, why was there not disfran-
chisement in Ireland, as well as in
England.^ In Ireland, they had
seventeen, if not nineteen, nomi-
nation boroughs. The borough of
Portarlington, for example, was
brought openly into the market,
and it was announced that any
gentleman might be returned for
it who would lend lord Portarling-
ton 40,000/, or 50,000/., at legal
interest, upon good security ; the
person who lent the money became
the hon. member for Portarlington.
It had been argued by Mr.
North, that, in Ireland, the effect
of the bill would be, to increase
the power of the Catholics at the
expense of the Protestants. Was
there never, then, to be an end of
religious feuds and animosities ?
Was every improvement to be met
by the same old cry of Catholic
and Protestant — the one set against
the other ? And was it not enough
to have kept the Catholics for cen-
turies from religious freedom, but
now to make them pay for the to-
leration they enjoyed, by a for-
feiture of their civil rignts? It
was time, at length, to break down
the long-continued monopoly which
had originated with Cromwell and
his party, a power which had been
cemented by the blood of the fol-
lowers of Charles I., men who after-
wards were betrayed by his son
Charles II. There was no one who
had the slightest acauaintance with
those subjects, who aid not perfectly
well know that every borough in
Ireland was one of the closest and
most compact monopolies that could
be imagined. Forty boroughs were
createof by James I. in one day, for
the purpose •f furthering his de-
signs upon the property of two en-
tire provinces — those boroughs con-
sisted each of only twelve bur-
gesses, and some of them were so
poor and so deficient of inhabit-
ants, that they found difficulty in
procuring even that number.
Mr. (5'Connell, adverting to
the argument in favour of the
close boroughs, derived from the
fact of their having sent into the
House of Commons so much talent,
which would not otherwise have
found an entrance, maintained,
that the argument was supported
by simply shewing up the stars,
and concealing all that was mean
and obscure — thereby shewing,
70] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
that he did not uuderdtand the way
in which the argument, whatever
might be its intrinsic Worth, was
put : viz., '' Has any equal num-
ber of boroughs, enjoying a popu-
lar franchise, and a numerous con-
stituency, introduced into p<irlia-
nient an equal number of distin-
guished men ?" Then he abused
Mr. Canning and Burke, two of
the names in that heart- stirring
list, saying of the latter, in the
face of the House of Commons,
^' Burke was a man who thought
the people ought to be contented,
if the rich and great were well
and comfortably provided for. Burke
got a pension, paid, he believed,
till the present hour ; and the peo-
ple, if they could get rid of the
pension, would give a receipt in
full for any eulogium pronounced
upon his name."
Mr. Attwood thought the House
would agree with him, that, before
consenting to destroy the present
system, they ought to ascertain
distinctly what that was which
they were called on to cure, and
what means they possessed of
guarding against the consequences
of concession. It was said, that
the existing system of represent-
ation did not conform itself to the
existing state of society, that new
towns had sprung up into wealth,
which were excluded from parlia-
ment, and thus the trading and
commercial interests of the coun-
try did not enjoy their due share
in the representation. Now it did
not appear to him, in point of fact,
nor had it yet been shewn, that
the commercial and trading inter-
ests were not duly represented,
and he requested that members
would not take that for granted,
without examining the question.
Whence had the real represent-
ation of the commerce of the coua^*
try originated ? Liverpool sent
two members, but many of her
merchants, who had sat in that
House, had sat for boroughs. Man-
chester, under this change, was to
have two representatives; but at
what time hitherto had not that
place had at least three times two
members, who protected its inter-
ests and spoke its demands ? Eight
members were to be added to the
metropolis. But would they be
merchants ? What merchants had
Westminster or South wark ever
returned ? And, with respect to
the city of London itself, though
he had every respect for the mem-
bers who sat for it, yet it could
not be denied that they were not
really the men that represented its
commerce. Who were these men ?
The two hon. members for Calling-
ton — the member for Bramber— .
the member for Midhurst — the
member for Wendover — and the
members for Old Sarum — those
were the men in that House who
represented the commercial inter*
ests of the metropolis. What they
were about to do was, to give up
a practical representation, and in-i
troduce on the contrary a nominal
one — the very thing the ministry
pretended that they were trying
to avoid. The reason why men
wished to sit in that House was,
for the sake of distinction ; and did
any one suppose that the wealthy
merchants of Manchester would be
content with the two members
whom that place was to have ?
No such thing 3 they had always
sat in the House to a much greater
extent, and this bill would be the
means of preventing that in fu-
ture. They were to be shut out
by the very door that it was pre-
tended would open the way to them.
The case against the boroughs
bad s^lways been put thus. Is it
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[71
not monstrous that the miserable
occupiers of a few miserable houses
should send two members to par-
liament ? But that was not a cor-
rect statement of the case : it was
the owners, and not the occupiers
of those houses^ that returned the
members^ and that right had de^
scended to them with their pro-
perty, as a means of protecting
that property itself. He would
say that their boroughs were as
inviolable as their land ; but it was
a fair question, whether, as their
property ran so great a risk, such
a representation was not required
to secure it against that risk. He
thought the noble lord, in the his-
tory of his own family and ances-
tors, might have learned that pro-
perty was exposed to all sorts of
risks, and that cupidity and profli-
gacy were ever ready to make a
snatch at it. That noble lord had
admitted, indeed, that the bo-
roughs were vested rights — that,
however, they were merely trusts
— and, because they wel*e trusts,
and not property, he would destroy
them. *' I do not know," said Mr.
Attwood, " whence that noble lord
drew his wisdom, when he spoke
of sacrificing any kind of trust.
What, I wish to ask, is property
of any kind but a trust ? All pro-
perty is of the nature of a trust,
and, for that reason, I will not sji-
crifice Old Sarum — on that ground
I will protect all property, and, on
that ground, the noble lord, in sa-
crificing the rotten boroughs, may
find that he is not giving security
to Woburn. The only ground why
property should be protected is,
that it is for the good of the com-
munity, and, on the same ground,
I am prepared to defend all the
trusts it is proposed to destroy."
He regrettea much^ that ministere
should have brought for ward a mea-
sure of such a nature in these times
of agitation, when there was a sort
of national convention sitting
throughout the land ; when the
whole country was agitated; and
when it was not improbable that
by setting the example of confis-
cating trusts, they might lead to a
confiscation of property.
When the proposers of this mea-
sure represented it as a renovation
of the constitution, they were im-
posing on themselves, and attempt-
ing to impose upon others by
words ; for the constitution, which
they meant to restore, must be one
which had never existed, either in
this or in any other country. He
knew well that, in the minds of
the reformers, the constitution was
supposed to consist of three co-
equal and co-extensive powers, each
of them disconnected from, and
independent of, the others, which
it was to check and control. This
was their theory ; but it was ut-
terly impracticable to any other
purpose than producing a demo-
cracy. Into what measure, on this
theory, could not the two Houses
of Parliament drive the Crown ?
into what measure could not the
Commons, on this theory, drive
the Crown and the peers, by re-
fusing the supplies, leaving, if the
former resisted the democratic part
of the constitution, no alternative
save a dissolution of all govern-
ment } He defied any man to in-
vent a constitution less capable of
being carried into execution, and,
if it was carried into execution,
less capable of promoting the ge-
neral welfare. Accordingly, it
never had been attempted to be so
carried into execution, except by
some men bigotted to a theory.
The men who iiad actually carried
72] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
our coDstitution into effect, were
not of that class. They were not
men disposed to sacrifice to a
theory the public happiness, and
also the interests of the people.
They were men who were con-
vinced that the people were not
made for a theory of government,
but that government was made for
the people ; and, according as their
interests demanded it, and according
to circumstances, these statesmen
made one part of the constitution
yield to another ; one part supply
the deficiencies of another; one
part do that which was necessary
to the happiness of the others, and
so kept them all moving together
in harmony, giving the people pro-
tection for their liberty, and, for
their property, the security of fixed
and stable laws. But, under this
novel and impracticable theory,
the House pf Commons was to be
made something which it never
had been. The secretary for Ire-
land had said that the new consti-
tution would be only a new consti-
tution of the House of Commons,
not of the whole frame of govern-
ment. Be it so ; yet this new
constitution of the House of Com-
mons was to create, under that
name, a power with which neither
the spirit nor the practice of the
constitution had ever before brought
the other two estates into connec-
tion, and was thus to alter radically
and essentially the relation in which
the three estates had hitherto stood
to each other, and in which alone
the only practical balance of a
mixed constitution was to be found.
The House of Commons was to be
freed from every trace of any thing
other than democratic creation ; it
was to consist of an elected body,
always changing — having no at-
tachment to stability— composed.
of necessity, of men the most am-
bitious and most enterprising — of
men of the greatest talents and in-
telligence to be found in the age
and in the country ; and that was,
in theory, to be the result of the
new elections, and this was to be a
pure House of Commons. He should
be glad to learn from the noble
lord who had introduced the bill,
where he could find a single ex-
ample in history, having the gua-
rantee of experience, of any body,
purely democratic, elected by the
great body of the people, and deri-
ving its existence from the popular
voice, existing in conjunction with
hereditary monarchy and the peer-
age ? There were no such exam-
ples, except such as taught them
a serious lesson. Let them direct
their eyes to the new constitutions
formed in neighbouring kingdoms
— let them look to the Chamber of
Deputies in France, and they would
find that the Chamber of Peers
never rejected a measure which had
been agreed to by the Chamber of
Deputies, when the latter body
did not immediately question the
utility of the other Chamber. Did
the House of Commons and the
House of Jjords differ, the dispute
went off quietly ; but it was not
so in France. In France, the re-
sult of the Chamber of Peers re-
jecting a measure was, that the
other Chamber immediately in-
quired if the Chamber of Peers
ought to exist. These appeared
to him, at least, the kind of dangers
which we might expect from this
untried bill, which had no experi-
ence to sanction it, but which we
were warned against by the dangers
of another country. It was not a
measure of restoration ; for what
it was about to create never ex-
isted: it was not a measure of
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[73
conservation ; it was not a measure
for repairing the structure ; it was
a measure tearing up the found-
ations of the constitution and lay-
ing them anew.
ISir James Graham, the first
Lord of the Admiralty, again re-
ferred to the act disfranchising the
40^. freeholders of Ireland, as a
precedent more than justifying
every thing which this bill pro-
posed to do in the way of disfran-
chisement, if a proper case of rea-
sonableness and expediency were
made out. On this point, too,
the authority of Burke was deci-
sive, who had said, that as char-
ters had originally been granted
for specific purposes. Parliament
had a clear right to deal with them
when they ceased to conduce to
these specific purposes. The right
being clear, a glance at the actual
state of the representation would,
he thought, satisfy every rea-
sonable man, that it was such as
now required the efi^cient applica-
tion of that right. It would be
found that twenty-eight boroughs,
the electors of which were under
1 000, sent above fifty members to
parliament. There were ninety-
seven boroughs where the electors
did not exceed 100, nine where
they were under ten, and twenty-
seven where the uumber was be-
tween ten and twenty-five, which
returned a great proportion of the
representatives. Of all the bo-
roughs enjoying the franchise, there
were 115, in none of which did the
number of electors exceed 200.
Although, therefore, all the bo-
rough electors were pure and in-
dependent electors, the system
brought into play a mere miserable
fraction of the citizens. But how
stood the fact as to their indepen-
dence ? Out of 22 1 borough mem-
bers^ more than one half yiz. 127
were nominated by 1 1 1 peers and
commoners ; 1 43 peers and com-
moners returned, m one way or
other, 1 93 members ; and it was
capable of proof that there were six-
teen peers who filled, by their mere
nomination, 7(i seats in that House.
Such was the cause of complaint on
the part of the people; and no
man who fairly considered the
subject could come to any satisfac-
tory conclusion but this — that it
was necessary to make a strenuous
eflfort for the redress of so great a
grievance.
' Sir James Graham then applied
himself to the remarks of Mr.
Croker upon the manner in which
the line of disfranchisement had
been drawn. He admitted that, if
ministers, in drawing that line,
had been influenced by such feel-
ings as appeared to be insinuated
against them, then would they
not only be unworthy of the situa-
tion in which they were placed,
but they would be unfit to associate
with any body of private gentle-
men. Ministers had acted not
from sinister views, but proceeded
on the principles of men of honour.
He should surprise the House if
he read the list of boroughs which
must have been interfered with, if
ministers had drawn the line so as
to aflfectKnaresborough, Tavistock,
and Calne. Ministers had no
other document to refer to than
the statistical returns of the year
1821. He did not mean to say
that it was a perfect document ; he
knew that it contained errors j but
there was one advantage connected
with it, namely, that its details
were evidently favourable to the
extension of the franchise. Now,
if the line had been drawn with
reference to the population of Calne,
they would have been obliged to
disfranchise eleven other boroughsi
74] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
VIZ. Malton, NeM7)ort, Andover,
Grantham^ Devizes, Hertford, St.
Alban's, Dartmouth, Bridgewater,
Ponifret, and Chippenham, each
of which was smaller than Calne.
If they had taken as the line of dis-
tinction the population of the bo-
rough of Knaresborough, they
would have had to disfrancliise,
wholly or partially, twenty-three
other boroughs, including Calne,
Tavistock, Rippon, Chichester,
Peterborough, Shrewsbury, Tewks-
bury, and Barnstaple, which were
inferior in extent to Knaresbo-
rough. Therefore it was, that
Calne, Tavistock, and Knares-
borough, were not interfered with ;
since, if ministers had included
them in their plan, they must have
disfranchised a far greater num-
ber of boroughs than they thought
it expedient to interfere with. He,
however, was quite sure that, let
ministers have drawn the line
wherever they would, objections
of a similar nature would have
been advanced by those who were
unfriendly to reform. Again, if
they looked at the tax returns,
they would find that, in the sixty
boroughs to be disfranchised, there
were only 1471 houses rated at
1 0/., while in Sheffield there were
1556 houses so rated — that was
more than 100 houses above all
those in the sixty boroughs.
There were forty-seven boroughs
which ministers proposed to leav©
with one member each, in which
the number of houses rated at
10/. was 6323, while, in the
parish of Mary-le-bone, which did
not now send members to parlia-
ment, there were 10,4-21 houses
rated at and above that sum, being
nearly one-third more than was
contained in all these boroughs.
The house would be able to decide
whether ministers had been ac«
tuated by any partial and unfair
motives in selecting the boroughs
which were to be disfranchised.
Neither was it true that they
had been goaded on to the adop-
tion of the plan itself by any ex-
traneous excitement. It was not
on account of the great excite-
ment which prevailed, that minis-
ters were anxious to carry this
measure, but because they could
not overlook considerations of pru-
dence and expediency. He found-
ed himself in supporting this pro-
position on the principle of justice
which was the ground-work of all
good policy ; and, adhering to that,
at the same time that he did not
overlook the signs of the times, he
was thoroughly disposed to make
this large concession. That it was
calculated to remove the crown
from the brow of the sovereign, and
shake the stability of the House of
peers, was contrary to reason ; for he
could not understand how monar-
chy could be endangered by making
it rest on the affections of a loyal
people. On the contrary all expe-
rience shewed, that the throne of
England never ran the risk of inva-
sion, much less of subversion, ex-
cept when attempts were made for-
cibly to overbear the just wishes of
the people, and to stifle their as-
pirations after liberty. That this
reform would be a cure for all the
evils which afflicted the country,
he did not believe. But when par-
liament should be freely chosen by
the people, though it might not
work for them all the benefits
which they expected, yet they
would know that all would be done
for them that was possible; and
they would then be more tranquil,
more contented, and more peace-
able : the safety of the country
would be put on a safer basis, for
he knew none so safe as the exten<<
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[75
sion of the suffrage to the most
intelligent and industrious classes
of the communitv.
Various other memhers address-
ed the House on both sides of the
question ; but to give even an ab-
stract of what was farther said,
would only be loading our pages
with tiresome repetition. For the
same reason we pass over the reply
of lord John Russell, in which he
summed up answers which had
already been given to objections
which had already been stated.
To the charge that ministers had
not acted with consistency even on
their own principles, in so far as
they gave a town of 14,000 or
15,000 inhabitants no more mem-
bers than a borough of 3,000 or
4,000, his lordship answered, that
he had never intended his bill to
be a measure of symmetry by
which the House was to be re-
duced to a certain number of mem-
bers for each county. Such a j)lan
of reform might be better or it
might be worse; but it had not
been intended to go by it. West-
minster, with 180,000 inhabitants,
returned no more members than
St. Alban's, or Reading, or other
places containing not one- tenth of
the population. That was an
anomaly with which he did not
interfere— as he found it, so he left
it. The measure of dividing the
country into districts, and appor-
tioning to each district a certain
number of persons, might be a
great and a wise scheme, but it had
not been thought so; and if the
hon. members opposite thought
otherwise, let them bring that
measure forward, and show them-
selves more extensive reformers
than the present ministers.
The motion for leave to bring
in the bill, as well as those for Scot-
land and Ireland, was not resisted.
The bill itself, however, was not
ready, nor brought in, till the 1 4th,
a delay which gave occasion to some
members of the opposition to ex-
press their surprise, that a plan,
which ministers were stated to
have so long carefully pondered and
concocted, and which had already
been subjected to a longer discussion
than any measure had ever receiv-
ed in that House, should be even
now in so incomplete a state as to
be unfit to be presented to parlia-
ment. On the 14th the bill was
brought in, and read a first time
profwma without opposition. On
bringing it in, lord John Russell
mentioned that one or two altera-
tionsand corrections had been made,
one of which was that he had dis-
covered that the borough of Bewd-
ley, which he had placed in sche-
dule B, as a borough to be de-
prived of one of its two memb«rs,
did, in truth, send only one mem-
ber to parliament — a striking proof
of the carelessness and haste with
which the details had been thrown
together. He added, that in some
instances, large suburbs would be
joined to their neijrhbouring towns,
as, Chatham and Stroud to Roches-
ter, Scullcoates to Hull, and Portsea
to Portsmouth. Devonport and
Stonehouse were to be conjoined,
with the right of electing two
members, and Plymouth was to be
left as it was.
It was not certainly known why
the opponents of the bill allowed
so keen and lengthened a contest
to terminate without dividing the
House. Ministers afterwards ad-
mitted that, if a division had taken
place, they expected to have been
left in a minority. But the opposi-
tion did not form a combined body;
they had no regular plan of party
operations, and were guided by no
leader. Several members while
76] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Strenuously opposing the bill, liad
at the same time^ expressed their
wish that it should be allowed to
be brought in^ so that a division
would not have enabled its oppo-
nents to have the advantage of their
whole strength. Perhaps too, they
did not wish to have the appearance
of actiug prematurely or unreason-
ably ; and therefore reserved them-
selves for the second readings that
stage at which, according to the
forms of the House, the fate of the
principle of a bill is decided.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[77
CHAP. III.
Effects of the Reform Bill on the Public Mind — Conduct of the
Reformers-^London Declaration — The Press, and Complaint of
Breach of Privilege — Debate on the Motion that the Bill he read a
Second Time, and Amendment moved that it be read a Second Time
that day six months — Speeches of Sir R. Vyvyan — Mr, Sheil — Mr.
C* Grant — The Solicitor GeneraU^Sir £. Sugden — Mr. Ward — The
Second Reading carried by a Majority qf One — Irish Reform Bill
brought in and read a First Time — Statements qf Ministers regarding
the Numbers of the Hotise,
THE second reading of the re-
form bill had been fixed for the
21st of March. From the moment
that the general outlines of the
plan had been discussed in parlia-
ment^ the public excitement had
been daily on the increase. The
first effect produced was, that, al-
though in point of fact, it did con-
tain none of those things which the
most noisy and violent sections of
reformers called for as essential
parts of any efficient change, yet
these men immediately altered their
tone, and professed to receive it
with open arms. The secret of their
conduct was not difficult to be un-
derstood. Though the bill gave less
than they wished and demanded,
it granted more than they had ever
expected. They were told by their
leaders, even by their parlia-
mentary leaders, too, that, as min-
isters were resolved to go no
further, the proposed measure
would be lost, unless they were
manfully supported by all who
longed after a change. They were
exhorted, therefore, to forget in
the meantime, the defects of the
plan, to be silent regarding the
ballot, universal suffrage, or annual
parliaments; and to unite in ac«
clamations for the bill, which, while
it would give to the people, by its
direct operation, a great accession
of political power, would thereby
furnish to tnem the surest means
of making their way to other and
ulterior objects. The passing of
the bill would be the first, and a
mighty step, made in their own
path, and they ought therefore to
present no obstacle to its being
taken. To all the lovers of change
whose views had never been so ex-
travagant, it was still more welcome,
for it held out that bribe which
human nature can never resist, a
bribe to the vanity and desire of
power over large bodies of men. The
reformers agreed that the minis-
terial measure should be their
standard : " the bill, the whole
bill, and nothing but the bill,'*
became their watch -word, at the
sound of which all liberality of
sentiment, all liberty of thought,
all sobriety of reason, all regard to
the peace of the community, and
the orderly course of society, were
set at defiance. Ministers were
invested for a time with more than
papal infallibility ; it was received
as a first truth that no part of
their measure could be wrong, or
78] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ought to be questioned. They
themselves had not manifested
much wisdom in declaring, that
no argument would make them
recede from one inch of the ground
which they had taken, and that by
this measure they would stand or
fall; for such declarations neces-
sarily implied^ that discussion was
useless— that they did not submit
their propositions to parliament as
propositions which the wisdom of
parliament might alter, but as al-
ready forming a plan framed by
the wisdom of the cabinet, and
which parliament must receive and
sanction such as it was. Whether
the line of total disfranchisement
should be drawn at 1 ,500, or 2,000,
or 2,500, or 3,000; and that of
partial disfranchisement, at a thou-
sand, or five hundred, higher and
lower ; whether the new franchise
should be fixed at 10/., or 20/., or
] 5/. • — these, and many other things
seemed to be questions not beyond
the reach of argument and reason.
But in regard to all of them the
Cabinet declared that the measure
was already fixed as fate ; in none
of them would it allow the slightest
alteration. *' This bill as we have
framed it, or no bill at all and
civil convulsion,*' was the language
which the cabinet council of the
king addressed to the great coun-
cil of the nation. By thus binding
themselves down to their own first
plan in a matter in which dogma-
tism and obstinacy are any thing
but wisdom, though they rendered
it impossible for themselves after-
wards to recede with safety to their
honour or their places, they secured
the unflinching support of the refor-
mers, who united all their efforts
to force upon parliament the minis-
terial constitution.
And at no period of our history
had the efforts made to carry any
great measure been so far removed
from the exercise of sober reason,
and the conduct of peaceable citi-
zens. So soon as the proposition
was unfolded, the manufacturers of
petitions were again set to work,
and the same places, which a month
before had petitioned for much
more, now joined in praying that
the bill might pass untouch^ and
unimpaired. Bodies of men who
had craved reduction of taxation
and retrenchment of expenditure,
and had desired a more democratic
House of Commons as the only
means of securing those good ob-
jects, now conjured the House to
enact a measure of which it^ very
patrons declared, that it would re-
duce BO tax, and cut off no expense.
The number of petitions was large,
but their value was immensely
over-estimated. Every where a
large proportion, if not the ma-
jority of names, were those of the
lowest classes of society, to whom
even ministers declared no -^Mwer
must be granted. The more popu-
lous the place from which the
petition came, the greater was the
impure mixture of universal suff-
rage. Considering that ministers,
whenever hard-pressed, uniformly
threw themselves back on the al-
leged voice of the country, it would
not have been an uninstructive
labour to have ascertained how
much of that Toice came from per-
sons whose opinions resolved them-
selves merely into this; this bill is
to give us power, or the means of
obtaining power, and therefore it is
good. Of the better classes, the
same individuals multiplied their
persons. There would be a petition
from a town — a petition from
different bodies in that town — a
petition from its political union —
and all this was, to a great extent,
nothing more than the voice of the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[79
same men thrice repeated. Neither
the quality nor the quantity of
names was ever examined. Lord
Brougham^ in presenting to the
House of Lords a petition from
certain inhabitants of Edinburgh^
said, that upwards of 30^000 names
were attached to it, and the House
might therefore take it for granted,
that they had here the opinion of
every male inhabitant of Edinburgh
of lawful age; for by the rules of
statistics, the population of that
capital would not yield a greater
number of such individuals. His
lordship did not see, that if it
was so, he was laying before the
House the opinions of the very
bff-scourings of the Scotch capital,
to say nothing of the voices of the
very lowest orders, certainly not
those on which he and his col*
leagues wished to build, nor those
which any prudent man would
follow in moulding political insti-
tutions. Neither did his lordship
see that, if his statistics were
right, the parchments of his peti-
tion must be filled with forgeries ;
for they contained not the name of
a single respectable individual, who
could not have reckoned scores
of his own acquaintances who dis-
approved of the bill, and hundreds
who would neither utter a word,
nor give a signature in its favour.
Petitioning, however, was regu-
lar, and constitutional ; but, sub-
ject to all its drawbacks, it did not
promise to be efiFectual. Ministers
had threatened convulsions as the
consequence of refusing their bill,
and the reformers resolved to sup-
port them by opinions which indi-
cated its approach, and exhibitions
of mere physical mob force which
might be used as its means. At
their assemblies for petitioning, at
the meetings of their political
unions, the language of undisguised
menace was used against all who
should oppose the bill. The oppo-
nents of the measure were not
treated as men entitled to enter-
tain their own opinions, and differ-
ing on a question, with which, by
possibility, reason might have some-
thing to do. They were all dealt
with as being profligate oppressors
who wished to trample on and
plunder the people; creatures,
therefore, to be hunted down as
beasts of prey, if they did not
voluntarily fly from before the face
of their pursuers. Was there a
man who was distinguished for
nothing but having discharged all
his duties in the world ; who had
borrowed nothing from aristo-
cratical patronage, and was in-
nocent of the receipt of one farthing
of the public money ; who, stand-
ing on no other foundation than
that of his own honest industry
and honourable aspirations, had
gained for himself a decent reputa-
tion in his profession, or a decent
competency of fortune in the un-
polluted exercise of his calling;
and did he, the most estimable of
all citizens, doubt, as hundreds of
thousands of such citizens did
doubt, whether the ends of good
government would be served by
increasing, as ministers wished to
increase, the efliciency of a pure
democracy in the constitution ;
such a man was placed beyond the
pale of citizenship. He was a
betrayer of the rights of the people;
he was a corrupt plunderer of
the humble and the poor — he
was the mean and crawling slave
of the wealthy few — he was en-
titled to no opinion, or his opinion
was of no use except to degrade
his character ; for it was diflerent
from the opinion of those who
thought otherwise, and who had
determined, in accordance with the
80] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ministry^ tbat to doubt the un-
mixed wisdom of " the bill/* was
to manifest a corruption of heart,
and an incapacity of understanding,
which unfitted the men whom
they disgraced for any exercise of
judgment on political institutions,
and which invited and justified the
reformers to impose upon them by
force the changes to which they
could not be seduced by vanity,
self-interest, and love of power.
Such were the menaces of the
reformers — and the means of exe-
cuting them were paraded with
still more ostentation. Every-
where, the political unions boasted
of the numbers whom they could
bring into the field. The chairman
of that of Birmingham openly de-
clared, that they could supply two
armies, each of them as numerous
and brave as that which had con-
quered at Waterloo, if the king
and his ministers should require
them in the contest with the bo-
roughmongers — under which ap-
pellation were comprehended all
who differed from them in opinion.
At a reform meeting held in Lon-
don, while the debate was going
on, a colonel Evans announced that
he had just arrived from the coast
of Sussex where two reform meet-
ings had taken place, and he knew
that ten thousand men were ready
to march up from Ryegate to Lon-
don to the support of his majesty's
ministers, if they should be defeated
in the measure now before the
House. In what way were the
armies to support ministers against
an anticipated vote of the House of
Commons? The proceedings of
Cromwell and his army were the
only thing that rendered such
language intelligible. In most
of the great towns, large bo-
dies of men actually assembled.
The mass was composed of the
lowest classes of the community.
In regular array, attended with
banners and music, they marched
in procession through their towns,
which, for the moment, were en-
tirely at their mercy. They did
this to manifest theu: attachment
to the bill; it was a new mode
of petitioning ; but the true object
was, to exhibit the physical force
which would be employed to seize
political power by violence, if it
was not conceded by act of parlia-
ment. They were guilty of no
actual outrage, for the question
was yet pending. It was a review
of the force to be brought into
action, if the negotiations should
fail.
The alarm and intimidation,
which were thus excited, served
the purposes of the reformers in
two ways. On the one hand, many
persons, who loved not the violent
changes which were proposed, were
driven into acquiescence, from the
apprehension that resistance would
produce only confusion. Mer-
chants of London put their names
to petitions in favour of the bill,
allowing that they thought it bad,
but saying they were afraid that its
rejection would terminate in some-
thing worse. On the other hand,
the citizens, who would actively
have resisted the change, were
overawed from any public expres-
sion of their sentiments. They
belonged to classes always less
noisy and violent, though not less
valuable, than the crowds which
assembled at the command of de-
magogues : they would have been
blamed for adding to the excite-
ment by imprudent opposition ;
they would have been held out to
the fury of the mob as objects of
hatred and abhorrence. Never-
theless many petitions were pre-
sented against the bill ; and a de-
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [81
claration was put forth, signed by " The silence whicli the oppo-
several hundreds of merchants, nents of this project hare hitherto
bankers, and influential citizens felt to be imposed on them by their
of London, in which they ex- res|)ect for the authority from
pressed themselves thus : — '' While which it emanates, so long at least
we should have been far from op- as it was not before them in a de-
posing ourselves to the adoption of fined and tangible shape, having
any proposition so recommended, been misconstrued by the ill-in-
. of a temperate character, gradual formed into an universal acquiesc-
in its operation, consistent with ence in its principles and provi-
justice and the ancient usages of sions, we deem it a duty which we
this realm, and having for its ob- owe to ourselves, to our country,
ject the correction of acknowledged and to posterity, at the earliest
abuses, or any amelioration in the practicable period after the print-
administration of public affairs ing of the bill, to protest against
which might seem to be called for it by this public declaration, and
by the changes or necessities of to invite our fellow-citizens of all
the times, we feel it impossible to classes, participating in our sen-
regard in that light a measure timents, to unite with us in every
which, by its unprecedented and practicable and lawful effort of
unnecessary infringement on the temperate but determined resist-
rights and privileges of large and ance to the further progress of a
wealthy bodies of people, would go measure which, in our consciences,
far to shake the foundations of that we believe to be rash and inex-
constitution under which our so- pedient in its origin, and tending
vereign holds his title to his throne, to consequences equally pernicious
his nobles to their estates, and our- and irretrievable, menacing to the
selves and the rest of our fellow-sub- peace of the country, fraught with
jects to the various possessions and alarm and peril to public and pri-
immunities which we enjoy by law ; vate credit, and calculated eventu-
a measure which, while it professes ally to undermine and destroy all
to enlarge the representation of the those venerable institutions and
kingdom on the broad basis of pro- establishments under whose influ-
perty, would in its practical oper- ence and protection England has
ation have the effect of closing the hitherto enjoyed a prosperity, and
principal avenues through which maintained a station, unexampled
the monied, the funded, the among the nations of the world/*
commercial, the shipping and the These were the sentiments of an
colonial interests, together with all immense mass of the more en-
their connected and independent lightened orders of society, who
interests throughout the country, had no interest in the existence of
or dispersed throughout our vast corruption, or the perpetuation of
empire abroad, have hitherto been abuses ; but those who held them
represented in the legislature, and were timid and backward, while the
would thus in reality exclude the reformers, placing themselves by
possessors of a very large propor- the side of government, were noisy,
tion of the national wealtn from violent, and menacing. The for-
all effectual voice and influence in mer had to address the reason of
the regulation of the national their fellow citizens; the latter had
affairs. only to flatter their passions. The
Vol. LXXIII. [G]
89] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
former^ too, kept back from ex-
hibiting an open resistance, which
might be mischierous, and> they
believed, would be unnecessary , as
they were confident that the House
of Commons would never pass such
a bilU and that it would be so
changed and modified in its pro-
gress as to deprive it of the most
dangerous parts of its influence.
The two parties had now changed
places. All the influence of go*
vernment was on the side of the
reformers, whose vagaries and ex-
travagances ministers dared not to
discountenance, lest they should
disgust or displease them ; and one
of the most common reproaches
dii*ected by the bill-men against
their antagonists was that of dis-
lovalty, in daring to oppose the
will of the king, and the king's
ministers.
The press supplied the daily
fuel by which the flame of excite-
ment was kept up. It preached
doctrines subversive of all order
and government. Not in direct
words, but by that indirect style
of allusion and remark, which is
the most artful of all exhortations,
it justified and encouraged every
threatened appeal to force. Indi-
viduals who distinguished them-
selves in opposing the change, were
attacked with every species of
abuse which falsehood can invent
and which blackguardism delights
to use. The .property of tlie
church, and the rights, of the
peerage were held out as illegally
amassed treasures which the peo-
ple, in the exercise of their due
rights, would soon have the plea-
sure of rifling. Pretended lists of
the names of pensioners and place-
men were circulated, in which
were to be found men set down as
receiving large sums of the public
money whose fingers had never
touched one farthing from the
purse of the state; but to the
lower classes they were part of the
new gospel of the constitution, and
furnished to their more craftv> but
less honest, agitators, the texts
and the burthens of an hundred
discourses. Parliament itself was
the object of incessant and abu-
sive attack. Privilege seemed no
longer to exist. The Lord Advo-
cate of Scotland had said in his
speech, that the members of the
House of Commons who sat for
boroughs which the bill intended
wholly or partially to disfranchise,
were interested parties, and dis-
^ualifled from judging. A London
newspaper gave the doctrine a
practical application in the follow-
ing terms: — '* When, night after
night, borough nominees rise to
in^st the proceedings of the House
of Commons with arguments to
justify their own intrusion into it,
and their continuance there, thus
impudently maintaining what the
lawyers call an ^' adverse posses-
sion" in spite of judgment against
them, we really feel inclined to
ask why the rightful owners of the
house should be longer insulted by
the presence of such unwelcome
inmates. It is beyond question
a piece of the broadest and coolest
etirontery in the world, for these
hired lacquies of public delinquents
to stand up as advocates of the
disgraceful service they have em-
barked in.*' Sir R. Inglis brought
this publication before the House,
as a breach of privilege, by moving
a resolution, bearing that it was a
false and scandalous libel on the
House, directly tending to deter
members from the discharge of
their duty, and calculated to alien-
ate from them the respect and
confidence of their fellow subjects.
Ministers did not defend the pub-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[83
iicatioii> the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer admitting that it was a
breach of privilege, but they
thought it would not be pru-
dent to go too nicely to work in
the present excited state of the
public mind> and therefore moved
the previous question. Sir Robert
Inglis^ as some members of his
own way of thinking seemed to feel
coldly towards raising a question
of privilege) and thought it would
serve a better purpose to show by
their votes that such a language
was despised, did not press his
motion to a division.
It was in this state of the pub-
lic mind that the second reading
of the bill was moved in the House
of Commons on the 2 1 st of March.
The debate lasted only two days,
for in truth the subject had already
been exhausted by the seven days
debate on the motion for leave to
bring in the bill ; but it presented
some new speakers. It was opened
by Sir R. Vyvyan, one of the coun-
ty members for Cornwall, who
moved as an amendment, that the
bill should be read a second time
that day six months. He declared
that the bill affected no {Personal
advantage of his own, fur he had
no interest, direct, indirect, or con*
tingent, in any boroueh, and in
some points its operation, in so far
as he himself was concerned, would
rather be beneficial than otherwise;
but it was a measure full of danger
to the institutions of the kingdom
and which, therefore, his conscience
bound him to oppose. It proposed
to change the influence on which
the authority of the House of
Commons was founded, and to
admit an overwhelming addition of
democratic influence, to which, in
the course of no very distant time,
the authority of the other branches
of the state would be compdled to
yield. He would not enter into any
abstract question, neither Would he
contend tnat the constitution as it
stood, should go down from century
to century without any modifica-
tion, or that parliament had not the
power to make such changes as it
saw expedient; but however he
might be disposed to affirm these
abstract propositions, he took his
stand on the question of the poli-
cy of the proposed change, and on
that alone he would be justified in
voting against the measure. The
experience of every country in
which the attempt had been made
would fully show, that a general
reform, which greatly increased the
democratic influence, had never
been made without producing a
revolution, dangerous to the secu-
rity of property in the country.
They were asked, was there to be
no chan^ to adapt the constitution
to the altered circumstances of the
country ? They were told of the
danger of popular commotion in
refusing the demands of an excited
people. He was nware of that ex-
citement, and knew how it had
been produced. They all knew
how the name of the king had been
used : they had seen the king's
ministers defending the foulest
libels on their opponents, till the
mob believed, that, in using violence
and intimidation, they were only
supporting the influence of the mon-
arch and his government. But, in
defiance of all this, if asked whether
he would run the risk of revolution
by refusing reform, his answer
would be, this reform is revolution.
Every man must lament the cir-
cumstances which had pressed for-
ward this desire of change. But
what were they, and how would
they be aflfected by concession ?
One was, that the people saw their
property going fpom them by tjie
[G2]
84J ANNUAL REGISTER, 183i;
violent change that had been made any change in our monetary sys«
in our currency. Another was, tem, that system, the adoption
tliat at the time when the country of which had been productive of
was labouring under the most se- so much distress in the country,
vere distress, the existence of that — not a word upon that, a proper
distress was denied by the late attention to which might have
House of Commons. The denial produced so much benefit to the
on the part of the late House of people. Now he would ask, sup«
Commons of the distress which the posibg the ministers able to carry
country felt so severely was one this question, what would be
cause which had produced the cry gained ? What was it that every
against tithes, and would produce man who spoke at public meetings
it against rent. After that denial — those who petitioned that House
by the late House, came the —had cried out for? Retrench-
general election. That election ment — ^reduction of the public
took place under the influence of burdens. Did the noble lord who
the late Cabinet, and one of its introduced this measure believe
earliest votes was that which ere- that by it the government would
ated the present ministers, he be enabled to reduce the public
feared for the destruction of the expenditure to a greater extent
constitution. Yet he heard the than the noble lord (the Chancellor
noble lord (John Russell) state the of the Exchequer) had already
other evening, that all that he and stated in his plan of finance ?
his iriends wanted was a reform of Did he believe that it would add
that corrupt House to which they to the prosperity of the people,
owed their elevation to office, that it would give a greater
The declaration of the duke of power of production, or sup-
Wellington against reform, and the ply the means of employment to
changes in France and Belgium, those who sought, and were un-
might have had some effect ; but able to obtain it. None of all
he thought that the main causes these things would it in &ny de-
of the present excited state of the gree effect.
country, and the cry for reform. Even if large towns were to be
were to be found in the denial of admitted, why so pure a demo-
the distress, and the consequent cracy.^ The bill would lead, in these
refusal of inquiry by the late par- places, to alAost universal suffrage,
liament, and the declarations and In Liverpool alone between 1 5,000
acts of the present ministry on and 1 6,000 persons would be ad-
coming into office; They had come mitted to the franchise. Would a
into office pledged to retrenchment, population vested with such powers
and had found that, in relation stop short at what it had gained }
to that, they could do nothing. Did the House believe that the
They had come in pledged also to ballot would not be carried, and
reform. Reform was to effect every that cutting down the duration of
thing ; and, if carried in the parliaments, to perfect the theory,
proposed shape, it would un- by keeping parliament at every
doubtedly effect much, but much moment the mere speaking trumpet
to the destruction of the esta- of the multitude, would not fol-
blished institutions of the coun- low ? Excitement there was ; but
try. Not ,a word was said about that was the sort of influence to
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [85
the attainment of which the ex- rent. In such a case he held it
citement was directed. He could would be both just and expedient
tell ministers^ that^ in different to apply to the wants of the state
parts of the country^ the outcry that which the state itself had
against tithes was at least as loud created, and he thus transferred
as the clamour for reform. The it from the imaginary case to the
animosity against tithes and the real condition of things in this
established church, which had been country ; *' By all those measures
first displayed in Ireland^ seemed which increased the amount of
tohavetravelled into Great Britain 3 population and the demand for
and that part of the press^ which food, the legislature does as cer-
was opposed to the institutions of tainly increase the net produce of
the country^ talked about making the land, as if it had the power of
the first attack on this outwork of doing so by a miraculous act.
the constitution. If tithes were That it does so by a gradual pro-
attacked, what security would there gross in the real, would do so by
be for rent, for the national debt, an immediate operation in the im-
and funded property? Did any aginary case, makes no difference
one suppose, that if the House con- with regard to the result. The
sen ted, by passing the bill, to de- original rent, which belonged to
clare itself a corrupt and abomin- the owner, upon which he regu-
able assembly, a reformed parlia- lated his purchase if he did pur-
ment would allow those obliga- chase, and on which alone, if he
tions, which a corrupt parliament liad a family to provide for, his
had imposed on the country, to arrangements in their favour were
remain ? If any one considered to be framed, is easily distinguish-
the subject properly, he must see able from any addition capable of
that tithes, rent, funds, — all were being made to the net produce of
involved in the measure. Nor land, whether it be made by a
was the danger kept a secret. ^ The slow or sudden process. If an
apostles of reform were already addition made by the sudden pro-
propagating the doctrine, that rent cess might, without injustice to
was a thing created by the state, the owner, be appropriated to the
and therefore might be seized by purposes of the state, no reason
the state, that it was a tax .im- can be assigned why an addition
posed, and therefore a tax which by the slow process might not be
might be repealed by directing appropriated." Such were the
that it should not be paid. Mr. principles, the assertion of which
Mill, one of their high priests—- was to be the recommendation of
one of the men held out as a proper members of a reformed parliament,
representative in parliament of Who can believe, it was asked,
popular rights and designs, when that his majesty, whose name had
the omnipotence of the democracy been so abundantly used, and his
should have been declared by this ministers, themselves among the
bill — had laid it down distinctly, noble proprietors of the country,
IVfr. Mill took the fancied case of would lend themselves to a plan
the legislature by an act of its own, dangerous to the crown, to the
all things remaining the same, aristocracy, and to wealth? But
doubling that portion of the land their station only shewed that they
which was strictly and: properly did not apprehend such conse*
86] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
quences ; and^ alas ! Europe had
seen kings and nobles as wise fall-
ing into that tremendous error.
When the notables of France were
assembled, they advised the convo-
cation of the states-general, which
was, in fact, a reform of the French
parliament^ and a new set of men
then came into power. The double
vote was given to the tiers Hat,
which presently changed itself into
a National Convention. Then came
intimidation ; and he called the
attention of his majesty's ministers
to this part of the case. The most
nefarious means were employed to
excite the people's minds. News-
papers and pamphlets were pub*
lished for that purpose^ and the
whole press was bribed to effect the
same object. Persons were paid to
read inflammatory publications to
those who could not read them-
selves ; and every means were em-
ployed to excite the passions of
the multitude against those who
were denominated tyrants. These
proceedings led on to the 4th of
August^ 1789> when, upon a single
debate, by one vote^ and under the
influence of panic, the National
Convention abolished at once tithes,
manorial rights, the right of fishery,
the right of chase, or game-laws,
which were really only an imagin-
ary evil ; and tne patriotic king,
the saviour of his country, went to
sing a te deum for this blessed re«
form — this happy regeneration.
No one was so popular on that
day as the king; and yet that
very same king was, within three
months afterwards^ dragged in his
carriage to Paris, and the heads of
two of his faithful gendarmes, who
had nobly died in defending his per-
son, were paraded before him. Thus
was treated the popular sovereign
— such was the gratitude shown
to the patriot king. There was
QO safety to a sovereign in trusting
to the passing breeze of popularity.
Forced alterations, coming from
below, had never had any other
effect than revolution. The revo-
lution of 1688 was a revolution
effected by the aristocracy, and was
regular and orderly ; but what was
now wanted was a revolution of the
democracy. He had no objection,
he said, to give representatives
to large and flourishing towns,
though he would not go the length
of disfranchising at once sixty bo-
roughs, nor would he adopt the
arbitrary rule of disfranchisement
which ministers had introduced ;
and it was his intention, so soon
as the bill was rejected, to move a
resolution, which would give an
assurance to the country that the
House was willing to strengthen
the representation. He would not
presume to offer any detailed plan
of reform, but would propose a re-
solution which would show an in-
clination on the part of those
members who rejected the proposed
bill, because it was revolutionary,
and had a tendency to destroy the
king's authority, to effect what re-
form was necessary. The resolu-
tions which he should propose
would go to the full extent of that
which he understood was the plan
of Government, before certain indi-
viduals made suggestions which
induced them to alter it.
The motion having been second-
ed by Mr. Cartwright, who stated
that Mr. Hume had actually writ-
ten to the radical reformers of
Glasgow, entreating them not to
say a word about the ballot in the
mean time, Mr. Shell, an Irish
barrister, agitator, and rhetorician,
whom ministers had brought into
the House for Milbome Port, one
of the sixty boroughs which wer«
to be disfranchised; repeated the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[87
usual arguments in favour of the
bilJ, adorned with much rhetori-
cal embellishment^ but without ap-
proaching for a moment the rea-
sonable views of philosophy and
experience, by which alone such a
proposition could be attacked or de-
fended. He adverted^ like those who
had preceded him in the argument^
to the disfranchisement of the Irish
boroughs at the time of the union,
and the later disfranchisement of
the Irish 40s. freeholders, as justi-
fying in principle every thing that
was now proposed, and to the just
and deep-rooted discontent which
prevailed^ as furnishing its com-
plete defence on views of expediency
and necessity. It was insisted^ he
said, that the country prospered
— that England) with that fiscal
prodigy a debt of a thousand mil-
lions on her back^ still stood ej*ect
and firm — that the expenditure of
countless treasure, and the spend-
thrift prodigality of her life-bloody
were not too large a price for free-
dom— that she might proudly con-
trast her condition with that of
the Continent^ and survey the
mighty labour of other nations, who
were tempest-tost in revolution-
ary agitation, with a pleasurable
consciousness of her own security.
To all this he answered, that there
existed within herself a settled
and general discontent, which was
derived from causes of permanent
creation, and which, instead of
being the mere ebullition of tran-
sitory passion, flowed out of a deep
and constant source. It was idle
to say that it had not long exist-
ed, because it had only recently
appeared. The sudden force with
which it had burst forth, was a
proof that the materials of eruption
nad been long accumulating. It
was of little avail to say tbat it
WM connected with the events
on the continent. Were we to
omit to strengthen oor own insti-
tutions, because this island had felt
the tremor of that great shock
which had levelled the govern-
ments of France and Belgium to
the ground ^ It was equally nuga-
tory to say that the press had done
all this. Would the press relin-
quish its natural vocation ? and
was it not much wiser to consider,
instead of inveighing against its
influence, the materials in the shape
of abuses, upon which it exerted its
powerful operation ? Was the dis-
content well founded ? That was
the main question — almost the
only one. This single broad fact
was, in his mind, sufficient to call
forth the national repudiation of
the House of Commons— that its
majority was returned, not bv the
people, but by 150 individuals.
Some four or five great proprietors
of boroughs were enabled to con-
trol the minister, and by their
oligarchical coalition to dictate to
their sovereign, and to lord it over
the people. That such a system
should exist was a great calamity
in itself, but the evil was heighten-
ed by many sordid accompaniments.
Seats in parliament were made the
subject of bargain and sale, and an
almost open mart— ^ common sta-
ple—a parliamentary bazaar, was
established for the vendition of the
franchises of the people : a parlia-
mentary broker was a customary
phrase ; nay, matters had been
carried to such a pitch, that l)o-
roughs had been made the subject
of marriage settlement, and had
been put> by the ingenuity of con-
veyancers, through uli the diversi-
ties of matrimonial limitation. The
House had all heard that a sultana,
on her marriage, usually had one
province awarded to her for her
neck^lace, another for her braceletSi
88] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
and a thirdfor her girdle: under the
system of parliamentary proprie-
torship, it would be no matter of
surprise to see a ladyi of fashion
receiving Old Sarum for pin-mo-
ney, and Gatton for her dower.
The people thought it a perfect
mockery to call this a national re-
presentation; and, instead of seeing
in members of parliament the mir-
rors of the public mind, they be-
held in them pocket glasses, in
which the images of a few great
nominators were faithfully reflect-
ed. By these means the moral
as well as the political interests of
the country were affected. The
notorious sale of boroughs generat-
ed a general habit of venality.
When lords transmuted their in-
terest in parliament into money,
by what an easy process of imita-
tive alchymy the humbler voter
would convert his miserable suf-
frage into gold! How could we
condemn bribery in the one, when
we gave it a countenance in the
other ? Was the grossness of the
prostitution palliated by the large-
ness of its wages? and was the
enormity of the offence in the in-
verse ratio with the magnitude of
its remuneration ? He admitted
that a splendid catalogue, an em-
blazoned muster-roll of genius, had
been produced by the advocates of
the borough system as one fruit of
its operation. Mark, however, over
what a vast space they were dis-
persed— in how black a firmament
they sparkled ! and was it not very
remarkable that so many of these
illustrious persons, who were cradled
in close boroughs, and who preserved
their political soundness, although
they were nursed by corruption,
were themselves opposed to the very
system to which it was alleged that
they owed their parliamentary, ex-
istence ? What would J)e said of
Chatham, Dunning, Pitt, Fox,
Sheridan, Grattan, and so many
others ? Try this case, not by the
votes of the living, but by the votes
of the dead: enter the sacred reposi-
tory within whose echo the House
deliberated — count the graves of
the illustrious men who were op-
posed to reform, and of those who
were its advocates, and on that
division it would be found, that the
majority of sepulchres was in its
favour ? But even if he were to
admit that they were against it,
and that the House would lose the
chances (for they were but contin-
gencies) of receiving men like them
through the medium which was the
theme of so much panegyric, yet
what would be the loss, compared
with the certain deprivation of the
public confidence ?
Mr. Sheil treated as ridiculous
the idea that this bill could be dan-
gerous to the crown or the aris-
tocracy. It gave fifty-five new
county members. From what class
were they likely to be selected ?
Would they seek to build their
fortunes out of the ruins of their
country? Members were to be
given to large towns : would their
inhabitants show no regard to opu-
lence— to hereditary dignity, to
ancient neighbourhood; and, in-
stead of looking for representatives
amidst noble demesnes and vener-
able halls, would they accept everj
wandering knight-errant of sedi-
tion, and itinerant visionary in co-
dification ? There was a singular
variance between the logic of the
non -reformers and their sarcasms.
They spoke of Tavistock with em-
phatic signification. They meant
that the influence of the house of
Bedford would continue. If so,
why should not the influence of
other great families continue else-
where? Thus their syllogisms
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[89
were overthrown by their satire>
and their arguments evaporated in
their vituperation. This bill would
wrench their despotism from the
oligarchy, but it would not touch
the legitimate influence of property,
and birth, and station, and all ^the
other circumstances which create a
title to respect. It would take
power from individuals, and give
it to a class. It would cut off the
secret and subterraneous conduit-
pipes through which aristocratic
influence was now conveyed to that
House, and would make it flow in
a broadj open, constitutional, and
natural channel. Away with the
charge that it would weaken the
monarchy. The throne would be
built on the confidence of the peo-
ple, and find new pillars in the no-
bility ; and, so far from the crown
being loosened on the head of the
king, the diadem would be fasten-
ed by another band 6n the royal
brow.
Mr. Charles Grant, one of the
disciples of Mr. Canning and Mr.
Huskisson who had resisted to
their last breaths such a change
as this, followed on the same side,
stating various considerations why
reform should be granted, but not
stating how any one of them had
risen to his mind, till, after having
been the friend of many Tory ad-
ministrations, he, and the knot of
his companions, had been trans-
muted into the members or the
partisans of a Whig government.
He might now assume, he said,
that the question of reform and
anti-reform had at last fairly fallen
to the ground, for scarcely one, who
opposed ministers on the policy of
their proposition, had been induced
to stand on the principle of anti-
reform. When the hon, baronet
opened the debate of the present
^vening^ he had certainly expected
that he would intrench himself in
some impregnable position ; biit
that expectation was at once set at
rest by the assurance, that the hon.
baronet himself entertained a plan
of reform, which he did not, how-
ever, think fit to divulge to the
House. In the necessity of some
such policy all who were now in
opposition professed to agree. The
question, therefore, was no longer
one of reform, or no reform ; that
was absolutely decided. The only
points at issue were, what should
be the nature of the reform, and
when it should be proposed. No
public man who had, with an ob-
servant eye, regarded the state
of the country for the last four or
^ve years, could be blind to the
fact, that the subject would be
soon forced upon the attention of
parliament, and that the time
would, ere long, arrive, when a de-
cision would be inevitable, perceiv-
ing that the present sentiments of
the public were grounded on a
principle, of the truth of which
they were convinced. Public opin-
ion^ properly so called, was never
to be disdained in a free country
like this; and it should always form
a main element in the deliberations
of such an assembly as the House
of Commons. During the last
fifteen years much had been done
to open the way for parliamentary
reform, but that which chiefly
conduced to its advancement was,
the removal of the prejudice which
taught, that aflfectiou for the con-
stitution ought to resist any at-
tempt at the amendment of its
acknowledged defects. The pro-
gress of knowledge had removed a
fatal barrier to improvement, and
the late Home Secretary had al-
ready shown, that a regard for ex-
isting institutions was perfectly
compatible with au enlighteneu
90]
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831,
perception of their defects. A firm
but reverential hand had lately re-
moved even the sacred veil of Bri-
tish justice^ and the ecclesiastiea]
establishments of the country had
likewise received the advantages
which a liberal policy alone could
impart. An enlightened people
complained that their rights were
invaded, that the interference of
the two other branches of the le-
gislature was directly condemned
by the standing orders of the House
of Commons, yet that the constitu-
tion-was rendered a dead letter by
the habitual violation of those rules
—an infraction of which was never-
theless held to be a high contempt
of the privileges of the Commons.
What answer but one could they
offer to an unanimous and indig-
nant nation thus expostulating at
their bar ? They were desired not
to yield to intimidation^ and this
had also been the language held to
the duke of Wellington on a former
occasion 5 but he would rather say,
delay not concession until it shall
be wrested from the legislature as
a right) not received as a boon.
The tone of the opponents of re-
form was far from conciliatory.
Was not the country told that
those evils> of which all complained
and sought the abolition, were
beauties, not deformities, and had
contributed to the splendour and
prosperity of the empire .'^ The
people, however, were happily too
enlightened to be so easily de-
ceived ; and it was therefore to be
hoped that those who could suggest
no more specious argument would
abandon their opposition. So far
from thinking that the state of
Europe ought to have deterred
ministers from proposing this mea-
sure till the political agitation of
our neighbours should have sub-
sided, he thought the present
moment peculiarly opportune for
the interests of the cause of re-
f )rm, and trusted that the decision
of the House would prove at once
gratifying to the people and ho-
nourable to themselves.
The Solicitor General said, that
the whole argument against the
bill seemed to proceed on the as-
sumption that there was something
in the British constitution incon-
sistent with change, and that to
make an alteration would be
nothing less than to effM;t its com-
plete destruction. But the history
of this country, and its institutions,
shewed that there had been an
almost uninterrupted series of con-
flicts between the principle of de-
mocracy and despotism, with al-
ternations of success, and the in-
evitable consequence of that, a
system of perpetual change. The
present bill was, therefore, in
every point of view, in perfect
harmony with the whole current
of our legislation. He believed
that, with respect to the period
antecedent to the revolution of
1 688, there would be no difference
of opinion. In six years after the
Revolution, the triennial act was
passed, distinctly admitting, on
the part of the legislature of that
period, that the Revolution was
not a settlement to be permanently
unchangeable; neither was the
triennial act itself treated with
undeviating respect, for, in the
year 1715, its repeal was sanctioned
by some of those identical states-
men who brought about the Revo-
lution itself : then the septen-
nial act was passed, and another
great change effected in the con-
stitution of parliament. Did any
one, at that period, hold that the
septennial bill was a revolutionary
measure ? So far from any such
character being imputed to it^ the
HISTORY OP EUtlOPE.
[91
measure had always been treated
as one within the constitution of
parliament to enact. It must even
be in the recollection of many mem-
bers, that attempts had been made
to disfranchise corrupt boroughs^
which was never held to be an at-
tempt beyond the legitimate pow-
ers of parliament ; yet^ in his opin-
, ion, a general and sweeping mea-
sure of reform would be infinitely
preferable to such occasional dis-
franchisements, for he conceived
that nothing could be more danger-
ous to the liberties of the state, and
the interests of justice, than to
mix oftener than absolute necessity
demanded, the legislative with the
judicial functions. The borough of
Cricklade had been disfranchised
in 1781. Sotne of the voters were
tried for corruption, and convicted j
others were tried and not convicted ;
others were not even tried. The
last two classes were entitled to be
considered as innocent persons ;
yet they were punished, for the
House disfranchised the borough,
proceeding upon a principle of gene-
ral expediency, not so much to in-
flict penalties for what was past,
as iu order to prevent abuses for the .
future. Now, with regard to the
boroughs to be disfranchised by the
bill, although there might not be
legal proof, there was moral cer-
tainty, that they were the subjects
of sale. The members whom they
returned, represented, not their
constituents, but the nominee, or
the seller. Of that mode of elec-
tion the people of England com-
plained, and the government had
determined, as it was bound, to re-
medy it. The complaint had
grown, till every member must feel,
that the House was already under
an external pressure as strong as
was consistent with the law, or
the public peace) and if tbey did
not satisfy the expectations which
had been raised, that pressure
would become so strong as to en-
danger the tranquillity of the state.
Sir Edward Sugden, to whose
office the solicitor-general had suc-
ceeded, complained, that the latter
had gone back to the bill of rights,
instead of attempting to explain
and justify the provisions of this
bill of wrongs. The septennial
bill, it was perfectly true, did not
spring from the Revolution. It
was brought in by Whig min-
isters, for the same purpose for
which the present bill was brought
in by Whig ministers — as the only
means by which they could retain
their places. Then as now, they
took possession of popular ferment
to retain their power. It was im-
prudent, forsooth, according to
the solicitor-general^ to mix up
the legislative with the judicial
functions ; yet he proposed that the
legislature should at once pro-
nounce sentence on all the bo-
roughs, and that, too, on some-
thing called moral evidence.
The bill itself, and the reasons,
which must be imagined, for none
had been given, for its capricious
and arbitrary provisions, he profess-
ed himself unable to understand.
England was to be deprived of
sixty-two members. Why that ?
Who had petitioned for that —
what outcry had been raised for
that } What excitement had been
raised against the numbers of the
House .•* Why this, when popu-
lation was daily increasing ? There
were multitude^ unrepresented,
and why not give them these
sixty-two representatives? The
adoption of population, too, as the
rule, led to strange ];esults. In
one place there was only one
house sufficient to give a title to
vote. Tbey vrere told the bili
92] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
would increase the power of the
aristocracy, and yet every one of
its friends declared, in the same
breath, that its great object was, to
protect the people against the aris-
tocracy. How was this to be un-
derstoody or did ministers them-
selves know what they really meant ?
Mr. Shell maintained the power of
the aristocracy would be increased,
because there would be a great
number of additional county mem-
bers ? This would be intelligible,
if the bill had done this, and no-
thing else ; but taking this along
with all the other provisions of the
bill, he would again ask Mr Sheil,
or any other man, to state intelligi-
bly what was meant by saying that
it would increase the weight of the
higher classes of society in the re-
presentation ? Moreover, the mem-
bers returned for counties would
not resemble those who had hith-
erto represented them. As the
freeholders in cities and towns
were not to vote, county members
would be returned by a smaller
constituency than that of many
towns, losing in individual weight
while they were increasedin aggre-
gate number. Would the mem-
bers for Yorkshire stand equally
high in that House, and in the
country, when the constituency
was reduced, by depriving all the
freeholders of Leeds, Huddersfield,
Halifax,Wakefield, and other large
towns, of the right of voting for
county members? and such free-
holders were excluded, while copy-
holders and leaseholders were ad-
mitted.
The power which was to be given
to the crown, of sending forth
itinerant committees of the Privy
Council, to portion out the consti-
tuency of England, he strongly
condemned, as being utterly incon-
sistent with the principles of the
constitution. It was a power which
the king might exercise or not, as
he pleased, or rather as the govern-
ment might be pleased to advise.
The constitution had never given
such authority to any body of men ;
and heknew nothing in the conduct
of the present ministers to entitle
them to so large a confidence.
He objected likewise to the mode *
of ascertaining the validity of
claims made to be registered. The
judge of assize was to nominate a
barrister, and this nomination was to
be confirmed by the lord chancellor.
This was a most extraordinary
power to vest in the lord chan-
cellor. A barrister, under the in-
fluence of the Chancellor, was
therefore to decide what was to be
the constituency of the country.
The barrister was declared liable
to a civil action, but this proved
that he was intrusted with a power
open to abuse.
Mr. Pendarvis, the colleague of
sir R. Vyvyan in the representa-
tion of Cornwall, warmly supported
the bill. He stated, that it would
deprive that county of two-thirds
of its members, yet the inhabit-
ants had already shewn by their
petitions that they were willing to
make this sacrifice, because they
were convinced that the change
would be for the benefit of the
county, as well as of the country
in general. Mr. Cavendish, one
of the members for the university
of Cambridge, declared his inten-
tion of voting for the bill, although
his constituents had petitioned
against it; many of them, he
stated^ not being hostile to the
whole measure, approving, for in-
stance, of the disfranchisement of
the decayed boroughs, but object-
ing to the new qualification as
being too low. Mr. Ward, on the
Other band^ one^ of the members
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[93
for the city of London^ the Com-
mon Council of which had peti-
tioned in favour of the bill, stre-
nuously opposed it. He had been
entrusted with a petition signed by
600 merchants, bankers, and
others, against the bill. The sig-
natures to it, he said, were those
of men qualified to judge, inde-
pendent, and having much at stake
in the country. He agreed with
them, that there was no one prac-
tical good to be accomplished by
this measure, to atone for all the
positive mischief and certain dan-
ger which it would produce ; and
unless it could be shown that the
parliament to be called into ex-
istence by the new scheme would
minister to the wants of the people
in a greater degree than that which
now existed, every thing which
had been said in its favour must
fall to the ground. He had passed
the earlier years of his life princi-
pally in two close boroughs, and
among the representatives of those
boroughs had been, during his re-
membrance, Mr. Fox, Mr. Pitt,
Mr. Canning, Mr. Perceval, the
noble lord at present at the head of
Foreign Affairs, and the duke of
Wellington. Such had been the
representatives of those close bo-
roughs, and he very much doubted,
if by a reformed system more able
members would be given to that
House ; indeed, the country would
be fortunate, if as good were re-
turned. Again, when he first
entered that Ho^se, he naturally
looked at both side^ to see who were
the most infiuential'members. On
the ministerial side he saw Mr.
Canning, the right hon. baronet
lately at the head of the Home
Department, and Mr. Huskisson
— ^all of whom had been members
for close boroughs. On the oppo-
sition side of the House^ he found
the most influential members to be
the present lord high chancellor
(then Mr. Brougham), Mr. Tier-
ney, and the right hon. baronet the
member for Knaresborough (sir J.
Mackintosh), all of whom were at
that time members for close bo-
roughs. Such was the case, and
fortunate would it be, if large
and populous places always found
and returned men of such abilities.
On the other hand, in his experi-
ence but three members had been
called to account by that House in
consequence of their conduct. It
mattered not whether that con-
duct had been right or wrong;
into that question he did not go-
he merely stated a fact ; and those
members were the hon. baronet^ the
D;ember for Southwark ; the hon.
baronet, the member for Westmin-
ster *, and lord Cochrane, and all
three members were the represent-
atives of populous places. Thus
he had found upon examination,
that during his time, on the one
hand, the only members who had
been called to account for their
conduct by the House were the
representatives of populous places ;
while, on the other hand, the most
influential members on both sides
of the House had sat for close bo-
roughs. Still, it was said, how-
ever eminent and useful may be
the members returned for close-
boroughs, they are not the repre-
sentatives of the people. But
what, was meant by the term re-
presentative ? Was the physical
force of the country to be repre-
sented, or was the good sense of
the country to be represented, or
werob the passions of the people
to be represented } On the good
sense of the country he hlid great
reliance— on the passions none.
And if there was a moment when
the passions of the people were
94] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
more liable to excitement than
an otheri that moment was the
period of an election. If upon
•uch an occasion the passions were
moTed in behalf of a particular
candidate^ whatever might be the
character of his pretensions^ up he
went to the top of the poll. A per-
son so returned was not at liberty
to exercise his own judgment.
He was necessarily but the echo
of the passions of those who had
sent him there. Philosophers had
found oMtf that by certain mixtures
of metals a compound was formed
which was perfect to all known uses;
but he had yet to learn, that any
one had ever discovered what pro-
portion of the feeling and the pas«
sions of the people ought to be re-
presented in that House^ or to be al-
lowed to act upon it. He objected
to the bill^ therefore^ upon these
grounds ; but the strongest reason
he had for giving his decided ne-
gative to it was the fact, that that
which the peopleprincipally desired,
had in a great degree, been already
enforced. The people required
relief from taxation, and retrench-
ment. Since the commencement
of the peace, 31,000,000/. of taxes
had been repealed. The country
was often reminded of the remain-
ing 50,000,000/. of taxes, but it
had never been sufficiently made
acquainted with the fact, that
31,000,000/. had been removed.
As to patronage and retrenchment,
it was right the people should at-
tend to the expenditure of their
money; but while so much was
said about sinecures and pensions,
it ought not to be forgotten, that
during the last nine years, 4,000
places or pensions had been abo-
lished, lifty-eight of which had
salaries attached to them of from
1,000/. to 3,000/. a- year. Of
these facts the public had not been
sufficiently told. He could not
admit, then, that the Parliament
had not done its duty. On the
contrary, lie contended it was im-
possible for it to have been more
assiduously or more beneficially
employed than it had been.
Among the other members who
delivered their opinions, several
stated, that although they would
vote for the second reading of the
bill, they were not prepared to go
all the lengths to which it went,
and hoped to see it modified in
the committee. Sir Thomas Ac-
land declared, that the disfranchise-
ment was a great deal too sweeping,
but he would not resist the second
reading. The most startling an-
nunciation was that of the change
of opinion in Mr. Calcraft, pay-
master of the forces under the late
administration. In the debate on
the motion for leave to bring in
the bill, he had expressed the
most unqualified disapprobation of
its principles. He now astonished
both sides of the House by declar-
ing that he intended to vote for
the second reading.
The House at length divided.
Including the Speaker and the four
tellers, there were 608 members
present, the largest number that
had ever divided on any question
in the House of Commons. On
the division, the numbers were, for
the original motion 302, for the
amendment 301 ; the second read-
ing of the bill being thus <;arried
by a majority of one, in the fullest
House of Commons that had ever
been assembled.
This division was a defeat of the
ministers in substance. The popu-
lace, indeed, who knew no better,
believed that a victory had been
gained ; in many places illumina-
tions were called for and ordered,
in celebration of the imaginary
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[96
conquest ; and the mob vented its
vengeance on the houses of all citi«
zens who would not join them to
do honour to the triumph of the
reform bilJ, at the very moment
when it virtually had been lost.
In Edinburgh^ where the most re-
spectable part of the city was in
darkness^ the mob was allowed to
traverse the principal streets for
hours undisturbed, and to destroy,
to the extent of several thousand
pounds, the windows of those citi-
zens who differed from them in
opinion regarding the merits, or
the prospects, of the ministerial
measure. Ministers themselves
could labour under no delusion, and
could now entertain no expectation
of carrying through their bill with
the existing House of Commons.
Parliamentary history presented no
example of a ministry even at-
tempting to proceed with a mea-*
sure, the principle of which had
been carried by so insignificant a
majority; and no measure that a
ministry had ever presented could
compete in importance with the
one which was now in question.
But even if they brought them-
selves to be satisfied with the
quantity of support that had bare-
ly sufiiced to send their bill into a
committee, they not only had no
security that they would be able
to maintain it essentially unaltered
in that committee, but thev had
the means of knowing that there
they would fail. The principle of
reform, as embodied in this bill,
had been carried only by a majority
of one ; but the numbers forming
the majority contained many who
had already expressed their deter-
mination not to support all the
provisions of the bill. There were
many more who, too timid to re«
sist the principle, were equally re^
solved to modify the measure in the
committee, although their inten-
tion was not declared. The ma-
jority contained many of the mo-
derate reformers ; and they looked
to the committee as the place in
which the bill was to be changed
to something very difiPerent, while
they escaped, or thought they es-
caped, the odium of appearing to
reject all alteration. Ministers
had no reason to believe, that, on
the very first division in the com-
mittee, on the clause, for instance,
for disfranchising the sixty bo-
roughs, they would not be left in
a minority 3 and they had volun-
tarily placed themselves in a situa-
tion in which they could concede
nothing that would meet the views
of any one of their opponents. In
forming their plan, they had gone
farther than even their own ori-
ginal intention. Lord Grey stated
in the House of Lords, on the 28th
of March, that ^* the first disposi-
tion of his mind undoubtedly had
been to limit the reform within a
much narrower compass ;** and all
who had ever heard lord Brough-
am's opinions on reform^ had not
yet recovered from their amaze-
ment that such a scheme should
ever have received his sanction.
Having gone so far, they had
pledged themselves, again and
again, to stand or fall by this in-
dividual bill { "and we are com-
mitted to it heart and soul,'' was
the language of their leader. By
going so far, and binding them-
selves never to recede, they gained,
in the meantime, at least, the su|)-
port of the radical and extreme
reformers, the most noisy and
threatening portion of the popula-
tion, and the only one to which,
if they spoke rationally, they could
ever refer, as the probable sources
of those dreaded convulsions which
supplied so' much of their logic in
96] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
support of the bill. They had thus
shut the door against all compro-r
mise. They had pledged them-
selves, not merely to the principles
of disfranchisement, enfranchise-
ment, and uniform qualification,
but to those degrees of disfran-
chisement and enfranchisement,
to that special rate of qualification,
and to those special, though con-
fessedly arbitrary lines of dis-
tinction, which were to be found
in this particular bill. Any modi-
fication in committee would to
them, therefore^ be as fatal as a
defeat on the principle -, and as it
did not well appear how they could
hope, after the last division, to
carry the bill through a committee,
without important modifications,
it was believed that they must
either resign, or execute the threat
of dissolving parliament, with which
they had prefaced all discussion.
No one expected that they would
adopt the former expedient; but
the general opinion awaited the
secodd. Ministers themselves,
however, had determined other-
wise, and resolved to try their for-
tune in the committee, which was
delayed till the 18th of April.
In the meantime, the bill for
Ireland was brought in, and it
merited at least equal consideration
with the bill for England, from the
immense change which it would
produce in the relative situations
of the Protestants and Catholics.
The bill was brought in by Mr.
Stanley, the Irish Secretary, on
the 24th of March. Passing by
any discussion of the principles or
expediency of the ministerial pro-
jects, he came at once to the detail
of their application to Ireland. In
the first ^ace, the right of voting
for counties would be left to free-
holders, as they already stood, but
leaseholders of 50/. a-year, under
leases for twenty<one years, would
be added to them. Clergymen,
likewise, were to vote, not as bene-
ficed clergymen, but as freeholders,
if they were freeholders to the ex-
tent of 50/. Of copyholders nothing
was said, there being only one copy-
hold estate in Ireland. House-
holders who occupied a house let
at the yearly rent of 1 0/., or which,
if let to a solvent tenant, would
yield that rent, were to vote for the
towns or boroughs in which they
resided. The bill, however, was
not to interfere with any existing
right of suffrage in cities, towns,
or boroughs, while the present
possessors lived ; but, on their ex-
tinction, the franchise was to be
limited to the 10/. householders.
The machinery was to be much
the same with that proposed for
England. The Privy Council was
to settle the limits of boroughs;
lists of electors in counties and
towns were to be made up by the
churchwardens, or, where there
were no such ofiicers, by a person
to be named by the lord lieu-
tenant, and disputed claims were
to be decided by the assistant
barrister. In each county, fifteen
places were to be appointed for
polling ; not more than 600 voters
were to poll at any one of them,
and the poll was not to be kept
open longer than two days.
The necessary result of the
measure would be, to take the
franchise out of the hands of the
corporations who had hitherto mo-
nopolized it, and the propriety of
doing so, Mr. Stanley thought,
could not be denied by any person
who compared the small number of
voters with the population of the
places for which they elected the
members. Thus, Armagh had be-
tween 8,000 and 9,000 inhabit-
ants; Bandonbridge upwards of
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[97
10.000; Belfast more than 37,000 ;
Carlow,8,000; Ennis, 6,700; Sligo,
more than 9,000 ; Tralee upwards
of 7,500 ; and yet in each of all
these places^ the number of voters
was denoted by the same mystic
number, thirteen. Some of these
towns^ as well as other places, were
daily increasing in population^
wealthy and intelligence; and go-
vernment^ therefore, proposed to
give to each of four large towns
an additional member. These four
were Belfast, with 37,000 inhabit-
ants, Waterford and Galway, with
each 28,000, and Limerick with
59,000. The English bill made
no change in the election of the
members for the Universities ; but
an alteration was to be made in
regard to the university of Dublin.
In future it was to return two
members instead of one, and the
number of electors was to be in-
creased, by bringing back the right
of voting to what it originally had
been. By the original charter, the
right was given to the provost and
scholars, and the election was to
take place '^ juxta formam Univer-
sitatis Oxoniensis et Cantabrigien-
sis.** At Oxford and Cambridge,
the Masters of Arts had always
voted ; but in Dublin, a subsequent
charter having excluded scholars
from receiving their siipendia after
the expiry of five jears, it had
been held, by a forced construction,
that they lost their right to vote
for the University member, after
the same period, though they still
continued to be scholars. The pre-
sent bill would restore the original
right, by extending the academic
franchise to all persons who, at any
time, had been scholars of the Uni-
versity, provided they placed their
names on the books, as claimants
of the right, within six months
after the passing of the act. Min-
Vol. LXXIII.
isters had likewise adopted one
part of a bill introduced by colonel
Trench, enacting, that where a per-
son held two freeholds, each under
10/., i)ut equal to that value when
taken together, he should be entitled
to vote as for one J 0/. freehold.
Mr. O'Connell (whom sir C.
Wetherell designated as the mem-
ber for Ireland) admitted, that the
bill would be a great boon to Ire-
land, and would produce a very
effective constituency 5 but there
were parts of it which he hoped
would be altered, as they implied
no departure from the principle of
the measure. In the first place,
a greater number of members ou^ht
to have been given to Ireland. The
increase was to be five, and Scot?-
land'was to receive five. But the
population of Scotland was not
much more than 2,000,000, while
that of Ireland was 6,800,000;
therefore, if Scotland deserved five,
Ireland deserved three times ^ve.
Dublin, too, ought to have more
members, especially as Edin-
burgh was to have two; its po-
pulation, including the limits of
the county of the city of Dublin
was not less than 250,000. The
north part ought to have one mem-
ber, and the south part two. He
objected, likewise, to the arrange-
ment concerning the University,
because it still left to the franchise
an exclusive character. No Roman
Catholic could have a vote there,
for he could not become a scholar
of that Protestant University. The
scholarships, therefore, ought to be
thrown open to Catholics as well
as Protestants, and the right of
voting extended to Masters of Arts.
Neither did the Irish counties re-
ceive all the justice which they
deserved. Many counties in Eng-
land, because their population ex-
ceeded 200,000, were to receive
[H]
98] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831;
two members each ; while, in Ire«
land, there were twelre counties,
with a population above that pointy
whose representation was not to be
increased. This he hoped would
be considered in the committee,
and with this hope he expressed
himself satisfied with the measure.
It was one for which the people of
Ireland would be thankful ; it
would satisfy their minds; and
hereafter persons who might desire
to effect other changes would find
themselves mistaken. He him*
self was one of those who had
thought that certain other changes
were necessary for Ireland ; but he
owned that, if this bill passed, the
necessity for such changes would
no longer exist.
To the demand for opening the
University scholarships to Catho-
lics, and making all Masters of
Arts voters, the Irish solicitor-
general announced, that the charter
did not allow it. The right stood
on a different footing in Dublin
from t)xford and Cambridge. In
the latter, the charters gave the
right to the Masters ; in the former,
only to the Fellows and Scholars.
Now it was the principle of the
bill to preserve vested rights and
settled institutions, so far as could
be done consistently with an effi^
cient reform. To admit the mas-
ters, would bring in a body of 5,000
electors. Under the bill, the con-
stituency would be increased from
300 to 400. To admit the masters,
moreover, would introduce Catho-
lics; and government thought
that the University voters ought
always to be Protestants, since the
charter had been granted for the
avowed and exclusive purpose of
promoting the Protestant religion.
To open the scholarships to Catho-
lics would be still more inconsist-
ent with the charter. That was a
part of the constitution of Trinity
College with which ministers did
not intend to interfere, in truth
they interfered with no part of it ;
but merely restored it to its true
and original meaning, freed from
a comparatively modern innova'-
tion.
Mr. Bankes, sir C. Wethere1l>
and sir H. Hardinge, argued, that
the giving of additional members
to Ireland, no less than to Scotland,
was unjust towards England ; and
inconsistent, in this respect, with
the fundamental pinciples of the
two legislative unions. If any one
thing in these unions was intended
to be more permanent than another,
it was the relative proportion of
the numbers which each country
was to send to parliament. An
addition was now to be made,
though not a large one, to the
representation of Scotland and Ire«
land, while that of England was
diminished. If the latter were
to be reduced, so ought likewise the
former, in order to maintain the
proportions established at the union,
and the number of members for
Ireland, instead of being raised to
104 or 105, should be brought down
to 84 or 85. The inviolability of
the numerical ratio and aggregate
sum of the representatives of the
three countries, had been laid down,
over and over by the advocates of
the Catholic question as an argu-
ment against those who contended
that the admission of Catholics to
civil power would be fraught with
danger to existing institutions.
Such was the line of argument
urged by Mr. JPitt, by Mr. Fox,
and by Mr. Windham, that, the
numerical aggregate being invio-
late, the infusion of a few Catholic
members could not affect the Pro-
testant excess of the entire body
of representatives in that House.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
All this wad now to be changed ;
and sir C* Wetherell stated, that
he would bring the point beibre the
committee in the distinct form of a
resolution^ that the lopping off
8ix.ty-two English Protestant mem-
bers, while they were adding. to
the Irish and Scotch representa-^
tion, was fraught with aanger to
the interests of the established
church in this country.
A still more impc^tant conse-
quence of this bill^ they said, was
to be found in its sure effects upon^
the Protestants of Ireland. It so
happened^ that five sixths of the
property in Ireland belonged to
Protestants, while about the same
proportion of its population were
Catholics. It would be perfectly
impossible, if this bill passed, for
an Irish Protestant to be returned
to parliament^ unless two-thirds of
the Catholic population chose to
vote for him. The number of voters
for Dublin was, at present, about
6,000 ; the operation of this bill
would increase them to 18,000,
of whom 14,000 would be Catho-
lics. What man, then, could ex-
pect that the House would ever
again see a Protestant representa-
tive of Dublin ? At the time of
the union with Ireland it had been
fixed, that, while seventy-six places
were to be popular representations,
twenty-four boroughs were express-
ly reserved in order to protect the
Protestant interests; and they had
been called close boroughs, and
had been treated as such, in all the
debates on that subject. But by
the operation of the bill, there
would scarcely Be a borough in
which the voters would not be in
the proportion of two Catholics to
one Protestant. This was a virtual
exclusion of all Protestants from
the representation of Ireland ; not
one of them would get into parlia-
ment unless he became an agitator,
pledged himself to all that was
demanded, and basely pandered to
the passions and views of the
Catholic electors.
. The chancellor of the Ex-
chequer answered, that the bill did
not interfere with the unions, any
more than the union with Ireland
had violated the union with Scot-
lalid ; for, by the former, the aggre-
gate of members to which forty-five
^r Scotland had been fixed on as a
fair proportion, wiw increased by
no fewer than 100, brought from
Ireland. That was a complete
change in the proportions. As to
the different circumstances in which
Protestants in Ireland would now
find themselves, his only answer
was, that he and his colleagues
entertained no apprehensions of
their opponents being able success-
fully to raise against them a no-
popery cry. The public mind was
now too enlightened to be affected
by such idle clamours. — The bill
was brought in and read a first
time, the second reading being
fixed for the 1 8th of April.
When the House met, on the
12th of April, after the Easter
recess, lord John Russell commu-
nicated to it certain alterations
which it had been found necessary
to make in the schedules of bo-
roughs to be disfranchised, in con
sequence of inaccuracies in the
population returns of 1821^ on
which the whole plan had been
founded; thus shewing, that no small
degree of crudeness had entered
into its concoction, and proving the
necessity of diligent and careful
inquiry into each individual case.
He mentioned that ministers, after
fixing on the census of 1821, had
addressed letters to the returning
officers of the boroughs, to ascer-
tain whether the limits of the
[H2]
100] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
borough continued to be the same
as at the time of taking the popu-
lation in 1 821 . Tliey likewise had
given^ and would give^ the most
anxious attention^ to any memorial
from any particular place^ pointing
out errors in the returns^ and they
had likewise carefully considered
the petitions from particular places
which had been presented to the
House. There were^ then, four
data on which they meant to pro-
ceed in ascertaining the number of
inhabitants in different boroughs :
—1. The original population re-
turns;— 2. The corrected popula-
tion returns; — 3. Memorials laid
before the Secretary of State, by
persons well known, complaining
of inaccuracy in the existing re«
turns ;--and 4. The petitions pre-
sented to the House on this sub-
ject. Carefully looking to all the
documents, ministers hoped that
they would be able to make an
efficient correction, with reference
to the places contained in the
schedules A and B : so that a fair
and equal course should be adopted
with respect to the different bo-
roughs concerned. There was, for
instance, before the House, a peti-
tion from the burgesses of Buck-
ingham, shewing very clearly that
certain parts of the town of Buck-
ingham were not contained, as they
ought to have been, in the popula-
tion return — and which, if added
to the existing return, would, they
believed, raise the population to
3,000. The whole of this state-
ment was so particular and so
clear, that it contained, in his
opinion, sufficient reasons for taking
the borough of Buckingham out of
schedule A. Again, with respect
to the borough of Truro, a memo-
rial had been presented to the
secretary of state, which would
also be laid before the House^
showing, that the whole population
of the town of Truro was not fairly
represented in the returns of 1821 .
On the other side, a memorial had
been presented from the town of
Guildford, stating that it con-
tained a greater number of inha-
bitants than was set forth in the
returns. That document averred
that some streets, which ought to
have been included in the returns,
were omitted. The memorialists
did not, however, state what part
of the town those streets were
situated in, neither did they say
what was the total amount of the
population, according to their view,
in 1821. Under these circum-
stances, unless some other petition
was presented to the House, or a
different or more explicit memorial
was laid before the secretary of
state, it would be impossible to
omit Guildford from the schedule
B. He thus gave notice to such
boroughs as could make out a clear
case, that their population had been
under-rated, and that they con-
tained more than 2,000, or more
than 4,000 inhabitants in 1821, in
order that they might apply, in
proper form, to the House. With
respect to taking the population,
in relation to the borough or
parish, ministers thought it right
to adopt the same rule with regard
to all boroughs; because, in many
places, it was impossible to dis-
tinguish the borough from the
parish, especially when the parish
bore the same name as the bo-
rough. The whole bill had, during
the recess, been maturely con-
sidered by his majesty's ministers.
They had examined it most at-
tentively, to see whether they
could make any improvement
in it. With regard to the wording
of the bill, considerable alterations
had been made, but nothing what-
■ •
« •
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[101
ever had been done to alter the
principle of the measure as it had
been originally laid down.
Ministers^ also, further explained
their views upon another pointy
their declarations regarding which
became of importance frdm what
followed. According to their plan^
as it had been opened by lord John
Russell^ the number of members
in the House was to be reduced by
sixty- two; and this reduction was
to fall exclusively upon England.
The only reason urged for it was,
that the numbers were too great
for the efficient performance of the
public business. This was too
general and arbitrary a reason
to satisfy many even of their own
friends; and the reduction ac-
quired a more serious air from the
fact^ that^ in all likelihood^ every
member from Ireland would in fu-
ture be a Catholic. Lord John
Russell, therefore, declared, that
although ministers had not changed
their opinion regarding the pro-
priety of reducing the numbers of
the House, and would try to carry
through that opinion, still '*they
were not prepared to say, that this
was a question of such essential and
vital importance, that, if the feeling
of the House were strongly shewn
in a desire to keep up the present
number, they might not be induced
to relax their determination on
that point. If it should appear
to be the sense of the House that
the whole number of 658 members
should be retained, the government
would not feel that they were
altering a vital or essential part of
the measure by agreeing to that
proposition." On the 13th of
April, Mr. Stanley, when adverting
to the same topic, to prevent
any misconception that mmisters,
though they might consent to re-
%9in the numl^i^Si would leave
them to the boroughs, stated, that
they were determined to adhere, in
all circumstances to the total dis-
franchisement of every borough
whose population did not reach a
particular standard, and the partial
disfranchisement of every borough
falling beneath a certain other
standard. But if it were the feel-
ing of the House that the numbers
would be unnecessarily or extrava-
gantly reduced by this bill ; and if
it were deemed proper by the
House that its numbers should be
farther augmented beyond what
was contemplated by the bill, then
that augmentation should not be
the means of restoring those dis-
franchised boroughs, but the num-
ber of members to be added should
be given to such great, populous,
and important towns as might be
considered to have, in that event,
a fair claim to representation. Mr.
North having observed, that as
the measure, in its original shape,
gave five members to Ireland, and
took sixty-two from England, the
retention of those sixty-two mem-
bers was a change which would
materially affect Ireland, Mr. Stan-
ley rejoined, that he had not said
a word of any intention of govern-
ment to retain the sixty-two mem-
bers : all he had said was, '' that
if the House should be of opinion
that the number should be con-
tinued, government would recom-
mend that they should be given to
large bodies." And the chancellor
of the Exchequer said, '' as to the
exact number of members which
should constitute the House, min-
isters do not hold it to be essential •
to the principle of the bill ; though
they are determined to carry the
measure with respect to numbers
if they can. But if it should
be the opinion of the House that
the peseut Dumbei; was not tog
102] ANNUAL REGlStER, 1831.
greats and if it should decide to
retain the whole^ ministers would
not think it such a deviation from
the principle of the bill as would
induce them to abandon it. On
the contrary, they would then be
prepared to recommend to the
House the manner in which those
members should be disposed of;
adhering to their original principle^
that no members should sit for
boroughs which came within the
line of disfranchisement which they
had felt it their d uty to draw. The
members thus to be disposed of,
should the House so decide, they
would recommend to be given in
many cases to large towns, but in
all to large bodies, adhering as
much as possible to that balance of
interests which was at present kept
up in the country; but he begged
to be distinctly understood, that
the retaining the whole number of
members was in no one degree to
touch that principle which went to
the disfranchisement of the rotten
boroughs. If, after the govern-
ment had proposed the number of
which they thought the House
ought to consist, the House should
compel ministers, by a dWiiion, to
increase that number, then they
would take in populous towns, or
populous bodies of constituency,
and bestow the elective franchise
on them.** These declarations
could not be misunderstood. The
only reduction of members proposed
by the government was, the cutting
off sixty-two members from the
representation of England; no
proposal to prevent that reduc-
tion could have reference to any
thing else ; and they had declared
that they would not consider
a successful proposal to avoid
that reduction any encroachment
on the vital and essential parts
of the bill ; while they were
perfectly right in saying, that to
retain the sixty^two members,
for the purpose of restoring them,
in whole, or in part, to the decayed
boroughs, was a very different mea«
sure, to which they never would
accede.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[103
CHAP. IV.
Alterations in Reform Bill subsequent to the Second Reading '^Motion
that the House go into Committee — General Gascoyne moves that
the existing number of Members for England and Wales shall not
be diminished, which is carried against Ministers by a Majority of
Eight-^Nature and Effect of the Division-^Lord Wharncliffe gives
notice, in the House of Peers, of a Motion for an Address to the
King not to Dissolve^^In the Commons, a Motion of Adjournment,
pending the Ordnance Estimates, carried against Ministers — Scene
in the Commons on the 22nd of April — In the House of Peers, Lord
Whamcliffe^s Motion interrupted by the entrance of the King to
Prorogue Parliament — Prorogation and Dissolution — Case of
Privilege in the House of Lords, connected with the Press^
ON the 1 8th of April, lord John
Russell moved, that the House
should resolve itself into a com-
mittee on the reform bill ; and
stated the alterations which was
made upon it in the mean time.
These were not inconsiderable.
Five boroughs had been transferred
from schedule A to schedule B,
and allowed to retain one member^
and seven of those in schedule B,
were allowed to retain their two
members, in consequence of its
having been ascertained that the
population returns had not accu-
rately represented the number of
their inhabitants, or that the re-
turns themselves had been mis-
understood.* On the other hand,
eight members were to be added
* Amendments proposed in the Reform of
Parliament BUI, hy iord John liusssit*
Boroughs to be withdrawn from schedule
A and placed in schedule B : —
Aldborough (York) Okehampton
Buckingham Riegate
Mftlinetbiir^
to the following counties, having a
population from 100,000 to 150,000
inhabitants : — Bucks, Berks, Cam-
bridge, Dorset, Hereford, Hert-
ford, Oxford, Glamorgan. Seven
members were added to the fol-
lowing large towns : — Oldham,
Bury, Rochdale, Whitby, Wake-
Boroughs to be withdrawn from schedule
B and return their present number
of Members :—
Leominster
Morpeth
Northallerton
Tamworth
Truro
Westbury
Wycombe
Towns to be placed in schedule D, to
have one member : —
Bury Stoke-upon-Trent
Halifiix, taken from Salford
Schedule C Wakefield
Oldham Whitby
Rochdale
Counties to have an additional member
each, undivided : —
Berks Glamorgan
Bucks Hereford
Cambridge Hertford
Dorset Oxon
104] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
field Salford, Stoke on Trent
(Potteries), while Halifax was re-
stricted to the township, and to
return only one member, the parish
being twenty-five miles in extent.
Sons of freemen, entitled to the
privilege of freemen, on their
coming of age, born before the
introduction of the bill^ and ap-
prentices^ having entered into in-
dentures in the same manner,
were to retain their franchise^ on
taking out their freedom, being
resident^ and registered under the
provisions of the bill.
General Gascoyne moved as an
instruction to be given to the com-
mittee,—"That it is the opinion
of this House, that the total num-
ber of knights, citizens, and bur-
gesses, returned to parliament for
that part of the united kingdom
called England and Wales, ought
not to be diminished." His mo-
tion, he said, was not founded on
any superstitious attachment to a
particular number, but was directed
against the principle of the reduc-
tjipn. Neither was it founded on
any hostility to an increase of the
representation of Ireland and Scot-
land, but to their aggrandizement
at the expense of England. Let
Ireland and Scotland obtain their
additional members, but let it not
be at the expense of England.
The proposed reduction of the
English representation could not
be defended on any principle of
necessity, or justice, or expediency.
It could not be defended on the
ground of the population of Ire-
land having increased so much as
to warrant such an increase of the
relative number of its represent-
atives in that House ; for, if popula-
tion were taken as the basis of the
Irish representation, it ought also
to be taken as the basis of the
Irish taxation. That it was not
so was plain, and had been urged
as an argument in favour of the
legislative union with Ireland by
Mr. Pitt. At that time the po-
pulation of Ireland amounted to
4,200,000 persons — the taxation
was 4,600,000/. 3 while the popu-
lation of England was 10,700,000,
and the taxation 27,700,000/. At
present Ireland did not contribute
more than one-tenth of taxes in
proportion to its population as
compared with this country, so
that, if population were taken as
the ground for adding to the re-
presentatives of that country, it
ought also to be made the basis of
a more equal taxation. What
would be the feelings of Ireland
and Scotland, if the bill proposed to
add to the English representation
at the expense of the representa-
tion of Ireland and Scotland?
y\nd was England to be stripped
of her relative share without re-
monstrance ? Were they blind to
the unanimity with which the re-
presentatives of Scotland and Ire-
land resisted every plan, emanate
where it might, which tended to
equalize the burthens of the state
in all parts of the united kingdom ?
In the divisions on the property
tax, on the assessed taxes, on the
spirit duties — in fact, on every new
impost whatever — the, Irish and
Scotch members always voted so as
to throw the weight of the taxes
off their own shoulders on the
people of England; and yet here
was a proposition which took from
the English representation and
added to that of Scotland and
Ireland. Did they forget that
ministers were compelled to ex-
empt Scotland and Ireland from
the operation of the metallic cur-
rency bill, in conse(|uence of the
opposition of the members of those
countries ?— that eighty-1thre« out
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[106
of 100 Irish members came to
a resolution to oppose ministers
altogether^ if they persisted in de-
priving Ireland of its small -note
currency, and that they succeeded
in their object } Look how the
Irish members contrived to throw
the burthen of supporting their own
poor on this country, as indeed
they would every other burthen, if
the relative superiority of the re-
presentation of this country were
destroyed, as the bill intended.
Ireland might, if the House so
pleased, receive an increase ^f
members, but let them not there-
fore diminish the number of Eng-
lish members. If the bill were
altered so as to transfer the fran-
chise of the boroughs in the sche-
dule A to places in England, he
should not object to it ; but if it
were retained in its present form,
he would offer it every opposition
in his power.
The motion was seconded by
Mr. Sadler, who delivered a long,
argumentative, and learned speech
against the general principles of
the whole plan of reform ; and he
was immediately followed by the
chancellor of the Exchequer, who
declared he was quite sure that the
object of the amendment was, *" to
destroy the bill." The proposition
now made was not merely, he said,
that the members of the House
should be kept as they were, but
that they should either be in-
creased, or that Scotland and Ire-
land should not receive the addi-
tional members proposed to b^ given
them by the bill. It was impossi-
ble to misunderstand the nature of
this amendment. It was the first
of that series of motions by which
it was intended to interfere with
the progress of the committee, and
which, if agreed to, would be fatal
to t|ie Villi or, at leasts so detri-
mental to it, as to render it im-
possible it should be proceeded
with. It could not proceed from
any dread of danger to England ;
for the members for Britain would
be to those from Ireland as five to one.
The debate was "adjourned till
next day. Byfar the greater portion
of it was occupied with discussions
on general principles, which had
already been argued to satiety, and
in attacking and defending the
changes which ministers had in-
troduced into the bill since the
second reading. Very little of it
was devoted to the jprecise point
in dispute, and still less to the new
point raised by the chancellor of
the Exchequer, that to agree to the
amendment would be to defeat the
bill. Of the members who opposed
it, some did not see how it could
be considered hostile to the prin-
ciple of the bill, even if it were
carried; and not one, except minis-
ters themselves, pretended it would
be a good reason for abandoning
the bill, every essential part and
principle of which remained un-
touched. Mr. Bulwer, who sup-
ported the bill, thought that this
question regarding the number of
members, would make no differ-
ence in the general character of
the measure. Mr. J. Campbell,
on the same side, though he saw
no good reason against reducing
the number, still hoped the bill
would go on, though the amend-
ment should be carried. Mr.
Wynn, who was opposed to the
bill, and had resigned office, be-
cause he was opposed to it, to whom
the plans and intentions of govern-
ment had previously been commu-
nicated, and who must have known
what they deemed important, and
what not, did not consider this
motion of much consequence one
way or another. Sir Goorge Waft
106] ANNUAL HEGISTER, 1831.
render^ though opposed to the of the measure of reform; and that^
bill^ would resist the amendment^ therefore^ though he might oppose
on the idea that the effect of it the former^ it did not follow,vbut
would be^ in the erent of the bill he mighty as he would, vote for the
going on^ to prevent the giving of latter. What had been said by
additional members to Scotland, lord J. Russell and the chancellor of
Sir Greorge Clerk said^ he, too^ the Exchequer^ on the 12th and
would vote against it if he could 1 4th instant^ confirmed him in this
anticipate that such would be its view, for both distinctly stated, that
result, but he could see no reason ministers would bow to the de«
why England should not retain its cision of the House on the question
members, and yet Scotland get its of reducing the entire numbei^
five. Even sir Robert Wilson, a of its members— they individually
member for Southwark, so much being favourable to a reduction,
of a reformer as to be almost a Judge, then, of the amazement
demagogue^ was utterly astounded with which he had heard the
at the view which ministers^ after noble chancellor of the Exchequer
all that had passed, chose to take stigmatise the proposition of the
of this amendment. He said, that, member for Liverpool, as insidi-
from the first moment the measure ously and mischievously designed
had been broached, he had been against the main measure of re-
opposed to that part of it which form, and that to vote for it would
went to diminish the number of be to declare himself an enemy of
members^ convince<l as he was, that that measure. In voting for this
parliament would soon be called amendment, he was not voting
on, rather to add to the represent- against increasing the represent-
ation as the ])eople increased in ation of Scotland or Ireland^ for it
wealth and intelligence, and that had never yet been explained how
a contrary principle was oppose<l that increase was irreconcileable
to reform. Accordingly, on the with preserving the integrity of
very night the proposition was first Ihe representation of England, nor
broached, he communicated his did he believe that the fate of the
misgivings to some members con- bill depended, in the slightest de*
nected with the government, and gree; on the success or the failure
had with them a confidential com- of the present motion,
munication, the result of which Mr. Stanley threw out against
was, that he was led to believe that the amendment a torrent of abuse,
ministers did not consider the pro- and declared, that this discussion
posed reduction as an essential would decide the fate of the bill,
portion of their measure of reform^ without uttering one sentence to
but as a suggestion for improve- shew how it ought to have that
ment in the machinery of that effect. He described it as being
House, which they thought would concoi^ted in a spirit of hostility to
be worthy of adoption. He also the bill, brought forward to em«
was induced to believe, from his barrass " the great measure/' cau-
confidential communications with tiously framed, after much deliber^*^
certain gentlemen, whom he had ation, so as to catch the greatest
reason to regard in the light of number of votes, and continue to
organs of the government, that the defeat, under the flimsy pretext of
r^uction formed no essential part a discussion of the r^latiye proper*
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[107
tions of the English, Scotch^ and
Irish representatives^ a proposition
which they did not dare to oppose
openly ; but Mr. Stanley did not
deign to show how one- of these
effects was to follow, or to explain
in what sense^ and in what way>
a vote not to diminish the number
of English members, was a vote
trenching on any one principle of
his bill : and a simple recurrence
to the ministerial majority of one,
on the second reading, would have
taught him the value of his re-
mark, that the antagonists of the
bill did not dare to oppose it open*
ly. However, ♦* he warned those
hon. members, who, while they pro«
fessed themselves friendly to. re«
form, supported this amendment,
that it would decide the fate of the
bill, and that by their votes on this
occasion they would be judged by
their constituents, and by the
country; that in voting on this
question they would be considered
as voting either for or against re«
form ; that in now giving their
votes, they would vote either for
or against the carrying of that
question, for the carrying of which,
if now lost, an opportunity so fa-
vourable might not again soon
return, and that the result of that
night's division would be, either to
carry that great question, or to
defeat the highly raised and fondly
excited hopes of the people of this
country." There was determina-
tion here — determination of min*
isters to abandon the bill, merely
because they chose to abandon it
if they were defeated in even the
most unimportant matter; but
there was no reason why they
should do so on any other ground
than the stei pro raiione voluntas.
Accordingly, sir James Graham
added, '^ he did not say that, if this
amendment was carried, ministert
would abandon the bill ; but he
did say, that ifthe amendment were
canriea, it would be a matter of
very grave consideration to minis*
ters, whether the bill had been so
impugned that they ought not to
attempt to carry it through its other
stages I and he therefore warned
the friends of the bill not to concur
in the amendment." Sir James
seemed to feel the necessity of at*
tempting at least to show how the
success of this amendment would
affect the principle of the bill, and
he asked, " if they were not to re-
duce the number of members in
England and Wales, how were they
to carry the principle of the bill
into effect ?** that principle being
the disfranchisement of decayed
boroughs, and the enfranchisement
of more populous and flourishing
places, fiut this only increased
the darkness; for his colleagues
had already declared, that, in their
opinion, the retention of the num«
ber of members had nothing to do
with the distribution of these mem-
bers, and that they would And
ways and means to dispose of all
the sixty-two, if the House decided
on retaining them^ without depart-
ing from the great principles of
their bill. General Gascoyne had
some reason for expressing his sur«
prise at being now told that his
motion to keep these sixty-two
members was inconsistent with the
essence and principle of the bill.
He stated, in his reply, " if I un-
derstood right, the noble lord who
brought in the bill, in a conversa-
tion which I had with him only
yesterday, (this was said on the
second day of the debate,) he dis-
tinctly admitted to me that my
amendment would not touch the
principle of the bill." His lordship
answei*ed, that the amendment
now moved was different from that
108] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
to which general Gascoyne had
alluded a week before -, but he said
nothing as to what had taken place
the day before ; and^ like the rest
of his colleagues^ while he hinted
that^ ministers^ if defeated on this
diirision, would have recourse to a
dissolution^ he left the House in
profound darkness as to the only
question before it, viz., how does
the keeping up of the number of
English representatives interfere
with the essential principles of the
bill ? On the division, there was
a majority of eight against minis-
ters, the numbers beings for the
original motion 291, and for ge-
neral Gascoyne*s amendment 299.
If ministers had said, that the
result of this division against them
would convince them of what they
ought to have seen from the mo-
ment that the second reading was
carried, viz., that the committee
would not be under their manage-
ment, and that they had no more
confidence of success in regard to
essential parts of the bill, than in
regard to this question which they
hsud declared not to be essential^
they would have laid at least an in-
telligible ground for refusing to
proceed with the existing House of
Commons. It was not, indeed, a
ground which they could ha^e
pleaded with a good grace; because
they had foreseen the probability
of an attempt being made to retain
the sixty-two members ; they had
announced their determination to
oppose it; they had anticipated
the possibility of an unfavourable
division; and had declared that,
in that event, they would bow to
the decision of the House. They
could not^ therefore, without a total
change of plan^ and a departure
from all their declared intentions,
make that result, when it did ar-
irire^ 9, cause of quarrel, But they
placed themselves in a still more
awkward situation^ by selecting, as
the pretext of quarrel, an alleged
character of the amendment, in-
consistent equally with fact and
reason, and with their own repeat-
ed declaration^ that to keep the
numbers of the House undimin-
ished, would not trench on the
principles of the bill. They might
say, indeed^ that they had always
spoken of the members of the whole
House, while the amendment was
confined to the members for Eng-
land ; so that they could not act
upon it, and, at the same time
give five additional members to
Scotland, and five to Ireland, with-
out increasing the present number
of the House by ten, to which they
never had agreed. But it was
impossible that the House of Com-
mons, in the previous conversations
which had taken place regarding
the keeping up the numbers, could
have supposed any other members
to be meant than those for Eng-
land. It was from England alone
that they were proposed to be
taken ; distinct reference had been
made to " the sixty-two members/'
described by Mr. O'Connell as
forming the bank on which they
might draw ; it was England alone
which had paid them in ; and men
anticipating an attempt to prevent
the reduction could anticipate it
only in regard to that quarter in
which the reduction had been
threatened. But even on the as-
sumption that ministers had con-
templated only the possibility of
keeping the numbers of the;iwhole
House at 658, and not those of the
English members at 513, what did
it end in ? They had declared it
would be no infringement of their
principles to keep all the 65 S
members; they would distribute
the sixty^two according to their
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[109
principles. They had already dis-
posed of about twenty of them by
the alterations made in the bill
between the second reading and
the motion for going into a com-
mittee. The remainder were in
their hands, to be disposed of in
the same way. By this vote they
were to be all retained for Eng-
land : but how did that affect any
principle of the bill ? It could do so
only if it prevented them from
giving the additional ten members
to Scotland and Ireland. Even in
that case, they had never declared
it to be an essential principle of
their bill, that the proportions of
representatives from the three
countries should be altered. How
could it be essential to reform, not
merely to give Scotland arid Ire-
land new members, but to give
them at the expense of England }
How could the substance and use-
fulness of their plan for purifying
parliament be touched, by applying
it to 668 members instead of 658?
Thus they so managed matters as
to place their quarrel with the
House of Commons on this narrow
and untenable footing, that, if they
complied with the vote, they would
have to add ten members, for the
purpose of supplying the deficien-
cies of Scotland and Ireland. They
admitted, that the House might
consist of 658 without any im-
peachment of their own principles;
and it is not surprising that not
one of them attempted to show how
the ten members more would in-
fuse corruption into the whole
scheme^— and that was the point
to which their own conduct and
declarations had brought their case.
If parliament was dissolved on ac-
count of this vote, it would be dis-
solved— not because it had refused
to disfranchise totally, or partially,
the bomighs which had been
marked out for partial or total
condemnation — not because it had
refused to give more members to
large counties, or extend the rights
of election to places which had
hitherto been unrepresented — not
because it had rejected an uniform
qualification, or had raised it to a
rate higher than the ministerial
standard — not because it had spurn-
ed any one of the great principles
or arrangements by whicn this bill
was to call into existence a reformed
and renovated House of Commons;
but solely because it had expressed
an opinion, which, taken in con-
junction with the sentiments of
ministers, would have required that
this reformed and renovated par-
liament should consist of 668 mem-
bers instead of 658. So little did
the country expect this, that the
most influential journals of the re-
formers spoke of the division, next
morning, as an advantage gained.*
Ministers themselves did not yet
seem determined to put their case
on this footing. The division took
place on the 1 9th of April. On
the 20th nothing transpired in the
House of Commons regarding their
designs. Mr. Hume, however, de-
clared, " that he would oflTer no
opposition to the ordnance esti-
mates because, after the vote of
last night, he was anxious to assist
ministers in getting through the
necessary business, in order that
a dissolution might take place.
Running neck-and-neck as parties
were in the House, it was delusion
to suppose that the reform bill
• The Times of April 20th said,
'* general Gascoyne's motion, though
meant in opposition to ministers, and
springing from a Tory, will have the
singular effect of increasing the number
of places possessing popular represent-
ations. It is giving the reformers mor«
of a good thing than they wanted."
110] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
could pass in the present parlia*
ment." On the 2 1 st, Lord Wharn-
clifFe, in the House of Lords^ slU
luding to certain reports in circu-
lation, put the question to Lord
Grey, whether mi nisters had ad?ised
his majesty to dissolve parliament,
and whether it had been resolved
that that course should be adopted ?
He put the question, he 8aid> be«
cause, if he received a certain an-
swer, it was his intention to adopt
tome measure in relation to that
subject. Lord Grey replied, that
he declined answering the question.
Lord Wharncliffe then gave notice
that he would next day move an
address to the king, praying that
his majesty would be graciously
S leased not to exercise his un-
oubted prerogative of dissolving
parliament. On the same day,
Sir R. Vyvyan asked ministers in
the House of Commons, whether
it was their intention to proceed
with the reform bill, or whether
they would advise his majesty to
dissolve parliament because the
House of Commons would not con*
sent to reduce the number of Eng-
lish members ? Lord Al thorp re-
plied, '* that he had no hesitation in
answering one of the questions, and
to say, that ministers having consi-
dered the necessary consequence of
the division of the House the other
evening on the bill, it was not their
intention to proceed farther with
the bill. It would not be consist-
ent with his duty to answer the se-
cond question.'* There immedi-
ately arose a long and irregular de-
bate, in which much was said, on
both sides, regarding the propriety
of a dissolution, and still more upon
the general merits of the reform
question ; but although the mem-
bers who supported the propriety
of a dissolution, agreed that there
was no likelihood of the bill passing
uninjured through the pre^nt
House, the ground which minis-
ters might have taken—not one of
them maintained that the vote of
the 1 9th was in itself any infringe-
ment on the great principles of the
bill— the ground to which minis-
ters had narrowed themselves.
The debate, or rather discussion,
having been continued till half*
past on&. in the morning, an ad-
journment till next day was moved
from the opposition side of the
House. It was strenuously resisted
by the chancellor of the exchequer
on the ground that the topic which
had occupied so much time, was
not a question before the House,
and that he wished to get on with
the report of the committee of sup-
ply on the Ordnance estimates.
The house divided,«and ministers
were left in a minority of twenty-*
two.
Ministers it was clear, had now
to decide on more than the reform
question ; they had to struggle,
not merely for their bill, but for
their places. Lord Wharncliffe's
motion stood for discussion in the
House of Lords next day; that
discussion they determined to avoid
by dissolving parliament in such
haste that there was scarcely time
for making the necessary prepara-
tions. When the House of Com-
mons met on the 22nd, the pre-
senting of a petition connected with
parliamentary reform, furnished oc-
casion for another discussion on
the projects and conduct of minis-
ters. Sir R. Vyvyan inveighed
with great earnestness against the
desperation with which they were
believed to be urging on a dissolu-
tion in the present state of the
country, but as that dissolution
was every moment expected, there
reigned in the House a confusion
andf disorder which St. Stephen's
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[Ill
Chapel had never witnessed^ since
Cromwell ordered" the bauble*' to
be removed from the table^ and the
House to be locked upon the mem-
bers. Even the authority of the
Speaker^ so soon to expire^ did not
retain all its usual weight. Sir
Francis Burdett having called Sir
R. Vyvyan to order, the Speaker
declared that the latter was not out
of order, and requested that mem-
bers would in the mean time take
the law as he had laid it down. Mr.
Tennyson insisted notwithstanding
this decision, that the baronet was
not in order. Again the Speaker
declared that he was, and Mr. Ten-
nyson, amid tremendous calls of
chair, exclaimed that he would
maintain the baronet had been out
of order " even though the Speaker
should gainsay it." The noise and
confusion increased, and the sound
of the artillery announcing his
majesty's approach, was but a new
source of excitement. Sir Francis
Burdett and sir Robert Peel rose
together. The latter began ; the
former continued standing, and
the Chancellor of the Exchequer
appeared at the same time on the
floor, moving that sir Francis
should be heard. The Speaker
himself with difficulty obtained a
hearing. He had called, he said,
on sir R. Peel, who first caught his
eye ; and lord Althorp immediately
rose, as he had a right to do, to
put the question that sir Francis
Burdett should be now heard. He
apprehended that it was according
to the orders and rules of the House,
that the hon. baronet (sir R. Peel)
had a right now to speak on
any matter before the House.
Having said this, he should only
further observe, that when hon.
members called on him to decide
on questions of order, and he had
endeavoured to give his opinion
impartially and satisfactorily, it was
not perfectly consistent with the
respect which was due to the chair
to proceed farther with the matter.
Sir R. Peel went on : '' These were
the rules under which that House
had hitherto acted, although they
might not be the rules that would
suit a reformed parliament. He,
for one, would never agree to set
at defiance that authority ^as had
that day been done), to which the
House of Commoiis had long been
accustomed to bow. He did not,
he was happy to say, share in the
desponding feelings of his hon.
friend, the member for Cornwall.
He did not desire the people of
England to sit quietly, with their
hands before them, patiently ex-
pecting the confiscation of the
funds, and the destruction of
tithes. He had that confidence in
the power of the property and the
intelligence of this country, that
if they would unite in the support
of a JU8% and an honest cause,
he did not despair of a successful
and prosperous issue to their joint
exertions. If their reformed par-
liament was to be elected, — if" the
bill, the whole bill," were to be
passed, — it did appear to him that
there would then be established
one of the worst despotisms that
ever existed. They would have
a parliament of mob demagogues,
not a parliament of wise and pru-
dent men . Such a parliament, and
the spirit of journalism, to use a
foreign phrase, had, as they must
have seen, brought happy countries
to the brink of destruction. At
that moment, society was wholly
disorganized in the west of Ire-
land ; and that disorganization, he
was grieved to say, was rapidly
extending elsewhere. Landed pro-
prietors, well aflected to the state
and loyal to the king, anxious to
112] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
enjoy their property in security,
were leaving their homes to take
refuge in towns^ abandoning the
country parts, as no longer afford-
ing a safe residence. At this cri-
tical conjuncture, instead of doing
their duty, and calling for mea-
sures to vindicate from the visita-
tion of lawless and sanguinary
barbarians the security of life and
the safety of property, his majes-
ty's minist«rs^ anxious only to pro-
tect themselves, 'and fearful of the
loss of power, were demanding a
dissolution of parliament. Alas!
he already perceived that the power
of the crown had ceased. It was
no longer an object of fair ambition
with any man of equal and consist-
ent mind to enter into the service
of the crown. Ministers had come
down there^ and had called on the
sovereign to dissolve parliament,
in order to protect themselves.
But they had first established the
character of having shown, during
their short reign of power, more
incapacity, more unfitness for oflice,
more ignorance of theirduties, than
ever was exhibited by any set of
men who had at any time been
called on to rule the proud destinies
of this country. After having
accused their predecessors, during
the last two years, of having
done nothing — of having ex-
pended much time in useless de-
bates— not one single measure had
they themselves perfected. What
had they done in the last six
months ^ They had boasted much
of the good, which, by acting on
liberal principles, they would pro-
duce. But what had they done —
where were their works to be seen }
They had laid on the table certain
bills — the emigration bill and the
game bill^ for instance, founded on
their so much boasted liberal prin-
ciples^— and what then ? — why,
there they had left them." At this
moment the Serjeant - at - arms
knocked at the door, and the usher
of the black rod summoned the
Speaker and the members to the
House of Peers, to hear the proro-
gation of parliament.
In the House- of Peers, the pro-
ceedings had scarcely been more
orderly or satisfactory. The order
of the day was lord Wharncliffe's
motion for an address to his ma-
jesty against the dissolution. His
lordship had uttered only a few
words, when the duke of Rich-
mond rose to complain, that all the
peers were not sitting in their pro-
per places^ as was usual on such
occasions. This being dissented
from, his grace insisted that he
would enforce the standing order,
" that their lordships should keep
their places, and, likewise," as he
observed, "persons present, who
were not members of that House,"
he would move that they should
be ordered to withdraw. Noise
and confusion ensued, amid which
a peer was heard to say, that mi-
nisters were taking the crown oflT
the king's head. His grace of
Richmond would then move an-
other standing order, "that against
the use of abusive language,"
while the marquis of Londonderry
denied that any ofi^ensive language
had been used, "though the noble
duke seemed to think himself the
hero of this coup d'etatt and to be
able to smother the expression of
their lordships' sentiments on this
most extraordinary occasion." Lord
Wharncliffe, being at length al-
lowed to proceed, stated, that
without wishing to provoke a dis-
cussion on the subject, he was
anxious that it should be entered
on the journals of the house, that
he in his place yesterday did give
notice that be would move an
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[113
humble address to his majesty not
to exercise his undoubted preroga*
tive of dissolving parliament. His
lordship then moved^ *Hhat an
humble address be presented to his
Majesty, humbly to represent to
his Majesty, that we> his Majes-
ty's most dutiful and loyal sub-
jects, the Lords spiritual and tern-
i>oral in Parliament assembled,
think ourselves bound in duty
humbly to represent to his Ma-
jesty^ that alarming reports of an
intended dissolution of Parliament
have gone forth : that^ dutifully
acknowledging the wisdom of the
constitution in trusting to the
Crown that just and legal prero-
gative^ and fully confiding m his
Majesty's royal wisdom and pa-
ternal care or his people^ for the
most beneficial exercise of it^ we
desire, with great humility, to re-
present to his Majesty, that it ap-
pears to us that a prorogation or
dissolution of Parliament at the
present juncture, and under the
present excitement of the public
mind, both in Great Britain and
Ireland, is likely to be attended
with great danger to his Miyesty's
Crown and dignity, and to every
institution of the state, • by pre-
venting that calm and deliberate
consideration of any question tend-
ing to the reform of the represent-
ation of the people, which the im-
portance of that subject so espe-
cially requires," The Lord Chan-
cellor exclaimed, ^' My lords, I
have never yet heard it doubted,
that the king possessed the prero-
gative of dissolving parliament at
pleasure, still less have I ever
known a doubt to exist on the
subject, at a moment when the
lower House has thought fit to re-
fuse the supplies.'' His lordship
having uttered these words, in re-
lation to an address which expressly
Vol. LXXin.
recognised the prerogative, and at
a moment when no human being
was casting a doubt upon it, hur«
ried out of the House to receive
his Majesty, whose near approach
was now announced, and lord
Shaftesbury being cdled to the
woolsack, amid such discordant
noises as the peers had never
witnessed, succeeded in restor-
ing some degree of order. Lord
Mansfield then addressed the
House. Such a scene as this, he
said, he had never before wit-
nessed in their lordships* House,
and he hoped never to see any
thing like it again. He had heard
from the noble and learned lord on
the woolsack, with the utmost sur-
prise, that the House of Commons
refused the supplies. The noble
and learned lord had, indeed, per-
haps with wilful ignorance, de-
clared this to be the case. He
would use no intemperate language,
but he would nevertheless assert,
as far as God Almighty gave him
the means of understanding, that
the Crown and the country were
now about to be placed in a most
awful predicament, unparalleled at
any previous period. He would
not accuse his majesty's ministers
of any evil intentions, but he did
accuse them of weakness and inca-
pacity, of conspiring together
against the safety of the state and
the dignity of the Crown, by act-
ing in such a manner upon such a
question. He had not stated his
opinions generally on the Reform
Bill, because it was not before the
House, and he really was always
of opinion that the bil I would never
come there, and that it would ne-
cessarily end in a complete and
entire abortion. He would assert
that a ministry more distinguished
by incapacity than the present had
never before existed. This preci-
1141 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
pitate dissolution of parliaraent
was one of tliose precious things
suggested by the factions existing
in this country. It was certain
that a plan of reform had been
brought forward by ministers,
which they never hoped to carry
into effect^ and which they had
presented to parliament like men-
dicants for popularity, merely for
the purpose of redeeming their in-
considerate pledges. He was al-
ways ready, as a peer, to give his
advice to the king, and if inter-
ested views were attributed to him
for doing so, in reference to this
question, he should not complain,
well knowing, as he did, that simi-
lar imputations had been already
cast upon much more worthy per-
sons. He felt a pleasure in stat-
ing to the House the advice which
he had tendered to his majesty on
this subject. He had stated to
his majesty, that if he should be
unfortunately advised to the adop-
tion of that measure^ and that if,
with a view to the revival of the
bill, he should give his assent to a
dissolution of parliament, it was a
measure so pregnant with danger,
that he was certain, though he
could not predict either the man-
ner or the gradations of the attack,
that an attack would immediately
afterwards be made upon the cre-
dit of the country, on the national
debt — then upon the privileges and
the very existence of that House-—
and, at last upon the privileges and
the very existence of the crown itself
— those privileges which the crown
held not for its own benefit, but for
the happiness and interests of the
people with which it was so inti-
mately connected.
Further discussion was inter-
rupted by the entrance of the king.
T)be Ho of Commons having
d, bis majesty pro-
rogued parliament with the fol-
lowing s|)eech :
^' My Lords and Gentlemen ;
"I nave come to meet you for
the purpose of proroguing this
Parliament, with a view to its im*
mediate dissolution.
'* I have been induced to resort
to this measure for the purpose of
ascertaining the sense of my peo«
pie, in the way in which it can be
most constitutionally and autben«
tically expressed, on the expedi-
ency of making such changes in the
representation as circumstances
may appear to require, and which,
founded upon the acknowledges!
principles of the constitution, may
tend at once to uphold the just
rights and prerogatives of the
Crown, and to give security to the
liberties of the people.
'* Gentlemen of the House of
Commons;
'' I thank you for the provision
you have made for the main-
tenance of the honour and dignity
of the Crown, and I offer you my
special acknowledgments for the
arrangements you have made for
the state and comfort of my royal
consort. I have also to thank you
for the supplies which you have
furnished for the public service. I
have observed with satisfaction
your endeavours to introduce a
strict economy into every branch
of that service, and I trust that
the early attention of a new Par-
liament, 'which I shall forthwith
direct to be called, will be applied
to the prosecution of that import-
ant subject.
" My Lords and Gentlemen ;
^' I am happy to inform you,
that the friendly intercourse which
subsists between myself and Fo-
reign Powers affords the best
hopes of the continuance of peace,
to the preservation of which my
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[115
«c
cs
moBt anxious endeavours will be
constaotlj directed.
My Lords and Gentlemen ;
In resolving to recur to the
sense of my people in the present
circumstances of the country^ I
have been influenced only by a
paternal anxiety for the content*
ment and happiness of my sub*
jects^ to promote which^ I rely
with confidence on your continued
and xealous assistance.'*
The Lord Chancdlor then de«
clared parliament to be prorogued
to the 10th of May. Next day
appeared the proclamation^ an-
nouncing the dissolution, and di-
recting a new election. The writs
were made returnable on the 14th
of June.
The dissolution was celebrated
in many places by illuminations.
No authority can prevent persons
from illuminating who think pro-
per to do so ; an illumination not
general only lights the populace to
the destruction of those who re-
fuse to join it ; a small number of
persons of one opinion can always
compel a great number who differ
from them to illuminate — more
especially if party spirit or weak-
ness induces a magistrate to lend
them the sanction of his author-
ity. The lord mayor authorized
an illumination in London. The
conseauence was^ that^ in the west
end of the town^ the unrestrained
rabble vented their furyon the houses
of individuals, p^rs andcommoners,
who had expressed sentiments un-
favourable to the Reform Bill.
Among them were those of the
duke of Wellington and Mr. Bar-
ing, the one the first of British
warriors, and the other the first of
English merchants. In political
disputes, to place candles in win-
dowsi 8 no proof of political opin-
ion, or of any thing else than a
prudent desire to avoid the out-
rages of a mob. But these illu-
minations were made use of by
the reformers to keep up their
incessant cry, that the inhabit-
ants of the country, from one end
to another, were animated by one
universal feeling of enthusiasm for
the Reform Bill, and ibr the act
which got rid of a parliament that
would never have passed it.
If it was the conscioiisness, that
nothing had yet happened in re-
gard to the Reform Bill which
could justi^ ministers in adopt-
inff the resolution to dissolve, that
led the Lord Chancellor to place
that resolution on the ground of
an alleged refusal of the supplies,
his loroship was not more fortunate
than his colleagues. He referred, of
course, to the adjournment of the
House of Commons on the 21st, or
rather on the morning of the 22nd,
when the ordnance estimates were
among the orders of the day. No
one vote had been refused, or even
questioned ; no man had made
any allusion to the supplies ; mi-
nisters were not entitled to invent,
for the adjournment, a meaning
which no person entertained, or to
say that supplies, which they could
have got on Friday or Saturday,
but which they did not attempt to
fet, were refused because the House
id not go through all its orders on
Thursday. But the conclusive
answer lay in this, that the disso-
lution must have been resolved
upon before the debate, which ter-
minated with the adjournment,
began. It began with lord Al-
thorp's statement, on the 21st,
that ministers had determined not
to proceed with the bill. If they
had then come to that deter-
mination, they had determined
to dissolve ; for neither they,
nor any of their partisans; ever
[12]
116] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
pretended, that^ pledged as they
were, they could possibly remain
in office, if they either abandoned
reform, or receded from any part
of their bill.*
One .of the last acts of the
House of Peers was to vindicate
its dignity in a question of pri-
vilege, connected with the in-
temperate abuse which the press
was daily pouring forth against
bodies, as well as individuals, who
chose to entertain their own opin-
ions on political questions, in a
conversation in the House of Peers,
the earl of Limerick had expressed
himself unfavourable to the esta-
blishment of a compulsory provi-
sion for the poor in Ireland. Next
day (April 16th), the following
paragraph appeared in the Times
newspaper: ''Mean, cruel, and
atrocious as every civilized mind
must consider the doctrine that
Ireland has no need of Poor-laws,
or some equivalent for them —
* This assertion of lord Brougham,
the only minister who made it, called
forth next day the following puhlic
statement, in the shape of a letter to the
Editor of the Times, from Mr. S. Per-
ceval, a member of the House of Com-
mons : *' In your paper of to-day, the
lord chancellor is made to assert that
the House of Commons had stopped the
supplies. Now if any person made such
an assertion, he uttered a direct and
unqualified falsehood. The House simply
adjourned at half.past one o'clock on
Thursday night, upon the motion of Mr.
William Bankes, which was opposed by
lord Althorp. It is just as rational to
say that in so adjourmng they threw
out all the bills pending before them in
the orders of the day, as to say that
they stopped the supplies. It has been
the conimon practice of Mr. Hume and
others to oppose any vote of money
after twelve o'clock, and however iucon>
venient an obstruction of business this
was felt at any time, no one ever dreamt
of the absurdity of accusing him of stop-
ping the supplies. . Undoubtedly the
hateful and abominable as is such
a screen for inhumanity — there
are men, or things with human
pretensions, nay, with lofty privi-
leges, who do not blush to treat
the mere proposal of establishing a
fund for the relief of the diseased
or helpless Irish with brutal ridi-
cule, or almost impious scorn.
Will any man credit that an Irish
absentee lord could say what he is
reported to have uttered in the
House of Peers last night, when
lord Rosebery presented a peti-
tion, praying that a ODmpufsory
tax on land might be introduced
into Ireland towards alleviating
her poor.r^ We shall not name
him, because the House of Lords
is armed with a thing called a bar,
and other disagreeable appendages';
but there are members of that
House who surprised nobody by de-
claring their indifference to popular
odium, especially when they are at
such a distance from Ireland as to en-
motive for the motion of Mr. William
Bankes was, that ministers should not get
forward with their business that night,
but why ? The case stood thus — the
rumour of intended dissolution was gene-
ral ; ministers, when questioned, refused
to declare theii^ intentions : it was known
that a notice had been given in the
House of Lords for an address to the
throne not to dissolve ; and the inten-
tion of Mr. Bankes and of the House of
Commons was simply to afford the op-
portunity for that debate, or rather not
to help forward government on their
road to dissolution before that debate
could* take place. True it is, that the
supplies are stopped ; but by whom ?
By his majesty's ministers, who had
chosen thus precipitately to dissolve
parliament, rather than fac-e the discus-
sion in the Lords --rather than suffer the
loyal aud faithful expostulation of the
peers of the realm to reach the royal
ear, which royal ear, if your report be
correct, is approached by a man who
scruples not at falsehood to serve the
purpose of the moment."
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[117
sure the safety of their persons."
On the 18th, the eari of Limerick
brought the matter before the
House as a question of privilege^
stating there could be no doubt
that the paragraph applied to him,
as he was the only peer who had
spoken on the occasion^ except
lord Rosebery himself^ who pre-
sented the petition. The question
being put> ^'that the paragraph
was a libel on the House, and a
breach of its privileges/' the lord
chancellor saia, that if the motion
were persisted in^ he could not op-
pose it^ but it appeared to him
that it would not be prudent
to proceed farther in the matter.
He must state^ in the way of
earnest and not injudicious, and^
he trusted^ not unacceptable ad-
vice, that all such courses as
that on the brink of which they
now stood, brought their lord-
ships into very painful dilemmas^
and ended in regrets that they
had ever been embraced. The
whole result of all his experience,
whilst he had held a seat in an-
other place — a place in which com-
plaints of a similar description
were much more frequent than in
their lordships' House— -was, that
without any one exception, in no
case was a step taken of such a
description as that now proposed,
without their afterwards repent-
ing of it. He did not see any
occasion to strengthen the privi-
leges of the House in the way now
proposed. If there were a clear
and undoubted case of pffence— if
there were a plain and manifest
infringement of the privileges of
their lordships' House— if there
were an indisputable outrage — an
outrage manifest to the House
itself— no man could doubt that it
was a fit subject of investigation
(tt l^eir l9rodiip8' bar^ and op
man could hesitate to say that
it was in their lordships' power
to deal with such an offence in
the way which they might think
necessary for the defence of their
privileges, and the support of
their dignity. If, however, the
conduct of a noble lord was made
the subject of an attack bv the
press or otherwise, he could, only
observe, that, in citing the of-
fender to the bar, he got into
great difficulties by the rules of
proceeding, and by the privileges
of the House in their strict letter
as they now stood." The earl of
Limenck, however> and the House,
having shewn no disposition to al-
low the matter to drop so easily,
his lordship expressed a hope that,
if the noble earl did '' drag" them
into such a proceeding, their lord-
ships would adopt a prudent, mo-
derate^ and temperate course. The
earl of Limerick answered, '^ I
wish to 'drag' no one into this
proceeding. I consider myself the
guardian of my own honour ; I am
determined to protect my honour,
and I conceive it my duty to bring
before the House that which I look
upon as an insult to their lordships.
'The noble and learned lord has re-
ferred to the first part of the para-
graph as the worst ; now I, as an
Irisnman, would refer to the con-
cluding sentence of it, in which it
is meant to be conveyed, that I
have hazarded in this House an
opinion which I would be afraid to
express elsewhere."
The motion having been unani-
mously agreed to, uie printer of
the Times was ordered to appear
at the bar next day. Mr. Law-
son, the printer of the paper, hav-
ing accordingly appeared (April
19th), and s^mitted that he had
printed the paper containing the
paragraph in questimi^ yma iq*
118] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
formed by the lord chaDcellor^ that
their lordships had determined that
paragraph to be a false and scan-
dalous libelj and were ready to hear
any thing which he might have to
urge in his defence. Mr. Lawson
expressed " his regret, that there
should have appeared in the news-
|)aper^ of which he was the printer,
any paragraph calculated to give of*
fence^ either to their lordships in
general, or to the noble earl in
particular. Their lordships must
be aware that, owing to tne rapi-
dity with which a journal like the
Times must be printed, and the
multiplicity of articles which neces-
sarily found their way into it, it
was almost impossible for him, using
every diligence in his power, to
peruse every separate paragraph
which appeared m the paper. The
paragraph, of which their lordships
complained^ had found its way in-
advertently into the paper, and he
bad only to repeat his deep re-
gret that it had done so." Several
questions were then put to him by
some of their lordsnips, through
the lord chancellor, who informed
him, that he was not bound to an-
swer them, unless he pleased,
though, at the same time, their
lordships would form their own
opinions regarding his reasons for
declining to answer. He was
asked, whether he had the su-
preme control of the paper of
which he was the printer? He
replied that he had not. He was
then asked, if he knew who had ?
He replied, that he considered
himself to be holding a confidential
situation in the Times newspaper-
office, and that he therefore could
not answer that question without
a breach of trust to his employers,
and a loss of character to himself.
A noble lord then asked whether a
gentleman^ whose name h^ men*
tioncd, was not the editor of the
Times newspaper? Mr, Lawson
replied, that this was only another
mode of putting to him the last
question, and, therefore, with all
respect to their lordships^ he must
decline giving any answer to it.
— To a question^ whether he was
the person whose name was enter-
ed as the printer at the Stamp-
office^ he answered in the affirm-
ative. Certain questions were
then put to him respecting the
proprietors of the paper, whose
names were entered at the Stamp-
office ; but his reply was, that he
did not know who they were. The
printer having been ordered to
withdraw, lord Wynford suggested
that he should pay a fine of lOOL,
and be committed to Newgate till
it was paid.— This was resisted by
the lord chancellor, the duke of
Wellington, the marquis of Lans-
downe, and earl Grey. It was
agreed and carried, that Mr. Law-
son should be committed to the
custody of the Usher of the Black
Rod, and attend their lordships
next morning.
When the House met next morn-
ings Lord King presented a peti-
tion from Mr. Lawson stating,
^^ your petitioner feels the sincerest
regret at having given offisnee to the
right honourable House, and to the
earl of Limerick in particular, and
craves pardon for the same; and
humbly begs, in consequence of
his acknowledgement of nis error
and regret, that he may be set at
liberty.*' The feeli ng of the House
seemed to be, that the petitioner
should be reprimanded and dis-
charged ; but as fine and imprison-
ment had been mentioned, the lord
chancellor threw doubts on the
power of the House to inflict such
a penalty. '^ That I should ever
agree/' said his ^ordahip, <^ to fin«
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[no
a man 1 00/. and commit him to
Newgate for six months^ for a
breach of privilege such as this^
is altogether impossible. I must
first have this question of your
lordships' privileges debated at
length. I must open up the ques-
tion of the right of the House to
imprison for six months and inflict
a fine — it may be of 10,000/. on
an individual, tried by no jury,
and defended by no counsel, be-
cause a noble lord may complain
of his feelings being injured by a
newspaper paragraph. Why, my
lords, if such a principle were to
be admitted, one noble lord would
complain of one newspaper, an-
other would direct your attention
to a breach of privilege in a
second, and the practice might be
extended till your lordships' house
would be converted into an inqui-
sition instead of a court of justice.
My lords, before I can admit such
a principle, I must have this mat-
ter argued ; and if any noble lord
thinks it a mere motion of course,
that the king's subjects shall be
sentenced to imprisonment and
fines, he is very much mistaken,
and will find, that every time such
a thing shall be proposed, he and
I must meet and kittle first the
point of law, secondly, the point
of privilege ; and if, upon these
points, the right of fine and im-
prisonment be established, then we
must dispute the point of justice
to the public, of humanity to the
individual, and of prudence and
discretion in your lordships." Lord
Wynford said, it was a mistake to
say he had proposed fine and im-
prisonment. " I proposed that what
another noble lord threw out on
the subject of fine should be adopt-
ed ; and, as usual in all such cases,
that the party should be imprisoned
until the fiae waa paid^ coDaistent**
ly with the practice adopted in all
the courts. But J never dreamt
of uniting the two punishments of
fine and imprisonment, and I never
thought of inflicting a fine till the
person at the bar had refused to
disclose who was the pai*ty con-
cerned in the publication in ques-
tion. I certainly thought that his
refusal, and his putting himself
upon his confidential situation, in
justification of that refusal, had
aggravated the case, and on that
account I proposed a fine. The
noble and learned lord on the wool-
sack, although he did not directly
dispute the authority of the House
to inflict fine and imprisonment,
appeared disposed to throw some
doubt upon it. For my own part,
I should tremble to hazard an
opinion contrary to that of the
noble and learned lord upon this
or any other subject, were I not
fortified by some decided authority.
Such an authority does exist in the
present instance ; I allude to the
case of ** the King and Flower ;"
the defendant having been com-
mitted by the House, applied to
the Court of King's Bench by
Habeas Corpus, and no case was
ever argued with greater ability
than this by the defendant's coun-
sel ; yet tKe court, without hear-
ing any answer, at once confirmed
the authority of Parliament. This
decision sets at rest the question of
right, and I thought it due to the
House to quote it, as the privi-
lege seems to have been questioned
by my noble and learned friend.
But although I stand up for the
]>ower of the House, and insist
upon its authority to fine and im-
prison, I would disclaim any in-
tention of acting up to the extent
of the power, or any thing like it ;
on the contrary, I shall be quite
coQtent with whatever may be done
120] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
on Ihis occasion which, in the
opinion of those more conversant^
than so young a member of the
House can possibly be with the
practice and privilege of Parlia-
ment, shall appear fit."
There being a general call for
lord Tenterden, his lordship ex-
pressed a clear opinion in favour of
the power claimed. '^ I think my-
self bound to inform your lordships"
he said, <' that it is the constant
practice of all courts of law^ in
inflicting a fine, to add, that the
party shall be imprisoned until he
pay the fine. I speak of the su-
perior courts in Westminster-hall ;
and 1 am sure that instances of
this practice will be found in all
of those courts. Now I cannot
bring myself to think, that while
the courts of Westminster-hall
possess this privilege, it can pro-
perly be denied to your lordships.
In what cases, under what cir-
cumstances, and to what extent,
your lordships should exercise that
privilege is quite another question^
and one upon which I do not pro-
pose to say one word ; but I must
declare that I think the right of
your lordships to the exercise of
that privilege is clear, distinct, and
indisputable. And why was this
power conferred ? It was conferred,
my lords, not for the protection of
those who possess it, — not for the
sake of the House of Lords^ — not for
the sake of the House of Commons,
—not for the sake of the courts
of IsLW, all of whom are in equal
possession of the power, — but for
the sake of the nation at large, for
whose welfare and well-govern-
ment it was absolutely necessary
that all men should be taught to
pay due reverence to the great
legislative council of the kingdom,
and to those tribunals of justice in
which th9 laws of the land are
administered. These are the rea-
sons why the two Houses of Par-
liament, and why courts of law,
possess this power ; these are the
reasons why each of them ought to
possess it : and I am quite sure that
if they, and especially the two
Houses of Parliament, did not
possess this power of vindicating
themselves, it would be impossible
that their respective duties could
be performed with dignity to them-
selves, or with advantage to the
country."
The Lord Chancellor immedi-
ately rose, and attacked the Chief
Justice for having given this power
to the House of Commons as well
as to the peers. "My lords, I am
once more compelled to embark
in this unfortunate discussion. I
say compelled, because, after what
has fallen from my noble friend
the lord chief justice upon the sub-
ject of Parliamentary law, I feel
myself under the necessity, the
ali^lute necessity, for the sake of
the dignity and the character of
Parliament, — for the sake of the
country and of the subjects of the
king, as well as out of kindness to
my noble friend, — first of all to set
my noble friend right upon a point
of so much importance, and, next,
to give my noble friend an oppor-
tunity of reconsidering what he
has said, and then of explaining
himself to your lordships. I have
said my lords, — and I repeat it
now once more, — that I do very
much doubt the existence of this
power with which your lordships
are said to be invested, and to
which some of your lordships ap-
pear to cling with so much and
such fond tenacity ; and, my lords,
if I do entertain this doubt, I have
at least the consolation of knowing
that I am countenanced in my
ecepticism by some of the verjr
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[121
highest constitational authorities^
and by some of the greatest law-
yers that ever the bar produced^
or that ever adorned the senate^ or
that ever added weight and dignity
to the bench. But^ my lords, in
spite of the support which I receive
from such great and learned men, I
believe that I am quite wrong, and
I believe so, my lords, because you
tell me so. The Lord Chief Justice
may be very right — and I know
your lordships think he is — in say-
ing that you have this fk)wer ; but
he cannot be right in the reasons
which he has given for the posses-
sion of that power. What were
those reasons ? I heard them, my
lords, with wonder and amazement.
He tells you, that because the
courts of law in Westminster-hall
have the power to fine and im-
prison, so also must the Houses of
Lords and Commons have that
power. Good God ! My Lords,
who ever heard till this moment
— ^when were you ever told till
this day, when you have been told
it by a lord chief justice of Eng-
land— ^that the House of Commons
has the right to inflict fines and
imprisonment upon his majesty's
subjects in vindication of their pri-
vileges ? No one who knows any
thing about the law and the con-
stitution of the country can hesi-
tate for a moment in saying that
the lord chief justice is grievously
in error here ; and until I am told
by my noble friend, in terms the
most clear and the most explicit,
I will not believe that he is pre-
pared to defend and justify in law
what he has thus said ; for he has
thereby conferred upon the House
of Commons a power, which none
of his least learned, none of his
worst, none of his most corrupt,
none of his least calm, his least
tempen^te, or his least respectably
predecessors, ever dreamed of arm-
ing the Commons with. It is quite
clear that my noble friend sup-
poses that the Speaker of the
House of Commons may summon
a man to the bar of the House,
fine him 1 00/., and imprison him
till the fine be paid. This must
have been his opinion, which I
hereby give him an opportunity of
retracting, as I have no doubt he
will ; for, upon reflection, he must
see that that opinion is utterly
untenable, although his whole ar-
gument was intended to support
and demonstrate it, — that argu«
ment being, that as the courts in
Westminster-hall had the power,
so also must the Houses of Lords
and Commons have it. If the lord
chief justice adheres to this opin-
ion, let him make a motion upon
the subject, and bring his store
of legal research to bear upon it,
and support it if he can. Let him
do this, and if, in doing this, he
should succeed in persuading your
lordships that the House of Com-
mons has this power and privilege,
your lordships will have the satis-
faction of knowing that you have,
by the sanction of your lordships'
high authority, invested the House
of Commons with a power which
the stoutest friend of parliament-
ary privileges never before ven-
tured to arrogate to the Commons*
House of Parliament."
Lord Tenterden said, he had
never been a member of the House
of Commons, and therefore must
be far inferior in the means of in-
formation on this subject to his
noble and learned friend on the
woolsack, who was for so long a
time one of the most distinguished
ornaments of that House. He
had spoken from recollection, — it
might be from imperfect recollec-
tion; but be was strongly impress^
laaj
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1881.
ed with the notion that there were
instances in which the House of
Com mons had exercised th is power.*
*' I was mistaken, I dare say : but
with regard to this House, I think
there can be no doubt that it has
the power."
The Lord Chancellor. — " I am
very glad, that I have given my
noble and learned friend an oppor-
tunity of making this explanation,
because these things, though very
familiar to members of the House of
Commons, may not be so well known
here, where still there can be no
rnconvenience in having them un-
derstood. The fact is, that the
House of Commons has the power
of commitment, but not for any
certain time ; they have the power
to commit as a means of removing
^n obstruction; but the confine-
ment of the person so committed
can last no longer than the end of
the session. The House of Lords,
on the other hand, being a court
of justice, — a court of i-ecord, —
nay, the highest court of justice
is said to have the power of com-
mitting for a time certain, and of
fining; but that power has been
disputed by many sound lawyers.
I know very well that the Court of
King's Bench has decided other-
wise."
The petition of Mr. Lawson
was ordered to be taken into con-
sideration next day, when Lord
King moved, that he should be
called to the bar, reprimanded by
the Lord Chancellor, and dis-
charged on payment of his fees.
No peer moved for any severer
punishment, but lord Wynfordand
lord Eldon re-asserted the power of
the House to fine and commit till
• And there are such cases. — See
Hales on Parliaments, 176, 177: also
the c^se of Arthur Hall, on 4th of Fe-
Invtaryy in the 23rd of Elizabeth.
payment, as a power on which no
judge in Westminster-hall could
entertain a doubt. It was a set«
tied point. The earl of Mansfield,
from the part which the lord chan-
cellor had taken, first in attempt-
ing to crush the matter at the out-
set and then in ^lestioning the
power of the House, was induced
to ask, whether it was likely that
his lordship would administer the
reprimand with that severity befit-
ting, the nature of the case and
their lordsnips' dignity.^ Would
it not be right for the House to
move an instruction to his lord-
ship that he would not, in the
reprimand, take occasion to hint
any doubt of the authority of the
House, and that he would impress
upon the offender the full magni-
tude of his offence against t£eir
lordships* privileges. Lord Bldon
disapproved of this. He would
give the lord chancellor credit for
administering the reprimand with
due solemnity; and if he failed,
the House had the means of anim-
adversion in its power. The Chan-
cellor himself exclaimed. ^^ Is it
not monstrous to suppose that I
shall be so wanting in a sense of
the respect due to the dignified
office which I hold, so wanting in
respect to the House, so wanting
in self-respect, as to pervert the
occasion of administering the re-
primand ordered by the House into
a paltry medium of spitting my
spite against their privileges?
Whatever doubt I may individu-
ally entertain as to one branch of
those privileges, is it likely that
when called upon, as the official
organ of your lordships, to declare
your will, I should be at once so
base and so foolish as to disgrace
my important functions by aban-
doning the plain line of my duty*
The imputation is unworthy of the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[123
noble earl — it is unworthy of me-^
and I fling it back with difldain."
Mr. Lawson having appeared at
the bar, the Lord Chancellor ad*
dressed him as follows : '' The pa*
ragraph of which you have acknow«
ledged yourself to be the printer
and publisher, has been pronounced
by the unanimous voice of this
House to be a gross and scandalous
libel upon Edmund Henry Earl
of Limerick^ a member of ' this
House^ and it has also been pro-
nounced to be a high breach of
the privileges of this House. Those
privileges of this House are con-
ferred upon it by the constitution
of the country, and they have been
recognized most amply in all times
by the law of the land. Those pri-
vileges are possessed by this House
not for the benefit of any indi-
vidual member of the House, nor
to confer power or aggrandizement
upou the members of the House
collectively, but they are possessed
for the protection and for the de-
fence of this assembly, and for the
belter execution or those high
functions which, for the benefit of
the state, the constitution has
conferred upon it. It would be a
strange thing, indeed, if these pri-
vileges which ai'e enjoyed, not only
by the other, the inferior branch of
the legislature, but also by every
court of record in the realm, should
have been denied either by the po-
licy or the justice of the law to
this illustrious assembly, which
combines in itself the character of
being the hereditary counsellors of
the Crown, of being the superior
branch of the legislature, and of
being the highest court of judica-
ture in the kingdom. These func-
tions, that of hereditary advisers of
the Crown, that of enacting laws,
and that of deciding as judges, in
the last resortj and withiout appeal
to any human authority, on all
cases as well eriminal as civil, —
these high functions, these great
powers, and this solemn and im-
portant duty, are enjoyed by this
assembly for the sake of the whole
people of England; and in order
that they may be exercised with
advantage, and in such a manner
that the country may enjoy the
benefits which result therefrom, it
is absolutely necessary that the
undoubted privileges of such an
assembly should be unquestioned
and inviolate. It is therefore, the
duty of this House, to deal with
you, a self-acknowledged culprit, in
such a manner as the grave offence
which you have committed merits,
in order that you may be deterred
from the repetition of it, and in
order also — which is the sound end
of all punishment — that others
may be aeterred from the commis-
sion of a similar offence. But the
House mingles mercy with justice
and is anxious to take into consider-
ation the mitigating circumstan-
ces which are connected with the
situation in which you are placed.
You have freely, and at once ac-
knowledged that you are guilty of
the offence; you have acknow-
ledged that you are guilty, in fact,
by admitting that you are the pub-
lisher of the libel ; and you have
acknowledged that you are guilty
in law and in substance, because
you have expressed your contrition
for that publication. You have
also most amply, by petition, and
in your own person at that bar,
maHe submission to the House,
and to the noble earl who was the
object of the slander. Moreover
you have suffered, not a long but
a close confinement, by the au-
thority of this House, and in the
custody of the officers of this
House. For th^se reasons^ and
124] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
because the House is anxious to tell you that you will be forthwith
temper justice with mercy^ their discharged out of custody, upon
lordships have thought proper to payment of your fees." On the
impose on me the painful duty — motion of Lord Farnham^ the re-
which I have now performed-^of primand was ordered to be entered
reprimanding you ; and having on the journals,
thus reprimanded you^ I have to
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[136
•Ai <
CHAP. V.
The Budgets-Proposed changes in Taxes — Opposition to a proposed
Tax on transfers in the Funds — Ministers (wandon it — Proposed
diminution of Duties on Baltic Timber, and Augmentation of those
on Canada Timber — Ministers defeated on a Division — Arrange^
ment of the Civil List — Ministers refuse to abide by a Reduction
recommended by tite Select Committee — Increase of the Army,
THE other business of the
session^ which was thus sud*
denly terminated^ related princi-
pally to financisd matters ; re-
trenchment of expenditure having
been one of the pledges and
promises under which the new
ministers had come into office. On
the 1 1th of February^ lord Althorp
opened the budget. He esti-
mated the charge for the year at
46,850,000/. The revenue for
1830 had been 50,060,000, but,
making allowance for the taxes
which had been already repealed,
it could not be assumed as likely
to yield more, during the present
year, than 47,150,000/. The
revenue, therefore, would exceed
the charges of the year only by
about 300,000/., a ver^ scanty
allowance ; and not affording mucn
room for reduction of taxes, al-
though he was well aware that the
popular expectations awaited, and
the necessities of the country re-
quired, large reductions.
Still, however, his lordship was
of opinion that something might
be done, not indeed by directly re-
pealing those taxes which were
supposed to press particularly on
the lower classes, for these classes
consumed few taxable commodities
— but indirectly, by reducing the
taxes which pressed on the in«
dustry of the country; by re-
lieving trade from fiscal embarrass-
ments, and thus adding to the
means of employing industry ; by
improving the general system of
our revenue, witibout detriment to
its real productiveness, and yet
with great benefit to the country—
here repealing, here reducing, snA
there introducing a more equal
distribution; — and he avowed that
he had taken his principles and
feneral views from sir Henry
ameH's work entitled, ''Financial
Reform." Taxes he divided into
three classes. First, taxes on
commodities of which there would
be an increased consumption, and,
by that means, an increased re«
venue in consequence of the reduc-
tion. Secondly, taxes which, instead
of being equally and impartially
distributed amongst all classes,
pressed more severely on one part
of the community. The third class
consisted of those taxes which, be-
sides interfering with commerce,
took more out c? the podcets of the
people than was furnished to the
revenue. The reductions, which he
proposed under each head were as
follows.
Under the first head he intended
to reduce the duty on tobaoeo.
126] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
The duty at present levied was 3*.
per pound on th^ tobacco as im-
ported^ and 9s* on the manufactured
article (snufF and cigars). He pro-
posed to reduce the first to 1^. 6d.,
and the last to 4^. 6d. The amount
of revenue derived from that tax was
at present 2,800,000/. The loss
to the revenue, however, would not
be so much as the half, or
1,400,000/.; for he calculated on
such an increased consumption as
would reduce that loss to 800,000/.
Thus, while the relief extended to
the consumers of the article would
be 1,400^000/., the exchequer
would only suffer a diminution of
income to the extent of 800,000/.;
and, which was a matter of para-
mount importance, the Irish smug-
gling trade in tobacco would be
destroyed. Another duty to be re-
duced was one> which he admitted
did not seem, at first sight, to bear
80 immediately on the comforts of
the people^ but which neverthe-
less was felt as a burthen — the duty
on newspapers, stamps^ and adver-
tisements. At present the duty on
each stamp was 4d.y with a dis-
count of 20 per cent. He pro-
posed to make it 2d., without any
discount. All advertisements at
present paid a duty of 3s. 6d. : he
proposed to reduce it to ls» for
each advertisement of less than ten
lines; and 2s, 6d. for- all above.
The saving to the public would be
190,000/., and the loss to the
revenue he calculated at 1 00,000/.,
the difference being made up, ac-
cording to hi^ lordship's calcula-
tion, by an increase in the circula-
tion of papers, and in the number
of advertisements which the di-
minished rate was expected to
produce.
Under the second head of taxes,
those which bore with unequal
pressure on particular parts of the
community, he intended to touch
only one, but he intended to repeal
it entirely. It was the duty on
sea-borne coal, amounting to
830,000/. No tax pressed more
immediately on the lower and less
wealthy orders j its repeal would
not only diminish the expense of
what was a necess^y of life, but,
by diminishing the cost of manu-
factures, in which fuel was of
essential importance, it would re-
move an impediment to industry,
and increase the demand for labour.
The last class of taxes contained
those which interfered with the
interests of commerce, and took
more money from the pockets of
the people than the revenue was
benefitted. The tax on tallow and
candles came under this head, and
therefore was one of those which
he proposed for reduction. Many
benefits to the less wealthy classes
of society would, he expected,
accrue from this reduction. If the
farmer, for example, made use of
the raw material which came
into his possession in his domestic
arrangements, and made his own
candles, M'ithout the excise duty
and the manufacturer's profits, it
was evident he would be a con-
siderable gainer. And so with
respect to other persons engaged
in industry, from whom a greater
amount of duty was taken under
the present arrangement than was
counterbalanced by the benefit de-
rived by the exchequer. The
amount was 420,000/. a year; but
in the present year, the revenue
would not suffer to that extent, as
he had yielded to the advice of the
manufacturers, not to let the aboli-
tion take effect for half a year, in
order that their stock might be
consume^L Another tax of this
kind was that on printed calicoes.
It not only operated as an impedi-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
im
metit to our manufactures^ Imt was
partial in its pressure and most
ex^QsiFe in its collection ; thus
uniting the greatest objections that
could be oiFered to the imposition
of any tax. Its amount was actu-
ally 2,000,000/. per annum, while
but 500,000/. went into the ez«
chequer; and it fell almost ex«
clusively on the poor class of
consumers. He would abolish it
entirely. Under the same head
came the duty on glass, yielding
600^000/., which he proposed to
repeal. It discouraged industry,—
it presented the extension of an
important manufacture, for the in-
crease of which this country
offered every facility. He had no
doubt that when the tax was
abolished, our possession of the raw
materia], our command of fuel, and
the cheapness of labour in this
country, would render glass an
article of export. --Lastly, under
this head came several smaller
miscellaneous duties, which were
t.0 be repealed or reduced. Of
these the chief was the auction
duty on the sale of land, which he
meant to repeal altogether, as the
revenue derived very little from it,
while it operated very incon-
veniently in sales of landed pro-
perty. — These were the taxes
which he intended to deal with in
the way, and for the reason he
had mentioned. The result stood
thus—
Taxes Reduced. Estimated Loss.
Tobacco.
1,4.00,000 800,000
Newspapers.
190,000 100,000
Coals and Slate.
830,000 830,000
Candles from October.
420,000 200,000
Cottons.
500,000 500,000
Glass.
600,000 600,000
Auctions.
60,000 60,000
Miscellaneous.
80,000 80,000
£4,080,000
£3,170,000
But this was a reduction which
the revenue could not bear ; and
the next point was, how to make
good this loss, without imp>sing
an equal burthen on the people. In
the first place, he intended to alter
and equalize the duties on foreign
wines. French wines at present
paid ?*• 3d- a gallon, other foreign
wines 4#. lOd., and Cape wine^
2s, 3d, He proposed to equalize
them at one stanaingduty of 5^. 6d.
per gallon. So &r from the con-
sumption being diminished by this
change, there was every reason to
believe it would be increased. The
present rate of consumption would
yield, at the equalized duty, about
1,830,000/, while the present re-
ceipt was, in round numbers, only
1,590,000/. From this source
therefore he expected an increase
of 240,000/. The next tax which
he intended to modify was that on
timber. The duty on foreign
European timber in the rough
whole state was 5#. per load ; that
on Canada timber 10^.; while the
dutv on the same timber, cut up
in oeals, for example, was, on the
European 45^., per load ; and that
on the Canada but 5«. 9d, The
tax, evidently, as it stood, was one
on the manufactured article in the
one case in favour of the Canada,
.upon which, nevertheless, a higher
raw duty was levied. He proposed
not to actually equalize tjhe dutiesj
128] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
but to place them nearer such a level
as would conduce to the general
interests of the country, without
injury to any particular class or
individuals^ while the revenue de-
rived from the tax would be con-
siderably increased. Timber was
an article not easily smuggled, so
that an equalizing duty was not so
necessary as it would be with a less
bulky commodity. He proposed,
therefore, to raise the duty on
European timber to 50^. per load,
and that on the Canada timber to
10*.; rates which would bring
them nearer to an equality in the
market than those unacquainted
with the timber trade could readily
imagine, while the preference
which we bestowed on the produce
of our own colony would be main-
tained. He was warranted from
existing data to calculate the in-
crease of revenue from this change
of duty at 760,000/. j but to pre-
vent disappointment and needless
controversy, he would take it but
at 600,000/. The repealed duty
on printed calicoes, he proposed to
replace by a duty on cotton. He
had repealed the former, because it
fell more particularly on the less
wealthy classes. Now he proposed
to throw the tax over all the con-
sumers of cotton, instead of on one
part, as the duty at present press-
ed, and thus save the revenue, and
relieve the poor consumer of the
article. This would be accom-
plished by a duty of Id, per pound
on all raw cottons imported, with
a drawback duty to the same
amount on all manufactured cotton
exported. He admitted there
were objections to this draw-
back duty, and that the tax was
one on the raw material of indus-
try, but it was small, and these
objections were counterbalanced by
its advantages. He estimated that
it would produce 500,000/. He
frirther reckoned on an increase of
100,000/., by altering the duties
on the export of coal. They
amounted at present to a prohi-
bition, being 17*. 6^^. on large
coal, and 4s. 6d, on the smaller.
He would make the duty 10*. on
both.
The balance of the loss occa-
sioned by reduction was to be made
up, not by modifying existing taxes,
but by imposing new ones. First,
a tax on passengers by steam-boats,
varying m its rate according to the
distance travelled, and which might
be taken, in the meantime, at
1 00,000/. The other new tax was
more important. A duty of one-
half per cent was to be imposed on
the bona Jide sale or transfer of
landed property, but not to extend
to such transfers as were made
merely for the purpose of security.
This being a tax of one-half per
cent laid on the landed interest
alone, it was contrary to justice,
as well as to every sound principle
of finance, that any species of pro-
perty should be taxed more than
another, and he therefore proposed
a duty of one-half per cent on
every bona^fide transfer of funded
property, with a similar exemption
in the case of mere transfers in
security. It might, perhaps, be
objected that funded property was
expressly protected from taxes of
this kind by acts of parliament.
He admitted that the words of
the acts creating this species
of property admitted of that
interpretation, that funded pro-
perty should be exempt from all
'" other (than those expressed)
charges and impositions whatever;"
but Mr. Pitt himself contended,
since that act was passed, that it
HISTORY OF EUROPE,
[129
could not be construed into a
breach of the public faith^ that the
holder of funded property should
be compelled to contribute his just
share towards the exigencies of the
country. Why should it be ex-
empt from burdens^ to which land,
and every other species of pro-
perty were subjected ? He ad-
mitted, that his proposed tax on
the transfer of funded property
would be but a beginoiog, but
then it was a beginning that
could not be cited as a mischievous
precedent ; for all it went to ac-
complish was, to place it and land-
ed property on a fair and equal
footing with respect to the public
burdens. From these taxes on
transfers of landed and funded pro-
perty, he expected 1 ,200,000/. ;
from the former, 400^000/., and
from the latter, 800,000/. The
result of the modified and new
taxes would stand thus : —
£.
Wine
... 240,000
Timber
... 600,000
Cotton
... 500,000
Coals
... 100,000
Steam
... 100,000
Transfers
... 1,200,000
2,740,000
«
On the other hand, the amount of
the taxes repealed, or reduced,
was 4,080,000/., so that the tax
payers gained 1,340,000/., while
the public service would not suffer.
The whole revenue for the year
would stand as follows: —
£.
Income of 1830 ... 50,060,000
Deduct loss by taxes
taken off, I «i50 ... 2,9 1 0,000
Arrears of Excise more
in January, 18^1^
than in 1830 ...
580,000
47,730,000
Deduct taxes taken off
as estimated ... 3,1 70,000
44,560,000
Add taxes to be laid on 2,740,000
47,300,000
Deduct estimated ex-
penditure for 1 83 i 46,850,000
Income left for 1831 47,150,000
VOL. LXXIII.
Surplus for 1 83 1 450,000
The financial project thus open-
ed by Lord Althorp, was vehe-
mently attacked from all sides. It
was the most hazardous of all ex-
periments, it was urged, to com-
mence a financial year with arrange-
ments which furnished merely a
possibility that, at its close, there
might be a surplus of 450,000/. ;
even that trifling surplus being
brought out, not by taking known
sums from known amounts, but by
proceeding speculatively on the
suppose<l result of new taxes, and
new arrangements of old ones.
The probability was, that, instead
of a surplus, it would be found
necessary to raise, by Exchequer
bills, a sum to meet the charges of
the year, gratifying the country,
for a time, by an apparent relief
from taxation, only to produce the
necessity of afterwards imposing
taxes heavier than those which had^
been taken off. This dangerous^
expedient, too, was the less justi-
fiable, as not one shilling was in-
cluded in the budget as being ap-
plicable to the diminution of the
debt. Ministers might easily re-
duc(j taxes when they refused to
provide for paying off any portion
of the debt ; but that was neither
[K]
130] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
retrenchment nor prudence. There
still stood OB the journals of the
House the unrescinded resolution
of 1819, "that to provide for the
exigencies of the public service, to
make such progressive reduction
of the national debt as may ade-
quately 8tip|M)rt public credit, and
to afford to the country a prospect
of future relief from a part oi its
present burdens, it is absolutely
necessary that there should be a
clear surplus of the income of the
country, beyond the expenditure,
of not less than 5,000,000/." The
finance committee had thought
3,000,000/. sufficient for a sinking
fund, instead of 5,000,000/. ; and
even in 1830, the former amount
had been realized as a surplus,
within a very small sum. It was
by means of this surplus income
that ministers were able to operate
in reduction of the debt when the
rate of interest was low — had re-
duced the interest of it this year by
half a million, and a year or two ago
by a million and a half. Why was
this course to be in terru pted ? Was
this the performance of the minis-
terial promises to reduce ex{)end-
iture— the expedient which they
had discovered not to take money
from the people.^ No doubt, if
the sums applicable to the reduc-
tion of the debt were no longer to
be raised, they would remain in
the pockets of the tax-payers; but
to call this a reduction of expend-
iture was to cheat with words the
popular expectations which min-
isters knew, though they had raised
them, they could not meet with
realities. To provide no contribu-
tion towards the diminution of the
debt was not retrenchment, in any
honest meaning of the word, and
was conducive, neither to the
honour, the credit, nor the security
of the country.
It was almost admitted, that the
budget was not one of reduction ;
it was one of mere transposition.
Taxes were reduced or repealed,
and, to make up the loss, new ones
were imposed^ the sole merit claim-
ed ioT the budget being, that the
taxes modified and imposed were
of a better kind than those which
were repealed. But it was denied
that the changes were, in any im«
portant point, justifiable or toler^
able. The taxes repealed were,
with few exceptions, the lightest,
and, according to all sound prin-
ciple, the most unexceptionable
that could be imagined. They
were not direct and compulsory, but
optional on consumable articles,
and were to be removed, while
taxes were allowed to remain which
bore on the lower orders, not only
severely, but directly and una-
voidably. The whole kingdom
must be in amazement at seeing
ministers set out by selecting as a
tax, to be reduced, the duty on
tobacco — a mere superfluity, the
reduction on which, moreover,
would be too trifling to aflfect any
man*s comfort. Who had ever
called for a reduction like that ?
The relief given in the article of
newspaper-stamps and advertise-
ments, would scarcely be felt, and
would aid nobody but newspaper
proprietors — if it did even that to
any degree that could be estimated.
Was it, that something must ap-
pear to be done to flatter the press?
And what was to be said of a min-
istry pretending to aid newspaper
learning and philosophy, from their
love of knowledge, and yet imposing
a tax on the most ready and useful
of all means of communication ?
How was the poll-tax on steam-boat
passengers to be regulated and
collected? Why tax intercourse
which was not optional^ but> in
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[131
a thousand instances^ necessary?
Why tax a man because nature
had unfortunately placed an arm
of the sea> or the Irish channel be-
tween his residence and the spot
to which business, necessity, or
even pleasure called him ? Why
fetter the internal communications
of the country for the paltry sum
of 100,000/.? It would have
been desirable, too, to hare had it
stated at what expense this sum
was to be raised^ for the very na«
ture of the tax, reaching each in-
dividual passenger, and varying
with the distance he intended to
go, seemed to threaten a costly
mode of collection. Above all^ what
rational man could ever have taken
up the idea of reducing the duty
on the luxury of tobacco, and sup-
plying its place by a tax on the
necessary act of travelling ? Still
less would the lower orders, whose
comfort was declared to be the
great object of the budget, be
gainers bv the equalization of the
wine duties. French wines, which
they never used, were to be made
cheaper; the men who indulged
in Burgundy and Claret were to
be benefittea; but Port, which
was in universal use as a medicine,
wherever the poor man could reach
it, was to be made dearer; and
Cape wine, the product of our own
colonies, was to be laid under a duty
which would amount to a prohi«
bition. The alteration of the tim-
ber duties, would not only injure
the colonies, but be detrimental to
the shipping interest, already so
low, without any corresponding
benefit; and whatever was gained
in houses by the removal of the
fluty on glass, would be found to
be counterbalanced by the increased
price of wood.
In alj these respects, it was said,
the budget was merely a pretext
of doing something, while, in truth,
it did nothing, or did mischief.
But all these matters were passed
over slightly in comparison with
the proposed tax on the transfers
of funded property, to which the
chancellor of the Exchequer trust-
ed for 800,000/., nearly one-third
of his substituted taxation. Mem-
bers in opposition, and members
enlisted among the friends of min-
isters, joined equally in denouncing
it as a proposition which betrayed
utter practical ignorance — imprac-
ticable if it were just, and a foul
breach of the national faith, if it
were practicable. The holder of
stock was the public creditor. He
had acquired his property under
an express condition, that no mea-
sure like this should affect him ;
but ministers seemed never to have
even read the solemn contract
which they deliberately proposed
to violate. The acts of parliament
laid down certain forms to be ob-
served in assigning or transferring
stock, and declared that no other
form should be valid, and added,
'' that no stamp duties should be
charged on any transfer or assign-
ment of stock." The same provi-
sions were in all the acts. This
was the express stipulation with
the country, on the faith of which
the public creditors had advanced
their money for the use of the state,
in times of great difficulty and
peril. What words could be more
explicit? How were they to be
evaded — what honest man could
wish to evade them ? The House
might adopt the ministerial propo-
sition, but it could i\o so only by
violating the public faith, and de-
scending from that proud distinc-
tion which Britain had hitherto
maintained over every other coun-
try of the world. " If," said sir
Robert Peel, "in times when, ac-
[K 2]
132] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
cording to the admission of the
government, tlie productive indus-
try of the country is in a state of
steady and progressive improve-
ment— if in a time of peace, and
with no pressure upon the produc-
tive industry of the country — if at
such a time, and under such cir-
cumstances, in direct violation and
contempt of numerous acts of par-
liament, you shall impose a duty
upon the transfer of ninded pro-
perty, what security will the public
creditor have if times shall return
like those of 1797 or 1798— times
when, unappalled by the dangers
which surrounded us, we fearlessly
adhered to the maintenance of the
public faith, and by doing so were
enabled to surmount all the diffi-
culties by which we were encom-
passed, I say, sir, if such times
shall again return, what security
will the public creditor have, if in
the present circumstances of the
country we impose a duty in vio-
lation of the condition of the act
of parliament, upon the transfer of
his property — what security will
he have that we shall not, under
the pressure of a foreign war, and
of more adverse circumstances, re-
sort to him, and quote this viola-
tion of the public faith as a justi-
fication for our violating it again ?
This is not a question of policy or
prudence : it is a question of mo-
rality. If the state is not prepared
to keep its engagements with the
))ublic creditor, shut up your courts
of justice at once, and do not call
upon individuals to fulfil theirs."
But, even if the House could
ever so far forget what was due to
honesty and the character of the
country as to entertain the propo-
sition, the impolicy of the mea-
sure ought to condemn it. Were
ministers aware of the causes which,
in addition to the dependence on
the national faith which was now
to be cut down, gave our funds
their superiority over the funds of
other countries ? They were the
rapidity with which transfers could
be made, and the facility with
which the fundholder could bring
his property into the market, and
dispose of it, without loss, that
made our funds a source of con-
tinually increasing wealth and
prosperity to the country. Did
ministers supjiose, in their ignor-
ance, that the intended tax would
not interfere with the arrange-
ments of the stock-market ? and,
if it did, would it not inter-
fere with the facilities of transfer
which were so essential to the or-
dinary transactions of commerce }
The consequence of the measure
would be, to send an immense
quantity of capital out of this
country into the stocks of foreign
governments. Mr. J. Smith, him-
self a banker, and a declared friend
of the ministry, whose formation,
and pledges for reform he stated
himself to have witnessed with en-
tire satisfaction, said, it must be
recollected that the funds presented
a very convenient mode of invest-
ing money, so as to render it con-
vertible for the purposes of credit ;
but, if they were to lay on so heavy
a tax, that a gentleman could not
make a transfer of 100,000/. con-
sols without paying 500/. for it,
he would venture to say that no
such transfer would be made. He
need hardly remind the House
of what large advances bankers
were in the habit of making upon
stock. This practice, however,
would cease with the commence-
ment of such a tax as that now
proposed. It was to be laid, in-
deed, upon hondjide transfers only :
but God knew how the chancellor
of the Exchequer would be able to.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[133
distinguish between what were, and
what were not, bond fide transfers.
He must say, as a banker, that if he
could not sell stock without paying
such a tax as this, he should think
a long while before he lent any
money at all; and he was quite
sure that those with whom he was
connected would think quite as
long. At a time when there were
contracts in London for a million
stand of arras, and for a million
yards of cloth, what prudent mau
would have undertaken them if
he were deprived of that species of
accommodation which the present
untaxed nature of the funds af-
forded them. *' I had heard of
this proposition," continued Mr.
Smith, ^^ before it was made to the
House, and I communicated it to
a friend of mine — the member for
Callington (Mr. Baring). His
answer to me was, * Nonsense, it
can't be true; you are imposed
upon by some stock-jobbing lie.' I
replied, ' I am not imposed upon,
and it is not a stock -jobbing lie :
1 am well informed, depend upon
it, for 1 received my information
from a gentleman who never de-
ceived me yet, and who has, per-
haps, some means of his own of ob-
taining information respecting the
iinancial operations of govern-
ment.'" He was very sorry to op-
pose any measure of the present
government, but this measure he
would oppose in every stage, be-
cause it was injurious to the best
interests of the country. It should
never be forgotten, that any em-
barrassment of the monied inter-
est would lead to general embar-
rassment ; that if the funds were
to fall, so would all other species
of property ; and that, what was
worse than all, an inglorious stigma
would be cast upon the hitherto
unsullied honour of England. He
would earnestly recommend mi-
nisters to consult with those who
understood this subject, and who
had no interest in it.
Mr. Charles Grant, and Sir J.
Wrottesley defended the proposi-
tion from the charges brought
against it, their argument being,
that it was no more a violation of
public faith than the including the
incomes of fund-holders under the
property tax, and was a coun-
terpart to the tax on the transfer
of land which was to accompany
it. They referred to the author-
ity of Mr. Pitt to shew that the
principle of taxing the fundholdcr
was no breach of contract with
him. Mr. Pitt had said, ^* When
a general assessment upon income
is to take place, no distinction
ought to be made as to the sources
from which that income may arise.
There can be no fair objection
taken by the stockholder upon the
occasion ; there can be no question
of a breach of good faith, of na-
tional stipulation with the public
creditor by thus imposing upon
him what every other subject of
the realm is to incur. The public
creditor enjoys his security under
the most sacred obligations of the
state, and whenever an idea has
been started in debate, of impos-
ing upon the stockholders, separ-
ately and distinctly, any sort of
tax, I have been prepared to re-
probate the attempt as utterly in-
consistent with good faith and pub-
lic engagements. The public cre-
ditors are to be secured against
any imposts distinctly levelled at
them as annuitants of the public.**
Nevertheless, Mr. Pitt argued,
that, as members of the commu-
nity, stockholders were liable to be
taxed upon their incomes derived
from the public fiinds, when a tax
was to be levied upon the income
134] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
of every description of persons in
the realm ; and, when it was no
longer in the power of the fund-
holders to say they could avoid
this tax by removing their pro-
perty from the funds to landed se-
curity, &c., every argument against
including them in the assessment
was withdrawn. In like manner,
the government now said, the
stockholder should not be able to
say, " I will escape the tax, by in-
vesting my funds in some other
species of property," because he
would find other descriptions of
property alike subject to taxation.
That was in accordance with the
view taken by Mr. Pitt of the in-
come tax, a view in which the par-
liament of the day coincided. Had
the question been a new one, there
might have been something in the
arguments now urged ; but, after
the exemption from taxation had
once been broken in upon, by the
property tax, no other tax of a
similar kind could be considered a
violation of the acts of parliament.
It should be recollected, too, that
the proposed tax was accompanied,
in the present instance, by a tax
on the transfer of all landed pro-
perty.
To all this it was answered, in
the first place, that no precedent,
even if one had existed, could pos-
sibly justify injustice. But far-
ther, there was no trace of simi-
larity between the two cases, and
still less could there be any thing
fair in taxing the transfer of the
funds, because the transfer of land
was to be taxed at the same time,
and at the same rate. The income
tax fell upon the incomes of all the
subjects in the empire. The in-
comes derived from professions
and from oiHces, and the incomes
derived from land, were equally
iubject to it m the incomes de-
rived from the funds. But the
difference here is, that the present
tax is proposed to be laid upon the
transfer of funds. Land, it is well
known, could not be transferred
easily ; and the policy of our laws
had thrown many difficulties in
the way of it. There were many
large estates, no transfer of which
had taken place during a very long
period. The result would be, that
prosperous estate i would not be
subject to the tax. I^fsmd was ge-
nerally sold, either on the demise
of the head of a family, to pay the
fortunes of the younger children ;
or, as unfortunately had been more
generally the case of late years*
land was sold under adverse cir-
cumstances, to pay off debts and in«
cumbrances, and it was no recom-
mendation of a tax that it oper-
ated principally in circumstances
like these. Transfers of funds
must be incomparably greater and
more frequent than those of land,
and therefore a duty of half per
cent upon such operations bore no
proportion as a per centage on the
value of the property to the same
rate of duty when imposed on trans-
fers of landed property; and the
parties, who would bear the chief
burden of this tax, were not those
who possessed a superabundance,
but a moderate amount of pro-
perty, transfers of stock being made
much oftener by them, tlian by the
more wealthy. To bring the tax
even ostensibly within the princi-
ple of the property tax, the propo-
sition ought to have been, to im-
pose a tax on transfers of property
of all kinds. Even then, it would
be found impossible to get over the
distinct words of the acts of parlia-
ment, protecting specially transfers
of property of this kind, which de-
clared expressly, that on such trans-
fers no duties should be charged*
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[135
"While these words exist/* said
sir Edward Sugden^ ^< it is impos-
sible to pass a bill imposing this
duty^ without reciting and repeal-
ing those clauses in the acts under
which the money was borrowed —
and this he believed no minister
would venture to do."
The expression of public feelings
and the result of farther inquiries^
induced ministers to abandon the
measure^ which it was very p^ain
they could not press without being
defeated. On the 1 4th4 the chan-
cellor of the Exchequer told the
House that, of course^ it had not
been in his power, consistently
with the dignity of his office^ and
the interests of the country, previ-
ously to institute any very minute
or extensive inquiry into the pro-
bable effects of liis proposed mea-
sures; such an inquiry, in fact,
might not only defeat its own ob-
ject, but prove detrimental to the
public service. He had, however,
inquired, so far as was then possi-
ble for him, more particularly with
respect to his proposed duty of half
per cent on the transfer of stocks —
first, as to the practicability of
such a tax, and next, as to the
practicability of at all times ascer-
taining whether the transfer of
funded property was a bond Juie,
or merely made for the sake
of security. His inquiries had
been made of the governor of
the Bank of England, who had
given him his opinion that such a
tax was practicable, and that the
distinction between a bond Jlde
transfer of stock, and others of a
different kind was easily ascertain-
able. But, although he had this
authority, and although he could
not at all admit the weight of the
objections brought against his pro-
posed duty, as to it-s being a breach
^ paUic ffdth (if it was, he would
not be the man to propose it), he
thought, after what had taken
place, and after the result of more
extensive inquiry, it woOld not be
just nor expedient to press the
imposition of it. He therefore
took advantage of that first occa-
sion of relieving the public mind
from all further suspense on the
subject, by declaring that ministers
did not intend to propose a trans-
fer duty on stock. They neces-
sarily gave up, too, the correspond-
ing intended tax on the transfer of
land ; for, having abandoned it as
to one species of property, it would
not be just to impose it on the
other which was already so heavily
taxed. As thisconcession, however,
struck off 1,200,000/. of the reve-
nue which ministers had intended
to substitute for the reduced and
repealed taxes, it would now be
necessary to retain part of the lat-
ter; and government had deter-
mined not to carry into effect the
proposed reductions in the duties
on tobacco and glass, which re-
placed 1 AOOsOim.
Another item in the budget,
from which the chancellor of the
Excheauer had assumed an ad-
ditional revenue of 600,000/, was
the proposed alteration in the tim-
ber duties, in regard to which mi-
nisters were not so prudent or so
fortunate. From the moment it
was proposed, ministers had been
warned that it would be strenu-
ously resisted, as unjust to Canada,
and most injurious to the shipping
interests. After much deliber-
ation and many inquiries, they re-
solved to alter their plan so far, as
not to propose any change during
the present year, and to make the
alteration, when it did come, gra-
dual. On the 18th of March, in a
committee on the Customs acts, the
chiiQcellor of the Exchequer stated^
136] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
that he had as yet seen no reason
to depart from the change of which
he had formerly given notice^ but
he felt disposed, on considerations
of general convenience, to make it
more gradual in its operation than
he had at first intended. That
Canada timber, though cheaper,
was much inferior to that brought
from the Baltic, no man would
deny. Sir A. Seppings had de-
clared that it was not fit to be used
in the navy, and it was entirely
excluded from all timber contracts.
The duty on Canada timber was
about one-third, and that on Baltic
timber two-thirds, amounting al-
most to a prohibition. Thus the
effect of the system was, to compel
the consumer in this country to use
an inferior, instead of abetter arti-
cle, on the erroneous idea of bene-
fitting the Cauadas at the expense
of the mother country. The north
of Europe could give us only tim-
ber for our manufactures, while the
soil of the Cauadas could be ap-
plied to other beneficial purposes.
Why, then, exdjude the better ar-
ticle of the countries of the north ,
when they undoubtedly would take
a much larger quantity of our ma-
nufactures, if the almost prohibitory
duty were removed from the only
production which they had to give
us in return ? Two reasons had
been assigned for maintaining the
present system. It was said, that
the alteration would be injurious
to the shipping interests ; but he
would not admit that government
would be justifiied in sacrificing to
that interest all other classes of
the community. In a country like
this, men must look rather to its
general commerce, than to any par-
ticular branch, however important
it might be individually. The
other objection was, that the altera-
tion would injure the Canadas^-and
so it would, if the capital now em-
ployed there in the timber trade
could not be easily and profitably
diverted into other channels of em-
ployment, and, in that case, he
admitted, his proposed plan should
not be enforced. But, from the
best information he could obtain,
no such result could fairly be an-
ticipated. On the contrary, he
was convinced that, if the capital
employed in the timber trade were
diverted to agriculture, the change
would be of tlie most essential bene-
fit to the colony. With Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick the case was dif-
ferent ; and, if their timber trade
was to be annihilated by the change,
it became necessary to proceed as
gradually as the general benefit of
the country would permit. There-
fore, and to diminish likewise, even
to the shipping interest, any in-
convenience which might arise, he
had resolved not to press for the
immediate increase of the duty on
Canada timber, and decrease of
that on timber from the Baltic,
but to make both gradual, and not
to begin till next year. He meant,
therefore, to propose, " that, after
the 1st of January, 1832, the duty
upon Baltic timber should be de-
creased by 6s. ; after the 1st of
January, 1 833, a like sum of 6s, ;
and after the 1 st of January, 1 834,
a farther sum of 3^., making a
total decrease of 15^., and then
the difference between the duty
upon Baltic and Canada timber
would be 30*. in favour of the lat-
ter." The duty upon Baltic deals
was to be reduced within the same
years, as those upon timber, from
49*. to 43*., and in 1 834 to 40*. ;
but no alteration was intended to
take place upon the deals or planks
from Canada. He then moved the
following resolution : — ^' That in
place of the duties in customs bow
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[137
payable upon the import of Baltic
timber and deals into this country,
the duty upon deals shall be, from
and after the 1st of January, 1832,
at 49^. ; and from and after the
1st of January, 1833, 43^.; and
from and after the 1st of January,
1834, at 40*. per load."
Mr. Attwood and Mr. Robinson
opposed the principle of the pro-
posed change as an emanation of
the theories which had injured
the country in many ways, and in
this instance added positive injus-
tice to practical mischief. It was
not now time to ask whether colo-
nies were entitled to protection; we
had adopted the principle of pro-
tection, and no act of the legislature
ought to be held more sacred than
that which gave them protection.
Previous to 1810, our supply of
foreign timber was principally
from the Baltic ports; but in
1809 and 1810 we had recourse to
our Canadian colonists. What
was the object of the difiei'ence
in the duties then adopted ? Was
it in order to obtain cheap timber,
or to derive a greater revenue?
Neither. The duty was protective,
and it was intended to be protect-
ing and prohibitory. The price
and quality of Canadian timber
were as well known then as now.
It ^vas not to enable this country
to purchase cheap timber, but in
order to guard against the danger
which then threatened us from
Europe, and which, as it might
occur at a future period, it would
not be proper to place us entirely
at the mercy of the northern pow-
ers for the supply of timber, which
might be interrupted by the same
political danger. This was the
language of a committee on the
trade in 1 82 1 . The case was no
less than this — that at a time of
perils when all Europe was leagued
against us, we adopted the measure,
and, on the faith of an act of Par-
liament, our merchants embarked
their capital, on a pledge as sacred
as Parliament could give, that it
should be safe. The danger had
passed away, but was the House
prepared to sacrifice the men who
nad saved us from danger ? The
trade was in a precarious state,
and on the faith of the protection
offered to them our merchants ex-
erted the enterprise which always
belonged to them ; they invested
their fortunes in the recesses of the
Canadian forests, erected mills and
machinery, cut canals, and built
whariB and warehouses, all of which
would be useless if this protection
were withdrawn. The principle
on which Ministers defended the
measure applied to the whole of
our colonial system ; and if ap^
plied to all our colonies, it would
loosen every link by which the
empire was bound together. The
same principle, which applied to-
day to the timber duties, would
be applicable tt the abolition of
all protections to our domestic
industry. Even if it were agreed
that it would be better to abandon
the system of protection, the reso^
lution should be carried into prac-
tice in a period of universal pros-
perity at home and of tranquillity
abroad. But was this such a time ?
What market could we rely upon
for three months? It was said,
that the capital might seek em-
ployment elsewhere ; but when it
deserted its old channel and opened
a new one, some political event
might occur to close up the new
market, and, after all this ruin,
we might be driven back to the old
system which we had abandoned.
The advantages of the proposed
change, even if they could be justly
sought aftefi were merely conjeo
J38] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tural^ while the injury ioAicted
was certain and incurable. The
promised benefit to tlie consumer
Lad already vanished, the price of
Baltic timber having risen more
than the difference of the duty,
even from the anticipation of the
change. It was said, that if we
Jbought our timber of the Northern
Powers^ they would be compelled to
take our manufactures in exchange.
Now they had eleven years' expe-
rience to guide them in deciding
that question. During that period
of the timber trade of Sweden^
Norway, Denmark, and Prussia,
our exports to other countries had
decreased, — In the year 1822 the
exports to those countries amounted
to 1,510,040/., and in 1829 they had
decreased to 1,234,678/., while our
exports to Canada, the trade of
which they were about to destroy,
were in 1822, 1,597,261/.; in 1829,
2,206,913/. Were the mere asser«
tions of theorists to be taken
against these facts, and the system
of free trade applied thus to one in*
terest after anotl^, until all the
elements of the wealth and great-
ness of the country were destroyed .?
Mr. Poulett Thomson, Vice-
president of the Board of Trade«
entered into a long detail to shew
that the duties in favour of Canada
had never been considered perma-
nent— that greater alterations than
those now proposed had formerly
been recommended by a committee
of the House of Lords — that the
Canada timber trade had been a
losing one for the country — that
Baltic timber was carried to Ca-
nada, and imported thence as Ca-
nadian timber — and that if any con-
siderable quantity of shipping
ceased to find employment in the
Canada trade, it would find it in
the coasting trade, and even in the
increased timber trade pf the Baltic,
for it could be shewn that more
timber was imported thence in
British than in foreign vessels.
But the question was taken up on
the complete and sudden change
which ministers had made their
measure undergo, converting it
without notice, upon a mere finan-
cial item of the budget, into what
was substantially a question of free
trade — for it now formed no part
of the budget of the year — a ques-
tion requiring much investigation
and yet to be discussed and deter-
mined extempore. Mr. Herries
stated that he would undertake to
say that such an example of political
trick had never been attempted to
be practised on the House of Com-
mons. What had they come down
for that night ? Why to consider a
measure which had been introduced
by the noble lord as a part of his
budget. But instead of that mea-
sure they had been surprised by
the substitution of another in its
place. That change must have
been induced by causes which
operated with a wonderful celerity.
He had only the other night put a
question respecting the manner in
which the timber duties were to be
levied in Ireland. The answer of
the Chancellor of the Exchequer
implied, that up to that time his
intentions with regard to the mea-
sure remained the same. What,
then, was the reason of the sudden
change which had taken place,
as he believed, within a few hours?
Why the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer had ascertained that, whe-
ther he would or no, he could not
carry the measure as it had origi-
nally been proposed. ^He knew
that the majority was against him ;
Ministers had, therefore, come
down and changed their front as it
were in a moment, and met the
House with the long statement dl.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[18>
the Vice-president of the Board of
Trade^and a perfectly new measure,
new in its purpose^ in its condi«
tions, and in its terms 3 and such
a measure they called upon the
House to sanction at such an hour
of the nighty and on such a dis-
cussion as must take place when
members were wholly unprepared to
enter upon it ; and this, too^ upon
a subject of the very last importance
to the very highest interests of the
country. He coukl scarcely express
his astonishment at hearing such a
proposition made to the House of
Commons. He did not say what
his opinion might be on the policy
of the measure^ or how far it might
be adviseable, at a proper time and
u nder proper circumstances^ to adopt
that policy. That was a question
of large importance to the country,
and one upon which he believed the
House would notdecide, until after
it should have undergone a full,
and deliberate, and long discussion.
He did not say he was opposed to
the policy of the measure, but he
should never have dared to propose
it to the House under circumstances
like those which attended it that
night. No man, no government,
hs^ a right to make such a propo«
sition in such a manner, and on
such an occasion.
The Chancellor of the Exche-
quer admitted that he had changed
his mind on this subject only lately,
but imputed it to a proper atten-
tion to deputations of merchants
who had waited on him. He would
consent to no farther inquiry, not
even to the appointment of a select
committee, wnich Mr. Herries had
recommended. That being the
case, Mr. Attwood moved an
amendment, that the chairman
do leave the chair, the effect of
which would be to prevent the
measure being farther proceeded
with, and to reserve it for future
examination when and how the
House should think fit. Sir Robert
Peel insisted on the absolute ne-
cessity of careful inquiry on this
new question so unexpectedly
raised ; and a select committee
would discharge that duty much
more satisfactorily than the whole
House. They stood upon the re-
port of a committee of the House
in 1821, which went fully into
the subject, recommending the
existing scale. Ministers were
bound to show that that report
was unfounded ; but not even one
cogent argument had been urged
to prove such to be the case, and
yet they were to be excluded from
that farther inquiry which they
desired — and this too M^hen the
resolution referred only to a future
year, and could not require imme-
diate or instant decision. Why
was this new measure so long de«
layed? Why postpone the dis-
cussion to the day preceding the
question of reform, which must
necessarily occiuiy several nights ?
Why, too, not begin till nine at
night, when, on all other occa-
sions, the important business of
the evening — and this would not
be the least important question of
the session — always began at five ?
He could not help thinking that
this singular delay was intentional ?
and he could not consent to allow
all those important interests in-
volved in this question to remain
in a state of suspense, till it accorded
with the pleasure of the noble lord
to fix some subsequent day for
continuing the adjourned debate.
Would the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer either allow this question
to have precedence of reform on
Monday, or would he agree to the
appointmentof a select committee }
(f he would do neither of thest)
140J ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
things, he would vote for th^
amendment.
The Chancellor of the Exche-
quer refused to agree to either of
tnese proposals. The House di-
vided, and ministers were left
in a minority of forty-six, the
numbers being, for the amendment
236, and for the original motion
190.
Other items of the budget, like-
wise, ministers found it prudent
to modify or to abandon. The
proposed tax on steam-boat pas-
sengers, which was denounced from
all sides of the House and peti-
tioned against by all parts of the
country, was given up. The in-
tended increase of the duty on
Cape wines was diminished ; the
proposed duty of Id. per pound on
the importation of raw-cotton was
reduced to | of a penny, or 5*. lOd,
|)er cwt., and the export drawback
duty was abandoneu. The whole
aifairhad produced a strong impres-
sion of the practical inefficiency of
the government ; and, in any other
circumstances, it «could not have
survived the defeats which it had
already experienced. It had avoided
one discomfiture in appearance, but
had suffered it in reality, by with-
drawing the proposed tax on trans-
fers in the funds, the most im-
portant item of the budget. It
anticipated another on the ques-
tion of the timber duties — would
not seek it by pressing the original
question — ^would not acknowledge
its weakness by dropping the mea-
sure entirely — and was again de-
feated. Haa there been nothing
else, ministers must have gone
out. But amidst all their failures
and disasters, they remained in
possession of one sure pretext to
retain their power. The reform
bill was the anchor by which they
Iield ; the gloom of their defeats
was lost in the glare of popular
innovation. They held out large
bribes of political power to the
people, which would all be with-
drawn if they were driven from
office. The people lost all concern
for other measures, regarding
either foreign pr domestic policy,
in exclusive attention to the
more popular constitution which
had been promised them, and
treated as paltry all deficiencies
of the ministers from whom
this constitution was expected.
Ministers, on tlie other hand,
were bound still more strictly
to extend the popularity of the
reform bill, which furnished the
only chance by which they could
remain in power, and to refuse
every concession that might di-
minish the popular demand for
change by which alone they were
supported. In a question with
parliament it was very plain they
would be found wanting: the
policy imposed by the necessity of
their situation was, either to re-
sign, or to place themselves at the
head of the popular excitement
against the parliament. The re-
form bill became more than a mere
measure of policy ; it had become
the sole tenure of their own power.
The late ministry had gone out
of office after a vote by which the
House of Commons declared its
opinion that the civil list should
be referred to a select committee,
avowedly for the purpose of sepa-
rating the proper expenditure of
the crown from that large expen-
diture of which no part was occa-
sioned by the crown, and bringing
the latter, in whole or in part, annu-
ally under the power of parliament.
The new ministers lost no time,
after the meeting of parliament,
in bringing forward their ideas as
to the manner in which th^ civil
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[141
list ought to be arranged. They
were stated by the Chancellor of
the Exchequer^ on the 4 th of Feb-
ruary, when moving that the new
estimates of the civil list should be
referred to the committee. He
had left out of that estimate, he
said, every thing not connected
with the personal comforts of his
majesty, and the proper dignity of
the crown; and these latter expenses
he divided into five classes. The
first class contained the amount
of the privy purse and of the al-
lowance granted to her majesty,
and that charge he intended to
retain, as it had been fixed by his
predecessors at 1 1 0,000/. j 60,000/.
being for the privy purse, and
50,000/. for the queen's allowance.
The amount of the second class
containing the salaries of the differ-
ent officers of the household, he
intended to reduce from 1 40,546/.
to 130,300/. But the difference
of 10,000/. was not to be con-
sidered a reduction to that amount,
as he had removed from this class
the salaries granted to the different
officers of the Board of Works,
which he thought ought to be
placed under the control of Parlia-
ment, and he had abolished en-
tirely the office of auditor of the
civil list. The third class, including
the expenses of the household,
had been fixed by the ministry
at 210,500/. - He proposed to
assign to it 161,500/. But this,
too, was no reduction, as he had
carried many of the items formerly
included under this class to a dif-
ferent class. When he first looked
at this class of expenditure, he
was surprised at finding that, whilst
all the articles of life had dimin-
ished so much of late years in price,
the expense of maintaining the
Royal Household had considerably
increased. On looking more close-
ly into the matter, he had come to
this conclusion, that no reduction
could be made, without compelling
his majesty either to alter the style
of his living or to incur debt, and
he was convinced that the house had
no wish to compel his majesty to
do either. The expense under this
head had increased greatly, from
the circumstance of there being at
present a Queen Consort. The
4th class, which included the
Royal bounties and charities, M^ould
remain as before, at 23,200/. In
the 5th class, which comprised the
pensions granted on the civil list,
he had made the greatest altera-
tions. In the proposition of the
late chancellor of the Exchequer
the pensions charged on the civil
list for England were stated to
amount to 74,200/. ; on the civil
list for Ireland they were stated to
amount to 53,920/., and on the
civil list for Scotland to 31,050/.—
making a total of 159,170/. ; but
the former government had in-
tended to reduce the sum granted
in the last reign for that object-
to leave the English pension list at
its present amount of 74,000/., and
to reduce the Irish pension list to
40,000/., and the Scotch pension
list to 30,000/. — making a total of
144,000/. Even that sura he con-
sidered too large. The proposition
which he should submit would be,
for uniting into one list these three
distinct and separate pension lists,
for he could see no advantage de-
rivable from keeping them distinct;
and that for the one pension list
which he would have established
in future, the house should grant
75,000/. Thus as the pension list
of his predecessor was to have been
144,000/., and as his own was only
to be 75,000/., there would be
a reduction of 69,000/., on the
amount of this class. There were.
144] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
determine. The Chancellor of the
Exchequer had taken credit to him-
self for having removed all mysti-
fication from the subject, and Mr.
Hunt admitted that he had done
so effectually ; he had frankly told
the people that, in the way of re-
duction of expenditure, and relief
of their wants, they were to ex-
pect nothing. But if so, why was
the late administration broken up,
and on what principle, or for what
object, was the present adminis-
tration called to their places, if it
was not that they intended, upon
the vote on the civil list, to make
great deductions? Even sir H.
Parnell expressed his disappoint-
ment, that the estimate effected no
real reduction below that of the
late government, and he regretted
that ministers had exhibited a want
of attention to the strict principles
of economy.
The select committee on the
civil list, to which the estimate
was referred, had no power to ex-
amine witnesses, or send for papers,
and for their information on the
points to which they directed their
inquiries, they had to be princi-
pally indebted to the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, while it was the
evident interest of ministers to
prevent any reduction on an esti-
mate whicli they declared had been
long and carefully considered,^ and
in which they had stated they
would make no alteration. The
committee, however, recommended
reductions on the estimate as laid
before them, amounting to 1 1,529/.
Of that sum 10,955?. fell upon
the salaries of the officers of
the household, and 574/. on the
grants for the royal bounty, and
alms and charities. The minis-
terial estimate was 510,000/. ; the
estimate approved of by the com-
mittee was 498,470/. When the
report, however, was brought be-
fore the House, the Chancellor of
the Exchequer moved the full
amount of the original estimate,
and refused to accede to the re-
commendation of the committee.
The reduction, he said, was too
trifling to be of any service to the
country, and to agree to it would
not be treating his majesty in the
way he deserv^ed. He did not
believe the country wished ^he
civil list to be diminished by means
which would be of no benefit to
themselves. He was supported by
his predecessor Mr. Goulburn,
by Mr. Baring, sir R. Inglis, and
other members in opposition, who
thought it would be in the highest
degree imprudent, not to say un-
seemly, after the crown had sur-
rendered, at the opening of the
Session, so much of the heredit-
ary revenue, to pare down its ex-
penditure so very closely as was
now proposed, and encountering
the risk of compelling it to run
in debt. On the other hand, not
only the uniform supporters of the
word " reduction," to whatever,
and in whatever circumstances it
was applied, like Mr. Hume and
Mr. Hunt, but many members who
acted on more moderate and ra-
tional principles, like Mr. Bankes
and sir George Warrender, held
that the House was bound, in com-
mon consistency, to adopt the re-
port of its committee, unless some
special reason could be alleged for
rejecting it. Where was the dif-
ference between refusing a com-
mittee, and pre-determining to
reject its suggestions ? The late
ministry had presented an esti-
mate, and refused a committee.
They would stand by their esti-
mate; the House would have a
committee, and they went out.
The new ministers brought dovra
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[145
their estimate, or rather identi-
cally the same estimate, in a dif-
ferent shape ; it was sent to a com-
mittee ; the committee reduced it ;
but these ministers, too, would
stand by their estimate, and would
not allow the committee to re<luce
a shilling. To have refused it
would have been more respectful.
The reductions could not be ob-
jected to in themselves; they took
away nothing of what was neces-
sary for the dignity of the crown,
or the personal comfort of his ma-
jesty. They merely diminished
the salaries of certain great officers.
The opinion of the committee must
be taken as decisive that the re-
duction was reasonable and proper,
at least to this extent, that those
who maintained that the judgment
of the committee was erroneous,
were bound to show in what re-
spect it was improper • and un-
reasonable ; but that had not even
been attempted. The sum was
said to be small -, but the principle
was important both to the country,
and to the character of the govern-
ment.
The resolution was allowed to
pass ; but on the third reading
of the civil list bill, founded on
the resolutions, after an amend-
ment which went to confirm the
report of the committee, in deduct-
ing 1 1 ,500/. from the class which
contained the salaries of the great
household officers, and transferring
it to the third class, and which,
therefore, effected no reduction,
had been withdrawn, another was
moved, that the same sum should
be absolutely deducted ; but the
sentiments of the House being
decidedly against it, it was not
pressed to a division. On the same
occasion, Mr. Hume who, as a
member of the committee, Iiad in
vain tried to induce it to recom-
VoL. LXXIII.
mend a deduction of 75,000/. on
the pension list, moved it as an
amendment in the House. But,
on a division, his motion found only
seventeen supporters against se-
venty-two. He then moved, when
the allowances to the dukes of
Cumberland, Sussex, and Cam-
bridge came in question, that the
sum proposed should be diminished
one third, because the salaries of
]>ublic officers were in the course
of being reduced, and prices were
returning to the rates of 1 792, and
were already below those of 180Gi
at which period these allowances
had been increased; and he was in
no small degree siu'prised, when
the Chancellor of the Exchequer
informed him, that what he pro-
posed could not be done without
repealing an act of Parliament, as
the 1 0th George HI. empowered
his majesty to divide 60,t)00/. per
annum among his younger children.
That sum had been charged on the
hereditary revenue, and it was not
in the king's power to give it up
witliout a similar provision being
made on the civil list. No oppo-
sition was offered to a resolution,-
moved in consequence of a royal
message, assigning to the queen,
in case she should survive his ma-
jesty, 100,000/. \}er annum, with
Bushey-park and IVJarlborough-
houseas town and country resi-
dences.
Another point on which minis-
ters had to encounter the oppo-
sition of old friends, and received
the support of former antagonists
was, a proposition which they found
themselves bound in prudence
to make to increase the army by
7,680 men. At first sight it
was a strange mode of fulfilling
the pledges to retrenchment by
which they had bound themselves-
on accepting office, and there was
[L]
146] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
none more capable of being abused
to cover them with odium. 1'hey
were the more entitled, therefore,
to credit for doing what they be-
lieved the public safety required,
and they were in this happy situa-
tion, that they had only to speak
of the reform which they were to
introduce, and which would be en-
dangered by opposing them, in
order to make errors appear irirtues,
or at least to secure for them silent
acquiescence. In moving the in-
crease, Mr. Wynn, the secretary
at war, stated that it had no con-
nection with continental affairs. It
arose from no wish on the part of
ministers that this country should
interfere in the affairs of foreign
nations; it was not thd result of
any thing that had taken place on
the Continent, nor was it proposed
under the contemplation of the
necessity of any interference on the
part of tnis country, in consequence
of the events that had happened
there; but no man could look to the
state in which £ngland, and, he
would add, Ireland, were, when
ministers were called to the ad-
ministration of public affairs, and
deny that the state of both king-
doms afforded sufficient cause for
the proposed addition to our mili-
tary force. The House had only
to recollect the scenes which were
going forward in several parts of
the kingdom during the fast few
months. In such a state of things
as then existed, the first considera-
tion and the paramount duty to
which government had to attend,
was to afford protection to the loyal
portion of the population who were
exposed to attacks^ and had been
placed in imminent peri I. Heshould
rejoice, if the causes, which justified
the present increase in the army,
should soon cease to exist ; and if
w9 should be enabled, eveo before
the expiration of the present year,
to effect a diminution in the army
estimates. In the present state of
the country, however, he felt that
the Government would not do their
duty, if they did not call for an
augmentation of our military force,
i^ir H. Hardinge entirely con-
curred in the proposition, both as
to the increase, and the mode of re*
cruiting, and thought, moreover,
that government deserved great
credit for the encouragement which
they seemed inclined to give to the
yeomanry. Therewassufficientrea-
^n to justify the augmentation both
at home and abroad. When he found
it stated by the French minister,
in the chamber of deputies, that
of an expenditure of 47,000,000/.
sterling, 9,000,000/. were for the
army, which was to consist of 4 34,000
infantry, besides 46,000 cavalry, he
saw in that extraordinary speech,
which represented France as a
camp, some cause for increasing an
establishment: — but Mr. Wynn
again stated, that government put
it solely on account of the internal
state of the United Kingdom.
Colonel Davies moved, that the vote
should be granted for only three
months, in order that the estimates
might be investigated by a com-
mittee, and he entered into various
details to shew that many reduc-
tions of expense might be made,
without diminishing improperly the
effective strength of the army; but
he withdrew his motion on the
chancellor of the Exchequer stating
that, although the secretary at war
whohad justentered on office,* could
not be expected to take decisive
* And he did not hold it long. Mr.
Wynn conid not l>e brouffbt to support
the ministerial reform bill. He there-
fore resigned, and was succeeded by sir
H. Parnell, who bad disapproved of tb«
rainisttrial civU lift.
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [147
stepsatonceonhisownsiiggestionsj came forward with an augmenta-
ana contrary to high military au« tion of our military force, for which
thority, still he pledged himself that the increased charges, including
the strictest inquiry should be insti- the charge for the yeomanry, would
tuted, every part of the estimates amount to nearly half a million
examined, and every effort made sterling, could not Ml to excite
to reduce them. Mr. Hume, too, general dissatisfaction throughout
said that he was sure that the peo- the country. They had pleaded,
pie would hear with sorrow of an as an excuse for this augmentation
increase of 500,000/. in the expense the disturbed state of the country,
of the army by an economising go- and others had pleaded the agitated
vernment : that he could not con- condition of the Continent. The
ceive how ministers could propose army was to be increased from
an addition of 8,000 men, and yet 81,000 to 88,000 men, and the
talkof the army as being on a peace navy was to.be increased by an
establishment: that, in reality, he additional force of 3,000 men.
believed the late government to Now, how could such an increase
have been more economical than be required for the maintenance of
the present: and that the speeches peace in the disturbed districts?
of ministers reminded him of the If it were wanted to overawe the
good old times of Castlereagh. How- Continent, it was clear, that such a
ever, he would not divide the House force was quite inadequate to such
<'as he trusted that government a purpose. He appealed to the
would yet retrace their steps, and House on the part of the people of
atone for their errors by a liberal re- England, he appealed to every man
form, which would correctallabuses, who valued the tranauillity of the
and eventually obliterate every just country, and asked them to consi-
cause of complaint." der what would be the feelings of
Mr. Hunt, who, though the most those men who declared their suf-
radical of all reformers, was a much ferings to be now almost beyond
less ardent admirer of the ministerial the tolerance of human beings, on
reform, which he declared would be hearing that an augmentation of
any thing but satisfactory to the force was to be made, which would,
"people," wasnot so easily satisfied, of course, render necessary an
He not only would not consent to augmentation of taxation P As to
increase the army, but moved to the pledees of the present minis-
reduce it to 71,000 being 10,000 ters, he had heard the right hon.
men less than it had consisted of baronet below him (sir R. Peel)
the year before. He supported his congratulate the present ministers
proposition in his ordinary style of upon having taken up all his mea-
plain and fearless remark, of which sures ; he had seen him, with a
it is right some memorial should be sarcastic smile, rally them upon
preserved, especially as Mr. Hunt being converts to all his principles
had conducted himself much more — he had heard him tell them that
reputably and sincerely in the they agreed with him in all his
House than had been expected from propositions, — he had heard him
his former political habits. The say, " You've interfered with other
conduct of ministers, he said, who nations, though you gave a pledge
took oifice under the strongest of non-intervention. You have
pledges of retrenchment, and now increased the estimates, though
[L2]
148] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
you gave a pledge of retrenchment ;
and therefore I cannot help feeling
some astonishment to know how it
was that I was turned by you out
of place." He could not help join-
ing in that surprise ; and what was
the defence which ministers offered
to this taunting charge of the right
hon. baronet? As to the charge
of intervention., some of them ad-
mitted^ others denied it. If they
were to believe public documents,
there could be no doubt that mi-
nisters had been dictating a king
to Belgium. The only fault that
he had to find with the Belgians
was, that they did not appoint a
king from their own country, or
that they did not choose a president,
and form themselves into a repub-
lic. That was the fault, too, of the
people of France. After fighting
as they did during the three glori-
ous days of July, and sacrificing
8,000 valuable lives in defence of
their liberties, he was only sorry
that they had not reverted to a
republic. He would move that the
number of men should be reduced
to 71,000, unless he should hear
stronger reasons than had hitherto
been alleged to prove the neces-
sity of the proposed augmentation.
He would move that amendment
at all events; and if any gentle-
man would second it, he would
divide the House upon it. He
had already divided m one small
minority, and he had no objec-
tion to do so again ; for he was
anxious that the people of England
should know, who the parties were
who would continue our present
establishments at an expense of
15,000,000/. and who would not.
It was a singular spectacle to see
how gentlemen who went from the
opposition to the ministerial side
of the House changed their opin-
ions with their seats, just as if
there had been some atmosphere
about the ministerial benches which
rendered such a change inevitable.
He had not heard one word, from
any member who had yet spoken,
that convinced him of the neces-
sity either of increasing the army
or of keeping it up to its present
amount. If we were in such a
dreadful state at home as to re-
quire 88,000 men to keep the
l)eople of England in quiet sub-
jection, what was the cause which
had produced such an effect ? Were
the people of England so altered
that the government durst not
trust them with arms; the peo-
ple of England were not altered,
but such alterations had been
made in their habits, and their
institutions, by the bad laws of
chat House, that the governnient
durst not put arms into their hands.
Place arms in their hands, and
you would have, to a certainty, re-
form in three months. Mr. llunt's
amendment was seconded, and the
House divided; but he could muster
only 6 votes against 250 for the
original motion.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[149
CHAP. VI.
General Election — Popular Excitement in Favour of the Bill-^
Pledges demanded from Candidates — Election Riots — Result of
the Election — Opening of the New Parliament — Discussions on the
Address — Reform Bill brought in, and read a First Time — Clamour
of the Refamners against the limitation of the £10 Franchise —
Ministers yield the Point — Debate on the Second Reading of the
Bill — Second Reading carried by a Majority of 136 — Discussion
in regard to Appleby — The House determines that it shall not be
allowed to bring Evidence of its Population — Debate and Divisions
on the Motion for going into Committee — Discussion in Committee
on an Amendment that the Enfranchising Clauses should be first
considered — Division on the Question whether all Boroughs having
fewer than 2,000 Inhabitants should be disfranchised — Motion that
the Boroughs proposed to be disfranchised shall be divided into
Districts returning Members — Motion that the Population be taken
according to the Census o/ 1831 instead q/'1821.
THE election of the new par-
liament took place amid a
general excitement, which insured
the success of the ministry. The
declared intention of the dissolu-
tion had been, to obtain from
the people a House of Commons
pledged to support the reform bill,
and the only test by which candi-
dates were tried was, their deter-
mination to support that particular
measure. The large bribe of poli-
tical povrer which it held out — th j
inefficiency to which it was to re-
duce the aristocracy — the unde-
iined, but most groundless notions,
of plenty and comfort, which were
artfully connected with its enact-
ment— the infallible means which
its success would create of attain-
ing ulterior objects still more flat-
tering to vanity and passion — the
sure prospect of seizing the wealth
of the church to apply it to what
popular justice might reckon more
useful purposes — the light in which'
even its most educated supporters
uniformly taught unthinking men
to consider it, as being merely a
generous, a reasonable, and a mo-
derate, though firm, attempt to
recover ancient rights from the
grasp of profligate and usurping
oppressors — these were all consi-
derations which, addressing tlieni-
selves to ignorance, prejudice, and
selfishness, roused in its favour the
enthusiasm, or rather the fury, of
the multitude; The people were
told, that the political power which
the bill would bestow was their
unalienable right — and no propo-
sition can men be brought more
easily to credit. They were called
on to vindicate these rights by
breaking their chains on the op-
pressors heads— and to no call,
especially when it is not a suni-~
mons to any dangerous exploit,
will men more readily respond*
460] AN N UIA L BEG 1 ST EB.1 1831.
They were assured, that the
choice, which they were now to
make, was one between freedom, and
peace, and plenty, if the bill were
carried ; and slavery, confusion,
and miserable poverty, if his ma-
jesty's ministers should be dis*>
missed from their offices. No
limits can be fixed to the effects
which may be produced on the
large mass of any population by
the promise of power, founded on
the assurance that they have all
the qualities which deserve it -,
when they are assured that to
obtain it, they have only to de-
mand it ; and when, in doing so,
they are not resisting the govern-
ment of the country, but have
that government itself for their
leader in pressing onwards to the
political Eldorado.
Of the men, again, who under-
stood truly the state of the ques-,
tion, viz. will the proposed increase
of the efficiency of the democratic
part of the constitution better serve
the ends of good government ?
from what practical evils will it
save us, and what hitherto un-
known practical good will it be-
stow ? — the men who would have
treated it as a question to be de-
termined, not by declamatory ap-
peals to passion and prejudice, but
by the principles of calm reason
and the results of experience — of
these, great numbers were too
timid, and disinclined to exertion,
to engage actively in a contest
which they thought would be
hopeless, and many even joined,
against their own convictions, the
ranks of the reformers, because
they believed the popular enthu-
siasm to be now so highly excited,
however recklessly and ruinously,
that disappointment would ter-
minate in some civil commotion
still more mischievous than any
effects which could follow, at least
in their time, from the passing of
the bill. Among the lower class
of electors, again^ more especially
in the counties, their old and souna
feelings of loyalty were made to
produce the effect which could not
have been brought out by any
theory of reform. From the mo«
ment the bill was introduced,
ministers had taken care—- and
their organs of the press, and
their partisans at reform meetings,
had well seconded their efforts — to
announce, that the bill was not
merely their msasure, but a mea-
sure of the king. The antagonists
of the bill, therefore, were repre-
sented, not merely as the corrupt
and profligate enemies of the liber-
ties of the people, but as dangerous
and audacious contemners of the
loyalty which they owed to the
monarch. By an unprecedented
change of position, the demagogues
of the people made the king's will
their watchword; and the men who
opposed this measure, because they
saw in the democracy which it
constituted, the highest peril of
the crown, were hunted down by
the avowed champions of popular
sovereignty as being guilty of the
atrocious crime of resisting the
personal wishes of the sovereign.
To one division of the people, the
king was blown up into popularity,
because he approved of the bill;
and to another, the bill was blown
up into popularity, because it was
the bill of the king. Electors said
to candidates who had long repre-
sented them, that they could no
longer vote for them, not because
they were against the bill, but be-
cause they were against the king ;
that they themselves did not know
much about the bill, but it was
the king's bill, and they must have
uo disloyal representatives.
HtSTORY Ot EUROPE.
tl<5l
Nor was it sufficient to save a
candidate fVom the storm which
had been raised, that he should
be willing to lend. his mind to the
reform of the representation. It
was demanded of him, that he
should pledge himself in every
thing to this particular measure.
The Shibboleth now was, *' the
bill, the whole bill, and nothing
but the bill." The candidate was
not to be sent to parliament to
exercise his understanding, as a
reformer, on the principles of re-
form which ought to be applied,
and the manner of their applica-
tion. He was taken, specially
bound to give up the power of
thinking, to renounce all exercise
of the understanding, if he should
be burdened with such an incum-
brance, and to retain merely the
power of saying yes to every pro-
position which ministers might
make in order to carry through
the particular plan which had been
already proposed. The new House
of Commons was not to be a deli-
berative body, chosen to decide on
great measures of public policy ;
it was to be nothing more than an
assembly of delegates, nominated
as a mere organ by which the
popular sanction might be given
to a mhiisterial proposal* One
consequence of this was, that can-
didates decidedly favourable to re-
form, were placed at the hustings,
on the same level with men opposed
to all reform. Printed lists of the
majority and minority on general
Gascoyne's motion were assiduous-
ly circulated through the country,
and every candidate, whose name
was found in the majority, was
denounced as an enemy of reform,
in defiance of the fact, that the
majoritv had been made up by the
votes of members who were aeter-
mined to support the bill, and who
certainly had not deserted any one
of its principles in wishing that
the number of the representatives
should not be diminished. But
such a vote, though not hostile to
reform, was a vote in favour of
something which ministers would
rather have had otherwise ; and
their policy was, to be supported
by a majority which should have
no power of differing from them
in aught, or of shewing, by leaving
them in a minority on any one
point, that they might be fallible.*
The question raised at the election
was not, whether the power of the
democracy ought to be increased,
but whether it ought to be in-
creased in the manner proposed by
ministers. The electors were re-
quested, not to choose legislators,
but to be legislators themselves;
not to elect men to whose under-
standings they could trust, but to
select speaking-trumpets, en whose
voices they could rely. A ques-
tion, requiring more than any
other the calm deliberation of
enlightened and educated minds,
accustomed to weigh the merits,
and watch the results, of political .
institutions, was decided by large
bodies of excited electors, amid the
tumult, riot, and license, of the
unexpected Saturnalia.
The official influence of the mi-
nisters, too, which never wants its
weight under any government, was
put forth so unsparingly and un-
• Hence the words Reformers and
Anti-reformers are the farthest possible
removed from correctly designating the
tenets of the parties as they now existed ;
for a man, so far from being an ami*
reformer, might have been, all his (layj«,
a friend to rendering the representation
more popular, though he might be much
disinclined to the provisions of this bill.
The question raised, in regard to the
bill, was one of degree and manner ;
the words Reformer and Anti-reformer
marked a question of quality.
162] ANNUAL REGISTER. 1831.
blushingly, as, in some instances^
to defeat its own object. In Ire-
land, two pledged supporters of
the bill were elected for the city
of Dublin. The losing candidates
petitioned against the return, and
it came out in the proceedings be-
fore the committee, that the vice-
regal government had interfered
directly to ensure the success of the
sitting members. The oHicials of
the lord lieutenant had been di-
rected to inform the electors, that
all persons employed by him were
requested, and all' persons in the
pay of his majesty's government
were expected, to vote for the re-
form candidates. The decision of
the committee found that the sit-
ting members had not been duly
elected, and that there had been
an unconstitutional interference of
the servants of government. On
a new election, two members were
returned, hostile to ministers and
to the bill. All over the kingdom,
the tumult and license which
usually characterize a general elec-
tion were more than ordinarily
rampant and intolerant, and those
whose occupation it is, on such
occasions, to indulge in high ex-
cesses were all on one side. Anti-
-'^^ bill candidates and their supporters,
were exposed to the most lawless
violence, wherever they dared to
shew themselves at the hustings ;
denounced on the one hand as op-
pressors of the people, and on the
other as disloyal opponents of the
crown. In some instances, as at
Wigan in Lancashire, the life, as
well as the property, of unpopular
men was sacrificed. In Scotland,
however, more than any where else,
were the elections attempted to be
controlled by the violence of riot-
ous mobs. On the days of elec-
;' tion, the county towns were occu-
pied by large bodies of the lowest
orders of the people, marching in
regular array, for the ostensible
purpose of merely manifesting
their anxiety tl]at a reform candi-
date should succeed, but with the
true object of intimidating, by the
dread of violence, the defenceless
electors who might be otherwise
inclined. If the election termi-
nated favourably for a candidate
hostile to the bill, the assembled
mob forthwith resorted to acts of
violence against the voters: at the
election for the county of Lanark,
the late member, who as such pre-
sided at the meeting, and was ad-
verse to the bill, was attacked with
stones and other missiles, from the
gallery of the church in which the
election was taking place, during
the very time that the proceedings
were going on ; he was re-elected.
After the election, the voters for
the successful candidate were de-
tained prisoners for some hours,
unable to encounter the ferocious
mob which awaited them without,
til! they obtained security by the
sheriff calling in the assistance of
the military. / At Dumbarton
where, likewise, the successful cau-i
didate for the county was opposed
to the bill, he bad to lie for seve-
ral hours concealed in a garret, till
the mob, believing he had escaped,
gradually dispersed. At Ayr,
notwithstanding the presence of
military, the successful candidate
andhis voters were severely wound-
ed by the showers of stones with
which the rabble* assailed them,
and when they had at last escaped,
the popular patriots paraded the
city and suburbs, venting their
vengeance on the houses and pro-
perty of the electors who had voted
against the bill -man. The elec-
tion for the Haddington district of
boroughs depended on the nomi-
nation of a delegate for Lauder.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[163
The town-council of that borough
were supposed to be equally divided.
On the day of nomination, the re-
forming rabble beset the town-
ImU, seized one of the councillors
in the opposite interest when on
his way to discharge his duty,
forced him into a post-chaise which
had Ijeen prepared for the purpose,
and carried liim oif. The result
was, tiie reform candidate carried
the nomination of a delegate, and
consequently the election. Som€
of the parties engaged in this out-
rage having been apprehended, the
mob again rose, and compelled the
civil authorities to set their com-
panions at liberty. In Edinburgh ,
Mr. Dundas, the late member, had
secured a majority of the council.
The Lord Advocate had start-
ed as a candidate on the bill in-
terest, and on the much better
ground of his own professional and
literary eminence ; meetings were
held,and petitions to the magistrates
in his favour were gotten up by his
friends. A Lord Advocate ought
never to expose himself to the vio-
lence of a contest, especially in
times of great public excitement ;
for his office imposes on him the
peculiar charge of preserving the
public peace ; and, if outrages are
committed, he is expected, and,
by his duty he is bound, to prose-
cute the violence which has been
used by his own supporters on
his own behalf. The Lord Ad-
vocate, although he must have
been aware that the election was
decided, attended, surrounded by
his friends, while an outrageous
mob crowded the street without.
After the election, the populace
waited the coming forth of the lord
Provost, attacked him with great
personal violence, attempted to
hurl him over the parapet of the
north bridgey and were prevented
from proceeding to farther outrages
only by the interference of the
military. The mob continued con-
gregated during the evening, and
shewed themselves bent on further
mischief. The military were again
called out, but the lord Advocate
ordered them to be withdrawn,
pledging himself that, in that
event, the populace would be quiet.
The populace drew him home in
his carriage, and immediately band-
ed themselves for new disorders
and fresh attacks upon property,
which continued to keep the city
in tumult and alarm till late in
the night, and wore at last jnit
down only by the renewed inter-
ference of the military.
Amid an excitement M'hich,
among the rabble of reformers, led
to scenes like these, and which re-
duced even the better classes of
reformers to speak of these scenes
in very palliating language, it was
not surprising that the great ma-
jority of the elections terminated
every where in favour of the minis-
terial and reforming candidates.
In the counties and open boroughs
it was a triumph to the anti-re-
formers if they could carry one out
of two members j even that w^as,
ill the great majority of instances^
beyond their |>ower ; and where
they succeeded, their candidate had
sometimes to declare himself a re-
former, though not a bill-man.
General Gascoyne found it impos-
sible to make head in Liverpool.
Sir R. Vyvyan was expelled from
Cornwall ; Sir Edward K natch -
bull resigned the county of Kent.
Sir Robert Wilson, an ultra- re*
former, but who had dared to
think that it was not reform to
diminish the number of the repre-
sentatives, durst not shew his face
in Southwark, where he was sue-
ceeded by a brother of the new
IMJ ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
lord Chancellor. In Dorsetshire,
Mr. Bankes was defeated by Mr.
Calcraft, whose sudden and unex^
plained conversion to the doc*
trines of Ministers had carried the
second reading of the bill. His
inglorious triumph iras soon after*
wards followed by a death inflicted
by his own hand. Without a con-
test four bill- men were returned
for Yorkshire, the conservative
party dreading either the expense
or the tumult of a conflict. In
Westmoreland, lord Lowther could
carry only one seat, and none at all
in Cumberland or in Carlisle. In
London, all the four members were
pledged to the bill ; Mr. Ward,
notwithstanding all his character
and talent, being compelled to
withdraw by his committee, who
trembled for their own personal
safety and his. The whole influence
of the Duke of Newcastle was over-
turned at Newark, as well as in
Bassetiaw and the county of Notts.
Even Sir Thomas Acland, not be-
cau e he was an anti-reformer, but
because he would not bind himself
down to •* the bill," was compelled
to retire from the county of Devon.
On the other hand, two anti-re-
formers kept possession of the mi-
nisterial borough of Harwich ;
while the university of Cambridge
expelled its bill members, Lord
Falmerston and Mr. Cavendish,
and returned Mr. Goulburn, and
Mr. W. Peel. Out of the eighty -
two county members for England,
all were pledged to the bill with
the exception of about half a dozen,
returnecf by the counties of West-
moreland, Monmouth, Bucks, Hun-
tingdon and Salop, But the re
formers fell into a great mistake
when they repi'esented the issue of
the county elections as decisive
evidence of the unanimity of the
couoty« The returns were secured
by the majority, however smalf;
but the question of unanimity de-
pended on the comparative num-
bers of the majority and minority ;
and the state of tne polls, in the
contesteil counties, left in favour
of the bill-men a preponderance of
about 2,000, which rendered the
very idea of any thing like unani-
mity ridiculous. Ministers, how-
ever, had thus succeeded in obtain*
ing a House of Commons fashioned
after their own mind ; but one con*
sequence of its being a mere as-
semblage of pledged delegates, de-
prived before hand of all right to
think, while it gave them a ma-
jority, gave them one than which
no^equal number of men had ever
sat in the British parliament pos-
sessing so small a quantity of ag-
gregate character and talent. He
was the man of the people who
would tie himself down to implicit
obedience; and that quality was
easily found among the servile, the
ignwant, and the stupid, x
The new parliament met on the
14th of June, being opened, in the
mean time, by commission, till the
preliminary forms necessary to be
gone through in the House of
Commons should have been com-
nleted. On the same day Mr.
Manners Sutton was re-elected
Speaker without opposition. On
the followinff day his election was
confirmed, m the usual manner,
by the Lord Chancellor in the name
of his Maiesty in the House of
Lords, when the newly chosen
Speaker made the usual demand
for the protection of the rights and
privileges of the Commons, and
received the usual answer. The
intervening days till the 2ist were
occupied in swearing in members \
and, on the 21st, the session was
opened by his Majesty in person,
the following Speech :
HISTORY OJF EUROPE.
[Ul
t<
My Lords and OentlenieD ;
** I have availed mywlf of the
earliest opportunity of resorting to
your advice and assistance, after
the dissolution of the late Parlia*
roent.
'^ Having had recourse to that
measure for the purpose of ascer-
taining the sense of my people on
the expediency of a Reform in the
representation J I have now to re-
commend that important question
to your earliest and most attentive
consideration J confident that in any
measures which you may propose
for its adjustment you will care-
fully adhere to the acknowledged
principles of the Constitution^ by
which the prerogative of the
Crown^ the authority of both
Houses of Parliament, and the
rights and liberties of the people^
are equally secured.
*^The assurances of a friendly
disposition J which I continue to
receive from all Foreign Powers,
encourage the hope that, notwith-
standing the civil commotions,
which have disturbed some parts
of Europe^ and the contests now
existing in Poland, the general
peace will be maintained. To the
preservation of this blessing my
most anxious care will be con*
stantly directed.
'^The discussions which have
taken place on the affairs of Bel-
gium have not yet been brought to
a conclusion, but the most com*
plete agreement continues to sub-
sist between the Powers whose
Plenipotentiaries have been en*
^ged in the conferences of Lon-
don. The principle on which
these conferences have been con-
ducted, has been that of not inter-
fering with the right of the people
of Belgium to regulate their in-
ternal affairs, and to establish their
Government according to their own
views of what may be most con4
ducive to their future welfare and
independence, under the sole con-
dition, sanctioned by the practices
of nations, and founded on thd
principles of public law, that, io
the exercise of that undoubted
right, the security of neighbour*
ing states should not be endanger*
ed.
*' A series of injuries and in«
su1t«, for which, notwithstanding
repeated remonstrances, all repara*
tion was withheld, compelled me
at last to order a squadron of my
fleet to appear before Lisbon, with
a peremptory demand of satisfac*-
tion. A prompt compliance with
that demand prevented the neces-
sity of further measures, but I
have not yet been enabled to re-
establish my diplomatic relations
with the Portuguese Gk)vernment.
'" Gentlemen of the House of
Commons,
" I have ordered estimates of the
expenses of the current year to be
laid before you, and I rely with
confidence on your loyalty and zeal
to make adequate provision for the
public service, as well as for the
future application of the sum
granted by the last parliament;
always keeping in view the neces-
sity of a wise and wholesome eco-
nomy in every branch of the pub-
lic expenditure.
•* My Lords and Gentlemen,
''It gives me great satisfaction
to state to you, that the large re-
duction of taxes which took place
in the last and in the present year,
with a view to the relief of the la-
bouring classes of the community,
has not been attended with a pro-
portionate diminution of the public
income. I trust that such addi-
tional means as may be required
to supply a part of the deficiency
oocasionod by these reductionsj
166] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
may be found without any abridg-
ment of the comforts of my people.
*' To assist the industry, to im-
prove the resources^ and to main-
tain the credit of the country on
sound principles, and on a safe and
lasting foundation, will be at all
times the object of my solicitude,
in the promotion of which I look
with confidence to vour zealous co-
operation.
' '* It is with deep concern that I
have to announce to you the pro-
gress of a formidable disease, to
which my attention had been early
directed, in the eastern parts of
£urope. Information having I)cen
recently received that it hnd ex-
tended its ravages to ports in the
Baltic, from whence there is a
great commercial intercourse with
my dominions, I have directed that
all the precautions should be taken
which experience has recommend-
ed as most effectual for guarding
against the introduction of so dan-
gerous a malady into this country.
" Great distress has unhappily
prevailed in some districts, and
more particularly in part of the
western counties of Ireland, to re-
lieve which, in the most pressing
cases, I have not hesitated to au-
thorize the application of such
means as were immediatelv avail-
able for that purpose. But assist-
ance of this nature is necessarily
limited in itsamonnt, and can only
be temporary in its effect. — The
possibility, therefore, of introduc-
ing any measures which, by assist-
ing the improvement of the natu-
ral resources of the country, may
tend to prevent the recurrence of
such evils, must be a subject of
the most anxious interest to me,
and to you of the most grave and
cautious consideration. Local dis-
turbances, unconnected with poli-
tical causes, have taken place both
in this part of. the United King-
dom and in Ireland. In the county
of Clare, and in the adjoining parts
of Roscommon and Galway> a sys-
tem of violence and outrage had
for some time been carried on to
an alarming extent, for the repres-
sion of which the constitutional
authority of the law has been ri-
gorously and successfully exerted.
By these means, the necessity of
enacting new laws to strengthen
the executive Government with
further powers will, I trust, be
prevented. To avert such a ne-
cessity has been, and ever will be,
my most earnest desire ; but if it
should unfortunately arise, 1 -do
not doubt your firm resolution to
maintain the }ieace and order of
society by the adoption of such
measures as may be required for
their most effectual protection."
To the Address, which was
moved in the House of Lords by
the Duke of Norfolk, and seconded
by Lord Mulgrave, no amendment
was proposed. Earl Grey stated,
that, in framing the Speech and
Address, Ministers had felt de-
sirous of raising as few objections
as possible, and they had therefore
omitted all debat cable matter that
could be avoided. - The discussion
which did take place turned more
on what was not contained in the
speech — the dissolution, the al-
leged inattention of government
to the security of property during
the London illuminations, and the
arts used to inflame the public
mind during the election. Lord
Wharncliffe adverted particularly
to the statement of the Lord Chan-
cellor, at the moment of the dis-
solution, that that event had be-
come necessary as the House of
Commons had refused the supplies.
This statement, Lord Wharncliffe
said^ must be presumed to have
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[167
obtained credence with the Lord
Cliancellor through some unac-
countable perversion of mind^ for
it was entirely contrary to the
fact. It was, in reality, as un-
true as any thing which had ever
been uttered in either House of
Parliament ; aiid he had therefore
looked forward with some anxiety
to the time when he could legiti-
mately call on him for an explana-
tion. *' What !" said the noble
and learned Lord, '' shall any one
pretend to assert that the king has
not an undoubted right to resort
to his royal prerogative of dissolv-
ing Parliament, when the House
of Commons have adopted the un-
precedented course of refusing the
supplies V Now this was decidedly
untrue, for they were not even
presented with an opportunity of
refusing the supplies. The ord-
nance estimates were, indeed, to
have been brought forward on that
day, but they had not come on
prior to the division against Mi-
nisterd ; so that the imputation of
such an o£fence (for an offence it
would be, if they were influenced
by factious motives) was unde-
servedly prejudicial to the anti-
reform members in its efl^ects.
False as it was, it had served the
turn at the general election ; for
a number of cases had occurred,
within his own knowledge, in
which it had been objected to can-
didates, who had been in the ma-
jority in that division, that they
had refused the supplies. If there
had been any intemperance of feel-
ing, said the marquis of London-
derry, displayed on the day of the
dissolution, it was impossible for
any of their lordships to forget
that it arose from the Chancellor
having rushed out of the House,
crying that the House of Commons
had stopped the supplies. Now
what was the fact r His Majesty
had stated, that the reason why Jie
dissolved the late Parliament was,
his desire to appeal to the sense of
his people on tlie subject of the
reform bill. Their lordships found
the same assertion made in the
speech which his majesty had de-
livered that day. They found in
both those speeches a direct con-
tradiction to the assertion of the
noble and learned lord on the
woolsack ; and if they wanted any
further contradiction to it, they
had it in the notorious fact that
some of the ministers in the other
House of Parliament had written
down to their partisans in thecoun-
try, two or three days before, stat-
ing that Government had then de-
termined upon a dissolution. Was
it, then, to be wondered at that,
when they found the noble lord,
who ought to be an example of
decorum to that House, departing
in this manner from the honest
truth of the transaction, that others
should feel, and be roused from
their ordinary meekness on such
an occasion ? The Earl of Mans-
field asked, whether Ministers, be-
fore the dissolution, had communi-
cated to the king that on that very
day an address against that step
was to he moved, and would, as
they well knew, be carried by a
considerable majority? If they
did, the advice they gave the king
to dissolve the Parliament was
bold and politic, but still indefen-
sible ; but if they did not, they
were unfaithful servants, and de-
ceived his Majesty. He well re-
membered the manner in which
the noble and learned lord left the
Woolsack on the day of the disso-
lution of parliament, and the look
whicb he gave their lordships on
that occasion, when he left theiu to
join his Parthian band. The no-
168] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Ue and learned Lord told them
that he was obliged to leave them
to be in attendance on his majestyr,
who was at that moment, as was
afterwards reported, as far distant
as the Horse Guards. Before the
noble and learned lord left the
house on that occasion, he said
that he had never before heard it
doubted that the king had a right
to dissolve the parliament, and that
the measure was absolutely neces-
sary when the Commons resorted
to the unprecedented proceeding of
stopping the supplies. Lord Mans«
field doubted whether the dissolu-
tion of Parliament, was the only
measure to which ministers could
have resorted. One of two things
was necessary — either the dissolu-
tion of parliament or the dismissal
of ministers. It was rather sin-
gular that ministers grounded the
dissolution on the only measure in
the session on which they, and not
their political adversaries, had the
majority. The statement relative
to stopping the supplies was cir-
culated through the country, and
produced a great effect. The topic
nad been dwelt upon by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer and the
right hon. member for Cumber-
land in their addresses to their
constituents.
The same peers animadverted
strongly on the conduct of go-
vernment in neither interfering
to prevent the illumination, nor
in taking any measures for the
protection of property, n'hich
proved, if not their willingness
to identify themselves with the
{propagators of public alarm, at
east a great unwillingness to act
with promptitude and energy in re-
pressing intimidation, or to expose
themselves to the risk of seeing
themselves depreciated in the mar*
ket of vulgar popularity. The
lord mayor had not done his duty
in lending his authority to public
rejoicings in a matter of political
differences, where the necessarv
result could not but be, that all
who thought one way would be
compelled, either to belie their opi*
nions^ or have their property ae-
stroyed. The lord mayor was^ no
doubt, an important personage in
the city ; but still there was power
enough in the executive govern-
ment to have compelled him to act
with prudence. The Earl of Mans-
field stated, he had himself called
on the Home Secretary, on learn-
ing that an illumination was in-
tended : the Home Secretary even
then expressed to him his disap*
probation of illuminations, and the
tyranny with which they were ac-
companied, but said, he l^d no con*
trol over the lord mayor. In one
sense that might be true ; but it
was equally true that the execu-
tive government could give even
the lord mayor of London good
advice in such a manner as would
not fail to be effectual. This ad-
vice, if given at all. Had not been
pressed as it ought to have been,
the more especially as the lord
mayor on the one hand had ad-
mitted his inability to protect
houses in the city, and the Home
Secretary, on the other, had ex-
pressed his belief, that the police
would be insufficient to prevent
windows from being broken in the
west end of the town. It was
their bounden duty, not only as
public officers, but as good citizens
and honourable combatants, to
have done all in their power to
prevent an exhibition of party
spirit, even though that party was
tneir own, which they knew would
terminate in violating^ all law.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[159
breaking the public peace, and
destroying the property of their
political opponents.
Viscount Melbourne, the Home
Secretary, defended the govern-
ment from the imputation ofhaving
either encouraged the illumination^
or been inattentive to the protec-
tion of property when it did take
place. He had learned^ on the
Monday, from the lord mayor^ that
there was a strong and general
desire among the citizens to have
an illumination in the city, in con-
sequence of his majesty having
dissolved the Parliament, and the
lord mayor in reply had declared
his readiness to illuminate the
Mansion house. This was to be
on the Monday. It appeared, how-
ever, subsequently that the pre-
parations for the illumination could
not be completed on the Monday ;
and then^' at the desire of his fel-
low citizens, the lord mayor issued
a notice that the illumination should
be postponed to the Wednesday.
That was the only notice which
was issued from the Mansion-house.
There had, indeed, appeared in
one of the papers, a proclamation,
professing to be issued by the lord
mayor, which, if it had been is-
sued by him, would, beyond all
question, have beema flagrant de-
reliction of his duty. In that pro-
clamation it was stated as by the
lord mayor, that the police of the
city haa received orders to give
no protection to the property of
those persons who refrised to illu-
minate. That proclamation, be it
observed, the lord mayor never
issued : who did issue it was
a matter of uncertainty. The
only notice that the lord mayor is-
sued was that which postponed the
illumination from the Monday to
the Wednesday. He, the Home
Secretary, had communicated with
the lord mayor on this subject, and
the lord mayor had told him that
there was such a desire in the city
for an illumination, that he did
not think that he should be able to
control it, and that he therefore
considered it better to yield to it.
At the same time he (lord Mel-
bourne) did not know how he could
control the illumination. An il-
lumination was not illegal : it was
a ceremony he disliked to see ; he
disliked the arbitrary tyranny
which generally took place' during
its progress. He had never seen
any illuminatioti without the same
destruction of property which had
taken place at ttie last : and he did
not recollect that this morbid sen-
sibility had ever been displayed
about it before. He had given in«
structions to the police t-o protect
the persons and property of all
persons who were unwilling to lU
juminate, and he had every reason
to believe that they performed that
duty as weW as circumstances and
their numbers would permit. It
was difficult to prevent windows
from being broken, especially when
there was some darkness in a
neighbourhood from a number of
houses being un lighted. At the
same time with the difficulty of
preventing the oflence, the diffi^
culty of securing the offender was
increased.
The Lord Chancellor proceeded
to defend himself against the charge
of having stated the refusal of the
House of Commons to vote the
supplies as the reason for dissolv-
ing Parliament, and he was pro-
ceeding, to the no small surprise
of the House, to deny that he had
ever made any such statement.
^' If I did make that statement/'
said he, ^* I must havt been the
160] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
veriest idiot that ever yet rose to
address a public assembly, for a
debate had raged in the House of
Commons on the subject of tlie
expected dissohition of Parliament
for five hours before the vote in
question occurred. Did I not know
that I had previously advised the
king to dissolve the Parliament?
Was not the fact known to half-a-
dozen people in this room ? Had
I not issued orders for preparing a
commission the night before, it
being very much on the cards that
Parliament woukl be dissolved that
evening ? I shall tell the House
what I said. The words made use
of were so obvious, their meaning
was se distinct and plain, that it
was astonishing they could be niis-
imderstood. The only meaning
which my words conveyed was,
that the dissolution being a thing
resolved ui>on) if any justification
of that step were necessary, it
might be found in the conduct of
the House of Commons on the pre-
ceding evening. Tliough I am
not bound to do so, yet I will
adopt the report of my observations
which has been read. His lord-
ship then took the printed report
and read as follows: — *' I never
until now heard that the king had
not the right to dissolve Parliament
when he saw fit, the more parti-
cularly when the House of Com-
mons have considered it pro])er to
take the extreme and unprecedent-
ed step of refusing the supplies.'*
I am sure that any twelve men
who read those words, and who
were acquainted with the circum-
stances under which they were
spoken, would put the same con-
struction upon them that I do. It
matters little, whether in technical
terms the House of Commons re-
fused the supplies or M'hether they
adjourned without discussing them.
The effect was the same. If a
man went to borrow money from
another, it was the same to him
whether the latter shut the door
in his face and told him he woukl
lend none, or whether, without
saying a word, he walked away,
adjourned himself, and left his
friend to look at the walls instead
of the cash."
In the House of Commons, where
the address was moved by the lion.
Charles Pelham, and seconded by
sir J, Johnstone, one of the mem-
bers for Yorkshire, the same topics
were discussed ; the conduct of mi-
nisters in advising the dissolution
being attacked by sir R. Peel/ Mr.
Attwood, Mr. Dawson, and other
members, and defended by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, sir
James Graham, and Mr. Stanley.
The ministers admitted Uhat the
majority against them on ti»c ques-
tion of adjournment was not a re-
fusal of the supplies, though it went
to delay the voting of the ordnance
estimates, and they admitted that
it was not the cause of the dissolu-
tion, which had been previously
resolved on. ''I do not state,"
said the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, " that the adjournment was
the actual cause of the dissolution ;
but it proved that, with a House
in such a state it was impossible
for ministers to go on, and if it was
not the cause, it was at least a
justification of the dissolution."
On the other hand, the statement
of sir James Graham seemed to
imply that the adjournment would
have delayed the execution of the
resolution to dissolve already adopt-
ed, if ministers had not unexpect-
edly found themselves in possession
of monies which enablea them to
go on without the ordnance votes.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[161
He admitted that ministers had
determined to dissolve even before
the discussion which terminated in
the adjournment being carried had
been stated; and that impression was
strengthened by the vote in favour
of adjournment which followed.
On the following mornings the
morning of the day on which the
dissolution actually took place,
they found that there was an un-
appropriated surplus of money
voted in the preceding year on
account of the ordnance estimates^
which they were enabled to make
use of, and thus they avoided that
exigency to which they would
otherwise have been exposed. Lord
Stormont asked for a direct answer
to the question, whether the dis-
solution had not been adopted, in
ordei" to avoid the motion in the
House of Lords, of which lord
Wharncliffe had given notice, of
an address to the king against a
dissol u tion ? No answer was given ;
and it was clear enough that the
objection of ministers to the ad-
journment, did not lie in its delay-
ing, for a day or two, the ordnance
estimates, but in this, that a day's
delay would have left time for the
discussion of lord Wharncliffe *8
motion, on which they were sure
to be defeated.
The House of Commons having
been elected for the very purpose
of passing a measure on which
ministers were dependent for their
continuance in power, no time was
lost in bringing it forward. On
the 24th of June, lord John Rus-
sell moved for leave to bring in a
bill to amend the representation of
England. It is unnecessary to re-
peat the grounds on which his
lordship maintained, that it had
become absolutely necessary to
change the existing state of the
representation, that the principles
Vol. LXXin.
on which he proposed to change it
would only bring it back to what
it once had been, and that the
plan which ministers had con-
cocted was in all its parts Infallibly
pure, rational, ana useful. All
the arguments which were now
brought forward had been fully
stated and discussed during the
proceedings in the former Parlia-
ment. Neither did his lordship
enter into any minute detail of the
particular provisions of the bill,
as they were already sufficiently
known, and would be more parti-
cularly examined in the committee.
Some minor points had been alter-
ed, he said, but not such as to
touch the great principles, or de-
tract from the efficiency of the
leading provisions of the measure.
Leaseholders for a long term of
years were to be entitled to vote
for counties, thus remedying a
defect in the former bill, and the
term necessary t(5 give the fran-
chise to leaseholders paying 50/.
a year was to be seven years in-
stead of fourteen. Two new bo-
roughs, likewise, were to be dis-
franchised, although lord John Rus-
sell himself admitted that their
disfranchisement was a violation of
the rule laid down as the found-
ation of the bill. He confessed
that, according to the bill, their
population ought to save them from
the loss of their members; but
ministers nevertheless had resolved
to disfranchise them, fliecause they
were too much under the influence
of individuals. They were Down-
ton and St. Germain's.
On this occasion no debate took
place, sir R. Peel having stated
that he did not wish to divide the
House on the first reading, that
he wished still less to have a long
debate without a division, and that
the discussion would take place
[M]
162} ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
most conveniently on the second
reading. For his own part, he
wished but for one effectual dis-
cussion on the principles of the
bill, previously to its going into
committee: he spoke, however,
merely as an individual. He hoped,
likewise, that, before that discus-
sion, the bills for Scotland and
Ireland would be brought in, for it
was material, that the House, before
it discussed the English bill should
know the intentions of ministers
with regard to Scotland and Ire-
land. The king's speech had re-
commended the House to consider
the general question of reform with
reference to Ireland and to Scot-
land, as well as to England -, and
if the House proceeded to fiilfil
the promises they had given in the
address, that they would j)roceed
immediately to take into consider-
ation the question of reform, they
werebouna in compliance with that
address, not certainly to proceed
with the bills pari passu, but still
to seek to know what was to be
done with respect to Ireland and
Scotland.
The second reading accordingly
did not take place till the 4th of
July, the Irish bill having been
brought in, and read a first time,
on the ;50th of June, and the Scotch
bill on the 1st of July. During
the interval a good deal of notice
was excited by the mode in which
ministers dealt with a very im-
portant clause which now appeared
in the bill. The franchise was still
a 10/. franchise, but the bill, as
brought in, provided that per-
sons paying a yearly rent of !()/.
should not be entitled to vote,
if their rent was payable of^ner
than half yearly. The effect of
this would have been twofold — it
would, to a certain extent, have
limited the constituency, and it
might have given landlords the
power of conferring the franchise
on their tenants or refusing it, by
accepting half yearly, or insisting
on more frequent payments. A
clamour was immediately raised
against the clause by the reformers,
and the clause was immediately
sacrificed by ministers, who pre-
tended it had crept in by inadver-
tence, or, at least, that they had
not been aware of its probable
eflfects. If it was deliberately in-
troduced into the bill, it was in
vain to tell the world that they
had not weighed its consequences j
and even if that had been true, the
confession that they had made so
important a provision in utter ig-
norance of its plain consequences,
was not fitted to conciliate con-
fidence to their handy work. When
it was first noticed in the House of
Commons, on the 29th June, mi-
nisters ascribed it to some technical
** defects" in the wording of the
clause. The ministerial organs of
the press, to remove suspicion from
their patrons, threw the blame on
Mr. Gregson, the gentleman who
had been employed to draw up the
bill. This was imprudent ; for Mr.
Gregson's defence brought out the
fact that what ministei*s now ex-
cused as an inadvertence had been
deliberately resolved on, after their
attention had been specially drawn
to its necessary effects. Lord Al-
thorpe, to whom Mr. Gregson had
complained of the statements in the
ministerial journals, had promised
to absolve him from all blame be-
fore the house. An opportunity
for doing so not having occurred,
or not having been taken, Mr. Est-
court (4th July) drew the atten-
tion of the House to the subject,
when lord Althorpe admitted, that
the alteration in the bill had been
made by the directions of ministers.
HISTORY OP EUROPE.
[163
It bad been made be said only witb
a view to render more effective the
value of ten pound bouses, but
ministers bad committed a great
mistake from not being aware that
the alteration would disfranchise a
number of voters, and they had
abandoned it as soon as they dis**
covered that such would be the
effect of it. Mr. Estcourt thinking
this explanation only partially sa-
tisfactory, asked whether he was to
understand, that Mr. Gregson had
stated to ministers the objections
which lay against the alteration,
and that, notwithstanding this
warning, ministers had directed
him to draw up the bill as it now
appeared. In answer lord John
Russell admitted that Mr. Gregson
did state bis objections, and that
he certainly did understand him to
say what effect the alteration would
have upon persons paying a rent
sufficient to qualify them for the
franchise, but paying it quarterly ;
but, at the same time, Mr. Greg-
son did not convey to his mind the
idea that the alteration would cut
so deeply as it had been found it
would do. Various objections had
been stated to parts of the bill, in
the course of preparing it, but
many of them did not seem to him
of any importance, and among
these was the alteration in question^
which had not made a greater im-
pression on his mind than others.
The second reading of the bill
was moved on the 4th of July.
Sir John Walsh moved as an
amendment that it should be read
a second time that day six months.
The debate which followed was
continued during the 5th and 6th.
It consisted almost entirely of a
.re}}etition of the views, the argu-
ments, and anticipations, which
had been brought out at such great
length in the preceding parliament,
and with which it is unnecessary
again to load our pages. The new
matter of the supporters of the bill
consisted principally in enlarging
on what they termed the triumph-
ant evidence with which the general
election had furnished them, that
all room for doubt or hesitation
was now at an end ; that the voice
of the people, whose representatives
the House ought to be, had finally
decided, not merely that there
must be reform, but that kind and
degree of reform contained in the
ministerial bill ; that this voice had
been pronounced unanimously — for
the returns from close boroughs,
and some counties not much better
were not things that could justly
be taken into account in estimat-
ing the will and the wishes of
those who formed the people. To
this the opponents of the bill
answered, that the argument drawn
from the mere fact of a popular
clamour having been raised in
favour of this measure was fit only
for 'legislators who had been in-
vested with that character on no
other terms than those of pledging
themselves to discharge feithfiilly
the humble duty of delegates, and
not to act according to any opin-
ions which their own minds might
form regarding the necessity or
the benefits of the measure to be
proposed by government. No man
could deny the violent excitement
which had taken place -, most men
would not hold that large bodies
of electors were the fittest persons
for deciding on the merits of so
complicated and delicate a ques-
tion ; and every man must concede
that, least of afl, could the decision
of such assemblages be regarded,
when made under the influence of
temporary and violent agitation,
sedulously cherished by false pre-
texts, and supported by so many
[M3g
164] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
groundless anticipations. The re-
turns could not even be considered
as shewing the opinion of the coun-
try on this plan of reform, so much
had they been influenced by con-
siderations not connected with the
merits of the proposition itself, and
by identifying it with consequences
to which those even of its fiends,
who were rational and candid, ad-
mitted that it never would lead.
Take from the polls those who be-
lieved that in this bill were to be
found the abolition of tithes and
the seizure of church property —
the much greater numbers who
saw in it a vast reduction of taxes
and the immediate increase of their
personal comforts — all those who,
deaf to such motives, but bribed
by their very loyalty, ranged them-
selves round a measure which they
were told was that of the king,
and was opposed only by the ene-
mies of the king — and, after such
deductions, the reformers would
have little cause to boast of the
existence of that kind of public
voice to which alone a wise and
conscientious man ought to listen.
Where had been the loudness and
unanimity, now so vaunted, in
favour of reform, before the pro-
mulgation of the present measure,
and the triumphs of the democracy
of France } What reforming riots
had disgraced the country — what
political unions had banded the
people, and usurped the govern-
ment—what pledges had been de-
manded from candidates at . the
preceding election ? How little
ministers could trust to reason and
calmness among the people, and
how much they reckoned on every
thing that was the reverse, was
manifest from the delicacy and
respect with which they treated
bodies that ought to have been
unknown to them as a government.
except for the purpose of discoun-
tenancing them. Ministers had
wisely resolved not to entrust the
franchise even to 10/. voters, who
paid weekly, for instance. But
this resolution displeased the Bir-
mingham political union ; they
addressed a letter on the subject
to the prime minister, and that
noble lord honoured them with the
most friendly recognition. '' May
I be permitted to ask/' said sir
Charles Wetherell, " of the quoters
of Selden and other great consti-
tutional authorities, whether it
was the practice of the times to
which they referred for the first
minister of the crown to recognize
and acknowledge an usurping body
of men — a self elected corporation ?
When was it considered in accord-
ance with the practice and prin-
ciples of the. constitution for the
king's minister to recognize those
who wielded an unauthorized and
arbitrary power ? If the Birming-
ham political union presented a
petition to the House of Commons
in that name, he might safely ap-
peal to the Speaker whether it
would be received by the House —
whether it would not be rejected,
because the parties transmitting
it assumed a corporate character,
which they had no right to take.
In their individual character they
had a right to state their opinion
to the House, but the House would
not receive a petition from them
in the assumed capacity of a cor-
poration that was not knoTWn to
the law. He did, in the face of
the House, charge the prime mi-
nister with a great and glaring im-
propriety, in recognizing, by his
letter, the existence of an illegally-
constituted, and falsely-assumed,
corporation."
On the other hand, it was main-
tained, in the first place^ that, even
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
165
admitting, in the general case, the
inexpediency of tying down repre-
sentatives by specific pledges, yet,
if ever there was a time when
pledges might be admitted, it was
the present. The subject of reform
had now been so fiilly discussed,
that the greater number of men
were as well able to judge of its
merits as most of those who were
returned to parliament. The pub-
lic had had the opportunity of
reading all the debates upon the
subject. Pledges might, there-
fore, be fairly required from candi-
dates as to the support of a mea-
sure so well understood. Neither
was it true that the elections had
been effected by violence and ex-
citement. Never had less of either
accompanied any election ; and
even if it had been otherwise, how
could that affect the justice and
expediency of the present measure ?
And if violence was feared, was it
not true that, whenever the people
had a legal vent for their feelings,
they were less likely to be violent
than when they were obliged to
suppress them. Give them liberty
of voting, and they would seek no
licence of action.
On the principle of the measure
ministers and their friends repeated
that, although it went farther than
they had been pledged to go, it
went no farther than they were
convinced it was necessary and
wise to go ; that it was merely an
application of the true principles
of the constitution, in order to
render it what it ought to be 5
that, instead of being dangerous
to the stability of property, tb-
the prerogative of the crown, or
the due influence of the aristocracy,
it would strengthen and consolidate
them all ; that, moreover, be it
what it might, the country de-
manded it^would be satisfied with
nothing less — and, if this was re-
fused, would soon take more. The
opponents of the bill repeated, that
the people had never thought of
demanding this bill, until it was
offered to them as a bribe to rouse
them in support of a ministry
which, but for that, would, soon
after its creation, have paid, by its
dissolution, the penalty of its radi-
cal and incurable incapacity ; that,
in itself, it was not reform, but
the fabrication of a new constitu-
tion. It did not contain any one
rule which had ever before been
known to exist in the constitution.
It did not remove abuses, but dealt
in total destruction -, it did not
purify a representation which was
to support a throne, but laid the
deep foundations of a pure demo-
cracy, with which neither mon-
arch nor aristocracy could long
co-exist as independent parts of a
political constitution. It justified
its necessity by existing anomalies,
and itself teemed with anomalies
in all and each of its parts. It
pretended to be founded on the
rights of the people, and yet pro-
ceeded on no principle which was
not admitted to be so absolutely
arbitrary, that its very framers
could not tell why they had drawn
the lines which defined its o|)era-
tion. It was the creation of vain
and selfish men, seeking what they
termed sound principle, without
having detected any practical evil,
or being able to promise any prac-
tical good — conceited enough to
imagine that their unaided wisdom
could produce something far more
favourable to human happiness and
virtue than the British constitu-
tion, and conciliating favour to
their speculations, not by address-
ing themselves to wisdom and rea-
son, but by stooping to flatter and
bribe the btina prejudices and
1«6] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
selfishness of multitudes and of
demagogues.
The division shewed a majority
of 136 in favour of ministers ; the
votes for the second reading being
3d7> and those for the amendment
231.
The committee had been fixed
for the r2th of July. On the
motion^ that the Speaker should
leave the chair, lord M aitland, one
of the members for Appleby, called
the attention of the House to the
case of that borough, which, he
contended, was included in schedule
A-— which contained the boroughs
to be totally disfranchised— solely
in consequence of a mistake in the
population returns of 1821) which
were taken as the basis of the pre-
sent bill. The population of this
borough, including the parishes of
St. Michael and St. Lawrence,
amounted, according to the. re-
turns of 1811^ to 2,616 ; but the
returns of 1821 had reduced this
number considerably below 2,000,
by the accidental omission of the
parish of St. Lawrence. He mov-
ed, that his constituents should be
heard at the bar by themselves
and their counsel against the bill,
in m far as it affected them, and
in support of the allegations in
their petition.
Ministers declared they would
resist any such inquiry to the
uttermost. Was the progress of
this great bill to be stopped, to
enter into an examination of the
particular case of so insignificant
a place as Appleby? Would the
mafority of that House allow them-
selves to be trifled with ? The bill
was not one of {)ains and penalties,
and members would be heard, in
committee, in regard to this and
every other borough j but, if the
House was to hear counsel in the
cas« of Appleby^ they might like-
wise be called on to hear them in
the case of the other condemned
boroughs, and that would be vexa-
tious. The House had the in-
formation furnished by the popu-
lation returns, which was sufficient.
If witnesses were examined at the
bar, they must necessarily, if they
had not been engaged in taking
the census, be unable to furnish
any other evidence, and if they
had been so engaged, they would
furnish just the same evidence.
In answer, Mr. C. Wynn, Mr.
Praed, Mr. Attwood, sir E. Sug-
den, and Mr, Croker, maintained,
that iBere never had been an in-
stance of so arbitrary and uncon-
stitutional an attempt as ministers
were now making. The second
reading had carried the principle
of the bill ; but these petitioners
were not objecting to the principle ;
they only maintained that, adopt-
ing that principle, the rule laid
down by the bill itself, and founded
on a matter of fact, could not apply
to them. Ministers must know,
that petitions of this kind could
be received only on the second
reading ; and that, in the com-
mittee, no petitions could be re-*
ceived except such as were directed
against particular enactments. Was
this bill not a bill of pains and
penalties ? They were proposing
to take a valuable right (be it pro«
perty or trust) from a borough
upon certain grounds, which that
borough declared not to be applic-
able to it, and claimed to bo
heard on the subject by counsel
at the bar. Was it not just that
they should be heard ? Had it
been usual, in former cases, for the
House to point out the mode of
defence to be adopted by parties
attacked, and restrict them in that
particular, instead of allowing them
to take their own course i Wbea
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[167
the cases of corrupt boroughs bad
becu brought before the House,
counsel were allowed to defend
them at the bar ; why should not
a similar privilege be allowe<l here?
Because, it was said, if they ad-
mitted the right of the borough to
being heard in this case, they must
also admit the right in other cases
of a similar nature. Undoubtedly :
and why not ? Whether borough-
right involved a right of projierty^,
or whether it was simply a duty,
parties ought to be heard in de-
fence of it. This- borough was
pure, but only asked the same
advantage as it would be entitled
to if it were corrupt. Let the
House treat it as well as if it had
qualiiied itself for indulgence by
being impure. The borough was
blameless ; treat it as if it were
culpable, that was all that was
required. It was the bounden
duty of ministers to have rendered
themselves masters of the case of
every borough included in either
of the schedules before bringing in
the bill. That they had not done
so, the repeated changes made in
the schedules proved — cases such
as the present proved it — nay, that
provision, by which three months
were to be allowed for the purpose
of enabling commissioners to parcel
out boroughs and counties, proved
ministers' ignorance of the details
of their own measure. Did go-
vernment claim to itself an exclu-
sive use of the unlicensed practice
of making mistakes ad libitum, and
likewise the practice of curing
those mistakes nd Ubilnm ? Was
nobody else to point out an error,
(h: suggest a remedy ? There was
sufficient evidence already, for-
sooth, in the population returns.
It was admitted, that these re-
turns might be erroneous ; minis-
ters allowj^ that; in rarioua in«
stances, they had proved to be
erroneous, and to require correc-
tion. The allegation offered to be
established was, that, in relation
to this borough, they were errone-
ous ; and how could that be made
out by evidence, if the |>etitioners
were not allowed to produce it ?
The evidence was tendered, too,
at the only time at which it could
be tendered. It was certain, that
the Committee could not hear evi-
dence at the bar without the pre-
vious permission of the House,
granted on a formal motion. The
present motion was merely that
the petitioners should be thus
heard; and, if it were rejected,
it was plain that the thorough
investigation held out as awaiting
them in the committee would be
impossible. The petitioners had,
weeks ago, addressed two memo-
rials to ministers ; they had stated
their case as soon, and in the same
manner, as Buckingham and Truro,
and, as the cases were perfectly
identical, expected to have been
equally successful. But ministers
would not listen, and that was now
to be a reasion why the House
should not even inquire, whether
the statements, on which a borough
was to be deprived of the elective
franchise, were true or false. Min-
isters were bringing down their
pledged majority to vote in the
dark, and, trusting to numbers,
M'ere setting at defiance all argu-
ment, precedent, and justice.
The motion, however, was re-
jected by a majority of 97 (284 to
187)> although several supporters
of the bill ventured to vote in the
minority. Among these "was al-
derman Thompson, one of the
members iot Loitdon, who stated,
from his locAl knowledge of Apple-
by, that the petitioners were justly
estitied (o 8b«w cause why they
168] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
should not be disfranchised, and
that justice would not be done if
the motion were rejected. The
alderman was immediately called
before a junta of his constituents,
to answer for his audacity in hav-
ing dared to support what he
thought just, in opposition to
ministers. In vain he assured
them that he was as faithful as
ever to his pledge to the bill — that
he had duly voted for the second
reading — that the point in dispute
had not involved any principle,
but simply, whether or no the facts
on which it proceeded were to be
taken at random, or ascertained
by evidence; that the bill itself
said, no borough should be totally
disfranchised if its population ex-
ceeded 2,000, and he had merely
wished to know whether Appleby
did or did not contain that num«
ber. His hard taskmasters com-
pelled him to express his regret
for having been guilty of so great
an '^ inadvertence" as to vote
against ministers, and only on that
condition, they continued their
favour to the weeping, repentant,
and degraded alderman. Such was
the state of trembling servility to
which legislators so elected were
reduced, and such was the mean-
ing of the pledges by which they
were bound. Here was an English
merchant compelled to express his
sorrow for having opposed the
commission of what he believed to
be injustice, perpetrated for the
purpose of suppressing what he
believed to be the truth.
This motion having been lost^
a new discussion arose, before the
Speaker left the chair, on the
general principles and tendencies
of the bill. There being still se-
veral members who wished to ex-
press their sentiments, and the
majority seeming impatient to cut
all argument shorty Mr. Gordon,
who had been interrupted by their
cries for a division, moved an ad-
journment. The chancellor of the
Exchequer refused to consent ; he
would have no further general ar-
gument on the bill after that night,
for sir Robert Peel, when the bill
was brought in, had distinctly
stated, that one discussion on the
second reading would be sufficient.
That was true ; but sir Robert had,
at the same time, distinctly stated
that, in saying so, he expressed
only his individual opinion. The
motion for the Speaker leaving the
chair was carried by a majority of
328 to 102; but the minority,
thinking, more especially from the
treatment of Appleby in the earlier
part of the evening, that there was
a determination to hurry on, by
means of the majority, independent
of all inquiry or argument, resolved
to shew at once that they were
prepared, on their side, to make
good the protection which the
forms of the House afford to a
minority. Seven different times
they moved an adjournment, as an
amendment to the as often repeated
motion, that the Speaker should
leave the chair, and divided the
House. Each division was pre-
ceded by angry skirmishing, the
majority insisting that the opposi-
tion was factious and unreasonable,
and that the minority were bound
to submit \ the minority, again,
maintaining that the privilege of
moving an adjournment meant just
the reverse, and that it was used at
present for its constitutional and
useful purpose of preventing a
majority from stifling all discus-
sion, and of shewing that this bill
was not to be hurried through in
the way which some gentlemen
had anticipated. Some ministerial
members advised government to
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[169
yield, as the power of moving an
adjournment was the only protec-
tion which a minority enjoyed
against a majority, and it always
had been the practice of govern-
ment, on similar occasions, to give
way. Others urged the chancellor
of the Exchequer not to yield an
inch of ground. The Attorney-
general said it was important that
the government should persevere
in opposing the amendment, in
consequence of the manner in which
the minority were abusing their
privilege in moving it ; for the
objection to proceeding with the
debate was not founded on any
constitutional objections to the re-
form bill, but on the simple fact
that an individual had felt that
he had not been heard with suffi-
cient attention at twelve o'clock
at night. But the Attorney-ge-
neral forgot, that it was just this
fact, coupled with the Appleby
discussion, which had induced the
minority to shew their resolution
not to be trampled down. One
member desired the opposition to
remember, that a day of retribu-
tion was coming — but still an ad-
journment was moved. Mr. Sheil
declared, that when this debate
went forth next day, the whole
metropolis would be m a ferment 5
a Mr. James announced that the
artisans might now hoist their
black flag ; and ministers them-
selves were, in truth, much more
conciliatory than their adherents.
This foolisn language produced no
effect. The minority, headed by
sir C. Wetherell, stood upon their
right, and justified the object for
which they were using it. Sir
Charles said, that never were
amendments moved on more con-
stitutional grounds. He and his
friends were determined to secure
the independence of the House^
and prevent freedom of debate from
being stifled. He would continue
to pursue the path which he had
hitherto followed, being convinced
that in that House he should .be
deemed to have acted the part of
an independent member of parlia-
ment, though he was only the
member of a rotten borough. The
noble lord and his majority should
have frequent opportunities of quit-
ting the House, like a comet with
its tail, and returning to a renewal
of the same exercise. He and his
friends would^ conduct their cause
with the genuine sincerity of men
who conscientiously believed them-
selves to be engaged in protecting
the best interests of the country.
He had already made up his
mind to perseverance, and perse-
vere he would. Government, in
possession of exulting majorities,
should have taken for its motto,
Parcere suhjectis et debellare SU"
perbos. But it would do no such
thing. It was not content with
dancing in and out of the House
with a comic train of attendants,
exulting and triumphing in their
superiority — it must also clamour
its opponents into silence. Some
gentlemen then present recollected
twenty of these divisions taking
place in a night. When he had
equalled that number, and had got
a drawn battle, he might perhaps
give way; but certainly not till then.
On the last division the majority
counted 1 87 votes, and the mino-
rity 24 ; but as the latter kept un-
flinchingly to their point, and seven
o'clock in the morning was ap-
proaching, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer declared that he was,
and always had been, anxious that
the House should have the fullest
opportunity to discuss the question
on^ the evening of the day the
morning of which was sdready so
170] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
fkr advanced. If the House^ there-
fore, would allow him to go into
committee pro format the chair-
man might report progress, and
ask leave to sit again to-morrow,
when the discussion might go on
as before ; this arrangement was
agreed to, and the House adjourned
at half-past seven o'clock.
' On the 13th, accordingly, when
the motion was made for the speaker
leaving the chair, some discussion
on the general principles of the bill
took place, but it was very brief,
the opposition apparently being
satisfied with having shewn that
they had resolution enough to in-
sist on full and free discussion. In
the committee, when the first
clause was read, declaring that the
boroughs contained in schedule A
should cease to return members,
Mr. C. W. Wynn moved that the
consideration of this clause (and,
if he succeeded, likewise of the
partially disfranchising clause ap-
plicable to schedule B) should be
delayed, till the clauses which
bestowed members on places hither-
to unrepresented should have been
settled. He thought the first
thing the House should do was to
see what places ought to be en-
franchised, and then how far other
alterations must be made in order
to admit them. He was disposed
to agree to a considerable addition
of new members ; but he would
first determine upon the proper
number, and afterwards consider
how room was to be made for
them. He thought it best to make
room for them, rather than to add
them to the present amount of
members, because it was generally
acknowledged that any increase of
the numbers of that House would
not be attended with convenience*
He was inclined to think that t^he
best way of making room for the
new members was by uniting bo^
roughs rather than disfranchising
them. Why might not the bo-
roughs of Aldborough and Orford
be joined, and allowed to send re-
presentatives to Parliament con-
jointly, instead of being entirely
extinguished ? He did not see
why this plan of uniting boroughs
might not be acted upon as well in
this country as in Scotland. This,
however, could not be done, until
the number of new members to be
provided for was known.
Sir E. Sugden, Mr. Croker, and
sir R. Peel spoke in favour of the
amendment, but insisted much more
largely on other points of the pro-
posed measure, more particularly
on the impossibility of discovering
on what principle the disfranchise-
ment was founded, and the folly of
proceeding to disfranchise on the
ground of population, upon in-
^rmation confessedly imperfect.
Ministers at one moment had de-
clared, that the number of the
House should be diminished by
sixty-two, and in another they
turned round, stated that they had
changed their minds, and now de-
clared their will, relying on a ma-
jority to back them, that the de-
crease should be limited to thirty-
one. They had •taken care to ex-
clude from the present bill the
grounds upon which it proceeded ;
and when posterity came to inquire
for what reasons this great measure
was introduced, in vain would the
bill be examined to discover one
single ground upon which disfran-
chisement had taken place. When
the House looked into schedule A,
it would find, that ministers had
made an alteration in that, in
consequence of information which
they had received, of the loosest
description, and upon which if
the members of the House acted,
they would be trifling with the
feelings and the rights of the people
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[171
of England. Upon the strength
of certain information which mi-
nisters had laid upon the table,
they had taken fiFe boroughs, which
had been condemned to entire ex-
tinction, out of schedule A, and
placed them in schedule B, by which
transposition they would gain a
member each ; and then^ as a sort
of counterpoise, they took two bo-
roughs out of schedule B and placed
them in schedule A. Now when
ministers brought in their first bill,
did they or did they not proceed
upon sufficient grounds with re-
spect to disfranchisement? That
they did not, was now perfectly
evident from the alterations whicn
had been made ; and certainly more
caution ought to b& used in pro-
posing so great, so radical, a change
in the constitution. The present
principle, it was said, was to abo-
lish nomination boroughs, but the
principle of the bill originally was,
that inconsiderable and decayed
boroughs only were to be disfran-
chised ; but it would be found, that
several boroughs were to be dis-
franchised which were not nomin-
ation boroughs, whilst several were
not to be disfranchised which were
nomination boroughs. Ministers
had formerly been told, that they
were retaining nomination bo-
roughs, and thereby giving to them
an increased value. What was
their answer? That they never
intended to interfere with the rights
of legitimate property. So that,
in point of principle, it was not
nomination boroughs they. were to
do away, but small and decayed
boroughs. They had boasted that
property was the basis of this bill.
While ministers were hatching
the bill in the cabinet, the member
for Shrewsbury, unaware of what
would be put into this great exem-
plar of wisdom, introduced a bill to
exempt from the payment of poor-
rates the inhabitants of 10/. houses,
— the very persons who were to be
raised to the distinction of electors.
That bill stood ' for the second
reading the very night on which the
noble lord brought in a bill, by
which 10/. householders were to be
raised from the state of paupers,
and erected into independent legis-
lators of the country. And now to
the farce of the transaction. The
^hon. member's bill, as it originally
stood, provided that the occupier
of houses under 12/. rent should
not be called on to pay poor-rates,
and that the payment of these
rates should be transferred to the
landlord. This, of course, was in-
tended to include houses of 10/.
But the limit had been sincealtered
to 10/., and there were actually two
bills going through the House pari
passu, by one of which a 1 0/. house-
holder had a legitimate vote for a
representative in the reformed par-
liament, and by the other bill he
was declared a pauper, or only one
degree above a pauper. For the sake
of the bill itself, said sir R. Peel, it
would have been prudent in minis-
ters to have avoided calling the at-
tention of the House so immedi-
ately to those provisions ; for
whilst the bill proceeded on the doc-
trine of population, it was guilty of
the inconceivable absurdity of hav-
ing recourse to the returns of 1 82 1 ,
when in one fortnight the House
would have been in possession of
the census of 1 83 1 . This alono
would make the difference of ex-
cluding many boroughs which
otherwise woUld have been inclu-
ded in the different schedules.
Ministers take population as their
basis, and yet admit that the re-
turns of 1821 are imperfect. Nay,
more, they not only admit that
they areiroperfect, but agentlemao.
172] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
whom they sent since the bill was
iirst promulgated in the last parlia-
ment to ascertain the exact popu-
lation of the towns to be enfran-
chised as well as disfranchised^ says
that '* if more time were afforded
him, he should be able to procure
information which would essenti-
ally illustrate the operations of the
bill on twenty-five of the large
towns set down in schedule C," and
adds his regret that '^ he had ex-
ceeded the period prescribed for his
mission one day." What was the
inference to be drawn from all
this? Simply this — that ministers
were not only acting on imperfect
information, but would neither
themselves procure the requisite
information nor allow us (the Op-
position) to procure it. And yet,
forsooth, they plume themselves on
their above-board policy. Minis-
ters said, that they did not reckon
it of much importance whether dis-
franchisement or enfranchisement
came first, because, according to
their principles, they were altoge-
ther independent of each other.
They did not propose disfranchise-
ment as a consequence of, or a
thing rendered necessary by, pro-
spective enfranchisement ; but as a
measure necessary and proper in
itself. They took away the fran-
chise from a small and corrupt bo-
rough, because it was not of suffi-
cient importance to hold such a
right; and they gave it to a great
town because, without any refer-
ence to the disfranchisement of the
small borough, its wealth and popu-
lation entitled it to be represented.
Ministers were prepared to assume
the principle that close boroughs
were evils in themselves, and ought
to be got rid of. The course which
the House ought to pursue was, to
ascertain what boroughs ought to
be disfranchised, for the primciple
of the bill was to disfranchise bo-
roughs which ought not to return
members to that House, and to
give representatives to those bo-
roughs which ought to possess them.
The amendment was lost by a ma-
jority of 1 1 8.
In the committee, next day, the
question of total disfranchisement
in regard to the boroughs contained
in this first schedule was again
raised by sir Robert Peel. The sche-
dule, he. said, included fifty-seven
boroughs. upon each of which it was
competent for any member to raise
a discussion, involving the consi-
deration of the whole bill. He
thought, therefore, the best course
would be, to take the sense of the
House on this question, whether
all boroughs containing fewer than
2000 inhabitants should be disfran-
chised 3 and when the will of the
House was clearly manifested by
decided majorities, he for one
would not be disposed to repeat. the
division in the case of each pai'ticu-
lar borough, upon the understand-
ing that, with respect to every
borough, where a prima facie case
could be established that it did not
fall below the line drawn by minis-
ters, an opportunity for full discus-
sion would be afforded. He there-
fore moved that the word '^each "
should be left out of the clause.
The question thus raised was to
bring out the gi'ouuds on which this
arbitrary disfranchisement wasrest-
ed, it having been very difficult to
discover from the statements of
ministers whether they aimed at
nomination boroughs, or at bo-
roughs of a smaller population than
2000, whether they were close or
independent, or at population as a
test of nomination. The chancellor
of the Exchequer stated very briefly,
that the principle which ministers
had in view was to disfranchise cer«
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[173
tain nomination boroughs. Some of
them were large, some of them small .
All under 2000 inhabitants were to
be disfranchised entirely. The
others were to retain the franchise
to a certain extent, but they would
be thrown open. Lord John Rus-
sell declared^ that the test was po-
pulation ; but if he were asked the
object of the measure^ he would say,
it was to destroy nomination in
every respect, and give every 10/.
householder a vote. The test was,
whether the boroughs did or did
not contain 2000 inhabitants. It
was a notorious fact that all the bo-
roughs in schedule A were nomina-
tion boroughs.
These statements, it wasanswered,
only shewed that the disfranchise-
ment did not rest on any one fixed
principle. The object was to get
rid of nomination boroughs ; well,
let the object be assumed. How
came the circumstance of a place
containing, or rather having con-
tained in 1821, one human being
less or more than 2000 to be a test
whether it was an independent or
a subject borough? Nomination was
a fact independent of population ;
it might not exist in a borough of
1 ,500 inhabitants, while it might
exist in a borough of 3000. It
might be true as a fact, though it
was not, that all the boroughs in
schedule A were nomination bo-
roughs : but they were not so, 6e-
cause they contained only 2000 in-
habitants. Whether or not a bo-
rough was a nomination borough
was a fact to be ascertained in every
case by evidence. If this was the
principle, ministers were bound to
exempt every borough which they
could not shew to be in fact a no-
mination borough. If they said,
no, we shall disfranchise, if it have
fewer than 2000 inhabitants, whe-
ther it be a nomination borough or
not, then they brought in popula-
tion, not as a test of something else,
but as being in itself a substantive
ground of disfranchisement. They
said that all the boroughs in sche-
dule A were nomination boroughs;
yet they admitted, that, if any of
them could be shewn to have con-
tained, in 1821, 2,0()1 inhabitants,
it would be saved. But would that
access of population make it less a
nomination borough ? It was to be
saved, then, not on the ground of
its independence, but solely on the
ground of population, without re-
gard to its political character.
But, say ministers, whatever line
we may draw must he in its nature
arbitrary. Not if you are speaking
truth when you announce your prin-
ciple. If population is your prin-
ciple, which you say it is not, then
to be sure you must be arbitrary ;
but if your object be to exclude
every nomination borough, that is
an inquiry of fact independent of
population, and requiring the ap-
plication of no arbitrary rule.
If the destruction of nomination
boroughs be the object and princi-
ple, and population only the test,
what becomes of the one or the
other in boroughs of l)etween three
and four thousand inhabitants }
They are to lose one member : they
are to be disfranchised thus par-
tially because they are nomination
boroughs. But why partially? The
principle is, to get rid of them ;
and yet the sentence pronounced by
the principle of the bill is immedi-
ately reversed by the pretended
test of that principle — population.
The admission of ministers that
there were nomination boroughs
above, as well as below, 2000, p^t
an end to population as a test ; for
no human ingenuity could conceive
of 2000 and 4000 being equally
tests. The one must be too low.
J74] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831:
or the other must be too high.
But these boroughs^ it was said^
were to be thrown open. If so,
then the whole of the pretended
groundwork of disfranchisement
fell away; — for that was a distinct
admission that disfranchisement
was not necessary in order to pu-
rify a nomination borough. If a
borough containing 2001 inhabit-
ants could be rendered worthy of
its privileges by the new constitu-
ency, why was not the same re-
medy applied to a borough with a
population of 1999? How could
the total disfranchisement of the
one, and the partial salvation of the
other, rest on the same principle ?
That partial salvation itself was
utterly inconsistent with the a-
vowed object and principle : — for,
if the borough^is to be independent
with its remaining member, on
what principle is it disfranchised
quoad the other ; and if it is still
to be a nomination borough, with
its one member, on what principle
has it not been deprived of botli ?
There was no principle either fixed
or followed out, and ministers
would take sometimes the fact of
population and sometimes the as-
sumption of nomination, as best
suited their own views and wishes,
while they proceeded with no trust-
worthy information as to either.
Greater absurdity, said sir Robert
Peel, there could not be than to
allow numbers to become the test
of disfranchisement. All the world
knew that there were parodies on
university examinations, contain-
ing such questions as this, given
the name of the vessel and the
height of the mast, to find out the
ship's destination. No less absurd
was the declared principle of this
bill, if principle it might be called,
viz. given the number of men, wo-
men and children in a certain place,
to find the political independence
of its inhabitants. This profound
problem ministers had not at-
tempted to solve. Would they
give a plain answer to these plain
questions — is the House asked to
afiirm this pro[^sition ; all bo-
roughs containing from 50 to 2000
inhabitants, necessarily are, sim-
ply on account of their population,
nomination boroughs which cannot
be purified, but must be destroyed ;
and all boroughs containing from
2000 to 4000 inhabitants, necessa-
rily are, in respect of their popu-
lation alone, nomination boroughs,
which can be purified as to one half
but cannot be purified, and must
be destroyed, as to the other.
Let these propositions, the neces-
sary result of thie declared princi-
ples of the bill, be distinctly stated,
and the committee and the country
would know what to think of the
wisdom of the men who brought
them forth.— The argument was
answered by a division which gave
ministers a majority of 97 •
When Mr. Wynn proposed the
postponement of the disfranchise-
ment clauses till after it should
have been determined what new
boroughs were to be introduced,
he had stated that room might be
made for their representatives by
uniting, as in Scotland, several of
the smaller boroughs, instead of
visiting them with disfranchise-
ment. In pursuance of the same
idea, Sir A. Agnew,. a supporter
of the bill, moved in the commit-
tee, on the 15th, an amendment
to the effect, " that the boroughs
in schedule A should have a share
in the election of a member or
members to serve in parliament as
shall be hereinafter provided." —
the intended subsequent provision
being, the conjunction of these
boroughs for purposes of represent-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[175
ation. To this proposition it was
objected, in the first place, that
the question was already settled.
The effect of it would be, that
there would be no total disfran-
chisement of the boroughs in-
cluded under this first clause,
while the House had already deter-
mined, particularly on the amend-
ment moved by sir Robert Peel,
that total disfranchisement was
here to be the rule. Next, it was
hostile to the principle of the bill,
which was the destruction of all
nomination boroughs. The pro-
posed union would make the fran-
chise depend on a small society of
borough proprietors. These places
were consigned to destruction, be-
cause they had no constituency,
and how could any good be ef-
fected by combining several of
them. It was impossible, by the
numerical addition of such boroughs,
to obtain a pure constituency; they
might as well attempt to form
a whole man out of so many un-
grown babies. No doubt opposite
influences might tend to neutral-
iztfTBach other, but the result would
never be a true and faithful repre-
sentation of the interests of the
people : the extent of certain in-
fluences might be lessened, but the
character of the influence would
not be changed. Although, there-
fore^ the bill itself did contain
several instances of unions, for the
purpose of sending members to
parliament^ they furnished no ana-
logy, because these were populous
districts. But the eflfect of the
present proposal would be, to en-
able the patrons of two or three
boroughs to carry the election for
the district, and disappoint the
country of the good whicti was ex-
pected from the destruction of the
nomination boroughs.
. Ou the other side it was main*
tained, that these objections rested
on a total misconception of the
proposition. They would be good,
if tne boroughs were to remain as
they were, the influence of each
patron remaining untouched, ex-
cept in so far as it might be aflPect-
ed by that of his co-patrons. But
these boroughs were not to be
withdrawn, by this proposal, from
those clauses of the bill which re-
garded the constituency. In all
of them a new constituency was
to be formed of 1 0/. householders.
It was impossible^ therefore, that
the predominating influence could
remain in the manner which was
objected to. By the bill itself, a
borough containing, for instance,
2,400 inhabitants, was to retain a
member, its constituency being
placed on a certain footing. Why,
then, should the same privilege be
refused to the united population
of four containing 600 each, or of
two containing, the one 1,500, and
the other 600, their constituency
being placed on the same footing ?
The principle of schedule B was,
that nomination could be destroy-
ed by changing the constituency.
If that could be done in the one
case, why not in the other ? It
was said, that, in many of these
boroughs, the number of 1 0/. voters
was altogether trivial. But when
had the number of 1 0/. houses be-
come the principle on which these
boroughs were to be dealt with ?
This was a new test. Nomination
had been a principle; population
had been a principle ; now came a
third, hitherto unheard of. What
number of such houses was to save
or damn a borough ? This, if it was
to be adopted, opened up an en-
tirely new inquiry. The bill de-
clared, that 2, 100 inhabitants, liv-
ing in a borough, should retain a
member^ without saying one word
176] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
about the number of 10/. house-
holders among them ; and tlie ques >
tion was, why 2,100 inhabitants,
living in two, or three, or five
boroughs, should not have the same
privilege ? Will union and a new
constituency secure against nomin-
atiop ? That was the point. Minis-
ters themselves had answered una-
nimously in the affirmative, in
their own Reform Bill for Scot-
land. There the boroughs elected
by districts ; there a new consti-
tuency was created on the very
ground that the boroughs were
close, and for the purpose of de-
stroying the partial and predomi-
nating influences. Yet the dis-
tricts were retained, and new con-
junctions formed ; that is, it was
admitted, and acted on, as the
foundation of the ministerial re-
form, that, with a new constitu-
ency, places might vote in dis-
tricts, without any danger from
former nominating influence.
The objection, that this point
had been already settled, especially
by the discussion on sir R. Peel's
motion, was unfair, as well as un-
meaning. The mover of the
present proposition had actually
voted against that motion, so
little were they alike. That mo-
tion had merely decided that there
should be disfranchisement, but
not to what extent that disfran-
chisement should go, and the pre-
sent motion was merely a corollary
to that principle— that the disfran-
chisement should not be of the
sweeping and general character
contemplated by the bill, but that,
in certain cases, there should be an
union of the boroughs — a majority
of 1 1 1 rejected the motion.
The only other general question
discussed by the committee, before
it proceeded to consider the cases
of the individual boroughs, regai'd-
ed the rule for taking the popula-
tion. In the original bill minis-
ters had adopted the population
returns of 1821. To that rule
they still adhered, although a new
census had been going on, and was
already, if not finished, on the very
eve of being completed. On the
19th of July, Mr. M*Kinnon
moved, that it should be an in-
struction to the committee to con-
sider the population of the boroughs
in schedules A and B, as it stood
in the new census, instead of that
of 1 82 1 . He could conceive, he said,
no sound reason why, even taking po-
pulation as the test of nomination,
the House should disfranchise, not
the nomination boroughs which
now existed, but only those which
had existed ten years ago, or why,
looking at the boroughs on any
principle of selection, whether for
disfranchisement or enfranchise-
ment, the House should not regard
them as they were at present If
the census of the present year were
adopted, retaining the lines which
ministers had drawn, the result
M'ould be, that six or eight boroughs
would be taken out of schedule A,
and transferred toscheduleB; that
three or four boroughs now placed
in schedule B would be taken out ;
that one or two boroughs would be
transferred from schedule B to
schedule A, and that one borough,
not at present mentioned in schedule
B would be placed there. He was
aware of the argument which was
used against taking the censu3 of
1831 as the criterion of popula-
tion— namely, that it might be
considered as not impartial. This
argument, however, reflected but
a poor compliment upon those in-i>
dividuals who were employed to
make up the returns. But, if so
much suspicion of partiality was
entertained against the returning
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[177
officers, how could the House feel
confident, that, when the Reform
Bill came into operation, great
frauds M^ould not be practised in
the registration of the 10/. house-
holders ? He was sure, that, if
ministers opposed his motion, the
only answer which they could
make must be of a similar kind to
that which cardinal Ximenes, when
preparing to overturn the consti-
tution of Spain, gave to a Spanish
nobleman, who inquired by what
means he intended to effect his
object. The cardinal replied by
pointing to a well -organized and
disciplined body of troops ; and, in
like manner, the only argument
which ministers could employ
against the present motion would
be the majority at his back.
Lord John Russell and the chan-
cellor of the Exchequer stated, that
when the reform measure was
brought forward in the preceding
March, the latest census which
the government could make use of,
was that of 1821 — it was the only
sure document with respect to po-
pulation which they possessed. If
the government had chosen to wait
for a new census, they might have
taken that of 1831 ; but such a
course would only have led to an
alteration of the line of disfran-
chisement. Much inconvenience
would result from the House act-
ing upon the census of 1831 ; and
the only advantage which could
be gained, was, to see that, while
some boroughs had increased,
others had decreased in population.
On the other hand, it was to be
considered, that the census of 1 82 1
was taken without any knowledge
that it was to form the test of dis-
franchisement, and might therefore
be considered as an impartial do-
cument. But what would be the
Vol. LXXIII.
result, if the census of 1831 was
taken as the test ? Those boroughs,
where no sort of fraud or manage-
ment was practised, would suffer ;
while those, in which management
had j)revailed, by sweeping a num-
ber of persons int^ them, would be
gainers, in consequence of the state-
ment which ministershad published
that 2,000 was to be the line of
disfranchisement. They believed,
moreover, that the new census
would not prove any of the con-
demned boroughs not to be insig-
nificant and inconsiderable.
The motion was supported by
Mr. G. Bankes, Mr. Trevor, and
Mr. Praed, who expressed his sur-
prise that any debate should have
arisen on a proposition so plain
and just, or that the House should
actually be called on to shut its
eyes to the essential fact of what
had occurred in regard to popu-
lation during the last ten years. It
would be inconvenient, forsooth,
because it might occasion numer-
ous changes in the bill ; and was it
possible to induce the House to
overlook the increase of popula-
tion during ten whole years, be-
cause the state of the bill would
require to be altered? It was
next asserted that, by taking the
returns of 1831, some partial un-
fairness might probably be com-
mitted. But, even supposing them
to be partially unfair, were they
not better than those of .1821,
which were universally inapplic-
able } Was the House, because
the returns of 1831 might here
and there be erroneous, to take
those of 1821, which were uncer-
tain in every single case ?
The House, by a majority of
75, resolved to adhere to the re-
turns of 1821.
178] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
CHAP. VII.
Continuation of the Committee on the Reform Bill — Discussion regard'
ing Appleby — The borough of Downton — The borough ofStt Ger-
main's— The borough of Saltash — Complaints of the reformers that
argument was allowed upon the Bill — Proposal of Ministers that
the Bill should take the lead of alt other business — Proceedings of
the reformers — Motion that the boroughs in schedule B should retain
both members — boroughs of Chippenham — Dorchester — Ouilford'^
Sudbury — Motion that Greenwich be excluded from the new boroughs
— Motion that Stoke upon Trent have two members — Motion of Lord
Milton that the new boroughs, to which the bill gave only one mem-
ber, should have two — Motion against the enfranchisement of Gates-
head as separate from Newcastle —Motion that a member be given to
Merthyr-Tydvil — ^Debate on the clause of the bill for dividing large
counties — Discussion on the clause enacting that freeholders in bo-
roughs should vote for the county — Amendment moved that tenants
at will of land should have a vote for counties, arid cafried against
Ministers,
ON the 15th of July, the Com- present instance. Mr. O'Connell
mittee entered on the consi- said the simple question was, whe-
deration of the particular boroughs ther Aldeburgh was, or was not,
contained in schedule A, but pro- a nomination borough ? who doubt-
ceeded no farther than the first of ed that fact ? and who, knowing
them, Aldeburgh, Suffolk, which that fact, would listen to special
it was agreed should stand part of pleading about parishes and num-
the clause. There was no division, bers ? He was not disposed to
and no remark except what shewed inquire minutely regarding the
that the house was not yet agreed limits of rotten boroughs. To dis**
on the principle according to which franchise a borough, it was suflici-
these boroughs were to be dealt ent for him to know that it was a
with. Ministers were asked to place where the right of legislating
explain what was meant by a bo- was bought and sold. On this
rough, in regard to this clause, for Sir R. Peel observed, that here
it appeared that in some instances was a doctrine which set them all
the population of parishes on which at sea again ; for, while ministers
a borough touched was included in said, that population was to be the
that of the iiorough, and in others test of disfranchisement^ their ad-
uot. The answer was, that the herents would listen to nothing
committee would apply the rule of but the supposed amount of influ-
2000 to each particular case, and ence, independent of population,
it did not appear that there was The next borough in the list,
any room for any question i& the which was taken up on the 19th,
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[179
led to more discussion. It was
Appleby, which had already offer-
ed to prove that the returns of
1 82 1 , admitted to be erroneous and
unsatisfactory in other instances,
were erroneous in regard to it,
while the house had determined
that this should not be allowed to
be proved, even if it were true.
Lord John Russell now stated,
that Applebv was a borough lying
in two parishes. There was a dif-
ference, however, between a borough
comprising two parishes, and one
extending into two parishes, but
not including the whole of both.
If he was rightly informed, the
borough of Appleby extended into
two parishes, part being in the
parish of Appleby St. Lawrence,
but not comprising the whole of
the parish, and another part be*
ing in the parish of St. Michael,
otherwise Bondgate, an extensive
parish, going seven or eight miles
from the town, and about fifteen
miles long. Therefore, there woulc^
be a great abuse of the rule of com*
prehending the parish, if they com-
prised two country parishes, of
which the borough took in only a
part. The mayor of Appleby, in a
letter to the Secretary of State,
said that the limits of Appleby
were not quite correctly stated in
the population return of 1 82 1 , be<«
cause it did not state that the bo-
rough extended over some part of
the parish of St. Michael, the prin-
cipal part being in the parish of
St. Lawrence. He added, that
the boundaries had not been peram-
bulated in the memory of any living
person. In a recent letter, the
mayor stated that *'the borough
of Appleby consisted of two pa-
rishes, Appleby St. Lawrence, and
St. Michael, otherwise Bondgate ;
that the parish of y\ppleby St.
Lawrence contained 1,359 inhabit-
ants; the parish of St. Michael,
otherwise Bondgate, 1,264 inha-
bitants $ that part of the borough
which was in St. Lawrence con-
tained 851 inhabitants; that part
of the borough which was in St.
Michael, 203 ; making in all
1 ,054." So far his lordship stated
nothing but what was relevant to
the question of population; but
he started away from the test esta*
blished by the bill, and shewed an
inclination, like Mr. O'Connell, to
adopt nomination as a fact that
might be assumed, when he added,
that Appleby was beyond all doubt
a nomination borough — that its dis-
franchisement would injure nobody
except the two patrons, who hail
no right to complain of injustice
— ^and that this was not a case in
which a serious doubt could long
be entertained, whether Ministers
were wrong in placing the borough
where it was.
Mr. Croker maintained that the
mode in which ministers were deal-
ing with this borough, more espe-
cially when compared with the
manner in which they treated
others, sometimes taking in a
parish, sometimes leaving it out,
and thus swelling or diminishing
the population, as it suited their
pleasures, without rule and with-
out principle, manifested not mere-
ly error and inconsistency, but
positive partiality. One great ad-
vantage, he said, which would have
been gained by adopting the census
of 1831, would have been, that
these returns separated the popu-
lation of the boroughs from that
of the parishes in which they were
situated ; it was otherwise in those
of 1821, and yet, if the rule was
to be affected by taking such a
distinction, what was the house
doing in legislating without any
authentic informfitioQ on tht tub*
CN23
180]
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ject ? Thus, in the return for
Calne, in Wilts, the borough and
imrish were lumped together, and
he now begged to ask the noble
lord whether he knew the popula-
tion of the l)orough and parish re-
spectively ? Several ministerial
members called to lord J. Russell
not to answer the question ; but
his lordship, after a pause, ad-
mitted, he had made no inquiry —
But, continued Mr. Croker, he
would tell the noble lord, that the
truth must be known about Calne,
and about every one of those bo-
roughs that had escaped the in-
quiry which it hud been thought
proper to make about Appleby.
Why 80 much trouble about Ap-
pleby, when Calne, regarding which
information could so easily be pro-
cured, was staring them in the
face unnoticed.^ Appleby was
200 or 300 miles from town ; but
Calne was only a few hours' drive,
and well known to the Secretary
of State for the Home Department.
Either there was here a case of
blind piurtiality or of the grossest
ignorance; and it was the more
extraordinary, since the noble lord
had notice that there would be a
question about the treatment of
Calne in comparison with other
places. He believed that, in the
present case, the noble Lord had
erred through ignorance — that he
had had no idea that the parish of
Bondgate was St. Michael's, and
ought to be added to Appleby. He
was convinced of this because, in
the first paper which was the
foundation of the noble lord's bill,
he found it stated, not that it was
in the parishes of St. Michael and
St. Lawrence, but generally that
Appleby had a population of 824
persons ; the population return
of 1821 stating it to consist of one
parish, the other parish being lost
sight of in the name of Bondgate«
The house had got an admission
that the first return was false, an
error in fact, and he doubted not
that his bill originated in this error
in fact. It might be convenient
to look at the returns of 1811.
They were classed according to
towns; the returns of 1821, ac-
cording to parishes. In the returns
of 1811, Appleby town and the
parish of St. Michael, otherwise
Bondgate, were stated together;
and, would the house believe it }
in the returns of 1811, the popu-
lation amounted to more than
2,000 5 so that even at that re-
mote period, Appleby was a bo-
rough in a condition not to be dis-
franchised. It could not be pre-
tended that Appleby should be
dealt with on the ground of the
parishes not adjoining close enough
to be combined into one constitu-
ent body; for though the noble
lord says that Bondgate runs some
seven miles from Appleby, he ad-
mits that parishes running from
fourteen to fifteen miles asunder
have been included under his riding
commission. Then let the com-
mittee consider the conduct of mi-
nisters with respect to Malmes-
biu-y, as contrasted with their
conduct towards Appleby. In the
original bill submitted to the last
parliament, Malmesbury was placed
in schedule A, because the popu-
lation of the borough, apart from
the parish at large, was but
1,300. But it was found that if
the population of the parish and
borough were taken together, the
sum would be above the line of dis-
franchisement, and so in it goes into
schedule B, while Appleby, with
a population, on the same principle
of parish and borough, still more
above that line, is wholly disfran-
chised. Was this feir?— was it
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[ISl
defensible on any principle of truth
or justice ? Oakham pt on also, was
originally set down in schedule A,
because its borough population was
only 1,9003 but was afterwards
transferred to schedule B, because
the population of the parish at large
amounted to 2, 023, that is, because,
by considering it as ministers were
now asked to consider the case of
Appleby, they found that taking
the parish and borough population
together, the sum would be twenty-
three above the line ; therefore the
great magician with his presto-
pass celerity transfers it to sche-
dule B ; while the borough of Ap-
pleby, with its population of 2,600,
is wholly disfranchised. Even
this was not all. There was an-
other place quite parallel to Ap-
pleby in every thing but its treat-
ment by the franiers of the bill,
the borough of Horsham. Hors-
ham was permitted to retain its
two members, though not entitled
to them, if truth and fact only in-
fluenced ministers in their select-
ion. And how did ministers pre-
tend to justify this unfair treat-
ment } Simply by the misappli-
cation of the rule which they re-
fuse to be applied to Appleby. By
the census of 1 82 1 , Horsham — bo-
rough and parish — contained 4,507
inhabitants; but there M^as a no-
tice appended to the returns of
1S21, which referred to the pre-
ceding returns of 1811, and which
showed that the sum of the popu-
lation which ministers took for
their basis was made up of three
separate divisions or townships?
In 181 1, the number of inhabitants
in the borough of Horsham was
1,714, in the north division 1,11 1,
in the south 930; making a total,
according to that census, of 3,755
souls. And how did they suppose
the increase of 700 since 1811 was
accounted for in the ]«i6r returns ?
Of course the iucreaie would be
exclusively within tlie Walls of the
borough, otherwise the ministers,
who refused to annex St. Michael's
parish to Appleby, would not have
let it influence them in allowing
Horsham to retain its right of re-
turning two members. By no
means : the increase is ascribed
to the circumstance of some 800
acres of adjoining waste land hav-
ing been enclosed and cultivated.
But another case would, if possible,
still more show the one-sided view
which ministers took in their se-
lection of boroughs for disfranchise-
ment or preservation. Horsham
belonged to a noble personage
rather attached to whig politics.
So did the borough of Morpeth,
which was originally set down in
schedule B — that is, was to lose
one of its members ; but ministers
having since discovered that by
embracing the population of the
entire parish, the sum would be
4,130, did so, and thus the whig
borough of Morpeth retains its two
members And what more did
members on his side of the house
seek with respect to Appleby, but
that the population of the adjoin-
ing parish of St. Michael should
be in a similar manner included ?
But ministers without the shadow
of a reason, why or wherefore, re-
fused, and thus Appleby with a
population of 500 above the line
of disfranchisement, was to be
wholly deprived of the right of re-
turning representatives. Again,
there was the case of Aldborough,
which having but 800 inhabitants,
was originally set down in sche-
dule A; but* for some reason or
other as yet unexplained, it was
since annexed to the adjoining pa-
rishes— as he asked them to act
towards Appleby— and transferred
m] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
to schedule B. There was no
argument to justify all these
changes and selections, which did
not a fortiori apply to the case of
Appleby* V^arious other members
enforced the same views, and asked
was there or was there not a rule
to be followed in including, or ex-
cluding the population of the pa-
rish in which the borough was
situated, and if so^ what was it ?
On the part of ministers^ Mr.
B. Carter stated the rule to be,
that^vwhere the population of a bo-
rough and of the parish in which
the borough lay, amounted to
more than 2,000 or 4,000, then
the entire population should be
taken as the standard ; but that
where the parish or parishes lay
altogether beyond the boundary of
the borough, then the population
of the borough was taken by itself^
and this rule, he said, disfranchised
Appleby, while it did not touch
the other boroughs which had been
mentioned. This was a mistake
as to the facts, because the parish
of St. Michael was not a parish
lying *' altogether beyond the
boundary of the borough :" on the
contrary it was admitted that the
borough partly lay in it, and that
part of the proper borough popu-
lation were residents in that parish.
Lord John Russell allowed all this,
but still said, that the numbers
which would raise the population
above 2,000, though taken from
parishes in which the borough lay,
would be taken from a rural popu-
lation. But so it was likewise in
all the other cases in which the
parish had been included. The
chancellor of the Exchequer took
another view. He said that mi-
nisters had admitted the rural
population into the borough where
only one parish was concerned, but
never where there were two. It
was immediately answered, in the
first place, that was a mistake in
point of fact. Truro contained
only 1800 inhabitants, and stood
in this schedule in the first bill ;
but it had now been removed from
the schedules altogether, because it
extended into, though it did not
comprehend, two particular pa-
rishes, by the addition of which,
the population had been raised
above 4,000. Secondly, it served
no good purpose to say, even if
true, that ministers bad deter-
mined to join the remainder of a
parish to a borough only where there
IS one parish, but not where there
are two parishes ; what was wanted
was, the intelligible statement of
some ground of reason, justice, or
expediency, why such a distinction
should be adopted. A borough
lying in one parish, and contain-
ing perhaps 1,300 inhabitants, was
to be allowed to borrow 700, or
800 inhabitants of the extra-bur-
ffal part of the parish, in order to
Its salvation ; but another borough,
containing perhaps 1,900 inhabit-
ants, and lying partly in two pa-
rishes, was not to be allowed to
borrow one single individual from
the extra-burgal population for the
purpose of avoiding utter damna-
tion. The question was not whe-
ther ministers had so resolved, —
that was plain enough— but whe-
ther any one sound consideration
could be pointed out, why just and
reasonable men should so resolve.
This discussion afforded a strik-
ing instance of the ignorance in
which the house was legislating.
Sir Robert Peel said, he believed
the facts to be, that the burgal
population of Appleby was 1,050,
but the burgal population joined
to the extra-burgal population of
the parishes in which the borough
lay, amounted to 2,600, Now the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
tl^
question was, shall these two pa-
rishes be combined into one bo-
rough ? He thought that justice
would be more effectually done by
combining these two parishes with^
than by separating them from the
borough. Let the committee con-
sider in the first place how the
jurisdiction ran in the two parishes.
He understood that the corporate
jurisdiction of the borough ex-
tended all over the two parishes.
Mr. J. Brougham stated that on
that point the right hon. baronet
was misinformed. The jurisdiction
certainly was not the same. Sir
R. Peel said one of the evils of
which the committee had a right
to complain was, that it had not
suificient information on this and
several similar points before it. He
was given, however, to understand^
that the coroner for the borough,
and not the coroner for the county,
took inquests in these two parishes.
Mr. J. Brougham contradicted this
statement also. Then^ said Sir
Robert, these interruptions— not
unfair interruptions — just shew
that ministers would have acted
much better had they taken the
advice tendered to them on a
former occasion, and appointed a
select committee to ascertain fiicts
as to each particular borough^ in
order that the house might here-
after decide upon them. Ue scarce-
ly knew how to legislate in such a
dearth of all authentic information.
LordMaitJand said, he wasinstruct-
edthat the jurisdiction of the mayor
of Appleby extended over the wbole^
extent of both the parishes of St.
Lawrence and St. Michael^ and
that the licences for pablic-hooses
in the remotest parts of both al-
ways came from the mayor of Ap-
pleby. Mr. J. Brougham stated
that be was otherwise informed on
this pobt, too* Sir Q, Wetberell
and Sir E. Sugden put it to the
house, how it possibly could proceed
to condemn in such circumstances,
without evidence and without
inquiry. Lord John Russell saw no
necessity for evidence. The chan-
cellor of the Exchequer said, that
even if it were ascertained that the
jurisdiction of the borough magis-
trates extended over the whole of
the two parishes, the case would
not be altered, because the borough
itself did not extend over them :
and a division sealed the disfran-
chisement of Appleby by a major-
ity of 74.
The discussion on the remain-
ing boroughs in this schedule was
continued on the 20th, 21st, 22nd,
and ^6th of July. Not one of
them was saved ; only one of them
was consigned to destruction with-
out some conversation or remark
respecting the grounds on which
disfranchisement was proposed ;
but to record these conversations,
which, though they sometimes
contained a good deal of smart
skirmishing, brought out and es-
tablished no leading principle,
would only be accumulating use-
less details. We shall confine our-
selves to those cases in which the
opinion of the house was taken by
a division as involving a serious
question on the application of the
alleged principles of the bill.
On the 21st of July, the com-
mittee, in the course of the sche-
dule, came to the borough of
Downton, the population of which
was admitted on all hands greatly
to exceed 2,000. Accordingly, it
bad not been included in the first
bill, and could not, with any re-
gard to the avowed principle on
which the schedule in the present
bill was framed, be made a part of
it. But ministers had docmied it
to disftrsoc^iseineDt upon another
184] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ground, which had no connection
with population, the test of the
bill^ viz. the small number of 10/.
houses^ which amounted in 1821
to only nine, though they had now
increased to somewhat above 100.
Mr. Croker moved that the bo-
rough should be transferred from
schedule A to B as confessedly
containing a population approach-
ing more nearly to 4,000 than to
2,000. Ministers, he said, now
spoke of the number of electoral
houses, though, in introducing the
bill, and, hitherto, in discussing it,
papulation alone had uniformly
been stated as the test of disfran-
chisement. In justice to the bo-
roughs that were to be disfran-
chised, and to the electors whose
rights were to be confiscated, he
demanded that the severe and
stringent rule, which the noble
Lord had himself laid down, should
be impartially acted upon. With
respect to population, the case of
Downton was so strong, that it
might almost claim to be taken out
of both schedules. In 1821 the
population was 3, 1 1 4. The noble
lord said, that the number of elec-
toral houses in the borough at
that period was only nine. On
that point he was misinformed.
The number of electoral houses
was then thirty- eight, which ex-
ceeded in number the electoral
houses possessed by seven boroughs
which were contained in schedule
B. Therefore upon the noble
lord's own showing, it appeared
that the borough of Downton had
a greater population than fourteen
or fifteen of the preserved boroughs,
and a greater number of electoral
houses than seven preserved bo-
roughs, and yet, for no reason that
he knew of, it was proposed to dis-
franchise it. The noble lord ad-
mitted that, at the present mo«
ment, the borough contained 108
electoral liouses. If that were the
case, it ought to stand very high
on the list of preserved boroughs.
Out of the forty-seven boroughs
contained in schedule B, thirty-
three had less than 1,50 electoral
houses each. Out of the boroughs
which were to be retained, eighty-
four had not 300 electoral houses
each ; therefore, if the bill should
pass, there would exist eighty-
four boroughs requiring outvoters.
They would come fresh from the
hands of their maker, deformed
with an imperfection in their con-
stituency. If there was to be any
principle in this bill at all, if it
was true, as ministers had stated
an hundred times over, that ]K)pu-
lation was to be the test, Down-
ton must be removed from the
schedule of total disfranchisement,
and restored to the place which it
had held in the first bill.
Lord John Russell and Mr.
Stanley admitted distinctly, that
disfranchisement, in this case, was
'not justified by the line of popula-
tion which ministers had drawn ;
that to restore the borough to
schedule B would not violate any
principle of the bill, and that it
would to them be no disappoint-
ment, if the committee should de-
termine so to restore it. But they
had placed it where it was, from
the difficulty of forming a proper
constituency, notwithstanding its
population. The number of 10/.
houses at present in the borough
might be taken at about 100, or
very little more. It then became
a question how the number of 300
houses, rented at 10/. each, was to
be made up. The surrounding
district was composed principally
of downs, and it would be necessary
to proceed to a considerable dist-
ance, in order to obtain the requi*
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[185
site number of constituents. It
would^ indeed, be impossible to
complete the number without pro-
ceeding to Fordingbridge, a town
which contained a considerable
number of inhabitants ; but^ in
that case> Downton would merely
have a share in the election of
Fordingbridge, instead of Fording-
bridge having a share in the elec-
tion of Downton. It would be
very diliicult to make Downton a
free and independent borough.
Could they find a constituency in
the middle of Salisbury -plain?
They would have to go four miles
and a half, and into another coun-
ty, to add to the constituency^
and then they would perhaps pro-
cure thirty or forty additional
votes. It was very true, that, by
the population return of 1821, the
inhabitants of Downton amounted
to 3 , 1 1 4. But the inconsiderable-
ness of the borough might be in-
ferred from the amount of taxes
which it paid. The borough, in
1828> paid 54/. annually, the
whole parish 116/. In 1830, the
borough paid 72/., and the whole
parish 110/. Taking thes^ cir-
cumstances into consideration, look-
ing at the small number of electors,
and knowing it to be avowedly a
nomi nation borough,he had thought
they had sufficient reason for plac-
ing it in schedule A.
Sir Robert Peel, and other mem-
bers, who supported Mr. Croker's
motion, could not see how these
circumstances, or any others, could
justify a departure from a princi-
ple deliberately adopted. Nomin-
ation, as a ground of disfranchise-
ment, independent of population,
was admitted not to be the princi-
ple of the bill. If it was to be ap-
plied at all, the instances of pre-
served boroughs, to which it would
be applicable^ were many^ yet mi«
nisters announced no intention of
applying it there. What was
meant by saying that it would be
necessary to go four or five miles
to make up a constituency, when,
in the case of Morpeth, they went
fifteen miles for the same purpose?
The more extensive the district, the
more widely situated the electoral
houses, the more independent of
any patron must the voters be. Ad-
hering to the principle of the bill,
why should not the renter of a 1 0/.
house upon Salisbury-plain have a
right to be included in the franchise
for Downton ? It was useless to
talk of distance, since it appeared
that different places were to be ap-
pointed for the poll. Those who
were favourable to the extension
of the franchise would surely vote
for this amendment, which would
bring forward a class of voters, the
1 0/. farmers, who were never called
into operation before. Though
Downton was now a nomination
borough, it would cease to be so, if
placed in schedule B. No influ-
ence could then be exercised with
respect to it, beyond that fair in-
fluence which property always must
command. Much mistake a])pear-
ed to be entertained with respect
to the localities of the borough.
The neighbourhood of Downton
was populously inhabited, was as
well cultivated as the o|)en parts
of Wiltshire ; and in that neigh-
bourhood a sufficient number of
electors could be found, without
travelling into Hampshire.
Other members oeclared them-
selves satisfied with the fact, that
this was a nomination borough,
and would make no inquiries about
population, or the possibility of
making it independent, or the ap-
plication of any principle but this,
that what they believed to be a
nomination borough must be dc«
18C] ANNUAL ftEGlSTER, 1831.
^troyed. It was not true, said Mr.
O'Connell, that no principle of the
bill would be violated by |)reaerv-
iug Downton. That principle^
which consisted in annihilating no-
mination boroughs would ^be vio-
lated-^altogether forgetting that
the declared principle of the bill
was not simply the disfranchise-
ment of boroughs de facto in the
power of patrons, but only the dis-
franchisement of boroughs under a
certain line of population, as being
nomination boroughs, and a change
of constituency, with a partial dis-
franchisement^ in nomination bo-
roughs^ above that line. Would
any member deny, said Mr. O'Con-
nell, that Downton belonged to the
earl of Radnor ? Would any man
deny that he sent two members
into that House ? The constitu-
ency of Downton was composed of
twenty thatched cabins. The peo-
ple of England wanted no numeri-
cal calculations. The knowledge
of the number of inhabitants in
boroughs was of use only as show-
ing that they were likely to be cor-
rupt ; but, if the House arrived at
the fact of corruption by other
means, where was the use of nu-
merical calculations? He hoped
that all real reformers would rally
on this occasion, and not suffer
the borough of Downton to escape
on any pretence whatever.
Ministers themselves voted for
the disfranchisement^ but they
were deserted by about forty of
their usual supporters, and their
proposition was carried only by a
msyority of SO in a House of 518
members.
One acknowledged principle on
which the bill proceeded was^ that
where a borougn, containing fewer
than 2,000 inhabitants^ lay within,
and formed part of, a parish, the
extra*bur|^ populatioa of which
would raise the number above that
line, the whole was to be taken,
and the borough excluded from the
list of total disfranchisement. In
consequence of this rule, or prin-
ciple, the borough of St. Germain's
had been placed, in the first bill,
in schedule B. It was now re-
moved to schedule A, and Mr.
Ross moved (26th July), that it
should be restored to its former
position. This, he said, was not
only not a violation of any princi-
ple of the bill, but any thing else
would be a departure from those
principles. It was true that the
borough itself had not 2,000 inha-
bitants, but then it came under
another principle laid down by mi-
nisters, that where the borough
was included in the parish, the po-
pulation of both should be in-
cluded. It was admitted, that, if
this plan had not been adopted,
many boroughs would be disfran-
chised which were now allowed to
send members. By the population
returns of 1821, St. Germain's had
a population of 2,400, and at pre-
sent it was rather more. He men-
tioned this fact to show that the
borough was not declining. In
this return the population of the
parish was includea. In the ques-
tion of population it resembled
Downton, but it differed from it
in these respects-<-tbat it was im-
|K)8sible, in the latter, in any con-
venient distance, to get the required
number of electors, and that in the
amount of assessed taxes it was
much below it. Now St. Germain's
was not in a poor and thinly in-
habited district — it was in one of
the richest parishes in Cornwall ;
it contained in the borough alone
1 00 houses, and it would be easy
to make up the required number
of 300 in the neighbourhood. It
paid 341/. in assessed tazes^ more
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[187
than was |>aid by St. Ives or
Malroesbury, as much as Oak«
hanipton, and treble the amount
paid by Downton. As to the re-
turns^ all the information they
contained was known to ministers
last session. One of the returns,
which stated that there was no
house in the parish^ exclusive of
the borough, rated to the poor
rates at 1 0/. a year, was erroneous.
There were many respectable houses
in the parish, exclusive of the bo-
rough, which were worth more
than 10/., and many others might
be found in the place which would
make up the required constituency.
He thought there was a fair claim
on the part of the borough not to
be included in schedule A* and he
put it to the committee as a case
which did not at all affect the
principle of the bill.
Ministers argued their case by
again introducing a new principle,
of which nothing had hitherto been
heard, viz. that the borough popu-
lation was small in comparison with
the extra-burgal — a principle re^
quiring this to have been fixed, of
which not a word had ever been
heard, viz. what is the proportion
that must exist between the two
to entitle them to be united ?
They stated that there were only
thirteen houses in the town and
parish assessed at 10/. and up-
wards. The population of the
town and borough was under 700 ;
the town contained only fifty acres;
the whole parish exceeding 9,000
acres. If the borough was as the
lion, gentleman had represented,
it might not be proper to make it
an exception to the rule ; but they
had no evidence before them which
would lead them to that conclu-
sion, and from all that had reached
government on the subject, they
had reason to believe that a cou-
stituency could not be made out
without going a distance of seven
or eight miles, and, in that case,
it might be said, that it would be
transferring the franchise to the
next town, for St. Germain's was
of itself too small and insignificant
to bear a part in the representa-
tion. There were only eight houses
in the borough, and four in the
parish, rated to the house duty at
10/. and upwards, and this at two-
thirds of their annual value, and
only fifteen houses in the borough
of the annual value of 10/. and
upwards. In such a town and
neighbourhood, it would be im-
?os8ible to get a constituency,
'he object of ministers was to
disfranchise nomination boroughs
as a system ,* and, though there
might be a departure in some in-
stances from the strict letter of
the bill, minister's justified them-
selves by their adnerence to the
principle. According to the re-
turns made by the portreeve in
January, 1831, when that officer
had no knowledge of the purpose
for which they were wanted, it
appeared that the borough of St.
Germain's, and the parish in which
it was situated, were not co^exten-
sive. The borough contained forty
acres, the town of St. Germain's
fifty acres, and the parish, into
which it was proposed to swamp
the borough, contained no less than
9^029 acres ; nor was the popula-
tion of the place concentrated in
the borough. By the population
returns of 1821, whicli were cor-
rect, with the exception that the
town and borough were considered
as co-extensive, it appeared that
the number of houses in the town
was ninety-nine, and the number
of male inhabitants 247, so that
the male and female ppulation
might be tftken as being under
188] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
500.- But what was the popula-
tion of the remaining part of the
parish } The remainder of the
?arish, including the village of
lessenford^ contained no less than
1 ,800 or 1 ,900 inhabitants. The
same difference of population was
apparent in the returns for the
present year. According to them,
the town contained 672^ inhabit-
ants, and the other part of the
parish 1,914. Now, if this borough
were to be thrown into the parish,
what was to prevent such a prin-
ciple being carried to an absurdity ?
According to the same rule, why
should not a circle be drawn round
Old Sarum, which did not contain
one inhabitant, and the elective
franchise distributed in the sur-
rounding district ? In truth, the
House had already disposed of this
case by its decision on the question
of the borough of Down ton.
Mr. Praed, sir Robert Peel, and
Mr. Croker, maintained, on the
other hand, that, if there was
doubt as to facts, sense and justice
demanded they should be ascer-
tained. Ministers were making
an exception from an acknowledged
rule, and were bound, therefore, to
shew the accuracy of the data on
which they rested it. But enough
was known to decide this case,
because their conduct in regard
to other boroughs^ where every
thing they now stated equally ap-
plied, shewed that the proposed
exception was indefensible. The
disfranchisement of this borough
was said to be no departure from
the principle of the bill, though a
violation of its letter. If so, then
no man could tell what the prin-
ciple was. Even take the principle,
that nomination boroughs should
be destroyed, without regard to
population, ministers were bound
to shew that St. Germain's would
continue to be a nomioation bo-
rough, even with a new constitu-
ency. This they did not say, but
they said it would be difficult to
obtain a new constituency. It
was just here that the violation of
all principle was to be found ; for
thev created the difficulty by re-
fusing to apply to St. Germain's
the true spirit of the bill, and the
rules by which they had treated
other boroughs. The bill, or the
makers of the bill, said, a borough
within a parish shall have the
benefit of the extra-burgal popula-
tion, and many boroughs had thus
been saved. St. Germain's claimed
the same advantage, and the answer
was, you must be excepted, because
the borough is small, and the parish
large. But when had ministers
discovered or declared that the
benefit of the general rule was to
depend on the proportion between
the burgal and extra-burgal popu-
lation ? Even now they did not
pretend to say what that propor-
tion ought to be. Was it then to
be matter of mere caprice ? or
when had they discovered this
other new condition^ that the be-
nefit of the rule was to depend on
the number of acres covered by
the borough as compared with the
number of acres in the parish
which it did not cover ? These
had never been principles of the
bill ; they were suggestions devised
on the spur of the moment to ex-
cuse a violation of its principles.
The conduct of ministers in regard
to other boroughs proved this to
demonstration. How had thev
acted with respect to the borough
of Christchurch ? The area of
Christchurch was twenty-seven
square miles, or upwards of 1,700
statute acres. The total number
of 10/. houses in the borough of
Christchurch was eight; andj
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[189
therefore^ the surroundiog district
was to be included, in order to
make up the requisite nuuiber of
300. Then how could ministers
contend that the spirit of the bill
was not to swamp small towns into
country districts ? If what was
now proposed was according to the
principles of the bill, said Mr.
Croker, then Calne, which is to be
saved, ought to have stood in this
schedule. Among the documents
on the Table, laid there as furnish-
ing information to the House, was
a paper, dated in January, 1831,
which told the House and minis-
ters, " The borough of Calne is
only part of the parish in which
it stands, but the parish includes
8,000 acres." He begged the com-
mittee to observe that this very
same number of acres in the case
of St. Germain's, was t^^ exclude
that borough from the represen-
tative system. The same paper
stated the male population of Calne
at 996 ; therefore, taking the females
to be in equal number, the gross
population would be under 2,000,
and the borough should have been
placed in schedule A. " Oh," said
the framers of the bill, *' that must
never be j we must proceed upon
some other principle. Let us put
the borough and the parish toge-
ther, and make 8,000 acres of it,
and give it a population of 4,500
inhabitants, so that it may return
two members." "But," said some
friend of ministers, '' if you put
the parish and borough together
in the case of St. Germain's, that
will return two members, like-
wise." Ministers, however, disre-
garded that suggestion, trusting
doubtless that some lucky accident
would allow them to escape from
their inconsistencies. In the case
of Downton their excuse was, that
the earl of Radnor met the noble
lord opposite in the library, and
told him Downton ought to go
into schedule A ; and so, because
two lords met in the library of the
House of Commons, the new con-
stitution of England was changed.
Aldborough, which was preserved,
was more inconsiderable in popu-
lation, in the amount of taxes, and
in every point, than St. Germain's.
The population of disfranchised St.
Germani's was 2,400, whilst the
population of landisfranchised Ald-
borough was 2,129. The number
of male inhabitants in despicable
St. Germain's was 247, and the
number in the flourishing and
dignified borough of Aldborough
was 236. The number of houses
in St. Germain's was 446, and in
Aldborough 408. Thus it ap-
peared, that Aldborough was in
every respect inferior to St. Ger-
main's, and yet the former was
preserved, whilst the latter was
destroyed.
In the case of Downton minis-
ters had declared, that they made
no point of carrying the vote. In
the case of this Tory borough they
conceded nothing, but the disfran-
chisement of it was carried by a
majority of only 48.
The only other division on this
schedule took place, on the same
day, on Mr. Croker's motion that
Saltash should be transferred to
schedule B. He did soon the ground
that it was a case in which the bo-
rough and parish ought to be taken
together. The borough was nearly
connected with the parish of St.
Stephen, in the church of which pa-
rish its inhabitants were christened,
married, and buried. The popu-
lation of the borough was nearly
1 ,500, and, with the parish, the pi
pulation would be nearly 2,800.
It ought, therefore, to go to sche-
dule B. Lord John Russell agreed^
190] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
that as there was not a separate
chapel ry> St, Stephen's appearing
to be intimately connected with
Saltash^ it would perhaps be the
most just course to exclude the
borough from schedule A. The
chancellor of the Exchequer, too,
admitted^ that the case of Saltash
was one of the weakest that had
come under the cognizance of nH«>
nisters. .It should, however, be
observed, that in all the official
records, a distinction was made
between the parish of St. Stephen
and the borough of Saltash. The
parish was spoken of as " St.
Stephen's juxta Saltash." Minis-
ters had, therefore, considered this
as a case where the borough and
parish were distinct and separate.
Saltash, he admitted, contained no
inconsiderable portion of the popu-
lation, and he believed that much
of the wealth connected with the
neighbourhood was to be found
there. Unquestionably the case
was one of considerable doubt and
difficulty ; and whether, under all
the circumstances, the borough
should be left where it was, must
be determined by the House. The
division gave a majority of 8 1 for
removing it from schedule A. The
concessions of ministers could not
alter reason or justice ; yet, had
they been less candid, the majority
would undoubtedly have been the
other way. Mr. Hunt called the
vote a rank cross.
Even Old Sarum, for years,
along with Gatton, the standing
text of reformei*8, was not consign*
ed to oblivion in silence, nor with-
out some note of the great changes
which had taken place in opinion.
Amidst the laughter which accom-
panied the motion that it should
stand part of the clause, sir Charles
Forbes desired the House to bear
n mind, that the noble lord who
introduced this bill had stated de*
liberately, in a publication com-
posed in the retirement of his
study, that he would no more
thinK of touching Old Sarum than
of touching the ground on which
it stood. That noble lord had not
only touched it, but annihilated
it, and he begged to ask of him
what he intended to do next }
Another member added, that^ in
the same work^ and not in the
heat of debate, liis lordship had
declared, that Old Sarum ought
not to be touched, except upon
grounds as strong as those which
had expelled king James from the
throne.
While these discussions were
going on, the reformers out of
doors, and the reforming press,
eager to possess the power which
was promised to them, were lash-
ing themselves into fiiry, because
any discussion was allowed, and
manifesting with how little mo-
deration or virtue that power was
likely to be exercised. They
blamed ministers for not hurrying
through the bill without a day's
delay. The people, they told them,
hud given them a majority for the
very purpose of completing a mea-
sure which the people themselves
had already considered and sanc-
tioned. No other consideration
was necessary, or could be tolerat-
ed, and they would become justly
suspected to an indignant people,
if they permitted time to be spent
in discussing questions raisea by
the profligate tyrants and usurpers
who dared to suppose that the re-
form bill was a thing to be examin-
ed and discussed, or that parlia-
ment sat for the purpose or deli-
beration. This was the amount
of the daily language of the press,
and of the political unions ; and
ministers allowed themselves to be
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[191
80 far affected by this external and
unprincipled pressure^ that the
chancellor of the Exchequer moved,
on the 21st of July, that, in future,
the ord«r of the day for going into
committee on the reform bill should
take precedence of all other public
business whatever. He admitted
that his proposition was unpre-
cedented, and one which, in Aiture,
might be inconvenient, if followed
as a precedent, but he justified it
on the ground of the paramount
importance of the reform bill, and
the endless multiplicity of details
regarding it into which the House
must necessarily enter, which made
it an exception from all ordinary
rules. If the question were only
of half the importance that it was,
and yet equally interested the
country, it would be wise in the
House to give up the consideration
of all other questions, and to attend
to this question alone, until it was
carried to a complete termination.
The country had a right to expect
this course from its representatives ;
for, as the country was looking with
l>reathless anxiety to their deter-
mination, it had a right to call
upon them to postpone the consi-
deration of all questions of minor
importance to the consideration of
this question, which was so im-
portant to all. He did not pro-
pose this motion for the sake of
creating any unnecessary haste in
the discussion : on the contrary,
he made it in order to give more
opportunity for consideration, and
to prevent the discussion from
being spread over so much time
as to distract the House from
coming to any satisfactory conclu-
sion. The proposition which he
had to make was, to pass a general
resolution tha^ the order of the
day for the committee on the re-
form bill do tal^ precedence of all
public business, whether petitions,
notices of motions, or orders, on
each day for which it might be
appointed. There were, however,
certain petitions which must be
an exception to this resolution'-—
he meant those petitions which
related to the reform bill. He
had communicated his ideas upon
this subject to the Speaker, and
the Speaker had consented to take
the chair every day at three o'clock,
and also to sit on Saturday for the
reception of petitions, as in the
early part of the year. By this
means time would be allowed for
the reception of petitions on Satur-
day ; and he, therefore, hoped that,
on all other days, they would be
able to proceed to the considera-
tion of the reform bill by four
o'clock. They would thus be able
to give up to it eight hours at
least every night.
Mr. C. Wynn declared that, if
ministers could carry, and give
effect to, this motion, which, he
thanked God, they could not do-
all the independence of the House,
all the power of the minority to
resist the majority was gone, and
gone for ever. If the king's minis-
ters, backed by a majority, were
empowered to say that a particular
business, which was to be discussed
de die in diem^ should always be
entitled to precedence over all
other business whatsoever — that
no member of parliament, without
their consent, should bring forward
any motion — then the House must
abdicate its fimctions as the grand
inquest of the nation. One day
in the week— Saturday forsooth—
was to be set aside for the recep-
tion of petitions, and petitions on
the reform bill were to be excepted
from that rule. Now, if there
should be a petition charging mi-
nisters^ or any one of the nunistert)
1921 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
with a grave offence, and if some
member should be desirous to lay
it befon the House^ was the con-
sent of ministers to be asked to
the waiving of this resohition ? If
what was now proposed was really
attempted^ there remained to the
minority cmly their power of mov-
ing successive amendments, in order
to defeat the aiTangement ; and^
sorry as he should be to see that
alternative adopted, no other course,
he confessed^ appeared to present
itself to members who, like the
member for Aid borough, had really
motions of importance in contem-
plation. It would certainly be
exceedingly unpleasant to witness
the contentious spirit and the tem-
per of irritation in which business
must necessarily thenceforward be
carried on. Neither was there the
least occasion for resorting to this
motion, for he had not yet wit-
nessed any attempt whatever to
obtrude notices, or press on other
subjects of discussion in the way
of the reform bill. Had such a
disposition been evinced by the
opponents of that measure, it might
indeed have supplied a weak ex-
cuse for the course now about to
l)e pursued ; but, as matters stood,
it was perfectly unjustifiable. He,
therefore, put it to his majesty's
ministers^ whether it would not be
infinitely better rather to trust to
the good sense and good feeling of
the House, than to call upon them
to vote for a specific regulation, of
which nobody could imdertake to
determine how far it might be
carried as a precedent hereafter.
'* I am satisfied," said sir R.
Peel, " that the noble lord would
have found it much better to de-
pend upon his own judgment and
discretion, instead of reading news-
papers, and obsequiously adopting
their tyrannical suggestions. He
should have treated their proffer
of advice with the same contempt
and indifference with which I and
others view the shameful and auda-
cious menaces daily put forth in
order to deter us from the con-
scientious performance of our duty.
Hitherto he has wisely trusted
somewhat to his own discretion^
and the result has shown him that
there is no disposition in the House
to interfere with the reasonable
progress of the reform bill^ or of
any other measure which forms a
part of the public business of the
nation. We are here assembled
late in the month of July ; and, if
people imagine that we will con-
sent to make a new constitution
without inquiry or deliberation^
I can assure them they will find
themselves grievously mistaken.
I will not sanction any improper
or undue delay, because I think
such tactics must eventually recoil
on those who act upon them. But
when I see that ten out of the six-
teen notices of motion to be con-
sidered in the committee emanate
from members who voted for the
second reading, and M'ho^ it ap-
pears, think it necessary that it
should undergo the fullest discus-
sion, I do think it rather hard to
impute factious motives to mem-
bers on my side of the House who
venture to suggest other matters
no less closely connected with the
details of the self-same measure.
I certainly will not consent that
any motion shall be unfairly inter-
posed to prevent the adequate ex-
amination of the reform bill j but
I wish that the House would agree
to that amicable understanding on
which they had acted last session^
to the effect that public business
should begin at five o'clock."
The chancellor of the Exche-
quer replied; that though it was
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[193
true that members had Dot actu*
ally interfered with the progress of
the bill by interposing notices of
motions, yet other discussions had
always incidentally arisen, so as to
prevent the house from going into
the reform debate until near seven
o'clock, although six o'clock had
been the hour previously agreed
upon, according to an arrangement
which members opposite had not
opposed. All he wanted was, to
begin the consideration of the bill
daily at an early hour, and he
would therefore withdraw his mo-
tion on the understanding, that
the house should go into committee
on the bill daily at four o'clock,
which he had changed, on the sug-
gestion of several members, for five.
It was not to be expected, that
this would satisfy the press and
the associations, whom nothing
would please except the absence of
all consideration; but it was a
striking feature in the public cha-
racter of the time, although not
one whose existence could occasion
surprise, considering the temper
in which the elections had taken
place, that much of this anxiety
for breathless hurry was manifested
in the house itself, and was en-
forced even there by undisguised
intimidation. The new arrange-
ment had been acted on only for
four or five nights, when a colo-
nel Evans complained that it did
not satisfy the people. There was,
he said, a strong and alarming
feeling excited through the coun-
try in consequence of the delays
which the bill had encountered.
"A conference has been held be-
tween the political unions of Bir-
mingham, Manchester, and Glas->
gow, as to the steps which, accord-
ing to their sense of duty^ they*
ought to take, in case the urogress
of the bill were protracted in the
VOL. LXXIII.
same tardy manner;" — and, if a
different mode of proceeding was
not adopted, he would move to ex-
amine witnesses at the bar to point
out to the house the danger arising
from these delays. Mr. John
Smith, too, assured the house,
'^ the anger of the population in
Scotland," at the delays thrown in
the way of the bill, was such, that,
if the house did not alter its course,
that anger would " shortly shew
itself in something stronger than
words;" the House ought to meet
at mid-day for the consideration of
the bill. Other members spoke in
the same strain, and the chancellor
of the Exchequer answered them
all by stating, that this very dis-
cussion, when they ought to have
been in committee, was hot much
calculated to expedite the progress
of the bill. He should be happy
to accede to any arrangement which
should clearly be better than that^
upon which they were then act-
ing, but nothing could be more
improper than to endeavour to
stifle discussion. By the pre-
sent arrangement they now sat
from five o'clock to one o'clock in
the morning. They thus sat eight
hours on the bill, and he thought
it impossible that by any arrange-
ment they could sit a longer time.
If the House met in the morning,
as was now proposed, be was not
aware that they would not lose as
much time as they did at present.
Throughout the whole discussion,
ministers themselves, and particu-
larly the chancellor of the Exche-
quer, were much more moderate
and conciliatory than many of their
pledged and unthinking adherents,
who reckoned all those discussions
unnecessary, in which they felt
themselves to be utterly unquali-
fied for taking any useful or re^
spectable part.
[O]
194] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
On the 27th of July the com-
mittee entered on the considera-
tion of schedule B^ the boroughs
contained in which were^ in future^
to be limited to one member^ be-
cause their population did not ex-
ceed 4,000. Sir R. Peel, to raise
the question of the principle on
which this clause proceeded, moved
that these boroughs should send
two members instead of one, a pro-
position for which, he said, the
firmest supporter of the bill, if
convinced by reason, might freely
give his vote. There was nothing
contained in the preamble of the
bill which made the disfranchise-
ment of the boroughs enumerated
in schedule B a necessary measure.
The preamble declaretl the expe-
diency of disfranchising the bo-
roughs in schedule A, but not
those in schedule B. The bo-
roughs in schedule B had nothing
to do with the principle of dis-
franchising nomination boroughs ;
because, if they were nomination
boroughs, they ought, according
to the principle of the bill, to be
entirely disfranchised. The com-
mittee had already determined, that
iifty-six boroughs, and 1 1 1 mem-
bers, should, for the future be
struck out of the constituency of
England; and to shew how this dis-
franchisement would operate, he
would divide England into two
districts, marked by essentially dif-
ferent characters. He held in his
hand a small map which had been
lately published, entitled, " a map
shewing the places in England
and Wales sending members to
parliament heretofore, with the
alterations proposed to be made by
the bill for amending the repre-
sentation." In this map he would
di*aw a line, not exactly across the
centre of the country, but from the
indenture made in th^ coast by
the Severn to the indenture made
on the opposite coast by the Wash.
This line would leav« Lincolnshire
to the north, and the county of
Norfolk to the south. A line
drawn in this direction to Bristol
would effect the division to which
he wished to direct the attention
of the House. This line was not
a fanciful one, but one which di-
vided with tolerable accuracy the
agricultural from the manufactur-
ing districts. On the north of
this line w^re situated the great
coal-fields of England, with all the
manufactures which depended on
them. Taking this line for his
guide, he would attempt to prove
that the bill gave an immense pre-
ponderance to the northern or
manufacturing district, and greatly
and unduly lessened the weight,
and distinction of the southern
district, which comprised the chief
agricultural counties of England.
Schedule A comprised fifty-six
boroughs, returning 1 1 1 members.
How were these boroughs situated
with respect to the districts north
and south of the line ? The dis-
trict north of the line lost only
five boroughs, out of the fifty- six.
The district to the south of the
line lost fifty-one. The district
to the north of the line lost ten
members, and the district to the
south lost 101. Schedule B, again,
since the decision of the committee
with respect to Saltash, might be
assumed to comprise forty- one bo-
roughs. Out of these forty-one
boroughs eight were to the north
of the line, and thirty-three to the
south. By the combined operation
of schedules A and B, the manu-
facturing district lost eighteen
members, and the agricultural dis-
trict lost 134. The constructive
V clauses furnished no compensation
for the loss which the destructive
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[195
clauses occasioned to the agricul-
tural division. Schedule C con-
tained twelve new boroughs, each
of which was to return two mem-
bers. Every one of these new bo-
roughs, with the exception of the
metropolitan districts and of the
town of Devonportj was in the
northern division. It was clear
that the increase of members for
the metropolitan district would be
an injury instead of an advantage
to the agricultural interest. The
bill created twenty- six new bo-
roughs with one member each, and
of these twenty-four were to the
north of the^line, and two to the
south. He had hoped that these
two would at least be of some ad-
vantage to the agricultural inter-
est ; but what was his disappoint-
ment when^ on looking at the
clause, he found that in these in-
stances the privilege of representa-
tion was conferred on Cheltenham
and Brighton ! The result of his
statement was, that the southern
division of the kingdom sustained
a total loss of 134 members, whilst
the northern division sustained a
loss of only eighteen. On the
other hand, the southern district
gained seven members, and the
northern district thirty-three. If
the House would give two members
to the boroughs contained in sche-
dule B, the agricultural interest
would have a chance of pos-
sessing its due weight in the
representative system. At all
times it was necessary to protect
the agricultural interest from the
augmenting influence t)f the manu-
facturing districts. The consti-
tuency of populous places had
greater power of combining than
the scattered constituency of agri •
cultural districts. The influence
of the press and of clubs was much
more powerful amongst the former
than amongst the latter body. He
therefore earnestly entreated the
House to pause, and to inquire
whether they might not, consistent-
ly with the principle of the bill,
suflfer those forty boroughs which
were included in schedule B to re-
tain the right of sending two mem-
bers to parliament. But, above all
things, he would entreat and im-
plore of the House not to innovate
and destroy further than was abso-
lutely necessary — not to be too
active in the work of destruction.
The very extensive destruction
which was already effected, must
call upon those who were most
ardent in the cause of reform, to
pause and ask themselves seriously,
whether the system of the repre-
sentation of this country was really
so defective, as to call for a farther
and a more sweeping destruction f
Lord John Russell contended,
that the charge of having neglected
the southern or western counties,
or overlooked the interests of the
agricultural districts, was the very-
last that ought to be brought
against ministers. Instead of
taking the course now recommend-
ed, they had rather looked to the
great population of the northern
counties. They found, for in-
stance, that Lancashire contained
more than a million of inhabitants,
while Dorsetshire had a popula-
tion of only 140,000, ana Lan-
cashire would have nineteen mem-
bers while Dorsetshire would hare
nine. Ministers wished to give to
those vast dep6ts of manufacturing
wealth, which during the last
thirty years had been constantly
increasing, that importance to
which they were entitled. The
individuals connected with them
were in the habit of trading with
every quarter of the world ; they
kept up the relations of this cotin-^
[0 23
196] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
try with every portion of the globe;
they were, wheresoever they went,
admired for their mechanical skill,
and envied for their increasing and
secure prosperity. Having found
their way into every part of the
habitable world, — having for years
maintained the character and power
of this country, yet, strange to
say^ they had never found admit-
tance into that house^ which should
have been their proper place. In
proceeding as they had done, mi-
nisters felt, that the representation
should not be a representation of
a particular ckss of men, strongly
addicted to a specific set of opi-
nions. They thought that, if they
adopted such a course, those so
selected might give to the machine
of government an impetus and a
velocity not consistent with the
established state of things. There-
fore it was, that they stopped their
career at a particular point, and
had laid down a line beyond which
they would not go. There were
forty boroughs in this schedule
which would send one member
each to parliament, and there were
thirty others that would still re-
turn two members. These latter
did not contain any great body of
constituents, but still they would
send members to parliament to re-
present certain portions of the peo-
ple, who had as fair a right to be
represented as any other body. By
taking this course, they would
add to the stability of the repre-
sentation, and obtain an equili-
brium which was not to be found in
any other scheme of legislation
which ministers could devise. They
had left to the boroughs in this
schedule the right to send one
member each to parliament. They
had not, in doing this, acted from
partial or personal views, but be-
cause they thought it right and
just to stop where they conceived
that total disfranchisement was no
longer necessary.
'To this the opposition replied,
that it was a gross paralogism to
say that these boroughs ought to
have only one member, because
other boroughs, not yet repre-
sented, ought to have^ some one^
and others two. To say, that the
boroughs in schedule B should have
two members did not mean or
imply that the boroughs in sche-
dules C and D were to have none
or fewer than the bill contemplated,
and ministers had not so treated
the proposition. Where then was
the logic of declaiming about the
unrepresented wealth and enter-
prise of the northern manufactures,
as if the question had been whe-
ther they should be excluded from
the representation ? But ministers
said^ they had looked at the great
population of these " vast depots.*'
If they had, what did they find
in it to justify their giving it so
tremendous a preponderance ? The
census shewed that the town popu-
lation did not amount to more than
4,500,000 persons, whereas the
rural population amounted to up-
wards of 7,000,000. Suppose that
property was selected as the basis
of this new constitution 5 how did
that stand ? The houses, accord-
ing to the last return of property,
averaged 1 5,000,000/. per annum,
while the land reached 30,000,000/.
per annum. Again, if they looked
to contribution, they would find
the same inequality. The houses
in this kingdom, including mills
and manufactories, according to
the last report made to that
House, paid 2,000,000/. to the
poor rates, while the land paid no
less than 6,800,000/. What,
then, was the rational course for
those to pursue, who were now at-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[197
tacking the constitution with such
zeal ? They ought to have done
that which they had neglected and
refused to do — they ought to have
laid before parliament some just,
clear^ and intelligible plau^ instead
of a scheme which was absurd and
contradictory. Ministers called
this measure an adjustment of the
system of representation ; but let
the House see what was the nature
of this adjustment. It gave about
300 members to the towns, and
about 150 to the country popula-
tion— that was to say, it adjusted
the representation in such a man-
ner that one body should have just
half as much of it and no more, as
the other body had.
Sir Robert Peel's motion was re-
jected by a majority of sixty-seven,
and the committee entered on the
consideration of the individual bo-
roughs, i^ich were all disposed of
in the course of four days. In the
case of Chippenham, an unavailing
attempt was made to be allowed
to prove the gross inaccuracy of
the return in regard to its popu-
lation. One of its members stated,
and offered to prove at the bar,
that, in 1821, it had contained
4,41 1 inhabitants, though the cen-
sus of that year gave it only 3,506.
By parochial returns which had
been made out wi£h a view to levy-
ing the poor rates, it could be
proved that 155 houses had been
entirely omitted from the return,
and hence the apparent deficiency
of population. Ministers resisted
the admission of any evidence or
the entering upon any inquiry.
The chanceller of the Exchequer
said, that there might have been
a mistake as to the number of
houses, but it did not follow, that
there had been any mistake as to
the population ; and even if there
were; bow could these returns now
be corrected ? The inquiry would
be endless. The opposition com-
plained that this was a direct vio-
lation of the repeated declarations
of ministers, that if any borough
could bring itself fairly above the
line, its claims would be listened
to. Here proof was offered that
Chippenham did, in point of fact,
contain in 1821 more than 4,000
inhabitants ; and the answer made
was, it may be so, but we will not
allow you to prove it, and it w^
made on this very logical and na-
tural presumption that, although
it was admitted that a very large
number of houses had been omitted,
in making up the returns, yet it
must be assumed that the persons
living in these houses had not been
omitted! The returns of 1821
contained only 576 houses, while
those of even 1811 contained 668
inhabited houses. This alone af-
forded a reasonable presumption
that some great mistake had been
committed. Where the case, on
the first blush of it, appeared so
probable in itself, and so easily
susceptible of proof, let ministers,
if they would not hear evidence at
the bar, at least allow this borough
to stand over till inquiry should be
made, since it was plain that, as
matters stood, it was impossible
for the House to decide, without
deciding in the dark. But minis-
ters thought *' no good could pos-
sibly arise from delay," and on a
division a majority of seventy in
their favour determined the ques-
tion. A larger majority continued
in the schedule the borough of
Cockermouth, which the opposi-
tion contended, deserved as well
to be exempted from it, as the
whig boroughs of Morpeth and
Horsham. The opposition endea-
voured, likewise, to save both its
raembersfor Dorchester, the county
196] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1631.
town of Dorsetshire, on the ground
that,a1 though it fell within the strict
line of population selected by mi-
nisters, it had 500 electors, and no
fewer than 333 ten pound houses.
Among the boroughs which were
still to send two members, there
were at least six, the number
of 10/. houses in which was smaller
by sixty than in Dorchester, and
the latter neither was, nor ever
had been, a nomination borough.
Moreover Fordington was as much
a part and parcel of Dorchester as
any one place could possibly be of
another ; the united population of
both would exceed 4,000, and why
should not the same principle, on
which Falmouth was joined to
Penryn, and Walmer and Deal to
Sandwich, not so intimately con-
nected together, be applied to a
case like this ? It was answered
that Fordington was not Dorches-
ter, and Porchester admittedly
did not contain 4,000 inhabitants.
It might not be a nomination bo-
rough, and there were other bo-
roughs in this schedule in the same
situation, but the proposed change
would effectually put a stop to the
system out of which nomination
boroughs had arisen.
An attempt was likewise made
to save Guildford, by a reform
member, and on the ground that
the returns were erroneous which
stated its population in 1821 to
be only 3161. Guildford compre-
hended three parishes, including
which, but excluding the rural
population extending two miles in
the environs of the town, the popu-
lation of 1821 amounted to 4212.
It contained upwards of 315 ten
pound houses, and almost the whole
town consisted of freeholds. If the
number of houses in Guildford, and
which ought to have been included
in the return^ had been included,
the population, even according to
the return, would have exceeded
4,000 and nowhere could there
be found a purer constituency
than in this borough. Ministers,
however, would admit of no in-
quiry, and considered it just such
a case as Dorchester, where you
would have to go out of the bo*
rough to make up the 4,000, the
borough population being only
3,723. It was answered, that it
was just the reverse of Dorchester.
In the latter, the houses to be in«
eluded were not in the town ; but
in the present case the houses,
which it was sought to include in
the return, were within the town.
A majority of seventy-seven de-
cide<l that Guildford should lose
one of its members. Sudbury,
with a returned population of
3.950 shared the same fate, from
the refusal to admit a suburb dis-
trict forming a continuation of one
of its streets, on the ground that
it was not included in a local act
for paving and lighting Sudbury.
The enfranchising clauses came
next, by which members were to
be given to places hitherto unre-
presented, and, in regard to them,
there was less diversity of opinion.
The first set consistedi of those to
which two members were to be
given. Among them was '* Green-
wich, including the parishes of
Greenwich, St. Nicholas, and St.
Paul, Deptford, and Woolwich."
Sir R. Peel moved that Green-
wich should be erased from this
schedule, on the ground that, to
give it two members, would only
be adding to a power already too
great — the representation of the
metropolitan district, to which this
very clause gave eight new mem-
bers besides. He was unacquaint-
ed, he said, with any particular
circumstances which suould entitle
HISTORY OF EUROPfi.
ii§9
Greenwich, and the other places
which it was proposed to unite
with it, to this privilege. He was
not aware of any trade which was
carried on in those places which
required protection. Their sole
claim to representation depended
on the amount of their population,
which varied according to changes
in the circumstances of the esta-
blishments which government main-
tained in those localities. The po-
pulation returns of 1821 showed
that the population of Deptford
had decreased, whilst that of Green-
wich had increased. The former
circumstance was attributed to a
reduction which took place in the
dock-yard, and the latter to the
establishment of the Naval Asylum,
and an increase in the number of
resident pensioners. It was an
admitted blot in the representative
system, that such towns as Leeds,
Manchester, and Birmingham, had
no shjtre in the representation ; but
it could not fairly be alleged that
any defect of representation existed
with respect to the metropolitan
district. The members returned
for the city of London, the city of
Westminster, and the borough of
Southwark, were eight in number.
The representatives of the county
of Middlesex were returned under
town influence, and not under the
agricultural interest. According
to the population returns, it ap-
peared that there were in the
county of Middlesex 9,393 families
employed in agricultural pursuits,
whilst there were 161,356 families
employed in trade and manufac-
tures. The whole rural popula-
tion of Middlesex could not exceed
70,000, out of a total population
of 1 , 1 40,000. It was evident from
this statement that the members
for the county must be returned
under the town interest. The total
population of the county of Surrey
was 398,000, of which 268,000
were engaged in trade and manu-
factures, so that he was justified
in assuming that one member for
this county was returned on the
town interest. The conclusion to
which these facts led him was, that
the metropolitan district was at
present amply represented, it hav-
ing no less than eleven members
in the House of Commons. It was
to him a just cause of surprise,
that ministers should propose *to
add ten members more-to this num-
ber. On the grounds of popula-
tion, and of the amount of assessed
taxes paid by this district, minis-
ters might be able to make out a
case ; but those were not the prin-
ciples on which the bill proceeded.
Liverpool, with a population of
200,000, was to have only two re-
presentatives. Why were not the
same principles applied to that
great town as were applied to
the metropolitan district ? The
three propositions which he had
thus attempted to establish were
these — 1 St, That the metropo-
litan district of London, with
reference to other parts of the
country, was amply provided with
members, as it returned no less
than eleven members ; — 2nd, That
the ancient usage of England, with
respect to the representative sys-
tem, gave an equal right to all
places to return representatives; —
and 3rd, That the same was the
case with respect to this bill, as
was seen in the instances of Calue
and Manchester, the former conti-
nuing to return members on ac-
count of ancient right, and the lat-
ter being allowed that privilege in
consequence of its great popula-
tion. The one place retained its
old right, the other became pos-
sessed of a new one. Now, from
200] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the positions which he had laid
down^ he inferred that, unless
some special case were made out
for the metrojwlitan district, the
plan, which it was proposed to
pursue respecting it, ought not to
be approved. Could those who
proposed this alteration show, that,
either with reference to popula-
tion or contribution, the metro-
politan district deserved this addi-
tional number of members ? A
case, he knew, could be made out,
but it was a case against those who
called for these additional mem-
bers. In his opinion, ministers
were about to concede this boon to
Middlesex, not on account of any
peculiarity in its local situation,
but merelv in accordance with the
arbitrary line which they had laid
down. In doing so, they were
guilty of a departure from ancient
usage, and even from the principle
of the bill itself. For the various
reasons he had stated, he should
strenuously oppose the insertion of
Greenwich in schedule C.
In regard to the new members
to be given to the metropolis, the,
chancellor of the Exchequer said,
that it was impossible to leave large
districts, overflowing with popula-
tion, wealth, and intelligence, un-
represented. Ministers, therefore,
had to decide, whether they should
give these districts new members,
or join them with the parts of the
metropolis that were already re-
presented ; they had believed the
former to be the wiser course, and
they had adopted it. London being
one immense town, was, in conse-
quence, divided into several separ-
ate boroughs, each having the right
to return representatives j and
therefore ministers did not wish to
depart from that principle. If
they joined those places named in
the schedule with other roetropo*
litan districts that now returned
members, it would have the effect
of nearly disfranchising the latter.
If they added those places to West-
minster, for instance, the weight
and importance of that place would
be considerably reduced. They
could not, therefore, in common
fairness or justice, add those im-
mense places enumerated in the
schedule to other districts which
already returned members. There-
fore the course which they deemed
it most advisable to take was, to
consider them as separate boroughs j
just as the city of Westminster
and the borough of Southwark
were, at the present time, distin-
guished as separate boroughs. That
was the course which appeared to
ministers to be most consistent with
reason, and with the present state
of the representation. Now, when
they were giving representatives
to different places, they could not,
when they saw such population
and wealth as Greenwich and its
neighbourhood boasted, avoid tak-
ing its claims into consideration,
and they decided, when they had
done so, on placing it in this clause.
It was said, that the population of
Greenwich and Deptford was, in a
great degree, composed of persons
employed by government. There
were undoubtedly persons there
who were employed by govern-
ment ; but the amount was such,
that it could not have any very
material weight in influencing the
return of a member to serve in
parliament. The observation, how-
ever, was rather a strange one to
come from the other side of the
House, since the gentlemen seated
there had all along declared that
ministers were destroying the just
and necessary influence of the
Crown. If they supposed that
Greenwich would hereafter be a
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[201
mere Domination borough, he could
only say that it would be a most
enormous one, as its population was
not less than 40,000. So far as
government was concerned^ some
influence might be retained^ but
that influence would not have the
eflfect of placing in the hands of
government any undue or unfair
degree of power.
Mr. Wynn, Mr. Baring, Mr.
Groker, and Sir C. WethereU en-
forced the views which had been
taken by Sir R. Peel, contending,
that the proposition was not only
a most inexpedient addition to the
metropolitan representation, but
that, in itself, it set all sense ^d
principle at defiance, proceeding on
the mere basis of population, and
of lumping together, in order to
make up that population, totally
distinct masses, an operation against
which ministers had set their faces
in every instance where their anta-
gonists had proposed it. It was
easy to foretel, from what hap-
pened to Alderman Thompson in
London, and to Sir U. Wilson in
South wark, for voting, not against
the bill, but against ministers, how
such an influence M^ould be exer-
cised . If a clamour arose in West-
minster, it was not too much to
say that it was sure to spread to
London, Southwark, Greenwich,
Deptford, and all these new me-
tropolitan boroughs, and their re-
presentatives would be compelled
to obey it, instead of exercising
their own reason and judgment.
The addition of ten members to the
metropolitan union of eleven, which
the district of the capital already
enjoyed, would constitute an union
of twenty-one members, an inno-
vation in the constitutional system
of representation which had never
existed, and ought not to exist.
Sir C. Wetherell did not mean to
say, that such an union as tbis;
within the walls of parliament,
would be as dangerous as the Bir-
mingham Political Union, with
which a minister of state had
thought it fitting and proper to
correspond ; but it did appear to
him, that such a number of gentle-
men thus confederated together
would be a novel thing in the con-
stitution of that House 3 and that
such a novelty would be productive
of mischief to an extent which he
should not at present* predicate.
They had already seen how the
city of London, which would form
a portion of that metropolitan
union to which he alluded, had
thought proper to erect itself into
a judge of their proceedings, and
to interfere in a most unconstitu-
tional manner with the privileges .
of parliament. To be sure, as the
worthy alderman had said, the
Livery of London had not as yet
pronounced their judgment on that
House— they had not as yetjlatea
their decree — they had not as yet
thought proper to determine, in
regard to a matter which was still
under the consideration of parlia-
ment, and in regard to proceed-
ings which wjere only in transitu,
that the House of Commons must,
nolens vokns, pass the bill in the
shape that would please them —
they had not as yet come to that
redoubtable civic determination j
but their resolution was only sus-
pended, and, like the sword of
Damocles, it was ready to fall upon
their devoted heads at the given
signal from those city sages.* He
referred to such proceedings merely
• This had reference tj a meeting
which had been held by some of the
livery of London, for the purpose of tak-
ing measures to compel a more rapid
progre:'8 of the bill. The meeting had
adjourned, however, without adopting
any resolution ; but the press took care
to tell ministers and the House, that it
was BtlU hanglDg over them in tmvremt
i02] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
as an illustration of what might be
expected from that metropolitan
union which this bill went to esta-
blish. Again, if population was
to be the principle by which they
were to be guided, why had that
principle been abandoned in so
many glaring instances in schedule
B ? Why hud they partly disfran-
chised Guildford by intersecting
and transecting houses^ so as to
reduce its population below the
mark^ while, in order to bring
Greenwich up to that point of po-
pulation, which would entitle it to
two members^ they had added to it
several of the neighbouring places^
such as Deptford and Woolwich ?
Would the noble lord opposite con-
descend to give a satisfactory an-
swer to that question ? Or, when
the population of Greenwich was
not sufficient, why were other
places added to it in order to make
It sufficient to entitle it to return
two members to parliament, while
from several boroughs, with a
larger population, one of their
members had been taken ? Was not
that a most notorious abandonment
of the principle of the bill ? Why
had Chelsea been left out of the
list ? No reason had been assigned
why unrepresented Chelsea should
have been omitted. The only rea-
son which he could give for the
omission, if he were asked for one,
was, that Greenwich was below new
London bridge, and that Chelsea
was above ; and as the one place
contained a naval, and the other a
military asylum, the only dis-
tinction that could be made out
between them was the distinction
between a red coat and a blue coat.
Why had Tooting been omitted in
this list of fortunate places ? why
omit Battersea, renowned in stor^ ?
why omit Fulham } why omit pic-
turesque Petersham ? why leave
out Rotherhithe? and, above all*
why omit thrice-celebrated Garrett
— Garrett, with regard to which,
at least, no difficulty could be
started on the score of a returning
officer ; for, as the hon. members
were probably aware, a mayor was
elected there every year? Why
had all those places been omitted
in the distribution of favours ? To
give the preference to Greenwich,
appeared to him a most arbitrary
and indefensible selection. It had
been said that Greenwich had for-
merly returned members to parlia-
ment; but was that any reason
that they should take one of its
members from Guildford, which
had always returned two members
to Parliament, and that they should
give two members to Greenwich,
after having accumulated two or
three parishes together, in order
to furnish forth a population suffi-
cient to entitle it to that privilege ?
Was this the way in which such
important matters were to be dealt
with .? What answer could they
give to the people of England, if
they should ask them why they
had dealt in such an inconsiderate
manner with privileges and rights
which had been established ibr
centuries ? They might depend
upon it that the time would come,
wnen the people of this country
would look to see whether this
measure had been founded, not only
on the principles of justice, but
upon the principles of common
sense. For his part, he could see
no particular merit in Greenwich
to entitle it to the privilege of re-
turning members of parliament.
Pix)bably it was intended, that the
next time the Admiralty barge
went down to Greenwich, it should
take down two members of parlia-
ment there; and a very precious
cargo they would be^ indeed. No
HISTORY OF EtTROPE.
[^
one principle^ parliamentary, mo-
ral^ or meritorious, had been as-
signed why two members should
be granted to Greenwich.
On the division, Greenwich was
allowed to keep its place in the
schedule by a majority of 107 •
The want of any fixed and
steady principle was still more ap-
parent on the occasion of Mr. Lit-
tleton moving that Stoke-upon-
Trent, which stood in the list of
new boroughs which were to receive
one member, should be transferred
to the schedule now under discus-
sion^ and receive two. He stated,
that it consisted of a cluster^ four
towns, containing a population of
53,000 persons. The inhabitants
were principally employed in the
manufacture of earthenware and
china ; and from their numbers,
the extensive and important na-
ture of their trade, and the capital
it employed, they were fiiUy en-
titled to have two representatives.
It not only contained a much
larger population than the boroughs
in schedule B, but much larger
than most of those in this very
schedule C. This schedule con-
tained towns having a population
of 43,000 or 44,000, and here was
one with 53,000, the flourishing
seat of a great manufacture, one
of the '<vast d6p6t8*' that had
been spoken of, which was to be
degraded to an inferior rank. Mi-
nisters answered, that, after the
inquiries they had made, they
thouglitone member quite enough
for Stoke-upou-Trent. llie popu-
lation was, no doubt, very great $
they did not diink it, however, a
case of town mres^tation, ^but of
an unconnected district, thou^,
in appearance, it might resemble a
large town. Besides, the county
in whidi it was situated, Stafford
shiroi bad ak«iidy more tbaii its
due proportion of members ; and,
if this motion wer^ carried, two
members must be given to se-
veral places in Lincolnshire and
Yorkshire, which now had only
one. Staffordshire, with a po-
pulation of only 340,000 persons,
had already received six new mem*
bers, and would return altogether
fifteen or sixteen representatives,
while Lancashire, with a popula-
tion of 1,221,000, had only four-
teen. The question was to be con*
sidered in its relation to the general
interests of the country, and not
in reference to any interests purely
local. If the motion were carried,
it would create great jealousies in
other places, and so mr injure the
bill. The motion was lost by a
majority of 101.
A still larger majority supported
the ministry in resisting a motion
made by one of their own adherents
in regard to schedule D, contain-
ing new boroughs which were to
receive only one member. Lord
Milton moved that they should
have two. It appeared to his lord-
ship, that, by adopting the princi-
ple of bavins one member only,
they were departing from the
ancient practice of the constitution,
whereas, in his opinion, they ought
to base themselves, as much as pos-
sible, on ancient foundations. Wher-
ever representation existed, ' it
seemed to have been the rule that
it should be confided to two repre-
sentatives. There were, doubt-
less, some exceptions; but these
were exceptions merely. Where
there were two members to be
elected, the system of compromise
led to the avoidance of contests,
and to a more accurate represent-
ation of the people in pariiament ;
for it was not to be denied, that,
finr an accurate representation <k
the fw>fh in padiament, tlMi m*
204] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
nority out of doors should find a
minority in that House. Suppose
there were 100 electors for a
liorough, and fifty-one voted on
one side, and forty-nine on the
other, if there was but one mem-
ber, a majority of two would en-
gross the representation, and the
borough would not be fairly repre-
sented in parliament. The neces-
sary result of this system would
be, that, in periods of popular ex-
citement, the minority might be
entirely excluded from the walls of
that House, into which it was
highly de8ira})le that it should find
a way. He did not view schedule
A with peculiar favour, though he
voted for it as the means of re-
moving the corrupt parts of the
representation ; but he would ask
the House, he would ask his hon.
friends who sat on the benches be-
side him, whether, if they adopted
schedule D in its present state, in
the remodelling of the constitu-
tion they were now making, the ar-
rangement could by possibility be
final? There would be perpetual
claims from populous and wealthy
places having one member, which
would consider themselves equally
entitled with other places to have
two. It was impossible it could
be final, unless they departed from
the principle of schedule D ; and
he was prepared to give to each of
the towns an additional member.
He was a friend to the bill ; he
would support it iotis viribus, and
had not the slightest wish to
distract its supporters. But this
subject had pressed greatly on
his mind, and he did not see that
the principle of his hon, friends,
which professed to be founded
on population, was adhered to
in this schedule. The principle
of the schedule was a principle
miscbievous in its effects on the
constitution, and which, when its
character was calmly considered by
the constituency of the country,
would lead to considerations of an
almost painful nature. He had
lately had an interview with per-
sons from one of these towns, in-
cluding tor ies, reformers, and anti-
reformers, who concurred in stat-
ing that they would rather have
no representative at all than one.
Sir Francis Burdett, on the other
hand, considered single represent-
ation, if attainable consistently
with the interests of the people, to
be more convenient ana aavant-
ageous for all practical purposes,
and, for his own part, he would
rather see the number of repre-
sentatives diminished than in-
creased. He did not believe that
double representation would be at-
tended with the benefits which were
anticipated ; and, at all events, he
thought it would be better for
the friends of reform to forego
their own wishes, however reason-
able, with respect to mere mat-
ters of detail, than endanger, in
any degree, the success of the
great measure before them. The
chancellor of the Exchequer ad-
mitted, that the exclusion of the
minority from a share in the re-
presentation would be unfair and
unconstitutional. He admitted,
likewise, as a general proposition,
that two members were better than
one ; but the question was, in this
case, would the evils that had been
predicted, arise from having one
member instead of two in those
twenty-six boroughs ? The largest
number of places would still be re-
presented by two, and in that way
the minority in the kingdom would
be represented. If, too, the House
considered the sort of agreement
that had been made as to the prin-
ciple of the billj be thought it
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[206
would be considered as a breach of
faith to the agriculturists to add
twenty-six to the commercial
towns. Lord Milton's motion was
lost by a majority of 128.
Among those boroughs on which
one member was to be bestowed,
was Gateshead, in the county of
Durham. The proposal for allow-
ing it to remain in the schedule
was attacked by the opposition as
the worst instance that had ,yet oc-
curred of all want of consistent
principle, and Mr. Croker moved,
that Gateshead should be omitted.
Gateshead, he said, was merely the
southern suburb of Newcastle, which
already possessed two members. To
these it was entitled, as it contain-
ed 35,000 inhabitants, but he could
imagine no reason why this suburb
should be allowed to send an addi-
tional member. The latter was
not distinguished from the former
by any difference in the pursuits of
the population, and, if they were
joined, the united population of
both would not equal that of
Bolton, which was to return only
one member. There were already
three newly-created boroughs in
this very quarter — namely, Sun-
derland, which was about ten miles
from Gateshead; South Shields,
which was at a still smaller dis-
tance ; and Tynemouth, which was
even nearer. So that here, within
the circuit of ten miles of Gates-
head, three additional boroughs had
been created, two of them so small,
that they had attracted the notice
of one of the most zealous support-
ers of the bill. With respect to
Sunderland, how had ministers
proceeded.'* They added to that
town Bishop Wearmouth and Monk
Wearmouth to raise the popula-
tion to 33,000, and to that popu-
lation two members were given,
while, in three different instances.
representatives were refused to
places in Lancashire, which con-
tained more than 40,000 inhabit-
ants. On what principle did mi-
nisters refuse to give represent-
atives to these gigantic places,
while they were obliged to add
three places together to procure a
population of 33,000 in Durham ?
He really began to doubt his un-
derstanding, when he found the
good cases, for such he conceived
them to be, which he brought for-
ward, fall of producing any effect.
But he and his friends had the
consolation of knowing that they
were defeated by majorities, and
not by reasoning. South Shields
contained only 8,885 souls: of
course a representative could not
be given to that number. But
was there no hamlet, no chapelry
adjoining, which might be added to
South Shields ? This latter place
might have been thrown into Sun-
derland, or into Gateshead ; but no :
ministers found there was the cha-
pelry of Westoe, containing 7,600
inhabitants, which they joined to
South Shields, thusmakingthe po-
pulation amount to 1 6,000. Now,
he would ask, had that place a right
toaseparate representation, when it
was so near Sunderland and Gates-
head, and so intimately connected
with another borough which they
were about to create } With respect
to the real population of the district,
it would stand thus — ^Tynemouth,
9,000, North Shields, 8,205, and
South Shields, 8,885, making al-
together a population of 27,000
for the three places. Now, he
could not conceive, if they were
joined, that a population of 27^000
persons would have any right to
be dissatisfied with two repre-
sentatives, when a population of
47,000 had only one. Ministers
did not confine themselves strictly
206] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
#*«j
to the towns of North Shields^
South Shields, or Tyneniouth^ but
to bolster up the account^ they took
in the parishes. If, however, Cli-
theroe and other parishes were
rejected in making up the popula-
tion of certain boroughs, he could
not see upon what fair principle
the parish of Tyneraouth should
be included.
Ministers, and other members
who spoke on the same side, denied
that Gateshead ought to be treat-
ed as a suburb of Newcastle, for it
was separated from it by the Tyne
and a bridge, and lay in a different
county, the river being there the
boundary between the counties of
Durham and Northumberland. To
join it to Newcastle would be un-
fair towards the latter -, it con-
tained in itself, a population of
15,000 or 16,000 inhabitants, and
was well entitled to a member.
Ministers, moreover, had not
thought it right to tie themselves
strictly to any particular rule in
the enfranchising clauses. Cer-
tainly, they had kept population
in view, but there were other points
of which they had not thought it
right to lose sight. One of these
points was, how far different in-
terests were, or ought to be, re-
presented ; and they had satis-
fied themselves that the ship-
ping interest was not largely re-
presented. It was for that reason
that they had given members to
Sunderland, including Bishop-
AVearmouth and Monk • Wear-
mouth, to South Shields and to
Tynemouth, and it was with a view
to the proper representation of the
same interest, that they now pro-
posed giving a member to Gates-
head.
The opposition replied, that this
pretended attachment to the ship*
ping interest would not explain
the contradiction between what
ministers were now doing, and
what they had done in other cases.
Thus, Kingston upon Hull had
32,000, and near it was the bo-
rough of Scullcoates with 11,000.
Yet ministers, amid all this regard
to the shipping interest, placed
Kingston in another schedule, and
joined Scullcoates to it. Assuredly
Kingston upon Hull was as im-
portant a town as Gateshead ; yet
It was thrown in along with Scull-
coates, while ministers now refused
to adopt the same course in regard
to Newcastle and Gateshead. Even
the shallow pretext for making the
latter a separate borough, at the
very doors of Newcastle, viz. that
particular interests must be duly
represente<l, only brought out more
clearly the glaring partiality with
which ministers were acting. The
town and district of Merthyr Tyd-
vill was the chief seat of the iron
manufacture of the kingdom. By
this bill Glamorganshire was to
return four members, the county
of Monmouth three, and that of
Brecknock two ; so that those three
counties would have nine members.
Now, when they were told that
particular interests ought to be
sufRciently represented, that new
bodies of electors ought to be
created for that purpose, and that
even Gateshead, at one end of a
bridge, should have a member,
while Newcastle, at the other end
of it, had two, how would the iron
interest of South Wales be repre-
sented under this bill ? Merthyr
Tydvill contained, in 1821, 17,000
or 18,000 inhabitants, a greater
number than Gateshead, and its
immediate suburbs contained up-
wards of 2,000 more. The popu-
lation was now greatly increased.
It was the seat of a great and most
important uanujfacture ; and yet
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[207
it was refused even a single mem-
ber, but was sent^ as a paltry ad->
junct^ to a sea-port^ twenty miles
distant^ which had previously re-
turned representatives. On what
principle of common sense or jus*
tice, or even of the bill, could a
member be given to Gateshead*
and refused to Merthyr Tydvill ?
It was a case either of gross par-
tiality^ or of gross ignorance, ob-
stinately persisted in, from a pre-
determination that, cost what it
might, Gateshead must have a
member, and supported by a ma-
jority with which it was in vain
to reason. *' When men," said sir
C. Wetherell, *' are congregated
together in large numbers, they
are usually bold ; but such parlia-
mentary and ministerial audacity,
such effrontery, such appalling
boldness, had never perhaps been
witnessed until now." Sir R. Peel
said, that he knew well that the
members on his side of the House
were a minority, but they were
not, therefore, to be insulted with
mock argument. There was not
a borough in the united kingdom
which might not be enfranchised
by the ^fiat of certain commission-
ers, at the direction of his majesty's
ministers' quarter-master-general.
•' 1 know that I am in a minority;
but if 1 stand alone upon this
point, J will still record, in a more
emphatic manner than I could by
speech, my protest against the
conduct of his majesty's ministers,
in giving an additional member to
Newcastle, which has but a i>opu-
lation of 46,000 at most, whilst
they leave Chelsea and other po-
pular places unrepresented. If I
am alone, I will say ' No,* and sit
and record my opinion on this side
of the House."
In the course of the discus-
sion it was very strongly urg^
that inequalities, to give them no
harsher name, like those referred
to, put an end to all idea of the
measure being a final one. The
House would necessarily be beset
with applications from boroughs
which could not but feel that they
had been harshly and unjustly
dealt with in the distribution of
the spoil, and it would puzzle any
man who supported the present
bill to find a reasonable answer to
them. But lord John Russell de-
clared, that ministers never pre-
tended the present measure of re-
form would be final ; for it would
not be final, unless it were found
to work for the benefit of the
people, which he certainly expect-
ed it would. Now ministers had
always declared, not only that they
believed the measure would be a
final one, but that they had ex-
ceeded their original intentions for
the very purpose of anticipating
ulterior demands ; and then the
question was, whether they were
not making their arrangements so
partially and unequally as neces-
sarily to produce those very ulterior
demands which they professed it
was their object to avoid. Mr.
Hunt, however, congratulated mi-
nisters on the new view of the bill
which had thus opened to them,
and on his lordship's frank avowal
of it ; and he would cheerfiilly vote
with government, convinced that,
in a very short time, members
must be given to Chelsea, and
other places, on the same princi-
ples. On the division, ministers
had a majority of 1 04.
In another part of the same sche-
dule, Whitehaven, with a population
of 17,000, considerablvgi-cater than
Gateshead, was not allowed a whole
member, but was joined to Work-
ington, a place eight miles off, and
separated from it by an inttrveniog
208] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
parish^ which was not to be in-
cluded. Lord Althorp said, in
justification of this proceeding,
that though the principle, on which
ministers went, in bestowing the
franchise, was, not to interfere
with the legitimate influence of
property, yet, in their opinion,
there was too much of the influ-
ence of property at Whitehaven
in the hands of one individual, and
they had wished to neutralize it,
and their majority thought they
were quite right.
The case of Merthyr Tydvill,
which had stood in such strong
contrast to that of Gateshead, was
again brought forward on the mo-
tion that *' Llandaff, Cowbridge,
Merthyr Tydvill, Aberdare, and
Llanfrissent, sharing with Cardiflf,
in Glamorganshire, stand part of
the bill." Colonel Wood moved
an amendment, which was to have
the eflfect of giving Merthyr Tyd-
vill a member of its own, and was
supported by lord J. Stuart, sir
H. Hardinge, sir George Murray,
and Mr. Croker. Merthyr Tydvill,
they stated, along with the ham-
let, which was separated only by
a brook, contained, according to
the census of 1821, a population
of 19,021 souls, and it had not
less than 680 houses letting at
10/. a year and upwards. Minis-
ters had given representatives to
twelve towns, not one of which
possessed so large a population.
Glamorganshire had received an
additional county member, but
still that county would not be
adequately represented in the ratio
of its population ; and, by this
clause, the inhabitants of Merthyr
TydviJl would be deprived of the
right of voting for the county.
Merthyr Tydvill, besides, was not
less than twenty-five miles from
the town to which it was to
be annexed, and, what aggravat-
ed that distance, an almost impas-
sable barrier of mountains in-
tervened between the two places.
By bestowing ui>on Merthyr Tyd-
vill a direct voice in the legis-
lature, while Cardiff was per-
mitted to retain its member, the
iron interest of Glamorgan would
receive that share of representation
to which it was entitled, and which
Staffordshire, the other great iron
manufacturing county, was so
eminently to enjoy under the bill.
Cardiff, too, contained of itself 360
houses of 1 0/., which, with about
100 more, in the immediate neigh-
bourhood, which might be conve-
niently annexed to it, entitled it
to retain its present member. How
could ministers possibly justify
uniting this town with another
twenty-five miles distant, when
Gateshead, a much smaller town,
within a gun-shot of Newcastle,
was to have a separate member.
It would be a case of great par-
tiality and injustice. Lord Althorp
said, he was willing to admit the
principle, that a place so populous
and important, with respect to
manufactures as Merthyr Tydvill,
should have a direct voice in the
legislature ; but he contended that
it would be enabled by the bill to
exercise that virtual influence in
the election of the additional county
member which Glamorganshire was
to receive under its provisions.
Besides, to invest Merthyr Tydvill
with the right involved in the
present motion would be to destroy
that uniformity and fair equality
of footing on which the bill placed
all the counties without distinc-
tion. The majority, which rejected
the amendment, was 41.
By the 10th of August, the
clauses regarding the boroughs
had been disposed of, excepting*
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [209
that which regarded thq returning and his constituents^ and the latter
officers of the newly-created bo- would vote much more conscienti-
roughs. That clause was with- ously, when they had to choose only
drawn, in consequence of its being two representatives instead of four,
pointed out that, unless amended. The most thorough-going sup-
it would not answer the purpose, porters of the bill opposed this
Next came the counties. The scheme of division, and moved an
clause giving six members to York- amendment, for the purpose of
shire, viz. two to each riding, to getting rid of it, both on the
be elected as if each riding were ground that no commissioners
a county, was agreed to. ought to be intrusted with the
On the clause for dividing cer- power of division, and that the
tain counties to which additional scheme itself was inconsistent with
members were given by the bill, the true principles of the bill. The
and intrusting the process of divi-> House had been disfranchising
sion to certain commissioners, a largely, for the purpose of putting
greatdiversityof opinion prevailed, down the nomination boroughs;
and the two parties became inter- but, by the present clause, they
mixed with each other. Ministers would convert the county districts
stated, that the general principle into nomination divisions, com-
to be followed by the commission- pletely under the influence of the
ers in dividing the counties would rich landholder. So paramount
be, to divide them so as that the would be this influence, that the
numberof inhabitants and of square ballot would be indispensable as
miles in each division should be as a protection to the less wealthy
nearly equal as possible; although, freeholders; and it would be better
in many cases, divisions had al- to retain a certain number of the
ready been so firmly established close boroughs, than to create close
by custom, as to render it inex- county districts. This clause would
pedient to press the rule very neutralize the influence which the
strictly — to the division, for in- middle and industrious classesought
stance, of a hundred. The elec- to possess in county elections, and
toral body in each half of the coun- would defeat the great object of
ties to be divided would still be the bill, which professed to give a
taken out of a very large popula- full, fair, and free representation
tion. The least populous of the to the people. Those who had
counties which were to be thus voted against the disfranchisement
treated was Cumberland, and yet of the rotten boroughs would be
the half of its inhabitants would consistent in supporting the pre-
be 78,000. On the other hand, sent proposition ; but the people
the division would render elections of England would be deceived,
much less expensive both to the and the bill would be a mockery,
candidates and to the electors. Others, again, of the adherents
Under the present system, the of ministers, while they expressed
electors were frequently compelled their disapprobation of the clause
to choose, not the iJest or the considered in itself, expressed like-
wisest, but him who had the long- wise their determination to sup-
est purse. The division, moreover, port it as part of a whole which
would allow of a more frequent it was most desirable to see carried
intercourse between the member through, and which the people had
Vol- LXXliL [P]
210] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
sanctioned, knowing that his was
a part of it.
Lord Althorp, although h* would
not say that, if the arnendrnent
were carried, the bill \^ould be
lost, was determined to give it all
the opposition in his power, be-
cause it would materially affect a
leading feature in what had been
sanctioned by the country, and
the r8form-maj(»rity would not be
acting up to their duty if tliey
supported it. He had yet heard
no reason for believing the pro-
position, that the county districts
would become like so many close
b<»roughs in the hands of rich
landed proprietors. No doubt the
influence of property would tell in
the proposed divisions, particularly
so far as it was in the hands of
some one or two large landholders
— that is, these individuals would
have a much greater chance, in-
deed certainty, of being returned
for the divisions in which their
property lay, than they could have
of being returned for the whole
county at large ; but he was sure
tliat that influence could not be
so preponderating as to warrant
the apprehension of its being abus-
ed, and that it would be neutral-
ized by the other divisions into
which the county would be par-
celled. The arrangement, besides,
he was pretty certain, would pre-
clude those partial compromises
which took place between the large
pifoprietors and the independent
int^est in the larger counties.
At present it was too much the
case that half was returned by
th« individual holding the largest
property in the county, and the
other by the independent voters.
But the objection, that the clause
Would tdnA to increase the aris-
tocratic influ0nc^ in the repre-
MntAtiMi of &»ani\M9, mrta, in the
eyes of the framera of the bill,
no objection at all. On the con-
trary, while they were adding to
the democratic share of the repre-
sentation, bv extending the fran-
chise generally, and adding to the
members of the large towns, they
felt the necessity of preserving the
balance of the aristocratic share,
by increasing the influence of the
great landed proprietors in the
counties. In saying this, he did
not mean that it was an object
with ministers that the great
landed proprietors' influence should
entirely prevail in the proposed
divisions, for he was c(»nvinced
that some degree of popularity
would be necessary to the candi-
date. All he meant was, that it
was expedient that the aristocracy
should preserve their due influence
in the representation of that House.
The clause would effect this by,
in a great degree, confining the
representation of the county divi-
sions to the gentlemen of property
resident in them, and therefore
best acquainted with their wants
and interests. He considered it
an evil of the present system, that
mere popularity should be the
means of returning members for
counties,. oftentimes, too, strangers,
to the exclusion of gentlemen of
retiring habits holding large pro-
perty in the county, and well
qualified to represent its interests ;
and he knew not how that evil
could be entirely got rid of, so
long as the freeholders of a wide
surface of country were distracted
in their choice of the candidates
proposed by the districts best
acquainted with their respective
merits — a distraction that almost
inevitably ended in their choosing
some popular individual, whose
chief merit was, that his name was
best known to all The tesult pf th«
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[211
amendment would be, in counties
returning, say, four members, that
at least three of them would be
persons of this popular description,
while the fourth would only come
in on a kind of compromise.
Mr. D. Gilbert, Mr. Goulbum,
and sir R. Peel, spoke in fevour
of the ministerial proposition. The
latter said that, looking at it, \nth-
out reference to the bill, he could
not approve of it, because he was
sorry to see the unity of anciently
connected places destroyed. But,
assuming that the bill was to pass
into a law, containing the schedules
of total and partial disfranchise-
ment, he had to consider how he
could best create a countervailing
influence which might consist with
such a measure ; and he thought
there were solid arguments for
dividing the counties, as the means
of preserving the wrecks of aristo-
cratical influence. He was glad
to hear that it was not intended
entirely to destroy aristocrat ical
representation ; and he thought
that the small remains of that
representation might be better
maintained by dividing the coun-
ties, than by continuing them as
they were at present. Those who
thought the bill did not go far
enough, -might very consistently
be hostile to such a plan ; but he
avowed that his reason for sup-
porting it was because he agreed
with the noble lord, that the popu-
lar influence was greatly increased
by this bill, and he thought that
the division of the counties would
give a kind of counterpoise. He
regretted much, however, that the
important work of division should
be intrusted to commissioners, or
to any authority other than that
of the House. They had details
enough before them. Why could
not a committee of the House con-
sider and report the facts, and the
House make the final decision ?
He saw no reason why the House
was not perfectly competent to
decide on this point ; and, if it
was so, on what constitutional
grounds was the important func-
tion devolved on another authority,
without appeal to that House, of
deciding what should be the future
representation of England ? Much
difliculty arose from the mode in
which England was to be divided,
which would throw considerable
discretion into the hands of the
commissioners ; and it was extra-
ordinary, that, after this House
had struggled so hard against the
interference of another branch of
the legislature with their elections,
they should devolve so great a
power of interference on gentlemen
of whom the House could know
nothing.
Sir C. Wetherell, again, and sir
£. Sugden, separated from sir R.
Peel, and opposed the clause, prin-
cipally on a ground, in which
sir Robert himself concurred
— the committing the division
of the counties to commissioners.
Ministers, said the former, had
proposed, in their first bill, to
commit this power to certain privy
councillors; but, as that proposi-
tion was too monstrous and gross
to be entertained, they now in-
trusted it to a commission of their
own appointment, whose acts were
to be irresponsible and without
appeal. He objected to this ar-
rangement, because he did not
know but that the commissioners
would be guilty of ^oss partiality,
corruption, and all sorts of blun-
ders and mistakes. His objection
to the proposition was insuperable,
and he could not obtain the ad«
vantage^ if advantage it was, of
balandng tht • democratic pdctlMi
[P2]
212] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
of the bill^ by surrendering the constituency would be by so much
power of cutting up the counties diminished ; therefore^ in proposing
of England to an irresponsible to invest districts^ instead of the
commission^ who were to act^ in county at large^ witli the right of
the execution of their duty^ ac- representation^ they were^ in point
cording to their own fancy ; for of fact^ legislating on a consider-
the bill laid down to them no ably lessened constituency,
principle or rule of dividing the The original clause was carried
counties^ whether by equality of by a majority of 119. Another
population^ property, space, or clause, which directed the manner
payment of taxes. Ministers^ said in which the county of Lincoln
sir £. Sugden^ had legislated all should be divided^ was carried
through from the wrong end — in- without a division^ although
stead of beginning with facts and strongly opposed on the same
details^ they were going to end ground — that it would now be-
with them. Would it not be better come two nomination boroughs,
that the commissioners should in« In consequence, however^ of the
stitute a full inquiry into the dis- objections urged against the powers
tricts and divisions which it might intended to be granted to these
be expedient to adopts leaving it commissioners, who were to define
to the House ultimately to pro- the new boroughs^ as well as to di-
nounce a final opinion on the cor- vide the counties^ ministers^ during
rectness of the grounds for the the progress of the bill, altered it
proposed divisions ? The House so far^ as to provide that the report
should be put in possession of each of the commissioners^ which was to
particular case^ and should judge be made within three months after
of each case, and not decide in the their appointment^ should be laid
gross. No expense or trouble ought before both Houses of Parliament
to have been spared in collecting for their approbation. It would
facts with respect to each county, be extremely difficult, they said,
before ministers required the vote to frame any declaratory clause re-
of the committee. If the borough gulating the mode in which they
and town population were ab- should proceed, consistently with
stracted, several counties, such the discretion which necessarily
for instance as Durham, would must be left to them, and. this pro-
be left with little or no consti- vision rendered such instructions
tuency at all. If the towns were less imperative. Ministers resist-
not taken out of the counties, they ed, likewise, a suggestion which
would often dominate the county was actually made by a supporter
completely. He would maintain of the bill, that the commissioners
that, in this respect, the measure should have power to separate from
was more fraught with evil than any borough, places in which they
any other clause of the bill. They might think an undue local infiu-
should recollect that, by their ence predominated,
clauses enfranchising certain towns By the 15th clause of the bill it
and boroughs^ in the arrangement was enacted, that freeholders in
of which the householders of the cities and towns forming counties of
adjoining districts were included, themselves, should vote, not for the
for the purpose of insuring an ex- town or city, but for the county in
tended constituency^ the county which it was* situated; This pro*
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[213
position, too, was resisted, both by
many supporters of the bill, and
the opposition. Among the former,
colonel Davies contended, thai un-
less this clause were rejected, and
many other amendments intro-
duced, the bill, notwithstanding
all the good which it contained,
would be comparatively useless.
This clause would produce two
mischiefs: on the one hand it would,
in many instances, prevent the
formation of so large a borough
constituency as would be desirable,
and on the other, it would give bo-
roughs too great an influence in
elections for counties. The coun-
ties were to be divided, and where
the freehold borough constituency
was very large, that constituency
must have a powerful effect in de-
ciding county elections. In Bir-
mingham, for instance, there were
nearly 2,000 freeholders ; and it
was clear that Birmingham would
thus return, at least, one of the
county members, in addition to
its own two members. Of the
nineteen towns and cities, it was
stated by sir R. Peel, which were
counties within themselves, the
freeholders of ten of them had no
right of voting either for the county
or the city, or for what might be
called the parent county ; in four
of them, the freeholders had a right
to vote for the parent county ; and
in the remaining five, they had a
right to vote for the city, in con-
junction with the burgesses. Now,
although these anomalies existed
in the rights of freeholders in cor-
porate towns, yet he did think,
when the House was overturning
the ancient fabric of representation,
and constructing a new one, it
would be more convenient, and
more analogous to the constitution,
to give to the freeholders of such
places the right of yoting for the
city, rather than for the county.
It appeared to him most absurd to
send forty - shilling freeholders,
of the lowest scale, thirty or forty
miles to vote at the election for
the parent county. Such free-
holders should be allowed to vote
at elections for the city in con«
junction with the householders,
and the freemen who were allowed
to vote under the bill ; and he
would not admit into such consti-
tuencies any one who had a vote for
a different election. He was sure
that great abuses would result from
the present arrangement. If a man
attached a piece of ground, ever
so small, to his warehouse, — a gar-
den, for instance, — he would thus
acquire a right to vote for the coun-
ty. This facility, of creating a
double right of voting was pregnant
with abuse, and he had no doubt
that Birmingham and Coventry
would find means to return the
county members for Warwickshire,
as well as their own members.
Ministers defended the clause on
the ground, that they did not
think the consequences which had
been referred to would follow from
it, while they held that, to allow
such freeholders to vote for their
boroughs, would be an arrange-
ment most dangerous to the inde-
pendence of the constituency. Such
an arrangement would enable any
individual who possessed large free-
hold property in a borough to con-
vert it into a nomination borough.
There might be boroughs with not
more than 300 votes; and if a man
had freehold property to the
amount of only 300/. a year, he
could obtain a command over 150
forty-shilling freehold votes, and
carry every election as he chose.
There were places in which the
multiplication of freeholds had be-
come a great evil « as in Noltiog^
214] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ham ; it would be remedied by
this clause^ because the object for
which they were created in towns
would no longer exist. The danger
of freeholders abusing the franchise
would be much lessened by sending
them to the larger constituency in
the county, instead of retaining
them in the smaller constituency
of the towns; and the mere fact
that a freeholder resided within the
jurisdiction of a city or borough
was not in itself any good reason
why he should vote lor it and not
for the county. The clause was
retained by a majority of 40.
When the committee reached
the clause which gave a right of
voting for counties to leaseholders
for a certain period, and a defined
rent, the marquis of Chandos
mo?ed an amendment, that the
same right should belong to all oc-
cupiers of land paying a rent of not
less than 50/., although without
any specific tenure of his land, in
other words that tenants at will,
paying 50/. a year should have
votes. There was no reason, be
said, why, when they were fra-
ming a new constitution, the inter-
ests of the farmer should be disre-
garded ; and still less could reason
or justice allow, that while a tenant
at will of a house paying much less
rent was to vote for a borough, a
tenant at will of a farm paying 50/.
should not vote for a county. Many
farmers in the country held large
tracts of land without any lease ;
and if the amendment was rejected,
the clause would exclude not only
men who held lands at a rent of
50/., but, in many instances, of
500/. a year. The country did not
contain a more intelligent and re-
spectable class of men, than the
farmers who were thus shut out.
Their exclusion, however, was
justified by ministers on the ground^
that, however respectable th%j
might be, they were not indepeno*
ent, and their admission would
only increase the influence of the
landholders. There was a great
distinction between householders
in a borough and tenants in the
country: it was in the power of
the landlord in the country to do
his tenant much greater injurjr
than a landlord in a town. 1%
might be true, that a tenant at will
was often a man of substance, and
might have five or six hundred
))ounds vested in a farm for which
he paid 50/. a year ; but this made
him the more dependent upon
his landlord. If he were turned
out, he would not lose, of course,
his stock or his crops, but he would
lose what he had expended in the
improvement of the land ; and all
who were acquainted with the em-
ployment of capital U]K)n land,
must be aware of the inconvenience
and loss to which a tenant was put>
if obliged to quit at a short notice,
when he had calculated upon a
longer period of possession. But
although it woula no doubt be an
inconvenience to a 10/. householder
in a town, to be removed from his
shop, he could remove his whole
stock, carry with him all or nearly
all his business, and would suffer
little or nothing. Moreover, if'
you put tenants at will in a situ-
ation where they might vote against
their landlords, you were taking a
step towards the ballot.
A large number of the usual
supporters of ministers dififered
from them on this occasion. They
thought the amendment would be
in furtherance of all the principles
of the bill. It would increase the
constituency in counties, which
had become necessary in conse-*
quence of the creation of large bo*
roughs ia the counties. The bill
HISTORY OF EURQPIL
Elii
intended to give the rigbt of Tot-
ing in boroughs to all persons oc-
cupying a house for which they
paid four shillings a week, and was
it meant to be contended that t|ie
man who paid 50/. a year for a farm
was not as worthy of the ^ntndiise
as such 4 householder ? Thft in-
fiiieiice, which might b^ exercised
by a landloi^> would he ten time^
stronger in the case of % tiouse-
holder than of a ianner. The
former might be turned opt of hi*
tenancy at a week's i^otiiie— -on
the Tery eve of an election | bi|t
the yearly renter of a fsurtp eou|4
not be turned out on less than »x
months' notice. |n fiiQt, aa oiaf tem
stood^ a good tenant w«s aif imps'
sary to the landlord, as agoodfkrm
or landlord was to the tenant.
Other supporters of the bill^ again,
declared that this amendment ooo-
pfed wi^h the division of the coon-
ties would destroy the independence
•f ihe county sepresenUitioii-r-tb^t
they never would have sppported
the divuHoa of the countHH!, if ti^ey
had suspected that tenants at will
wei« to be intiodi«ppd> 9n4> if this
ameodm^pt wevp ^^^rriedj they
would vote for sny motiovi to get
nd of the dividing clause.
Qn the division^ nijiiister^ were
left in a minority of eightyrfiHir.
They then adopted the amend-
meat, ipanrpoFitiBf H with their
OWpd^UMf
/216] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
CHAP. VIII.
Continuation of Committee on Reform Bill — Mr. Hunt's amendment on
the £10 franchise, to the ejfect of admitting universal suffrage^^
Amendment, that freeholders in boroughs shall vote for the borough,
and not for the county — Motion, that the £lO rent shall not he pay-
able more frequently than quarterly — Discussions regarding existing
rights of franchise — Discussions on the clauses directing the mode of
registration and regulating elections — Consideration of the report of
the Bill — Motion, that Aldborough be totally disfranchised — Alter-
ations tnade on considering the report — Debate on motion that the bill
pass — Motiofi carried by a majority of 109'
BY the 24th of August, the
committee had reached the
clause I which went to create the
new and uniform constituency for
the boroughs, enacting, that the
franchise should belong to every
male person of full age, and not
subject to any "legal 'incapacity,*'
who should have occupied, as owner
or tenant, for twelve months next
previous to the 1st of February,
1832, or the last of August m
any succeeding year, " any house
assessed to the duty on inhabit-*
ed houses upon a yearly value of
not less than 1 0/., or any house,
warehouse, or counting - house,
being either separately or jointly
with any land owned and occupied
therewith, or occupied therewith
under the same landlord, of the
clear yearly value of not less than
lOZ. or rated to the relief of the
poor upon the yearly value of not
less than 10/., or any house, ware-
house, or counting-house, for which,
whether separately or jointly with
any land occupied therewith under
the same landlord, he shall be bond
fide liable to a yearly rent of not
less than 10/., if diily registered
according to the provisions herein-
after contaiaed." This clause, and
arran^ments connected with it,
occupied a week ; many of the pro-
posed amei)idments coming from
the reformers themselves.
Mr. Hunt took the lead, by
moving an amendment for the in«
troduction of universal suffrage,
Tiz., that ^' every male person of
full age, and not subject to any
legal incapacity, being a house-
holder, and paying rates and taxes,
shall have a right to vote" in elec-
tions for the places in which he
was a householder. He main-
tained that this scale of fran-
chise, far from being visionary, had
been the ancient practice of the
constitution, the purity of which
ministers had declared it was
their object to restore. Till the
reign of Henry VI., every free-
man was entitled to vote, without
any other qualification. It was
only the 8th Henry VI. which
disfranchised three-fourths of the
electors, by requiring possession of
a 40s. freehold. Even the present
bill had a good deal of universal
sufirage. The clause, as it now
stood, would be universal suflrage
to householders in the neighbour-
hood of London, for the lowest
houses let for from 10/. to 12/.; but
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[217
in Manchester, Bolton, Preston, and
similar towns, the lower houses,
such as weavers lived in, let
for from 5/. to 71 Therefore the
clause dealt differently with house-
holders near London, and house-
holders in large towns in the coun-
try. In the latter, there was a
class of persons holding 5/. houses,
who were superior to the occupiers
of 10/. or 12/. houses in London. He
was satisfied the measure of minis-
ters would not give the satisfaction
that was anticipated, and there-
fore he proposed his own plan, as
being much more simple, intelli-
gible, and effective, than their par-
tial and yet complicated scheme.
Lord Althorp admitted that the
plan was a very simple one, but it
was equally true that it was con-
trary to the principle of this bill,
which had been approved of by a
large majwity of the country. It
would alter the whole character of
the bill, and make the elective
franchise depend upon mere per-
sonal rights. It would be impos-
sible to carry through parliament
any bill, founded on the principle
of universal suffrage, or a princi-
ple next to that of universal suf-
frage ; and the adoption of such a
proposition would alarm a very
large class of sincere and honest
reformers. He objected to it as
being one that would extend the
elective franchise too far in this
country, and because the adoption
of such a proposition would effect-
ually prevent the success of any
reform at all. Mr. Hunt, how-
ever, divided the committee, but
found nobody to vote with him.
The next amendment proceeded
from colonel Davies, likewise a re-
former, who, having formerly op-
posed the incorporation of borough
freeholders with the counties, now
again moved, ^^ that the owners of
freeholds within cities or boroughs,
shall vote at the election of mem-
bers for such cities or boroughs,
and shall not vote at the election
of the members for the county.'*
His object was, to provide for some
boroughs a sufficient constituency
within their own limits, without
invading that of the county; and
now that tenants at will had been
admitted, it was of infinitely great-
er importance than it formerly had
been, to preserve untouched, the
more independent freehold consti-
tuency of the counties, and prevent
its being drafted away to make up
that of boroughs. As the bill now
stood, the county of Devon pos-
sessed seven boroughs which would
require seven districts to be taken
out of the county, in order to give
those boroughs the requisite num-
ber of 10/. houses. In Sussex,
there were six of such cases -, in
Wiltshire, eight ; and in other
counties there were similar cases,
in the lowest of which fifty consti-
tuents, at least, would be lost to
the county. According to the bill,
there were ninety- three boroughs
which did not contain 300 electors
each, and to make up that num-
ber, voters were to be taken from
the district parishes. This provi-
sion of the bill would occasion
endless disputes, litigation, and
heart-burnings. East Grinstead
would have to take 250 electors
from the county to make up a con-
stituency^ and Amersham would
require 210, whilst other places
were in proportion. The opmions
of the public were cool upon the
bill, and those who were strong
advocates for reform did not think
it possible that the bill could ever
be brought into practical operation.
He could positively assert that the
bill had very much fallen in the
estimation of the city, where there
218] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831;
was a C(mstituency and a public
voice wliich he was inclined to re-
spect. He was satisfied with sche-
dules A and B ; but when he saw
the other parts of the bill went to
counteract those schedules, al-
though he did not wish to throw
out the bill^ he wished much to
see it amended. Other members^
M'ho supported the amendment^
took a aifferent ground, contend-
ing that the rejection of it would
leave the counties to be over-
whelmed by a flood of borough free-
holders. It was answered by mi-
nisters^ that) in large towns^ the
amendment would serve no practi-
cal purpose, because in them there
would always be a sufficiently large
constituency ; and in small ones it
would be mischievous^ for in them
its only effect would be to give the
large proprietors of freeholds a
complete control over the elections.
The number of towns, to which
the proposed arrangement would
apply» had been stated at ninety-
three, while, in point of fact, they
would not be more than one-third
the number; and of this one-
third, the instances of the annexed
rural electors outnumbering the
town voters would be so very rare
as to be the exception to the rule.
It was besides a mischievous fal-
lacy to suppose that the town and
the rural electors would, in these
cases, be influenced by such clasli-
ing motives in the choice of repre-
sentatives, that the latter would
prevail, unless the former received
the aid of this amendment. There
was, and would be, in point of
fact, no such contrariety of inter-
ests ; for the fanners in the neigh-
bourhood being the best customers
of the tradesmen in the towns,
there would be but one common
interest between them. Besides,
it was always considered and ad-
mitted, that the smaller towos, (a
which a rural elective populatiQn
was to be annexed, tmould r€i«
turn on what, for brevity^ hi
would call the agricultural inter*
est ; so that the very argument for
strengthening the town electors
against that interest was, in point
of fact, a valid objection to itt
being adopted. The original mo«
tion was carried by a majority qf
89, on which colonel Davies gave
up a series of amendmenta, to se**
cure to boroughs a constituency
within their limits, which he in<^
tended to have moved, if this one
had been carried.
Another reformer moved, that,
instead of 10/., 5/. should be in«
serted, but it was received with
so little favour, that it was with-
drawn. Another proposal to ex^
cept from the clause the boroughi
in schedule C, the new boroughi,
that is, which u^re to receive tWQ
members, for the purpose of rai8-»
ing the franchise in them to 20/,
was negatived without a division,
A similar fate awaited a motion by
Mr. M^Kinnon, that the qualifica-
tion should be 10/., where the city
or borough contained from SOO to
500 10/. houses, 15/. where it coa<«
tained from 500 to 1,000, and 201.
where it contained more than
1,000. One alteration was pro-
posed by ministers themselves. A«
the clause originally stood, it waa
necessary that a 10/* householder,
in order, to he entitled to vote,
should have paid up his rent, his
taxes, and his rates. It was now
altered to this effect, that, if he
claimed to vote as occupying a
1 0/. house, it should be necessary
for him to shew that his rent had been
paid ; but, if he claimed to vote as
being assessed for taxes and rates
on a house valued at 10/., it should
be sufficient to have paid up hie
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[310
rates and taxes^ without shewing
that he had paid his rent. This
alteration was agreed to, although
the opposition characterized it as a
direct encouragement to brjLbery.
A candidate would only have to
pay up the rates and taxes of an
insolvent tenant, who could not
pay his rent, and bring him to the
poll. Mr. Hunt moved that pay-
ment of rent should not be neces-
sary in any case, but he found only
nine members to support him.
Another, and an important
amendment was moved by Mr. J.
Campbell, who declared himself to
be one of those who were for the bill,
the whole bill, and nothing but the
bill. But the bill to which this
response had been given, had pro-
vided that the 10/. householders en-<
titled to vote, should pay their
rents at more distant intervals
than were now proposed. The
resent bill, as 0]:iginalIy drawn,
ad required that the rent should
be paid half-yearly. To the cla-
mour raised against this provision,
ministers had not only yielded, but
had gone so far in the other direc-
tion, that, as the clause now stood,
householders, who paid weekly,
would be entitled to vote. Such
an enactment would give undue
power to the landlords, who were
not the aristocracy of the country.
Suppose an individual held an
hundred houses let to persons who
paid weekly rents, the landlord,
by giving them notice to quit on
the eve of an election, might influ-
ence it materially. To prohibit
landlords from giving their tenants
notice to quit on the eve of an elec-
tion was impossible, and the only
remedy was, not to allow such
tenants to enjoy the franchise.
He therefore moved — and the
amendment would only restore the
clause to what ministers tbem«
I
selves had originally thought it
ought to be — that no person should
have a vote by occupying premises
at a yearly rent, "if such rent shall
be payable more frequently than
four times in a year."
Mr. C. Ferguson, another friend
of the bill, supported the amend-
ment, because the power, which this
clause would put in the landlords'
hands, would give rise to many
abuses, and lead to more bribery
and corrupt influence in manufac-
turing towns than existed at present.
The object of the bill was, to create
a numerous^and independent con-
stituency; but, if he were to
choose between numbers and in-
dependence, he would sacriflce
numbers for an independent con-
stituency. He had no doubt that
if this clause passed, three-flfths of
the House would be returned by
constituents who were under the
influence of their landlords. On
the other hand, the amendment
was resisted by ministers on the
ground, that it would disfranchise
the whole of the operative classes
in large manufacturing districts^
which was contrary to the princi-
ple of the bill. The landlords*
power of removing a weekly tenant
was certainly an objection to the
clause, but it was only under par-
ticular circumstances, and in in-
dividual cases, that the objection
applied. A landlord who held a
hundred houses, occupied by weekly
tenants, might certainly turn them
all out, but it was not likely that
he would be willing to have an
hundred empty houses on his
hands. The amendment would
exclude thousands of intelligent
persons^ well qualified to be in-
trusted with the franchise, and
whom it was of importance to con-
ciliate in favour of the institutiona
of %h9 country. It would introm
220] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
duce a most invidious distinction.
Was it to be endured that, when
the elective franchise had been ex-
tended in counties, and when t)ie
object of the bill was, to enlist
the feelings of the mass of society
in favour of government, they
should refuse that franchise to a
most resj)ectable, independent, and
intelligent class of voters ?
Sir R. Peel asked, if it was true
that these persons formed a class
of most respectable, independent,
and intelligent voters, how did it
happen that, within six weeks
of the time at which they were
thus described, a bill had been laid
on the table of the House to dis-
franchise the whole of them ? At
what period had it been discovered
that they were a most respectable
and intelligent class of voters?
Government proposed to give them
the right of voting by the original
bill J but, after three, or, at least,
two months of mature deliberation,
they became alarmed at the monster
which themselveshadcreated. Like
the monster in the novel, it was
endowed with powers of vitality,
but when it opened its eyes, and
ministers found that they could not
infuse judgment and discretion into
it, they shrunk appalled from the
work of their own hands; Minis-
ters then came down with another
bill, by which they attempted to
establish a more discreet class of
voters — namely, those who paid
their rent half-yearly. The real
reason of the introduction of the
clause, which gave the right of vot-
ing to this intelligent and re-
spectable class was, that govern-
ment had excited hopes which
they were afraid to disappoint.
That was the reason, and the
only reason, which could justify
the introduction of the clause,
but ministers shrank from acknow-
ledging it. When the government
told the artisans of Birmingham
and Manchester that they should
have the right of voting, and when
the proposition became the subject
of discussion in the political unions,
it was not to be wondered at that
ministers introduced the clause
into the bill. But why did they
not maturely consider their plan
in the first instance.? Why did
they first propose to give the right
of voting to hundreds of thousands
of persons which was now said to
be their number, and, six weeks
after, bring in a bill to take it
away, and then once more propose
it again ? In his opinion, there
was no class of voters more likely
to be under the influence of their
landlords than tenants who were
liable to be ejected at a week's
notice. Manchester, Norwich, Bir-
mingham, and other large towns,
would have a sufficiently large con-
stituency without this extension of
the franchise. Surely a constitu-
ency of 4,000 or 5,000 voters
would be quite enough to express
the sense of a town. That sense
would never be more efficiently
expressed by having 20,000 or
30,000 voters. In fact, such a
constituency would only have the
effect of overbearing the more intel-
ligent and respectable class of
electors. The system, which this
clause would establish, would be an
imitation of the elective franchise
of the United States in its worst
feature.
The division shewed a majority
of 68 in favour of the original
motion.
To guard against the conse-
quences which had been pointed
out, Mr. H. Hughes moved,
that a weekly tenant, who should
receive notice to quit, between
the dissolution of one parliament
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[221
and the election of anotk^r^
should still have a right to vote ;
but the amendment was negatived,
as doing away with all qualifica-
tion^ and giving a right to vote
without possession of a house^
which was contrary to the princi-
ples of the bill. An amendment^
however, was agreed to^ which pro-
vided that no person should vote
who^ within the twelve months
prior to any last of August, had
received parochial relief.
By the twenty-second clause of
the bill, all existing rights of elec-
tion were preserved to existing
freemen during their lives, if they
resided within seven miles of the
place for which they voted: all
others, as being non-residents,
were disfranchised at once. It
was moved as an amendment, that
all such existing rights of franchise,
arising from birth, servitude, or
marriage, should remain unim-
f paired, and not be limited to the
ifetime of those who now enjoyed
them. It was argued, that the
clause, as it stood, was contrary to
justice and to the principle of the
bill, narrowing the franchise in
many places, instead of extending
it. In the smaller boroughs, the
numbers of the electors would be
diminished, in consequence of the
smaller number of 10/. houses, oc-
cupation of which alone was to
give the franchise, when the ex-
isting rights should have died out*
One of the members for Lancaster,
and a supporter of the bill, stated,
that his constituents at present
amounted to between 3,000 and
4,000 voters, while there were
only 550 10/. houses. In Great
Grimsby, according to the state-
ment of one of its representatives,
the voters would be jpeduced
from 400 to 100. One of the
membm for GloMcesto stated^
that, among those whom he termed
'* the free women," there was a very
strong feeling against this clause.
In that city, there were various
valuable charities for the main-
tenance of the widows, and the
education of the children of f^-ee-
men. To acquire a right to the
benefit of such charities, the hus-
band or the father must have taken
up the freedom, for which there
was a trifling fee, amounting to a
few shillings. No^, the ladies
feared, and he thought these fears
were well grounded, .that if the
right of voting were taken away,
the freemen would frequently neg-
lect to take up their freedom, and
that even those who might save a
pittance from their weekly earn-
ings to enable them to do so, would
be tempted, from various causes, to
spend the money so saved in other
ways; and before a second suffi-
cient saving could be made, the
wife might be a widow, and the
children orphans, cut off for ever
from the benefit of such charities.
Sir M. Ridley, a reforming mem-
ber for Newcastle, declared that
the right of resident freemen was
the right which the House should
be most anxious to preserve, and,
in common justice, he must vote
for the amendment.
Lord John Russell, Mr. Stan-
ley, and the Attorney-general con-
sidered the amendment utterly in-
admissible. If the rights of free-
men were to be preserved for ever,
the House would next be asked to
preserve the right <^ the scot and
lot voters; if they did so, then
the freeholders would have a right
to complain that their rights had
not been preserved to them. So
that one by one, each of those
classes of voters would claim to be
excepted from the operation of the
dtsfraadusiog dause of this MU.
222] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
They would not deny that the resi-
dent freemen were a respectable
class of voters in such boroughs as
Newcastle andGlocester, and places
of that description ; but while their
rights were preserved to all exist-
ing freemen under this clause dur-
ing their lives, there would, in all
those places^ be soon produced,
under the operation of the twenty-
first clause^ a sufficient constitu-
ency, and a better regulated and
more extended franchise, than
hitherto existed there. It was ne-
cessary that some limits should be
placed to numbers, and ministers
had taken their stand upon giving
privileges whereVer they could be
safely given, and in withholding
them only where the balance of
the public convenience required it.
Because independence was secured
by numbers, it did not follow that
ail numbers were to be admitted 3
and the question was, whether mi-
nisters had drawn a judicious line .^
A triumphant appeal, moreover,
bad been made to the existing
electors, and they had loudly de-
clared, by their conduct in the
elections, their acceptance of the
bill which contained this very
clause.
Sir Robert Peel thought it would
be difficult to conceive a more mi-
iMrable case than that on which
the House was desired thus to
decree a total forfeiture of an-
cient corporate rights. The free-
men were said to be good and
honourable men, and yet all their
reward was to be a forfeiture of
their privileges. They were said
to be sucli disinterested advocates
of reform, as to be willing to sa-
crifice their own franchises rather
than endanger the bill ; but they
were reduced to no such alterna-
tive, for it was not inconsistent
With the bill that the corporate
right should be preserved inviolate;
and, moreover, ministers would
not feel themselves jus'tified in
withdrawing the bill, if they were
defeated upon this clause. ^The
amendment steered clear of the
objection, that out- voters of bo-
roughs were exposed to bribery ;
for it gave no freedom, but only
confirmed it to those who, by the
existing law, were entitled to it by
birth, marriage, or service, and who
resided within seven miles of the
town. The time would come, when
all who had held corporate privi-
leges would not be satisfied with
their being utterly excluded from
their rights, and that, too, in a
constitution where all other here-
ditary rights are maintained. The
10/. a- year householders in small
towns, from the value of property
would be more educated and re-
spectable than the same class of
persons in large towns, and this
inequality might be corrected by
continuing the corporate rights.
Sir C. Wetherell, too, thought it
impossible to defend this clause on
any principle, moral, political, or
legal. "The preceding clause gave
the right of voting to persons who
at present did not possess it, while
this one disfranchised those who,
as freemen, now enjoyed it; and
this disfranchisement involved a
principle, which went equally to
subvert every other species of pri-
vilege enjoyed under the constitu-
tion. The country knew that the
right of freemen to vote for the re-
presentatives of towns and boroughs
was an hereditary right, and that,
the principle once adopted of at-
tacking and spoliating hereditary
rights, no man could take it upon
him to say where it would end.
There were two iiiodes of destroy-
ing hereditary right8-;-either to
bti^in at the t<q[> and go down to
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [223
the bottom, or to begin at the bot- tem of spoliation of the hereditary
torn and ascend to the top. If they rights of the democratic portion of
looked to the proceedings of a the community. But Jet them be-
neighbouring state— that is, to the ware : the principle of spoliation
reformers of that country — they once adopted, those corporate privi-
would see a striking illustration of leges which were expressly secured
the former mode of attacking here- by Magna Charta being thus tram-
ditary rights and privileges: the pled upon, they mightsoon be called
present clause, by which the here- upon to join the present opponents
ditary rights of the freemen of of the bill, in defending not
England were to be at one fell only the hereditary rights and
swoop destroyed for ever, was an privileges of the peerage of Eng-
instance of the inverse mode of land, but of the monarch him-
attack, preferred by the popu- self. In this clause was plant -
lar reformers of this country, ed the seed of the destruction
He should like to know on what of our monarchical institutions ;
ground ministers, havingonce acted for the right, on which the here-
upon the monstrous principle of ditary succession to the throne was
robbing the freemen of England founded, and by which the peers
of the elective rights which they enjoyed theii* titles and property,
had enjoyed and inherited for was the same in kind and degree
centuries, could refuse to their as that by which the freemen of
*' movement"- allies the spoliation England enjoyed the right of fran-
of the other hereditary rights and chise in corporations. The ori-
privileges, which were at present ginal clause was retained by a ma-
part and parcel of the constitu- jority of 79.
tion ? The Paymaster of the All the clauses which seemed to
Forces, and the Chancellor of the involve matter of principle having
Exchequer belonged to the here- been now discussed, the remaining
ditary peerage of England, and clauses, relating principally to the
if they wrested from the bo- registration of the electors, and
roughs and corporate towns their the manner of taking the poll,
most cherished hereditary rights, were much more rapidly gone
on what ground could they refuse through, sixteen of them having
their assent to a proposition which been disposed of in one day. The
would reduce them to citizen Rus- whole machinery of the proposed
sell and citizen Spencer ? Minis- system of representation was
ters disfranchised the smaller bo- strongly opposed as being cumber-
roughs for no reason but because some and inconvenient; laying un-
they were small, and now most in- necessary expense on the county,
consistently proposed to disfran- on parishes, and on the candi-
chise the corporations of the large dates ; tending necessarily to cre-
towns merely because they were ate and foster endless litigation,
large. Then let them look at the and useful only to the crowd of
monstrous inconsistency of apply- unfledged barristers who were to
ing the same principle to the non- perform the duty of judges, and
resident and the resident freemen, from whom there was to be no ap-
and the inconsistency of a minis- peal, but to a committee of the
try vaunting of its attention to House. Some condemned the sys-
popular rights^ beginning the tys- Um oi registration altogether, M
224] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
an expensive and unnecessary en-
cumbrance ', others thought a good
plan of registration both a desir-
able and an attainable object, but
could not concede that character to
the scheme which was now pro-
posed. It was said to be copied
verbatim from a plan which had
been submitted to the consider-
ation of a committee in 1827,
which Mr. Tierney had described
as being '' impracticable — as mere
moonshine," and which accordingly
had been dropped. It was to be
observed, however, that the intro-
duction of one uniform franchise
might afford facilities for registra-
tion which did not previously ex-
ist.
The barristers, who were annu-
ally to revise and decide upon the
electoral lists, receiving a fee of
five guineas a-day, were to be
named by the judges of assize
for the time, the lord Chancellor
having a veto. Sir C. Wetherell
complained, that these would be
political ap])ointments, as the
Chancellor would have his way ;
and te say that the nominatiou
would rest with the judges, was
mummery. The judges ought to
refuse to exercise the functions of
appointing these barristers, and
each ought to exclaim — nofi est
mihu But these barristers were
to be restrained from being candi-
dates for Parliament for eighteen
months after the termination of
their functions ; and yet the com-
missioners under the bill were
under no such restraint, though
he should say, what was sauce for
the goose was sauce for the gander.
He objected to the appointments
altogether as unconstitutional. The
whole measure was a,n unconstitu-
tional delegation of the privileges of
the House to inferior persons. But
one provision of the clause was, that
if any of these barristers were to de-
part wilfully from the law, he was to
be liable to an action of debt, and
afterwards to be amenable at the
suit of the attorney-general. What
respectable person would accept of
appointments under such degrad-
ing and onerous conditions? The
pay of these persons was to be low
enough, and yet, as there were to
be about 65 of them, though their
pay was much too small, they would
cost the country 20,000/. a- year.
This was a source of patronage to
ministers, who claimed a popularity
for not creating appointments, and
for diminishing the expenses of the
country. Sir E. Sugden suggest-
ed, that no barrister should be em-
ployed on the circuit on which he
practised, and could not see why
the chancellor should have a veto,
when not only the high character
of the judges, but their practical
knowledge of the attainments of
the profession, so much better qua-
lified them to form an accurate
opinion as to the merits of tlie
functionaries. — The attorney-gen-
eral admitted that the remunera-
tion to be given was not great, but
that in itself was not surely an ob-
jection, since it could not concern
the legislature whether the fee
were sufiicient or not, if the par-
ties themselves were satisfied with
their remuneration, and competent
to the discharge of the functions
imposed on them. Undoubtedly
none who were incompetent would
be employed -, but there were many
barristers of great legal attain-
ments without business, who would
gladly apply themselves to the task
for the consideration of which others
spoke so lightly. The station of
the bar itself, the discrimination
of the judges who made the se-
lection, and the veto of the Lord
Chancellor who controlled themf^i
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[225
were satisfactory guarantees for the
propriety of the appointments. It
was objected, too, that these bar-
risters were not armed with suffi-
cient authority, as they had no
power by the bill to compel the at-
tendance of witnesses whose evi-
dence might be necessary; to which
it was answered, that such a power
was unnecessary, as the parties in-
terested would be ready enough to
appear without the use of compul-
sory measures.
To the clause, likewise, which
enacted that, at an election, the
polling should be finished in two
days, various objections were stated,
and that not by the opposition
alone. There were many non-
resident freeholders who, if the
time were not extended, would
be prevented from voting. This
would be particularly the case in
the larger counties. One of the
members for Yorkshire stated, that
in the West Riding of that(*ountv,
it would be impossible to poll, in
two days, one half of the electors
who would exist under the present
bill. Others thought that the poll
might be taken in two days, but
that the intervening day which the
clause allowed, between the first
day of the election and the com-
mencement of the polling, would not
afford sufficient time, where a con-
test suddenly arose, to give notice
throughout a county, and to pre-
pare the machinery which the bill
rendered necessary in a county
election. Lord Althorp thought
that no difficulty would arise, so
great would be the facilities cre-
ated by the new arrangements.
In the West Riding of Yorkshire,
for instance, there would be fifteen
places for taking the poll. At each
of those fifteen places, as many
booths for receiving the votes of
the electors as might be thought
Vol. LXXIII.
necessary, might be opened. Thus
the polling would go on fifteen
times quicker than at present;
and the unlimited number of booths
which might be opened, combined
with the facility aflforded by the
register, would enable all the voters,
even in that large district, to re-
cord their votes in the space of two
days. It had been shewn, by the
case of Norwich, that it was pos-
sible, even with a large constitu-
ency, to close the poll in two days ;
and if the arrangements for the
same purpose could be a*s easily
made elsewhere, the House should
pass the clause in its present shape,
in order to compel them to be
made.
On the 7 th of September, the
committee finished its labours,
which had begun on the 1 3th of
July, and the bill as amended was
reported to the House. The 13th,
14th, and 15th, were occupied in
considering the report, to which
the House agreed, with certain
alterations which were chiefly ver-
bal. Ministers had placed the bo-
rough of Aldborough in schedule
B, because its population entitled it
to be there ; but one of their ad-
herents now moved as an amend-
ment, that it should be transferred
to schedule A, and totally disfran-
chised, as .being the *' prototype
of insignificance and corruption,"
which must be destroyed in justice
to Gat ton and Old Sarum. Lord
John Russell opposed the amend-
ment, as being hostile to the prin-
ciples of the bill, and to the rules
by which the disfranchising sche-
dules had been framed. Ministers,
in framing this schedule, had adopt-
ed a well-known rule, and as that
rule excluded all boroughs which
had more than 2,000 inhabitants,
this borough obtained the benefit
of the exception. It was true that
:q3
226] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Aldborough in the first iostance
stood in this schedule ; but it hav-
ing been subsequently represented
to ministers that^ by adding the bo-
rough and the parish together, the
population would amount to more
than 2^000, and they having found,
on consulting the population re-
turns, that that representation was
correct, Aldborough was excluded
from schedule A, and transferred to
schedule B. There was no suffici-
ently precise or accurate statement
to warrant the House incoming to
the conclusion that in this borough,
in the parish, and in the immedi-
ate neighbourhood, there was not
a sufficient number of 10/. house-
holders to entitle it to send one
member to Parliament, The
amendment was lost by eighty-five.
On the other hand, the wishes of
several members who had com-
plained that Wales was not allowed
Its proper share of county repre-
sentation, induced ministers to give
an additional member to Denbigh-
shire, with 76,00i) inhabitants and
to Carmarthenshire with 96,000.
But as this addition interfered with
the adjustment between the agri-
cultural and commercial interests,
whjch ministers contended was to
be found in their bill, they placed
two new towns among those which
were to receive one member— Ash-
ton-under-Line in Lancashire, and
Stroud and Miochinhampton in
Gloucestershire.
The third reading was carried
by a majority of fifty-five, in a
rtouse which consisted of only 171
members, in consequence oi the
division taking place unexpectedly,
without any discussion. On the
motion, however, that the bill do
pass, arose a debate which con-
tinued during the 19th, 20th, and
2 1 St of September. The opposition
described the tchemd eontain^d in
the bill, now that it had receired
the last finishing touches of its
fashioners, as being no less incon-
sistent and ruinous than when they
had put forth their first roagn
draft, having only superadded to
the extravagance of its original
principles, a mass of crudities^
contradictions, and partialities in
their application. In its essence^
it was venturing upon a new and
untried state of being, by way of
a gigantic experiment not only
more than hazardous, but the very
scale of which was an insuperable
objection to its adoption. PoUow-
ins; a more moderate course, you
might stop, or you might return ;
but the course now pursued was of
that kind, that, however, mischiev-
ouB it might be found in its re-
sults, to retreat was impossible.
On the contrary, while ministers
declared that they had now done
all that well-ordered liberty re-
auired, downward progression in
tne path of pure democracy was the
inevitable consequence of every
thing they had done. This re-
form was proposed, with the osten-
sible object of bringing back the
constitution to what it had been
before it was deformed by an accu-
mulation of abuses, and of render-
ing the House of Commons what
was called a pure and independent
representation of the people ; but,
in the constitution of England, the
House of Commons never had been,
never was intended to be, and
never ought to be, a pure and in-
dependent representation of what
was called the people, free from
any intermixture of the influence
of the crown and of the aristocracy.
And yet this change was to be
made at a time when no living man
could deny, that not only were the
people more influential in the
House of Commons than at any
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[227
former period^ but when no influ-
ence could there resist its deliber-
ate and reasonable voice. Of this
folly there was only one aggrava-
tion— that all these changes were
to be introduced for the purpose of
getting rid of a constitution un-
der which the country had Out-
stripped the whole civilized globe
in every thing that constitut-
ed the happiness and the honour
of a nation. The bill was out and
out a democratic bill, framed^ if
not with the design, yet with the
inevitable effect^ according to its
natural tendencies^ of overthrow-
ing every thing that might stand
in the way of a levelling demo-
cracy, and of the wild passions in
which a democracy loves to revel —
of putting an end to the mon-
archy and aristocracy, and of form-
ing a Parliament out of delegates
for districts, who, repeating the
ebullitions of the public voice,
miffht overpower any accents rsused
in defence of the other branches of
the constitution. It was demon-
strable, that if you so constitute
the popular branch of the legisla-
ture, possessing as it did the power
of stopping every movement of the
government, as to render it an echo
of the voice of the multitude, you
take the first and most certain step
to a republic — ^to a government con-
sisting of as many tyrants as there
might be members in the majority of
the House of Commons. The very
clamour, by the existence of which
the measure was attempted to be
justified, and which had itself been
artfully encouraged by all manner
of popular delusion, was a fore-
taste of the unthinking violence
to which government must come to
be subjected. This was the first
occasion on which any government,
swaying the destinies of a great
and prosperous nation, had thrown
down before the people the right
of settling all the principles by
which they would choose to be go-
verned. By this monstrous bribe
they had roused their passions and
prejudices, and had called them
not to decide what reason would
suggest, but what would gratify
their own imagined interests.
- The consequence was« that the
bill went directly to place govern-
ment in the hands of numl^rs in-
dependent of property : such would
necessarily be the eflect of the 10/.
qualification. In Manchester for
instance the number of persons
occupying houses of from 10/.
•to 20/. rent was greater by one
third than that of persons occupy-
ing more valuable houses ; thus the
real property of the town would
not only not be represented, but
would be borne down by the ma-
jority of the lower classes of in-
habitants and such would be the
case in all the great manufacturing
towns. The incessant references
which ministers made to the major-
ity they had secured, and their ge-
neral answer to all objections — that
the bill was one which the people
had accepted — was the best proof of
the small quantity of wisdom, and
the superabundance of blind preju-
dice and vague theory which had
presided over this piece of legisla-
tion. It was the most ridiculous
of all things to pretend, that the
multitudes of electors who had re-
turned this majority could weigh
or could even understand, all the
provisions of this new constitution,
many of which still continued unin-
telligible even to the House. The
ablest lawyers on both sides had
admitted their inability to expound
its principles or provisions, and
yet every parish officer in the king-
dom was expected to make hims^f
roaster of both at a glance. The
[Q2]
228] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
support of the people had been
gained by artfully cherished delu-
sions, that this measure would re-
move all their grievances and bur-
dens, reduce the taxes, and remove
the national debt. In one way these
expectations might be partially ful-
filled, for a democratic legislature
was to be created, turning round
blindly at every breath of popular
will, which would soon find the way
to injustice and confiscation.
On the part of ministers, Mr.
Macauley denied that the framers
or supporters of the bill had ever
held out, that it would remove the
burthens which affected the work-
ing classes, by giving them higl^
wages, while it materially lowered
the amount of their taxes. This was
a mere artful assertion of the sworn
foes of reform, and had no found-
ation in fact or reason. Neither
ministers nor the unofficial sup-
porters of the bill attempted to de-
lude the i)eople into its acceptance
by such an unworthy artifice. No ;
they knew too well that no mi-
nistry—no legislative measure —
could accomplish such results, and
were too honest in their purpose
to pretend to acts beyond their
capacity. The end of government
was not to make the people rich
by irregular or illegal means, but
to protect them in the acquisition
and possession of their riches, and
to remove all unnecessary obsta-
cles to that acquisition. No hoi\e^t
government could affect to do more,
— no honest government could af-
fect to do less.. No ministry could
presume to do more than direct
and provide for the general weal,
and could not take upon them the
office of the prophet in the wilder-
ness, and bv their official wand
make water to flow from the rock
to ease the burthens of the people.
It was never> then^ pretended that
the reform bill would necessarily
of itself do away with the bur-
thens which oppressed the working
classes and industry of the country;
all that was asserted was the unde-
niable fact, that had we had a re-
formed parliament fifty years ago,
the national embarrassments would
not have been a tithe of their pre-
sent amount. He believed the
present bill would ultimately im-
prove the physical condition of
the people, because its first result
would be a more equal and judicious
distribution of the public burthens
than at present existed. To re-
proach it for not doing more was
to reproach it for not accomplish-
ing what no constitutional legisla-
tive measure, nor any ministry in
the world, could accomplish ; and
any ministry or legislature that
professed to do more, by the very
fact of profession proved themselves
to be arrant quacks. The sup-
porters of the bill had been much
taunted with having shut their
eyes on facts and experience, and
been guided solely by the mere
abstractions of theory. The very
reverse was the truth j facts
and experience were the ground-
work of the bill, while hypotheti-
cal assertions were the only wea-
pons with which its opponents had
condescended to oppose it. For
example, look at all their bugbear
assumptions with respect to the
dangers — democratic dangers — of
enabling the inhabitants of a large
town — Manchester to wit — to re-
turn their own representatives.
Were they not all in the very teeth
of the facts and experience for
neglecting which those members
opposite were so loud in charging
ministers ? No public man, it was
said, whatever his pretensions, can
have a chance under the bill to re*
present a large town ; the repre-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[229
sentatives of the populous towDS
will be chosen on exclusively local
considerations. Now what . said
*^ facts and experience'* on this
point? Let Nottingham — let Lei-
cester,—let Chester answer the
question. To come nearer home,
the representation of the metropolis
was a clear proof that non-resident
public men had a chance in populous
districts, and that local consider-
ations were not the sole guide in
these places. Did hon. members
recollect the great men who, with-
in all or most of their recollections,
had represented Westminster and
Southwark? Mr. Fox, Mr. She-
ridan, Mr. Tierney, Sir S. Romilly
— surely no mob-orator —no hust-
ings demagogue. The dangers,
which, it was apprehended, would
flow from passing the bill, were
chimerical, but those which would
result from a different course
were real. He had supported
the bill on a former occasion,
because he had believed there
was danger in refusing it, in the
then state of public opinion, and
he supported it still more cordially
now, because that danger had been
much augmented. It was deplor-
able infatuation to suppose that
the public mind had cooled, or
would cool, on this subject, till the
object had been achieved. The
people, having given vent to their
joy when the reform measure was
first introduced, became tranquil
and contented, as natural to those
who anticipated a triumph. After
this. General Gascoyne's motion
evinced to them their danger, and
again were they roused, and they
showed their sentiments in every
possible manner. Again did they
triumph gloriously as far as they
were concerned, and as far as re-
form depended upon their repre-
sentatives. They placed the bill
in security, and^gain did they re-
turn to their repose. At this mo-
ment the people were, as they had
been on the very eve of General
Gascoyne's motion, waiting with
anxious interest and resolution the
result of the measure ; — but, be-
cause they were not violent, they
were again told that there was a
re-action in the public mind. Those
who thought that there could be
any such re-action were utterly
ignorant of the public mind, they
were utterly unacquainted with
the very nature of that people
whom they aspired to govern. The
measure of Catholic emancipation
had broken the last link of attach-
ment on the part of the people to
their Tory leaders, and reform be-
came the first question that occu-
pied the minds of all men. The
people of England had long been
disposed to move in its favour upon
the slightest impulse; and he
should as soon think of seeing
them revert to the drowning of
witches, or to the burning of here-
tics, as to find a re-action in favour
of Old Sarum. It was as probable
that the people should go back to
their attachment to Thor or Odin,
as that they should revert to any
attachment to the old system of
representation. Revolutions pro-
duced by the excitement of feelings
would produce re-actions, but the
victories of reason once gained were
gained for ever. The calmness of
the people of England was not the
calmness of indifference, it was the
calmness of confident hope, and in
proportion to the confidence of hope
was the bitterness of disappoint-
ment. In that house, continued
Mr. Macauley, the dread of disap-
pointment was gone ; but members
who opposed the measure expressed
their hope that the barons of Eng-.
land would interfere to curb the Qa«
^} ANNUAL REGISTER, 183i.
rMr (^ what ihey tetmned tbis de«
roecratfc frefnzy. Ifthet>eersva]ded
thd f(^ice of eiample and expe-
rienoe, let them look to the long
line of deMrrted halls and desolate
iisansions of a certain quarts of a
neighbouring capitaL From those
mansions and castles of the aris-
tocracy of France^ as protid and as
powerful a body of nobles as ever
existed were driven forth to exile
and to beggar v> to implore the
charity of hostile religions and of
hostile nations. And why did such
destruction fall npoti them ? Why
were they swept away with such
utter destruction ? Why was their
heritage given to strangers^ and
their |Milaces dismantled^ but be-
cause they had no sympathy with
the people ? Because they reviled
those who warned them of their
danger, when they might have
been saved ; and because they ab-
solutely refused to make any con*
cessions^ until all concessions were
too late. Those who would tell
the aristocracy of England to keep
the body of the people from power,
would place them lu the exact si-
tuadon in which the aristocracy of
Franoe had been placed. It was
the duty of that house to treat
with respect the privileges of the
House of Peers, but it was Hke«
wise their duty not to neglect
their own. Many. who heard him
thought that the rejection of the
bill would be the means of their
being restored to power. Dark
was the day of their flight from
power^ and darker for £ngland
would be the day of their return^
for they would retiun in triumph
over the people of the British
empire, united as firmly as when
the armada had sailed up the
channel^ or as when the army of
Napoleon was encamped at Bou-
logne. They coidd sustain them*
selves only 10 the utter soom ol
public opinion^ and if they UU,
they raight involve in their nil tlw
whole firame of society. It would
be the dutj of that House to ooa«
vey the wishes of the pec^le to a
Striot ktn{f. The place of that
ouse was m froot of the natMMif
and whatever prejudices mif^t
exist elsewhere^ in that Houae^
when freely elected, would be found
the virtue, the wisdom, the energy^
and courage that would save the
country*
Mr. Croker thought that the
boldness of Mr. Macaukty in tea^
ing the peers of Enguuid what
they ought to do was only equalled
bv the magnanimous disregard
of history and fact on whidi the
lesson had been founded. The
nobility of France fell, forsooth, be-
cause they refused concessions till
concessions were too late. All
men knew that precisely the re«
verse was the truth of the case.
The French nobility made extra*
vagant concessions to the people ;
and it was those concessions which
had involved them in ruin. Was
not the hon. member aware that
the peers of France had conceded
the point of joining the Tiers
Eiatf Was he not aware that it
was a Montmorency who prc^posed
the abolition of nobility | and a
Noailles that moved for the de-
struction of signorial rights^ whilst
the archbbhop of Paris barought
forward the {Man for yielding up
the titheS'-Hk measura so strong,
thilt even the Abb^ Gregoire o(m-
sidered it t(>o bold for him to sup«
port ? The French noMesse may
have fallen because they yielded
too far to democratic intimidation,
or they might not have stood if
they had refused to yield ; but to
tell men who could read history,
that they fell because they refused
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[dSi
conoessiongj was a m^ra dnve-
gard of all facts for tbo purpotes
of rhetorical declamation, A simi-
lar disregard of fact was manifested
in setting forth^ that modern
abuses had converted the House
of Commons into a mockery of re-
presentation for all practical pur-
poses. It was still that system under
which^ from its first regular esta-
blishmentj the country had be-
come what it was ; for it was not
even pretended that there bad been
any change in the constitution of
the House of Commons since the
Revolution. Not a single county,
not one rotten borough^ had been
added to the representation. Not
a hint had been given that the
power of the Crown had increased
in that House — and the very ma-
jority now arrayed in favour of
the reform bill proved that the
bill was unnecessary^ for it was
difficult to conceive of an intellect
so frame<l as to look at the major*-
ity now ruling the House, return-
ed^ too, as they were told it bad
been returned, by the mere con-
stitutional action of popular sen-
timent, and yet maintain that
popular sentiment was so utterly
incapable of being represented
under the existing system* that
the government had been turned
over, in defiance of the jpeople^ into
the hands of an oligarchy.
In regard to the bill itself, be
would not charge ministers per-
sonally with partiality and favour-
itism ; but he would say, that bad
they been actuated by those mo-
tives^ they would have done just
what they had done. He would
mention one instance — ^there were
twenty others. St. Germain s had
2,400 inhabitants, and thirteen
lOZ. houses ; but was to send no
member. There was another bo«
roughs which bad really not 2^000
inhabltanti^ ^faut nominally 2,600,
and fourteen 10^* houses; and what
bad been done with this other bo-
rough } Was it disfranchised ?
No. Of course, then, it had been
left in schedule B. No such thing ;
it had been removed from schedule
Bj and remained in the body of
the bill, and was to send two mem-
bers. This was the borough of
Westbury; and a vacancy had
been maae in that borough ; and
a gentleman who had an interest
in the bill had been elected mem-
ber for Westbury. Suffolk had
70,000 inhabitants more than Pur-
ham^ it was double the siae, and
the taxes paid by SuQblk were
four times the amount of those of
Durham j yet Suffolk was mulcted
of nine members, and the repre-
sentation of Durham had been in*'
creased. Then there was North-
umberland, the prime minister's
county : the representation in that
county bad been raised ixom seven
memblers to eleven j whilst that of
Norfolk had been reduced from
twelve to eleveuj although the
population of Norfolk was more
than double that of Northumber-
landj and the taxes paid by the
latter country were only 22,000/.
a year whilst Norfolk paid 53,000/.
Just in the same manner the repre-
sentation of Cumberland was to be
increased! and that of Essex ^dimi-
nished, though the population of
Cumberland was only 156,000, or
excluding the represented towns,
which was the fairest way, only
115,000, whereas the population
of Essex was 268,000. Essex was
greats in extent^ and her taxes
amounted to nearly seven times
those of Cumberland. The changes
and alterations which bad been
made in the bill bad imported into
it a greater mass of absurdity than
was cmdible by those who had not
232] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
examined it attentively. Instead
of twenty-six great counties there
were to be fifty- two small counties,
so that the counties which were
not to be favoured with four mem-
bers were to be put off with two,
whilst the little counties which
had three, were to keep their
three 5 the electors in Oxford,
Berks, Bucks, Hertford, and Here-
ford, were to have their three votes
for three members, but those of
Lancashire were to have only two
votes for two members. The re-
sult of this was, that the West
Riding of Yorkshire, which was
to return two members, had more
electors than five counties together,
which returned fifteen members.
This was the rule of proportion
adopted by ministers. Cumber-
land was to get four members, two
for each of its parts ; whilst Bol-
ton-le-Moors, which had a popu-
lation greater than one of the parts,
was to have only one, and Chelsea
none at all. He did not charge
it against ministers, but it appear-
ed to him that this mode of treat-
ing Cuinberland was a trick, and
he should believe it to be so, till he
heard an answer. There was not
a single page of the bill which did
not contain anomalies, absurdities,
and grounds for suspicion of par-
tiality. One great object, professed
to be sought after by many clauses
and great variety of complicated
arrangements, was the diminution
of the expenses of elections ; but
it appeared* to him to be demon-
strable that the expenses would be
increased. At present the law
allowed of no more than one poll
of fifteen days' duration ; but by
this bill they might have polls in
fifteen different parts of the county
for two days, which, according to
his arithmetic, was equivalent to
thirty days' polling. Then, too,
they must have fifteen lawyers,
fifteen agents, fifteen sets of poll-
clerks, fifteen booths, fifteen, ay,
perhaps thirty taverns ; and thus
every county contest, which cost
at present 10,000/., would cost
1 00,000/. for the future. It had
been argued, that by taking the
poll in districts, voters would not
have to travel so far, nor to eat so
much. But ministers, when it
was proposed on that side of the
House, to take the poll in parishes,
argued that the saving of distance
would be greatly counterbalanced
by the additional number of poll
clerks and agents which it would
be necessary to employ. He had,
therefore, their authority for set-
ting off poll clerks and agents
against travelling expenses. But
would any saving, in fact, be
made in travelling expenses ? The
bill would actually double the tra-
velling expenses. There was to be
a nomination day, and then a day
was to intervene before the com-
mencement of the poll. Thus the
voters would have to go to the place
of nomination, and having eaten
their dinner, which, as well as
their travelling expenses, the can-
didates must pay for, it would be
necessary to carry them back . to
the places from which they came,
and thence to the fifteen polling
places. Neither would the coun-
try escape a large expenditure, in
paying the barristers who were to
preside over the inconvenient and
impracticable scheme of registra-
tion, by which expenditure was to
be purchased an increase of patron-
age to the Crown, and the subjec-
tion to government of the bar of
England. He revered and honour-
ed the profession of the law, be-
cause he had always seen it fore-
most in the battles for civil and
religious liberty 5 and therefore it
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[233
was that he could not refrain from
holding up this part of the bill to
public contempt and indignation.
By the proposed division of the
counties, by the separation of the
Isle of Wight from Hampshire,
and by that trumpery which we
were now going to substitute for
all that was^enerable in our con-
stitution, we had created sixty-
eight counties, and to these sixty-
eight counties, sixty-eight barris-
ters were to be appointed annually
to decide votes and try causes :
ay, and these barristers were only
to have five guineas a day. He
would undertake to say, that a
whisper would soon be heard, that
these five guineas ought to be
made ten, and then that they ought
to be made fifteen, and then, per-
ad venture, that they ought to be
made twenty guineas, and twenty
guineas they soon would be made,
and twenty guineas they ought to
be made. On one occasion, whilst
he was in office, having a great
many official documents to sign,
he had determined to see how
many of them he could sign on a
long summer 8 day foregoing his
breakfast and dinner ; and he found
that, work as hard as he could he
could not get through more than
5,000 or 6,000. Now the barris-
ter must be able to register the
votes faster than he could sign his
name, if he could get through the
task of registration in less than
ten days. That being the case,
these barristers would soon be made
permanent officers in their re-
spective counties, with salaries of
400/. or 500/. a year, and in course
of time would become most im-
portant political functionaries and
all this was by way of diminishing
the influence of the Crown,
After discussing at great length
the list of the commissioners by
whom the counties were to be di-
vided, and the boroughs defined,
many of whom he contended were
most unfit persons to be named,
from the relation in which they
stood to the bill, or to government,
Mr. Croker proceeded to say, that
the measure, in its essence and
tendency, went to overturn the
ancient constitution of the country.
He was satisfied, that if they passed
the present bill, and if the House
of Lords should be intimidated into
an adoption of it, the revolution
would have commenced, and a re-
public would be near at hand. Let
him not be understood to say, that
a republic could be established in
this country — no such thing ; he
only meant to say, that a republic
would be attempted, and would
fail. But in that failure, what
might happen,
'* Through what variety of untried
being —
'' Through what new scenes and changes
. might we pass.''
There might be blood, there might
be plunder. He believed that there
might be both. Such allusions
were oi'iginally none of his. He
only echoed the words which had
fallen from the noble lord opposite.
He repelled the supposition. He
believed that there was safety for
England even though the reform
bill was rejected. It was the vote
of the House of Commons in the
late Parliament — it was the vote
and voice of the king, which had
created the present excitement.
The people of England were not
turbulent 5 they were only obedi-
ent to a misguided cause. The
people of England were not revolu-
tionary 5 they only followed thj
commands of the constitutional au-
thorities. The i)eople of England
334] ANNUAL REGISTER. 1831.
were not inclined to blood and
plunder } but they were told from
that Hou8e> and they were told
from the throne, that their enthu-
siasm was patriotism, and that
their violence in support of the re-
form bill was an imperative duty.
If the two Houses of Parliament
only did their duty^ the constitu-
tion would be saved^ and tranquil-
lity would not be injured. The
gentlemen on his side of the House
had performed their duty to the
best of their power; and if oppro-
brium were to attach to any portion
of that House, it would not be to
himself and his friends near him,
who, without any prospect of
place — without any hope of po-
pularity— without expectation of
other reward than the approbaliou
of their own consciences^ had de-
fended to the uttermost the consti-
tution of their country, which had
been linked with its prosperity for
the last century and a half. They
had been there, night after night,
fighting against majorities always
fluctuating, but the greater part of
which always consisted of men de-
barred from thinking; and of these
majorities he would only say, that
he would rather be in the minority
for ever than form a part of them,
when they voted first for keeping
Aldborough in schedule B, and
then within five minutes afterwards
voted in a manner diametrically
opposite, in order to keep Downton
in schedule A. He admitted that
if the members of those majorities
wished to carry the bill, they must
not examine too closely into its de-
tails. If they wished to concur in
their votes upon it, they must con-
sent to shut their eyes and not
open their mouths, for if the^ did
either the one or the other, m all
probability a collision of opinion
would take place among them,
Nor had he th« dightast doubt, that
the House of Lords would perform
their duty in 8pit« of the dangtra
with which weak-minded indivi-
duals were attempting to terrify
them. So far was he from saying
to the House of Lords that by suo*
cumbing they would save them-
selves, that he would go so fttms
to say that, if they did succumb^ he
should be opposed to a House of
Lords. For what purpose was it
they had hitherto preserved that
House? for what purpose was it
that they had attended its growth,
and given to it the dearest pledges
of their love and confidence ? Why
was it that until the last few days
every public man had looked up to
a seat in it as the greatest triumph
which he could achieve,— «8 the
greatest reward which could be
tendered him for his services to
his country? Was it not because
the House of Lords was looked
upon as the conservative branch of
the constitution, and as its surest
protection against the madness of
temporary violence, and the enthu-
siasm of reckless innovation ? He
would, therefore, say to their lord«
ships '^ Now or never must you
make your stand." What he would
ask, was the use of the House of
Lords? Was it, to register the
edicts of the Commons, or to give a
blind assent to their resolutions?
If it had a will of its own and could
differ from the Commons, when was
the time for expressing that difiTer-*
ence of opinion ? Was it only to
arrive when they could differ with
safety? On the timber duties, on
the wine duties, on a mere turn-
pike bill, the House of Commons
allowed the House of LcMrds to
throw out any bill of which they
disapproved ; but it was not, for-
sooth, to allow the House of Lords
such an exercise of its undoubted
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [S36
|>rtvikgeiy wHen a quettion of im- empty bauble. 'For there it no in-*
portant magnitude was tHroogbt stance to be found in history in
before it^— *a question which divi* which^ after a body of men had
ded the public mind more than excited the mob to violence^ the
any other question which had oc* mob have not subsequently turned
curred in his day^^^a question on upon their agitators, and pulled
which public opinicm was so nearly down those who, at the commence-
balanced, that out of 36,000 voters ment of their misconduct, deemed
who polled at the last election, themselves superior to all external
there was only a majority of 1,600 ^violence.
found in favour of it,-*-a question Mr. Stanley, in attempting to
on which the House ot Commons break the force of Mr. Croker's
was divided to an extent to which ^ speech, remai'ked that the latter
it had never been divided previous* gentleman's use of ridicule in some
ly, -^a question on which the late parts of it, was scarcely reconcile-
Parliament was divided in the pro- able with the mighty interests and
portion of 302 to 301, the unit by ruinous consequences whidi other
which the majority was gained parts represented as being involved
being of a character on which, if in the question — that he had treated
this were the time, he had much the House to a tune on his fiddle,
to say,— a question on which the even though he believedRome to be
minority was still unexampled in burning : and he repelled, *^ with
amount, although they haid been indignation and contempt," the
sent to their constituents with the charge of ministers havmg, been
king's name used against them,-^ guided by partial motives either
a question whicli was more import- in taking away, or in bestowing
ant than any which had come be* the franchise — a charge by the bye,
fore Parliament since the questions which the Irish Secretary might
of the Revolution and of the Han- have seen, was to be repelled, not
over succession. If this bill came by simply treating it with indigo
back to that House from the Lords, nation and contempt, but by
modified in all its objectionable explaining it on some rational
parts, the House of Commons, in- and consistent principle, the facts
fluenced by its constitutional afiec- upon which it was founded. He
tion to the ancient institutions of denied that any clumge of any im«
the country, would say, " This portance had been introduced into
bill, so modified, we will not re- the bill since '' it had first received
ject ; for if we deprive the lords of the sanction of the public.*' Had
their privileges, the mob will soon schedule A been changed ? Had
deprive us of our privileges as a schedule B been altered? And
House of Commons." Depend upon was not the franchise to be ex-
it, that any violence which that tended as at first proposed, to the
House might exercise against the great towns, to wnich hon. gen-
House of Lords, would only be the tiemen opposite would now con-
prelude to a similar example of vio- cede the privilege, when they found
lence exercised upon the House of that it was impossible any lonser
Commons. Shut up the House of to withhold it ? In short, what
Lords, and it will not be long one alteration had been made, which
before the mace now on the table could in any degree affect the ori-
will be carried away as a mere ginal merits of the bill which had
236] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
found favour and acceptance with
the people when first presented to
them ? It had been mentioned
that there was only a majority of
1,C00 in support of it out of
36,000 polled votes. That at least
showed that immense exertions had
been made to procure a nominal
advantage on the side of the anti-
reformers at the late elections,
knowing as they did, that great per-
sonal interests were involved in the
result. But if they included the
numbers that would have voted for
reform in all the large towns and
important counties throughout the
kingdom, could it be doubted for
a moment, that the majority out
of doors would be even still greater
in proportion than that which ex-
isted within the walls of that
House } Had not the party been
obliged to fly at the general elec-
tion, without a shadow of chance,
from every popular hustings which
they had ventured to contest ?
And were there not at that mo-
ment but six county members
out of the whole representation of
England, who offered any opposition
to the bill ? But united though the
people were, he did believe, that
even if the Peers threw out the bill,
there would be no republic, nor
would there be any attempt to es-
tablish one ; for the people of Eng-
land were not actuated by a re-
publican spirit, nor did they foster
republican principles. But when
th^ right hon. gentleman demanded
what was our security that we
should not be carried to much
more desi)erate lengths than any
which this bill sanctioned, he
made answer, — we had the same
security which guaranteed the suc-
cess of the bill itself, the deep-root-
ed conviction, the indomitable en-
ergy, the resistless voice of public
opinion throughout the country.
They had the same securities, he
repeated, which entitled them to
expect the consummation of the
bill, and the sooner the safer, —
which would maintain the sove-
reign in all the fulness of his royal
supremacy, and which would pre-
serve to the peers the legitimate
exercise of their privileges. The
people of England were attached
to a monarchical form of govern-
ment ; they revered aristocracy
^generally, but looked up to their
own aristocracy in particular, be-
cause here there was no line of de-
marcation drawn between the aris-
tocratical classes of society and the
people themselves, properly so call-
ed. There were in this country
none peculiarly invested with spe-
cial privileges to the prejudice of
others; no order was exempted from
taxation ; and the House of Peers,
as such, would be suffered at all
times to enjoy to the utmost all
their legitimate hereditary rights.
Of their privilege of legislation the
people by no means desired to de-
prive them ; but the result of their
rejection of this bill — if they did
reject it, which he could not con-
template — would be a constant
pressure on the peers as a body.
Instead of being venerated and
esteemed as the safe-guards and
ornaments of the country, they
would be regarded with aversion
and distrust: no longer esteemed
the patrons and benefectors of the
poor, they would be looked upon
as hard and oppressive task-mas-
ters, who wrested from the people
a power which they had no right
to enjoy, and assumed that which
they were not entitled to claim.
The debate was enlivened by an
episode arising out of the doc-
trines laid down by Mr. Crampton,
the Solicitor-general for Ireland,
brought into Parliament by minis^
240] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the time when there were no close
boroughs, and no nominees. But
the nomination of members in ear-
lier times was by the barons, who,
before the Tudors, were really
fighting the battles of the people,
and the dose boroughs were part of
their means of offence and defence.
A very efficient House of Commons,
at one period, might be a very de-
ficient one at another ; for that was
the best House of Commons which
represented the actual state of pub-
lic opinion at any given period. It
had been urged, that not a single
close borough had been added
since the Revolution ; but, he held
that, just for that reason, the sys-
tem must be bad. The change in
the state of society had been so
great, that, instead of the fact
of the framework of the constitu-
tion continuing the same, proving
that it must be right, he would
conclude that it must, therefore,
be unquestionably wrong. Consi-
dering how much the population,
wealth, and intelligence of the
country had increased since that
period — how much velocity the im-
provement of mind had acquired —
that full one- third of all that
ought to be represented had sprung
up since the Revolution, and that,
in regard to representation, no
more change had taken place,
than if that mass of mind and ini-
proveable matter had never ex-
isted;— he must contend, that the
so long continued system of repre-
sentation could not be a just and
perfect representation of the feel-
ings of the community. Great as
the quantity of unrepresented
power had become, he would not
go the length of maintaining that
there was absolute danger in ex-
cluding it ; yet, whoever watched
the signs of the times, must be
be convinced^ that it could not be
ultimately shut out, though it
might be for this year or the next;
while, by this bill, a power, so for-
midable, would be reduced to a
safe and manageable force, for no
great political power in a state
could be safely subdued except by
being conciliated. He denied, too,
that a House of Commons, such as
this bill was intended to create,
would be mere pupjiets in the hands
of their constituents, deprived of all
independence of opinion, or power
to act according to their own. The
members would only be subject-
ed to that due and proper de-
gree of influence which constitu-
ents ought to exercise over their
representatives. The effect of the
measure would be, to introduce a
greater infusion of the popular
mind and feeling into the House—
a thing which it much wanted;
but it did not follow that mem-
bers, on every occasion, would be
obliged to act on the instructions
of their constituents. They would
only have to act on the declared
wishes of their <;onstituents, or to
explain their reasons for differing
from them.
Sir C. Wetherell could not but
observe that, up to this closing dis-
cussion, ministers and their friends
had been much more liberal of their
votes than of their reasons; but
now, when the bill was as good as
passed, forth they all rushed, pour-
ing out their penned up eloquence
without mercy or consideration;
and as logic, though an useful arti-
cle, was not a shewy one, they
could not be expected to encumber
themselves with it in their tri-
umphal parade. The population
and commerce of the country, said
Mr. Grant, and along with them
its knowledge and intelligence, had
mightily increased since the Revo-
lution; and^ therefore, as the un-
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [241
deniable conclusion from these pre*- tuled> '^ What will the Lords do/'*
mises, the number of represent- Was it there that moderation was
atives must be diminish^— aye^ to be found? or was it in the news-
and a House of Commons must be papers ? Had he read> within
dissolved, too^ because it thought these two days> the language
that a good reason against diminu- which, had been held at a public
tion. For his own part^ he be- meeting, where it had been said
held in the new system deformities that, if the House of Lords should
as great as any tnat existed in the presume to throw out th« bill, mu«
old; and, in proof of this, itwasonly tiny and treason were to be recom-
necessary to refer to the boroughs mended to the country ? When
of Calne, Tavistock, Horsham, he talked of the moderation of the
Malton, and several other places, organs of the public voice, he must
which, though undeniably as much have shut his eyes-rno, he was a
nomination boroughs as any that member of the government, and
had been totally disfranchised, and must have read in the columns of a
certainly not less capable of being journal devoted to, and in the spe-
purified by the creation of a new cial confidence of, the government
constituency than those which had —a journal which arrogated to itself
been partially disfranchised, were (hewould not deny on just grounds)
allowed to retain all their privi- the lead of public opinion— -a jour-
leges. Motives he would not im« nal, moreover, to which it was no-
pute ; but he would state fact&^ torious some of the most active
and nothing would be a prouder spirits of the government contri-
testimony to the inference which buted — he must have read in that
men would draw from them, than journal, and that not in a small
ministers treating facts '' with in- type paragraph, on a back page,
dignation and contempt*' — the but in a conspicuous column, in
fact that every one of these bo- large Roman capitals, an article
roughs, preserved in its privileges which was neither more nor less
in defiance of the proscription of than an appeal to the soldiery to
anomalies, was a nomination bo- commit mutiny and treason. And
rough under the influence of per- if so, how could he talk of the mo-
sons whose interest it was not that deration of the supporters of the
his majesty's ministers should lose Reform Bill? Haa he also read
their offices. Mr. Macauley had those appeals in other journals, de-
talked much of the opponents of voted^to the. cause or reform, in
the bill being infatuated men — al- which certain hints were thrown
together unendowed with the spirit out with respect to the inno-
of moderation, and, as always nap- cent practice of setting fire to
pened with men who were sure of haggards and barns ? Were these,
only one thing upon earth, viz., forsooth, " moderate" opinions—
that all who differed from them calm and deliberate reflections on
must be knaves or fools, he had a great political question ? Nor
tumbled into that forgetfulness was this language confined to
of all facts which enabled rhetori- one <^ two of the exoteric friends
clans to frame sentences untram« .«
melled by tbe uiirefonn^.«diti«. , ^j, ^ „„t«r«lly be-
of truth and reason. Had Mr. ji^^gj ^ be the production of the lord
Macaiuey seen a pauiAIet intU chmeellor Braachanu
Vol. LXXIII. pi]
242] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
of the periodical press, or to
one or two of their disinterested
friends either in that House or out
of doors. Had they not read the
speeches of their exoteric friends
at some of those public meetings
which their great organ, or rather
their great dictator, The Times,
had summoned into existence?
Had not a member of that House,
at one of those meetings, gi^en ut^
terance to expressions which had
no other meaning than sweeping
away the House of Lords, or put-
ting it in a schedule A of a new
ref(»*m bill ? No doubt this lan-
guage was just now indiscreet, on
the part of a supporter of the bill
— was a kind of letting the cat out
of the bag before his time; and
therefore its perpetrator's acquaint-
ance would very judiciously be dis-
claimed by the noble lord (Althorp)
opposite. But an enlightened pub-
lic would not be deluded by the
disavowal, and would feel what
ministers must feel, that they were
under the dominion of a des{)otic
press, and that their acts were
suicidal to themselves as a minis-
try^ and must inevitably lead to
that worst species of terrorism, the
terrorism of the press. But Mr.
Macauley had likewise told the
peers of England to take a lesson
from what had befallen the noblesse
of France, and had drawn pictures
of the dilapidated state of French
noblemen's mansions, and of their
rural chateaux, which would have
done honour to the most perfect
melo-dramatic abortion of the Mi-
nerva press, in order to impress
upon the peerage of England the
danger of not at once yielding, with-
out deliberation, to the demands of
tlie popular will. Take a lesson, said
he, nrom that conduct and that fate,
you English House of Lords, and
yield in time, ^nd with grace, to
the constitutional demands of the
people. Were ministers aware that
the parallel which their crack orator
had attempted to draw between
the English and the French peer-
age had no foundation ? Was that
eloquent gentleman himself ac-
quainted with the facts on which
he so glibly rung the changes? Cer-
tainly not, or hecould not have over-
looked the fact, tliat there was this
striking difference between theEng-
lish and the French peerage— that
whereas the latter made no resbt-
ance to the demands of the peo-
ple, and yielded every thing to
the tiers etat, the House of Lords
here had as yet expressed no opin-
ion whatever, certainly not one on
the side of concession. The French
peers yielded every thing, and
were extirpated root and branch,
and yet the hon. member would
induce the English barons to follow
their fatal example. This, indeed,
was logic and " friendly advice to
the Lords" with a vengeance !
But, added Mr. Macauley, it is a
consolation to think, that the Lords
have received from the ancient
houses of Howard, and Talbot, and
Stanley, an excellent example of
yielding in time to the just de-
mands of the people. Perhaps this
was the case ; but, certainlv, so far
as the bill enabled them to Ibrm an
opinion, the fact appeared not so
self-evident. For example, the
ancient and populous borough of
Tavistock, which belonged to the
ancient and popular house of Bed-
ford, was still to return two mem-
bers, notwithstanding the Russell
anxiety to purge itself of such an
excrescence. Then there was the
ancient and populous borough of
Malton still to be encumbered with
representatives, though its proprie-
tor happened to be a member of an
aocient reform family. In like
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
tS43
manner the ancient house of Petty
was forced to retain its two mem-
bers, no doubt to secure the talents
of its present eloquent represent-
ative, though it was self-erident
that the circumstance must make
the heart bleed of the most noble
marquis of Lansdowne. And» last
of all, the illustrious head of the
illustrious and pincely house of
Howard was stiU to be thwarted
and pestered with nominating, fi>r
the good of the country, the mem-
bers for the borough of Horsham.
These, if put together, would make
a very pretty schedule O to the
bill— would make a very nice series
of ciphers— -a kind of algebraic
negative quantities, and would be
a very interesting subject of dis-
cussion for a reform parliament.
Mr. Macauley, moreover, had
talked much of the fatal folly of
opposing the popular will, and,
r contra, of the wisdom of time-
^ yielding to it. But, if he
referred to his own darling era oi
1 792, in the French revolution, he
would see a man, a pe^, a prince
of the blood royal, courting, nay,
worshipping mob popularity, by
every means in his power, and yet
whose ultimate, and certainly just
reward — the usual reward of mobs
— was having his head paraded on
the top of a pike, amid the jeers uf
his once laudatory followers ; and
he deserved his doom. It was
right to call on the peers of Eng-
land to look at the &te of the
French nobility^ to teach them not
to imitate, but to resist. It was
now September, and the friends of
this democratic bill would perhaps
be proud of the title of S^tem-
briaers. But if it was fortnwith
carried, as thev seemed to expect,
let them recollect how surely all
history, and especially that history
from which they lectured the £ii^
lish peersy taught them, that 1832
might see a race of Septemteriaers
exulting in doing a stiU more glo-
rious work— in destroying the cre-
ation of 1831, and in making a
newer constitution than the new
constitution which it was now at-
tempted to thrust upon the coun-
try.
Lord Althorp, who followed,
admitted, in n^rd to the ques-
tion whether this bill did not intro-
duce a new constitution, that, if the
House looked to the mere letter of
the law, and to the mode of repre-
sentation under the law, they could
not find an instance of any such re-
gresentation as was now proposed ;
ut,if they looked to the principle on
which ministers proposed to form a
House of Commons representing
the people, not merely in theory
but also in fact, they would find
that, in the best periods oi our
history, this principle was dearly
established by law'— that the House
of Commons' should represent the
property, the wealth, the intelli-
gence, and the industry of the
country. Undoubtedly, the enact-
ments, by which that object was
effected in former time9» were the
same in princijf)le ae those now
proposed; for, in former times,
those boroughs, which retomed
members to parliament, did in-
dude all the wealth, all the intel*
ligence, and all die property niiich
tfa^n existed in the country. But
now, when many of thbee boroughs
had decayed-«^hen Ijum masses
of wealth and property nad risen
in other parts of the country —
when intelligence had extended to
a much lower grade of iod^y —
when new vot^rihad sprung, up in
that lower grade» posses^ni^ more
inf<H*mation as lo the prinaples of
the constitution than the nigher
grade of socfety which used to vote
[R2]
244] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
in those boroughs formerly pos« untry would stand, after this
sessed ; when all this was the case, hill, as it did at present^ in all its
he contended that they were act- relations with the country. It
ing, if not in the letter^ strictly in would still consist of King, Lords,
the spirit of the constitution, when and Commons ; and as to the just
they proposed to extend the elect- influence of property and the aris«
iFe franchise to the constituency tocracy, there was nothing in that
formed by this bill. The argu- bill, or in any other bill, ^hich
ments which had been used by could diminish that due influence,
many gentlemen in this debate. Undoubtedly it would spread that
tended to prove that there was no influence more over the body of pro-
use in representation at all. Those prietors than it was spread at pre-
arguments were^ that the constitu- sent; for at present the influence of
tion of that House contained a sam- pro})erty over that House was only
pie of every class in the commu- exercised by such proprietors as
nity^ and that every interest found were also proprietors of close bo-
a representative in that House, roughs. By the bill it was pro-
But did it follow, that because posed that the latter influence
there were in the House samples of should be destroyed, and that the
every class, and members of every influence of property should be
interest, those persons were the re- exercised by the mass of proprie«
presentatives of the interests with tors, — not by an oligarchy of tnem.
which they were connected? If A multitude of members, he
they were to ask an individual whe- said, friendly to reform , had resisted
ther he would have his interest re- the bill as going too far. But
presented merely by a man of his ministers thought^ that if they did
class> or whether he would himself not give to the country an extensive
choose a representative for that plan of reform, they would only be
class, he thought that the indivi- makinga change in the constitution
dual would reply^ that he thought of the legislature which would not
it preferable to be represented by a give satisfaction . He had every
man of his own choice, than by a reason to hope^ from the satisfaction
person who found his way into which it had already given^ that the
parliament through a borough over change which they had proposed
which he had no control. Even would be permanent. He did not
supposing the people to have see that any of the grounds which
formed extravagant and unfound- had been stated in order to shew
ed hopes of the good to be eflected that it would not be permanent,
by this measure^ would they not were likely to raise discontent in
be less discontented when they had the country. He did expect, that
confidence in members elected by the bill would inspire the people
themselves, than they would be with confidence in their represent-
when represented by men over atives ; and if so they would not
whom they had no control } call hereafter, as they had called
It had been assumed, continued lately, for a large and important
his lordship, in the course of the change. Another objection urged
debate, that by this bill they were against the general tendencies of
going to establish a democracy, the bill was, that, while it was
and entirely change the constitu- founded on the increased wealth,
tion. Now, the constitution of the population, and intelligence of the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[245
country, the number of represent-
atiFes was to be diminisbed. Now,
he could not see why an increase
in the number of elections should
lead to an increase in the number
of the elected. The real question
was, would the number of members
continued in Parliament by this bill
be sufficient to perform the busi-
ness of the country, extended as it
was by the increase of its wealth and
population. He should answer that
question in the affirmative; but if
he were obliged to answer it in the
negatircr a difficulty far greater
would stare him in the face; for
the only mode of increasing the
number of members of the House
beyond the number fixed by these
bills would be by preserving some
of the boroughs which the House
had said ought no longer to send
members to Parliament. It had
been urged, too, that the bill
still retained many cases of de-
formity, as, for instance, the
boroughs of Calne, Horsham,
and Tavistock. But the House
ought not to look so much at the
present as at the future state of
constituency of these boroughs.
The constituency of these towns
would be altered, and the influence
which now nominated the repre-
sentatives for them, (for he did
not mean to blink the fact that
they were nomination boroughs),
would be entirely changed. Of
this he was confident, that the in-
fluence of the proprietors of these
boroughs, if not entirely destroyed,
would be materially diminished.
Lord Althorp fairly admitted
that the bill, in its most important
relation to the constitution, viz.
its effect on the House of Lords,
was an untried experiment. It had
been urged, he said, that there was
no instance in the history of man-
kind of a purely popular assembly
coexisting with a peerage and a
monarchy : that was true 5 but he
believed it was true only because
the experiment had never been
tried, and not because any rational
man had ever thought that, if tried,
it would not succeed. The experi-
ment of a purely popular assembly
had never been tried. Something
like it had been attempted in this
country, and the effects had been
beneficial. They would be still
more so, when the representation
of that House was more correctly
a representation of the wealth and
intelligence of the country j and
therefore he could not agree with
the argument that, because that
House was to be in future the real
representative of the people, it
would set about overturning all the
institutions of the country, which
in point of fact, existed only be-
cause the people were attached to
them. The power of the House of
Lords consisted, not in the physical
force of its members, but in the
attachment of the people ; it con-
sisted in public opinion, and when
it was unsupported by public opi-
nion, fall, lie was afraid, it must.
At present no one proposed to take
from that House its share in legis-
lation. Its influence depended,
not only on its share of legislation,
but on the knowledge of the people
of the advantages they derived
fi*om having one branch of the le-
gislature conservative and inde-
pendent of popular commotion.
The House of Lords was in no
danger whilst it performed its
duties, and therefore, if this bill
passed, there was no danger of
that House losing the influence
which it always had possessed,
and, he trusted, it always would
possess, in the government of
this country. The nobility of
England had noUiiog to feair from
246] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
what had happened to the French
noblesse. The latter had no doubt
surrendered their exclusive privi-
leges, but they did not make the
surrender till after the revolution
had commenced. There was dan-
ger in resisting the demands of the
people at a right period, and grant-
ing them at a wrong one; for resist-
ance at an early stage to just de-
mands excited indignation^ and
concession at a late period gave
rise to contempt.
Connected with the charge^ that
the bill would overturn the House
of Lords, was another equally un-
tenable objection, that it gave a
preponderance to mere population
collected within towns. On the
contrary, it increased the county
representation much more in pro-
portion than the town represent-
ation . So far from being obnoxious
to the charge of wishing to destroy
the landed interests, ministers had
exposed themselves to a reproach
of an entirely different kind. The
division of the counties was said to
be a contrivance for adding to the
influence of the landed proprietors*
What ministers had really main-
tained was, that the division might
possibly increase the influence of
the landed interest ; but the prin-
cipal argument used by them was,
that the power of the landed in-
terest, was really increased, not by
the division of counties, but by
doubling the number of the county
representatives, who, whether elect-
ed by whole counties or by the di-
visions^ would equally tend to in-
crease the power of the landed in-
terest. He did not think that the
representatives of the landed inter-
ests were in danger of being di-
minished to such an extent as to
render them powerless in that
House. The case had been argued,
as if; under the new system^ no
person would be found to defend
the lauded interests except the
county memberS) while one of the
great objections made against mi-
nisters for producing this bill was,
that they were about to localize
representation. The representa^
tives of the smaller towns would be
country gentlemen ; and therefore
there was no reason to anticipate
that the only influence of the land"
ed interests in that House would
be exercised through the medium
of county members. Finally, said
his lordship, now that we are ar-
rived at the close of the discussion,
if I were to give a description of
the discussions which have taken
place on this important measurei
with respect to which the party
feelings of gentlemen ran very
high^ I should say that they have
been conducted with, comparatively
speaking, very little personal vio«
lence. Undoubtedly, hard words
have been used ; and I think quite
as much on the opposite side as on
this. We have heard every epi-
thet-- >but to quote violent expres-
sions is not a good way to produce
conciliation. I do not think that,
upon the whole^ gentlemen on
either side have great right to
complain of violent language. If
there have been any violent expree-
sions employed against the govern-
ment, I am perfectly r^y to
forget them^ and I hope and trust
that gentlemen on the other side
of the House will meet me in the
same spirit of conciliation."
Sir R. Peel followed^ who, while
he declined any discussion of the
details of the bill, on which all that
reason could do had already been
expended, and cordially joined with
lord Althorp in the hope that, if
any angry expressions had been
made use of in the course of the
discussion, they would now be for^
HISTORY OF fiUROPB. [247
gotieBj could not Imt lay thai lie kfiat neoMtttv, In tiio first plaoe^
had expacted that^ even atthiaak* tkia ehaoga far «ioaadfd aven the
venth bour^ some mamber oj^Kwita prinotpk of tha autbot^ of it. If
would have inforiBed the Houta it were takao for granted that the
what were the practical avUa which tima had arrived when nomiQatiou
tliis change in the constitution waa boroughs nuat be destroyed^ and
intended to remedy. Ha had ex* schadules A and B paasad) atiU
pected to hear a grave and atatea* where was tha naeasaity of altering
manlike discussion as to whether tha coostituancjr of e?«r^ oounty,
those evils were evils inherent in cityi and town m tha united king-
human institutions, and whether, dom» and of altering tha limits, or
if they were proved to exist, they giving the power to idler tha Haiita,
really resulted from defects in the of every place, however extant ive,
representation. In this expecta« except from tha desire of wanton
tion he had been disappointed* The chan||e and innovation ? He and
House had had no proof offered it his firiandahad laboured to miti-
of the existanoe of such evils. In gate its evils, and bad &ilad, and
one single sentence lord Althorp be must do ministarf thaiBsalvaa
had disposed of them, and proposed tha iustica to say tbiat thay also
a most extraordinary change in the had laboured to mitigate its evils,
constitution. It was true, that his They had tried toreo^from their
lordship left the House of Lords weekly tenancy. They knew tha
and the monarch as be found them ; danger of it ; but there was an e^f
butwhat wasittotheooBstittttiony trinsic power greater than any
that the existence of a nominal au** which tney could exerciaaj which
thority was left to the Lords and o^ntrolled them in the first stage,
the sovereign, unless it could be Here> then, they gave this uni«
shown that they would also pre« form right of voting through the
serve that substantial authority country to tha occupiers of lOL
which they had hitherto possessed houses, and by a strange perversion
in the government of the country ? of reasoning they increased the
At what time in the history of any pqmlar influence where it was
country, could it be shown that, most dangerous. In larga towns,
when power was usurped either by where large bodies of, man could
an indfividual tyrant, or by a po« be easily collected "*^ where their
pular assembly, the specious form feelings could be easily excited, —
of old institutions was not permit* where the influence of the press
ted to exist. If ever there was a was greatest, '^ in those places
change whidi tended to increase where there was the least neces-
democratic influence by positive sitj fisNT the extension of the Iran-
addition on the cme hand to that dnaa, and.the greatest danger, did
influence, and on the other by re- they find out this class of weekly
moving every check which bad tenants^ paying 3s. 1(M. a week,
hitherto contrdled that influence, and to thoBe d£l they extend the
it was the change which was now franchise. But had they aver in-
proposed. It was the greateat quired in what estimatioQ that
change that had ever been deliber- cksa was heUl in the towns by
atelymade in the constitution of the local administrators of the law,
any country, and from his con- who must know them well, and
science be belia?ad mada with the who invariably zafosad to oooaider
248] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
them as responsible persons in cases
where householders paying annual
rent of 10/. by quarterly payments
would be readily admitted? In
Manchester so lightly did they hold
weekly tenure, that the magistrates
invariably refused the security of
persons of this description.
While the bill gave a positive
increase to democratic influence on
the one hand^ it removed^ on the
other, all those countervailing re-
straints from which mere demo-
cracy had received a salutary check.
Corporation rights were to be no
more. The representation of Scot-
land, which, whether capable of
improvement or not, had been, for
a century, an useful check upon
popular feeling, was to be changed ;
and the Irish representation, on
which was founded the security of
property and of the established
church, was likewise to disappear.
More than all, the influence of the
peerage in the House of Commons
was to be destroyed. He would
not say to what length such influ-
ence ought to go, but he mentioned
its removal to show that, while the
popular influence was increased,
in the same proportion the checks,
which had heretofore moderated
its violence, were removed. But,
in addition to this, it was that
night, for the first time, avowed,
and with menaces not to be mis-
taken, that if the Lords exercised
their independent authority, and
ventured to judge for themselves,
they ran the risk of sealing their
own doom. Did not this show
the progress of — he would not say
revolutionary opinions, for he did
not wish to give offence by calling
hard names — but did it not show
the progress of opinion amongst
men, when one of the sworn legal
advisers of the Crown gave it as
his deliberate opinion, that the
House of Commons was competent
to act without the House of Lords,
and that if the Lords should exer-
cise their independent judgment
and reject this bill, the House of
Commons should advise the Crown
to dissolve parliament, and to omit
to send writs to any number of
boroughs it should think fit, and
that it was competent to the Crown
to act on that advice? If this
were so, where were the limits of
the power ? This doctrine, he
admitted, was most candidly dis-
avowed by government as uncon-
stitutional, but the fact that it was
avowed by any man in the situation
of the member who maintained it,
showed the change that had been
brought about in opinions. The
restraints, which the influence of
the House of Lords, and of the
Crown had, through that House,
imposed upon the vehemence of
public feeling, were thus all to
be removed. And, looking at the
attempts made to improve the go-
vernment in other countries, and
their complete failure, he was not
prepared to make such a radical
change as was now proposed with-
out some better argument than
any he had yet heard.
For what argument had the
House yet heard but *^the peo-
?le will have it so ? " Unless the
louse was convinced that what
the people desired was for the
national good, the fact that they
desired it ought not to induce the
Hous^to concede it, for the mo-
ment they yielded implicitly to
the commands of the people, that
moment they resigned their cha-
racter and functions as a delibera-
tive body. It was easy to say,
that the people would not desire
any thing that was not for their
own good, and it was unpopular
to deny it j but he did deny it*
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [24^
If lie saw that men in tbeir indf- experience bad shown the great
vidual capacities^ who spent their advantages of a hereditary mon*
days in consulting their own in-* archy and a body of hereditary
terests^ were always influenced by senators We should refer to the
reason, and not by passion ana practical working of the thing,
feeling ; if he saw the gambler and before we allow^ ourselves to be
the speculator take reason for their influenced by the name of an
guide, and not passion ; if he saw anomaly, ana liefore we gave up
that large bodies of men acting that which had hitherto worked
together were influenced by reason so well. Many of those things
on];p', and not by passion or pre- which were called anomalies had
judice, and that when heated and so interwoven themselves with our
excited, they were the best judges habits and feelings, and even with
of their own interests ; — then he the state of property in the coun-
might admit that a legislative body try, that they were* no longer
might not be wrong in yielding to looked upon as anomalies ; but if
the commands, on all occasions, of he were to make choice of ano-
their constituents : but when he ihalies — and it was admitted that
saw that the reverse of all this was there were anomalies in the new
the case, he must pause before he constitution as well as in the old,
yielded to public feeling, solely in that which we were about to
because it was public feeling, and receive as well as in that which
not founded on what he considered we were about to give up-— he
to be reason and justice. Then, would prefer the ancient anomaly,
forsooth, our present system was that which had worked well for
full of anomalies — ^nomination by centuries to that of which he had
peers was an anomaly. So be it. yet no experience. *^ It may be
Suppose he were to tell a foreigner prejudice," said sir Robert, ^^ but
unacquainted with our laws, that the people will view these ven^«
cases sometimes of the most dif&- able anomalies, as contrasted with
cult and complicated nature were those of to-day, with as much
submitted to the decision of twelve diflerence of respect as they would
men, selected indifferently, and look upon the ancient peerages of
that these men, if they aid not the house of Russell or of Caven-
agree at first; were to be starved dish compared with my patent of
into agreement, would he not think nobility, if I were transferred to
that a great anomaly ? But would the House of Lords to support the
any man give it up on that ground^ reform bill.*'
when he found that, on the whole^ It had been f&irly conceded,
the system worked well ? One of even by Mr. Macauley, that this
the greatest anomalies in the world bill would not work out for the
was hereditary monarchy. Look« jteople the blessings which they
ing at it without any experience expected ; that all it could give
of its practical results^ what could would be perfect freedom in the
be a greater anomaly than to say, acquisition of property, and secu-*
that in a[ nation, which possessed rity in its enjoyment. But when
many able generals, an infant in was it discovered that these were
its cradle should be the head of wanting ^ He^ had never heard
the state ? Hereditary peerage was that any impediments were thrown
liable to a similar objeetion. But in the ^ay either of aoquirinj;
250] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
property^ or enjoying it with se-
curity. Or was it meant that the
diange was necessary to secure the
triumph of iree-traae ? On the
contrary, if Loudon and West-
minster were polled, the system
of free- trade would be abolished^
and the old system of restrictions
restored. The present House of
Commons had shown no indispo-
sition to adopt the principles of
free-trade. One of the measures
which had been most earnestly
recommended by the organ of
liberalism (the '' Edinburgh Re-
view") was a free-trade in beer.
The House of Commons resolved
there should be a free- trade in
that article, and the present minis*
ters had introduced a measure to
remedy the evils which had resulted
from the liberality of the House.
When the present government was
formed, he certainly expected that
some very enlightened system of
jurisprudence would have been
adopted — that all Mr. Bentham's
suggestions would have been acted
on — that penalties would have been
abolished, and appeals made only
to the feelings of mankind. But
what was his astonishment to find
that the only measure which mi-
nisters had proposed relative to
the criminal laws was a revival of
the law which allowed the setting
of spring guns. Great complaints,
too, were made of the taxes which
had been imposed by an unreformed
parliament. When the question
of taxes was considered, it was
necessary to look at the capability
of the persons who had to pay
them. Mr. Ricardo and sir Henry
Parnell said, that England was less
taxed than any other country in
proportion to her means. Sir H.
Parnell declared that the diihcul-.
ties under which the country la-
boured were of a temporary nature.
Why, then, should he be called
upon to consent to the proposed
measure on the ground of the diffi-
culties of the country and its great
taxation? For these reasons he
could not consent to the change
which the bill proposed. He had
nothing to do with any other mea-
sure of reform. He had none to
propose himself. He opposed the
bill, because it would effect too
extensive a change. It was not
making an addition to an existing
structure to accommodate an in-
creasing family, but uprooting all
the foundations of an ancient edi-
fice, and attempting to construct
a new one. He did not believe
that the new structure would be
permanent. The arguments which
were now adduced in f&vour of
change would, in seasons of dis-
tress, be applied with equal force
against the new system. The in-
struments of destruction had been
employed with complete success
against the constitution ^ but he
would implore those who had used
them, before they retired from the
intrenchments from which their
fatal attacks had been made, for
God*s sake ! to spike their guns,
and to remove from the sight of
the future occupiers of those places
every instrument of destruction by
which the success had been ol^*
tained ; for there was not one of
them, from the highest to the
lowest — from the twenty-four
pounder to the smallest sparrow-
shot — ^whlch might not be applied
against the new system, wnich
was to be created by the bill. He
felt it his duty to continue, at the
last stage of the bill, the opposition
which he had offered to it at the
commencement. He continued his
opposition on precisely the same
grounds, with no increased predi-
lection for changing the constitu-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[25 1
tion of his country. Popular opin-
ion had been sufficiently demon-
strated in favour of the measure
to induce him to treat that opinion
with the utmost respect, and to
consider maturely whether he was
justified in opposing it. He re-
gretted to say, that his deliberative
judgment was against the measure.
He did not think that it would
cox^duce to the permanent interests
of the country. On that ground^
and that ground only, and not for
the purpose of maintaining the
interests of peers or other persons,
he felt himself bound to oppose
the wishes of the people* *' I
cheerfully submit to pay the
penalty to which that diderence
of opinion subjects me. With re-
luctance I surrender the hold which
I may have on the people's esteem.
That is a penalty which they have
a right to inflict, but they have
no right or power to compel me
to acquiesce in their error — for I
believe them to be in error. I
will not involve myself in the
responsibility of the measure, and
being with others a life-renter only
in the admirable constitution which
has hitherto secured the peace and
happiness of my country, I will
not be instrumental in cutting off
the inheritance of those who are
to succeed me."
On the House dividing, the
majority in favour of the motion
for passing the bill was 109, the
ayes being 345, and the noes 236.
252] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
CHAP. IX.
Reform Bill read a first time in the House of Lords — Threats of the
Reformers against the Peers — Debate on the Second Reading of the
Bill in the House of Lords — Speeches of Lords Grey, Whamcliffe,
Winchilsea, Harrowby, the Duke of Wellington, Lord Eldon, the
Lord Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurst, S^c. — The BUI is thrown out by a
Majority of forty-one — Motion carried in the House of Commons
that Ministers ought not to resign, — Lord Howe dismissed from
his office of Queen's Chamberlain, on account of his vote, and dis-
closures thereupon in the House of Commons — Attacks on the per-
sons and houses of the Peers — Riots at Derby and Nottingham-^
Correspondence of Ministers %vith the Political Unions, and discus-
sions thereon in the House of Commons — Financial statement — Pro-
rogation of Parliament — Riots in Bristol — Formation of a National
Political Union in London — Proposed general meeting of the Work-
ing Classes — Proclamation against Illegal Associations — Appearance
of the Cholera Morbus in the North.
THE reform bill having passed
the Commons on the 2l8t of
September, was carried up, next
day, to the Lords^ by lord John
Russell, attended by about an hun-
dred of its staunch supporters in
the lower House, These gentle-
men adopted the unusual mode of
exciting the attention of the peers,
and giving to the function which
they were performing a striking
and theatrical character, by accom-
panying the delivery of the bill to
the lord chancellor with *' hear,
hear." A cry of '* order," recalled
them to a sense of the presence in
which they stood. The bill was
then read a first time^ on the
motion of earl Grey, without any
remark being made^ and was di-
rected to be read a second time on
the 3rd of October.
In the mean time the reformers
out of doors had been vigorously
employing all their engines to in**
timidate the peers into submission.
It has been seen that the idea of
their being bound to touch only
with a delicate and trembling
hand a bill which merely affected
the constitution of the other House,
had found its way into parliament.
The language used by the political
unions, by the press, and by the
reformers, in theu: public meetings,
was equally absurd, and infinitely
violent. The peers, it was said,
are merely trustees for the people ;
the latter are the persons bene-
ficially interested in the trust
which the former hold; and the
peers, therefore, are not entitled
to have an opinion of their own
different from the will of those for
whose benefit alone the trust exists;
much less are they entitled" to re-
sist that will for the purpose of
managing their trust in a way
more conducive to their own par-
ticular interests than that which
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[253
the people has decided to be most
desirable for the common good.
But the language of plain intimi-
dation was much more frequent
than the language of even bad
argument. The press called on
the reformers to renew their
meetings ; the political unions
again sent forth their addresses
and petitions ; the House of Lords
were given plainly to understand,
that they must pass the bill, if they
wished to avoid being sacrificed
amid convulsion and revolution ;
and the bishops^ in particular,
were warned against provoking
the destruction of the whole esta-
blishment by shewing that its
heads were the enemies of the
public liberties. Every idea of the
constitution was lost sight of. No
reformer ever remembered that, in
the eyes of the constitution, a
measure to which the peers say
no, is thereby as much ascertained
to be an inexpedient measure^ as
if the negative had proceeded from
the House of Commons. The
House of Lords was treated as a
body of mere delegates to confirm
the deliberations of the Commons;
all the multifarious forms of threat
and abuse terminated in this^ '^ you
must pass this bill, however unjust
and ruinous you may hold it to
be, because it has already been
passed by the House of Commons."
Meetings were convened to warn
the peers of ^^ the tremendous con-
sequences'* of rejecting it, and to
inmrm them how ^' deeply and
fearfully the security of commer-
cial as well as of all other property
was involved" in passing it with-
out delay. If the peers are bent
on opposing the people, what, it
was asked, will they gain by it ?
*' Ninety-nine hundredths of the
people will begin to look upon the
power of the peers as a power
hostile to the nation, and the Tory
peers may prepare themselves for
speedy, as well as unambiguous
demonstrations of the hold which
such an impression has obtained
on the minds of twenty-two mil*
lions of men." " In spite of all
lovers of law, and all sticklers for
constitutional forms, a question
will arise, and men, aye, sober and
honest citizens will ask it, shall
we be without a constitution, or
shall the Lords be made to do
without those powers which enable
them to deprive us of it V '' If
the Lords reject or mutilate the
bill,^ they are in effect, though in-
disputably not by design, guilty,
first, of throwing the empire into
confusion ; secondly, of more than
endangering their own existence.'^
" The question, what will the
Lords do } is one to be answered,
not by the House of Lords, but
by the people of England. What
the Lords will do depends on the
people. When they are publicly
and unambiguously told, that
which it seems they are unable to
conjecture — the determination of
the country that the bill shall
pass— they will pass it." Such
was the daily language of the
press ; and, of that which prevailed
at the public meetings, the senti-
ments expressed in the common
hall of London, may serve as a
sample. There, one speaker said,
«^ Should this bill, by any unfore-
seen possibility, be defeated, how
did the noble conservators of rotten
boroughs propose to retain their
countrymen in allegiance to a de-
fective political system } If it
were to be negatived, would its
foes answer for the existence of
trade and the prosperity of the
realm } Did they flatter them-
selves into the belief that they
could induce the people to pay
264] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
taxes at the bidding of the reptiles
io schedule A^ and the Jiat of the
half-palsied schedule B^ of which
one part was dead while the other
still maintained its vitality P The
peers could not be insane, and he
therefore presumed that it was
their intention to pass it, rather
than imperil their own existence
by supporting a power as invidi-
ous as it was unjust— as danger-
ous to them as it was hateful to
the people.** Another said, << The
lords would assuredly pass the bill^
if they were not actually smitten
blind ; they would pass it, as they
hoped to transmit their honours
to their children ; they would pass
it, if they desired to retain their
rank and legitimate privileges ;
and they would moreover pass it
without delay^ for the public would
not submit much longer to see
trade at a stand-still, and business
in a state of stagnation, on account
of such tediouslv protracted ex-
pectation. If the lords rejected
the bill^ they would not be taken
by surprise when they came to
discover the unavoidable results.
The people, he would forewarn
their lordships, would not thence-
forward pav taxes, nor would they
be justified in doing so, when the
country had decided that the con-
stitution was not what it ought
to be." " Let the lords," said
colonel Torrens, '^ refuse this bill,
if thev dare ; and if they do, dearly
will they rue their obstinacy here-
after. You all remember the
sibyl's story. She presented her
oracles to Tarquin and his court,
and her oracles were rejected.
She burned a portion, and again
oftered them, but they were again
rejected. After diminishing their
number still further, she once more
returned, and the remaining vo-
lumes were gladly purchased at
the price which she had originally
demanded for the entire. We,
however, mean to reverse the
moral, for should the present bill
be defeated, we shall bring their
lordships another bill demanding
a little more, and then, should
they still dare to resist the might,
and insult the majesty of the
people of England, which Heaven
foHend I united as one man will
we come forward with a bill of
reform, in which their lordships
will find themselves inserted in
schedule A." And these senti-
ments were received with loud
applause. In their enthusiasm,
the reformers seemed entirely to
forget, that such a constraint upon
the peers was as efiTectual, and a
far more de^ading, abolition of the
House of Lords, than a formal
declaration that it should no longer
assemble. Still less did they see,
that they were excluding from the
legislature the largest portion of
the real property of the country.
The peers were to have no indi-
rect influence in the deliberations
of the Commons, and now they
were to have no deliberate voice
even in their own house.
Amid these violent remarks, earl
Grey moved, on Monday, the Srd
of October, the second reading of
the bill.
After some prefatory observa-
tions, he said that, being called to
form a new administration, he stated
candidly to his majesty, that the
only condition on whicn he would
accept office was, that he should
bring forward the question of par-
liamentary reform as a measure of
government. That condition was
sanctioned by the monarch, as-
sented to by the Commons, and
received witn unmixed satisfaction
by the great body of the people.
^^ I lost/' said be> ** no time io
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[265
framing, in conj unction with my
colleagues^ a measure, the result
of which forms the subject of this
night's deliberation. There is
nothing in this measure which is
not founded on the acknowledged
principles of the constitution^ and
which may not be adopted with
perfect safety to all the interests
and orders of the state^ and more
particularly to that order to which
we, as members oi this House,
belong. A measure of a partial
xmd limited nature would satisfy
no party. The best measure to
l>e adopted was a bold one — ^one
which should, upon reasonable
terras, satisfy the general desire,
and place in a strong position the
true principle of reform. In this
view of the case it was impossible
not to look at the state of what
were called nomination boroughs,
against which, in particular, the
public feeling was directed. We
first proceeded to consider what
were the boroughs that ought to
be abolished. As most of them
retained nothing except their an-
cient sites, they appeared only as
a gangrene in the frame of the
constitution, defying every method
of cure, except excision. It was
therefore determined that the
whole of them should be disfran-
chised, and placed in schedule A.
We ftirther proposed that the
census of 1821 should be taken, as
that best calculated to answer the
object in view. We found another
class of boroughs of a higher quali-
fication, and to these we thought
it advisable to continue the repre-
sentation on a modified scale, their
constituency being enlarged, but
their representation diminished.
Some may argue that a diminished
representation is inconsistent with
the principle upon which we pro-
fess to actj but our object has been
to make as little change as pos-
sible, since every change, except
what is inevitable, ought to be
avoided. The next question was,
how the vacant seats weYe to be
supplied ? and it was proposed
that^ in the first place, sixty-five
additional members should be given
to the counties — in the next, that
twenty-four members should be
returned bv twelve large towns,
which should hav« two each ; and
twenty-eight representatives by
the twenty- eight towns next in
rank and population. These, with
one additional member for Wales,
would leave a diminution for
England and Wales of thirty-
six members. The plan was, af-
ter having removed the decayed
branches, to cause new shoots
to spring forth, and to restore
health and vigour to the body of
the tree."
His lordship then went into the
minuter details of the bill, in ex-
plaining which he stated, that he
did not approve of the extension
of the franchise for counties to
tenants not having leases : his ob-
jection to that provision was, that
if landlords should exercise the
power they would thus acquire in
such a way as it l^d been exercised
in some places, it might produce
a general demand throughout the
country for a regulation to which
he was opposed, and in favour of
which there was not one petition
on their lordships* table — the vote
by bal]ot.
He then proceeded to argue,
that the system of nomination not
only was no part of the British
constitution, but was absurdly in-
consistent with its acknowledged
principles. In every session it was
a standing order that the interfer-
ence of peers in the elections of
members of parliament was uncon-
256] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
stitutional ; there was a statute of
the realm declaring that no taxes
were to be levied on the people,
except such as were imposed by
their representatives ; — and the
House of Commons was so jealous
of its privileges in this respect,
that it would not suffer the inter-
ference of the lords to correct the
most trifling mistake. Such was
the principle of the constitution.
As to the practice, was it not the
fact that it had ever been the pre-
rogative of the Crown to summon
members to parliament for such
towns as it deemed competent to
the power of election ? How, then,
could it be said, that to do away
with decayed boroughs was a course
unknown to the constitution ? The
disfranchisement of certain bo-
roughs had been described as spo-
liation and robbery. But the
right to send representatives to
parliament was a trust, and there
could be no greater mistake than
to confound the obligation of a
trust with the right of property.
A trust is ever confided upon cer-
tain conditions, and may be resum-
ed if they be broken. There was
no lapse of time, no prescription
of abuse, which could convert that
which was originally a trust for
the people into a property. But
if the resumption of a trust
after manifest abuse, was an act
of spoliation, had it not taken
place over and over again ? There
are now forty -four boroughs and
one city, which formerly sent re-
presentatives to parliament, but
which, in consequence of the dis-
continuance of the writs, do not
now send members. This was
disfranchisement nearly equal in
amount to that of schedule A, and
effected by the ordinary process
of the constitution. The Union
with Scotland reduced the repre-
sentatives of boroughs in Scotland
from sixty-five to fifteen ; and
the Irish Union struck off at
one blow 100 boroughs, returning
200 members. Was this spoliation
and robbery ? Oh ! but compen-
sation was given, and interests in
those boroughs were thus treated
as a right of property. That
compensation was scandalous bri-
bery and corruption ; but twenty-
eight of these boroughs were
struck off without compensation.
The disfranchisement of the bo-
roughs in schedule A, therefore,
was merely the exercise of a con-
stitutional power, in the resump-
tion of a trust which was no longer
beneficially exercised. The system,
it was said, had worked well ; and
were we to do away with that
under which the country had at-
tained its present high* degree of
power and prosperity ? It had
not the confidence of the people^
and if that were most essential to
the support of every government,
then so far from working well,
the system had worked very ill.
Earl Grey next proceeded to
consider how far the system of no-
mination boroughs contributed to
the real weight and influence of
the House of Lords. In the first
place, said he, it is to be considered
that the power of nominating mem-
bers to sit in parliament is not en-
joyed by this House in general, by
your lordships as a body in the
state; but by a few wealthy indi-
viduals amongst you, who exercise
the power for their own separate '
interests. The power, therefore,
is exercised and enjoyed only by a
few, whilst the odium falls upon
the whole body : so that, by get-
ting rid of the system, you remove
the odjum -, and the peerage, as a
body, loses nothing. Then the
power of nomination is liable to
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[257
coDtinual transfer and change. It
may leave your lordships' hands
altogether, or it may accumulate
in an individual to such an extent^
as to be not only odious to the coun-
try but inconvenient to the go-
vernment, by rendering it, in a
great degree, dependent upon the
person who possesses this power.
Though I am the last man to pro-
pose to retain the influence which
enables any member in this House
to interfere in the elections of
members of the House of Com-
mons— an interference that can-
not be too strongly condemned,
yet do I propose that your lord-
ships should be deprived of any
part of your legitimate power or
influence ? God forbid ! The re-
spect due to your rank, and the
influence which, from property,
}^ou necessarily possess, will be-
ong to you after the passing of
the bill as fully and in as great a
degree as they now do. The odious
power which is possessed by some
of you does not help to increase
that legitimate influence; but if
you resolve to maintain the nomi-
nation boroughs, the whole voice
of the united kingdom will be
raised against you. You are asked
only to give up that which is
odious^ unjust, and unconstitu-
tional, and by retaining which
the security of this House may be
shaken. The influence which your
lordships possess, in the represent-
ation of sixty-five old boroughs,
may be taken from you by this
bill ; but the peers and the landed
interest are not thereby deprived
of their influence in the repre-
sentation : on the contrary, that
influence is increased."
He next contended, that this
measure had received the appro-
bation of the country. He was
one of the last men in that House
Vol. LXXIH.
who would grant any thing to in-
timidation. He would say "Re-
sist popular violence — do not give
way to popular commotion !" But
here there was no violence, there
was no commotion. The opinion
of the people was, however, fairly
and unequivocally expressed; no
government could turn a deaf ear
to it, and least of all could a go-
vernment founded on free princi-
ples take such a step. He flung
aside all idea ' of menace and also
intimidation ; but he conjured
them, as they valued their rights
and privileges, and wished to
transmit them unimpaired to their
posterity, to consider well, before
they came to a decision on this
question — with reference to which
nine-tenths of the people had ex-
pressed their opinion in a tone too
loud not to be heard, and too de-
cisive to be misunderstood. Let
not their lordships think that, if
this measure were rejected, a more
mitigated and less comprehensive
one might be substituted in its place
with safety. The time was passed
for taking half-measures. They
must either adopt this bill, or they
would have, instead of it, some-
thing infinitely stronger and more
extensive. The measure thus
brought forward in the first in-
stance at the recommendation of
the Crown — (Cries of order from
Lord Wynford and several other
noble lords) — He was not aware
that he had said any thing out of
order : he had alluded to the speech
from the throne, and to which he
was perfectly justified in alluding,
as a matter on the journals of the
House. He would speak of it,
then, not as the recommendation
of the Crown, but as the speech
from the throne ; and though he
admitted that even in this sense it
must be considered as the produc-
[S]
268] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tion of ministers^ yet still it vas
not to be supposed that it would foe
deliFered by the Sovereign, unless
it had previously received the
sanction of his private opinion.
The measure was one which had
been earned by an overwhelming
majority of the other House ; it
was supported by the prayers of
millions who respectfully knocked
at their lordships door, and askdd
for that which they considered to
be the restoration of their just
rights. Were their lordships pre-
pared to reject a bill so supported,
and that, too, on its second read-
ing i^ He did not believe, that the
rejection of the bill would be pro-
ductive of a civil war : still he could
not conceal his apprehension that
the result of its rejection would be
most dangerous to the best inter-
ests of the country. He would
venture for a moment to address
himself to one part of their lord-
ships* house, the right rev. pre-
lates on the benches near him ; and
while he assured that body, that
no man was more sincerely at-
tached than he was to the main-
tenance of all the rights and privi*
leges of the church, -^qo man held
in higher veneration the purity of
its doctrines and discipline,-^no
man was more ready to admit the
2eal, and learning, and piety of
those who presided over it,»— let
him at the same time respectfully
en reat those right rev. prelates
to consider, that if this bill should
be rejected by a narrow majority
of the lay peers, and if its fete
should thus, within a few votes^ be
decided by the votes of the heads
of the church, what would then be
their situation with the country?
Those right rev. prelates had
shown that they were not indif-
ferent or inattentive to the signs
of the times. Thay had intro«
duced measures for effecting some
salutary reforms in matters relat-*
ing to the tempcnralities of the
church, and in this they acted
with wise forethought. Let them,
he implored, now follow up the
same prudent course". The eyes
of the country were now upon
them. He called upon them to
set their house in order, and pre-
pare to meet the coming etorm,—
to consider seriously what would
be the opinion of the country
should a measure, on which the
nation had fixed its hope, be de-
feated by their votes. They were
the ministers of peace : earnestly
did he hope, that the result of
their votes would be such as
might tend to the tranquillity,
peace, and happiness of the coun*
try. As i^egarded the whole of
their lordships, spiritual and tem-
poral> he hoped that the conse-
quences of the rejection of the bill
would be seriously considered, for
its consequences could be no other
than serious. As to the effect
which the rejection or adoption of
the measure might produce to him,
or the administration of which he
formed a part, it was not neces-
sary for him to say much, for that
was perhaps a matter of insigni*
ficance. He would only say, that
by this measure he was prepared
to stand or fall. The question of
his continuance in office far one
hour would depend on the pros-
pect of being able to carry through
that which he considered so im-
portant to the 'tranquillity, the
safety, and the happiness of the
oountrv.
Lord Wharncliffe next addressed
the House. He defended nomi-
nation, not because it was made
by peers or other influential indi-
viduals, but because its effect in
the House of Commons was, that
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[269
U acted as a check on those places
which were popularly represented.
It prevented the ebullitions of
popular feeling from having too
great an influence on the decisions
of a deliberative body, and saved it
from being merely an assembly of
delegates, sent only to express the
opinions of the people as they dic-
tated from without. The nomina-
tion might in itself be irregular,
but had not the whole system
worked in that way which made it
worth preserving? One party,
and that by no means a small one,
supported this measure, because
they considered that, if it ^ere
carried, it would in a short time
be impossible to stop the torrent
of popular opinion. These men
anticipated, that by this bill the
power of the House of Lords would
be given up to them ; already did
they exult in its fancied result;
and, to use the words of Cromwell,
when speakingof his enemies at the
battle of Dunbar, they said, '* The
Lord has delivered you into our
hands. If you pass this bill, you
at once part with all your power."
This measure was one of the
gi'eatest delusions ever practised
on the public,-«-a measure more
full of anomalies than any that had
ever before been introduced into
parliament. The bill, in order to
captivate certain classes of persons
who constituted the great body of
people within the large towns,
gave the elective franchise to 1 0/.
householders. But this qualifi-
cation was much too low, and he
was sure that the noble lord oppo-
site, and the bon. gentlemen who
had first introduced this plan of
reform, had got firightened at this
monster of their own creation.
Everybody recollected how the
qualification was changed from a
rent of 10/. mej^ly, to a rent of
10/. reserved on leases payable
half* yearly. A powerful press was
looking on every operation con-
nected with this bill ; and as soon
as this alteration was perceived by
It, a loud demand was raised that
it should be withdrawn. The
authors of it immediately saw the
dilemma in which they had in-
volved themselves, and became
most anxious to be extricated from
it. It was therefore said, that the
alteration was an inadvertence.
Was he to be told that a govern-
ment, which was making the most
important changes ever proposed
in any constitution, was acting on
inadvertence ? It was their duty
to have considered minutely, not
only every clause, but every word
and every letter of every clause in
the bill. He next objected to the
number of great towns to which
this bill gave the privilege of hav-
ing representatives. That showed
that the principle of the bill was
not property, but population. It
was impossible for any man who
saw the great wealth embarked in
the manufactures of the country,
and the great interest which the
manufacturing towns had in t\\e
proper expenditure of the state,
to ueny that those towns were en-
titled to have some share in the
representation of the state j but it
was a very different thing to give
every town with a population of
15,000 inhabitants the privilege
of returning members to parlia-
ment. In the county of Lancas-
ter, and in the west riding of the
county of Yorkshire, for instance,
there were certain trades and
manufactures confined to certain
towns only. Admitting, however,
■that the noble earl was acting on
a fair principle, he was bound to
give to the landed interest some-
thing to balance the pressure of
' [S23
260] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the towns ; and, in this respect, the
bill was likely to prove a delusion on
the landed proprietors. If minis-
ters had really wished to balance
the representation of towns, they
ought to have sought the means
of obtaining that balance not in
those counties where the manu-
facturing interest preponderated,
but in those counties where the
agricultural interest predominated.
No one could as yet tell what
would be the effect of giving addi-
tional members to the different
counties. For, in the first instance,
the bill did not give these addi-
tional members to the counties di-
rectly: it enacted that the counties
should be divided, and ministers
had sent down commissioners to
divide them. The commissioners
had already begun their labours,
although, in point of fact, the bill
which called them into existence
had not yet been read a second
time in their lordships' House. He
must know something of the pro-
ceedings of these commissioners,
before he could pretend to speak
decisively of the influence which
the new county representatives
would exercise in the other House
of parliament. He must know
how the counties were to be di-
vided, before he could know any
thing of the influence which would
predominate in the different dis-
tricts. Thus, if in Staffordshire
the line were drawn, where it
most naturally would be drawn,
the four members for that county
would be returned by one class
of the population alone. Again,
in Warwickshire the division
might be so made, as fx) place
the representation entirely in the
hands of the manufacturing inter-
est. Then came the provisions as
to the increase of voters for the
representatives of counties, First,
the copyholders were taken in;
then the leaseholders ; then, last of
all, the tenants at will. In his
opinion, this last addition to the
county constituency was any thing
but an improvement. Prima facie,
it gave an appearance of weight to
the landed proprietary ; but con-
nected with the 1 0/. qualification
clause, it would place a great
number of the new-made voters
entirely at the mercy of their land-
lords ; and the exercise of such a
power on the pJEu:t of the landlords
would lead almost instantly to the
vote by ballot. It was impossible
that this bill should be a final set-
tlement of the reform question.
Ministers had already opened a
door to the demands of the people,
— ^they had told the people that
they were entitled to a full, fair,
and free representation in parlia-
ment; and the people would in-
sist on having that representation
in perfect conformity with the
ideas which they entertained of a
full, fair, and free representation.
These were some of his prin-
cipal objections to the bill. Many
persons had voted for the second
reading in the House of Commons in
the hope of amending it afterwards
in committee; but every person
who had the slightest experience
in parliament was well aware that,
when a bill brought in by govern-
ment was read a secona time, it
was a matter of extreme difliculty
to make any alterations in it in
committee. He thought that this
bill was dangerous in the extreme
— and that in spite of all the
petitions which had been sent
up in favour of it, the people were
deluded and not satisfied by it.
The noble earl had told their lord-
ships to look at the petitions
which were now coming up to
them every day from the country.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[261
He had looked at them ; he had
looked at them with respect ; and
his view of these petitions was,
that their object was not so much
this bill of reform as reform of
some description or other. Their
cry was, " We must have parlia-
ment reformed ;" but it was not,
" We must have parliament re-
formed by this bill/' The feelings
of the people were changed with
regard to this bill, and their
meetings no longer retained the
character which they lately bore.
There was a certain portion of the
press which still trumpeted forth
these meetings as an expression of
the feelings of the people 5 and
yet those who had got them up
were perfectly ashamed of the man-
ner in v^-hich they had turned out.
If a House of Commons, he further
argued, were once elected on the
principles of this bill, it would in-
evitably cramp the Crown in the
exercise of its prerogatives, and
create a body in the House of
Commons so irresistible as to make
the decisions of their lordships on all
public questions nugatory. Hi-
therto, when any man had been
chosen minister, he must have been,
previous to that choice, a membei
of parliament. Now if he should
have to stand, in the borough or
county which he represented, the
expense of a contested election, and
if he should be unable to bear the
expense of that contest, or if he
should happen to be unpopular, he
would then have no means of
getting into parliament through a
nomination borough 3 and if so,
he would have some difficulty in
finding his way into parliament at
all. As members of the House of
Peers, their lordships might not
feel personally interested in such
a matter; for they might think
tbat in that caae the ministers of
the Crown must in future be all
peers. He was, however, con-
vinced, from long experience in
public affairs, that the business of
the country could not be well
transacted, unless the ministers
had seats in the House of Com-
mons. He would further say, that
this House of Commons would be-
come too much the image of the
people. The danger which at this
moment surrounded their lord-
ships proved the accuracy of his
position. They had now a popu-
lar House of Commons — a dele-
gate House of Commons. That
House had passed this measure,
and their lordships were now told
that nothing was left for them to
do but to record and register the
decree of the Commons. He con-
cluded by moving that ** this bill
be rejected."
After lord Mulgrave had spoken
in support of the bill, and lord
Mansfield against it. Lord Wharn-
cliffe rose to «ary the form of his
amendment. *OEIe had just been
informed that, as it then stood,
his amendment might possibly
be interpreted as an affront to
the House of Commons. No-
thing could be farther from his
intentions and wishes, and he
therefore begged leave to with-
draw it, and to propose in its stead
that the bill be read a second time
that day six months. Lord Hol-
land felt it would be improper for
their lordships to assent to this
proposition. Lord Wharncliffe re-
peated that, so far was he from
wishing or intending to show any
disrespect to the House of Com-
mons, that he would not divide the
House upon his amendment, and
therefore in courtesy he hoped he
should be permitted to withdraw it
in its present form. Lord Holland
and lord Flunket would not ac-
262] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
cede to the withdrawal. Lord
Grey was desirous that it should
be recorded oii the journals that
a bill sent up by the House of
Commons had been met with
the most unusual and harsh> and
most extraordinary motion of an
u nqualified rejection . But^ at last^
after some disoussiou, lord Wharn-
cliffe was permitted to withdraw
his amendment and to move that
the bill be read a second time that
day six months.
The debate was resumed on the
4th of October by lord Winchil-
sca> who opposed the bill. He was
of opinion that the influence, which
some individuals exercised through
the means of the decayed boroughs,
was a great evil ; that representa-
tives ought to be given to the
principal manufacturing towns^
and additional representatives to
the larger and more important
counties. To accomplish these
latter purposes he was ready to
agree to the disfraj^chisement of
boroughs, which had'ij'either houses
nor inhabitants, but he was not
prepared to assent to the sweeping
extinction which was to be effect-
ed by schedule A. A more judi-
cious course would have been to
have allowed many of the places
included in it to retain one mem-
ber, and to have created a suffi-
cient constituency by extending
the franchise to the adjacent pa-
rish or hundred. He objected to
many of the details of the measure^
especially to the provision for con-
ferring members on various dis-
tricts in and about the metropolis }
and he was convinced that it would
give to the popular power, an un-
due preponderance which would
be fatal to the equilibrium of the
constitution.
The present bill^ said lord
liarrowby, would throw aside a
constitution Vhich had proved
beneficial, and adopt theoretical
views as a substitute. The peo-
ple fiincied there existed bad go-
vernment. This was impossible ;
good government produced pros-
perity and the country was pros-
perous. The noble lord contend-
ed that the bill was too democratic,
and had misled the people, who
expected from it cheap bread, and
a repeal of the taxes. If the taxes
were repealed to the extent de**
' sired, it must be at the cost of the
honour and credit of the country.
It was argued that, if the parlia-
ment was reformed, we should not
have war ; but in truth demo-
cratic governments were the most
warlike, and the wars in which the
country had been engaged were
carried on by the wishes of the
people. He was willinp^ to dimi-
nish the number of mcxMisider-
able places which sent members to
parliament $ and he believed it
was desirable to give representa-
tives to large towns. Though all
interests were efficiently represent-
ed in parliament, as now consti-
tuted, a change of some sort was
necessary to ensure attachment ta
the government : but a reasonable
method ought to be adopted to se«
cure such attachment, and not the
proposed noeasure. The whole of
the bill was founded upon such a
principle %\i9X it was impossible
that their lordships could nass it.
He had tried to mend it and found
it impossible. The |irinciple of
population was not the true basis
upon which representation ought
to be established. The lines drawn
in the boroughs and towns were
liable to much objectiouj and the
greatest anomalies existed in the
bill. The existing constitution was
not established upon any one parti-
cular principlej but was created by
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[263
circumstances and the wants of
the people at various periods. A
balance ought to exist between the
agricultural and manufacturing
interest, and those interests were
equally and fairly represented by
the present system. He objected
also to the enormous numbers of
voters which were created by the
bill. In no country did such a
number of votes exist as in this
country at present. In France,
with a population of thirty- two
millions, there were only 200,000
voters. In England, with a popu-
lation of twelve millions, the bill
created one million of electors : one
class of voters alone would govern
the whole elections, and it was
easy to know what class of per-
sons would be elected, where the
qualification was brought down
to 3s, 6d» per week. Lord Har-
rowby concluded by stating that,
when he found that the adminis-
tration of the Duke of Wellington
could not stand, he hailed with
satisfaction the calling of lord
Grey to the councils of the state,
because he looked not to Mr. Grey,
but to lord Grey, and he had hoped
that he should have been able to
support him . Had the noble lord
steered a middle course, he would
have had the support of all those
who were favourable to a measure
of reform. But what was the use
of supporting the second reading
of this bill with a view to its being
amended in the committee ? The
other House said, that they would
admit amendments which did not
interfere with the general princi^
pie of the bill. But how' did they
keep their promise ? They might
talk of bribery and corruption,
but never was there any thing
experienced equal to the bribery
thrown out by this bill to at least
500,000 persons. He contended
that the majority of the people
knew nothing of what this bill
would do ; they supported it be-
cause they believed it would give
them cheap food. And he also
contended that both Houses of par-
liament were there to legislate
upon measures brought before
them, and not to be led away by
the popular cry to pass this or that
measure. It was asked what did
they expect from opposing this
measure.^ Why, there was al-
ways something to be got by de-
ciding honestly. But there was
another object in this opposition ;
it would give the other House and
the country an opportunity of
more fully considering this mea-
sure of reform.
Lord Melbourne supported the
bill. The duke of Wellington,
after some introductory remarks,
referred to the language in which
lord Crrey had spoken of the House
of Commons in February, 1817.
' Constituted as it now is,' said
lord Grey at that time, 'he in his
conscience, believed^ that the House
of Commons was^ of all institu-
tions, in all countries in the world,
the best calculated for the general
protection of tlie subject." In
1 830 he the duke of Wellington,
had [H*onouHced an opinion in
parliament, on the subject of re-
form, of which the noble earl had
pronounced his disapprobation.
What he said on that occasion,
was, that he approved of the con-
stitution of parliament ; and if he
were to invent a constitution for
parliament over again, he would
not say, that he would adopt the
same as it now existed, because
the invention of man could not
accomplish it, but he would en-
deavour to ftmme one like it, in
264]
ANNUAL REGISTER, IB31.
which property should preponder-
ate. He had made this statement
as a minister of the Crown ; and
as a minister of the Crown he con-
ceived that he was hound to resist
all projects of parliamentary re-
form. The noble earl had said,
that it was this sentence^ delivered
by him, which had created that spi«
rit of reform which now pervaded
the whole country. Not so: that
spirit of reform had originated last
year with the French revolution.
Ever since the American war, the
minds of the people of this coun-
try had been occasionally disturbed
by this spirit of reform. When any
insurrection grew up in Europe, a
desire of reform was exhibited in
England. But he thought that^
for some years past, there had been
fewer manifestations of any de-
sire for reform, previous to the
French revolution in July 1830,
than in former periods. Unhappily
two days after the issue of the or-
dinances of Paris, his majesty dis-
solved the parliament in a speech
from the throne in that House :
and the elections were^ no doubt,
conducted with a stronger spirit
of parliamentary reform, and se-
veral candidates who refused to
give a pledge upon that question
lost their seats. But, neither
what occurred in parliament in
November, 1830, nor what had
happened afterwards respecting
his majesty's visit to the city, was
at all attributable to the question
of parliamentary reform. As to
what occurred in London, as far
as he was concerned, he had spoken,
on the 2nd of November, the words
referred to ; he had placed certain
papers in the king's hands, on
Friday, the 5th, and received his
majesty's commands on Sunday,
the 7th ; therefor^ to attribute to
him, or to the subject of parlia-
mentary reform, merely as parlia-
mentary reform, the effects ascrib-
ed to them, was inconsistent with
facts. The state of the public
mind in London, and generally
throughout the country, both in
the south and in the north of
England, was to be attributed to
the French revolution and that of
Belgium, and not to the question
of reform. The noble earl had
thought proper to blame him and
his colleagues for having written
to the lord mayor the letter in
which his majesty declined his
promised visit to the city. But
he begged to know why his ma-
jesty had not yet gone to the city ?
Were he and his colleagues ri^ht
or wrong in what they did on that
occasion } The noble lord at the
head of the home department had
papers which would enable him to
judge whether the late ministers
had been right or wrong in the
advice they had given his majesty.
If they were wrong, he should like
to know why his majesty had not
yet been to visit his loyal citizens ?
It was plain, then, that the disso-
lution of the late government had
nothing to do with the question of
parliamentary reform. *^We re-
tired,'* said he, ^* not because we did
not declare ourselves advocates of
reform, but because we had lost
the confidence of the House of
Commons." The noble earl was
called upon to form an administra-
tion ; and it was important to bear
in mind, that when he first an-
nounced to their lordships that he
had obtained his majesty's permis-
sion to propose a plan of reform as
a government measure, he stated
that ^' he wished to stand as much
as he could upon the fixed and
settled institutions of the country ;
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[265
feeling that some reform was ne-
cessary, the principle on which
he wished to regulate it — ^for the
task, he believed^ would on all
sides be considered as one of no
small difficulty — would be that of
doing as much as was necessary to
secure to the people a due influ-
ence in that council in which they
were nominally considered to be
peculiarly represented^ and of re-
storing by that means a satisfac-
tion and confidence in the deter-
minations of parliament^ without
which the government could not
long proceed in comfort and safety.
A reform, extensive to this degree
— and if it were not extensive to
this degree, it would be inefficient,
he wished to see adopted ; limited,
however, by a due regard to the
settled institutions of the country,
and not accompanied by those great
and sudden changes, which must
produce their disturbance, if not
their destruction." The question
was, then, whether the noble earl
had adhered to these his solemn
declarations — whether the present
bill was founded on the principles
and practice of the constitution }
He (the Duke of W.) answered.
No. For the bill violated both the
principles and practice of the con-
stitution. It went to establish a
new system of representation in
every county, borough, and town in
the united kingdom, withtheexcep-
tion of the two universities. The
town representation would be placed
in the hands of close, self-elected
committees, like that which had
appointed itself in the metropolis
at the close of the last session,
and which dissolved itself only in
consequence of the notice which its
f proceedings had attracted in par-
iament. The undue enlargement
of the powers of the town consti-*
tuency would entirely destroy the
balance of the agricultural repre-
sentation of the counties, which,
even under the existing system,
was not quite equal to what the
national interests required. The
towns already exercised an extra-
ordinary influence in the election
of the county representatives : and
the evil would be aggravated ten-
fold by the clause of the bill which
gave votes to leaseholders and copy-
holders. He could not say. how
the measure would aflect the re-
presentation of Scotland: but he
could not forget the emphatic de-
claration of the late lord Liver-
pool, that no country was better
governed, or had advanced more
in commerce, wealth, intelligence,
and prosperity, than Scotland^
within the last sixty or seventy
years. And yet the system which
had produced these admirable re-
sults was, forsooth, about to be
done away with, to make room for
one wholly alien to the habits of
the Scotch people, and which, as
in England, would give the town
constituency a preponderating in-
fluence in county elections. Then
in Ireland, of which he could speak
with more confidence, the schemes
of ministers would eflect changes
which were still more extensive.
He and the supporters of the Ca-
tholic relief bill had vainly sup-
posed, some two years ago, that
they had settled for ever the ques-
tion of political collision between
the Catholic and Protestant inha-
bitants of that country. But the
bill, by giving a vote to all leasehold-
ers of a certain rate in counties, and
every 10/. town householder, would
place the whole elective power in
the hands of the Catholics. The
bill, besides, would do away with
the system of non-resident freemen.
In Ireland, this provision would
be fatal to the Protestant infiu«<
26^] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
encc in the twelve close corpora-
tions which had been established
there in the time of James I^ for
the security of the Protestant es-
tablishments in church and state.
At present the members of those
corporations were generally Pro-
testants and non-resident ; and it
was plain that if the inhabitants,
chiefly Catholics, were entitled to
rote, and the franchise of the non-
residents were abolished, the consti-
tuency must fall into the hands of
the Catholics. This grievance
would be particularly felt by the
corporations of towns, which were
counties in themselves ; because
when they, on the passing of the
Catholic relief bill, pressed for the
abolition of the 40^. freeholders,
in these towns as well as in coun-
ties, they were told there was no
occasion, as they had and would
retain the power of adding ae/ libi-
tum to the number of their non-
resident freemen. In Ireland, as
in Scotland and England, the con-
stituency would be essentially de-
mocratic, and their representatives
would be a fierce and violent de-
mocratic assembly. How was a
constitutional government to man-
age such a body ? How, for ex-
ample, could ministers refuse to
bestow members on the great un-
represented towns omitted in sche-
dules C and D ? If some towns
were to return two members mere-
ly because their population hap-
pened to be something above 4,000,
how would they refuse a town with
30,000 or 40,000 inhabitants at
least one representative ? And if
the principle of population and
numbers were once adopted, must
not a sweeping, violent, levelling
democracy be the result ? *' No,"
say ministera, *' there is no fear of
a democracy, because the people of
this country are uoalterabiy at«
tached to the conatitation of King,
Lords, and Commons." If so, then,
he would ask, why hesitate to go
the full length of popular reform,
and grant at once universal suf-
frage and annual parliaments ? If
ministers had such trust in the
rooted aflPections of the people
for a limited monarchy, with
Lords and Commons, why not
trust them with a still more ex-
tensive system of sufllrage ? He
should like to know how the king
could exercise his constitutional
pr^ogative of choosing his own
ministers in a House of Commons
constituted as all future houses
must be under the bill? The
king was the head of all the civil
and religious establishments of the
state, and no political appointment
could be made, or tax expended, bat
by his mandate. How could the
king freely exercise these preroga-
tives, if parliament were tne mere
creature of the peopIe*s will, and
ministers wholly dependent upon
its favour for the means of car-
rying on the government ? He
would contend that the govern-
ment of the country must pos-
sess a certain decree of influence
in the House of Commons, in
order to conduct and carry on
the administration of puMic af-
fairs. The mere confidence and
support of its friends would not
do. The executive government
must possess the means, the power,
of carrying its determinations into
eflect. Instances occurred every
week, even with the House of
Commons which had been chosen
under the existingsystem,in which
that influence was manifestly re-
quired. If this question should be
carried, a discussion would follow
quickly with regard to the exist-
ence of the church of England in
Ireland, That diurch in Ireland^
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[267
they were bound to maintain by
the articles of the union between
the two countries. When they
should have 1 05 members returned
to parliament by the Roman Ca-
tholic hierarchy— -did the noble
lord imagine that under such cir-
cumstances, it would be possible
to find any means to enable the king
to maintain the church of Eng-
land in that country ? Who were
the persons, he would ask, who al-
ready made constant attacks on the
church — who carried on a descrip-
tion of opposition in parliament,
which occasioned serious difficult-
ies to the present government?
Why, the very members who sat
in parliament for large towns and
popular counties in Ireland, and
who had been returned by that
particular influence to which he
had called their lordships' atten-
tion. He would ask the noble
earl (Grey) whether he had not
already, in the course of the pre-
sent session of parliament, felt some
inconvenience from the communi-
cations which he had had with
those Irish members who bad in
a certain degree erected themselves
into a distinct and independent
body ? Was it not true, that the
secretary for Ireland, in the House
of Commons, was under the ne-
cessity, even in the present state
of parliament, of yielding to the
particular influence of these men,
and of abandoning a measure which
he had brought forward connect-
ed with the government of Ire-
land ? If this measure should be
carried, the influence to which he
had referred would become so pre-
dominant in theHouse of Commons,
that it would render the conduct
of the government of the country ab-
solutely impossible ; and force, or
something like it^ would be necessary
to carry -the ordinary operations of
the executive into effect. A small
step taken in this matter could
never be retraced. In taking a
single step they might go too far,
but, if they once took that step,
they must proceed in a course,
which, after exposing them to all
the horrors of a democratic revolu-
tion, would most probably termin-
ate in the establishment of a mili-
tary despotism, with all the evils
attendant upon that system of go«
vernment. There was no country
in the universe in which so much
happiness, so much prosperity, and
so much comfort were diffiised
amongst all the various classes of
society ; none in which so many and
such large properties, l)oth public
and private, were to be found as in
England. Such was the condition
of this country under that system
which was now so greatly con-
demned. We enjoyed, under that
system, the largest commerce, and
the most flourishing colonies in the
world. There was not a position
in Europe in any degree important
for military purposes, or advanta-
geous for trade, which was not un-
der our control, or within our reach.
All those great and numerous ad-
vantages we possessed under the
existing system 3 but it would he
impossible that we should any
longer retain them, if we once esta-
blished a wild democracy, a com-
plete democratic assemk^y, under
the name of a House of Commons.
On the two following evenings,
lord Dudley and Ward, lord Had-
dington, and lord Carnarvon, were
the principal speakers against the
bill ; and lord Lansdowne, lord
Goderich, and lord Flunkett, in
its favour.
On the fifth and last night of
the debate the discussion was be-.
268] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
gun by lord Wynford. He was
followed by lord Eldon, who con-
demned the measure as subversive
of the rights of property as well as
of the monarchy, and of every
principle acknowledged by the con-
stitution. '' When we come/' said
the venerable peer, *' to a sweeping
disfranchisement, without know-
ing whether any or all of these
boroughs have been guilty of mal-
administration, give me leave to
ask, what security is there for
property of any description ? Are
there no corporations in the coun«
try but close corporations? Are
not corporations as well entitled to
the privileges which they hold by
charters under the Great Seal of
England, as your lordships are
to your peerages? Has it ever
been heard of, or will it ever
be heard of in the history of this
country, that the lords of this
House should take upon them-
selves to destroy that constitution,
which it has been found expe-
dient to preserve from age to age,
and which it lias been thought ex-
pedient never to destroy until this
experiment was proposed? Are
you now to sweep away all the cor-
porations in the kingdom, because
they are close, and there may be
abuses in them ? The humble in-
dividual who now stands before
you has some connexion with one
of these corporations. I desire to
ask any one who knows the practice
of that place, with respect to re-
turning members to parliament,
whether there is any place in the
world which has sent more proper
members to the House of Com-
mons than that ? Well then, my
lords, what is this sweeping dis-
franchisement that you propose ?
It is, first, to put an end to all the
boroughs in schedule A ; secondly^
it is to destroy all the corporations
in the country 3 and thirdly, if it
does not destroy the corporations,
which, to a certain extent, it
does, it introduces persons, who
have no connection with the cor-
poration, toj vote along with the
corporators, and thus to destroy
the rights of those corporators. I
am a freeman of Newcastle-upon-
Tyne. I hold it to be one of the
highest honours which I possess,
and I consider it ought to be an
encouragement to all the young
rising men of that place, that any
man in this country possessing
moderate abilities, improved by in-
dustry, may raise himself to the
highest situation in the country.
For God's sake, my lords, never part
with that principle. I received my
education in the corporation school
of that town on cheap terms. As
the son of a freeman I had a right
to it ; and I had hoped that, when
my ashes were laid in the grave,
I might have given some memo-
randum, that boys, situated as I
was, might rise to be chancellors of
England, if, having the advantage
of education, they were honesty
faithful, and industrious in their
dealings. But this bill says, that,
although the king gave to the cor-
poration of Newcastle-upon-Tyne
certain privileges which have never
before been touched, 2,700 three-
and-sixpence a-week men shall be
brought to co-operate with these
700 corporators. Mr. Fox laid
it down, that, to disfranchise any
place because even a majority of
the electors were corrupt would
not be just, unless an act was pre-
viously passed, declaring that it
should be the law, that, if corrup-
tion were proved against a majority,
the place should therebjr be disfran-
chised. About the time of the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[269
French revolution, there existed in
this country three associations of a
political character — the Friends of
the People, the Corresponding So-
ciety, and the Constitutional So-
ciety. They all professed them-
selves friendly to reform, but none
of them went so far as to put an
end to all existing franchises.
Two of these societies were pro-
ceeding pretty nearly in the same
way as the Unions of the present
day. Dangerous and inflamma-
tory publications were in general
circulation ; delegates were sent
over to France ; and had steps not
been taken to arrest the progress
of their proceedings, your lord-
ships would not now be sitting
here. Let your lordships consent
to deprive but one corporation, nay,
one individual, of his rights, with-
out proof of delinquency, unac-
cused and unheard — sacrifice your
honour but in one case, and your
glory was gone for ever. The pro-
posed system of representation is
utterly inconsistent with the ex-
istence of the House of Lords, and
if this measure passes, there is an
end to the monarchy.
The Lord Chancellor, after re-
viewing the different courses taken
by the principal opponents of the
bill, denied that the bill was
founded upon population, and not
property. How could it be said that
population was the principle of the
county representation, when a free-
hold interest, or the possession of
some other species of real property,
was the qualification. Even in the
boroughs, property alone was the
principle of the proposed represent-
ation. The 10/. franchise for
country towns would limit the
right to a class of persons in whose
hands their lordships generally
woidd be satisfied to see it placed.
There might be a di^rence of
opinion as to the same qualification
for London and some other large
towns, but that was a subject for
the committee to consider and de-
termine. His opinions upon that
part of the measure, and he now
declared it, fearless of whom it
might offend, were far from being
satisfactorily concluded. He would
not then enter into any explan-
ation of what induced him to con-
sent to the introduction of a uni- i
form qualification in the bill, nor
would he say any thing that should
bind him to adopt any proposed
change ; but he would say, that,
whoever was favourable to a modi-
fication of that part of the mea-
sure, should find nim ready to give
it his deepest^consideration ; and be
now declared that it was empha-
tically a subject for deliberation in
committee, and for such alterations
as their lordships should think
fitting. Another objection had
been made to the working of
the bill, which he confessed he did
not find it easy to answer. The
right of the crown to appoint its
ministers was undisputed ; and it
had been asked how, under the
bill, could that right be exercised ?
He did not see how the defect was
to be remedied. But this he would
say, that, if he had to choose be-
tween perpetuating corruptions,
which had been exposed and de-
precated by every writer, from
Dean Swift downwards, and run-
ning the risk of suffering under
the inconvenience apprehended, he
would adopt the latter. But he
was not in so hopeless a condition.
If any plan could be devised which
would remedy the evil and steer
clear of the great abuses now com-
plained of, such plan should have
his most serious and friendly con-
sideration ; but, if no such plan
cotild be discovered, tlien be was
270] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
content to take the lesser rather lie took a bye way. He ffot in
than the greater eFil^ and make with as little dirt as he could. He
the change proposed by the bill, bribed not— he corrupted not*-* but
It had been said^ that the mem- still the way was dirty> and, know->
bers returned under this bill will ing it to be dirty from experience,
be delegates. In the first place, a that very fact made him the more
member might happen to be a de- desirous to cleanse it. But it
legate, although there was but one was said the system worked well ?
delegator. Surely there could be Did the people think so ? If it
no more mischief in a person being worked well, their lordships would
delegated by 4,000 persons, than not at this moment have been
by one or fourteen. A noble lord, called upon to alter it, and there
an attorney, or a Jew jobber and would not have been Political
loan contractor, who sent a mem- Unions t&roughout the country ?
ber through a rotten borough, was It had been asked, what benefit
as much a delegator as any consti- might be expected to result from
tuency could by possibility be. A the change ? He could enumerate
member returned by a real consti- many. A noble earl (Winchilsea)
tuency, if a delegate, was still had pronounced a long and severe
honest ; whereas the nominee of invective against the licentiousness
an individual was returned under of the press, and had sfud that the
false and hypocritical pretences, worst tyranny that was experi-
for he was called the representative enced in the present day was the
of the people, and the guardian of tyranny exercised by the press,
their interests, while, in fact, he 1 here certainly could be no aoubt
was only a representative and that the press exercised a great
guardian of the particular inter- sway over the opinions of the peo-
ests of the individual who had dele- pie. But he was convinced that, if
gated him. It was monstrous to the people were represented by
suppose that the same law would their legitimate organs, namely,
apply to parliament at the present parliamentary representatives, the
time as formerly. Formerly, seats in press would lose the objectionable
parliament were a burthen, but now portion of its ascendancy. When
they were sought after, and bought the people obtained proper chan«
and prized. Circumstances had nels of representation, then, and
changed ; and the real innovators not until then, their lordships
were those who proposed to main- might expect to see the press, in-
tain the laws unaltered, and not stead of exercising, as it did, an
those who wished to adapt them unlimited sway, solely engaged in
upon old principles to altered correcting the errors of the people,
circumstances. But their lord-* the errors of the government, and
ships had been told, that great the errors of the representatives of
men, under the present system, the people. All that was unwhole-
found their way into the House of some would be destroyed, while all
Commons, Because a way was that was desirable would be pre-
dirty, and people, from necessity, served. The learned lord conclud-
crossed it while dirty, was that a ed a speech of brilliant rhetoric, by
reason why it should not be swept? emphatically calling on their lord-
If he could not get into the House ships not to disappoint the anxious
of Commons by a direct open way« expectations of tl^ people, but by
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[271
allowing the bill to go into a oom-
mittee, to give themselves an op*
portUDity of judging more lei-
surely of its probable effects.
Lord Lyndhurst resisted the
bill, because it appeared to him
not consistent with the prerogative
of the crown, not consistent with
the authority of thejr lordships'
House — but, above all, because it
was detrimental to the rights and
liberties of the people. It was, he
said, a satisfaction for his noble
friends and himself to know, that,
if they erred at all, they erred
under high authority. The prin-
ciple which they were supporting,
had been advocated by the most
profound philosophers and wisest
statesmen. On this point great
names had been quoted, and others,
the highest authorities of former
times, might be added ; but he
should pass from the dead to the
living, and state that, if he then
erred, he erred from the authority
of the noble lord opposite (lord
Grey). He should never forget a
S[)eech made on the first day of the
last parliament by the noble lord at
the head of his majesty*s govern-
ment. The noble lord then stated
that he had, in early life, pursued
this subject with the warmth, per-
haps rashness, of youth, and that, in
those times, he had gone further
than at a later period he w^as pre-
pared to go. Now the present
measure far transcended the most
extravagant plans of his early cre-
ation ; and, in this career, one false
step in advance was irretrievable.
The learned lord on the woolsack
had frequently maintained opinions
similar to those which he (lord
Lyndhurst) then supported. Much
reliance had been placed by the
supporters of the bill on the ma-
jorities by which it was carried in
the House of Commons* No man
was more inclined than he was to
treat the opinions of the other
House of Parliament with every
possible deference; but he could
not forget their decisions upon
former occasions. During the last
session, the second reading of the
bill was carried by a majority of
only one, and it was quite clear
from other divisions, that a major-
ity of Uiat House wei^ men lately
adverse to the bill. In looking at
the votes of this session, he took
them in connexion with former
votes, and it was by judging of them
together that he could best ascer-
tain the real opinions of the Com-
mons. Besides, the time of the
dissolution was most unseasonable,
and the mode of putting the ques*
tion to the people was unwise. In
effect, ministers told the people
that they were defrauded of their
rights, and they asked them — were
they willing to have more power ?
Could there be any doubt of the
answer? For the excitement
which had prevailed, ministers
were responsible. They had put
the tranquillity of the country at
peril, and upon their heads rested
the responsibility. He rec(»llected
an article in the government press,
in which excitement was urged !
The language was unequivocal : it
recommended the supporters of re-
form to strike in the face of their
opponents. This was a part of
their system, and it was not to be
wondered at, under these circum*
stances, that there should be a
large return of reforming mem-
bers. The most unjustifiable use
ha<l also been made of the king's
name. It was held out at the elec-
tions, that the reformers were con-
tending for an object in which his
majesty had a personal interest.
He had heard it asked how the
bill would operate ? Some an*
272] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
swered in a whisper^ that it would
increase the aristocratic influence ;
others said it would be impossible
to guesS; until the experiment was
tried. The theory of the constitu-
tion was formed upon practice, and
those who thought that the con-
stitution was the result of theory-
inverted the order of things. He
did not mean to defend the consti-
tution of the present House of
Commons in all its parts ; but he
would say, that he felt a reluct-
ance to change a system which had
existed without any material change
for the last 1 60 years. The House
of Commons was now the same as
it had been for two centuries, and
it became them to inquire what
this stigmatised House of Com-
mons had done. What had not
the House of Commons accom-
plished in gradually working out
advantages for the people ? The
right of granting monopolies, the
oppressive and inconvenient rights
of purveyance, that of levying taxes
without the consent of parliament,
the dispensing power, all had been
overthrown by the energy and pub-
lic virtue of that House of Com-
mons which they were now so de-
sirous to abolish. So far from any
change to the disadvantage of the
House of Commons having taken
place in modern days^ at no period
had that assembly been composed
of more able, intelligent, virtuous,
patriotic, and independent men,
than during the last fifteen years.
Whither did this bill lead? At
present they could give a good rea-
son to those who called upon them
to new-model the constitution.
They could now advance the argu-
ment of prescription. But when
Horsham, with 4,000 inhabitants,
was to have two members, and
Huddersfield, with 40,000, was to
have only one, how were they to
answer the reasonable complaints
of Huddersfield ? The bill was a
measure of extensive disiranchiie-
ment, transferring by wholesale the
representation from one part of the
country to another, and for this no
reason was assigned. The elective
franchise was said to be a trust
coupled with an interest. And
who could deny, that the interest
was a roost valuable one? The
office of Earl Marshal was a trust
coupled with an interest: and would
it not be hard if the noble duke
were deprived of this hereditary
trust and interest, and, when called
upon to divest himself of it, would
it not be reasonable on his part to
ask why? Oh, but perhaps it
would be said, the privilege was
abused. Why this was wholly in-
consistent with the provisions of
this very bill. The right was pre-
served by the bill to all existing
voters. But the defects and ano-
malies of the bill all vanished into
nothing in comparison with that
consideration which had pressed
upon his mind ever since he be-
came acquainted with the minis-
terial plan. What would be the
new composition of the House of
Commons? He knew what the
House of Commons was. He had
served a pretty long apprentice-
ship there. Even at present
it was an unmanageable body.
Then what would it become after
the passing i(>f this bill ? An un-
manageable democratic assembly,
too much for the Lords and too
much for the crown. From the
moment this bill came into oper-
ation> the government of England
would be essentially a republic.
He had been sworn to maintain
the monarchical constitution of
Great Britain. To that constitu-
tion he was seriously attached, from
habit and reflection. He thought
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [273
a republic an unceitaiD, precaii- and learniDg, who GODtended that,
OU9, fluctuating, and violent system by law, the tithe might be takea
of ^remment, and he would not away from the chunh, and ap-
willingly substitute it for the an- plied to, what they called, its
cient constitutional monarchv of original purposes. What waa the
England. Would the Churcn of next point with the reformers P
Ireland stand? The Protestants Funded property. They demand-
of Ireland were a small community; edareductiooof taxes to an amount
but, hitherto, they had possession wholly incompatible with the pi'e-
of the wealth and the political iiervation of national faith. Was
power of the country, and this en- this visionary ? Who was the fa-
ahled them to make a stand against vourite candidate for Manchester?
the encroachments of the Roman Mr. Cobbett. He had alreadyex-
Catholics. It was impossible that, plained his views tuhis future con-
after the passing of this bill, the stituents, and they fiilly concurred
Church of Ireland could exist. A in them. But who supported him ?
noble lord, on presenting a petition He iias siij:)[)ortc(l, and this was
the other night, had boasted that a most awful sign of the timeSf
the petitioners desired only the hill, by a peer of great talent andexcel-
and had abandoned all their other lentprivate character, who wrote a
objects. Couldhebesoiuuocentanil letter to Mr. Cobbett 'a committee,
simple as to be taken in by this? offering a subscription to secure his
Did he know so little of human return, and approving of all his
nature as to imagine that every views, and particularly of every
other object tvas abandoned? Were word of tlieNorfolkpetition. Then
men grown all at once so rooder- what were the points upon which
ate, and reasonable, and mild, that, this Norfolk petition principally
when you had given tlicra power, insisted ? The firat was the ap-
they would not use it for the at- plication of church property in di8>
tainment of their own objects? charge of the publicdebt; and the
The noble lords who opened the second, an equitable adjustment
flood-gates of insurrection would with the public creditor, or, in
be swept away by the torrent, not other words, a scandalous and
even excepting his noble and flagrant violation of public faith,
learned iriend on the woolsack, who Then their lordships were thrcat-
though he might be enitbled, by ened in all imaginable ways, in
hia peculiar dexterity, elasticity, newspapers and pamphlets, and by
aati vigour, to float for a time upon hypocritical advisers, who, in the
the tide, and play his gambols on garbofanonymouspamphlcts, Tent-
its surface, would at last sink with ed their menaces, their insults, and
the rest. When men cried out for theirmalice; and within the walls
reform, it was not a barren reform of that House, though the noble
that they desired. They did not earl and his learned friend upon
wish for reform for its own sake, the woolsack had not employed di-
butforthe sakeof its consequences rect terms of menace, their lan-
— the subversion of church pro- guage implied it as strongly as any
perty, particularly tithes. It was of their incendiary supporters of
one of the most remarkable signs of the public press. If he thought
the tiroes, that there were to be their lordships capable of bending
found lawyers of great eminence to the ignoble motive of fear, he
Vol. LXXIIl. [TJ
274] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
would be asAmmed of the dignity he
had acquired^ would bury hiiusdf
in obscurity, aud avoid to show his
face within these desecrated wall«.
Their lordships were placed there
as a barrier a^inst the Crown, and
bound to protect it against its own
imprudence and folly, if such quali-
ties should unfortU£iate)y ever foe
exhibited. They were f^aced
there as a barrier against the
ministers of the Crown in case
they should betray the €Overeign,
or seek to subvert the liberties
of the people, or attempt any inva-
sion of the rights of any otiier order
of the state. They were placed
there as a barrier against rash, dan-
gerous, and hasty legislation, when-
ever attempted by the other House
of Parliament. This was the crisis
of their fate. If they now timidly
abdicated their trust, they would
never be able to resume it. The
rights and liberties of the people,
together with their own pro})erties
and titles, would be trampled in
the dust. Their properties and
titles they had receivea as a trust,
and, if they suffered them to be
disgraced in their hands, they
would be degraded for ever. Peril-
ous as their position was, he felt
that they stood upon a pinnacle be-*
fore the face of the world, and, if
they did their duty as became them,
they would receive the approbation
of their own conscience, and the
applause of an enlightened and
honourable community.
Lord Tenterden could not view
without great dissatisfaction the
rights of all corporate bodies,
M'hether acquired by charter or
prescription j treated with the con*-
tempt which was shown towards
them by this bill. If it had been
intended only to transfer the right
of representation from the unsound
to the more healthy parts of the
community, he cliould not hmn tuf^
posed the scheme. He reePQetod
the middle ranks of sodety ; Le was
bound todo so, Cor he apraogfixNn
among them. But he could not
consent to confer upon then power
going infinitely beyoftd any thing
they had ever desired ; Boreouidiie
agree to put the whole taslatutMW
dr the eouatr y upon aa ^itirdy new
looting, In oe^eveiioe to aaf riews
of expediency.
Tiie Ardibiskop id Ctfiter»-
bury opposed the hill, be aaid,
from an honest pereuasloii of its
misditevous tendency, and of the
danger to which it would ex-
pose the fabric af die eonstitution.
rhe Duke of (Sussex supported the
bill : and the Duke of Gloucester,
thou^ he had long desired to see a
safe and temperate plan of reform
brought forward, considered the
preeent scheme to be a pronositioa
for a new constitution, ana there*
fore opposed it.
Lord Grey, in his reply, am.
plained that the opposition to the
measure seemed to be carried on,
less with a view to defeat the bill,
than to drive its advocates from
office. He repeated, that to the
present measure, or to one id equal
extent, he was pledged : and if a
more moderate scheme would
satisfy the people, although no
qnan could be more happy (o see
that result, he would not be the
{lerson to introduce such a mea-
sure. As to what course be should
follow under those circumstances,
it was for him to consider. But
this much he would say, that he
should be culpable if he were to
resign his office, and abandon his
king) so long as he could be of use
to nim ; for he was bound to him
by gratitude as great as ever sub**
ject owed a sovereign*
The House then proceeded to
HISTORY OF EUROPl.
[275
divide )-»>the numbara were, Coii«>
tents, Pk«sent 128-^Proxies 30 1
1 58 : Not-Contents, Pf^eent ] 50
«<*Proxie8 49; 199. Leaving a
majority of 41 against the bill.*
The dirtston in the House of
List of thb CaHTa|iT8.
His R, H. the Duke of
Sussex.
DiiXret,
Brandon and Hamillpn
Devonshire
Grafton
Norfolk
Richmond
St. Alban's.
Marquesses.
Anglesey
Cleveland
Hastings
Lansdowne
Queensberry
VVestmeath
Westminster
Winchester.
Eurh.
Albemarle
Amherst
Camperdown
Carlisle
Cawdor
Charlemont
Chichester
Clarendon
Comwallls
Cowper
Craven •
Denbigh
Essex
Gosford
Grey
Hillsborough (MarquUof
Dovnshire)
Ilchester
Lichfield
Manven
Minto
Morley
Mulgrave
Munster
Onslofv
Oxford
Porafret
Radnor
Romney
Suffolk
Thanet.
Bolingbroke .
Falkland
Goderich
Granvillet,
Hood
Leinster (D, of Leintter).
Barons,
Abercromby
Alvanley
Attdl^
Barbara
Belhaven
Boyle (Earl of Cork)
Braybrooke
Brougham
Byron
Chaworth (£. of Maath)
Clements (E. of Leitrim)
Clifton (E. of Daniley)
Clinton
Cloncurry
Dacre
Davnay (ViscDowne)
De Clifford
De Saumarez
Dinorben
Dormer
Dover
Ducie
Dunalley
Dundas
Dunmore (E. of Dunnort)
Fife (E. of Fife)
Fingall (Earl of Pintail)
Fisherwick (Mar^ucM of
. Donagall)
Foley
Gardner
Gower
Holland
Howden
Howard de Walden
Howard of Efllngbam
Kenlis (M. of Hndforti
Kilmarnock (E. ofBrrojl)
King
MUSrd
Ludlow (Earl of Lndlow)
Lynedoch
Littleton «
Milboume (Viscount Mel-
bourne)
Mendip (ViM. CHfden)
Montfort
Mount Eagle (Maroueif
of Sligo)
Mostyn
Napier
Oakley
Ormonde (Marquess of
Ormonde)
Panmure
Pet re
Poltimore
Ponsonby of Icookilly
Ponsonby (Earl of j3ei»*
■ borough)
Plunkett
Rossie (Lord Kinnaird)
Rosebery (Earl of Rose
bery)
Saye and Sele
Seaford
Sefton (Earl of S«fion)
Segrave
Sherborne
Somerhill (MarqueM of
Clanricarde)
Stafford
Stourton
Suffield
Sundridge (D. of Argyll)
Templemore
Teynham
Vernon
Wellesley (M. WeUeeley)
Wenlock
Willoughby of Ercsby
Yarborough.
«
Chichester.
Teller.
Lord Auckland.
PROXIES.
DuJlr0S»
Bedford
Portland
Somerset. i . .
276] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Lords took place at a Quarter past October. When the House of Corn-
six on the morning or the 8tn of mons met on Monday the 10th,
Mar^ueiset,
Nelson
Erskine
Ailsa
Shrewsbury
Glenlyon
Bredalbane
Spencer.
Granard (£. of Granard)
Northampton
Stafford.
Vi9ewnU,
Hawke
Lovell and Holland (Earl
EarU.
Buckinghamshirt
Lake
St. Vincent
of Effmont
Ranfuriy (Eari of Ran-
furly)
Selsey
Sondes.
Burlington
Derby
Baront,
Ferrers
Cariton (E. of Shannon)
Bithcp.
Fortescue
Clifford of Chudlelgh
Huntingdon
Durham
Norwich.
List of the Not-Contents.
His R H. the Duke
of Delaware
Westmorland
Cumberland.
Digby
Wicklow
His R. H. the Duke
of Doncaster (Duke of Buc-
Wilton
Gloucester.
cleugh}
Winchilsea
Duket,
Dudley
Eldon
Fiicounis,
Beaufort
Enniskillen
Arbuthnott
Buckingham
Falmouth
Beresford
Dorset
Glengall
Guildford
Combermere
Leeds
Doneraile
Manchester
Harewood
Gordon (B. of Aberdeen)
Newcastle
Hardwicke
Hereford
Rutland
Harrowby
Lorton
Wellington.
Home
Maynard
Melville
Howe
Biarquestet.
Jersey
Sidmouth
Ailesbury
Limerick
Sydney,
Bath
Bristol
Liverjpool
Longford
Baroni,
Bute
Lonsidale
Arden
Camden
Mansfield
Arundel
Cholmondeley
Mayo
Bayning
Exeter
Morton
Bexley
Hertford
Mountcashel
Bolton
Salisbury
Norwich (D. of Gordon)
Boston
Thomond.
Orford
Carbery
wy f
Plymouth
Carteret
EarU,
Poulett
Clanbrassill (E. of Roden)
Abingdon
Fowls
Clanwilliam (Eari of Clan«
Aylesford
Rosslyn
William)
Bathurst
Selkirk
Colville
Beauchamp
Shaftesbury
Cowley
Beverley
St. Germain's
Delamere
Bradford
Talbot
De Roos
Brownlow
Tsnkerville
Douglas
Duiierin
Caernarvon
Vane (M. of Londonderry)
Caledon
Verulam
Dynevor
Coventry
Waldegrave
Ellenborough
Dartmouth
Warwick
Famborough
HISTORY OF EUROPE*
[27r
lord Ebrington brought forward a
motion, the object of which was to
prevent ministers from resigning,
by pledging the House of Com-
mons to support them, which
amounted to a pledge to resist any
successor. He tounded the claims of
minislers to public confidence, not
merely on what they had done for
the question of reform, but likewise
on other measures which had dis-
tinguished their course, the relief,
in particular, granted to the poor
by the repeal of the duty on soap
and candles; the improvement
which they had introduced into
criminal jorispradence by altera-
tions in the game laws ; and the
cleansing of the Augean stable of
chancery by the gigantic efforts
of lord Brougham. They had
found the country in a condition
which made thinking men despair
of its ever being restored to a
healthy state ; yet they had
speedily brought back peace to
the country, and had done so,
without having recourse to coer-
dve measures, or to any new penal
enactment, by pledging themselves
to bring forwara,in their official ca-
pacity, a measure of parliamentary
Fevenhain
Forbes
Forester
Gage (Viscount Gage)
Gambler
Grantham
Hay (Earl of Kinnoul)
Kerr (M. Lothian)
Lyndhurst
Manners
Maryborough
Meldrum (E. of Aboyne)
Meiros (E. of Harrington)
Monson
Montagu
Northwick
Pea8hur6t(V. Strangford)
Prudhoe
Ravensworth
Redesdale
Ribblesdale
Rodney
Rolle
Saltoun
Sheffield (E. of Sheffield)
Skelmersdale
Southampton
Stuart de Rothsay
Tenterden
Wallace
Walsingham
Whamclifie
Willoughby de Broke
Wynford. .
Bishops.
Canterbury (Archbishop)
Bath and Wells
Bristol
Exeter
Gloucester
Llandaff
Lincoln
Lichfield
Oxford
Rochester
&ilisbury
Winchester.
Teller.
Lord Kenyon.
PROXIES.
Dukes.
Marlborough
Northumberland.
MSarfuis,
Tweeddale.
Earls,
Cardigan
Carridc
Charleville
Chesterfield
Elgin
Graham (D. of Montrose)
Leven and Melyille
Lucan
Macclesfield
Malmesbury
Mount Edgecumbe ^
Scarborough
Stamford.
Viscdunts.
Clancarty (Earl of Ckn^
carty)
Exmouth
Gort
Stxatballan*
Barons*
Bagot
Calthorpe
Carrington
Churchill
Colchester
De DunstaoTille
Famham
Grantley
Gray
Harris
Hopetoun (E. of Hope-
toon)
Ldftus (Marquess of Ely)
Lauderdale (E. of Lau-
derdale)
Rivers
Ross (Earl of Glasfow)
Saltersford (E. orCour-
town)
Scarsdale
St. Helen's
Stowell
Wigan (Earl of Balcarras.)
Bishops*
Tumm (Archbishop)
Bangor
Carlisle
Cloyne
Cork
Durham
Leighlin and Ferns
Peterborough
St. Asaph.
S78] ANT?UAL REGISTER. 183L
rtfmrtD. That pledge th^y had re<*
dtemed : and wnetlier they should
be enabled to carry their work
through now depended on that
House. The passing of the reform
bill into a law, could not be long
delayed ; ministers had only to per-
sist firmly, for they had the coun-
try unalterably on their side : and
the present motion was intended
to give them the confideoee which
only that House could impart^ and
support them against the numer-
ous and designing enemies whu
beset them in every hole and cor-
ner, and hardly any where else.
He therefore moved the following
resolution, '' That, while this
House laments the present state
of a bill for introducing a reform
into the Commons House of Parlia-
ment, in favour of which the
opinion of the country stands un-
equivocally pronounced, and which
has been matured by discussions
the most anxious and the most
laborious, it feels itself most im-
peratively called upon to re-assert
its firm adherence to the princi-
ples and leading provisions of that
great measure, and to express its
unabated confidence in the in-
tegrity, perseverance, and ability
of those ministers, who, in intro-
ducing and conducting it, so well
consulted the best interests of the
country.**
Mr. Macauley, Mr. Sheil, Mr.
0*Connell, Mr. T. Duncombe, and
some other members spoke in fa-
vour of the motion, all arguing
that the continuance of ministers
in oflice was, as matters stood, the
only thing that would secure public
tranquillity, and that perseverance
for a short time was sure to make
reform triumphant, while the re-
signation of ministers, by dis-
appointing all the hopes of the
people^ would produce a state of
things where demagoguMWoold be
above the law. The conttitutkNi
would be practically sii8ptoded«
the authorities deriaed> the calls
of the tax-gatherers disregardedt
property insecure, public cradit
shaken, and the whole fraue
of society in hourly iukgtr of
being resolved into its first d««
ments. Both the temporal aad
spiritual members of the upper
House, were spoken of in language
which did any thing but tend to
peaceful submission under the law-
ful exercise of a constitutional
right } and resistance, by all
means short of open violence,
while it was predicted without re-
probation, was indirectly esooiir-
aged. Mr. Sheil advised the mln-*
isters not' to allow ''the mitre to
rest oo one Iscariot brow." Mr*
HuuM described the vote of the
House of Lords to be the um^ea*
sonable and wilful blindness of a
miserable minority withholding
from the maiority their '^just
rights:** as if the peers had already
b^n lumped Into one body with
the Tiers Etat ; and others insist-
ed that government should not
hesitate, if it seemed necessary, to
create as many new peers as might
be required to secure a triumphant
majority, '' If there be a minority
of 41 in the Lords, why not areata
82?" The people '*have sent a
sweeping majority of reformers
into this House : why dU)uId not
ministers send an equally decisive
majority into the other? '
The nation was opposed by Mr.
Goulburn, Sir C. Wetherell, Mr.
Croker, and Sir R. t^eel, and
other members, as being uniMOCS-
sary and unfounded. If agreed
to, it would be a mere repetition
of former votes. It was so worded,
as of set purpose, though osten-
sibly meant to quiet the country^
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[2<a.
thiit it was uftposaiUe for aqy vk^xt,
who had ccMBbScie&tioiisIy ej^j^tmii
tii« Ulljt to support it. it only
forced the House back ieto angry
debates, wkile all tbat cmild be
necessary simply was> fear natnistera
to ba¥e dedared that they were de*
termiaed to persevere with the
bill. The language already used
shewed plainly how little discus*
sions like the present, could tend
to produce a peaceful submission
to the law ; for all advice to obey
the law was accompanied with as«
surances that the law would be
powerless. If ever there were pro*
phecies, the making of which led to
realizing their own fulfilment^ it
was those prophetic declarations^
which were likely to produce the
very result they pi^icted. If
the people were so determined in
favour of the bill, for Good's sake
let ministers be satisfied with that,
instead of urging them on. Whilst
they proclaimed their adherence to
this bill, they ought to be cautious
of inflaming the passions of tlie
peof^e ; tbat was the duty of them
all. They ought not to represent
to the pei^le that it was a slight
matter to refuse the payment of
taxes, nor to exaggerate the num«
hers of popular meetings. They
ought to be sure, when they talked
of 150,000 at this place, and
40,000 at that, that they were
correct as to the fact, for the men«
tion of numbers added con^dence.
They ought to tell those who were
eager to defy the law, and to refuse
the payment of taxes, that they
were paralyzing industry, aud act-
ing as the bitterest enemies of the
lower classes. They ought to tell
them that the privileges of the
House of Lords were not private
privileges, granted for tlie gratifi-
cations mere personal feelings^ but
that they exis^ fef the benefit of
the peop^.
linrd Althorp declared that the
present measure had been brought
forward without any suggestion on
the part of ministers. For him-
self, unless he felt a reasonable
hope, thi^t a measure equally effi-
cieot would be brought forward
and canried, he would not remain
in ol&ce a single hour. He did
not mean to say that, after discus-
sion, modifications might not be
made, which, without diminishing
the efficiency of the measure, might
make it more perfect. But he
would not be a party to anyr mea-
sure, which he did not, in hi» con-
science, believe would give a full,
&ir, and free representation of the
people in parliament, and effect all
the omects which would have been
effected by this bill Having said
this, be need not say that govern-
ment did not contemplate making
any other propositipn to the House.
The opponents of reform had cer-
tainly gained a great triumph, and
might doubtless rejoice in their
success ; not that he thought that
any great triumph would events
ually be gained, for he was confi-
dent that the measure was only
postponed. If the people of Eng-
land remain^ firm and deter-
mined, but peaceable, he hoped and
believed that there waa no doubt
of their ultimate and q;>eedy suc-
cess. There was only one diance
of fiiilure^if their disappointment
led them into acts of violence, w
to unconstitutional measures of
resistance.
The Bkotion was carried by 329
votea against 198, beinga«M<»>ity
of 131.
While the discussion was going
oo in the Lords, the House of
CommoDd had gone tfarouf b such
2^] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
matters of business as were neces- allowed^ by the King's own com-
sary to be disposed of preparatory munication^ to act and vote exactly
to a prorogation. The reform as I pleased. Nothing, thereforei
meetings and the reform press had but the positive request of lord
already laid down to ministers Grey and his colleagues to the
the course which they must adopt, King for my removal^ in conse-
if they wished to retain the confi- quence of my vote the other night,
dence of the country — ^the proro- has been the cause of my being no
gation must be a brief one^ only suf- longer in her Majesty's household."
iicient to allow the necessary num- Ministers were then asked^ whether
ber of peers to be created. Lord lord Howe had been dismissed
Howe, the Queen's Chamberlain, ou account of his vote, notwith-
was immediately dismissed from his standing the positive assurance of
office, because he had voted against his majesty, that he might vote on
the biU, although he had received the Reform Bill as he chose ? Lord
the assurance of his majesty him- Althorp declined to answer the
self, that his office was to have no question. No successor to lord
connection with any vote which he Howe was appointed,
might give. A question being In London, any symptoms of
put to ministers regarding this oc- the anarchy, which the demagogues
currence, in the House of Com- had uniformly threatened would be
mons, on the 13th of October, lord the necessary consequence of the
John Russell answered, that, so fir loss of the bill, were exhibited
as he was informed, it was not till only by the lowest of the rabble,
after his vote against the Reform The more respectable reformers
Bill, that earl Howe had tendered held their meetings, made vio-
his resignation, and his resignation lent speeches, abused the bishops,
had been accepted. This assertion and voted addresses to the king
called forth a letter from lord Ho we, for the levying of a new regi-
which was read in the House of ment of reform peers. The lower
Commons, giving it a direct con- reformers, who clamoured still more
tradiction, as being inconsistent loudly for all these things, broke
with fact. His lordship stated, the windows, and picked the pocket
'< In the month of May last, and for of the duke of Newcastle, and as-
the second time, I submitted to his saulted the duke of Cumberland^
majesty my intention of opposing the duke of Wellington, and the
the Reform Bill, and ray perfect marquis of Londonderry— the lat-
readiness to resign my situation of ter nobleman being struck senseless
Chamberlain to the Queen, at any from his horse. On the 12th,
moment that he might be pleased what was called a procession of
to fix on. I received in reply a the parishes of London marched,
most gracious command to retain with great variety of flags, to St.
my office, and a distinct recog- James's palace, to present ad-
nition of my privilege of being per- dresses which had been voted to
fectly independent of any govern- his majesty. The Home Secretary
ment, from the circumstance of ray advised them to deliver the ad-
being in her Majesty's househola. dresses for presentation, to the
My having offered to resign again county members, Mr. Byng and
was out of the question, as I was Mr. Hume. Those gentlemen forth**
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[281
with performed that duty^ and the
mob^ in the mean time, amused
themselves with breaking the win-
dows of the marquis of Bristol^
proceeding afterwards to pay a
similar compliment to those of lord
Dudley and the duke of Welling-
ton.
Throughout the country, no
approach to political disturbance
was any where exhibited, except
at Derby and Nottingham. At the
former place^ the reforming mob
attacked the houses^ and demo-
lished the windows of many of the
inhabitants who were known or
suspected to be adverse to the
bill. Some of these rioters having
been committed to the borough
gaol, the mob assaulted and car-
ried the gaol, liberating all the
prisoners. They next attacked the
county gaol ; but being there re-
sisted with fire-arms, they were
repulsed, and the arrival of mili-
tary put a stop to their outrages^
though not before several lives had
been lost, great injury inflicted
upon property, and all business
suspended for nearly two days. At
Nottingham, the first object of the
fury of the rabble was the ancient
castle of Nottingham, once a royal
residence, now the property of the
duke of Newcastle. They forced
an entrance, and set the building
on fire ', all attempts to render as-
sistance were frustrated; in a
short time, the whole of the im-
mense edifice was a pile of smoking
ruins. A regiment of Hussars
which hastened into the town, ar*
rived too late to prevent the mis-
chief, but prevented the rioters
from acting seriously on any other
point. Detachments of them, how-
ever, marched against the seats of
individuals in the neighbourhood,
whose politics were obnoxious.
They found the residence of lord
Middleton so well prepared for de-
fence, that they abandoned their
intended attack. That of Mr.
Musters was less fortunate. It
was sacked and pillaged. His
wife, he himself being absent, had
to seek concealment under the
bushes of the shrubbery in a cold
and rainy October evening. The
terror and exposure cost the un-
fortunate lady her life.
These were the consequences of
the House of Peers having dared to
exercise its undoubted privilege of
forming its own opinions on a mat-
ter of legislation, and to maintain
its rights as an independent part
of the constitution. It was plain
enough, too, that the wishes or
opinions of the mobs, who could be
guilty of outrages like these, were
not things to be taken for a mo-
ment into account, in deciding
on a great political question. In
both Houses of Parliament, mi-
nisters loudly expressed their dis-
approbation of such proceedings;
but their opponents charged
them with having indirectly en-
couraged them by the language
which they themselves held, and
the connection in which they had
placed themselves with bodies of
men acting illegally. While the
bill was before the Lords, the Poli-
tical Union of Birmingham held a
meeting in the open air, to which
were collected large multitudes
from the neighbouring towns. The
number of persons present was
said, by the reformers, to have
amounted to 1 50,000 men — a gross
exaggeration which nobody be-
lieved. The meeting voted an ad-
dress to the king, setting forth
their alarm at <' the awful conse-
quences" which might arise from
the failure of the bill — ^their pain
at imagining it possible " that the
House of Lords should be so fiw iu^
28a] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
£»tuaUdM to reject it" — aod their
etroMt d«Mre that bismajestysboukl
create as many peers as might be
necessary toinsure its success. The
speaker who moved one of the re-
solutions thus expressed himself:
'* They were all acquainted with a
peaceful, oirderly, and most respect*
able body of men called Quakers,
to wbote example he wished spe-
cially to call tie attention of the
meeting. This respectable sect of
Christians refused to support a
parson, but, in their opposition,
they did not knock out the brains
of the tithe-collector— they simply
suffered a distress to be levied
upon their goods. Now, if the
Quakers refusec. to pay the tithes,
the people generally might refuse
to pay the taxes > and^ if the
bailiff came, he should like to
knew where they would find the
auctioneer who would dare to sell.
Of the people who would dare to
buy. The voice of the auctioneer,
he conceived, would be passive, not
active ) and rather than knocking
down, he would be himself knocked
down. While upon this point, he
could not but think of another
glorious patriot, whose name and
dbaracter, during a long night of
despotism, shone bright as the day-
star of British liberty, whose ex-
ample ought to be as an encourag-
ing beacon for their future guid-
ance. When Hampden refused
the payment of ship-money, his
gallant conduct electrified all Eng-
land, and pointed out tlie way by
which the people, when unanimous
and combined, might rid them-
selves of an odious ami oppressive
oligarchy. He declared before God,
that, if all constitutional modes of
obtaining the success of the reform
measure failed, he should and would^
be the first man to refuse the pay-
inent of taxes, except by a levy
upon bis goods ^trewtfdtm* ehttr*
ing, which lasted some mimui§iy
I now call upon all who hear m*,
and who are prepared to join me in
this step, to h<Md up your baoda
[jin immeiMe foresi <f hands mas
immscUaiely elevated, acuumpaniad
by vehement cheering^. I now call
upon you who are not prepared to
ad(^t this course, to hold op your
hands and signify your dissent [moi
a single hand appeorhigt loud shouts
and cheers were repeaietT^ Mark
my words — failing all other mora
constitutional means." Another
speaker said, '' It is said that the
Reverend Fathers in Ood^ the
Biahops, will q>pote thia bill : if
they do, their fate, which even now
is exceedingly doubtful, will be
irrevocably sealed. The haughtv
pinnacles of the estaUtshment wiU
be buried in the dust, with a
nation's execration for their epi-
taph; the afi^endid mitre %k ill tall
from the heads of the bishops; their
crosses will fall as if from a palsied
hand ; their robes of lawn may be
turned into the garb of mourning ;
and my lord the Bishop of London
may shut np his episomal palace,
ana take out a license Ant a hew-
shop."
One of the resolutions agreed to
by the meeting which so eagerly
ad(^ted these illegal doctrinea, and
applauded this violent language*
was a vote of thanks to lord Al-
thorp and lord Jdin BussdJ. The
letters of these noblemen, contain-
ing their answers to that vote, were
written to the chairoaan of the
meeting immediately after the di-
vision in the House of Lords. Lord
Altborp's was in the following
terms : '' I beg to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter containing a
vote of thanks to me from the great
meeting at which you presided. The
unanimous approbation of 150,000
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
im
of my fellow-couDtrymim is Ho
triAiog honour; I feel sinccrtly
tbank&l for it, and I b^ to assure
you that it gives me the highest
gratification. The large niigortty
by which the bill has been lost in
the House of Lords is, I iear> a
▼ery serious calamity. It can
only, however, postpone the suo-
cess of our cause; but I beseech
you to use all your influence, not
merely to prevent any acts of open
violence, but any sudi resistance to
the law as is threatened by the re*
fttsal to pav taxes. Such a course
as this is the one least likely to pro*
mote our success." It may be rea-
sonably doubted> whether his locd-
ship would not better have odd«
sulted the duty and dignity of his
(^ce by declining all thanks frooij
or any communication with^ a
body of men who had openly ex*
pressed tlieir willingness to have
recourse to illegal proceedings* His
answer, however, was caution itself
compared with that of lord John
Russell, who wrote thus : "' I beg
to acknowledge^ with heartfelt gra-
titude, the undeserved honour £>oe
me by 150^000 of my ciwntrymen.
Our prospects are now obscured
for a moment, and 1 trust only for
a moment. It is impossible that
the whisper of faction should pre-
vail agaunst the voice of a nation/'
This Lmguage, used in regard to
one of the branches of the bgida^
ture, and that branch against which
every exertion was making to stir
up popular fury, occasioned a warm
conversation in the House of Com-
mons on the Vah of October. A
Mr» Ruthven, a reforming mem-
ber, took the c|»pertunitv of pre-
senting a petition^ to abuse the
bishops, and he added^ referring to
the procession to St. James's PfiLce
already mentioned, that be was
cofiviiiced the bUl must be passed.
^' by the peaceable manner in which
the people had conducted them-
selves that day in a procession,
which, though itsnumbersrendered
it formidable, was deprived of all
terrcHT by its quiet, tranquil, and
regular demeanour." Sir Henry
Hardinge immediately expressed
his astonishment at a declaratioui
that the people had that day con-
ducted themselves in a quiet, and
regular, and peaceable manner,
when it was notorious that the mar-
Quis of Londonderry, in coming
aown to the House, bad, in the
most cowardly and dastardly maQ«*
ner, been struck off his horse by
a shower of stones, and been so
wounded as to be obliged to
be taken home in a hackney**
coach. Though he admitted^
that many honest and respectable
men might join these prooessions^
nothing could be more illegal^ or,
indeed^ mofe unconstitutioaal, than
this mode of bearding the king in
his very palace. He contendiad,
that this system of letting the pecH
pie assemble, and march about in
processions of large masses, to pre-
sent their petitions to the king,
must, if continued, lead to great
confusion. Where was this peace*
able conduct of the people to be
found ? Was it to be found in the
attacks which the populace were
making, day after da^, on the win-
dows of the duke of Wellington B
What, however, must the country
expect, when it found ministers in
the cabinet corresponding with the
Political Unions of Birmingham
and Manchester? As he saw in
his place the noble lord who had
renuered himself fomous-*-he would
not use the other word^ for he did
not think the noUe lord deserved
ii«-4»y the introduction of this bill
of reiorm, and, as he had seen in
tbo puUic journals the correspond*
284] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ence of that noble lord with the
Political Union of Birmingham^ he
would avail himself of the present
opportunity to offer a few comments
upon it. The noble lord said, that
" he acknowledged with heartfelt
gratitude the undeserved honour
which had been done him by
150,000 of his countrymen." The
noble lord^ alluding to the rejection
of the bill by the House of Lords,
then added^ that ^^ though their
projects were obscured for a mo-
ment^ he trusted that it was only
for a moment^ for it was impossi-
ble that the whisper of a faction
should prevail against the voice
of the nation." The use of lan-
guage like this completely identi-
fied the cabinet with all the politi-
cal unions, and the noble lord, in
calling the decision of the House of
Peers the whisper of a faction^ en-
couraged the passions and feelings
by which such masses of men were
unfortunately actuated. When he
was told^ that the processions of that
day had passed off peaceably and
oraerly, and when he saw a letter
from the noble lord expressive of
the heartfelt gratitude which he
felt for the vote of thanks which he
had received from a meeting of
1 50,000 persons, which the noble
lord on the woolsack had described
as guilty of sedition and a capital
felony, he could not understand
on what principles this government
was conducted. He hoped that
hon, members would not be de-
terred— he, at least, would not
himself be deterred — from the
honest discharge of his duty, by
the dastardly attacks which any
portion of the misguided populace
might make upon him. He did
not mean to say, that the noble
lord opposite had either origin-
ated or sanctioned such attacks,
but this he must say^ that the
noble lord adopted a very extra-
ordinary way to allay the temper
of the people, when he entered
into a correspondence with them,
and declared his heartfelt gratitude
for the thanks which they had be-
stowed upon them.
Lord John Russell admitted at
once that the dangerous attack
which had been that day made,
for the second time, on the mar-
quis of Londonderry, was cowardly
and disgraceful -, that to attack the
House of any of the peers was
base and disgraceful ; that such an
attack was doubly base and dis-
graceful when made on the duke of
Wellington to whom the country
was so deeply indebted ; that the
continuance of such outrages could
be looked on in no other light than
a declaration of hostility against
all good government, and would
alienate the minds of all sober and
respectable men from the cause of
reform. But it was scarcely less
unfair to couple his letter, in any
degree, with these proceedings.
He would not enter into the ques-
tion of the propriety of correspond-
ing with the Birmingham Political
Union, for, in this case, no such
question could arise. Mr. Att-
wood, the banker of Birmingham,
had written to him stating that
there had been a great meeting at
Birmingham, at which he believed
150,000 persons were present. He
would not say that the meeting
was so large as Mr. Attwood had
represented it, but still it was a
large meeting, and that meeting
had thanked his majesty's govern-
ment for the manner in which they
had conducted the bill through the
Commons' House of Parliament.
In such a resolution on the part of
the meeting, he saw nothing un-
constitutional, nothing inconsist-
ent with the rights which as £ng«*
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[285
Hshmen they possessed, and more
especially nothing inconsistent with
that right which they had enjoyed
from their ancestors — ^he meant the
right of pronouncing an opinion
upon the conduct either of govern-
ment or of opposition. He had
therefore thought that it was a
duty which he owed to the people
of Birmingham and himself^ to
express his gratitude to them for
the TOte of thanks which they had
given to his majesty's ministers
generally, and to himself indivi-
dually ; and he had yet to learn
that there had been any thing in
the (Conduct of that meeting which
ought to lead him to re&se ac-
cepting a vote of thanks from it.
He saw no reason why he should
say to the thousands who had been
awaiting with interest the result
of this bill, " You are unfit to be
consulted by the king's govern-
ment^ and I therefore repudiate
your praise." On the contrary, he
thought that he might notice the
loyalty and good sense of the
people of Birmingham; and he
imagined that, when he stated that
the success of the reform bill was
only deferred for a time^ but was
still certain, he was expressing a
sentiment, which, so far from lead-
ing to tumult, would induce the
people to wait with patience for
the re-introduction 'of that measure
to which they attached so much
importance. He had undoubtedly
said, and he now repeated the as-
sertion, ^' it was impossible that
the whisper of faction should pre-
vail against the voice of a nation."
It was a sentiment which he had
expressed on first receiving Mr.
Att wood's letter, and he now saw
no reason either to retract or to
withdraw it. He thought that the
number of those who supported the
reform bUl^ compared with the
small number of those who opposed
it, justified him in stating that the
reformers were the nation, and
that the greater part of the op-
ponents to the bill did belong to,
and might justly be denominated, a
faction. Such being his sentiments
he could not think of retracting any
expression in that letter. Sir
Henry Hardinge immediately said
this sort of interpretation would
never do. The only meaning of the
letter was, that the determination
of a great majority of the House of
Lords was the whisper of a faction
— and the question was, to which
question lord John Russell had not
said a word, how could lord John
Russell justify himself for hav-
ing used such language? That
expression he had used ; from the
use of it it was impossible for him
to escape ; and in using it he had
identified himself as a minister of
the crown^ with illegal combina*
tions declaring their readiness to
commit illegal acts. Sir R. Vy-
vyan enforced the same views. He
asked,if lord John Russell, in using
the words "the whisper of faction/'
did not allude to the majority in
the House of Lords, what dia he
mean by them .^ Did he mean to
notice the fact, that sums of money
had been promised and paid to par-
ticular noble individuals for their
votes ? Did he mean to acknow-
ledge that certain balls were to be
placed higher or lower on certain
coronets, and that balls were also
to be taken off altogether and
strawberry-leaves substituted in
some coronets as a reward for the
partisanship of their wearers ?
Did he allude to the bench of
bishops who were now so reviled
for their opposition to government^
although it had always hitherto
been the fiishion to vituperate them
for habitually paying court to the
286] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
powers that be ? Surely, by op«
posing ministers, those right rev.
prelates could, at all events, gain
nothing, whatever they might have
lost. But was the noble lord quite
sure that the voice of public opi-
nioQ was really in favour of this
bill? The contest which was now
proceeding with such vigour in
the county of Dorset, he thought
might at least induce them to I& a
little diffident as to the correctness
of their assumption in the affirma*
tive. Had they any right to talk
of the voice of public opinion as
being exclusively in their favour>
when the anti«bill candidate at
this moment had brought as many
votes to the poll as his opponent }*
If more, the case was so much the
stronger; but if as many, it was
sufficient for his argument, which
was, that the country was at least
divided upon the question, and
that was a sufficient refutation of
the assertion of gentlemen opposite,
that a contested election would be
attended with the same results in
every other county in England, if
opportunity were affi>rded for so
extensive a demonstration of opi-
nion. « Did the House remember
the triumphant chuckling of the
piess at the approach of the election
for Dorset ? No anti-reformer,
forsooth, could think of coming for-
ward, and yet lord Ashley, .who
had not declared himself till two
days before they went to the bus-
tings, occupied bis present station
upon the poll, after more freehold-
■pi^ i>M^^^^«
* An unexpected vacancy had uken
place in the representation of Dorset-
shire, in consequetice of the death of
Mr. Cal craft who, by dedaring himsHf
a convert to the hill, had ousted Mr.
Bankea at the general election* Mr.
Ponwnby now 9tarted an the reformer,
and lord Ashley became his antagonist
as an opponent of the bill. Lord Ashley
carriea the election.
era had voted than perhaps had
ever before been polled upon any
similar occasion. Once more he de-
manded what party the noble lord
meant by the expressions in his let*
ter. But he wished also to direct
the attention of the House to the
processions of that day through
the streets of London, consisting of
crowds with white ribands tied on
their arms, on which were iiMorib*
ed the words ^^ national union."
Had not these unions been in ex*
istence prior to 1793, and were
they not suppressed by the inter-
position of the legislature, and
were they not also put dow^ in
like manner on their revival in
1819?
Lord John Russell again de-
clared that he had not the majority
in the House of Lords in view
when he spoke of *' the whisper of
a &ctiou ;" that the lords undoubt*
edly had as good a right to reject
the bill as the Commons had to
agree to it, and were perfectly en-
titled to vote in what way they
thought proper; but that there
might still be factions in Parlia*
mentwho,in opposing the bill, were
only seeking to promote their own
interests. He indignantly repelled
any idea that ministers did not feel
and perform the duty of assuaging
and suppressing all attempts at
disorder : but, added his lorashjp,
at the ''same time I cannot imagine
a more ungrateful task than what
is now imposed upon government
which first gave its sanction to so
important a measure, and is after-
wards constrained to coerce the
people into acquiescence in a deci-
sion which retards, for a time,
their just and reasonable expecta-
tions." Now the objects of minis-
terial coercion were the destroyers
of li& and the pillagers of property.
Were these the men whose ''just
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
lUSff
to be gmtiAed by tke refersi Ml ?
did minitters nallf fed tlie dii^
of preventing or punishing witroei^
on$ erittiet «q lundeaMot duty>
becatue the cnmiaaM w€i« poittiead
partiaaacondieiravaeide? orwankl
it be rigbt to trii theee erinraitle^
that die i«r, if eofaeed «t all fer
the pfoteetiea ef the |iertoae and
firofMrtf of thote who diftrad from
then in opinMNi, weuld becafomed
onif gmdgingljr^ aa the pofteaa-
anee of a reiy ungrateful task?
Sir Chariee Wetherdi maia*
taioed that the meetiogf to vhaae
Totet of thanfca loud Althorp and
lord X RiftMell had retomecl ana-
wera, vaa in ttaeif aa illegal meet*
lag. He defied the lawyers oa the
other side oi the Hoiiae-— if there
were aoy lawyers there— to deny
that a meeting of 150,000 perscms,
assembling together with symbols
of ooneert^ was guilty of a miade*
meanour. He had lord Holts
authority for sayings that ^* an
army of people, consisting of un-
usual numbers, ooogre^ited to*
gether^ is a terror, and, as it wesre,
an assault upon the people"— *and
still less could any man deny that,
for a number of persons to agree
and conspire to refuse payment of
taxes was to be guilty of a Tery
grare offence. Yet it was with the
chairman ef such a meeting, pledge
ing itself to such an agreement and
conspiracy, that ministers had been
corresponding. The chancellor of
the Exchequer, indeed, had told
the people of Birmingham not to
commit acts of violence, not to
re^se to pay taxes«-but for what
reason? Not because such pro«
ceedings were contrary to law, and
would be repressed by the law; but,
forsooth, because they would tend to
endanger the success of the reform
bill ; aad thea lord J. anssell, with
hia milk aikl water execntire go-
vernment, talked of its heiag the
duty of the admiaistraticm to caha
thepeo];^ He thought that aohle
lord might have used eoaie stronger
eqmssioD, when he heard of the
?ioleiiee and outrage which were
going oa out of doSms 9Mid the at*
tadcs aiade oa peers heoauae thqr
did what the ooastitution author-
ised aad requirsd them to do. It
was the duty of gorenuaeat not
menely to talk ci calming the
pec^ile, but to puniah and repress
these outrages, and pat the law in
force against every person who
exdted to riolenoe. But it waa
his idea, that the goremment had
long connived at Siose attad» on
the constitutional authority of the
state which the newspapers were
dealing out, as daily rqwrts, to
the people. Looking at the inces-
sant provocations to violence and
outrage which were allowed, all
and each of them, to go unpunished,
one would think that the office of
Attorney-general was vacant. He
did not accuse the noble paymaster
of the forces of any wish to palliate
those crimes ; but he diarged the
noble lord and the government with
taking no measures to suppress
them. He had no confidence in
the exertions of government to re-
press disturbances, and what was
more, he did not believe that
the public had. The public opin-
ion was« that the government con-
nived at these disturbances, as a
means of carrying on the reform
bill. He did not believe, that mi-
nisters would manfully and ener-
getically use the legal and consti-
tutional powers of government in
repressing these scandalous and
aoti- socid outrages. He repeated,
that the conduct of government was
288] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
highly censurable in permitting
attacks to be made not only on that>
but on the other House of Par-
liament, in a publication which
contained the most illegal threats
of intimidation, at the propagation
of which his majesty's ministers
sedulously and industriously con-
nived; and in his opinion there
was but little difference in point of
responsibility between the principal
in any proceeding and the conniver.
He begged to remind the right
hon. gentlemen opposite, that
though the duke of Newcastle's
property was burning to - day,
to-morrow Woburn Abbey, and
Knowsley-house might be marked
out for destruction.
Lord Althorp denied that he
had written any letter to a body
known under the name of the Bir-
mingham Political Union. He had
merely addressed a letter to the
chairman of a meeting held at Bir-
mingham, consisting of 150,000
persons, expressing his sense of a
vote of thanks with which so large
a number of his fellow countrymen
had thought fit to honour his pub-
lic conduct. He valued highly
this testimony to his character ;
and he was not the man to disdain
returning a courteous answer to
such a communication, nor could
he think that, in so doing, he had
acted in a manner by any means
unworthy of his station. In ac-
knowledging to the chairman the
honour thus conferred on him, he
had taken the opportunity to re-
commend that gentleman to use his
influence for the prevention of acts
of violence, or illegal and uncon-
stitutional excesses. He had also
stated that the rejection of the re-
form bill was a great calamity, for
as a calamity his colleagues and
himself had considered it. But
how the letters of his noble friend
and himself could be said to en-
courage riot, he was totally unable
to divine.
Mr. Trevor mentioned as a spe-
cimen of the peaceable conduct, on
that day, of those who were now
lauded as the tranquil people^ that
he had witnessed the attack on the
marquis of Londonderry at the
very doors of the palace, where he
had been struck down from his
horse amid cries of " murder him,"
" cut his throat.'* Colonel Trench,
too, said, he had followed the pro-
cession along Piccadilly. When
they reached the House of the duke
of Devonshire, the mob gave a
great shout; and when they arrived
at that of the duke of St. Alban's,
they also gave a shout, but it was
more feeble. When he got near
the house of the duke of Wel-
lington, he saw a number of
respectable looking persons — ^per-
sons very well dressed, walking
four and four, and with ribands
tied round their arms — ^leave the
main body, while those who fol-
lowed them rushed into the gate.
Those well-disposed persons made
room for the individuals whom
they headed, and who immediately
began breaking the windows. The
mere breaking of a pane or two
of glass, under ordinary circum-
stances, was of no importance;
but this appeared to him to be a
regular and organized outrage. He
confessed that it gave him very
great pain to And that any set of
men could offer insult to an indi-
vidual whose warlike achievements
had immortalized the British name,
and who he believed to be the
most upright and honest man that
ever ornamented private society or
dignified public station. One in-
dividual there was whom he could
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[289
identify as giving orders. This
individual was a remarkably well-
dressed man. The well - dressed
people^ of whom he had already
spoken as being present on the oc-
casion, if not inciting to outrage,
did not, at any rate, attempt to
prevent it. It was a question on
a former occasion whether these
processions were legal or not : but
he feared that the permission given
ill so many instances to such pro-
cessions would take away all doubts
on the subject from the minds of
the people.
On the following day (Oct. 1 3)
another angry discussion of the
same topics took place on a motion
of sir C. Wetherell, for an address
to the crown, praying that a sj>ecial
commission might be issued, with-
out delay, for the trial of the Not-
tingham rioters, which, however,
sir Charles said, he would not press,
if government would give an assur-
ance that such a commission would
be issued. Lord Althorp refused
to give any such assurance, but
he would give this assurance, that
tlie property of every individual in
the country would be protected, so
far as government could protect it.
The attorney-general stated that
of the persons, who set fire to
Nottingham -castle, unfortunately
not one was yet in custody ;
so that if a special commission
were to issue, there were no pri-
soners to try. Some persons, who
had been seen wandering about the
outskirts of the town, had been
taken by the yeomanry. There
were about 15 persons in custody,
whose trials would be disposed of at
the ensuing sessions. He felt con-
vinced that no further outrages
would take place in that quarter.
When the first ebullition appeared
at Nottingham, the cavalry were at
Derby, where, he was sorry to say,
Vol. LXXIII.
greater outrages had been commit-
ted than at Nottingham, and be-
fore a sufficient force could be pro-
cured, unfortunately Nottingham-
castle was burnt. The magistracy,
however, of the town and the coun-
ty had been active and alert, the
yeomanry had been ordered out, a
military force was brought to bear
upon the rioters, and the respect-
able inhabitants were sworn in as
special constables for the protection
of the town. This had proved
sufficient; the disturbances were
checked, and the repetition of such
outrages was now exceedingly im-
probable. Sir C. Wetherell allow-
ed his amendment to be negatived,
without dividing the House.
On October 3rd, the chancellor
of the Exchequer laid before the
House of Commons his view of the
finances of the year. This was, in
fact, the second statement within
the year ; but almost every part of
the original budget had been ex-
ploded, and his lordship had ne-
cessarily been driven to change his
intended operations. He now pro-
ceeded first to shew the difference
between the revenue of the present
and of the preceding year. The
amount of the receipts under the
head of customs, for the year 1830,
had been 17,540,000/. Taking
this as the calculation for 1831, in
the quarter to the 24th of Sep-
tember, there had been a decrease
of 644,000/., which reduced the
amount to 16,896,000/. There
was a further loss of 210,000/. from
the reduction of the coal duties ;
but there was an increase on ac-
count of the duties on raw cottons
and on wines of 100,000/., so that
the nett amount of the customs
was 16,786,000/., or he would
take it at 16,750,000/. The ex-
cise duties for 1830 had amounted
to 18.644,000/. ; but, in calcula-
980] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ting for 1831, there had been a
decrease in the quarter^ to the S^th
of September, of l,9()f).000/.; and
lie estimated a further loss of
100,000/. on the reduction of the
beer duties, so that he took the ex-
cise at about 1 6,64^2,6(^0^ To this
he was to add the sum of 157)000/.
received on the stock of wines in
hand, so that the Excise duties
for 1831 would amount to the sum
of 16\800,000/. In the last two
years taxes had been reduced by
3,357,000/. under the head of Ex-
cise. The reduction in the Cus-
toms had been 1,120,000/. The
amount of reductions in these two
branches in 1831 was 4,477,000/.,
and the decrease in the receints
had been only 2,634,0(W)/., so tnat
there had bepn a real increase of
1,842,5293/. He should take the
revenue of the present year as
follows :
Customs £16,750,000
Excise 1(),800,000
Stamp duties ... 0,8.50,000
Taxes 5,000,000
Post-office 1,500,000
Miscellaneous ... 250,000
And a receipt from the
hereditary revenue of
Scotland of ... 100,000
Total ... £47,250,000
He would now proceed to the ex-
penditure, and he felt himself fully
justified in estimating what the
expenditure would be. He should
take it up to the 24th of Septem-
ber, at £35,221,6*43
For the remainder of
the year ... 11,534,578
Total for the year £46,756,221.
He had to allow for 200,000/. more
received from the account of the
last year, so that he would take
the surplus of reveime over ex-
penditqre at 49^,000/. IJe felt con-
fident that he did not make any ex-
aggerated statement, and be begged
leave toobserve, that the surplus was
larger than he had anticipated in
February last^ notwithstanding he
had not succeeded in carrying se-
veral of the taxes he had proposed.
In the present quarter there had
been a fulling- off in thp customs,
but he had every reason to believe
that it would not continue. In
regard to the sinking fund he had
acted thus: — at the commencement
of each quarter, he had taken an
average of the four preceding
quarters, and that sum he had afv-
plied to the reduction of the debt
in the succeeding quarteri if the
revenue, at least, was not mani-
festly falling. The act allowed
the commissioners for the reduction
of the national debt to apply the
surplus revenue to the purcuase of
excnequer bills, or deficiency bills,
as well as stock, and since the re-
venue had been diminished so
much by the reduction of taxes,
the surplus had been applied in the
Eurchase of deficiency bills of the
iank. He had acted in this man-
ner in order to diminish the num-
ber of securities in the hands of the
Bank : and although the plan was
o|)erose, the effect was, that the
debt was not reduced, unless there
was a rpal surplus of revenue.
On the 20th of October, the
king in person prorogued Parlia-
ment witn the following speech : —
*' My Lords and Gentlemen,
" I atn at length enabled to put
an end to a session of unexampled
duration and labour, in which
matters of the deepest interest
have been brought under your con-,
sideration.
** 1 have felt sincere satisfaction
in confirming by my Royal assent
bills for the amendment of the
game laws, and for the reduction
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[291
of taxes which pressed heavily on
the interests of my people ; and J
have observed with no less pleasure
the commencement of important
improvements in the law of bank-
ruptcy^ from which the most be-
neficial effects may be expected.
" I continue to receive the most
gratifying proofs of the friendly
disposition of Foreign Powers.
'^ The Conference assembled in
London has at length terminat-
ed its difficult and laborious dis-
cussions, by an arrangement un-
animously agreed upon by the ple-
nipotentiaries of the five Powers
for the separation of the states of
Holland and Belgium^ on terms by
which the interests of both^ toge-
ther with the future security of
other countries^ have been care-
fully provided for.
'' A treaty founded on this ar-
rangement has been presented to
the Dutch and Belgian plenipo-
tentiaries, and I trust that its ac-
ceptance by their respective Courts,
which I anxiously expect, will
avert the dangers by which the
peace of Europe was threatened
whilst this question remained un-
settled.
" Gentlemen of the House of
Commons,
" I thank you for the provi-
sion made for the future dignity
and comfort of my royal consort, in
the event of her surviving me;
and for the supplies which you
have granted for the service of the
present year. You may be assured
of my anxious care to have them
administered with the strictest
attention to a well-considered eco-
nomy.
''The state of Europe has made
it necessary to incur in the various
establishments of the public service
an increased expenditure, which it
will be roy earnest desire to re-
duce, whenever it can be done
with safety to the interests of the
country. In the mean time I
have the satisfaction of reflecting
that these demands have been pro-
vided for without any material ad-
dition to the public burthens.
*' My Lords and Gentlemen,
'^ In the interval of repose which
may now be afforded to you, I am
sure it is unnecessary for me to re-
commend to you the mostcareful at-
tention to the preservation of tran-
quillity in your respective counties.
The anxiety which has been so
generally manifested by my people
for the accomplishment of a con-
stitutional reform in the Commons'
House of Parliament, will, I trust,
be regulated by a due sense of the
necessity of oraer and moderation
in their proceedings.
'* To the consideration of this
important question the attention of
parliament must necessarily again
be called at the opening of the en-
suing Session; find you may be
assured of my unaltered desire to
promote its settlement by such
improvements in the representa-
tion as may be found necessary for
securing to my people the fiill en-
joyment of their rights, which, in
combination with those of the other
orders of the state, are essential to
the support of our free constitu-
tion."
Parliament was then prorogued
to the 22nd November, and subse-
quently, by proclamation, to the
6th of December.
Throughout the reform debates ,
in the House of Commons, the bill
had encountered from no one a more
unyieldipg and distinguished op-
position than from sir Charles /
Wetherell. Sir Charles was re-
corder of Bristol. He proceeded
to that city on Saturday the 29th
October to discbarge his judicial
tU2]
292] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
duty by opening the king's com*
mission on the following Monday.
He was received as usual by tlie
civic bodies^ but a reforming po-
pulace likewise awaited his ap-
proach, to make him the object of
their violence and insult. As he
entered the city, the rabble assailed
the recorder with all possible ex-
pressions of dislike ; and stones
were thrown at his carriage, and
at the constables who attended it.
Accompanied by this outrageous
rabble^ the cavalcade reached the
Guild Hall^ into which likewise
the populace made their way.
The royal commission was read,
and the further proceedings ad-
journed till the following Monday,
amid wild clamour and uproar.
The recorder and the municipal
authorities then proceeded to the
Mansion-house, where, according
to custom, they were to dine. On
his way he was greeted with the
same continuance of groans "and
hisses from the populace, except
at the Commercial Rooms, where
stood an assemblage of more re-
spectable citizens, who hailed them
with three cheers. They arrived
in safety at the Mansion-house :
the crowd iilled the square : stones
began to fly; and some windows
were broken. The constables seiz-
ed, or attempted to seize, some of
the delinquents. The mob armed
themselves with sticks and blud-
geons; but the constables, by a
simultaneous attack, drove them
back. They still, however, kept
possession of the square, and con-
tinued to discharge their missiles
at the police and the windows. So
little was more serious danger ap«
prehended, that a large division of
the constables was allowed to re-
tire. The mob, seeing themselves
opposed by a smaller force, became
more bold. The mayor came for-<
ward, entreating them to disperse,
as he must otherwise call out the
military. Their violence only in-
creased. The riot-act was read :
the reply to it was an instantane-
ous attack upon the constables,
who were overpowered, disarmed,
and driven from the ground.
The Mansion-house itself was then
stormed ; the doors were forced ;
the sashes and shutters of the win-
dows torn down ; the furniture on
the ground-floor demolished; the
iron palisades were converted into
weapons, and preparations were
made for firing the building.
The recorder and magistrates
had escaped by the back of the
Mansion-house, and murder was
prevented. The recorder imme-
diately left the city : the magis-
trates ordered out the military,
consisting of two troops of cavalry.
The latter walked their horses
about among the mob, to whom
the commanding officer gave fair
words. They would not, disperse :
no attempt was made effectually
to disperse them : they were al-
lowed to remain, after all the
crimes they had committed, in
possession of the square, in the
face of the law, and of the military
force which had been brought
there to enforce the law. They
proceeded to break the windows of
the Council-house. The cavalry
then charged, and drove them out
of the square. They retreated i n to
the bye streets and passages, from
which they pelted the military
with stones. Any farther mischief,
however, was prevented during
the night between Saturday and
Sunday. But Sunday morning
brought back the populace, great-
ly increased in numbers and dar-
ing, while the troops had been
sent home to their barracks, al-
though every thing prognosticated
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[293
a renewal of the disturbance. Th^
mob again filled the Mansion-
house : all its depositories^ from
top to bottom^ were ransacked^
and every article which it con-
tained was carried off, or wantonly
destroyed. What was worse, the
populace made their way into the
cellars, where they found a large
stock of wines and spirits. These
were next plundered, and to the
common violence of a lawless mob
was now added the reckless and
brutal fury of intoxication. One
troop of cavalry — a troop of the
14th — was called out. It so hap-
pened that this troop had been the
most active in the discharge of its
duty on the preceding evening,
and was therefore fully as unpopu-
lar as the recorder. The mob at-
tacked it with showers of stones
and brick-bats, seriously wounding
many of the men ; yet they did
nothing: no magistrate gave or-
ders to act, and the commanding
officer seemed not to know that a
soldier, when actually assaulted,
and more especially when assaulted
on duty, is entitled, like every other
citizen, to put down the assailant,
without the command of any ma-
gistrate. He acted still more
madly : he attempted to coax and
negociate a truce with the mob :
he asked them if they would be
quiet, provided he withdrew this
unpopular troop ! On an assur-
ance to this effect, he ordered
the 14th away. The mob fol-
lowed all the way to their bar-
racks, making upon them, with
dangerous missiles, such violent
attacks, that the men, at last, in
self-defence, turned and fired.
The other troop replaced them
at the Mansion-house, which was
thus protected when there was no
longer any thing to protect. But
th^ druul^en pppulace immediately
selected new objects : one detach-
ment proceeded to the Bridewell ;
arming themselves with sledge-
hammers from a neighbouring
smith's shop, which they broke
open, they,battered down the gates,
rushed into the interior, liberated
all the prisoners, and then set fire
to the building. This was about
two o'clock on Sunday, and not the
slightest molestation was offered
to their proceedings, a troop of
cavalry being kept, in the mean-
time, useless in its barracks, mere-
ly because it had done its duty.
The consequences were inevitable.
The unresisted mob, increased in
numbers and security, attacked
the new jail, while thousands look-
ed on. They carried and gutted
the governor's house, made their
way into the yard, armed with
hammers to break open the doors :
all the prisoners — criminals as well
as debtors — were forthwith set at
liberty, amid the exulting shouts
of the populace ; and the jail,
being thus emptied, was imme-
diately set on fire, with all its
adjuncts of tread-mill, chapel, and
governor 8 house. While the libera-
tion of the prisoners was going
on, and before the conflagration
had commenced, but when the
jail was in the possession of the
rioters, a party of the troop of the
3rd guards, which had replaced the
unpopular troop at the Mansion-
house, appeared on the ground.
The mob cheered the military j
the military acknowledged the
compliment, wheeled round, and
marched off. The rioters leaving
the jail burning, and setting fire,
on their way, to various toll-houses,
next carried, without resistance,
the Gloucester county prison, li-
berated its inmates, and then set
it on fire — sending off a detach-
ment to aid the conflagration of
294] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the Bridewell^ one wing of which
seemed otherwise likely to es«
cape. It was now 8unaay after -
ternoon. The Bridewell, the new
jail, and the county jail, were all
burning at the same time. No man
daretl to bring assistance ; no force,
civil or military, was interfering
with the populace ; and the rioters
were masters of the city : the go-
vernment of the mob had begun.
The reformers in parliament and
out of parliament had held up as
objects of hatred and contempt the
bishops of the church of England,
because they had voted against
a bill believed by them to be utter-
ly ruinous to a church of which
they were the heads. The Bristol
mob-reformers, therefore, proceed-
ed next to attack the bishop's pa-
lace. They effected an entrance,
but were stopped by the appear-
ance of the military, who had beea
hastily called away from the Man-
sion-house. The mob, which re-
mained in the square before the
Mansion-house, again entered it,
and in an instant it was in flames ;
the drunken rioters, as they iired
the apartments one after another,
cheering from the front windows
at the progress of their unopposed
triumph. The solitary troop of
the guards hastened back to the
Mansion-house from the bishop's
palace. The episcopal dwelling
was immediately in a blaze, and
was soon a heap of ashes. The
bishop himself had tranquilly per-
formed all the clerical duties of
the day, and had then withdrawn
from the ftiry of the miscreants.
The unresisted rioters now
crowded back to Queen square, to
exult in the conflagration of the
mansion house, and extend the
flames. They set fire to the houses
round tlie square, one after an-
other, having first plundered them*
They rejichcd the Custom-house,
an immense building, left utterly
unprotected. Its whole extent was
forthwith added to the burning
mass. It was now mid-night ; and
Monday morning was hailed by
proceeding to another side of the
square. The first building there
was the Excise-ofiice. It shared,
unprotected and unresisted, the
fate of the Custom-house. The
adjacent buildings were next set on
fire, and the unrestrained flames
extended to the housesin the neigh-'
bourhood.
The frightful extent of this un-
checked destruction recalled the
magistrates and the militarv offi-
cers to some sense of duty m the
course of Monday morning. The
unpopular troop of cavafry was
again ordered to appear, and soon
succeeded in clearing the streets.
Thenn^strates,too, called out their
posse, and received the aid of all
good citizens. New troops were
poured into the town. The riot-
ing was over, and at length fire-
engines were brought fijrth to ex-
tinguish the dying embers of de-
stroyed buildings. Before Tues-
day, the 1st November, order had
been restored, and the police were
busily occupied in recovering the
stolen property, and apprehending
the criminals. Several of the latter
had lost their lives, but only few
of them from the operations of the
military. The greater number of
those who perished did so, in con-
sequence of intoxication disabling
them from escaping from the flames
which they themselves had kindled.
The property destroyed was esti*-
mated at nearly half a million.*
• The following was the return pub-
lished of the Jtilled and wounded :—
Dead, — Ai the Infrmary,
From shots %
sword'cais «« •« 1
HlStORY OF tUROPE.
[295
Since the tiots in Ixmdoti cont-
monly called Lord Georgtf Gor-
don's riots, no part of the United
Kingdom had exiiibited such scenes.
The reformers laid the blanie of all
that had happened on sir C. We-
therell. He knew, they said, or he
ought to have known, that he was
hateful to the people of Bristol as
an an ti -reformer, and he oUglit
not to have provoked thfem by ap-
pearing amongst them. In the
very same breath, they declared
most clamorously that the people
burnt .. .. ..1
excessive drinking .. 1
At St, Peter's Hospital,
From sviord cuts .. ..1
burnt .. .. 5
excessive drinking . . 1
Total
\2
rybunded and Injured, — j4t the
hiflr-
mary.
From shots
6
sword cuts and contu-
sions from the horses
of the military . .
30
other causes uncon-
nected with the mi-
litary
21
apoplexy from exces-
sive drinking • •
2
At St. Pcter^s liospitat.
From sword cuts
«
other causes
2
At the Dispensaries and the Hmues of
Private Surgeons,
From shots
2
sword cuts
16
other causes
11 '
Total .. .. 94
Total. — Wounded and Injured,
From shots .. .. 10
sword cuts . • * . 4^
drunkenness • . 2
other ctinses • . . . 34
Total .. .. 94
The body of a boy, and parts of
several other bodies, found among the
ruins in the square, were taken to St.
Peter's Hospital, in addition to those
includ<^ in the above list.
of Bristol had n6 concern in the
outrages, and that ithat had hap-
pened was no consequence of any
reform spirit. More sober meli
asked, — ' Is it true, then, that a
judge of the land is not to be allow-
ed to perform the high duties of his
office, because he differs from us in
political opinion? Was the fact
of the recorder of Bristol being an
anti-reformer any good reason for
placihg him beyond the pale of the
Jaw, and settilig the city in flames ?
Do we reformers conciliate the
good-will of good citizens by shew-
ing that such conduct is that in
which our followers love to find
their gratification ? Or, if those
outrages had nothing to do with
the opinions and practices of re-
formers, if those By whom they
were perpetrated are not to 'be
considered as rankibg amdng re-
formers, and if we say that no sudi
crimes wei^ to be dreaded from I'e-
formers, what do we mean by say-
ing that an anti-reforttiing judge
should have deserted his duty,
and not ventured into reforming
Bristol, where, according to out:
account of ourselves and our doc-
trines, no disturbance was to be
dreaded from reformers ?* Never-
theless, the reforming journals
daily poured forth their obloquy on
sir C. Wetherell, until they were
all at once silenced by the dis-
covery that he had gone down to
Bristol only after consulting the
go^urnmetit, and after receiving
the sanction of his majesty's minis-
ters that there was no impropriety
in his proceeding to fulfil the du-
ties of his judicial station. To have
sought that Sanction may have
been prudent ; but in what times
do men live, when a judge of the
land must suspend the Juties of
his offioe at the commanil of pre-
ptn«d (lod i)«MM orimiadis ! Oa
296] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the 3rd of December, a special
commission was issued for the
trial of the rioters^ and on the 20th,
similar commissions issued to try
the rioters at Nottingham and
Derby.
The political unions now became
bolder, and it was determined^ in
order to give greater unity to their
proceedings to give them a central
point by forming in London, a *' Na-
tional Political Union." The meet-
ing was held in Lincoln 's-inn-fields
on the 31st of October, and Sir
Francis Burdett took the chair.
After the usual speeches, it was
resolved that a National Political
Union should be formed, to be
guided by a council, to which should
be intrusted, in the first place, the
formation of its rules; that it
should give its assistance in the
formation of branch unions, and
that the chairman of a branch
union, so soon as he became a mem-
ber of the national union, should
be a member of the council. Some
discord was raised among these
legislators by a proposal that a cer-
tain part of the council should con-
sist of persons from the working
classes. Sir Francis Burdett op-
posed this, ostensibly because it
assumed a distinction of classes to
exist, having separate interests.
There were, to be sure, rich and
poor, but they all formed only one
class, the people of England. But
the friends of the lower orders
would not be so satisfied. The
middle classes, said a workman,
merely wish to make us the tools
of their purposes ; we are not even
to have votes, and they tell us it
would be impolitic now to demand
that. There is no use in preach-
ing up policy and patience, when
tve are starving ; it is a mockery
of us. If the middle classes be
really sincere^ they should take care
that the working classes were bet-
ter clothed and fed. If that be the
end of reform, then we may unite
with them, but they rather seek po-
licy and expediency. There should
be a resolution that the National
Union would never cease its efforts,
till complete enfranchisement w<is
obtained for every man capable of
bearing arms ; and the middle class
must recognize this principle, if
they wished the working classes to
unite with them. This resolution
was not adopted, but the matter
was compromised by its being car-
ried that the half of the council of
the National Political Union should
be composed of members of the
working classes. Sir F. Burdett
shortly afterwards withdrew his
name from the association. Per-
haps he thought there was too
strong an intermixture of the de-
mocratic principle.
The working classes having thus
acquired a persona standi proceeded
to action. They had their own
Union, and its office-bearers called
a general meeting of the working
classes, to be held at White Con-
duit House, on the 7th November,
to ratify a bill of rights which they
publicly put forth. This docu-
ment, besides demanding universal
suffrage, annual parliaments, and
vote by ballot, declared *' That all
property honestly acquired^ is sa-
crea and inviolable ; that all men
are born equally free, and have
certain natural and unalienable
rights ; that all hereditary distinc"
tions of birth are unnatural, and
opposed to the equal rights of man,
and ought to he abolished;" and
they declared that they woifld
never be satisfied with any law or
laws which stopped short of these
principles. They called, likewise,
on their fellow-workmen, in all
parts of the country, to meet for
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[297
the same pur{)osc^ on tlie same
day. This proclamation was ac-
companied with certain very elo-
quent facts. Information was
given that^ in the neighbourhood
of Bethnal-green, an immense num-
ber of staves, with the tri-colour
device painted on them, had been
sold ; that sticks with concealed
swords were in the market, and
that the stick-shops had been ex-
posed to a demand for bludgeons
which they could scarcely supply.
Government became alarmed. Or-
ders were given to swear in special
constables in the different parishes :
the whole police force was ordered
to be in readiness; a very large
body of troops, both infantry, and
cavalry, were drawn round London ;
military and cannon were stationed
ill the different prisons. Still,
however, government did not pro-
hibit the meeting; the only warn-
ing came from the magistrates of
Hatton-garden, who, on the 5th,
issued a notice, stating that the
intended meeting would be sedi-
tious and illegal, and strictly en-
joining all loyal and well-disposed
subjects to refrain from attending
it. Thereupon a deputation of the
working classes repaired to the
Home Secretary. Lord Melbourne
admitted them to an interview.
He told them that their declara-
tion was not only highly seditious,
but perhaps treasonable, and that
any person attending the meeting
with the object for which it was
professedly called, would be guilty
of an act of treason. The leaders
of the plot then agreed to abandon
the meeting ; but no step was
taken against them either for their
seditious publications, or for their
misdemeanour in calling such a
meeting.
On the 22nd of November a pro-
clamation was at length issued^ de«
signed to give a check to the spirit
of political combination. It pro-
ceeded on the statement that '' cer-
tain of our subjects in different parts
of our kingdom have recently pro-
mulgated plans for voluntary asso-
ciations, under the denomination
of Political Associations, to be com-
posed of separate bodies, with
various divisions and sub-divisions,
under leaders with a gradation of
ranks and authority, and distin-
guished by certain badges, and sub-
ject to the general control and di-
rection of a superior committee or
council, for which associations no
warrant has been given by us, or
by any appointed by us, on that
behalf: and according to the plans
so promulgated, as aforesaid, a
power appears to be assumed of
acting independently of the civil
magistrates, to whose requisition
calling upon them to be enrolled
as constables the individuals com-
posing such associations are bound,
in common with the rest of our
subjects to yield obedience.'* It
described such associations as being
incompatible with the performance
of the duty of subjects, at vari-
ance with the acknowledged prin-
ciples of the constitution, and sub-
versive of his majesty's authority
as supreme head of the State. The
proclamation therefore declared,
*' all such associations, so consti-
tuted and appointed as aforesaid,
to be unconstitutional and illegal,"
and commanded^ all the lieges to
abstain from joining them. The
royal proclamation called forth a
declaration of the newly constitut-
ed National Union " that the pro-
clamation does not apply to the
National Political Union, nor to
the great majority of Unions now
in existence." Excepting that the
Birmingham Union abandoned a
proposed plan of organizatiooj
298] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
things rcmaiiied as tlicy \rere. led, shrivelled, and folded; thfe hails
The proclamation may hare pre- put on a blucish pearly white hue;
vented the spread of a spirit of af- tlie larger superficial veins were
filiation, connected action, and marked by flat lines of a deepei*
graduated control, and that, per- black ; the pulse became eithet
haps, in the existing state of the law, smjlll as a thread, or else totally
was all that a proclamation codld extinct ; the voice stink into a
do. The existing unions continued, whisper; the respiration i^'ascjUiek,
new ones were created, and no irregular, and imperfect ; and the
check was given to the weight with secretion of urine was totally SuS-
which these pseudo - parliaments pnded. Death took place ofteh
pressed upon the government of in ten or twelve, generally within
the country. eighteen or twenty hours, after thfe
appearance of decidfed add i^ell-
Towards the end of the year the formed symptoms. In thfe space
cholera morbus made its appedr- of a few wbeks 10,000 persons
ance in the noHh of England, fell victims to this malady in the
Whether the tnalady known by single district of Jessore. It dooh
this name was contagious or epi- extended its ravages throughout
demic, was a matter on which there Bengal ; few toivns or villages in
liad hoeh much discussion ; but, an area of several thousand miles
though the cause of the disease escaped the invasion. The cities
and its laws of transmission could of Decca and Patna, the towns
not be Satisfactorily explained, its of Balasore, Burrishol, Bur-
history at least was, to a consider- davan, and Malda, suffbrcd se-
able extent, known. In August, verely ; and, throughout the
1817, a malady of a peculiar clia- Gangetic Delta, the mass of the
racter made its appearance at Jes- population was sensibly diminished,
sore, in Bengal. The first serious It extended also eastward along
manifestations of it consisted gene- the coast of the Asiatic continent,
rally in violent vomitings and dis- and through the islands of the
charges of the bowels ; the evacua- Indian ocean, to China, and to
tions presenting, for the most part, Timor. In 1818, it appeared in
numerous mucous flakes floating Arracan ; in 1819, in Penang,
in a liquid* resembling rice-water the island of Java, &c. ; in
or whey. Spasmodic contractions. Canton, in October, 1820; and
beginning in the fingers and in Pekin, in 1821. Before the
toes, gradually extended them- end of 1823, it had traversed the
selves to the Jtrunk : the pulse Molucca islands and the island of
sunk; the skin became cold ; the Timor; abd,continiiing for several
lips, face, neck, hands, and feet, years to ravage the interior of
and soon after the thighs, arms, China, it had, by 1827, passed to
and whole surface assumed a leaden, the north of the Great Wall, and
blue, purple, black, or deep brown desolatbd several places in Mon-
tint, according to the complexion golia.
of the individual, and varying in At the Same time it was extend-
shade with the intensity of the ing to the West as Well as to the
attack. The fingers and toes were east.' In 1818, it made its appcar-
reduced in size ; the skin and soft ance at Bombay ; and broke out
parts covering them became wrink* anew in 1819> 1820^ and 1821*
HISTORY OP EUR0P£.
i2m
Ascending the Persian Gulpli, it
spread, on one haud^ from Busheer
into Persia; on the other, it passed
through Bassora, along the course
of the rivers Tigris and Euphrates
into Asiatic Turkey. After tra-
versing Baku and other ports on
the western border of the Caspian
sea, it appeared in Astracan in
September, 1823, but died away
in the course of the winter. It
continued during the succeeding
years to wander about in different
provinces of Persia, and the adja-
cent districts ; and, in 1830, it
broke out with renewed violence
on the western shores of the Caspian
sea. It soon ravaged Georgia, and
made its appearance in Astracan ;
thence it ascended the Volga, and
crossed over to the Don, spreading
northwards so as in the month of
June to reach St. Petersburgh and
Archangel. Holding also a west-
ern course, and entering Poland, it
broke out in Warsaw, in April,
1 83 1 ; in Dantzic, in May ; in
Be»rlin, in the beginning oi Sep-
tember ; and in Hamburgh, in the
month following. It made its ap-
pearance in Jassy, in June, 1831 ;
in Bucharest and Pest, in July ;
and in Vienna, in September.
Precautions had been taken, by
enforcing quarantine regulations,
to protect Great Britain and Ire-
land from the malady. However,
on the 26th of October, it made
its appearance in Sunderland. It
was alleged that, a few days pre-
viously, three vessels from Ham-
burgh had been allowed to pass
up the river to perform quaran-
tine above the harbour, and that
their crews had held free commu-
nication with the shore : but
there was no evidence of the
existence of the disease on board
these ships. There was great con-
trariety of opinion among medical
men. Some alleged, that the malady
which had broken out at Sunder-
land was contagious, and identical
with the Asiatic cholera ; othei's
asserted, that it was totally dis-
similar, and was merely epidemic.
This much, however, was certain,
that a malady had made its ap-
pearance, presenting an assemblage
of symptoms not hitherto observed
in ordinary conjunction in this
country ; resembling, in their ge-
neral character, the symptoms of
the disease which had spread from
Bengal to the Baltic, and accom-
panied with a degree of mortality,
less indeed than had been experi-
enced in most places which the
cholera had assailed, but greatly
surpassing the ordinary mortality
of any similar ailment, with which
medical practitioners here tvere pre-
viously acquainted. Between the
26th of October and the 28th of
December, when only seven ca^s
remained, 528 persons were at-
tacked in Sunderland, of whom
197 died. In the beginning of
December it spread to Newcastle ;
and, by the 28th of the month,
ninety-nine had died out of 286
who were attacked. On Christ-
mas day it made its appearance in
Gateshead ; and, within forty-eight
hours, upwards of 120 cas^^ oc-
curred, of which fifty- two proved
fatal. In the course of iJecem-
ber North Shields, South Shields,
WestOB, Houghton Le SpriiSg, and
Penther, Were attacked ; and, by
the 28th of that month eight cases,
out of which six were fatal, had
occurred in Haddington, in Scot-
land.
300] ANNUAL REGISTER, 183L
CHAP. X.
IiiELAND. — Lawless state of the Peasantry in Ireland — Distress of
the Population — Associations in Dublin for a Repeal of the Union
— O'ConneWs intended Procession of the Trades prohibited by Pro-
clamation — O'Connell summons his assemblies under a new name^
and they are again prohibited by Proclamation — Proposal that
O'Connell himself shall be declared to be an association — He renewii
his meetings in the shape of a Public Breakfast — The Breakfasts
are prohibited by Proclamation — New devices of the agitators to
evade the law, followed by another Proclamation — Partial run
upon the banks — O'Connell convokes another meeting, which is dis-
persed by the Magistrates — 0*Connell and his coadjutors appre-
hended for illegal proceedings — True Bills are found against tJiem
— He puts in a demurrer, then withdraws it, aiid pleads Not Guilty
— Attempts to delay his Trial — Withdraws his plea, and pleads
Guilty — Discussions in Parliament whether Government had made
a compromise with the agitators — None of the agitators brought up
for judgment — Declarations against a Repeal of the Union — Dis-
cussions in Parliament on the same subject — Continued disturbances
in Ireland — Insurrection Act enforced by Proclamation in several
counties, and Special Commission to try the offenders — Fatal colli-
sions between the peasantry and the authorities at Cattle Pollard —
At Newton-barry — In county Kilkenny.
Ill
DURING the discussion
parliament of the bill which
extended to the Roman Catholics
of Ireland all the civil rights en-
joyed by their Protestant fellow-
subjects, it had been predicted by
its opponents that the proposed
concessions, instead of restoring
])cace and tranquillity to that por-
tion of the empire, would only lead
to new demands, to be enforced by
the same instruments of agitation
and defiance, the efficacy of which
would have been proved by the
very measure that was then in con-
templation. The prediction was
already verified. Instead of the
re-appearauce of any tolerable de-
gree of harmony and good will,
submission to the law, and the
prosecution of industrious labour,
many parts of the country, and
more particularly the southern
counties, had become equally un-
safe for property and for life. The
peasantry set up their own uncon-
trolled law of force ; they banded
themselves in large bodies, as well
as in small, but numerous, parties,
'to enforce it; and, to gain their
ends, they shrunk from no deed of
blood, whether perpetrated in mere
open riot, or by private assassina-
tion. They directed themselves
against the tithes of the church,
and the rents and property of the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[301
laity. Marching armed to the
residences of the clergy, they com-
pelled them to reduce the legal
rate of the tithes, or to abandon it
altogether. Vengeance was de-
nounced, by all manner of threat-
ening notices, not only against the
persons who should exact, but
against the farmers who should
pay, it ; and the menaces were
carried into execution by murder,
rapine, and arson. In the face of
day, under the eyes of the pro-
prietor, and in defiance of all the
resistance which the security of
his life }>ermitted him to make,
they would cut down his trees in
order to arm their bands with the
weapons which were to be the
instruments of new crimes. Ac-
cording to custom, wherever their
more numerous assemblages were
likely to come in contact with the
military or police, they shrouded
themselves under a legal covering :
they had met to petition parlia-
ment, amuse themselves with some
rustic and national game, or to
celebrate a local festival — while
their true occupation was, to ar-
range or execute schemes of lawless
violence. By the month of Decem-
ber, 1 830, the lord lieutenant was
besieged by applications from the
magistrates of different parts of
the country, giving information
that meetings of a mischievous
tendency, under various pretexts
of political discussion or of public
amusement, were continually going
on around them, and expressing
the difficulties which they found
in determining how to proceed in
regard to them. The answer of
the government was contained in
a circular from the Irish secretary,
which declared, that while govern-
ment had no wish to interfere witli
the fair exercise of the right of
petitioniog, it was resolved to put
down every meeting which abused
that right as a pretext for mis-
chievous purposes.
" The law recognizes the fair
and legitimate exercise of the right
of petition ; it acknowledges also
the right of the people to meet
for the purposes of innocent recrea-
tion, and protects them in the full
and free exercise of that right.
But the law does not warrant any
assemblies having a manifest ana
direct tendency to a violation of
the public peace, under whatsoever
name, or for whatsoever professcjd
purpose, they may be convened ;
and, therefore, any assemblies of
persons, whether collected under
the pretence of petitioning, or of
public exhibitions of strength or
skill, or under any other pretence
whatsoever; if, from their num-
bers, acts, place, or times of meet-
ing, or other circumstances pre-
ceding or accompanying them,
they excite in the minds of his
majesty's well-disposed and peace-
able subjects reasonable fear that
the public peace will be thereby
violated, and the lives or properties
of the king*s subjects thereby en-
dangered ; or, if they be so con-
stituted or conducted as to induce
reasonable and well-founded appre-
hensions, that the motives and ob-
jects of the persons so assembling
are not the fair and legal exercise
of constitutional rights and privi-
leges, but the accomplishment of
alterations in the laws and consti-
tution of the realm, by means of
intimidation, and by demonstration
of physical force, or by any other
than legal and constitutional means;
in these, and in all such like cases,
such assemblies, however composed,
or with whatsoever professed view
collected, are illegal, and are, by
the law, denominated * unlawful
assemblies.*
302] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
^^ And it 18 the duty of all ma-
gistrates, within whose jurisdiction
such assemblies are called together
(b^ing first duly satisfied of their
illegal nature), by all lawful means
within their power to prevent such
meetings, and to suppress and dis-
perse them."
The exposition of the law was
clear enough ; the difficulty lay
in applying it. The very offence
threw an obstacle in the way of
pfinishment or prevention ; for an
active magistrate, like an obnoxious
landlord, was not secure of his
life for a single night. The exer-
ti(9ns of the police and the magis-
trates placed no effectual restraint
upon the population ; illegal assem-
blages and atrocious crimes con«<
tinijed to disgrace the country.
Thp peasantry marched in bands
through the counties, demanding
reduction of rents, and increase of
wages ; threatening destruction to
the magistrates and gentry who
should disobey, or endeavour to
resist. In some instances, they
called on the proprietors, at the
peril of their lives and property,
to meet at a certain time, and
make regulations in accordance
with these commands. In others,
they deterred the tenants of the
refractory proprietor from proceed-
ing with their agricultural opera-
tions. In others, they insisted
that no mode of agriculture should
be used but that which should em«
ploy the greatest number of hands,
sucli as spade-husbandry. In the
qounty of Meath, they marched
from house to house, taking the
labourera from their work, and tlie
horses from the plough ; and so
soon as the military had dispersed
an assemblage at one point, a new
one started up at another. Arms
were procured by breaking into
houses during the night, and com-
pelling the inmates to surrender
the weapons without which no
man in Ireland was safe. Murder
was not spared. In the month
of January, a Mr. Blood, in the
county of Clare, was murdered by
ruffians introduced, for the pur-
pose, by his own servants. About
the middle of February, a Mr.
Synge, who unfortunately had
tenants upon church lands, whose
demands were very different from
his rights, was pierced with four
bidlets in the neighbourhood of his
own house : and only a week after-
wards, a magistrate in the county
of Tipperary was murdered by a
band who entered his house to
search for arms.
To the alarm which these disor-
ders spread among the better
classes of society, was added, in
many places, great distress among
the lower. In the country as well
as in the large towns, crowds were
famishing for want of food, and
sinking into bodily sickness from
want of clothing during the incle-
mency of the winter. In only
two baronies of the county of Mayo
there were stated to be, by the
middle of Februaiy, upwards of
twenty thousand persons, without
any visible means of procuring food.
The potatoe crop had failed all
along the western coast of Ireland,
and it was estimated that in that
district of the island there would
almost immediately be at least
200,000 persons in want of food,
and of the means of obtaining it.
This miserable distress was by no
means confined to Mayo, although
it first appeared there in its most
alarming degree. Much of it pre-
vailed likewise in the counties of
Galway and Sligo, and it gradually
began to make its appearance in
other parts of the island. Peti-
tions were presented to parliament
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[308
praying for relief, and the chan-
cellor of the Exchequer proposed
a vote of 50,000/. to be advanced
to certain commissioners, who
should lend it, on proper security,
to be used in giving employment
to the starving population, in
making roads and similar public
works.
This state of things furnished at
once the materials and the causes
of civil insubordination j and it
was amid those scenes of piteous
destitution and criminal excesses
that the men, who arrogated to
themselves the title of the true
friends of Ireland, prosecuted their
schemes for dislocating the whole
state of society, and interrupting
the relations which enable all its
ranks to contribute to the well-
being of each of the others. While
the peasantry were agitating in
the counties, by crimes of all de-
grees of atrocity, the wore distin-
guished disciples of that creed
were pursuing the same object in
Dublin, justifying, by their ex-
ample, the disregard of law, in
whieli all those miseries had their
origin. The rustic agitators,
nursed in ignorance, and often
rendered desperate by w-ant, de-
manded the abolition of tithes, the
reduction of rents, and the in-
crease of wages : the Dublin agi-
tators, blessed with education, liv-
ing in comfort, and some of them
in luxury, held up tithes as a
cruel persecution, and landlords
as tyrannical hard-hearted oppres-
sors, and demanded, in effect, that
in their own hands should be de-
posited all the powers of govern-
ment. The men who had thrown
Ireland into confusion, and brought
her to the borders of rebellion, to
gain the privilege of being eligible
to the parliament of the united
kingdom, now extended their views
to higher objects. They demand-
ed that that parliament should be
destroyed : tney insisted on a re-
peal of the union between Britain
and Ireland; they clamoured as
loudly that a separate legislature
was essential to the welfare of the
latter, as they had clamoured for
the removal of their civil disabili-
ties. There was nothing unna-
tural in the progress which they
were thus making: it was the
point to which Irisli demagogues
and a Catholic priesthood neces-
sarily tended. Irish demagogues
were lost or diluted in the large
mass of the united parliament, but
would be powerful potentates in
an Irish house of commons, creat-
ed and controlled by their own
furious partizans. The Popish
hierarchy, even if it shoula be
able to return only Catholics from
Ireland, could never hope to wield
to its own purposes the Protestant
House of Commons of the united
empire; but its influence would
be immeasurable over an Irish
house of commons which, now that
the exclusion of Catholics was re-
moved, would be a Catholic house
of commons, armed with power,
and animated with inclination, to
bring down a h9avy though a late
punishment on the heresies of the
Church of England, and to build
up the ruined altars, and restore
once more the gorgeous omnipo-
tence of their own infallible hier-
archy.
The declared object of the agi-
tators, therefore (for in that ap-
uellation the demagogues of Ire-
land now gloried), was the reyiesd
of the Union ; agitation was once
more the instrument to be employ-
ed, and Mr. O'Connell was again
the great agitator. He proceeded
at once Ui parade in the eyes of
government the physical force
304] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
which he was about to direct, the
accumulation of ignorant passion
by which he was to produce his
irresistible confusion. It was an-
nounced that the trades of Dublin
were to march through the streets
of tlie city, on the 27th December
(1830), in solemn procession, in
honour of Mr. 0*Connell ; that
is, that the streets of a peaceful
city were to be occupied by a body
of many tliousand men, banded
together in regular array for a po-
litical object, and possessing the
power, if they should think fit to
exercise it, of wrapping the capi-
tal in plunder and confusion. Ire-
land, more fortunate in this re-
spect, than some other parts of the
empire, possessed, in the act for tlie
suppression of dangerous assem-
blies and associations, the means
of repressing this form of the mis-
chief. By virtue of the powers
wliich that act vested in him, the
Lord Lieutenant issued a procla-
mation, on the 25th of December,
prohibiting the intended proces-
sion, on the ground tliat it was
" calculated to lead to a disturb-
ance of the' public peace, and
had excited serious appreliensions
thereof in the minds of his Majes-
ty's peaceable subjects, and that
language of a highly inflammatory
nature had been used by some of
the persons who had signified their
intention to attend."
The populace, who were thus to
be deprived of their raree-show,
and the great showman himself,
immediately met, to deliberate
whether it would be safe and pru-
dent to set the government at de-
fiance. 0*Connell advised tlie
mob to obey the proclamation,
while he told them above all
things to condemn it. He assured
tliem that the repeal of the Union
was inevitable, if they would only
obey the law, and he left them in
no doubt as to what he meant by
"obeying the law." They were
to proceed to agitate precisely as
they had done in the cause of
emancipation ; and all the world
knew what was that honest obedi-
ence to the law which had induced
a reluctant cabinet " to break in
upon the Protestant constitution
of the empire." " At one time,"
said he, " Catholic emancipation
was far more hopeless, in appear-
ance, than is the repeal. However,
the unitedforce of a class achieved
that measure— the united force of
a people will achieve the other.
By force I mean the force of opi-
nion, the force of reason, the force
of justice : physical force we abhor
and abjure. By agitation, Ireland
has obtained civil and religious
freedom — by agitation we have
escajHid an increase of taxation —
by agitation we have prevented
the abolition of the vice-royalty,
and by agitation we will obtain a
repeal of the Union. It is idle to
talk of our being governed by a
foreign parliament. My object in
seeking a repeal of the Union is,
to make— to induce every man who
has property in Ireland — or re-
ceives pensions or salaries out of
our taxes, to spend his income at
home. If the people continue to
obey my counsel — to follow my ad-
vice— I promise them to have, be-
fore three months, established some
club or society in Dublin as will
make the English government re-
store to us our rights." At the
end of many three months, this
promise was as far from being
recollected or fulfilled, as any
of the thoi\sand other promises
with whiclr ne practised on the
gullibilities of his gaping and
believing rabble. In place of
the intended procession, it was
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[305
resolved that two deputies from
each of the trades should march to
his house, and there deliver to him
their complimentary address. This
limited exhibition was allowed to
take place. O'Connell snuffed up
the vulgar incense, and replied to
his worshippers, ** You are now
petty, paltry, provincial slaves;
but, with the help of God, and the
will of good men, you shall be free,
and agitation shall never be put
down till the king's speech is pro-
nounced by an Irish lord lieute-
ant in the parliament-house in
College-green. I am one of the
trades; and my trade is agita-
tion."
But O'Connell, like every other
artizan, could do nothing in his
trade without his tools. The es-
sential tools of an agitator are as-
semblages of blind and unreasoning
men. Thinking that by avoiding
processions he would evade the
charge of endangering the public
peace, he convoked his followers
to make arrangements for forming
a society, to be styled " The Gene-
ral Association of Ireland ^br the
Prevention of Unlawful Meetings^
and for the Protection and Exer-
cise of the sacred Right of Peti-
tioning for the Redress of Griev-
ances," an appellation which might
be privileged in an Irishman, but
which, when translated into Eng-
lish, meant an association for the
prevention of its own Meet-
ings. O'Connell seemed to be
weak enough to believe that, by
assuming, in words, so laudable
a character, he would prevent the
law from reaching the substantial
mischief of his mob assemblages.
Every person who chose was to
become a member of this society,
on payment of five shillings ;
and it was to hold its first meet-
ing so soon as 1 00 members had
Vol. LXXIII.
entered, which was sure to be the
work of a few minutes. These
preparations were made on the 6th
of January : on the 7th the Lord
Lieutenant issued a proclamation,
setting forth that this new society,
'* under the shift and device of
preventing unlawfril meetings, and
protecting the right of petitioning,
had been really established for the
purpose of intimidating the magis-
tracy of Ireland, and controlling
the exercise of lawful authority,
and for other dangerous purposes;
that the existence of such an asso-
ciation was dangerous to the pub-
lic peace, and inconsistent with the
due administration of the law."
The proclamation, therefore, pro-
hibited ''the meeting of the said
association, assembly, or body of
persons; and all adjourned, re-
newed, or continued meetings of
the same, or of any part thereof,
under any name, pretext, or de-
vice whatsoever."
The government and O'Connell
were now at issue on the question,
whether the former would be able
effectually to follow him through
the subterfuges and windings by
which he sought to evade the law,
or whether he was to succeed in
setting at defiance its spirit and
object, under a hypocritical re-
spect to its words. The ministry,
having gone so far, could not now
be foiled without disgrace. The
first idea of the agitator, when he
found himself thus resisted, was a
singular one. He assembled the
elite of his friends 5 one bond of
union among whom was, their be-
ing subscribers to what was called
the Parliamentary^nt^Uigence Of-
fice ', he denounced the proclama-
tion as an act of despotism — ^a new
crime'against the country; and he
proposed that he himself should be
declared to be in his own person
806] ANNUAL REGISTER. 1831.
an Irish asfooiatioii. ^' I propose,"
said he, *' that the association in«
tendad to have heisn formed ias the
preventiou of illegal meetings, and
protecting the exercise of the right
of petition, stand dissolved, and
that 1 act in the place of that asso*
ciation. I substitute myself for
that society, because the law can-
not readi me as an individual. I
appoint Mr. Dwyer my secretary,
and I tell the people to submit to
the law. Before they go to any
meeting where they intend to pe-f
tition parliament, let five of the
steadiest amongst them be appoint •>
ed, who can speak to any magis*
trate about to disperse them ; let
them say to him, " If you, sir, are
going to disperse our meeting,
only send in a policeman, send in
an unarmed child, so that he will
lay his hand on each individual,
we will all part quietly/' Let
this be done, and it will be follow-*
ed by 500 actions against the ma-
gistrate. I am quite ready, and
will try the question with them.
They may try to put us down by
proclamation, but they cannot dis-
perse me. I will be the Pacifica'
tor of Ireland, \^Cheersl I will
put a letter in the public news-
papers, calling upon any person
who chooses to pay 5*. to Mr.
Dwyer — for I will not take more
.— «nd with this money I think I
shall be able to protect the right
of petitioning. The people will
have Protestant and Catholic at-
tornies enough. Thus, indivi-
dually, I shall be able to do that
which otherwise a society would
have performed. We must also
have two new societies : one a
club, to meet at Home's, to look
to all matters connected with elec-
tions, and which will take care
that no men be returned to par-
liament but those who are anti-
unionists ; the second is a sociatyi
in the words of the marquis of An*
gleaaa to Mr. Kertland, ^^ to dis-
cuss the merits of the Union qae««
tion, and petition thereupon."
Mr. O'Connell was now a cor-
poration sole ; but notwiihitand<»
mg this metaphorical multiplica-
tion of character, he was only one
man, while there could be no sue-
oeeefttl agitation without plans
adopted and arranged by numbers,
to act upon numbers greater sUU»
and without assemblages to fill the
public ear, keep up puUic atten-
tion, and give tne cause importance
in the public eye. He and his
friends, therefore, transferred their
discussions to a meeting which
they were in the habit of holding,
once a week, at a hotel in Dublin*
A public breakfast was the pre-
text of their assembling at Home's
hotel, but the arrangement and
furtherance of their anti-union
schemes, and turbulent politics
formed their true object, and their
sole and serious occupation. From
this subterfuge, too, they were
forthwith driven. The Lord Lieu-
tenant issued a proclamation, on
the 10th of January, setting forth
'^ that a body of persons has been
in the habit of meeting weekly at
a place in the city of Dublin called
Home's Hotel ; and that the said
assembly has been designed, and
the meeting thereof held, for the
purpose of disseminating seditious
sentiments, and of exciting among
bis majesty's subjects disaffection
against the administration of the
law, and the constituted authori-
ties of the realm," and prohibiting
the further meeting of that body,
or any part of it, under any name
or device whatsoever. On the
same day O'Connell put forth his
proclamation, in the form of a'^let-
ter to the people of Lrelaud," advis«
HISTORY OF EUROPE, p07
iqg ^k^m to obey ih« Lofd X4ftt« tbafc ^' wi Htooiali(»i« ii0«imbly« fm
tepant^ «ltboygh be bad gmt did bodjf of persoos MgumiBg Ibe fo]«
£quUy in vmtmning bis iRdig«a« lowing d^ominatioiis^ or ao»e of
tioQ ^' ^t livUig IP an eadav^ tboiii> tbat ia to aay» * Tbo fikH
nation, wbero a proclamatioii ia oiaty of tbo Frbndf of Ireland of
law. Another aet of legal daapo* all lUligloua Penuaaiona j' < The
tiim ba^ bee^ cioraroitled. We Iriab Sooiaty for Lagal and hfii^^
are tbe bound slftyea of a powof latifo Relief, or tbe Anti'^uiiion
created by law, and wbieb« ibare-r AawKnatios i' ^ Tbe Aa^WHatiou
fpre> tbould be aulanitted to. A of Iriah Volttiila«» for tba Repeal
ain^IeRnglifihmaacaibip tbiaoQf of tbe Unios;' 'The General
nativ(9 land, di^te to ua. Ha Aaieoiatton of Irdaod ftt tba Fra^
can \jm tba m(m% fa]«e jftod aada« ?eiitiop of Unlawfol Maattngat and
oio\i< galuninias with impunity i for tba Protaction and Exerciee of
but. abo?e all thiega, bia will ia tbe jSaorad Right of PatitioBing
made the arbiter of our eonduot. f(ff the Bedrata of GrkvaiiQaa ;*
Another proclamation has been '^ Tbe Snbacribere to tbe Par1ia><
issued bv tbe veraoious Lord Ao«* mentary IntelHgeneeroffioe, 8te-i
glesey: he has prohibited break- pbeu-streeti' and other deeigoa«
fmU at Home's* This veraoioui tions^ have (rom time to time held
Lord Anglesey's proclamation must meetings at dilferent places in tbe
be obeyed. Let us obey it readily city of Dublin^ hr tbe nurpose of
— let no man breakfast at Home's* promulgating and eiroulating se-
AlasI poc^Homel But at break- ditious dootrinea and sentiments^
fast^ dinner^ and sup|)er, let erery and have eodeavourad« bymaaniof
Irishman recollect tnat be lirea in inflemmatory baranguea and mibli-
a country where one Englisbmau'a cations> to excite and keep afifa in
will is law." Nothing certainly the minds of his mi^jeaty'a aul^jeete
could match the assurance of this in Irelund a spirit of disaffeotion
mauj in advising his countrymen and hostility to the existing laws
to obey the law« while every act and government t that other meet.*
of hisj which called forth the re« ings of the said association^assem*
peated exertions of leg^ autbori" bly« or body of persona for such
ty, was a defiance of the law^ not purposes under the i^oresaiddeaig-
mended by being wrapt In tha nations^ or some of tbem« or some
flimsy and paltry disguise of an other name or names » and under
attempted erasion of the law. various pretexts and devicaa« are
Accordingly he followed up bia intended to be held :*' and it pro-
advice to obey the laW| by immedi* hibitedj under any name, or in any
ately proceeding to disregard it, shape whatever^the meeting of the
The objects which were to ha?e saia association^ assemblyi or body
been compassed by the prohibited of persons* government being de-
association were transferred toother termined to suppress the same,
meetings^ and new onea were form* The proclamation was followed*
ed, still the same in substancoj but next dav« according to enstomj by
differing in name. The govern- a manimto of Mr. O'Connell to
ment| not yet wearied out) pounced his fellow-countrymen. He seemed
upon them all at one fdl swoop, to be now visited with awkward
A proclamation was issued on the misgivings regarding his success
13th of January, which stated in this contest of lawless usurpation
[1X23
308] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
with legal and necessary authority,
and the blindness of his wrath
hurried him on towards projects
still more extravagant. He sub-
mitted to the people the propriety
of ruining themselves, destroying
credit, and throwing the country
into confusion^ by making a sud-
dei^ run upon the banks for gold.
** The object of this proclamation,"
said he, " is to gag the Irish
people ; we are not deemed worthy
of liberty of speech, and you will
find, I am told, sage political
hypocrites, and still more base and
time-serving Catholics, to applaud
the Algerine measures which would
silence the voice of Ireland. It is
said that one of the principal man-
agers of the provincial bank in
this country, in conjunction with
the slavish Catholic of the bank of
Ireland, has stipulated to support
the despotic proclamation.*' He
declared it necessary, therefore, to
be prepared to punish these sup-
posed delinquents, and all others
of the same kind, by shaking their
banks, suggesting that the con-
cealed intention was, to attack the
press, and put in motion the monied
men who might have influence
upon special juries. He told the
people to wait to see whether the
press should be assailed, which, in
his mouth, meant, to see whether
any notice would be taken of the
libels and calumnies which he was
every day disseminating against
the government. " If that should
take place, that instant I will use
all the energies of my mind, and
whatever inHuence I possess, to
lessen the power of the paper
makers, and produce a general
gold currency. I do hope that if
my fears are realized and the press
shall be assailed, there will not be,
in one week after, a single bank
note in circulation." Yet while he
thus undisguisedly spoke of this
atrocious absurdity as a mere in-
strument of political vengeance,
he attempted to throw over it the
protest of a deep conviction, " that
it was essentially necessary for the
permanent good of Ireland, that
the present anomalous state of the
currency should be corrected, and
that England should not have the
advantage of a gold circulation,
while Ireland had only paper,"
not knowing, or rather wilfiillv
forgetting, that when the small
notes were withdrawn from circu-
lation in England, it was the de-
termined resistance of Scotland and
Ireland which preserved them for
these countries, as necessary to
the proper support of credit, and
the beneficial course of their mer-
cantile transactions.
It was clear that even if this
extravagant scheme had been prac-
ticable, its consequences would have
been ruinous to those who were
required to be the instrument of
its execution. The interruption
of all credit would have been fol-
lowed by an interruption of all
important branches of industry;
every form of want and distress,
which already stalked through
Ireland, would have been multi-
plied and armed with new horrors.
It is possible that O'Connell did
not see these consequences ; but it
is likewise perfectly possible that
he saw, in the aggravated distress
which must have thence arisen,
only a new and prolific manufac-
ture of the materials of that com-
motion and fermentation, on whose
impure surface his vulgar and
noisy popularity was to be floated
along. However that might be,
the very possibility of such an oc-
currence as he threatened began
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[809
immediately to produce its neces-
sary effects. To some extent^ but
only amongst the ignorant^ appli-
cations were made to the banks for
gold. They were instantly com-
plied with ; but the banks^ at the
same time^ both from its being im-
possible to foretel how far these
demands might go^ and to take the
best means of stopping them, im-
mediately restricted their discounts,
or refused them altogether. A
sort of panic ensued. It was not
confined to Dublin, but spread to
all parts of Ireland to which the
threats and projects of the agita-
tor reached. Merchants found
themselves at once in as bad a con-
dition as if their credit had been
gone. The usual transactions of
buying and selling were interrupt-
ed, and even the country people
did not remain long ignorant of
the mischief, when they suddenly
found themselves compelled to carry
back from Dublin, Limerick, or
Kilkenny, the productions which
they had brought to market. The
banks, in the mean time, stood
firm, no apprehension was enter-
tained. The gentry in some of
the counties put forth circulars,
condemning the panic which had
gone abroad, and declaring them-
selves as willing to take bank notes
from their tenantry as ever. The
merchant, shopkeeper, artizan and
labourer were equally involved in
embarrassment; there was an in-
stant stagnation in trade ; a rapid
decline in the value of all articles
of consumption, including pro-
visions and . agricultural produce,
on which Ireland is so very de-
pendent. The effects opened the
eyes of all the world to the ab-
surdity of the project. Every
man saw and felt that the injury
was done, not to the banks, but to
the peoplci and that the proposed
measure instead of shaking the
stability of the former, only dimi-
nished the resources, and hampered
or ruined, the business of the latter.
In the course of ten days the panic
was no more, the demand for gold
had ceased, and confidence was
restored. In one respect it had
done good, by shaking in n^any
persons their blind confidence in
their great leader. All the anti-
unionists who depended on other
professions than agitation, were
wroth at his blindness and igno-
rance. A few days afterwards he
proposed another scheme of a si-
milar character, viz. that the go-
vernment should be compelled to
surrender, by all Ireland refusing
to consume exciseable commodities;
but the proposition came too soon
after his other experiment in poli-
tical economy, to produce any
effect.
In one of his addresses to the
people, after the proclamation of
the 13th of January had been is-
sued, he affirmed that it tvent be-
yond the law; that it was an exer-
cise of despotic authority which the
law had not vested in any person ;
that it was in itself an impeachable
offence, and that the moment he
saw *'a, popular House of Com-
mons,*' he would bring it before
that House, with a view to saluta-
ry punishment. Notwithstanding
the proclamation, therefore, he
convoked another meeting, but in-
stead of doing so manfully, like a
person who is determined to assert
a legal right against lawless power,
he tried another of his sneaking
subterfuges. An assembly merely
for the purpose of petitioning was
innocent; and the new convocation
was ostensibly a meeting of n com-
mittee of thirty-one persons, to
make arrangements for a great ag-
gregate assembly^ at which a peti-
aid] ANNUAL REGlSTEH, 1831.
iioh fbi^ the repeal of thd Unioh Was
to be voted. Tliis preteiided com-
mittee^ however, met, as it fof mer-
]y had done^ Uhder the disguise of
a public bi^akfiist, and every per^
sou \Vho chose to pay fo^ his break-
fkst titket was admitted. While
OlDoUneH was haraUguibg con-
cerning the proclamations, and the
alct of parliaineUt in virtue of which
they had been issued, two magis-
trates enteted the room to disperse
the meeting. By the Statute a
magistrate must give a meeting
fiilteeh minutes to separate, after
reading to them a c^ftain notice
therein ptedcribed ; if any person
remains longer, he may be iih-
prSsoned. O'Connell insisted that
all the formaiities should be ob-
serVTed, he took out his watch, and
had some difference with the ma-
gistrate whether the notice had
been given at eight or ten minute))
past eleven. He employed the
fleeting moments in assuring the
magistrates that nobody then pre-
sent had any connection with any
of the societies mentioned in the
proclamation, and in assurihg his
own friends, that the proicieeding
was utterly illegal, although it had
the appearance of law. The fifteen
minutes expired, and the meeting
dispersed.
The only vent which he now
found for his wrath and vitupera-
tion was in industriously attending
the meetings held in difibrent pa-
rishes and districts for the putpose
of voting petitiohs fbr the repeal
of the union, and he went into
mourning for the fete of Ireland.
A day or two after the dispersion
of his last assemblage, he appeared
at a meeting of some inhabitants of
St. Thomas's parish, stripped of his
ordinary emblem of faction, and
wearing cn^, which he had re-
solved liot to lay aside till the re«
peal of ''the A]|e^iiie tiet,*' Ifat
act, that is, Which prevented him
fh)m assembliug mobs te overawe
the government. He again defied
the govertimeht to put dbWn agita«
tiou; '* No, ttevei* While I live ^ and
if tomorrow I Were togto to tht^
grave or to the icaflbld, 1 Will be^
qUeath to my ehildreh eternal hatred
of the UiiioH. I have made a re^
solution td Wear crape ottidy hat,
till that most obiioxidus aet^ uuder
which oUr asdociatiohs were put
down, ishall he ret^ealed; I hate
resolved not to taste of any etciee-
able article, till that evenl ahall
hate taken plaee; aud thin verjr
morning, when the lea and coflbe
were placed before me at breakfest
I put them aside, and contented
myself with milk.'* His leading
disciples made themselvea cOU"-
temptibie by similar fooleries. Mr.
Lawle^i, when speaking at a meet-
ing of the same kind, of a loytl ad-
dr^6 presented to the lord-lieuten-
ant by the Dublin chamber of eom-
mercc) containing all the mercan-
tile respectability of the d^tal,
said) '* we will beggar the rasealB.
I^ome of them are concerned in the
whisky trade— we will not taste li
diiop of whisky ; We will join a
tem))eranDe so<ciety^ There is no
man more Ibnd of a tumMer of
punch than I am (a voice fh)m the
crowd cried, '*Jack> I think you
eould take two>") but if they per-
severe, we tHll nxyt take a sup.*'
At the same meeting Mr; Sheil
said> '^ If the Union is not repealed
within two years, I am determined
that I will pay neither h»)t, tithes,
nor taxes. They may distrain my
g^ds^ but who'll buy, boyS? that's
the wwd— who'll buy ? Mind, I
dont tell any man here to foltow
my advice j but, So help me €rod,
if I dont do it, you may call me
Sheil of the silk gown/' Tkm
ttlSTORY OF EtJROPE.
[81 1
\r«ire to be t!ie mountebank legisla-
tors of Ireland! And this very
Mr. Shell, in the course of a few
weeks, was actually brought into
Parliament by his majesty's min-
isters, that they might make uae
of his moderation and sagacity in re-
modelling the English constitution.
It was impossible for O'Connell
to admit, if he valued his popular-
Hty, that the law was too strong
for him : the vulgar, whose igno-
rance he abused, believed him to
be impregnable in law, because on
every occasion he said so. They
could not imagine how any powei*
should interfere actually to dis-
perse a meeting held under his
sanction, and he was compelled to
maintain that the dispersion was
illegal. At the meeting of St.
Thomas's parish already mentioned,
he said, *^ I have now thirty years
experience in criminal law prac*-
tice, and I pledge myself, that it
Is plain to the clearest demonstra*
tion, that the act of the magis*-
trates which dispersed the commit-
tee, was utterly illegal, and that
those who sent them for that pur^
pose were guilty of a high misde'-
meanour. If I be asked, why I
did not appeal to a jury on this
point> tny answer is, that the
act does not allow an appeal to a
jury. If the meeting does not dis-
perse in fifleet) minutes aHei* being
summoned so to do, the niagistr«tte
»iay immediately commit those
present to Newgate for three
months.'* Nothing could be more
itiGoaceivable than the absurdity of
thUi, e^c^ t^ mweral^e <ktusioii
of the popidaioe> or th« cdlusiv«
blindness of the knaves who still
followed in his tnUn, apparently
fdiq^ting, as readily ais he did
himself, the huge niass ^ u««^
^med pledges whidi he had been
He had declared openly, when he
constituted himself into a corpora-
tion, that if a single meeting were
dispersed, it would be fbllowed im-
mediately by five hundred actions.
A meeting of his own had actually
been dispersed: he declared that
the illegality of that dispersion was
clear to demonstration ; but the
value of this declaration he would
not put to the test of an action.
He IS asked, why he does not
appeal to a jury, and his answer
is the nonsense of saying that he
could not appeal to a jury, because
the meeting must disperse in fif-
teen minutes. But, in the first
place> if there was no room fbr an
action, why had he pledged him-
self to the believing tsmh, that
a single case of dispersion would be
fbllowed by hosts of actions, and
begged their five-billing contribu^
tions to enable him to fight these
battles ? And, secondly, the ques«
tion was not, whether, during the
interval of fifteen minutes, he
could try before a jury the point of
his meeting being bound to disperse
when the fifteen niinutes haa e^-
pir^, but whether the dispersion
at the end of the interval was le*
gal. The question put to kim^ was
Siis-^* how comes it, Mr.O*€onnell>
that> af^r obeying an ordef which
you sny Is iliega1> and which yt»u
pledged yourself to try at law
whenevet* it should be enforced, you
did not bring the question to issue
belbre a pr&pet tilbunal ! Why
did you not bring the magistrate
to account for ba^ng iliegally dis'*
pensed your meeting ? And O'Con*
neil's answer vi^as Uiis — ^ since he
did disperse us illegally, that pre-
vents tfte tr^m shewing that lie did
.so; but if he had Jet lialone> tlien
t Would have Imd him before, a
jnry for illegally dispersing us.
9«t4iltiioue)il(r.Ot>omieil>w«ii«
312] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
he abused his followers with pledges
''false as lovers' oaths," knew the
law too well to have any wish to
appear before a jury, the govern-
ment determined that before a jury
he should go. On the 18th of
January, he, and his leading par-
tisans. Lawless, Steele, Barret,
Dwyer, Reynolds, Redmond, and
Clooney, were apprehended on in-
formations which charged them with
having held various meetings
(which were specified) in violation
of the lord-lieutenant's proclama-
tion issued under the authority of
the statute, and with having con-
spired to violate and evade the said
proclamation, and the mandates
thereof. O'Connell, when carried
before the magistrates, inquired,
whether it was by orders from their
superiors, or on their own respon-
sibility, that they had dared to is-
sue a warrant against him, a house-
holder of Dublin, and a member of
Parliament ! The magistrates,
who ought to have given no answer
to any such question, told him that
they had acted upon instructions.
He then went into an argument
(for he argued every where except
in the right place) to convince
them, that the warrant contained
no offence for which he could le-
gally be held to bail ; but he was
under the necessity of closing his
argument by giving bail, himself
in 1,000Z. and two securities in
5001. each. His satellites found
bail for 200/., and two securities
for 100/. each. The occurrence,
intelligence of which immediately
spread through Dublin, had col-
lected a crowd in the streets.
O'Connell forthwith made a speech
to them. " Yesterday I was only
half an agiAtor ; henceforth I am,
a whole one. Day and night will
I now strive to fling off despotism,
to redeem my country, to repeal
the Union, and to establish on a
permanent basis, the happiness and
legislative independence of my
native land. Many an honest man
who was yesterday opposed to the
present agitation, will be, before
the close of this day, a determined,
unflinching friend to Repeal." At
a meeting next day, at which he
delivered one of his usual vitu-
perative orations, he actually pro-
posed going over to hold his as-
semblies in Liverpool. He con-
tinued to speak, and to publish
letters, pretending to laugh at the
prosecution, and the absurdity of
the charge, while the nonsense
which he spoke and wrote, utterly
disgraceful to him as a lawyer,
showed clearly that he felt there
was no ground on which the charge
could be successfully met. The
universal theme of nis argument
was, that he was called in question
for having disobeyed a proclama-
tion, while every tyro knew, and
he quoted lord Coke to prove it,
that the king could not create
an offence by proclamation ; *' I
therefore laugh to seam the charge
against me of disobeying a pro-
clamation." O'Connell himself
must either have been the most
ignorant blunderer that ever dis-
graced the name even of tyro, or
he must have been of all men the
most pitifully dishonest. If he
was not the former, he knew
that the proclamations which he
was charged with having disobeyed,
were proclamations issued by au-
thority of an act of Parliament,
and not in the exercise of any
imagined prerogative in the crown ;
and if he was not the latter, he
would not, knowing this, have in-
dulged in the endless nonsense with
which he inundated the public day
after day, till the approach of the
serious combat compelled him to
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[313
drop the mask, and shrink into
nothing in the presence of law and
reason. The Freeman's Journal^
in which one of these diatribes ap-
peared, under the title of a letter
to his constituents, was brought by
the Attorney-general, before the
King's Bench, as a contempt of
court 5 it being an endeavour, when
the charge, under which the par-
ties had been held to bail, was
about to be submitted to the legal
tribunals, to poison the public
mind, and the mind of any jury
that might go into the box, by in-
ducing them to believe, that the
charge was ridiculous and ground-
less, that the prosecutors were
actuated by the basest motives,
and that the sole object of govern-
ment in issuing the proclamations
was to secure the punishment of
the persons proceeded against,
whether they were guilty of an
offence against the law, or not.
An attachment was granted against
the proprietor of the paper.
O'Connell would not come forward
to declare himself the author.
On the 25tbr of January, indict-
ments were ready to be laid before
the grand jury. Mr. Justice Jebb
in his charge to the grand jury, gave
a very different version of the of-
fence and of the statute, from that
with which the agitator had know-
ingly been deluding his followers.
" If the lord-lieutenant, by his pro-
clamation, has prohibited the assem-
bly of a number of persons, and has
signified his intention to prohibit
them under a proclamation by a
name and denomination, and if
persons should, notwithstanding
that, and with the knowledge of
the proclamation, assemble and
meet together for the purposes pro-
hibited— ^if they assemble as such
assemblies and associations^ so pro-
hibited by the lord-lieutenant's
proclamation, they commit a
breach of the law ; they are subject
to an indictment, and to be pun-
ished as persons guilty of a misde-
meanour, with such term of pun-
ishment as the common law pro-
vides for those guilty of a misde-
meanour. The oiFence of assem-
bling in breach of the act, may be
committed, although the persons
guilty of it may not have been cal-
led upon by the magistrates or the
civil power to disperse, or being
called upon by the civil power to
separate, may have dispersed with-
in the time prescribed by law.
The second breach of the law for
which I am informed the officers
of the crown are to send up bills
of indictment to you is this, a con-
spiracy to commit a breach of this
particular act of Parliament ; which
is in itself an unlawful act. The
informations go to establish this
fact> that persons assembled as a
meeting or association, forbidden
by proclamation, did, when called
upon by the civil powers, or when
they were under the apprehension
that they would be so called upon,
conspire so as to do the particu-
lar act which they were forbidden
by the proclamation ^o do. If per-
sons constituting an assembly pro-
hibited by proclamation agree to
meet under another denomination,
but for the same purpose, that is
' a shift or device ; it is a meeting
of the same men, of the same
persons, and may be called an ad-
journment of the same meeting;
and, being so, it is a breach of the
act of parliament. But if it should
appear to you that the assemblage
or meeting was reallj^given up —
that the object for ^lich such
meeting was held was abandoned,
and that the persons forming it had
S141 ANNUAL REGIStER, 1831.
ftgM^ to tlfiperse^ aud thereby
obey the lord llcutenftot'* procla-
niatioti, but that for other purposes
really^ aud 6ona.^efe distinct, they
^tisenibled together^ then that is
lint a breach of the act of parlia-
ment. But if you> by witnesses^
be AatisBed that th6 persotis charg-
i!d, or any of them, were at such
meeting and assembly forbidden by
the prodamatiob to meet together^
though they did afterwards under
H difierent name assemble, then it
is you^ duty to find the bills on
the counts charging them with so
mieeting as th^t particular associ-
Alion ; and if ydu should be of
opinion that they did, with a change
of toame^ but with the same pur-
pose^ agree to assemble together^
theti the construction that We give
to the act is, that the agreeing and
fuiiiembling of the same body to
meet, with a change of name, is
only a * shift and device ;' and if
theise persons (Confederated together
fbr that purpose> then tlmt is a
conspiracy."
llie grattd jury found true bills
i^inst all the parties; andO'Con-
»^ll, (h^tead of manfully meetitog
the charge, set to work to intent
ievery possible expedient by which
he might gain d^ay. To some of
thl3 countii he pleaded not guilty,
while to ethers of them, in ordei*
to gAin time, and throw the case
out d( the term, which would pro-
tract the period Sit which, if con-
vieted, he would be called up ifor
judgment^ he put in a demurrer.
The other defendants followed hiis
e^mple, except that Redmiind
pleaded not guilty to all of the
oount«) and Steele pleaded nnl Hd
reteri ou the prodamation stated
in some of the couhts. The pleiE^
were filed on the 19 th of January.
Ofe the 1 St of February the Court
of King's Bench^ on the applica-
tion of th^ Attorney^ceneral, (for
O'Cottnell and his fnends never
moved in adduce) ordered the
demurrer to be argued ou the 7th.
To argue the demurrer> however,
was uo part of O'Ctmneir^ plan ;
he knew it was Untenable in law,
and that a demurrer admitted the
truth of the facts stated in th<^
indictment, so that a decision
disallowing the demurrer> would
amount to a Oonvictlon» The ar«
gument, moreover, in the Court
of King's Bench I Would require
very different materials fhmt those
which Were reckoned wt^rthy of
all acceptation al the Com £x^
chauge> or th^ Parliamentary In*
telligence-oiftce. AcCord)&gly4 on
the 5th of PebruarTi two dayn
beft>fe the day appmnled i^ aiv
guing whether th« indictment did
or did not contain a legd diartte,
O'Gonbell applied to the court m
permissiou to withdraw his de*
murrer, and plead not guilty to
the whole ioaictment, tmt ]8> to
Cotifbss that what he was alleged
to have done was a violati^ of the
laW) but that he hirfl not dode it.
8o far tie gained his object^ but
the court Would not allow hiln to
withdraw his demurrer as a matter
of course, or to place himself i^
the same situation as if he had
pleaded not guilty at iir«t. The
demurrer was allowed to be wtth<-
drawn, and the «tew plea was re-
ceived, idbly on the condition of
— ^'* the traveraers uiiidertaking to
aticept notice, 930A go to trial in
the sittings afber term) and coib-
dittotting, in case of a verdict of
guilty, to mibtnit to s judgment
instanter — not to tnove in aff«Bt
of judgment, nor ht a wew triai ^
the tr^ver«^s, at the «ame time,
being bound to appear personally/*
The Attoittey^geueral acoord^*
iDgly seemed determined to push
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[816
th% cause ImiAediately to triftl^ and
im the 9th of Febrtiarv ih« Cmtt
of King's Bench fi^ed it ht th«
]7tk of th^ month. The ivhol^
country looked 6)rward with j^isat
eicpectation to the fesult* i\i1
good and reasonable men hoped
that the iaW would be found too
powerful fot the agitator^ but
there was a general apprehension
that it would be difficult to obtain
a contiction from an Irish jury>
while a defeat of the government,
now 60 deeply committed^ Would
bdd new rigour to the turbulence
which they wel^ striving to put
down. Un the other hand^
O'Connell seemed to be tied to
the stake, bounds by every regard
to character and popularity^ to
fight out the battle to the last,
and maintain, in his own person,
the illegality of those proceedings
of the administration, which he
liiad BO often denounced to others
as demonstrable violations of the
law : it seemed impossible that he
Should now belie all his profes-
sions, acknowledge the emptiness
and Utility of all his blusterings,
and sink into craven submission^
without descending for ever from
the bad eminence to which he had
climbed. The new expedients,
however, to which he had re-
course, in order to delay tiie trials
were new proofs of his unwilling-
ness to encounter a juryv The
trial was fixed for the 17th, A
special jury must be summoned
six dear davs before the triaK other-
wise they cannot foe fined for non-
attendance« O'Gonneli set bo
work to render this impossible.
He i*eceived notice to attehd the
striking of the jtiry oh the 9th.
He attended^ but refused to pro-
ceed, objecting, that although he
had received the notice at sudi a
Hm^Df ih^ jH-eoeding day ab gave
him mofe thati fmit and twenty
hours notiooi he was entitled to a
** free day'* " notioi^) and <BOUld
not be called OA to proc^, upon
this notice, to strike th(^ jury till
the 10th. He was allowed to hav«
it his own way i but> on the 10th3
when he attended to seis tH\e pa**
nel of forty-eight spedat jurors
reduced to twent^.four> by eaoh
party striking off twelvi^, he In*
sisted that he ought to be allowed
till next day> the iUh, to d^
liberate what names he should
strike ofH The sheriff yielded
likewise to this app]ication> and
the consequence was, that the
jury could not foe summoned sit
free days befbire the l^th, and on
that day, therefore^ the trial could
not proceed. Acc^ingly, on the
IJth, the Attorney-geneiral gave
notice that he would next day
move the court to fix a later day
fbr the trial. O'Connell's eolicitor
then made a request that the trial
should be delayed till the follow-^
ing term, to which the Attorney-
general gave a peremptory refusal.
The Attorney-general was now
convinced that O'Connell would
submit to anything rather thaA
go befofe a iiiry, and tdd his
counsel, on *^e ntoming of Uie
i2th, heiote movine the delay of
the trial, that as the disallowing
the afoandoned demurrers Would
have entitled the crown to judged
ment on the first fourteen icaoiiBts
to whidi they had been pleaded^
in which case he WouM have etii>
tered a noU prose^ as to the
others^ whteh wel« in their nature
only i^bsidiary ; he Was stili
willing to be satisfied with a con-
viction insuring to the crown the
same extent of advantage of which
it had beeti deprived by the court
allowing the demurrers to be with-
drawn; and the plea of petfuiity
316] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
on these counts to be recorded.
This proposal was immediately ac-
ceded to, and O'Connell ana his
co-defendants> on the 1 2th of Fe-
bruary, withdrew their plea of not
guilty, as they had formerly de-
serted their demurrers, and plead-
ed guilty to the first fourteen
counts in the indictment.* These
were counts charging the actual
holding of meetings in violation of
the various proclamations ; the
other counts, to which they still
pleaded not guilty, charged them
with having conspired to hold
meetings contrary to the procla-
mations. On these latter counts
the Attorney-general entered a
fioli prosequi, stating that the plea
of guilty to the others would
answer all the purposes of the
prosecution, and that he would
reckon it both unnecessary and
unjust, now that he was entitled
to have judgment upon these, to
follow out the remaining charges
in the indictment.
By withdrawing his demurrer,
0*Connell had admitted that the
law was against him, and by plead-
ing guilty he had confessed that
the fact was against him. Nothing
remained but judgment. Yet
scarcely had his plea of guilty
been entered, when he hastened to
a public meeting in Dublin, where
he denied that he had pleaded
guilty to anything. '* In last
night's Dublin Evening Post,**
said he, *4t is stated that I have
pleaded guilty to fourteen counts of
the indictment. A greater false-
hood was never stated even in that
paper. I would rather that the
arm was cut off from this body
• These facts were stated in a letter
from^ the Attorney-general for Ireland,
which Mr. Stanley read in the House of
Commons.
than plead guilty to one count.
Though I have allowed judgment
to go by default on fourteen counts,
it is because I dispute the con-
struction of the law by the At*
torney-general, and that I have
the liberty of carrying, through
the twelve judges, to the House of
Lords, the question of law, which
I shall not discuss till then.'* He
had demurred to the indictment
for the very purpose of raising the
law : why had he not gone on to
try it, instead of withdrawing his
demurrer ? If judgment went
against him on the demurrer, he
could have taken the opinion of
the superior courts just as well as
by keeping back the matter of law
to move it in arrest of judgment.
Very possibly his object had been
to gain time by demurring, and
afterwards, in the event of con-
viction, urging the same matter
of law in arrest of judgment—
the only form in which, after con-
viction, he could get a judgment
upon the law. But the court and
the Attorney-general had foreseen
and prevented this piece of trick-
ery ; and he had not been allowed
to withdraw his demurrer, except
on the express condition, not only
that he should immediately go to
trial, but that, in the event of a
conviction, there should be no
motion in arrest of judgment or
for a new trial, to raise again the
matter of law, which, if he meant
to insist upon it, he ought to have
argued under the demurrer already
on record. Delay was his sole
object, and one reason why he
fought hard to gain time seems to
have been, to prevent his being
called up for judgment till the ex-
piry of the act under which he
was prosecuted, and which had
been passed only for a limited
period. He tmtted that govera«
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[317
ment might be disposed to lay
hold of the expiry of the act as
a reason for not calling him up
for judgment at all, ^nd the erent
shewed that his anticipations were
not ill-founded. At the com-
mencement of the proceedings
against him^ he told an aggregate
meeting, assembled to petition for
the repeal of the union, *' The
proclamation act expires next
June. It shall never be renewed,
I tell you that O'Gorman Mahon
and I will alone be able to prevent
' its renewal. He and I will make
it impossible to pass it, for we
shall keep the House adjourned
for twelve months together before
it shall become a law. When it
expires, we shall be able to form
election clubs in every county;
and no man shall go to Parliament
who is not a decided friend to the
repeal of the Union, or who shall
not pay very dear for his seat."
The pitiful termination in the
King's Bench of O'Connell's loud
boastings, and the confession that
his proceedings had been contrary
to a law too strong for him to con-
tend with, were so little expected
from his reckless boldness, and
seemed so fatal even to his mob-
popularity, that a very general
belief prevailed of his having been
induced to plead guilty, in con-
sequence of some private under-
standing with the government,
which had thus purchased an ap-
parent triumph by a compromise
which would have betokened real
weakness. In the House of Com-
mons, on the 14 th of February,
the marquis of Chandos put the
question to Mr. Stanley, the Se-
cretary for Ireland, whether there
was any truth in a statement in
general circulation, that Mr.O*Con-
nell had pleaded guilty on condi-
tion that th« proceedings would.
by a sort of compromise with the
Irish government, pass over } Mr.
Stanley answered, that he had
heard the rumour with pain, but
it was unfounded. "1 do not
mean to say that Mr. O'Conneirs
friends have not exerted them-
selves to avert from him, if pos-
sible, the probable punishment of
the law 3 but I do most explicitly
declare, that, in doing so, they
acted without the connivance or
the knowledge of any member of
the Irish government. Nay more,
I declare, that the only answer
given them by the authorities in
Ireland was, that we can enter into
no negotiation with Mr. O'Con-
nell ; that when we take into con-
sideration the impression which
that gentleman's conduct has pro-
duced on both sides of the Irish
Channel, the Irish government feel
it would be impossible for them,
consistently with their own dig-
nity as a government, to enter
into any negotiation implying the
remotest compromise with the tra-
versers, or that might lead them to
suppose that the government would
abate one inch. This declaration
I repeat here, and I have only to
add, that, let Mr. O'Connell act
as he thinks most expedient for
himself — of that he is himself the
best judge — it is the unalterable
determination of the law-officers in
Ireland to let the law take its
course against him" A few days
afterwards, Mr. Stanley reverted
voluntarily to the same topic : he
stated to the House more in detail,
and on the authority of the At-
torney-general for Ireland, the
facts which have been already
narrated as connected with the
plea of guilty, and added, " I
think the House will agree with
me, that this statement completely
bears »« out in the assertioft
318] ANNVAlv REGISTER, 1831.
vbich I mado on a forioer QveQing,
tihat the government bad entered
into no negotiation with Mr.
O'Connell ; tnat it had not made
any oompromiaej or even the
aljghteat shadow of any com*
promise with Mr. O'Connell j and
that it had expressed its unaltev'
able determination to be, that, let
Mr* Q Council act 041 he pleased,
judgment should be pressed against
him. liie crown having thus ob«
tained, without the sligntest com*
promisGi a conyiction against Mr,
O'Connell and his associates on the
first fourteen counts of the in*
dictment, did not think it right
to proceed against them on the
last sixteen counts, which charged
them with a conspiracy. In
adopting that course of procedure^
the crown acted upon the lenient
principle adopted by ordinary pro-
secutors at the ordinary assizes;
and I am of opinion that if such
lenity be advisable towards the
culprits at ordinary assizes, it is
still more advisable and expedient
when exhibited towards a political
opponent. Indeed^ I am sure that
it the crown had persevered in its
original intention of going to the
jury on the last sixteen counts of
the indictment, it would have given
to the transaction an appearance
not of justice but of persecution.
In pursuing the course which it
has done, the crown has treated
Mr. O'Connell as it would have
treated any other individual — it
has vindicated the outraged law -,
and by so doing, has inspired the
discontented with awe, and the
well-affected with confidence. It
has procured a verdict against Mr.
O'Connell, atid itjvill, undoubtedly,
call him up to receive judgment
upon it.
These declarations were perfect-
ly satisfactory to the House and to
the country; ^ they aeemed to
render any subseouent arrange*
ment to prevent O'Connell from
being brought up for judgment aa
impossible as they made it certain
that none had been gone into to
save the crown from the risk of
encountering a jury. But to
0*Connell himself they were not
at all satisfactory, l)ecause the
language used bv Mr. Stanley on
the 14tb impliea> that exertiooa
bad been made, on the part of the
agitator, to negociate a treaty with
the ^vernment. When the pro*
ceedings were terminated^ O'Con*
nell proceeded to London to attend
his duty in Parliament ; and on
the 28th, he put the question-**
whether any persons on his behalf
had proffered a compromise ?*-^to
Mr. Stanley, in the House of
Commons. He declared, at the
same time, that he had authorized
no person to offer a compromise,
and that, so far as he knew, none
had been offered. The answer to
this mad question^ and these un-
bhishing assertions, brought out
the fact, that he actuauy had
attempted a compromise^ being
guilty of the additional meanness
of dictating the letter to his 8on>
instead of writing it himself. Mr,
Stanley now stated farther, that
he had been waited on by two
personal friends of Mr. O'Connell^
lord Glengall and Mr. Bennett,
the latter being both a private and
a professional friend ; that they
laia before him a certain letter,
which letter had been dictated by
Mr. O'Connell himself to his son,
and was inclosed in one addressed
by his son to Mr. Bennett; that
the purport of the letter was to
induce the Irish government to
compromise, on certain terms, the
prosecution against Mr. O'Connell;
that the answer returned was^ that
HISTORY OF EUKOPE,
[310
DO luoli compromise oauld for %
momoQt be entertained, th^^t, no
negotiation could bo entered into
with any person on the part of
Mr. O'Connell, and that the law
must take its course. " For tha
truth of these facts/' said Mr*
Stanley, " I refer Mr. O'Connell to
Mr. Bennett and the earl of Glen<«
gall, who have authorised me to
make me of their Qaipes, and I
hope that I have given thia que8«*
tion a mo^t explicit answer."
Mr. O'Connell admitted dis.
tinctly that the government had
not compromised the prosecution,
and he admitted distmctlv, that
every thing Mr. Stanley had stated
was true, even to the fact of the
terms of compromise having been
dictated by O'Connell himself to
his own son. Notwithstanding
this, he set to work to explain
away the facts, and kept the
House in a roar of unextinguish-
able laughter, at the absence of all
sense of shame, with which he de-*
nied having attempted a compro«
mise, while every sentence he ut-
tered contained the terms on which
he wished to have obtained it. He
even could not deny, that he offered
to give up agitation for the repeal
of the Union, if government would
abandon the prosecution, and in*
form him what measures they in.,
tended to propose for the benefit of
Ireland. Yet he denied having of*
fered a compromise, and referred
to his son's note to Mr. Bennett,
accompanying the letter of com-
promise, every sentence of which
note was compromise through and
through. '' What, " said Mr.
O'Connell, ^* does my son say ?
Why he writes— ^ My father has
been so much deceived and deluded
by the present Administration, that
he will not enter into any nego-
tiation with any of its members.
till it fir^t GOQfleata to abandon thci
prosecution against him without
any equivocation, [ Laughter ]
And my son adds, that ' as \t mar
not be exactly eonfc^rmable witfi
the dignity ot the Irish govern-
ment to formally abandon the prose^
Gution, my father will not insist on
a formal abandonment/ IContinued
laughter] My son then speci6ed
the terms on which alone b^ would
consent [a laughr\ to a compromise
-^namely firstj that the prosecu**
tion should be unequivooally with-
drawn, and, secondly, that the
Irish government should state
what measures of relief were in*
tended towards Ireland. While I
admit, tlierefore, that the govern-
ment did not compromise the pro*
secution, I deny that I entered
into any compromise with the go-
vernment." But Mr, O'Connell
was not charged with having ac-
tually made a compromise ; he was
charged with having unsuccess-
fully attempted it* He was
charged with having proposed
terms which the government re-
jected. He had averred, that he
had authorized no compromise to
be proffered, and that none had
been proffered with his knowledge;
and he had now been compelled to
acknowledge that every part of
that denial was inconsistent with
fact.
From the declarations of the
Irish secretary, so pointed and so
strong, the public had a right to
expect that the prosecution would
be brought to a termination in due
course of law, by the convicted
agitators being brought up to re-
ceive the judgment of the court.
In this the public was disappointed,
and O'Connell and his associates
were allowed to escape, as if they
had never been convicted. The re-
form bill was brought in ; and Mr.
320] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
O'Conneil, though it gave neither
aoDual parliaments^ nor universal
sufirage^ nor vote by ballot, and
though he wished that it should
give to Ireland six or eight mem-
bers more than were intended to
be conceded, became a staunch
voter and speaker for the ministry.
Opposition membtrs hinted in the
House that there seemed to be
symptoms of an amicable approx-
imation between him and his pro-
secutors. The Act for suppressing
illegal and dangerous associations
under which O'Conneil and his
co-agitators had been convicted,
was allowed to expire ; the minis-
try did not call for its renewal,
and they made the fact of its
expiring their justification for
not proceeding to demand judg-
ment against the convicted. The
pledges which they had given ad-
mitted of no such subterfuge.
They had declared, again and
again, that it was their unaltera-
ble determination that the law
should take its course — that judg-
ment would be pressed against Mr.
O'Conneil — that they would "un-
doubtedly " call him up to receive
judgment upon the conviction.
When they made those declara-
tions, they knew that they could
or could not compel him to appear
for judgment, before the expiring
of the Act. If they knew that
they could not, then, by those de-
clarations they pledged themselves
to press judgment against him,
even though the Act should have
expired. If on the other hand
they could have compelled him
so to appear, but did not exert
their power, they were then guilty
of creating a pretext to get rid of
their pledges, and one which, even
after it had been created, was too
flimsy to serve any good purpose.
The disorders which prevailed in
the country, and the turbulent
proceedings of O'Conneil, had the
good effect of drawing forth ex-
pressions of opinions of a contrary
tendency, from the more respecta-
ble and influential portion of so-
ciety. Among men of weight and
education, the repeal of the Union
had not as yet found many abet-
tors. The agitators were anxious
to represent it as being an Irish
question, in which all distinctions
between catholic and protestant
ought to be forgotten ; and one of
their many falsehdods was, to de-
clare that all intelligent protest-
ants were on their side. The pro-
testants knew too well what they
would have to expect from a ca-
tholic parliament sitting in ^^ Col-
lege Green," to be misled by the
pretended love of liberty which
formed the text of the tools of the
popish priesthood. Even the ca-
tholic laity of the better classes
kept aloof from the agitators ; and
Lord Cloncurry, who had been a
main pillar to the cause of eman-
cipation, drew down upon himself
the wrath of O'Conneil, because
he would not play the same cha-
racter in obtaining a repeal of the
union. A loyal address, reprobat-
ing the proceedings of the dema-
gogues, was presented to the Lord-
lieutenant, signed by almost every
respectable name of the Irish bar.
A similar address was voted by the
corporation of Dublin; and one
still more important, as coming
from independent men, of all par-
ties except that of universal con-
fusion, was presented by the
bankers, merchants, and tracers of
Dublin, expressing their detesta-
tion of the spirit of lawless turbu-
lence which had gone abroad^ ge-
nerated by popular delusions, and
inflamed in the pursuit of im-
practicable schemes^ and declaring
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [321
^^ their iBxed determination to sup- of the empire which Britain would
port, with their utmost means, the resist, even at the expense of a
measures which, in tlie existing civil war. On the 8th oi February,
state of the country, might be ne- a motion for copies of all procla-
cessary to re-establish order and mations issued by the Lord-lieute-
protect property, to maintain the nant, was made by Mr. 0*Gorman
authority of the laws, and to pre- Mahon, who had succeeded O'Con-
serve inviolate the integrity of the nellin the representation of thecoun-
United Kingdom." That men of ty of Clare. , This gentleman was one
education, property, and character, of the mob orators of Ireland ; he
should dare to entertain such transferred to the House of Corn-
opinions was enough to draw mons the slang and vulgar abuse
down upon them the denunciations with which he had been accus-
of the agitators, and it was in tomed to amuse his mobs, and gave
language like the following (which the speaker inlBnite trouble, till the
actually appeared in one of the in- nuisance was abated in consequence
surgent newspapers in reference of the Chairman of a committee,
to the above address) that these li- named to try a petition against
beral minded patnots argued a Mahon's return, reporting that
great political question : — *' Some this patriotic and reforming agi-
wretches, whose trade is adulation tator had obtained his seat by
— whose creed, subserviency — bribery, and the Speaker's nod re-
whose god, their money — whose moved him from the House amid
altar, the desk — ^whose temple, the the loud laughter of its members,
counting-house — and whose coun- On the present occasion the ob-
try, self — have been going about ject of his motion was, in the first
for some days, kidnapping the un- place, to abuse ministers because
wary into a requisition for a meet- they had enforced the law against
ing of the Chamber of Commerce, O'Connell, and secondly, to assiure
to adopt a congratulatory address them and the House, that it was
to the marquis of Anglesey. Slaves, in vain for them to oppose the re-
base, degraded slaves, beware of peal, because Ireland was deter-
what you do! We know your names mined to have it. **Itwas said,
— we will keep close watch upon that England and Ireland must
you — and now we forewarn you, stand or fall together; but England
protestant bankers, you recreant had hitherto been standing with
catholic barristers (not lawyers), her foot on Ireland's back : by this
and cotton-spinners, and pauper- means she had raised herself m the
dealers, that if you persevere in estimation of the world ; but when
this course, we shall put a brand Ireland was removed from beneath
upon you, that when you walk her, she would find her level; and
along the streets, despised, abhor- her iron heel would press the
red, and shunned, the very dogs cold soil. Men of all classes and
themselves shall bark and flee your parties were now united in fa-
contact." vour of a repeal of the union ;
In parliament, too, the repeal of the repeal of the union was not
the union was denounced, even by popular here ; it was not popular
government, as an occurrence with absentees, who drew their
which was not to be treated as a rents from Ireland, and spent them
possibility — as a dismemberment in England or Italy j it was not
Vol. LXXIII. [Y]
322J ANNUAL REGISTER. 1831.
popular with some bankers, who
lived by their discoiints> but it was
popular with the millions, the mass
of the population of Ireland. It
was unpopular with all who wished
to keep up the connexion of the
two countries ; but it was justly
popular with all who were opposed
to the continuance of that con-
nexion. England might send her
cohorts to Ireland^ but that would
not do. The time for deliberation
was gone by, and the people were
determined to carry tlie measure.
He was sure that, until lately, an
appeal to force^ in order to get rid
of ttie union, was the last thing
which the people of Ireland dream-
eel of j but whether it would be so
now, he would not venture to say.
EngLand would have enough to do
abroad, without breaking her spears
on the bodies of the Irish^ who had
not yet either forgotten or forgiven
the days of ninety-eight. He him-
self— and he now avowed it — had
been, for the last eleven years and
a half, a member of a secret society
for accomplishing the repeal : but
they had now dissolved their secret
meetings, and were determined to
press it openly." The following pas-
sage, however unspeakably ridicu-
lous, was a good illustration of the
mode in which the agitators worked
on their ignorant rabble. '* Ireland
had no confidence in England.
This country must now endeavour
to effect a compromise through the
instrumentality of one man, be-
tween a total repeal of the union,
and tlje holding of sittings alter-
nately in the capitals of the two
countries. Did hon. members
imagine that they could prevent the
unfortunate men who were ^ve
feet under the snow from thinking
that they could l>etter their condi-
tion by a repeal of the union?
[_Great liiughter.\ It might be said
that England had not caused the
snow, but the people had the snow
on them, and they thought that
their connexion with England had
reduced them to the state in which
they now were [A laugK\, Whe-
ther that was true or not, they be-
lieved it to be 80, and would act on
their belief." And assuredly Mr.
0*Connell, or Mr. Mahon would
have been the last men in Ireland
to have told them that they were
acting on an ignorant and errone-
ous belief.
To these threatening rhodo*
montades. Lord Althorp replied,
that, in regard to the pro-
ceedings against O'Connell, they
had been not merely justifiable^
but necessary. His occupation
had been to excite the people of
Ireland, and though at the conclu-
sion of almost every sentence he
exhorted them to peace, there could
be no doubt, in the mind of any
unprejudiced man, that all his ha-
rangues tended to insurrection and
rebellion. Agitation, which had
for its object the repeal of the
union, could lead to nothing else.
There could be no doubt, that with
separate legislatures, it would be
impossible that the two countries
should continue long connected.
'* It is the duty of the Irish go-
vernment to act with decision and
firmness to prevent such a danger.
They are bound to abstain from
force where that is avoidable ; but
while they are bound to put down
sedition and rebellion, they are also
called upon to do every thing in
their power to promote the pros-
perity of Ireland, and they are
prepared to take that course. I
sincerely hope that the object of
those who are in favour of the re-
peal of the union will not succeed ;
and, l^nowing that they cannot
succeed except by successful war.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[323
I must say, that though no man is
more averse from war, and parti*
cularly a civil war, than I am, yet
I must confess, that t^ me even
civil war would be preferable to
the dismemberment and destruc-
tion of the empire." Lord Palmer-
ston, too, said, that the conduct
they had lately witnessed would
lead one to doubt the expediency
of catholic emancipation, if any
thing could shake their conviction
on that subject. They were now
assembled but a few months after
liaving passed the greatest act of
concession ever granted by a legis-
lature, and yet were told that
they had trodden down those to
whom they had made that conces-
sion with " an iron heel.*' The
noble Lord, who filled the office
of Viceroy, had acted in per-
fect accordance with the wishes of
government, and not only would
he be undeserving of his situation,
but the government would merit
the severest censure and condem-
nation, did they allow themselves
to be imposed upon by the shallow
artifices of the factious and rebel-
lious plotters against the best in-
terests of the empire. Ireland, he
would confidently affirm, did not
desire the repeal of the union. He
spoke not of the wretched creatures
who submitted to the guidance of
a demagogue, but of the intelli-
gence, the property, and the re-
spectability of the country. All
who had any thing to lose had
sided with the friends of the un-
divided empire ; but if, neverthe-
less, it was fated that Ireland
should be deluged with blood, as-
suredly that blood would be visited
oa those who had malignantly and
guiltily brought about such a ca-
tastrophe; while government, who
had done their utmost to avert it
in the eyes of God and their coun-
try, would stand absolved from re-
sponsibility. From the other side
of the House, Sir R. Peel, and Sir
C. Wetherell bestowed high praise
on government for the manner in
' which they had met, and expressed
their determination to contmue to
meet the agitators. The latter
said, he could scarcely believe it
possible that> within eighteen
months after they had been called
on to pass the relief bill, as the
only preventive against civil war,
they should now hear the very
same threat thrown out in other
quarters as the consequence of re-
fusing to repeal the union. ' Sir
Robert Peel said, he should for
ever feel ashamed of himself, were
he to be deterred by party spleen,
or political animosity, from prof-
fering on this occasion his cordial,
steadfast, and sincere support to the
existing ministers of England. He
would not now look out jealously
for any slips or trifling oversights
which those ministers might have
in other respects committed; for
the artifices and unworthy evasions,
by which their exertions to pro-
mote the tranquillity of the coun-
try had been met, rendered it ob-
ligatory on every man of loyalty
and honour to make common cause
with any government so circum-
stanced. It was his duty to sup-
port them in all extremities^ even
in that dreadful one to which the
noble lord had so energetically al-
luded. There was manifestly no
alt4irnative before them but the
maintenance of the union, and if in
securing that, it would be justifia-
ble to resort to force eventually,
how much more justifiable was it
to adopt every practicable expedi-
ent which might possibly prevent
so deplorable a consummation ?
Nay, more, they would be deeply
and awfully responsible, if they
[Y2]
324] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
moistened the plains of Ireland with
bloody unless they could show that
they had previously employed every
available means by which a rational
man might hope to avert what no
one could think upon without
horror. The compliment in-
tended to be offered by the trades
of Dublin to Mr. O'Connell might
have been passed unquestioned and
uninterrupted^ had not that learned
gentleman given special notice and
clear warning that his object was so
to combine physical force as to
render it after a time overpowering
and irresistible. 'They now heard,
for the first time, of secret societies
having been long in existence, en-
tered into with a view to the re-
peal of the union ; but the great
object which the catholics sought
to obtain, as he had always under-
stood, was an equalization of rights,
and not a repeal of the union. The
fact was, that the late agitation of
this subject was to be ascribed to
the recent events in Paris and
Brussels acting on the feelings of
an excitable people; but he did
not rely on force or the revival of
religious warfare as a means for
silencing such discussions. He
rather trusted to the good sense of
the catholics, who, he hoped, would
be convinced^ before long, that it
would be utter madness to attempt
to carry their projects into execu-
tion by force, or the subtler frauds
of conspiracy and sedition. They
might rest assured that England,
so long as she desired to retain her
post of honour amongst the nations
of Europe, would never be per-
suaded to yield to such a demand,
except in the very last extremity ;
and after Ireland had been reduced
by perhaps twenty years of civil
war, to a moral wflderness, she
would be in a sorry condition to
enjoy the advantages in the pre-
sent day so insidiously set forth.
He was firmly convinced that more
danger was to be apprehended there
from the abuse of liberty than from
that of power, and was quite will-
ing to strengthen the hands of go-
vernment still ftirther, should they
deem an application to the legisla-
ture for that purpose in any degree
necessary.
In the mean time the misery
and the crimes of the people were
increasing. In the counties of
Clare, Roscommon, Gralway, and
Tipperary, the law seemed no
longer to exist. Murder, robbery,
searching for arms, these things,
too, done by bodies of men who
could be met only by military force,
were the ordinary occurrences of
every day. The police, even though
armed, was altogether insufficient
to meet the mischief on the thou-
sand points in which it shewed it-
self, and their duty in all instances
was a dangerous one. On one oc-
casion, while following a body, who
confessedly were proceeding to at-
tack a house, they were themselves
attacked, and five of them shot
dead. To the usual modes of Irish
outrage was now added another.
The peasantry, men and women,
armed themselves with their agri-
cultural implements, and declared
war against pasture land. In open
day-light they entered upon the
fields and dug them up. In the
county of Clare in particular, all
decent persons, of all opinions, de-
clared that the county was no long-
er tolerable as a place of residence.
The serving of threatening notices,
the levelling of walls, the driving off
cattle, the beating of herdsmen, the
compulsory removal of tenants, the
levying of contributions in money,
the robbery of dwelling houses, the
reckless commission of murder,
were driving the better classes of
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[325
inhabitants to desert their houses,
and seek refuge in some other
quarter. A committee of Roman
Catholic priests, which had been
formed at Ennis for the purpose of
endeavouring to restore tranquilli-
ty, dissolved themselves in utter
hopelessness of being able to effect
their object, publishing their opi-
nion, that no effort within the
power of the well-disposed inhabi-
tants could put an end to the con-
tinued system of outrage and plun-*
der which was spread far and wide.
Even Mr. Thomas Steele, the fidus
Achates of O'Connell, posted up
in Ennis the magnificent denun-
ciation :
" Unless you desist, I denounce
you as traitors to the cause of the
liberty of Ireland. I and the other
friends of the people will advise
you no more, since you follow the
counsels of miscreant villains, and
not the advice of 0*Connell, your
clergy, and the other friends of
the country.
" I leave you to the government,
and the fire and the bayonets of the
military.
" Your blood be on your own
souls.*'
The lord-lieutenant now made a
progress through the disturbed
districts, in the vain hope that his
halcyon presence would restore
tranquillity. He was neither as-
saulted nor murdered ; but the
mischief remained as it was. Mr.
M. 0*Connell afterwards sta-
ted in the House of Commons
(April 13th) that his lordship's
visit had, in some instances, done
harm. More vigorous measures
were adopted. On the 10th of
May a proclamation was issued,
applying the insurrection act to
the county of Clare, and certain
baronies in the counties of Galway,
Roscommon, and Tipperary, and
a special commission was sent down
to try the offenders in these dis-
tricts. The commission sat at Li-
merick, Ennis, Galway, and Ros-
common. A great number of mi-
serable wretches, were convicted,
but capital punishment was very
rarely inflicted. The cases con-
sisted of some very atrocious mur-
ders, robberies, searching for and
carrying off arms, sending threat-
ening notices, administering ille-
gal oaths, and digging up ground.
In a case of the la£ter kind tried
at Limerick, it was proved that,
while the banded miscreants prose-
cuted their labours, they cheered
themselves by shouting for '* Clare
and 0*Connell." After the com-
mission had issued, and while
it was sitting, domiciliary visits
were paid even to the poor to com-
pel them to give money for con-
ducting, as the offenders pretended,
the defence of the criminals who
were to be tried. O'Connell at-
tended some of the trials, but ren-
dered himself more conspicuous by
his speeches to the people. He
urged them to deliver up their
arms, but merely on the ground
that they would thereby propitiate
the law officers of the crown, and
render milder the sentences of
those who might be convicted.
He seemed to think that they were
only agitating indiscreetly, and he
took care to exasperate and embit-
ter them by telling them that many
of the convicts would have been ac-
quitted, if the evidence had been
fairly considered, but that the ju-
ries were afraid to pronounce any
other verdict than guilty. ,
The ferocity of character, which
these scenes fostered, led to constant
fatal rencontres between the popu-
lace and those bodies to whom the
326]
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
maintenance of the public peace
was intrusted ; and on every occa-
sion on which the former suffered,
however atrocious might have been
their conduct, and however indis-
pensably the mode of resistance
adopted by the police and yeoman-
ry, the Irish demagogues, in and
out of Parliament, let loose their
hundred tongues of calumny and
falsehood to increase exasperation
by representing the populace as
the innocent and unoffending vic-
tims of armed butchers who de-
lighted to revel in the blood
of Catholics. These were the
constant representations of men
whose lips uniformly declared
their great object to be, to
abolish all animosities arising from
religious distinctions. On the 23rd
of May, at the fair of Castle Pol-
lardj in the county of Westmeath,
the police had occasion to seize an
offender. The mob attacked the po-
lice^ the prisoner was rescued and
carried off in triumph ; renewed
assaults were made ; the chief con-
stable was knocked to the ground ;
the police fired ; and nine or ten
persons were killed. At the Mul-
Itngar assizes, in the month of
July following, bills of indictment
for murder were presented to the
grand jury against several of the
police. The grand jury ignored
all the bills for murder, but, in
four cases, found bills for man-
slaughter. The prisoners were
then put upon their trial, and
were all acquitted. The prosecu-
tions were conducted by the govern-
ment, for which government was
visited with the displeasure of Mr.
O'Connell, who insisted (11th of
July) that the prosecutions should
have been left in the hands of the
aggrieved parties. If ministers
had adopted the latter course, he
would then have abused them for
sitting by with folded hands, while
armed protestants were murdering
unoffending catholics.
On the 18th of June^ certain
cattle which had been impounded
for the payment of tithe were to
be sold at Newton-barry^ in the
county of Wexford. On the day
of the intended sale, which hap«
pened to be market day, the popu<«
lace were called to act by the lol-
lowing placard :
<' Inhabitants of the parish of
St. Mary, Newtownbarry, there
will be an end to church plunder :
your pot, blanket, and pig, will
not hereafter be sold by auction,
to support in luxury, idleness, and
ease^ persons who endeavour to
make it appear that it is essential
to the peace and prosperity of the
country, and your eternal salva-
tion, while the most of you are
starving.
'* Attend to an auction of your
neighbour's cattle, on Saturday
next, the 18th instant, seized for
tithe by the rev. Alexander M'Clin-
tock."
The police were thus put on
their guard, and a body of yeo-
manry was in readiness. The po-
pulace interfered with the sale, and
the police with the populace. The
yeomanry again had to act in sup*
port of the police. The conse-
quence was, that twelve or thir-
teen of the populace were killed,
by the fire of the yeomanry, and
about twenty wounded. The co-
roner's jury, after sitting foj^ nine
days, returned no verdict, six Pro-
testants who were upon it, and six
Catholics, being, it was said, di-
rectly opposed to each oilier in
opinion. The crown directed its
oncers to make an investigation,
in consequence of wbleh> UUs of
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[321
iDdictment were presenterl^ at the
Wexford Assizes in July against
certain of the yeomanry, including
the captain who commanded them^
and a sergeant. The prosecution
was conducted by the crown in con-»
junction with the next of kin of
the parties killed. The bills
charged murder ; the grand jury
ignored them all, but expressed
their readiness to entertain bills
for manslaughter against the cap-
tain and sergeant. The counsel
for the next of kin refused to co-
operate with the crown in trying
for the minor charge, but the
crown counsel declared that the
case must be gone through, what-
ever the next of kin might choose
to do. Bills for manslaughter
against the captain and Serjeant
were then sent up. The bill
against the former was ignored ;
a true bill was found against the
latter. He was put upon his trial,
but the witnesses had disappeared.
The trial was postponed to the
following day, but then, too, not
one of them was forthcoming, and
the case was delayed till the next
assizes.
As the year advanced, this fright-
ful mixture of lawless violence on
the one hand, and bloody repres-
sion on the other, lost little of its
horrors. Payment of tithe had
long been unpopular. During the
discussion produced by the reform
bill, the church, and more espe-
cially the church of Ireland, had
been spoken of in terms, which ren-
dered it impossible for a populace,
otherwise perfectly disposed to such
ideas, to regard her in any other
light than that of an unrighteous
and wicked oppressor. Payment
of tithes was almost everywhere
refused ; the usual system of threats
and murder was again set in mo-
tion ; the clergymen dared not ask^
the willing occupier dared not pay.
The law was powerless, and where-
erer the officers of the iaw inter-
fered, open and bloody war was de-
clared against them. On the 25th
of November, a body of police
having apprehended a band of
armed ruffians in the county of
Kilkenny, required the assistance,
not of the yeomanry, but of a party
of military, to prevent a rescue.
Even the attendance of regular
troops did not prevent an attack :
the military were under the neces-
sity of firing, and five persons were
shot dead. In the same county,
on a more bloody occasion, the for-
tune of war turned the other way.
On the 14th of December, a chief
constable, with a strong party of
police, went out to protect a pro-
cess server in the execution of his
legal duty, in serving the usual
process for refused tithe. There
were neither yeomanry nor mili-
tary. The population prepared for
murder. The sides of the road
and the adjacent fields were cover-
ed with people armed with blud-
geons, scythes, pitchforks, and
other deadly weapons. They fero-
ciously demanaed that the process-
server should be delivered up to
them. The police having refused,
the crowd closed upon them in a
narrow lane, overpowered them,
and murdered twelve or thirteen of
them, besides leaving several of
the party dangerously wounded.
Among the killed was the captain
of the police. The accounts bore
that his son about ten years old,
who accompanied his father, riding
on a pony, was inhumanly butcher-
ed. The pony which the child
rode was stabbed to death ! Five
of the police, who showed some
symptoms of life after being bar-
barously beaten with bludgeons,
bad; as they lay insensibly on the
328] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ground^ their brains knocked out
by a peasant's son^ not more than
twelve or fourteen years old, who
was armed with a scythe. The
country people, after satiating
their vengeance on the bleeding
bodies of the murdered police, by
kicking and stabbing them, retired
to their homes and usual occupa-
tions with as much indifference as
if they had just performed some
meritorious deed.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[329
CHAP. XL
Frasc^.^^ State of Parties^^Turbulence of the Students-^Riois in
Paris against the Clergy — Proceedings against the Bourhonists^
Insecurity of the Ministry — Resignation oj Ministers , and Jbrmatiofi
of a New Ministry — Policy of the New Ministry-'^Riot Act passed-^
New Electoral Law — Expenditure — Attempt to raise a loan by
public subscription — Prorogation of the Chambers — Tumults, in
Paris^'Quarrel between the Ministry and the Heroes of July — Tour
of the King in the Provinces — Disorderly state of Paris — Dissolution
of the Chambers''^ General Electum^^Riots in PariS'-^Expedition
against Portugal — Opening of the Session of the New Chamber —
Celebration of the Revolutions—Exhibition of Austrian banners in the
Chamber of Peers — Small Majority in favour of the Ministerial
Candidate for the Presidency of the Chambers'—Ministers Resign —
They withdraw their Resignations on the Invasion of Belgium
by Holland-^Expedition to Belgium — Great Majority in favour of
Ministers on the Address— 'Bill for altering the Institution of the
Peerage— ^Creation of Peers to carry it through the Upper Chamber-
Riots in Paris— 'Complaints against the Bourbonists^^Act banishing
from France all Relations of the Bourbon Family 9 or of Napoleon—'
Serious Disturbances at Lyons.
IN France, Paris continued to
be the scene of ever-renewed
disturbances, under the vacillating
ministry of M. Lafitte. Too feeble
in itself to control either of the
two great parties, the administra-
tion attempted the task of navi-
gating between both. Unfortu-
nately it was weakest precisely on
that point in which strength and
firmness were required to bring
back the kingdom to an orderly
political condition. The popular
party, or the party of the move-
ment, as they were called, headed
by all tlie demagogues, and backed
by all the violent journals, con-
sidered the revolution merely as
the commencement of a progres-
sion which was to place them in a
new condition both at home and
abroad. They insisted^ that unless
the system of domestic change
were carried to much greater
lengths, and power more abun-
dantly lodged, in various respects,
in the hands of the people, that
people would be disappointed of
every thing which it was entitled
to have expected horn the resolu-
tion pf July. Their foreign policy
was still more extravagant. In
their opinion, as the government
ought to foster every possible com-
bination of more popular power at
home, so it ought to take arms in
the cause of every insurrectionary
people abroad. Poland was to be
protected ; French armies were to
be marched into Italy to support
the rebels of Lombardy and Ro-
magna; while Belgium, again, as
it had thrown off the yoke of
Holland^ ought to be at onc9
330] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
united to France, and tlie frontier
of the regenerated kingdom ex-
tended to its natural barrier, the
Rhine. It was true, that these
things could not be done without
violating treaties^ and plunging
into a general war ; but the
treaties had been concluded
under the government of the
Bourbons; these Bourbons had
been overthrown; and it was an
insult to *'the New France" cre-
ated by the revolution of July, to
keep it fettered by treaties formed
by its old rulers. These men did
not conceal their opinion, that the
duty of France was to consider
the treaties of 1^14 and 18J5, as
injuries which France had suffered,
and that the time had now come
when a new career of conquest and
of glory should be begun.
The affairs of Belgium more
particularly furnished them with
the materials of almost daily
attack. A considerable party in
that country leatred towards
an union with France, and the
ministers were blamed for not
having immediately overrun it.
The Belgian congress elected
as their sovereign, the duke de
Nemours, a son of the king of the
French. The proffered crown
was refused^ and this was another
article of grave impeachment
against the ministry. The duke
of Leuclitenberg, a son of Beau-
harnois, had been proposed as a
candidate; but the French min-
isters had declared that, if he was
elected, they would not acknow-
ledge him. Now^ as the loud
lovers of war and liberty happened
likewise to be devotees of Napo-
leon, this interference was a new
sin of government. <^ When we
areasked,'' said General Lafayette,
** whether we would go to war in
violation of treatiesj I answer^ Yes^
both for France and for Belgium ;
and the kiug*s government ought
to make the same reply. For I
take upon me to say that these
treaties have not been entered into
between the chief of France and
her enemies, but imposed upou
France by her enemies, who, by
force of foreign bayonets, placed
one of their own society in the
Tuilleries, to traffic with our inde-
pendence, and convert it to their
own profit. When called upon to
explain in this chamber, and in
the presence of ministen, my
notions of the system of non-inter-
vention, I said, that whenever the
right of sovereignty was claimed
by the people, every intervention
in the affairs of that people should •
be considered as a aeclara.tion of
war against France. As to the
re-union of Belgium with France,
I would not have stopped to in-
quire whether it might be displea-
sing to this or that power ; all the
inquiry I should have made would
have been, whether it was the
desire of the majority of the
Belgian people to effect, and the
will of the representatives of the
French nation to accede to, the
union ; for it is not within the
province of the government of
either country to offer or ac-
cept it. I should not have been
restrained by the fear of offend-
ing England, who aooeded to
the treaties of Luneville and
Amiens, which secured the union
of Belgium with France, under
Napoleon, for whom it cannot be
imagined she had more regard than
she nas for Louis Philippe." Ano-
ther great apostle of the sect, M .
Mauguin, exclaimed, '^ if Belgium
should offer herself, I would say,
even at the risk of war, accept
her. It would be a deadly war I
know, but it would bd to the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[331
honour and glory of France. And^
besides, who would dare to attack
us? Wou]d it be Russia? She
has Poland and Turkey to contend
with. Would it be Austria ? She
knows that with 50,000 men we
should give her occupation in
Italy. Would it be England?
With steam-boats we could carry
arms and battalions into Ireland.
I here speak upon the supposition
of war 3 but I speak only to in-
duce ministers to collect all their
forces for the moment of danger.
Nations have their treacherous
sleep; this sleep is death; and
death is foreign invasion and par-
tition." This latter was another
favourite theory of the men of the
movement ; that the continental
))owers were only waiting a favour-
able opportunity to attack the new
order of things at Paris, and that
France ought, without delay, to
strike the first blow. These re^
proaches were urged the more
bitterly, that the opposition, when
they succeeded in driving M.
P^rier, and those who thought
like himself, from the cabinet, be-
cause they were inclined to adopt
towards Europe the conduct which
peace and honour dictated, had
expected that M. Lafitte would at
once proceed to act on their favour-
ite doctrines. Ministers repeated
day after day, that no power in
Europe had the meet distant idea
of attacking France, and if any
did, that France was so well pr^
pared, as to be impregnable. The
armaments in the nwth had been
considerable, and France had de-
manded an explanation, declaring,
that if a Russian soldier shoum
pass the frontier, and enter Austria,
Prussia, or any other part of Ger-
many, France would consider it
her duty to take counsel of her
honour akme. She^ no doobt^ was
fettered by treaties which were
prejudicial to her interest, but
they were treaties by which all
Europe was equally bound. To
break those ties would be to draw
down upon themselves the united
forces of all the European powers;
and if this was the condition on
which war was demanded, it ought
to be openly avowed, instead oi
pretending that what was cla-
moured for could be done, and yet
peace be maintained. ^ What can
we do for Poland?" asked the
foreign minister. '^ We are separ-
ated from that unfortunate nation
by a distance of 400 leagues. If
even the interest of France should
allow her to risk in its favour the
chances of war, and to violate the
principle of non-intervention, how
could we reach that country with
arms in our hands? Should we^
then, attempt the conquest d
Europe ? They are the campaigns
of Napoleon that are proposed to
us. We say with grief that we
can do nothing for Poland by force
of arms. As to Belgium, she is
not situated beyond the sphere of
France. As soon as the grand
revolution which separated France
from the ancient dynasty waa
consummated, without consulting
our force, of whidbi we alone pos-
sessed the secret, we proclaimed
the principle of nonintervention :
we declared that if a single foreign
soldier should set foot on the Bel-
gian territory! the government
would take up the cause of Bel-
gium. On that day France saved
Belgium from the foreign powers.
We have now to save Belgium
from herself, and for that what
mnst we do? It has been said
that Belgium should be re-united
to France. Belgium offers herself;
why hafe you refused her ? I will
9Xf, firvt^ that Belsiom iM not
332] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ofitsred herself; the national wish
legally expressed has not been ad-
dressed to our government^ and
consequently we have not refused
what has not been offered to us.
I admit sincerely that, in my
opinion^ this reunion is desired by
a great majority of the Belgians^
and would tend to the repose of
Europe and grandeur of France.
But Europe does not partake of my
conviction; time and experience
will probably produce it. In
the mean-while ancient prejudices
subsist ', the recollections of great
empires pre-occupy the minds of
kings and nations^ and if^ in their
alarm^ only one should fly to arms^
the whole world would be once
more threatened with falling again
into a chaos. What were we able
to say to Belgium ? * You wish
to elect a chief? — but in this im-
portant choice do not forget what
you owe to France, who has pro-
tected you when you could not
stand alone ; do not deprive her of
her repose, which might be com-
promised; do not call a prince
whose name might serve for ma-
levolence and intrigue.* The ob-
jections are followed up, and we
are told — ' You incessantly pro-
claim the principle of non-inter-
vention, and yet what do you do ?
Is it not to intervene to impose
upon the Dutch and the Belgians an
armistice, threatening whichever
should refuse it with all the wrath
of Europe ? Is it not to intervene
to restrain Belgium in the choice of
a sovereign?' I do not seek to
weaken these objections. They
would have some force if they were
addressed to us in the name of the
Dutch, an ancient and independent
people, who for ages have figured
m the annals of history ; but in
the name of the Belgians I cannot
comprehend them. Belgium has
never been an independent nation,
but has ever formed a part of some
empire. For the first time the
Belgians now appeal to the world
to become an independent people.
France, attentive to this generous
resolution, supported it in the con-
ferences at London. France, by
her useful intervention, has ob-
tained the recognition of the inde-
pendence of Belgium by Europe.
But to this recognition Europe at-
taches the condition that the peace
shall not be disturbed. Is this
intervention ? It is counsel ; and
when has counsel been interdicted ?
To intervene, is to constrain by
violence and force. When a
Prussian army entered Holland,
to re-establish the family of the
Stadtholder, Prussia intervened in
the afiPairs of Holland. As to
fettering Belgium in the choice of
her monarch, France demands of
Belgium a reciprocity of good Will
— ^that her territory may not be-
come a focus of intrigues, disquiet-
ing our internal tranquillity —
and we make this demand in re-
turn for what we have done for
her."
The majority of the existing
Chamber of Deputies did not con-
cur in the sentiments of Lafay-
ette and his party, and did
not allow the government to be
forced to adopt them; but they
knew, nevertheless, that it was
more inclined towards them than
to more peaceable doctrines, and
that, whether from identity of
opinion, or from a love of popu-
larity, it did not set itself with
firmness to repress the tumultuary
influence to which it was perpetu-
ally exposed. Thus it was only
tolerated by the one party, while
by the other, who complained of
having been deserted, it was cor-
dially disliked. The opposition^
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[333
though not the most numerous in
the Chamber, was by far the most
active and significant out of doors.
Its schemes of popular rights,
foreign interference, and military
conquest, flattered the populace,
and the students of the schools,
who, since the days of the pre-
ceding July, had considered them-
selves as constituting France, and
as being the only guides to liberty
and glory. On the slightest oc-
casion, or on no occasion at all,
Paris was made the scene of
tumultuary^ movements, which,
though not serious in their direct
and immediate consequences, be-
trayed the weakness of the govern-
ment, and threatened, by their
continuance, to destroy, in the
minds of the populace, the idea of
any repressing power whatever.
The minister of public instruction,
looking back to the conduct of the
students in the latter part of the
preceding year, issued a sort of
proclamation, putting them in
mind that it was illegal for them
to form among themselves any
associations, and to act or write in
a collective capacity. A number
of young men published an answer,
setting the minister at defiance,
and calling upon their fellow-stu-
dents to join them in forming as-
sociations prohibited by the law.
They were cited before the aca-
demic council, to whose jurisdic-
tion, by the existing ordinances,
they were subject. They refused
to answer ; they put forth a pro-
test against the jurisdiction of
what they called a *' prevotal
court, * declaring that 'Hhey knew
not the pretended tribunal which
assumed the name of the royal
council of public instruction, and
which had referred the matter to
another pretended tribunal, calling
itself the academic council." The
meaning of this was, that the mi-
nister of public instruction, and
the academic jurisdiction, with
their powers and privileges, were
not creations of the revolution of
July. The friends of these young
agitators surrounded the Sorbonne,
where the court was sitting; they
forced themselves into its presence,
and raised a tumult. The minister
of public instruction, and the at-
torney-general attempted to pacify
them, but were answered with
mud and stones, and made their
way, the proceedings being sus-
pended, as secretly as possible
from the violence with which they
had been assailed.
The public excitement was kept
alive, at the same time, by con-
stant rumours of conspiracies
hatched by the adherents of the
exiled family, or, as they were
termed, Carlists. They were said
to be spreading ramifications of
their plots through the provinces
of the west and the south, manu-
facturing and wearing white cock-
ades, and even venturing to dis-^
play the Bourbon banner^ At
Bordeaux this belief led to various
arrests, but in the capital it ter-
minated in much more serious
scenes. On the 15th of February,
the anniversary of the assassina-
tion of the Duke de Berri, some of
the friends of the exiled family re-
solved to celebrate a religious ser-
vice in the church of St. Germain
I'Auxerrois. The police were aware
of what was intended to be done ;
they expressed no dissatisfaction ;
they took no measures to prevent
it. A funeral catafalque was
placed in the church, as part of
the proper apparatus of the cere-
mony, and when the ceremony
had been quietly completed, with-
out attracting any crowd, or ex-
citing the slightest disturbance.
334] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
some person affixed to the cata-
falque a lithographic print of the
youDg Duke of Bordeaux^ the ex-
iled son of the prince whose death
had been commemorated^ and some
other individual placed above the
print a chaplet of flowers^ This
trifling occurrence was sufficient to
render Paris the scene of unre-
strained riot. The report spread
that the Carlists had been openly
crowning a Bourbon, and that the
Sriests, accomplices in the plot,
ad allowed a religious service to
be prostituted to the purposes of a
political conspiracy. A riotous
mob stormed the empty church,
and vented their wrath on its
antique magnificence. The whole
of the interior was destroyed : the
ornaments of the altars, the Gothic
decorations of the building, even
the fixtures of the place, were
broken down or torn up, till the
temple was only the enclosure of a
niass of rubbish. Even the exte-
terior did not escape; Carlism and
religion were denounced together;
the fleur-de*lys was the emblem of
the one, and the cross was the
symbol of the other, and were re-
moved or defaced in every part of
the building by the increasing and
furious rabble, who persever^ in
the work of demolition, regardless
of the injury that might attend
the coarseness of their operations.
From the church they repaired to
the palace of the Archbishop, al-
though it was subsequently stated
in the Chamber of Deputies, by
the minister of public instruction,
that the Archbishop had disap-
proved of the ceremony, and, along
with that minister, had success-
fully applied to the curate of St.
Roch, where it was originally in-
tended to take place, not to allow
it to be performed. The palace
was sacked; the ecclesiastical re-
cords, the costly furniture, the
magnificent library, were carried
ofif as plunder, or wantonly de-
stroyed, and cast into the Seine.
The mob then marched to the
church of the Assumption, and the
church of St. Roch, to break down
the crosses adorned with fieurs-de-
lys which surmounted those edi-
fices. Their attempts were only
partially successful, from the want
of the necessary implements; but
the ministry itself now adopted
their spirit, and executed tneir
plans. By order of the govern-
ment, workmen were immediately
employed to remove from the
churches, and other public build-
ings, the obnoxious, political, and
religious emblems, perhaps, a very
efifectual mode of soothing the
mob, but a melancholy display of
subserviency to mob power. The
greater part of the wholesale de-
vastation which already had taken
place, had been allowed to go on
under the eyes of the national
guards, and apparently with the
open connivance of the authorities,
all arising from one lamentable
weakness, the dread of losing the
favour of the populace. Even in
the courts of law a veil was hung
over the pictures and images ^
the Founder of Christianity,
which were placed above the judg-
ment seat. The government an-
ticipated the populace, and re-
moved, in all haste, the reliefs
commemorating the campaign of
the Duke d'Angouleme in Spain,
which adorned the triumphal arch
of the Place de Carousel. As it
was a campaign which did not lead
to glory, they ought never to have
been there ; but the vanity of the
government which placed them
was infinitely less dangerous to
good order than the weakness of
the government which, at the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
1335
command of a lawless mob, had
remoFed them. The laogoage,
too, of the proclamations, which
the authorities, according to cus-
tom, addressed to the rioters, was
that of sympathy, or, at least, of
impotence afraid to offend, and
anxious to invent excuses for the
outrages which it could not punish,
rather than the voice of r^^ar
power asserting the omnipotence
of law and of order. The minister
of the interior told them, ''a feel-
iog of indignation, for which there
is unhappily too much cause, has
m-oduced melancholy disorders.
Forgetting the justice of the king,
some citizens took upon themselves
to execute justice. The prindpal
authors of the factious ceremony,
which took place yesterday at St.
Germain I'Auxerrois, are in the
hands of justice. It is the duty
of us all to await in silence the
sentence which they will soon re-
ceive. At present, no new disorder
can find any excuse. Respect the
public monuments ! These words
addressed to a civilized nation will
not be uttered in vain. The Parisian
|)eople, offended by demonstrations
hostile to a citizen king, and the
revolution of July, will never belie
their noble sentiments, so often
tried." These were the harshest
words that the government of
France dared to address to *' the
civilized nation," the '^ Parisian
people," the men "of noble sen-
timents,*' who had thrown the
capital into confusion, with riot
and pillage, and were assured by
their governors, that, in doing so,
they had only " executed justice."
The ministry lent themselves to
keep up the delusion that the tri-
vial incident, which had been made
the pretext of these disorders, was
the out-breaking of a deep, dan-
gerous, and wide-spread Bourbon
conspiracy, the root of which was
to be found in Holyrood. They
ordered arrests, and domiciliary
visits, for the purpose of seizing
papers with all the industry and
recklessness of alarm ; and their
journals put forth lying accounts
of all manner of pretended disco-
veries, llie government did every
thing necessary to create a belief
in this terrific plot, except pro-
ducing evidence of its existence.
Nor were their exertions confined
to the capital. At Bordeaux,
Nantes, Lyons, Dieppe, and other
places in the provinces, arrests
were directed, and the removal of
crosses and fieurs-de lys enjoined,
even where no symptom of popular
commotion had appeared. Another
consequence was, that a bill was
brought in for the perpetual exile
of the ex^royal family, which was
carried, in the Chamber of Depu-
ties, by a majority of 332 to 122,
the minority including various
members of the extreme left. In
the other Chamber the opposition
was more violent and animated,
and the minority greater. It
passed the peers by a majority of
29- lu the course of the discus-
sion, it was openly maintained by
the opponents of the bill, that it
was a law which the Chambers
had no power to pass ; that it
could derive validity only from an
appeal to the people ; and some of
them hinted, not obscurely, what
Chateaubriand maintained at great
length from the press, that if the
people had been appealed to, in-
stead of its rights being usurped
by an existing legislature, called
together by an authority which
itself had destroyed, the Bourbons
would never have been dethroned,
and Louis Philippe would never
have been crowne<i.
In the Chamber of Deputies
336] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
these occurrences exposed the mi-
nisters to blame from all sides.
They were blamed for having per-
mitted^ since they acknowledged
that they knew of it before hand^
a ceremony which was likely to pro-
duce public disturbance^ and they
answered that they had no reason
to expect anything more than a re-
ligious service. As the minister of
public instruction, however^ allowed
that the Archbishop of Paris had
dreaded evil consequences^ and had
attempted to prevent the ceremony,
they were asked why, with such
warning, they had not been pre-
pared, either to forbid it, or to
meet its consequences. From one
quarter they were blamed, and
with far greater justice, for order-
ing the removal of all crosses, be-
cause* one act in a church had
given offence, and following tamely
in the train of the populace, armed
and unarmed, which was not the
place of a government ; from ano-
ther they were accused of allowing
to escape with impunity insults
which had been offered to the na-
tional guards, the only true estates
of the kingdom. Here they were
denounced as having violated per-
sonal liberty by their imprison-
ments and searches; there they
were condemned for having delayed
them too long, and at last dismissed
many of the suspected,as soon as they
were seized. The party of the resist-
ance complained that the spirit in
which ministers were acting would
prevent for ever the formation of
a strong, a firm, and a tranquil
government ; the men of the move-
ment made the same complaint,
but in a different sense, and for a
very different reason, because mi-
nisters had not yet given to the
country the government promised
in July, viz., *' a popular throne,
surrounded by republican institu-
tions," and Lafayette favoured the
Chamber with his definition- of re-
publican institutions, describing
them to consist in this, ^'a nation-
al guard, formed of all the armed
citizens, and appointing their own
officers." It appeared, moreover,
that ministers were not in harmony
among themselves. The Chamber
learned from the mutual recrimi-
nations of the minister of the in-
terior, and the prefect of the Seine,
that, during the disturbaaces, while
the former was issuing proclama-
tions, and attending to what he
called the preservation of order,
the latter remained in a state of
inaction, and afterwards complain-
ed that his advice and his aid had
never been asked. The minister,
again, was angry at the prefect,
whose duty he maintained it was,
to present himself for instructions,
but who had never offered himself
for any share of the work. M.
Baude, too, the prefect of the
police, declared that, in his opin-
ion, all these disturbances arose
from the fact of nothing having
been done^ during the last six
months, to satisfy the wants of the
people, either political or physical.
The people were without work,
and therefore constantly at the
mercy of agitators, and they had
not yet obtained either a new elec-
toral law, or a new municipal law.
The existing legislature was not
80 constituted as to meet the
wishes of the country.
' The prefect of the Seine and the
prefect of the police were imme-
diately dismissed, but it was im-
possible that so ricketty a govern-
ment could stand. M. Lafitte
complained that the state of the
Chamber itself had been injurious
to the government ; it was so di-
vided on all questions of import-
ance, that ministers were never
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[337
able to see clearly what was the
majority. If he could find out
where it was, he would obey it ;
and as the declaration of the pre-
fect of police, that the existing
legislature was not such as the
country required, seemed to have
been received with great approba-
tion, he would take the orders of
the king regarding a dissolution
and a new election. This an-
nouncement seemed to give satis-
faction to both sides of the Cham-
ber. The majority, who by no
means lielonged to the party of the
mouvement demagogues, seemed to
feel that the weight of its numbers
was neutralized by the want of
moral influence in the capital,
where it was the object of daily
attack, as being both illegal in its
origin, and hostile in its proceed-
ings, to the power of the people.
It was incessantly maintained in
journals and clubs, and preached
by mobs in the streets, that, hav-
ing been elected under Charles X,
the existing Chamber, since the
revolution, was as unconstitutional
as any thing which had then been
destroyed; and, although it had
acted from necessity for the imme-
diate settlement of a government,
it had no right to sit, after the
immediate necessity had ceased.
The demagogues, again, taking the
prevailing tone of Paris, and the
spirit which actuated its constant
mobs, for that which would prevail
all over thekingdom, flattered them-
selves with obtaining, at a general
election, an inqrease of strength
which would overpower all resist-
ance.
Before a dissolution, however,
could take place, it was necessary
that, at least, a temporary new
electoral law should be enacted.
It was to the infinitely greater
extension of the right of suffrage
Vol. LXXIII.
which this law, to be framed under
such a state of public feeling,
might be expected to bestow, that
the popular party trusted for suc-
cess; while, on the other hand,
the majority of the Chamber were
determined that the extension
should be the smallest which cir-
cumstances could justify. The
bill had been introduced and re-
ferred to a committee, before the
disturbances of February, and the
discussions which followed them,
but the ministry did not live to
carry it through. On the 13th of
March, M. Lafitte and most of
his colleagues resigned, and M.
Casimir Perrier was authorized to
form a new ministry. M. Perrier
himself took the office of minister
of the interior, along with that of
president of the council, in place of
M. Lafitte and count Montalivet,
the latter remaining as minister of
public instruction, in place of M.
Barthe. Baron Louis took the
port-feu ille which had been held
by M. Lafitte, as minister of
finance. Admiral Rigny was ap-
pointed to the admiralty, in the
room of count d'Argout, and the
count became minister of com-
merce. Sebastiani and Soult re-
tained their places at the head of
the foreign and war departments.
All the new ministers were men de-
cidedly opposed to yielding any
thing to mob-government, or po-
pular tumult ; and the two mem-
bers of the former ministry who
remained, were not disposed to
provoke, on slight grounds, war
abroad. The premier was a person
of much stronger and firmer mind
than Lafitte, and was not likely,
from his temper, to truckle, at
least willingly, to congregations in
the streets of Paris.
On his first appearance in the
Chamber as premier, M. Perrier
338] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
declared the principles on which
he was determined to govern to be,
to put down all irregular power
at home, and refrain from any
armed interference abroad. *' The
revolution of July," he said, " was
founded on a principle, not of in-
surrection, but of legitimate re-
sistance to the oppression of power ;
it had only changed the political
system, but had not destroyed
social order ; it had founded a go-
vernment, not inaugurated anarchy.
In the interior, our duty is ])lain
and simple ; we have no great
experiments to try, the nature of
our institutions has been fixed by _
the charter of 1 8.30. Several great
legislative questions have been de-
cided by you in the j)rescnt ses-
sion ; the Chamber that will suc-
ceed you, will have to determine
others. Until the new Chamber
shall assemble, what will France
require from her government?
Activity : that order be maintained,
that the laws be executed, and
that authority be respected. Order
is the chief of all our wants. We
entreat all well-disposed citizens
not to abandon the government,
for the government will not aban-
don them. The maintenance of
tranquillity is the maintenance of
liberty. Our ambition is to re-
establish public confidence, and we
adjure all good citizens to co-ope-
rate with us for that pur|)ose. The
government repeats, that, far from
abandoning them, it will be always
ready to place itself at their head.
Above all, let them trust in our
firm resolution not to suffer any
attack upon the public tranquillity,
any encroachment upon the au-
thority of the law. We must
prevent those excesses which seem
to accuse the insufficiency of the
law, and the feebleness of power.
All sedition is a crime, under
whatever flag it in arrayed ; every
act of violence is the beginning of
anarchy. We shall propose to you
laws to repress sedition and vio-
lence. These guilty disturbances,
if renewed with impunity, would
one day make enemies to the go«
vernment of all those whom they
disturb, in the liberty of their in.
dustry, in the liberty of worship,
which we are bound \jo protect^ as
the most precious right which con-
science invokes. In regard to fo-
reign affairs, the principle of non-
intervention has been laid down
by the ministers who preceded us,
and we have adopted it. We
maintain that no foreign power has
the right to interfere by force of
arms in the internal affairs of other
nations ; but is this, at the same
time to declare, that we will inter-
pose with our arms for this or that
form of government, wherever this
principle is not respected ? This
would be an interference, though
of a different nature ; it would be
falling into the system of the
Holy Alliance; it would be to
raise the chimerical ambition of
those who would submit Europe to
the yoke of one single idea — that
of realizing a universal monarchy.
This interpretation of the princi-
ciple of non-intervention would
serve as a cloak to the spirit of
conquest. We will sustain the
principle by negotiations; but the
interest or the dignity of France
ought alone to call u|K)n us to take
arms. We do not concede to any
]>eople the right to force us to com-
bat in their cause, and the blood of
Frenchmen belongs alone to France.
The cabinets which have preceded
us have repelled any armed inter-
vention in Belgium. This policy
shall be ours ; this example Me
adopt. In similar questi(»ns do
nut doubt that France will always
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[339
hold the language which becomes
her name. Never shall we forbid
a lively sympathy for the progress
of European societies 5 but their
destiny is in their own hands, and
liberty ought always to be national.
Every foreign provocation impairs
and compromises it. On the part
of private individuals^ it is a bad
service to render to people ; on
the part of Governments, It is a
crime. France does not exhort
the world to liberty, but by the
pacific example of the regular de-
velopement of her institutions, and
by lier respect for the rights of all
other states/*
To the liberals these principles,
which left them little to expect in
the way of their vocation, were
still less satisfactory than the va-
cillation of the former ministry on
whose fears they could always ope-
rate J and the discontented jour-
nals M'hich sent forth their angry
strains of condemnation were al-
most as loud and as numerous as if
they had been denouncing the go-
vernment of prince Polignac. The
new ministry was designated as
something little better than the
return of the old government-*-a
combination against the spirit and
blessings of the revolution, ready
to sacrifice Poland, Belgium, and
Italy to foreign aggression. Se-
bastiani, the foreign minister,
found himself somewhat embar-
rassed by declarations which had
been made under the yielding mi-
nistry of M. Lafitte. He ad-
mitted, in answer to a question
from Lafayette, that he had writ-
ten, but whether to the Austrian
government, or to the Italian in-
surgents, (lid not appear, that
France *' would never consent *'
that Austrian troops should enter
Italy to repress the popular re-
volts ; but he now explained, that
*' not to consent,'* was something
very different from making war to
prevent; while the opposition main-
tained, that to France and to the
world, not to consent, meant not
to permit. As it was assu med that
the government could no longer be
trusted with the safety and glory
of the country, an association was
formed for the patriotic purpose of
resisting, without the aid of go*
vernment^ the Bourbons and the
foreigners who were represented to
be ready to take arms in their be-
half. The members of the asso-
ciation were to pay twopence. a-
month to ensure the independence
of France, and the perpetual ex-
clusion of the fallen dynasty, and
pledged their lives and honour to
the same glorious cause. The
ofiices of the opposition journals
became its subscription rooms, and
all who were their readers became
its members. Among them were
numbered many who had figured
in politics, and held ofiice. Though
immediately directed against the
new ttiinistry, its successful deve-
lopment would have made it too
powerful for any government ; but
ministers, though convinced that
it would be difficult to conduct
the public business, or long to
maintain either internal tranquil-
lity or external peace, in the face
of such a league, extending its
branches all over France, would
not venture on any measure for its
suppression. M. rerrier, however,
had recourse to every means of in-
direct discouragement. Every man
who joined it, and held any situa-
tion under government was imme-
diately dismissed, without regard
to rank or station. M. Laborde,
the private friend of the king,
having refused to withdraw his
name, ceased to be his majesty's
aide-de-camp, and a counsellor of
[Z2]
340] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
state. Odillon Barrot, who still
retained the office of a counsellor
of state, was deprived, for the same
reason, of this last fragment of
oflfice. General Lamarque, the
most extravagant of incendiaries
in the tribune, and commander of
the forces in the departments of
the west, put his name upon its
lists : that command was sup-
pressed in order to get rid of him.
A number of lawyers, holding ju-
dicial situations in Paris and the
provinces, were deprived, on the
same ground, of their official ap«
pointments. They were thus in-
fluential men and influential classes
that the league was to compre-
hend 'y but the unflinching vigour
with which M. Perrier set himself
against all who joined it, the grow-
ing strength of the government
itself, and the speedily detected
delusion of supposed danger from
foreign invasion, threw the whole
scheme into a rapid and mortal
decline.
One of the first measures of the
new ministry was the introduction
of a bill for the prevention of those
crowds and commotions which kept
Paris unceasingly in a state of fe-
verish excitement. It enacted that
all those persons forming part of
any assemblage in public places,
though not indulging in any act
of outrage or violence, should be
bound to disperse, on being re-
quired so to do (Sammation) by
the mayor or prefect of police, and
if the summons was repeated thrice
in vain, force was to be used, and
the persons whose obstinacy ren-
dered it necessary, were to be liable
to such punishments as would be
inflicted by the tribunal of simple
police. \i, again, the assemblage
had gone the length of disturbing
the public tranquillity, the punish-
ment was to be imprisonment, not
exceeding three months, except in
the case of arms having been car-
ried, whether concealed or not;
when the imprisonment might be
extended to two years. If the in-
dividuals convicted happened to be
persons who were not domiciled in
the vicinity of the scene of the dis-
turbance, they were further to be
ordained not to come within ten
royriometers of that spot for a year,
under the penalty of being impri-
soned during the period by which
they had shortened the year of in-
terdiction. The bill, as it threat-
ened to deprive the opposition of
that imposing display of public
opinion which consists in the riots
and terrors of a tumultuous mob,
was, of course, resisted manfully
by them, and by their press ; but
the ministry urged it on, and it
speedily became law.
In the middle of April, new tu-
mults arose which it seemed diffi-
cult to ascribe to any more definite
cause, than the habit which the
Parisian populace had acquired of
thinking themselves entitled to do
whatever they deemed proper.
From the 14th to the 17th of that
month, crowds of idle and mis-
chievous men assembled, day after
day, at diflerent points, and stalked
about the streets, armed with
stakes and bags of stones, uttering
all manner of republican and se-
ditious cries, breaking windows,
pulling down lamps, disarming
isolat^ military posts, insulting
individuals of the national guard,
robbing the capital under the very
eyes of the government, of all se-
curity and all tranquillity. The
growing mischief was allowed to
go on, for two or three days, un-
heeded ; but, at last, orders were
given to enforce the law which had
just been enacted, and military of
the line, both infantry and cavalry.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
1341
as well as the national guards^
were employed to execute it.
Commissioners of police were sent
forth^ backed by the troops^ to read
the new riot act, with sound of
trumpet. The mobs, instead of
obeying the summons, answered it
witii shouts of insult^ and showers
of stones^ insisting on their right
to remain in the streets and public
squares. The cavalry immediately
charged, and a single exertion of
vigour scattered in an instant
these vagabond assemblages^ which
owed their power to nothing so
much as the servility with which
they had been coaxed and flatter-
ed^ instead of being punished.
Before the ministry of M. La-
fitte resigned^ their new electoral
law had been fully brought before
the Chamber. The bill presented
by the government increased the
number of persons who should be
qualified to vote> but did not fix
any pai'ticular amount^ either of
property or taxation^ as a neces-
sary qualification. As the law stood^
the qualification consisted in the
payment of 300 franks (12/.) in
taxes. That rate yielded about
94,000 electors for the whole king-
dom* The project of ministers was
to double the existing number of
votes in each electoral college^ and
to take the whole number from
those who paid the greatest amount
of taxation, beginning at the highest
in the scale^ and gradually descend-
ing, till the fixed number should
be completed. There would thus
have been about 188,000 electors.
The committee, however, to which
according to the practice of the
French Chamber, the bill was refer**
red^ rejected this mode of ar-
ranging the franchise^ - on the
ground that the electors whom
it would create would be in a
very imperfect proportion to the
wealth and population of the king-
dom, would render the electoral
capacity extremely variable^ might
be rendered subservient to minis-
terial frauds^ and because it was
repugnant to the decided and una-
nimous opinion of the public. They
resolved, therefore, to adopt taxa-
tion as the rule, that i^, to retain
the rule which already existed,
but to reduce the amount necessary
to confer a qualification. Thcpre-
sent amount was 300 franks. They
assumed that experience had shown
that this qualification had not in-
troduced any improper class of
electors, even when the rights and
powers of a representative consti-
tution were new to the country ;
itwas therefore to be inferred, that,
after sixteen years constitutional
education, the sign of electoral
fitness might safely be set at a
point lower by at least one-third.
Independently of such considera-
tions, the sign, while apparently
remaining fixed, had actually been
rising, in consequence of other
changes. The various reductions
which had favoured property since
1814, had nroduced uiis effect,
that the independence of fortune
formi^ly indicated by paying 300
franks, was now indicatea by pay-
ing 240 01^50, so that the number
of electors had been diminished.
Besides as the spirit of the French
law was, unceasingly to divide pro-
perty, it was uniformly increasing
the number of those who paid the
imposts on prop^y, and just as
uniformly reducing the number
of large quotas. The committee,
therefore, had at first resdved to
propose that thequalification should
be fixed at 200 franks of taxation ;
but the majoritv had come after-
wards to be or opinion that it
might be dangerous to make at
ouce 80 great A cfaangei of which it
342] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
was dilHcult to foresee the results;
that it would be wiser and safer to
act progressively^ aud enlarge the
]M)litieal qualification^ if necessary,
by degrees. The members, too,
who formed this majority regard-
ed with apprehension the number
of electors that the reduction of
the qualification to 200 franks
might produce : not, they said^ that
they were doubtful of the nation,
which had given too many proofs
of wisdom^ moderation, and attach-
ment to order, to excite any fears
on that account ; but they dreaded
the confusion which might result
from it, as well as the change that
the real character of the election
might receive. They were appre-
hensive of the action of parties,
which must always be deeply felt
ut>ou masses, when it exercises an
iuHuence on a more limited and
intelligent number. The commit-
tee, therefore, proposed, that the
electoral qualification should be
fixed at 240 franks (about Ql. 10s,)
in taxes, with this addition, that
in all the electoral arondissements
where the number of electors pos-
sessing this qualification should
not be in the proportion of one
out of 200 inhabitants, those most
heavily taxed beneath the qualify-
ing amount should be included to
make up the proportionate number.
The latter combination would yield
at first 162,000 electors; and as in
seventeen departments the number
of electors paying 240 francs would
exceed one out of 200 inhabitants,
this difference would afford up-
wards of 29,000 electors more.
Thus the system presented by the
majority of the committee would af-
ford a total of about one hundred
and ninety-one thousand electors
more than double the existing num-
ber, deriving their qualification from
the |>ayment of a certain amount
of taxes: the number of them at
Paris would be 1 9fO00. As the law
stood, there were departmental col-
leges, which elected a certain num-
ber of the members, without the
intervention of the colleges of the
arondissement. In the former, the
electors consisted of the fourth part
of the electors in the latter, who
paid the highest amount of taxes.
They thus enjoyed a double vote, aud
the intention of the arrangement
had been, to give a preponderance,
or at least a countervailing power,
to the wealthier classes* The
double vote, and the department-
al colleges, were now abolished.
Under the existing law no elector
could vote till he was thirty years
old ; the age required was now
reduced to twenty-five. Members
of the institute, and retired ofiicers
of the array and navy, enjoying
half-pay to the amount of about 50/.
a-year, were to be allowed to vote
on a qualification of 100 francs,
or 4*/. The qualification for being
elected was to be 500 francs, 20/.
So far from these alterations
wearing the character of extrava-
gant sacrifices to popular clamour,
a reasonable man is inclined to
be surprised, when he looks at the
far more radical changes which the
ministers of Britain were, about
the same time, effecting in her
constitution, that no more danger-
ous experiment should have been
made, where society was still dis-
turbed by the slowly subsiding
tempest of actual insurrection
which had overturned a throne.
They were far, however, from sa-
tisfying the demands of the mouve-
merit party — who had not the cun-
ning of our own radicals to be
prudently silent as to what they
wanted, in order to make sure of
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[343
what was offered. Tliey succeeded
in bringing back the franchise to the
rate which the committee itself had
originally adopted, viz. 200 francs
of taxes, instead of 240, and that
the next highest payers below that
point should be included, not when
the number of electors was smaller
than one in 200 inhabitants, but
when it was smaller thaiijone in
150. This reduction, it was anti^
cipated, would raise the number of
electors con8idei*ably above 200,000
in a population of more than
,^0,000,000.
The elections being thus pro-
vided for, nothing remained to
prevent the dissolution but the
necessity of making financial ar-
rangements for the public service
in the interim. M. Lafitte had
opened his budget, but the supplies
uf the year had not been voted,
when he resigned. The extraor-
dinary services alone of the year
amounted to nearly 220,000,000
of francs, or nearly 8,000,000/.,
and he had proposed to raise
200,000,000 by sales of the na-
tional forests. M. Perrier wished
to raise a loan of 120,000,000,
nearly 5,000,000/., in rentes at
live per cent, and an ordinance
was issued to that effect. But he
was afraid to negociate it en the
lui favourable conditions which the
depression of the funds would have
imposed upon the government, and
some speculator who had, perhaps,
heard of the English loyalty loan,
suggested the easy expedient of
getting a sufHcient number of
patriotic Frenchmen to subscribe
the required loan, at five per cent
at par, in such sums as they might
choose ; in other words, that in-
dividual subscribers should ad-
vance to govern iDent nearly
5,000,000/. for the same nominal
amouat of five per ceat stocka th«
five per cents varying, at that
time, between seventy seven and
eighty. The plan struck the
public fancy ; a few great names,
such as Marshal Jourdan, setting
the example. They were followed
by about seventy deputies, by rich
capitalists, by wealthy i)eers,
by bankers, generals, advocates,
artists, doctors, and professional
people of all kinds, journalists,
and shopkeepers. Motives of
vanity, ambition, or patriotism,
combined to the success of the
scheme. It was brilliant, senti-
mental, and theatrical. On some
it conferred the merit of making
a sacrifice for the good of their
country j for others it procured
the reputation of patriots at a
cheap rate ; and to others it sup-
plied an opportunity of at once
showing their wealth ' and their
lilKjrality — of being talked of in
the saloons, and celebrated in the
journals. The societjr of brokers
and exchange agents joined their
exertions to those of individuals.
The journals were filled with lists
of subscribers having the amount
of their advances placed opposite
their names. Subscriptions to the
loan became the fashion of the
moment, and supplanted subscrip-
tions to the patriotic society. All
classes would have their names on
the *^ Great Book ;'' and a pecu-
niary sacrifice of twenty per cent,
which the operation required,
added more than twenty per cent
to the fame of their anterior
patriotism. But, just because it
took the Parisian fancy, as being
something new, sentimental, and
theatrical, it was only the fashion
of a day. By the time the stock
of patriotism had been exhausted,
only about 240,000/. had been sub-
scribed, barely one^twentieth of tiie
sum which toe minister required^
344] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
and he was thrown back upon his
own resources^ and compelled to
negociate the loan in the usual
way.
Tlie necessary votes having been
passed^ the king, on the 20th of
Apri], closed, by a prorogation,
this first session of his first Par-
liament, which had taken a crown
from the head of an ancient dy-
nasty, to place it upon his own.
His nuijesty addressed to them the
following speech.
" Gentlemen, Peers, and De-
puties,— eight months have passed
since, in this assembly, and in your
presence, I accepted the throne, to
which the national will, of which
you were the organs, called me, and
since I swore to observe faithfully
the constitutional charter, with
the modifications expressed in the
declaration of the 7th of August,
1830, not to govern except by the
laws, and according to the laws, to
cause good and exact justice to be
rendered to every man according
to his right, and to act in every-
thing with the sole object of the
interest, the happiness, and the
glory of the French people. I
then told you, that, profoundly
impressed with the full extent of
the duties which this great act
imposed upon me, I was conscious
that I should fulfil them, and that
it was with this full conviction I
accepted the compact proposed to
me.
^' I like to repeat those solemn
words which I pronounced on the
9th of August, because they are
at once the invariable rule of my
conduct, and the expression of the
principles upon which I aspire
to be judged by France and by
posterity.
'^ Your session opened in the
midst of great dangers. The ter-
riblQ contest in which the nation
had just defended its laws, its
rights, and its liberties^ against an
unjust aggression, had broken in
pieces the resources of authority ;
and it was necessary to secure the
maintenance of order by the re-
establishment of public power.
France was instantly covered with
National Guards, formed spon-
taneously by the patriotic zeal of
all the citizens, and organized by
the authority of the government.
That of Paris appeared again finer
and more numerous than ever, and
this admirable institution offered
at once the means of stifiing an-
archy in the interior, and of re-
pelling all aggression from with-
out, to which our national inde-
pendence might have been exposed.
At the same time with the Na-
tional Guard our brave army of
the line was recomposed, and
France may now look upon it with
pride. Never was the levy of our
young soldiers efiected with so
much promptitude and facility ;
and such is the patriotic ardour
with which they are animated,
that, scarcelv^ ranged under our
standards, wfaose glorious colours
recall so many recollections dear
to the country, they are no longer
distinguishable from our veterans,
and in no time were the French
troops finer, l)etter disciplined,
and, I say it with confidence, ani-
mated with a better spirit than
they are now.
*^ The labours of this great or-
ganization have not retarded the
accomplishment of the promises of
the charter. Already the greater
part has been realized by the laws
which you have voted, and which
I have sanctioned. I have follow-
ed with anxiety, gentlemen, the
course of your important labours,
the whole of which exhibit talents,
zeal, and courage^ which will make
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[345
the epoch remarkable in history.
France will not forget your devo-
tion to the country in the moment
of danger; and I shall always pre-
serve the memory of the assist-
ance which I have found in you,
when the necessities of the state
imposed on me the duty of re-
quiring it. The next session will>
I am confident^ have but to con-
tinue your work, by completing it,
and by preserving always the cha-
racter of that great event of July,
which guarantees for the future,
by legal means, all the improve-
ments which the country has a
riglit to expect, and which sepa-
rates for ever the destinies of
France from a dynasty excluded
from the nation's will.
" After the shock which the
social body underwent, it was dif-
ficult not to experience some new
crisis, and we have passed through
some painful ones during this ses-
sion ; but, thanks to the constant
efforts which you have made to
second mine,-^thanks to the ener-
getic devoted ncss of the people, to
its patriotism, and to the indefati-
gable zeal of the National Guard
and of the troops of the line, we
have passed through them success-
fully ; and if we have had to regret
lamentable disorders, at least the
consent of the country has approved
the intentions of the authorities.
The internal peace of the king-
dom is gradually re-established,
and the strength of government
has progressively increased in pro-
portion as the reign of the law
has resumed its empire, and public
safety has been consolidated. My
government will continue to follow
with firm steps this course in
which you have so worthily sup-
ported it.
<' My ministers have constantly
acquainted you with the state of
our diplomatic relations, and you
have been informed of the circum-
stances which have determined me
to make extraordinary armaments;
like me you have recognized the
necessity of them, and you will
also participate in my sincere de-
sire to see them speedily cease.
The assurances which I receive
from all quarters of the pacific
dispositions of foreign Powers, give
me the hope that their armies and
ours may soon be reduced to the
proportions of the state of peace ;
but till the negotiations which are
on foot have acquired the deve-
lopement necessary to render this
reauction possible, the attitude of
France must be strong, and we
must persevere in the measures
which we have taken to make her
respected, for peace is safe only
with honour.
*' Our support, and the con-
currence of the Great Powers of
Europe, have secured the inde-
pendence of Belgium, and its se«
paration from Holland. If I have
refused to yield to the wishes of
the Belgic people, who offered me
the crown for my second son, it is
because I believed that this refusal
was dictated by the interests of
France, as well as by those of Bel-
gium itself. But this people has
a peculiar right to interest ns,
and it is of importance to us that
it should be happy and free.
" If, during the absence of the
Chambers, unforeseen circumstan-
ces should oblige me again to ap*
peal to your patriotic zeal, I shall
do it with entire confidence. Al-
ways devoted to my country, no
sacrifice will be too great in my
eyes to maintain its honour or to
defend its independence; but I
have reason to hope that our state
of peace will be consolidated, and
that; fiur from my government re«
346] ANNUAL REGISTER. 1831.
quiring uew resources> we shall
see credit, manufactures, and com-
merce, soon restore to us the pros-
))erity which the country desired
to reconquer with liberty, and
which liberty cannot produce hut
with the aia of a Power that is
strong, generous, and always na-
tional."
The prorogation was till the
15th of Juno, and although it was
settled that it was to be followed
by a dissolution, the dissolution
was not announced for more than
a months M. Perrier's first step
being to acquire information by
queries contained in a circular to
the prefects, in which he candidly
told them, *' that the government
did not mean to be neutral in the
elections, and did not wish the
administration to be so any more
than itself.*" The Parisians, de-
* The minister's queries were the fol-
lowing : —
" I have to request you to communi-
nicatc to mc your opinion upon the pro-
liable result of the ensuing election. I
must beg of you, on this point* the most
explicit frankness* The government
should knonr all things that may enlight-
en, and not those that may tiatter It.
t* 1 . What is the general state of the
public mind in your department, and
what is the respective strength of the
opinions which divide it, without count-
ing the partisans of the fellen govern-
ment ; who have the greater influence
and credit, those who adopt the princi-
ples professed by the government, or
those who attack them, and form the
opposition ?
" 2. What do you anticipate particu-
larly in this respect from the electoral
body, such as it is constituted by the
new law ?
'* 3. Who are the candidates brought
forward either by the different localities
or by the opposed parties? What is
your opinion upon the chances of success
of each of them? Upon their merits
their social position, their political dis-
position? Conceal notliing from me upon
the subject, and speak to mc with a
fnnkneM equal to my diicr^tiont'' He
prived of the Chambers, amused
themselves in doing honour to
Napoleon, and listening to the
complaints of the heroes of July.
The government, while it removed
the emblems of the Bourbons, had
further condescended to humour
the populace by resolving to re-
place tne statue of Buonaparte on
the pillar of the Place Vendonie.
Until the design should be ful-
filled, the populace thought it but
right to act in Che same spirit. It
was the month of May, and
fiowers were plentiful. The po-
Eulace collected round the pillar,
ung |;arlands and crape upon the
mouldings of its pedestal, one of
the artistes being a lamplighter,
and placed beside it two cypress
trees, bearing inscriptions, one of
which called for the restoration of
the effigies of Napoleon to the
insignia of the Legion of Honour,
and the other for the repeal of
the law which banished his family
from France. This mummery
formed the nucleus of a crowd, and
was the cause of detached assem-
added in a subsequent passage of the
circular, <' ft is our wish that the disso-
lution should produce a Chamber of
which (he mfyority will adopt and sup-
port them, and will taithfuliy follow the
examples of the Chamber which perfect-
ed the charter, offered the crown to the
king, shared the danger and honour of
the gix^at events of July, the benefits
of which it consolidated. This rule
should determine the preference of the
administration between the divers can-
didates. You are aware, however, that
an exclusive preference is not to be
given to shades. An honest man, de-
voted to the king and to tiic charter,
is always a good deputy; and should
there even be deputies apparently pre-
ferable, yet, when they have litUe
chance of being elected, the administra-
tion must not insist upon supporting
them. Guided by general interests, it
is not to take the initiative of hostility
against any one, but admit all such as
doootattMkit*"
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[347
binges, which danced round the
column^ singing the Marsellois
hymn, or raising shouts for '^ the
republic, " and the *^ Sovereign
j)eople." The government jour-
nals maintained that, under all
this, lay hid some deep political
conspiracy; but, at all events, if
no other mischief was done, it was
intolerable that industrious people
should be compelled to shut up
their shops whenever mobs chose
to turn out. The military at
last interfered, and the National
Guards mercilessly swept away
the faded chaplets of mob gra-
titude.
Amid the immediate efierves-*
cence of the revolution, the Cham-
ber had decreed that the surviving
*' heroes of July" should receive
an honourable decoration, as one
had formerly been given to the
conquerors of the Bastile. The
commission appt)intcd to manage
the details, had returned the names
of no fewer than 1,500 persons as
entitled to this mark of distinction.
The distribution was to be made
by the hands of the king himself.
The knights of the new order,
like all other knights, were to take
an oath ; the reverse of the legend
of the cross bore that it was given
by the king ; and government had
even changed the colour of the
riband as proposed by the com-
mission, to prevent confusion with
the ribands of some other and
older orders. All these alterations
roused the republican wrath of the
heroes. They would accept of no
honours from the hand of a king,
who had nothing to do with what
preceded his own elevation to
power ; they had been conquerors,
before he was a king. The oath,
again, was an act of feudal homage,
a symbol of vassalage, while the
inscriptioa was an arbitrary change
of a national recompense, decreed
by the representatives of the
people, into a mere royal favour,
bestowed by a king. The insulted
heroes convened a public meeting
of their own body. They unani-
mously voted that the king's order
should be rejected j and, as they
happened to find an old soldier of
the guards who wore the medal
awarded to the victors of the Bas-
tile, they resolved, with equal
unanimity, that to his hands the
distribution of the new decoration
should be intrusted. As the
crosses were beyond his power and
theirs, they satisfied themselves
with a simple riband. The royal
decorations were delivered to the
mayors of the different quarters,
to be duly distributed, and, ac-
cording to the Moniteur, more
than four-fifths of the heroes dis-
claimed the mad proceedings of
their companions. The latter,
however, celebrated their inde-
pendence by a public banquet, at
which they toasted the speedy ar-
rival of a republic. One of them
was said to have given " Death to
Louis Philippe." After the din-
ner, they got up a riot, which was
put down by the military and fol-
lowed by arrests.
The king quitted, for a time,
these unpleasant scenes, and cul-
tivated his popularity, during a
great part of May, by making a
tour through the eastern depart-
ments of the kingdom. His pro-
gress was accompanied by reviews,
addresses, festivals, and balls. It
was only at Metz that anything
occurredi to mar the harmony be-
tween the citizen king and his
subjects. The National Guards,
in their ^med capacity, as well as
the civic and municipal authorities,
had their addresses, in which they
treated of all manner of pditiciu
348] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
questions. Those of Metz read
his majesty a lecture on the laws
which France still required to con-
solidate her liberties, and particu-
larly the destruction of the peer-
age. " Among those laws, the
most decisive for the future pros-
pects of France, is that which is
to organize the second branch of
the legislative power. The almost
unanimous wish of our city is — "
Here the king interrupted the
reader with, '^ The national guard
ought not to occupy itself with
political questions ; these did not
concern them ; upon them they
have no advice to give." The
officer answered they were giving
no advice, but only expressing a
wish. His majesty rejoined, "The
national guard can have no wish
on this subject. They are for-
bidden to deliberate on such mat-
ters. I will hear nothing more of
this kind."
The capital still continued to be
subject to perpetually-recurring
disturbances, requiring the in-
cessant interference of the military
and the national guards. Even
the courts of justice were not
saved from scenes of disgrace-
ful riot. They were regularly
filled, on the trials of persons
charged with having been en-
gaged in former disturbances,
with numerous friends of the ac-
cused, who insulted the judges,
terrified the witnesses, and some-
times compelled an adjournment
of the proceedings. They ap-
]>lauded such speeches, testimonies,
and opinions, as were favourable
to their friends ; interrupted with
groans and hisses what displeased
them. The judges frequently
ordered the courts to be cleared,
but the next crowd that entered,
repeated the same conduct, while
insulted justice did not venture to
punish the contempt. From the
13th to the 18th of June, was one
continued scene of commotion.
Mobs of unemployed men paraded
the streets, raising sometimes se-
ditious and sometimes absurd cries,
now shouting the name of Na-
poleon, instead of that of Orleans,
now bawling for work and bread,
attacking the houses and persons
of all whom they chose to deno-
minate Jesuits or Carlists. When
driven from one street, they moved
into another, quitted a quay for a
faubourg, or a faubourg for a quay,
and resisted, with sticks and stones,
the interference of the military to
execute the riot act. Many arrests
took place ; but the courts were
mobbed, and the juries almost uni-
formly acquitted. These riotous
assemblies were attributed, in a
great measure, to the want of
work, which, ever since the revo-
lution of the preceding year, had
filled Paris with a host of idle
men, while the events and spirit of
that revolution itself, which they
believed to have been their own
work, had taught them to consider
their own class as the very last
that ought to be disregarded.
They held that the government
which they created was good for
nothing, if it did not furnish them
with employment, or comfort with-
out employment. But, among
these mobs, were always to be
found young men of a better con-
dition of life, frequently decorated
with the riband of July, and pal-
pably instigating the angry pas-
sions of the populace. On these
ringleaders the police became at
last unwilling to lay their hands,
as it was useless to arrest them ;
they would only make inflam-
matory speeches on their trial, and
be sure to be acquitted, for it
would iiot be safe to condemn a
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[349
hero of the revolution. After a
five nights* riot, the populace at
length got tired^ and allowed the
capital and the national guards
to enjoy another interval of re-
pose.
In the mean tinie^ on the 1st of
June, a royal ordinance had ap«
peared, dissolving the Chamber^
and directing a general election,
under the new law. The electoral
colleges were to assemble on the
5th of July ; the Chamber was to
meet for the despatch of business,
on the 9th of August. The op-
position, who had already found
themselves in a minority, hoped
that the greater extension now
given to the franchise, though
much more confined than their
policy had recommended^ would
enable them to secure an indis«
putable preponderance. The jour-
nals and associations of Paris
brought into action all the re-
sources of violence and abuse, as
well as their lists of favouritism
and proscription, which had been
played off so successfully against
the ministers of Charles X. They
strained every nerve to rouse the
desire of unbounded popular power
— the love of glory to lead to war,
— the love of freedom to march into
Italy and Belgium — ^the sense of
shame that the opportunity had
not yet been seized to wipe off the
past disasters of France^ and ex-
tend her power once more over
former conquests. Democracy at
home, and war abroad, were the
objects of all their vows. They
found themselves, however, greatly
disappointed in their expectations.
The elections gave a decided ma-
jority in favour of the ministry,
or, at least, in opposition to the
party of the mouvement. Of the
thirteen deputies returned for
Paris, the ministerial party carried
eight. Pledges, however, were
very generally demanded of the
candidate, and as generally given,
to abolish the hereditary peerage.
The minister himself when asked
to pledge himself on this point by
the electors of Troyes, for which
place he was returned, declined to
make any declaration of his opi-
nions, and several other supporters
of his government followed his ex-
ample ; but the current of popular
opinion, or of popular prejudice,
ran so strong against the peerage,
that few candidates ventured to
declare themselves in its favour.
On the other hand a very large
proportion of them volunteered
their services to abolish the peer-
age, or, where they would fain have
remained silent, found it necessary
to speak out, and bind themselves
to become fellow-labourers in the
same work. The bar of Paris,
with M. Mauguin at its head, de-
termined, after solemn delibera-
tion, that the system of the peer-
age must be entirely altered. Ex-
cept upon this point, the general
election, and the new constituency
did not add perceptibly to the par-
liamentary strength of the war
and republican party.
To the excitement of the elec-
tions succeeded immediately new
disorders in Paris. The 14th of
July being the anniversary of the
destruction of the Bastile, the po-
pulace and students resolved to ce-
lebrate it by planting trees of
liberty ; while the government,
made acquainted with these de-
signs, determined to resist and
prevent them. The military in
the capital were increased ; the
national guards were again under
array. They occupied in great
force the site of the Bastile, and
the Place de Greve, which the po-
pulace had intended to be two of
350] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the principal sites of their liberal
horticulture. The police, more-
over, carried off the trees which
young men were dragging in from
the neighbourhood for tlie cere-
mony. A more resolute body cut
down a tree in the Champs filysees,
and had brought it to the Place
J^uis XVI, to plant it on the S]>ot
where a guillotine once had stood,
before the police and national guards
could reach them. They were
forthwith despoiled of their tree^
which was thrown into the Seine,
but it was only by force, and not
until wounds had been inflicted,
that they were dispersed. Among
the rioters were persons in the
uniform of the national guards,
and armed. The riot, like all
others, was followed by a multi-
tude of arrests, but the arrests,
as usual, were not effectively fol-
lowed up. In the provinces, the
attempts of the populace thus to
commemorate one of the greatest
triumphs, were more successful . In
many places lawless mobs planted
their trees of liberty, in the pre-
sence of the civil and military au-
thorities, who were either unable
or unwilling to prevent them. In
one instance the military refused
to obey the orders of the civil
power to disperse the bands who
erected and danced around this
memorial of revolutionary excesses,
and who proceeded from these
orgies to attack a body of peace-
able citizens who entertained a
different opinion from themselves
regarding the propriety of such
proceedings. It was, perhaps, from
an apprehension that this spirit of
the populace might show itself in
still more serious forms during the
anniversary of the great week of
July which was now approaching,
and from a wish to have the pre-
sence of the legislative body to
overawe it, or supply it with other
materials to distract its attention,
that ministers resolved to assemble
the Chambers sooner than had
been originally announced. They
had been convoked for the 9th of
August ; they were now called to-
gether for the 23rd of July. Pos-
sibly, too, the ministry may have
wished to open the session before
the pleasant feeling inspired by a
sort of foreign conquest had died
away. In the beginning of the
year the French government had
found occasion to complain of the
maltreatment of certain French
subjects at Lisbon by the Portu-
guese authorities. Complaints of
the same sort had been made by
Britain, and the British ministry
had demanded and obtained satis-
faction by sending out an armed
squadron. France followed the
example, but to much better pur-
pose. A French fleet was dis-
patched to Lisbon. Having re-
ceived, instead of immediate re-
paration for the alleged injuries,
an offer to treaty the admiral
forced the entrance of the Tagus.
The Portuguese government was
then compelled to yield to the
terms which he dictated, and, as a
punishment for what he termed
their obstinacy^ he actually carried
off their fleet. Of all the events
that could have happened to France,
that of seeing an enemy's fleet
brought into her ports, was by far
the most novel, and excellently
calculated to form a clap-trap in a
royal speech. Ministers had like-
wise brought about other events,
connected with foreign politics,
which promised to be useful to
them with the new Chamber. When
M. Lafitte resigned, Austrian
troops Mere marching towards the
papal states to put down the in-
surrections which had broken out
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
P51
in the dominions of his holiness^
as well as those which had appear-
ed in Lombardy. M. Perrier had
obtained by negotiation^ that they
should not continue to occupy the
papal territory, while the pope was
to introduce amelioration into his
civil policy; and the Austrians,
after restoring his authority, had
retired from Romagna. It so hap-
pened, too, that the Conference of
London, on whose deliberatiotis de*"
pended the fate of Belgium^ had
determined that part at least of the
fortresses which had been raised,
at great expense, for the Very pur«
])ose of protecting her against
France, should be demolished, on
the ground that the new kingdom
would be too poor to maintain
them, and that, as its neutrality
was to be guaranteed, they would
be unnecessary. Although France
was no party formally, at leasts to
that determination, it was very
capable of being represented as a
tribute paid to her power, and a
positive advantage gained towards
any military measures in that
quarter, which she might choose to
undertake.
On the 23rd of July, the king
opened the session of the new
chamber with the fbllowing speech.
'' Messieurs Peers and Deputies
— I am happy to be among you in
this place : here France has re«*
ceived my oaths. Deeply impress*
ed with the duties which they im«»
pose upon me, I shall always rest
upon the national will, of which
you are the constitutional organs ;
and I expect from you that frank
and entire co«operation which
must give to my government the
strength, without which it cannot
answer the expectation of the na-
tion.
'* I said, gentlemen, that the
charter would be a truth ; what I
have said has been acoomplished.
The charter is the constitutional
monarchy, with all its conditions
loyally maintained, with all its
consequences frankly accepted* It
is true, that by the uniform action
of all the powers of the state, we
should put an end to those pro«
longed agitations which feed the
criminal hopes of those who dream
of the return of the late dynasty,
or of those who still dream of the
chimera of a rtpublio. Divided
respecting the object, they agree
in the will to overturn, no matter
at what price, the political order
founded by the revolution of July*
Their efforts will be disconc^'ted
or punished.
" In calling me to the throne,
France desired that the royal au<*
thority should be nationaL It did
not desire that it should be feeble.
A government without strength
cannot suit a great nation* I have
just taken a tour through France.
The testioionies of affection which
I have received in these journeys
have deeply affected my heart. Its
wishes are present to my mind ;
you will assist me in fulfilling
them. Order will be protected,
liberty guaranteed, every factious
attempt confounded and repressed.
Thus will revive ^hat confidence
in the futurci which alone can re«
store the confidence of the country.
It is to attain this end— to conso-
lidate more and m<nre the consti-
tutional monarchy, that I have
caused the several projects of law
to be prepared which will be laid
before you.
*' In that which has for its ob-
ject the decision of a great consti-
tutional question reserved by the
charter for the examination of the
chambers, you will, I hope, per-
ceive that I always seek to make
our institutions harmonize with
352] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the interest and the wishes of tlie
nation, enlightened by experience,
and matured by time.
" You will also have to examine,
conformably to the promises of the
charter, the projects of law de-
stined to complete the depart-
mental and municipal organiza-
tion^ to determine the responsibi-
lity of ministers, and of the other
agents of government, and to re-
gulate the liberty of instruction.
'^ Other projects of law — on the
recruiting of the army, on the
penal code, on the finances, and
divers public interests — will also
be laid before you. I acknowledge
the whole extent of the distresses
which the present commercial
crisis causes the nation to suffer.
I am afflicted at them, and admire
the courage with which they are
supported. I hope they are ap-
proaching to their close, and that
the consolidation of order will soon
produce the security necessary for
the circulation of capital, and will
resti^re to our commerce and manu-
factures that activity which, un-
der a government always guided
by the national interests, can never
be interrupted except for a mo-
ment.
*' The situation of our finances
is satisfactory; if our wants are
great, abundant resources are pre-
pared to provide for them.
'* The budgets, for the service
of 1831 and 1832, will be present-
ed to you early in the session.
Reductions have been made in
several branches of the administra-
tion. They would be more im-
portant, if the increase of our
means of defence and the develop-
ment of our military force had not
hitherto imposed on us great sa-
crifices. I shall hasten to dimi-
nish the burden of them, as soon
as I shall liave acquired the cer-
tainty of being able to do so with-
out risking the dignity and safety
of France. This certainty de-
pends on a general disarming.
France desires it, the governments
of Europe feel the necessity of it,
the interest of all requires it.
*' I have the satisfaction to an-
nounce to you already, that I have
not had occasion to employ all the
resources, which the chambers had
placed at my disposal.
*' Since the revolution of July,
France has resumed in Europe the
rank which belongs to her, and
henceforth nothing can deprive
her of it. Never was her inde-
])endence better guaranteed. Our
national guards, who are equal to
our army ; our armies, the worthy
depositories of the inheritance of
our ancient glory, would defend
that independence, as they have
lately protected internal peace and
liberty. I have only to congratu-
late myself on the friendly rela-
tions, which foreign governments
maintain with mine.
*' It was our duty to seek to
draw closer the natural and an-
cient bonds of friendship which
unite France and the United
States of North America. A
treaty has just put an end to dis-
putes which have been too long
carried on between two countries
connected by so many recollections
and sympathies. Other treaties
have been concluded with the re-
publics of Mexico and Hayti. All
these acts will be communicated
to you as soon as they shall be
ratified, in order that the financial
stipulations which they contained
may be submitted to you for your
inspection.
" I have given orders to increase
the number of vessels employed to
insure the execution of the law
passed in the last session, for the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[353
effectual suppression of the negro
slave trade.
" Conformably to my demands^
the troops of the emperor of Aus-
tria have evacuated the Roman
states. A real amnesty — the abo-
lition of confiscation — important
changes in the administrative and
judicial system ; such are the ame-
liorations which, being secured to
these states — make us hope that
their tranquillity will not be again
disturbed — that the balance of
Europe will be strengthened by
the maintenance of their independ-
ence.
" The kingdom of the Nether-
lands, as constituted by the treaties
of 1814 and 1815, has ceased to
exist. The indejiendence of Bel-
gium, and its separation from Hol-
land, liave been recognized by the
great Powers. The king of the
Belgians will not be a member of
the German Confederation. The
fortresses erected to threaten
France, and not to protect Bel-
gium, will be demolished. A neu-
trality recognized by Europe, and
the friendship of France, insure to
our neighbours an independence
of which we have been the first
support.
'^ The power which governs in
Portugal had insulted French sub-
jects— it had disregarded, with
respect to them, the rights of jus-
tice and of humanity ; to obtain
reparation, demanded in vain, our
ships of war have appeared before
the Tagus. I have just received
the news that they have forced
the entrance. The satisfaction
hitherto refused has been offered
to us. llie Portuguese men-of-
war are in our power, and the tri-
coloured flag flies on the walls of
Lisbon.
'' A sanguinary and inveterate
struggle is prolonged in Poland.
This struggle causes lively emo-
tion in the midst of Europe. I
have exerted myself to hasten the
termination of it. After having
offered my mediation, I have invited
that of the great Powers. I have
desired to stop the effusion of
blood, to preserve the south of
Europe from the scourge which
war propagates, and above all, to
secure to Poland, whose courage has
revived the ancient affections of
France, that nationality which has
resisted time and its vicissitudes.
^* You will, doubtless, judge
that in these difficult negotiations,
the true interests of France — the
interests of its prosperity, of its
power, and of its honour, have
been defended with perseverance
and dignity. Europe is now con-
vinced of the rectitude of our in-
tentions, and of the sincerity of
our wishes for the maintenance of
peace; it is also convinced of our
strength, and it knows how we
should support a war if we were
driven to it by unjust aggressions.
"It is by persisting in the sys-
tem of policy hitherto pursued that
we shall succeed in securing and
in making our country enjoy the
benefits of the revolution, which
has secured its liberties ; and shall
preserve it from new commotions,
which would endanger, at the
same time, its own existence, and
the civilization of the world.
^'We are on the eve, gentle-
men, of great anniversaries. I shall
see you with satisfaction join me
in their solemnities. May these
serious and affecting commemora-
tions awaken sentiments of union
and concord, which, a year ago,
alone decided the triumph, the re-
membrance of which they cele-
brate.*'
Vol. LXXIII.
pA]
354] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
'•The great anniversaries *' men-
tioned by his majesty referred to
tlie ceremonies and rcjoicinp^s with
which all Paris was preparing to
commemorate the rerolution of the
preceding July, and they were
cehibratcd with all the variety
which French fancy could invent.
The 27th was dedicated to a fune-
ral service to the memory of those
who had fallen, and the king him-
self assisted at laying the founda-
tion stone of a monument in-
tended to record their fame. The
following days were given up to
all manner of amusements, and
care was taken to provide it abun-
dantly for the populace. There
was unceasing firing of cannon,
waving of banners, and military
music; there were boat races on
the Seine, horse races, foot races,
and races of horses without riders,
in the Champ dc Mars. Agile
performers crossed the river on the
tight rojx} ; temporary theatres
were erected in different ])art8 of
th^ city, for exhibiting military
pantomimes, gymnastic exercises,
rope- dancing, puppets, vaudevilles,
and farces ; various localities were
set '^ipart for dancing, and provided
with magnificent orchestras. All
these entertainments were con-
tinued through the night by the
glare of illuminations adorned with
the discharge of fire-M'orks. Hread,
wine, and sausages were distri-
buted to the poor. The whole
terminated with a review of the
garrison and national guards of
Paris, and without any riot.
The opening of the Chamber of
Paris exhibited another display of
triumph, of a much more question-
able character. When the peers
met, they found, to their asto-
nishment, placed on the platform
of the president's chair, a group
of Austrian standards, hanging
over statues of victory. It turned
out that these were the standards
which Buonaparte had sent to the
conservative senate, after the sur-
render of General Mack at Ulm
in 1805. When the allies were in
Paris in 181.5, all the Austrian
standards had been reclaimed. The
answer was, that they had been
burned by the soldiers at the Hotel
des Invalides. This bad been a
mean and paltry lie. The mar-
quis de Semonville, the grand re-
ferendary, now made a speech, in
which he informed the peers, that,
while the Austrians had been told
the standards had been destroyed,
he himself, cognizant of the fraud,
had concealed them in a cellar
under the Luxemburg palace, where
they had remained liidden for six-
teen years, till he now brought
them forth to regenerated France.
'* The conqueror," said he, •' sus-
pended them from this vault, under
which were seated at the command
of his voice so many companions
of his glory. They had every
right to {)artake in the spolia opima,
which the temple, wherein our ve-
terans prayed for the fortune of
France, was not sufficiently capa-
cious to contain. On one day for-
tune was faithless, and the flames
of blazing altars raised by their
grief devoured that harvest of
laurels which their mutilated arms
were too weak to defend* Gentle-
men, at this hour of adversity a
courageous foresight preserved for
this palace its noblest ornament,
and placed it in the hands of your
referendary. He, after a lapse of
seventeen years, now renders up
his trust. An inviolable asylum
formed in the vaults of this hall
has protected this treasure from
every search. Vainly during this
long space of time have the most
authoritative researches endeavour-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[355
ed to penetrate the secret. It
would have been culpable to reveal
it, as long as we were liable to the
demands of haughty foreigners.
No one in this atmosphere of ho-
nour is capable of so great a weak-
ness, and the idea of such an in-
discretion in any one of my col-
leagues never entered my mind.
But, gentlemen, when France
has re-assumed her arms, a thou-
sand times more difficult was
it to defer the restoration of
these trophies." The most me-
lancholy thing was, that a prince
of the blood, the duke of Orleans,
had been tutored to play a part in
this despicable exhibition, and to
make a speech in " a concatenation
accordingly.'* His royal highness
followed the referendary, declaring,
'^ to remind me of my duties to-
wards my country, I shall have no
occasion to turn my eyes to these
trophies, the imperishable monu-
ments of the former victories of
our armies, and the pledges of the
future successes that await them,
if we are again compelled to fight
for our institutions and independ-
ence, or for the maintenance of our
interests or national sympathies.
Whenever France makes an appeal
to her children, she will find me
the first among them, at the head of
that youth of whom I am so proud
of being a contemporary, and who
will, I am confident, realize the
hopes placed in them by .their
country, and maintain its glory
and its grandeur. May these
standards, gained by several who
now hear me, and preserved by the
patriotic solicitude of the grand
referendary, remind every one,
both within and out of this Cham-
ber, of the efforts France is capa-
ble of under the cohmrs which the
country has so gloriously recon-
quered, and of which I, after
the king, will ever be the firni^
est supporter and the most zea-
lous defender." Austria might
well have taken offence at so deli-
berate an insult, had not the mean
trickery, and immeasurable ab-
surdity of the whole story, ren-
dered the ridicule and contempt
which it excited the fittest punish-
ment for those who were concerned
in it. It was anxiously declared
that it had been the unauthorized
exploit of a few individuals. The
king himself was said to have been
ignorant of it, and not to have
known even that his own son was
to play a part in this political farce
on so public a stage ; and his royal
highness was made to explain to the
president of the council now he had
been drawn into the absurdity.
The election of the bureaux, that
is of the president and secretaries of
the standing committees which is
the first occupation of the Chamber
of Deputies, showed the strength of
the ministerial party. Out of
eighteen, the opposition carried
omy six. But the great trial of
strength was to take place in the
choice of the president of the
Chamber — although not a trial
between the ministry and the op-
position. The friends of M. La-
fitte, who could not, on general
questions, be ranked with the
party of the mouvement, had deter-
mine to make him speaker. M.
Perrier, on the other hand, made
it a point that M. Lafitte should
not be speaker, and declared that
he would resign^ if the late minis-
ter was chosen. Tlie i*easons why
he chose to stake his power on such
a question, were not clearly ex-
plained, but they probably arose
partly from the shades of differ-
ence in |>olicy between M. La-
fitte and himself, and still more
from the particular relation in
[2 A 2]
356] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
which they had formerly stood to
each other. They had both been
in the ministry immediately after
the revolution of July. They had
divided the honours of the Cham-
ber, the one being president, and
the other vice-president. The C.i-
binet had split in opinion; M.
Perrier, the more moderate of the
two, had retired from office, along
with his friends, and left the go-
vernment in the hands of M. La-
iitte, whose stronger inclination
not openly to resist the mouvement
faction, had since produced so
many symptoms of weakness, and
had finally led to his own resigna-
tion. M. Perrier might therefore
feel himself justified in deciding
not to continue minister with a
Chamber so constituted, as to sup-
port, in opposition to him, even
for the president's chair, a poli-
tician, for differing from whom he
himself had ceased to be a minis-
ter. His triumph would have
been easy and certain, if a pure
mouvement candidate had been pro-
posed ; but against M. Lafitte his
task was more diflUcult, that gen-
tleman being supported not merely
by all the regular opposition, be-
cause in this question he was
against the ministry, but likewise
by a large number of members who
could not justly be accused of
being adherents of the extrava-
gant party, and who did not think
that M. Lafitte's conceding spirit
towards it, arising, as they ima-
gined, more from policy than opi-
nion, should unfit him for presiding
in the Chamber. The minister
was not even very fortunate in his
candidate, M. Girod de I'Ain, who
hitherto had filled only the sub-
ordinate ofllice of prefect of the
metropolitan police. The election
took place on the 1st of August.
On the first scrutiny neither of
the two candidates had an absolute
majority of the members present,
and the ministerial candidate had
a majority of only three above his
opponent. The number present
being 355, the absolute majority
was 178. M. Girod de I'Ain had
171, and M. Lafitte I68, the re-
maining votes having been thrown
away upon other candidates.* On
the second scrutiny, the number
of voters had increased to 358,
the absolute majority of which
was 180. The ministerial can-*
didate had 181 votes, and M. La-
fitte 176, one vote having been
thrown away. M. Girod de I'Ain
was thus elected president, but he
had only one vote more than the
absolute majority, and only five
votes more than his antagonist.
Of the four vice-presidents, the
first elected, M. Dupont de TEure,
approached nearer to the party of
M. Lafitte than to the ministry,
and had one vote more than had
carried the election of the presi-<
dent. The other three, M. Be-
ranger, M. Dupin, and M. Deles-
sert were mucn more ministerial
men.
M. Perrier considered the ma-
jority by which the election of his
candidate had been carried as a
defeat, while his friends complained
of treachery among those on whom
* A vote was disregarded on account
of an ill-natured impertinence which it
contained, the deputy who gave it in,
having written, instead of M. J. Lafitte,
M.J. Faillitte, in allusion to the pecuni-
ary embarrassments in which that gentle-
man's banking establishment had become
involved. It is a good illustration of the
secrecy of the ballot, tliat this circum-
stance was mentioned in the Chamber,
so soon as the result of the scrutiny was
declared, and a member moved, that
the vote should Ite read. Nobody sup-
ported him.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[357
they were entitled to rely. He
gave in his resignation which was
fbllowed by those of Sebastiani,
baron Louis^ and count Montali-
vet. Soult was willing to remain
at the war-office, and die Rigny in
the admiralty. The king was mise-
rably perplexed ; he entreated the
minister to reconsider the step
which he was taking. The minis-
ter did so, but persevered in it.
Count Mole was charged on the
2nd of August to form a new mi-
nistry. On the third of August,
while the port-fcuilles were in the
course of distribution, intelligence
was received of the Dutch govern-
ment having given notice that the
armistice with Belgium was at an
end, and that the Dutch army
would immediately invade the hos-
tile territory. Along with this
intelligence came a letter from
Leopold, the newly elected king of
the Belgians^ praying immediate
succour from France ; and in truth
it was soon seen, that, without
such assistance his royalty and his
kingdom were at an end. This
occurrence, which held out to the
French government the opportu-
nity of doing a very popular thing
in marching an army to the assist-
ance of Belgium, a proceeding,
moreover, not in opposition to the
other great Powers, but in execu-
tion of their united determination
that there should be no lighting
between Holland and her neigh-
bour, induced M. Perrier and his
friends to recal their resignations.
On the 4.th of August they were
reinstated in their offices, and
within a very brief space of time,
an army of 40,000 or 50,000 men
under the command of marshal
Gerard crossed the frontier to in-
terpose between the combatants.
Notwithstanding all their expedi-
tivoj the French troops did not
arrive a single day too soon. The
Dutch army, wherever the Bel-
gians waited to face them, had
scattered them in utter route, al-
most without the necessity of fight-
ing. King Leopold himself has-
tened to the field, but only to see
his new subjects iiy, and his towns
fall. The invader had forced his
way to the immediate vicinity of
Brussells, without serious opposi-
tion, and the fall of the capital
and of Leopold could not have
been delayed for twenty-four hours,
when the arrival of the French
divisions changed the scene. A
convention was immediately con-
cluded, by which the king of Hol-
land, who declared he had no wish
to go to war with any of his
allies, recalled his army within the
limits which it had previously oc-
cupied. Nothing could have been
more favourable in itself for the
French ministry, and they were
entitled to the praise of having
acted with great decision ; but its
beneficial consequences to them
were in a great measure neutral-
ized, by the jealousy with which
the other powers regarded it.
They admitted^ . it was true, that,
although France, who had no
right to execute the determination
of the Conference at her own hand,
had marched an army without re-
ceiving any authority, or making
any communication, she was jus-
tified in doing so by the urgent
nature of the crisis, which did not
admit, as the event proved^ of a
single day's delay. But, at the
same time, as the Dutch troops
had immediately retired, the Con-
ference Insisted that the French
army, likewise, should be instantly
recalled. The French ministry
had no fair ground for refusal.
The return of the troops not only
removed the gag which the con-
358] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tinued occupation of Belgium must
have put on tlic declarations of the
war party, but exposed the go-
vernment to tlie new reproach of
giving up, from dishonourable re-
spect to foreigners, an advantage-
ous position which it had actually
gained.
The ofticial announcement of the
determination of M. Perrier and
his colleagues to remain in oflict;
stated that they had resolved to
await the decision of tlic Chamber
on the address to the royal speech
before renewing their resignation.
The result shewed that, if the
election of the speaker had made
the minister doubtful of his pre-
ponderance in the Chamber, he
liad himself to blame for the se-
lection of such a question for the
trial of strength. Undoubtedly,
too, all tlbc moderate nten must
have felt that the moment at which
military movements were actually
taking place, was not the time to
weaken a government, whose de-
clared policy was to prevent the
conflagration which might easily
be lighted up in circumstances so
delicate. The opposition moved
a variety of objections which were
all rejected. They principally re-
lated to the foreign policy of the
government, and they all went to
pledge France more or less directly,
to take arms on the side of every
insurrection that might, break out
in any state. One amendment, on
which ministers, it was said, were
resolved to peril their existence,
turned on a single word. The ad-
dress, as proposed, sj)oke thus of
Poland ; ^' A sentiment inspired by
the fate of unhappy and heroic
Poland profoundly moves us.
France thanks your majesty for
liaving tendered your mediation.
The voice of your diplomacy can-
not make itself heard too often or
with too much energy in behalf of
a |)eoplc whose restoration to the
rank of nations is desired so earn-
estly by all generous souls, and is
demanded by the interests of
France and by idl the true friends
of European civilization." M.
Bignon moved an amendment :
*' In your majesty's affecting ex-
pression as to the misfortunes of
the Poles, the Chamber of Depu-
ties finds with satisfaction a cer-
tainty most grateful to their feel-
ings, that the nationality of the
Poles will not be destroyed." M.
Bodiu, again, moved that, in the
amendment itself the word *' hope*'
should be substituted for certain-
ty." M. Perrier declared, " that
he had no objection to ' hope,'
but he must insist on ^ certainty*
being expunged. The government
had done all in its power to ter-
minate desirably the struggle in
Poland. To go farther would be
to determine a \f ar before hand ;
for the government could not, with
any regard to its dignity, abandon
what it had affirmed as a certainty,
till it had exerted every possible
means of making it a certainty.
Nay, suppose wai* to take place,
what man^ or what body of men,
would declare its result to be a
certainty. While the Chamber
was divided between these two
words, a middle term was happily
struck out, viz. the word, " assur-
ance," and was ultimately adopted,
with the consent of ministers, as
being thought much weaker than
" certainty,'* somctliing stronger
than " hope.'* The vote upon the
whole address gave ministers a
majority of 282 against 73.
In the course of the discussions
on the address M. Perrier stated
distinctly the principles on which
he intended to conduct his domestic
policy^ and his idea of what the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[359
late revolution was, and required.
** It is to the sacred boundaries of
the charter of 1 830, that we have
limited the exercise of our au-
thority J we arc desirous of going
to its utmost limits, but never to
go beyond them. Did the revolu-
tion of July desire more than the
charter r No one dares say so.
It came, not to recommence, but
to terminate our first revolution j
nor was it a signal given to France
and to the world, calling u|)on all
to engage in hazardous experi-
ments, and interminable combats.
It ought to assure us a definitive
government, and the charter is the
only programme of that govern-
ment. What, then, is necessary to
be faithful to the object of the
revolution of July? To put the
charter loyally and frankly into
execution. That is what we have
done. Let us not deceive our-
selves ; beyond the Charter, be-
yond the constitutional royalty,
that is to say, beyond the govern-
ment of the three Powers which
concur in the making of all the
laws and institutions, there is no«
thing which really belongs to the
revolution of July. It stopped
there, and all that is sought to be
given you beyond this, as the con-
sequences of that revolution, are
only the first fruits of a new one.
Now France loudly and daily de-
clares that it entertains a horror
for all new revolutions. In pro-
ceeding thus from consequence to
consequence, where should wc ar-
rive ? At the destruction of so-
ciety. Unfortunate are we, if
obedient to a blind logic, our eyes
constantly fixed on a chimerical
futurity, we neglect the fruit of
our victories to run incessantly
after impracticable conquests ! It
is only in resisting, while it is yet
time^ this iuvasiou of consequences,
always demanded by imprudent
friends, that a new government
can establish for itself a firm futu-
rity. France has this desire, for
she has now need of repose and
stability. After the immense in-
terval she has passed through dur-
ing the space of a year, what she
has need of is to take breath. Her
habits, as you may often remark,
are yet in ai:rear of her laws, and it
is only in a distant futurity that she
will find insufficient the institu-
tions which she has just obtained.
It is, then, necessary to preserve her
from that too precocious increase
which enervates and destroys the
social b(xly. In that lies the duty
my colleagues and I have imposed
on ourselves, and it is to the severe
and laborious mission we have de-
voted ourselves. Now, Gentle-
men, it is for you to complete our
work. During your absence we
have been able to undertake and
maintain a difiicult contest; but
now when you are assembled, we
can do nothing without the con-
currence of your efforts and con-
fidence."
M. Guizot attacked still more
intrepidly the movement party,
and indirectly the wavering minis-
try Of Lafitte. ^^ They call for an
interregnum, — for a provisional
government, for a constitution al-
together new, having nothing in
common with the charter, not even
the name ; — for universal suflTrage,
— for contempt of all existing laws,
and the necessity of making tlieni
all anew, — and finally, for a com-
plete reconstruction of social order.
As to external affairs, they ex-
claim loudly for war, — general war,
— war of principles. On these men
has been conferred the title of the
republican party. I will none of
them: for monarchy is the only
government congenial to France ;
360] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
but I will not do a republic the
injury of giving its name to such
a party, incapable alike of amend-
ment or repentance. The revolu-
tion of July contains every thing
that was good^ legitimate^ and
national^ in our first revolution;
and it had moreover, converted all
that into government. Sec, then,
gentlemen, the contest to which
you have to lend yourselves. It is
a contest between the revolution of
July, — that is to say, between
every thing good, legitimate, and
national, from 1789 to 1830, on
the one hand, — and between the
bad revolutionary party, that is to
say, the Rump of our first revolu-
tion, or every thing bad, illegiti-
mate, and anti-national, from 1789
to 1830, on the other hand. Do
not delude yourselves by investing
such bad things with fine names.
These are really the two contend-
ing parties, and it is for you to
deciue which of them shall be vic-
torious. Among the sincere, en-
lightened, honest friends of the
revolution of July, there are some
who think that we ought to keep
measures with this party, — that
there is need of its alliance, — that
it is necessary to have it iq our
ranks as far off as we can, even at
the extremity if it be possible, —
that, in a word, we must, of ne-
cessity, make concessions to it^ in
order not to alienate it from us.
There are, on the contrary, those
who think that these are men whose
challenge we must accept; that
this party in our ranks will cor-
rupt, ruin, dishonour us, in the
eyes of Europe. These, gentle-
men, are the two courses between
which you have to choose. You
have no middle course open to you.
That which has tormented France
for a year past is uncertainty and
indecisiou^-'the doubt as to who is
the friend of the revolution, who
the enemy of it. France expects
that you will choose frankly and
directly between these two courses.
Upon the manner in which you
make this choice depends the ac-
complishment of your mission. If
you do not make the choice which
France expects, if you do not
adopt aplam and distinctly marked
system, you fall again into all the
uncertainties, the vacillations, the
pelemele with wliich France has
been tired and wearied for the last
year.'*
The question of the peerage
next engaged the attention of the
Chamber. At the settlement of
the government subsequent on the
revolution of the preceding year,
the peers had been treated with
very little respect at the hands of
the Deputies, who, by a simple
vote of their own, had annulled all
the peerages created bv Charles X.
The popular spirit which had gone
abroad was unfavourable to any
thing hereditary in political ar-
rangements. That quality had
been secured for the crown ; but
the cry of the day had been for
" republican institutions " to sur-
round and support that hereditary
throne ; and not even the example
of the Roman Senate could have
brought France to regard a here-
ditary peerage, vested with privi-
leges of legislation, as a republi-
can institution. The Chamber of
Deputies, however, did not think
the period of popular excitement
and control at wnich they framed
the new charter, a fit occasion for
examining this question ; but they
had added to the charter a supple-
mentary provision that those or its
articles, which regulated the cre-
ation of peers, and the duration
of their privileges, should be re-
vised in the Session of 183U
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
1361
This was a constitutional engage-
ment^ which could not be evaded.
Although it did not point out any
particular extent of change^ popu-
lar opinion had decided that> at
leasts the abolition of the hereditary
quality of the peerage was a neces*
sary " developement " of the prin-
ciples of the late revolution. This
opinion had been fully manifested
during the general election^ and
the minister found himself com-
pelled to yield to it, though he
yielded reluctantly. Proposals had
already been made in the Chamber
that the very name of peers should
be abolished j that the second
Chamber, if there was to be a
second Chamber^ should be called
a senate^ and that it should be, in
part^ at leasts if not wholly^ an
elective body.* The ministerial
• Two individuals petitioned the
Ciiatnber of Deputies for permissiou to
cite one of its members before a tribunal
of correctional police, to answer some
complaint which they had against him.
The member was the marquis Gaetan de
Rochefoucauld, descended from one of
the oldest and noblest families of France.
All titles, not previously restored by
Napoleon, had been revived by the
Bourbons, although tliey bestowed no
legislative privileges. When the re-
port of the committee on petitions was
brought up, recommending that the
prayer of the petitioners should be
granted, a M. Marchal said, '' I propose
a slight change in the wording of the
resolution of the committee. In a coon-
try where equality is so dear as in France,
and above all, after the revolution of
1830, I believe we must introduce a
slight change. The proposition of your
commission is thus couched. The
Chamber authorizes Mouret and Camus
to proceed against the marquis Gaetan
de la Rochefoucauld. I propose to put it
thus : — ' Authorizes Sieurs Mouret and
Camus to proceed against Sieur Gaetan
de la Rochefoucauld, and to leave out the
title of marquis.' "
This amendment was put to the vote
and adoptedf
project went no farther than cir-
cumstances rendered imperative.
In introducing the bill^ M. Pefrier
called on the Chamber to remem-
ber, that all that the new charter
had reserved for revision was the
twenty-third article. Every thing
else was already determined by the
charter. They could not enter-
tain any question whether a House
of Peers should exists or what
should be its powers in legislation.
It was already established in the
body of the constitution ; its re-
lations and attributes were defined
by twelve other articles of the
charter, and the task of revision
was confined to these three points,
the mode of creating peers — their
number — the hereditary transmis-
sion of their powers and privileges.
In regard to the first, the bill en-
acted^ that the nomination of the
peers should belong to the king^
for an elective peerage would he
inconsistent with the constitutional
monarchy. ** Constitutional mon-
archy/' said the minist^r^ " carries
within itself a principle of dura-
bility^ and a pnnciple of change,
and to each of the two legislative
estates, it entrusts the keeping of
one of these principles. To in-
sure durability is the characteris-
tic duty of the first ; change be-
longs to the second. Hence the
essential distinction in their origin
and composition. Instead of rea-
soning ^m the one to the other
on principles of analogy, we ought
to reason upon a principle of
opposition. If popular election be
the natural parent of the one> a
royal creation is the proper source
of the other.'' In regard likewise
to the number of the peers, the
bill proposed that it should be un-
limited, for the power of guiding
the Chamber of Peers by new cre-
ations was to be held as corte^
362] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
sponding to the power of dissolv-
ing the Chamber of Deputies.
Ou tlie third and most im|>ort-
ant topic, the bill pro|M)scd to enact
that ''the dignity of the |)ecrage
is not transmissible by descent/* a
sacritice which M. Perricr frank-
ly acknowledged ministers had
brought themselves to make with
regret^ and only from a necessity
which they could not control.
He considered it to be fully proved
both by the theory of limited mo-
narchy, and by all experience, that
the hereditary succession of the
})eeragc contained in itself a con-
servativc principle, the most solid
support of the throne, and a prin-
ciple of independence which was
the best guarantee for liberty.
But unfortunately a government
could not confine itself to the
wisdom of theory and the results of
general experience, '* or march
across a country, like a blind ab-
straction.*' It was necessitated to
reffai'd not only what it might con-
siuer to be in itself good for a free
state^ but what practical policy
best suited the state such as it
existed. ^^ A wise government
consults the facts wliich exist
around it, and in place of immola-
ting realities to principles, or
principles to realities, it exerts
itself to mingle them together by
approximation. One reality then
is manifest to us all at present,
that is the universal repugnance
to the hereditary succession of the
peerage. Just or unjust, rational
or irrational, it exists, it presses
upon us, it will be satisfiecl. An
opinion has been pronounced — an
opinion by far too widely spread
to be either overlooked or despised,
when, in other resi)ects, it proposes
no violation of justice. It is such
an opinion as when it relates to
the affairs of goveromeut always.
})erhap8 im|)eratively, commands
some 8|)ecies of deference* It is
more especially due at a period
when institutions, as yet scarcely .
brought forth, want the public
favour, for which no reverend an-
tiquity supplies the substitute. It
is at such a jxiiriod that we ought
to reflect that institutions, however
excellent, cannot be imposed upon
a people by mere force, and against
its will. It were a roost dangerous
and unprofitable experiment which
would extinguish, at the risk of
the greatest calamities, that sym-
pathy which henceforth ought to ^
exist between the nation and its
government. Since a constitu-
tional independence^ which ought
to be regai'ded in theory as the pro-
tectress of public liberty, is con-
founded in the imagination of the
people with the ancient aristocratic
])()wer, the o])pressor of our civil
liberties— since our duty, our ab-
solute necessity, is to consult the
popular impression, we propose
to you, as ministers charged to
collect the public ojlinions, and to
satisfy them in all that is not con-
trary to justice— we propose to
you, as the depositaries of the in-
terests of public order, but at the
same time throwing upon you, as
legislators, a part, a great part of
the rcs[>onsibility of that deter-
mination— we propose to you to
declare — ^that the peerage has
ceased to be hereditary-" In order,
at the same time, that the new
law, instead of taking the place of
a fundamental and unchangeable
article of the constitution, might
be kept open for future alteration^
if public opinion should become
more favourable to the hereditary
principle^ the bill contained a
clause enacting that its provisions
might be afterwards modified, no
proposition^ however, to that effect
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[363
being submitted for cxaminatiou
to one legislature, unless the pre-
ceding should have entertained and
remitted it for that purpose.
In the committee to which the
bill was referred, live out of its nine
members were in favour of the abo-
lition of the hereditary quality of the
peerage; four were opposed to it,
including M. Beranger the report-
er of the committee, M'ho stated at
great length, in his report, the rea-
sons for holding that a chamber of
])eers, that had ceased to be heredit-
ary coidd not fulfil the great political
object of its creation — the furnish-
ing of a permanent moderating and
restraining power. The committee
proposed some alterations in other
parts of the bill. The ministerial
bill left to the crown the unre-
strained power of nomination ; but
the committee recommended that
this power should be limited to
particular classes of persons — cate-
gories as they were called — which
were enumerated in the report,
and comprehended all the grades
of society, from which, in any cir-
cumstances, peers were likely to
be selected, coupled, however, with
conditions regarding length of
service or amount of fortune.*
• The clause suggested by the com-
mittee was the following ; —
^' None can be called to the dignity of
poor except —
** The presidents of the Chamber of
Deputies and other legislative bodies ;
de{)uties, after three elections, or six
years of service ; marshals and admirals
of France ; lieutenjint-generals and vice-
ad mi ra Is of the armies, by sea and land ;
Alinisters, having a department ; am-
bcissadors, after three years of sei^vice ;
counsellors of state, after ten years of
ordinary service ; prefects of the de-
partments, and maritime prefects, after
ten years' service; colonial governors,
after live years' service ; members of
the elective councils general, after three
re-elections to the presidencv ; mayors
of to\vu9 of 30,000 souls auu upwards,
The committee likewise recom-
mended that the measure should
be final ; and that, therefore, the
clause declaring it to be capable of
future modification, guarded as it
was, should be omitted.
The chamber itself was much
less equally divided on the heredi-
tary principle than its committee
had been. The proposed change
was vehemently and ably opposed
by M. Beranger, Royer Collard,
Thiers, Guizot, and Berryer. Mi-
nisters themselves said nothing in
its favour, except that the major
part of the elections had imposed
as a condition that it shoula be
carried ; " the legislature, in fact,
has nothing to do, but to fulfil."
The clause abolishing the heredita-
ry peerage was carried by a ma-
jority of 324 against 86. A very
limited recognition of the principle
implied in an amendment of M.
Teste, who moved, that the eldest
sons of peers sliould be admitted
to succeed to their father's seat, on
obtaining the approval of the elec-
toral college of the department in
which they were assessed at the
highest amount of direct taxes.
taken from the elective municipal coun-
cils, after five years of service j presi-
dent of tlie court of cassation and court
of accounts I the procureurs 'general be-
fore these two courts, after five years'
service in that character ; counsellors of
the court of cassation, and counsellor-
masters of the court of accounts, after
five years' service ; the first presidents
of the royal courts, after five years of ma-
gistracy in these courts ; the procureurs-
general before the said courts, after ten
yeai-s of service ; the members of the
four academies or the institute; citizens,
to whom by a law, and on acoount of
eminent services, a national reward
shall have been specially awarded ; pro-
prietors, heads of manufactories and
commercial or banking-houses, paying
5,000 francs of direct contributions for
their pateuts during five years.
364] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
was supported by a still smaller
number.
The party, Iiowever, to whose
power the hereditary priuciplc
had been sacrificed, wore far from
considering this concession suf-
ficient. They made innumerable
attempts against the provisious
that the peerage once conferred
should endure for life^ and should
be conferred by the king, striving
to limit its duration to a fixed
period, and to make the nomina-
tion depend, in some degree or
other, on popular election. One
amendment was moved, that the
chamber of peers should consist of
200 members, elected for fifteen
years, in certain proportions, by
various electoral colleges, consist-
ing respectively of deputies, mem-
bers of general councils of depart-
ments, and the judges of the
various courts, the members of
the Institute, and some other
scientific bodies, and superior of-
ficers of the army and navy.
Another member proposed, that
the electors of the peerage should
be all persons paying 500 francs
(20/.) in direct taxes; a third,
that they should be chosen by the
ordinary electoral colleges, but the
payment of 1,500 francs direct
taxes should be a condition of eli-
gibility ; a fourth, that the num-
Ijer should be 240, to be nominated
for life, but by departmental col-
leges composed of electors paying
400 francs of direct taxes ; a fifth,
that one-half of the peerage should
be elective, leaving to the king the
nomination of the othef half; and
a sixth proposed, that not only
should the future peerage be elect-
ive, but that the existing Chamber
should be compelled to submit to
the same ordeal. All these pro-
positions, founded on the principle
of election, or of temporary dura^i
tion, or of both, things utterly in-
consistent with the only rational
purposes of a peerage, were either
not seconded, or were rejected by
large majorities. All attempts to
introduce direct election having
thus failed, the opposition com-
bined its whole strength to limit
the prerogative by confining its
exercise to lists of candidates to
be presented by diflerent municipal
or electoral bodies. This propo-
sition was defeated by a majority
of 58. The categories, however,
which had been proposed by the
committee, were adopted, and the
opposition succeeded m engrafting
on one part of them, the indirect
exercise of popular nomination.
The list of eligible classes, as
settled by the committee, con-
tained all proprietors paying 5,000
francs of direct taxes. This sum
was reduced to 3,000 francs.
Then an amendment was moved
requiring as a condition, that such
proprietor should have been for
six years a member of a municipal
or departmental council. These
councils had hitherto been filled
up by royal nomination ; in future
they were to be constituted by
popular election, and thus the
effect of the amendment, in so far
as proprietors were concerned, was
to give indirectly to the electors of
the municipal and departmental
councils the power of nominating
the candidates for the peerage. A
more important consequence of the
amendment, and the principal ob-
ject of its promoters was, to pre-
vent the son of a peer from being
named to his father's dignity im-
mediately on his father's death, in
consequence of his merely pos-
sessing the requisite amount of
fortune. The amendment, though
resisted by ministers more vigour-
ously than even the original pnn
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[365
position of the committee, was
carried against them by a majority
of nine votes. The categories con»
tained no class of churchmen. M.
Meynard moved that archbishops,
bishops, and the heads of protest-
ant consistories, should be admis-
sible to the peerage. The propo-
sition was received with laugh ter,
and cries of ^^The rabbis, too,
the rabbis," — certainly the only re-
ception it could expect from an
assembly which had already de-
clared that Judaism and its teachers
were as much entitled to the
countenance of the state, and the
support of the public purse, as
Christianity and its pastors. On
the other hand it was proposed to
exclude from the capability of be-
coming j)eers, all who had ever
borne arms against France; but
the opposition could not agree
about it among themselves, one
section maintaining that such a
provision would be inconsistent
with that oblivion of the past
which it was desirable to see
adopted universally. M. de Tracy
wished every ordinance creat-
ing a peer, to be a biographical
sketch of his life, and moved
that it should contain a detailed
account of the services rendered
by him, or of the other causes
which may have determined the
royal choice in his favour ; which
account, signed by all the members
of the council, should be inserted in
the Moniteiir and the Bulletin des
Lois. He considered the pub-
licity attaching to a biographical
sketch of a new peer as the best
guarantee for the choice being
carefully made; and he thought
that, when services were sufficient-
ly great to call for such a recom-
pense, it could not be very difficult
to particularize them. The pro-
position was rejected in this par-
ticular form, but a clause was in-
serted in the following words,
'* the ordinances naming the peers
shall be individual, and shall in-
dicate the services and titles on
which the nomination shall be
founded." Ministers endeavoured
to get rid of the amendment of the
committee which declared that the
present measure should be a fun-
damental part of the constitution,
unalterable by any subsequent law,
and to restore to the Bill their
own original clause which declared
that its provisions might be mo-
dified by future legislatures. But
the minority which supported
them was very feeble, although
the Chamber had agreed that the
qualifications for the peerage
should be liable to subsequent
modifications. In truth, the mat-
ter was not of much importance,
except as shewing the inconsist-
ent spirit of men, who, living in
change as their essential element,
assumed the power of arrogating
to themselves what they had
denied to all their predecessors,
and were now denying to all their
successors. How did they per-
suade themselves that a legislature
inclined to revise this matter,
whether in a more popular or a
less popular direction, would be
bound up by a declaration like
this ; or that the charter of 1830
would be safer from the deputies
of ia.40, than that of 1815 had
been from the deputies of 1 830 ?
A clause was linewise inserted,
declaring that, ''for the future,
no pension, salary, or donation,
can be attached to the dignity of
a peer." In this shape the bill
passed the Chambers by a ma-
jority of 38(5 votes against 40.
The proposition to subject even
the existing Chamber to a new
organization had not been enter-
366] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tainedy though made more than
once ; but it was not a])prehended
that the |)eers would dare to re-
fuse any one thing demanded by
the deputies. M. fiignon had
propo8e<l a clause declaring that
the bill, when accepted by the
king, should become part of the
constitution, and this, iis he said,
to prevent any collision with the
peers ; while M. Mauguin declared
such special provision to be un-*
necessary, as all constituent power
was inherent in the chamber it-
self, and could not be affected even
l^ the rejection of such a clause.
This just meant, that whatever
the Chamber, in the exercise of
this '^constitutional |)ower," chose
U} declare to be law, forthwith be-
came law, whether the king and
peers chose to approve or to reject
it. Before, however, the bill was
carried up to the House of Peers,
it was sufficiently ascertained that
there would be a majority against
the abolition of the hereditary
principle, and it appeared from
the sentiments expressed by the
leaders of the majority, that they
were not inclined to shrink from
any of the consequences to which
their maintenance of what they
reckoned due to the constitution
c»f the country might expose them.
In the state of things which had
existed in France for more than
twelve months, the result pro-
bably would have been a new ex-
ercise of the despotism of Parisian
tumults, and a resolution of the
deputies to exclude the peers for
exercising their constitutional
rights, in the same way as they
had, without the ])eers, excluded
the fallen dynasty for usurping
])owers which the constitution
denied to it. The minister, who
had himself yielded to necessity in
proposing the bill, and acceding
to the changes made upon it, could
not be expected to allow the peers
to challenge that necessity, while
he i)os8esscd the means of control-
ling them. M. Perrier resolved to
create as many peers as might be
found necessary to carry through
the bill. The intimation that
such a proceeding was intended,
brought down upon the govern-
ment a storm of indignation, not
from the enemies of the bill^ whose
power of resistance was thue to be
neutralized^ but* from the liberals
and radicals, whose only complaint
was, that the bill did not go far
enough. The ostensible ground,
on which they found fault with
the creation of peers, was, that it
was an exercise of illegal power ;
as the article of the former charter
which gave the king the right of
creation, must be held to have
been suspended since the revolu-
tion of ISSCy, by the mere fact
that it was then declared to be
reserved as the subject of con-
sideration and revision in the pre-
sent session. But it was dif-
ficult to conceive of even party-
spirit shutting its eyes to so plain
an inference as that every thing, in
which change had been delayed,
remained unchanged, or to the
notorious fact that the present
king, since the revolution, and in
virtue of this very article, had
conferred peerages unquestioned
on Marshal Soult and Admiral
Duperrey. The true reason of
the clamour now raised seemed to
be in this, that the opposition
would rather have witnessed the
exercise of despotic popular au-
thority, which would have been
a further advance in the theory
and practice of " movement," than
the use of a remedy M'hich would
render unnecessary the application
of their specific, in the Chamber
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[367
of Deputies they moved an address
to the crown against the nomina^
tion of the new peers, but it was
rejected by a large majority. The
peers submitted to the multipli-
cation of their members in silence.
The number of new peers was
thirty-six, and yet it Happened,
that the committee of fourteen
appointed to examine the bill, was
equally divided, and delivered no
opinion, on the most important
part of the measure. Seven of
them were for the abolition of the
hereditary peerage, and seven
against it. Even tlie former sup-
ported the proposition, not as a
measure of legislative wisdom, or
a political improvement, but as a
dangerous, or, at least, a question-
able change, demanded by a po-
pular prejudice to which they were
compelled to yield. The only
alteration proposed by them on
the other clauses of the bill was,
to omit, in regard to proprietors
paying 3,000 francs of taxes, the
condition that thev should like-
wise have been, for six years,
members of a general council or of
a chamber of commerce. The
doubts, however, and the proposed
alteration of the committee, van-
ished before the presence of the
new peers in the house. The dis-
cussion in favour of the bill was
left almost enjirely to ministers,
who took their stand on the same
ground as before— we do not ap-
prove of it, but wo cannot help it ;
while their opponents accused
them of not having even the merit
of making an useful sacriiice, for,
in sacrificing the hereditary prin-
ciple, nothing remained of any |K)-
litical value. " The peerage,*'
said Haron Mounier^ " in spite of
this law, will still be heredit<4ry,
because the principle of hereditary
descent is accordant with the man-
ners of the country. There will
be an hereditary succession (71
fact in place of an hereditary suc-
cession of right; but, being an
object of suspicion for complaisance
and servility, it will possess no
power to inte]*fere with effect be-
tween the popular bo<ly and tlie
throne." The bill was carried by
a majority of thirty-six, exactly
the number of new peers that had
been created.
The course of the grave discus-
sions on this great change in the
political institutions of France had
been iutemipted by the ordinary
episode of two or three days riot-
ing in the streets, and two or three
days violent debate and vague de-
clamation in the Chamber, in ho-
nour of Poland. The intelligence
of the triumph of Russia, and the
surrender of Warsaw, was known
in Paris on the 1 6th of September.
Mobs were immediately got up, to
express their sorrow and indigna-
tion at the failure of the Polish
insurrection, by indulging in a
little noise and insurrection of
their own. Crowds hastened to
the Palais Royal, decorated with
cra|)e, as an emblem of their grief
— shouted Poland for ever, down
with the ministry, death to the
Russians — broke some windows in
the residence of the minister for
foreign a^airs, and plundered a
jeweller's shop. The same scenes
were repeated, by increased crowds,
on the following day. An attempt
was made to form a barricade at
the entrance of the faubourg
Montmartre : for this purpose, se-
veral trees were rooted up on the
boulevards; the performances at
some of the theatres were inter-
rupted, and the shops began to be
shut up, two gunsmiths having
been already plundered. The
military and national guards had
368] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
been called out, without being able
to repress tliese exhibitions. On
account of the dangers appre-
hended from tlie idleness of Sun-
day, the 18th, their numbers were
increased, and directed to act with
decision. The mobs assemble<l as
usual, with all manner of seditious
and savage cries, in the garden
and court of the Palais Royal.
They were speedily dispersed by
the military, though not without
resistance, but the inexplicable
thing remained, why they had
been allowed to congregate. It
was necessary to disperse them
more than once in the course of
the day ; but tranquillity was re-
stored by next morning, without
any bloodshed, or any very serious
injury to property. In the Cham-
bers ministers were again exposed
to the furious reproaches of the
war-party^ for having allowed
Poland to perish, while not one
of these declaimers pointed out
how it could have been saved ex-
cept by a general war j and France
was told that she must now pre-
pare for invasion — that her fore-
most bulwark had been broken
down, and the victorious Russians
would forthwith be marching west-
ward to overturn the revolution of
July.
Alarms, too, still continued to
be propagated of the formation of
Cfirlist conspiracies, in the de-
partments of the south and west.
In particular, a petition was pre-
sented from La Vendee, invoking
the interference of the Chamber
to urge the government to take
effectual measures for dispersing
the armed bands of disaffected
persons which infested several de-
partments of the west. According
to the statements of the petitioners,
and of the members for La Vendee,
the conscripts refused to join the
army, and formed themselves into
bands to disturb the public peace.
Though they could not commence
a civil war, or oppose a regular
army in the field, they were strong
enough, it was alleged, to render
civil tranquillity impossible, to at-
tack in detail separate detachments
of the king's forces, and to scour the
country in open day, frightening
their ))olitical antagonists into the
towns from their residences in the
country, and defying the efforts of
the civil authorities, though back-
ed with an army of forty fiiousand
men, to repress their growing in-
solences. Mayors, it was added,
and many other functionaries, were
re sgning their offices, partly from
fear, partly from disgust at not
being, as they supposed, duly sup-
ported by the government. Go-
vernment, again, maintained that
these representations were at least
greatly exaggerated ; that if there
were sources of disturbance, the
government would be found strong
enough to cut them off, but it did
not think that any extraordinary
powers were necessary for that
purpose.
A bill, however, was passed,
banishing from France for ever,
all the members of the elder branch
of the Bourbons, and their descend-
ants. Although disapproved of by
the minister, it was carried by a
very large majority, with this al-
teration, that the penalty of death
which the bill attached to a viola-
tion of the prohibition against en-
tering the kingdom, was omitted.
The same bill, by its second clause,
denounced the same sentence of
perpetual exclusion against all the
family of Napoleon. Yet the
Chamber had just been doing ho-
nour to that very Napoleon, whose
relations it would no longer allow
to pollute the French soil. A pe-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[369
tition bad been presented to the
Chamber, praying that the remains
of Bonaparte should be claimed
from Britain, for the purpose of
being deposited under the pillar
on the Place Vendome. The com-
mittee on petitions disapproved of
the proposal, and recommended
that it should be gently set aside
by the order of the day ; but the
Chamber, almost by acclamation,
voted that it should be sent to the
Council of Ministers 5 thus leaving
to them to determine on the ex-
pediency of making the application
to the British government. In
the same spirit, a petition from
certain inhabitants of the depart-
ment of the Moselle, praying that
a monument should be erected to
the memory of marshal Ney at the
public expence, was referred to the
consideration of the government,
without any opposition from the
ministry, and accompanied by un-
bounded abuse of the allies, and,
above all, of the duke of Welling-
ton. General Lamarque proposed,
as the inscription of the intended
monument, " To Ney, judicially
assassinated while his enemies
commanded in Paris." Was there
no one to tell these men, that such
a monument would commemorate
only the shame of the country
which erected it ? that Ney had
been tried and condemned by a
certain chamber of peers — and
that, even if it were true, that a
numerous assemblage of men of
high station had been found, with
so little conscience as to shed blood
unjustly at the command of mere
power, that assemblage had been
an assemblage of French noble*
men ?
The crowds that produced the
ever-recurring riots which so fre-
quently disturbed the peace of
Paris during the year were prin-
VoL. LXXIII.
cipally furnished from the multi-
tudes of unemployed men, whom
the unsteadiness of all relations
consequent on the revolution had
deprived of the means of support.
Credit, trade, and manufactures
had all equally suffered. These
very riots a^in, by increasing the
feeling of insecurity, augmented
the mischief. During the autumn^
the Chamber of Deputies voted
eighteen millions of francs, to be
applied to the relief of the manu-
facturers, and in providing em-
ployment for the people. In ask-
ing this grant, the Minister of
Commerce stated, that the existing
distress arose, in a great measure,
from the riots so frequent in the
capital. But it existed likewise
in the provinces ; and, at Lyons,
it led to disturbances infinitely
more serious than those which had
molested Paris. After the revolu-
tion, the manufacturers of Lyons
had found it necessary to reduce
the wages of their workmen. The
latter determined to oppose this
reduction by combinations. They
agreed upon a tariff of their own,
fixing the prices which should be
paid for the various descriptions
of work, and demanded, that it
should be sanctioned and enforced
by the civic authorities. The
prefect granted their demand, and
gave his ministerial approbation of
the tariff, by which the manufac-
turers were to pay wages about
one-third higher than the existing
rate. The new tariff was to come
into operation on the 1st of No-
vember, but when that day arrived,
the manufacturers refused to give
out work at the increased prices.
The prefect authorized a meeting
which they convoked at the Hotel
de ' Ville. A deputation of the
Chamber of Commerce and of the
manufacturers attended, and, as
[2B]
370] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
they declared their inability to
pay the prices demanded^ the
meeting separated without any
agreement. The mayor imme-
diately called a meeting of the
wearers alone, inviting them to
name other delegates ; but the dif-
ference was irreconcileable. Thou-
sands of workmen being conse-
quently thrown out of emplov-
ment, they resolved to imitate the
three glorious days of Paris, and
to repel, bv force, this encroach^
ftient on their tariff. Early in
the morning of the 21st of Novem-
ber, the whole working population
of the Croix Rousse, a suburb of
Lyons, rose in open rebellion,
many of them bearing the arms,
and wearing the uniform of the
National Guard. They secured
their own position with barricades,
and prepared to make themselves
masters of the city. The garrison,
and some battalions of the National
Guards, consisting of the better
classes, were led against them.
The commander of the troops, and
the prefect, having advanced to
remonstrate witlr them, were seised
and made prisoners* The second
in command, general Roguet, then
ordered the troops to attack. A
brisk firing was kept up on both
sides ; but the rioters, notwith-
standing the reinforcements which
had l)een sent against them, re-
tained their position till night.
By breaking open the armourers'
shops within their reach, they were
now very generally armed ; and,
next morning, the contest recom-
menced. The rioters were now
aided by a large body of their
fellow workmen, who had risen,
during the night, in another po-
pulous suburb beyond the Loire,
had taken possession of all the
bridges, and opened their fire on
dififerent parts of the city. The
efforts of the troops being thus
divided, the original army of in«
surs^ents gained ground, and made
good, berore nigiit, a partial en-
trance into the city. On the
morning of the S.^rd, with in-
creased numbers and vigour, they
attacked the Hotel de Ville, and
the powder magazine. Houses
began to be set on fire > furniture
and the contents of wafehoaseei to
be destroyed ; shops and cellam to
be plundered ; and the fiiry of in-
toxication to be added to the tu-
mult. The Hotel de Ville and
the magasine were carried. Suc-
cessful resistance by the military
became impossible ,* to continue it
was only insuring wider havoc.
On the evening of the S3rd, the
troops, and those of the national
guards who had remained ^ithful,
withdrew fW)ro the city, and the
rioters were left in triumphant
possession of the second city c£ the
kingdom, just as, .the year before,
a similar mob bad made itself mas-
ter of the capital. This intelli-
gence being communicated in a
proclamation by the civic author-
ities who remained, the fury of
the rioters subsided. Another pro-
clamation invited their leaders to
join the magistrates in taking such
measures as might prevent ^rther
plunder. The insurgents imme-
diately organised a civic guard ;
issued severe denunciations against
pillage, and placed sentinels at the
spots where disturbance might be
apprehended. Although the d6-
})6ts of some silk^merchants were
plundered and destroyed, outrages
were successfully restrained within
much narrower limits than could
have been expected after the tri-
umph of lawless and armed vio-
lence. The loss of life was much
more severe. The number of those
who had fallen^ on both sides, was
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[371
variously estimated at from 600
to 800 men.
TJiese events, when they were
known at Paris, excited, great
alarm, in consequence of its being
at first believed, that they were
the result of political machinations.
The duke of Orleans was immedi-
ately dispatched to Lyons, accx)ra<*
panied by the war-minister him-
self, marshal Soult, who was in-
vested with extraordinary powers
for quelling the revolt. A large
body of troops were ordered to
inarch upon the city ; the national
guards of the neighbouring depart-
ments were called out ; and a force
was collected, in the course of two
or three days, which rendered
continued resistance unavailing,
though it might have been de-
structive. The insurgents, how-
ever, had given up all thoughts of
resistance. The disturbance had
been merely local ; the neighbour-
ing districts and towns remained
tranquil. The leaders of the re-
volted silk-weavers issued procla-
mations, disclaiming all connec-
tion with *' political or seditious
insinuations,*' and declaring them-
selves to be " entirely devoted to
iiouis Philippe, king of the French,
and to the constitutional charter.*'
The authority of the magistrates
had never been suspended in point
of form, though the real power was
id the hands of the insurgents.
When the duke of Orleans and
marshal Soult approached with
their army, they demanded ancon«
ditional submission j and, instead
of at once attacking the (aty> they
lingered^ for a few days, in the
neighbourhood, receiving deputa-
tions and issuing proclamations,
knowing well that now, when all
was ready for acting with vigour,
delay would only shew the rioters
more clearly the hopelessness of
their situation. The latter ac-
cordingly very soon abandoned all
attempts at negotiation. The duke
and the marshal entered Lyons on
the Srd of December at the head
of 26,000 men. The tariff was
abolished. The national guard of
Lyons* and the adjacent communes,
was disbanded, and itd men were
ordered forthwith to return to the
arsenal the arms of every kind
which had been entrusted to them
in their military capacity. These
measures were carried into execu-
tion without opposition, atid a nu-
merous garrison remained to ensure
the tranquillity of the city
[2B2]
372] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
CRAP. XII.
Holland and Belgium. — Candidates for the Belgic Crowii'-'^ranee
declares that it will not recognize the Duke of Leuchtenherg^-^The
Duke of Nemours is clmsen — Decision of the Five Powers in regard
to the Sovereign of Belmum — The Duke of Netnours refuses the
Crown — TAc Belgians ekct a Regent — Proceedings of the Conference
'^Disputes regarding the Scheldt '^Warlike spirit of the Belgic Con-
' gress-^The Conference lays down Bases of SeparaHon^^Be&ium re-*
jects and protests against them — Wavering Policy of France'—'
Holland accepts of the Bases — Answer of the Conference to the BeL
gian Protest — The Confer etice declares the terms accepted by Holland
to he ^* fundamental and irrevocable" — Belgium refuses them, demands
War, and calls on Luxemburg to rise against the decision of the
Five Powers-— 'Anarchy throughout Belgium, and riots in the principal
towns — Belgium is allowed Hu the 1st of June to accept ff the Bases,
under the pain of all relations between her and the Five Powers
being broken off- — The Conference endeavours to compass the election
of Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg, and promise their good offices with
Holland in favour of Belgium^ on the latter accepting the Bases—'
Belgium endeavours to negociate directly with Holland, under a threat
of renewing hostilities — Breach of the Armistice by the Belgians at
Antwerp — Letter of Lord Ponsonby, on the part of the Conference
to the Belgian Government — The Congress, without accepting the
Bases, elects Prince Leopold King — Holland demands the execution of
the fundamental and irrevocable Bases — The Conference again pro-
mises to e) force them, and order their Representatives to quit Brussels
— Prince Leopold delays accepting the Crown — The Conference re-
cedes from the irrevocable Bases, and proposes new terms at the expense
of Holland — The Belgian Congress accepts them — Holland rejects
them, and demands the performance of the existing Agreements— ^
Prince Leopold accepts the Crown, and he is installed at Brussels
with the concurrence of the Conference — Holland declares the Arm-
istice at an end, and the Dutch army enters Belgium — Bxmt of the
Belgians at Hasselt — Their army, commanded by the King, d^eated
at fjouvain^ and Louvain captured — A French Army arrives at Brus-
sels, and the Dutch troops retire — Proceedings of the Corferencein
reference to the march of the Dutch and French armies^— The French
troops are recalled — Opening of the Session of the Belgic Chambers —
The Conference frames another new set of Articles, and declares
that their acceptance shall be compulsory— Belgium accepts them —
Holland rejects them, but offers to negociate — Negotiation refused—^
Treaty signed between the Five Powers, and the King of Belgium,
THE national Congress of re- ceding year, with fixing the con-
volted Belgium had occupied stitution by which the new state
themselves^ in the close of the pre- was in future to be governed. A1-
HISTORY Of EUROPE.
[373
though inclined of themselves to
favour a republic, they had deter-
mined, in deference to the influ-
ence of the great Powers on whom
they were dependent, that the
form of their government should
be monarchical, and they were now
to be occupied w^ith the choice
of a sovereign. The variety of
candidates proposed to the Con-
gress by its own members, or in
petitions, was amusing and em-
barrassing. A petition signed by
forty persons proposed the prince
of Orange 5 but it was not pre-
sented, because a law had already
been passed excluding the whole
family of Nassau from all power
in Belgium. One of the members
for Ostend having named his royal
highness in the Chamber as a pro-
per person to be elected, was visited
with so much lofty indignation for
having failed in the respect due to
the house, that he resigned his
seat. Petitions calling for a union
with France were treated with
much greater delicacy, although
the provisions which declared Bel-
gium to be an independent king-
dom were just as solemn and irre-
vocable as those which had excluded
the family of Orange. Some pro-
posed a Neapolitan prince ; others
proposed Louis Philippe himself,
king of the French; othe&'his
son, the duke of Nemours; others,
his minister for foreign affiurs^.Se-
bastiani ^ even Chateaubriand was
named. Some called for a prince
from Sweden ; some for the prince
of Savoy-Carignan ; some for the
pope ; some for an Austrian arch-
duke ; many for prince Otho of
Bavaria ; but the favourite seemed
to be the duke of Leuchtenberg, a
son of Eugene Beauharnois, and, on
his mother's side, a relation of the
royal family of Bavaria.
The Congress^ amid this variety
of objects, fell into the mistake of
supposing that their freedom of
election would be left untouched
by the great Powers who had as-
sumed the direction of all their
most important affairs. The ma-
jority of voices would undoubtedly
unite in favour of the duke of
Leuchtenberg, and the Congress
were foolish enough to suppose,
that his relationship to Napoleon
would be one great recommenda-
tion in the eyes of France, on
whom they were more immediately
dependent than on any other of the
parties to the Conference of Lon-
don. But, 80 soon as it was known
at Paris, that the election was
likely to terminate in favour of the
duke, the French government in-
timated to the Belgian Commis-
sioners, that France would not ac-
knowledge him as a sovereign. The
foreign minister informed them,
according to the report which their
diplomatic agents made to the
Congress, that such a choice would
be an injurious and even fatal com-
bination for the Belgians. France
would never recognize him as chief
of that country ; and the English
cabinet would also refuse to recog-
nize him. The king of France
would not give his daughter to the
son of a Beauharnois, and his go-
vernment, instead of entering into
the closest possible communication
with Belgium, would be obliged to
surround itself with barriers, and
to alienate itself.
*' The kinff, more than any
body, desires that Belgium may be
free, happy, and independent. He
will readily assent to every thing
'that may contribute to its pros-
perity. He would with pleasure
have seen the election of prince
Otho ; he would not hesitate to
give him his daughter, as soon as
the constitutional education 6f the
3T4] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
pi*iuce should be completed. The
Kiqg does not uqdersUnd what
rei^sou the Congress could have,
to give the preference to the duke
do Leuchteuherg. The prudent
nicinbcrs of the Congress, who are
the great majority, will understand
the reasons of the Frepch govern-
ment for desiring that no prince of
the family of Napoleon should
reign at its doors. These reasons
are too evident to make it neces-
sary to detail them; what^ how-
ever^ is very certain, and irrevuca-*
bly decided^ is, that France will
never recognize the duke de Leuch-
tenberg as king of the Belgians ;
aud, above all, that king Philippe
will never give him one of his
daughters for his consort. Of all pos-
sible combinations Louis Philippe
docs upt hesitate to declare, that to
propose the young duke of Leuch-
tenberg for the king of Belgium
would be the most disagreeable to
France, and the least favourable to
the tranquillity and indepeadcMce
of the Belgians/ "
The French diplomatists were
highly offended at the want of deli-
cacy and knowledge of business^
which at once communicated to the
Congress, and thereby to s^U Eu-
rope, verbal communications, only
the general results of which re-
quired, or were fitted, to be so
publicly proclaimed ; but the fact
remainea certain, that France
would not acknowledge the duke
of Leuchtenberg as king of Bel-
gium, The Congress complained
loudly that this was intervention
Avith their national affairs, and a
tyraqnical encroachment upon their
rights as an independent state,
forgetting altogether that they
had no national affairs^ and no
independence, except in so far as
France and her allies might be
pleased to secure them. They
would Mot even retract from the
nomination of the duke of Leuch*
tenberg, notwithstanding this Wk"
plicit declaration of the French
government. Ou the contirary, M.
Lebeau moved, on the lOth of
January, that the clul^e should
be forthwith requested to acpept
the vacant, or rather the intended
throne, and the proposition was
referred, amid loud applauses, to
the sections of the Congress. Leas
violent men, however, saw, th?it ta
persist in electing a deuounoed
candidate, would only involveBeU
gium in a hopeless contest with her
high protectors. Theyqowpropose4
the duke of Neniour^ the second
soq of th^ king of the French. They
thought th^t this selection would
flatter the French governmeptji
and they were sure that, as a mea-r
sure of French aggraqdiaement^ it
would be fevourea by the French
people, apd th^ most active an4
noisy portion of the Fi^nch Cham^
hers. But the advantageous nature
of this nomination for France was
the very circumstance which co^]4
not fail to render it inefiectual. Pa
the one hand, France favoured
every thing which could perpetuate
the separation of Belgiui^ from
Holl^q, because that separatiou
incre^^ infinitely her prospeqts
of adding Belgium to her own dof
mipjfips : she^ therefore, thr^tened
wm*, if any attempt were m^ide
by ftoTM^ Powers to restore the
broken union — an attempt which,
but for this consideration^ Jprussia
and Austria would probably have
made. On the other hand, the
great European Powers, althougbj
to avoid warj they consented to tne
separation^ would not consent that
Belgium should become part of
France either in forin or in effect.
France sacrificed, n the mean
time^ at leasts ber desire of ei^*"
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[376
tended territory ; the other Powers
had sacrificed their desire of main-
taining the kingdom of the united
Netherlands. France would not
allow Russia, Prussia, or Austria,
to interpose, because that would be
an intervention in the affairs of a
foreign state ; but all the Powers,
while proclaiming the principle of
non-intervention, immediately set
it at defiance, by not only compel-
ling Holland to follow their own
policy towards her revolted pro-
vinces, but by compelling these
provinces themselves to submit to
such arrangementSj and to select
such governors, as the contradic-
tory interests of the allies might
allow. The election of the duke
oP Leuebtenberg would have been
an obnoxious proceeding towards
France, and the other Powers bad
refused to give it any countenance.
The election of the duke of Ne-
mours would have been almost the
completion of the policy dictated
by the hardly restrainea ambition
of France; and just for that reason,
it could not be permitted by the
other Powers, with whom France
could not come to a rupture on
such grounds, without proclaiming
pi'ojects which would have justi-
fied, and probably would have
roused, an European warfarei^paost
iter aggressions. WheD> ttNpmlDare,
tho Belgian agents sounded the
French government ou thefffgfiOflBd
election of the king's 80ik» tbey
were plainly todd that the choice
would be useless, for tlte proffered
crown would not be accepted. *' I
have been directed,'* said Sebas-
tiaai to tl>em» on the 31st of Janu-
ary, '[ to inform you in a clear and
distinct manner, of the iBtentioos
of the king's government. He
caauot consent to the re-union of
Belgiwa to France, He will not
accept the crown for the duke of
Nemours, even were it offered to
him by the Congress. His majes-
ty's government is of opinion that
the choice of the duke of Leueb-
tenberg would be likely t^ inter-
rupt the tranquillity of France.
We have not the slightest idea of
restricting the liberty of the Bel-
gians in their choice of a sovereign,
but we shall exercise our right in
declaring, in the strongest manner,
that we shall not recognize the
election of the duke of Leuebten-
berg. No doubt the other Powers
will not be very favourable to that
choice ; for our part, we are only
influenced in this refusal by state
reasons^ to which every other con-
sideration ought to yield, when it
does not interfere with the rights
of any individual."
This first interference with their
supposed independence renewed
the indignation of the Belgic Con-
gress. They exclaimed that this
refusal to recognize any king
whom they might chooee, was nei-
ther more nor less than an inter-
vention, a direct avowal by the
French government, that they dis-
owned the principle of the free
election of a sovereign— that France
had a secret object, which she was
afraid to express openly — that slie
wished to conquer the 6e%ians,
and lead them^ through the ordeal
of anarchy, to the yoke she was
preparing for them. Others in-
sisted that this intervention was
part of a plot to bring back the
House of OraDge* Others declared
that the determination of the
French govenxment was not that
of the French people, and a few
weeks would probably overturn
the former, and give full room to
the wishes of the latter. All
6«em€d to agreo that they ou^ht
376] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
to proceed to their election witli-
out consideration of refusals or re-
solutions.
The day of election had already
been fixed for the 28th of January j
and, though the discussion began
upon that day, it was interrupted
by so many incidental digressions,
that it did not close till the 3rd of
February. The two candidates^
between whom the Congress seem-
ed to be divided, were precisely
the duke of Lcuchtenberg and the
duke of Nemours. The Belgians
seemed to have made this selection
for the very purpose of shewing
how completely they could exclude
every possibility of acting like
sensible men. During the discus-
sion, a note from the French mi-
nister for foreign affairs to the re-
presentative of his court at Brus-
sels was publicly read, directing
him to inform the provisional go-
vernment, that the French minis-
try would regard the election of
the duke of Lcuchtenberg " as an
act of hostility towards, France,"
and ordering him, if the duke was
elected in defiance of this declara-
tion> immediately to quit Brussels.
To this communication, likewise^
the duke's party paid no regard,
but increased their taunts and
reproaches against those members,
who, having originally been friend-
ly to their candidate, had aban-
doned him, because he was disap-
proved of by a forpign court, to
support the duke of Nemours ;
and certainly the men who had
done so had not bettered their
claims to prudent or intelligible
conduct, for, if the duke whom
they had forsaken was not to be
recognized by France, the duke to
Ivhom they now adhered, would
not, as they were expressly told,
be allowed even to accept the
crown which they might offer.
If the Congress had contained
any number of men wise enough
to see, and modest and frank
enough to declare, the true rela-
tion in which Belgium stood to the
other powers of Europe, and the
relation in which she would speedily
again stand even to Holland, if their
restraining power was withdrawn,
they might have saved that as-
sembly from the ridicule of deter-
mining to do one of two things,
neither of which, they had been in-
formed in very plain language, they
would be permitted to do. AH
the speakers agreed that the choice
between these two candidates was
merely a choice of difficulties; but
not one of them gave an intelligi-
ble reason why they should volun-
tarily entangle themselves in these
difficulties, or why, after what had
passed, both these candidates
should not be omitted. If they
meant to show their independence
by electing a king without regard
to the wishes of foreign Powers,
they ought to have been prepared
to maintain that election. If they
thought that they could maintain
it, they betrayed egregious vanity,
and immeasurable ignorance of
their own situation. If they were
prepared to depart from it as soon
as made, and wished to make an
useteas election, knowing it would
be useless, merely to shew that
they would vote as they pleased,
they manifested only puerile silli-
ness. The supporters of the duke
of Leuchtenberg maintained, that^
if his rival were elected, war was
unavoidable, while his success would
render it only possible, but perhaps
not even probable. It was not
likely that the French nation,
which, not many months before,
had chosen their own sovereign,
when other powers would willingly
have prevented » change^ would
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [377
allow war to be made on the Bel- tion to France, but not a cause of
gians for merely following their war, and it would give to the
example. Nemours was France, other great Powers an interest
in the eyes of the four great different from that of their too
Powers, and his election would be powerful neighbour. In truth,
only another form of an union with France did not wish to see a prince
France. That union Europe would on the throne who might teach
not permit : England would never Belgium to look forward to future
allow the Scheldt to belong to her power and prosperity free from
enemy, nor would the continental French protection ; she wished to
nations tamely submit to see the keep Belgium weak in all its rela-
boundaries of France once more tions, in order that it might the
advanced to the Rhine. If Bel- more easily become her own.
gium was given to her royal family The partisans of the French
she would assuredly attempt to prince, again, maintained that it
regain these limits, and from that would be a great advantage to Bel-
instant a coalition would be formed gium to have the support of a na-
against her. Her defeat, or her tion with 30,000,000 of population,
triumph, in such a war would be which would be obtained by mak-
equally fatal to Belgium. If she ing alliance with the French peo-
were triumphant, adieu to in- pie, through the election of the
dependence ; if she were defeated, duke of Nemours. The choice of
hail to the House of Orange, the duke of Leuchtenberg would
brought back under the shadow of put Belgium in a state of hostility
foreign bayonets. The election of with the French, the Poles, and
the French prince, moreover, would the Greeks — he would, at length,
necessitate a continuance of that fall himself, and give pl^tce to the
provisional system, consisting in an prince of Orange. There was
administration without unity or every reason to believe that, if he
method, and a government with- became king of Belgium, he would
out force, which had already pro- 'not be recognized by the great
duced so many evil consequences. {Powers, and then what would
Even if the French ministry should happen ? The armistice between
be willing to depart from the posi- Belgium and Holland depended
tive refusal which they had already upon a convention concluoed be-
given, months would probably tween the five great Powers,
elapse before a decisive answer wa^j-. France would repudiate the con-
obtained. In the mean time Ho"^ tract and retire ; Holland would
land would intrigue; civil war would recommence the contest against
devastate the country j and its in- the Belgians without any one in-
dustry would wither under a fo- terfering, and they would be over-
reign war, when the European come by the closing of the Scheldt,
powers had discovered that France and by their intestine diHsions,
had falsified her assurances, and whilst the Powers of the North
that all her protestations of disin- would either replace Belgium
terestedness had been assumed only under the domination of the House
to conceal schemes of unjust am- of Orange, or partition it. ^ The
bition. On the other hand, the fate of Belgium must be linked
election of the duke of Leuchten- with that of France ; but by
berg might be a source of irrita- choosingthe duke of Leuchtenberg,
378] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
recollections of the empire and of
BuooHpartism would be recalled ;
France would see in it a Napoleon
restoration, and, in Belgium, the
centre of all the intrigues and bad
l^assions of the partisans of the
imperial dynasty. The first ob-
ject of Belgium should be to at-
tach France^ whose good will was
of far more importance to her com-
merce than that of the other
Powers, even if the latter were
supposed willing to concur in an
election against which France pro-
tested. But that concurrence was
not to be expected ; and, in that
event, the new l^iug would be iso-
lated} without connection, without
influence, without resources.
At last they came to the vote.
The number of members present
was 191. Of these 89 voted for
the dCike of Nemours, 67 for the
duke of Leuchtenberg, and S5 for
the archduke Charles. As none of
the candidates had thus au abso-
lute majority, it was necessary to
vote again. On this second occa-
sion 19^ members were present,
the absolute majority of which was
97. The result of the scrutiny
gave 97 votes for the duke of
Nemour3> 7^ for the duke of
Leuchtenberg, and 21 for the
Austrian ArcMuke. The first,
having thus the absolute majority,
and not a single vote more, the
president announced that Louis
Cbarles Philippe of Orleans, duke of
Nemours, was bow king of the
Belgiaas, and would be duly re«
ceived> on taking au oath, '^ to
observe tlic constitution and laws
of the Belgian people, and main-
tain the national independence and
the integrity of the territory." A
deputation of ten members was
appointed to proceed to Paris to
inform his majesty of his promo-
tiO<».
The obstinacy of this legislative
body in persevering to elect a
prince whom France had pledged
herself to all Europe to refuse to
them, might have excited suspi-
cions regarding the good faith of
the French ministry. NaVi du-
ring the discussion, a M. Van de
Weyer, who was a member »rf the
diplomatic committee, and had
be^n one of the agents of the new
government at London, declared,
that he knew the duke of Nemours,
if elected, would accept the crown,
and that he had just received ofiicial
notice of the rerocation of the re-
fusal formerly given. The thing
was false-^but the diplomatists of
Belgium conducted themselves, in
their communications to Congress,
precisely like the editor of a gossip-
ping newspaper. The Couferenoe
of London had decided the matter
in the month of January by a pro-
tocol which bore, that the five
Powers, without deciding any
thing relative to the sovereignty of
Belgium^ declare^ thatj^ in their
eyes, the sovereign of that country
must suffice, by his personal posi-
tion, for the safety of the neigh-
bouring states, must accept the
fundamental bases agreed on hy
the Conferences aud he placed in a
situation to assure the peaceable
enjoyment of them to the Belgians.
The election having taken place,
another protocol was sign^, ou
the 7th of February, hewring the
declaration of the French pleuiiio-
tentiary that his court, in confor*
mity with the principles already
established by tkie ConiereQce, had
determined to reject the throne
now ofiered to the duke of Ne-
mours. As it was likely that the
abused Congress would now fall
back ou the duke of Leuchtenberg,
the same document, in return for
the fidelity (^FraB9^de«laredj(that
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[379
if the sovereignty of Belgium
dtQMld be offered to th<it prince^
Hod if he Accepted it^ none of the
five greftt Powers would recQgqive
lum. The Congress tres^ted these
resolutions as betng^i not aqts of
n^ediation, but direct and tyranqi?
cal iuterventions-rr-and perhaps they
were right : but \t was difiicult to
^yuipathize with luen who were
daily exhibiting only ignorapt iin^
pertiuence. Their diploniatic Qom*
inittee answered to this con^ipuui-
cation^ that it regarded s^ matter
on whi^U they could receive no iu-
formatipu from the Conference at
London^ and that they awf^ited the
return of their own deputation
from London. As if this had not
been enough^ they added, *' Oi^e
of our agents at JParis.bas writtep
to us> that we ought to receive
>vith gre^t distrust all papers which
speak of the refusal of the duke d^
Nepaours ! *' A^^d this in the face
of an official communic^^tiou by the
plenipoten tidies of France^ Bri-
tf^in^ Austria^ Russia, and Prussia,
that the refusal of his royal high-
uess was already fixed and final.
The deputation^ which had Wen
received ^t Pari^with great civility^
was s^dinitted to the royal presence
on the 17th of February, and re-
ceived from his i^sycsty's own
mouth the assurance which their
stupid diplomatists had refused to
take from the ambassadors, inclu-
ding his own. He expressed in
very polite terms^ his good wishes
for the iudependeoce and prosperity
of Belgium, and the grateful seQse
which ne entertained of the ho^o^r
conferred upQu his family by this
vote of its CpAgress ; but infori^ed
them that his regard for the peage
of Europe, and the happiness of
its nations, rendered it imperative
that this honour sliould be decliu-
ed. ^' H will QCYcr be the thkst
of conquest, or the honour of see-
ing a crown placed upon the head
of my son> that will lead me to
expose my country to the i?enewal
of the evils which war brings in its
traip^ aud for which the advantages,
which we might derive fipQin it,
however great they might otherwise
be, cannot compensate, The exam*-
ples of Louis XIV. and Napoleon,
would suffice to preserve me from
the fatal temptatiofi of erecting
thropes for my soqs, and to mfike
me prefer the h^ppipess of having
maiutained pe^ce to all the splen-
dour of the victories, which, in cmne
of war, French yalouy woujd not
fait again to secure to our glorious
standards." The leturn pi the
deputation to Brussels having sa-
tisfied the Congress that the pro;-
tocols of the Conference might be
believed, and that ^f the 7th of
February assuring tb^m that the
dyke of Iteuchte^berg would 90t
be recognized, they oet^win^ to
elect a regent, until they should
learn to follow the suggestions of
the ereat Powers-^the ppiqt to
which it had b^n plaia h^im the
begiupiug they must fyi^ly con^.
The ])ersoi\ selected to diischfU^ge
the. duties of Regent w^ a M*
Surlet de Chokier, who h%A been
a violent oppouent of the forager
sovereign Mi the States Qeneral,
and the head of the late deputation
to Paris. I^e was ia$;tatled op the
2^th of February, ^d assumed,
without any pwer to do goodj thie
partial direction of %li& ^iffiurs of a
country in which a regular govern-
meut could scarcely be said to
exist. The oply shape ^p whidi
authority appeared was that of ex*
travagfUit speeches, and sounding
decrees in the Copgre^ What
was called a gov^mm^ut was ne^
ther loved, respected, nor fear^,
Xh^ Im had lost {dl forqQ to prQ«
380] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tect either property or persons :
every thing was at the mercy of
the ebullitions of a dominant fac-
tion ; and the commands of clubs
were more powerful than a body of
legislators which was utterly help-
less except in so far as it followed
the popular excitement of which
it was the creature.
In the mean time the Confer-
ence of London^ composed of the
plenipotentiaries of Austria, Bri-
tain> France^ Russia, and Prussia,
was persevering in the task which
it had imposed upon itself of fi-
nally arranging the terms of sepa-
ration between Holland and Bel-
gium. Having compelled both
sides in the month of November,
1830, to consent to an armistice,
or rather a suspension of arms,
they put forth a protocol on the
20th December, declaring them-
selves ready to proceed to the final
determination of all disputed mat-
ters, and requesting the provisional
government at Brussels to send to
London commissioners provided
with full powers. The Dutch
minister was already on the spot.
The two most difficult points to
arrange were the apportionment
of the debt, and the territorial
boundaries. In regard to the
latter, Belgium insisted on receiv-
ing not only the province of Lim-
burg, but the left bank of the
Scheldt below Antwerp, and the
whole grand duchy of Luxemburg,
a constituent part of the Germanic
Confederation, the sovereignty of
which belonged to his Dutch Ma-
jesty, not as king of the Nether-
lands^ but as grand duke of Lux-
emburg. The principal founda-
tion of their claims seemed to be,
that their emissaries had stirred
up insurrection against the grand
duke as well as against the king,
and that the rebels of Luxemburg
had sent members to Congress.
By the protocol of 20th Decembw,
the Conference claimed from the
Belgic authorities the immediate
and formal cessation of all inter-
ference in the afiairs of the grand
duchy, and required it to issue
the necessary proclamations for
communicating this resolution to
the inhabitants. To the applica-
tion desiring commissioners to be
sent to London, the Belgian go-
vernment answered, that its com-
missioners, who were already there,
had sufficient instructions, adding,
''they cannot conceal from the
Conference that, in the critical cir-
cumstances in which the Belgian
nation is placed, it will doubtless
appear impossible for Belgium to
form an independent state, with-
out an imroeaiate guarantee of the
freedom of the Scheldt, of the pos-
session of the left bank of that
river, of the whole of the province
of Limburg, and of the grand
duchy of Luxemburg, reserving
its relations with the Germanic
Confederation."
The complaint regarding the
Scheldt was founded on its being
an alleged breach of the armistice,
and a positive act of hostility,
while Holland maintained that
she could not justly be called on
to open up to her enemy, during
a mere suspension of arms^ a pas-
sage through her own dominions,
and a military line of defence.
She was only exercising a right
belonging to her as an independ-
ent state. . Belffium, on the other
hand, had not given up even active
operations. The cessation of hos-
tilities had beien faithftilly observed
by the Dutch, ^commanders, but
the insurgents *r0p$atedly infring-
ed it both in noiW Brabant and
in Zealand, and ilklasti in the be-
ginning of Jantiary^^feMiiruiced from
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[381
the lines to which the armistice
confined them, and made an un*
successful attack upon Maestricht.
The Conference, by a protocol of
the 9th January 1831, endeavour-
ed to remove these mutual causes
of complaint. They declared that
they considered any measure which
impeded the navigation of the
Scheldt an act of hostility ; that
its free navigation must be restored
without any other duties than ^ch
as had been payable by neutrals
before the union ; and that, if it
was not placed on this footing in
regard to the Belgians by the 20th
January, the Conference would
adopt means to compel a prompt
execution of this provision. They
ordered, likewise, that the Efel-
gian troops, which had advanced
towards Maestricht, should retire,
by the 20th of January, within the
position which they had occupied
at the date of the armistice.
The Dutch government com-
plied with the order thus issued,
while protesting against its jus-
tice and the right of the Conference
to issue it. *^His majesty is
aware," said Holland, " it would be
inconsistent with his dignity to
cause any remonstrance to be made
to the Conference in London, on
account of the parallel drawn be-
tween the manifest infraction of
the suspension of hostilities by the
insurgents, and the defensive mea-
sures of police and interior secu-
rity, which he has been under the
necessity of maintaining on the
Scheldt. When applying for the
good offices of his allies to reduce
his rebellious subjects to their
duty, and to remove the difficul-
ties that had arisen, his majesty
certainly could not foresee that
the London Conference would have
placed his lawful auth6rity, gua-
ranteed as it was by treaties, and
strengthened by the closest ties of
friendship and good understand-
ing, on tne same footing with that
of the usurped authority which
has erected itself in Belgium . But,
overlooking this assimilation of
two matters of a nature so entirely
different, the form and tenor of
that part of the protocol in ques-
tion, his majesty cannot express
himself satisfied with. Unques-
tionably the Conference that gave
birth to the protocol, was engaged
in the consideration of a subject
specially connected with the con-
cerns of the kingdom of the Ne-
therlands, and without the king's
plenipotentiaries having had any
direct participation therein, as they
were entitled to by the 4jth paragraph
of the protocol of Aix-la-Chapelle
of November the 15th, 1818, in
which the right was reserved. The
reservation of this right at Aix-la-
Chapelle was indeed unnecessary
to establish the principle, that no
meeting of plenipotentiaries, in
whatever number thev may assem-
ble, and how powerml soever the
states they represent may be, is
qualified to regulate the particular
and territorial concerns of other
states. It was, no doubt, in ac-
cordance to the wishes of the king
of the Netherlands, that the Lon-
don Conference assembled, but the
object was the restoration of legal
order in a part of his dominions;
and in no way to circumscribe his
means of defence, or to make any
inroad upon the independence of the
old united provinces of the Nether-
lands. Neither the law of nations,
the protocol of Aix-la^Chapelle,
nor the object for which the Con-
ference was assembled, namely, the
defence of the king's rights, gave
authority to the Conference to dis-
cuss the question of the Scheldt.
As to the principal point of that
382] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
question, the protocol of Novem-
ber the 4th says^ that hostilities
shall entirely cease on both sides.
Now the government of the Ne-
therlands^ after having notified its
adhesion to the said protocol,
strictly complied with its stipula-
tions; but a cessation of hostili-
ties^ the only effect of which is a
suspension of aggressive measures^
never deprives a power of the fa-
culty of maintaining^ on her own
territory, her military lines of de-
fence, and of preventing that ter-
ritory being traversed by the enemy
or neutrals ; and no precedent is
recorded in history of a distinction
having ever been made in this re-
spect between the roads that lead
tn rough or to such defences, and the
rivers. It is an unjust assertion
to say, that travellers or merchant
vessels are molested^ or that hosti-
lities are committed against them^
when they are hindered from pass-
ing through a fortress, or through
a line of defence established on a
river within the country. In short,
the mention made of toll-duties,
and a right of visitation in the
protocol of January the 9th, 1831.
substantiates the fact) that, in this
matter, the domestic concerns of
the kingdom of the Netherlands
are affected. His majesty deems
the said demand and declaration of
the Conference derogatory to his
sovereignty, and the inde])endence
of the old united provinces of the
Netherlands, subversive of the law
of nations, and in no way compat-
ible with the sentiments of friend-
ship which the five Courts have
hitherto professed for his majesty.
Nevertheless, the king, taking into
consideration that Europe cannot
expect, from the exertions of a
single state, however glorious its
annals, a return to the true sys-
tem of non-intervention, founded
on the regard due to the rights of
every people, has determined not
to set himself in opposition to over-
whelming power, but for the pre-
sent to remain a spectator of the
navigation of the Scheldt, from the
30th inst., by neutral or Belgian
vessels, under the most formal re«
servation and protestation, with re-
spect both to the said navigation
itself^ and to the duties which his
mwjnty has the right to levy on
the vessels that^ navigate that
river.**
In the Belgian Congfess, again,
where men were perfectly willing
thatHolland should be compelled to
give up every thing, but that Bel-
gium, as an independent nation,
should be allowed to do whatever
it might think proper, this order
of the Conference was angrily de-
nounced as a violation of right.
They actually seemed to think
that, if left to themselves, they
could carry their point against Hol-
land by force of arms, and were
indignant that their imagined
prowess should be restrained* M.
Robaux pro)K)sed to the Congress
to declare, that Belgium would
not recognize any right in the five
Powers to make themselves arbiters
of its differences with Holland,
especially if their determinations
were to be executed by force-
that the protocol of the 9t]i of
January, m providing for compel-
ling the belligerents to observe the
armistice, laid down, in violation
of the rights of nations, the |»in-
ciple of a direct and armed inter*
vention— that, ''if the govern-
ments league together at London
to stifle the germs of liberty, wher-
ever they appear, the holy alliance
of nations will find means to break
the fetters which despotism is pre-
paring for them — and that Bel-
gium, confiding in the sympathy
HISTORY OP EUROPE.
[383
of nations for the Belgians^ and the
sacred cause which they defend, de-
clares that the nation will rise en
masse to preserve its rights and its
independence." Notwithstanding
these sounding words, the Con-
gress knew well, that submission
was unavoidable^ and the answer
of their diplomatic committee con-
sented to the withdrawal of the
troops from before Maestricht,
adding, however, that Belgium
admitted this interference only
because it was a temporary mea^*
sure, and would by no means al-
low of a similar interference in the
permanent settlement of its rela-
tions. " Every convention," they
said, 'Hhe effect of which would be
to determine questions of territory
or finance, or to affect the inde-
pendence or any other absolute
right of the Belgic nation, is essen-
tially one of the attributes of
the National Congress, and it alone
has a right finally to decide.
Accordingly, it is because the pro-
posals of the Powers did not affect
any of these rights or great inter*
csts, because they had for their
object a situation merely tempo*
rary, and transitory as the nature
itself of its attributes, that the Bel-
gic government has been able to
give its assent to them. Thecom'*
mittee will add, the very serious
consideration that any other inter-
pretation of the spirit of the nego«
tiations that have hitherto been car*
ried on, and of their results, would
really transform the friendly pro*
ceeding of the Powers into direct
and positive intervention in the
affairs of Belgium — an interven-
tion, the principle of which the
Congress has formally rejected,
and which would appear to the
committee no less incompatible
with the general peace of Europe,
tbau with the independence of the
nation." Thus Balgiom formally
declined the junsdiction of the
Conference on those two very points,
the debt and the territory, on
which the most irreconcileoble dif-
ferences had already arisen between
the parties.
The Conference, however, had
no intention of allowing the powers
which it had assumed to be ques*
tioned by one of the parties to-
wards whom they were to be ex*
erdsed. On the 20th of January,
they issued a protocol^ containing
*' the fundamental bases'' on which
the treaty of separation was to be
founded. It was agreed that Hol-
land should comprise all the terri-
tories which had belonged to the
United Provinces in 1790, while
Belgium was to consist of the
other territories which had been
formed, in 1815, into the kingdom
of the Netherlands, with the ex-
ception of the grand duchy of Lux*
emburg, ^' which," said the Con«*
ference, ^' being possessed by the
princes of the house of Nassau
under a different title, forms part,
and \inll continue to form part, of
the Germanic Confederation." As
this demarcation of limits would
give to each of th^ states portions
of territory isolated in the territo-
ries of the other, the five Powers
were to aiTange such exchanges ea
would produce continuity of pos««
session, and a free communication.
The streams and rivers traversing
the. territories of the respective
states were to be subject to the
provisions of the general act of the
Congress of Vienna relative to the
free navigation of rivers. Lastly it
was settled, that Belgium, thus de^
fined, '* shall form a state perpe-*
tually neutral, the ^ve powers
guaranteeing to it that perpetual
neutrality, as well as the ipviola*
bility and integrity of its terti-
384J ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tory,** a reciprocal obligation to
observe this neutrality being laid
upon Belgium itself. These ter-
ritorial arrangements were followed,
on the 27 th of January, by another
protocol which laid down the basis
for the apportionment of the pub-
lic debt. The Conference tooK for
their euide the treaties of 1815,
and the financial resources and
contributions of Holland and Bel-
gium, as ascertained by the budgets
for three years preceding the re-
bellion. Of the common debt,
Belgium was to pay ^f, and Hol-
land ^-, the Belgians being to
participate in the trade of the co-
lonies, so long as these remained
subject to Holland, but being
bound to contribute towards their
defence.
With these arrangements, how-
ever, and more especially with
those which marked out its terri-
tory, Belgium would have nothing
to do. Although they obtained
the province of Liege, to which
they could have laid no claim, they
insisted that their independence
was treated with disrespect, unless
Holland were robbed in order to
give them the whole of the left
bank of the Scheldt, Limburg,
and Luxemburg. The Congress
resolved to protest against the
protocol of the 20th of January,
and a committee was appointed to
draw up a sufficiently wise and
energetic remonstrance. The elec-
tion of the king, which had already
begun, was interrupted for the
purpose of hastening it, and the
protest was agreed to on the 1st
of February. There could be no
doubt that the possession of Lim-
burg, and the left bank of the
Scheldt to the sea, would be a great
advantage to newly-created Bel-
gium : and in that view, perhaps,
they should have been thanked for
demanding so little. The whole
course of the Meuse, for instance,
with Rotterdam, would have been
highly beneficial to their com-
merce, and even Amsterdam would
have done them no injury. Lux-
emburg, again, they claimed by
what they termed the jus post*
liminii, ''and the facts of their
revolution>" which latter meant,
that they were entitled to the so-
vereignty of every part of the
king of Holland's dominions in
which they could incite the popu-
lation to insurrection. The pro-
test declared, in the name of the
Belgic people, that the great
Powers had proposed an armistice
only to prevent the effusion of
blood, without prejudice to what
should be subsequently determined
regarding the boundaries, but, by
fixing the limits of Belgium, they
had violated the principle of non-
intervention : That negotiations
on this subject belonged exclusively
to the Congress, which therefore
protested against any demarcation
of the Belgian territory made
without its participation, and that
it would never submit to what
would affect the integrity of the
state.
The Belgians were encouraged
for a time in their resistance by a
circumstance which was calculated
to excite great doubts regarding
the designs of France, more espe-
cially as it occurred just when the
majority of the Congress were per-
severing in electing for their king
a French Prince. The plenipoten-
tiary of France had signed the pro-
tocol of the 20th January along with
the ministers of the other Powers ;
but, on the 1st of February, Sehas-
tiani, the French foreign minister,
wrote to the French agent at
Brussels, requesting him, if that
protocol had not yet been comma-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[385
nicated to the Belgian government,
to oppose its communication, "he*
cause the king's government has
not yet assented to it. In the
question of the debt, as well as of
the limits of the Dutch and Bel-
gian territory, we have always un-
derstood that the concurrence and
consent of both states were neces-
sary. The Congress at London is
a mediation, and it is the intention
of the king's government that it
should never lose that character."
This letter was immediately read
in the Congress at Brussels, where
it diffused a general, but short-
lived joy. If the vacillating cabinet
of M. Lafitte ever entertained the
design of taking the part of Bel-
gium, and separating from the
other Powers, the firmness of these
Powers triumphed over the tempo-
rary seduction. That there had
been some danger of a schism was
evident from the fact, that, on ,the
accession of M. Perrier to power,
the Congress demanded a special
act of adhesion, on the part of
France, to the bases laid down in
the protocol of 20th of January,
which France had thus questioned.
The terms of this act bore, that
" the plenipotentiary of France
declared, by the express command
of his sovereign, that France ac-
ceded to the protocol of 20th Ja-
nuary ; that she approved of the
boundaries fixed by that act for
Belgium ; that she recognized the
neutrality as well as inviolability
of the Belgic territory; that she
would acknowledge the sovereign
of Belgium only when he should
have acceded to all the conditions
of that protocol, and that, ac-
cording to the principles there laid
down, the French government con-
sidered the grand duchy of Lux-
emburg as completely separated
irom Belgium to continue under
Vol. LXXIIL
the sovereignty and in the rela-
tions assigned to it by the treaty
of 1815.** The other plenipoten-
tiaries expressed their high satis-
faction with this assurance, re-
gretting that there should have
been even a momentary difference
of opinion between them and
France ; and they declared that,
^^as the main principle of the five
Powers is, to respect treaties, it is
evident that the stipulations of
treaties relative to the grand duchy
of Luxemburg must be observed."
Even before, however, this
formal ratification of the bases had
been obtained, the Conference of
London, including the plenipoten-
tiary of France, had given an an-
swer to the Belgian protest, in
terms which, if they were not
sufficiently bound already, rendered
it impossible for them, with any
regard to honour and justice, to
draw back. Holland had given in
her adhesion to the terms of the
20th of January, on the 18th of
February. By a protocol bearing
date the following day, the Con-
ference pledged themselves anew
to the execution of these articles,
and fiilly exposed the folly and
absurdity of the Belgian demands.
The Belgian protest, they therein
said, claimed a riffht of post-limits
which belonged only to independent
states, and which consequently
could not belong to Belgium, as she
had never been reckoned among
these states. It founded likewise
upon cessions made to third par-
ties, not to BeFgium, which had
never b«en in possession of them,
and could not found upon them.
'^ Far from making any attack on
the ancient provinces of Belgium,
the Powers nave only maintained
and declared the integrity of
neighbouring states. Instead of
narrowing the limits of these pro«
[2 0]
386] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
vinceS) tliey have included within
them the principality of Liege
which had never formed a part (if
them. Belgium has obtained all
that she could require, separation
from Holland, independence, ex-
ternal safety, guarantees of her
territory and neutrality, the free
navigation of the rivers for the use
of her commerce, and peaceable
enjoyment of her national liberties.
Such are the arrangeroeifts op*
posed by a protest which publicly
avows that it respects neither the
possession nor the rights of ad-
joining states/' The protocol
having thus disposed of the de-
mands of Belgium proceeded, in
the following terms, to re-enact the
bases already laid down, to which
Holland had consented only on the
faith that they were to be observed
and enforced, and all the objections
to which, urged on the part of
Belgium, had been heard and con*
sidered. The Conference declared.
♦' 1. That it remains understood,
as it has been from the beginning,
that the arrangements resolved on
by the protocol of January 20,
1881, are fundamental and irre<
vocable arrangements. 2. That
the independence of Belgium shall
be recognised by the five Powers
only, upon the conditions and
iu the limits which result from
the said arrangements of January
20, 1831. 3. That the principle
of the neutrality and the inviola-
bility of the Belgian temtory in
the above mentioned limits remains
in vigour, and obligatory upon the
five Powers. 4. That the five
Powers, faithful to their engage-
ments, claim the full right of de-
claring that the sovereign of Bel-
gium must answer by his personal
situation to the principle even of
the existence of Belgium — satisfy
th« security of the other states —
accept without restriction, as his
majesty the king, of the Nether-
lands had accepted the protocol of
July 21, 1814, all the fundamental
arrangements contained in the pro-
tocol of January 20, 1831, — and
have it in his power to secure to
the Belgians the peaceable enjoy-
ment thereof. 5. That these first
conditions being fulfilled, the five
Powers will continue to employ
their care and their good offices to
lead to the reciprocal adoption and
execution of the other arrange-
ments rendered necessary by the
separation of Belgium from Hol-
land. 6*. That the five Powers
admit the right in virtue of which
the other states may take such
measures as they may judge neces-
sary to enforce respect to, or to re-
establish, their legitimate author-
ity in all the countries belonging
to them, to which the protest men-
tioned above sets up pretensions,
and which are situated out of the
Belgian territory declared neutral.
7. That his majesty the king of
the Netherlands having acceded
without restriction, by the protocol
of February 18, 1831, to the ar-
rangements relative to the separa-
tion of Belgium from Holland,
every enterprise of the Belgian
authorities upon the territory
which the protocol of January 20
has declared Dutch, will be regard-
ed as a renewal of the struggle to
which the five Powers have re-
solved to put an end." No en-
gagement could be more binding
and express. These articles were
declared to be irrevocable, and the
demands of Belgium to be incon-
sistent with the rights of neigh-
bouring states; therefore they
could not be abandoned without a
breach of faith, and a perpetration
of what the Conference itself had
declared beforehand to be injuB«
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[387
tice. Belgium might elect a king,
but the five Powers pledged them-
selves uever to acknowledge him,
except on his adhesion to these
specific articles, and it was impos-
sible^ therefore^ to suspect that they
would ever acknowledge a sove-
reign elected for the purpose of
setting them at defiance* These
engagements^ too^ were now en-
gagements contracted towards Hol-
land^ which, on the faith of themi
had left herself in their hands.
Neither was there any want of
power to enforce them j the idea
of resistance by Belgium excited
laughter every where, except in the
Congress at Brussels. Or if the
Conference should not wish to em-
ploy force, and, in defiance of every
thing by which men could be
pledged, should change these '^ ir-
revocable" bases in favour of Bel-
gium, it could only be the most
glaring partiality to use or threaten
force to compel Holland to submit
to an alteration.
The wrath of the revolutionary
Congress of Belgium now knew no
bounds ; their language and their
proposals were equally extrava-
gant ; they set Holland and the
Congress at defiance ; they cla-
moured for war with all Europe.
On the 11th of March, the regent,
who was the mere tool of the do-
minant faction, issued a proclama*
tion to the inhabitants of the grand
duchy of Luxemburg, calling
upon them to throw off their go-
vernment, and assuring them that
Belgium would remain true to
their cause. *' Do not suffer your-
selves to be seduced by promises,
or terrified by threats, llie Con-
gress has protested against the acts
of the Congress of London. The
nation, which has been able to van-
quish the Dutch armies, will main-
tain the protest of its representa-
tives. We began our revolution
in spite of the treaties of 1815;
we shall finish it in spite of the
protocols of London." This was
a declaration of war, not only
against Holland, but against the
allies. M. Robaulx, the true
representative of the clubs and
mobs who now governed, spoke
thus in the Congress ; ^* M. Se-
bastian! has said openly, that
France accepts the protocol of the
20th of January, which deprives
us of Luxemburg. Thus the can-*.
didate announced to us was only
a lure. Louis Philippe has joined
the holy alliance of despots : we
must declare war, for we cannot
suffer our territory to be violated.
France abandons us : we are left
to ourselves. Let us appeal to the
nation^ for it is a war of nations
against despots. As a reward for
what we have done to respect
the tranquillity of Europe, it is
attempted to tear Belgium to
pieces, gold is lavished, riots are
excited. Since kings declare war
against us, let us declare war
against kings. The constitution
which we have all voted, con-
siders Luxemburg as part of Bel-
gium. The regent has sworn to
maintain the integrity of the ter-
ritory." Even the minister for
foreign afiairs declared that he
considered war inevitable, for it
was a point of honour to defend
Luxemburg. A motion was made,
and actually referred to the sec-
tions for consideration, in these
terras: ''The Belgian government
declares to king William^ that if
he does not, within a month, re-
nounce the possession of Limburg,
Luxemburg, the left bank of the
Scheldt, and the citadel of Ant-
werp, he shall be compelled by
force of arms," and this at » time
when they had not a regiment
[2 C 2]
388]
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
which would have looked Dutch
troops in the face, and neither
money nor credit to support an
army. The ministry allowed that
the treasury was empty, and they
knew not how to fill it. There
was a large deficiency even for
1830, and they could not get pay-
ment of taxes. No less than
600,000 florins of the excise on
wine remained unpaid, and 340,000
more were due by the manu-
facturers, but could not be re-
covered from them. It was ab-
solutely necessary to borrow :
Congress authorized a loan of
12,000,000 of florins, as }f their
name could be received on any
exchange in Europe, " or even
among the capitalists of Belgium
itself. The minister of finance,
accordingly, soon afterwards de-
clared that he had been unable to
negociate a loan, and proposed that,
as no other means of raising money
existed, the sum required should
be procured by compelling the
subjects to advance it as a forced
loan — subjects whom they had no
authority to compel to do any-
thing.
For now every shadow of a go-
vernment seemed to be at an end,
except what was to be found in the
populace and the clubs, who, during
the last days of March, repeated
the very scenes which had dis-
graced the capital in the precieding
August. They began with plun-
dering the office of an obnoxious
journalist. They then attacked
the houses of obnoxious manu-
facturers, that is, of men who did
not join in all the phrenzies of
these mad republicans. The im-
potent regent was helpless. He
and his ministers could print
proclamations, and make wild
speeches, but they could not save
the property of peacefxil citizens
from popular pillage. In one in*
stance the civic guard allowed the
work of destruction to go on for a
whole night, without offering to
interfere; in another, they de-
livered up their arms in obedience
to the summons of the mob. From
the capital the spirit spread to
other towns. At Li^ge, the po-
pulace made equally free with the
property of the merchants, return*
mg in the morning to complete
the destruction which the weari-
ness and intoxication of the pre«
ceding night had left imperrect,
and that, too, in presence of the
civic guard, and a detachment of
cavalry. At Antwerp, although
the merchants, apprehending si-
milar scenes, haa called on the
military ofiicers to take proper
precautions against their occur-
rence, and had been assured by
these persons, that all riotous as-
semblies would be met . with
promptitude; yet, while one house
was plundered after another, the
military and civic guard looked
tranquilly on, or followed cautiously
in their rear. At Ghent, the mob
was allowed to proceed the length
of murder, an unfortunate mdnu-
facturer having fallen beneath mul-
tiplied wounds. ■ Namur, Ypres,
and other towns, were p'bllut^ by
similar exhibitions of unrestrained
riot and pillage. The bonds of
society seemed rent asunder ; au-
thority had lost its power ; and a
ragged rabble lorded it ovei^ the
citizens. Nothing could be more
ludicrously expressive of the
weakness of all legal power, than
the language of a motion made to
Congress, to pass an act declaring
'' that the authors of the scenes
of pillage shall be sought out, and
in future the authorities shall be
obliged to oppose such excesses by
force of arms." But where the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[389
populace reigned, no such laws
could be allowed. Not one man
was punished on account of these
outrages. The Belgic association—
a twopenny subscription club —
ruled the government, dictated
war, directed the populace against
all moderate sentiments and the
men who espoused them, and sent
forth their emissaries to propagate
riot and plunder in the provinces,
under the pretext of punishing
persons suspected to be well-in-
clined to the house of Orange.
In the capital itself, they ordered
to be seized and imprisoned, by
their own authority, an officer
whom they chose to suspect of
Orangeisra. The government did
not dare either to guard the deed,
or to liberate the prisoner. The
Congress having passed to the
order of the day on the mad pro-
posal to declare war against Hol-
land if it did not grant all they
demanded within a month, the
Belgic Association declared that it
would itself raise men and under-
take the vindication of the national
honour. Its emissaries were with
the troops, as well as among the
populace, inciting incessant pro-
vocation, and rendering the pre-
servation of peace a matter of
supreme difficulty. It was not
wonderful that all wise and mo-
derate men retired from scenes
where vanity, ignorance, violence,
and extravagance were triumph-
ant. Great part of the mem-
bers of Congress resigned, and a
great part of the remainder ceased
to attend, leaving the wildness of
the legislature, and the fooleries of
the regency, in the hands of a
small number distinguished by
nothing but the absence of all
wisdom in conducting human af-
fairs, and who gratified their mi-
^rable self-conceit by being the
pup^)ets of factious mobs, despised
at home^i and laughed at abroad.
The men who, before the final se-
paration of the provinces, had pe-
titioned for redress of grievances,
and would have been satisfied with
legislative and administrative in-
dependence, had retired from the
scene, for they were marked out to
plunder and murder, and left the
ground clear for even a more
wretched set of intriguers than
the knot who had first seized the
reins of government, or had ren-
dered themselves and their coun-
try ridiculous by running to Paris
and Loiulon under the idea that
they were diplomatists. They
could not even agree among them-
selves. The cabinet of the regent
was broken up, before he had been
a fortnight in office, because each
of its members, having a journal
at his command, proceeded from
the council-table to the office of
the journal, revealed the secrets of
the council, and abused his coU
leagues. M. de Brouckere, there-
fore, said, he could not sit with
M. Van de Weyer, and M. Van
de Weyer said, he could not sit
with M. de Brouckere ; while M.
Gendebien paid the same com-
pliment to M. Tielmans, and M.
Tielmans to M. Gendebien, each
accusing the other of treachery,
slander, and defamation. This
Van de Weyer, the diplomatist,
who had declared in the Congress
that he had received official
notice of the readiness of the
French court to accept the crown
for the duke of Nemours, if he
should be elected, and who had de-
clared in the same place, on his
])ersonal knowledge as a commis-
sioner in London for the Belgian
government, that a hundred thou-
sand Englishmen had stated to
Parliament they would not pay
390] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the taxes^ if Belgium were inter-
fered with^ informed the Congress^
after losing his office, that his col>
league, M. Brouckere, had pro-
posed in the council a plan for
throwing Belgium into the arms
of France ; and his colleague,
though very wrath that the de-
liberations of the council -table
should be disclosed, did not deny
tlie charge.
It was clear to all the world,
that the injustice and obstinacy of
Belgium rested in no small mea-
sure on the belief that France
would at last support them in all
their demands, and that the other
Courts would take no active mea-
sures against them, lest any at-
tempt to perform what Holland
was entitled to demand, should
lead to an union between Belgium
and France, which could not have
been removed without a war. The
former of these impressions had
been greatly strengthened by the
letter of Sebastian i, disavowing
the protocol of the 20th of January,
a disavowal which remained too
long undisclaimed. It was only
on the 17th of April that France
gave the pointed and s{)ecial adhe-
sion which the other Courts re-
quired, and even then the Belgian
authorities seemed not one whit
more inclined to yield. Men be-
gan to suspect that some secret
game was going on^ and that means
would still be found to make the
Conference of London revoke, in
favour of Belgium, those articles
which it had pledged itself sliould
be irrevocable. The protocol of
the 10th of May gave no counte-
nance to these suspicions. The
members of the Conference there
declared that they would allow
Belgium till the 1st of June, but
no longer, '* to place itself, accord-
ing to its evident interest, in the
same position as the king of the
Netherlands by the acceptance*' of
the articles already agreed on. If
Belgium should not by that time
accede, then the Conferenoe de-
clared, that a total rupture should
take place of all relations between
the five Powers, and the author-
ities who governed Belgium ; that,
so far from interfering, as they had
hitherto done, to prevent the
Germanic Confederation from oc-
cupying the grand duchy of Lux-
emburg for its defence, they would
consider such measures absolutely
necessary ; and that if Belgium
attacked Holland, the Conference
would take steps to oppose such
aggressions. The five Powers were
thus once more solemnly pledged
to execute the engagement on
which Holland was relying, or to
allow her to compel its execution
by her own means. They could
not possibly tell Holland that they
would neither settle her quarrels
for her, nor allow her to settle
them herself.
In the mean time, the five
Courts had agreed, that Prince
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg would
be a proper king for Belgium, if
the Belgians could be brought to
elect him. The choice could not
be pleasing to France, whose mi-
nisters were sure to be represent-
ed as having succumbed to the in-
fluence of England in allowing
Belgium to fall into the hands of
a prince so intimately connected
with the latter country. Agents
from Brussels had already sounded
the inclinations of the prince, but
found that he would not accept a
crown, so long as Belgium insisted
that its king should quarrel with all
Europe by maintaining all their
demands. From that moment
there seemed to commence a series
of practices for oyercoming the
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [391
diificuUy by receding from engage- the dispositions of the protocol of
ments so repeatedly and distinctly the lOtn of May were to be forth-
con firmed. The first mention of the with followed out. Conciliatory
])rince in connection with the Bel- as all this was towards Belgium>
gic policy was made in the proto- who had been treating the five
colof the 21st of May. That docu- Courts with mere arrogance and
ment purported to proceed on in- violence, there was not perhaps any
formation derived from lord Pon- thing in it to rouse the suspicious
sonby the British minister at Brus- of Holland, that a change of plan,
sels. It stated the Conference had or a breach of faith, was in con-
learned, that the assent of Belgium templation. The cession of Luk-
would be greatly facilitated, if the emburg was to be '^ negotiated "
five Powers would support it in with her; it would, therefore, re-
getting Luxemburg for an indem- main for herself to accept or refuse
liity, and that, ^'as the choice of a the terms which might be offered,
new sovereign had become indis- The language used was utterly ir-
peusable to arrive at this final ar- reconcileable with the idea that
I'augement, the best means of ob- the five Powers could possibly
taining the proposed object would mean to force upon her the cession
be, to remove the difficulties which of the grand duchy for any indem-
would impede the acceptance of nity -which they might think
the sovereignty by prince Leopolds proper to be given. That idea
in case, as there is every reason to would have been inconsistent with
believe, that sovereignty should be all good faith. The cautious Ian-
offered to him." It therefore au- guage used bv the members of the
thorized lord Ponsonby to declare, Conference, in representing the
that though the five Powers would giving up of Luxemburg, even in
not enlarge the time for Belgium exchange for an indemnity, as only-
accepting the bases already settled, a contingent concession which they
and by which Holland was already might possibly obtain from Hol-
bound, yet '' they would open a land by means of negotiation,
negotiation with the king of the showed plainly their own convic-
Netherlands, in order to secure, (f tion, that they could not, in honour
possible^ to Belgium, for a just or justice, propose such a change
compensation, the |M)ssession of the of agreement to Holland as a new
grand duchy of Luxemburg, pre- and imperative condition. IfHol-
serviug always its relations to the land refused to cede, she and they
Germanic Confederation." They were still bound by their ratified
furtherdeclared, that, on obtaining engagements. Accordingly, they
the assent of Belgium to '* the still insisted on the unqualified ac-
bases of separation," they would cessionofBelgiumtothese engage-
inform the Germanic Confederation ments as an indispensable condi-
of the engagement now undertaken tbn even to the opening of a nego-
to commence a negotiation, and tiation whose object was to be, to
would invite that body to suspend, prevail on Holland to allow part of
during the negotiation, the execu- them to be changed,
tion of the measures resolved upon In the mean time the Belgian
for the military occupation of the government had attempted, during
grand duchy, but if this assent a brief adjournment of the Con-
was ii<^ given by the Ist of Juoe^ sre9^ to throw off all Qonuection
392] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
with the ConfereDce^ and to obtain
directly from Holland^ what the
five Powers had declared it would
be injustice to ask. On the 9th
of May^ M. Lebeau^ the Belgian
foreign minister^ addressed a com-
munication to the government of
the Hague, proposing that it
should name three commissioners
to meet with three Belgic com-
nyssioners^ who should be em-i
powered to settle the basis of a
scheme of arrangement^ which
should then be submitted to the
legislative bodies. This proposal
was made under a threat^ that> if it
wasnotaccepted, " Belgium would
immediately proceed to a renewal
of hostilities." The threat was
ridiculous ; the proposal itself was
unmeaning. The bases of separa-
tion had been irrevocably fixed by
the Conference; to these bases
Holland had agreed ; and even if
she could have been asked to nego-
tiate directly with revolted sub-
jects whom no power in Europe
had yet recognized^ it was useless
to ask such a negotiation for the
purpose of making demands which
the Conference had declared to be
too imjust to be made even by
them. There was not much mo-
desty in requesting the king of
Holland to yield to Belgium what
the five great Powers had secured
to him as against Belgium — and
that such alone could be the na-
ture of the demands now to be
made was manifest from the fact,
that the refusal of these demands
by the Conference was the only
reason why Belgium wished to
open up this direct intercourse.
The king of Holland had early
taken his ground, by accepting the
terms proposed by the Conference,
however much he might feel that
they were too favourable to the
revolted provinces. The Confer^
ence was bound either to enforce
these terms, or, withdrawing from
the scene altogether, leave Hol-
land and Belgium to settle their
dififerences by negotiation or by
arms, as they themselves might
prefer. Looking at what Holland
had done, and the relation in
which the Conference stood both
to her and to Belgium, there could
be no greater impertinence than
this threat to declare war, if Hol-
land should refuse to disclaim the
Conference, and enter into a direct
negotiation.
War, however, did not follow,
although the Belgians, at various
points, and especially at Antwerp^
where the Dutch still occupied
the citadel, did every thing in
their power to provoke it. Tn de-
fiance of the armistice, the Bel-
gian military authorities advanced
their troops and posts beyond the
line of demarcation, and began to
erect works against the fort of St.
Lawrence ; general Chasse imme-
diately occupied it with a body of
troops. The Belgians had the
impudence to complain of this de-
fensive movement as a violation of
the armistice — nobody, forsooth,
was entitled to take militi^ry mea-
sures except themselves. • Some
firing took place, and general Bel-
liard, the French agent, along with
an English agent, hastened from
Brussels to inquire into the afilair.
The Dutch commander told them
at once, that, if the Belgians would
be quiet, he would be quiet, as he
had been; but he could not sit
still, and allow them actually to
carry on a siege. The Belgian
officers promised that their pro-
ceedings should be stopped, but
no sooner had the Frendi and Bri-
tish agents returned to Brussels
than the hostile operations were
renewed^ and wero only suspended
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[393
by these agents insisting on the
interference of the regent. As the
Belgians^ in Congress and in their
state papers^ uniformly accused the
Dutch of being the violators of the
armistice^ general Belliard and
his colleague gave direct testi-
mony that the truth lay precisely
the other way. In communicating
to general C basse that they had
applied to the regent^ so soon as
they learned that the Belgians had
renewed their operations against
the citadel " in infraction of the
law of nations^ and of all military
rules," they added, " We admired
your prudence, and will make known
your noble conduct in these diffi-
cult circumstances. The regent
sends his most positive orders that
every operation for a siege shall
cease immediately, and that in
future there shall be an absti-
nence from all hostile demonstra-
tions against the lunette St. Lau-
rent, which, by the capitulations
of Antwerp, belongs to the citadel,
and forms part of its defence.
Should it happen, general, that
the orders of the regent are not
executed as promptly as may be
desired, we believe that you will
not regard this delay as a con-
tinuation of attack and menace,
and that the prudence which cha-
racterizes you, as well as the love
of country with which you are ac-
tuated, and of which you have just
given such striking proofs, will
also induce you to delay the exe-
cution of the measures of defence
which you may be forced to adopt.
We shall owe it to your prudence
that peace has not been disturbed/'
The suggestion, that the general
should not expect the immediate
execution of the regent's orders,
marks distinctly the miserable im-
potence of the government. Tem-
porary obedience was all that
could be obtained. Firing with
musketry at the military in the
fortress was an every day occupa-
tion of the Belgian volunteers, and
it passed unpunished only because
the Dutch commander, seeing the
total want of discipline and obe-
dience in what was called the Bel-
gian army, was averse to punish
peaceful citizens on account of the
violence of these military ruffians,
who were but the tools of a party
eager .{o raise the conflagration of
a general war. The commerce of
Antwerp was at a stand. Aware
that the conduct of the Belgians
might at any time provoke repri-
sals from the cannon of the citadel,
the better class of the inhabitants
removed in great numbers fi'om a
city where they were sitting on
gunpowder. General Chasse, how-
ever, bore the teazing of the Bel-
gian hornets with exemplary pa-
tience.
During the short recess of the
Congress, agents of the govern-
ment had been dispatched to Lon-
don, to ascertain the inclinations
of Prince Leopold, if the Crown
should be offered to him. While
Congress retained its present ob-
stinacy and opinions, no prince in
his sober senses could accept their
throne. They pertinaciously re-
fused to accept the conditions
fixed by the Conference ; and the
Conference was irrevocably pledged
to acknowledge no king of Belgium
who did not accede to these condi-
tions. The Belgic government
was in direct opposition to the
great ^ Powers of Europe on the
question of limits. By an article
in the Belgic constitution, Lux-
emburg was included in the
Belgic kingdom ; and the Sove-
reign had to take an oath on his
accession to preserve this, as well
as the other parts of the Belgic
394] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
territory^ inviulate. Thus^ while
Europe had declared that the
grand duchy did uot beloug to
Belgium, and the prince would
have to swear to preserve it as
an integral portion of its terri-
tory, his oath would involve him
in a war with his allies. Regard-
less of this, when the Congress
re*as8enibled on the 18th of May,
the election of the prince seemed
already to he certain. The war
party, indeed^ was as violent as
ever, and made various proposals
for immediately using arms to en-
force all their demands — and it
was to be lamented^ that they
were not allowed to indulge their
braggard humour. Their anxiety
for War was explicable on only
one principle, viz. that they trust-
ed, in the event of war, to the
support of France, and that the
rest of the courts, labouring un-
der the same impression, would
recede from their engagements
with Holland, rather than risk a
war which might call France into
action. On the other hand, as
the great majority were willing to
elect a king whose acceptance was
inconsistent with the repeated de-
clarations of his electors, their con-
duct led to a suspicion that, in
choosing a prince on whom the
allies were agreed, they might
claim merit with the Conference,
and more particularly with Eng-
land, with whose royal house that
prince was neorly allied, and whose
present ministers were supposed to
have been, on other occasions, his
private and confidential advisers.
On the 25th of May, a proposal,
signed by ninety four members
was submitted to Congress, that
prince Leopold should be elected
king of the Belgians, and it was
urged, at the same time, that
the election should take place with*
out delay. The Ist of June was
the last day fixed for giving in
their unqualified adhesion t(» the
terms of the protocol of SOth Jan-
uary, with the contingent possi-
bility of having them modified,
with the consent of Holland, by
negotiation. Their determination
to reject these terms remained un-
altered ; instead of taking any step
to adhere to these terms on tlie lat
of June, they resolved to proceed
with the choice of a king in de-
fiance of them, and to carry through
this election at the very tim^ which
had been allowed them for a dif-
ferent purpose. The pro]K)Wil
made on the 25th, that prince Leo-
pold should be king, had been re-
ferred, in common form to the
sections. Their report was made
on the 27th, and the result was,
that ninety-six members of these
sections Toted for the prince,
twenty-four reserved their votes,
and two were negative. As the
Congress, even when fully assem-
bled, consisted of only 200 mem-
bers, and no other candidate was
in the field, the fate of the elec-
tion, in so far as the electors were
concerned, seemed to be deter-*
mined.
Before they had proceeded fur-
ther, they .received the communi-
cation made by lord Ponsonby, in
virtue of the protocol of the 2 let
of May. His lordship, however,
gave the whole transaction a much
more favourable colouring for Bel-
gium than what it bore on the face
of the protocol. He represented
the cession of Luxemburg, not as a
possibility which the five Powers
would endeavour to efifect by ne*
gotiation, but as a certainty which
they would make good at all events,
and the great motive by which he
tried to persuade Belgium to give
in )ier unqualified adhesion to
HISTORY OF EUROPE
[395
^ the btses of separation/' was,
that the Conference would irnme*
diately take care to Qualify them.
In his official letter, oated S7th of
May, his lordship wrote, ^'The
Conference would see with plea-
sure the Belgian Congress elect
some sovereign who might not
personally interfere with the
rights of other governments, and
it will recognise with particular
satisfaction the prince on whom
the Belgians seem specially to hare
turned their eyes, provided the
Congress will enable him to take
his place in the common circle of
the governments"«-^that is, by an
unqualified acceptance of the terms
to which they had pledged them-
selves over and over. Then came
the assurance, that this unquali-
fied acceptance would be only os-
tensible. *' Belgium is excited to
have recourse to arms, and why ?
To retain Luxemburg. But she
may possess it in peace and secur-
ity for a thousandth part of the
price which an attempt to keep it
by force of arms would cost. The
hesitation which prince Leopold
has manifested in his answer to the
deputies who sounded his opinion,
sufficiently shows the disinterested
nature of his motives, and that he
will not accept a crown if he can*
not wear it with honour to Belgium
and to himself. However, he is
now convinced that he is suffi-
ciently authorised to expect with
confidence the equitable and speedy
execution of the measures by whien
the Conference will assist in the
satisfactory arrangement of the
afiairs of Luxemburg, and the
prince is ready to take upon him-
self, as sovereign, the completion
of this affair. Can there be a bet-
ter proof of the change which has
taken place in the opinions eaad re-
solutions of the CoDfisrenoe ? A
week ago, they considered the pre-
servation of that duchy to the
House of Nassau to be, if not ne-
ceesary, at least extremely de-
sirable ; and, at present, it is in-
clined to a mediation, with tlie
avowed intention of obtaining it for
the sovereign of Belgium. The
honour of Belgium consists in ob-
taining Luxemburg, not in fighting
for it.'' This language seemed to
imply, that the rights of Holland,
and the pledges of the Conference,
were to be sacrificed to the election
purposes of prince Leopold. He was
S reposed to the Belgians as a candi-
ate who would secure to them
their great -object— the possession
of Luxemburg; as a pnnce who
was authorised to expect with con-
fidence the execution of the mea--
sures which would produce that
desirable result. Nay, he knew
so much of the intentions of the
five Powers, that he could take the
settlement of that affisiirupon him-
self as sovereign, which could only
mean, that he knew they were de-
termined to compel the submission
of Holland to the " change which
had taken place in their opinions
and resolutions ;" for if, while such
language was held to Belffium, no-
thing more was intended than an
attemjpt at negotiation, the success
of which depended entirely on Hol-
land, Belgium was deceived.
By the French, the war^ and the
republican party in the Belgic Con*
gross, this communication was re-
ceived with every term of insult
and indignation. They would have
it rejected at once, because there
ought to be no negotiation about
Luxemburg, and because it did
not bold out the prospect of even
negotiation as to Limburg and the
left bank of the Scheldt. The ma-
jority, however, either saw the folly
of re»sting what wae now offer^i
396] ANNUAL RE GI STER, 1831.
or bad reason to 8up{>ose that the them Belgium on easy conditions,
promised negotiation would be con- even against the will of Holland,
verted, as the reward of their com- The count de Merode^ who had been
pliance, into something more cer- one of the commissioners in Lon-
tain and satisfactory. On the 1st don to consult the wishes and as-
of June^ the Congress passed a de- certain the opinions of the pro-
cree, authorizing the government posed sovereign^ said, ^' In a few
to open negotiations for the pur- words I may state, that the cause
pose of terminating all questions o/' Luxemburg is gained, and we
relative to territory by means of have found for our rising kingdom
pecuniary sacrifices, the arrange- a chief disposed to come among uji,
ments which might be made being whom all the Powers are ready to
afterwards to be submitted to Con- acknowledge, because he offers to
gress for its ratification. They | each the guarantees thought ne-
then determined to proceed imme- cessary for their security :*' and
diately to the choice of a sove- M. Lebeau, the foreign minister,
reign. In all this they still set the said, '' The Conference knew that
Conference, and its engagements no negotiations would be entered
witb Holland, at defiance. It was into except on the basis of the
not a consent to negociate for a inviolability of the Constitution,
purchase of Luxemburg, which and the integrity of the territory,
had been requested from them by In lord Ponsonby*s letter, in which
the 1 st of June^ but an unquali- the words ' the prince is willing to
fied accession to the terms already take upon himself, as sovereigo,
fixed, which excluded them from the settlement of this affair,' would
Luxemburg, subject to the mere be found the true meaning of the
possibility of obtaining it by negotia- future negotiations. If the king
tion, if Holland should be willing of Holland be obliged to yield on
to accept a pecuniary, or any other this question, no objection would
equivalent. They were as far as be urged by the German Diet,
ever from giving this accession 5 which would certainly not support
nay, the member of the govern- king William, who was the oppo«
ment who proposed the decree nent of their interests, in throwing
took care to inform them, that even obstacles as to the navigation of the
the election of Prince Leopold would Rhine."
be no adhesion to the fundamental The election took place on the
bases — ^language which was utterly 3rd and 4th of June. No rival
unintelligible, if the Conference was named. Some members de-
meant to act honestly towards Hoi- clared that they would vote for a
land. To elect a sovereign, while they native prince, and gave their voices
refused to admit these bases, was for raising to the throne their tool
to elect a sovereign whom the five and impotent regent, M. Surlet de
Powers were bound to refuse to Chokier. Of I96 members who
abknowledge. In the face of this, were present, 152 gave their votes
the Congress proceeded with the in favour of prince Leopold, and he
election ; and it was not concealed, was declared king on the 4th of
that to make prince Leopold their June. The very decree, which
king would secure such an inter- contained his election, rendered ac--
ference of the Conference, in defi- ceptance impossible. It bore that
ance of its pledges^ as would give he was not to take poasession of the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[397
throne, till lie should have sworn
to observe the Constitution, and to
maintain the integrity of the ter-
ritory. Now that (constitution ex-
pressly declared that Luxemburg,
as well as the other disputed ter-
ritories, formed part of the state.
A deputation of ten members was
appointed to proceed to London
to offer his royal highness the
crown.
While these things were going
on, the Dutch govern ment> having
learned the contents of lord Pon-
sonby's epistle, forthwith com-
plained to the conference of its
statement and tendency. The
time, by which the five Powers had
demanded the unqualified acces-
sion of Belgium as a condition of
even attempting any thing farther
in her favour, had expired. Even
the protocol of 21st May had ex-
pressly declared, that if this was
not done by the 1st of June, all
communication between the five
Powers and Belgium was to cease,
and the measures agreed upon in
that of the 10th of May, were to
be executed. The 1st of June
had passed, and instead of any one
of those things being done, matters
seemed to be taking a more favour-
able turn for Belgium, though she
persisted in refusing that, without
which it had been declared all re-
lations between her and the five
Powers were to be suspended.
The Dutch plenipotentiaries bad
already given notice, on the 21st
of May, that if Belgium did not
consent to what had now been
fixed as irrevocable bases, the king
would consider himself free to act
on his own account, in order to put
an end to a state of uncertainty
highly injurious to the interests of
his subjects. On the 5th of June,
when the appointed time bad ex-
pired^ they again applied to the
Conference, stating that fact, and
requesting an explanation as to
any information that might have
been obtained, *Mn order that
their sovereign, on learning the
result, may take such measures as,
in the present state of things, the
dignity, as well as the safety of Hol-
land, may require." Before next
day, they had learned the terms of
lord Ponsonby's letter to the Bel-
gic government, and immediately
gave in another note, objecting in
the strongest manner '* to every-
thing which the agent of the Con-
ference has thought fit to introduce
regarding an eventual cession of
the grand duchy. He has there-
by fiattered the engrossing spirit
which has distinguished the revolt,
and has encroached on the inalien-
able rights of the king, by pro-
mises directly opposed to the de-
cided and unvaried language of
his majesty's government." They
then declared, ''The king abides
by the act of separation proposed
by the five Powers and accepted
by him without reservation. By
article second of that act, the
grand duchy is expressly acknow-
ledged as belonging to the house
of Nassau. It is, therefore, dif-
ficult to comprehend how any
idea should have arisen of a nego-
tiation respecting that sovereignty,
which, even after the uncondi-
tional acceptance of the bases of
separation by Belgium, would have
been still subject to the greatest
difficulties, because the duchy was
granted to the king and the
princes of his house in place of
their hereditary possessions, and
is, in his eyes, of inestimable
value." To both of these notes
the Conference returned answers
on the 7th of June, and the an-
swers were just another formal ra-
tification of all that had hitherto
398] ANNUAL REGISTER* 1831.
been done. The five plenipoten-
tiaries there stated^ that, accord-
ing to the information which they
had received, Belgium had not ac-
cepted the bases of separation ;
that lord Ponsonby had, therefore,
been recalled; that the French
agent at Brussels would receive
orders to quit it at the same time;
and that the Conference was em-
ployed in concerting those mea-
sures which their engagements
with the king of the Netherlands
might require. Professing to be
ignorant of lord Ponsouby's letter,
which thev described to be con-
fidential, tfiough it had appeared
in every newspaper in Belgium,
they referred to and confirmed the
provisions of the protocol of 21st
May, *^ In that state paper these
principles are laid down, viz., in
the first place, that the arrange-
ments which might give Belgium
possession of Luxemburg should
be entered into bv mutual consent ;
secondlvy that its possession should
be obtained only in exchange for
reasonable equivalents; and, in
the third place, that the ^ve
Powers would make no proposition
regarding the proposed arrange-
ment, until the Belgians had sub-
mitted to the fundamental con-
ditions of separation, with which
the king of the Netherlands had
complied. These principles are,
and shall always continue to be,
those of the nve Powers. They
in no way shackle the king of the
Netherlands in acting as he thinks
fit regarding that object." Thus
it was again distinctly contracted
with Holland, that all relations
with Belgium should be broken
off, unless she gave in her un-
qualified accession to the condi-
tions of 20th January, as the
irrevocable bases of separation ;
and that even when she should
have done so, any exchange of
Luxemburg, being a departure
from these irrevocable conditions^
was to be sought for only by ne-
gotiation and mutual consent; and,
if rejected by Holland on the one
hand, or, on account of the equi-
valents demanded, by Belgiuna on
the other, was to be dropped, leav-
ing the separation of the two
countries standing on the bases
which had thus been so often and
so solemnly declared, and which
Belgium was to recognixe, as the
sine qua non of any attempts at
farther negotiation.
Scarcely had the just complaints
of Holland drawn from the mem-
bers of the Conference this new
assurance that they would adhere
to their engagements, and break
off all communication with the
refractory Belgians, when the de-
putation from Brussels arrived in
Loudon to offer the crown to a
prince elected in violation of every
thing which these engagements
contained. Prince Leopold de-
clined the unmeaning honour— «t
least he did not accept it, and, in
conformity with the answer ffiven
to the Dutch plenipotentiaries on
the 7th of June, lord Ponsonby
and general Belliard quitted Brus-
sels. The case had now come to a
simple issue between Belgium and
the Conference. The former had
refused to recognize those condi-
tions which the latter had pled^ped
itself must precede the recognition
of any independence or sovereign
in Belgium^ or the maintenance of
any political relations with its au-
thorities, and without which it
had declared that the Germanic
Confederation must take military
measures for the protection of Lux-
emburg as Dutch territory. Its
course therefore was plain — either
to enforce obedience itself, or to
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[309
leave unfettered the hands of Hoi*
land^ which had been reposing so
confidently in the sense of honour
and justice^ and the efficacy of
their own repeated pledges. But
instead of following either of these
courses^ a new series of negoti-
ation was commenced in London^
which terminated in actually mak-
ing to Holland a new set of pro-
posals for the separation of the two
countries^ favourable to Belgium
in every things in which they
varied from those which had been
so frequently declared irrevocable,
and 'all intended to secure the
crown to Leopold free from those
terms without which the Confer-
ence stood engaged to acknowledge
no crown in Belgium. On the
26th of- June, the prince informed
the Belgic deputation that he at
last accepted the proffered throne,
and the same day produced a pro-
tocol containing, under the title
of " Preliminaries," the new terms
of a treaty to be concluded between
\\^illiam of Holland and Leopold
of Belgium. In these prelimin-
aries, the express exception of the
grand duchy of Luxemburg from
Belgium, on the clear ground that
it belonged to the House of Nas-
sau by a different title from that
on which they had held the Belgic
provinces, and had been given to
them in return for other patri-
monial inheritances of which they
had been deprived for European
purposes, was altogether omitted.
It was to be made the subject of a
negotiation between the two so-
vereigns •' distinct from the ques-
tion of boundaries," thus revoking
the positive, final, and irrevocable
judgment which had been pro-
nounced in favour of Holland, and
had been ratified again and again.
Even Maestricht, on which, by that
same judgment, not a doubt had
been allowed to rest, was now left
a disputable matter by a provision
that, '^ if it is found that the re-
public of the United Provinces did
not exclusively exercise the sove-
reignty of Maestricht in 1790, the
two parties shall consider of means
of making an amicable arrange-
ment on this subject." Besides
other changes^ the worst thing was,
that Belgium was set free fr^ the
obligation to admit the original
bases, before she could be received
into political relationship. The
Conference had declared^ that if she
did not admit them, as a condition
of trying to negociate an exchange
of Luxemburg, which they de-
clared to belong to Holland, Lux*
emburg must be occupied by the
troops of the Confederation. Now ^
they recalled the declaration that
Luxemburg belonged to Holland ;
and they not only left Belgium at
liberty to press her demand, which
they themselves had determined to
be unjust, unfettered by any prior
condition, but declared they would
take care, that, while the question
was pending, the military occupa-
tion of the Grand Duchy should re-
main in statu quo. It was expressly
agreed, however, that these pro-
posed preliminaries were to be null
and void, if rejected in whole, or
in part, by Holland or by Belgium.
In the latter country they were
not likely to encounter much op-
position. Their acceptance was a
condition of the acceptance of the
crown by Leopold, while their
very existence proved to the Bel-
gians how powerfully the desire of
the Conference to see that prince
at their head had already operated
in their favour. They were ac-
cepted, in defiance of the agitators
of the Belgie association by 126
votes against 70. tn defending
them the foreign minister stated as
4001 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
one of their greatest recommend-
ations^ that there was no simi-
larity between them and the ar-
rangements contained in the former
protocols. He could not have used
other language, if he had intended
to satirize the vacillation of the
five Powers^ and this dissimilarity
necessarily prevented their accept-
ance by Holland^ which all along
had been foolishly trusting to the
engagements and pledges embodied
in these former documents. The
members of the Conference them-
selves seem to have felt that they
were acting unworthily in now
breaking asunder every obligation
they had contracted; for, instead
of communicating these prelimin-
aries in the usual way, one of their
own number, M. Weissenberg, a
plenipotentiary of Austria, was
dispatched to the Hague, to ex-
plain and justify their conduct,
and urge their new proposals. The
Dutch court, as might have been
expected, refused to accept them,
and called for the execution of the
agreement to which it had trusted,
or the unfettered power of com-
pelling its execution at its own
hand. His Dutch majesty pointed
out in detail, the changes made
upon former articles, and the en-
tirely new terms which were intro-
duced,— ^all of them unfavourable
to Holland, and all of them incon-
sistent with the previous stipula-
tions.'^ On these stipulations, so
• The following was the statement of
the Dutch foreign minister in regard to
these preliminaries : —
" The Appendix A to the 12th proto-
col, since the time of the assent of his
majesty, and in connexion with the 11th
and 12th protocols, of which this Ap-
pendix contains the result or summary,
having become the unalterable basis of
the negotiations, his majesty's first care
was to compare that Appendix with the
18 articles now proposed as preliminaries
lately confirmed, Holland took its
of a treaty of peace between Holland and
Belgium. From this comparison it ap-
pears that there is a very essential differ-
ence between the bases of the separation
adopted by the king and the 18 articles,
and that all the changes which the Con-
ference now proposes to make in those
bases are to the advantage of Belgium
and the prejudice of Holland. A short
developement will suffice to prove both
these facts.
'* The second article of the Appendix
A expressly excludes from the Belgian
territory the grand duchy of Luxemburg.
* which the princes of the House of Nas-
sau possess by virtue of a different title,
and which makes, and shall continue to
make, a part of the German Confedera-
tion ;' the proposed articles leaving the
right of the grand duke doubtful or si-
lent in respect to this exclusion, in
which not only the House of Nassau, but
Holland, is interested, whose military
defence -is powerfully seconded by the
support which the sovereignty of the
House of Nassau or Luxemburg gives it,
but would be weakened by the union of
the grand duchy with Belgium.
'* Nay, more, in the third article of the
proposed preliminaries, the five Fbwers
announce that they will employ their
good offices to maintain the status quo
in the grand duchy during the course of
the separate negotiations which the so-
vereign of Belgium will open with the
king of the Netherlands, and with the
German Confederation, respecting the
grand duchy. Now this status qtto is an
essential grievance, the redress of which
his majesty has long since required.
" With respect to the unhindered in-
tercourse of the fortress of Luxemburg
with Germany, as the maintenance of it
belongs exclusively to the German Con-
federation, the king,a8grand duke, would
be wanting in his duties towards the
Confederation, if he recognized in this
respect the competency of any foreign
power. Besides, if the Belgians did
not accede to Appendix A, the third ar-
ticle of the preliminaries is at variance
with the note sent on the 17th of July,
by the Conference, to the king's plenipo-
tentiaries, in which it is said ' that the
five Powers would not propose to the
parties interested the exchange (or bar-
ter) of the grand duchy, till the Belgians
shall accede to the basis of the separation
laid down by the Conference, and al-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[401
stand. It recalled to the five uphold these engagements^ even to
Powers that, so late as the 7th of the length of withdrawing their
June, they had declared to its representatives from Brussels; that
minister their determination to it now appeared the interval had
ready assented to by his majesty. It is
true, according to the same note, the
arrangement for securing the possession
of the grand duchy to Belgium shall be
made with mutual consent ; that posses-
sion shall not be had but for a reasonable
indemnity ; these principles are those of
the five Powers, and will always remain
so ; they by no means fetter the resolu-
tions of the king : far from violating his
rights, they respect them, and only
tender in return for equivalents what his
majesty judges acceptable, and on the
basis of reciprocal advantages to make
arrangements, the only object of which
should be, to confirm the duration of
peace.
^' It is again true that such an ex-
change (in barter) wherein it may be
brought forward, exclusively appertains
to the king and to the German Confede-
ration,— a principle imequivocally ex-
pressed by the two most powerful states,
and other members of it. But these
considerations do not do away with the
fact that Art. 2 and 3 of the prelimina-
ries contain an essential alteration to
the prejudice of his majesty.
'' Of Appendix A, the abandonment
of Art. 9, of the Appendix, seems again
to have decided the question in favour of
Belgium. It was reserved in it whether
it might be possible to extend to the
neighbouring countries the benefit of the
neutrality pi*onounced to Belgium,— a
reserve that seems to be applicable to
Luxemburg, but which seems to have
been thought unnecessary in the new
articles, in consequence of the proposed
union of the grand dnchy with Belgium.
** The 4th article of the preliminaries
is new. It calls in question the exclusive
exercise of the sovereignty in the town
of ^faestricht by the republic of the
United Netherlands in 1790. If these
doubts were well founded, which cannot
be acknowledged, the circumstance
would prove nothing tp Belgium, which
has no more right than Holland to the
bishoprick of Liege.
** According to article 4, Appendix A,
such exchanges and arrangements be*
tween the two countries shall be made
by the law of the 6ve Powers, that they
Vol. LXXIII.
'Shall secure the reciprocal advantage of
a connected territory and an unimpeded
intercourse between the towns and places
included within the frontiers. Now as
Belgium has some enclaves in the anci-
ent territory of the United Provinces,
it was evidentlyadvantageous to Holland.
The preliminaries, however, merely
speaking of amicable negotiations be-
tween Holland and Belgium, for the ad-
vantage of both, no mention is made of a
continuous territory, of unimpeded inter-
course, or of the obligations of the five
Powers to obtain arrangements which
shall secure these advantages to both
countries.
*' The 6tli article of the preliminaries
is not in appendix A.
•* It says, — *The reciprocal evacuation
of the towns and places shall be made
independently of the arrangements rela-
tive to the exchanges.' Now this evacu-
ation before all is settled, would de-
prive Holland of the chief security
that it possesses against a country in a
stite of revolution, to see that which
shall be determined carried into effect.
This security is confirmed to Holland by
the Conference itself, which in Appendix
A to protocol No. 10, declared to the
persons holding power in Belgium, that
if the Belgic troops had not returned on
the 20th January to the positions which
they occupied on the 21st of November,
the citadel of Antwerp should not be
evacuated, and it is proved that on the
20tb of January tiM Bel^c troops had
not returned to tlicise positions.
'' Accor4iiig ta the 7th article of the
preliminariet, the right of Belgium to
partake in the navigation of the Rhine
along the inland waters between that
river and the Scheldt, shall be the sub-
ject of a particular negotiation between
the parties interested, in which the five
Powers will employ their good offices.
It .is important to observe how impossi-
ble it is to accept this proposal, which is
not mentioned in appendix A. Indeed,
however ready the king is immediately
to enter into negotiations to regulate the
free navigation of the Scheldt, accord-
ing to the act of the Congress at Vienna,
his majesty cannot accept in these ne-
C2D3
402] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
been employed in contriving means terly at variance with the first, ex-
to escape from these engagements, tremely injurious to the acknow-
and unexpectedly to send rorth the ledged rights of Holland, flowing
project of a new arrangement ut- apparently from an agreement with
gotiationft the p^ood offices of other
l*ou'era, especially when they are them-
selves parties interested in the point to
be decided. Tliis consideration too near-
ly aflVots his nugesty's dijpfiity, the in-
dependence of Holland, and the respect
which the Powers have for the independ-
ence of nil nations, to hosilentany longer.
'* The use of the Dutch canals is free
to all nations; the same is the case in
Belgium. A special agreement, which
should declare the use of the canal from
Ghent to Temeuze, and of t'le Zuid,
Willems Vaart, common to the inhahit-
ants of hoth countries, would be a devi-
ation from the general principle.
*• The 8th article of the preliminaries
pusses over in silence articles of appeii.
dix A, according to which the five
Courts, in case there should he any
difference between the (H)mmiKsioners
appointed to fix the frontier line, which
could not he amicably adjusted, should
employ their intervention to remove
those differences in such a manner as
should be most conformable to the prin-
ciples of the separation. A simple re-
fusal on the part of the Helgian commis-
sioners would, therefore, have been suifi-
cient to stop every thing.
** The 9th article, though nearly si-
milar to the 6th of Appendix A, is not
so precise with respect to the exclusion
of the grand duchy of Luxemburg,
which is not mentioned in article 2.
** The 12th and 13th articles are in-
stead of the nine laat articles of appen-
dix A respecting the partition of the
debt. They are wholly iooomplete, and
lay down a very different Iwsis, by
which the indemnification and the mani-
fold sacrifices of Holland appear to have
been lost sight of. The Hague is no
longer mentioned as the place for the
meeting of the commisitioners. No more
is said of the intervention of the five
Powers, in case of differences that cannot
ho amicably adjusted, to arrange them
in a manner conformable to the deter-
mination already made, — an omission
which will give the Belgian commis-
sioners an op|H)rtunity to avoid all
airanuemeuts. According to article
13, the tirst business of tfte united
commissioners for liquidating the debt
shall be to determine the share which
the Belgians are to pay provisionally, in
expectation of the final settloment, on
account of the interest of the debt
mentioned in the preceding article.
Article 17 of appendix A, on the con-
trary, malces this payment wholly inde.
pendent of the meeting of the commis-
sioners, by determining that Belgium
shall l>e bound to pay, provisionally, its
sliare for discharging the interest, and
for tlie redemption of the debts of the
kingdom of tlie Netherlands, according
to the proportion of articles 10 and II,
till the business of these commissioners
shall be completed. This diflPerence ap-
pears to be very important, since, ac-
cording to article 13 of the prelimi-
naries, it wilt l>e sufficient for Belgium
to delay sending the commissioners, to
defer, at the same time, the payment of
its share of the interest of the debt.
** These important considerations have
more weight when we refer to the piin-
ciples which guided the Conference in
regulating the debt of the kiDg^om of
the Netherlands, and which are so
clearly expressed in the introduction to
the protocol of the 27th of January.
Among the considerations to come to in
dividing the debt, there were undoubt-
edly points which depended only on the
option of Belgium, &c. &c. ; but what
g:ive Holland a security, and by which
his majesty vras particularly induced to
accede, not only to the basis of separa-
tion as far as the frontiers were concerned,
but also to the arrangements '* which
were proposed '' for the partition of the
debt, was the assurance ^that the future
sovereign of lielgium,' as the conclusion
of the 1 I2tli protocol expresses it, ' should
be obliged to accede to the arrangements
contained in that protocol ;* that is to
8(iy, those which relate to the division
of the debt. How, then, after these
facts, can the king be now satisfied with
an arrangement which shall exclude the
debts that Holland has incurred, solely
as a consetpieuce of the union, and the
value of the sa<'riAces which Holland
has made to obtain it, and thus accept
an agreement, which, far from fulfilling
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[403
those who exercised power in Bel-
gium, and bearing the stamp of
the successful endeavours made by
the Belgians in London, as well as
of the ardent wish to agree to
every thing which might secure
them a favourable reception in Bel-
gium. •' After the example of the
most powerful sovereigns, the king
will yield to the necessity of leav-
ing to their fate those of his sub-
jects who have withdrawn them-
selves from his authority, but he
will never sacrifice to them the
the just expectations of its faithful sub-
jects, would expose their property to a
severe shock ?
*•* Article 15 supposes a fact which
does not exist ia Holland, where no
person's property has been sequestrated
in consequence of the Belgian insurrec-
tion. By accepting this new article we
should acknowledge ourselves guilty of
an injustice which the Belgian govern-
ment alone had committed. The new
article is besides defective, and when it
is compared to article 14 of the appen-
dix, it is almost doubtful whether the
patrimonial property and domains of
the House of Orange are not to be ex-
cluded from the removal of the seques-
tration.
'■' Your excellencies will allow me to
close this parallel with a general obser-
viilion, that is applicable to several es-
sential articles of the proposed preli-
minaries : it is, that instead o( the pre-
cision and clearness of the appendix A,
we here find indefinite and vague phrase-
ology, which is doubly dangerous when
arrangements are to be made, not with
a government established upon firm
foundations, but with a country in a
state of revolution, whose neutrality
being once recognized, may hinder the
recourse to arms in case a reasonable
declaration respecting disputed points
should be evaded, atid in respect to
which the five Powers are contented, in
article 17, with offering their good
offices, if they should be required by the
parties interested, without engaging,
and without expressing, whether these
good oflices will be given at the desire
of one of the two parties*, and without
positively declaring, as in appendix A,
that they will interpose with their medi-
rights of Holland. A mature ex-
amination having convinced him
that the preliminary articles would
sacrifice the dearest interests of
Holland to the insurrection, he
cannot Accept them, and he again
demands oi the five Powers the
execution of the reciprocal en-
gagements between the five Powers
and himself, which the Conference
has already declared to be irrevo-
cable." He puts them in mind,
that the preservation of peace did
not depend upon Belgium alone,
ation, to settle disputed points in the
manner most conformable to the princi-
ples laid down in that appendix. Thus,
very far from furnishing any data what«
ever for the division of the debt, the
frontiers and other objects which must
be regulated, the preliminaries give, on
the contrary, me^ns to Belgium to throw
every thing into confusion by partial in-
terpretations. The discussion, to which
these preliminaries have already given
occasion in Brussels, have but too fully
confirmed this truth, and the language
held by him who in fact directs the
foreign affairs of Belgium, sufficiently
proves v^hat Holland would have to ex-
pect from the assent of his majesty to
the proposed preliminaries. The deve-
lopements and declarations into which
he entered, are the more remarkable,
as it is he who by his situation has ne-
cessarily directed the negotiations and
endeavours of the Belgian commission-
ers at London, and must be considered
as acquainted withjilKhe circumstances.
Besides these obtor0ition8 on the spirit
of these artlAlir' i Win ust be observed,
that the new rorni which has been chosen
of preliminaries of a treaty of peace
contains an implied determination of
the point of sovereignty, which was left
untouched in the 12th protocol and its
appendix A, in which only the separa-
tion is treated of. But even on the sup-
position that the king should agree that
the solution of this important question
should be laid in the scale of the ar-
rangement between Holland and Bel-
gium, his majesty would never assent to
this without reasonable equivalents —
tiiat is to say, upon conditions which
the rights, the good cause, and the in-
terests of Holland require.
[2 0 2]
404J ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
and, above all, that the election or
recognition of a king in violation
of the concluded agreement, could
be notliing less than a declaration
that Belgium was determined to
support by arms Avhat the Powers
unanimously had determined to be
unjust, " With respect to the
choice of a sovereign, the king re-
fers to the declaration of the five
Courts in the 12th and 19th pro-
tocols, that, in their opinion, the
sovereign of the country must
answer the principles of the ex-
istence of the country itself, — must
furnish, by his personal situation,
a guarantee for the safety of the
neighbouring states, — and must
accept, without reserve or distinc-
tion, the arrangements which had
been laid down." In consequence
of this declaration, which, by his
majesty's acceptance of the bases
of separation to wliich it applied,
be(!ame an engagement with him,
his majesty, in case a prince
should be called to the sovereignty
of Belgium, and take possession of
it M'ithout first accepting those
conditirms, could not but consider
such prince, as by this fact alone,
]) laced in a state of hostih'ty with
liim, and as being an enemy.
It was difficult to see how the
five Powers could answer these
demands of Holland, nor does it
appear that they attempted it.
The preliminaries were to fall, if
not approved of by both Holland
and Belgium. M, Lebeau had
taken care to flatter the Belgian
Congress, by announcing that either
state was at liberty to reject them
in whole, or in part ; and that if
either refused them in Avhole or
in part, they Mere to be null and
v()i<l. Holland had rejected them
entirely. They were, therefore,
at an end — having never been
more than proposals that Holland
should depart from her claims
under irrevocable engagements.
Those engagements remained in
their full vigour, and the five
Powers were bound to proceed to
execute every thing they had sti-
pulated to perform on the 20th
and 27th of January, 19th of Fe-
bruary, 10th and 21st>of May, and
7th of June. Above all they were
bound to tell prince Leopold^ that,
as Belgium had not acceded to the
fundamental and irrevocable bases
of separation, it was impossible
they could recognize either him or
his intended kingdom — that they
could maintain no political rela-
tions with him —that military mea-
sures would immediately be adopted
to secure the territories which the
injustice of his electors, in defiance
of all Europe, threatened with in-
vasion. The Conference thought
otherwise. They gave their solemn
engagements with Holland to the
wind ; they authorized Leopold to
proceed to take possession of the
throne, without one of the condi-
tions which tliey were pledged to
enforce, and to swear to a con-
stitution fi*amed, as regarded the
territory of the new state, in con-
tempt of these conditions. It now
appeared plain that, to secure his
election, they had resolved to
trample honour and justice under
foot.
The prince, proceeding by Calais,
Ostend, Ghent, and Bruges, arrived
at Brussels on the 19th of July.
In the towns through which lie
passed he was received with loud
acclamations, wise men rejoicing
at the apparent approach of some-
thing resembling a fixed govern-
ment, and all men feeling confident
that the Powers who liad allowed
him to be installed would maintain
the work of their hands — a confi-
denceti-eudered not the less pleas-
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[405
iDg by tho conviction that, in
gaining a king, they had compelled
all the great courts of Europe to
treat Holland with insult and in-
justice. On the 21st he was for-
mally installed king of the Bel-
gians, in presence of the Congress,
who having thus effected a revo-
lution, and created and filled a
throne, resigned their power to
make way for the representative
body which was to be elected
under the new constitution. Leo-
pold took the oath required by
that same constitution, swearing
to observe the laws of the Belgians,
" and to maintain the national in-
dependence, and the integrity of
the territory."
Holland, thus deceived and de-
serted by the Conference, relied on
her own resources. By the re-
peated declarations of the Confer-
ence itself, Leopold was a king not
to be acknowledged either by them
or by her ; he had accepted the
crown on terms which, by their
own confession, made him an enemy
of Holland, and an enemy against
whom they were bound to lend
her all aid and encouragement.
If they would not interfere to com-
j>el the execution of their own irre-
vocable decrees, how could they
prevent Holland from enforcing
them, if she would ? The new king,
by swearing to the constitution,
had SAVorn to retain territory which
the five Powers had secured to
Holland, and the Belgian claim to
which they themselves had ac-
knowledged to be inconsistent with
the safety of neighbouring states.
The Dutch government^ in conse-
quence both of the daily chance of
war from the wanton attacks of
the Belgic soldiery, and of the
probability that arms alone would
bring down the braggard perti-
nacity of the Belgian autfeMritiesi
had maintained and increased its
military force. It was supjwrted
by the unanimous spirit of the
people, indignant at the duplicity
and injustice with which they had
been treated, and at the wanton-
ness with which engagements and
rights had been violated to gratify
the unprincipled encroachments of
the rebel provinces, and soothe
down the ambition of France. On
the 12th of July, in its answer to
the Preliminaries, Holland had de-
clared that the receiving in Bel-
gium of a king, who did not adt>|)t
the final bases of separation, would
be an act of hostility, and that king
would be an enemy. Such a sove-
reign had been received j he had
been received with the sanction,
and attended by the agents, of
those very Powers, whose word
was violated by his appearance :
they could not, therefore, plead
ignorance of the necessary conse-
quences. The king of Holland,
on the 1st of August, declared the
armistice at an end, and prepared
to enforce by arms the rights which
Europe had declared to be his. A
despatch, bearing that date, was
addressed to the five Powers, stat-
ing, that, while he was still willing
to ncgociate a definitive treaty on
the terms which had been con-
cluded between them and himself,
'* he was determined on supporting
these negotiations by military mea-
sures, a determination which the
recent events in Belgium have
rendered imperious, since a prince
has put himself in possession of
the sovereignty ' of that country,
without having previously fulfilled
the conditions established by the
Conference, and has taken an un-
restricted oath to a constitution
derogatory to the territorial rights
of Holland." His operations were
only to be, ''for the purpose of
406] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
arriving at that state of things,
which the act of separation had
acknowledged to be just and con-
venient.'*
Accordingly, the king of Hol-
htnd, while he authorized his re-
presentatives in London to con-
clude a definitive treaty whenever
the allies should return to the con-
ditions from which they could not
recede without disgrace, gave no-
tice tln^t the sus|)ensioD of arms
would terminate on the 4th of
August, and that he would then
jiroceed to compel, by force, the
execution of the terms which the
Conference had declared to be the
only terms that reason or justice
allowed. The Belgians, whose voice
had ever been so loud for war —
who, in the pride of their wordy
violence^ had not merely threatened
to inflict signal punishment upon
Holland, but had dared the com-
bined powers of Europe, had now
the amplest field for exhibiting
their valour. The contest, which
they had so earnestly desired, took
place ; and, forthwith, amidst the
loud ridicule of all Europe, their
wordy champions proved mere
braggard cowards. The popula-
tion of Antwerp, whose city- lay at
the mercy of the guns of the
citadel, though in the greatest
danger, escaped unhurt. The
Dutch commander attacked and
carried some forts, and spiked the
cannon, the Belgian volunteers
and civic guards, when it came to
actual fighting; presenting no seri-
ous resistance ; but not a shot was
fired to endanger the city. General
Belliard, the French agents has-
tened from Brussels ; general
Chass^ having secured himself,
agreed to a suspension of arms^
till he should receive farther in-
structions from the Hague, and
Antwerp was left unmolested.
The main body of the Dutch army
entered Belgium in the direction
of Turnhout and Diest. It was
commanded by the prince of
Orange. One body of the Belgian
troops was concentrated at Mech-
lin, whither Leoi>old had repaired
In person. The main body, called
the army of the Meuse^ under the
orders of general Daine^ was sta-
tioned towards Maestricht^ in the
neighbourhood of Hasselt. Be-*
tween these two points the Dutch
army approached the Geele. On
the 5th of August, it made itself
master of Diest, the Belgians hav-
ing abandoned the town without
offering to resist, and extending
its right to Haelen, while the left
occupied Sichem^ had thus com-
pletely prevented any junction
between the army commanded by
Leopold at Mechlin, and the army
of the Meuse. The latter was the
first object of the Dutch. On the
8th, they attacked it in its position
near Hasselt. There was no battle ;
it was an instantaneous and dis«
graceful rout. The ''brave BeU
gians," as they had been styling
themselves for twelve months^ dar-*
ing Holland to encounter their pa*
triotic valour in defence of liberty^
fled almost without firing a shot.
Hie cavalry, which was the first
to fly, ran away through the in-«
fan try scattering their own crowds
of civic guards. The race from
one place to another immediately
began, and neither the dispersed
army, nor their general^ stopped till
they reached Liege> having been
altogether cut off from Brussels.
The Dutch immediately turnea
towards Brussels, which had no
protection but the tro(^ collected
at Mechlin, under the command of
Leopold in person. On the day
of the rout of the army of the
Meuse^ the prince had advanced
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[40?
to Aerschot, in the direction of
Diest. On learning that defeat>
he moved upon Louvain^ to cover
the capital^ taking up a position
io front of the former. On the
12th> the Dutch attacked him>
turned liis position^ and he was
forced to commence a hasty retreat
u])on Louvain. While one division
of the Dutch army* by moving to
the Icft^ cut him off from Brussels^
the main hody followed him on the
road to Louvain. In the pursuit
the prince of Orange was met by
a British messenger from the
Hague, bringing intelligence that
a French army had entered Bel-
gium to support the new king,
and requesting a suspension of
hostilities. The prince refused to
consent, except on condition that
I^ouvain should be surrendered to
his troops ; and« obtaining un-
doubted assurance of a French
army having interfered^ he dis-
patched an officer to ascertain this
fact, and in the meantime attacked
prince Leopold in a new and strong
position which he had taken up in
front of Louvain. One point was
carried after another, ana the Bel-
gians^ to avoid total defeat, agreed
to evacuate Louvain by next day.
They obtained^ till that period, a
suspension of hostilities, it being
certain that a large division of the
French army was already in the
immediate vicinity of Brussels.
On the 13th accordingly, Louvain
was delivered up to the Dutch
troops — which terminated the
campaign. On the same day, the
prince of Orange received orders
from the Hague to retire, with his
army, within the Dutch frontiers,
tlie Conference having determined
that Holland should not be allowed
to enforce the engagements the
fulfiknent of which they were
themselves bound to litre oom^
pelled. Prince Leopold, who had
retreated from Louvain to Mechlin,
returned to Brussels, his army co-
vered with disgrace, himself filled
with disgust, and indebted to the
interposition of foreigners for the
preservation of his crown and his
capital, if not of his personal free-
dom. Nine days had dissolved all
the dreams, and struck down all
the vauntings of his boasting sub-
jects, and had proved to Europe,
that, if Belgium and Holland had
only been allowed to settle their
own affairs, the latter would have
been found a much more decisive
negotiator than the Conference of
London.
The march of the French army
had been the act of the French g(»-
vernmcnt without any communi-
cation with her allies. Prince
Leo}K)ld, when he learned that
hostilities were to be renewed, in-
stantly hurried off to Paris a
supplication for assistance, and the
French cabinet immediately or-
dered 50,000 men under Marshal
Gerard, accompanied by two of the
king's sons, to enter Belgium, and
drive back the Dutch. The first
division of this army arrived at
Brussels on the 12th of August,
and stopped by its approach the
triumphant course of the Dutch
army j for the king of Holland,
once informed that the five Powers,
not satisfied with refusing to exe-
cute by military measures the sti-
pulatioMi by which they were
bound to him, had resolved to em-
ploy force to prevent their execu-
tion, yielded to necessity, and
withdrew his troops. The Cou-
foreace addressed a letter to him
on the 5th of August, pretending
that although the dispatch of his
minister of 1st August bad dis-
tiitctly informed them of the kings
iateotioa to support ^' by military
408] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
measures" the negotiations for de-
finitively coucJuding a treaty on
the terms already settled, '' they
would have supposed that these
measures would be adopted only
in Ike ifiterior of the terrilortj of
Holland, if public report did not
inform us that they had been ex-
tended beyond its frontiers — that
hostilities have been resumed
against the Belgians by the king's
orders, and that the armistice con-
cluded at Antwerp has just been
denounced," and that they could
not believe '* that the king, at the
very moment when lie communi-
cated his intention of iiegociating
a definitive treaty of j)eace, can
have taken the resolution to re-
kindle the flames of war." They
therefore requested that the Dutch
troops should retire within the
frontiers of Holland, and that
Antwerp should not be made the
object of any hostile attack. The
attempt to accuse Holland of du-
plicity^ as if she had sent an am-
bassador to negociate at the very
time when she was secretly re-
solved upon war, was a new insult
to her government. The Con-
ference had been distinctly told
that the treaty which this ambas-
sador was sent to negociate was to
be, not a treaty founded on the
preliminaries — for these had been
unhesitatingly rejected — but on
the ^* irrevocable bases" already
fixed 3 and this negotiation they
had been as distinctly told would
be supported by military measures.
Besides the dispatch of 1st of Au-
gust, they had before them another
stating that "his majesty, after
nine months of fruitless negotia-
tions, which have been without the
slightest advantage to Holland,
and during which he has never
ceased to give proofs of his sin-
cere desire to terminate amicably
his dispute with Belgium, has
judged that, unless he were to sa-
crifice the most vital interests of
Holland, without the maintenance
of which indeed she would be
unable to exist, he must renounce
all hope of obtaining from the
Belgians reasonable terms of sepa-
ration, except through coercive
measures, to which it was likewise
the more indispensable for his Ma-
jesty to have recourse, because the
existing crisis could not be pro-
longed without at once endanger'-
ing our public spirit, our finances,
our army, and our political ex-
istence. His majesty., on the other
hand, has reason to believe, that
the appearance of his troops in
Belgium will have a tendency to
restore the balance of the nego-
tiations overturned by those means
which the insurrection has suc-
cessfully employed, whilst Holland
remained in a purely defensive at-
titude. Therefore, unquestionably,
the king's resolution to throw his
army into the scale, simultaneously
with the negotiations carrying on
in London, for the sake of obtain-
ing equitable terms of separation,
— an object too precisely pointed
out, and too frankly avowed, to
give pretence for the slightest
doubt, — ought not to inspire un-
easiness." Sebastiani, the French
foreign minister, at the moment he
was ordering French troop to
march, forgot still further the re-
lation in which the five Powers
stood to Holland. He character-
ized the movement of the Dutch
army as an '* unjust aggression" —
*' a violation of the independence
and neutrality of Belgium which
had been recognized by the great
Powers of Europe," and he ordered
the French minister to quit the
Hague, if the Dutch army did not
immediately return within the line
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[409
of the armistice. This was not
true. The neutrality and inde*
pendencc of Belgium had never
been declared, except as a condi-
tion of lier acceding to the irrevo-
cable terms which had been im-
])oscd upon Holland ; that condi-
tion Belgium had constantly^ con-
temptuously, and finally rejected ;
and the five Powers, at the very
moment v^hen they spoke of the
violation of Belgian independence
and neutrality, were solemnly
])ledgcd to acknowledge neither
the one nor the other. It was
impossible therefore, to make any
reply to the answer of the Dutcn
government, '^ We are not aware,
that the independence and neu-
trality of Belgium have been re-
cognized by the five Powers, unless
Belgium accepted the conditions
of separation established by those
Powers themselves, and so far
from endangering that independ-
ence and neutrality, the march
of the Dutch troops has no other
object than to realize the coer-
cive measures announced by the
five Powers, in the event of Bel-
gium refusing to acx;ept Appendix
A of the 12th Protocol. To call
this march an unjust aggression
is tantamount to declaring that
the five Powers have committed
an injustice in establishing the
basis of a separation contained in
the said Appendix, and in adopting
the principle, that in order to gain
their acceptance by the Belgians,
coercive measures, if necessary,
would be resorted to." It was
added, however, that as the Dutch
army was never intended to act
against any of his majesty's allies,
if a French army should' present
itself, the former would retire
within the limits of Holland.
* This was the triumph of might ;
for the Conference of London,
however uneasy at first at tlie to«
luntary haste of France, had ap-
proved of her proceedings, and a
British fieet Yiad been ordered to
assemble in the Downs to act, if
necessary, in furtherance of the
same object. By a Protocol of 6 1 h
August, the explanation was ad-
mitted as satisfactory, that France,
from the extreme urgency of the
case 'Miad not had time to fulfil
the obligation, which she was
fully desirous to do, of acting in
concert with her allies. It was
declared, however, that the French
troops should not pass the ancient
frontiers of Holland, that their
operations should be confined to
the left bank of the Meuse, that,
under no circumstances, should
they invest the fortress of Maes^
tricht, or that of Venloo, because
then the war would be carried too
near the frontiers of Prussia and
Germany, and might give rise to
serious ana complicated questions,
and that they should return to
France so soon as the Dutch should
have returned to Holland. Tlie
last of these provisions was not
agreeable either to « the fears and
necessities of Leopold, or to the
pride and ambition of France.
Although it was thus a positive
stipulation, the French minister
of war, while informing the Cham-
ber of Deputies (August 13) that
he had received ofiicial intelligence
of the Mrithdrawing of the French
troops, added, "however, our
troops'^^llll not return to France on
that account. They will take up
convenient positions, in order to
afford us the certainty that the
Dutch will not return." The
Conference, however, saw no reason
to doubt the good faith of Holland,
and could not but suspect bad
faith in a French army occupying
these "convenient positions." 'I'hey
insisted successfully that the sti-
pubtioQ to recal the French army
410] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
should be fulfil led, although this
much was conceded, that it should
not retire all at once, 1 2,000 men
having been allowed to remain for
a couple of weeks longer, and that
a number of French officers should
be permitted to cnt^ir the service
of Leo)M)ld, to assist in organizing
a Belgian army. At the same
time, the Conference, by a Protocol
dated 23rd August, proposetl to
Holland and Belgium a suspension
of hostilities for six weeks, to be
guaranteed by the five Powers, who
would t4ike advantage of it to bring
about a final settlement. Both
states accepted the proffered armis-
tice.
Temporary peace being thus re-
stored, the Belgiansoccupied them-
selves with the election of their first
representative body under their
new constitution. The Belgian
minister had the confidence to
apply to the Germanic Diet for an
order on the military commandant
at Luxemburg that he should pre-
sent no obstacle to the election of its
deputies, as if it had been already
declared a portion of the Belgic
kingdom. The Diet knew Lux-
emburg only as a territory belong-
ing to its grand duke the king of
Holland, and would grant no such
])ermission.
The Congress assembled on the
8th of September, prince Leopold
opening the session with the fol-
lowing speech.
'^Gentlemen, — I am happy to
lie for the second time amidst the
representatives of the nation.
*' The proofs of affection and
devotedness which the Belgic na-
tion has not ceased to give nie
from the moment that I set my
foot on the territory of ray adopt-
ed country, have filled my heart
with lively gratitude. This vo-
luntary transport of a whole na-
tioo^ white it inspires me with very
allowable pride, has made me sen-
sible of the full extent of the
duties that are imposed on me. I
do not dissemble to myself any of
the numerous difiiculties of my
situation ; but with the aid of
your knowledge and experience
I shall be able to overcome them.
^^ When the principles laid down
in the constitution which I have
sworn to observe shall have re-
ceived, by the projects of law which
will be submitted to your con-
sideration, the developement which
they still require, Belgium will
enjoy a greater degree of liberty
than any other nation in Europe.
The crisis, tlirough which the
country has had to pass, in order
to attain its political regeneration,
has for a moment affect^ its ma-
terial interests.
'* It must henceforth be the ob-
ject of our united efforts to pro-
mote their interest, by encouraging
manufactures and opening new
channels to commerce.
^' The relations already so hap-
pily established with France and
England, and which I hope will
soon be extended to the other
Powers, will facilitate the per-
formance of this task.
^^ Negotiations have just been
opened to effect a definitive ar-
rangement of our differences with
Holland. The honour and in-
terests of the Belgian nation will
be defended in them with per-
severance and dignity. With you,
gentlemen, and the whole nation,
I look with confidence to the issue
of those negotiations, the result
of which will be laid before you.
•'The neutrality of Belgium,
guaranteed bir the five Powers,
has suggested the possiMlitv of
modifications in its tystem or de-
fence. This possibility, the prin-
ciple of which 18 admitted by the
Powers cooomed in the era^ioo
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[411
of the fortresses of 1815> will, I
doubt not^ be acknowledged by the
nation. Negotiations will take
place to regulate the execution of
the measures connected with the
demolition of some of these for-
tresses. Happy in being able to
draw closer the ties which unite
the two people^ Belgium will, on
this occasion, give a proof of its
gratitude to France, — Europe, a
striking pledge of its just con-
fidence in the honour of the king
of the French.
'^ The eminent services render-
ed by France involuntarily call
our attention to a recent event,
the consequences of which I must
say have been too much exagger-
ated. Belgium confiding t-o excess
in the engagements contracted by
Holland towards the five Powers,
to which it had itself subscribed,
was suddenly surprised by an
army, the force of which far ex-
ceeded that which Belgium could
oppose to it.
'^ In these painful circumstances
the succour of friendly powers be-
came urgent and indispensable.
You know with what eeneious
promptness it was afforded us.
^' If individual courage, if the
bravery which has never been de-
nied the Belgic soldier, could have
made up for the want of organiza-
tion and union which was felt in
our young army, without doubt —
(ancl you will believe my tes-
timony)— without doubt we should
have victoriously repulsed an un-
just aggression^ contrary to all the
principles of the law of nations.
The nation will be but the more
sensible of the absolute necessity
of the reforms already commenced^
and which are prosecuted with a
degree of activity, the results of
which will be soon apparent. In
a few days Belgium will have an
army, which, if it should be again
necessary, would be able to rally
round its king to defend with ho-
nour and with success the inde-
pendence and the rights of the
country.
" Projects of law will be laid
before you during this session, to
give to the government its legi-
timate share of influence in the
composition of the army, to restore
confidence to the soldier, and to
secure a just recompense to those
who shall distinguish themselves
in the day of danger.
*^ Gentlemen, I will call your
particular attention to the state of
our finances. I know the care
which this essential part of the
public service requires^ The pre-
vailing desbe of my government
will always be successively to in-
troduce in the public expenditure
the economy which it so loudly
called for by the state of society,
and by the .aid of which it will be
practicable graduallv to lessen the
burdens of the peo{Me.
" At present, nevertheless, sa-
orifices are still necessary^ on the
one hand, to defray the expenses of
the reorganization of the army ;
on the other, to make up for a di-
minution in the revenues, which
the circumstances in which we are
for |i time placed indicate aa in-
evitable. The nation has proved
that it did not shrink from the sa-
crifices which the honour and the
intevMt of the country required.
It will also know how to bear
those <^ which the government
shall have proved the necessity.
The confidence with which the
whole nation has hitherto met its
king, giv^ me a right to reckon
on its representatives in all the
measures which may contribute to
the good of the country. My
hopes will not be dis»ppointed«
412] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Belgium will sec us auimated by
tlie same desires to labour iu con-
cert for the happiness and glory of
this country, to which i shall not
cease to devote all my solicitude,
as I have already devoted to it my
dearest affections."
The statement of the prince,
that Belgium had been surprised
in consequence of her confidence
" in engagements contracted by
Holland towards the five Powers,"
and the proposition which these
words, if they had any meaning,
involved, that Holland hud taken
arms in violation of her engage-
ments, could be explained only
from the necessity under which
the new king found himself of sa-
crificing the truth to soothe the
wounded vanity of his new sub-
jects. The Congress proceeded to
try to contr+ve means for raising
money to support an army and the
expenses of being governed. The
government applied itself to or-
ganizing an army, and other ne-
cessary means of military defence.
Fortifications were raised, and en-
trenched camps Mere formed, on
different points towards the Dutch
frontier, and the troops were ex-
ercised in sham battles, in which
one side was uniformly victorious.
But enough had already been done
to convince all Europe that Bel-
gium could not maintain herself
against Holland, with only about
one-half of the population of the
former. The Conference again in-
terfered to prevent the dethrone-
ment of Leopold'on the expiring of
the suspension of arms, which was
t^ terminate on the 25th of Oc-
tober. They demanded that Hol-
land should inform them, what she
meant to do when the truce should
be at an end. The king of Hol-
land answered, that *^ the Powers
were at liberty to arm themselves
against his measures, when he
should have adopted any, and that
they were equally at liberty to arm
themselves against his silence j
that he was not under any obliga-
tions to let them know before hand
his intentions for the moment of
the expiration of the armistice,
and that even if he should be
thereunto obliged, very many cir-
cumstances might in such times as
the present occur, which would
change the intentions which his
majesty should have communi-
cated." The Conference, there-
fore, determined, by a protocol of
24th October, that Britain should
immediately station a naval force
on the coasts of Holland, that it
should have orders not to act, till
hostilities were resumed by Hol-
land against Belgium, but should
take, on their being resumed, the
measures best adapted for bringing
about, in the speediest manner, a
complete cessation of hostilities.
Thus, while the Conference would
neither itself use force, nor allow
Holland to use force, for executing
the engagements existing betweeu
them, it did not hesitate to abuse
its poMer to render effectual its
own breach of faith towards that
Holland which alone, throughout
the whole truckling affair, had
acted with any degree of spirit, of
honesty, and of fair plain-dealing.
Holland, avoided the ridiculous
bravados of Belgium, and yielded
to the impossibility of resisting
unjust power.
The Conference, in the mean
time, had again been labouring to
arrange the terms of |)acification.
They had already departed, by ten-
dering the preliminaries, from the
original terms which they bad bound
themselves to procure for Holland*
By the latter the preliminaries
themselves had been rejected. The
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[413
five Powers now agreed on a third
set of conditions, different from
both, declaring that they would
listen to no proposal for any alter-
ation, and would make the accept-
ance of them by both parties com-
pulsory. These terms were com-
prehended in twenty-four articles,
forming what was styled a defini-
tive treaty. Luxemburg was to
be divided, Holland giving up more
than one half of it, and receiving,
in return, as "a territorial indem-
nity," a portion of those parts
of the province of Limburg which
otherwise would have belonged to
Belgium ^- the exchange, which
had never been proposed but as a
matter to be negociated with the
consent of Holland, being thus im-
posed upon her against her will,
while it was estimated that she re-
ceived a population less by 50,000
souls than that which she was
called on to surrender. The left
bank of the Scheldt with Maes-
tricht were still to remain with
Holland as had been originally
proposed, along with Venloo. The
navigation of the Scheldt was to
be regulated according to the j)rin-
ciples laid down in the general act
of the Congress of Vienna, but
Belgium was to have the right of
navigating certain of the internal
canals of Holland, lying wholly
within the territory of the latter
country. I n apportioning the debt,
the Conference assumed the amount
of interest payable at 27,700,000
florins, of which Belgium, as ap-
peared from the budgets of 1827,
1828, 1829, had paid ^, and Hol-
land ^^. It found that the inter-
est of the debt which had been
incurred since the union amounted
to ten millions and a half of florins,
which was to be divided equally
between Holland . and Belgium.
The latter was to have exclusively
the Austro-Belgic debt; which had
existed before the union, and the in-
terest of which was taken, in round
numbers, at 700,000 florins. There
was another debt inscribed, on ac-
count of Belgium, in tlie great
book of the French empire, the
interest of which amounted to
2,000,000 of florins, and this, too,
was laid upon the new state. A
further sum of 6'50,000 florins was
added, in consideration of ^* the ad-
vantages of navigation and com-
merce which Holland is called
upon to concede, and the sacri-
fices, of various kinds to which, on
her side, the separation leads."
The result was, that of 27,700,000
florins of interest, annually paid
by the kingdom before the separa-
tion, and of which rather more
than one-half had been raised in
Belgium, she was in future to pay
only 8,400,000.
The conditions now promulgated
were to be inserted verhaiim in a
direct treaty between Holland and
Belgium, which treaty would be
placed under the formal guarantee
of the five Powers. The Confer-
ence further declared that they
were " the final and irrevocable
decisions of the five Powers, who,
of common accord, are resolved to
bring about their full and entire
acceptance by any party adverse to
them ; *' and on their acceptance
by Belgium, they were to have the
force and effect of a solemn- con-
vention between the Belgian go-
vernment and the Powers who
were parties to tlie Conference.
This was the very relation in
which Holland had stood to them
on the acceptance of the original
articles ; these, too, had been de-
clared final and irrevocable ; it was
admitted that Holland's accept-
ance of them had bound the ive
Powers in engagements towards
her ; they were as able to compel
their acceptance then as they were
414] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
now— with this difference that
force would have been used, in the
former instance, to do right, while
it was to be used, in the present
case to support injustice. When
the question was, whether Belgium
should be forced to obey their de-
crees, all compulsory measures
were carefully avoided, and con-
cession took their place. Now,
when the question was, whether
Holland should be forced to grant
what' they had pledged them*
selves they would not allow to be
even demanded without her own
voluntary consent, the envoy of
Belgium was informed by the Con-
ference that its members would
take upon themselves the task of
obtaining the acceptance ot the
articles by Holland, " even though
she should begin with rejecting
them/'
In the Belgian Congress these
definitive articles were scarcely
more favourably received than any
of their predecessors ', and, submis-
sive as Leopold might be, he could
not accede without legislative au-
thority, for the constitution had
included all the disputed territory
as forming part of the state, and
had declared that no cession or
exchange of any part of it could
be made without the sanction of
the law. To give up the left bank
of the Scheldt, part of Limburg,
and part of Luxemburg, was sa-
crificing, in the opinions of the Bel-
gians, their rights and their inde-
pendence ; nor were they less dis-
satisfied with the apportionment
of the debt. Private motives were
added to public considerations.
The territory which Holland was
to retain comprehended the pro-
perty of various members of the
Belgic legislature, who could not
regard with pleasure the prospect
of returning under the sway of
their former master, of whom.
during their new career, they had
in general been angry and violent
opponents. Among them was Leo-
*pold*s minister of war. In intro-
ducing a bill to authorize the sove-
reign to accept of the treaty, the
foreign minister admitted that he
was performing ''a melancholy and
painnil duty,*' but he counselled
the passing of the bill as an un-i
avoidable necessity, the five Powers
having determined that it should
be so, and not otherwise, and hav-
ing closed the door against even
remonstrance. The member, who
had been Belgic envoy at London,
stated, that when he asked lord
Palmcrston, whether, in the event
of Belgium refusing the proffered
terms, the five Powers would actu-
ally attack her, his lordship an*
swered "not five, but six will."
Members were not wanting, how«
ever, still to advise resistance,
maintaining that the European
Powers would never risk a general
war, and that beyond all doubt
Belgium might reckon on France,
whenever the question became one
that was to be settled by arms.
To diminish the chances of rous-
ing popular excitement the dis-
cussion was conducted in a secret
committee, but the war parfv
immediately transmitted their
speeches to the newspapers. After
a strong discussion of several days,
the representative body, on the 1st
of November, accepted the prof-
fered terms, by a majority of nfty-
nine to thirty-eight votes. In the
senate, out of forty- three members,
only eight voted against them.
The Dutch government, on the
other hand, refused either to de-
part, at the word of command,
from the engagements which had
been contracted in her favour, or
to admit the right of the Confer-
ence to determine, without the
participation of his majesty, mat^
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
{415
ters which could only form the sub-
ject of negotiation between the five
Powers and himself. He denied,
as an independent monarch of an
ancient and independent state, the
title of the five Powers to dispose
of the interests and territories of
his subjects by treaties and discus-
sions to which he was not admitted.
Except in so far as the mere power
successfiilly to perpetrate wrong
could convert it into right, no
departure from the obligations in
which the Conference was bound
to Holland could be effective, unless
by negotiation with Holland her-
self. On these negotiations his
majesty was ready to enter. He
had given his plenipotentiaries the
necessary powers and instructions
for discussing with the Conference,
how far the original terms might
be varied or what modification of
these new conditions might satisfy
the acknowledged rights of Hol-
land ; but he would not submit
to terms which, to a breach of
faith, added the insult of dictating
to him as an inferior, or the sup^
pliant head of an un-recognized
state.
The Conference refused to admit
any negotiation; they demanded a
simple adhesion to their articles —
and referred to their declaration
that these articles were irrevocable.
The original fundamental bases
had likewise been declared irrevo^
cable ; and just men laboured in
vain to discover, how an irrevocable
decree in favour of Belgium should
be sacred, while an equally irrevo-
cable decision in favour of Holland
was treated as capable of being
departed from to any extent at the
pleasure of those who made it.
When Holland accepted and Bel-
gium refused, Belgium was ad-
mitted to negociate, and to nego-
ciate successfully, for alterations
unfavourable to Holland in the
unchangeable decree. Now that
Belgium accepted, and Holland
refused, claiming, on infinitely
stronger grounds, the same right,
she was met with the stern answer
that the Conference never admitted
modifications on what it had de-
clared to be . irrevocable— which
plainly was subject to this limita-
tion— except in 80 far as the re-
calling of what is irrevocable shall
be demanded by Belgium or her
patron France. It was impossible
to conceal, that the whole of these
transactions, in which Holland
met with so much harshness, bad
faith, and positive injustice, and
the extravagance, the impudence,
and the pertinacity of Belgium,
with so much indulgence, were
negotiations turning upon this
question— how fiau* is it necessary
to sacrifice Holland in order to
prevent France from making her-
self mistress of Belgium ?
Belgium having acceded to the
terms proposed, the plenipotentia-
ries of the five Courts concluded,
on the 1 5th of November, a treaty
with Leopold, recognizing him
and his kmgdom. It set forth at
length the 24 definitive articles,
and guaranteed to him the execu-
tion of them. The treaty was to
be ratified, and the ratifications
exchanged within two months.
Against this treaty the Dutch
plen ipo ten tiaries protested ; no pro-
gress was made in the direct treaty
between Holland and Belgium,
contemplated in the articles ; and
the state of possession remained
undisturbed, the king of Holland
having declared, that although he
would not desist from his military
armaments, he would employ them
in the mean time, only for the
purposes of defence.
>■
416] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831
CHAP. XIII.
Germany. — Insurrecltons in Hanover, at Oslerode, and Gotiingen^^
Accession of Duke William of Brunswick in place of his brother'-^
Public movements in Hesse Cassel and Saxony* — Switzerland.
Insurrections and militanj operations in the Canioti of Basle — The
insurgents are put down — afid again take arms — A federal army
occupies the Caption — Insurrection in Schwyz, — Insurrection in
Neufchatel — Changes in the other CantoJis^^ Proceedings of the Diet.
— Poland. 27ie Dictator attempts to negociate — He resigns and a
Committee of government is appoinied — Polish Manifesto against
Russia — The Throne of Poland declared vacant — Preparations for
war — The Russian army approaches Warsaw — Battles in the neigh-
bourhood of Warsaw — The Russians retire — The Poles attack and
carry their positions — Defeat of the Poles in Volhynia and Podolia
-^The Rtissian army again advances and again retreats — The Poles
assume the offensive — Battle of Ostrolenko — The Polish anny falls
back u]xm Warsaw — Operations in Volhynia — The Poles defeated in
Lithuania — The Russians prepare to cross the Vistula — Dissensions
in Warsaw-^The Russians establish themselves on the left bank of the
Vistula — Insurrections and outrages in Warsaw — The Committee of
Government resigns, and a dictator is appointed — Progress of the
Russians — Storming of the forti ^cations of Warsaw — J^arsaw
surrenders — Dispersion of the Polish army — Progress of the Cholera
Morbus.
EVEN in Germany the spirit
of popular commotion, excited
by the French revolution of 1830,
did not pass away without stirring
up some temporary agitation.
Hanover, since its formation into
a kingdom, had enjoyed a represent-
ative constitution; but it pos-
sessed, likewise, men who thought
this constitution not sufficiently
democratic, and had fallen in lore
with the system of barricades and
national guards as the most effici-
ent instruments of reform. On
the 7th of January a band of these
persons all at once assumed au-
thority in the town of Osterode in
the Harz. They issued a procla-
mation announcing that they had
already proceeded so far in forming
a communal-guard, as to have
elected its officers, and that their
object in thus arming themselves
and their fellow citizens was, to
protect persons and property, while
they proceeded to lay their griev-
ances before the governor general of
the kingdom. This newly created
protection for persons and proper-
ty was offered in a peaceful city,
where neither the one nor the
other was in any danger except
from the movements of these per-
sons themselves. The military
commander of the district immedi-
ately entered the city with troops.
Two of the ringleaders, both of
them practitioners of the law, were
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [417
apprehended^ and the commotion surgents of Gottiogen^ In this ex-
forthwith disappeared. But the pectation they were disappointed,
same spirit had now shewn itself Nobody moved but themselves,
in Gottingen, if indeed, the partial So soon as the government was
insurrection at Osterode was not informed of these disorders, it
part of the same plot. On the issued a proclamation, requiring
8th of January a band of citizens all good subjects, and especially the
and students assembled in arms, students, to separate themselves
headed by two men bearing the from the disturbers of the public
dignity of doctors of law. They peace. A royal commissioner like-
marched to the town-house, de- wise was despatched to Gottingen,
throned the civic authorities, and to accomplish this object, and to
compelled an obnoxious police-corn- institute proceedings against the
missioner to resign his office. They, rebels. He was admitted into the
too, issued a proclamation declaring city, and to an interview with the
that they had thus formed them- provisional government ; but he
selves into a national guard to had no authority to grant their
maintain public order, which they demands, and they would listen to
alone were violating and endanger- no other terms. They therefore
ing, and that their only object was, declared that his powers to treat
to obtain from the king the convo- were too limited, and they even had
cation of what they called a free the impudence to request him to
assembly of representatives elected use his influence to prevent military
by the people, and the establish- from being brought against the city,
ment of a perfectly free constitu. They answered, too, the royal pro-
tion. They asserted that 2,000 citi- clamation with one of their own,
zens and 500 students had already in which they declared it a gross
been enrolled, and announced, with calumny to speak of them as dis-
French brevity " The national turbers of public order, for they
guard is completely formed.*' A had risen in arms only to prevent
professor of the university was re* their rising in arms from producing
quested to take the command. He confusion. Any separation among
consented, in the hope of being able them, until they had gained their
to detach the students from the object, and any inquiry into their
townsmen ; but finding this im- conduct in thus seeking to obtain
practicable, and that the matter^ it, was,, they said, entirely out of
was likely to be more serious than the question ; and any proceeding
he had imagined, he resigned the against their resolutions thus an-
ofHce in the course of next day, nounced they would consider as
and the dignity was conferred on a using force — in which case they
young man, one of the private declared themselves free from all
lecturers. On the 9th of January responsibility for the consequences
the rebels appointed a provisional which might then ensue. The
government. Its members imme- government immediately issued
diately issued another proclama- orders to the professors to close
tion, expressing their hope that their classes till after Easter. All
every commune throughout the students belonging to the kingdom
kingdom would likewise form a were commanded forthwith to quit
national guard, and place it in the city, under the penalty that,
communication with the armed in- if. they remained,, they would be
Vol. LXXni. [2 E]
418] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
far ever excluded from all public
situations. All foreigners, like-
wise, attending the university were
ordered to leave Gottiugen. A
motley deputation, consisting part-
ly of the dethrone<l magistrates,
partly of the members of the pro-
visional government, and partly
of students, proceeded to Hanover,
where they were admitted to an
audience. Their demands were,
that the insurgents should be al-
lowed to present a petition directly
to the governor-general the duke
of Cambridge ; that his royal high-
ness should visit Grottingen in per-
s^on ; and that the troops now ad-
vancing against the city should be
recalled, as the national guard was
determined to resist. His royal
highness, doomed thus to hear
open treason, answered that he
would receive any petition proceed-
ing from a constituted authority,
and respectfully expressed; that
lie would come to Gottingen as
soon as the national guard was
disbanded, and the provisional go-
vernment dissolved ; and that the
first of all conditions must be the
quiet reception of the king's troops
into the town. The insurgents
continued in their blind obstinacy,
apparently without perceiving that
they were not joined by another
human being. The only military
in Gottingen were some eighty
men of a jager-corps. The pro-
visional government demanded
their acrms for the use of the citi-
aens. The men refused, and
marched out of the town, drums
beating, and the royal colours fly-
ing, to meet the advancing army.
Every thing was ready for an
attack ; but the government still
tried to avoid the necessity of over-
coming by force a resistance, which
could not but be useless, though
it might be mischievous. 'The
great bod^ of the citizens hsA taken
no share in the tumult j but they
were under the control of Um
armed and violent feW| who> led
by newly fledged doctors of law^
and self-conceited advocates who
had nothing else to do, seemed re-
solved to expose the city to tlie
dangers of a forcible entry by the
royal troops. They iasued an ad«
dress to the soldiery^ warning thom
against attacking their MIow dti-
aens,and informing them that who«
ever should dare to give them such
an order was their bittersat enemy,
and deserved the most signal pun-
ishment. They summoned, like-
wise, all the villages in the neigh-
bourhood to send them men, piro-
visions, and arms ; but they called
in vain : neither men, nor saUsages,
nor pitchforks appeared. They
tried, likewise, to get some money
into their hands, by calling on the
citizens to pay them their taxe8»
^' for,'^ said they, " money is. the
vital principle of a state^ and to
refuse us money is to paralyse our
efforts to form a better state."
This was probably the work of
some of the more crafty heads
among them, who saw the near
bursting of the bubble, and thought
there would be no harm in robbing
the exchequer, if they could first
find one. The gates were secured
with beams and waggons) the
w&lls were manned, not only
against the enemyi but to prevent
the town's-people from departing.
It was even proposed to pour ecald-
ing oil on the troops as they enter-
ed, and to set, if not the city, at
least the university buildings, on
fire. But all this violent and
wordy opposition terminated in no-
thing. The troops drew nearer
and nearer. Their commander
general Busche sent the insurgents
notice> on the l^th of January^
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[419
that he allowed them twelve hours
to lay down their arms^ and admit
his army. At the expiration of that
time, he would attack. The citi-
zens exclaimed loudly against the
ruin to which these hot-heads were
exposing them. The members of
the provisional government quar*
relied among themselves. One
after another forsook his post in
the city ; the national guard dis-
solved almost unobserved ; the for-
mer magistrates resumed their au*
thority ; and, next day> the gates
were thrown open to the royal
troops.
The duke of Brunswick who had
brought himself under the ban of
the Germanic diet^ and had subse-
quently been compelled^ by his
own subjects^ to flee from his states,
wasj in the course of the year,
formally dethroned. The Diet, on
the Snd of December 1830, had
authorized his younger brother,
duke William, to assume the go-
vernment in the mean time, and
had referred it to the princes related
to the House of Brunswick, to
decide on the best mode of finally
arranging the affairs of the duchy.
But this was not an easy task.
The king of Hanover could not
help being convinced, by notorious
facts, that duke Charles was abso-
lutely incapable of holding the
reins of government, and duke
William, notwithstanding his love
for his brother, could not avoid
coming to the same conclusion
They wished, however, to be
spared the necessity of openly pro-
claiming this incapacity of their re-
lation, but all attempts having fail-
ed it was- now found -necessary to
declare that the government of the
duchy of Brunswick was vacant,
and to give it to duke William as
the nearest in the order t)f suc-
cession. His highness accordingly
assumed the government, and fixed
the 25th of April fco* taking the
oath of allegiance to him, to which
his subjects, happy in the change,
willingly consented.
In Hesse Cassei, notwithstand-
ing the changes whidi the elector
introduced into the political in-
stitutions of the country, partial
disturbances took place, occasion*
ed in a great measure, as it ap*
peared^ by dislike of the parsonal
character and conduct of the rul-
ing prince ; and his royal high-
ness consented, in the month of
October, to admit his eldest sou
and heir apparent, to a share in
the government, by assuming him
as co-regent of the electorate.-»-
Royal Saxony, too, was not with-
out its clubs and agitations^ and
the king and the prince co-regent
promised the speedy promulgation
of an altered constitution,, and of
a law to allow the- redemption of
feudal rights f and the king of
Denmark, as duke of .Holstein,
announced the general outline of
new and liberal institutiobs for
his states.
In- Switzeriand, :in the end of
the preceding year, some of the
country communes of the canton
of Basle had insisted that, instead
of being the subjects of the capital,
they should be placed on the sai^e
footing with its citizens, enjo3ring
an equal share in the representa-
tion, and in the composition of
the councils. These demands being
refused, the country -people rose
in arms to enforce them. They
established a provisional govern-
ment at Liechstalli and mai'ched
against Basle, which they threat-
ened with a siege. The citizens,
among whom they found no friends,
prepared fbr war, while deputies
were sent to the insurgents, but
in vain, to prevail on them to
[2 E 2]
420] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
return to their duty. The army
of the city then marched out to
attack them, and gained decisive
successes over them, in the middle
of January. The armed bands of the
insurgents were dispersed ; Liech-
stall itself was occupied, almost
without resistance ; the provisional
government was dissolved, and the
authority of that of the Canton
seemed to be restored. Two of
the leaders of the rebellion were
pardonefl at the request of the
diet ; but all the other most active
agitators Yiad sought refuge in the
neighbouring cantons from which
they carried on their intrigues to
renew disturbances, and to prevail
on the government to espouse their
cause. Basle complained loudly,
that the neighbouring canton of
Soleure, gave them almost open
encouragement and assistance to
revive the insurrection. It broke
out anew in the middle of August,
at Liechstall, Tissach, and Walden-
burgh, iill of them places in the
same district of the Canton, and
that district conterminous with
Soleure. The government of Basle
was declared to be no longer re-
cognized, and a provisional one
was again established. The troops
of the capital again marched
against Liechstall on the 21st of
August. The insurgents refused
to surrender ; the town was at-
tacked ; the regular troops succeed-
ed ill entering, and pulling down
the tree of lil)erty which had been
planted, but being exposed to a
fire from the windows of the houses,
and recesses of the streets, they
again retired. Intelligence of these
renewed disorders had reached
Lucerne on the 21st of August.
The federal diet immediately
met, and, after expressing its
most decided detestation of the
renewal of anarchy, resolved to
send four deputies to Basle, with
orders to the insurgents to ]ay
down their arms, and return to
their duty, desiring, at the same
time, that the government should
cease from the effusion of blood and
every hostile measure. The ne-
gotiations of these deputies failed
to restore order. The insurgents
insisted on remaining in arms
against the government of the
canton, and, being too weak to
make any impression on the city,
directed their operations against
the country communes which re*
mained faithful to the capital.
These the capital was bound to
defend and support, and thus a
great portion of that quiet and
industrious canton was given up
to outrage and anarchy. The diet
at last marched a federal army
into the canton, to maintain peace,'
while negotiations should proceed
under the mediation of federal de-
puties.
The Mountain Shepherds of
the canton of Schwyz were In-'
volved in similar scenes. ' There,"
too, what are called the exterior
districts demanded to be put on a
level, in the government of the
canton, with the capital and the'
original districts. ' They collected'
in arms near Ensiedlen. The diet
recommended to the cantonal go-'
vernment to comply with sonie of
the demands of the insurgents;
but the Landesgemeindeof Schwyz,
a pure democracy, (for this very
meeting consisted of more than
2000 men) with one voice, rejected
the recommendations of the diet,
declaring that they would know
how to repel with force any 'at-
tempt to prevent them from using
force to reduce to obedience their
rebellious subjects. The latter,
however, did not bring the quarrel^
the length of actual collision.
Hli^TORY OF EUKOPE.
[421
The flame uext reached the can*
ton of Neufchatel. Here the peo-
ple had ho pretext of not enjoying
a sufficiently fi'ee constitution ;
but^ then^ though they lived under
what was the next thing to a de-
mocracy, they were subject to the
nominal sovereignty of the king
of Prussia, who, by right of de^
scent, is prince of Neufchatel and
Valengin. A plot was formed to
get up what was called an eman-
cipation revolution. The conspira-
tors were found only in some of
the thickly-peopled rallies of the
Jura, and the whole scheme came
across the frontier from France.
On the morning of the l3th of
September, the town of Neufchatel
was frightened from its repose, by
the intelligence that an army of
rebels was advancing. The city
guard was called to arms, but the
menjbers of the government,' un-
willing to occasion immediate blood-
shed, withdrew to Valengin, while
the insurgents occupied Neufchatel
and its castle with a force of 700
or 800 men. On the other hand,
the faithful districts immediately
supplied an army nearly equal in
numbers, which took post at Valen-
gin for the protection of the go-
vernment. The latter convoked
the legislative body, which, on the
19th of September, declared its
sittings permanent, " not to make
laws, but to restore order and
tranquillity," The intervention
of the diet was, at the same time,
demanded. The mediators forth-
with appeared on the. spot ; the
castle was occupied by a garrison
of federal troops, detachments of
which were likewise marched into
some of the vallies which had sent
forth the insurgents. A royal
commissioner, having arrived from
Berlin, informed the diet and the
legislative body of the inteotiona
of the king of Prussia. He would
not consent to any discussion of
the question of the sovereignty of
his master, which, worthless as it
might be, was not to be wrested
from him by force. His majesty
was desirous that the people of
Neufchatel should enjoy every
freedom compatible with good or-
der; and his sovereignty had never
stood in their way. He would
consent to any changes tliat were
really useful, sudi as the imme-
diate renewal of the council of
state, if this body had lost the
public confidence, a free discussion
of the budget, and tlie right of
voting for the civil list. The
king was even .willing, if re-
quired, to sacrifice the revenue he
derived from the principality ; but
his majesty could not, without
making himself liable to the impu-
tation of cowardice, entirely relin-
quish the sovereignty of Neufcha«
tel, and it was the more out of his
power to make so great a ooncessiou ,
as it would appear that he had
been forced to it by the capture of
the castle by the insurgents. Di-
vided as parties were, to put the
question to a vote in the legislative
assembly would only plunge the
country into anarchy and civil war.
The king was about to claim the
intervention of the diet to bring
back the country to obedience to
its lec^timate government ; and, if
the oiet refused to perform this
duty, his majesty was resolved to
submit the question of Neufchatel
to the conference at London. The
diet was too much perplexed tocome
to a speedy decision 3 and in the
mean time, the insurgents threat-
ened a new attack upon the capital,
where all was now • prepared for
resistance, both the civic guard,
and the federal army of occupation
being oonstantiy under arms. All
422] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1631.
that the country had as yet gained
hy this foolish miniature rerolution,
the very first step of whicti had
been to march in arms against a
))caGcful city, without even previ-
ous complaint or remonstrance^
was the burthen of supporting the
troops sent by their neighbours to
maintain that tranquillity which
they were not able to preserve
among themselves.
In the Cantons of Berne, Lu-
cerne^ and the Pays de Vaud, the
alterations which were demanded
in the existing constitutions were
conceded without the occurrence of
any scenes of similar violence. In
all of them> the object of these
alterations was, to deprive the
existing institutions of aristocrnti-
cal tendencies which they were
thought to possess, and to place a
larger share of power directly in
the liands of the great mass of the
jieople; commissioners were named
to frame the new political regula-
tions, which were then laid before
primary assemblies of the people
for their approbation and sanction.
The spirit of change did not
limit its innovations to the consti-
tution of the particular diets. It
aifected likewise the federal govern-
ment itself. The reformers of
Switzerland demanded, that the
citizens of each canton should have
a full liberty of trade within the
territories of every other, that
every Swiss should be at liberty to
establish himself in whatever can-
ton he might think proper, and
that the representation in the diet
should be in proportion to the ex-
tent or population of each canton.
These claims were resisted by the
diet, which was thus exposed to
unpopularity, while it was per-
plexed with quarrels and insurrec-
tions in particular cantons. It
thought proper likewise to alarm
itself with the apprehensions of
foreign war. The movement of
Austrian troops to put down the
insurrections in Lombardy teemed
to have filled them with a sutpi-
cion that their territory might be
violated. The diet addreMed a
not« on this subject to each of the
great Powers^ and received from
all of them the same assurance^ that
no state entertained the most dis-
tant design of interfering with their
'neutrality. They prooeeded how«
ever to make warlike preparationa;
their whole military force was pot
into a disposable condition^ though
not actually called out ; and acmie
of the most difficult parts of the pas-
sage of the Simplon were fiirtined.
This year saw the insorrectioii
of Poland against the domination
of Russia brought to a dose.
The heads of the insurrection had
not at first declared any intention
to throw off all subiection to the
Russian autocrat : they had mdy
demanded the preservation of the
national rights, and the independ-
ence of the separate constitution^
under the sovereignty of the em-
peror, whidi had been guaranteed
to them, as they avened, by the
Congress of Vienna. The em-
peror, however, would not treat
with armed rebels: he demanded
unconditional submission before hs
would consider their complaints,
and prepared to maintain his su-
premacy by his armiefti Poland,
likewise, armed herself for the
contest, and now formally exp^ed
the dynasty of the czar. The two
Chambers of the diet, having as-
sembled at Warsaw on the 18th of
December, continued Chlopicki in
his office of dictator, which he was
to retain until he should hisoaelf
resign it^ or until the diet should
elect another commander-in-chief.
'Chlopicki again attempted nsgoci«i
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[423
ations^ repeating tlie declaration
that Poland wished only *' a rea-
sonable liberty/' and *' that the
nation was very far from the
thought of dissolving the ties
which bound it to his majesty."
He added that he had consented to
assume the executive authority,
to prevent it from falling into the
hands of turbulent and dangerous
men and to put a stop to anarch y>
which already, within a few days,
had overturned three different go-
vernments—and to supply more
efficiently the place of the diet,
which, notwithstanding the talent
and popularity of its members,
was too exaggerated in its decisions,
and yet too weak to restore or
maintain public order. The em-
peror approved highly of these
sentiments, but insisted on obedi-
ence to the terms of his proclama-'
tious. The attempt to negociate
was not received by the diet with
approbation ; they particularly dis-
liked the language which the die*
tator had used in speaking of their
own body; and one member pro-
posed that the dictator should be
declared a traitor — as if on pur-
pose to justify the description
which Chlopicki had given of their
" exaggerated decisions/' They
resolved, however, to elect a new
commander-in-chief. The choice
fell on prince Radzivill, and the
dictator, thereupon resigning his
power, returned to the ranks of the
army. The executive authority
was then committed to five persons
Darned by the Chambers of the
diet, of whom prince Adam Czar-
torisky was appointed president.
As there no longer remained any
alternative but war or uncondi-
tional submission, the diet put
forth a manifesto stating the
grounds on which it had engaged
io the contest, and justified the iu*
surrection. The Congress of Vienna,
they said, impressed with the ne-
cessity, as well as justice, of repair-
ing some part of the wrongs which
Poland had suffered from unjust
partitions, had stipulated that Po-
land should form a kingdom under
the sovereignty of the Russian
autocrat, with a separate charter
and constitution, reciprocal free-
dom of commerce, and a recog-
nized nationality ; and, at the
same time, the hope had been lield
out that to the new kingdom might
be added those Polish provinces
which were still retained as proper
Russian dominions. The emperor
Alexander accordingly had granted
a constitution to the kingdom ;
but it was soon discovered that it
was never intended it should re-
ceive effect. The Russian govern-
ment soon saw that Poland must
either be kept under the same iron
despotism with its other dominions,
or would itself infect them with
liberal institutions, and Alexander
became, instead of the defender,
the persecutor of the rights of Po-
land, '* Russia lost all hope of ever
seeing the yoke by which she was
oppressed taken off by the hand of
her sovereign, and Poland saw her-
self successively deprived of all her
privileges. No time was lost in
carrying this design into execution.
Public education was corrupted, a
system of concealmont and mystel-y
was adopted, the people were left
without means or instruction, a
whole palatinate was deprived of its
representation, and the Chambers
were no longer allowed the faculty
of voting the supplies. New bur-
thens were imposed, new monopo-
lies created to dry up the sources
of national wealth j and the trea-
sury, enriched by these measures,
became the pasture of salaried sjr-
cophants^ infamous hireling iusti«
424J ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
^atiM'H, fiiid vil» and (l(*H|ii<;a)>ltfHpi4*H.
ItiHtiMul of till? cMUHioiiiy HO re|)(*ut-
iMy (•alJ«'(l for, |K*iihioiiH w<*ru au/(-
iiHMi<r<l ill a iiioHi wraiidalouH <lc«
^n*<% to wliifdi wviv. addud cnor-
iiioiiH ^ratiiiiirHi and oni(!CH created
holely M'itli the view of anf^inent-
iiitf the iitiinlK*r of tlie governnienl
HatrapN. Individual iilierty, whieh
had iK-eii Holeiiinly guaranteed, wan
vinhited, and the priHoiiM of the
htate Imuniiik^ (Towded ; eouneilH of
war wt*re authorised to pronounee
judgment in eivil eases ; and eiti-
/euH, whose oidy faidt was a wish
to save the spirit and (^iiaraeter (»f
tiie nation from (Mirrtiptioii, M'ere
suhjeeti^l t(t infamous punish-
ments. It was in vain that somo
t)f the authorities of the kiiifcdom,
and the n»prt»sentatives of the ih»o-
ph^ laid iR'fon^ the king u fuitiiful
Idetuiv (»f the ahtises eummittctl in
lis nanus f(»r not only were the
abuses sutfered to rtMiiaiii iinsup-
pressvd, but the ros]H)nsihility of
the ministers and the ndininistra-
live authorities was iwralyscil, by
the immediate interference of the
brt»ther of the em|H*n»r, and by
tlio exereise of that disi*rt»tionary
jH^wer with which he was invosteil."
Nor had the ti\*atment exiHJ-
riem\Hl by the IVHsh piwinivs in-
eortHtrattni with Uussia been less
faitliless and tyrannical. Instead
of being i^'-uaited to the kiiigtlom,
and admit ti'^l to the enjoyment of
the lilteral institutions stipulutinl
by the Congrt^ss of N'ienna, the
uatioual l'\\^dhvtions awakeueil in
theui> tirst by (u\uuis;<'s and em\ni-
fiigt^aient* and then by a long ex-
|Hvtation. Uvaine a crime against
the state, and the king of Polatul
cau!5»:Hi to be pr\>sei'ute^L iu the
ancient prv>viu«.\»s of that state,
such IMes as hud dareil to call
themselves ToU's. The vouth of
(h« schv.K.J$ w^r« (Kurtkttiariy the
objects of persecution $ the issue
of the first families were tran-
sported to Siberia^ or were forced
to enter into the ranks of a corrupt
Hohliery. In official documents aud
judicial examinations, the Polish
language was suppressed ; the Po-
lish tribunals and civil lavr were
annihilated by ukases ; abuses of
administration reduced the landed
])n»prietors to misery; and since
the accx*ssion of Nicholas to the
throne, this state of things had
constantly liecn growing worse.
KeRgious intolerance itself cm-«
ployed every means to consoli-
<late the united Greek ritual upon
the ruins of the catholic ritual.
In the kingdom itself, the very-
constitution which had been grants
ed was violently infringed iu 1825,
by the emi)eror annihilating the
publicity of the proceedings of the
diet, thus asserting the nrinciple
that he might abolish at nis plea«
sure any provision of the charter.
The in*surrei*tion at St. Peters-
burgh on the death of Alexander,
and the accession of Nicholas only
brought fresh aud more unwar-
rantable exeriMses of despotic power.
The most distinguished members
of the diet, of the army, of the
citixens, were arbitrarily deprived
of their liberty. In contempt of
every law, a s}>ecial committee of
inquiry \i*as instituted, composed
of Russians and Poles, most of
them military men, wh<>, by pro-
tracteil tortures, by promises of
l>anlon. and insWtbus questions,
only sought to extort firom the ac-
cuseil the confession of an ima^u*
iurv crime. It was only after an im«
prisuniment of one year and a half,
that the higli national court was
estublislieil. The accused, who hail
been groaning iu prisMtt for two
years, were acquitted i«f any crime
against the state; yet^ laMttd cC
HISTORY OF EUROPE
[425:
being set at liberty, they were con-
veyed to St. Petersbiirgh, where
they were imprisoned in forts, and
up to this moment several had not
been restored to their faniilies.
The publication and execution of
the sentence was stopped. It was
submitted to the examination of
the executive authorities, and
when, at length, out of some re-
gard for Europe, it was found ne-
cessary to publish it, a minister
carried his audacity so far as to
degrade the national majesty, by
reprimanding, in the name of the
sovereign, the highest magistracy
of the state, in the exercise of
their most exalted functions. At
the same time, all hope was de-
stroyed of seeing the other pro-
vinces incorporated with the king-
dom. From that moment, dislike
of the Russian yoke, and a deter-
mination to throw it off, on the
first favourable opportunity, had
been rapidly spreading. The
French revolution of July took
place, followed by the insurrection
of Belgium and of the Italian
states. ^* In consequence of re-
ports daily corroborated, of a war
against the liberty of nations,
orders were given to put upon the
war establishment the Polish army
destined to march 3 and, in its
place, the Russian armies were to
occupy the country. Consider-
able sums, proceeding from loans
and the sale of the national do-
mains, deposited at the bank, were
to cover thd expenses of this deadly
war against liberty. Arrests again
took place : every moment was
precious.* Our army, our trea-
sure, our resources, our national
honour, averse to rivet chains upon
the necks of other nations, and to
figlit against liberty and our former
companions in arms, were at stake.
Every one shared this feeling 3 but
the heart of thie nation, the focus
of enthusiasm, the youth of the
army and of the colleges, as well
as a great part of the garrison of
Warsaw, and of the citizens, im-
pressed with this sentiment, re-
solved to give the signal for insur-
rection. An electric spark in a
moment inflamed the army, the
capital, and the whole country.
In one day the capital was de-
livered : in a few days all the divi-
generosity of the Poles, and owing
sions of the army were united by the
same sentiment, the fortresses occu-
pied,'the natives armed, the brother
of the emperor, was dismissed with
the Russian troops, relying upon the
his safety to this step alone." On
these grounds they had taken up
arms, which they declared they
would never lay down, till they
had not only secured their liber-
ties as an independent kingdom,
but had likewise conquered the
freedom of the Polish provinces
already incorporated with Russia.
This manifesto was followed up,
on the 25th of January, by a de-
cree of the diet, declaring the
throne of Poland vacant, thus re-
jecting even that sovereignty of the
em]>eror, as over a state separate
from Russia, which had been re-
cognized by the Congress of Vi-
enna.
Unequal as the struggle threaten-
ed to be, the Poles had the advantage
of being already prepared with an
army rendered extremely eflective
by the careful military organization
of the very power to which it was to
be opposed. Great exertions were
used in training and arming the
})eople, both that they might be
formed into regular troops, and be
eflective as a levy en masse. The
Polish army already in the field
was stated to consist of 30,000 in-*
fantry and 6^000 cavalry, A na^
426] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831,
tional guard was formed for the
maintenanoe of order iu Warsaw.
The Jews were admitted to its
ranks, but only on condition of
sliaving off their beards. The
greatest drawback on the part of
the Poles, lay in the narrow circle
to which the insurrection wa3 con-
iined. Apprehensitm of the over-
whelming power of Russia pre-
vented it from extending with any
marked or continued effisct, into
the surrounding provinces. In
those parts of Poland which be-
longed to Austria and Prussia
every thing remained quiet; nor
could the government even attempt
to rouse them, because such a step
would have driven these two
Powers to make common cause
with Russia. On the other hand,
Poland was assured that these
powerful neighbours would not in-
terfere against her, and she proba-
bly expected as much good from
the aid of the free states of Europe
as from her own exertions. Tne
marshal of the diet told the Cham-
ber of representatives, on the 19th
of January, '^The constitutional
states of Europe wait only for our
declaring Poland independent. Ere
long troops will come from the
banks of the Thames and the
Seine.'*
The Russian emperor, in the
mean time, determined to put
down the insurrection by force,
had hastened forward his troops to
support his proclamations. The
main army had been assembled,
during the month of January, in
the government of Grodno, imme-
diately to the north of Warsaw,
ready to advance at once against
the capital, and the main body of
the Polish forces. It was com-
manded by marshal Diebitsch, the
surmounter of the Balkan, and
tbe oonqueror of Turkey. Along
with him waa the arch-duke Cob-
Stan tine, whose violent and cruel
personal character had borne no
small share in producing this re*
volution against his family. An-
other division of the Russians,
under the orders of generals (veia-
mar and Kreua, crossing the Busp
in another direction, advanced
against Lublin and Zamosc, to the
south of Warsaw. Their move-
ments were watched by a Polish
corps under general Dwernicki.
The main Polish army, commanded
by prince Radaivill, was stationed
to the northward of Wanaw, be-
tween that capital and Grodno,
the Russian- head quarters* War-*
saw itself, and Praga, its suburb
on the right bank of the Vistula,
had been hastily fortified.
On the 5th, 6th, and 7tk of
February, the Russian wnoiv en<«
tered the kingdom, at dimreot
points along a large extent of fron-
tier. As they advanced, converg-
ing towards Warsaw, t^e Polea,
wisely declining a general engage-
ment, withdrew from their postSt
and fell back towards the capital.
Their plan seemed to be, in that
position to keep the enemy at bay,
till the flooding of the country, on
, the breaking up of the ice on the
Vistula, the Bug, and their tri-
butary rivers, should impede his
communications, endanger hb aup-
plies, and render diiScult tne
movements of his heavy troops and
artillery. Although, therefore,
some skiroiishing took place, and
isolated posts which had been aban-
doned were sometimes recovered
by the Poles, Diebitsch encoun-
tered no serious resistance in croes-
ing . the Bug, and apuroaohing
Warsaw. In these occasional ren-
contres the Polish soldiers dis-
played no want of oouraae, or their
office, of 9kiU. The metf in the
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [4ftt
mean time declared^ that the inva* found in the fact thai, for the
sioD was uo sufficient reason for three following days, he wa^ ud«
discontinuing its sittings, and able to act as the aggressor, but
spent days in long discussion in remained repairing his losses, and
settling the form of oath bj which collecting re-inforcements for a
fidelity was to be sworn to the new attack. He admitted a loss of
uew institutions. As the Russians 2,000 men, killed and woundodi
approached, the Polish forces con** in the battle of the 20th alone,
centrated themselves in advance of among whom were several generals.
Praga; and Warsaw, on the 19th The Russian commander having
of February, was declared by the been joined by strong reinforce-*
government to be in a state of ments, resumed operation! on the
siege. On the same day the Rus~ 24<th, and carried a villafle on the
sians, having reached Grochow, left of the Polish position. On
within a short distance of the capi« the morning of the 26 th, he made
tal, came at last upon the Polish a more general and vigorous attack,
positions, and a furious combat directing, in the first plaoe, all his
followed. It raged during the force against a wood which was
whole day ; many men were sacri- ocoupied by the Poles, in front of
ficed ; but the Russians failed to Praga. After a murderous combat
secure any advantage. Next morn* of two hours, during which the
ing they renewed the attack in two Poles lost one of their generalf,
divisions^ one commanded by gene- the Russians, supportea by an
ral Rosen, the other by count overwhelming artillery, made good
Pahlen. In the early part of the their point. Chlopicki the, ex-dic*
day the advantage was on the side tator, and general Skrsynecki,
of the Poles. According to the rallying the troops, advanced to
admission of the Russian com- retake the wood. Amid a miu:-
mander himself, count Pahlen, in-» derous fire they made themselves
stead of being able to make any masters of part of it. llie Rus-
impression on the enemy, was sians, too, renewed their efforts,
obliged to retreat. New troops, A fresh reserve was brought up ;
however, being brought up, and a new batteries were erected, and
formidable artillery brought into the Poles were finally obliged to
play, the battle was restored. The abandon this important post. On
Poles, vvith devoted bravery, con- the other points, they had been
tested every inch of the ground, more successful in repelling the
and strained every nerve to drive attacks of the Russians; but the
the Russians from the woods in Polish commander now retired, in
which they sought shelter from the good order, under the fortifications
cavalry. Night alone put an end of Praga, There, too, before day
to the contest. The Russians dosed, the enemy again attacked
claimed the victory on the ground him, but were repulsed with great
that they were somewhat nearer loss. I'he Poles, however, quitted
Warsaw than they had been in the Praga, and crossing the Vistula,
morning. But between them and entered Warsaw, still occupying
the capital still stood the Polish the t^te du pont beyond the
army, firm and undefeated ; and river. The commander attributed
the best proof of Diebitsch having this movement to the danger of the
gained m decisive advantage, was approaching breaking up of the
428] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ice on the Vistula carrying away
the bridge, and thus cutting off
his communication with tlie city.
Part of the suburb was ordered to
be destroyed to give room for the
iire from the fortifications of the
city.
In tliese engagements the Poles^
according to their own statements,
had lost 9000 men in killed and
wounded. The loss of the Russians
certainly was not smaller ; and
although they had now ]>]aced
themselves in a situation to attack
Warsaw itself, they seemed to have
suffered too severely to attempt at
once so serious an operation, and
had learned with what vigour they
were likely to be resisted. If it
was the intention of Diebitsch to
carry Warsaw by a sort of coup-
de-main, his plan had failed.
Though he - might still carry
Praga, the Poles had only to burn^
or cut away the bridge of boats to
separate him from Warsaw. He
found himself com|)elled to remain
inactive, awaiting reinforcements,
and preparing means for crossing
the Vistula. The main body of
the army was drawn back towards
Plozk, to be joined by the new
troops hastening forward from
Russia. Strong divisions however
were left in front of Warsaw, to
coop up the Poles, and watch their
operations. One of them, under
general Geismar was stationed at
Wawer, and another under general
Rosen, at Dembiewilkic, both of
them to the eastward of Praga and
"NVarsaw on the road to Minsk. A
more advanced corps observed
Praga itself. The division, too,
under general Kreuz, which had
crossed the Vistula, to the south
of Warsaw, in the hope of district-
ing the attention, and drawing off
part of the forces of the Poles,
after suffering some repulses from
the Polish corps under general
Dwernicki, was recalled to the right
bank of the river, lest, by the ex-
pected thaw, it should be altogether
cut off from the main army. The
melting of the ice which soon en-
sued, and the consequent inun-
dations of the Vistula, rendered
extensive operations impossible, so
that the month of March passed
in inaction, with the exception of
occasional and unimportant skir-
mishing in the neighbourhood of
Praga.
After the battle of the 25th of
February, Prince RadziviU- had
resigned the chief command of the
army in favour of General Skrzy-
necki who had displayed great cou-
rage and conduct in that conflict
and in the engagements which pre-
ceded it. The general endeavour-
ed to open negotiations with Die-
bitschjbu t theyfailed in consequence
of the latter adhering to his master's
demand of unconditional submis-
sion. Tiie Polish commander,
therefore, having employed the re-
spite allowed him by the forced in-
activity of the Russians in re-
cruiting his troops and renewing
his materiel, resolved to assume the
offensive, by attacking unexpect-
edly the scattered cantonments of
the enemy, who seem to have been
unprepared for such vigorous ope-
rations. On the night of the 30th
of March, he led 25,000 men from
Warsaw, through Praga, to assault
general Geismar at Wawer. . The
road was covered with straw, so
that the artillery and cavalry,
aided, too, by the darkness of the
night, advanced without being
perceived. The advanced guard,
under Geismar, consisting of eight
or ten thousand men, was surprised
at Wawer : its entrenchments were
stormed, and it was forced to fall
back; by aprecipitate retreatj on tb«
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[429.
stronger force of general Rosen,
posted at Derabe-Wielkie. The
Poles pressed on : attacked tbem
again, and after a struggle which
lasted from five in the afternoon
till ten at night, carried the posi-
tion of General Rosen, and com-
pelled him to a hasty flight. The
loss of the Russians was estimated
at 5000 men by the Poles, who
likewise claimed 6000 prisoners,
two standards, and fifteen pieces of
cannon, besides a number of am-
munition waggons. The cannon
were carried to Warsaw, covered
with green boughs, amid the ac-
clamations of the people. General
Rosen abandoned Minsk, and fell
back upon the reserve, the Poles
still moving northwards after him,
and, throvFing bodies of their troops
across the Bug, approaching the po-
sit ion of Marshal Diebitsch himself.
These brilliant exploits were ac-
companied by a partial insurrec-
tion in Lithuania, particularly in
the government of Wilna. At the
head of it were some of the nobi-
lity ; but the presence of Russian
troops at every point, prevented it
from spreading, and the severest
measures were adopted to repress
it.
After the victories of March,
general Sierawski had been dis-
patched to aid Dwernicki in the
south, for the purpose of raising an
insurrection in Volhynia. At first
their operations were successful.
They cleared the right bank of the
Vistula of the enemy, and Dwer-
nicki even crossed the Bug. But
they' advanced too incautiously and
acted too far asunder. On the
l/th of April, Sierawski fell in
with the much more numerous
Russian corps of General Kreuz.
Instead of making a timely retreat,
he persisted in pressing on during
the whole day an unequal combat.
He was, however, atlast compelled
to retreat to Razimierz, where on
the following day he was again at-
tacked, and found himself under
the necessity of repassing the Vis«
tula, with a loss of 1,200 men
killed; among whom were two
Lieutenant-Colonels. The fate of
Dwernicki was still more disas-
trous. His successful career was|
stopped, on the 20th of April by
the Russian general Rudiger, who,
having brought him to action,
compelled him to commence a re-
trograde movement, while the de-
feat of Sierawski, setting free the
troops which had been opposed to
the latter, cut off the retreating
army from the Vistula and Warsaw.
The Polish general directed his
march towards Podolia, keeping
close to the Austrian frontiers^
while Rudiger followed, and the
Russian troops were closing round
him. On the 29th of April, they,
were prepared to attack him at all
points, when, instead of risking an
engagement, he sought refuge in
the Austrian territory, where his
troops were disarmed, and removed
from the frontier, by the Austrian
authorities, as their neutrality re-
quired.
As the annihilation of this
corps left the forces of Rudiger
and Kreuz at liberty to support
the operations of the main army,
general Chrzanowski was immedi-*
ately dispatched by the, Polish
commander towards Volhynia, at
the head of 8000 men, to supply
the place of Dwernicki and Sieraw-
ski. Chrzanowski approached the
Russians by forced marches, car-
ried some of their posts, and, on
the 6th and 8th of May, gained
advantages over detached divisions
of their troops, which left in his
hands a considerable number of
prisoners. The Russians, how-
430] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
%yr%T, having concentrated their
forcM compeHed him to retreat,
and attacked him, on the 9th at
Lubartow, from which, after an ob-
stinate resistance^ the Poles were
driyen^ with the loss of some of
their ammunition, and 600 pri-
soners. '^^^Y ^^ across the
Wieprz^ and found refuge in Old
Zamoic.
Towards the north, in the mean
time, where the main armies were
stationed, no general engagement
took place, though there was some
severe fighting between detached
corps, taking and retaking parti-
cular towns ; the Poles generally
claimed the advantage^ though
these contests had little influence
on the result of the campaign.
Diebitsch having completed his
preparations, and received his re*
inforoements, again mored in ad-
vance towards Warsaw, and the
Polish army gradually retired.
On the S8th of April the Russian
head-quarters were again at Minsk,
where the Poles intended to make
a stand, but they found it prudent
to retire before the superior num-
bers of the enemy. They avoided
a general battle, and immediately
saw the Russians, in their turn,
retire. The country was so ex-
hausted, the Poles having destroy-
ed or carried off in their retreat
every thing which could be useful
to the enemy, that Diebitsch, un-
able to procure even straw for his
horses, was compelled to retire
from Minsk, almost as soon as he
had reached it, to his former po-
sition behind Siedlec. The Polish
army again followed him, and re-
sumed, in the end of April and
beginning of May, their former
positions in front of him. After
some days spent in unimportant
skirmishing, the Polish general be-
gan a series of movements against
the right wing of the Russiaii
army, whose head quarters were
at Ostrolenka, on the left bank of
the Narew. The object which he
afterwards declared he had in view
in this movement was, to obtain
the opportunity, by forcing back
the Russian right wing, of throw-
inff a body of troopa into Lithu-
ania, who might conoentrate and
organise the partial insuirectioii
which had broken out in that an«
ciont province of Poland, and thus
place a hostile force in the enemy's
rear. At the same time he might
hope that, if the right wing were
driven back, the rest of the Rus-
sian army would be compelled to a
retrograoe movement in order to
maintain its communications. The
dangers were, that Warsaw was
left uncovered, that the Poles^ by
advancing too fkr, might be ex-
posed to an attack from the greatly
superior numbers of the whole
Russian army ; and that, in cue
of a reverse, the corps, which
might be thrown into Lithuania,
would be cut off from all tuppart.
The movements of the Poles were
at first unsuccessful. Taking
their march along the right bank
of the Narew, they advanced from
Sierock to Pultusk, on the same
side of the river, without encoun-
tering much serious opposition.
On the 18th they crossed the Na-
rew at, and carried Ostrolenka,
the Russian troops, though among
them were the flower of the im-
perial guards, abandoning the for.
tiflcations which they had raised,
avoiding a battle, and falling back
in the direction of Bialystock.
On the 20th, a division of the
Polish army still pushing forward,
made themselves masters of Lomaa ;
while the commander-in-chief him-
self advanced on the road of Ty-
kocin to cut off the retreat
« ly-
of the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[481
RuBsian column by ivhich LoniBa
had been abandoned. In this ob-
ject he failed ; but, on the 2Ht he
assaulted Tykocin itself. The Rus»
sians, aided by the difficulty of
approaching the place, maintained
it during the day, but evacuated
it in the course of the following
night. Their whole right wing
hi^ now been driven so far back,
that the road to Lithuania was
open, and a corps of the Polish
army, under the command of ge-
neral Chlapowski, marched into
that province. At the same time^
marshal Diebitsch, who had hi-
therto remained, with the main
body of the army, on the south of
the Bug, re-crossed that river,
putting himself, by this retrograde
movement in immediate connection
with his right wing. Thus the
whole kingdom of Poland was once
more cleared of the enemy.
But it appeared as if it had bean
the plan of the Russian commander
to allow the Poles to advance, while
even his retrograde movements con^
centrated his troops, that he might
attack them with his whole army.
On the 21st of May he had re-
crossed the Bug, and next day his
whole array was in full march
against the roles, who immediately
began a retreat. On the 23ra,
their rear guard, commanded by
general Lubinski was nearly sur-
rounded ; but it cut its way
through the Russian columns and
rejoined the array. At the same
time the advance of the right wing
from Tykocin, had cut off the corps
of general Gielgud. Weakened by
this separation, as well as by hav-
ing sent a corps into Lithuania,
and being now exposed to the over-
whelming numbers^ of the whole
Russian array, Skrzynecki re-
treated to Ostrolenko: where he
intended to re-cross to the right
bank of the Narew. On the eve-
ning of the 25th of May, the
greater part of his army had cross-
ed in safety ; but the rear guard
was attacked by the Russians, on
the morning of the 36th. They'
were unable to maintain Ostro-
lenka, which was set in flames by
the Russian artillery. Under the
fire of the Russians, they passed
the river, and joined the rest of
the army, but they had time nei<*
ther entirely to desta^ the bridge^
nor to prevent the Russians from
repairing its partial injuries. Some
divisions of the latter immediately
crossed, covered by the fire of bat-
teries on the left bank. The Poles,
who had formed to receive them,
i^ow attacked, to prevent them
from gaining a firm footing on their
side of the river. The contest was
long, obstinate, and murderous,
the Russians making constant ex-
ertions to bring over fresh masses,
and the Poles striving no less
anxiously to regain the bridge, the
undisturbed possession of which
by the enemy, for bringing over
his army, would have been their
ruin. Night put an end to the
combat. At its termination, the
Russians maintained the bridge,
and had their poetff on the farther
side, though the main body of their
army still continued on the left
bank. The Polish commander,
however, claimed the victory, as
he had not been driven from the
position which he occupied when
the Russians first began to pass
the river; but in the course of
the following day, he continued
his retreat undisturbed to Pultusk,
and thence to Praga, the Polish
army lieing thus once more drawn
back for the de&noe of the capital.
The Poles admitted a loss in the
battle of nearly 5»000 men killed,
among whom were thirty staff
432] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
officera and 225 of inferior grades.
Two of their generals were also
killed. The loss of the Russians
was not supposed to have been
smaller. This was the last of the
battles of field-marshal Diebitsch.
On the 10th of June^ he was sud-
denly cut off by an attack of the
Cholera, which not long before had
commenced its ravages in Europe,
and had already cut off numbers
of men both in the Russian and
Polish armies, whose movements
again extended its effects wider
and wider. On the marshal's death.
Count Paskewitsch, the humili-
ator of Persia, was appointed to suc-
ceed him as commander-in-chief.
During the greater part of June,
the active operations of the main
armies were suspended. The Polish
commander remained in the neigh-
bourhood of Warsaw, apparently
awaiting the result of the efforts
which had been made to stir up
insurrection in the neighbouring
provinces. In Podolia and Kiew
there were partial movements :
small bodies of the insurgents
sometimes captured detached posts,
or ovei*powered a few men ; but
they were utterly unable to keep
the field against the Russians,
and the popular commotion failed
to become general. In Volhynia,
general Rudiger, after the defeat
of Dwernicki, had again approach-
ed the Vistula. A strong corps
was detached against him under
the. command of the Polish general
Tankowski, while Chrzanowski,
proceeding from Zamosc, was to
throw himself in his rear. The
Russian general would thus be sur-
rounded by troops greatly superior,
and the Poles counted on the an-
nihilation of his army. Rudiger,
however, instead of waiting the
united attack, suddenly made his
appearance before Jankowsky, at-
tacked him, and compelled him to
retreat, with the loss of some pri.
soners and artillery. He then
marched to Lublin, which Chrza*
nowski had reached in the execu-
tion of his part of the design, re-
covered the town, and compelled
the Polish general to return to the
left bank of the Vistula.
In Lithuania, the encouragemeot
of an insurrection, in which had oc-
casioned the battle of OstroleDka,-
the two corps of Chlapowski and
Gielgud were now completely se-
parated from Poland, by the results
of the battle, and the position of
the Russian army. The former of
these commanders, immediately
after leaving the main army, march-
ed towards Bialystock; and, on
the 26th of May, routed at Na-
rewka a body of Russians who
opposed his advance. He put to
death four peasants of the province,
subjects of Russia, who had acted
as guides to the Russian troops
and these murders were perpetra-
ted under the pretext that the vic-
tims were '' four degenerated in-
habitants of the country." He
then proceeded to Minsk, and, being
joined by Gielgud, who had en-
countered, in his march, no serious
opposition, they advanced together
against Wilna, round which the
Russian forces, intended to act
against them, had been assembling
under the command of general
Sacken. The Russians had not
sought seriously to stop them, ap-
parently willing that they should
be drawn forward to a point where
defeat would be ruin. The Polish
generals attacked, with their com-
bined forces, the positions of the
enemy at Wilna. They were re-
pulsed, were attacked in their
turn, and driven across die river
Wilna in such haste^ that they
were unable to destroy the bridge.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[433
General Sacken pursued^ iocreasing
the confusion of their flighty . and
rendering it hopeless by cutting
them off from the road southward
into Poland. They fled towards
the Prussian frontier. The Rus-
sians overtook them at Kovno^ a
frontier town. There they at-
tempted to rally, but were driven
from it, and forced into Prussia,
where they were disarmed. Gene-
ral Gielgud was shot by one of his
own officers. The body which was
thus dispersed did not amount to
3,000 men. Anbther division of
nearly equal numbers, instead of
entering Prussia, to be disarmed,
preferred attempting to manoeuvre
and fight its way back to Warsaw.
It was commanded by general
Dembienski. His bold attempt
was aided by the circumstance of
the main Russian army having by
that time moved westward from the
Narew to cross the Vistula below
Warsaw. He conducted it like-
wise with great skill and intrepi-
dity ; and, on the 2nd of August,
he brought his corps and his cannon,
amid the acclamations of the popu-
lace, safely into Warsaw, under
whose walls the struggle was now
to be terminated. The Poles called
Gielgud a traitor ; but the truth
was, they had sent men where
they were cut off from all resources,
in blind confidence in an insurrec-
tion which they were unable to
organize. The troops of Gielgud
and Chlapowski might have been
useful at Ostrolenka ; the Joss of
the latter sealed their ruin.
Count Paskewitsch had arrived
at the army in the last days of
June, and lost no time in resuming
active operations. He departed
from the plan of his predecessor,
who had approached Warsaw from
the right bank of the Vistula. On
that side the strongly fortified sub-
VoL. LXXHI.
urb of Praga had first to be
carried. Even when it should be
carried, yet, as the bridge could
easily be destroyed, the river
would still remain between the
capital and the invading force, and
the latter wc^uld have to pass it
under the fire of the city. The
new commander resolved to cross
the Vistula further down the river,
and having thus gained more easily
the bank on which Warsaw stood,
to attack the city from the west«
ward, where no deep and rs^iid
river would intervene. On the
7th of July his army broke up
from Pultusk and Prassnitz, and
moved in three divisions towards
the Vistula. Plock was selected
as the principal point of passage.
A bridge was constructed, and the
army carried across without any
attempt at opposition. The Polish
general had indeed moved .from
Warsaw, but he did not move to
dispute the passage of the Vistula.
He marched along the Narew,'
into the neighbourhood which the
Russians had quitted, thus, no
doubt, (Jireatening their rear, but,
threatening it with a force which
did not inipede their operations^
which woiTldnoteven be troublesome
so soon as the Vistula was between
them, and which they knew well
their approach to the capital would
immediately recal for its defence.
Warsaw itself, had prepared for a
siege. On the first of July the
government called out the levy en
masse; the populace were em-
ployed night and day in forming
entrenchments and strong fortifi-
cations on the side from which the
city was how threatened. But as
the crisis approached, want of
confidence and harmony began to
be manifested. Adverse fortune,
as commonly happens, was ascribed,
in the popular mind, to dishonest
L2t]
434] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
or unskilful conduct. The failure
<if all attempts to raise insurrection
in the neiffhbouring provinces —
the defeats tn Volhynia— the anni-
hilation of all their ho|)es in Lithu*
ania — so many Imttles fought and
Huecesses gained, and yet coopeil
up at last, ap^mrontly helpless,
within tlie walls of WarBaw-^oo(*a-
sioned doubt and discontent.
£?«n conspiracies were said to
hare been discovered among some
of their generals, and the Russiun
prisoners of war, to seiie the city,
and deliver it to the enemy.
The |K>pularity of Skrxynet^ki gave
way ; lor he iiad been unable to
render talent 8U})erior to equal
talent and overwhelming numbers.
Like a skilful soldier, he would
not promulgate his plans to the
memlwrs of the government, and
the populact^ of the city. The
government appointed a council of
war, *to receive from him an ac-
count of his intended military
operations, and to report whether
tliev seenuHl Atting to be adopted.
This was done by the same people,
who, a few months befivt^, had
upiMuntetl a dictator, with unlimi-
tetl and irresiMnsiMe |)ower, when
no enemy was near, and the crisis
of their mte was not e\*en ex|)ecte4l.
While these doubts and di^veu-
sions reiguetl in War^w, the Rus-
sian army, amounting, it was
stated, to 60,iKH) men, had es-
tablislieil itsielf on tlie left hank of
the Vistula, and cimiroenceti its
advance against the city. The
ivr|Wi of Hudiger, at tlie same
tin>e« t^ing letf at liberty by the
Polish forccst, who had watched
him in Volhynia, being called in
for the defence 4>f the capital,
ofti»se«i the Vistula above Warsaw,
and mo\tHi nmml. to the south-
ward of it. to j»>iu the maiu anu\ .
The Polish army had taken up a
position, a few leagues to the
westward of the capital, between
Kolo and Lowics. They were
attacked and drive^ from it| with-
out much serious fightinff, and
took up a new position behud the
Kawka and Bsura, still nearer to
Warsaw. The Russians continued
to spread themselves on all sides,
their commander apparently being
unwilling to make tne last assault,
till he should be joined by the
corps which he was daily expecting
from the souths It a|^iearea,
likewise, that the heads of the
government at Warsaw, now con«
vinced that further resistanoe was
hopeless, had been attempting iie«
gotiation, but this only 1m to
resolution and confusion, while
the enemy was at the gates. A
patriotic club, joined by some
unprincipled o^oerS} excited the
populace to throw off all re*
straint. General Skraynecki^ find*
ing himself an object of odium,
resigned the command, on the
18th of August, and was succeeded
by Dembienski, whose retreat from
Uthuania, after the discomfiture of
Gielgud and Chlapowski, was still
in the freshness of its popularity.
This, was not enough i the popu-
lace, headed by membeis of the
club, proceeded to the palace of the
government, and demanded that
the general should be brought to
trial. The goveroment, in the
foolish hope w soothing them, had
the weakness to promise it. With
success, their numben and vio-
lence increased. They proceeded
to the royal prison, where a guard
of ^00 men made no resistance ;
the gates were fbroed openj the pri-
soners, some of them FVilee suspect-
ed of political offences^ and some of
them Russians, were dragged into
the streets and murdeiva in cold
blood. Antong them were funerals
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [436
Jankowsky and Bukowsky^ who saw^ and by the position of his
had commanded the unsuccessful army, the capital and the troops
operations against Rudiger in now collected under its walls, were
Volhynia : they had been accused surrounded on almost every side,
of treason to gratify the populace and deprived of all resources from
and the clubs -, tlhey had been the country. Several days, how-
tried and acquitted ; they were ever, still passed in inaction, Paske-
now assassinated. The prisons witsch waiting the junction of the
contained some ladies, whom po- corps which had been clearing and
litical jealousy had confined on securing the country to the south,
suspicion of Russianism ! they and employing himself in the mean
shared the same fate, and their time in making the necessary pre-
mutilated bodies were thrown out parations for storming the lines
to outrage in the public streets, which were the last defence of
The same treatment was extended Warsaw. Probably, too, he might
to the inmates of other prisons, expect, that the gradual approach
Upwards of sixty persons were of famine, when he should have
stated to have perished by the cut off all supplies, might subdue
hands of the populace. The go- the obstinacy of the garrison or of
vernor of the city, left without the inhabitants. These hopes hav-^
regular troops, was unable to check ing failed, and the terms of sur-
these atrocities, which were con- render which he offered having
tinned during the l6th, even been rejected, he attacked the
some of the Russian prisoners of Polish lines on the morning jof the
war being put to death. At length 6th of September. They were
several regiments were sent into furiously assaulted,and as furiously
the city from the army, and some defended 5 but, by the close of the
degree of order was restored — the day, the Russians had made them-
Polish troops being thus required selves masters of the first line of
against their fellow citizens, when entrenchments. The earlier part
they ought to have been facing the of the 7th having been spent in
Russians. The government, feeling new and unavailing attempts to
its weakness, resigned its powers arrange the terms of a surrender,
into the hands of the diet, and the the second line of entrenchments
diet immediately invested general was attacked. The combat was
Krukowiecki with almost dictat- now even more murderous than on
orial authority. the preceding day. Fresh bodies
Amid this change of command- of Poles, taking the place of those
ers, want of plan, and confusion of who were swept away by the Rus-
all government, Paskewitsch ad- sian artillery, contested evety inch
vanced, on the 16th and 17th, of ground, fighting to the very
against the Polish position behind edges of the ditches, and for a mo-
the Bzura. The Poles immediate- ment, seemed about to regain the
ly retreated, and retired at length advantage. But the Russians ral-
within the entrenchments imm^i- lied, pressed on with irresistible
atelybeforeWarsaw, where the last fiiry, carrying every thing before
stake was to be played for. On them at the point of the bayonet,
the 1 8th of August, the head quar- and before evening they had carried
ters of the Russian commander all the entrenchments, and War-
were within three miles] of War- saw lay at their mercy. Had they
[2 F 2]
436] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
been compelled to enter it amid
continued resistance^ or even been
admitted as conquerors^ wlieu
scarcely cooled from tlie attack^
the consequences would probably
have been frightful j but, the city
having capitulated on the evening
of the 7th, Paskewitsch agreed not
to enter it till next day, the re-
mainder of the Polish army being
allowed^ in the mean time, to retire
to Plozk. The Russian army, ac-
cordingly, accompanied by the
emperor's brother, the grand duke
Michael, entered Warsaw on the
morning of the 8th of September,
and persons and property were
saved from outrage. Of the loss
of the Poles during these two days'
fighting among entrenchments, no
account was given, except that the
Russians claimed 3,000 prisoners^
including 60 staff and superior
officers. Their own loss they stat-
ed at 3,000 killed, including 63
officers, and 7^500 wounded, among
whom were 445 officers.
The Russian commander main-
tained that, when he consented that
the Polish army, on the evening
before he entered Warsaw, should
retire to Plozk, he considered them
to have submitted, and that they
were there to await the pleasure
of the emperor. The Poles, how-
ever, who were now commanded
by general Rybinski, stopped short
at the fortress of Modi in, and
began to make preparations for
military movements. The enter-
prise was desperate. Paskewitsch
at length directed his troops
against them. Finding them-
selves hemmed in on every side,
rather than submit to the Rus-
sians, they crossed the frontier into
Prussia, laid down their arms, and
sought refuge in exile. In the
south, too, some detached corps
of what had been the Polish army.
endeavoured to maintain an'un«
availing resistance, but were com-
l)elled, one after another^ either to
capitulate, or to pass into Austria
and the territory of Cracow^ to lay
down their arms. In the course
of a month from the surrender of
Warsaw, the whole of Poland was
again reduced under unconditional
subjection to its former master,
and an insurrection was extin-
guished which, though origin-
ating from no previous concert,
had assumed at once an attitude
of defiance, trusting, from the
condition of European politics^ to
foreign aid that was never granted
— which had astonished Europe
by the boldness and unexpected,
though temporary, success of its
resistance to the colossal power
of Russia — which had exhibited,
during its progress, much heroism,
and much devoted willingness to
expend life, and liberty, and for-
tune, for the independence of the
country, but had closed in dis-
content, distrust, and confusion. •
The evils of war in this part of
eastern Europe, were accompanied
by, and assisted in propagating, a
much more mortal and extensive
calamity, which had gradually been
moving westward from the interior
of the Russian empire. A pesti-
lential disease, denominated cho-
lera morbus, of which the sjrmp-
toms have been described and the
hi^ry traced in a former part of
this volume,* had appeared at
Moscow towards the close of the
preceding year, and, outliving the
winter, again manifested itself in
spring, and spread, not only to
the capital, but into Poland, Mol-
davia, Gallicia, and Hungary. In
all of. these countries, where the
lower orders of the people live on
* See page [998].
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[487
scanty food^ and amid uncleanly
habits, the mortality was great.
In Moscow, out of nearly 7»000
persons who were attacked, abou^
4,000 died. In the beginning of
March it showed itself in the go-
vernment of Minsk, and cut off,
by the 1st of June, 1,246 out of
2,268 persons who had been at-
tacked. It came in contact with
the armies of Russia and Poland,
thinned their numbers, and draw-
ing food from the misery which
attended their movements, ad-
vanced, on the one side to War-
saw and Cracow, then spreading
itself into Gallicia, and, on the
other, descended the Dwina to
Riga and its neighbourhood. It
raged in the latter place, from the
month of May to the end of July,
during which period, out of about
5,000 cases of disease, more than
2,000 terminated in death. Revel,
and various other places between
Riga and St. Petersburg, were
likewise attacked, till, towards the
end of June, the pestilence entered
the capital itself. During the
first four or five days, it did not
occasion much alarm ; but at the
commencement of July, it in-
creased with such frightful vigour,
that the numbers seized exceeded,
for some time, 500 persons a-day,
more than one-half of whom died.
From the middle of July its vio-
lence diminished ; and by the end
of October, it had almost entirely
disappeared, having occasioned, up
to that date, more than 4,000
deaths out of within very nearly
10,000 cases, exclusive of its ra-
vages in Cronstadt and other places
in the neighbourhood. In the
mean time, it had entered Prus-
sia, both by Koenigsberg and
Dantzic, and by Pozen, which it
seemed to have reached from
Poland by the Warta. In Konigs-*
berg it had carried off, by the 3 1st
of August, 705 out of 1,215 per-
sons attacked, and in Dantzic, by
the 11th of September, 1,028 out
of 1,411. In Pozen, the number
attacked amounted, on the 2nd of
September, to 749, out of whom
453 had died. The Prussian ca-
pital had been preparing itself for
the approach of this formidable
invader, whose most powerful al-
lies seemed to be want of food and
of cleanliness. It appeared within
the walls of Berlin in the first
days of September, but the num-
bers who were attacked by it were
much smaller, as compared with
the population, than in the large
towns of Russia and Poland, or
even of the Prussian provinces.
By the end of October, when its
power was expiring, 1,274 cases
had terminated fatally out of
2,005, At Hami)urgh, where it
next appeared, on the 8tli of Oc-
tober, it was still more lenient.
In the course of six weeks, with-
^in which the violence of the dis-
ease seemed generally to exhaust
itself, only about 300 individuals
had been attacked ; nearly two-
thirds of them died. It then
crossed the sea to England.
While taking this north-westerly
course, the pestilence had moved
still more rapidly in another di-
rection into Moldavia, from which
it penetrated into Hungary, and
ascended the Danube. In this di-
rection it was still more destruc-
tive than in the north. In the
end of June and beginning of
July, the deaths at Jassy were,
for some time, at the rate of 300
a-day, and, by the beginning of
August, it had swept away 7,000
inhabitants. At Limberg, in the
course of May and June, more
than 3,000 persons had been at*
tackedj of wbom lone-balf perishedt
438] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1^1.
But eveQ this was trifling com-
pared with the mortality in Hun-
gary. The disease appeared in
that kingdom in the month of
June, manifesting itself in the
north, and spreading rapidly,
partly to the south, but much
more decidedly to the west. It
raged till the end of September,
by which time 256,000 individuals
had been attacked, of whom
102,657 had died. It followed
the course of the Danube up-
wards, and broke out in Vienna on
the loth of September, in de-
Hance of all the military and )>o-
lice regulations which had been
adopted to cut off all communica-
tion between Hungary and the
capital. Here, too, however, it
was less destructive than the fears
of the gay and voluptuous Vien-
nese had led them to apprehend.
During two months which elapsed
before the pestilence took its leave,
about 3,500 individuals were at-
tacked, and the deaths were less
than one- half. Vienna seemed to be
the limit of its march in this direc-
tion. The other provinces of the
empire^ and all to the westward
and south of them, escaped the de-
stroyer. The disease, while raging
in Europe, was equally destructive
in Egypt, where it was said to have
swept off four per cent of the po-
pulation. In the month of May
It carried off 5,500 persons from
among the pilgrims of Mecca
alone, in little more than three
weeks.
In some of the infected coun-
tries, the physical malady was at-
tended by a moral pestilence still
more deplorable. The disease uni-
formly sought its victims prin-
cipally among the lower classes of
the people. Medical skill seemed
equally unavailing to detect its
nature^ or to repel its attacks.
Whether it was contagious, coin«
municated by an infected person
and by infected goods, or whether
it was epidemic, professional men
were unable to ctecide. Without
waiting the determination of such
qnuestions, the public authorities of
the countries which it threatened
to approach, or had already enter-
ed, provided hospitals into which
the sick were immediately re*
moved. The populace, finding
themselves thus exposed to an
enemy who made what amieared
to them so invidious a distinction
between the rich and the poor, and
falling beneath the attacks of a dis-
ease unlike, in the rcToltine nature
of its symptoms and the mdbtful
rapidity with which it pnrauced
death, to any ailment known
among them, took up the idea,
that the pretended disease was the
result of a conspiracy of the upper
classes to sweep away by poison their
miserable inferiors. In Hungary,
where the disease was most yio«
lent, and the ignorance of the peo«
pie profound, the peasantry^ under
the influence of this extravagant
notion, rose in open insurrection^
sacked the castles of the nobility,
imprisoned and outraged their per«
sons, and perpetrated the most
brutal excesses and atrocious mur«
ders. Their vengeance extended
to the oflicers employed in en-
forcing the quarantine regulations,
and to all medical men, who were
believed to be the prime instru-
ments of the conspiracy. Chlorate
of lime having been brought into
general use as a preventive against
infection, the peasantry, finding
quantities of this preparation in
many of the houses which they
plundered, felt all their convictions
strengthened by thus detecting, as
they imagined, the very material
witn which the waters wero
HIStORY Of EUROPE.
t4dd
poisoned to insure their destruc-
tion. It was only by placing con-
siderable bodies of military in the
disturbed districts that peace was
restored. St. Petersburg wa«, for
several days, the scene of riots
proceeding from similar causes.
The populace believed that the
sick were carried off to the hos«
pitals^ only that they might be the
more conveniently dispatched by
the medical attendants; and a pru-
dential regulation^ that dead bodies
should be immediately inteiTed^
produced, in the minds of the vul-
var, a firm belief, that their uu-
fortunate mates were buried alive.
440] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
CHAP. XIV.
Spain. — Insurrection at Cadiz^^Defeat of the rebels — Arrests and
executions at Madrid^^Unsuccessful attempt of General Torrifos, —
Portugal. — Complaints of the British Govcrtunent, and demands Jin-
satisfaction — A Jleet is sent to the Tagus, and satisfaction obtained'^
Complaints of the French government — Satisfaction is refused — France
makes reprisals on the Portuguese Jlag — Britain refuses the applica-
lion of Portugal to interfere — A French feet dispatched to Lisbon —
21ie demands of the Frejich admiral refused, till he forces the Tagus
— The French carri/ off the Portuguese Jleet — State of Lisbon^Re^
turn of Don Pedro from Brazil to Europe — He makes preparations
for a descent on Portugal — Unsuccessful hisurrection bi^ part of the
garrison of Lisbon — British men of war sent to Lisbon and Oporto —
The forces of the Regency of Terceira capture the island of St. George,
and the island of St, Michael — Defensive preparations of Don Miguel.
Italy. — Election qf^ a Pope — Plan of general Insurrection — Insur-
rection at Modena — The Duke leaves it and a provisional government is
established — Insurrection and establishment of a provisional government
at Bologna — // becomes generalin the legations — Insurrection at Parma
'-^Proclamations of the insurgents to the inhabitants of Austrian Ixmu
bardy and of Naples — Differences between France and Austria — The
Austrian troops cross the Po against the insurgents, who immediately
disperse — The insurrection put down, and the former governmetU re-
stored in Modena, in Parma, and in the Papal States — New troubles
in the Papal Legations- — Death of the King of Sardinia. — Grbbce.
-^Unpopularity of the President — Maina and Hydra revolt — The
Hydriots take possession of the Greek fleet at Poros — The Russian fleet
blockades them, and demands the surrender of the ships — The PresL
dent attacks Poi'os by land, and is repulsed — Its inliabitants are re~
moved to Hydra — The Russian admiral prepares to attack the Greek
fleet — Its commander Miaulis blows it up — Proceedings of the Mai*
notes — Assassination of the President,
THE fate of the insufficient and
ill-concerted attempt of Mina
and Valdez to revolutionize Spain
in 1830, did not prevent the king-
dom from being tiie scene, during
the present year of two similar at-
tempts, still more hasty and fool-
ish. The first was prepared by a
band of the refugees at Gibraltar,
at whose head was a general Tor-
rijos, who had succeeded in corrupt-
ing the garrison of the Isle de Leon
at Cadiz. Their first exploit was
the assassination^ on the 3rd of
March, of the Governor of Cadiz :
five or six of the patriots lay in
wait for him in one of the streets
of the city and stabbed him in the
back. On this, as a signal, the
military and marines in the Isle
de Leon, rose in mutiny, arrested
the constituted authorities, and
proclaimed the constitution. But
they were disappointed in the ex«
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [441
pectation, if they ever entertained beyond the Pyrennees, had been
it^ of being joined by the populace distributed among the troops ; and
and garrison of Cadiz. On the that everything had been prepared
contrary, general Quesada, the for un insurrection for which the
governor of Andalusia, having has- explosion in the Isle of Leon and
tened thither on the same day from at Cadiz was to be the signal. 1 o
Xeres, put it in a state of defence eradicate the conspiracy, a perma.
against any possible attack. The nent military commission was esta«
rebels, to save themselves from blished at Madrid, and power was
being immured in the Isle, were given to the captains general to
thus compelled to leave it. They establish similar courts in the pro-
quitted it on the 4th, and landing vinces, where they should think it
on the opposite coast, marched in useful. The jurisdiction, of the
the direction of Tarifa, with the commission extended to every pos-
intention of seizing that place, and sible shade of political offence, in-
effecting a junction with a band eluding even the writing of pas-
of their confederates who were quinades, and the circulating of
mai'ching through the mountains alarming intelligence regarding
from Gibraltar, under the command the strength of real or imagined
of one Manzanares, to join them, rebels; and all persons were sub-
But the royal troops were already jected to it, of whatever rank,
in pursuit of them from all quar- state, or condition. By a subse-
ters. They were overtaken at quent decree, robbery was likewise
Bejer; they scarcely attempted to placed under the cognizance of
fight ; 400 of them surrendered ; the commission. The erection of
the others dispersed themselves in this tribunal, and the activity of
the mountain. Of those who the police, spread terror among all
were made prisoners, the more dis- in Madrid, who were liberally in*
tinguished personages were imme- clined; for suspicion exposed its
diately shot. The corps of Man- object to evils only short of the
zanares, on learning the failure of death which would have followed
the enterprise, likewise dissolved, certain guilt ; though executions
having lost its leader in a scufHe were few, there was no deficiency
with some peasantry in the moun- of arbitrary imprisonments. One
tains. man was hanged for having utter-
This insurrection was, or was ed some obnoxious expressions
represented by the government to when drunk. . One of his judges,
be, only one branch of a widely having refused to sign the sen-
extended conspiracy the secret in- tence, as being inhumanly severe,
stigators of which were in the ca- was dismissed, for his recusancy,
pital. Numbers of seditious pi a- A bookseller exposed . himself to
cards were found every morning suspicion, by visiting the wife of a
scattered in the streets j it was very obnoxious lib^al, who had
said that the police, in domiciliary escaped. On his house being
visits to the houses of suspected searched, a tri-coloured flag and
persons, had discovered large^col- a private printing press were found
lections of tri-coloured cockades, in his cellars. He was forthwith
inscribed with legends in honour hanged* After the execution, a
of France, liberty, and the consti- priest mounted the steps of the
tutioQj that money/ brought from ladder, and delivered to the ad«
442] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
miring multitude a discourse on
the peculiar care which hearen be-
stowed on discovering and punish-
ing the enemies of the church and
of his most faithful m2\)esty. The
military commissions, however,
employed themselves more actively,
and far more usefully, with robbers
and assassins, who were rendering
the streets of Madrid unsafe, than
with political offenders. The latter
were allowed to linger in their
dungeons, probably because they
had been consigned to them for no
better reason than the apprehen-
sions of the government.
But neither the blood shed in
actual conflict, nor the executions
and imprisonments which were
sure to follow its unsuccessful ter-
mination, could deter hot-headed
men from renewing these hope-
less insurrections, which seem,
ed to be perpetrated with a wil-
ful want of all concert and prepa-
ration, and a wilful blindness to
the power against which those en-
gaged in them deliberately dashed
themselves. After the railure of
the attempt at Cadiz in March,
Torrijos, its prime instigator, had
employed himself in framing the
plan of a new invasion. This
could not be permitted on the
territory of a friendly power.
Obliffed. to leave Gibraltar, he
sailed on the 28th of Novem-
ber for Malaga, along with his
companions, among whom was an
Irish gentleman, in all fifty-three
in number. It was alleged that
he was induced by the promise
of the governor of Malaga, to
join him— which, even if true
would have little palliated the
rashness of the attempt, after what
had happened not many months
before. The Spanish authorities,
however, seem^ to have been in-
formed of their motions. Pursued
by a number of Guarda-cottaSt
they were compelled to run their
small vessels on shore not fkt from
Malaga, on the 2nd December.
The party, on their landings were
followed, and surrounded in alarm
house, by a considerable body of
troops, against whom resistance
was hopeless. They surrendered ;
on the dth they were marched into
Malaga, where^ so soon as orders
could be received from Madrid,
every one of them was shot, under
the authority of the prodamation
which had been issaea by Ferdi-
nand in October of the preoeding
year to meet the threatened inva«
sion of Mina.
Portugal, whilst Spain was
exposed to these disturbances from
within, encountered more serious
dangers and disgraces from with-
out. From the moment of the
suppression of the unfortunate
Opotto expedition in 1828, the
government of Don Miguel had
given just cause of offence to the
British ministry by its lawleis pro-
ceedings towards various Bntish
subjects, and against British pro-
perty. The privileges of the judge
conservator, under whose proteo-
tion British subjects were placed
by treaty, had been violated, to
expose them to the insults and op-
pressions of Don Miguel's pdioe.
When accused of offences which
entitled the Portuguese govern-
ment to interfere— »and theee al-
leged offences were always con-
nected with supposed political
trespasses — they were not Imnight
to any fair trial, even according to
the laws of Portugal, but detained
in loathsome and unhealthy dun-
geons, where they were compelled
to submit to every indignity which
the subordinate agents of a brutal
government cbose to inflict, la
MISTOHY OF EUROPE.
[443
the Autumn of 1 830 was added to
these offences the illegal seizure of
British vessels by the Portuguese
squadron cruising off Terceira.
One of their frigates boarded the
St. Helena packet^ subjected its
crew and passengers to the most
cruel and unmanly treatment, al-
though among them were officers
and invalided seamen in the Bri-
tish service. For all these out-
rages and offences^ reparation had
been incessantly and indignantly
demanded, but in vain. The Por-
tuguese minister expressed his
sorrow at their occurrence, and dis-
claimed any share in them on the
part of the government; but no
mark of disapprobation was set on
the perpetrators, and no means
adopted to prevent their repeti-
tion. In the beginning of the pre-
sent year, the outrages offered to
British residents became even more
alarming than before. A Mr,
O'Neile, a British merchant, was
thrown into prison without any
cause being assigned. The house
of a Mr. Roberts, another mer-
chant, was forcibly entered dur-
ing the night by a civil and mili-
tary force. The manufactory of a
third, a Mr. Caffary, was entered
in the same manner, and his fore-
man carried to prison ostensibly by
the express order of Don Miguel
himself. These were accompa-
nied and followed by other excesses,
which threw the British residents
into the greatest alarm for their
jiersons and property. The consul-
general at length assured the go-
vernment at home, that, '' so long as
the authorities of this country are
permitted to entertain the convic-
tion that his Majesty's govern-
ment will be appeased by the mere
protestations of their regret for
acts which are unparalleled among
any other people pretending to
civilization, neither the persons
nor the property of British sub-
jects can be considered as secure in
this country, nor must we be sur-
prised if not a week passes with-
out a repetition of similar insults."
In consequence of this communi-
cation, the consul-general was in-
structed to demand, within tea
days, satisfaction for certain spe-
cified grievances, and the particu-
lar satisfaction itself was set down.
It was demanded, 1, that the
commander of the Portuguese fri-
gate who captui'ed the St. Helena
packet, and maltreated her crew
and passengers, should be dis-
missed from the service; 2, pay-
ment, within a month, of compen<rf
sation to the owners of vessels
which had been capture<l or boarded
and injured by the Portuguese
squadron off Teroeira : S, the dis-
missal of the magistrates who had
entered Mr. O'Neile's bouse, and
particularly of a noted agent of
police, named Verissimo, by whose
orders that gentleman had been
treated like a criminal, in violation
of his privileges as a British sub-
ject : 4, the public disavowal and
dismissal of the officer who had
entered the premises of Mr. Caf-
fary, and imprisoned his foreman,
with a specified sum as compensa-
tion to the latter for his illegal
confinement ; 5, a similar disa-
vowal and dismissal of the magis-
trate who had forcibly entered the
house of Mr. Roberts. In all
these instances, the dismissal of
the individuals was to be forthwith
notified in the Lisbon Gazette,
with a statement of the causes
which occasioned it, and an assur-
ance that they should not again be
em{^oyed in any way, or under
any pretence. It was further de-
mandedy 6, that the illegal exac«
tion of exoessive duties on the im«
444] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
portation of articles of British
iiianufacturc^ should immediately
cease : 7> that c<>m|)eiisation should
be made to a British gentleman
who had been unwarrantably con-i
veyed across the frontier at £lvas^
and compelled to travel to Seville
to procure a Portuguese signa-
ture to his passport^ and that
sure means should be taken to
prevent the recurrence of any si-
milar treatment of a British sub-
ject : 8, a severe and public repri-
mand of an officer who had at-
tempted to levy on British sub-
jects certain dues from which that
character exempted them ; 9, the
immediate dismissal of the person
whom the government had appoint-
ed to the office of judge conserva-
tor of the British privileges, and
the recognition of the gentleman
who had been duly chosen by the
British merchants at Oporto ; and
10> a positive engagement that the
rights of British subjects would
henceforth be duly and strictly
observed. It was added that none
of these demands admitted of the
slightest negotiation or modifica-
tion. The government of Don
Miguel^ however, would probably
have treated them with the same
contempt which it had bestowed
on previous remonstrances^ had
they not been supported by force.
They were carried out by a squa-
dron of six ships of war, which
cruised ofiF the mouth of tlie Ta-
gus, while the Portuguese minis-
ter was deliberating on his reply.
The nature of that reply was de-
termined by the notice with which
the consul concluded his demands,
that, in the event of their being
refused, he had instructions to quit
Lisbon, and the squadron would
forthwith execute reprisals by de-
taining and sending to England all
vessels bearing the Portuguese
flag. Before the limited time
elapsed, every demand was com-
plied with, and the Lisbon Gazelle
announced, on the 2nd of May^ the
dismissal of all the obnoxious ma-
gistrates and officers for having
been guilty of oppressive conduct
towards British subjects.
This example was not lost upon
France, who had causes of com-
plaint somewhat similar, although
her subjects did not enjoy in Por-
tugal the same peculiar privileges
which belong to British residents.
M. Bonhomme, a French stu-
dent at Coimbra, was condemned
to be publicly whipped through the
streets of the capital, and then
transported to Africa, for commit-
ting a breach of public decency in
the cathedral during passion week.
M. Sauvinet, a French mer-
chant in Lisbon, was accused of
having been engaged in a conspi*
racy which was to have exploded
in the month of February. The
signal of rebellion was to be the
discharge of sky-rockets, and on
the testimony of a sergeant that
a rocket was seen to ascend from
Mr. Sauvinet's garden, this gentle-
man was sent to a horrible dun-
geon, kept in secret confinement
for weeks, and afterwards banished
for life to the burning coast of
Africa. No farther evidence cou«
nected M. Sauvinet with the rocket
conspiracy, or justified the terrible
sentence pronounced against him.
Other subjects of France had been
arbitrarily arrested at Oporto and
Jjisbon, but had suffered no other
indignity than their confinement.
The French government, after re-
peated remonstrances had failed,
sent a small squadron to Lisbon to
su])port their consul in demanding
redress. The Portuguese govern-
ment, on the other hand, actually
hastened M. JBonhomme's punish^
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[446
ment on learning that a French
brig of war, having despatches on
board for the consul, had been off
the mouth of the river, and was
driven to sea again by contrary-
winds ; and it was said that Don
Miguel, upon being told that her
object was to claim the imme-
diate liberation of this individual,
replied, *that they should have
him, but with his back well flayed.'
The demands of the consul, * who
claimed the liberation of Mes-
sieurs Bonhomme and Sauvinet,
as well as of the other imprisoned
Frenchmen, with large pecuniary
indemnities to each of them, were
evaded, on the pretext that a con-
sul was not an agent with whom
negotiations could be carried on,
and it was the fault of France that
there was no Portuguese minister
at Paris. The consul quitted Lis-
bon. The French squadron, con-
sisting of two frigates, and some
smaller craft soon afterwards ap-
peared, and its commander repeat-
ed the demands, forty-eight hours
being allowed for a categorical an-
swer, at the end of which time, if
the conditions offered were not
agreed to, he would leave the Ta-
gus with the French subjects at
Lisbon on board. The expected
concession did not arrive; the squa-
dron finally sailed without it, and
immediately began reprisals on the
Portuguese flag. Don Miguel
then claimed the aid of the British
government, apparently in the idea
that, as he was not at war with
Britain, the latter was bound by
treaty to defend him against all
aggressors. - The application, of
course, was unavailing. Lord Pal-
merston's answer was, that his
Britannic Majesty was perfectly
aware of all the obligations to-
wards Portugal imposed "by the
treaties which subsist between
the two countries, treaties which
are not abrogated or suspend-
ed by the present discontinu-
ance of diplomatic relation be-
tween the two governments, or by
the circumstance that the person in
whose name the government of
Portugal is now administered^ is
not recognized by the king of Por-
tugal. But his majesty's govern-
ment do not admit, that the true
meaning of those treaties can com-
pel them blindly to take up any
quarrel into which a Portuguese
administration may in its infatua-
tion plunge its country, or to de-
fend that administration, right or
wrong, against all whom it may
choose to injure or aflront. His
Majesty's government take a deep
interest in the welfare of Portugal,
and would sincerely lament any
misfortune which might befall that
country. But if those who now
govern Portugal, despising all con-
siderations of ordinary prudence,
and neglecting and rejecting the
counsels which may be given them,
rush without just grounds into a
contest with a Power with which
they are utterly unable to cope,
upon those persons must lie the
heavy responsibility of all the ca-
lamities which may ensue.'*
As the capture of Portuguese
merchantmen produced no redress,
France resolved on more energetic
operations. A squadron consisting
of three sail of the line, two frigates,
a corvette, and three brigs, under
the command of admiral Roussin,
accompanied by transports and
steam vessels carrying a consider-
able body of troops, arrived off the
mouth of the Tagus on the 8th of
July. A flag of truce was sent in,
demanding the immediate conces-
sion of all the conditions which had
previously been insisted on by the
French government, with an addi-
446] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tional demand of a pecuniary in-
demnity to France to cover the ex-
penses of the expedition. The
Portuguese government, either re-
lying on the prudent fears of the
]french squadron, or the unascer-
tained strength of its own defences,
evaded the demand, and proposed
to treat for satisfaction under the
mediation of England. On receiv-
ing an answer to that efifect, the
French admiral forced^ on the 1 1th
of. July, tlie entrance of the Tagus«
and passing through the fire of the
fortresses which line its banks^
anchored his squadron within gun-
shot of the Royal Palace, on the
heights below Lisbon. From this
station he wrote to the government,
** Here I am before Lisbon ; but
France^ ever generous, will treat
on the same conditions as before
the victory. In gathering its
fruits, however, I reserve to my-
self the right of adding thereto
indemnities for the victims of the
war." This letter was written on the
11th, when the war — if a war ex-
isted— had ceased, and the admiral
declared in the plainest terms^ that
he will ^' treat on the same condi-
tions as before the victory." These
conditions had all been set forth in
the ultimatum of the 8th^ three
days before the hostile visit.
Two hours more were allowed
to Don Miguel to accede to the
propositions which had been made
before the fleet entered the I'agus ;
and before they elapsed, arrived the
answer of the Portuguese govern-
ment, announcing its consent to
every thing that had been demand-
ed. No sooner, however, had these
terms been agreed to^ than the
French admiral seemed to think
that he had gained an excellent
opportunity of making a show of
a naval victory cheaply purchasetl.
On the following day, he claimed
the whole Portuguese fleet, lying
in the Tagus^ as prises of war.
'* As the late event has given to
France those rights which military
success confers among all nations,
it is mv duty to exercise them. I
have therefore the honour to de-
clare to your excellency, that I
consider as French property the
Portuguese men of war which low-
ered Uieir flag under the fire of
my squadron." The ** late event"
was the forcing the entrance of the
Tagus, and coming up to Lisbon
in defiance of the ibits. All this
had happened before he made his
demands on the Portuguese govern-
ment on the 11th, and, m that
communication, he had even boast*
ed of the generosity of France in
tendering the same terms after vic-
tory which she had offered before
the conflict. To seize the fleet,
therefore, was an after thought, in
violation of the terms whidb the
one party had proposed, and the
other had accepted, as the final
termination of the dispute. Ad-
miral Roussin, in fact, immediately
brought forth an entirely new series
of negotiation. He proposed that
as the commerce of Britam enjojred
particular advantages in Portugal,
the Portuguese government should
agree, that, in the event of any re-
newal of the treaties with foreign
powers, France should be placed on
the same footing with the most
favoured nation. The Portuguese
government refused this article,
and merely agreed that, in the
event of future commercial arrange-
ments, it would be disposed to treat
in a manner reciprocally advan-
tageous to both countries. It was
likewise stipulated and acceded that
there should be established at Lis-
bon a judge conservator, who should
be an agent of the French govern-
ment, to watch ovjcr the liberty
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[447
and safety of French subjects. The
admiral even offered to restore the
fleet, if the Portuguese govern-
ment would set at liberty 400 pri-
soners to be named by him> and
who should engage, on their parole,
not to take part in any hostile ex-
pedition which might be directed
against the existing government of
Portugal. To this tney would not
accede^ and the ships of war were
conveyed to Brest, to flatter the
vanity and swell the pride of the
people of France, to whose liberal
politicians some substitute was due
for a gratification which they had
expected, but had not received,
from this expedition-— that of see-
ing the French fleet employed in
stirring up and assisting a revolu-
tion in Portugal.
Nor did Don Miguel, while thus
receiving chastisement from fo-
reigners, remain undisturbed by
internal conspiracies among the
people whom he ruled with a rod
of iron. The plot, for a supposed
connection with which the French-
man, Sauvinet, had been con-
demned, had been discovered, and
counteracted before it broke out.
Its discovery was followed by the
institution of a special commission
at Lisbon, consisting of four judges,
and three superior military officers,
to try all persons accused of excit-
ing to revolt, sedition, or tumul-
tuous assemblages, in Lisbon or
Oporto. The proceedings were
to be ''summary and merely ver-
bal, without the legal formalities
of which persons guilty of such
execrable acts are unworthy," and
the sentences were to be executed
in four and twenty hours after being
passed. This tribunal was declared
to have been rendered necessary by
attempts which had been made to
corrupt the fidelity of the garrison
of Lisbon, and seven persons were
speedily executed for having been
concerned, as was pretended, in
these seditious designs. The pri-
soners were first strangled, then
beheaded, and then the head and
the trunk were publicly burnt,
and their ashes thrown into the
Tagus. The visits of the English
and French squadrons, but parti-
cularly the capture of the fleet by
the latter, exposed the suspected
natives to still more indiscriminat-
ing oppression. Miguel and his
party, humbled in the dust before
the strong, took vengeance on the
weak who were within their pow-
er. They had dreaded that the
French expedition was in league
with concealed conspirators in Lis-
bon, and that it had entered the
Tagus, in the expectation that a
rising would take place. Their
measures of precaution consisted
in letting loose the fury of their
brutal adherents, under the pro-
tection of cannon placed in the
principal streets, and double guards
at all important points, and strong
detachments of troops parading the
city. Persons suspected of being
averse to the existing order of
things were attacked and beaten by
bands of ruffians, who strolled
about with bludgeons in open day,
winked at by the police> if not
actually in its employment. The
police itself followed its usual course
in filling the dungeons with crowds
of prisoners.
6ut a more formidable opponent,
and a more serious danger were
now approaching. In the early
part of the year, in consequence of
a revolution in Brazil, Don Pedro
had resigned his South American
crown in favour of his son, and had
returned to Europe, in the end of
May, bringing along with him his
daughter Donna Maria, in the
character of whose regent as queen
448] ANNUAL R EG I S TE R," 1831.
of Portugal, Miguel had first ob-
tained the power which he had
immediately transferrt'd to his own
person, and had ever since been
abusing. Don Pedro expressed no
intention of re-clainiing the crown
for himself; but dechired his reso-
lutioui as guardian of his daughter,
to make every effort for the resto-
ration of her rights^ and the re-
establishment of the constitution
which had l)een his parting gift to
Portugal. He and his daughter
proceeded to France, where they
were amicably received by the
government: and he began to
collect, in that country and in
Kngland, such an armament in
ships and men aswould enable him,
when joined to the force already
at the command of the regency and
at Terceira, to make a descent
on Lisbon or Oporto. Neither the
government of Britain nor that of
France gave him open assistance ;
they professed to maintain a strict
neutrality ; but neither of them
op])Osed any obstacle to his mea-
sun»8 of recruiting. In the ranks
of those whom he had collected
were to bo found officers of both
nations, and many British seamen.
In the end of December 800 half-
pay officers and volunteers sailed
from Liverpool for Belleisle, on
the coast of France which had
hoon appointed the place of rendez-
vous.
The effect M-hich the re-appcar-
ance of Don Pedro might have on
the Portuguese M*as to Don Miguel
a source of gn^ater uneasiness than
the force which he might bring to
support an invasion, and the break-
ing out of the most alarming in-
surrection to which he had vet
l)een exposed, convinced him that
there were even masses of his mili-
tary in whom he i*ould not trust.
On the night of the ^Ist of August
about 800 men of one of the regi-
ments in garrison at Lisbon turned
out in mutiny, and divided them-
selves into three columns, the first
marching towards Val de Pereiro,
to the (quarters of the l6th regi-
ment; the second, to Alcantara^
those of the first cavalry ; and the
last, to the liochio. Their bands
played the constitutional hymn,
and they shouted ' Vivas' for Don
Pedro and Donna Maria 11^ and
'Death to the Tyrant/ Nearly
the whole of the guards whom
they passed, and who did not
declare in their favour, were shot ;
but the first column, instead of
meeting with allies in the 16th
regiment, as they had expected,
were received with a destructive
volley of musketry. It was re-
turned, and after a good deal of
fighting, they proce^ed to the
Kochio, where they joined their
comrades who had succeeded in
reaching it. The party despatched
for Alcantara was met by royalists
and police forces, and overwhelmed
by ninnbers, not however without
a severe struggle and killing many
of their opponents. At the Ilochio,
the nuitineers had to encounter
the whole of the l()th, and heavy
bodies of royalists and police. A
brisk fire was kept up for about
twohours; but the insurgents were
comi)elled to give way mainly in
consequence of a want of ammuni-
tion. A major of police was killed 3
and it was stated that the lives of
upwards of SOO individuals had
been lost in the afi^ir. The officers
of the insurgents refused to accom-
pany their men, and a captain,
who called to arms when the place
which contained the colours of the
regiment was broken open, was
instantly shot dead. Tne survi-
ving soldiers were nearly all taken.
A court martial was immediately
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[449
convoked for the trial of the of-
fenders, forty of whom were soon
afterwards shot. The suppressed
insurrection only increased the
fears of the government^ and the
brutality of its partizans. AU^ who^
it might be supposed, would lean
to the cause of Don Pedro and his
daughter, were openly maltreated,
or secretly imprisoned. Every
fortress, and the prisons in every
town, were said to be filled with
alleged state criminals. At Lis-
bon alone, the dungeons and prison
ships were represented to contain,
by the middle of September, no
fewer than 3,000 persons, confined
on account of their supposed opi-
nions.
Amid the lawless violence which
reigned in the capital, the fears of
the foreign residents were again
excited. On the 25th of August,
the British merchants addressed a
representation to their Consul-ge-
neral, in which they complained,
not of personal injuries, but of
injuries inflicted on Portuguese
subjects who were their customers,
and of which they said that, though
not amounting to a direct attack
on their property, they were
equally ruinous in their conse-
quences. "Several native mer-
chants and shopkeepers," they
said, '* indebted to us to a consider-
able amount, have of late been ar-
rested, not in the regular course of
justice, nor even for crimes alleged
— far less proved — against them,
but apparently at the caprice of a
set of ruffians of the lowest descrip-
tion, supported by the police.
There is every likelihood of this
system being carried to still great-
er lengths, and we have therefore
the strongest reason to fear that
the majority of our debtors will be
ruined ; and as it is well known
Vol, LXXIII.
that they trade principally on our
capital, it is evident that we shall
eventually be the real sufferers by
the excesses we complain of, and
from which the laws of every coun-
try are bound to protect those
who live under their jurisdiction.
Within the last few days these
outrages have been earned to a
pitch hardly ever equalled in a
civilized country, armed men hav-
ing entered the shops of our custom-
ers, assaulting und wounding the
owners, and destroying their proper-
ty— injuries undoubtedly brought
upon them in a great measure by
their known friendship to the Eng-
lish." On this representation
being transmitted to the govern-
ment at home, a couple of men of
war were despatched immediately
to Oporto, and two others to Lisbon,
to protect the persons and property
of British subjects from actual
violence. The injury, which their
mercantile interests might suffer
from Miguel's tjrrannical treatment
of his own subjects, was too indirect
to justify new demands or actual
intervention.
While Don Pedro was collecting
means for the re-establishmient of
his daughter's rights, the regency,
which governed in her name at
Terceira, and the Azores, was not
inactive. On the 9th of May, an
expedition from Angra, commanded
by Villa Flor, succeeded in cap-
turing another of the islands, St.
George. This was followed by an
expedition against St. Michael's,
which was garrisoned by 3000 men,
and was expected to present a
more vigorous resistance. Villa
Flor again took the command him-
self. He sailed from Angra on
the 30th of July with 1500 men,
on board of nineteen vessels of
small size, with a number of still
C2G]
450] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
lighter craft for the purpose of
diaemberking; and three gun boatft.
On the fnllowing day they came
in night of St. Michael's and lauded
on the morning of the 1st of Au-
gust, at a point on the nortliem
onast of the island, where there
were no troops. They proceeded
towards the interiorj and in tlie
coune of the same day met the
advanced guard of the Miguelite
army, cnmpoaed of :200 Ca9adQres
and infantry, some militia, and a
piece of artillery. It was immedi*
ately attacked by two companies of
Cag adores, and routed, learing the
piece of artillery and two captains,
and eight soldiers dead, and 'iO
men prisoners, with all the poMrder
in reserre. On the :2nd, at day-
break, the inraders began their
inarch to Ribeira Grande, where
the enemy was awaiting them with
his whole united force, in a chosen
]H)sition. Thev had in the field
'■^,600 men, eiglit pieces of artillery,
and two howitxers, the whole
commanded bv a lieutenant-colonel
of artillerv, named Sylva Re is.
Villa Fltir had only 1 .500 men, and
the single gun, captured the pro-
lyl ing day, as his own could not
be landeti. He divided his forces
into two columns, one to attack
t!ie ntad which was defended with
four pieces, and a strong intrench-
ment; the other, composed of the
biitallion of the oth Cayadores,
was to at tick the right flank of the
enemy. The Ca^adores began the
attack, and the action continued
till ^ o'clock, without their being
able to force the road. At :2 how-
ever, tliey made a general attaik
with such vigour that the Miguel-
ites o>uld no longer keep the tield,
and liegan their flight, leaving a
great number of dead and wuuiideil,
fuur field pieces, and upwards of
sixty barrels of gonpcywder. The
victors entered Ribein Grande at
6 in the evening, nearly at the
same time with the enemy, of
whom a great number were 'mede
prisoners. Belbre night oewa ar*
rived that the town of Fonte d' £1-
gado had the same day prodained
Donna Maria II ; that the gotemor
Prego had fled oo bond an English
ship ; and that many eoUien were
entering the city, and had given
up their arms. ' In the ooune of
another day, the whole iahuid waa
in possession of the regency.
Alarmed at these aucoeaset, ob«
taincd with such small means, the
government of Don Miguel became
apprehensive that Madeira itself
would be the next olyect of attack,
and two frigates and a oorvettey
with three hundred troops 00 board
were dispatched from the Tagos,
in the end of September, to rein-
force its garrison. The apprehend*
ed invasion by Don Pedro, as well
as the late exhibition of dianser in
the capital itself, rendered it im-
prudent to despoil Lisbon of troopa
to any great extent. On the con-
trary, every exertion waa made to
put the forts of the Tagua into a
state of complete preparation to
repel the expected attack. But all
elforts were greatly weakened by
the want of money under a govern-
ment which had long ago lost every
particle of credit, and all whose
proceedings had tended only to
impoverish the country. In tlie
month of November, a royal decree
onlered a forced loan, amounting
to about ^240,000/., which was to
bear 5 per cent interest, and to be
levied acconling to the means of
those who were subjected to it.
Two thinls were to be raised in
Lisbon , and the reuaining third
iu Oporto, Figueira, and Coimbn.
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[451
A commission was appointed to
assess the ralue of each individual's
income^ and the whole amount
was to he paid into the treasury
within twelve days.
Italy. The vacancy of the pa*
pal throne occasioned by the death
of Pius VII. in December of the
preceding year^ was not filled up
till the beginning of February^
when the conclave elected as his
successor Cardinal Mauro Capel*
lari. The new pope was an Italian
by birth^ had belonged to a monas-
tic order^ had received the Cardi-
nal's hat in 1826, and had been a
}>opular candidate^ at least with
thecitizensof Rome> at the election
in 1828. He assumed the title
of Gregory XVI. The first in-
telligence that reached him after
his election was that of great part
of his states being in successful
revolt against the authority of the
tiara which he had just put on.
There was no part of £urope to
which the revolutionary party in
France looked with more longing
eyes than Italy. It was an object
of national ambition to expel the
Austrians from Lombardy ; to en-
courage the Italian states in re-
bellion against even their native
sovereigns was part of their creed
in favour of the cause of insur-
rection all over the globe. Ever
since the revolution of July, their
emissaries had been busily employ-
ed in collecting and fanning the
sparks of discontent. A conspiracy
had gradually been formed against
the existing governments, which
was to explode on various points at
the same time, and the result of
which was to be the union of the
different states, under republican
governments, and an Italian fede-
ration. The attempt was hope-
less, if Austria were allowed to act
against it; but the conspirators
trusted that the French govern*
ment would prevent, and by its
principles was bound to prevent,
any armed interference between
princes and their subjects. They
even declared that they had acted
on the assurances of a French mi-
nister to that efiect ; and there was
no doubt that they had received
all manner of encouragement and
assurances from the leaders of the
movement party at Paris, who,
although not the government,
were led by their vanity to believe
that they could compel the govern-
ment to adopt their own principles
of the propagation of insurrec-
tion.
The conspiracy broke out first at
Modena on the 3rd of February.
On that day a number of young
men had assembled in > arms at the
house of a citizen named Menotti,
who was at the head of the design,
to arrange their final measures.
The police having learned what
was going on, the house was sur-
rounded by military. The con-
spirators barricadoed the doors,
and firing from the windows, de-
fended themselves vigorously, trust-
ing to some popular movement in
their favour. Cannon were al last
brought up, and then they sur-
rendered to the number of thirty,
among whom was Menotti himself.
The plot seemed to have failed :
but the calm was only momentary ;
for, the branch of the conspiracy,
which had, been laid in the papal
states, having proved completely
successful at the neighbouring Bo-
logna, the infection of example,
and the certainty of support, re-
stored the courage of the Modenese
plotters, and they again raised a
much more general popular move-
ment. It instantly extended to
Keggio. The duke, thinking him-
[2 G 2]
452] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
self unsafe at Modena, retired with
his family to Mantua^ having first
appointed a council of regency^
and carrying along with liim the
conspirator Menotti. The insur-
gents were now triumphant. The
regency was compelled to take
to flight ; the palace was plun-
dered ; the custom houses on the
frontiers towards Parma and the
Papal states suppressed^ and a
provisional government established^
at the head of which were a dic-
tator and three consuls.
In Bologna^ a city which had a
garrison of only 700 men with a
population of 60,000 inhabitants^
the insurrection broke out on the
4th of February. The conspira-
tors who first shewed themselves
were principally young men, who
were immediately joined by num-
Ijers of the students of that famed
university. The archbishop -le-
gate being absent at Rome at-
tending the conclave for the elect-
ion of the pope, the pro-legate has-
tily assembled the principal nobi-
lity, and the most eminent citizens,
to consult on the dangers that
threatened them. While he was
delil)erating with them, about mid-
night, the young men advanced
in arms towards the palace. The
pro-legate had already given orders
to the little garrison to remain
passive, from a fear that military
aid would be of no avail, as the
conspiracy was so widely extended ;
and the conspirators, who were
prepared for a serious resistance,
did not find even a sentinel on
duty at the palace. They required
the pro-legate to sign a paper, by
which he resigned the adminis-
tration to a provisional government.
Fie at iirst refused, but the in-
creasing tumult without doors,
and the threat to throw him out of
the window, if he persisted in his
rcfiisal, obliged him to yield to this
demands of the insurgents. By
this document all the troops of the
Legation were placed under the
provisional government. On the
following day (Feb. 5), the pro-
legate and the dismissed colonel
of the troops of the line set out
with an escort to Florence. A
provisional government was in-
stalled ; the authority of the pope
as a temporal sovereign was oe-
clared to be at an end ; and the
people were called on to form them-
selves into a national guard for the
defence of their newly acquired
liberties. The success of the en-
terprise at Bologna was the signal
for similar, and equally suco^ful
risings, throughout all the lega-
tions from Bologna to Anoona. In
all the principal towns the papal
soldiers, who have never been hmed
for deeds of valour, submitted at
once, or were speedily disarmed.
Even the Austrian garrison of Fer-
rara, shutting itself up in the ci-
tadel, opposed no resistance to the
insurrection. Ancona, with its
citadel, threatening 'some oppo-
sition, what was called an army
was sent against it by the insur-
gents. They had scarcely appeare<l,
when it capitulated. In the course
of four days the power of the pope
on the north of the Appenines was
at an end. The insurgents even
entered the Appenines, as if in-
tending to march upon Rome $ and
as their forces were organized
pushed forward their advanced de-
tachments as far as Otricoli. Butno
movement took place in the capital,
and the fortune that awaited them
elsewhere soon deprived them of
all desire to proceea. The exam|)1e
of Bologna, Modena, and Reggio,
was followed by Parma on the 10th
of February. A deputation of in-
surgents waited on the duchess.
HISTORY OF EUROPE. [453
and civilly informed her it was no- of foreigners, who enrich thein-
cessary she should withdraw, as selves by despoiling you, and ren-
they intended to join the Italian der you daily more miserable. On
federation, and would have no far- the day of your rising, 40,000 of
ther occasion for any other govern- our patriots will march to assist
ment. Her highness refused ; but you in crushing the Austrians.
was told that her carriages and Let there be no delay, for there is
escort were already in waiting, danger in hesitation. Display
No alternative being left, since your courage, fellow-countrymen,
force was to be used, she made a and despotism will flee from our
virtue of necessity, and took her country. Our country, liberty,
departure for Piacenza. Her de- and national independence for
parture was followed by the convo- ever !" A similar exhortation was
cation of a civic congress, consisting addressed to the subjects of Naples,
of 90 persons, and the installation " In 1820 you won your liberty,
of a provisional government. Si- and obtained a constitution without
milar scenes were apprehended in bloodshed. Your king, and all the
Tuscany and Piedmont ; and the civil and military authorities, swore
insurrectionists employed all their to observe it, but treachery and
means to render the conflagration perjury have deprived you of it.
general ; but these countries, as The enlightened nations have re-
well as the whole of Austrian presented you as having lost your
Lombardy, remained tranquil. constitution by your cowardice.
It was on the conduct of Austria Avenge the national honour ; do
that the fate of the insurrection not suffer yourselves to be deceived
in a great measure depended, yet by fallacious promises and aoinesr
its leaders had the madness to do ties which are only snares. To
what was equivalent to declaring arms ! Neapolitan patriots : shake
war against her. Not satisflea oflT the yoke ; become free again,
with working on the field which for you have it in your power.'
they had cleared, they resolved to Austria required no such pro-
incite Austrian Lombardy, and vocation to induce her to put down
even Naples, to revolt, as necessary a system, the existence of which,
parts of their intended federation, on the south of the Po, was scarcely
From Bologna, which was now compatible with the existence of
tacitly regarded as the head of the her own power on the north of it.
enterprize, went forth a proclama- She had never considered Italy
tion to the ^' Brave patriots of secure from even more direct at-
Lombardy," summoning them to tempts on the part of France,
rise against the Austrian yoke, after the revolution of 1830, and
'* Fellow-countrymen of Lorn- had filled Lombardy with nearly
bardy," it was there said, " follow 100,000 men. Her means, there-
the example of France — imitate fore, were abundant. His holiness
the patriots of central Italy — burst the pope, the emperor's own
asunder the degrading chams which daughter the duchess of Parma,
the Holy Alliance has rivetted and the exiled duke of Modena,
upon you. We were slaves, and all demanded the aid of the im-
wretched under the despotism of perial arms against their rebellious
priests, but our oppressors were subjects. France, on the other
Still Italians. You are the slaves hand^ had declared that she would
454] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
not permit Austrian troops to in-
terfere in any quarrel between an
Italian prince and his sul^ects.
The French minister^ however,
afterwards explained, that this was
not intended to bind France to take
any measures to prevent such
interference— certainly the only
meaning which the Italian insur-
gents could have attached to it.
They clearly had speculated upon
this, that they would not have
Austria against theni^ without
having the whole power of France
behind him. France, however^
could not have marched an army,
except through Switzerland or
Piedmont; and a forced march
through either of these countries
would have been an aggression re-
volting to all Europe. The court
of Sardinia^ being naturally ruled
by Austrian, rather than by French
influence^ made extensive military
preparations, which the violent
party in France employed as a
reason for trying to compel their
government to pick a quarrel with
Sardinia^ because she only did
what was justified by every word
they uttered^ and every measure
they recommended.
The negotiations between France
and Austria seemed to have ter-
minated in this, that the latter
should march into the disturbed
districts to put down the insurrec-
tion^ but should not continue to oc-
cupy them. The Austrian troops
crossed the Fo in the beginning of
March. One division proceeded
to Parma and Modena, while
baron Frimont, the commander-
in-chief, advanced at the head of
about 20^000 men against Bolog-
na. Not even an attempt at
serious resistance was made. The
proud promises of the insurgents
to defend to the last by their
valoui' the liberty which they had
won by their machinatious> were
forgotten. The armies which
were to spring up from the boast-
ed enthusiasm of the people were
no where to be found. Their
leaders^ instead of joining in any
plan of action, began^ aa usually
happens in such cases^ to aocuie
each other of lukewarmnesa and
treachery. The governments of
Modena and Parma were instantly
restored, and the restoration was
not followed by more punishment
than those who stake their lives
on such a venture ought to reckon
on. Menotti^ the head of the
Modenese insurrection, and who
had been a prisoner during the
whole period of even its epheme-
ral success, was executed, after a
regular trial, along with another ^
of Ins co-conspirators. The duchess
of Parma granted a ftree pardon to
all the persons who had attended
the civic Congress which appoint-
ed the provisional government,
only excluding them, for three
years, from public offices. Two of
the members of the provisional
government itself were brought
to trial, but were acquitted, and
set at liberty. One of them had
been president of the court of ap«
peal before the revolution. The
ground on which their judges ac-
quitted them was said to be, that,
as the duchess had retired from
her states without delegating her
authority to any regency, the
civic Congress was warranted in
providing and creating authorities
for causing the laws to be respect-
ed i that it was an act of necessity,
since without the establishment of
a provisional government complete
anarchy would have reigned.
It was at Bologna alone, that
any demonstrations were made of
opposing force to force. There
the armed insurgents were more
HISTORY OF EUllOPE.
[465
numerous, and better organized;
and they had amongst them the
hottest heads of Italy, who had
been assembled at Bologna to form
a convention of deputies^from the
intended United Provinces. They
had some of their troops at Ra-
venna^ and others farther ad-t
vanced towards the Po. As baron
Frimont approached, they all re-
tired without firing a shot. The
papal government was re-establish-
ed in Ferrara without opposition.
The Austrians moved on without
finding an enemy, and entered
Bologna on the 2l8t of March.
The convocation of deputies had
dispersed j those who were in arms
and did not throw them away«
took the direction of Romagna.
The Austrians followed, and the
towns along the whole line of
inarch surrendered^ one after ano<
thor. Some attempt at resistance
was made between Kimini and
Cattolica^ but was speedily de-*
feated. The armed insurgents had
now remaining, of all their con-
questSj only Ancona $ they were
shut up in a corner from which
there was no hope of escape ; the
Austrian army was close upon
them. They endeavoured, there-
fore, to make terms with cardinal
Benvenuto, whom they carried off
from his residence at Osimo^ in
the commencement of the revolt^
and had still detained as a prisoner
in Ancona. The principal con-
ditions which they demanded
were, that none of the insurgents
should be molested in person or
property for what they had done ;
that thosoj who chose to leave the
papal states, should have passports
for thatjHirpose, If demanded with-
in a fortnight ; that even such of
them as had been in the pay of
the papal government at the out-
breakinf of the revolution^ ebould
sustain no injury in their rights
for having joined the insurgents —
which seemed to moan that they
were to be allowed to keep their
places; and that all foreigners^ who
had taken part with them, should
be allowed to depart unmolested.
In the document which contained
these conditions, the heads of the
revolt described themselves as
'^ The members of the provisional
government of the united Italian
provinces,*" On the 26th of
March, the imprisoned cardinal
put his name to these terms, and
the insurrection, which four and
twenty hours must have ter-
minated at any rate, was at an
end. The pope refused to ratify
the convention, on the ground that
* On the same day thev put forth the
following < notification by the provi-
sional governments of the uAited Italian
provinces.' — "A principle proclaimed by
a great nation, which had solemnly pro-
mised not to permit its violation by any
European PouTer, and the declaration of
guarantee given by a minister of that
nation, induced us to second the move-
ment of the people of these provinces.
All our efibrts were directed to tiie far
from easy task of maintaining order,
amidst the agitation of an insurrection ;
and we experienced a pleasure most
grateful to our hearts, in seeing the re-
volution eot^ducted with all the tranquil-
itv of a constitutional government, and,
unthout shedding a single drop of blood.
** Bnt the violation of this principle,
consented to by the nation which had
promulgated and guaranteed it, the im-
possibility of resisting a great Power
which has already occupied part of the
provinces with an armed force, and our
wish to prevent bloodshed and disorder,
are the circumstances which have in-
duced ui, with a view to the public
safety, which ought always to be the su-
preme law of every state, to treat with
his eminence the most reverend cardinal
Qian Antonio Benvenuto, legate-8«latertt
of hii holiness Gregory XVI., and to
resign to him the government of these
provinces, which has been accepted by
his eminence under the subjoined con*
dtUont,*'
456] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
it had been extorted from tlie car-
dinal by coercion when detained
in durance by the rebels. A con«
siderable number of the latter were
arrested ; and commissions appoint-
ed for their trial. The proceedings
of these tribunals were to be con-
fined to persons accused '' of
having signed the act of the pre-
tended provisional government of
Bologna, which dared to declare
the abolition of the temporal power
of the Roman pontiffs; or of
having broken their military oath
by enrolling themselves in the
troops called national guards; or
of having published irreligious and
seditious writings, and especially
of having signed the periodical
journals of the rebellious provinces.
To all other Roman subjects not
included in the above classes, his
holiness, by an act of his clemen-
cy, grants an entire and generous
amnesty, in the hope that, repent-
ing their iaults, they will repair
them by their attachment to the
holy see.** In no instance was a
capital punishment inflicted. The
French government interested it-
self for the defeated insurgents,
and as a recompense for not having
disturbed the operations of Aus-
tria, stipulated that his holiness
should bestow upon his subjects
some fiscal and administrative re-
form. Tranauillity, however, being
now restorea, they insisted on the
withdrawal of the Austrian troops,
who forthwith retired beyond the
limits of the legations, the papal
forces occupying their place.
On the 7th of July appeared an
edict of the pope, dividing the
papal state into delegations, and
these again into communes, in each
of which there was to be a com-
munal council, to be elected two-
thirds from among proprietors, in-
cludbg ecclesiastical proprietors^
and one-third from among literary
men, merchants, and professors,
and to be renewed every second
year. Each delegation was to be
under a delegate, who should ex-
ercise jurisdiction over all acts of
administration. To the communal
council was annually to be pre-
sented estimates of the receipts
and expenses of the following year:
and for a fixed time befinre the
budget of the preceding year
should be presented for examina-
tion, every citizen miffht invest-
igate whether the puolic afiairs
were properly managed. The
council was afterwards to examine
the accounts, and transmit them
to the delegate. Every year there
was to be assembled in each dele-
gation, a provincial council, com*
posed of councillors in the propor-
tion of one for a population of
20,000 souls, presented by - the
communal deputies, and approved
bj the pope. The provincial coun-
cils were to be renewed every se-
cond year ; but the government
might dissolve them, by ordaining
a new election, and convoke them
extraordinarily. The provincial
councils were to assemble on the
1 st of October next.
But these fiscal reforms gave no
satisfaction to the agitating spirit
which was abroad in the legations.
The truth was, that the with-
drawal of the Austrians, and the
re-establishment of civic guards in
the different towns^ seemed about
to produce a new explosion. In
many places the pontifical officers
were powerless ; in others, the tri-
coloured flag was again hoisted^
and the militarv resisted in at*
tempting to pull it down. The
papal army of five or six thousand
men^ advanced from Ancona as
far as Rimini; the civic guards
threatened to attack it^ if its march
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[457
were continued. The agitators of
the legations, emboldened by the
interposition of France in their
favour after the suppression of the
insurrection, held Conferences, and
sent deputations, as if they had
been independent of Rome.
Amid the confusion of Italy,
Charles Joseph, king of Sardinia,
died on the 27th of April, in the
eleventh year of his reign. Al-
though not distinguished by any
brilliant quality, he was a popular
prince among his own people. He
was succeeded by his nephew,
Charles Albert, prince of Carig-
nan, who had once been a liberal.
In the Piedmontese revolution of
1821, he had been placed at the
head of the provisional govern-
ment, and took the oath to the ex-
otic constitution of the Spanish
Cortes, the only one which hap-
pened at the time to be ready for
use. On the suppression of the
revolt, he joined the Due d'An-
gouleme to fight against the
Cortes and their Constitution in
Spain. His most active associates
in the insurrection of 1821 had
been driven into exile ; the royal
amnesty did not reach them. They
hoped that, as king, he would now
recal those who had shared in his
errors as prince. But he seemed
to think that to do so, especially
at such a moment, would naturally
only expose his own crown to the
same danger with which he and
his advisers had threatened his
uncle's, and satisfied himself with
renewing the amnesty of his pre-
decessor.
Greece, for whose pacification
the powers of Europe had laboured
so long, was now a scene of vio-
lence and mortal civil war. ' The
President Capo d* Istrias, whether
from his too great attachment to
Russian interests, or from the
mere jealousy and discontent of
chiefs, all of them unused to con-
trol, and eager for power, had
rapidly become unpopular. The
opposition to him comprehended
A^iaulis, Maurocordato, Conduri-
ottis, and many others of the most
distinguished and popular leaders.
They demanded the convocation of
the national assembly, which he
refused; they demanded the full
establishment of the liberty of the
press, to which he would not con-
sent ; and they accused him of
violating every principle of their
constitution by infiictinir on his
opponents arbitrary impfisonment
and exile, and ruling, by the assist-
ance of his army, like the despotic
deputy of Russia, not as the elected
head of a free state. Among others,
Pietro Mauromichaeli, the Bey of
Maina, one of the most constant
and least selfish of the Greek lead*
ers throughout the whole period of
the insurrection, was still lingering
in prison at Napoli di Romania.
The discontents propagated by
theseleaders, gradually undermined
the president's authority, particu-
larly in the islands, and broke out
in open resistance to his govern-
ment. In the month of April,
Maina, the native territory of the
captive Mauromichaeli, threw off
its allegiance, and established a
local government. Its example
was immediately followed by Hydra,
the most important of the islands,
which effected its revolution with
much order, and thus deprived the
fleet of its best seamen. It sub-
jected itself to a provisional govern-
ment at the head of which were
Miaulis and Conduriottis. These
new authorities demanded of the
president the convocation of the na-
tional assembly — a constitution—
the freedom of the press — and the
458] ANNUAL REGI STER, 1831.
examination of the accounts. None
of these things would the president
concede. Addresses^ requesting
the convocation of this so much de-
sired national asscmblVj poured in
from all sidcs^ — from roroSj Syra,
and other islands of the Archipe-
lago^ and^ on the mainland^ from
different places both of the Morea
and Rumelia. The president^ whe-
ther apprehensive that such a body
would shake his own power, or be
hostile to the interests of Russia^
retained his determination and
multiplied arrests.
The Hellas, the only frigate
which Greece possessed, and the
rest of their fleet, lay at Poros.
It was discovered^ or, at least, was
believed, that the president was
preparing to embarK on board of
It an expedition against the is*
lands which had thrown off his
authority, or condemned his go-
vernment. The provisional govern-
ment of Hydra resolved to deprive
him of the means. In the end of
July, they sent between two and
three hundred men during the
night to Poros, who boarded and
took possession of the Hellas.
Miaulis followed next day, with a
reinforcement, and took under his
orders all the vessels in the har-
bour of Poros. The inhabitants of
the town received them as deliver-
ers and espoused their cause. The
president made the foreign resid-
ents at Napoli address a note to
him expressing their disapproba-
tion of these insurrectionary move*
menta, and their hope that, in the
absence of the commander of the
French and English squadrons,
tiiis declaration would bring back
the chiefs who had taken part in
the revolt to their duty. This was
too weak an expedient, and the
president despatched the Russian
lleet to Poros, while he prepared
to combine, with the attack of the
latter, a movement of his own
troops against the town. Miaulis
refused to surrender the fleet at tho
summons of tho Russian admiral
M. Ricord, who now blockaded
Poros. A Greek vessel, coming
from Syra with provbions, was sunk
by the Russians, and in return a
Russian brig of war was fired into
by one of the Greek Corvettes.
In the mean time 1,200 men of the
president's troops had arrived to
attack Poros. These men soon got
possession of the watering place on
the side of the main land; and, pasfr*
ingoverin Russian boats, andassist-
ed by Russian soldiers, they made
themselves masters of the watering
place at the monastery also : the
Russians in the mean time having
erected four batteries, which they
worked against the town, and from
which they fired even upon the
women and children going to en*
deavour to get^ water. Poros had
not above 500 men to defend it ;
yet the attack failed, the Russians
and the president's troops being
driven back with a heavy loss of
men, several officers being killed,
with about 100 men, and some of
the Russian boats with troops in
them sunk. But the want of water
and the total failure of provisions
rendered it impossible to hold out
the town. The fleet was in the
same condition. Boats were
brought over from Hydra, which
conveyed to that island the popu-
lation of Poros, who, rather than
await the tender mercies of the
Russians and the president's troops,
quitted their homes and their pro-
i)erty« Miaulis, likewise, sent
back his seamen to Hydra, retain-
ing only a handftil of men to ex.
ecute the design which he had
formed. On the 1 3th of August
the Russian fl^t weighed^ to stand
mSTORY OF EUROPE.
[45d
in and attack the Greek ships^
while the president's army again
advanced against the town. Mi-
aulis and his half dozen seamen
were seen to take to their boat as
the Russian squadron drew near ;
and within a few minutes after he
had quitted the Hellas, the frigate*
and the other armed vessels in the
harbour, blew up. The old admiral,
having sent them into the air,
rather than allow them to fall into
the hands of Russia or the presid-
ent, found his way back to Hydra.
The troops of Capo d* Istrias then
entered the town, which— a city of
Uieir countrymen— -»t hey reduced to
a heap of ashes.
The Malnotes, on the other
hand, acted against the government
by land. Descending firom their
mountains, they drove the govern*
nient troops from Calamata, on the
gulph of Coron, where they retail*
ated in some measure, by their pil«
lage, the destruction with which
Poros had been visited. The pre-
sident reinforced his army; but
the French troops in the neigh-
bourhood took possession of the
town, to prevent the parties from
coming to blows. A squadron of
small Hydriote vessels, which had
accompanied the operations of the
Mainotes was lying in the gulph.
A French frigate, too, was there,
and gave them no disturbance.
But the Russian admiral came
round from Poros, stood into the
gulph, and summoned them to
surrender. Instead of submitting,
the Hydriotes blew up the largest
of their vessels, and ran the others
ashore, with the exception of one
which escaped. Throughout all
these dissensions, the Russians
alone were the active allies of the
president. The English and French
commanders strove to mediate be«
tween the parties ; and the presi-
dent's obstinacy, coupled with the
Russian's violence, increased the
belief that a Russian interest was
at stake.
From the commencement of
these troubles, and particularly
after the arming of the Mainotes,
whose Bey, Mauromichaeli, had
been imprisoned since the month of
January, the president had received
various warnings that his life was
in danger. He disregarded them,
and the blow was struck* George^
the son, and Constantine, the bro-
ther, of the Bey, repaired to Napoli
di Romania for the purpose of as-
sassinating the head of tne govern-
ment. On the 9th of Octo^r they
lurked for him at the door of th^
church which they had learned be
was to visit. On the threshold of
the temple they attacked him.
The one discharged a pistol at his
head j the other stabbed him with
a dagger. The president fell dead
upon the spot. The deed was per-
petrated under the very eyes of the
people. One of the assassins, Cou«
stantine, was immediately put to
death by the by-standers ; George
escaped into the house of the French
consul, who refused to give him up
to the fury of the military or the
rabble, but promised to surrender
him on a regular demand being
made by the magistracy. The
crime seemed to have been the re«
suit of private revenge rather than
of political hostility. It produced
no immediate political consequence,
much less an^ violent convulsion.
The Senate immediately named a
commission of government, consist-
ing of Colocotroui, Coletti, and
August! n Capo d' istrias, the pre-
sident's brother, the latter o{ whom
was placed at its head.
460] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
CHAP. XV.
United States — South America — Stale of Brazil — Dislurhances
at Rio Janeiro — The Emperor abdicales in favour of his son. Buenob
Ayres— 3/t7f7«ry operalions — Colombia — Death of BoHvar-^Insur"
rection in Prt/iawa— Mexico — Peru. Disturbances at Lima,
IN the Congress of the United
States^ the tariff of duties on
importation^ of which the commer-
cial states, and the producers of
exportable productions had never
ceased to complain, was again made
the subject of discussion. The
President, in his message, had ex-
pressed himself favourable to a re-
examination of its principles, or
even a modificatiou of some of its
provisions. That part of the mes-
sage had been referred by the House
of Representatives to a committee.
The report was hostile to any al-
teration or modification of the ex-
isting tariff, the committee express-
ing their belief, that, '* the tariff
having been so recently revised, any
attempt to change its provisions,
at this time, -would spread alarm
among the great interests of our
country, — shake confidence in the
plighted faith of government,—
destroy the supposed well-founded
hopes of millions of our fellow-
citizens, reduce them to penury,
and expose the whole country to
the dangers of ^ a most selfish
policy which might be adopted by
foreign nations.* " The minority
of the committee, according to the
modern usage of the Congress,
published acounter-report, in which
they took a view of the question
respecting the tariff diametrically
opposite .to that taken by the ma-
jority. A convention of deputies
from fifteen states, who had been
appointed to procure^ if possible^
an alteration, likewise put forth a
long report, denouncing the tariff
as being at once injurious^ unjust,
and unconstitutional.
Brazil^ at length followed the
example which had been so long
and so repeatedly held out to it by
the rest of South America, and
indulged in a revolution. The
emperor had closed the onlinary
session of the assembly in the pre*
ceding September, in no happy
humour with its proceedings. An
extraordinary session was convoked
immediately afterwards. But its
proceedings were not much more
satisfactory. A committee, having
been appointed to investigate the
conduct of the late and present
ministers of war, reported both of
them to have issued orders for re-
cruiting without an act of the le-
gislature ; and another committee
was immediately named to prepare
an impeachment against tllem for
violating the constitution. The
emperor had recommended the
state of the finances and the circu-
lating medium to their particular
attention. A multitude of pro-
jects for ameliorating both had been
presented to Congress by different
members, and had been referred to
a committee, to select, or combine^
the scheme which might appear
most expedient. The committee
reported, that, considering the fects
whicli had lately occurred— -the
purchase of copper blanks to coiO|
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[461<
when the general voice cried out
against such a measure — the arri-
val of arms from London^ when
the nation was enjoying the bles-
singsof peace — the loan of 400,000/.
for illegal purposes — the retaining
of some public officers, and the
nomination of others professed ene-
mies to the constitution— and
above all, the general suspicion of the
existence of a secret administra-
tion, independent of the ostensible
and constitutional one, had caused
the greatest general mistrust of the
present ministry, they could not
propose under existing circum-
stances, any measure calling upon
the nation for fresh sacrifices, from
the fear that through mal-adminis-
tration they would be misapplied,
and converted to the prejudice of
the people and their rights. The
two houses of Congress likewise,
quarrelled with each other, in con-
sequence of certain alterations made
by the senate in the bill fixing the
income and expenditure of the year.
The deputies refused to accede to
these alterations, and demanded,
as the constitution provided in the
event of a disagreement between
the two houses, that both chambers
should meet in one. The senate
consisting of only 30 members,
while the deputies were 80, the
former was always averse to this
mode of proceeding, and now re-
quested that the bill should be
sent back, in order that they
might take their amendments into
further consideration. The depu-
ties refused — insisted on their con-
stitutional privilege — and carried
their point. The £mperor closed
this unpleasant session on the 30th
of November, expressing his regret
that the most pressing matters
had been left where they were*
There was thus abundance of
irritation and want of confidence a
state of things which had been in a
great measure produced, and was
still more effectually kept alive, by
the consequences of the events in
Portugal during the three prece-
ding years. When Don Pedro
made his choice between the throne
of Brazil and that of Portugal, he
had carried along with him to his
transatlantic possessions a host of
European friends and attendant-s.
The reverses of the constitutional
party, which drove so many Por-
tuguese into exile, and' an exile
aggravated by poverty, increased
their numbers, and their demands
upon the emperor's purse. The
pride of the native Brazilians was
wounded by seeing the king and
his government almost exclusively^
as they alleged, in the hands of
foreigners ; towards foreigners
against whom they were thus ir-
ritated, they could not be expected
to entertain very generous feelings^
and they complained, therefore,
that, while their finances were con-
fessedly in confusion, money was
expeudeil on aliens to the state.
They found a still more tangible
ground of similar complaint in the
alleged appropriation of Brazilian
funds to support the claims of Don
Pedro's daughter against his brother
Miguel. The funds, which the Bra-
zilian government had set apart
for the payment of the di?idends
on its acknowledged debt in Eng-
land, were appropriated by the
envoys of the emperor for the sup-
port of his daughter's rights ; and
the country, which supplies us
with precious metals and pre-
cious stones, became bankrupt on
the exchange of London, bcK^ause
the emperor's daughter was obliged
to send an expedition to Oporto,
and to support a regency at
Terceira. This was not the
only expenditure to which the
462] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
unfortunate issue of his affairs in
£urope compelled the emperor.
His daughter was recalled from
Europe, and established as queen
of Portugal in a palace at Rio
Janeiro^ with a court and court
pageantry of her own, out of the
Brasilian Budget. All these things
were daily exposed to the irritated
public mind. The press never
ceased to haraneue on the incapacity
of ministers-* the misapplication of
the English loan-— the war against
Buenos Ayres— the yoke of the
Portuguese party — the luxury and
immorality of the court and court-
iers.
The emperor returned to Rio
Janeiro, from a tour in the pro-
vinoes in the middle of March, and
was received with every apparent
testimony of loyalty and affection.
On the 13th, an affray, attended
with bloodshed, had occurred be-
tween the Portuguese and the
Brazilians. On the 1 5th of March,
at the solemn entry of the emperor,
the excesses were continued. Some
of the persons, who accompanied
him on horseback, committed va-
rious insolent acts, threatening the
citizens with their whips if they
did not cry out '* Long live the
emperor," ** Death to the repub-
lic." The police were accused of
conniving at the rioters, and the
conviction of the generality of the
Brazilians was, that the whole was
caused bv the influence and under
the auspices of the agents of the
executive.
In consequence of these events,
twenty-four members of the Cham-
ber of Deputies presented to the
emperor, on the 17th, a remon-
strance which announced loudly
and vigorously the state of public
feeling. They stated that the re-
joicings in honour of his majesty's
return had been converted into an
occasion *'of insulting and mal-
treating the Brazilians — ^friends of
liberty and the country— who were»
in fact, covered with opprobrium
by the Lusitanian party, which
has again arisen in the midst of
us, with cries of '' Live the Por-
tuguese," and of committing sedi-
tious and anarchical aicts and out-
rages of every description, of which
the victims have been patriot!
whose blood has been ihaa by a
perfidious and premeditated ag-
gression by men who, in all the
delirium of theii' crimes, have been
clearly protected by the govern-
ment and subaltern authorities, of
which they themselves boast, thus
compromising with incredible au-
dacity the august and respectable
name of your imperial and oonsti-i
tutional majesty. The seditious
continue, under the shade of the
august name of your imperial and
constitutional majesty, to prose*
cute their dark designs. The out*
rages increase, national spirit suf-
fers, and no people could tolerate
without resistance, that foreigners
should impose upon them in their
own country an ignominious yoke.
Foreigners who have the honour of
being the subjects of Don Miguel,
others who are the subjects of
the Senhora Donna Maria IL,
chieflycomposed thosegroupswhich,
"^in the nights of the 13th and 14th,
vilified the Brazilian name, and
alarmed and wounded many of
our fellow-citizens. The Brazili-
ans so cruelly ofiended— the Bra-
zilians, who are threatened with
partial and unjust imprisonments
— cherish in their breasts the most
well-founded and profound indig«
nation, the consequences of which
it is impossible to calculate, if the
government do not henceforth re-
press similar disorders, and take
measures to redress as far as pos*^
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[463
sible tlie insult wliich the nation
has received. Circumstances ar6
urgent, and the least delay may, in
such a case, be fatal. The confi*
dence^ which oi^ht to be placed in
the Government^ is almost entirely
extinguished, and if the aggres-
sions against which the under-
signed make this representation
should remain unpunished^ such
neglect will attiount to a declara-
tion that it is for the Brazilian
people themselves to avenge, by the
means in their own power^ the
stain so unworthily cast on their
honour and high character."
To this address the emperor
returned an answer next day, de«*
('Jaring that measures had been
adopted to maintain order and
tranquillity. He dismissed likewise
the greater part of his ministers,
but the successors whom he named
turned out to be still more unpo-
pular. Even a decree issued on
the 3rd of April for convoking an
extraordinary meeting of Congress
failed to soothe the public mind.
The people — led, no doubt, by per-
sons who contemplated more than
a change of ministry—- refused to
be satisfied, till they saw the throne
surrounded with different counsel-
lors. A perpetual cry was kept
up against the expenses of the
court, and the insolence of the
Portuguese — or what the Brazil-
ian reformers called, by terms
coined for the occasion, Aulismo
and Lusitanismo. The people were
flattered with the title of Pow
hermco, and reminded of the late
}>opular insurrections of Europe,
with their results on public liberty.
As in France and Belgium, the
representatives of the nation, the
public press, and the most stirring
spirits of the capital, were for a
change ; and, acted upon by the
united force of these bodies, the
a^my could not long remain faith«
ful. The emperor was repeatedly
summoned, but in vain, to sur-
render his ministry. The dis-
affection broke out into open tu*
mult, and threatened the palace.
He called on his guards to act against
the populace, but, with the excep-
tion 01 a very small number, they
laid down tneir arms, or joined
their fellow«citiBenB. The Emperor
then issued a proclamation an-
nouncing, in brief terms, that he
abdicated the crown in favour of
his son Don Pedro, and next day,
the 7th of April, embarked with
his family on board a British fri-
gate, leaving behind him the young
emperor, to whom he had named
one of his friends guardian. His
daughter, the queen of Portugal,
was received^ at the same time, on
board a French frigate, and both
proceeded forthwith to Europe.
The departure of the emperor
having left the country without a
government, all the members of the
Chamber of Deputies^ who were in
Rio, collected hastily together, to
deliberate on the proper course to
be pursued. They determined to
appoint a regency, to be composed
of three individuals of their own
body. The persons elected were,
Francisco de Lima, the marquis of
Caravellas, and Vergueino. They
immediately took upon themselves
the supreme power, and appointed
a ministry. Their first act was to
issue a decree, in the name of the
new emperor, declaring that all
persons who had been condemned
for political offences, or were even
accused, were thereby pardoned.
This was followed by the perform-
ance of a solemn Te Deum, by
order of the Regency, to render
thanks to heaven for the departure
of Pedro I., and the accession of
Pedro n. As yet nobody seemed
464] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
inclined to question the boy's
rights.
Tlie Congress assembled on the
3rd of May, and a si>eech was de-
livered by the regency of the son,
congratulating the country on the
remoFal of his father, which was de-
scribed as the removal of ignorance,
and undue intrigue and influence.
The army was kept up. at the num*
ber which had been voted for the
preceding year, and a civic guard
was organized for the preservation
of order^ which was found to be by
no means restored by the absence of
the causes which had disturbed it.
This civic guard itself led to
serious disturbances in the month
of July, in consequence of a spirit
of hostility entertained against it by
the lower orders, and a portion of
the troops. On the 12th the people
rose in a body, and insisted on the
civic guard being immediately dis-
armed and broken up, requesting,
at the same time that the old po-
lice system should be re-established.
Some of the government troops
were employed to put down the
rebels, and several actions were
fought in the streets. Consider-
able slaughter on both sides took
place, but the government troops
ultimately succeeded in securing
the principal rioters, and in re<
storing order. The civic guard,
however, was disbanded, and those
of the troops that had taken part
with the populace were sent off to
Bahia.
In Buenos Ayres the war be-
tween the capital and the interior
provinces still continued, leading
to a multitude of pigmy military
operations, and interrupting all
peaceful pursuits. The fortune of
the campaign, however, which to-
wards the close of the preceding
year had been in favour of the
Unitarians, became more &vour-
able to the Federalists. Greneral
Lavalle, who had been driven from
Buenos Ayres oh the triumph of
the latter party , 'effected alanding at
Estremadura, but was immediately
defeated, and his forces dispersed.
The Federalists were equally suc-
cessful against the forces of Jor-
dan in Entre-rios; the Uiiitari<-
ans were dispossessed of the govern-
ment of that province^ and the
preponderance of Buenos Ayres
restored. Paez, too, who had
maintained againdt the capital the
province of Cordova, was worsted
by general Lopez ; while Quiroga,
pursuing the Unitarians, as they
fell back towards the Andes, gained^
over them and their allied Indians,
a succession of advantages. These
events, trifling in themselves, pro-
mised to prepare the way for a
more tranquil state of things ; and
although nothing like a solid peace
reigned throughout the Argentine
republic, the intercourse between
the provinces became more regular
and frequent, and those of Corrlova
and San Juan again entrusted to
the governor of Buenos Ayres, the
head of the Feileralists, the con-
duct of their foreign relations, of
which they had none.
In Colombia, the only import-
ant event of the year, or rather
of the conclusion of the preceding
year was the death of Bolivar,
whose name had been so long iden-
tified with that portion of the
South American Continent. On
withdrawing from public afi&irs,
after the adoption of the new con-
stitution in tlie preceding year, he
had retired to the province of Car-
thagena, broken down both in body
and mind ; and he expired at Santa
Martha on the 1 7th of December.
It was vain to deny, that in the
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
[460
Struggle which Colombia had to
maintain in working out her inde-
pendenccj she owed much to him
whom she designated her Liberator.
Among a people where ignorance
was universa];i his superior acquire-
ments, such as they were, backed
by his ambition ana his large for-
tune, soon raised him to an as-
cendancy among the adventurers of
independence. He was euthusi**
astic in the great cause of throwing
off the yoke of the mother coun-
try ; he was therefore trusted, and
worthy of being entrusted. Pro-
bably no other native could so suc-
cessfully have kept together, till
the contest was over, the materials
with which he had to operate. The
liberation of the extensive pro-
vinces composing the republic, and
their union into one state — the or-
ganization of its government, and
the establishment of its political
relations with foreign states, were,
in a great measure, his work. But
his qualities as a statesman to go-
vern the country during peace, fell
infinitely below his qualifications
to secure her independence by war.
His political institutions were
founded on vague and hazy ideas,
whose origin was to be sought any
where but in experience. Even in
his own time the building was falU
ing in pieces around him. Whe*
ther he really entertained the am*
bition which was imputed to him
of aiming at supreme and royal
authority, may be doubtful 5 but
the belief of his entertaining such
designs, widely spread and firmly
rooted, produced as much mischief,
as if it had been true. He went
down to the grave complaining
that he had been hunted into it by
calumniators. On the 1 0th of De-
cember, a week before his death,
he put forth his last address to the
citizens of the republic : " Colom-
biftQ9«***You have aided me in con-
VoL. Lxxni.
centrating my forces to cherish li-
berty where tyranny had fixed its
abode. I have unceasingly and
disinterestedly exerted my energies
for your welfare. I have even
abandoned my fortune and my per*
sonal tranquillity in your cause.
My enemies abuse your credulity,
and endeavour to destroy my repu-
tation by questioning ray love of
liberty; and, fellow-cJtUieos, I
grieve to say it^ I am the vie*
tim of my persecutors, who have
now conducted me almost to my
grave ; but I pardon them. My
aflfection for my country will not
permit me to sanction any extraor-
dinary funeral obsequies. My last
desire, my last hope, is to see the
consolidation of my beloved coun-
try. Let all unite for the good of
the union 5 let the people confide
in the actua] government to save
them from anarchy; let the priests
offer up their orison^ to heaven,
and the soldier regard h\» swprd
as the best guarantee for preserving
the institutions of his country.
" Columbians, — I leave you : but
my last prayers are offered up for
the tranquillity of Columbia, and
if my death will contribute to this
desirable end, by a discontinuance
of party feeling, and consolidate
the union, I shall descend with
feelings of contentment into the
tomb which will soon be prepared
for me."
The consequences of his death,
when past cfissensions were for
a time partially stilled, and the
government for a while had been
going on without him, were less
momentous, than if he had dis-
appeared when the whole unity of
the machine depended on his single
person. The reins of authority
were no doubt loosely held, but so
they had long been. The pro-
vinces began again to talk of chang-
ing their constitutions, but there
C2h:
466] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
was nothing in South America
which had any idea of permanence
attached to it. An insurrection
was got up in Panama^ for the
purpose of separating it from the
rest of the republic 5 but in that
it only followed the example of
other provinces. The insurrection
was headed by general Urduneta,
and countenanced by Luoque who
commanded in Carthagena. Flores
marched from Bogota against the
insurgents^ routed their forces^ and
having taken their leaders prison-
ers, put them to death.
Mexico presented, during the
year, no event of importance, ex-
cept the rare occurrence that it
was not visited by a revolution.
Bustamente and his party, who
had raised themselves, in 1830,
on the ruins of Guerrero and San-
tana, maintained their ascendancy.
Guerrero himself was betrayed in-
to their hands, and the flying hos-
tilities kept up by some of his par-
tisans, were repressed by the opera-
tions of general Bravo.
Peru, was less tranquil, in
consequence of a military in-
trigue to dispossess La Fuente
of the vice-presidency, during
the absence of the president
Guerrero. The plot was said to
have been the work of Guerrero's
own wife, who apprehended that
the vice-president was under-
mining her husband. A part of
the garrison forced their way into
the house of La Fuente while he
was in bed. The general sprang
up undressed, made his way past
several of the soldiers, and by the
assistance of a servant escaped up
a kitchen chimney, to the flat roof
of the house. The officer nearest
in pursuit was shot dead by one of
his own party, the ball being pro-
bably intended for La Fuente. The
mutineers then returned to their
barracks, carrying off as captives
two or three friends and an aid-de-
camp. The city now resounded with
the cry of 'revolution.* General
Miller rode to La Fuente*8 house.
Having ascertained what hadpassed,
he repaired to the barracks of three
companies whom La Fuente, not
altogether ignorant of what was
intended, had brought up from Cal-
lao for his protection a few days
before. Miller, however, finding
the revolt too powerful, retreated
to Callao. When he arrived there,
he found that the garrison was
on the same side with that of
Lima, and he was refused admit-
tance. He then took possession,
with his three companies, of a dis-
mantled fort, while a fresh body
of the mutineers from Lima was
admitted into the castle. Rather
than commence a contest which
appeared hopeless, general Miller
agreed to have an interview with
general Benavides, who had joined
the revolutionists. The result was,
that the officers, who had accom-
panied general Miller, were aU
lowed to return to Lima ; the
troops were allowed to join the gar-
rison in the castle ; and the general
himself, at his own request, re-
ceived permission to go on board a
North American ship. Reyes, the
president of the Congress, was
placed, in the meantime, at the
head of the executive.
CHRONICLE.
f .
CHRONICLE.
JANUARY.
I. "VTACHINE BREAKING.
XtjL — Special Commission
AT Salisbury. — James Bland-
ford, aged 28 ; Samuel Barrett,
30 ; R.Pitman, 29 -, James Mould,
of Tisbury, 23 ; Samuel Banstone,
4 1 ; Thomas Vining, 1 9 ; James
Mould, of Hatch, 39 ; Thomas
Topp, 20 ; Samuel Eyres, 30 j
Thomas Rixen, 45 ; Edmund White,
20 ; John Barrett, 24 j Charles
Jerrard, 20 ; William Snook, 22 ;
Tliomas Birt, John Targett, and
Andrew Moxam, 23, were charged
with having riotously and tumul-
tuously assembled, and broken and
destroyed the thrashing-machine
of John Benett, esq., at Pyt-house-
farm, in the parish of Tisbury, on
the 25th of November last.
John Benett, esq., M.P., ex-
amined by Mr. Serjeant Wilde. —
I reside at Pyt-house, in the parish
of Tysbury. Was in the county
of Wilts on the 25th of November.
In consequence of information which
I received, I left my house about
nine or ten o'clock in the morning
of that day. I rode out and met
upwards of 400 persons coming
from the town of Hindon, at a lime-
kiln, in FonthiU Giffard. They
carried hatchets, hammers, very
large sticks, and weapons of dif-
ferent descriptions. The sticks
were general, the axes were con-
lined to forty or fifty persons. I
met Charles Jerrard the elder, who
Vol. LXXIII.
is not in custody ; he wore a party-
coloured sash across his body, and
carried a very large stick. Charles
Jerrard the younger was similarly
equipped. I spoke to them both.
I inquired of the mob their object.
I spoke first to the elder Jerrard ;
he had often been before me as a
magistrate. I spoke to him with
firmness and good temper, and as
loudly as I could speak. I told
him that I was very sorry to see
him at the head of such a riotous
assembly, and warned him that he
was placing himself in greater
danger than any that he had ever
been in before. I sjpoke then to
the younger Jerrard. I said to
him, '^ I am sorry to see you with
that sash on. I entreat you to get
into the rear, for an example will
be made of some of you, and I
should be sorry to see so young a
man as you in a sad scrape." I
said to him, "Young man, that
sash will hang you." He came up
with a large stick to my horse,
and said to me, " I don't care
about hanging." I then asked
them what they complained of?
They told me that they were going
to break all the thrashing-machines
in the county, and that they would
have 2s, a day for wages. That
was the general cry of the whole
party ; it was said by more than
100 persons. I told them that I
had just come from London — that
B
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
a proclamation from the king had
come out only a day before. I
offered to read it to them, but they
would not let me. I explained its
nature. I told them that it offered
a reward of 50Z. for every man de-
tected in breaking a machine, and
of 500/. for the discovery of any
person who should set fire to pro-
perty. They said, *' We don't
burn — we have nothing to do with
the fires.'* I replied, that I M'as
quite convinced that they did not,
and I really feel that conviction. I
then pointed out to them that they
could not trust each other, "for any
man," I said, ''byinformingagainst
tenof you, will obtain at once 500/."
I told them, that if they would go
home and preserve their own lives
and the peace of the district, I
would take care, as far as depended
on me, that they should procure
by their good conduct all that
othera might obtain by their mis-
conduct. The first body then left
me, and went to their work of de-
struction. The mob passed me in
three divisions. I spoke to each
of them. When they passed me,
I followed them. They stopped
at Mr. Candy's farm, in Fontiiill
Giffard. They rushed into a black-
smith's shop; but before that, I
saw them break Mr. Candy's thrash-
ing-machine to pieces. Irodealong-
side the mob for a mile and a half,
until they came to a Mr. Lam-
pert's house, at Lawnorm. In con-
sequence of something that occurred
there, I sent to my own premises
at Pyt-honse-farm. The mob, con-
sisting of 500 persons, afterwards
came to me there. I can only
identify Blandford as being present
with the mob at Pyt-house-farm.
I had observed him breaking ma-
chines before, at Mr. Lampert's
farm. I had a thrashing-machine
at Pyt-house-farm : it is worked
by six horses. Part of it is in the
barn, part of it is out. I rode out
of the farm-yard to meet the mob.
I told them that mv force was not
sufficient to resist them, but that I
would punish them if they broke
into my premises. I tola them^
" You break open these bams at
your peril ; they are locked. I
would resist you if I could ; I can<«
not ; but mind, you break the ma-
chines without my consent, and at
your peril." All who were near
my premises must hare heard what
I then said. They then forced
their way into the barn. They
broke the machine, which was botfi
inside and outside of it, and began
to pull off part of the roof. I re-
mained about ten minutes with
them, sitting quietly on my horse.
On a sudden the whole party at
work stopped : that surprised me^
and immeaiately afterwards I re-
ceived a blow on my head, which
deprived me of sense for a short
time. How it was given me,
whether by a stick or a stone, I
cannot say of my own knowledge.
When I recovered, I found myself
about fifty yards off my yard in the
lane, entangled in a team of my
own cart-horses. My horse had
carried me out of the yard into that
lane, and would have carried me
home, if he had not been stopped.
I then found stones coming in every
direction at me from the mob. 1
was with that mob for three hours.
During that time I saw them break
machines at three places before they
came to my barn. — Several other
witnesses were examined, whoftiUy
proved the case, except against
White and Moxam. Some of tlie
prisoners alleged in their defence,
that they had j^n forced to join tlie
mob; others, that, though present,
they had done ndthing ; others, that
they had been encouraged by the
JAN.]
CHRONICLE.
formers. The Jury found them
all Guiltifi except White and
Moxam.
Arson. — Kingston Assizes.
—James Warner, labourer, was in-
dicted for wilfully and maliciously
setting fire to a flour- mill, at
Albury, in the occupation of James
Franks. — James Franks; I am a
miller at Albury, and have a dwell*
ing-house on tne side of the road
leading from Albury to Sheer. The
mill is next to the dwelling-house,
and the grounds of Mr. Smallpiece
are nearly opposite. On the 13th
of November I retired to bed about
eleven o*clock at night, having pre-
viously ascertained that the pre-
mises were all right. About four
o*clock next morning, I was awoke
by a loud cracking noise, and upon
getting out of bed, I discovered
that the mill was on fire. I
alarmed my two brothers and the
servants, and proceeded to dress
myself, and had just left my bed-
room window, when I heard the
report of a gun, and at the same
moment the window was shattered
to pieces. The blind was down,
but I pulled it on one side and
looked out. I then ran down
stairs, and, on going out at the
door, I saw a man running along
Mr. Smallpiece's pleasure-grounds.
He had on a brown round frock or
jacket. It was light at the time,
and I could see any person dis-
tinctly ; the mill, which was then
burning, made every object visible.
The prisoner was m my service
two years last October, and he
lived at Albury-heath, about three-
quarters of a mile from my house.
Before this fire took place, my
windows had been shot at three
times. I had never any dispute
with the prisoner about a horse,
but I had accused him of having
beaten my horse. I discharged
the prisoner because I had no work
for him. From the pleasure-ground
of Mr. Smallpiece to my window
is about seventy feet, i was not
able to distinguish whether the
man whom I saw running wore a
frock or a jacket. The prisoner
was permitted to go at large until
the next Tuesday, apd, after he
knew that suspicion attached to
him, he might have gone away.
He was apprehended at his own
house. The mill was worked at
all hours, and sometimes by candle-*
light.— 'Richard Tidy; I was in
the employment of Mr. Franks
when the prisoner was in his service.
After he left, I met him, and he
asked me how Mr. Franks's horse
was. I inquired why he asked^
and he replied, ''Because Mr.
Franks has been making a row,
and sayinff I beat his horse,'* add-
inff, '' he'll get no good by it j he
will get served out for it. I told
Mr. Franks of this conversation.-—
Matthew Mansell ; I saw the pri-
soner in company with two young
men, named Moore and Challing,
about seven o*clock on the evening
in question. They were standing
together near Mr. Bampton's shop
in Guildford. The prisoner said,
*' Young men, I can tell you some-
thing for your good." He then
patted his breast, and said he had
got something there which every
person was not going to know $ and
then he said that they should hear
something to be talked of before
night. — Three other witnesses con-
firmed the statement of this person.
—Thomas Myon ; I live at Sheer,
and was at Guildford on the night
of the 13th of November, and saw
the prisoner there. He came to
the Queen's-head, and we started
toffether towards Albury, at twelve
o'dock that night, and went as far
as Mr. Dnimmond's park, about
B2
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831,
four miles from Guildford, and
about a quarter of a mile from Mr.
Franks's mill, and we parted at
Albury-park. I had about a quar-
ter of a mile to go home, and it
was two o'clock when I got home.
The prisoner was able to walk:
and, although he was tipsy, he ap-i
peared to know what he was about.
— Cross-examined by Mr. Dow-
ling; 1 have known the prisoner
for eight or ten years. Before we
parted, he said he had got a bad
pain in his side, and did not know
that he should be able to walk home.
— Henry Franks ; I am the prosecu-
tor's brother, and slept at Albury on
the night of the 1 3th of November,
I was roused at four o'clock in the
morning by jin alarm of fire, and
came down stairs immediately, and
unfastened the front door. As I
opened the door, I observed a man
on the shrubbery side of Mr.
Smallpicce's pales. — John Rich-
ardson ; I am bailiff to Mr. Drum-
mond, and know the prisoner at
the bar. I went to his house on
Sunday, the 14 th of November, and
saw him near the hog-sty talking
to his wife. I heard him say, ^' I
shall go and see how they get on
at the fire." I then went up and
told him he must go with me. He
came with me, and in crossing
the heath he said, '^ You have
liad one of your ricks on lire." I
said that was not the case. He
then said, " You have had a fire
at the park." I told him no. He
then said his wife told him that
Portmouth (one of Mr. Drum-
mond's servants) had said he saw a
man with a gun shoot a fire-ball
into the rick* I said I had not
heard of it. In crossing that part
of the park from which he could
see the smoke issuing from the
fire, he turned his head and said,
'^ Y'ou have had a fire in the vil-
lage." Itoldhimthat Mr. Franks's
mill was burnt down to the ground.
He then said, there had been
several fires in Kent. I was then
directed to go to the cottage of
the prisoner, where I saw a frock
hanging by the fire. It was wet
below the elbow and on the side,
and there was the mark of yellow
sand on the hip. The other marks
appeared like what comes off in
shrubberies after rain or thaw. The
frock was dark brown. I saw a
gun hanging over the fire-place,
and, upon examining it, I found
the pan moist, and also the inside
of the barrel. There was a mai'k
on the steel, and some moss on the
plate of the lock. The moss was
fresh. The gun appeared to have
been recently discharged. I brought
the gun and frock to Mr. Drum-
menu's, after which the prisoner
took them back again. On the
evening of the same day I went
again to the prisoner's. He had
the frock on then, and I told him
he must take it off. I then took
the gun from the same place where
it was in the morning, and when
I took the frock to Mr. Drum-
mond's, I observed that the stains
were not so visible. Part of the
moss remained on the gun. — Se-
veral other witnesses M'ere called
to corroborate the main facts al-
ready deposed to. — ^The Jury found
the prisoner Guilty, and he was sen-
tenced to be hanged.
2. Earthquake. — Naples. —
To-day, at three o'clock in the
afternoon, a severe shock of an
earthquake alarmed the inhabit-
ants of Lago Negro, in the pro-
vince of Bassilicata. It lasted
twenty seconds. Almost all the
buildings in the commune felt its
effects. Ten houses were entirely
destroyed. The church of the
Capuchins, which adjoins their con-*
JAN.]
CHRONICLE.
vent, and is at the distance of a mile
from the town, was also thrown
down, and the remainder of the
convent was left in a very danger-
ous state. It does not appear that
any persons lost their lives, except
an old woman, who was crushed
by the fall of a house.
3. Machine Breaking. —
Salisbury Special Commission.
—William Bartlett, aged 30 ; Wil-
liam Munday, 38; Joseph Bemin-
ster, 26; Richard Watley, 40;
James House, 23 3 Samuel Harford,
22 ; Joseph Hunt, 20; Wm. Bevan,
30; William Farley, 27; Henry
Potticary, 30 ; James Wheeler,
25 ; and William Smith, 33 ; were
charged with having riotously
and tumultuously assembled, and
forcibly destroyed a thrashing-
machine, the property of Ambrose
Patient. — Ambrose Patient; On
the 25th of November I had two
thrashing-machines on my estate,
but I had taken them down. One of
them was placed near my house. I
could have putthem togetheragain,
if I had pleased. About 1 2 o'clock on
the 25 th of November, 300 persons,
armed with sticks, and hammers
and axes, and other weapons, came
to my house. Several of them had
in their hands parts of thrashing-
machines. I saw all the prisoners
but Bartlett in that mob. They
were most of them agricultural la-,
bourers. When they came to my
house, I went and met them. I
knew that they wanted to break my
machine, and I asked what reason
they had for doing so. They gave
no reason. Harford said, he had
come to break it, and break it he
would. He asked me where the cy-
linder was. I said that it was with
the rest of the machine. I advised
them not to break the machine. I
told them that, if they did break it,
they would repent it« They did not
mind this, and broke it all to
pieces. I saw Wheeler very active
with a coal-hammer beating the
machine. I saw Potticary active
in striking the machine. I saw
all the rest of the prisoners, save
Bartlett, crowding so thick about
the machine, that I could not dis-
tinguish what each was doing.
When I found that they were de-
termined to break the machine, I
went to my house where I had left
my wife and children. They came
after me to my house, and demanded
beer and cider. I refused to give them
any for a considerable time; but
afterwards I gave them some, for
my wife and children were much
frightened. They said, that they
had half-a-hogshead of cider from
another farmer whose machine they
had broken, and they must have it
from me. I said that that was no
reason why I should give them
any. Whilst they were talking
with me, Colonel A'Court came up.
— Colonel Charles Ashe A'Court;
I am a magistrate for this county.
J remember a mob assembling at
Heytesbury on the morning of the
25th of November. I read the
proclamation in the riot act to
them, and when I had concluded it,
I saw that it was then about twenty-
five minutes past seven. At that
time, there were only eighty or
ninety persons standing in a dense
mass. There were other persons
assembled loosely about them. I
saw in that mob Bartlett, Munday,
Beminster, Watley, House, Har-
ford, Hunt, and Farley. I think
Bevan was there, but I am not
certain. Not only on that morn-
ing, but on the previous night, at
ten o'clock, I had spoken to these
people on the illegality of their
proceedings. I spoke to Bartlett,
Munday, and Beminster, on the
previous eyeqing; also to Hunt
6
ANNUAL REGISTER. [i83i.
and Harford. I warned them of
the illegality of their conduct. It
was an hour and a half after I had
read the proclamation in the morn-
ings that the mob started from
Heytesbury. They went to Knook,
to gets as they said^ some cider
from a ^rmer of the name of
Parham^ who had promised them
some. From something they said,
I doubted their intentions, and
followed them. Knook is about
one mile and a half from the place
of their assembly. I left them at
Knooks because they promised that
they would keep the peace^ and
separate after drinking their cider.
In consequence of information I
afterwards received^ I went to
Gorton. I got there at a quarter
before twelve. I found the mob
at a turn of the road leading to
Corton. They were then consult-
ing which turn they should lake.
They took the road to Mr. Pa«
tient's farm. I saw Bartlett there,
taking the lead in the party. He
cheered them on and gave the
word of command. I am not sure
whether he had any thing in his
hand at firsts but he had after-
wards a clubs which he held up in
a menacing manner. I saw Mun-
day repeating the word of com-
mand after Bartlett, and acting
with great violence. Bemiuster
was there, and very noisy. At
this time there was a great change
in the temper of the mob from
that which they had exhibited in
the morning. I begged them to
desist. I told them that I would
mark every man. The more I
spokCs the more they hooted. I
went with them to Patient's and
told them that I was there on pur-
]K>se to mark them. They did not
mind me, but formed a crowd
round the machine. It was broken in
a minutei evidently by persons who
understood the trade; I should think
by blacksmiths and carpenters.
On breaking it^ they said that it
was the seventh machine they had
broken. I heard something said
at that time about cider. I pushed
my horse as well as I could through
the mobs and told Mr. Pktient at
his peril not to give them any. He
said that he was forced to do so. I
then followed the mob to another
farm. They broke a machine
thercs but they broke it so quickly
that at the time I did not know
that it was broken. I then tamed
round to go away. The mob then
cheered. I turned round and I saw
them raise their sticks. I poshed
my horse back into them and
marked Bartlett as one of the men
who so raised a stick. Witness
here identified all the prisoners as
having been present at this second
farm. William Smith was there,
I was much shocked at seeing him.
He is a labourer of my own. I
saw him with a bill-hook. I then
left the mob. I heard them say
that they would go to Sutton^
which is about a mile and a half
from the place where they then
were. I had sent for the yeomanry
cavalry and the special constables
to meet me at a certain point. The
cavalry and special constables took
all the prisoners but two. I took
afterwards the other two*, whom I
had noticed, in their own houses.
The river was much swollen, but
when the cavalry camcs the mob
took the river to get out of their
way. There was not a man in
the mob intoxicated.
Many of the prisoners, in their
defences saids that £urmer Parham
had told them thai if they wouM
come and break his machine on the
25th of November, he would give
them half-a-h<^shead of cider, and
if that was not enough, be woaU
JAN.] CHRONICLE. 7
give them more. Tbey went to in the Apethorne^milL Knows
i^mer Parham's accordingly; they that three men were diecharged
got the cider^ the cider got into about six weeks ago from the mill,
their head8> and thus it happened in consequence of irregularity in
that they were placed at the bar. their general conduct ; their names
^he Jury then returned a rerdict Were Ralph Stapford^ThomatPlatt^
of Guilti/ against all the pri** and Matthew fioth t gave them
soners, tmt recommended Bevan notice under the order of Mr.
and Farley to mercy^ on account James Ashton ; but Mr. James al-*
of the excellence of their cha- lowed the two latter to remain
i*acters, unemployed. Piatt was ultimately
3. AssASSiNATioK.*— Mr* Tho« discharged^ and not taken in again<
mas Ashton^ son of one of the James Stanfield^ a youth, was dts«
principal cotton<«spinner8 and ma« charged ; but ^t was previously
nufacturers at Hyde^ in the neieh* to the others^ and he had since ap*
bourhood of Manchester^ was shot nlied to be taken on at the Wood*
through the heart when returning ley-mill. Does not recdlect any
in the evening from his father's threatening language used by tlve
factory; the following evidence was two men discharged towards Mr.
given before the Coraneri James Ais^ton. «^ Richard Wain*
Hannah Hidebotham ; Is ser* wrf|^t ^ Is manager over the
vant to Samuel Ashton, esq., of sjnnners. Piatt and Stanfield were
Pole Bank, in the township of discharged because of their being
Wemeth. Deceased left his fa* members of the Trades' Unicm.
tber's bouse after tea, about half- Flatt thought he was paid too
past seven on Monday night. He little for his work, which led him
was officiating for his brother to join the Union. He said there
James that evening at the Ape- was going to be a turn-out in
thorne factory, in consequence of S^vbridge, and a great advance
his brother's absence at Mr. Bar- would take |^ace. This was in
low's, at Highfield. He had just November* Witness endeavoured
before arrived from the factory at to prevail opon bim to fore^ his
Woodley, of which he had the determination of joiuii^ the Unioa
management. In a quarter of an as he bad tben a omifcTtabie sito-
hour after bis absence, information ation, and he could not better bin*
was given to the fbmily of the me- self > but Piatt was resolute, and
landioly event. The Apethorne mill he left. He has three or four
is less than half-a^mile from tiie little dnldren. Mr. James Ashton
house of his father. Mr. Thomas directed his disdiarge*— Martha
seldom attended at that mfitl. The Percival, aged nine years^ stated,
messenger who brought the intclli- that, on Monday evenings as she
geneeaskedfor Mr. Thomas Ash ton: was returaiog alone, abMit seven
he was told, that he was gone out. o'ckck, from the Apetbeme fae-
He said he believed Mr. Thomas tory to her ^itiier^s boose at
was down in the lane, and h«rt ; Oerrard'si^ollow, she net three
be then went away^ and two of the men near the gale wlii<^ leads by
female servants went with Imn. in the private road to Mr. Ashton's
ten minfites after he left die boose resiaence. She distiaetly heard
he was brougbt in q»te dead, persons waBaag backw^ and
-^Jame^Anmws; ItbookJceeper ferwnrd belwetff Swiadriri hmn
8
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
house and Cheetham's old factory,
for a sliort period before they came
up to her, which ( according to
the distance which had been mea-
sured for the purpose) is about
100 yards. |^ This portion of
the lane is that part which the
deceased had to pass tli rough on
his way to the mill, after leaving
the private road through the field,
and which is the greatest length
without a house in the whole dis-
tance to the mill.] When witness
met them, she observed one of
them carrying, as she called it, a
gun, and, on her attempting to
pass on the right-hand side of
them, one of them prevented her,
by stepping further to the right,
and thereby forcing her to pass
between them ; evidently in order
to conceal the weapon, which she
plainly saw by afterwards turning
her head, that he carried in his
right hand. She said she thought
it was a gun, as she had often seen
^'Jud Bennet*' carry one in the
same way. They were all grown-
up men. Said, she told her mother
of the circumstance, and the alarm
it occasioned her. — Several other
witnesses were examined, but as
there was no evidence directly
tending to criminate any one, the
Jury returned a verdict, " Wilful
Murder against three persons at
present unknown." The father
of Mr. Ashton offered a reward of
500/. for the discovery of the
offenders; another of 500/. was
offered by his other relatives ; and
the Secretary of State offered 1 ,000/.
more, with pardon to any accom-
plice, excepting the hand that ac-
tually fired the pistol, who would
come forward and give the desired
information.
5. Affray with Smug-
glers.—A Coroner's Inquest was
held on the bodies of William
Crittenden and George Harold,
who had been killed in an afiray
on the beach, about two miles
to the eastward of Hastings.
William Rixon^ ex-seaman, be-
longing to the Hyperion, was on
duty on the beach about 3 o'clock
in the morning of Wednesday last,
near Gover*s-cottage. A sloop
showed a light about two miles
from the shore, to the southward
and westward. In about ten mi-
nutes afterwards a boat left, her,
which was making for the shore.
As soon as she came near, could
see three men pulling, and . one
man in the stem steering. He
went up under the cliff, and saw
thirty or forty men with sticks
nine or ten feet long ; they looked
like soldiers with muskets. So
soon as he hailed them, another
party, which he had not seen .be«
fore, ran to attack the two men
who were on duty near him. . The
first party which he had seen
threatened his life, and said, if
he did not fire, they would not
hurt him ; but if he fired, they
would cut his throat. He imme-
diately fired his musket for: assist-
ance ; did not recollect which way
he fired ; he might have fired in
the direction in which the men
stood. They sprang on him ;
about a dozen handled him, struck
him on the side of the head with
their sticks, which forced him to
the ground, and stunned him,
after which he was senseless for
some time ; and as he was recover-
ing, they struck him again. Some
of his comrades came to his assist-
ance^ After the men had left him,
he found he had been dragged a
considerable way up the cliff.
They had torn his clothes in try-
ing to disarm him. He then went
down to the boat, and stood by her,
until his office^ <(Vne down and
JAN.]
CHRONICLE.
9
seized lier. The smugglers took
his pistols and musket from him.
The duty imposed on him^ in case
of an attempt to land contraband
goods, was, to resist to the utmost
of his power. He fired as a signal
for assistance. The men were on
the cliff rather above him. He
fired once before he was knocked
down 3 but afterwards discharged
four or five pieces as signals for as-
sistance. The men went down to
the boat to take the goods out.
He could hear them run down and
up the beach while the people were
beating him. There were 93 tubs
in the boat.'— William Bocock, sea-
man of the Hyperion, was on duty
on the beach, near Gover's-cottage,
about 3 o'clock on the morning of
the 5th ; a sloop, about two miles to
the southward and westward, put up
a light, and a boat soon afterwards
came from her, making for the
shore. He said to William Rixon,
"Here's a boat coming in;"
which we took to be a galley.
She came pretty close to the shore,
and lay on her oars. A man, named
Devorce,came to relieve me. Rixon
slewed round, and went nearer to
a party of men in the cliff. We
then were twenty or thirty yards
asunder. • The party sung out,
" Don't fire, and we will not hurt
you." Another said, " If you do
fire, we will cut your throats ; "
or something to that effect. They
then came down off the cliff to-
wards usy with great bats in their
hands, as thick as my arm, and
Rixon fired his musket. He
(Bocock) then fired also, but could
not see Rixon for the people who
were round him, but fired amongst
them. Could not tell who he hit,
neither did he see what they did
to Rixon. The party followed
him, and three or foiur of them
knocked him down at the water's
edge with their bats. His arms
and ammunition were taken from
him, and thrown into the sea, when
the men called out fqr the boat to
come in, which she did. He did
not know what happened after-
wards, as he was insensible from
the blows which he received. He
had fired one pistol and his musket.
They were loaded with a ball each*
He did not fire at all until Rixon
was knocked down, and the men
with bats were coming down on
him. Did not know whether his
shot took effect or not. Two ofiicers
of the preventive service confirmed
several of the above statements.
The Jury brought in their ver-
dict that <' William Crittenden and
Joseph Harrod died from gun-shot
wounds inflicted by some person or
persons unknown ; but that it was
justifiable homicide on the part of
those who shot them.'* .
Erroneous Verdict. — At
the Special Commission at Salis-
bury, Isaac Looker veas indicted
for sending a threatening letter to
John Rowland, in these words : —
'' Mr. Rowland, Haxford Farm,
— Hif you goes to sware against or
a man in prisson, you have here
farm burnt down to ground, and
thy bluddy head chopt off.'*
Some evidence was produced to
shew that theprisoner, in his conver-
sation, had justified the machine-
breakers and fire-raisers, and that
the magistrates and military, who
disturbed the proceedings of the
mobs, were the only breakers of the
peace 5 but the case turned on the
question, whether the letter was
in the hand-writing of the pri-
soner. The witnesses were —
Philip Watts 5 I know the pri-
soner. I have often seen him
write. I have no doubt these
papers are his writing. The other
two pieoea are also his writiiig««->i
10
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
Cross-examined ; It is four or five
years since I saw him write. I
bare lired near the prisoner for a
long time. We have not been
friends for three or four years.
We have not spoken to each other
for three or four years. We had a
dispute about some grounds be-
longing to the marquis of Ailes-
bury. Should not be sorry or glad
at the result of this trial. — Mr.
Woodman ; I know the prisoner.
I was acquainted with his hand-
writing SIX or seven years ago^ but
not since. I believe those letters
to be his hand-writing. I received
them from Watts. — Cross-ex-
amined ; I have not been in the
habit of speaking to prisoner for
the last five or six years. I don*t
know the cause : he did not speak
to me. I can't say why; but I
had never any quarrel or difference
with him. — Edward Vaisey ; I
have known the prisoner a long
time. I have seen him write. I
have not seen him write since
1 824. I have had many bills and
letters of his, and have some of
his writings in my possession now.
(The papers already referred to
banded to witness.) I know this
hand-writing , it is that of the
prisoner. I received one of these
papers^ while a nephew of tlie pi-
Boner's was in custody, on a charge
by me of breaking a thrashing-
machine. It was about the 2ist
oi December. — Cross-examined ;
I have not spoken much to the pri-
soner. I never had much of a
quarrel with him. I have not
spoken to him for a twelvemonth.
He cut a road through a meadow
of mine about three years ago,
which had been stopped up six-
teen years before. 1 don't think
we have spoken since. — Mr. Smith ;
(A ledger and other books belong-
ing to the prisoner pat ku) Thcoe
books the prisoner acknowledffed
before the magistrate to be his,
and, for the greater part> in his
hand-writing. I was sworn a
special constable in November last.
1 went in that character along
with Taunton, the Bow-street
officer, to the house of the prisoner,
having received a warrant to search
his premises, where I found this
blauK piece of paper, which 1 have
no doubt is part of the same sheet
of paper on which the letter is
written. It was in his bureau.
There was a peculiar irregQianty
in the edges of each, and the three
pieces fitted exactly into each other.
At the time I searched the house,
I had those three letters in my
possession, and, I should say,
they formed part of the sheet
found in the possession of the
prisoner, as the rough edges of one
])art fit into the other. The bhmk
paper is also a part of the mmt
sheet. Tiie water-mark is di-
vided; one part of it is on the
blank piece, the other on the
letter. The prisoner said, the
bureau was his, and that he kept
his papers there. It was not
locked. The bureau was in the
kitchen where the family sate.— -
For the defence were called;
William TuUy ; I have known the
prisoner twenty-five years. I have
often seen him write. I saw him
write as lately as March last (the
letter to Rowland was here handed
to witness). That is not the pri-
soner's hand- writing, nor like it. I
have no doubt it is not his hand-
writing.— The other papers handed
to witness. — I dont think these
papers are his hand-writing. (Pri-
soner's ledger was here handed to
witness.) 1 believe this to be his
hand-writing. The letters nom
produced are in n better hand
than the priaoner's^iwOiOfge Sd«
JAN.] CHRONICLE. 11
wards ; I am vestry-clerk of the wrote the name ^' Isaac/' but in
parish of Wimbourne, I have such a scrawl that Isaac hiiQself
known the prisoner eleven yeanu could not know it. — Cro6s-ex«
I have seen him write^ and know amined ; I am a labourer in the
his hand-writing; I have seen service of the prisoner, and have
him write within thi^ year or two. be^i so for nine years. I was
(The letter to Rowland was handed taken up for some of the riots, but
to witness.) From what I have was let go again the next day. I
seen of his writing, I don't think was bound over to keep the peace
that is the prisoner's hand-writing, for twelve months«< — Several other
— Cross-examined ; I have been a witnesses gave similar evidence^
schoolmaster. I don't think this and it was proved that the desk <Hr
is prisoner's hand-writing. His is bureau was always open. In sum^
a systematic round hand, but this miug up, Mr. Justice Alderson
is angular and pointed. The called the attention of the jury to
character of the writing is very the hct of the fitting of the pieces
different from his.— Robert Evely. of paper written on with that
I have had dealings with the pri- found in the prisoner's bureau, of
soner for eleven years. I have seen which the prisoner had offered no
him write ^ve or six weeks succes- explanation. The Jury returned
sively, at market. (The letter to a verdict of Guilty. Mr. Justice
Rowland was put in.) This is not Alderson proceeeded to pass sen*
his hand-writing, and nothing like tence : " The Jury have found you
it. This is much better than his. guilty, <m evidence which must
(Another paper handed to witness.) satisi^ every reasonaUe man, tkit
This is not prisoner's writing ; it — Prisoner ; My Lord, I am i»-
is not so good as his. — Cross- nocent. I never t<niched the
examined ; Prisoner frequents my paper. I never wrote a line of it.
house when he comes to Marl- My Lord, I* am innocent. — ^Mr
borough on market-days. I have Justice Alderson ; You have been
seen him write a hundred times, found guilty of a crime, which
The last time I saw him write is certainly not mitigated by your
was about five or six weeks ago. denial, after such evidence— -a
I have not seen any of his writing crime which strikes at the very
since he has been in custody. — root dl society, by tendii^ to ob»
John Bnstow White -, I have seen struct the due admkiistratioB of
the |)risoner write, and know his justice. — The jmsoaet here again
writing. (The letter to Rowland interrupted his Lordship, and said»
handed to him.) This is not the My Lord, I declare I am innocent;
hand-writiog (^ the prisoner. It I never wrote the paper ; I never
is a much heavier hand-writing, put my hand to it. The desk in
I think prisoner's writing is better, which the piece of blank paper was
— John Lewington ; I am a la- found was open to five or »x per-
bourer. I live at Axfbrd. I have sons in the house, as well as to
seen prisoner write very often, myself. My Lord, the law may
This (Rowland 8 letter) is not the find me guilty, but it cannot mal4
prisoner's writing. Witness was me so^ I now declare s^mnly,
here asked whether he could write, that I am innocent of this crime»—
and was UAd to write the prisoner'is The learned Judge proceeded :
name* With »om^ diiSkulty he I eaoa^l attend to tb^K asseveift^
n
ANNUAL REGISTER
tl831.
tioos^ for wp all know that a man
who can be guilty of such an
offence as that of which you have
been convicted, will not hesitate
to deny it as you now do. I
would rather trust to such evidence
as has been given in your case^
than to the most solemn declara-
tion even on the scaffold ; for we
know that they are persisted in
by men in whose case, from all
that has come before the Court,
there can be no doubt whatever ;
and sitting to administer justice,
I must not be deterred by your re-
peated denials, from doing my duty,
in passing on you the sentence of
the law, which is Transportation
for Ufe.
The Jury now obtained permis-
sion to leave Court for a time to
get some refreshment, and the
Judge also retired. During their
absence, a young man, apparently
about seventeen or eighteen years
old, the sou of the prisoner, was
brought to the table bv the solici-
tor who conducted the defence.
He there acknowledged, that it was
he wrote the letters, and not his
father. A piece of paper was then
given to him, and he wrote from
memory a copy of the letter sent
to Rowland. When compared with
the original, there could be no
doubt that the handwriting was
the same. The copy was not a
verbatim transcript of the original,
but there was very little difference,
and in all the words badly spelt in
the original, the same spelling was
adhered to in the copy. He then
was shown the original and told to
copy it, which he did verhatm.
The hand-writing in both were ex-
actly similar. — On the return of
the learned judge to Court, these
iacts were made known to him,
and the copies of the letter were
Ifdd before him by Mr. Ev^rett^ the
Counsel for Looker. The Court
was also informed, that the son
had acknowledged that he wrote
the letters, and did so in order to
save his cousins, who had been
accused of breaking machines. His
lordship expressed his surprise that
these facts had not been brought
forward at the trial, or at least
before he passed sentence. He
could not account for it ; and with-
out meaning to impute that it was
so, he must say that it looked like
a trick. However, he would have
all the facts laid before him, and
would give them due consideration,
for though the application came
late, yet it never was too late to do
what was right. It was at last
determined to try the prisoner on
one of the other two indictments
against him for sending similar
letters, to give him an opportunity
of bringing before the jury the new
facts. He was accordingly tried,
on the 7th, for sending a threaten-
ing letter to Mr. Woodman. The
evidence on both sides was the
same as on the previous trial, ex-
cept that the prisoner called his
son Edward Looker, who was first
cautioned by the «Tudge that he
need not answer any question to
criminate himself. I am the sou of
the prisoner. I am about eighteen
years old. I lived with my father
in December last. []The three
letters handed to witness.] I wrote
those papers on the 21st of Decem-
ber last. I wrote them standing
at the desk or bureau. It is al-
ways kept open. My brothers were
present when I wrote those let-
ters. George Vivash was also pre-
sent. My father was not at home
then. He left home at six that
morning. He went to Draycot,
to sell some wood. Draycot is
about ten or twelve miles off. My
father did not return till ten at
JAN.]
CHRONICLE.
13
night. I borrowed the sheet I
wrote on at my uncle's. It was
only one sheet ; I did not use the
whole, and I put the remainder in
my father's bureau. When my
father came home, I did not tell
him what I did. I went that night
and dropped the three letters near
the houses of the persons to whom
they were directed. The first (that
to Woodman) I dropped near the
arch of the bridge, near Woodman's
mill. The second (to Vaisey), and
the third (to Rowland), I dropped
near their houses. This was about
nine o'clock on the same night.
I told my brother Isaac of it; but
I never told my father a word
about it. — Cross-examined by Mr.
Serjeant Wilde. I had some cousins
in gaol then, Robert Vivash and
George Coleman. They had been
in gaol about a week. One of
them was at Devizes, and the other
at Marlborough. The imcle from
whom I borrowed the paper is
Coleman's father. He lives quite
close to my father. I had not seen
my cousins. I had not heard who
took them up, but I knew they
were in trouble about mobbing and
breaking machinery belonging to
Woodman and Vaisey. My cousins
were not talked about at home. I
don't know that I did hear my
father and uncle talk about this
affair. I don't know that I talked
to my father about it. I don't re-
collect that I heard my father talk
about it. I might, but I don't
recollect it. I never heard him
speak of it. I know that he knew
my cousins were in prison. I
heard my brothers Isaac and Laban
speak about it to my father. I
heard my father say it was a bad
job. It was seven or eight in the
evening when I wrote the letters.
I heard people talk that it would
get my cousins off, if threatening
letters were written, and I did it
without a thought of the conse-
quences. I did not know it would
be any harm. I did not know the
consequences. I don't know any
of the persons who spoke about my
cousins. I don't know I said much
to my fatlier about it. We talked
about how they would be punished,
and how they would get off. I
mean how they would get off in
punishment. My father said, they
would be transported. I don't
know when I spoke to my father
about it. I did not talk to my
brothers about writing. My bro-
ther Laban knew it, for he saw me
at the desk and saw what I wrote.
I can't say what I said to my father.
I don't know whether it was before
or after the letters were written
that 1 spoke to my father about
how my cousins would get off in
punishment. I got the paper from
my aunt- There was no paper in
my father's house, but what was
written upon. My father did not
know that I wrote those letters.
He did not know it till he was in
prison. I did not know what the
persons came to the house for until
after they came. I did- not hear
from a person named Martin, that
a Bow- street officer had come down
about it. I never heard it talked
about. It was my uncle who first
told my father about the letters.
I told my uncle when my father
went to prison. I told my father's
lawyer of this about a week ago.
I did not intend to disguise my
hand. I did not give it a thought
whether it would be known or not.
— Re-examined. The bureau was
three or four yards distant from the
fire where my brothers were. My
back was turned to the table. — By
the Court. I dried the letters at
the fire : my brother Isaac asked
me what it was. My brother Labau
14
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[18S1.
knew it before. I did not tell my
aunt what tlie paper was for. I
told my brother Isaac, that I should
not tell him what the letter was
about. J did not tell him till next
day. My uncle knew it before I
wrote them. I first conceived the
notion of writing the letters from
hearing people speak about it in
Axford-street. I don't know the
names of those persons. — His lord-
ship here directed the witness to
write from memory, a copy of what
he wrote on that occasion. He
did, and it was handed up to his
lordship. — ^Mr. Christopher Day ;
I am the solicitor who conducted
the defence of the prisoner. Ed-
ward Looker communicated to me
on Tuesday, the 28th of December
last^ the fact of his having written
the letters. It was stated in Court
at the trial, that the sons were in
the house at the time the desk was
examined. It was not stated that
the prisoner had sons living with
liim capable of writing. — ^Mr. Jus-
tice J. Parke. There can be no
doubt that the facts, as they came
out on this and on the former trial,
made so strong a prima facie case
against the prisoner, that the public
prosecutors would not have been
justified if they had not brought
the case forward. The case of the
Crown has now been answered, and
if the Jury believe the evidence of
the son, there is no reason what-
ever to think, that the prisoner had
any guilty knowledge of sending
the letter. — The Jury returned a
verdict of Not Guilly, — The learned
Judge, with reference to the con-
viction which took place on the
former trial, said, that no time
should be lost in making the proper
representation to the Secretary of
State for the Home Department,
who would, of course, take care
that justice should be done.
An indictment was immediatdy
prepared and found against the
son, to which he pleackd guilty,
and was sentenced to transportation
for seven years.
7. Burglary committed in
1 825. — At the Glasgow winter
Circuit, David Little was charged
with having on the 19th of Sep*
tember 1825, broken into the house
of Gartloch, parish of Cadder,
then occupied by Mrs. Margaret
Kippen, or Hill, and stole 8/. in
notes, silver tea-spoons, a gold-
mounted and a silver-mounted eye-
glass, a silver- watch, and several
other articles. The prisoner plead-
ed Not Guilty, — Mrs. Tait ex-
amined ; — In 1825, she resided at
Gartloch with her mother, Mrs.
Hill, and was at that time un-
married. In September of that
year the house was broken into.
On the night the house was broken
into, she was sleeping in an upper
bed-room, which communicated
with the room in which her mother
slept. She heard a noise, as if
some one was up, or a-stir in the
house ; witness got up and opened
the door, and then returned again
to bed, because the noise had sub-
sided. The dining-room was on
the ground- fioor, immediately be-
neath her bed-room. The noise
was not such as created alarm.
The next noise she heard was a
scream from her sister; witness
again got up, and thought she
saw a light gleaming beneath the
door ; witness went into the dress-
ing-room, and, on looking into the
passage, she saw several men with
a light, and witness returned im-
mediately to her room and locked
the door. The next thing slie
heard was the bell of her sister's
room ringing violently, then the
voice of one of the men saying—
«' You need not ring — ^your servants
JAN.]
CHRONICLE.
15
are bound.'* The men came into
the dressing-room, and said to the
witness and her sister that they
need not be afraid. It appeared to
be the same voice that spoke. It
was money they wanted^ and they
wished witness to come out and
give it^ or tell them where the money
was to be found; witness told
them ; they got the keys^ and the
drawer containingthe money. Does
not recollect if they asked for the
keys^ and does not think they used
threatening language ; but they
said immediately afterwards that
they would break the door, and
named some of the instruments
they intended to use. Witness
was under great alarm, and
it was under that influence she
told them about the keys. Wit-
ness refused to leave the room, as
she was undressed, and the same
man*s voice said there was no time
to be scrupulous. Witness told
them the keys were in her own
pocket in the dressing-room. The
chest of drawers stood in the dress-
ing-room, to which she directed
them as the place where the money
was. They committed a mistake
in going to the wrong drawer, and
informed witness of the circum-
stance, when witness directed them
to the proper drawer. There was
between 1 0/. and 1 1 /. in the drawer.
After they got the money, they
said something as if they did not
believe it was all that was in the
house ', one of them said, don^t
touch any bills or letters. During
some part of that time, witness
went to the window, and called
upon the grieve and the gardener.
Witness's intention in calling was
with the view of frightening the
party in the dressing-room. It
was at that time the men threat-
ened to break the door and use a
pistoL Before the men left the
room, witness heard them tell each
other to lift up their daggers and
pistols. Soon after leaving the
room, they said if she went down
stairs or called for assistance within
an hour, they would return ; and
then made use of threatening lan-
guage about a pistol . Witness left
the room almost immediately, and
went into her sister's room, and
afterwards proceeded to her mo-
ther's apartment. * At the open
window she heard the cries of mur-
der from the lawn. She went down
stairs shortly afterwards to see
what state the servants were in.
She entered the dining-room, and
saw the window open, and pro-
ceeded to the maid-servant's apart-
ment, in which she thinks she ob-
served the maids but does not re-
collect the state they were in ; they
were not in bed 5 their names were
Catherine Ferguson and Christian
Lawson. One of them went with
witness to the door of the man-ser-
vant's apartment ; a noise was made
at the door, but no answer was
made. They afterwards returned
to the dining room, and observed
one of the large panes of the win-
dow and the shutter broken ; there
was tar on the broken pane. A
glove was found in the house, but
she had no particular recollection
of its description. Witness missed
between 10/. and ll£, a silver-
mounted opera-glass, and other
articles, which had been in the
dressing-room on the previous even-
ing, and to the best of her recol-
lection, the opera-glass produced
was the one stolen. — Christian
Lawson, or M'l^an, was servant
at Gartloch when the house was
broken into on the 20th of Septem-
ber, 1825. The first thing she re-
collected was the door being opened
and shut, locked and unlocked ; she
then heard feet in the lower lobby>
16
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
near where she slept^ and from
which her room door opcucd. A
small passage was off the lobby-
to the room. A })erson came into
her room holding a caudle in one
hand and something like a sol-
dier*s bayonet in the other. An-
other came in with a woman's
cloak round his shoulders^ and both
had night-caps over their faces^
with holes near the eyes. A third
entered, who had on a coarse great
coat, of a black colour, something
like the one produced. lie had on
an old black hat drawn down on his
face. Witness got up on her elbow
in bed, and asked what they wanted.
Catherine Ferguson was in the
same bed with witness. The first
man, said, '^ hold your peace —
not a word, or Til run you
through, or 1*11 take your lives. — "
Witness could not say which. She
then lay down and covered herself
with the bed clothes. The man
with the candle stood at the head
of the bed, the one with the wo-
man's cloak stood between tlie two
chairs, and the third was at the
foot of the bed. Tliey took her
hands from under the clothes, and
put them together across, and tied
them with a piece of small twine.
The other girl was tied in a similar
manner. They said they were men
come into the house for the pur-
pose of getting a little money.
They soon left the room, and shut
the door after them. Shortly after
they had left them. Miss Hill
came to their room. About a
minute after the men left the room,
the bed-room bells were rung. When
Miss Hill came into the lobby, their
hands were still tied. Ferguson
untied witness's hands. Miss Hill
had called repeatedly on James
Wilson, the footman. Before she
entered the servant's apartment,
witness proceeded to Mrs. Hill'is
bed-room. In the dressing-room
she saw a glove and a quantity of
spunks. Mrs. Hill was in bed^
and considerably alarmed. It hap«
peued between two and three o'clock
in the morning. The drawers in
the dressing-room were shut. Wit-
ness entered the dining-room, and
saw the window open, and some of
the panes broken. Recollects one
of the men turned round and named
the witness, and thinks it was he
who carried the candle. The pa-
nel resembles the man with the
great coat, and the hat over his
face. He was nearly of the pri-
soner's size. The other two men
were taller than the man with the
great coat. She did not see hats
on the other two men. Both of
the men spoke. — Catherine Fer-
guson, or Campbell, another ser-
vant, who was sleeping in the same
apartment with the preceding wit-
ness, corroborated the greater part
of Christian Lawson's statement-
James Wilson was a servant at
Gartloch, on 20th September, 1825,
when the house was robbed. His
room was next the kitchen. The
first thing he heard was one say-
ing to another, ^' Bind him, bind
him ; tie him, tie him." The men
said something else, but he did not
understand it. He thinks they did
not observe that he was awake.
They were in the attitude of leav-
ing the room and shutting the
door, when he got up and ob^rved
the shadows from the candle. They
then shut the door, and locked it.
Witness rose and opened the door,
and, after remaining for some time
in the room, went out by the back
window with part of his dress on.
After he got out, he proceeded to-
wards the offices, and, while he was
on his way, he saw a person follow-
ing him, and witness ran, and ar-
rived at the offices^ calling out^
JAN.]
CHRONICLE.
17
" Robbers, robbers." Witness con-
tinued running for nearly a mile,
and returned to the house in about
twenty minutes thereafter with two
men. The men were away, and
witness missed his ^atch from the
room. He did not observe the
figures of the robbers.— James Ro-
bertson, jun. : heard cries of " rob-
bers" on that night; witness took
the handle of a rake ; two men
started from the shrubbery, before
the dining-room window, and ran
off. He ran after, and overtook
one of them, whom he knocked
down with the stick in his hand.
He struck him on the side of the
head. His father then came for-
ward, and the man told his father
that two men had attacked him on
the Stirling road with pistols, and
had ordered him to follow them.
He got on his feet again, but his
father knocked him down with a
poker; they left him lying and
returned to the house. He cried
out that he was done. The man
had on a large coat, like a watch-
man's, of a white colour. That is
like the coat. Did not see his
countenance, it being dark, but he
appeared to be five feet eight or
nine, the same height as thej)ri-
soner. They afterwards went back
to where the man had been left,
but he was gone. — ^Mary M'Kie,
or Laing ; lived five years ago at
John Little's house in Drygate,
Glasgow. Recollects Mrs. Hill's
house being robbed at that time.
Little had some sons, of whom
David, the prisoner, was one.
Thinks the prisoner and Mathias
his brother were in the house on
the Monday night before the rob-
bery, at ten o'clock. Saw David
next morning with his head tied
up in a napkin : he was cut
somewhere about the nose : but he
had a cut above which she did not
Vol. LXXin.
see. His head was not tied up the
night before. — Charles Kerr was
then called. He lodged in John
Little's house at the time of the
Gartloch robbery. He believed
Mathias and David Little were
not in the house on the night of
the robbery. He saw David next
night in his father's house, with
some cuts on the fore part of his
head, and sticking-plaister on them,
which he took off, and closed them
up a second time. He had been
taken, he said, to a house some-
where out of town, and that some-
thing had been taken out of it.
He said he had got the blows at
that house, and acknowledged being
in the house, and witness under-
stood that he had got the blow
about the door. The man who
gave him the blow, as he under-
stood, had run away from him
after the others, and left him stupid
and senseless. Prisoner shewed
him a seal he had got in the house ;
he was shown 5/. in notes, and 31,
in silver, but cannot recollect
whether it was by prisoner or not.
Understood that Mathias and David
Little had been together. — Thomas
Williamson, police ofiicer in Man-
chester : apprehended the prisoner,
on 31st July, in a ^Eictory in Mil-
ler's-lane, Manchester. Prisoner
asked why ? Witness said he could
not tell, but he said it was for some-
thing done in Glasgow, or the
neighbourhood. Ahmt two hours
after, while on the way to the
New Bailey, prisoner said, it was
needless to deny it; and asked
what they could do to him. The
old woman, he said, would know
him, as he had saved her life. He
said they did not take above 7/.,
but gave no particulars about the
robbery. The Jury found the pri-
soner Guilty, but, in consideration
of his youth at the time the offence
C
18
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[ISSU
was committed, and it appearing
that this was the only public of-
fence of which he had been guilty,
unanimously recommended him to
mercy. He was executed on the
27th of January.
10. Sedition. — Old Bailey.
•^The King v. Car/i/e— Richard
Carlile was indicted for having
written and published two seditious
libel»— one tending to bring the
Crown into disrepute^ and the
other, wliich was addressed to the
insurgent agricultural labourers,
tending to produce insurrection
among the labouring and agricul-
tural population. The libel was
as follows :— *^ To the Insurgent
Agricultural Labourers— You are
much to be admired for every
thing you are known to have done
during the last month ; for, as
yet, there is no evidence before the
public that you are incendiaries, or
even political rebels. Much as
every thoughtful man must lament
the waste of property — much as
the country must suffer by the
burnings of farm produce now
going on — were you proved to be
the incendiaries, we should defend
you by saying, that you have more
just and moral cause for it than
any king or faction, that ever made
war, had for making war. In war,
all destructions of property are
counted lawful, upon the ground
of that which is called the law of
nations. Yours is a state of war-
fare, and your ground of quarrel is
the want of the necessaries of life
in the midst of an abundance. You
see hoards of food, and you are
starving. You see a government
rioting in every sort of luxury and
wasteftil expenditure, and you, ever
ready to labour, cannot find one of
the comforts of life. Neither your
silence nor your patience has ob-
tained for you the least respectful
attention from that govemment.
The more tame you have grown,
the more you have been oppressed
and despised, the more you have
been trampled on ; and it is only
now, that you beffin to display your
physical as well as your moral
strength, that your cruel tyrants
treat with you, and ofier terms of
pacification. Your demands have
been, so far, moderate and just, and
any attempt to stifle tliem, by the
threatened severity of the new ad-
ministration, will be so wicked aa
to justify your resistance even to
death, and to life for life."
The publication beingproved, the
defendant, who was his own coun«
sel, contended, in a speech of five
hours and a half, that the charac«
ter of the writing charged as libel-
lous was not calculated to produce
any pernicious effects. He denied
that he had ever countenanced the
destruction of property by fire» or
the breaking of machinery; bat»
although he did not wish to see
machinery destroyed, he would not
have the working population starve.
He then went on to defend his own
libels, by endeavouring to prove
that other publications were equally
libellous ; and contended, at consi-
derable lenffth, that he had merely
exercised the right of a freeman^
in delivering a free opinion uponpo*
litical questions. He called on the
Jury not to attend to the comments
of the Judge, who would sum up the
case, nor to the Counsel who would
be heard in reply ; but to judge
themselves both of the law and hct,
and return a verdict of acquittal.-—
The Jury having retired at nine
o'clock in the evening, returned
into court at eleven, with a verdict,
«« Guilty of publishing," but that
one or two of them could not agree
whether the publication was libel*
lous. The Recorder told them
JAN.]
CHRONICLE.
19
they must agree upon that before
he could receive their verdict. — A
Juror. Are we to decide, my lord,
as to whether the publication be
libellous or not ? This is the point
upon which we disagree. — Recorder.
I have explained to you, pretty
plainly, the law upon the subject,
and you must give a verdict upon
the whole case.— The Jury again
retired. — At twelve o'clock the
Recorder again entered the Court,
and directed an officer to go for the
Jury, who, in a few minutes, re-
turned to the box, and their names
being again called over, — The Clerk
of the Arraigns 'said. Gentlemen,
are you now agreed ? — Foreman.
No.*~Rccorder. I again ask you,
gentlemen, if there is any point on
which the Court can assist you ?-— .
A Juror. My lord, our objections
remain the same. I cannot, con-
scientiously with my oath, agree to
find the defendant guilty; and I
am now ready to state my reasons.
—Recorder. I cannot ask for a
juryman's reasons, because I am
bound to believe that they are
conscientious and sood. You must
retire again. — They accordingly
did so, and at one o'clock returned
into Court again, but declared
that they could not agree. Again
they retired, and, after again
consulting together, returned a
verdict, acquitting the defend-
ant on the first count in the in-
dictment, but finding him guilty
on the second and third counts,
which charged the defendant with
addressing inflammatory language
to the labouring classes. The sen-
tence was, that ''he should pay a
fine to the king of 200/., be impri-
soned in the Compter of the city
for the space of two years, and, at
the expiration of that time, should
find sureties for ten years to come,
himself in 500/.^ and two sureties
In 250/. each, and should be im-
prisoned until such fine were paid,
and such sureties provided."
10. Burning of Greenwich
Theatre. — About twelve o'clock
at night, the little theatre in
London-street, Greenwich, was
discovered to be on fire. On the
arrival of the engines every ex-
ertion was used to preserve the
theatre from total destruction. The
interior was, however, completely
gutted, and the whole of the
scenery, machine^, dresses, and
decorations, were destroyed. The
fire communicated to the premises
of Mr. Wheatley, the Greenwich-
coach and omnibusproprietor, wh ich
were much injured. The horses
and carriages were removed in
safety. Mrs. Wheatley, who was
labouring under illness, was taken
out of her house by one of her sons
in an insensible state. How the
fire originated was not known.
21. Salvage. — Admiralty
Court. — ^This was an action, the
circumstances of which were rather
important, inasmuch as they in-
volved a serious charge against the
Blakeney pilots. The City of Edin-
burgh steam-vessel, of 450 tons,
with fifty passengers and a car^o,
from Leith to London, in the be-
ginning of January last, met with
mul weather off Flamborough Head,
and, after reaching the Humber,
on the 12th she took shelter
under a shoal at the mouth of the
river : the gale increasing, she was
driven from her anchor, and pro-
ceeded towards Blakeney, on the
coast of Norfolk, but was unable
to cross the bar, and, on the 13 th,
anchored about three miles from
the coast, in nine fathoms water.
Here the circumstances took place,
which formed the subiect of the
action. On the part of the salvors
(boatmen of Blakeney,* twenty-five
C2
20
ANNUAL REGISTER.
.[1831.
in number), it was charged, that
the steani- vessel, when first seen,
was in great distress, driving to-
wards alec-shore, the wind E.N.E.;
that she made signals of distress,
and the salvors, after endeavouring
in vain to get out the life-boat,
kept watch all night on the deck ;
that the steamer manifested an in-
tention of running on shore, which
would have been sure destruction,
but the salvors, waving a jacket,
warned her oflf; that the weather
continued extremely boisterous
after the vessel had got off Blakc-
ney-bar, the salvors endeavouring
still to get to her assistance, and
the steamer still showing signals
of distress, night and day; that,
on the 15th, they succeeded in get-
ting to her, and found that a boat
from Wells had reached her ; that
the mate of the City of Edinburgh
had admitted, that her engine was
ruined, that she was *^ strained to
pieces," and that *^ her seams were
so open, that you might sec the
green sea through the engine-
room;" that the master told the
salvors that the vessel and cargo
were worth 33,000/., and that they
should be well rewarded for their
assistance; that they exerted them-
selves, at the risk of their lives,
and got her into Blakeney harbour
that day, and continued on board
till the 17th, when the storm had
abated ; that the master (Eraser)
refused then to make any remuner-
ation beyond the sum of lOZ. for
pilotage, which had since been in-
creased to a tender of 15/. On
the part of the owners of the ship
and cargo, a very different case
was set up. They alleged, in the
first place, that, when the vessel
was approaching Blakeney, the
wind was not E.N.E., but E. by S.,
which did not blow direct upon the
land ; and, further, that, upon Hear-
ing Blakeney, the flag was hoisted
on the church to denote that there
was sufficient water, but, being
unable to see the buoy, owing to a
sudden fall of snow, the master was
obliged to haul off, and remained
all the ensuing day (the 13th)
within three miles of the shore;
that no signal of distress had ever
been shown, the only colour shown
was the union jack at the fore-top-
mast-head, the usual signal for a
pilot, which, in the evening (as
was customary), was exchanged
for a light ; that, on that and the
following day, no pilot came out
(though a boat might have come
with perfect safety), notwithstand-
ing an additional (customary) signal
shown in the mizen rigging ; that
at daylight on the 15th, the vessel
having rode out the ^e during
the night, a boat from Wells came
to the vessel and tendered aid;
that the master was warned of the
extortionate character of the Blake-
ney men; that the only engage-
ment made, when the Blakeney
boat came up (which claimed the
right of piloting), was for piloting
the steamer into Blakeney har-
bour ; that, when in the harbour,
the master was informed that, dur-
ing the gale, some sailors had vo-
lunteered to man the life-boat, and
go to the assistance of the vessel,
but the Blakeney men had taken
it from the sailors, saying, that it
would not pay them for. their,
trouble, but if the storm increased^
the vessel would go on shore^ and
then they should get well paid;
that the master never stated, that
the value of the ship and cargo
was 33,000/., or any amount ; that
it was in fact only 13,000/., and he
denied that he had promised any
remuneration beyond the pilotage.
The salvors had demanded 1 ,000/.,
and took bail for the action in
JAN.]
CHRONICLE.
21
1,500/. — Sir C. RflbinsoD, after
some observations upon the case,
propos^ to tlie two Trinity Mas-
ters, by whom lie was assisted, the
follon' i ng questions: — I st. Whether,
regard being had to the state of
the wind and weather on the l3th
and 14th of January, it was in the
power of the salFors to go off to
the vessel as pilots, and bring her
into the harbour ? — 2nd, Whether
their serTiccs, on the ISth, were so
enhanced by the danger, as to
establish a claim to a rewai-d, in
addition to their pilotage, on that
account ? — The two gentlemen de-
clared their opinion to be, that, al-
lowing there was difficulty and
danger Jn getting off on the 13th
and 14th, there had been a want
of eitertion on the par t of the sal rors,
and that the^ had made no fair
trial, which it was their duty to
make as pilots, and that there was
no danger whatever on the 15th ;
all the service rendered that day
being simple pilotage, the weather
being moderate, and the wind fair
for the harbour. — Sir C. Robinson
declared that such was his opinion,
and he therefore pronounced against
the claim for remuneration. With
regard to the charge against the
salvors of refusing to go out, in
expectation of reaping an advant*
age from the expected augmented
peril of the vessel, he observed that
the charge ought to have been
more specific, and brought in a
different form. As to Wie costs,
be was not, under all the circum-
stances, disposed to give them
against the salvors. He could not
by any means extenuate their con-
duct ; it was wrong, it was foolish,
but it was a way in which persona
in their situation were too apt to
act, and he could not put that in-
terpretationuponittosaythatitwas
tnutcioas. On tbe otiier tiwd, the
master's conduct had been negli-
gent, to say the least, in not bring-
ing forward the charge in a more
specific shape, and not making any
complaint upon the subject in his
protest. By giving costs against
the salvors, he should throw upon
these poor people a burden greater
than their pilotage. He should
pronounce for the tender, and de-
cree all the salvors' esiwnses,
24. I''iTiE. — Between eleven and
twelve o'clock at night, the church
of St. Peter, Birmingham, was dis-
covered to be on fire. The fire-
engines made little impression on
thefiames, which were not checked,
after the whole of the interior, in-
cluding the magnificent organ, had
been destroyed, by the falling in
of the roof, leaving nothing stand-
ing but the outside walls. 8t, Pe-
ter's was a very beautiful costly
church. It had been built only
three years before.
'27. Imhuest. — An inquest wiis
held on the body of the right hon.
Lord Rivers, which had been found
in the Serjientine River, Hyde
Park, two days before. Mr. John
Ambrose, his lordship's stewainl,
stated, that on Friday last he re-
ceived a letter from his lordship
requesting him to come to bis lord-
ship's town residence. No. 10,
Grosvenor-place, on the following
Tuesday, for the purpose of paying
over the rents. He arrived there,
about three o'clock in the afternoon
for that purpose, and found the
family in the Iiighest state of alarm
and excitation. On inquiring the
cause, he learned that Lord Rii-crs
had been absent since Sunday even-
ing, and that, notwithstanding
every search and inquiry had been
instituted, no tidings could be
learnt of his lordship. On being
informed that persons were then
dragging the iSerpeatine Birer^ in
22
ANNUAL REGISTER. [lesi.
expectation of finding the body, lie
repaired tliither. He found the
men dragging at the cast end,
near the WBterfall, and in about
five minutes the body of his lord**
ship was raised to the surface and
drawn out. Tiie body was about
two or three yards from the foot-
patli. It was immediately con-
veyed to the house in which they
were assembled; there were no
signs of life, and the body appeared
to have been immersed two or three
days. The deceased ]ive<l upon
good terms with his lady and fa-
mily, and always appeared most
happy in their society. Witness
knew of no occurrence which could
)N)6sibly havederangedhislordship's
mind so as to have caused him
to commit suicide. On the con-
trary, his lordship's affairs were in
the most prosperous state, and he
lived uiM>n the most affectionate
terms with Lady Rivers* He was
very near-sighted, so as not to be
able to discern an object at any
distance without the help of his
glass, which he always carried with
him, and when shooting he always
wore spectiicles. It was extremely
probable, that, from this defect in
his vision, his lordship had fallen
off the footpath into the river by
accident.
James Basten, Superintendent
of the Humane Society's Receiv-
ing-house, de|>oscd to finding the
body in the presence of the last
witness ; and produced a gold re-
peating watch» with the appen*
dages, and 1/. 3s. Gd, in money,
which he took out of his lordship's
}>ockets. The witness adde<l, that
this ymrt of the river was so ex-
tremely dangerous^ that no less
than ten persons fell in from the
causeway one foggy night, a short
time agO| and were with difficulty
saved.
John Baker» a footman to Ladf
Rivers, said, that his lordship
dined with Lady Rivers and his
family, consisting of two daugh*
ters and a son, on Sunday afternoon
last. He appeared much as usual,
and witness observed noihing about
him indicative of aberraUon of
mind. He left hit residence on
foot about 9 o'clock on the same
evening, which was customary with
him.
The Jury» after a short coo«
sultation, returned the following
verdict : — '^Found dromned near
the public path at the head of the
Serpentine River, considered very
dangerous for want of a rail or
fence, where many persons have
lately fallen in/'
FEBRUARY.
i. Railway Accidents.— On
the Liverpool and Manchester
railway, the enffines are employed
during the night, as well as
throughout the day, in conveying
goods to and firom LiverpoM.
An engine arrived at three o'dodc
on Tuesday morning with a train
of waggons loaded with merduui-
dise> and after conducting the train
to the dep6t at the termiiuitioii of
the line, the engine was returning
to the engine-house, which is about
a quarter of a mile from Manchee-i
ter. While doing so, one of the
guards, who had accompanied the
train from Liverpool, lemd care«
lessly upon tlie step of the tender
(which carries a supply of water
for the engine), where he stood for
a few seconds, but his foot alif^ng
he fell upon the ground acroes one
of the rails, and five of the wheels
of the engine and tender passed
over his body, at the pit of the
stomach. The eogino was 'mm^
FEB/1 CHRONICLE. ^3
diately stopped^ but the young fiiLed, and when his companion ap<
roan had already expired, his peared to waver, he slung the bags
body being nearly severed in two. over his own shoulders, and told
Another fotal accident took place him he might return to Moffat if
on the Bolton and Leigh railway he chose. In these circumstances
on Sunday, the 30th of January the driver said, he neither could
last. Some children were playing nor would leave him, and both
upon the railroad, when one of the proceeded bearing the mails, which
carriages, which they were pushing unfortunately, what with double
forward in sport, passed over one arrivals and newspapers, weighed
of their number, a little boy about very nearly seven stone; which,
six years of age, and crushed him considering the state of the roads,
so dreadfully, that he expired the the wind, the drift, the bogs, and
same night. mosses, before and around, was a
Snow-storm. — On the night load for horses rather than men.
between the 31st of January, and Early next morning, the inspector,
1 8t of February, came on a violent having gone out to examine the
snow-storm, which continued for state of the road, found the bags
four davs; extending over the north hanging on a snow post — the far*
of England, and the whole of Scot- thest of the range— five miles and
land, and interrupting the usual three quarters beyond Mofiat, and
mode of communication. The mails within one mile and a quarter of
from England to Scotland, and Tweedshaws. The road-surveyor
from the South to the North of instantly collected a party of men,
Scotland, were two days behind who, by means of lanterns, poles,
their time, and were carried and the assistance they rendered
through by the guards, with great one another, succeeded in forcing
diificulty and danger, on horse- their way to Tweedshaws 3 and
back or on foot ; it being impossible there learnt, that neither guard
for coaches to proceed. The mail nor driver had been seen or heard
from London to Edinburgh, made d. The anxiety of the people of
its way as far as a mile and a half Moffat was now extreme, and a
north of Moffat; when the coach party of nearly one hundred and
stuck fast in a wreath of snow, fifty persons immediately left the
from which six horses could not village to search for the unfortu-
move it. The passengers returned nate men. Some were armed with
to Moffftt; the guani and driver poles, and others with spades; but
mounted two of the horses, and though they continued the search
proceeded through the storm, till fairly spent, all they discovered
which was hourly increasing, with was the driver's hat, which was
the mail bags. It was soon found found in a moss adjoining the snow
impossible to proceed even on post. On the following day, a
horse-back. They dinnounted, and second unsuooessfbl s^rch was
the guard detomined to carry his made, and so persevering were the
mails through the storm on foot, pei^le, that they again went out on
The driver regarded the attempt Saturday, accompanied by a num-
as hopeless, and the road inspeo- ber of Ac^herds* dogs. otOl they
tor, and some of the roadmen who discoverea nothing, and had begun
were near, repeatedly urged him to despair of success, when some of
to desist. But his reaolutiMi wm them retorniiig by what they ocm*
24
ANNUAL REGISTER. [isai.
sidered a nearer cut, between the
new and old lines of road, across a
place called Glencrosh-moor, ob-
served, about half a mile beyond
the snow post, the points of a
man's shoes sticking through the
snow. On removing the snow,
they found the driver stretched on
his back, a stiffened corpse. About
a hundred yards farther, they came
upon the remains of the guard,
half erect, and in the attitude of
sleep. His lips and chin were
free from snow, which appeared to
have been thawed by his breath ;
and from this it was inferred, that
he had been alive for some time
after he sunk, faint and exhausted.
4. Shipwreck. — During the
continuance of the snow storm in
the first days of the month, severe
losses were sustained at sea. The
Czar, one of the smacks sailing
between London and Leith, was
totally lost near North Berwick.
She had sailed from theNoreon the
1st, where there was no appearance
of an approaching storm. On the
afternoon of the 3rd a fresh breeze
from the ESE. sprung up. At
midnight they shortened sail, and
at four o'clock of the following
morning the storm sails were set —
the smack being then off Whitby.
About noon they passed Holy Is-
land, it then blowing very hard,
with snow, and the sea running
tremendously high. At four they
bore up for the Frith; the wind
about this time came suddenly
round to ENE. The vessel was
then steering about north by west;
the land was supposed to be occa-
sionally visible, but very indistinct,
as the sleet and frozen snow which
fell thickly, and the wind blowing
a hurricane, prevented any object
at a distance of more than twice
the length of the vessel being seen
accurately. The sailors, however,
were aware, from the change in
the colour of the water, that they
were close in shore ; but from the
violence of the wind and sea,
there was not the least hope of
getting off — and in an instant they
^und themselves amongst breakers.
The vessel struck, but so great was
the force of the wind and sea, that
she drove over the rocks for a con-
siderable way. At last she ran
alongside a ledge, swung round
with her head towards the swell,
sat down and bilged, falling over
M'ith her deck towards the sea,
which now broke with dreadful
violence on her starboard bow, and
swept every thing from the deck.
The passengers, who had gone
below to take shelter from the
storm, became clamorous, and the
captain. Smith, who till this mo-
ment had been on deck, went to
the cabin to endeavour to allay
their fears, with the assurance that
the ship being a-ground all. was
safe, and that, though the vessel
was beating with much violence on
the rocks, as she was strongly
timbered, there was little doubt of
her holding together till the. tide
receded. The tide, however, con-
tinued to flow till about seven
o'clock ; and the vessel beat on the
rocks for some hours later. The
mast was forced through her bot-
tom. The mate and those on deck
sought shelter in the larboard bow.
The captain and passengers were
collected about the cabin door, the
water being up to their knees.
About midnight the storm some-
what abated ; and the mate again
crept aft, and called to those who
he believed were below; butreceiv-
ing no answer, he went down, and
finding no person, came to the
conclusion that they had reached
the shore unobserved. The idea'
of their being drowned never oo«
FEB.]
CHRONICLE. 26
curred to those on declt, for al- The alleged unsoundne&s or vice
though the criea had ceased, their was, that the horse was a crib-
not being heard was attributed to hiter.— Sir J. Scarlett, in opening
the noise of the storm. The stera the case for the plaintiff, read an ex-
boat was also washed away, and tract from Dr. Itees's Cyclopedia,
the one od deck broken to pieces by in which crib-biting was described
the force of tlie sea. Supposing that as "one of the worst vices."— Itwaa
those in the cabin had escaped to proved that the horse was a crib-
the shore, those on the forecastle biter ; that the defendant bad bad
began to think of attempting to get notice to take bim back, but re-
to land aUo, where they now could fused, stating that crib-biting was
see lights, a great fire having been " no vice ;" and that he admitted
kindled on the beach by Mr, Weir'a that he knew the horse was a crib-
servants. A young lad leapt into biter at the time when he sold it
the water, got on shore, and was to the plaintiff. — Mr. Sewell, pro-
followed by the others, who were feasor of the veterinary art, stated
all treated in the most kindlyman- that crib- biting, whichwasavicious
ner by Mr, Weir's femily ; and not habit in horses, was considered as
hearing of their companions, the an nnsoundneBS, It was treated
thought of their being drowned, as a disease. It frequently led to
for the first time occurred to indigestion, and was curable in its
them. As far as could be learned early stages. — Mr. Clark, the au-
there was every reason to suppose, thor of several treatises on horses,
that the persons, who were in the was of opinion that crib-biting was
cabin, had been suddenly drowned one of the worst vices of a horse,
or hilled; a hatchway in the cabin Forthedefendant, the Attorney-
floor was found forced up, the general called, among other wit-
baulk-heads stove in, and the nesses. Professor Coleman, who
whole cabin furniture broken to stated, that horses had the babit
pieces. The bodies were found, of crib-biting in very different de-
some in the cabin and some in the grees. He was inclined to thiiUc
hold, and several were mangled, in that the true meaning of the word
consequence of being washed about " vice" was some vicions quality,
by the violence of the sea. The which was tlangenius to the owner
passengers, ten in number, and five of the horse, or to others who rode
of the crew, including the captain, or drove it, and not merely a defect
were all drowned. or fault, because, if that were the
5. Wariiantv op a Horsb,— case, tripping or shying would be
Kino's Bench. — Paul v. Hard- avice, andfew horseswerefrcefrom
nick. — This was an action on the some defect or fault. A erib-biter
warranty of a horse, sold by the might bo a vicious horse, but was
defendant to the plaintiff, Mr. not necessarily so because he was a
Paul, the banker, iu July last, crib-biter,— Is crib-biting an un-
The warranty wai contained in the soundness ? — That depends on the
receipt given by the defendant for definition of the word "uusound-
the price of the horse, and was in ness." I have alw.tya considered,
these terms ; — '* Received of J. B. that, wherever there is an alteration
Paul, esq., the sum of sixty-five of fuuctlon in any part, so as to
pounds, for a bay gelding, war- influence the entire fuuctiona, and
ranted sound, and &ee from rice." ju^veub the tuunal fvom perforiua
26
ANNUAL REGISTER.
tissi.
ing the common duties of a borse^
he is unsound. According to
that definition, a crib-biter may
or may not be unsound. If the
habit exists in a slight degree^ that
is^ if the horse only occasionally
bites his crib^ but supports his con-
dition^ and can perform all the
duties of a hoi*8e^ then I should
say he was not unsound.— On his
cross - examination^ the witness
stated that the habit of crib-biting
frequently produced a disordered
function, which was the effect of
swallowing the air in the attempt
to lay hold of some fixed object.
Thence arose indigestion, and a dis-
ordered stomach, with a difficulty
of breathing, spasms and inflam-
mation ; and if the disorder got
lower down, it produced a disorder
of the bowels. The habit of crib-
biting might be acquired from imi-
tating other horses, but that was
by no means the most frequent
cause. It frequently attached to
high-bred horses, and others that
were kept long without food. In
ninety-nine cases out of a hundred
that was the main cause of crib-
biting. As the horse in question
had been stated to be in good con-
dition, witness should infer that
none of its functions were im-
paired, and that its health was
not affected by this habit : and his
opinion was, that, in general, crib-
biting did not affect the health of
the animal.— Lord Tenterden. Sup-
pose a crib-biter, sold to-day in
good condition, is found, six months
hence, to have inflammation in the
stomach or bowels, with a difficulty
of breathing, or any of the other
symptoms you have described,
should you say it was unsound, or
not ? — Witness. Unsound when
sold, inasmuch as you would be
able to trace the effect from the
cause««— Mr. James Turner^ a yete*
rinary surgeon, stated that crib-
biting in his opinion was, in the
greater number of instances, a
habit contracted by imitation.
Whether it was or was not iniuri-
ous to the health of the animal,
depended upon the degree in which
it attached. Witness belieyed, that
a horse might be a crib-biter, and
yet be perfectly sound $ but he be-
lieyed, also, that it was a decided
unsoundness in many cases. It
showed itself more pa^icularly by
the animal distending its body with
Mrind 5 but all crib-biters did not
distend their bodies with wind in
the same degree. It could not be
considered as a yice, inasmuch as
crib-biters were generally perfectly
tractable to ride or driye, and they
did no danger to their owners.—-
Greorgc Gosden stated, that he had
been a veterinary surgeon for six-
teen or seventeen years. Had
known the habit of crib-lntiDg to
exist in various degrees. It was
not necessarily either a vice or an
unsoundness. — Have you known
horses to have that habit in a con-
siderable degree, and yet to be ex-
tremely healthy for a number of
years, and to be capaUe of doing
their work ? I have. I have
known the best of horses to be
crib-biters. — Do you know that
the horse called the Ck)lonel had
the habit of crib-biting.' I have
heard he had it for a number of
years.-^ohn Lythe, a veterinary
surgeon. Have you known horset
to have the habit of crib-biting,
and yet their general health not
affected by it? Many, in the
army particularly.— If they have
it not in a degree to affect the
health of the animal, are they> in
your judgment^ unsound beauue
they are crib-bitera? Certainly
not. — When they have it only in
a slight degree^ 18 it a Tioe ? Ko{
PEB.3 CHRONICLE. ^
unless it disposes the horse to some that Court confirmed the dectsion
bodily mischief. — The witness^ on of Sir John Nicholl. The conse-
cross-examination^ stated^ that the quence of these proceedings was^
habit arose frequently from want that a considerable amount of costs
of food> and frequently from irrita- became due, the expenses of the
tion; and he mentioned an in- original suit being about 1^000^
stance of the latter.— -Is it a desir* and the costs of the appeal 384/.
able thing for a horse to have ?— Both Mr. Walker and Mr. Peddle
It is not desirable^ certainly^ but I became exceedingly alarmed at this
never cast a horse for it. — Ver- amount of costs, as the property
diet for the plaintiff. in dispute did not exceed 1,800/.,
9. Libel.— King's Bench.-— and or course it would have been
Walker v. Lushington, M. P., and better for all parties, if the pro-
others. Sir James Scarlett stated, ceeding had been let alone alto-
that this was an action brought to gether. Mr. Peddle, finding that so
recover damages for a libel con- large an amount of costs bad been
tained in a speech delivered in incurred, was induced to desire to
Parliament by Dr. Lushington, have the bill taxed, and wished to
and afterwards published, among have the assistance of Mr. Walker,
the other debates, in the '' Mirror his solicitor, in attending before
of Parliament," on the ground that the officer of the Court on the tax-
Dr. Lushington had authorized the ation. It appeared, however, that,
publication of it in that work, of according to a rule of the Ecclesi-
which the other defendants were astical Court, no one but the proc-
proprietors and publishers. A cer- tor in the cause was allowed to be
tain Mr. Evans had died leaving present at the taxation of a bill by
two wills, one of which had been the Registrar 3 and accordingly
proved, but Mr. Peddle having Mr. Walker was told that he could
found another, which he was ad- not be permitted to attend. In
vised was the genuine will, the consequence of this, a petition was
object was, to get the probate of the presented to the learned Judge of
first will rescinded, and to obtain the Court, and a motion made for
probate to the second. The plain- Mr. Walker to be at liberty to at->
tiff, an attorney in Bristol, being tend the taxation. The appltca^
thus employed by Peddle, had em- tion was refused, and then Mr.
ployed Mr. Toller as his proctor in Peddle presented a petition to the
the suit, which proceeded to a cer- House of Commons, stating what
tain length, and then Sir John had occurred, and pra3ring that
Nicholl pronounced a judgment some redress night be affordcMl him.
against Peddle, but without costs. Upon that petition a debate took
Mr. Peddle being advised by Mr. place, in the month of July ] 828 ;
Toller, the proctor, that the judg- and at the close of the Session of
ment would be set aside on an ap- that year, which occurred soon
peal to the Court of Delegates, afterwards, the publication in ques^
determined to carry the case up to tion came out, containing the
that Court, Mr. Toller undertaking Speech which was said to have been
that the utmost expense of that delivered by Dr. Lushington, and
proceeding would not exceed 200/. published with his corrections.
The appeal was accordin^y prose- The speech, after a general vindi-
cated before the Del^aissy but <wti<»i of Sir Joho Nicholl^ imd a
28
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
statement that he had acted only
according to the rules of the Court,
went on in these terms : — '' I will
only add, that this is not the peti-
tion of the persons whose name is
affixed to it, but it is that of a
pettifogging attorney, who has been
guilty of perjury, and attempted
extortion.*' That was severe enough
to say of any man in the House of
Commons, and there could be no
necessity for publishing so atroci-
ous a charge. In the same num-
ber of this publication was con-
tained another speech of the learn-
ed doctor, on the same subject.
The part complained of ran thus :
— " In speaking of the solicitor,
Mr. Walker, I have, I acknow-
ledge, used very strong expressions,
not one word of which will I now
retract, for I should be ashamed
to avail myself of any Parliament-
ary privilege to state any matter
which I could not afterwards fully
substantiate." The learned counsel
said, that Mr. Walker having seen
this attack upon his character, in
what he supposed to be an authen-
tic record of the speeches in Parlia-
ment, became of course exceedingly
uneasy, and applied to Dr. Lush-
ington for an explanation, but the
learned doctor was inexorable, and
as he (the plaintiff) could get no
satisfaction out of Court, he had
been compelled to bring the present
action. In the pleadings, the de-
fendants had rendered the matter
still more serious by stating a justi-
fication. They first denied, by
the general issue, that they had
published the speech; and next,
they said, '^ You (the plaintiff)
have been guilty of perjury ;" and
Dr. Lushington had, in his plea,
set forth a statement of the parti-
cular perjury alluded to. The
doctor's plea stated, that Mr.
Walker had been examined by the
examiner of the Ecclesiastical
Court in the suit there pending,
and that in answer to one of the
questions put to him, he denied
that he had any interest in the
suit. There was no justification
on the part of Dr. Lushington to
the expression '' pettifogging attor-
ney;" but the defendant Barrow
had gone further than the other
defendants, for he had pleaded
generally that all the matters
charged as libellous were true ;
that the plaintiff had been guilty
of perjury, and that he had been
guilty of attempted extortion. —
Sir James Scarlett admitted, that
the plaintiff could have no case
against Dr. Lushington, who was
protected against being questioned
for what he had said in the house,
though not for publishing it out of
the house, unless it were shewn
that he had authorized the publi-
cation ; but he was instructed he
would be able to prove that Dr.
Lushington corrected the speech
with his own hand, and that the
publication of the work was de-
layed to have his corrections.
The publication of the num-
ber of the Mirror of Parliament
in question, was then proved
against the other defendants. To
connect Dr. Lushington with it^
the plaintiff called Mr. Henry Ba-
con the sub-editor of the *' Mirror
of Parliament," during the Session
of 1 828, who was examined^ with
a view to show, that Dr. Lushing-
ton had authorized the publication
of the speeches in question ; but
he denied all knowledge on the
subject. — Mr. John Dickens stated,
that he had been employed at the
office of the ^' Mirror of Parlia-
ment." He remembered the publi-
cation of the last number of that
work for the Session of 1 828. It
was delayed for ftbout a week} ia
FEB.]
CHRONICLE.
29
consequence of the proofs of Dr.
Lushington's speech having been
sent to that gentleman. It was
sent by a messenger from the office^
and its return was delayed, as wit-
ness understood^ in consequence of
Dr. Lushington being out of town.
Witness sent frequent messages to
get it back. As soon as it was re-
turned, it was sent to the printers.
There were two speeches of Dr.
Lushington's contained in the num-
ber now produced. Witness was
not aware that the first was sent
to the doctor. The reason of the
speech being sent to Dr. Lushing-
ton was, that a number of sub-
scribers in Doctors' Commons were
anxious to hare that gentleman*s
speech given correctly. Dr. Lush-
ington was a subscriber to the
Mirror, or he would not have been
entitled to have the speech sent to
him for correction. — Thomas Cope,
who was in the employment of
Mr. Clowes, the printer of the
Mirror, said he had some vague
recollection of the last number for
1828 havingbeen delayed. The rea-
son was, the lingering wayin which
the business was at that time con-
ducted in the House of Commons,
which was about to adjourn. Wit-
ness did not remember receiving
any proof sheets of Dr. Lushing-
ton's speech with corrections by
the doctor. The manuscripts were
generally preserved, but those of
1828 had been destroyed about a
twelvemonth ago, when the build-
ing in which they were deposited
was pulled down. — For the defend-
ants, the Attorney General main-
tained, that there was no evidence
to touch Dr. Lushington. There
was evidence that some of the
proofs were sent to him, but what
part of them did not appear, or
that they were not, returned from
him in the v^^tiMytakl^fiC^tbey
went to him; and there was no-
thing to show, if they went sealed
to his chambers, crowded as those
chambers were with the papers of
his ' numerous clients, that they
did not return into the hands of
the printers sealed up in the same
manner, never opened and never
corrected by him. For the other
defendants he insisted, that the
publication was a true report of
what passed in the House of Com-
mons, and though the publication
was, no doubt, a breach of privilege,
for which his clients might have
been called to the Bar of the House,
and severely reprimanded, the
present plaintiff had no just ground
of complaint. He had excited the
discussion by his own improper
acts. He had been guilty of a gross
abuse of the right of petitioning.
The very contents of the petition
proved that the petition was his,
not his client's. It was made the
vehicle of most atrocious and un-
founded charges against the Judge,
Sir John Nichol ; and the House of
Commons, after the matter was
discussed, had refused to receive
it. The defendants had no evi-
dence in support of their plea, that
the charges were true. — Lord Ten-
terden told the Jury, that mem-
bers of Parliament could not be
questioned in that or any other
Court of Justice for any matter,
which might fall from them in
either House. But the liberty
was confined to that which passed
in the House ; for if a member of
either house of Parliament thought
fit, after he had made a speech, to
publish it, and it were found to con-
tain a libel upon the character of an-
other, he must be answerable, be-
cause his character as a member of
Parliament did not give him the pri-
vilege of publishing what he might
there say. As the speaker himself^
30
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
therefore^ was not privileged out of
the House^ neither could any other
person } for that^ which it was
not lawful for him who originally
uttered it to publish^ could not be
lawfully published by any other
person. A verdict must pass for
Dr. Lushington^ as there was not a
tittle of evidence to connect him
witli the publication. As to the
other three defendants^ they were
proved to be the editor and pub*
lishers^ and the work had been
bought at their office, and that
being proved, the Jury could not
do otnerwise than find a verdict
for the plaintiff against those de-
fendants. They could hardly sup-
pose that the defendants had any
personal malice against the plain-
tiff, but at the same time they
were answerable for the conse-
quences of the publication. The
question of damages was entirely
for the Jury. The Jury, after con-
ferring together for about ten
minutes, found a verdict for the
plaintiff. — Damans 50/. —-Lord
Tenterden then directed the ver-
dict to be entered for the defend-
ant. Dr. Lushington, on the plea
of Not GuiUy ; and discharged the
Jury from giving any verdict on
the other issues joined with the de-
fendant. The verdict was entered
generally against the other defend-
ants.
Great Floods. —* The Snow-
storm in the first days of the
month having been followed by a
sudden thaw, the Clyde rose, at
Glasgow, to a greater height than
had been seen for many years. On
the morning of the 8th, quantities
of ice began to float down the
river, which by 2 o'clock had in-
creased to an alarming extent.
The whole surface of the water,
from bank to bank, was covered
with large shoals of ice, increasing
as the waters continued to swell }
and, by half-past four o'clock^
it was floating down in such im«
mense quantities, that there was
scarcely room in the bed of the
river for it to proceed. Imme«
diately below the Broomielaw-
bridge, an immense collection of
ice became completely jammed
together, from the contraction
caused in the passage by the ship-
ping on the south side of the river ;
and at last opened a way for itself,
by forcing from its moorings the
first vessel in the ranffe. This
vessel struck against the others^
till at last the whole range were
violently driven across the river,
an iron pall} to which some of
them were attached, having given
way. The unmoored vessels were
driven to the north side of the
river with dreadful riolence, where
the concussion was followed by be*
twixt 30 and 40 vessels being suc-
cessively forced from their fiMtenings
down the river ; crash after crasli
was heard, as the loosened vessels
came in collision with those placed
further down the quay, and it, at
one period, appeared, as if the
whole of the shipping in the har-
bour had been doomed to destruo*
tion. The water, which was at
this time very much swollen, bore
away the vessels with tremendous
velocity, in spite of every exertion
made to retain them. In a great
many, there were no hands on
board. Every kind of vessel that
lay in the way was borne forwards,
including small boats as well as
rafts of wood. At least three
vessels were sunk. In the lower
part of the city, the river rose, in
the course of the 9th, to the depth
of from four to ^^e feet, and boEtts
and carts had to be employed in
removing the inhabitants, or con-
veying provisions to those who
FEB.]
CHRONICLE.
31
lived in the upper floors. At 3 p. in«
on the 9th> the water became
stationary^ and remained so for
an hour and a halfj when it began
to subside. When at its high-
est, it was twenty-three and a-balf
inches lower than the great flood on
the 12th of March, 1782, and one
inch higher than the flood of 1823.
On the 9th, the river Tay rose
to a greater height than had been
known in the memory of man. At
Perth, a fleet of vessels, chiefly
laden with potatoes, were driven
from their moorings, but, after
great exertions, were hauled into
deep water, without having sus-
tained material injury. The inun-
dation was in a quarter where it
was least expected— -the western or
upper suburbs. The inhabitants
of Clayholes, New Row, and County
Place, were suddenly raised from
their slumbers, the waters, in
many houses, having risen to the
height of three and four feet, and
many were rescued with consider-
able difliculty. Even after an out-
let was effected, the water in the
New Row and County Place con-
tinued, from side to side of the
street, to run like a river. In
1814, the town was inundated to
a greater extent ; but that arose,
not so much from the quantity of
water, as from the obstruction
presented by the ice.
The Tweed and Teviot began to
rise on the evening of the 8th. On
the 9th, both rivers were swollen
far beyond the boundaries of their
highest floods, and the whole
country in the line of their course,
especially below their junction,
presented the appearance, not
merely of the inundations of an
ordinary river, but of an exten-
sive estuary ; all the rich haughs
were covered with water many
feet deep, and in many places
the fields on the water-sides could
not be defined but by the tops of
the hedge-row trees which were
still seen above the water. The
oldest inhabitants on Tweed-side
never before knew that river pour
forth such a mighty torrent. A
great portion of the fine park of
Fleurs, and the whole of St.
James's Green opposite, were co«
vered many feet deep; the outer
wall of the Duke of Roxburghe's
old gardens was overtopped some
yards, and the inner wall, with
the fruit-trees growing amnst it,
were deep in the water. At Kelso,
the Twee<l rose fiiU twenty feet
perpendicular, and great fears
were entertained for the bridge,
the torrent reaching far above
the opening of the arches. The
Coldstream-road at the bridge,
across Eden^water, was impassable
the whole of the day, the coaches
being obliged to go round by Ednam .
In England, the Severn rose so
high on the 9th, that a barge-
man, in a fishing coracle, sailed
for a wager over the town-
walls at Roushill, near Shrews-
bury. In some d the houses the
water was from six to seven feet
deep on the floor, and in some
cottages at Roushill, it covered the
first story almost to the ceiling ;
Hay-stacks, timber, and out-lying
agricultural implements, were
swept off in one general ruin, and
even dwelling-houses and out-
buildings shared the same fate.
At York, on the 10th, the waters
of the Ouse and Foss rose higher
than they had been for 200 years,
and all the lower parts of the city
were completely inundated.
10. Master AND Sbrvant.—
Common Plras.— Xe/^ey v. Bwr-
nett. — This was an action brought
by the plaintiff, a mariner on
board the Scaleby Castle^ East
32
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
Indiaman^ against the defendant^
who was the captain of that
vessel^ to recover compensation in
damages for havings without sufii-
cient cause, twice inflicted corporal
punishment upon the plaintiff, and
caused him to be put in irons^
during a voyage from England to
China, in 1829. The defendant
pleaded in justification^ that on
the first occasion when the plaintiff
was punished, he had been drunk;
and on the second, he had been
guilty of an offence against good
order and morals, which required
that he should be kept apart from
the rest of the crew, as well as
punished for his misconduct.
. The facts were these: — the
plaintiff was one of the Marine-
society boys, about sixteen or se-
venteen years of age, whose first
voyage was the one in question.
He was appointed to attend on the
surgeon ; and one night, when the
vessel was between the Line and
the Cape, he went to sleep without
putting up the surgeon's hammock
as usual, for which he was called
to account, and was at the same
time charged with being drunk.
On the following morning he was,
by the captain's orders, lashed to
the gang-way, and flogged with a
cat-o'-nine-tails, in the same way
in which children are flogged at
school. When the boatswain's
mate had given him a dozen lashes
he stopped ; and the captain told
the plaintiff, he hoped that would
be a warning to him in future,
asking him, at the same time, how
he liked it ? The boy replied, in
angry voice, that he had never
been served so before, or cut about
in that manner; on which the
captain ordered the boatswain's
mate to give him another half-
dozen, and lay into him smartly.
This half-dozen were administered
with more severity than the preced-
ing dozen, but still the skin was
merely made red, and not broken.
With respect to this part of the
case there was very conflicting
evidence; the witnesses for the
plaintiff swearing tliat he was
perfectly sober on the niffht in
question, and those for the defend-
ant (and they were very numerous)
that he was drunk. The plaintiff
continued to wait upon the sur-
geon until the vessel reached Cfaina>
when the surgeon one day dis-
covered two indecent words written
on the inside of the medicine-
chest. Knowing that nobody had
any right to enter his cabin but
his mate and the plaintiff, he im-
mediately taxed the latter with
having written the obnoxious
words. The plaintiff denied it;
and the surgeon sent for the sick-
list, and comparing the plaintiff's
writing with the words on the
medicine-chest, again taxed him
with being the writer of them.
Here again there was contradictory
evidence; according to the sur-
geon's testimony, the plaintiff ad-
mitted being the writer, and the
writing was like his; whilst, ac-
cording to others, he persisted
in his denial of being the writer,
and the writing was not similar
to his. He was reported to the
captain, who put nim in irons
on Sunday, and on Monday
caused him to receive, in the pre-
sence of the other marine boys,
two and a half-dozen lashes in the
same manner as on the former oc-
casion, except that they appeared
to have been inflicted with some-
what more severity. On neither
occasion had any rorm of inquiry
taken place, nor was the second
punishment entered in the cap-
tain's journal. — The Lord Chief
Justice left it to the Jury to say.
FEB.!
CHRONIC LE.
33
whether or not the pleas had been
made out to their satisfaction ; be-
cause if so, it did not appear to him
that the punishment was at all
disproportioned to the offence on
either occasion, except, perhaps, as
to the putting the plaintiff in irons,
which did not seem to have been
called for by the circumstances;
but even if the punishment had
been as excessive as it appeared to
have been moderate, he thought,
that as the plaintiff had not re-
plied the excess, if the pleas of justi-
fication were proved, the defendant
was entitled to a verdict. — The
Jury, after a few minutes' deli-
beration, returned a verdict for the
plaintiff — Dainages 50/.
15. Murder and Suicide. —
An Inquest was held in Dublin,
on the bodies of two children of a
watchman, named Michael Lynch,
said to have been murdered by
their own father, who immediately
cut his own throat. — Before the
Coroner, the mother stated, " My
husband was dismissed a few days
ago. The eldest of our children
was two years, and the other about
eight months old ; this morning
my husband got up for a short
time, and went in again to bed ; I
went out for a little bread ; when I
came back he was stretched on the
floor, and my two children were
dead. I did not think any thing
was done to them, till I saw them
in their blood ; I covered them up
with a blanket, for I could not bear
to look on them ; he asked me to
get a glass to knock the grief off
of him ; I told him I would, but
he did not take it 3 he was sighing
for the List two nights ; he never
was a passionate man : he was, I
think, about forty years of age ;
he was very fond of his children ;
it was with a razor the deed
was done ; I was about a quarter
VoL.LXXIII.
of an hour out; when I came back
he was just breathing, but the
children were quite dead ; I and
my husband lived quietly together;
we always lived on good terms;
my youngest child I was just after
giving the breast to, when I went
out, and I found her lying in the
same way I left her/* — William
Hogan ; About half-past eight I
heard of this circumstance ; I ran
out and saw Mrs. Lynch \ I ran
up ; I saw him lying on the floor,
and the children in the bed ; he
was breathing, and they were quite
dead ; I sent the surgeons to them ;
he was in gores of blood, with no-
thing on him but his shirt ; the
eldest child was lying on one side
of the bed, and the other over near
the wall. — Edward Cherry ; I live
in the watch-house near this; I
heard of this circumstance near
nine o'clock; the first thing I
saw was the man breathing, and
the children with their faces to
me, and they dead ; Surgeon Todd
told me he thought Lynch could
speak : on holding up his head, he
said to Surgeon Todd, *' what do
you want to say to me ? I was
dismissed the other day." Mr.
Todd said, ** I suppose you are
sorry for what you have done,"
and he said '' Yes.'* I found the
razor lying on the box; it was
covered With blood, and appeared
to have been laid down quite de-
liberately.—Peace-officer Cannon ;
On my arriving at Lynch's house, I
gave every assistance 5 the surgeons
were there ; his throat was sewed
up ; he asked to speak to his wife ;
she was brought in ; he asked her,
'^ would she forgive him ?'* she
said '' she would, and hoped God
would forgive him;" he then said,
'' My children !"— "they are dead ! '*
she said; we then brought her
away, and would not allow her to
D
34
ANNUAL REGISTER. p83l.
f*en him any more. — The Jury re-
turn frd a verdict to the effect tliat
the deaths of the two children
were caused hy their father.
M), QcACK Doctors. — Old
Bailev Sessions. — ^Mr. St. John
I>ong was charged with feloniously
assaulting the ]ierson of Mrs. Colin
(.'am pi jell Lloyd, which caused her
doath. In another count he was
charged with haring feloniously
killed and slayeil the said Colin
Campljell Lloyd hy nibhing her
witli .some ointment or mixture
secretly prepared. I'here were
Wiveraf other counts in the indict-
ment, in which the form of the
offencx' M'as rarieil. — The follow-
ing witnesses were called : — Ed-
ward Lloyd, E«|. ; Is a jK>st-
captain in the navy ; the late I^Irs.
Lloyd was his wife. The first time
he .saw the prisoner was in an even-
ing alK>ut the I^tof Junc^ when he
met him in a casual manner at a
private house. He saw the pri-
.soner also at the innuest on Miss
("ashin^ who died, while under the
])risfmer's treatment in September
last, and in rcs|)ect of whose death
a verdict of manslaughter had
l>eon given against him. Mrs.
Lloyd consulted him respecting a
sort of (!hoking sensation which at-
tacked her occasionally, es|>ecially
when she ciiught cold. Witness
accompanied her to the prisoner's
house ; the first time might be
a fortnight before she put herself
under his care. She first inhaled
on the (Ith of Octolxjr. She went
to prisoner's house every day after
the Cthj M'itnoHS accronipanyinghcr.
On the 9th, she was rubbed upon
the breast, &c. : but witness did
not see it. On tlie night of the
10th she complained of a very vio-
lent, alarming pain on the chest,
upon which witness examined it.
There appeared a great redness all
orer tlie breast, which was darker
in the middle than any other part ;
she also complained of chillinefls
and shivering with cold, and she
had a very restless and uncomfort-
able night. The next morning
she was much worse, and could
scarcely leave the bed ; she com-
plained of great sickness. Tlie
redness had by that time got more
livid^ and the hole in the centre
darker. The edges of the wound
were much puffed up, and there
was a discharge from the centre.
Cabbage-leaves were applied to
the wound by the order, as wit-
ness understood, of the prisoner.
He did not call on the Monday;
indeed witness was not aware
that he knew where they lived.
Mrs. Lloyd passed the Monday
night very uncomfortably. On
Tuesday morning witness agnin
saw her breast «and chest. The
re^lness was then greater, and the
wound was larger and darker, the
edges of the wound were much
puffed up, and there was a dis-
charge from the centre. Cabbase-
leaves were still applied to Uie
wound, by the order, as witness
understood, of the prisoner. The
inner part of the arms was also red.
Wherever the discharge had gone
the skin appeared very much ir-
ritated. Indeed, wherever that
discharge had gone, the flesh mor-
tified, and was taken off. This,
however, was some days afterwards.
At the end of a week or ten
days, the smell became very bad.
Mrs. Lloyd at this time felt very
feverish and ill. Witness after-
wards saw Mr. Long, who inquired
how it was Mrs. Lloyd had not
called ; he told him, that since the
Sunday she had been too ill to go
out, and had suffered considerable
pain. The prisoner said, that he
dared say that would soon go off.
FEB.]
CHRONICLE.
36
as such was generally the case.
I told him of the chilliness she had
suffered, and that we had given
her some hot wine and water to re-
lieve it. He said hot brandy and
water would have been a better
thing, and she should put her head
under the bed-clothes. I also told
him of the bad appearance of the
breast and chest also; I did not
describe it so minutely as I have
now. He said, that was generally
the case in the first instance^ but
that it would go off as she got
better. I requested him to call
upon her in the evening, telling
him where I lived. He came, ana
I was present when he saw Mrs.
Lloyd. When we went in to the room
the prisoner said, that he was sorry
to see her so unwell. She ought
to have endeavoured to have got up
and gone to him, and he would
have relieved her. She stated, that
it was impossible for her so to do,
she was in such pain and suffering,
and with her breast open in that
way it might be dangerous. He
then asked to look at it, which he
did. He said, those greasy plais-
ters had no business there ; the
plaisters he alluded to^ she had put
on herself ; that she ought to have
continued using the cabbaee-leaf.
She replied, that she could not
bear the pain. He then took off
his great coat, and said, he would
rub it out, which would give her
great relief, and he turned up the
cuffs of his coat, as though pre-
paring to do so. She exclaimed
with terror, at the thought of such
a thing. He had something in a
small flask. I asked him if there
were no way to give her relief
without touching her breasts, as
she could not bear them touched.
He asked, what she wished } she
replied, to be healed. He said, it
would never heal with greasy plais«
ters ; that was not the way to heal
sores, or wounds, I don't know
which. He called for a towel,
which I gave him, and he began
dabbing it on the bosom, particu-
larly on the centre of the wound,
from which the discharge came.
This discharge came only from the
centre. He said, old linen was
the best thing to heal a thing of
that kind ; but she said, that she
had always been in the habit of using
the simple dressing she had then
applied. He called again the next
day. Mrs. Lloyd ajb that time was
suffering intense pain, and was in
very low spirits j she also had a
great deal of fever, and was very
nervous, fearing any thing should
touch her breast. He did not see
her that day j she was frightened
at his very name, and coula not see
him ! in fact, he never saw her
again. Mr. Campbell, a medical
gentleman, was then called in, and
he saw her several times every day.
Mr. Vance was also called in.
Mrs. Lloyd died on the 8th of
November, exactly one month and
one day after she had been rubbed
by Mr. Long. — Cross-examined
by Mr. Alley ; Mrs. Lloyd lived
at Mr. CampbelFs mother's house,
during the whole time she attend-
ed Mr, Long, and she died there.
Mr. Campbell saw her on the day
previously to the prisoner seeing
her for the last time. When Mr.
Long 8B.W her, he complained of
improper applications being ad-
ministered. He said it was what
he was not in the habit of using.
He told her, that they would not
heal the sore. When Mr. Long
Sroposed to rub it out, witness un-
erstood him not to mean to rub
out the grease, but the application
he had formerly rubbed in. He
did not complain of the effects of
the plaister, but of the application
D2
36
ANNUAL REGISTER. imt
of it. lie wished the cabbage-
leaves to liave been continued.
About ten or twelve (lays after Mr.
Canij)bell attended Mrs Lloyd,
Mr. Vance was called in, he being
for that time her only medical at-
tendant.— By Baron Bayley ; Mrs.
Lloyd paid the prisoner two fees of
one pound each. I cannot say how
it happened, when she was in such
a state of irritation, that I did not
send for the prisoner. I should
think that the plaister, of which
she complained, had not been on
more than two hours. The cab-
bage-leaves had been on before. —
jNIrs. E. Lloyd was then examined ;
She had known Captain and Mrs.
Lloyd from their infancy. Mrs.
Lloyd was a very healthy woman,
subject, however, to an unpleasant
attack in her throat. Kemembers
the Sunday evening shecomplained
of indisposition. That was the
firbt symptom of illness I per-
ceived. She complained of great
shivcrings. I sat with her many
hours that evening, and the symp-
toms increased, instead of going
off. I did not retire till about
two o'clock in the morning, and I
saw her again about half-past nine
on the Monday morning. She then
complained of soreness on her
stomach, which I saw. It was
very nuich inflamed all over.
The witness then gave a similar
description of the woimds to that
dcitailed by captain Lloyd. — Mr.
W. A. Campbell examined by the
Attorney-General ; I am a sur-
geon. I knew Mrs. Lloyd for
many years. She a])peared to me
to be a very hejilthy person. I
saw her on a Tuesday about four
o'clock in the afternoon by my
mother's request, in consequence
of her suffering great pain in her
breast. She appeared to be in
great agony, and from the ap^iear-
ance of the breast, she must have
lieen suffering great pain. On
examination, I found a very ex-
tensive wound covering the whole
material part of the breast. I
should think a very strong acid
would produce such a wound. The
skin was entirely destroyed, and
laid separated in folds on the chest.
There was a considerable discharge
from the whole of the wound,
which extended nearly from one
arm-pit to the other; the skin
was off both the breasts. The dis-
charge was of a dark colour. I
applied a dressing, having, I rather
think, removed the cabbie leaves
previously to doing so. It was
simple spermaceti ointment, the
usual dressing in that case. — I saw
her again on the following day> and
daily till her death, always twice,
or even oftener. From the moment
I saw the wound, I thought it very
dangerous to life. I continued the
application of the ointment, which
was the only dressing I used until I
saw Mr. Vance, He applied the
same dressings, with the addition
of a small quantity of calomel
powder. On the second or third
day Mr. Vance prescribed the ap-
plication of a poultice. It was a
common bread and water poultice.
Neither Mr. Vance nor myself ap-
plied any thing that was calculated
to increase the danger. Mr. Vance
was called in on the 21st, when I
correctly described to him the
treatment that I pursued. At
one time there was some slight
hope entertained of her recovery ;
but, for my part, I always enter-
tained great fears. I administered
some internal medicines — the first
was a saline aperient mixture-
after that, barK and wine, and
mineral acids. That would tend
to repel mortification. Mortifica-
tion began about a week after I
FEB.]
CHRONICLE.
37
first attended her. In my judg-
ment Mrs. Lloyd died of the
wound I saw wlien 1 first attended
Jier. Up to the time Mr. Vance
was called in I applied simple
dressings, and nothing else. The
moment I saw the wound I stated
to her friends my opinion of its
dangerous nature. I told her sis-
ter of it three or four days after-
wards. I attended her on the
I'ith of Octohcr, and she died on
the 8th of November, during which
time Mr. Long had no opportunity
of prescribing for her. In his
opinion it was not necessary to
produce such a wound to correct
any difficulty in swallowing. He
knew of no disease whatever in
which it could be proper. — Mr.
Vance, a surgeon, residing in
Sackville Street. He was called in
to attend Mrs. Lloyd on the 21st
of October. She was in bed, and
Mr. Campbell was present. She
complained of extreme soreness of
the throat, and ascribed it to
having inhaled through a tube at
Mr. Long's. This witness gave a
similar description of the wound
as in the preceding evidence. When
he first saw her he thought that it
proceeded from a narrow passage
into the stomach, but he ascer-
tained after wj^rds that it was globus
hystericus. It was a complaint
very usual to females in early life;
he had never known it prove fatal,
and he had seen many thousand
cases of it. A wound on the chest
would not relieve such a complaint.
He attended the opening of the
body. The whole body, both in-
ternally and externally, was in a
state of perfect health, with the
exception of a disease of the thy-
roid gland, and affection of the in-
side of the windpipe, but there
was no occasion for such a wound.
Ja his opinion, those parts were
healtliy until the ulcer had been
created. There was no thickening
of the part. He believed that her
death was caused by mortification
arising from inflammation, which
had been produced by some power-
ful application. By a Juror j
Could you have prevented the
death, had you been called in be-
fore the 12th of November? — I
should like to be excused giving
any answer — it is a very difficult
question ; but it is not likely that
1 could have saved the patient.
By a Juror ; Could you, from
what Mr. Campbell told you, have
prevented her death if you had
seen her sooner } — ^I have admitted
the propriety of Mr. Campbell's
treatment ; and, therefore, every
thing that I think could have been
done was done. — Mr. Brodie ex-
amined by the Attorney-General ;
Knew of no disease that could have
called for the application of any
liniment that would produce such
an effect intentionally. From the
evidence he heard Mr. Campbell
give, it did not appear to him that
any other treatment would have
produced a better effect. — Richard
Franklin, a surgeon, stated, that
he saw the deceased about a week
previous to her death, and also, at-
tended the post mortem examina-
tion of her body. He did not
observe any peculiarity in her con-
stitution to account for the violent
effect produced by the applications
used by the prisoner.
The prisoner, when called upon
for his defence, said, he had a writ-
ten defence prepared, but which he,
by the advice of his counsel, would
decline reading. He then proceeded
to complain of the publications that
had issued from tire press, for the
purpose of exciting a prejudice
against him, and implored the jury
not to pay any attention to them,
38
ANNUAL REGISTER. [i83l.
He had succeeded in curing many
])ersonfl who, but for the Ixincfit of
Ills advice, wouhl long ere this have
been in their graves. — He should
call many of these persons as wit-
nesses, and he entreated the jury
to pay particular attention to their
evidence. Had he been allowed
to continue his attendance on the
deceased, and had she followed the
course he had advised, he had no
doubt he should have cured her;
but Mr. Campbell was called, who
adopted a course of medicine di-
rectly contrary to his. Mrs. Camp-
bell's feelings towards him (pri-
soner) would be evident from a
declaration she made, to the effect,
that it was a hard case that he
should be getting his 12,000/. a-
year, while her son could scarcely
get any thing. He had treated
the deceased with all the skill and
attention in his power, and there
was no evidence that her death had
1>een occasioned by any act of his.
The prisoner concluded, after some
general observations on the evi-
dence, by expressing his confidence
that the jury would return a
verdict in his favour. A great
number of witnesses of the highest
respectability were then examined,
who stated that they had been
under the care of the prisoner, and
each of them expressed their entire
satisfaction at his general mode
of treatment, and their opinion of
his skill and ability. — Mr. Justice
Bailey told the Jury, that they
must be satisfied, that the ap-
plication was made by the pri-
soner feloniously, by that he
meant, with gross and culpable
rashness, before they convicted
him ; that the application was the
cause of the death of the deceased,
and also that the application showed
a want of skill and attention on the
part of the prisoner,— The Jury,
after an absence of an hour, return-
ed a verdict of N(H GuiUy. — Aa
soon as the verdict was pronounced
several elegantly dressed ladies
went to the prisoner and shook
him cordially by the hand. He
was ordereci to be immediately
discharged, and left the Court
in company with some of his
friends.
22. Riots. — On the mornioff
of Tuesday the 22nd, a party of
3000 miners, collected from the
parishes of Breage, Gwennapj
Crowan, Wendron, &c., passed
through Helston in complete order^
for the avowed purpose of prevent-*
ing further shipments of corn at
Helford. Near Mawgan, they were
met by H. Grylls, esq., on his way
from Bosahan, who entreated them
to return, but they would not.
One of their leaders said, ''If you.
Sir, will go with us, we will not do
any mischief; but if you do not,
perhaps we shall be unruly/' Find-
ing all his endeavours to induce
them to return useless, Mr. Grylls
and Mr. Black accompanied them
to Geer, where were deposited
about 150 bushels of barley, which
the proprietor promised should be
sent to the Helston market on
Saturday. They next proceeded
to Treath, near Helford, and found
only a small quantity ; there, also,
a promise was given that ift should
not be shii>pcd, but brought to
market. From thence they went
to Gilling, where they found in
Mr. Roskruge's cellars, several
hundred bushels of barley and
wheat. Four of the leaders entered
the cellars, and measured the
depth, length, and breadth of each
pile of corn, and computed the
quantity. Having been promised
by the son of Mr. Bosknige that
all the barley should be sent to the
market, they set out for their
FEB.]
CHRONICLE.
39
homes without committing any
acts of violence. Near Mawgan,
Mr. Grylls addressed thera^ and
begged them to return peaceably ;
this they promised to do^ and im*-
mediately gave him three cheers.
About five o'clock in the evenings
tliey entered Helston in perfect
order. They declared^ that their
only object was to obtain an ade-
quate supply of barley at the
different markets on the 25th. As
some corn was beingcarried through
Breage, to Penzance, a great body
of people, mostly females, suppos-
ing it was about to be shipped,
stopped the waggons, from which
they took the corn, but without
committing any depredations on
it. Subsequently, on finding that
it was to be ground at a mill at
Penzance, they carefully housed
it, and on Monday delivered it to
persons sent to fetch it, without
any part of it being missing.
22. Combination Riots. —
The miners in the neighbourhood
of St. Blazey having formed
combinations for the purpose of
superseding, in a great measure,
tlie authority of the agents and
the regulations of the mines, early
on the morning of the 22nd, a
great number of men collected at
Fowey Consols and Lanescot mines,
and attempted to seize two men
who hftd refused to ent.er into any
combination, and who, from the
threats of summary punishment
being inflicted on them, had been
compelled to take refuge in the
counting-house of these mines.
The agents, after waiting a con-
siderable time for the dispersion of
this assemblage, were obliged to
appeal to the magistrates. The
latter, after entreating the miners
without effect to disperse, read
the riot act, and, on the expiring
of the hour, as the mob did
not disperse, seven of them were
ordered to be taken into custody.
On the prisoners being put into
chaises for conveyance to prison,
a violent attempt to rescue them
was made by several hundred per-
sons; but after a long conflict
they were carried to Bodmin.
Next day their comrades assem-
bled in great numbers to attempt
their rescue from the gaol of Bod-
min. The High Sheriff and the
neighbouring Magistrates repaired
to that place early in the day, and
swore in between thirty and forty
special constables. The staff of
the royal Cornwall militia were
also called out, and were placed on
duty in and round the prison. On
the 24th, a motley crowd of rioters
entered the town. They sent a
deputation^ consisting of six or
seven persons, to the High Sheriff,
at the gaol, to explain their object.
The Sheriff reasoned with them on
the consequences of their conduct,
and sent them back to their com-
rades. On their return they were
accompanied by some of the re-
spectable inhabitants, who reasoned
with the mob, and at length. in-
duced them to depart. As a
reward for this peaceable demean-
our, the persons who spoke to them
gave each a pint of beer and a
penny loaf, which they thankfully
received.
25. ThundF'R Storm. — On
Sunday, the 25th, a peal of thunder
burst over the parish of Kilmichael,
of Glassire. The lightning, enter-
ing the spire of the church, rent it
from top to bottom, and forced
out some of the stones from the
inner side in its progress. The
session-house is in the steeple, and
has a door communicating with it
from the church : this also was
rent. In its way to the church,
the lightning made two holes in the
40
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
r(K)f, one on ca(;Ii side of the pul-
pit, and broke the fijlass of the
windows on that side ; it also
struck the ioft and sliattercd it,
and c"mie out at the west window,
the glass of which it likewise de-
stroyed.
26 jNIuRDKu. — Durham As-
sizHs. — Thomas Chirke, a^ed 1!),
was indicted for the wilful mur-
der of Mary Ami Westropp, at
Pitlington, in the county of l)ur-
luim. From the evidence, it ap-
j)eared that tlie prisoner and the
deceased lived together in the ser-
vice of Mr. Oliver, of Hallgarth-
nn'll, which is situated between tlie
villages of Sherbourne and Pitling-
ton. On the morning of the 14th
of August, Mr. and Mrs. Oliver
Avent from home, leaving the house
in care of the prisoner and the de-
ceased. In the course of the after-
noon of the 1 4th they were seen
by several persons, and the pri-
soner, in reply to an answer which
the deceased gave him, was heard
to say, he thought her very saucy,
but he would be straight with her
before night. About six o'clock
the same evening, the prisoner
alarmed the neighbourhood, stat-
ing that six men had broken into
the mill, and killed the girl, and
very nigh killed him. The body
of the deceased was found behind
the kitchen door, with a contused
wound on the forehead, the ear cut
through, and an incision extending
across the throat, and dividing the
carotid artery and jugular vein on
the right side. On examining the
premises, twenty-two sovereigns,
and about 15/. in silver, belonging
to Mr. Oliver, were discovered to
have been stolen. The drawers, in
which they had been deposited, had
been broken open by means of a
piece of metal, which had been
"white-washed, and was found near
them, and fitted exactly the marks
i n the drawers. It was proved, that
the prisoner's room had been re-
cently white-washed, and that at
that time the piec*c of metal was
lying in a blank window in his room,
'i'he money was subsequently dis-
covered in one of the drawers con-
cealed in some standing corn. The
prisoner stated, that the men who
entered the house had attacked
him with the poker, and that he
had esca{)ed with difHculty ; but
the witnesses, who saw him imme-
diately after the alarm had been
given, could not discover any marks
of violence on him, and his box,
which was in the next room to that
from which the money was taken,
had not been touched. --On being
called on for his defence^ the pri-
soner declared that he was inno-
cent of the crime, and several wit-
nesses gave him a good character.
— The Jury returned a verdict of
GuiUy, and sentence of death was
pronounced upon him.— 'He was
executed on the 28th. On the
scaffold, he said to the multitude,
'^ Gentlemen, I am innocent; I
am suffering for another man's
crimes;*' after which he sobbed
audibly.
26. TuEFT. — Surrey Ses-
sions.— Samuel Marden, a coal-
merchant, was indicted for stealing
a fur tippet, value \7s,, the pro-
perty of Angel Boxsius, a farrier.
I'he trial of the prisoner excited
an extraordinary degree of inter-
est^ owing to the singularity of the
circumstances attending the charge,
and attracted a crowded court dur-
ing the proceedings, which lasted
from ten until five o'clock in the
afternoon. — Angel Boxsius stated,
that, on the 28th of January last,
the prisoner called at his shop, re-
lative to the delivery of some coals
with which he had supplied bim*
FEB.]
CHRONICLE.
41
Previously to the arrival of the pri-
soner, he had removed a ftir tippet,
which was on the counter near the
door, to a desk at the upi)er end of
the shop, close to the parlour win-
dow. The prisoner remained there
about an hour and a half alto-
gether^ and was enveloped in a
cloak. During some part of the
time the prisoner was left alone in
the shop, the boy having been sent
to an adjoining street to borrow a
shovel. When the boy returned,
the prisoner took the shovel in one
hand, and, with the other under-
neath his cloak, turned over a few
shovelsfull of coals, in order to let
the prosecutor see the quality of
them, and he left the shop soon
afterwards, the time he went away
being about a quarter after six
o'clock in the evening : the shop
was closed at nine o'clock. There
were three ladies called at the shop
during the time the prisoner was
there, but they did not approach
that part where the tippet was
placed. Prosecutor missed the
tippet the next morning, and did
not hear any thing about it until
the afternoon of the 14th inst.,
when, while standing at the door,
he observed a young lady pass with
the tippet in question on her shoul-
ders ; and, in explanation of the
manner in which it had come into
her possession, she said that it had
been sent to her by Mr. Harden,
on the 29th of January, with a
letter, begging her acceptance of
it. The prisoner was subsequently
taken into custody, and then stated
that he had purchased the tippet
of an aged man on the morning of
the 29th of January, near the Ele-
phant and Castle, as he was pro-
ceeding from his residence to his
office in Montagu-close, adding,
that the man offered it for 10^.,
but that be ultimately Jet him
have it for 7s. The prosecutor
added, tliat Stowell, a parish con-
stable, a man named Morris, and
his wife, were examined at Union-
hall, when the prisoner was taken
before the magistrates there. — The
prosecutor, in his cross-examin-
ation, admitted that he was not
present in the shop during the
whole time the prisoner was there,
neither was his wife, who was occu-
pied in the kitchen . The prisoner
did not use the large shovel, which
would have required both hands,
but the small one, with one hand,
while the other remained under his
cloak. Did not state to a man
named Riddlestopper,thatif Bootch,
his workman, had stolen the tip-
pet, he would not get him into a
scrape ; neither did he tell Cole, a
policeman, that he did not wish to
press the charge against the pri-
soner, he being a respectable man
and having plenty of money. Did
not say to Stowell, the constable,
that if the prisoner was not prose-
cuted, it would make a good job
for them. — The identity of the
tippet was here proved by a
young woman who had made the
alterations in it for one of the pro-
secutor's customers.— Miss Jarrod,
the young lady to whom the tip-
pet was sent by the prisoner, de-
scribed, as already detailed, the
manner in which it had come into
her possession.
The prisoner being called on for
his defence, put in a written state-
ment, which was read by the Cleric
of the Court, declaring that he was
innocent of the offence with which
he was charged, and that he had
purchased the tippet in the way
already alluded to.
Mr. Morris, a dyer, was then
called, and he stated, that, on the
morning of the 29th of January,
an old man ^ed nt his sbop^ and
42
A NNVAl KtaiSTER.
[1831.
int uxfit, Wltfii'tHi UlU'W Mir (i|f|N't.,
Iifffff Hii' II iMiMori IImIiik in it,
ivfiirfi liiiil ii)M;t>« oil il. lliMJifl not
finri'i'lvM vvliiit ili'ii4'i'i|ftiiiii of I'lir
I WMdf ihmI Hip ifiiiri hIio IiikI it. for
IM1I114 mwtiiiK tliiit \w liiul iin (liH)iii«
nit Inn In liiiroiiM< 11 |iiiri'liiiAri', tlii'fi
Inn llio aIhi|i. On till* l/itli iiiHt.,
Nliiwiill« IIh< rdtiNliililis ('iiIIihI on
wl(ntimi« wlio iliMrribiMl to liini llio
niliiiir III' tin* lip)M*t lining, iumI
IIMVo liini iiImii h ili*N(>ri)i(ion ol' (liu
itiifHiMi \ilin liiul oH'oriMl it. for nhIo.
\Vlliii>iiH IomI mo ii(*i|iiitlnliiutv wlml-
iiviM' \illli Iho priNoiior ii|i to tlu*
t imp of iIiIm triiiimu'lioM, Mini liml
no iiMill\i« on oiirtli ftu' nnninif for-
mii'il, i«siM»|t( to ntiito that \\\\\v\\
mm tino tvl(i(i\o (o all In* know
alioiit tin* ntallor. In tho wit*
noirt'N iMo«i« «t\aniina(iini. ho Htatoili
lliat liu ivtsilUvtion of tlio ilav on
wliioli (lio (i|)|H'( uaH ollonil l«»r
Miilo III liu iilio|K wan o\« in^ to hwww
latltov lianng «m11oiI at Imn "liop at
tlio timoi \«lto ,<Mi\( tlio artiolo as
\\\A\ a« Kintm^ltt \\\\\ lio \\i\\\ not
tUoir aiUh^^M, otlkoi\UM' In' wonM
Imw (M>mj;lit thorn toiAiai>l totNMT-
i>4K^iN«to Im^o\ nlotux^ - %KvM'ph W lU
lumx« tiko |vHov \^lio \ij(!t onw
|4o\>sl u( »hA«tu\jf tlio \>mU At I ho
|M>v^s«t\M «w hou!«^^ %*«^ tho At^Oin^HM)
(ho U|^S'I H<^^ ^t^^UMU MAtxsL th^l
tkO MXt (ho |M«vSVt u>\^ t):o Ur^"
.^ m^»;hm o^v^ U^ !UiNSiUVo5>s t^:.
\tsS*v'\. ;^ V.»;«k^ i,\N;; Wv U\Nl
•1^ Ak«>v« ^'k rt\'4v'^ ■It-'Ai^ .tk>''x .K«
K^WVV «»M« A ' ^"A^ <t'<i«Hl. «^li^* imOL
lK:for« a inaf$iitratc« The witneM
iulilitd, that Mr. Morri» had de-
MTiUsd to Jiiin the age and appear-
Mu'v. of this man who had onered
tJif! tii»|N5t for nalo at his shop^
wlinn li(! (StowoU) went there to
niiiki; in<|iiir^ about the transac-
tion.— fn hiM croHS-oxamination,
tin* witness admitted that he ac«
coninuniod the prisoner to his house
on tint cvoning ho took him into
ciutiHly, and that he drank a glass
of ^in and water there at his in-
vitation. Did not tell tiie magis*
tratoH at IJnion-hall that the pro-
Nocutor hud attomnted to compro-
ndNO the ouso ; diu intend to do so,
hut wiiH Ntop|)od.<-*Mr. Klyard, who
waa on tho bench, on hearing the
M'itnoNM'a nmly* seemed amaaed at
it, and rising, Baid> "I M*as ftt
Tnion-hall the day of the examin-
ation, and can vouch that the m»»
tfiHtratoM present (hlr. Hone and
^lr. Murray) wore quite willing
to H«ton to the whole of the wit*
uoiwos who oamo forward on tint
(HXNi»imi» and it is luiwt extr«or«
diuciry that »uch a statmeiit as
thai now made by the witmas
Nhould hau' bn'U withheld uatii
this daw It vtHikl haw bmi a
uu^t itti|Kwtaut tact on behalf of
tlH" ai\ni$«Hi« ainl I repeat* it evlj
Mir|Mrt^tiL mc it $1hhiM kaw Kcm
ko|H l^M% until uow^^^^^Witaess's
^H\««« « <'\amiMitMii cMtiMML — >
l\<^i fi\y^t&tvw tku lir ^witeMa)
«\>aki ttvst aittwttt ;v> litciwat a |wrtT
^^ att) ovwtfcprvwMiSiN but tkaa lie
s)(\*UAi ^' )u$ «JiKtv« aasi take tike
: A^4x^ « :t Jt ::^w^*f ti/ Jk o
4C UkAI^IA 4C
MAR.]
CHRONICLE.
48
case." — Thomas Cole, a policeman,
into whose custody the prisoqer
was handed over by Stowell, stated
tliat, on the 14th inst,, the prose-
cutor said to him, "I don't wish
to indict Mr. Harden, he has plenty
of money, and if you keep out of
the way, you will be well paid for
your trouble." The witness added,
that he refused to take the advice
of the prosecutor, saying to him
on that occasion, '' If it was a poor
man, you would follow up the case
to the utmost, but as Mr. Marden
is rich, you don't wish to prose^'
cute, for the sake of getting m^ney
by it." — The witness, in his cross^
examination, said, that he had not
made known that which he had
now stated, to the Inspector or
any body else, until within the last
two or thr^e days. He had no
object in view in keeping it a secret
for so long a time, neither did he
mention it when before the magis-
trates at Union-hall. — Some sur-r
prise was manifested by the Court
and Jury, that this witness h^
also kept back such important evi-
dence until within the last few
days. — Mrs. Morris, the wife of
the witness of that name, stated,
that, on the 29th of January, she
saw a man offer a tippet for sale to
her huiiband in the shop. She was
unable, however, to describe either
the man who offered it, whether be
was old or young, or the kind of
fur or lining of the tippet. — A Mr.
Riddlestopper stated that he was a
furrier, and that the prosecutor
called on him on Tuesday last, and,
in allusion to this case, said, '^ If
poor old Joe (meaning a workman)
stole the tippet, I should not like
to get him in trouble." — In the
course of the trial, a cood deal had
been said about an old man named
Joe Bootch, who was in the prosecu-
tor's employj and who was at one
period suspected of being the per«
son who was alleged to have offered
the tippet for sale, under the cir-
cumstances detailed by the pri-i
soner in his defence, and also as
represented by the witness Morris.
Bootch, however, appeared on the
trial, and was exonerated from the
stigma, neither Mr. Morris nor the
prisoner alleging that he was the
person. — A great number of highly
respectable merchants and trades-
men gave the prisoner an excellent
character; and, after the Chair-
man had summed up the evidence,
the Jury retired for an hour to
deliberate, and on their return into
Court, pronounced a verdict of Not
Guilty,
MARCH.
1. Vicious Dogs. — Aylbs-*
BURY Assize s.'*«-)^e//# V. Head*'-m'
The plaintiff brought his action of
trespass for shooting a dog. The
defendant pleaded, that the dog, at
the time he met with his death,
was worrying his sheep, and that
he shot him in their necessary pro*
tection. Both the parties were
farmers at Ellesborough, and, on
the 1 1th of March, 1830, the dog
was in a field called the Mile Close,
and was shot by the defendant, who
at the time he fired the gun, was
in an adjoining field called th^
Catskin. — For the defendant, wit-
nesses were called, who stated that
the dog had been for the last
twelve months in the practice of
chasing and worrying his sheep,
whereof he had apprised the plain-
tifif, On the day in question, he
bad chased and seized the plaintifiTs
sheep in the rick-yard, which was
two fields from that in which he
was shot. After he had worried
tbem iA the rick-yard^ be left that
44
ANNUAL REGISTER.
([1831.
i)lacc, traversed tlio Ciitskin, and
liad got into tlie Milefield, liaviiig
entirely quitted the sheep. — Under
these circumstances, Mr. Justice
Alderson was of opinion, that tlie
justification wjis not made out. If
the defendant had found the dog
worrying liis slieej), and liad
no other mode of protecting liis
floi'k at the time, he would liave
l)een justified ; but, as the dog
had ceased to worry them, and
had crossed a field and got into a
third fiehl at the time he was
killed, tlie defendant l»ad no right,
in point of law, to follow him for
the purj>ose of killing him. — \'er-
dict for plaintiff — Damages, one
guinea.
Arson. — Wixchestkr As-
sizes.— John Sanson was indicted
for having, on the 9th of Decem-
ber, 1828, maliciously set fire to
certain fiirm-buildings, the pro-
perty of John Buckland. It ap-
peared from the evidence, that the
fire had destroyed, not only the
farm-buildings of Mr. Buckland,
but also eight horses, seven pigs,
some poultry, and a great quantity
of corn and other articles. — James
Hatcher, the brother-in-law of the
prisoner, deposed, that, soon after
the fire of 1828, the prisoner, in an
agony of remorse, confessed to the
witness his having set fire to the
premises of Mr. Buckland. The
prisoner stated at the same time,
and was repeating it ** for ever-
lasting," that he could have no rest
in his mind in consequence of the
crime which he had committed.
The prisoner also told the witness
that he had set fire to Farmer
Buckland s premises at the insti-
gation of three other farmers,
named George Spencer, Andrew
Spencer (George's brother), and
Henry Cozens, who had come to
bim at Cozens's l^snu, and told him
that they would gi^e him a so«
vereign each for committing the
crime. The jirisoucr was in the
employment of George Spencer at
the time of the alleged proposal^
and they recommended to him
to go to Cozens's for a lantern.
The prisoner had further confessed
to the witness that he Lad com-
mitted the offence in company with
James SjKjncer, a sou of one of
the Spencers abovenamed, and who
was at that time in the employ-
ment of Henry Cozens. The wit-
ness mentioned to his mother the
prisoner's confession, and added ^
that it was a thing which
'' ought not to be concealed." In
answer to a question by Mr. Jus-
tice Taunton, he, however, admit-
ted, that he never had stated the
prisoner's confesi^ion to any one be-
sides his (witness's) own mother for
more than two years. — James
Sjuincer, the jwrson abovemen-
tioned, deposed, that, on the night
of the burning, the prisoner came
to him at Cozens's, and asked him
for the lantern, stating that he
wanted to use it for setting fire to
farmer Buckland's premises. The
witness attcmpte<l to dissuade the
prisoner from the commission of
the crime, but, on the repeated re-
quest of the prisoner, he gave him
the lantern, and accompanied him
to within a few yards of the build-
ings, where he remained until the
fire broke out, when he ran oflT, and
was soon overtaken by the prison-
er, who de|)osited the lantern in a
ditch. This witness also admit-
ted that he had concealed his know-
ledge of the transaction until
lately. — The Jury found the pri-
soner Gtiiitt/, and lie was sentenced
to death.
4. Political Tricks. — Bow
Street. — Mr. C. Phillips made
an application at this office for
MAR.]
CHRONICLE.
45
summonses against the Chevalier
D'Abreu-e-Lima, Ambassador to
Donna Maria of Portugal, on the
ground that certain despatches,
which were forwarded on Friday
last, by the government of Portu-
gal, to Mr. Sampayo, the Consul-
general of that country, under its
present King, had been opened at
the house of the Chevalier, where
they had been left in mistake by
the post-office messenger. It ap-
pearedj according to the statement
of Mr. Phillips, that, on the morn-
ing of the day in question, the de-
spatches were delivered at the
house of the party complained
against, and at ten o'clock on the
same night they were left with the
seals broken at Mr. Sampayo's
house in Albemarle-street, by a
gentleman who kept his handker-
chief to his mouth as he delivered
them to the servant. These de-
spatches contained matter of the
greatest importance, and were en-
tirely of a secret nature. In fact,
they related i:o the revolution in
Portugal; and to prove in what
manner the information had been
used, it was only necessary to refer
to the columns of a leading news-
paper, where part of that identi-
cal correspondence appeared, in the
shape of a private letter from Por-
tugal. So clumsily had the fraud
been effected, that the despatches
which had been broken open were
re-sealed again with the seal of the
Ambassador of Donna Maria, thus
affording evidence of the quarter in
which the fraud had been practised.
He, however, did not mean to
bring any direct charge against
any individual, but he applied on
behalf of Mr. Sampayo for a sum-
mons against the porter at the
house of the Chevalier D'Abreu-e-
l^ima, into whose hands the de-
spatches were delivered by the
post-office messenger, in order that
he should be compelled to account
for their having been subsequently
broken open. Ue asked also a
summons against the Chevalier,
to give evidence, that he might ac-
count why his seal should have
been used in re-sealing the de-
spatches. The magistrates. Sir R.
Birnie, Mr. Miushull, and Mr.
Halls, having ascertained that the
packet was lighter by a quarter of
an ounce than when it arrived at
the post-office, notwithstanding the
additional wax used in re-sealing
it, inferred from that circumstance
that some of the despatches had
been purloined, and agreed that
the summons should be issued. Mr.
Sampayo made accordingly the ne-
cessary affidavit, and obtained sum-
monses. The summonses, how-
ever, were afterwards counter-
manded by Mr. Minshull, the sit-
ting magistrate, who, on further
consideration, was of opinion that
the case was one in which a magis-
trate had no jurisdiction. Next
week, the application for sum-
monses was renewed, ^r. Sampayo
founding his application on the
42nd of George 3rd, cap. 81, sec.
4, which provides, " that, if any
person shall wilfully secrete or de-
tain any letter or packet forwarded
through the General-post-office,
and left by accident or mistake at
the house of such person, he or she
shall be liable to be fined or im«
prisoned." After some discussion,
the clerk was directed to write to
Sir Francis Freeling, requesting
him to allow the letter-carriers and
messengers to appear to give evi-
dence touching this matter.
7. Royal Visit to Covent
Garden. — This evening their Ma*
jesties visited Covent Garden The-^
46
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1881.
atre^ where tliey had commanded
the performances. Tlie doors were
opened earlier than usual^ and the
liouse was immediately crowded in
all parts. Soon after the sixjctji-
tors in the galleries had taken
their seats, two printed placards,
headed " Reform/' and containing
in large letters the words " Glori-
ous King/' were displayed in the
front of the upper gallery. An-
other placard of the same kind M'as
handed from the upper to the lower
gallery, and had been displayed in
the front of the latter only a short
time, when a constable removed
it. The placards from the upper
gallery then disappeared . The ap-
pearance of those papers in no way
disturbed the good-humour of the
audience. Their Majesties enter-
ed their box, which was very splen-
didly arranged, shortly after seven
o'clock. The Duke of Devonshire,
Lord Winchester, and some other
Lords, stood behind their Majesties*
chairs.
8. False Imprisonment. —
Lancaster. — Entwislle v. Nor^
cliffe. — This was an action of tres-
pass and false imprisonment. The
defendant pleaded that he was not
guilty, and also a justification, al-
leging that the plaintiff had been
in his service as clerk, and that he
had embezzled a sum of money
which he had received in his ca-
pacity as clerk ; for which reason
defendant caused him to be appre-
hended and carried before a magis-
trate. It appeared from the evi-
dence, that the plaintiff M'as a zinc
merchant, and had formerly been
in the employment of Messrs. Hume
& Co., extensive dealers in zinc,
resident in London. In the year
1 828, it occurred to the plaintiff
that there M'as a good opportunity
of establishing himself in Liver-
pool, as there was in that town no
|)erson who carried on a trade in
zinc. Accordingly the plaintiff
went to Liverpool, and by means of
an advertisement, which ne inserted
in a newspaper, became acquainted
with the defendant. After some
negotiation they determined to com-
mence a trade in zinc, and an agree-
ment was drawn up, by which the
defendant (after reciting that he
had been appointed agent for
Messrs. Hume & Co. of London^
agreed to allow the plaintiff one
half of the clear profits of the
business, after deducting the ne-
cessary charges, and one of those
charges was expressed to be a
weekly salary to the plaintiff^ which
for the first year was not to exceed
the sum of 2/. per week. In con-
sideration of this the plaintiff
agreed to devote all his time and
attention to the concern. The bu-
siness was accordingly carried on
by the plaintiff and defendant un-
til September, 1830. On the 6th
of that month the plaintiff wrote
a letter to the defendant, in which
he informed him that he had taken
such steps as would necedsarily
produce a separation ; and after
offering to do anything that he
could to serve the defendant in his
business, he required an investi-
gation and a settlement of the ac-
counts between them. This letter
was delivered to the defendant
about four o'clock in the afternoon^
and, within an hour afterwards, the
defendant went to the Liveipool
police-office and asked for an officer
to apprehend the plaintiff, who, he
statea, was a clert in his employ-
ment, and had embeszled some
money which had been paid to him
on defendant's account. A police-
officer of the name of Halsall ac-
cordingly went to defendant's
MAR.]
CHRONICLE.
47
house^ and was there directed to
a tavern in Cable-street, where
plaintiff was dining in company
with some friends. The police-
officer apprehended plaintiff, and
took him along Cable*street and
Castle-street (which was described
to be the most public street in
Liverpool) to Bridewell, where the
plaintiff remained during the night.
On the following day the plaintiff
was carried before a magistrate and
remanded. It did not clearly ap-
pear on what account plaintiff was
remanded j the police-officer stating
it to have been at the request of
defendant, in order to give him an
opportunity of discovering whether
any other charge could be found
out against plaintiff, whilst another
witness stated, that it was at the
plaintiff's request for the purpose
of enabling him to procure legal
advice. The next day plaintiff was
again taken before a magistrate,
and a charge of embezzlement
made against him by defendant.
Plaintiff produced a copy of the
agreement mentioned above, and
the magistrate immediately dis-
missed the charge. These facts
were proved by the police-officer
who apprehended the plaintiff, and
a friend who had accompanied him
to Bridewell, and been present
during the subsequent examina-
tion.— In cross-examination it was
stated by both witnesses that the
charge made by the defendant re-
lated to a small sum of money
which defendant said had been paid
by a person of the name of Sloman
to plaintiff, on defendant's account.
Plaintiff, when before the magis-
trate, did not deny that he had
received the money; but alleged
that he was a partner with defend-
ant, and therefore had a right to
receive it, and appropriate it, if he
pleased. — The Jury found for the
plaintiff — Damages 100/.
8. Riots to Prevent Ship-
ments OF Corn. — On the 8th a
body of between fifty and sixty
miners, chiefly from the parish of
Newlyn, entered Newquay, where
a vessel was taking in a cargo of
barley, and insisted that the ship-
ment should be discontinued. In
consequence of their threats, some
loads of grain that had been
brought to the place were taken
back. The nearest magistrates
speedily repaired to Newquay, and
swore a number of persons to act
as special constables. This being
done, they inquired of the miners,
who still remained in a body, what
their object was in thus attempt-
ing to prevent the free intercourse
of trade between different parts
of the kingdom. — They were in-
formed that certain millers (who
were named) had induced them
to endeavour to prevent the ship-
ment of the corn, by representing
to them that they (the millers)
found it impossible to obtain grain
at any price, it being all bought
up for exportation, and that unless
this trade was stopped, an absolute
famine in the country would ensue.
The gentlemen proceeded to }>oint
out the absurdity of this statement,
and the serious consequences
of violating the law by tne pre-
sent proceedings. Finding the
men were not disposed to attend
to their exhortations tO return to
their homes, the magistrates read
the Riot Act, when the miners
took their departure, threatening
to return the next day, in greater
force. In consequence of these
threats, the magistrates thought
it necessary to send to Bodmin for
a party of military, and twenty-
five men accordingly proceeded to
4H
ANNUAL RROISTEIl. [issi.
ttiiity n( t)if< iVtilidlf iffii ;i|i|>f;ir-
ii(l on nw of IIh' lici/^litM wnr '\i*\v-
f|iitiy, hut. I'-i'i'iti,"; Hi:i( prr|)iir;itioiiH
IiimI tifi'ti tfiH<lr to ii'mImI iiiiy ;it.-
f««iii)il flii'V iiii'^iit ninlii' to |in;-
u'lit tlip loiiilin(( of till' vcHMi'l,
tliry ri«lii'ri|. iiinl till* v<'H>4«'l, liiiviii;r
roiiipipltHl tier nir'/.o. N.iiird.
U. llniHii.AiiY. I.iNroi.N,---i
.loliii ( IriHMnvonil, iiiMiiiii'r, M JiH in-
<lirt«Ml tor II liiii'^l:iry in tin* Ikminc
of .loliii WiMillirrlio^t on tin* !Mli
III' l*'i«liniary limt. Tin* priNoiuT. it
ii|t|iiMihMl, \\i\H niiirriiMl to tlio pro-
pu*riitor*M (l:ni;;liltM* tipwnnls ot* a
MMir liot'oiT. Aliout II nioiitli ixfio,
lio iinil liii uilo MptMit Nonip tiiiio
uitli Ihm' t'dtliiM', nlio is i^M^iinN of
'u»M«llt\ YOJII'M ot* iip\ {inti \\\\\\
tiloiio in II liouHO » <|Uiirtor of i) niilo
(liHtiinl from iinv otiioi*. Oh llio
iii^lit of tlu* tMli of IVhruarv. wuwli
M,m t» fv\^ tl:)\H aftor (hoy liatl ^mio
iswik), lUo piOH«vulor wan sittiuv:
aloiio in his Iiouho, mIuml just u^i
I ho (iiv \\av K^'t'iiur i^*>K h%* \\k\\v\\
A noiHo. an\l o\vm'v\o\( tlio window
Ui>»k\si ill hx u pitsv of \W i^huik,
i\\\\\ |»r\>MM\tl\ artoru,ii>ls ii lunii
nnn)SHl ui, M\\\ \'a\U\\ out to t!io
iM>v^vut>Mih;M ho \^o«W >hss^thiin.
1^0 |Mv^Mit\s^ ^« ptstol ;;t hishsxMSt*
,1l\^( (II>nI \t V> Ox\4V a^ to Sn^t tl'iO
Imuo a p\NV out of ^^s ja/noI,
tl-^^MsoJ x\,o>ty\vtt. AJul >*^»rl, riio
lUMi fhot\ '^tMix'x liw x»;th tK"*
\* * A-N Sn* * •<,; ;nv\ ,vrv'^ , 'A a; n"^;;
^^"1 v> V \.^•v >«*\ *>»■ » -*• S'.\\>v
^1 j.,1 V i' N^'^, A ji sr *vv v^vti.
liiHtkir*, and mmc other articles,
with u'iiich he decamped, haviug
iiM'd a ^niff tone of voice whenever
h<! had spoken to the prosecutor,
in (uiiim!(]ii(Mice of which the latter
nover ro(!o/;iiized him. Two con-
HtahloH, however, having gone in
pursuit of him next morning, over-
took him on the road to Hull, ap«
prohondod him and brought him
iiack. I le contrived^ when passing
over a bridge, to throw the bundle^
which he carried, into a river^
where it Nunk ; but there were
found upon his |)er8on, the prose-
cut or*M spoon, the buckle, ana some
NJiot, a slug, and a flint. There
was no truce, liowever, about the
piTsoii or ch)tlies of tiie prosecu-
tor of any shot or shigs having
Uvn discIiargiMl at him when the
pristtnor tirotl 1iij« pistid. — The Jury
found him (in«//i/. and sentence of
death was pnuiounced.
\K ToNSiMRACY. — At the coun-
ty Moath Assixos, Matthew Reilly
and Diristophor Courtney were
indiotiHl for a ivnspirau^y against
Miss Smith, a voune tsulv of se-
uMit(Vu, ot ros)kvtaUo fiimily, and
sxMuo fortune. They vrere char^^
xnth haxing vvnspirvHi to inlwnii
asraiust hot a$ having written awl
s«'nt «vrt«t;n thrMtening iK4kes to
ho r f;it hor Mr. Smith . Tker mi«
si4::K\l ** Kivi and SuvmmtI* and
x»*r\* to the e*!Vt. that if Mr.
S::uth uM Uv>c Ww tW
>.s\ A:^lo*erv K\\\iv
v:
:s
wvk;,-
ItI ateirt tWtr
ooAtV.. — Mr. >K:t;i cxjLMiMd. He
>^; re;;:r;>i^ t>*.>ai Dul&i aK>«iC
MAR.]
CHRONICLE.
49
Courtney; Courtney was a com-
mon labourer J Reilley used to
mow in tlie season. The morning
after he returned home, he went
to the stable to see his horses ;
Reilly came into the stable, and he
said to him, *' Reilly, what news V
Reilly said, " Bad news enough,
have you not received a threaten-
ing notice ?" Witness said, " Yes,
a most diabolical one." Reilly said,
" Then follow me to the barn and
I will tell you something;" wit-
ness went to the barn, and found
Courtney there. After following
Reilly to the barn, witness said to
him, *' Reilly, tell me all about it,
and ril give you money, and make
a man of you ;" witness then went
to Mrs. Smith for the notice, and
brought it out ; before he opened
it, Reilly said, it had a cross on it,
about that length (measuring it on
his finger) — witness began to open
out the notice, and bcrore he had
opened it, Reilly said, " That is
not it j'* When it was opened, and
he saw the cross on the nead of it,
Reilly clapped his hands, and said,
" That is it ;" he then said, " It
was a female wrote it." " Come,"
said witness, ^' tell me all about
it ; was it Anastatia O'Donoghue
wrote it ?" « No," said Reilly,
" would to God it was." " Was it
Miss Savoy ?'* " No^ it was Miss
Smith," said Reilly. [Here wit-
ness became overpowered and shed
tears.] On the name of Miss
Smith being mentioned, witness
fell over against the wall. He
said, " how could Miss Smith be
employed in writing such diabolical
notices ?** Reilly then said, that
he and Courtney were thrashing in
the barn, that they overheated
themselves, and that one had to go
to the door, and the other to the
spy-hole, to get air ; and when he
(Reilly) went to the spyhole, he
Vol. LXXni.
saw Miss Smith with a paper, and
a red cross on it, held up before
the window ; he called to nis com-
rade to come and see what Miss
Smith was doing 3 the spyhole was
about three feet ^om the ground ;
he called on Courtney to kneel
down under him, until he would
see her raise the cross $ he said he
thought the cross was spouting out
blood at him. He (witness) then
told Reilly, *^ he should hear more
about this.'* Witness then went
into the house, took a hurried
breakfast, and brought Reilly into
the parlour ; Reilly made there a
statement similar to what he made
in the barn, and added the parti-
culars as to the writing of the
notice. He said Miss Smith, when
she had finished writing the notice,
put it into her right side pocket :
Miss Smith replied, that she did
not wear her pocket at the right
side ; Mrs. Smith and witness went
into the barn, and sent Miss Savoy
up to the window where MissSmitii
used to draw ; Miss Savoy held the
notice in dififercnt positions, and in
no way she could sit could they
observe the cross on the paper, un-
til she turned her right side, and
then they could, with difficulty,
observe the red croAS. He (wit-
ness) is particularly sharp-siffhted ;
brought Reilly to the spy-hde, and
observed to him that it was almost
impossible to see the cross. Reilly
said, if the sun shone it could be
better seen. This was about ten
in the morning, there was then no
sun shining. There were two
doors to the barn, one looking into
the kitchen-yard, and the other
into the haggard ; the door that
looks into the haggard is the one
that is kept open when the men
are working. A map of the house
and premises was then handed to
Mr. Smith; he pointed out the
E
60
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[I8SI.
situation of the dwelling^houte^
barn, Sec. Witness said^ he then
interrogated Rcilly further^ and
from the agitation really nianifest-
c<], he (Mr. Smith) clinched his
fist at him, and swore, " By G— d,
lieilly, you are a conspirator."
About twelve o'clock after, -he met
Reillv and Courtney in the lawn :
he asked them what made them
quit their work ; they said, they
were going to Duleck, to clear
themselres; witness said, they
might go to the devil, that he
(witness) would go to Duleek to
have an investigation of it ; wit-
ness then went to the head poltcc-
oAice in Dublin. Miss Smith is
about seventeen or eighteen ; she
is not his onlVf but his eldest
daughter. She Mas indisposed ;
her illness cimimeuced about two
years ago ; she recovered, but re-
lapsed agiiin. Does not know how
long she was ill altogether, but the
physician could tell. The pa|)er
on which the notices were written
had the Xavan water-mark. The
pa|)er was produced -, it bore
(\M.D., as the water-mark. — Miss
Smith remembered the threatening
notices ; the usual hours of going
to rest were changeil on account of
these notices ; she often stayed up
till near morning ; the first notice
was found on the Sunday morning
after the Christmas of 1 829. Was
then luiable to leave her room ;
nmhl not walk by herself; slept
in the middle room ; ctmld not
raise a window or walk to it. The
st*oond notiw was left suou after
the first ; the fourth notice was
serveil on a Siuulay ; she M-as at
home ; her father and mother were
at church on that Sunday. About
an hour after they went to chun*h
heard a noise $ calletl to the house-
maid, and bid her look out ; she
said she could see no person. About
half an hour after heard more
noise ; Anty weot then into ibm
next room. She begged of Anty
to come and assist her to the vin«
dow* to see what it was. Anty
threw up the sash of the window,
and witness saw a paper with m red
direction on the green chair. Was
about to withdraw^ and taw a stout
man, with a long frieze gray ooat.
She remained at the window, and
when Anty returned^ he went
away. Anty went off by direo*
tiou of the witness, leering her at
the window. Her father came
home in half an hour afterwards ;
she sent for him ; the paper was
shown to her before papa came
home, by her brother Henry's ser-
vant; her governess and mother
are her religious instructors; she
attended lectures in Dublin, and
is aware of the obligation of an
oath ', swears positively she never
saw the )utper until it was shown
to her on the green chair ) aha
never wrote a word of it. (An-
other notice shown to her.) Saw
it first at her fiEither*s house i they
were sitting in the dining parlour
on the evening it was found, and
heard a gentle tap or noise at the
window ; heard further noise ; a
bell was rung; they were all a
little surprised, but said nothinff :
Miss Savoy, two children, and ue
footman, were in the room; she
heard a noise like a tap at the
window; soon after she went mit
of the rt¥)m ; the notice was after*
wards found ; the two men at the
biir have charged her with writing
that notice ; she never saw that
paper until she saw it lying at the
hall-door ; Miss Savoy showed it
to her ; she never wrote a word
of what is on that paper, and never
drew or manufiurtured any of the
notices left at her father's Imuse ;
never wrote the catechism left at
MAR.]
CHRONICLE.
51
her father's house.— Cross-examin-
ed. Miss Savoy and she were
often left alone^ and she felt a little
solitary ; if the family went to
France or England^ she would like
to accompany them; Miss Savoy
might have a similar taste ; had no
wish to leave home. — The Jury
found the prisoners GuiUy. Sen-
tence^ twelve months imprison-
ment^ and each to be bound in his
own recognizance for 100/.^ and
two sureties of 20L to keep the
peace for seven years.
9. MuBDER.-— Between eleven
and twelve on the forenoon of
Tuesday the 9th^ an old woman^
who, for several years had kept a
small broker's shop in Bethnal
Green, and who resided alone,
though she had ^ve children liv-
ing, was found murdered in her
own house. About that time, one
of her sons happening to pass her
house in company with a man
named Robert Moxey, was sur-
prised to find the door and shop
closed, and the blinds of all the
windows in front drawn down. He
knocked at the door, and, receiving
no answer, opened it ; it was fast-
ened only by an ordinary latch. On
entering the shop he opened one of
the windows, and perceived on
different parts of the floor quanti-
ties of clotted blood. His feelings
were so overcome that he could not
proceed further, but Moxey did,
and on entering a small kitchen
apart from the shop, found the
woman, with her skull beaten in in
many places, (her person, and the
floor about her covered with blood,)
partly suspended by a piece of jack
line from the latch of a door which
led from the kitchen to a small yard
attached to the house. The cord
was made so tight about her neck,
that he was obliged to cut it. In
the kitchen was found, close to
where the body had been suspend-
ed, a heavy wooden roller, com-
pletely covered with blood ; and on
comparing it with the wounds on
the head of the deceased, there
could be no doubt but it was the
weapon with which the murder
was committed. On examining
the rooms up stairs, all the draw-
ers, presses, and cupboards were
found to have been ransacked, two
beds^ also, had been taken away,
together with the bed-clothes, and
various other articles of property.
From the deranged state of the
deceased's dress, which was torn
in many places, and the disordered
state of the shop and kitchen, it
was evident that she had made a
desperate resistance. On the in-
quest, a surgeon, described two of
the wounds in the head of the de-
ceased as being most extensive and
mortal. One of the small bones
was forced into the brain, and he
was of opinion that these wounds,
as well as others, were inflicted by
the wooden roller produced. He also
gave it as his opinion that it was
physically impossible that the de-
ceased could have inflicted these in-
juries on herself, and that her death
was produced by them. At first
some suspicion, founded on alleged
inconsistencies in his conduct, and
falsehoods in his statements, at-
tached to the son, who had dis-
covered the murder; but the
verdict of the Coroner's Jury was,
'' Wilful murder against some per-
son or persons unknown." An
indictment was afterwards found
against the son, on which he was
tried and acquitted.
10. MuaDER. — Lincoln. —
Michael Lnndy was charged with
the murder of Thomas Sewards.
The prisoner was married to the
daughter of the deceased ; they
were both Irish labourers. On
E2
62
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
tlio morning of the 2f)th of July
iHHt, they hired themHclvcs to a
farmer nimied Wilson, wlio set
them to M'ork at heaping and burn-
ing weedH for manure. After tlieir
<hiy'H work waH over, they had their
HUpiN^r, and VMNon ])ro|)08cd to
thorn to nleep in hiH granarv> ob-
Hcrving, that, an he wouhl h)CK them
in, nolHMly could molest them. To
thin, however, the prisoner ob-
iert(Ml, m he had, he Kaid, a pain
in his Ntomarh. Wilson then took
them to his Imrn, furnished them
M'ith straw and sacks, and, put-
ting the key in the inside of the
(h)or, told them they might ](H*k
themselves in or not, just as they
f>l eased. It was with the prisoner
le held conversation, the dei*case<l
not iH'ing able to speak Isnglish.
There was a I>;ick diHtr to the barn,
which was fastened with a w(KNlen
l>iir inside. When \\'ilson went
away, the ])risoncr was sitting on
the grass outside the barn with
this iKir in his hands. Alniut eight
oVliH'k, Mi*s. Wilsim went to the
yard to KH>k after her |H)ultry» and
siH* tliat every tiling was right.
*rho l)arn-d<H)r was then o|)en, and
she oKsitvihI the prisoner sitting
on a form Iteside a UmicIi on which
a car|HMiter had lioen working there
that day. The carjKMiter had left
his tools in the l^trn« and amongst
them was an axe, which lay on the
gnwmd. The Ivarn was nearly
half a mile distant from Wilson's
dwelling-houst>. At alvnit nine
o'cUvk» Mrs. Wilson was alarmed
by a cry of '* munlor.'* Her bus-
Iviud having g\>no up to the Castle,
she oalle^l hor s<mk and, as $tx»n as
be came down, o^Kntxl the diVir.
and saw the pns<>iH>r in his small-
clothes and shirt, without shixs
or st*x"kings. Ho was scro,tming
** munler,*" and wcmeil dreadfully
frightcncil. Uc said the Englisli-
man would murder him. In reply
to questions put to him^ he 8tate<l«
that, as he was saying his prayers
in the barn, a tall black man, six
feet high, with a broad-brimmed
glazed hat, made his appearance
at the door, and waited until the
prisoner had finished his prayers,
when he asked him if he wanted
company ? to which the prisoner re-
pliea, he should be very glad of
company. The man, who was an
Englishman, then went in, and
entered into conversation with the
{)ri8oncr, and proposed to sleep with
lim. To this the prisoner ohject-
ed, and on the man's pressing his
proposal he became alarmed, pre-
tcncicd he was going to shut the
door, bolted out of the bam, and
ran towanls the dwelling-house;
but on his way he was pelted by
somebody with stones, one of whicn
struck him on the forehead. He
was therefore sure that the Eng-
lishman meant to murder him.
There was, in point of fact, a lump
on bis forehead, about tibe breadth
of a shilling, but the skin was not
broken. Mrs. W^ilson asked him
where his comrade was, and he re-
)dieil that he was asleep in theoomer
of the barn ; on which she repri-
manded him for deserting him, if
he thought he was in cumger of
Ix^ing murdered. Young Wilson,
and another man, then proposed
to aca^mpanvhim bade to the bam,
to which he instantly assented. A
lantern was procured, and they all
wont to the barn, but foand it
liKlced, and could not find the key.
^frs. Wilson at length beooming
fcarfiil that there was somethiiig
not right, sent her son for her hus-
band, whom he met retoming
frtun the Castle. As won as be
was como, they again sought few
. the key, but not findii^ it, and re-
ceiving no answer to tMradtsaad
MAR.3
CHRONICLE.
53
knocks at the door, they broke
open the back door of the barn.
On going in, they found the de-
ceased lying dead. The prisoner
uttered a yell, and murmured
something like a prayer, but did
not approach any nearer to the
body. On examining it, Wilson
perceived the carpenter's axe buried
in the face, near the mouth, and
there was also a wound on the
head, as if from the back of the
axe. They then went to Elthorpe
(including the prisoner), and
brought a constable, and conveyed
the body to £lthorpe. As soen as
it was deposited there, the pri-
soner, who accompanied the rest
of the party to Elthorpe a second
time, but had neither assisted in
drawing the cart, nor gone near
the corpse, was taken into cus-
tody. A few sprinkles of blood,
not larger than pin-heads, were
observed on his corduroy small-
clothes, and one drop on his bare
leg. For the latter he accounted
by saying, that a Hy had bitten
him, and for the former, by stat-
ing, that if he had any spots of
blood on his clothes, he must have
got them by endeavouring to put
a stop to a row which had taken
place between some of his country-
men on the preceding day (Sun-
day). His hands, which had been
dirty when he was eating his sup-
per, appeared to have been recently
washed ; and, on the constable
asking him if he had washed his
hands, he said he had not. On
the following morning the print
of a naked ^t was found on the
bank of a neighbouring pond, but,
from the nature of the surround-
ing ground, it could be tra^d no
farther. Six shillings and a knife
were found in the prisoner's pos-
session^ and a hali^nny and a
knifQ in the pocket of the deceased.
No indication had been observed
of any animosity between the pri-
soner and the deceased, and the
former was described as being, so
far as he was known here, a man of
peaceable and quiet demeanour.—
The Jury returned a verdict of
Guilty^ and his Lordship pro-
nounced sentence of death.
11. Salisbury. — Murder of
AN Infant by its Father. —
Charles Giles, aged 22, was put to
the bar, upon a charge of having,
on the 18th of September last,
feloniously caused the death of his
own child, by administering to it a
quantity of sulphuric acid. — Har-
riet Stone deposed, that she had
" kept company" with the prisoner
for a considerable time, and that
the result of their intimacy was
the birth of an illegitimate child,
in September last. Some time be-
fore the child was born, the prisoner
one day told the witness to stifle
the child when it should be born.
Soon after its birth, the child was
brought to the prisoner, who said,
'•'What is to be done with it now
that it is alive?" And, in the
same conversation, the prisoner
said to the witness, ^' You may as
well let me poison the child." On
a subsequent night, about a fort-
night after, the prisoner came home
about ten o'clock, and sent the
witness out for change of a so-
vereign, the child remaining with
the father alone. Whilst knock-
ing at the door of the next house
to get the change, witness heard
the child make a noise, and, on re-
turning, found the child in the
prisoner's arms. On taking and
Kissing the child, witness perceived
a heat upon its mouth. She said
to the prisoner, " Oh, my God,
Charles, you have poisoned my
child." He denied it. The pri-
soner then stept oqt through 9,
64
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1881.
wiiifloWi tttkitif^ tliti chihl with
liiin. JJ<;HrK)ii rrtiirijcd, anil gave
the rhihi to the witiicKH, after which
the itrwmar and the wituem left
i he lioijhe. Having gone HOine diH*
iiiiicii, the witncHH put her finger
into tlie child's throat, and fdiind
it hot and parched. Hhe Haid she
thought it wad dying, and gave it
to the ])riHoner. The chihl died
tnHUi aftiir. Witnefts anked the pri-
Honer what he would dowith it, and
he Maid that he Hhould hurv it with
hiH hrother. Ele wrappeci it in a
piHow-cuHc^and put it in the pocket
of hiH iniook frock, and said that
the witneHH must not ttdlany thing
alMMit it. WitneHs aftiTwanlH diH-
chiHed the circuniHtanccs to her sis-
ter, by whoHe advice nhe went to a
niagiHtrate. — Two surgeons de-
pONed, tluit, on disHecting the in-
fant's iNKly, and applying the test
nf iNirytes to the lUintentH of the
Ntoniiuth, they found them to con-
si.st in a large proportion of sul-
phuric acid. — The Jury returned
a voi'di(!t of iiuiilif.
A sinnlar case was tried, on the
1 1 th, at Lancaster, where Moses
Kernely was indicted for the nmr-
tler of his stepson, scarcely five
years old. — Alary Ann Sparks
examined ; 1 took care of^ the
child, M'hich lived with the pri-
soner. The evening before its death,
lie told me to ctmie early the next
morning, as he wanted to go eiu*ly
to work. I went at a quarter, or
half-|mst six. His wife had gone
«mt. When 1 tirst entered the
liouse, he was i^tuning out of the
iHH>m whore the children slept.
S<H)n after, he had breakfast> and
then again went into the children's
rtHUu. Alter he had been absent
about a minute, he rt>turniHl, and
said, *' Mary Ann, little .lohuny
is very ilU** 1 heard the child
luoiuiy auil say^ ^* Fathcjr^ my throat
is sore." He went in a seoond
time^ alx)ut half an hour after, and
then brought out the child and laid
it on a table. I saw some black
HtuflF come out of the child's mouth.
It was sick, and I wanted to gire
it some water, but priBoner object-
ed, and said it would do more harm
than good. Prisoner did not send
me for a doctor ; Jane Barrett did
about half-past eleven. When I
got back, the child was dying.
After it was dead, he sent me ibr
the mother. — Cross-examined.
When prisoner saw the deceased in
pain, he seemed a good deal dis-
tressedi and began to cry. He did
not go to his work, but remained
at home all day, offering assistance
to the chihl. — Jane Barrett, I lire
next door to prisoner. On the dar
the child died, I went to prisoner s
house about nine o'clock. The d^
ceased was on a table, with a
blanket thrown over him, and pri«
soner was sitting by on a stool.
Some stuff was frothing ont of its
mouth, and its tongue was hanging
out. It asked for water, and Igot
some and gave it. The child coold
not swallow ; the water ran oat at
its nose. Prisoner said, he thought
the child had a auiniy in the
throat. A little aner twelve the
prisoner came to my house. He
seemed quite cheerful, and said,
*' Jane, come in and look at it
now." I went in ; the child's tongue
was hanging out of its mouth, the
mouth was drawn on one side, and
so was one of the eyes. I peroeir-i
cd the child die. I told him it was
dead. He became very pale, and
said, ** If I had known thou would'st
die, I would not have used thee so
cruelly.*' He told me to wash the
child,* and I did so. I then sent
for the mother: after she came, she
tiK>k a cup off the shelf to get some
coffietin. Th« prisoner Md| ** If
MAR.]
CHRONICLE.
55
you will have coffee, you must
wash that cup out, it has had
Johnny's stuff in."— John Drink-
water. On the 8th of November,
I was confined in the New Bailey,
at Manchester, for an assault. On
Tuesday, the 9th of November,
the prisoner was brought from the
Lock-up«house to the New Bailey.
I said to him, '* Well, my man,
what's your crime ?*' He said,
*' A d — n sight worse than yours."
I asked, " What is it ? " He said,
*' Wilful murder, if they can prove
it; but they cannot prove it, as they
did not see me do it." He said,
*' The doctors say he was poisoned,
but it was not poison, it was oil of
vitriol." He said they could not
prove it against him, for they could
not find the remainder of the stuff.
He added, " I took care to finish
the b r. I throttled him, and
kicked him with my shoes.'* I
told him to keep his own counsel,
but he said, he did not care ad — n,
they could not prove it. During this
conversation, a man of the name
of Condon, and two or three other
men, were by. The others heard
this conversation. — James Condon
corroborated the statement of the
last witness. — On cross-examin-
ation, witness said, that there were
several persons present, all of whom
heard the conversation. Witness
thought so little about it, that he
did not stay to hear the whole of
it, but, feeling sleepy> went to lie
down. — The medical men who had
examined the body, proved clearly
that the death had been caused by
oil of vitriol. — ^The Jury returned
a verdict of GuiUy^ ana the pri-
soner was ordered for execution.
11. King's Evidence. — At
Lancaster, on the 1 1th of March ;
Thomas Fulvey was indicted for
the murder of Charles Burn, and
his brother John Fulre^^ aa bdug
a principal, in the second degree,
by being present, aiding and abet-
tmg in the perpetration of the
murder. The principal witness
against them, was d third brother,
Michael Fulvey. It appeared from
the evidence, that the deceased
was a merchant at Liverpool, whose
place of residence was two or three
miles out of the town, and that he
was in the habit of goin^ home
every evening. On the night of
the 9th of October last, about a
quarter before eight, the deceased
knocked at the door of a Mr.
Turton, who lives at Everton,
about six yards from the West
Derby road, along which the de-
ceased would pass on his way to
his own hous«. Deceased appear-
ed to be much alarmed, and blood
was flowing from his body. He
said he had been attacked and
wounded, and desired his wife to
be sent for. He wished Mrs.
Turton to put her hand to his
side, and she did so, and could
distinctly perceive a ball. De-
ceased said, ''If any thing happens
to me before Mrs. Burn arrives,
tell her I thought of her and of the
children.'* Mr. Blackburn, a sur«
eeon of Liverpool, arrived in a
short time, and accompanied de-
ceased to his own house, where he
died in twenty-four hours after.
The wound made by the bullet
was the cause of his death. No-
thing transpired to point a sus*
Sicion against any one until a few
ays ago, when Michael Fulvey,
who, with the two prisoners, was
confined in Lancaster Castle, under
a charge of committing several
highway robberies, gave informa-
tion which led to an indictment
being preferred for the murder
against the two prisoners. Michael
was admitted King*s evidence, and
now cam« forward m a witnets
Ml
ANNUA L IIEGISTER.
[1831.
tt{/r»'ttiHl. Uin \trttl\nri» Iff* hIhUuI
Im' ^ttn ft tiiilor n'«ifliii^ in \;iytor-
MMiif, Nil y lor nfn-^'f, Li\t*r]unt),
iiimI Hiiif tiin two lirof Ikth on lli(;
nifrlit of {Mil of OrtolHT Ut^i , if«*ni
out )ti roMi|iiitiy Vfitli liitn itlNMit
ttio iiiiliM on till* Wctf Drrhy nrtiil.
'Minii' intmtion m.'ih to roli; find
tlin |ii'iiiOhi'i' 'riioniii'i riii'ricfl a
liotmi )ii>itol. wliicli III* IiimI piir-
I liiiHi'il II I'l'W iliiyN lM<fon*t On
ffi>ll)ii|i iiImmiI tu'o niilcH IVoiii H'it-
llPna'q nuiilliMH'r, Hioy OV(«l't(Nlli II
iiiiih. iiiiil ili«Miriiil liiiii to Hloji. Iln
linu'tii to nin, imhI IIio |iriNoii(*r
•loliii l''nlvity Miiid. *' if In* rnnN.
fijiiiiit liiiii." Till* jiriioiMM' 'riioiiiiiN
liiiiiiiMliiilrly (liiu'liargiMl (Iip piNto).
IhiI tlio iiiiui ffot invay, Tlio wit-
noNn WMN iIhmi r\uhiin(Ml im to
No^onil |tointN on wliirli tlio iinw-
(Mitom iii'iipo^iMJ to nllor ovidnuv
to ronllvni liini. Ilo Htntod, tliut
II lit I It* Ih^Ioiv II man ow Imrsolmrk
lltlJ piU'MMl lIliMII, tlinl (I MTXiUlt of
M) nollniOiinl NMoiv tlnit on that
«*iiM\in^ ho \\m\ on lioi-M'Kiok imstHtnl
tin 00 nion ni tlio situ.il ion« ami
t^\>^^\\\ fho tinio. nionlioniMl \\\
Miolmol Knho) Witnoss aUi
Ht.iiotl thrtt v»uio tiino at^or tho
pistol li.ul KsMi litv«)t a oarria^^
|M'»'«^sl» x^liix'h tho\ oWntM to
M»*p. Ms\\ tho ^topx of Mhtoh
XMMv lot »l\*\ui oithor to lot !»imio
»Mio ni »M out rh»H \tas\vu(tnmHl
l^x Ml Hl.wUmru. \\w ^ur>^vu.
xO\o xt,*t^sl th,*t, xm v\M\xx*\u>>: tW
»l,\NM^sl hosi»%^ 1 » a Aivn^^v. llu*\
wot a »^n\tv»M*a ai»J *ao\. tnoinU
,'^ tSo <K\>\<>^nL a; si t*u^ vAvria^*
I No ^.^$\ X\;5i;\\xx >tAV,\; v>4.\
tN<< x,uv*\^;V.*;S, ,'.■: i.V sA^V
fpifTfiiion he hail lieen attacked on
t\w W'e.nt IX'rliy rtMul, and robbed^
and that a nilvcr jicncil-caae had
lf«'(rn tak<!n from him. That pencil-
raw! waft provffd to hare been ofFered
in pif*<lg(f hy the nnntmer, Thomas
l''iilvi>y,on the folJowiug Thursday,
to a pa H'n broker in Liverpool, who,
ii|»on M'eing the name of Arrow-
Nniith iijNMi it, detained it, and
raiiw'd the apprehension of prisoner
and \i'itn<*HH.
On (ToMH-exami nation many fticts
wore elicited, to Hhow that the
rharartor of tlie witness was of the
worHt <l(*H(Tiption. Ho admitted
that he m'iih under indictment for a
nnnilH'r of offences, and that he
ex|MM*t(Ml to nave himself by the
conviotiou of his brothers. Tbk
wiiM not tho first time he had been
a witiioHH, Ho had given evidence
in Indaiul against a man who had
Nold him Hotno stolen goods. He
hnd uIko» on another occasion,
tunuHl »ppn>ver against nine men,
with whom ho had been concerned.
Ho admittoil Iwiiig engaged in
attaokini; tho hmise of a priest of
t ho namo of I laokot t8. where he bad
g\»t Moundotl — The Jury returned
a vonliot of .Vitf («ir«//jv.
PJ, MrauKR. — LANCASTBa.—
Aslitoa NWvrralL a^rd :23 ; \nilian
XWvrralK :%S ; and tit^rt Cliadder.
loiK «'.\ \»«^rc indicted for tiM
>i ilful niunWr i>f Sarah lITIuiua,
at Kai)s\rorth. «vi the ^Jtid of
IVcwnjlvr.
^^f M\t\ «tHir t>Nur$ \>f ;u^^* v» tW
\» i>r x>( a UlvH)ria« imm imadi^
a; Ivvrv^n. v^n Uie nMWi^ ct
t>)o C'.^ssi s\f IVv^Mslvr l»t« jlie
: ' OV>*xwi. 1,^ ^^t AJbiiplner wW
' ^ vv, : V^^ S<^».'o? s4ie W* B#2iiw.
MAR.]
CHRONICLE.
57
ceeded to Manchester, which is
about twelve miles from Bolton^
and six from Oldham. A woman,
whose description answered that
of the deceased, was seen between
eight and nine o*clock that evening,
about two miles from Manchester,
on the Oldham road. The watch-
man observed her go off the cause-
way, and he went and spoke to
her. She said that she was light-
headed, and had undertaken too
long a journey for a woman of her
years. Whilst they were talking
together, another witness of the
name of Lees went past, on his
way home from Manchester. The
woman accosted him, and reques-
ted permission to walk with him
as far as he went. He gave it, and
they went on together for about a
mile and a half. The woman ap-
peared to be faint, and was some-
times obliged to run, in order to
keep up with him. He left her
near the canal bridge, on the Man-
chester and Oldham road. The
next witness, a Mrs. Moor, stated,
that, on the evening in question,
between nine and ten o'clock, the
deceased called at her house, which
is on the Oldham road, about half
a mile from the place where the
last witness and his companion
had parted, and asked for some
water to drink. On the following
day a land-surveyor, of the name
of Schoiield, was measuring some
fields adjoining the road leading
from Manchester to Oldham^-^
nearer to Oldham than the house
of last witness, — ^when he found
the body of the deceased, in a
place called " The Street," which,
having been formerly part of a
Roman road, is called by that
name, although it forms no part of
a regular road. To reach that
place she must have left the direct
road to Oldham, and crosa^ oo^
or two fields. Her body was
lying in a ditch, exposed from the
waist downwards. Her bonnet and
cap were off, the former lying near
her feet. A little blood was per-
ceived on her mouth, and a scratch
upon her knee ; but there was no
other mark of violence. The body
was removed to the adjoining vil-
lage of Newton, and there minute-
ly examined by a surgeon. £x-
travasated blood was found upon
the brain, and as the surgeon did
not hear that any violence had
been suffered ; it appeared to him
that the deceased had died of
apoplexy, and he gave an opinion
to that effect. A verdict ot acci-
dental death was accordingly re-
turned by the coroner's inquest^
and no further inquiry took place
at that time. A few days mer-
wards, however, circumstances
transpired which led to the appre-
hension of two young men of the
names of Ashton Hulton, and
William Mellor, and in the house
of the latter a doak was found,
which was clearly proved to be the
cloak which the deceased had worn
when she quitted Bolton. Upon
their examination before the ma-
gistrates, they made a statement
which caused the prisoners to be
taken into custody. Hulton now
stated, that, on the night of the
22nd of December, he was present
with the two WorraUs, and several
other persons at a public-house,
situat^ on the road from Manches-
ter to Oldham, and a little nearer
to Oldham than the house of Mrs.
Moor, where the deceased had last
been seen. Witness and the two
Worralls left the public^house
about half-past nine o'clock in the
evening, and crossed over the
fields leading to ^* The Street,'* in
the direction of Ashton WorralPs
bovsei to wliich they were going.
58
ANNUAL REGISTER. [issi.
When they got to the hedge which
separates the field from " The
Street,*' wituess had occasion to
stop for a short time, whilst the pri-
soners Ashton Worrall and Thomas
Chadderton proceeded. During
this time witness heard a female
voice say '^ Oh, dear me, this will
never do," and immediately after
heard a cry of *' Murder.' He
then got over the hedge into "The
Street/' and saw that the two
Worralls had been joined by a
third man who had not been in
their company before. That man
wituess thought was the prisoner
Chaddertouy whom he well knew ;
but although he afterwards re-
mained some time in the man's
company, he never saw his face,
and his opinion, therefore, was only
formed from the voice and dress.
He would not venture to swear
that Chadderton was the man.
Witness then stated, that he saw
the two Worralls and the other
man throw the woman down,
and then two of them held the
woman down, with her arms ex-
tended apart, whilst the third
committed brutal violence on her
person. This was repeated by
each of the three, the other two in
the same manner keeping down
the arms of the woman. In the
end, witness stated, the woman
was motionless, and the three men
took her and threw her into a ditch
between "The Street," and the
hedge. They then went together
as far as the Ashton Canal, when
a man passed by. Ashton Worrall,
who appeared to have something
concealed under his coat, went up
to the man, and witness distinctly
heard him say, " Here, take this,
and say notning about it." On
cross-examination, the witness said
that he would gladly have given
the woman assistance if he bad
been able. He admitted that he
had not said a word about the
transaction until he was taken into
custody, but accounted for that by
saying that he was afraid of the
prisoners. He admitted also, that
in the first instance he had given
a very different account, saying,
that, after he and the Worralls had
left the public-house, they had
gone directly to Ashton Worrall's
house, and had seen no woman at
all in their way. This he also ac-
counted for, by saying that he was
afraid of Ashton Worrall. He was
cross-examined also as to some ob-
servation which he had made to
Mellor, and Mellor to him, iwheti
going before the magistrate, but
he firmly denied that any remark
had passed between them on the
subject.
William Mellor swore, that, on
the night in question, between ten
and eleven o'clock he was paasing
near the Ashton canal when he saw
some men. One of them, whom
he believed to be Ashton Worrall,
gave him a cloak, telling him to
take it and say nothing about it.
He took it home, and it ultimately
turned out to be the cloak of the
deceased. A man of the name ci
Berry, an assistant of Mr. Schofield
shortly after the body was found
saw Ashton Worrall about a field's
length from the place where the body
was lying. Ashton said, '^ Where is
she? and witness pointed to the
spot. Ashton 8aid,''D— 'U it, I wish
I had never had any thing to do
with her." Evidence was also given
to show that, about the hour men-
tioned by the witness Hulton,
cries of murder had been heard
about the spot in which he de-
scribed the scene to have happen-
ed, and that the two Worralls had
been seen in the neighbourhood
about that time, A mx% button
MARO
CHRONICLE.
69
was found lying near the dec^atecl,
and upon examining Chadderton's
shirty a button appeared to be
wanting; but great numbers of
persons had been near the place.
Mr. Thornley, the surgeon^ who
had first examined the deceased^
was then called*— he stated, tliat in
the first instance, not knowing any-
thing of the violence which ap*
peared to have been offered^ he
had been of opinion that the
death of the deceased had been
occasioned by apoplexy, and had
said that he believed she died a
natural death. After hearing the
evidence^ he was decidedly of opin-
ion that she had died of apoplexy
occasioned by violence.— Mr. Da^
vies, a surgeon of great experience^
stated, that he had heard the evi-
dence of all the witnesses^ and in
his judgment^ the deceased had
died of apoplexy^ occasioned by the
violence to which she had been sub-
jected.
The prisoners^ in their defence^
all alleged their innocence. The
two Worralls stated, that they had
gone home from the Sun Inn;
had reached their home about ten
o'clock, and never gone out after-
wards. The witnesses for Chaddeiv
ton established a satisfactory alibL
The Jury, without leaving the
box, returned a verdict of Guiltv
against Ashton Worrall and Wil-
liam Worrall, and found Robert
Chadderton Not GuiUy,
The Judge then passed sentence
of death, and directed the two
prisoners who had been convicted
to be executed on the following
Monday.
25. Deap and Dumb. York.
— Esther Dyson was indicted for
the wilful Munler of her infant
child, by cutting off its head with
a knife. The prisoner, upon being
arraigned and requir^ to pteadj
made no reply, and the Jury was
sworn to try whether she stood
mute of malice, or by the visita-
tion of God. A witness, of the
name of Henderson, deposed, that
he had known the prisoner from
infancy, and that she bad always
been deaf and dumb. On this
evidence, the Jury found, that the
prisoner stood mute through the
visitation of God. The same wit-
ness was then sworn to interpret
the questions put to the prisoner,
and her answers, whi^ be did by
certain signs with which the pri-
soner was &miliar. The prisoner,
after some time, signified tliat i^e
had not committea the act with
which she was charged, and a plea
of "Not Guilty" was recorded.
The Jury w^re then desired to
stand up to be sworn, when an-
other difficulty presented itself.
There was no mode (A making the
prisoner comprehend that she had
a right to challenge the Jury. A
variety of questions were put, st
the suggestion of the counsel for
the prosecution; but though she
answered by signs, that she knew
she had been brought to York for
what she was supposed to havie
done, it was found impossible to
make her understand the purpose
for which she had then been brought
into court, and the nature of a
trial by jury. Another witness, a
Mrs. Briggs, was then sWcM'n, bat
her efforts were as fruitless as
those of the first interpreter ; and
both the witneeses agreed tha^;
they could not make the pri-
soner understand the nature and
purpose of things which she had
not witnessed before. Under these
drcumstances, Mr. Justice Parke
stopped the proceedings, until he
conferred with Mr. Justice Lit«
tledale. The learned Judge was
absent £poa court a short time, and
60
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
on his return directed a Jury to be
empanelled^ to try whether the
prisoner was tlien in such a state
of mind as to be capable of under-
Btandingtheproceedings which were
then going on. The two inter-
preters were again sworn, and put
a variety of questions with no
better success. The Jury found,
that the prisoner was not at that
moment in a sane state of mind.
The prisoner was then remanded.
28. Illumination Riots. —
On the 28th, an illumination took
place at Edinburgh, to celebrate
the triumph of the Reform Bill,
having been carried through a
second reading by a majonty of
one. Many of the best friends of
the measure were of opinion, that
any demonstration of joy by illu-
mination was uncalled for and pre-
mature, while the ant i- reformers
were naturally averse to an ex-
pression of satisfaction under any
circumstances. There was, in con-
sequence, considerable hesitation
and doubt, and in the forenoon the
magistrates had a printed notice,
judiciously advising the inhabitants
to defer any illumination until the
passing of the Bill. But this notice
was not issued. In the meantime,
many among the more zealous
friends of the measure were still
determined to illuminate, and be-
gan to make preparations by clean-
ing their windows, &c. ; and incon-
sequence, a notice was issued in the
afternoon from the sheriff and ma-
gistrates, intimating to the inhabit-
ants, that, as a great number
had determined to illuminate, it
would be advisable, in order to
preserve the peace of the city, that
the illumination should be general.
Many of the inhabitants were not
inclined to concur in any marked
expression of joy ; and they were
much perplexed by the vacillating
resolutions of the magistrates;
accordingly many houses in the
New Town were not lighted.
In the Old Town there was a
greater appearance of preparation
and of spontaneous zeal ; all the
humblest dwellings were fully
lighted up. Very early in the
evening the mob began to mani-
fest symptoms of riot; and a
crowd of blackguard^ collected,
who were intent on mischief, and
determined, as usual, to wreak
their vengeance on the non-illu-
minated houses. Having collected
stones at the Calton-hill, they en-
tered the Canongate, and broke
the windows of every unilluminated
house as they passed along. They
afterwards received a large ac-
cession of boys and lads, a great
proportion consisting of bakers,
glaziers, and others of the work-
ing-classes, and proceeded along
the principal streets of the New
Town, Heriot Row, Moray Place,
and all the fine streets adjoining,
namely Melville Street, Athol
Crescent, Shandwick Place, and
Charlotte Square, pouring voUies
of stones into every nouse that was
not lighted, into many ware-
houses, into houses, many of them
untenanted, though they were
protected by torch-bearers, from
whom they wrested their torches,
and bore them about the streets
openly, and in triumph. Another
band collected between nine and
ten o'clock at the Royal Institu-
tion, the windows of which they
destroyed, and proceeded with
loud shouts along Hanover Street,
George Street, St. Andrew's
Square, Queen Street, Duke
Street, and Abercromby Place,
breaking the windows as they
went along; and, contrary to all
former precedent, attacking the
torch-bearers who stood its a pro^
MAR.]
CHRONICLE.
61
tection before many houses. In
several instances the windows of
houses that were illuminated were
broken. One gentleman had put
himself to great expense in pro-
ducing a splendid star, composed
of variegated lamps, with which he
adorned the front of his house;
and, in order to give it full effect,
he refrained from putting candles
in his windows. On came the
rabble, with their piper and torches.
The windows were not lighted !
This was enough ; and in ten se-
conds all went to wreck, star,
windows — every thing within
their reach. Several shops that
were shut had the glass above
the doors smashed to pieces;
and in many houses which had
been lighted, and in which the
lights had been extinguished sooner
than was thought proper by the
mob, the windows were all broken.
The dilapidated state of numerous
elegant mansions throughout the
New Town, on Tuesday morning,
bore testimony to the outrages of
the previous night.
On the same day, still more
riotous scenes took plac^ at Dun-
dee. On Sunday the 27th, some
unknown individuals ordered an
illumination, by placards, in the
following terms : —
"The boroughmongers are de-
feated and condemned, in spite of
their own interested votes ! I The
speedy and final triumph of Re-
form IS certain ! ! ! Let all Dun-
dee be illuminated on the night of
Monday first, from seven till nine
o'clock. There is to be an il-
lumination in Edinburgh on that
night."
Every one inquired, who has
ordered the illumination ? — who
has published the placards ? And
almost all concurred in denouncing
it as an impudent trick. The
Justices on Monday found it was
too late to forbid the illumination,
and accordingly issued a hand-bill,
stating that they had received a
requisition to have the town illu-
minated, and that an illumination
would take place. I'he illumina-
tion was general ; people prefer-
ring to be at the expense of a few
candles rather than have their
property destroyed. Boats, tar-
barrels, &c., were passed along the
streets and burned ; several win-
dows which were not lighted up
were broken. Towards midnight
the chief disturbances were con-
fined to the High Street, where an
immense crowd was collected, and
a bonfire made out of the remains
of a boat, a number of tar-barrels,
and other combustibles. About
half-past eleven the Police Com-
missioners, observing that the
crowd shewed no disposition to
disperse, and that the fire was in-
dustriously fed from all quar-
ters, and the burning faggots oc-
casionally thrown about in all
directions, interfered, in order to
prevent the fire from being kept
up, and, after telling the crowd
that they had allowed them hither-
to every liberty, exhorted them to
forbear from throwing on more
fuel, and to go home quietly. For
this purpose the pensioner-con-
stables and police-officers formed a
circle round the fire for about half
an hour. The more daring of the
crowd not relishing this, made an
attempt to push the constables
into the fire, which they resisted,
and cleared away the crowd in
that direction with their batons.
Stones and other missiles were
collected and thrown at the Com-
missioners; but the fire was put
out, and part of the remains taken*
away, although the policemen en-
gaged in this duty were very rough-
62
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1881.
Ijr handled by the mob. About
half-past twelFe the crowd had
removed to the entrance of tlic
Police Office, where the contest
continued for some hours ; the con-
stables then dispersed, leaving the
police-officers to manage as they
best could. The latter retired
into the lane leading to the office,
and occasionally burst out and se-
cured the most active among the
crowd; they were, however, few
in number when compared with
their assailants, and they were at
times beaten back, and the win-
dows of the office were smashed to
pieces. About forty of the rioters
were apprehended and lodged in
the Police Office, and repeated
attempts were made to force it and
rescue the prisoners. Next day
(29th) crowds collected in various
parts of the town, and the deten-
tion of the prisoners in the Police
Office was a general subject of
conversation. In the evening, an
attack was made on the office
(which is situated behind the Town
House), and the door was forced,
an old lamp-iron being used as a
battering ram. The mob having
effected an entrance, the prisoners
were set at liberty; but not satis-
fied with this achievement, they
proceeded to gut the office, and
every form, book, lantern, or other
article that could be lifted or torn
up, was carried to the street and
burned. A great number of the
windows of the Town House were
broken during the riot.
30. Railways a Nuisance.
York. — Rex v. Pearse and others,
— This was an indictment for a
nuisance, against the directors of
the Stockton and Darlington Rail-
way Company. — By an act of Par-
liament, passed in 1821, the de-
fendants were authorized to form
a railway from Darlington to ISun«
derland, and by another act,
passed in 1 823, they were author-
ized to use locomotive engines
thereon. The rail- way, which it
was agreed had been formed upon
the line pointed out in the act
of Parliament, was opened for pub-
lic use in 1825. Only one steam-
carriage was at first used } but
the number gradually increased ;
till there were seven steam-car-
riaffes in operation. The increase
had been rendered necessary by
the increased and increasing busi-
ness on the rail-way. For about a
mile and three-quarters the rail-
way runs in a parallel line with the
high road leading from Yarm to
Stockton, the two roads being at
an average distance of fifty 3^ards
from each other. The nuisance
complained of was, the fright fuid
danger which the noise and the
smoke of the steam-engines occa^
sioned to passengers on this part of
the high- way. A variety of wit-
nesses proved, that accidents fre-
quently happened in consequence
of horses taking fright at the
steam-engines. Mr. Pollock stated,
that he wss willing to admit that
the defendants had been guilty of a
nuisance, unless their conduct was
justified by the act of Parlianaent,
according to the directions of
which the rail-way had been
formed, and the steam -carriages
used. He suggested, therefore,
that the best mode would be for
the Jury to return a special ver-
dict, finding the facts already
proved, and, also, that the defend-
ants had used the best engines
they could procure, and availed
themselves of every improvement
that had been offered.— Mr. Wil-
liams, for the prosecution, after
some deliberation, agreed to the
proposal, and a verdict of Guilty
was accordingly entered.
MAS.]
CHRONICLE.
es
31. Religious Madness.—
Taunton. — ^Thomas Searle was
charged with having cut and
wounded his daughter^ Elizabeth
Searle, with intent to murder her.
It appeared that the prisoner had
been in a state of religious mad-
ness, in consequence, as he alleged,
of a sermon which had been preadi-*
ed at the parish diurcb of Thorn,
by a Mr. Watts, every word of
whidi he thought to bare been ad-
dressed to himself* He became
impressed with the conviction that
he had committed the sin against
the Holy Ghost, and that there-
fore he could never obtain forgive-
ness either in tbis world or the
next ; and for months before the
commission of the offence he kept
his family in a continual state of
apprehension for his personal safety.
On the 25th of September last he
took his daughter, a child only
twelve years old, up stairs in his
house, and asked her if she would
wish to go to Heaven ; and, upou
the child saying yes, the father
kissed her affectionately, after
which he cut her throat to a con-
siderable extent, under the ear, in
the muscular part, and inflicted
other wounds upon other parts of
her body. Another of his daugh-
ters, nine years old, hearing the
cries of her sister, ran to the room,
and in attempting to seize the
knife, was wounded in the hand.
It seemed, however, that the at-
tempt to commit so enormous a
crime had, in some degree, awak-
ened the unhappy parent from the
delusion under which he had la-
boured, and in consequence of
which he believed that he had been
commanded to kill his daughter
by the express direction of the
Holy Ghost. Some persons came
to the assistance of the child, and,
on remonstrating with the father.
he expressed die greatest borror
at the attempt which be had made.
The child, who was now called as
a witness, stated some of the above-
mentioned facts. When her ex-
amination had been concluded, the
prisoner, who had no counsel, was
asked by the Judge, if he had any
questions to ask of the witness ?
The putting of the question in-
duced the little girl to look roand,
and her eyes no sooner had Mien
upon her father, whom she had
not previously seen, than she burst
into tears and instantly fainted
away. Another of the prisoner's
daughters deposed to some facts
tending to show the prisoner's in-
sanity at the time of committing
the act. She said that he was the
most affectionate of husbands and
of parents, and had always been
peculiarly fond of the child whom
he attempted to kill.
The Jury acquitt&i the prisoner
upon the ground of his being
insane at the time of committing
the act.
Discovery of Murdsr, — -
About a month ago there appeared
a paragraph in the Stamford
Champion and the News, stating
that " an old woman named Levi-
son, who lately died at Braunston,
near Oakham, made confession on
ber death-bed to the minister, that
she, along with her then master,
one Smith, had been concerned in
the murder of a beast-jobber, a
stranger, who had come to her
master's residence toreceive money ;
that she held his head, while Smith
beat out his brains with a coal-
hammer." Mr. W. Hinds> late a
schoolmaster, of Boston, having
nearly thirty years before, lost
a cousin, named Samuel Johnson,
who disappeared in a mysterious
manner, on seeing the above para-
graph, immediately wrote to the
64
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[i83i:
minister of Braunston for fiirther
information relative to the murder.
The result Mas, that Mr. Hinds
ascertained that the {>erson tlius
murdered was the identical beast-
jobber, Johnson, who left Freis-
ton about Christmas 1801, with
considerable property, and a quan-
tity of cattle to sell at Smithfield*
market, which it appears he sold.
On his return he called at Oakham
to meet Smith and a man named
Hackett, to receive money for
beasts sold to them at the preced-
ing Lammas. Hackett settled with
him, but Smith failed to come,
and in consequence Johnson went
to Smith's house for the money,
and was never more seen. Smith
and the woman lately dead — whose
name the minister says is Levi —
robbed and murdered him, and
buried his body in the stack-yard.
Smith, who had previously been in
indifferent circumstances, launched
out into business for some years,
but after a time he failed ana died
a pauper, and was buried at the
expense of the parish in 1825.
He used annually to erect hay-
stacks upon the place where he had
buried his victim. After he left
the place about twelve years ago,
some men, who were digging for
gravel, found the bones of Johnson,
and they were collected and in-
terred in Knossington church-yard.
Johnson was supposed to have had
about him property to the amount
of 1 ,600/. or 1 ,800/. Two letters,
purporting to be written by the
deceased, but which at the time
were generally believed to be for-
geries, were received by his friends
at Freiston, stating that he had
hired himself to a butcher at
Epping. They are supposed to
have been written by the murderer
for the purpose of diverting the
attention of the deceased's friends.
APRIL.
6. Fire. — ^Early in the morn-
ing a fire broke out in *the house of
Mr. Stewart, baker. Sermon-lane,
Doctors' Commons. In a few
minutes after the alarm was given^
the whole house was in a blaze.
The family and lodgers had no pos«
sibility of escape by the street-
door, as the names and smoke
ascended to the upper part of the
house. Some of them, however,
escaped in their night-clothes
by the top of the house, while
others threw themselves out of
the first fioor windows, in al-
most a state of nudity, into the
street. They were, however,
caught by a party of the city-
poliee, who broke their fell, though
not without personal injury to a
female whose leg and knee were
seriously hurt. The fire in a little
time communicated to the house of
Mr. Lee, corn-chandler. No. 17,
Sermon-lane, at the corner of Car-
ter-lane, and thence to the houses
of Mr. Sauze, stationer, and Mr.
Bouker, boot and shoe-maker, in
Carter-lane, and that of Mr. Gray,
in Knowles-court, Sermon-lane, all
of which were burning at the same
time. The speedy arrival of the
engines, with the activity of
the firemen and a plentiful supply
of water, was the means of pre-
serving the whole of a densely in-
habited neighbourhood from total
destruction. The loss of property
was very great 5 the houses and
goods of Mr. Stewart and Mr. Lee,
and the property of Mr. »Sauze,
as well as that of the Misses Ben-
nett, milliners and dress-makers,
who occupied the upper part
of his house, and of Mr. Bouker,
being completely destroyed^ and
several houses in Sermon-lane, op-
APRIL.]
CHRONICLE,
65
posite to the seat of the fire, very
much scorched.
Fourteen Persons Drowned.
— On Friday, as six men and eight
women were proceeding in a boat
on Lough Allen to their homes^
from the market of Drumshambo,
they were overtaken by a heavy
squall of wind, when within two
miles of the canal. The women
becoming frightened rushed to the
side of the boat which they consi-
dered to be safest. The effect was,
that the boat upset, and every soul
on board perished ! The boat was
heavily laden, having a quantity of
potatoes and meal, with other arti-
cles on board, which the unfortunate
sufferers had purchased for the
use of their families. The suffer-
ers were all from the neighbour-
hood of Drumkeerin, in the county
of Leitrim. Eleven of them left
large and helpless families. — Diih^
lin Freeman's JoiirnaL
14. Singular Accident. —
Croft Head Print Works. — Robert
Martin, millwright, having occa-
sion to be oiling an iron shaft which
was in motion, and was about ten
feet from the ground, a small hook
attached to it got entangled in the
button-hole of his jacket, and in a
moment suspended him from the
steps he was resting on, carrying
him round about in regular motion,
and giving a heavy fall as often as
he came undermost. Still the hold
did not give way ; and finding all
attempts to shake himself clear
unavailing, Martin, with great
presence of mind, and after a vio-
lent effort, succeeded in getting
his legs and arms firmly clasped
round the shaft: thus he was
stretched out at full length, and
turned round in regular succession
with it, but in a comparatively easier
position than the first. A little
boy, who was on the spot, at
Vol. LXXIII.
first laughed out most heartily,
thinking that the millwright was
trying some mountebank trick;
but when some time had elapsed,
and he could get no answer from
Martin^ he began to weep, and
went in search of assistance. The
water - wheel was immediately
stopped, and soon after Martin
was found still clinging to the
shaft, and in such an exhausted
state, that he could not have kept
his hold much longer. He was
conveved home, and it was ascer-
tained that two of his ribs wer^
broken, but was soon considered
by his medical attendant out of all
danger. Martin calculates that
he was nearly an hour turning
round with the shaft, which is
about four inches in diameter ; nor
could he ever speak a word dis-
tinctly* though he often tried to
tell the boy, to bring somebody.
He was very dizzy for the first ten
minutes, but after shutting his
eyes, the dizziness gradually left
him.
16. Erroneous Verdict.—
At the Old Bailey Sessions, a man
named Ellis was tried, along with
three others, for breaking into and
robbing the house of an eminent
tailor. He was found guilty, and
ordered for execution oh Tuesday
the 1 9th. He had been convicted
on proof of the recent possession
of the goods alone. The Sheriffs
naving received certain intelli-
gence concerning the convict, pro-
ceeded to examine witnesses, and
investigate the case in every parti-
cular, and they ascertained beyond
a doubt, that although he had been
marked as a receiver of stolen goods
for the last two years, he had never
been known or supposed to be a
house-breaker. Fifteen or sixteen
witnesses were examined, and fronr
their evidence it appeared that he
F
66
ANNUAL REGISTER.
D8SK
had committed the minor offence
merely. It was proved^ both from
positive and from circumstantial
testimony, that he knew nothing of
the robbery until after it had been
perpetratetl, — that four young men
went to his house on the morning
after the robbery^ and invited him
to a house in the Seven-dials, to
see the goods,— that he there bar-
gained for them, — that Francis
Coy, who had been convicted along
with him, but whose sentence was
commuted, and a young man not
in custody, were of the party, and
sent by him with the money for
the goods, which they measured,
and accordingly paid for, — and
that Coy then went, by his direc-
tion, to sell the goods to a piece-
broker, on whose premises the pro-
perty was found. When the order
for the execution came down, the
inquiry was followed up with
zeal by the Sheriffs, and, fDrtu-
nately, the person who gave the
information to the officers was dis-
covered, and he confirmed the evi-
dence adduced of the part which
Ellis had taken in the transaction.
Upon application to the magistrates
and officers at Marl borough-street,
the statement of the informant was
corroborated as to its exact agree-
ment with what he had commu-
nicated to them. Seventeen affi-
davits and statements were pre-
pared and laid, on Saturday morn-
ing, before Lord Melbourne, who
entered immediately into the in-
vestigation. Copies of all the
documents were also sent off by
express to the Lord Chancellor,
who had not attended at the Coun-
cil ; and on Saturday evening a
respite during pleasure was re-
ceived for Ellis at Newgate.
26. Death from Stays. — An
inquest was held at Stepney, on
view of the body of Miss Betsy
Harris, a young woman^ twenty*
two years of age.— Mr. Richard
Pater, surgeon, stated that, on
Sunday evening last, he was sent
for to attend the deceased. On
going to her mother's house, he
found her lying on the carpet ia
the back parlour. She was then
quite dead, but the body was not
cold. For the satisfiM^ioa of her
friends, he opened a rein in the
arm, but only a few drops of Uood
followed the incision. On that
morning he opened the body and
head of the deceased, and found
the brain in a state of congestion.
This, he imagined, was produced
by compression on the descending
aorta from a very hearty meal, and
great pressure from the stays of
the deceased, which, at the time
of her death, was really incredible.
The effect of the pressure was,
that the blood was prevented from
passing in its ordinary course to
the lower extremities, and conse-
quently caused a greater flow of it
to the lungs and brain. The heart,
the lungs, the stomach, and intes*
tines, were perfectly healthy, but
the two latter were consiaeraMy
distended with fluids and food.
There was an excessive quantity
of roast beef and spinach in the
stomach, which appeared to have
been but recently tsiken. He was
of opinion that the coneestion of
blood on the brain, whiim she was
predisposed t-o from her make, and
which was occasioned by the pres-*
sure he had before described, pro*
duced apoplexy, which was the
cause of the death of the deceased.
—•Mrs. Rogers, a neighbour, de«
posed, that, about half-past eight
o'clock on Sunday evening, she
was called in to see the deceased.
Deceased lay apparently lifeless.
She (witness) assisted in unloosing
her clothes^ which were extremely
APRIL.]
CHRONICLE.
67
tight round tlie body. Her stavs
were laced so tight, as in wit-
ness's, opinion, to cause a very un-
healthy and improper pressure.
Indeed, she did not know how the
deceased could have borne them
on, and was not surprised at their
having occasioned her death. The
deceased lived with her mother
and sister, and, as far as witness
was able tx) judge, they lived on the
most friendly and affectionate terms
with each other. Witness saw the
deceased on Sunday morning, when
she appeared in perfect health. —
Mrs. Anne Maria Wood, sister to
the deceased^ said, that she was at
the house of her mother on Sun-
day evening, when the deceased
died. Throughout the day she
was in excellent health and spirits,
and ate a hearty dinner about one
o'clock. She made no complaint
of illness during the evening,
but merely once or twice said
that she felt rather sleepy. About
eight o'clock the deceased was
standing with her mother at the
front door, admiring the beauties
of the moon, when, all at once, she
fell back in the hall, exclaiming,
*' Oh ! mamma," and never spoke
more. — ^The Jury, without hesi-
tation, returned a verdict, " that
the deceased died of apoplexy,
produced by her stays being too
tightly laceo."
27. Deaths by Fire. — Early
in the morning, a fire broke out in
the house of Lord Walsingham,
Upper Harley-street, Cavendish-
square. As soon as the servants
were alarmed, they hastened to
lord Walsiugham's bed-room, but
found it a mass of flame and smoke,
through which they could not make
their way. Lady Walsingham,
who slept in another room on the
same floor, having been roused, at-
tempted to escape by leaping out
^f the window into a back yard,
where she was soon after /ound
lyings with her arms and both
tnighs broken. She died a few
hours afterwards. She would have
escaped, if, instead of leaping from
the window, she had opened her
door, and gone down stairs with
the servants who gave her the
alarm.
Aa soon as the flames were
partially subdued, the drawing-
room and lower part of the house
having remained comparatively un-
injured, the remains of lord Wal-
singham were found in a state of
almost entire destruction ; the ex-
tremities, hands and ie^i, were
literally consumed to ashes, and
the head and skeleton of the body
alone presented any thing like an
appearance of humanity. The re-
mains were removed to' the stable
in which the mangled body of lady
Walsingham lay, and there the
coroner's inquest was held. From
the Are having broken out in his
lordship's sleeping-room, shortly
after he had retir^ to rest, it was
conjectured he had left the taper
lighted by the bed side, and fallen
asleep without extinguishing it.
Mary Rolfe stated, she was
lady's-maid to the deceased, and
was with her ladyship on Tues-
day night, about ten o clock, when
her ladyship retired to bed. She
left her ladyship in bed, without
Are or candle. Lord Walsingham
slept in another apartment on the
second floor, on the opposite side
of the staircase. Witness slept in
a spare room on the story over lord
Walsingham's room. Sne went to
bed about eleven o'clock, and awoke
about two, when she was alarmed
by the noise of water running. She
opened her bed-room window, and
called flre. She ran down stairs
in her night-clothes and escaped,
F2
68
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831,
but could not tell how, she was in
such a state of terror. There were
four rooms on the second floor, and
witness did not see the fire in his
lordship's room till some time af-
terwards. She saw lady Walsing-
ham after she had leapt from the
window, in dreadful agony, and
observed that she believed her lord
was burnt. She did not state why
she leapt from the window instead
of going down the staircase. — John
Kichard £11 more stated, that he
was called in, soon after two o'clock
that morning, to attend lady Wal-
singham. He found her ladyship
dreadfully wounded in a loft over
the coacn man's stable. On ex-
amination, found a cut on the fore-
head, another over the eye, the nose
broken, and both thigh bones frac-
tured ; the greater part of the bone
of the one protruded just above the
knee joint three or four inches.
The right arm was broken, the
elbow of which was literally
crushed to pieces. Notwith-
standing these numerous severe
injuries, her ladyship was per-
fectly sensible, and expressed strong
anxiety for the fate of lord Wal-
singham, continually exclaiming,
that *^ he must be lost," and wished
to know if any thing had been
heard of him. Archdeacon de Grey,
the brother-in-law of lord Wal-
singham, was present, and asked
if her ladyship had any wish re-
specting the execution of a testa-
mentary paper, and she replied she
was so confused and agonized, as
to be incapable. She was in a
dying state, and a clergyman was
introduced, who prayed with her,
and a little before six o'clock she
emitted from her stomach a great
quantity of blood ; she was suffo-
cated. Before she expired, she
stated that she was awoke by the
smoke^ which filled her room, and
she opened the window and threw
herself on the leads below. She
said, she l)elieyed the fire had broke
out in Lord Walsingham's room,
and she l^id previously expressed
to Dr. Clarke, her fear that some
serious accident would occur
through his lordship's careless-
ness.— Jane Mills, housemaid to
the deceased, was awoke by the
ringing of bells, about two o'clock,
in either her lord or lady's bed-
room. Got up instantly, and
lady Walsingham's maid said the
house was on fire. Witness
said, ^' nonsense," but ran down
stairs on observing smoke, and
opened lord Walsingham's room-
door. Observed the bed-drapery
and the clothes in fiames; the
smoke and heat were so oppres-
sive she could only call out, and re-
ceiving no answer, she ran through
lady Walsingham's room, who
asked what was the matter ? Wit-
ness replied, his lordship's bed-
curtains were on fire. She ran to
another room to get water, but, be-
fore she could get it, and return to
his lordship's room with the water,
a voice called to her to escape, and
she put down the water and es-
caped down stairs. There was no
fire then in her ladyship's room,
and she might have escaped with
ease, if she had had presence of
mind. His lordship always had a
candle and fire in his room. — A
fireman deposed to fiiuding liis
lordship*s body, burnt to a cmder,
in the ruins in the drawing-room,
at six o'clock that morning. — The
Jury returned a verdict, ^' that the
deaths of the deceased were caused
accidentally, and by misfortune."
27. Illumination. — Parlia-
1 lament having been dissolved on
the 22nd, on account of the hos-
tility manifested by the House of
Commons to the Reform Bill,
APRIL.]
CHRONICLE.
69
which had been introduced by mi-
nisters^ the reformers of London
endeavoured to get up an illamin-
ation on Monday^ the Sdth^ in
honour of the event ; but that
having been a failure, they pre-
vailed on the Lord Mayor to an-
nounce another for the evening of
Wednesday, the 27th. On that
evening, accordingly, the illumin-
ation took place^ and was pretty
general, especially in the city,
and in those districts which,
by the bill, were to receive new
members of their own, all persons
being compelled either to illu-
minate, or to see their property
destroyed. The mobs did a great
deal of mischief. A numerous
rabble proceeded along the Strand,
destroying all windows that were
not lighted. On arriving oppo-
site Northumberland-house, they
instantly demolished the windows.
They then proceeded to Pall Mall,
where they broke several windows
which were not illuminated. The
United Service Club, in Waterloo-
place, and several other club houses
in the vicinity, were seriously da-
maged. In St. James's-square they
broke the windows in the houses
of the bishop of London, the mar-
quis of Cleveland, and lord Grant-
ham. The bishop of Winchester,
and Mr. .W. W. Wynn, seeing the
mob approach, placed candles in
their windows, which thus escaped.
The mob then proceeded to St.
James's-street, where they broke
the windows of Crockford*s, Jor-
dan's, the Guards', and other club
houses. They next went to the
duke of Wellington's residence in
Piccadilly, and discharged a shower
of stones, which broke several win-
dows. The duke's servants fired
out of the windows over their heads
to frighten them, but without ef-
fect. The polioemen then informed
the mob that the corpse of the
duchess of Wellington was on the
premises, which arrested further
violence against Apsley - house.
They turned up Park-lane, and
broke some windows in the duke
of Gloucester's house. They then
demolished the whole of the win-
dows in the marquis of London-
derry's mansion, and, having done
similar damage to the premises of
other gentlemen, proceeded to Privy
Gardens, and broke sir Robert
Peel's windows. The house of sir
Robert Wilson, too, who used to
be an idol of the mob, was attack-
ed, and the windows broken, be-
cause, while he supported the bill,
he disapproved of that part of it,
which went to diminish the num-
ber of English members.
22. Collision of Steam- Ves-
sels.—At about a quarter before
eight, the Venus steam-vessel,
captain Clark, having on board
280 passengers from Gravesend,
arrived in Limehouse-reach, when
a new government steamer, called
the Firefly (which had been on
trial during the afternoon) ap-
peared in sight, standing on towards
Greenwich, on the other side of
the river; but, upon nearing the
Venus, she altered her course, and
took a position, apparently with
the view of crossing the bows of the
Venus, and, as that vessel was com-
ing up with considerable pressure,
on the top of a flood-tide, she
neared the Fireflv, before the latter '
vessel could eflfect her object ; and,
although repeatedly called to by the
captain of the Venus to alter her
course, it was not attempted until
too late, and the consequence was,
she came with such prodigious vio-
lence against the Venus, as to carry
away her own foremast by the
board, tearing away the cutwater
and figure*bead of the Venus; and
70
ANNUAL REGISTER
[ifiai.
reboundiDg for a moment, fell
again on board the Venus, tore
away her paddle-box, as well as her
own ; 80 that both vessels were for
a time complete wrecks-
24. Rkadino. — ^Effects of
Lightning. — On Tuesday morn-
ing last, this town and neighbour-
hood were visited by a heavy thun-
der-storm. It passed from the
east to the north-west, with vio-
lent rain, and loud and repeated
peals. About eleven, whilst two
teams were at plough in an open
field, and on low lands, belonging
to Mr. William Dodd, of Checken-
don, Oxon, the electric fluid burst
on one of the teams, and instantly
deprived of life two lads, aged six-
teen and eighteen, and the two
fore horses ; the ploughman of the
other team received a violent blow
on the head, but did not fall : the
distance between the teams was
about fifty yards. The bodies of
the unfortunate youths were im-
mediately taken to Mr. Dodd's
farm; that of the eldest, named
Prior, exhibited shocking marks of
the power of the electric fluid j — a
deep wound on the temple, burnt
furrows on the chest, the bottom of
the foot torn, and toes mutilated ;
his dress torn open and laid back,
his high shoes forced off and shi-
vered; his face was also covered
with blood which had proceeded
from the ear. The other, named
Goodey, had not received so much
injury : the only apparent wounds
were on the temple and the foot.
MAY.
2. Extraordinary Robbery.
— An Irish Miser. — A robbery
took place in Dublin under the
following circumstances :— An old
man, of the name of Michael Dud-i
ley, retired Into a yard at the rear
of a house in Sycamore-alley, at
one o'clock in the afternoon. There
he was followed and attacked by
five or six fellows^ who seized aod
threw him down, and, while one
prevented him from cryioff out, or
making any alarm, the others took
from his person a Bank of Ireland
note for 100/., several 10/. and 6/.
notes, amounting in the whole to
50/.; some 30^ . and 1/. notee, to
the amount of 8/. 10'.> and 16^. in
silver, together with some coppers,
making idtogether a sum of 160/.
The robbers immediately decamp-
ed with their booty, but two of
them were apprehended the tame
evening, while endeavouring tooet
one of the 1/. notes chauffed. llis
led to the apprehension of two mort
of the gang in a short time after. A
30jr. note, and a 1 /• note, the fbrmer
of which one of the fellows dropped
in the street on being apprehended,
was all of the property that was re-
covered. Dudley, an old miserable
looking creature, was of very ec-
centric character, and a most ex:-
traordinarjr miser. The 1 00/. note
had come into his possession leveO'*
teen years ago, when it fell to him
as a legacy, bequeathed to him by a
relative. Since that period to Uie
present, he never for a moment let
it out of his possession, and could
not even be induced to part with it
in exchange for a note of the pre-
sent currency. The remaining 60/.,
which also kept close oompanion«
ship with the former, he accumu«
lated by cleaning shoes at the Castle
Tavern, in Essex-street, and b^y
occasionally begging. With all this
money, which he constantly carried
about him, carefully stowed in an
old red-pocket book^ in a side coat
pocket, he has been known to deny
himself the commonest necessaries
to sustain exbtenoe> and has been
MAY.]
CHRONICLE.
n
frequently seen endearouring to 8a«
tisfy the cravings of nature by piek-
iug up a wretched meal amongst
tlie refuse of the green stalls and
offals of the market. Lodging he
had none, save the miserable shel-
ter, if shelter that could be called^
afforded by a garret room in a dis-
mantled, deserted^ old tenement in
Sycamore-alley. About i^ve years
back he had been an inmate of an
hospital, where he got a suit of
clothes, which were never replaced.
7. Extensive Robbery. — On
Saturday, the 7th, a hackney-coach
drove up to the door of Mr. Row-
lands, jeweller, Coventry-street,
Haymarket, and set down a well«
dressed man, who, in an Irish
accent, requested to look at several
articles of jewellery, observing, at
the same time, that he wished to
see some of a very superior descrip-
tion, as he wanted to make a pre-
sent of them to his wife. Several
cases of jewellery were laid before
him, and he selected a gold double-
bottomed watch, with gold dial and
chased sides, a large gold neck-
chain, with bright and dead links,
and snaps set with torquoise^ a gold
cross, set with rubies and a large
emerald in the centre, and a giud
curb watch chain, the whole amount-
ing in value to nearly 100/. After
making this selection, he said, that,
although the articles met with his
approbation, perhaps they would
not meet with that of his wife, and,
as she was confined to her bed, he
should wish her to see them before
he made a final purchase, and, if
he left the money, perhaps Mr.
Rowlands would have no objection
to return the amount dqiosited, in
case his good lady should be fasti-
dious enough to find fault with
them. Mr. Rowlands made no<^
jection to this proposal> and was
about to make oat the amouiit of
the articles^ when the purchaser
observed, that perhaps it would save
trouble if Mr. Rowlands would al-
low his son to accompany him home^
as he only resided in Jermyn-street,
where he had taken lodgings re-
cently. Although Mr. Rowlands
had considerable doubts, from the
man's appearance, that all was not
right, still the fellow's manner lulled
his suspicion, and he consented to
allow his son to accompany him,
cautioning the young man, how-
ever, not to part with the articles
without having the amount of them
handed over to him. To make sure
that no swindling should take place,
Mr. Rowlands, after the coach had
gone off with the stranger, his son,
and the valuables, ordered another
of his sons to follow it, and to sta-
tion himself opposite the house they
should enter, and, if anythingshould
happen to excite his suspicion, im-
mecliately to act as circumstances
should dictate to him. On the
coach setting them down in Jer-
myn-street, the fellow introduced
Mr. Rowlands's son into the dining-
room of a highly respectable esta-
blishment, and asked him to wait
while he stepped into the adjoin-
ing room, to which there was a
doorfrom the dining-room, to show
the jewellery to his wife. The
swindler, it would appear, had no
sooner entered the next room, than
he made his exit bv another dom*,
which led from the bed-room to the
landing, and made a retreat down
stairs into the street. The young
man who was standing sentry out-
side observed this movement, and
instantly running over to the house,
pulled the bell violently, in order
to ascertain if the sudden depar-
ture dT the stranger was wilii the
knowledge of his brother. Not ob-
tabing a satisfectorv answer from
tho girl who <^etiea tho door^ ho
72
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
made his way up stairs, when he
met his brother, who, becoming
impatient, had opened the folding-
door to look after the fugitive, and,
instead of finding a lady, discovered
that his customer and tlie jewel-
lery were gone. On inquiry being
made of the proprietor of the
house, he said no such person
lodged there, but that the fellow
had come in the morning, and
requested to look at the lodg-
ings, which were to let. After
viewing them he departed, observ-
ing that he should call in the after-
noon, and bring his brother with
him to look at them. To lull sus-
picion, he had no sooner reached
the outside of the door than he re-
turned, and, after apologizing for
the trouble he had incurred, said,
that, as his brother kept his cab
and pair of horses, he would
wish to know if there were any
stables near, where they could
stand at livery. Upon being in-
formed that there were very ex-
cellent ones in York-mews, adjoin-
ing, he said that he had no doubt
that the lodgings, and the facility
of baiting the horses, would meet
with his brother's entire satisfac-
tion, and they might depend on
his accompanying him to view
them in the afternoon. When the
fellow and Mr. Rowlands were put
down at the door, the servant be-
lieving it to be " the gentleman
and his brother," who had come to
look at the apartments, made not
the slightest hesitation in allowing
them to proceed up stairs, without
making any inquiry.
Suicide Pkevented. — A young
man climbed over the parapet of
Waterloo-bridge, and deliberately
stripped himself, with the apparent
intention of precipitating himself
into the river. An alarm being
given, several persons soon col-
lected on the bridge near the spot^
and, climbing on the parapet en-
deavoured to persuade him to aban-
don his determination. He was
assured, that, if distress was the
cause of his intention to drown
himself, he should be immediately
relieved, and that every assist-
ance should be given to him to
procure for him some employment.
He appeared to be deaf or insen-
sible to the kindness that was
shown to him ; and, rolling him-
self every now and then towards
the e(]ge of the projection on the
outside of the bridge, it was every
instant expected that the act would
be completed. Two boatmen were
prepared with a boat near the arch
below, to endeavour to save him,
if he should throw himself into
the river. A waterman at lengthy
at imminent risk, got over the
parapet, and partly by persuasion,
but more by force, compelled him
to return over the balustrade.
Deathof Sir Joseph Yorke.
— An inquest was held at Hamble-
rice, on view of the bodies of Admi-
ral Sir J.S. Yorke, K.C.B., Captain
Matthew Barton Bradby, R.N»
Captain Thomas Yonge, R.N.^
and John Chandler, seaman, who
were drowned by the upsetting of
the Catherine, a yacht of about
fourteen tons burden, near Brown-
down Point, between Portsmouth
and Hamble, at about four o'clock
on Thursday afternoon. The un-
fortunate gentlemen were return-
ing from Spithead, under a press
of canvass, when a sudden squall
took the vessel, which immediately
went down stern foremost, in ten
fathoms water. The accident was
seen by a fisherman about half a
mile ofiT, and he immediately
hastened to their assistance. He
first came to Chandler, who had
not been in the wnX^v more tbm
MAY.]
CHRONICLE.
73
fire . or six minutes, and was yet
alive and sensible, but speechless
and exhausted. The next ten mi-
nutes were occupied in unsuccessful
attempts to preserve the poor fel-
low's life. Meantime the three
unfortunate gentlemen floated with-
out attention, being completely
enveloped in their cloaks and great
coats, which so encumbered and
concealed their bodies, as to he
mistaken for empty garments. As
soon, however, as the fisherman
discovered that they were bodies,
he took out those of Captains
Bradby and Yonge, which had
been in the water about a quarter
of an hour, but life was quite ex-
tinct. The body of Sir Joseph
Yorke floated farther down, and
was picked up about the same time
by another boat, with no sign of
life. The bodies were conveyed
to Hamble to await the inquest,
which was held the following day.
Verdict — Accidental deatlh
14. Robbery at Lord Nel-
son's.— Bow-Street. — Applica-
tion was made with respect to a
most extensive robbery which had
been perpetrated between six and
nine o'clock the preceding evening,
at the house of Earl Nelson, Port-
man-square. Earl Nelson had left
town for the purpose of attending
the funeral of the Dowager Lady
Nelson, and this circumstance, it
was supposed, was known to the
parties concerned in the robbery,
who must have had some previous
knowledge not only of the aflairs
of the family, but of the house. On
Saturday morning Lady Nelson
discovered that a small morocco
jewel-case which usually lay upon
her dressing-table had been com-
pletely emptied of its contents,
consisting of several articles of
jewellery 5 and on going to her
bureau in the same roooi^ she found
that it had been forced open by
means of a chisel, or some such
instrument, and she immediately
missed a large diamond hoop, a
ruby hoop, a topaz cross, severial
gold chains, gold collars, bracelets,
two large emerald hoops and
clasps, also six bottles with silver
tops in the shape of coronets,
&c. The servants declared that
they knew nothing respecting the
robbery, or by whom it could
have been effected. The premises
were then examined, and it was
at flrst thought that the thieves
had entered the house from the top,
to which they had gained access
by means of an empty house in a
street adjoining. No trace, how-
ever, could be discovered to give
colour to .such a supposition, and
an inspector of police, who had
been subsequently called in, de-
clared that the thieves could not
have effected an entrance by that
means. The under-butler, on
searching at the back part of the
house, produced an empty jewel
case belonging to Lady Nelson,
which he said he found on a para-
pet wall — a circumstance that
would lead to the belief that the
thieves had left it there in effecting
their escape. It was most remark-
able, however, that although the
jewel-case must have been exposed
to the night air for so many hours,
no appearance of damp was ob-
served 'upon it, and neither were
the gold ornaments on the box,
nor the brass-work about it, at all
soiled or tarnished. There was
another circumstance which led
to the belief that the robbery
was not the work of common
burglars. At about nine o'clock
on Friday night Lady Nel-
son's sister heard a pull at the
house-bell ^ and as she expected a
dress^maker tQ cedl wim «om<^
74
ANNUAL REGISTER.
tl83l.
articles she had ordered^ she went
to the drawing-room to see if it
was she. On looking out^ she saw
the undcr-butler in conversation
with a female^ the singularity of
whose dress attracted her attention^
but she thought no more about the
circumstance at the time. In the
mornings however, when the rob-
bery was discovered, she bethought
of the strange-looking woman,
whom she had seen in conversa-
tion with the under-butler ; but
when he was spoken to on the sub-
ject, he denied flatly the lady's
statement, who declared that she
was willing to make affidavit of the
fact. Although the articles stolen
were of considerable value, it was
fortunate that the thieves had not
carried off a much larger booty,
as her ladyship's diamonds, which
were valued at 80,000/., were all
in the same bureau from which the
articles missing had been stolen.
There was one article in particular
which had escaped the thieves, al-
though they might readily have
laid their hands upon it, as it was
loosely wrapped in a piece of brown
paper, and carelessly thrown into
the bureau. This was the diamond
aigrette presented by the Grand
Seignor to Admiral Lord Nelson,
who was in the habit, on state oc-
casions, of wearing it in his hat.
Stamps on Newspapers. —
Court op Exchequer. — The
King V. WiUiam Carjycnter, — This
was an information filed by the
Attorney-general, at the instance
of the Commissioners of the Stamp
Duties. The information con-
tained twelve counts, in some of
which the defendant was charged
with having published and exposed
for sale a certain weekly news-
paper, without having previously
made and deposited in the office of
the commissionersj the affidavit
required in such cases, by the 38th
George 3rd, cap. 78. For every
instance of publication without
such affidavit, the defendant be-
came liable to a penalty of 100/,
In other counts the defendant was
charged with having on divers days
published a weekly newspaper,
without having paid the duty of
4d. imposed upon every number of
every such paper, by the 55th of
the same King ; for every omission
in the payment of the duty, he had
incurred a penalty of 20/. The
publication was charged to have
taken place upon the 9th of Oc-
tober, 18S0, and en sixteen other
subsequent days, and the descrip*
tion of the paper was varied, bjr
calling it '* a paper answering the
purposes of a newspaper, and con*
taining news, intelligence, or oo
currences." The defendant had
pleaded that he was not guiltr»
and appeared in person to make hu
own defence. — The Attorney-ge-
neral read some extracts from the
prospectus of the paper. It was
headed, *' Liberty of the Press
asserted;" and aner adverting to
and denouncing the Acts of Far*
liament by which the publicatioQ
of newspapers is regulated, it went
on to state, that Mr. Carpenter had
discovered a method m evading
them by the mere circumstance
of bringing out the paper at irre-
gular periods, and in such a fbitn,
that the numbers were apparently
unconnected with each other. He
expressed his astonishment that
persons connected with the news-
paper press had not sooner made
so plain a discovery, and pro-
posed to carry it into effect ibr the
public benefit upon the 9th of Oc-
tober, 1 830, on which day he pro-
mised to publish a Politicau Letter,
addressed to a friend or enemy, as
the case might be« and ocwitaiging a
MAY.j
OHRONIdLfi.
7«
comprehenBire digeit of important
events, and passing occurrences,
with original observations by bim«
self. This letter he proposed to
follow up every week with a " simi-
lar though totally distinct and se*
parate publication :" the price
was to he 4d, As by evading the
duty, he would be enabled to under-
sell theothervendersof newspapers,
he reckoned upon a circulation ex-
tensive in proportion to the cheap*^
ness of the paper ; and after call-
ing the attention of advertisers
to the advantages which they
must derive f^om advertising in
the Political Letter^ he invited
them to send in their advertise-
ments to his ofllce befbre noon on
every Thursday.— The Attorney*
general contended, that the paper
in question was a newspaper accord-
ing to the definition given of a news-
paper in the Act of 60 George 3rd,
ch.9,sec. l,whichwasin these words
--^'^ All pamphlets and papers con-
taining any public news, intelli-
gence, or occurrences, or any re-
marks or observations thereon, or
upon any matter in church or
state, printed in any part of the
United Kingdom^ for sale, and
published periodically^ or in parts,
or numbersi at intervals not ex-
ceeding twenty-six days between
the publication of any two such
pamphlets or papers, parts, or
numbers, where any of the said
pamphlets or papers, partSy or
numbers respectively shall not ex-
ceed two sheets, or shall be pub-
lished for a less sum than 6d.y ex-
clusive of the duty, shall be deemed
and taken to be newspapers, with-
in the true intent and meaning of
the several statutes" before en*
acted upon the subject. The
learned gentleman t^en proceeded
to examine particularly the papers
in queetiom The first, dated on
the 9th of October, wm in the
shape of a letter addressed to the
Duke of Wellington, and, after
reciting and commenting upon the
events goingonat home and abroad,
the writer introduced other articles
of information, in such a form as
this : — *< I beg to acauaint your
Grace that hops are fallen to-day,
the price being'' (stating the mar-
ket price at that time). Other
facts, as the price of the public
stocks, of butchers* meat> &c.
were communicated to the public
in the same way. The letter con-
cluded by stating, that the writer
had intended to address a second
letter to the Duke of Wellington,
but that the position of Sir Robert
Peel rendered it necessary for Mr.
Carpenter to address a " Monitory
Letter" to that right hon. gentle*
man. This monitory letter ac-
cordingly occupied the second
paper, which was published on the
15th of October, and which, within
the framework and form of an
epistle, included the usual varie-
ties and news to be found in news-
papers, classed under their respect*
ive heads. The publication was
conducted in this manner for some
time, when the shape of the paper
was changed friom 8vo to 4to, the'
subscribers having at this time in*
creased, as the defendant asserted^
fix)m 19,000 to 63,000. It was
for the Jury to say whether the
alteration or the title and of the
sisc of the paper^ together with
the fact that the paper was not
published on the same day in every
week, was sufficient to exempt the
paper from the payment of the
stamp duties. He (the Attorney-
general) contended, that such aU
terations and want of regularity
could produce no such exemption.
One of the papers was published
in etery weea ; each paperr«ferred
76
ANNUAL REGISTER,
[183K
to the preceding and the subsequent
one ; and Mr. Carpenter, in a num-
ber lately published, had expressed
his intention to print a title page to
the work, so that the whole of the
numbers might be bound up to-
gether. There could (the Attor-
ney-general said) be no doubt
whatever that such a publication
was '^ a paper published in parts or
numbers at intervals not exceeding
twenty six days, and sold for a less
sum than six{)ence;** and that,
therefore, it was a newspaper
within the meaning and influence
of the statutes under which these
proceedings had been instituted.
The defendant having admitted the
facts, addressed the Jury in a
speech which occupied six hours,
in praise of the liberty of the press,
and vituperation of all stamp duties.
— The Lord Chief Baron said, that
he was most clearly of opinion,
even adopting the defendant's own
rule of construction, that the pa|>er
was a newspaper. — The Jury re-
turned a verdict for the Crown. —
The Attorney-general imjwscdonly
one penalty for each class of offences,
making the whole fine amount to
120/.
Calamitous Accident. — A
distressing accident took place at
the Colbrook Vale Iron Works,
Monmouthshire, by which nine
lives were lost. From the nature
of the workings in one of the coal
levels, a very considerable accumu-
lation of water had been for some
time forming, and to guard against
meeting it unexpectedly, very par-
ticular instructions had been given
not to carry on the work without
first boring to the right and left,
and also in advance. For several
weeks those operations had been
continued 5 but about mid-day, on
the 27th, the water broke in upon
that part of the works where four*
teen colliers were employed, with
such impetuosity that three only
were enabled to reach the pits, and
thereby escape. All the resources
of the cx)mpany for clearing the
water, aided by those of the
Nantyglo and Blaiua Iron Works,
were promptly brought into oper-
ation, and uninterruptedly con-
tinued with complete effect. On
Sunday morning, one of the men
who was found alive, reported that
some others, in all probability, had
also escaped, by retreating to the
extremity of their stalls. That
hope congregated thousands about
the works the whole of Sunday,
and although great expectations
were entertained that three or four
would have been recovered, at five
o'clock in the afternoon one only
(and that the last) was brought
out, having been entombed for
nearly fifty-five hours after the
accident. The whole of the
bodies were found. A coroner's
inquest pronounced a verdict of
"Accidental Death."
31. SOMNAMBCLISM. AboUt
three o*clock in the morning, a
young man, about twenty years
of age, was observed running at
an extremely rapid pace alone
Dean Street, Westminster, and
through the various other streets,
in almost a state of nudity, till he
arrived near the Thames at Mil-
bank, where he halted, exclaiming
in an agonizing tone, ^'Oh, save
them, save them ! my wife, my
child, my love!" and after the
pause of an instant, " Oh, they
are not there ! they are gone ! 1
must follow P* at the same time
running towards the Thames. The
person, who had observed him in
Dean Street, had (although him-
self a swift runner), with great
difficulty kept up with him : how-
everj perceiviog his inteutionj he
MAY.]
CHRONICLE.
•n
caught hold of the Bomoambnlist
when ia the act of rushing into
the water. Upon being stopped,
the latter burst into tears; but on
recovering himself in some degree,
he appeared conscious of his dan-
gerous situation ; and, after thank-
ing his protector for bis kind
offices, and assuring him he had
never been known to iralk in Iiis
sleep before, he hastily retreated
homewards.
Inquest and Suspected Mur-
DKR. — An inquest was held at
Sydenham, on the body of a young
woman, found in the Croydon
canal, near that place, on Sunday
the 29th. It appeared that, on
the evening of the preceding Mon-
day (23rd), the deceased, with
another female about her own age,
went into tlie shop of Mrs. Stacey,
on Sydenliani Common, and pur-
chased articles for making tea, for
which slie paid 10</., and asked
Mrs. Stacey if she could accom-
modate her with hot water in the
course of the evening, which Mrs.
Stacey promised to do. She said
she WHS going to meet the young
gentleman who was the father of
the child of which she vas preg-
nant, and would return to take
tea, and then went away with her
companion. About a quarter past
seven she was seen in a boat in the
broad water of the canal, and a
Joung gentleman rowingher about,
er female friend was in another
boatwithanothergentleman. They
did not return to Mrs. Stacey's,
and the nest morning the boats
were seen floating on the broad
water, deserted : — no suspicion,
however, was excited. But on
Sunday morning Mrs. Stacey's son
observing a woman's bonnet and
veil on the surface of the water,
procured a boat and went to the
spot, when he discovered the body
of the deceased. It was brought
to the village, when it was instant-
ly recognized by Mrs. Stacey and
a number of the villagers. There
was a small key in her pocket, but
no money or papers of any kind by
which her name might be dis-
covered. There was a fracture on
the forehead, and both eyes were
blackened by contusion, from which
it was concluded she had been
murdered. Inquiry was instantly
set on foot for the yoUng man witn
whom she had been seen, and for
her female companion, hut without
obtaining the least information
respecting either. A policeman
stated, that, about three weeks ago,
late in the evening, he observed
the same female walking in a de-
sponding state upon the banksof the
same canal, and questioned her,
when she admitted, with tears in
licr eyes, that she medilalcd self-
destruction. He took her to the
station' honse, where she said her
name was Mary Clarke, and that
she lived at Highgate, but refused
to give any account of herself. In
ber pocket was then found the same
key which was in her pocket when
taken out of the canal. She left
the station-house in the morning,
and promised to return home.
The Jury returned a verdict —
" Found Dran/ned,'' but expressed
their hope that the investigation
would be continued, as there was
great reason to apprehend that
tlie dereased bad been uufiiirly
dealt ivitli.
JUNE. -
3. Ektbnstvk Seizure. —
Early on the morning of the third,
four revenue-officers, went to Bel-
vedere-cottage, Warm -lane, Wil-
lesden-green, in conseqiieuce of a
78
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
Ruspicion that illicit transactions
were going on there. After con-
siderable hesitation^ occasioned by
the very respectable outward ap-
pearance of the place, they resolved
to do their duty as far as their in-
formation went. No notice was
taken of their applications for ad-
mittance at the front door, and^
upon going to the back part of the
premises, they found that the only
accessible point was protected by a
dog. Ridding themselves of this
diMculty, they gained an entrance
by the back door^ and in the par-
lour, coach-house^ and stable (all
connected with each other), they
found a private soap-manufactory,
in which was a copper capable of
making at one boil about two tons
of soap^ a vast number of frames,
nearly a ton of manufactured soap,
twenty-two cwt. of tallow, four
cwt. of rosin, about eight-hundred
gallons of strong lees, and other
materials and utensils used in ma-
nufacturing soap. It appeared
from documents found upon the
premises, that this business had
been going on for four months.
Riots in Wales. — Mer-
TiiYR. — There was a general
'' turn out" of all the work-men
four days ago. They met at a
place called Twyn-y-wain, and it
was expected there would have
been a disturbance in the evening,
but they dispersed, and did not
show any formidable appearance
till the next day, Thursday the
2nd, when they assembled in con-
siderable numbers, and paraded
the streets all day. Being insti-
gated by several men of bad cha-
racter, (some of whom had had
their goods seized for debt), they
proceeded in large bodies to the
house of Mr. Coffin, who was an
officer of the Court of Requests,
and demanded the books belonging
to it, which being refused, they
became very violent and tumul-
tuous, threatening to murder Mr.
Coffin and others. The Magistrates
got upon some chairs, but were
insulted by the mob, and were
obliged to desist. They then broke
into Coffin's house, smashed all his
windows, and gutted the place of
every article of furniture, which
they burnt in a heap in the middle
of the street. This took place
about nine o*clock in the evening.
The Magistrates then thought it
necessary to send for the aid of the
military stationed at Brecon. They
arrived at Merthyr on Friday,
about twelve o*c1ock, and marched
to the Castle Inn, in the centre of
the town, where the Magbtrates
were assembled. A party of the
soldiers were ordered inside the
house, and the remainder kept
guard outside, and were supplied
with refreshments. The mob then
threatened the Magistracy, that,
unless they were allowed some-
thing to eat as well as the military,
in one hour they would destroy
every individual in the inn, an^
the ringleader, ^'Lewis, the hunts-
man," took out his watch to mark
the time. When the time had
elapsed within ten minutes, Lewis
again threatened that, if his de«
mands were not complied with, he
and his associates were determined
to destroy both the military and
magistrates. The mob then began
to press upon the soldiers on every
side, and had at last pressed them
against the wall, and jammed them
so closely, that their arms were
useless, and the men were unable
to defend themselves. The mob
then began to deprive the soldiers
of their pieces and side-arms, and,
during some severe struggle which
ensued, many were wounded. At
this moment the soldiers stationed
JUNE.]
CHRONICLE.
79
in the inn were ordered to fine,
when the mob speedily took to
flight, but not until they HmI
taken about thirty stand of arms
from the military. Of the mob,
at least twenty-three were either
killed on the spot, or died after-
wards. The number of the wound-
ed was uncertain, but 8e?eral suf-
ered amputation. On Saturday
the mob had dispersed, and sent
messages to the surrounding
works to meet on Monday at
Merthyr, but by this time the
military had been reinforced by
a detachment of dragoons and
yeomanry, and marched out to
meet them. The riot act was
read by a magistrate who accom-
panied the soldiers, and they were
ordered to present their pieces, at
the sight of which every man took
to his heels and returned home.
,6. Thbft by a Clergy-
man. — High Court of Justi-
ciary. — The Rev. Duncan
M'Caig, minister of a Gothic
chapig] in Edinburgh, and in high
repute for his evangelical preach-
ing, was placed at the bar, charged
with having stolen from Mr. Rich-
ardson, bookseller, a quarto bible,
four volumes of Bunyan's works,
the works of John Newton, the
first and fifteenth volumes of Con-
stable's Miscellany ; from Mr.
West^ bookseller, a Lexicon ; And
from Mr. Watson, bookseller,
Johnson's Dictionary in 8vo., the
works of Paley and Josephus;
from Carfrae and Son, booksellers,
Johnson's Dictionary in 8vo., the
Lady's Poetical Album, Grsecum
Lexicum Manuale, Gertrude of
Wyoming, and other Poems, by
Thomas Campbell, and Stewart's
Philosophical Essays, in 8to.;
Latin Synonyms and the works of
Sophocles, in Greek, from the sale-
room of Maclachlan and Stewart ;
from the shop of Richard Ireland,
the works of Aristotle, Young's
Night Thoughts, Virgil's Works,
by Dryden, the PoetioU works of
John Milton, Kirk White's Re-
mains, the works of Robert Burns,
Outlines of Moral Philosophy in
8vo., the English version of the
Polyglott Bible, the works of
Sallust^ and English Synonyms
Explained, by Crabbe, Xenophon's
Anabasis, Latin and Greek ; from
the shop of Mr. Tait, the Heart
of Mid->Lothian (printed abroad),
Terence's Comedies, the rule and
Exercise of Holy Living, by Jeremy
Taylor, Clavis Pentateuchi, P.
Vigeri Idiotismi Grssci, the first
volume of Hermes, and Quintiliani
lostitutiones Oratorin; a Greek
Testament from Messrs. Laing;
Thomson's Seasons, from Pollock
and Co.; and the fourth and fifth
volumes of Ovid's Works, from
Mr. Adam Black.
Walter Richardson, bookseller,
Leith— >had a sale of books at 10,
Hunter-square, Edinburgh, in
March last ; it began on the 2nd
of that month, ana continued for
six days. On the first night of
the sale he msised two volumes of
Constable's Miscellany—one of the
v6lumes was '' Converts from Infide*
lity," and the other ''The Rebellion
in Scotland in 1 745." On the 3rd
of March witness missed Newton's
Works, in one vcJume ; was quite
certain that that book was there
at the commencement of the sale ;
and that it was, missing when they
came to it in the catalogue. On
the 5th, missed Bunyan's Works,
in four volumes; that edition of
Bunyan consisted of six volumes ;
it was the four first volumes that
were taken, the last two were left.
Was certain the volumes were in
the room at the commencement of
the sale. On the Tuesday follow*
80
ANNUAL REGISTER. [i83i.
iDg, the last (lay of the sale^ he
missed a royal quarto Bible before
the sale began. It was seen there
about twenty minutes before seven ;
and whilst witness and his clerk
were engaged for a few seconds in
raising one of the windows, the
volume was taken from the table.
After the sale two of witness's
assistants went down to a Mr.
Spence's to get some refreshment,
whither witness soon followed ; and
in consequence of a communication
with Mr. Dunsmure, he met a Mr.
James, a man of colour, who at-
tends the Reading-room in the
Merchants' Hall, Hunter-square,
from whom he learned that he
(James) had some books in his
keeping, which he had reason to
believe were witness's. James
showed him the Bible, which he
identified as his property ; and, as
arranged, James took back the
Bible, and locked it up. Witness
then went and gave information at
the Police Office ; and about four
o'clock in the afternoon of next
day, a police-officer brought him
the same Bible, and witness went
with the officer to M'Caig's house,
where all the volumes he had spoken
to were found, mostly lying on the
floor. One of the volumes of Con-
stable's Miscellany was missing for
some time ; but M'Caig said there
was another — he had been reading
it that day; and at last it was
found between two octavos. The
books were put on a table, and
marked by the officers of police.
Was quite certain he had not sold
any of those books. — Thomas
James ; Had been waiter at the
Merchants* Hall for three years;
Mr. M^Caig read there, whether a
subscriber or not he could not tell.
Recollects his leaving books with
witness on Saturday the 5th of
March — the books ^'ere four vols.
of Bunyan*s Works. He (witness)
was no scholar — he could not read
the names, but he knew the books
by the plates. They were left
between seven and eight in the
evening, and he returned in about
three quarters of an hour^ and got
them. On Tuesday evening 8th
March, a half Bible was left — had
no doubt the Bible produced was
the same — got it from him at
twenty-five minutes past seven-
witness having been at the Gazette
Office, knew the hour. On going
up stairs^ Mr. M'Caig gave him
the book and asked him to keep it
for him as he did the others ;
saying, that he would call for it. —
Alexander M'Gregor, criminal
officer, knew prisoner, and took
him into custody on the 9th of
March, as he was coming down
the stair of Merchants' Hall Rea-
ding Room. He had a Bible in
his possession, and took him with
it to the Police Office. He was
carrying the book openly, and wore
no cloak. He made no resistance.
— Peter Cairns ; Was a bookseller
for some time in Edinburgh, and
was employed by Mr. Richardson,
to assist at a sale in March last.
Was there on Saturday the 4th or
5th March, when Bunyan's Works
were missed. The work was in
six volumes, but only four were
taken away. The books were on
the table at the beginning of the
sale, and in its progress M'Caig
looked at Bunyan, and remarked
that they were not uniform. Wit-
ness did not know him then, but
knew him again. He had one of
the volumes under his arm at the
time. Witness looked up to the
auctioneer ^ little, and when he
again turned his eyes to the table
he exclaimed, *' Bunyan's works
are gone, and the gentleman also."
The prisoner had not the books in
JUNE.]
CHRONICLE.
81
his hand when witness last saw
them, but he had them certainly
not more than a minute before they
were missed. Saw no other person
lift or examine Bunyan*s works
that night. Identified the vo-
lumes.— Edward West, auctioneer,
had a sale of books, at 10, Hunter
Square, in January last, at which
a copy of Johnson's Dictionary
was for sale, but was certain that
it was not sold, as a person wished
to buy it, and it could not be pro-
duced, but he did not know till
afterwards what had become of it.
Had a sale on the 10th February,
at which there was a Greek Lexi-
con ; the sale began about seven
o'clock. A person handed the book
to witness, and requested that it
might be put up, on which witness
said, he would put it up at a guinea,
but he must have an advance on
that sum. It was handed back to
the person, and the book was
missed in ten minutes after. The
person was dressed in a camblet
cloak. On the 10th March, wit-
ness was sent by the police to Mr.
M*Caig*s house in Wharton-place,
where he found Johnson's Dic-
tionary and the Lexicon 5 they
were on the floor of the library,
among a great many other books.
Saw Mr. M^Caig there, and again
in gaol, and on these occasions had
a strong belief that he was the per-
son who handed up the Lexicon,
and the same impression still re^-
mained on his mind. — Mr. Carfrae
was employed to sell the entire
stock of Pollock and Company in
January last. On the 28th,
Gertrude of Wyoming was on
the table at eleven forenoon,
missed by one ; same day, a copy
of Stewart's Essays was taken
away 5 it was on the table at three
in the afternoon, and was wanting
Vol. LXXIII.
when he came to sell it between
seven and nine. On 1st Feb. a
Greek Lexicon was taken away;
it was seen at three, and missed in
the evening. On the 2nd Feb.
Johnson's Dictionary, and the
Lady's Poetical Album were in
the catalogue, and he saw them on
the table in the morning of that
day. He sold Johnson's Diction-
ary to a gentleman for one guinea,
and it was laid aside for him, but re-
moved from the place. Saw these
books on the 9th March in M^Caig's
house. The prisoner went with
witness and Lieutenant Paterson,
and desired witness to take time
and see if there were any of his
books. He found the copy of
Johnson, with the number of his
catalogue on the back; the paper
was torn off, but the green
cloth had absorbed the ink, and
1193 appeared on it. He fouiid
Stewart's Essays under the table,
and the Lexicon in the book- case.
Went back next morning and
found the other books 3 the Album
was in the bed-room. Went over
the different volumes, and iden-
tified them as his property. — ^Mr.
Paterson, lieutenant of police,
searched M'Caig's bouse, and
found the different works libelled
not otherwise spoken to. M^Caig
said to him that he had purchased
the books from William Stewart, a
printer's lad, in the street, and at
different times. — The Jury found
Mr. M'Caig guilty of eleven of the
various acts of theft charged, and
he was sentenced to fourteen years
transportation.
9. Sale of his late Ma-
jesty's Coronation Robes.-^
A portion of his late Majesty's
costly and splendid wardrobe des-
tined for public sale, including the
magnificent coronation robes and
G
82
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[18S1,
other costumes, was sold by auc-
tion, by Mr. Phillips^ at his rooms
in New Bond Street. There were
1 20 lots disposed of^ out of which
we subjoin tne principal in the or-
der in which they were put up :—
No. 13. An elegant yellow and
silver sash of the Royal Hano-
verian Guelphic Order, 3/. 8s. —
17. A pair of fine kid-trousers^ of
ample dimensions^ and lined with
white satin, was sold for I2s, —
35. The coronation ruff, formed of
superb Mechlin-lace, 2/. — 50. The
costly Highland costume worn by
our late Sovereign at Dalkeith Pa-
lace, the seat of his Grace the Duke
of Buccleugh, in the summer of
1 822, was knocked down at 40/. —
.'>2. The sumptuous crimson-velvet
coronation mantle, with silver star,
embroidered with gold, on appro-
priate devices, and which cost
originally, according to the state-
ment of the auctioneer, upwards of
500/., was knocked down at 47
guineas.— 53. A crimson coat to
suit with the above, 14/. — 55.
A magniBcent gold body- dress and
trousers, 26 guineas. — C7. An
extraordinary large white aigrette
plume, brought from Paris by the
Earl of Fife, in April, 1816, and
presented by his lordship to the
late King, was sold for 15/. — 87.
A richly embroidered silver tissue
coronation waistcoat and trunk
hose, 13/. — 95. The splendid pur-
ple velvet coronation mantle,
sumptuously embroidered with
gold, of which it was said to con-
tain 200 ounces. It was knocked
down at 55/., although it was
stated to have cost his late Ma-
jesty 300/. — 96. An elegant and
costly green velvet mantle, lined
with ermine of the finest quality;
presented by the Emperor Alex-
ander to his lafe Majesty, which
cost upwards of 1,000 guineas^ was
knocked down at 125/.
10. Riot at Dean Forxst.
Monmouth. — A great portion of
this forest was inclosed and planted
with oak, under an act palssed in
the 48th of George dru, which
plantations are now in a thriving
state. The act provides^ that
1 1,000 acres are always to be kept
inclosed as a nursery for timber ;
and that the fences can be legally
• opened only by order of the Lords
of the Treasury, and then only
when the young timber shall be
safe from the browsing of the cattle^
sheep, and swine. An erroneous
opinion, however, prevailed among
the foresters, that the inclosures
should be thrown open at the ex-
piration of twenty-one years ; and
as the act was passed in 1808(
several of the inclosures were now
of a longer standing, and great dis-
satisfaction had been for some time
felt at their continuance. About
a fortnight ago, a portion of the
embankment was secretly de«
stroyed. A large reward was
offered for the discovery of the
ofi^enders without effect, and hand-
bills were circulated, cautioning
against the recurrence of similar
outrages. On the morning of
the 8th, a body of men, about
eighty, commenced levelling the
embankments. In the course of
the day, their numbers increased
to 500. On Thursday the 9th,
they continued the work of de-<
vastation, and their number in-
creased to 2,000, parties being sent
out in all directions to compel the
colliers and other workmen to come
and assist in opening the indo-
sures. Several miles of fences
were levelled in these two days.
I'he men worked regularly with
suitable implements. They ofiered
JUNE.]
CHRONICLE.
83
no injury to persons or prirate
property, and were particularly
careful of the young timber.
15. Attempt at Suicide.—
A gentleman, nearly allied to a
noble family, entered the Cigar
Divan, in King Street, Covent
Garden, in a state of great excite-
ment. Being personally known to
the proprietor, he was advised, as
he appeared unwell, to retire to
the garden that is fitted up in the
summer-months for the reception
of visitors. He did so ; and hav-
ing ordered his refreshment took a
seat at the extremity of the shrub-
bery. His agitation was so great
as to render him nearly inarticu-
late, but this was attributed by the
waiter to inebriation 5 and as he
was seated where he could be no
annoyance to the visitors of the
Coffee-room, the attendants retired
and left him alone. In a few mi-
nutes the report of a pistol was
heard. On the proprietor of the
Divan running into the garden, he
found the unfortunate gentleman
trembling very violently, holding a
discharged pistol in his hand, and
with a paper inclosing some mineral
substance on the table before him.
He said, that he always carried pis-
tols for his personal security, and
that it had been discharged acci-
dentally. He was then asked what
was in the paper, and he replied,
*< Salts." The word "poison,*'
however, was upon the paper; and,
on the contents being taken to a
chymist's, they were pronounced
to be oxalic acid. The bullet
struck a tree behind the seat oc-
cupied by the gentleman, from
which it is conjectured that he had
pointed it at himself, but^from his
agitation, discharged it over his
shoulder. Under all the circum-
stances, the proprietor determined
on detaining him until his friends
could be apprized of his situation*
This he resisted, and demanded
his liberation, but at length burst
into tears, and mentioned the
name of a gentleman, who was ac-
cordingly sent for. Nearly two
hours elapsed before this relation
was found, and then the unfor-
tunate gentleman was conveyed
away in a close carriage. He ap-
peared in a dreadful state-of ner-
vous debility, conversed incohe-
rently, and was frequently in tears.
Assault. — Court of Ex-
chequer. — Williams v. HalL —
The plaintiff in this case, was a
bookseller, and the defendant a
plumber. From the plaintiff's
evidence it appeared, that, on the
23rd of November last, the parties
in the action, who had been before
that time unknown to each other,
met by accident at a public house
in Smithfield. Some conversation
having ensued upon the subject of
duelling, the plaintiff expressed his
disapprobation of the practice, and
regretted much that, when he was
in the army, he had been engaged
in a duel with a brother officer,
whom he shot dead. He after-
wards, however, said, that it was
fortunate for himself that he had
not half-a-dozen sisters, as they
would probably be the cause of his
fighting so many duels, for if any
man were to insult any of them, he
would certainly challenge him.
The defendant, upon this, put a
case, and supposing that the plain-
tiff had a sister, and that the de-
fendant had seduced her, he asked
the plaintiff how he should behave.
To this the plaintiff answered,
that he would blow out the de-
fendants brains, and knock off his
head. After a little more wrang-
ling of the same sort, the plaintiff,
G 2
84
ANNUAL REGISTER. tissi
after having repeatedly applied a
disgustiog epithet to the defend-
ant, provoked him so much, that
the latter, who had a wooden hand
screwed into a plate of iron at the
end of the stump of his arm, pro-
ceeded to unscrew the wooden part
of the limb^ and assaulted the
plaintiff with the remainder. The
parties fought for a considerable
time, and the plaintiff was at
length carried home. The witness
who deposed on the part of the
plaintiff, was cross-examined at
great length, and admitted that
all the original provocations pro-
ceeded from the plaintiff, and
that the plaintiff had frequently
referred, in terms of exultation, to
the fact of his having shot one Cal-
laway, at Malta, through the heart,
and threatened to inflict the same
fate upon the defendant. The wit-
ness, in his direct examination,
swore that he was obliged to sup-
port the plaintiff to his house;
but on his cross-examination he
said, that the plaintiff wanted, at
the end of the fight, to continue it
longer, and that he boasted then of
being able to beat fifty like the de-
fendant. Some descriptions were
attempted of the peculiar weapon
used by the defendant, but as he
was in court, the Lord Chief
Baron thought it more satisfactory
that the thing itself should be ex-
hibited, and accordingly Mr. Hall
stood up, and unscrewing his hand,
displayed the nature of the ma-
chinery to the Jury.
The Lord Chief Baron said,
that the plaintiff was entitled to a
verdict, but that it was for the
Jury to say, what damages ought
to be given in such a case. — The
Jury instantly, in a loud voice ex-
claimed, "A farthing! a farthing!'*
17. Inquest on the Welsh
Rioters.-— The inquest on Hughes,
one of the rioters killed at Mer-
ther Tydvil, [[See page 79 J was
held on the 1 7th June.
William Thomas esq., Comb^
surgeon. — In about an hour after
the mob had dispersed from the
front of the Castle Inn, eight
bodies were removed into the
coach-house behind the inn, and
nearly at the same time Wil-
liam Roberts came to witness, and
told him there was a wounded
man in his house, which was close
by 5 he went there instantly, and
found a man, whom he knew to be
John Hughes, in Roberts's house ;
he examined him, and found a ball
had entered the centre of his back,
and come out rather above his
navel; he died between ten and
eleven o'clock that night : and his
death was caused by that gunnshot
wound. About an hour and a half
before he died, when he knew that
he was dying, witness asked him
how he came to be shot ; he said
he was running away with a sol-
dier's musket, but before he could
do so he was shot. He said he had
been an old soldier, and in six en-
gagements, and never was wounded
before, and that he ought to have
died a better death. Witness was
present when the firing at the
Castle commenced by the soldiers.
He came to the Castle Inn just as
the soldiers halted on their arrival.
A large mob accompanied them, a
great proportion of which was
armed with bludgeons, some with
the handles of mandrels, others
with parts of miner's pickaxes; a
man amongst them had a red flag
on a pole. The soldiers halted in
the middle of the street, rather
above the house. The mob got
close around them in a dense mass,
so that it was almost impossiUe
JUNE.]
CHRONICLE.
SS
for them to use their arms. Some
bread and cheese were then
brought out to them, after which
they were moved to the pavement
in front of the Castle Inn^ and
near to the house. Here they
were hemmed in again. Before
this movement the Sheriff read the
riot-act. He saw a man, called
Lewis the huntsman, get up to
the lamp-iron and support himself
with the assistance of the mob
below. He addressed them, say-
ing " We are met here to have
our wages raised, instead of which
the masters have brought the sol-
diers against us ; now, boys, if you
are of the same mind as I am, let
us fall upon them and take their
arms away." He then dropped
down. His speech was in Welch.
In a minute or two witness observed
a movement in the crowd, when a
rush was made on the soldiers.
Several of them were disarmed.
At this moment witness came out
to the front door of the house, and
there saw the mob, three or four
upon a soldier, wrestling for their
muskets. Four or Rye of the sol-
diers were upon the ground, and
at the same instant a volley of
stones, cinders, sticks, &c., was
sent against the windows. No
firing had taken place at this
moment. There was a conflict
on the steps, the mob three or
four times making their way into
the house, and being as often
repulsed by two soldiers in the
passage, and the special constables
behind them. The soldiers in the
passage had been able to bring
down their muskets to the charge;
a firing commenced from the win-
dows above, but not till several of
the soldiers had been struck down.
Some one in the passage then gave
the alarm that the mob were
coming in at the rear of the house ;
hearing this, witness led an officer
and three soldiers into the yard
behind. The yard is very narrow,
the mob had then advanced half
way up the yard, and were within
a very few yards of the back door;
they fell back a little, and then
assailed the soldiers with a shower
of stones and brick-bats 5 the sol-
diers fired, two or three of the
mob fell and then drew back, and
were driven through the stable-
yard into the street by the end of
the house. It was then said the
mob were approaching by the
field ; witness went round to see-
met Lewis running by the river
side, with a musket in his hand y
heard him call out to the others to
stop and stand their ground. Wit-
ness then went home by a cir-
cuitous way through Ynisgoy 5 the
soldiers were firing in the street,
and the mob were firing from the
cinder-bank in the rear of the
house ; he thinks there was firing
from thence befpre Lewis could
have got there.
Several other witnesses were
examined, and deposed to the
mob having attacked and de-
prived some soldiers of their arms
before a single shot was fired by
the military. The major who
commanded the detachment was
severely cut. Nothing could ex-
ceed the exertions of the officers to
prevent the unnecessary shedding of
blood. The Jury brought in the fol-
lowing verdict: — " We unanimous-
ly find that John Hughes came to
his death by a musket-shot wound,
fired by a soldier of His Majesty's
93rd regiment, whose name is to
the Jury unknown, and that it
was a justifiable homicide." —
Similar verdicts were returned in
the other cases,
8d
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[lasi.
18. Evils of Demanding
Justice. — Sophia Chapman was
placed at the bar of one of the
police offices^ and a tall^ dark^ well-
dressed young man entered the
witness box. The latter was
asked his name^ and what his
charge was against the prisoner ?
He replied, in broken English,
'' My name is Ben Hyam ; I am a
Turk, and I travel with goods to
sell; I met de woman de last
night 3 I go home with her ; I did
show her do half- sovereign, which
I had in a paper, and I put in my
littel pocket where I put de watch.
In the morning when I got U]), I
go to littel pocket, and no paper
and no half-sovereign -, but I nnd
de paper in de breeches pocket, and
de money gone. After de police-
man came, de prisoner ana land-
lady of de house say they will give
me 8.9. if I go away, as the girl
ought to have 5*. j but de police-
man say, ' No j give him nothing ;
it must go to justice."— The pri-
soner said she never saw the half-
sovereign. — Mr. Marriot. You
must prosecute this woman for the
robbery. — Ben Hyam. Me no want
to prosecute, Sare ; me shall lose
my business in de country; it was
not de half-sovereign I did care for
so much ; no, Sare, me no wish to
prosecute, though she did rob me
very bad. — Mr. Marriot. Oh, you
don't wish to prosecute? Then
I shall compel you ; for, if you do
not find sureties to prosecute, I
will send you to gaol with her. —
Ben Hyam. Pray, Sare, let me
go; I do not care for the half-
sovereign. — Mr. Marriot. You
know your immoral conduct has
been such, that you will not be al-
lowed your expenses on the trials
so you do not wish to prosecute. —
Ben Hyam, I do not know what
you sayr, Sare, about immoral ;
out I wish to go to my business,
if you please, in de country.-.-
Mr. Marriot. — Have you got bail
to be answerable for your appear-
ance.— Ben Hyam. Me have no
friends except in de country. — The
policeman confirmed the Turk's
statement, and the latter, havine
signed his deposition, was lockea
up, and afterwards was handcuffed
and taken by the gaoler, with the
female, to Kingston; the latter being
committed for the felony^ and the
former for want of sureties, to ap-
pear to give evidence against her
at the next sessions. — Ho was sub-
sequently liberated on his own re-
cognizance.
Effacing Stamps. — Court or
Exchequer. — Fluke v. Dukej--^
Both parties to this action were
law-stationers, and the action wae
brought to recover 108/., which
had become due to the plaintiff
under the following circumstances :
— In January of the present year,
the defendant sent a message to
the plaintiff, to intimate, that he
(Duke) had a stamp for the arti-
cles of an attorney's clerk, which
he wished to dispose of. He
stated, at the same time, that
he had received the stamp from
a respectable customer, and
would make Fluke an abate-
ment of 1 0/. per cent in the price
of it. Fluke agreed to purchase
the article, and paid, or secured
the payment of, 108/., being the
value of the stamp after the dis*
count had been taken off. Soon
afterwards. Fluke disposed of the
stamp to an attorney, named Wil«
ton, who engrossea upon it the
articles of clerkship of a young
man who had entered his office.
The articles, after having been ex-
ecuted, were taken to the oflSoe
JUNE.]
CHRONICLE.
87
of the Master, where they are
required by statute to be en-
rolled. But^ it having come to the
Master*s knowledge that several
sets of articles had been some time
before stolen from his office^ and
that the stamps of such articles,
after the ink had been discharged
by a chymical process, had been
offered for sale as unused stamps,
and the present stamp having, in
the Master's eye, an appearance of
being one of the stamps stolen from
the office, the Master refused to
enrol the articles. An examin-
ation which took place at the
Stamp-office confirmed the suspi-
cion of the Master of the court of
King's-bench 3 and the Commis-
sioners of Stamps refused to give a
fresh one in the room of that which
had been used. Mr. Wilton being
obliged to buy another stamp on
which to engross the articles of
clerkship for his apprentice, re-
claimed the price of the stamp from
Fluke, who reclaimed it from Duke:
the latter promised for some time
to arrange the matter, but at last re-
fused to make any satisfaction^ upon
which the present proceedings were
commenced against him. — These
facts being proved by the plaintiff,
the defendant called the " respect-
able customer" from whom he ob-
tained the stamp, Abraham Slow-
man, a sheriff's officer. Mr. Slow-
man said^ that the stamp had been
given to him by a person named
Alves, whom he had locked up in
his custody at the time, and that
the proceeds of the sale of the
stamp by the witness to Duke
were applied in satisfaction of the
debt for which Alves was in cus-
tody. In his cross-examination,
Slowman stated that Alves had no
profession^ but that he was a gen-
tleman living in a very respectable
way^ in furnished lodgings, upon
the drawing-room floor, in a house
in Duke -street, Portland -place.
He said that Alves was in the habit
of going to races; that he had
been in custody in the witness's
lock-up house about seven times
within a year or two ; and that he
had other stamps for disposal, be-*
sides that which was the subject
of the present action. One of these
stamps^ a second one^ was disposed
of by Slowman^ as Alves's agent^
to the defendant, about a fortnight
after the inquiry which had been
instituted at the Master's office.—
Tiie Lord Chief Baron asked Slow-
man whether Duke had made any
inquiries of him concerning the
character and circumstances of
Alves ? — Slowman answered in the
negative, adding^ that he supposed
Mr. Duke had taken the stamps
upon the faith of himself (Slow-
man), and without any reference
to the party from whom the stamps
ultimately came. — The Jury im-
mediately found for the plaintiff
for the whole amount of his de«
mand.
Libel. — Electioneering.-—
Howe V. Daubeny, — This action
arose out of certam proceedings at
Great Grimsby, during the general
election in 1830. The plaintiff
was lieutenant of the Greyhound
revenue cutter ; the defendant^ an
attorney at Great Grimsby. The
libel was the following letter, dated
from Great Grimsby, and publish-
ed in some of the Loudon papers.
The blues were the Whig party j
the reds, their opponents: — "At
the late election, some extraordi-
nary interferences took place on
the part of the persons employed in
his majesty *s revenue service here.
The collector of the Customs was
observed to join in the parade of
88
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
the red party^ and in its greetings
and huzzas ! His majesty's reve-
nue cutters, Greyhound and Lap-
wing, landed from seventy to eighty
of their crews, who kicked up oc-
casional rows, to intimidate the
peaceful inhabitants and the blue
party ; and in one of these, which
became a serious riot and affray,
they were actually led on by one of
the commanders, lieutenant Howe,
of the Greyhound. This gentle-
man canvassed for the reds, at-
tended their parades in his uni-
form, and wore a red riband, the
cognizance of the party his efforts
were intended to support. Several
sailors were employed to erect a
booth in front of the lodgings of
the red candidates. A top-mast
from the stores of the Greyhound
was raised up, to which a stage
was fixed, for the red candidates to
make speeches from. Custom-
house flags were carried in the red
parades, and hung out of public-
houses in the red interest, and a
Custom-house ensign wassuspended
from the top-mast in front of the
red candidates' lodgings. The
Greyhound was laid in the Hum^
her, about two miles from Grimsby,
to receive such of the blue party as
could be made intoxicated, and kid"
napped on board her ; and two of
them were actually coiifined there
vntil the election was over. Are
such things tolerated by govern-
ment."— ^This letter, with the ex-
ception of the passage in italics,
was published in the Globe of the
6th of August last. A similar let-
ter, with that passage included,
was published in the Courier on
the 20th of the same month. There
was, however, no evidence to con-
nect the defendant with the publi«
cation in the Courier. — Mr. Gor-
touj the editor of the Globe^
proved the receipt of the letter
from the defendsudt, and stated,
that he struck out the passage
above alluded to. It was admit-,
ted, that the communication to
Mr. Gorton was, in point of law^ a
publication, for wliich the defend-
ant was answerable. — There was a
plea of justification to the whole
of the libel.
To prove the truth of the libd,
the defendant called,
Charles Wood, esq., private se-
cretary to earl Grey, who was one of
the candidates in the blue interest^
and who stated, that he saw the
sailors at the election, with the
plaintiff along with them in an un-
dress naval uniform ; the plaintiff
wore a red riband, and the sailors
carried Custom-house flags 3 the
blues had a procession on the even-
ing before the election ; some guns
were fired from one of the cutterSj
and then a row and fight com-
menced, and the part of the pro-
cession immediately behind him
(the blues) was driven forward by
a crowd of men, most of whom were
sailors ; he observed several mus-
kets at the door of captain Harris's
lodgings, on the morning of the
day before the election, when both
parties walked in procession, and
the row took place ; his carriage
was in the procession, but he him-
self was not in it, — Thomas Plas-
kett, the harbour-master of Grims-
by, stated, that he saw the plain-
tiff with parts of the crew of the
Greyhound and Lapwing in the
procession of the red candidates.
He also saw two men erecting a
top-mast for the purpose of hoist-
ing a red ensign. The top-mast^
with the ensign, remained dur-
ing the election. A booth was
also erected in front of captain.
Harris's lodgings, near the top*
JUNE.]
CHRONICLE.
89
mast. There were many Custom-
house flags in the procession of the
red party. One of them was hung
out at the Royal Oak, a public-
house in the red interest. On the
Friday before the election, the
Lapwing was dressed out in colours.
The red party had a procession,
and, when they came opposite to
the Lapwing, guns were fired, and
then a row commenced. The blue
party were driven forward by the
red — ^A man, who looked after the
arms on board the Greyhoun4>
stated, that, by order of the plain-
tiff, he sent four brass blunder-
busses, and one brass musket on
shore at the time of the election,
and also some fiags and ensigns.
He also sent a half top-sail on
shore. He got these things back
again after the election, and he knew
that the arms had been used, as
they were foul, and one of the
guns was burst. — Robert Hurd, a
seaman of the Lapwing, saw the
plaintiff on shore at the time of the
election 3 the plaintiff once desired
the sailors to go about town and
search the carriages, and prevent
the blues from running away with
the reds. The blues attacked the
red party first, but the reds beat
them off; the plaintiff did not ex-
cite them to a riot, but he sent a
watch to the toll-bar to prevent
the reds from being kidnapped by
the blues. — A voter of Grimsby,
named Beaumont, saw plaintiff in
the row waving his cane, and en-
deavouring to put the blues to the
rout ; captain Harris, the red can-
didate, seized the reins of the horses
of Mr. Wood's carriage, and stopped
it, and the sailors opened the
carriage, and threatened to throw
Mr. Wood's friends, who were in
it, into the river. — Another voter
stated^ that the reds changed their
line of march, in order to meet the
blues. The sailors fired some guns,
and then the fight commenced ;
plaintiff ran past the witness with
some sailors, and plaintiff was call-
ing out to them, " Come on, my
lads," and they rushed together
into the fight about Mr. Wood's
carriage ; after that fight was over,
plaintiff and the sailors ran into
another fight which was going on
behind. — Charles Martin was one
of the musical band of the blue
party ; he saw the plaintiff lead-
ing a party of sailors to the attack
of the blues ; plaintiff asked one of
the sailors, where the captain — •
meaning captain Harris — ^was? the
sailor answered, '' Right-a-head,"
and the plaintiff then said, ^^ Let's
be resolute, and follow him," and
they set off at a jog trot. The
sailors had sticks in their hands. —
Edward Billing heard the plaintifiT
addressing the sailors previous to
the row. He said, "At them, or
after them, my lads." — Another
witness stated, that he saw the
plaintiff heading a party of sailors,
who were rushing furiously in pur-
suit of the blues, and plaintiff called
out to the sailors, *' Douse them,
or down with them, my lads."—
John Macgregor, a seaman on board,
the Greyhound, received orders
from the plaintiff to take David
Snow, a freeman, in the interest of
the blues, on board the Greyhound.
The order was given in the day-
time, and at night he went in a
boat to the shore, and Snow was
brought down by a party of men
and put into the boat, and witness
put him on board the Greyhound ;
Snow was drunk at the time. — Sa-*
muel Clerk, second mate of the
Greyhound, saw Snow on board j
he also saw Wallis, another free-*
man, brought on board at fouy
do
ANNUAL REGISTER. tissi-
o'clock on Saturday morDiog^ which
was the day of the election ; Walh's
was very drunk at the time. — The
Attorney-general called^ in reply,
David Snow, who stated, that he
had at first promised to vote blue,
but afterwards "he did not like it."
The reason of his being taken on
board the Greyhound was, that he
was going to vote for the blues. He
might have gone on shore again, if
be had thought proper. An offer
was made to him for that purpose
by the plaintiff's servant (Bailey),
on the Saturday, but he preferred
remaining on board. — Cross-ex-
amined bv sir J. Scarlett. He was
very drunk when taken on board,
and was drunk afterwards during
part of every day that he remained
on board. He could not tell who
made him drunk. He got very
good fare on boards and thought
he was as well there as any where
else. There was a man to take
care of him. Bailey wished him
to go and vote red, but he did not
wish to return on shore at all, as
he was quite comfortable while he
remained on board. — Mr. Denby,
an auctioneer, stated, that Snow
had been in his service. He had
promised his vote for the reds, but
witness was afraid he would be
kidnappe<l by the blues, as he had
been at a former election, and he
therefore requested the plaintiff to
let him be sent on board the cutter.
The plaintiff said he would consi-
der of it. — Captain Harris and
colonel Challoner, the red candi-
dates, stated, that they and the
plaintiff did every thing in their
power to prevent disturbance,
though the attack was commenced
by the blue party. These and
several other witnesses went into
long details in contradiction to the
testimony of the defendant's wit-«
nesses. — Lord Tenterden, [in sum-
ming up, observed that there were
two questions for the jury — first,
whether the plaintiff had actually
led on the sailors to a riot and
affray, *' with a view to intimidate
the peaceable inhabitants and the
blue party ;" secondly, whether
the Greyhound revenue cutter had
been brought into the Humber to
receive such of the blue }iarty as
could be made intoxicated and kid-
napped on board her, and whether
two of them were actually confined
there. — The Jury, after conferring
together for about twenty minutes,
found a verdict for the plaintiff—
Damages y 10/.
27. MuRDBR.— County Clarb.
Special Commission. — Patrick
Connors and John Cullinanc were
put to the bar, charged with the
murder of William Blood, of Ap-
plevale, in the county of Clare, on the
21st day of January, by inflicting a
gun-shot wound on the riffht side
of his head; they were also indicted
for having aided and assisted John
Burke in shooting at the said Wil-
liam Blood. There were several
other counts in the indictments.—
Connor Callaghan sworn; I had
been the last three or four months
with Mr. Vokes, in Limerick; I
knew Mr. Blood, who is dead ; I
was in his service minding horses
and cows. In January last there
were living in his house, Patrick
Connors, who was butler, Nancy
Lyons, Kitty Canowles, and my«
self. John 0*Neill was there
the night Mr. Blood was killed ;
O'Neill is since dead. Mr. Blood
was killed on a Friday night.
The witness here looked round
twice towards the dock, for the
purpose of identifying Connors, and
said he did not see him. I never
was examined before in a court.
JUNE.]
CHRONICLE.
dl
On the Tuesday night before, I
had conversation with Connors in
the stable -, he told me it would be
a good plan to kill Mr. Bloody and
that I should get more than three
years' wages if I would keep the
secret; I told him I would. I was
not four weeks with Mr. Blood.
Connors said, the first time Mr.
Blood would go out he would call
men to kill him. On Friday morn-
ing, Pat. Connors went to Corrofin,
which is about a mile from the
house, to get clothes, which he got
the Thursday before from the mas-
ter, re-made ; he rode the master's
horse to the forge j he was away un-
til evening. When he returned, I
was near a rick of hay in the hag-
gard, and he told me they were to
come to-night ; I was not to speak
a word about it. This was about
night-fall : he went into the house,
and I went to settle the cows.
Connors was after dinner again in
the stable; we were both making
up the horses ; he told me he
would bid them put the sheep-
crib that was in the grove up to the
back of the wall, that it might
not be known how they came m ;
he would open the gate for them
himself, and put a stone to the gate;
and he would show them where the
master himself was in the parlour,
before he could go up to his arms.
He told me to take John O'Neill up
with me when I went in, and when
1 heard the least noise to begin to
cry in order to frighten O'Neill.
I went up to bed and undressed,
and so did O'Neill; afterwards
Nancy Lyons came up, and said
that robbers had entered through
the kitchen. A little while after
I heard a man desire to shoot
the master, when Nancy Collins
came up. I staid in bed until
I heard blows, when I got up
and went to the window which
looked into the yard; I saw the
master, and four men hitting him ;
Connors was near them ; he had
nothing in his hand; I did not see
a candle with him ; it was on the
same spot the body was found.
The room in which I slept is over
the kitchen. I am sure it was
Connors I saw; he had a short
striped cotton jacket on ; it was the
same jacket he had on in the even-
ing ; I came down soon after one
o'clock. When I came into the
kitchen, John O'Neill and Nancy
Lyons were with me, and I saw
Pat. Connors trod near the grate.
Before the murder, Connors said
he would make them tie him, so
that he might not be suspected ;
he was tied with carriage or gig
reins ; his arms were tied to his
body, and he was stretched on his
side not fastened to any thing.
Next morning Connors and I went
up to Mr. Blood's of Rockstown ;
he told me not to he afraid, it
would never be found out ; and I
would get my share of the money, as
well as those who killed. I never got
any. I was aWhiteboy; I was sworn
a year and a half ago; Connors
knew I was one, and I knew he was
another.— -Cross-examined; I was
a faithful servant of Mr. Blood's.
I knew the Tuesdav before, that he
was to be murdered, and did not
tell ; I was afraid. I was sworn
on the inquest; it was a lie I
swore. I took an oath when a
Whiteboy 5 I swore not to tell
what I was told ; I broke the oath
of my own accord; by force I took
it ; I was afraid not to take it.—
Thomas Sheehan sworn; I re-
member the night Mr. Blood
was killed ; the night before,
I was at the church of Ragh;
I met the prisoner, John Culli'.
nane, there ; I know Pat. Con-
nors; we were met to throw dowx^
92
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[18S1.
some of Mr. Synge's school-houses,
and to beat those who sent scholars
to his schools. John Cullinane and
others put an oath to me to be
next night at George Casey's
house. After night-fail I went
there -, Casey gave me a whisper to
run out over the garden after him.
We went to the nursery near Mr.
Blood's ; when I got there Culli-
nane and six others were there ;
^ve of them had between them four
guns and a blunderbuss. Culli-
nane and the rest swore me not to
tell what I was going to do whilst
I lived ; they said they would di-
vide what they got, and swore not
to drink more than two glasses of
whisky or half a gallon of punch at
a time in Corrofin for the next six
months, that no money might be
seen on them. Pat. Connors came
out and said, ^* welcome, boys, you
are long away j I was out here be-
fore." He then shook hands with
every one. '' Who is this boy ? "
said he, meaning me. *' That is a
good boy," said Cullinane ; he
shook hands with me ; he said he
would go in to put in bed the men
inside, and would come out soon.
I was desired to watch the police.
The party took off their shoes on
the road, and left them near the
wall. Shortly after the party
went in, I heard a shot in the
house, and saw Mr. Blood running
out into the yard through the
kitchen-door. John Cullinane and
Bourk were after him. There
were four striking him with guns.
Pat. Connors was in the door hold-
ing a candle out to them . They had
light enough without it. Connors
was in the doon Cullinane struck
him first. Mr. Blood said, <' what
do you want, boys ?" He fell, but he
fot up in spite of them, and
nocked one of them down. That
was the boy that gave it to him.
George Casey, at the end, got a
big stone, and threw it on his
head. They broke three guns.
They had the barrels and stocks
going home with in their hands.
He struck Brody in the breast and
arm with a candlestick, or some-
thing, and hurt him severely.
Casey brought Brody out near the
wall, and he recovered. They af-
terwards went into the house to
rob it. — Cross-examined; I never
was concerned in a robbery ; this
was my first offence. I was sworn
a Terry Alt man three weeks
before. I was at Keefe's robbery.
It was after the murder. Did
you hear it was intended to
murder Mr. Synge before he
was fired at ? I did ; I know
where it was attempted, and was
very near it that day. I heard it
was intended to murder Parson,
Whitty. I heard it was intended
to murder Mr. Francis Macnamara.
I was asked to do it, but refused.
— Nancy Lyons sworn 5 I knew
Mr. Blood ; was in his service four
years. I know Pat. Connors, who
lived in his service, and also John
Cullinane. I looked out of the
window with Connor Callaghan^
when Mr. Blood was killing in the
yard ; saw Pat. Connors there. I
do not know if he had a candle.
I did not see Cullinane there, but
I saw him in the house when the
men first came in. — The prisoners,
in their defence, called some per-
sons who gave them a good charac-
ter.—The Jury retired for a few
minutes, and brought in a verdict
of GuiUy, — After the announce-
ment of the verdict, Connors made
a solemn declaration of his inno-.
cence. — Judge Moore, after an im-
pressive address, sentenced the
prisoners to be hanged at the com-
mon place of execution, and their
bodies to be given for dissectipn.
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
93
JULY.
2. Attempt at Murder and
Suicide. — At half past ten at
Dight^ a young woman named
Hannah Blythe, having gone out
to make purchases in company
with her acknowledged suitor, a
young man named Fallows^ as
they went up the Minories, the
young womai) was accosted by a
man in the street, who inquired,
" Is that you, Hannah ?" — On her
replying in the affirmative, he im«
mediately fired a pistol, the con-
tents of which lodged in the legs
of her companion. They ran across
the street to escape, but by the
time they had reached the opposite
pavement another pistol was dis-
charged, the contents of which
lodged in the back part of the
young woman's neck. She lay
weltering in her blood on the pave*
ment and cried, '* Moseley has
done it ;" and on Fallows turning
round, he perceived a young man
of that name standing at a short
distance. The persons in the
street, lupposing Fallows, who was
in the act of raising the female
from the ground, to be the assassin,
conveyed him to the watch-house,
and Moseley was allowed to escape.
The remnants of both pistols were
found scattered in all directions —
such had been the strength and
power of the charges, that the
barrels, as well as stocks, of both
pistols were blown into a dozen
pieces. The police being satisfied
of the innocence of Fallows, he
was liberated at four o'clock the
following morning, and every pos-
sible exertion made to discover the
retreat of the real offender. No-
thing, however, was heard of him
until Monday night, when Mr.
Redfern^ of the Publiooffice, re«
ceived a communication from Dar-
laston, stating that a young man,
answering to the description of
Moseley, had been found dead
(evidently shot), in that neigh-
bourhood, and then lay at the
workhouse. Moseley's sister, in
company with a friend, immedi-
ately proceeded to Darlaston, and
identified the body as that of her
brother. It appears that, on quit-
ting the Minories, be went into the
neighbourhood of Bilston, and early
the following morning entered a
retail brewery, kept by a man
named Lowe, at Cock Heath, near
that place. There he remained dur-
ing the whole of Sunday, apparently
labouring under great depression of
spirits. At a late hour in the even-
ing he ordered tea, but while it
was preparing, suddenly left the
house, and never again returned.
The following morning, two boat-
men, proceeding along the Walsall
arm of the Birmingham Canal, ob-
served a human body lying on the
bank, partly immersed in the water.
On taking it out, the head ap-
peared to have been severely
wounded by a shot -, and on tracing
footsteps in the neighbourhood, two
pocket pistols, one loaded, the
other discharged, were found at
about 300 yards distance. The
unfortunate man, after having at-
tempted self-destruction, had ap-
parently staggef^d to the bank of
the canal, and then, either inten-
tionally, or accidentally, from ex-
haustion, pitched himself into the
water. Jealousy was supposed to
be the motive.
4. Blasphemy. — Surrey Ses-
sions.—Trial OP THE Rev.
Robert Taylor. — The Rev. Ro-
bert Taylor was indicted for blas-
phemy, to which he pleaded Not
Guilty. — Joseph Stevens, a short-
hand writer, was examined and
94
ANNUAL REGISTER.
D831.
his eridence went to prove that he
was present at the Rotunda on last
Good- Friday, and also on Easter -
Sunday, on each of which occa-
sions he heard the defendant ad-
dress the auditory, and took a
verbatim account of what he said.
The witness described that por-
tion of the Rotunda from which
the defendant spoke as decorated
with the paraphernalia used in the
ceremony of the holy sacrament.
The business of the evening com-
menced by a young roan who read
an extract from Vdney's Ruin of
Empires, which he gave out as the
first lesson for that evening's ser-
vice, and after reading extracts
from the above work for half an
hour, his place on the platform was
taken by the defendant, who,
dressed in the canonicals of a
bishop, stood forward, and was
loudly greeted by his audience.
He then bowed to the persons pre-
sent, and turning to a cross which
was suspended over the platform,
he also made an' obeisance; then
placing his hands over his eyes he
affected to be in silent adoration.
In pronouncing the word " holy,"
the defendant repeated it several
times in an ironical manner, which
elicited great laughter from the
audience. The witness then pro-
ceeded to read from his short-
hand notes those portions of the
defendant's discourses which form-
ed the grounds of the present
indictment. — Another witness,
named Smith, who also took notes
of the discourses delivered by the
defendant at the Rotunda was ex-
amined, and his evidence was con-
firmatory of the preceding witness.
—This witness was cross-examined
by the defendant, . who endeavour-
ed to impress upon the minds of
the Court and Jury that he cast
no ridicule on the beity in any of
the discourses he had delivered;
that, so far from that being the
case, he had delivered all those
passages which he quoted from the
Bible with great pathos, and odI^
intended to throw into ridicule and
contempt those passages which were
introduced as counts in the indict-
ment against him, and which he
disclaimed being the author of. —
The defendant read a written de-
fence which occupied nearly five
hours, and deprecated in strong
language the conduct of the So-
ciety for the Suppression of Vice,
which had instituted the present
proceedings against him. The
society consisted chiefly of the
clergy, who were determined, if
they could, to crush him to the
earth. They were, he said, a set
of priests who were unable to con-
trovert the tenets which he pro-
mulgated, and, as an instance of
their ignorance, they were afraid
to come forward and enter into
theological discussion with him, he
having given a public challenge to
the whole of the priests, and had
that challenge placarded at the
different colleges in this country^
as well as on the continent. Per-
sons had endeavoured to throw
obloquy on him,- to traduce his
character, and had given him the
nick-name of the Devil's Chaplain^
a name which was calculated to
impress people with the notion that
he was either the Devil himself, or
some emissary of his. He had no
more to do with his Satanic Ma-
jesty than other people; but the
name, which was caught at at once
by the newspapers, plainly indi-
cated the spirit of malevolence
which existed against him. He
denied that his discourse was cal-
culated to revile the Christian re-
ligion, and he declared that he had
as high a veneration for the beau«
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
95
tiful and pathetic language of the
Scriptures as any man upon the
face of the earth. He concluded
by trusting that the Jury, by their
verdict, would pronounce an ac-
quittal, which he was entitled to,
not one of the counts in the indict-
ment having been sustained. — The
Jury brought in a verdict of
Guilty ; and the Court sentenced
the defendant to be imprisoned two
years in the county gaol, to pay a
fine of 200/., and enter into his
own recognizance in the sum of
500/. for his good behaviour, and
find two sureties of 250/., for the
next five years.
6. Suicide in Maidstone
Gaol.— Two cases of suicide oc-
curred at the County Prison, Maid-
stone, on Wednesday the 6th. A
woman named Ann Say well, who
M^as imprisoned for debt, rose as
usual, and took her breakfast with
the other females who were in the
same apartment, and afterwards
went up stairs into the bed-room.
One of her companions having oc-
casion to go up stairs in about a
quarter of an hour, found her
suspended from the hasp of the
window by two silk handkerchiefs,
which were tied together. Assist-
ance was instantly procured, but
life was quite extinct. The second
case was that of a man named
James Waller. He was a car-
penter by trade, and was possessed
of considerable property m houses
and cottages, but having some
money left him a short time since,
from that period he led an idle
dissolute life, and was committed
to prison on a charge of stealing a
watch from a beer- shop. He was
locked up in his sleeping ward, as
usual on the night of the 6th, and,
on the turnkey entering the next
morning, he found him hanging
by a small piece of rope, fastened
to the hook of the window shutter.
All attempts to restore animation
were useless. An inquest was held,
when a verdict was returned, in
both cases, of Temporary Derange^
ment,
7. Sedition. — Guildhall.—
The King v. CobbetL — This was
an indictment against William
Cobbett, charging him with the
publication, on the 11th of De-
cember last, of a libel, with intent
to raise discontent in the minds of
the labourers in husbandry, and to
incite them to acts of violence, and
to destroy corn, machinery, and
other property. The defendant
had pleaded that he was not guilty.
When he entered the Court, at-
tended by his sons, his attorney,
and two friends, some persons m
the gallery immediately greeted
him by clapping their hands, and,
on his proceeding to take his seat,
they gave three loud huzzas.
The defendant seemed highly gra-
tified, and turning round and
looking towards the gallery, said,
" If truth prevails, we shall beat
them." The Attorney - general
stated the case for the Crown, ad-
verting to the system of riot, fire-
raising, and breaking of machinery
which had spread destruction
through so many counties, in the
end of the last, and the begin-
ning of the present year. It was
at this particular time, when spe-
cial commissions were issued for the
investigation of crimes of this de-
scription, that the defendant pub-
lished the number of the Weekly
Political Register, on which the
indictment was founded. The
paper was ushered in with a head-
ing taken from another paper by
the same author, published on the
20th of October, 1815, in the
following terms ;— " At last it will
come to a question of actual star*
96
ANNUAL REGISTER.
C1831<
vation^ or fighting for food ; and
when it comes to that pointy I
know that Englishmen will never
lie down and die by hundreds by
the way side." Following up the
idea in the motto, there was a
paper called the Rural War, as
if those unhappy persons were
banded together to commit acts of
violence, like troops carrying on
a war, against those wlio withheld
from them provisions. Then the
'* Special Commissions" came as
the next general title, and a letter
appeared, addressed to those very
people who were likely to be
called upon to take their trials for
the offences with which they were
charged. The first paragraph re-
lated to the special commissions;
then there was an observation
about some clergyman who had
written a paper which ha<l given
great offence to Mr. Coblxjtt. Mr.
Cobbett made some severe remarks,
not only upon the conduct of the
clergyman who published that
paper, but on the conduct of
clergymen in general. He also
made some strong observations
upon the title to tithes, with which
it was not necessary for him (the
Attorney-general) to trouble the
Jury. The particular paragraph
to which he was bound to allude,
as seditious was the following. —
" In the meanwhile, however, the
parsons are reducing their tithes
with a tolerable degree of alacrity !
It seems to come from them like
drops of blood from the heart ; but
it comes, and must all come now,
or England will never again know
even the appearance of peace.
^ Out of evil comes good.' We are
not indeed upon that mere maxim
• to do evil that good may come from
it.' But without entering at pre-
sent into the motivesof the working
people, it is unquestionable that
their acts have produced good,
and great good too. They have
been always told, and they were
told now, and by the very parson
that I have quoted above, that
their acts of violence, and parti-
cularly their burnings, can do them
no good, but add to their wants by
destroying the f(X)d that they would
have to eat. Alas ! they know
better ; they know that one thrash-
ing machine takes wages from ten
men; and they also know that
they should have none of this food,
and that potatoes and salt do not
burn ! Therefore, this argument
is not worth a straw. Besides,
they see and feel that the good
comes, and comes instantly too.
They see that they get some bread
in consequence of the destruction
of part of the corn ; and while
they see this, you attempt in vain
to {)ersuade them that that which
tliey liave done is wrong. And as
to one effect, that of making the
{)ar8ons reduce their tithes, it is
lailed as a good by ninety-nine
hundredths even of men of con-
siderable property ; while there is
not a single man in the country,
who does not clearly trace the re-
duction to the acts of the labourers,
and especially to the fires ; for it
is the terror of these, and not the
bodily force, that has prevailed.
To attempt to persuade either
farmers or labourers that the tithes
do not do them any harm, is to
combat plain common sense. They
must know, and they do know,
that whatever is received by the
parson is just so much taken from
them, except that part which he
may lay out for productive labour
in the parish ; and that is a mere
trifle compared with what he gives
to the East and West Indies, to
the wine countries, to the foot-
men, and to other unproductive
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
97
labourers. 'In , short, the tithe-
owners take away from the agri-
cultural parishes a tenth part of
the gross produce, which, in this
present state of abuse of the insti-
tution, they apply to purposes not
only not beneficial, but generally
mischievous to the people of those
parishes." In another passage, the
defendant expressed his opinion
that the criminals ought not to be
made to suffer for any thing they
had done ; and speaking of the
probability of some of them losing
their lives, this language was
used, — " No j this will not be
done. The course of these ill-
used men has been so free from
ferocity, so free from any thing
like bloody-mindedness ! they have
not been cruel even to their most
savage and insolent persecutors.
The most violent thing that they
have done to any person has not
amounted to an attempt on the
life or limb of the party; and in
no case but in self-defence, except
in the cases of the two hired over-
seers in Sussex, whom they merely
trundled out of the carts which
those hirelings had had constructed
for them to draw like cattle. Had
they been bloody, had they been
cruel, then it would have been
another matter ; had they burnt
people in their beds, which they
might so easily have done; had
they beaten people wantonly, which
has always been in their power 3
had they done any of these things,
then there would have been some
plea for severity. But they have
been guilty of none of these things;
they have done desperate things,
but they were driven to despera-
tion : all men, except the infamous
stock-jobbing race, say, and loudly
say, that their object is just ; that
they ought to have that which they
are striving for; and all men^
Vol. LXXJII.
except that same hellish crew, say
that they had no other means of
obtaining it." — The Attorney-
general said, after reading these
passages, that he should think it
a waste of time if he pursued the
argument further. He could not
conceive that there could be a doubt
in any reasonable unbiassed mind,
that there was a tendency not to
be mistaken, — an inference of an
intention not to be resisted, — with
regard to the conduct which these
persons were taught to pursue,
by a reference to the success of
those offences which they had
committed. What was the ten-
dency of all these things ? to ex-
cite a suffering people, but at all
events a people whose minds were
inflamed, to a repetition of crime.
The publication having been
proved, Mi^. Cobbett addressed the
Jury in a long speech, arguing
against the criminal intent and
tendency imputed, in the indict-
ment, to the publication, but prin-
cipally employing himself in abu-
sing the government which had pro-
secuted him, and more especially the
Attorney-general. He referred to
the language which had been held
regarding him in parliament, and
complained that his trial had been
going on there since the beginning
of the Session, one member after
another " falsely, maliciously, and
scandalously" imputing to him, his
lectures and publications, the
crimes which had been committed
in the agricultural counties. He
next fell foul of ** the vast affec-
tion which our present Whig go-
vernment entertain for the liberty
of the press. They never pro-
ceeded by information ! O no ;
and then their Attorney-general,
Sir Thomas Denman, he also had
a particular affection for the liberty
of the press. 0 yes, Denman was
H
98
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831
an honest fellow, and would not,
on any account, touch the liberty
of the press. Yet it so happened,
that this Whig government, with
their Wliig Attorney-general had
carried on more state prosecutions
during the seven months that they
had been in oflice than their l^ory
predecessors in seven years. The
Tories— the haughty and insulting
Tories — shewed their teeth, to be
sure, but they did not venture to
bite. Not so with Whigs. If they
should happen to remain in office
a twelvemonth, all the gaols in the
liingdom must Ije enlarged, for
they would not contain room
enough for the victims of this Whig
government. The government
itself, he maintained, and its
orsrans were now the most atroci-
oils of all libellers. Their news-
papers libelled right auJ left — but
lilMilled on their own side, and
tliereforc were allowed to libel with
impunity. He referred to the
abuse which the Times, for in-
stance, was every d.ay pouring on
the House of Commons, not only
with the tendency, but with the
loudly proclaimed purpose of bring-
ing that branch of the legislature
into utter horror and contempt.
Did Sir Thomas Denman prose-
cute ? No — no. That was on his
side — and instead of prosecuting,
when Sir R. Inglis brought the
Times before the House, he main-
tained that the libel was true, and
should be passed over. Not even
the Judges had escaped. Not two
months before, the Times put
forth, that Mr. William Brougham,
a candidate for Southwark, said to
the electors, in regard to the Re-
form Uill, ^' Among the devices to
defeat the measures of ministers a
canvass is going on by Judges of
the land, who have degraded them-
selves and their station.** This
was pretty well, coming from a
brother of the lord chancellor, the
first judge in the country. Then
came the Times — a paper in close
connection with the government^
and, after stating that the digni-
fied neutrality which the judges
had observed since the last days of
Charles were now at an end, anded>
"these judges expect a reformed
parliament to ask, why they should
receive 5,500/. a-year each, these
hard times,"thus imputing to those
learned jicrsonages the kisest mo-
tives. Next day came the Courier,
the heir-loom of all administrations,
saying that there had been a total
disregard of decency on the part of
the judges -, that such men were
not fit to preside on trials of a po-
h'tical nature; and then they asked,
*' What chance has a reformer, if
tried before one of these judges ?
How is he to expect a fair trial ?
We almost wish that the judges
did not hold their office for life ?"
Then came on the Morning Chro-
nicle, stilting, that the conduct of
Mr. Justice Parke, who was one
of the judges who had acted so
shamefully, was to be made the
subject of'^some parliamentary pro-
ceeding, perhaps even some motion
for an imjieachment. As the At-
torney-general had taken no notice
of the observations upon the judges
— as he had left them to defend
themselves, to puff oil' themselves, »
and to pay for newspaper para-
graphs if they pleased — he ought
not to have called upon him to
answer for what he had jHiblished.
There was a person who had writ-
ten, " Down with kings, lords, and
priests." That person entitled his
pa]H?r 'i'he Republican, and his ad-
vice to the people was, to put down
kings, lords, Jfnd priests. The
Attorney -general had said in Par-
liament, that he thought it better
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
99
to leave such things to the good
sense of the people. Then why did
he not leave his publication to the
good sense of the people ? Was
tliis partial selection to be endured?
Would the jury allow themselves
to be degraded into the mean tools
of such foul play ? The Attorney-
general himself might recollect the
circumstance of a person^ who was
never a hundred miles distant from
sir Thomas Denman^ comparing
the late king to Nero^ and calling
the present king ^^aroyal slanderer.
But all these things were nothing ;
you might publish as many libels
as you chose, but only don't touch
the faction. '' That is my whole
offence. For years I have been
labouring to lop off useless places
and pensions, and that touches
the faction. These Whigs, who
have been out of office for five-and-i
twenty years — these lank Whigs
— lank and merciless as a hungry
wolf — are now filling their purses
with the public money, and I
must be crushed, and to-day, gen-
tlemen, they will crush me, unless
you stand between me and them."
In regard to the tendency of the
publication, the indictment, he
said, charged, that he published,
contriving and intending to incite
the labourers in husbandry to out-
rages— to various acts of violence,
by the breaking of machinery and
setting fires. Now the jury must
be satisfied, not from what was set
out in this indictment, containing
as it did garbled extracts, but they
must be satisfied from the whole
context — from the whole scope and
tenour of the article — that the in-
tention was that which the in-
dictment charged it to be, before
they could find a verdict of guilty.
They had a right to look, not only
to what was stated in other parts
of the publication, but even to other
writings of his. The Attorney-
general knew this — somebody had
taught him law enough to know,
that, if he set forth in the indict-
ment the whole of the publication,
he would at once burn his fingers.
The jury must be satisfied that he
(the defendant) put forth this pub-
lication for the purpose of inciting
the labourers to do that which was
charged in this indictment ; that
was, " to set fire to ricks, to pull
down houses, to break machinery,
and to commit outrages." — The
defendant then proceeded to com-
ment on the article, and to read
several other passages which had
not been set out in the indictment,
and he argued that the tendency
of the whole article was the reverse
of that which had been ascribed to
it by the Attorney-general, and
which the partial extracts might
lead some person to suppose. He
said in one passage, that '* out of
evil came good." But was that
evil? But he had also said, that
he did not wish people to do evil
that good might come from it.
Having cautioned them against
coming to any such conclusion, he
went on to say, that the outrages
had done good, and he gave his
reasons for that; but it did not
follow, because he thought that
good had arisen, that he approved
of the evil ; much less, that he in-
tended to incite the people to com-
mit the evil, when he said just the
contrary. Would the jury find a
false perfidious Whig, who would
not tell them that the Revolution
was a glorious revolution, and yet
it was the overturning of a king,
and the downfall of his dynasty ?
A flash of lightning which set fire
to a barn or a rick might do much
good. This trial would do a great
deal of good ; it had done a great
deal already, as it had enabled him,
H2
100
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
in the presence and hearing of this
great audience to cast oiF those vile
slanders wliich had been circulated
against liini. In one of the arti-
cles, there was a petition to par-
liament signed by himself. The jury
Mould take that |)etition and read
it, for they were Ijound to take the
whole publication together, and
judge of its effects accordingly. In
that {)etition he stated the case of
the wretched labourers, their suf-
ferings^ and the causes of those suf-
ferings. In that petition he had
defended the farmers, and showed
it was not they who were in fault.
How, then, could it be the ten-
dency of the publication to stir up
the labourers to destroy the pro-
})erty of the farmers, when it shewed
that it was not they who had caused
the distress ? Nay, it even refer-
red to lord Melbourne's circular, a
document of a conciliatory nature,
and the only one of that character
which had emanated from the
Whigs; it had referred to that circu-
lar to show the labourers that they
need not despair, as the government
sympathised with their sufferings,
and directed its attention to the
causes of them, yet now it was
contended that his object was to
incite them to acts of violence. He
now came, he said, to the great and
obvious object of the article, and
he would put it to the jury, when
they should have cai'efully read it
all through, whether they could
entertain the slightest doubt that
his object was, to save the lives of
those who were convicted under
the special commission. When
that commission went out, he anti-
cipated great shedding of blood,
and he therefore felt himself called
upon to endeavour to prevent it.
Now let the jury read the article
in question, from beginning to end,
and say^ whether they could possi-
bly come to any other condusionf
than that it was written for the ex-
])ress purpose of preventing blood
from being shed. Let that fact, theii«
be borne in mind. Now, the ob-
ject being to save the lives of these
unfortunate men, was it possible
to suppose that he would incite
them to acts of outrage, which
would, of course, be the means of
defeating his object ? He repeat^
ed, that his only object was, to save
their lives, and for that purpose he
had availed himself of the licence
allowed by Paley, and had had
recourse to every means in his
})ower to accomplish his object ; he
had invited all parts of the coun«
try, the parishes of the metropolis,
to i)etition on this behalf. Such
was his object ; such the tendencv
of the article for which this foul,
malicious, scandalous, and wicked
indictment had been preferred
against him. The defendant here
read over various parts of the pub*
lication containing the alleged libel,
and again put it to the jury whether
it was possible to come to any other
conclusion, than that his object in
publishing it was what he now
stated ; and if so, then he was per*
fectly satisfied that they would
pronounce him not guilty, although
he admitted that, in so doing, they
would, at the same time, be pro-
nouncing a verdict of guilty on this
Whig government. He referred
to his other publications, such as
Rural Economy, to show that he
was an encourager of the solid and
peaceful comforts of the labourer,
not an instigator to crimes ; and
told the jury that he would give
them, to that effect, the evidence
of no less a man than the lord
chancellor of this very Whig go-
vernment. In the year 1816, he
had published a letter to the Lud^
dites in Nottinghamshire. To-
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
101
wards the close of the last year,
the lord chancellor applied to him
for leave to re-publish that letter,
in a work called the Library of
Useful Knowledge, in order that it
might be circulated amongst the
very labourers whom he (the de-
fendant) was now charged with in-
citing to acts of violence. What
times were these ! Would the lord
chancellor come to Cobbett's sedi-
tion shop to get something where-
with to quiet the labourers I Nay,
the Attorney-general himself was
another member of the same so-
ciety that wished to publish his
letter. When the lora chancellor
made the application, he asked, at
the same time, on what .terms I
would consent to the republication.
Now I disliked the use of the word
'' terms/' but replied, I would con-
sent to its being republished only
on this condition, that it should be
published altogether, and not
garbled by extracting any por-
tions of it, because I would not
allow those parts which set forth
the rights of the labourer to be
left out, whilst all that was calcu-
lated to throw censure upon the
violence which their wrongs had
goaded them on to commit, should
go forth to the world. Upon this
condition I gave my consent to
the republication, and lent him
a copy of the book. By so doing,
the learned judge will tell you I
republished the letter. I do not
know what the lord chancellor did
with it, but I shall ask him by-and-
by, as I intend to put him into the
box. What, then, has the lord
chancellor done? As an author,
he takes my book to republish ;
as lord chancellor, he applies to his
colleague, with whom "he had
stood together in their chivalry,**
to institute a proceeding against
me, to puqish me as the author of
a libel, calculated to excite the la-
bourers to outrage and disorder.
Here, then, is the lord chancel-
lor in November borrowing my
book, in the next month prosecut-
ing ^me for libel, and as a false,
malicious, and seditious person, to
be roblied of property, and of
life, too, if the Whigs were to
have the power of causing it. I
huve lived twenty-one years under
a Tory administration, ^nd under
six Tory Attorney-generals, but
have never been prosecuted, al-
though, if the present were consi-
dered a libel, I have written plenty
of a- similar description. The coun-
try had been ruled with rods by
the Tories, but the Whigs scourged
them with scorpions.'* The defend-
ant concluded by declaring, that,
whatever might be the verdict of
the jury, if he were doomed tospend
his last breath in a dungeon, he
would pray to God to bless his
country ; he would curse the
Whigs, and leave his revenge to
his children and the labourers of
England. [Mr. Cobbett sat down
amidst loud demonstrations of ap-
plause by numerous persons, which
the officers with dilliculty sup-
pressed.]
Mr. Cobbett. I will thank your
lordship to let Henry Brougham
be called. — ^Lord Brougham then
entered the court from the judges'
private room, and was sworn by
the officer of the court. — Mr. Cob-
bett. Does your lordship recol-
lect ever applying to me for a copy
of my letter, addressed to the Lud-
dites, against the breaking of ma-
chinery } — Lord Brougham. I
recollect making some application,
I believe, through the secretaiy to
a society to which I belong, for a
copy of a paper written by you some
years ago, the date of which we could
not recoUectj and also applying for
102
ANNUAL REGISTER. cissi.
permission to nia1<c use of it by
republication. 1 have no recollec-
tion of the mode of application ; it
is possible I applied tliroiigli the
nieilium of your son. I think I
had some intercourse with your
son, res|)ecting his admission to
Lincohrs-inn. [A letter was hand-
ed to his lordship, who admitted it
to be in his hand-writing. It was
read as follows : — " Dear Sir ;
though I could not attend myself
at the bench when you were called,
being engaged in the House of
I^ords, I took care all should lie
done correctly, I want you to ask
your ikther about the date of a
letter he has written against the
breaking of machinery, as a so-
ciety, with which I am connected,
is working on the same ground 8>
and he might, perha{)8, on proper
terms, give us the benefit of his
labour."] — Lord Afelbourne sworn.
— Mr. Cobbett. Does your lord-
ship recollect a man named Thomas
Goodman, who was sentenced to
suifer death ? — Witness. Yes. —
Mr. Cobbett. Upon what grounds
did he receive his majesty's par-
don ? — The Attorney-general ob-
jected to so irregular an inquiry.
— The Lord Chief Justice decided
that such a question could not be
put. — Mr. Cobbett said, as that
was his lordship's opinion, he had
no ftirther questions to put to the
witness. — I^ord Radnor sworn, and
examined by the defendant. Had
known him upwards of thirty years,
and, during that })eriod, had been
a constant reader of his writings.
From what he (witness) had seen
of him, and read of his works, he
did not think he was a person
likely to excite the working classes
to outrage against their masters, or
any one else, but quite the reverse.
— Lord Tenterdeu, in summing up
the case, stated, that the language
of the article in question scemeil)
certainly, strongly calculated to ef-
fect the pur|K)se charged against
the defendant, but that was a qucs*
tion exclusively for the jury.— The
jury retired about a quarter post
six o'clock, and, shortly afterwards,
his lordship withdrew to his prirate
room. After sending to inquire
two or three times if the jury were
likely to agree, and being answered
in the negative, his lordship left
the court at half-past dido o'clock.
About one o'clock, the jury sent
out several notes to their friends,
apprizing them that there was no
probability of their coming to a de«
cision, and that, therefore, thev
need not expect them home all
night. — Lord Tenterden arrired
at the court at eight o'clock next
morning. At a quarter past nine
the jury entered the box, and were
asked, whether they were agreed
in their verdict ?— -The Foreman
of the Jury said they were not
agreed, nor was it likely that tbejr
should come to a conclusion one
way or the other; two of the jaiy
were determined one way, and it
was evident they would not yield.
The jury had now been locked up
for fifteen hours, and many of them
were so fatigued, that if they were
to be locked up again, serious con-
sequences might follow. -— Lord
Tentenlen inquired on what ground
they differed ? — ^llie Jury intimat-
ed, that the two jurymen had de-
clared their sentiments so strongly,
that it was impossible to expect
them to yield. — Lord Tenterden,
Then, gentlemen, you are dis*
cliargcd .
9. Bursting of a Stbam-
BoiLER. — An accident occurred
from t1)e bursting <^ a steam-
boiler at the works in progress at
the new Custom-house, Liverpool.
A new engiiie office fames* power
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
103
had been erected for the purpose of
Iioistiug and lowering the stqnes
into their places. Several of the
men in the works were assembled
in the engine-house to try the
strength of the new boiler, but they
forgot to place the weight on the
balance -, and whilst they were
standing rounds thinking that the
steam was not at its heights the
boiler exploded, and blew up the
whole building. One of the by-^
standers, the overlooker of the la-
bourers in the works, was blown ut
least thirty yards from the spot,
and killed instantaneously. Two
other men were hurt, but not dan>«
gerously. One of them was taken
to the infirmary. Such was the
force of the explosion, that the
bricks and other fragments of the
building were forced up Pool-lane
as far as King^street, a distance of
about eighty yards, and on each
side as far as Trafford'-street and
South John^street. The streets
were covered with the ruins, and a
great many windows in the ueigh<«
bouring shops and warehouses
were broken by them.
11. Tuunderf-Storm.— 'A por»
tion of Berkshire, Ojtfordshire, and
Gloucestershire, was visited by a
tremendous storm of thunder and
lightning, hail and rain. In the
neighbourhood of Oxford, Reading,
Newbury, Farringdon, Cirencester,
Wantage, &c., the rain and hail
did great damage to the crops;
the ears of wheat were in many
places cut off, and the pods stripped
from the beans. At Henley, two
sheep were killed ; and through
the whole district over which the
storm passed, it was greater than
was remembered on any former
occasion. At Oxford, the lightning
struck one of the corner pinnacles
of the beautiful tower of Magdalen
College, and burnt the roof of the
College near the river : part of the
stone-work fell to the ground, and
when taken up, it emitted a strong
sulphureous smell. The house of
Mr. Palmer, of Litcomb, near
Wantage, was struck by light-
ning; his five children, two maid-
servants, and Mr. John Bennett
druggist, of Wantage were stan-.-
ding, at the moment, in a passage
through which the bell wires
passed, and were all struck to
the ground, but without serious
injury, though one of the servants'
shoes was almost burnt to tinder.
At Highworth, the lightning en-
tered the roof of a cottage, shatter-
ed a bedstead, and threw a child,
that the mother had just hid in
bed, on the floor, but unhurt; the
mother's face was scorched. Mr.
Kinoer's servant, of the Lee, near
Cricklade, got under a tree for
shelter 3 the tree was struck by
lightning, and rent to the bottom,
and he and a horse were killed. The
injury to hot-houses, from the hail,
was very considerable. The da*
mage at Buscot Park, near Read-
ing, W4S upwards of 150/.
13. Theft by a Preacher.
— At the York Assizes Daniel and
Peter Simpson were indicted for
having on the 10th of May last,
feloniously stolen nine ewes, thir-
teen lambs and ten sheep; also,
for having, on the 19th of May,
stolen seven ewes, seven lambs,
and seven sheep; and on the
13th of May, six ewes, eight
lambs, and six sheep. To each of
these indictments the prisoners
pleaded Guilly. .— The prisoner
Daniel, who, up to the time of his
apprehension, was a local-preacher
in the Wesleyau-Methodist con-
nexion^ addressed the Court at
considerable length, and said,
^^that he had been induced to take
the sheep through distress^ in the
104
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[i83i:
hope, by retrieving his circum-
stances, of being able to satisfy his
creditors." In conclusion, he said.
" My Lord, I solemnly avow, not
by way of justification, that I took
the sheep, not with a view of en-
riching myself, not to gratify my
own sensual appetite, as it is well
known to all my neighbours that I
have not been drunk for twenty
years, and I never indulge in smok-
ing a pipe. My habits are known
to be economical : I took them out
of the love which 1 bore to my
creditors ; and I leave myself in the
hands of my Judge. — Mr. Justice
Parke; Is Peter Simpson your
brother ? — Yes, my Lord, and was
my servant. — Sentence, Transjwrl^
ation for life,
13. Burglary. — Cambridge.
— William Smith, George Baxter,
and William Markham, were capi-
tally indicted for burglariously en-
tering the dwelling-house of Fran-
cis Old, at Crawley, on the 26th
of February, and stealing thereout
sundry articles of property. — Mr.
Old is a farmer residing at Craw-
ley, with his wife, one son, and a
female servant; he and his wife
are nearly eighty years old, and in-
firm. The family had all retired
to rest, on the night in question,
about eight o'clock, liaving se-
cured the windows and doors,
and about one in the morning were
alarmed by the noise of strangers
in the house below. The prosecu-
tor got up, and went down stairs
into the kitchen, when he saw
three men coming towards him
from the wash-house j he was im-
mediately knocked down by one of
them, and hurt considerably. It
was a moonlight night, and he
saw them distinctly. As soon as
he got up, he seized a large brush,
and felled one of the men by a vio-.
lent blow on the face; but the
fellow quickly got up, and the
three then beat the prosecutor se-
verely while on the ground. Tbey
next went up stairs, where they
remained ransacking the drawers,
and on Mrs. Old speaking to them,
they all beat her violently with
bludgeons, and left her weltering
in her blood. One of the men said
exultingly, as they went down
stairs, '' D - n the old woman, I've
done for her nicely ! " In the
mean time the servant girl had
been awakened and ran to the
window of her room, when she saw
three other men on the outside the
house watching to give alarm, had
any body come ap. She heard her
mistress say, ''God bless your
souls, I have no money ; pray, spare
my life ; " but the men swore 'at
her, and said they would have her
life, and they accompanied their
oaths with several blows. Assooa
as the girl opened the window, she
heard one of the men in the garden
cry to the others, " D — n it. Bob,
come along, you fool, here's assist-
ance coming." They then asked
her what she wanted with them ;
when she drew back and shut the
window, and immediately she heard
a gun, as she imagined, bred at her,
and her window was broken at the
same time. Baxter was recognised
as one of the men in the garden.
Markham and Smith were in the
house, the former having a black
crape mask on his face. They all
three retired into a back part of
the garden, where they divided a
drawer of silver and copper amongst
themselves j and a drawer of silver
and copper was stolen from the
bed-room of the prosecutor. It
was further proved, that the three
prisoners and three other persons
were drinking in company together
at a public-house about four miles
from Mr. Old's^ which they left atl
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
106
half-past eleven at night. On the
following day, the constable went
to see Markham, whom he found
already in the custody of another
constable. On his person were
found several bills and receipts be-
longing to Old, which had been in
his house the night before : slugs,
and bolts, and a pistol, and a black
crape mask, were found on him,
besides a variety of articles belong-
ing to the prosecutor, and in the
house were three huge clubs, hav-
ing blood and hair upon them.
The constable then went in search
of Smith, whom he saw entering, a
large wood with another man ;
they ran off, but Smith was over-
taken. On his person a quantity
of silver was found, and he had a
cut on the ridge of his nose, which
he said had been made by a girl
whom he quarrelled with, and who
threw a pint pot at him (this was
probably the man whom the pro-
secutor struck down with the
brush). His coat-cufFs and shirt-
sleeves were bloody, and some blood
was observed on the corners of his
cravat, which were turned in.
The next day the prisoner Mark-
ham sent for the chief constable, to
whom he made a full and voluntary
confession of his participation in
the outrage. An accomplice of
the name of Lee was called as a
witness, and his evidence con-
firmed the testimony of the wit-
nesses for the Crown, in every par-
ticular.— The Jury found them all
Guilty,
20. Irish Barbarity. — En-
Nis. — Timothy Reilly, a tailor, was
put to the bar, on a charge of having
aided and assisted in cutting out
the tongues of Lynan and Thomas
Doyle, on the 1 9th of December,
at Dromally, herds of Ralph West-
ropp, esq. — Lynan Doyle ; I lived
December twelve-months, ia Dro^
mally, with my brothers Thomas
and Michael Doyle. I was driver
and herdsman to Mr. Ralph
Westropp. John Magrath was in
my situation before me. Between
the hours of one and two o'clock
at night, I heard a noise outside
the door, when, shortly, the door
was kicked in and broke. I was
just after lighting a wisp of straw,
when my hand got a blow of a gun,
and they beat me about the house,
and then dragged me out on the
road, bare and naked, of a frosty
night, and put me on my back,
and, with their thumbs, forced my
tongue out and cut it from the
string out (a thrill of horror per-
vaded the court); there were a
great number there. After they
cut out my tongue, they fired pow-
der into my breast ; the gentlemen
of the county saw the state I was
in. They then brought me in and
gave me a kick, which threw me
flat near the fire, where I remained
bleeding. As I was coming into
the house the party was dragging
out my brother Thomas, who lay
in one bed with me 3 my brother
Thomas they served the same way
which they did me. The party
stopt some time longer, and gave
us more blows 3 they said to me
not to be here on to-morrow night,
but quit the house ; I said there
was no occasion for them to say
that, as I was sure I could not
have life ; I said this as well as I
could. ( The witness exhibited to
the Court the mutilated state of
his tongue). It was a bright frosty
night, almost as lightsome as day.
— Thomas Doyle corroborated the
statement of his brother the pre-
ceding witness. He deposed, that
the prisoner at the bar had come
to his bedside on that night ; the
witness knew him by eye-sight, as
he bad often seen him, but wa^
106
ANNUAL REGISTER, [lasi.
ignorant of his name, until very
recently. Prisoner said to liini,
*' (iet up, you robber, get out of
bed." **U|K)n which he dragged
inc out of bed, and I was taken
out to the yard, before which he
gave nie a blow of a stick, and cut
my ear ; he pulled me out at once ;
I had an opportunity of seeing the
prisoner well. As I was going
out, I met my brother coming in
bleeding, u)K)n which I fainted,
and fell senseless, and knew nothing
of what occurred to me until the
smarting of my tongue from the
cutting. My brother Michael hid
himself under the bed, and is here
to-day ; there was scarcely an inch
of my body which was not cut." —
This witness underwent a long
cross - examination, the drift of
M'hich went to establish his being
mistaken as to the pci'son. —
Michael Doyle deposed to his hav-
ing seen the prisoner from under
the bed, where he lay concealed.—
John Halloran deposed to the pri-
soner liaviug been at Dillon's
child's wake, on the night of the
atrocity 5 the prisoner left the
wake-fiouse at teu o'clock at
night, in company with M'Grath,
who had been hanged for this
offence. — The witness had abscond-
ed from his usual residence since
this transaction.
An alibi was set up, which oc-
cupie<l two or three hours in inves-
tigation.— Verdict Guilty, — The
prisoner was sentenced to be hang-
ed, and was left for execution.
22. Attebipt to Poison. —
DoHCHRSTBR. — Job Nobbs, aged
52, was charged with having, on
the 9th of April last, maliciously
and feloniously attempted to ad-
minister to his infant son, Philip
Nobbs, a large quantity of lauda-
num, with intent to kill the child.
•-Mary Legge^ deposed as follows ;
-«I am nieco to the prisoper'g
wife, who died on the Monday
week after last Easter. The pri-
soner came for me about ten oays
Ijefore the death of his wife, and
asked me to come to his house to
take care of the child which had
been born on the 25 th of March.
On the evening of the 9th of April
I made some pap of bread, with
which [ fed the child. After I had
fed it, I put the remainder of the
pap in a tea*cup, which I placed
u{)on a shelf on the dresser. The
tea^cup was quite clean, and had
no smell. I then took the cliiid
up stairs, and came down acain
between seven and eight o'clock to
feed it. The prisoner had been
in between five and six o'clock, and
had had his tea. When I came down
between seven and eight, I took
some biscuit out of the cupboard
to make pap. The prisoner
who was there at the time, said
that there was some pap on the
dresser which I might give the
child. I said that it was made of
bread, and that the biscuit pap
was better for the child at tnat
time. I fed the child with the
biscuit pap, and took it up stairs.
In the course of the evening a Mrs.
Wightman came in to see the pri-
soner's wife. When Mrs. Wight-
man went up stairs the child began
to cry, and Mrs. Wightman saying
that the child wanted pap took him
in her arms, and brought him
down to tlie kitchen. She took
down the pap from the dresser,
and after smelling it, asked mc
whether I had put any spirits into
it ? I answerea ^' No." She then
asked me if I had put any laudanum
into it ? I said, '< No, there is no<*
thing in it as I know, Mrs. Wight-
man." She said, '« Sure there is
laudanum in it?" She did not
give any of it to the child, but
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
107
took it away to her own house.
She took the baby also. The pri-
soner did not see her then. About
half-past nine o'clock she brought
back the child. The prisoner was
in the house when she came, and
on her coming in, he asked if
^^ that young ^on of a b was
not dead yet ?" He had thought
that it would be dead before this
time. The prisoner seemed to
have had some drink, but was not
drunk. I had had the care of the
child for the preceding week, and
had fed him every day. The pri-
soner had never interfered with me
before in the feeding of it, nor
given me any directions on the
subject. — Mrs. Wightman con-
firmed the statements of the pre-
ceding witness so far as they re-
lated to the part which she had
taken in the case. She stated
further, that the prisoner came to
her house at about ten o'clock of
the same night. Before he came,
witness had shown to her liusband
the pap which she had brought,
and he had smelled it, and said
that he thought some laudanum
was mixed up with it. When the
prisoner came to witness's house,
witness's husband asked him if he
knew how to make pap. The pri-
soner only answered this by asking
what pap was. Witness's hus-
band answered, ^' Tliere has been
some pap made for your child that
had laudanum in it." She kept
the pap which she had brought
from the prisoner's house, until
she delivered it to Mr. Fryer, the
clergyman of the parish. — Mr.
Fryer deposed that he sent it to
Mr. Davis, of Dorchester, for ex-
amination.— Mr. Davis, the drug-
gist, and Mr. Wall is, a druggist,
as well as coroner of the county,
deposed that they had both ex-
amined the pap, and found it
strongly impregnated with lauda-
num. It could not contain less
than half a quarter of an ounce,
and that quantity was sufficient to
destroy life in an ihfant of the age
of the deceased. The Jury found
the prisoner Guilty of the charge,
adding expressly, that they be-
lieved the laudanum to have been
administered by the prisoner with
intent to murder the infant. He
was sentenced to be hanged.
23. Murder fro»i Insanity.
— Bury St. Edmund's. — Wil-
liam Offord was indicted for
the wilful murder of Thomas
Chisnall, at the parish of Hadleigh,
on the 1 Cth of June, by shooting
him with a gun loaded with a
bullet and marble.
James Bickmore. — Went to the
house of the deceased, on the 1 6th
of June, between nine and ten
o'clock in the evening, for two
bushels of oats. His corn-chamber
was in a passage at a little dis-
tance, and I went there, when the
deceased put me up the corn, and
assisted me in putting it on my
shoulder, and I left him in the
room. The deceased came out of
the room, and when I got half-way
across the yard I heard the report
of a gun, and a woman cried
''murder," and that '^ Chisnall
was shot dead." The report was
a few yards from me, and seemed
to come from the prisoner's cham-
ber window. I turned round and
saw Chisnall lying on the ground
seemingly dead; he was carried
out of the yard. — Charles Cudden,
constable. On the 16th of June
I heard the report of a gun, and
went immediately to the prisoner's
house about ten o'clock. I found
nobody in his sleeping-room, the
shop, or pantry. Afterwards I
went into the lumber-room up
Stairs, whtek oominunieHted witn
108
ANNUAL REGISTER.
L1831.
his sleeping-room. In a liutcli^ I
found a bill-hook^ a naked sword^
and half-a-dozen great stones;
there is a window opposite to the
corn-chamber of the deceased. I
then tried the door of the pri-
soner's sleeping-room ; but it was
locked, and we broke o[)en the
door. When we got in, I saw the
prisoner fallen down and weltering
m his blood ; two razors lay close
by him, and a gun which api>eared
to have been recently discharged,
and smelt very strong of powder.
The ram-rod was not in the gun.
The razors were both open, and
were very bloody, especially one of
tliem, and there were two wounds
in his throat, one on each side.
He had no neck-cloth or coat on ;
the coat was on the bed. The
surgeons dressed his wounds, and
it was two or three hours before
lie came to himself. I sta3'ed with
him all night, and when the sur-
geons had dressed him, I asked
him, '*How came you to shoot
Chisnall?" He said, "I don't
know nothing about that." I then
asked him, " How he came to cut
his own throat ? '* He said,
"Chisnall did that ;" and an hour
afterwards he told me he had left
his watch before the fire-place, and
he was afraid somebody had stolen
it. I looked for it, but never
could find it. This was at one
o'clock. I searched his bed-room,
and in a drawer I found a paper of
powder, and another containing
five stone marbles: the powder was
not screwed up tight, but looked
as if some one had opened it, and
it was not full. Below stairs, in
the shop, I found a bloody waist-
coat, and in the pocket some
papers. After finding them, I
went up stairs ; and the prisoner
asked me if I had found any papers,
aod I told him I had; wben he
said they were his papers, and I
must give them to him ; but I told
him I n)ust keep them till I had
seen Mr. Wayman, the coroner.
Some five or six weeks before that
time the prisoner told me that
Chisnall had got a warrant against
him, and meant to take his life,
and I (the constable) mieht as well
serve it then. I told him I had
no warrant to serve: this he said
several times. In his bed-room I
found the ramrod standing close by
the drawers, where the powder
was. On the following Saturday
he asked me where his gun was^
and on my telling him, he said I
might as well put the ram-rod
with it. The chamber window of
the prisoner may be seen from the
corn-chamber of the deceased, from
which it is about twenty-feet dis-
tant. Cross examined. — I never
had a warrant against the prisoner
from Chisnall or any body else.
He told me that Mr. Last, the
lawyer, had a wan-ant against him^
and meant to take away his life.
I have known the prisoner several
years, he talks like other people
at most times, but when he told
me about the warrants against
his life, I fancied he was labouring
under some delusion.
Mary Paine. — I have heard
Chisnall and the prisoner have
words together a good many times.
He used bad language to Chisnall.
One night, in consequence of see-
ing a light in Chisnall's room, the
prisoner refused to go to bed. At
times he seemed to me like a wild
man ; he worked himself into a pitch
against Master ChisnalL At other
times he was like other people.
William Chisnall, eldest son of
the deceased. — I have heard the
prisoner abuse my father a good
many times^ and about nine or ten
months ago (the day he received
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
10^
his pension], I heard him say he
would do for ray father. He was
not wild, when he had not taken
liquor. — The papers found in the
prisoner's waistcoat were then read.
The first was a summons, dated
1828, against the prisoner for non-
])ayment of a poor's rate ; it was
endorsed, in manuscript, '' Chis-
nail drove me from the church ;
this is the first step to take away
my life, because I was not able to
pay the rate.'* Another was
headed, "Jan. 29, 1829,— Con-
spiracy began," and contained the
words, '* It would serve Chisnall
right if some one were to give him
a few good knocks on the head ; I
would not assist him." The third
was headed, '* 17th April, 1830,"
and contained a denial of having
used Chisnall's name, and said
that "the parish wished to take
away his life, and make a county
job of it.'* Another contained a
threat against Chisnall, and said,
^' he would have to die for it as
well as I." The next was headed,
" High conspirators against the
life of William Offord," and
amongst them were the names of
" T. Chisnall and family."
Mr. Mudd, a surgeon, said that
the deceased died of the wounds
which the prisoner had inflicted.
After his death one of the wounds
was traced to the shoulder blade,
where a marble was lodged. In
the spine a leaden ball wrapped in
wearing apparel, was found, and
this wound had been the cause of
death. There were several wounds
on the throat of the prisoner ;
they were not deep, but they were
in such a situation that had they
been deep they would have been
dangerous. On his cross-examina-
tion he said he should imagine that
the prisoner had laboured under
"monomania, or partial derange-
ment ;" or, as he afterwards said,
"hallucination of mind upon one
subject." From the wounds on
the prisoner's throat, he was of
opinion that he intended to have
destroyed himself — not that he
made them to screen himself from
the consequences of the act of
which he had been guilty. The
prisoner in his defence said, that
'^ he had been sadly used for
twenty-nine months ; he had
suffered shipwreck, and had been
easier since he had been in prison,
than for two years and a half
before. He never could rest night
or day." For the prisoner, various
witnesses were examined to prove
that the prisoner laboured under
monomania.
Lord Lyndhurst then summed
up the evidence. The two points
for the consideration of the Jury
were, — 1st, whether Chisnall came
to his death by the hands of the
prisoner ; and, 2dly, if they should
be of opinion that he did, then
whether the prisoner was in such a
state of mind at the time as to know
right from wrong; to know that it
was a crime to take away the life of a
fellow creature ? — The Jury, after
retiring for ten minutes, acquitted
the prisoner on the grounds of iu^
sanity, and he was ordered to be
detained in custody until His Ma-
jesty's pleasure should be known.
Scotch Marriages. — Con-*
siSTORY Court, Conway , v.
Beazley, — This was a suit of
nullity of marriage promoted by
Emily Frances Conway, otherwise
Beazley, against Mr. Samuel Beaz-
ley, the architect, under the foU
lowing circumstances: — In May,
18 1 0, Mr. Beazley married a Miss
Richardson, in the parish of St*
Mary Abbots, Kensington. They
cohabited till 1813, when asepara*
tion took place. In 1823> Mr.
no
ANNUAL REGISTER.
nasi.
Beazley haying gone down to Scot-
land u{)on business^ Mrs. Heazley
instituted a suit against liim in
the Scotch Courts for a divorce, by
reason of adultery : and a sentence
of divorce was pronounced by the
Court of Session, which, under the
Scottish law, severs the parties a
vinculo matrimonii, and completely
dissolves the marriage. Accor-
dingly, in July, 1824, Mr.
Beazley married again the pro-
moter of this suit, at York-place
Cha|>c]^ Edinburgh, Mr. l^az-
ley's former wife, who died at
Reading in December last, being
then alive. The question was,
whether (there being no imputa-
tion of mcda^fides or collusion), a
marriage in England, under these
circumstances, was, or was not, to
all intents, dissoluble by a sentence
of Divorce in a Scotch Court.
Dr. Lushington, after detailing
the facts, said he would reject the
certificate of the second marriage,
which professed to have been ex-
tracted from the registry of
York-place Chapel, Edinburgh, as
inadmissible by the rules of the
court : but the marriage was sufii-
ciently established by the tes-
timony of a witness. Upon the
point of law, he was of opinion
that there was no substantial dis-
tinction between this case and
Lolley's case, decided by the twelve
judges; but he begged it to be
distinctly understood, that in pro-
nouncing the sentence he was
about to give, he did not mean to
step in the slightest degree beyond
the circumstances of this particular
case. A number of circumstances
might arise in other cases requir-
ing the deepest deliberation of the
court before the same sentence
could be pronounced. To show the
difficulty of applying the law in
these questions, it might be suffi*
cientfor him to state, that attempts
had been made in Scotland to
adopt the law of England, so &r us
to substitute the separation a
incnsa et ihoro for the dissolution
of marriage in the case of di^oroe ;
but that attempt had been rejected
by the Court of Session. The
learned Judge concluded by pro-
nouncing a sentence of nullity.
23. Railway Accidents.^
As the locomotive engine on the
Bolton rail-way was going up the
lower inclined plane^ with a neavv
load of goods, it ran off the road,
was overturned against the bank^
and fell upon the engineer and
fireman, who were killed upon the
spot. Two other men were riding
on the tender^ one of whom was
dangerously hurt, the other scald-
ed. The engine was one with
wheels of six feet diameter^ a siie
considered objectionable by Mr.
Stephenson, and not used on the
Liverpool and Manchester line.
A few days before, on the Liver-
])0ol and Manchester railway, the
endless rope, by which goods are
drawn up the great tunnel to the
station at Edge-hill, broke^ and a
fireman employed at the stationary
engine-house^ incautiously went
upon the wheel, round which the
rope is passed, for the purpose of
taking ofiT the old rope that it
might be replaced by a new one.
The wheel was at the time unoon«<
nected with the engine, so that no
danger was apprehended from that
quarter. Unfortunately, however,
on the loose end of the rope being
extricated, the other end naturally
became tight, and caused the
wheel to revolve with considerable
force, carrying the unfortunate
youth along with it. At the first
revolution his head was squeezed
between the wheel and the frame,
and was instantly crushed to atoms.
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
Ill
Only three days afterwards another
accident happened. The engine
called the Mercury, was proceeding
to Manchester^ with a load of
merchandise, and had reached the
foot of the Whiston incline. It is
usual for the engines to take only
half of their load up the inclined
plane at once^ and tnen return for
the other half. On reaching the
foot of the plane^ the engineer
stopped the engine^ and^ according
to the usual practice, caused it to
retrograde for a few feet, in order
that the chains connecting the
waggons being slackened, the first
half of the train might be more
easily detached from the rest. Be-
fore this was done, however, a fire-
man, leaned forward between the
two centre waggons, and attempt-
ed to detach them, although the
chains were not yet slackened. On
the engine being backed, the wag*
gons fell against each otiier, and
the head of the unfortunate man,
who was stooping very low at the
time, was caught between the
projecting bars of the two wag-
gons, and crushed so dreadfully,
that he expired on the spot.
25. Peterborough Cathe-
dral.—The new Choir of this
Church being completely erected,
the ceremony of its re*opening
took place this day. The interest
which it had excited in the adjacent
part of the country was extreme.
As soon as the doors were opened,
the church was filled with not less
than 3000 persons, whose eyes
M'ere gratified by the spectacle of
as beautiful a choir as art ever
produced. HandeFs Te Deum
was performed by Mather, the
celebrated blind organist. The
Communion Service was performed
by the Lord Bishop of the Diocese,
assisted by the Dean ) and the
Sermon was preached by the Lord
Bishop of Gloucester, who, having
been the author, promoter, and
finisher of the whole scheme, was
invited to fill the new pulpit. His
discourse was listened to with
great attention and interest by the
assembled multitude. The history
of this work is somewhat singular.
The old interior of the building
having been destroyed, in the civil
wars, by troops of Oliver Cromwell,
a very mean and inappropriate
choir of painted deal had occupied
its place. Four years ago, a sub-
scription was raised, in the city
and neighbourhood, to erect a new
organ screen, and altar screen of
stone, and a choir of Norway oak,
under the auspices of the late
Dean, Dr. Monk, the present
Bishop of Gloucester. The amount
subscribed, was about 6^000/. ; but
the beauty of the workmanship ex-
ceeds what might have been
expected even for that large sum ;
and it is the general opinion,
that no church in the kingdom
presents a more beautiful interior.
The plans were made by Mr.
Edward Blore the Architect ; and
the work has been executed with
uncommon skill and elegance by
persons who are natives of tliis
place. A new organ-case forms
jmrt of it. After service the pre-
sent Dean, the Very Bev. J^r.
Turton, entertained the subscri-
bers, together with others of the
nobility, clergy, and gentry, at an
elegant and sumptuous banquet}
laid out with great taste in the
garden of the Deanery, Nearly
300 ladies and gentlemen partook
of this collation. The poor of the
city shared largely in the liberality
of this day.
29. SiNGULAB CaSB.—- MUR-
DBft.<— Maidstone. — John Any
112
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
Bircl Bell> aged 14, was charged
with the murder of Richard Tay-
lor, aged 13. — Robert Taylor, the
father of the deceased, receiving an
allowance from the parish, proved,
that, on the 4th of March, he sent
his son Richard to Aylesford, for the
weekly sum. His dress was, a cap
lined with flannel, a blue jacket,
brown trowsers, light worsted
stockings, and low shoes, a belcher
handkerchief round his neck, and a
pair of worsted gloves. " I gave him
a bag to bring the money home in.
Before he started, he asked me for
my knife, to cut a bow and arrow,
which I gave him. I never saw
my son alive again. Not having
come home at his regular time,
three o'clock, I made inquiries, but
heard nothing of him until the
1 1th of May, and, in consequence
of information I received on that
day, I went to Bridgewood, three
miles from my house at Stroud.
When I got into the wood, I saw the
body of my son. I recognized it by
his dress and his marks. The body
was about twenty rods from the
road. There was a path leading
to the spot, but it was not much
used, A particular mark by which
I knew the body, was the mark of a
bunch of currants on his breast, with
which the boy was born . I afterwards
saw a knife in the hands of Patterson,
the constable ; that knife was the
knife I lent my son, and I saw a
glove, which was my son's glove.—
Cross-examined. My son left my
house at nine o'clock that morn-
ing. We had breakfasted before.
I was then at home. The dress
was buried with the body. The
body was in a state of putrefaction,
and greatly consumed. The fea-
tures of the face were not visible,
but the hair remained perfect, and
worms were crawling all about it.
The eyes were not disceroible ; the
body had not the appearance of
having l)ecn under the ground.
There was a blind path leading to
the body, which was about a foot
only from the path. The trunk of
the body was perfectly sounds but
the thighs and legs were consumed
by worms. The only kuife I saw
was the knife 1 lent my son, and it
was found in the pocket. The
body was not shown to any of my
friends when it was found, but se-
veral persons who knew the boy
from a child saw it. My son was a
very spirited little boy; though
small, he would be very apt to re-
sent an insult, and take his own
part. He was not near the sive
of the prisoner. He was a deli-
cate small boy, but very active.
He was a boy that never would go
into a wood, unless seduced there.
Bows and arrows might be cut by
the road side, without going into
a wood. A "bender" is generally
used, which might be found either
by the road or in the wood. — Re-
examined. The clothes were on
the body when I first saw it in the
wood, i had previously described
all the marks on the body before
the body was found. I have no
doubt whatever that it was the
body of my son. When found, the
glove on the right hand was turned
down to the wrist.
Mary Ann Taylor, sister of the
deceased, a child seven years old,
after answering satisfactorily as to
her knowledge of the nature of an
oath, stated, I went with my bro-
ther three times to Aylesford to
get money. I always saw John.
Any Bell when I went. I recol-
lect my brother going the day he
was lost. I went with him the
time before that. We went about
nine o'clock. We went down.
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
ua
Stoney-lane to Aylesford.. We
went on to Aylesford, and saw
Mr. Cuthbard there, and got 9s.
from him ; as we were coming back^
we saw the prisoner and his little
brother, James Bell, by the lime-
kiln, as you go down the hill. The
prisoner said to my brother, '^ I
have got some sticks, come away
Dick, and don't mind her." My
brother said he should mind me.
It was up the wood he asked my
brother to go. We then went
home, and John Bell, the prisoner,
went part of the way with us. — In
cross-examination, she said, she
knew that the prisoner's father
worked near the lime-kiln, where
they met the prisoner. The wood
is not far from that lime-kiln, but
you must go round a little to get
to the wood. — George Cuthbard,
assistant-overseer of the parish of
Aylesford. On the 4th of March,
the boy, Richard Taylor, came to
my house at Aylesford, about
eleven o'clock; I gave him three
half-crowns, one shilling, and six-
pence; I put the money into the
boy's bag myself; the boy was
usually accompanied by a little
girl, but not on that day. — Henry
Lewington. I am a warrant-officer
on board his majesty's ship War-
rior, at Chatham ; I was going, on
the 4th 'of March last, from Roches*
ter to Chatham, about ten o'clock
in the 'morning ; I met the boy,
Richard Taylor, on the road, and
walked with him part of the way
towards Aylesford, and left him
(the boy) going on to Aylesford.
As I was returning again in the
afternoon, I saw the deceased again
on the road, in company with the
prisoner and his brother, near the
Bell public-house, but lost sight of '
them very soon. I heard after-
wards of the loss of the deceased
boy, and told his father what I bad
Vol. LXXIII.
seen of bim* On the Tuesday-
when the boy was missing, I met
the prisoner with his brother, and
asked him if he knew any thing of
young Taylor,' and the prisoner
replied that he parted with Taylor
in the turnip-held, and that he
saw him go towards Master
Hawkes's, on the Benham-road.
I recollect the 11 th of May, when
the body was found ; I^lventthere
about one o'clock, and saw the
body, which I immediately recog-
nized. He wore a smockfrock, a
bluejacket, and blue trousers, as I
believe, and a south-wester cap:
this was the same dress the boy
wore when I met him on the 4th
of March. The body had a glove
on one hand, the right turned
down at the wrist. The road to
Hawkes's leads from the Benham-
wood towards the turnpike^ from
the common. Bell's father, and
ti|e boys themselves, constantly
worked near that spot to grub roots,
and take them to sell at Roches*
ter. On the day in question, I saw
the prisoner working there, and
he continued to work there until
the body was found. — John Izard.
On the nth of May I went
into a wood two miles "from Ro-
chester, on the left hand of the road
from Rochester to Maidstone. I
was going to a field beyond this
wood. There was a path or track
for labourers to pass, near which I
found a body. It had a cap on,
lined with woollen, and a blue
jacket, dark trousers, and a canvass
frock. The body was lying on the
back, with one hand across the
breast, and the other extended,
with a glove made of worsted on it
turned down at the wrist, and the
hand partially closed. Having
heard that young Taylor was lost, I
vfent, on finding this body, and
gave information to Mr. Taylor^
114
ANNUAL REGISTER.
{ISSV
the fkther.— Edward Seaton^ asur-
ffeoD; deposed to the cause of the
aeath^ and was confirmed by an-
other medical practitioner. — Geo.
Farrell examined^ clerk to the ma-
gistrates at Rochester. I was pre-
sent on the 21st of May, when the
prisoner was before the magistrates.
The prisoner then said something
which I reduced to writing. There
was neither threat nor promise held
out to him. What he said, after
it had been taken down^ was read
over to him, and he made his
mark^ and the magistrates signed
it. The paper produced is the
same they then signed. — An ob-
jection was made to the admission
of this statement in evidence
against him ; but the judges^ after
consulting with lord Tenterden^
heUl; that the confession^ as a
statement, should be received. The
paper was as follows : — '* John
&e\\, the prisoner, said to his bro-
ther James, on seeing the deceas-
ed, ' there goes young Taylor,
James, let us kill him and take
his money, and let us lay him under
these stones, that we can't count
over.' He then addressed the ma-
gistrate, and said, ' It was I, Sir,
that did the murder, and, while I
was doing it, my brother Jem
watched at back.' He did it, he
said, at one cut ; and the deceased
was not long dying. The little
boy lost his way in the wood, and
lay down to cry ; and, while the
boy was lying down, he cut his
throat. He took the money from
the boy's glove, and gave part to
his brother. His brother gave him
his knife to cut the boy's throat.
The boy squeaked, when his throat
was cut, as a rabbit squeaks. He
only squeaked once. He gave him '
two cuts. He took the boy into
the wood to murder him. He had
on the frock his brother Jem then
wore, and the blood went on itj
and was on it still. He would not
tell this, he said, but Jem told
first." — The witness said, that the
brother contradicted the prisoner
in a violent manner ; upon which
the prisoner said^ *' Do you mean
to say, Jem, that you did not giro
me yourknife tocut the boy*t throat;
and did not you have part of the
money?" — Charles Pfttterson^ oon«
stable. I had the priBoner in mf
custody, and was taking him from
Rochester to Maidstone gaol, andi
in passing a pond, the prisoner ob-
served, ** That is the pond where I
washed my hands and the knife
after I did the crime ;" and he re«
marked, on seeine a path that led
to the road, "That it the road
that leads to the spot where I killed
the poor boy. Don't you think.
Sir, he is better ojQT than I am f"
The prisoner also showed me a
place where he came out of the
wood, with the bloody knife in his
hand, he said, and also a place
where he and the deceased went into
the wood : he stated, that before that
they had been together in a turnip-
field, and pulled a turnip, which
the deceased pared with his knife ;
that then he took the deceased into
the wood, under the pretence of
showing him a short way home;
but, after they had got some dis-
tance, he told the deceased he had
lost his way, and the deceased, on
hearing that, sat down and began
to cry, and on that be jumped on
the deceased, and in an instant cut
his throat. He then took the
money, partly from the deceased's
hand, and partly from the purse.
He had great difficulty in getting
the money from the hand, it was
closed so fast, and, after, getting
the money, he rushed out of the
wood, greatly alarmed. He said
also, that he was sure, if the body
JULY.]
CHRONICLE.
116
of Taylor was dug up» the knife
aud the fflove would be found in his
pockety tor he (the prisoner) saw it
put there. On taking him to gaol^
the prisoner said^ he need not be
ironed ; he knew he should be
hanged^ and would not attempt to
escape. He said he had spoken to
a boy of the name of Evendon^ on
the road that eveninff, who a^ed
him if he had passed his father's
horse and cart. The body^ the
witness said^ was duff up, after it
had been buried, and the witness
saw the brother of the prisoner
take the knife and glove from the
right hand breeches pocket of the
deceased. [Here the witness pro<
duced the knife and gloye^ and
also another knife, which he ^ot
from a boy named Henry Pernn,
who had purchased it from the
prisoner's brother. This last knife
was the one with which the murder
was committed; it was a large
new clasp knife, exceedingly strong
and 8harp.[]-^ohn Rail ton^ a linen-
draper at Rochester^ recollected
the prisoner coming into his shop
to ask for change of half-a-crown.
This was after the boy Taylor was
missing. — George Ellis. I went
to meet my father on the Roches-
ter-road^ about the time Taylor
was lost^ but I don't recollect the
month. I met the prisoner and
his brother near the wood, about
half a mi e from where the body
was found. The prisoner a^ed
me if I had seen his brother^ whom
I had met just before^ and I told
him I had ; and I asked him if he
had seen my father^ and he said he
had.
After a few minutes consulta-
tion the Jury returned a verdict
of Guilty, but recommended the
Srisoner to mercy on account of
is extreme youth, and the pro-
fligate and unnatural manner in
which it appeared that he had been
brought up. — ^The Judge proceeded
to pass judgment of death on the
prisoner^ and held out not the
sli^test hope of mercy.
The prisoner was remarkably
short in stature^ but thick-set and
strong built, with an almost infan-
tine countenance^ being of exceed-
ingly fair complexion> rather sun-
burnt^ and flaxen hair. During the
trial he showed no marks of foelin^y
though the steadfiMt manner, m
which he fixed his eyes on each
witness while under examination,
proved his attention to the pro-
ceedings. The hardihood wnich
the culprit had displayed at his
trial, and even when sentence was
passed, deserted him as he entered
his cell. He wept bitterly; and
when his mother visited him on
Sunday afternoon, he accused her
of being the cause of bringing him
into his '^present scrape." On Sun-
day evening after the condemned
sermon had been preached by the
rev, chaplain, he made a full confes-
sion of his guilt. His statement did
not materially differ from that
which was given on the trial ; but
he added some particulars of the
conduct of his victim before he
murdered him. He said, that,
when he sprung upon Taylor with
the knife in his hand, the poor
bo^ fell upon his knees before him,
ofl^red him all the money he had,
his knife, his cap, and whatever
else he liked, and said he would love
him during the whole of his life,
and never tell what had happened
to any human being. This appeal
was lost on the murderer, and with-
out making any answer to it, he
struck the knife into his throat.
On Monday morning, after the
operation of pinioning, &c., had
been oompleted> the culprit, at-
tended by the chaplain; &c.j walked
12
116
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
steadily to the platform. When
he appeared there, he gazed steadily
around him. After the rope was
adjusted^ he exclaimed in a firm
and loud tone of voice, ^' Lord
have mercy upon us. Pray good
Lord have mercy upon us. Lord
have mercy upon us. All people
before me take warning by me !"
Having been asked if he had any
thing farther to say^ he repeated
the same words, ana added, ^' Lord
have mercy upon my poor soul."
AUGUST.
1. Opening of the New
London Bridge. — This ceremony
presented the most splendid spec-
tacle that had been witnessed on
the Thames for many years. The
royal family and their majesties'
suite assembled at the Palace about
two o'clock, and, at a quarter
before three o'clock, the royal pro-
cession, consisting of twelve car-
riages, was formed in the gardens
of the Palace. The king, who
appeared in the Windsor uniform,
entered the last carriage, accom-
panied by the queen, the duchess
of Cumberland, and the duchess
of Cambridge. In the preceding
carriages were the duke and prince
George of Cumberland, attended
by baron Linsingen, the rev. Mr.
Jelf, and lady Sophia Lennox (the
lady in waiting on the duchess of
Cumberland), the duke of Sussex,
the duchess of Gloucester, the
duchess and prince William of
Sax e- Weimar, prince George and
princess Augusta of Cambridge,
attended by baroness Ahlefeldt, the
lord Chamberlain, the master of
the Horse, the earl Marshal, the
groom of the Stole, the lord Cham-
berlain to the queen^ lord Hill as
gold stick in waiting, the treasurer
of the Household, the secretary of
the Privy Purse, the Clerk Marshalj
the marchioness Wellesley^ the
marchioness of Westmeatn, and
lady Clinton^ the ladies in waiting
on the queen ; lord and lady
Frederick Fitzclarence, lords Adol^
phus and Augustus Fitzclarenoe,-
Jady Mary Fox, sir Henry Black*
wood, the groom in waitings
lord A. Beauclerk^ &c. — ^An ea*
cort, composed of the Life and
Royal Horse Guards, was in atten-
dance at the Gktrden-gate. The
royal cavalcade passed up the east
side of the PaJace, through the
iron gates by Marlborough-house
into Pall-mall, on their way to
Somerset-house. — The appearance
of the metropolis along the whole
line through which the procession
passed, was in every respect as if it
were a public holyday. The shops
were closed, and business seemed
altogether suspended* In every
place the streets were crowded hv
a dense mass, who loudly cheered
the royal party in its progress^ —
At three o'clock the hoisting of the
Royal Standard of England over
the centre of Somerset-house an-
nounced the arrival of their majes-
ties, and was followed by dis-
charges of cannon of all sorts from
the wharfs and barges. When the
king and queen appeared on the
steps descending to the platform
from which they were to embark^
the cheers from the crowd were
almost deafening. The awnings of
the barges had been removed by
his Majesty's desire, so that a fdu
view of the royal party could be
obtained throughout the whole line.
When the royal barges moved off
from the shore, the firing of can-
non, the shouts and huzzas, the
waving of hats and handkerchiefsj
were renewed^ and kept up withoat
AUG.]
CHRONICLE.
117
intermission along the whole line^
on the river^ and the shores at
both sides. — The procession moved
very slowly, from the wish of their
majesties that all those in the line
should have a full opportunity of
seeing the royal party. It was
past four o'clock before the royal
barges reached the bridge. An
awning had been thrown half-way
over the bridge. On the London
side^ adjacent to the site of the
Old Fishmonger* s-hall^ was erected
a splendid pavilion. This was the
position allotted to their majesties^
the royal suite^ the civic authori-
ties, and the more distinguished of
the company. The pavilion was
constructed of standards that had
formerly waved over the armies of
almost every civilized nation in the
world. The breadth of it was equal
to that of the bridge. Its form was
quadrangular^ and at the four
corners were placed^ upon raised
broad pedestals, groups of men in
armour. The pillars which sup-
ported the royal pavillion were
adorned with flags, shields, hel-
mets, and massive swords. Their
majesties' seats were beneath a
gorgeous canopy of state, of crim-
son cloth, the back of which was
formed of plate glass. To the
right and left of this canopy were
places for the members of the royal
family, the ministers^ and many of
the nobility. From the ends of
the principal table, and at right
angles to it, ran two other narrow
tables, which were reserved for
the civic authorities and members
of Parliament. No other tables
were placed in the royal pavilion^
and thus a large open space was
preserved in front of their majes-
ties, whose view of the whole of
the company under the awning
was free and unobstructed, except
hj the drapery w)iich fonped %he
fi^nt of the tent. From this pa^
vilion the awning extended along
the narrow part of the bridge to
the distance of about 5 00 feet. On
either side there were tables for
the guests. The stairs on the
London side of the bridge had
been covered with crimson cloth,
and at the bottom of these stairs
their majesties were received with
all the formalities usual upon the
occasion of royal visits to the city.
The king was handed out of his
barge by Mr. Routb, who gave his
majesty his arm. Mr. Jones, as
chairman of the '^ New London-
bridge Committee," was present to
receive her majesty on her landing.
Upon stepping ashore> the king
addressed these gentlemen in the
following words : — " Mr. Jones
and Mr. Routh, I am very glad to
see you on London-bridge. It is
certainly a most beautiful edifice ;
and the spectacle is the grandest
and the most delightful in every
respect that I ever had the plea«
sure to witness." His majesty
then paused to survey the scene
around him. At this moment the
air was rent with the most deafen-
ing cheers from all sides, and the
king, taking off his hat, acknow-
ledged this hearty greeting of his
subjects by repeated bows. Their
majesties proceeded to the top of
the stairs, when the sword and
keys of the city were tendered to
his majesty by the lord mayor, and
on returning them, his majesty
signified his wish that they should
remain in his lordship's hands.
The chairman of the committee
then presented his majesty with a
gold medal, commemorative of the
opening of the bridge, having on
one side an impression of the king's
head, and, on the reverse, a view
of the new bridge, with the dates
of ik^ pr«9^t ceremonyi and of
118
ANNUAL REGISTER.
CiSdl.
the laying of the first stone. As
soon as these formalities were com-
pleted; and the whole of the royal
party had assembled in the Pa-
vilion^ their majesties proceeded
to the end of the bridge attended
by their royal highnesses the dukes
of Cumberland and Sussex, and by
the principal members of the royal
family. The officers of the royal
household^ nearly all the ministers,
and a yast number of the nobility,
and of the members of the House
of Commons, composed the royal
procession ; in going to, and re-
turning from, the Surrey end of
the bridge, their majesties threw
medals to the spectators on each
side of them. As soon as it was
announced that their majesties
were approaching the bridge, Mr.
Green had caused his balloon to be
filled, and just as the royal proces-
sion had reached the Surrey side
of the bridge, Mr. Green, with a
Mr. Crawshay for his companion,
made his ascent. His majesty
showed himself from the parapets
on either side the bridge to the
assembled multitudes below. After
the conclusion of this ceremony,
the royal party returned to the
pavilion, where a cold collation was
laid out. A similar repast was
served up to the guests at all the
other tables. At the royal table
the principal guests were thus
placed. On the right of the king
were seated the duchess of Glou-
cester, the duke of Sussex, the
duchess of Cambridge, the duchess
of Saxe- Weimar, and prince George
of Cumberland. On the left of
his majesty sat the duke and
duchess of Cumberland, and prince
George of Cambridge. Mr. Jones
was in attendance behind the
king's chair, and Mr. Routh stood
behind that of the queen. The
remainder of the tables in the
pavilion were filled with the other
distinguished ffuests. After the
healths of the kinff and queen had
been drank, amicT loud acclama*
tions, the lord mayor presented a
gold cup of great beauty to the
king, who said, taking the ca'p,
" I cannot but refer on this occasion
to the great work which has been
accomplished by the citizens of
London. The city of London has
been renowned for its magnificent
improvements, and we are com*
memorating a most extraordinary
instance of their skill and talent.
I shall propose the source from
whence this vast improvement
sprung, ^ The trade and commerce
of the city of London/ '* The king
then drank of what is called the
loving cup, of which every other
member of the royal family par-
took. At six o'clock their majea-*
ties re-embarked, amidst the same
loud cheering, firing of artillery^
ringing of bells, and other marks
of respect which had marked their
progress down. The procession
had a more imposing appearance
on its return, in consequence of its
being joined by several of the dty
barges including that of the lord
ma^or. On landing at Somerset*
stairs, their majesties were loudly
cheered as before. In going along
the platform, the queen, who leant
on the king's arm, turned round
repeatedly and bowed to the sur^
rounding multitudes. His majesty
remained uncovered the whole of
the way along the platform. In
a few moments after their arrival
at Somerset- house, the royal party
entered their carriages, ana re«
turned to the Palace escorted in
the same way as on setting out.
The cheers, as their majesties pass-
ed along the Strand, were load and
continued.
2. Fiaa at Feka.'^A gmtle*
AUG.] CHRONICLE. lid
man looking intotheEDglishpalaGe that they were delayed, and they
garden at Pera, in Constantinople^ found the fire had travelled as fast
at about ten o'clock in the morning, as they did, and was actually at
saw some dry grass smoking, and the walls of the English palace
on pointing it out to the people, garden, and entering the Pera-
they ran to extinguish it with the street as soon as themselves. It
greatestanxiety, and then informed was generally supposed, that the
him, that there was a fire some- English palace, insulated in the
where, which had set the grass middle of an open area, could not
smoking by the adhesion of a red- be reached by the fire $ but in a
hot nail. He immediately went short time the flames spread all
in search of the fire, and found a round ; the houses on all ndes of
few houses in flames at a place the garden wall were in a blaze,
called Sakiz Aghatz, in a deep and the whole area of the large
valley between the Great Burying garden was canopied by sheets of
Ground, and the village of S. flame and smoke. Several persons
Demetri. The situation of the had brought their furniture and
place was so remote, and the fire eflects thither, as to a place of se-
at the time so trifling, that he curity; but the air became so
thought there could be no possi- heated, and loaded with fiery par-
ble danger to the town ; but he tides, that every thing laid tnere
was struck by the distance to began to bum. The trees now
which fire may be communicated, took fire, and the wind, which had
The palace garden, in which the never ceased, suddenly increased
grass was on fire, stood on the to a furious gale, and drove the
summit of a hill, more than half a whole column of flame full against
mile from the burning houses, the deserted building. The noise
The wind which prevailed was that it made was like the roaring of a
which periodically returns at that vast furnace, and it seemed to
time of the year. It comes very envelope the whole palace. ' In a
strong from the N.E. and con- few minutes the palace wasobeerved
tinues for three weeks or a month, to smoke violently ; flames then
drying up every substance capable burst out of the windows, and in
of combustion, and rendering it about twenty minutes the roof fell
highly inflammable, and then in^ and nothinff remained of this
spreading the flames the moment fine edifice and all it contained,
they begin. The space between but scorched walls and smoking
the fire and the palace was a steep ashes. Thence the fire took the
hill, which presented a face of direction of Pera, consuming every
wooden houses, almost like a pile thing before it with irresistible
of dry timber. Against this the and incredible force ; the fire-
flame was driven, and it ascended proof stone houses opposed no more
with incredible activity. Several eflective obstacle to it than the
persons who stood on the brow of wooden sheds. The residences of
the hill over the fire, seeing the French, Dutch, Sardinian,
it travelling fast towards Pera, Russian, and Prussian Ambassa-
where thev lived, hastened home ; dors, and the merchants* houses,
but on their return, the streets were consumed : and in about six
were so obstructed by crowds hours all thepalacesof the European
hurrying away with their eflbda, missioiit irere deatrojrecit except
120
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
the Austrian and Swedish^ which
were out of the direct line of the
fire. The latter had been burnt
before, and little remained of it
but the gate-house ; the former
had belonged to the Venetian em-
bassy : it had stf>od almost since
the time of the Crusades^ and the
flames seemed to turn aside from it
as if they knew it to be incombusti-
ble. The fire continued to extend
through different directions, par-
ticularly down Casim Pasha till
eight or nine in the evening, when
the wind subsided, and its pro-
gress was stopped, after extending
orer an area about three miles in
circumference, and consuming all
that part of the peninsula that
former fires had spared. The next
morning presented a dismal spec-
tacle. The people, driven from
their houses, had no place of re-
treat but the burying-ground :
there they were seen in thousands
stretched on the earth, with no
covering but the sky, and no bed
but the graves. The Sultan im-
mediately directed, that barracks
and other large edifices should be
appropriated for their shelter, and
he distributed among them 100,000
piastres. A return was made
to him of the number of persons
burnt out, and they amounted to
80,000.
Accident by a Steam Boat.
•—An inquest was held, on the
body of Philip Glcndining, who,
with his wife, and a man named
Philip Walker, were drowned in
consequence of a sand barge, in
which they were, being run down
by the Pluto Government steam-
packet. The body, from the length
of time it had been in the water,
could be identified only by the
dress. — Robert Glendining, the
brother of the deceased, deposed,
that the last time be aaw his
brother alive, was on the moming
of Sunday the 24th of July, when
he was m a barge anchored <^
Erith, and near to what is called
Julian or Geningtree Point. He
was there for the purpose of taking
up sand, and had on board his wire
and a man named Walker. Cap-
tain Blackwood, of the Freeman
Trader, stated, that, on Monday,
the 25th of July, between six and
seven o'clock in the morning, he
was in his vessel running up
against tide. At the bottom of
Half-way-reach heobserveda steam
vessel, which had passed him twice
that ebb, coming up the river.
She was a Goyemment packet,
and had naval officers on board.
She was running up at the rate of
nine knots an hour, which was her
full speed. He saw a barge moored
with her head to land, and her
helm a-starboard, about 100 yards
from land. There was another
barge a-head of her, in which there
were ^ye persons, who were making
preparations to work. There were
two men and a woman in the lower
barge, who were looking at the
steamer as she approached. The
witness and his wife were looking
at both the vessels, and on seeing
their position, he observed to her
that the steamer would run right
over the barge. He had scarcely
spoken, when he saw her do so*
The steamer struck the barge mid-
ship, tumbled her mast overboard,
and she sunk with the two men
and the woman. One of the men
clasped the woman in one of his
arms, and held on to the steam
boat with the other for a few
seconds; he then letting go his
hold, and both sank. He saw on the
deck a person, whom he supposed to
be the engineer, take something in
his hand for the purpose, as he
conceived^ of stopping the steamer.
AUG.]
CHRONICLE.
121
She was, howerer, first stopped
by the Wolent coucussion, and
slewed round for four or fire mi"
nutes. A man from the steamer
got into a. boat, which was towing
ast«rn, but not until two boats
from other vessels had reached the
spot, to afford assistance to the
sufferers, but they were unsuccess-
ful. If due exertion had been
made by the perHons on board the
steamer, the people might hare
been saved. He thought the per-
sons OB board the steam vessel
were endeavouring to cut off the
point, and get a-head of another
steamer which was before her at
the time of the accident.
Mr. Charles Beer, who was on
board a Heme hoy ou the evening
of the 25th of July last, as a
Eassenger to London, gave a simi-
ir account of the accident. As
the vessel came nearer the barge,
he heard the persons on board the
latter call out repeatedly to those
in the steamer, not to board
them ; but though there were three
persons on each of the paddle
boxes, aud several on the deck of
the steamer who must have seen
the barge, no exertion was made
to keep clear of her, and the
steamer did not in the slightest
degree change her course. Her
paddle-boses came on the gun-
wale of the bargei and knocked her
mast and one of the men in her
overboard. The other man caught
hold of the woman in one arm,
aud clung to the steamer's side for
some moments, when the woman
first fell into the water, and he
afterwards. " There was nothing,"
hesaid, "toobstruct theviewofthe
persons on board the steamer from
seeing the barge for at least a
quarter of a mile before they came
up to her; he was sure that
those on bcnrd must IwTe beard
the calls of the persons in the
barge to keep clear of them ; and
the steamer should not have ven-
tured between the barge and the
shore. If ordinary caution had
been taken, the accident would
not have happened. If the per-
sons on board the steam packet
had had the greatest enmity to-
wards the poor people who were
lost, they could not have more
uiFectivcly have run them down.
Henry Meirs, said, that on
Monday week he went on board
the Pluto steam vessel, and was in
her at the time of the accident.
Lieutenant Buchanan had the com-
mand of her, but her management
was left solely to the direction of a
pilot named Richard Powell, who
was on board. The Pluto had nerer
been down the river before, and
the object of the voyage was
merely to try her speed and the
power of her engines. Previous to
theaecident happen ing.'witness was
walking on the larboard side of the
Pluto, and, being engaged in obser-
ving the working of the engines,
did not see tlie barge. He
heard the pilot call out " hai-d a-
atarboard" just before she strack.
Orders were given immediately to
stop her engines, and they were
atopiwd. He thought they were
stopped before she struck the
barge, He used every effort to
save a female whom he saw cling-
ing to the side of the vessel, but
was unsuccessful. The Pluto, by
log, was going at the rate of nine
miles and three-quarters an hour
at the time of the accident, which
was, he thought, her full speed.
There was no object to prevent the
pilot from seeing the barge, and
the pilot did not alter the course
of the vessel fur some time before
the accident. Witness was of
ppinioa that the aSak ww eatirelv
122
ANNUAL REGISTER.
U8SI.
accidental^ and unintentional on
the part of the pilot. Steam boats
are generally auick in answering
their helm, and from the circum-
stance of the Pluto not answering
helm at the time of the accident^
she must have been aground. The
persons who were on the paddle
boxes were gentlemen, and not
persons to look out. He had
observed the pilot, a few moments
before the accident, and he then
appeared to be attending to his
duty.
The Jury returned a verdict of
Manslauehier against Richard
Powell, tne pilot.
Next day, a Court MaKial assem«
bled at Woolwich, to try Lieu-
tenant Buchanan, the commader,
Mr. Davis, the second master of
the Pluto, and Powell, the pilot, for
running down the barge.
Lieutenant A. Kennedy, com-
mander of the steam vessel Hermes,
deposed ; I was on board the
Pluto on the 25th of July, when
she ran down a barge. About
forty minutes past six p. m. I was
standing on the starboard side of
the forecastle, in company with
Lieutenant »Simmons, when he
suddenly observed to me, '^Do
you see the barges a-head } " We
both immediately turned round,
and I called out to Lieutenant
Buchanan, who was standing on
the starboard paddle-box, and
asked him if he saw the barge
a-head. He replied, '•' We see her
—the helm is hard a starboard."
Supposing that the man at the
helm had by mistake put the helm
the wrong way, I jumped on one
side to get a sight of the '^Tell-
tale," when I found that the helm
was hard a starboard, as reported ;
and although the machinery was
instantly stopped, the tide came so
very sharp round the point where
the barges lay, that the vessel
came to against the helm, and we
found that nothing could prevent
us from going against the barffes,
from her amasing velocity. 1 im«
mediately ran aft, with the inten-
tion of jumping overboard to rescue
any person I might see in the
water, but I found that both the
barge and crew had sunk, and the
stern-boat had shoved off to assist.
The pilot was standing on the
Quarter-deck at the time the acci*
dent happened. He could see the
barges, but not sufficiently to judge
of their distance properly. If I had
had the command of the Pluto^ I
should have considered her under
the charge of the pilot. The pilot
gave directions to the helmsman.
No person had any idea thejpilot
was going inside the barffes. ETverjr
endeavour was used by Lieutenant
Buchanan and Mr. Davies to save
the lives of the people.
Similar evidence was given by
other naval persons who were on
board the Pluto when the accident
happened. Lieutenant Simmons
stated, he had commanded a Go*
vemment steam vessel for three
years, and when he first took tlie
command, being unaccustomed to
steam vessels, he left every thing
to his pilot. The master-atten-
dant at Woolwich, stated that he
was at London at the time the
accident happened, by direction of
Sir Byam Martin. If he had been
at Woolwich, Powell, the pih»t,
should not have taken charge of the
Pluto. The last time Powell took
witness down the river, witness was
forced to take charge of the vessel
out of his hands. Powell was a
nervous frightened creature, and
he did not think he had t>een on
board a steam vessel above two or
three times in his life. The
Quarter^Master oX the Pluto^
AUG.]
CHRONICLE.
1«
stated, that he wu Kt the hdn
when the accident occurred ; b«
received all his orders from the
pilot; eometiiueB the commander
repeated the orders after the pilot.
The witDess, as well as others,
Btated,thatiftheFIutohadai9Swer<
ed her helm, as might have been
expected, she would hare cleared
the barge.
Lieuteoant Bucbanan presented
a written narrative to the court,
stating, that, on Powell coming on
board, he was obliged to receive
him as a branch-pilot in preference
to any person not having a branch,
which was an established custom
in the navy. He had no reason to
doubt the ability of his pilot, and
had he at the moment ordered the
helm to be put "hard a port," the
Pluto must have run down the
other barge. From the rapidity
of steam vessels he considereo him-
self more in the hands and power
of his pilot than had he commanded
any other vessel.
The master ofthe William and
Mary Royal yatch, stated.a branch-
pilot CHn supersede any other, the
moment be goes on board. Had
known an instance where a branch-
pilot was refiised, and recovered
his money due for the pilotage.
— Mr. Oliver Laing. On Sunday
the 25th of July, he was on board
the Pluto, when Mr. Powell came
on board : he said that he was sent
on board by order of Mr, Brown,
the diaster attendant, and that he
was a branch-pilot, and as such he
could supersede thie mate of the
Comet. — Lieutenant Buchanan re-
plied, that as he was a branch-
pilot, he would allow him to take
charge. — Johu Buxton, cleric to
the master-attendant, stated, that
he did not send Powell to take
charge of the Pluto. He met
Powdl by the VEt«r>nde, who
•died him, if bdt pilot had been
appointed to the Rut». Witness
told him that he believed not. He
then turned round and said, that
he would go on board the Pluto
and see, or words to that efiect.
After a short deliberation, the
Judge advocate announced, that
it was the unanimous opinion of
the court, that the accident arose
from the ignorance of Richard
Powell, the pilot, and that no
blame was attached to Lieutenant
Buchanan, or to Mr. Davis, the
second- m aster ; and they were ac-
quitted.
2. IsQVEST. — Five Fj!rso><s
Drowned. — An inquest was held
on the bodies of Sarah Winter and
Chai'les Edgar, who, along with
three others, had been drowned in
the Thames, by the ujisetting of a
boat, auppdsed to have been occa-
sioned by the too near approach of
a steam-vessel. — It appeared from
the evidence, that, on Sunday
morning last, a party of friends,
consisting of four men, two women,
and three children, in the whole
nine persons, embarked from a
ivharf near the old London-bridge,
on board a jotly-boat belonging to
tliu Smith Hoy, proceeded down
the river, and spent the day at the
Barge-house, opi>osite the royal
arsenal at Woolwich. About hve
o'clock in the afternoon they em-
barked again, and having little
wind, the deceased, C. Edgar,
having the command of the boat,
set the sails. When nearly oppo-
site the Upper-sand- wharf, on the
Essex shore, one of the oars hai>-
pened to slip overboard, and the
sails were struck to recover it.
When this was effected, owing to
something being wrong aloft, the
deceased clambered up the mast,
at the time the Comet government
ateani-pscket was proceeding on
124
ANNUAL REGISTER. tissi.
Ler \Tay to London, at a moderate
rate. The swell produced by the
Comet struck the boat ou the
broadside, while the deceased was
iu the act of descending the mast,
and he having missed his foot-
hold, his weight resting on the
upper part of the mast, upset the
boat, the whole party were preci-
pitated into the river, and five of
them were drowned. — The Jury
found a verdict of ** Accidental
Death."
4. A water -spout burst upon
the Clidagh mountains (co. Kerry),
within two miles of the Bailey vour-
ney road, by which a vast tract of
ground under tillage was totally
destroyed, and nine persons lost
their lives. The Glaufesk bridge
was covered, and the battlements
swept away. The bed of the Flesk
river is thirty-eight feet from the
centre arch of the bridge, but, in
five minutes, the water flowed over
the battlements. Three houses
were swept away. The flood, at
its height, appeared like an arm of
the sea; its depth in the valley was
from fifteen to sixteen feet, and in
breadth it was upwards of 300 yards.
The ground, which a few minutes
before was adorned with a rich lux-
uriant harvest, was covered with
sand, rocks, stones, &c., three feet
deep; and it will require three
years' labour before it will be pro-
ductive to the owners.
Poisoning. — Mary Ann Hig-
gins, aged 19, and Edward Clarke,
aged 21, were indicted for the wil-
ful murder of William Higgins, at
Coventry, on the 22nd of March
last, by administering to him three
drachms of arsenic. In a second count
of the indictment, the prisoner Hig-
gins was charged as principal, and
Clarke as accessory. — William
Higgins, the deceased, was a man
io an humble station of life^ whg
had saved a little money^ upwards
of ] 00/., which he had placed out
at interest. Upon the death of
his only brother, who left four or
five children behind him, the de-
ceased, being himself unmarried^
took one of the children (the female
prisoner) to live with him, and
reared her, intending also to leave
her, at his death, the little money
he possessed. About the begin-
ning of the present year, a court-
ship commenced between the girl
and the prisoner Clarke^ who was
an apprentice at the watch-fieu^ry
of Messrs. Vale and Co., at Coventry,
in the course of which he evidently
acquired considerable influence over
her mind. He was observed, within
the last few weeks, to be in pos-
session of more money than usual,
including one or two golden guineas,
a denomination of coin of which the
deceased's savings were supposed
principally tohave consisted; and he
boasted on more than one occasion,
that he had only to go to the old
man's house whenever he wanted
money. On Tuesday, the 22nd
of March, the female prisoner went
into a druggist's shop, and asked
for twopenny-worth of arsenic to
destroy rats. The young man in
the shop told her that she could
not have it, except in the presence
of a witness, upon which she went
away and did not return. She
afterwards went to another shop
of the same description, and made
a similar application, to which
she received the like answer. Upon
this she observed that she did not
know what she was to do, as she
came from the country. She added,
however, that she had a sister re-
siding at Coventry, and she would
go and fetch her. She then left
the shop, and, when passing through
Spon -street, she met a girl named
^lizal^th Russel, who told hof
AUG.]
CHRONICLE.
125
that sbe was going to the factory
(Vale and Go's), upon which the
prisoner said, •* Just come with me
as fai' as Messrs. Wyly's, the
druggist, and I will then accom«
pany you to the factory." Eliza-
beth Russel asked her what she
wanted at the druggist's ? To
which she replied, that she wanted
some arsenic to destroy rats. The
girl then accompanied her to the
druggist's, where she received the
arsenic in her presence, with a
label upon the paper, having the
words "arsenic, poison," printed
on it. She inquired of the shop-
man how she was to use it, in order
to destroy the rats, and he told her
she might mix it up with some
bread, or some substance of that
kind. She then left the shop, and,
on going into the street, she tore
off the label, saying at the same
time to the other girl, '* What has
he stuck this on for?" They walked
together as far as the factory, which
they reached as the men were com-
ing out of it to go to their dinners,
it being then about one o'clock.
They here parted, and Higgins
was joined by Clai'ke, who walked
with her towards her uncle's
house. A waggoner, who was
passing along the street shortly
afterwards, observed Clarke enter-
ing the uncle's house, and the
niece next moment closed the
door, which Clarke had left open
after him. At two o'clock Clarke
returned to his work at the fac-
tory, and remained there until
eight in the evening. About nine
he was observed standing at the
entry that led from the deceased's
hotise to a yard where there was a
certain convenience, from which
the old man was seen apparently
returning. The niece was also
observed standing at the entry.
Whilst the old man was in t£e
yard, a particular kind of noise was
heard, and the place afterwards ex-
hibited the appearance of a person
having been vomiting there. At
about one o'clock at midnight, the
female prisoher knocked up an old
woman, named Green, who lived
a few doors off, and implored her,
for God's sake, to come to her
uncle, who was taken very ill.
Mrs. Green accordingly got out of
bed, put on her gown, and follow-^
ed her over to her uncle's. On
her way, Mrs. Green was met by a
man, who, when passing by Hig-
gins's door the moment before,
heard two voices, as he thought, in
the house, but could not tell
whether they were the voices of
a male and female. Upon Mrs.
Green going into the house, she
found the deceased lying upon
his niece's bed, with his head
resting on his left hand, in the
attitude of a man who had been
vomiting. Upon going up to him,
she thought at first she heard him
breathe, but found, when she stirred
him, that he was stiff. She called
to him, but received no answer.
Observing some water on the floor
near the bed, and knowing that
the old man had been subject to a
complaint which she called the
water-swamp, she proposed going
down stairs and making some tea
for him. She and the niece went
down accordingly, and while be-
low, the latter said, " Oh ! I hear
my uncle groan." They immedi-
ately returned to the room, but on
Mrs. Green again going to the bed,
she found that the old man was
dead, and also concluded from a
more particular examination of his
body, that he must have been dead
for at least half an hour. The
niece wept bitterly, exclaiming,
" Oh my dear uncle ! my dear
uncle I now . he's gone^ all my
126
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
friends are gone !" She told Mrs.
Green, that she and Edward Clarke
were to have heen married on Easter
Monday^ and that> had it not been
for her poor uncle's death, they
were all to have iiad a jovial day of
it. She said, that they must still
be married, however, on that day,
as she was in the family way ; that
she would put on mourning for her
uncle, but put it off on the day of
her marriage, and then resume it
again, it being unlucky to be mar-
ried in black. The statement of her
being in the family way was un-
true. In answer to previous ques-
tions from Mrs. Green, she said
that her uncle had had some pea-
soup for supper ; that he had been
taken very ill, and gone to bed ;
but, after she had retired to her
own bed, her uncle came into her
room, and, becoming very sick, she
got up, and placed him on her bed.
Mrs. Green observed the bed in the
deceased'sroom very much tumbled,
as if by a person who had been
tossing from side to side in great
pain. There was also a quantity
of water on the floor, with two lit-
tle lumps of bread in it, like what
had been discharged from the sto-
mach. Some other of the neigh-
bours being called in to assist in
laying out the deceased, Mrs. Green
went away. In the course of the
morning, between six and seven
o'clock, another neighbour, a Mrs.
Moore, called, and, on seeing the
niece, asked if it was true that her
uncle was dead ? She said it was,
and that she was then going out to
purchase mourning. She went
out accordingly, and, when she wa^
gone, Mrs. Moore, seeing the place
in a state of confusion, set about
putting the things to rights. On
going into the pantry, she perceiv-
ed a basin on the shelf, about three-
quarters filled with pea-soup. She
took it to the window, and ttinred
it up with a spoon that lay in it |
upon which she perceived that it
was of a whitish colour and thick
substance, different from the usual
appearance of pea-soup. She re«
placed it on the shelf^ and then ex-
amined another basin, containing
a similar quantity of pea-aoufip
which, however, was of the usual
yellow colour, and of the ordinary
substance. This basin she also re«
placed on the shelf, and said no-
thing until the niece returned^
when she asked her the cause <i
the different appearances of the
two soups ? to which the latter re«
plied, that she had thickened one
with flour, and the other with oat-
meal. Mrs. Moore*s suspicions
having been excited, she gave the
soup into the charge of a carpenter
who had come to measure tor tbe
coflin, who locked it up in the room
in which the corpse lay. A sur-
geon was then sent for, who opened
the body, and found the coat of the
stomach extremely vascular and red.
He also found within the stomach
a pint and a half of fluid, which he
put into a bottle, and which he
sent, together with the basins of
soup, in a basket, to his surgery,
for the purpose of having them ana-
lysed. The fluid taken from the
stomach was afterwards submitted
to several chymical testS;, in the
presence of four or five professional
gentlemen, all of which led to the
same result — namely, that it was
impregnated with arsenic All these
tests were admitted by these gen-
tlemen to be fallacious, taken indi-
vidually, except that of reduction
— a process by which small crystals
of arsenic were extracted from the
metal. The result of this and other
tests, coupled with the appearances
which the coat of the stomach pre-
sented,left no doubt on the mincU of
AUG.] CHRONICLE. lOT
tfaeinedicalwitneBseSitliatthedeith gated her to take her uncle'ilife;
of the deceased bad been occaaioned and that he (Clarke) had frequently
by bis having swallowed a auantity beat«n and ilUuaed her, v^en he
of the aboi-e poison. The pea- did not get as much monev from
soup was not aoalyeed, but was her as he wanted. The conduct of
given to a dog, which immediately the officer was severely reprobated,
threw it off his stomach, and sur- The drcumstaaces ^ suspicion
vived. When taken into cus- adduced against Clarke, consisted
tody, Higgins told the officer, that of his statements at the ftchiry the
she had not purchased any arsenic, next morning, of his baring been
and on his saying, that Elizabetli present when the deceased supped
Russell could prove that she had, the night before, and hia betraying
she admitted it, but said that she a knowledge at an early hour that
had only used it to destroy rats, the old man was dead. It appear-
and that one lay dead under a par- ed, however, that he had made no
ticular chair, A dead mouse was secret of having been present when
found under that chair, but, on its the deceased had taken the soup
being opened, there was no appear- which had proved fatal to him, and
ance of inflammation in the sto- that he had acquired his knowledge
Riach, which there must have been, of his death by calling at his bouse
had it died from having swallowed next morning at an early hour to
arsenic. She also denied having inquire how he did. There were
any money in her possession, but, no circumstances to lead to a posi-
on being searched, a box was found tive conclusion that he had been
in one of her pockets, containing aitare of the poison having been
live guineas, in another three, and put into the saui>, or of its having
inapurse one guinea, a half guinea, been purcliased at all. Several
and a seven shilling piece. The uHtncsses gave Clarke a good cha-
otficer, when conTeying her to racter, but none appeared on be-
prison, said to her, "How could half uf Higgins. — The Jury ret urn -
you be over-persuaded to do such ed a. verdict, acquiltiitg Edward
a thing?" to which she replied Clarke, but linding Mary Ann
that shehad not been persuaded by Higgins GuUli/.—The Judge then
any person, she had done it herself, sentenced the wretcheil girl to be
She said she had put two tea- executed at Coventry on the fol-
spoonfulls of arsenic into a basin, louiiig Thursday, and iier body to
and poured the soup over it, and lie dissected.
tlien gave that to her uncle. Har- 11. Huriiicame at Bahba-
ing extracted this confiession fram does. — On the 1 1th of August, a
her, the officer then told her not to dreadful hurricane visited Bar-
say any thing that might crimi- badoes, by whicli almost every
nateher. Wben before the coroner, house waseilher destroyed or in-
sfae said at first that Clarke had jureil. The government house was
received of her only two guineas un-roofed, and the governor saved
and some silver. Sne said this in liis life only by taking refuge in the
Clarke's presence ; but, aftertbey lellar. The Custom-house was
had both withdrawn, she was per- blown down ; all the churches
suaded by the officer and another were damaged, iSt. Paul's and St.
constable to return to the room Mary's being entirely destroyed,
and declare that Clarke had insti- This tremendous hurricane was
128
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
felt also at Dominica^ St. Vincent's^
and other islands. The appear-
ance of the preceding evening (the
10th) indicated unsettled weather,
and many persons prognosticated
that there would be a gale before
the morni ng. The wi nd was rather
high, and about ten o'clock there
was a shower of rain, which was
succeeded by a calm. After this,
a dense mass of clouds gathered
over the horizon, and remained for
some time suspended in gloom.
At twelve, they burst in a severe
squall, which was followed by a
heavy rain, with a smart breeze
from N.E. The wind began to
increase, and in two hours it blew
a tremendous gale, but moderated
for a short time, when it suddenly
became more violent, and at three
o'clock was a i>erfect hurricane.
From this hour until five o'clock it
raged with unparalleled violence,
whilst the lightning at intervals
cast a momentary glare on the ob-
jects around. The houses were
either levelled with the earth or
unroofed ; the largest trees were
torn from their roots, or broken as
reeds. Numerous individuals were
buried under the ruins, or threat-
ened with instant death at each
successive blast that hurled the
shattered fragments in every direc-
tion. The wind had now veered
to E., back to N. and to N.W. j
again it shifted, and blew fiercely
from E., veered to S.E., and about
six o'clock burst from S. W. with
renewed violence, accompanied by
torrents of rain. For two hours
the wind and rain continued thus.
When the light of day dawned,
the howling of the winds, and
the crashing of the falling ruins
having ceased, the shrieks of the
afifrighted, and the groans of the
wounded and dying, broke in piti-
able sounds on the ears of the suiv
vivors. The fields, which the day
before presented so luxuriant an ap-
pearance, were completely changed
into a desert— neither canes, com^
nor provisions, with a few inconsi-
derable exceptions, having been left
on the ground. The houses, as well
as windmills^ were thrown down ;
parts of them were conveyed to an
astonishing distance ; and much
costly furniture was destroyed or.
materially injured.
1 7. Storm. — Liverpool was
visited about three o'clock a.m.,
with a most appalling storm of
thunder, lightning, and rain^
which continued with unabated
violence till aboiit five o'clock
a.m., when the thunder and light-
ning ceased, but the rain still
poured down in torrents until
about six o'clock a.m., when it
abated a little, and finely ceased
about ten o'clock. The poor, who
inhabited the cellars in White-
chapel, and about the Custom-
house, suffered great privations
from the rain, and were aroused
from their slumbers by finding their
beds completely covered with water,
which accumulated to that degree
in their habitations^ that many,
stepping out of their beds,
found themselves up to their waist
in water. Several grocers and
others suffered considerably from
the rain getting into their ware-
houses and destroying their pro-
perty.
Between ^ve and six o'clock on
the same afternoon, as a coach was
passing Hyde-park-corner, one of
the horses was struck by a flash of
lightning, and instantly fell dead.
In the counties of Kent and Sur-
rey the storm was equally severe
as in the metropohs. On the
Maidstone-road a flash of light-
AUG.3
C HRONICLE.
129
ningstruck a tree^ whicli it withered
iu an instant, and killed eighteen
sheep who were taking refuge un-
derneath it.
Loss OF THE ROTHSAY StEAM
Packet.* — At an early hour on the
morning of Wednesday^ a severe
storm had, more than usually,
agitated the waters of the Mersey -,
so much so, that an American
ship, which had attempted by
means of a steam-boat to put to
sea, was compelled to return. At
eleven o'clock, the Rothsay Castle
steamer sailed from Liverpool for
Beaumaris. Her deck was throng-
ed with passengers. The precise
number cannot be known, because,
in addition to those who registered
their names in the books, many
individuals, by whom no previous
application had been made at the
packet-office, were taken immedi-
ately from the pier-head. The
captain, crew, and musicians,
amounted to fourteen or fifteen ;
and besides these, one hundred
and twenty or one hundred and
thirty persons were on board. The
greater proportion of the passen-
gers consisted of holiday or family
parties, residing in country places.
In one of these companies were
twenty-six persons who set out on
an excursion of pleasure from Bury,
in Lancashire.
The weather was not at all
tempestuous, when the packet
weighed anchor; but, soon after
her departure, the wind blew
strongly from the North West 5 and
as she had to contend with the
tide which began to flow as she
passed the Rock, and had but one
engine, her progress was slow.
When she arrived off the Floating-
• See " A Narrative of the Wreck of
the Rothsay Castle Steam Packet," by
James Hews Bransby. London. 1832.
Vol. LXXIII.
light, about fifteen miles from
Liverpool, the roughness of the
sea alarmed many of the passen-
gers. Mr. Tarrey, of Bury, who
had on board with him his wife,
their five children, and a servant,
being under great apprehension for
his own safety, and that of his
family, went down to the cabin,
where the captain was at dinner,
and earnestly begged that he wouhl
put back. The captain's reply was,
*^ I think there is a great deal of
fear among you, and very little
danger. If we were to turn back
with passengers, it would never
do, — we should have no profit.*'
To another gentleman who remon-
strated with him, he is reported to
have said, in an angry tone, " I
am not one of those who turn
back." For the space of two hours
he remained in the cabin, and
peremptorily resisted all impor-
tunities, observing, that, if the'
passengers knew him, they would
forbear so to trouble him. After
dinner, he became violent in hiB
manner ; and his language, especi-
ally to his men, was coarse and
abusive in the extreme. When
anxiously questioned by the pas-
sengers as to the progress of the
vessel, and the time at which she
was likely to reach her destination,
he gave always trifling, and often
contradictory, answers. During
the early part of the day, he had
spoken again and again of their
being able to reach Beaumaris by
seven o'clock; but the evening
wore away, night drew on, and
they appeared to be still far from
the termination of their voyage.
They were long in getting from
the Little to the Great Ormeshead.
One of the passengers implored
the captain to put into Conway.
His reply wte, '^ God keep me
from attempting it ; it would be
K
130
ANNUAL REGISTER. [I83l.
certain destruction/* In this in-
stance his judgment was correct.
It iras nearly mid night when they
arrived at the moutli of the Menai
Strait^ within five or six miles of
Beaumaris. The tide had for some
hours been running out, and, in
consequence, had impeded their
progress : but it was now just upon
the turn. According to the state-
ment of Jones the fireman, and
two of the seamen who were saved,
they had " rounded tlie buoy/' at
the extremity of what is termed
the *^ Spit," and had proceeded up
tlic river, as far as the tower upon
Priestholmc, or, as it is generally
called, I^iifiu Island ; when, on a
sudden, the steam faile<l to such a
degree, that the engine had not
power to keep the vessel in her
proper course. The fireman, on
])eing asked whv there was no
steam, said that tfie vessel had been
leaky throughout tlie whole voyage,
and that some time before she
reached the Strait, the bilge-
pumps were choked. The water
in her hold overflowed the coals ;
so that, in renewing the fires, a
considerable quantity went in with
the coals, slackened the fires, and
made it impossible to keep up the
steam. She now drifted, with the
flood-tide and a heavy gale from
the North-West, towards a bank
situated about three quarters of a
mile from Puffin Island, and known
by the name of the Dutchman's
bank ; and on this spot she struck.
The vessel rolled in a terrific man-
ner. Lieut. Atkinson directed the
steersman to put the helm a star-
board. The man, instead of doing
so, put it to port ; when the mate
observing what had taken place,
ran aft, seized the helm, and put
it to 8tarlx)ard. 'Jlie engine had
previously stopped for abr>ve ten
minutes ; the reason was, that the
eoalf were oirered with water, tlie
pumps were choked and quite oae-
less, and the water had extingiiiali*
ed the fires. Finding that the
^-essel had struck, the captain cu«-
lessly remarked, " Ob, it it tmlj
sand, and she will toon float.'* Od
this, with the aid of three or fimr
of the iiassengers, he oontrired to
get the gib up." It was unqoea-
tionably his intention to wear the
vessel round and bring her head
to the northward. The cqitain
begged the passengers to run aft,
in the hope that by reraoring the
pressure from the tteai of the Tea*
sel, they might cuiae her to float;
and when this expedient failed^ he
ordered them to run forward.
Every exertion was fruitless^ and
all gave themselves up for loat.
Several of the passengers urged
the captain to hoist flags, to fire a
gun, and to make other rignab of
distress; he, however, poritireljr
refused, declaring that there waa
no danger, that every thing waa
just as it should be, and that the
packet was afloat and on her way.
To every one else it was ohrioui^
that she was sticking httt in the
sand, and her cabins were rapidly
filling with water. The alarum
bell was rung ; but in 1ms than a
Quarter of an hour, the dapper
ropt, and could not afterwaru be
found. Some of the passengers
continued to strike the bell for
some time with a stone or a pieoe
of coal, and it was taintly heard at
Beaumaris, but as no lights were
hoisted on the mast of the steamer
(a fatal neglect!) it was imnotsi-
ble to know whence the souna pro«
cee<led.
The moon, though in a alight
degree overcast, flung a pale and
trembling radiance on the Sttr«
rounding objects, so that tiiey
were distinctly visible. A stroag
AUG.]
CHRONICLE.
131
breeze blew from the North West,
the tide began to set in with great
rapidity> and a heavy sea beat
over the bank, on which the steam
packet, after ^' dragging and
lurching" for more than half an
hour^ was at length firmly and
immoveably fixed. It was just be-<
fore this, that a Liverpool branch
pilot on board, William Jones, be»
came aware of the full extent of
the danger. The poor man had
that very morning reached Liver-
pool from a foreign voyage, and had
joined the packet by way of recre-
ation. Fatigued by the labour
that he had undergone before en-*
tering the packet, he had lain down
in the forecastle to sleep, when he
felt the vessel strike. Hastily
rushing upon deck, he exclaimed,
'^ We are all lost I" and his courage
and coolness were for a moment
quite overcome. " I saw," said
he, " the quality huddled together
in the waist of the vessel, and the
praying and crying was the most
terrible sight to witness. The sea
broke over on both sides, and took
away numbers at once. They went
like flights, sometimes many, some-
times few; at last the bulwarks
went, and none were left.'* The
vessel had scarcely struck, when
two of the stays that supported
the chimney, broke. These with
much difficulty, were again made
fast. They soon, however, yielded
a second time, and the chimney
fell. It brought the main mast
with it : but all within its reach
had timely warning, and were
careful to get out of its way.
^' Just now," says Mr. Coxhead,
one of the most intelligent of the
sarvivors, ^^ a singular circum-
stance attracted my observation.
One of the seamen came to the
binnacle, deliberately took out the
lantern which it contained to afford
light to the helmsman, and threw
it with great force upon the deck^
breaking it into many pieces, and
of course extinguishing the light.
I cannot bring myself to any other
conclusion than that this was in-
tentional, although the man imme-
diately lamented that the only
chance of making a signal was now
destroyed : for what purpose it was
done I cannot tell 5 he instantly
disappeared, and I saw no more of
him to my recollection." The
steward and his wife lashed them-
selves to the mast, resolved, as
seems to have been the case with
several other husbands and wives,
to abide the momentous issue to<
gether. They were found locked
in each other's arms. The pa-
rents hung over their children,
and mothers perished clasping
their little ones. The carpenter
of the vessel was seen embrac-
ing his wife in the extreme of
agony. The poor woman had an
infant at her breast, and it appear-
ed to be almost the only object of
her care. She besought a young
man who stood near, to wrap her
shawl more closely arouncf her
neck, that it might prevent the
water from touching the child.
The very next minute a tremend*
ous wave washed her and her babe,
and eleven others, into the sea.
With a last effort, she raised her
hands above the water, and held up
her infant, as if to supplicate in
its behalf, the pitying eye of Hea«
yen ! Soon after the fall of tlie
chimney, the captain's voice was
heard for the last timei he and
the mate were the early victims of
their own lamentable imprudence.
For a short time the vessel con-
tinued to resist the action of the
waves. She was beaten and tossed
about with a violence which made
tht hearts, «f en of the stoutest,
K2
132
ANNUAL REGISTER. [1831.
tremble and faint within them -,
for it threatened every instant to
dash her into fragments. About
forty of the passengers were now
upon the quarter deck^ clinging to
each other in expectation of the
moment when they were to share
the fate which had overtaken so
many of their companions, and
occasionally uttering the most pite-
ous cries for help. On a sucfden,
a mountain wave rolled towards
them with impetuous fury, sepa-
rated the ship in two^ and plunged
them headlong into the foaming
element. Those who could pre-
serve any degree of collectedness,
endeavoured to catch at whatever
was floating around them : many
grasped at the slightest object that
offered itself^ but they either were
too weak to keep their hold, or
were forced by the raging of the
surge to relinquish it. The small
number of those who attached
themselves to the portion of the
wreck which was left on the bank,
gradually grew smaller as they
sunk, one after another, under
their fatigues, or were hurled into
the deep by the waves. The lives
of a very few were ultimately
snatched from destruction.
The sad catastrophe was not known
on shore, until nearly four o'clock
in the morning ; when one of the
pilots at Penmon point, in Angle-
sey, observed what he thought to
be a vessel *' trolling over the
Dutchman's Bank towards Con-
way Bay;*' but what, when he
viewed it through a glass, he dis-
covered to be the remains of a ves-
sel on the sands, with a man cling-
ing to her mast. By this time two
other pilots had come down to the
point, and all three instantly
launched their boat, hoisted sail,
and directed their course to the
wrecks which was two miles dis*
tant. On arriving at the spot,
they found a gentleman^ Mr. John
Duckworth, of Bury, supporting
himself amidst the surf on a fra««
ment of the steamer, called " the
belfry,*' his head being above water
only at intervals. They rescued
him from his perilous situation;
and took four men off the foremast,
which was all but unshipped. The
pilots inquired of these individa«
als whether they thought it would '
be possible for them, by beating
about, to save any more liFet.
They answered that all ezoept
themselves had been swept away
by dozens and half dozens, hours
before. The pilots then made the *
best of their way to Beaumaris.
Shortly after leaving the wreck
they picked up Mr. Tinn^, of
Liverpool, who was floating on a
plank. He was senseless, and had
nothing on but his shirt and waist*
coat. The church clock was strik-
ing six when they reached Beau-
maris. About half an hour before
this, a young collegian, Mr. Wm.
Lewis Walker, happening to be on
the Green at Beaumaris, had seen;
a great way off, something which he
imagined to be a boatdriftingamong
the billows, but which in the end
was found to be that part of the
shattered steamer on which were
nine human beings, who had
hoisted a handkerchief as a signal
of distress, in the hope that it
might attract notice. Mr. Walker
manned the life-boat at Beaumaris^
and proceeded on his errand of
mercy. — Mr. Williamson of the
Campeadora, a yacht lying in the
Bay, under Beaumaris Green, im-i
mediately manned his three hoats^
and went himself for the purpose (^
bearing a part in this work of oom-
passion . From the direction of thd
wind and the state of the tide, it
was natural to conduda that toch
AUG.J
CHRONICLE.
133
part of the luggage as might floaty
would be washed ashore on the
Carnarvonshire coast; and under
this impression^ Sir Richard Bul-
keley, with his agent, Mr. Thomas
Williams^ crossed the sands at an
early hour to Penmaen Mawr^ and
ordered his tenants to secure for
the rightful owners whatever might
come into their possession. Scarce-
ly a boat remained at Beaumaris :
all were despatched to the fatal
spot. Anxiety and sorrow were
painted on every countenance -, the
pursuits of business and pleasure
were suspended ; the yacnts and
other vessels in the Bay had their
flags half- mast high.
The sufferings and perils of the
few who survived were various. A
Mr. Nuttall was one of a group
who were lifting up their hearts to
the Almighty in silent but earnest
prayer. Whilst thus engaged, a
heavy surge rushed upon them^
and they occasionally knelt down
to avoid the fury of the dashing
waves. Scarcely two minutes had
elapsed before the side of the vessel,
near which they were stationed,
was forced in by the sea, and they
were all hurried into the roaring
abyss. The party consisted of
Mr. Nuttall, Miss Lamb, Miss
Whittaker, two little boys of whom
Miss Whittaker had taken charge.
Miss Walmsley, and others. Mr.
Nuttall fell head -foremost into
the sea; not being able to swim,
in his first struggles he went over
head three or four times, and each
time, as he rose to the surface, his
temples struck against pieces of
the wreck. He was about to sink,
and reclined his head upon the
water in the hope that death
would terminate his sorrows ; but
this feeling was succeeded by
another, that it was incumbent
upon bim for his own sake and that
of his wife and family, to use his
best exertions to save himself from
a watery grave. He lifted up his
head, and observed floating near
him the side of the packet, which,
by giving way, had precipitated
himself and his friends into the
water. He seized it with some
difficulty, got upon it, and rested
there for a few moments on his
knees. At this very time, a boy,
about ten years of age, the son
of the steersman, mounted upon
Mr. Nuttairs back, and notwith-
standing every entreaty and re-
monstrance, clung fast and would
not quit his hold. Mr* Nuttall
was encumbered with all his
clothes, with his great coat, and
with the additional weight of the
boy; so that he expected every
moment to sink. He perceived a
rope hanging on the outside of the
quarter deck; after a desperate
struggle, he grasped it and found
that it was firmly fixed to the side of
what remained of the vessel. He
clambered up the rudder- wheel with
the boy still on his back, and at
length succeeded in reaching the
quarter-deck. When he had ob-
tained a footing upon the wreck —
for the packet had separated some
time before he had left her — he
heard a piteous cry; and looking
down upon the surface of the
water, observed a female hanging
by the side of the wreck, and
apparently about to sink. He
knew not who she was, but being
anxious to extricate her from her
appalling situation, he descended,
by means of the rope before referred
to, and seizing her by the hair of
her head, placed her safely upon
the quarter-deck. With astonish-
ment and pleasure he discovered
that the individual whom he had
thus rescued was his neighbour^
Miss Whittaker. Jones the stew^
134
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
ard> and his wifc^ were on this
portion of tlie packet. After
iinrrying to and fro, and trying a
variety of expedients, the poor
man lashed himself and his wife to
the mast which was then lying
across the quarter-deck. Several
ladies, all of whom had their caps
and bonnets off, were leaning
against the bulwarks, in the most
acute anguish of mind. Their dis-
tress was of short continuance ; for
in a few seconds the waves forced
in the railing, and all of them,
together with Jones and his wife,
were swept into the sea. Mr.
Nuttall, Miss Whittaker, Jones
the Liverpool pilot, the boy, and
two gentlemen, were preserved on
the quarter deck at this time, by
firmly grasping the rudder-wheel.
The fragment of wreck on which
they were left was about three
yards square, including the wheel.
It soon began to float, and it con-
tinued to do so, until the passen-
gers upon it were delivered by the
Beaumaris life-boat. Whilst they
were tossing about, they picked up
three gentlemen, one of whom was
Mr. Henry Wilson, of Manchester.
When day-light appeared, Mr.
Nuttall pulled out a silk handker-
chief from his pocket, and it was
raised on a piece of wood, in the
hope that it might be observed and
prove the means of bringing relief.
The party could perceive indi-
viduals walking in the fields on the
Carnarvonshire side of the bay,
but no eye seemed to glance at the
distressed and anxious sufferers.
At length Miss Whittaker resigned
part of her flannel petticoat to
serve as a sail, and it was hoisted
up. They continued to drift
towards the Carnarvonshire shore,
but still seemed to be far from
effectual aid. Mr. Nuttall, and
Jones the Liverpool pilots then de-
termined to seise the first fngw
ments of wreck that should present
themselves^ and to employ them as
oars. They almost immediately
picked up two pieces of woodj ana
with these the raft was propelled
by them on the bosom of the deep.
Whilst they were thus enffaged,
they saw the Beaumaris life-bcMit
on its way towards them !
Mr. Robert Whittaker^ braiier»
of Bury, states, that, when he left
the vessel, there were about fiftj
persons on board ; of whom, some
were on the mast, some on the
paddle-box, and some on the cross
pieces of timber which served to
connect the wheels. He saw Mr.
John Wilkinson, of Bury, hanffing
by his hands from a piece of Iron
that ran from one jpaddle-wheel
case to the other. He had, him-
self, clung for some time to tbe
same object. Mr. Wilkinson was
crying, with importunate eameet-
ness, for mercy. Mr. Whittaker
was driven by the waves throaffh
the paddle-box casings into ue
sea, on the higher or lee side of the
vessel. After he had risen to the
surface of the water, he seised part
of the casing of the paddle-wheels,
and contrived to pull over it a
short broad plank, at right angles.
He got astriae on the narrow piece,
and lay with his breast on the other.
The narrow piece of timber was
about nine feet in length, and four
inches in breadth ; and the trans*
verse plank about five feet in
length. He had on only his shirt
and stockings. At an early part
of the night, he had thrown off his
coat and waistcoat, and just before
he was plunged into the sea> he
divested himself of his trowsevs, in
the pockets of which were eighty
sovereigns. On his frail support
he continued to float about for nine
hours. The waves occasiooaUjr
AUG.]
CHRONICLE.
135
beat over him, so as to threaten
iinmediate destruction, and it was
not without the utmost care that
he was able to preserve his seat on
the timber. After he had been a
short time in the water, he con-
ceived that he had been there for
several days. At the period when
the dread of death was most
powerful^ he heard the sound of
human voices hailing him. He
answered $ and in a moment some
one cried out, '* Hold on, my
hearty ! " His deliverers were
Mr. Williamson and the crew of
the Campeadora schooner. Mr.
Whittaker, it appears, had long
before entirely lost his sight. He
imagined that day would never
break, and had a horrid idea that
the sea-birds would peck him to
death. He was astonished when
the sailors told him that it was
open day. From the very first
shock he had given up all hope of
escape. Just before the vessel
separated, he kissed his own little
boy and his nephew, and bade them
farewell ; and at the same moment,
he saw his sister sink, as he
thought, to rise no more. On
being carriedto the Campeadora, he
was rubbed with cloths, and warm
water was applied to his feet : and,
after a short time, he recovered
the powers of vision, and felt him-
self comparatively strong. At
eight o*clock the next morning, he
was removed to the inn at Beau-
maris, where a most affecting in-
terview took place between him
and his sister.
James Martin, another of the
passengers, gives the following ac-
count of what befel him and his
friend Mark Metcalf: — ** Observ-
ing several individuals on a plank,
which reached across the vessel
and rested upon the paddle-boxes
on each side^ upon this phink.I
endeavoured to get, and, aft:er
some effort, succeeded. I then ex-
horted Mark to try and do the
same; he made several attempts,
but failed through want of strength.
He then got near one of the paddle-
boxes, and laid hold of the iron. I
was situated just over hin^, and
had frequent opportunities of con-
versing with him. The waves
were continually dashing over us
with great impetuosity, sweeping
away the passengers at every
stroke. A short interval of ease
occurred and I looked for my
friend : I found him still at his
post, clinging to the iron. I asked
him, if he had a firm grip. He
answered " Yes ; but I am nearly
exhausted.'* At this period, all
the passengers who had previous
hold of the iron which was under
the plank, had disappeared from the
violence of the breakers, except my
friend Metcalf and another person.
A short time only had elapsed,
and I saw him carried away by a
dreadful wave towards the paddle-
box, poor Metcalf exclaiming,
•'James, I'm afraid its all over!''
I replied, «'0, Mark, Mark ! lay
hold of the paddle-box!" He
then attempted to do so, and I saw
his hand laying hold, when another
wave came and swept him right
away. '<0, James!'' said he, as
he was carried into the sea, ''it's
all over now!" I then saw him
throw back bis hands over his
shoulders ; — I saw him no more*
*' Shortly afterwards, the plank
on which I myself and about
twenty other persons were situated,
gave way, and we were all pre-
cipitated into the deep, in the
midst of the breakers. I rose to
the top of the surge, and struck
out my arms, in the hope of laying
hold of some floating substance,
when I prondeiiti»)ly grasped the
136
ANNUAL REGISTER. [igsi.
identical plank by which I had just
before been launched into the sea.
Oil recovering from the stupor of
the moment, 1 discovered two
others who had hold of the same
plank ', one of whom was without
clothes. We were not long in
getting into smooth water, and the
tide was taking us on towards
Beaumaris. The naked person,
after floating some time, disappear-
ed, and and shortly afterwards the
other individual, leaving me alone
with the plank. As I was
strugglingand floating, I bethought
me it would be much easier for me
to get on the plank ; I accordingly
made an effort, and succeeded,
after which I found myself greatly
relieved ; my chief fear now was,
that the tide would turn before
any one could perceive me, and
that I might thus be carried back
and lost after all. Presently I
came in sight of Beaumaris har-
bour^ could see several boats, and
perceived chimneys smoking. I
could distinctly see boats passing
to and fro^ at a considerable dis-
tance, near to Beaumaris. I
shouted, in the hope that some one
might hear me; and, flnding a
small spar with a spike, I en-
deavoured to secure it, and suc-
ceeded. To this pike I aflixed my
handkerchief, waving it over my
head, and shouting with all the
strength of my lungs. Presently
I perceived a boat making towards
me, the boat was brought along-
side^ and I was pulled in, being the
second rescued, one having been
taken into the boat before me."
Mr. Coxhead, another of the
passengers, when the chimney fell,
immediately seized one of the ropes
attached to the mast, and folded it
round his left arm: he earnestly
recommended some of the females
to adopt the same plan, and did all
in his power to comfort them. At
that part of the vessel there were
then perhaps forty or fifty persons;
nor had any as yet been washed
away from it. A tremendous sea
however, soon struck over, which
appeared to split the vessel from
one end to the other; the vessel
''lurched' so much, that it was
upon its side, in almost a perpen-
dicular position 'y the passengers
naturally clung to one another, or
to the side of the ship. **This/'
says Mr. Coxhead, ''was indeed a
terrific moment; the sea did not
immediately wash us over, but we
remained for an instant, as it were
with our heads touching the water»
when our collective weight carried
away the side of the ship, and we
were all at once precipitated into
the raging element.'* As he rose^
an agonizing cry reached his ear;
it was the cry of death. But all
was soon hushed ; those who could,
seized the first thing that presented
itself. "Although when I went
into the water, 1 had forgotten tlie
circumstance, I found myself with
a rope around my arm, and a wave
almost immediately carried me
against the side of the wreck. I
came with great force, and was
knocked away a second time; I
tried to recover myself with the
same want of success, and as I
suflered much from the bruises
that I received, I thought for a
moment of releasing myself from
the rope : — Providence, however,
interposed, and I caught the rope
with my right hand. This I had
before been unable to do, and
making great exertion, I threw
myself into the net-work at the
stern of the vessel. Here I ma^
naged to support myself a con-
siderable time, tossed about with
the wreck, and incapable of shewing
my bead abore the deck to procurg
AUG.]
CHRONICLE
137
assistance. After the lapse^ bow-
ever^ of about a quarter of an hour,
I did so, and preTailed upon two
of my fellow-suflTerers to give me
a hand^ by which I was enabled to
throw myelf on deck, and seize the
rudder wheel." This portion of
the vessel almost immediately after
parted from the wreck, forming a
sort of raft, which proved the
means of preserving nine persons,
who after floating about from seven
o'clock, were picked up by the
Campeadora*s boat.
Of all who were on board, only
twenty-two were saved.
Statue to Mr. Pitt. —
This day a bronze statue was
erected in Hanover-square, to the
memory of the late right hon.
William Pitt, on a pedestal com-
posed of the best Scotch granite,
sixteen feet in height, exclusive of
the statue, which is ten feet high,
and weighs upwards of four tons.
Mr. Chantry is the sculptor.
19. Coroner's Inquest. —
Cruelty. — An inquest was held
on Elizabeth Cooper, aged 75 ;
an inmate of Cripplegate work-
house, who had been afflicted for the
last few days with a bowel com-
plaint. On Monday evening she
retired to bed about nine o'clock ;
about three hours afterwards, she
cried out to the nurse, "Sarah
Hunt, for God's sake come to my
assistance, I am very sick and
dying." The nurse told her to
puke away, and paid no attention
to her cries. At length, after an
hour had elapsed, another pauper
got up and procured a light, and
prevailed upon the nurse to come
to the assistance of the deceased.
As soon as the deceased saw the
nurse, she exclaimed — "Oh, you
wretch, I told you you should
never tie my jaws up, but I was
mistaken i I have had something
out of the cup which will be my
death.'' The nurse said she should
tie up her jaws, and shortly after
the deceased became insensible.
No doctor was called in ; and the
nurse, after remaining with the
deceased about half an hour, again
retired to her bed. About eight
on the following morning, Mrs.
Cross, the mistress of the work-
house, paid a visit to the deceased,
who remained in much the same
state, but still no medical man was
called in. She continued in this
state of stupor until four o'clock on
Tuesday afternoon, when the nurse
came up to the bed on which the
deceased was lying, and while she
continued breathing, pinched her
nose in the most violent manner.
She then deliberately took a piece
of rag and tied up her jaws, then
tying her legs together, she left
her for a short time, when, finding
that she was not dead, she took up
the sheet, and thrust it violently
against her face with her handf,
and when witness remonstrated
with her against such cruelty, she
told her to go to the devil, and not
meddle with her affairs. The
nurse of the sick ward came to
visit the deceased, and finding that
the wretched woman was still
living, untied her jaws and legs ;
some wine was then procured from
Mrs. Cross, and administered to
the deceased, who lived about half
an hour afterwards, and then ex-
pired, without having been seen
by a medical man.
The Jury returned a verdict,
that the aeceased died by the
visitation of God, and requested
the coroner to censure the conduct
of Mrs. Cross in not calling in
medical aid, and also to reprimand
the nurse Hunt for her cruelty
towards the deceased.
Du«L Bbtwbbn Febngh Von
13S
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[18&1.
LiTiriANS.— -A few days ago a
hostile meeting took place in the
Bois de Boulogne between general
Sebastiani^ minister for Foreign
Affairs, and general Lamarquc,
arising out of a speech of the latter
in the Chamber of Deputies^ in
which he represented M. Lebeau,
Belgian minister for Foreign Af-
fairs, as the Sebastian! of Belgium.
The seconds present on this occa-
sion, general Jacqueminot and M.
de Rumigny, were chosen by ge-
neral Sebastiani, whose adversary
expressed himself satisfied with
their presence, and declined ap-
pointing any on his own behalf.
The affair having been arranged
without exchanging shots, a detail-
ed account of the circumstances at-
tendant upon the intended duel was
published by the TribunCy the tenor
of which betrayed, on the part of
general Sebastian i's seconds^ more
anxiety to settle the difference with-
out fighting, than is usually con-
sidered consistent with the honour
of the principal whom they are
called upon to represent. A letter
was in consequence addressed to the
editor of the Tribune by general
Jacqueminot and M. de Rumigny,
in which they contradicted many
of the circumstances stated in that
journal, and entered into an expla-
nation which general Lemarque
interpreted as unfavourable to
himself. Another meeting, in con-
sequence, took place in the Bois
de Boulogne, admiral de Rigny
acting as the second of general
Sebastian i, and general Harispe,
for general Lamarque. Two pis-
tol shots having been exchanged
without injury to either party, the
seconds interfered, and the affair
was amicably settled.
19. Manuscuipts of Sir W.
Scott's Works. — The MSS. of
some of this celebrated writer's
novels, were sold by auction bjr
Mr. Evans, at his sale-roomB
in Pall -Mall. The prices for
which they were sold were as
follows : — Monastery^ 18/. j Guy
Manncring, 27 L 10^.; Old Mor-
tality, 33/. ; the Antiquary^ A2L ;
Rob Roy, 50/. ; Peveril of the Peak^
42/. ; Waverley (very imperfect)
18/.; Abbot, 14/. ; Ivauhoe, 12/.;
Pirate, 12/.; Fortunes of Nigelj
1 6/. ; Kenilworthj 1 71 ; and Bride
of Lammermoor, 14/. 14^.
Musical Phenomeitok. —
There is a young man, a nailor, in
St. Ninian's, whose compass of
voice is so great, that he can with
facility sink his voice to low
(double) B in the bass scale, a
sound far below the coaipass of
the human voice, and adapted only
for bass instruments. This, how-
ever, is only one-half of what the
young nailor can perform ; for he
can with equal ease ascend firom
low B to the regions of high C,
a distance of twenty-five notes.—
Stirling Journal,
24. CoUUT OF Chanoery.""^
A case being called on which was
partly heard yesterday, Mr. Kin-
dersley, the junior Counsel was
proceeding, when he was inter-
rupted by the Lord Chancellor
inquiring whether he was to follow
Mr. Rose and Mr. Montagu. — Mr.
Kindersley replied in the affirroa-
tive. — The Lord Chancellor. .^^
" Then I must request you to con-
fine yourself to new matter, and
not repeat the arguments I have
already heard. It is really no
pleasure to hear the same argu-
ments repeated by a third counsel.
I sat here till twelve o'clock last
night, and did not get through a
single bankrupt petition. We
have now arrived at the 24th of
August, and it is too much to
expect the Court to bear arg««
AUG.]
CHRONICLE.
139
mentfl thrice repeated. You must^
however, use your own discretioD,
which I have do doubt will be a
wise one." The Counsel was pro-
ceeding, when, in consequence of
some confusion in the boay of the
Court, the Lord Chancellor, in an
extraordinary loud tone, called upon
the officer to clear the Court. His
lordship re|)eated this command
three times, and, it not being at-
tended to, said, '^ Stop sir 3 I will
have the Court cleared , there are
persons talking louder at this mo-
ment than the Counsel. Officers,
clear the Court of all but Counsel
and attorneys immediately." In
consequence of this peremptory
order, the officers began uncere-
moniously to eject the audience:
but after a time, the Lord Chan-
cellor said, that the individuals at
the sides of the Court might be
allowed to remain, as it was not
those within sight, but those that
he could not see, that made all
the noise. '' Clear," continued his
lordship, '' the body of the hall,
and that immediately." The hall
was then cleared, and officers were
stationed at the doors to prevent
any persons firom entering, but
those who had business there.
SEPTEMBER.
A Wild Man. — ^A correspond-
ent of the New York Courier,
writing from Bath (N. H.), states
that on the 2nd inst. while tra-
velling five or six miles into the
country, he encountered a wild
man, in a state of perfect nudity,
bronzed by the wina and sun, and
leaping about the wood with all
the playfulness of an ourang
outang. When called to, he seem-
ed frightened, and ran off, for the
space of fifty yards. After show*.
iog himself on the edge of the
woods and among the tall bushes,
he finally disappeared. He ap-
peared to be about twenty-five
years of age, and his movements
indicated the possession of quiet
and graceful strength. Subse-
quently it was ascertained that he
was a harmless lunatic, who had
wandered for years in the woods.
When clothes are put upon him,
he tears them ofiT and escapes into
the open air, and gambols about
among the trees and shrubs.
Relics of thb Aborigines
OF Caledonia. — While some men
were digging peat, and clearing
away part of the moss of Kincar-
dine, they discovered at the bot-
tom of the superincumbent moss,
no less than ten feet below its sur-
face, a number of oaken faggots
charred at the ends, and arranged
in a circle, in the centre of which
a fire had been at some remote
time kindled. These faggots had
been cleft, and there were marks of
edge-tools upon their exterior ends.
Near to this ancient fireplace, was
found a shield or tareet, wonder-
fully preserved. It nad consisted
of a circular oaken board, covered
with hide, and secured by thongs
through apertures perforated in the
board, at regular distances. Frag-
ments of the thongs were distinct-
ly discernible. I^astly, were disco-
vered some weapons of brass, edged
like chisels, and having grooves
ixxt handles ; and a hatchet of a
very singular kind, also of brass,
or some such metal. An orna-
mented pike of brass, curiously
engraved, was also found.
Slave CoN8PiRACY.--^An alarm-
ing conspiracy was discovered
among the black population in the
slave states in America. On Sun-
day, the 4th inst., the first inform-
ation of the contemplated rising
of the blacks was sent from Sou£
WMhington. The discloiore \
140
ANNUAL REGISTER. pssi.
made by a free mulatto man to
Mr. Usher, of Washington, who
sent the information to Mr. Kelly,
of Duplin. It appears from the
mulatto's testimony, that Dave, a
slave belonging to Mr. Morissey,
of Sampson, applied to him to join
the conspirators ; stating that the
negroes in Sampson, Duplin, and
New Hanover, were regularly or-
ganized and prepared to rise on
the 4th of October. Dave was
taken up, and on this testimony
convicted. After his conviction,
he made a confession of the above
to his master, and, in addition,
gave the names of the principal
ringleaders, and named several
families whom they intended to
murder. Their object was to
march by two routes to Wilming-
ton, spreading destruction and
murder on their way. At Wil-
mington they expected to be rein-
forced by 2000 men, and supply
themselves with arms and ammu-
nition. Dave and another of the
ringleaders in Duplin were exe-
cuted. There were twenty-three ne-
groes in gaol in Duplin county, be-
sides several who had been whipped.
In Sampson there were twenty- five
in gaol. The excitement among
the people in Sampson was very
great, and they were taking effec-
tual measures to arrest all sus-
pected persons. A very intelli-
gent negro preacher, named David,
was put on his trial, and clearly
convicted by the testimony of an-
other negro. The people were so
much enraged, that they scarcely
could be prevented from shooting
him on his passage from the court-
house to the gaol. The confessions
made induced the belief that the
conspirators were organized, and
their plans well understood in
Duplin, Sampson, Waine, New
Hanover, and Lenoir. Twenty-
Qne negroes bad been imprisoued
in Edenton, N. C.» on a charge of
being concerned in a project of
rebellion. Edenton is 100 miles
from Southampton county, the
scene of the insurrection in Vir-
ginia, and nearly 200 miles from
Du])lin and Sampson counties, in
North Carolina. The almost con-
temporaneous out-breaking of the
insurrectionary spirit, in places so
distant from each other, was deem-
ed the most alarming feature in
the whole affair.
Coronation of William
IV AND THE Queen. — As the
door of Westminster Abbey was
the place where their majesties
were to alight from their car-
riages, it was found desirable
to erect some retiring rooms.
They consisted of a tall pointed
arch, between two gables each ris-
ing over a window composed of
two wide lancet lights. The arch-
way opened immediately into a
gallery or passage seventy feet
long by nineteen vide, which was
prepared in imitation of stone, a
high wainscoting of oak, and a
cieling in oak panels. The apart-
ment for the king was on the right,
and that for the queen on the left,
each being entered through a small
antichamber. Along the nave was
extended a platform, twenty feet
in width, covered with matting,
and the centre with blue cloth.
The side ailes were wholly filled
with two galleries, supported on
flat pointed arches, the fronts of
which were exceedingly well co-
loured to harmonize with the ge-
neral tint of the building. Seats
were also erected in the vaultings,
or nunneries, above the side ailes,
and, as they projected in front of
the arches (which had not been the
case on any former occasion), they
appeared suspended in mid-air*
All these were let to the public^
haviog been erected hj iodiirulaal
SEPT.]
CHRONICLE.
141
speculators^ on contract with the
Dean and Chapter. As the organ
of the Abbey was to remain in its
usual situation, it was considered
desirable to raise the organ screen^
in order that the performance of
the vocal and instrumental musi-
cians might not be lost in the vast
space. On the new stone screen,
was raised a wooden erection of
about the same height^ so as to in-
close the music within the choir :
and the front next the nave was
painted to harmonise with the
stone-work. From the choir all
the stalls and reading-desks were
removed, and the platform was
continued doM'n the centre, while
live rows of seats were raised on
each side for the reception of the
judges, the knights of the Bath,
the aldermen of London, and some
of those who took part in the pro-
cession. Above these were two
other galleries, one even with the
organ-loft, and the other above, to
which admission was given by
tickets from the earl Marshal. At
the north-east corner was the box
of the lord great chamberlain.
An ascent of seven steps led from
the choir to the theatre, which is
the name given to the space in the
centre of the church, at the inter-
section of the choir and transepts.
In the middle of this space were
placed the two thrones — that of
the king elevated on five steps,
and the queen's on three, and
both covered with cloth of gold.
In the transepts, the first ten
benches on the north were appor-
tioned to peeresses, and the first
ten on the south to peers ; those
behind were allotted to the holders
of peers and peeresses' tickets ; on
each side were galleries, and under
the great windows galleries were
raised aloft, which were approach-
ed from the vaultings^ much more
accommodation being thus pro-
vided than on any previous occa-
sion. The number of privileged
seats was calculated at 5,300. The
peers who attended were each al-
lowed three tickets^ and others
were distributed to the privy coun-
cillors, knights of the Bath, &c.
in various proportions* The area
(the space between the theatre and
the altar, in which the coronation
took place) was wholly hung with
purple and gold silk, the pulpit
and a bench for the bishops being
placed on the north side, and in a
recess on the south, a box, hung
with crimson, and crowned with a
guilt cornice, for the princesses^
and towards the altar, a table for
the regalia. In the centre stood
the coronation chair; near the
south-west ]}il]ar, opposite the
pulpit, were a chair and faldstool
for the queen's use in the early
part of the ceremonies ; and at the
altar, a chair and fddstool for the
archbishop. Above the altar was
the gallery for the House of Com-i
roons, of which 410 members were
present, the Speaker with his em«
blems of office, being seated in a
state chair in the centre. The
house met at half-after eight, and
repaired to the Abbey at nine, in
the order in which the counties
were drawn by lot from the glasses.
Three-fourths of the members were
dressed in military uniforms, or
in that of denuty-lieutenants of
counties, and there were at least
four in the Highland costume.
Above the princesses^ on the south,
was the king's 'own gallery ; and
opposite to it, on the north, was the
gallery for the Foreign ministers.
On the 8th of September, the
Abbey, from the earliest dawn, pre-
sented the bustle incident to the ap-
S reaching ceremony. Labourers,
reissed in scarlet jackets and white
142
ANNUAL REGISTER. [i83i
trowsers^ wereemployedtocomplete
the necessary arrangements. The
pages of the earl Marshal, about
forty in number^ were in attend-
ance to conduct the privileged
visitors to their seats. They were
gentlemen who volunteered their
services^ and were attired in a
fancy costume, provided at their
own expense, consisting of dark
blue frock-coats, white breeches and
stockings, a crimson silk sash, and
a small squash hat, adorned with
black ostrich feathers. Each was
provided with a gold staff, bearing
the arms of the earl Marshal.
The heralds were also in attend-
ance, to marshal the procession
and precede it. Companies of the
Grenadier and Coldstream Guards
lined the platform on each side the
nave. Soon after five o'clock a
royal salute was fired by a detach-
ment of artillery which was sta-
tioned in the Green Park ; and
about six, the whole of the house-
hold troops arrived in St. James*s
Park, ana were thence distributed
along the line of procession ; some
of the bands remaining to amuse
the crowds in the Park. Along
the whole line of route, scaffolds
and galleries were occasionally
erected over the areas and open
spaces ; in Parliament-street they
were placed before nearly every
house. The church -yard of St.
Margaret's and the open spaces
opposite were entirely covered.
Besides the line of the royal
procession, there were three dis-
tinct routes to the different doors
of the Abbey. That for the
peers and others entering by the
west door began at Grosvenor-
place and approached by Tothill*
street ; that for Poets'-corfler be-
gan at Knightsbridge, and ap«
proached by Milbank ; that for tbe
north door began at the Hay-
market, and approached by King-*
street. The members of tbe Houfe
of Commons were permitted to
take their ordinary route by Par«
liament-street, but were set down
at the door of Westminster-hall.
A covered platform was erected
for their accommodation across the
street to Poets'-corner. The car-
riages were all moved off to dis*
tinct places of rendezvous; and
the strong barriers which were
erected at every avenue of ap-
proach, by preventing a confluence
of carriages near the line of the
royal procession, enabled a rast
number of spectators on foot to
witness it with little difficulty.
The state carriages of the Lord
Chancellor and of the lord mayor
of London, with their attendants,
each formed a minor processioD ;
and the equipages of prince Ester-
hazy, the Austrian Ambassador,
were in themselves a splendid
show. The carriages, horsemen,
and attendants destined to form
the street procession, met at Con-
stitution-hill, and at half-past ten
o'clock the cavalcade moved for-
ward in the following order :
A Squadron of Life Guards.
The two carriages of their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of
Gloucester, each drawn by six horses, with their proper escort of
Life Guards. In the first were Lord Viscount Deerhurst, Lord
Edward Thynne, Major>Gen. Sir Howard Douglas, Bart., and
Lieut.-Col. £dmund Currey. In the second, their Royal High*
nesses, attended by Lady Isabella Thynne.
Tbe two carriages of her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge^
SEPT.] CHRONICLE. 143
each drawn by six horses^ with the proper escort of Life Guards. In
the first were Lord Viscount Villiers, and Colonel Sir James Henry
Reynett, K.C.H. In the second, her Royal Highness, attended by
Lady Elizabeth Murray.
The carriage of his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, drawn by
six hdrses, with his proper escort of Life Guards, in which were his
Royal Highness, attended by Lord John-Spencer Churchill, Lieut.-
Gen. Sir William Hutchinson, and Capt. the Hon. Edward Gore.
The two carriages of their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of
Cumberland, each drawn by six horses, with their proper escort of
Life Guards. In the first were Lord Viscount Encombe, Lord
Ernest Bruce, Lieut.-Gen. Sir Colquhoun Grant, K.C.B.» and
Lieut.-Gen. John Slade. And in the second, their Royal High-
nesses, attended by Lady Sophia Lennox*
The King s Barge-Master, and the King's forty-eight Watermen.
Ten Carriages of their Majesties, each drawn by six horses, and
attended by four Grooms on foot.
A Squadron of Life Guards.
His Majesty's Equerries and Aides- de-Camp, on horseback,
two and two (each attended by a Groom, and the King's two
Yeomen Riders on either side).
The Deputy Adjutant-general, Major-Gen. John Gardiner ; the
Deputy Quartermaster-general, Major-gen. Sir Richard D. Jackson,
K.C.B. ; and the Deputy Adjutant-general of the Royal Artillery,
Colonel Sir Alexander Dickson, K.C.B.
The Quartermaster-general, Lieut.-Gen. the Right Hon. Sir James W,
Gordon, bt., K.C.B. ; the Adjutant-General, Major-Gen. John
Macdonald ; and Major-Gen. Lord Fitzroy Somerset, K.C.B.,
Military Secretary to the General commanding in Chief.
The Master of his Majesty's Buck-hounds, Lord Viscount Anson, on
horseback, attended by two Grooms.
Six of his Majesty's horses, with rich trappings, each horse
led by two Grooms.
George Head, Esq. Deputy Knight Marshal.
Marshal men in ranks of four.
The Exons and Clerk of the Cheque of the Yeomen of the Guard.
One hundred Yeomen of the Guard, four and four.
The Lieutenant and Ensign of the Yeomen of the Guards
John Gill, Esq., and William-Conyngham Burton, Esq. on horseback.
Twelve Footmen, four and four.
The State Coach, drawn by eight horses, attended by a Yeoman of
the Guard at each wheel and . two Footmen at each door, and the
horses on either side by four Grooms; the Gold Stick, Gen. Lord
Viscount Combermere, G.C.B., and the Captain of the Yeomen of the
Guard, the Marquess of Clanricarde, riding on either side, attended
by two Grooms each ; conveying
HIS MAJESTY THE KING : HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN,
attended by the Duchess of Gordon, in the absence of the Duchess-
dowager of Leeds, Mistress of the Robes, and the Countess Brown-
low, Lady of the Bedchamber in waiting.
A Squadron of Life Guards.
144
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[i8dJ.
The procession^ which was under
the orders of Lord Frederick Fitz-
clarence, Gentleman of the Horse
to his Majesty, assisted by Ralph
W. Spearman, esq. Chief Clerk of
the Stables, and the other officers
of the Master of the Horse's De-
partment, proceeded by the route
of Pall-mall, Charing-cross, White-
hall, and Parliament-street, and
arrived at the great west entrance
of Westminster Abbey, at a quar-
ter past eleven o'clock.
The Great Officers of State, the
Archbishops of Canterbury and
York, the noblemen appointed to
carry the Regalia (all in their re-
spective robes of estate), and the
Bishops who were to support their
Majesties, as well as those who
were tocarrythe Bible, the Chalice,
and the Patina, assembled in the
Jerusalem chamber, adjoining the
Deanery, before ten o'clock, where
the Regalia, having been previously
laid on the table, were delivered
by the Lord Chamberlain of the
Household to the Lord High Con-
stable, by him to the Deputy Lord
Great Chamberlain, and by his
lordship to the noblemen by whom
the same were severally to be borne.
The Dean and Prebendaries of
Westminster were in the Nave, in
readiness to join the procession
next before the Officers of his Ma-
jesty's Household.
On the arrival of their Majes-
ties at the Abbey, at a quarter
past eleven o'clock, they were re-
ceived by the Great Officers of
State and the Noblemen bearing
the Regalia, and repaired to their
robing-chambers without the west
entrance. The Ladies of her Ma-
jesty's Household, the Officers of
the Royal Household, and of the
respective Households of the Princes
and Princesses^ as well as others
who had formed part of the royal
retinue from St. James's Palace,
and to whom duties had not been
assigned in the solemnity, passed
immediately to the places prepared
for them within the Choir.
Their Majesties, having been
robed, advanced up the Nave into
the Choir ; the Choristers of the
Chapel Royal, of W^estminster,
and of St. Paul's, in the orchestra,
under the direction of Sir George
Smart, kt., organist of his Majes-
ty's Chapels Royal, sang the
anthem, '^ I was glad when they
said unto me, we will go into the
House of the Lord," &c.
Proceeding from the Abbey Door into the Choir*
Pursuivants of Arms, in their tabards.
Blanch Lyon Extr., G. H. Rogers Rouge Croix, Rob. Laurie, Gent.
Harrison, Gent.
Portcullis, James Pulman, Esq. Rouge Dragon, F. Townsend, Gent.
Heralds of Arms, in their tabards and Collars of SS.
Arundel Extry. W. A. Blount, Esq. Norfolk Extr. Wm. Woods, Esq.
Lancaster, Geo. -Fred. Beltz, Esq. York, Chas.-Geo. Young, Esq.
Windsor, Francis Martin, Esq. Somerset, J. Cathrow Disney, Esq.
Richmond, Joseph Hawker, Esq. Chester, Geo.-Martin Leake, Esq.
Kings of Arms, in their tabards and Collars of SS.,
bearing their Crowns :
Norroy, Edmund Lodge, Esq. Clarenceux, Ralph Bigland, Esq.
Prebendaries of Westminster, viz.. Lord John Thynne, Henry Vincent
Bayley, D.D., George Holcombe, D.D., James Webber, D.D,, Dean
of Ripon and Sub-Dean of Westminster, Joseph Allen^ D^D.^ <^d
Thomas Causton^ D.D*
SEPT.]
CHRONICLE.
145
The Dean of Westminster, Jolin Ireland, D.D.
His Majesty's Vice-Chamberlain, the Earl of Belfast.
Treasurer of his Majesty's House-
hold, Right Hon. Sir Wm. H.
Freemantle, G.C.H., bearing the
crimson bag with the medals.
The Lord Steward of the
Household,
the Earl of Shaftesbuiry 5
(in the absence of the
Marquess of Wellesley, K.G. ;)
his coronet carried by a Page,
The Lord President of the Council,
Marquess of Lansdowne ;
his coronet carried by a Page.
Comptroller of his Majesty's
Household, Right Hon. Robert
Grosvenor.
The Lord Chamberlain of the
Household,
the Duke of Devonshire> K.G. ;
his coronet carried by a Page,
and attended by an
Officer of the Jewel-office,
Thomas B. Marsh, Esq.,
bearing a cushion, with two
Ruby Rings, and the
Sword for the Offijring.
The Lord Privy Seal,
Lord Durham 3
his coronet carried by a Page.
The Lord^ Chancellor of Ireland, Lord Plunket ;
attended by his Purse-bearer, his coronet carried by a Page.
The Lord High Chancellor, Lord Brougham and Vaux ;
attended by his Purse-bearer, his coronet carried by a Page.
The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, William Howley, D.D., in his
rochet, with his cap in his hand, attended by two Gentlemen.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge,
in a robe of estate of purple velvet, wearing a circlet of gold on
her head 5 her train borne by Lady Elizabeth Murray,
assisted by Col. Sir James- Henry Reynett 5
and her coronet by Lord Viscount Villiers.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cumberland,
in a like robe and circlet ; her train borne by Lady Sophia Lennox,
assisted by Sir Colquhoun Grant ;
and her coronet by Lord Viscount Encombe.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester,
in a like robe and circlet 5 her train borne by Lady Isabella Thynne,
assisted by Lieut.-Col. Edmund Ciirrey 3
and her coronet by Lord Viscount Deerhurst.
The Queen's Vice Chamberlain,
Lord Viscount Valletort, in the absence of the Hon. William Ashley.
The Queen's Regalia, viz..
The Lord Chamberlain of her
Majesty's Household,
Earl Howe;
their coronet each carried by a Page.
Her Majesty's Crown,
borne by the Duke of Beaufort, K.G. ;
his Grace's coronet carried by a Page.
The Ivory Rod
with the
Dove, borne by
Earl Cawdor;
Two Serjeants
at
Arms.
The Sceptre
with the Cross,
borne by the
Earl of Jersey;
Two Serjeants
at
Arms.
Vol. LXXHL
146 ANNUAL REGISTER. [issi,
THE QUEEN,
The Bishop in her Royal Robes, with her Circle The Bishop
of of Gold ; her Majesty's Train of
Winchester, borne by the Duchess of Gordon, Chichester,
Charles Richard in the absence of the dowager Robert James
Sumner, D.D. Duchess of Leeds, Carr, D.D.
Mistress of the Robes, assisted by
six Daughters of Earls, viz. :
Lady Gcorgiana Bathurst, Lady Teresa Fox-Strangways.
Lady Mary Pelhani. Lady Theodosia Brabazon.
Lady Sophia Cust. Lady Gcorgiana Grey.
On each side of her Majesty walked fire Gentlemen Pensionen.
Ladies of the Bedchamber in Waiting, viz :
Countess Brownlow. Marchioness of Westmeath.
Maids of Honour, viz. :
Hon. Miss Eden, Hon. Miss Bagot, Hon. Miss de Roofi,
Hon. Miss C. Boyle, Hon. Miss Seymour, and Hon. Miss Mitchell*
Women of the Bedchamber, viz. :
Lady Caroline Wood. Lady William Russell.
TuE KiNG*s Regalia, viz.:
St. Edward's Staff, The Golden Spurs, The Sceptre with the
borne by the borne by the Cross, borne by the
Duke of Grafton ; Marquess of Hastings ; Duke of St. Albans ;
their coronets each carried by a Page.
The Third Sword, Curtana, The Second Sword,
borne by the borne by the borne by the
Marquess of Cleveland; Marquess of Salisbury; Marquess of Downshire;
their coronets each carried by a Page.
Gentlemen Usher of the Black Rod, Garter Principal King of Arms,
Sir Tliomas Tyrwhitt, kt. K.S.A. Sir Geo. Nayler, kt. K.H., C.T.S.
his crown borne by a Page.
The Deputy Lord Great Chamberlain of England,
Marquess of Cholmondeley ; his coronet borne by a Page.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester,
in his robes of estate, carrying his baton as Field-Marshal,
his coronet borne by Major-Gen. Sir Howard Douglas, Bart.,
his train by Lord Edward Thynne.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, in like robes ;
his coronet carried by Lieut.-Gen. Sir William Hutchinson, kt. •
his train by Lord John-Spencer Churchill.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, in like robeSj
carrying his baton ; his coronet borne by Lieut.-Gen. John Slade 3
his train by Lord Ernest Bruce.
The High Constable of Ireland, The High Constable of Scotland,
the Duke of Leinster ; the Earl of Erroll ;
lu9 coropet borne by a Page. his CQrouet borne by a P«ge.
J5iPT.]
CHRONICLE.
147
The Earl Marshal of
England,
the Duke of Norfolk,
with his staff;
attended by two Pages.
The Sceptre with the
Dove, *
borne by the
Duke of Richmond,
K.G. ', his coronet
carried by a Page.
Tlie Patina^
borne by the
Bishop of Rochester,
George Murray, D.D.
The Sword of State,
borne by
E^rl Grey, K.G. 5
his coronet
carried by a Page.
St. Edward's Crown,
borne by the
Lord High Steward,
tiie Duke of Hamilton ;
Jiis staff and his coronet
carried by two Pages.
The Bible,
borne by the
Bishop of Exeter,
The Lord High
Constable of England,
the Duke of Wel-
lington, K.G. 5 with
his staff, and his
baton as Field-Marshal ;
attended by two Pages.
The Orb, borne
by the
Duke of Somerset ;
his coronet
carried by a Page.
The Chalice,
borne by the
Bishop of Oxford,
Henry Philpotts, D.D. Hon. Rich. Bagot, D.D.
The Bishop
of
Bath and WeUs,
Geo.-Henry Law, D.D.
THE KING, The Archbishop of York,
in his Royal crimson Edw. Harcourt,D.C.L,
Robes, and in the absence of the
Cap of State 3 Bishop of Durham,
his Majesty's train
borne by
the Marquess of Worcester, the Earl of Euston,
the Earl of Kerry, the Marquess of Titchfield, the Marquess of Douro,
assisted by the Master of the Robes,
Capt. Sir Geo. Seymour, K.C.H. ;
and followed by the Groom of the Robes,
Capt. Lord Adolphus Fitzclarence, R.N.
On each side walked ten Gentlemen Pensioners,* those on the King's
right hand headed by their Lieutenant, H. B. Henrich, Esq.,
and those on his Majesty's left hand by their Standard- bearer.
Sir George-Bartholomew Pocock, kt.
Groom of the Stole, Gold Stick of the Life Master of the Horse,
Marquess of Winchester; Guards in waiting. Earl of Albemarle;
Gen. Lord Viscount
Combermere, G.C.B. ;
their coronets each borne by a Page.
The Captain of the Yeomen. The Captain of the Band of
of the Guard, Geptlemen Pensioners,
Marquess of Clanric^r^e ; Lord Foley ;
his coronet borne by a Page. his coronet borne by a Page.
The Captain of the Archer-Guard of Scotland,
Duke of Buccleugh;, K.T. 3 his coronet borne by a Page.
* Instead of wearing the costume of the time of Henry 8th, adopted at the
former coronation, the Gentlemen Pensioners were attired in the full-dress uniform
of Otficers of the Guards, with cocked hat and feathers.
L 2
148
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
The Master of his Majesty's Buck-hounds, Lord Viscount Anson ;
his coronet borne by a Page.
Two Lonls of tlie Bedchamber, viz. :
Earl Amherst, and the Earl of Denbigh ;
each attended by a Page to bear his coronet.
The Keeper of his Majesty's Privy Purse,
Major-General Sir H. VVheatley, K.C.H.
Exons of the Yeomen Clerk of the Cheque Exons of the Yeomen
of the Guard, to the Yeomen of of the Guards
Henry Cipriani, esq., the Guard, Charles Hancock, esq.
T. H. Curteis, esq. R. F. Fitzherbert, esq. John Hancock^ esq.
Twenty Yeomen of the Guard.
[^The Knights of the several Orders wore their respective collars.]
The Prebendaries, entering the Guard stood on the outside of the
choir, ascended the theatre, and
passed over it to their station on
the south side of the altar, l}eyond
the King's chair. — The Vice-
Chamberlain, Comptroller, and
Treasurer of his Majesty's House-
hold, passed to the seats provided
for them. — The Dean of Westmins-
ter, the Great Officers, and the
Lord Archbishop of Canterbury,
ascended the theatre, and stood
near the great south-east pillar
thereof. — The Princesses and the
attendants of their Royal High-
nesses were conducted by the Offi-
cers of Arms to their box on the
south side of the area.
The Queen, preceded by her
Majesty's Vice-Chamberlain, Lord
Chamberlain, and the noblemen
bearing her Regalia, and attended
as before mentioned, ascended the
theatre, and passed on the north
entrance to the choir.
The Princes of the Blood Royal
were conducted to their seats, as
Peers, by the Officers of Arms.— .
The High Constables of Scotland
and Ireland were also conducted to
their places, as Peers.
The King, ascending the theatre,
passed, on the south side of his
throne, to his chair of state on the
east side of the theatre, opposite to
the altar 3 and tlieir Majesties^
after their private devotions, took
their respective seats ; the Bishops,
their supporters, standing on eadi
side; the Noblemen bearing the
four Swords on his Majesty's right
hand ; the Deputy Lord Great
Chamberlain, and the Lord High
Constable on his left ; the Great
Officers of State, the Noblemen
bearing his Majesty's Regalia, the
Dean of Westminster, Garter, and
side of her throne, to the chair of Black Rod, standing about the
state provided for her Majesty on King's chair, and the Trainbearers
the east side of the theatre, below
her throne, and stood by the said
chair until his Majesty's arrival. —
The Serjeants-at-Arms went to
their places, near the theatre. —
The Gentlemen Pensioners, who
guarded their Majesties, remained
at the foot of the steps ascending
the theatre ; the Yeomen of the
behind his Majesty. — ^The Gold
Stick, the Master of the Horse, the
Groom of the Stole, the Captain of
the Band of Gentlemen Pensioners,
the Captain of the Yeomen of the
Guard, and the Captain of the
Archer-Guard of Scotland, passed
to their seats, as Peers. — The
Queen's Ofiicers, the Noblemen
SEPT.]
CHRONICLE.
149
who bore her Majesty's Regalia^
Iicr Supporters, Trainbearers, and
Assistants, stood near her Ma-
jesty; lier Lord Chamberlain on
the right hand ; her Vice-Cham-
berlain on the left -, and the Ladies-
Attendants behind her Majesty's
chair.
27ie Recognition, — Upon the
conclusion of the anthem, his Ma-
jesty, attended by the Archbishop
of Canterbury, the Lord Chancel-
lor, the Deputy Lord Great Cham-
berlain, the Lord High Constable,
and the Earl Marshal, and pre-
ceded by Garter, repaired to the
east side of the theatre, where the
Archbishop made the Recognition,
and repeated the same at the south,
west, and north sides of the the-
atre, his Majesty turning towards
the people on the side at which the
Recognition was made : the people
replied to each demand with loud
and repeated acclamations of "God
save King William the Fourth ;"
and, at the last Recognition, the
trumpets sounded and the drums
beat.
His Majesty then took his seat,
and the Bible, the Chalice, and
the Patina were carried to and
placed upon the altar by the
Bishops who had borne them. —
Two Officers of the Wardrobe
then spread a rich cloth of gold,
and laid two cushions on the same,
for their Majesties to kneel on, at
the steps of the altar. — The Arch-
bishop of Canterbury put on his
cope, and the Bishops who were to
read the litany were also vested in
their copes.
The Ojfenw^.— The King, at-
tended by his Supporters, and the
Dean of Westminster, the Great
Officers, the Noblemen bearing
the Regalia and the four Swords,
going before his Majesty, passed
to t^e ^twr, . Tbea the Que^n^
supported and preceded by the
Noblemen bearing her Majesty's
Regalia as before, went also to the
altar. His Majesty, uncovered
and kneeling upon the cushion^
made his first offering of a pall or
altar-cloth of gold, which was de-
livered by an officer of the Ward-
robe to the Lord Chamberlain, by
his Grace to the Deputy Lord
Great Chamberlain, and by him to
the King, who delivered it to the
Archbishop of Canterbury, by whom
it was placed on the altar. The
Treasurer of the Household then
delivered an ingot of gold, of one
pound weight, being the second
offering, to the Deputy Lord Great
Chamberlain, who having present-
ed the same to the King, his Ma-
jesty delivered it to the Arch-
bishop, by whom it was put into
the oblation basin.
The Queen, kneeling on the
left hand of his Majesty, made
her offering, namely, a pall of gold,
with the like ceremony. Their
Majesties continued to kneel, and
the prayer, ^' O God, who dwellest
in the iiigh and holy place,'' was
said by the Archbishop. At the
conclusion of the prayer, their Ma-
jesties rose. The King was con-
ducted to the chair of state on the
south side of the area, and her
Majesty to the chair on the left
hand of the King. The Regalia,
except the Swords, were delivered,
by the several Noblemen who bore
the same, to the Archbishop, and
by his Grace to the Dean of West-
minster, who laid them on the
altar ; the Great Officers, and the
Noblemen who had borne the
Regalia^ going to their respective
places.
The litany was then read by
the Bishop of Lichfield and Coven-
try, and Bishop of Lincoln, vested
in QopeSj mi kneeling at a fald«
«
150
ANNUAL REGISTER. [i83l
stool covered witli blue velvet,
placed alxtvc the steps of the the-
atre* in the middle Af its east side.
Then was read the beginning of
the communion service, the Bishop
of IJandafI* reading the Epistle,
and the Bishop of Bristol the
Ctos[k»I. The sermon was preached
by the Bishop of London, his text
was from 1 Peter ii, 18, "Submit
yourself to every ordinance of man,
for the Lord's sake,'* a passage
which had just been read in the
Epistle. During the sermon, his
Majesty wore his cap of state of
crimson velvet, turned up with
ermine, and sat in his chair on the
sr)uth side of the area, opposite the
pulpit ; his Supporters, the Deputy
Great Chamberlain, and the No-
blemen carrying the Swords, stand-
ing by him. Her Majesty sat in
her chair on the left hand of his
Majesty, supjiortcd and attended
its before. The Archbisliop of
Canterbury took his seat in a pur-
j)le \'elvet chair, on the north side
of the altar. Garter standing near
him. The Dean took his seat on
the south side of the altar. The
Bishops sat on their benches, along
the north side of the area. The
Prelxjndaries of Westminster stood
on the south side of the area, east
of the King's chair^ and near the
altar.
l^he Oath, — The sermon being
ended, the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, advancing to the King, ad-
ministered the Coronation Oath.
The King arose from his chair of
state, and, attended by his sup-
porters and the Deputy Lord Great
Chamberlain, went uncoi'cred to
the altar, where, kneeling upon
the cushion laid on the steps, and
placing his hand on the Holy
Gospels, his Majesty took the Oath,
and added thereto his royal sign
manual^ the Lord Chamberlaiu of
the Household holding a silver
stand ish for that purpose, delivered
to him by an officer of the JeweU
office.
I'he King returned to liis chair,
when the hymn was sung, (the
Archbishop reading the first Hnet)
''Come, Holy Ghost, our Bouli
inspire/' &c.
The Anointing. — Upon the con-
clusion of the nymn, the Arch-
bisho[) read the prayer preparatory
to the Anointing, " O Lord, Holy
Father, who by anoioting with oil
didst of old make and consecrate
Kings, Priests, and Prophets," &c«
At the conclusion of tnis prayer,
the choirs sang the anthem, ''Za-
dock the priest,'* &c. During
this, the King was disrobed of his
crimson robes bv the Deputy Lord
Great Chamberlain, who delivered
them to the Master of the Robes ;
and his Majesty took off his cap of
state, the Deputy Lord Great
Chamberlain delivering the same
to the Lord Chamberlain ; and the
robes and cap were immediately
carried into St. Edward's Chapel,
the robes by the Groom of the
Robes, the cap by the officer of the
Jewel office. His Majesty then
took his seat in King Ea ward's
chair, covered with cloth of gold,
and placed in front of the utar^
when four Knights of the Garter,
viz. the Dukes of Leeds and
Dorset, the Marquess Camden,
and the Marquess of Exeter, sum-
moned by Garter, held over the
King's head a rich pall or cloth of
gold, delivered to them by the
Lord Chamberlain, who hsid re-
ceived the same from an officer of
the Wardrobe -, and the Dean of
Westminster stood near holding
the Ampulla, containing the con-
secrated oil, and pouring some into
tlie Anointing Spoon, the Arch*
bishop anointed his Miyesty oa
SEPT.]
CHRONICLE.
151
the head and hands^ in the form of
a cross, pronouncing the words,
'* Be thou anointed," ac*
The King then kneeling, the
Archbishop standing on the north
side of the altar, pronounced the
Benediction. The Knights of the
Garter returned the pall to the
Lord Chamberlain (which was by
him re-delivered to the officer of
the Wardrobe), and repaired to
their seats.
The Spurs. »^ After this, the
Dean took the Spurs from the
altar, and delivered them to the
Deputy Lord Great Chamberlain,
who, kneeling down, touched his
Majesty's heels therewith, and re-
turned them to the Dean, by
whom they were laid upon the
altar.
The iS'ftforrf*— Earl Grey then
delivered the Sword of State to the
Lord Chamberlain, and, in lieu
thereof, received from his Grace
another Sword in a scabbard of
purple velvet ( presented to his
Grace by an officer of .the Jewel-
oflice), which his Lordship delivered
to the Archbishop, who laid it on
the altar, and said the prayer,
*' Hear our prayers, O Lord, we
beseech thee, and so direct and
support thy servant King William,"
&c.
The Archbishop then took the
Sword from off the altar, and,
assisted by other Bishops, de-
livered it into the King's right
hand, saying, •' Receive this king-
ly Sword," &c. and ''With this
Sword do Justice," &c.
Offering of the Sword. -^The
King rising, went to the altar,
where his Majesty offered the
Sword in the scabbard, (delivering
it to the Archbishop), and then
retired to his chair: the Sw(n*d
was then redeemed by Earl Grey,
who carried it during the remm^
der of the solemnity, having first
drawn it out of the scabbard, and
delivered the latter to an officer of
the Wardrode.
The Investing with the Mantle.
— The King then standing, his
Majesty was invested by the Dean
with the Imperial Mantle, or
Dalmatic Robe of cloth of gold,
delivered to him by the officers of
the Wardrobe; the Deputy Lord
Great Chamberlain fastening the
clasDs
The Or6.— The King then sit-
ting down, the Archbishop, having
received the Orb from the Dean,
delivered it into the King^s right
hand, saying, "Receive this im-
perial Robe and Orb,'* &c. His
Majesty then returned the Orb to
the Dean, who laid it upon the
altar.
The Riw^.— The Lord Cham-
berlain of his Majesty's House-
hold, then receiving from the offi-
cer of the Jewel office the Ruby
Ring, delivered the same to the
Archbishop, who put it on the
fourth finger of the King's right
hand, saying *' Receive this Ring,"
&c.
The Sceptres.-^The Dean there-
upon brought from the altar the
two Sceptres with the Cross and
Dove, and delivered them to the
Archbishop. In the meantime, the
Duke of Norfolk, as Lord of the
Manor of Worksop, presented to
the King a glove, for his Majesty's
right hand, embroidered with the
arms of Howard, which his Ma--
jesty put on. The Archbishop
then delivered the Sceptre with
the Cross into his Majesty's right
hand, saying, '» Receive the Royal
Sceptre'* &c.; and then the Scep-
tre with the Dove into his left hand
*ayjng, *' Receive the Rod of
Equity," &c. The Duke of Nor-
folk; aa Lord of the Manor of
%
162 ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831,
Worksop, supported his Majesty's
right arm^ and held the Sceptre as
occasion required.
The Cronminsr, — Tlie Arch-
bishop, standing before the altar,
and having St. Edward's CroMn
before him, took the same into his
liands, and consecrated and blessed
it, saying the prayer, "O God, who
crownest thy faithful servants with
mercy,*' &c. Tlien tlie Archbishop,
assisted by other Bishops, came
from the altar, the Dean of West-
minster carrying tlie Crown, which
the Arclibishop took and placed on
his Majesty's head ; while the peo-
ple, with loud and repeated shouts,
cried, '^God save tlie King," &c. :
the trumpets sounding, the drums
beating, and the Tower and Park
guns tiring by signal. The accla-
mation ceasing, the Archbishop
pronounced the exhortation, ''Be
strong and of a good courage,"
&c. The choirs then sang the
anthem, '' The King shall re-
joice in thy strength," &c. As
soon as the King was crowned, the
Princes of the Blood Royal and the
other peers put on their coronets ;
the Bishops their Caps; and the
Kings of Arms their crowns.
'The Holy Bible. — The Dean
then taking the Holy Bible from
the altar, delivered it to the Arch-
bishop, who, attended by the rest
of the Bishops, presented it to the
King, saying, ''Our Gracious
King," &c. The King then re-
turned the Bible to the Arch-
bishop, who gave it to the Dean,
and it was by him replaced on the
altar. The Archbishop then pro-
nounced the Benedictions, the
Bishops and the Peers answering
each Benediction with a loud
Amen. The Archbishop then
turning to the people, said, ''And
the same Lord God Almighty
grant," &c. Te Deum was there*
upon sung, during which time
the King removed to the chair on
which his Majesty first sat on the
east side of the throne.
The Itiihrofiization, — Te Deum
Ix^ing ended, the King ascended
the theatre, and was enthroned by
the Bishops and Peers : the Arch-
bishop pronounced the Exhorta-
tion, "Stand firm, and hold fast/'
Sec.
The Homage. — His Majesty-
seated on his throne, then delivered
the Sceptre with the Cross to the
Duke of Norfolk, to hold the same
on his right hand, and the Sceptre
with the Dove to the Duke of
Richmond, to hold the same on
his left hand, during the Homage.
The Archbishop of Canterburv
then knelt before the King, aoa,
for himself and the fifteen other
Lords Spiritual then present, pro-
nounced the words of Homage,
they kneeling around him, and
saying, after him. The Arch-
bishop then kissed his Majesty's
left cheek, and the rest of the
Lords Spiritual did the same» and
retired. The like ceremony was
then performed by his Royal
Highness the Duke of Cumberland
and Teviotdale, and the two other
Princes of the Blood Royal then
present: by Bernard-Edward, Duke
of Norfolk, and fifteen other Dukes ;
by Charles Ingoldesby, Marquess
01 Winchester and seventeen other
Marquesses i by John Earl of
Shrewsbury, and sixty other Earls;
by Henry Viscount Hereford, and
nine other Viscounts ; and by
Henry- William Lord de Roos, and
fifty -seven other Barons. During
the ceremony, the choir sang an
anthem, and the Treasurer of his
Majesty's Household threw about
the Medals of the Coronation.
The Anointing, Crowning, and
Enthroning ^ Me QM^en, .— Hey
■*■■■
* '■.'
SEPT.]
CHRONICLE.
153
Majesty the Queen having reposed
herself in her chair on the south
side of the altar, during the Coro-
nation and Inthronization of his
Majesty, arose as soon as the
anthem was ended, and, being sup-
ported as before, went to the altar,
attended bv her Trainbearer, and
Ladies-assistants; and her Ma-
jesty knelt whilst the Archbishop
said the prayer of consecration.
Her Majesty then rose and went
to the Chair, at which she was to
be anointed and crowned, and
which was placed on the left of
King Edward's Chair, somewhat
nearer to the altar ; and standing
there, the Countess Brownlow took
off her Majesty's circle of gold,
and delivered it to her Lord
Chamberlain. The Queen then
knelt down, and the Duchesses of
Richmond, Montrose, and North-
umberland, and the Marchioness
of Lansdowne, having been sum-
moned by Garter, severally left
their places and repaired to the
area, where, holding a rich pall of
cloth of gold over her Majesty, the
Archbishop poured the consecrated
oil upon her head, saying. 'Mn the
name of the Father,*' &c. ITien
the Archbishop received, from the
officer of the Jewel-office, the
Queen's Ring, and put the same
on the fourth finger of her Ma-
jesty's right hand, saying, "Re-
ceive this Ring." &c. The Arch-
bishop thereupon took the Crown
from the altar, and reverently set
it on the Queen's head, saying,
^'Receive the Crown," &:c. Her
Majesty being crowned, the three
Princesses of the Blood Royal and
all the dowager Peeresses, and
Peeresses present put on their
coronets. There were in number
seven Duchesses, thirteen Mar-
chionesses, twenty-nine Countesses,
five Viscountesses, and thirty-one
Baronesses.
Then the Archbishop placed the
Sceptre with the Cross in her Ma-
jesty's right hand, and the Ivory
Rod with the Dove in her left,
and offered up the prayer, *'0
Lord, the giver of all perfection,"
&c. The Queen, being thus anoint-
ed, and crowned, and having, re-
ceived all her ornaments, the choirs
sang the Hallelujah Chorus ; at the
commencement of the chorus the
Queen arose, and, supported as
before, ascended the theatre (re-
verently bowing to his Majesty as
she passed the throne) and was
conducted to her own throne on
the left hand of that of the King,
where her Majesty reposed until
the conclusion of the chorus.
The Holy Sacrament.'-' After
the Chorus, the two Bishops, who
had read the Epistle and Gospel,
received from the altar, by the
hands of the Archbishop, the
Patina and the Chalice, which
they carried into St. Edward's
Chapel, and brought from thence
the Bread upon the Patina, and the
Wine in the Chalice, their Majes-
ties then descended from their
thrones, and went to the altar,
where the King, taking off his
Crown, delivered it to the Deputy
Lord Great Chamberlain to hold,
and the Sceptres to the Dukes of
Norfolk and Richmond. Then the
Bishops delivered the Patina and
Chalice into the King's hands;
and his Majesty delivered them to
the Archbishop, who reverently
placed the same upon the altar,
covering them with a fair linen
cloth. The Queen also taking off
her Crown, delivered it to her
Lord Chamberlain to hold, and the
Sceptres to those Noblemen who
had previously borne them. Their
#
154
ANNUAL REGISTER.
D831.
Majesties then went to their c1iaii*s.
OD the south side of the area,
When the Archhishop and the
Dean had communicated^ their
Majesties received the Sacrament,
the Archbishop administering the
Breads and tlie Dean of Westmin-
ster the Cup. The King and
Queen then put on their Crowns,
and, taking tlie Sceptres in their
hands us before^ repaired again to
their t)i rones, supported and at-
tended as before. The Archbishop
then read the Communion Service,
and pronounced the blessing ; and,
at the conclusion, the trumpets
sounded and the drums beat.
After which, liis Majesty, attended
as before, the Four Swords being
carried before him, descended into
the area, and passed through the
door on the south side of the altar,
into St. Edward's Cha[)el ; and the
Noblemen who had carried the
Regalia, received them from the
Dean of Westminster as they
]>assed by the altar into the Chapel.
The Queen at the same time, de-
scending from her throne, went
into the same chapel at the door
on the north side of the altar.
Their Majesties being in the
Chapel, the King, standing before
the altar, delivered the Sceptre
with the Dove, which his Majesty
had borne in his left hand, to the
Archbishop, who laid it upon the
altar. His Majesty was then dis-
robed of his Royal Robe of State,
or Dalmatic Robe, and arrayed in
his Royal robe of purple velvet by
the Deputy Lord Great Chamber-
lain. The Archbisho]) then placed
the Orb in his Majesty's left hand.
The Noblemen, who had carried
the Gold Spurs, and St. Edward's
Staff, delivered the same to the
Dean, to be by him deposited on
the altar. Whilst their Majesties
were in St. Edward's Chapel, the
OiHccrs of Arms, arranged the
returning procession, which moved
at the moment when the King and
Queen left the Chapel. Their
Majesties, and the Princes, and
Princesses, then proceeded out of
the Choir, and to the west door of
the Abbey, attended as before ;
their Majesties wearing their
Crowns ; the King bearinff in his
right hand the Sceptre with the
Cross, and in his left the Orb;
and the Queen bearing in her right
hand her Sc*eptre with the Cross,
and in her left the Ivory Rod with
the Dove : their Royal Highnesses
the Princes and Princesses wearing
their Coronets; and the Princes,
who were Field-Marshals, carrying
their batons. The Four Swor£
were borne before the King, in the
same order as before. The Dean
and Prebendaries, and the Bishops
who had carried the Bible, the
Chalice, and the Patina, remained
in the Choir. The Noblemen who
had severally carried the Crown;,
the Orb, the Sceptre with the
Dove, the Spurs, and St. Ed-
ward's Staff, walked in the same
places as before ; those Noblemen
who had staves and batons carry-
ing the same; all Peers wearing
their coronets; and the ArchbU
shops, and the Bishops supporting
their Majesties, wearing their
caps; and the Kings of Arms
their crowns. On the arrival of
their Majesties on the platform
without the west entrance. Garter
proclaimed his Majesty's Style, as
follows : — *' The Most High, Most
Mighty, and Most Excellent Mo-
narch, William the Fourth,
by the Grace of God, of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire-
land, King, Defender of the Faith :
King of Hanover^ Duke of Brun»«
SEPT.]
CHRONICLE.
155
wick and of Lunenburgh." The
Swords and the Regalia were re«
ceivtd in the Robing-chambers, by
the ofHcers of the Jewel-ofiice ap-
pointed for that purpose* The
ceremonies were concluded at about
tliree o'clock, when their Majes-
ties, and the Princes and Princesses
of the Blood Royal, returned -to
St. James's Palace with the same
state as in their proceeding to the
Abbey. The Duchess of Kent
and the Princess Victoria, in con-
sequence of the delicate stat« of
health of the latter, remained in
retirement in the Isle of Wight.
As the economy of the age did not
allow his Majesty to give his Peers
the usupI coronation dinner in
Westminster-hall, he privately en-
tertained a large party at St.
James's. Earl Grey gave a dinner
to a numerous party of Peers;
Lord Palmerston to the whole of
the Foreign Ministers ; Lord Al-
thorp to the Governor of the Bank^
the Chairman of the several finan-
cial boards, and many members of
the House of Commons ; and the
Lord Mayor to the Aldermen and
a numerous party. Throughout
the metropolis the day was kept as
a general holiday. All business
was suspended, and the shops
closed. The new entrance to St.
James's Park from Carlton Ter-
race Was opened for the first time.
At about five o'clock Mr. and Mrs.
Graham ascended from the Green
Park in their balloon, which was
visible to the inhabitants of the
metropolis for a full hour. Tliey
descended safely at Heringate-hall,
Essex, twenty-three miles from
London. In the evening the me-*
tropolis was universally illumin-
ated. There was a grand discharge
of fire- works in Hyde-Park from
nine to eleven o'clock ; and Vaiix-
hail and all the summer theatres
were opened gratuitously to the
public.
12. Suicide or John Cal«
CRAFT, M.P.— A Coroner's Inquest
was held at the dwelling-house of
John Calcraft, esq., late paymaster
of the Forces, who committed
suicide on Sunday last, while the
family were at church. On the
return of the unfortunate gentle-
man's daughter, from church, on
Sunday afternoon, she went up to
his bed room, to seek her father |
but not finding him, she went to
his dressing-room, accompanied by
the deceased's footman. On enter*
ing the room, they discovered Mr.
Calcraft lying on the fioor, with
his face downward, in a complete
pool of blood. Medical assistance
was obtained, but life was quite
gone. There was a wound across
the throat, dividing the principal
arteries, and laying bare the ver-
tebres of the neck. In his right
hand was a bloody raiior, which he
still grasped firmly. The footman
deposed to his naving seen Mr.
Calcraft quit his sitting-room, and
proceed up stairs about three
o'cK)ck, without saying anything,
after which he did not see him, till
he accompanied his daughter to his
bed-room. The deceased had been
unwell for the last three months^
during the two latter of which he
had not quitted bis residence, and
appeared extremely low and de-
jected. Mr. Freeman, surgeon,
of Spring-gardens, and Dr. Wil-
son Phillip had both attended the
family for the last three months,
and, observing the deceased to foe
labouring under great depression
of spirits, which at length settled
into deep melancholy, they had
thought it their duty to caution
captain Calcraft, who did not re-
side in the house, but who called
occasiooallyi that the deceased
156
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
ought to be watched. Dr. Phillip
was asked. by one of the Jury, if Mr,
Calcrafb had ever expressed disap-
l)ointmeDt at not being elevated
to the peerage; the Doctor answer-
ed that he did not believe he ever
entertained any ex]>ectation of such
an event. He had latterly fancied
that he vi-as continually watched by
a man sitting on the top of a house.
—The Jury returned a verdict of
— Temporary Mental Derange-
ment.
WuoLESALE Murder. — (From
the Chambersburg Republican,
Sept. 13.) — One of the editors
was in company with a gentleman
on Wednesday last direct from
Halifax^ who stated that he had
witnessed the trial of Henry Gam-
bles, captain of the lady Sherbroke,
from Londonderry, shipwrecked
near Cape Ray, on the 19th ult.,
by which 273 persons lost their
lives. Captain Gambles was con-
victed of intentionally wrecking the
ship to recover the insurance, and
sentenced to be hanged; after which
he confessed that he deserved the
punishment. One of the witnesses,
whose arm was broken, had lost
his wife and a large family of
children.
1 6. Thomas Wakeman and Eli-
zabeth his wife, together with
Joseph Lill, were jointly indicted
for stealing on the loth of July
last., 16cwt. of printed paper, of
the value of 1000/. and upwards,
the property of Mr. Butterworth,
a law-bookseller, in Fleet-street.
— Brettell, the warehouseman to
Mr, Butterworth, proved that, on
the 15th of July, on inspecting his
master's warehouse, in Apollo-
court, he found three tons of printed
pa]>er had been abstracted, the
value of which must exceed 3,000/.
The paper traced to the prisoner
Wc^eman was part of the ^tock
so removed. Other witnesses
proved, that, on the morning in
question, one of the prisoners en-
gaged a cart to carry the paper
from the premises, and the otner
was assisting in removing it. The
pa{>er was found at Mr. Emblin's in
Leather-lane and other places.
Part of the stolen property was
produced and identified by the
warehouseman. — Wakeman, when
called upon for his defence, said
that he was innocent of any guilty-
participation in the transaction.
He acted as an agent to a per-
son of the name of Bowyer, who
had not been taken ; he was
to have a commission on the sale
of half-a-crown per cwt. He said
that, immediately on 'his learning
that Mr. Butterworth had been
plundered, he went to that gen-
tleman and told him to whom he
had disposed of it, and also gave
such information as led to the re-
covery of a large portion of pro-
perty which had never passed his
hands. — Lill denied that be was
seen in Bell-yard on the morning
in question, although he had been
sworn to by a person who conversed
with him, and had known him for
many years. — Wakeman called
nearly twenty respectable trades-
men, some of whom had known
him for twenty years, and they
all gave him an excellent character :
Several persons also spoke in favour
of Lill.— The Jury consulted for
several minutes, and returned a
verdict of Not Guilty ^ as to Eliza-
beth Wakeman, and found the other
two prisoners Guilty. — Wakeman
was sentenced to seven years* trans-
portation, and Lill to two years'
imprisonment and hard labour in
the House of Correction.
Extensive Smuggling. — Mr.
Daune, inspecting surveyor of
Customs^ while oa board a Cu8«
SEPT.]
CHRONICLE.
167
tom-house cutter off Gravesend,
observed a pleasure yacht sailing
up the river, which appeared de-
sirous to avoid the cutter, and
made all sail. Mr. Daune gave
chase, and came up with the yacht
at Black wall, after a run of up-
wards of twenty miles. On board-
ing the yacht, the crew all jumped
overboard into a boat and escaped,
with the exception of one man, a
Gravesend pilot, who said he was
engaged merely to pilot the yacht
up the river. Mr. Daune, satis-
fied that he had made a prize,
brought the yacht up to the Cus-
tom-house, where he commenced
a search, and, under the flooring
over the ballast, discovered sixty-
six tin cases, made to fit the shape
of the vessel, all filled with silks
of different descriptions, ribands
and gauze, said to be of the value
of upwards of 2,000/.
An Escape from Knight-
hood. — The deputation of the
Corporation of Liverpool, headed
by Wiyiam Ewart, esq. M.P., hav-
ing attended the king's levee, to
present the Liverpool address,
Mr. Ewart knelt to present the
address, and the king, seizing the
royal sword, was about to confer
the honour of knighthood on him,
under the impression that he was
the mayor of Liverpool. Mr.
Ewart, fearing that his majesty
was about to inflict knighthood on
him, exclaimed hastily, *' Not
me ; don't knight me ;" on which
the king asked, *' Why, which is
the mayor of Liverpool ?" and was
informed that his worship was be-
hind. The scene excited consider-
able amusement in the royal circle.
The mayor and the bailiffs were
then introduced by lordMelboume^
and the king was pleased to confer
on his worship the honour of
knighthood.
Jewels op the Princess op
Orange. — Two natives of France,
a man and a w;oman, having arrived
at Liverpool in the Monongahela,
from America, the superintendant
of police apprehended them at the
Prince's Dock, and succeeded in
recovering property which they
had brought with them, to the
amount of 20,000/ , bein^ part of
the jewels stolen from the palace
at Brussels about two years ago.
At the time the robbery was com-
mitted the thieves made their
escape by way of Havre to Ame-
rica, and no trace of the property
was discovered until July last,
when the collector at New York
seized upwards of 21,000/. worth,
in the possession of a man who
was stated to be an Italian, of
the name of Carrara. He suc-
ceeded, however, in eluding the
search of the police. The original
value of the jewels stolen was about
212,030/. —Liverpool Courier*
Effective Military Force
op France in 1831. — The follow-
ing is the oflicial return made by
the Minister of War (Marshal
Soult) to the Chamber of Depu-
ties, of the effective force of the
French army, up to the 1st of
September, upon which the Mili-
tary Estimates in the Budget for
the present year are founded : —
General Officers, Marshals of
France, 12; Generals, 400; Lieut.-
Generals, 141 ; Major-Generals,
242: total, 795.— Staff Officers
(Etat Major), Colonels, 33 ;
Lieut.-Colonels, 33 ; Majors, 109 ;
Captains, 326 : total, 501. — Artil"
le^'y. Lieut -Generals, 13 j Major-
Generals, 20; Colonels, 48; Lieut-
Colonels, 54; Majors, 147; 1st
Captains, 319; 2nd ditto, 258;
1st Lieutenants, 154; 2nd ditto,
252: total, 1265.-— Train d'ArtiU
lerie. Majors (Chefs d'Escadron),
158
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1881
8 ; Captains, 33 ; Lieutenants, 45 ;
Sub ditto, 43 : total, \29,— Train
des Equipages. Colonel, 1 j Lieut. -
Colonel, 1 ; Majors (Chefs d'Es-
cadron), 6 ; Ist Captains, 13; *2nd
Captains, IGj Ist Lieutenants,
24 ; 2nd ditto, 23 ; Sub ditto, 48 :
total, 132. — Engineers, Lieut.-
Generals, 5; Major-Generals, 10 j
Lieutenant-Colonels, 27; Majors
(Chefsde Batuillon), 82; Captains,
26 1 ; Brevet Captains (Lieu-
tenants), 1 6 ; Lieutenants, 79 ;
Sub Lieutenants, 76 : total, 556.
Cavalry,
Reserve. Line. Light.
Colonels .. .. 13 .. 18 .. 20
I jeut.-Colonels . . 12.. 17.. 20
Majors (('hefs
d'ERcadron) .. 38 .. 59 .. C4
Capiaina .. .. 197 .. 286 .. 319
260 380 423
Departmental Gendarmerie, Cols.,
1 4 ; Lieutenant-Colonels, 1 3 ; Ma-
jors, 40; Captains, 120; Lieu-
tenants, 314; Sub ditto, 187:
total, 688. — Ifif'atitry, Colonels,
88 ; Lieutenant r Colonels, 88 ;
Majors (Chefs de Bataillon),
420; Captains, 2,924: total,
3,520. — Iniendans Mililaires,
Chief Intendans, 23 j First Class
Sous ditto, 25 ; Second Class Sous
ditto, 48 ; Third Class Sous ditto,
97 ; Adjoints k I'lntendance, 22 :
tot^l, 225. — Medical Department,
Inspecting Physician, 1 j Ordinary
ditto (Brevet), 41 ; Aid ditto
(Brevet), 6 j Head ditto, 10 ;
Ordinary ditto (Com.), 9 ; Aid
ditto (Com.), 2: total, 69.— ^S'wr-
geons. Inspecting Surgeon, 1 ;
Surgeons Major (Brevet), 188 ;
ditto Aides Major (Brevet), 265 ;
ditto Sous Aides Majors (Brevet),
195 ; Head Surgeons (Brevet),
12; Surgeons Major (Com.), 52;
Aides ditto (Com.), 201 j Sous
ditto (Cora.), 134: total, 1,048.—
Inspectorsof Hospitals, 246; Apo-
thecaries, 246 : totaU 492.
Regiments.
Artillery, 1 1 Regiments of 1 6
Batteries each ; 1 Battalion of
Pontoniers 1 2 Companies strong ;
12 Companies Ouvriers d'Artil-
leric; 13 Companies Caunoniers
Sedentaires. — Train des Pares
d* ArtHlerie. 6 Squadrons of 6
Troops each — Engineers* 3 Re-
giments.— Train des Equipages,
19 Troops. — Compagnies de Sie"
cij)line. Companies Fusileers, 4 ;
Companies Pioneers^ 4 : totals 8.
— Cavalry, Regiments of Cara-
bineers, 2; Regiments of Cuiras-
siers, 1 0 ; Regiments of Dragoons^
12; Regiments of Lancers, 6;
Regiments of Chasseurs k Chevii],
14; Regiments of HussarSj 6:
total, 50. — hifantry. Regiments
of the Line of four Battalions each,
(J7 ; Regiments of Light Infantry
of three Battalions eacbj ^1 :
total, 88.
OCTOBER.
Ruins of an Extensive City
discovered in central aub-*
BiCA. — Lieut.-Colonel Galindo,
governor of Poten, in central Ame-
rica, has discovered the ruins of an
extensive city, called Palcnque,
which extends for more than twenty
miles along the summit of the ridge
which separates the country of the
wild Maya Indians (included in the
district of Poten) from the state of
Chiapas. The principal buildings
are erected on the most prominent
heights, and to several of them^ if
not to all, there existed remains of
stairs. From the hollows beneath^
the steps, as well as all the vestiges
which time has left, are wholly of
stone and plaster. The stones, of
OCT.]
CHRONICLE.
m
which the edifices are buiit^ are
about eighteen inches long, nine
broad, and two thick, cemented by
mortar, and gradually inclining
when thpy form a roof, but always
placed horizontally ; the outside
eaves are supported by large stones,
which project about two feet. The
wood work has all disappeared^
the windows are merely small cir-
cular and square perforations. Hu-
man figures in (ilto relievo are fre-
quent on small pillars J and fillagree
work imitati ng boughs and feathers,
is perceptible in several places.
Some of the sculptured ornaments
look very like the Corinthian foliage
of the ancient architects. The
ruins are buried in a thick forest ;
and the adjacent country, for
leagues, contains remains of the
ancient labours of the people —
bridges, reservoirs, monumental
inscriptions, &c.
2. KioT IN Rhode Islanp. —
A very serious riot occurred at
Providence (Rhode Island), oc-
casioned by the supposed muirder
of a white seaman, whose body was
found lying in front of a brothel
kept by negroes. A number of the
white people assembled to pull
down the house, when the gover-
nor and high sheriff arrived, and
required them to disperse. They
refused; the bells were sounded,
the drums beat, and the citizen
militia turned out to assist the au-
thorities. The white people re-
fused to give any assistance, and
crowds proceeded to pull down
various wooden houses occupied by
the blacks, several of which they
quickly demolished. The gover-
nor and sheriff threatened to read
the Riot Act, but werp pelted with
stpqes. Orders were then given to
fire blank cartridges, but without
effect. The governor was at length
compelled to order the militia to
fife with ball, when seven were
killed, and upwards of twenty
wounded, several of whom died.
This dispersed the rioters, and rer
stored tranquillity.
7. RiDGWAY. — At a petty ses-
sion held this day, the right hon.
sir E. Thornton, K.G.B., late
minister at Lisbon, appeared tp
answer the complaint of his son,
for unlawfully and cryelly beating
and assaulting him. Lady Thorn*
ton was likewise summoned to
answer the same charge, but, being
prevented from attending by in-
disposition, it was arranged that
the case should proceed as if she
were present. The complainant,
a lad about fifteen, stated, that, on
the 30th of September last, having
been ordered by his mother (lady
Thornton) to sweep the carpet,
and clean the grate of her dress-
ing-room, he proceeded to do so,
when, about three quarters of an
hour afterwards, her ladyship
came into the room, ^pd, finding
the work not done, took him by the
ears with both her hands, and
shook him, and puslied his head
against the window shqtter, which
made his ears bleed and his face
swell. She then left the rooni,
and locked him in. About ten mi-
nutes after, his father capie, and
saidi "So you do not choose to
finish the room,*' whereupon he
took him by the hair with his
left hand, and struck him five or
six times with his right, thereby
causing his face to swell. The
complainant further stated the
menial offices he was compelled to
fulfil, which, although he considered
them degrading, he never refused to
execute. — Richard Callaway, ser-
vant to J. Harris, esq , deposed to
the appearance of the lj|d when
he first went to his niaster*s hpqse
to complain* — The Counsel for Sir
160
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831
E. Thornton contended that this
was an inquisitorial interference on
the part of the magistrates^ who
had no right to question the au-
thority of a father as to the correc-
tion of his son ; and that the charge
of assault could not be substan-
tiated against his clients^ than
whom more fond and tender parents
did not exist. — Sir George Ma-
grathj M.D., and Mr. Seacombe^
surgeon^ were called to prove the
affection, kindness, and sym])athy>
displayed by sir Edward and lauy
Tliornton towards their children
upon all occasions when profes-
sional attendance had given them
opportunities of witnessing their
' maternal and paternal conduct. — It
further came out in the evidence,
that sir Edward and lady Thorn-
ton had forcibly held their daugh-
ter's feet in hot water, regardless
of her screams, and that they in-
variably employed the complainant
and his brother in the culinary and
household departments. —The ma-
gistrates, after having retired for
a few minutes, declared it their
unanimous opinion, '' that Lady
Thornton be convicted in the pe-
nalty of 5/., and sir E. Thornton
in the mitigated penalty of \L, in-
cluding costs."
9. Assassination op Count
Capo d'Istrias. — For some time
the Count's friends had warned him
that he would be assassinated -. his
servants continually told him that
it was reported at Napoli that he
would f)e killed. Notwithstanding
this, he would not take any pre-
cautions, and continued his usual
mode of life. Several times he
said to the persons who visited
him, '' I am continually told that
my life is in danger, but I am not
intimidated ; I shall continue to do
my duty, and shall obey the voice
of my conscience ; fear cannot in-
fluence my determinations, and I
must oppose those who want to
throw the country into confusion.
My life is in the hands of God, and
I do not fear death — it is often a
deliverance." On the 7th and 8th
of October, the President went out
alone ; he was again warned that
it was intended to assassinate him ;
disregarding the admonition, he
again answered, ^' My life is in the
hands of God, I must answer it with
my person, and I know that the peo-
])le are attached to me.*' On the
9th, at seven o'clock in the morn-
ing, he went to church, and, at the
door, was attacked by the two
Mavromichali, who fired their pis-
tols point blank at the back of his
head, and gave him a sabre wound
in his belly ; the bystanders fell
on Constant! ne Mavromichali, and
massacred him. The body of the
assassin >vas dragged througli the
streets by a cord fastened to the feet,
and cast into the common sewer.
The other, the son of Pietro Bey,
escaped to the house of the French
resident. The people in a fury
demanded that he should be given
up, but M. Rouen would not deli-
ver him up, except to the author-
ities. The Senate /assembled im-
mediately, and demanded the assas-
sin, who was delivered up and
thrown into prison. A provisional
government was immedfiately ap- .
l>ointed, consisting of Coletti, an
advocate, Colocotroni, and Augustin
Capo d'Istrias, who was absent
from Napoli at the time of his bro-
ther's assassination.
Professor Lee. — The follow-
ing account of Dr. Lee, who
was recently presented by Lord
Brougham to a prebendal stall in
Bristol cathedral, affords a strik-
ing example of what industry and
perseverance are c^ipable of effect-
ing under the most discoura^ng
OCT.]
CHRONICLE.
161
circumstances. Lee received the
rudiments of learning at a charity
school at Longnor, a village about
eight miles from Shrewsbury, where
he was born. There he remained
till he attained his twelfth year,
when he was apprenticed to a car-
penter and joiner: his father being
dead, and his mother having two
children to support by her labour.
At seventeen, meeting, in the
course of his reading, with Latin
quotations, which he could not un-
derstand, he determined to make
himself master of that language.
** I had, at this time," he says,
*' but 6s. per week to subsist on,
and to pav the expenses of board
and clothing. My wages were,
however, soon after, raised one shil-
ling a week, and the next year a
shilling more, during which time
I read the Latin Bible, Florus,
Cicero's Orations, Caesar, Justin,
Sallust, Virgil, Horace's Odes, and
Ovid's Epistles. I never had all
these books at once, but generally
read one, and sold it, the price of
which, with a little added to it, en-
abled me to buy another, and this,
being read, was sold to procure the
next." He then learned Greek
and Hebrew, and, notwithstanding
a frequent inflammation in his eyes,
with every possible discouragement
from those about him, he after*
wards proceeded to acquire theChal-
daic, the Syrian, and the Samari-
tan. By this time he had arrived
at his twenty-fifth year ; he had
now a good chest of tools, and,
finding the study of languages, in
his situation, apparently useless,
he resolved to sell his books, mai*ry,
and apply himself quietly to his
business. '^ I was awakened, how-
ever," he continues, '* from these
views and suggestions, by a cir-
cumstance which gave a new and
distressing aspect to my affairs.
Vol. LXXIII.
A fire broke out in the house we
were repairing, in which my tools
were consumed, and I was cast on
the world without a friend, a shil-
ling, or even the means of subsist-
ence." At this tide in his affairs,
he applied to the rev. Archdeacon
Corbet, who kindly assisted him in
his plans, and Lee shortly after-
wards became master of a small
charity foundation in Shrewsbury,
whence he has gradually risen to
the respectable station which he
now enjoys. Dr. Lee holds two
professorships in the university of
Cambridge — those of Arabic and
Hebrew.
8. Riots in consequence of
THE Rejection of the Reform
Bill. — ^'fhe rejection of the Re-
form Bill caused some partial dis-
turbances in the country. At Der-
by, a mob, on Saturday and Sunday
the 8th and 9th, committed several
outrages, attacked the city gaol,
set the prisoners at liberty, and
then proceeded to the county gaol,
where they were resisted and
foiled in the attempt: on Mon-
day evening quiet was restored,
but not before several lives were
lost, and many persons wound-
ed. One young man, son of
Mr. Haden, surgeon, was killed by
the mob.
At Nottingham, the castle, which
belongs to the duke of Newcastle,
was burnt down ; Colwick-hall,
the seat of John Musters, esq., was
broken into, the furniture destroy-
ed (including several valuable pic-
tures, particularly sir Joshua Rey-
nolds's whole-length of Mrs. M.),
and the house set on fire, which,
however, was soon extinguished.
A factory at Beeston, belonging to
Mr. Lowe, was burnt down. The
House of Correction was attacked,
but, the l5th Hussars arriving, the
mob dispersed; fifteen of them
M
162
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831
were made prisoners* Some trifling
disturbances took place at Lough*
borough.
In the metropolis, also, fears
were entertained. On the 10th,
the inhabitants of Bond-street were
thrown into a panic, by a report
that a mob of sereral thousand per-
sons were coming with the deter*
mination of breaking all windows
where the shutters were not closed.
Although it was only six o clock,
every shop was instantly closed, and
thestreet presented, from one end to
the other, a very dark and gloomy
appearance. In Regent-street, and
some other of the great thorough-
fares, the shutters were closed ;
and where there was property, more
particularly valuable, boards were
nailed across. Several reform meet-
ings were held on the same day,
and various stratagems were had
recourse to by their promoters to
induce the shopkeepers, and other
inhabitants, to make ft display of
revolutionary emblems.
On the 1 Ith, as three policemen
were coming through St. James's-
square, with a prisoner in their
custody, the crowd surrounded
them, and rescued the prisoner.
The constables took out their staves,
but were pushed along until they
arrived at Waterloo-place, where
they were joined by a party of the
])olice. At the corner of Waterloo-
place, the crowd took advantage of
a heap of macadamised stones, wiiich
they flung at the police in every
direction, so that the latter were
glad to make their escape.
Between two and three o'clock,
a large assemblage took place in
Hyde Park. Stones were thrown
at Apsley-house, and a few squares
of glass were broken, when some of
the duke of Wellington's servants
presented themselves at the win-
dows. Great biasiDg and hooting
followed, and, immediately after*
wards, a shower of stones wm
thrown at the house, and almost
every square of glass in it was d««
molished. Some policemen, who
were upon the spot at the time,
endeavoured to drive the crowd
out of the Park, but violent resist*
unce was made, and the oonstsUeft
were ultimately compelled to make
a precipitate retreat^ and take
shelter in his grace's mansion.
Notice of these proceedings haTing
been given at the St James's police
station, a large party of the C and
T divisions, headed by a super*
intendent and four inspectors, pro-
ceeded with all possible haste to
Hyde-park, where they formed in
a body under the statue. They
had not been tliere many minutes,
before they were saluted with se«
veral showers of ^stones ; these
attacks were for a time borne with
exemplary patience, but, at lenffth.
a large crowd having collected in
front of the duke of Wellington's
house, the police, in number about
200, sallied forth, and, in an in«
stant, the rabble ran in all direo*
tions. Several of the ring-leaders
were taken into custody, and oott*
veyed to Knightsbridge-barracks.
After the mob had been driven
out of Hyde-park, they proceeded
to the mansion of earl Dudley,
and commenced throwing stones
at the windows ; but a strong body
of police, who had been stationed
in his lordship's stables, suddenly
rushed upon tnem with their staveSj
and the mob were beaten off.
Some desperate attacks were
made upon the new police by re-
gularly organized gangs of pick*
pockets, and several constables
were very severely beaten. At
the corner of Charles-street, St.
James's-8quare,8ome young thievea
were taken into cuftody by tbno
OCT.] CHRONICLE, 168
of the polic9» who wara detached quia immediately ofer his right
from the main body ; the prisonera temple, cut through hia hat^ and
were rescued^ and the constables inflicted a aerioua wound on hia
were obliged to make their eaeape, head^ which rendered his lordship
One of the inspectors of the G nearly insensible. The military
division^ who was parading in Pall here mterposedj and the marquis
Mall in private clothes^ was recog- was placed in a hackney-coach and
nised by some of the rabble^ who conveyed home*
kicked and beat him in so bru« 12. This evening a hurricane
tal a manner, that ha narrowly passed over a considerable portion
escaped with his life. After the of the park of Thorndon Hall, the
levee was over, a vast number of seat of lord Petre, near Brentwood,
the lower orders assembled in the in Essex. It traversed the park
Park, awaiting the arrival of some in a varying sweep of about 150
of the anti^reform peers. About yards breadth. In a circle of
five o'clock, the marauis of Lon* nearly forty yards diameter, whole
donderry, accompaniea by a friend, trunks, huge limbs and branches,
made his appearance on horseback, with immense masses of earth, lay
and was proceeding to the House on the ground in wild ccmfusion,
of Lords. Before the marquis was mingled in such a manner, that it
aware, he found himself in the midst was impossible to count the num-
of between 4,000 and 5,000 per* ber of trees destroyed. Lofty oaks
sons. At first lie was not rtcog^ were struck near their summits,
nised, and he was proceeding with and immense portions of their
apparent security, when, on a sud- upper limbs and branches torn
den, a voice exclaimed, ^^ There down. In a magnificent plantation
goes the marquis of Londonderry." of firs, several were struck down
In an instant he was assailed with or torn up 3 some of them being
pebbles. Several of the missiles from seventy to eighty feet in
struck his lordship, which so en- length.
raged him, that he pulled up his 16. Attack upon Lord Tan*
horse, and solemnly declared that KBRyiLL8.---As lord Tankerville,
he would shoot at the first indivi* who had voted aeainst the Reform
dual who again dared to molest Bill, was prooieding to Northum*
him. His lordship accompanied berland, his carriage was attacked
his declaration by pulling out a at Darlington by a mob of some
brace of pistols. I'his, for a time, hundred persons. He had stopped
so intimidated the mob, that they for half an hour at the inn, during
gave way in a slight degree ; ana, which time the mob had aacer-
after the marquis had converaed tained to whom the carriage be.-
for a few seconds with a gentleman lonffed. A crowd soon assembled
on horseback near him, he rode off und^r the windows with booting
towards the HorseGuaHls. Thither and hisses; and when he bad pro-
the mob followed } and, believing ceeded some way down the atreet,
that his lordship only endeavoured he was assailed by a volley of pav-
to intimidate them, theycommenced ing stones and other missiles, from
another attack. The showers of a douUe line of men who were
stones were now thicker than ever, ranged along the street, with heaps
and one stone, hurled with consi* prepared before them. By good
derable foroe^ struck the noUe mar^ fortune tha party escaped without
M2
164
ANNUAL REGISTER. cissi
any severe injury, though for two
or three minutes they were in im-
minent danger of their lives. Se-
veral paving stones entered the
carriage^ between three and four
pounds in weight, besides two
glass bottles, and other missiles
still more dangerous. The blinds^
lamps, and window frames were
destroyed, and the pannels stove in
in every direction. Lady Fitz-
harris and her maid were in the
carriage, which they were seen to
enter, and a stone was actually
thrown at the maid before they set
off.
17. Riot at Blandford. —
Lord Ashley having triumphed
over the Reform candidate in the
election for Dorsetshire, Blandford
town was in a state of turbulence
the whole of the day ; and the
houses of his lordship's attorneys,
that of the vicar, and others of
the Tory party, were marked out
as objects of violence. A troop of
the 3rd Dragoons arrrived in the
evening. About seven o'clock the
mob, armed with bludgeons and
stones, attacked the house of an
attorney of the name of Moore
(who acted for lord Ashley), de-
molished the windows, pulled
down part of the wall before the
house, and destroyed the green-
house. They then proceeded to
a Mr. Smith's, another of lord
Ashley's lawyers, and also smashed
the windows, panes, frames, and
shutters in the front. They next
broke down the gates, then went
to the back of the house, and de-
stroyed the windows there. After
this they visited the parsonage.
In less than five minutes the pannels
of the doors, the windows, and
sliutters, were beaten in, and the
house laid entirely o|)en. The
mob would doubtless have razed it
to the ground, \>u% for the timely
arrival of the military. The 8oI«
diers» after a short time, retired,
and the mob returned to Mr.
Moore*8, broke open the counting-
house, took out deeds, wills, law
books, &c., and threw them in
fragments into the streets. They
also went again to Smith's and de-
stroyed his books, papers, and
parchments. At half past ten, Mr.
Portman, oie of the county mem-
bers, addressed them, beseeching
them to desist from acts of violence,
and to return home: their numbers'
were much diminished at eleven,
at which time they broke Dr. Hey-
wood's windows, and destroyed
part of his premises. They tnea
marched away to a Mr. Cross's, a
clergyman, wno resided near the
town, with an intention of continu-
ing their work of mischief; but, a
shot being fired, they returned with-
out doing much injury— one of
them carrying the gun, which tbey
had captured. At half-past twelve
the town was tolerably quiet.
Ann UAL Theatricals. — - M.
Martin, from the Cirque Olympique
of Paris, and his wild beasts, were
introduced last night at Dnuy-
lane theatre. In one scene he is seen
lying asleep on a lioness, and is
afterwards defended by that ani-
mal, and a very fine male lioo,
against a party of armed soldiers.'
Two boa constrictors wind them-
selves round his children, whom
he rescues from the fright^ folds
of the serpents. There is a pro-
cession in which two elephants
figure ; a llama is hunted by In-
dians, and some Indians are hunted
by a small tiger. In the latter
part of the drama, M. Martin is
thrown into the den of a lioness,'
reputed to be the fiercest of her
kind, and after a long and ardu*
ous fight, destroys the animal.
The last scene exhibits the tri«
OCT.] CHRONICLE. 165
umphal entry of Hyder Ali into offered to resign again was out of
Mysore, with his elephants. The the question^ as I was allowed^ by
docility of the beasts was rery re- the king's own communication^ to
markable^ and the general effect act and vote exactly as I pleased,
of the exhibition extremely sur- Nothing, therefore^ but the posi-
prising and curious. tive request of Ioi*d Grey and his
18. Dismissal op Earl colleagues to the king for my re-
HowE, — Mr. Trevor, on the 14th, moval, in consequence of my vote
put a question in the House of the other night has been the cause
Commons to the paymaster of of my being no longer in her ma-
the Forces, respecting the dismis- jesty s household. I feel that it is
sal of earl Howe from the office of but common justice to my own cha-
Chamberlain to her majesty. The racter to make this statement, and
answer he received was, that the to give you full authority to make
noble earl had tendered his resig- whatever use of it you liKe, except
nation, and that it was accepted, the insertion of it in the public
Mr. Trevor now read the following papers. — I have the honour to be
letter from his lordship. your faithful and obedient servant^
*' Gopsal Aiherstone, Oct. l6. " Howe."
<c Sir,— Although I have not the *^ The Hon. A. Trevor."
honour of your acquaintance, I am
certain you will pardon the liberty Mr. Trevor, therefore, wished to
I take in making a few observa- ask whether the noble earl who
tions on a question which the papers had lately filled the office of Cham-
of yesterday mentioned to have berlain to her majesty was dis«
been put by you in the House of missed in consequence of the vote
Commons respecting my dismissal he had given on the Reform Bill,
from the Queen's household. If notwithstanding the previous un«
the answer lord John Russell is derstanding that he should be at
reported to have given, in the liberty to vote as he pleased upon
Times, is the one he really made, that question. — The Chancellor of
I must say his lordship made a the Exchequer said, that nothing
statement at direct variance with could be clearer than the preroga-
the real facts of the case, which tive of the crown to retain or dis-
are these : — In the month of May miss its own servants. It would
last, and for the second time, I be contrary to his duty, as a
submitted to his majesty my in- minister of the crown, to state
tention of opposing the Reform any reason why this prerogative
Bill, and my perfect readiness to had been acted upon in the in-
resign my situation as Chamber- stance to which the hon. member
lain to the Queen, at any moment adverted.
that he might be pleased to fix on. 19. The Duke of Newcas-
I received in reply a most gracious tle's Tenantry. — ^A deputation
command to retain my office, and waited upon the duke of Newcas-
a distinct recognition of my privi- tie on Wednesday, with the foUow-
hge of being perfectly independ- ing address, containing signatures
ent of any government from the of 313 of his grace's tenantry re-
circumstance of my being in her sident upon his estates in the
majesty's household. My having vicinity of Clumber .*-—
166
ANNUAL REGISTER. tWSU
To His Grate ike Duke of Nenf'^
castle, Lord Lieulefwnt of the
county of Nottingham, K.G.^
We, the undersigned inhabit-
ants of the parishes of Berercotcs^
Bothamsall^ Cromwell, West Dray-
ton, Egmanton, Elkslcy, Hough-
ton, Holme, East and West Mark«
ham, Milton, Muskham, Tuxford,
and Walesby, deeply regretting
the attempts that have been made
to destroy your grace's property,
cannot find terras sufficiently strong
to express our detestation of pro-
ceedings so revolting to every good
feeling. Living, as we do, in the
neighbourhood of your grace's re-
sidence, where your character and
virtues are felt and appreciated,
and sensible as we arc of the com-
forts and advantages derived from
so kind and liberal a landlord, we
feel a real pleasure in coming for-
ward to declare our respect for^
and attachment to, your grace;
and to ofiTer our united services to
protect your person, and that of
every individual member of your
family ; and at the same time to
assure your grace, that it is our
unanimous determination to exert
every enerffy in our power to pre-
vent the destruction and plunder
of your grace's property, and a
repetition of outrages so flagrant
and disgraceful to the county.
Cholera. — The Board of ftealth
have issued the followiuff state-
ment : " The following are the early
symptoms of the disease in its most
marked form, as it occurred to the
observation of Dr. Russell, and
Dr. Barry, at St, Petersburg, cor-
roborated by the accounts from
other places where the disease has
prevailed: — Giddiness, sick sto-
mach, nervous agitation, in termite
tent, slow, or small pulse, cramps
beffinniug at the tops of the fitigpen
and toes, and rapialy approachiag
the trunk, give the first waltiiiig»
Vomiting or purging, or both thwe
evacuations of a liquid like rice*
water or whey, or barley-water,
come on ; the features become
sharp and contracted, the eye
sinks, the look it exi^essive of
terror and wildnett ; the lipe, fiioe>
neck, hands, and feet, and eooa
after the thighs, arms, and whole
surface assume a leaden, blue, pur*
pie, black, or deep brown tint, ao*
cording to the complexion of the
individual) varying In shade with
the intensity of the attack. The
fingers and toes are reduced in
sizci the skin, and soft parts co-
reritig them are wrinkled, shri-
velied, and folded ; the nails put
on a blueish pearly white^ the
larger superficial veins are marked
by flat lines of deepr black j the
pulse becomes eitiier small as a
thread, and scarcely vibrating, or
else totally extinct. The skm is
deadly cold and often dam|i| the
tongue always moist, often white
and loaded, but flabby and chilled
like a piece of dead fiesh. The
voice is nearly gone : the reepir«>
ation quick, irregular, and imper^
fectlv performed. The patiettt
speaks in a whisper. He struffglee
for breath, and often lays his hand
on his heart to point out the seat
of his distress. Sometimes there
are rigid spasms of the legs, thighA,
and loins. The secretion of urine
is totally suspended; yomitings
and purgings, which are far fhmi
being the most important or dan*
gerous symptoms, and which, in a
very great number of cases of the
disease, have not been profuse^ or
have been arrested by medicine
early in the attack, succeed* It
is evident that the most urgmt
6CT.]
OttRbNlCtfi.
let
and peculUf djmpton) at i\\h Al^
ease is th^ sudaeti depir^Bdton of
the rital powers! proved by the
diminished action of the heartj
the coldness of the surfkce and
extremities^ and the stamiant state
of the whole circulatmn. It is
important to adrert to this fact^
as pointing out the instant mea-
sures which may safely and bene-
ficially be employed where mdii-
cial aid cannot immediately be pro-
cured. All meand tending to re-
store the circulation and maintain
the warmth of the body should be
had recourse to without delay.
The patient should always imme-
diately be put t6 bed^ wrapped up
in hot blanitets^ and warmth should
be sustained bv other eittetnal ap-
plications^ sucn as repeated fric-
tions with flannels and camphor-
ated spirits ', poultices of mustard
and linseed (equal parts) to the sto-
machy particularly where pain and
vomitin? exist; similar poultices
to the feet and legs, to restore
their warmth. Tlie returning
heat of the body may be promoted
by bags containing hot salt or bran
applied to different parts of it.
For the same purpose of restoring
and sustaining the circulation^
white wine whey, with Spice^ hot
brandy and water, or sal volatile,
in the dose of a tea-spoonful In hot
water, frequently repeated, or from
five to twenty drops of some of the
essential oils, as peppermint, cloves^
or cajeput, in a wine glass of water,
may be administered; with the
same view, where the stomach will
bear it, warm broth with spice
may be employed* In very severe
cases, or where medtcal aid Is
difficult to be obtained, from twenty
to forty drops of laudanum mav be
given, in any of the warm drinks
previousljf recommended. These
simple means ai« j^fdpoded as re-
sources in the incipient stage of
the disease, where medical aid has
not yet been obtained. In refer-
ence to the further means to be
adopted in the treatment of this
disease, it is necessary to 8tat« that
no specific remedy has yet been
ascertained $ nor nas any plan of
cure beensUmciehtly recommended
by success to warrant its express
recommendation from authority.
The Board have already published
a detailed statement of the me-
thods of treatment adopted in
India, and of the dtfiferent opi-
nions entertained as to the use of
bleeding, emetics, calomel, opium
8tc, There is reason to believe
that more information on this sub-
ject may be obtained from those
parts of the continent where the
disease is now prevailing; but
eVen should it be otherwise, the
greatest confidence mav be reposed
in the intelligence ana zeal Which
the medical practitioners of this
country will employ in establishing
an appropriate method of cure.
H^NRir HAL^onn,
President of the Board.
21. Tub Bishop of London
ANt> St. Ann's, SoMo.-^The
church of St. Ann, in Dean-Street,
Soho, having undergone fepail*, was
re- opened on l^unday morning for
divine service. It was agreed some
time since to solicit the Bishop of
London to preach a sermon on the
occasion for the benefit of St. Ann's
school, aiid his lordship consented
to do so 5 but no sooner was this
arrangement announced by hand-
bills, than a rumour was spread
that a great number of the con-
Kgation would leave the church
nediately on the bishop aScend«>
infi^ the pulpit. The rumour
gained ground until It reached the
168 ANNUAL REGISTER. [issi.
ear of the bishop, vho wrote to tura, refused to pay the tax of
Dr. M'Leod, the Rector^ and the four creutzers imjposed on the late-
result was^ the following handbill^ comers. A scuffle ensued^ aereral
signed by the churchwardens^ was persons were wounded, and many
dbtributed^ on Friday, throughout windows broken. This affair toot
the parish : — place on the 24th. The governor,
'^Si, Ann, Westminster" — The alarmed at this manifestation of
parishioners are respectfully in- public feelings explained himself
formed that the Rev. Dr. M'Leod^ more clearly on the following day,
the Rector has received a letter and the gates were left open until
from the Lord Bishop of London^ ten. But the feelings of the
stating that his lordship is un- citizens had been too grievously
avoidably prevented from preach- wounded to pass quietly over the
ing in this church on the morning supposed attack on their liberties ;
of Sunday next. and consequently, at ten o'clock
23. Paris has been thrown into on the 25th, the affair assumed a
some agitation by the refusal of more serious aspect. The workmen
the police to allow a new piece, in the town attacked the troops
entitled '^Le Proces d'un Marechzd on duty near the gate. The
de France, 1815," to be performed Citizens, or National Guards were
at the Theatre des Nouveautes. immediately called out. These,
The marshal was Ney^ who was however^ it seems^ under pretext
shot for treason^ and the piece was of re-establishing order^ sided in
of a political character. M. Man- reality with the mob. The oon«
guin, a barrister, has advised the sequence was, that the troops
proprietor to try the case. The were compelled at last to fly ; and
liberals complain that the new the National Guard took imme-
government is less tolerant than diate possession of their post^ and for
that of Prince Polignac^ and that some time did duty in that quarter.
the press and the theatre are more On the popular side many persons
crippled by restrictions than they were dangerously wounded ; the
were under Charles X. loss of the troops was comparatively
26. Riots at Frankfort. — greater, and three men were killed
The Vcndanges, which last three on the spot,
days, commenced the day before 29. oiR Walter Scott. — •
Jresterday. It is an old custom to Portsmouth. — Sir Walter Soott
eave the gates of the town during and his daughter embarked this
these three days open until ten morning in the Barham, 52 gunSf
o'clock at niglit, although at this Captain H. Pigott, and sailed for
season they are usually shut at six the Mediterranean. As soon as
in the evening. The Governor, it was known that he was to
however, gave orders that they embark here, a deputation from
should be shut at the usual hour, the Literary and Philosophical So«
The guard, acting upon this com- ciety^ consisting of D. Howard,
mand, closed the gates before ten esq.. President, the Rev. Mr.
o'clock. This greatly irritated the Neave, and Mr. J. W. Williams,
people of the town who had been Vice Presidents^ and Mr. Julian
out to view the fire-works; and the Slight, Secretary, were deputed to
greatest part of them on their re- wait on this distinguished per«
OCT.]
CHRONICLE.
169
sonage immediately on his arriva]^
to express the high s^nse the so-
ciety entertained of his great lite-
rary acquirements^ and to request
that he would accede to the wishes
of the members^ and allow his
name to be added to the list of
honorary members. Accordingly,
on Monday last, the deputation
had the honour of an interview
with the '^ Author of Waver-
ley," and were received with all
that courtesy and urbanity of
manners for which Sir Walter
is so eminetitly conspicuous. The
interview lasted upwards of an
hour; and although Sir Walter
was evidently labouring under se-
vere indisposition, the deputation
were highly gratified by the recital
of various interesting anecdotes,
in which the slumbering energies
of his mind broke through the
trammels which appeared to hold
it in temporary subjection. The
worthy baronet expressed himself
highly flattered at the attention
shown him by the members of the
society, to whom he begged, indi-
vidually and collectively, to return
his grateful thanks, and assured
them that he felt great pleasure in
acceding to their request in allow-
ing his name to appear on the
records of their institution as one
of its honorary members.
The Season. — Such is the
mildness of the weather at this
season, that wild roses were plucked
in the neighbourhood of Dulwich
and Sydenham during the last
week. Geraniums and balsams,
and that magnificent flower, the
dahlia, which yearly improves
under our mode of culture, are
now blowing in the open ground in
all the luxuriance of a latter
summer. To these may be added
the many varieties of the Penster-i
mons; the camelios^ ^uberoeai the
Tigridia pavonia (called also Fer-
raria), together with . all our
tender annuals of the climbing
sort, with several others of diflerent
kinds, too numerous to remark
upon. Such instances are rare in
our climate at this time of the
year, and are some compensation
for the heavy visitations of frost
that took place in the month of
May last.
CovENT Garden Theatre. —
The following is a statement of
the receipts of this theatre during
the following seasons : —
8EAS0NR. JB. s, d,
1809-10 9^,051 14 4
1810-11 106,177 8 10
1811-12 95,001 6 2
1812-13 78,209 3 8
1813-14 87,160 14 11
1814-15 9^filS 17 9
1815-16 83,780 7 9
1816-17 77,603 1 3
1817-18 75,149 9 8
1818-19 74,121 12 4
1819-20 bbfiSS 14 0
1820-21 69,108 15 10
£991,811 6 6
Average, per season, 82,650/.
\Ss. lO^rf.
Liverpool and Manchester
Railway. — Receipts from January
1st 1831, to June 30th ^The
coach department for the convey-
ance of passengers, 43,600/. 7s. bd.
Carriage of merchandise, 21,875/.
—Ditto of coal, 218/. 16*. 2^.— .
Gross Receipts, 65,693/. 13*. 7d. —
Expenses attending the concern
during the same period for repairs
of locomotive engines, carriages,
road, police, taxes, salaries, inter-
est of debt, &c. 35,379/.— Net re-
ceipts, 30,314/. 13*. 7d. which,
divided amongst 7,012 shares,
allows a dividend of 4/, 10*. per
^bare for th^ balf-ye^.
170 ANNUAL ftEGIStER.
(lUL
3 1 , LdKbok Pdtttf Oal Ukiok.
—Id consequeuce of adFcrtise-
ments issued for ho]diug a nieetiug
at the Grown and Anchor Tavern,
for the purpose of forming a Po-
litical Union of the middling and
working classes, under the aus-
pices of Sir Francis Burdett,
Colonel Jones, Mr. Wakley, and
other persons of similar political
opinions, a vast crowd of people
assembled. Before one o'clock the
great room was crowded to excess,
though none of the leaders had yet
made their appearance. One indivi-
dual excitecf great uproar, by stat-
ing that he understood from a com-
mittee man, that the Union was
not to pledge itself to universal
sutfrage, and that therefore none
of his friends, who he was sure
composed five-sixths of the meeting,
bad any business there. Another
individual recommended that they
should first wait to hear the reso-
lutions, and if they then found
that " Universal Suffrage and
Universal Ballot," were not in-
cluded, they should know how to
act. Upon something like order
being restored, the meeting was
adjourned to Lincoln's Inn-fields.
There certain resolutions were
read, which stated the objects of
the Union, and its rules and regu-
lations, to be as follows :•—
"Objects of the National Politic
cal Union, — 1. To support the
King and his ministers against a
small faction in accomplishing their
great measure of parliamentary
Reform. — 2. To unite all well-
wishers to their country, from the
richest to the poorest, in the pur-
suit of such an important object.
-—3. To afford a channel for the
collecting public opinion, in order
that all its moral weight may be
brought to bear upon the Legisla^
ture,-«4, To preaetre peaoe and
ordef in the cottfttfT, attd to MUd
against any convulsion which the
enemies of the people may endea-
vour to bring about. — 5. To watch
over and promote the interests and
to better the condition of the ifl*-
dustrious and working clasaes.-^
6. To give opportunities, by fre-
quent public dlscussione, fbt elici-
ting the best means by which the
above objects may be carried into
execution."
"Rules and Regulationi of the
National Political l7««on.— -1. All
persons whatsoever are admitted
as members of thig aMociation who
shall cause their namei to be
entered in books appointed tot the
purpose, and shall conform to the
following rules and i^gaUtlons.-^
2. All persons becoming member^
of this Union, shall Sul»cribe k— *«-i
shiliinffs quarterly: and are re*
quested to make such further doiia«
tions or annual quarterly sttbecrip-i
tions as they can convenieutW
afford. — 3. All members ahail
strictly observe the lust and legal
directions of the onicerft of tne
association to whom the manage^
ment of its affairs shall be totti-
mitted. — 4. The general manage*
ment of the Union is committed
to a council of ^ individuals, to
be chosen annually at a general
meeting, and subject only to the
control of such annual or other
general meeting.-^. The general
meetings choose annually three
auditors for the ensuing year, to
pass the accounts of the oouncil ;
a:nd if two of the auditors cannot
agree in passing the accounts^ the
subject of difference is to be re*
lerred to a general meeting.*^
The general meetingi choose a
treasurer and trustees, in irhoee
hands the funds of the assodation
are deposited. -« 7* An annual
getieral meetlDg of the tnembera of
OCTO
CHRONtCLE.
171
the Union is held on th« firit day
of — 8. General meetings
may at any time be called to-
gether by an ordeir signed by the
chairman and deputy chairman,
countersigned by the secret«rv> or
by an order signed by six of the
members of coundil^ or by a re«
quisition signed by 200 members
of the Union. The order or
I'equisition for such meeting to be
advertised in three London news*-
paper8.««^9. At the annual general
meetings the council, auditors,
treasurer, and trustees are chosen.
Each individual who shall be pro*-
posed for office is put in nomina«^
tion separately (or in such way as
the general meeting may direct),
and is elected by a majority of the
members present^ the chairman
deciding on which side is the mtt*
Jority, unless a division be de*
manaed, when tellers shall be hp*
pointed in the usual Way.^-^IO* At
the general meetings the secretary
will produce the books for inspect
tion, and in the whole conduct of
the union every species of conceal-
ment or mystery is to be carefully
avoided. — 11. The council (of
whom form a quorum) meets
weekly, or as often as they may
deem necessai^y, keeping a record
of their proceedings at each meet«
ing.'-^]2. The council appoints a
chairman, deputy chairman, sechl^
tary, collectors of contributions,
ana such other officers, either with
or without salaries, as may be
found expedient. — ^13* The council
appoints a solicitor tind legal ad-*
viser to the Union, if occasion
require. -^14. The council shall
watch closely the proceedings of
the legislature, shiul call general
meetings when necessary^ present
addresses and petitions to the
crown and the legislature when the
interests of the peoplo are «t iHduii
And generally thall use evei*y ex*
ertion in furthering die objects of
the Union.'^15. The council em-
ploys the funds of the association
solely in promoting its objects,
according to their l^st judgment
and discretion. -^16. No part of
the funds of the association shull
be expended in any object wherein
a member (^ the council is per^
sonally interested^ except by votes
of two'thirds of a council, specially
called for the jmrpose ei consider-
ing the question.«^17« The trea-
surer shall nay money only to
orders passed by the coancil and
countersigned by the secretary .««
18. No alteration or addition to
the above rules and regulations
shall be made. Unless It l^ recom-
mended by the council, or unless,
on refusal of the council to bring
the motion forward, it be adopted
by four'*f)fths of a genered meeting,
specially summon^ for the pur«-
pose."
The other resolutions recom*-
mended that similar societies
should be formed throughout the
country, and that the president of
any such society should become, on
admission into the Metropolitan
Political Unioui a member of its
council,-^The reading of the reso^
lutions was received with great
applause.
The principal speakers were cer«
tain persons of the names of Fox^
Detroissier, Savage, Lovett, Olive,
together with Mr. Wakley^ Col.
Jones, and Mr. Humei
NOVEMBER*
RiOTS AT BmsroLAllO OtHSR
PLAOB8.-^Bristol was Uie theatre
of the most disgraceful outrages that
have been penietrated in this coun«
trysinaettienotief Ijondanin l780t
174
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831
in all directions, were parsued
through the streets by the soldiers^
and several of them received severe
cuts from their sabres. Many
took refuge in the various pass-
ages in Wine-street, whence they
assailed the troops with stones,
particularly at the top of the
IMthay, where one of the soldiers
having been struck, immediately
turned round, and shot a man dead
upon the spot. This was at half-
past twelve, and the soldiers con-
tinuing to gallop about the streets,
prevented the re-assembling of the
mob during the night.
On Sunday the people again be-
gan to assemble at an early hour
in Queen -square, but, every thing
remaining quiet, the troops were
withdrawn for some refreshment,
having been on duty more than
twenty-four hours. They had
scarcely disappeared, when the
mob again commenced their out-
rages, and, ascending to the up-
per rooms of the Mansion-house,
they proceeded to throw out the
valuable furniture into the square.
Another exciting cause now be-
gan to develope itself. During
the sacking of the Mansion-house,
the wine cellars were forced, and
at least one third of a stock of 300
dozen of choice wines was carried
off, and wasted or drank by the
mob. The result was, that they
became madly infuriated, and re-
gardless alike of what mischief
they committed, or what risk they
incurred. All ages, of both sexes,
were to be seen greedily swallow-
ing the intoxicating liquors, while
upon the ground the bodies of
scores were to be found dead with
drunkenness. The troops again
appeared, but the infuriate mob
began to act on the offensive, and
attacked them with a shower of
stones and brickbats. In this
state of things the oomm&ndiDg
officer judged it prudent to with-
draw the troops (the l4th Light
Dragoons) ana replace them with
a body of the 3rd Dragoon Guards.
On tne retirement of the former,
they were followed by a large por-
tion of the mob, who continued
their assaults upon them along the
quay and o?er the draw-bndge.
On arriving at St Augustine's
Back, being provoked beyond fur-
ther forbearance, they turned round
and fired several shots on their as-
sailants, and a further loss of lifo
was the result. The mob, how-
ever, still continued to follow them,
and ill College-green some farther
firing occurred. Still the mob
continued their assaults, until the
troops arrived at their quarters in
the Boar's-head-yard, where they
again fired. The discharges were,
however, but partial ; the number
of killed being one, and of wounded,
seven or eight. Immediately after
these occurrences colonel Brereton
rode down to the square, followed
by a considerable number of men
and boys, who cheered him on his
way thither. Assuring them that
there should be no more firing, and
that the 14th should be immediktely
sent out of the city, again exhortea
them to return to their homes.
In the square, with the ex-
ception of the scenes of drunk-
enness which were still going on,
nothing further occurred until the
evening, with the exception that
an individual mounted the statue
of king William, and, fixing a
tri-coloured cap on a long pole,
pronounced aloud, ^' The Cap of
Libertj ! '* The soldiers were drawn
up in front of the Mansion-house,
and the mob seemed nowise dis-
posed to molest them.
After a while, however, they ma-
nifested arestlessoesiforaction,and
NOV.]
CHRONICLE.
175
a party > by no means numerous^ pro*
ceeded to the Bridewell. On ttieir
arrival, having procured sledge-
hammers from the nearest smith's
shop^ they beat in the doors^ Kbe»
rated the prisoners^ and set the
building on fire. During this
operation, not the slightest moles-
tation was offered them. This
happened about two o'clock. About
the same time a stronger party
proceeded to the New Gaol ; along
the New Cut, in front of the gaol^
a dense mass of the rioters assem*
bled ; and, on the opposite bank of
the river, the people were posted
in thousands. The mob succeeded
in forcing an entrance into the
yard and the governor's-house,
and threw every moveable article
into the New Kiver. They next
procured hammers from the adjoin-
ing ship^yard, with which the
massive locks on the iron doors of
the cells were smashed to atoms.
The prisoners were then released ;
many of them, both male and fe-
male, stripped off their prison
clothes, ana proceeded on their
way almost in a state of nudity*
As they passed along, the mob
cheered them and followed them
with exultations. After the pri-
soners had been liberated, amount-
ing, altogether, exclusive of debt-
ors, to more than 100, the next
step was to set the prison on fire ;
1
id
and a black handkerchief was tied
to the weathercock on the top of
the porter's lodge, over the gate-
way, as a signal for commenc-
ing operations. Immediately dense
clouds of smoke issued from every
part of the building. The flames
were first seen to break out from
the tread-mill, which burnt with
fury until it was quite con-
sumed. In about an hour the
govemor*s-house was completely
enveloped in flames; the wings.
howsTer, being buUt almost ex-«
clusively of stone and iron, with
iron roofs, were but little injured.
During these proceedings, a party
of the 3rd Guards, about twenty
in number, arrived ; and the mob
cheered the troops, who acknow-
ledged the compliment by taking
off their caps, and, almost imme-
diately after, wheeled round and de-
parted. As soon as the work of
destruction was completed here,
the rioters divided themselves into
parties, the one proceeding to
the Toll-houses, at Prinoes-street-
bridge, another to the Toll-house at
the Wells, and another to the one
at St. Phillips ! these were speedily
in flames. They then set off,
about seven o*clock, to the Glou-
cester county prison, and having
broken into it, released all the
prisoners, and set Are to the
building. At the same time, also,
a party proceeded to Brideweilt
which had been only partially de-
stroyed, and set fire to the wing
occupied by the keeper ^ so that
the three prisons were in flames at
the same instant.
A handful of the miscreants then
proceeded to the Bishop's palace.
Canon 's-marsh, and immeaiately
commenced the work of destruction*
A few individuals succeeded for a
while in staying their designs, and
orders were sentthatthemilitary, at
the Mansion-house, should hasten to
the protection of the Bishop's resid-
ence. They had no sooner set out
for that purpose, than the mob set
fire to the Mansion-house. On the
arrival of the troops at the Bishop's
palace, matters there were in a
tolerably quiet state,and having re-
turned to Queen-square, they found
the whole of the back: premisesof the
Mansion-house burning with fury,
and the apartments in the front
rooms occupied by wretcHet &cili«
176
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[1831.
tating the destruction of the build*
iug, by firing the apartments
simultaneously. The infatuated
creatures pressed forward to the
windows and waved their handker-
chiefs^ in exultation of the final
accomplishment of their designs.
From the rapidity of the progress
of the fiameSj it is supposed that
some were cut oflf from a retreat,
and that they thus met with an
untinaely end. In about twenty
minutes the roof fell in, and, to-
gether with the whole front, came
down into the street with a tre-
mendous crash. In the mean time
the Bishop's-palace had been set
on fire, and the flames were raging
throughout the whole pile of build-
ing, which in a short period was
reduced to ashes. The bishop had
left the city about mid-day.
After the destruction of the
Mansion-house, the rioters con-
ceived the plan of setting fire to
the adjoining houses, and, by
twelve at night, the wliolc mass,
from the Mansion-house to the
middle avenue, including the Cus-
tom-house and all the Back Build-
ing, in Little King-street, were
one immense mass of fire. The
Custom-house was a large building,
and the expertness of the wretches
in lighting it up, proved the de-
struction of many of them who were
ranging the upper apartments.
Some of them were seen to drop
into the flames, and others in des-
peration threw themselves from the
windows. A small band, chiefly
boys, who seemed to go about their
work as if they had been regu-
larly trained to the hellish employ-
ment, proceeded to extend the
conflagration]; preceding their oper-
ation by giving half an hour's notice
to the inmates of the houses to
retire. The windows were after-
wards smashed in, and the premises
were ignited with astonishing
pidity. In this manner they swept
away one whole side of Queen's-
square, and then proceeded to an
other ; commencing with the Ex-
cise-office) at the corner. From this
time, three o'clock in the morning,
the flames extended to the houaes
of the parallel streets and to many
of the principal Mane and spirit
stores. Al together there were oom-
pletely destroyed forty-two dwell-
ing houses and warehouses, exclu-
sive of the Mansion-house, Excise-
office, Custom-house, the four toll
houses, the three prisons, and the
bishop* s-palaoe. All seemed panic-
struck, and but few cared except
for their personal safety. The city
seemed given up to plunder; young
fellows, in parties of four, five, or
six, repaired to liquor-shops and
public- houses, knocked at thedoon»
and demanded drink or blood.
When morning dawned, the flames
were subsiding, but the appear-
ance of Queen-square was appalling
in the extreme. Numerous build-
ings were reduced to a heap of
smoking ruins, and others were
momentarily falling in : while,
around, lay several of the rioterSi
in the last stage of senseless ii^-
t^xication, and with countenances
more resembling fiends than man.
Meantime the soldiers, who had
been ordered out of the city, were
brought back; and the magis-
trates, having re-assembled, came
at length to a decision, and called
out the posse camkatus. The mi-
litary were then ordered to dear
the streets — an order which was
fulfilled to the letter by a party of
the troops which had experienced
some rough treatment, and had in
consequence fired upon the people
on the previous day. Nothing was
to be seen on every side but wo-
men and children, running and
NOV.]
CHRONICLE.
177
screaming in every direction, many
were severely wounded and some
killed. Towards the evening,
the flames in several houses of
the square broke out afresh, and
part of the pavement in King«
street was forced up by the heat
arising from some brandy which
was burning in the vaults be-
neath, but the engines being in
readiness, no further injury oc-
curred. An attack on the shipping
had been anticipated, and pre-
parations were made to repel it ;
but happily those fears were not
realized.
The number killed and wounded
did not exceed 1 00. Of the dead,
as far as could be ascertained, 6
were burnt, 2 shot, 2 died of sword
cuts, and 2 of excessive drinking ;
— of the wounded, 10 were injured
by shots, 48 by sword cuts, 2 by
drinking, and 34 from other causes.
The number committed was 180,
50 of whom were capitally charged
with rioting and burning.
Riots at Bath, Coventry,
AND Worcester. — About the
same time, partial disturbances ap-
peared in different parts of the coun-
try. At Bath, the mob made an
attempt to prevent the yeomanry
cavalry leaving the city, for the pur-
pose of assisting in the suppression
of the riots at Bristol. The inn
where the captain of the corps
stayed was almost pulled down.
On the 7th, some rioting took
place at Coventry. One factory
was burnt down, and the military
and special constables were called
out to suppress the disturbances.
At Worcester, on the 3rd of
November, the mob, after breaking
the windows of several houses, pro-
ceeded to the bishop's palace, and
assailed the doors; but, finding
there a detachment of twenty-five
special constables they gave up the
Vol. LXXJII.
attack. They also went to Prince
Edgar's Tower, which is the en-
trance to College-green, the resi-
dence of the Prebends, but a good
show of constables induced ^ them
to retreat. Constables were also
placed at the gas-works and poor-
houses, to prevent the town from
being darkened by cutting off
the gas. The Riot act was read :
the mayor addressed the niob^
and every exertion was made to
disperse them ; but about 200
itinerant thimble-and-peamen, and
low thieves, excited tlie mob, by
every means in their power ; and,
had it not been for the timely ar-
rival of the military, scenes of great
bloodshed must have ensued, be-
fDre order could have been restored.
When they arrived, and the order
was given to clear the streets, the
soldiers merely paraded up and
down. The mob, however, soon
began to pelt them. More ener-
getic measures were then resorted
to, and the soldiers attacked with
the fiat part of their swords all who
appeared active. The mob then in-
trenched themselves in Bull-court,
which could be approached only by
descending a flight of six stone steps,
and many women, as well as men,
stoutly defended it with missiles.
Two of the troopers were ordered
to fire down the court. One of
them, however, humanely pre-
ferred charging it. His horse de-
clined the experiment of descend-
ing the steps, and a loud '* hurrah"
from within marked the trooper's
retreat. The soldier then said to
his horse, " You must do it. Bob,"
and, at the same moment, applied
the spur. Bob answered to the
summons, went down the steps
with the safety of a cat or a dog,
and was immediately followed by
another. This so surprised the
rioters, that the most ridicu-
N
178
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[ISSI.
lous scene of confusion followed —
women and men scrambling and
tumblingover each other ;sauve qui
pent was the only principle of
action. After being routed here,
the mob assembled in Foregate-
street, and a proposition was made
to attack the county gaol ; but^ on
some person saying, that the gover-
nor had a considerable force of
sheriifs javelin-men, militia-men,
and constables, with plenty of am-
munition, they altered their course
of proceeding, and directed their
attacks against private individuals.
Procl AM ATiON. — The follow-
ing proclamation was issued on
November 2nd : — Whereas in
divers parts of Great Britain, and
more particularly in the towns of
Derby and Nottingham, and in
the city of Bristol, tumultuous as-
semblages of people have taken
place, and outrages of the most
violent description have been com-
mitted, both upon the persons and
property of divers of our subjects ;
and whereas all the restraints of
law and order have been overborne
and trodden under foot by such
lawless multitudes, the mansions
of individuals violently entered,
pillaged, and set on fire, the ordi-
nary course of justice forcibly in-
terrupted, the gaols for the con-
finement of criminals broken into
and destroyed, and malefactors and
persons charged with offences let
loose upon the public, to the great
disturbance and danger of the com-
mon weal, and the subversion of
established government; and where-
as the welfare and happiness of all
nations do, under Divine Provi-
dence, chiefly depend upon the ob-
servance and enforcement of the
law ; and whereas it is our firm
determination faithfully to dis-
charge the duty imposed on us, to
preserve the public peace^ and vi-
gorously to exert the powers whidi
we possess for the protection of all
our subjects, in the entire enjoy*
ment of their rights and libertiM :
—We, therefore, being resolved to
suppress the wicked and fiagitioua
practices aforesaid, have thought
fit, by and with the advice of oar
privy council, to issue this our
royal proclamation, solemnly warn*
ing all our liege subjects to guard
against every attempt to violato
the law, and to abstain from everjr
act inconsistent with the peace and
good order of society ; and we do
hereby charge and command all
sheritis, justices of the peace, chief
magistrates of cities, boroughs, and
corporations, and all the magis-
trates throughout Great Britain^
that they do effectually repress all
tumults, riots, outrages, and
breaches of the peace within their
respective jurisdictions, and that
they do make diligent inquiry, in
order to discover and bring to jus*
tice the movers and perpetratorB
of all such seditious and wicked
acts as aforesaid ; and we do fur-
ther earnestly and solemnly ez>*
hort, enjoin, call upon, and com*
mand, all our liege subjects, of all
ranks and conditions, that they do
come forward upon the first appear*
ance or apprehension of any such
disturbances as aforesaid, as they
are bound by their duty to us, by
their regard for the general inter-
est, and by the obligation of the
law, and that they be actively aid«
ing and assisting to all sheriflv,
justices of the peace, and other
magistrates, in enforcing the law
against evil doers, and in protect-
ing their fellow-subjects- in the en-"
joyment of their property, and the
exercise of their rights, against all
forcible, illegal, and unconstitu**
tional interference, control^ or agv-
gression. *
NOV.]
CHRONICLE.
170
3. Attack ok Lord Tsntrr*
DEN. — Johu Hely, of Cleineiit*0-
lane^ Strand^ by trade a journeys-
man tailor^ was placed at the bar
before Messrs. Gregorieand White,
charged with attempting to break
the windows of Lord Tenterden's
carriage, as his lordship was pro-
ceeding to Westminster^nall.— Mr.
Adamson, one of the inspectors of
the A division of police, stated,
that, between one and two o'clock
on the previous afternoon^ he was
on duty near Whitehall, at the time
the j udges were proceeding to West-
minster-hall. He saw the prisoner
run up to lord Tenterden's car*
riage, and, after using most abusive
language to his lordship, attempt
to break the windows with his hat.
He was immediately laid hold of and
taken away, but, by some means,
he made his escape. In a few
minutes afterwards witness was in
Palace-yard, and again saw the pri-
soner attempting to break the win-
dows of his lordship's carria^,
when he secured him and took him
to the station-house. — ^Police con-
stable Robertson, of the A divi-
sion. No. 63, stated, that, on the
previous afternoon, he saw the
prisoner run up to the carriage>
and attempt to strike the window
with his hat. The witness secured
him, but was instantly surrounded
by a number of notorious thieves
and pickpockets, and, to avoid any
disturbance, he let the prisoner goy
but kept his eye upon him as far as
Whitehall, when he again saw him
run up to his lordship's carriage. —
The j udgmen t of the bench was, that
the prisoner should pay a penalty
of 5/., for assaulting tne constable."
5. Mr.Osbaldbston'sMatch^
Newmarket. This match was
made previous to the July meet-
ing, between colonel Charritie and
Mr. Osbaldeston^for 1,000 guineas
a-side, the latter undertaking to
ride 200 miles in ten hoars, in the
ensuing Houghton meeting, the
number of horses being unlimited.
Up to last week the backers of
time were numerous, the contin-
gencies being all in their favour.
In the f^rst place Mr. Osbaldeston's
age (forty-seven) was considered
inimical to his doing 200 miles at
a racing pace, while the mere
fatigue of mounting and remount-
ing, it was thought^ would be
sufficient to exhaust him ; a horse
might faM lame, or turn restive^
be awkward to mount or pull up ^
the weather, too, might be un-
favourable. The ground was mea-
sured over the round course, be-
ginning and ending at the duke's
stand. The saddles were covered
with lamb-skin, and marked with
the names of the horses to be rid-
den, and the order in which they
were to be brought to the post ;
refreshments (consisting of weak
brandy and wat«r, warm, jelly,
cold partridge, &c.), and changes
of clothing were provided,— the
latter, however, were not required,
Mr. Osbaldeston preferring con*
tinning in his wet clothes to losing
time in shifting them. The urn*
pires were Mr. Bowater for colonel
Charritie^ and Mr. Thelluson for
Mr. Oslnddeston. The distance
was divided into heats of four miles
each. At twelve minutes past
seven, all the arrangements being
completed, Mr. Osbaldeston started.
The following is a correct return
of the fifty four-mile heats :
m. f.
... 9 0
•••
1 Emma .
2 Paradox
3 Liberty
4 Coroner
5 Obeston
6 Don Juan
7 Morgan Rattler
N3^
•••
•••
•.. •••
•••
•••
••t
#«•
9 20
9 25
9 15
9 40
9 0
9 13
180
ANNUAL REGISTER.
nssi.
• ••
« • •
• • •
8 Paradox^ 2iid time
9 CanDon Bull
10 Clasber
11 Ultima
12 Fairy
13 CoroDer, 2nd time
14 Liberty, ditto
15 Emma, ditto
1 6 Don Juan^ ditto
17 Obcston, ditto
1 8 Cannon Ball, ditto
19 Ultima, ditto
20 Tranby
21 Fairy
t«
• •
•* •
••
••
••
••
••
• •
••
• •
••
• ••
••
t •
• •
••
••
••
••
••
••
••
••
••
••
22 Morgan Rattler, 2nd time 9 28
23 Colt by Tramp
24 Dolly
25 Acorn
2G A horse by Smolensko
27 Tranby, 2nd time
28 Skirmisher •••
29 Guildford
30 Dolly, 2nd time
31 Ikey Solomons
32 Tarn o'Shanter
33 El Dorado
34 Coventry •••
35 Ringleader
36 Tranby, 3rd time
37 Ipsala
38 Skirmisher, 2nd time
39 Guildford, ditto ..
40 Streamlet
41 Donagani
42 Hassan
43 Surprise filly
44 Ringleader, 2nd time
45 Tranby, 4th time ..
46 Coventry, 2nd time ..
47 Ipsala, ditto
48 Streamlet, ditto
49 Donagani, ditto
50 Liberty, 3rd time
Making seven hours, nineteen
minutes, and four seconds, to
which must be added one hoar,
twenty-two minutes, and fifty-six
seconds, occupied in mounting,
dismounting, and refreshing, —
total, eight hours and forty^two
•••
•••
••
••
• •
••
••
••
m.
9
9
9
9
9
8
9
9
9
8
9
9
8
8
s.
6
23
25
10
5
40
21
21
8
20
45
0
10
8
8
8
9
8
8
9
8
8
12
9
9
9
8
8
8
8
9
8
9
9
9
9
8
9
9
9
10
9
58
58
2
52
0
25
25
45
0
40
20
0
42
15
20
45
10
50
12
0
10
30
50
30
0
0
15
40
minutes, or one hour and eighteen
minutes less than the time stipu-
lated for the performance of the
match! In the tenth round
Clasher broke down near home*
and, in the thirty-first, Ikey Solo-
mons having shewn symptoms of
boiling, Mr. Osbaldeston thxew
himself off, but retained his hold of
the reins,and escaped unhurt. The
first twenty-four miles were done in
fifty-eight minutes ; the forty-eight
miles in two hours, one minute^
and ^ve seconds ; the sixty miles
in two hours and thirty-three mi-
nutes ; seventy miles in two hours
and fifty-nine minutes: eighty
miles in three hours, twenty-fiFe
minutes, and thirty seconds ; 100
miles in four hours, nineteen mi«
uutes, and forty seconds ; and 120
miles in ^ve hours, eleven mioutefl»
and thirty seconds. At this stage
of the match Mr. Osbaldeston pro-
ceeded to the stand and lunched,
stopping six minutes and twenty
seconds. 1 36 miles were perform^
ed in six hours, and 160 in six
hours and fifty-seven seconds. All
the stoppages are included in these
calculations ; if they are deducted
throughout the match, it will be
seen that the whole distance was
done at the rate of about twenty-
six miles per hour. Tranby did
his sixteen miles in thirty-three
minutes and fifteen seconds* The
weather was unfavourable : a dris-
zling rain at the commencement
increased to a heavy storm, which
did not cease till about ten o'doclr.
Just previous to commencing the
48th round a tremendous storm of
wind and rain met Mr. Osbaldes*
ton in the face, and Streamlet|»
frightened, actually turned round.
The betting, at the makinff of
the match, was in favour of tune,
but during the last meeting it
changed to six or seven on M^;
Osbaldeston, increased to five to
NOV.]
CHRONICLE.
181
two on the Friday night/ and was
four to one at the starting ; 1 ,000
to 1 00 was also betted to Mr. Os-
baldeston and another gentleman,
that the match was not done in
nine hours. The confidence of
his backers was not shaken till the
31st round, when he threw him-
self from Ikey Solomons ; it was
then even betting on the match :
in the 40th change it was six to
four that he did it in the nine, and
ten to one that he did it in the ten
hours. Mr. Osbaldeston rode from
the ground to the town on one of
his hacks, and was loudly cheered.
The following is a list of the
most remarkable feats of horse-
manship on record : — In October
1741, at the Curragh meeting in
Ireland, Mr. Wilde rode 127
miles in six hours and twenty-one
minutes, with ten horees. The
time stipulated was nine hours.
In 1745, Mr. C. Thornhill rode
from Stilton to London and back,
and again to Stilton, being 213
miles, in eleven hours and thirty-
four minutes. In 1762, Mr. Shaf-
toe rode fifty miles and a quarter
in one hour and forty-nine minutes,
with ten horses, five of which were
ridden twice. In 1 762, the same
gentleman undertook to ride 100
miles a day for twenty-nine days
together, on any one horse each
day, the number of horses not to
exceed twenty-nine. He accom-
plished it on fourteen horses, and
on one day rode 160 miles, on ac-
count of the tiring of his first
horse. In 1 758, Miss Pond rode
1,000 miles in 1,000 hours at New-
market. In Dec. 1810, Mr. Mil-
ton, the horse-dealer, who weighed
fifteen stone, rode from London to
Stamford (starting from the cor-
ner of Dover-street) in four hours
and twenty-five minutes, using
eighteen horses.
Railway Accident* — ^ The
train, conveying the mail and about
100 passengers on the Liverpool
and Manchester railway, had got
to the Newton side of Chat Moss,
and was crossing the embankment
at the rate of twenty miles an
hour, when, in consequence of the
failure of an axletree in one of
the coaches, the breaking of a
wheel, and the injury done to
others, the whole train was forced
off the rails, proceeded in a slightly
diagonal direction about 600 paces,
and came within a yard-and-a-half
of the edge of the embankment
before it could be stopped. But
for the softness of the ground, in
consequence of the recent rains,
and the additional impediment to
the progress of the train, arising
from the broken wheels of one of
the carriages, the whole would
probably have been precipitated
over the embankment, with a loss
of life and limbs frightful to con-
template. No person received the
slightest injury, and no material
damage was sustained.
6. The following Forms of
Prayer were read to-day in all
Churches in the metropolis.
'' Most Gracious Father and
God ! who hast promised forgive-
ness of sins to all those that with
hearty repentance and true faith
turn to thee, look down, we be-
seech thee, from Heaven, thy
dwelling-place, upon us thy un-
worthy servants, who, under an
awful apprehension of thy judg-
ments, and a deep conviction of
our sinfulness, prostrate ourselves
before thee: We acknowledge it
to be of thy goodness alone that,
whilst thou hast visited other na-
tions with pestilence, thou hast so
long spared us; Have pity, 0
182
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[18S1«
Lord! have pity on thy people,
both here and abroad; Mithdraw
thy heavy hand from those who
are suffering under thy judgments,
and turn away from us- that griev-
ous calamity, against which our
only security is in thy compassion :
We confess, with shame and con*
trition, that in the pride and
hardness of our hearts we have
shown ourselves unthankful for thy
mercies, and have followed our
own inclinations, instead of thy
holy laws : Yet, O Merciful
Father, suffer not thy destroying
angel to lift up his hand against
us, but keep us, as thou hast
heretofore done, in health, and
safety; and grant that, being
warned by the sufferings of others
to repent of our sins, we may be
preserved from all evil by thy
mighty protection, and enjoy the
continuance of thy mercy and
grace, through the merits of our
only Mediator and Advocate, Jesus
Christ. Amen."
•' O, Almighty God ! who, with
the many instances of mortality
which encompass us on every side,
dost call upon us seriously to con-
sider the shortness of our time
here upon earth, and remindest us
that in the midst of life we are in
death, so teach us to number our
days that we may apply our hearts
unto wisdom. Give us grace to
turn unto thee with timely repent-
ance, and thus to obtain through
the merits of our Saviour, that
pardon to-day which to-morrow it
may be too late to seek fbr ; that
so, being strengthened by thy
good Spirit against the terrors of
death, and daily advancing in god**
liness, we may at all times h%
ready to give up our souls into thy
hands, O Gracious Fkther, in the
hope of a blessed immortality,
through the mediation snd for thf
merits of Jesus Christ our Jjord.
Amen."
Rupture with tbm Caufnan
AT Canton.— In the oouna of tho
present month, inteUlgenoe ar-
rived of the interruption of ihm
good understandingwnioh had scibw
sisted between the Canton gofwn*
ment and the British factory. So
serious was the rupture oonudsredt
that the select committee iasued a
public notice, that unless the erils
complained of were redressed, crse^
curity given against their reenr*
rence, all commercial interooarss
between Great Britain and Chlim
would be suspended from the Isl
day of August next. A dr^ubur
was published explaining the nMH
tives which had dictatea that ?»•
solution. The case of the Woo^
Yay, managing partner of Gov*
Qua's Hong, is tne first topic id«
verted to in the circular. This
innocent man fell a victim to the
envy of his fellow merchants^ end
the malice of the governor^ who
gained their object by fidsely aU
leging that he held s traitoroiis
intercourse with the Engtishj th^
proof of which consisted in his
having procured for one of thevft e
sedan chair. He was imprisoned
in November 1830, was tried finr
his life, threatened with tartursiy
and sentenced to banishment, to
£le, but died on the 1st of -May^
1 83 1 > from the rigours of s winter^
NOV.]
CHRONICLE.
18^
imprisonment, and mental anxiety^
operating on a feeble frame. The
forcible entry of the Company's
factory took place, very unex«
pectedly, on the 1 2th of May 1 83 1 ,
about seven o'clock in the morn*
ing. It is said, that even the
Uoppo had no previous knowledge
of what was intended, when the
Foo-yuen called at his residence,
with two or three hundred attend-^
ants, to request that he would ac-
company him to the factory. On
entering the Public-hall, the Foo-
yuen directed that the portraits
with which it was decorated, should
be uncovered, and when that of
king George the 4th was pointed
out to him, he deliberately ordered
the back of his chair to be turned
to it, and seated himself in a man-
ner plainly indicating contempt.
After the fire in 1 822, the rubbish,
removed from the ruins, was made
use of by the Chinese to advance
the bank of the river, immediately
above the Company's factory, over
a mud flat, partly dry at low water.
This, of course, occasioned an in-
creased deposit of mud in front of
the factory, which so obstructed
the approach of boats to the
bank, that it became necessary
to push out the quay about forty
yards over the flat : and the
enclosing walls, from the factory
to the river were extended over
the ground thus saved, with
the express sanction of the autho-
rities. Two years ago, a part
of the space was neatly laid out
as a shrubliery. The aestruction
of this was, it seems, the ob-
ject of the Foo-yuen's incursion.
How-qua, the head Hong mer-
chant, with the head linguist,
Atom, soon made their appearaaoe
at the factory, and altenwds some
others of the Hong-merchants. A
oceiiQ of boiiterous aog<er ^Mued^
in which even the Hoppo came in
for a share of the Foo-yuen's vitu-
peration for his supineness in toler-
ating English encroachment. '' Do
yon do nothing but eat and 'deep,"
he obsenred, ^^ that you suffer
these things to go od under your
eyes ? This was under your care,
and you should have prevented it."
He then gave orders that tW bank
of the river should be cutvaway,
and the walls taken down, to re-
duce the enclosure to the same
dimensk>ns as before the fire. The
linguist replied that he would com-
municate these orders to the chief
of the ^eictory, and see them car-
ried into eflrect. This increased
his excellency's ire. Fetters were
sent for to an adjoining Mandarin
house, the linguist was bound, and
was threatened with instant deca-
pitation. The work of destruction
commenced next day, and was
completed, by the exertions of
about 500 Chinese labourers, work-
ing day and night, when not pre-
vented by the rise of the tide.
The excavated rubbish was convey-
ed in boats to about fifty yards off,
and was there thrown into the
middle of the river. On the 2l8t
of May, the secretary to the select
committee arrived in Canton, with
remonstrances to theleadingofficers
of the govemmeiit, which were
formally delivered to the Hong
roercbants in full meeting. He,
at the same time, gave up posses-
sion of the Company's premises, by
handing over the Keys in a sealed
cover addressed to tne Foo-yuen.
But the Hong merchants were
afraid to present either the one or
the other; his excellency having
declared that be would listen to
nothing on the subject.
12. llie mayor of Calais an-
DOQOced that the Commission
SasilaifQ hd decreed tM nq
184
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[i83i:
vessel coming from Scotland, or
any part of the north of England,
including Yarmouth, would be ad-
mitted into that harbour, and also
tliat all packet boats from London
and Dover, as well as all vessels of
commerce, were to be furnished
with bills of health, delivered by
the magistrate at the place of their
departure, or by the French con-
sul.
15. High Court of Jus-
ticiary, Edinburgh. — Elec-
tion' RroTS AT Lauder, — S.
M*Lauchlan, W, Badger, and
R. Brown were tried for mobbing
and rioting at Lauder, on the 4th of
May, and assaulting the llon.Capt.
Maitland and Charles Simson, of
Thorewood, and feloniously seizing
and carrying off the said Mr.
Simson,for the purpose of obstruct-
ing the election of a delegate to
elect a member of parliament for
the Lauder district of burghs.
M'Lauchlan and Badger pleaded
Not Guilty. Brown pleaded Guilty
to being concerned in the abduc-
tion of Mr. Simson. He was the
driver of the post-chaise in which
that gentleman was taken from
Lauder. Lord Maitland, Capt.
Maitland, and Mr. Bos well, ae-
tailed the nature of the riot and
assault. Large bodies of men
marched into Lauder in the morn-
ing. The crowd, who completely
filled the street in the neighbour-
hood of the Cross, opened a sort
of lane from Shaw's Inn to the
Town Hall, but the party no
sooner entered it than an attempt
was made to overpower them, and
carry off Mr. Simson. This being
frustrated, a second effort was
made to reach the Council-room,
Mr. Stewart, of Alderston, walk-
ing first ; the party, however, had
not proceeded far when the crowd
closed in upon them ; Lord Mait^
land was thrown down, and, with
Mr. Simson, drawn for a consider-'
able way along the street^ but, on the
parties getting the latter gentleman
into their hands, a man called out,
'^ Do not strike him (Lord Mait-
land), we have gained our object,"
Mr. Johnston, I'rocurator Fiscal of
Berwickshire, saw a stick raised
over Mr. Boswell, and on his
(Mr. J.) interfering, he was sur-
rounded and struck. Mr. Boswell
stated that he received several
blows. None of these gentlemen
could identify the panels. Badger
and ]\I'Lauchlan were repeatedly
seen during the day; the former
was not seen to take an active part,
but the latter was recognised from
his making speeches in favour of
" Stewart and Reform," for being
diminutive in stature, he was lifted
on men's shoulders in order to be
seen . The crowd obeyed his orders^
by giving three cheers for the Bill
and three cheers for Lord John
Russell ; but no i>erson saw him
actively engaged in the assault
made on Lord Maitland and Mr.
Simson. The Jury found Badger
Not Guilty, and the libel against
M'Lauchlan Not Proven. Browu
was sentenced to nine months' im-
prisonment.
16. Bow Street. — Extra-
ordinary Charge of Felont.— «
Mr. James Green, of the firm of
Pellat and Green^ extensive glass-
manufacturers, was charged by a
young woman, named Rebecca
Hodson, with having robbed her of
a gold watch, in the month of
May, 1829. She deposed that, two
years and a half ago, the defendant
accompanied her to her lodgings,
and that in the morning when he
left her she found that her watch,
which she had seen safe a few
minutes before hequitted the house,
bad been stolen, She had neyer
NOV.]
CHRONICLE.
186
seen defendant from that time till
a fortnight since^ when she saw
him at Drury-lane Theatre, and
the sight of him had such an effect
on her that she fainted. On Tues-
day evening she saw him again at
the theatre, and gave him in
charge to a police officer. On
cross-examination, she said that
she was a native of Boston,
in Lincolnshire, and was taken
from her home by a gentleman
named Hodson, whose name she
now retained. She subsequently
lived at Southampton under the
protection of Sir—, who pur-
chased the watch for her in that
place. — The prisoner declared
solemnly that he never saw the
prosecutrix to his knowledge before
the previous night, when she ac-
costed him at Drury-lane Theatre.
It was clear that she had mistaken
him for some other person whom he
had the misfortune to resemble.
The prisoner was admitted to
bail, himself in the sum of 1,000/.,
and two sureties in 500/. each.
An indictment was preferred
against him, but was ignored by
the Grand Jury.
1 9. CouiiT OF King's Bench.
— The King on Behalf of
Michael Scales, v. Mayor
AND Aldermen of the City
OF London. — The court of the
Lord Mayor and aldermen of Lon-
don having made a return to a
mandamus commanding them to
admit and swear in Mr. Michael
Scales, who had been elected alder-
man of the Ward of Portsoken,
in the room of Sir James Shaw,
the question as to the sufficiency
of that return was argued ; and
Lord Tenterden proceeded to give
judgment. The important portion
of the return was, that the Court
of Aldermen had always possessed
and exercised the right of d$ter«
mining the fitness or unfitness of
all persons returned to them from
the several wards to fill the office
of alderman : and that, on petitions
being presented to them by the
parties interested, setting forth
that any individuals so returned
were not fit and proper, and were
not qualified to serve in that
oflice, the Court of Aldermen, in
the full exercise of their discre-
tion, were at liberty to set aside
such election, and had done so
in the present case. He was of
opinion that that return was
sufiicient. The aldermen set forth
in their return that a petition had
been presented to them declaring
that Mr. Scales was not a fit or
proper person to fill the ofiice of
alderman ; that they took that
petition into consideration; that
they examined witnesses ; that
Mr. Scales was heard by counsel j
and they had adjudicated that he
was not a competent person to
support the dignity and discharge
the duty of an alderman of the
City of London. Then the ques-
tion presented itself, was the
custom a good or an invalid
custom.^ and against the validity
of the custom it was contended
that such a custom would be in-
consistent with the act of parlia-
ment. It appeared to him that
the right of election and that of
approval were perfectly distinct.
When elections took place, there
surely might be a power to suspend
or annul the powers exercised
under that election. There was
no power which might not be
abused, and the non-existence of
the power was not to be inferred
from the liability to abuse.
Mr. Justice Parke, Mr. Justice
Taunton, and Mr. Justice Patteson
concurred. — No peremptory twaw**
damus to issue.
186
ANNUAL REGISTER. [issi.
21. COLBURN V. HabVEY. — •
Lord Tenterden delivered the
judgment of the court in this
case. The question at issue was
the validity of a church-rate, made
by the select vestry of a district
of the parish of 8t. Giles's
Camberwell. The church was
built under the act of the 8th
of George the Third, the second
section of which stated that all
district churches or chapels should
be built by rates made in the
same manner as those levied for
repairing parish churches. Ac-
cording to the common law the
rates for repairing churches must
be made by the churchwardens
and inhabitants in vestry assem-
bled ; and that principle prevailed
in all cases, except where select
vestries were established either by
statute or by usage. According
to the 59th section of' George the
Third, it was enacted that in all
cases, where any district churches
or chapels should be built under
the former act, and in which there
should be no district vestry, a
select vestry should be appointed
by the commissioners, with the
advice of the bishop of the diocese,
for the care of such district
churches or chapels. It was con-
tended, on the part of the plaintiff,
that that section did not extend to
the power of making a rate, and that
in all cases where the rights of
parties were to be abridged, the
statute must be construed strictly.
The court would be governed by
that principle, it being one which
had already been acted upon by
Lord Hardwicke and other judges.
There was no express authority
given to the select vestry to make
a rate : and the judgment of the
court, therefore, was, that the rate
must be quashed.
Proclamation Against Po«
LiTicAL Unions. — ^''Whereas cer-
tain of our subjects, in different
parts of our kingdom, have re*
cently promulgated plans for yolua*
tary associations, under the de«
nomination of Political UnioDs,
to be composed of separate bodies,
with various divisions and sab*
divisions, under leaders with a
gradation of rank and authority,
and distinguished by certain badges^
aud subject to the general oontrol
and direction of a superior ooni-*
mittee or council, for wnich associ*
ations no warrant has been given
by us, or by any appmnted by lu,
or on our behalf; and whcraw,
according to the plans so pro^
mulgated as aforesaid, a pcnrer
appears to be assumed of acting
independently of the dvil ma£ie«
trates, to whose requisition, calnng
upon them to be enrolled as con-
stables, the individuals comprising
such associations are bound in
common with the rest of our sab-
jects to yield obedience: and
whereas such associations so cob«
stituted and appointed under such
separate direction and command,
are obviously incompatible with
the faithful performance of this
duty, at variance with the admow-
ledged principles of the constitu-
tion, and subversive of the au-
thority with which we are invested
as the supreme head of ^he state,
for the protection of the puUic
peace ; and whereas we are deter^
mined to maintain against all en-
croachments on our Royal Power,
those just prerogatives of the
crown ; which have been given to
us for the preservation of the
peace and order of societVi and for
the general advantage ana security
of our loyal subjects : We haye^
therefore, thought it our boundea
duty, with and by the advice of our
Privy Council^ to issue thia ev
NOVJ
CHRONICLE,
18^
Royal Prodsmation^ dedaridg all
such associations so constituted
and appointed as aforesaid, to be
unconstitutional and illegal; and
earnestly warning all our subjects
from entering into such unauthor«
ised combinations^ whereby they
may draw upon themselves the
penalties attending a violation of
the ]aw8> and the peace and se^
curity of our dominions may be
endangered."
28. Edinburgh Conskkvativb
Mketino.— 'This afternoon a pub-
lic meeting was convened in the
Assembly*room8, George-street^ by
a requisition signed by not fewer
than two hundred and eighty of
the most wealthy and respectable
citizens of Edinburgh^ for the pui^<
pose of expressing their loyalty
towards the King; their grati-*
fication that no further creation
of peers has been resorted to with
the view of carrying the revolu-
tionary bill ; and their detestation
of the character and tendency of
Political Unions.
The room, which^ with the
gallery, is calculated to contain no
&wer than 2>000 persons, was
crammed at an early hour. The
meeting itself was^ without excep-
tion, the most numerous^ the most
respectable, the most unanimous,
and the most enthusiastic which
ever met in the assembly Rooms of
Edinburgh. Sir John Forbes was
in the chair. Professor Wilson, in
a speech of splendid eloquence,
moved the first resolution. The
second resolution was moved by
Sir George Clerk, member for the
county of Edinburgh. Mr. Ander-
son, Advocate ; Professor Cheape ;
Mr. Milne, Advocate ; Mr. M*Neil,
Advocate ; Mr. Innes, of Stowe ;
Mr. Dundas, M.P. ; Mr. Pringle,
M.P. ; and several other geortle-
wen, delivered yerj imjuressife
speeches, which were listened to
with a devoted enthusiasm.
The New Russian Takifp.-<-
A new tariff of duties was issued
by order of the Emperor of Russia.
The document occasioned much
surprise among the merchants and
others connected with the Baltic
trade. On the I9th instant,
(O. S.) the order was put into
force ; it imposed an additional
duty of 12^ per cent on all im«
ports not entered before the 19th,
with the exception of brimstone,
corks, and corkwood; besides which
the duty was increased on a great
number of other articles.
DECEMBER.
Pretbndbd Inspiration. «--»
The public attention has been at-
tracted by some extraordinary
scenes which have been going on
in the Scotch National Church, in
Regent - square, of which Mr.
Irving is the pastor. On Sunday,
the 9th of October, Mr. Irving
delivered two sermons on the ex*
traordinary gifts of the Spirit, on
each of which occasions the congre«<
gation were disturbed by individu**
als pretending to the niraculoos
gift of tongues. Daring the ser<«
mon in the morninff, a lady (a
Miss Hall), thus singularly en«
dowed, was compelled to retire to
the vestry, where she was unaMe
(as she said) to restrain herself,
and spoke for some time in the
unknown tongue, to the great sur-
prise of the congregation. The
rev. gentleman resumed the sub-
ject in the evening, by discoursing
from (or rather expounding) the
12th chapter of the 1st of Corinth*
ians. Towards the condusion of
ibe exposition, he took occasion
188
ANNUAL REGISTER.
L18SK
to allude to tlie event of the morn-
iug, and expressed his doubts
whether he had done right in re-
straining the exercise of the gift in
the church itself, and compelling
the ladv to retire to the vestrv. At
this moment a c^entleman in the
gallery (a Mr. Taplin, who keeps
an academy in Castle- street, Hol-
born) rose from his soat, and com-
menced a violent harangue in the
unknown tongue. The confusion
occasioned was extreme. The whole
congregation rose from their seats
in affright. Several ladies screamed,
and others rushed to the doors.
Some supposed the building was
in danger ; others, that there
had been a murder, or an at-
tempt to munler some jierson in
the gallery, insomuch, that one
gentleman actually called out to
the pew-openers and beadle to
" Stop him, and not let him es-
cape." On both occasions the
church was extremely crowded,
and it would bo impossible to de-
scribe the confusion produced by
this display of fanaticism. There
was, indeed, in the strange un-
earthly sound and extraordinary
power of voice, enoiigli to appal
the heart of the most stout-hearted.
A great part of the congregation
standing upon the seats, to ascer-
tain the cause of alarm, while the
rev. gentleman, standing with arms
extended, and occasionally beckon-
ing them to silence, formed a scene
which parto«)k as much of the ridi-
culous as of the sublime. No at-
tempt was made to stop tlie indi-
vidual, and, after two or three mi-
nutes, he became exhausted and sat
down, and then the rev. gentleman
concluded the service.
On the following Sunday, an
unusually numerous congregation
assembled, in the expectation, no
bt, that similar proceedings
would again take place. In this]
however, the auditors were disap-
pointed. Twice, indeed, during
the rev. gentleman's prayer* the
congregation were startled by a
voice, which was understood to pro«
ceed from the female endowed with
the gift of tongues, but the ndlse
was unaccompanied by any attempt
to articulate words or syllables, and
appeared to be nothing more than
a kind of suppressed hysterical ay.
Previous to the usual service of the
morning, Mr. Irving remarked that
he had something to say on what
had occurred in that church on a
former occasion. He commenced
by observing, that manifestationa
of the Spirit in the gifts of pro-
phecy and of tongues had been the
subject of historical record during
the first three centuries, but from
that period, up to the present
time, they had ceased to be the
subject of historical record. It
had, however, been the opinion of
himself and of others, that these
manifestations might be renewed^
and, accordingly, they had prayed
the Lord to restore them, and it nad
at last pleased Him to do so. He
had raised up among the brethren
persons who do so speak the toneues
and prophecies — men of Cxod — holy
persons, ^vliom he (Mr. Irving)
knew to be faithful in the LfOrd.
And here, alluding to the pers(Hi8
who on last Lord's day broke si-
lence, he warned his congregatim^
in order that, if such a thing oc-
curred again, they might know it
was no brawling in the church,
but the voice of the Spirit speaking
in the tongues. The communica^
tion of the Spirit on that occasion,
when interpreted, was, " Why will
ye flee from the voice of the Lord?
The Lord is with ye ; if ye flee
now, where will ye nee on the day
of judgment?" '* I say/' pro-
DEC]
CHRONICLE.
189
ceeded Mr. Irving, '^ it is not man
that did this ; it is the Great Head
of the church that has thrust it
upon us, and he ndw waits to see
whether we will receive it. Give
me liberty to expound the word of
the Lord; give not ear to the
opinion of the world, and we shall
indeed receive the gifts of the
Holy Spirit. The tokens we have
already received (and to which I
myself have been a reverend list-
ener for the last six months) af-
ford ample evidence of what we
may expect. The day of judgment
and. the Lord's coming are at
hand 5 and those persons who
speak not from their own minds,
but from the inspiration of the
Lord, are sent forth to announce
the event to mankind, and to bid
them prepare. I hope that God
will raise up many of them 3
nay, I am sure he will/' Af-
ter these preliminary observa-
tions, Mr. Irving proceeded with
his sermon, taking his text from
Joel, chap. ii. ver, 28, " And
it shall come to pass afterwards,
that I will pour out my spirit on
all flesh, and your sons and your
daughters shall prophesy, your old
men shall dream dreams, your
young men shall see visions.** In
the course of the morning, he
stated that no person, with whose
spiritual qualifications he was not
well acquainted, would be allowed
to display the gift of tongues before
the congregation. — In a subse-
quent Sunday, after he had con-
cluded a sermon on the words,
" Try the spirit," a man, named
E. Cardale, addressed the vast con-
gregation in the unknown tongue,
and afterwards in the vulgar tongue,
entreating sinners to come to God,
and warning them of the coming
of Christ to judgment. A person
in the gallery called out, '^ Blas-
phemy," many hissed, and a strange
disturbance took place, which can-
not be described. A variety of
persons barricadoed the doors on
both sides of the gallery. About
fifty persons then commenced a
general harangue, calling upon Mr.
Irving to discuss the subject with
them, which he declined. Durine
all this disorder, the reverend
gentleman commenced his prayer,
that the tumult of the people
might be stayed. Previous to
the immense mass leaving the
chapel, he stated, that, in conse-
quence of what had taken place, he
should next Sabbath desist from
preaching on the subject of '* The
Gift of the Tongues," and the gift
should not be allowed to be exer-
cised in the usual morning and
evening service. From this time, the
National Scotch Church was open-
ed every morning at half-past six
o'clock, for a prayer-meeting, at
which the reverend gentleman's
deluded followers exhibited the uu"
known tongue. At one of these
meetings, the rev. N. Armstrong,
a clergyman of the Established
Church, publicly stated his belief
in the reality of these displays of
divine manifestation. — The exhi-
bition s^ also, were renewed during
the public worship on the Sun-
days.
2. In Gibraltar an explosion took
place in the laboratory, which blew
off the roof, and killed two men
employed in proving and cleaning
unserviceable hand grenades. The
consternation ~ was great, as the
magazines were very near. There
were three or four pounds of
gun-powder, which had been saved
from the hand grenades, and it
is supposed, from the pieces
picked up of a shattered gre-
nade, that the accident occurred
from its imperfect formation, and
190
ANNUAL REGISTER.
[16S1.
from tlie coat of rust accumulated,
which, with a bit of iron found
within, might have ignited and
caused the accident. About a week
after this, three gunners were killed
by the bursting of a gun in the ex-
cavation of the rock, and were
buried in one grave.
9. Protestant Meeting. — A
great Protestant meeting was held
in Dublin, to consider the present
state of Ireland, as regards the
Protestant interest. There were
about ninety noblemen and gentle-
men of fortune assembled from the
different provinces of Ireland. The
earl of Roden was in the chair.
On the first day (7th), the debate
turned chiefly on the propriety
and wisdom of establishing a per-
manent political association. On
the second day, the great majority
of the meeting resolved to join the
already organized Orange Associ-
ation. Irish Protestants of all de-
nominations were invited to form
a junction, and a committee was
appointed to carry these resolu-
tions into eilect. On the third
day, the committee brought up
their resolutions, which, after ex-
pressing devoted attachment to the
king, the principles of the House of
BrunswicK, and alarm at the spirit
of his majesty's councils and the
course of their measures, declared
that the proposed Irish reform
would augment the evils of which
the meeting complained, and that
the gallant spirit of the Irish Pro-
testants was unsubdued.
10. Cambridge. — An extraor-
dinary attempt was made to blow
up the letter-box of the Post-
omce, by means of gunpowder,
but which happily failed. A stu-
dent of Trinity-college, named
Brane, was taken in the fact. Some
suspicious circumstances had, for
the last few days, induced the post-
master to set a vigilant watch*
About half-past eight in the even-
ing, Brane wa^ observed to be look*
ing about him at the letter-box; ha
then applied a lighted cigar to a
piece of paper which he held in
his hand, and dropped a Bmall
paper parcel in the box *, at this
moment a policeman broke a pane
of glass in the Post-office win-
dow as a signal, and the offioere on
the watch outside instantly eecur*
ed him. There was about two
ounces of powder in the nafcel>
which was lolded up like a lettefi
but sewed at the ends, with a touch*
paper about nine inches long^ com*
municating with the inside; a
string was tied round the middle^
with which he suspended it in the
letter-hole while he was lighting
the touch-paper.
Ma5;sACUE op the P0L1CS.-W
On Wednesday, the 14th instanti
a party of poIic*e, under the com*
mand of Mr. Gibbons, police chiefj
stationed at Piltown, went out to
protect a process-server, employed
m the service of latitats for tithee
due to the rev. Hans Hamilton . of
Knoctopher, in the county of SAU
kenny. A large body oif people
accompanied the police throughout
the day, and made several demandfl
to have the process-server deliver*
ed to them, that he might be
forced to eat the latitats ; but they
resorted to no violence. About two
o'clock, the party reached a wild
part of the common of Carrick<«
shock, three miles from Knocto^
pher, and were proceeding in nar-
row files through a lane, the loose
stone walls to which were so low^
that the lane might be said toibnn an
uninterrupted part of the common.
Here the process-server was again
demanded, with a promise, that no
attack on the police would be made;
of course they refused to deliver
DEC]
CHRONICLE.
101
him urn and then a young fellow
darted in^ seized him^ tried to drag
him from the police^ and was im«
mediately shot. A numher of shots
succeeded, two countrymen drop-
ped dead, and the great body of
the people instantly closed in and
killed Mr. Gibbons and eleven of
the police. — ^The next day an in-
quest was held, when John Brown,
policemen y was the first witness
called up and sworn. He stated,
that the men came by their deaths
in consequence of the process-server
they were guarding being knocked
down, and an attack made on the
police by a mob armed with pitch-
forks and other weapons j an im-
mensity of stones were thrown, and
eighteen of the men knocked down,
before the police fired ; that it was
the men in the rear ranks who were
knocked down; that the front
ranks fired about twenty shots, by
which they opened themselves a
passage to escape ; that those shots
were not fired till after the pro-
cess-server was left for dead ; that,
besides stones, the people were
armed with pitchforks, shovels, and
things shaped like knife-blades,
but seemingly made for the occa-
sion, and placed in the ends of
sticks ; that, before the battle, he
heard frequent cries from the peo-
ple that blood should be spilled ;
and that the attack was principally
made on the horse-police in the rear,
where the greater portion of the mob
was. — James Dermody, policeman,
having been desired by the Court
to stat^ what he knew of the trans-
action, said : We were protecting
the process-server, when the mob
said they would not harm thepolice^
but would have the process-server
given up to them. Mr. Gibbons
expostulated with them, read the
passage in the king's speech rela-
tive to tithes, and requested tbey
would have patience, &e. Two
stones were thrown, and an attempt
was made to snatch the process-
server from the party. One of the
horsemen was knocked down, and
then several stones were thrown.
The firing took place in the rear ;
witness was near the front. — The
Jury returned a verdict, •' that the
police came to their deaths by an at<*
tack bya considerable mob of people
armed with pitch -forks, stones, and
other weapons." — The whole in-
quiry occupied precisely twenty
minutes.
14. Teials of John William
HOLLOWAY, AND ANN KennETT,
FOR Murder.— John William Hoi-
lowav, and Ann Kennett, were tried
for tlie murder of Celia HoUoway,
lawful wife of the first- named pri-
soner.— The prisoner had separated
from his wife, and was living in
adultery with Ann Kennett, when
he induced his wife, on the 24th
of July, under promise of again
cohabiting with her, to leave her
residence, and accompany him to a
house in Donkey-row, Brighton,
where she had no sooner enter-
ed, than he barbarously murdered
her. He subsequently conveyed
the body to Preston Copse, one
mile from Brighton, where he
deposited it in a hole, leaving
a part of her gown protruding,
which led to a discovery of the
deed of blood. — After the evidence
had been gone through, the Judge
summed up the evidence as it af-
fected the female prisoner, and
stated, that, if they agreed with him,
they would think that the evidence
was not suflicient to convict her on
this charge, whatever might be
done afterwards.— The Jury, after
a short deliberation, were of the
same opinion as his lordship, and
the female prisoner was directed
to be removed from the bar.-— The
192
ANNUAL REGISTER. [i8Si,
Clerk of the Arraigns then read
the following confession^ signed by
Holloway : " Ann Kennctt knew
nothing of this circumstance going
to happen, until I had got the
whole of Celia*8 clothes in that
house. I went home and had her
down to the house, and then I ac-
Suainted her what I was going to
0 ; she said I had better not do it,
for fear of being discovered ; I told
her I would trust to that if she
would assist me ; she said yes, she
would, and then, as I had got the
clothes, we knew not at first hardly
how to dispose of them. I said we
would pledge some, and burn what
would not pledge, and we immedi*
ately lotted out what would pledge,
and Kennett took them and I be-
lieve pledged them, and I then
went and fetched Celia. Celia
came with me to the south end of
North Steine-row. I left Celia
there, and told her to wait till I
came for her, or called her. I
went into the house in North
Steine-row ; I told Ann she was
just by there, and it was agreed
that Ann should conceal herself in
the cupboard ; she did conceal her-
self in the cupboard. I then went
and called Celia ; when she was in
the house I shut the door ; told her
I wanted her to wait a little while,
because my partner lived up stairs,
and he was in bed, and must wait
until he got up, and, with that pre-
tence, I kept her in conversation
for some time, and at last I asked
her to sit down on the stairs, and
then, on a pretence of kissing her, I
passed the line round her neck, and
strangled her. As soon as I passed
the line round her neck, I found
it was rather more than I could
manage, and I called Ann, and God
knows she assisted me by taking
hold of each end of the rope
with me^ and she held the rope
with me until the poor girl
dropped, and then I held the
cord for a time myself; and
Ann made use of this expres-
sion, ' Do not let your heart £siil
you.' When I thought she was
dead, or nearly dead, I dragged
her into a cupboard or coal-hole
under the stairs, and under the
stairs there are some nails. I did
not remove the cord, but took an
over-handed knot, and I made the
ends fast to the nails, so that she
was then hanging by the neck ; I
proposed then cutting her; Ann
Kennett told me to wait until the
blood was settled ; then, I believe,
the next thing we did was to burn
the things, the bonnets particularly;
the people who went into the house
after we left must have seen the
wire in the grate, which I took no-
tice of being there ; either that or
the next night, 1 cannot call to
mind which, we proceeded to cut
the body, and I emptied the chaff
out of the bed, to have the tick to
carry part of the body away in,
and then I cut off the head first,
and I think the arms I carried with
the head. Ann Kennett was pre-
sent ; 1 never went to the house to
do any thins with the body, but
what I took Ann Kennett with me ;
and the day that I brought the
head and the other part away, she
was to walk behind me, to see if
any blood came through : the first
attempt we made would not an-
swer, because the blood came
through the ticken ; Ann told me
of it, and we went back and put it
into a little box, and then into the
ticken 3 that night, after dark,
Ann came down with me, and we
brought a small tub with us $ I
went and got a light, and then
some water in the tub, and, after
we had placed the body in the box,
Ann washed the kitchen to dear it
DEC]
CHRONICLE.
198
of the bloody and the next day I
borrowed a wheel-barrow, and took
it down to the house^ and then I
borrowed a pick and shovel^ and
that night Ann and I went
down to the house, and we took
the box the body was in (I did)
on the wheel-barrow. I wheeled
the barrow^ and Ann Kennett was
to follow me with the pick and
shovel. She did not know where
I was going to. She kept at a
small distance from me, until we
got near the Hare and Hounds.
We turned up the hill and then
down the footpath^ that leads down
to where the body was found. I
made an attempt to dig a hole that
night, but found it too dark : we
just put the box under some
bushes near the spot, and also the
pick-axe and shovel; Ann Ken-
nett was with me all the time.
We then took the wheel-barrow
home. We went down aeraiin in
the morning as soon as it was
light, and I dug a hole, with an
intent to bury box and all, but I
found that would take up too much
of my time, because of the roots
of the trees. I took the body out,
and threw it into the hole. I
heaved the body up, and then broke
the box up, and hid away the pick
and shovel, and Ann Kennett and
I went and fetched them away
the same night 5 I had been round
once since the body had been
buried, to see if every thing was
right, and I sent Ann Kennett
twice, and she told me she went.
I think the people where we
lodged must well remember that
she went; away with me when I
went away with the wheel-barrow.
She did not go the same road as I
did; she went one road and I
went another, and I think the
people must remember Ann went
out early; the next morninfi: we
Vol. LXXJII.
both went out early, but returned
early, before the people. Leavers,
were up. A man of the name of
Watt«, in North Steyne-row, must
remember Ann Kennett being there
several times with me, and one time
in particular, when we were going
away,and Ann had then gotabundle
of some kind to take away from the
house, and a woman that was talk-
ing either to Master Watts, or his
wife, abused me very much, told
me that was not my wife that I
was with, and said that she had
got a bundle then to pawn (mean-
ing the bundle she had got with
her), r forget the person's name
that I spoke of, but her husband is
a bricklayer. I declare that I do
not disclose this out of any envy
or malice, and I have dohe the best
I could, ever since I have been
confined to conceal it, but I find it
impossible ;-I simply do it to con-
vince the world at larse,who are the
guilty and who are the innocent.
I likewise declare, before God and
you, gentlemen, that I feel, if it
was my own father, it is out of my
power to conceal it."
The Jury found HoUoway
Guilty.
22. Destructive Fibb in
Liverpool. — A most destructive
fire broke out in Fenwick-street,
in Liverpool. From Water-street,
on the west side of Fenwick-street,
along nearly half the extent of that
street towards Brunswick-street,
was a vast pile of warehouses, once
entirely occupied by the business
of the great house of Lowndes and
Co., and lately divided into tene-
ments. This entire range of build-
ings, with the valuable property
stored in it, and the books and pa-
pers of several of the parties occu-
pying the premises, has been con-
sumed. A part of the exterior
wall only remains erect, totteriifg
194
ANNUAL REGISTER.
CiMl.
over the scene of deetraction.
About ten o'clock at night tlic fire
was first observed, and the alarm-
bell was immediately rung. Be-
tween eleven and twelve, the whole
range of premises was in a terrific
blaze. Fears were entertained for
the safety of the whole of the west
side of Castle-street. — The parish
offices were on fire, more than
once or twice, and were saved
only by the most assiduous care,
an(i unremitting and laborious ex-
ertions.
27. Drsperatb Affray bb«
TWEKN Gamekeepers AND Poach-
ers.— About two o'clock, on the
morning of the 25th, five watch-
ers, employed by sir Francis Lind-
ley Wood, bart., and T. J. Rim-
mington, esq., met with a party of
from twelve to fourteen poachers, in
HaggWood,in the parish of Hems-
worth, in Yorkshire. The poach-
ers instantly exploded some phos-
phoric substance in the eyes of the
keepers, and fired a gun, which se-
verely wounded one of the keepers
in the thigh. Upon this the par-
ties closed, and a desperate strug-
gle took place. Two other guns
were fired by the poachers, and
the watchers, overpowered by num-
bers and desperation, after some of
them had resisted most bravely,
were forced to retire. One of
them, however, William Lee (sir
F. Wood's farming-servant), was
left senseless on the ground, with
liis arm and skull fractured. He
was found so wounded, three-quar-
ters of an hour afterwards (having
been dragged some way from the
place of combat), with his legs
twisted and fixed in brushwood, or
what are termed "binders;" his
clothes, which were of fustian, were
on fire, and his left side was dread-
fully burnt. These desperate ma-
rauders had set fire to him in his
helpless state, and left bim to
perish by the joint operation of
the combustibles and his wounds.
Prospectus op the UNi7Bm<«
siTY OF Durham. — The govern^*
ment to be vested in the dean md
chapter, the bishop being visitor.
A chief officer of the Collego
or University to be appointed, with
the title of warden ; to whom will
be committed the ordinary disci-
pline.
Professors. — 1. Divinity and
Ecclesiastical History.— -2. Greek
and Classical Literature.— Matho*
matics and Natural Philosophy.
Headers. — 1. Law — 2. Medi^
cine. — 3. History, Ancient and
Modern. To these may be added
Readers in other branches of lite-
rature or science, as opportunities
ofier, or circumstances require.
Teachers of Modem Languages^
especially French and German.
Tutors. — 1. Senior Tutor and
Censor. — 2. Junior Tutor and
Censor. Each to superintend the
studies of their respective pupils^
and to have the care of their gene*
ral conduct.
Students.— 1. Foundation Sta^
dents, having lodgings and a table
provided for them, free of expense.
— 2. Ordinary Students, main*
tained at their own cost, but sub-
ject in all respects to the college
rules of discipline, and to hare
every academical privilege in com*
mon with other students^— 3» Oo«i
casional Students, to be admitted,
under certain restrictions, to at-
tend one or more courses of public
lectures, but without other aca«
demical prinleges. — 4. Divinity
Students, specially so called, who,
though* not actual members of the
college, may be admitted after due
examination and inquiry, and sub-
ject to such conditions and r^;ula«
tions as the chapter may hereafter
DEC]
CHRONICLE.
195
prescribe, to attend, for a speci-
fied time, the lectures of a Divi-
nity professor, and to pursue their
theoretical studies under his direc-
tion, for the express purpose of
qualifying themselves for holy
orders.
The course of study required to
complete the education of a mem*
ber of the College will extend to
four years. The academical year
to commence in October and end
in June, being divided into three
terms. Terminal and Annual ex-
aminations to be made in the pre-
sence of the chapter, and the stu-
dents classed according to their
respective proficiency. Prizes to
be instituted for the revrard of
special merit, at the close of each
annual examination, and for such
particular exercises as miay be
deemed worthy of public distinc-
tion.
The foregoing outline, subject
to revision as to its specific state-
ments, may sufifice to explain the
nature and design of the proposed
institution ; for which the dean
and Chapter, with the aid and co-
operation of the bishop, are pro-
viding the requisite means of car-
rying it into efl^ect. It is intended
that the College, or University,
be opened in October, 1832.
Will of the Prince of Conde.
— The Parisians have had their at-
tention engaged bythe details of a
trial, in which their citizen king
does not appear to much advantage
as duke of Orleans. The late duke
of Bourbon, or prince of Conde,
died on the 25 th or 26th of August,
1 830— a month after the revolution
of that year. His royal highness
M'as possessed of extensive landed
property and immense accumulated
wealth. His nearest relatives were
the royal family of France, and the
princes of the house of Rohan.
To the Orleans family he had gene-
rally testified an indifference or a
repugnance. Yet the youngest
son of the duke of Orleans was
left the inheritance of his princely
domains and of great accumula-
tions. The young prince owed his
good fortune to the influence of
Madame de Feucheres, whose
maiden name was Dawes, and who
having been separated from her
husband, lived in the house of the
duke of Bourbon for several years
before his death. To this lady
and the Orleans family the duke*s
property was almost entirely left.
Madame de Feucheres received for
her share the Castle and grounds
of St. Leu, the forest of Montmo-
rency, other landed possessions,
and a large sum of money. The
duke d'Aumale, the younger son
of the king of the French, was left
universal legatee. The princes of
the house of Rohan now contest
the validity of the will, on the
ground that it was extorted from
the deceased by force and circum-
vention. It is even alleged that
the duke de Bourbon had resolved
to make his escape to England, and
to change the destination of his
property, in favour of the young
duke de Bordeaux, when he oppor-
tunely died, or was murdered, as
many suspect, for the benefit of his
legatees. The letters of the king
of the French, when duke of
Orleans, to his royal relative, the
court which he paid to Madame
Feucheres, and his whole system
of manoeuvres to procure for his
family the possessions of the house
of Conde, nave brought him into
much discredit with his subjects.
O 2
(196)
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
LIST OF THE KING'S MINISTERS.
Earl Grey First Lord of the Treoiury.
Viscount Althorp Chancellor of the Exehefuer.
Lord Brougham Lord Chancellor.
Marquess of Lansdown President of the CounciL
Lord Durham Lord Privy*SeaU
Viscount Melbourne Secretary of State for the Home Departs
Viscount Pftl merston Secretary of State fet Foreign Jfairtm
Viscount Goderich Secretary of State for the Calomee.
Right hon. Sir Jas. R. G. Graham, bt. First Lord of the Admiralty*
T A A.,-i,i-«A S Master of the Mint and rrttideni •/
Lord Auckland ^ the Biard of Trade,
Riglit hon. Charles Grant President of the Board of Control.
Duke of Richmond Postmaster- General
Lord Holland Cfumcellor of the Duchy of Lemcagierm
Lord John Russell « • • Paymaster of the Forces.
Hon. Edward G. S. Stonley Chief Secretary for Ireland.
Earl of Carlisle
The above form the Cabinet.
Right hon. Sir Henry Pamell, barL .... Secretary at War.
Sir James Kempt Mcuter' General qfthe Ordnance*
Dnke of Devonshire Lord Chamberlain
Marquess Wellesley Lord Steward.
Earl of Albemarle Master of the Horse.
Marquess of Winchester • Groom if the Stole.
Viscount Duncanon First Commissioner of Land Retfenug*
Right hon. Charles Poulett Thomson . . \ '^^rT ?L !t^ ^""^'J^jy^
^ C president of the Board if Trade.
Sir Thomas Denman, kt Attorney General.
Sir William Home, kt Solicitor General.
IRELAND.
Marquess of Anglesey Lord' Lieutenant of Ireland,
Lord Plunkett Lord- Chancellor.
Lieut.-General sir John Byng Commander of the Forces.
Right hon. Francis Blackburn Attorney- General.
Philip Crampton, esq #......• . Solicitor- General.
APPENDIX TO chronicle:
197
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF THE MEMBERS
OF THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS,
Returned for the tenth Parliament of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland.
Elected June 14/^, 1831.
ENGLAND AND WALES.
Abingdon — J. Maberley
Alban's St.—Sxv F. Vincent, R. Godson
Aldbarough—C, J. F. Clinton, T. M. Sadler
Aldeburgh — Marq. of Douro, rt. hon. J.
W. Croker
Amersham—T. T. Drake, W. T. Drake
Andover—H. A. W. Fellowes, R. Etwall
Angleseashire — Earl of Uxbridge
Appleby — Hon. A. Tufton, Id. Maitland
Arundc'l-^IA, D. C. Stewart, J. Atkins
Ashburion — ^W. S. Poyntz, R. Torrens
Aylesbury — Lord Nugent, W. Rickford
Banbury — J. Easthope
Barnstaple — F. Hodgson, J. P. B. Chichester
Basset law — Ld. Newark, hon. A Duncombe
Bath — Gen. C. Palmer, lord J. Thynne
Beaumaris — Sir B. Williams, bart.
Bedfordshire — Marq. of Tavistock, Sir P.
Payne, bart.
Bed/ord--W, H. Whitbread, F. Polhill
Bedwin — Sir J. Nicholl, J. J. Buxton '
Beeralston — Lord Lovaine, D. Lyon
Berkshire — C.Dundas, K.G. Throckmorton
Berwick — Marcus Beresford , sir F. Blake,bt.
Beverley — H. Burton, W. Marshall
Bewdley — W. A. Roberts
Bishop*s Castle — E. Rogers, J. L. Knight
Blechingley — Visc.P&lmerston,T.H.Villiers
Bodmin — D. Gilbert, H. B. Seymour
Boroughbridge — Sir C. Wetherell, M.
Attwood
Bossiney — J. S. Wortley, E. R. Tunno
Boston — G. J. Heathcote, J. Wilks
Brack ley — R. H. Bradshaw, J. Bradshaw
Bramber — J. Irving, VV. S. Dugdale
Breconshire — Col. T. Wood
Brecon — C. M. R. Morgan
Bridgenorth—W, W. Whitmore, J. Foster
Bridgewater —yf . Astell, C. K. Tynte
Bridport— Sir H. St Paul,bt., H. Warburton
Bristol— J, E. Bailie, E. Protheroe
Buckinghamshire — Marquis Chandos, J.
Smith
Buckingham— S\t G. Nugent, bt., sir T. F.
Fremantle, bt.
Bury St, Edmund's — Earl of Euston, C. A.
Fitzroy
Callington^mA, H. B. Baring, hon. E*C.H.
Herbert
QUnt'T'T. B.MacauUiy, C. R. Fox
Cambridgeshire — H. J. Adeane, R. G.
Townley
Cambridge University — Rt. hon. H. Goul-
bum, W. Y. Peel
Cambridge-^MMq, Graham, col. Trench
Camel/ord — Col. Cradock, M. Milbank
Canterbury — Hon. R. Watson, Id. Fordwich
Cardiff— lAtdi P. J. H. Stuart
Cardiganshire— Co\, W. E. Powell
Cardigan — P. Pryse
Carlisle — P. H. Howard, W. James
Carmarthenshire— Sir J , Williams, bart.
Carmarthen — ^J. Jones
Carnarvonshire — C. W. 6. Wynne
Carnarvon — Sir C. Paget
Castle Rising — ^Lord H. Cholmondeley, hon.
F. G. Howard
Cheshire — Lord Belgrave, G.Wilbraham
Chester — Hon. R. Grosvenor, F. C. Offley
Chichester — ^Lord A. Lennox, J. Smith
Chippenham — J. Neeld, H. G. Boldero
Christchurch— Sir G. H. Rose, G. P. Rose
Cirencester^-hord Apsley, J. Cripps
Clithero— Hon, R. Curzon, hon. P. F. Cust
Cockertnouth—J» H. Lowther, sir J. Scarlett
Colchester— D.W, Harvey, W. Mayhew
Qfr/e Castle — G. Banks, P. J. Miles
Cornwall — E. W. Pendarves, sir C. Lemon
Coventry — E. Ellice, H. Lytton-Bulwer
Cricklade—R. Gordon, T. Colley
Cumberland County — Rt. hon. sir J. Graham,
bt., W. Blamire
Dar/motfM—Capt. J. Bastard, A. H. Holds-
worth.
Denbig/uhireSir W. W. Wynne, bt.
Denbigh— R. M. Biddulph
Derbyshire ^LA, G. H. Cavendish, hon. G.
J. Vernon.
Derby— H, F. C. Cavendish, E. Strutt
Devizes — J. Pearse, G. W. Taylor
Devonshire — ^Lord Ebrington, rt. hon. lord
J. Russell
Dorsets/iire — E. B. Portman, lord Ashley
Dorchester — R. Williams, hon. A. H.
Ashley Cooper
Dover — Rt. hon. C. P. Thompson, R. H.
Thompson
Downton — T. Creevey, hon. P. P. Bouverie
DroUwich—3. Foley, sir T. Winnington
Dunwich — ^F. Barne, earl of Brecknock
Durham Cotmfy'^W* RuQselli sir H.
WUliamsoQ
198
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Durham Cify-^W, R. C. Ciiaytor, bon. A.
Trevor
Eeutt Looe — H. T. IIo])e, T. A. Kemmis
Essex— C, C. Western, hon, W. P. T.
Lon^ Wellesley
Evesham — SirC. Cockerel], bt., T. Hudson
Exeter— ^., W. Buck, J. W. Buller
Eye—^\T E. Kerrison, bt., W, Burge
Flintshire— Va» M. L. Mostyn
Flint— U. Glyniie
Fowcy — Lord Brudcnell, J. C. Severn
Gatton — Vt. PoUinf^ton, hon. J. Ashley
Germans, St. — C. Ilosji, W. M. Praed
Gtamorgatuhire—C, K. M. Talbot
Gloucestershire — Sir W. B. Guise, bt, hon,
H. (;. F. Moreton
Gloucester Citj^—Coh E. Webb, M. F. F.
Berkeley.
Grantham— G. E, Welby, J. Hughes
Great Grimsby^-Lord Loughborough, hon«
H. Fitzroy
Gr instead, Bast — Ld. Holme8dale,F. ILWest
Guild/ord-^J. Mangles, C- F» Norton
Hampshire— Sir J. Macdonald, bt. C. S.
Ijftfevre
Harwich — Rt.hon.J.C. Herrie8,G.R.Dawson
Haslemere — Sir J. Beckett, bt., W. Holmes
Hftstins[s—F , North, J. A. Warre
liavcr/ordivest— Sir R. B. P. Phillips
Hedon-^S'ir T. Constoble, bt., R. Ferrand
Helston^Lord J. Townshend, J. Pechell
Jfere/onishire^S'ir R. Price, bt., K. Hoskins
Hereford-^LovA Rastnor, E. B. Clive
Hertfordshire— ^\T J. S. Sebright, bt., N.
Calvert
Hertford— T, S. Duncombe, J. Currie
Heyiesburj^—Sir G. Staunton, bt., E. H.
A*Court
Highnm Ferrers— Hoti, J.B. Ponsonby
HifidoH—J, Weyland, E. J. Stanley
Honi ton— Sir G. Warrender, bt., H. B. Lott
Horsham— IL, of Surrey, N. W. R. Colborne
Huntingdonshire— hordi Mandeville, J. B.
Rooper
Huntingdon— 3, Peel, F. Pollock
Hi/the—S, Marjori banks, J. Loch
Jlchcstcr—T)r, Lushington, hon. E. R. Petre
Ipswich— J. Morrison, R. Wason
Ive's, St,— J, Hulse, E. E, Lytton Bulwer
Kent—T. L. Hodges, T. Rider
King's Lf/nfi— Lord W. P. Lennox, Id. G,
F. C. Bentinck
Kingston-upon-Hull — G. Schonswar, W. B.
Wrightson
Knaresborough — Sir J, Macintosh, lord
Waterpark
Lancashire— Loid Stanley, B. Heywood
Lancaster— T, Greene, P. M. Stewart
Launceston — J. Brogdeo, sir J. Malcolm
Leicesiersh, — C. M. Phillips, T. Paget
Leicester— W, Evans, W. Ellis
Leomitister — W. B. Evaos, T. Brayea
Lewes'^T. R. Kemp, sir C. E. Bluat^ bU
LiclifieUiSit G. Hanioo, sir E. D.Scott
Lincolnshire-^9\r W. A. Ingilby, bt., hon,
C. A. W. Pelham
Lincoln— C, D. Sibthorp, G. F. Heneage
Liskeard'-'lMd Elliot, sir W. Pringle, bt.
Liverpool — Lord Sandon, W. Ewart
Loiuro;!— 'Alderman Wood, aldermmn Wtltt-
man, alderman Thompson, alderman
Venables
Lostwithiel— Hon. E. Cast, lord Valletort
Ludgershall—^'ir S. Graham, bt.£.T. Foley
Ludlow— Xjotd Clive, hon.R. H. C3ive
Lyme Regis — Hon S. H. Fane, col. J. T. Fuie
Lymington — G. Burrard, W. A« MaeUniMB
Maidstone^ A. W. RoberU, C. J. BnnMtt
Maiden— T, B. Leonard, Q. Dick
Afatmesbury— Sir C. Forbes, bt*, J. Forbes -
MaltonSir H. G. Knight, C. C. Pbpye
Marl'bro'^W. J. Banks, T. H. 8. B. Eii.
court
Mar low, Oireal— 0.1iniliamf,T.P* WilliHH
Mawes,St^—G.G.W, Pigott»urE.B.8ii8d«
MerionetAshire-^ir R. W. Yaogban, bt
Michael's J S^— Hon. L. KenyoD> hoik W. %
Best
Middlesex — G. Byng, J. Hume
Medhurst-G. Smith, M.T. Smith
Milbome Port—G. S. Byng, P. C. CimnplMi
Mineketui—J. F. Luttreil, lord Villlen
Monmouthshire— 'Lord Q. C. H. Soneiael;
W. A. Williams
Monmouth — Marquess of Woroeiter
Montgomeryshire — Rt. hon.C. W* W« Wyoft
Montgomery — H. Clive
M9rpeth— Ron. W. Howard, W. Ord
Newark— T. Wilde, W. Handley
Newcastle^under^Lyne^mmW, H. MUler, K*
Peel
Newcastle-upon-Tyne-^Slr M. W. Ridley^
bt, J. Hodgson -
Newporty Cormoall — Rt. hon. air H» Hai^
dinge, bt., Lord Grimston
Newport, Isle of fFight—Yf. Moait» J. 4«
H. Vere
NewtoH, Lane. — ^T. Leigh, T. Holdewerth
Newtown, Isle of fFigJU^-H* Gui«ey» lb
W. Home
Norfolk Co.— T. W. Coke, sir W.Folkca. bC
Northallerton — Hon. W, S. LasceUeSb sir 4»
Beresford, bt.
Northamptonshire— hd. Althorp|ld. MilfeM
Northampton— Sit O. RobhMon, bt R. T.
Smith
Northumberland— 'T, W. BeaaillOftt» bvi
Howick
Norwich— R. H. Gurney, rt hon. R. Gimat
Nottinghamshirt-^. & Lumley, J. K«
Dennison
Nottingham'-^ir R. Fergonoo, air T»
Denman
Ohehampton—Sii R. R. Vyvyan^ J.T, U&m
Orford—S. H. Kilderbee, sir H. F. CoolDe
O'/orc^M^v-O. Oi ttmrnt, R. Wtyte«
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
m
Oxford Vniveriity^T* G. B. fistcdilrti Sir
R. Inglis, bt.
Ojcford City— J, H. r^angstoa) W* Hughes
Hughes
Pembrukeshirif—S\r J, Ovrttit bt«
Pembroke — H« O. Owen
Penryn—i, W. Freshield, C* Stewart
Peterboro'—'^xv R* Her&n, bt J. N. FftJttokeN
ley
Pe/tfr4/?c/rf— Sir W. Jolliil^, bt.. H. Jolliflfe
Plymouth— ^xtT, B.Msrtin, G. Cockbufh
Plymptm—^\r C.Doinvillc, 0. C.Ahtfohus
Pmtefract-^Vji^vX of Mexbofough^ hot)* H.
V. S. Jerningham
Poole^B,!,, Lester, Right hOn.Sir J.Bj^hg
PoritmoMth-^J* B. Carter^ F. BaHngi Jutii
Preston — J. Wood, H, Hunt
Quecnborough^^J. Clipel, C. Qrhtit
Radnorshire — Right hon. T. F. LewiS
Radnor (J^cw) — R. Price
Reading — C, F* Palmer, C» Russell
Richmond — Hon. sir R. L ^Dutida9,bt*faoil*
J. C. Dundas
Ripon — G. Spence, L. H. Petit
Rochester — R. Bernal, J. Mills
Romney COW^— SirE.C.Dcring, W.MIfes
Ruthmdshire^Sh G. Noel, bt.s5r O. H«ath-
cote, bt.
Rye — D. L. Evans, T. Pemberton
Ryegate--^:, P. YoTk<*, J. York*
Saltash—f. Villiers, B. Walrond
Sandwich*— 3. Marryatt, sir E« T. TfOU*
bridge
Sarum (NewJ-^Hon. D. P# Bouyerie, W#
VVyndharn
Surum (OldJ^J. Alexander, J. D. Alex-
ander
Scarborough — Right holi* C. M. Sotton,
gen. Phipps
Sea/ord—^. Fitzgerald, VV.Lyon
Shaftesbury— E, Penrhyn, W.L*Maberftfy
Shmeham — Sir C. M. Burrell,bt. H. Howaid
Shrewsbury — R. Jenkins, R. A* Slaney
Shropahire^SiT R. Hill, bt., J. C« Pelhftiil
Somersetshire — W. G. LangtoA, B. A* Sail-
ford
Southampton — A. Atherley, ^tH, PeBleaze
Sfmlhwark — C. Calvert, W« Brougham
Staffordshire — Sir J. VVrottesley, bt. E< J.
Littleton
Stafford— J, CampbcU, T. 6)«bon>e
SUmford^hox^ T. Cecil, C. TvtittfWtk
Steyning — G. R. Philips, E. Blount
Stoekbridge — ^. Bafbam, righl hon# str S.
Canning.
Sudbury— B\vi, B. Walsb,bMrt*D. CrWnw»g«
ham
Suffolk— ^\v H. Bunbury, bt. C. Tyrell
Surrey — W. J. Denison, J. L Briscoe
Sussex — H. Curteis,jun. Lord J. G. Lennox
Tamicorth—Sxx R. Peel, bt. lord C. Town-
abend
TaviHuek^^i U. Hawkins, F. tlUMell
Taunttm^^, Lftbmithi>r^, E; 1% Balnbrid^
Tewkesbury — 3. E. Dowflefcwcll, J. MatrUn
rAff(/br</— -Lord J. Flt*i^, F. BariHg
rA/rtfA— Sir R^ Fmhkland, st^ R. G^ Russell
Tiverton— Hon, O.D. Ryder, Speh* PferClVrtl
'iW«^#— Right hrni, Ti Pi CdUf lebay, c* fl.
Baldwin
Tregony-^C. G. J* Afbuthtitit, J; Mtttklll6|*
Truro— hotd Elicothbe, N. W. P^ftch
Walfineftrd—T. C. Leigh, H. tCnlght
fFareham—G. H. CalCrtlfli C. Wood
Wanvickshire—F. LAWley, Sli- d; SklpwRh
Warwick— T4 Thoftis, B. B. King:.
ff^ellf^-^. te. Vaughat), J. L. Lee
fVendover—X, SWilb, 8* Smith
fnfnhck-^Hon, O. C. Wi Fori-cstfeti P. B.
Thompsdti
Weobley—Ld^ ll. Thynrtej lof d W. Thynne
ff^estbury—9\t R. F* Ldpes, tt. F. Slepheri-
son
fFest Looe*^ii\r C, HulsPjbt. C.Buller, jUft.
fVestmifiHer'^ffth Fi BUfddtf, bt. iit J. C.
Hobhouse
fFestmoreland-- Lord LowthCf, A. Nowell
fVeymtiuih if Melcombe Regit — Col.Gcrrdon,
M. Ure, T. F. Buxtcm, C. B. Wall
fFhitechUrch^^\t 8* Scott, bt. hotl. J. R.
Townshend
PFigan—n, Thickfifesse, J. U. K^afSley
/Villon— 3. H. Penrtiddoeke, Ji Dawkltts
Wiltshire— ^\t J. P. Atii^y bt. J. Bennet
fVincheUeor^B , WilliaifiS, J. Brougham
JVinchestef'^P.SU J. Mildftiay, J.B. Flast
Windsor — ^J. Ramsbottoiri, R)gbt faom. fi.
G. S. Stanley
Woodstock-:^ljord d Bt Churchill, lord
Stormont '
Wffikfn J^eset^JA* Mahotf, M. Pof chested
Worcestershire— Hon, T. H. Foley, hon. F.
Spender
Worcester^-QfA. Davl*, (^. R. RdMlttort
Wycombe-^u T. Bar1f}g> iHm. R. J. Smith
yannoti#^H>^flon. G« Ails(m, C.E. Rumbold
Yannonthy Isleof Wight— B\t H. Wrllough-
bjr, b«rt« C< C« Cftveildish
Yorkshire— Ijcrtd M#f ^tb, tfifJJV. B* Johft-
stone, J. €* Ramsdell, G.Stftddaiid
York—S. A. Bayntun, bon.T^Diifidns
SCOTLAND.
Aberdeenshire *^lim, WilRUm Oordon
Aberdeen-^^t«Xio RoSa
Argplethife-^^93Ut F. Camphell
Ayf8hir9—^\mmh Blafr
Ayr — Thomas Francis Kennedy
Banffshire — John Morison
Bertoickshire — Hon. Anthony Maitland
Bute and Caithness-shire — George Sinclair
Cromarty and Nairn — Duncan Davidson
Crait and Afutruther^AndTevf Johnston
200
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Dumbartonshire — Lord M. W. Graham
Dum/ries'thire — J. J. Hope Johnstone
Duffies— \y» R. K. Douglas
/>y*ar^— Robert Ferguson
Edinburghshire — Sir George Clerk, hart.
Edinburgh — R. A. Dundas
Elginshire — lion. Francis-William Grant
Elgin — Sir W. G. Cummins, bart.
jFY/*e*/*/rtf— James Lyndsay
Fi/rfarshire — Hon. Donald Ogilvie
Forfar and P^M— Right hon. F. Jeffery
Farirose — C. L. Bruce
G/a*^ow— Joseph Dixon
Haddingtonsh ire — James Bal fou r
Haddington — Sir Adolph.-J. Dalrymple, bt.
■ Inverkeithing — James Johnston
Jnvemess-shtre — Right hon. Charles Grant
Kincardineshire — Hon, Hugh Arbuthnot
Kinross 'shire — Charles A dam
Kirkcudbright — R. C. Ferguson
Kirkuf all— -James Loch
Lanarkshire — Hon. Charles Douglas
Linlithgowshire — Sir Alexander Hope
Orkneyshire — George Trail
Peebles -shire — Sir John Hay
Perthshire — Right hon. sir (Jeo. Murray, bt.
Ren/reioshire—Sir M.-Shaw Stewart, bt.
Ross-shire — James Alex. S. Mackenzie
Roxburghshire — Henry Francis Scott
Selkirkshire — Alexander Pringlc
Selkirk and Peebles^-W. Downe Gillon
Stirlingshire — W. R. Ramsay
Siftherlandshire — Roderick M' Leod
frigtonshire-'Sir Andrew Agnew, bt
fTigton — Edward Stewart
IRELAND.
Antrim Co,— Hon, J. B. R. O^Ncil, earl of
Belfast
Armagh Co. — Tjord Acheson, C. Brownlow
Armagh — Sir J. W. H. Brydges
Athlone — R. Handcock
Bandon Bridge—Sh A. W. Clifford
Belfast — Sir A. Chichester, bt.
Carlow'Co. — W, Blackney, sir J, M.Doyle
Carlow — ^Viscount Tullamore
Carrickfergtis — Lord G. A. Hill
Cashel — Philip Pnsey
Cavan Co» — H. Maxwell, John Young
Clare Co.— W. N. M'Namara, M. O'Connell
Clofimetl — Eyre Coote
Coleraine — W. Taylor Copeland
Cork Co. — Hon. R. King, lord Boyle
Cork City — Hon. J. Boyle, D. Callaghan
Donegall Co, — Sir E. S. Hayes, E, M. Co-
nolly .
Down Co«— Lord A. Hill, vise. Casttereagh
Downpatrick — E. S. Ruthven
Drogheda — Thomas Wallace
Dublin Co, — Lord BrabazoD, col. White
Dublin City — F. Shaw, vise, log^trie
Dublin University — ^T. Lefroy
Dundalk — J. E. Gordon
Dungannon-^-Hou, J. J. Knox
Dungarvon — Hon. G. Lamb
-Knnw— Right hon. W. F. V. Fitigerald
Enniskillen — Hon. A. H. Cole
Fermanagh — M. Archdall, vise. Cole
Galway Co. — J. S. Lambert, Sir J. Burke* bt
Galway — J. J. Bodkin
Kerry Cb.— Dan. O'Connell, F. W.MoUini
KiMare Co.— R. M. O'Ferral, sir Jonah W.
Hart, bt.
Kilkenny Co, — Earl of Ossory, lord Ocm«
cannon
Kilkenny — N. P. Leader
King's Co. — T. Bernard, lord Oxmantown
Kinsale — J. Russell
Leitrim C&.— J. M. Clements, S. White
Limerick Coc*Hon. R, H. Fitsgibbon, eol.
O'Grady
Limerick — T. Spring Rice ,
Litbume — H. Heynell
Londonderry Co, — Sir R. Bateson, bt» T.
Jones
Londonderry City — Sir A. R. Fergruwn
J^ngford Co.— Vise. Forbes, A. Lefroy
iMuth Co.— R. L. Shell, sir P. Bellew, bt.
Mallow — C. D. O. Jephson
Mayo Co. — J. Browne, D. Browne.
Meath Cb.— Lord Killeen, K.G.
Monagan Co, — Hon. C. D. Blaney, hon. H.
R. Westenra
Newry — Hon. J. H. Knox
Portarlington — Right hon. sir W. Rae, bt.
Queen's Co.— Sir H. Pftmell, bt. sir C.
Coote, bt.
Roscommon Co. — O. O'Connor, A. French
New Ross-^yf, Wigram
Sligo Co. — E. S. Ccwper, Alex. Percival
Sligo — John Wynne
Tipperary Co. — T. Wyse, J. H. Hutchinson
Tralee — Walker Ferrand.
T)frone Co, — Hon. H. L. Corry, sir Hugh
Stewart
JVaterford Co.^Sir R. Musgrave, R. Power
Waterford — Right hon. sir J. Newport, bt.
Westmeath Cs^— G. Rochfort> M. L Chap-
man
Wexford Co, — H. Lambert, R. Sliapland
/Te^orrf— Charles Arthur Walker
fVickloto Co, — J. Grattan, R. Howard
FoM^Aa//— Hon. G. Ponsonby
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
SHERIFFS FOR THE YEAR 1831.
BedforiUhire Samuel Cbaries Whitbread, of Cardington, eiq.
Berkshire Chaiiea Eyston, of Eait Hendred, esq.
Backs Henry And rewes Utbmtt, of Great Linford, eeq.
'^"hS^'hi^, *.".'" \ •'''*'" BendjBhe, of Kn*«7.orth , «q.
Cheshire Sir Thomas Stanldy MiisBny Slanley, of Iloolon, I art,
Cvmherland John Taylor, of Docktay liall, esq.
Comaall Joba Hearle TremEyne, of Heligan, esq.
Der&yehire ,..: Sir Charles Henry Colvlle, of Dufficld, knt.
Deinmahin Sir Bourchier Palli Wray, of Tavistock, bart.
DBTteltkire The Hon. Henry Dawson Damcr, of Milton Abbey.
Essex WilliamDavis, of r.eyion, esq,
GloucesteTshire Sir Thomas Crawley Bovey, of Flaxley Abhey, bart.
Hampshire Sir Hen. Jos. Tichbomc, of Ticbborne Park, hart.
Herejbnfshire John Arkwright, of Hampton Court, esq.
Hertfordshire Augustus Smitli, of Ashlyn's Hall, eaq.
Kent BaiieD Powell, of Speldhurst, esq.
Leicestershire George John Butler Danvers, of Swithland, esq.
Lincoltuhire .. , Henry Bacon Hicknmn.oFThonaock-bouBe, esq.
Monmouthshire Willinm Hollis, of Mounlon, esq.
Nor/bli Jolin Anfterstein, of Weeting, esq.
NorlhamptoBthire Bcriah BoCfield of Norton Hall, esq.
NorthtanieTlcind ~ . ...... George Silvcitap, of Minster Acres, esq.
Notlinghamthire Tbomns Moor*!, of Ruddington, esq.
Oxfordshire Sir Henry John Lambert, of Aston, bart.
Rutlandehir» Tbomns llirch Reynanlson, of Euendine, esq.
Shropshire .. ,. Sir Edward Josepli Smytbe, of Acton Burnell, bart.
Samerselshire , Thomas Sbewell Baiiward, of HoiElngton, esq.
Stuffiirdsbire Thomas FiWberbctt, of Sumnerlon Park, e«q.
Stigolk JoboH«Bd,ofPrimpofieHill, Hollrook, esq.
Storey Harvey Cooibe, of Cobham, Park, esq.
Sussex William Conrtborpe Mabott, of Uckfield , esq.
fFarieiclcehire. George Lucy, of Charlceote, esq.
ffiltsbire Paul Melhuen, of Corsbam House, e.iq.
fforeestershire , Osman Ricardo, of Bromsberrow, esq.
Yorkshire.. ,. Sir Henry JameB Goodiicke, ofRibstonc Hall, bart.
SOUTH WALES.
Brecmihire Ebeneier Fuller Maitland, of Garth, esq.
Go^igansAire John PulmerBruceCliicheatcr, ofLlaoliadarn Faur,esq.
Canuarthemhire Eflward ilaralyn Adams, ofMiddlelon Hall, esq.
Gtaamrgttiuhire Richard Hoa re Jenkins, of lanharrao, esq.
PemhrAeshire John MirohoiiBe, ofBrownelad, esq.
RadnorMT» .....,,... Tiiomas Duppa, of Llanshay, esq.
NORTH WALES.
Anglesa/ihlre Onen Owen, of Llanfigacl, esq.
CamarmnsAire Rice Thomas, of Cocdhelen, esq.
Denbighshire Wilnon Jones, of Gellygynan, esq.
Fliatthire Sir Stephen Richard Glynne, of Hawardcn CaBtle, bflrt,
ikrionethihire Hugh Lloyd, of Cefobodig, esq.
MentgimtTysAirt RobertMaurieeBcniiorMaurice, of Bodynful, esq.
i02 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
BIRTHS.
JANUARY.
1. At Dan-y-Graig House, Newton,
Glamorganshire, the wife of the Rev. H.
Elliot Graham, a son.
2, At Bloxworth House, Dorset, the
wife of John Hesketh Lethbridge, esq. a
son.
— At Westhorpe, Nottinghamshire,
the wife of R. Warrand, esq. late major
6th Drai;oon8, a son.
10. The wife of J. T. Justice, esq. of
Parliament-street, a daughter.
— At Sledmere, the lady of sir Tatton
Sykes, hart, a son.
ll.Saville-street, Burlington Gardens,
the wife of Henry Bosanquet, esq. a
daughter.
— At Walbury, Essex, the wife of col.
Johnson, a son.
13. At Beaufort Castle, county Inver-
ness, hon. Mrs. Fraser, of Lovat, a son.
lo. At Bishop's Penn, Jamaica, the
wife of the Bishop of Jamaica, a son.
16. At Brighton, lady Frances San-
don, a son and heir.
— In Torrington- square, the wife of
K. R. Daniell, esq. barrister-at-law, a
daughter.
— The lady of George Fortescue
Tiirvile, esq. a son and heir.
1 7* The wife of lieutenant-col. Standish
O 'Grady, a daughter.
-- At Hatchlands, the wife of W.
Holme Sumner, esq. a daughter.
20. At Chicknell, Salop, hon. Mrs.
Taylor, a son.
21. At Abbot's Leigh, county Somer-
set, the wife of R. Bright, esq. a son.
25. At Tenby, South Wales, the wife
of col. Mason Boyd, Bengal army, a
son.
31 At Bath, the right hon. lady Spen-
cer Churchill, a daughter.
FEBRUARY.
7. At the Ray, Berkshire, the wife of
capt. sir John Phillimore, C. B. a sod.
8. At his Prebendal House, Canter-
bury, the wife of the Rev. J. Peel, a
son*
12. At Arundel, the wife of the hon.
and rev. Edward J. Turner, a daughter,
his fifteenth child.
15, In Bol ton-street, the lady of sir
Philip Sidney, M.P. a daughter.
16. The wife of the rev. Dr. Bridges,
president of Corpus Christi College, Ox-
ford; a daughter
19. At Mersham -hatch, the lady of str
Edward Knatchbull, a son.
22. A t Waterford, the lady of lieut.-
col. W. Vincent, E. 1. C, a son.
24. In Harley-strect, tlie wife of cape
Berkeley Maxwell, R.N., a son.
25, The lady of captain sir J. Gordon
Sinclair, hart. ItN., of Stevenson, near
Haddington, a daughter.
36. At Badminton, ilie right, hon.
lady Isabella Kingscoce, a daughter*
MARCH.
1. At Dunstable-house, Richmond, the
lady of sir II. Loraine Baker, bftrt. ft
daughter.
— At Brighton, the lady of li6at.«coI.
Baillie, a daughter.
4. At Calverton, near Stoney Stmt-
ford, the hon. Mrs. Charles Permfftl, a
daughter.
o. At Serlby-hall, NotU, the tIs-
countess Galway, a daughter.
6. AtBushmead Priory, Bedford, the
wife of Hugh Wade Gery, esq. a Mm and
heir.
7* The wife of G. Henesge, esq« of
Compton Basset House, Devon^ a Mn
and heir.
-^ In Whitehall-place, lady Henley, a
son.
— The lady of lieut-col. Alez« Stew-
art, E.I.C. a son.
— At sir William OuseIey*s, Foley*
place, the wife of W. G. Ouseley, eif|« of
his majesty's legation in the United
States, a son.
9. At Worthing, the wife of the hon«
capt. A. R. Turner, R.N., a son.
12. At Clifton, the lady of sir S.
Stewart, hart, a daughter.
22. At Edinburgh, the oounteea of
Hopetouo, a son and heir.
31. At Coleorton-hall, Leicestershire,
the lady of sir George Beaumont, bart. a
son.
— In Harley-street, the hon. Mrs. W.
Rodney, a daughter.
— In Eaton-phice, the wife of C.
Brownlow, esq. M.P. a son and heir.
— In Charles-street, Berkeley-square,
lady Julia Hobhouse, a daughter.
— The lady of the hon. capt Maude,
C.B., R.N. a daughter.
— In Gower-street) the wife of Mt.
serj. Russell, a son.
APRIL.
2. At Stonor Park, Ozfordshire^ the
ffffe of Thomas 9tenor, Jmr. o«q* a ion.
APPENDIX to CHRONICLE. ft03
BIRTHS.
^. The Wife of the re?. Wadham Derby, the wife of the boo. and rev. A1-
Knatchbull, prebendary of Wells, a eon. fred Curzon, a son.
16. In Whitehall-place, lady H. Choi- 25. In Grosvenoivstreety the countess
mondeley, a daughter. of Kinnoul, a son.
20. At Shortgrove, Essex, the seat of 28. In Wilton-crescent, lady Catherine
sir John St. Aubyn, bart the wife of th'e Bulkeley, a son.
rev. D. B. Lennard,a daughter. — On Richmond-hill, the wife of B.
22. At Brayfield House, Bucks, the J. L. Pmed, esq. a son.
wife of lieut.-col. BourcLier, a son.
— At Anne's Grove, the hon. Mrs.
Arthur G. Annesley, a son.
24. In North Audley-streeti the wife of
W. Bulwer, esq. a daughter.
27. At Cambridge, the wife of the rev.
professor Scholefield, a son.
29. In Portland-street, the wife of
lieut-col. Healy, a daughter.
Lately, At Southampton, the wife of
lieut.-col. G. Hely^ a daughter.
— At Coolhurst, Horsham, the right
hon. lady Eliz. Dickins, a son.
MAY.
2. In Grosvenor-square, the conntess.
of Wilton, a son.
AUGUST.
13. At Great M^ees, the viscountess
Chetwynd, a daughter.
13. AtBetchworth-castle, neaf Dork-
ing, the wife of D. Barclay, esq. a son.
16. TnCharles-street,BerkeIev-8quare,
the lady of Chas. Douglas Halford, esq.
a son.
1 9. At Brighton, the wife of col. Payne,
a son.
— In tlie Regent's Park, the la^y
of sir J. B. Johnstone, M^. a daughter.
20. At Addlestrop, Gloucestershire,
the hon. Mrs. Frederick Twisleton, a
son.
At Salisbury, the hon. Mrs. Pare,
8. At Bromley House, lady Sarah wife of the rev. Mr. P^re, of Cranbourne,
county Dorset, a daughter.
21. In Eaton-square, lady Agnes
Byng, a son.
22. At Dale Castle, county Pembroke,
the wife of J. P. A. Lloyd Phfpps, esq.
a daughter.
26. At ihe Rosery, Barnes Common,
the wife of T. Cro&on Croker, esq. a
son.
31. In Eaton-place, Belgrave-square,
lady Augpista Baring, a son.
Murray, a son.
18. In Upper Harley -street, the wife
of Rich. Jenkins, esq. M.P. a son.
— At the Palace, Fulham, Mrs.
Blomfield, the lady of the bishop of Lon-
don, a son.
19. At the Rectorv, East Horsley,
hon. Mrs. Arthur Percival, a son.
20. At Hails, Holt, Wilts, the wife of
Iieut.-col. T. W. Forster, a daughter.
21. In Park-place, St. James's, the
marchioness of Worcester, a daughter.
22. At the Rectory, East Lavant, Sus-
sex, the wife of the rev. Henry Legge,
a son.
26
street, « ««„. , . ^
a daughter.
9. At Montagu House, the duchess of
Buccleugh, a son and heir.
13. At WindBrill-hill, Sussex, the seat
of her &ther, E. J. Curteis, esq. late
M.P. for the eonnty, the wile of Howard
Elphinstone, esq. a son.
15. At Mansell-bonse, Somerset, the
lady of lieut>gen. sir John fflade, bart.,
a son.
90. At Dorebester, the wH(fr of col*
Halyburton, a son.
22. At Tonbridge Wells, the wife of
col. Hull, WimMedoD, a son.
24. At St. David's College, Lampeter,
3. At Wendover, the wife of Abel the wifeoftherev. A.OlIivantjthevice
Smith, esq. M.P. a daughter. prinetp«), a daughter.
12. At WcstoD Underwood, comity laUfy, At Hyde-park-oofiieri th^
SEPTEMBER.
1. At Kilye Court, Somerset, the
.' The hon. Mrs. Smith, Belgrave. '''??^|-^;^^*l£Lf?;**?\.,^ ^
t 2L9(m, 8. In stanhope-street, the lady Lilford,
JUNE.
2. At Clifton, the wife of lient-col*
Plenderleith, a son.
6. The wife of W. Cole Medlycott,
esq. of Milbome Port, a son and heir.
9. In Bryanstone-sqnare, the wife of
Joseph Hume, esq. M.P. a son.
22. At Tunbridge-wells, the wife of
col. Hall, of Wimbledon, a son.
JULY.
204 ANNUAL R EGI STER, 1831.
BIRTHS.
lady of sir Edmund Antrobus, bart. a
80D.
— At the duke of Beaufort's,
Grosvcnor-squarc, lady Georgina Ryder,
a daughter.
— The right hon. lady Byron, a son.
OCTOBER.
3. At Sidmouth, the wife of lieut.-col.
Slesscr, a son.
11. At Broomhall, the countess of
Elgin, a daughter.
14. At Kneller HalU Whitton, the wife
of C. Calvert, esq. M.P. for Soutbwark,
a daughter.
17. In Devonshire, the lady of sir R.
Lopez, bart. M.P. a son.
23. At Maidstone, the hon. lady Noel
Hill, a daughter.
24. At Clevc Dale, near Bristol, the
wife of col. Sealy, E.I.C. a son.
31. At Nottington, near Weymouth,
the wife of lieut-col. Steward, a son.
— At the Royal Military Asylum,
the wife of lieut.-col. Evatt, a daughter,
NOVEMBER.
10. At Radway, Warwickshire, the
wife of lieut>col. F: S. Miller, C.B; a
son;
33. At her father's, major-gen. sir T.
Pritzler, K.C.B. Castle-lodge, Upnor,
Kent, the wife of Edward Muller, esq.
royal reg., a son.
30. At Babraham, Cambridgeshire,
the wife of II. J. Adeane, esq. M.P. a
daughter.
Laiely. At St. Ililier, Jersey, the lady
of — De Veullc, esq. daughter of T.
Tindal, esq. of Aylesbury, and niece to
chief justice sir N. Tindal, of a boy and
a girl.
DECEMBER.
6. At Aldwick Lodge, Bognor, the
wife of lieut-col. Jenkins, E.I.C. a son.
9. AtBrockley Hall, Somerset, Mrs.
Smyth Pigott, a daughter. '
17. In Portman-square, the countess-
of Chichester, a daughter.
18. At Harrington House, Whitehall,
the countess of Harrington, (late Miss
Foote), a son.
20. At Bryanston House, Dorset, the
lady Emma Portmau, a daughter.
31. At Brook Lodge, near Wrinton,
the lady of major O'Donnaghue, a son.
28. At Wardour Castle, the hon. Mrs.
Arundeli a son*
— At Amewood Lodge, the lady of
F. R. West, esq. M.P. a daughter.
Lately. At Enstone, Oxford, lady
Granville Somerset, a son.
.— At Hill House, Tooting, Surrey,
the wife of aldexman Venables, M.P. a
daughter.
MARRIAGES.
JANUARY.
I. In the chapel of Warwick Castle,
Joseph Neeld, esq. of Grosvenor-square,
M.P. to lady C. Ashley Cooper, daughter
of the earl of Shaftesbury.
— At St. Pancras New Churchi capt.
Litchfield, R.N. to liOuisa, only daughter
of the late H. C. Litchfield, esq.
3. At St George*8, Southwark, Chas.
Kershaw, esq. of Stratford, Suflfolk, to
Mary, eldest daughter of the late Clias.
Noble, esq. of Old Burlington-street
4. At Mitcham, the rev. T. Lagden
Ramsden,)to Sophia Harriet, youngest
daughter of tlie late Iicut.«gen. sir H.
Oakes, bart.
10. The rev. W. Pye, to M. Grippe,
daughter of J. Cripps, esq. M.P. for
Cirencester.
II. At Hendon, the rev. John James^
to Elizabeth, daughter of W. WUber-
force, esq. of Highwood-liill, Middlesex.
18. At St. George's, Bloomsbury,
Ashurst M^endie, esq. eldest son of L*
Majendie, of Iledingham Castle, esq. to
Frances, eldest daughter of John Grif-
fin, esq. Bedford-place.
19. At Alexandria, in Egypt, W.N.
Peach, esq. only son of N. W. Peach,
esq. M.P. of Ketteringbam Hdl, Nor-
folk, to Hester Elizabeth, daughter of
John Barker, esq. his majesty's consul-
general for Egypt.
20. At Chelsea, John Newbery, esq*
late lieut-col. of the Sussex Militia, to
Fanny, eldest daughter of lieut-col. Le
Blanc, of Chelsea College.
22. At Jersey, capt. Mark Evans, R.A.
to Ann, relict of the late H. T. Ruther-
ford, esq. of Redford-green, Selkirk-
shire.
FEBRUARY.
]. At Milton, John G. Hutchinion
Bourne, barrister, to Elizabeth, eldest
daughter of J« R« Barrettf esq.
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
205
MARRIAGES.
1. AtSouthover Lewes, the rev. Tho- 8. At St. George's Hanover-square,
mas Wheeler Gillham, to Harriet, only the hon. W. Ashley Cooper, son of the
daughter of the late rev. James Hurdis,
D.D. professor of poetry in the universi-
ty of Oxford.
3. At Aspley Guise, Beds, John Mar-
shall, esq. of Coldham-house, Cambridge-
shire, to Anne Penelope, daughter of the
late rev. Edward Orlebar Smith, of Asp-
ley-house.
— At Uppingham, county Rutland,
E. W. VVilmot, esq. fourth son of sir R.
Wilmot, hart, to Augusta Matilda, only
daughter of Charles Champion, esq. of
Beaumont Chase.
5. At St. George's, Bloomsbury, T.
Smith Barwell, esq. to Amelia, daughter
of the late Henry Cline, esq. of Lincoln's-
inn-fields.
8. At Brixton, the rev. Thomas Phil-
potts, only son of J.Phillpotts, esq. M.P.
to Mary Emma Penelope, only daughter
of the late Ulysses Hughes, esq. of
Grovesend, Glamorganshire.
— At Col ton, Lancashire, J. L Raw-
linson, esq. barrister-at-law, to Mary,
earl of Shaftesbury, to Maria Anne, eldest
daughter of col. Hugh Bailey, of Morti-
mer-street, Cavendish-square.
9. At East Down, the rev. O. H. Wil-
liams, youngest son of the late sir J. H.
Williams, to Mary Anne Elizabeth, eldest
daughter of the rev. Chas. Pyne Coffin.
14. At St. Mary's, Bryanstone-square,
the rev. F.Cole, to Elizabeth, daughter
of the late J. Ewingy esq. and sister to J.
Ewing, esq. M.P.
15. At Titnes P&rk, the hon. W. Law,
youngest brother of lord EUenborough,
to the hon. Augusta Graves.
16. At St. George's, Hanover- square,
W. Hutt, esq. to Mary, countess of Strath-
more.
17. At Belvoir Castle, the hon. Chas.
Stuart Wortley, second son of lord
VVhamcliffe, to the lady Emmeline Char-
lotte Elizabeth Manners, second daugh-
ter of the duke of Rutland.
19. At All-soul's Langham-place, the
rev. George Sandby, jun. of Denton
eldest daughter of the rev. J. Romuey, of Lodge, Norfolk, to Elizabeth Catherine,
Whitestock-hall. second daughter of lieut-gen. Hodgson.
\5. At Trinity Church, St. Mary-le- 24. At St. George's, Bloomsbury,
bone, the rev. Stair Douglas, only son Marcus Martin, esq. barrister-at-law, to
of the late rear-admiral Stair Douglas, Harriett Mary, only child of the late
to Maria Edith, youngest daughter of John Stapleton, esq. of Calcutta.
Woodbine Parish, esq. commissioner of 26. At St. Georges, Hanover-square,
Excise. J. Cunninghame, esq. of Hensol, county
17. In Devonshire, Alfred lord Har- Dumfries, N. B. to Eliza Mary Upton,
ley, heir apparent to the earl of Oxford,
to Eliza, daughter of the marquis of
Westmeath, and grand-daughter the
hon. Mrs. Cavendish Bradshaw.
— At Fareham, Hants, the rev. T.
Wentworth Gage, to lady Mary Douglas,
second daughter of the marquis of
Queensbury.
22. The rev. H. Sneyd, of Stone, to
Mary Ann, second daughter of Thomas
Sneyd Kynnersley, esq. of Loxley Park,
county Stafford.
24. At Ealing, Alex. Cobham Cob-
ham, esq. of Shinfield House, Berks, to
Jane Halse, second
daughter of the late capt. Clotworthy,
Upton, R.N.
31. At St. Margaret's, Westminster,
R. Willis, M.D. to Eleanor, third daugh-
ter of the late Mr. David Watson, of
Whitehall.
APRIL.
2. At Manchester, capt. W. D. Davies,
of the Queen's Bays, to Susan Jane
Forbes, only daughter of the late John
Aberoethie, esq.
5. At Trinity Church, St. Mary-le-
ond daughter of Richard ^^"'»^,P• ^' Walthew, of Albany-street,
Lindfield, Sussex.
MARCH.
2, Mr. Wood, the vocalist, to Miss
Paton, the divorced lady of lord W. Len-
nox.
5. J. M. Bosville Durrant, of the
Priory, Southover, Sussex, esq. to Fanny,
second daughter of J. Hubbard, of Strat-
ford, Essex, esq.
— At St. John's, Hampstead, the rev.
Thomas Henley Causton, to the hon. F.
Hester Powys, fifth daughter of the late
lord Lilford.
7* At Elvaston Hall, near Derby, the
right hon. Charles Stanhope, earl of
Harringtoni to Miss Foote, the celebrat-
ed actress.
12. At Iv^r, county Buckingham,
206 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1881.
MARRIAGES.
lieut-col. Bridger, C.B. to Jane> fourth 28. In France, £dw«rd Turner, esq.
daughter of John Copeland, esq. eldest son of the hon. and rev. £•
15. At Richmond, capt. Henry Jelf, J. Turner, of Arundel, to EHiabetb,
third son of sir James Jelf, to Miss C. A. daughter of the late W. Crease, esq. of
Sharp, of Kincarrochy, co. Perth, daugh- D ubiin.
ter of the late major Sharp. — At St. James'*, the hon. R* Pepper
^ At Twyford, F. P. Delme Rad- Arden, of Pepper Hall, Yorkshire, to
cliffe, ecq. to Emma, only daughter of lady Arabella Vane, youngest daugh-
J. H. Waddington, esq. of Shawford- ter of the marquis of Cleveland,
house.
— At St Mary's, Bryanston-square, MAY.
George Drummond, esq. of Stan more,
to Marianne, second daughter of the late 2* Leonard Thompson, ern. eldest son
E, B. Portman, esq. of Bryanston, Dor- of G. L. Thompson, esq. of Sheriff Hat-
set, ton Park, Yorkshire, to Mary Wentworth
— At the hon. Mra.Burrowes's, Hill- Fitxwilllam, second daughter of lord
street, Berkeley-square, baron de Cetto, Milton, and grand-daughter of etrl Fits-
minister plenipotentiary of the king of william.
Bavaria, to Elizabeth Catherine, only — The rev. W.Gilson, to Ellai, third
daughter of the late col. Burrowcs, of daughter of the bishop of Chester.
Dengen Castle, and prrand-daughter to 3. At Henley-on-Thames, R. Klog^
lord Decies, late archbishop of Tuam. esq. of Grosvenoi^place, to Georgiana
— At Exeter, W. Mack worth Praed, Ann, youngest daughter of the late hon,
esq. barrister-at-lav^, eldest son of Mr. lieut-col. George Carleton, and sister of
Serj. Praed, to Anne Frances, only daugli- Lord Dorchester.
ter of Treby Hcle Hays, e^q. of Dela- 4. At All-souls Church, Langham-
more, Devon. place, Francis Hawkins, M.D. of Cnnon*
16. At All-souls church, sir Richard street, Mayfair, to Hester, third daugh-
Annesley 0*Donel, hart, of Newport- ter of the hon. Baron. Vaughan.
House, Newport, co. Mayo, to Mary, And, on the same day, Le Merchant
third daughter of George Clendining, Thomas, esq. only son of John Thomas,
esq. of Westport, same county. esq. of Brunswick-square, to Mai^ret,
20. At Caniberwell, Edward, eldest fourth daughter of the same,
son ofCharlesBaldwin^esq. of Grove-hill, 5. His royal highness the fl^i^ndDoke
Camberwell, to Anne Calcott, youngest of Oldenburgh to her royal highness the
daughter of J. Horner, esq. also of princess Cecilia, sister of prince Gusta-
Grove-hill. vus Vasa.
27. In London, S. Clement, esq. to 10. At Wateringbury, Kent, mijor
Louisa, daughter of the late W. Paley, Maclean, 8l8t regiment, eldest son of
esq. Imrrister-at-law, and grand-daugh- lieut-gen. sir Fitzroy Maclean, hart, to
ter of the late archdeacon Paley. Emily Eleanor, fourth daughter of the
28. At St. George's, Bloomsbury, hon. and rev. Dr. Marsham.
John Edridge, esq. of Pockeridge-house, 12. At St. James's, the rev. C. O.
Corsham, Wilts, to Mary Ann, eldest Plumer, vicar ofNorton, to Miss Thomp-
daughter of the late S. Yockney, esq. of son, of Stockton-upon-Tees.
Upper East Hayes, Bath. — At Dublin, E. R. Borough, tiw\.
— At Paris, the count de Montebello, eldest son of sir Richard Borough, bart
to Mary Teresa, eldest daughter of T. to lady Elizabeth St. Lawrance, sister of
Boddington, esq. of Cumberland-place. the earl of Howth.
— At Harpsden, Vincent Vaughan, 16. At Kilkenny, R. Fowler, esq. son
esq. of Caversham Grove, to Mary-Ann, of the bishop of*^ Ossory, to Harriet
only child of the late J. Hussey, esq. of Eleanor Wandesford, daughter of the
Pinkney House, Berks. marquis of Ormond.
— At Poslingford, Suffolk, J. Ray- 17. At St. George's, Hanover-square,
mond, esq. of Baythorn Park, to Mary the right hon. Robert Grosvenor, young-
Sophia, second daughter of col. Weston, est son of earl Grosvenor, to the hon.
of Shadowbush House. Charlotte A. Wellesley, daughter of lord
— At Kingscote, Gloucestershire, J. Cowley.
Kennaway, esq. eldest son of the late sir 19. At Brompton, co. York, H. R.
J. Kennaway, of Escot, Devon, to Emily Beaumont, son of the late T. R. Bnu-
Frances, daughter of the late T. Kings- mont, esq. of Bretton Hall, to Catberine^
cote, esq. daughter of sir G. Cayley, bart.
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
207
MARRIAGES.
19. At Carlsruhe, capt. Dniromond
(Melfort) to the baroness de Rothberg
Coiigny, of Rbeinweiler) widow of gen.
count Rap p.
— At Craigends, Renfrewshire, W.
Bonar,e8q. banker in Edinburgh, to Miss
Liliah Cunninghame, daughter of the
late John Cunningbame, esq. of Craig-
ends.
24. At Brighton, G. Boroughs, esq.
R.Art. to Selina, eldest daughter of the
late col. Childers, 11 th Light Dragoons.
— At Paris, the count G. M. Pos-
senti, of Rome, to Mary, daughter of tba
late col. Rogers, of Weston-super-Mare.
26. At St George's, Hanover-square,
F. C. Knowles, esq. eldest son of admiral
sir C. Knowlcs, hart, to Emma, fourth
daughter of sir G. Pocock, bait
31. At Brinny, co* Cork, the bon.
capt. W. Smyth Bernard, brother of the
earl of Bandon,to Elizabeth, only (laugh-
ter of lieut-col. Gilman, late 81st Foot.
JUNE.
2. At Cheltenham, Philip A. Brown,
esq. to Caroline Jesscinthia, third daugh-
ter of sir Charles H. Rich, hart.
4. H. Beavan,esq. of Sackville-street,
to Joanna, fourth daughter of T. Cadell,
esq. of Upper Charlotte* street.
7. At Cheltenham, the rev. Thomas
Gerard Leigh, to Henriana Matilda,
daughter of the late lord Henr)* Murray,
and niece to the duke of Athol.
9. At Prior Park, Bath, capt. Ellis,
4th Light Dragoons, eldest son of the
late col. Ellis, to Eliza Georgiana, eldest
daughter of co). J. L. Richardson, of the
Bengal service.
14. At Paris, capt A. Douglas, of the
Madras establishment, to Emma Money,
eldest daughter of the late hon. M. T.
Han is.
15. At Stanford, mi\jor G. Birch, of
Clare, co. Hants, to Lydia Diana, eldest
daughter of the late rev. S. F. Dash-
wood, of Stanford-hall.
21. AtHouiton, John Webber, esq. to
Susan, fourth daughter of gen. Church-
hill.
23. At Newington, near Hythe, the
the rev. Ralph Beraers, youngest son of
the ven. archdeacon Berners, to Eliza,
third daughter of the late gen. sir C.
Cuyler, bart.
28. At Bath, sir B. R. Graham, of
Norton Conyers, bart. to Harriet, third
daughter of the late rev. Robert Cottam.
JULY.
7* At St. George*s, Hanover-square,
sir John Ogilvie, of Inverquharity, bart.
to Juliana Barbara, youngest daughter
of the late lord Henry Howard, and niece
to the duke of Norfblk.
8. At St. George's, Hanover-square,
T. Smith, esq. M.P. to Louisa, third
daughter of sir M. W. Ridley, bart. M.P.
14. At Paris, baron de Roheck, to
Emily Henry, niece to the Duke of
Leinster.
— At St. George's, Hanover-square,
Neill, eldest son of Nelll Malcolm, esq.
of Poltalloch, Argyllshire, to Harriett
Marv, third daughter of the rev. sir
Clarke Jervoise, of Ids worth-park, Hants,
bart.
16. At St. Mary-le-bonne, Hugh
Tnglis, esq. to Rothes Beatrix, second
daughter of the late sir John Leslie,
bart.
21. At St. George's, Hanover-square,
George Seymour, esq. son of lord G.
Seymour, and minister resident at the
court of Tuscany, to Gertrude Brand,
daughter of the hon. gen. Trevor.
23. At Felbrigu;.hall, viscount Ennis-
more, to Maria Augusta, widow of the
late G. T. Wyndham, esq. of Cromer-
ball, Norfolk, and daughter of admiral
Wyndham.
31. G.B.J. Price, esq. of Pigeonsford,
Cardiganshire, to Ellen, daughter of sir
John Owen, bart. M.P.
Lately* At Brighton, Fred. Hodgson,
esq. M.P. to Amelia Catherine, daughter
of John Erskine, esq*
AUGUST.
1 . At Walston, the marquis of Hast-
ings, to the hon. Barbara baroness Grey
rev. Kennett C. Bayley, second son of de Ruthyn, of Brandon-ball, Warwick-
the hon. Mr. Baron Bayley, to Charlotte, shire.
eldest daughter of James Brook man, esq.
of Beachborough, Kent^
— At Delganny, co. Wicklow, Wade
Bro*'*iie, esq. of Churchill, Worcester-
shire, to Anne, eldest daughter of Mr.
Serj. Pennefather.
27. At St. Mary's, Bryanstone-square^
2. Sir C. M. Lambert Monck, bart to
lady Mary Elizabeth Bennet, sister to
the earl of Tankerville.
— At Cheltenham, C. H. Bell, esq.
third son of the late Matthew Bell, esq,
of Woolsington-bouse, Northumberland,
to Helen, only child of sir B. W. Bur-
208 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
MARRIAGES.
dett, bart. and grand-niece of the first
marquis of Thomond.
4. At Willesdon, the hon. G.T. Kep-
pel, second son of the earl of Albemarle,
to Susan, daughter of sir Coutts Trotter,
bart.
9. At Bishop's Lydeard, capt. Hugh
Fitz-Roy, grenadier guards, second son
20. At St. George's, Hanorer-iquare,
the hon. Aug. Villiers, second son of the
earl and countess of Jersey, to the hon.
Miss Elpliinstone, only daughter of vis-
countess Keith.
22. At St. George's, Hanover-tqiuure,
G. F. Rusi^ll, esq. to Louisa Margarer,
daughter of F. Hodgskinson, LL.D. vice-
of the late lord Henry Fitz-Roy, to Lucy provost of Trinity College, Dublin.'
Sarah, second daughter of sir T.B. Leth-
bridge, bart.
13. At Milton, near Gravesend, sir G.
Noel, bart. to Miss I. E. Raymond.
23. At Cirencester, Edward Bullock,
esq. to Catherine, daughter of Joseph
Cripps, esq. M.P.
27. At Quainton, Bucks, Richard
Beamish, esq. of Sans Scud, Cork, to
Theodosia Mary Heise, of Doddershall
Park, eldest daughter of the late lieut-
col. Aug. Heise.
30. At St. George's, Hanover-aqoare,
the rev. J. Jebb, eldest son of Mr. Justice
— At Hcadington, Oxford, John WiU Jebb, to Frances Emma, daughter of
son, esq. capt. R.M. to Elizabeth, eldest major-gen. Rich. Bourke.
— Mr. Serj. Goulbum, to the hon.
Catherine Montagu, sister of lord Roke-
by.
OCTOBER.
1. Vise. Encombe, grandson to the
earl of El don, to the hon. Louisa Dun-
combe, second daughter of lord Fever-
sham.
4. At Churchtovn, Lancashire, H.
Hall Joy, esq. of Hartham Park, Wilts,
to Mary Charlotte, only child of James
Greenaigh, esq. Myerscough-hall, Lan-
cashire.
5. At Weymouth, Philip Richardion,
esq. to Georgiana, third daughter of
the late J. Ford, of Finhaven Castle, For-
farshire, esq.
— At Aldingbourne, Sussex, J. W.
BuUer, esq. of Downes, M.P. to Char-
lotte Juliana Jane, third daughter of the
late lord Henry Howard, and niece to
the duke of Norfolk.
6. At St. Mary's, R. North Collie
Hamilton, esq. eldest son of sir Fred.
Hamilton, bart. to Constance, daughter
of gen. sir George Anson, M.P.
— At Southampton, Samuel Le Fevre,
esq. to Anna Maria, second daughter of
the hon.B.'P. Le Blaquire.
12. At Galmty, J. Gunning Plunkett,
esq. of Cloone, cousin to the duke of
Argyle, to Jane, third daughter of the
late F. Kelly, esq. of Liss-Kelly, and niece
to the late John baron Clanmorris.
15. At Heighiogton, Durham, M.Fal-
Delawarr, to Charlotte-Margaret, eldest Ion, esq. a counsellor at the Irish bar, to
daughter of the late sir John Lowthcr Miss F. H. Kelly, the celebrated actrest.
Johnstone^ bart. — At Loughton, Essex, gen. Grosve-
17* At St. George's, Hanover-square, nor, to Anna, daughter of the late G.
Edward Godfrey, esq. to the right hon. Wilbraham, of Delamere House, Che-
Susan Elizabeth, countess dowager of shire, esq.
Morton. 18. At Sandbach« Chealure, the rer.
daughter of sir Joseph Lock, of Oxford.
25. At Trinity Church, Mary-lc-bone,
Charles Tracy Leigh, esq. to Emma,
youngest daughter of G. H. Dawkins
Pennant, esq. of Pcnrhyn Castle, North
W&les
30. At Hanwell, Middlesex, William
Johnson, esq. of Eaton-place, Bclgrave-
square, to Sarah, only (hiughter of C.
Turner, esq. of Hanwell Park.
Lately, At Pinner, Middlesex, the
rev. J. H. Bright, to Katherine Char-
lotte, daughter of the late col. Mant,
and grand-daughter to sir George Dallas,
bart.
SEPTEMBER
5. At Bristol, K. H. Doolan, esq.
second son of lieut-col. Doolan, to Mary,
daughter of the late George Leigh, esq.
of Pugley House, Devonshire.
7. At Lambeth, sir Ralph Abercrom-
bie Anstruther, bart. of Balcaskie, to
Mary Jane, eldest daughter of the late
major-gen. sir H. Torrens.
10. At St. George's, Hanover-square,
J. Barlow Hoy, esq. of Midanbury,
Southampton, to Marian D'Oyley, only
daughter and heiress of the late Sheard-
man Bird, esq. of Harold's Park, Essex.
13. At St Margaret's, Westminster,
J. Fairlie, esq. to Mios Home Purves,
daughter-in-law to the right hon. the
Speaker.
15. At St. George's Church, the rev.
H. Wm. Buckley, grandson to John earl
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
209
MARRIAGES.
H. Spencer Markhara, of Clifton rectory,
Notts, to Sophia Cliarlotte, daughter of
the late sir J. L. Kaye, bart. of Denby
Grange,^Yorksbire.
19. At Langton, sir John Pringle, bt«
of Sticbel-house, Roxburghshire, to lady
Elizabeth M<iitland Campbell, eldest
daughter of the marquis of Breadal-
bane.
20. At All-souls, Mary-la-bone, Adam
Ashew, of Redheugh, Durham, esq. to
Elizabeth, sixth daughter of the late sir
R. Rycroft, bart. of Everlands, Kent.
24. At St. George's, Hanover-square,
the rev. Frederick Baring, son of Alex-
ander Baring, esq., to Frederica Mary
Catherine, third daughter of the late J.
Ashton, esq. of the Grange, county
Chester.
— At Denston, Suffolk, capt. Pigott,
of the Royal Horse Guards, eldest son
of sir G. Pigott, bart. to Georgiana.Ann,
youngest daughter of W. Bruramell, esq.
of Wivenhoe.
25. At Torquay, the hon. Charles
Trefusis, brother of lord Clinton, to lady
Elizabeth Georgiana Kerr, daughter of
the late marquis of Lothian.
26. At Bath, Edward Horlock Morti-
mer, esq. of Studley, Wilts, to Jane,
youngest daughter of the late col. Wil-
liams, and niece to the late gen. sir T.
Picton.
27. At Shillinglee-park, Sussex, the
seat of the earl of Winterton, W. Linton,
esq. (the landscape painter) to Julia
Adelina, only daughter of the rev. T.
Swettenham, of Swettenham, and niece
to the countess of Winterton.
29. At Liverpool, Henry Roscoe, esq.
barrister-at-la\v, youngest son of the late
Wm. Roscoe, esq. to Maria, second dau.
of T. Fletcher, esq. of Liverpool.
Lntelif. At Clontarf, the rev. Walter
to Kate Elizabeth, eldest daughter of
the rev. J. S. Ogle, of Kirkley, prebend*
of Durham.
20. At St, George's, Hanover-8quare»
sir J. Montague Burgoyne, bart. Grena-
dier Foot Guards, of Sutton Park, Bed-
fordshire, to Mary Harriet, daughter of
col. Gore Langton, M.P. of Newton
Park, Somerset.
22. At St. Georgc'ss, Hanover-square,
Benjamin Travers, esq. of Bruton-street,
Berkeley-square, to Mary Poulett, daugh-
ter of the late col. Stevens, of Discove
House, Somersetshire.
23. At Margate, G. Gunning, esq. of
Frindsbury, Kent, to Sarah Tournay,
widow of the late sir T. Staines, K.C.B.
of Dent de Lion.
Lately, The rev. Henry Dal ton, curate
of St John's, Wolverhampton, to Sophia,
daughter of lord Robert Fitzgerald, and
first cousin to the duke of Leinster.
DECEMBER.
1. At St. George's, Hanover-square,
count Alex. Walwski, to lady Caroline
Montagu, sister to the earl of Sandwich.
6. At Bowood, the seat of the mar-
quis of Lansdowne, the right bon. lord
Valletort, son of the earl of Mount Edg-
cumbe, to Miss Fielding, daughter of
capt. and lady Elizabeth Fielding.
8. W. Willis, esq. of Astrop-house, in
the county of Northampton, to Sophia,
daughter of W. R. Cartwright, esq. of
Aynho, in the same county.
9. At Cheltenham, C. Kelson, esq. of
the third Guards, to Anne, daifghter of
R. Holden, esq.
15. At T^amington, the rev. Charles
Thomas Longlcy, D.D. head master of
Harrow school, to Caroline Sophia, eld-
Bisliop Mant, eldest son of the bishop of est daughter of sir H. Parnell, bart
■nv A ^ ^ •« . ,1 . lO A i. D-!^Ui.^~ ..U,. 1 ^ A U7
Down and Connor, to Marianne, eldest
daughter of the hon. Hans Blackwood,
and niece to lord Dufferin.
NOVEMBER.
1. At Iffly, near Oxford, rev. H. Sal-
mon, rector of Swarvaton, Hants, to
Emily Charlotte, daughter of the late
vice-admiral Nowell.
5. At Clifton, in Glou<iestl»r8hire, R.
W. Elton, esq. E.I.C. sixteenth regiment
N.L nephew of the late admiral sir Wm.
19. At Brighton, the hon. A. W. Pel-
ham, M.P. eldest son of lord Yarbo-
rough, to the hon. Adelaide Maude,
daughter of the vise. Ha warden.
— At Brocklesby, Lincolnshire, the
hon. Charlotte Anderson Worsley Pel-
ham, only daughter of lord Yarborough,
to Joseph William, only son of sir J.
Copley, bart. of Sprotboro.ugh, York-
shire.
— Charles Shakerley, esq. of Park-
place, Berks, to Jesse Matilda, daughter
of James Scott, esq. of the Manor House,
Young, to Ashley, eldest daughter of Shepperton.
H. Evans Holder, esq. M.D. deceased. 21 . At Chelsea, J. E. Walters, esq. of
15. At Ponteland, Northumberland, Lincoln's Inn, to Eleanor, daughter of
capt. Charles Ogle Streatfield, R. Eng. A. R. Sidebottom, esq. of Lincoln's Tnn.
Vol. LXXIII. P
aiO ANNUAL REGISTER, 1881.
PR0M0TJ0N8.
S7. At Marylflhone oburoh, captain
Worth, 7^th rcg., to Caroline, daughter
of R. Sfierson, esq. of NottingnamT
plac^i
PROMOTIONS.
JANUARY.
Gazette Pbqiiotioiib.
8. Brevet ; lieut^cols. hon. tiincoln
Stanhope and W. Cross, to be colonels in
the army.
1 5 . Hojful Artillery — Miuor-ffeneral
Broke Young, to be col. commandant.
17. His majesty has declared himself
col.-in-chlef of the household brigade of
CaU'alry, consisting of the Ut and 2d
Life Guardti, and Royal Horse Guards.
The Navy-^To be captains, John VVil-
snn, G. B. Maxwell, hon. J. Cavendish,
I]. £. Napier.
To bt commanders, Charles Blair, G.
W. Matson, F. P. Blackwood, A. Milne,
F. Hart, J. B. B. M'Hardy, lieut. J.
Savage, (1816).
26. The duke of Sussex to be chief
ranger and keeper of Hyde-park and
St. James's-park. — The right hon. Ro-
bert Wilipot Horton to be governor of
Cevlon.
.31. The earl of Enrol, and earl Howe,
to be of the privy council.
MenVRS RBTUIUfED IN PARLIAMENT.
Bandon Bridge, — Vise. Bernard.
BeeraMm. — Pavid Lyon, esq,
BletchiHgl3f»'r'Ci\9kT\t% Tennyson, esq.
DnugofMon* — Lieut, cql. John James
Knox.
Foifwr andPerik* — Right hon. Francis
Jeffrey.
Invemesa f?b. — Right hon. C. Grant.
PreatQtu— Henry Hunt, esq.
Civil PaBFRRMENTS.
I.ord Lyndhurst, to be chief baron of
the Exchequer.
Sir James Shaw, elected chamberlain
of the city of London.
EcOLEaiASTICAL PaEPEflMENTS.
Rev. G. Davys, to be dean of Chester.
Rev. H. Phil potts, preli. in Durham
«f^thedral.
FEBRUARY.
Gazette pBOuoTioiiat
7. Viic. Duneannon, William Daom
Adams, and H. Davkini, etqrt. to \m
commissioners of woods and fora«tfl.
15. Col. sir Arch. ChrliUe to bo de-
puty-governor of Stirling castle. — ^M^or^
gen. sir Benj. D*UrbaD« K,C.B, to be
governor of Demerara.
S3. Archibald John, earl of Roeebofry,
John Wjlliam, visn. DuDctBiiOQ, 9JoA tSp
right hon, Michae) Angelo Taylor, appm
of his miuesty'B privy eouncll^— TlipqNie
Robert Dimsdale, of Camfield-plfee. «•%
to be sheriff of the county of Hertfofd^v-r
Mor|[i^n Jones, of Kilwendeego, MOf
sheriff of the county of Pembrpke^<«-X*
Duppa, of Llanshay, esq. to be dieiiff of
the county of Radnor.
84. To be knighu Grand Croetet of
the Bath, lieut-gen. sir Win,HouttODt
lieut-gen. sir Edward Bamet| liei|t*ffe|i#
the right hon. sir John Byng.
85. To Im grooms of his muesty'l bed*
chamber, vice-admiral the boii. air Hi
Blackwood, bart. Tice-admiiml elr RU
Otway, capt. the hon. 0. P, ClunpbeJIj
R.N. and col. sir J, Reyiiett«
MlMBIRS BETURNKD TO PlRLUmHT.
/Ieatfmari«.— Sir R. B. Willbuiie.9iill(e-
ley, bart.
Bletehinglj/.^%\v W. Home. V^U
Boanney. — Hon. J. Stewart Woitly.
HeliesioM.-^^ir S. J. Brooke Pecbell,
bart.
PFeaford (Toumy-^ir E. C, Derinf •
bart.
H^iWfor,— Right hon, £. O.S.8teiitey,
Civil PRBFBMinfn,
John Cowan, esq. to be eldernan of
Bread-street ward.
MARCH.
Gazette Promotiowb.
2. Knighted, col. Chas. Wade Thorn-
ton, aide-de-camp to his majesty.
& 33d foot, lieut-gen. «ir Ghaa. W^le.
K.C.B. to be col.^Unattacbed, ipidor
Robert Burdett, to be lieut-ooL of in*
fan try.
9. Knighted, m(\]or«gen« JiMmee CvPP*
bell, KX:.H., William H. Polend, esq.
nnd Cliapman Marshall, esq. abertflib «
Tendon and Middlesex.
1 ). The earl of Gosford, a lor^ of tbt
bedchamber.
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE-
8U
PROMOTIONS.
14, Vice-admiral air H. Pigby. to be col^r~^8th foot, Ileut-gtn. ilr J. KeaAe,
a K.C.B.— Captain ajr Murray Maxwell, K.C.B. to b* co].-»94tb« fQi^or^gei). sir
C.B. to be lieutf governor of priqqa £d- J, C4mpbell> K*C.B. to be eol< *
ward's Island. Garniona. — Gen. eir Q. Poui G,C,B.,
20. Knigbted, maj.-gtn. H, Wheatley. to be governor of Scarboroiigh cattle.
21. Major-gen. sir Arc:b. Campbell, Admiral air W. HarwooOi to b^G.C.
G.C.B. to be lieut-governor of U^w of the Guelpbi and captain* Ushar and
Brunswick and its dependencies.
23. To be gentlemen Ushers of his
m^esty's privy cl^mber» horn Frederick
Byng, Chas. Cavendish* epq^j T. iihiff-
ner, esq., W. Russell, 09qt
— Knigbtedi eap^ George Fif^cis
Seymouri R.N„ major-gfrni S«i\|« Chas.
Stephenson, ^nd J, H«Ui ^3^< consul-
general for Hanover.
— MarQujs of Westmefitbt to be a
representative peer for Irelana.
G. Seymour, K.G. of the a>me ordan
Lieut, Stratford to be aqperlntendant
of tho Nautical Almanacki
23. Right hon. H* Montgomeryt lord
Belhaven, to be high commissioner to
the general ass^sgobty of the Church of
Scotland.
Col. S. R. Chapman, C.B. to be go-
vernor and commander-intobief of the
Bermudas.
37* M%jor-gen, R, Bourke to be capt.
14. Captain the hon, S, Hay tp be gen. and governojr-in-cblef of New South
one of her majesty's equerries. — Lieut*-
col. T. lord- G.antham, ^nd Heut-
colonel E. Baker, to be his m^esty's
aides-de-camp for yeomanry cavalry. —
Lieut-col. Fox, grenadier guards, to be
one of his majesty's equerries.
MEMBEaS RETURNED TO PARLIAMENT.
Jshburton,'-W. S. PoyntB, esq,
Durham. — W. R. C. Chaytor, esq.
Ei/e — William Burge, esq.
Forfar^ fyc, — Hon. Wm. Ogilyy.
Kilkenny Co.— Vise, Duncannen.
La?ica^er,-^lf, Maxwell Stewart, esq.
Milbmrne Port,—R. Lalor Shiel, esq.
..——I. G. S. Byng, esq. (re-elected.)
Nairn County. — Hon. G. P. Campbell,
(re-elected.)
Newark-upan'Trent.-^Wn F, H^nd-
ley, esq.
Peebles County. — Sir G . Montgomery,
Homnejf.Slr Roger Gresly, bart,
Saltash. — Philip Cecil Crampton* esq.
JH^igan. —John Hodson Kaarsley, esq.
Whitechurch ( Haw ^*).— Hon. G. J>.
Townshend.
Ecclesiastical Prejpermbnts.
Rev. D. Kyle, to be bishop of Cork
and Ross.
CiVIIi PREVERBIEN'rS.
C. F. Williams, esq, tp be r^pord^r of
Ipsiyich,
APRIL-
GA2m>B Promotionii,
Wales, and Van Diemen's Land.
Members returned to Parluukvt.
Clare Co* — Maurice 0*CopRel|, esq.
* Colcketier, — William Ml^yhew, esq,
Lau^e^tf/QM.-^Majorvgen, gir J, MaK
colm.
Londonderry, -T^&ir H. Ferguson, bart.
ifa/^<m.-^Rigbt hop. F, Jeffrey,
Queen's Co.-^Sir H, Parnell, lM,Tt.
Skfi/tesbury*-^y^, L. MaberUy, esq.
Hlnchelsea.S. Luibington, D.C.L.
MAY,
Gazette Promotions.
2. Lieut gen. sir W. Houston, G.C,B«
to be lleut-govemor of Gibraltar*
12. Dr. W.M'Michael to be physician
in ordinary.— Right hon. Laurence lord
Dundas to be lieut. and sheriff principal
of the shires of Orkney and Zetland.
Col.O.Fltzdarence to be baron Tewkes-
bury, vise. Fitzclf^rencei and earl of Mun-
ster.
13. Right bon. sir F. J. Lamb, G.C.B.
to be ambassador extraordinary to the
Emperor of Austria,
19. Admiral sir H. TroUope to be
G.C.B.-^Vice-admiral Edward GrifHths
Colpoys, and vice-admiral E. J. Foote,
to be K.C.B.
24. Col. Fred. Fltzc|&rence, captain
Adoipbus Fitzclarence, |i.N., and rev.
Augustus Fitzclarence, to have the title
and precedence of the younger son of a
marquis.— Sophia, wife of sir Philip
Sidney ; Mary, wife of lleut-col. the hon.
13. Knighted, George Harrison, ^iq. , .
15. Captain Pechell, R.N. to be one of C. R. Fox ; and Augusti*, widojf of the
the qiieen'a equerries.-^Adolpbua Cot- bon. J, Kennedy Erskine, to bav# the
tin, esq. to be gentleman u«her quarter^ title and precedence of the daughter of a
ly waiter to her majesty. marquis.
22. 31 St foot, gen. sir H. Ward^, tob« 25. Ifnighted, William Beaity, «lg.
P 2
212 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
PROMOTIONS.
M.D. F.R.S., and W. Burnett, esq. M.D.
27. Earl Grey to be K.G.
28. Margaret, widow of Richard Tal-
bot, esq. created a peeress of Ireland, by
the title of baroness TallKit, of Malahidc,
and lady Malahide, of Malahide, county
Dublin, with remainder to her male heirs
by tlie said Richard Talbot
31. The right hon. William George
earl of Errol to be baron Kilmarnock, of
Kilmarnock, county Ayr.
JUNE.
GiZETTB PROMOTION'S.
6. Lieut-gen. sir W. Hutchinson to be
equerry to the duke of Sussex. — Admiral
the hon.8ir Robert Stopford, and admiral
sir Benjamin Hallowell Carew, to be
G.C.B.
7. Brevet — Lleut-gen. sir Edward
Barnes, G.C.B. to have tlie rank of gen.
in the East Indies only.
8. Vice-adm. Charles Ekins, and rear-
adm. Thomas Baker to be K.C.B.
14. Adm. sir Thomas Foley, G.C.B.
to be rear-adm. of Great Britain and
Ireland, and of the navies and seas
thereof. — John Henry Mandevllle, esq.
to be secretary to his majesty's embassy
at the Sublime Porte.
15. Major-gen. W, Nicolay, to be go-
vernor of St. Christopher, Nevis, and the
Virgin Islands.
16. Created peers of the united king-
dom— Earl of Flngall, as baron Fingall,
of Wool ham p ton-lodge, county Berks ;
earl of Scfton,.as Baron Sefton, of Crox-
teth, county Lancaster ; earl of Leltrim
as baron Clements, of Kilmacrenan,
county Donegal ; lord Kinnairdas baron
Rossie, of Rossie, county Perth ; right
hon. George James Welbore Agar Ellis
as baron Dover, of Dover, county Kent.
— Gen. W. Loftustobe lieutenant of the
Tower.
22. Knighted — the right hon. Robert
Wilmot Horton, governor of Ceylon.
The earls of Lcven and Selkirk, and
viscount F.i]kland,are elected represen-
tative peers of Scotland, in the room of of Whitehall -place.
25. Col. sir Evan Murray Maegr«gor
to be governor of Dominica. — ^lieat-col.
A. W. Young to be lieut-govemor of
Prince Edward's Island.
26. Lieut-gen. sir F. T. Hammond*
G.C.H.tobe licut-govemorofEdinbiu^
castle.
Members beturnbd to PABLUMnrr.
Bletchingly, — Vise Palmerston, and
T. H. Villlers, esq.
C-atheL — Philip Pusey, esq.
DiAcnton, — Hon. D. P. BmiTerfe*
Higham Ferrars* — C. C. Pepya, eaq»
MatioH, — Wm. Cavendish, eiq»
Milboume Port. — P. C. Cranpton, eti|»
Monmouth, — Lord Worcester*
Okeham/tion.^Sir R. R. Vyvyan;lit»
Newport (Comtra//).— Vise. Grima*
ton.
Beigate.—CapU C. P. Yorke.
Tavistock. — J. H. Hawkins, esq.
Wettbitrtf — H. F. Stephensony es^
Winchelsea, — J. Brougham, eaq»
Ecclesiastical PaEFERMKvn.
Rev. sir G. W. Bisshopp, dean of Lia-
more.
Civil Preferiieittb.
Mr. Serj. Spankie to be standing ooon*
sel to the East India Company*
AUGUST.
Gazette Promotioiis.
2. Rt. hon. John Key, of Thornbniy,
Gloucestershire, and lord mayor of Lon*
don, created a baronet.
3. Knighted — George Hamilton^ esq.
K.Ci.Jrl.
8. Knighted — Lieut-col. the hon. Ed-
ward Cust, K.C.H. — Rear-adm. sir Jah-
leel Brenton to be lieut-governor of
Greenwich Hospital.
9. Brevet— Major H. Webster to be
lieut-col.in the army.
10. Knighted— Lieiit-gen. John Brnftb,
R. Art. K.CH. and John Rennie, esq.
the earl of Northesk deceased, the earl
of Errol created a peer of Great Britain,
and lord Sinclair who has retired.
JULY.
14. Ralph Abercrombie, esq. to be
secretary to his majesty^s legation at
Berlin.
21. The earl of Munster to be Tieut.
of the Tower.
16. Lieut-gen. sir R. H. Vivian, hart*
to be of the privy council in Ireland*
31. Knighted— Capt. J. HilJ, fLS.
Members beturned to Pirltasibiit.
Bandon Bridye,^S\r A. W. J. Clifc
ford.
i>M^/tff.— Frederick Sliaifi esq., lord
vise. Ingestrie.
Gritntby, — Lord Longhbon>ugh| tk»
hon. Henry Fitzroy.
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
213
PROMOTIONS.
Meath CCo»w/y>— Hen. Grattan, esq. as baron de Saamarez, of the island of
Peebles ( County)^— ^\ r John Hay, bl. Guernsey.
~ ■ 13. Gen. sir H. G. Grey, gen. sir R.C.
Roscommon (County)* — Dennis O'Co-
nor, esq.
Weymouth^ — Cliarles Baring Wall,
esq.
SEPTEMBER.
Gazette Promotions.
7. To be peers of the united kingdom
— Arch, earlof Cassilis, K.T. as marquis
of the Isle of A ilsa, county Ayr; John
earl of Breadalbane as earl of Ormelie
and marquis of Breadalbane; Robert
carl Grosvenoras marquis of Westmins-
ter ; lord George A. H. Cavendish as
baron Cavendish, of Keighley, county-
York, and earl of Burlington; Robert
Dundas vise. Duncan as earl of Camper-
down, of Lundie, county Forfar, and
Gleneagles, county Perth ; Thomas Wil-
liam vise Anson, as earl of Lichfield,
county Stafford.
To be an earl of Ireland — Thos. vise.
Northland, as earl of Ranfurly, of Dun-
gannon, county Tyrone.
To be barons of the united kingdom
— Thomas marquis of Headfort, as baron
Kenlis, of Kenlis, or Kells, co. Meath ;
John Chambre earl of Meath, K.P. as
baron Chaworth, of Eton-hall, co. Here-
ford ; George earl of Dunmore, as baron
Dunmore, in the Forest of A thole, co.
Perth ; gen. George James earl Ludlow,
G.C.B. as baron Ludlow ; Robert Mont-
gomerie lord Belhaven and Stenton, as
baron Hamilton, of Wishaw, ca Lanark ;
gen. John Francis lord Howden, G.C.B.
as baron Howden, of Howden and Grim-
ston, county York; the hon. William
Maule, as baron Panmure, of Brechin
and Navar, county Forfar ; the hon.
George Cadogan, as haron Oakley, of
Caversham, county Oxford ; sir George
Warwick Bamfylde, hart, as haron Pol-
timore, of Poltimore, county Devon ; sir
Rob. Lawley, hart, as l)aron*Wenlock, of
Wenlock, county Salop ; sir Ed,w. Pryce
Lloyd, hart, as baron Mostyn, of Mostyn,
CO. Flint; Wm. Fitzhardinge Berkeley,
esq. as baron Segrave, of Berkeley Cas-
tle, county Gloucester ; lieut-col. Arthur
Chichester, as baron Templemore, of
Te m pie more, county Donegall ; William
Lewis Hughes?, esq. as baron Dinorben,
of Kenmell-park, county Denbigh.
12. To l)e barons of the united king
Ferguson, gen. sir H. Warde,adm. sir T^
Williams, adm. sir Wra.Hargood, lieut-
gen. sir W. Lumley, lieut-gen. sir J.
Willough by Gordon, bart. and rear-ad m.
sir T. M. Haidy, bart, to be knights,
grand crosses of the order of the Bath.
Lieut-gen. Sam. V. Hinde, major-gen.
John W. Guise, major-gen. Jas. Bathurst,
major-gen. James S. Barns, rear-adm. sir
R. Laurie, bart. miyor-gen. J. Macdo«
nald, major-gen. Alex. Woodford, major-
gen. Frederick C. Ponsonby, rear-adm.
George Scott, rear-adm. Thomas Dun*
das, rear-adm. sir Graham Eden Ha-
mond, bart., major-gens, sir John Bu*
chan, sir Hugh Gouch, Chas. Ashworth,
Chas. Bruce, John F. Fitzgerald, John
Ross, Dugald L. Gilmour, War. Macbean,
and sir George Elder, to be knights com-
manders of the order of the Bath. —
Marquis of Queensberry to be a lord of
the bedchamber.
13. Knighted— Lieut-col. Fred.Smlth,
commanding engineer of the London
district, K.H. ; lieut-col. Alex. Ander-
son, C.B., K.T.S. ; Thomas Brancker,
esq. mayor of Liveq^ool ; Rob. Gill, esq.
lieut. of the yeomen of the guard ; Henry
Cipriani, esq. senior exon of the same ;
Henry Hinrich, esq. lieut. of the gen-
tlemen pensioners; Richard Burton, esq.
senior member of the band of gentle-
men pensioners ; major-gen. Amos God-
sill R. Norcott, C.B , K.CH. ; major
Francis Bond Head, of Sutton, county
Surry ; Neil Douglas, es'q. col. in the
army, lieut-col. of 79th foot, aide-de-
camp to his majesty, C.B., K.CH. ; Wil-
liam Howe Mulcaster, esq. post-captain
R.N., C.B. K.T.S., and K.CH.
15. To be baronets — Lieut-gen. John
Slade, lieut-gen. sir William Anson, of
Birch-hall, county Lancaster, K.CB.,
lieut-gen. Kenneth Mackenzie of Glen-
bervie, county Kincardine ; vice-adm.
sir Robert Waller Otway, of Brighthelm-
stone, county Sussex, K.CB. ; major-
gen, sir Arch. Campbell, G.C.B. and
lieut-governor of New Brunswick ; Au-
gustus John Foster, of Stone-house,
Louth, esq. his majesty's minister to Sar-
dinia ; sir James M'Gregor, of Campden-
hill, Middlesex, M-D. director-gen. of
the army medical department ; Robert
*-. x« .^ « . ~. -..- ^« „...js- Way Harty, of Prospect-house, Roebuck,
dom— Valentine Browne, lord Cloncurry, county Dublin, esq. lord mayor of Dub-
as baron Cloncurry,of Cloncurry, county lin; col. John Thomas Jones, of Cran*
Kildare; adm. sir James Saumarez, vice- mer-hall, Norfolk; Robert Greenhill
^dm* of Great Britain, bart» and G.CB, HusselU of Chec(|uer8«coaTty Bucks, esi^ .
214 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
PROMOTIONS.
WilllBiH Chaytor, of Croft, county York, John Michell, E. C. Whinyfttes ; maWin
and Witton-castlc, Durham, esq.; Wm. sir J. S. Lillie, kt., T. A. Pkirke, R.M.y
Wrixon Becher, of fiallygiblin, county and H. R. Gore.
Cork, esq. ; Joseph Birch, of the Ilazlcs, The following officers in the aenrice of
county Lancaster, esq. ; Robert Camp- the East India Company, to be knights
bell, of Carrick Buoy, county Donegal I, commanders of the Bath — Major-g«iit.
esq.; Wilfrid Lawson, of Brayton-housis Alex. Knox, John W. Adams, Henry
rounty Cumberland, esq. ; John Nugent Worsley, Ilopctoun S. Scott, Rob. Scot,
Humble, of Cloncoskoran, county Water* and Andrew M*Dowall«
lord, esq. ; James Martin Lloyd, of
Lancing, county Sussex, esq. ; James
Gibson Craigi of Riccaiton, county Mid-
Lothian, esq. ; Joseph Barrington, of
Limerick, esq. ; Theodore Henry La-
The following officers in the tame aer-
vice to bt companions of the Bath —
Cols. John Rose, Gervase Penbington»
James D. Greenhill, John DoTeton, P,
H. Pierce, Robert Pitman, Haitinga M.
vington Broadhead, of Burton, or Monk Kelly, John Mayne, W. C. Faitbfbl ;
Brctton, county York, esq. ; John Col* Lieut-cols. Francis W. Wilson, Alex*
man Rashleigh, of Prideaux, co. Com- Lindsay, Henry T. Roberts, Jamea Caul-
wall, esq. ; J. Campbell, of Balcar- field, Richard Tlcknell, Charles Flttgt-
dine, county Argyle, esq. ; Percy Fitz* raid, Sam. Hughes, Robert Smith ; ma*
gerald Nugent, of Donore, county West- jors Alex. Manson, J. N. Jackioii, and
meath, esq. ; John James Garbett WaU
sham, of Knill-court, county Hereford,
esq. Wm. Heygate, of Southend, Essex,
esq. alderman of London ; Thoe. M' Ken-
ny, esq. alderman of Dublin; Henry
Meux, of Theobalds- park, Herts, esq. ;
Charles Mansfield Clarke, of Dunham-
lodge, Norfolk, M.D. physician in ordi-
nary to his mf\jo8ty.
16. Knighted, by patent, George Ma-
grath, M.D. surgeon R.N.
21. Knighted — Col. Michael Mac-
Creagh, K.C.H.; col. Robert Diok, aide-
de camp to his majesty, C.B., K.M.T. ;
and John Soane, of Lincoln's-Inn-Fields,
esq. architect.
26. To be companions of the Bath —
Captains, Richard Curry, the hon. Fred.
P. Irby, Dan. Woodriff, Jas. Sanders, the
hon. George Elliot, Hugh PIgot, S.P.
Humphreys, John Tower, William Hen-
nah, William P. Cumby, the hon. Joce-
line Percy, And. King; Cols. Richard
Payne, Charles Nicol, Henry King, Fre-
derick Rennell Thackeray, J. B. Savage,
J. F. Birch, Henry Phillott, Robert
M'Cleverty, W. H. Knight Ersltine, the
hon. Lincoln Stanhope, John Grey, sir
Henry Watson, knt., Chas. Ashe A'Court,
C. W. Pasley, .John Gillies, H. C. E.
Vernon Graham, sir R. J. Harvey, Rob.
Waller, Alex. Thomson, John Duffy,
Jacob Tonson, William Alex. Gordon,
lord George W. Russell, Jamen Fergus-
son, Andrew Creagh, Robert Pym, Arch.
Campbell ; lieut-cols. Richard Gubbins,
T. H. Blair, Rol>ert Lisle, Wm.G. Power,
Wm. Balvaiid, John Macdonald, Edw.
Fanshawe, Wm. Caixlon Seton, Elias
Arch. Irvine.
28. Knighted— Col. Richard Arm-
strong, lieu t- col. of 26th foot, C.B. and
K.T.S., major-gen. Geo. Pownall Adama,
K.CH.
Members RETuaxED to PAHUiUieim
Armagh. — Sir J. W. Head Brydgea*
CmtHorthen* — John Jonety aaq.
DtMin* — Fred. Shaw, esqi^ lord vkc
Ingestrie.
Derbjf (County), — Lord Cavendish.
Meath^-^H^nvy G rattan, esq.
Ro9s. — Wm. Wigram, eaq.
SutAerloHduhire. — Roderick M'Leody
esq.
ff^alling/ord.—ThovMS Chaa. Lwgb»
esq.
Ecclesiastical PasrERMCiiTe.
Right rev. Dr. R. J. Carr, hiahop •€
Worcester.
Rev. Dr. E. Maltby, biahop of Chi-
chester.
Rev. Dr. Ponsonby, bishop of D^rry.
Rev. Dr. J. Torrens, bishop of Kill**
loe.
Rev. R. Maude, archdeacoii» of DbUUb*
Rev. Dr. E. Goodenough, dean of
Wells.
Bishop of Lichfield, prebendary of
Westminster.
OCTOBER.
Gazctte PROifonoNt.
6. Lord Lilford to be a lord of his ma«
jesty'a bedchamber, vice the earl ofWal-
Lawrence, Wm. C E. HoUoway, R. Eng., degrave, resigned.
C. S. Campbell, George Turner, T. A. 7. To be extra knights of St. Patrick
Braadreth^ Patrick Campbell, Jas. Bogle, —Arthur marquis of Dowosldre, UHck«
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE. 214
PROMOTIONS.
John marquis of Ctanricarde, Francis
William earl of Charlemonf, and Fronclft
James earl of LandafT.
12. Knighted— Chas. Bell, esq. F.R.S.,
K.H.; John Fred. Wm. Herschel, of
Slough, Bucks, esq. M.A., F.R.S. and
K.H. ; Nicholas Harris Nicolas, e^. of
the Inner Temple, barrister-at^-law^ K.H.
George Head, esq. deputy knight-mar-
shall of his majesty's household.
16. Knighted— >John Hollams, esq.
mayor of Deal; Colonel Arch. Mac-
laine, C.B., K.C.S.
MbMBEBS RBTURNCD to PAtttlAMeKT*
Dorsetshire. — Lord Ashley. ^
Drogheda — T. Wallace, esq.
Flint. — H. Glynne, esq.
Forfarshire, — Hon. D. Ogilvic.
Higham Ferrers. ^Hon. J. Brabazon.
Louth (cottnty). — Sir P. Bellew, bart.
Malton. — Cha. Chr. Pepys, esq.
Pembrokeshire, — Sir J. OMren.
Poole, — Sir J. Byng, bart.
Weaford( County ),-^R, S. Car6w,esq.
EccteSIASnCAL PACFBRMBflTS*
R. Whately, D.D. archbishop of Dub«
lin.
Hon. and right rev. £. Knox, bishop
of Killaloe.
Naylor, deceased. — Wm. Woods, esq. to
be Clarenceux king of arms, and princi-
pal herald of the south-east and west
parts of England. — George Harrison
Rogers Harrison/ to be bluemantle pur-
suivant of arms.
21. James Hudson, esq. to ba resident
gentleman tisher to her majesty.
- MuMBBM nm/miiD vo PinuAstsirr.
Cambridge (Cknmty),'^1i, C. Town-
ley, esq*
Liverpool,'^lavd vise* Sandon*
Ihvistock, — Ltcut-col. F. Russell.
CiTit PtLtrttoivun.
dir John Key, to be the second time
lord mayor of London) having been three
times elected by the liverymen.
Clinton James Fynes Clinton^ esq« to
be recorder of Newark.
Henrv Cockbumi esq. soticitor-geni
U>r Scotland 9 to be lord rector of GUi^ow
univernty.
DECEMBER.
Gizcrrc PitoMOtioNs.
2. New bankruptcy coart--Tbe iion.
Thomas Erskine to be chief judges serj*
Pell, serj. Crossi and George Rose, esq*
Hon. and rev. R. Plunket, dean of to be the other judges j C. F# Williams^
I>own. J. H. Merivale, Joshua Evans, J. 8. M«
Rev. T. Gaisford, dean of Christ Ch. Fonblauque, R. G. CecUFane«and Edw.
Oxford. Holro^d, esqrs. barriscers-at-lair, to be
Rev. Sam. Smith, P.D. prebendary of commissioners.
Durham. 7. Knighted-^ Ralph Big^nd, eeq«
Rev. Sydney Smith, prebendary of St< Garter principal king of iirim ; Albert
Paul's. Pelly esq., John CrosSf esq., and Geoiige
Rose, esq. Judges in bankruptcy*
NOVEMBER. The ri^t hon. Thomas Erskine to be
^ „ ^ of hie majesty's privy coanelL
Gazette PaoMorioff s. ^^ yV^atef Aston Blount, esq. to be
2. Sir Alexander DulT Gordon, bart. geneakigist of the orderof the Bath, and
to be gentleman usher daily waiter assist- BUnc coursier heratd<
ant to the king. 26, George J. Bell, esq. advoealey to
To form a Central Board of Health — be one of the sis ordioery derke nf ses'*
the hon. Edw. R. Stewart, cliairmao;
sir Wm. Pym^ K.C.H., lieat*col. John
Marshall,Dr. Russell, Dr. Barry, K.T.S.,
major R. Macdonald, and Wm. Maclean,
secretary.
1.5. Ralph Bigland^ esq. to be Garter
principal king of armsi vice sir George
sion in Scotland.
Crvri. PiienBiiiiiiirre.
Rev. E. Cardwelt, to be prindiNi} o(
St. Alban HaU, Oxfonl.
Rev. J. Keeble» prrofeeeor of poetry in
the university of Otford»
216 ANNUAL R EGI ST ER, 1831.
DEATHS.
1830-
Sept. 2, At his son's house, in St.
James's-atreet, Bath, after long and pa-
tiently-endtired suffering, from consump-
tion, aged fifty-three, Mr. N. T. Car-
rington, author of " Dartmoor,*' " The
Banks of Tamar," " My Native Village,"
and other poems. He was born at Ply-
mouth in the year 1777* His parents
were engaged in a retail grocery busi-
ness, and, at one period of their liveF,
were possessed of considerable property.
His father was also employed, in some
capacity, in the Plymouth Arsenal.
When he had attained his fifteenth year,
his father proposed to apprentice him to
Mr; Foot, then first assistant in the Ply-
mouth Dock Yard. ** A handsome sum
of money," says Mr. Carrington, " was
to have been paid down as the price of
my admission into the Yard as Mr. Foot's
apprentice. In consequence, however,
of some diflerence, I was finally bound
apprentice to Mr. Thos. Fox, a measurer.
i was totally unfit, however, for the pro-
fession. Mild and meek by nature, fond
of literary pursuits, and inordinately
attached to reading, it is strange, that a
mechanical profession should have been
chosen for me. It was principally, how-
ever, my own fault. My father was
attached to the Dock Yard, and wished
to see me in it; and as the popular pre-
PROMOTIONS.
knowing whithtr to turn his steps, 1ie«
in a moment of bitter desperation, caused
by the injustice with which he thought
his parents had treated him, entered
himself as a seaman on board a ship-of-
war, and served in the action which took
place off Cape Finisterre, Feb. 14, 1797*
His first verses on record were written ia
commemoration of this event ; they at-
tracted the notice of his captain, who,
perceiving that he deserved a better
situation, and that some very untoward
circumstances must ha¥e occurred to in-
duce him to seek this line of life, gave
him his liberty, and sent him home to
his native town. He then commenced
the business of a public teacher at Ply-
mouth Dock (now Devouport), and
speedily attracted considerable attention
by his acuteness in his modes of instruc-
tion, lie subsequently went to Maid-
stone, in Kent, where be opened a school.
He remained in that town about three
years ; and it has been observed, that, in
after life, he frequently dwelt with great
delight on his recollections of the scenery
around it. At the solicitations of a cir-
cle of friends at Plymouth Dock, who
wished him to undertake the education
of their sons, he returned in 1808 to
that town, after a residence in Maid-
stone of about two years ; and the aca-
demy which he then established he con-
tinued to conduct till within six months
of his death. During nearly the whole
of the above-named period, Mr. Carring-
ton was employed in his laborious duties
as a public teacher, from seven in the
morning in summer till half 'past seven
judice in those days among the boys of in the evening; in the. winter his labours
the town was in favour of the business of commenced at nine in the morning and
a shipwright, I was carried away by the continued till eight at night. It Mras
Prevailing mania, and was accordingly after this hour that he found his only
ound apprentice. This, however, had opportunities for cultivating the taste for
scarcely been done, when I repented ;
and too late found that I had embraced
a calling foreign to my inclinations.
Dissatisfaction followed, and the noise
and bustle of a dock yard were but ill
suited to a mind predisposed to reflec-
tion and the quietest and most gentle
pursuits. The ruffianism of too many
of the apprentices, and, indeed, of
too many of the men, sickened me."
This occupation in Plymouth Dock Yard
grew every day more irksome to him,
and, after remaining there about four
years, he resolved on ** running away,"
having in vain endeavoured to prevail
on his parents to place him in a situation
more consonant with his favourite pur-
suits. On leaving the Dock Yard, not
literature with which he had been gifted
by nature. Although passionately fond
of composition, he never suffered it to
interfere in the slightest way with the
more important duties of his station.
The first edition of the '' Banks of Ta-
mar" appeared in 1820. He had, pre-
viously to the printing of that work, pub-
lished many little fugitive poems of great
beauty. He next published ^'Dartmoor^
a descriptive poem,'* the first edition of
which appeared in 1826. This poem
was written for the purpose of being sub-
mitted, for the premium offered about
two years before, for the best poem on
that subject, by the Royal Society of
Literature. By some accident, the pre-
mium was awarded three or four month*
APPENDIX TO chronicle;
217
DEATHS^
before Mr. Carrington wasaware that the
time of presentation had arrived. It is
needless to say, that his poem was not
forwarded to the society: the author threw
it by, without entertaining the slightest
i ntention of ever publishing an effusion on
what he imagined the bulk of the read-
ing public would think a most unprO'
mising subject. By some chance, how-
ever, the poem came under the notice
of W, Burt, esq., secretary of the Ply-
mouth Chamber of Commerce, who per-
suaded Mr. Cafrington to publish it ; and
it accordinglyappeared, with explanatory
notes by that gentleman. " Dartmoor*'
met with far greater success than the
author had ever dared to anticipate. It
was received with much delight by the
public, and a second edition was called
for not more than two months after the
appearance of the first.
Two or three years before the pub-
lication of " Dartmoor," the town
of Devonport was seized with a mania
for subscription schools ; by the esta-
blishment of the first of these aca-
demies Mr. Carrington's prosperity,
in common with that of several other
public teachers residing in the town,
was materially injured. He still, how-
ever, struggled on, though the circum-
stance of his having a large family de-
pendent on his exertions rendered the
decrease of income, caused by the sub-
scription schools, to be very severely
felt by him. Towards the close of 1827
he was attacked by incipient consump-
tion, and in a few months it was appa-
rent that the disease would inevitably
be fatal. He still, however^ attended
unceasingly to his school, and although
reduced to a mere skeleton, and weak
as an infant, he continued to discharge
his scholastic duties till March 1830 — a
period of nearly three years — when he
became so completely worn out by the
inroads of the deadly complaint with
which he was afHicted, that he was
obliged to cease from all further efforts. It
was during his illness, and in a most en-
feebled state of body, that Mr. Carring-
ton wrote and prepared for the press his
last publication — " My Native Village,
and other Poems." From his grace the
duke of Bedford, lord John Russell,
lord Clifford, sir T. D. Acland,and other
noblemen and gentlemen, Mr. Carring^
ton received much kindness and atten-
tion ; and his late majesty George IV. was
a liberal patron of the poet. In July 1830,
Mr. Carrington removed with his family
to Bath, in order to reside with bis sod.
-Dec. 1830.
the then proprietor of the Bath Chro-
nicle. By this time he was in the most
advanced stage of consumption ; he daily
grew weaker and weaker, and on the
evening of the 2nd of September he ex-
pired, apparently of mere weakness and
exhaustion. As he always expressed
the utmost horror of being buried in
any of the " great charnel houses of
Bath'' (as he used to term the burial
grounds of that populous city), he was
interred at Combbay, a lonely and beau-
tiful little village about four« miles from
Bath.
Dec, 17* Simon Bolivar expired at
San Pedro, near Santa Martha, on Fri-
day, the 17th of December. His
excellency met the announcement of
his fate with calmness and resignation
— received the sacrament, and con-
formed to all the rites prescribed by bis
religion, and on the 11th of December
performed the last act of his public life,
by dictating and signing an address to
the Colombian nation. He shortly af-
terwards became delirious, in which
state, with occasional lucid intervals, he
remained until one o'clock on the 17th,
when he expired without a groan. All
his expressions evinced the utmost
anxiety for his country, and his horror of
anarchy ; and his most frequent excla-
mation was, ** Union ! union ! or the
hydra of discord will destroy as." On
examination after death, the lungs were
found to be slightly diseased, but the liver
and other organs were not affected. The
age of the Liberator was forty-seven years,
four months, twenty-three days. He
was born in the city of Caraccas, July 25,
1783 ; and his parentage was noble, both
his parents having been ** Mantuanas,''
which in the Caraccas is the distinctive
title of rich families of birth. At the age
of fourteen, he was sent to Spain ; but
although he devoted some time to juris-
prudence, he paid more attention to the
world than to study. From Spain he
travelled into France, and resisted few
of the temptations which surround a
rich young man in the circles of Paris.
" I have remarked," says general Hol-
stein, his biographer, ** that whenever
iic spoke to me of the Palais Royal, he
could not restrain himself from extolling
its delights." In the year 1802 he re-
turned to Madrid, and married the
daughter of Don Bernardo del Toro,
uncle of the present marquis of that
name. Bolivar was then but nineteen
years of age, the lady but sixteen. In
1809 they returned to the Caraccas, and
218 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS.— Jaw.
lived retired on their estate*. The lady bury. She ma the eldest daughter of
died shortly after, without leaving any Noel first and late lord Berwick ; was
offspring. General Bolivar, in his ex- married April 10th, 1703, and has left
terior, had nothing which would be no- two sons and four daughters,
ticed as imposing. He was live feet four 2. At Northampton, aged 66, the
inches in height ; his visage long ; his rev. Benjamin Lloyd Edwards, upwards
cheeks hollow ; his complexion a livid of 45 years Minister of the Independent
brown. His eyes were of a middle size. Congregation assembling at King's Head
and sunk deep in his head, which was Lane Chapel in that town,
covered thinly with hair ; and his whole — At Bonn, aged 53, M. Nlebubr,
body was thin and meagre. He had the the eminent Roman historian. He was
appearance of a man Pixty-five yearn* a son of Carsten Nlebuhr, the oriental
old, In walking, his arms were in per- traveller, an excellentbiography of whom
petual motion. he prefixed to the first volume of his his-
24. In Devonshire-place, aged 72, the torical and philological works. The first
rev. William Holwell Carr, U.D. F.K.S.
vicar of Menhenniot, Cornwall. This
gentleman's paternal name was Holwell.
He was of Exeter College, Oxford, M. A.
1784, B.D. 1790, and was presented to
the vicarage of Menhenniot, one of the
most valuable benefices in Cornwall, by
the dean and chapter of Exeter. Mr.
Carr was for many years one of the most
distinguished patrons, as well as an ex-
quisite connoisseur, of the fine arts, and
portion of his history of Rome was pub*
lished at Berlin in 1812. The work was
intended to be continued to the point
where (>ibbon commences. In 1816 M.
Niebuhr, then a professor at Berlin, was
appointed by the king of Prussia, his
minister at Rome. It appears that this
legation was created less from political
motives than from personal patronage
towards M. Niebuhr. His Prussian
majesty was anxious to place the his^
was a director of the British Institution, torian where he could enjov advantages
His own pictures consisted priori pally of and facilities in pursuing his inquiries
productions of the Italian school ; one of which he could not have had ii^ny other
which is Leonardo da Vinci's Christ dis- manner. However, he conduded a sort
Sating with the Doctors, bought of lord of Concordat with the Holy See in the
orthwick, in 1824, it is said for 2,600/. yeJir 1821. On his return^ the profifis*
This valuable collection Mr. Carr has sorship of history was founded rarhim
bequeathed to the nation — on this stipu- in the university of Berlin ; and be was
lation, however, that a gallery should be attached as a supernumerary, under the
provided where they may be properly name of a Free Associate, to the Unfveiv
seen and justly appreciated. sity of Bonn. He was also adorned with
several orders and decorations, and eoa-
183]. tinned a counsellor of state until his
death. The widow of M. Niebuhr did
JANUARY. not survive him many days.
— Lieut.-general sir Gabriel Mar-
1. At Calais, in bis 92nd year, the tindell, K.C.B., commanding the garri-
hon. Philip Roper, uncle to lord Teyn* son at Buxar, in the East Indies,
ham. 4. At Clifton, aged 90, lieutenant-
— At St Leonard'b, near Hastings, general, Richard Bright, late of the
by a fall from his horse, in returning Royal Marines, and many vears Com*
from hunting, aged 17, George James, mandant of the Plymouth Division,
only son of Thomas Wood, esq. of the — At Thirkelby, near Thirsk, aged
Regent's Park, and grandson of James 80, sir Thomas Frankland, the sixth
Burton, esq. of St. Leonard's. baronet of that place, M.A. F.R.S.
— Aged 69, Mr. Charles Heath, F.L.S. and F.H.S.
printer, Monmouth, where he twice 6. At Aberdeen, aged 86, Deacon
served the oflice^of mayor. He was the Alexander W^stson, tailor ; the author
author of a '* Descriptive Account of
Piercefield and Chepstow,*' 1793; a
"History of Monmouth," 1804; and
** Accounts of Tintern Abbey, and Rag.
land Castle," 1806.
2. In Grosvenor-sq., the most hon.
HenriettaoMaria xnarcblonese of Ailes*
of that popular national song, « The
Kail Brose of Auld Scotland ; '* and
other similar efiTusions.
— Aged 71, lieut-general Robert
Lethbridge, brother to the late Chancel-
lor Lethbridge, esq. ofLaunoeston.
0f At Goodwoodi aged 0| Irad^ Saith
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
216
DEATHS.— Jan.
Lennox, 2nd daughter of tbc duke of 1760, was a daughter of iPrederick the
Richmond and Lennox, K.O. fifth, king of Denmark, and Louisa of
7. At the Castle Priory, Wallingford, Great Britain, the fifth daughter and
aged 66, James Biackstone, esq. D.C.L. youngest child of king George the second.
Principal of New Inn Hall, and Deputy She was married Aug. 30, 1766, to the
Steward of the University of Oxford.
He was a son of the celebrated Judge,
and graduated B.C.L., 1787. D.C.L. 1792.
In 1793 he was appointed Vinerian Pro-
fessor of Common Law; and in 1803
Principal of New Inn Hall. Dr. Black-
stone resigned the Professorship in 1824.
— Henry Hatsell esq. of Spring Gar-
den Terrace, London, aged 41.
8. At Swinnerton-hall, aged 59, Mary,
daughter of the hon. James Dormer,
younger son of John, 7th lord Dormer.
— On his estate, near Theodosia, in
the Crimea, aged 67, Semen Bronevsky,
author of a '* Geographical and Histo-
rical account of the Caucasus," two vols.
1823.
9. In Stratford-place, aged 60, the
right hon. Charlotte Fitzgerald de Roos.
baroness de Roos. Her ladyship was the
only surviving child and heiress of capt.
the hon. Robert Boyle Walsingham (fifth
and youngest son of Henry 1st earl of
Shannon), by Charlotte, daughter of sir
Charles Hanbury Williams, K.B. She
was married Aug. 4, 1791, to lord Henry
Fitzgerald, uncle to the present duke of
Leinster. The ancient barony of de Roos
had been in abeyance for 1 1 9 years, when
it was allowed to this lady in 1 806. Hav-
ing petitioned the king to terminate the
abeyance in her favour, the petition was,
on the report of the attorney general,
referred to the House of Lords; who, on
the 7th of May, 1806, reported that the
barony was then in abeyance between 1 .
sir Henry Hunloke, bart. (heir general
of Bridget Manners, eldest daughter and
coheir of George 7th earl of Rutland) J
2. George earl of Essex (as son and heir
of Frances, elder daughter and coheir of
sir C. H. Williams) ; and 3. the petitioner.
Two days after the date of this report,
the king was pleased to terminate the
abeyance in her ladyship's favour.
10. At the Palace, Cork, aged 55, the
hon. and right rev. Thomas St. Law-
rence, D.D. lord bishop of Cork and
Ross ; uncle to the earl of Howth and
the viscountess Dungarvoo, and father-
in-law to the bishop of Elphin*
12. Aged 81, her rOyal highness
Louisa landgravine of Schleswig and
Holstein : aunt and mother-in-law to
the king of Denmark, ahd first cousin to
his late majesty George the third, king
of Great Britain* She was born Jan. 30,
landgrave Charles of Hesse Cassel,
field marshal in the Danish army, and
goveraor of the duchies of Schleswig
and Holstein ; by whom she had issue :
1. Maria-Sophia- Frederica, born in 1767
and married in 1790 to Frederick the
sixth, king of Denmark : 2. Prince
Frederick, general of infantry in the
Danish service, and governor of Rends-
borg; 3. Julia-Louisa- Amelia, abbess
of Itzehoe ; and 4. Louisa -Caroline, mar-
ried in 1810 to Frederick duke of Hol-
stein.Beck.
— Aged 80, George Whitelocke,
esq. of Melbury - terrace, Dorset-sq.
He was son of major John Carleton
Whitelocke, of Prioi-s Wood, near Dub-
lin, and grandson of Carleton Whitelocke,
esq.of London and Surrey, couusellor-at-
law, thesixthson of sir Bui strode White-
locke, of Fawley-court,co. Bucks, keeper
of the great seal of England, and by the
protector styled lord Whitelocke.
14. In Portland-place, aged 30, sir
Charles Joshua Smith, the second ba-
ronet, of Suttons in Essex.
— At Edinburgh, aged 85, Henry
Mackenzie, esq. author of" The Man of
Feeling. '' He was the son of Dr. Joshua
Mackenzie ; and after receiving a liberal
education, devoted himself to the law,
and in 1766 became an attorney in the
Court of Exchequer at Edinburgh. Ul-
timately his practice in that eourt pro-
duced him about 800/. a year ; he became
comptroller-general of taxes for Scotland
with a salary of 600/. a year, and alto-
gether his annual income was upwards
of 2,000/. He married in 1767 Miss
Pennel Grant, daughter of sir James
Grant, of Grant, by whom he had a fan^-
ily of eleven children. When very young
Mr. Mackenzie was the author of numer-
ous little pieces in verse ; and, though
of a kind and gentle temper, the credit
which he ei^joyed for wit induced him
occasionally to attempt the satiric strain.
He next aspired to the sentimental and
pathetic novel; and in 1768 or 1769, in
his hours of relaxation from professional
employment, he wrote, what has gene-
rally been considered his masterpiece,
" The Man of Feeling.'* At first the
booksellers declined its publication, but
difficulties were at length surmounted —
the book appeared anonymouslv— -and the
warmest enthusiasm was excited in \X%
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
220
DEATHS.— JiN,
iavour. Mr. Eccles, a young Irish clergy- of which Mr. Mackenzie was the editor*
man, was desirous of appropriating tlie
fame to himself. He accordingly was
at the pains of transcribing the entire
work, and of marking the manuscript
with erasures and interlineations, to give
it the air of that copy in which the au-
tiior had wrought the last polish on his
piece before sending it to the. press. Of
course this gross attempt at deception
was not long successful. *• The Man
of Feeling" was published in 1771 i
and its success induced the author, iu
the same or following year, to publish
a poem entitled ** The Pursuit of Hap-
piness." Mr. Mackenzie's next pro-
duction was ** The Man of the World ;"
sort of second part of *' The Man
a
of Feeling, but, like most second parts,
inferior to its predecessor. ^* Julia dc
Roubigne," a novel, in the epistolary
form, was the last work of this class from
were published in weekly numbers, at the
price of three-pence per folio sheet. The
sale never reached beyond three or four
hundred in single papers, but the succes-
sion of the numbers were no soonerclosed,
than the whole, with the names of the
respective authors, were republished id
three duodecimo volumes. The writers
sold the copy-right, out of the produce
of which they presented a donation of lOOi,
to the Orphan Hospital, and purchased
a hogshead of claret for the use of the
Club. To the " Mirror " succeeded the
'' Lounger," a periodical of a similar cha-
racter, and equally successful* Mr.
Mackenzie was the chief and most valu-
able contributor to each of these works.
On the institution of the Royal Society
of Edinburgh, Mr. Mackenzie became
one of its members ; and amongst the
papers with which he enriched the vo-
the pen of Mr. Mackenzie. In 1773 Mr. liinies of its transactions, are an ele^^t
Mackenzie produced a tragedy under the
title of " The Prince of Tunis," which
was performed with applause forsix nights
at tbe Edinburgh Theatre. His next
dramatic piece was ''The Shipwreck, or
Fatal Curiosity.'' This was an alteration
end amplification of Lillo's tragedy of
'* Fatal Curiosity," suggested by a perusal
of Mr. Harris's Philological Essays, then
recently published. Mr. Colman had
about the same time taken a fancy to alter
tribute to the memory of his friend
Judge Abercrombie, and a memoir cAi
German Tragedy. For this memoir he
had procured the materials through the
medium of a French work ; but desiring
afterwards to enjoy the native beauties of
German poetry, he took lessons in Ger-
man from Dr. Okely, who was at that
time studying medicine in Edinburgh.
The fruits of his attention to German
literature appeared further in the year
Lillo's play. His production was brought 1791, in a small volume of translations
out at tlie Haymarket, in 1782; and
Mr. Mackenzie's at Covent Garden, in
1783 or 1784. The '» Force of Fashion,"
a comedy, by Mr. Mackenzie, was acted
one niglit at Covent Garden Theatre, in
1789 ; but, from its failure it was never
printed. The ** White Hypocrite,'* ano-
ther unsuccessful comedy by Mr.Mackcn-
zie, was produced at Covent Garden in the
season of 1788-9. Some years afterwards
he and a few of his friends, mostly law-
yers, who used to meet occasionally at a
tavern kept by M. Bayll, a Frenchman,
of two or three dramatic pieces. In 1793
Mr. Mackenzie edited a quarto volume
of '< Poems by the late rev. Dr. Thomas
Black! ock, together with an Essay on
the Education of the Blind," &c. In
political literature he was the author of
a review of the proceedings of the parli-
ament which met first in the year 1784,
and of a series of letters under the sig-
nature of Bnitus. In all those exertions
which, during the war of the French re-
volution, were found necessary to sup-
port the government and preserve tne
projected the publication of a scries of peace of the country, no person was
papers on morals, manners, taste, and more honourably or more usefully zeal-
literature, similar to those of the <' Spec- ous. Mr. Mackenzie was remarkably
tator.*' The society, originally designat- fond of rural diversions, of fowling, hunt-
ed the Tabernacle, but afterwards the ing, and fishing. In private life hie
Mirror Club, consisted of Mr. Mackenzie, conversation was ever the charm and the
Mr. Craig, Mr. Cullen, Mr. Bannatyne, pride of society.
Mr. Macleod, Mr. Abercrombie, Mr. So-
licitor-general Blair, Mr. George Home,
and Mr. George Ogilvie ; several of whom
afterwards became judges in the su-
preme courts of Scotland. Their scheme
was speedily carried into effect; and the
papers, under the title of the ** Mirror,"
— Capt. Bridges, of Chessington,
near Kingston. He joined the hunt at
Riddlesdown, on a sudden pulled up his
horse, and expired on his arrival at a
public-house near at hand. He was the
individual who performed a feat many
years ago of riding full ^op down tba
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
221
DEATHS.— Jan.
Devil's Dyke, near Brighton, for a bet Whitchurch. In June, 1795, he was
of 500/.
15. At Upton Hall, near Northamp-
ton, Thomas Samwell Watson Samwell,
esq. for upwards of forty years one of his
majesty's acting justices of the peace for
transferred from the Admiralty Board to
that of the Treasury, where he sat until,
having succeeded his father in the peer-
age, June 13, 1800, he was in 'July
that year, appointed a lord of the bed.
the county, a deputy-lieut., and ver- chamber. He resigned that post in
durer of Whittlebury forest.
1 7. John Bristow, esq. of Beddington.
When following Mr. Jolliffe^s hounds, he
was observed to drop forward, and ulti-
mately fell from the saddle quite dead.
— ' At Foxcote, Francis Canning, esq.
the head of the family from which sprung
1812. His lordship was twice married :
firstly. April 12, 1790, to the hon. So-
phia Southwell, third daughter of Ed-
ward lord de Clifford, and by that lady
had two daughters — the hon. Sophia
Mary Townshend, and the hon. Mary
Elizabeth, married in 1825 to George
lord Garvagh, and the late Mr. Canning. James Cholmondcley, of Boxley House,
— At Malta, the right hon. Elizabeth
Jemima, countess dowager of Errol, wife
of the right hon. John Hookham Frere,
of Roydon, Norfolk ; she was the second
daughter of Joseph Blake, esq. grand-
father of the present lord Wallscourt, by
Honoria, daughter of DermotDaly, esq. ;
was first married Jan. 25, 1790, to George
16th earl of Errol, who died without
issue June 14, 1798; and secondly to
Mr. Frere, Sept. 12, 1816.
in Kent, esq. These ladies are presump-
tive coheiresses to the barony of de Clif-
ford. Having lost his first lady Nov. 9,
1795, lord Sydney married, secondly.
May 27, 1802, lady Caroline Clements,
third daughter of Robert, first earl of
Leitrim, who died Aug. 9, 1805, in giv-
ing birth to her first child, the right
hon. John Robert, now third viscount
Sydney.
23. Drowned in the Serpentine river.
17. In Berkeley-square, Ellen, wife of aged 53, the right hon. Horace William
Thomas Legh, esq. M.P. of Lyme Hall,
Cheshire — late Miss Turner, for the ab-
duction of whom the Wakefields were
tried and imprisoned.
19. At Edinburgh, Nath. Gow, the
well-known Scotish violinist and com-
poser of many popular airs.
Pitt, third baron Rivers, of Sudeley Cas-
tle, in Gloucestershire. He was the
only son of Peter Beckford, of Stapleton,
in Dorsetshire, esq. by the hon. Louisa
Pitt, second daughter of the first lord
Rivers. As Mr. Horace Beckford, he
was for many years a distinguished mem-
— At Malableshwar Hills, his excel- her of the hauf ion; and it was only
lency lieut-gen. sir Thomas Sydney after his succeeding to the title on the
Beckwith, knt. K.C.B., K.T.S., com-
mander of the forces at the presidency
of Bombay.
20. At his seat, Frognal, Kent, aged
66, the right hon. John Thomas Towns-
hend, second viscount Sydney of St.
Leonard's in Gloucestershire, and baron
Sydney of Chislehurst, in Kent, ranger
of St. James's and Hyde Parks, high
steward of Yarmouth, M.A. and F.S.A.,
brother-in-law to the earl of Chatham,
K.G., the earl cf Leitrim, lord de Clif-
ford, and lord Dyne vor, and uncle to the
duke of Buccleugh and Queensberry,
K.G., and viscountess Stopford. His
lordship, born Feb. 21, 1764, was the
eldest son of Thomas, first viscount Syd-
ney, secretary of state, by Elizabeth,
eldest daughter and coheiress of Richard
Powys of Hintlesham in Suffolk, esq. He
was of Clare Hall, Cambridge, where the
degree of M.A. was conferred on him in
death of his maternal uncle, July 20,
1828, that he took the name of Pitt
24. At Pembroke, in her 80th year,
Corbetta, widow of Joseph Lord, esq.,
daughter of the late gen. John Owen, of
Orielton, and mother of sir John Owen,
hart. M.P. and lord lieutenant of the
county of Pembroke.
26. At his house in Portland-place,
aged 85, Richard Paul Jodrell, esq.
D.C.L., F.R.S. and S.A. deputy lieute-
nant and justice of the peace for the
counties of Oxford, Derby, Norfolk, and
Middlesex ; father of sir Richard Paul
Jodrell, hart. Mr. Jodrell was born
Nov. 13, 1745. He was educated at
Eton, and at Hertford College, Oxford ;
and his attachment to his classical stu-
dies was evinced by his compositions in
the " Musae Etonenses," and by subse-
quent more laborious publications. To
the supplementary notes of Potter's i£8<
1784. In 1789 he was appointed one of chylus, printed in 1778, he was a contri-
the lords commissioners of the Admi- butor; in 1781 he published, in two
ralty; and, at the general elections in vols. 8vo, *' Illustiations of Euripides, on
1790 and 1796, he was returned for the Ion and Bacchse;" and in 1790,
222 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATIfS.--JAN.
anoUier volume — "On the Alcestis." those of Krilov and KbemnltMr. hla
** A Widow and no Widow, a dramatic fables and tales acquired for liinif Qot
piece in three acts," by him, was acted unUcHervedly, a considerable degree of
at tlie Haymarket in 177i)i and printed reputation, and have passed throiigh
in 1780, 8vo. At the same theatre, in
1783, was performed with success Iiis
** Seeing is Believing," in one act,
printed in 1786. 11 is tragedy, called
'* The Persian Heroine,'' having been
rejected by the managers of the two
great theares, was printed in I7ti(', 8vo.
and 4to. In the following year he pub-
lished "Select Dramatic Pieces i some
of which have been acted on provincial
theatres, others have been written for
private performance and country amuse-
ment;" and consisting of, " Who's
Afraid 7 a farce ;" '* the Boarding School
Miss, a comedy;" ''One and Ail, a
farce;'' <<the Disguise, a cumedy ;" at the dissolution in 1807. lie wM • fev
"theMusioo,afarce ;" and "theBulse, years after elected for Hytbe, whioh
several editions.
30. In Burton-crescent, aged 96, Mir
John Perring, bart.> aldermai) of Lon-
don, a commissioner for istuing Ezcho-
qner bills, and F.S.A* Sir John wpie the
eldest son of Philip Perring^ of M^IVi-
bland, co. Devon, esq. by hie wifo Su-
sanna, daughter and eventually bfirn*
of Richard Legatsicki eeq. fie vnm
elected alderman for Broad^etrMi Wwd
in 1798 1 served the office of sborfiflif
London in 1800, and wai elfoted lord
mayor in 1803. At the general eloctiop
in 1806 he was returned to Parliarpeqt
for Romney ; and, having lost his teat
a dramatic piece." He also published, in
4to.l785, '* the Knight and Friars," an
historic tale, from Iley wood's riAUKitov;
the work of three mornings in the
Christmas holidays.
place he represented in tliree parliv
ments until 1830. He was raised to t^e
dignity of a baronet by patent dated
Oct. 3, 1808. Sir John was for many
years an eminent merchant and bankar
In 1784 Mr. Jodrell became a member in the city of London. Shortly after the
of a club founded at the Essex Head,
for the purpose of cheering the declining
days of Dr. Johnson, and, it is believed
that he and the late Mr. Chamberlain
Clark, who died a few days before him,
were the last survivors of that celebrated
literary fraternity. Mr. Jodrell was
elected a fellow of the Royal Society in
1772, and of the Societv of Antiquaries
in 1784. He was created D.C.L. at Ox-
ford, July 4, 1793. At the general elec-
tion 1790, Mr. Jodrell was returned one
of the barons in parliament for Seaford ;
panic in 1835, the bankiag houM!, In
which he was a partner, suspended itp
payments ; and the demands of the ere-
oitors could not be satisfied witbout t||f
sacrifice of sir John's estates.
— At Canterbury, aged 76, John
Baker, esq., for many years one of the
representatives of that city in P^riia^
ment. This gentleman w^^ a native of
Canterbury; his father, George Bato,
esq. who was a respectable practitioner
of medicine and surgery there, left bim
a considerable fortune ; which he hin-
but by the decision of a committee, he self increased by marriage with Janfii
was declared not duly elected on the 10th eldest daughter of the rev. JamM 'J^%tr
of March, 1792. However, when Mr. tersall, rector of St. Paul'p, Covent-
Sargcnt was made clerk of the ordnance, garden. Mr. Baker resided for a OQR^
in Jan. 1794, he was re-elected for the
same place ; but after the dissolution
in 1796 he did not again sit in the House.
With advancing years, the mind of Mr.
Jodrell had become obscured, and from
siderable time at Hawkhurst-lodge, In
the Weald of Kent, a house built qy bia
uncle, John Baker, esq., who wai Xpt
ceiver-general for the county. WhiUt
resident there, he became one of tba
the year 1822 he gradually sunk into greatest hop-planters in that distriet |
such absolute incapacity, that it became he removed to St. Stephen's, near Can**
necessary to make him the subject of a terbury, on establishing the Union Bank
commission of lunacy. there. In 1796 Mr. Baker became %
— At St. Petersburg, baron Delvig, candidate to represent his native city in
editor of the ' Sffiverpie Tzvaeti,' or parliament. He started on what wM
Northern Flowers, by far the best of the called the independent intereit» togetjifp
Russian Annuals; and also of a pcriodi- with John Sawbridge, esq., son of the
cal entitled the *' Literary Gazette." alderman of that name. On this occa*
38. At St. Petersburg, aged 50, Alex- sion Mr. Baker stood at the head of tll«
ander Ephiniovitch Izmallov, editor of poll ; but the election was declared voidi
the journal entitled the ** Biagonama:- on the ground of treating. At the
renie." Although by no means equal to election which took place «oon AfUri
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
823
DEATHS.— Fbb.
they again hftd a majority of votei, but late Charles Towneley, esq. directed the
another coipmittee of the House de- attention of Mr. Christie to the use and
dared sir John Honywood and Mr, (?ipp8
to be the sitting members. Jn laOS
Mr. Baker once more became ^ candi-
date, ^nd was returned in conjunction
with the late hon. George Watson^ unple
to the present lord Sondes, without op«>
position. He was again returaed at the
general elections of 1806, 1807, and
1812, and retired at that of 1818, In
politics he was a Whig.
31. At Hincl^ley, Hobart Chessher,
esq. who, fpr upwards pf forty years,
distinguished himself in every branch
of the medical profession, but particu-
larly in the suqcessfiil treatpnent of de«
formities of the human frame. The
great number of wealthy patients com-
niitted to his care contributed greatly to
the welfare of the town and neighbour-
hood.
— At Hough, Cheshire, aged 85,
the rev. Robert Hill, rector of Great
Bolas, Salop, and perpetui^l curate of
Talk-o'-th' Hill, Statfbrdshire, for many
years a magistrate for Cheshire, uncle
to general lord Hill, and younger bro-
ther to the celebrated rev. Rowland Hill.
— At Berkhampstead Castle, Herts,
aged 53, the hon. Charlotte Grimston,
sister to the earl of Verulam. This lady
was the compiler of some family history,
a few years ago privately printed in litho-
graphy.
— At Greenwich, Charles Derrick,
esq. for many years secretary to the
committee of Stores, at the Navy-of)ice.
He was the author of ^* Memoirs of the
rise and progress of the Royal Navy,"
published in 4to, 1816, some collections
in continuation of which he communis
cated to the Gentleman's Magaisine in
182fif and 1829.
FEBRUARY.
2. In King-street) St. James's-squi^re,
after a long illness, aged 58, James
Christie, esq. Mr. Christie was the
mefining of those painted vasea usually
termed Etruscan ; and in 1806 hepub-r
lished a volume, entitled ^* A Disquisi*
tion upon Etruscan vases.*' A limited
number of copies having been printed,
the work soon became searce, and in
1825, Mr. Christie published a new and
enlarged edition, adding an appendix, in
which some most ingenious reasoning is
employed to refer the shape and calour
of Greek vas#s to the water lily of Egypt,
and a elatsifioation ip givtn formed upon
this basts. The description of the Isanti
vase, in the posaession ef the duke of
Bedford, was written by Mr« Christie,
and is printed in the volume whieh iU
lustrates his grace's coUeotioa of mar?
blest The catalogue of Mr. Hope's
vases is also from the same hand. A
third publication from the pen of Mr.
Christie is t^n Essay on the earliest spe«
oies of idolatry, the worship of the ele-
ments ; the purport of which is* to shew
for what purpose the elements were re-
ferred to by e^rly nations ; what was
understood of the Deity by their means,
and by what misconstruction they bcoame
objeots of worship. It is not surprising
that such a man raised his business of an
auctioneer to the dignity of a profession.
In pictures, in sculpture, in yertti, his
taste was undisputed, and his judgment
deferred to. Mr. Christie wata memh^r
of the Dilettante Society. He was for
some years one of the registn^rs of the
Literary-fund ; and was also a member
of the Antiquarian Society of Newcastle.
3. At Skreens, near Chelmsford, Tho*
mas Gardiner Bramsten, esq. late M.P.
for Essex. He was the eldest son of T.
Berney Bramston, esq. who sat in par-
liament for thM county from 1778 to
1802.
— At Hudsutt, Christiana Phillppa
Maria, youngest sister to lord Rolle.
— At Bath, aged 84, the rev. William
Trail, LL.D., chancellor of the cathe-
dral of Connor, F.R.S. Ed. and M.R.I.A.
eldest son of an eminent auctioneer of He was a son of the right rev« James
that name. He was educated at Eton, Trail, bishop of Dqwn and Connor from
and was originally intended for the 1765 to 1783. He was for some time
church. His first production in 1802, professor of mathematics at Glasgow,
was an Essay on the ancient Greek Game, having succeeded Robert Simpson, M^D.
supposed to have been invented by Pala- the editor of Euclid, whose life he pub^
medes antecedent to the siege of Troy, lished in 4to. 1812. Dr. Tn^il was ftlso
It was an attempt to prove that the game editor of the ** Porisms of Pappus,'' and
of Palamedes was known to the Chinese, other mathematical works. He mi^rried
and was progressively improved by them at Edinburgh, April 29, 1799, l^dy Fran-
into the Chinese, Indian, Persian, and ces Charteris, aunt to the presepl^rl of
European chess. An intimacy with the Wemyss imd March.
224 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS.— Feb.
3. In Duchess-street, Thomas Hope, whilst the more mature talents of Flax-
esq. The Hopes of Amsterdam, whose
names have been proverbial for wealth,
and for their extensive collections of
works of art, arc a younger bnincli of
the family seated at Crai<;-hall in Fifc-
sbire, which enjoys a baronetcy of
Nova Scotia. The gentleman now
deceased was one of three brothers, one
of whom still resides at Amsterdam.
Early in life, Mr. Thomas Hope tra-
velled over various parts of Europe,
Asia, and Africa; and having with a
refined taste, acquired a facility of draw-
ing, brought home a large collection of
sketches, principally of architecture and
sculpture. Soon after his return, and
settlement in London, he published '' A
Letter, addressed to F. Annesley,esq. on
a series of designs for Downing College,
Cambridge,'' in which, founding his
judgment on what he had seen and ex-
amined during his travels, he criticised
with great severity the desijfns of Mr.
Wyatt. Having purchased a large house
in Duchess-street, Mr. Hope devoted
much time and study in finishing and
fitting up the interior from his own draw-
ings, and partly in imitation of the best
specimens, both ancient and modern, in
Italy. A description of this House will
be found in the first volume of ** The
Public Buildings of London,'' by Britton
and Pugin, accompanied by two plates
representing the Flemish Picture-gal-
lery, which was an addition made in
1820. A view of the old picture-gallery,
together with a catalogue of the pictures,
was published in Westmacott*s ** Ac-
count of the British Galleries of Paint-
ing and Sculpture.'' Mr. Hope's coun-
try mansion was at Deepdenc, near Dork-
ing, and thither he had removed a large
number of his pictures, sculpture, and
books, having built for their reception a
new library, a gallery, and an amphi-
theatre, to arrange and display antiques.
In 1805 Mr. Hope published the draw-
ings which he had made for his furni-
ture, &c. in a folio volume, entitled
'* Household Furniture and Decora-
tions.'' Notwithstanding the ridicule
attempted to be cast on this work in the
Edinburgh Review, it led the way to a
complete revolution in the upholstery
and interior decoration of houses. Mr.
Hope was, in all respects, a munificent
patron of art. Tliorwaldsen, the Danish
sculptor, was chiefly indebted to him for
the early support and patronage which
he experienced. The genius of young
Chan trey was called into action by him.
man were honourably employed. In one
case, his patronage was returned by an
act of the basest ingratitude. Some dis-
pute having arisen between Mr. Hope
and a Frenchman of thenameof Dubo8t«
respecting the price and execution of a
painting, the artist vented his spleen by
the exhibition of an infamous caricature
— a picture which he entitled ** Beauty
and the Beast;" Mrs. Hope being drawn
in the former character, and her hus*
Imnd in the latter, laying his treasures
at her feet, and addressing her in the
language of the French tale. This pic*
ture was publicly exhibited, and attract-
ed such crowds of loungers and scandal-
lovers to view it, that from 20/. to 30/.
a day was taken at the doors. It was at
length cut to pieces in the room, by Mr.
Beresford, the brother of Mrs. Hope.
Dubost, upon this, brought an action
against that gentleman, laying his da^
mages at 1,000/.; but the jury gave
him only 5/. as the worth of the canvas
and colours. In 1809 Mr, Hope pub-
lished " The Costume of the Ancients,"
in two volumes, royal 8vo. ; in fixing the
price of which, in order to promote its
more extensive circulation he at once
sacrificed 1,000/. of the cost. The fi-
gures, which were chiefly selected from
fictile vases (many of them in Mr.
Hope's own collection), are engraved in
outline, and the greater part of them by
that eminent master in that style, Mr.
H. Moses. Three years afterwards Mr.
Hope published his " Designs of Mo-
dern Costumes,'' in folio. Mr. Hope's
'* Anastasius ; or Memoirs of a Moacm
Creek," a romance in three volumes,
evinced at once the general knowledge,
the fancy, and powers of the author.
Besides these works, Mr. Hope contri-
buted several papers to different peri-
odical publications; and at the time of
his decease was engaged in passinj^
through the press a volume " On the
Origin and Prospects of Man." He
left a large collection of drawings and
engravings, illustrative of buildings and
scenery in Greece, Turkey, Italy, France,
Germany, &c. and several plates of his
antique sculpture and vases. Mr. Hope
married, April 16, 1806, the hon. Louisa
Beresford, fifteenth and youngest child
of the right rev. lord Decies, lord Arch-
bishop of Tuam, and sister to the present
lord Decies. They had three sons, the
eldest of whom, Mr. Henry Hope, was
a groom of the Bed-chamber to king
George the Fourth, and still holds that
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
225
DEATHS.— Feb.
office to his present majesty. Mr9.Hope, considerable talent for music. Ho re-
also, is woman of the Bedchamber to ceived lessons on the violin from Ant.
her majesty ; there is a charming por- Stamitz, and at the age of 13 played in
trait of this lady by sir Thomas Law- public, at the Concert Spiiituel, a con-
rence. ftJr. Hope's will has been proved
by his brother, P. H. Hope, esq. and
Jeremiah Harman, esq. to each of whom
is left a legacy of 1000/. The collection
of Italian pictures, articles of vertu, and
the furniture, together with the house
in Manstield-street, are left to the eldest
son, who is likewise residuary legatee.
To his widow is left one thousand pounds
in money, to be paid immediately, an
certo of his master's composition, with
great success. At nineteen years of age
be had already composed two grand op-
eras, which were performed before the
whole court. When that gay circle was
violently broken up, he travelled in
Germany, Holland, and Italy, and es-
tablished his fame as one of the first vio*>
linists in Europe. At the invitation of
Napoleon, he subsequently returned to
annuity of one thousand pounds a year^ France, where he received the appoint-
in addition to-tbe lady's marriage settle- ments of first violin to the Emperor, as
ment of three thousand a year; and du-
ring her life the mansion and furniture
at Deepdene. Large legacies are left
to his other children and many of his
friends are also remembered in his will,
especially the rev. William Harness, son
of his friend Dr. Harness, to whom he
has left 5001, Probate was granted for
180,000/. personal property. The gal-
lery in Duchess-street, appended to Mr
well in the chapel as for private ^music,
chef-d' orchestre at the opera, and pro-
fessor of the violin at the Conservatoire.
Napoleon often conversed with him in a
familiar manner, and conferred on him
the gold cross (officer) of the Legion of
Honour. Kreutzer continued director
of the Academic Royale in Paris, and
principal violin professor at the Conser-
vatoire, until deprived of the use of his
Hope's house,in which his Italian pictures arm by an accident in 1817* Most of
are deposited, was built by his brother,
Mr. P. H. Hope, and the splendid as-
semblage of pictures by the Dutch and
Flemish masters, which are mingled
with the Italian school, are the property
of Mr. P. H. Hope, by whom they were
collected.
4. At Woolwich Common, aged 60,
lady Robe, widow of col. sir William
Robe, K.C.H., K.C.B., and K.T.S.
— At Badminton, aged 22, lady Isa-
bella Ann wife of Thomas H. Kingscote
esq. and sixth daughter of the duke of
Beaufort.
5, At Louth , aged 76, Adam Eve, esq.
the young violin professors of eminence
in France are, therefore, his pupils, and
take great credit In calling themselves
such. As a composer, Kreutzer also
greatly distinguished himself. Besides
an immense number of violin concertos,
quartets, duets, and a set of excellent
studies familiar to all performers on that
instrument throughout Europe, he wrote
several operas, among which are l^est
known Lodoiska, Paul et Vixginie, La
Mort d'Abel, and Arisippe.
6. Drowned in the river Chagres, in
the isthmus of Darien, aged 3o, com-
mander Henry Foster, of H.M.S. Chan-
About thirty years ago he established a ticleer, F.R.S. Capt. Foster was one of
carpet manufactory at Louth, the first in the companions of sir Edward Parry in
the county, and by unremitting attention his voyi^es to the Arctic regions, and
brought it to such perfection, that his was commissioned in 1828 to make a voy-
goods were held in the highest estimation age of scientific discovery in the Chanti-
not only in this kingdom, but in America, cleer. His life was lost from the sail by
where, for several years, he had an ex- which he was holding over the side of a
tensive contract. canoe, accidentally giving way ; he fell
— At Durham, aged 61 , Arthur Ayl- overboard, and the rapidity of the stream
mer, esq. of Walworth Castle, a lieut.- immediately carried htm beyond the
general in the army, for many years an reach of assistance. His body,^ having
acting magistrate for the county of Dur- been found by the Indians, was interred
ham and North Riding of Yorkshire, and at Chagres where the following inscri^
chairman of the quarter sessions of the tion has been placed on a brass plate m
county Palatine. Fort St Lorenzo; " This tablet is erected
6. At Geneva, aged 63, Rodolph by the late senior lieutenant aitd officers
Kreujtzer, the celebrated violin player, of H.B.M* sloop Chanticleer, to perpetu-
He was born at Versailles in 1767> the ate the memory of their late commander,
son of a musician in the band of the king Henry Fosterr F.R.S., who was drowned
of France ; and very early in life evinced in the river Chagres on the 6tb ol Feb.
Vol. LXXIII. Q
226 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS.— Feb.
1831, while measuring the difference of tlie Bounty. When the mutiny occurred.
lonnfitude between Panama and Chagres.
This talented and distinguiRhed officer
was employed in nautical and astronomi-
cal science, having nearly completed his
mission of three years' duration. He
fell at his post, — ripe in honours, but
young in years, ^tat. 36."
6. At Southampton, aged 72, Katha-
line, relict of admiral sir Richard Grin-
dall, K.CB. who died in 1819.
— At the residence of lady Murray,
Andover, Fanny Caroline, wife of capt.
Sidney Widdrington, 53rd regiment, and
daughter of the late Thomas Strickland,
esq. of Kendal.
— At Hastings, in his2l8tyear, the
hon. Frederick William Robinson, only
surviving son of lord Grantham.
7. At Edinburgh, the rev. Andrew
Thomson, D.D. minister of St. George's
Church, and long an ornament of the
Kirk of Scotland. He was returning
home from a meetingof Presbytery, and
having met a friend at the west end of
Prince's-street, he was giving him an
account of the proceedings which had
taken place. This gentleman walked
along with him to his own door, where,
stopping for a moment, as if he wished
to say something more, he muttered some
words indistinctly, and instantly fell
down on the pavement. He was carried
into his own house in a state of insensi-
bility, and on opening a vein only a few
ounces of blood flowed, and he expired.
A subscription has been made for the
benefit of his family, amounting to about
8,000/. It is stated that his majesty,
upon the representation of lord Brough-
am, ordered a pension of 150/. a-year
for life, to be granted to Mrs. Thomson,
the widow.
9. At Eastnor Castle, aged 70, the
right hon. Margaret countess of Somers.
10. In Brompton-square, aged 20,
Helen Elizabeth, eldest daughter of W^.
Harvey, esq., and grand-daughter of the
late adm. sir H. Harvey, K.B.
— In Cumberland terrace, Regent's-
park, after a severe and protracted ill-
ness, aged .57, captain Peter Heywood,
R. N. Captain Heywood was a son of
Peter John Heywood, esq., a Deemster
of the Isle of Man, and Seneschal to his
grace the duke of Atholl. His grand-
Mr. Heywood, who had not then oom«
pleted his J 6th year, was one of the tiro
midshipmen who remained with Chris-
tian. Lieut. Bligh and his compuiioiis
were turned adrifl in the launch on the
28th of April. The mutineers then pro-
ceeded with the ship to the Islana of
Toobouai, where for some montht they
maintained themselves with difficulty
against the resistance of the natives.
Many of those who had pot been active
in the mutiny, then showed themselves
reluctant to end their days in this miser-
able exile ; and on the 11th of Sept It
was decided on a show of hands, sixteen
against nine, that the former number
should be landed at Otaheite, there to
await the English vessel which it was
certain would be sent after them, and
that the Bounty should then be relin-
quished to Mr. Christian and his adher*
ents. At the head of the former party
was Mr. Heywood ; and after this ar-
rangement had been put into execution,
the sixteen remained for six monthi in
peace with the hospitable natives of
Otaheite. On the 23rd of March. 1791,
the Pandora arrived in Matavia Bay In
search of the Bounty ; and scarcely had
she anchored when Messrs. Heywood
and Stewart (the other midsbipman de-
tained by Christian) paddled off in a
canoe and made themselves known to
her commander, the late adm. Edward
Edwards. They were instantly ordered
to be put in h-ons, and their subsequent
treatment was attended with such se*
verity as shewed that lieut. Bligh, In
reporting the loss of his ship, had oiade
no discrimination between the innocent
and the guilty. All the survivors of
the crew of the Bounty (except two,
who had gone to reside in the penin-
sula of Teiarraboo) were secured In a
small prison, only fourteen feet in length
which was built on the quarter-declc of
the Pandora. They had already passed
four months in this condition, wlien, on
the 28th of August, the Pandon was
wrecked on the reef between New Hol-
land and New Guinea ; and midsbipman
Stewart and three others of the prisoners
were drowned in their irons I The re-
maining eight having, almost at the last
minute, obtained the keys of their shac-
father Thomas Heywood, esq. was Chief kles, reached the shore (in safety, — Mr.
Justice of the Isle of Man, and his aunt
was the wife of admiral sir Thomas Pas-
ley. He was born on June 6, 1773, and
entered the navy as a midshipman Oct.
1 1, 1786. His first voyage was on board
Heywood floated by the assistance of a
plank, until he was picked up by a boat
On mustering the survivors, it was found
that thirty-nine men including four of the
prisoners, had met with a watery grave.
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
227
DEATHS.— Feb.
Their sufferings and privations were not, Mr. Heywood did bis duty on the quarter-
however, yet concluded ; the prisoners
were kept at a distance from the tents
formed for the crew, without the least co-
vering to protect their naked bodies from
the scorching rays of a vertical sun by
day, and the chilling effect of heavy dews
by night. Their food was confined to two
ounces of bread, and one gill of wine or
water a day ; and this was endured for
three days on the sand bank, and sixteen
in an open boat at sea, until they arrived
at Copang on the 16th of September.
From thence they were conveyed to Ba-
tavia, and forwarded to the Cape of Good
Hope, in Dutch vessels ; and the Gor-
gon brought them home to Spithead
June 19. 1792. To these bodily suffer-
ings, the mental anxieties of a public
trial, affecting both his honour and his
life, were now to succeed. The inves-
tigation took place in September, 1 792.
In a plain and unvarnished statement,
he declared that he was entirely ignorant
deck as an aid-de-champ to sir A. S.
Douglas ; and after the return of the
victorious fleet to Spithead, he was se-
lected to be one of the two midshipmen
appointed to attend the side whenever
the king visited the Queen Charlotte.
In March 1795, Mr. Heywood was ap-
pointed lieutenant in the Incendiary
fireship, and in the following month to
la Nymphe of forty guns, captain George
Murray, which on the 23rd of June wa^
present at the capture of three French
line-of-battle ships, by lord Brid port's
fleet near TOiient In Jan. 1796, lieut.
Heywood was appointed to the Fox, of
thirty-two guns, in which he served on
the North Sea station until the ensuing
summer, when she sailed for India, as
convoy to the outward-bound trade. On
her arrival at the Cape of Good Hope,
he became the senior lieutenant. In
August 1800 he was promoted to the
command of the Vulcan bomb, which he
of the mutiny before the morning on joined at Amboyna. He subsequently
which it took place; that from all he commanded the Trincomalee of eighteen
could gather from those of the officers guns. Trident sixty-four. Leopard fifty,
with whom he had the opportunity of and Dedaigneuse frigate. His post com-
speaking, it was the general opinion that mission was confirmed by the admiralty
certain destruction awaited those who April 5, 1803, and he remained on the
were dismissed in the launch with lient. East-India station chiefly employed on
Bligh ; and that self-preservation was confidential detached services, until Jan.
the sole motive that induced him to re- 1805, when he resigned his ship, and
solve to remain in the ship; to which al-
ternative he was finally forced by an or-
der of Christian to keep Messrs. Hey-
wood and Stewart below, which was done
until the launch was far astern. As he
stood neuter, the court did not hesitate
to pronounce Mr, Heywood guilty, but
with the strongest recommendations to
the mercy of the Crown. On the 27th
of October, 1792, Mr. Heywood received
the king's free and unconditional pardon.
Lord Hood who had presided at his trial,
earnestly recommended him to embark
again as a midshipman without delay, and
offered to take him under his own patron-
age, in the Victory. This, however, was
returned home. In Oct. 1806, rear-
admiral George Murray selected capt*
Heywood for his flag-captain in the Poly-
phemus sixty- four; which was employed
in the unsuccessful expedition for the
recovery of Buenos Ayres, and of which
he retained the command to May 1808.
He subsequently acted as captain of the
Donegal, during the absence of her
proper commander sir Pulteney Malcolm,
and on the 18th of March, 1809, re-
ceived the thanks of the admiralty for
his gallantry in the attack on three
French frigates, which were destroyed
in the Sable d'Olonne. In May 1809
he was appointed to the Nereus, a new
declined by his uncle, Commodore Pas- thirty-six gun frigate, in which he served
ley, whose ship the Bellerophon, he for sonie time on the Channel and Medi-
joined on the 17th of May, 1793; and terranean stations. He returned to Eng-
who soon after placed him in the Niger land with the remains of vioe-adm. lord
frigate, capt. the hon. A. Legge, with Collingwood, in April 1810. He was
whom he served as master's mate until afterwards employed for three years <m
the 23rd, Sept. following, when he joined the coast of South America, with the
the Queen Charlotte, the flag-ship of exception of a short visit home iA Jan.
earl Howe's fleet. In that ship Mr. 1812, and received the thanks of several
Heywood served as signal midshipman
and master's mate, under his lordship's
own eye. In the actions with the French
fleet of May 28 and 29, and June 1, 1794,
mercantile bodies for the protection he
had afforded to their commercial Inter-'
ests. Having been appointed to the
Montagu seventy-four, h« took hit intt*
Q2
228
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS.— Feb.
departure in the summer of 1813, and
after refitting at Portsmouth, was cm-
ployed for some months on the North
Sea station. In 1815 captain Hey wood
joined lord Ex mouth's fleet in the Medi-
terranean ; and he afterguards continued
the senior officer at Gibraltar, until
ordered to accompany his lordship on
liis first mission to the Barbary States, in
Feb. 1816.
12. At Maugersbury-park, Glouces-
tershire, aged 64, Edward John Cham-
berlayne, esq. deputy lieut. and justice
of the peace for the counties of Oxford,
Worcester, and Gloucester.
13. At his residence in Bath, aged
62, rear-admiral sir Edward Berry, hart.
K.C.B. This distinguished officer had
been several years sulering under severe
illness and extreme debility, the efl'ect
of paralysis, which rendered him totally
incapable of taking upon himself the
active duties of his profession. He was
the only officer in his majesty's navy
who had the honour of three medals,
having commanded a line-of-battle ship
in the battles of the Nile, Trafalgar,
and St. Domingo.
] 4. At St. James's-palace, aged 87,
Mrs. Ann Boscaweu, who was for above
fifty-four years in the family of queen
Charlotte. She was the eldest daughter
of general the hon. George Boscawcn,
by Anne, daughter of John Morley
Trevor, of Trevallyn, co. Denbigh, esq.
14. At Drylawhill, East Lothian, aged
73, Robert Brown, esq., an excellent
writer on agriculture, and a contempo-^
rary and intimate acquaintance of the
late George Renuie, esq. of Pbantassie.
He was born in the village of East Lin-
ton, where he entered into business: but
his natural genius soon led him to agri-
cultural pursuits, which he followed with
singular success. He commenced his
agricultural career at Westfortune, and
soon afterwards removed to Markle.
His " View of the Agriculture of the
West Riding of Yorkshire," 8vo. 1799;
his ** Treatise on Rural Affiiirs,'' 2 vols.
8vo. 1811, and his articles in the '*• Edin-
burgh Farmer's Magazine" (of which he
was conductor during fifteen years) evin-
ced the soundness of his practical know-
ledge.
15. At Gloucester, aged 71, David
Walker, esq. forupwardsof thirty years
proprietor of the *^ Gloucester Journal.^'
— At Lambeth, Henry Maudslay,
esq. engineer.
16. In Francis-street, Bedford-square,
aged 63, William Tucker, esq.
16. In Harley-street, aged 77» lady
Earle^ widow of sir James Eiarley of
Hanover-square, knt. F. R.S. surgeoa
extraordinary to king George HI* Her
ladyship was one of the daughters of
the late Pcrcival Pott, surgeon; tnd
sister of the ven. archd. Pott.
— At Christ Church, Oxford, aged
18, lord Conyers Osborne, younger son
of the duke of I^eds. His death was
occasioned in wrestling, by extravanon
of blood on the spinal marrow. A Co^
roner's inquest returned a verdict of
death by chance medley.
17* At his house in Brighton, aged
68, William Jones, esq. of Islington, and
of the firm of W. and S. Jones, opticians^
Hoi born.
18. At Cricket St. Thomas, aged 85,
the right hon. Maiy Sophia Dowager
viscountess Bridport.
20. At Cocgrove, Northamptonshire!
aged 67, Millecent, widow of the revi
Joseph Thomas, of Epsom, and only
surviving child of the late rev. John
Parkhui-st, author of the Greek and
Hebrew Lexicons. Mrs. Thomas was
learned in the Hebrew and Greek lan-
guages, and, since her father's death,
when a new edition of either Lexicon
i^-as printed, she corrected the press*
She assisted her ftiend Miss Starke in
translating Madame de Genlis's Theatre
of Education, in 3 vols. 12mo. 1783-6,
21. At Bristol, aged 68, the rer.
Robert Hull, M.A. pastor of the Baptist
church, Broadmead, in thatdty, one of
the most eminent ministers of that eoai«
munion. He was son of the rev. Robert
Hall, minister of the Particular Baptists
at Arnsby in Leicestershire, some notices
of whom will be found in Nichols's
history of that county, vol. iv. pp« IS,
417. For his education he was .first
placed under the care of the rev. Dr.
Ryland, at Northampton, and then sent
to the Baptist academy at Bristol, whence
he proceeded in 1781 to the King^
college at Aberdeen. After four years
residence there, he returned to tiie aca-
demy at Bristol to become assistant t6
Dr. Caleb Evans, in which situation he
continued until 1791, when he succeeded
the rev. Robert Robertson, asmiidsterat
Cambridge. Whilst there resident he
became known to, and admired by, tomt
of the most distinguished scholars of tha
age. Dr. Parr said of htm, " Mr. HaU
has, like bishop Taylor, the Sequence
of an orator, the fancy of a poet, die
acuteness of a sclioolman, Uie pro-
foundness of a philosopher, and tha
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE,
DEATHS.— FsB.
?2^
piety of a saint." ^ It was said that he
was offered ordination by bishop Bar-
rington. From Cambridge about 1804
be removed to Leicester, where he was
pastor of the meeting in Harvey-lane
until invited to succeed Dr. Ryland at
Bristol in 1826. Mr. Hall's publica-
tions appeared under the following
titles : ** Christianity consistent with the
love of Freedom, being an answer to a
sermon by the rev. John Clayton," 1791,
Richard Duppa, esq. high sheriff of
CO Radnor.
25. At his house in the RoyaUcres?
cent, Bath, aged 75, sir John Palmer
Acland, of Fairfield, co. Somerset, and
Newhouse, eo. Devon, hart.
26. At Dorking, aged 82, John Sim?,
M.D.y F.R.S., and F.L.S. He was the
editor of Curtis's Botanical Magazine,"
from the 14th to the 42nd volume, and
contributed several professional papers
8vo. — " Apology for the Freedom of to the <^ Medical Facts," and ^* Medical
the Press, and for general Liberty, with and Physical Journal.'*
remarks on bishop Horsley's sermon
preached 13th Jan. 1793," 8vo.— •" Mo-
dern Infidelity considered with respect
to its influence on society ; a sermon
preached at Cambridge, 1800," Bvo.—
** Reflections on War, a sermon, on June
1, 1802, being the day of thanksgiving
for a General Peace."— " The Senti-
ments proper to the present crisis, a
Fast sermon at Bristol, Oct. 19, 1803."
— ** The effects of Civilization on the
people in European States, 1806." —
** The advantage of Knowledge to the
Lower Classes, a sermon at Ijeicester,
1810." — " The discouragements and
supports of the Christian minister, an
ordination sermon, 1812." — " The cha-
racter of the late rev. Thomas Robin-
son, vicar of St. Mary's, Leicester."
1813. — " Address to the Public on an
important subject connected with the
renewal of the charter of the East India
Company." 1813. —" An Address to
the rev. Eustace Carey, Jan. 19, 1814,
on his designation as a Christian Mis-
sionary to India," — ** On Terms of Com-
munion ; with a particular view to the
case of the Baptists and the Psedo-Bap-
tists." 1815.—** The essential differ-
ence between Christian Baptism and the
Baptism of John, more fully stated and
confirmed." — ** A Sermon occasioned by
the death of the princess Charlotte of
Wales, preached at Leicester, 1817." —
" A Sermon on the death of Dr. Ryland,
1826." Mr. Hall was for some time one
of the conductors of the ** Eclectic.Re •
view." The name of Mr. Hall stood
prominent as one of the first pulpit
orators of the day ; his oratory was not
loud, forcible, and overpowering, but
was soft, mellifluous, rich, deep and
fluent, and was imbued with an earnest-
ness and fervency which impressed his
audience with the sincerity of his belief.
22. In Bru ton-street, aged 82, Martha,
widow of sir Claude Scott, bart.
25, At Cheney Longueville, Salop,
— At Fulham, aged 86, John Bell ,
esq. formerly of the Strand, bookseller.
He was one of the original proprietors
of the Morning Post ; and projector of
that well-established Sunday newspaper,
'* BelPs Weekly Messenger." Another
of his successful projects was the elegant
monthly -publication, " La Belle As-
sembl^e.
27. Aged 24, Annette, youngest
daughter of the late hon. Robert Molesr
worth, of Beaulieu, cou Louth, Ireland,
and niece to the late viscounts Ranelagh
and Molesworth.
Lately. At Lisban, near Kirkcubbin,
Mr. Bernard Darian, aged 100. From
five years of age he er^joyed uninterrupt-
ed good health until two days previous
to his death.
At Bellevne, near Dublin, Elizabeth^
widow of lieu t.- col. Hugh Henry*
At Dublin, in her 20th year, lady
Jane Anne Louisa Florence Cole, only
daughter of the eaii of Enniskillen, and
niece to the marquis of Anglesea.
At Limerick, Alfred Wilson, Trevel-
yan, esq. late of the 32nd reg. fourth
and jTOungest son of sir John TrevelyaOf
bart., of Nettlecombe-court, Somerset,
and Wallington, Northumberland, by
Maria, daughter of sir Thomas Spencer
Wilson, bart.
— At Bishopston, co. Glamoi^^n,
aged 75, the rev. Edward Davies, chan-
cellor of Brecon, rector of Bishopston
and Llanwair Orlledyn, and perpetual
curate of Llanbedr Pninscastle ; author
of '* Celtic Researches," &c. Mr. Da-
vies was born in Radnorshire, of humble
parentage ; and entered the churdi with
very m^erate expectations. In 1788 he
published a small volume of juvenile ver-
ses under the title of Vacunalia; and
about 1796, anonymously in two vols, a *
little tale called Eliza Powell, or Trials
of Sensibility. In 1801 be was resident
as curate at Olveston near Thornbury in
Oloucestershirei when bU essays on Celtic
230 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS.
anttquUied fiitt attracted the notice of
tie late Mr. Justice Hardinge : and to
warmly did Mr. Hardinge exert himielf
in bis favour, that he not only procured
for him a numerous list of subscribers to
his works, but the more lasting advan-
taijrc of preferment in the church. His
projected vrork, at length appeared in
1804, under the title of " Celtic Re-
searches on the origin, traditions, and
languages of the Ancient Britons ; with
some introductory sketches on Primitive
Society." In 1809 Mr. Davies published
'* The Rights and Mythology of the Hrit-
ish Druids, ascertained by national docu-
ments, and compared with the general
traditions and customs uf Heathenism,
as illustrated by the most eminent An-
tiquaries of our age. With an appendix
containing ancient poems and extracts,
with some remarks on ancient British
coins.*' Mr. Davies was for some time
Master of the Grammar school at Chip-
ping Sudbury near Bristol. He was pre-
sented to LlanbedrPainscastle in 1803 ;
and collated to Bishopston and to Lland ■
wair Orlledyn in 1816, the former being
in the patronage of the see of Llandaff,
and the latter of the see of St David's.
In 1824 Mr. Davies was nominated, on
the recommendation of his patron bishop
Burgess, the president, one of the Royal
Associates of the Royal Society of Litera-
ture.
Lately, Lord Charles Somerset. In
1814 he was appointed governor and com-
mander-in-chief of the Cape of Good
Hope, where he remained until about
two year^ before his death.
— At Shirley, aged 35, Mr. Alfred S.
Powell, author of a work on the Battle
of the Nile, written while a shepherd's
boy, and dedicated to adm. Otway.
MARCH.
3. At Wembury-house, Henry Ed-
ward Thornton, esq. eldest son of the
right hon. sir Edward Thornton, esq.,
G.C.B.
6. At Pisa, aged 33, the hon. John
Kennedy Erskine, captain on half-pay
of the 16th Lancers, and equerry to the
king. He was the younger son of Arch-
ibald earl of Cassilis, by Margaret,
daughter of John Erskine, esq. and took
'the name of Erskine after his paternal
name. He was married Julyo, 1837,
to Miss Augusta Fitzclarence, fourth
daughter of his ms^esty, by whom he had
a son, bom in 1828, and a daughteri
— MlMH.
Amelia, born in 1629. He had
for some time abroad, on account of 111
health.
7. At his seat, Mulgrave Caitle, York-
shire, died, in his 77th year, Henry evl
of Mulgrave, viscount Normanbv* buoD
Mulgrave, G. C. B., a geneiml In tiM
army, and Colonel of the 3l8t regiment*
His lordship's first service was in the
American war, where he acquired oo»-
siderable distinction. He was afterwnrda
signalized in the expedition against
Toulon, in the year 1793, at the opening
of the revolutionary war. He filled, in
succession, the posts of chancellor of the
duchy of Lancaster, secretary lor foreign
affairs, first lord of the Admiralty, and
master- general of the Ordnance, In the
Pitt, Percival,and Liverpool ad miniatim-
tions. The last-named office he resigned
in the year 1818.
8. At his seat, New Hall, WilUhlre^
John Thomas Batt, esq. M* A. barrister*
at-law, and one of his majesty's justices
of the peace and deputy-Lieuts. for tint
county. He was descended firom m re-
spectable family long resident in the
parish of Downton, being the son of
John Thomas Batt, M. D., and giendson
of William Batt, esq., by Mailhai
daughter and heiress of Jonathan ClatlGe,
of Nun ton-house, esq. Edneeted et
Westminster andChrist Church, QzlBfd«
he was called to the bar, and f» eene
time went the western circuit, wliere be
obtained tlie confidence of the fiitnie
premier William Pitt. That states-
man, when he came into power, gia-
tified his own feelings of friendahip by
placing Mr. Batt in the office of anoltoff
for the Irish accounts. In this situation
he remained many years, enjoying the
society of archbishop Markham, biahop
Barrington, Brown, Skinner, Gibbon the
historian (who chose him for an execu-
tor,) lord Sheffield, and many others
equally eminent in public lifo.
— At Sidney, New South WaleSpSpd
65, the rev. Lawrence Hynes Halloran,
D.D. — This gentleman , who was Appa-
rently a native of Ireland, was formeriy
master of Alpington academy near Ex-
eter, where he educated lord Giflwd^
the late master of the Rolls. He pub-
lished two volumes of poetry In 1790
and 1791 ; and an Ode on their nn-
jesties' visit to that city in the latter
year. In 1801 he printed " Lacryms
Hibernicse, or the Genius of Erin^
Complaint, a ballad ;" and under the
tiame of Philo-Nauticus, a diama entilied
APPENDIX to CHR0N1CI«E. all
" tbe Female Volunteer."
sequently a chaplain Hi the Navy; and
vrai in that capacity on board lord Nel-
son's flag-ship the Britannia, at the bat-
tle of Trafalgar, and published a Poem on
the battle. He afterwards held the
appointments of rector of the public
grammar-school at the Cape of Good
Hope, and chaplain to tbe forces in South
DBATHS^Mamb.
He was tub* last bop# of defence, when Mr. Smith
was sent to demand a tnicei and after-
wards assisted in securing oneof tbe rebel
chiefs. This man was Uken at the im-
minent risk of all enijaged in tbe task,
and Mr. Smith was ordered to conduct
him by sea from head-quarters to Auna-
maboo. Bound to the bottom o^ tbe
canoe, be yet attempted, by means of a
Africa ; there he stepped so far out of knife concealed about him, to scuttle her»
his province as to interfere very warmly
on occasion of a duel which took place
between two officers about the beginning
of 1810, and when the affiiir was brought
before a court martial, wrote the defence
of the accused parties. His conduct was
highly disapproved by tbe lieut.-general
the hon. H. G. Grey, who ordered his
removal to an outpost oalled Simon's
Town. The Doctor resigned his office
of chaplain, but gave vent to his anger
in '* Cap-Abilities, or Soutli African
characteristics, a Satire,'' for which a
suit was commenced against him, and he
was sentenced to be banished from the
colony, and to pay costs. He afterwards
published the ** Proceedings, Corre-
spondence,'* &c. 8vo.l811« In 1813 he
circulated '^ Stanzas of affectionate re-
and in one moment 9II would have sunk
with her ; but the vigilant eye of the
young officer detected the scheme, and
saved himself and soldiers from destruc-
tion. In consequence of bis excellent
conduct, Mr. Smith was made the
bearer of tbe despatches to England.
Shortly after his return to Africa, he
succeeded to the command of a fortress.
At the age of thirty he was appointed
governor-in«chief, being promotea lo that
station out of the usual routine* in con-
sequence of his merits. Tbe mission to
Ashantee took place during Mr. Smith's
command, when the uncle and nephew
formed a treaty of peace and commerce
with these barbarians, which would have
been li iMting advantage to England, bad
it not been overthrown by subsequent
gard to the memory of capt* Dawson of interference. On the resignation of tbe
the Fiedmonuise," 4to. In 1818 at tbe settlemenu into the immediate bands
Old Bailey sessions he was convicted of of government, Mr. Smith was offered
forging a frank, and was sentenced to
seven years transportation.
8. At St. Lucie, major-gen. George
Mackie, C.B. governor of that colony.
10. At Easton Hall, Lincolnshirei
aged 58, sir Montague Cholmeley, bart.
D.C.L.
11. In Sloane-street, Frances Anne
either a pension of 700/. per annum, or
a regiment, and the continuance of hi?
command at Cape Coast, subject to the
control of the Suffat Sierra Leone. Mr.
Smith's views but ill accorded with those
of tbe late sir Charles McCarthy, aud
accepting the usual pension, be witb-
jdrew from public service. A life of
Mary, wife of Thomas Hoblyn, esq. of tranquillity and retirement was but little
the treasury, and daughter of Mr. Cha
worth, who was killed in a duel by lord
Byron.
— At St. Petersburgh, Kozlovsky, an
eminent musical composer, whose pro-
ductions are highly popular in Russia.
suited to his habits and feelings, and be
by turns resided in tbe different conn-
tries of Europe. A severe cold, caught
and neglectea in Paris, prompted bis re-
turn to England, and, after five weeks'
of suffisring, he expired, in a rapid con-
12. At Worlitz, in Dessau, in his 71st sumption, at the age of forty-four.
year, Friedrich Mathisson, the well-
known German poet and tourist.
U. On the l£th of Marcb, in Baker-
street, John Hope Smith, esq. late
governor* in-chief of tbe British settJe-
menta on the Gold Coast Respectably
born and educated, he was placed ait
Cape Coast Castle by bis father, as a
writer in the service of tbe African
Committee, at the earlv age of fonrteen.
He was selected for a dangerous service
In his 79tb year, Thomas Payne,
esq. many years an eminent bookseller
in Pall-niafj, and highly respected in the
literary world.
— At bis seat, Cobham Hall, the earl
of Damley. His youngest son was ap-
pointed, last November, his miyesty's
secretary of legation at Florence ; but
the earl himself never accepted any ofl|-
cial situation. His lordship was a clai-
mant of the Scotch dukedom of Lennox,
in the first Ashantee war. The enemy a title at present borne by the duke of
surrounded the fortress of Annamaboo, Richmond.
fUkd itt inbabiumti were reduced (0 tbe }6« Drowned, on botrd tbe fteam*
232
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS,
packet, Frolic, which was wrecked be-
tween Milford and Bristol, lieut-col.
William Gordon, formerly of the 2nd
Dragoon Guards.
21. Aged 94, at Bath, the hon. Mrs.
Noel, relict of the dean of Salisbury.
22. At Cottettbrookp, Northampton,
Patience Ann, wife of the hon. and rev.
Paul Anthony Irby, eldest daughter of
the late sir William Champion de Cres-
pigny, bart, by lady Sarah Windsor,
fourth daughter of the fourth earl of Ply-
mouth.
23. Aged 76, the ven. Ralph Churton,
M.A., archdeacon of St« David's, rector
of MiddletonChcney, Northamptonshire,
and F.S.A. He was bom Dec. 8, 1754,
in the parish of Mulpas, and was the
younger of two sons of Thomas Churton,
yeoman, and Sarah Clemson. At a pro-
per age he was put to the grammar
school at Malpas, with* wishes, rather
than any just hopes, of bringing him up
to the church. Both his parents died ;
but he continued at school ; and his
master, the rev. Mr. Evans, recommend-
ed him to Dr. Townson, the rector of
the parish, who made him presents of
books, and frequently assisted and di-
rected his studies. By Dr. Townson 's
recommendation, he was entered at Bra-
sen-nose in 1772 ; and the fame generous
hand contributed one half towards his
academical expenses. In 1778, Mr.
Churton was elected a fellow of his col-
lege ; in 1785, he was chosen Bampton
lecturer ; appointed Whitehall preacher
by bishop Porteiis in 1788 ; in 1792, he
was presented by his college to the living
of Middleton Cheney ; and he was col-
lated to the archdeaconry of St. David's
by bishop Burgess, in 1805. The pro-
tection of Townson, and his own rising
merit, procured him, early in his aca-
demic life, many valued friends. Among
those with whom he was on habits of in-
timacy, were the learned and pious Lewis
Bagot, bishop of St Asaph, and dean of
Christ Church ; sir Roger Newdigate,
bart. a name now long endeared to the
•* Oxford Muses ;" the excellent and
learned Dr. Winchester, author of the
" Dissertation on the 18th Article of the
Church of England;" and the amiable
naturalist, and sincere Christian, Gilbert
White, whose hospitable roof at Sel borne,
Hants, generally received him at Christ-
mas to what its owner called a winter
migration. The archdeacon was the
author of a numerous list of works,
chiefly in divinity and ecclesiastical bio>
graphy. The titles of the principal of
these are as follow;—^' Bampton Lec«
—March.
tures : eight Sermons on the Propheeiec
relating the destruction of Jeruealem,
preached before the University of Ox-
ford, 1785," Bvo. " A Memoir of Tho-
mas Townson, D.D. archdeacon of Rich-
mond, and rector of Malpas, Cheshire,''
&c. prefixed to a *' Discourse on the
Evangelical History from the Interment
to the Ascension,*' published after Dr.
Townson*s death by John fiOveday, esq.
D.C.L. Oxford, 1793. This memoir has
been wholly or in part thrice reprinted ;
in 1810, prefixed to an edition of Town-
son's whole works, 2 vols. 8vo. ; in 18!^
with a private impression of " Practical
Discourses," bv the late archdeacon
Townson, edited by the present distin-
guished and venerated bishop of Li-
merick ; and in 1830, with the same dis-
courses published by Messrs. Cochran
and Duncan. '^ The Lives of William
Smyth, bishop of Lincoln, and sir Rich-
ard Sutton, knight, founders of Braxen-
Nose College, Oxford, 180a" 8vo. To
this work a supplement was published in
1803. << The Life of Alexander Nowel,
dean of St. Paul's, &c. Oxford, 1809,"
Bvo. *' The Works of Thomas Townson,
D.D. with an Account of the Author, an
Introduction to the Discourses on the
Gospels, and a Sermon on the Quota-
tions in the Old Testament, 1810.*' S
vols. The last publication from his pen
was a short Memoir of his friend the
classical and accomplished Dr. Richard
Chandler, prefixed to a new edition of
his ** Travels in Asia Minor and Greece.*'
2 vols. 8vo. Oxford, \S25.
24. In Berkeley-square, aged 53, the
hon. Frances Caulfcild, widow of St.
George Caulfeild, of Dunamore Castle,
county Galway, esq. aunt to lord Cn^-
ton.
26. At Sidmouth, in his 66tb year,Wm.
Mackie, esq. late senior member of the
Medical Board, on the Bombay eata-
blishment.
— At Coventry-house, Piccadilly, aged
72. the right hon. George WiUiam
Coventry, seventh earl of Coventry, and
viscount Deerhurst, coimty Gloucester
(1697)) lord lieutenant and custos rotn-
lorum of Worcestershire, recorder of
Worcester, high bailiff of Tewkesbury,
and high steward of Evesham.
— At his seat, Maristow House, in
Devonshire, aged 7&, sir Mannasfeh
Masseh Lopes, bart. a magistrate for that
county, and for Wiltshire, and recorder
of Westb u ry. The ancestors of this gen-
tleman were Spanish Jews ; he was bom
in Jamaica, Jan. 27, 17^ ; the only aon
of Mordecai Rodriguea Lopesi of Clap*
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE. 233
DEATH.
ham in Surrey, esq. by Rebecca, daugh-
ter of Manasseh Perera, of Jamaica. He
was first returned to parliament at the
general election in 1802, as member for
New Romney ; and, during that parlia-
ment, was created a baronet by patent
dated Nov. 1, 1805, with remainder to
his nephew, Ralph Franco, esq. only son
of his late sister Esther, wife of Abra-
ham Franco. In the same year he ob-
tained the royal sign manual to take the
name of Masseh before his own. At
the general election of 1812, sir Manas-
sch was returned to parliament for Barn-
staple, and he was re-elected in 1818.
On the 18th of March, 1810, he was
found guilty at the Exeter assizes of hav-
ing corrupted and bribed the electors of
the borough of Grampound, in order to
get himself returned, having given the
voters 35/. each. On the 2d of April,
on the motion of Mr. Wynn, the House
of Commons ordered that the attorney-
general should prosecute eir M. M. Lopes
for bribery. On the 13th of November
he received sentence in the court of
King's Bench, ** That for sir Manasseh
Masseh Lopes's first offence, of which
he had been convicted in Cornwall, he
should pay to the king a fine of 8,000/.,
and be imprisoned in Exeter goal for
twenty-one months; and for his second
offence in Devonshire, that he should
pay to the king a fine of 2,000/., and be
further imprisoned in the same gaol for
three months." In 1823, sir Manasseh
again came into parliament for his own
borough of Westbury ; and was re-elect-
ed in 1826, but retired in 1829, to make
room for the right hon. Robert Peel.
Sir M. M. Lopes married Charlotte,
daughter of John Yeates, of Monmouth-
shire, esq. His daughter Esther died
July 1, 1819, aged twenty-four. He
was succeeded in his title, according to
the patent, by his nephew, now sirllalph
Lopes, having taken that name since his
uncle's decease. The value of the landed
and personal effects of the late baronet
was estimated to exceed 800,000/.
29. In Gloucester-place, Portman-
square, aged 54, sir Henry Hawley,
second baronet, of Leyboume-grange,
Kent.
31. At her house in Curzon-street,
May Fair, aged 66, lady Caroline Walde-
grave. Her ladyship vras bom March
1, 1765, the fourth and youngest daugh-
ter of John third earl of Waldegrave,
and of lady Elizabeth Cower, his wife,
sister to the late marquis of Stafford.
Laiehf, Sir WilUam Payne Gallwey,
.^-Apwt.
bart. a general in the army, and oolonet
pf the 3rd dragoon guards; half-brother
to the late lord Lavington, and brother-
in-law to the earl of Dunraven.
— At Sevenoaks, the hon. Henrietta
Burton, sister to the marquis of Conyng-
ham.
APRIL.
1. At Ballintemple, co. Carlow, by
the explosion of a gun, aged 10, the
youngest son of sir Thomas Butler, bart.
2. Aged 7i> Susannah, widow of
Joshua Walker, esq. of Clifton-house,
Rotherham, and of Bly th-ball, Notts.
4. At Islington, aged 83, Mr. John
Quick, the celebrated comedian. He
was born in ] 748, and left his father, a
brewer in Whitechapel, when only four-
teen years of age, to become an actor.
He commenced his career at Fulbam,
where he performed the character of
Altamont in the Fair Penitent, which he
personified so much to the satisfoction of
the manager, that he desired'his wife to,
set young Quick down a whole share/
which, at the close of the farce, amount-
ed to three shillings. In the counties
of Kent and Surrey he figured away with
great success ; and, before he was eigh-
teen« performed Hamlet, Romeo, Rich-
ard, George Barnwell, Jaffier, Tancred,
and many other characters in the higher
walk of tragedy. In a few years be suf-
ficiently distinguished himself as an actor
of such versatile talents, that he was en-
gaged by Mr. Foote, at the Haymarket
theatre, in the year 1769, where he be-
came a great favourite of king George
the Third ; and upon all occasions Quick
was expected to appear in a prominent
character. He was the original Tony
Lumpkin, Acres, and Isaac Mendosa,
and after bis appearance in these cha-
racters, he stood before the public as
the Listen of the day. Mr. Quick may
be considered one of the last of the Gar-
rick school. In 1798 he quitted the
stage, after thirty 'Six years of its toils,
and excepting a few nights at the Ly-
ceum, after the destruction of Covent
Garden theatre, he did not again act.
The evening of his life was calm
domestic sunshine. He retired with
10,000/. Almost up to the last day of
his life he was in the habit of join-
ing a respectable company who frequent
the King's Head, opposite Itlington
church, by whom he was recognised as
president. Forty years ago he was told
by the pbyn'ciant that panch would be
234 ANNUAL R EGI S TE R, 1831.
DEATHS.-*ApmiL.
the death of him. He had then drank
it twenty yean, and he continued the
practice till the day of his death« which
it did not appear to have hastened.
5. At the Vicarage, Hornchurch, Es-
sex, in consequence of a violent cold and
inflammation of the chest, aged 61, the
rev. John Walker, B.C.L., late fellow of
New College, and vicar of Hornchurch,
to which living he was presented by the
warden and fellows of New College, in
1819. Mr. Walker was one of the origi-
nal proprietors of the Oxford Herald,
and for several years assisted in its edi-
torial department. He was the editor
of the " Selections from the Gentleman*s
magazine/' in 4 vols. Hvo., of which 1000
copies were sold in a few months ; he
also published letters from the Bod-
leian library, 3 vols. 8vo. ; a pamphlet
entitled *^ Curia Oxoniensis; or Observa-
tions on the Statutes which relate to the
University Court, on the illegality of
Searching Houses, on the Procuralorial
Office, and on the University Police Act,''
of which two editions were sold, and a
third lately printed ; ** Oxoniana," in
4 vols. 12mo. and some other works.
— In Curzon-street, Maria Anne, wife
of J. H. Penruddock, esq. M.P. for Wil-
ton.
7. Aged 54, Walter Burrell, of West
Grinstead, esq. knight in parliament for
Sussex, only surviving brother of sir
Charles Merrik Burrell, and cousin to
lord WiiloughbyD'Eresby.
— In Bru ton-street, the right hon.
Jane countess dowager of Carhampton.
She was a daughter of George Boyd, esq.
was married June 25, 1776, to Henry
Lawes, second earl of Carhampton, and
left his widow, without issue, April 25,
1821.
8. At Exeter, aged 81, the rev. J.
Bradford, Copleston, B.A. a prebendary
of that cathedral, &c. and father of the
bishop of Llandail'.
10. At Calgarth Park, Westmorland^
Dorothy, relict of Dr. Watson, bishop
of Llandafif.
12. At Paddington Green, aged 70,
He received the honour of knighthood
April 20, 1826.
13. At Buckerell, aged on§ hundred
and six, Mrs. Ann Marks.
14. At Paris, M. L'Abb^ de PoM«
pieres. Father of the Chamber of Depu-
ties.
— At Wem, county Salop, aged 75,
the rev. Brian Hill, M.A. uncle to gen.
lord Hill, G.C.B«and great uncle to air
Rowland Hill, of Hawkstone, bart. He
was the author of the following publioi*
tions : " Christian Zeal Recommended
and Enforced," a sermon preached in
St. Chad's church, Shrewsbury, at tbe
anniversary meeting of the Salop Inflr-
mary, 1780. ** Henrv and Acaato,*' m
moral tale, with a premce by his brother,
the late sir Richard Hill, 1790. •' Ob-
servations and Remarks on a Journey
through Sicily and CalabriOy in the. year
1791 ;'' to this octavo volume is append-
ed a poslcript containing some account of
the " Ceremonies of the Holy Week nt
Rome ;" and of "A Short Excuraion to
Tivoli." The work is dedicated to tbe
earl and countess of Leven and Melvilles
and written in the form of a diary. A
funeral sermon, preached in St« Alk-
mund's, Shrewsbury, on tbe dentb of
the rev. Richard de Courcy, vicar of that
parish, 1803. In 1805, Mr. Hill edited
a volume of sermons of Mr. De Courcy*!,
to which he affixed a long prefiuse. In
1822, Mr. Hill printed a volume of
tifenty-four sermons on practical sub«
jects, published for the benefit of a cbarl*
ty school in the village of Weston*
where they were occasionally preached ;
in 1826, ''A Sermon preached in tbe
parish church of Shrewsbury, on tbe
death of the rev. John M^or, vicar of
that parish ;" and in 1828, be edited
a small pamphlet entitled, "Cursory
Thoughts on Education."
15.^ At the public office, lAmbeth-
streetT Matthew Wyatt, esq. of tbe Inner
Temple, the resident magistrate of tbat
district.
17. At Park*place, St. James's, in tbe
45th year of his age, sir T.Mostyn, bart.
the rev. Basil Woodd, for thirty-eight of Mostyn, in Flintshire, and M.P« for
years minister of Bentinck chapel, Mary-
Je-bone, and rector of Drayton Beau-
champ, Bucks.
13. At Garscube, near Glasgow (the
seat of his brother-in-law, sir Archibald
Campbell, of Succoth, bart.) sir John
Connell, knight, procurator of the church
of Scotland, and late judge of the high
court of admiralty in that kingdom.
that county during the last four parlia-
ments.
18. At Bath, aged 92, Francis Hay-
ward, M.D.
— At Biniield, Berkshire, aged 67*
the rev. Henry Dison Gabell, D.D. rec-
tor of that parish, of Ashow, Warwick-
shire, and of St. Laurence, Winchester,
and formerly head natter of Wincheetiv
At>PENmX TO CHRONICLE.
^5
DBATHS«*-Apiil.
college. He was educated at Winefaes*
ter Kchool, and thence elected a fellow
of New College, Oxford, where he pro*
ceeded only to the degree of B.A. before
he was elected master of Warminster
vations," and <' Lectures Etplaoatory of
Mr. Hunter's Opinions of the Vital Pro-
cesses," with a Hunterian Oration, giv-
ing a further account of Mr. Hunter's
labours and character. He also wrote
school. In 1788 he was presented to for Dr. Rees'sCyclopssdia the anatomical
the rectory of St. Laurence, in Winches-
ter, by Lord Chancellor Thurlow ; and
in 1793 he came to make his permanent
residence in that city, on being appoint-
ed second master of the school. In 1796
he published a pamphlet " On the ex-
pediency of altering and amending the
Regulations recommended by Parlia*
ment for reducing the high price of
Corn ;'' and in 1802 a fast sermon,
preached at St. Laurence, Winchester.
He proceeded to the degree of M.A. as
a member of St. John's college, Cam-
bridge, in 1807 ; and succeeded to
the head mastership of the school on the
resignation of Dr. Goddard in 1810. In
and physiological articles included under
the letters A and B. His publication, of
which the greatest number has been
printed, as he was accustomed to recom-
mend his patients to " read my book,"
is entitled " On Local Diseases, Aneu-
risms, and Disorders of Digestire Or-
gans.'' His works are altogether com-
prised in six octavo volumes. On Dr«
Marshall relinquishing hit popular lec-
tures at Thavies Ion, Mr. Abemethy's
class increased, as did bis practice. He
was some time professor of anatomy to
the corporation of surgeons. In hit
essay, he published an account of cases
in which he had tied the external illtac
1812 he was presented by Chandos artery for aneurism. This improvement
Leigh, esq. to the rectory of Ashow, in
Warwickshire; and in 1820 by Lord
Chancellor Eldon, to that of Binfield in
Berkshire. He resigned the master-
ship of Winchester at the close of 1823 ;
when the scholars presented him with
a magnificent present of plate, con-
sisting of a candelabrum weighing 200
ounces.
20. At Enfield, aged 66, John Aber-
nethy, esq. F.R.$i, the eminent surgeon
and anatomical lecturer. It is said, that
he was himself ignorant of the place of
his nativity. Shortly after his birth,
however, his parents had taken up their
abode in London. After imbibing the
elementary principles of grammatical
and classiod instruction at a day-school
in Lothbury, he was apprenticed to Mr.,
afterwards sir Charles Ulick, surgeon to
St. Bartholomew's hospital, under whose
in the science established his fittme, and
added to the credit of the English school
of surgery throughout Europe. St.
Bartholomew's hospital, by the reputa*
tion of Mr. Abernethy, advanced rapid-
ly, and was esteemed ai the first in the
metropolis* On the death of his former
master, sir Charles Blicki Mr. A. waa
elected surgeon in his room — and was at
one time considered the best lecturer on
anatomy, soiigery, and path<dog^ in Lon-
don. He was opposed to the division of
surgery into distinct departments, as
oculist, aurist, &c. He considered the
whole as essentially connected, and that
BO man properly educated should be
ignorant of the diseases which those
divisions embrace. Mr. A. was one of
the court of assistants of the Royal Col-
lege of Surgeons, and one of the curatora
of their museum ; he was also an honor-
auspices be pursued his studies to great ary member of the Royal Medical Socie-
advantage. About this period be is re- ty of Edinburgh, and of the Medical
lated to have attended the lectures in
the habit of a gp'oom, which acquired for
him the appellation of "the oeUer;''
notwithstanding which, and his oddities
in conversation and behaviour, he made
himself practically conversant with his
profession ; and without exhibiting any
thing like uncommon attainments, ex-
cited expectatkms which have not been
disappointed. On the resignation of
Mr. Pott, he became assistant-surgeon
Societies of Paris and Philadelphia.
SO. Aged 70, AugttStna Lafontainei
one of the most fruitfol German ro-
mance writers. He was bom at Bruns-
wick, studied divinity in the first in-
stance, then undertook the education of
general Thadden's children»and in 1789
became chaplain of a Prussian regiment,
which he accompanied in 1799 in the
campaign against France. After the
peace of Basle, he retired to Halle,
at St. Bartholomew's hospital » and after^ where he lived on a pension granted
wards succeeded that gentleman as lee- to him by titt king of Prusria.
turer on anatomy and surgery. Soon 21. Aged 21, John Farsyde Watson,
after, Mr. Abernethy appwed as an esq. of BUton Park, near KnarMborough.
»utiiQr, and published <^ SurgicBl Obter« A» m uuMw peii^rmer on tht yioUa«
23fi ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS^ April.
cello, Mr. W, was inferior only to the
celebrated Linley.
22. In Whitehall-place, lady Wether-
ell, wife of sir C. WcUiercU, and daugh-
ter of sir Alexander Croke, of Studley-
house, Oxfordshire.
— In his 64th year, major-i^en. sir G.
A. Wood, R. Art. C.B. &c. and governor
of Carlisle.
23. At Worthin(|r, in the house of his
son-in-law, sir Charles Chad, hart, aged
7*2, the right hon. Edw. Garth I'umour,
second earl of Winterton and viscount
Tumour (1766), and baron Winterton,
of Gort, county Galway (1761).
— In Clarges-strcet, James WedJer-
bum, esq.
— In Verulam-terrace, Frances Mary,
second daughter of sir F. Hastings Doyle,
bart.
— At Pcrdistrell, Worcestershire,
aged 78, sir Henry Wakeman, hart.
24. la his40th year, \V. Oakes Blount,
esq. of Lidiard House, lieutenant K.N.
only son of sir Charles Burrell Blount.
— In Russell -square, T. Smith, esq.
of Wray, Lancashire, and of the hon.
society of Lincoln's-inn.
25. At his chambers in Lincoln's-inn,
in bis 78th year, John Calthorpe, esq.
brother of the Arst lord Calthorpe, and
uncle of the present lord.
— At Apsley House, Piccadilly, aged
58, thamost noble Catherine duchess of
Wellington, sister to the earl of liongford.
She was the third daughter of Edward
Michael second lord Longford, by the
hon. Catherine Rowley, second daughter
of the right hon. Hercules Lringford
Rowley and Elizabeth viscountess I^ng-
ford. She was married to the illustrious
general April 10, 1806, and has left two
sons. The duchess of Wellington was
of retiring habits, but her domestic vir-
tues and charities have ever been the
theme of admiration. Her remains were
interred at Strathficldsay, attended by
her brother-in-law lord Marylx>rough,
as chief mourner; other relations and
friends of the duke, in four carriages ;
and more than thirty private carriages,
of which the king, the queen, the dukes
of Cumberland and Northumberland,
each sent one.
26. In Harley-street, aged 54, the
right hon. George de Grey, third lord
Walsingham, baron of Walsingham in
the county of Norfolk (1780), a lieut-
general in the army, lieut-cd.of the first
dragoons, and comptroller of the first-
fruits office. [See Chronicle^ p. 67.]
— Aged 6^9 Montague Talbot, esq*
for twenty-three yean muiager and pro*
prietor of the Belfiut Theatre ; and alao
for many years manager of the Newry
and Derry Theatres. He was second
son of captain Cveorge Talbot, captain of
the Worcester man of war, who, with
his servant, was lost on the coast of
Caffraria, in the Grosvenor East Indian
man. The captain left a widow, two
sons, and a daughter, to deplore bla
fiite. M r. Montague Talbot, the yonnger
son, was bred to the English bar; bnt
having been much flattered on the dni«
inatic talent he was thought to pfftwpiij
he was, at a very early age, tempted to
try his fortune on the stage.
27. In Southampton«rowy in Lis 69th
year, J. Pftttison, esq. late a director of
the Elast-India Company.
29. At his seat, Ugbrooke-park, De-
vonshire, aged 71 f the right hon. Cliaries
Clifford, sixth lord Clifford of Chndleigh
in Devonshire, (1672), F.S.A.
— Aged 77f the rev. John Baynas,
rector of Exton, Hants, and an acting
magistrate for that county.
— In Craven-street, Strand, aged
57, George Sayer, esq. reamadminu of
tlie Blue, and C.B.
30. At Binfield-park, in her 83rd
year, Catherine, last surviving sister
of the late lord Sunderlin, of Baroistony
county Westmeatli.
— At Richmond-park, aged 93, the
right hon. Elizabeth conntess doirager
of Pembroke and Montgomery, grand-
mother of the present earl.
— At Cliesterfield,aged 76, Jonathan
Stokes, M.D. author of a Botanical Ma-
teria Medica, and Botanical Commen*
taries, of which only the first volnme
has been published.
— In Lower Connaught-place, aged
75, sir Samuel Bentham, K.S.G. a bri-
gadier-general in the Russian senrioe,
late inspector-general of naval worics,
and civil architect and engineer of the
navy.
Lately, At Templemichael, county
Longford, lady Anne, wife of the rev.
Henry Maxwell, brother to lord Fam-
ham.
In consequence of a fall in ascend-
ing one of the Egyptian Pyramids, aged
32, James Maze, esq. eldest son of Peter
Maze, esq. of Ilownham-lodge, county
Somerset, and partner in the house of
Messrs. Peter Maze and Sons,merdiantSi
of Bristol.
At Balinagar, Owen O'Conoiv esq.
commonly called O'Conor Don, M.P. tat
the oottui^ of Roioominom
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
237
DEATHS
At Genoa, aged 66, Charles Felix
Joseph King of Sardinia, duke of Savoy,
Piedmont, and Genoa. He was born
April 6, 1765, and was the fifth of the
six sons of king Victor Amedeus, and
the archduchess Maria Antonetta Fre-
derica, daughter of the emperor Joseph
the Second. Before his accession to the
Throne, he bore the title of duke of
Genoa. On the abdication of bis bro*
ther, king Victor Emmanuel, he was
declared sovereign of Sardinia, March
13, 1821, and confirmed on the 19th of
the same month. The abdication of
Charles Emmanuel, the eldest brother,
in 1802, had previously conferred the
throne on Victor. Two sisters of this
family were the wives of Louis XVIII.
and Charles X. of France. King Charles
married, April 6, 1807f Maria Christina,
daughter of Ferdinand the Fourth, king
of the Two Sicilies, and sister of (he
present monarch of those islands ; but
had no issue. Charles Amedeus, prince
of Savoy Carignan, has succeeded to
the throne.
At Kensington-palace, aged 40, Tho-
mas F. Hunt, esq. one of the labourers
in trust attached to the Board of Works.
He was the author of the following pub-
lications, all printed in quarto : ** Half-
a-dozen Hints on picturesque Domestic
Architecture, in a series of designs for
gate-houses, game-keepers' cottages, and
other rural residences." two editions.
^< Designs for Parsonage-houses, Alms-
houses, &c. &c. with examples of gables
and other curious remains of old English
architecture, 1827>'' containing twenty-
one plates. ** Architettura Campestre ;
displayed in lodges, gardeners' houses,
and other buildings, composed of simple
and economical forms, in the modern or
Italian style ; introducing a picturesque
mode of Roofing," with twelve plates.
*• Exemplars of Tudor Architecture,
adapted to modern habitations, with
illustrative details selected from ancient
edifices, and observations on the Furni-
ture of the Tudor period, 1829," with
thirty seven plates. In the literary
part of the last-mentioned work, where-
in lie its chief interest and utility, he
was materially assisted by Mr. T.
Moule, author of the ' Bibliotheca He-
raldica."
At Malta, captain George Matthew
Jones, R. N., author of " Travels in
Russia and the north-eastern countries of
Europe." Captain Jones commenced his
naval career under the late sir J.S.Yorke.
He received bis first commission in 1802,
, — Mat.
and was junior lieutenant of the Amphion
32 guns, when she conveyed lord Nel-
son from off Brest to the Mediterranean,
on the renewal of hostilities with France,
in 1803. On the 8th of Nov^ 1808, he
was severely wounded in a g^allant but
unsuccessful boat attack on the coast of
Istria. On the 27tb of Aug^ 1809, he
again highly distinguished himself at
the capture and destruction of six heavy
gun vessels, seven trabacolas, and a
land battery of four long twenty-four-
pounders, at the mouth of the Piavie,
and in sight of the enemy's squadron at
Venice. In sir William Hostess official
letter on that occasion, *< the prompt
manner in which lieut. Jones turned the
guns of the battery on the enemy's
vessels,*' was noticed as highly praise-
worthy. He afterwards commanded the
Tuscan brig, and was employed in co-
operation with the defenders of Cadiz,
during the siege of I'lsla de Leon, in
the year 1811. His last appointment
was, Jan. 23, 1817, to the Pandora of
eighteen guns, on < the Irish station,
where he remained for a period of nearly
two years. He obtained post rank, Dec.
7, 1818. In 1827, captain Jones pub-
lished "Travels in Norway, Sweden,
Finland, Russia, and Turkey; also on
the coast of the Sea of Azof and of the
Black Sea, &c. &c." in two vols. 8vo.
Previously to these travels, which were
undertaken with a view to the acquisition
of professional knowledge, be had al-
reaay inspected all the naval arsenals
and ports of France and Holland : and
in this publication he relates the result
of his examination of them, as well as
of those of Russia, Sweden, and Den-
mark. Shortly after his travels, captain
Jones was attacked by a paralysis of the
limbs, and repaired to Italy for the re-
covery of his health. In a state of
great debility, he had the misfortune to
fall down a flight of steep stone steps at
Malta ; three of his ribs were broken,
and his shouldejr dis.located, and on the
third day he expired*
MAY.
1 • At Ri voli, on his way to Florencef
commander Thomas Bury, R.N.
2. At Bath, aged 64, the right hon.
sir William Johnstone Hope, G.C.B.
knight of Malta, and of the Crescent,
the senior vice-admiral of the Red, a
Privy Councillor, a commissioner of
Greenwich hospital, and F.B«d. Sir
William Hope wm bom at Finchley, in
238 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1881.
DEATHS.— May.
MiddleMX, Aupr. 16, 1766, and was the
third son of John Hope, enq. merchant
of London, (grand!*on of Charles, first
earl of Hopetown ,and K .T.) hy Mary only
daughter of Eliab Breton,of Rniield, esq.
At the early age of ten years he entered
the navy under the patronage of his half*
uncle captain Charles Hope ; and, after
thirty years of hard and varied service
he was in 1807 called to the board of
Admiralty during the presidency of lord
Mulgrave, and sat there until 1809.
lie was appointed a colonel of Marines,
Aug. 1, 1811 ; a rear-admiral Aug. 13,
1812; commander-in-chief at Leitb in
Nov. 1813; a K.C.B. Jan. 2, 1815; and
re-appointed to the chief command at
Leith in the spring of 1816, which he
retained until Sept 1818. In 1819 he
the Society of Antiquaries, of irhich he
became a fellow April 5, 1821, are u fol-
low : in ]817> *' Observations on the
Seal of Evesham-ahbey, in Worcester'
shire ;*' in 1818, " Observations on the
site of the Priory of Holywell in H^nr-
wickshire, a cell to Roucester-abbeyin
the county of Stafford ;" in 1820, '•The
Runic inscription on the Font at Bride*
kirk considered, and a new Interpretation
proposed ;" in 1823, ** Observatlont on
a gold ring with a Runic inscription, In
the possession of the eerl of Aberdeen,
Pres. 8.A. ;'' '* Sarcastic Versee, writ,
ten by an adherent to the House of
Lancaster, in the last year of the reign
of Richard the Second ;*' *' Observations
on the Arms and Seal of the town of
Liverpool;" in 1824, *' Explanation of
Clarence was appointed lord high ad- Lower Stonnall, Staffordshire;*' in ld29>
mtral, he retained his seat at the board " a Disquisition on a passage in Inng
as one of his royal highness's council. Athelstan'sGranttotheabbeyofWilton;"
He was created a grand cross of the *'* a Comment on a Penny of Offii kin^
Bath, Oct. 4, 1825. In March 1828 sir of Mercia;" and in 1830, <<a Disqnl-
Wi 11 iam Hope was appointed by the lord sition on the member in architectare
high admiral treasurer of the royal
hospital at Greenwich, and thereupon
resigned his seat at the Admiralty. On
the passing of the act for the better re-
gulation of that noble establishment, by
which the office of treasurer was abo-
lished, he was appointed one of the five
commissioners for mauap;ing the affairs
of the institution. Sir W. J, Hope was
for thirty years a member of the House
of Commons. He was first elected in
1800 for the Dumfries district of Burghs,
and in 1804, on the death of general sir
Robert Laurie, was chosen for the county
of Dumfries, which he continued to re-
present during six parliaments, until the
general election of 1830, when he was
succeeded by his son.
3. In Great Ormond-street, in her
64th year, Selina Anne, wife of Zachary
Macaulav, esq. and third daughter of
the late W. T. Mills, of Bristol.
— At Highgate, near Birmingham,
aged 54, William Hamper, esq. F.S.A.
honorary member of the Society of An
called an Oriel.'»
4. In his 53rd year, colonel J. Nieol,
E.I.C. many years adjutant-g^nend of
the Bengal army.
— In Harley-street, aged 68, the riffht
hon. Frances dowager viscountess NeU
son, duchess of Bronte. She was the
widow of Josiah Nisbet, M.D. when
his present majesty performed the cere-
mony of giving her away in marriage to
Nelson, at the island of Nevis, March
22, 1787. Her maiden name was Wool-
ward, and she was niece to Willfaun
Herbert, esq. president of Nevis.
5. By the upsetting of a boat> adm.
sir Joseph Sydney Yorke, captain Biad*
by, R.N., and captain Young, R.N.
6. At Bishop's Stortford, llent-col.
W. H.Wilby.
7. Aged 53, at Welling, lieut.-co1.
G. Bunce.
11. M. Aubert du Petit Thouars,
member of the Institute ; of the Royal
Agricultural, Horticultural, and PhUo-
raathic Societies of Paris ; and knight of
tiquaries at Newcastle, and a Justice of the order of St. Louis. This gentleman.
the Peace for the counties of Warwick
and Worcester. He was author of a
quarto tract printed at Birmingham in
1820, entitled ** Observations on certain
ancient pillars of memorial called Hoar-
stones," and in 1827 of " The Life,
Diary, and Correspondence of sir Wil-
born in 1 756, at the chateau of Boamoia,
in Anjou, was educated at the college of
La Fleche. At the age of sixteen he
entered the regiment de laCoaronne, as
a sous-lieutenant ; but It was his taste
for natural philosophy, and especially
for botany, which raised him to the high
Ham Dugdale/' His communications to degree of consideration he ttjoftd vi
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
23d
DEATHS
the capital of France. A brother of M.
du Petit-Thouarsheld the rank of captain
in the French navy ; be was killed at the
battle of Aboukir. The brothers had
formed, in 1792» the project of a voyage
of discovery, one particular object of
which was to seek after La Perouse ; they
had sold a considerable part of their pro-
perty to defray the expenses of the un-
dertaking ; and M. du Petit Thouars set
out on foot, for Brest, to join the vessel
fitted out for that purpose : his zeal for
botanical research inducing him to walk
through a country which he had not
yet seen. As be pursued his course,
deviating at times into the woods and
fields, to look after new descriptions of
plants, be was assailed by the commence-
ment of those horrors which the revo-
lution brought upon France. Being
arrested as a suspect, he was conducted
to Quimper, where he remained a con-
siderable lime in prison. On* reaching
Brest, he found that his brother had
sailed. He followed him to the Isle of
France, but was too late to rejoin him.
As his means did not permit him to hire
another vessel, he remained ten years in
that colony, and was occupied with cul-
tivation and botany, during the whole
period, excepting a few months that he
passed in Madagascar. M. du Petit
Thouars returned to France in 1802, and
for above twenty years was director of
the Pepiniere Royale du Roule. He
has published the following works :
"Melanges de Botanique;*' " Dialo-
gues surl'Histoire Naturelle;*' " Essai
sur la Vegetation;" and researches on
the " Orchides ;" besides which he has
given public lectures on botany, and de-
voted the leisure of ten years to an un-
finished work on the plants of the south-
ern African islands.
13. In consequence of Injuries re-
ceived at the Wigan election, Roger
Holt Leigh, esq. of Leeds, brother to
sir Robert Holt Leigh, of Hindley-hall,
near Wigan, bart.
— M. Armand Louis Maurice Se-
guier, the French consul general in Lon-
don, a Chevalier of St. Louis, and com-
mander of the legion of honour. He
wrote several small dramatic pieces,
performed at the theatre des Vaudevilles,
which were extremely popular.
14. In Bedford-square, in his 68th
year, Jonathan Raine, esq. M.P. Mr.
Raine was a king's counsel, and a bencher
of Lincoln's Inn, and a fortnight prior
to his dissolution he was returned for the
duke of Northumberland's borough of
. — Mat.
Newport (Cornwall), which be had repre-
sented since 1812. In 1816, Mr. Raine
was appointed one of the Welsh judges,
and he continued to discharge the func-
tions of that judicial office until the re-
cent alterations in the judicature of the
Principality, when he retired on the
superannuation allowance of 1,000/. per
annum.
15. Aged 53, Joseph Brookhouse,
esq. of Warwick. He was a native of
Leicester: and having early entered
into the army, served during the Ame-
rican war. After his return he settled
at Leicester, and was the first to intro-
duce machinery for spinning worsted in
the hosiery manufactories. This inven-
tion exposed him at first to the mistaken
ill-will of the working classes ; in con-
sequence of which he removed to Bir-
mingham, then to Bromsgrove, and
finally to Warwick. There he success-
fully conducted for many years the
worsted manuflEictory, established in
1796, under the firm of Parkes, Brook-
house, and Crompton.
18. Aged 62, the right bon. John
Vaughan, third earl of Lifibume (1776)
sixth visct. Lisburne and baron Vaughan
of Fethers (1695); a colonel in the
army.
— The rev. Henry Francis Alex-
ander Delafite, M.A. evening lecturer
at St. Paul's, Covent Garden (for nearly
thirty years), and foreign secretary to the
Royal society of Literature. Having
lived on terms of strict intimacy with
the late illustrious geologist, De Luc,
during the latter years or that eminent
man's life, he, in the year 1812, pub-
lished, under the eye of the author, a
translation of De Luc's " Elements of
Geology." He had just completed at the
time of his decease, a new edition of
De Luc's " Letters on the Physical
History of the Earth ;'' to which he had
prefixed an introduction, containing a
general view and vindication of the la-
bours of that great geologist.
23. At Crawley, Hants, in his 40th
year, the rev. Henry Thomas Dampier,
rector of that parish, vicar of Westwrat-
ting, Cambridgeshire, and prebendary
of Ely. He was the eldest son of the late
sir Henry Dampier, judge of the King's
Bench.
24. At Jarrow, in her 107th year,
Margaret Fenwick, she retained her fa-
culties unimpaired to the last. From
the township of West^te, she had re-
ceived, during the period of 57 years, not
less than 450A
240
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Oft
5Dtb
At Watford, in liis
Robert Cliitterbuck, esq. B.A. F.S.A. a
deputy lieutenant and magistrate fur
Hertfordshire, and author of the History
of that county. Mr. Clutterbuck was
born at Watford, June 28, 1772. At an
early age he was sent to Harrow-school j
and he continued there until he was en-
tered as a gentleman commoner of Exe-
ter college, Oxford. He subsequently
took the degree of B.A. ; and was then
entered at Lincoln's Inn, intending to
make the law his profession ; but his ar-
dour in the pursuit of chemistry, and
in painting (in which he took lessons
of Barry) induced him, after a residence
of several years in London, to abandon
his original plans. In the year 1798 he
married Marianne the eldest daughter
of colonel James Capper, of the lion.
East India Company's service ; and, after
a few years residence at the scat of his
father-in-law, Cathays, near Cardifl* in
Glamorganshire, he took possession of
his paternal estate at Watford, where he
continued to reside until his death. He
employed his leisure in collecting mate-
rials for a new edition of Chauncv's His-
tory of Hertfordshire. But finding his
manuscripts greatly accumulated, and
having purchased in 1811 the genealogi-
cal collections for Hertfordshire, made
by the late Thomas Blore, esq. F.S.A.
he formed the resolution of publishing a
completely new History of his native
County, making such use only of
Chauncy's materials as were to his pur-
pose. In this object he steadily perse-
vered for eighteen years, and the result
was an elegant and complete History, in
three folio volumes.
26. In his 77th year, Charles Riving-
ton, esq. of Waterloo-place, and Bruns-
wick-square, the senior member of thefirm
of Messrs. Rivingtons, booksellers of St.
Paul's Church-yard and Waterloo-place.
27. At Gatcombe-park, in his 6tli
year, the only son of David Ricardo, esq
He was taking his usual exercise in the.
park, with a servant attending him, when
the pony on which he was riding sud-
DEATHS.— May. ,
year, of thirty years a judge of the court of
Exchequer.
— At Pilton, aged 67, Richard Pel-
lowe, esq., a post captain R. N.
28. At Paris, the celebrated M. Gre-
goirc, formerly bishop of Blois, and
member of the National Convention.
— In Albemarle-street, after a short
but severe illness, aged 73, the right
hon. William Carnegie, seventh earl of
Northesk and lord Rosehill, in the peer-
age of Scotland ; an admiral of the Red,
rear-admiral of Great Britain, G. C»B«,
K. C. , L L. D., and governor of the
British Linen Company's Bank. Hla
lordship was descended from an ancient
family, which bad been settled for se«
veral centuries in the county of Angus,
North Britain. In the reign of Charles
the First, the eldest of four brothem was
created earl of iSouthcsk, and lord Car- .
negie, and the second was advanced to
the dignities of lord Inglismaldie, lord
Lour, and earl of Ethie, which two latter
titles he afterwards exchanged for those
of earl of Northesk and lord Rosehill*
In consequence of the attachment of tliis
family to that unfortunate prince, they
were fined by Oliver Cromwell 10,000iL
They were afterwards equally remark-
able for their support of the Revolution,
and for their steady loyalty to the House
of Hanover. In the Rebellion of 171^,
when the family mansion was taken pos*
session of by the old pretender, the
countess of Northesk was oblig^ to
seek refuge in the castle of EUiinburgh,
where she was delivered of the JatB
earPs father, George, earl of Northesk,
so named after Geoige the First. He
died in 17i^2, having served with a con-
siderable degree of credit in the royal
navy, and having attained the rank of
admiral of the White. The late earl,
the third son of the preceding, by lady
Ann Leslie, daughter of the earl of Leven,
and MelvillCf was bom in 1758. At the
age of eleven he embarked with captain
the hon. Samuel Barrington, in the
Albion. He next served with captain
Macbride in the Southampton, at the
denly turned round in the direction of time he conveyed the queen of Denmark
the stable, and threw him with such vio-
lence on his head as to occasion his death
in two hours afterwards,
— At Berlin, Christian Adam Gas-
pari, professor of Geography and Sta-
tistics in the University of Konigsberg.
to Zell ; after being made acting lieot.
in the Nonsuch, and confirmed by lord
Howe in 1777 into the Apollo, he served
with sir John Lockhart Ross in the Royal
George at the capture of the Caracca
fleet off Cape Finisterre, and at the re-
He was born in 1752, and was author of lief of Gibitdtar; then in the West
many works on Geography. &c. Indies with lord Rodney, who promoted
— At Aghneverna, co. Louth, aged him from the Flag ship after the a^ioD
62» the hon. baron M' Clelland, upwards of the 17th of April, 1780, to be com-
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE. 241
DEATHS.-rJuNE.
mander of the Blast fire ship. In 1788 mouth where he remained until 1830,
he succeeded his elder brother, as lord when the period allowed for the command
Rosehill, and on the equipment of the expired. The funeral of this brave and
Russian armament was appointed to the distinguished nobleman took place in St.
Heroine thirty-two gun frigate, but was Paul's Cathedral, 8th of June,
paid off soon after. In 17^2 on the de- 29. At Warwick, aged 87, the rev.
mise of his father he succeeded to the John Clowes, rector of St. John^a church
title and estate, and in January of the Manchester,
following year proceeded to the West 30. At the Rectory, Hambleden, Bucks,
Indies in command of the Beaulieu aged 17, Letitia-Matilda, youngest dau.
frigate, and returned with convoy in the of the rev. H. Colborne Ridley.
Andromeda, which was shortly after put 31. At Welford-park, aged 57» John
out of commission. He remained un- Archer Houblon, esq. formerly M. P« for
employed until 1796, when he joined Essex. He was returned, after a con-
the North Sea fleet under lord Duncan, test with Montagu Burgoyne, esq. It
and in 1800 was appointed to the Prince continued during 15 days, in which Mr.
of ninety-eight guns in the Channel Houblon polled 2519 and Mr. Burgoyne
fleet under the command of his illustri- 811 votes,
ous relative the earl of St. Vincent, in Lately* At Kourdefan, in Abyssinia,
which ship he continued till the peace capt. Woodfall who had been sent by the
in 1802, when he again retired from African society to penetrate into Africa
active service, and the same year was through Abyssinia,
re-elected one of the sixteen peers of Near Rome, in her 32nd year, the
Scotland. On the renewal of hostilities right hon. Mary-Lucy lady Clinbrd. She
with the French Republic in 1803 his was the only dau. of Thomas Weld, of
lordship was amongst the foremost to Lul worth Castle, in Dorsetshire, esq.
offer his services, and was immediately (now a Cardinal of the church of Rome^
appointed to his majesty's ship Britannia by Lucy dau. of the hon. Thos. Clifford ;
of 100 guns. In her he served in the was married to her second cousin, the
Channel under the command of admiral present lord, Aug. 31, 1818.
Cornwallis till May 1804, when he was In Scotland, Brigadier-general Alex-
promoted to the rank of rear-admiral of ander Walker, of the East India Com-
the White. In the following month he pany's Bombay establishment, late go-
hoisted his flag in the same ship, and venior of St. Helena.
continued to serve in her on her former At his seat, Haverholme Priory, near
station in the arduous blockade of Brest Newark, in bis 85th year, sir Jenison
during the trying and tempestuous William Gordon, bart. He died without
winter of 1804, and till August in the issue, and the title becomes extinct, the
following year, when he was detached earl of Winchilseasucceedingito his ex»
with a squadron under the orders of vice- tensive estates:
admiral sir Robert Calder to reinforce
vice-admiral CoUingwood off Cadiz. In n tvu
the battle of Trafalgar the Britannia JUNE.
bore his lordship's flag, and took a dis-
tinguished part in achieving the victory. 1. At his bouse, St. John's Wood,
For his brilliant services on this occasion aged 53, John Jackson, esq. R. A. the
lord Northesk was created a knight of the eminent portrait painter. This dlstin-
Bath, and received the thanks of both guished artist was bom at Lastingham, a
Houses of Parliament ; the freedom of small village in the North Riding of
the city of London, and of the Gold- Yorkshire, May 31, 1778. His lather
smith's Company, with a sword of the was the village tailor, and he himself
value of 100 guineas from the city of commenced his career in that unambitious
London, an admiral's medal from his occupation. He had from his childhood
majesty to be worn round the neck, and a predilection for drawing; and by the
a vase of the value of 300/. from the time he left school, had (by the assist-
Patriotic Fund at LIoyd*8 were voted to anceof his master) made greater profici-
him. On the death of admiral sir William ency than the slender means he pos-
Young, 21st of Nov. 1821, the earl of sessed appeared to warrant. In 17^7,
Northesk was appointed rear-admiral of at nineteen years'of age, he ventured to
Great Britain, and in May 1827, he was offer himself as a painter of portraits In
appointed commander-in-chief at Hy- miniature, at York ; and during one of
Vol. LXXIIL B
242 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS.— JuwE.
his itinerant excursions to Whitby, had Gallery, and was afterwards honoured by
the honour of an introduction to lord being commissioned to paint portraits of
Mnlgrave, by whom he was patronized,
and rcrommended to the notice of the
r.irl of Carlisle. At Canle Howard he
had tlie great advantac;c of studying: a
mac^nififcnt collection of pictures*, and lie
copied tlic three Marys, by AnnihalC'ar-
rncci, with considerable success. He held
likewise tiie good fortune to meet with
another patron in the late sir Georp:c
Doaumont, who, as the iirst trial of his
abilities, lenthimapictureoftheyounpfer
Colmanby sir Joi<hua Reynolds, of which
lie made a most faithful copy. In 1804
he came to Tjondon, and in the following
year became a student at the Royal Aca-
demy,sir George Beaumont contributing
l>rinci pally to his support. In 1807 he
was established as a portrait painter; and
every succeeding year furnished speci-
mens of his abilities for the Exhibition
at Somerset House. Although, from the
field being occupied by artists of longer
standing, it was long before he obtained
much employment as a painter inu)il,
liis portraits in water colours soon became
very much admired. In 1816 he was
elected an associate of the Royal Academy,
and in 1818 a Royal Academician. In the
former year he accompanied general the
hon. Edmund Phipps in a tour through
Holland and Flanders ; and in 1819, in
company with Mr.Chantrey the sculptor,
he made the tour of Italy, by way of
(loneva, Milan, Padua, Venice, Bologna,
Florence, and Rome. At the latter city
ho was a-^sociated a member of the Aca-
demy of St. Luke, and met with great at-
tention from Cauova, who sat to him for
his portrait : the picture is now in the
possession of Mr. Chantrey, and engraved
in the European Magazine for Nov. 1822.
One of his last exhibition pictures was a
portrait of his intimate friend Chantrey,
which he painted last year for sir Robert
Peel. As a portrait painter Mr. Jackson
maybe ranked between the elegant detail
of Lawrence, and the vigorous generali-
ties of Raeburn. He had an uncommon
readiness and skill of hand ; his colouring
was deep, clear, and splendid, and in this
he resembled Reynolds more than any
artist since his day.
1. In Newman-street, at an advanced
age, Mather Brown, esq. This gentle-
man was a native of America, and com-
ing to England when a young man, be-
came a pupil of his countryman Mr. West.
He was empl«>yed by Boydell to paint
their majesties, and others of the Royal
Family. Towards the latter end of the
last century be enjoyed considerable
practice as a portrait painter, and for
several years occupied a spacioua houae
in Cavendish-square, which had been
previously tenanted by Romney. He
also painted the historical pictures from
which were engraved some of the most
popular prints, particularly the marquis
Cornwallis receiving the sons of Tip-
poo Saib as hostages. These prodnetioos
had suilicient merit for public sale; but
not to place Mr. Brown in a very high
rank in his profession, A picture of the
Ressurrcction, which be painted late in
life, was considered one of his best pro-
ductions.
2. At Paris, the Nestor of French liter-
ature, Felix Nogaret, bom at Versailles
in 1740. He was known by the name of
the French Aristenetus, and his last
production was a pamphlet, lialf in prose
and half in verse, intilled, " Aristenete
a M. Noiret ;" it is dated Jan. 1831.
— At York, Charles Otter, esq. a
post captain R.N.
3. At Reading, Stephen Maberly,
esq., father of J. Maberly, esq. M.P. for
Abingdon.
— At Sidney-lodge, Cambridge, after
many months of acute sufiering, fifary,
wife of the rev. Dr. Cbafy, master ti
Sidney Sussex College.
4. In Gloucester^place, aged 98»
Thomas Percy Meade, M.A. Fellow of
All Souls' College, Oxford, second son
of the hon. and rev. Pierce Meade, bf
Elizabeth, daughter of the late Dr. Ptercy,
bishop of Dromore.
8. In Upper Baker-street, aged 75,
Mrs. Sarah Siddons,. the celebrated ac-
tress. This highly talented lady was
horn at Brecknock, and was the eldest
daughter of Mr. Roger Kemble,tbei
ager of an itinerant company of
dians. She made her first essay as a
singer, but soon abandoned that line and
attempted tragedy. Ea^-ly in life she con-
ceived a passion for Mr.Siddons, in which
not being indulged by her parents, she
quitted the stage, and engaged herself
as lady's maid in the family of Mn.
Greatheed, of Guy's-CUff, near War-
wick, where she remained about a year ;
and then resolving to unite herself with
the man of her afTections, she was mar-
ried to Mr. Siddons, and sodh after
some of the subjects for the Shakspeare joined, a strolling company of no gieat
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
243
DEATHS.— JcnvB.
reputation. Both she and herhushand
had, however, the good fortune to be
engaged by Mr. Younger, to perform at
Liverpool, Birmingham, &e.; with him
she remained a few years, and acquired
the summer she visited Dublin, the fn-
habitants of which were equally aston-
ished at her powers. On her return for
the winter (1783-4,) she performed for
the first time ** By command of their ma-
a celebrity which procured her an en- jestiea.'* During the succeeding summer
gageraent at Drury-lane. The following
Is a description of her first appearance
as Portia, Dec. 29, 1775:—" On before
us tottered, rather than walked, a very
pretty, delicate, fragile loolflng young
creature, dressed in a most imbeooming
manner, a faded salmon-coloured sack
and coat, and uncertain whereabouts to
fix either her eyes or het feet. She
spoke in a broken tremulous tone, and,
at the close of a sentence, her words ge-
nerally lapsed into a hurried whisper
that was absolutely inaudible. After her
first exit the buzzing comment round the
pit ran generally, *' She is certainly very
pretty, but then how awkward! and
what a shockinig dresser!" Towards
the famous trial scene she became more
collected, and delivered the great speech
to Shylock with the most critical pro
she took a second trip to Ireland, and also
visited Edinburgh : in both places she
not only received great salaries but very
considerable presents. Envy and malice
as usual, pursued merit ; and to these
alone can be attributed the attack made
on her in a newspapefi res|>eeting her
treatment of an unhappy sister, &c.
These reports, however, bad sueh an
effect upon the town, that on *hef first
appearance on the stage in 1784, she
was saluted with the cry of, **Off\ off I "
Her friends at length obtained her a
hearing ; and her husband and brother
succeeded in refuting the calumnies to
which she had been exposed. She was
accordingly restored to public favour*
Their majesties at this time paid her
much attention. Her talent in reciting
dramatic works had been highly spoken
priety, but still with a faintness of utter- of, which reaching the ears of the Royal
ance which seemed the result rather of family, she was frequently invited to
an internal physical weakness than a de-
ficiency of spirit or feeling. Al-
together, the impression made upon the
audience by this first efibrt was of the
most negative description." — She was
at that time considered merely as a
second-rate actress ; and being unfortu-
nately placed in an unsuccessful after-
piece written by the editor of a news-
Buckingham*house and Windsor, where
she and her brother ofteif recited
plays: . When some relaxation, on ac-
count of her health, was cohsioered ne-
cessary, she quitted Drury-lane for a
time, and performed at Weymouth, Ply-
mouth, Liverpool, &c. with additional
reputation. She also visited several of
her noble patrons, amongst whom lord
paper, who omitted no opportunity of and lady Harcourt stood conspicuous.
injuring her reputation, she quitted the
London boards for a time, to return to
them afterwards with increased lustre.
At Bath, whither she repaired, she was
observed to improve rapidly, and is said
to have been usefully assisted by the
lessons of Mr. Pratt, then a bookseller
in that city. She had also the good
fortune to be patronised by the duchess
of Devonshire, who procured her another
engagement at Drury Lane. Before
she quitted Bath she spoke a farewell
address, which she herself had written.
Mrs. Siddons made her second appear-
The remains of Mrs. Siddons were in-
terred at Paddington church on the 15th
of June. The funeral procession con-
sisted of a hearse, drawn by four horses
followed by two mourning coaches and
four, containing the relatives of the de-
ceased; afterwards fourteen mourning
coaches drawn by two horses, each con-
taining four gentlemen belonging to the
theatres ; two gentlemen's carriages
brought up the procession, The number
of persons assembled to witness the fhne-
ral could not be less than iKKK). Mrs.
Siddons*s son died at Edinburgh,
ance at Drury-lane on the 10th Oct.1782,* where he was manager of the theatre,
in the character of Isabella. Her feme
was soon spread abroad, and the theatre
overflowed every night. Her success
was the means of introducing herslstert
Miss F. Kenible, on the same stage ;
who played Alicia, to her sister^s Jane
Shore, but shortly after retired, on her
marriage with Mr. Twiss, a literary gen-
tleman, and a well known traveller. In
April 13, 1815. She had also two
daughters, one of whom died at the
time she was engaged to marry the
late sir Thomas Lawrence, '
— At bis house in Berkeley-square,
aged 70, sir John Edward Harrington,
the eighth baronet, of Ridlingtoni co.
Rutland.
9. At Madras, li^ut* col. John Tayn-
R2
244 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS
ton, of the bon. East India Company's
establishment
10. At his bead- quarters, Klcczcwo,
near Pultusk, of cholera morbus, aged
46, field-marshal count Diebitscb Sa-
balkansky. This celebrated general
was descended from an ancient Silesian
family, and was born May 13, 1785.
In his earliest years, it is said, he had
so singularly retentive a memory, that,
when he had attained bis fourth year, he
was capable of resolving arithmetical
questions with greater readiness than
most adults. The count^s father was
an officer of distinguished talent, whom
Frederick the Great, a short time before
his death, appointed on his personal
staff as extra adjutant. After Frede-
rick's demise, he occupied the post of
garrison- major at Breslau ; and when
holding this post, was one day agreeably
surprised by receiving a ministerial dis-
patch, addressed to ^* lieut. col. von
Diebitsch." In his delight at this unex-
pected honour, he spread the tidings in-
stantly among his comrades, and so-
licited his commander to make it public
on the day's parade ; the request was
rafiised, because his superior had re-
ceived no official intimation of his pro-
m3tion ; and, it turned out that the
whole arose out of a blunder on the
part of the office-clerk who had di-
rected the dispatch. Major Diebitscb,
deeming that he had compromised his
character with the government, sent in
his resignation, left his son to complete
his education in the Academy for cadets
at Berlin, and entered the service
of Russia. He was immediately in-
trusted with an important command ;
and his son having received an officer's
commission in the Russian guards, he
wrote to Frederick William II. request-
ing his sanction to the transfer of his
own services; but at the same time
insisting that as his child had been
educated in a Prussian military school,
the services of that child should be
devoted to the Prussian state. Fred-
erick, however, refused to shackle his
sanction with any such stipulation ; and
the consequence was, that the late field- *
marshal enlisted under Russian banners.
His stratagetic acquirements, as far as
regards theory, were perfected in the
military school at St. Petersburgh.
He rose rapidly from the guards to
an appointment on the staff: though
young in years, his talent was so em-
inent as to entitle him to the grades of
lleut-general and quartermaster-gene-
. — June.
ral in the campaigns of 1813 and 1814 :
and he berame subsequently Adjutant-
general to the late emperor, whose con-
fidence in him descended to his succes-
sor Nicholas. In the conflict at Austcr^
litz he was wounded by a spent ball,
which lodged in the palm of his liand.
He also distinguished himself in the
actions of Eylau and Friedland, and in
the celebrated campaign of 1812. At
Dresden he received a severe contodoo,
and had two horses killed under him.
The appointment of count Diebitach to
the supreme command of the Ruaiian
army, at the commencement of the cam-
paign against Turkey in 18S9, was the
exclusive act of the emperor. The nom-
ination excited considerable discontent
in the first instance, because the penoo
selected was not a native Russian. The
operations of the campaign and its re-
sult show that the choice of the emperor
was not misplaced. The emperor tamde
the field -marshal a count, with the title
of Sabalkansky, or the Traverser of
the Balkan ; and on the 12th of Sept*
1829, sent him the order of St George
of the 1st class. Thus possessing the
entire confidence of Nicholas^ he was
selected, on the breaking out of the
Polish revolution, to restore the Rus-
sian dominion in that countrr. On
the morning of May 28 (June 9,) the
field-marshal had felt himself unwelly
but during the day he eat and seemed
n good spirits as usual. In the CTening
he went to bed at 10 o'clock, was soon
called up to attend to some business,
and still appeared quite well. About
two o'clock in the morning he suddenly
felt indisposed, and called to his at-
tendant<«, but it was not till past three
o'clock that, finding himself grow worsef
he ordered ths physician to be called.
The symptoms of cholera soon became
very violent, and after severe suflerings
terminated in death at a quarter past 11
in the morning. In person, Diebitsch
was short, brown, and walked with his
bead down : he appeared cold, but his
eye was fiery, and continually occupied ;
his forehead was high, like that of Na-
poleon, and his back bent somewhat
crooked. He was married, in 1815, to
Jane, baroness de Tomau, niece to the
lady of prince Barclay de Tdly. The
marshall when dyinff expressed a with
that his remains should be buried in
Silesia.
10. Aged 56, the right hon. lady
Mary York, wife of Richard York, esq.
of Wighill-park, near Tadcaster, ^buig^
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
U5
DEATHS
ter of the late, and sister of the pre-
sent earl of Harewood.
11. At Clifton, aged 69, licut. col.
Hennessy, E, I. C.
12. At Ivy Cottage in the Isle of Port-
land, baron Gustavus Nolcken, eldest
surviving son of baron Nolcken formerly
Swedish ambassador to this country.
13. At Clifton, aged 47, Eliza^ wife
of general sir Hussey Vivian, bart.
G.C.B., and commander-in-chief of the
forces in Ireland.
15. At Chelsea, aged 111, Patrick
Gibson. He was a purser in the navy,
superannuated after he had passed his
hundredth year. Gibson was an Irish-
man, and of a very strong sinewy frame.
— In Wimpole-street, aged 80, gen.
William Loftus, col. of the second Dra-
goon Guards, and lieut. governor of the
Tower of London.
— At Hillingdon, aged 81, lady Ka-
therine Walpole, aunt to the earl of Or-
ford, dau. of Horatio the first earl, by
lady Rachael Cavendish, third dau. of
William, third duke of Devonshire.
16. At his seat, Woodend, Hampshire,
after a very short illness, aged 83, sir
John Knight, K. C. B., admiral of the
Red.
— At tlie Manor house. High Beach,
Essex, aged 72, Thomas Sotheby, esq.
admiral of the White.
18. At his seat, Votes Court, Kent,
aged 63, the right hon. George Byng,
sixth viscount Torrington, in Devon-
shire, and baron Byng of Southill in
Bedfordshire, a baronet, vice-admiral of
the white, D.C.L. and F.R.S.
20. At Montrose, aged 90, Mrs. Mar-
garet Rose, sister of the late right hon.
sir G. Rose, treasurer of the navy.
23. At his house, in Arlington-street,
Piccadilly, aged 84, the right hon. lord
Robert Spencer, uncle to the duke of
Marlborough and lord Churchill.
24. Aged 73, Anna, widow of Robert
(who but for the attainder would have
been the 12th) lord Trimlestoun, of
Trimlestoun Castle, Dublin, cousin of
the present Peer.
— In James-street, Buckingham-gate,
colonel sir Ralph Hamilton, knight, of
Olivestob, N.B. groom of the bed-
chamber to the duke of Gloucester.
— At Mentz, aged 64, count Ferdi-
nand de Hompesch, lieut-general in the
British service.
— At Margate, aged 60, G. Crook-
shank, esq. eldest son of the late right
hon. A. Crookshank, of Newton-park^
pear Dublin.
, — June.
26. Sir Murray Maxwell, knight, and
C.B. a post captain in the royal navy,
and F.R.S. ; first cousin to sir 'William
Maxwell, of Calderwood, county Lanark,
bart., and to Jane late Duchess of Gor-
don. This distinguished officer was a
son of Alexander Maxwell, esq. mer-
chant at Leith, (third son of sir William
Maxwell, the fourth baronet), by Mary,
daughter of Hugh Clerk, esq. He com-
menced his naval career under the au-
spices of sir Samuel Hood ; obtained his
first commission as a lieutenant in 1796,
and was promoted to the command of the
Cyane sloop of war, at the Leeward
islands, in Dec. 1802. His post com*
mission was confirmed by the admiralty,
Aug. 4, 1803. In Oct. 1815 he was ap-
pointed to the Alceste, at the particular
request of lord Amherst, who was about
to proceed on his celebrated embassy to
China. The Alceste sailed from Spit-
head, Feb. 9, 1816; and landed lord
Amherst on the 9th of August at the
mouth of the Peiho river. As it was
certain that it would be several months
before his lordship could return from
Pekin to Canton, the interval was em-
ployed in surveying the coasts of that
part of the globe. In the course of this
cruise, very considerable accessions were
made to the knowledge of the hydro-
grapher. In particular, the main land
of Corea was found more than a hundred
miles to the eastward of the spot laid
down in the charts. Lord Amherst hav-
ing embarked at Whampoa on the 21st
of Jan. 1817, the Alceste had proceeded
as far as the Straii9>of Gaspar, every
circumstance promising a speedy passage
into the Java sea, when, on the Idth of
February she struck on a sunken and
unknown rock, three miles distant from
Pulo Leat. A landing having been ef-
fected on that barren island, it was
judged expedient that lord Amherst and
his suite should proceed immediately to
Batavia, a distance of 200 miles. This
was happily effected, by his lordship
and a company of forty-six individuals,
in the barge and a cutter, after a passage
of four nights and three days, in which
great privations were suffered from the
scarcity of provisions and water. On
the following moming the Company's
cruizcr Ternate was dispatched to cap-
tain Maxwell and the remaining crew ;
but, in consequence of contrary currents,
she was not able to join them until a
fortnight had elapsed from the time
they' were first left by lord Amherst.
In the mean time their eitqation had
946
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS
attracted the notice of the Malay proas,
or pi rate boatn, who had burnt the wreck
to the water's edge ; and now completely
blockaded the shipwrecked crew. Be-
fore the approach of the Tematc, this
swarm of hornets had increased to no
less than sixty in number, each contain-
ing from eight to twelve men ; but im-
mediately on the appearance of that
vessel, they took to a precipitate flight.
For some days captain Maxwell had been
actively employed in fortifying a hill,
and providing his party with ammuni-
tion. The Ternate sailed on the 7th of
April with the rescued crew, and reached
Batavia on the 9th; and three days
after, the embassy and crew of the Al-
ceste sailed together for England in the
ship Caisar. Captain Maxwell was no-
minated a C.B. in 1815, and received
the honour of knighthood May 27, 1818.
At the general election in the same
year he was a candidate for the city of
Westminster, and sustained severe per*
sonal injury from the rabble. On the
20th of May, 1819, the East-India Com-
pany presented him with the sum of
1,500/. for the services rendered by him
to the embassy, and as a remuneration
for the loss he sustained on his return
from China. He was appointed to tl)C
Bulwark, a third-rate, bearing the flag
of sir Benjamin Hallowell, at Chatham,
in June 1821 ; was removed to the Briton
frigate on the 28th of Nov. 1822, and
afterwards employed on the South Ame-
rican station. He had been recently
appointed on the 11th of May, lieut.-
governor of Prince Edward's Island ; and
was preparing to take his departure,
when a very short illness texminatcd his
life.
26, At Roehampton, aged 30, lord
Arthur Augustus Edwin Hill, brother
to the marquis of Downshire.
27. At Witepsk, of the cholera mor*
bus, aged 52, his imperial highness the
archduke Constantinc of Russia, the
late viceroy of Poland. He was born
May 9, 1779, and was the second son of
the emperor Paul, and the empress
Maria Feodowna, before marriage the
princess Sophia Dorothea Augusta of
Wurtemberg. When not yet seventeen,
Constantinc was married Feb. 26, 1796,
to Julia Henrietta Ulrica, daughter of
Francis duke of Saxe Coburg-Saal-
tield, and sister to the present reigning
duke of Saxe Coburg. This marriage
was dissolved by an imperial ukase of
April 2, 1820; and the grand duke
was married again, on the 20th of May
.— sJuNEi
following, to Jane, by birth connteM
Grudzinska, and created princcis of
Lowicz.
28. The right lion. Elizabeth countess
of Eldon, eldest daughter of Aubone
Surtees, esq. of Newcastle.
— In Queen Ann-street, aged 74, sir
Francis John Hartwell, knight and ba-
ronet, of Dale Hall, in Essex, a retired
captain in the royal navy.
— At Cheyae Walk, Chelsea, aged 58,
the rev. Weeden Butler, M. A. rector <rf
Great Woolston, Bucks, and minister of
Brompton Chapel, Middlesex. He was
the author of ^* BaMtelles, consisting of
original Poetry and Translations,'' 1795,
8vo; and also translated '* Prospect of
the political relations which subsist be-
tween the French Republic and tba
Helvetic body^ from the French of
Weiss," 1794, 8vo.; "The Wrongs of
Unterwalden,*' 1799; " Zimao, the Afri-
can," 1800, and 1807.
30. At Toxteth Park, Liverpool, aged
80, William Roscoe, esq. a royal asso^
ciate of the Royal Society of Literature,
and F.Ij.S. Mr. Roscoe was bom at
Liverpool, of obscure parentage. His
father and mother were both in the ser^
vice of a bachelor, with whose consent
they married, and who, dying without
an heir, left the greater part, if not the
whole of his property, to them. It does
not appear that his patron paid any at-
tention to his early education, and bis
father had no higher ambition than to
make him acquainted with writinff and
ari thmetic. Through an obstinacy of tem-
per, which in some minds is the forerun-
ner of genius, Roscoe could not be pre-
vailed upon to submit to the drudgery of
scholastic discipline; and consequently
did not properly avail himself even of the
small advantages of education which bis
parents were able to afford him. It vn»,
however, his merit to discover in time
the means of self-education. He early
began to think for himself. At the ago
of sixteen his poetical productions would
have done credit to one who had enjoyed
the advantages of tuition ; and he was at
that time found sufliciently qualified to
be admitted as an articled clerk to Mr.
Eyes, a respectable attorney in liver-
pool. While engaged in the duties of
the oHice, and fulfllling them to the
satisfaction of his superior, he found
means, by his own unassisted eflbrts, to
acquire a knowledge of Latin | and after-
wards of French and Italian. After the
expiration of his articles, he entered
into partnership with Mrt AspinaUi
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE, 247
DEATHS.— JuNB.
when the entire management of an office,
extensive in practice, and high in repu*
tation, devolved on him alone. About
this time he formed an intimacy with
Dr. Enfield, the tutor of the academy at
Warrington, to whom, on the publica-
tion of the second volume of that popular
work '*The Speaker," he contributed an
Elegy to Pity, and an Ode to Education.
Mr. Roscoe also became acquainted with
Dr. Aikin another resident at Warring-
ton. In December 1773, he recited
before the society formed at Liverpool
for the encouragement of drawing, paint'
iug, &c. an ode which was afterwards
published with ** Mount Pleasant,'' his
iirst poetical production, originally writ-
ten when in his sixteenth year. He oc-
casionally gave lectures on subjects con-
nected with the objects of this institu-
tion, and was a very active member of
the society. In 1788, Mr. Roscoe pub*
lished a work upon the Slave Trade, en-
titled ''A Scriptural Refutation of a
pamphlet lately published by the rev.
llaymond Harris;'' and shortly after-
wards his principal poem, ** The Wrongs
of Africa." Incited by the enthusiasm
of the same train of feeling, he com-
posed, about the commencement of the
French Revolution, two ballads, *' The
Vine-covered Hills," and " Millions be
he was induced to join the banking-
house of his friends Messrs. Clarke ; and
in the following year he was elected one
of the members for his native town in
parliament. His senatorial career was
brief; but during its continuance he
distinguished himself as a steadfast
advocate of the principles he had always
professed, and as a warm partizan of the
cause of emancipation throughout the
debates upon the Slave Trade. After
the dissolution, in 1807» he declined en-
tering upon a new contest, and from
that time interfered with politics only
by means of occasional pamphlets.
The titles of the principal ot these are
as follow : — Remarks on the Proposals
made to Great Britain for a negotiation
with France, 1808 ; Considerations on
the Causes of the present War, 1808 ;
Observations on the Address to his IV^-
jesty, proposed by earl Grey, 1810 ; Oc-
casional Tracts relative to the War be-
twixt France and Great Britain, 1811 ;
Letter to Henry Brougham, esq. on a
Reform in the Representation of the
People in Parliament, 1811 ; Answer to
a Letter from Mr. J. Merritt, on Parlia-
mentary Reform, 1812 ; Observations on
Penal Jurisprndence and the Reforma-
tion of Criminals, 1819. Mr. Roscoe
evinced his attachment to botany by
" An Address delivered before the Pro-
Free I'* The great work on which Mr.
Hoscoe's fame chiefly rests, his ** Life of prietors of the Botanic Garden at Liver-
Lorenzo de' Medici,'' was commenced pool, previous to the ppening the Gar-
in 1790, and completed in 1796. During den. May 3, 1802/' published in 12mo.
the period of its compilation, the author
lived at the distance of two miles from
Liverpool, whither he daily repaired to
attend to the business of his office. His
evenings alone could be dedicated to the
work ; the rare books which he had oc-
casion to consult, were mostly procured
from London, although it was a consider-
able advantage to him that his friend)
Mr. Clarke, the banker, had spent a
winter at Florence. The work was
printed at Liverpool, under his own
superintendence. In 1798, Mr. Roscoe
published " The Nurse, a Poem, from
the Italian of Luigi Tansillo,'' in 4to.
8vo. 1800. In 1805 appeared his second
great work, ''The Life and Pontificate
of Leo the Tenth," the son of Lorenaa
de' Medici, in 4 vols. 4to., the 8vo. edi-
tion, in six volumes, 1806. After the
Sublication of his first historical work,
ir. Roscoe had retired from his practice
as a solicitor, and had entered himself
and by the following communications
to the Twsactions of tlie Linnsan So-
ciety: in 1806, Of the Plants of the Mon-
andrian Class, usually called Scitami-
neae (vol, viii. p. 330) ; in 1810, An
artificial and natural arrangement of
Plants, and particularly on the systems
of Linnseus and Jussieu (vol. xi. p. 50) ;
in 1814, On Dr. Roxburgh's description
of the Monandrous Plants (ibid, p* 270).
Mr. Roscoe also wrote the preface to
Daulby's Catalogue of the Etchings of
Rembrandt; and the descriptions to the
Italian Views in Front's Landscape An-
nual. While Mr. Roscoe was occupied
with his literary and political studies^ a
series of unforeseen circumstances, parti-
cularly several other failures, obliged the
banking-house in which he was engaged to
suspend payment. Time was given for
the firm to recover from its embarrass-
ments. The difficulties, however, in
which it was placed, rendered itimpossi-
at Gray's Inn, with the intention of hie for the partnerrs to make good their
practising at the l^art In 1 805^ however, engi^ment^t Mn Roscoe did all tliat
948
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS— July.
could be expected from an honest man ;
he gave up the whole of bis property to
satisfy his creditors. His library, which
was very extensive, and consisted prin-
cipally of Italian works, was the great-
est sacrifice ; the books were sold (at
Liverpool) for 5150L, the prints for
1880/., and the drawings for 738/. A
portrait of Leo the Tenth was purchased
for 500/. by Mr. Coke of Holkham. Yet,
upon the whole, Mr. Roscoc, could
scarcely be termed unfortunate. Dis-
tinguished through life by the friend-
ship of tlic gifted and noble, his
days were spent in a free intercourse
with kindred minds, and his declining
years were solaced by the affectionate
attentions of sincerely attached re-
lations. He was regarded as the head
of the literary and scientific circles
of his native town; and much of his
time was spent in the promotion of
public institutions which he had contri-
buted to establish. His funeral was
attended by committees of the Royal
Institution, the Philosophical Societyi
and the Athenaium ; and by nearly two
hundred gentlemen on foot, besides
those in carriages.
Lately. At Dublin, lieutenant-colonel
William J. Tucker, late of the Royal Irish
Artillery.
— In Albemarle-street, aged 58, sir
John Hayford Thorold, the tenth bart.
of Marston, county Lincoln (1642), capt.
in the 3rd York Militia.
— In Welbcck-street, Robert Fuller-
ton, esq. late governor of Prince of Wales's
Island, Singapore, and Malacca.
— At Stanborough-house, Somerset-
shire, aged Q5i major-gen. John Hilly
Sy mons, late of the East India Company 's
Madras Establishment.
— At Donaghadee, aged 76, the
right hon. Harriet countess of Massa-
reene, relict of Chichester earl of Massa-
reene, and aunt to the earl of Roden.
JULY.
2. In Windsor Castle, aged 72, col.
James M'Dermott, late of the Royal
Military College.
— At Southampton, George Argles,
esq. a post captain R.N. having been for
some time in a desponding state of mind,
heclosed his existence, during the tempo-
rary absence of his wife, by discharging
a pistol in his mouth, and stabbinfr
himself in the left side with a carving
knife*
2. At his seat, Merton Abbey, Surry,
aged 78, Isaac Smith, esq. a superan-
nuated rear-admiral in the Royal Navy.
3. At Cocoa Islands, on his passage
to Calcutta, aged 64, commodore sir J.
Hayes.
4. At New York, aged 72, the hon.
James Munroe, of Virginia, late presi-
dent of the United States. He was
bom on Monroe's Creek in Westmore-
land County, Virginia, in September,
1 758 ; was an officer in the revolution-
ary war ; and afterwards, in successioo,
member of Congress, governor of Vir-
ginia, envoy extraordinary to France
and Great Britain, secretary at war,
and for eight years president of the
United States. After having dispensed
the patronage of the government for
twice the constitutional term, he retired
to the ranks of private life in honourable
Eoverty; and having been induced, by
roken health and domestic afflictioDB,
to leave Virginia for New York, died in
the bosom of a daughter*s family in that
city. He is the third president of the
United States who has died on the anni-
versary of their independence — the pre-
vious instances being Adams and Jeffer-
son.
5. At Quebec, aged 29, Mr. Adam
Kidd, a native of the county of Derry,
author of the " Huron Chief9'*and seve-
ral other fugitive poems.
7* In Great Surry-street, of apo-
plexy, aged 57, Robert William Ellis-
ton, esq. the eminent actor. Mr. Ellis-
ton was bom April 7> 1774» in Orange-*
street, Bloomsbury. His &ther, a
watchmaker, was the youngest son of an
eminent farmer at Gidgrave, near Or-
ford, in Suffolk, and brother to the rev*
William Elliston, D.D. master of Sid-
ney-Sussex college, Cambridge. At nine
years of age young Elliston was placed
at St. Foul's school, and as he was accus-
tomed to visit his uncle Dr. Elliston at
Cambridge during the vacations, he
had before him good prospects in the
university, and also, should he think
fit to enter the clerical profession, in the
church. It is said that his ambition for
scenic celebrity was first excited by the
applause he received at the school
speeches in 1790, on delivering of an
English thesis, the subject of which was.
Nemo confidat nimium secundis. He
is remembered, about the same period,
to have represented Pierre, in VeDico
At^PENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
24d
DEATHS.— July,
Preserved, at some private perform- and on Mr. Colman's nevr arrangement
ances at the Lyceum, and hcj shortly in 1803, he became not only his princi-
after abruptly quitted school, without
the knowledge of his friends. He wan-
dered to Bath, where, to procure the
temporary means of subsistence, he en-
gaged himself as clerk in a lottery of-
fice, and remained in that capacity for a
pal performer, but also bis acting
manager. In the succeeding year, when
John Kemble quitted Dniry-lane, Mr.
Elliston was engaged to supply his place ;
after the theatre was burnt^ when the
company performed at the Lyceum, be
few weeks, until he found an opportunity, left it in consequence of some quarrel
of making his theatrical essay, which was
in the humble part of Tressel, in Richard
the Third, April 21, 1791. Although
this performance was very successful,
the manager was not able to offer him
a permanent engagement; he obtained
with Thomas Sheridan. He then took
the Circus, and having given it the name
of the Surry Theatre, commenced per-
forming some of the best plays of Shak-
speare, and some Operas, having so fai;
altered them as to bring them within the
however, from Mr. Wallis, the father of meaning of the license ; a practice which
Mrs. Campbell, a letter of recommend- be defended m a well-written pamphlet,
ation to Tate Wilkinson, at York, who He acted the principal parts, and was
immediately engaged him. The pnnci- equally applauded in Macbeth and Mac-
pal characters in Wilkinson's company heath. In 1806 he published "The Ven-
being entirely pre-occupied, the truant
in a short time became weary of his
situation, and wrote to his uncle a letter
supplicating forgiveness. He was allow-
ed to return to his family, but could not
be persuaded to relinquish bis taste for
the stage. In 1793 he appeared a se-
etian Outlaw, a Drama, in three acts,"
which he had himself adapted from the
French " Abelino, le grand bandit. '^
On the reopening of Drury-lane Theatre,
Elliston again formed part of that com-
pany : on the first night he delivered
Lord Byron's opening address, and per-
cond time at Bath in the character of sonated the character of Hamlet When
Romeo ; and during the season he con-
tinued to play a variety of characters in
Tragedy, Comedy, Opera, and Panto-
mime. As his occupation in life appear-
ed now to be decisively adopted, another
uncle, the late professor Martyn, had
the kindness to use his exertions to
introduce him to the boards of Drury-
lane ; but the terms proposed not being
sufficient to induce Elliston to leave
Bath, he concluded an engagement
there for four years* In 1796 he carried
off from that city Miss Rundall, a teacher
of dancing, and soon after their marriage
in London made his first bow to a London
audience at the Haymarket, on the 24th
of June in that year, in the very opposite
characters of Octavian in " The Moun*
taineers " and Vapour in ** My Grand-
the theatre was let out on a lease in 1819,
he became the lessee, at a yearly rent of
10,200/. and so continued until declared,
a bankrupt in 1826. After some spe-
culations in the Olympic theatre, be
again undertook the superintendance of
the Circus, and until very lately occa-
sionally performed upon its boards, in
Cumberland's Jew, Dr. Pangloss, and
some smaller parts.
9. At his house, in George-street,
Hanover-square, aged 69, the hon. and
right rev. William Knox, D.D. lord
bishop of Derry, a trustee of the Irish
Linen Manufacture, &c. ; brother to
lord viecount Northland. He published
in 1799 << Two Sermons preached in
Trinity College Chapel;" in 1800 "A
Thanlcsgiving Sermon on lord Nelson's
mother." Having performed a few victory;'* and in 1802, "Revelation
nights, he returned to Bath until the
latter end of the season, when he again
appeared at the Haymarket as Sir Ed-
ward Mortimer in the Iron Chest, which
only a short time before had been pro-
duced and condemned at Drury-lane,
although Mr. Kemble had taken the
character of Sir Edward Mortimer.
From the Haymarket Mr. Elliston was
engaged to perform for a limited number
of nights at Co vent Garden ; but owing
to some disagreement with Mr. Harris,
he again joined the Haymarket corps \
indispensable to Morality, a Sermon."
— At Montagu-place, aged 66, A. E.
Impey, esq.
10. Aged 65, sir George Montgomery,
the second baronet of Magbie-hill, co.
Peebles, (1774), knight in Parliament
for that county ; brother-in-law to George
Byng, esq. M.P. for Middlesex, and
uncle to the late earl of Blesinton. Sir
George was not married ; and his ba-
ronetcy is become extinct.
— Aged 86, the rev. Thomas Bur-
rough, rector of Abbot's Anne, Hants,
260 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DKATIIS.
Iirothcr to sir James Burrougli, late judge
of the Court of Common Picas.
11. In Lincoln'ti Inn, Richard Duppa,
esq. LL.U. bariistcr-at-Iaw, and l'.S.A.
lie received his university education at
Trinity college, Oxford, and afterwards
took the degree of LL.B. at Trinity-hall,
Caml)ridge, in the year 1814. He was
the author of tiic following works : " A
Journal of the most remarkable occur-
rences that took place at llume upon tlie
subversion of the EcclcHiastical Govern-
ment in 179H," two editions in 179.9.
" A Selection of twelve heads from the
I^ast Judgment of Michael Angclo,
1801,*' imperial folio " Heads from the
fresco Pictures of Raffaele in the Vati-
can, 1803." folio. "The Life and
Literary Works of Michael Angelo
Buonarotti,with his Poetry and Letters,
1806," 4to; second edition, 1809 ; third
edition, 181G. *' Elements of Botany,
1809.*' 3 vols. 8vo. " Virgil's Buco-
lics, with notes, 1810." " Select Greek
Sentences, 1811." 24mo. " An Edi-
tion of Martyn's Eclogues of Virgil,
1813.*' '• On the author of Junius,
1814.*' •* Introduction to Greek, 1815."
" Observations on the price of Corn, as
connected with the Commerce of the
Country and the Public Revenue, 1815."
*' Classes and Orders of the Linnasan
System of Botany, illustrated by select
specimens, 18l(J.'» 3 vols. 8vo. ; " Life
of Raffuelle, 181C." "Outlines of
Michael Angclo^s works, with a plan,
elevation, and sections of St. Peter's,
Rome, 1816." •♦ Illustrations of the
Lotus of the ancients, and the Tamara
of India, 1816." (only thirty private
copies). ** Dr. Johnson's Diary of a
Journey into North Wales in 1774, with
illustrative notes, 1816." (incorporated
in the late edition of Boswell's Life, by
the right hon. J. W. Croker). «* Miscel-
laneous Observations and Opinions on
the Continent, 1825." *• Travels in
Italy, &c. 1828." " Travels on the
Continent, Sicily, and the Lipari Is-
lands, 1829." " Maxims, &c. 1830."
and a pamphlet on the claims of autliors
to copyright.
12. At Jersey, colonel Alexander Mac-
kenzie, formerly of 36th foot.
13. While on a visit to his son com-
manding the Coast Guard at Blatching-
ton,nearSeaford, aged 67, James Walker,
esq. rear-admiral of the Red, C.B. and
K.T.S.
14. In Montague-street, Portman-
equare, in bis 80th yeari Kenneth Fnm«
ULY.
cis Mackenzie, esq. formerly attorney-
general for the island of Granada.
18. Aged 81, sir George Abercromby,
the fourth baronet of Birkenbcff, go.
Hanf, (1637) and chief of the clan of
Abercromby, for 48 years sheriff depute
of the shires of Elgin and Nairn.
18. At Hampton, aged 73, Thomas
Greatorex, esq. F.R.S. F.L.S. organist
of Westminster-abbey, conductor of his
majesty's concerts of ancient music, &c.
Mr. Greatorex was a native of Derby-
shire. He came to Tendon in 1773, and
was a pupil of Dr. Cooke, organist
and master of the boys at Westminsteiv
abbey, under whose tuition so many
eminent professors have received their
education. In 1774, 1775, and 1776, he
attended lord Sandiidch's Cbristmaa ora-
torios at Hincbinbrook. At the esta-
blishment of the ancient concert, in
1776, Greatorex assisted in the choruses ;
and be continued a performer there,
until he was advised to try a northern
air for the re-establishment of his health,
when he accepted the situation of organist
of the cathedral of Carlisle in 1780.
Here, although the emoluments were
small, he has been heard to 8ay» that he
f>assed some of the happiest days of his
ife. He spent two evenings of each
week in a select society, in which were
included Dr. Percy, the late bishop of
Dromore, then dean of Carlisle, Dr.
Charles Law, the late bishop of Elphin,
and archdeacon Paley. In 1784 he re-
signed the situation, and went to Italy,
where he studied vocal music, and re-
ceived instructions in singing for two
years from 3antarelli,the most celebrated
singer of his time at Rome. He alio
visited all the other principal cities of
Italy, and returned to England tbroush
Switzerland, Germany, the NetherUnds,
and Holland, at the end of 1788. He
now established himself in London, and
very soon had his time fullv occupied as
a teacher of singing. In 1793, on the
resignation of Mr. Bates, he was, with-
out solicitation, appointed conductor of
the Ancient Concerts, which post he re-
tained until his death. In 1801 he con-
tributed to the restoration of the Vocal
Concert ; and in 1819 he succeeded to the
situation formerly held by his master.
Dr. Cook (who died in 1793), as organist
and master of the boys at Westminster-
abbey. His publications consisted of a
compilation of Psalm Tunes, harmonised
by himself, and dedicated by permission
to the king \ and the anftogementa of
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
261
DEATHS
many musical compositions for the An-
cient or Vocal Concert, by adding oom*
plete orcliestral, vocal, ana instrumental
parts. His pursuits were not altogether
confined to music ; he was no mean ma-
thematician, and was much attached to
astronomy, possessing several valuable
telescopes. He was a Fellow of the
Royal Society.
20. Aged 77> William Jemmett, esq.
formerly of Little Milton, and proprie-*
tor of estates there and in other parts of
the kingdom. He was high sheriff of
Oxfordshire during the first illness of
George III.; but was afterwards reduced
to poverty by a series of misfortunes, and
for some time previous to his decease
was supported by charity and parochial
aid.
21. In Royal-row, Westminster-road,
aged 54, the eccentric Bob Bradbury, a
well-known clown. He was originally a
cabinet-maker at Liverpool, where he
made his debut. He possessed prodi-
gious strength, and some of his feats
were more calculated to terrify than to
amuse his auditors ; he was a great
favourite of the public, and one of his
benefits in Dublin produced him 600/.
He was passionately fond of dress and
jewellery.
24. At Chelmsford, aged 83, John
Badeley, M.D.
25. At the Cape of Good Hope, the
rev. Fearon Fallows, F.R.S. Astrono-
mer Royal at that Colony. He was for-
merly Fellow of St. John's College, Cam-
bridge, where he graduated B.A. 1813,
as third Wrangler, M.A. 1816.
27. At Dublin, aged 85, the right
hon. Jghn Toler, earl of Norbury, vis-
count Glandine, and baron Norbury, of
Ballyorenode, co. Tipperary, a Privy
Councillor for Ireland, and late chief
justice of the court of Common Pleas in
that kingdom. He was called to the bar
in Michaelmas term 1770 ; and in 1776
was first returned to the Irish House of
Commons as one of the members for
Tralee. In 1781 he was appointed a
king's Counsel ; and in 1784 we find
him chairman of the Quarter Sessions
at Kilmainham. In the latter year he
was elected one of the representatives
of the borough of Philipstown, in the
king's County ; his elder brother, Da-
niel Toler, esq., who died in 1796,
being chosen one of the county members
for Tipperary. He was at this period
a very useful orator on the part of the
Government; nor was bit personal
.—July.
prowess unacceptable. A violent speech,
containing threats towards Mr* Ponsonby
is recorded in the Debates of the Irish
House of Commons^ in Feb. 1797 ; and
he challenged the notorious Napper
Tandy, who declined the encounter. In
1789 ne was appointed Solicitor-general
of Ireland ; ana at the general election
of 1790 he was chosen M. P. for Newbo-
rough, CO. Wexford. On the 7th of Nov.
1797, his wife was created a peeress of
Ireland. Mr. Toler was appointed Attor-
ney-general of Ireland, July 16th| 1798,
and sworn of the Privy Coun6il on the
2nd of August He was during that year
actively engaged in the prosecution of
the Irish rebels. He was advanced to
be Chief Justice of the Court of Common
Pleas, Dec. 20, 1800 ; and on the 29th
of the same month was created lord
Norbury. He retained the Chief Justice-
ship until 1827, when, oa his retirement
he was rewarded with a pension of 3046A,
and advanced* to the titles of viscount
Glandine and earl of Norbury, with
remainder to his second son.
28. At Dublin, aged S3, the right
hon. Margaret Baroness Louth, sister to
lord Dunsany.
29. Aged 81, the rev. Joseph Philli-
more, father of Joseph Phillimore, D.CL.
judge of the Cinque Ports, &c.
30. AtUshaw-coIlege, Durham, aged
67, Dr. Thomas Smith, Roman Catholic
bishop of Bolina, and vicar apostolic in
the Northern District.
31. Aged 72, William Browell, esq.
Iieut.-govemor of Greenwich Hospital.
— At Duneaves, Perthshire, Marma*
duke Ramsay, esq. M. A. F.L.S., Fellow
and Tutor of Jesus College, Cambridge ;
brother to sir Alex. Ramsay, of Balmain,
CO* Kincardine, hart. He was the fifth
son of sir Alexander the first and late
baronet, by Elizabeth daughter and co-
heiress of sir Alexander Bannerman,
baronet and graduated B.A. as 15th
Wrangler 1818, M. A. 1821.
Lately, At Calcutta, Dr. Turner,
bishop of that see, and brother-in-law
to the bishop of Chester (Dr. Sumner.)
At Paris, aged 75, lieut.-col. James
O'Hara.
AtSunninghill, the right hon. Philippa
baroness Sunderlin.
At Vienna, aged 43, hit imperial
highness the ardiduke Rudolph John
Joseph Renter, a cardinal of the church
of Rome, prince archbishop of Olmutz,
youngest orother to the emperor of
Aiutriftf He iru bom at Florenoei Jaot
252 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS— Aug.
8; 1788 : and created a Cardinal priest,
June 4, 1819.
Sir Marcus Somcrville, third baronet
of Somcrville, county Meatli (1748),
knight in Parliament for that county.
At Kentish-town, Mr. Whelan, an
engraver. Reading a newspaper, he was
balancing himself upon the hinder feet
of the chair, when losing his equili-
brium, he fell backward, and fractured
bis skull against a marble slab.
At Bath, the hon. Eliza, relict of
colonel William Baillie, aged 70.
In Bolton-row, Piccadilly, Richard
Reece, M. D. He published ** The
Medical and Chirurgical Pharmacopoeia/*
1800.—" The Domestic Medical Guide,''
1803. — '* Observations on the properties
of the Lichen Jslandicus, or Iceland
Moss, in Consumption,'' 1804. — *'A
Treatise on the Radix Rhatania;, or
Rhatany root,** 1808. —'* Dictionary
of Domestic Medicine," 1808.— " A
Treatise on the Causes, Prevention, and
Cure of Gout," 1810.—" A new Sys-
tem of Physic and Medical Surgery,"
1811. — "Treatise on pulmonary Con-
sumption, and Asthma," 1811. — Let*
ters on the present state of Medicine,'*
1811. — " Ueecian Pandect of Medicine, or
New Nosological arrangement of Dis-
eases," 1 812 — Practical Treatise on the
Gratiola, as a remedy for consumption,
asthma,and constitutional cough,'' 1813.
— " The Medical Guide for Tropical Cli-
mates," 1814. — Stc. &c. When Joanna
Southcott avowed herself to be in a
state of pregnancy, the Doctor suffered
himself to be deluded into an interview
with the pretended prophetess, whose
appearance he declared to be such as to
^warrant him in pronouncing her to be
pregnant. At length the fallacy ended
m the death of the woman, whose body
was opened by the doctor, and he pub-
lished the result of his observations in
'* A plain Narrative of the circumstances
attending the last Illness and Death of
Joanna Southcott,'' 1815.
AUGUST.
4. At Stouehouse, near Plymouth,
Alexander Robert Kerr, esq. a captain
iu the Royal Navy, and C.B.
5. At Worcester, aged 56, John Car-
den, esq. for thirty years first surgeon to
the Worcester Infirmary.
6. At Gloucester-place, Portman-sq.
aged 83, Wm. Rooke, esq. formerly of the
Bengal Civil establishment, and brother
to the late sir Giles Rooke, Justice of
the Common Pleas.
9. At Corfu, aged 25, the hon. Charles
Gustavus Monckton, capt. 88th regt.
second son of viscount and viscountess
Galway. This young man, in the per-
formance of his military duty was shot
by a soldier who had been committing
robbery, and had armed himself to de-
stroy any individual who might recognise
him.
10. At Bretton-hall, aged 68, Diana,
widow of Thomas Richard Beaumont,
esq. lieut. col. 21st dragoons, and M.P.
for Northumberland. She was the na-
tural daughter and heiress (by will) of
sir Thos. Wentworth Blackett, of Bret-
ton-hall, bart. and was left a widow July
31, 1829.
11. At Cove, near Cork, aged 77,
Dr. William Coppinger, Roman Catholic
bishop of Cloyne, He was consecrated
in 1788.
12. At Cheltenham, aged 85, Mathias
Hathaway, esq.
13. At Southampton, aged 52, lieut-
col. John Oke, late of the Gist foot
14. In Berkeley-square, aged 74, sir
Benjamin Ilobhouse, of Westbury Col-
lege, CO. Gloucester, and Chantry House
Wilts, bart. M.A. F.R.S. and S.A., first
commissioner for investigating the debts
of the Carnatic, a banker at Bath, vice-
f resident of the Literary Fund, &c Sec,
le was educated at Brazennose College ,
Oxford, where he attained the degree of
M.A. June 26, 1781; and was after-
wards called to the bar. At the general
election in 1796, he stood on the inde-
pendent interest for Bristol ; but, after
polling 102 votes, declined at the close
of the first day. In the following Febra-
ary he was returned on a vacancy for
Blechingley ; and on the 1st of May
that year he was one of those who voted
in favour of the hon. Mr. Grey's motion
for a reform in Parliament In 1802 he
was returned for Grampound ; in 1806
for Hindon : and be sat for that bo-
rough until compelled by ill health to
retire from public life in 1818. He first
came into office in 1803, as secretary to
the Board of Control, during the minis-
try of Mr. Addlngton ; he resigned that
post in May 1804; and in 1805 was
made chairman of the committees for
supplies. In 1807, he was appointed
first commissioner for investigating the
debts of the Nabobs of the Carnatic,
which office he retained until his de-
cease. He was created a baronet by
APPENDIX TQ CHRONICLE.
DEATHS— Apo.
«63
patent dated Dec. 33, 1813. He H
succeeded by his eldest son John Can
HobhouBe.
15. Murdered by the populace at
Warsaw, Frederick Fanaliawe, esq.
dtamberlain to his late imperial bigh-
ness;ihe grand duke Constantlne.
— At Mortfield, Lancashire, aged 26,
James Grundy Cross, esq. M. A. of
Donning-collegf, and of the Inner
Temple, barrister- at-la
He H
I forai
16. .
profeeeor of Oriental Tongues; nbout
1806 he beisme a Senior rdlatr, and
professor of MathematiL'S. His cele-
brated " Discourses on the Scriptural
Doctrines of the Atonement and Sacri-
fice," were published in 1801, in two
volumes Std. and were dedicated to
lord chancellor of Ireland.
Stamford-hill, aged 19, s!r In consequence of the great and n
Daniel Williams, knC. colonel ot the
Tower Hamlets' Milrlia, and for thirty-
two years a Police Magistrate of Lam-
beth-street. He was bnighted in June
IS02.
— At Exeter, aged 7^, John Macdon-
nld, esq. FeHow of the Royal and Asiatic
Societies, and formerly lieut.-col. of the
Royal Clan Alpine regiment. This gen-
tleman was the only son of the celebrated
Flora Macdonald, who assisted prince
Charles's escape in 1746. He published
" A Treatise explanatory of the
riled
ciples
;ing the practi
reputation which fidlowed the publica-
tion of this boot, Dr. Magee was ad-
vanced, iu 1813, to the deanery of Cork.
In 1B19 he was consecrated bishop of
Ilaphoc, and in 1833 was translated to
the See of Dublin, by the late lord
Liverpool. Dr. Magee's oihcr publiot-
tiotis consisted of, " A Thanksgiving
Sermon on the Delivery of this king-
dom from Invasion, I7S7,'' " A Ser-
mon oocasioned by the death of the enrl
of Clare, 1802 j" and " A Memoir of
Thomas Pcrciva!, MD. F.R.S. and S.A.
printed in the Gentleman's Magazine,
vol. Ixxiv. pp. 1067. ■
heory of the violoneello." " A Trea-
tise on Telegraphic communication;"
several articles in the Philosophical eestershirc, the rE. hon. Charles Bragge
"" -- 1 - - - Bathurst, D.C.L. ft privy councillor, a
bencher of Lincoln's Ion, and formerly
chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster.
He tvBs the eldest son of Charles Bragge,
of Cleve-ball, in Gloucestershire, esq.
by Anne, daughter of Benjamin JJn-
thurst, of Lydney, esq. F.R.S. and suc-
cessively M.F. for Cirencester, Glouces-
ter, and Monmouth i nephew to Allen,
lirst earl Bathurst. Mr. Bmgge was
educated at Winchester, under Dr.
Wartun, and then elected lo a fellow-
ship at New College, Oxford, as of
founder's kin. He took the degree of
B.C.L.Dec. 17. 1785; and was created
D.C.L June 16, 1614. Having been
called to the bar, be wan for many years
ft leading counsel at the qnarter-sessiona
at Gloucester. His cousin earl Bathurst,
v,'liilst lord chancellor, presented him
with the office of clerk of the Present-
ations. At the general election of
1796 he was elected M.P. for Bristol ;
and on Ibe 14th of December that year,
when Mr. Fox moved a vote of censure
on the ministry, Mr. Biagge moved ihe
amendment, which was '— ' — ■"■
lative to military discipline and tactics,
1)esides vatious commnaicatioas in the
Gentleman's Magazine, both on political
and miscellaneous topics.
17.At his lodgings in South Lambeth,
aged 45, Mr. Peter Nasmyth, n distin-
guished pftinler. He was the eldest son
of Alexander Nasmyth of Edinburgh,
the landscape painter. At the age of
twenty he came to London, where liis
talents were soon appreciated, and he
got the name of the English Hobbima.
Hobbima and Ruysdael were bia favour-
ite masters. In a late IhnndeMtorm,
when too weak to support himself up-
right, he wished the curtains to be drawn
aside, and begged bis sisters to lift him
up, that he might register in bis memory
the splendour of the passing effects.
18. At Deal, Richard Budd Vineetit,
esq. a captain in the Royal Navy, nnd
C.B.
— At Redesdale-house, rear Still-
organ, aged 66, the most rev. William
Mugee, D.D. archbishop of Dublin,
bishop of Glandelagfa, and primate of
Ireland; chancellor of Ihe illustrious vision hy aiunjorityof 104.
Order of St. Patrick, Visitor of Trinity of the secret committee of fifteen, no-
College, Dublin, and M.R.I.A. Dr. minated Nov. Ifl, 1797, lo examine into
Magee was the son of parents very the situation of the Bank of England,
humble in life, and was a servitor in and aftermrda brought up the report as
264 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS
chairman. Id 1799 he was chairman of
the committee of Supply. In 1801, on
the formation of the ministry of lord
Stdmouth, whose sister Mr. Bragge had
married in 17H8, he was appointed trea-
surer of the navy, in the room of the
bon. Dudley Kyder (now earl of Harrow-
by), and was sworn a privy councillor.
lie was re-chosen for Bristol at the
general election of 1802. In June 1803,
be resigned his oAice in favour of Mr.
Tierney. On the 12tli of August follow-
ing a new writ was ordered for Bristol,
Mr. Bragge having accepted the steward-
ship of the Chiltern Hundreds ; he was
re-eiccted, after having, during the va-
cancy! received the appointment of secre-
tary at War, the business of which depart-
ment he executed until Mr. Pitt*s return
to power in May 1804. On the death of
Anne, widow of his brother-in-law Pool
Bathurst, esq. May o, 1804, Mr. Bragge
succeeded to Lydney, and the other
estates of that branch of the family of
Bathurst, and on the 24th of October
following, received tlie royal license to
assume the name. After the dissolu-
tion of Parliament in 1806, Mr. Bathurst
was appointed master of the Mint;
which office he retained until 1810,
when he was succeeded by his cousin,
the present earl Bathurst. On the
22nd of June 1812, he was appointed
chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster,
in which office he continued to Jan.
1823. He was re-elected for Bristol in
1806 and 1807 : he was in 1812 for Bod-
min, and in 1SI8 for Harwich. He had a
pension of 350/. charged on the civil list,
granted him in 1826; and his widow
enjoys 1 ,000/. per annum, granted her at
three several times, 600/. in 1823, 300/.
in 1825, and 100/. in 1829.
23. At upper Hailing, Kent, William
Golding, who in June last completed his
100th year. Up to that time be was in
the habit of spending his evenings in a
public-house in the \'inage, where he
occasionally favoured the company with
a song, which he sung with all the spirit
and vivacity of youth. He had follow-
ed the occupation of a wood reeve.
24. At the house of Wm. Phipson, esq.
£dgbaston, Warwickshire, aged 48, Ga-
briel J. M. de Lys, M.D. one of the phy-
sicians to the General Hospital at Bir-
mingham. He was the representative of
a noble family in Britanny; was brought
to this country when a child, on his fa-
ther's flying from the horrors of the re-
volution, and was edui*ated at the school
I. — Auo.
for the sons of the French emigrant no-
bility at Pen, in Bucks. He settled at
Birmingham in 1808. He was an able
lecturer at the Philosophical Institution
of that town.
24. At Leeds, aged 52, John White,
esq. the celebrated violinist, and for
many years organist of the churches of
Harcwood and Wakefield,
25. At Bristol, after a very long ill-
ness, the rev. Samuel Seyer, M. A.
Rector of Felton, Gloacettershire, yice-
president of the Bristol library Sodotj.
^. In 1812, he published in a qoarto
volume, *' The Charters and Letleni
Patent granted by the Kinss and Quoant
of England to the town and city of Bris-
tol, newly translated and accompanied
by the original Latin,'' in the prefkce to
which he first announced an *^ Intended
History of Bristol ; >* the publication of
the latter be commenced in tlie year
1821, when appeared the first part of
volume I. of what he entitled, ''Memoirs
Historical and Topographical of Bristol
and its Neighbourh(x>d, from the earli-
est period down to the present time.''
This was afterwards extended to two
quarto volumes. He was also autlior of
a popular Latin Grammar, which has
gone th rough several editions. He trane-
lated likewise into English verse the
Latin Poem of Vida on Chess ; and in
1808 he published «Latinum Redivi-
vum : or a treatise on the modem use of
the Latin language, and the prevalence of
tlie French ; to which is added a speci-
men of the Latin language, accommo-
dated to modern use.''
28. In bis 83rd year, Andrew Stracluuiy
esq. printer to the king.
29. In Downing-street, Alexander
Dawson, esq. M.P. for Louth.
Latefy. In Bath, aged 86, lady Char-
lotte, widow of Stephen Ram, esq. of
Burnsfoot, county Wexford, and POrta-
wood, Hants, aunt to the eari of Cour-
town.
In Perthshire, Clerk Rattray, esq. one
of the barons of the Exchequer ,in Scot-
land.
At Vienna, in his 92nd year, baron
O'Connell, colonel in the Austrian army,
and chamberlain to the emperor. In
1762 the baron, with his cousin, now
general count O'Connell^ uncle to the
member for Kerry, left Ireland, and
sought promotion in foreign states ; one
chose the service of Austria, the other
that of France. The count attained high
rank in the French army previously to
266
tht
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
DEATHa— Sbtt.
rerolution ; the «nipr«n MkrU ai sbe fn-quently uid (be wu a good-
(h detaclipd banm O'CoddsII from Kizrd girl st the ineurrectian of the Ca-
hU military mreer earl; in life, and romanlee negroei, which happened in
nppointed him her chHmbeilain, wbich Carpenter's MountaiDti Clnrendon, In
lionnumble oiSce be held for firty-nine the^carI6B01 She retained all berfa-
ycara, under the emperorg Joeeph, Leo- cultieato the last mOTnent. and did coarse
pold, and Francis. The buno be- aeedle-woik until a very short time pie-
quenthed brs property to hit nephew, vlous to her death.
Ueoflrey O'Connell, esq. of Cork. 4. At Southampton, Otirald Wtrge,
Lately. Mrs. Elizabeth Atherton, of esq. formerly lieuL-col. 17Ui Ught
Prescot. By her will, she. pravc -- " - "^ -
'and steward of Pfescot(ror1hellme
being) £00/. in trust, for " old men am'
widows, being; dpcnyed honiekeepers □
Prescot.'' To tbe grammar school ii
DfiOO/. ; to the Public Infirmary
; Stnnirick, the eeat of Innl
Prudhoe, aged 47, Mary, wife of the
hoD. and right rev. Hugh Perry, D.D.
lord biebop of Carlisle.
S. In hia palace, at Worcester, aged
It Liverpool 1,0001. ; lo the Asylum for 77, the rimbt rev. Polllott Herbrrt
the Blind, Liverpool, SMI. ; to the Blue Walker Caraewall, D.D. lord bishop of
Coat Hospital, Liverpool, 500/. !*--' - '"
Warrington Meetinjc, or the Society for
theRelief of ClorRjmen'a Widows and
Orphans, 6001. ; lb the Society for the
Pramoting ChHatinn Knottledge, 60I1(. ;
to the Dlspeoeaiy at OmiBkiik, lOli;.;
--■■ ■© the poor of the respective parisbe-
— A I Belgaiim, Bombay, aged 63, Bri-
gadier general Michael Kennedy. Ills
military career in India, which iniH
long and active, commenced in ITKI,
when he went out BE n volunteer, having
" ■ ed thither by a relativl
of Ormskirk, ScariBbrick, Skelmersdale, commanded the Madrai
and BickersUfi', 1
At Cheltenbnin, aged 6
Green, knight and barone
colonel of the S7th regiment,
of the Consolidated Board of General
Officers, and a Ctimmissioner of the
Royal Military College,
In Regent^treet, aged 67, eir Hugh
Innes, of LochaUh, county of Ross,
M.P. for the Cdunty of Sutherlatic}.
At Worcester, aged 57. sir Edward
Denny, the third baconet of Tralce
castle, county Kerry.
Drowned in Loughcorrib {with two
other persons) the bon. M. Browne,
high sheriff of the councy. and a captain
in the army, brother to lord Kilmaine.
The right bon. lady Augusta, wife of
colonel Henry M. Clavering, elder sister
to the duke of Argyll.
At Killarney, lie ut. -colonel William
M'Carlhjf, late of the 96th regiment.
At Macbany. aged IS, the hon. Elim-
beth Drummond, cousin to viscount
Stratballan.
James Dmmmotid, e^q. of Drummow-
hance, a genaral in the army.
SEPTEMBER.
3. At Jamaica, an old Creole negro
woman, named Catherine Uiatt, fomierly puty
belonging to tlie late hon. John Hiatt. coiinl
but free for many years past, whoni
computed aga 'was upwards of ISO yeart
whose death, while Mr. Kennedy was on
his passage, deprived him of the ad-
yautages that bad been held out to him.
le army, and He was actively employed during the
. ..._ jji^j Berlngapabim campaign and was
wounded before that place in Feb. 1793.
Id 1803 he pined the army under sir W.
Clark, and was shortly after appointed to
the command of Fort Vittoria; and auli-
sequently town major of Bombay. In
1HI8 he captured MuHilen-ghur, one of
the strongest and most commanding hill
forts, and afterwards Ihose of Panlghiir
and Ranghur ; and following up these
successes, be reduced thewhole country
between the 17t1i and 18th degrees from
the sea to the Ghauts, closing the cam.
peign by the capture of Rutna Gurry.
His" son Dr. R. H. Kennedy is ihc author
of a late work on Cholera, and another
son James Kennedy, esq. has einplayed
his pen in general lilemture.
8. In Jamaini, Frauees Johnson, a
saEnhownmnn slave, aged 107 years. She
retained all her faculties to her decrase.
— At Bristol, aged 87, Matthew
Bricdale, esq. formerly representative
in Parliament for that dty.
8. Athiaboiise in BurySt. Edmund's,
in bis 90th year, air Thomas Cery Cnl-
lum, the aevenlb baronet of Hawated
lud HardwTck house. 1u SuSblk, ade-
and magistrate for that
capital hurgeaa for Hury, F.R.
10. At Exeter, aged 77, tbe rev.
256 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS.— Sept.
James Manning, for fifty three years of the hon. sir James Allan Park, justice
minister of the Independent congrega- of the Common Pleas.
tion at George's meeting-house, wlierc
he succeeded the celebrated Micaiah
Tovrgood. Mr. Manning was a native
of Exeter, and published " Tiie Life
and Writings of the rev, Micaiah Tow-
good,'* 17D2, Bva; "A Sermon on the
death of the rev. Rice Harris, D.D.
1795, 8vo. ; "Exercises of Piety, by
Zollikofcr, translated from the French,''
1796, 8vo.
11. In Whitehall^place, aged 65, the
right hon. John Calcraft, knight in
l^irliament for the county of Dorset.
He was the son and heir of John Cal-
craft, esq. an eminent army agent, who
accumulated a great fortune, and became
proprietor of large estates in Dorsetshire.
He died in 177i, heing then ^r.P. for
llochester. The late Mr. Calcraft was
first returned to Parliament in I7P6 for
the borough of Wareham, in which he
possessed considerable property ; and
was re-chosen in 1802. lie generally
\'0ted with the opposition ; but for a
time attached himself more particularly
to the interests of the prince of Wales.
On the formation of the Grcnville Ad-
ministration, Mr. Calcraft was appointed
clerk of the Ordnance, Feb. 15, IbOB.
In the same year he was returned to
Parliament for Rochester, where he was
re-elected in 1807 and 1812, In 1818
Mr. Calcraft lost his election for Roches-
ter ; and from that time until the pre-
14. The day after he had completed
his 51st year, at Somer's-town, Mr. Wil-
liam lionneau Noble, formerly an artiit
of some promise. Nephew to Mr. Wil-
liam Noble, a well-known drawing-niai-
ter, who died in 1805, and who succeeded
to the connexion of his latber-iD-]air»
Mr. Jacob Bonneau, tutor in drawing to
some of the rojral fkmily, and to many
of the nobility of the time, he com-
menced his professional career in the
same line, and pursued it, for some years,
in a prosperous manner. In two succes-
sive summers he walked through Wales,
and made many beautiful sketches of its
scenery. Several water-colour paint-
ings from these, produced at a great
expense of time and labour, be sent
for exhibition to the Royal Academy,
about the year 1810. In previous
years his drawings had always been
accepted ; when, therefore, on visiting
Somerset-house, he found that not one
of his pictures was now " hung up,'' the
disappointment sunk deep into his soul.
He regarded it as a sentence of death
passed upon him as an artist : and prac-
tically, he acquiesced in the unjust
doom. Another disappointment, which
he suffered about the same time, touched
him more closely still. He had become
deeply attached to a young lady, and
sought to obtain the consent of her
father. But the only result of his
sent vear he sat for the borough of application was the immediate extinction
Warebam. In June 1828 he accepted
the office of paymaster of the Forces,
and was sworn of the Privy Council.
He retired from office with the other
members of the Wellington administra-
tion, with whose views he appeared to
coincide until the debate on the Reform
bill on the 22nd of last March, when, to
the astonishment of all his acquaintance,
he voted with the 301, which formed
the majority of one by which that mea-
sure first passed a second reading. On
the credit of this vote, Mr. Calcraft be-
came the Reform candidate for Dorset-
shire, in opposition to Mr. Bankes; and,
after a severe contest, he was successful.
For the last three or four months of his
life, he was remarkably low and dejected,
and on the afternoon of the llth of
September, whilst his youngest daugh-
ter (the only member of his fiimily in
town.) was absent at church, he termi-
nated his existence by cutting his throat.
See Chronicle p. 155.
la At £1 wick-hall, aged 65, the wife
of his hopes. Nothing now appeared,
in his eyes, of sufficient importance to
stimulate exertion, and habits of irre-
gularity were formed. These led to new
troubles and anxieties, of which a tem-
porary oblivion was too often sought in
dissipation, and he soon found himself
almost without employment In Nov.
1825, he was suddenly seised with a de-
lirium, in which he made a despeiate
attempt upon his own life. The wound
he inflictcsd, though serious, did not
prove mortal ; and the effusion of blcod
carried away with it the delusion under
which he had shed it. Though so re*
duced in his circunastances as to be in part
dependant on his relatives for support,
he bore his depressed condition with
every appearance of equanimity. He
left behind him a poem of considerable
length entitled <' The Artisf
16. At Chelvey, Somerset, aged 83,
the rev. William Shaw, D.D. for thirty-
six years rector of that parish, and
F.S.A. He wasoneofthelastsurviTiDg
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE. 257
DEATHS*— Oct.
intimate friends of Dr. Johnson, and one
of the literary coterie which met con-
stantly at Bolt-court and Streatham-park.
He published ** Suggestions on a plan of
National Education," 1801, 8vo.
Accidentally shot by his own gun,
whilst crossing a hedge, the rey. Wil-
li am Wilson, rector of Harrington, North-
amptonshire, to which he was pre-
sented in 1801 by the earl of Dysart.
16. At Blaneme, near Dunse, Ber-
Dr. Lyall, late British resident at
Madagascar, and author of " Travels in
Russia.''
In Jamaica, aged 146, Joseph Ram, a
black, belonging to Morice Hall's estate.
Near St. Leonard's-hill, aged 63, by
being thrown from his horse, the mar-
quis d'Harcourt, a principal legatee of
the late earl Harcourt.
At Gran, in Hungary, aged 71, Car-
dinal Alexander Von Rudnay, arch-
wickshire, aged 1 12, Mr. William Car- bishop of Gran and primate of Hungary,
lyle. He was born at Dundee, about In Portman-square, aged 68, the right
the middle of 1719. During the rebel- hon. Matthew Montague, fourth lord
lion in^ 1745 he served in the army of Rokeby, of Armagh ; and the sitth ba-
sir John Cope, against the Pretender, ronet of Rokeby in Yorkshire. He
and was present at the battle of Preston
At this time he was a private in Lee's
regiment, in the troop of capt. Braimer.
19. Of apoplexy, while on a visit to
his son-in-law gen. sir John Buchan,
was born Nov. 23, 1762,; and was the
second son of Morris Robinson, esq. of
the Six Clerks' Office, Chancery-lane.
He took the name and arms of Monta-
gue by royal sign manual in 1776, pursu-
and
K.C.B., colonel Mark Wilks, of the Ma- ant to a petition of his aunt, the cele-
brated literary character, who was the
widow of Edward Montagu, of Aller-
thorpe, esq. a grandson of the first earl
of Sandwich. He was elected to Par-
liament for Bossiney on a vacancy in
1786 ; and in the next Parliament, from
1790 to 1796, sat for Tregony. In 1800,
dras army ; of Portland-place,
Kir by in the Isle of Man*
20. At Burfield Lodge, Berks, in his
70th year, the hon. Frederick Lumley,
brother to the earl of Scarborough.
24. At Brighton, in his 14th year,
the hon. Charles Wm. Lambton, eldest
son of lord Durham, and grandson of on the death of his aunt, at the age ot
earl Grey.
26. At Dumbarton, the day following
the decease of his eldest son, Jacob
Dixon, esq. Provost of Dumbarton.
28. In Upper Wimpole-street, aged
69, lieut-general Malcolm Grant, of the
East India Company's service.
— At Bury St. Edmund's, aged 68,
Charles Bloomfield, esq. a member of
the Corporation of that town, father of
the lord bishop of London.
29. At the house of his wife's sister
the countess de Salis, in Carlton-gar-
dens, after a very few days' illness, aged
eighty, he inherited the large landed
Eroperty which had been settled upon
er by her husband, and he subsequently
gave the world four volumes of her
Letters. He succeeded to the family
titles on the death of his brother Morris,
the third lord Rokeby, May 21, 1829.
OCTOBER.
1. In London, aged 64, the right hon*
Thomas Stapleton, lord le Despencer.
2. At Wheatfield, Oxon, aged 35, the
42, John Henry North, esq. judge of xev. Frederick Charles Spencer, rector
the court of Admiralty in Ireland, and of that parish, nephew and cousin to
M.P. for Drogheda. Mr. North was a the duke of Marlborough.
member of Trinity College, Dublin, and 8. At Jamaica, sir William Anglin
was called to the bar in 1810. He was Scarlett, chief justice of that Island,
brought into Parliament in 1825 (as a and younger brother of sir James Scar-
member for Milboume Port), under the lett, the late attorney-general.
auspices of Mr. Canning, of whose policy
he was an ardent supporter. He was
first elected for Drogheda in 1830 ; and
was appointed judge of the Irish admir-
alty court by the duke of Wellington, oh
the removal of sir Jonah Barrington.
Lately, At Northampton, John Hoy-
12. In Beaumont-street aged 83, Na-
thaniel Coffin, esq. elder brother of adm.
sir Isaac Coffin, bart., 34 years collector
of his majesty's Customs at Basseterre,
St. Kitt's.
14. At Florence, the celebrated as-
tronomer Louis Pons, keeper of the ca-
land, esq. formerly of York: author of binetof Natural History belonging to the
** An Historical Survey of the Gypsies," grand duke of Tuscany.
and other works. 15. The rev. Richard Jansott, minis*
Vol. LXXIIL S
258
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
DEATHS.— Nov.
ter of the new church at Stratton, Che-
shire. He was killed by the fell of a
tree, during a gnlc of wind, at Wilders-
pool causeway, near Warrington.
18. John Tempest, esq. of Lincoln's-
inn, barristcr-at-law.
— In Uarley- street, in his 70tli year,
the hon. Charles Fitzroy, a general in
the army, colonel of tht 25th foot ;
uncle to lord Southampton.
20. Aged 5S, George Roots^ esq., re-
corder of Kingston-on-Thames, and for
more than thirty years a commissioner
of bankrupts.
38. At Ken ward-park, Kent, aged 75,
2. Aged 60, at Barnes, Patrick Ber-
nard Foley, esq. mi^or of the 7th Royal
Fusilecrs.
At Abingdon-hall, lieut.-col. GeorM
Edward Graham Foster Pigott, M.P.
for Kinrosshire from 18S6 to 1830.
(jL At Dundee, Dr. Patterson, a bishop
of the church of Rome. He died sua-
denly of apoplexy, having performed
the services of the afteraoon in the cha-
pel.
7. In Cliffbrd-st. lieut.-col. Richard
Rochfort, of Brettwell* house, Oxon«
late consul-general of East Friesland.
— At Dover, on bis way to Naples.
sir John Gregory Shaw, the fifth baronet aged 80, sir Natlianiel WUltam Wnoall,
bart. He was only son of WilliaBi
Wraxall, esq. merchant of Bristol, bv
Anne, great niece to sir JamesTbonihiiry
the historical painter. Sir William had
acquired a certain degree of literary ce-
of his fifimlly.
— In Hanover-square, aged 66, sir
George Nayler, knight, K.H., C.T.S.,and
Chas.III., garter principal king at arms,
and F.S.A.
31. Accidentally shot by a play-fellow lebrity by his productions, among which
^_ i:-*. II — — J 1.. -._ T_i _ theoneihatobtainedthemostdislinction,
both by its popularity and the numeront
attacks directed against it, was the latest
of them all, namely '^ Historical Membra
of my own Time," 3 vols. 8vo. 181^«
His preceding publications wece a
'* Tour through some of the Northern
parts of Europe," 177^9 which pass-
ed through four editions ; " MenMiirs of
the Kings of France of the Race of Va-
loii," 2 vols. 8vo. 1784; ''The History
of France from the accessloo of Henry
III to the death of Louis XIV." 3 vols.
4to., 17911, and 6 vols. 8vo., 1814, and
" Memoirs of the Courts of B«rliD«
Dresden, &c. " 2 vols 8vo. 1789. and
1800.
14. At Tumham-green, in his 80th
year, sir John Pinhorn, knt, of Ring-
wood house, in the Isle of Wight*
15. At Coburg, aged 73, her serene
highness Augusta Caroline, Duc}iesa.
dowager of Saxe Coburg Saalfeld, mother
of Ernest, the reigning duke ; olF princt
Leopold, the king of the Belgians i and of
her Royal highness the duchess of Ken^.
Besides the above, her highness had
also three other children, namely, a inn,
who is a lieutenant field- marshal In th^
Austrian service ; and two daugbten
(both older than the duchess of Kent)
one married to count de Mensdorfi*, go-
vernor of Maycnce, the other to the li^te
grand duke Constantine of Russia, but
separated from him in 1820.
19. At C raster hall, near Alnwick,
aged 72, Isabella, wife of Sbafto Craistart
esq.
-- At Oxton^ Notts, W.G.Sh<rbrookt<
near Eton-college, aged 13, sir John
Carmichael Anstruther, of Elie-house,
CO. Fife. He was the only and posthu-
mous child of sir John Anstruther, (who
assumed the name of Carmichael in 1817
on being served heir to the last earl of
Ilyndford, and died in Feb. 1818) by
.Tesse, 3rd daughter of major-general
Dewar, who married, 2ndly,*Robert Mar-
sham, D.C.L. the warden of Merton-
collegc, where the young baronet's re-
mains were interred on the 8th Nov.
Lately, Arthur Clegg, esq. leaving be-
hind him property to the value of up-
wards of half a millioQ, which he ac-
quired chiefly in the town of Manchester.
At Edinburgh, aged 68, Andrew Smith,
esq. senior rear-admiral of the Red.
Josias Walker, M. A. professor of Hu-
manity at the University of Glasgow.
At Glasgow, David Walker, esq. the
American consul-gen. in Scotland.
At Calais, aged 73i Richard Bentley,
esq. grandson of Richard Bentley, D.D.
of Trinity-college Cambridge.
In France, aged 39. Theobald lord
Walsh.
At Passy, M. Sebastian Erard, well
known in Europe for his improvement
in harps and pianos.
At Cheltenham, aged 87f the hon.
Roht. Moore, half .uncle to the marquis
of Drogheda.
NOVEMBER.
1. At Wapaghkonnett, Blackhoof,
aged 114, one of the chiefs of the Sliaw-
nessee tribe of Indians.
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE. m
DEATHe|M,^J>jBo.
eaq. for many years chairman of the 26. Aged 77, sir Charles Henry
county quarter sessions. KnowleS| bart. admiral of ihe Had, ana
19. The fire king, M. Chabert ; the G.C.B.
cause of his death was internal inflamma- 2d. At St. Petersburgh, Jane, princess
tion produced by taking phosphorus. pf Lowicz, widow of the grand duke
— In AbingQon-street, Joseph Ter- Constantine ; she was by birth countess
ry Hone, esq. barrister-at-law and a of Grudzinaka, and was married by the
police magistrate at Union-hall. late grand duke, May 30, 18^0.
20. At Chellowes-park, Surrey, aged 30. At Clovellv rectory, Devonshire,
84, James Donovan, esq. of epilepsy, aged 30, the rev* Orlando
— At Airy hill, near Whitby, in his Hamlyn Williams, rector of that narish,
73rd year, Hichard Moorsom, esq. a brother to sir James Hamlyn Williams,
justice of the peace, and deputy-lieu t. bart. M.P. for Carmarthenshire.
of the North Riding of the county of Lately, In Ulster^place, aged 78, Julia
York. Elizabeth, widow of sir Wmi9m Con-
21. At Hare-hatch, Berks, aged 74, gcevet the Urat baroQf t.
sir George Sowley Holrovd, knight, late At bombay, F. W. /ones* taq* of the
a justice of the Court of King's Bench. Civil Service, second son of Ueut.-general
He formerly went the Northern Circuit, sir Richard JoneSy K.C.B.
where he was distinguished bvhisknow« On his passage from India, aged 46,
ledge of special pleading. He was ap- lieut-colonel WilUam Wilson, 31, Ben-
pointed to his seat on the bench in 1816, gal N, I.
and resigned his judicial functions in At Bath, aged 81, Dorothea, widow of
1829. sir John Lethbridge, of Sandhill-park,
22. At his seat, LuUingstone Castle, bart.
Kent aged 67, sir Thomas Dyke, bart. At Paris, Pamela, widow of the un-
23. At Hargham-hall, aged 29, Eliza- fortunate lord Edward Fitzgerald. Slie
beth Budget, lady of sir T. Beevor, bart. was the daughter of Madame de Genlis
24. At his seat. Tali Arias, county by the duke of Orleans, and after the
Carmarthen, aged nearly 83, the right death of lord Edward, married Nf.
hon. lord Robert Seymour, joint clerk of Pitcairn, who survives her. She left by
the crown in the King^s Bench of Ire- lord Edward a son, Edward Fox Fitz-
land 'y grandfather of lord Southampton, gerald, esq. who married in 1827 Jane,
and uncle to the marquis of Hertford, youngest daughter of sir John Dean
K.G., the late marquis of Londonderry, Paul, bart. ; and two daughters, Pamela,
K.G., the marquis of Drogheda, &c. married in 1820 to lieut-oolonel sir Guy
— At bis prebendal-bouse^ Winches- Campbell, bart, and Lucy Louisa, in
ter, the rev. Richard Cockburn, B.D. 1825, to captain George Francis Lyon,
rector of Barming, and vicar of Boxley, R. N.
Kent, and a prebendary of Winchester. At Edinburgh, the wife of the right
He obtained, in 1802 and 1803, the hon* John Learmouth, lord Provost,
prize for the Seatonian poem ; the sub- At Keith-house, near Edinburgh, lady
jects were St. Peter's Denial of Christ, Margaret, wife of Alexander Maclean,
and Christ raising the daughters of esq. aunt to the earl of Hopetoun.
Jairus, both published in 4to. In 1803 Aged 84, Alexander Stewart* esq.
he was chosen to be the first to fill the i^ncle to the marquess of Londonderry,
post of Christian Advocate, founded At the Grange, near EUesmere, the
pursuant to the will of Mr. Hulse. He right bon« Harnet lady Tara*
retained it for the period of six years ;
and published several treatises calcu- w/^«m«n«n
lated to fulfil the intentions of the pious DECEMBER.
founder ; the first of which was <* Re-
marks on Volney's Ruins of Empires." 3. At Haggerston Castle, Northum-
In 1804, he published "An authentic berland, aged 75, sir Carraby Haggers-
account of the late unfortunate death of ton, fifth bart. of that place,
lord Camelford, with an extract from his 6. In CumberUmd-street, Portman-
lordship's will, and some remarks upon square, the right hon* sir A. Hart, knt.
his character.'' late Lord Chanoellor of Ireland, in the
25. At Brighton, in his 32nd year, 72nd year of his age.' He was born in
captain Henry Murray, formerly of the the year 1759, iii the Island of St.
Coldstream Guards ; brother to the bi- Christopher. At an earlv fige he was
shop of Rochester. sent to England for education, and
S2
260 ANNUAL R EGI STER, 1831.
DEATHS.— Dec.
placed at Tonbridge school ; in the be imprisoned in the Inquisition, lit
year 1776 he was admitted a student of 181 7> where he continued three yean.
~ In J820 he shared tJie triumph of the
patriots, and held a variety of important
commands, till he was called from the
command of the Constitutional army in
Biftcay and Navarre, to fill the litnatton
of minister of war in 1823. After the
constitutional government ceased to ex-
ist, he emigrated and passed some time
in England, and was active in endea-
vouring to overthrow the arbitrary rule oC
Ferdinand ; it was to his seal in the pur-
suit of this purpose that he owed his pre*
mature death, at about the age in 43.
Among those who suflfered with himr, was
Mr. Robt Boyd, brother to Mr. W. Boyd,
of the Irish bar.
15. In the Regent's-paric, in his 11th
year, John Hugh, eldest son of J. G.
Lockhart, esq. and grandson to sir ITal-
ter Scott, bart.
16. In Hartey-street, aged 42, the
hon. James Berkeley Rodney, late Heat-
colonel 3rd Guards, brother to lord Rod-
ney.
— At Plymouth, agett 78, Robert
Barton, esq. vice-admiral of the Red.
17. At Breda, aged neariy 64, John
Spencer, esq. D.C.L. of Wheatfield, Ox.
fbrdshire ; first cousin and brother-in-
law to the duke of Mariborough. He
was eldest son of lord Charles Spencer,
second son of the second duke.
19. In Bridge-street, Blackfriars, Mn
W". Waithman, third son of Mr. Alder^
man Waithman, M.P.
20. In Circnccster-place, aged 81,
Sam. Middiman, esq. the engraver of
" Picturesque Views and Antiquities of
Great Britain," complete in 2 vols. 4vo«
1811.
^ 22. At Leamington, Warwick^ the
right hon. Elizabeth countess dowager of
Darnley.
27. At Chippen Warden, Northamp-
tonshire, aged 73, the rev. John Ljunb,
D.D, rector of that parish, who shot
himself through the breast, having been
for some time previously in a desponding
state of mind.
— In Bryanstone-st., aged 53, Elixs,
wife of lieut.-gen. C. Callender.
31. In London, aged about 70, Mrs.
Renaud, the actress, formerly known as
the beautiful Mrs. Powell.
Lately. At Dover, sir Thomas Man-»
tell, F.A.L. and H.SS., author of a
small quarto tract on " Coronation Cere-
monies and Customs, relative to the Ba-
rons of the Cinque Ports," 1820, and
one or two other pieces.
the Middle Temple, and called to the
bar in 1781. He practised first in the
West Indies, and afterwards at the
Chancery bar here. In 1807 he was made
king's counsel, and in the same year
elected a bencher in tlie Middle Temple.
In 1813 he was selected to fill the office
of solicitor-general to her majesty queen
Charlotte. In 1827 Mr. Hart was ap-
pointed Vice-chancellor, received the
honour of knighthood, and was sworn in
as one of his majesty's most honourable
Privy Council, and in the autumn of the
same year on the retirement of lord
Manners he was raised to the Chan-
cellorship of Ireland, which office he
filled until the resignation of the duke
of Wellington in 1830, when he was
recalled. The great patience, un-
wearied atteutlon, and masterly know-
ledge of the principles and practice of a
Court of Equity gained fur sir A. Hart,
during his continuation in office in Ire-
land, the respect and regard of those
who practised at and who were suitors in
the Court of Chanceiy there, while the
upright and impartial manner in which
he discharged the other duties of his
high office called forth general esteem.
8. At Plasnewedd, Llangollen, aged
76, Miss Sarah Ponsonby, the friend of
the late lady Eleanor Butler, with whom
she resided in that romantic retreat more
than fifty years. She was the daughter
of Chambre Brabazon Ponsonby, esq.,
son of major-general the hon. Henry
Ponsonby, who was killed at the battle
of Fontenoy in 1745.
9. At Ashford Staines, aged 55, lieut.-
colunel George Russell Deare, late of
the 8th light dragoons.
10. Executed at Malaga, with fifty-
two companions with whom he had
landed there, hoping, from the treache-
rous promises of the governor (Moreno)
to effiict a successful insurrection against
Ferdinand, general Torrijos, the Span-
ish constitutional leader. He entered
the military service at a very early age,
and was soon noticed by the Irish gene-
ral Doyle, by whom he was selected to
lead a sortie from Tortosa, in 1810.
At the battle of Vittoria he commanded
the second brigade of infantry ; from
which he was promoted to the rank of
Brigadier general, and distinguished
himself in the battle of the Pyrenees
and throughout the French campaign.
His services in the cause of freedom,
and his lil)eral opinions caused him to
APPENDIX TO CHRQNiCLE; 261
DEATHS Dec.
At Chislehurst, Kent, John Martin,
esq. bankerof Lombard-st, and for many
years M.P. for Tewkesbury.
Robert Alexander Crickett, esq. of
Smyth^s Hall, Essex, M.P. for Ipswich,
from 1807 to 1820.
At Liverpool, N. G. Philips, esq. an
amateur artist of great taste and skill,
and author of " Views in Lancashire."
At Edinburgh, Alicia, widow of sir
John Wedderburn (the sixth bart. of
Nova Scotia, but for the attainder of
1746,) and step-mother to sir David Wed-
derburn, the present bart. so created in
1803.
At Roehampton, aged 31, lord Arthur
Augustus Edwin Hill, brother to the
marquess of Downshire.
At Banff Castle, sir Robert Turing,
of Foveran, co. Aberdeen, bart.
Horatio Cock, esq. of Colchester.
He bequeathed nearly 35,000/. to charit-
able institutions, including 9000/. to the
British and Foreign Bible Society, and
9000/. to the Society for promoting
Christianity amongst the Jews.
In St. Giles's workhouse. Jack Mit-
ford an author and very eccentric cha-
racter. He was originally in the navy,
and fought under Hood and Nelson. His
name will be remembered in connection
with lady Percival, in the Blackheath
affair. For many years before his death,
Mitford lived by chance, and slept three
nights in the week in the open air, when
his finances did not admit of his paying
threepence for a den in St. Giles's.
Though formerly a nautical fop, for
the last fourteen years of his life,
he was ragged and loathsome : he
never thought but of the necessities of
the moment. He had some class-
ical knowledge, and maintained his
miserable existence by literary efforts,
the memory of which is not worth pre-
serving. Among them was a libellous life
of the late Recorder sir John Sylvester.
His largest work was the history of
"Johnny Newcome in the Navy," the
publisher of which gave him a shilling a
day until he finished it. He lived the
whole of this time in Bayswater fields,
making abedatnightof grass and nettles ;
two pennyworth of bread and cheese, and
an onion were his daily food ; the rest of
the shilling lie expended in gin. He
thus passed forty-three days, washing
his shirt and stockings in a pond,
when he required clean linen. He edi-
ted "The Scourge" and "Bon Ton
Magazine." At the time of his death
he was editing a penny jproduction,
called the *^ Quizzical Gazette."
William Bilderdijk, the most celebra-
ted and talented writer of Holland,
among his contemporaries, and the patri-
arch of its present literary generation.
He was well versed in the chief Europe-
an languages, and acquainted with vari-
ous branches of belles Tettres and science.
As a poet, he produced several works
distinguished as well by the originality of
thought they display, as by tlie elegance
of theirdiction,and the captivating graces
of style. His "Diseases of studious men"
in six cantos, 1 807> is the finest descripti ve
poem in the Dutch language, and treated
with such masterly skill as to be highly
attractive, notwithstanding the some-
what repulsive, and apparently anti-po-
etical nature of the subject itself. Next
in degree of merit, less original in its
materials, but marked by equal beauty
and richness of style, is his "Rural
Life", a free and spirited imitation
of Del isle's L' Homme des Champs.
Numerous lyrical pieces scattered
through his works attest his ability in
that species of composition, nor was he
less successful in the ballad, and in
serious or playful narrative* In addi-
tion to these and various other poet-
ical works, he prodirced several trage-
dies,—** Willero van Holland ; " " Cor-
mac," &c. with a critical dissertation
on that branch of the drama ; also an
Essay on Ossian, serving as an ap-
pendix to his metrical translation of the
ancient bard. Bilderdijk was born at
Amsterdam in 17^6, and was buried at
Haarlem on the 23rd of December.
262
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
FINANCE ACCOUNTS
Class I. Public Income.
II. Public Expbnditure.
III. Disposition of Grants.
PUBLIC INCOME of the UNITED KINGDOM,
II IADS OF REVENUE.
OHDINAHY REVENUES.
Cnatonis •••.....••••t. ••••*. ...••.. •••...•••.•••••. •!
Exciiie • ...•.•.....••
Stamps • •
Taztv, nmkr the Mamgement of tbe CommlMioiiors of Twua • • . .
Fiwl Office
One ShUlinc In ihe Pouid, and Six|)cnce in the Pound ou Pensions
nnd Salanes, and Foar shillings in the Pound on Pensions ......
Hackney Coaches, and Ilawl&crs and I'edlars
Crown Ijindi
Small Branches of Ihe King's Hereditary Revenue ..............
Surplus Foes of Regulated Public Offices.....
Poundage Fees, Fells' Fees, Casualties, Tkeasory Fees, and Hospital
Fees .....••t.t.t.... •• ..•..•••.••....
TOTALS of Ordinary ReTenoes.... ••...•••
OlOfiS RECEIPT.
'.'1,084,534
22,354,887
7,M5,C66
5401,nO
2,301,432
52,351
SC3J4S
7.260
44,081
d.
16 10|
19 9
0
S
3
4
7
9
9>og6 9 ift
R«mr«Mic» AUmt-
Boanties !■ th>
£.
1.557,424
2A>7>909
soGigBi
6,400
89,226
■ •
5 71
18 Si
18 71
o s
« 6
••
•■
59,142,250 14 1| 4,497*547 £ 8
OTHER RESOURCES.
Money received from the East- India Company, on account of Re-
tired Pa^', Pendous, &e. of his AlNJesty'b Forces serving In tlie
East Indies, |icr Act 4 Geo. 4, c.71...... •••••t .•...•.....•••
Surplus of his Majesty's Hereditary Revenue, Scotland, per Act
4 (ieo. iv. c. vl, Sa^ ..•..•..•••.•...•.••........•...•.•...
Surplus of tlic 4^ per cent Duties
Imprest Monies, repaid by sundry Public Accountants, and other
Monies paid to the Public
Amount of Savings on the lliird CUm of the Civil List
Money brought fk-om the Civil IJ»t, on account of the Salary of
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports
TOTALS of the Public Income of the United Kingdom ....
6o/)00
0
0
• •
• •
20,000
0
0
• .
'••
23,860
0
8
. .
• •
34,09 fc
18
S}
.•
• •
25,692 16
6{
• •
• •
2,973 12
6i
.•
• •
59,308,872
2
0*
4,497,547
2 8
APPENDIX TO CflfitONlCLE. 263
FOR THE YEAR 1831
Class IV. Unfunded Debt.
V. Public Funded Debt.
VI, Trade and Navigation.
FOR THE YbAB ENDED 5tH JaNVABY, 1831.
NETT RECEIPT
within the Vcaryafiter
deducting
REPAYMENTS »«.
£. *. d.
19^27,100 14 1
19,817^81 18 7
7,248,083 14 6
5,294,870 6
2,^ie,206 5
'el
52,351 16 lOj
67,925 19 9
363,742 0 4
7,260 2 7
44,684 3 9
9.0^6 9 li
54,644,703 11 Hi
TOTAL INCOME,
£.
d.
«0,054,6SK! 11 25
20,732,432 J5 llj
7.519,730 9 6j
5,413,143 13 4
2,375,925 JO 0
55,643 11 9k
68.131 3 11
436.696 1 9i
7,999 17 «I
44,684 3 £
9,096 9 li
66,718,177 r 91
60,000 0 0
20,000 0 0
23,860 0 8
34,094 18 S^t
25,69? 16 6|
2,973 12 61
54,8ll,324 19 lOi 56,884,798 15 7|
60,000 0 0
80,000 O 0
£3,&60 0 8
M,og;4iiBf 2f
25,692 16 6i
2,973 12 6|
Charges of
Colicction,and other
Paynenta
ontofUiobKOiM,
to tiMExcbeqnor.
£. *. d,
1,056,456 19 o|
] ,381*503 10 1 ~
190,159 r I
303^9^9 5 6
737,914 10
9383 18 10
391,42s If 8|
3,093 17 0
4,875,6?4 1 9i
«•
PATMBKiV
^CHEIHJBR.
£• t. A,
17,540322 14 10
18,6M,384 19 3
ii/>^M 3 a
Infill 18 6
^M96l4 li
50^ 0 0
•A ^ • • ■
4,653 11 8
44,684 3 9
9,096 9 li
49389,99* 18 H
BALANCES
fitk jMnatsTi l8|l.
£. ». d,
657,913 i'f *
706,544 5 9|
871,440 18 li
tnjm 0 9
3,»t»lT i
id| # i,t«u 0
Rate per
Ceat for
which the
was col-
lected.
£. ». d,
6 8 10
5 8 5
8 10 4
4 6 4
ISO 3 4
.8 9 3
258 9 if
1,952,508 7 si
T 13 9
15 1 1
..
6 5 r
4375,674 1 91
60,000 0 O
20,000 0 0
83360 0 8
34,094 18
25,692 16
2,973 12 6}
50,056,616 6 4|
• •
1,958
508 7 5}
..
264
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
PUBLIC EXPENDITURE
Of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in the Year
ended 5th Januarf^ 1831.
EXPENDITURE.
Payments out of the Income in its Progress to the
Exchequer, £.
Charges of Collection • 3,713,941
Other Fayments I,l6lj30
0 3|
1 61
Total Payments oot of the Incomt, prior to the Payments into tlic Exchequer
Fmided Debt.
Interest and Management of the Permanent Debt*
Terminable Annaities •.. • ..<
25,466,557 7 Uj
2,85g,$69 14 9
Total Charge of the Funded Debt, exclndve of
£.5,307 2s, lid. the Interest on Donations
and Bequests t •••••• t •••••• ..«•...
Unfunded Debt.
Interest on Exchequer Bills ...«•.. t t .
28,3S5/}S7 S 8|
793,051 1 8
Civil List, to 26th Jane 1830, charged on the
Consolidated Fund
Civil List Charges, paid out of the Grant of
£.200,000, for defiraying the Charge up to
5th January 1831 •
Civil List, chargeable on the Hercditaiy Keve*
nue of the Crown t •••••• • •
£m St d.
502,365 7 8}
160,415 3 Hi
236379 11 7i
£. s. d.
4^75,674 1 9
PAYABLE IN
England.
£.
d.
Pensions on the Consolidated
Fund
Salaries and Allowances, do.
Courts of Justice, do
Miscellaneous Charges, do...
Mint Establishment, do. ...
Bounties granted for the establishment of Hemp and Ilax in
Scotland, per 27 Geo. III. c. 13, s. 65
370,018 S 3}
66,680 10 11
145,724 0 7|
225,942 12 8
Ibkland.
S. d.
£.
95,267 19 7
24,253 13 Si
133,507 4 lOi
53,282 3 5
899,660 3 3||
89418JB56 4 4|
Army ••...••••••••...•.
Navy , k ,
Ordnance
Miscellaneous chargeable upon annual Grants of Parliament. . . ,
465,286 1 10}
90,934 4 2}
279*211 5 6
279>224 16 1
14,606 0 0
2,956 13 8
6,991,163 7 4|
5,309,605 17 5
1,613,906 0 0
1,950,108 13 4
Money paid to the Bank of England, to supply deficiencies in the Balance received
for Unclaimed Dividends, per Act 56 Geo. 3, c. 97 •..«..•••.••••••., •.!•••••
Surplus of Income paid into the Exchequer, over Expenditure issued thereout
2,031,899 4 8
15,864,785 18 If
127,399 16 10
52,018,617 • 5 M
2,913,673 2 41
544^,290 8 8|
APPENDIX TO ^
DISPOSITION OF GRANTS.
Ad Account showing how the Monibb given tor the SERVICE of
the Uaited Kingdom of Great Britaik &n<l Ireland, for the
Year 1830, have been dbposed of; distinguished under their
several Heads; to 5th January, 1831.
S..V.C...
Voltd or C
«(eJ.
P>M.
S,554,955 5
1,689,444 0
7,4ftJ,6Sl S
7,656 15
I0,eB6 13
160,000 0
30,000 0
30,500 0
17,000 0
B4,000 0
ia,oio 0
17,000 0
I7,n00 0
16,83B 0
B,000 0
B,04S 0
34,750 0
10,500 0
3,ni 0
d.
0
s
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
£. >■
4.370,096 H
1,105,000 0
5.883,384 1
7,656 19
8,166 7
96,664 17
26,500 0
17,000 0
11,000 0
19,010 0
17,000 0
n,ooo 0
16,858 0
8,000 0
5,100 0
J4,750 0
T.OOO 0
3,33i IT
d.
For dcfnijing U.s Cliirge of Ihfl Boj.l Mlli-
tarj College; for llie jfmt 1B30
For defnjlng Ibe Charge of iLe Roytl Mill-
6
For dcFrajLig Uie Cliirge of iIm CiviJ CodUd-
To df!fraj'lheEi;i»nw ofWork. necuUng
ORicen ut the Hddbib of Lords and Com-
To defn; tlie BkpeiiHS of liio Hoqio of
Lords uid CuDimorii ; for Ilia jeu 1 330 ...
To iDike good tbo DfUcieucy of the Fee
Vniid, ia the Deparbnent of biiHajealj's
Twaiurj; for Ihe voar 1830
Dillo - - Home SeoTelarf of Sute ; for
0
Dillo -- ForeigD - - - diLto ) for Ibe
DiLto - - SflGrelarj of Stale for the Co-
^
cil, and Comtdlltee of Frlrj Conneil
To defraj Ihe Contingent Expentei and Mb«-
Dillo - - UoDu. Segretorj of SUto ; for
Ditto - . Fomgn - - - ditto ; for Uis
DUlo - - SeorsUry 'df SUta for iii Co-
Ditlo - - mosl Uonourtble Priiy Coun-
cil and ComnillOB of Prirj CounoU
fDiTrad«i forlhejoKim
I
266
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
SERVICES.
To (leTraj ibe Silarits to oertaiu Officers, and
the Bxpenies of the Conrt and Receipt of
Uxche<|uer; for tbe jcar 1830......
To pa}' Ibe Salaries or Allowances grilled lo
certain Professors in the Universities of
Oxford and Cainbridg^c, for reading Courses
of Leoturos ; for the year 1830
To pay the Snlariet of tbe Gooimissiooers of
the Insolvent Debtors Court, of their
Clerks, and the Contingent Expenses of
their Office,and also the Expenses attendnnt
upon their Circaits ; for the jear 1850 ...
To pay in the year 1830, the Salaries of the
Officers, and tbe Contingent Expenses of
the Office for the Superintendence of Aliens,
and also the Superannuation or retired Al-
lowances to Officers formerly employed in
that Service
To pay tbe usual Allowances to Protestant
Dissenting Ministers in England, poor
French Protestant Refugee Clergy, poor
French Refugee Laity, and sundry small
Charitable and other Allowances to the
Poor of St If arlin-in-tho- Fields, and
others; for the year 1830
To defray tbe Expense of Printing Acts, and
Bills, Reports and other Papers for the
two Honses of Parliament ; (br the year
1830
To defray the Expenbe of Printing, under the
direction of tbe CommisMuners of Public
Records ; for the year 1830 ..i
To defray the Extraordinary Expenites of the
Mint, in tbe Gold Coinage ; in the year
1830
To defray the Extraordinary Expenses that
may be incurred for Prosecutions, &c. re-
lating to the Coin of this Kingdom ; for the
year 1830
To defray the Expense of Law Charges j for
the year 1830
To defray the Expenses incurred for tbe sup-
port of captured Negroes, &c. for the year
1830 ; under tbe several Acts for tbe Abo-
lition of the Slave Trade
To defray in tbe year 1830, tbe Amount of
Bills drawn from New South Wales and
Van Diemen's Land, on account of tbe Ex.
penditure incurred for Convicts in those
Settlements
Towards satisfying snch Annuities, Pensions
or other Payments, as would have been
payable out of the Consolidated Fund of
tb« Vnilod Kiosdom of Gre«t Brittan Mid
SUMS
Voted or Granted.
SUMS
Paid.
£. 8. d.
£. 9. d.
5,000 0 0
6,000 0 0
958 5 0
958 5 0
13,778 2 0
4,034 0 0
5,7lt 7 10
76,000 0 0
8,000 0 0
19|000 0 0
7,000 0 0
15,000 0 0
35,000 0 0
120,000 0 0
6,310 0 0
4,034 O 0
9,956 3 11
50,'i50 IS 10
7,t89 ir 3
19,000 0 0
7,000 0 0
lO/XK) 0 0
35,000 0 O
Ireland, or out of Uie OItII Llat, in
lliB deiiiiw uf hii Ule Mijeilj Ui.
Ukfln place behire the dlfa d*y oF iuiVKt}
For Kepairi aiiii Ini'pmi'einentV or Windmi
Cailloi fur Ihi! jear IBM
Fur llio Ridesu CusI ; for Iho jear 1S3() ...
Tlie follDning SinvicEs are directed lo b?
paid irilhoDl taj Fee or otlier Drduclioi
wliaUoerer :
FutderrajingllieCKirGEofllieCrviLEsT,!.
BLiBBHENTa oaderDienliunetl ; viz.
Of the Bahama IiUndi; for Iha jcar 1B30...
Of NoTa Soutia ) for Ihe ;<iir 1830
OfNen Brunswioh ; for Iho jear 1630
or iLc Inland afBermnda; for tbejrarlSaO
or Prtaco Edword'B IiUaud; for Ibe jeai
lasu ,
Of the Iiland of Nnwronodland ; for the jw
1B30.,,.. ,
OrSiem Leone; fur the ^rar 1S30
To defiaj Ihe Eipenie of Ute Bitablirfumol
at Penundei Po ; fur Ihs jNr 1830
To defra; Ike Expenie of the Forts al Cape
CoBetCBSlle and Accra; for Uu) year 1 B3C
To defraj ths eiliiuated BxpeDdidire of tbt
Brillth Musenini for (lie jsar ending Bl
ChriUmM 1830
To defray the Eipenae of Wurki and Repun
of Public Bui Id Ingi. and fur Funiiluresnd
Dtbcr Charges defrayed bj Ibe OIBce
Works; for the year 1830 ,
To defray Iho Expenie of WoiiieiecnLiui.
Port Pan ick Harlmur ; for lbs ynr IS;
Ditto --Donaghadee Harbour; br the
year 1830
Toward! defying Uie Eipeme of ereotinj
Churclm in the Weit Indiei ; for tbs jrea
1830
Ditto . . anil oompleting the Mar ■
Hobb-B Point, Milford Haren
Ditto - - the Stale Paper Office j for the
yiarlBSO
Tri defray ilie Eipenies of the ComniiadoMrt
of the Holyhead and Uowlh Kuadi and
Harbon™ ,
To defray the Eipenu of the New Buitdlngi
al the Briilsli Miiicuni ; for the jear IB30
To make CoDipDnnlian lo iLe ConDibnoJ
ippointed hj terenl AclirDt Jnqniring i
3,001 1
4,000
16(),*I5 3 11|
13:i,SS0 0 0
4,U0» ■
J,SIO
6,000 ■
10,66* 17 6
7,000 II 0
4,7fW 0
5,665 18
268 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
SERVICES.
the Collection and Mfenagcmcut or llic Rc-
renue in Ireland, and into certain Revenue
Deparlmenlfl in Great Britain, for tlieir aii-
sidultjr, caro and |»aint in the execution of
the Trusts reposed in them by Parliament .
To defray the Charge of Retired Allowances
or Superannuations to Persons formerly
employed in Public Offices or Departments,
or in the Public Service ; for the year 1 830
To grant relief, in the year 1830, lo Toulon-
e«e and Corsican Emigrants, Dutch Naval
Officers, Saint Domingo Sufferers, and
others who have heretofore received Allow-
ances from his Majesty, and who from Ser«
vices performed or Losses sustained in the
Briliith Service, have special Claims upon
his Migesty^s justice and liberality
To defray the Kxpense of the National Vac-
cine Establishment ; for the year 1830 ...
To defray the Expense of the Establishment
of the Penitentiary House at Milbank ; for
the year 1830
For the support of the Institution called The
Refuge for the Destitute; for the year
1830
For the relief of American Loyalists ; for the
year 1830
To defray the Expense of confining and main-
taining Criminal Lunatics ; fur the year
1830
For his Majesty's Foreign and other Secret
Services j for the year 1830 •
To defray the Expense of providing Sta-
tionery, Printing and Binding foe the
several Public Departments of Government
for the year 1830, including the Expense of
the Establishment of the Stationery Office.
To defray the Expense attending the con-
fining, maintaining, and employing Con-
victs at Home and at Bermuda ; for the
year 1830 .,,.
To pay in the year 1830, the Salaries and
incidental Ex|)enses of the Commissioners
appointed on the part of his Majesty, under
the Treaties with Spain and Portugal and
the Netherlands, for preventing the illegal
traffic in Slaves ,
To defray the Expense of Missions and Spe-
cial Commissions to the new Stales of
America; for the year 1830
To pay the Salaries of Consols General and
Consuls, their contingent Expenses and
Superannuation Allowances to retired Con.
sals ; for the yeiur 1830 ••.•...•••n. «...•.••
SUMS
Voted or Unmtcd.
SUMS
Paid.
«£. *. (i.
6,500 0 0
6,882 U 7
13,647 10 0
2,500 0 0
21,135 0 0
3,000 0 0
4,000 0 0
3,039 0 0
45,000 0 0
96,850 0 0
107,986 0 0
18,700 0 0
28,000 0 0
8r,970 0 0
of.
6,500 0 0
2,446 17 7
6,61)7 10 O
2,500 0 O
10,000 0 0
5,000 0 O
3,000 0 O
2,958 r 11
44,600 0 0
60,000 0 0
107,986 0 0
5,000 0 0
11^866 1 6}
54^445 10 2^
AI
Vottd Of Gmicil.
Tn |)Bj in the jear 18.30, llw Pcei due uiil
(iikjsLle tu Ifae OScen of Ihe PBrliBmei '
on all Billi for eanliiiuing or airenditi
any Acli for miking uiid maiulninini
keBjjing in repair or improTinj, Tornplfc
RoiHa, which •hull |UM llie two Hoiiau .
Paclimnenl, and nwWe the Royal Anaen
'i'o ilerrsy. in llw jcar 1B30, llie Salaries au
ExpeuHa of llie CamiuiBaianerHj appuiulf
lo iD(|iiirB into tlio Praclica and Proeeei
iiigs (if the Superior CoaiU of ConipiD
I^w, ind into Iho Law of England rupee
ingR«l Properly
To defray tlie-EipenBea orUie Society for tlie
Prapagilian of Ihu Gonpel in certain of I '
Mnjesly't Colaniei ; for Ihe year 1 830...
Tn defraj the Charge in the year 1830, for
providing Stores for tbo Engineer Depart-
ment in New South Walei and Van Die.
men's Land, Be<lding and Clothing For the
UanFieli, Clothing and Tnnla for the Li-
heralcd Africans at Sierra Leone, and In-
dian preaonta fur Canada
Tnr the ProleilanlChuter Seliools oF Irelir
For Ihe Auooialion for DiioannleDanair
Vies in Ireland
For tlie Society for ProraoUng the Ediicalii
of Ihe Poor nf Ireland
For UiB Foundling HnapiUI of Dublin ....
For the HnnHi of Indualry in Dublin
For Ihe Richmond Lunalie Asylnm
For the Hibernian Saciely Tor Soldiei
Children
For Il>e Hibernian Marine Soeietf
Fur Ibo Female Oqihan Houie in Dublin .
For Ihe Weilmorlaod Look Hoipllat in Dub-
For u'le Ljing-in Hwi^laTin Dublin "'.'..'.'."
For Dootor Sl«Tens'B Hoapilal in Dublin ...
Fur Ihe Fever Uoipilal in Cark-atreet, Dublin
For the HoapiUl for locntablet in Dublin ...
For llie Romau Catholic Senioary al Haj.
naalh
For tlie Ruyal Cork luMilulioD
Far the Royal Dublin Soeiely
For the Royal Irish Academy
For Uie Comaiiuionera of ChariUble Don
tions and Beqaeatt in Ireland
For the Belfait Aoademical Inililutian ..-.
For llio Board nf Worki in Ireland
Fur Printing, SUlianrry, Sua. in Uh) Chief
Secrelary'i Office in Ireland
For Printing Proclaniatiana and Statnl
1G,600 l> Q
lU.iej I) O
13,780
) 4,500
lf',600 0 0
16,019 10 0
47,500
8,960
I
0
47,S00
6,71 S
0
5,000
0
0
3,150
0
85,000
30,900
S1.S95
6,700
a
0
0
0
25.000
311,90(1
15,000
6,700
I
7,596
1,400
1,375
0
0
0
7,596
1,400
1,37,5
0
3,050
8,591
^
u
3,060
1,943
0
5
970 ANNUAL REGISTER, )831.
SERVICES.
For Crimiiial Proieoulioiis in Ireland
For Non-confonning and other DiMenling
Ministers in Ireland
For Salaries to Lottery Officers in Ireland ...
For Inland Na?igationi in Ireland
For the Police of Dablin
For UieConunisaionersof.IndicUl Inquiry in
Ireland «....
For the Board of Public Records in Ireland .
For the Public Works in Ireland •••
To pay Interest on Exchequer Bills for the
year 1830
To pay off and discharge Exchequer Bills,
and that the same be issued and applied to-
wards paying off and discharging any Ex-
chequer Bills charged on the Aids or Sup
plies of the years 1829 and 1830, now re-
maining unpaid or unproyided for <
To pay off and discharge Exchequer Bill>«
issued pursuant to seyeralActs for carrying
on Public Works and Fisheries, and for
building additional Churches, outstanding
and unproTided for •«.».
SUMS
Voted or Oranted.
17,698,762 6 4j
35,438,800 0 0
SUMS
Fakl.
of. 8.
50,000 0
0
48j200 0
0
14,860 6
740 0
5,300 0
93,000 0
0
%
0
0
9,676 3
394 6
3,975 6
23,000 0
0
Of
0
0
7,338 6
«,909 0
11,000 0
t
0
0
5,407 5
«,909 0
11,000 p
1
0
0
750,000 0
0
7«0,8'73 0
2
13,360,346 4 6^
168,800
0 oj
34,503,450 0 0
43,306,363 6 4|
37,933,796 4 6^
PAYHBNT8 FOB OTHEB BBKTICES,
Not being part of the Supplies granted for the Service of the Year.
SeoiiPiiM
EUlpoM ftinfaet
Gr<»..>>or Ct.«l«. B«dford. tm ou bit Sa-
l.ry, for •ddUluwl Ironbld in vnmnaf
Acu 57 a«o. 9. 0. 34 wd 134, md 3 Ot».
150 0 0
»^ 0 0
8,000 0 0
117^9 16 10
^. 4. 4.
SQ a p
Ckurcliei, per Aol £B Geo. 3, c. 45..
P.id to the BiiiV of EngMfd; «|Br» Mwfl "-
ceiled ftam tliaqi, lo mkke op their B«-
1M,5« 16 10
lMfi49 U ID
lSt,599 16 10
(3,438,96* 3 Si
272 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1881.
WAYS AND MEANS
for answering the foregoing Services :
Dotj on Sogar, per Act 1 Will. 4, c. 50
Bait ludia Company, per Act 11 Geo. 4^ o. 4
Som lo be brought from tlie Consolidated Pand, per Act 11 Gea
4, c. 2
.... - Ditto ........ 28
Ditto . - - - 1 Will. 4, c. 63
----- Ditto --.----- 1
Ditto ........ 5
Interest on Land Tax redeemed by Stuck or Money
Repayments by the Commissioners for issuing Bxcheqner Bills
for carrying on Public Works and Fisheries in the United
Kingdom •
Surplus Ways and Means, per Act 11 Geo. 4, o. 4
Exchequer Bills voted in Ways and Means ; tIz.
Per Act 11 Geo. 4, c. 3 ^.12,000,000 0 0
1 Will. 4, c. 62 13,607,600 0 0
Total Ways and Means
Total Grants and Payments for Services not voted
Deficiency of Ways and Means
£. 9. d.
3,000,000 0 0
60,000 0 0
4,000,000 0 0
4,000,000 0 0
1300,000 0 0
.3,000,000 0 0
1,850,000 0 0
6,027 15 IJ
253.221 3 11
80,528 17 4
17,749,777 16 4^
25.607,600 0 0
43,357,377 16 4J
43,438,962 3 2|
81,584 6 10^
= I II
app:
I I
3i\
iU
274 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
PUBLIC
Of Gbkat Britain and Ireland^ and the
DEBT.
URKAT BRITAIN.
Debt due to the Eouth Sea J ^^3 ^^„<
Company i '
Old South Sea Annuitiex Do
New South Sea Annuities l*o
South Rea Annuitiee, ITM n<i
I)e1>t due to the Hank of RugUnd Do
Hank An nu it ieii, created in 172C.. Do
C*o!isoIiil<-ited Annuitiea.... D«>
Reduced Annuities Do
Total at £. 3 |>er cent. .
Annnitieft at £.5} per cent..
Reduced Annuitiei« do
New 'i\ per cent Annuities
Annnffleit createil 18'^6, at 4 per cent
New £.ft per cent Annuities •••
Great Britaiiit***..
CAPITALS.
S,662»ri4 8
2,4S9,«90 2 lU
.'i37,l00 U 0
14,r>86,M(H) 0 0
M?6,-(94 0 0
349,4'JS,75T 13 f
1^4,491,47^ 'i 7
499,720, iUS 10 't
I2,<104,.W9
6l,AVJ,>f0C
199,690,227
10,806,966
467,712
2
0
1
0
19
0
0
II
726,749,379 IS .'i
IN IRELAND.
Iri>h ConKolidated £. 9 per cent Annuilie*.
]ri<«h Retluced i\3 percent Annuities ....|
£.3} percent Dt>bontiires and Stock
Iledui'ed .£.3^per cent Annuities
New 9^ per cent Annuitiei*
Dtrbt dtie to thtt Bank of Ireland, at £-4
per cen I
N ew £. ft per cent Annuities
Debt due to the Kank of Ireland, at £.6
per cent
Ireland.
Total United Kingdom
2,453,317
1A0,22H
14,l73,49.'f
1,289,703
ll,42;'>,247
1,GIA,384
6,661
19
17
7
17
18
12
1
I
1,0].'},384 12 4
t. CAPITALS
tnnderivd to the
CoBiMittioB*n.
32,131,124 0 7
9.^^,880,803 14 0
£.
9, d.
0
444
CAJ},096 18 !(
7l9,.'i8l a A
l,87.'i,l!j2 2 7
9,414 18
9,iA9 15
1,393,806 16 6
CAVlTALS
UNREDEEMED.
£. ». d.
8,C62,T84 8 6
S,dOI,870 2 r
2,489,830 2 10
Gifr,100 O 0
14,6ti6,800 O 0
876,049 19 0
348,828,660 1.0 6
133,771,890 19 8
498,314,986 7 7
12,804rV»9
61,2^0,381
138,680,967
10,806,966
467,712
2 2
I II
A S
0 u
19 II
725,355,572 If II
2,4.'i5,9l7 IS 6
I.'S0,228 17 10
14,173,495 r 1
1,289,703 17 10
11,425,247 18 8
1,615,384 12 4
6|661 I 0
1,01.1,184 12 4
32,191,424 0 T
l,39d,«<06 16 6)757,486,996 17 6
Tlie Act 10 Geo. IV. c. 27, which came into operation at the .'»th July, 18?9, enacts^ That the Sum
thenceforth annually applicable to the Reduction of the National Debt of the United Kingdom,
phall be the Sum which Mhall appear to be the amount of the whole actual annual surplus Revenue,
beyond the Kxpeuditure of the raid United Kingdom ; And the follnwinK Sums have been acroni*
iugly iti-Hucd to the Commissioners to be applied to the reduction of the said Debt, iDcliuUiig luterett
receivable on account of Donations and Bequests : —
£. jt, d»
At 6th April 1830 428,187 1 6.... includes 300/. receiveiHf cm A. H. C.
6th July 1830 .i.'t^,a')7 12 6
nth Octolwr 1830 584,383 11 6
5th January 1831 747,631 f 9.... 292. I4.v. Irf. further Le^cy from the
-- — . Kxecutors received of the Ute Admiral
2,112,259 8 3 Peter Rainer.
APPENDIX TO CHKOKICtS.
FUNDED DEBT.
CuARGK thereupon, at tha 5th January, 18S1.
CHARGE.
-
cre,t'bs,t«n.
,.,»™
UINUAL CIUHGB
Lor" A™SEi','"pV" '"V^" "
£. .. d-
I,l33,(li9 9 1
S8S,710 0 0
T>S,9H 5 <
T,)00 0 0
839,361 9 0
f . .. A
T,01S 0 «
£. •■ i-
r:,.
Annuitiw to tb» I'Tialeti ol
hpImsS Jlllv"9Sl'.!!...'
L^fg An'nultira ^Boglllh ,.'
Win- ™™
ml on Block liiufaitid lo i!iF
oneti for Ihf RtdtieHoii d( Ihe
Debt, lowird. tlia acdemptjpn
ru, iiDdci Birbeduln CT). i
Bfi,2(T,10! ] 9
10,449 11 E
i.na,oiT 11 »
«B,ill,T18 19 I
'■'"'"" '■'■ •
ABSTRACT.
(",• S/iiUinga and Pence omUted-}
.™,..
.S!lST;yi. CAPITALS
ANNUAL CHAROB.
P„?r;:JCr.«
«..^-.
OrfnlBrLlntn .
Itdniid
Tfl9,l!0,lM
1,393,106
■l,3S3,IM
ii»,jas,3ri
£-
iMaioij
£.
rir,«e,9aa
»T,lS9.SrS
"'■"*
!7,6T4,TM
DEFBBHKD ANNUITIES OBTSTANDINC ;
Drierred Lllb AniidlllH, pet 10 Gni. «,
276 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
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278 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
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APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
279
LIST OF GENERAL ACTS
Passed in the First Session o/Mc Ninth Parliament of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland-^l WilL /K.
1 Will. IV,
I. AN Act to apply- the fuin of
3,000,000/. out of the Coniolidated
Fund, to the service of the year 1830.
II. An Act to provide for the adminis-
ti-ation of the Government in case the
Crown should descend to Her tloral
Highness the Princess Alexandnna
Victoria, daughter of his late 'Ito^l
Highness the Duke of Keftt, being
under the age of eighteen years, and
for the care and guardianship of her
person.
HI. An Act to amend an Act of the last
Session, for the better administration
of Justice, so far as relates to the
essoignand general return days of each
Term, and to substitute other provi-
sions in lieu thereof; and to aeclare
the law with regard to the duration of
tlie Terms in certain cases.
IV. An Act to render valid Acts done
by the governor of any of his Majesty ^s
plantations after the expiration of his
commission by the demise of his late
Majesty, and to extend the period
within which the patents of governors
of colonies shall on any future demise
of the Crown become vacant, and to
provide for the longer duration of the
patents of governors after the demise
of the Crown.
V. AnActtoapplythe8umofl,850,000L
out of the consolidated fund, to the
service of the year 1830 ; -and to ap«
propriate the supplies granted in this
session of parliament.
VI. An Act to oontinue for the term of
six Calendar months, all such commis-
sions, appointments, grants, or patents
of offices or employments, crvil or
military, as were in force at the time
of the demise of his late Majesty King
George the Fourth, and as hare not
been superseded, determined^ or made
void during the reign of bif present
Majesty,
Vn. An Aot for the more speedy judg-
ment and execution in actions brought
in his Majesty's courts of law at
Westminster, and in the _dourt of
common pleas of the county jpalatine
of Lancaster; and for amending the
law as to judgment on A cognovit
actionem in cases of bankrupt^.
Vnt. An Act for enabling his Mi^esty
to appoint a postmastei^ general for the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland.
IX. An Act td M>pt7 the snin 6f
5,000,0O0L out of the donsolidftted
fund, to the service of the year 1851.
X. An Aot for appropriating certain
sums to the service of the jeat 1831.
XI. An Act for raising Uie sum of
1S,000,0002. by Exchenudr biUs, for
the service of the year 1831,
XII. An Act for continuing to his Ma-
jesty for one year, certain dutiel on
personsd estates, offices, and pensions
in Englandj for the service of the
year 1831.
Xllt. Ah Act to amend to Act pMs^d
in the eleventh jear df the reign of his
late Majesty, king George fhe Fourth,
intituled An Act for appropriating the
Hichmond lunatic asylum in Dublin
to the purposes <^ a district liihitic
asylum.
XI V.^ An Aot for th^ regulatiott of his
Majesty's royal marino forces While
on Shore. ^
XV. An Act for punishing mutiny and
desertion ; and kit the Mttet payment
of the army and theit quaHers.
XVI< An Act to ccmtinne until thd 5th
day of July, 183IS, an Aot of the fifty-
fourth yearof his MijestyyldngOeorge
' the Third, for rend<»ring the payment
of creditors more equal iuid e;kp«di«
tious in Scotland.
XVIt. An Act to repeal the duti^ and
drawbacks on pidnt^d calicoes, Unens,
and stuffs.
XVIIIt An Act to explain and amend
280 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
an Act of the sixth year of his late
Majesty, kine George tlie Fourth, an
far as regards the settlement of the
poor by the renting and occupation of
tenements.
XIX. An Act to extend the provisions
of an Act of the fifty-fifth year of tlie
reign of king George the Third, to
provide for the taking an account of
the population of Ireland, and for
ascertaining the increase or diminution
thereof.
XX. An Act to explain and amend the
laws relating to lands holden in free
and common soccage in the province
of Lower Canada.
XXI. An Act to improve the proceed-
ings in prohibition and on writs of
mandamus.
XXII. An Act to enable courts of law
to order the examination of witnesses
upon interrogatories and otherwise.
XXIII. An Act for granting to his Ma-
jesty, until the 5th day of April, 1832,
certain duties on sugar imported into
the United Kingdom, for the service
of the year 1830.
XXIV. An Act to amend an Act of the
sixth year of his late Majesty, to
regulate the trade of the British pos-
sessions abroad.
XXV. An Act for the support of his
Majesty's household, and of the honour
and dignity of the Crown of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland.
XXVI. An Act to indemnify such per-
sons in the United Kingdom as have
omitted to qualify themselves for offices
and employments, and for extending
the time limited for those purposes
respectively until the twenty-fiftJi day
of March, 1832 ; to permit such per-
sons in Great Britain as have omitted
to make and file affidavits of the exe-
cution of indentures of clerks to attor-
nies and solicitors to make and file the
same on or before the first day of
Hilary Term, 1832 ; and to allow per-
sons to make and file such affidavits,
although the persons whom they served
shall have neglected to take out their
annual certificates.
XXVII. An Act for enabling his Ma-
jesty's postmaster General to sell the
premises lately used as the post office
in Lombard Street, Abchurch Lane,
and Sherborne Lane, in the city of
London.
PUBLIC ACTS,
Of a Local and Personal Nature,
to be noticed by the Courts,
i. An Act for more effectually repairing
and otherwise improving the road (rom
Highgate in the county of Middlesex,
through Whetstone, to Chipping
Bamet in the county of Hertford, and
the road from Chipping Bamet to the
thirteen mile stone near Gannick Cor-
ner, in the Parish of South Mims, in
the said county of Middlesex,
ii. An Act for repairing, amending, and
maintaining the roads from Marchwiel
through Bangor, Worthenbury, and
Hanmer, to Whitchurch, and from
Bangor to Malpas, and from Redbrook
to Hampton, in the counties of Den-
biffh, Flint, Chester, and Salop,
iiit An Act for enlarging the powers of
an Act passed in the tenth year of the
reign of his late Majesty, forimproving
the approaches to Lonaon Bridge,
iv. An Act to alter, amend, and enlarge
the powers of an Act passed in the
third year of the reign of his late
Majesty, king George die Fourth, for
regelating the poor of the city of
Bristol, and for other purposes con-
nected therewith.
V. An Act for more effectually repairing
the road from the powder miUa on
Hounslow Heath, in the county of
Middlesex, to the twenty mile stone
on Egham Hill, in the county of
Surrey,
vi. An Act for more effectually repairing
and otherwise improvii^ the road from
the post road near Faversham, by .
Bacon's Water, through Ashford, to
Hythe, and from Bacon's Water to
Castle Street in the city of Canterbniy,
all in the county of Kent,
vii. An Act for more effectually main-
taining the road from Crossford Bridge
to the town of Manchester, in the
county palatine of Lancaster, and for
making a branch road to communicate
therewith,
viii. An Act for repairingthe roadleading
from Dartford to Sevenoaks, in the
county of Kent.
ix. An Act for repairing the road from
Wimbome Minster to Blandford Forom,
in the county of Dorset.
z. An Act for repairing the road from
Burton Bridge, in the county of Staf-
ford, to Market Bosworth, in the coontr
of I^eicester*
APPENDIX TO C
li. An ActfbrrepBiriDg tbe rotd from
Birmingham to Broomsgrore.
lii. An Act for repHuiag the road Irom
Measham, in the coonty of Detbj, to
Fieldon Bridge, in the county of
Warwick, and other roads oommoni-
CBting therewith, in the conoties of
Derby, Leicester, and Warwick.
iii. An Act for i
ing the road from the Eolhorlii
Mansfield turnpike road, at or near
Clown, in the county of Derby, to the
^Vorksop and Kelliam turnpike road,
at or near Bndby, in the oounty of
Nottingham.
xiv. An Act for repairing the Watling
Street road, the Manchester and Wol-
vey Heath road, and other roads com-
municating therewith, in the counties
of Leicester and Warwick,
XV. An Act for repairing the njad from
the Broken Croaa in Macclesfield,
to Helher Tabley, in the county of
Cheater.
XTi. An Act lo anthoriie thi raising of
further monies for supplying the town
of Manchester with gas.
xm. An Act for moreeffectuallyrspair-
ing and improring the road from Lower
Saint Cross Mill Lane, on tbe road
from the city of Winchester, to South-
ampton, to Park Gate, on the road
from Southampton, to Gosport, in the
county of Southampton.
iviii. An Act for more effectually re-
pairing the road from Albion Street,
in the town of Cheltenham, in the
county of Glouceatar, to Bunch Lane
in or near the village of Bishop's
Cleeve, in the said county, to join the
turnpike road leading from the town
of Evesham, in the county of Worcei-
tar, to the said town of Cheltenham.
lix. An Act to enlarge the poweraof an
Aot passed in the seventh year of the
reign of his late Majesty, king Oeona
the Fourdi, for establiahing and well-
governing the institution called " the
School for the Lidigent Blind," and
for incorporating the suhsoribers there-
to, and tlie better enabling them to
carry on their charitable and useM
XX. An Act to amend an Act of the
xxl. An Ac.tfor the belter BSBeSsing and
recoi-eriiig of the rates for the relief of
iho poor, and of the ecolesiasticul or
church rates, upon small tenements
within the pariah of Liverpool in the
county palatine of Lancaster.
uii. An Act for mising a further sum
of money to Je&ay Uie outstanding
claima in respect of the building the
erypt and tower lo the nddilional
church eiBOted in tlie parish of Saint
Mary Magdalen, Bermondsey, in the
county of Surrey, and of encloBing tim
burial ground thereof.
ixiii. An Act for building a oliurch
or oliapol, with a cemetery to the
same, in the township of Liacard. in
the parish of Wallasey, in the county
palatine of Cbejstor.
sxiv. An Act for ei'eoting a chapel in
the parish of Saint I.eonard's, witJiin
the liberty of the town and port of
Hastings, in the county of Sussex,
for the accommodation of the ioba-
". parish, and of the
acv. An Actformaking and maialainiag
a pier or jettr, and other works, at
Heme Bav, in' tie parish of Heme, in
the county of Kent.
^xvi. An Act for more effectually drain-
ing certain fen lands and wet grounds
called the Great West Fen, in Uie
parish of Hilguv, in the county of
Norfolk.
iivii. An Act to amend an Act passed
in the aloifBnfh year of the reign of his
late Majesty, king George the Fourlli,
intituled " An Act for improving the
drainage of the lands lying m the north
level, part of the great level of the fens
called Bedford Level, and in Great
Forlsand, in the manor of Crowland,
and for providing n navigation betweon
Clows Cross and the Ntne Outfall
:iiviii. An Act for more effectually
amending nnd widening the road from
a placB near the village of Milford, in
the county of Smiey, through llasle-
mere, to the forty-third mile stone at
Carpenter's Heath, and Bom thence
to a bridge, near the Blue Belt Inn,
over Houndley "a W ater, at the bound aiy
of the said county of Surrey.
.xix. An Act for uiuending and main-
tuiniug the turnpike rood from and out
uf the road lending from {Juebee in
Leedj, to Uomefield Lane End in
Wonley, to commuiucate witli the
2B2 ANNUAL REGI STER, 1831.
rrnid Idadin^ from lIuddorBfitild to
BiratHli at the Coaob and llomeis public
house in Hiratal, in the West Riding
of the county of York.
XXX. An Act for unending and main-
tuiuinf; the roads from Stafford to
Sandon, in the county of Stafford, and
from Stafford, throu^li Hrid^ord and
Kcoleshnll, to Ireland's (Jroas near
Woore, in the county of Salop, and
from Bridf^ford aforeuaid, to tlie stone
which dindes the liberty of Ranton
and KUenhall, in the road betvrecn
liridj^ford and Newjwrt, and from the
Tiila{?(> of Knigfhton to the turnpike
road leading from Stone to Woore
Hforesaid.
xzxi. An Act for amending and impror-
in^ the roud from tlie town of Stone to
(raol Gate, in the borough of Stafford,
and from Green (late, in the said
borough, through Dunston and Penk-
ridge, to Streetway road, in the road
leading to Wolverhaqipton, in the
county of Stnffonl.
xizii. An Act for more effectually re-
puiring and im])roving the roud from
the city of Norwich to North Walsham,
in the county of Norfolk.
xxxiii. An Act for mor« effectually re-
pairing Ui(> road from Stopham }3ridge,
III tlie ])ari8h of Pulborough, to the
direction post in tlie i>arish of Steyning,
on the turnpike road leading from
Steyning to Horsham, in the county of
Sussex.
xxxiy. An Act for more effectually ro-
pairing and improying the roud from
jiiveqMK>l to Pruston, in the county
jHilatine of IjancHMter.
XXX7. An Act for repairing and main-
tnining the road from Wakefield to
AlM*rford, in the county of York.
xxxyi. An Act for more' effectually re-
pairing and imnroving the roads from
l.emsfonl Mills, in the parish of
Hishop's llutfiold, through W^elwyn
and Stevenage, to Ilitchin, and from
Welwyn, through ("odicot, to Ilitchin
aforesaid, nil in the county of Hertford.
xixvii. An Act for repairing, improving,
and maintaining the roads from Bury,
through Haslingden, to Blackburn and
Whnlley, and other roads communis
eating tlierewith, in the county palatine
of Lancaster, and for making a new
piece of road also to communicate
therewith*
xxxviii. An Act for more effectually re-
pairing and improving the road from
the Moester and Welford road, near
Foston Lane, to ths road leading Arom
Hinckley to Ashby-de-la-Zouoh ; and
for repairing Hunt's Lane and Wood
Lane, in the parishes of Desford and
Newbold, in the county of Leicester.
xzxiz. An Act for more effeotaally re-
pairing the road from Borfon-upon-
Trent, in the oounty of Stafford, to
Abbott's Bromley, otherwise Bagot's
Bromley, in tlie said county.
xl. An Act for making and maintaining
a turnpike road from the city of
Coventry to Stoney Stanton, in the
county of Leicester, to nnite with the
present turnpike road there, leading
through Narborongh to the borough m
Leicester.
xli. An Act for repairing the road from
the city of Coventrrte Over Whitaore,
in the county of Warwick.
xlii. An Act for more effeotaally repair-
ing and maintaining the toad over
Horley Common, in the county of
Surrey, to a place called Black Comer,
and from thence to the Brighthelmston
turnpike road at Cuokfield, in the
county of Sussex.
xliii. An Act for more effeotaally making
and repairing the road from the new
bridge over llie water of Almond, on
the confines of the counties of Edin-
bureh and LinlithgoWi to BaiUieeton,
in the county of Lanaric, and certain
branch roads connected therewith*
zliy. An Act for improyingthe road fimh
the Red House near Doncaater, to
the south side of Wakefield Bridge,
and from Wakefield to P(mtofta«t,
and from thenoe to Weeland, and frtMn
Pontefract to Wentbridge, all in the
West Biding of the oounty of Yoric*
xly. An Act for repairing and maintain-
ing the road leading from the high
road between Bromley and Fani«
borongh, in the county of Kent^ to
Beggars Bush, in the turnpike toad
leading from Tonbridge Wells to
Maresfield, in the county of Susaez.
xlvi. An Act for improving and main-
taining several roads leading to and
frtmi the town of W^aUall, in the county
of Stafford.
xlvii. An Act for making a tui^ike
road from the north side of the Qaorry
House, in the township of Peny Barr,
in the county of Stafford, to the htook
which divides the parishes of Aston
juxta Birmingham and Binningham,
in the county of Warwick*
xlviii. An Act to alter and amend the
seyeral Acta now ia fticoa for tb«
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE. 288
nsMssing, ooll60tiiig, «lid Ivrjrinif of
oountj rates, lO far M the saHis Nlate
to the county of MiddleAeX.
xUx. An Act for better auppljing with
water the several Hamlets of Beard,
Ollerset, Thomset, and Whittle, in the
parish of Glossop, in the county of
Derby.
1. An Act for making the river WaVeney
navigable for ships and other seaborne
vessels from Rosehall Fleet, to the
mouth of Oulton Dyke^ and for making
and maintaining a navigable Cut from
the said river at Carlton Shares Mill
into the said dyke, leading to Oulton
Broad, in the county of Suffolk.
li* An Act for amending and enlarging
the powers and provisions of the se-
veral Acts relating to the Liverpool
and Manchester railway.
lii. An Act for better supplying with
water the several townships of Hyde,
Wemeth, and Newton^ in the eoiinty
palatine of Chester.
liii. An Act for embanking, draining,
improving, and preserving certain fen
lands and low grounds lying in the
parish of Yaxley, in the county of
Huntingdon, ealled ''the Undnoned
Fen."
liv. An Act to enlarge and amend the
powers and provisions of the several
Acts relating to the Birmingham and
Liverpool Junction Canal, and to
better supply the said canal with
water.
Iv. An Act to consolidate and extend
the powers and provisions of the se-
veral Acts relating to the navigation
from the Trent to the Mersey.
Ivi. An Adt for making and maintaining
a railway finom tb« borough of Wigan
to the borough of Preston, both in the
county palatine of Lancaster, and
collateral branches to oommunicate
therewith.
Ivii. An Act for taking down the parish
church of Great Marlow, in the oounty
of Buckingham, and for rebuilding the
same On or near the present site
thereof.
Iviii. An Act for moife effectoaUy keep-
ing in repair several roads in the
county of Carmarthen, usually oalled
the Llandovery distrietof the Lampeter
roads, and for making and maintaining
certain new lines of nmd to oonmrani-
cate therewith.
liz. An Act for more effeotaaUy keeping
in repair tha roads firom Lmdkmfoen
to the town of LlanddVMy, ind from
thence to the river Ammin, in the
county of Clunnarthen, aad several
other roAds in the Mid county commu-
nicating therewithi aad for making
new branches of road in the same
county and in the county of Glamor-
gan.
It, An Aot for maintaining the road from
Enfield Chase, in the county of Mid-
dlesex, to Leinsford Mill» in the eounty
of Hertford.
Ixi. An Act for maintaining and improv-
ingthe road from Titehfield to Codiam,
in the county of Southampton.
Ixii. An Aot for more effeotaallr repair-
ing and improving the roacui eaUed
*' the Pttokleohurcn, or lower district
of roads/' in the oounties of Gknicester
and WUts.
Ixiii. An Act for repairing the turnpike
road from the Salutation Inn to Christian
Malford Bridge, in the county of
Wilts, called the Drayoot or Upper
District ; and for disuniting the same
road from a certain other road oalled
the Puokkchurch Lower District, in
the county of Gloucester.
Ixiv. An Act for more effeetually repair*
ing and keeping in repair the road
from Carlowrie Bridge, on the river
Almond, to Linlithgow Bridge, on the
river Avon and othM roads in the
county of Linlithgow*
Ixv. An Act for more efiSMtnaUy repair-
ing the road from Bishopsgate Bridge,
in the otty of Norwich, to the Caister
Causeway, in the oounty of Nwfolk.
Ixvi. An Aet for more effectually repair-
ing several roads in and near the town
of Bruton, and other roads in the
oounties of Somerset and Wilts, and
for making aad maintaining two other
roads oominunieatiag then^th*
Ixvii. An Aot for mora elfedtsaUy re-
pairing, widttiing, and odierwiee im-
proving the road from the south-east
end of the town of Loughborough, in
the cotmty of Leicester, eoBunencing
at Sooth Field Lane, to the south end
of Cavendish Bridge, in the saaie
oountr.
Ixviii. An Aot for oonsoUdating the trusts
of the aerend turnpike rOMS in the
neighbouhood <^ Cheadle, in the
county of Stafford, and for making
deviatioDtf «id aerw branches to and
from iJie same*
Ixiz. An Aot to amend an Aet of the
seveatii and iiffatb yeait «l his late
284 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Alajesty, for the more effectually re- Tanbridge Wells, in the county of
pairing and otherwise improving the Kent, to the Cross Ways, at or near
roads in the county of Glamorgan. INlaresiield Street, and nom Florence
Ixx. An Act for more effectually repair- Farm to Forest Row, in the county of
ing and improving the roads from Sussex.
GENERAL ACTS
Pa.fsed in the First Session of the Tenth Parliament of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland — 1 and 2 Will. IF. 1831.
I. An Act for repealing so much of an
act passed in the seventli year of his
late majesty king George the Fourth,
for paving lighting, watching, repair-
ing, and otherwise improving Grosve-
nor Place, and other streets therein
mentioned, as relates to the assess-
ment of the boundary- fence or wall of
the garden belonging to Buckingham
House.
II. An Act to revive and continue ex-
pired commissions, appointments, pa-
tents, and grants in Ireland ; and
to indemnify certain persons in rela-
tion thereto.
III. An Act to indemnify persons who
have acted ns deputy lieutenants in
Scotland without due qualiiication.
IV. An Act to abolish certain oaths and
affirmations taken and made in the
customs and excise departments of his
majesty's revenue, and to substitute
declarations in lieu thereof.
V. An Act to enable his majesty to make
leases, copies, and grants of offices,
lands, and hereditaments, parcel of the
duchy of Cornwall, or annexed to the
same.
\'I. An Act for continuing, until the
30th day of June, 1832, the several acts
for regulating the turnpike roads in
Great Britain which will expire at the
end of the present session of Parlia-
ment.
VII. An Act to continue compositions
for assessed taxes until the fifth day of
April, 1833, and to grant relief in cer-
tain cases.
VIII. An Act to suspend, until the end
of the next session of parliament, the
making of lists, and the ballots and
enrolments, for the militia of the united
kingdom.
IX. An Act to repeal so much of certain
acts as requires certain oaths to be
taken by members of the House of
Commons before the lord steward or
bis deputies.
X. An Act to reduce the salary of the
master and worker of his majesty's
mint.
XI. An Act for enabling his majesty to
make provision for supporting the royal
dignity of the queen in case she shall
sunriye his majesty.
XII. An Act for ascertaining the bound-
aries of the forest of Dean, and for in-
quiring into the rights and privileges
claimed by free miners of the Hun-
dred of Saint Briavers, and for other
purposes.
XIII. An Act to repeal an act of the
19 Geo. IIL for repealing so much of
several acts as prohibit the growth and
produce of tobacco in Ireland, and to
permit the importation of tobacco of
the growth and produce of that king-
dom into Great Britain.
XIV. An Act for raising the sum of
13,616,400/. by exchequer bills, for
the service of the year 1831.
XV. An Act to defray the charge of the
pay, clothing, and contingent and
other expenses of the disembodied
militia in Great Britain and Ireland,
and to grant allowances in certain
cases to subaltern officers, adjutants,
paymasters, quartermasters, Burgeons^
assistant-surgeons, surgeons' mates,
and Serjeant-majors, of the militia,
until the 30th da^ of June, 1832.
XVI. An Act to discontinue or alter the
duties of customs upon coals, slates,
cotton, wool, barilla, and wax.
XVII. An Act to provide for the better
order and government of Ireland, by
lieutenants for the several counties,
counties of cities, and counties of towns
therein.
XVIII. An Act for transferring the du-
ties of receivers-general of the land
and ttese'ssed taxes to persons execut-
ing the offices of inspectors of taxes,
and for making other provisions for
the receipt and remittance of the said
tftzes.
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
XIX. An Act to Tepenl th« dntiea of
Excise and dra^-backa on eandlsB.
XX. An Act to enable his Majesty U
grant an wnnnql gum to her royal high->
nesa Victoria Maria Louiaa ducheaa of
Kent, for a mare adequate proviaionfor
ber said rojal higboeaB, and for the
honourable sapport and edncattan of
her royal highneas the princeM Alex-
andrioa Victoria of Kent.
XXI. An Act to explain and amend two
acts of the 31 and 38 Geo. UI. eo
far aa the same relate to doulile aaaeaa-
ments of the land tax.
XXII. An Act to amend the lawa relat-
ing to hacknej carriegea, and to wag'
gona, carte, and draja, aaed ia the
metropolia ; and to place the collection
of the duties on hacEnej- carriages and
on hawkera and pedlars in England
under the commiaaioners of atampa.
XXIII. An Act to amend an act of the
14 Geo. III. for eatabUahing a fund
towards defraying the charges of the
adminiatratioii of juatice, and Support
of the civil government within the
province of Quebec in America.
XXIV. An Act to amend seveial acta
passed for authoriaii^ the iaane of Ex-
chequer billa, and the advance of
money for carrying on public worka
and hsheriea, and employment of the
poor ; and to authorize a fiiilLer issue
of Exchequer billa for the purposes of
the aaid acta.
XXV. An Act to amend the acts for re-
gulating turnpike roads in England, so
far as they relate to certain exemptiona
from toll,
XXVI. An Act to amend an Act of the
fifty-second year of the reign of his
majost; king George the Third, re-
specting the audit of the public ac-
counts of Ireland ; and to appoint the
number of commiBsionera competent
to grant quietus to public accoontanta,
under an Act passed in the fiflj-
sixtb year of the reign of hia majes^
king George the Third, for consolidat-
ing the public revenues of Great Bri-
ef the county of Clare to
rants for the levying of th( ,
made at the Spring aaaiies of the year
1831. . .
XXVIII. An Act to apply the aorplui
ways and means and a sum out of the
consolidated fund to the service of the
year 1831.
XXIX, Aa Act to autboiiH and vn-
power the commiasioneta appointed by
an Act of the aeventh year of hia late
majeaty king George the Fourth, for
uxtencfing to ChatingCross, Ihe Strand,
and places adjacent, [he powers of an
communication ^m Mary-le-bcmie
Park, (0 make and form a new streel
from the Straiid to Cbarlea -street Co-
vent Garden, and to widen the north
end of Bow-street ijilo Long Acre ;
aud for other puqioaea.
XXX. An Act to equnliie the dutioa on
XXXI. An Act to improve the adminia-
tration of justice in Ireland.
XXXII. An Act to amend the lawa in
England relatiTe to game.
XXXIII. An Act for ihe extension and
promotion <if public works in Ireland.
XXXIV. An Act for appointing coramis-
ceiTjing charities in England and Wales
for tBO years, and from thence to the
end oCttie then next session of Farlin-
XXXV. - An Act to explain and amend
an Act for regulating the receipt and
future appropriation of fees and emo-
luments receivable by o
XXXVI. An Act to repeal several Acta
and parts of Acts prohibiting the pay-
ment of wages in goods, or olhenvise
than in the current coin of the reolm.
XXXVII. An Act to prohibit the pay-
ment, in certain tradea, of wages in
goods, otherwise tlion in the current
coin of the reslro,
XXXVIII. An Act to amend and render
more effectual an Act passed in fUe se-
veuth and eighth years of the reign of
liis late maiesty, intituled An Act to
amend the Acts for building and pro-
moting the building of additionol
churches in populous pariidies.
XXXIX. An Act to repeal the laws re-
lating to apprentices and other young
and io cotton mills, and to make further
provisions in lieu thereof.
XI,. An Act to repeal BO much of anAct
for the management of the ouatoma aa
allows certaui fees to be taken by offi-
cers of tlie customs ; and to make far-
ther regulations tn respect (hereof.
XLI. An Act for amending the laws re-
lative to the appointment of special
eonstables, and for the better preserva-
tion oftiie peace.
XLll, An Act to amend m Act of tlia
280
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
fifty-ninth jear of his majesty king
George the lliird, for tlie reuef and
employment of the poor.
XLIII. An Act for amending and mak-
ing more effectual the laws concerning
turnpike roads in Scotland.
XLIV. An Act to amend an Act passed
in the parliament of Ireland, m the
fifteenth and sixteenth years of tlie
reign of his majesty king George
the Third, intituled An Act to pre-
vent and punish tumultuous risings
of persons within this kingdom, and
for other purposes therein mentioned.
XLV. An Act to extend the provisions
of an Act passed in the twen^-ninth
year of the reign of his majesty k-ing
(bharles the Second, intituled An Act
for confirming and perpetuating aug-
mentations made by ecolesiasticsd per-
sons to small vicarages and curacies ;
and for other purposes.
XLVI. An Act to allow the importation
of lumber, and of fish and provisions,
duty-free, into the islands of Barba-
does and Saint Vincent ; and to indem-
nify the governors and others for hav-
ing permitted the importation of those
articles duty-free.
XLVII. An Act to revive, for one year,
three Acts made in tlie forty-seventh
and fiftieth years of the reign of his
majesty king George the Third, and
in the tenth year of the reign of
his late majesty king George the
Fonrth, for preventing improper per-
sons from having arms in Ireland,
and to indemnify such persons as may
have acted in the execution of and pur-
suant to the provisions of tlie said
Acts since the expiration thereof.
X L VIII. An Act to amend an Act passed
in the parliament of Ireland in tlie
fifth year of his majesty king George
the Third, for establishing public hos-
pitals in Ireland.
XLIX. An Act to repeal so much of an
Act passed in Ireland, in the fourth
year of king George the First, for the
better regulating the town of Galway,
and for strengthening the Protestant
interest therein, as limits the franchise
created by the said Act to Protestants
only.
L. An Act to enable the commissioners
of his Majesty's treasuiy to make a
conveyance of Fresh Wharf in the
citv of London.
LI. An Act to amend an Act of the
seventh year of the reign of his late
majesty king George ^e Fourth, for
making provision for the aniform rtln*
ation of lands and tenement! in the
several baronies, perishes, and other
divisions of counties in Ireland, for the
purpose of the more equally levying of
the rates and charges upon the Mme.
LII. An Act to repeal an Act pested in
the fifty-second year of the leign of hie
majesty king George the lliira, to pxo-
vide for the more speedy ezamin«tion,
controlling and finally anditing Uie
military accounts of Ireland.
LIII. An Aet to regulate the peysftvut
of the duties on hope.
LIV. An Act to apply the sum of
1,800,000/. out of the Consolidated
Fund to the service of the jear 1831,
and to appropriate the supplies granted
in this session of Parliament.
LV. An Act to consolidate and amend
the laws for suppressing the illicit
making of malt and distillation of spi-
rits in Ireland.
LVI. An Act to establish a court in
bankruptcy.
LVII. An Act to empower landed pro-
prietors in Ireland to nnk, emlNnk,
and remove obstruotionainriverSi
LVIII. An Act to enable courts of law
to give relief against adverse olaims
made upon persons having no interest
in the subject of such claims.
LIX. An Act to enable church wardens
and overseers to inclose land belonging
to the crown for the benefit of poor
persons residing in the parish in which
such crown land is situated.
LX. An Act for the better rep^tioB of
vestries, and for the appointment of
auditors of accounts, in certain pa-
rishes of ICngland and Wales.
PUBLIC ACTS,
Of a Local and Personal Nature,
fo he noticed hy the Courts,
i. An Act for erecting and maintaining
a pier and other works for the more
conveniently landing and embaiUnif
passengers m the port of the town of
Southampton.
ii. An Act for erecting and maintaining
a bridge over the river Lagan, at Bel-
fiast ; and for making suitable ap-
proaches thereto.
iii. An Act for tlie establishment of a
chapel of ease, to be called Grosvenor
Chapel, in the parish of Saint Oeorg«
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
lUnover-aiiuara in iha countj of Mid-
cllesei, and far ]iroviduig ibr the main*
tenancB of the mid almpal, and ■ ati-
lieiid fur the miiiiater thweor,
iv. All Aol for settling Uinpulad riglita
TBdpecting titliei wi&in ^e parish o(
^siitoD'Undec-Lina in tlis aonnty pula-
tine of LanciBtar, and for filing OBrtain
Huiiual pujin«ntB in lieu thereof.
V, All Act for lliB better rsieing and
eecuring; the fund eaiablished fotmuk-
nig provision for UiB M-idowB of the
writers to his m^eaty's signet in Scot-
land.
vi. An Act to ammd an Act for *witing
and iBeuiieg to Idbn SUphen Laagton.
eatj. eeilaiD pniSIa and emelnntnls for
a limilM time.
vii. An Act to enable tbe YorlcBliim Fire
and IJfe Iniunnoa Companj to auo
and be (uad id llie nam* of thei]' aecie-
Uay, or of any ODB of th» diraabus of
the raid otmpaBj.
Tiii. Ad Aet to amaad oartain Acta
patted in the teign of hia laW majeetj
king George the Foortlt, fcr opening
a atreet ftoru (Jie CrOH of Claagow to
Mouteitli Row.
ii. An Act to alter and i
paaaed in the all ~
of bis late toaJB!
Fotuth, for regulating the c
ofihe statute labour within the barony
of Gorbala in the oi<7 of (ilaagow and
county of Lanark'
I. Au Aol to amend and e>l«nd the
powers of aa wt for rwwvaring,
draining, and preaeriio^eartain lands ;
and for betlsr auppljing with water
the milli, manufnoloriea, and other
works situated on the riTai I^van, in
Ihe counties of Kinross and Fife,
xi. An Act to amend and enlaiXB the
several Aota relating to the fiolton
and Leigh Railway.
lii. An AcCtoalterthelineoftha Avon
and tilouoeater Railwaj, to make cer-
tain branchea from the'aame, and to
amend the Act for making tie aajd
railway.
liii. An Act for making a turnpike road
(with a branch therefrom) ihnn the
Angel Inn. near DadinMon in tlie
county of Durham, to Bartoo-lane-
end, in the county of Yoik.
liv. An Act for more efieotDally rapeir-
ing the road from Norwich to Cromer
in the county of Norfolk, and two
blanches of load leading towards Holt,
and towards Woltarton in the said
coun^.
:r. An Act for lepaiiing and improving
the road from DonL-nstei, through
Ferrybiide;e to the south side of Tad-
caalar Cross, in the west riding of
the county of Yoili,
:vi. An Act for more effectual]/ repair'
ingund improving sa»efBl roads leading
into nnd from the town of Cbeltentam
in the county of Glouceater, and for
making new bnmches of roads to com-
municBtetlierewith,
:vii. Ad Act for makini^ and maintaining
a road from Tbomaet in the ooontv of
Dtrby to Fumaee colliery within l>ia-
ter in tlie county of Cheater, and two
severat brauohes tberefroni.
iviii. An Act for more effectually re-
pairing end improving several rood^
therein mentioned, leading to, tbroiifcli,
niid from Che town of Monmoutli, and
: several new lines enij di-
Ulou
if road to commnnii
I CDnnties of i^;
and Hereford.
1 the
L Act for repairing the road from
the briilRU ou ibe old river at Barton
to Bmridon Bridge in tlie county of
Suffolk.
:x. An Act fcr mora effeotually r^air-
ing and otliarwise improving tlis save-
tal roads from tlie South tiata in the
Ijoiuugh of King's Lynn, into the
paiistiea of Fast Walton, Narbotougb,
Sitoke I'erry, and Downham Market,
in iba county of Norfolk.
li. An Act for more effectually repair-
ing tlic roads from the borough of
King's Lynn, and other roads (herein
mentioned, and for makii^ a new line
of road nl CaatU llising, all in Ibe
county of Norfolk.
lii. An Act for more effectually repair-
ing and improving the road bBtween
tlie citv of Durlism and the viUage of
Sbotley Bridge in Che comity of Uur-
:xlii. An Act for ooQaolidating tlie
truBla of certain road" called the Brea -
miali and W'ooler turnpike roads, in
tlie county of Nortliumberlaod, i
more eileotunlly imi'roving and luuii
tuning ijis aaiiie.
[liv. An Act fur mom effecCusllj' niair
laining and improving the road froi
Soho llill in the parish "" '
to the Walaall road on lue nortne
side of tlametead Bridge, and unotli
road from Brovni's (ireeu lo thii I'rior
in the county of. Slallord.
[XV. All Act for repairing end iujim
log certain noda in the counties
id for
■onh
288
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Stafford and Salop, leading to and from
the tov^n of Wolverhampton in the
county of Stafibrd.
xzvi. An Act for more eflectually re-
pairing certain roads loading to and
from the town of Abergavenny in the
county of ]\lonmouth, and for making
and maintaining several new branches
of road to communicate therewitli.
zzvii. An Act for making and maintain-
ing a road from the bottom of Kirkgate
to the bottom of Westgate, both in the
parish of Wakefield in the west riding
of the county of York.
xxviii. An Act to amend an Act of his
late majesty king George the Fourth,
for more effectually maintaining the
road from Teignmouth to Dawlish, and
for making roads from Dawlish to tlie
Exeter turnpike roads, together with
a road from South town to Chudleigh,
and certain branches communicating
with the same, aU in the county of
Devon ; and to make and maintain
other roads communicating with the
said roads.
xxix. An Act for more effectually re-
pairing, amending, and improving the
roads from Liverpool to Prescot, Ash-
ton, and W^arrington, in the county pa-
latine of Lancaster.
XXX. An Act to continue and amend an
Act of the fifth year of his late majesty,
for repairing the roads from Durweston
Bridge to Caundle Bishop, and other
roads, in the counties of Dorset and
Somerset, so far as relates to the Vale
of Blackmoor turnpike roads.
xxxi. An Act for making and maintain-
ing a turnpike road from the south end
of Mitford Bridge, in the parish of
Tedbum Saint Mary, to Chudleigh
Bridge, and from Crockham Bridge to
tlie Exeter turnpike road in Chudleigh,
all in the county of Devon.
xxxii An Act for amending certain
roads in the county of Somerset, and
for placing them, and other roads,
under the care and management of
tlie trustees of the Langport, Somer-
ton, and Castle Cary roads.
xxxiii. An Act to enable the justices of
the peace for the three divisions of the
county of Lincoln to purchase the site
of Lincoln Castle ; and to empower
the Court of Gaol Sessions for the
said county to maintain and support
the judge's house, county hall, and
courts of assize ; and for other pur-
poses affecting the county at large.
xzxiy. An Act for improyipgi repairing,
and maintaining the harboim of the
burgh of B^thsay in the county of
Bute, and for building and maintain-
ing a gaol, conrt-house, and offices
for the said burgh and county.
xxzv. An Act for making and maintain-
ing a railway from Rutherglen Green
to Wellshott in the county of Lanaik.
xxxvi. An Act for draining and imj^y-
ing certain low lands situate within
the several townships of Norton,
Campsally Asken, Moss, Fenwick,
Little Smeaton, Stubbs Walden, Wo-
mersley, Whide^, Bain, Folling^ton,
Snaith and Cowick, and Sykehouse,
in the several parishes of Campsall,
Womersley, Kellington, Snaith, and
Fishlake, all in the west riding of the
county of York.
xxxvii. An Act for maintaining the road
from Wakefield to Austerlands in the
west riding of the county of York.
xxxviii. An Act for making and repair-
ing certain roads leading across the
county of Stirling, and o&er roads in
the said county.
xxxix. An Act to amend an Act for
more effectually repairing and improy-
ing the road from Wendover to the
tov^-n of Buckingham in the coonty of
Buckingham.
xl. An Act for improving and maintain-
ing the road from the south side of a
bridge over the river Colne, called
Engine Bridge, in the township of
Huddersfield in the west riding of the
county of York, to Woodhead in the
county palatine of Chester, and from
thence to a bridge over the river
Mersey, called Enterclough Bridge,
on tlie confines of the county of Der-
xli. An Act for more effectually repair-
ing and improving certain roads lead-
ing to and from the town of Cirences-
ter in the county of Gloucester, and
Wootton Bassett in the county of
Wilts.
Ixii. An Act to continue and amend an
Act for more effectually repairing seye-
ral roads in and through his majesty's
forest of Dean in the county of Glou-
cester; and to convert certain high-
ways in the parishes of Staunton and
Newland in the said county into torn-
pike roads.
xliii. An Act for repairing the road from
the town of Wisbech in the Isle of
Ely in the county of Cambridgfe to
the town of Thomey, in the same isle
and county.
APPENDIX . TO CHRONICLE. A 289
xliv. An Act for improving and main-
taining the road from Ludlow in the
county of Salop, through Wooffertoh
and Little Hereford, to Monk's Bridge
in the said county, and also from Lud-
low to Orleton in the county of Here-
ford.
xlv. An Act to alter and amend an Act
passed in the seventh and eighth ^ear
of the reign of his late majesty, inti-
tuled An Act for carrying into effect
certain improvements within the city
of Edinburgh, and adjacent to the
same.
xlvi. An Act for extending the royalty
of the burgh of Dundee, and for
amending the sett or municipal consti-
tution of the said burgh.
xlvii. An Act for repealing, altering, en-
larging, and amending certain provi-
sions of an act passed in the fifty-sixth
year of the reign of his late majesty
king George the Third, intituled An
Act for the incorporation of the High-
land Society of London, for the better
management of the funds of the socie-
ty, and for rendering its exertions
more extensive and beneficial to the
public.
xlviii. An Act for erecting a county
Iiall and courts of justice, and also for
providing accommodation for his ma-
jesty's justices of assize, in and for
the county of Worcester.
xlix. An Act for endowing a church
called Saint Bridgett, in the parish of
Liverpool in the county palatine of
Lancaster.
1. An Act for extinguishing tithes, and
customary payments in lieu of tithes,
within the parish of Llanelly in the
county of Carmarthen, and for making
compensation in lieu tliereof.
li. An Act for the better management of
the poor in the several parishes and
Iiamlets in the city of Norwich and
coimty of the same city.
lii. An Act to consolidate and amend
the several Acts for making the West
India Docks.
liii. An Act for granting certain powers
to a company called the General Steam
Navigation Company.
liv. An Act to amend and enlarge the
powers of an Act passed in the eleventh
year of the reign of his late majesty king
George the Fourth, intituled An Act
for making and maintaining a naviga-
ble cut or canal from Lough Corrib to
the bay of Galway, and for the im-
provement of the harbour of Galway.
Vol. LXXIIL
Iv* An Act for the further improvement
of the port and harbour of Belfast in
Ireland, and for other purposes.
Ivi. An Act to amend the several acts
for making and maintaining the Ulster
canal in the counties of Fermanagh
and Armagh.
Ivii. An Act for inclosing, draining, and
warping lands within the townidiips
or hamlets of Frodingham, Scunthorpe,
and Gunhouse (otherwise Gunnas),
all in the paricJi of Frodingham in the
county of Lincoln. ^
Iviii. An Act for amending an Act
passed in the eleventh year of the
reig^ of his late majesty king George
the Fourth, for making and maintain-
ing a railway from the lands of FoUoc
and Govan to the liver Clyde ; and to
alter and extend the powers of the
company of proprietors of the said
railway.
lix. An Act for making a railway from
Manchester in the county palatine of
Lancaster to Sheffield in the west rid-
ing of the county of York.
Ix. An Act to enable the company of
proprietors of the canal navigation
from Manchester to Bolton and to
Bury to make and maintain a railway
from Manchester to Bolton ■ and to
Bury in the county palatine of Lan-
caster, upon or near the line of the
said canal navigation, and to make
and maintain a collateral branch to
communicate therewith.
Ixi. An Act for more effectually maldng,
amending, widening, repairing, and
keeping in repair certain roads in the
county orFonar.
Ixii. An Act to amend an Act of his
late majesty king George the Fourth^
for repairing the several roads leading
to and from the city of Exeter, and for
making certain new lines of road to
communicate with the same, and for
keeping in repair £xe Bridge and
Countess Wear Bridge ; and to make
and maintain other roads communicat-
ing with the said roads.
Ixiii. An Act for more effectually re-
pairing the road from Aylesbu^ in
the county of Buckingham to Hock-
liffe in the county of Bedford.
Ixiv. An Act for the more effectually re-
pairing and otherwise improving the
road from Sunderland near the sea, in
the county of Durham, to the city of
Durham.
Ixv. An Act for repairing and improv-
ing the several roads within the Kid-
u
290 ANNUAL REGI STER, 1831.
wellr district of roads in the oountj
of Cfumtirthen, and for makine new
lines of road within the said district,
and building a bridge across the rirer
Uoughor at Spitty Bank, and a bridge
or embankment across the rirer Gwen-
draith Fawr at the ford.
Ixri. An Act for better repairing and
improring sereral roads leading to and
from the town of Frome in the coantj
of Somerset.
Izrii. An Act for better regulating the
poor within the parish of Birmingham
in the county of Warwick: and for
empowering the guardians of the poor
to grant building leases of certain
lands vested in them, or otherwise to
sell and dispose of the same, and to
apply the monies to arise therefrom
in the enlargement or rebuilding of
the present workhouse ; and for other
purposes.
Iznii. An Aot to alter and amend tlie
sevend Acts for making navigable tlie
river Kennet in the county of Berks.
Ixix. An Act for making and maintain-
ing a railroad from Westland Row in
the city of Dublin to the head of the
western pier of the rojral harbour of
Kingstown in the county of Dublin,
with branches to communicate there-
with.
\xx. An Act for repairing and improving
the mail coach road through the coun-
ty of Tyrone.
Ixxi. An Act for more effectually mak-
ing and repairing certain roads in the
counties of Fife, Kinrow, Perth, and
Clackmanan.
budi. An Act for more effeotoalljr re-
pairing the road from North Smelds
in the county of Northnmbeiland to
the town of Newcastle-npon-Tjney
and certain branches commnnioating
therewith ; and also for making and
repairing additional branches of road.
Ixxiii. An Act to alter, amend, and en-
large the powers of the sereral Acts
now in fence relating to the new river
or cut from the Eau Brink to King's
Lynn in the county of Norfolk, oalled
the Kau Brink eut ; and to laise fur-
ther funds for catr3ring. the said acta
into execution.
Ixxiv. An Act for more effectnallj fan-
proving the road from the Pondyaxda
in the county of Hertford to the town
of Chipping Bamet in the same coon-
Ixxv. An Act to repeal in part an Act
passed in the parliament of Ireland
in the thirty-second Tear of the reign
of king George the Third, relating to
a portion of uie lands of Balliuaspeg,
near the city of Cork, belonging to the
see of ('ork, and to enable me nidiopa
of that see to demise the same, under
certain restrictions.
Izxvi. An Act for regulating the vend
and delivery of coals in the oitiaa of
London and Westminster, and in eer-
tttin ])arts of the counties of Middle-
sex, Surrey, Kent, Essex, Hertford-
shire, Buckinghamshire, and Beik-
shire.
APPEKDIX TO CHRONICLE.
PRICES OF STOCKS in auh Mootli in 1881,
Higher unit Loive^t.
Il
3E
^^
£.d.j c-il a-ii ii
2-
ii
1"
SS
SS
sl
Sffi
Ss| S3 ?S
?R
If
H
d4
iLi.
,H
■i^
ijlij
i^
«
it
2?
sl
si
Si
Si
ffi II
IS
fs
IS
f2
if
ij
^?
?»
S2
^2
?2 iS's
^-r
^T|r
22
22
|i
it
ss
Is
cr
ss
lf|fs
|"s
P
fs
fi-
si"
-i
?3
Is
s¥
8f
ss
sslss
fs
If
fs
ss
31
~i
if
fB
£3
sf
?f
sf sS"
5?
rf
?f
fs
S8
-
f-s
fi'
SS
rs
sslsf
SS
ff
i-f
fi
is
II
si
= R
SR
I'b
as
33 3?
af
as
ss
s?
fs
fs
SS
E*
fS
Ck
»» **
s°^
sf
JS
sf
s?
j|
rf
IS
sl
if
11
II sl
If
IS
as
fl
af
1
1
1
t
<
1
i f
.^
I
1"
I
T
S
292 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN.
FBOH THE BETURNS.
Wheat.
Barley.
Oati.
Rye.
Beans.
FeM.
$• d»
tf. </•
«. d.
«. d.
«. d.
M. 4.
January 25
80 0
48 0
30 0
35 0
45 0
39 0
February 22 •••
78 0
46 0
30 0
34 0
42 0
48 0
March 22
72 0
47 0
28 0
40 0
40 0
44 0
April 26
May 24
76 0
46 0
31 0
34 0
42 0
48 0
72 0
46 0
30 0
34 0
42 0
48 0
June 21
74 0
46 0
30 0
34 0
42 0
48 0
July26
72 0
42 0
29 0
34 0
42 0
44 0
August 23
78 0
42 0
29 0
34 0
42 0
44 0
September 27*«*
70 0
42 0
28 0
34 0
42 0
46 0
October 25
59 2
37 6
22 5
55 3
40 7
44 10
November 22...
60 10
38 3
22 10
37 3
40 8
44 6
December 27...
61 10
38 11
23 1
38 0
43 0
44 6
AVERAGE PRICES OF HAY V LOAD.
January.
February.
March.
April.
May.
Juno.
2 10 0
to
4 0 0
2 10 0
to
4 0 0
2 10 0
to
4 0 0
2 17 6
to
4 8 0
2 10 0
to
3 15 0
2 12 0
to
4 0 0
July.
August
September.
October.
November.
Seoeniber.
3 10 0
to
4 4 0
2 15 0
to
4 0 0
2 15 0
to
4 0 0
3 0 0
to
4 0 0
2 10 0
to
4 0 0
3 5 0
to
3 15 0
AVERAGE PRICES OF BUTCHER'S MEAT,
Average Prices per Stone of 81b. in Smithfield Market, in 1831.
Beef.
Mutton.
Veal.
Pork.
Itfnb.
s, d, 9,
d.
s.
d. 8» d.
s.
d* t.
d.
t.
d, tf. d.
#. d. #. if«
Jan ...
3 2to4
8
3
0to4 10
6
Oto6
4
4
2to5 2
0 OtoO 0
Feb....
3 0to5
0
3
0 to5 0
5
Oto6
4
3
2 to 5 4
0 OtoO 0
March
4 0to4
6
4
8to5 2
5
0to6
0
4
4to5 2
0 OtoO 0
April
3 10 to 4
4
4
4 to 5 0
5
Oto6
0
4
0to5 0
0 OtoO 0
May...
2 4 to 3
8
2
6to4 0
3
8to5
0
3
4to4 10
0 OtoO 0
June...
3 10 to 4
6
4
6to4 6
4
0to5
0
4
0to4 10
4 8to5 6
July...
2 4to3
8
2
4to3 10
3
2to4
8
3
2 to 4 6
3 10to4 S
Aug...
3 6to4
2
4
0to4 8
4
4to5
4
4
0to4 10
5 OtoO 0
Sept...
3 0to4
0
3
6 to 4 4
4
0to5
0
4
0to5 0
4 0to5 0
Oct...
3 6to4
2
4
2to4 10
4
0to5
0
4
4to5 4
0 OtoO 0
Nov...
3 4 to 4
2
4
4 to 5 0
4
0to4
10
4
0to5 4
0 OtoO 0
Dec...
3 4to4
6
3
6to4 8
3
4to5
4
4
4to5 4
0 OtoO 0
APPENDIX TO CHRONICLE.
29S
BILLS OF MORTALITY, from December 16, 1830, lo
December 16, 1831.
LTader two year* > „
Between t<ro and five 9647
I^Teandten 1031
Ten uid twenty 934
Tweo^ and thirty 1649
Thirty and fbr^ 1068
For^andfifty 2175
FiftyandsiT^ 3169
Sixty and seventy S337
Seventy and eighty I7S6
Eighty and ninety 836
Ninety and a bUDdreil 101
One hundred and one I
One hundred and two 1
One hundred and three 0
One hundred and five , 1
One hundred and (eren ,. 0
Table of the Number of Bahkbupts& Dxclarationb of iNsoLTSNcr.
Bjukmpl..
D«>.™u™
January
101
81
110
136
14fi
113
103
94
104
93
304
161
10
IS
15
18
33
13
14
14
S3
13
33
13
May ...
1433
188
METEOROLOGICAL TABLE poa 1831.
B„=n>«c,.
ThfnoomKef.
Plorin-
WEiidl.
1U,1,-..
!«...<.
m^....
Li— .
k-.
K.
«.
>.■
s.
S.W
w. ;-..T.
Febmiry
30*610
"
«
iS
H
a
^
SJ
1
^1
•
»*M^
S"
''"
s
a*
?
a
«
!t
SZ-.-;:
"■m
74
4H
m"
i
!*
oao^r.
a
Vl
iii
■1
;'
;.
1
sa
sa
3'e80
1!
a
is;|
.i
1>
M6W
C90IS
79
Hi
32-9]6
Ui
39i
ni
«i
«*
K*
«
stl
a»4 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
A J ASH, showing tlio Number of Uoiwes nled fw tlie loliabited Houm Tu, tlta
Amount of (lie lUnUl of each, aud tlie Nomberof tba Fuu-lloules exeapt«d
froH «ueli Tiki in uuak Couniy of Engluul nuI W«1m, Dm: lb* Yw ua^ms
JuDuncy, 1B31.
KoHilvhllll ,<
Oiftmr
Sw*
a.tMluo
fll.ltO
«,STT
«ui;Kig
Mo.o(
is:
i:^
fifltfS
s.oir
'&
1.U1
API
A SIMILAR TABLE FO
n THE METHOP0L1S
r......
No. or
'*i™^."'
~r
tiirotLWod ,
ImCh, Mrtiloii
rHcWio m at. aiie* ii>d si. Omp,
i},aiH<r»raXra"!!li:.'';.'."."i;."!;!
TDHHdW
Kcniinpon dWa
S>.UH^.k-bDH
l«n.<rfC0Kl
YhRcDKUaniorEutBrfuon
Hlackhuili
17A1
I9,T1I
i
Sfiw
1,163
»,S0OJUT
«t.l,DJ3
eiiijo
ia9,raB
♦y
INHABITED HOUSE TAX,
n^du
S.,.otH-m
n.u«i.
£10BHl™dw£li
'ii'S
!SJJJ
*os,7au
Pi
i := fc::::::::::;::::::;
300 «0 ,.
sia^Bfi
ii,iol,l*j
BiuiMO, gi;i6i.8as.
n CoIDinlUid, Couvicted, ScnCFDciid, 0
Conu.aa*.if«r™i....jF^„
P"|r™"
IUDdalDToiyrar...
eniairtliiuidiicHkT.,1!
NaBnliAin^'iailwtpnin^. li,SBr
MUImccd :—
T 13^7
296 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
I>'pm°-
1^'cii.I
sir
.i^°;»i'.
"S'°
"*-/"
i. i tlii Ifci!:
is
-fin
1^
8451
»!«'
S^l
6,eG6
10,181
1
JIB
IBi
SB
1
i70
1
'i
23
1)0
1(9
TO
37
59
isal
tywt
SOfifil
4i3a(
16U
Gin
ii
'1^
S!J!!
e«o^Bi
9lM**3
«M,«TO
ue,eoB
318,516
165 jcS
!!a,630
4U,4oe
1.398,186
38,870
301,772
ii
161,173
!76,793
•%iS
S66,ot6
1,129,0*1
EMd
S,B76i
"■ffii
10,008 ri
,iSIS
2,4Bai
10«»d
tSSi
6,740 rf
16 i
in,Bliri
66, Ul 1
'■SI
(1,76(1 J
B,g66d
•9i
5,0)0 rf
]0,llMd
l%^i
iVlIS j
lifloK
6.1S9tf
1,570 rt
S9
Su'Srdil.lr";;"
i
38
^^
31
Wuwirkriiln . ..
WUMn
MorcHrtmhlnr...
Yurkshirc
ES
ifiT^lJ
4.17
n.7
[IBB5I
13,DBO,:S5
81,064 ; .14
itioned oulnber of Depositora aze thus divided : —
D.t«iU«.
».
/^V
lIlKkr£BOCKll
4Mrf
Tl
APPENDIX TO <_
UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.
EXAMINATIONS, term— paschal, 1831.
In IMeris Humanioribus.
Classis I.
Thos. D.Acland, Ckrat CAun/i.
Roliert Browne, Si. JaAn't.
Henry ChurtoD, Salliol.
'I'hos. L. Ctaughton, Trintts.
Herbert Kyiiastoo, Chritt Church.
Robert F. Wilson, (Mel.
Samuel F. Wood, do. ■
Classis II.
CImrlea BaleloD, Corpui,
Charles Uunyan, New College ,
Arch. Cnmeron, Pembroke.
Georg« CaseoD, Brtaen-neie.
George Clark, Univerti^.
George E. Deacon, Corpuf.
Fcederick Holue, Corput.
Walter Kttaon, BalHal.
William Pennefolher, ifa.
Charles Penny, Peiabreke.
Francii Popham, VniversUy,
T. G. Simcoi, Wnflain.
Kdward Stephens, Exeter.
Richard E. Tycwbitl, Braten-nose
. William H. Whitworth, Corpus.
John Willinms, Jems.
John P, Wilaon, Magdalen.
Classis III.
William Boyd, Univereily.
Daniel Brent, do.
John S. Broad, Edmund Hall.
lit Disciplinis
Cl ASBIS I.
Tho3.D.Ad8Dd, CArist Church.
Charles Bals ton, Corput.
William Boyd, Univereity.
Rel>ert Browne, SI. John'),
Algernon Perkins, Oriel.
Thos. G. Slmcox, Wadham.
Clabbis II.
George Kempe, Exeter.
TE RM — « rCHABLHAB,
Folliot Bough, Exeter.
Charles L<Cornl«h, do.
Henry DeDJKm, Chritt ClmrA,
Francis C. Brooke, Clirlit Church.
Frederick Buremanu, Trinity.
Henry Gary, /f'oreester.
Ednard W. Foley, JVadham.
James Gilman, A'^JoAn'i.
Charles Green, Chriet Chm-ch.
Edmund W, Hughes, Iforceiler.
George Kempe, Exeter,
Henry Moncricff, Neiu College.
Francis Moote, Chritt CAureh.
Wiilisi
c N. Sim
t, Christ ChmcA.
Henry Walker, do.
Ciu^BSia IV.
John Barrow, Wadhatii.
Edward Bigge, Uiacereily.
Thoa. W. Crertaer, Pembroke.
John R. Erringlon, IVarueeler.
Salrsliury Evernrd, Ballial.
John Fisher, Braten'Ooie.
Robert Grey, Uiuversity.
Edward Hardwrcke, Qhbhi'ji
Edward Harlsnd, fradham.
Henry Slibson, (jueen't
Arthur Isbam, Chritt Chiircb.
Charles King, Magdalen.
" rr A. M'Geachy, Balliol.
lly.
. Orde, fni .
Hogarth Swale, Q.iae»'
George Whidborne, do.
Matkemalicis cl Physicts.
Henry G. Randall, QueetCi.
Robert F. Wilaon, Oriel.
Classis III.
1831. In IMeris Humamoribur.
I W, E. Gladstone, iln.
Petei S. Payne, Balliol,
Classis II.
I GdmrdH. Gmt, Ballioh
298
ANNUAL REGISTER,'183l.
John F. Maurice, Kvetc^,
Nathaniel J. Meriman, Braten^note,
John B. Morgan, Trinittf.
Isle Grant Overton, Corpus,
Kolx'rt J. Phillimore, Chruit Church,
James Robertson Pcmbntkc,
Jolin G. Seymcr, iS^. Alban*8 Hall.
Gardiner Webster, Exeter.
Edmund D. Wickham, Balliol.
CLA88I8 III.
John II. Allen, Brasen-nose*
George Arney, do.
William Borlase, Queen*s.
Arthur Browne, Christ Church.
John 11. Dewhurst, fForcester.
John S. Dolby, Lincttln.
Arthur P. Duulop, <S^. JuhiCs.
John C. Fisher, QuffefCs.
John Floyer, Balliol.
James Jones, Jesus.
Edward V. Neale, Oriel.
In DiscipUnis
Classis L
Henry Dcnison, Christ Church.
William E. Gladstone, c&.
Henry A. Jeffreys, tlo.
Charles G. Prideaux» Balliol,
James llobertson, Pembroke.
Edward Penny, St. John's.
Edward O. Trevelyen, Corpus.
Robert Williams, Christ Church.
CJLA88I8 IV.
John R. Bloxam, Magdalen.
William Buckler, </o.
Richard R. Dean, C/trist Church.
Hencage Drumraond, Balliol.
Hon. G. F. Harris, Christ Church.
Hon. Sidney Herbert* Oriel.
John F. Lees, Brasen^nate^
John Mott, Christ Church.
John R. Nicholl, Exeter.
Daniel Parsons, Oriel.
John P. Penson, ff^orceeter.
Richard V. Pryor, Balliol.
George H. Scott, Exeter.
Henry L. Stephens, Oriel.
Thos. ThisUethwayte, Christ Vkureh.
Richard P. Warren, Bteeter.
Edward J. Wiloockt, Lincoln.
Malkemaiicis el Pkydcis.
CliA80I8 II.
Edward V. Neale, Oriel.
Classis III.
Francis J. Ellis, MptIoh.
James Mackalt, Queen's.
James R. Whyte, Oriel.
CHANCELLOR'S PRIZES.
Latin Essay. — ** Qtuenam /ueril Orator urn Atticorttm apml populum Juctoritae**
Charles Wordsworth, Christ Church.
English Essay.—*' On the Use mul Jbuse of Theory.'* Charles P. EdeD» OriH
APPENDIX TO
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
EXAMINATIONS, tbum— tiupos, 1831.
Mkiereiars. {
ifraHglerf
Earoihiw JoAn'i.
(IwkiD JaM-i.
Budii Cfliiw.
Woillcdge Trinily.
MiIlB.Ben Pr^iroAe.
Amphlett Peltr.
Peill; ftwM'j.
Paget Cam.
Whjtehrad /aAn't
Meller JWiu(y.
Smith Sidiu'u,
Willan JoAn'j.
Cheadle keen's
ShepparJ iyjH»y.
Rigg Caiui.
Bates ..Cor^ru.
01
, . Pclei:
Mills.jun Pembroke.
Palon TriitilM,
Entwistle Trra%,
BIskMley Trmity.
Otter ChruPa.
yttgfia ,Je»ut,
Winter Ci»|nw.
Walkw ..,, .Cbritf,.
Bacon Cvrpiu.
Hildynnl Ctore,
Nash Trinity.
Ceary Trinitg.
HarrUon Caita.
Hoare John':
Senior Optimei.
Ds. Delamare Caiu*.
Davee Carpua,
Colville Trinitv.
Tyrrell Jalm'i.
Wliiston Trinilg.
Itoss-LewiD Calherinc.
Veulria Queen's.
Nicholson Johii'i,
Bonnim Qiiem't.
Mann 'ufin'i.
Wxon Cotyiu.
Owstou Quern').
SlftQlon Chritt't.
BaJliHik Ctara.
Swann BaamBHel,
Dailiwood VWiurB.
FaveU iluee«;.
Hotkin Pembroke.
TbD _ .^.
Proctor Claal'i.
Stoddait Carpal.
Slinty Cniw.
Klan«il Peler.
Piekwood Pflw,
Hannan Caiut.
5 Co/Amnft
'iJoMi.
Junitr Opiim
Dfl. Venablei ,,,,,,., ..t'urMi
Bainbridge \ ' ~
Cackcitoa J
Whlttlnglou /'n«4rD*e.
Wallace ,., Trinitg.
GMkell Curnu.
Kennedy IVro;*.
Fall Peter.
Sharpie Smmaaucl.
Shadirell Jain's
Johnstone Caivt,
Stacye CAritl't.
Fleming Pejalrvie,
Steei Qw-en'i.
Power 'oAit't.
Blane Trinity.
Jernood John':
Spedding Trinily.
Vawdry John':
Walsh Trinily,
Selwyn John't,
Evans Qveeu'i.
FosW Trinily.
Chalfield Tri'ntfy.
Morgan Trinily.
Fu«brooke Trinity.
Yelloly Trinity,
Fearon Calherine
Classical Tbipos, 1831.
C John Healb, M.A. King',.
Eataineri J Thomas Shclbrd, B.D. Cara„i.
I Edward Boines, M^. CArwr*.
300 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ShadwcU JMii*<.
Whytehead JakmU.
Sheppftrd TrimUm,
Venables Emmmmmti
Dsobwood Ijb 5 Trimim.
Harriaoii \^^ 2 ^«w.
Third ama.
Dt. Fell Atar.
EfAM v<*<m'«.
Vawdry Mm's.
S«ua
Fini CUui.
Dfl. Kennedy Trinitig,
Seiwyn J*hhwL*.
Blaekesley Trimttf,
Johmtone Caiur.
Waliib Trinity.
Cbatlield Triiuty.
Hoare JoAn^t,
Serrmd Clau.
Dj. Whiaton Trmify,
Minty CoiW.
Spedding Trtnitf,
Woliedge Trinity.
CHANCELLORS MEDALLISTS, 18S1.
J. W. Blakealey Triniiy.
\V. U. Hoftre Jtkm's.
CHANCELLOR'S PRIZE.
G. S. VenaMef Jenu.
SIR W. BROWNE'S MEDALS.
Greek Ode)
Latin Ode V James Hildyard CJkrtsfs.
Epignuns |
PORSON PRIZE.
George G.KeDiiedy....,«...,.,,,JSMlji'#.
SEATONIAN PRIZE.
T. E. Hankinson Corjmi. (With a premiom of 100/.)
LAW CASES, &c.
301
LAW CASES AND NARRATIVES.
CoNTBwfPT OP Court — Privi-
lege OF Parliament.
By a decision of the Court of
Chancery, the duchess of Welling-
ton and Mr. Courtenay had been
appointed joint guardians of the
children of Mr. Long Wellesley.
Since that time, the daughter,
a child of eleven or twelve years,
had remained with her aunte, the
Misses Long, by the direction and
consent of the guardians. On the
1 6th of July, sir Edward Sugden
stated to the Lord Chancellor that
he had a motion to make, founded
on a most gross contempt of the
orders of that Court, He then
read an afiSdavit by Miss Long,
which stated, that the daughter of
Mr. Wellesley had been removed,
the day before, from the house of
the Misses Long by her fother ;
that he was accompanied by four
persons who appeared to be consta-
bles, and who acted under Mr.
Wellesley's directions; that the
young lady was taken, by these
persons ana Mr, Wellesley, away
from the Misses Lonff, aJthouen
every effort was made by Miss
Long*s footman to prevent it, and
brought in a carriage to town, and
that she was now, it was believed,
in the house of Mr. Wellesley.
Sir Edward Sugden said, he should
therefore move for the committal
of Mr. Wellesley immediately, for
the breach of the former order
made in this case, whereby Mr.
Wellesley was ordered to pe re*
strained from having the custody
of his children, or from interfering
with those to whom that custody
was committed.
The Lord Chancellor said, he
would certainly not delay one mo-
ment in ordering the cnild to be
restored to the custody of Mr.
Courtenay, the guardian. There
was a precedent for such prompt
interference. The mother of the
infant in the case to which he re-
ferred was in the Fleet prison, and
the latter withdrew from the cus-
tody of her guardians, and flew to
her mother. Lord Eldon imme-
diately ordered the serjeant-at-
arms to go to the prison, bodily to
take possession of the child, and
to convey her again into the hands
of the guardians. In the present
case he should act in a similar
way. Accordinglyhe ordered the
serjeant-at-arms to set off without
delay with his lordship's warrant
to Mr.Wellesley's house, or where-
ever the child might be found, to
take her, and bring her into Court,
when she should immediately be
turned over to Mr. Courtenay.
In the meantime his lordship de-
sired the solicitor of Mr. Welles-
ley to go to him with the affi-
davit that had just been read, and
to return as early as he possibly
could, because the Court felt bound
to justify its own jurisdiction,
which had undoubtedly been gross-
ly violated, and his lordship was
determined to dispose of the con-
tempt before he rose^ if he should
302
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
sit till twelve at night. As re-
garded the child, the serjeant-at-
arms was to consider that he was
to have nothing to do with Mr.
Wellcslcy or any body else except
the child ; he was to find the child,
and to take her at oncei without
asking the permission of either
herself, or any other human being.
Tho serjeant-at-arms returned
to the Court at one o'clock, but
not accompanied by the child. He
informed the Lord Chancellor that
when he got to Mr. Wellesley's
house, the servant told him that
neither Mr. Wellesley, nor any
other person, was there. He re-
plied to the servant, that he caaie
for the young lady ; that he had
the Lord Chancellor's order to
take her, and that he must search
the house. The servant then ob-
served that he would himself go
up stairs, and see if there really
was any person there. He soon
came back^ and said that Mr. Wel-
lesley was up stairs, to whom he
should be introduced. On seeing
Mr. Wellesley, the serjeant-at-
arms repeated the object of his
mission, and stated his authority.
Mr. Wellesley observed that his
daughter was not there^ nor would
he tell where she was; that be
himself would be at the Court in
a short time, and see the Lord
Chancellor on the subject.
Mr. Wellesley accordingly soon
afterwards entered the Court, when
the Lord Chancellor asked him, if
he had removed his daughter from
the custody of the Misses Long ;
and if he had, what had become
of tlie young lady ? Mr, Welles-
ley admitted that he had removed
his daughter from the Misses
Long, that he had strong rea-
sons for doing so, and that he had
come to the determination that no
person but himself should be tho
guardian of his children. He
knew at the same time the conse-
quences of the step be had taken,
and he was ready to submit to
them. His Lordship then asked
where the young lady was ? Mr.
Wellesley eaid, upon his word as
a gentleman, he md not know the
excict place in which she was> but
at the same time he did not wish to
conceal from the knowledge of the
Court that he had intrusted her to
the care of persons for the ptirpOBe
of placing her beyond the Court's
jurisdiction. His Lordship then
ordered Mr. Wellesley to be oom*
roitted for contempt of Court,
leaving him, in the mean time, in
the custody of the serjeant-at-arms,
with instructions that his impri-i
sonment should not be xendersd
more inconvenient than was nece^
sary for his safe custody.
Mr. Wellesley was member of
parliament for the county of Essex.
The Lord Chancellor immediately
wrote to the Speaker of the Gbmse
of Commons, informing him that
he had committed one of their
members for a contempt, "con-
fessed by him in my presenoe^ and
in open court. The right of thie
Court to commit is unquestionaUej
and it has been enforced jufainst
peers of the realm." Mr. Welles*
ley likewise wrote to the Spesker,
complaining of his commitment
as a breach of privilege, and re-
questing the interposition of the
House. These letters the Speaker
laid before the House ; and, as the
question had never occurred with a
commoner, in its present shi^,
the matter was referred to a com«
mittee of privileges. The com-
mittee did not report that there
had been any breach of privilege ;
and on the 26th of July, when the
cause came on in the Court of
Chancery, the solicitor, Mr. Wek
LAW CASES, &c.
leslejr's leading cotintel, dedined Thnrpe's case, iu confirmation of
ta ari^e the question of mat of his argument, and to the doc-
jurisdiction. His junior, how- trine laid down by Mr. Tidd in
ever, Mr. Beomefl, having prepBrad his practice that tt cnjnnj could
liimself to argue it, iniiated upon iiot be Bued init agatust a member
arguing it. The Lord Chanoellor of Parliament. He proceeded to
would not all07 him to argue eIiow that tliis common law riglit
a point vhich hit leader would not whs recognized by the statute law,
take up, but permitted him to itatfl by the act of the I8(h and 13th
bis argument aa ainunu curia. William HI, by the 1 ith George
Mr. Beamet acoordiiigly pnx II. c.24'th,aDdby the lOthGoorge
ceeded to argue, that the Court III. c. 50th, which acts had for
had no authority to commit a per* their object in some cases to curtail
son enjoying privilege of parli»> the priviloge, but still contained
ment for such an offence as was provisos in farour of its t
mputed to Mr. Wellealcy. Un- in nil other cases, and the present
der the common law, innumerable was not one of the cases in which
cases might be cited frau the year it waa curtailed. He then argued
books, to shew that |>ocrs, knights that tlie doctrine of this Court hod
of the shire, and burgesses, were always recognized and supported
not lirihle to arrest, except in three the same operation of the privilege,
cases, namely, treason, felony, and The early authorities in tliis Court
breach of the peace. This doc- wei-e not so numerous as those
trine was also laid down by Lord at common law ; but he cited lord
Coke, in the fourth Institute, page Chief Gilbert's Forum Romanum,
23, uhere he shewed that the where the doctrine waarecognized,
same rule extended to the Court and in one part of which it was
of Chancery as well as to the maintained that a peer might abuse
courts of common law. Tliis was theoflicer whowassent toservehioi
a braucli of the lex parliameiilaria with process. The learned counsel
which was recognized in the case quoted several cases from the early
of Ke^na v. Page, reported by reporters, to show that attachment
Lord Raymond. In the more re- would not issue against persona
cent case of John Wilkes, it hod having privilege of Parliament, hut
been hchl by tlie Court of Com- that a different remedy naa jinx
mon Pleas, in Lord Hardwicke's vided against them — that by bc-
time, that the person of a member questratiou. The last point witli
of parliament could not be taken which he should trouble the Court
except for the three sorts of offences would he that of the abstract ques<
mentioned by Lord Coke. In the tiou of contempt: he could 6nd no
case of Freeman i>, Aylesbury, distinction anywheretakenbetween
Lord Holt laid it down that the civil and criramal contempt. There
privilege of parliament was the was, undoubtedlv, a difference he-
law of the land ; and in a casein twecn aggravated cases of contempt
Dyer the principle of the privilege and simple caaes ; but even in ttio
was stated to be, that his at- former class of cbkb, he conteudcil,
tendance was required iu parlia- the process of the Court was not
ment for the good of tlie State. direj:ted against the offender as a
llie learned counsel referred to the punishment, but a means of eii-
caae of Hotlges v, Mooie, aod to fi^cing the perforuiauoe of lome
304 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
act due to the opposite party^ and
as a means of ensuring submission
to the authority of the Great Seal.
The process of the Court, therefore,
did not punish as for a criminal
act.
The Lord Chancellor gave judg-
ment. He observed that the claims
made in respect of privilege were,
in earlier times, infinitely more
extensive than the good sense and
love of freedom that now prevailed
could admit. In that very volume
of the Reports of Peere Williams,
from which Mr. Beanies had cited,
he would find, in another case, a
dichnn that the first process against
a peer or a member of Parliament
was a sequestration ; and that the
servants of such persons were
c{|ually entitled to the exemption
which their masters enjoyed. The
first process against them, also,
was sequestration, — sequestration
of their liveries and chattels. It
was, therefore, little profitable,
and less satisfactory, to quote au-
thorities from the older writers, in
order to apply them to the present
period. To show the power which
the law ought to possess, and
which power was the protection of
the community, and to show how
incumbent it was upon the courts
to which the administration of that
law was committed to guard against
the wily, gross, and extravagant
pretensions which had been set up
in the name and under the colour
of privilege, it was not necessary
nor expedient to go back to the
times of the Plantagenets, the Tu-
dors, or the Charleses. Recent
cases might be found even in the
times of that illustrious family,
under whom the courts of justice,
the liberties of the subject, and the
privileges of both houses of legis-
lature, had long been so happily
enjoyed. Even in the days of
the family now on the throne,
who claim only what is theirs by-
law, and who by no other power
than that of the same law protect
their people from the injuries of
others, — even in these times it had
behoved the courts of law to be
firm and bold, to see that the
limits of their jurisdiction were
not encroached upon, not only by
individual members, but by the
houses of legislature themselves.
It might become the duty of the
courts to vindicate the law against
a portion of those by whom the
law was made. It was not under
the Edwards or the Harrys, but
in the last year of the reign of
George II., in 1759} that an action
of trespass was tried in the House
of Commons, to its own great
scandal and disgrace, and to the
astonishment of all good men.
Admiral Lucas complained to the
House that three men had entered
upon his fishery, near Plymouth,
and instead of indignantly reject-
ing the complaint, the House or«
dered the Serjeant-at-arms, to
take the defendants into custody.
They appeared before the House
on their knees, confessed the charge,
and, on their promise not to offend
in future, they were discharged.
Thus, under the pretence of pri-
vilege, the plaintiff was the party
who tried his own cause, for the
House was to be regarded in the
same light as the complaining
member. This was enough to
warn courts of justice against
leaning to the unintelligible and ^
magical influence of privilege. Even
had committees of the House, or
votes, or reports, been otherwise
than he understood they were with
reference to this case, he should
have deemed it his duty to act as
he now acted, if the facts, as they
were presented to the Courts were
LAW CASES, &c.
305
well founded. If, instead of wisely
disclaiming the privilege in such a
case, the House had decided in
favour of it, he should have pur-
sued his own course, and should
have relied on the cases for his au-
tliority. There was no case in the
books to justify the privilege as-
serted. The distinction between
one class of contempts and another
was one which he had deliberately
taken, and had been of long stand-
ing in his mind. Let it not be
supposed that he had rapidly dis-
posed of the case when it came be-
fore the Court : cases of privilege
were familiar to his mind. He
had reviewed them in every form,
in Parliament, and in courts of
law. He had argued the greatest
of them all, — that of " Coleman
V. Burdett." He was not, there-
fore, unprepared upon the subject,
when, without argument, he com-
mitted Mr. Wellesley to the Fleet ;
but the result of the argument
which he had now heard, confirmed
his view of the case. He would
make Mr. Beames a present of all
his argument as to contempt for
refusing to answer, or perform a
specific act, for cutting timber, and
the like. In matters such as these,
referring to civil transactions, the
court could not attack the person
of the party disobeying. He might
also leave that ingenious part of
Mr. Beames's argument, which went
to establish that there was no dis-
tinction between a civil and a cri-
minal contempt. Th^ ground on
which he rested his judgment was
not the authority of lord Coke,
who confined the privilege to cases
of treason, felony, and a breach
of tlie peace, — he drew his line in
a diflferent direction — higher on
the scale. If the only ground of
committal for contempt was a
breach of the peace, then the court
Vol. LXXHI.
could not commit for any con-
tempt that was unaccompanied by
a bleach of the peace. There were
many offences for which no man
could doubt the right of courts of
law to commit, which were not
breaches of the peace. Perjury
would be without punishment^ as
not falling within either of the
heads of treason^ felony^ or breach
of the peace. A member of Parli-
ament was liable to indictment, if
he had committed such an act of
perjury as cotild be assigned.
Now what qualification was there
after the bill was found, after the
trial and conviction, to prevent
taking the member into custody,
for there was no distinction in cri-
minal cases between mesne process
and execution ? But if lord Coke's
doctrine were to prevail, there
would be no imprisonment of a
burgess or knight of the shire for
perjury. What could be said of a
crime equal to perjury, — ^prevarica-
tion on oath ? Unless this occurred
on a point material to the issue, no
perjury would be committed, and
the court could not order an in-
dictment to be presented against
the offender for perjury : but the
order made in such cases was, that
he stand committed for contempt
of the court in committing so
grave an offence against the admi-
nistration of justice. Was it ever
dreamt in the court of King*s Bench,
that a member of Parliament, who
so grossly forgot his honouir as a
member, and his duty as a man,
should say to the Court — ** True, I
have prevaricated, but I am pro-
tected in doingso by my privilege V*
Such a privilege would degrade and
disgrace him who claimed it as
a protection for perpetratinff so
noxious a defeasance of the admi-
nistration of justice^ that he ought
at once to be hurried to a dungeon
X
30G ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
for it, instead of being allowed the person of the defendant^ who
to gav — '^ My ])crson is as sacred was a member of Parliament. But
as the oath I liave taken and if a man were to go into the
broke." Far from being allowed Conrt of King's Bench, and in-
Bueh a protection, it was his lord- terriipt the business by addressing
ship's belief and ]ioi)e, that such to the Court all the slander or in-
a man should cease to be a memlxT decency that wit or folly could in«
of Parliament by expulsion from vent, no doubt could exist that the
the House. The line which his Court would order its oificer to
lordship drew was this — that in all seize and commit the person so
civil cases, not accompanied by cri- oifending. The whole power of
minal incidents, the principle of the Court here rested on the con-
privilege protected ; but that pri- tempt. The man, if only remorad
vilege could not be urged agninst from the Court by the bare act of
acts of a criminal nature. There putting him out, suffered an iin*
WHS no privilege from the sentence prisonment in law, which was as
of a court of competent jurisdic- suAicient to establish the principle
tion after a conviction. Con vie- as if he were confined in prison
tions were of two kinds — those for a long period. If it were
which were had after a trial, and otherwise, 1,100 men in this
those which were summary. In country would have a right to
the Earl of Shaftesbury*s c^sc, re- obstruct the proceedings of the
]>orted in the '' State Trials," he courts of justice. They might
was committed by the warrant of exert the same right at seasions
Parliament on a habeas corpus, for licensing, and might make it
'i'he Court held, that it hacl no the means of penal yisitations in
right to c(»nsider the form of the cases where their seal or local in*
warrant, but Chief Justice Rayns* terests miglit prompt them to in-
ford said, if the party in contempt terfere. The sheriffs' court of
was not committed by the Court, Hustings, which was held for po«
there was no punishment for him. litical purposes, might be disturbed
So it would be in this case, if there or overawed by upwards of 1,000
were no breach of the peace, persons who might claim the right.
Taking this line of cases, some of individuallv^ or in a mass, and the
them would be found to go a g(»od Court would have no remedy; as
way farther than M'as necessary they might do so with impunity,
for the present purpose. If the if they did not commit a breach
act savoured of criminality, it was of the peace. His lordship re-
enough. This line of distinction ferred to the case of ** Wilkinson
was recognized by the Court of v. Bolton," which bore a strong
ity
])orts, 1 he former case was for bert, in favour of a writ de konnne
the non -performance of an award, r(^pfe^iando ; in whicli case it was
and the contempt consisted in held, that if the sheriff return that
breaking the order of the Court, the defendant haseloigned the plain-
The Court held, that the matter tiff's biwly, a capias in mthei^nam
was of a civil nature, and would should issue to take the body
not grant a rule absolute to attach qumsque; and it was held, that a
LAW C A S E S, &c.
807
peer was not privileeed from this
writ. He conceived that in all
cases of contempt relating to the
liberty or security of the persons
of wards^ lunatics, or officers of the
Court, there would be no privilege
to exempt from that prompt obe«
dience which the process of the
Court was intended to compel^ and
that the word quausque, as ap«
plied to the capias in withernam^
applied to all^ whether peers of
the reahn or common persons. The
writ de homine replegiaudo was the
old writ of habeas corpus* The
Star Chamber, to whose proceed-
ings he adverted reluctantly, had
committed a peer. On the au-
thority of all these cases,— -on the
still higher authority of principle
and of reason, he had no doubt of
the justness of the distinction
which he had takeui— not sud-
denly, not on the distinction of
Lord Coke, as to treason, felony,
and breach of the peace, which was
inconsistent, and fruitful of bad
consequences, — but on the true
ground, that privilege coul(l never
extend to protect from punish-
ment, nor from process, where its
object was to deliver up a person
wrongfully detained. On this
groilnd the jurisdiction, at all
events, might safely stand, and It
would have been secure, though
the votes of the committee and
its report had not been so wise
and judicious as they were. Yet
if in these times they had been less
judicious, temperate, and reason-
able, and had denijid the jurisdic-
tion, he should have deemed it his
duty to take into consideration
the question of right and wrong.
The question of the Court's juris-
diction had required a week's dis-
cussion, which was a proof that
the claim of privilege was not
clear, that it was the subject of
doubt and hesitation. In a case
which seemed so extrenaekr ob-
scure, the argument as to the in-
convenience might be answered by
the question, whether a claim so
doubtftil should be allowed to exist,
to the frustration of all the courts
of judicature in this country, by
1,100 persons ; whether there
should be a prostration of justice
at the feet of the 1>I00 • and
whether this should be done for
the sake of a doubtful, misohievous,
fotal pririfege.
mm» m^* ■ ■ >— < I
High Court op Justict ary,
JUNB 15.
Trial for Rioi at Dundee^
James Barnet, quarrier, John
Jolly, seaman, Thomas Kettle,
baker, James Findlay, hostler, John
Tomlinson, flesher, Frederick Soott,
watchmaker, and George Haggart,
painter, were accused of mom>ing
and rioting, as also of assauH, at
Dundee, on the S8th and d9th of
March. The riots arose out of
an illumination to celebrate the
second reading of the reform bill.
I^Vide Chronicle for March]].
Barnet, Kettle, and Jolly, pleading
guilty of mobbing and rioting on
the 28th of March, and assaulting
Thomas Hardie, as libelled, the
Solicitor-general passed from the
other charges against them.
The Court then proceeded to try
Findlay, Tomlinson, Soott, and
Haggart, for mobbing and rioting
on the S9tb of March, for the pur-
pose of violently and illegally effect*
ing the liberation of Kettle, Jolly,
and Barnet, who had been impri-
soned in the cells of the poHce-
ofitce, for the part they had taken
in the disturbances of the previous
day.
Mr. John Sturrock, one of the
X2
308 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Justices of the Peace for the coun-
ty of Forfar, stated that he granted
a warrant for the committal of Bar-
net, Jolly, and Kettle to the cells ;
and went to the Police-office about
seven o'clock on the evenine; of the
2(>th March^ to take their declara-
tions. In about an hour after^ he
proceeded to the Town-house^ and
on his way thither he saw great
numbers of people assembled in the
streets, who afterwards surrounded
the Town-ha11> and threw stones
at the windows; saw several at-
tacking the Police-office. He spoke
to the people, stating that their
conduct was a disgrace to the town
and themselves^ and begged they
would desist ; but they complained
of the police, and of three men
being made prisoners^ and demand-
ed their liberation. The witness
then went on to describe the re-
peated attempts made to appease
the mob, who continued to call for
the liberation of the prisoners, and
the dismissal of Mr. Home, the
supcrintendant of Police, and Alex-
ander Dow, one of the Serjeants.
After this disturbance had con-
tinued for some time, the justices
present considered itprudent^ under
all the circumstances^ to consent to
set the prisoners at liberty; and
witness and major Guthrie went to
the Police-office for that purpose.
On reaching the door of that office^
they found the people beating it in
with a large piece of wood as a
battering ram. The people de-
sisted when they learned the ob-
ject of his and the major's visit ;
but on going up stairs, the key of
the cell in which the prisoners
were could not be found, and
those outside, becoming impatient,
renewed the assault with redoubled
fury. He returned to the Town-
house, telling the people as he
passed why the prisoners were not
set firee, but the Tiolence continued.
From the windows of the Town-
house he saw a boat containing
burning materials drawn into the
area at the bottom of the Town-
house stair ; and at this time sticks
and stones were thrown in at the
windows. .The smoke from the
burning became so intolerable, that
he left the room^ and learned that
an attempt was to be made on the
Jail> which is within the same
stair as the Town-house. Having
made arrangements to resist this
to the utmost^ he was forced to go
to the street^ where he induced
Mr. Hackney to address the crowdj
who assured them that the touod-
ers' liberation had been enected,
which by this time had taken place.
The moD were for some time incre-
dulous, but they at last removed
the burning boat to the middle of
the street, where it continued to
burn till between two and three in
the morning. Witness did not see
the three prisoners actually liber-
ated, but consented to their liber-
ation, because he was satisfied they
would be set free by the mob. His
consenting was to prevent further
mischief.
Major Guthrie, a justice of the
peace for the county of Forfar, said,
he witnessed a great deal of riot-
ous proceedings in the streets of
Dundee on the evening of the 29th
of March. He went to the Town-
house between eight and nine
o'clock ; at that time there was a
gi*eat crowd in the High-street,
and in about a quarter m an hour
the mob became dense, and pro-
ceeded to throw stones and break
windows. Shortly after this, he
saw a boat dragged from the di-
rection of Crichton-street, towards
the Town-house, close to which it
was brought. Nearly about the
same time an attack was OQBN
LAW CASES, &c- 300
menced on the Police-office^ and a before which there was a large fire^
cry set up from the mob^ to '* re« composed apparently of feather
lease the prisoners or we will set beds^ and otner furniture from the
fire to the Town-house." Finding Police-office — that office wa$, at
that there were only three magis- that time, in the complete posses-
trates and about twenty or thirty sion of the rioters ; thev were, in
constables opposed to a mob^ Mr. fact^ setting fire to it as be entered.
Sturrock said they could not do On reaching the door of the cell
better than release the prisoners ; with the blacksmith^ he found Mr.
but he (witness) hesitated for some Gray, a magistrate^ and other per-
time, though at last he agreed, to sons, with a pick-axe, ineffectually
prevent worse consequences. He trying to force their way in, and
and Mr. Sturrock then went down it was only with great difficulty
stairs, the people crying, '< the ma- the smith cdvlA open the door with
gistrates are going to liberate the a chissel and hammer — the lock
prisoners," and the crowd was very would not pick. It was right to
civil as they passed. Major Guthrie state that the smith said, before he
went on to state, that the keys of would do any thing, he must have
the cell could not be found, and an order from witness, upon which
that he and his brother magis- he said, '^ I will absolve you from
t rate were assaulted by the people all blame." On Barnet, «foIIy, and
while getting back to the Town- Kettle being liberated, they were
house. The mob now pushed the civil and humble — they were very
burning boat broadside on against quiet, and exhibited nothing whicn
the Town-house gate, which is of led him to suppose they were in
thick strong wood, and which they the most distant manner in corn-
had previously got shut; but fear- munication with the mob outside.
ing the house would be set on fire, When he left the Police-office, the
it was agahi opened, and several people had not de»sted from de-
of those inside effected their escape* stroying it ; he spoke to them, and
The actual rioters were but few in told them, that, their object being
number, but the lookers-on were obtained, they ought to disperse.
very numerous, and among the Some went for water to put out
latter he took his place, finding the fire, while others called out to
that he could do nothing as a ma- burn the house ; and from the
gistrate. While there, a well- windows of Budge's hotel he saw
dressed tradesman spoke to him the people continue to put fumi-
thus, " Major Guthrie, you are a ture and fire buckets taken from
magistrate, why don't you release the Police-office on the fire,
the prisoners and put an end to the Several other witnesses were ex-
disturbance ?" W^itness replied, amined, whose evidence went to
that the magistrates were anxious prove the part taken by each of
to liberate the prisoners, but the the prisoners in the riotous pro-*
key was lost. The tradesman re- ceedmgs.
joined, " If you are anxious, I am The Jury found all the prisoners
a blacksmith, and will find tools to guilty, but recommended Scott to
force open the door, if you order the leniency of the Court. The
it." The man went for his tools, sentences were, Findlay and Tom-
and on his return, he and the wit- linson to be transported for four-
liess proceeded to the Polioe-office^ teen years^ and Ha^rt for seven |
310
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Scott to be coil lined in Bridewell
for eighteen months. BHrnet^
Kettle^ and Jully, who had pleaded
guilty to rioting on the 28th, and
whose liberation was tlie object of
the riot on the 29th^ were sen-
tenccHl to \yc imprisoned in the gaol
of Dundee for six months.
High CoriiT of Justiciary,
July 15.
Rioig at Iladdhiglon.
A ndixiw Graham, Peter M'Guirc,
Richard Kemp, David Cleghorn,
Alexander Neilson, David King-
horn, and Alexander Home, were
charged with mobbing and rioting,
on the 25th of May, in the town of
Haddington, with the intention of
rescuing and setting at liberty
George Murray and Samuel Mac-
lauchlan, who were under examin-
ation before the sheriff^ for a riot
in Lauder.
The Solicitor-general snid, that
from every inquiry he had made,
he was satisfied that Kiughorn was
entirely innocent of the charges,
and he was accx)rdingly dismissed
from the bar. Andrew Graham
and Alexander Home were out-
lawed for non-ap{)earancc. The
))risoncr M'Guire pleaded guilty ;
Kemp, Cleghorn, and Neilson, not
guilty.
W. Home, esq. shcrilF of Had-
dington— Went to Haddington in
consequence of receiving instruc-
tions from the Lord Advocate to
take precognitions regarding the
Lauder business. Took precogni-
tions on Monday the 23rd of May.
On Tuesday the magistrates of
Haddington authorized an illumin-
ation.— On Wednesday the precog-
nition went on till between seven
and eight o'clock in the evening,
when an assemblage of young per-
sons surrounded the Town-house.
Witness remarked the couDtenaooe
of a young mau^ who appeared Co
be instigating the cron^. Was
not at first much disturbed by the
noise, but the crowd gradually in«
creased — and what first attracted
his attention was the breaking of
one of the panes of glass in the
window. He sent out one of the
officers to say to the assemblage
that the noise was very annoying.
Soon after, a number of the win-
dows in the Court-room were
broken with stones thrown from
the street. The mob was then
much increased. The noise was
increased tenfold, when a witness,
who had been under examination,
was dismissed. A minute or two
after, a shout was raised, and a rush
by the mob took phioe into the
Court- room. At first the people
did not come beyond the bar, and
lie asked what they meant, but got
no answer from any one. The mob
subsequently fillea the whole of the
Court-room, and it was ascertained
that the intention was, to liberate
two men in the record-room, of the
names of M'Lauchlan and Murray,
who were detained for ftirther ex-
amination. The former had been
examined, but he thinks Murray
had not been examined. The door,
M'hich opened from Uic oourt-room
into the record-room, was not at
first locked, but soon after heard
it locked from the inside. There
were two doors, botli of which
were of cast-iron. This disturb*
ance continued for about five mi-
nutes, and during that time Beve«
ral ])ersons were endeavouring to
force the door. Got upon a dair
to remonstrate against the fbJly
and danger of the proceedings of
the people, but it was in rain to
stop them, the noise was so great.
Finding his remonstrance had no
effect, he got into conFersntioa
LAW CASES, &c. dU
with several individuals, who were rator Fiscal of HaddiogtoD> aod
endeavouring to force the door, several other witnesses gave a si«
Those he spoke to said their inten- milar account of the disturbance,
tion Mas only to liberate the pri-* and proved that the prisoners had
soner Murray. Had a good deal taken part in it.
of conversation with Neilsou, who The Jury without leaving the
said there was no intention of com- box returned a verdict unanimously
niitting injury to any one, but that finding the libel against the three
they must have Murray liberated, panels proven ; but earnestly and
At this time Provost Dods and unanimc^psly recommended them
some other gentlemen came into to the leniency of the Court. The
the court-room, and used every sentence was, that they should be
exertion in their power to induce confined in Haddington jail for
the ])cople to desist ; and 1by their eighteen calendar months ; that
exertions and persuasions tlie peo- thereafter, Kemp and Cleghorn
pie left the room entirely at one should find bail to keep the peace
time. But they very soon returned, for ^vc years, under a penalty of
more numerous and noisy than 60/.» and Noilson for the same
before. Witness observed one per- period, under a penalty of 301.
son striking the door. Provost — ^failing which, they were to be
Dods, and the gentlemen with subjected to six months farther im-
him, again remonstrated, and got prisonment. M^Guire was to be
the people to retire, but they soon imprisoned six mojiths.
returned, and were as noisy as - -
ever Tbere was a very great noiw High Court OF JosTiciABT,
in the Jobby, and at the door which EwNBtmOH, Jotr 11.
opened into the record-room. Put
a question to Provost Dods whe- Ralph Forrester^ lately a mer-
thcr he was apprehensive that cantile clerk, was charged with
there was danger of life, if the mobbing and rioting in the city of
door was not opened, but the Pro- Edinburgh on the 3rd of May last,
vost said, he thought there was no being the day on which the ejection
danger. Very soon after he heard of a member to represent the city
that the door had been opened, in Parliament took place. The
and that the prisoners had been prisoner pleaded not guilty.
liberated. On learning this he The right hon. William Allan,
ordered one of the officers to open lord Provost of the cityi was the
the other door, and when he went first witness examined. His lord-
in to the room he found the upper ship stated, that he left the council
part of the lobby door broken* chamber alone^ immediately after
The crowd soon left the room, and the election, which closed about
witness. Provost Dods, Mr. Kid- four o'clock. There was a great
dell, and other gentlemen, went mob, which was highly excited,
along the streets, and although and thickly assembled from the
the crowd was great, there was no door of the council chamber along
attempt at assault of any kind, the streets. The people were ill«
The only one of the prisoners wit- disposed towards him, and expressed
ness spoke to was- Neilson, he did their disapprobation by loud mur-
not see the other two. murs and the thiowinff of various
Archibald Todrick, esq. Procu« mi4«Ues,mud)4^ Hi^Iordslupwas
314 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Maybole and Girvaii, saw him
putting the men in order. Saw
numbers uf porsons having pistols
and guns, but did not know any
who had a gun, except Samuel
Waugh. llecollects a message
l)eing brought to the procession a
little before they reached Girvan,
'' not allowing them to come." They
sto])ped a little, and it was then
said among them that they would
go forward and fight their way.
They were then about a quarter of
a mile from Girvan ; they then
went on, getting the order to ad-
vance. Did not hear who gave the
order, but Ramsay marched them;
and the men mIio had arms were or-
dered to go to the front. John
Ramsay gave this order ; saw one
man who had a pistol go from the
lodge. Witness was ordered to go in
front in consequence. Some of them
said that John Riimsay should not
have taken the armed men to the
front, but have left them to pro-
tect the Hags. All this took place
before they reached the Bridge
Mill-toll. A number of the men
had sticks. Witness was in the
rear of the procession ; and there-
fore did not know in what part of
the procession Mr. Ramsay was.
More lodges than the two which
had met in Ramsay^s had joined ;
there might be several hundreds of
the Orangemen.
John Coffin, shoemaker, Ayr, was
engaged in the procession as drum-
mer to a lodge fj*om Cross-hill to
Saltou-bridge. Marched for Girvan
on the morning of the 12tli of July,
joined the Maybole lodges in May-
bole, and marched out in proces-
sion. Two men with fowling pieces
guarded the colours of the lodge lie
was with. When the procession
reached Bridge Mill, they were
formed four deep ; and shortly
after a message came from Girvau^
on which they formed six deep.
Saw Ramsay taking an active part
in arranging the lodges and giving
orders. When there was a call
''forward, men with arms,'* the
two that were with the colours ran
to the front. Did not see any
armed men that day except the
two who were with his lodge, and
never saw Waugh have a gun in his
hand that day. Before leaving the
Garvald-bridge grey paper was sent
for to ram down the ammunition
—there might be sixpenny worth
of it, — and it was distributed to
two or three people about the lodge.
Saw Ramsay going up and down
the line of the procession, like
a man taking a charge. Saw a
man named Farrell, who had his
hand hurt by an explosion of gun-
powder. Heard a gun go off when
near Girvan, but he left shortly
after. Saw no gun loaded, nor
any bullet or slug put into a gan.
Heard Mr. Ramsay say they
should keep themselves in fine re«
gulation, and not molest any per-
son unless they were themaelTes
molested. Ramsay was in front
when the armed men were ordered
to the front. The gun was fired a
short distance from ChvRn, and
where the road diverges to New
Dailly. Heard no other gun fired*
Saw one of the tylers have his lip cut
from the stones thrown by the Gir-^
vau people. The stones roll among
them just like a shower of hail, and
this throwing was before the shot
was fired. Had acted as drummer
to the same lodge for eleven years,
and had been once before at Girvan
with them. No shots were fired
on the procession while he was
with them.
Gilbert Gray went with the spe*
cial constables out of Girvan to
meet the procession, whicli they
met at the separation of the roads*
LAW CASES, &c.
315
Saw both the prisoners there. Mr.
Ramsay came forward and spoke to
the constables^ and while in con-
versation a number of stones were
thrown from the Girvan side :
stones were thrown back again
from the Orange party. The
Orangemen were then ordered by
some person whom he did not know
to go forward; Ramsay was the
person who seemed to speak for the
party. A little after a shot was
fired, as if in consequence of an
order. Saw the shot fired by
Waugh, and immediately after
saw Ross lean forward and fall.
That was the only shot which was
fired at that time.
James M^Lure, was a special
constable of Girvan, and went
out on the 12th July to the
sheddings of the road to Dailly,
where they were ordered to stop :
the procession was coming right
on, but stopped, when James Hen-
derson had some conversation with
Ramsay. Heard Henderson say
he would conduct the men by the
back road, and heard some one say
they were to lower their colours.
The colours were not lowered, nor
did the procession go up the back
road. Ramsay was in nront^ and
witness was at the turn. The
first stone witness saw was thrown
among the Orangemen. A show-
er of stones was thrown by the
Orange party among the consta-
bles, and stones were thrown in
return from parties in the fields,
but the constables were on the road.
A scufHe took place on the stones
being thrown ; a man was struck
with a stone beside Ramsay, who
called out *'fire." A shot in con-
sequence went off. Did not see
who fired the shot ; immediately
thereafter he observed Ross put his
hand to the lower part of his belly
and say, ^^ My God, I am shot,"
and fall forward. It was not the
man that was struck who fired.
Was on the opposite side of the road
from Ross wnen he was struck.
The guns were not immediately in
front, but there were a number of
swords ; Ramsay had a sword or a
staff. It was the first shot fired
that killed Ross. The Girvan
people had no fire-arms. Ross,
when he was struck, was doing
nothing violent against any person.
He was merely endeavouring to
put back the crowd.
James Farrell, weaver at Cross-
hill, went with the procession
from Maybole. As they approach-
ed Girvan, they saw a mob of
people before them, who threw
stones. Immediately after the
stones were thrown he heard the
word "fire" given by more than
two or three people. Observed
Waugh step to the front, level his
piece towards the crowd and fire.
Saw a man instantly fall, but whe-
ther from the effect of that ahot he
could not say, because more men
fired. It was not more than a se**
cond after Waugh fired, that he saw
Ross fall. Immediately after
Waugh fired, saw him struck
with a stone and blood on his
cheek ; did not see him struck be-
fore he fired, nor anybody med-
dling with him, only the stones
flying very thick. After the man
felt, the Girvan people gave way,
and the Orange-men went into the
town.
Several other witnesses corrobo-
rated these statements.
James Henderson, was one of
the councillors of Girvan in July
last. Was a little alarmed about
the procession. — There were some
special constables sworn in. There
were no arms given to any of the
Girvan people. Saw none of them
with arms. Some of the special
316 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
constables went out when the pro-
cession was near the town. Witness
followed and came up witli them.
Does not know that they were di-
rected to go out. Met the people in
procession. Witness went forward
and conversed with some of the
parties in the procession on the
impropriety of their coming into
town auring the present agitation.
Spoke to those who seemed to be the
leaders. Ramsay the prisoner was
one of them, and his conversation
was chiefly directed to him. Told
liim, that the sheriff and magis-
trates would take it as a favour^ if
they would go round by a back
way, which witness pointed out.
The answer was, that they were
willing to go any road he directed,
so that they met their friends.
Witness told them, he observed
they had arms in their hands,
which, the sheriff had said, was
illegal. Ramsay said, they would
deliver up their arms ; but some
parties behind him cried out *'No!"
and to " push forward." Ramsay
remonstrated with those men, and
they stood still a little. They
then all proceeded forward towards
the town by the back road — the
road to Dailly. Witness was in
front of the procession, and his
back was at that time towards it.
He heard a noise behind him, and
turning round, saw stones flying
between the parties on both sides.
Turned back with his hat in his
hand, and waived to the constables
to drive the Girvan people back ;
and turning round to speak to the
procession, saw a gun presented.
Looked round to see if it was aim-
ed at any person ; but before he
could do so, the shot went off,
and Alexander Ross fell. Waugh
fired the gun. Did not hear any
order given to fire at that time.
Did not observe where R^say was
at the time. The Girvan consta«
bles were armed with batons.
Did not see any of them at first
with cither fire-arms or swords.
Witnesses conversation was chiefly
M'ith Ramsay, who behaved as if
he was the leader. The Orange-
men seemed to respect him as such.
Did not think he was disposed
to excite the Orangemen, but ra-
ther to restrain them. He readily
went into the proposal of going by
a back road.
The jury returned a verdict,
finding by a plurality, Waugh
guilty of murder, and, unanimous*
ly, the libel not proven against
Ramsay.
Waugh was sentenced to be ex-
ecuted at Ayr on the 19th of Jan-
uary.
Old Bailey Sessions,
December 1.
Murder for the purpose of seUing
the Bodies for Dissection^
John Bishop, Thomas Williams,
and James May, were indicted for
the murder of Charles Ferrair,
otherwise called Carlo Ferrair, on
the 4th of November. Another
account charged them with the
murder of a male person, name
unknown. The deceased was an
Italian boy. The prisoners, at
least two of them, were resurrec-
tion-men, and were understood to
have committed the murder for
the purpose of procuring a body
to sell for dissection.
AVilliam Hill stated, that he was
a porter at the dissecting-room of
King's College. On the 5th of
November last, the bell of the gate
was rung at about a quarter past
twelve o'clock ; found Bishop and
May at the gate ; had known them
before. When witness opened the
door> May asked him if he vantect
LAW CASES, &c.
SIT*
anything ; witness said^ not parti-
cularly. Asked him what he had
got ; he said a male subject. Wit-
ness asked of what size^ and what
price; he said it was a boy of four-
teen, and that he wanted twelve
guineas for it. Witness said, he
did not want it much, but he would
see Mr. Partridge, the demonstra-
tor, who came down to see the body.
Witness took them to aroom, where
Mr. Partridge joined them. They
did not then produce any body.
There was a difference at first
about the price, but witness after-
wards agreed with them. May
said they should have it for ten
guineas. Mr. Partridge then left
witness alone with them. Wit-
ness went to Mr. Partridge to
know whether he would decide
upon having it. When witness
returned, he told them that Mr.
Partridge would give them nine
guineas for it. May said, he would
be d— d if it should come in for
less than ten ; he was tipsy at the
time. May went outside the door.
Bishop then said to witness, "Never
mind May, heisdrunk, it shall come
in for nine, in half an hour." May
wasnear enough to hear him. They
then went away, and returned in
the afternoon, all three together,
with a porter named Shields. When
witness then saw them, the hamper'
was on the head of the porter. They
were received in a room, and May
and Bishop took the hamper into
another room, where they opened
it ; the body was in a sack ; May
and Bishop said, it was a very fresh
one ; May was tipsy, and turned
the body carelessly from the sack ;
saw that the body was fresh ; but
saw something else about it which
induced him to go to Mr. Par-
tridge; he asked them what the
body had died of? May said it was
no business of theirs or of wit-
ness's. It was not in such a form
as bodies usually are when taken
from a coffin ; the left arm was
bent, and the fingers were clenched ;
witness told Mr. Partridge what
he had seen, and what he thought;
Mr. Partridge returned and saw
the body, without seeing them ; he
examined the body and went to
the secretary. He returned to
May and Bishop, and shewed them
a 50/. note, telling them that he
must get that changed, and he
would pay them. Bishop, seeing
that Mr. Partridge had some gold
in his purse, said, *' Give me what
money you have in your purse,
and I will call for the rest on Mon-
day." May also offered to get
change for it, but Mr. Partridge
declined that and lelt them. He
returned in about a quarter of an
hour or twenty minutes. The men
remained. In the interim, a body
of police had been sent for, who
now apprehended them. When
witness was leaving the room.
Bishop said to him privately " Pay
me in presence of Williams only
eight guineas, and give me pri-
vately the other guinea, and I will
give you half-a-crown." The body-
was taken to the Police-ofiGlce by
Mr. Thomas; it had not been laid
out ; there was no saw-dust on
the back of the head.
Mr. Richard Partridge, demon-
strator of anatomy at the King's-
coUege, was there on Saturday,
the 5th of November. His atten-
tion was first called to the body by
Hill. Examined the external ap-
pearance of the body, and found
some marks and circumstances of
suspicion. These were the swollen
state of the jaw — the blood-shot
eyes — the freshness of the body —
rigidity of the limbs. There was
likewise a cut over the left temple.
Looked at the lips, which were
318 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
swollen. Noticed nothing else in
the apjiearance of the boily. Wit*
ness went to tlie police before the
50/. note was jMrotluced. On hia
return, witness showed May and
Hishop a note, at the bottom of
the stairs leading to th« anatomi-
cal part of the college. Pn)posc<l
that change should be got of the
r>()/. note, with a view to detain
them till the police came. Saw
the body afterwards, when in the
custody of Mr. Thomas, in com-
^mny with Mr. Beaman and other
gentlemen. The muscles were
then rigid. The wound on the
temple was superficial, and did not
injure the bone. That was the
only appearance of external in-
jury; at least there was no other
external mark. Between the scalp
and the bone there was some blood
congealed. On opening the botly,
the whole of the contents of the
chest and abdomen were in a
healthy condition. Did not know
what were the contents of the
stomach, which was filled. The
spinal part of the brain at the back
of the head, and the whole brain
was also examined ; the brain was
j)erfectly healthy, as fur back as
the spiue 5 in cutting through the
skin and muscles of the neck, there
was discovered a great deal of co-
agulated blood, and upon removing
the back part of the bony canal
which concludes the spiue of the
back, a quantity of congealed bloo<l
was also found in that; that \vas
opposite the place where the blood
liad been found in the muscles of
the neck; congealed blood was
also found in the rest of the spine ;
the spinal marrow or cord ap-
peared perfectly healthy ; thought
that those marks of violence were
sufficient to have caused death ;
\ioleuce hud been exerted which-
had affected the spinal cord. Be-
lieved that those appearances had
been caused by some violence
on the back of the neck. Believed
that a blow from a stick would
have ])roduccd similar effects. Could
not say whether that would pro-
duce instant death, but it certainly
would have produced a rapid one.
Cro88-examine<l. — Saw nothing
the external appearance that
in
indicate<l a violent death.
Mr. O. Beaman, surgeon, of
James-street, Coven t-sarden, first
saw the body on the 5tIiof Novem-
ber, at twelve o'clock at nigiit.
Examine<l it carefully. It ap-
l>earcd to have dieil very recently.
The weather was then favourable
to the preservation of bodies. In
his judgment the body bad not
been dead more than thirty-six
liours. The face appeared swollen ;
the eyes full, prominent, and blood-
shot ; the tongue swollen, and pro«
trudcd between the lips ; the teeth
had all been extracted ; the gums
bruised and bloody, and portions of
the jaws had been broken out with
the teeth. There were also ap<«
pcarances of blood havinff issued
from the gums. ThougTit that
the teeth must have been taken
out within two or three hours after
death. Examined the throat, neck,
and chest very particularly ; no
marks of violence externajly ap-
parent there. Saw a cut on the
forehead ; it was a wound over the
left eyebrow, about three quarters
of an inch long, throui^h the skin
to the bone. Pressed the part, and
a small quantity of blood oozed
from the wound. Blood might
have issued from the wound if the
latter had l)een caused by throw-
ing the body out of a sack after
death. It was serum, tinged with
blood. Saw the Ixxly again at two
o'chtck on the Sunday afternoon.
The limbs were decidedly stiff on
LAW C A S E S, &c.
819
the Saturday nighty but not so
stiff on the Sunday ; should think
tliat it had not been laid out It
was lying on a board irregularly
placed when witness first saw it iu
Covent Garden church-yard, near
the station-house. Soon after eight
on that evening, witness, with Mr.
Partridge and other gentlemen,
further examined it. He cleansed
with a sponge the neck and cheat ;
found no scratch or any other mark
of violence there. He then re-
moved the scalp, with the top of
the skull. They detected a patch
of blood, of the size of a crown-
piece. Th is appearance must have
been caused by a blow given dur-
ing life. The brain was next ex-
amined, and its appearance was
perfectly healthy ; the body was
then turned, for the purpose of ex-
amining the spinal marrow, and
on removing the skin from the
back part of the neck, a consider-
able quantity of coagulated blood
(witness thought at least four
ounces) was found among the mus-
cles ; that blood must have been ef-
fused while the subject was alive.
On removing a portion of the spine
to examine the spinal marrow, a
quantity of coagulated blood was
lying in the canal, which, by pres-
sure in the spinal maiTow, must
have caused death. There was
no injury to the bone of the
spine. All these appearances, and
dentil, would have followed the
blow of an obtuse instrument of
any kind. The chest and the
cavity were minutely examined.
There was about an ounce of blood
in the spinal canal. The heart was
empty, which is very unusual, and
denoted sudden death ; that is, death
nearly instantaneous — in two or.
three minutes, and not longer, Thav
stomach contained a tolerably full
meal, which smelt slightly of rum.
and digestion had been going on Ht
the time of death. Should think that
death occurred about three hours
after the meal, from the appear*
ances. Removed the stomach. Tlie
centre of the stomach appeared
perfectly healthy. Ascribed the
death of the boy to a blow on the
back of the neck i this was the
result of the whole of his examin-^
ation, and was verified by precisely
the same appearances as witness
had seen on animals.
Frederick Tyrell, esq., one of the
surgeons of St. Thomas's Hospital,
confirmed the opinion of Mr. Bea-
man; he said he had never seen
any case of serous apoplexy with-
out marks on the brain.
By the Court. — Tlie appearance
described in the present case could
only have been produced by vio-
lence.
John Earl Rogers, an inspector
of police, stated that, on the 5th of
November last, he received a body
from the witness Hill, and gave it
into the custody of Mr. Thomas,
Had also the hamper, which he
delivered to Mr. Thomas.
Joseph Sadler Thomas, superin*
tendant of police -^On the 5th of
November received information at
the station-house, which inducted
him to dispatch a P&f ty of police to
the King's college. They brought
back with them Bishop and Shields,
and afterwards May and Williams.
Shields has been discharged. When
the body was in the hamper, witness
asked May what he had to say> as
he was charged on suspicion of
having improper possession of a
subject. He said that he had no-
thing at all to do with it. It was
the property of Bishop, whom he
merely accompanied to get the
money. Bishop said that it was
his, and that he was merely taking
it from St. Thomas's Hospital to
320 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
King's College. Asked Bishop^ in
the lirst instance^ what he was;
he replied that he was *' a
body-snatcher." Williams said, he
knew nothing of it, but merely
went to see the King's College.
Bishop and May api)eared in liquor.
May was brought in by all-fours,
struggling violently. The body
was placed on the table. It ap-
peared to have died recently ;
blood was trickling from the
mouth, and the teeth were gone.
Went to the house of Mr. .Mills
in Newington -causeway, on the
following Tuesday ; received from
him twelve teeth. (Witness here
produced the teeth in a pasteboard
box.) Went before that to Nova
Scotia Gardens. Found in the
back room of the ground-floor a
trunk. Went again on the 20tli,
and made further examinations.
Found in the front parlour a hairy
cap covered with dirty linen, not
apparently by design. Took |)os-
session of the cap, the hamper, and
the sack. (All these articles were
produced. The hamper appeared
not more than three feet long by
two broad and two deep.)
Henry Lock, waiter at the For-
tune of War public-house, in Gilt-
spur-street, knew the prisoners.
Saw the prisoners there on the
Friday, with a man who was a
stranger to witness. They stayed
till twelve o'clock, and then went
away. The prisoners returned
about three o'clock, without the
strange man. They then stayed
till about five o'clock, and went
away again till about eight o'clock
on the same evening, with another
man, who appeared to be a coach-
man. The latter had something
to drink, and left them. They
were until nine o'clock in the tap-
room ; before the coachman left,
one of the prisoners said, he had
had a ride \ at nine o'clock May
went to the bar, and had some-
thing in a silk handkerchief, which
M'ituess aftenvards saw to be teeth;
May found water on the outside of
the handkerchief, and rubbed the
handkerchief together; they looked
like young teeth, and witness said
that thev were worth a few shil-
lings, w^en May said, that they
were worth two pounds to him ;
they all left together a short time
afterwards: on the next eveninf
he saw Bishop, Williams^ and
Shields, at about eight o'clock;
Bishop asked Williams what they
should do for a hamper, and asked
Shields to go and fetch one;
Shields refused, and Bishop then
went and got one himself.
Thomas Wigley — Was at the
public-house at about half-past
seven o*clock on the 4th of NoFem-
ber. — Bishop and May came in and
sat down opposite each other.
They entered into conversation
together. — Bishop said to May,
" What do you think of our new
one } Did he not go up to him
well ? Was'iit he a game 'un ? '*
May replied, '< I don't know what
you mean." Bishop rejoined,
"That's all right then." They
saw witness there in the corner at
that time. — ^May sat down, and
had a handkerchief rubbing in his
hand. Williams came in, and
Bishop said, ^^ There he is ; I
knew he would come ; I kne'w he
was a game 'un.*' Bishop seemed
to have been drinking. Bishop
and Williams went out first. Just
after Bishop came in, he said to
May, just before May went out for
the handkerchief, '^ You stick to
me, and I'll stick to you."
James Seagrave, the driver of a
cabriolet, stated, that on the even-
ing of the 4th, he was on the
stand in the Old Bailey ^ had pot
LAW CASES, &c. 321
his horses' nose-bags on^ and had with tea at about ^ve o*cIock. Saw
gone to the watering-house to get Seagrave there ; May and Bishop
his own tea. May and Bishop had half a pint of gb. Saw. May
came in at the time. May asked put some gin into Bishop's tea.
if he wanted a job^ and said that He said, ''Are you going to hocus
he wanted a cab. He led witness by (or Burke) me?'* Had known
the skirt of his coat to the side of May and Bishop before,
the cart. May said^ that he wanted Henry Mann^ a hackney-ooach-
witness to fetch a stiff 'un> which man. — Was, on the 4th^ on the
witness believes meant a dead body, stand in Bridge-street^ Blackfriars.
Witness asked what he would Knew May, before then. Saw him
stand ? He replied^ " A guinea.'- that night with a stranger to wit-
Told him that he had not finished ness. May asked witness if he
his tea^ and the horse had not would take a fare to Bethnal-
eaten his corn. May then said, green? Witness replied that he
" We will take tea together." M'^ould not, because he knew what
Bishop then joined them, and they JVi^y was.
went into the house to tea. A George Hissing, a boy of about
person in the room nudged witness's twelve years old, deposed that his
elbow, and told him that he must father kept the Crab- tree public-
mind what he was at, as they were house, in the Hackney-road. Saw
snatchers. Went out afterwards on the Friday a chariot draw up
and drove to the bottom of the opposite his father's house, which
rank to get out of their way 5 is near the Nova Scotia Gardens.
looked round and saw May and Saw Williams standing on the fore-
Bishop going up the rank of wheel of the chariot, talking with
coaches. Left them apparently the coachman. The chariot re-
bargaining with a coachman. mained ten or fifteen minutes. Saw
Thomas Taverner, waterman to Williams at that time coming from
the coach -stand, saw on the above Nova Scotia Gardens, in which di«
dayMayandBishopwhocametohira rection he had gone. He got into
on the stand, and asked where the the chariot. Witness saw a man,
cab-man was, meaning Seagrave. whom he did not know, helping
May asked the question, and wit- Bishop, whom he did know, in car-
ness told him that he was getting rying a heavy .sack. It was put by
his tea. Fetched out Seagrave Bishop, Williams, and another
from the watering-house. Both man, into the chariot. Bishop and
the prisoners had smock-frocks on. the other man then got in, and the
It was just dark in the evening, chariot drove up towards Crab-tree
Seagrave came out and spoke to row, and Shor^itch Church.
them, but witness did not know Thomas Trainer corroborated
what it was. Seagrave, however, the last witness,
said, " I'll have nothing at all to Ann Channell was passing the
do with you,** and went in to get Crab-tree on the above night. Saw
his tea. three men get out of the chariot.
Edward Chandler. — Was, on the They went down Nova Scotia
4th of November last, waiter at Gardens. One stopped and spoke
the King of Denmark, in the Old- to the coachman, and then ran
Bailey, which is the watering- after the others. Did not see them
house. Served Bishop and May afterwards. The first two had
Vol. LXXIII. Y
322
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
smock-frocks on, and the other had
a pipe in his mouth.
Thomas Davis, porter to the
dissecting-room in Guy's Hopital,
saw May and Bishop at about
seven o'clock on the Friday even-
ing ; May brought in a sack^ and
asked him if he wanted to pur-
chase a subject. Witness replied
that he did not, and they then
asked him to let it remain tiH next
morning. It was, consequently,
locked up there during the night.
Saw them the next morning in the
hospital, at about eleven o'clock.
Left the hospital and found on his
return the sack wliich appeared to
contain a dead body. Saw a por-
tion of a small foot protruaing
through a hole in the sack ; it ap-
peared like that of a youth or a
woman. It did not appear lar^e
enough for a man's foot. Could
not swear to the sack produced.
It was such a one.
James Weeks, assistant to the
last witness, deposed to having
given up the sack to them — the
sack was very like the one pro-
duced ; when they took it away
Williams and Shields were with
May and Bishop ; May and
Bishop had each requested him
not to allow either of them to have
it without the other ; they took it
away in a hamper similar to that
produced.
James Appleton, curator of
Mr. Grainger's anatomical theatre,
W^ebb-street, Southwark> knew all
the prisoners, and saw Bishop and
May at the theatre on the I^iday
night about half past seven o'clock.
They said that they had a yery
fresh male subject, a boy about
fourteen years of age. Witness
declined purchasing it. They
came on the next morning, about
eleven, and made the same offer,
which was again declined.
Thomas Mills, dentist, of 32,
Bridgehouse - place, Newington •
causeway, deposed : on the 5th of
November, May called on him
about nine in the morning, and of-
fered twelve human teeth, liz
from the upper, and six from the
lower jaw. He asked m guinea fiir
the set. Witness said, that one of
them was chipped, and did not be*
long to the same set. He replied,
''Upon my soul to God theraU
belonged to the same head notioog
since, and the body was nerer
buried." Afterwards disoofered
that some of the flesh and pieces
of the jaw adhered to the teeth,
and it appeared that mudi fbra
had been used to wrench them out
Witness said, that they wen a
young set. He replied, "The fiurtiiy
that they belongied to a boy about
fourteen or fifteen years of age.**
Augustus Brunn examined,
through the medium of an inter*
preter. I knew a boy named Cerio
Ferrier, and brought him firora
Italy two years ago; he was about
fourteen years old, and lived with
me about six weeks after he caide
here. The 28th of July, 1830^
was the last time I saw the boy
aliye. He then liyed at Mr. EU
liot*s. No. 2, Charles-street, Dmry-
lane.— On the 19th of Noyemberi
I saw the body of the boy in St»
Paul's burial ground, Coyent-gar«
den, and I belieye it to be the body
of that boy ; the sise and the hair
were similar, but the face was die«
figured.
Cross-examined.— If I had known
nothing about this occuirence, aod
had seen the body, I should be of
opinion he was '^my own."**
By Mr. Justice Littledale He
was in his fifteenth year. I have
not seen him for fifteen montlui.
He might haye grown a little ia
that time but not much.
L A W C A S E S, &c. 323
By Mr. Curwood— At first eighty patch on the left knee of the
if anybody had asked me who the latter.
body was^ the face was so dis- (The trowsers which had been
figured I could not tell. Jag up in Bishop*s garden, were
Joseph Peraguari sworn.-i-I get here produced.)
a living by playing an organ and The witness eicaminedtheni^ and
pipes in the street. I knew Carlo stated^ he believed them to be the
Ferrier^ and used to see him every same as those the deceased had
day in Charles-street, Drury-lane. worn^ and he pointed * out the
His sister lived in Scotland, and patch on the knee of them.
died there. He came to London John King, a boy, sworn.— I live
on the 22nd of May, 1S30, and I at No. S, Crab*tree»road, nlrar No-
have known him all that time. I va Scotia Gardens. I remember
last saw him alive in the Quad- one day when my mother washed,
rant. Regent-street, at two o'clock seeing a boy near Nova Scotia
on a Saturday, four weeks before I Gardens. I believe it was the
saw his body at the Station-house. Thursday befi^re GayFawkes'sday.
When I saw him in the Quadrant, I was looking out of the window,
he had a little cage round his neck, and the boy had something, but
with two white mice in it. He my mother would not let me go to
was in the habit of wearing a cap, see what it was. I believe it was
but I cannot say whether it was of a little cage that he had, and it
cloth, leather, or skin. The leather was slung from his neck by a
shade of the cap produced was of string. He was standing still,
foreign manufacture. He had a brown cap, with the leaf
Mary Peraguari, wife of the or shade lined with green, exactly
preceding witness, stated, that on like this cap (the one produced.)
Tuesday, November 1, she saw £he I was looking at him for a few
deceased in Oxford-street, near minutes.
Hanover-square. He had a cage Martha King, sister to the last
like a squirrel-cage, and two white witness, aged eleven years, saw the
mice in it. She did not speak to Italian boy, as described by her
him. He wore a cap, but she brother. He was not one minute's
could not tell what sort of one it walk from Bishop's house, and she
was. She had seen the body of had never seen him since.
that boy at the station-house in John Randall, a labourer.*— Hive
Covent-garden. near Nova Scotia Gardens. On
Andrew Colla, bird-cage maker Thursday morning, November 3, 1
— I knew the deceased boy, by saw an Italian boy, about nine or
seeing him in the streets, and ten o'clock, near Nova Scotia Gan^
saw him lately in Oxford-street ; dens. He was standing under the
I have seen the body at the station- window of the Bird-cage public-
house, and believe it to be the house, and had a box or cage, with
body of the boy I have seen in the two white mice. He hi^ on a
streets. When I saw him in Ox- blue coarse jacket, and a brown fiir
ford-street he had white mice in a cap, but I did not notice hit trow-
cage, and a tortoise. The cap pro- sers. The cap and jacket were
duced was similar to that which similar to those modueed.
he wore. He also wore a blue coat William Wooacock, a boy, stated
and grey trowsers, with a large that be lived with hb ftither^ at
Y2
324 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831,
No. 2, Nova Scotia Gardens, next
door to Bishop's house ; he knew
AVillianis, and had seen him there
ten times, and had also seen Wil-
liiims's wife wasliing in Bishop's
house ; saw Williams there two or
three days before Guy Fawkes'
day, walking in the garden, smok-
ing a pipe.
Abraham Kejnner, landlord of
the Feathers, Castle-street, Bcth-
nal-green — On the night of
Thursday, the 3rd of November,
Bishop, and I believe Williams
also, came to my house. It was
near twelve o'clock. My house is
about 200 yards from Nova Scotia
Gardens. They had a quartern of
rum and half a gallon of beer, and
I lent them a can to carry it. The
can produced was that which he
lent them.
William AA'^oodcock. — I went to
reside at No. 2, No^-a Scotia Gar-
dens, on the 1 7th of October, next
door to Bishop. AVilliams, I have
reason to believe, also lived with
Bishop. I lived in No. 2, until
after the ])risoners were appre-
hended. I know Williams, but
did not know Bishop until I saw
him at Bow-street. On Thursday,
the 3rd of November, I went to
bed about half-past nine o'clock.
In the course of the night, proba-
bly about four hours and a-half
after I had gone to bed, I was
awakened by hearing footsteps
which I thought were at the back
of my premises, but I distinctly
heard thr«e men's footsteps in the
parlour of No. 3, (Bishop's house.)
I remained in bed and heard a
sculHe» which lasted for one or two
minutes, at the furthest, and then
a^l was silent. The scuffling was
in the same room in which I heard
the footsteps. Afterwards I heard
Bishop's Side-door open, and also
heard the footsteps of two men.
There is a side door to Bisbop's
house. The persons after leaving
Bishop's house, I heard come round
to the front, and pass by my house.
After they were gone, I heard the
footstep of one person in the hou8&
When those two persons returned
to the house, I distinctly heard
the voices of three persons^ one of
which I knew to be that of Wil«
Hams. After that, all became atfll
again, and I went to rest*
Cross-examined. — I believe the
wall between the two houses is but
four inches thick. The struggle
that I heard I considered at "Ue
time to be a family quarrel.
By Mr. Justice Littledale.^— Not
more than a minute and a half
elapsed from the time of the two
men leaving, until their return.
Joseph Higgins, a new pdioe
constable. — On the 9th of Nofem-
ber, in consequence of some Uh
structions, I went to No. 3, Nova
Scotia Gardens ; and on searching
it I found two crooked cUselfl^
a brad-awl and a file. There i^
peared to be blood on the bract-
awl, which at that time looked
fresh. I searched May's premiseSi
No. 4, Dorset-street, New Kent-
road on the 11th, and found a pair
of breeches, which had^ on the
back part, marks of bloody whidi
appeared to be fresh. There was
also a waistcoat with marks of
clay on it. On the 19th 1 went
again to Bishop's house with James
Wadey.
Mr. Mills, the dentist, was re-
called, and examined by Chirf
Justice Tindal.— -The teeth had
been forced out': I should think
the brad-awl now produced would
afford great facility in forcing out
the teeth.
The evidence of Higgins was
then continued.— When we went
to Bishop's house, on the 19tb|
L A W C A S E S, &c. 325
we searched the garden behind amination Bishop was introduced^
the house ; we first attempted and after a suitable caution, made
it with an iron rod, but find- a statement which the coroner put
ing something impeding it, I de- down in writing. — I also told
sired Wadey to dig^ and a jacket^ Bishop, before he said any thing,
trowsers, and a small shirt, were that the inquiry might affect his
found ; that was about five yards life. After that he made a volun-
from the back door. In another tary declaration. — (The witness
part we dug up a blue coat, a pair here read it : in it Bishop stated
of trowsers with the braces attached that he got the body from a grave,
to them, a striped waistcoat, which and assigned aaa reason for not tell-
appeared to be a man's, and taken ing where the grave was, that
in for a boy, with marks of blood two watchmen who knew of it,
on the collar and shoulder, and a had large families.) — May also
shirt that was torn up the front, made a declaration : he stated that
(The witness here produced all hehadbeeninto the country whence
those things.) The clothes are he had brought two subjects which
those which would be useful to he took to Mr. Grainger's^ and
boys like the deceased. There thence to Guy*s Hospital ; that
were ashes over the place where he met with Bishop, who told him
the clothes had been buried. ' he had got a good subject which he
Edward Ward, a little boy> six was offered eight guineas for^ and
and a half years old, was next if he. May, could sell it, he should
examined. — My father lives in have all above nine guineas for
Nova Scotia Gardens. I remem- himself. This he agreed to, and
ber last Guy Fawkes' day, at which his account of the subsequent
time I was in the habit of going transactions was similar to that
to school. I remember my mother given in the early part of the
giving me a half holiday. I went evidence.
to Bishop's house. Bishop has Mr. William Bumaby, clerk of
three children, two of them boys. Bow-street police office, sworn.—-
On that day I saw the children in When the brad-awl was produced
the house, and they showed me a at Bow -street, May said, '^ That
cage with two little white mice ; is the instrument with which I
the cage turned round. I had punched the teeth out."
often played with Bishop's children John Kirkham, police constable,
before, but never saw them with stated, that when the inquest was
a cage of white mice before that. sitting, he had charge of the pri-
John Ward, an elder brother of soners in the station-house. Be-
the preceding witness stated, that hind where they sat, there was a
what his brother had just related printed bill posted, referring to the
took place on Friday, the 4th of matter. Bishop looked at the
November. His brother on that bill, and then leaned over Williaihs
day told him what he had seen. to speak to May ; he said to May,
Mr. Corder, Vestry Clerk of St. "It was the blood that sold us."
Paul's, Covent-garden, examined. Bishop then got up, and looked a
— A coroner's inquest was held on secona time at the bill, and refer*
the deceased on the 8th of Novem- ring to the words '^ marks of vio-
ber, and closed on Thursday, the lence," he said these marks were
10th, In the course of the ex^ only brea^gs out iu the 8kiQ«
320 ANNUAL REGISTER, I83I.
Mr. Thomas, the supcriutendent^
was recalled by Mr. Bt^kin. —
When I first saw the budv, there
were |)atchcs **( dirt on several
]>arts. There were also marks on
the left arm, as though they were
the impression of fingers, and it
ap|)earefl to me as if the chest
had been pressed in. There was
a stream of blood from the fore-
head down the face to the breast.
Mr. Adulphus stated that this
was the case fur the prosecution.
The prisoners were then seve-
rally called upon for their defence.
Bishop stated, that he was 33
years old, and had a wife and three
diildren. He was formerly a car-
rier at Highgatc, but for the last
twelve years he had obtained a
living by supplying the ^'arious
hospitals and anatomical schools
with dead bodies, but he declared
that he never was in any manner
concerned in improperly obtaining
subjects. He had been in the
habit of getting bodies from work-
houses, and sometimes with the
clothes remaining on them. All the
gardens about Nova Scotia Gar-
dens were easy of access, and were
only divided by a low dwarf rail-
ing. As to the wearing-apparel
found in the garden, he knew no-
thing ; but, regarding the cap, he
said he should prove that his wife
purchased it of Mrs. Doddswell,
who kept a sale-shop in Hoxton
Old Town. As respected the pri-
soners Williams and May, they
knew nothing of the manner in
which he got the body, and he de-
clared that he only got it in the
way by which subjects were usually
obtained.
Williams, in his defence, stated,
that he knew nothing of the
means by which the body was
procured by Bishop, who in-
vited him to go to Kiog'6 College.
He, WilliamSy was not in the habit
of dealing io subjects^ but got
his living by working as a giMS&m
blower.
May, in his defenoCj aaid^ he
was 30 years old, and was marriedy
and formerly was a butcher^ but fixr
the last six years he had follofwed
the trade ot dealing in sabjecto
and supplying them to hospitals^
On the day when he met Bishop at
the Fortune of War publio-houae^
it was merely by aocidentj when
Bishop asked him where he oonU
sell a good subject^ stating that he
had been oifered eight gnineaa tat
it. He (May) told him^ as was
the fiict, that he had sold two to
Mr. Davis at ten guineas eachf
the day before^ and he would try
if Mr. Davis would buy that one.
Bishop told him he should haw all
above nine guineas for himself and
then he agreed to endeavour to
sell it. He assured the jury that
he never asked, and of oourae he
never knew, how Bishop got pos-
session of the body.
Rosina Carpenter stated^ that
she lived in Nag's-Head- court;
Golden-lane. On Thursday, No*
vember 3, between four and iiTC
o'cl<KJi, in the afternoon. May
came to her house, and remained
with her until nearly twelve o'clock
the next day, not once going out
during that time.
Cross-examined.— May had seve-
ral times passed his nights with
her ', she did not know whether he
was married or not.
Sarah Triesly, who was ex*
amined for the prosecution, was
called by Mr. Barry. She had
never seen any white mice in
Bishop's house.
Mary DoddsweU, wife of GeoEge
Doddswell^ of 56, Hoxton OM
Town, sworn. — I keep a clothes
and sale-shop for the saJe of
LAW CASES, la.
coud-haDd good». My imsbtind is
a journeyinaDpaBtfycuuk. I bnuw
Bishop's wife, and ^uld Imr a cap
two years ago; 1 should know it
again now ; it was a cloth-cap
with a black front (the cap pro-
duced fur the proiecutioQ was a
fur-cai>,)
Bishop — My wife purchased two
caps of ner.
Mrs. Doddswell. — I never sold
but one cap to Mrs. Bishop. I
know nothing of Bishop or hia
family, but that bjs ilHUghtei- lived
servant with me twelve months
ago.
Mary Aune Hall, of No. 4,
Dorset Street, New Keot Koad,
where May lived, stated, that on
the 30th of October May went into
the country, and stic saw uo more of
him until the following Wednes-
day night, and then he went to
bed. The next niorniug he wcut
out and did not return until the
Friday night at half-past eleven
Mr. Thomas stood up, and ad-
dressing the court, said, he wished
to repeat somethiog he liad said at
Bow Street. The blood on the
breeches found at M' v' res'doi cc
was not perfectly I } nh u th j
Chief Justice T n lal I ng
summed up, the i f f u 1 tl e
three prisoners gi Ity f u u 1
III court, the verd w s d
with silence, but in a moment it
was conveyed to the immense
multitude aeaeinhled outside, who
evinced their satisfaction at the
result by loud and continued
cheering and clapping of liauds.
To such an extent was this ex-
pression of tlie popular feeling
carried, that the windiiws of the
court were obliged to be closed, in
order that the voice of the i{e-
corder might b« Iteard in pastiag
se tile nee of death, which vrn*
ordered to be caiTied into execu-
tion ou Monday the 5tb.
Between tlioir trial and execu-
tion, Bishop and Williams, or
Hc»il, made, in presence of the
Undcr-sheritf, the fullowiug
Confessions.
I, John Bishop, do hereby de-
clare and confess, tliat the boy
supposed to be the Italian boy was
a Lincolnshire boy. I and Wil-
liams took him to my house about
half-past ten o'clock on the Thurs-
day uight, the 3r<l of November,
from the Bell, in Smithfieid. He
walked home with us, Williams
promised to give him some work.
Williams went with him from the
Bell to the Old Bailey watering,
house, whilst I went to the For-
tune of War. Willianis came frtmi
the Old Bailey water! ng-liouse to
the Fortune of IVar for aie,
leaving the boy standing at the
corner of the court by the water-
iog-liouse in the Old Bailey, I
went directly with Williams ttt the
boy, and we walked thcu all three
to Nova Scotia Gardens, taking n
pint of stout at a public-houau
near Holloway- lane, Slioreditch,
on our way, of which we gave the
boy u part ; we only stayed just
to drink it, and walked ou to my
house, where we arrived at about
eleven o'clock. My wife and chil-
dren and Mrs. Williams were not
gone to bed, so we put him in the
|)rivy, and told him to \t'ait there
for us. Williams went in and told
them to go to bed, and I stayed
in the ganlen. Willianis came out
directly, and wo both iralked out
of the garden a little way, to give
time fur the family getting to bed;
we returned in about ten minutes
or ft quarter of an hour, and li«U
328
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
pued outside at tlic window to
ascertain whether tlic family were
gone to be<l. All was quiet, and
we then went to the boy in the
privy, and took him into the house;
we lighte<l a candle, and gave the
boy some bread and cheese, and,
after he had eaten, we gave him a
cup full of mm, with about half a
small phial of laudanum in it. (I
had bought the rum the same
evening at the Three Tuns, in
Smithiield^ and the laudanum also
in small quantities at different
shops.) There was no water or
other liquid put in the cup with
the rum and laudanum. The boy
drank the contents of the cup
directly in two draughts, and
afterwards a little beer. In about
ten minutes he fell asleep on the
chair on which he sat, and I re-
moved him from the chair to the
floor, and laid him on his side.
We then went out and left him
there. We had a quartern of gin
and a pint of beer at the Feathers,
near Shoreditch Church, and then
went home again, having been
away from the boy abfnit twenty
minutes. We found him asleep
as we had left him. We took him
directly, asleep and insensible^ into
the garden, and tied a cord to his
feet to enable us to pull him up
by, and I then took liim in my
arms, and let him slide from them
headlong into the well in the
garden, whilst Williams held the
cord to prevent the body going
altogether too low in the well. He
was nearly wholly in the water of
the well, his feet just above the
surface. Williams fastened the
other end of the cord round the
paling, to prevent the body getting
beyond our reach. The boy strug-
gled a little with his arms and
legs in the water; the water
bubbled for a minute. We waited
tiirthesc s}inptoms were past^ and
then went in^ and afterwards I
think we went out, and walked
down Shoreditch to occupy the
time, and in about. three quarters
of an hour we returned and took
him out of the well, by pulling
him by the cord attached to bis
feet ; we undressed him in the
I)aved yard, rolled his clothes up^
and buried them where they were
found by the witness who produced
them. We carried the boy into
the wash-house, laid him on the
floor, and covered him over with a
bag. We left him thcre^ and went
and had some coffee in Old Street
Road, and then (a little before tvo
in the morning of Friday) went
back to my house. We imme-
diately doubled the body up, and
put it into a box, which we corded
so that nobody might open it to
see what was in it; and then went
again and had some more coffee at
the same place in Old Street
Road, where we staid a little
while, and then went home to
bed — ^both in the same houae^ and
to our own beds as usual ; we dept
till about ten o'clock on Friday
morning, when we sot up, took
breakikst together with the fkmilyi
and then went both of us to Smith-*
field, to the Fortune of War— we
had something to eat and drink
there, and after we had been there
about half an hour May came in—
I knew May — but had not seen
him for about a fortnight before—
he had some rum with me at the
bar, Williams remaining in the
tap-room ; May and I went to the
door, I had a smock-frock on, and
May asked me where I had bought
it, I told him "in Field Lauc ;*'
he said he wanted to buy one, and
asked me to go with him ; I went
with him to Field Lane, where he
bought a frock at the comer diopj
LAW CASES, ,&c.
329
we then went into a clothes shop
in West Street to buy a pair of
breeches^ but May could not agree
about the price 5 May was rather
in liquor, and sent out for some
rum^ which we and the woman in
the shop drank together ; May
said he would treat her because he
had given her a good deal of
trouble for nothing. We then re-
turned to the Fortune of War,
and joined Williams, and had
something more to drink ; we
waited there a short time, and
then Williams and I went to the
west-end of the town, leaving
May at the Fortune of War.
Williams and I went to Mr.
Tuson's, in Windmill Street,
where I saw Mr. Tuson, and of-
fered to sell him a subject — mean-
ing the boy we had left at home.
He said he had waited so long for
a subject which I had before un-
dertaken to procure, that he had
been obliged to buy one the day
before. We went from there to
Mr. Carpue's, in Dean Street, and
offered it to him in the Lecture-
room with other gentlemen 5 they
asked me if it was fresh, I told them
yes ; they told me to wait. I asked
them ten guineas, and, after waiting
a little, a gentleman there said they
would give eight guineas, which I
agreed to take, and engaged to
carry it there the next morning at
ten o'clock. I and Williams then
returned to the Fortune of War ;
we found May in the tap-room,
this was about a quarter before
four o'clock in the afternoon ; we
had something to drink again, and
I called May out to the outside of
the house, and asked what was
the best price given for " things "
— he said he had sold two the day
before for ten guineas each, 1
think. I told him I had a sub-
ject^ he ask^d what sort of one i I
said, a boy about fourteen years
old, and that I had been offered
eight guineas for it ; he said if it
was his, he would not take it, be
could sell it where be sold his for
more. I told him that all he
could get above nine guineas he
might have for himself; we agreed
to go presently and get a coach.
I and May then went to the bar,
had something more to drink, and
then, leaving Williams at the For-
tune of War, we went and tried
to hire a cab in the Old Bailey.
The cabman was at tea at the
watering-house, and WjC went in
and spoke to him about a fare, and
hadalso tea ther^ ourselves. Whilst
we were at tea, the cab-driver
went away, and we found liim
gone from the stand when we
came out. We then went to
Bridge Street, Blackfri^rs, and
asked a coachman if he would
take such a fare as we wanted ; he
refused, and we then went to
Farringdon-street, where we en-
gaged a yellow chariot. I and
May got in, drove to the Fortune
of War (Williams joining us by
the George, in the Old Bai]«y, on
our way). At the Fortune of
War, we drank something again,
and then (about six o'clock) we all
three went in the chariot to Nova
Scotia Gardens, we went into the
wash-house, where I Uncorded the
trunk, and shewed May the body.
He asked, *' how are the teeth ?"
I said I had not looked at them.
Williams went and fetched a brad-
awl from the house, and May took
it and forced the teeth out ; it is
the constant practice to take the
teeth out first, because, if the
body be lost, the teeth are saved ;
after the teeth were taken out, we
put the body in a bag, and took
it to the chariot ; May and I
carried the bofly, and Williams
330 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
got first iuto the coaclij and then
assisted in pulling the body in;
we all then drove off to Guy's
Hospital^ where we saw Mr. Davis^
and offered to sell the body to him ;
he refused, saying, that he had
bought two the day before of May;
I asked him to let us leave it there
till the next morning; he con-
sented, and we put it in a little
room, the door of which Mr. Davis
locked. Williams was, during this,
left with the chariot. I told Mr.
Davis not to let the subject go to
any body unless I was there, for it
belonged to me , and May also told
him not to let it go unless he was
present, or else he should be money
out of pocket. I understood this
to mean the money paid by May
for our teas at the Old Bailey
(about 4«.) and the coach fare,
which we had agreed with the
coachman should be 10^. May
had no other interest or right to
the money to be obtained for the
body, except for such payment,
and for what he could get above
nine guineas, as 1 had promised
him. May paid the coachman
\0s. on our leaving the hospital,
but, before we discharged the
coach, May and I ran to Mr. Ap-
pleton, at Mr. Grainger's school,
leaving Williams with the coach.
We offered the subject to Mr.
Appletou, but he declined to buy
it, and May and I then joined
Williams, aischarged the coach,
and went to a public-house close
by and had something to drink.
After this we got into a coach in
the borough, and drove again to
the Fortune of War, where we had
something more to drink : this
was about eight o'clock in the
evening. We all three staid there
about one hour, and then went
out, got a coach in Smithfield, and
went towards Old-street-road^-^
stopped in Golden-lane with the
coach, and drank something, and
then on to Old-street.— At the
corner of Old-street (the Star
corner) May got out of the coacli
and said he was going home, and
I and Williams drove to the
corner of Union-street, Kingslaiid-
road, where we got out and paid
the coach-fare out of money lent
us by May (he having advanced
to each of us 3s,) We then
walked home and went to bed that
night as usual. We had agreed
with May, on his leaving us, to
meet him at Guy's Hospital at
nine o'clock the next morniag
(Saturday). I and Williams went
at eight o'clock on Saturday mom*
ing to the Fortune of War, where
we met Shields, the porter, and
engaged him to go with us over
the water to carry a subject. I
asked him to go to St. Barthdo*
mew's Hospital for a hamper
which I had seen there; he re*
fused, and I fetched it myself.
We had a pint of beer there, and
I, and Williams, and Shields, went
to Guy's Hospital, Shields carry-
ing the hamper. We met May
there. Williams and Shields went
to a public-house, whilst I and
May went to Mr. Appleton, and
offered him the subject again. He
again refused to buy it, statinff
that he did not want it. May and
I then joined Shields and Wil-
liams, and had some drink, and
then left them, crossed the water
in a boat to the Kind's College,
where we inquired of Mr. Hill,
the porter, if he wanted a subject;
he said he was not particularly in
want, but would speak to Mr.
Partridge, the Demonstrator. Mr.
Partridge came, and asked what
the subject was. May said, ''a
male subject." Mr. PMndfla
asked the pioe* Ib^ "Wi
LAW CASES, Ac.
831
'' twelve guineas." Mr. Partridge
said he could not give so much,
and went away. Mr. Hill asked
us to stay a few roinutes^ whilst
he went after Mr. Partridge, to
speak to him again. Hill returned,
and said Mr. Partridge would give
nine guineas. May said, he would
be damned if it should go under
ten guineas. He was in liquor,
and on his moving a little way off,
I took the opportunity of saying
to Hill, that it should come in at
nine guineas. I told May directly
after, that I had sold it for nine
guineas, and that I would out of
it pay him what I had of him,
and give him something besides.
We then got into a cabriolet, and
went back to Williams and Shields
at the public-house, where all four
had some beefsteaks and beer ; and
afterwards went to Guy's Hospital,
packed the body in the hamper,
and put it on to Shields*s head,
telling him to take it to the King's
College, where we went, Williams
and Shields walking, and I and
May riding part of the way in a
cab. On reaching the King's
College we carried the body into
the theatre, and then into a little
room, where we took the body out.
Mr. Hill looked at it, and asked
what it died of. May answered
that he did not know, and it did
not concern him. Mr. Hill asked
how a cut, which was on the
forehead, came. I told him that it
was done by May throwing it out
of the sack on the stones, which
was the truth. Hill told us to
remain in the other room, and he
would bring in the money. We
went into the other room and
waited for some time, when Mr.
Partridge came to us, and showed
me a fifty-pound note, and said, he
must ^ and get it changed, for
be had not sufficient money with*
out, and he pulled out his purse
and counted three or four 8ov««
reigns. I said he might let us
have that, and he oould give us
the remainder on Monday. He
said no, he would rather pay it all
together, and went away. We
waited some time, when the
police-officers came, and took us
into custody.
John Bishop.
Witness, R. Ellis.
I declare that this statement is
all true, and that it contuns all
the facts as far as I can recollect.
May knew nothing of the murder,
and I do not believe he suspected
that I had got the body except in
the usual way, and after the death
of it. I always told him that I got
it from the ground, and he never
knew to the contrary until I oon-
fessed to Mr. Williams rinoe the
trial. I have known May as a
body-snatcher four or five years,
but I do not believe he ever ob-
tained a body except in the com-
mon course of men in that calling,
by stealing from the graves. I
also confess that I and Williams
were concerned in the murder of
a female whom I believe to have
been since discovered to be Fanny
Pigburn, on or about the 9th of
October last. I and Williams
saw her sitting about eleven or
twelve o'clock at night on the
step of a door in ShoinBditdi near
the church. She bad a child four
or five years old with her on her
lap. I asked why she was sitting
there. She said she had no home
to go to,* for her landlord had
turned her out into the street. I
told her that she might go home
with us, and sit by the fire aU
night i she said she would go with
us, and she walked with us ib my
house; in Noya Scotia Gardens^
332 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
carrying her child with her. When
we eot there we fuund the family
abed, and we took the woman in
and lighted a fire^ by which we all
sat down together. I went out for
beer, and we all took of beer and
rum (I had brought the rum from
Smithfield in my pocket) ; the
woman and her child laid down on
some dirty linen on the floor, and I
and Williams went to bed. About
six o'clock next morning I and Wil-
liams told her to go away, and to
meet us at the London Apprentice
in Old-street road, at one o'clock.
Tills was before our families were
up. She met us again at one
o'clock at the London Apprentice
without her child. We gare her
some halfpence and beer, and de-
sired her to meet us again at ten
o'clock at night at the same place.
After this we bought rum and
laudanum at different places, and
at ten o'clock we met the woman
again at the London Appren-
tice, she had no child with her.
We drank three pints of beer be-
tween us there, and stayed there
about an hour. We would have
stayed there longer, but an old man
came in whom the woman said she
knew, and she said she did not
like him to see her there with any
body ; we therefore all went out ;
it rained hard, and we took shelter
under a door- way in the Hackney-
road for about half an hour. We
then walked to Nova Scotia- gar-
dens, and Williams and I led her
into No. 2, an empty house adjoin-
ing my house. We had no light.
Williams stepped out into the gar-
den with the rum and laudanum,
which I had handed to him -, he
there mixed them together in a half-
pint bottle, and came into the house
to me and the woman, and gave
her the bottle to drink ; she drank
the whole at two or three draughts ;
there was a quartern of rum^ and
about half a phial of laudanum ;
she sat down on the step between
two rooms in the house, and went
off to sleep in about ten minntes*
She was. falling back; I caught her
to save her fall, and she laid back
on the floor. Then Williams and
I went to a public-house, got some-
thing to dnnk, and in about half
an hour came back to the woman ;
we took her cloak off, tied a cord
to her feet, carried her to a well
in the garden and thrust her into
it headlong; she struggled very
little afterwards^ and the water
bubbled a little at the top. We
fastened the cord to the pailines to
prevent her going down beyond our
reach, and left her and took a walk
to Shoreditch and back, in about
half an hour ; wc left the woman
in the well for this length of time»
that the rum and laudanum might
run out of the body at the mouth.
On our return, we took her out of
the well, cut her clothes off, put
them down the privy of the empty-
house, carried the body into the
wash-house of my own house^
where we doubled it up and put it
into a hair box, which we corded
and left it there. We did not goto
bed, but went to Shields's house in
Eagle- St., Red Lion-sq. and called
him up; this was between four
and five o*clock in the morning.
We went with Shields to a public-
house near the Sessions-houae
Clerkenwell^ and had some gin,
and from thence to my house,
where we went in and stayed a
little while, to wait the change of
the police. I told Shields he was
to carry that trunk to St. Thomas's
Hospital. He asked if there was a
woman in the house who could
walk alongside of him, so that peo-
ple might not take any notice.
Williams called his wife up, and
LAW CASES, &c.
333
asked her to walk with Shields^
and to carry the hat box which he
gave her to carry. There was no-
thing in it, but it was tied up as
if there were. We then put the
box with the body on Shields' head,
and went to the hospital. Shields
and Mrs. Williams walking on one
side of the street, and I and Wil-
liams on the other. At St.* Tho-
mases Hospital I saw Mr. South's
footman, and sent him up stairs to
Mr. South to ask if he wanted
a subject. The footman brought me
word that his master wanted one,
but could not give an answer till
the next day, as he had not time
to look at it. During this inter-
view, Shields,' Williams, and his
wife were waiting at a public-house.
I then went alone to Mr. Apple-
ton, at Mr. Grainger's, and agreed
to sell it to him for eight guineas,
and afterwards I fetched it from
St. Thomases Hospital, and took it
to Mr. Appleton, who paid me 51.
then and the rest on the following
Monday. After receiving the 5/.
I went to Shields and Williams and
his wife, at the public-house, where
I paid Shields 10*. for his trouble,
and we then all went to the Flower
Pot in Bishopsgate, where we had
something to drink and then went
home. I never saw the woman's
child after the first time before
mentioned. She said she had left
the child with a person she had
taken some of her things to, before
her landlord took her goods. The
woman murdered did not tell us
her name ; she said her age was
35, I think, and that her husband,
before he died, was a cabinet-maker.
She was thin, rather tall, and very
much marked with the small-pox.
I also confess the murder of a boy
who told us his name was Cunning-
ham. It was a fortnight after the
murder of the woman. I and WiU
liams found him sleeping about
eleven or twelve o'clock at night,
on Friday the 2l8t of October, as
I think, under the pig-boards in
the pig - market in Smithfield.
Williams woke him, and asked him
to come along with him (Williams),
and the boy walked with Williams
and me to ray house in Nova Sco-
tia-gardens We took him into my
house, and gave him some warm
beer, sweetened with sugar, with
rum and laudanum in it. He
drank two or three cups full, and
then fell asleep in a little chair
belonging to one of my children.
We laid him on the floor, and went
out for a little while, and got some-
thing to drink, and then returned,
carried the boy to the well, and
threw him into It, in the same
way as we served the other boy
and the woman. He died instantly
in the well, and we left him there
a little while, to give time for the
mixtures we had given him to run
out of the body. We then took
the body from tne well, took off the
clothes in the garden, and buried
them there. The body we carried
into the wash-house, and put it
into the same box, and left it there
till the next evening, when we got
a porter to carry it with us to St.
Bartholomew's Hospital, where I
sold it to Mr. Smith for eight
guineas. This boy was about ten
or eleven years old, said his mother
lived in Kent-street, and that he
had not been home for a twelve-
month and better. I solemnly de-
clare that these are all the murders
in which I have been concerned,
or that I know anything of;
that I and Williams were alone
concerned in these, and that no
other person whatever knew any
thing about either of them, and
that I do not know whether there
are others who practise the same
334 ANNUAL REGI STER, 1831.
mode of obtaining bodies for sale.
I knovr nothing of any Italian boy,
and was never concerned in or knew
of the murder of such a boy. There
have been no M'hite mice about my
house for the last six months. My
son^ about eight months ago bought
two mice, and I made him a cage
for them ; it was flat with wires at
the top. They lived about two
months, and were killed, I thinks
by a cat in the garden, where they
got out of the cage. They were
frequently seen running in the
garaen, and used to hide in a
hole under the privy. I and my
wife and children saw one of them
killed by a cat in the garden whilst
we were at tea. Until the trans-
actions before set forth, I never was
concerned in obtaining a subject by
destruction of the living. I have
followed the course of obtaining a
livelihood as a body-snatcher for
twelve years, andbave obtained and
sold, Tthink, from 500 to 1,000
bodies ; but I declare, before God,
that they were all obtained after
death, and that, with the above
exceptions, I am ignorant of any
murder for that or any other pur-
pose*
John Bishop.
Witness^ Robert Ellis, under-
sheriif.
I, Thomas Head, alias Williams,
now under sentence of death in
Newgate, do solemnly confess and
declare the foregoing statement and
confession of .John Bishop^ which
has been made in my presence, and
since read over to me distinctly, is
altogether true, so far as the same
relates to me. I declare that I was
* From subsequent investigation,
thero was every reason to believe tbat
the boy, of whose murder these wretches
were convicted, was the Italian boy, and
not a Lincolnshire boy*
never concerned in or priyy to any
other transaction of the like n»«
lure ; that I never knew any tbiDg
of the murder of any other person
whatever ; that I was never a body-
snatcher or concerned in the tale
of any other body than the three
murdered by Bishop and myself ;
that May was a stranger to me, and
I had never seen him more than
once or twice before Friday, the
4th of November last ; ana that
May was wholly innocent and igu
norant of any of those murders in
which I was concerned, and for one
of which I am about to suflhr
death.
Thomas Hbad.
Witness -R.Ellis.
Newgate, Dec. 4, 1831.
The above confessions taken lite-
rally, from the prisoners, in oar
presence.
T. Wood, R. Ellis,
Under Sheriffs.
These confessions strengthened
some doubts which were enter*
tained whether the eridenoe con-
nected May sufficiently directly
with the murder, and his life was
spared. The communication to him
of the intelligence that he had been
respited, almost killed him. He
fell to the earth as if shot dead.
His arms worked with the most
frightful contortions, and four of
the officers of the prison could with
difficulty hold him ; his oounten«
ance assumed a livid paleness^ the
blood forsook his lips, his eyes ap-
peared set, and pulsation at the
heart could not be distinguished.
All persons present thought that he
could not possibly survive, and that
the warrant of mercy had proTed
his death blow. It was neariy a
quarter of an hour before he was
restored to the use of bis facuItiesT
LAW CASES, &c.
Bishop and Williams were exe-
cuted on Monday the 5th. As
early as oue o'clock in the morning,
the crowd amounted to eereral
thousand persons, and continued
rapidly increasing. By day break
it was estimated that not fewer
than 30,000 persons were bmud-
bled. The police found it impos'
sible to get through the crowd to
their station at thefootof the scaf-
fold, and had to be conducted
through the prison. By some orer-
sight, three chains were suspended
from the gallows, as if all the
three prisoners had been to suffer.
The removal of one of them in-
formed the multitude that May
had been respited, and the circlin]-
stance was hailed with cheers.
Before proceeding to the scaffold,
both prisoners confirmed theb con-
fessions. Bishop mounted the
scaffold first. The momeat be
made his appearance the most
dreadful yells and hootings were
heard among the crowd. The exe-
cutioner proceeded at once to the
performance of his duty, and bar-
ing put the rope round his neck
and affised it to the chain, placed
him under the beam. Willianis
was then taken out, and the groans
and hisses were renewed. The
preparations wttt soon completed,
and in lese than fire minutee after
they appeared on the scaffold, the
drop fell. Bishop appeared to
die instantaneously, hut Williams
■truggled several mtnotei. The
moment the drop fell, the mob, who
had continued yelling and shout-
ing, gare several tremendous cheers.
Numerous accidents occurred be-
tween St. Sepulchre's Church and
Liidgate-hill, arising from the ex-
treme pressure of the mob. The
number of dislocations and bruises',
was almost incredible: upwards of
twenty persons, aeriously maimed,
were carried to St. Bartholomew's
Hospital before half-put KTen
in the morning. Notwithstand-
ing the great strength of the
numerous barriers which were
erected from one end of the Old
Bailey to the other, not one of
them was sufficient to resist the
pressure. Just at the moment the
wretches were turned off, a rush
took place from all directions to-
warils the scaffold, and every bnr-
rier between the gallows and Lud-
gate-hill was almost simultaneously
broken asunder, or torn up. Num-
bers were thus thrown down and
trampled upon, A soldier in the
Guards had bis arm broken, and
several of the police were seriously
injured.
[ 336 ]
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS,
I.—D O M E S T I C.
ABSTRACT OF THE REFORM BILL,
Ax passed in the House op Commons on the 21x1 of September, 1831,
hut rejected hif the Peers.
Section (1.) Enacted that each
of the boroughs enumerated in
schedule (A) shall cease hereafter
to return members to parliament.
(2.) That each of the boroughs
enumerated in schedule (B) shall
hereafter return one member only
to parliament.
(3.) that each of the principal
places named in the first column of
the schedule (C) shall for the pur-
poses of this act be a borough, and
shall include the sereral parishes,
townships and places mentioned in
conjunction therewith and named
in the second column, and shall
hereafter return two members to
parliament.
(,3.) That each of the prin-
cipal places named in the first
column of schedule (D) shall for
the purposes of this act be a bo-
rough, and shall include the seve-
ral parishes, townships, and places
mentioned in conjunction therewith
and named in the second column,
and shall hereafter return one
member to parliament.
(4.) That the towns of Wey-
mouth and Melcombe Regis shall
for the purposes of this act be taken
as one borough, and return two
members.
(5.) That everjr city and bo-
rough named in the first column
of the schedule (£) shall ibr the
purposes of this act include the
several places mentioned in con-
junction therewith respectively and
named in the second column, and
shall, jointly with such places,
hereafter return two members to
parliament.
(6.) That, hereafter^ each of the
places named in the first column
of the schedule (F) shall have a
share in the election of a member
of parliament, for the shire-town
or borough mentioned in conjunc-
tion therewith and named in the
second column : but no part of the
parish of Presteigne, Ivmg within
the county of Hereford, snail for
the purposes of this act be deemed
to be within the town of Pres-
teigne.
(7.^ That the towns of Swansea,
Lougher, Neath, Aberaven, and
Ken Fig, shall for the purposes of
this act be taken as one borough,
and shall return one member to
parliament; and the portreeve of
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
337
Swansea shall be the returning
officer ; and no person by reason of
any right accruing in any of the
said five towns shall have any vote
in the election of a member for the
borough of Cardiff.
(8.) That the persons respect-
ively described in the third co-
lumn of the said schedules (C)
and (D) shall be the returning
officers at all elections for the bo-
roughs in conjunction with which
such persons are respectively men-
tionea in the said schedules (C)
and (D), and for those boroughs
for which no persons are mentioned
the sheriff of the county in which
such boroughs are situate shall^
within two months after the pass-
ing of this act, and in every suc-
ceeding respective year in the
month of March, by writing under
his hand, appoint ror each borough
a fit person, resident therein, to be,
and such person so appointed shall
accordingly be, the returning officer
for each borough, until the nomi-
nation in the succeeding March j
and in the event of the death of
any such person, or of his be-
coming incapable to act by reason
of sickness or other sufficient im-
])ediment, the sheriff shall, on no-
tice thereof, forthwith appoint in
his stead a fit person, so resident
as aforesaid, to be, and such per-
son so appointed, shall accordingly
be, the returning officer for the re-
mainder of the then current year ;
and no person, having been so ap-
pointed as returning officer for any
borough, shall after the expiration
of his office be compellable at any
time thereafter to serve again in
the said office for the same borough;
but no person in holy orders, nor
any churchwarden or overseer shall
be appointed as such returning of-
ficer, and no person so appointed
as returning officer shall be appoint-
Vol. LXXIII.
ed a churchwarden or overseer du-
ring the year for which he shall be
such returning officer ; and no
rperson qualified to be elected to
serve as member, shall be com-
pellable to serve as returning offi-
cer, if within one week after he
shall have received notice of his
appointment as returning officer,
he shall make oath of such qualifi-
cation before any justice, and shall
forthwith notify the same to the
sheriff.
(9.) That in all future parlia-
ments there shall be six knights of
the shire for the county of York ;
(viz.) two knights for each of the
three ridings of the said county, to
be elected as if each of the three
ridings were a separate count}'-.
(10.) That in all future parliar
ments there shall be foqr knights
of the shire for the county of Lin-
coln ; (viz.) two for the parts of
Lindsey, and two for the parts of
Kesteven and Holland; . and such
four knights shall be chosen as if
the said respective parts were se-
parate counties.
(11.) That each of the coun-
ties enumerated in schedule (G)
shall be divided into two divisions
and that in all future parliaments
there shall be four knights of the
shire for each of the said counties;
(viz.) two knights for each division
of the said counties ; and such
knights shall be chosen as if each
of the said divisions were a separate
county.
(13.) That in all future parlia-
ments there shall be three knights
of the shire for each of the following
counties ; (i. e.) Berkshire, Buck-
inghamshire, Cambridgeshire, Dor-
setshire, Herefordshire, Hertfords-
shire, and Oxfordshire : and two
knights of the shire for each of the
counties of Caerniarthen, Denbigh,
and Glamorgan.
Z
338
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
(14.) That, the isle of Wight
ill the county of Southampton,
shall he a county of itself, and shall
return one knight to parliament ;
and such knight shall be chosen as
any kniglit may be chosen in any
county in England ; and all elec-
tions for the said county shall be
holden at the town of Newport, and
the sheriff of the isle^ or deputy,
shall be the returning officer.
(1.5.) That, for electing a
knight to parliament, the east and
north ridings of the county of
York, the parts of Lindsey in the
county of Lincoln, and the several
counties in the second column of
the schedule (H) shall respect-
ively include the several cities
and towns and counties of the same
respectively, mentioned in con-
junction with such counties at
large, and named in the first co-
lumn of the said 6c:hedule (H);
and for the like purpose the county
of Gloucester shall include that
part of Bristol which is situate on
the (irloucestcrshire side of the
river Avon, and the county of
Somerset shall include that part of
Bristol which is situate on the
Somersetshire side of the said river
Avon.
( 1 ().) Every male person of full
ae:e, and not subject to any legal
incapacity, who shall be seised at
law or in equity of any lands or
tenements for an estate for life, of
at least the yearly value of ten
]>ounds above reprises, holden by
copy of coiu*t roll of the lord or
lady of any manor, or by any cus-
tomary tenure, or lessee or assignee
of any lands or tenements demised
for any term not less than sixty
years (whether determinable on a
life or lives or not,) of the yearly
value of not less than ten pounds
above reprises, or demised for any
term not less than twenty years
(whether determinable on a life or
lives or not,) of the yearly valae of
not less than fifty pounds above re-
prises, or who shall ha^e occupied
and farmed on his own account far
twelve calendar months next pr^
rious to the first day of Februarys
1 8^2, or next previous to the last
day of August in any succeeding
year, any lands for which he AM
be bona /fide liable to a yearly rent
of not less than fifty poana% or
who shall have occupied as tenant
for twelve calendar months next
previous to the first day of Fehm-
ary, 1832, or next preyioos to
the last day of August in any soo*
ceediug year, any lands or tene-
ments for which he shall be hcma
Jidt liable to a yearly rent of not
less than fifty pounds^ shall yote
for the county, or fbr the part,
riding or division of the county in
which such lands or tenements
shall be respectively situate : hot
the only persons who shall yote ia
such election in respect of ths
terms of not less than sixty years
or twenty years as aforesaid shall
be lessees or assignees of the origi-
nal term granted of the premises
demised, whether or not in the
occupation of th€ premises demised
and also lessees or assignees of de*
rivative terms or under-leasea, pro-
vided such last-mentioned leasees
or assignees be in the actual oceu-
pation of the premises demised.
(A.) That no person shall rots
in the election of a knight in re*
spect of any freehold lands or tene-
ments, unless to him of the yearly
value of at least ten pounds abors
reprises; and every person now
entitled to vote in such electioDi in
respect of his having an estate or
interest in any freehold lands or
tenements for the life of himadfi
nr of any other person or pcraooSy
of the yearly value of forty ahil*
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
339
lings above reprises^ and below ten
pounds, shall retain such right of
voting so long as he shall have
such estate^ or interest in the
same lands or tenements : and no»
thing shall prevent any person who
now is or hereafter may be seised
in fee-simple or fee-tail of any
freehold lands or tenements oif
the yearly value of forty shillings
above reprises, from voting in the
election, as he might have done if
this act had not been passed.
(170 No trustee or mortagee
shall vote unless in actual posses-
sion of the rents and profits; but
the mortgagor or cestuique trust in
possession shall vote.
(18.) No one shall vote in the
election of a knight in respect of
his estate as a freeholder in any
house^ warehouse, or counting-
house occupied by him, or in any
land occupied by him^ together
with any house, warehouse, or
counting-house, if by the occupa-
tion thereof he might vote in the
election of a member for any city
or borough, whether lie have or
not actually acquired the right to
vote for such city or borough ; and
no person shall vote in the election
of a knight in respect of his estate,
as a copyholder or customary te-
nant, or as such lessee or assignee,
or as such tenant and occupier as
aforesaid, if by such occupation he
or any other person might vote in
the election of a member for any
city or borough, whether he or any
other person have actually acquired
the right to vote for such city or
borough or not.
(19.) Land tax no longer neces-
sary to voting.
(20.) That no person shall vote
in any election of a knight in re-
spect of any freehold, copyhold, or
customary lands or tenements, un-
less he shall have been seized
thereof, and have also been in the
actual possession thereof, or in the
receipt of the rents and profits
thereof for his own use, for six
calendar months at least next pre-
vious to the first dav of February^
183S» or next previous to the last
day of August in any succeeding
year, and shall have been duly
registered as hereinafter directed ;
and no person shall vote in any
such election in respect of any
lands or tenements held by him as
such lessee or assignee as afore-
said, unless he shall have held the
same as such lessee or assignee, and
also have been in the actual posses*
sion thereof, or in the receipt of
the rents and profits thereof for his
own use, as the case may require,
for twelve calendar months next
previous to the first day of Febru«
sgry, 1SS2, or next previous to the
last day of August in any succeed-
ing year, and shall have been duly
registered as hereinafter directed :
but where any lands or tenements
which would otherwise entitle the
owner or holder thereof to vote in
any such election shall come to any
person at anv time within such re-
spective periods of six or -twelve
calendar months, by descent, mar-
riage, marriage-settlement, devise^
or promotion to any benefice in a
church, or by promotion to any
office, he shall be entitled to have
his name inserted as a voter in the
election of a knight in the lists
then next to be made, as herein-
after mentioned.
(21.) That in every election for
any city or borough, every male
person of full age, and not subject
to any legal incapacity, who shall
have occupied within any such city
or borough, or within any place
sharing in the election for such
city, &C., as owner or tenant, fior
twelve calendar months next per-
Z 2
340
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
vious to the first day of February,
] 832, or next prenous to tlic last
day of August iu any succeeding
year, any liouse assessed to the
duty on inhabitc<l houses upon a
yearly value of not less than ten
))ounds, or any house, warehouse,
or counting-house being, either
separately or jointly with any land
owned and occupied therewith, or
occupied therewith under the same
landlord, of the clear yearly value
of not less than ten pounds, or
any house, warehouse, or count-
ing-house, for which, whether se-
parately or jointly with any land
occupied therewith, under the
same landlord, he shall be bona
fide liable to a yearly rent of not
less than ten pounds, shall, if duly
registered, as hereinafter mention-
ed, have a right to vote in the
election of a member for such city,
^c, but no person so occupying
such premises, so assessed or rated
as aforesaid, or of the yearly value
or rent sis aforesaid, shall ac-
quire a vote unless he shall have
paid, on or before the twentieth
day of January, 1832, all the poor's
rates and assessed taxes which shall
have become payable from such
])erson in respect of such premise
previously to the eleventh day of
October then next preceding or
shall have paid on or before the
twentieth day of August in any
succeeding year all the poor's rates
and assessed taxes which shall have
lieen become payable from him in
respect of such premises previously
to the respective sixth day of April
then next preceding, nor unless
such person where his right to vote
shall depend upon his being bond
Jide liable to a yearly rent of not less
than ten pounds as aforesaid, shall
in addition to the payment of the
poor*s rates and assessed taxes as
aforesaid, have also paid on or be-
fore the said twentieth day of Jan-
uary, 1832, all the rent due firam
sucli ]>erson in respect of his preh
mises so rented previously to the
twenty-ninth day of September
then next preceding, or shall have
Said on or before the twentieth
ay of August in any succeeding
year, all the rent which shall have
become due from him in respect of
such premises so rented previously
to the respective twenty-fourth day
of June then next preoediog : but
no tenant so occupying such pre«
mises at a yearly rent oi not less
than ten pounds, shall acquire a
vote if by any agreement or oontrir-
ance or by any act of parliament, or
otherwise, the landlord shall, be
liable to the payment of the poor't
rates: but that nevertheless^ where
by any act of Parliament the land-
lord shall be liable to the payment
of such ratesj any such tenant maV
claim to be rated in respect of snen
premises, and upon fa is actually pay-
ing the full amount of the rates
then due, to acquire the same riglit
of voting as if his landlord had not
been so liable for such rates : and
the premises, in respect of the
occupation of which any pemn
shall be deemed entitled to vote in
the election for any dty or borough
shall be the same premises^ and
not different premises respectivdy
occupied for any portion of tM
said twelve months; and that
where such premises as aforesaid
shall be jointly occupied by more
than one person as tenant or owns,
each of such joint occupiers shall
be entitled to vote in case the ysnrly
value or yearly rent of such prenu-
ses, or the yearly value m ie«
spect of whidi they shall have hem
assessed or rated as aforesaid^ shall
be of an amount which, whoi di-
vided by the number of such occu-
piers, shall give a sum of not. leas
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 341
than ten pounds for eacb occupier, would entitle him then to vote if
but not otherwise : and no person such days were respectively the days
shall acquire a vote in the election of election^ nor unless such person
for any city or borough who shall should have resided for six calendar
within twelve calendar months months next previous to the first
next previous to the first day of day of February in the next year>
February, 1832, or next previous or next previous to the last day of
to the last day of August in any August in any succeeding year,
succeeding year have been in the within the city or borough, or
receipt of parochial relief. within the place sharing in the
(22.) Every person now having a election for the city or borough, in
right to vote for any city or borough respect of which city, borough, or
(except those in the said schedule place, such person shall respect-
A) in virtue of any corporate'right ively be entitled to vote, or with-
shall retain such right during his in seven statute miles thereof; and
life, and may vote if duly register- every person now having a right
ed as hereinafter mentioned ; and to vote in the election for any city'
every burgess or freeman of any or borough (except those in the
such city or borough, or person said schedule A ) in virtue of any
entitled to take up his freedom or qualification other than those here-
to be admitted to the freedom of inbefore reserved, shall retain such
any such city or borough, and right so long only as qualified bv
every son of a burgess or freeman the customs of such city or borougn
born previously to the passing of or any law now in force, and shall be
this act, and every apprentice entitled to vote if duly registered ;
bound to any person in any such but no Buch person shall be so re-
city or borough, previously to the gistered in the next or in any sue-
passing of this act, and every per- ceeding year, unless he shall, on
son who shall hereafter marry the the first day of February in the
widow or daughter of a freeman of next year, -and on the last day of
any such city or borough where August in each succeeding year,
the right of voting in the election continue to be qualified in such
for such city or borough is acquired manner as woold entitle him then
by marriage, such widow or daugh' to vote if such days were respect-
ter having been horn previously to ively the days of election, nor
the passing of this act, may have imless such person, where his
respectively the right of voting right to vote in the election for
either as a burgess or freeman, or any such city or borough shall de-
in the city of London as a freeman pend upon his estate or interest in
and liveryman, and shall enjoy any annuity or freehold, shall have
such right during their respective resided six calendar months next
lives, if duly registered ; but no previous to the first day of Febru**
person now having or hereafter ary in the next year, or next, pre-
acquiring such right shall be regis- vious to the last day of August in
tered in the next or in any succeed- each succeeding year, within such
ing year, unless he shall, on the first city or borough, or within seven
of February in the next year, or on statute miles thereof: but no per-
the last day of August in any sue- son elected a burgess or freeman of
ceeding year be qualified in respect any such city or borough since the
q( such rightj in such manner as first 4ay of March lastj otherwise
342 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
than ill respect of birth, marriage
or servitude, shiill vote for suc}i
city or honnigh^ or be so register-
ed ; and no person shall vote for
any sucli rity, Sic, or be so re-
gistere<), in respect of any estate
or interest in any burgage tenement
annuity or freehold which shall
have been acquired since the first
day of March last, unless the same
shall have come to such person
since that day, and previously to
tliis act, by descent, marriage,
marriage settlement, devise, or
promoti<m to any benefice in a
church, or by promotion to any
office.
(2.S.) Nominates thirty-onecom-
missioners, and provides that they
or any sixteen shall determine in
what manner each of the counties
enumerated in schedule (G) shall
thereafter be divided into two divi-
sions, as hereinbefore mentioned -,
and the said commissioners or any
sixteen shall also determine at
what principal place of election the
court for each division shall be
holden, and at what principal place
the court for the election for each
of the three ridings of Yorkshire,
and for the {mrts of Lindsey, and
for the parts of Kesteven and Hol-
land in the county of Lincoln, shall
be holden ; and the said commis-
sioners or any sixteen may incor-
porate (for the purposes of election
only) with any county, or with
any division, any outlying portions
of any other county locally situate
within the former ; and the said
commissioners or any sixteen shall
report in writing such their deter-
mination, and deliver such report,
within three months, to one of the
secretaries of state.
(24.) That the said commis-
sioners or any sixteen may in-
corporate for the purposes of this
act^ with any city or borough^ or
with any place sharing in tba
election for any city or barougii^
which shall respectively have the
right of sendinff a member to par-
liament, the whole or any part of
any one or more parisheSf tomi*
ships or other placet^ whedier ax-
tra-parochial or otherwisej any
part of which may he locally
situate within one statute nfle of
such city, &c., respectiYely ; and
the said commissioners or any aiz-
teen may ascertain and declare for
the purposes of this act, the limits
and boundaries of the several bo-
roughs mentioned in the said ache*
dules (C) and fD), and of audi
places mentioned in schedule (F)
as are not now incorporated hf
charter, according to the true
intent and meaning of the said
schedules and of this act ; and that
no fat BS relates to any city^ dr&i
which shall retain the right of
sending a member to pazliamen^
but which, in the judgment of the
said commissioners, or of any six-
teen, does not contain, or whsn
any place shall share in the dee-
tion then with itself and snch
place together, 300 housest, ware-
houses, or coutttingbousea in the
whole, being respectively assesswl
to the duty on inhabited hooaes
upon a yearly value of not Isss
than 10/., or respectively beiiiA
either separately, or jointly, wiS
any land occupied tberewitbi of
the clear yearly value of not less
than 10/., or ratM to the rdief of
the poor upon a yearly value of aot
less than 1 0/., or, band Jide, let at
a yearly rent of not less than lOLf
the said commissioners, or any aiz*
teen, shall incorporate with everj
such city, &c., for the purpoaea of
this act, the whole or any part of
any one or more parishes town-
ships, or other places, whether ez«
tra-parochial or othenriaa^ any
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 343
part of which may be locally si- commissioners ; and from the date
tuate within seven statute miles of of such proclamation relative to
such city^^&c ; and the said com- cities and boroughs, every such
missionersy or any sixteen, may city and borough as aioresaid
determiue what place within the shall, jointly with the wliole or
limits of any borough acquiring any part or parts of any parish,
by virtue of this act the right of township or place, parishes, town-
sending a member to parliament, ships, or places, incorporated with
shall be the principal place for such city or borough, or with any
holding the election for such bo- place sharing in the election for
rough, and in case they shall not such city or borough, by the de-
determine such principal place, termination of the saia commis-
then the returning officer shall ; sioners, be a city or borough for
and the said commissioners, or tlie purpose of electing a member
any sixteen, shall report in writing to parliament ; and tlie limits and
their determination on the several boundaries of every )3orough men-
matters aforesaid, and" shall de- tinned in the said schedules (C)
liver such report within three and (D), and of such places as
months after this act, to one of his aforesaid mentioned in the said
Majesty's principalSecretaries of schedule (F) shall be as declared
State. by the said commissioners : but if
(25.) That one of his Majesty *s either house of parliament shall,
principal Secretaries of State shall instead of voting an address to his
forthwith cause copies of such re- Majesty in any of the cases here-
ports to be laid before parliament, inbefore mentioned, vote that both
or if not sitting, then within ten or either of the said reports shall
days after their sitting ; and if be referred back to the said corn-
parliament shall vote addresses to missioners to be revised and
his Majesty, praying his Majesty amended ; in such case the said
to issue his royal proclamation for commissioners, or any sixteen, shall
making known the reports of the be required, from time to time, as
said commissioners, or either of such reports may be so refened
such reports, it shall be lawful for back to them to revise and amend
his Majesty to issue such his royal the reports so referred back, and
proclamation accordingly, and from immediately after Uie revision and
the date thereof, making known amendment thereof, to deliver the
the report of the said commission- same so revised and amended to
ers relative to counties, every one of his Majesty's principal Se-
county enumerated in the said cretaries of State, who shall forth-
schedule (G) shall, for the pur- with caus6 the same to be laid
poses of this act, be divided into before parliament, or if not sit-
two divisions, according to the de- ting, uten within ten days after
termination of the said commis- their sitting; and if parliament
sioners ^ and each division shall shall vote an address to his Ma-
return two knights ; and every jesty , praying his Majesty to issue
county or division of a county his royal proclamation fixr making
shall, for the purposes of this act, known the reports so revised and
include any portions of any other amended, his Mi^^ty may issue
county incorporated therewith by such his royal proclamation ac-
the determination of the said oordingly ; from the date of which
344 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
proclamation tlic divisions, iiiccir-
|M>rations, and other matters re-
spectirely determined in the re-
|M>rt shall take effect.
(2G.) That for the purpose of
collecting information for enabling
the said commissioners to execute
their several powers, any one or
more of the said commissioners is
authorized to issue precepts under
his hand, requiring any ix^rsons
to attend before him for giving
evidence, and to bring before him
any books, pa|)ers or other docu-
ments of a public nature, except
muniments of title.
(27.) That New Shoreham shall,
for the purposes of this act, in-
clude the whole of the rape of
Bramber, in the county of Sus-
sex, except the borough and parish
of Horsham ; and the borough of
Cricklade shall include the hun-
dreds and divisions of High worth,
Cricklade, Staple, Kingsbridge and
Malmsbury, in the county of Wilts,
except the borough and parish of
Malmsbury; and the borough of
Aylesbury shall include the three
hundreds of Aylesbury, in the
county of Buckingham ; and the
borough of East Retford shall in-
clude the hundred of Basset law,
in the county of Nottingham, and
all places locally situate within
the outside boundary of the hun-
dred of Bassctlaw, or surrounded
by such boundary and by any part
of the county of York or county of
Lincoln : but every person now
having a right to vote for New
Shoreham, in respect of any free-
hold situate in the borough or
parish of Horsham, and every
])erson now having a right to vote
for Cricklade, in resi)ect of any
freehold situate in the borough or
parish of Malmsbury, shall re-
spectively retain sucii right for
the several boroughs of New
Shoreham and Cricklade including
as aforesaid, subject always to the
conditions hereinbefore jnentioned
with regard to the reservation of
the right of voting for any borough
in respect of freehold.
(29.) That the overseers of
every parish and township shall;
at the expense of such parish or
township, on or before the first of
February, 1832, and on or before
the last of August in each suc-
ceeding year, make out> according
to a prescribed and alphabeticu
list of all persons entitled to be
registered as voters in the eleo*
tion for the county, for any lands,
&c«, situate within such parish^
&c., and in such list the christian
name and surname of every person
shall be written at full tength,
together ^vith the place of his
abode,- the nature of his qualifies*
tion, and the name of the street^
lane, or other description of the
place where such landsj &c, may
be situate ; and the said overseers
shall sign such list, and shall
cause a sufficient number of copies
of such list to be printed at the
expense of their parish or town-
ship, and shall cause such copies
to be fixed on or near the doors of
all the churches and chapels with-
in such parish or township^ or if
there be no such church or chapelj
then in some public and con-
spicuous situation within the same
respectively, on the two Mondays
next after such list shall have been
made, there to continue during
the remainder of each week ; and
the said overseers shall likewise
keep a true copy of such list, to
be perused by any person, free, at
all reasonable hours during the
two first weeks after such list
shall have been made; and the
said overseers shall, on or befoird
the twenty-fifth day (tf Febnuryi
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
345
1832, and on or before the twenty-
fifth day of September, in each
succeeding year, deliver such lidt
to the high constable of the hun-
dred or other like district wherein
such parish or township lies, who
shall forthwith deliver the same to
the clerk of the peace of the
county : but every precinct or
place, whether extra^parochial or
otherwise, which shall have no
overseers, shall be deemed to be
within the parish or township
adjoining thereto, being situate
within the same county, or the
same part, riding, or division of a
county, as such precinct or place ;
and if such precinci or place shall
adjoin two or more such parishes,
it shall be deemed to be within
the least populous according to the
last census ; and the overseers of
every such parish or township
shall insert in the list for their
respective parish or township the
names of all persons entitled to be
registered as voters, &c., for the
county, in respect of any lands,
&c., situate wholly or in part
within such precinct or place.
(30.) That every person omitted
in any such list, and who shall
claim to have his name inserted
therein, shall, on or before the
last day of February, 1832, and
on or before the last day of Sep-
tember in every succeeding year,
give a notice m writing to the
overseers of the parish, &c.,
wherein the lands, &c., may, be
wholly or in part situate, in re-
spect of whioh he claims to have
his name inserted in such list;
and every person objecting to any
other person as not intitled to have
his name retained on any such
list shall, on or before the last day
of February, 1832, and on or be-
fore the last day of September in
every succeeding year^ give a notice
in writing to the overseers who
made out such list, and shall also,
on or before, &c., give to the
person objected to, or leave at his
usual place of abode; or send by
the post directed to him at his
usual place of abode, a notice in
writing; and the overseers shall
include the names of all persons so
claiming, and so objected to, in
notices prescribed, and shall cause
copies to be fixed on or near the
doors of all the chxurches and
chapels within their parish or
township, or if there be no such
church or chapel, then in some
public and conspicuous situation
within the same respectively, on
the Monday next preceding the
tenth day or March, 1832, and on
the Monday next preceding the
tenth day of October in every
succeeding year ; and the over-
seers shall likewise keep a copy of
the names of all the persons so
claiming and so objected to> to be
perused by any person, free, at all
reasonable hours during the seven
days next preceding the said tenth
day of March in the said year>
and the said tenth day of October
in every succeeding year.
(31.) That the chief justice of
the King^s Bench, immediately
after the passing of this act^ and
in each succeeding year, in July
or August, shall appoint for Mid-
dlesex, and the juages of any of
the superior courts at Westmin-
ster, named in the last commission
of assize for every other county,
immediately after the passing of
this act, and in each succeeding
year, the judges or judge of any of
the said courts named in the com-
mission of assize for every such
other county, or the survivor of
them, when travelling the sanitner
circuit, shall appoint for ererj
such county^ ana of YcnJnhire for
346 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1881.
each riding) subject to the ap« (34.) That for assisting tli«
probatiou of the lord high chan- overseen in making out their listi,
ccllor), a barrister to revise the the town*clerk or other like officer
lists of voters in the election of a of every city^ or borough or place
knight of the shire ; and such bar- sharinff in tlie election therewith^
ristcr so appointed, shall give shall (upon request, during Ja-
public notice^ as well by advertise- nuary, 1 832, or during the month
ment in some of the newspapers of August in any succeeding year,
circulating within the county or by any of the overseers within
riding, as also by a notice to be such city, &c.) deliver to such
fixed in some public and con* overseer an alphabetical list of all
spicuous situation at the prin* the freemen of such city, Ac, en*
cipal place of election for the titled to vote for such city. SiCm, by
county or riding, or for each di- virtue of any corporate right here*
vision of the county, that he will by saved, together with their re«
make a circuit of the county or spective places of abode,
riding for which he shall be so ap- (35.) That every precinct or
pointed, and of the several times place, whether extra parochial or
and places at which he will hold otherwise, having no oyeraoerip
courts for that purpose, being be- which now is or hereafter may be
tween the tenth day of March in- within any city, &c., ahallj for the
elusive, and the twenty-fifth day purpose ot making out the Ibt of
of April inclusive, 1 832, and be- voters, be deemed to be within the
tween the tenth day of October parish or township adjoining there-
inclusive, and the twenty-fifth day to ; and if such precinct or place
of November inclusive, in every shall adjoin two or more each
subsequent year, and he shall hold parishes, &c., it shall be dewnrf
such courts, &c. ; and where two to be within the least popidoiUb
or more barristers shall be appoint^ according to the last cenaus ; and
ed for the same county or nding, the overseers of every such pariah,
they shall attend at the same &c., shall insert in the list the
places togetlier, but shall hold se- names of all persons entitled to be
parate courts at the same time : registered as voters for any audi
but no such barrister shall be city or borough in respect of any
eligible to parliament for eighteen property occupied by such persons
months from his appointment for within such city, &c., such pro«
the county, &c., for which he shall perty being situate wholly or in
be so appointed. part within such precinct or place.
(32.) That the clerk of the (36.) Persons omitted in the
peace and overseers shall attend borough or city lists to give notice
before the barristers, who shall, on of their claims to overseers ; and
due proof, insert and expunge notices as to persons not entitled
names fi*t)n] the county lists, and to be retained in the lists, and lista
rectify mistakes therein. of claimants and of peramia ob-
(33.) That the overseers of the jected to, to be published, &&,
poor of every parish and town- as directed in counties in dause
ship, &c, shall prepare lists of 30.
persons entitled to vote in cities (No. 1.) That for providing a
or boroughs, in like manner as for list of the liverymen entitled to
oounties as detailed in clause 29. vote for the city of Londoo« the
PUBLIC DOGUMENTlS.
Si7
returning offioer shall^ on or before
the first day of February^ 1832^
and on or before the last day of
August in each suoceediog year,
issue precepts to the clerks of the
companies, requiring them forth*
with to make out at the expense
of the respective companies, an
alphabetical list of the said livery-
men entitled to vote ; and every
such clerk shall sign such list, and
transmit the same, with two
printed copies thereof, to such re«
turning officer, who shall forth-
with fix one such copy in the
Guildhall, and one in the Royui
Exchange, there to remain four«
teen days ; and shall cause a suf-
ficient number of such lists to be
printed at the expense of the re-
spective companies, and shall keep
the same to be perused by any
person, free, during the two first
weeks after such lists shall be
printed ; and every person omitted
in any such list, and who shall
claim to have his name inserted'
therein, shall, on or before the last
day of February, 1832, and on
or before the last day of Septem-
ber in every succeeding year, give
notice in writing, to the returning
officer, and to the clerk of that
company, in the list whereof he
shall claim to have his name in-
serted; and the returning officer
shall include the names of all
persons so claiming in a notice,
and shall cause such notice to be
fixed in the Guildhall and Royal
Exchange on the Monday next
preceding the tenth day of March,
1832, and on the Monday next
preceding^ the tenth day of Oc-
tober in every succeeding year;
and they shall likewise keep a copy
of the names of all persons so claim-
ing, to be perused by any person,
free, during the seven days next
preceding the said tenth day of
March, 1832, and the said tenth
day of October in every suooeed-
ing year; and every person who
shall object to any other person as
not intitled to have his name re-
tained on any such list, shall, on or
before the last day of FelMrnary,
1832, and on or before the last
day of September in every suc-
ceeding year, give to such other
person, or leave at his usual place
of abode, a notice in writing $ and
the returning officer shall take the
poll of such liverymen 5 and not
be required to provide any such
booth or compartments, but shall
take one poll for all such livery-
men at the same place.
(B.) Judges of Assise to name
barristers to revise the lists of bo-
rough and city voters in like man-
ner as directed for counties in
clause 31.
(370 The barrister so appointed
to revise lists of borough and city
voters, and, upon due proof, to in-
sert and expunge names and rec-
tify mistakes.
(38.) That the overseers of
every parish or township ^all
(upon reauest made by them, or
any of tnem, at any reasonable
time between the first day of Ja-
nuary and the first day of Feb-
ruary, 1832, and between the first
day of July, and the last day of
August in any succeeding year, to
any assessor or collector m taxes,
or to any other officer having the
custody of any dujdicate or tax
assessment for such parish or
township) have free liberty to in-
spect any each duplicate or tax
assessment, and to extract from
thence necessary names; and every
barrister holding any court may
require any assesscn*, collector oi
taxes, or other officer having the
custody of any duplicate or tax
assessment; or any overseer kaving
348 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the custcKly of any [Hxff rate, to
produce the same respectively be-
fore him.
(30.) That every barriHter hold-
ing any court may adjourn the
same, and from any one place to
any other phu*c within the same
county or riding, or within the
same city or borough, ike. but so
as that no such adjourned court in
the year 1 S'S2, shall 1)c held after
the 'Jjth day of April in the said
year, and that no such adjourned
court in any succeeding year, shall
lie held after the 25th (fay of No-
vembiT in such re8i)ective year;
and every such barrister may ad«
minister an ojith, or aflfirmation, to
tUl |)ersons making objection to
the insertion or omission of any
name in such lists, and to all jR^r-
sons objecte<l against, or claiming
to be inserted in such lists, or
claiming to have any mistake cor-i
rectod, and to all witnesses ; and
at the holding of such res{)ectivc
courts the parties shall not be cit-
tendeil by (*ounsel : and every such
Imrrister shall, upon the hearing
in o|H'n court, finally determine
U|Mni the validity of such claims
and objections, and shall in open
court write his initials against
the names res}H'ctively struck out
or insi'rti'tl, and against any |)art of
the siiid lists in which any mis-
takes shall have Ikhju corrected,
and shall sign his name to every
imgi\
( U).> That the lists of voters for
oacli (*ounty, &c., so signetl by any
such Iwrris'ter, shall be forthwith
transmittinl to the clerk of the
|K*aix» of the ivunty, who shall keep
the said lists among the records of
the st^ssions, aiTanged with every
hundred, and parish, and township
iu alphabetical onler, and shall
cause the said lists to be truly
copied in the same order in a
book to be by him provided at the
expense of the couDty or riding,
and shall prefix to every name its
proper number, beginning tfae
numbers from the first name and
continuing them in a regular se*
ries down to the last name, and
sh:dl deliver such book on or be-
fore the last day of April, 1832^
and on or before the last day of
November in every sucoeediDg
year, to the sheriff or his under-s
sheriff, who shall deliver over the
same to their respective successors;
and the lists of voters for each
city or borough, shall be delivered
to the returning officer who shall
safely keep them, and cause them
to be truly copied in a book pro*
videtl for that purpose at the ex«
pense of the county, with every
name therein numbered according
to the directions aforesaid, ana
shall cause such book to be com-
pleted on or before the last day of
April, 1832, and on or before the
last day of November in every
succeeding year, and shall deliver
over such book, together with the
lists to his successor; and such
respective books to be so com-
pleted on or before the last day of
April, 1832, shall be deemed the
registers of electors for the several
counties, parts, ridings, and divi*
sions of counties, cities and bo-
roughs to which such registers re-
spectively relate, after the said
last day of April in the said year,
and before the first day of Decem-
ber in the next year; and such
respective books to be so completed
on or before the last day of Nor
vember in such next and in every
succeeding year shall be the regis-
ters of the electors to vote between
the 1st day of December induaive
in the year wherein such registers
shall have been made, and the istday
of December in the following year.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
(C) That the orerseers of every (49.) But by petition to the
parish aod towoBhtp, and the House of Commous, complaining
clerks of the peace for the coun- of an undue election of any knight,
ties, ridings, &c., shall cause to be citizen or burgess, any petitioner
printed, at the expense of their re< may question the correctness of
spective parishes, &c., andcounties, the register, and prove that names
&c. copies of the lists which shall irere improperly retaiued, inserted,
be gireu to all persons applying, OD expunged or omitted in the lists
payment of a reasonable price. from vhich the register shall
(D) That eiery barrister ap- have been constituted;- and the
pointed to revise any lists, shall committee may inquire lata the
be paid at the rate of five guineas same, and alter the poll and re-
fnr every da^ above his travelling port the same to the House, and
and other expenses. the return shall be amended, or
(41.) That in all elections no the election declared void, as the
inquiry shall be permitted at poll- cnse may be, iiiui tiie iL-gister cor-
ing, as to the right of any person reeled accordingly; and in case
to vote, except only whether the of corruption, partiality, or wilful
person claiming to vote be the misconduct on the part of such
same whose name appears in such barrister, may order such costs to
register, and whether hisqualifi- be paid by him to the ])etitionVi-
cation stilt continues, and lie has as such committee shall think
previously voted, all which in- reasonable : and any person whose
quiries the returning officer or his name may have been rejected or
respective deputyshall, if required, expunged by the barrister, may,
by any candidate, make from eadi notwithstanding, tender his vote
voter at tendering his vote, and not at such election, and his vote may
after, and shall also, if so required, be placed upon the poll by the
administer an oath, or affirmation, committee.
to such voter, in the form pre- (.-^3.) That the sheriffs shall
scribed, and no elector shall be re- duly cause proclamation to he
quired to take any oath or affirm- mane of the several days fixed for
ation, except as aforesaid, in proof the election of a knight of the
of his freehold, residence, agej or aliire for the several parts, ridings,
other qualification to vote ; and no and divisions of their said respect-
person claiming to vote shall be ivc counties, and shall preside at
excluded from voting, except by the same b]f themselves or their
its appearing tc the returning of- lawful deputies,
fleer or his respective deputy that (44.) Tbatif on theOay ofelec-
the person so daiming is not the tionfor anycounty,orforanypart,
same person whose name appears &c., mure oaiididates shall be pro-
in such register, or that bis qua- posed than the number of va-
lification does not still continue, or cancies, and a poll shall be de-
that he has previously polled, or manded, the jwlling shall com-
by his refusing to take the said meiice at nine o'clock in the fore-
oath, or make the said affirmation, noon of the next day but one after
or to any other oath or affirmation the day fixed Itir the election, un-
not hereby dispensed with ; and less such next day but one shall be
no scrutiny shall hereafter be al- Siindar, and then on the Monday
lowed before anyreturnjiig officer, following, at the principal place of
350
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
election, and also at the several
places to be appointed as herein-
after directed for taking }K)1]s;
and such polling shall continue for
two days only, such two days being
successive days, except where Sun-
day shall intervene; (that is to
say) for seven hours on the first
day of pollings and for eight hours
on the second day of polling ; and
no poll shall be kept open later
than four o'clock in the afternoon
of the second day.
(45.) That after such royal pro-
clamation as hereinbefore mention-
ed shall have been issued^ making
known the divisions, the justices
for every county at the quarter
sessions next after such proclama-
tion, or at some special sessions to
be appointed by them (and of
which there shall be given at least
ten days' public notice), shall di-
vide their respective counties, and
parts, ridings and divisions of
counties, into convenient districts
for polling, and shall appoint in
each district a convenient place
for taking the poll, so that no
person shall travel more than fif-
teen miles from the property in
respect of which he claims to vote;
but no county, or part^ &c., shall
have more than nfteen districts
appointed for taking the poll, and
the justices may appoint other dis-
tricts and places for polling every
two years from the respective pre-
ceding appointment ; and a list of
the districts and places for polling
shall be lodged with the clerk of
the peace of each county, who
shall forthwith cause copies to be
printed, at the expense of the
county, and to be fixed on or near
the doors of the churches and cha-
pels within each county, or part, &c.,
according to the last appointment ;
and the polling shall take place
according to the list last lodged.
(46. ) That at every election ibr
any county, or part, &c., the the*
riff, under-sheriiOr, or sheriff's de«
puty shall, if required thereto on
behalf of any candidate od the
day fixed for the election, and if
not so required may, if it Bhall
appear to him expedient, cause to
be erected a reasonable number oC
booths for taking the poll at each
polling-place so appointed and to
be affixed on the most conspicaoue
part of each booth the names of
the several parishes, townships^
and places for which such booth
is respectively allotted; and no
person shall vote in respect of any
property situate in any parish,
township or place for which any
booth is allotted, except at the
booth so allotted ; but if any pa^
rish, township or place, shall not
be included in any district the
votes in respect of property situate
in any parish, township or place so
omitted shall be taken at the prin«
cipal place of election.
(47') That the sheriff may ap-
point deputies to preside and
clerks to take the poll, and the
})o]l-clerk8 shall, at the dose of
each day's polly enclose and seal
their several books, and publidy
deliver them to the sheriff, under^
sheriff, or sheriff's deputy, pre-
siding at such poll, who shall giye
a receipt for the same, and shall on
the commencement of the poll on
the second day, deliver them haxk,
so enclosed and sealed ; and on the
final close of the poll every such
deputy, shall forthwith transmit
the same so enclosed and sealed,
to the sheriff or his undel^•sheriff,
who shall keep all the poll-booka
unopened until the re-assemhling
of the court on the day next but
one after the close of the poll,
unless such next day but one shall
he Sunday, and then on the Mon-
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
361
day following when he shall openly
break the seals thereon^ and cast
up the number of votes as they
appear on the said several books^
and shall openly declare the state
of the poll, and shall make pro*
clamation of the member or mem*
hers chosen not later than two
Q^clock in the afternoon of the said
day.
(48.) That at every election ftxr
any city or borough except Mon*
mouthy the poll shall commence
on the day fixed for the election,
or on the day next following^ or at
the latest on the third day, unless
' any of the said davs shall be Sun«
day, and then on the Monday fol-
lowing, at the discretion of the
returning officer^ in case the can-
didates do not agree ; and shall
continue for two successive days,
only, except where Sunday shall
intervene; that is to say, for seven
hours at least on the first day, and
for eight hours on the second day
of polling; and the poll shall on
no account be kept open later than
four o'clock in the afternoon of
such second day, but nothing shall
prevent any returning oiiicer, or
his lawful deputy, from closing
the poll earlier where it might
have been lawfully closed berore
this act.
(49.) That at every election for
any city or borough except Mon-
mouth, there shall be appointed
for taking the poll difierent booths
for different parishes, districts or
parts of such city or borough,
which booths may be situated
either in one place or in several
places, and shall be so divided into
compartments as to the returning
officer shall seem most convenient,
80 that no greater number than 600
shall be required to poll at any one
compartment ; and the returning
officer shall appoint a clerk to take
the poll at each compartment, and
shall cause to be affixed on the
most conspicuous part of each of
the said booths^ the names of the
several parishes* districts and parts
for whids such booth is reKptcU
ividy allotted; and no one shall
vote except at the booth allotted
for the parish, district, at part
wherein the property may be Mtu«
ate in respect or which ne claims
to vote, or whereiii his place of
abode as described in the register
may be; but no booth shul be
provided for any particular parish^
district or part as aforesaid, the
votes in respect of property situate
in any parish, district or part so
omittedi may be taken at any
booth ; and the votes of the free-
men residing out of the limits of
the city or borough, but with-
in seven statute miles thereof,
may be taken at any booth ;
ana public notice of the sit*
nation, division and allotment
of the different booths shall be
given three days before the com-
mencement of the poll, by the re-
turning officer; and in case the
booths shall be situated in differ-
ent places, the returning officer
may appoint a deputy to preside
at each place ; [similar enactments
to those of the 47th sec. Q but
the retiurning officer, or his lawful
deputy, may, if he think fit, de-
clare the final state of the poll,
and proceed to make the return
imm^iately after the poll shall
have been lawfully dosea : and no
nomination shall be made, or elec-
tion holdeui for any city or bo-
rough, in any churchf chapel, or
other place of public worship.
(50.) That all booths shall be
erected at the joint and equal ex-
pense of the several candidates,
aad by contract with the candid-
ates, if they will make sudi con-
352
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tracts or if they shall not make
such contract^ then, by tlic sheriff
or other returning oiticcr^ at the
expense of the several c^indidates ;
and the deputies apjKiintcd by the
sheriff or other returning officer,
shall be paid each two guineas by
the day, and the clerks employed
in taking the poll shall be paid
each one guinea by the day, at the
expense of the candidates : but if
any person shall be pro])osed with-
out his consent, then the person
proposing him shall defray his
share of the said expenses as if he
had been a candidate : but nothing
shall prevent the candidates or any
sheriff or other returning officer
from hiring houses or other build-
ings for taking the poll, subject to
the same regulations as booths.
(i")!.) That the sheriff or other
returning officer shall, before the
day fixed for the election, cause to
be made for the use of each booth
or other ])ol ling- place, a true copy
of the register of voters, and shall
under his hand certify every such
copy to be true.
(5ii.) That every deputy of a
sheriff or other returning officer
may administer oaths and affirma-
tions, and appoint commissioners
as the sheriff or other returning
officer, subject to the same regu-
lations.
(/;,S.) That every person having
a right to vote for the borough of
Monmouth, in respect of the towns
of Newport or Usk, may give his
vote at Newport or Usk respect-
ively, before the mayor or other
municipal officer ; and every per-
son having a right to vote for any
shire-town or borough, in respect
of any place named in the first
column of schedule (F) may vote
at such place before the mayor or
other municipal officer ; and every
person having a right to vote for
the borough composed of the towns
of Swansea, Lougher, Neath, Aber-
aven, and Ken-ng, may vote at the
town in respect of which he shall
be entitled to vote; (that is to
say,) at Swansea before the port*
reeve of Swansea, and at each of
the other towns before the mayor
or other municipal officer ; and at
every election for Monmoath, or
for any shire-town or borou^
named in the second colunin of the
said schedule (F) or for the bo-
rough composed of the said five
towns, the polling shall commence
on the day fixed for the respective
election, as well at Monmouth as
at Newport and Usk respectively,
and as well at the shire-town or
borough as at each of the places
sharing in the election there-
with respectively, and as well at
Swansea as at each of the four
towns respectively ; and shall con-
tinue for two successive days only,
except intervening Sunday; that
is to say, for seven hours at the
least on the first day of polling,
and for eight hours on the second
day of polling, and shall on no ac-
count be kept open later than four
o'clock in the afternoon of such se-
cond day 5 and the returning of-
ficer of the borough of Monmouth
shall give to the mayor or other
municipal officer of Newport and
Usk respectively, and the retum«
ing officer of every shire-town or
borough named in the second co«
lumn of the said schedule (F)
shall give to the mayor or ot^er
municipal officer of each of the
places sharing in the election for
such shire-town or borough, notice
of the day fixed for such respective
election, and shall before such day
cause to be made, and to be deli-
vered to every such mayor or other
municipal officer, a true copy of
the register of voters for the bo-
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
353
rough of Monmouth or for such
shire-town or borough, and shall
under his hand certify every such
coi)y to be true ; and the portreeve
of the town of Swansea shall give
notice of the day of election to the
mayor or other municipal officer
of the towns of Lougher, Neath,
Aberaven and Ken-fig, and shall
in like manner cause to be made,
and to be delivered to every such
mayor or other municipal officer, a
true and certified copy of the re-
gister of voters for the borough
composed of the said five towns ;
and the respective mayors or other
municipal officers of Newport and
of Usk, and of the respective
places named in the first column
of the said schedule (F) as well as
of the towns of Lougher, Neath
Aberaven, and Ken-fig, shall re-
spectively take, manage and deli-
ver or transmit the polls in the
same manner as the deputies of the
returning officers of the cities and
boroughs in England.
(54.) That all laws and usages
respecting elections shall remain
in full force, except so far as alter-
ed or inconsistent herewith.
(56.) That if any person in the
enjoyment of any office now by law
disqualifying him from giving his
vote shall vote, he shall be liable
to all penalties to which he would
have been subject at the passing of
this act ; and in case of a petition
to the House of Commons, his vote
shall be struck ofi^ by the commit-
tee, with costs.
(57.) That if any person shall
personate any voter or vote twice,
he shall be guilty of a misdemean-
our, and be for ever disqualified
from voting, and be liable to such
fine, not exceeding 50/. or imprison-
ment not exceeding six months, as
the court shall think fit ; and in
case of a petition to the House of
Vol. LXXIII.
Commons, his vote shall be struck
off by the committee, with costs.
(58.) That all writs for elections,
and mandates, precepts, instru-
ments, proceedings and notices
consequent upon such writs, shall
be framed conformably to this act.
(59.) Nothing shaJl affect the
election of members for the uni-
versities of Oxford or Cambridge,
or shall entitle any person to vote
for the city of Oxford or town
of Cambridge, in respect of the oc-
cupation of any chambers or pre-
mises in any of the colleges or halls
of the universities of Oxford and
Cambridge.
(60.) Misnomers shall not vi-
tiate any proceedings under this
act.
Schedules to which the foregoing
Act refers.
Schedule (A.)
Aldeburgh, Suffolk.
Appleby, Westmoreland.
Bedwin (Great), Wilts.
Beeralston, Devonshire.
Bishop's Castle, Salop.
Blechingley, Surrey.
Boroughbridge, Yorkshire.
Bossiney, Cornwall.
Brackley, Northampton.
Bramber, Sussex.
Callington, Cornwall.
Camelford, ditto.
Castle Rising, Norfolk.
Corfe Castle, Dorsetshire.
Downton, Wilts.
Dunwich, Suffolk.
Eye, ditto.
Fowey, Cornwall.
Gatton, Surrey.
Haslemere, ditto.
Hedon, York.
Heytesbury, Wilts.
Higham Ferrers^ Northampton.
Hindon, Wilts.
Ilchester, Somersetshure.
2 A
354 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831,
East Looo, Cornwall.
M'cSt L<HH», iHtto
Lostwitliicl, ditto.
Liidgerslmll, Wilts.
Midliurst, Sussex.
MillNirnc Port, Sonicrsi'tshiiv.
Minolioad, ditto.
Nt»\v|K»rt, Cornwall.
Newton. Lancasliiro.
NVwtown, Isle of Wiglit, Hants.
Orford, Suffolk.
Potorsfield, Hants.
Plynipt4»n, Devonshire.
(jiieenl)onmg1ij Kent.
Komney (New) ditto.
St. (lormain's, CiiriiMall,
St. M awe's, ditto.
St. Michael's «)r Midshall, ditto.
Old Sarnni. Wilts.
Soaford. Sussex.
Steyniug, ditto.
Stoekhridge, Hants,
Trei^ony , ('i»rnwall .
Warehani , Dorsetshire.
Weiidover, Bucks.
Weohlv, Fleretortlshirc.
Whitehun'h, Hants.
AVinclu'lsea, Sussex.
Wj)odstiK'k, Oxfordshire.
Wootton Basset, Wilts.
Yarmouth, Isle of Wight, Hants.
SlIIKDULE (B.)
Aldhon>ugh, York.
Amershau). Hueks.
Arundel, Sussex.
Ashhurton, J)evon.
Btxlniin, Cornwall.
Hridport* Dorsetshire.
I^ickinghau), Buckinghamshire.
Chippenham, Wiltshire.
Cllllienv, Lancashire.
Cockorniouth, Cumberland.
Dorcliester, Dorsetshire.
I ) roi t wich, Worcestersh i re.
Kvesliani. ditto.
Cirinishy (Great), Lincolnshire.
(Irinstead (Kast), Sussex,
fiuildford, Surrey-
llebtun, Cornwall.
HonitOD, Devonshire.
Huntin^on, Huntingdonshrre.
Hy the, Kent.
Launceston, Cornwall.
LiskeanI, Cornwall.
Lyme Kegis^ Doraetsliire.
Lymington, Hants.
^faldon, Essex.
Malmesbury, Wilts.
Marlborough, ditto.
Marlow (Cvreat) Bucks.
Okehampton, Devonshire.
Rcigatc, Surrey.
Richmond, York.
Rye, Sussex.
St. Ives, Cornwall.
Saltash, ditto.
Shaftesbury, Dorsetshire.
Sudbury, Suffolk.
Thetford, Norfolk.
Thirsk, York.
Totness, Devonshire.
Wallingford, Berkshire.
Wilton, Wilts.
SciIBDUIiS (G.)
Principal Places to be Boroittks^
Manchester, indudine township of
Manchester, townships of Chori-
ton-row, Ardwicke, Beswick^
Ilulme, Cheethaoa, Bradford,
Newton and Harpurhey, in the
hundred of Salford, Lancashire.
— ReturniHg Officer. The bo-
roughreeve and constaMes of
Manchester.
Birmingham, including town of
Birmingham, parish of Frighas
ton, townships of Bordesleyj
Duddeston and Nechels, and
Deritcnd, Warwickshire^^A. O.
The two bailiffs oi the town of
Birmingham.
Leeds, including the borough and
lil)erty of Leeds, YorkAire.^-
N, (). The mayor of Leeds.
(ii-eenwich^ including the parishes
of (ii-eenwich; St. Nicholas, and
St. i'anl, Deptford; and WooI«
wich, Kent.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
3ffff
Sheftield^ including townships of
Sheffield^ Ecclesall^ Brightside,
Nether Hallam, Upper Hallam,
and Attercliffe - cum - Darnall^
Yorkshire. — R* 0. The master
cutler.
Sunderland, including parishes of
Sunderlandj Bi$hopwearmouth>
and Monkawearroouth^ Durham.
Devonport, including the town of
Devonport, parish of Stoke Da^
merell^ and township of Stone-
house, Devonshire.
Wolverhampton, including town-
ships of Wolverhampton, Bil-
ston^ Willenhall^ Wednesfieldi
and parish of Sedgley, Stafford-
shire.— JR. O. Constable of the
manor of the deanery of Wol-
verhampton.
Tower Hamlets, including the
Tower division, in Ossukton
Hundred, and the liberty of the
Tower, Middlesex,
Finsbury, including the Finsbury
division, in Ossulston Hundred,
Middlesex, and parishes or dis«
tricts of St. Andrew Hoi born
and St. George the Martyr, Saf-
fron Hill, Hatton Garden, Ely
Rents, Ely Place, Liberty of the
Rolls, St. Giles-in-t he- Fields,
and St. George, Bloontisbury,
Middlesex.
Mary-le-Bone, including parishes
of St. Mary-le-Bone, St. Pan-
eras, and Paddington, Middle-
sex.
Lambeth, including parishes of 8t.
Mary Lambeth, St. Mary New-
ington, Bermondsey, Rother-
hithe, and Camberwell, Surrey.
SCHBDULB (D.)
Principal Places to he Boroughs,
Ash ton - under - Lyne, including
town of Ashton-under^Lyne,
Lancashire.
Brighthelinstone, including town of
Brighthelmstone^ JSussex. — Re*
iurning Officer. The constable of
the Hunarad of Whalesbone.
Bolton-le«Mo(H>s, including town-
ships of Great and Little Bolton,
Lancashire. «^/2. O. The bo-
roughreeves of Great and Little
Bolton.
Blackburn, jnduding town of
Blaokbum> Lnncashire.
Bradford, induding town of Brad-
ford, Yorkshire.
Bury, indudingtownof Burji Lan-
cashire.
Cheltenham, ioduding town and
parish of Cheltenham, Glouoes^
tershire.
Dudley, induding parish of Dud-
ley, Worcestershire.
Frome, including town of Frome,
Somersetshire.
Gateshead, induding parish of
Gateshead, Durham.
Halifax, induding town of Holilax,
Yorkshire,
Huddersiield, indudiqg parish of
Huddersfidd, Yorkshire.
Kidderminster, induding towaof
Kidderminster^ Worcestershire.
—KO. High bailiff,
Kendal, including town of Kendal,
and township of Kirkland, West-
moreland.— 22. O. Mayor.
Macclesfield, induding town of
Macclesfield, Chediire.— -jR. O.
Mayor.
Oldham, indudine townships of
Oldham, Chad<^rton| Cromp-
ton, andRoyton, LracashiFe.
Rochdale, induding town of Rodi-
dale, Lancashire.
Salford, induding townsbips of
Sal^Mrd, Pendleton, and Brough-
ton, Lancashire. — /2. O. Bo-
roughreeve of Salford.
South Shields, induding the town
iA South Shields, and towndiip
of Westoe, Doi^om.
Stockport, induding town of
Stockport, Cheshire. -^ R. O.
Mayor.
2 As
356 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Stoke-upon-Trent, including town-
ships of Longton and Lane End,
Fenton Culvert, Fenton Vivian,
Fenkhull and Boothen, Shelton,
Hanley, Burslem, with the Vill
of Ruston Grange and the Ham-
let of Sneyd, Tunstall, Chell,
and Oldcott, Staffordshire.
Stroud, including the town of
Stroud, parish of Minching
Hampton, Gloucestershire.
Tyncmouth, including township
of Tynemouth, and town of North
Shields, Northumberland.
Wakefield, including town of
Wakefield, Yorkshire,
Walsall, including borough and
foreign of Walsall, Staffordshire.
—12. O. Mayor.
Warrinffton, including town of
Warrington, Lancashire.
Whitby, including townships of
Whitby, Ruswarp, and Haws«
ker-cum-Stainsacre, Yorkshire.
Whitehaven, including town of
Whitehaven, and town of Work«
ington, Cumberland.
Schedule (E.)
Cities and Boroughs.
Kingston - upon - Hull, including
the parishes of the Holy Trinity
and Saint Mary, and Garrison
side, in the county of the town
of Kingston -upon- Hull, and
Sulcoates, Yorkshire.
Penryn, including the town of Fal-
mouth, Cornwall.
Portsmouth, including the parish
of Portsea, county of South-
ampton.
Rochester, including Chatham and
Stroud, Kent.
Sandwich, including the parishes
of Deal and Wallmer, Kent.
Southwark, including the parish
of Christchurch and Clink Li-
berty, Surrey.
SCHKDULB (F.)
Placei sharinur in the
»««r
Amlwch, Holyhead, and Llangefiii,
sharing with Beaumaris. (An-
glesey.;!
Aberystwithi Lampeter^and Adpar,
sharing with Cardigan. (Qor.
digan.)
Llanelly> sharing with Caennar-
then. (Caermarthen.)
Pwllheli, Nevin, Conway^ Bangor,
Cricceith^ sharing with Caeiv
narvon. (Caernarvon.)
Ruthin, Holt, town of Witeham,
sharing with Denbigh. (Den-
bi§h.)
Rhyddlan,
Uaergwrley, St. Aa^ihj ^Miy
Overton, Caerwis,
well, Mold, sharing with Hint
(Flint.)
Llandaff, Cowbridge, Merthyr
Tydvil, Aberdare,^ Lkntriatait^
sharing with CordiiF. (Gbunor-
gan.)
Llanidloes, Welsh Pool^ Madiyii-
leth, LlanfyUin, Newtown, shar-
ing with Montgomery. (Mont-
gomery.)
Narberth, St. David's, Fishflnsrd,
sharing with Haveiibxdwest
(Pembroke.)
Tenby, Weston, town of Mil^vd,
sharing with Pembroke. (Pem«
broke.)
Knighton, Rhayder, Kevinleepe,
Knuckias, town of PreatelgiM^
sharing with Radnor. (Radnor.)
SCEDULB (G.)
Counties to return each Four
Members*
Chester. Durham.
Cornwall. Essex.
Cumberland. Gloucester.
Derby. Kent.
Devon. Hampshtva. '*^
PUBLICDOCUM E N'T S.
357
Lancaster. Northamptoti. StafFinrd.
Leicester. NottiDgham. Suffolk.
Norfolk. Salop. Surrey.
Northumberland, Somerset. -Sussex.
Warwick.'
WUts.
Worcester.
Instructions and Rbgulations regarding ChoIiBRA, istued under
the authority of the rnrnt Council.
Al the Council Chamber, While^
hall, the 20th day of October,
1831, by a Committee of the
Lords of His Majesty's Most
Hon, Privy Council,
Their lordships this day took
into consideration certain rules
and regulations proposed by the
Board of Health, for the purpose
of preventing the introduction and
spreading of the disease called
cholera morbus in the united king-
dom, together with an account of
the symptoms and treatment of the
said disease ; and were pleased to
order that the same be printed and
published in the Gazette, and cir«
culated in all the principal ports,
creeks, and other stations of the
said united kingdom, with a view
that all persons may be made ac-
quainted therewith, and conform
themselves thereto.
W. S. Bathubst.
" The measures of external pre-
caution for preventing the intro-
duction of the cholera morbus by a
rigorous quarantine, have hitherto
been found effectual, but as the dis-
ease approaches the neighbouring
shores, not only is the necessity of
increased vigilance more apparent,
but it is also consistent with com-
mon prudence that the country
should be prepared to meet the
possible contingency of so dreadful
a calamity. The intention of the
following observations, therefore, is
to submitto thepublic such sugges*
tions as it appears to the Board of
Hefdth should either be immediate-
ly acted upon, or so Seut carried into
operation as that, in any case, the
country should not be found unin-
formed as to the best means of pro^^
vidiiig for its internal protection.
'' To effect the prevention of the
introduction of tne disorder, • the
most active co-operation not only of
the local authorities along the coast
in the measures of the government,
but likewise the exercise of the ut-
most caution by all the inhabitants
of such parts of the country, be-
comes indispensably necessary.
The quarantine regulations estab-
lished by the government are suffi-
cient, it is confidently hoped, to
prevent the disorder from being
communicated through any inter-
course with the continent in the
regular channel of trade or passage,
but they cannot guard against its
introduction by means of its secret
and surreptitious intercourse which
is known to exist between the
coast of England and the opposite
shores.
^' By such means this &tal dis-
order, in spite of all quarantine re-
gulations, and of the utmost vigi-
lance on the part of the govern-
ment, miffht be introduced into
the united kinffdom ; and it is
clear that this £uiger can only be
obviated by the most strenuous ef-
forts on the part of all persons of
any influence, to put a stop to such
practices; the utmost exertions
358
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
should be used to cifoct this cud.
'J1ic niaipstratcs, the clergy, and
all pcraons rGsidcnt ou the coasts
it is ho]KHl, will endeavour to ini-
|iross upon tlic |H>])ulation of their
(litferent districts (and |iarticularly
of the retired villages along the sea
sliore), the danger to which they
expose themselves in engaging in
illicit intercourse with persons
coming from the continent; and
should ap))oal to their f«ars in
warning them of the imminent risk
M'hich they incur bv holding any
communication with smugglers,
and others who may evade the
quarantine regulations.
'* To meet the other objects ad-
verted to in the introduction, —
namely, to prepare for the possible
i*ontiugency of the country being
visited by this disorder, as well as
to assist in its prevention, it is re*
commended that in every town and
village, commencing wMth those ou
the c*oast, there should be esta-
blished a local Board of Health, to
consist of the chief and other ma*
gistrates, the clergyman of the
parish, two or more physicians or
medicid practitioners, and 'three or
more of the principal inhabitants:
and one of the medical members
should be ap|M)iuted to cori*espond
with the Boartl of Health in Lon«
don.
*' Every large town should be
divided into districts, having a
district committee of two or three
members, one of whom should be
of the medical profession, to watch
over its healtn, and to give the
earliest information to the Board
of Health in the town, whose in-
structions they will carry into ef-
fect.
'* As the most effectual means of
preventing the spreading of any
|)estileucc has always been found
to be the immediate separatiou of
tho sick from the healthy^ it k of
the utmost importance thai the
very iirst oases of cholera which
may appear, should be mada kiMMrn
as early as possible ; concealment
of the sick would not only endan-
ger the safety of the public^ but
(as success in the treatment of the
cholera has been found mainly to
depend on medical assistance hav-
ing been given in the eatlieat ttagie
of the disease) would likewlie de-
prive the patient of his best chance
of recovery.
<' To carry into eflbct the antoa-
tion of the sick from the heuthy,
it would be very expedient that
one or more houses should he kent
in view in each town or its nelga-
bourhood, as places to which evefjr
case of the disease, as soon u de-
tected, might be removed^ prori-
ded the family of the ailectea per-
son consent to such removal^ iiil
in case of refusal, a cODSpicmai
mark (<<Sick") should be pboed
in front of the house, to WVII
persons that it is in quarantiB^i
and even when persons with tike
disease shall have been removed,
and the house shall have been pu-
rified, the word " Caution" should
be substituted, as denoting suspi-
cion of the disease, and the inhan-
tants of such house, should not be
at liberty to move out or coaiBO^
nicate with other persons until* by
the authority of the local hoara,
the mark shiul have been removed.
'^ In some towns it may he found
possible to appropriate a puhlic
hospital to this purpose, or uiould
any barrack exist in the naghboor*
hood, it might, under the autlKvi*
ty of the commander of the fiireesb
be similarly applied.
'' Wherever it may be allowed to
remove the sick from their haUta-
tions to the previouslv selected and
detached buildiii^ tnehooaeifiniia
PUBLIC DOCl
which they bare boen m removed,
as uell as tlie houses Id whld) the
sick liave clioaeu to rainaiD, should
be thoroughly purified ia the fol-
low! og nMtUD«r : —
" jiecayed articles, MkJi as rags,
cordage, papers, tdd clotlies, hang-
ings, should be buret; filth of
every deseriptioD remaved, doUi-
iog and furniture should be sub-
mitted to uopious effusions of water,
and boiled in a Btroug lay ; drains
and pririea thorough 1 » oIeaa»ed by
streams of water and cliloride of
lime ; ablution of wood work sliould
be performed by a strong ley of
soap iind water ; the walls of tlie
house, from tLe cellar to the gar-
ret, sliould be hot lime- waited,
:ill loose and decayed i»ccea of
plastering should be reaiorcd.
" Free and continued admissioa
of fresh air to all parte of the house
and furniture should be enjoined
fur at least a week.
" It ia impossible to iin{H-ew too
strongly the necessity of extrene
cleanliness and free rentilattea :
they are points of the rery p«ateM
importance, whether in the houses
of tlie sick, or generally as a me^
sure of pecaution.
" It IS recommeoded that those
who may fall rictims to this for-
midatJe disease, should be buried in
a detached ground ia the TtcJBity
of the house that may have beea
selected for the reception of cholera
patients. By this regulation it is
intended to confine as much as pos-
sible every source of infection to
one spot ; on the same principle
all persons who may be employed
in the removal of the sick from
their own houses, as well as all
those who may attend upon cholera
patients in the capacity of nurses,
should live apart from the rest of
the community.
" It should here be observed, tliat
the fewer the number u( persoua
eniployed in these duties tlie letter,
as then tiie chance of spreading
tlii^ infection by their means will
be ilimiuishud.
" Wherever objoctiona arise to
the removal of the sick from tlie
healthy, nr other causes exist to
render such a step not adviseable,
the same prospect of success in es-
tiuguishiiig the seeds of the pesti-
lence cannot be expected.
" Much, however, may be done
even tu these difficult, circumstan-
ces, by following the same princi-
ples of jirudence, and by avoidiug
all unnecessary commuuication.
with the public out of doors ; all
articles of fooil, or other Dcces-
sillies required by the fawilvi
should be placed in front of the
house, and received by one o[ the
inhabitants of the bouse, after the
[lerson delivering them shall hare
rttired.
" Until the time during which
cnntagion of cholera lies dormant
ill the human frame has been more
accurately asccrtaincil, it will be
necessary, for the sake of per&ct
security, that convalescents fron
the disease, and those who liave
had any cnmmunicatiuu with them,
should lje kept under observation
fur tt period of not less than twenty
" The occupiers of each house,
where the disease may occur, or
be supposed to hai'c occurred, are
enjoined to report the fact imrae-'
diately to the local board of health
in the town where they reside, in
order that the professional member
of such board may immediately
visit, report, and, if permitted to
do so, cause the patient to be re-
moved to the place allotted for the
sick, .
360 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
*' In every town the name and
residence of each of the members of
the district committee should be
iisctl on the doors of the church,
or other conspicuous place.
" All intercourse with any in-
fected town, and the neighbouring
country, must be prcFcnted by the
best means within the power of
the magistrates^ who will hare to
make regulations for the supply of
provisions; but such regulations
arc intended only for extreme
cases ; and the difficulty of carry-
ing such a plan into effect on any
extended scale will undoubtedly be
greats but, as a precaution of great
im|)ortancc^ it is most essential
that it should be an object of
consideration, iii order to guard
aigainst the spreading of infection.
'^ Other measures^ of a more co-
ercive nature^ may be rendered
expedient for the common safety>
if unfortunately so fatal a disease
should ever show itself in this
country in the terrific way in which
it has appeared in various parts of
Europe, and it may become ncces-
sjiry to draw troops, or a strong
body of police^ around infected
places, so as utterly to exclude the
inhabitants from all intercourse
with the country; and we feel
sure what is demanded for the
common safety of the state will
always be acquiesced in with a
willing submission to the neces-
sity which imposes it.
'^ The Board particularly inntes
attention to a fact confirmed bv all
the communications reoeiFed mm
abroad, — viz. that the poor^ ill-fed^
and unhealthy part of the popula-
tion^ and especially those who
have been addicted to drinldng
spirituous liquors, and indalgence
in irregular habits, have been the
greatest sufferers from this disease,
and that the infection has been
most virulent^ and has spread
more rapidly and extensively in the
districts of towns where the,' streets
are narrow, and the popnlatiMi
crowded, and where little or no
attention has been paid to clean-
liness and ventilation. They are
aware of the difficulty of remoriiig
the evils referred to, but they
trust that attention thus awakened
will insure the most active, endea-
vours of all magistrates, residait
clergymen^ and persons of influcaioe
or authority, to promote their mi-
tigation, and as the amount of
danger, and the necessity of pre-
caution, may become more iqipa*
rent^ they will look with increased
confidence to the individual exer-
tions of those who may be enabled
to employ them beneficially in furl
therance of the suggestions above
stated."
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
ii—F 0 R E I G N.
Documents cotmecled mth the Sepabation of Bsloium from
Holland.
PhOTOCOL of ike CoNFKHENPE of
London, 20th of December,
1830, and accompanying Notbb.
Protocol of the Conference at the
ForeigK^office, Decemier 20,
1830; present, the Plenipoten.
tiarien (^Austria, France, Great
Britain, Russia, and Prussia.
*' The jilenipotentiaries of the
five Courts having received the
formal itssent of the Belgic govern-
ment to the armistice which had
been proposed to it, and which the
king of tlic Netherlands has also
accepted, and the Congress of mi-
nisters having tlius, by the stop-
ping of the effusion of blood, ac-
complished the first part of the
task whicli it had undertaken, the
plenipotentiaries have met to deli-
berate on the further incasureB to
be taken witli a view to remedy
the derangements which the trou-
bles that have taken place in Bel-
gium have caused in the system
established by the treaties of 181*
and J816.
" In forming, by the treaties in
question, the union of Belgium
with Holland, the Powers who
signed those treaties, and whose
plenipotentiaries are at this mo-
ment assembled, had in view to
found a just equilibrium in Europe,
!ind to secure the maintenance of
general peace.
" The events of the last four
months have unhappily demon-
strated, that " the perfect and
complete amalgamation which the
Powers desiie to effect between
these two countries" had not been
obtained; that ip would, hence-
forth, be impossible to effect it ;
that, therefore, the very object of
the union of Belgium with Hol-
land is destroyed ; and that it now
becomes indispensable to have re-
course to other arrangements to
accomplish the intentions which
the union in question was designed
to carry into execution.
" United to Holland, and form-
ing an integral part of the king-
dom of the Netherlands, Belgium
had to fulfil its part of the Euro-
pean duties of tbat kingdom, and
of the obligations which the treaties
had caused it to contract towards
the other Powers. Its separation
from Holland cannot liberate it
from that part of its duties and
obligations.
" The Congress will consequent-
ly proceed to discuss and to con-
cert new arrangements, most cal-
culated to combine the future in-
dependence of Belgium with the
stipulations of the treaties, with
the interests and the security of
the other Powers, and with the
preservation of the balance of Eu-
rope. Witli this view the Con-
gress, while continuing its nego-
tiations with the plenipotentiaries
of his majesty the king of the
Netherlands, will invite the pro-
visional government of Belgium to
send to London, as soon as possi-
ble, commissioners provided with
instructions and sufiicient powers
to be consulted and heard respect-
ing every thing which may facili-
362
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tatc tlic deiiiiitive adoption of tlie
arraii^ciiieiits above ulhulod to.
*^ These arraiigeineiits cannot
affeet, in any manner, tlic riglits
which the king of the Netherlands
and the German (>)ufe<lcratiou
exercise over the Grand Duchy of
Luxemburg.
^' The pIeni|N)tcntiaries of the
Ave great FoHcni have agreed that
the present protocol should be
cominunicatc<l to his migesty the
king of the Netherlands, and a
copy sent to lonl Ponsonby and
M. Brasson, with the annexed
letter, which they wiil conimuui-
cate to the Prorisioual Go^'crnmeut
of Belgium."
(Signed as before.)
lA'Ucr addrexscd (o Lord Ponsonhif
ami M, Bresson, accodtifMnying
the Proioati of December 20.
" IjOfidoN, December 20.
** Gentlemen. — We have the
honour to send you to-day a pro-
tocol, relative to an important re*
solution taken UMlay, in the name
(»f the five allied l^owers. It is
our intention, that this document
should be laid before the provisional
government, and that you should
urge the s|>eeily sending of the
ixmiuiiasioners, with whom we wish
to confer. This measure, and the
decision which snp}H>rts it, will
give you a double right to direct
the attention of the government of
lielgium to another point of our
|)rotoco], whicli relates to the grand
duchy of Luxemburg.
^* By the note, of which a copy
is enclosed, the German Confeder-
ation invited the Congress at Lon-
don to examine, whether it did not
possess the means to avoid, either
wholly or in part, a more positive
interference, on the part of the
Confederation, in the grand duchy
of Luxemburg. The rights of the
German Confederation^ with re-
s|>ect to that country, have already
been recognised, in a protoool of
the Congress, dated the 17th of
November.
<* We, therefore, desire you to
claim of the Provisional Belgie
Government, offering, at the same
time, your good offices, the imme-
diate and formal cessation, on its
IKurt of all interferenoe in the aflhirs
of the grand duchy of Luxemburg,
and you will invite that government
to issue all the neoessaiy |mcla-
mations to make its rseolution
known to the inhsbitants jsf the
grand duchy.
*' Accept, &C
(Signed) '' Estsbhasy*
(« WSSSBNBBSO*
<' TAJbLBYIUifD.
'' Palmbhsv^in.
'' LiSVXN.
'^ Matuscswitocb."
N(^e, addressed to the PknipoieM'
iiaries of Atutrta and JPrmstm
to the Congress qf London .-—
^* The undersigned ^eninoleB-
tiaries of Austria and Prussia are
commissioned by the German Con-
federation to make the iolloiri^g
communication to the Congress :— -
" His majesty the king of the
Netherlands, in his character nl
grand duke of Luxembur^N daimed
from the Confederation Sbe neces-
sary assistance to qudi the insurr
rection that had broken out in the
Grand Duchy. Tliis daim vas
necessarily attended to by the Con-
federation. Considering^ hoveverj
that the insurrection in the Grand
Duchy is merely a consequence of
that which had broken out in BeU
gium, and that the latter is at
this moment the subject of the
Conference of the plenipotentiariss
of the ^vc great Powers assembkd
in Londooj the Coufodemtioa hm
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS,
d6d
judged that beforo taking the mea-
sures which it is competent to
adopts it should apply to the Con-
gress to assure itaelf whether the
Congress had found, or was endea*^
vouring to find, suitabie means to
attain the end proposed, and to
render a more decided intervention
of the<jrerman Confederation|WhoIly
or in part, unnecessary. The ttn*
dersignedi in executing this com-
mission, request the Congress to
enable them to send to the Confe-
deration the information desired.
<^ £sTfiRHA2Y«
^' WBSSENBBRQk
^' BULOW/'
Verbal Note of December SI,
*' Lord Ponsonby and M. Bres-
son have the honour to communi-
cate to the president and members
of the Diplomatic Committee at-
tested copies of the protocol of a
Conference held at London on the
20th instant, by their excellencies
the plenipotentiaries of the five
great Powers, and of a letter ac-
companying it.
" Lord Ponsonby and M. Bres-
son request the president of the
Diplomatic Committee to inform
them whether the Belgian com-
missioners sent to London are fur-
nished with powers sufficiently
ample to treat on the rarious
points enumerated in the protocol.
If these powers should not be suffi-
cient, the Provisional Government
of Belgium will be sensible ef the
necessity of immediately sending
them fuller powers.
'' Lord Ponsonby and M. Bres-
son take this opportunity to Tq)eat
to the president of the Diplomatic
Committee the assurance that
their excellencies the pleninoten-
tiaries have spared no pains to
convince the Cabinet of the Ha^e
that the measurea of precaution
whidi etiil impede the nafigatton
of the Scheldt ought to be tevoked
as soon aa posstUe* On the S7th
instant^ their exoeltondea reaolred
again to call upon tiie governttient
of his majesty icing William to put
an end to hostilities, to erery act
that might be considered as hostile,
and their exoellenciea the ambaaaa-
dors and ministers of the five
courts at the Hague have received
from their exoellencieB the pleni-
potentiaries the invitation to urge
his majesty to comply aa soon as
possible with the wisiiee whidi
they formally repeat.
''The Provisional Oovemment
cannot M duly to appreciate the
rc^iness of their exceilencies the
plenipotentiaries to attend to the
claims which it has made> and it
will doubtless wait with confidenoe
till the steps which the five Powers
will find means to render effectual
shall have led to the reatdt which
Belgium hopes.
''On this occasion lerdPooeimby
and M. Bresson think it tiieir duty
to observe^ that the protocol^ of
the 17th of December not having
been accepted by the Proviuonal
Government till the S5th instant,
not a moment has been leal by
their excellencies in taking the«b-
cisive measures which they have
adopted.
'^ The uneasiness and ^kgsr de-
sires manifested by the country arc
doubtleds very natural in the dts-
treased state in which it is ; iMit
it is imposdbfe not to allow for the
distances (^ place and time> and not
to perceive tnat afiairs of such im-
portance cttiimt be treated with
lureoipitation/'
Verbal Note of Jamurif 3, ISSl .
''The pieaident and members of
the Diplomatic Committee having
had the honour to reoeife from
364 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
lord Ponsonby and M. Bresson, by
a verbal note of December 31, at-
tested copies of the protocol of a
Conference held at London on the
20th of December by the plenipo-
tentiarics'of the five Powers, hasten
to return the following answer :
^^It appears to them that the
raising of the blockade and the
free navigation of the Scheldt,
being the principal conditions of
the armistice, and even of the sus-
pension of arms, executed already
on the 2l8t of Noveml)er, the first
task undertaken by the five great
Powers was not yet accomplished.
''The balance of Europe may
still be secured, and general })eace
maintained, by rendering Belgium
independent, strong, and happy.
If Belgium were without strength
and without happiness, the new
arrangement would be threatened
with the fate of the political com-
bination of 1815.
" Independent Belgium has
doubtless to perform its part of
the duties towards Euroj)e, but
it will be difficult to conceive what
obligations can be imposed on it by
treaties in which it took no part.
*'The commissioners sent to
London are provided with suffici-
ent instructions to be heard on all
the affairs of Belgium, and they
cannot conceal from the congress
of ministers that, in the critical
circumstances in which the Belgic
nation is placed, it will doubtless
appear impossible for Belgium to
form an independent state without
an immediate guarantee of the
freedom of the Scheldt, of the
possession of the left bank of that
river, of the whole of the province
of Limburg and of the grand
duchy of Luxemburg, reserving
its relations with the Germanic
Confederation.
^^ Their excellencies the pieuU
potentiaries of' the five great Pow-
ers will easily conceive, from the
reports made to them by lord Pon-
sonby and M. Bresson, the critical
situation of the country^ and the
impossibility of prolonging this
state of uncertainty."
After the reading of this com-
munication, a debate arose ^ in
which the choice of a sovereign
was again mentioned, and at me
conclusion, M. C. Rodenbach laid
on the table a proposal to the efiect
that the sections should immedi-
ately take into consideration what
relates to the choice of the head
of the state. The congress decided
that this proposal should be sent
to the sections for examination.
Protocol of January 9, 1831.
Present: — The Plenmotentiaries of
Austria, France, Great Britain^
Prussia, and Russia. •
" The plenipotentiaries of the
five Courts have assembled for the
purpose of examining the remon-
strances which the Court of I«on-
don has received on the part of
the Provisional Government of
Belgium against the continuance
of the measures which still para-
lyse the navigation of the Scheldt,
and on the part of his majesty the
king of the Netherlands against
the acts of hostility committed by
the Belgian troops.
^' Considering that the protocol
No. 1. of November, 1830, oon^
tains the following — * Oh both
sides hostilities shall cease en-
tirely : *
" Considering that by the do*
cument annexed under the letter
B. to the protocol of No. 2, * the
Provisional Government of -Bel-
gium has pledged itself to give
orders, and to take the necessaily
measures for all hostilities to oeaae
P U B L 1 C D O C U M EFTS;. 366
against Holland on the part of the
Belgians : '
" Considering further, that by
the document annexed under the
letter A. to the protocol No. 3,
dated November 17, 1830, his
majesty the king of the Nether-
lands has declared, ^that he accepts
the proposition above mentioned
(that relative to the entire cessa-
tion of hostilities on both sides),
after the tenor of the protocol No.
1. of the Conference:*
'^ Considering that the protocol.
No. 2, of November 17th, states,
that, Hhe armistice having been
agreed upon by both parties, it
constitutes an engagement entered
into with the five Powers, and
that, on both sides, they shall re-
tain the power of communicating
freely, by land and sea, with the
territories, places^ and points, oc-
cupied by the respective troops,
beyond the limits which separated
Belgium from the United Pro-
vinces of the Netherlands, before
the Treaty of Paris of May 30,
1814:*
"Considering also, that, by the
protocol No. 3, of November 17th,
the Powers have regarded the ar-
mistice contracted, as an engage-
ment entered into with them, the
execution of which it is their duty
to look to in future :
" Considering that, in the sub-
sequent protocol, No. 4, of Novem-
ber 30, the plenipotentiary of his
majesty the king of the Nether-
lands informed those of the five
Powers of the entire concurrence
of the king his master in their
protocols of November 17, 1830 :
'' That, consequently, it was un-
derstood that the hostilities in
question should cease entirely by
land and sea, and that they should
not be resumed (in any case, the
armistice having been declared in-
definite by the protocols of No-
vember 17> and the cessation of
hostilities having been placed under
the immediate guarantee of the
five Powers, by the protocols, No.
4, of November 30, and No. 5, of
December 10, 1830:
*' That the nature and value of
these engagements were explained
to the Provisional Government of
Belgium, as early as the 6th of
December, by a verbal note of
lord ponsonby and M. Bresson, in
consequence of which the Provi-
sional Government of Belgium de-
clared, that it agreed to the pro-
tocol of November 17:
" Considering, lastly, that on
the faith of this assent, a common
application of the five Powers was
made to his majesty the king of
the Netherlands, with the view of
obtaining the complete revocation
of the measures which still impede
the navigation of the Scheldt, the
plenipotentiaries were unanimously
of opinion, that it was the duty of
the lave Powers to insist on the
faithful, prompt, and entire execu-
tion of the engagements, which
they declare to have been taken
towards themselves. '
"In consequence, the plenipo-
tentiaries h^e resolved to sigi^
to the plenipotentiaries of his ma-
jesty the king of the Netherlan^ds,
that the five Powers, having taken
under their guarantee the cessation
of hostilities; cannot allow on the
part of his majesty, the continua-
tion of any measure bearing a hos-
tile character, and that, such being
the character of those miaasures
which hinder the navigation of the
Scheldt, the ^ve Powers are obliged
to require, for the last thne, the
revocation of them.
" The plenipotentiaries have al-
ready observed, that this revoca-
cation should be entire, and restore
366
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the free nayigation of the Scheldt^
without any other duties than
those which were established in
] 8 1 4, before the union of Belgium
and Holland in favour of neutral
vessels^ and of those belonging to
the Belgic port; his majesty the
king of the Netherlands having
declared, tlirough his plenipoten-
tiary, that vessels belonging to the
Belgic ports had not been and
would not be molested, so long as
the Belgians did not molest the
vessels and property of the north-
crn provinces of the Netherlands :
" Convinced, that in his probity
and wisdom, the king will not faul
to accede to all the points of their
demand, the plenipotentiaries are
nevertheless forced to declare here,
that the rejection of the demand
would be considered by the five
Powers as an act of hostility
against them, and that if on the
20th of January, the measures
which hinder the navigation of the
Scheldt, do not cease in the time
above mentioned, and conformably
to the promises of his majesty
himself, the five Powers reserve to
themselves the right of adopting
such resolutions which they should
find necessary for the prompt ex*
ecution of their engagements.
" With a just regard to recipro*
city, the plenipotentiaries having
been informed that a recommence*-
ment of hostilities has taken place,
principally between the environs
of Maestricht, that movements of
the Belgic troops seem to an-<
uounce their intention of investing
that place, and that the troops
have quitted the positions which
they ought to have retained till
the final determination of the line,
by virtue of the annexed declara-*
tion of the Provisional Govern-
ment of Belgium of the ^Ist of
November, 1830, have resolved
to authorise their oommiMionen at
Brussels to inform the Provhional
Government of Belgium, that the
acts of hostility above mentioned
must cease without the least delay,
and that the Belgic troops must
return immediately, aooording to
the above mentioned declarationi
to the position which they occiu
pied on the 2 1 st of November, 1 8S0.
*' The commiseionert will addj
that if the Belgic troop thouM
not have returned to tooie posi*
tions by the 20th of Janoarv* the
five Powers will consider the re«
jection of their demand in thie ve«
spect as an act of hostility against
tnemselves, and would reserve to
themselves the right of adopting
such measures as they should
judge necessary to cause the en*
gagements entered into with them
to be respected and executed.
^^The plenipotentiaries, more*
over, renew, in the present protoeoly
the formal declaration, that the en«
tire andreciprocal cessation of hos-
tilities is placed under the guarantee
of the five Powers, that they will
not allow the renewal of them on
any supposition, and that they have
formed the unchangeable resoliu
tion to obtain the accomplishment
of their decisions, founded upon
justice, and their wish to preserve
to Europe the blessings of a gene*
ral peace.
(Signed) ^* EsTaaHAST.
^^ Talletbanb.
" BULOW.
" Wessbnbbbo^
^^ PAIiMBBSOTON.
^' LiBVBM.
" MATUBOBWITSCnr."
" A true copy,
(Signed) " Ponsonby.
" Brbsson.
*' A true copy,
" The Vice-President,
'' Count d'ABBeGBOT."
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
987
Extract of the Protooqi* qf
the CoNFERENOB held at the
Foreign OppiOb, January 20,
1 831 ; present y the Plenipoten-
tiaries of Austria, France,
Great Britain, Prussia, and
Russia.
"The plenipotentiaries of the
Courts of Austria, France, Great
Britain, Russia, and Prussia, have
taken cognizance of the subjoined
letter addressed to their commis-
sioners at Brussels, in the name
of the Provisional Government of
Belgium, which imports that, con-
formably to the tenor of the pro-
tocol of January 9. 1831, the Bel-
gian troops which had advanced to
the environs of Maestricht had
received orders to retire immedi-
ately, and to avoid any cause for
hostility.
" Having had reason to be con-
vinced, through the explanations
of their commissioners, that this
retreat of the Belgian troops will
have the effect of securing to
Maestricht that entire freedom of
communication which it ought to
enjoy, they cannot doubt that, on
his side, his majesty the king of
the Netherlands has provided for
the fulfilment of the protocol of
the 9th of January, he having,
besides, issued the necessary orders
with reference to the cases pro-
vided for by the protocol; and
they being now convinced of the
complete establishment of the ces-
sation of hostilities, of whicli they
were desirous, the Powers have
proceeded to the examination of
the question which they had de-
termined to resolve, in order to
realize the object of their protocol
of the 20th of December, 1831,
in order to make a usefiil applica-
tion of the fundamental principles
which, by that act, are connected
with the Aiture independeiice of
Belgium, and to maintain, also,
the general peace, the mainte«
nance of which constitutes the
chief interest, as it is the chief
desire of the Powers assemUed in
Conference at London.
'* With this object in riew, the
Powers have considered it indis-
pensable to consider all the bases
with reference to the limits which
ought henceforth to separaite the
Dutch from the Belgian territery.
^* With regard to this object,
propositions have been transmitted
to them from both parties. After
having maturely considered them,
they have agreed among them*
selves upon the following bases :— -
'' Art. 1 . The limits of Helland
shall comprise all the territories,
districts, towns, and places which
belonged to the ci-devant republic
of the United Provinces of the
Netherlands in the year 1790<
^^ 2. Belgium shsJl consist of all
the territories which receive the
denomination of the kingdom of
the Netherlands in the treaty of
1815, except the grand Duchy of
Luxemburg, whi(£, possessed un-
der a difiiBrent title, by the
Princes of the house of Nassau,
forms part, and will continue to
form part, of the Germanic Con-
federation.
^* 3. It is understood that the
arrangements of the articles from
108 to 117 inclusive, of the gene-
ral act of the Congress of Vienna,
relative to the free navigation of
the rivers and navigable streams,
shall be applied to the rivers and
streams which traverse the Dutch
and Belgian territories.
'^4. As it will, nevertheless,
result from the bases laid down in
articles 1 and S, that Holland and
Belgium will possess detached por-
tions of land within their respect*
368
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ive territories^ such exchanges and
arrangements sliall^ through the
care of the five Courts be effected
between the two countries^ as shall
ensure to thcni, reciprocally, the
advantage of an entire contiguity
of possession, and of a free com-
munication between the towns and
rivers included in their frontiers.
^^ These preceding articles being
agreed upon, the Powers have de-
voted their attention to the means
of consolidating the work of peace,
respecting which the five Powers
are most solicitous, and placing in
their true light the principles
which actuate their common po-
licy.
" They arc unanimously of opi-
nion that the Hvc Powers owe to
their interest, well understood—
to their union, to the tranquillity
of Europe, and to the accomplish-
ment of their views contained in
the protocol of the 20th of De-
cember, a solemn manifestation, a
striking proof of their firm deter-
mination not to seek in the ar-
rangements relative to Belgium,
imder whatever circumstances they
may present themselves, any aug-
mentation of territory — any ex-
clusive influence — any isolated ad-
vantages but to give to that coun-
try itself, as well as to all the
states which adjoin it, the best
guarantees of repose and security.
It is in pursuance of these max-
ims and with these salutary inten-
tions, that the Powers have re-
solved to add to the preceding ar-
ticles those which follow :
'' Art. 5. Belgium, within those
limits that shall be determined,
and traced, conformably to the ar-
rangements laid down in articles
1, 2, and 4, of the present proto-
col, shall form a state, perpetually
neutral, the five Powers guaran-
teeing to it that })erpetual neu-
trality, as well as the integrity
and inviolability of its territory,
within the limits mentioned above.
*' 6. By a just reciprocity Bel-
gium will be bound to observe the
same neutrality towards all the
other states, and not to make any
attempt against their internal or
external tranquillity.
(Conformable to copy.)
*^ PONSONBr."
Protocol of London of the IQtk
of February : —
Present : — The Plenipotentiaries
of Austria, France, Great Britain*
Prussia, and Russia.
^' The plenipotentiaries of the
Courts of Austria^ France^ Great
Britain, Prussia, and Russia hav-i
ing assembled, directed their whole
attention to the divers interpreta-
tions given to the protocol of the
Conference of Lonaon, of Decem-
ber 20, 1830; and to the princi-
pal acts that have followed it. The
deliberations of the plenipoten-
tiaries led them to admit unani-
mously that they owe it to the
position of the five Courts/ as veil
as to the cause of general peace,
which is their own cause, ana that
of European civilization, to repeat
here the grand principle of right,
of which the acts of the Confer-
ence of London have only pre«
scnted a salutary and constiuit ap-
plication.
^' According to this principle of a
superior order, treaties do not lose
their force, whatever changes may
take place in the internal organ-
ization of nations. To judge of
the application which the five
Courts have made of this same
principle, and appreciate the* de-
terminations they have 'formed
with regard to Belgium, it suflhses
to go b^k to the year 1814. .
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
369
"At that period the Belgian pro-
vinces were occupied by the mili-
tary forces of Austria^ Great
Britain^ Prussia, and Russia ^ and
the rights which these powers ex-
ercised over them were completed
by France's renunciation of the
possession of the same provinces.
But France's renunciation was not
made in favour of the occupying
powers. It proceeded from an
, idea of a more elevated order. The
Powers, and France herself, equally
disinterested then, as at present,
in their views upon Belgium, kept
the disposal, but not the sove-
reignty of it, with the sole inten-
tion of making the Belgian pro-
vinces contribute to the establish-
ment of a just balance of power in
Europe, and the maintenance of
the general peace. It was this in-
tention that guided their ulterior
stipulations, and united Belgium
to Holland ; it was this that led
the Powers to secure from that
moment to the Belgians the two-
fold blessing of free institutions,
and a commerce to them abound-
ing in wealth and the development
of industry.
" The union of Belgium with
Holland was broken. Official com-
munications ere long convinced the
five Courts that the means prima-
rily destined to maintain it, could
neither restore it for the present,
nor maintain it subsequently, and
that henceforth, instead of con-
founding the affections and happi-
ness of two nations, it only brought
in contact passions and hatred, and
from their shock nothing proceed-
ed but war, with all its disasters.
It did not belong to the powers to
judge of the causes whicn had just
severeid the ties which they had
formed. But when they beheld
these ties broken, it belonged to
them again to accomplish the ob-
VoL. Lxxni.
ject which they proposed to them-
selves in forming them. It be-
longed to them to secure, by
means of new combinations, that
tranquiNity of Europe, of which
the union of Belgium with Hoi-
land had constituted one of the
bases. To this the Powers were
imperiously called. They had the
right, and events rendered it their
duty, to prevent the Belgian pro-
vinces, .become independent, dis-
turbing the general security and
the balance of power in Europe.
" Such a duty rendered all foreign
concurrence useless. To act to-
gether, the Powers had only to
consult their treaties, and measure
the extent of the dangers to which
their inaction, or their want of ac-
cord might give rise. The steps
taken by the five Courts with a
view to bring about a cessation
of the struggle between Belgium
and Holland, and their firm reso-
lution to put an end to every mea-
sure which, on the one side or the
other, might have had a hostile
character, were the first conse-
quences of the identity of their
opinions upon the value and prin-
ciples of the solemn transactions
which bind them. '
" The effusion of blood was stop-
ped. Holland, Belgium, and even
the neighbouring states, areequally
indebted to them for this benefit. -
'^ The second application of the
same principles took place in the
protocol of December 20, 1830.
" To this exposition of the motives
which determined the five Courts,
this act associated the reserve of
the duties with which Belgium
remained charged towards Europe,
upon seeing her wishes for separa-
tion and independence accom-
plished.
'* Each nation has its particular
rights; but Europe has also faer
29
370
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ri;^ht ; it is social order that has
given it to her.
'' Belgium, i]|x>n liecoming indc'
pendent, found the treaties which
>;(iverned Europe made and in
vigour.
** She was bound, then, to respect
tliom and rouI<I not infringe them.
By respecting them, she conformeil
to the interest and n^pofte of <he
great community of European
states ; by infringing them she
would have brought on confusion
and war. The Powers atone couhl
prerent this, and as they could do
it, it was their duty to do so; it
was thoir duty to give ascendancy
to the salutarv maxim, that the
events which gave birtli to a new
state in Europe, give it no more
right to alter the general system
into which it enters, than the
elianges that may have arisen in
tlie condition of an ancient state
authorized to lielieve itself absolved
from its anterior engagements— a
maxim of all civilized nations, a
maxim which is connected with the
very principle by which states sur-
vive their governments, and the im-
pres(Tiptable obligations of treaties
upon those who contract them— a
maxim, in sliort, which is never
overlooked without making civil-
ixation retrograde, of which mo«
rality and public faith are happily
the first consequences and the first
guarantees.
" The protocol of I>eccmber 20th
fully expressed these truths. It
stated distinctly "that the Con-
ference would occupy itself in dis-
cussing and concerting such new
arrangements as were best calcu-
lated to reconcile the future inde-
pendence of Belgium with the stipu-
lations of treaties, with the interesia
and safety of other states, and with
the preservation of the balance of
power in Europe." 'I'hu6 did tho
Powers poiDt out tlie dbjacte their
wished to attaia. They prooeadaa
towards them strong io the pmitf
of their intentions and in their
impartiality. While^ on the one
handy by their protocol of Ja*
nuary 18» they repelled the pre-
tensions that ooula never bo nd*
missible, on the other band> they
weighed with the most acmpaloai
care all the o^nions that had btn
uttered by both partiea, aiul aD
the claims that each had aat npu
From R profound and nsaftue
consideration of the varioua oon-
munications made br the ple»
nipotentiaries of the King of the
Netherlands, and by the oommia*
sioners from Belgium^ reaulted the
definiti\'e protocol of January 90«
1831.
« It is to be foreseen that the fiisfe
ardour of a nascent and growi^ff
independence would tend to traae-
gress the bounds of thoee ofaliga*
tions from which it was derifidt
The five Courts* however, eoaU
not admit a right in Belgiam to
make conquests from H^fawdsr
from other states. But, compdU
to settle questions of territory es-
sentially connected with their own
conventions and their own ia^
terests, the five Powers did not
insist with regard to Belgium
upon any maxims that they did
not hold as rigorous laws for their
own conduct. They most awnrad«
ly did not pass the limits of juatios
and equity, nor the rules of aouad
|)oIicy, when, by aflopting impar*
tially the limits which separated
Belgium from Holland before their
union, they refused to the Edgiani
the right of invading that power
they had rejected, because tliey
considered it as subversive of peace
and social order.
*' The Powers had also to ddi«
berate upon other questions which
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 371
were connected with their treaties^
and which ^ consequently^ 'coula
not be subjected to new decisions
without their direct concurrence.
*' According to the protocol of
Dec. 20, the instructions and Ml
powers required to be granted to
the Belgian commissioners that
were to be sent to London^ wer#^
that they should embrace ^1 the
objects of the negotiation, Ne^Br*
theless^ these commissioners bt*
rived without sufficient powers^
and. On many important points^
without information, and yet cir<*
cumstances admitted of no delay.
"The Powers, notwithstanding,
by the protocol of January 27,
confined themselves on the one
hand to enumerating the charges
inherent either in the Belgian or
in the Dutch territory, andj on
the other, limited themselves to
proposing arrangements founded
upon a reciprocity of concessions,
preserving to the Belgians those
markets which had most con-
tributed to their wealth, and
founded upon the notoriety of the
public budgets of the kingdom of
the Netherlands.
" In these Arrangements the five
Powers must necessarily act as
mediators, for without that, the
interested parties could not come
to an understanding, nor could the
stipulations in which these Powers
took an immediate part in 1814
and 1815, be modified.
"The assent of the King of the
Netherlands to the protocols of
Jan. 20 and 27, 1831, Answered
the cares of the parties to the
Conference at London. The new
mode of existence attained by Bel-
gium, and its neutrality, thus re-
ceived a sanction which could not
be dispensed with. It remained
only for the Conference to come to
restitutions upon the protest made
by Belgium against the first of
these protocols, a suliject the more
important as it is fundamentai»
*' This protest claimed a right of
post-limits, which belongs only to
independent states, and which
cannot, Consequently, belod^ to
Belgium, since she has neter been
reckoned among those stated. This
protest mentions also cessions made
to a third Power, and not to Bel-
gium, who never has been in pos-
session Gf them, and, theremre,
cannot insist upon them*.
" The nullity of such pretensions
is evident. Far from making any
attack upon the ancient provinces
of Belgium, the Powers hare only
declared and maintained the in-
tegrity of neighbouring states. In-
stead, indeed, of compressing the
limits of these provinces, they have
comprised in them the principality
of Liege^ which had at no former
period made part of them.
<* Moreover, all that Belgium
could require she has obtained-^-
separation from Holland— inde-
pendence—external safety^— gua-
rantees of her territory; ^d beu.
trality-— the free navigation of the
rivers that serve as the channels of
her commerce — and peaceable en-
joyment of her national liberties.
" Such are the arrangements op->
posed by the protest in question,
publicly avowing to respect neithei^
the possessions runt the rights of
adjoining states.
^'Theplenipotentiaries of thefive
Courts, considering that such views
are views of conquest, incompatil^e
with existing treaties, with the
peace of Europe, and consequently
with the independence and nea-
tl-ality of Belgium, declare ;—
'' ] . That it remains understood)
as it has b^en from the beginniflg,
2 B 2
372 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
tbat the arrangements resolved on
by the protocol of Jan. 20^ 1831^
are fundamental and irrevocable
arrangements.
*'2. That the independence of
Belgium shall only be recognized
by the five Powers, upon the con-
ditions and in the limits which re-
sult from the said arrangements oi
Jan. 20, 1831.
** 3. That the principle of the
neutrality and the inviolability of
the Belgian territory in the above-
mentioned limits remains in vigour
and obligatory upon the five
Powers.
" 4 . That the five Powers, faith-
ful to their engagements, claim
the full right of declaring that the
sovereign of Belgium must answer
by his personal situation to the
principle even of the existence of
Belgium, satisfy the security of
the other states, accept without
restriction as his majesty the
king of the Netherlands has done
for the protocol of July 21, 1814,
all the nindamental arrangements
contained in the protocol of Jan.
20, 1831, and have it in his power
to secure to the Belgians the
peaceable enjoyment thereof.
^' 5. That these first conditions
being fulfilled, the five Powers will
continue to employ their care and
their good ofiices to lead to the re-
ciprocal adoption and execution of
the other arrangements rendered
necessary by the sepuration of Bel-
gium from Hollana.
<' 6. That the five Powers admit
the right in virtue of which the
other states may take such mea-
sures as they may judge necessary
to enforce respect to or to re-es*
tablish their legitimate authority
in all the countries belonging to
them, to which the protest men-
tioned above sets up pretensions.
and which are situated out of
the Belgian territory declared
neutral.
" 7. That his majesty the king
of the Netherlands having ac-
ceded without restriction, by the
protocol of Feb. 18, 1831, to tlie
arrangements relative to the 8e«
paration of Belgium from Hol-
land, every enterprise of the Bel-
gian authorities upon the territory
which the protocol of January 20
has declared Dutch, will be re-
garded as a renewal of the stmg^
gle to which the five Powers have
resolved to put an end.
Protocol of a Conferencb
held at the Foreign Officb
April 17» 1831, between ike
Plenipotentiaries of Aus-
tria, Great Britain, Pbus:
sia, and Russia, relative to the
Demolition of the Fortbssbbs.
" The plenipotentiaries of Aus-
tria, of Great Britab, of Pnissiay
and of Russia, having met, have
directed their attention to the for-
tresses constructed since the year
1815, in the kingdom of the Ne-
therlands, at the expense of the
four Courts; and to the deter-
minations which it would becmne
necessary to take with respect to
these fortresses, when the separa-
tion of Belgium from Holland
shall have been definitively efiect-
ed«
'< Having carefully examined this
question, the plenipotentiaries of
the four Courts were unanimously
of opinion, — ^that the new situa^
tion in which Belgium would be
placed, with her neutrality ai^
knowledged and guaranteed by
France, ought to change the sys-
tem of military defence which had
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
been adopted for the kinffdotn or
the Netherlands ; that die for-
tresses in question would be too
numerous not to make it difficult
for the Belgians to provide for
their mainteDance aad defence :
that, moreover, the unanimously
admitted inviolability of the Bel-
gian territory offered a security
which did not previously exist ;
finally, that a part of these for-
tresses, constructed under dif-
ferent circumstances, might at
present be razed.
"Iuconsequence,[theplenipoten-
tiaries have finally decided, that
as soon as a government shall
exist in Belgium, recogniaed by
the Powers taking part in the
Conferences of London, a nego-
tiation shall be set on footbettveen
the four Powers and that govern-
ment, for the purpose of selectine
such of the said fortresses as slioula
be demolished.
(Signed) " EsTSBHAzy.
" Wbssenbero.
" Paluebston.
" BULOIC.
" LiBVBN.
" Matuscewitsch."
to the Prince de Talleyrand the
annexed copy of a Protocol which
they have issued upon the subject
of the fortresses erected since the
year 1815, in the kingdom of the
Nethfrlauds.
" The undersigned see no ob-
jection to giving the same pub-
licity to this Protocol as may be
^iven to tlie other acts of the ne-
gotiations which have taken place
since the month of November,
1S30, on the affairs of Belgium.
" They take this opportunity
(o renew, &c.
(Signed) " EsTEKHAZY.
" Palmerston.
" BuLow.
" LlEVEN.
" Matuscewitsch."
Note addressed by the Pleni-
rOTENTIARIES or" AUSTBIA,
Gbeat Britain, Pbussia, attd
Russia, to Ike Plenipoten-
tiary of France-
" Foreign Office, July U, 1831.
" The undersigned plenipoten-
tiaries of the Courts of Austria,
of Great Britain, of Prussia, and
of Russia, being desirous to give a
further proof of the reliance which
they place on the disposition shown
by the government of his majesty
the king of the iVench for the
maintenance of the general peace,
think it their duty to cointiiUDicat«
Protocol of Ike Confkrenob
held on (he nih of \SRIL, 1831,
at the Foreign Office, Lon-
don, containing Ike Adhesion of
France, to that of (he HOth qf
January.
" Present, the plenipotentiaries
of Austria, France, Great Britain,
Prussia, and Russia. Upon the
opning of the Conference the ple-
nipotentiary of France declared by
the express command of his so-
vereign, that France acceded to
the protocol of January 20, 1831 ;
that she approved of the boun-
daries fisedin that act for Belgium;
that she recognized the neutrality
as well as the inviolability of the
Belgian territory; that she would
acknowledge the sovereign of Bel-
gium only when that sovereign
should have acceded to all the pro-
visions and clauses of the protocol
of January 20, 1831; and that,
according to the principles laid
down in that protocol, the French
government considered the grand
duchy of Luxemburg as completely
374 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
separated from Belgium^ bo that governmeut^ they now oongratu-
the said grand duchy should cou-^ late theniselveB upon findings that
tiiiucuuder the sovereignty and in France, by the aeclaration of her
the relations which were assigned ambassador, continues in tlie poai-
to it by the treaties of 1815. To tion which she has taken with to
this declaration the French pleni- much utility in the midst of her
]N)tentiury added several obser- allies at the London Gonferenee8«
vations on the nature of the ex- us she declares her adherence to
changes of territory, which, in the principles on which the l^th
conformity with article 4 of the protocol is founded, and which are
protocol of the 20th of JanuiU'y, all deduced from the protocol of
are to be effected under the medi- January 20 ; and as she thereby
ation of the five Courts, between consolidates the union of the great
Belgium and Holland, in order to Powers, which union presents the
afford the mutual advantage of a best guarantee of a general peace.
coin])1ete contiguity of possessions ; With regard to the nirther obeer-
<>n the constitutional regime en- Tations with which the French
surcd to the grand duchy of Lux- plenipotentiary accompanied the
omburg by the treaties' of 1815 ; above declaration, the ConferencCj
on the measures that might be after consideration, have unanini*
adopted with regard to the latter ously agreed — first, that the die-
country ; on the peculiar situation cussion on the exchange of terri«
of the duchy or Bouillon, and, tory which might take place be*
generally, on the means for the tween Holland and Belgium was
execution of the protocol of Janu- only to be assumed now asa projecti
ary HO, 18«'n. The French pleni- but that it can only be opened with
pjtentiary, finally, again express- advantaffe when the parties im-*
ed the ardent and invariable desire mediately interested shall have ao-i
which his government has con- ceded to the arrangements which
stantly manifested to act in bar- must follow the separation of Bel-
mony with its allies, and to con- gium from Holland, and when the
cur with them in the maintenance labours of the commissions for the
of general peace, and the treaties demarcation shall have completely
which form the basis of it. This cleared up the question relative to
communication received by the the exchanges of territory, and>
plenipotentiaries of the four Courts consequently, have fecilitat^ the
with unanimous and sincere satis- solution of it td the five Pdwers.
faction, gave them occasion on their Secondly, that, as the main prin-
nart to declare, that they knew ciple of the five Powers is to re«
Iiow to appreciate duly the spirit spect treaties, it is evident that
and aim of the same. They con- the stipulations of the treaties re^
sider it as the happy result of the lative to the grand duchy of Iaux-
principles laid down in the proto- emburg must be executed* Third-
col of March 17> in consequence ly, that in consequence of the
of the first observations, to which same principle, the plenipotenti«
the protocol of February 19 had aries of the hve Courts at the Lon*
given rise on the part of France, don Conference shall proceed to an
Greatly as they regretted even a examination of the treaties in ex-
momentary difference of opinion istence relative to the duchy of
between them and tlie French Bouillon, in order to state upon tha
PUBLIC DOCOMENTS.
37S
obserTBtiona mada by the plenipo-
tentiury of France, what may be
peculiar in the situatioD of that
duchy, so that a due regard for
this situation may be observed in
tlie measures, the application of
which may be required tovuda
the duchy of Luxemburg,
" EsTBRHAaY.
" WssaiiNBxna.
" Tai/Lrvrand.
" Palm'shston.
" BULOW.
" LlEVJtN.
" Matuscbwitooh."
Photocoi. of the Conferrnceb nt
Ike FoREioN-oiFFicK, held May
10, 1831, reUtlifc Iv the refusal
of the Belgic Govkrnsjbnt
(o adhere to the basis laid dmvn
ht) the CotfpERENCE.
"The plcDtpoteatiary of France,
after having declared the full and
entire assent of the governmeRt of
his majesty the kiog of the French
to the protocols twenty-one and
twenty-two of the 17th of April,
cnlls tile attention of the plenip'>-
tentiaries of Austria, flreat Bri-
tain, Huuia, and Prussia, on tlie
means of combining the cxocutioD
and ethcacy of the last of those acts,
with the precautions beat cakulabtd
to dispel even a pretext for all
alarm relatire to the prMarvation
of geoerai peace.
" The first question which the
Congress has liiacussed with this
view, related to the time which
jnight be granted to Ibe Belgian
government to the definitive pro-
poeitions contained in protoocd 88.
" Considering tiiat the commia-
siooeri of the live Courts at BrUB>
■ela and the government of his
majesty the hing of the French
are of opinion that » noderftt* de*
lay would otter a means of prepar-
ing the minds of the ptraple in
Belgium for tliis iD>|)Ortaut com-
muni cat ion, the pleninoteutiariea
have raaolvcd that loi'a Ponsonby
should be iLUtlioriied to concert
witii general Balliard the previous
stops which micht produce the
must effect in thiH respect, aud not
ta L'OJiimuuicatc the '■MaA protncol
oHicially to the Belgic government
till uFler empluyintf all their inHu-
eiice to show generally the ttilvau-
tagu which the Belgians would
reap from the immediate and (rank
acceptance of the bases of separa-
tion to which hia majesty the king
of the Netherlands bus already
completely assented.
" It has been agreed, on the
other hand, that the official cnni-
niunioutiou of the protocol in
question sliould take place at all
events before the Ist of June, this
year, aud that on that day the de-
lay shall expire, grauted by the
Congi'ess at Loudon to the Belgic
government to {dace itself accord-
ing to its evident interest in the
same position as his mi^esty the
king of the Netherlands wiUi re^
spect to the live Foircrs, by tha
acceptano! of tbo bnsis of separa-
tion Hhovo-mentionM).
'' The pleuipoteutiarioshave fur-
ther determined, tliat if on the
day lised the Belgic government
declares by its olticial answer that
it accedes to the said basis of sepa-
ration, then immediate attention
shall ho jHiid to the measures ne-
cessary for the speedy evacuation
of the places and territories occu-
■ t
hotindario!
Belgium and Holland. In this
supposition t\\a common consent of
the two parties directly interested,
to which the fit-o Courts will con-
tribute their good offices, would
376 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
afterwards decide the excliauges of which they would thus enter ipw
territon' and arrangements, the facto into a state of hostility by
principles of which have been laid a violation of the engagemeDts
down in article 4 of the basis of which they contracted the 21 at of
separation. If, on the contrary, November, 1830, would have to
these bases should not be accepted concert the measures which they
by the 1st of June by the Belgian should think it their duty to op«
government^ the plenipotentiaries pose to such attacks, and that the
have agreed on this : — tirst of their measures would con-
'*' 1. That according to protocol sist in the most speedy execution
No. !2, an absolute rupture of all of the determinations indicated in
relations shall take place between the instructions given to the com-
the five Powers and the authorities missioners of the Congress of Lon-
which govern Belgium. don, on the 18th of January,
" 2. That the tive Powers, far which instructions are added to
from interposing further with the protocol No. 10.
German Confederation, as they ** o. Lastly, that if these deter-
have hitherto done, to retard the minations should be insufficient, the
adoption of the measures which Congress at London, acting in the
the German Confederation has re- name of the five Powers, would
solved to take in the grand duchy agree in common upon the further
of Luxemburg, could not but ac- measures which circumstances
knowledge themselves the neces- might require for the same object.
sity of those measures. '' The plenipotentiaries have
'< S. That the live Powers, con- agreed that the present protocol,
sidering the intimate relations which completes the disposition fi
which subsist between them and that of the 17th of April, No. SS,
the German Confederation, would shall also serve to complete the in-
ask the Diet at Frankfort to give structions of lord Ponsonby, and
them a proof of friendship by caus- be immediately forwarded to him."
inff to be communicated to the _ , , ,r ^, *«^*-
Congress at London confidential Protocol, May 21, 183L
information respecting the in ten- '^ Lord Ponsonby, after reoeiv-
tions of the Confederation relative ing the article No. 23, having
to the number and employment of thought it his duty to submit in
the troops which it would cause person to the Congress the state of
to enter into the grand duchy of affairs in Belgium, has been heard
Luxemburg. by the plenipotentiaries of the five
" The entirely friendly commu- great Courts,
nication in question would have no " Considering that it results
object but to enable the Congress from the information given by lofd
in London to prevent the uneasi- Ponsonby —
ness which these military move- '' 1. That the assent of the Bel-
ments might excite in the adjacent gic Congress to the basis of sepa-
countries. ration between Belgium and HoU
*' 4. That if the Belgians should land would be essentially fiicili-
violate the armistice which they tated if the five Courts contented
ought to observe with respect to to support Belgium in its desire to
Holland, and should attack its obtain, on giving an indemnity,
territoryi the five Powers with the grand duchy of Luxembuig. .
PUBLIC DOCU
" 9. That the choice of a new
sovereign liaviag become iodiBpenB-
able to arrire at these fioal ar-
rangemeDta, the best means of ob-
taining the proposed object would
be, to remove the difficulties which
would impede the auceptance of the
sovereignty of Bel^um by prince
Leopold. In case, as there is every
reason to believe, that sovereignty
should be offered to him, the ple-
nipotentiaries have agreed to invite
lord Ponsonby to return to Brus<
sets, and to authorize him to de-.
dare,
" 1. That the five Powers can
no longer delay to require of the
Belgic government its assent to the
basis of the separation of Belgium
and Holland, to which his majesty
the king of the Netherlands has
already assented.
" 2. That paying attention to
the wish expressed by the Belgic
government to obtain the grand
duchy for an indemnity, the five
Powers promise to open a negoti-
ation with the king of the Nether-
lands, in order to secure, if possi-
ble, to Belgium for a just compen-
sation the possession of that coun-
try, which should preserve its
actual relations with the Cierman
Confederation.
" 3. That immediately after
having obtained the assent of the
Belgic government to the basis of
separation, the five Powers would
acquaint the German Confeder-
ation with this assent, as well as
with the engagements taken by
them to commence a negotiation
for the purpose of obtaining, if
possible, for Belgium, the posses-
sion of the grand duchy of Luxem-
burg for a just compensation ; the
five powers would, at the same
time, invite the German Confede-
ration to suspend, durlo^ this ne-
gotiatioD, the executioa of the
measure resolved upon for the mi-
litary occupation of the grand
duchy. .
" 4, That when the Belgian go-
vernment should hare given its as--
sent to the basis of separation, and
the difficulties relative to the sore->
reignty of Belgium are removed,
the negotiations necessary to carry
this basis into effect should be im-
mediately opened with the sove-
reign of Belgium, under the
auspices of the five Powers. .
"5. Lastly, that if this assent
should not be given by the Ist of
June, lord Ponsonby, in concert
with general Belliara, would hare
to eiecute the instructions con-
tained in the 23rd protocol of the
10th of May, and to acquaint the
Belgic government with the deter-
mination which the five Courts have
taken for this case by the said pro-
tocol. The two protocols ai^e signed
" EsTERHlZr. I
" Webbbnbdrg.
" Tat.lbyhand.
" Palhxbston.
" BVLOW.
" LiBTBH.
" Matusobwitsch."
" Brusielt Paperi, Jtme 4."
Le'
o/" LoKD Ponsonby /o the
Bkloic Minister of fobeign
Akfairs, dated STMay, IS31,
communicated by the latter to Ike
Belgic Congress, May 28.
"Brussels, May 27,
"Sir, — I arrived yesterday even-
ing, and will not delay to commii-
□ Lcate to you some ideas on the
state of your affairs, as far as the
Congress at London is interested
in them. I therefore rely on your
indulgence, which I hope will ex-
cuse the imperfections of a letter
written in the greatest haste.
" The Congress finds the bounds
376 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
aries of Holland^ and treaties con-
stitute with respect to boundaries^
the }a\v^ of nations. The Congress
cannot violate that law ^ conse-
quently it cannot consent that
Belgium should assume the right
to fix the frontiers of another state;
but the Congress is nevertheless iii«
clincd^ as fur as it shall be able,
without violating the fundamental
principles of European policy^ to
remedy such things as may be con-
trary to the interests of lielgium^
and at the same time not be inju-
rious to the interests of the neigh-
bouring nations. Acting with
these views^ the Congress desires
that Belgium may place itself in
the ordinary circle of European
states, recognizing the common
obligation of treaties^ taking part
in the burthens and the benefits of
the policy received among nations,
and constituting itself in such a
manner that it may have a right
to demand, that all other states
should acknowledge and treat it as
an associate.
"If Belgium consents to place
itself in this situation, the Con-
gress will assist it by its powerful
mediation to obtain the duchy of
Luxemburg by a treaty, and for
an equitable indemnity; and by
effectual means the Congress will
prevent any military interference
on the part of the German Confed-
eration during the negotiation.
It must be observed, by tnis mode
of proceeding, Belgium will obtain
this territory peaceablyi and for
over — whereas, it is at least uncer-
tain whether it will obtain it by
war ) and the inhabitants of the
Duchy will be spared the calami-
ties which fall on those whose
country becomes the theatre of
war.
" The Congress is animated by
» feeling of good-will towards Bel-
gium ; its real object is peace now
and in future, founded^ on the se-
curity and independence of that
country, and a definitive arrange-
ment of all its interests.
'* The Congress would therefoni
sec with pleasure the Belgian Con-
gress elect some' sovereign who
might not personally interfere with
the rights of other governments,
and it will recognize with particu-
lar satisfaction the prince on whom
the Belgians seem especially tn
have turned their eyes, provided
that the Congress will enable him
to place himself in the common
circle of the governments.
'' On what principle of reason
could Belgium pretend to place
itself in a situation different from
that under which all other nations
live ? Why should it demand ex-
clusively the privilege to dictate
laws to all other nations on ques«
tions of disputed territory^ and to
withdraw itself from the obligation
of observing the general rule of ne-
gotiations and treaties, pretending
all at once to have recourse to vio-
lence and war to secure what it
considers as its rights? Is Bel-
gium powerful enough to force the
military five great nations of £u*
vo\}Q to subscribe to iU wishes }
'*Do some persons think that
the people of Europe may be ex-
cited to resistance to their respect-
ive governments in order to enable
Belgium to destroy the authority
of treaties, the only principle that
preserves nations from a perpetual
war ? There can be no more serious
and dangerous error than such an
opinion.
'' The great powers are suffici-
ently aware of their true interests
not to dispute among themselves
on the Belgic question — that is to
say, on the question whether
treaties ought to be observed.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
" On the contrary, ihvf wiH
ftct with uDaDimity, and they
will have the concurreoce and ap-
probation of their people.
" Belgium is excit«d to have n-
course to armi, and why? To
retain Luxemburg. But it may
postiess it in peace and security
for the thouaaodth part of the price
which an attempt to beep that
country by forre of arms would
cost: IS it not imprudent to heeU
tate on the choice i
"Belgium deeirea to ooaquer
Maestricht, the left bank of the
Scheldt, and to take from Holland
some other parts of its ancient pos-
sessions. Now that the policy of
Europe is evident even to the
least enlightened mind, can it still
be doubted that Belgium is uoable
to obtain any one of these things
by force of arms, unless it succeeds
in conquering the armies of France,
of Prussia, of AuRtna, and of
England? Not an inch of Dutch
territory will be left to Belgium,
unless it has vanquished Europe.^
to say nothing o£ what it might
lose of its own territory If it should
happen to be vanquished itself in
■uch a contest.
" It is for the statesmen who di.
rect the destinies of nations to cal-
*'ulate thii chances of am:ct^ or
defeat- It is for them to show
their countrymen whether it is
better to seek succeea iu their
views by such means iind in such
circumstances, or to try the simple,
iiioUeuaive, and more effectual
means which negotiations afford
under a prince, the friend of all
the Governments of Europe, and
in the consolidation of whose po^^^er
and security all may be interested.
" The h&'jitation which hia niyal
highness prince Leopold has shown
iu the answers which he has made
to thi^ deputies who sounded his
opisioa witb regpect to the eovf
reignty of Belgium, sufficiently
shows the disinterested nature of
his royal highnesa's principles, and
that hia royal highness would
not accept a crown which should
be offered to him, if he could
not wQjir it with honour to Belgium
and himself. However, the prince
is now convinced, to his entire sa-
tisfaction, that he is sufficiently
authoriaed to ex)>ect with conti-
ilencc the equitable and sjwedy
execution of the measures by which
the Congress will assist in the sa-
tisfactory arrangement of the affairs
of Luxemburg ( and the prince is
ready to lake upon himself as sove>
reign the completion of this affair.
" Can there be a better proof of
the change which has taken place
ill the opinion and the resolution
of the Congress ? A week ago the
Congress considered the preserva-
tion of that duchy to the House of
Nassau, if not as necessary, at
luast us extremely desirable, and
at present it is inclined to a medi-
ation, with the avowed inteotiou
of obtaining that duchy for the
sovereign of Belgium,
■' The honour of Belgium cou>
sists in obtaining Luxemburg, and
not in tightijig tn have it, and in-
suring the ruin of Belgium by the
struggle.
" The Congress does not pretend
to interfere in what concerns the
rights, the independence of Bel-
gium, or its internal organization,
but it will maintain the rights of
other states against all aggres-
sion, under any pretext whatever.
" There shall be no new mode of
conquest set up by one power apart
from the rest. The Congress will
remain the protector of laws and
of liberty, against all those who
should attempt to become conquer-
ors, and agamst those who should
disregard any laws but their own
wUl wfl plw\u«- 'i'be B«Igi»ie
380
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
canuot consider it as wise i)olicy to
assert the right of force, and to
recognize it as supreme and abso-
lute> without exposing themselves^
at the same time^ to see the doc-
trine turned against themselres.
*' What IS asked of Belgium^
that it may find itself in a tranquil
and safe situation? All that is
asked of it is, to condescend to
show itself subject to the same po-
litical duties to which the great
monarchies submit. Can that which
France^ Austria^ England^ &c. &c.
iind just and honourable^ wound
the honour of Belgium? I have
confidence in the good sense of the
Belgian government and of the
country; I flatter myself that they
will consider with calmness ana
decide with wisdom the great ques-
tion which is laid before them, and
that they will refuse imprudently
to plunge themselves into diffi-
culties which would be created
without need, and which might
lead even to the extinction of the
Belgic name. As for the debt, I
can repeat to you the assurance
that the Congress has never meant
any more than to make proposals.
" Believe me Sir, your very
humble servant,
(Signed) *' Ponsonby.
'' To M, Lebcau, Minister for
Foreign Affairs,'*
Notes of the Dutch Govern-
MENT relative to the Refusal
of Belgium, and Answer of
the Conference, June 5, 7,
1831.
Protocol of the Conference at the
Foreign Office, jLondon, June
6th; present, the Plenipoten-
tiaries of Austria, France, Great
Britain, Prussia, and Russia,
" Having considered the reports
made to them by lord Ponsonby
up to the 4th of toe present months
forwarded to them from Brussels,
as also the two notes hereunto ap-
pended of the plenipotentiaries of
his majesty the King of the Nether-*
lands.
'^ After having examined on the
one side of the said reports and
notes, and on the other side the
contents of the protocols No. 22,
23, and 24, the plenipotentiaries
resolved to send the appended let-
ter to lord Ponsonby, and to the
representatives of his majesty the
king of the Netherlands, both the
answers, the originals of which are
hereunto appended.
(Signed) " Esterhazy.
'^ Wessenbero.
" Talleyrand.
" Palmerston.
" BULOW.
" Lieven.
" Matuscewitsch."
Appendix, No. 1.
''The undersigned plenipoten-
tiaries of his majesty the king of
the Netherlands have the honour '
to remind lord Palmerston of the
contents of the note which thev«
on the 21st of May, laid before the
London Conference. In this it
was declared, that if the Belgians
did not at once consent to the con-
ditions determined by the five ,
Courts, as a fundamental princi-
ple of the separation, his majesty
would consiaier himself free to act
on his own account, that that te-
dious uncertainty might termin-
ate, which is so highly injurious to
the interests of his faithful sub-
jects. Taking into consideration
the resolutions of the Conference of
the 10th of May, the undersigned
cannot doubt but that the 22nd
protocol was received at Brussels
before the 1st of June, and must
have directly been followed by au
answer, stating either that the
Belgian govenunent had acceded
PUBLIC DOC
to the aboTe-named fundamental conaideratioD
conditions of separation, and placed Wy.
tliemselves in the same poaitioD " Without alluding to the other
with regard to the five Powers in jiainful feelings wliiS the jeading
which the king of the Netherlands of that paper has given rise to,
now finds himself, or that the said the under-mentioned will content
conditions are not accepted by that themselves by objecting in the
government. strongest way to every thing
" Since, however, several days which the agent of the Conference
have elapsed after the term grant- has thought fit to introduce, re-
ed by the London Conference to g.nrding an eventual cession of the
the Belgian government, the un> grand duchy of Lusemburg.
dersigned fulfil an imperative duty " By the way in which lord Pon-
by requesting an explanation with sonby in this letter has spoken of
regard to the information obtain- the proposed cession, he has arm-
ed, in order that their sovereign, gated a right that no person could
on learning the result, which they delegate to him. He has flat-
will immediately have communi- tered, with a deceitfiil hope, the
cated, may take such measures as engrossing spirit which has distin-
in the present state of things are guishcd the revolt, and has en- ~
required, as well as regards the croached on the inalienable rights
dignitv as the safety of Holland. of the king, by promises directly
" The undersigned ret^uest lord opposed to the decisive and un-
Palmerston to communicate the varied language of the reprcsent-
present note to the plenipoten- atives of his majesty's government
tiaries, and, expecting that he will here as well as in the Hague,
honour tbem with an answer, they " The king abides by the act of
embrace this opportunity of re- separation which was proposed by
peating the assurance of their high the live Powers, and is accepted by
regard. him without reservation. By ar-
" Falck. tide 2nd of that act, the grand
" H, VAN ZuYLBN VAN Nykvelt. duchy is expressly acknowledged
" Dated London, Jime 5. as belonging to the House of Nas-
" To his Excellency, Lard sau. It is therefore difficult to
Palmerslon, ^c." comprehend how any idea should
. . ,T have arisen of anv negotiation re-
Appendix, No. 2. ^^^^^^^^ t,,^t sovereignty, which.
" The undersigned plenipoten- even after the unconditional ac-
tiaries of his majesty the king of ceptance of the grounds of the se-
the Netherlands perform an impe- paration by Belgium, would have
rious duty in drawing the atten- been still subject to the greatest
tion of lord Palmerston, and, liiHiculties, because that duchy was
through his influenra, that of the granted in place of their heredit-
London Conference, to the letter ary possessions to the king and the
which lord Ponsonby wrote to princes of the House, and, in his
Mr. Lebeau, dated the 27th of eyes, is of inestimable value. Con-
May last, a letter which was com- sequently the undersigned must
municated to the (so called) Brus- |)roteBt against that part of lord
sels Congress, published in all the I'DOsonby'a letter, which they most
newspapers, and submitted to the positively now do by this, contra-
382
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
dieting it entirely^ and leaving the
consequences of it to the writer.
*' They bayc the bouourj &c.
(Signed)
" Falgk.
" H. VAN ZUYLBN VAN NVHVBLT.
" Ijmdon, June fi.
To hh Exccffcficy, Lord
Palmersfm, Src,"
Appendix^ Na 3.
" Foreigti Office, June ?•
'* The undersigned plenijioten-
tiaries of the Courts of Austria^
France^ Great Britain, Prussia, and
Ru8sia>have taken into consideration
the note of Messrs. the plenipoten-
Van Zaylen Van Nvevelt of their
distinguished regara.
(Signed) <' EarBBHAsr.
*^ WsBflBMBBllO.
^' Tallbyrand.
" PAZilUWtTON.
^* BULOW.
" LiBVEN.
'^ Matuscbwitscb.
'' To ifuir exceOencieti Baron Falek ;
Fan Zuffkn Van N^eveU**'
Appbndix, No. 4.
JjOndon, Foreign Office, June 7'
" The undersigned plenipnten*
tiaries of the Courts of Austria,
Franoe, Great Britain, Pruama,
and Russia, having taken into
tiaries of his majesty the king of rious consideration the note of the
the Netherlands, dated the 5th
inst., communicated through lord
Pousonby*
<'In answer to this note, the
undersigned consider it their duty
to inform their excellencies the
plenipotentiaries of his majesty the
king of the Netherlands, oatea the
6th of this month, communicated
to them through lord Palmerston,
and which had reference to a con-*
fidential letter of lord Pbnioiibjrj
plenipotentiaries of the kin^ of published in the Belgian news-
the Netherlands, that, according papers, the Conference in its igw
to information received yesterday
from Brussels, the Belgians have
not placed themselves, by accept**
ing the conditions of separation, in
the same relation to the five Powers
norance of lord Ponsonbjr's letter,
cannot do otherwise than refer to
the protocol No. 24, dated Slat of
Mav last, which protocol has al-
ready been communicated to the
in which his majesty the king of plenipotentiaries of his majesty
the Netherlands, having entirely the king of the Netherlands.
complied with the said conditions,
is now placed. That lord Ponson-
by is positively recalled, and that
general Bel Hard had received or-
'' In that state paper three
])rinciple8 are laid down, namely,
in the first place, that the ar-
rangements which might lead to
ders from his majesty the king of give Belgium the certain posses-
the French to leave Brussels so
soon as lord Ponsonby had left it ;
and that the Conference were em-
ployed in concerting the measures
which their engagements with the
sion or sovereignty of Luxembnw
should be entered into by mutud
consent. Secondly, that its posses-
sion coidd not be obtained other-
wise than in exchange for reasonable
king of the Netherlands may re* equivalents. And in the third
quire. place, that the five Powers should
'^ Tlie undersigned take this op- make no proposition regarding the
portunity of assuring their excel- proi)osed arrangement, until the
lencies Messrs. Faick and baron Belgians had submitted to the fuB«
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
damenMl coBdition of aoparation
which they (the £re l^m-crs) hud
fixed, atul which the king of the
Netherlands had comiiHed with.
" These priaoiplea m thuao of
the five PoH'en, and shall remaiu
alwavs such. They in no ways
sh.ictie his m^eaty the king of the
Netherlands in acting .tslio iliinks
fit i:egarding that object, and in-
deed, far fmm sncTOachiDg an hia
rights; on the contrary, they give
jiroof of thsir respect for them,
atid tend only to accomplish such
arrangements as woulu promote
the interests which the king has so
much at heart, and likewise to
secure that peace, the maiutaiuiiig
of which corresponds with hij iii-
terest as much as with that of
the five Powers.
" The undersigned gladly take
this opportunity to renew their
their e:?cellencies Falck ami Van
Zuyleii Van Nyevelt.
(Signed) " Estsrhazv.
" WsSSENBEim.
- " Tailbyband.
" Paluxrbton.
" Bdloic.
" LiBVHN.
" Matuhcbwitsch."
Prfi.iminahv Ahtiolbs rmntmi-
nkaled 26lk June, IS.-jI, Ay
Ike CoNPEBEMOB O/'LOKDON, to
//'eBKLOio CoHHiseioKERs.
" To M. Lebeau, at BrueseU.
" The Conference, animated with
a desire to remove the dijKculties
which still retard the conclusion of
the afiUirsurUelgium, has thought
that the following articles, which
might form the preliminaries of a
treaty of pence, would contiibule
to this end. It has therefore re-
Rolved to propose theui to the two
parties.
" Art. I. The limits ot Holland
shall comprehend all the territories,
fortresses, tuwuB, and placesi which
belonged to the former republic of
the uuitod provinces of the Nether-
lauds in the year 1790.
" Art. 2. Belgium shall be form*
ed of all the other territories which
received the itenomiaatinn of the
kingdom of the Netherlands in the
treaties of istfl,
" Art. 3. The fire Powers will
employ their good ofBces that the
duchy of Lu.xemhurg may remuiu
in slalu quo during the course of
the separate negotiation which the
sovei-eign of Belgium will upeu
with tlie king of Uie Netherlands,
and with the German Cun feder-
ation, rosjiecting the grand duchy,
which uegotiation is distinct lironi
the question of the houudaries bo>
twcen Holland and Belgium.
'' It is understood that the for-
tress of Luxemburg shall preserve
a free cummunicatiun with Ger.
many.
" Art- 4, If it IS found that the
republic of the united provinces of
the Netherlands did not exclusive^
ly exercise the sovereignty of Mae-
Htricht in 1790, the two parties
shall consider of moans of making
an amicable arrangement on this
subject.
'■ Art. 5. As it would result
fmm the bases laid down in articles
1 and 2, that Holland and Belgium
would possess districts surrounded
by the respective territories of each
other, such exchanges as may he
thought useful tn both parties shall
he amicably made between Holland
aud Belgium.
"Art. (). The reciprocal evacu-
ation of the territories, towns, and
fortresses shall take place iude-
])endently of the arrangements re-
lative tu the eKi-hange!!.
" Art. 7. It is uudentMid that
384 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the regulations of articles 108 to
1 17 inclusive, of the general act of
the Congress of Vienna, relative to
the free navig;ition of the naviga-
ble rivers, shall l»e applied to those
rivers which pass through the ter-
ritories of Holland and Iklgiuin.
" Art. 8. Dutch and Belgian
(commissioners shall meet at Mae-
stricht as soon as possible, for the
demarcation of the territories.
They shall also discuss the ex-
(*.hanges to be made according to
article 5.
'' Arts. <) (ind 10. IkOgium shall
1k» a neutral state, but without
giving up the right of defending
itself against every lOggression.
*' Art. 1 1 . The port of Antwerp
shall continue to be solely a com-
mercial port, according to article
ir» of the treaty of Paris of the
:;oth of May, 1811.
*' Art. 12. The division of the
debt shall l)e made in such a man-
ner that the whole of the debts
U'fore the union shall fall U]>on the
country by which they were con-
tracted, and those contracted since
the union shall be divided in a just
proportion.
*' Art. i:^ Commissioners shall
Ik* immediately appointed to settle
this matter, so that Belgium may
])rovisionally furnish its i)ortion of
the interest of the debt.
*' Art. 11. The prisoners of war,
on both sides, shall be set at li-
berty fifteen days after the adop-
tion of these articles.
*' Art. ir>. The sequestration of
private property in the two coun-
tries shall be immediately removed.
*' Art. 1(). No inhabitant of the
territories, towns, and fortresses,
reciprocally evacuated, shall be
molested for his past political con-
duct.
'" Art. 17. The five Powers re-
serve to themselves the right of
giving their good offices when they
shall be required by the parties
interested.
** Art. 18. The articles recipro-
cally adopted shall be converted
into a dehnitire treaty.
(Signed) '^ Esterhazy.
*^ Talleyrand.
" Palmerston.
" BULOW.
" Matuscewitsch.
" A true copy
(Signed) '^ Palmerston."
Correspondence between the
Conference and the Dutch
(tovernmbnt, regarding the
entrance of the Troops of the
tatter into Belgium^ I — 8 Junk,
1831.
To the Plenipotentiaries of Aus-
tria^ France, Great Britain^
Prussia^ and Russia.
€(
'' I have had the honour to
ccive the letters which your excel-
lencies Iiave written to me the
25th of July, and by which they
express their hoi)e that, notwith-
standing the declarations contained
in my despatch of the 12th of the
same month, fresh negotiations
tending towards the conclusion of
a definitive treaty under the au-
spices of the five Courts, might
bring about a satisfactory arrange*
ment. You requested me, at the
same time, to propose to the king
that Ins plenipotentiaries in Lon-
don should be furnished with the
necessary powers and instructions
in order to discuss, conclude^ and
sign such a treaty.
" His majesty, who has not ceased
to give proofs of his sincere wish
to co-operate in an arrangement,
and to secure, as far as be can, the
benefits of peace for his subjects^
and for the whole of Europe^ and
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 38S
vho is still animated with the same (juirc, but always for the purpose
feelings, has consequently author- only of luriving at the state of
ized me to furnish the said pleni- things whith the act of separation
])Otentiaries with the powers and had acknowledged to be just anil
instructions necessary to discuss, conrenient.
conclude, and si^n with your ex- " The ritli of June the Nether-
cellencies a defiuitiye treaty, the land plenii>otentiaries thought it
object of which will be to settle their duty to inquire what result
the sepai'ation between Holland had been obtained, in order that
and Belgium according to the prin- the king miglit take the measures
ciples laid down in my despatch on requisite as well for his own dignity
the 12th of July,aQd already agreed as for the security of Holland. 'By
upon between the five Courts and a reply, dated June 7, the Confer-
bis majesty, cnce informed them that it was
" In obedience to the king's in- considering the measures that
tentions, I am obliged to add, that might be required by the engage-
his majesty has determined upon ments which the five Powers had
supporting the negotiations by his contracted towards the king; and
military means — a determination lastly, by their note of the aSnd
which the recent events in Bel- of June, the plenipotentiaries an-
gium have rendered imperious, nouneed again that the king, firiuly
since we liave seen a prince putting resolced not to give up any of the
himself in possession of the sove- rights that he had acquired by his
reignty in that country, without adhesion, would persist in the re-
having previously fulfilled the Condi- servation with which the Confer-
tions establishei{ by the Conference ences had already become qualified
in the 12th and igtii protocols, and respecting his co-operation in the
taking an unrestricted oath to a measures the Conference should
constitution derogatory to the ter- think fit to adopt ; and that when
ritorial rights of his majesty and the representatives of the five
of Holland. Courts at theHaguchadexpressed
" As the plan of establishing an a wish that his majesty might not
armistice has never been realized, immediately avail himself of that
there exists at the present moment reservation, a satisfactory answer
only a cessation of hostilities. The bad been given, but that they, at
Netherlands plenipotentiaries have the same time, had been requested
already, by their note of the 21st to declare that this answer rested
of May, declared tliat his majesty upon the su])position that the Con-
could not subject his dominions to ference would, on their part, pro-
an indefinite prolongation of the ceed without delay to the execu-
provisionatstateof things, and that, tion of the 13th protocol; andthat
from the IstofJunenext, he would if this supposition should not be
considerhimself at libertyeitlier to realized, no alternative would be
co-operate in the measures to be left to the king but to make u
d by the five Powers in order his own means, and to abandon a
to realize the separation according system of condescension which
to the Appendix A of the 12th would no longer be compatible with
protocol, or to act on his own ac- the safety of the state, nor with
count, and in the manner which the interest of his faithful subjects.
circumstances would seem to re- The very step just mentioned of
Vol. LXXni. aC
386 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
the representatives of the five tain from the plenipotentiiries tt
Courts at the Hague evidently the Xetherianda any explanmtion of
shows that at that period the Con- these facts, we still refiiM to be«
ference was convinced of the king's lieve that the king:, at tha rwj
right to recommence hostilities. moment when he oommunioated to
'^ Since the date of the diplo- us his intention of negodatuig a
matic papers which I have quoted, definitive treaty of peace, cnn have
new motives have arisen for taken the resolution to rekindle the
strengthening the disposition al- flames of war, and to lead to the
ready expressed in the name of his destruction of a commercial city,
majesty ; hut whatever may he the — an event deplorable in itadf, ami
results, they will never produce which by the sentimenta of haticd
the least alteration in the king's and revenge to which it woald az«
wishes for the success of the efforts cite, might, perhaps, almoat reader
which your excellencies and his it impossible to conclude a peace
own plenipotentiaries are about to so much desired by the king tad
make, in order to conclude an ar- by Holland. Your exceSency
rangcment for the final seimration knows the grounds of general ia*
on principles conformable to the terest which led the five Powers ia
acktiowleclged rights of his majesty November last to effect a BUipea*
and of Holland. sion of arms between Holland aad
•* The Ha^He, Angiijfi 1, 1831." Belgium. You know the engine.
ments which subsist on this Mib«
'' To fiis Kxcelienctf Baron /Vr- ject between the Powers, and whiA
sfM lie Soe/rn, t^r. ^r. v«re mentioned in espseas.terma
in the letters which we had tha
*' London, Aug. 5. honour to address to your exosl*
'- M. le Baron ,-^By the letter leucy on the Sdthof July. Their
which your excellency did us the motives and their engagemoite are
honour to represent to us, on the still the same. The tranqqilUty of
1st of August, yuu had the gO(NU Europe is connected with tlwia.
ness to inform us, that it is the We hope that it will be auilicieBt
intention of the king, your august to alluile to them here, aad that
master, to support by military mea- your excellency will not fail to ob«
siires {/Hir ties fNvsurex miiitfitres) tain from the king the
the negotiation which his p1eni|)o- orders that all host ilitiefl may
tentiaries are commissioned to open without delay, that hia miyetty^t
at London. troops may retire within the tran^
'* We should have supposed that tiers of his territory, and that the
these measures would be adopteil city of Antwerp may not be ex-i
only in the interior of the territory posed to a catastrophe which would
of Holland, if public report did be infinitely to be regretted,
not inform us that they have been *' These demands, founded oa
exten(ie<l beyond its frontiers, — our engagements, will no doubt
that hostilities have been resumed be favourably received by his
against the Belgians by the king's jesty. We take pleasure in bdier*
orders, and that the armistice, ing that such will be the caae, aad
cniicluiled at Antwerp, has just request your excellency to hoooor
been denounced. us witli a speedy and satisfactory
" Not having been able to ob- answer. We have not lailod to
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
sar
call on tha Belgians to cesse th«
hostilities which they tnsy ha*e
resumed, in consequence of th«
movements made by the k log's
troops. Accept, Sir, the new m<
sursnce of our distinguished con-
sul erati on.
(Signed) " BsT^iiHAsy.
" WBfi8KN>Smfl>
" TAIU.SYKAND.
" PALMKKVrOlf.
" BlTLOW.
" Lis VIM.
" Matumpwitsoh."
The answer to this letter ii in
the following terms:—
" To their Excelletictet Ike Plan-
potmtiariet cf Auilna, France,
Great Britain, Prtutta, and
Riiiiia, atmnbkd in Conjerenee
nt London.
" The Hague, Aug. 8.
" [ have had the honour to re.
(«ive the letter of your excellencies
of the fifth of August, in which
you hsve bean pleased to Inform
me that the Conference at London
had understood the support of the
negotiations by military measures
mentioned In my letter of the 1st
of August, as if it meant measures
to be adopted in the interior of the
territory of Holland.
" I must take the liberty to ob>
serve, that the terms in which
this part of my letter is drawn up
appeared explicit here. ' The
King,' I had the honour to say,
' had resolved to support the ne-
gotiations by his military means
(moment mililairf*,) —a Hetermi-
natioii which hat become doubly
necessary since the events which
have lately taken place in Belgium.'
We thought that these words clear-
ly expreBse<l that a new determl.
nntioii was meant, not an intention
of remaining in the passive atti>
tude of the last dIm ii
attitude to wbicli thja Qbserratien
could not apply> that it had be-
come nnnnetiary alnoa the lUe
event!} ; iiur the exposition wliieh
the latter [>art of my letter was
destined to demonstrate, the pow-
er to recommence hostilities which
WHS repeatedly made during the
negotiations on the part of the
king. ] took the liberty to add,
that whatever might be the result
of these dispositions of his uiajesty
they would by no means diminish
his desire for the happy suecese of
the negotiation. Besides, I made
a point of giving, on the morning
of the departure of baron Zuylen
de Nyevelt, as well as in the even-
ing and followinp morning to the
represonlativt's if t)ie five Courts
at the Hague, all the explanations
which they thought proper to uk,
" As tot the city of Antwerp, I
am happy to be able to confirm th«
opinion of your excellencies that
the king has by no means taken
the resolution to oauaa thq de^
struction of that commerdaf dty,
— a resolution which would be at
onoe incompatible with the exaltad
sentiments of his majesty, and with
the wishes which ha has never
ceased to fbrm for the happiness of
Belgium. The sally lately made'
by the garrison of Antwerp was
intended not to injure tha haUta*
tions, but to spike the cannon
which had been planted against
the citadel, and whtdi were an.
dence of the abuae that had been
made of tha suspension of arms.
The direction of the military op-
erations bein^ conSded to the
prince of Oraoge, it will depend
upon his royal highness to detor.<
mine those which may concent the
city of Antwerp j but at all events
his royal highneaa will undoubtedly
follnvr hia own natural iocUnatioo
2C2
388
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
to spare the peaceable inhabitants
and their property.
''I beg your excellencies to be
conrinced that the present more-
ments of the royal army, far from
being dictated by motives of policy
or Tengeanoe must be considerea,
merely as coercive measures, such
as the Conference at London itself
had manifested its intention to em-
ploy against Belgium, in case of
the non-acceptance of appendix A.
to Protocol 12, and which the
king on his part had reserved to
himself a right of employing.
Solely destined to support a nego-
tiation for which the plenipoten-
tiaries of his majesty are furnished
with the most extensive instruc-
tions and full powers, favoured by
the kind co-operation of your ex-
cellencies, and having for its ob-
ject purely domestic interests con-
cerning the relations between Hol-
land and Belgium, they are en-
tirely foreign to that part of the
Belgian question which has been
thought to interest Europe, to
which the king has made the sacri-
fice of the separation between Hol-
land and Belgium. The conclusion
of the definitive treaty, which his
majesty hopes is very near, will at
once put an end to the military
operations; but when the question
is to save and secure the existence
of Holland by an equitable treaty
of separation, his majesty as a
constitutional monarch, reigning
over a free people, cannot adopt any
course but such as is in harmony
with the public spirit of the nation
and unanimously sanctioned by the
two chambers of the national re-
presentation. I beg your excel-
lencies to accept, &c.
(Signed)
*' Verstolk van Soelen."
The minister, after reading the
above documents, spoke as fol-
lows :*-'' Upon the refoaal of Bel*
gium to negociate the definitive
treaty of peace at London till an
agreement should be made respect-
ing the principles which, as it wss
expressed in the refusal^ can be no
others than those of the mioposed
18 preliminary articles^ the Con-
ference again insisted at ffninwli
on the sending of plenipotentiariei
to n^ociate a definitive tzetty,
with the remark, that <m tne
speedy conclusion of such a traaty
even the political existence of tiie
Belgians depends. While this wis
determined in London, Fkuee
had resolved eventually to aant
Belgium with an army. In the
aftmioon of the 8th inst.j the
French Charge d' Afiidxes ooranm-
nicated to me a letter dated firam
the minister of Foreign alBdn at
Fans, stating, that in oonaeqpienoe
of the denunciation of the annistice
on our side, Belgium had niplied
to the king of the Fiend rar as*
sistance ; that it would be gifen
if Belgium should have need of it
to repel the attack; and that if
the Dutch army did not immedi-
ately retire within the line fixed
by the armistice, it would have to
combat a French army, and that
the French Charge d' AflSuies
would leave the Hague.
Almost at the same time the
Dutch government received a re-
port, the authenticity of which
cannot be doubted, that the Lon*
don Conference had assented to the
assistance eventually to be given
to Belgium by a French military
force, and had accept^ the oibr
of a fleet made by England. The
same report mentions a coovention
relative to the stay of the F^rendi
troops in Belgium; stipnlatin^
among other things, that the
French army shall not enter Hol-
land.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 389
"When the kin^ took tbe reso* whidi the fire Cotirts now declare,
lution to support by arms the basis without delay, that they will pro-
or separation between Holland and ceed to apply, for the advaDtage
Belgium, all the possible conse* of Belgium, that force which the
quences of that important step king has in rain invoked in sup-
were taken into the account, port of his own just cause.
Even the present circumstance was '* In such a state of things, his
calculated upon, though it was majesty was advised not to depart
considered one of the leaat probable, from the system which he has
Nevertheless, as it has now come adopted. Our difference with
to pass, it is the duty of the go- Belgium is declared to be a do-
vernment to direct its course ac- mestic difference, and by no means
cordingly. to concern Europe. Itie courage
" The following letter from me of our troops has at tbe beginning
to the king's ambassador at Paris gloriously b'iumphed in Belgium,
will show in what manner his ma- but the difference would become
jesCy has thought himself called European if the king should re-
upon to act under these circum- tain nis arms in his hand against
stances. F. I. the preponderance of tbe Powers
" A calm consideration of the represented in the Conference at
coui-se of the negotiations leads to London ; and it can never be the
the following conclusions: — object of his majesty to shed
"When Belgium separated her- the precious blood of his Dutch
self from Holland, the five greatest subjects in fruitless enterprises.
Powers in Europe united to restore Should, therefore, a French army
tranquillity in the kingdom of the enter Bel^um, that of the Netber-
Netherlanas, und then proceeded lands shall retire into our ancient
to ilctermtne equitable bases of se- territory. In this result, also,
paration between Holland and Bel- history and impartial posterity
giuni. Such bases were laid down will judge, that in the midst of
by them with the announcement enervated Europe, Holland unani-
of compulsory measures in case moualy supported the head of the
they should be rejected. The re- state, maintained its ancient re-
jection took place on the part of putation in defence of its rights;
Belgium. In vain did Holland, that it never hesitated to speak
which had accepted the basis, call freely and to act freely; that in
during several montlis for the ap- the nuMt critical circumstances that
plication of these measures to Bel- perhaps ever occurred to a state, it
gium, as well in order to regulate undertook one of the most magna-
the separation on the principles uimous enterprises recorded in his-
laid down as to check diuly viola- tory, and was able, in a few days,
tions of the -suspension of arms ; to compel a country, containing a
for instead of doing this, new population double its own, and
bases were laid down entirely to which had dared to provoke, and
the advantage of Belgium. Hoi- to calumniate, the courage of its
land, abiding by the fir^t, which soldiers, to renounce all hope of
had become obligatory between the saving itself by its own resources."
five Powers and the king, res<Jved A very long report of tbe prince
to employ arms to make them ac- of Orange, dated from his head-
cepted by tbe BelgimiB, upon i^iiarterB at Curingen, 8th of Aii«
390
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
•-f A'litHa, Frasct, Gmt Bri-
*' Tbe ptc«ip:4eiitxaiT «c his
BritanDic majcfti- opeocd tkc C«o-
ferenae by zaaking to the (4efu-
piiC«fiti»rKs (.'f tbe f*.«r other
Pi.twer* tbe f'.4k>viDf declaratioo :
*' That tbe uir^atut the g«>-
rerainect of hi« Britannic majestr
received \uUx^M<m vf the re-
nevai i.-t' hn«tiiitie» betveen H^jI-
l.»id and Belgium, it gare oniere
f> If a dlvi«I«:4i c^f the rieet tu a»-
^emble as ^ood as possible io tbe
Downs, where it vould be readr
t*t ctjBcur in anv measure vbicK
might be deemed Deoessarr for the
re^-establishmeat oi" the armistice
\%hii.-h the bFe Pover^ had engaged
tM maiotain between Holland and
Belgium, aud that alter the dis-
l«tch of this order, the new sore*
reign of Belgium had claimed the
a««>iatance of the fire Powers, and,
UKjie especially, naral succour,
fn^m Great Britain.
" 'J'be pleuipotcDtiary of his
majesty tbe king of the French
declanid that tbe iiorereigD of Bel-
gium had just required the armed
iDterrention of France, in con-
sef|nence of the renewal of bos*
tilities between Holland and Bel-
gium, and he bad even added, that
the necessity for the assistance of
the French govemmeat was eX'<
was iw4 a Buute t» be
prereBt a ccnml ^
'^ TbeobBgerbcug m
the king of the Ywtadk
iamcdiatelT upoo JJiBBiin^ y
to march to the anoasr
Belgians, and drive the
tnHps bnck upon
ritciT.
'-' !nie plenipoleiliwiei «f Ike
four other Courta hnvia^ ■■ii
the plenipjtentiary of FruHe ae*
qnainted with the
Mvedon the
French goremnient to tkc
xnffatiTei </ thoK fiNir
at Puis, the pknipoteiitiHj if
France, referring to thoae
rations, annoonoed that nn i
the oljcct thejr pninted nttt
be attained, the Ficndh
would letom into the
du Nord.
(i
mnde, tbe Confieffenoe
that, on one side,
coming to the
had a&pted, had not
fulfil the obligation, vhich
fully desirous to dki^ of
concert with her allies; hn^ en
the other hand, die hnd
an intention of not ai
self of the measoies takenslHt in
execution of the enagenMnte nn-
teied into between we firm Puftia
relatire to the maintcnenoe «f Ae
armistice between ^itHmmI nid
Belgium.
" Consequently, the ^
tiaries of the fire Powen _
ed the entrance of tke liench
troops into Belgium, nn hniri^
taken place not with nnj ii
peculiar to France, but ftr an
ject towards whidi the
tions of the Confierenoe van dfr
rectcd, and it zemained aadamloid
that tbe extent to b9 givoi to Ai
tUftLiC DOCUMENTS. 381
operations of these troops and th«ir " Lievxn.
con tit) nance in Belgium ehould be " MATUSCEtriTKH."
tix«d by common agreement be-
tween the five Courts at the Con- Protocol of the CoHference keld at
ference in London. '^^ Foreign Qffice, m the ISik
" It also remained understood, 'f -<•¥"*'> l^Sl.
that in case the co-operation of Present:— The plenipotentiaries of
the English fleet shoud be re- Austria, of France, of Great
quired, this fleet should act only Britain, of Prussia, and of Eus-
lor tbe purpose of accomplishing gjj_
the same Tieivs and upon the same
principles. " The pknipotentiaries n( the
" Residns, it remained agreed fire Courts having asKDibled ia
that the French troops should not Conference, have read the annexed
pass the aut;icnt fi-ontiers of Hoi- letter of bu-on Veratolk de Soelea,
land, that their operatiMis should in, answer to that which they ad-
be confined to the left bank of tbe dressed on the 5th inst. to that
Meuse, and that under no circum- minister, respecting the hostilities
stances should they inyest the (br- which had again taken place be-
tressof Maestricht,orthBtofVen- tweon Holland and Belgium. The
loo, because then the war would be plenipotentiaries of the firs Courts
carried too near the frontiers of have, moreover, taken into ctin-
Frnssia andjGermany, and might aideration a communication which
give rise to serious and complicated was made to them by tbe fdeoipo-
3uestions which the Powers were tentiaries of the king of the Ne-
esiroUB of avoiding; and finally, tlierl and s, and considering that it
that in conformity with the decla- results from this communication,
rations made by the French go- as well as from infarmation re-
vernment to the representatives of ceived direct from Hirilaad and
the four Courts at Paris, the from Belgium, that an order to
French troops should retire with- |iit(. un end to the hu.ttilitie^, and
in the limits of France, as soon as to withdraw beyond the line of the
'■ armistice was re-estaUisIied nrmistice, had been des]iatcbf>d to
' ' the troops of ibc king of the Nc-
tlicrlandH, and that the cessation
i>( hostilities and the withdrawal
that these last events ougGt to of the troojis must by this time
induce it the more strongly to have bikcn place, the plenipoten-
occupy itself with a definitive tiaries of the five Courts have re-
treaty calculated to put an end to uolvcd to authenticate the com-
atl dificrences between Holland munication of the plenipolentiarics
and Belgium, and which was in- of the Netherlands, by juiniog it
dispensable lor the maintenance of to the present Protocol, and have
the general peace. reserved to themselves the option
(Signed) " EsTERHJLzr. of fixing interiorly, and according
" Wessenbebo. to circum stances, tlie determination
" TaUiKTband. that it may be necessary tor them
" Pai^hbbbtoh. to adopt*"
" BuLDV. Signed, So,
392
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
proliK'vi of the Conference held at
the Foreign Office, the ISih of
Anisuxty 1831."
Pros«»nt : — The plenipotentiaries
of Austria, of Frant-c, of Great
Britain, of Prussia, and of Rus«
sia.
**Tlieplenipotentiariesof tbefire
Courts having met, the plenijioten-
tiary of Franco made a communi-
rat ion « stating that the French
army which had entered Belgium
had commenced its retreat^ and
that 20,000 men had received
orders to return immediately to
France. It was agreed that this
communication should be authen-
ticatetl, and not having as yet re-
ceived any otHcial information of
the withdrawing of the troops of
Iiis majesty the king of the Ne-
therlands to the Dutch territory,
the plonijx^tentiaries reserved to
themselves, conformably to the
Prott>cid No. o 1 , to agree later on
the perioil at which the occupation
of Belgium by the French troops
is to cease entirely."
Signed^ &c.
Protocof of the Conference held at
the Foreign Office, the 23rd of
August. XSSI.
Present : — The p]eni|>otentiaries
of Austria, of France, of Great
Britain^ of Prussia, and of Rus-
sia.
m
** The plenipotentiaries of the
live Courts being assembled^ have
taken into consideration the an-
nexed note by which the plenipo-
tentiaries of his majesty the king
of the Netherlands have oflicially
informed them of the ^vithdrawing
of the troops of the king to the
territory of Holland. After the
communication of this documenty
the plenipotentiaries of the fire
Courts have taken into considen-
tion the means of prerentiDg^ the
renewal of hostilities between Hoi-.
land and Belgium, of bringing
about a speedy cessation of the
measure the adoption of which
was provoked by the hostilities
that have recently taken place,
and of accomplishing the solution
of the questions which remain to
be regulated^ in order to establish
a durable peace between the two
countries. Considering that for
these important results to be
bmught about afresh, suspensioo
of hostilities is indispensable^ but
that a suspension of hostilities for
a fixed time would be more appro-
priate than an undefined suspen-
sion of hostilities, to the actual
state of the negotiations, to the
well-founded hope now entertained
by the Powers of bringing about
a final arrangement between Hol-
land and Belgium, and to the ne-
cessity that exists for this arrange-
ment, both as regards the parties
directly interested in it and the
maintenance of a general peace;
the plenipotentiaries have rnolved
to propose to the government, of
his majesty the king of the Ne-
therlands and to the Belgian go«
vemment —
'^The establishment of a suspen-
sion of hostilities for six weeks.
This suspension of hostilities to be
placed under the guarantee of the
five Powers, and if one of the two
parties should violate it, that party
to be considered in a state ci
hostility with the said Powers.
During the suspension of hos-
tilities, the respective troops axe
to remain beyond the line that se-
parated them before the resumption
of hostilities.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
" They are to enjoy reciprocally
full liberty of commuaicatiOD, and
to abstain from all acts of aggres-
sion, and from any measure that
may be productire of iojury to-
wards the adverse party.
" This said suspension of hos-
tilities to be taken advantage of
by the five Powers, in order to
bring about that final arrange-
ment between Holland and Bel-
gium which is the object of their
wishes and of their eiforts.
" ESTERHAZV.
" WssSENBEBO.
" Tallkyband.
" Palmeks'ton.
" BuLOw.
" LlEVEN.
" Matubcbwitbch."
Protocol oJ the Conference of
London, 6th Octobeh, 1831,
apportioning the Debt between
Holland arid Belgium.
" The plenipotentiaries of the
five Courts having assembled, have
taken cognizance of the annexed
letter, by which the plenipoten-
tiaries of his majesty the king of
the Netherlands hare communi-
cated to the Conference, in reply
to the letter which had been
addressed to them on the 30th
of September, tiro tables, the
first of which sfiows the amount
and annual interest of the debts
contracted since the Union of Bel-
gium with Holland, bv the United
Kingdom of the Netherlands, by
virtue of laws passed by the states-
general ; and the second, the
amount of the charges of the ser-
vice of the total debt of the
united kingdom of the Nether-
lands, according to the last bud-
gets Toted by the states-general.
" Considering that the plenipo-
tentiaries of the Netberlftods gua-
rantee the correctness of the tables,
and that consequently, if they are
incorrect, in spite of such a ft^mal
guarantee, the fire Courts will by
that circumstance have the right
to regard as well the results of the
calculations to which the tables in
■Question serve as bases, the Con-
ference proceeded to the examina-'
tion of the mode to be adopted,
with a view to insure an equitable
division of the debts and charges
above mentioned between Holland
and Belgium.
" Tn this labour the Conference
has had particularly in view the
principle of Article 6 of the proto-
col of July 21, 1S14, annexed to
the general act of the Congress of
Vienna, which, with respect to
Holland and Belgium, declares —
" ' That as the expenses ought
to be in common, as well as the
profits, the debts contracted up to
the period of the Union, by the
Dutch provinces on the one nand,
and the Belgic provinces on the
other, will be at the charge of the
general treasury of the Nether-
" TJio Curiferciicc recognising
lliat, according to lliiw principle,
Holland pos.sessGd, during the
uniuti, a right to the assistance of
Belgium, to the payment of the
aggregate debt of the kingdom of
the Netlierlauds, and that there
ought to be a complete reciprocity
of expenses and profits between
the two countries, has unanimously
agreed that it woUld be contrary
to this fundamental principle to
make a valuation of the private
profits which Holland or Belgium
may derive from loans contracted
during the union, or to specify the
charges connected with these loans,
and that, therefore, it would only
be pro{>cr to take as the share of
the debts contracted in common,
394
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1631.
the proportiou of the I'cspectivc
population^ or that of the duties
paid by the provinces of which
Belgium and Holland will be com^
))06cd on separating.
''This last proportion having
appeared to be the most equitable^
as it is founded upon the portion
which each of the two countries
has really contributed to the pay*
ment of the debts in common,
contracted during the union, the
Conference therefore decided,as well
by the protocol No. 1 2 of 27th of
January 183 1 , as by the letter here
annexed of the Dutch plenipoteu«
tiaries, that the average proportion
resulting from the budgets of the
kingdom of the Netherlands of
1827, 1828, and 1829, the two
great divisions of this kingdom
have contributed to the payment
of the direct and indirect contri-
butions— the one for 15-31, and
the other for 16-31. The pleni-
potentiaries of the five Courts
have adopted this calculation, al-
ways taking care that the average
proportion in question, according
to the rules of equity, should be
reduced in favour of Belgium, be-
cAUsc> according to the territorial
arrangements to be agreed upon,
Holland would possess a territory
which did not belong to her in
1790. In consequence of which
the Conference have considered it
equitable that the debts contracted
during the re-union of the Nether-
lands should be divided between
Holland and Belgium in the pro-
portion of 15-30, or an equal por-
tion to each.
** The interest (rente) of the
whole of the debts above stated
amounts in round numbers to
10,100,000 florins of the Nether-
lands. The result will be a sum
for Belgium of 5,050,000 florins of
the Netherlands,
'< In addition, the Austro-Belgtc
debt having belonged excluBiTdy to
Belgium Iwfore the re-union with
Hofland, it was considered equidly
equitable that this debt should be
in future borne entirely by Bel-
gium. The interest at 2^ per
cent of tliat part called active of
the debt, as well as the serrioe
of amortissemenl of that part called
" deferred " being estimated ia
round numbers at 700,000 Belgic
florins of interest (rente), Belgium
would have to support under this
second head anotner charge of
700,000 florins of rente.
** The Conference, proceeding
according to the rules of equity,
has found that, in conformity with
the principles and views by which
it is actuated, another debt, which
was originally charged unon Bel-
gium before its union with Hol-
land—namely, the debt inscribed,
on account of Belgium, in the
great book of the French empire,
and which, according to its budgets^
has accumulated to 4,000,000
francs, or 2,000,000 florins of the
Netherlands, of rente, must again
be placed to the account of the
Belgic treasury. The mxm, theie*
fbre, with which Belgium will be
charged under tliis new head, will
be 2,000,000 florins of the Nether-
lands, annual rente.
'^ Lastly, with regard to the id«
vantages of navigation and com*
merce which Holland is called
upon to give up to the Belgiansp
and to the saa*ifices of varioua
kinds to which on her side the ae-
paration leads, the plenipotentiaries
of the Ave Courts have ooDsidefed
that to the three points abore in*
dicated, there ouglit to be added a
sum of 6,000,000 florins of nut,
which will form, with the sums
already mentioned, a total of
8,400,000 floriosoftbelf otheilaMb.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
" It is, tbererure, att aaniiat
rente of 8,400,000 florins wiUi
wbicK Belgium will r«niiiin defi-
uitlvely charged, in conaequeuGe of
tlie division of the public debt <^
the united kingdnm of the Ne-
thertands, accoraing to the uDAni^
nious opinion of the Conference.
" On the other hand, the pleni-
potentiaries of the fire Courts have
observed, that tJie ti/ndicald'atnor'
lUiemetU instituted m the kingdom
of the Netherlands, has contracted'
debts, hiilf the interest of which
has been borns to the charge of
Belgium, but having also, accord-
ing to the nature of the institution
itself, accounts to render, from
which B surplus m«f result, Bel-
gium is entitled to participate in
this surplus, on its being ascor-
taitied as a meajis of liquidation in
tlie proportion in which it has par-
ticipated in the payment of direct
and indirect taxes, and the excise
in the kingdom of the Nether-
lands.
" It has been, therefore, agreed,
that the article on the division of
the debt, in the definitive ar-
rangement of which the Confer-
cuce is occupied, shall be prepared
according to the principles laid
down in the present protocol.
" What has chiefly determined
the Conference upon this occa^on
is, that, founding its docisiona
upon equity, and considering the
amount of the charge* for the
service of the public debt of the
united kingdom of the Nether-
lands, it finds that the amount
is stated in round numbers at
27,700,000 florine of rente, and
that, in consequence, Belgium,
during the union, contributed to
the paymeut of this rente in the
proportion of 16-31 — that is to say,
that instead of 14,000,000 florins,
it will now, with the adTantages
fiir its part, 8,400,000 florins of
rente, and on tho other hand, in
consequence of the mode of division
adopted by the Conferencti, Hol-
land obtains a considerable relief
which may serve to satisfy the
various claims which it has set up.
(Signed) " EsTiaHAiT.
" TaltLBYRAMtk
" PjLtiHlBaTDN.
" BCLOW.
" Li«vkM.
" Matsboswitsgh."
Articlks rf" a d^fimlive Tkbatt
between Hoi:.iiAND and Bsl.
Oint, agreed on by the CoMrzA-
ENCE ^ London, Octobbs,
18S1.
" The undersigned plenipoten-
tiaries of Austria, France, Great
ISritain, Prussia, and Russia, after
having maturely weighed all the
considerations which have been
made to them by the Belgian ple-
nipotentiai'y upou the means of
concluding a definitive treaty re-
lative to the separation bettveen
Belgium and Holland have expe-
rienced the regret of finding that
there is iu these com muni cations
no approximation of the views and
opinions of the parties directly in-
terested,
" Being unable to abandon tn
more protractetl uncertainty ques-
tions of which the immediate so-
lution has become necessary tu
Europe — forced to resolve them
under pain of seeing them produce
the incalculable evil of a general
war— pe rfecClyinfoTmcd.m oreo rcr,
respecting all the points in discus-
sion by the communications which
have been made to them by the
Belgian plenijiolcntjary, and the
plenipotentiaries of the NethsT'
396
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
lands, the undersigned Iiavc but
submitted to a duty which their
Courts have to discharge, as well
towards themselrcs as towards the
other states, and which all attempts
at direct conciliation between Bel-
gium and Holland have still left
unaccomplished — Ihey have only
caused to be respected the supreme
law of an European interest of the
first order — they have only caused
a cessation of resistance to a neces-
sity which had become more and
more imperious^when they fixed
the conditions of a definitive agree-
ment which Europe, friendly to
peace, and having a right to exact
the preservation of peace, has
sought for in vain, during the
space of a year, on the propositions
made by the two parties, or ac-
cepted in turn by one of them and
rejected by the other.
" In the condition which the
twenty-four articles hereunto an-
nexed contain, the Conference of
London has been obliged to have
regard only to the principles of
equity. It has followed the im-
pression of the strong desire which
animated it^ of conciliating inter-
ests with rights, and of securing
to Holland as well as to Belgium,
reciprocal advantages, good fron-
tiers, a state of territorial posses-
sion without dispute, a liberty of
commerce mutually beneficial^ and
a partition of debt which has been
regulated less by minute calcula-
tions (the materials for which, in-
deed, have not been furnished),
less also by the strictness of con-
ventions and treaties, than with
the view of lessening the burthens
and of favouring the prosperity of
the states.
" In inviting the Belgian pleni-
potentiary to sign the article of
which mention has been made
abovej the undersigned will observe^
^< 1. That these articles shall
have all the force and value of a
solemn convention between the
Belgian government and the five
Powers.
'* 2. That the five powers gua-
rantee the execution of them.
" 3. That, once accepted by the
two parties^ they are destined to
be inserted^ word for word, in a di-
rect treaty between Belgium and
Holland^ which shall, in addition
to them, contain only stipulations
relative to the peace and friend-
ship which shall subsist between
the two countries and their sove-
reigns.
'* 4. That this treaty, signed
under the auspices of the Confer-
ence of London, shall be placed
under the formal guarantee of the
five Powers,
'* 5. That the articles in ques-
tion form a whole, and do not ad-
mit of any separation.
^* 6. Lastly, that they contain
the final and irrevocable decisions
of the five Powers, who, of com-
mon accord, are resolved them-
selves to bring about the full and
entire acceptance of the said arti-
cles by the party adverse to them,
if the party should reject them.
'^ The undersigned embrace this
opportunitv of offering to the Bel-
gian plenipotentiary the assur-
ance of their most high considera-
tion.
(Signed) " Esterhazy.
" Talleyrand.
" BULOW.
" Matuscewitsch.
'^ Wessenbero.
" Palmerston.
" LlEVEN."
" 1. The Belgic territory, by
this article, is to be composed of
the provinces of South Brabant,
Liege, Namur^ Hainault, Western
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
Flanders, Eastern Flandera, Aat- commutiicatJon by Maestridit and
werp, and Limburg, as made part Sittord.
of tne kingdom of the Netherlands " 13. Regulates the continua-
iu 1815, with the exception of the tion of all new canals henceforward
districts of the prince of Limburg made.
pointed out by article 4. " 13. From the 1st of January,
" 2. The Belgic territory will 1832, Belgium ia to be charged a
comprise, besides the part of the debt of 8,400,000 florios of onnual
grand duchy of Luxemburg indi- rentes ; and the article regulates
cated in article 3. the transfer of the capital which
" 3- His majesty the king of is henceforward to form a portion
tlie Netherlands, grand duke of of the Belgic national debt.
Luxemburg, consents, that in the " 14, Regulates the payment of
grand duchy of Luxemburg the the expenses incurred by Holland
limits of the Belgic territory shall since November 1, 1830, which
be such as they are hereafter de- Belgium is to reimburse in three
scribed. instalments — on the Ist of .lanu-
QThc remainder of the article ary, the 1st of April, and the 1st
traces the line of frontier.] of July, 1832.
" 4. His majesty the king of '' ID. Refers to public works, as
the Netherlands, grand duke of canals, roads, &c., which are to be-
Lu\emburg, shall receive, for the long to the country in which they
cessions made in the preceding ar- are situated,
tide, a territorial indemnity in the "18, 19< 30. The inhabitants
province of Limburg. of both countries are to be allowed
[The article then points out the two years to dispose of their pro-
limits of this indemnity,] perty, &c., if inclined to transfer
" 5- This article stipulates for their domicile from one country to
the arrangement of the ceded ter- the other.
ritory with the Germanic Con- " 21, A general amnesty for
federation. past political occurrences.
" 6. Pending these territorial "-22. All pensions and salaries
arrangements, the parties are to to be discharged according to the
resign for ever all pretension to the laws in force before November I,
ceded parts, and commissioners ia,'50.
from Belgium and Holland are to "93. All claims to beexamlned
assemble as soon as possible in by a mixed commission of Jiquidn-
Maestriclit, to mark out the bound- tiou.
aries, " 24. Immediately after the ex-
" 7. Belgium, in the limits change of the treaty of interven-
pointed out by these articles, will tion between the two parties, the
form an independent and perpetu- necessary orders shall be sent to
ally neutral state. the commanders of the respectirc
" 8, 9, and 10. These articles armies for the evacuation of the
regulate the navigation of the territories, cities, towns, and
rivers of Flanders, of the Scheldt, places, which change domination,
and of the canals which traverse The civil authorities in them will at
both countries, on a system of per- the same time receive the necessary
feet equality. ordeis for the surrender of their
"11. Leaves free coratnercial territories, citieis towns, ^places.
398 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
to the commisaioncre who shall be
ap]>oitited for that effect on one
part and the other. This evacua-
tion and surrender shall be so ef-
fected, tliiit they may be complete<l
within fifteen clays, or sooner if it
can be done.
(Signed) '' Estrrhazy.
*' Wbsbhnbkro.
" Tallkyrand.
*' Palmbrbton.
" BULOW.
'^ LiBVBN.
*^ Matusobwitsoh."
Lelier acco7h]mnying ilie Treatif,
^* The undersigned plenipoten-
tiaries of the Courts of Austria,
France, Great Britain, Prussia,
and Russia, after having commu-
nicated to the Belgian plenipoten«
tiary the twenty-four articles an-
nexed to their note of this day>
and after having declared that
these articles formed the final and
irrevocable decision of the Confer-
ence of London, have still an ob-
ligation to fulfil towards the pie-
)>otentiary, and they will do so
with a frankness, the motives of
which cannot fail to be appreciated.
*' The five Courts reserving the
task, and taking on themselves the
engagement to obtain the assent
of Holland to the articles in ques-
tion, even though it should begin
by rejecting them, guaranteeing be-
sides their execution, and convinced
that these articles, founded on prin-
ciples of incontestable equity, offers
to Belgium all the advantages
which it has a right to claim^ can-
not omit to declare here their firm
determination to oppose by all
means iu their power the renewal
of a contest which, having now no
object, would be the source of
great disasters to the two coun-
tries, and would threaten Euroi>e
with a general war, which it is the
paramount duty of the five Poweri
to prevent. But the more calculated
this determination is to make Bel*
gium easy with respect to its future
situation, and the circumstances
which now cause lively alarm therej
the more will it authoriie the
five Powers equally to employ all
means in their power to obtain the
assent of Belgium to the above*
mentioned articles, if, contrary to
all expectation. It diould reniae
them.
'' The undersigned offiir, &e.
" London, October, 18S1."
(Signed as before.)
Answer of Ihe Belgian FiiSNi-
FOTBNTIARY.
'^ The undersigned plenipoten-
tiary of his majesty the king of the
Belgians hastens to acknowledge
to their excellencies the plenipoten*
tiaries of Austria, France, Great
Britain, Prussia, and Russia, the
receipt — 1st, of tlie twenty-four
articles drawn up and resolved
upon by the Conference at Lon*
don ; 2nd, of the two notes acoom*
panying the twenty- four articlei^
and in which, after liaving ex-
plained its motives, its views, and
Its principles, the Conference in-
vites the undersigned to sign the
project of a definitive treaty sent
to him.
*^ However ardent the desire of
the undersigned for the speedy re«
alization of the views of the ple-
nipotentiaries of the Hve Courts
for the preservation of general
peace, it is his duty to declare,
that the twenty-four articles in
question differ too much from the
instructions which he has received
from his government, and the pre-
liminaries which served as the
basis of these instructions, for the
undersigned to affix his signature
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
to the twenty-four uticlac Id
consequence he has the honour to
inForm their excellencios, that he
will traoBRiit without delay the
twenty-four articles, and the two'
notes to his majesty the king of
the Delgiana, ana that ha will wait
for Ilia Bovr reign ded*ion.
'■ The undemigoed begs their
excellencies to nocept, 8k,
(Signed]
" St L VAIN Van m Witm.
" London, October IB."
NoTK of ike Dutch Oqvbrn-
MKNT rejeciing the proposed
Treaty, 14^ Deoeubek,
1831.
Tu Messrs. the plenipOteDtiaries of
Austria, France, Great Britain,
Prussia, and Ruaaiii, assembled
ill Confereoce at Loudon.
" Their excellencies the plenlpo*
tetitiaries of the Courts of Austria,
France, Great Britain, Fruasia,
and KuBsla, assembled in Con-
ference at London, have observed
by the note with which they have
honoured the undersigned plenl-
totentiaries of his majesty the
iog of the Netherlands, dated
November 10, that the protocol
of Aix-la-Chapelle, in pi-oviding
that in the case where a Congress
of sovereigns or of plenipotentiaries
shall have for its object matters
specially connected with the in-
terests of the other states of
Europe, it shall only take place
under the express reservation of
their right of participation, tU.
recti y or by their iilenipoteo-
tiartes, does not prescribe the form
of this participation, and has, con*
sequently, leit to the Conference
at London a full liberty witli re-
spect to the mode of its commu-
uicatiuD witii the undersigned, and
to its assembling for the transac-
tion of busitiesB. According to
the said note, the Conference of
London, availing itsdf of this la-
titude, has called upon the under*
signed to declare in writing the
demands of their government, and
to reply, likewise in writing, to
the demands and observatiotii of
the adverse party, without ever
refusing, moreover, the means of
making known their (pinions re*
specting all the points, the ad«
juttmcnt of which was in queatioo.
The Court of the Netherlands con-
^atulatcs itself the more sincerely,
in i«irceiviug that the Conference
at London has approved of the
appeal made to tlie protocol of
Alx-la-Chapelle, that the partioi*
pation of all the parties to the
meetings, iu which their interests
uie involved, should be reserved in
the most precise mauuer. This
was realised in the early period of
the negotiation. From the com-
mencement of tlie operations of the
Conference of London, the protocol
of the 4th of November, 1830,
stated that the king of the No*
therlands, having invited the five
Courts to deliberate, in concert
with his majesty, on the best
means of putting a stop to the
troubles which hod broken out in
his Btiites, the five Powers, in t)ie
terms of the 4th section of their
Protocol, signed at Ais-to-Cliiu
{telle, on the ISth of November,
ltll8, invited the ambassador of
the king to tako part in their de-
liberations. The latter, in eon-
sequence, took his proper place in
tlie Conference. After a few
meetings, however, the Confcrcnue
no longer gave him notice of their
meetings, and contented itself,
thenceforward, with adroittipg,
from time to time, the plenipoten-
tiaries of the Netljerlands to re-
ceive explanations from tlMun, or
400 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
to accept their written communi-
cations. The government of the
Netherlands could not acknowledge
that the exposition of its demands
in writing, — the reply, in writing,
to the demands and observations of
the adverse ])arty, and certain
isolated explanations, — were equi-
valent to meetings^ to the direct
participation intimated by the pro-
tocol of Aix-la-Chapelle, seeing
that a personal and regular dis-
cussion once dispensed with, the
negotiation would lose its natural
character, and that various objects
must be imjKjrfectly explained.
The course taken in this respect
by the Conference, can in no man-
ner prejudice the right of the ple-
nipotentiaries of the king to be
present at its sittings. With re-
spect to the means which the ple«
ni potent iaries of the Netherlands
have had to make known their
opinions respecting all the points
in dispute, this power did not ex-
ceed the limit of a consultative
voice (voix consultative)^ and topics
previously agitated, and of which
the undersigned were in possession,
and which had already taken place
in the course of the negotiations.
It lost its application with re-
ference to objects equally serious
and unexpected, which had not
been once under discussion, which
it was impossible to foresee would
come under consideration, and re-
specting which the plenipoten-
tiaries of the king were never con-
sulted, of which the 24 articles
communicated by their excellencies
to the undersigned contained se-
veral, particularly the articles 9,
11, 12, and the 5th section of ar-
ticle 13.
" The undersigned avow, with the
frankness due to the Conference,
that they have sought in vain to
reconcile with the protocol of Aix-
la-Chapelle the total absence of the
first pnnciples of the code of na-
tions, in certain clauses which the
24 articles have produced for the
first time, and which involve no-
thing less than dividing^ with
foreigners the superiutendanoe of
the rights of navigation upon one
of the rivers of Holland, the fixing
the navigation duties on this rirer
in common with another state, the
exercising the right of fishing by
foreign subjects, and confirming to
the Dutch, as if it were a doubt-
ful thing, the right of navigation
in their own rivers, conformably to
the reciprocity of navigation of the
rivers between the Scheldt and the
Rhine — rivers which exist only in
the Dutch territory ; to confer on
foreigners the power of making a
road, or cutting a canal, in the
territory of the state ; to interdict^
without any pretence, all restraint
in commercial intercourse throuffh
one of the first strong places in
the kingdom (Maestricht), and to
fix a liquidation, from which theie
could result no charge to the ad-
verse party.
" With respect to the power of
resuming hostilities, this question
falls into the category of most ne-
gotiations, pending which, so long
as they have not reached their
termination, the parties would in-
cur the risk of compromising them-
selves, by contracting positive en-
gagements for uncertain future.
The king, whilst he reserves to
himself the right of recommencing
hostilities eventually, does no more
than maintain his natural position
in the hope of an arrangement, and
exercise an incoittestible right.
With special reference to the 24
articles, the undersigned beg leave
to repeat, that for assuring to Hol-
land the advantages which it pos-
sessed, they not only do not oiier
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
401
her any which she did not possess
before, but they impose on her, by
the single condition that a country
with which she has been united
should separate from her, servile
obligations in favour of this coun-
try, to which neither Holland nor
any other independent state was
ever subjected, and for which there
can exist no equivalent whatever.
TJiey even take from her rights
and advantages which she enjoyed
at a period anterior to those of
1 790, at which period existed the
closing of the Scheldt, and that of
181/5, when she gave up colonies
and capitals for an union with Bel-
gium— colonics and capitals which
HoJland would have a right to re-
claim, and of which she would re-
main deprived, according to the 24
articles, without any compensation
whatsoever.
" No opposition would be made
on the part of Holland to an
arrangement which should restore
her to the position in which she
stood in 1790 or 1815; but the
24 articles, far from offering such
results, leave Holland, at the most,
an honorary post in the European
association.
*' In providing good frontiers for
Holland, it would seem that the
royal crown of that country has
been confounded with the grand
ducal crown of Luxemburg, united
at present in the head of the same
prince, and subject to the chances
of a future separation. It is, more-
over, as little allowable to identify
these two crowns as those of Great
Britain and Hanover, and to im-
pute to Holland as a favour the
arrangements concerning the grand
duchy of Luxemburg, as to carry
to the account of England a treaty
concluded by the Hanoverian go-
vernment. To adopt an opposite
principle, would be to place the
Vol. LXXIIL
I^ing-grand-duke in a fUse position
towards Holland, the grand duchy
of Luxemburg, and the Germanic
Confederation, with the collateral
branches of his own house. It is,
moreover, evident that according
to the 24 articles, the grand duke
of Luxemburg himself will re-
ceive only a partial indemnity for
the cession demanded of him of the
greater part of his estates, and that
Holland will lose her boundaries
on the left bank of the Meuse and
in the province of Liege, for no
other advantage than that of seeing
the territory separating the boun-
dai'ies which remain to her in the
hands of the grand duke of Lux-
emburg.
'« By their vote of the 1 2th of
November, their excellencies the
plenipotentiaries of the five Courts
have been pleased to advertise the
undersigned, that the 24 articles
had been accepted in Belgium. On
the 14th the undersigned had the
honour of stating, that if Belgium,
contrary to the principles recog-
nized in the l9th protocol, thus
obtained a premature recognition,
the king, by this fact alone, and
independently of his rights of
sovereignty, would be obliged not
to accept the arrangements of se-
paration on any other terms than
saving the conditions and reserva-
tions which the high position and
interests of Holland should at once
dictate. The following day a
formal treaty was concluded be-
tween their excellencies and the
Belgic plenipotentiary prejudicial
to the rights of the king, those of
Holland, and of the grand duchy
of Luxemburg, and injurious to
those of the C^rmanic Confedera-
tion, agreeably to which none of
its members can be dispossessed
of his territory without his con-
sent.
2 D
402 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1881.
*' The nndersigiiod have fecclml
onlcrs tf) protest, in the most
formal mdiiner, as tliey do by these
pre«otit», against tlie said treaty,
csRontially o|HM>fied to the ap])en-
dix A of the 12th protocol, and
the 1!)th pr()to(!oI, which fixed the
|H»^ition of the king with i*cspcct
to the five Powers.
** Reverting to the comnicncc-
ment of the pn^scnt n<>gotiation,
it Ap|)ears that the eight articled
of the 21st of July^ 1814>, ccmtain
the [irincinal features of the union
between Holland and Ikdgium, and
of the system of interior iwlicy
whii'h was the consequence of it.
Hy the m'wptance of the king,
tlioy l)0(!iinie obligations as the
Iwisis of the conditions of the
union of Belgium to Holland
under his sovereignty. Now that
it is pro|K)Red to dissolve this
union, the dissolution can only bo
effected in the same way — namely,
by a negotiation with his majesty.
Such was the principle of the ex-
isting negotiations in London ; and
M'hen the separation had been de-
cided, it was perceived that it was
ne(!essary to modify the eight ar-
ticles of 181 i by the substitution
of others according to circum-
stances. The apfiendix A to the
IJitli protocol, lM?came the second
basis of the negotiation, from the
moment in which the acceptaiu!e
of the king gave to this act the
character of a bi-lateral engage-
ment, l)etwceu his majesty and the
five Powers.
" The 18 articles presented
more recently as preliminaries
were, on the contrary, only pro*
])ORiti(ms, in nowise obligatory on
the Conference so long as the two
jKirties had not accepted them.
Holland having declined them,
these articles left no trace behiiHl
them.
"In this state of thftigs, the tWo
bases above-mentioned must hftve
guided the king's goTernmetit Ih
the examination of the 84 artiden
now pro|H)eed. The rftsulte of this
examination are set forth in the
memoir ap))ended to the preaertt
note. They are <*onfartiiable to
the appendix A, in the ISth pro-
tocol. With regard to the fbrhi^
the undersigned accept with eamr*
ne«8 that propof^ by thd Cwm
fbrcnce of ft convention with the
five Powers. If after the metnoir
above referred to> certain matterB
mentioned in the 24 artioiMj btit
foreign to the separation, and to
the ap|H!ndix A, be passed over in
silence in the treaty, nothing need
prev-cnt their being discussea at a
period more or less remote^ and in
the mean time there would bto no
obstacle to an immediate disarming
of the two parties, which by putting
a stop to the chance of a renewal
of hostilities would contributa in
an eflfectual manner to oonaotidate
the maintenance of general peaoe.
''The cabinet of the aBmae,
seeking to remove difllowties
which present themselveSf has ap-'
plied itself to obviate thena^ witn*
out producing anv injury to tlie
true interests of ^l^lgium. It b^
lieves it has found a satiafiutlory
solution in the present oommunw
cation, and persuades itself that
the two nations will unite in nan*
ccrting together at ft future pariod^
a common understanding with rt*
s|iect to their mutual wants.
^' The undersigned request that
the plenipotentiaries of tha flfa
Powers assembled in Conference in
London, will be pleased to take
the present note and tho meoioir
which accompanies it, into their
examination. I'hey flatter than*
selves that their excellejaoiea will
i-eceive them with favour^ and tbal
PUBLIC DOCUAfBN
I0>
they will experience from them the
same spirit of conciliAlion which
has constantly directed the course
of the government of tht Nether*
lands. The sacrificee which the
king consents to make^ but which,
in no case, can lead to anything, if
the accompanying observations be
not adopted^ and the moderation
which characterizes the present
overtures^ will doubtless con-
tribute more and more to convince
the five Powers represented at the
Conference of London and Europe
at large, of the sincere desire en*-
tertained by the government of the
Netherbnds to iftioodh im mudi as
possible the obstacles which have
hitherto impeded the ooaoiusion of
a treaty with the five Courts des-
tined to regulate the separation
between Holland and Belgium^
and to repel only those concessions
which are incompatible with the
independence^ the dignity, and the
primary interests itf Holland.
''The undersigned sabscrtfoe
themselves, &Ci
« H. Db Zutlbw.
'• Db NYBVBLf .
«' LondoHt I4th Ihoember:'
^m
Spbboh of King Lbopold, on openmg the BA<oio CoNonSfl,
Sbptbmbbr 8> 1881.
^ Geutlemen,<«i^I am happy to
be for the second time amidst the
representatives of the nation.
^' The proofs of affection and
devoted ness which the Belgic na*-
tion has not ceased to give me from
the moment that I set my foot on
the territory of my adopted coun«
try, have filled my heart with a
lively gratitude. This voluntary
transport of a whole nation, while
it inspires me with very allowable
pride, has made me sensible of the
full extent of the duties that are
imposed on me. I do not dissemble
to myself any of the numerous di^
ficulties of my situation, but, with
the aid of your knowledge and ex**
perience, I shall be able to over-
come them.
** When the principles laid down
in the constitution which I have
sworn to observe shall hate receiv*
ed, by the projects of law which
will be submitted to your consi-
deration, the develoi)ement which
they still require, Belgium will
enjoy a greater degree of liberty
than any other nsiticm in Europe.
The crisis through which the
country has had to pass, in order
to attain its political regeneration, *
has for a moment aflboted its ma^
terial interest. It must henoefdrth
be the object of our united efibrts
to promote its interest by en*
oouxkging manufkctures, andopen*
ing new channels to commerce.
" The relations already so hap-i
pily established with France and
England, which I hope will soon
be extended tO the otner Pdw^s,
will fhoilitate the peHbrmance of
this task*
'' Negotiations have Just been
opened to effect a definitive ar-
rangement of our diffisrences with
Holland. The honour and inter-
ests of the Belgian nation will be
defended in them with perseverance
and dignity. With you gentlemen,
and the whole nation, I look with
confidence to the issue of those ne-
gotiations, the result of which will
be laid before you.
'5 The neutrality of Belgium,
2D2
404 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
guaranteed by the five Powers,
lias suggestect the iK>ssibility of
modifications in its system of de-
fence. Tliis possibility^ the prin-
ciple of Yihich is admitted by the
Powers concerned in the erection
of the fortresses of 1815, will, I
doubt not, be acknowledged by the
nation. Negotiations will take
place to regulate the execution of
the measures connected with the
demolition of some of those for-
tresses. Happy in being able to
draw closer the ties which unite
the two people, Belgium will on
this occasion give a proof of its
gratitude to France, and Europe a
striking pledge of its just confi-
dence in the honour of the king of
the French,
*' The eminent serrices rendered
by France involuntarily call our
attention to a recent event, the
consequences of which, I must say,
have been too much exaggerated.
Belgium, confiding to excess in
the engagements contracted by
Holland towards the five Powers,
and to which it had itself subscribed
was suddenly surprised by an army,
the force of which far exceeded that
which Belgium could oppose to it.
''In these painful circumstances
the succour of friendly Powers be-
came urgent and indispensable.
You know with what genenms
promptness it was afforded us.
If individual courage, if the bra-
very which has never been denied
the Belgic soldier, could have
made up for the want of organiza-
tion and union which was felt in
our young army, without doubt
(and you will believe my testimo-
ny) we should have victoriously
repulsed an unjust aggression,
contrary to all the principles of
the law of nations. The nation
will be but the more sensible of
the absolute necessity of the re^
forms already commenced, and
which are prosecuted with a degree
of activity, the result of which will
soon be apparent. In a few d^vB
Belgium will have an army, whidi|
if it should be again necessary^
would be able to rally round its
king, to defend with honour and
with success the independence and
the rights of the country*
'' rejects of law will be laid
before you during this session to
give to the government its legiti«
mate share of influence in the
composition of the army, to restore
confidence to the soldiers and to
secure a just recompence to those
who shall distinguish themselves
in the day of danger.
'' Gentlemen— I will call yoor
particular attention to the state of
our finances. I know the care
which that essential part of the
public service requires. The pre-
vailing desire oi my government
^vill £uways be successively to in«
troduce in the public expenditnrt
the economy which is so loudly
called for by the state of society,
and by the aid of which it will oe
practicable gradually to lessen the
burthens of the people.
'^At present, nevertheless^ sa-
crifices are still necessary, on the
one hand, to defray the expenses
of the reorganization of the army ;
on the other to make up for a oii-
minution in the revenues, which
the circumstances in whidh we are
for a time placed indicate as ineyit-
able. The nation has proved that
it did not shrink from the sacri-
fices which the honour and the in-
terest of the country required. It
will also know how to bear those of
which the government shall have
proved the necessity.
'^ The confidence with which the
whole nation has hitlierto met its
^i^g» gi^es me a right to redcon
PUBLIC DOCIT
on its representatives id all the
measures which may contribute to
the good of the country. Mr lu
h^pes will not be disappoiatea. i
Belgium will see us animated by
the same desires to labour in con-
Speecii <^llit King o/'Holland, on opmhx^ the SaseioNs of Ihe
States Genebalj October 17.
" High and Mighty Lords, perseverance been rivals of the
" The difficult circumstances in regular land and sea forces. Se-
which the country has for more conded by the enthusiasm which
than a year heeii placed have pro- animates all my subjects, their
longed your last Session until the efforts have sufficed, not only to
present, which I now open. protect the country, but even to
" In the course of that year you attack, on his own territory, an
have been informed of the progress enemy of nearly double our popu.
of the events and negotiations oc- lation, to conquer him, and drii'e
casioned by the armed insurrection him back into the heart of his
of Belgium. Your high mighti- country, leaving him no other
ncsses must have been convinced means of safety except that of call*
that the constant efforts of tlie ing foreign jihalanxes to his aid.
government, during the whole of " Our mind is still deeply im-
that period, to terminate on ad- pressed with all the proofs of
vantageous conditions the painful fidelity and intrepidity given by
state of necessity in which the the defenders of the state, and of
faithful Netherlands were placed, all the heroic deeds which have
of making exti'aordinary efforts, shone forth with so much lustre.
have been fruitless. A grateful posterity will keep them
" However, to the sacrifices oc- in recollection.
casioned by this state of things " In consequence of this spirit,
had been added an energy which it has not been necessary to have
opens for the nation a consolatory recourse to the hvy en masxe, pre-
pcrspective. Thccountryhas given pared at the commencement of
to Europe a brilliant example of yourlastSession. Fromthoseliable
unalterable attachment to the pnn- to be called out, nothing more is
ciples of religion and social order, required than a local service, simt-
She has shown a firm determin- lar to that which they already per-
ation to maintain herself in that form in several towns, conjointly
position, and this determination with the volunteers of all classes;
must have an advantageous lofiu- and to which they have devoted
ence on her consideration among themselves with the most praise*
the Powers, and on the decision of worthy zeal.
her future fate. " Nevertheless, no pains have
" The volunteers, civic guard, been spared to obtain au honour-
iuid militia, have iu couragQ {tod able peace; but we are prepared
406 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
for a new war, if the li(»))o of a
prompt rind (Hiiiitablc arraugement
blioiiUl not yet be rcaliacil.
** To this oiifl have been ordered
an extraordinary levy of the na-
tional militia, and the nmdoring
disp(is:ilile the first van of the civic
^uard for the present year. Mean-
Mhile the students of the univer-
sities and Athena;uni, who hastened
with so much ccniragcto the arniie»,
but who have now resumed their
studies, are prcimred to resume
the Hword, whenever the houour
and defence uf tlic country uay
require their aid.
** Auiidiit the evils so unmerited
which afflict the ountry, the rela-
tions of amity with other powers
are maintainea and extended. The
difliculties whiclj for many years
have prevented the navigation of
the Uhine from being regulated^
are removed by a amvcntion, con-
cluded with dtates bordering on
that river ; and this convention is
now in force.
'' It is agreeable to me, to be
able to announce t't your high
mightinesses, that the state of a-
griculture presents this year more
satisfactory results than it has done
for several preceding years. The
harvest has been favourable beyond
ex|>ectatioii.
•' Wliile other countries are af-
ilicted with a prevailing and spread-
ing malady, the Netherlands,
thanks to I^ovidence, has hitherto
been spared. At the end of last
year, the necessary measures were
adopted for preventing the intro-
duction of tfie disease by nautical
communication. Aided by the in^
formation of men of science, the
means most proper for averting this
scourge, and for diminishing its in-
tensity if it should reach us, are
under investigation aqd iu prepa-
ration.
<^ Commerce^ navigatioiis andidl
the branches of human indiutry
tlierewith coonected, have geovr*
ally suffered; and, coDaequently,
that suffering has also bieo mt
in this kiuffuom thraugh tb« (4h
stacles which communications have
experienced from the uocertainty
occasioned by political commotions
and other circumstances. This
additional evil, though hoavy^ is,
in its nature, temporary, and can-
not have a permanent influence on
our relations.
'' The canal cut through the
island of Voone has this yea^ hiw
opened for tho uassage ct v^^geb,
and the undertaking compbl^lv
answers the ex|)ectation8 wbico
were formed of it« sucoesa^
" The drauf^t of a new bW|
and of a tarift of imjport, eaqiort,
and transit duties, is at prsMPt
the subject of serious odiber-
atiou, in order to its being finally
submitted to your high ii|i|^tl«
nesses. This law, I am con?inoeds
will best contribute to the vel&ra
of the old Netherlandsi by being
made to combine an entire liberty
fur foreign trade with due prptoo^
tion to our flag, our a^ricultiup,
and our domestic industry,
'^The internal tranquillity vbich
lias fortunately beep rsstoivd ia
our East-India ppssewionis ndd« »
favourable influence to the eAbrtff
constantly employed for re-estabi
lishiog the finances of those poiinf
tries. Your high migbtiaeMes vill
obtain proofs of this by oommuni-t
cations which will ho made on fjui
subject during the present SesuMNi*
'' In the West-India eolonm iiisi
dustry is still fettered, biit the
means of remorin^ its embarhuw*
incuts form the object of our fn^
ticular attention.
'^ Notwithstanding the dificnlt
)K)sition in which we lure plaofd kj
PUBLIC poeuMENT^- m
thpBelgitiusurcectitiqjtlieSfWUces vitJefiff tl|e Wi>ltts of tbp cqunUy,
oftht! tttutp li^ve guff^i^il qpix^f- but jilsp tnsiDb^(( t'tl^ l)nfl(4[j^^
fusion. The co-Dpucatiop vi per-: pit v}\\vb tlid Iipnaup, tbe {■tK^i'tyi
severance of iny faltliFu) uiuqtEf- aud the pxi^t^pu if tbe ))f^^ of
nicu li^ve rciiilcrpd )t pc^jUe to tqe am ^etliP^^^a rCRtM^' aR(t
fullil ull cngagetneats. Tlie iutBF^ tl|erpl>y citi^s^ to bo res{(^(f4 ti|e
est of tlic public debt, aod tlje natian^l ci:c<1it ^ud iqpcpetfri'^ncp.
grciit enpeiisca of tl|c navy nui "I Umi^ I'uuiiil it uoi^asary to
"~iity, liavc eoDSe(juc)itIy bceii p^td ^|f))niit tci a " '' — """*" ""'
regularly, and witliotjt^itpy (leljiy. rpady adiiliteij, tggutliur wit)j the
" I|i tbe preparatimi I)/ la^i re- !<(W Qii t'lQ jiidkia) orgaiijz^tiQu,
lativc to the expenses of the iu'com- id ordtir that tlie saiue may be
iiig year, aiid the iReaan (tf inccU ipade tu (loii'cidc lietter wtt^ tlie
iug tlie s^me, 1 bave endeavoured juterett^ of the i)ld Nctli^l^qds.
to cause tp be o|)serycd thpscycfc^t J bfpe ti> he -Mc tu iiicspnt fo yoii
eequoiny as to tbc foriner, and t||c ^]inog tifft pr^eppt sesma s gar}.
alleviation as fiir as pug^ihlp of tbp of t||i^ jippflr't'o* PjJ^i^fwq-
burtbeus which itjic expeuditui'i: " Higli and JP'sl'ty lords, —
iqay oecasioD. Ow ^t^p Jb stij) povpped wiw a
" The situation of t|(e kiugdopi reij, If^f >rith po^&Ap"*:^ IR iW
re(|i)ircs great ^crificps, but i qhifjl w[^op] apd hopntK of ^e 41-
pruposc them with foufijlcnpc (o mighty wp q]*ait thp dfCi^Wfl flf
your high miglttine^s, copvipped QUr w; (OF ojJF CftflBe is ju8t> anff
;)s I am that it is tlip u{iaD(inQi)s ^|1 our people re|ig[i(ju6ly pei^reie
delorniiuatiup of roybclovcflpepplc in the upajijippus fp^otiop tps*-
tu prove by every me>ins tO OMr crfGJ[:e t))^ir prngefFy au4 t|l^>'
friends and to our cneinies, th^tt .Moqd fof the matnt^u^qp of "Hr
wliatever trials Providpnce m^y re- beloved couutry,''
serve for us, ivc can not only prp:
Manifesto <if the Ppi-isp EsT^f^f, JiNUj^jty, 1831.
" \VI|cP a nation) fqrmcrly free ',' Jhe iIl^o^s macbinatipna,
and powerful, liiids itself cppipcllcd flj^ V''? ps'w.'^ipie?? \^? PJjep y'o-
by the excess of its l^ia to havp lencc, apa the secret treachery
recourse to the las^ of its rights^ wli|ch accpmpanie^ thp tfiree dis-
to the right of repelling ppjffcssios piembcrjjjcnt/ ijf ande^t Roland,
by force— it qwes to it^lf, and to arc but too well known j bWtfiry
tlic rest of the world, to divulge ha^ already branded tbcni as a
the ijiotty^ whiph have induced iP l)o|UicaI criroe. The deep apd
tu sustain by arpis tbe qiost holy ^wful ifjourning wfiicb this vibla-
of causes- The Chambers of the don spread ttirpughout the coup~
Diet have felt this necessity, and, try has never beed l^id a^i^p, but
folloi^ing the ^irit of the i^vplu- has been religiofisly prescFfea even
tiuD of the S9th of November, and untfl now ; tbe unspotted standard
a^cknowledging it to be nati/onil, hasocvcrceasedto waveattfiehea^
they have resolved to justify then)- of our valiaii^ fi^.Y t a?^j I" ^
selvfis in the eyes gf Eui'ope- bis mijitar^ inigr^^^Bj tlip"]Poie,
408
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
carrying from country to country
Ill's household goils^ has cried out
for veugcance for the outrages
committed against them. Cherish-
ing that noble illusion^ irhich, like
every other grand idea, has never
failed in the end to be realized, he
believed that M'henever he fought
for the cause of liberty he was
fighting for his own country. This
country at length re-established
her existence ; and although re«
strained within narrow limits, Po-
land received from the Great War-
rior of the age her native Ian-*
guage, her rights and liberties —
precious gifts again augmented by
the greatest of hopes. From that
moment his cause became ours—
our blood became his right ; and
when his allies and Heaven itself
abandoned him, the Poles, pre-
serving their fidelity, participated
in the disasters of the hero, and
the common fall of the Great Man
and an unfortunate nation drew
involuntary tears from the con-
queror himself.
" This sentiment had produced
too strong an impression. The
sovereigns of Europe, in the midst
of the combat, had promised to give
durable peace to the world with too
much solemnity, not to admit that
the Congress of Vienna, upon their
again dividing our country amongst
them as spoil, should in some
degree soften the fresh outrages
committed against the Poles. A
nationality and a reciprocal free-
dom of commerce was guaranteed to
every part of ancient Poland ; and
that which the great European
conflict had found independent,
parcelled out on three sides, re-
ceived the title of kingdom, and
was placed under the immediate
dominion of the Emperor Alex-
ander, with a separate charter, and
the power of being enlarged.
'' In execution of these stipuUi'*
tions he granted a free constitution
to the kingdom, and gave to the
Poles, subject to the domination of
Russia, a gleam of hope that they
might shortly be united to their
brethren. These gifts^ faowever,
were not gratuitous ; he had pre«
viously contracted obligations to-
wards us, «nd we, on our partj had
made sacrifices in return. Before
and during the decisive struggle^
the brilliant promises made to the
Poles who were subject to the
sceptre of Alexander, and the sus*
picions raised with respect to the
intentions of Napoleon, prevented
more than one Pole from declaring
in his favour. The Emperor of
Russia was only faithful to his
promises in declaring himself king
of Poland, but as to that nation-
ality, those liberties which were to
become the guarantees of the peace
of Europe, we were forced to pur-
chase them at the price of our in«
dependence, that first condition of
the political existence of nations,
as if a durable peace could be es-
tablished upon tlie enslavement of
16,000,000 of people— as if the
annals of the world nad not taught
us that, even after an interval of
ages, nations reduced to foreign
subjection ^ways recovered that
independence which had been
destined for them by the Creator
from the beginning of time, by
having separated them from other
nations in language and customs-*-
as if this lesson was forgotten bj
governments, that people oppress-
ed ever become the natural allies
of whoever may happen to rise up
against their oppressors.
" But these conditions, though
arbitrarily imposed, were not ful-
filled : it was not long before
the Poles became convinced that
the nationality and the title of
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 409
kingdom, given to FoIaDd by the tlie future fate of tlieir Muiitry,
emperor of Russia, were but a lure that witlibcid tlicir arms from
to their brethren, subject to othei- falling in vengeance upon their
States— but a weapon against those oppressors.
same States — and but a mere " On t!ie meeting of tie first
chimera to those to whom they hati Diet of the kingdom, a renewal
been guaranteed. They became of the eolemn promises that the
conriiRed that, under the sheltei- blessings of a constitulion should
of these sacred names, it was in- be extended to our brethren, who
tended to reduce them to a servile ivere to be re-united to us, revived
degradation, and weigh them down extinguished hopes, and caused
by all the inflictions of a continued the moderatiou to reign in the
despotism, and the loss of the dig- Chambers which was their only
nity appertaining to man. The end and object. The freedom of
measures taken against the army the press, and the publicity of the
first drew aside the veil that covered proceedings of the Diet, were only
this mysterious plan. The most tolerated in so far as they gave
cruel outrages — the most infamous vent to the hymns and praises of
punishments — the most refined a subjugated people in honour of
persecutions ordered by the com- their all-powerful conqueror ; but
mander-in-chief, under the pre- ivhen, after that Diet was closed,
tence of maintaining discipline^ the public journals continued to
hut the real object of which was discuss public affairs, a severe cen-
to destroy that feeling of honour, sorship was introduced ; and on the
that national dignity, which cha- meeting of the follotving Diet,
racterisedourtroops, wereinvented which proposed to itself the same
and enforced. Faults the most object as the former, the repre-
tritling were deemed and treated scutatives of the [leople were per-
as most serious offences — the secutcd for the opinions they deli-
slightest suspicion converted into vered in the Chambers. The con-
proofs of breach of discipline — and stitutional states of Europe will be
the commander-in-chief, by his ar- itstuntshed when tliey learn what
bitrary control over the courts- has been so carefully concealed
martial, rendered in fact the sole from them, — when, on the one
arbiter of the life an9 honour of hand, they behold the wise and
each individual soldier. The na» moderate use the Poles have made
tion beheld with indignation the of their liberty, the veneration
decrees of these courts repeatedly they have shown for their sovc-
i)uashed, until at length their de- reign, his religion and customs
cisions attained the degree of se- uniformly treated with respect ;
verity that was required from and on the other, the had faitfi
them. Many membera, in conse- with which power has been used,
quence, sent in their resignation : not content with dcs|K)iling an un-
niaiiy, personally insultea by the happy iwople of their rights, but
commander-in-chief, purified by imputing the horror of these vio-
tlieir own blood the outrages that lations to the unbridled exercise of
had been committed upon them, their freedom.
and, at the same time, showed that "The placing in union upon
it was not the want of true cour- one head tlie crowns of an Autocrat
age, but the kta of compromising iiud ot a coDstUutioual Jung waa
410 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
(ine of those iHilitical iiuiubtrubititis
which are never of hmg tluratiim.
Kvery man fiureitaw that the kiug-
ddiii of Polauil 111 list l)ec(iiHc either
the nursery of lilieral iustitiitioiis
fiir Uiissiai or sink under the iron
hand of its despotism. This ques-
ti(»n was siion resolved. It apjiears
that at one moment the eni]X!rur
Alexander conceived that he niiglit
ciiusnlidate his arbitrary power
with our liiieral hiws, and tlicreby
secure for himself a new inHuence
over tlic affairs of Euro]»e. Hut
ho was soou cunvinced that liberty
could never become so debased as
to be the blind instrument of des-
potism; and from that time, in-
stead of her defender, he became
her jiersecutor. liussia lost all
ho|ie of ever seeing the yoke by
which slie was oppressed taken oflf
In' the hand of her sovereign, and
ruland saw herself successively
deprived of all her privileges. No
time was lost in carrying this de-
sign into execution. Public edu-
cation was cfirrupted, a system of
concealment and mystery was
adopted, the people were left with-
out means uf instruction, a whole
palatinate was deprived of its re-
presentation, and the Chambers no
longer allowed the faculty of voting
the supplies. New burthens were
im])osea, new monopolies created
to dry up the sources of national
wealth ; and the treasury, enriched
by these measures, became tlic pas-
ture of salaried sycophants, infam-
ous hireling instigator^, and vile
and despicable spies. Instead of
the economy so repeatedly called
for, pensions were augmented in a
most scandalous degree, to whicli
were added enormous gratuities,
and offices created solely with the
view of augmenting the number of
the government satraps.
^' Calumny and cspiounage were
carried into the secret circles of
private families, and, the ^^edoin
of private life infected w>th their
poison, the ancient hospitfUitv pf
the Poles became a anare for tQ^if
innocence. Individiiai Iihertjr«
which hail been 9olcaiq)y gU9^
rantecd, was violated, uud fye pri-
sons of the state became crowds ;
councils of war were authoiri^^ to
pruuouuce judgment in ciyi) pj^es j
and citiaens, whose opl^ JFauIj^ wf^^
a wish to save the apirit aM cbn?
racter of the uatipn from cqirupr
tion, were subjected to inf^q||fi
punishments, It W4a io r^n t||i|^
some of the authorities of tlio ki|||p-
dom, and thp repr^sentativcsft of
the people, laid liefpre the kfiig a
faithful picture of the abus^ POiRs
mitted m hi^ namoj ^r OQ( pnly
were the abufijca aifffered to rewj^Q
unsiippressed^ but the renioo^r
bilitj of the mipist^ and tjpe ^J^
ministrativc authorities w^ fW^'
lysed, by the immediate iQte|^:»
ence of the brother of tlie eMmeif^^
and by the exercisp of tt^at piMip-
tionary power with which jip w^
invested. Tliis monstrous auftipf-
ity, the source of the graitesfc
abuses, and wtijch m\^t WfiPPp
the {personal djgnity of every ip^U
vidual, had become oo inMiMtedt
that it even dared to cidl be^ns jp
citizens of every ran)£ ^o4 aoil4iT
tion, merelv to load them i|ri^
insults, and at tipies tQ siflnjc^
them to disgraceful public l^tioip^t
reserved for the vilest convicts: ^
if Providence, by permitting tWDI
to carry their outrages against i|jp
people tp the vcr^ utmost p}|^f
haa destined their inordio^teabu^
of authority to he the l^^fing
cause of our insurrection.
'' After so many affrontQ^ ^&^
so manifest a violatipq of the guapr
antccs swuru — a violatiof^ \ybicb
m legitimate governmept ja wjt
PVBLIC DOCUMENTS, 4lji
civili2f)d country would have al^
lowed itself with impunity, »Dd
which a ^fbrtiorh n^^Y justifv our
insuriQctipu agftipst sko authority
imposed by forc§— who will not
confiiider that this authoritv bap
brokou off all alliance with tho
nation, that it has onpress^d it be-
ueath the yoke of slavory* that It
has given the right at every in**
stunt to burst its fetters and forgp
them into arms ?
*' The picturo of the disasters of
our brethren may be superfluous,
but truth forbids us to pas? it over.
The provinces formerly incorpo-
rated with Russia have not beeu
reunited to the kingdom, Our
brethren have not beon admitted to
the enjoyment of the liberal lnsti»
tutions stipulated by the Congress
of Vienna; on the contrary, the
national recollections awakened in
them, fir^it by promises and encour-
agement, and then by a long ej^-
pectatiooi became a crime against
the statcj and the king of Poland
caused to be prosecuted^ in the
ancient provinces of that ftate,
such Poles as had dared to call
themselves Poles. The jroutb of
the schools were particuwiy the
objects of persecution 5 YOUt^g
children were torn froyh their mo-
thers* breasts; the issue of the? first
families were transported to Si-
beria, or were forced to enter Into
the ranks of a corrupt soldiery.
In of&dal documents and judicial
examinations, the Polish language
was suppressed ; the Polish tribu-
nals and civil law were annihilated
by ukases j abuses of administra-
tion reduced the landed proprie-
tors to misery j and since the ac-
cession of Nicholas to the throne^
this state of things had constantly
been growing worse. Religious
intolerance itself employed every
means to eonsplidate tue united
Greek ritual upon the ruin^ of the
Catholic ritual.
<' In the kingdom, although none
of the liberties guar^Pteea W the
constitution were obierved^ theiie
libertiesi suj^i^geed (^jfaciQ^never<r
theless continued to ex:iet 4fijur^,
It was precisely %hk enistence de
jnre that it was necessary to un-
derniine, We then s^w that addU
tional ftrtide to the constitution
appear, which settinjg forth ft ipe.-
cmus ^lleitude for the mainten-
ance of the charter, destroyed pne
of its prlnclpi^ prevlsloHs by de-
priving the Onarpbem of the puI^
licity of their prqceedinga ana the
support of public (mlnieni and
wmch^ above alL was to eoneecrate
the principle that it waitJIpwed to
cut up at will the. Aindj^inental
compact, an4 thereby eutirelv to
abolish the charter, as ew or its
articles ba4 been abpliabedf It was
under these auspices that ^e Diet
of I8g5 was convc^fdifrow wWcl>
it was souffht, by all manaer of
means, to otscard the west intrepid
defenders of our liberties ; a Nun-
cio, who had jugt t^en Mrt in the
defiberationg; was aarrled pff by
main force, surreunded by gmr
darmes, an4 hel4 captive (br five
years, till the moinent when the
revolution bro!ke Put, . Pepf'^e^ pf
its force, shut up, threatened with
the loss pf the cbarteri an4 misled
by &esh promises of the ancjent
provinces being reunited to the
icingdomi the I^iet of \%i& fi>l-
lowed the example of that of 1 8 1 8 ;
but these promises remained with-
out effect, and the petiticms whft'h
prayed for the restoratfoB of our
liberties were rejected,
^^The general indignation of the
well-disposed inhabitants, and the
exasperation of the whole nation,
had long been bringing on the
storm, the approach of which
412 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831
ht?:;:iii ti» .ippeur. whoa the death
<.'f Alexiimler. the ;ii:ccrjsioii of Ni-
I'holus to the thpT»e. ;iml the oath
ho tiK'k t>.> uiaiutaiu the coast! tu«
tioa. aecoied to pp'aiisc us a oes-
satiim of abuses aad the returu oi^
our liberties. This ht^jie sooa va-
nished : t'lT Qot onlv did thinijs
continue a:? r!iev wopo. but tho
revoIuti'Ui of St. Petersburg even
servotl as a pretext to impris^ni
and brin;jr ti^ trial the mos: distiu-
;niishod individuals o( tlie Senate,
tho ohamlier «.>f Nuaeii?s, the army,
and tho citizens. In a short time
the prisons of tho capital wore tilled.
Evorv dav fresh buildicj:s were
appropriated to receive thousaad^
'•f victims sent to Warsaw from
c*-ery port of Old Polaad, and
cvca from jnirts subject to tbreigu
jpu'eni meats. Uj<*»a tho native
st^il of liberty were introduced tor-
mres which cause human it v to
shudvler. Peath and suicide con-
stantly diminished :hc number of
the uufortunatj victims- wh«> were
somciimos !e*t for^^^tcen in smvill
and damp duni^.vus. In con tempi
■^f every -:iw. a sjvcial committee of
iiiijuiry was inscitu:e<l, compi.^sed
.. f Kussia::s and Poles, most of them
military men. wh.\ by protracttd
t.Tturcs. by promises of panlou
and insidious questions, only
s<.»u;;ht to extort fn.im the accused
the coa^:ss■«;a of an imairinarv
crime. It wjls only after an impri-
Si.nuucn: 'A one year and a L;u: that
tho lli^h National C':-urt was es-
stablishevl, for, as iu spite i-f every
!.uv. imprisi.^uments had been cri-
iui::ally j^roloGp?d to a degree that
sevcrvl victims hail died ia prisma,
i: Ivcarjc absi^Iutelv necessarv to
rciuier tliis measure legal. The
c-t: science of the Senate disap-
piHiicod this ex Jactation, and the
acc'.iscw. who h.id been groaning
ia pcLsou :*.»f twj j^ears, were ac-^
quitted of any crime against the
State. This decision, from that
peritni, removed all distinctions
between the accused and their
judges. The former notwithstand«
iag the sentence which proclaimed
their iunocence, instead of being
set at liberty, were conTeyed to
St. Petersburg, where they were
imprisoned in fbrts^ and up to this
moment several have not been re*
storeil to their families. The lat-
ter were detained for nearly a jeur
at Warsaw, for having shown
themselves independent jadgesL
The publication and execution of
the sentence were stopped. It was
submitted to the examination of
the administrative authcHrities, and
when., at length, out of some
gard for Europe, it was found
cessorv to publish it, a minister
carrieil his audacity so hr as to
degrade the nationad majesty, by
reprimanding, in the name of thte
sovereign the highest magistncT
of the state, in the exercise of their
most exalteil functions.
"'*' It was after such acts Aat
the emperor Nicholas resolved to
be crowned kin? of Poland. The
representatives of the nation
summoned, were silent witi
of this ceremony, and the
c-aths were soon violated again, ftr
no abuse was suppressed, not even
the discretionary power. Even on
the day of the coronation the senate
wa^ dUed with new members, vbo
did not posses the qualifications
rei^uired by the constitution, the
only guarantee of the independence
of their votes. An illegal knn,
and the alienation of national do-
mains, were intended to render
moveable and disposable the im-
mense landed property of the state.
But Providence directed that the
hrge sums proceeding firom tlie
l^nial execution of this plan shoold
PUBLIC DOC
not be squandered away, but be
used in arming tlie nation.
" In sliort, tbe last consolation
wliicli, under the reign of Alexan-
der, enabled the Poles to support
their misfortunes, — namely, the
liopc of seeing themselves reunited
to their brethren, was taken from
them by the emperor Nicholas.
idled upon the altars of the
country, was secretly burning in
the hearts of all well-aisposed men.
One thought only was common to
tliem — namely, that tfaey should
no longer endure such a slavery.
But the government itself hastened
the moment of explosion. In con-
sequence of reporM, daily corrobo-
rated, of a war against the liberty
of nations, orders were given to
put upon the vrar establishment
the Polish army destined to march;
and, in its place, the Russian ar-
mies were to occupy the country.
Considerable sums proceeding from
the loan and the sale of the national
domains, deposited at the bank,
were to cover the expenses of this
deadly war against liberty. Ar-
rests again took place ; every mo-
ment was precious. Our army —
our treasure — our resources — our
national honour — averse to rivet
chaius upon the necks of other na-
tions, and to fight against liberty
and our former companions in
arras, were at stake. Every one
shared this feeling ; but the heart
of tbe nation — the focus of enthusi-
asm, the youth of the army and of
the colleges, as well as a great
part of the garrison of Warsaw, and
of the citizens, impressed with this
sentiment, resolved to give the
signal for the insurrection. An
electric spark in a moment inflamed
the army, the capital, and the
uhule country. The night of
Nov. 29 was illuminated by the
Are of liberty. In one day the
capital was delivered; in a few
days all the divisions of the army
were united by the same sentiment,
the fortresses occupied, the natives
armed, the brother of the emperor,
with the Russian troops, relying
upon the generosity of the Poles,
and owing his safety to this step
alone. Such were uie acts of this
hei'oic noble revolution, which is
as pure »s the enthusiasm of the
youth whose ofispring it is.
" The Polish nation have risen
from their ahascment and degrada-
ation, with the firm resolution no
longer to bend beneath the iron
yoke which has just been broken,
and not to lay down the arms of
their ancestors until they have
regained their independence and
Cower, the only guarantee of their
bertics : until after having se-
cured the enjoyment of these li-
berties, which tbey claim upon a
two-fold right — namely, as the
hfluourable heritage of their fore-
fathers, and as the urgent want of
the age; and finally, until after
ijeing re-united to their brethren,
subject to the yoke of the cabinet
of St. Petersburg, and having de-
livered them, they shall have made
them sharers of their liberties and
independence. We have iiot been
iulluenced by any national hatred
against the Russians, with whom
we have a common origin ; on tire
contrary, at the first moment we
felt pleasure, upon tbe loss of our
independence, lu tliiuking that,
although our re-union under the
^ame sceptre was injurious to our
interests, yet it might cause a pO<
pulation of 40,000,000 to partake
of the enjoyment of constitutional
lilierties, which, in the whole civi-
lized world, batl become equaUf
414
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
necessary both to nations and sore-
reigns.
*' Convinced that our liberty
and independence, far from having
been hostile to the neighbouring
stjites, have, on the contrary,
serve<l <it all times as an equilibri-
um <ind ithield to Europe, and may
now become more useful than ever,
we ap|>ear in the presence of so-
vereigns and nations, with the
assurance that tlie voice of policy
and humanity trill be equally neard
in our favour.
*' If even in this struggle, ' the
dangers of which we do not con-
ceal from ourselves, we were to
fight alone for the interest of all,
full of confidence in the sanctity
of our cause, in our own valour,
and in the assistance of the Al-
mighty, we will fight till our
last gjwp for liberty ; and if Pro-
vidence has destined this land to
})eri>etual slavery ; if in this last
struggle the freedom of Poland is
to fall beneath the ruins of its towns
and the bodies of its defenders,
our enemy shall only reign over
deserts, and every gooil Pole, when
dying, will carry with him the
consolation, that if Heaven has
not |K^rmittcd him to save his own
liberty and his own country, he
has, at least, by this deadly com-
bat, placed the liberties of threat-
ened EurojKJ under shelter for a
moment.
IMie document is signed in the
following manner : —
[The drawers up of the manifesto.]
(Signed) Prazinowski, bishop
of Plock ; Miazynski, palatine se*
nator ; Protocki, castelfati senator;
W. Zurierchowski, deputy of War-
saw; Q. Malacowi^i, uuncioof the
district of Szydtour^; Swidfeinski^
(Constahtihe,) nuncio of Opocsno;
Bicrnacki (Amis,) nuncio of the
district of Wtclun ; Leiewifel (Jo«
achim,) nuncio of the district of
Zelcchow ; Malachowski^ castellan
senator.
The committee of the diet cbttrged
with giving its opinion ai to
the drawing up of the maniliMtO,
Signed— Prince Adam CiftartoN
rvski, palatine senator ; Prince VLU
chel Hadfeiwiil, palatine senator i
GlisKcsynski, castellan senator ;
Kochanowski, castellan senator ;
Wod2inski,caBtellan senator; I«.PhU^
castellan senator; the Couat Ladifr-
las Ostrowski, marshal of the Diet;
Count Jean Lcpochowskii nundo
of the palatine of Cracow ; Pran«
cois Soltyk, nuncio of the palatinate
of Sandomir ; Morawski (Thdo^
philus), nuncio of Kalisa; Swindci
(Joseph), nuncio of the district of
MrubiesKoco; Ignatius DemboW0ki|
nuncio of Plock ; Count JeiiierBki,
Ignatius Wee^'k, deputy of Loeice;
J. Wisniewski.
Correct Copy.
The Marshal of the Dibt,
( Signed ) Count OfiTROWMCt.
The Secretary of the Chamber
of the Nuncios,
(Signed) XavtMII CzAttKooKt.
Deputy of the district of Slanitt-
lawow.
CincuLAK of the Polish Government to Foreign CABiNan,
April 30///.
" Hecent military events hanng the attai^ks oF the enemy, I defetn
freed the capital, and the whole of it a duty to remiest you to iiM
the right bank of the Vistula, from every possible eflbrt to oonir^y to
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
415
the governitient to which you ttfe
accredited, the wishes of the Polish
nation. It is a received principle
in Europe^ thut the independent
existence of every Country is
founded on those rights which
liave once been recogniKed, M Well
as in the formation of & domestic
force capable of protecting and
maintaining it» When the ques*
tion of right is co*eXi8tettt with
that of fact, both yield to each
othet* i'eciprocal support. The
former existence of roltind, her
relations with othei* States, Are
sufficiently known, nor can the
three partitioning powers question
their historical accufacVi for they
mtist retain a recollection of the
intimate relations which Polfind
formerly maintained With them,
of the services that she rendered
them, or of the revei^ses which
she forced them to endure* If,
then, we consult the history of our
country, or that of Europe^ it will
be seen that the right of the Poles
to a national and independent ex-
istence is incontestable. It is true
that at the close of the last oen«
tury the three partitioning powers^
after having confederated for our
ruin, destroyed that independence;
but that act has been designated
throughout the world as spoliation
and |K)litical crime; that act could
neither annihilate ancient rights
nor create new ones. Thus, even
after the success of the conspiracy
of the three courts, the voice of
Europe, in raising itself in favour
of the rights of Poland, proclaimed
them to be imprescriptible; but
although they preserved their full
vigour, they could no longer be
exercised in the political world, in-
vested with their external attri-
butes.
** Recent events have changeil
this state of things. An insurrec-
tion, distinguished for its enetgy
and e:s:emp3on from every excess,
has severed the bonds which con-
nected Poland with Ru^ia. The
kingdom is now subject only to a
national government, unanimously
chosen by a diet, the members of
which, it is worthy of iigmark, were
all elected under the AuMtan go«
vemment. That diet has intrust^
od the public affoini to persons the
most eminent, both for birth and
popularity, and whose poHticai ea»
leer affords the best ^arantee to
Europe. The diet has thus se-
curetf, in the strongest wajr possi-^
ble, those monarchical institutions
which the two Chambers have de-
clared as best suited to the wishes
and the wants of the nation* The
national government of the king-
dom encounters uo opposition in
the exercise of its authority i its
orders are executed with the ut-
most seal, in every part of the
kingdom unoccupied by the enemy.
The Polish troops, the armed re^
presentation of tne Opinions, of the
desires, and of the power, of the
nation, after tdree glorious, but
deadly conflicts) after having sus*-
tained dreadful losses^ have again
completed their full numbers.
Their confidence in their own re*
sources has Increased them> and
that heroic army responds to the
hopes that the national jn)vern-
ment reposes in them< We are
now independent^ in the strongest
sense of the term, and the ques-
tion of fkct Is no longer in opposi-
tion to the question of right.
The dangers which may hereafter
threaten us, i^nd which to*morrow
may threaten the liberty and the
glory of other powers In Europe,
cannot in any respect alter our
real |K>sition> nor can they pre-
vent us (W)m proclaiming at this
moment that we are independent.
I
41G ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
It IS, therefore, admissible for us
to claim from other governments
the recognition of our indepeu-
donce — to chiim it in tlie name of
tlie most siicred riglits, which
r.urope has imanimously dechired
to bi* im})erishab]e.
" If Belgium^ wliich never rank-
eil among states— if Greece, whose
{lolitical existence has been anni-
lilatetl for ages — have obtained,
among all the uncertainty of war,
the ret*ognition of their indepen-
dence, I ask if Poland has not
stnmger grounds for her preten-
sions; that Poland, whose national
existence, extinguished for a mo-
ment, revives with so nuich vigour,
sustains itself with so much ener-
gy* and at the price of so many
siU'rifiiYS — that Poland, which,
alone and without aid, has dared
to combat with the giant of the
North, and lias already overthrown
the illusion of his iH)wer. It
would bo vain, in discussing the
(piestion i»f Polish indepeudenc^e,
to n»fer to the acts of the Con-
sn'i*ss of Vieiuia. The treaty of
Vienna, when uniting the king-
dom of Poland to Russia, assured
to us a national individuality, and
a constitutional government ; it
alv^> aimed at extending this na-
tionality to the IVlish provinces
ina)riH)rated in the Russian em-
pire : and this for the purpose of
consolidating the tranquillity of
Kuro|>e.
*'Such was the spirit of the
treaty of Vienna. The emperor
of Russia has been the first to vio-
late that tn»aty by overthrowing
in the kingdom the principal con-
stitutional securities, in smother-
ing all national spirit in the Po-
lish provinces, in prohibiting even
the use of our language. All our
sufferings have been sufficiently
ex|H)sed in the manifesto of the
diet. Tlie treaty of Vienna has^
then, l)een, both in its arranse-
ments and their results, iuade-
quate to the maintenance of peace.
The violence of the Russian go-i
vernment has provoked an insur-
rection, which has been followed
by decisive events. A new order
of things has arisen. The chain
which attached Poland to Russia
has been broken, the bond which
united Belgium with Holland has
been severed, but a short time
previously, altliough the treaty of
Vienna had guaranteed their per-
|)etuity. The European powers
have, notwithstanding, recognised
the independence of Belgiuinj
«idopting a noble and elevat^ po-
licy. >Miy, then, animated by
the same spirit, do they not inter-
fere in our favour ?
" * The union of Belgium with
Holland,* says the protoccd of
Loudon, of the IfHh of^ February,
' is broken. Official communica-
tions have convinced the five Courts
that the means originally destined
for its preservation can neither re-
establish it at present, nor preserve
if hereafter, and that henceforth,
instead of confounding the affec-
tions and the welfare of the two
people, it could only excite pas-
sions and hatred which, from their
collision, could only produce war
and all its disasters. It does not
devolve on the powers to judge of
the causes which have destroyed
the ancient ties, but when they
see these ties severed, it belongs to
them to aim once more at the ob-
ject which was proposed in their
formation. It belongs to them to
secure, in favour of the new oom-v
binations, that tranquillity to
Euro|)e, of which the union of
Belgium with Holland formed an
essentia] basis.'
^' The cause of Bel^um is ii
PUBLIC DOCUSIENTS.
tified with ours ; and if there be " I repeat it, erery ti-eaty is
any- dissimilarity hetneen the two, the consequence either of certain
it is in our favour. Poland was events, or of certain political corn-
formerly independent and power- binations. If other events displace
ful. The Congress of \'ienua even those that preceded them — if the
contemplated tlie re-establishment combination be altered — the con-
of that independence, and of the tracting; parties must modify their
integrity of tlic Polish territory ; engagements in accordance with
but as these views were counter- the new combinations, for the pur-
acted by imperious circumstances, pose of upholding the principles
a new Kingdom was created, the which they had adopted, and for
limits of which were small, and insuring the object which thef
which was united to Russia. On had at first proposed. The Con-
every occasion the best intentions gress of Vienna could dispose uf
with regard to us were tcatitied, Belgium conquered by the allied
by guaranteeing also the national- powers, and of Poland occupied by
ity of the other Polish provinces : the Russian armies. But Poland
the inadequacy of these disposi- delivered — Folaud which repels
tions towards Poland in general the numerous hoides of the ag- '
was clearly demonstrated-— dispo- gressors — has a just right to claim
sitions which may lie considered admission into the great family of
as provisional. The kingdom to the iudependentnatiunsof Europe,
which the Congress of Vienna had as Belgium has been there receiv-
guaranteed a constitution was ed, after having thrown off the
united to the most powerful des- yoke of Holland,
potic state. I'hts alliance was "Such are the principles that
difficult to form ; its duration was you will advance — such are the
impossible, for it carried in itself arguments you will employ to
the seeds of dissolution. It may strengthen the demand you are
be urged in opposition to this, that authorized to make on the go-
Russia, that power ao redoubtable vernment to which you are accre-
to all Europe, can, even after a dited— the demand of the formal.
desperate contest, reduce us to and positive I'ecogoition of the na-
submission, and pacify, by exter- tional government in the kingdom
minating us. The peace of slavery of Poland, and of the independence
— the peace of the tomb — a peace of that kingdom.
of such a nature as to excite a „ _, „ „
terrible war on the first favourable The SECRETAnY of State
opportunity— can such a peace ''™ Foreign Afiairs,
meet the noble and dignified in- fo' t^e national government
tentions of the European powers? o^ ^^^ kingdom of Poland/'
Message _/«»n l/ie Prbsident of the Uniteu States lo both Houbbb
of CoNGHEss, at the cmnmencetneiil of the First Session of Ike
Tiventy'Sbcond Congkebs.
" Fellow Citizens of the Senate The representation of the people
and House of Bepresentatives, — has been renewed Ua the tveotr-
VoL. LXXIII. 2 E
418 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1B3I.
second time since the constitution
tlicy formed has been in force. For
near half a century, the chief ma-
gistrates yv ho had been successively
ohoseii have made their annual
communications of the state of the
nation by its representatives. Ge-
nerally these communications have
been of the most gratifying nature,
testifying an advance in all the
improvements of social, and all the
securities of a political life. But
frequently, and justly as you have
been caUe<l on to be grateful for
the bounties of Providence, at few
Seriods have they been more abun-
antly or extensively bestowed
than at the present ; rarely, if
ever, have we had greater reason
to congratulate each other on the
continued and increasing pros})cri-
tv of our beloved country.
" Agriculture, the first and most
im{K)rtant occupation of man, has
(-omi)onsatod the labours of the
husbandman with plentiful crops of
all the varied products of our ex-
tensive country. Manufactures
have been established, in which
the funds of the capitalists find a
profitable investment, and which
give emplo}'ment and subsistance
to a numerous increasing body of
industrious and dexterous me-
chanics. Tial)our is rewarded by
high wagi»s, in the construction of
works of internal improvement,
which are extending with unpre-
cedented rapidity. Science is
steadily penetrating the recesses of
nature, and disclosing her secrets,
while the ingenuity of free minds
is subjecting the elements to the
p()\rer of man, and making each
now conquest auxiliary to his com-
fort. By our mails, whose speed
is regularly increased, and whose
routes are every year extended,
the communication of public in-
telligence and private business is
rendered frequent and safe-^-the
intercourse between distant citiet,
which formerly required weeks to
accomplish, is now effected in aftw
days; and in tlie construction of
railroads, and the application of
steam power, we have a reason-
able prospect that the eztrenie
parts of our country will be so
much approximated^ and those
most isolated by the obetadas of
nature rendered so accessible as to
remove an apprehensbn sometimes
entertained, that the great extent
of the Union would endanger its
permanent existence.
'^ If, from the satisfieustory Tiew
of our agriculture, manufactures,
and internal improvements, we turn
to the state of our navigation and
trade with foreign nations and be-
tween the States, we shall scarody
find less cause for gratulation. A
beneficent Providence has proridsdt
for their exercise and enooorags*
ment, an extensive coast, indented
by capacious bays, noble rifens
inland seas, with a country pio-
ductive of every material fiir oup"
building, and every commodity £r
gainful commerce, and filled with
a population, active, intelligent,
well-informed, and fearless of dan*
ger. These advantages are not
neglected ; and an impulsq has
lately been given to commercial
enterprise, which fills our ship-
yards with new constructionsj en«
courages all the arts and branches
of industry connected with them^
crowds the wharfs of our- citisB
with vessels, and covers the most
distant seas with our canyass.
^' Let us be grateful for these
blessings to the beneficent Boiag
who has conferred them, and who
suffers us to indulge a reasonaUe
hope of their continuance and ez<*>
tension, while we neglect not the
means by which they may be pr^
PUBLIC DOCU
served. If ive may dare to judge Spain, Holland, Sweden, Den-
his future deBigD», by the manner mark, Naples, and lately Portugal,
in which his past favours liave been had alt, in a greater or less degree,
bestowed, he lias made our national infringed our neutral rights, De-
proBperity ti> depend on the pre- mandi for reparation were made
»ervation of our hberttes ; our na- upon all. They have had in all,
tlonal force on our federal union ; and continue to have, in some
and our individual happiness on the cases, a leading influence on the
maintenanceof our state lights and nature of our relations with the
wise institutions. If we are pros- Powers on whom they were made.
perous at home, and respected " Of the claims upon England
abroad, it ia because ve are free, it is unnecessary to speak, further
unit«d, industrious, and obedient than to say, that the state of
to the laws. While we continue things to which their prosecution
so, we shall, by the blesung of and denial gave rise has been suc-
Heaven, go on in the happr career ceeded by arrangements productive
we have begun, and which has of mutual good feeling and amic-
brought us, in the short period of ulile relations between tlie two
our political existence, from a popu- countries, which it is hoped will
lation of 3,000,000 to 18,000,800 ; not be interrupted. One of tbew
from thirteen separate colonies to arrangements is that relating to
twenty-four United States— from the colonial trade, which was com-
weaknesstostrength— from a rank municated to Congress at the last
scarcely marked in the scale of na- Session ; and although the short
tions to a high place in their re- period during which it has been
spect. in force will not enable me to form
" This last advantage is one that an accurate judgment of its oper-
has resulted, in a great degree, ation, there is every reason to be*
from the principles which nave Iteve that it will prove highly he-
miidedourintercoursewithforeign neticiai. Tlic trade thereby au-
Powers, sin<;e we have assumed an thorized has employed to the 30th
equal station among them :- and of September last, upwards of
hence, the annual account which 30,000 tons of American, and
the executive renders to the coun- 15,000 tons of foreign shipping in
try, of the manner iu which that ' the outward voyages j and, in the
branch of his duties has been inward, nearly an equal amount of
fulfilled, proves instnictive and American, and 20,000 only of f<>-
salutary. reign tonnage. Advantages, too,
" The pacific and wise policy of have resulted to our agricultural
our government kept us in a state interest from the state of the trade
of ncutrali^ during the wars that between Canada and our territories
have, at different periods since our and states bordering on the St-
pol it ical existence, been carried oit Lawrence and the Lakes, which
by other Powers; but this policy, may prove more than equivalent
while it gave activity and extent to the loss sustained by the discH-
to our commerce, exposed it in the minatiou made to favour the trade
same proportion to injuries from of the northern colonies with the
the belligerent nations. Hence West Indies,
have arisenclaimsof indemnity for ■' After nur transition from the
those injuries. England, Fnuice, state of colonies to that of as {n<
4-20 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
dependent nation, many points and wbo had been one of the agents
Avere found necessary to be settled previously employed fbr settling
between us and Great Britain, the controversy. On the 1 0th day
Among tliem was the demarcation of January last, his majesty, the
of boundaries not described with king of the Netherlands^ delivered
sufficient precision in the treaty of to the plenipotentiaries of the
peace. Some of the lines that di- United States and of Great Britain
vide the states and territories of his written opinion on the case ie«
the United States from the Bri- ferred to him. The papers in lou-
tish provinces have been definitely tion to the subject will be comiini-
fixed. I'hat, however, which se- nicated by a special message to the
parates us from the provinces of proper branch of the goyemmenty
Canada and New Brunswick to the with the perfect confidence that its
north and the east, was still in d is- wisdom will adopt such meattnes
pute when I came into oflice. But as will secure an amicable settle-
I found arrangements made for its ment of the controversy, withoat
settlement, over which I had no infringing any constitutional right
control. The commissioners who of the State immediately inter*
had been appointed under the pro* ested.
visions of the treaty of Ghent hav- '* It affords me much satisfiic*
iiig been unable to agree, aeon- tion to inform you that suggestionSi
vention was made with Great Bri- made by my direction, to theCharg6
tain by my immediate predecessor d* Affaires of his Britannic majes-
in oflice, with the advice and con- ty, to this government, have had
sent of the Senate, by which it their desired effect in producing the
was agreed, ' that the points of release of certain American, dti-
difference which have arisen in the zens, who were imprisoned for
settlement of the boundary line setting up the authority of the"
betw'een the American and British state of Maine, at a place in the'
dominions, as described in the 5th disputed territory under the actiial
article of the treaty of Ghent, shall jurisdiction of his Britannic ma*
be referred, as therein provided, jesty. From this and the assur-
to some friendly sovereign or state, ances I have received, of the
who shall be invited to investigate of the local authorities to avoid
and make a decision u]X)n such any cause of collision, I have the
))oints of difference.' best hopes that agoodunderstand-
" And the king of the Nether- ing will be kept up until it is con-
lands having, by the late president firmed by the final disposition- of
and his Britannic Majesty, been the subject.
designed as such friendly sovereign, '' The amicable relations whidi
it became my duty to carry with now subsist between the . United
good faith the agreement so made States and Great Britain, the in-
into full effect. To this end I creasing intercourse between their
caused all the measures to be taken citizens, and the rapid oblitenitioa
which were necessary to a full ex- of unfriendly prejudices to whidi-
position of our case to the sovereign former events naturally gave rise.*
arbiter, and nominated as minister concurred to present this as a fit
plenipotentiary to his court a dis- period for renewing our endeavours'
tinguislied citizen of the State to provide against the recurrence
most interested in the question, of causes of irritation^ whidi^ in
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS..
the event of war between Great stances be exaggerated by design
Britain and any other power, in others overrated though error,
would inevitably endanger our and which therefore it would hafe
peace, Auimated by the sincerest been both ungracious and unjust
desire to avoid such a state of to have insisted on, or a settlement
things, and peacefully to secure by a mised commission, to which
under all possible circumstances, the French negotiators were very
the rights and honour of the averse, and which experience in
country, I have given such in- other cu^ii had sliuwii lo be dilato-
structions to the minister lately ry, and often wholly inadequate
sent to the court of London, as to the end. A comparatively small
will evince that desire; and if sum is stipulated on our pati to go
met by a correspondent disposition, to the extinction of all claims by
which we cannot doubt, will put French citizens on our government^
an eud to causes of collision, which and a reduclioii of duties on our
without advantage to either, tend cotton and tlieir wines has been
to estrange from each other, two agreed on, as a coDsideratinn for
nations who have every motive to the renunciation of an important
preserre, not only peace, but an claim for commercial privileges,
intercourse of the most amicable under the construction tliey gave
nature. tii the treaty for the cession of
" Tn my message at the opening Louisiana.
of the last session of Congress, I " Should this treaty receive the
expressed a confident hope, that proper sanction, a source of in-ita-
the justice of our claims upon tion will be stopped, that has for
France, urged as they were with so many years in some degree
perseverance and signal ability by alienated from e>ich other two na-
our minister there, would Anally tJuns, who from interest, as well
be acknowledged. This hope has as the remembrauce of early asso-
been realized. A treaty has been ciations ought to cherish the most
signed which will immediately be friendly relations ; an eitcourage-
laid before the senate for its ap- ment will be given for perseverance
probation; and which, containing in the demands of justice, by this
stipulations that require le^slative new proof, that, if steadily pursued
acts, must have the concurrence of they will be listened to; and ad*
both houses before it can go into monition will be afforded to those
effect. By it the French govern- powers, if any, which may be in-
ment engage to pay a sum which, dined to evade them, that they
if not quite equal to that which will never be abaudoued. Above
may be found due to our citizens, all, a just confidence will be iu-
wiil yet, it is believed, under all spired in our fellow- citizens, that
circumstances, be deemed satistac- their government will exert all the
tory to those interested. powers with which they have iu-
" The offer of a gross sum, rested it, in support of their just
instead of the satis&ctmn of eadi claims upon foreign nations: at
individual claim, was accepted, the same time that the frank ao
because the only alternatives were knowledgement and provision for
a rigorous exaction of the whole tlie payment of those irhich were
amount stated to be due on each addressed to our equity, although
claim, which night in some in- uasuppott«d by le^I proof, iSwk
422 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
a practical illustration of our sub-
mission to the divine rule of doing
to others what we desire they
should do unto us.
'^ Sweden and Denmark having
made compensation for the irregu-
larities committed by their vessels,
or in their ports^ to the perfect sa-
tisfaction of the parties concerned :
and having renewed the treaties
of commerce entered into with
them, our political and commercial
relations with those powers conti-
nue to be on the most friendly
footing.
"With Spain, our differences
up to the 22nd of February, \S\9,
were settled by the treaty of Wash-
iugton of that date ; but at a
subsequent period, our commerce
with the states, formerly colonies
of Spain, on the continent of
America, was annoyed and fre-
quently interrupted by her public
and private armed ships. They
c-aptured many of our vessels pro-
s^ecuting a lawful commerce, and
sold them and their cargoes -, and
at one time, to our demands for
restoration and indemnity, opposed
the allegation that they were taken
in the violation of a blockade of
all the ports of those states.
'^ This blockade was declaratory
only, and the inadequacy of the
force to maintain it was so mani-
fest, that this allegation was varied
to a charge of trade in contraband
of war. This, in its turn, was
also found untenable ; and the
minister whom I sent with instruc-
tions to press for the reparation
that was due to our injured fellow
citizens, has transmitted an an-
swer to his demand, by which the
captures are declared to have been
legal, and are justified, because the
independence of the states of
America, never having been ac-
knowledged by Spain^ she had a
right to prohibit trade with thtM
under her old colonial laws. Thb
ground of defence was oontradio*
tory, not only to those which had
been formerly alleged, bat to the
uniform practice and eataUiahsd
laws of nations, and had been abaB«
doncd by Spain herself in the ooih
vention which granted indamnitj
to British subjects for captiuis«
made at the same timej under the
same circumstances, md for die
same allegations with those of which
we complain.
" I, however, indulge thto ho|M
that further reflection will load Is
other views, and feel oonBdent that
when his Catholic majesty shall
be convinced of the justice of the
claims, his desire to preserft
friendly relations between the twe
countries, which it is mv oameit
endeavour to maintain, will indues
him to accede to our demandt I
have therefore despatched a fecial
messenger with instructions to our
minister to brine the case ones
more to his consiaeratipn ; to the
end that if, which I cannot briiy
myself to believe, the same dprisisni
that cannot but be deemed an u*
friendly denial of justice, rtowM
be persisted in, the matter majTf
before your adjournment, be hud
before you, the constitutionsl judges
of what is proper to be done when
negotiation for redress of ii^uiy
fails.
'^ The conclusion of a treaty Sat
indemnity with France asened to
present a favourable opportunity
to renew our claims of a "tiifsT
character on other powers; aa4
particularly in the case of these
upon Naples, more especially as iv
the course of former negotiationa
with that power, our nilnre to
induce France to render us justice
was used as an argument ayjit
us. The desires of the iTfrtnaeti.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
vho were t1i« principal lufferara lured seiejal o( our vessels, and
have, therefore, been acceded to, toniuitted other excesses for which
asd a mission has been iastituted reparation was deinnaded ; and I
for the special purpose of obtain- was ou the point of despatching
iug for thetii a reparation already an armed force, to prevent any
too long delayed. This measura recurrence* of a similar violence
having been resolved on, it was put and protect our citizens in the
in execution without waiting for prosecution of their lawful com-
tbe meeting of Congress, because uierce, when otticial aasurancee, ou
the state of Europe created an which 1 relied, mode the sailing
apprehension of events that might of the ships unnecessary. Since
have rendered our application in- that period frequent prnmises have
effectual. been made that full indemnity
"Our demands upon the govern- shall be given for the injuries in^
ment of the Two hicilies are of a Hided and the losses sustained,
peculiar nature. The injuries cm lu the performance there has beeii
which they are founded are not some, perhaps unavoidable, delay;
denied, nor are the atrocity and but 1 have the fullest confidence
perfidy under which thoee injuries that the earnest desire that this
were perpetrated attempted to be business may at once be closed,
extenuated. The scde ground on which our minister has been in-
which indemnity h;i9 been refused .ttructed strongly to express, will
is the alleged illegality of the tenure very soon he gratified. I have the
which the monarch who made better ground for this. hope from
: seizures held his crown. This tiie evidence of a friendly dispoai-
aeience,^alwayBunfouudediuany tiou which that government has
principle of the law of nations— shown by an actual reduction in
DOW universally abandoned, even the duty on rice, the produce of
by those I'owers upon whom the oiur Southern States, authorizing
responsibility for acts of past rulera the anticii>atiou that this imjwrt-
bore the most heavily, — will uii- ant article of our export will soon
questionably be given up by his be admitted on the same footing
Sicilian majesty, whose councils with that produced by the must
will receive an impulse from tl^at favoured nation,
high sense of honour and regard " With the other Powers of
to justice which are said to cha- Europe, we have fortunately had
racterizehim; and I feel the fullest no cause of. discussion for the re-
confidence that the talents of the dress of injuries. With the em-
citizen commissioned for that pur- pire of the Russians olir political
pose will place before him the just connexion is of the niost liberal
claims of our injured citizens in kind. We enjoy the advantages
such alight as will enable me, be- "f navigation and trade given to
fare your adjournment, to announce the most favoured nation; but it
that they have been adjusted and has not yel suited their policy, or
'secured. Precise instructions, to jierliape has not been found con-
tlie effect of brining the negoti- veoieut from other considerations,
ation to a speedy issue, have been tfl give stability and reciprocity to
given and will be obeyed. those privileges by a commercial
" In the blockade of Terceira, treaty. The ill-health of the mi-
gome of tbe Portuguese fleet cap- nistcr last year charged with niali-
1
424
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ing a proposition fur that arrange-
ment^ did not permit him to re-
main at St. Petersburg; and the
attention of that government^ du-
ring the whole of the period since
his departure having been occupied
by the war in which it was en-
gaged^ we have been assured that
noUiing could have been effected
by his presence. A minister will
soon be nominated, as well to ef-
fect this important object, as to
keep up the relations of amity and
good understanding, of which we
have received so many assurances
and proofs from his imperial ma-
jesty and the emperor his prede-
cessor.
" The treaty with Austria opens
to us an important trade with the
hereditary dominions of the empe-
ror, the value of w^hich has been
hitherto little known, and of
course not sufficiently appreciated.
While our commerce finds an en-
trance into the south of Germany
by means of this treaty, those we
have formed with the Hanseatic
towns and Prussia, and others now
in negotiation, will open that vast
country to the enterprising spirit
of our merchants, on the north : a
country abounding in all the mate-
rials of a mutually beneficial com-
merce, filled with enlightened and
Industrious inhabitants, holding an
important place in the politics of
Europe, and to which we owe so
many valuable citizens. The rati-
fication of the treaty with the
Porte was sent to be exchanged
by the gentleman appointed our
Charge d' Affaires to that court.
Some difficulties had occurred on
his arrival ; but at the date of his
last official despatch, he supposed
they had been obviated, and that
there was every prospect of the ex-
change being speedily effected.
* " This finishes the conneeted
view I have thought it proper to
give of our political and commer-
cial relations in Europe. Every
effort in my power will be conti-
nued to strengthen and extend
them by treaties founded on prin-
ciples of the most perfect reciprD-
city of interest, neither asking ndr
conceding any exclusive advantages
but liberating as far as it lies in
my power, the activity and indn-
try of our fellow-citizens from the
shackles which foreign xestrictioBS
may impose.
''To China and the E«aat Indies,
our commerce continues in its nso-
al extent and with increased facili-
ties which the credit and capital of
our merchants affords, by substitu-
ting bills for payments in specie.
A daring outrage haTing been
committed in those seas by the
plunder of one of our merchantmen
engaged in the pepper trade at a
port in Sumatra, and the piraticsl
perpetrators belonging to' tribes
in such a state of society^ that the
usual course of proceeding between
civilized nations could not be pnr*
sued, I forthwith despatched a
frigate with orders to require im-
mediate satisfaction for the injury,
and indemnity to the suflferers.
." Few changes have taken
place in our connexions with- the
independent States of America
since my last communication to
Congress. The ratification of a
commercial treaty with the united
republics of Mexico has been' lor
some time under deliberation in
their Congress, but was still undc»-
cided at the date of our last de-
spatches. The unhappy civil coin*
motions that have prevailed there^
were undoubtedlv the cause of the
delay ; but .as the government is
now said to be tranquillized, we
may hope soon to receive the rati-
fica'tion of the treaty, and an am
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 426
raogenieut for the demarcat!oa of stitl ttirratened witli civil cnmm'i-
the boimdarieG between us. In tioas; and until they shall be
the mean time an important trade settled, disorders may naturally
has been opened with niiituaj bene- be apprehended, requiring the con-
fit, from St. Louis, in the state of stant presence of a naval force in
Missouri, by caravabs to the intc- the Pacific Ocean, to protect our
rior provinces of Mexico. This fisheries, and guard our commerce.
commerce is protected in its pro- "The disturbances that took
gress through the Indian countries place in the empire of Brazil, pre-
by the troops of the United Slates, viously to, and immediately con-
which have been permitte<l to sequent upon, the abdication of
escort the caravans beyond our the late emperor, necessarily sus~
boundaries to the scttleil part of pended any effectual application
the Mexican territory. for tjie redress of some past injuries
"From central America I have suffered by our citizens from that
received assurances of the most government, while they have been
friendly kind, and gratifying ap- the cause of others, tn which all
[Aication for our good offices to re- foreigners seem to have participa-
move a supposed indisposition to- fed. Instructious have been given
wards that government in a neigh- to our minister there, to press for
bouring state ; this application was indemnity due for losses occasioned
immediately and successfully com- by these irregularities; and to
plied with. They gave us also the take care that our fellow citizens
pleasing intelligence that differ- shall enjoy all the pri»iIegeB stipu-
ences which had prei*niled in their lated in their favour by the treaty
internal affairs had been peaceably lately made between the two
adjusted. Our treaty with this powers: all which the good intelli-
republic continues to be faithfully gence that prevails between our
observed, and promises a great and minister at Rio Janeiro and the
beneficial commerce between the regency gives us the best reason to
two countries ; a commerce of the expect.
greatest importance, if the inagni- "I should have placed Buenos
ficent project of a ship canal Ayres in the list of South Araer-
through the dominions of that ican powers in respect to which
state, from the Atlantic to the nothing of importance affecting us
Pacific Ocean, now in serious con- was to be communicated, but for
temptation, shall be executed. occurrences which have lately taken
" I hare great satisfaction in place at the Falkland Islands, in
communicating the success which which the name of that republic
has attended the exertions of our has been u»<ed to cover, with a
minister in Colombia to procure a show of authority, acts injurious
very considerable reduction in the to our commerce, and to the uro-
dutiesonourflourin that republic, perty and liherty of our fellow
Indemnity also has been stipulated citizens. In the course of the pre-
fer injuries received b_y our mer- sent year, one of our vessels, en-
chants from illegal seizures; and gaged in the pursuit of a trade
renewed assurances arc given that which we have always enjoyed
the treaty between the two eoun- without molestation, has been c&p.
tries shafl be feithfully observed. tured by a hand acting, as they
' " Chili and Pern Geem to be pretend, under the AUthoritj' of
426 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1811.
the governmeot of Buenos Ayres.
I hare therefore given orders for
the despatch of an armed vessel to
join our squadron in those seas,
and aid in affording all lawful pro«
tection to our trade which shall be
necessary; and shall without delay
send a minister to inquire into the
nature of the circumstances, and
also of the claim, if any, that is
set up by that government to those
islautts. In the mean time I sub-
mit the case to the consideration
of Congress, to the end that the?
may clothe the executive with such
autnority and means as they may
deem necessary for providinfl; a
force adequate to the complete
protection of our fellow-citizens
fishing and trading to those seas.
*' This rapid sketch of our fo«
reifi^n relations, it is hoped, fellow-i
citizens, may be of some use in so
much of your legislation as may
bear on that important subject;
while it affords to the country at
large a source of high gratification
in the contemplation of our politi-
cal and commercial connexion with
the rest of the world. At peace
with all — having subjects of future
difference with few, and those
susceptible of easy adjustment,—
extending our commerce gradually
on all sides, and on none by any but
the most liberal and mutually be-
neficial means, — we may, by the
blessine of Providence, hope for
all national prosperity which can
be derived n*om an intercourse
with foreign nations, guided by
those eternal principles of justice
and reciprocal gooa will, which
are binding as well upon states
as the individuals of whom they
are composed.
^I have great satisfaction in
making this statement of our affairs,
because the cause of our national
policy enables me to do it without
any indiscreet exposure of what ia
other governments is usually em^
cealed from the people. Havini^
none but a straightforward opea
course to pursue — guided by A
single principle that will bear the
strongest light^*-we have happily
no political combinations to rorm»
no alliances to entangle ua, no
complicated interests to consolt;
and in subjecting all we have dooa
to the consideration of our citiaena
and to the inspection of the worUj
we give no advantage to other um^
tions, and lay ourselves open to no
injury.
'' It may not be impn^ier to add
that to preserve this state of thinipi
and ffive confidence to the wond
the integrity of our de8igafl»
in
all our consular and diploouitio
agents are strictly enjoined to ex«
amine well every cause of oom-
plaint preferred by our citisensj^
and, while they urge with proptf
earnestness those that are well
founded, to countenance none thnt
are unreasonable or unjust, and to
enjoin on our merchants and oatLi
gators the strictest obedienes to
the laws of the countries to whidk
they resort, and a course of con-
duct in their dealings that may
support the character of our nation
and render us respected abroad.
^' Connected with this auUeotf
I must recommend a revisal w our
consular laws. Defects and olnisi^
sions have been discovered in their
operation that ought to be reme*
died and supplied. For your fbir-
ther information on this subjecti
I have directed a report to be made
by the secretary of state, which I
shall hereafter submit to your oon«
sideration.
'^ The interna] peace and aeco-
rity of our confederated stataa k
the next principal olgeet of tha
general governmeot Tim« iina
PUBLIC D
•iptrience havfl proved tlmt the
■bode of the native IndUn within
their limits is dangerous to their
peace and iajurious to himself.
In accordance vith iny recomnMD*
datioD at a former session of Cou'
tary remoral of the various tribes
beyond the limits of the States.
At the last session, I had the hap*
piness to announce that the Chicfc-
asaws and Choctaws had accepted
the generous offers of the gorerfi-
ment, and agreed to reiDOTe be*
yood the Miasissipi rirer, bjr which
the whole of the state of Mississipi
and the western part of Alabama
will be freedfrom Indian occupancy,
and opened to a civilized population.
The treaties with these tribes are
iu a course of execution, and their
removal, it is hoped, will be com-
pleted in the course of 1832.
" At the reijuest of the authori-
ties of Georgia, the registration
of the Cherokee Indians for emi-
gration has been resumed and it
is confidently expected, that ooe
half, if not two thirds of that tribe
will follow the wise example of
their more westerly brethren.
Those who pre&r remaining at
their present liomes will her^fter
bo governed by the laws of Georgia
as all ber citizens are, and cease
to be the object of jiecuJiar care on
the part of the general government,^
" During the present year tbe
attention of the govemment has
been particularly directed to those
tribes in the powerful and growing
state of Ohio, where considerable
tracts of the finest lands were still
occupied by the aboriginal proprie*
tors. Treaties, either absolute or
conditional, have been made, ex-
tinguishing the whole Indian title
to the reservations of that state;
and the time is not distant, it is
hoped when Ohio will be no longer
embarrassed with the Indian popu-
lation. The same measure will be
extended to Indiana, as soon as
there is reason to anticipate success.
" But the removal of the Indians
b(?youd the limits and jurisdiction
of the States does not place them
l>eyond the reach of philantliropic
aid and christian instruction. On
the contrary, those whom philan-
throjiy may induce to live among
them in their new abode, will be
more free in the exerdse of their
benevolent functions, than if they
had remained within the limits of
the States, enibarntssed by their
internal regulations. Now, subject
to no control but the superintend-
ing agency of the general govern-
nient, exercised with the sole view
of preserving peace, they may
proceed unmolested in the iuter-
esting experiment of gradually
advancing a community oi Ameri-
can Indians from barbarism to tbe
habits and enjoyments of civilized
life,
" It is confidently believed, that
perseverance for a few years in the
present jpoHcy of the government,
will extiuguish the Indian title
toall lands lying within the States,
composing our federal union, and
remove beyond their limits every
Indian who was not willing to
submit to their laws. Thus will
all conflicting claims to jurisdiction
between the States and tbe Indian
tribes be put to rest. It is pleasing
to reflect that results so beneficial
not only to the States immediately
cuticerned, but to the harmony of
the union, will Jiave been accom>
plishcd by measures equally ad-
vantageous to the Indians. What
the native savages become when
surrounded by dense population,
and by mixing with the whit«B,
may be .-ven in the miserable rem*
428 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
nants of a few eastern tribes, de-
prived of political and civil rights,
forbidden to make contracts and
subjected to guardians^ dragging
out a wretched existence, without
excitement, without hope, and
almost without thought.
" Among the happiest effects of
the improved relations of our re-
public has been an increase of
trade, producing a corresponding
increase of revenue, beyond the
most sanguine anticipations of the
Treasury Department.
" The state of the public finan-
ces will be fully shown by the se-
cretary to the Treasury, in the
report which he will presently lay
before you. I will here, however,
congratulate you upon their pro-
sperous condition.
''The revenue received in the
present year will not fall short of
27,700,000 dollars, and the ex-
penditures for all objects other
than the public debt, will not
exceed 14,700,000 dollars. The
payment on account of the princi-
pal and interest of the debt,
during the year, will exceed
16,500,000 of dollars, a greater
sum than has been applied to that
object, out of the revenue, in any
year since the enlargement of the
sinking fund, except the two years
following immediately thereafter.
The amount which will have been
applied to the public debt from
the 4th of March, 1829, to the
1st of January next, which is less
than three years since the admi-
nistration has been placed in my
hands, will exceed 40,000,000 of
dollars.
" From the large importations
of the present year, it may be
safely estimated that the revenue
which will be received into the
Treasury from that source during
the next year, with the aid of
that received from the public
lands, will considerably exceed the
amount of the receipts of . the
present year ; and it is belieired
that, with the means which the
government will have at its dis«
posal, from various sources, which
will be fully stated by the proper
department, the whole of the public
debt may be extinguished, either
by redemption or purchase, within
four years of my administration.
We shall then exhibit the rare
example of a great nation, abound-
ing in all the means of happiness
and security, altogether free from
debt.
'^ The confidence with which the
extinguishment of the public debt
may be anticipated presents an
opportunity for carrying into eCfect
more fully the policy in relation to
import duties, which has been re*
commended in my former messages.
A modification of the tariff, which
shall produce a reduction of our
revenue to the wants of the gO"
vernment, and an adjustment of
the duties on imports with a view
to equal justice in relation to all
our national interests and to the
counteraction of foreign policy, so
far as it may be injurious to those
interests, is deemed to be one ai
the principal objects which demand
the consideration of the present
Congress.
^Oustice to the interests of the
merchant as well as the manu-
facturer, requires, that material
reductions in the import duties be
prospective ; and unless the pre-
sent Congress shall dispose of the
subject, the proposed reductions
cannot properly be made to take
effect at the period when the
necessity for the revenue arising
from present rates shall cease. It
is therefore desirable that arrange-
ments be adopted at your present
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
s«seion to relieve the people from held, as in many cases it nor is,
unnecessary taxation after the at the will o( a creditor to.vhom
extinguishment of the public debt, be is willing to surrender all the
In the exercise of that spirit of means he has of discharging hia
concession and conciliation which debt.
has distinguished the friends of " The reports from the Secreta-
our union in all great emergencies, ries of the War and Nary depart-
it is believed that this object may mentg, and from the Postmaster-
be effected without injury to any general, which accompany this
national interest. message, present sadafactory views
" In my annual message of oftheoperationsoftbed^>artments
December, J829, I had the honour respectively under their charge,
to recommend the adoption of a and surest improvements which
more liberal policy than that which are worthy of, and to which I In-
then prevailed towards unfortunate vite the serious attention of Con-
debtors to the government; and I gress. Certain defects and omis-
deem it my duty again to invite sions having been discovered in the
your attention to this subject. operation of the laws respecting
"Actuated by similar views, parliaments they are pointed out
Congress at their last session pas- in the accompanying report from
sed an act for the relief of certain the secretary of state,
insolvent debtors of the United "I have heretofore recommended
States ; but the provisions of that amendments of the Federal Consti-
law have not been deemed such as tution giving the election of presi-
were adequate to that relief to this dent and vice-president to the
unfortunate class of our fellow citi- people, and limiting the service of
/ens, which may be safely extended the ibrmer to a single term. So
to them. The points in which the important do I consider these
law appears to be defective will be changes in our fundamental law,
particularly communicated by the that, I cannot, in accordance with
secretary of the Treasury, and I my sense of duty, omit to press
take pleasure in recommending them upon the consideration of a
such an extension of its provisions new Congress, For my views
as will unfetter the enterprise of a more at large, its well in relation
valuable portion of our citizens, to tlie^e points, as to the disquali-
and restore to them the means of fication of members of Congress to
usefulness to themselves and the receive an ofHce from a president
community. in whose election they had an offi-
" While deliberating upon this cia] agency, which I proposed as
subject, I would also recommend a substitute, I refer you to my
to your consideration the propriety former message,
of so modifying the laws for en- " Our system of public accounts
forcing the payment of the debts Is extremely complicated, and, it
due either to the public or to is belieied, may be much improved,
individuals suing in the courts Much of the present machinery,
of the United States, as to restrict and n considerable portion of the
the imprisonment of the person to expenditure of the public money
cases of fraudulent concealment of may he dispensed with, while
property. The personal liherty of greater facilities can be afforded to
the citisen seems too sacred to be the liquidation of claims upon the
430
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831:
government^ and an examination
into their justice and legality^
quite as efficient as the present^
secured. With a view to a gene-
ral reform in the system, I recom-
•mend the subject to tlie attention
of Confess.
** I deem it my duty again to
call your attention to the condition
of the district of Ckilumbia. It
was doubtless wise in the framers
of our constitution, to place the
people of this district under the
jurisdiction of the general govern-
ment; but, to accomplish the ob-
jects they had in view, it is not
necessary that this people should
be deprived of all the privileges of
self-government. Independently
of the difficulty of inducing the
representatives of distant states to
turn their attention to projects of
laws which are not of the highest
interest to their constituents, they
are not individually, nor in Con-
gress colleotively, well qualified
to legislate over the local concerns
of this district.
" Consequently its interests arc
much neglected, and the people
are almost afraiid to present their
grievances, lest a body in which
they are not represented, and
which feels little sympathy in their
local relations, should, in its attempt
to make laws for them, do more
harm than good. Governed h^ the
laws of the states whence they
were severed, the two shores of
the Potomac within the ten miles
square have different penal codes ;
not the present codes of Virginia
and Maryland, but such as existed
in those states at the time of the
cession to the United States.
"As Congress will not form a
new code, and as the people of the
district cannot make one for them-
selves, they are virtually under
tAvo governmeots* Is it not just
to allow them at least t delente
in Congress, if not a looal I^gU**
ture, to make laws lor the distriet,
subject to the approval or rejection
of Congress. 1 earnestly reoon-
mend the extension to them of
every political right which their
interests require, and which may
be compatible with theconstitattoa.
" The extension of the judidaiy
system of the United Dtaiee u
deemed to be one of the dutfae of
government. One foarth ot the
States in the union do not pevtldk
pate in the benefits of a eixcalt
court. To the states of Indleniy
Illinois, Missouri, Alabama^ Mie-
sissipi, and Louisiana, admitted
into the union since the present
judicial system was organised, .only
a district has been allowed.
" If this be sufficient, then the
circuit courts already existing in
18 states ought to be abollsined;
if it be not sufficient, the deftet
ought to be abolished^ and theae
states placed on the same Iboting
with the other members of tihe
union : it was on this oondition^ and
on this footing that they entered
the union ; and they may demand
circuit courts as a matter, not of
concession, but of right« I truat
that Congress will not adjoam,
leaving the anomaly in our eyeteu.
" Entertaining the opinions
heretofore expressed in reliUBlon to
the Bank of the United Stateaiy as
at present organized, I felt It my
duty in my former mesaaffsa
frankly to disclose them, In order
that the attention of the legialatuxe
and the people should be seasonably
directed to that important aubjeot*
and that it might be conaiclefed
and finally dispiMed of in a manner
best calculated to promote the ende
of the constitution, and sabeerre
the public interest.
<* Having thus cooscientioiuly
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
discharged a constitutional duty,
1 deem it proper, on this occasion^
without a more particular reference
to the views of the subject then
expressed, to leavo it for the pre»
sent to the investigation of an
enlightened people and their re-i
presentatives.
'* In conclusion, permit me to
invoke that Power which super-
intends all governments^ to infuse
into your deliberations^ at this
important crisis of our history, a
spirit of mutual forbearance and
gonciliatioii. Ip that epfarit was
our union formed, and in that
spirit must it be preserved.
^' Andrew Jackson.
Washington, Dec. 6, 1831."
432
MANNERS, CUSTOMS, &c.
Present state of the Peasantry of Livonia.
THE position of the Livonian
peasants has undergone some
important changes within a few
years : their masters have declared
them Jree meiu In the month of
May, 1818, their enfranchisement
was resolved upon in a Congress
of proprietors, after which a com-
mission, appointed by the emperor
Alexander, undertook to fix the
basis of this new liberty. Their
labours, completed in a few months,
were approved by the nobility, and
soon after passed into a law. But
a general irritation displayed itself
among the serfs. In many can-
tons they assembled in arms and
presented the strange spectacle of
a population rising to maintain
their slavery. Some elders, judges,
and priests were deputed to them 5
these they insulted. Force was
employed ; they endeavoured to re-
sist it. We reject, they said, this
liberty which you establish against
our wish ; we do not wish to be
detached from the soil which nou-
rished our fathers. Let a property
in that be granted to us, if it be
I)retended to set us free ! If not,
et us be left in our ancient
slavery. The force which was dis-
played silenced these complaints.
To understand them, it must be
known, that in Livonia, as well as
in Russia, certain principles of
order and of justice had gained
access into the very bosom of
slavery. The serfs transmitted ro«
gularly to their eldest sons the
lands which had been entrusted to
them> and it was almost unhemrd
of that one should be deprived of his
inheritance, except in conseqaence
of seme crime or serious oflfence.
This species of infeudation^ in
virtue of which the possession of
the same fields was retained in the
same family, passed in the eyes of
the serfs for a real right of pro-
perty. Enfranchisement haTing
raised, or in their opinion xednced^
them to the condition of fannei%
it was necessary to grant to their
lords the right of dismissing them
if they chose, at the expiration of
their leases, and to replace them
by other tenants. On this aooonnt
the peasants thought themselves
deprived of their ancient privileges,
and made such energetic protests-
tions.
With time the greater number
have finished by perceiving the
advantages of their new positioUj
and less baseness and servility is
already remarked in their inter-
course with their lords. They have
obtained the right of acquiring
every species of real property ex-
cept the lands of the noMiity.
After 1832 they may estaUidi
themselves indiscriminately in any
part of Livonia, and from tfab
MANNERS, CUSTOMS, &c.
period also they niRy'settle theni'
selves ID towns and purchase the
riglits of burgesses. Being de-
tached from the glebe, tliey hare
seen permauent and uaiform iosti'
tutions take the place among them
of an arbitrary regime. Public
assemblies (communes) have been
(irganizeil tliioughout the country,
:f«
Russian Militaby Colonies.
1 No. XVIII. of the Foreign Quarterly Review.]
The colonization of a regiment
consists in placing it in perpetual
cantonments, in a territory which
it never quits except for a cam-
))aign ; and the other inhabitants
are attached to the land of the
colony, witli an obligation to lodge
and feed the soldiers, and succes-
sively furnish the recruits. Every
thing in the colony receives a mili-
tary stamji. The farmers or te-
nants are obliged to wear the uni-
form, are placed under the orders
of old officers, and form what is
called Ike colonized battalion. Dur-
ing their whole lives they remain
subject to a severe discipline, which
extends even to the direction of
tijeir agricultural labours. Their
children are born soldiers ; from
the age of twelve years they re-,
ceive the musket and cartouch box.
Afterwards they enter into the re-
serve, and are subsequently placed
in tlie active battalions. After
fifteen years' service they return
for live years into the reserve, and
at last terminate their days as
invalids of the colony, unless the
inheritance of their fathers, or some
new distribution of the land, should
cause them to become cultivators
or farmers. The male population
Voj,. LXXIII.
of a colony is therefore composed
of the following elements.
1. The farmers or cultirators
properbf so called.
3^ i'/ie canlonisls. The male
children of a military colony are
tlius called. They receive gratui-
tous instruction in the schools
established by the government ;
at the same time they are taught
one or more trades, and are exer-
cised in the use of arms. At the
age of eighteen, the strongest are
pliiced in the reserve, after having
undergone au examination.
3. The soldieTX of the rexen'e.
Each colonised regiment has a bnf-
ialian of reserve, one half of which,
in the event of war, is united with
the active battalions, to enter upon
service along with them. The
cantonrsts terminate their military
education in the reacrye. Tliey
I'emain there for two years, and
when at the age of twenty they
enter the active battalions, they
are fitted to be led at once to tlie
field of battle.
4. The soldiers of the aclive
baltaUonii. These are ready to
march at the first signal. Their
long term of service, and still more
the education they have received
434 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
as cantonistSj make them from habit
excellent soldiers. Their pay does
not exceed eleven roubles a year ;
but they are clotlied by the state,
and the cultivators feea and lodge
them. If they are themselves the
eldest sons of farmers, and their
father dies, or if- in any other re-
gular way they are called to the
succcf»ion of a tenant, they are
entitled to their discliarge, and
enter immediately into pi»sses8ion
of their farm. As long as they
remain under their colours, and no
war or extraordinary service keeps
tliem out of the territory of the
colony, they serve as farm-servants
tx) the tenants, and their labour
repays these last for the expense
of their maintenance.
5, The invalids. This deno-
mination is bestowed on the old
soldiers, who have completed their
twenty years service. They enjoy,
to the exclusion of the other indi-
viduals of the colony, the privilege
of alhnving their beards to grow.
Being lodged among their relations
or the other farmers, they share
their labours, and when age or
infirmities have weakened their
strength, the government provides
for their maintenance.
Finally, 6*. A last class, with-
out any particulai* denomination,
comprises the old cantonists, who
have {>erformed no military service,
on account of the weakness of their
constitution, or a superabundance
of recruits. These people, thrown
upon their own resources, work as
farm-servants, or gain their liveli-
hood by the trades which the go-
vernment has taught them. The
lot of the cr)Ionii!ed troops appears
to me far preferable to that of the
other Russian so]diei*s. These last,
from the time they are enrolled,
are in some sort dead to their
fauiily ; all thejr former relations
are destroyed. The soldiers of tlie
colonies, on the other hand, an
not torn from their domestic tiei:
they remain children, ftithen of
families, even citizens to a certain
degree.
As to the ancient serfs of the
crown, who have been transforowd
into farmers or military cuitivaftocsi
they have not been able as yet to
accommodate themselves to their
new position. With their aflectioBB
crushed, these poor creatures grieve
in silence. Ignorai^t siDoplicity
made them value their former ex-
istence, and the recollection of
this relative happiness^ which was
founded upon habit, never leaves
them. Besides, they were suh*
jected to the most severe laboufB
during the first years \ they cleared
the ungrateful soil which was as*
signed to them, built villages, con-
structed bridges, roads, and canals*
But these motives for legret and
suffering will not exist for a seoond
generation, whose lot, I think, will
be less hard than that of the serft
of the crown. The fanners receive
the title of free men, and this dc^
nomination, if it be ill suited to
cultivators bowed down by military
despotism, proves at least on the
part of the government an inten«
tion rather to raise than to depress
this class. The state suppliea the
farmers with a furnished habitation^
six or eight hectares {froia fifteen
to twenty English acres) of land»
cattle, and agricultural im|de-
ments ; and they pay neither pro-
perty-tax, nor capitatidn, nor vent.
All that they acquire beeomeSj at
their death, the property of their
natural heirs ; the farm which is
intrusted to them may in aojue
degree be c<msidered as their pa-f
trimony. When age no longer
allows them to superintend its.
labours, or when they feel th^
«r #
MANNERS, CUSTOMS, to.
end approachiog, they tEicmselveH money to tlieni without interest,
nominate their successor. In this to the extent of Ave bundred niblM.
manner the possessioii nf a farm ThogratnitousinBtructiongiren
may be perpetuated in the same to the children deserres the highest
family as a genntne property, and praise. Nothing is neglected to
it is only in extreme cases, in con- make them at once good agricul-
sequence ofajudicial sentence, that turists,wellinBtructedsi:ildiers, and
a tenant can be expelled from it. skilful artisans. In the schools.
In gencraJ, the power to which which nre organised according to
the cultivators are subjected is not the methods of Lancaster and Pes-
arbitrary, as in the other villages taloxei, they are taught to read
of Russia. Thus, for example, and write ; they are exercised in
none of them can be subjected to music and singing, are tauglit the
corporal iiuniahment, without legal elements of arithmetic, painting,
forms being gone through, and in and ^metry; and the precepts of
each locality the primary jurisdic- religion are explained to them,
tion h intrusted to an elective Those who display most zeal
ma^stracy, which exercises at the and aptitude are placed in a school
same time certain functions of of sub-ofiicers, and these children
police as well as of administration, of moujika (peasants) have before
Philanthropic precautions are them a prospect of rising to the
taken to pi-event indigence and rank of officers, which they arc
misfortune. A magaaineof wheat, entitled to after twelve years of
maintained by the inhabitants at irreproachable service. To sum up
large, removes all danger of famine, all, the internal management of the
The sick are taken care of gratui- colonies procures for their inhabit-
tously in a central hospital ; or- ants certain privileges and even
phans become the adopt! ve.cliildren positive rights. Liberty would
of the colony, and the maintenance there be sought for in vain ; but,
of the widows and the aged is pro- at teasti order, justice, and the
vided for. A savings' and trading regular action of^ a paternal au-
bank insures for the farmers the thority are seen in the moilel of
preservation of their gains, and in slavery.
times of distress even advances
The Dav op a Philadelphian Lady.
^Frorn Mrs. Trollojie's " Domestic Manners af the Aniericaiis."']
The wifeofasenatorand lawyer canters and cut-glass wafer-jugs
of repute in Philadelphia, has a upon it] : she has a very handsome
very handsome bouse, with white carriage, and a very handsome free
niarbk< steps and door-posts, and a black coachman ; she is always
delicate silver knocker and door- very handsomely dresseil ; and,
handle ; she has very handsome moreover, she is very handsome
drawing-rooms, very handsomely herself. She rises, and her first
furnished, (there is a side-board in hour is s|ient in the scrupulously
one of them, but it is very hand- nico arrangement of her dress; she
some, and has very handsome de- (lescends to her psrlour neat, stiff,
8F2
436 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
and silent; her breakfast is brought
in by lier free black footman ; she
eats her fried ham and her salt
fish, and drinks her coffee in silence^
while her husband reads one news-
paper, and puts another under
ills elbow ; and then, perhaps, she
washes the cups and saucers. Her
carriage is ordered at eleven ; till
that hour she is employed in the
pastry-room, her snow-white apron
])rotecting her mouse-coloured silk.
Twenty minutes before her carri-
age should appear, she retires to
her chamber, as she calls it, shakes,
and folds up her still snow-white
apron, smooths her rich dress, and
with nice care, sets on her elegant
l)onnet, and all the handsome ct
ore f era ; then walks down stairs,
just at the moment that her free
black coachman announces to her
free black footman that the carriage
waits. She steps into it, and
gives the word. "Drive to the
Dorcas society.'* Her footman
stays at home to clean the knives,
but her coachman can trust his
horses while he opens the carriage
door, and his lady not being ac-
customed to a hand or an arm,
gets out very safely without,
though one of her own is occupied
by a work-basket, and the other by
a large roll of all those indescribable
matters which ladies take as offer-
ings to Dorcas societies. She
enters the parlour appropriated for
the meeting, and finds seven other
ladies, very like herself, and takes
her place among them ; she pre-
sents her contribution, which is
accepted with a gentle circuhir
smile, and her parings of broad
cloth, her ends of ribbon, her
gilt paper, and her minikin pins,
are added to the parings of broad
cloth, the ends of ribbon, the gilt
paper, and the minikin pins, m ith
which the table is alreadv covered:
she also produces from her basket
three ready made pincushions, four
ink-wipers, seven paper-matches^
and a pasteboard watch-case ; these
are welcomed with acclamations,
and the youngest lady present de-
posits them carefully on the shelFes,
amid a prodigious quantity of si-
milar articles. She then produces
her thimble, and asks for work;
it is presented to her, and the eight
ladies all stitch together for some
hours. Their talk is of priests and
of missions ; of the pronts of their
last sale, of their hopes from the
next ; of the doubt whether young
Mr. This, or young Mr. That
should receive tfie fruits of it to
fit him out for Liberia : of the
very ugly bonnet seen at church on
sabbath morning, of the very hand-
some preacher who performed on
Sabbath afternoon, and of the very
large collection made on Sabbatn
evening. This lasts till three, when
the carriage again appears, and
the lady and her hasKet return
home ; she mounts to her chamber^
carefully sets aside her bonnet and
its appurtenances, puts on her scol-
loped black silk apron, walks into
the kitchen to see that all is right,
then into the parlour, where, hav-
ing cast a careful glance over the
table prepared for dinner, she sits
down, work in hand, to await her
spouse. He comes, shakes hands
with her, spits, and dines. The
conversation is not much, and ten
minutes suffices for tlie dinner;
fruit and toddy, the newspaper and
the work-bag succeed. Jn the
evening the gentleman, being a
savant, goes to the Wister society,
and afterwards plays a snog rubber
at a neighbour's. The lady re-
ceives at tea a young missionary
and three members of tlie Donaa
society — And so ends her day.' ''
I
MANNERS, CUSTOMS, &c.:
Ajusiucan Socibtv-
IFrvm the Same]
Whuiev^r may be the talents of
tlie jmrsous mIio meet together in
society, tlic very sliape, form, iiiid
arrangement of t)ie meeting it)
sufficient to paralyse couveraation.
Tlie women invariably herd to-
gether at one part of the room,
ant) the men at the other ; but, in
justice to Cincinnati, I must ac-
knowledge that this arrangement
is by no means peculiar to that
city, or to tlie western side of the
Alleglianies. Sometimes a small
attempt at music produces a partial
reunion ; a few of the most daring
youths, animated by the conscious-
ness of curled hair and smart waist-
coats, approach tlic piano-forte,
and begin to mutt«r a little to the
half-grown pretty tilings, who ore
comparing witl) oue auother "how
many quarters' Music they have
had." Where the mansion is of
sufhcient dignity to have two draw-
ing-rooms, the piano, the littlo
ladies, and the slender gentlemen
arc left to themselves; and on such
occasions the sound of laughter is
often heard to issue from among
them. But the fate of the more
dignified personages, who are4eft
in the other roonf. Is extremely
dismal. The gentlemen, spit, talk
of elections and the price of pro-
duce, and spit again. The ladies
look at each other's dresses till they
know every pin by heart ; talk of
Parson Somebody's last sermon on
the day of j udgment, or Dr. Tother-
body's new pills for dyspepsia, till
the " tea" is announced, when
they all con sole them selves together
{<)! whatever they may bttve euffer'
cd in keeping iiwalii-', by taking
more tea, coffi:c, hot cake and cus-
tard, hou cake, johny cake, waffle
cake, and dodger cake, jiickled
peaches, and preserved cucunibers,
ham, turkey, liung beef, apple
sauce, and pickled oysters, than
ever uere prepared in any other
country of the known world. After
this massive meal is over, they re-
turn to the drawing-room, and
it ahi'ays appeared to mc that tbey
rcmainetl togetlier as long as they
could bear it, and then they I'isu
en masse — cloak, bonnet, shawl,
and exit.
In America, with the e.-iception
of dancing, which is almost wholly
confined to the unmarried of both
sexes, all the enjoyments of the
men are found in the absence of
the ^vomen. They dine, they play
cards, they have musical meetings,
they have suppers, all in large
parties, but all without women.
Were it not that such is the cus-
tom, it is impossible but that they
would have ingenuity enough to
lind soinc expedient for sparing tliu
wives and daughters of the opulent
the sordid offices of household
drudgery which they almost all
perform in their liuuilies. Even
in the slave states, though they
may not cleai'starcb and iron, mix
|)uddings and cakes one half of the
day, and watch them bakiu^ the
other half, still the very highest
occupy themselves in their house-
hold concerns, in a manner that
precludes the {Msaibility of their
becoming elegant and eulightened
conip&nioDs.
436 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1631.
Mrs.TrolI()|)c gives tlie following
description of a hall and supper^
at which she was present.
The arrangements for the supper
were very singular^ but eminently
characteristic of the country. The
gentlemen had a splendid enter-
tainment spread for them in ano«
thcr large room of the hotels while
the poor ladies had each a plate
])ut into their hands, as they pen-
sively promenaded the ball-room
during their absence ; and shortly
afterwards servants appeared, bear-
ing trays of sweetmeats, cakes,
and creams. The fair creaturos
then sat down on a row of chairs
placed round the walls, and each
making a table of her knees, began
eating her sweet, but sad and sulky
repast. The effect was extremely
comic j their gala dresses and the
decorated room forming a contrast
the most unaccountable with their
uncomfortable and forlorn condi-
tion.
This arrangement was owing
neither to economy nor want of a
room laree enough to accommodate
the whole party, but purely be-
cause the gentlemen likcid it better.
This was the answer given me,
when my curiosity tempted me to
ask why the ladies and gentlemen
did not sup together | and this
was the answer repeated to ne
afterwards by a variety of people
to whom I put the same question.
American Servants.
[^From the Same,'2
The greatest difficulty in or-
ganising a family establishment in
Ohio is getting servants, or, as
it is there called, " getting help,"
for it is more than petty treason to
the republic to call a free citizen a
servant. The whole class of young
women, whose bread depends upon
their labour, are taught to believe
that the most abject poverty is
preferable to domestic service.
Hundreds of half-naked girls work
in the paper-mills, or in any other
manufactory, for less than half the
wages they would receive in ser-
vice ; but they think their equality
is compromised by the latter, and
nothing but the wish to obtain
some particular article of finery
will ever induce them to submit to
it. A kind friend, however, exert-
ed herself so effectually forme, that
a tall stately lass soon presented
herself, saying, '' I be come to
help you." The intelligeoce was
very agreeable, and I welcomed her
in the most gracious manner pos-
sible, and asked what I should gifo
her by the year. <' Oh Giminll "
exclaimed the damsel, with a lond
laugh, *' you be a downright J5n»-
lisher, sure enough. I should IiEb
to see a young lady engaged hj the
year in America ! I hope I shall
get a husband before many moBths!,
or I expect I shall be an oatright'
old maid, for I be most seFenteen
already; besides, mayhap I maj
want to go to school. You must
just give me a dollar and a half a
week ; and mother's slave, PhiDist
must come over once a week, I
expect, from t'other side the water,
to help me clean." I agreed to the
bargain, of course, with all dutilbl
submission ; and seeing rile waa
preparing to set to work in a yei*
low dress parseme with red roeeSp
I gently hinted, that I thought it
was a pity to. spoil bo fine agowa^
Manners, customs,
aod that she had better chanee it.
" Tis just my best and worst, 'abe
answered, " for 1 huve got no
other." And in truth I round that
this young lady had left the pater-
nal mansion with no more dofhes
or any kind thau what she had on.
I immediately gave her money to
purchase what was necessary for
cleanliness and d«cency, and set to
work with my daughters to make
her a gown. She grinned applause
when our labour was completed,
but never uttere<l the slightest ex-
SiressioQ of gratitude for that or
or anything else we oould do fbr
her. She was constantly ashine
us to lend her different articles m
dress, and when we declined it,
she said, " Well, T never seed such
grumpy folks as you be ; there is
several young ladies of my ac-
({uaiutance what goes to live out
now and then with the old women
about the towit, and they and their
gurls always lends them what thnr
asks for ; I guess, you IneliM
thinksweshouldpoisonyourtbmga,
just as bad as if w« was negurs."
And here I beg to assure the
reader, that whenever I give oon-
versations, they were not made i
loisir, but were written down im-
mediately after ihey occurred, with
all the verbal tidefity my meiaory
permitted.
This young lady left me at the
end of two months, because 1 re-
fused to lend lier money «ioagh
to buy a silk dress to go to a bail,
saying] " Then it is not worth my
while to stay any longer." 1 can-
not imagine it possible that such a
state of things can be desiraUe or
beneficial to any of the paiti«t
concerned, I might occupy a hun-
dred-pages on the subject, and yet
fail to give an adequate idea of the
sore, angry, cvcr-Hakefiil jjride
that seemed to torment these poor
wretches. In many of Ihem it
was so excessive, that all feeling of
displeasure, or even of ridicule,
was lost in pity. One of these
was a pretty girl, whose natural
disposition must have been gentle
and kind; but her good feelings
were soured, and her gentleness
turned into morbid sensitiveness,
by having heard a thousand and a
thousand times that she was as
good as any other lady, that all
men were equal, and women too,
and that it was a siu and a shame
for a free-born American to be
treated like a servant. When she
found she was ti> dine in the
kitchen, she turned up her pretty
lip, and said, " I giiess that's
'liause you dou't think I'm good
cuough to eat with you. You'll
tind that won't do here.'' I found
afterwards that she rarely ate any
dinner at all, and generajly passed
the time in tears. I did every
thing in my power to conciliate
and make her happy, hut I am
sure she hated mc. I gave her
veiy high wages, and she staid
till she had obtained several ex-
pensive articles of dress, aud then,
»n hrau mut'm, she came to me full
drcs^, and said, " 1 must go."
— " When shall you return, (Char-
lotte ? ' — " I expect you will see
nomorenfme." And so we parted.
Her sister was also living with me,
but her ward-rube was not yet
completed, and she remained some
weeks longer till it was.
440 ANNUAL REGISTER/ 1831.
American Camp Mebting.
[Frani the Same!\
It \va» ill the course of this
summer that I found tlie opportu-
nity 1 had long wished for, of at-
tending a canip-meeting> and I
gladly accepted the invitation of an
English lady and gentleman to ac-
com]>any them in their carriage to
the sj)ot where it is held -, this was
in aM'ild district on the confines of
Indiana.
The j)rospect of passing a night
in the back woods of Indiana was
by no means agreeable, but I
screwed my courage to the proper
pitch, and set forth determined to
see with my own eyes, and lieai*
M'ith my own ears, what a camp-
meeting really was. I had heard
it said, that being at a camp-meet-
ing was like standing at the gate
of heaven, and seeing it opening
before you ; I had heard it said,
that being at a camp- meeting was
like finding yourself within the
gates of hell ; in either case there
must be something to gratify cu-
riosity, and compensate for the fa«
tigues of a long rumbling ride and
a sleepless night.
We reached the ground about
an hour before midnight, and the
approach to it was highly pictur-
esque. The sj>ot chosen was the
verge of an unbroken forest, where
a space of about twenty acres ap-
peared to have been partially
cleared for the purpose. Tents of
different sizes were pitched very
near together in a circle round the
cleared space; behind them were
ranged an exterior circle of car-
riages of every description, and at
the back of each were fastened the
horses which had drawn them thi-
ther. Through this triple circle
of defence we dibtinguished nume-
rous fires burning brightly withiD
it : and still more numerous lights
flickering from the trees that were
left in the enclosure*. The moon
was in meridian splendour above
our heads.
We left the carriage to the care
of a servant, who was to prepare a
bed in it for Mrs. B. and me^ and
entered the inner circle. The first
glance reminded me of Vauxhall,
from the effect of the lights amons
the trees, and the moving crowd
below them ; but the second showed
a scene totally unlike any thing I
had ever witnessed. Four high
frames, constructed in the form of
altars, were placed at the four cor-
ners of the enclosure; on these
were supported layers of earth and
sod, on which burned immense fires
of blazinff pine-wood. On one
side a rude platform was erected
to accommodate the preachers^ fif-
teen of whom attended this meet-
ing, and with very short intervals
for necessary refreshment and pri-
vate devotion, preached in rotation,
day and night, from Tuesday to
Saturday.
When we arrived, the preachers
were silent 3 but we heara issuing
from nearly every tent mingled
sounds of praying, preaching, smg*
ing, and lamentation. The cur-
tains in front of each tent were
dropped, and the faint light that
gleamed through the white dra-
pery, backed as it was by the dark
forest, had a beautiful and myste-
rious effect, that set the imagina-
tion at work ; and had the sounds
which vibrated around us been less
discordant^ harsh^ and unnatural|
MANNERS, CUSTOMS, &c.
I should liave enjoyed it ; but lU-
teniDgnt thecorDcr of a tent which
poureu forth more than its propor-
tion of clamour, in a few mQiiietits
chased every feeling derived from
imagination, and furnished real-
ities thatcould neither be mistaken
nor forgotten.
Great numbers of persons were
walking about the ground, who
appeared like ourselves to be pre-
sent only as spectators; some of
these very unceremoniously con-
trived to raise the drapery of this
tent, at one corner, so as to afford
us a perfect view of tlie interior.
The floor was covered with
straw, which round the sides was
heaped in masses, that might serCe
as seats, but which at that moment
were used to support the heads and
the arms of the close-jwcked circle
of men and women who kneeled on
the floor.
Out of about thirty persons
thus placed, perhaps half a dozen
were men. One of these, a hand-
some looking youth of eighteen or
twenty, kneeled just below the
opening through which I looked.
His arm was encircling the neck of
a young girl who knelt beside him
with her hair hanging disshevelled
upon her shoulders, and her fea-
tures working with the most vio-
lent agitation ; soon after they both
fell forward on the straw, as if un-
able to endure in any other atti<
tude the burning eloquence of a
tall ^rim figure in black, who,
standing erect in the centi'e, was
uttering with incredible vehemence
an oration that seemed to hover
between praying and preaching;
his arms hung stiff and immovable
by his side, and he looked like an
ill -constructed machine, set in ac-
tion fay a movement so violent, as
to threaten its own destruction, so
jerktngly, paiufully, yet rapidly)
did his words tumble out ; the
kneeling circle cea'^ing not to call
in every variety of tone, on the
name of Jesus; accompanied with
sobs, groans, and a sort of low
howling inexpressibly painful to
listen to. But my attention was
speedily withibuwn from the
preacher, and the circle round him,
by a figure which knelt alone at
some distance ; it was a living
image of Scott's Macbriar, as
young, as wild, and as terrible.
IJis thin arms tossed above his
head, had forced themselves so far
out of the sleeves, that they were
bare to the elbow ; his large eyes
gl.'kred fi'Tghtfully, and be cou-
tinued to scream without an in-
stant's intermission the word
" Glory ! " witli a violence that
seemed to swell every vein to
bursting. It was too dreadful to
look upon long, and we turned
away shuddering.
We made the circuit of the
tents, pausing where attention was
particularly excited by sounds more
vehement than ordinary. We con-
trived to look into many ; all were
strewed with straw, and the dis-
torted figures that we saw kneel-
ing, sitting, and lying amongst it,
joined t^tlic woeful and convulsive
cries, gave to each the air of a cell
ill Bedlani. One tent was occu-
esactly as if they were performing
a scene on a stage. One woman
wore a dress of pink gauze
trimmed with silver lace ; another
Wiis dressed in pale yellow silk ;
one or two had splendid turbana j
andallworeaprofiision of ornaments.
The men were in snow white pan-
taloons, with gay-coloured linen
jackets. One of these, a youth of
coal-black comeliness, was preach-
ing with the most violeot geeticuo
44« ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831
latiuns^ frequently springing high
from the ground, and clapping his
hands oTcr his head. Could our
missionary societies have heard the
trash he uttered by way of an a<l-
dress to the Deity, they might
|)erhap8 have doubted whether his
conversion had much enlightened
his mind.
At midnight a horn sounded
through the camp, which, wc were
ti^ld, was to call the people from
private to public worship ; and we
presently saw them flocking from
all sides to the front of the
preachers' stand. Mrs. B. and I
cfintrived to place ourselves with
our backs supported against the
lower part of this structure, and
we were thus enabled to witness
the scene which followed, without
])ersona] danger. There M-erc about
S^OOO persons assembled.
One of the preachers began in a
low nasal toue^ and, like all other
Methodist preachers, assured us of
the enormous depravity of man as
he comes from the hands of his
Maker, and of his perfect sanctifi-
cation after he had wrestled suffi-
ciently with the Lord to get hold
of him, el camera. The admiration
of the crowd was evinced by al-
most constant cries of '^ Amen !
Amen ! " " Jesus ! Jesus ! "
" Glory ! Glory ! '* and the like.
But this comparative tranquillity
did not last long : the preacher
told them that «' this night was the
time fixed upon for anxious sinners
to wrestle with the Lord ; " that he
and his bretliren '< were at hand to
help them," and that such as needed
theu: help were to come forward
into *'tbe pen." The phrase for-
cibly recalled Milton's lines —
' Blind mouths ! that scarce themselves
know how to hold
A sheep-hook, or have learned aught
die the least
That to the fetlhful herdsman^ art be-
longs !
— But when they list their leno uid
flashy songfi,
C rale on their scrannel pipes of wretched
straw ; —
The hungry sheep look up, and ai«
not fed I
Dut swuln with wind, and the rank mUfc
they draw.
Rot inwardly — and foul emtagion
spread."
^' The pen " was the space im-'
mediately below the praecbera*
stand; we were therefore plaMd
on the edge of it^ and were enabled
to see and hear all that took pli
in the very centre of this e '
ordinary exhibition.
The crowd fell back at the
tion of the pen, and for aome mi-
nutes there was a racant apftoe bOi*
foro us. The preachers came doira
from their stand and placed tbem-
selves in the midst of it« begiimiiig
to sing a hymn calling upon tbe
])enitents to come forth. As tbej
sang they kept turning theaaaelfm
round to every part of tbe crovd,
and, by degrees, tbe voices ni tbe
whole multitude joined in ciionia.
This was the only moment at wbieb
I perceived any thing like tbe ae«
lemn and beautiful etfect wbieb I
had heard ascribed to this woodland
worship. It is certain tbat tbe
combined voices of sach a miilli*
tilde, heard at dead of nigbt,
the depths of their eternal
the many fair yonng foces
upward, and looking paler and
lovelier as they met tlie moen^
beams, the dark figures of the of*'
ficials in the middle of the ondep
the lurid glare thrown hf the
altar-fires on the woods bejeikdj
did altogether produce a fine md
solemn efiect, that I sfanll net
easily forget ; but ere I lud wdl
enjoyed it, the scene changedj
and sublimity gave piaoe to *
and diigusti
MANNERS, CUSTOMS, &c.
" the Revival," but the result wan
very diSerent; for, inatead of the
few h^t«rical women who h&d
distinguished themselves on that
occaaioti, abore a hundred mrsone,
nearly all females, came rorward,
littering bowlings and groans, m
terrible that I shall never cease to
shudder when 1 recall them. They
appeared to drag each other for-
ward, and on the word being given,
" let us pray," they all fell on
their knees ) but this posture was
soon changed for others that per-
mitted greater scope for the con-
vulsive movements of their limbs ;
and they wers soon all lying on
the ground in an indesoribable
confusion of heads and legs. Thev
threw about their limbs with suoh
incessant and violent motion, that
I was every instant expecting
some serious accident to occur.
But how am I to describe the
sounds that proceeded from this
strange mass of human beings f I
Itnotv no words which can convey
an idea of it. Hysterical sobbing*,
convulsive groans, shpelis «nd
screams the most amialling, burst
forth on all sides. T felt sick with
horror. Asif theirhoarseandover-
strained voices failed to make noise
enough, they soon began to clap
their hands violently. ITie sc«ne
described by Dante was before
me; —
" Quivi sospiri, pianii, edRlti guai
Risonavan per I'aere
Orribili favelle
Parole di (loloce, accenli d'ira
Vocialti e 6oclie,etuon di man am tile."
Many of these wretched creatures
were beautiful young females. The
preachers moved about among
them, at once exciting and sooth-
ing tlieir agonies. I heard the
muttered " Sister ! dear sister ! "
I saw the insidious lips approach
the cheeks of the unhappy girls ;
I heard the murmured confessions
of the poor victims, and J watched
their tormentors, breathing into
tlieir cars consolations that tinged
the pale cheek with red. Had I
been a man, I am sure I should
have been guilty of some rash act
of interference ; nor do 1 believe
that such a scene could hiive been
acted in the presence of English-
men without instant punishment
lieiug indicted; not to mention the
salutary discipline of the tread-
mill, which, beyond ell ijuestion,
would, in England, have been a|>-
plicd to check so turbulent and so
After the first wild burst that
followed their prostration, the
moaninRS, in many instances, be-
uime loudlv articulate; and I then
exiieriencea a strange vibration be-
tween tragic and comic feeling.
A very pretty girl, who was
kneeling in theattitudeof Canova's
Magdalene immediately before us,
amongst an immense quantity (^
jargon, broke out thus: "Woe!
woe to the backsliders I hear it,
hear it Jesus ! when I was fifteen
my mother died, and I bockslided,
oh Jesus, t backslided 1 take me
home to my mother, Jesus ! take
nie home to her, for I am weary !
Oh John Mitchel ! John Mitchel !"
and after sobbing piteously behind
her raised hands, she lifted her
sweet face again, which was as pale
aa death, and said, " Shall I sit on
the sunny bank of salvation with
my mother, my own dear mother?
oh Jesus, take me home, take me
Whocouldrefuseateartothisear-
nest wish for death of one so lovely ?
But I saw her, ere I left the ground,
with her hand fast lucked, and her
head supported by a man wbo
44* ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
luoked very much as Don Juan
might, wheu sent back to earth
as too bad for the regions be-
low.
One woman near us continued
to "call on the Lord/' as it is
termed^ in the loudest possible
tone, and without a moment's in-
terval, for the two hours that we
kept our dreadful station. She
Ijecamc frightfully hoarse, and her
face 80 red as to make me expect
she Mould burst a blood-vessel.
Among the rest of her rant^ she
said '' I will hold fast to Jesus, I
never will let him go ; if they take
me to hell, I will still hold him
fast, fast, fast ! "
The stunning noise was somc«
times varied by the preachers be-
ginning to sing ; but the convul-
sive movements of the poor ma-
niacs only became more violent.
At length the atrocious wicked-
ness of this horrible scene increased
to a degree of grossness, that drove
us from our station -, we returned to
the carriage at about three o'clock
in the mornings and passed the re-
mainder of the night in listening
to the ever increasing tumult at
the pen. To sleep was imposaible.
At day-break the born agaio
soundeu, to send them to prirate
devotion; and in about an hour
afterwards I saw the whole camp
as joyously and eagerly employed
in preparing and devouring their
most substantial breakiasta as if
the night had been passed in
dancing; and I marked many a
fair but pale faoe^ that I reocig-
nized as a demoniac of the niffhti
simpering beside a swain^ to whom
she carefully administered hoi
coffee and eggs. The preaching
saint and the howling sinner
seemed alike to relish this mode of
recruiting their strength.
After enjoying abundance of
strong tea^ which proved a delight-
ful restorative after a niffht bo
strangely spent, I wandered alone
into the forest^ and I never remem-
ber to have found perfect quiet
more delightful.
We soon after left the ground *
but before our departure we learnt
that a very satisfactory collection
had been made by the preachera
for Bibles^ Tracts, and all other rv-
ligious purposes.
( 445 )
THE ARTS.
The Lif«-Buoy
IN USE IN THE NaTT.
[Froirt Capt. Halts Fragmenlf nf Voyages avd Traveh.l
The life-buoy at present in use
nil Iwiartl his majesty's ships, and,
I supiwse, ID alt Indianiea, as well
as, 1 trust, in most merchant-ships,
consists of two liollow copper ves-
sels connected togetlier, each about
as large as an ordinary-sized pillow,
and of buoyancy and capacity suf-
ficient to support one man stand-
ing upon them. Should there be
more than one person requiring
support, they can lay hold of rope
bcckets littcd to the buoy, and so
sustain themselves. Bet^ceenthe
two copper vessels there stands up
a hollow pole, or mast, into which
is inserted, from below, an iron
rod, whose lower extremity is
loaded with lead, in such a man-
ner, that when the buoy is let go,
the ii-on rod slips down to a certain
extent, lengthens the lerer, and
enables the lead at the end to act
as ballast. B^ this means the
mast is kept upright, and the buoy
prevented trom upsetting. The
weight at the end of the rod is
arranged so as to afford secure
fitoting for two persons, should
that number reach it; and there
ai-e also, as I said before, large
rope beckets through which others
can thrust their head and shoul-
ders, till assistance is rendered.
On the top of the mnst is filled
a port-fire, calculated to burn, I
thiuli, twenty minutes, or halF-an-
hour; this is ignited most inge-
niously by the same process whkh
lets the buoy fall into the water-
So that a man falling overboard at
night, is directed to the buoy by
the blaze on tlic top of its pole or
mast, and the boat sent to rescue
him also knows in what direction
to pull. Even supposing, how-
ever, the man not to have gained
the life-buoy, it is clear that, if
above the surface at all, he nuist
be somewhere in that neighbour-
hood i and if he shall have gone
down, it is still some satisfaction,
by recovering the buoy, to. as-
certain chat the poor wretch is
not left to perish by inches.
The method by which this ex-
cellent invention is attached to the
ship, and dropped into the water
in a single instant, is, perhaps, not
the least ingenious part of the con-
trivance. The buoy is generally
fixed amidships over the stern,
where it is held securely in its
place by being strung, or thread-
ed, as It were, on two strong per-
pendicular iron rods fised to the
tafF-rail, and inserted in holes
piercing the franie-ivort of the
buoy. The apparatus is kept in
its place by what is called a slip-
stopper, a sort of catch-bolt, which
can be unlocked at pleasure, by
446 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
merely pulling a trigger. Upon
withdrawing the stopper, the
whole machine slips along the
rods^ and falls at once into the
ship's wake. The trigger, which
unlocks the slip-stopper, is fur-
nished with a lanyard^ passing
through a hole in the stern^ and
having at its inner end a large
knob, marked "Life-Buoy ;" this
alone is used in the daytime.
Close at hand is another wooden
knob, marked "hock" fastened
to the end of a line fixed to the
trigger of a gun-lock, primed with
powder; and so arranged, that
when the line is pulled, the port-
fire is instantly ignited, while, at
the same moment, the life-buoy
descends, and floats merrily away,
blazing like a light-house. It
would surely be an improvement
to have both these operations al-
ways performed simultaneouslyy
that is, by one pull of the string.
The port-fire would thus be light-
ed in every cata of letting go the
buoy J and I suspect the smoke
in the daytime would often be as
useful in guiding the boat, as the
blaze always is at night« The
gunner who has charffe of the life-
buoy lock. Bees it freuily and care-
fully primed every evening at
quarters, of which lie makes a re-
port to the captain. In the morn^
ing the priming is taken out,- and
the lock uncodfed. During the
ni^ht a man is always stationed at
this part of the ship, iind every
half hour, when the bell strikeSs
he calls out 1' Life-buoy I** to
show that he is awake ana at his
post.
PATENTS.
D. Papps, Stanley End, in the parish
of King Stanley, oo. Gloucester, machine
maker, for certain improvementis in ma-
chinery for dressing or roughing nroollcn
cloths.
W, Wood, Summer Hill, Northum-
berland, near Newcastle-upon-Tyne, for
Uie application of a battering-ram to the
purpose of working coal in mines.
M. E. A. Pertius, No. 56, Rue du Bac,
Paris, spinster, for the fabrication or
preparation of a coal fitted for refining
and purifying sugar and other matters
(communicated by a foreigner).
J. Ferrabee, Thnipp mill and foundry,
in the parish of Stroud, co. Gloucester,
engineer, for improvements in the ma-
chinery for preparing the pile or face
of woollen or other cloths requiring such
a process.
J. Black well and T. Alcock, both of
Claines, 'co. Worcester, machine makers,
and lace or bobbin-net manufacturers,
for certain improvements in machines
or machinery for making lace, commonly
called bobhin-net.
S. Seawaid, of the canal iron works,
in the parish of All Saints, FopUtf. MM«
dlesex, engineer, for an imprevemsnt
or improvementa in apparatus for eeono-
mising sieam and for other parponit
and the application thereof to the bollcn
of steam-engines employed on boud
packet-boats and other vessels. .
W, Parker, Albany-atreet, Regenfte
Phrk, Middlesex, gent, foroertain Im-
provements in prejMring animal elwr-
coal.
J. and G. Rodgers, Sheffield. Ywks
cutlers ; and T. Fellows, jun. of Nev
Cross, Deptfbrd, Kent, gent, for aa Ibh
proved skate.
A. Smith, Princes-street. Leicaataiv
square, in the parish of St MartinV-in-
the Fields, Miadlesex, engineer, for cer-
tain improvements in maohiiMrr flu*
propelling boats and otber tcioIi on
water, and in the manner of eonatraotp
ing boats or vessels for carrying each
machinery.
J. G. Ulricb, Nicholas-lane, Londmia
chronometer maker, forcertaln Impiwa*
ments in chronometers*
C. M. Hannington, Nelaoa-iqiiim^ '
PATENTS. 447
Surrey, gent, for an improved apparatus Middlesex, watch and clock mak«r^ ior
for impressing, stamping, or printing, an improved pedometer for tbe wAi^tcoat
for certain purposes. pocket, upon a new and very simple
L. Schwabe, Manchester, manufac- construction,
turer, for certain processes and apparatus J. Grime, the younger. Bury, Lanca^
for preparing, beaming, printing, and shirti copper-plate engraver, for a cer-
weaving yarns of cotton, linen, silk, tain method of dissolving snow and ice
woollen, and other fibrous substances, on the trams or railways, in order that
so that any design, device, or figure, locomotive steam -engines and carrii^s,
printed on such yarn, may be preserved and other carriages, may pass over raiU
when such yarn is woven into cloth or roads without any obstruction or impe-
other fabric. diment from such snow or ice.
R. Winch, Gunpowder-Alley, Shoe- R. Burgess, I^orlhwick, co. Chester,
lanc; London, printers' joiner, for certain M. D. for a drink for the cure, preven*
improvements in printing machines. tioo, or relief of gout^ grftvel^ and other
J. Bates, Bishopsgate-street- within* diseases, which maybe also applied to
London, esq. for certain improvements other purposes.
in refining and clarifying sugar (commu* S. Dunn, Southampton, engineer, for
nicated by a foreigner). certain improvements in, or a method
J. C. Schwieso, Regent<8treet, Mid- of, generating steani.
dlesex, musical instrument maker, for R. Trevithick, St, Aith, Cornwall, ibr
certain improvements on piano-fortes an improved stcam-engine,
and other stringed instruments. R. Trevithick, St. Aith, Cornwall, for
W. Sumner, Hose, co. Leicester, lace a method or apparatus for heating apart-
maker, for certain improvements in ments.
machinery for making lace, commonly W. Sneath, Ison Green, Nottingham-
called bobbin-net. shire, lace-maker, for certain improve-
G. G. Gardner, New York, but now ments in, or additions to, machinery
residing at Threadneedle-street, London, for making, figuring, or ornamenting
gent, for an improved roving machine lace or net^ and such other articles to
(communicated by a foreigner). which the said machinery may be appli-
VV. W. Richards, Birmingham, co. cable*
Warwick, gun maker, for certain im- R. Abbey, Walthamstow, Essex, gent.
provements in the touch-holes and pri- for a new mode of preparing the leaf of
mers, suitable to percussion-guns, pistols, a British plant, for the producing a
and all sorts of fire-arms fired upon that healthy beverage by infusion,
principle. W. Furnivals, Wharton, co. Chester,
J. Gunby, George-street Sand Pitts, esq. for certain improvements in eva-
Birmingham, artist, for an improved porating brine.
method or methods of combining glass J. Phillips, Arnold, Nottinghamshire,
with metal, metals, or other substances, servant-man, for certain improvements
applicable to various useful and orna- on bridles,
mental purposes. R. Williams, College-wharf, Belvi-
C. Guillotte, Crispin-street, Spital- dere-road, Lamt>eth, Surrey, engineer*
fields, Middlesex, machine- maker, for for certain improvements iu steam-en-
an improvement in the rack applicable gines.
to the battons of looms, or machinery D. Seldon, Liverpool, I^uicashirej
for weaving plain or figured ribbons merchant, for a certain improvement or
( partly communicated by a foreigner) , certain improvements In mftchinery used
W. Morgan, York-terrace, Regertt's to give a degree of consistency to, and
Park, esq. for certain improvements in to wind on to, bobbins, bftrrels, or spools,
Kteam-engines. rovings of cottonsi and the like fibrous
J. Thomson, Spencer-street, Goswell- substances (communicated by a foreigpier).
street-road, Middlesex, gent, for certain D. Napier, Warren-street, Fit^roy-
improvements in making or producing square, engineer ; and J. Napier and
printing types. W. Napier, of Glasgow, engineers, for
T. Bailey, I^icester, co. Leicester, certain improvements in machinery ibr
frame-smith, and C. Baitey, of the same propelling locomotive carriages,
place, frame-smith, for certain improve- A, Pellatt, Falcon Glass Works, Hol-
ments in machinery for making lace, land-street, Blackfriars-bridge, Surrey,
commonly called bobbin-net. ^ glass manufacturer, for an improved
W. Payne, New Bond-street, in the mode of forming glass vessels and uten-
parish of St. George, Hanover-square, sils with ornaroent(il figured pattema
448 ANNUAL; REGISTER, 1831.
impressed thereon (partly communicated
by a foreigner).
R. Stephenson, Newcastlc-upon-Tj-ne,
Northumberland, cni;inccr, for an im-
provement in the axlon and parts which
Ibf m the bearings at the centre of wheels
for carriages, which are to travel upon
edge- railways.
\V. Peekc, Torquay, parish of Torms-
ham, Devonshire, shipwright, and T.
IJammick, of the same place, shipsmith^
for certain improvements in rudder-
hangings and rudders for ships or
vessels.
G. \V. Turner, Bermondsey, Surrey,
paper-maker, for certain improvements
in machinery or apparatus for making
paper.
P. Phillips, jun. Bristol, vinegar-
maker, for certain improvements in
manufacturing sulphuric acid, commonly
called oil of vitriol.
John Potter and James Potter,
Spiodly, near Manchester, spinners and
manufacturers, for certain improvements
in machinery or apparatus applicable to
the spinning or twisting of cotton, flax,
silk, wool, and other fibrous materials.
a, Royl, Walsall, Staflbrdshire, white-
smith, for an improved method of mak-
ing iron-pipes, tube?, or cylinilcrs.
James Slater, Salford, co. I^ncaster,
bleacher, for certain improvements in
the method of generating steam or
vapour applicable as a moving power,
and to arts <ind manufactures, and also
for improvements in vessels or machinery
employed for that purpose.
Thomas Coleman, St. Alban's, in the
county of Hertford, training groom, for
an improved roller for horses.
Andrew Ure, Fiusbury-circus, in the
county of Middlesex, M. D. for an im-
proved apparatus for distilling.
Thomas IJrunton, Park-squaro, Re-
gonl*8-park, in the county of Middlesex,
esq. for an improvement in certain ap-
paratus rendering the same applicable
to distilling (communicated by a fo-
reigner).
John Wallace, Leith, brazier, for an
improvement or improvements upon the
safety-hearth for the use of vessels.
Thomas Bruntot), Park-square, Re-
gent's-park, in the county of Middlesex,
esq. for an improvement in certain
apparatus rendering the same applicable
to steam-engines (communicated by a
foreigner).
Samuel Morand, Manchester, in the
county of I^ancaster, merchant, for an
improved stretching machine.
William Rutherford, jun. Jedburgh,
in that part of the United Kingdom
called ScotUind, writer and bank agent,
for a combination or arrangement of
apparatus or mechanism to be used by
itself, or applied to locks and oilier
fastenings, for more protecting pro-
perty.
Thomas BruntoB, Park -square, Re-
gent*M-park, in the county of Middlesex,
esq. for an improvement in eerttia
'apparatus rendering the same applicable
for making or refining sug^r (commiuil-
cated by a foreigner).
Thomas Gaunt, Chapman-atieets Is-
lington, in the county of Middlesex,
gentleman ; and George Frederick Eck-
stein, of Holborn, in the same coontyf
stove and grate manufacturer, for an
improved fire-grate.
William Dixon, Walsall, in tlie oonnty
of Stafford, brass-cock founder, for an
improvement on the cock, or tap, appli-
cable to fluids, liquids, and gases (com*
municated by a foreigner).
Joshua Taylor Beale, Cliurch-Iane,
Whitechapel, in the county of MiddleseXf
engineer, for an improvement in certain
apparatus for separating a portion of
aqueous vapour from the vapour of al-
cohol, in the process of distilling and
rectifying spirituous liquors.
Gnorge Stephenson, Liverpool, civil
engineer, for an improvement in the
mode of constructing wheels ibr railway
carriages.
William Gutteridge, of the parish of
St. John, Clerkenwell, in the county of
Middlesex, civil engineer, for certain
imurovements in apparatus for distilling
and other purposes.
Robert Burton Cooper, BatterKa*
fields, in the county of Surrey, esq. for
an improvement or improvements on a
cock, or tap, applicable to fluids, liquids,
and gases, and for applj'ing the said
improvement or improvements to other
useful purposes.
Joshua Proctor Westhead, Manches-
ter, manufacturer, for certain improve-
ments in the manufacture of small waies.
Thomas Knowles, Charlton-roir, in
the county of Lancaster, cotton spinner,
for^ certain improvements in certain
machinery, by aid of which machinery,
machines commonly called mules are
or may be rendered what is termed
self-acting; that is to say, certain 'im-
provements in certain nuushinery, by
aid of which machinery, spinning-nu-
chines, commonly called mules, are or
may be worked by power, without re-
quiring the usual application of strength
of the spinners, to give motion to^m
.
i
PATENTS.
handles or wbcds, and to such atber
parts of mules as are comiiiDnly worked
by tbe Gtrengtfi of the spinners.
Geotgi: Barnard, Bristol, builder, fur
certaiu iinjirovenieiiisin lockis, »adotber
spring faeicningB for doors, and other
places.
Thomas WfiBtrup and William Gib-
bins, both of Bromley, in tbe county of
Middltsex, gentlemen, for impraTcments
in converting salt or other water into
pure or other water.
Richard Wood, New York, in the
Uilited States of Americs, but now of
Bishopsgate-Htreet- without, iu the city
of London, for an inking apparntus, to
be used with certain descriptions of
prinling-presses.
Samuel Habclay, Birminghnm, in tlie
county of Wnrwick, steel snuffer and
toy mannfftclurer, for a certain improve-
ment in a machine to bn worked by
steam, that may be applied for the
moving n( sbipi' boats and barges on the
water, and to carriages, either on the
rood or tram-ways, and in a Bxed posi-
tion may be applied to all tbe purpoEca
that sleam enipnes are now used for.
Ricbard Fell, Fountain-yard, Vnuxhall-
bridge-road, in the county of Middlesex,
plumber, for improvements in machinery
or apparatus for raising water, and in
tbe ap[ilication thereof to certain useful
purposes-
Nicolas HegesippeMonicler, 6, Union-
toad, Southwark, lu the coanty of Surrey,
chemist, and James Collier, Canal Grove,
New Peckbam, in tbe county of Kent,
civil engineer, for a new manufacture of
useful products from a certain oleaginous
substance.
Samuel Lambert, Regent-street, St.
James's, Westminster, in the county of
Middlesex, [;old laceman, for an im-
provement in throstle-spindles for spin-
ning and twisting silk, cotton, wool, dax,
anaolljer tibrous substances.
Thomas Spinney, Cheltenham, in the
county of Gloucester, gas engineer, far
certain improvements in apparatus for
manufecturing gui> for illumination.
John Fearse, Tavistock, in the county
of Devon, ironmonger, for certain im-
proveiueiits on wheeled carriages, and
on apparatus to be used therewith.
Edward Newman Fourdrinier, Uanley,
in the parish of Stoke- up on'Tient, in
the county of Statford, paper-maker, for
a certain machine foe an improved mode
of cuttinR paper.
John l.,ee Stevens, auctioneer, and
Peter Waycott, clock and irntch maker,
V0L.J.XXIII,
Jacob Perkins, Fleet-street, in the city
of London, engineer, lor his improve-
ment on his former patent, dated July
2, 1631 i making the same applicable to
the evaporating and boiling of fluids for
certain purposes.
Benjamin Aingivorth, in the parish of
Birmingham, in tbe county of Warwick,
button -maker, for an improvement in
the making and constructing of buttons.
Jean Jaques Jaijuier, Castle-slreet,
Leicester- square, in tbe county of Mid-
dlesex, merciiant, for improvements in
the machinery for making paper (com-
municated by a foreigner).
Harrison Gray Dynr, Pan too-square,
in the county of Middlesex, gentleman,
for an improvement in tunnelling, or
method of^ executing subterraneous ex-
George Forrester, Vauxball foundry,
Liverpool, in the county of Lancaster,
civil engineer, for certain improvements
in wheels for carriages and machinery,
which improvement! are applicable to
other purposes.
William Bickford, Tuckiogwill, in the -
county of Cornwall, leather-seller, for
his invention of an instrument for ig'
niting gunpowder, when used in the
operation of blasting rocks and in
mining-
George Holivorlby Palmer, Manches-
ter-street, Gray's Inn-road, civil en-
gineer, for certain improvements in the
steam-engine, boiler, and apparatus, or
machinery connected therewith, applic-
able to propelling vessels, carriages,
and otlier purposes.
James Neville, Great Dover-road, in
tbe county of Surrey, engineer, for his
improved apparatus for clarifying water
and otlier Quids.
John Potts, Ricliaid Oliver, and Wil-
liam Waiuwright Potts, all of NewMills,
in the connty of Derby, engravers, for
uved method 0
process
of ob-
taining impressions from engravings ii
various colours, and applying tbe same
to earthenware, porcelain, ehina, glass,
and other similar substances.
Sampson Mordant, Castle-street East,
Finebury, in the county of Middlesex,
engineer, and William Brockedon of
Devonshire-street, Queen-square, of tbe
same county, esq., for certain improve-
ments in the con.^lruclion of writing-
pens and penholders, in tbe method of
using them.
S G
460 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
Mftrk C«ftndbRD, Islf! of Afan, etq. for
certain improyeaipnU in appamtui,
modes, or process for convertinjj^ wa or
stit vmter, and also other UrackiKb, tar-
bid, or impure imters, into puri6ed or
fresh water ; which apparatos, modes, or
prooesMs, or parts thereof, may be ap-
plied to other purpOHes.
Samuel Crosiey, of Cottage-Jane, City-
fpad, in the county ot Middlesex, gas
ippter manufacturer, for an improved
gas meter-
. Daniel Dunsoomb Bradford, a citizen
of the United States of North America,
but now residinff in Dorset^place in the
pacish of St. Maryleboue, in Uie county
of Middlesex, for an invention of certain
improvements in lamps (communicated
bv Solomon Andrews, residinii: at Amboy,
New Jersey, in th« said United States of
North America).
Peter Young, Penohurch-street, in the
city uf Tendon, rope and sail-maker, for
an invention of a new mode of maimfac-
tiirin^ roangcl^wursel, for the purpo&e of
producing various known articles of com-
merce (communicated by a foreigner).
..John Christopher, of New Bond-
street, in the city of I^ndon, merchant,
for an improvement in clothes- buttons.
William Drake, Bedminster, near the
city of Bristol, tanner, for an improve-
ment or improvements in tazining hides
apd skins.
George Low, Brick-lane, i the parish
of St. Luke's, Old-street, in the county
of Middlesex, civil engiueer, for an im-
provement or improvements in, and con-
nected with, the manufacture of gas for
illumination.
Wlllian^ Hale, Colchester, in the
county of Essex, machinist, for im-
provements in machinery, or apparatus
for propelling vessels, which improve-
ments are also applicable for raising or
forcing fluids.
. William Ainsworth Jump, Marston,in
the county of Chester, gentleman, fur
certain improvements in drawing or ex-
tracting salt from salt-pans.
John Smith and William Dolier, both
of Liverpool, gentlemen, for a durable
ropy-book, or writing- tablet, and im-
proved delible ink, to be used there-
with.
'John Cowderoy, Britannia-street, Hox-
tbn New-road, in the county of Middle-
vx, gentleman, for certain improve-
ments in machinery, or apparatus to be
used in the process of making or munn-
facturing bread and biscuits.
Thomas Henry Pollard, Park-street,
Oroivenor-tquare, m tlie odvn^of Mi4*
dlesex, estate and home agent, for eer*
tain improvements in ehimaejfs, bj the
application of a mAcbanical ap|wimtiiias
a 8moke«iConductor.
William Godfiwy Knclier, Hftdcaey.
in the county of Middlesex, esq^ mr
certain inproTeiBeati on adllty 4Mr«jp^-
ratus for distilling.
Jacob Perkins. Fleet-street, in the
city of London, engineer, for improve-
ments in generating steam.
Baran Cbaries Wetleraiedt, While-
chapel-road, in the oonnty of Mlddlaiev,
for a com position or combinatioQ of mmr-
terials for sheathing, painting, or pre-
serviog sliip bottoms, and for other par-
poses.
Ro'oert Hicks, Wtmpole-etreet, in tfae
county of Middlesex, aargeoo, for oer^
tain improvementa in culinaiy appep
ratus.
Adolphe Jacquesson, Leicester-squtre,
in the county of Middlesex, eaq^ Ibr
certain improvements in machinery ap-
plicable to lithographic and other print-
ing (communicated by a foreigner).
Richard Prosser, Birmingham, in tiie
county of Warwick, civil engineer, for
certain improvements in mannfiicturing
nails or tacks, for ornamenting lioue
and articles of furniture.
John Milne, Shaw, in tlie pariih of
Oldham, in the county of LancHler,
cotton spinner, for improvementi on
certain instruments or machinea, com-
monly called roving-frames, and dnb-
bing-frames. used for preparing eotton
wool for spinning.
Moses Poole, Lincoln's Inn, in the
county of Middlesex, gentleman, for
certain improvements in steam-eogines,
and iu propelling boats and other float-
ing bodies, parts of which improvenenti
are applicable to other purposes (com-
municated by a foreigner).
Augustus Demondion, Old Fisb««treet
Hill, in the city of London, for certain
improvements on guns, mmketa, and
other fire-arms, and in cartridges to lie
used therewith, and method of priming
the same : and in the machiuerr for
making the said guns, muskets, and fire-
arms ; also the cartridges and priming }
which improvements are also applicable
to other purposes (communicated by a
foreigner).
James Pycroft, Rolleston, near Bur-
ton-on-Trent, Staflbrdshire, gentlemaQ,
for cortain improvements connected vilh
{{rates and other Hre-places.
Sampson Mordan, Castle street Sast»
PATENTS.
401
ninbnr;, io the cDunt;r of Middlenei.
en^DMi, far c«rUin improvruients in
wntipg and drftwiug-pens KnJ petiliold-
en, aod m the melbad of uaing tl<f m.
WilliBm Batten, Roclieater, in the
county of Kent, gentleman, for an appa-
ratut far cliecking or itQpping chaiB
ckblei, tvliicli appaiatuB may be applied
to otbtr purpoiea,
John lie Bur^b, marquis of Clanri-
cacde, for certain improTemenis in lire-
arina, and in the projectilei^ to be ujed
therewith ]commuiiicated by aforeijtnar),
. WIlliJiDi Allen, Cuthafioe-Et^ Strand,
in th* county of MiddleMx, piano-forte
maker, tor certain impravementa upon
piano-forteB.
Heuty Lister Maw, South Mollun-
atreet, in tlie county of Middlesex, lieu-
tenant In our lajfHl navy, for an improved
method of using fuel eu as to burn
Joba Bauce, MoEcov-cottagei!, Bay»-
water, in tlie parish of Paddiogtoo, and
couQtf of Miiidleiiei, geatlemau, for an
improvemeat in ^e conatruction of heads
or booda far cabriolets, giga, or other
open carriages, whereof the heads or
hoods are required to fold down behind
tlie back of the seat when out of use
(communicated by a foreigner).
John Young, WolTerbamplon, in the
county of Stafford, locksmith, (or cer-
tain improvements on lochs and latches,
with regard to the security of the same,
and the construction of the interior and
exterior parts thereof.
Marmaduke Robinson, Great George-
street, in the city of Westminster, navy
agent, on behalf of William Augustus
Archball, esq., a lieu'tenaut in the royal
navy, at present residing at Louisiana,
in the United Slates of America, for cer-
purifying of sugars (communicated by
the said William Augustus Arch-
ball, esi).).
William Church, Hey wood- house,
Bordsley-green, Birmingham, in the
county of Warwick, gentleman, for cer-
uin improvements in machinery for
making nails.
Aiigier March Perkins, Harper-street,
in the county of Middlesex, civil en-
gineer, for certain improvements in the
apparatus or method of heating air in
buildings, heatingandevapoiatingSuids,
and heating metals.
Sir James Caleb Anderson, Bultevant
Castle, in the county of Cork, Ireland,
baronet, for certain improved machinery
tor propelling vessels on water, which
machinery is applicable to oilier useful
purposes.
John Halt, the younger, Dartford, in
the coupty of Kent, engineer, for an im-
provement in nuchinery used in the ma-
nufacture of paper (commnuicnted by a
foreigner).
Jean Marie Etienne Atdit, Newman,
street, Oxford -ate eet, in the county uf
Middlesex, printer, fur a macliine or
apiiaiBlus for drawing,, and for capyioR
and reducing drawings aad other ob-
jects or Bubjccls, and fcr taking panora-
mas (cummunicaled by a foreigner).
Alexander Caubraae, Norton -street.
Great Portland- street, m the county of
Middlesex, etq., for certain improve-
ments in machinery for propelling or
moving locomotive carriages, and giving
motion to milU and other machtDery-
Wllliara Mason, Margaret-atreet, Ca-
vend ish- square in the county i f Middle-
spic, patent axle-tree maker, for cerliiiii
improvements in the conatriiction of
wheeled carriages.
David Selden, Uverpool, in the county
Palatine of lAncaster, merchant, for cer-
tain impiDvements io metallic mills for
grinding coffee, corn, drugs, paints, and
various other materials (commuolcaled
by a foreisnen.
Augustus Whiting Gillet, Blrmmg-
bam, in the county of Warwick, mer-
chant, for a new or improved machine,
or instrument, to measure, beat, and
give the accents in all the different
moods of time, with any degree of ve-
locity required, applicable to the teach-
ing of mtuiic (communicated by a fo-
reigner).
Andrew Ure, of Finsbury-square, m
the parish of St. Luke's in the county of
Middlesex, doctor in medicine, for an
improved apparatus for evaporating sy-
rups and saccharine juices.
William Bingham, St. Mary- hall, esq.,
and William Dupe, gunmaker, both of
Oxford, for certain improvements on
lire-arms of different descriptions.
Henry Hope Wemick, of North-ter-
race, Camberwcll, in the county of Sur-
rey, gentleman, for improvements on
apparatus or methods for preserving
lives of persons and property when in
danger by sliipwreck, by speedily con-
verting boats, or small vessels oTordinary
description into life-boats, and other ap-
paratus or means applicable Io the same
objects (communicated by a fotrigneij.
James Lang, of Greenock, Scotland,
North Britain, flax-dresser, liir certain
improvements in machinery for spresd-
« G 2
452 ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831.
ing, drawing, roving, or spinning flax,
hemp, and other fibrous substances,
dresned or undressed.
Joseph Gillot, Birmingham, in the
CO. of Warwick, steel pen-maker, for an
improvement in the making or manufac-
turing of metallic penF.
John Myatt, Tabernacle-walk, Fins-
hury-square, in the co. of Middlesex,
tailor, for his invention of an article to
be worn on the feet as a substitute for
Ssttens or clogs, which he denominates
lyatt's Health Preserver.
Oliver St. George, Great Cumberland-
street, in the co. of Middlesex, esq., for
certain improvements in machinery for
acquiring power in tides or currents
(communicated by a foreigner).
Miles Berry, of the office for patents,
66, Chancery-lane, in the parish of St.
Andrew's, Holbom, in the co. of Mid*
dlesex, engineer and roechanieal drmfb-
man, for certain improvemeots in the
boilers, or generators of steam, or other
vapour, and in engines to be worked by
steam or vapour, for propelling or actu-
ating machinery on land, and vessela, or
other floating bodies on water, and alio
in the mode of condensing such steam or
vapour (communicated by M. Jean Ni-
cholas, Sen^chal, Ingenieur des Fonts et
Chause , residing at VersiUIles, in
Fran ce
John Heathcoat, Tiverton, in the oo.
of Devon, lace-manufocturer, for certain
improvements in the machinery used for
making of bobbin, or twist lace net»
whereby not and other fabrics may be
produced.
POETRY.
PARENTAL LOVE.
[Fnm Framlingham, a Poem, by Jamet Btrd-I
Oh ! ye, wlio feel that dear pareotal glow.
The holiest transport of the soul below !
Ye, who have watched with aasious care and diitf
A daughter's youth, the openiog bud of beauty
Spread feir aod fairer, while the heart beat high
With pride, a parent's fund infirmity,
When that dear child is as an augelleft
To glad your age, of aiany joys bereft.
Say, is not all the alluring world cau give,
The hopes long perished, and the hopes that lire.
The busy day-dreams, visions of the night.
The pangs of woe, the raptures of delight.
Are they not all, the placid and the wild,
Lost in the love for that endearing child ?
EVENING.
[From Ihe Same^
Still lingered twilight with her blush serene,
Still hota the ramparts, on the varied scene
Gazed Schemyno with his friends — ^the landscape bright
Spread far beneath them — vaJIeys of delight
And wood-crowned hills appeared — and there with grace
Huge oaks, the loftiest of their lofty race.
Reared their proud heads o'er upland and o'er vale :
Records of ages ! — the inconstant gale
Greets, in its pilgrimage from land to land
No forest-kings so beantifii], so grand !
And Helen felt the witchery of that hour,
To which deep silence gave a holier power
To charm the heart, for e'en the stream below
So softly lapsed, the music of its flow
Woke not the echoes of the hills around.
NIGHT.
IFrom the Same:}
"Night! — thy glittering gems, so fiiir,.
Are smiling mild, and bright above us \
Thought fonokes the world of care.
And fondly flies to those who love us !
Solemn Night ! — to thee belong
The holiest spells of the Poet's song I
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1831
Id thy deep, calnii and ulent hour
Springs the soul on heaven- ward pinion.
Aloft, to boundless worlds of power.
Far above proud man's dominion ;
Worlds, to wiiieh kis strength, his thought,
Hopes, fears, and passions are as nought
Night ! thy planetary host
Sail on thy blue etfiereal ooean^
Light barques upon a rockless coast^
Gliding with unruffled motion !
Led by one unerring might.
Wisdom of the realms of light !
Grand is Night's unheeded time !
Sons of Earth ! — awake from slumber !
Mark the trackless orbs, sublime
bright without diang«j or «Miid« or number !
Types of a page which, if we scan.
How great is Grod I— -how weak is Bfan !
And when thick darkness spreads her wings
0*er heaven, and land, and sea, appalling,
Wraps in deep gloom all earthly things.
As though the angry skies were fauine !
Awe-struck, the soul then owns the might
Of power unseen— the infinite I
Oh ! thou, who spread'st the lofty sky !
Of whom each star the wisdom tdleth.
When Night reveab the worids on high,
Above whose track thy glonr dwelleth !
Oh ! guide us by thy haDowed iigfat.
Our sun by day — our lamp by night V*
SPRING HYMN.
QFroMi ike Winier's Wrtalh. By Dbjlta.]
How pleasant is the opening year !
The clouds of winter men away ;
The flowers in beauty re-appear ;
The songsters carol from the spray ;
Lengthens the more refulgent day.
And bluer grows the arching sky 3
All things around us seem to say,
. '' Christian ! direct thy thou^^ts on high.
In daricness, through the dreary knglli
Of winter, slept both hud and Vham }
But nature now puts forth her strength.
And d, ae fifon (he tomb I
P O E T R V.
Behold an emblem of thy doom,
O Man ! a star hath shoae to sare.
And morninK vet shall re-illume
The midnight dtrknen of the grave t
Yet ponder wuU liow theu shall lireak
The dawn of second life ou thee —
Shalt thou til hope, to bli&s »wake?
Or raialy strive God's wrath to flee ?
Then sfaall pass forth the dread decree.
That makes or weal or woe thy own ;
Up and to work — Eteruity
Must reap the harvest lime bath sown.
NAPLES :— THE SONG OF THE 8YHEN.
IFram Ike Same. Si/ tSat. HaiUNB.^
Still is tlw Syren vaAling tm Uiy ikre.
Bright City of the WkTeel— ber mafic wng
Still with a dreamy eense of extasy
Fills tliy soft aumtner air: and while my g]
Dwells on thy pictured lovelinesi, that lay
Floats thus o'ei Fancy's ear ; and thai ta tbee.
Daughter of Suoabiiic ! doth (he Syren dng :
" Thine is the glad wave's duhing pUy,
Thine is the laugh of the goldeii oiy.
The golden day and the glorious night.
And the vine with iti chuten all buhed In light!
Forget, forget, that thou art not free I
Queen of the 81
" Favoured and crowned of the earth and the sky !
Thine are all voices of melody.
Wandering in moonlight through fime and tower.
Floating o'er fountain and myrtle bower;
Hark ! now they melt o'er thy glitleiiag sea;
Forget that thou art net feee 1
" Let the wine flow In thy inttfUe halhi !
Lot the lut« answer thy fonntain fiills I
And deck thy beach with the myrtle boagh,
And cover with roaea thy giowisg bfuv !
Queen of the day and the mmmer sea,
Fwget that thou art uM hee 1 "
So doth the Syren sing, while aptiUing waves >
Dance to ha cfasunt.— Bat itenily, mauiiifiilly,
O city of the deep, from Sybil grata
And Roman t<nafaa, the ecMca M thy short
Take up the cadenoe of her etiaiii aloM
Munnuring — " TbouBFt sot free 1"
456 ANNUAL REGISTER, 183K
YOUTH.
[From the Same. By W. Howitt.]
Oh ! beautiful is youth !
How often as it passes by
With flowing limbs and flashing eye.
With soul that not a care has cross'd,
With cheek that not a tint has lost ;— -
How often in my heart I cry.
How beautiful is youth !
Sweet youth ! sweet youth ! no need
Hast thou of such a mould,
Of such an air as sculptors old
On god or goddess cast — that thrilled.
With life, with thought, with beauty filled !
In simplest forms thy power is shown.
Thou sweet, almighty youth !
Oh generous youth ! thy gifts
How freely are they thrown !
What humble creature has not known
The radiant eye's all-liquid light.
The skin's pure freshness soft and bright.
The glittering locks, the joyous tone ?
Oh happy ! happy youth !
And yet thou art to me
A melancholy sound !
At once thy name doth bring around
The fairest forms, the dearest things,
The hours that took the spirit's wings,
Words — ^places — brightness that hath found
A memory sad and dark.
Oh youth ! had I no hope
To share thy good once more,
Methinks I should despise the lore^
The garner'd thought, the wisdom deep.
In which dim age the soul would steep.
The fruit which proves the flower is o'er —
And worship thee with tears.
ft
But, blessings on a golden faith !
I see the everlasting hour
When back thou com'st in all thy power ;
With friends and freedom, joy and gra'
With blessings from each time and i »
Life, lo-- and thou our triple dov
^ happy youth !
INDEX.
[N. B. Tbe Piguies within crotcbeu (cfer to the Iliitory.]
RnivMr.,df>tb,33S
■ct of the Reform Dili, 336
>f parliament, list of, 279
icata - one on the Ltverpool and
mrbester railway, 32 ', fouTteen
rgona drowced, 65 ; n man caught
B mill and turned round for about
I hour, 66 ; colliBion of the "Venu«''
tdi killed by lightning, TO; nine
lenona killed at tbe Colbrook Vale
iron-woriis, 76; bursting of « Bteain<
boiler in tbe Cuetom-bouse, Liver-
pool, 102; Magdalen tower, Oxford,
Btruck by lightning, 103 ; engineer
nnd firemen killed on the Bolton rail'
way, 110; a barge rundown by tbe
Pluto steam-boat, and three persons
drowned, 120 ; five persona drowned
on the ThaiDee, 123; loaa of the
"Rolhsay Castle'' steam-packet and
passengers, 129 ; railway accident,
181 i explosion of gunpowder in a
laboratory at Gibraltar, 189
Altborp, lord, hh speech on the Re-
form Bill, [aO] ; hie plan of the bud-
get, [125] ; his character of the ge-
neral tendency of tbe Relbrm bill,
[243]
America : see Brazil, Canada, Colmn-
iia, Mexico, Peru, United Slafei,
American Society, 437 i servants, 438 ;
cam^meeting described, 439
Antiquities ; relics of Caledonian Abo-
rigines found, 139 ; ruins of an an-
cient city (Palenqne) discovered in
central America, 168
Antwerp, riots at, [3SB] ; breach of
neutrality on the part of the Belgic
troops, [392 1
Appleby, borough of. Included in eche-
oule A, by mistake, [166] ; counsel
iwt permitted to be heard in its
bvour, tj.; discuB^on a« to its being
disfranchised, [179] ; m^ority in la*
vour of that measure, [183]
Army, motion brought forward by mi-
nisters to increase it, [14C] ; opposed
by Mr. Hunt, [147] ; but carried,
tl48]
Arson, tT for, 3
Aehton. .T. of Hyde, murder o^ and
Assaul " 'of, WiUiams c. Hall, 83
Assiiea pind Sessions :-
Aglttbury : Wells v. Hood, ^booting a
dog. 43
Bnry St. Edmvad's: W. Offord, murder,
107
Camiridge : W. Smith, G. Baxter, and
W. Markbam. burglary, 104
Covetilry : Mary Ann Higgiiis, poison-
ing her uncle, 134
DarAatH : T. Clarke, murder of Mary
Ann Westropp, 40 ^ S. Marden, steal-
ing a fur tippet, ib.
Dorchester: J. Nobbs, attempt to poiaoji
bis infant son, lOG
Ea»if .- T. Reilty, cutting out the
tongues of L, and T. Doyle. 105
KiKgalim : James Warner, setting Bre
to Mr. Woak's mill, 3
Lancaster: Enlwislle v- Norcliffe, falte
imprisonment, 46 ; Moses Femely,
murdering his infitnt stepson, £4 ; T-
and J. Fulvey, murder of C, Burn,
55 ; A. and W. Worrell, ^tc., mur-
der, &6
Mealh : M. Riley and C. Courtney, con-
spiracy, 49
Olil Baileg: R. Carlile, seditious pub-
lication, 18 ; Mr. St. John Long,
causing the death of Mrs. Lloyd by
Improper medical treatment, 34;
Bishop, Williams, and May, murder,
316.
Salislifiry : C. Giles, muidering bis in-
fant child, S3
Surrey: Rev. R. Taylor, blasphemy.
farming buildings, 44
Yari : Esther Dyson, deaf and dumb
woman, murdering ber infant, 59;
the King i'. Pearce, See., nuisance oc-
casioned by the Stockton and Dar-
lington railway, 63 : D. and P. Simp-
son, sheep stealing, 103
Atlwood, Mr., bis speech on tbe reform
bill, [70] ; considers the present sys-
tem of representation tatisfaclory in
operation if not in theory, ib. ; olyects
to the new one as tending to demo-
INDEX.
cy* (7M ) points out the ill eflects
the French chambers, 172]
jadoes, dreadful hurricane at, 127
barity, atrocious instance of, cutting
ut tiro men's tongues, I0«>
igium : varioutt caodidates for the
rrown, [373] ; France objects to the
J)uke of I^uchtenbcrg, [374] ; ar-
^ments agaiuKt such a choice, [377 J i
the duke of Nemours elected after
the previous refusal iu his name,
[378] ; the congress elects a regent,
on the refusal being persisted in,
[379] ; terms of separation fntm Hol-
land arranged by the conference at
London, [380] ; dissaiixfaction of tlie
congress, [384J; the regent calls upon
the duchy of Luxemburg to throw off
its allegiance to Holland, [387] ; tu-
mults of the iM)pulace in ditlerent
places, [388]; attempt at negocia-
tions with the Dutch government,
[392] ; hostilities on the part of the
Belgian troops, at Antwerp, ib> ;
prince Leopold elected kin<(, [396] ;
he accepts the crown, [3i)9\ ; new
Sreliminaries of a treaty between
ielgium and Holland, ib. ; arrival of
I^eopold, [404] ; the king of Holland
commences hostilities, [405] ; the
Belgians routed, (40()J ; they receive
assistance from France, [407]; sus-
pension of hostiliticf:, [410] ; Leo-
pold's speech at opening of congress,
id. ; new conditions proposed bv the
conference, [413] ; treaty concluded
l)etwecn Belgium and the conference,
against which the king of Holland
protests, [415] ; protocols and docu-
ments relative to the separation of
Belgium and Holland, 361 ; articles
of a definitive treaty with Holland,
395 ; speech of kins; I^eopold on open-
ing the congress, 403
Berry, Sir E., death, 228
Bilderdijk, Dutch poet, death, 261
Birmingham ; St. Peter's Church de-
stroyed by fire, 21
Bishop, Williams, and May, trial of, for
murder for the purpose of selling the
bodies, 316; cotifessions of the two
former, 327 ; their execution, 335
Btandford, riot at, 164
Blasphemy, trial of the Rev. R. Taylor
for, 93
Blood, Mr., of Applevale, county Clare,
murder of, [29], 90
Bolivar, death of, [464], 217
Bologna: insurrection at, [452]. See
Sorooghs} (see Refurm.) Sir K« PeePs
defence of close boroughs, [47] ; Mr.
Pitt's doctrine respecting diefxan-
chising boroughs, [52] ; anomalies in
the reform bill with regard to the
franchise of boroughs, [61] ; discus-
sions on disfranchisement of Apple-
by, Downton, &c., [US]. See Par-
finmenf,
Brazil : state of political albira, [460] ;
dispute between the two chaabeia of
Congress, [461]; Donna Maris esta-
blished as Queen of Portugal at Ala
Janeiro, [462] ; disturbaness at ditto
ib.i the chamber of deputies eom-
plains to the emperor, tft. ; the latter
abdicates in favour of his soni [463];
and proceeds with his daughter to
Europe, i6. ; the chamber appoints a
regency, t6. ; popular tumufta, [464]
Bridge, the New London, eersBMHif of
. opening, 116
Bristol, dreadful riots at» occasloBad by
tlie arrival of ur C. Wetherall, the
recorder, [892], 17^ ; the uaa^an.
house plundered and burnt, 174 ;
bishop's paUce buraty 176| total
amount of building^ dcstioysd, 1 6.
Brown, Mather, artist, death, 'Ml
Brougham, lord, questions the right
of the house of peers to inflict fiaefor
breach of privilege, [110]
Brunswick : accession of duks William
in place of his brother, [430]
Buchanan, lieut. coosmsnder of the
Pluto steam boat, court martial on,
for running down a barge, 183
Budget, the, [125] ; proposed rednetloa
of taxes, i6. ; See Ttuee** ■
Buenos Ay res, events at, [464]
Burdett, sir F. coouders siaale rppv««
sentation the better mode, [iM]}
withdraws from the National Politiol
Union, 296
BurgUiry. Mr. Hill's house rdbbad at
Gartloch, 14
Calcraft, right hon. J^ soiddc of» 166 ;
account of, 256
Calais, regulations relative tn tssbciIi
from Scotland, &(u 18S
Cambridge, attempt by a studeat to
blow up the letter blox at tlie |Mat
oHice, 190
Canada, proposed incresse on ckitv of
timber from, [136]; i usurious eneta
of this measure to that ctAamj, [137] •
increase of exports to it, [136]
Capo d'Istrias, President of^Greeee,
sassinated, [459] ; 160
Carlile, Richard, trial of» for seditfon*
18
Carpenter« W.« crinioal infiwinitioii
a, tbt hit iiUMbI t* «*ide the
> ^tr in tke publltttiM of bis
thai Letter." 74
M.W.Holirc)l,dMtb,31B
floa, N. T. dMth, S18
it, nwrqulo of, moTC* that tMMnts
ill be Kdmitted to Tote for «oan-
, which ii carried, [314)
, luptur* between the Kugllih
j>ry and the netiYea, ■! CautoD,
IMnham, borough or, Inaecuncy lu
» Ktani of ite population, [IB?}
M«, progrCBa oE la In^s, he.,
SS] ; iu lint nppearance- In Eng-
dd, (399] 1 it! progree* oa the oon-
ineot. 14361; iUraTegesat St Pe-
ersbiirgh, [4371-, it reachei Berlin,
Hamburgb, Sie., ib. ; mcntalit]' Id
Hungary and EjTvpt, [438J ; etate-
ment relative to ttie diieaae piiblteh-
•d hj ihe Board of Htaltb, IM ;
■ymptooia. See., ib. ; inatmetiODa and
regulations lemed by tbe Privy Coan-
:hrl>tie, Junea, death, 833
:;hiireh rates, fuc relatlTe lo, IBS
i^til Ust, nexr auai^ieRiut reqiectiag,
[141] ; sltentioo of tb* pcDatoo lieb,
H. ; plu for the fnlure redaction of
peMione, [143)
Dobbett, Mr.. trU of, lor ledition, S£
IkdumbU ! dealli of Holnai, [4H) ; bis
lait address to the cltiwiw. [46>| ;
insurrection in Panama, [4fi6]
2aaii, prioce of, hit aill, 19£
IJonUantiDe, grand duke, death, 946
IIoiutaDtiBoide. deBtructi*e Breitt PeM,
118
::om<nll, rtot of minen, 33
:;ocQnaiioD of William IV,, and Qaaen
Addude, 140
l^oronation robes, George IV.Mle of, 81
Corporatioa Fiaaidnaea, aMeitad to be
intnoi^Ue, [97) i the eontranr 4ae-
triue DaiDbODcd by Hr. Pill, [3S]
Counties, clause in the ReCnr*! bill il-
lative to diTidiog tbcm iaio dittricH
Ibr returolng meaibers, dtKMMd,
[2Q9t ; tenanU » «U1 admitud to
vote, (314]
Mmh^ff. Blsktttey Pitoto v. The
" City of Edinburgb," br aalvMAr 19
Vommoa Pleat: Kelee* a. Bumttt,
Oogging aboaid eliip, 31
Qaiiiilary Court: Conway e. BcBzl^,
nalliiy of riiarnage, 109
EUcAeyuer : WilliaaiB v. Hall, aaaanlt,
S3i Fluke V. D<d(e,nco*tty af ptka
of stamps for kOonieji* clerin' ard-
(ii»blhalt : The King r. Cobbett, m i-
Hev.— M'Caig. stealing buoki,
trial of M'Laucblsn. &e., ilatiog at
Lauder, 184; J. Barnel, ftf. rioting
at Dundee, 307; A. Orabam, &c.
rioting at Haddington, 310 ; K. For-
rener, noting; at Edinburgh, 311 ;
8. Wsugh and J. Hanisay, mDrdetr
313
KiHg't Bench : Paul b. Haidniclfi )rar-
nnty of a horfle, 35 ; Walker «■ Ivuali-
icgluii, M. P. and others. 37 ; Howe
e. Daubeny, libel, U? i the king on
behalf of M. Scales, d. tlie Lord
JVIiyor Hiid corporatina of London,
lfl&; ColburnH. Harvey, paruh raleJ,
Coventry, riotflt, 177
Crampion, Mr., Solid tor- general for Ire-
Innd, conleuda thai it is in the poner
iif Ihe crown virtually to dirfmnchise
decayed tiorou Khs by with holdiDg writs
from them [2q9|
Crokcr. Mr., his speech on, and objec-
tioni to tbe reform bill, [59) ; oa the
conduct of mlniBtera with regard to
Appleby,[IBai; reply to Mr. Macau-
ley. [Ull|
Ciuclty to a pauper iu Qripji legate work-
Davies, colonel, pnipoaea as an amend-
ment that I'rvebolders in buniogli^
should not vote for cotintiea, [217]
Desn Forest, riot at, [3al J ; W
Declaration of the merchsnta of Lon-
don, aftainst the refotm bill, (81)
Deleig, baroa, RDsaiHn writer, death of.
223
344
Downton. borough of, diuuMionaato \\i
disfranchiHOKnt, tl^li wb'ch U
Sndly carried (IU61
Dublin, the pioceesion oT the ti«deii
prevented by a prDclamation, (3IM|
Bee iretaudwA O'Cmnudl
Duel between general Sebantinni anil
general Lamarque, 138
Dundee, Ulumioation and riot at. 61;
trials of some of tbe rioters, 3l)7
Dnppa, Mr., dcatb, 330
Durham, prospectus olanew UDiverafly
at, 194
INDEX.
EbringtoD, lordy bis motion to prevent
ministers from resigning on the rejec-
tion of the reform bill by the Lords,
[277]
Edinburgh, illumination and rioting at,
60; conservative meeting, 186; trial
of Ralph Forrester, one of the rioters,
311 ; violence displayed to\nirds the
lord Provost, 312
Eldon, lord, his speech against the re-
form bill, [268]
Election, the general, [149]; candi-
dates obliged to promise unconditional
support of the reform bill, [151] ;
popular violence at elections in many
places, [152]
Elections, regulations relative to the re-
gistration of electors, &c. 223
Elliston, R. \V., actor, death, 248
Execution, J. A. Bell, aged 14, for
murder of another boy, 1 14 ; Bishop
and Williams, 335
Felony, extraordinary charge of, 184
Fires: Greenwich theatre burnt, 19;
St Peter'?, Birmingham, destroyed,
21 ; tire in Sermon-lane, Doctors'
Commons, 64 ; at lord Walsingham's,
and death of his lordship and her
ladyship, 67 ; destructive fire at Pera,
Constantinople, 118: a number of
warehouses destroyed at Liverpool,
193
Foster, captain, death, 225
Franchise, projected alteration of [10] ;
the plan proposed by the reform bill
censured by Mr. Croker, [61] anomaly
discovered' in the proposed 10/. fran-
chise, [162] ; amendment that the rent
be not paid oftencr than quarterly
[219] ; which is negatived, [222] ;
existing rights of franchise considered
ib.
France : state of parties, [329] ; con-
flicting opinions regarding Belgium,
&c. [330] ; tumults among the stud-
ents at Paris, [333] ; serious riots
occasioned by the celebration of the
anniversary of the Due de Berri, ib ;
crosses taken down from the churches,
[334] ; reluctance of the government
to punish these excesses, [335] ; resig-
nation of ministers, [337] i M. Per-
rier declares his determination to put
down irregular power, [338] ; an as-
sociation formed against the Bourbons,
[339]; bill brought in by the new
ministry to prevent riotous assem-
blages, [340] ; tumults at Faria, ib.;
the new electoral law. \^ ' thtt
budget, [343] ; subscrii
of tlie Session, [344] ; his tour
through the eastern depwtm^nti,
[347] ; turbulent state of the capftal,
[348] ; capture of the Portngueae
fleet, [350]; king's speech on opening
the Session, [351] ; celebration of the
revolution of 1831, [354]; afiair of
the Austrian standards, ib,; oonteat
at the election of the president of the
* Chamber,* [355] ; an army dis-
patched to the assistance of Belgium*
[357] ; declarations of the ministry?
against the movement party, [350] ;
bill for abolishing the hereditary
peerage, [361] ; which is carried by
an increase of peers, [367] ; reports
of Carlist conspiracies. [368] ; insur-
rection at Lyons, [369] ; Louis Phi-
lippe objects to the crown of Belgium
being given to the duke of Leucn ten-
berg, [374] ; declines it for his son.
the duke of Nemours, [375] ; rtjeots
it again after he has been elected,
[379] ; military force of France in
1831, 157
Funds, proposed tax on transfers in**
[128] ; violent opposition to the mea-
sure, [131]; defended by Mr. C-
Grant and sir J. Wrottesley, [133] ;
Mr. Pitt's authority for taxing fund-
holders quoted, ib.; difference be-
tween such a tax and that on tiBnsfers *
of land, [134] ; the measure abandoned •
by ministers, [135]
Gambles, captain H*, of the Lady Sher* '
broke, tried for wrecking the vessel »
and occasioning the deaths of 278
persons, 156
Gascoyne, general, moves an amendment
to the Reform bill, that the number
of members for England ought not to
be diminished, [104]
Gateshead, opposition to its being made
one of the new boroughs, [205]
Gibraltar, explosion of gunpowder at, 189
Glasgow, flood at, 30
Gottingen, insurrection at, and provi-
sional government formed, [418] ; de-
putation to B duke of Cambridge,
[419] ' ivernment troopa
n •'- t dty, [430]
G-^ ij^Ai&fies the d
■Sffbf the •»-
G
Gr
I NDBX
Greece : unpopularity of the president.
Capo d'Istrias, [i57] ; insurrection,
i6, ; the provisional government at-
tempt to seize the fleet at Poros,
[458] ; Poros attacked by the Russian
troops, ib, ; Hydra destroyed by Capo
d'Istrias' troops, ib, ; the Russian fleet
attacked by the Hydriots, [459] ;
Capo d'Istrias assassinated, and his
brother Augustin placed at the head
of a committee of government, ib*
Greenwich, discussion relative to its pro-
posed representation in parliament,
[198] ; sir R. Peel's arguments against
it, [199] ; the theatre burnt, 19
Grey, lord, his speech on the Reform
bill, [254]
Grimsby election, action for libel, im-
puting unfair conduct to the Red
party, 87
Haddington, riots at, and trial of some
ofthemob, 310
Hall, rev. R., death, 228
Hanover, insurrections in, [417] ; pro-
visional government established by
the rebels at Gottingen, [418]
Hart, sir A., late lord chancellor of Ire-
land, death, 259
Hemans, Mrs., ' Naples : the Syren's
Song,' 455
Hesse Cassel, disturbances in, [420]
Hobhouse, Mr., his speech in favour of
Reform bill, (35]
Hobhouse, sir Benjamin, death, 252
Holland (see Belgium) : the armistice
with Belgium broken otT, [405] ; the
Putch army, under the prince of
Orange, enter Belgium, [406] ; its
successes stopped only by the advance
of French troops to the assistance of
Belgium, [407] ; the king determines
to act upon the defensive, after the
treaty between the Belgians and the
Five Powers, [415] ; documents rela-
tive to its separation from Belgium,
361 ; correspondence with the Confer-
ence relative to the entry of Dutch
troops into Belgium, 384 ; king's
speech at opening of the States Ge-
neral, 405
Hope, Thomas, death and memoir, 224
Horse, warranty of one, action relative
to, 25
Horsemanship, remarkable feats and
matches, 181
Houses, rated to the house-tax, number
of, in England and Wales, 294
; Howe, earl, dismissed from the office of
\ queen's chamberlain, [280], 165
Vnme, Mr., moves for a reduction in the
tilowances to the royal dukes, [145]
'xt, Mri, presses for a division) on the
motion for increasing the army, [148] ;
his amendment on the clause relative
to the 10/. franchise, [216]
Hunt, T. F., architect, death, 237
Hurricane, dreadful one at Barbadoes,
&c., 127
Huskisson, Mr., his opinion against par-
liamentary reform, quoted, [35]^
Jackson, J., portrait painter, death, 342
Jeffrey, Mr., lord advocate of Scotland ;
his maiden speech in parliament, in
support of the Reform bill, [54]
Illuminations, at Edinburgh, ana riot,
60 ; ditto, ditto, at Dundee, 61 ; in
London, and riotous conduct, 69
Inquests, coroners : Mr. Thoe. Ashton,
shot, 7 ; W, Crittenden and G. Herold,
seamen, killed by smugglers, 8 ; lord
Rivers, drowned in £e Serpentine,
21 ; M. Lynch, a watchman, at Dublin,
33 ; Miss Harris, death from wearing
tight stays, 66 ; lord and lady Wal-
singham, 67 ; sir Joseph Yorke, capt*
Bradby, and capt. Yonge, drowned,
72; Mary Clarke, 77; J* Hughes, one
of the rioters at Merthyr Tydvil, 84 ;
P. Glendining, &c., drowned, 120 ; five
persons drowned on the Thames, 123 ;
Eliz. Cooper, pauper in Cripplegate
work- house, 137 ; J* Calcraft, M. P.
155
Inglis, sir R. H., his speech on the Re-
form bill, [15]
Inundations : at Glasgow, 30 ; at Perth,
31 ; floods of the Tweed and Teviot, ib.
Ireland : proposed change in its repre-
sentation, [13]; the bill brought in
by Mr. Stanley, [96] ; additional mem-
bers proposed to be given to it, [97] ;
preponderance thereby given to the
Catholics, [99] ; lawless state of the
peasantry, [300] ; circular from the
government to magistrates, [301] ;
extreme distress in Mayo, [302] ; ef-
forts of the agitators to obtain a repeal
of the Union, [303] ; O'Connell'^s
procession prohibited, [304] ; he and
other agitators apprehended, [318] ;
true bills found against them, [314]
(see O^Connell) ; explanation given in
the House of Commons by the Irish
secretary relative to the oonddct of
government towards 0*Connell, [317] ;
disinclination to a repeal of the Union
occasioned bv O'Connell's proceed-
ings, [320] ; declaration made against
the repeal by ministers, in piarliament,
[322] ; popidar outrages in Clare, &c.,
[324] ; many of the police murdered
by the popalace at Newton-barry,
[326] ; Protestant meeting at Dublin,
190; a process-server and several o€
INDEX.
the police mmwicred at CArriekehoek,
ib.
Jodrell, R. P^ death , 221
Joned, capUin G. M., death, 237*
Irving, rev. Mr., pretended inspiration
amonp^ his con^rej^tion, 187
Italy : election of Gregory 18th, [4ol] ;
attempts on the part of the French
to excite conspiracies, i7>. ; conspiracy
at Modena, t^.; insurrection at Bo-
logna, [458] I also at Panna, [453] ;
a provisional government formed, ib. ;
restoration o? the governments of
Modena and Parma, [4541 ; the Aus-
trians enter Bologna, and the papal
government re-established, [455] ;
cardinal Benvenuti detained a pri-
soner by the rebels at Ancona, id. ;
the papal state divided into delega-
tions by the pope, [456] ; death of the
king of Sardinia, [457]
Izmailov, Russian fabulist, death, 222.
Kennedy, general, death, 255
King's speech on proroguing parliament,
[1 14] ; at the meeting of the new Par-
liament, [1G5]
Koslovsky, composer, death, 231
Kreutzer, R., violinist, death, 225
Ta Fontaine, German novelist, death, 235
l^wson, Mr., printer of The Times,
brought up to answer fur a libellous
paragragh in that paper, 1 1 7 i see
Timet.
l>p, professor, account of, 160
Leopold, prince of Saxe-Coburg, the
crown of Belgium offered to him,
[Sill]; a deputation arrives in Lon-
don, [397] } he accepts the crown,
[399]
Libel, action for, against Dr. Lushington
and the publishers of the Mirror of
Parliament, 27 ; Howe v. Daubeney,
unfair proceedings at Grimsby elec-
tion, 87
Life-buoy, account of the one now in
use 444
Lightning, deaths by, 70
Limerick, earl of, complains of the
aspersions thrown out against him by
The Times, as a breach of privilege,
[ll7] : see Time?.
Lists, ministers, 196
House of Commons, 197
Sheriffs, 201
Births, 202
Marriages, 204
Promotions, 210
Deaths, 216
General acts, 27^, 284
Local acts, 280, 286
.Liverpool, bursting of a steam-boiler in
the neir eattom-hooMs 108| ▼fcotool
storm, 128 ; de«tractiv« ftra, 193
Livonia, present state of the peawntry
in, 432
London-bridge, the new, oeramoiiy of
opening, 116
London, bishop of, obliged to ftlMndoa
his purpose of preaching at St. Ann's,
Sobo, 167
Londonderry, marquis of, attacked In St.
James's Park, by the mob, 163
Lopes, sir M., death, 232
Lords, House of, howafiectad by ratem,
[245], [256] ; dabattf in, on tli« ratem
bill, [254] B—Patiiameni»
Lyndhuitt, lord, hit spaeeh agnlnat the
reform bill [271]
Lyons, iosurreetlon at, [300] § wioenM
of the insurgents, [370] ; tlM nnivnl
of the duke of Orleans and manhal
Soult restores tranquillity, [371]
Leuchtenberg, duka of (son of Eugvne
Beauhamois,) proposed at king of
Belgium, [378] ; which it olyecind to
by Fiance. [374]; political rtMOM
against such a choice, [377]
Mtcauley, Mr., hit speeches in &Tour of
tlie Reform bill, [24], [228]
Machine-breaking, trials for, 1, 6
M'Caig, clergyman at Edinborgb, tried
for stealing books, 80
Mackenzie, H., author of ^ Man of
Feeling,' death, 219
Magee, Dr., archbishop of Dublin,
Death, 2^
Mahon, O'Gorman, hit violent speech in
Pariiament, threatening a repealof the
Irish Union, 321
Marriages, Scotch, case relative to, 100
Mathison, German poet, death, S8l
Merthyr Tydvil, petition fiir Hefam
from, instanced, to show the general
tenour of the demands for rafimn,
[60] ; colonel Wood's motion the! the
place should send a member to Par-
liament, [208] ; riot of the miners at,
78
Mexico, political events in, [^^
Middiman, S., engraver, deathr 860
Military force of France, 157
^Colonies in Russia, 438
Miltoii, lord, his motion for giving tue
members to the boroughs in aohednle
D, [203]
Miners, riot of, in Cornwall, 33 ; at
Merthyr Tydvil, 78
Minority and mi^rity in the lords, on
the reform bill, list of, 275 '
Miser, account of one, and his being
robbed, 70
Modena, conspiracy at, [461]
Munroe, president, death, Sw
ichkilUhiitwochild-
uilibiBiwlf,S3tmur-
OrecD, ol; T. Sew
bf M> Lundy, I'i ; a
Xjlitathfer.fiJi ditto,
r of C. Bunn, 66 ;
rlaan, 56 ; discoTary
if S. J^naon, b baut-
id thirty yMM before,
lurd«r of Mktv Clark,
tttsmpt to poiMD Lis
, CbiinBll, sbM by W.
Taylor, ngtd thirteen,
. A. Bell, aged fiiur-
lik Hdllimy, by bee
nurder, committMl by
purpose <^ eelllng (be
xtrwrdinary com of,
union, formed in Lon-
F.Burdett withdraws
doctrines aa lat forth
a'' published byit, ii.
ety of her jewel*, 78
Belpun', HoUnmi
r, addrrsa to. from his
apt to evade the ituty
)t to prevent a aale of
tithe, [3261 1 tevenX
lUtehered by the taob,
historian, death, 218
lit, death, 2£6
leatb, 251
■X to tlie reform bill ng
ProleilantB of Ireland,
death, 340
[^trrin^lon, 216 ; Bo-
IV. Moln>dlCarr,2l8;
Bronevsky, 31Sl H.
*-. P. Jodrell, 331;
; Jami
nil, ib. ; Thomas
Kreutzer, 3^ ; csp-
rav. Dr. A, Thomp-
lin F. Ileywood, I'i. ;
238 ; R. BrowD, ib. ;
,-, rsv. E Davis, 329;
; MslbissoD, ib. ; nrrh-
.2:12; «ir M. I^peR,
ledian, 333) J. A[!e^-
lIethy,BUI|!e□n,2^5; Au^.I^FontaiBe,
Oerman novelinl, it. j ducbeH uf Wel-
liflj^tun, S3B; T. P. Hur>^ arcbltrui,
237; captain G. M. JoneB, St W.
H&niper, fUU) ; du Petit Tbown. 'b. ;
It. Clutterbut:l{,84l)leBrlt9rKortbei<k-,
a.; JaciuoN. purttait- painter, 341;
M. Brown, ditto, 243 l Mn. Biddonx. -
a.; iield-mn»hnl DIebiUch, 344;
bir Murray MaKwell, 24i> ) archduke
(■onslnntinc, 246; n?v. H. BuO«, ib. ;
W. Roscoe, li. j preiideM Mlinrue,
3-1^; Elllston, actor, >*.j R. Duppa,
^4Dt T. GMBtoiex, mualcian, 2dX ^
eart of Norbiiry, 251 ) Dr. ft. ReQcc,
2,i2[ sir B. Hobhoiiar, ii.i P. Via-
tnytii, landscape •painter, 263; nrcli-
biahapofUublm(Magee),ii.;it.hon.
C. B. Balhurst, li. j rev. S. Beyer,
354 ; baron O'Connell, ii. ) geoaial
Kennedy, 955 ; ri^ht hoD. J. Calerafl,
2S8j W. B. NoblB, painter, ib.; Dr.
I-yall, 267; sir W. W. Wraiall, MO ;
duchess dowajfer, Saxe-CobuTK, ii. ;
sir A. Hart, 259; general TorrUos,
360; 8. Middinian,engrav0r, I'j.; W.
Bilderdijk, Dutch Pout, 261
O'Coiinell, Mr., hie speech on Uie reform
bill,[66J; bix Intended procenlon of
the timteR at Dublin, prev^ntDd by
proclamation, [:!04] ; liia lubaequen'c
. (Iralai^FmB to elude otlier praclamn-
tionsnt(ainstunlawCiilineetinKs.[3Dj;];
nd vises a riiu upon the banks for gold,
. [30U) ; one of his meetings dlsperf^trd
by the mugiitratee, [310]; he does
not fulfil his threat of having recourse
to an action. [:ill|; he and sevaral of
his leadiiigpartizans apprehended, and
obliged to hnd securities, {3l2) ', in-
[lictnients against them lalQ befiiM the
grand jury, {313] ; true bills found,
[3151 1 O'Conuell puta in a demurrer,
ib ; which he nlthdraws, and iberphy
. pleads guilty, [310]; the a&ir dis-
cussed ill llie House of Commons,
[;I17] ; he convicts himself of having
attempted a compromise with govern-
menl, [SIB]
0'Coane[l, baron, death, 354
Omnge, princess of, soma of her stolen
jewels recovered, 157
0»baldeston, Mr., his match at Neir-
inatkel, I7!l
Ustrolenka, batlle of. [4321
Palmi
, Lord, li
eReforinbill, [411
, i;hi)1i d
nnlversary nf the drstnii
speech in favnur
rnris, tumult a
1
INDEX.
parliament, meeting of, [5] ; the Reform
bill introduced by Lord J. Russell,
[6] ; its outline [71 ; Sir R. H. inglis'
speech on it, [15] ; Mr. II. Twiss,
[18] ; Lord Althorp's defence of the
bill, [20] ; Mr. Hume's [21] : Mr.
Baring VVard's opposition to the
measure, [22] ; Mr. Macaulay de-
fends the plans of ministers, [24];
Sir C. VVetliereil's speech on the bill,
[27] ; inveighs against it as a confis-
cation of charters, [29] ; the attor-
ney-general supports it, [31] ; de-
bate continued, Mr. fiankes opposes
the bill, [34]; Mr. Hobhouse sup-
ports it, [35] ; Mr. Baring objects
to the proposed Reform, [38] ; Lord
Palmerston defends the bill, and im-
putes its present necessity to former
opposition to more moderate reform,
[41] ; Sir R. Peel's speech, [43] ; he
points out the practical consequences
of the bill, [46] ; and the advantaj^es
of the close borough system, [47] ;
Mr. Duncombe deprecates the extent
of Reform proposed by ministers,
[50] ; Mr. Stanley's speech in favour
of reform, [51]; Mr. Jeffery's ditto,
[54] ; Mr. Croker's reply, [59] ; he
asserts that the petitions demand
more than nominal reform, [60] ;
censures the proposed plan of repre-
sentation as very unfair, [61]; Mr.
J. T. Hope questions whether any
practical benefit would arise from con-
ceding it, [63] ; share taken in the
debate by other members on both
sides, [64] ; Mr. North points out the
mischievous consequences of the bill
as regards Ireland, [65] ; Mr. R. Grant
joins ministers in support of the bill,
ib, ; Mr. O'Connell's speech, [66] ;
Mr. Attwood's, [70] ; he defends the
present borough system, ib»; shows
the futility of the proposed constitu-
tion, [71] ; adverts to that of France,
[72] ; Sir James Graham's speech in
support of the bill, [73] ; he replies
to Mr. Croker's insinuations regard-
ing the plan of disfranchisement, ib. ;
the bill brought in, and read, [75] ;
effects of the parliamentary discus-
sions, without doors, [77] ; manifesta-
tions of a determination to have the
bill, [80] ; declaration against it by the
merchaats of London, [81] ; motion
for the second reading, [83] ; Sir R.
Vyv}'an's speech against it, ib. ; he
contends that the abolition of tithes
will be demanded, [85] ; points out
the similar position between a popu>
lar parliament and that of France in
1789, [86]; Mr. SheU iiiYeiglii.
against the present traffic io borouglut
[87]; ridicules the idea of the biU
being dangerous to the king and aci*-
tocracy, [88] ; Mr. C. Grant contends
that even the anti-reformers seem to
admit some measure of reform to be
necessary, [89]; the aolidtor-gene^
ral's speech in support of the bill«
[90]; sir E. Sugden'a against it,
[91]; he charges Mr. Shell with in-
consistency in saying that it wonld
add to the powers of the aristocrae^,
[92]; Mr. Pendanris supports the
bill, ib, ; Mr. Ward opposes it, [98] ;
he asserts that the burdens of the
people have been materially ^mi-
nished, [94] ; the motion for the ee-
cond reading carried by a m^oritjf of
one, ib, ; ministers foresee their defeat»
[95] ; the bill for Ireland brought in
by Mr. Stanley [96] ; its outline, ih. ;
Mr. O'Connell expresses his satisfac-
tion at it, [98] ; injustice of giving
additional members to Ireland and
Scotland, while those of EngUmd
were to be diminished, ids : the in-
crease of power given by the bill to
the Catholics of Ireland, [99] : altera-
tions made by ministers in the re-
form bill, ib, ; they incline not to op-
pose continuing the present number
of English members, [101] ; altera-
tions in the bill subsequent to the
second reading, [103] ; general Gas-
coyness motion for the existing num-
ber of English members being pre-
served, [104] ; seconded by Mr. Sad-
ler, [105] ; supported by sir R. WIN
son, [106]; Mr. Stanley violently op-
poses it, ib. ; the amendment carried
against ministers, [108] ; effect of the
division, [109]; Lord Whamclifle
gives notice in the peers, of a motion
for an address to the king not to dis-
solve parliament, [110] ; a raotiDn'
of adjournment, pending the Ord-
nance estimates carried against mi-
nisters, ib.; ministers determine on
a dissolution, ib. tumultuoos scene
in the Commons, [111]; another in
the house of Peers, [113] ; lord Mans-
field's addresses the House, »6. ; the
King's speech on proroguing parlia-
ment, preparatory to its dincuutioo,
[114] ; illuminations at the dissolu-
tion, [115]; question of priTilege,
occasioned by a libel in The Timea
(see Times), [116]; the lord Chan-
cellor disputes the right of the House
to inflict imprisonmentand finA, [119];
the budget, [125] (see Ttnees) ; sun-
fN]>&
muf of the revenue for the year,
(129] ; violent opposition made to
the proposed fitmndal plan, i5. ; ob-
jections to varioiM of its details,
[130] ; especially to the proposed tadc
on tranisfcrs in the fbnds, C"^*^^]^
which is earnestly deprecated oy sir
R. Peel, ih. ; also by Mf. J. Smith,
[132] : its ii^urious operation pointed
out, (133] ; the measure defended by
Mr. C. Grant, &C. ib, ; no analogy be-
tween this tax and that on the trans-
fer of landed property, [134]^ the
measure abandoned by ministers,
[I3d]; alteration in the duties oo
timber, ib.; that on Canada timbef
to be increased, and that on Baltic
timber to be decreased, [IdQ] : it^u-
rious e£^ts of this on ottr colonies,
[137] ; minister left in a minority,
on the division, [)40] ; new arrange-
ments relative to the civil list, [XAl'};
Mr. Hume proposes tliat the allow-
ances to the royal dukes be dimi-
nished, [145] $ increase in theatmy,
ib* ; opposed by Mr. Hunt, whomov^s
for a division, [147] ; opening of the
new parliament, [1^4] ; the Idoff's
speech, [155] ; address moved in tne
Lords by the duke of Norfolk, with-
out an amendment, [156] ; Iti the
Commons by the hon^ C, Pelham,
[160]; Lord J. Russell moves the
Reform bill, [1611; alteration re*
garding the lOH mmchlse, [i^;
debate on the second reading, n69j ;
the case of Appleby, [106] ; oiseus-
sion on the general principles of t!he
bill, [168]; sirR. Peel opposes the dls-
fraocbisejnent contemplated by sche-
dule A, [172] ; Mr. M^KinnonmovefS
for a committee toconsiderthe popula-
tion of the boroughs in both schedules,
[176;] the returns of 1821 adhered to,
[ 1 77] ; discussion on the borough ol Ap-
pleby, [17^]; which Is dhrfhmchIsM,
[183]; the borough of DoWttlHi,t5.;
Mr. Croker contends that it ought to.
be preserved, [164] J mfnlstett dmrg*
ed by the opposition with a departure
from their own pHncfples, [185]; Its
disfranchisement carried, [166] ; dfs-
cussion relative to St. (3etinaln*B, fS. ;
Saltash, [189] ; Impatience expressed
by the press t>n the delay octastoned
by these discu8siott», [190] ; prtnuMial
of ministers that all other business
should give way to tlie refotin bi^,
[191]; resisted bv sir R. Peel, [1991;
discussions relative to borooghi in
schedule B, [194] ; sir R. Frt*% mo-
tions for their haviMg two mMbera
Vol. LXXIII.
iottead of 9ae» ik ; prepondtiwey of
' reprtaealatloii gittn to tlia noiilMni
' and mabuiMturmg pM*t of IIm ktec-
dom, ik^ : the aotioo jr^jected^ [197] ;
case of Chippeahamf Dorehester, Hec,
tl. .* discussions rtlatlya to places
hitnerto unrepreaented. on wbkm il is
proposed to confier the fraBcbise*—
Greenwidi, [198]: Stoke-upoo-Ut-
tletcto. [203]; lord Milton's modon
that the new boroughs la sdiedule D
should have two members, i^ ; Mr.
Croker nr^ tho Inconslstettcy of
giving a member to Gateshead, [905] ;
colonel Wood's amendment for giving
a member to Merthyr Tydvll tfqected,
[208]; elAttse for dividing cooatles
Into difttrieis; [209]; supportM by
sir R. Peel and others of the oppoii*
tion, [211] ; opposed by sir C. We-
therellj 16. : the datise earrlftd. [312] ;
dauae for freeholders Itf dties vo^g
for counties, nidi ; which is carried,
[214] ; tnarquis of Chandos's amend-
meat that tenMts«a|-wiU of forms^ at
50/, rents, have voCN, 15.; which Is
' earned, [215] ; Mr. Hunt's amend-
ment on the lOf. fhoidte, whld^ fis
equivalent to universal siiflh^,tftl6] ;
' colonel Davies's anumdiMttt to piw-
' vent town free hddersvotlnf for ooon-
ties, [217] ; Mr. JT .Campbell that the
10/. rent be jnaid not oftfloir than
quarterly, [219] ; diseusdoiis relative
to existing rights of fhinehlset [921] ;
sir ft. ^ed depracates fha forfolhure of
eorporata rights, [222t; t^osM it-
lative to the registration of elMton*
A». [323] ; obseffadofns sm iha la-
bours (^ the commlttet, ^ (225) ;
debate on the anrtlaa fbr psadng the
bill, [226]; Mr. Maesnisy vMitates
Its snpi^otters from oatsdvfnff we
people, [2281; points oattlistSimr
to the peers of opposing refeftti« [290} ;
Mr. Croker's reply, ih. ; Mr. 9«ui-
lej^ answer to IM fimfen [295}) tba
sMldtof'ijreneral for treUM coaltnds
the crown has the pssrarto wliiilield
writs from decayed vntungfas, ^henld
the bHl be tf^cfeed, [2993 1 Mr.lt.
Gtm^fs atgiiments for the nncsaiily
for reform, [299] ; lord Althorp jaa|j[-
nes the proposed reform as esoswi-
ent wlUi tlie prindnlas of th^ OMiBtS-
t»ISon» {243] ; sir It. fted dajMnKatsa
the eontsmnlaied change, \Mf\ ; tim
lltl passed, [991J; tarried t6 Hie
Lords, [248] ; debate on the «MMid
rending of 4he Kill, QM]) Sari
Gfey^8peedi,<ft.; }ordwhanMllfo%
[999} ; dcbato lesuowd) I299]| lofd
2 H
INDEX.
Winchilsca's speech against the bill|
ib.; duke of Wellington's, [263J ;
lord EIdon's.[26dJ ; lord Brougham^
[269]; lord Lyndliurst's, [2711; ma-
jority against the bill, ["37^] ; lord
£brington's motion to prevent minis-
ters from resigning, [277] ; affair of
lord Howe's resignation, [280] ; tu-
mults on the loss of the bill, ib. ; con-
versation in the House, relative to
ministers corresponding with the Bir-
mingham union, [283J ; sir C. We-
therell's motion for an address for a
special commission for trial of rioters,
[289] ; revenue of the year, ib* ; king's
speech on proroguing parliament [290]
Parma, insurrection at, [453] — - see
Italy,
Patents, nevir, 446
Peel, sir K., his speeches against the
reform bill, [43J ; [172]; he moves
tbat the boroughs In schedule B have
two members each, [194] ; supports
the clause for dividing counties into
districts, [211] ; deprecates the inva-
sion of corporate rights, [222] ; de-
fends the present system of represent-
ation, [249]
Peerage, hereditary, abolition of, in
France, [361]; qualifications for an
elective peerage, [363]
Pensions, proposed alterations in, and
gradual reduction of, [141]
Perth, inundation at, 31
Peru, disturbances at Lima, and plot
against La Fuente, the vice-president,
[466]
Peterborough cathedral, opening of the
new choir at. 111
Philadelphian lady, day of, 435
Pitt, right hon. William, statue of,
erected in Hanover-square, 137
Poachers, desperate affray with, at sir
F. L. Woods, 194
Poetry, 463
Poland, Chlopicki continued dictator,
[423] ; he attempts to negociate,
[424] ; resigns, and a committee of
government formed, ib. ; the Rus-
sians approach Warsaw, [427]; battles
in its neighbourhood, i^. ; defeats of
the Poles in Volhynia and Podolia,
[430] ; battle of Ostrolenka, [432] ;
Warsaw besieged by Paskewitsch,
[435] ; and surrenders, [436] ; mani-
festo of the Polish estates, 407 ; cir-
cular of the government to foreign
cabinets, 414
Police : Bow Street : application against
the Chev. D'Abreu-e-Lima, the am-
bassador of Donna Maria, for open-
ing dispatchesj 4^; robbery of Jady
Nelson's jewels, 73; eztraordinmry
charge of felony against Mr. GreeOy
184
Police, several killed by the mob, mt
Carickshock, Ireland, 190
Political unions, their nature and ob-
jects, [5] ; menacing lanf^uage held
at, [80] ; meeting of the Birminghun
union, [281] ; their vote of thank* to
lord Aithorp and lord J. RuMell,
[283] ; the London Political Union,
[296] ; its regulations, 170 ; procla-
mation against political unions, 186;
meeting against, at Edinburgh, 187
Ponsonby, lord, his letter to the Belgic
minister, promising the ceaaion of
Luxemburg, 381
Portugal : arbitrary proceedinga against
British residents, [442] ; oomjilaints
of the English government, [443] ;
its demands complied with, on a squad-
ron being sent to the Tagus, [4141 ;
similar complaints made by the FrencOy
ib, ; a French fleet sent to Lisbon,
[445] ; which carries away the Por-
tuguese fleer, [447] ; conspiracies and
plots, ib. ; Don Pedro prepares for
a descent on Portugal, [440] : revolt
of part of the garrison at Lisbon, tft. ;
Island of St. Michael taken by the
regency at Tercet ra, [450] ; alarm of
the Portuguese government, t6.
Portuguese ambassador* applieatkm
against, for opening dispatches left at
his residence by mistake, 45
Post office, Cambridge, attempt to blow
up the letter-box, 190
Prayer, form of, against the cholera,
181
Preacher, a Methodist, tried for sheep
stealing, 103
Proclamation relative to the late dis-
turbances, 178; against Pditioal
Unions, [2971, '^^^
Public documents : domestic, 336 ;
foreign, 361
Quick, comedian, death, 233
Railways; Indictment against the Stock-
ton and Darlington railway company
for a nuisance, 62 ; receipts of tlie
Liverpool and Manchester nilway,
169 ; accident on ditto, 181
Reece, Dr. R., death, 352
Reform, parliamentary, popular feelings
and petitions in favour of, [2] ; piH
. litlcal imions, [5] ; the reform nil
introduced by Lord J. Russell, [6] ;
its plan, [7] ; list of boroughs to oe
disfranchised, [8] ; of others to send
only one member, [9] } piopo«o4 |lfif
I, [10] ; alteration of fran-
i.', additioDsl membets to
i, [11) ; alterations in the k-
Uion of Wales, t'^l i ^'■t'o
d and Ii«laiid, [13J ; iiiciMie
coDBtltuencir, il. ; Sir R. H,
I tpMch Hgaintt the bill, [IS] ;
1. TwisE's dilto, [18) ; Mr. U.
■, ditto, m]i Sir C. Wether-
dttto, [271 ; Lord Altbon)'!) in
ce of it, [30] ; Mr. Hiinie>s,
, [21] J Mr. MacauUy's, dilto.
Sir C. Wetherelt'B, [S7] ; the
iinejr-geneml's, ditto, [31] ; Mr.
iley'ain support of the bill, [51] ;
Jeffrey's, dilto, [64] ; llie iinfair-
s of the new plnn of frimrhiae
iwn by Mr. Croker, [«! ] ; Mr.
Joiiiipira speech, [66] ; effects of
t reform bill on the public mind,
7]; ranductuflhe reformers, [79];
id of the political unioriB and reform
lectings, [SO] ; caiiee of the accession
f the more moderate to the reform-
isls,ij.; declaraliauof the merchanta
if Landoii against the reform bill,
[81] ; violent language of the public
press, to keep up the popular exdte-
ntbe
new parliament, [161] '.
CommonB, [2B1]; introduced in the
Lords, |252] ; threats of reformers
igainsc the Lords, |2£3] ; debale on
the second rending of the bill [354] ;
vhich is thronrn out by a majority of
'orty-one, [37S] ', aliatract of the Bill,
-S3S
gistration of electors, accord in(r to
Lhe reform bill, [2231
Lode Island, riot at Providence, 158
Its : disturbances on the losi of the
reform bill, [280] ; outr^:eB at Neir-
lownbarry, and many of the police
killed, (^6J; among the roinen, at
Helaton, 38 ; ditto, at Fowey Consols
iiid Ijinescot mines, 39 ; at New-
quay, to prevent shipment of com,
17 ; .It Merthyr Tydvil !n Wales, 78 ;
nqueston Hughes, one of the rioters,
^4 ; at Dean Forest, 82 ; in Rhode
Island, 159; in consequence of the
rejection of the reform bill, at Derby,
Nottingham, Sec, [2tll], 161 ; appre-
lension of disturbances in the metro-
polis, 162 ; attack on the marquis of
Londonderry, 163; ditto, on lord
rankerville, at Darlington, ii. ; at
Blandford, 164; at Frankfort, 168;
Ireadful disturbances and outisges at
Sristol, with dcBlruclion of the mao-
lion bouse, bishop's palace, &c., 172 ;
■ ''iventTT and Worceater. 177 i ii*-
■ - 1(14
Rivci'b, lord, inquest on, 21
ftohberii^s : Michael Dudley, a miser,
r<,ljbed,70: Mr. RowtaDds.ajeweller,
mhbed of goods by a sirindler, 71 i
robbery of Inlly Nelson's jcwflli) 7-f
Roscoe, W., death, 246
Rothsay Castle, eteam-packet, lost off
BeaQDiaris, with nearly all the pas-
sengers and crew, 129
Russia : its canteat vitb Poland — fee
Poland. General Paakewitsch lays
siege to Warsaw, [433], (43S] ; whWM
capitulates, and the Russians enter
the city, [436] ; oppressive conduct
of Russia towards Poland, as set forth
in the Polish manifesto, 410
Russian tarilT, 187 ; military colonies,
433
Russell, lord .T., introduces the reform
bill ia the Commons, |6] ; bis letter
to the Birmingham political union,
1^83]; Sir H. Hardingc'a aniinad-
. Germain's, borough of, Mr. Rosa's
motion for its retaining its franchise,
[186]
Salisbury, special commission, trials at,
1,5, a
Saltash, borougii of, removed from aclie-
dule A, [190]
Salvage, action relative to, brought by
the Blakency pilots, 19
Saving banks, Sec, stktc of, in Englaud,
Scutch church, Regent Square, eitmor-
dinary pretensions to inspi ration ma-
nifested at, 187
Scotland, proposed change in its repre-
scntalio»,[l3]
SL'utt. sir Walter, sale of MS.S. of his
novels, 138; be embarks at Porta-
niDutli for Italy, 168
Scl)astiani, general, due! with genetal
f.amarque, 138
SeditioD, trial of Carlile for, IB
Seyer, Rev. S., death, 254
tshict, Mr., his speech in liiTOur of the
teroimbill.[87]
(:iliipwrecks ; the " Ciar " smack, off
North Berwick, 24 ; loss of the
■' Rothsny Castle," steam - packet,
with nearly all the nasaengcra and
crew, 129
;^iddans, Mrs., death, 243
Slaves, rising of, in South WashingloD,
140
i, affray with.
r Hastings.
SaQw-9b>[m, violent one \n Scotluid,
INDEX.
the guard and driver of the London
mail irozeii to death, 23
Soap inanufaittory, illicit seizure ol', 78
Soiniiainbulisni, ca.sc of, 7t>
Spain : insurrection at Cadiz, [440] ;
Hrre8t8 and executions at Afadrid,
1 441 J ; Torrijos's unstuccessful at-
tempt at Malaga, and execution,
[4421
Spring hymn, 454
StampK, sale of, after effacing ivriting
on, 86
Stanley, Mr., his speech in support of
the reform bill, (51]; brings in the
bill for altering the representation of
Ireland, [96]; violently opposes ge-
neral Gascoyne's motion, [106] ; do
fends the reform bill against Mr.
Croker, [2'{5] ; disavows govern-
ment's having attempted to com-
promise with O'Conneil, [317]
Sugden, Sir E., his speech against the
reform bill, [91]
Suicide, prevented, 72 ; attempt at, by
a gentleman at a cigar divan, 83
Suicides : M. Lynch, murders his tivo
children, and destroys himself, 33 ;
Moseley, after attempting to murder a
young woman, 93 ; two cases of
suicide in Maidstone gaol, 95 ; J. Cal*
craft, M. P. 155
Switzerland : insurrections in the can-
ton of Basle, [420] ; a federal army
takes possession of the canton, [4211;
insuri-ections in Schw^-z, ib. ; in
Neufchatel, [422] ; and Berne, [423] ;
proceedings of the diet, ib.
Tables : Public income, 262
Public expenditure, 264
Disposition of grants, 265
Ways and means, 272
Public unfunded debt, 273
Public funded debt, 274
Trade of the united kingdom,
276
Navigation and vessels, 277
Stocks, 291
Prices of corn, hay, and but-
cher's meat, 292
Bills of mortality, 293
Bankrupts, ib»
Weather, ib.
Number of houses in England
and Wales, rated to the
house-tax, 294
Ditto, in the metropolis, 295
Number of persons committed^
convicted, &c., ib.
State of Savings' Banks, 296
l^ankerville, lord, attack upon, by the
mob, at Darlington, 163
Tarifif new Russian, 187
Taxes, proposed redueiion of, .vis* -011
tobacco, newspapers, ooal, candles,
cottons, glass, auctions of landed pro-
perty, [126] ; Utose on wines to be
equalized, [127] ; those on Umber
modified, [128] ; new tax on pas-
sengers by steam-boats, ih, ; on tians-
fcrs in tiie funds, ib. (See i^urndt*)
Taylor, rev. R., trial of, for blaspheuiVt
93
Tenants at will, renting land at 50/. per
annum, admitted to vote for counties,
[214]
Tenterden, lord, attack on, 179
Theatres : their majesties' visit to Covent
Garden, 45 ; receipts at that theatre
from 1809 to 1821, 159
Thompson, alderman, one of the mtm-
bers for London, obliged to apolofiie
to his constituents for claiming lor die
borough of Appleby the right of show-
ing wherefore it should not bo dis-
franchised, [167]
Thomson, rev. Dr. A., death, 836
Thorndon Hall, damage by a hurricane,
163
Thornton, sir £.^ and lady, complaint
agunst, by their son, for cruel treat-
ment, 159
Threatening letters, trial of Isaac Looker,
and afterwaixis of his son, for send-
ing, 9
Thunderstorm, Kilmichael church da-
maged, 39 ; storm at Oxford, &c^ 103
Timber, proposed alterations in llie
duties on, [127], [135]
Times, The, paragraph ib, reflecting on
the earl of Limerick, voted a breadi
of privilege, [116]; Mr. Lawson, the
printer, brought to the bar of the
House of Lords, [117] ; he apolofriiei
in a petition, [118] ; the power of in-
flicting fine discussed, (119] ; Mr.
Lawson brought up to be reprimanded
by the lord chancellor, [189]
Tobacco, duty on, proposed to be re-
duced, [125]; afterwardfev Gontinned,
[135]
Torrijos, failure of his Insurreetiottary
plot at Malaga, 1442]; be and his
associates executed, t^., and 860
Trials : Jas. Blandford and flftecm others,
machine-breaking, 1 ; James Warner,
setting fire to a mill, 3 ; W. Bariiett
and eleven others, machine-breaking,
5 ; Isaac T^iooker, threatening lettBts,
9 ; David Little, burglary, J4 ; R.
Carlile, sedition, 18 ; Mr. St. John
Long, 34 ; T. Clarke, murder. 40 ;
S. Marden, stealing a tippet, i^. S J«
Sanson, arson, 44 ; J. Graenwood,
burglary, 48 ; M. RelUj and C. Ooart-
ney, conspiracy, ib. ; aL Liuidy« mvr*
der, 51 ; C. Giles, murder of his awn
infiuit, 5Z ; M. Feniel]r, murder of liia
infant atep-eon, 54; T.and J. Pulve;,
murder, 55 ; A. and W. Worrall, and
K. Chaddetton, murder, 56 ; Eattier
l>ysoii, dtaf and duoib, murder of liei-
infant, 59 ; T. Searle, Mtcmpliiig lo
l<>ll his tlau^htcr in a lit of religious
insanity, 6,1 ; Ellis, housebreaking
(case of erroneous verdict]. 65; rev.
— M'Caig.Blealing boots, 79; Patrick
Connors and J. Cullinane, murder of
Mr. Blood, 90 i rev. R, Taylor, blas-
phemy, 93 ; D.nod P.Simpson, shecp-
etealing, 103 ; tV. Smith, G. BB<:tRr,
and W. Mark ham, burglary, 1(14 1 T.
Keilly, naststing in cutting; out two
men's tonguef, 105 j J. Nobbs, at-
tempting lopoibon his infant son, 106;
W, Offord, murder of T.Chienall, 107;
J. A. Bell, aged 14, murder of aimtlier
lioy, 1 12; I ieuL Buchanan. 133 j Mary
Ann Higgius. poisoning lier uncle,
124 ; capt. GambleH, wrei^klng his
vessel, 156; T. tVakemaa and ivife,
and J. Lill, esteosive robbery of
pnper, ib. ; S. M'Liucblaii, &c,, riot-
ing at Uuder, IS4; J. W. Holloway
and Ann Kennetl, murder of Hollo-
way's wife, 191 ; Jos. Bamet, &c., riot
at Dundee, 307 i A. Graham, &c., tint
at Haddington, 310 ; R. Forrester,
riot at Edinburgh, 311; S. ;7angli,
murder of A. Ross, at Girvan, 313 ;
Bishop, Williams, and May, innrder
for the purpose of Belling the budiee,
316
Union, the Irish, endeavours of the
ngitaiora to obtain its repeal. [303]
Union, the London Political, [20b'], 170;
proclamation against 'Pol i tl cal L'li I on s ,'
[297]
United Slates: uopoputarity of the la.
riff; [4611]; the president's message to
congress 417; colonial trade, 419;
foreign relation", France, 421 ; Spain,
422; two Sicilies, 433; indemnity
promised hy Portugal, for capture of
vessels at Terceim, ih. ; Austria, &c.,
424 ; Mexico, &C., 424 { removal of
Indians beyond the limits of the Stales,
427 1 revenue, &g., 438 ; peculiar
situation of Colombia, 430
Universities, examinations, &e. at, 297
University, new one nC Durham, pro-
spectus of, 194
Vyvyan, sir R., his speech against the
reform bill, [H3] : inveighs against
tbe'eagerneBS on the part of ministers
for a dissolulion, [HU] ; strongly ani-
madverts on lord J. HusbaU's corre-
spaudencc irith the Birmingham poli-
tical union. [2S.^1
Wales : riot of the workmen at Merthyr
Tydvil, 78
WaJsingham, lord and lady, lite former
burnt 10 death, the death of the other
occasioned by her leaping from a
ivindow, 67
IVard, Mr. Baring, profesBES himself, as
a moderate reformer, opposed to the
reform bill. (221, (23J
Warsaw, the Russians approach tlie city,
[438] ; disBensions and insurrections
init, [434]; the fortifications stormed.
[435] ; surrender of the citv [436]
Wellealey, Mr., committed for contempt
of court, by the lord chnncellnr,
[303] ; complains of it as a bicach of
privilege, ib.
Wellington, duke of, his speech in the
debate on the reform bill, [2<i3]
Westminster Review, its vehement lone,
as the organ of one cl^s of reformers,
[22]
Wetherell, sir C„ his speech on the re-
form hill, [371; "" ^^ question of
franeliise being bestowed on Green-
wich [301] ; his remarks on ministers
corresponding with tlie Birmingham
union, [287]; riot on his arrival at
Bristol, 172
Wharoclifle, lord, gives notice of a motion
for an address to the king, not to dis-
solve parliament, [110]; his defence
of nomination buronghi, [258] ; with-
draws his amendment for throwing
out the bill, [261]
WinchilscH, lord, his speech against the
reform bill, [2S2]
Wild man, supposed one, 139
Worcester, riot at, and attack on the
bishop's palace, 177
Wraxsll, sir Nath. W., death. 3flH
Yorke, sir Jas., captain Bradby, and
capt. Yonge, drowned, 72
'Youth,' stanzas bj HowitI, 45S
d,Filiil«, Paimomrraw.