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1 

! 

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m 

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k 

I 


ANNUAL  REPORT 


OF  THE 


American  Historical  Association 


FOR 


THE   YEAR    1907 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 

Vol.  I 


WASHINGTON 
GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 

1908 


LETTER  OF  SUBMITTAL. 


Smithsonian  Institution, 
Washingtan^  D.  (7.,  September  10^  1908. 

To  the  Congress  of  the  United  States: 

In  accordance  with  the  act  of  incorporation  of  the  American  His- 
rorical  Association,  approved  January  4,  1889,  I  have  the  honor  to 
mbmit  to  Congress  the  annual  report  of  the  association  for  the  year 
L907.     I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

Charles  D.  Waixx)tt, 

Secretary, 


198712 


ACT  OF  nrCORPOEATIOK 


Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
\   United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled^  That  Andrew  D. 
White,  of  Ithaca,  in  the  State  of  New  York;  George  Bancroft,  of 
Washington,  in  the  District  of  Columbia;  Justin  Winsor,  of  Cam- 
bridge, in  the  State  of  Massachusetts ;  William  F.  Poole,  of  Chicago, 
in  the  State  of  Illinois ;  Herbert  B.  Adams,  of  Baltimore,  in  the  State 
of  Maryland ;  Clarence  W.  Bowen,  of  Brooklyn,  in  the  State  of  New 
York ;  their  associates  and  successors,  are  hereby  created,  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  a  body  corporate  and  politic  by  the  name  of  the 
American  Historical  Association   for  the  promotion  of  historical 
studies,  the  collection  and  preservation  of  historical  manuscripts,  and 
for  kindred  purposes  in  the  interest  of  American  history  and  of 
history  in  America.    Said  association  is  authorized  to  hold  real  and 
personal  estate  in  the  District  of  Columbia  so  far  only  as  may  be 
necessary  to  its  lawful  ends  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  five  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  to  adopt  a  constitution,  and  make  by-laws  not 
inconsistent  with  law.    Said  association  shall  have  its  principal  office 
at  Washington,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  may  hold  its  annual 
meetings  in  such  places  as  the  said  incorporators  shall  determine. 
Said  association  shall  report  annually  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution  concerning  its  proceedings  and  the  condition  of 
Wstorical  study  in  America.     Said  secretary  shall  communicate  to 
CiMigress  the  whole  of  such  reports,  or  such  portions  thereof  as  he 
shall  see  fit.    The  Regents  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution  are  author- 
ized to  permit  said  association  to  deposit  its  collections,  manuscripts, 
hooks,  pamphlets,  and  other  material  for  history  in  the  Smithsonian 
Institution  or  in  the  National  Museum  at  their  discretion,  upon  such 
conditions  and  under  such  rules  as  they  shall  prescribe. 
[Approved,  January  4, 1889.] 

5 


LETTER  OF  TRANSMITTAL. 


American  Historical  Association, 
Office  of  the  Corresponding  Secretary, 

Cambridge^  Mdss.^  September  3^  1908. 
Sir  :  In  accordance  with  the  act  of  incorporation  of  the  American 
Historical  Association,  approved  January  4, 1889, 1  have  the  honor  to 
transmit  herewith  the  annual  report  of  the  association  for  the  year 
19Q7.  The  manuscript  includes  a  report  by  the  public  archives  com- 
mission and  one  by  the  historical  manuscripts  commission,  the  latter 
consisting  of  a  volume  of  the  Diplomatic  Archives  of  the  Republic  of 
Texas. 

Very  respectfully,  Charles  H.  Haskins, 

Corresponding  Secretwry. 
Mr.  Charles  D.  Walcott, 

Secretary  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution^ 

Washingtonj  D.  O. 


CONSTITUTIO  K 


I. 

The  name  of  this  society  shall  be  The  American  Historical  Asso- 
ciation. 

n. 

Its  object  shall  be  the  promotion  of  historical  studies. 

III. 

Any  person  approved  by  the  executive  council  may  become  a  mem- 
ber by  paying  $3 ;  and  after  the  first  year  may  continue  a  member 
by  paying  an  annual  fee  of  $3.  On  payment  of  $50,  any  person  may 
become  a  life  member,  exempt  from  fees.  Persons  not  resident  in 
the  United  States  may  be  elected  as  honorary  or  corresponding  mem- 
bers, and  be  exempt  from  the  payment  of  fees. 

IV. 

The  officers  shall  be  a  president,  two  vice-presidents,  a  secretary,  a 
corresponding  secretary,  a  curator,  a  treasurer,  and  an  executive  coun- 
cil consisting  of  the  foregoing  officers  and  six  other  members  elected 
by  the  association,  with  the  ex-presidents  of  the  association.  These 
officers  shall  be  elected  by  ballot  at  each  regular  annual  meeting  of  the 
association. 

V. 

The  executive  council  shall  have  charge  of  the  general  interests  of 
the  association,  including  the  election  of  members,  the  calling  of 
meetings,  the  selection  of  papers  to  be  read,  and  the  determination  of 
what  papers  shall  be  published. 

VI. 

This  constitution  may  be  amended  at  any  annual  meeting,  notice 
of  such  amendment  having  been  given  at  the  previous  annual  meeting, 
or  the  proposed  amendment  having  received  the  approval  of  the 
executive  counciL 

9 


AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Organized  at  Saratoga,  N.  Y.,  September  10.  1884.     Incorporated  by  Congress  January  4, 


OFFICERS  ELECTED  DECEMBER,  1907. 


PRESIDENT  : 

GEORGE  BURTON  ADAMS,  Pn.  D.,  Litt.  D., 
Profe88or,  Yale  University. 

VICE-PRESIDENTS  I 

ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D.. 
Professor,  Harvard  University. 

FREDERICK  JACKSON  TURNER,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D., 
Professor,  University  of  Wisconsin. 

SECRETARY  AND  CUBATOR  : 

A.  HOWARD  CI^VRK,  A.  M., 
Smithsonian  Institution.  Washington,  D.  C. 

CORRESPONDING    SECRETARY  : 

CHARLES  H.  HASKLNS,  Ph.  D.. 
Professor,  Harvard  University. 

TREASURER  : 

CLARENCE  WINTHROP  HOWEN,  Ph.  D., 
130  Fulton  street,  New  York. 

EXECUTIVE   COUNCIL: 

In  addition  to  the  above-named  officers. 

(Ex-Presidents.) 

ANDREW  DICKSON  W^HITE,  L.  H.  D.,  LL.  D., 

Ithaea,  N.  Y. 

JAMES  SCHOULER,  LL.  D., 
Boston,  Mass. 

JAMES  BURRILL  ANGELL,  LL.  D., 
President  University  of  Michigan. 

GEORGE  PARK  FISHER,  D.  D.,  LL.  D., 
Professor,  Yale  University. 

HENRY  ADAMS,  LL.  D., 
Washington,  D.  C. 

JAMES  FORD  RHODES,  LL.  D., 
Boston,  Mass, 


U 


12  AMEBIOAN  HISTOBIOAL  ASSOCIATION. 

GHABLES  FRANOIS  ADAMS,  LL.  D., 
Boston,  Mass, 

ALFRED  THAYER  MAHAN,  D.  C.  L.,  LL.  D., 

Quogue,  N.  Y, 

HENRY  CHARLES  LEA,  LL.  D., 
Philadelphia,  Pa. 

GOLDWIN  SMITH,  D.  C.  L.,  LL.  D., 
Toronto,  Canada, 

JOHN  BACH  McMASTER,  A.  M.,  Ph.  D.,  Litt.  D.,  LL.  D., 
Professor,  University  of  Pennsylvania, 

SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN,  LL.  D., 
Professor,  Yale  University,  Associate  Judge  of  Supreme  Court  of  Errors  of 

Connecticut. 

JOHN  FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D., 
Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington, 

(Elected  Councillors.) 

CHARLES  McLean  ANDREWS.  Ph.  D., 
Professor,  Johns  Hopkins  University, 

JAMES  HARVEY  ROBINSON,  Ph.  D., 
Professor,  Columbia  University, 

WORTHINGTON  CHAUNCEY  FORD,  A.  M., 
Chief  of  Division  of  Manuscripts,  Library  of  Congress, 

WILLIAM  MacDONALD,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D., 
Professor,  Brown  University, 

MAX  FARRAND,  Ph.  D., 
Professor,  Leland  Stanford  Junior  University  {now  Yale  University), 

FRANK  HEYWOOD  HODDER,  Ph.  M., 
Professor,  University  of  Kansas, 


TERMS  OF  OFHCE 

Deceased  ofBcera  are  marked  thus  t< 


EX-PBESIDENTS. 


ANDREW  DICKSON  WHITE,  L.  H.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1884-1886. 
tGBORGE  BANCROFT,  LL.  D.,  1885-1886. 
tJUSTIN  WINSOR,  LL.  D.,  1886-1887. 
tWILLIAM  FREDERICK  POOLE,  LL.  D.,  1887-1888. 
tCHARLES  KENDALL  ADAMS,  LL.  D.,  1888-1889. 
tJOHN  JAY,  LL.  D.,  1889-1890. 
tWILLIAM  WIRT  HENRY,  LL.  D.,  1890-1891. 

JAMES  BURRILL  ANGELL,  LL.  D.,  1891-1893. 

HENRY  ADAMS,  LL.  D.,  1893-1894. 
tGEORGE  FRISBIE  HOAR,  LL.  D.,  1894-1895. 
tRICHARD  SALTER  STORRS,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1895-1896. 

JAMES  SCHOULER,  LL.  D.,  1896-1897. 

GEORGE  PARK  FISHER,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1897-1898. 

JAMES  FORD  RHODES,  LL.  D.,  1898-1899. 
tEDWARD  EGGLESTON,  L.  H.  D.,   1899-1900. 

CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS,  LL.  D.,  1900-1901. 

ALFRED  THAYER  MAHAN,  D.  C.  L.,  LL.  D..  1901-1902. 

HENRY  CHARLES  LEA,  LL.  D.,  1902-1903. 

GOLDWIN  SMITH,  D.  C.  L.,  LL.  D.,  1903-1904. 

JOHN  BACH  McMASTER,  A.  M..  Ph.  D.,  Litt.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1904-1905. 

SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN,  LL.  D.,  1905-1906. 

JOHN  FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D.  1906-1907. 

BZ-YICB-PBESIDBNTS. 

t  JUSTIN  WINSOR,  LL.  D..  1884-1886. 
tCHARLES  KENDALL  ADAMS,  LL.  D.,  1884-1888. 
tWILLIAM  FREDERICK  POOLE,  LL.  D.,  1886-1887. 
tJOHN  JAY,  LL.  D.,  1887-1889. 
tWILLIAM  WIRT  HENRY,  LL.  D.,  1888-1890. 

JAMES  BURRILL  ANGELL.  LL.  D.,  1889-1891. 

HENRY  ADAMS,  LL.  D.,  1890-1893. 
tEDWARD  GAY  MASON.  A.  M.,  1891-1893. 
^GEORGE  FRISBIE  HOAR,  LL.  D.,  1893-1894. 
tRICHARD  SALTER  STORRS,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1894-1895. 

JAMES  SCHOULER,  LL.  D.,  1894-1896. 

GEORGE  PARK  FISHER,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  *1896-1897. 

JAMES  FORD  RHODES,  LL.  D.,  1896-1898. 
tEDWARD  EGGLESTON,  L.  H.  D.,  1898-1899. 
t MOSES  COIT  TYLER.  L.  H.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1897-1900. 

CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS.  LL.  D.,  1899-1900. 
tHERBERT  BAXTER  ADAMS.  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D..  1900-1901. 

ALFRED  THAYER  MAHAN,  T).  C.  L..  LL.  D.,  1900-1901. 

HENRY  CHARLES  LEA,  LL.  D.,  1901-1902. 

GOLDWIN  SMITH,  D.  C.  L..  LL.  D.,  1901-1903. 
tEDWARD  McCRADY,  LL.  D.,  1902-1903. 

JOHN  BACH  McMASTER,  LL.  D.,  1903-1904. 

SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN,  LL.  D..  1903-1905. 

JOHN  FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1904-1906. 

13 


14  AUEBICAJS  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATIOK. 


tHERBERT  BAXTER  ADAMS.  I^H.  D^  LI^  D^  1884-1889. 
A-  HOWARD  CL.\RK,  A.  M.,  1889—. 
CHARLES  H.  HASK1N8,  Ph.  D.,  1900—. 


TKEA8UJ 

CLARENCE  WIXTHROP  BOWEN.  Ph.  D.,  1884 — . 

EXBCUTITC  rocTxriL. 

WILLIAM  BABCOCK  WEEDEN.  A.  M.,  1884-1886. 
tCUARLES  DEANE.  LL.  D..  1884-1887. 
tMOSES  COIT  TYLER,  L.  H.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1884-1885. 

EPHRAIM  EMERTON.  Ph.  D.,  1884-1885. 

FRANKLIN   BOWDITCH    DEXTER,   A.   M^    1885-1887. 
tWILLIAM  FRANCIS  ALLEN,  A.  M.,  1885-1887. 
tWILLIAM  WIRT  HENRY,  LU  D..  188^-1888. 
tRCTHERFORD  BIRCUARD  HAYES,  LL.  D.,  1887-1888. 

JOHN  W.  BURGESS,  Ph.  D..  LL.  D..  1887-1891. 

ARTHUR  MARTIN  WHEELER,  A.  M..  1887-1889. 

GEORGE  PARK  FISHER,  D.  D..  LL.  I>..  1888-189L 
tGEORGE  BROWN  GOODE.  LL.  D.,  1889-1896. 
tJOHN  GEORGE  BOURINOT.  C.  M.  G..  D.  C.  L..  LL.  D.,  1889-1894. 

JOHN  BACH  McM ASTER.  LL.  D.,  1891-1894. 

GEORGE  BURTON  ADAMS,  Ph.  D.,  1891-1897;  1898-1901. 

THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  LL.  D.,   1894-1895. 
tJABEZ  LAMAR  MONROE  CURRY,  LL.  D.,  1894-1895. 

HENRY  MORSE  STEPHENS.  A.  M..  1S95-1899. 

FREDERICK  JACKSON  TURNER,  Pu.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1895-1899 ;  1901-1904. 

EDWARD  MINER  (JALLAUDET.  Ph.  D..  LL.  D.,  1896-1897. 

MELVILLE  WESTON  FULLER.  LL.  D.,  1807-1900. 

AIJ5ERT  BUSIINELL  HART.  Pn.  1).,  1897-1900. 

ANDREW  c.  Mclaughlin,  ll.  b..  i898-i9oi ;  loos-iooo. 

WILLIAM  A.  DUNNING,  Pn.  D..  1899-1902. 
tPETER  WHITE,  A.  M.,  1899-1902. 

J.  FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1900-1903. 

A.  LAWRENCE  1X)WELL,  LL.  B..  1900-1903. 

HERBERT  PUTNAM,  LiTT.  I).,  LL.  D..  1901-1904. 

GEORGE  L.  BURR,  LL.  D.,  1902-1905. 

EDWARD  P.  CHEYNEY,  A.  M.,  1902-1905. 
tEDWARD  (}.  BOURNK.  Ph.  D.,  1903-1906. 

GEOR(JE  P.  GARRISON.  Pn.  D.,  1904-1907. 

REUBEN  (3.  THWAITKS,  LI^  D.,  1904-1907. 

CHAULK8  M.  ANDREWS.  Pn.  D.,  1905—. 

JAMES  H.    ROBINSON,   Ph.   D..   1905—. 

WILLIAM  Mai'DONALD,  l»n.  D.,  LL.  D.,  1906—. 

WORTHlN(JTON  UHAUNUEY  FORD.  A.  M..  1906—. 

MAX  FARRAND,  Pn.  \K,  1007-. 

FRANK  IIKYWOOD  HODDEll,  Pu.  M.,  1907—. 


COMMITTEES— 1908. 


ANNUAL   COMMITTEES. 

Committee  on  the  programme  for  the  twenty-fourth  annual  meeting  {Wash- 
ington  and  Richmond,  1908), — J.  Franklin  Jameson,  Charles  M.  Andrews, 
Charles  H.  Haskins,  John  H.  Latan^,  and  Ulrich  B.  Phillips. 

Joint  local  committee  of  arrangements  for  the  next  annual  meeting  of  the 
American  Historical  Association  and  the  American  Political  Science  Associa- 
tion,— Joseph  B.  Bryan,  Edwin  A.  Alderman,  Allen  C.  Braxton,  J.  Alston 
Cabell,  A.  Howard  Clark,  William  E.  Dodd,  Worthington  C.  Ford,  John  B. 
Henderson,  jr.,  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  Carlton  McCarthy,  H.  R.  Mcllwaine, 
Mrs.  Kate  Pleasants  Minor,  Samuel  C.  Mitchell,  Andrew  J.  Montague,  Charles 
W.  Needham,  Thomas  W.  Page,  Samuel  S.  P.  Patteson,  James  B.  Scott,  Thomas 
J.  Shahan,  William  G.  Stanard,  Claude  A.  Swanson,  Lyon  G.  Tyler,  and  John  L. 
Williams. 

STANDING   COMMITTEES,   COMMISSIONS,   AND  BOABDS. 

Editors  of  the  American  Historical  Review. — George  B.  Adams,  George  L. 
Burr,  Albert  Bushnell  Hart,  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  Andrew  C.  McLaughlin,  and 
William  M.  Sloane. 

Historical  manuscripts  commission, — J.  Franklin  Jameson,  Worthington  C. 
Ford,  Herbert  D.  Foster,  Frederick  W.  Moore,  Thomas  M.  Owen,  and  James  A. 
Woodbum. 

Committee  on  the  Justin  Winsor  prize. — Charles  H.  Hull,  Edward  P.  Chey- 
ney,  John  H.  Latan^,  Claude  H.  Van  Tyne,  and  Williston  Walker. 

Committee  on  the  Herbert  Baxter  Adams  prize. — Charles  Gross,  George  L. 
Burr,  Victor  Coffin,  James  W.  Thompson,  and  John  M.  Vincent 

Public  archives  commission, — Herman  V.  Ames,  Charles  M.  Andrews,  Clarence 
S.  Brigham,  Carl  R.  Fish,  Herbert  L.  Osgood,  Victor  H.  Paltsits,  and  Dunbar 
Rowland. 

Committee  on  bibliography, — Ernest  C.  Richardson,  Appletou  P.  C.  Griffin, 
William  C.  Lane,  James  T.  Shotwell,  and  Wilbur  H.  Siebert 

Committee  on  publications, — William  A.  Dunning,  Herman  V.  Ames,  A.  How- 
ard Clark,  Charles  Gross,  Charles  H.  Haskins,  Charles  H.  Hull,  J.  Franklin 
Jameson,  and  Ernest  C.  Richardson  (all  ex  officio  except  the  chairman). 

General  committee. — Evarts  B.  Greene,  Henry  E.  Bourne,  William  E.  Dodd, 
Earle  W.  Dow,  Charles  H.  Haskins,  Frank  H.  Hodder,  Susan  M.  Kingsbury, 
Franklin  L.  Riley,  Lucy  M.  Salmon,  Frank  H.  Severance,  Benjamin  F.  Sham- 
baugb,  and  Frederick  G.  Young. 

Secretary  of  the  conference  of  state  and  local  historical  societies, — St  George 
I^  Sioussat. 

Committee  on  college  entrance  requirements  in  history. — Andrew  C. 
Mclaughlin,  Charles  H.  Haskins,  Charles  W.  Mann,  James  H.  Robinson,  and 
James  Sullivan. 

15 


OONTEI^TS. 


Volume  I. 

Page. 

I.  Report  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Twenty-third  Annual  Meeting  of  the 
American  Historical  Association,  by  (Charles  H.  Haskins,  corresjwnd- 

ing  secretary 19 

II.  Report  of   Proceedings  of   the   Pacific   Coast   Branch,    by   Clyde   A. 

Duniway 35 

III.   Report  of  Conference  on  the   Relation  of  Geography  and  History,  by 

Frederick  J.  Turner 43 

IV.  Report  of  (Conference  on  the  Work  of  State  and  Local  Historical  Socie- 
ties, by  Evarts  B.  Greene 49 

V.  Reports  of  special  conferences  on  Mediaeval  European  History,  on 
Modem  Eurof>ean  History,  on  Oriental  History  and  Politics,  on 
American  Constitutional  History,  and  on  United  States  History  since 

1865,  by  the  respective  chairmen  of  the  conferences 65 

VI.   Proposals  for  an  Indian  State,  1778-1878,  by  Annie  H.  Abel 87 

VII.  The  Pacific  Railroads  and  the  Disappearance  of  the  Frontier  in  America, 

by  Frederic  L.  Paxson ' 105 

VIII.  The  Sentiment  of  the  People  of  California  with  Respect  to  the  Civil 

War,  by  John  J.  Earle 123 

IX.  The  Relation  of  the  United  States  to  Latin  America,  by  Bernard  Moses.       137 

X-  Legazpi  and  Philippine  Colonization,  by  James  A.  Robertson 143 

XI.   Report  of  the  Public  Archives  Commission 157 

XII.  Francisco  de  Miranda  and  the  Revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America,  by 

Williams.  Robertson 189 

VoLUMK    II. 

Report  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission:  Diplomatic  Archives  of  the 
Republic  of  Texas,  I,  edited  by  George  P.  Garrison. 

58833— VOL  1—08 2 

17 


L   REPORT  OF  THE  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL 
MEETING  OF  THE  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 


MADISON,  WISCONSIN,  DECEMBER  27,  28,  29,  30.  31,  1907. 


By  CHARLES  H.  HASKINS, 
Profesmr  in  Harvard  Unirersiti/j  Corretqxyndhuj  Secrelnrtj, 


19 


REPORT    OF    THE    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE    TWENTY-THIRD    ANNUAL 
MEETING  OF  THE  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION.^ 


By  CiiARLKs  H.  TIaskins,  CnrrvtipotnUmj  t^rcrrtnry. 


The  report  of  the  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Historical 
Association  represents  only  a  part  of  the  work  which  the  association 
IS  floincr.  in  accordance  with  the  temis  of  its  act  of  incorporation  by 
Con|i;ress,  for  "  the  promotion  of  historical  studies,  the  collection  and 
preservation  of  historical  niannscripts,  and  for  kindred  purposes  in 
the  interest  of  American  history  and  historv  in  America/'  The 
association  maintains  connnissions  on  historical  manuscripts  and 
public  archives;  it  offei's  prizes  for  historical  monographs;  it 
endeavors  to  bring  together  and  assist  the  various  state  and  local 
historical  societies  and  to  offer  through  special  committees  expert 
ailvice  on  the  organization  and  methods  of  historical  instruction; 
and  it  publishes  each  year,  in  addition  to  the  proceedings  of  its  meet- 
ings and  the  reports  of  its  commissions,  an  important  historical 
journal,  the  American  Historical  Review.  The  annual  meeting 
affords  a  clearing-house  for  these  varied  forms  of  activity,  as  well  as 
an  opportunity  for  conference  and  perscmal  acquaintance;  but  the 
.^i^ater  part  of  the  association's  work  lies  outside  of  these  meetings, 
I  ''*  the  organized  labors  of  its  offi(»ers  and  conunittees  carried  on 
^'ironghout  the  year  m  all  parts  of  the  United  States. 

By  the  association's  plan  of  geographical   rotation   the  meeting 

^^f   1007  fell  to  the  West,  and   was  held  in   Madison,  Wis.,  from 

^^^Vember  27  to  31.     Madison  was  also  at  the  same  time  the  meet- 

''^g  place   of  the  American   Economic   Association,   the   American 

^  olitical   Science   Association,   the   American    Sociological    Society, 

^}^o   American    Association    for   Labor   legislation,    and    the    Mis- 

""^Hssippi    Valley    Historical    Association;    and    the    programmes    of 

^^^t^^  various  societies  offered  many  papers  and  discussions  of  interest 

^^^  the  student  and  teacher  of  history.    Only  one  joint  session  was  held, 

^'^^^  opening  meeting,  at  which  President  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  of  the 

'^^lerican  Historical   Association,  read  his  presidential  address  on 

*  For  a   fiillor  nrroiint  of  the  Madlnon   meetlnff,  seo  the  American   nistorlcnl   Review, 
•^r^ril.   lOOS. 

21 


22  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

'^lliit  American  Acta  Sanctorum,"  and  Mr.  Frederick  N.  Judson, 
|/r«i>-ident  of  the  American  Political  Science  Association,  spoke  of 
^'Tlie  future  of  representative  government."  President  Jamescm 
dwelt  upon  the  importance  of  a  study  of  the  history  of  religion  in 
Ann*rica  as  a  part  of  American  social  development,  and  especially  as 
H  means  of  understanding  those  sides  of  American  life  which  have 
finiiul  little  expression  in  formal  literature,  and  he  illustrated  by  a 
variety  of  examples  the  information  to  be  gathered  from  out-of-the- 
•  way  works  of  religious  biography.*  President  Juds(m  discussed  the 
tendency  to  diminish  the  importance  and  dignity  of  the  legislative, 
(lirough  constitutional  enactment,  judicial  annulment,  and  executive 
eneroachment,  and  considered  possible  measures  of  reform.'' 

The  Ht»('ond  s(»ssion  consisted  of  two  conferences.  One,  presided  over 
by  Prof.  Fnnlerick  J.  Turner,  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  dealt 
with  the  relation  of  geography  and  history.  '"  Geographical  location 
as  H  factor  in  history  "  was  presented  by  Miss  Ellen  C.  Semple,  of 
I^iuisville,  Ky.,  and  Prof.  O.  (}.  liibby,  of  the  University  of  North 
Dakota,  illustrated  physiographical  influences  by  the  history  of  that 
State.  In  the  active  discussicm  which  followed  Prof,  (leorge  L.  Burr, 
of  ('orn(»ll  University,  criticised  sharply  the  idea  of  geographical  con- 
trol in  history,  and  emphasized  the  human  element.  The  conference 
of  stat(»  and  local  historical  societies,  under  the  chairmanship  of  Mr. 
Frank  II.  Severance,  of  the  Buffalo  Historical  Societv,  discussed  two 

'  ft 

topi(!s  of  special  interest  to  sucrli  societies — the  organization  of  his- 
tori('al  nniscMuns,  and  practical  methods  of  cooperative  work.  As  a 
result  of  the  conference  a  committee  of  seven  was  appointed,  with 
l)r.  Dunbar  Rowland,  director  of  the  department  of  archives  and  his- 
tory of  Mississippi,  as  chairman,  to  canvass  the  matter  of  cooperation 
in  tlie  gathering  of  material  from  foreign  archives. 

TIk^  next  session  was  devoted  to  papers  on  European  history.  The 
opening  paper,  by  Prof.  Herbert  I).  Foster,  of  Dartmouth  College, 
dihiMiHs<Ml  the  contributions  to  Puritanism  made  by  five  documents 
adopted  by  (leneva  between  153G  and  1541.  The  place  of  I^egazpi 
in  Philippine  colonization  was  set  forth  by  Mr.  James  A.  Robertson, 
of  Madison,  one  of  the  editors  of  the  great  collection  of  materials  on 
the  Philippines.  Prof.  Roger  B.  Merriman,  of  Harvard  University, 
prewnti^d  a  fresh  discussicm  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  treatment  of  the 
('atholi<!s,''  and  Prof.  James  Westfall  Thompson,  of  the  University  of 
( 'hicago,  spoke  of  the  economic  factors  in  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes.''  The  concluding  paper,  read  by  Prof.  Wilbur  C.  Abbott,  of 
the  University  of  Kansas,  traced  the  l)eginnings  of  English  ])olitical 
parties. 


•  Printed  In  the  American  Historical  Review,  January,  1008. 

*  Printed  In  the  American  Political  Science  Review.  February,  1!M>S. 
*■  Printi'd   In  the  American   nistorlcnl   Review.  April,   1908. 

••  Ibid..   October,    1»08. 


PBOOEEDINGS  OF   MADISON   MEETING.  28 

The  fourth  session  was  given  up  to  informal  round-table  confer- 
ences upon  different  fields  of  historical  study.  Mediaeval  history, 
modern  European  history,  oriental  history  and  politics,  the  constitu- 
lional  history  of  the  United  States,  and  American  history  since  1865, 
were  each  the  theme  of  a  separate  conference  at  which  problems  of 
interest  to  teachers  and  investigators  were  discussed. 

Of  the  two  remaining  sessions,  both  devoted  to  American  history, 
one  centered  about  topics  of  economic  history  and  the  other  dealt 
with  the  history  of  the  West.    Perhaps  the  most  notable  paper  was 
the  discussion  of  "  Some  problems  of  southern  economic  history,"  by 
Mr.  Alfred  H.  Stone,  of  Dunleith,  Miss.,  since  published  in  full  in 
the  American  Historical  Review.^     "  Tennessee  in  the  Jacksonian 
period  "  was  the  theme  of  Prof.  St.  George  L.  Sioussat,  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  the  South,^  and  the  relation  of  the  Pacific  railways  to  the  dis- 
appearance of  the  frontier  was  traced  by  Prof.  Frederick  L.  Paxson, 
of  the  University  of  Michigan.     Prof.  Frank  M,  Anderson,  of  the 
University  of  Minnesota,  t^howed  by  a  study  of  local  evidence  that 
the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  of  171)8  did  not  originate  with 
the  Republican   leaders  in   Congress,   but   were  the   outgrowth   of 
western  sentiment.     The  materials  for  southwestern  history  in  the 
archives  of  Mexico  were  described  by  Prof.  Herbert  E.  Bolton,  of  the 
University  of  Texas,*'  who  is  preparing  a  handbook  of  the  Mexican 
archives  for  the  Carnegie  Institution.    Miss  Annie  H.  Abel,  of  the 
Woman's  College  of  Baltimore,  gave  the  history  of  the  various  pro- 
posals to  form  an  Indian  state,  and  Mr.  John  C.  Parish,  of  the  State 
Historical  Society  of  Iowa,  commented  on  the  first  fugitive  slave  case 
west  of  the  Mississippi  River.**    A  more  recent  phase  of  economic  and 
poUtical  development  was  presented  by  Prof.  Kendric  C.  Babcock, 
of  the  University  of  Arizona,  in  a  paper  on  the  proprietary  towns  of 
Arizona. 

The  proceedings  of  the  annual  business  meeting  are  given  below. 
Besides  the  maintenance  of  its  existing  forms  of  activity,  the  associa- 
tion voted  to  publish  its  prize  essays  as  a  separate  series  in  case  satis- 
factory arrangements  could  be  made  with  a  private  publisher,  and 
established  a  commission  to  propose  a  plan  for  future  documentary 
historical  publications  of  the  United  States  Government.  A  commit- 
tee was  also  appointed  to  consider  certain  questions  relating  to  the 
study  of  history  in  secondary  schools. 

•July.  1008. 

Mbld..  October.  lOifH. 

'  Ibid.,  April,  11)08. 

^Article  printed  In  the  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics,  January,  1908. 


24  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION, 

MINUTES  OF  THE  BUSINESS  MEETING  OF  THE  AMERICAN  HIS- 
TORICAL ASSOCIATION  HELD  IN  THE  STATE  HISTORICAL  LIBRARY 
BUILDING.  MADISON,  WISCONSIN,  AT  8  P.  M.,  DECEMBER  30,  1907. 

President  Jameson  In  the  chair.  In  the  absence  of  the  secretary,  his  datiei 
were  i)erforme<l  l)y  the  corresjiondlng  secretary. 

On  belialf  of  tlie  council  the  corresponding  secretary  rei)orted  that  the  cooiicll 
had  held  a  lueetinj;  at  New  Yorlc,  November  29,  1907,  and  three  meetings  at 
Madison,  December  28  and  30,  1907,  and  that  at  these  meetings  reports  from 
the  various  connulttees  and  commissions  had  been  presented  and  considered  and 
the  usual  api>ropriations  made  for  the  conthiuatlon  of  the  work  for  the  coming 
year.  The  council  reported  that  in  providing  for  the  meeting  of  190S,  In  ac^ 
cordance  with  the  vote  of  the  last  annual  meeting  of  the  association,  it  has  ar- 
ranged that  the  meeting  should  l)egin  Monday,  December  28,  at  Washington, 
and  sliould  continue  at  Richmond  from  I)ecemb(»r  29  to  31.  On  recommendation 
of  the  council,  the  association  voted  that  the  meeting  of  1909  should  be  held  to 
New  York  City,  in  accordance  with  an  invitation  rwelved  from  the  anthoritlee 
of  Columbia  University. 

The  association  ac(*ei)ted  the  recommendation  of  the  council  in  f^vor  of  the 
establishment  of  a  seimrate  series  of  prize  essays  in  charge  of  a  regular  pub- 
lisher and  under  the  auspices  of  the  ass<xiiation,  in  case  suitable  arrangements 
could  be  made  without  involving  the  association  in  any  pecuniary  liability.  It 
was  explained  that  such  a  series  would  Include  the  successful  essays  under  the 
terms  of  the*  Justin  Winsor  prize  and  the  Herbert  Baxter  Adams  ])rlze,  which 
at  present  would  ordinarily  furnish  one  essay  ench  alternate  year. 

The  association  further  voted,  on  reconunendntlon  of  the  council,  to  establish 
a  conmilssion,  not  exceeding  nine  in  number,  to  be  ai>pointeil  by  the  president 
of  the  ass(K*intion,  to  consider  means  by  which  documentary  publications  of 
the  Federal  Government  might  bo. more  effectively  conducted,  and  the  council 
was  authorized  to  apjiropriate  from  the  treasury  of  the  association  an  amount 
sufficient  for  the  expenses  of  two  ni€*etings  of  such  a  commission. 

This  project  has  since  iK'cn  taken  up  in  another  and  more  official  way  by  the 
action  of  I*resldent  Roosevelt  In  appointing,  in  connection  with  the  work  of  the 
committee  on  dei>artnient  methods,  commonly  called  the  Keep  Commission,  a 
committee  on  the  documentary  historical  publications  of  the  United  States 
(Government,  composeil  of  the  same  gentlemen  who  were  to  have  served  the  n»* 
M»clation  in  this  particular.  The  connnlttee  consists  of  Messrs.  Worthlngton  C 
P^ord,  chairman,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Charles  M.  Andrews,  William  ^• 
Dunning,  Albert  nushnell  Hart,  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  Andrew  C.  McLaughlin 
Alfred  T.  Mahan,  and  Frederick  J.  TunuT. 

The  council  further  reported  that  on  recpiest  of  the  college  entrance  examli**' 
tlon  board  It  had  appointed  a  committee  to  consider  certain  questions  arising  out 
of  the  reiK)rt  of  the  connnitt«*e  of  seven  on  history  In  secondary  schools,  w^^^ 
special  reference  to  the  extent  of  the  field  to  be  covered  In  ancient  history  a^  * 
college  admission  subject,  and  that  the  ctmrniltttn^  exiKK:*ted  to  prepare  a  reiH>^ 
in  the  course  of  the  coming  year. 

The  council  reporteil  that  it  had  made  an  appropriation  toward  the  expeO^ 
of  transcri!)ing  and  eilitlng  items  relating  to  the  colrinies  in  the  registers  of  t^^ 
privy  council,  1(>03-177.^»,  in  accordance  with  a  plan  drawn  up  by  Profes^^ 
Egerton  of  the  I'nlverslty  of  Oxford  and  approved  by  the  authorities  of  t^^ 
privy  council. 

The  treasurer's  report  show(Hl  net  receipts  of  $7,764,  net  expenditures  ^^ 
$7,0.'i2,  an  Increase  of  $732  in  the  funds  of  the  association,  and  total  assets  ^^ 
$24,923. 


!EEDING9  OF   MADISON    MEETINO. 

report  of  tiie  Pncltlc  nmsi  brnticL  whh  IrauHmltleJ  by  the  Beeretarj',  Prof. 
A.  nuiilwii.v.  null  Prtjf.  K.  l>.  Adnnie  S|mkc  briefly  (if  Ihf  lu-eseiit  coualtloii  of 
tlie  brniicli. 

Brief  repurlH  were  niiiite  by  the  hldturlcal  tnanUMrrlpts  commlsslun,  the  public 
archives  comnifseiuii,  the  coiuiuiltee  on  bllillufruphy.  the  t^mmittee  i)u  i>ubllcii- 
tlona,  the  geuenil  eoiunilttee.  niid  the  lioard  of  edltoi's  of  the  Anierlciin  HiHtoriciil 
Revien'.  The  CiinimlllM'  on  liieiory  lu  elemeutnry  BCbtmls  reiiort«l  thnt  Its  report 
was  8iibstaDtlatly  ready  fc>r  print  nud  would  uppear  lu  the  course  of  1008, 

The  committee  on  the  Herbert  liaster  AOnms  jtrlse  reported  that  It  hud  round 
It  neeesaary  to  divide  the  prize  between  the  uiDUOt;rD]ili  of  ICdwiird  It.  Krehblet 
OD  "The  Interdict;  Its  hlHtoi'j-  aod  lis  operation  with  esiieclal  atleutloii  to  the 
tttue  of  rui>e  luiiocent  III,"  aud  the  uiouotn'apli  of  WUIIhui  Siience  Itobertson  on 
~  Francisco  de  Miranda  and  the  revolntloulKing  of  SimulBb  America." 

The  Hecretary  of  the  conference  iiu  Btnte  iiiid  local  hlslorlcul  wocietlea  reiwrted 
on  tbe  trorb  of  the  couference.  It  Wiia  almt  reinrted  that  the  coufei-eui^  hud 
IiistTDcled  Its  elialrmnu  to  apiotnt  a  couiiutttee  to  consider  nielhods  of  eoui>era- 
■lun  on  the  |inrt  of  the  lilatoricnl  societies  of  the  MlxBlHsipiii  Valley  In  work  lu 
archlrea  lying  i.iit  of  the  Indlvidnal  stale  conceniotL  The  foliowluR  were  n|i- 
IKitnted  (la  Buch  coniDilttee :  Puubar  Itowlaud.  chairman,  WorthluKton  C.  Ford, 
Ei-artK  It.  (Ireeue.  J.  Franklin  .laniemin.  Thomas  SI,  Dweu.  Benjamin  F.  Hhiini- 
baueh.  Iteubeu  C.  Thwaltes. 

The  t-ouiinlttee  on   how  Inat Ions,   conBlstlnK  of  Messrs.    Herman    V.   Amex, 
Eiibmliii  I>.  Adams,  niid  Howiird  W.  Caldwell,   reporle<l  the  foUuwhiK  llKt  of 
ulpeera  for  the  eusulnR  year,  fur  which  the  wcretury  whs  instructed  to  cast 
■lie  ballot  «r  the  nstiociatlon  : 
Pretidml. — George  B,  Adama,  New  Haven,  Conn. 
Fir»t  Virv-l'tvgUtent. — Albert  Itushnell  Hai't,  Cambrlilge,  Mass. 
Stroad  l'(pr-/'rr»M  en /.—Frederick  J.  Turner,  Madison,  \V1k 
Serrelarif. — A,  Howard  Clark,  Washlnjitou,  I).  C 
Corrc«pnniHng  iin-ffinry. — Charles  II.  Hnsklus,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
rrcMunr. — Clarence  W.  Boweu,  New  Vork  City. 

Ktiwlivr-  Couaril. — (Charles  M.  Andrews,  Baltimore,  Md,;  James  H.  Robln- 
«on.  New  York  City;  Worthlugton  C.  Konl,  Washlnjirtou,  I).  ('.;  Wllliaui  Mac- 
IhiUBld,  Providence,  R.  I.;  Max  Farrand,  Stanford  I'ulverslty,  l^al.;  Frank  IL 
Uwlder.  Ijiwrence,  KaiiB. 

The  fuliowiuK  resolittlous.  proposed  by  a  committee  conBlsthiK  of  James  H. 

Ulnar  and  Dnrle  W.  Dow,  were  uuaniwonaly  adii[ite<l  iiy  Ibe  association: 

"Brttilrr^:  That  we.  the  members  of  the  Amerlciiu  Historical  Aasoclatlou  in 

^euty-thlrd  annual  meeting,  deaire  to  exiiress  to  the  State 

'lol  Society  iif  WlBe<niain  onr  henrty  liiankM  for  the  use  of  Its  hnlhlhiK" 

tor  the  cuurli«y  and  forethought  which  i>romi>led  such  extensive  preimra- 

(br  <mr  enierialument  and  comfort. 

Hut  we  also  eipreSB  our  thnnks  to  the  I'ulveraity  lITliib  and  to  thoee  fra- 

wliich  placed  their  honsca  at  our  dlstfoxal. 
Iteally.  to  the  Woman's  CInb  and  to  the  eltlieiis  of  Madison  we  wish  to 
Dur  warm  appreciation  of  tbe  cordial  reception  aud  courteous  hospitality 
will  iiaike  this  visit  to  their  beautiful  and  picturesque  Hty  a  dellKhlfnl 

"John  ll.  I-atan6.  Chninnan, 
■■  Kanlk  W.  I>ow." 

nOlttw  motion  of  the  treasurer,  the  association  further  expressed  Its  special 
^Btl  tu  the  rhalrmau  of  the  locui  (.-ouimlttee  of  arraueenients,  Mr.  Keubeii 
*•  'HitrttUee. 


26  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

On  behalf  of  the  council  the  corresponding  secretary  announced  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  following  committees: 

Committee  on  programme  for  the  twenty-fourth  annuel  meeting  (Washing- 
ton and  Richmond,  11K>8). — J.  Franklin  Jameson,  Charles  M.  Andrews,  Charles 
XL  Ilaskins,  J.  H.  Latan^,  U.  B.  Phillips. 

Loeal  eommittee  of  arrangements  for  the  same. — Joseph  B.  Bryan,  E.  A. 
Alderman,  A.  C.  Braxton,  J.  Alston  Cabell,  W.  E.  Dodd,  Carlton  McCarthy, 
H.  U.  Mcllwaine,  Mrs.  Kate  Pleasants  Minor,  S.  C.  .Mitchell,  A.  J.  Montague, 
T.  W.  Page,  S.  S.  I*.  Pattesou,  W.  G.  Stanard,  Claude  A.  Swanson,  Lyon  G. 
Tyler,  J.  L.  Williams,  A.  Uoward  Clark,  Worthlngton  C.  Ford,  J.  B.  Hender- 
son, jr.,  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  C.  W.  Needham,  J.  B.  Scott,  T.  J.  Shahan. 

IlistoHeal  manuseripts  eommission. — J.  I^Yanklin  Jameson,  Frederick  W. 
Moore,  Worthlngton  C.  Ford,  Thomas  M.  Owen,  James  A.  Woodbum,  Herbert 
D.  Foster. 

Committee  on  the  Justin  Winsor  prize. — Charles  H.  Hull,  Edward  P.  Cheyney, 
Williston  \Valker,  J.  II.  LatanCs  Claude  H.  Van  Tyne. 

Committee  on  the  Herbert  Baj^ter  Adams  prize. — Charles  Gross,  George  L 
Burr,  \'ictor  Coffin,  John  Martin  Vincent,  James  W.  Thompson. 

Public  archives  commission. — Herman  V.  Ames,  Herbert  L.  Osgood,  Cliarles 
M.  Andrews,  Dunbar  Rowland,  Clarence  S.  Brigham,  Carl  R.  Fish,  Victor  H. 
Paltsits. 

Committee  on  bibliography. — Ernest  C.  Richardson,  A.  P.  C.  Griffin,  Willi«m 
C.  I^ne,  W.  II.  Siebert,  James  T.  Shotwell. 

Committee  on  publications. — William  A.  Dunning,  Herman  V.  Ames,  A.  How- 
ard (*lark,  Charlos  II,  Ilaskins,  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  Ernest  C.  Richardson, 
Charles  Gross,  Charles  H.   Hull. 

Cicnvral  committee. — Evarts  B.  (irecne,  Benjamin  F.  Shambaugh,  Henry  E. 
Bourne,  Charles  H.  Ilaskins,  Miss  Lucy  M.  Salmon,  F.  II.  Hodder,  F,  L.  Riley, 
F.  (J.  Young,  Miss  Susan  M.  Kingsbur>%  W.  E.  Dodd,  t^arle  W.  Dow,  F.  H- 
Severance. 

Committee  on  college  entrance  requirements  in  history. — ^Andrew  C.  Mc- 
laughlin, (Miarles  II.  Ilaskins.  Charles  W.  Mann,  James  Harvey  Robinson, 
James    Sullivan. 

The  meeting  adjourned  at  5  p.  m. 

Chables  H.  Haskins, 
Correspon ding  H^eeretary. 


Report  of  Clarence  M\  Boxcen,  treasurer  the  American  Historical  Association^ 

Kkckiit.s. 

Dec.  15.  IJalance  cash  on   hand ;|i4, 018.07' 

1007. 
Dec.  10.  Uecelpts  as  follows  : 

*J,l-i7  annual  dues,  at  $:i $«,  441.  00 

1  annual    clues .H.  0,'> 

2  annual  dues,  at  $3.00 0.  18 

12  annual   dues,   at   $:{.lo .'^7.  20 

1  annual    dues :<.  12 

2  annual   dues,   at   $:M.'» .__  0.  «0 

1  annual   dues .'i.  25 

2  annual  dues,  at  $1 2.  (K) 

2    life    memlHjrshlps 100.  0() 

Sales  of  publications li'M.  55 

Royalty  on  "  The  study  of  history  in  schools  " 17.  85 

Interest  on  bond  and  mortgage 800.00 

Public  archives  commission  refunded 0.14 

7,763.0^ 

11,781.71 


PROCEEDINGS  OP   MADISON   MEETING.  27 

DiSBUBSEMENTS. 

1907. 
I>ec.  16.  Treaflurer's  clerk  hire,  etc.,  youchers   13,   45,   63,   87,   88, 

163,    194 1265.  26 

Secretary's  clerk   hire,   etc.,   youchers   28,   48,   55,   71,   83, 

146,    148 269.  49 

Postage  and  stationery,  treasurer  and  secretary,  vouchers 

16.  17.  22,  27,  40,  42,  61,  63,  70,  74,  86,  89,  90,  93,  142, 

156,   169.    176 315.98 

Corresponding   secretary's   expenses,    youchers    35,    39,    46, 

65,  150,  167,  177,  178,  181 98.  29 

Pacific  coast  branch,  youchers  f.,  6.  7 55.50 

American  Historical  Review,  vouchers  2,  11,  16,  26,  32,  37, 

43.  47,  52,  58,  61,  67,  69,  72,  82,  91,  96.  131,  143,  175_-  3,857.50 
Public  archives  commission,  vouchers  18.  23.  24,  25,  30,  31, 

34,  36,  44,  60,  64,  66,  80,  144,  151,  155.  102,  193 360.  14 

Historical  manuscripts  commission,  vouchers  50,  189,  190.         93.  56  . 

Justin   Winsor  prize  committee,  voucher  20 100.00 

Herbert  B.  Adams  prise  committee,  vouchers  81,  86,  92 218.  01 

General  committee,   vouchers   108,    185 7.  50 

Committee  of  el^ht  upon  the  study  of  history  in  elementary 

schools,  youchers  9,  21,  62,  68,  73,  75,  76,  77,  78 312.  45 

I^ubllcation  committee,  voucher  41 5.  12 

Committee  on   bibliography,  voucher  141 200.00 

Aci>ount  annual  report,  1905,  vouchers  12,  54,  59 109.  47 

1907    catalo^e,    voucher    57 261.50 

Expenses    twenty-second    annual    meeting,    vouchers    1,    8, 

14,    19.   38 148.95 

Expenses  twenty-third  annual  meeting,  youchers  161,  179, 

180    161.  87 

Elxpenses   executive   council,    vouchers   3,   4,   29,    182,    183, 

184,    187,    191,    192 107.14 

Refund  for  publications,  vouchers  97,  98,  90,  100,  101,  102, 

103,  104,  105,  106,  107,  108,  109,  110,  111,  112,  11.3.  114, 

116,  117,  118,  119,  120,  121,  122,  123,  124,  125,  126,  127, 

128,  129.  130,  132,  133,  134,  135,  136,  137,  138,  139,  140. 

145,  147,  149,  152.  153,  154,  158.  159,  100,  164,  165,  166, 

167.   170.   171.    172,   17.3,   174.   IHS 46.60 

Engraving  certificates,  vouchers  56,  94 1.  60 

Bank  collection  charges,  vouchers  3.3,  4i>,  79,  84,  95,   115, 

186.    195 11.04 

Auditing  treasurer's  account,  voucher  10 25.00 

17,031.76 

Balance  cash  on  hand  In  National  Park  Rank 4,749.95 


11,781.71 


Ket  receipts   1907 7,76.3.64 

Net  disbursements   1907 7,031.76 

Excess  of  receipts  over  disbursements 731.88 

The  assets  of  the  association  are : 

Bond  and  mortgage  on  real  estate  at  No.  24  East  Ninety-fifth 

street.    New    York $20,000.00 

Awrued  Interest  from  September  29.  1907,  to  date 173.  .33 

Cash  on  hand  in  National  Park  Bank 4,749.95 

24.  923.  28 

An  increase  during  the  year  of 734.  10 

Respectfully  submitted. 

Clabence  W.  Bowen,  Treasunr. 
M«w  York,  December  16,  1907. 

We,  the  committee,  have  examined  the  above  report,  accompanied  with  the  report  of 
the  .\adlt  Company  of  New  York,  and  find  the  same  correct. 

F.  A.  Sampson, 
Ralph  C.  H.  Catteball, 

Committee. 

[The  Audit  Company  of  New  York,  43  Cedar  street.] 

^f.  Clarence  W.  Bowen, 

Treasurer  the  American  Historical  Association, 

ISO  Fulton  street.  Sew  York  City. 

Dear  Sir  :  Agreeably  to  your  request,  we  have  oramlned  the  cash  records  of  the 
^oiericaD  Historical  Association  for  the  twelve  months  ended  December  16.  1907.  The 
'^^ItR  cf  this  examination  are  presented,  attached  hereto,  in  an  exhibit  termed  **  State- 
^^  of  cash  receipts  and  disbursements  for  the  twelve  months  ended  December  16,  1007." 

We  found  that  all  receipts  and  disbursementH  as  shown  by  the  books  had  been  accounted 
w  and  that  the  files  were  complete. 

A  mortgage  for  $20,000,  drawn  to  the  American  Historical  Association  on  property 
[J5"*ted  at  24  Blast  Ninety-fifth  street.  New  York  City,  was  examined,  together  with 
r^  and  property  deeds,  which,  with  all  papers  In  connection  therewith,  were  found 
«tact  and  In  order. 

Very  truly  jours, 

The  -\itdit  Company  op  New  York, 
E.   D.  Pbirce,  Prenident. 

^  V.  C.   Richardson,  Secretary. 

'uw  York,  DtvemUr  19,  JS07, 


ta  XXSBICAJf   BJWPOmUCAL.  ASSOCIATION. 

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A'mnrmtittm^ 

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1 1,  78 


PROGRAMME  OF  EXERCISES  AT  THE  TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  MEETING, 

MADISON,  DECEMBER  27-31, 1907. 

Persons  not  members  of  tbo  association  will  be  cordially  welcome  to  the 
sessions. 

Papers  are  limited  to  twenty  minutes  and  discussions  to  ten  minutes  for 
each  si)eal<er.  Those  who  read  pa|)ers  or  take  part  in  the  conferences  arc 
requested  to  furnish  the  secretary  with  abstracts  of  their  papers  or  rcmarlss. 

First  Session,  Friday,  Dkcember  27,  8  p.  m. 
I  Joint  mooting  with   the  American    l*olltical    Scionce   A^uociation.  j 

Address  of  Welcome:  Dean  Edward  A.  Bir^e,  I'niversity  of  Wisconsin. 

Annual  Address:  The  American  Acta  Sanctorum.  J.  Franlilin  Jameson, 
president  of  the  American  Historical  Association. 

Annual  Address:  The  Future  of  Uepresentative  Government  Frederick  N. 
Judson,  i>resident  of  the  American  Political  Science  Association. 

Second  Session,  Saturday,  December  2S,  10  a.  m. 

conferences. 

1.  On  the  Relation  of  Geography  and  History.     Chairman,  Freilerick  J.  Tur- 
ner, professor  in  the  University  of  Wisconsin. 

(0)  (.Geographical  Location  as  a  Factor  in  History.     Ellen  Churchill  Semple, 

Louisville,  Ky. 
(6)  Physiography  as  a   Factor  in   Community  Life.    Orin   Grant  Libby, 

professor  in  the  University  of  North  Dakota, 
(c)  Discussion,  led  by  (Jeorge  L.  Burr,  professor  in  Cornell  University; 
Harlan  IL  Karrows,  instructor  in  the  University  of  Cliicago;  Ulrich 
B.  Phillii)s,  assistant  professor  in  the  University  of  Wisconsin. 
2.  On  the  Pi'oblems  of  State  and  Local  Historical  Societies.    Chairman,  Frank 
H.  Severance,  Bufitalo  Historical  Society, 
(o)  Reiiort  on  the  Year's  I'rogress.     Evarts  B,  Gi-eenc,  professor  in  the 

University  of  Illinois. 
(6)  The  Cooi)eration  of  State  Historical  Societies  in  tlie  Gathering  of  Ma- 
terial  in   Foreign   Archives.    Arthur   G.   Doughty,   archivist  of  the 
Dominion  of  Canada. 
Discussion  by  Dunbar  Rowland,  Mississipi)i  Department  of  Archives 
and  History:  Clarence  W.  Aivord,  Illinois  State  Historical  Library; 
W.  B.  Douglas,  Missouri  Historical  Society, 
(c)  Scientific  Organization  of  Historical  Museums.     Lucy  M.  Salmon,  i)ro- 
fessor  in  Vassar  College. 
Discussion   led  by   Julian   P.   Bretz,   instructor   in   the   University  of 
Chicago. 
<<i)  Cooperation  of  Ix)cal  Historical   Societies.    John  F.  Ayer,  Bay  State 
Historical  I^eague. 
Discussion  led  by  Henry  E.  Legler,  Wisconsin  State  Historical  Society. 

29 


30  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL.  ASSOCIATION. 

Thibd  Session,  Saturday,  December  28,  8  p.  m. 

european  history, 

1.  The  Programme  for  a  Puritan  State.  Herbert  D.  Foster,  professor  in 
Dartmouth  College. 

2.  Legazpi  aud  Philippine  Colonization.    James  A.  Robertson,  Madison,  Wis. 

3.  The  Elizabethan  Government  and  the  English  Catholics — ^Another  Phase  of 
the  Question.     Roger  B.  Merriman,  instructor  In  Harvard  University. 

4.  Some  Economic  Factors  In  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  James 
Westfall  Thompson,  assistant  professor  in  the  University  of  Chicago. 

n.  The  Beginning  of  English  Political  Parties.  Wilbur  C.  Abbott,  professor 
in  the  University  of  Kansas. 

Fourth  Skssion,  Monday,  December  IIO,  10  a,  m. 
discussions  of  special  fields  of  work. 

1.  Mediwval  Eurojieau  history.  Chairman,  George  L.  Burr,  professor  In  Cor- 
nell I'nlversity;  Cbrtrles  II.  Ilasklns,  professor  in  Harvard  University;  James 
Harvey  Robinson,  i)rofeasor  In  Columbia  University :  JameS  Westfall  Thomiwon, 
assistant  professor  In  the  University  of  Chicago ;  Samuel  B.  Harding,  professor 
ill  Indiana  University;  Paul  van  Dyke,  professor  in  Princeton  Universitj': 
l!^irle  W.  Dow,  junior  professor  in  the  University  of  Michigan;  Dana  C.  Munro, 
professor  in  the  University  of  Wisconsin. 

2.  M(xlerii  Kuroi>ean  historj-.  Chairman,  (Juy  Stanton  Ford,  professor  In  the 
University  of  Illinois;  Ralph  C.  II.  Catterall,  professor  In  Cornell  University: 
Fred  M.  Fling,  jirofessor  in  the  I'niversity  of  Nebraska;  Charles  A.  Beard, 
C'olumbla  University. 

3.  Oriental  history  and  i)olities.  Chairman,  Archibald  Cary  Coolidge,  assist- 
ant i)rofessor  In  Harvard  I'nlversity :  Charles  D.  Tenney,  president  of  Pel 
Yang  College;  Arthur  I.  Andrews,  instructor  in  Simmons  College;  H.  Morse 
Stephens,  professor  in  the  University  of  California ;  Paul  S.  Reinsch,  professor 
in  the  University  of  Wisconsin ;  Kan-lchl  Asakawa,  instructor  in  Yale  Uni- 
versity. 

4.  I'nlteil  States  constitutional  history.  Chairman,  Andrew  C.  Mcl-#aughlin» 
professor  In  the  riilversity  of  C'hlcago;  William  MacDonald,  i)rofessor  In  Broww 
University:  I'klward  S.  Corwin,  assistant  pnifessor  in  Princeton  University; 
William  E.  I)(Hld,  professor  in  Randolph-Macon  College. 

T).  UnltiHl  States  history  since  1S(m.  Chairman,  James  A.  Woodbum,  pro- 
fessor In  Indiana  Inlverslty ;  Amos  S.  Hershey,  junior  professor  In  Indiana  Uni- 
versity: Carl  Kuss(»ll  FIsli,  associate  professor  In  the  Unlverlty  of  Wisconsin; 
Frank  H.  llodder,  professor  In  the  University  of  Kansas;  John  H.  I^atan^ 
profeswir  In  Washington  and  L<m»  University ;  William  Dudley  Foulke,  late  o^ 
the  United  States  Civil  Service  Commission. 

HuHiNKNM  Skshion,  Mondav,  Dfxkmber  30,  ^  r,  u. 

ANNUAL   MKCTINO  OF  TIIK  ASSOCIATION. 

1.  Report  of  the  council. 

2.  Report  of  tlic  trciiHurer  and  auditing  committee, 
.'{.  Report  of  the  lilslorleal  iitanuscrlpts  conunlsslon. 
•1.  Ueport  of  tlie  puhllc  archives  conunlsslon. 

r».  Rep«»rt  of  the  commit ti><*  on  the  Justin  Winsor  prize. 

«.  RepiU't  <»f  the  eomndtt<H»  on  the  Herbert  Baxter  Adams  prize. 

7.  Hv\Htri  of  till*  board  of  iHlltors  of  tlie  American  Historical  Review. 

8.  Re|N)rt  of  thi*  coiniiilttiN*  on.  bibliography. 


PBOCEEDINGS  OF    MADISON   MEETING.  31 

9.  Report  of  the  committee  on  publicatloiis. 

10.  Report  of  the  general  committee. 

11.  Report  of  the  editor  of  Original  Narratives  of  EJarly  American  History. 

12.  Report  of  the  committee  on  history  In  elementary  schools. 

13.  ejection  of  officers. 

Fifth  Session,  Monday,  December  30,  8  p.  m. 

AMERICAN    ECONOMIC    HISTORY. 

1.  Tennessee  Finances  and  Politics  In  the  Jacksonian  Period.    St.  George  Jj. 
Sioussat,  professor  in  the  University  of  the  South. 

2.  Some  I*roblems  of  Southern  Economic  History.    Alfred  Holt  Stone,  Car- 
negie Institution  of  Washington. 

3.  The  Pacific  Railroads  and  the  I)lsapi)oarance  of  the  Frontier.     Fro<lerlc  I-.. 
Paxson,  junior  professor  In  the  irnlverslty  of  Michigan. 

4.  IMscusslon  led  by  Frederick  W.  Mo<ire,  professor  In  Vanderbilt  University; 
B.  H.  Meyer,  Wisconsin  Railroad  Commission. 

Sixth  Session,  Tuesday,  Dec^embeu  31,  10  a.  m. 

WESTERN    history. 

1.  The  Virginia  and  Kentucky  Resolutions  from  the  Standi)olut  of  Weslern 
History.     Frank  M.  Anderson,  professor  In  the  University  of  Minnesota. 

2.  Material  for  Southwestern  History  in  the  Archives  of  Mexico.     Herbert  K. 
Bolton,  adjunct  professor  In  the  University  of  Texas. 

3.  ProiK)8als  for  an  Indian  State,  1778-1878.    Annie  Ileloise  Abel,  [professor 
in  the  Woman's  College  of  Haiti  more. 

4.  The  First  Fugitive  Slave  Case  West  of  the  Mississippi   River.     John  C. 
Parish,  State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa. 

5.  The  Proprietary-  Towns  of  Arizona.     Kendric  i\  Rabcock,  i>resldent  of  the 
University  of  Arizona. 


PRESENT  ACTIVITIP:s  OF  THE  ASSO(UATIOx\. 

The  following  list  enumerates  the  present  leading  activities  of  the  American 
Historical  Association: 

(1)  The  annual  meeting  of  the  asswiatlon,  held  during  the  Christmas  holi- 
days in  the  Kast  or  the  West  or  the  District  of  Columbia  in  triennial  succession. 

(2)  The  annual  reiwrt  of  the  secretary  of  the  association  concerning  the 
annual  meeting  and  its  proceedings,  with  the  papers,  bibliograpliies,  an<l  otlier 
historical  materials  submitted  through  the  secretary  of  the  Smithsonian  Institu- 
tion for  publication  by  Congress. 

(3)  The  preservation  of  historical  exchanges,  books,  i)amphlets,  reiM)rts,  and 
papers  of  the  association  In  the  National  Museum,  at  Washington,  I).  ( •..  in  tlie 
iieeplug  of  the  secretary  of  the  association  and  the  curator  of  Its  historical  <'oI- 
^ections. 

(4)  The  historical  manuscripts  commission  of  six  members,  establisheil  in 
^^05,  and  now  receiving  from  the  association  a  subsidy  of  $H0()  a  year  for  the 
^Uectlon  and  editing  of  ImjKirtant  manuscrlpth:  Dr.  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  of 
^^  Carnegie  Institution,  chairman. 

<5)  The  public  archives  commission,  establishetl  in  1899,  f<n'  investigating 
^*^^  public  archives  of  the  several  States  and  of  the  United  States,  and  now 
''^<?«lTlng  a  subsidy  of  $500  a  year  for  the  exi)enses  incident  to  pref)aring  its 
'^X^rta;  Prot  Herman  V.  Ames,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  chairman. 


82  AMERICAN    HISTOBICAL  A8S0C1AT10N. 

(0)  The  committfK*  on  i)iiblicutioii8,  to  ]»a88  ii]K>n  i)ai)er8  and  uioiiogruphs 
Hubniltted  to  the  UKKociation  for  publication;  Prof.  William  A.  Dunning,  of 
Columbia  Univeraitj',  cliairman. 

(7)  The  committee  on  bil)liograi)h>%  to  advise  the  executive  council  and  to 
cooiK^rate  with  the  American  Library  AKHociation  and  the  Bibllofn^i>hical 
Society  of  America  uikui  matters  of  bibliograiihical  interest;  Dr.  Ernest  C. 
Kicliardson,  of  Princeton  T'nlverHity,  chairman. 

(8)  The  general  committee,  rei^resenting  the  hwal  interests  of  tlie  association 
and  its  relations  with  state  and  local  historical  societies;  Prof.  Evarts  B.  Greene, 
of  the  Tniversity  of  Illinois,  chairman. 

(J))  Tlie  *•  Justin  Winsor  pilze"  of  $L*<M)  awarded  biennially  for  the  best 
unpublished  monographic  work  tiastMl  uinhi  original  investigation  in  Ameri- 
can history ;  l*rof.  Charles  II.  Hull,  of  Cornell  University,  chairman  of  the 
connnittee. 

(10)  The  American  lIiKtori<*al  Review,  publistied  quarlerly,  and  subsidized 
by  the  American  Hlstorh-al  Association,  whosi*  exe<*utive  council  elec'ts  tlie 
board  of  (*ditors;  Dr.  .T.  Franklin  James<in,  of  the  Carnegie  Institution,  man- 
aging tHlItor. 

(il)  A  serl«ss  of  reprints  of  tiie  chief  original  narratives  of  (mrly  American 
history,  publislMHl  by  authority  of  the  association;  Dr.  J.  Franklin  Jameson, 
of  the  Carnegie  Institution,  geneial  (Hlltor. 

(IJ)  The  "Herbert  Baxter  Adams  prize"  of  $20t),  awarded  biennially  for 
the  best  uni)ul)lish(Nt  monograph  l)asc<l  uimmi  original  investigation  hi  Euro- 
lK»an  history;  I*rof.  Charles  (iross,  of  Harvard  T'niversity,  chairman  of  tlie 
commit  t«H». 

(i:0  The  c<mmilttiH^  of  tive  on  history  in  st»condary  schools;  Prof.  Andrew  C 
McLaughlin,  of  the  rnlverslty  of  Chicago,  chairman. 

(14)  An  annual  conference  of  state  and  Iwal  historical  s(K*ieties,  held  In 
conjunction  with  the  nuH»tiiig  of  the  ansfK'iation ;  Prof.  Evarts  B.  Greene,  of  the 
University  of  Illinois,  cliairman;  Prof.  St.  George  L.  Sioussat,  of  the  University 
of  the  South,  seiTetary. 


HISTOUU  AL  PHIZES. 

Ttir  Justin  Winanr  rhzr  CommiZ/rc.— Charles  II.  Hull  (chairman),  romeH 
University:  iMlward  P.  Clieyney,  University  of  Pennsylvania:  Williston  Walkcff 
\ale  University:  John  H.  I^itane.  Washington  and  Iax  University;  Claude  U* 
Van  Tyne,  University  of  Michigan. 

Thr  Ilrrhrrt  liaj-hr  Adams  rrizv  Comwn7/rr.— i*harles  Grt>ss  (chairman)* 
Harvard  Unlvei-slty:  GiMirge  Lliicohi  Burr.  Cornell  University:  Victor  CofflP^ 
University  of  Wlsiimsln :  James  Westfall  Thompson,  University  of  Chicago* 
Jolm  Martin  Vhicwit,  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

For  the  enci>uragenient  of  hlstorlcail  rt»s*»arch  the  Americ-an  Historical  AsHOcbft' 
tb»n  offers  two  prizes,  each  of  $*JlM>-the  Justin  Wlnsi>r  prize  in  American  his- 
tory and  tlie  IIerl»ert  Baxter  Adams  prize  in  Euroi)ean  history.  Each  I** 
awjiniiHl  biennially  (the  Winst»r  prize  In  the  even  yeairs  and  the  Adams  prtee  i** 
tlie  cMid  yinirs)  for  the  l»est  unpubllshtHi  moutigraph  submitted  to  the  committed 
of  awards  on  or  before  Dctoln^r  I  of  the  given  year.  e.  g.,  by  (K-tober  1.  19ffi'^ 
for  the  Adams  prlz*»  In  Eun>iHnin  history  and  by  Octol>er  1,  1908,  for  the  Winso^ 
prize  In  American  hist*»ry.    The  iHmditions  of  awanl  are  as  follows: 

I.  The  prize  is  intendiHi  for  writers  who  have  not  yet  published  any  consider- 
able work  or  obtained  an  established  reputation. 


^M  PROCEEDINGS  OP   MAD1S0:N    MEETING.  33 

TI.  A.  For  ihe  Ju»tin  Wimor  prisc.—The  monogrnpb  muat  be  bneed  upon  Inde- 
penilent  niid  original  Inveatlgittion  In  American  blBtory,  by  whieh  1h  meant  tbe 
blstury  of  any  of  the  Hritleh  colonies  tn  America  to  1783,  of  otber  territories, 
FiMitlueutiil  or  insulnr,  wblcb  have  since  been  acquired  by  tbe  United  States. 
of  Ih<^  t'uiteil  States,  and  of  independent  Latin  America.  It  may  deal  with  any 
nspect  of  that  history — social,  iiolltlcal,  constitutional,  rellsloutt,  economic,  etb- 
noli^cHl,  military,  or  biographical,  though  in  the  last  three  Instances  a  treat- 
ment exclusively  ethnological,  military,  or  biographical  would  lie  unfavorably 

B.  Far  the  Herbert  Barrier  Ailumi  priie. — Tbe  nioiioRraph  luiiKt  be  based  U|>on 
indepwdeiit  and  original  InvcstlKutlon  Id  European  history,  by  ivblcb  Is  meant 
tbe  liletory  of  Kiirojie,  continental  or  insular,  or  colonial,  excluding  continental 
Freitcii  America  and  Brlttab  America  before  n>&.  It  may  deal  with  any  aspect 
uf  tbui  history — soclul,  political,  constitutional,  rellelons.  economic,  ethnological, 
mtlltHfy.  or  biographical,  though  In  the  last  three  Instances  a  treatment  exclu- 
Blvely  ethnoloRlcul.  nillllary,  or  biographical  would  be  unfavorably  received. 

III,  The  munogrui>h  must  present  subject- matter  of  more  than  i>ersonal  or 
liK-ul  Interest,  and  nmut,  as  reganls  Its  conclusion,  Ite  a  distinct  contribution  to 
knowledge.  Its  statcmenls  must  be  accurate  and  the  suthor  In  bis  treatment  of 
tbe  facts  must  show  originality  and  jiuwer  of  luterpretatlou, 

IV.  The  monograph  must  conform  t(>  tbe  accepted  canons  of  historical  re- 
learcb  and  criticism. 

It  must  be  presented  In  stlentiflc  form. 
It  must  contain  references  to  all  auOiorltleB, 

It  nnisl  be  nci'omiMinled  l)y  a  critical  bibliography.  Shonid  the  blbUogrsphy 
Ihi  omitted,  or  should  It  consist  only  of  a  list  of  titlca  without  critical  comments 
Hml  vainutluns,  the  monograph  will  not  be  admitted  to  the  competition. 
V.  If  posalble.  the  monograph  should  be  typewritten ;  but  in  any  case  It  should 
I  be  prveented  to  the  committee  free  from  erasures,  Interlineations,  and  other 
(*Uence«  of  revision,  though  obvious  mistalces  of  tbe  ty^iewrlter  should,  of 
onna.  be  corrected.  If  the  worit  Is  not  tyiiewritten  It  must  be  written  care- 
folly  and  legibly  on  only  one  aide  of  tbe  sheet,  and  must  be  In  form  ready  for 
pnbllcatlon. 

VL  In  addition  to  text,  footnotes,  and  bibliography  the  monograph  must  con- 
tita  Dotblng  except  the  name  and  address  of  the  author  and  a  Rhort  Introduction 
■ttlag  forth  the  character  of  the  material  and  the  purpose  of  the  work.  After 
Aeiward  has  been  made  tbe  successful  competitor  may  add  such  r)ersonaI  allu- 
Am  as  ar»  customary  In  a  printed  work. 

VIL  In  niBklng  the  award  tbe  committee  will  consider  not  only  research. 
■Kitncy,  and  originality,  but  also  clearness  of  expression,  logical  arrangement. 
»M  (Specially  literary  form.  The  successful  monograph  must  he  written  in 
KM  Bngtlsh,  The  prUe  will  not  be  awarded  unless  the  work  submitted  shall 
hot  a  high  degree  of  excellence. 

l_VI!L  The  Bueccssful  mouogmiib  will  be  published  by  the  American  Historical 
|HHlstlou,  Tbe  author  will  be  given  25  copies  of  bis  work  boitud  sei)arately 
HVUMT  and  25  hound  In  clotb ;  but  tu  case  he  desire  additional  copies  for  per- 
BW  diBtrlbiitton.  or  to  present  as  (wrt  of  the  requirement  for  the  doctor's  de- 
Ke,  hm  shnll  pay  tbe  cost  of  striking  off  the  extra  copies.  Separate  copies  of 
B>  munogniph,  l>ound  tn  doth,  may  be  obtained  of  the  secretary  by  anyone 
^MaK  them,  nt  a  cost  of  50  cents  each. 

B'lX.  rndn  the  rules  of  the  (lovernment  the  snccesBful  competitor  cau  pur- 
^pw  copies  of  his  work  from  the  Public  Printer,  and  put  them  on  sale  at  such 
Vw«ta  be  may  see  fit.    Any  competitor  may  make  such  use  of  his  manuscript 


84  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

as  he  desires,  eveu  while  it  is  in  the  huuds  of  tlie  committee,  provided  that  in 
case  he  receive  the  award  he  defer  its  publication  by  any  one  else  than  the 
association  until  after  the  api)earance  of  the  reix)rt  of  the  association  contain- 
ing the  work  in  question.  He  must,  however,  relinquish  all  right  of  copyright 
in  his  essay,  since  the  copyright  of  material  published  by  the  Government  is 
forbidden  by  statute. 

[It  is  not  dear  that  the  mode  of  publication  described  in  Section  VIII  can  be 
maintained.  Another  mode  is  under  consideration,  and  in  the  meantime  no 
IK)sitive  promise  of  publication  can  be  made  to  competitors.] 

Address  all  corresiwndence  relative  to  the  Justin  Winsor  prisse  to  Prof. 
Charles  H.  Hull,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  and  all  correspondence  relative  to  the  Herbert 
Baxter  Adams  prize  to  Prof.  Charles  Gross,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

The  Justin  Winsor  prize  (which  until  1906  was  offered  annually)  has  been 
awarded  as  follows: 

In  1896  to  Herman  V.  Ames,  for  his  work  entitled  **The  Proposed  Amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution  of  the  TTnited  States." 

In  1900  to  William  A.  Schaper,  for  his  work  entitled  **  Sectionalism  and  Repre- 
sentation in  South  Carolina ;  '*  with  honorable  mention  of  the  work  of  Mary  S. 
Locke  on  "Anti-Slavery  Sentiment  before  1808." 

In  1901  to  Ulrich  B.  Phillips,  for  his  work  entltknl  "  (^ieorgla  and  State 
Rights;"  with  honorable  mention  of  the  work  of  M.  I^oulse  Greene  on  "The 
Struggle  for  Religious  Liberty  in  Connecticut." 

In  1902  to  Charles  McCarthy,  for  his  work  entitled  "The  Anti-Masonic 
I*arty ; "  with  honorable  mention  of  the  work  of  W.  Roy  Smith  on  **  South 
Carolina  as  a  Royal  Province." 

In  1903  to  Louise  Phelps  Kellogg,  for  her  work  entitled  "The  American 
Colonial  Charter:  a  Study  of  Its  Relation  to  English  Administration,  chiefly 
after  1688." 

In  1904  to  William  R.  Manning,  for  his  work  entitled  "  The  Nootka  Sound 
Controversy ;"  with  honorable  mention  of  the  work  of  C.  O.  Paullin  on  '*  The 
Navy  of  the  American  Revolution." 

In  1906  to  Annie  Heloise  Abel,  for  her  work  entitled  "  The  History  of  Events 
Resulting  in  Indian  Consolidation  west  of  the  Mississippi  River." 

From  1897  to  1899  and  in  1905  the  Justin  Winsor  prize  was  not  awarded. 

The  Herbert  Baxter  Adams  prize  has  been  awarded : 

In  1905  to  David  S.  Muzzey,  for  his  work  entitled  "The  Spiritual  Francis- 
cans;" with  honorable  mention  of  the  work  of  Eloise  Ellery  on  "Jean  Pierre 
BHssot." 

In  1907  to  Edward  B.  Krehbiel,  for  his  work  entitled  "The  Interdict;  its 
History  and  Operation,  with  especial  attention  to  the  time  of  Pope  Innocent 
III.,"  and  to  William  Spence  Robertson,  for  his  work  entitled  "  BYanclsco  de 
Miranda  and  the  Revolutionizing  of  Si>anish  America." 


II.  REPORT  OF  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  PACIFIC  COAST  BRANCH. 


By  CLYDE  A.  DUNI\A^AY, 

Projenar  in  Leland  Stanford  Junior  University^  and 
Secretary  of  the  Branch, 


35 


REPORT  OF  THE  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  FOURTH  ANNUAL  MEETING  OF 
THE  PACIFIC  COAST  BRANCH  OF  THE  AMERICAN 
•     HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 


By  C.  A.  DuNiWAY,  Secretary  of  the  Pacific  Coast  Branch. 


The  fourth  annual  meeting  of  the  Pacific  Coast  Branch  of  the 
American  Historical  Association  was  held  in  San  Francisco  on  Fri- 
day, November  29,  and  Saturday,  November  30.  The  first  session,  on 
Friday  afternoon,  in  the  parlors  of  the  Hotel  Stewart,  was  opened  by 
President  W.  D.  Fenton,  of  Portland,  Oreg.,  with  brief  remarks  upon 
the  significance  of  holding  a  meeting  of  the  branch  at  this  time  in  the 
new  San  Francisco. 

Prof.  Bernard  Moses,  of  the  University  of  California,  read  a  paper 
on  "The  Relation  of  the  United  States  to  Latin  America," <»  giving 
an  analysis  of  the  causes  of  the  failures  of  the  United  States  and 
Latin- American  peoples  to  understand  each  other.    Both  the  institu- 
tional inheritance  and  the  economic  environment  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States  have  produced  inevitably  a  democratic  society.    In 
Latin  America,  on  the  contrary,  efforts  to  realize  democratic  ideals 
have  had  to  contend  against  an  inherited  monarchical  tradition,  sus- 
tained by  sympathetic  intercourse  with  their  nondemocratic  Euro- 
pean kinsfolk.    The  people  of  the  United  States  have  shown  an  in- 
tolerant pride  in  comparing  the  political  results  attained  in  their  own 
country  with  successive  revolutionary  absolutisms  existing  in  Latin 
America.     The  resentment  of  people  of  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
descent  against  northern  assumptions  of  superiority  has  been  unfor- 
tunately strengthened  by  differences  of  manners,  inasmuch  as  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  United  States  have  too  little  respect  for  the  cere- 
ntonious  side  of  conduct.    Lack  of  economic  intercourse  has  operated 
to  intensify  prejudice  until  a  real  practical  problem  has  appeared  for 
the  maintenance  of  better  relations  between  the  United  States  and 
I^tin  America. 

Prof.  Henry  L.  Cannon,  of  Leland  Stanford  Junior  University, 
^d  a  paper  on  "  Some  inherent  difficulties  in  the  study  of  history." 
Commenting  upon  the  importance  to  the  student  of  history,  in  the 
general   sense,  of   complementary   sciences,  such  as    physiography, 

•  For  the  paper  in  full,  see  p.  — , 

37 


88  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

ffthnology,  economics,  political  science.  Mr.  Cannon  gave  interesting 
examples  of  the  persistence  in  historical  literature  of  various  theories 
no  longer  held  as  tenable  by  specialists  in  the  particular  sciences 
involved. 

The  next  paper,  by  Mr.  John  Jewett  Earle,  of  Oakland,  dealt  with 
"  The  sentiment  of  the  people  of  California  with  respect  to  the  civil 
war.'*"  His  study  of  what  may  be  called  the  "  war  history  "  of  Cali- 
fornia, based  upon  contemiK)rary  newspapers  and  reports  of  military 
authorities,  revealed  many  incidents  of  interest.  He  discussed  the 
existence  of  bitter  partisan  hostility  between  a  majority  of  the  people, 
supporting  the  Federal  Government,  and  a  large  and  active  minority, 
sympathizing  with  the  Confederacy.  Scurrilous  abuse  of  the  Grovem- 
inent  at  Washington  abounded  in  newspapers.  Organized  secret 
societies  entered  into  plots  to  carry  the  State  out  of  the  Union,  either 
for  the  pur[)ose  of  establishing  an  independent  republic  or  with  the 
intention  of  uniting  with  the  Confederacy.  These  plots  were  check- 
mated by  the  vigilance  of  the  authorities  of  the  State,  aided  by 
national  military  forces.  In  California,  as  elsewhere,  arbitrary 
measures  in  restraint  of  the  freedom  of  the  press  and  of  the  liberty 
of  individuals  were  freely  resorted  to  for  the  suppression  of  sympathy 
with  se(!ession.  The  sentiment  of  loyalty  to  the  Union  prevailed  over 
forces  leading  to  disunion,  but  only  through  the  use  of  vigorous 
coercive  measures. 

Prof.  C.  A.  Duniway,  of  Leland  Stanford  Junior  University,  gave 
an  a(*count  of  the  "  Political  and  civil  disabilities  of  the  negro  in 
C California,  1 849-180 1.''    Beginning  with  constitutional  disability  of 
denial  of  the  elective  franchise,  California  was  shown  to  have  enacted 
II  series  of  '*  black  laws  "  such  as  were  characteristic  of  most  free 
States  of  the  same  i)eriod.    Negi'oes  were  not  pennitted  to  hold  office? 
to  serve  as  jurors,  to  give  testimony  in  civil  or  criminal  cases  to  which 
a  white  person  was  a  party,  to  practice  as  attorneys,  to  attend  the 
ordinary  public  schools,  to  intermarry  with  whites.    Their  petitions 
t o  the  legislat ure  weiv  either  not  received  or  summarily  rejected.    Prop' 
ositions  to  prohibit  their  immigration  were  seriously  advocated  by 
governors  and  supported  by  political  parties,  on  one  occasion  failing 
of  adoption  only  by  a  disagi'eement  between  the  houses  of  the  legisla- 
ture on  certain  points  of  detail.    By  citation  of  reports  of  cases  in 
inferior  courts,  esiHH*ially  from  newspapers  and  pamphlets  published 
by  the  colonel  ]K)pulation  of  the  State,  these  various  disabilities  were 
proven  not  to  have  Ihh^u  dead-letter  statutes.    Furthermore,  persistent; 
agitation  by  state  assiK*iations  and  local  conventions  of  colored  people 
weiY  of  no  avail  in  modifying  the  policy  embodied  in  these  laws  until 
after  the  rise  of  a  new  spirit  of  democracy  engendered  by  the  civil- 
war. 


•  For  the  paper  In  full,  stv  p.  — . 


MEETINO   OF   P.\rlF!C   COAST   BRANCH, 


39 


The  anntiRl  banquet  of  the  branch  was  held  at  6  o'clock  at  the 
Hotel  Jefferson,  with  Prof.  H.  Morse  Stephens  preaiditig. 

The  Friday  evening  session  liegan  with  the  annual  address  by  the 
president,  Mr.  W.  D,  Fenton,  of  Portland.  The  paper  was  an  appre- 
ciative sketch  of  the  career  of  Senator  and  Colonel  E.  D,  Baker.  His 
prominence  in  the  group  of  public  men  of  Illinois  of  whom  President 
Lincoln  became  the  greate*;t  leader,  his  distinguished  success  in  the 
practice  of  his  profession,  his  power  as  a  popular  orator,  and  his 
connection  with  the  hi-'^tory  of  California  and  Oregon  were  pre- 
sented largely  through  quotations  of  the  testimony  of  Baker's  asso- 
ciates and  political  antagonists. 

The  Friday  evening  session  began  with  the  annual  address  by  the 
president,  Mr.  W.  D.  Fenton,  of  Portland.  The  paper  was  an  appre- 
mti\'e  sketch  of  the  career  of  Senator  and  Colonel  E.  D.  Baker.  His 
and  Indian  war  there  was  in  progress  in  the  .\jnerican  colonies  a 
domastic  struggle  quite  comi>urable  in  many  respects  to  the  contest 
between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain,  There  were  two  sharply 
differentiated  elements  in  the  colonies,  represented  roughly  by  the 
coast  and  the  fi-ontier.  The  men  of  the  coast  were  in  control  of  the 
government  and  looked  down  upon  the  men  of  the  frontier;  they 
were  fearful  of  the  results  if  the  control  of  government  should  ever 
pi)K  into  the  hands  of  the  latter;  acordingly,  they  managed  affairs 
in  iheir  own  interests  without  regard  to  the  welfare  of  the  frontiers- 
men. Several  examples  were  taken  to  show  that  the  frontiersmen 
Were  complaining  of  the  same  grievances  and  infringements  of  their 
rights  at  the  hands  of  the  men  of  the  coast  as  the  men  of  the  coast 
*t!re  complaining  of  against  Great  Britain.  In  several  instances  the 
lieu  of  the  frontier  issued  declarations  of  independence  modeled  oil 
'W  national  declaration.  This  state  of  affairs  continued  long  after 
tile  Revolution  was  over.  In  the  course  of  time  the  frontiersmen 
were  able  to  get  redress  of  grievances,  but  in  practically  every  in- 
slaiice  these  adjustments  in  the  colonies  were  obtained  only  by  forcing 
thi>ni  from  the  men  in  control.  The  conclusion  reached  was  that  the 
iloclrines  of  liberty  and  equality  have  not  been,  in  most  cases  in  the 
I'niied  Stutcis,  voluntarily  applied  either  in  national  or  state  polity; 
iWir  application  has  been  extorted.  The  enjoj'ment  of  these  privi- 
Itp*  has  only  been  achieved  by  a  struggle,  of  which  the  Revolution 
'^is  hut  a  single  stage,  and  a  factor,  perhaps  the  most  potent  of  all, 
in  this  struggle  has  been  the  frontier,  or  the  West. 
Prof.  H.  Morse  Stepheii&,  of  the  University  of  California,  gave  an 
of  a  large  collection  of  materials  for  a  history  of  the  earth- 
ike  tad  San  Francisco  fire  of  April,  1906,  provided  through  the 
it  of  the  relief  committees  of  .San  Francisco.  Copies  of  pro- 
of civil  and  military  authorities  of  all  grades,  first-hand 


40  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION,     . 

reports  of  firemen  and  police,  narratives  of  the  personal  experiences 
of  some  three  thousand  private  citizens,  had  been  supplemented  by 
thousands  of  newspaper  clippings  and  by  files  of  some  eight  hundred 
newspapers  from  all  parts  of  the  world  for  several  weeks  after  the 
catastrophe.  The  completeness,  variety,  and  interest  of  this  mass  of 
material  gives  a  basis  for  an  unusually  satisfactory  account  of  a 
great  public  disaster  and  the  method  in  which  the  crisis  was  met  by 
the  people. 

The  first  part  of  the  Saturday  morning  session,  under  the  chair- 
manship of  Prof.  Thomas  R.  Bacon,  of  the  University  of  California, 
was  devoted  to  discussion  of  the  teaching  of  history  and  government 
in  schools.  Mr.  E.  M.  Cox,  superintendent  of  schools  of  Santa  Rosa, 
presented  the  subject  of  "  State  text-books  in  history."  He  declared 
that  a  state  text-book  system  is  not  desirable.  Such  a  system  pre- 
scribes uniformity  for  schools  where  uniformity  hinders  good  teach- 
ing. Books  adapted  to  city  pupils  of  certain  grades  are  not  suitable 
for  country-bred  children  enrolled  in  the  similar  school  years.  Ana- 
lyzing evidence  which  he  had  received  from  teachers  of  Washington, 
Idaho,  Oregon,  Nevada,  and  California,  he  concluded  that  prevalent 
divergent  testimony  of  praise  and  criticism  for  the  books  adopted  in 
these  several  States  proved  the  unwisdom  of  adopting  any  single 
text-book  for  the  schools  of  a  State. 

Miss  Agnes  E.  Howe,  of  the  San  Jose  State  Normal  School,  con- 
tinued the  discussion,  maintaining  that  the  personality  and  training 
of  teachers  is  of  far  more  consequence  that  the  matter  of  text-books. 
Given  a  good  teacher,  one  who  has  the  ability  to  select  alternative 
texts  best  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  school,  good  results  will  be  had 
from  the  teaching. 

Prof.  G.  H.  Roberts,  of  the  University  of  California,  then  made  a 
plea  for  the  study  of  local  and  municipal  govermnent  in  schools.  He 
urged  that  the  customary  emphasis  upon  the  constitution  of  the 
central  government,  to  the  neglect  of  the  institutions  having  the 
closest  connection  with  the  welfare  of  the  individual,  leaves  the  people 
in  a  state  of  ignorance  which  is  one  source  of  the  conspicuous  failure 
of  municipal  government  in  the  United  States.  He  would  have  the 
teaching  of  this  subject  dwell  less  upon  the  structure  of  institutions 
and  more  upon  their  activity,  their  politics. 

Introduced  by  Prof.  H.  Morse  Stephens,  four  gentlemen  who  have 
been  making  investigations  in  the  Bancroft  Library  gave  brief  de- 
scriptions of  the  original  material  to  be  found  in  the  library.  Prof. 
J.  R.  Robertson,  of  Pacific  University,  characterized  the  documentary 
material  of  the  Mexican  period  in  California,  especially  the  copies  of 
pueblo  archives  and  the  collections  of  letters  and  memoirs  of  Mexican 
local  authorities.  Mr.  W.  C.  Westergaard,  of  the  Chico  State  Normal 
School,  described  a  collection  of  official  documents  and  newspapers 


MEETING  OP  PACIFIC  COAST  BRANCH.  41 

from  the  Danish  West  Indies  for  the  period  1788-1840.  Mr.  R.  W. 
Kelsey  and  Mr.  Julius  Klein,  both  of  the  University  of  California, 
gave  interesting  accounts  of  the  Thomas  O.  Larkin  letters  and  docu- 
ments, and  of  the  very  large  body  of  material  illustrating  the  eco- 
nomic history  of  the  Pacific  coast. 

The  regular  business  session  of  the  branch  followed.    The  report  of 
the  secretary-treasurer  showed  that  there  had  been  little  change  in 
the  affairs  of  the  branch  for  the  past  year.    Unsettled  conditions  in 
California,  the  State  furnishing  the  majority  of  memberships,  ex- 
plained this  circumstance.    The  executive  committee  announced  the 
appointment  of  Prof.  E.  D.  Adams,  of  Leland  Stanford  Junior  Uni- 
versity, as  the  representative  of  the  branch  to  attend  the  meeting  of 
the  executive  council   of  the  American  Historical   Association   in 
Madison.     Prof.  H.  Morse  Stephens  was  appointed  alternate.     A 
formal  resolution  was  passed  empowering  the  executive  committee 
to  appoint  such  special  committees  as  may  be  desirable  for  the  inter- 
ests of  the  branch.    The  committee  on  nominations,  Prof.  J.  N.  Bow- 
man, Mr.  J.  J.  Earle,  and  Mr.  P.  J.  Treat,  reported  the  following  list 
of  officers,  who  were  duly  elected  for  the  ensuing  year :  President, 
Hon.  James  D.  Phelan,  of  San  Francisco ;  vice-president,  Hon.  J.  M. 
Guinn,  of  IjOS  Angeles ;  secretary-treasurer.  Prof.  C.  A.  Duniway,  of 
Stanford  University ;  additional  members  of  the  executive  committee. 
;    Hon.  F.  V.  Holman,  of  Portland;  Prof.  H.  Morse  Stephens,  of 
'    Berkeley ;  Prof.  Max  Farrand,  of  Stanford  University. 


III.  REPORT  OF  CONFERENCE  ON  THE  RELATION  OF  GEOGRAPHY 

AND  HISTORY. 


By  FREDERICK  J.  TURNER, 
ProfettOT  in  the  UnivenUy  of  Wisocmtinf  Chairman  of  the  Conference, 


43 


REPORT  OF  THE  CONFERENCE  ON  THE  RELATION  OF  GEOGRAPHY  AND 

HISTORY. 


By  Fredkkick  J.  Tubneb,  Chninnan, 


The  conference  was  largely  attended  and  served  to  open  a  line  of 
discussion  of  much  importance  to  the  association.  The  chairman,  in 
his  introductory  remarks,  called  attention  to  the  relative  lack  of  study 
of  the  relations  between  geography  and  history  in  the  United  States 
in  spite  of  the  fact  .that  this  country  affords  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant fields,  if  not  the  most  important,  for  the  study  of  the  inter- 
actions betw^een  man  and  his  environment.  Society  is  here  in  the 
process  of  formation,  and  settlement  is  so  rapidly  extending  across 
dissimilar  geographical  provinces  that  such  conferences  seem  pecu- 
liarly desirable  and  worthy  of  being  repeated. 

In  the  first  paper  Miss  Ellen  Churchill  Semple,  of  Louisville,  Ky., 
discussed  "  Geographical  location  as  a  factor  in  history."  *» 

Her  main  conclusions  were  as  follows:  The  location  of  a  country 
is  the  supreme  geographical  fact  in  its  history.     The  dispersion  of 
people  over  a  wide,  boundless  area  has  a  disintegrating  tendency, 
while  the  opposite  result  follows  concentration  within  a  restricted 
national  base.     A  people  situated  between  two  other  peoples  gen- 
erally form  an  ethnical  and  cultural  link  between  the  two.     The 
unifying  effect  of  vicinal  location  is  greatly  enhanced  if  the  neigh- 
Wing  people  are  grouped  about  an  inclosed  sea.     An  even  closer 
connection  exists  between  adjoining  nations  united  by  ties  of  blood 
and  economically  dependent  upon  one  another  because  of  a  contrast 
in  physical  conditions.     The  two  chief  types  of  continuous  location 
are  the  central  and  the  peripheral.    The  former  means  opportunity 
for  widening  territory  and  the  exercise  of  a  widespread  influence,  but 
it  also  means  danger ;  the  latter  means  a  narrow  base  but  a  protected 
frontier  along  the  sea.     All  nations  strive  to  combine  both  a  central 
and  a  peripheral  location.     An  admirable  combination  of  the  two 
is  in  the  United  States;  but  our  country  has  paid  for  its  security  by 
an  historical  aloofness  and  poverty  of  influence.    The  accessibility 
^f  the  maritime  periphei-y  tends  to  raise  it  in  culture,  wealth,  density 
^f  population,  and  often  in  political  importance,  in  advance  of  the 

•Since  printed  in  full  in  the  Bulletin  of  the  American  Geographical  Society,  XL..  1-17. 

45 


X. 

:--<*s  them  on  to 

•  !i   n   different 

ni|)r>rtan(Y. 

■■  ■•     U^    lh(J 
<■!"    tlu' 

..M'isiiv  uf 
'I  <«niimuiiitv 

'   lllo.M'  of  filllCU- 

•  •:i'h'r>liil>  of  Vir- 
J>iit    his   principal 
lIiMv  tlie  Mandans,  in 
.  (Ii'vcloped  a  civilization 
=•   ihc  Northwest,  wliilc  the 
ivinn  the  (ireat  I^akes  to  tliat 
!•:.  hM  manv  of  their  arts  and 
re.     The  niethcM]  and  character 
va?H  predetennined  hy  its  ])hysiog- 
the  Alissonri  and  Red  rivei-s— 
nir  companies  and  of  contendin'r 
.  Indian  tnide  led  to  Lord  Selkirk's 
l»roii^ht  the  first  white  sc»ttlers  into 
-,      i\^io«^raphic  conditions  and  the  coii- 
•   the  State  were  the  jjerjx^t nation  of 
icvelopnient  of  a^ricnltnre,  dne  t<»  the 
::io  lon«r  retention  hy  England  of  the 
>.  iv»i*'.shnient  of  forts  hy  the  X'nited  States 
.^    lalf  hived  ]>opnlation,  due  to  the  lonjr 
!ulian  tril)es  and  ivsident  tradin«r  coni- 
,     !iornational  houndaiT  lines  in  favor  of 
,  v.;iJ  ie>. 

.V     noniinjr's   papers   was   opene<l   by   Prof. 

.,.vi'.  >^lu»  warmly  recognized  the  worth  of 

^      u*  chnpience  of  Miss  Senii)les  j)aiK»r,  bill 

uM!>:h  a  factor  in  history,  is  only  a  factor. 

.  .ot  \  than  in  mathematics  can  the  outcome  k' 

ivUM  alone.     Though  all  that  nnin  diK's  ami 

uni-clf  into  his  environment,  it  must  never 

»ss  I .  a  fai'tor.  and  oftener  the  active  than  the 

^,    ill. Ill  I  he  undti])licand.     Kecognitiou  of  this 

.    41    uiihigm»us  or  inexact  use  of  words.     Thus 

.;,^  cnhcr  an  acl  nr  the  result  of  an  act;  it  may 

*      ,   .  Ay  o      NN'hcn  Miss  Sem[)le  tells  us  that  *^  the  most 

,1  ,al  l'i»  t  01  the  |)a^i  history  of  the  United  States 

^  ^      ,Mi  iMi  the  Atlantic  opposite  Europe,-'  we  are  in 


X  % 


•T   OF    CONFERENCE   ON    GEOGRAPHY   AND    HISTORY.  47 

that  she  speaks,  not  of  a  condition,  but  of  an 

made  the  story  of  the  colonists  other  than 

"oirraphical  position,  but  their  Euro- 

and  their  compass,  the  friends 

•  ii^cndered  their  trade,  the  pur- 

.  and  the  phxns  which  were  here 

r  causation,  influence  or  control,  to 

iv  of  speech  w^hich  gives  vigor  to  style, 

fallacy;  and  when  to  nature  is  imputed 

\rd  \)\'  man,  the  sufferer  from  the  fallacy 

'\\>,  instructor  in  the  University  of  Chicago, 
iiitM'uiediate  between  that  of  Miss  Semple  and 
•  iiri*. 
.  riiillips,  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  presented 
itlr  of  the  use  of  geography  in  interpreting  history, 
maps  of  the  Southern  States,  with  counties,  one  show- 
>ii  of  AVhig  and  Democratic  majority  votes  in  the  presi- 
i  it)n  of  1848,  the  other  showing  tlie  local  preponderan<!e  of 
■  I  ii(*gnK»s  in  the  population  according  to  the  census  of  1850, 
\^'^\  out  a  significant  relation  and  lack  of  relation  Ix^tweeu 
n  maps  in  their  several  great  regions.  South  Carolina  did  not 
:ii-  in  the  political  map,  because  there  was  no  popular  election 
u*  of  pivsidential  electors.  The  States  from  (jeorgia  and  Tennessee 
IVxas,  the  newly  settled  lower  South,  showed  a  great  geographical 
'lincidcnce  of  Whig  and  negro  (slave)  majorities.  In  North  Caro- 
lina this  relation  was  exactly  reversed,  while  in  Virginia  and  the 
'jorder  States  no  relations  at  all  were  traceable  between  the  black  l)elts 
and  the  ^^^lig  or  Democratic  majorities.  He  explained  this  by  saying 
that  the  national  parties  of  the  period  had  been  formed  by  the  merg- 
ing of  state  parties  or  local  factions,  and  the  bases  of  these  latter 
luid  been  various  in  the  several  regions.  In  the  cotton  belt  the  basis 
had  been  largely  social — the  aristocratic  planters  against  the  Dem- 
ocratic remainder — while  in  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Kentucky  th<» 
hasis  had  l)een  questions  of  economic  and  political  policy.  When  the 
wave  of  Jacksonian  democracy  swept  the  coiuitry  it  had  carried  all 
with  it  who  had  no  special  reason  to  oppose  it.  In  the  cotton  belt, 
aewly  developed,  the  plantation  system  was  a  strong  enough  social 
^'tratifj'ing  factor  to  project  the  line  of  social  cleavage  conspicuously 
into  politics.  In  Virginia  the  plantation  system  was  too  much  on  the 
wane  to  be  a  prominent  factor.  In  North  Carolina  the  lines  of  po- 
litical cleavage  had  been  and  were  now  largely  determined  by  the 
plantation  system;  but,  curiously,  as  a  result  of  some  obscure  hap- 

•  Profe««or  Burr's  }]:oneral   position   has  been   developed   more   fully    in    the   rei)ort   of 
the  tweDty-second  meeting  of  the  New  England  History  Teachers*  Association. 


48  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL.  ASSOCIATION. 

pening  in  the  period  of  the  merging,  tlie  planting  element  joined  the 
Jacksonian  movement,  while  the  small  farmers  of  the  pine  barrens 
and  Uie  mountains  cast  their  alliance  with  the  Wugs,  who  were  elae- 
where  and  generally  aristocratic.  The  speaker  conchided  with  a  dis- 
cussion of  the  southern  ^Tiigs  as  a  coalition  of  incongruous  elements: 
United  States  bank  champions  in  the  border  States;  advocates  o( 
federal  canals  and  turnpikes  in  the  upper  Potomac,  James,  and  Ka- 
nawha valley,  and  elsewhere  where  such  works  were  actually  needed; 
and  protectionist  sugar  planters  in  Ijouisiumi— all  of  these  tending  lo 
Clay's  National  Republican  doctrines — and  on  the  other  hand  the  cot- 
Ion  planters,  who  favored  free  trade;  the  nullifiers,  who  were  the  ex- 
tremists among  them ;  and  the  Wise  and  Tyler  element  of  states- rights 
men,  whose  feelings  and  doctrines  had  l>een  outraged  by  the  force  bill. 

Prof.  George  B.  Adams  said  that  it  had  always  seemed  lo  him  that 
the  chief  difficulty  with  Ihe  geographers  was  a  failure  to  regard  iii 
their  thinking  the  old  philosophic  distinction  between  causes  and 
conditions.  Most  of  the  matters  which  they  rightly  call  upon  us  to 
include  in  history  are  conditions,  not  causes.  It  is  a  difiiciilt  thing 
to  built  a  water  mill  where  there  is  no  waterfall,  but  it  is  not  tlie 
waterfall  which  grinds  the  wheat. 

Prof.  H.  Morse  Stephens,  of  the  University  of  California,  spoke  ill 
favor  of  more  attention  to  political  geography  in  schools  and  college 
and  lamented  the  lack  of  proper  charts  nnd  maps  for  this  study- 
Prof.  N.  M.  Ti-enholnie,  of  the  University  of  Missouri,  enforcing  this 
idea,  spoke  as  follows: 

Any  interpretation  of  histoi-y  from  one  view  point  is  necessarily* 
mistake,  and  so  a  geographical  or  physiographical  interpretation  will 
leave  out  of  accoimt  many  factors  of  importance,  just  as  an  economic 
or  a  sociological  interpretation  would.  AVhat  is  really  needed  in  tbo 
teaching  of  history  and  historical  geography  is  closer  correlation  of 
the  two  subjects  in  the  work  of  the  class  room,  so  that  the  important 
features  of  physical  geography  are  emphasized  in  their  historical 
bearings,  while  through  constant  references  to  localities  on  maps  nnd 
charts  the  position  of  important  peoples  and  places  becomes  familiar 
to  the  students.  The  lack  of  a  good  atlas  of  political  historical  geog- 
raphy with  names  in  English  has  recently  been  supplied,  but  we  are 
still  without  adequate  historical  maps  and  charts  for  Euglisli  Bud 
European  history  save  such  as  are  produced  in  Germany  and  Fraiice- 

Prof.  Ralph  Tarr,  of  Cornell,  president  of  the  Geographical  Aso- 

ciation,  spoke  briefly  in  support  of  Ihe  importance  of  studying  tlis 

relarions  between  geography  and  history,  and  Miss  Semple  spoke 

briefly  on  some  of  the  points  brought  out  in  the  discussion,  explaining 

'  and  euforcing  her  position.  ^H 


IV.  REPORT  OF  CONFERENCE  ON  THE  WORK  OF  STATE  AND  LOCAL 

HISTORICAL  SOCIETIES. 


By  EVARTS  B.  GREENE, 
Professor  in  the  Univeraity  of  Illinois^  Secretary  of  the  Conference, 


49 
58833— VOL  1—08 4 


REPORT  OF  THE  CONFERENCE  ON  THE  PROBLEMS  OF  STATE  AND  LOCAL 
HISTORICAL  SOCIETIES. 


The  meeting  war.  called  to  order  bv  the  cliairmaii,  Mr.  Frank  H. 
Severance,  secretary  of  the  Buffalo  Historical  Society.  Among  the 
state  societies  and  institutions  represented  were  the  following:  The 
state  historical  societies  of  Oregon,  Xorth  Dakota,  Xebraska. 
Kansas,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  AYisconsin.  Illinois,  Mississippi,  ^Vrkansas. 
Missiuri,  Pennsylvania;  Washington  University  Historical  Society; 
.Vmerican  Antiquarian  Society  of  Worcester,  Mass.;  Chicago  Histor- 
ical Society;  Buffalo  Historical  Society;  Swedish -American  Histor- 
ical Society;  Mississippi  Department  of  Archives  and  History;  Ahi- 
Iwnm  Department  of  Archives  and  History;  Illinois  State  Historical 
Library:  Connecticut  State  Library. 

Tile  following  annual  report  was  presente<i  by  the  secretary : 


A  Rerirt  on  the  Phohbess  of  State  Hisn 


[CAi.  Societies. 


It  is  the  purpose  of  tliis  report  to  outline  briefly  th»?  progivss  of 
state  historical  societies  in  the  United  States  during  the  past  year. 
The  material   hufi  been  gathered  mainly   from   statements  sent  by 
vsrioiiK  organizations  in  response  to  n  circular  letter  covering  the  fol- 
lowing points:  1.  legislation  of  the  year  affecting  the  organixulion 
nf  state  historical  work;  2.  Legislative  appropriations  in  aid  of  his- 
torical rolloctions,  research,  and  publication;  3,  Other  additions  to 
income;  4.  Xotuble  changes  in  the  administration  of  historical  in- 
Llttarts  ill  t]ie  State  (not  covered  by  1) ;  5.  X'^otahle  additions  to  collec- 
Itimt^  buildings,   and   equipment;   fi.  Publications   of   the   year;   Y. 
[  Significant  new  enterprises  already  begun  or  projected.     Two  addi- 
honil  statements  are  nei'essai'y  to  explain  the  sco|>c  of  this  inquiry. 
lo  the  first  place,  it  has  seemed  best  for  the  purposes  of  a  brief  report 
"^t  this  to  limit  it  in  the  main  to  state  organizations;  secondly,  since 
I  "le  line  between  state  historical  societies  and  historical  departments 
I  ^  often  rather  shadowy,  the  latter  have  been  included  as  well  as  the 
I  iMiner.     Answers  to  the  circular  were  received  from  most  of  the 
Ifttlly  efficient  state  organizations,  though,  as  usual  with  such  in- 
IS^ities,  tliere  were  some  gaps. 


52  AMERICAX    MISTtiRICAI.  ASSOCIATION, 

The  returns  rccoivi'd  iiidiijiitL'  fleiirly  the  growing  liberality  of  fitata 
legislatures  toward  historical  work.  This  is  especially  true  of  the 
Middle  West.  The  annual  appropriation  for  tlie  Pioneer  and  His- 
torical Society  of  Michigan  is  $4,000.  In  Wisconsin  the  appropriation 
for  the  State  Historical  Society  has  been  increased  from  $20,000  to 
$25,000.  In  Iowa  there  has  been  an  advance  in  the  annual  appropria- 
tion from  $7,500  to  $12,000.  Minnesota  has  an  annual  grant  of 
$20,000,  In  Illinois  the  total  appropriation  has  been  largely  increased 
and  the  special  item  for  collecting  and  publishing  documentary  mate- 
rial has  bfcn  advanced  from  $5,000  to  $10,000  for  the  present  biennial 
period.  In  Nebraska  the  total  biennial  appropriation  has  been  in- 
creased from  $10,000  to  $15,000,  and  an  additional  sum  of  $23,000  has 
been  appropriated  to  begin  the  erection  of  a  special  building  for  the 
society. 

The  southern  legislatures,  taking  into  account  their  smaller  ire- 
sources,  are  making  an  equally  satisfactory  showing.  In  North  Caro- 
lina the  annual  appropriation  for  the  state  historical  commission 
was  increased  from  $500  to  $5,000,  in  addition  to  the  pi-ovisiou  made 
for  printing  under  a  general  state  contract.  In  Mississippi  the  ap- 
propriations of  the  hist  legislature  for  the  department  of  archives 
and  history  aggregated  $15,000,  In  190t  the  Alabama  legislature 
made  a  total  appropriation  for  the  years  1907,  1908,  1909,  and  1910 
of  $25,000,  not  counting  the  incidental  expenses  of  printing  and  sta- 
tionerj'.  This  was  an  increase  of  $8,000  over  that  made  by  the  legis- 
lature of  1903  for  the  preceding  quadrennial  period.  In  Texas  part 
of  the  provision  for  state  historical  work  comes  through  the  State 
University,  which,  within  the  last  year,  has  l>een  given  over  $1,000  for 
I  indexing  and  transcribing  manu-script  material  relating  to  the  history 
Bof  the  Southwest.  In  the  main,  the  hope  of  state  historical  societies. 
*)»t  least  in  the  West  and  South,  seems  to  lie  in  state  appropriatiiWS 
rather  than  in  privatfi  gifts  or  bequests. 

The  growth  of  interest  in  local  historical  work  is  shown  also  by  » 
decided  building  movement.  The  Maine  Historical  Society  has  ju^ 
dedicated  a  new  building  with  stack  accommodations  for  30,000  vol- 
umes, and  the  New  York  Historical  Society  has  a  building  nearly 
completed,  at  a  cost  of  $400,000.  In  the  West,  Iowa  has  recently  voted 
$40,000  for  the  completion  of  a  historical  building,  and  there  are  well- 
developed  building  movements  in  various  stages  of  advance  in  N*" 
braska  and  other  States,  l)oth  east  and  west. 

Progress  has  also  !>een  made  through  a  more  effective  organization 

of  the  various  agencies  for  historical  investigation  and  publication- 

In  New  York  the  appointment  of  Victor  H,  Paltsits  as  state  historia'* 

t  may  be  taken  in  itself  as  an  adequate  guaranty  that  the  work  of  th«* 

roffice  will  now  be  conducted  in  accordance  with  the  best  standards  of 

phistorical  scholarship.     The  State  of  Maine  has  just  established  tb» 


ed  tb*  J 

I 


CONFERENCE   OP   HISTORICAL  SOCIETIES.  53 

nme  office  nnd  the  governor  has  nppoinfej  Rev.  Henry  S.  Burrage, 
of  Togus.  as  the  first  state  historian.  In  Sortli  Carolina  the  scope 
of  the  historical  commission  has  been  enlarged  and  provision  made  for 
thp  appointment  of  a  salaried  secretary.  In  Wisconsin  the  legislature 
has  authorized  the  transfer  of  archives  from  the  various  state  offices 
to  tlie  ciistiidy  of  the  State  Historical  Society,  "which  is  to  arrange, 
filassify.  and  index  them,  and  furnish  authentic  copies  when  needed." 
Similar  legislation  has  been  enacted  in  North  Carolina,  South  Caro- 
lina, and  Iowa.  In  Alabama  the  department  of  archives  and  history 
announces  as  part  of  its  programme  for  the  immediate  future  "the 
L-ojuplete  organization,  classification,  and  cataloguing  of  the  entire 
body  of  our  state  archives  from  1818  to  the  present  time." 

In  many  States  of  the  Union  the  relations  between  the  state  histor- 
ical department  and  the  state  historical  society  have  never  been 
dearly  defined,  and  the  failure  to  define  clearly  their  respective  func- 
tions has  given  rise  to  some  embarrassment.  This  has  been  the  case, 
for  in.>jtance,  in  Illinois.  In  188!)  the  legislature  organized  the  board 
of  trustees  of  the  State  Historical  Library,  whose  membei-s  are  state 
officers  apiMJJnted  by  the  governor.  This  board,  organized  primarily 
fi)r  the  purpose  of  building  up  a  collection  of  printed  and  manuscript 
material,  has  in  recent  years  interpreted  its  functions  liberally  and 
undertaken,  with  the  authority  of  the  legislature,  the  work  of  publica- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  the  State  Historical  Society,  organized  ten 
>-ears  later,  represents  in  the  main  the  element  of  private  enterpri.se, 
though  its  secretary  is  also  secretary  of  the  library  board,  and  its 
Tra?tita''t!oii8  are  paid  for  from  fimds  administered  by  the  State 
Historical  Library.    Tliis  will  be  recognized  as  a  situation  similar  to 

tt  existing  in  many  other  States. 
Lt  the  last  meeting  of  the  legislature  various  proposals  for  re- 
anization  were  offered.  One  of  these  proposed  the  appointment 
a  state  historian;  another  contemplated  a  close  consolidation  of 
tlw  library  with  the  society,  giving  to  the  society  at  least  partial  con- 
trol of  the  membership  of  the  library  board ;  it  was  also  proposed  that 
tite  archivist  be  appointed  responsible  to  the  library  board.  None 
B  measures  ivas  enacted,  but  a  largely  increased  appropriation 
e  it  pa^ible  for  the  library  board,  on  the  initiative  of  President 
E'J.  James,  of  the  state  University,  to  develop  its  plans  for  bringing 
lie  work  more  nearly  in  line  with  expert  opinion.  In  1905  the  board 
ippointed  an  advisory  commission  consisting  of  one  representative 
1  from  the  historical  departments  of  the  following  institutions: 
Hversity  of  Illinois,  Univei-sity  of  Chicago,  Northwestern  Uni- 
tfty,  Illinois  College,  Eastern  Illinois  Normal  Schotil,  and  North- 
t  niinois  Normal  School.  It  was  made  the  function  of  this 
»ry  commission  to  prepare  for  consideration  by  the  board  plans 
bwcuring,  collecting,  and  publishing  documentary  material  relating 


54  AMKRICAN    HlSTOBirAL   ASSOCIATION. 

to  the  histoiy  of  the  State,  It  is,  of  course,  the  privilege  of  the  boHrc 
to  accept  or  reject  the  advice  thus  given;  but  in  the  main  the  jtlans 
proposed  by  tlie  commissidn  have  been  followed.  With  tlie  enlarge- 
ment of  the  work,  Iiowever,  it  became  evident  that  another  permanent 
expert  officer  was  needed.  This  need  has  jiist  been  provided  for  by 
the  ajjpointment  of  Prof,  Clarence  W.  Alvord,  of  the  Uni\"ersity 
of  Illinois,  who  has  been  relieved  of  part  of  his  academic  duties  for 
Ihi.-i  purpose. 

It  can  hardly  be  claimed  that  all  the  funds  at  the  disposal  of  the 
various  state  historical  societies  or  departments  have  been  or  will 
be  judiciously  expended.  Nevertheless,  there  has  been  within  recent 
years  a  marked  change  for  the  better  in  the  character  of  the  annual 
publications,  with  growing  emphasis  on  the  aafeguarding  and  pub- 
lishing of  fundamental  documentary  material.  The  past  year  has 
l*en  marked  by  the  completion  or  projection  of  some  important 
(iulili  cat  ions,  only  a  few  of  which  may  be  noted  at  this  time.  In 
the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  thi-  final 
volume  of  the  Bowdoin  and  Temple  papers  has  l>een  issued.  The 
Connecticut  Historical  Society  has  begun  the  publication  of  the 
Pui>er.s  of  Jonathan  Law,  governor  of  the  colony  from  1741  to  ITM, 
In  North  Carolina  the  historical  conmiission  has  in  press  n  Docu- 
mentary History  of  Public  Education  in  North  Carolina  tvuni  1800 
to  18(»S.  "All  the  correspondence  of  the  governor's  office  from  1789 
1o  IS(i8  has  Ix-en  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  commission  and  will 
ullinuUcly  l»e  imblished."  In  the  Gulf  States  perhaps  the  most 
midihii'  I'nlerpriso  is  the  publication  of  the  colonial  archives  of  Mis- 
siMsippi  during  the  period  of  the  Britisli  dominion.  The  first  volutuo 
of  the  series  is  now  in  course  of  preparation. 

The  States  of  the  Middle  West  have  been  especially  active. 
Michigan  Pioneer  and  Historical  .Society  announces  two  import 
undtTdikings:  One  is  the  publication  of  hitherto  unprinted  Schoc 
inifl  manuscripts  to  be  issued  in  the  next  volume  of  the  Pioneer  Col- 
lections; the  second  is  the  reediting  of  the  Margry  Papers,  issued 
f«ime  years  ago,  but,  as  is  generally  known,  in  such  form  as  to  give 
reasonable  ground  for  criticism.  The  Margry  introductions,  omitted 
in  the  published  volume,s,  will  Ix;  included  in  this  new  is.sue.  It  is 
announced  Ihat  "every  paper  in  the  entire  six  volumes  will  l>e  care- 
fully compared  with  the  originals  in  the  archives  at  Paris."  The 
French  text  is  to  be  accompanied  by  translations.  In  Illinois  the 
principal  event  of  the  year  has  been  the  i,ssue  of  a  second  volume  of 
the  Illinois  Historical  Collections,  containing  the  Cahokia  Records 
illustrating  condition!!  in  ihe  Illinois  country  from  the  coming  of 
Oeorgi-  Ilojjvrs  Clark  in  1778  to  the  visit  of  St.  Clair  in  1790,  The 
somewhat  extended  inlrodnctiou  contains  the  first  adequate  accoimt 
of  the  Virginia  aduiinistratiou  in  the  Illinois  country.    The  board 


'OlUtUO 

■M 


CONFEBKNCE  OK   UISTORICAL  SOCIETIES, 


55 


has  aorepted  the  plan  formiilateJ  by  the  advisory  commission  for 
the  piibliciition  of  a  definite  series  to  be  filled  out  according  to  a 
logical  plan,  though  the  chronological  order  will  not  be  strictly 
followed.  It  is  propos»?d  to  mark  the  coming  anniversary  year  by  a 
memorial  volimw  on  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debates,  which  is  now  be- 
ing prepared  by  Pmf.  E-  E,  Sparks,  of  the  University  of  Chicago. 
Other  volumes  which  it  is  proposed  to  publish  soon  will  include  a 
t-olloction  of  the  Clark  Papers,  the  Kaskaskia  Papers  of  the  Virginia 
Period  in  somewhat  the  same  form  as  the  Cahokia  Records  just  pub- 
lished, and  the  letters  of  (he  Illinois  governors  prior  to  the  civil  war. 
The  Wisconsin  Historical  Society  has  in  preparation  a  volume  on 
The  Revolution  in  the  Upper  Ohio  Valley.  This,  like  the  previous 
volume  on  I-ord  Dunmoie's  War,  is  to  be  published  with  the  co- 
operation of  the  Sons  of  the  jVmerican  Revolution.  The  Iowa  Stale 
Historical  Society  rontinues  its  valuable  Journal  of  History  and 
Politicjil  Science,  besides  a  number  of  other  publications,  including 
two  volumes  of  the  Iowa  Biographical  Series.  The  Minnesota  His- 
lorical  Society  expects  to  publir.li  daring  the  year  1008  two  volumes 
of  collections  dealing,  respt^ctively,  with  the  lives  of  the  governoi-s  of 
Minnesota,  and  the  archaHnlog}-  of  Minnesota.  In  these  and  many 
oilier  States  the  foun<iations  are  l*ing  laid  for  future  publications 
liy  transcripts  from  local  and  foreign  archives. 

Thi-s  general  survey  of  the  work  done  in  the  various  States  of  the 
I'nion  gives  reasonable  ground  for  encoiiragement,  though  in  some  of 
tli#  Stales  the  conditions  are  evidently  less  satisfactory.  Prosperity, 
Imwever.  brings  some  dangers  of  its  own  which  need  to  l«  carefully 
ootisidereil-  Large  sums  have  been  appropriated  by  many  of  the 
Slate  legislatui-es,  often  with  the  exjjectation  of  definite  returns  in  a 
compai"atively  short  time.  It  is,  of  course,  always  important  to  show 
tHngiblc  results  from  the  expenditui-e  of  public  funds;  but  thei-e  is 
some  danger  that  departments  and  societies,  in  their  desire  to  show 
lltese  tangible  results,  may  occasionally  be  led  into  hasty  action. 
Politirs  also  is  an  unfortunate  influence  which  can  not  yet  be  left 
wholly  out  of  account.  Under  these  conditions  the  need  of  a  clear 
raiLWDsus  of  opinion  as  to  the  policy  of  these  organizations  seems 
Bipecially  desirable.  A  few  points  seem,  in  my  judgment^  to  call  for 
special  emphasis. 

1.  In  some  States  the  organization  of  state  historical  work  has 
h«*n  put  on  a  substantial  basis  by  the  publication  of  a  comprehensive 
biblic^raphy  of  printed  matter,  with  special  reference  to  the  sources. 
Tliis  should  undoubtedly  be  done  soon  in  all  the  States  if  the  work  of 
research  is  to  be  economically  directed. 

2.  After  siicii  a  biblic^rapliical  survey  it  will  be  possible  to  deter- 
mine the  mo.'it  serious  gaps  in  the  documentary  collections,  which 
4)aulil  then  be  filled  in  systematical ly.  not  necessarily  in  chronological 


56  AMEBICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION.  / 

order,  but  at  least  in  accordance  with  some  logical  plan.  There  is 
perhaps  no  part  of  the  country  in  which  this  task  is  now  being  more 
consistently  planned  than  in  some  of  the  Southern  States. 

3.  Another  necessary  preliminary  to  the  judicious  publication  of 
documentary  material  is  a  survey  of  manuscript  depositories  both 
within  and  without  the  State.  Without  such  a  survey  the  first  vol- 
umes published  on  any  particular  period  or  phase  of  State  history  are 
bound  to  be  one-sided  and  fragmentary. 

4.  In  this  survey  of  manuscript  material,  and  in  its  subsequent 
transcribing  and  publication,  there  is  urgent  need  of  more  effective 
cooperation  among  the  state  societies  than  has  existed  hitherto. 
Without  it  there  will  be,  as  in  the  past,  unnecessary  waste  and  dupli- 
cation. This  is  seen  clearly  enough  in  the  colonial  documents  pub- 
lished by  some  of  the  older  States  of  the  Union.  Some  of  the  best 
known  depositories  of  state  papers  have  been  gone  over  repeatedly 
by  agents  of  different  States,  each  one  taking  out  from  its  context 
the  particular  fragment  or  group  of  documents  with  which  his  own 
State  was  most  obviously  concerned.  There  may  very  well  be  some 
systematic  apportionment  of  different  parts  of  the  field  to  individual 
societies,  even  though  the  material  in  that  field  may  be  of  interest  to 
more  than  one.  The  department  of  historical  research  in  the  Car- 
negie Institution  of  Washington  has  already  rendered  substantial 
service  to  the  cause  of  cooperation  and  stands  ready  to  go  much  far- 
ther. The  spirit  of  cooperation  is  undoubtedly  growing ;  what  is  now 
needed  is  general  agreement  upon  a  definite  working  plan. 

5.  The  carelessness  with  which  many  of  these  state  publications 
have  been  edited  has  been  frequently  noted.  In  many  instances  vol- 
umes have  been  issued  which  will  have  to  be  done  over  again  if  the 
material  which  they  present  is  to  be  safely  used  by  scholars.  This 
means,  of  course,  a  serious  waste  of  public  funds.  Such  mistakes 
will  probably  become  less  frequent  as  the  years  go  on ;  but  if  they  are 
to  be  wholly  avoided  great  stress  must  be  laid  upon  the  service  of 
expert  and  conscientious  editors.  Our  university  men  have  not  yet 
done  what  they  may  do  to  secure  the  establishment  of  genuine  scien- 
tific standards  in  this  respect. 

6.  Finally,  it  is  desirable  that  where  there  are  several  historical 
agencies  in  the  same  State  they  should  either  be  consolidated  or* 
arrange  among  themselves  a  well-considered  distribution  of  func- 
tions.   This  is  necessary  not  only  to  prevent  waste,  but  to  exclude  Htk^ 
ix>ssibility  of  unnecessary  friction. 

It  was  to  promote  cooperation  among  the  States  and  among  differ- 
ent agencies  in  the  same  State  that  this  conference  was  originally 
organized.  Let  us  hope  that  it  may  become  more  and  more  »^ 
exchange  in  which  the  ideas  and  experiments  of  one  State  may  be 
utilized  for  the  service  of  all  the  others. 


CONFERENCE    OF    IIlSTORICAl,   SDCIETIES. 


|!Mr.  Diinbar  Rowland,  of  the  Mississippi  department  of  nrcliivi 
pd  history,  presented  the  following  paper: 


t  CCWPERATION    ( 
IKQ  O 


'  State  IIibtorical  Societies  in  tiie  (jatiier- 
Materiai.  in  Foreign  Archivks. 


|If  there  is  a  characteristie  wliich  differentiates  the  new  school  of 
uerican  historians  from  the  old  it  is  the  more  extensive  use  of 
liginal  historical  materials.  Tlie  exclusive  use  of  printed  sources 
!  no  longer  [)ermissible  among  scientific  historical  writers  of  the 
resent  day.  ^^^lile  it  is  not  intended  to  make  invidious  comparisons, 
t  is  quite  generally  believed  that  the  American  investigators  of  to- 
my  are  making  a  more  extensive  use  of  the  archives  of  the  I'jnglish 
nblic  record  office  concerning  colonial  affairs  in  North  America  than 

)  historians  of  the  mother  country. 
I  In  the  past  a  few  American  historians  have  had  access  to  the 
lives  of  England,  France,  and  Spain,  but  such  private  investiga- 
pns  are  expensive  and  can  l)e  made  only  by  the  favored  few.  If 
1  invaluable  sources  are  to  come  into  general  use  it  must  "be 
■ougli  transcripts  collected  by  well -equipped  and  thoroughly  or- 
■^^UiiKed  historical  agencies,  such  as  state  departments  of  archives  and 
history  and  state-supported  historical  socities,  aided  and  advised  by 
the  department  of  historical  research  in  the  Carnegie  Institution  of 
Washington  and  the  manuscript  division  of  the  Library  of  Congres.s. 
If  this  great  woflc  is  well  done  there  must  be  the  fullest  cooperation 
on  the  part  of  the  States  interested  in  it. 

It  is  entirely  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  the  value  and  imijortance 
of  foreign  archives  in  a  conference  like  this,  and  I  shall  therefore 
address  myself  to  the  practical  side  of  the  subject. 

The  State  of  Mississippi  is  interested  in  the  archive  collections  of 
th*  three  great  colonizing  countries  of  Europe,  and  is  having  tran- 
«!ript.s  made  in  England,  Spain,  and  France.  The  work  is  being 
done  through  the  state  department  of  archives  and  history,  and  was 
inaugurated  in  the  summer  of  IW06  after  a  personal  study  of  the 
materials  made  by  the  director  of  the  department. 

There  are  seven  great  foreign  repositories  of  historical  materials 
in  which  the  States  of  the  Union  have  a  vital  interest — two  in  Eng- 
land, two  in  France,  and  three  in  Spain.  Many  of  the  States  are 
interested  in  two  of  these,  some  in  more,  and  some  in  all.  The  Eng- 
lish archives  relating  to  American  history  are  deposited  mainly  in 
the  public-record  office  and  the  British  Museum.  There  are,  of 
course,  other  valuable  collections  in  England  which  will  bear  investi- 
gation, and  the  same  may  be  said  of  France  and  Spain.  In  Franw 
possibly  the  most  valuable  collections  for  American  history  aiv  in 
the  ministry  of  the  marine  and  the  Bibliothe<iue  Xationale.     Tlie 


58  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

great  repositories  of  Spanish  archives  concerning  American  history 
are  in  Madrid,  Seville,  and  Simancas.  In  a  paper  like  this  I  shall 
not  be  able  to  dwell  upon  the  history,  extent,  and  character  of  these 
great  collections. 

BRITISH   ARCHI\T:S. 

It  is  very  generally  conceded  that  Great  Britain  has  the  most  ex- 
tensive, carefully  collected,  and  best  public  records  in  the  world. 
Tlie  English  have  wisely  established  the  policy  of  concentrating  tlie 
liistorical  archives  of  the  country  in  one  central  repository.  This 
was  brought  about  by  w4iat  is  known  as  the  public-record  act  of 
1838,  which  provides  for  placing  the  archives  of  the  nation  in  one 
worthy  and  suitable  building,  under  the  custody  of  the  master  of  the 
rolls.  This  great  plan  was  finally  accomplished  by  the  erection 
of  the  public-record  office.  Chancery  lane,  London.  To  this  splendid 
edifice  have  been  transferred  thousands  of  tons  of  the  most  precions 
historical  treasures  of  England. 

The  three  great  sources  of  American  colonial  history  in  the  public 
record  office  are  (1)  the  records  called  Colonial  Papers;  (2)  the 
papers  of  the  committee  of  privy  council  for  plantation  affairs,  later 
the  board  of  trade  and  plantations,  which  was  established  in  the  reign 
of  Charles  II;  (3)  the  papers  of  the  secretary  of  state,  known  a? 
"America  and  West  Indies."  These  collections  of  well-preserved 
historical  materials  of  the  first  class  are  enough  to  arouse  all  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  investigator.  (lenerally  speaking  the  docimients  may 
be  classified  as; 

{(i)  Copies  of  letters,  commissions,  and  instructions  from  the  board 
of  trade,  or  from  the  secretary  of  state,  for  the  settlement,  develop- 
ment, and  govermnent  of  the  colonies. 

(h)  Original  papers  of  the  colonial  governors  to  the  home  Govern- 
ment. 

(c)  Entry  books,  containing  copies  of  letters  from  the  secretary  of 
state  to  the  governors  of  the  colonies. 

(d)  Admiralty  dispatches  from  the  colonial  naval  stations  to  the 
secretary  of  the  Admiralty. 

(e)  Military  papers  dealing  with  military  posts  and  general  con- 
ditions. 

(/)    Minutes  of  the  councils  and  general  assemblies  of  the  colonies. 

(g)   Acts  of  the  colonies. 

(h)  Journals  of  the  board  of  trade. 

(i)    Registers  of  grants  and  sales  of  land. 

(j)  Manuscript  maps  and  plans;  reports  of  explorations,  giving 
descriptions  of  the  flora,  fauna,  and  geology  of  the  colonies;  methods 
of  agriculture;    manners,  customs,  and  fightinir 


CONFERENCE   OP    HISTORICAL  SOCIETTRS.  59 

iribe.s;  treaties  with  Indians;  settlement  of  boundary  disputes,  iind 
other  interesting  msterials  too  nnmerons  to  mention. 

FRENCH    ABCHIVES. 

The  historic!)]  archives  of  France  have  been  cnrefiilly  collected  and 
preserveil.  bnl  there  is  a  difference  in  method  from  that  which  pre- 
\-aik  in  England.  While  the  English  have  established  a  central  rp- 
posilorj'.  for  the  purpose  of  concentrating  in  one  place  all  important 
aatiottal  archives,  the  French  have  allowed  the  public  records  of  the 
nation  to  remain  in  the  various  departments  of  the  Government  in 
which  they  originated.  Both  nations  have  shown  the  same  apprecia- 
lion  of  the  importance  of  preserving  and  systematizing  historical 
niHterialiJ  which  contain  the  story  of  two  great  colonial  civilizations. 

The  archives  of  the  ministry  of  the  marine  relating  to  American 
liiiitorv  may  I)e  classifipd  for  present  purposes  as; 

(a)  ICoyal  charters,  jiroclamations,  orders,  permissiions,  and  decrees, 
relating  to  the  discovery,  exploration,  and  settlement  of  the  Missis- 
fippi  Valley, 

if/)  Ministerial  correspondence,  letters  sent  and  letters  received, 
including  plans  and  in.stnictions  for  the  equipment  of  fleets  on  voy- 
ages of  discovery  and  location  of  settlements. 

{r)  General  correspondence  of  the  colonial  governors  relating  to 
The  settlement  and  govemmeiit  of  the  colonies  and  the  daily  adminis- 
imtion  of  affairs. 

((/)  Codes,  regulations,  lists  of  c<»lonists,  and  rostei-s  (if  troops, 
officers,  and  sailors. 

(f)   Civil  acts,  notarial,  judicial,  and  miYiisterial, 

(/)  Bep<trts  of  explorers,  traders,  trappers,  and  military  ofKcers 
jitclating  to  de.'-cription  of  the  country  and  trade  with  the  Indiana; 
papers  concerning  the  organization  of  companies  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  counlry, 

(y)  Documents  dealing  with  hind  grants,  trading  and  mining 
rights. 

(A)  Accoimts  showing  the  .sums  expended  in  the  exploration  of  the 
country. 

(t)   Pa|»ers  relating  to  the  establishment  of  mis.sions  by  the  Jesuit.4. 

{}}   Manuscript  maps  and  plans. 

firVNI.IH   ARCHIVES. 

It  is  sufficient  for  the  purpose  of  this  discnssion  to  .'^tate  that  the 
gr^Ht  repositories  of  Spanish  archives  relating  to  American  history 
are  in  Madrid,  Seville,  and  Simancas.  The  same  general  classifica- 
tion which  has  been  given  the  English  and  French  materials  iipplies 
to  the  t?panish  archives.    While  these  doctmients  are  not  of  the  same 


60  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION. 

general  interest  to  ull  part^  of  the  United  iStat^  as  those  having 
English  or  French  origin,  they  are  of  the  greatest  possible  value  to 
the  States  of  the  South.  The  Spanish  materials  contain  the  very 
beginning  of  tJie  exploring  and  colonizing  forces  operating  iu 
America,  which  founded  a  great  colonial  empire  before  England  and 
France  realized  the  possibilities  of  trade  and  commerce  with  the 
Xew  World.  The  English,  French,  and  Spanish  historical  niateriah 
are  therefore  the  best  fields  for  the  activities  of  American  historical 
agencies  in  the  collections  of  transcripts. 

SELECTION   OF  IX)CCMENT8. 

In  making  arrangements  with  foreign  archivist.^  for  transcripts 
it  is  necessary  that  great  cave  be  used  in  designating  the  documents 
which  are  to  be  copied.  If  care.  i.s  not  exercised,  a  large  sum  mi^t 
be  easily  expended  on  transcripts  that  are  not  wanted  or  that  have 
already  been  copied  or  printeil.  In  order  to  avoid  this  danger,  full, 
complete,  and  explicit  written  instructions  should  be  given.  Id 
placing  an  order  for  transcripts  of  Spanish  archives  relating  lo 
Mississippi  history,  which  are  deposited  in  the  Archives  of  tlie  Indies 
in  Seville,  the  following  instructions  were  given  for  the  guidance  of 
the  archivists,  and  as  they  may  be  of  some  service  in  new  transcript 
undertakings,  I  give  them  in  full : 

tiugpeatioM  fur  making  an  investigation  of  docvmentarv  hhilorieal  material  uf 
Lo»i/ilana  nud  ITcst  Florida,  c/turming  the  Slate  of  MiasUsippi,  VnUrt 
Slaica  of  America,  deposiiad  in  the  arpftiixs  of  Ike  Indien  al  HevUlo,  fipoi* 

1.  Tlie  luresttgatlon  slinuld  cover  Ihat  period  of  time  extending  from  ITW 
to  1708-1813  (a  part  of  our  State  being  evacuated  in  ITflS  and  part  in  1813). 
or  from  tbe  toglDning  to  ttie  end  of  tlie  Riianiah  Dccupallou.  It  will  nlHo  be 
well  to  tnduile  a  iieriod  of  two  years  Immediately  preceding  llic  nillltnrj'  ojhOT- 
tiona  of  (ialveK  lis  urder  that  full  details  may  lie  olitalned. 

2.  Papers  in  Bcneral  relating  to  Blloxl,  Natcbez.  Mobile,  Pnaa  Clirisltau,  Fort 
Cliariotti!,  Daupblne  Isiund,  Baton  Rouge,  Lob  NogaleH  pr  Walnut  Hills.  Unn- 
cbac.  Fort  St.  Louis,  Ynzuo,  and  Fort  Tombeclie,  iia  well  as  to  any  sort  uf 
settlement  on  tlie  east  bauk  of  the  MIbsIbbIppI  River,  or  In  the  terrltorj 
Included  between  the  river.  31°  imd  35°  north  latitude,  and  east  to  the  Chatta- 
hooch ie  River. 

3.  CorresiMindedce  of  tlie  officers  coniinaudlug  ut  the  ffosta  designated  In 
No.  2,  Including  corrvngKindence  or  Instructions  to  them  from  the  caiitain-graenl 
or  from  the  home  government;  paiiers  from  or  to  Callett.  Treveno,  Mlro, 
Plemas,  DauliKuy,  Grund  I'r^,  Gajoao  de  Lemus,  Espeleta,  Folcb,  Ijiiizas,  and 
Minor,  etc;  and  the  correspondence  of  the  several  governors  of  Lonlslana  and 
West  Florida,  including  O'Reilly,  Unzaga,  De  1a\  Torre,  Galvez,  Mlro,  Caron- 
delet,  and  Casa  Cntvo. 

4.  Papers  concemlDg  the  surrounding  Indian  tribes  in  any  way,  mivb  as 
treaties  and  trade  with,  purchase  of  land  from,  and  bestowal  of  presents  on. 
Including  Creeks,  also  written  ■■Criclia"  and  "CiekeB;"  Talpuches;  Cblcacbas. 
also  written  "ChleasaB;"  ■' Choctua,"  etc.;  also  all  correaponilence  and  dealings 
of  AJejaudro  McOillivray,  Bowleti,  and  other  repreBeiitatlves  of  the  Indians  la. 


^•*CO»FKRKN(.E   <1F    HIBTORTCAI.   SOCIBTtS 

Uielr  rcluHotiH  willl  the  K|mi[iIui-[|h  ami  the  jViiierk'UUX.  sii  f:jr  hh  ttic  nvene  iit 
BMcli  denlingB  was  laid  In  the  territory  detwrribed  In  No.  2. 

ri.  Paiiers  dealing  with  esplorotloaH  bj  Itmd  or  water,  eapeclnlly  of  such 
rlrerH  ns  the  MlBSlgsippI,  from  the  luoitth  to  35°  north,  the  Tearl,  Iberville. 
Yazoo,  Mob[la  Tonibeclw,  St.  Cnllierlne.  Honiochltto,  an-i  Bii:  Illaek,  also  the 
const  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexk-o,  beltiK  now  the  southern  coast  of  Miselaalppl  anU 
Alubatun.  also  the  Interior  to  the  north  between  the  Mississippi  Itiver  ou  the 
west,  the  Chattahoochit!  Hlver  on  the  east,  and  the  thirty-flfth  degree  of  lati- 
tude on  the  north, 

6.  Papers  relating  to  the  boundarlefl  of  Lonlslana  and  West  Florida  and  to 
the  bonndary  commission  (ComlslCn  de  I.fniltes). 

T.  llapB  of  any  part  of  the  coast  or  rivers,  posts,  forts,  settleiiientB,  or  boanil- 
arles  of  the  territory  described  In  No.  5. 

S.  Ijind  grants  In  the  same  territory  described  In  No.  Ti,  giving  only  grantor, 
grantee,  where  situated,  and  quantity  of  land  grnnted. 

B.  Descriptions  of  the  country  by  traders,  esplorers,  hunters,  trapperB,  or 
irtliers  [lasslng  through  the  terrltoi?  under  con  side  nit  ion. 

1(1.  Orders,  proclamations,  or  letters  from  the  honie  government  relative  In 
Ih*  exploration,  setllMnent,  anri   reKiilallou  of  the  tefi-ltory. 

11.  Do  not  copy  documenW  that  have  been  |irlnted  or  reproduced  by  iiholo- 
etaphic  process. 

CIHIi'KKATlON    UK    I! l8Tt)RICA I.   ACiENClES. 

If  the  work  of  securing  transcripts  of  foreign  archives  proceeds 
entirely  along  independent  lines,  there  must  necessarily  be  quite  a 
wanite  of  energj-  and  money.  How  to  prevent  such  waste  hy  intelli- 
gent, systematic  cooperation  is  the  qne-stion.  It  seems  that  very 
many  of  the  problems  may  l>e  solved  by  the  affiliation  and  cooperation 
«f  the  States  having  a  common  object.  To  illustrate :  The  entire  Mis- 
sissippi Valley  has  a  common  interest  in  tlie  archives  of  France,  but 
it  would  be  entirely  unnecessary  and  vei'y  unwise  for  a  State  to  at- 
tempt to  secure  transcripts  of  all  materials  concerning  the  valley  of 
the  Mia-si-isippi  which  are  deposited  in  French  repasitorles.  It  is 
very  necessary,  however,  for  each  State  to  secure  copies  of  the  docn- 
nients  which  bear  directly  upon  its  history.  In  addition  to  sucli  a 
Htriea  of  documents,  it  will  be  foimd  necessary  also  for  each  State  to 
liave  (%rtain  papers  which  are  fundamental,  such  as  charters  and 
organic  acts.     WTiile  duplication  is  to  be  avoided,  it  is  necessary  to  a 

,    certain  extent.    To  avoid  unnecessary  duplication  is  one  of  the  prob- 
kfOB  to  be  worked  out.     If  each  State  confines  itself  to  thase  docu- 

'  ments  which  are  of  the  first  importance  to  its  history,  the  problem  of 
diiplicatioD  will,  in  a  large  measure,  be  solved.  To  accomplish  this 
it  is  neceasaiy  that  a  careful  preliminary  study  of  the  series  of  docu- 
iiH>nls  from  which  transcripts  are  desired  should  be  made,  and  such  a 
stady  can  only  be  made  by  one  having  wide  knowledge  of  local  state 
history  supplemented  by  an  archivist  who  fully  understands  his  col- 
lBcti(m&.  This  preliminary  study  is  of  the  first  importance. 
P  Tlw  next  Ktep  to  be  taken  is  the  preparation  of  a  calendar  of  those 
B  wiiich  have  been  found  to  be  e.s.sential  to  the  State  making 


63  AMERICAS    IIISTORICAI.    ASSfR'IATION. 

the  investigation.  This  calendar  should  Iks  carefully  studied  for  the 
purpose  of  indicating  the  papers  to  be  transcribed.  These  calendars 
should  be  printed  in  the  reports  of  the  departments  and  societies  and 
transmitted  to  the  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washhigton  and  to  the 
mannscript  division  of  the  Library  of  Congress.  By  this  means 
these  great  historical  agencies  coidd  act  as  clearing  houses  for  Iho 
local  departments  and  societies  throughout  the  Union.  By  means  of 
such  reports  a  common  sonire  of  information  would  be  provided 
which  could  be  drawn  upon  at  anj'  time. 

TENTATHF.  SUGfiEBTIONS. 

I  take  it  that  this  conference  is  intended  to  be  only  the  beginning 
of  a  movement  which  has  for  its  object  the  ultimate  collection  of  all 
European  sources  of  .\jnerican  history  by  eitlier  national  or  state 
agencies.  From  a  national  standpoint  this  undertaking  is  being  ad- 
mirably conducted  by  the  Library  of  Congress  and  the  Carnegie 
Institution,  and  many  States  are  doing  good  work  along  local  linis. 
In  working  out  the  problem  from  the  standpoint  of  the  States,  the 
following  tentative  suggestions  are  offered  for  Uie  consideration  of 
the  conference: 

1.  In  the  collection  of  documents  concerning  national  history  fbt) 
historical  agencies  of  Washington  sliould  have  an  esclusive  field, 

2.  All  the  States  should  supplement  the  national  collections  ly 
securing  the  documents  which  deal  primarily  with  the  local  histoiy 
of  each  State. 

;t.  In  order  to  secure  the  best  results  there  should  be  worked  out  • 
plan  for  the  fullest  cooperation  of  the  States  having  common  interesls. 

4.  In  securing  transcripts  a  thorough  study  of  the  collections  W  h" 
used  shniilil  lie  made  by  one  hainng  special  fitness  for  the  work, 

5,  Kach  collecting  agency  should  confine  itself  strictly  to  materiil^ 
which  are  primarily  essential  to  the  history  of  the  State  whidl  it 
represents. 

r..  The  State.s  should  report  promptly  and  fully  to  a  central  agency 
on  all  transcripts  collected. 

T.  This  conference  sliould  refer  this  entire  question  to  a  committed 
of  five  appointed  at  this  meeting  with  instructions  to  i-eport  at  its 
next  annual  ses.sion. 

The  work  of  collecting  from  foreign  archives  the  materials  of 
American  history  is  one  of  the  most  important  undertakings  which 
can  engage  the  attention  of  the  historians  of  the  country;  and  if  this 
conference  can  give  additional  impulse  to  such  a  movement,  it  will 
have  accomplisheil  much  for  the  advancement  of  scientific  history. 

Mr,  liowhindV  paper  was  discussed  at  considerable  length  by  Prof- 
C-  W.  Alvord,  of  the  University  of  Illinois,  who  presented  varioiif* 
possible  methoda  bj  which  the  field  of  historioal  work  might  be  ap^ 


•OMPBRENCE    UF    HISTORICAL   SOCIETIBft?" 

{xirtioned  among  tlie  historical  societies  of  the  Missiasippi  Valley; 
and  more  briefly  by  Dr.  J.  F.  Jameson,  of  the  department  of  histor- 
ical ri'seai-ch  in  the  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington;  by  Mr.  C.  S. 
P»iue,  of  the  Nebraska  Historical  Society,  and  by  Mr.  R.  G.  Thwaites. 
Mr.  Paine  referred  to  the  recently  organized  Mississippi  Valley 
Historical  Society  as  affording  a  practical  method  of  securing  co- 
operation. As  a  result  of  this  di-scussion  it  was  voted,  on  motion  of 
Mr.  Rowland,  that  a  committee  of  -seven  be  appointed  by  the  chair- 
man of  this  conference  for  tJie  purpose  of  formulating  and  reporting 
at  (be  next  annual  meeting  a  plan  for  the  cooperation  of  .state  histor- 
ical societies  and  departments  in  the  collecting  and  publication  of 
liistorical  materials  in  the  form  of  transcripts  or  original  documents, 
and  that  the  committee  l)e  authorized  to  report  fully  and  completely 
upon  the  subjects  referred  to  it.  The  chairman  subsequently  ap- 
|K>inted  the  following  committee:  Dunbar  Rowland,  chairman,  Mis- 
sissippi department  of  archives  aud  history;  J.  Kranklin  Jameson, 
Carnegie  Institution;  Evarts  B.  Gi"eene,  University  of  Illinois; 
Thomas  M.  Owen,  Alabama  department  of  archive.^  and  history; 
lienjamin  V.  Shambaugh,  Iowa  .State  University;  R.  G.  Thwaites, 
Wisconsin  State  Historical  Society;  Worthington  C.  Ford,  division 
of  iiuinnscripts,  Library  of  Congress. 

Prof.  Lucy  M.  Salmon,  of  Vassar  College,  next  presented  a  paper 
of  gi-e-at  interest  on  "  The  scientific  organization  of  historical 
lauseimui."  Miss  Salmon  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  while  in 
Eiihjpe  (lie  inuseunt  is  a  well-recognized  means  of  historical  iiwtruc- 
tidti,  es]>ecdally  for  the  study  of  K-ulturgeschiclite,  in  this  country 
stress  has  been  laid  upon  the  collection  of  material  which  possesses 
mirely  a  curious  or  antiquarian  interest.  She  urged  upon  historical 
Hicieties  and  state  authorities  greater  care  in  preserving  as  completely 
K  possible  and  in  their  natural  relations  such  remains  as  we  still 
Uif  of  past,  economic  and  six'ial  conditions.  The  pa|)er  was  dis- 
niwtd  by  I>r.  J,  V.  Uretz,  of  the  University  of  Chicago,  who  de- 
nhed  plans  which  were  being  made  by  the  historical  department  of 
imiversity  for  a  museum  which  would  lie  dominated  by  the  aim 
furnishing  scientific  instruction.  The  lateness  of  the  hour  pnv 
Vflitetl  an  adequate  discussion  of  the  questions  raised  by  Profes.sor 
!^binn  and  Doctor  Bretz,  but  it  is  hoped  that  the  subject  may  Im 
'wtiuned  at  a  subsequent  meeting.  At  the  request  of  the  writer,  the 
ptiblicHtion  of  Professor  Salmon's  paper  is  deferred  for  the  present. 

Mr.  C.  W.  Ayer,  secretary  of  the  Bay  State  Historical  I^eague,  was 

^tniiUp  to  present  in  person  his  paper  on  "  The  cooperation  of  local 

lorical  societies,"  but   it   was  read  by  the  secretary.     Mr.  Aver 

ibed  briefly  the  activity  of  the  local  historical  societies  of  Massa- 

!tts  and  called  attention  to  the  rapid  increase  in  the  number  of 

organizations  during  the  past  twenty  years.     The  Bay  State 


64  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Ilistorical  League  now  includes  about  oue-half  of  the  eighty  local 
societies  of  the  State.  For  the  purpose  of  promoting  common  inter- 
ests the  league  holds  delegate  meetings  at  frequent  intervals,  usually 
on  the  invitation  of  some  society. 

It  was  thought  that  the  delegates  at  these  meetings  were  likely  to 
gather  useful  information  regarding  the  methods  employed  in  the 
more  efficient  organizations.  The  hope  was  expressed  that  through 
the  habit  of  cooperation  thus  established  it  would  be  possible  for  the 
town  organizations  of  Massachusetts  to  work  together  on  such  topics 
as  "  Movement  to  the  Western  Reserve,"  "  The  acts  and  correspond- 
ence of  the  committee  of  safety,"  or  "  The  building  of  Kansas." 

At  the  close  of  Mr.  Ayer's  paper  the  conference  adjourned,  to  meet 
next  year  with  the  American  Historical  Association  at  Richmond. 

In  concluding  the  report  of  this  conference  mention  should  be 
made  of  the  meeting  held  on  the  same  day  which  resulted  in  the  defin- 
itive organization  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Society. 


V.  REPORTS  OF  SPECIAL  CONFERENCES  ON  MEDIilVAL  EUROPEAN 
HISTORY,  ON  MODERN  EUROPEAN  HISTORY,  ON  ORIENTAL 
HISTORY  AND  POLITICS,  ON  AMERICAN  CONSTITU- 
TIONAL HISTORY,  AND  ON  UNITED  STATES 
HISTORY  SINCE  18G5. 


By  the  respective  Chairmen  of  the  Conferences: 

GEORGE  L.  BURR, 
Cornell  University, 

GUY  S.  FORD, 

University  of  Illinois, 

ARCHIBALD  C.  COOLIDGE, 
Harvard  University, 

ANDREVy  C.  MCLAUGHLIN, 
University  of  Chicago. 

JAMES  A.  WOODBURN, 
University  of  Indiana, 


66 
58833— VOL  1—08 5 


i 


REPORT  OF  THE  CONFERENCE  OK  MEDIEVAL  EUROPEAN  HISTORY. 


The  "  round-tabJe  "  conference  on  mediseval  history  whk  opened  by 
the  chairman,  who  spoke  of  the   peculiar  difficulties  attaching   in 
America  to  the  study  of  iiiedia?val  history  because  of  the  modemness 
of  our  environment,  and  stated  as  (he  (Question  for  special  disciisaion, 
How  t^hoiild  mediieval  history  be  written  and  taught  for  Americans? 
The  first  speaker,  Professor  Robinson,  of  Columbia,  deprecated 
over-attention  to  the  middle  ages,  urging  the  growing  importance 
of  history  as  it  approaches  our  own  time,  and  ascribing  to  the  influ- 
ence of  German  patriotic  writei"s  the  vicious  perspective  which  has 
given  undue  emphasis  to  the  early  medifcval  centuries.    Over  these, 
from  Gregory  the  Great  to   Abelard,  he  would  pass  very  lightly. 
l)?ginning  modern  history  with  the  twelfth  century  and  treating  all 
ihat  follows  as  a  steady  development,  with  stress  upon  those  phases 
ouly  which  have  a  bearing  on  later  history. 

Professor  Munro.  of  Wisconsin,  demurred  to  so  large,  a  sacrifice  of 
niPtliEPval  history  to  modern  and  would  not  carry  modem  history 
farther  back  than  the  fourteenth  century,  Wliile  he  could  not  skip 
'lie  early  middle  ages,  he  would  emphasize  the  continuity  of  history 
"nd  those  things  in  mediieval  history  which  could  be  made  to  bear 
on  modem,  and  would  avoid  stress  on  what  is  so  peculiar  to  it  as  to 
•^"ake  it  remote  from  our  sympathies. 

Professor  Haskins,  of  Harvard,  urged  the  worth  not  only  of  con- 
*^'iiuity  hut  of  contrast.  He  spoke  of  the  importance  of  the  study 
'^f  mediajval  history  as  furnishing  a  background  for  the  ordinary 
■American  student  by  familiarizing  him  with  a  set  of  institutions 
**id  ideas  which,  while  widely  different  from  those  of  his  own  time, 
^'"e  yet  vitally  related  to  them  by  the  course  of  historical  develop- 
'*^ctt  He  also  spoke  of  the  importance  of  emphasizing  different 
^»<Jes  of  history  in  the  same  course  in  order  to  enlist  by  as  varied  an 
*r»I»al  as  possible  the  interest  of  a  wide  range  of  studenK 

Prof.  Paul  van  Dyke,  of  Princeton,  who  was  unable  to  be  present, 
^^nt  a  brief  paper,  read  by  the  chairman,  which  deprecated  a  gulf 
t»eiween  our  study  and  the  life  of  men  around  us,  and  urged  that 


68  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL   ASSOCIATION. 

the  student  be  helped  to  Jearu  enough  of  the  events  and  characters 
of  the  middle  ages  to  get  some  view  of  their  differing  institutions 
and  ideals  without  losing  the  sense  of  fellow-feeling  with  his  reniole 
ancestors  that  trains  him  to  perceive  how  all  men  of  all  generations 
are  akin. 

Professor  Dow,  of  the  University  of  Michigan,  held  that  Ameri- 
cans, like  the  peoples  of  Europe,  have  reason  to  be  curious  concern- 
ing the  middle  agea  and  are  not  to  be  satisfied  bv  expositions  either 
of  jKtlitical  history  simply  or  of  institutions  or  culture  as  such.  They 
must  have  a  various-sided  knowledge  of  those  times  and  see  events 
and  institutions  in  their  relations  with  real  life. 

Professor  Thompson,  of  the  University  of  Chicago,  thought  the 
institutional  nature  of  mediieval  histoi-y  should  be  emphasized,  ant! 
the  students  made  to  perceive  how  factors  and  forces  of  the  middle 
ages  condition  modern  life — the  structure  of  society,  the  authority 
and  organization  of  the  church,  the  racial  problems  of  the  pre.senl. 
It  should  be  remembered  that  ''  tlie  roots  of  the  present  lie  deep  in 
the  past,"  and  the  essentially  constructive  and  progressive  develop- 
ment of  the  middle  ages  should  tie  so  kept  in  mind  that  their  history 
may  not  seem  to  the  student  isolated  and  remote  or  without  present- 
day  value  and  interest. 

Professor  Harding,  of  the  University  of  Indiana,  defended  the 
study  of  the  differences  between  meditcval  and  modern  history,  but 
pressed  the  need  of  a  sympathetic  attitude  toward  the  ideas  and  insti- 
tutions of  the  middle  ages,  of  concrete  and  specific  pretientation,  and 
of  unwearj'ing  watchfulness  to  prevent  misconception  by  reader  or 
auditor.     Pie  would  make  much  use  of  the  individual. 

Professor  Shotwell,  of  Columbia,  who  in  absence  was  represented 
by  his  colleague,  Professor  Robinson,  feared  lest  in  our  eagerness  to 
prove  history  a  mental  discipline  we  may  be  making  it  less  a  study  in 
human  affairs  than  a  philosophical  laboratory.  Thus,  in  ntedia^val 
history  our  students  should  not  bo  expected  to  take  Interest  in  legal 
technicalities,  c,  g,,  in  feudalism,  before  they  have  the  visual  image 
of  a  castle  or  a  domain.  A  great  change  came  into  our  text-books 
with  the  new  discrimination  l)etwecn  vital  movements  and  transient, 
but  the  straightening  of  the  perspective  does  not  solve  the  question  of 
presentation. 

In  the  general  discussion  which  followed  valuable  further  sug- 
gestions were  made  by  Professor  Scott,  of  the  Chicago  Theolopcal 
Seminary,  Professor  Richardson,  of  Beloit  College,  and  P 
Flick,  of  the  Uaiveraity  of  Syracuse. 


I 


REPORT  OF  THE  CONFERENCE  ON  MODERN  EUROPEAN  HISTORY. 


By  (iFy  Stanton  Foi 


Prof.  Kalph  C.  H,  Catterall,  of  Cornell  University,  opened  the  c 
ferent-e  with  a  l«n-miniite  discussion  of  the  topic :  VThat  kind  of  work 
ill  European  history  sliould  American  students  attempt?  Profes.-^jr 
Catterall  wrged  that  American  students  slioiild  continue  intensive 
monographic  work.  He  indicated  the  advantages  their  detachment 
gave  them  in  treating  matters  toward  which  the  attitude  of  the  Euro- 
pean scholar  was  more  or  less  consciously  partisan.  Material  for 
such  special  work  on  this  side  the  Atlantic  might  best  be  accumulated 
by  various  libraries  specializing  in  certain  fields.  He  then  indicated, 
by  way  of  illustration,  what  might  be  found  on  the  French  Revolu- 
tion in  the  libraiy  of  Cornell  University. 

The  discussion  indicateil  that  in  the  present  situation  of  European 
history  in  this  country  most  of  those  discuHsing  the  paper  felt  that 
the  need  was  for  more  synthetic  work  embodying  the  results  of  the 
special  work  already  done — more  of  what  the  French  would  call 
"high  popularization.^' 

Prof,  Fred  M.  Fling,  of  the  University  of  Nebraska,  urged  the 
claims  of  modern  European  history  as  a  field  in  which  seminar 
methods  could  be  applied  with  the  same  ri^dity  and  success  as  in 
'he  mediieval  or  American  field,  and  gave  interesting  illustrations  of 
the  treatment  of  selected  problems  in  the  field  of  the  French  Revolu- 
Ltion,  In  the  absence  of  Professor  Fling  bis  paper  was  read  by 
pTrofessor  Christofelsmeier,  of  Nebraska. 

Prof.  Charles  A.  Beard,  of  Columbia  University,  speaking  to  the 
Itopic,  An  ^Vnierican  Magazine  for  European  History,  inclined 
Ittrongly  to  (he  view  that  the  time  had  not  come  for  such  an  organ, 
1  biit  pointed  out  the  field  there  was  for  a  periodical  which  presented 
r  the  best  available  material  on  current  European  politics  and  inter- 
I  imtional  affairs. 

Two  neglected  phases  or  fields  of  European  historj'  were  empha- 
I  Sled  by  Prof.  Harry  G.  Plum,  of  the  University  of  Iowa,  and  Prof. 
I  Ephraim  D.  Adams,  of  Leiand  Stanford  Junior  University.  Pro- 
f  ffeBor  Plum  dwelt  on  the  economic  backgrounds  of  European  history, 
I  driving  his  illustrations  from  the  period  of  the  Reformation,  the 
I  Thirty  Years'  war,  and  the  revolutionary  period,  with  special  refer- 


70  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

ence  to  the  part  played  by  secularization  and  indemnification  in 
those  eras.  Professor  Adams  vigorously  presented  certain  American 
history  topics  having  connections  with  European  and  English  his- 
tory  as  fields  which  could  be  and  should  be  treated  by  those  who 
knew  the  trans- Atlantic  conditions  which  were  fundamental  to  their 
proper  interpretation. 

The  conference  was  closed  by  the  paper  of  Prof.  R.  M.  Johnston, 
of  Bryn  Mawr,  read  in  his  absence  by  Professor  Eckhart,  of  Missouri. 
His  temperate  criticism  of  the  tendency  in  recent  text-books  of  Euro- 
pean history  to  dangerous  generalizations,  ^asy  explanations  of 
"present  tendencies,"  and  overconfident  prophecies  about  future 
developments  was  approved  in  the  discussion  which  followed. 


REPORT  OF  THE  CONFERENCE  ON  ORIENTAL  HISTORY  AND  POLITICS. 


By  Ahchibalo  Cabv  Coouboe.  Chairman. 


The  conference  opened  with  a.  paper  by  Dr.  Arthur  I.  Andrews, 
instructor  in  Simmons  College,  which  outlined  the  courses  on  Asiatic 
Jiistory  given  by  American  universities  and  colleges,  emphasizing  the 
scant  attention  devoted  to  the  subject  and  especially  the  neglect  of  the 
later  periods,  and  the  lack  of  courses  covering  the  whole  field. 
Doctor  Andrews  spoke  as  follows: 

The  report  here  presented  concerning  the  work  in  mediaeval  and 
modern  Asiatic  history  offered  by  American  universities  during 
190T-8  has  been  compiled  from  the  latest  catalogues  obtainable,  sup- 
Iilemented  by  correspondence  or  by  consultation  with  those  in  charge 
of  tliis  work.  In  a  number  of  cases  the  information  accessible  is  de- 
fective as  to  accuracy  or  completeness,  but  enough  has  been  secured  to 
make  clear  the  general  situation. 

Little  attention  is  being  paid  to  strictly  Astatic  history,  and  that 
JilUe  is  confined  almost  wholly  to  the  larger  univei-sities.  In  the 
smaller  colleges  the  temptation  seems  to  be  too  great  to  consider  the 
history  of  oriental  nations  as  valuable  only  in  its  connection  with 
"Ksteni  European  politics,  with  very  little  attempt  at  studying  the 
oriental  history  and  civilization  by  themselves  or  for  their  own  sake. 
I  would  also  emphasize  the  comparative  absence  of  any  scheme  of 
'Purees  designed  to  cover  the  whole  field  of  Asiatic  history  system- 
Wically  and  comprehensively.  Such  movements  in  this  direction  as 
1  Imve  observed  have  been  referred  to  in  the  report.  An  effort  has 
ilso  lieen  made  to  indicate  as  far  as  possible  the  courses  coufiDed 
'delusively  to  graduate  students. 

I  make  no  claims  of  excellence  for  my  classification  save  that  it 
»«neil  the  most  satisfactory  after  various  other  arrangements  had 
Wn  tried.  I  have  used  the  word  "  term  "  where  the  year  of  the  uni- 
twsity  in  question  is  divided  into  three  parts;  "'  semester  "  where  it  is 
[  dinded  into  two.  The  number  of  hours  given  shows  the  amotmt  of 
iijance  in  the  class  room  expected  each  week.  This  affords  a  fair, 
though  by  no  means  an  infallible,  index  of  the  importance  of  the 


72  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

COURSES   IN    MEDIEVAL   AND    MODERN   ASIATIC    HISTOBT. 

A.  General  Asiatic  history. 

University  of  Wisconsin.    Prof.  Alfred  L.  P.  Dennis. 
History  48;  two  hours,  both  semesters. 

Enroi)e  and  Asia. 

Studies  in  the  relations  between  the  peoples  of  the  two 
continents  from  earliest  times  to  the  present  day. 

(With  this  as  a  basis,  graduate  work  is  offered  in  Asiatic 
history,  as  will  be  noted  below.) 

Note  also  courses  at  Yale  University,  University  of  Cali- 
fornia, Cornell  University,  and  Florida  State  College, 
which  aim  in  from  one  to  four  years  to  cover  nearly  the 
whole  field. 

B.  Western  Asiatic  history,  including  that  of  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Egypt,  and 
North  Africa. 

I.  Medlseval  history. 

(c)  On  the  life  of  Mohammed, 

University  of  Chicago.    Prof.  James  Richard  Jewett. 
Semitic  202;  four  hours,  one  term. 

Life  of  Mohammed;  suras  from  the  Quran. 
Semitic  204 ;  four  hours,  one  term. 

Rise  of  Islam ;  [now  extended  to  include  modem  Islam.] 
Yale  University.    Prof.  Charles  C.  Torrey. 
Semitic  12 ;  two  hours,  one  semester. 

Suras  from  the  Koran,  with  some  work  on  the  life  of 
Mohammed. 
University  of  California.    Prof.  William  Popper. 
Semitic  5b,  Arabic ;  two  hours  through  the  year. 

The  Koran,  with  Commentary. 
(Alternates  with  a  purely  linguistic  course.) 
{h)  Rise  of  Islam. 

Columbia  University.     Prof.  R.  J.  H.  Gottheil. 
Semitic  104;  two  hours,  one  semester. 

Rise  of  Arabian  Civilization  and  Spread  of  Mohammedan- 
ism. 
Yale  University.     Prof.  F.  W.  Williams. 
History  B  7 ;  two  hours,  both  semesters. 

Medireval  Asia  and  the  Mohammedan  Conquest.      (Alex- 
ander to  1453.) 
Omitted  1907-8. 
Florida   State  College.    Prof.  Arthur  Williams. 
History  9;  two  hours,  both  semesters. 
Meiiiffival  Asiatic  history  to  1453. 
Hartford  Theological  Seminary.    Prof.  Edwin  Knox  Mitchell. 
History  14;  three  hours,  five  weeks. 

The  Rise  of  Mohammedanism  to  the  founding  of  the  Bag- 
dad Caliphate. 
University  of  California.     Prof.  William  Popper. 
Semitic  25  A;  two  hours,  both  semesters. 

The  Mohammedan  Ck)nquest  from  Rise  of  Islam  to  the 

present  day. 
(Not  given  In  1907-8;  alternates  with  a  course  upon  the 
Modem  Orient) 


OBIENTAL  HISTORY  AND  POLITICS.  78 

.  Western  Asiatic  history,  including  that  of  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Egypt,  and 
North  Africa — CJontinued. 

I.  Mediffival  history — Continued. 
ih)  Rise  of  Islam — Continued. 

€k)mell  University.    Prof.  Nathaniel  Sclimidt 
Semitic  8;  two  hours,  both  semesters. 

Syria  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present  day. 
(Given  in  1907-8.) 

Plan  for  work  at  Cornell  in  Asiatic  history : 
First  year:  Assyria  and  Babylonia. 
Second  year:  Kgypt,  and  a  Calipliate. 
Third  year:  Asia  Minor  and  Iran  or  Arabia. 
Fourth  year:  India  or  Syria. 

(The  Semitic  Seminar  is  sometimes  historical,  at  other 
times  chiefly  linguistic.) 

(c)  The  Calif  at  es. 

Harvard  University.    Prof.  Crawford  H.  Toy. 

Semitic  14  hf. ;  one  hour,  both  semesters  (half  course). 
History  of  the  Spanish  C^lifate. 

(Alternates  with  Semitic  15  hf..  History  of  the  Bagdad 
Califate;  Moslem  rule  in  Egypt  and  North  Africa.) 
McGill  University.    Rev.  C.  A.  Brodie  Brocltwell. 
Semitic  2. 

History  of  the  CJalifate. 
(Offered  but  not  yet  given.) 
University  of  Chicago.    Prof.  James  Richard  Jewett. 
Semitic  193;  four  hours,  one  term. 
(Given  in  spring,  1907.) 
Mohammedan  History  to  the  Beginning  of  the  Crusades. 

(d)  Islam  and  the  Crusades, 

Brown  University.    Prof.  Wilfred  Harold  Munro. 
History  3;  three  hours,  one  term. 

Islam  and  the  Crusades  (two-thirds  of  the  time  devoted 
to  the  rise  of  Islam). 
University  of  Chicago.    Prof.  James  Richard  Jewett. 
Semitic  194;  four  hours,  one  term. 

History  of  the  Crusades  from  the  Mohammedan  stand- 
point. 
(Given  in  spring,   1908.) 
Semitic  195;  four  hours,  one  term. 

History  of  the  Crusades  from  the  Western  standpoint. 
(Given  in  summer,  1907.) 
University  of  Wisconsin.    Prof.  Dana  Carleton  Munro. 
History  56;  two  hours,  through  the  year. 
Seminary  in  Mediaeval  History. 
The  Crusades. 

(1907-8.    First  Crusade  considered  from  Asiatic  as  well 
as   European   standpoint.) 
Marquette  College.    Prof.  W.  F.  Downing. 
History  — ;  two  hours  for  two  terms. 

History  of  the  Crusades  and  of  the  Ottoman  Turks, 
(f)  Byzantine  History, 

University  of  California.    Prot  William  S.  Ferguson. 


74  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

B.  Western  Asiatic  history,  including  that  of  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Egypt,  and 
North  Africa — Continued. 

I.  Mediffival  history — Ck>ntinued. 

(e)  Byzantine  History — Continued. 

History  54  C;  two  hours,  one  semester. 

The  Byzantine  Empire,  Justinian  to  1453. 
(Offered,  not  yet  given.     Alternates  with  Later  Roman 
Empire,  1907-8.) 
University  of  Kansas.    Prof.  Carl  Becker. 
History  XIII;  two  hours,  second  term. 
The  Later  Roman  Empire,  395  to  1453. 
(Not  given  since  1907-8.) 
TTniverslty  of  California.    Prof.  Thomas  R.  Bacon. 
History  94;  two  hours,  both  semesters. 
History  of  Eastern  Christendom. 
Graduates  only. 
(/)   TTehrew  History, 

Hebrew  Union  College.    Prof.  Gotthard  Deutsch. 
History  3;   two  hours. 

History  of  the  Jews  and  their  religion  from  the  consoli- 
dation of  rabbinical  law  to  the  Crusades.     (200-1096.) 

II.  Modem. 

(a)  The  Nearer  Eastern  Question  and  the  Ottoman  Turks. 
Harvard  University.    Prof.  Archibald  Cary  Coolidge. 
History  19;  three  hours,  both  semesters. 
History  of  the  Nearer  Eastern  Question. 
(Omitted  1907-8.)     (Alternates  with  History  15,  History 
of  Russia.) 
University  of  Wisconsin.    Prof.  Alfred  L.  P.  Dennis. 
History  03;  one  hour,  one  semester. 

The  Eastern  Question    (since  the  fourteenth  century). 
Graduate  work  offered   in  connection  with  or  following 
History  48 — Europe  and  Asia. 
Juniata  College.     Prof.  Carman  C.  Johnson. 
History  V ;  four  hours,  one  semester. 

The   E]asteni   Question   in   its   various  Phases  since   the 
Seven  Years'  War. 
(5eorgo  Washington  University.    Qrof.  W.  R.  Manning. 
History  23;  three  hours,  one  semester. 

Eastern  Europe  in  the  nineteenth  century. 
(Alternately;  not  in  1907-8.) 
Ohio  State  University.    Prof.  W.  H.  Siebert 
History  11 ;  two  hours,  one  term. 

I^^astern  Question;  nineteenth  century. 
Washington  University.     Prof.  Marshall  S.  Snow. 
History  8;  three  hours,  one  semester. 

Nearer  Elastem  Question  in  General  since  476. 
(Offered  1900-7.) 
Hartford  Theological  Seminary.    Prof.  Edwin  Knox  Mitchell. 
History  15;  three  hours  a  week  for  five  weeks. 
Rise  and  History  of  the  Ottoman  Turks. 
(6)  Uehrvxc  History, 

Hebrew  Union  College.    Prof.  Gotthard  Deutsch. 
History  4;  two  hours. 

The  Jews  in  modem  times.    (1701-1908.) 


OBIENTAL  HISTORY  AND  POLITICS.  75 

C.  Middle  Asiatic  history. 

Columbia  University.    Prof.  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson. 

Indo-Iranian.     (History  103) ;  two  hours,  one  semester. 
History  of  India  and  Persia. 
(Not  given  in  1908-^.) 

D.  Eastern  Asiatic  history. 

I.  General. 

Yale  University.    Dr.  K.  Asakawa  (ordinarily  Prof.  F.  W.  Williams). 
History  92;  two  hours,  both  semesters. 
Modem  Asiatic  History. 
Harvard  University.    Prof.  Archibald  Cary  Coolidge. 
History  18;  three  hours,  second  semester. 

The  Expansion  of  Europe.     (The  History  of  China  and  Japan 
especially.) 
Florida  State  College.    Prof.  Arthur  Williams. 
History  10;  two  hours,  through  the  year. 

Recent  history  of  India,  China,  and  Japan. 
University  of  Michigan.    Prof.  Richard  Hudson. 
History  21;  two  hours,  one  semester. 

Europe  in  Asia  and  in  Africa,  with  special  attention  to  the 
relations  of  C^lna  and  Japan  with  the  Western  powers. 
History  21a;  one  hour,  one  semester. 

Supplementary  to  history  21.     (Europe  in  Asia  and  Africa.) 
Graduates  only. 
University  of  Wisconsin.    Prof.  Alfred  L.  P.  Dennis. 
History  64;  one  hour,  one  semester. 
Europe  in  the  Far  East. 

(Graduate  course  to  supplement  History  48,  Europe  and  Asia.) 
Ripon  College.    Prof.  Oliver  J.  Marston. 
History  11;  two  hours,  one  jBemester. 

C^ina,  Japan,  and  India  in  the  Nineteenth  Century. 
Oregon  Agricultural  College.    Prof.  James  B.  Horner. 
History  — ;  five  hours,  one  term. 

History  of  Eastern  Peoples   (China,  Japan,  and  India  espe- 
cially). 
Bucknell  University.    Prof.  H.  T.  O)lestock. 
History  23;  two  hours,  one  term. 

The  Modem   Orient.     Partly  historical,   but  mainly  present 
conditions. 
University  of  Washington.    Prof.  E.  S.  Meany. 
History  14;  full  course,  one  semester. 

Development  of  countries  bordering  upon  the  Pacific. 
Partly  historical— considers  China  and  Japan. 
Des  Moines  College.    Prof.  Willard  C.  MacNaul. 
History  — ;  five  hours,  through  the  year. 

History  of  Oriental  Civilization  in  relation  to  Modem  World 

(Russia  in  the  E^ast,  India,  China,  Japan). 
(Every  other  year  as  a  full   course — in   1907-8  as  a   half 
course.) 

II.  Special. 

(a)  Japan. 

Yale  University.    Dr.  K.  Asakawa. 

History  96;  two  hours,  both  semesters. 
General  Japanese  History. 


70  AMERICAN   HISTOBTCAL  ASSOCIATION. 

I»    luiihitii*  Anltttlc  blHtory — Continued. 
U.  HiM-rlul   -CH>uUuued. 
(a)  Ja^an    (kmtlnaed. 
Vulu  riilvijriilty— Continued. 

lllMtory  97;  two  hours,  both  semesters. 
JuiMinese    Institutions. 
Graduate  only. 
(Not  glren  in  1907-^.) 

1  iitv«*rHlty  of  California.    Prof.  John  Fryer. 

Oriental  Languages  1;  three  hours,  flrst  half-3rear. 

A   history   of  China. 
Oriental  Ijangnages  11;  three  hours,  second  half-year. 

A  history  of  the  laws,  government,  and  social  conditions 
of  C^ina. 
Oriental  Longoages  lA ;  three  hours,  flrst  half-year. 
The  Commerce  of  China — historical  features. 
YmIh  rnlversity.    Prof.  F.  W.  Williams. 
History  91. 

The  institutional  development  of  China. 
(Not  given  in  1907-8.) 
((t)   llUHHia  and  the  Far  East 
I)riike  University.    Prof.  Olynthus  B.  Clark. 
History;   two  hours,  one  term. 

Slavic  Europe  and  the  Far  Bast  (the  nineteenth  century 
only). 
Ohio  State  University.    Prof.  W.  H.  Siebert 
History  16;  two  hours,  third  term. 

Russia  and  the  Far  East  (sixteenth  century  to  the  prfs- 
ent  time). 

AIHIITIONN  AND  CHANGES  REPORTED  UP  TO  NO\'EMBER  1ft,  1908,  AND  RELATING  TO  THE 

WORK     GIVEN     IN     190S-9. 

It.  \Vi»Hti»rn  Asiatic  history. 
I.  MiHllflPval. 

(tt)  On  the  life  of  Mohammed, 

ITnlversity  of  Michigan.    Prof.  James  A.  Craig. 
Arabic  2,  two  hours,  one  semester. 

Suras  from  the  Quran  and  the  life  of  Mohammed. 
I),  ICuNtern  Asiatic  history. 

I.  Ocneral. 

Ynle  ITnlversity.    Prof.  F.  W.  Williams. 

History  98  (B29) ;  two  hours,  through  the  year. 

Modem  East  Asiatic  History:  India,  China,  Japan,  and  Cesx' 

tral  Asia,  especially  since  the  seventeenth  century. 
(In  place  of  History  1>2.) 

II.  Si>oclal. 

(o)  Japan. 

Yale  University.     Dr.  K.  Asakawa. 

History  73;  two  hours,  through  the  year. 
Institutional  History  of  Japan. 
Graduates  only. 
(In  place  of  History  97.) 


OBIENTAL.  HISTORY   AND  POLITrt 


-Cootiuued. 


o  bnura,  throngb  tbe  year, 
(MsIdIj  modem  times.) 


.  EBStecn  Asiatic  bistory— 
II.  Special— Con  tinned, 
(at  Japan — Continued. 
Yule  I'nlversily — Continued. 
History  102  (B31)  ; 
Japanese  hlBtory. 
(In  place  of  history  06.) 
(b)  China. 

Viile  UnlverBlty.    Prof.  F.  W.  Williamt. 

History  101  (C47)  two  hours.  Ihrougli  the  year. 
(TfaEnese  Culture  nnd  Instltutlous. 
(Historical  research.) 
The  second  speaker.  Professor  Dennis,  of  the  University  of  Wis- 
1  consin.  urged  the  necessity  of  courses  presenting  a  general  stiiTey  of 
I  Asiatic  history,  and  spoke  of  tlie  close  relation  between  oriental  nnd 
Gt«ek  history.     He  pointed  out  the  necessity  of  relating  the  hi.story 
of  Central  Asia  to  that  of  Western  Asia,  and  the  earlier  to  the  modem 
period. 

Dr.  Cliarles  D.  Tenney,  es-presideut  of  Pei  Yang  College,  then  read 

[  n  paper  on  China,  since  published  in  the  Washington   (State)   His- 

I  torical  Quarterly  for  January,  IflOS.     Doctor  Tenney  pleaded  for  a 

cMrfol  study  of  Chinese  institutions  and  historj'  and  depIore<l  their 

neglect  by  western  scholars,     ''  The  time  has  now  come,"  he  said, 

"*hen  scholars  who  make  any  pretensions  to  broad  learning  must 

lake  seriously  the  study  of  oriental  affairs,  and  especially  the  history 

Mil  literature  of  that  great  empire  that  has  dominated  the  Far  East 

forages.     •     ■     •     Our  domestic  political  questions  look  large  to  us 

'   Uciiuse  of  their  nearnes,s,  but  if  we  could  view  the  planet  from  a  little 

"lintaiice  off  the  present  political  and  social  movements  of  the  Far 

Ei«t  would  dwarf  all  other  current  events  as  the  Himalayas  dwarf 

I  Ihf  New  England  hills.     *     •     *     W'hen  western  scholars  do  once 

I  torn  tlieir  attention  to  the  Far  East  they  will  be  surprised  to  learn 

L  W  much  there  is  of  real  intellectual  interest  in  the  study  of  the  work- 

t  among  the  Asiatics  of  the  social  and  moral  problems  that  are 

a  to  the  human  race.    Temperance  legislation,  old-age  pen.sions, 

IDlonism,  and  many  other  of  our  most  modern  problems  you 

ITBod  have  Ijeen  discussed  ages  before  they  were  ever  thought  of 

<ti  this  side  of  the  planet." 

A  paper  on  Japan,  by  Doctor  Asakawa,  instructor  in  Yale  Uni- 
•Wsity,  was  read  by  Dr.  Hiram  Bingham,  in  the  absence  of  Doctor 
I  ^inkawa.  This  paper  also  emphasized  the  immense  value  of  a 
thiBflugh  study  of  the  Orient,  and  it  discussed  briefly  the  various 
'  **Ji^  of  spiritual  and  political  development  in  Japan,  pointing  out 
'  ^  many  interesting  problems  that  the  growth  of  the  nation  has  pre- 
I  BCTited.  The  material  in  western  languages  for  historical  -study  is 
I  scant,  for  but  half  a  dozen  important  sources  of  Japanese  history  have 


78  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

been  translated.  ''  The  historical  sources  in  the  original  language  are 
at  present  the  only  reliable  material  for  a  satisfactory  investigation  in 
any  important  field.  To  those  who  can  use  them  I  am  happy  to  say 
that  they  will  find  in  the  Library  of  Congress  and  Yale  University 
Library  larger  and  better  selected  collections  of  Japanese  historical 
material  than  at  any  other  place  out  of  Japan.  The  nature  of  the 
more  than  nine  thousand  works  kept  at  the  Library  of  Congress  has 
been  briefly  described  by  me  in  the  Librarian's  annual  report  for  1907, 
and  it  is  only  necessary  here  to  point  out  that  they  are  particularly 
strong  in  the  historical  geography  and  in  the  history  of  the  religions 
and  of  the  general  culture  of  Japan.  The  Yale  collection,  which  con- 
sists of  about  an  equal  number  of  works,  is  especially  rich  in  original 
sources  and  also  in  material  on  two  branches  of  history,  namely,  insti- 
tutions and  art."  Many  of  the  above  volumes  were  acquired  for  the 
libraries  by  Doctor  Asakawa  during  a  recent  visit  to  Japan.  This 
paper  also  is  printed  in  the  January  number  of  the  Washington  His- 
torical Quarterly. 

Doctor  Vickers,  of  Keio  University,  Tokyo,  spoke  of  the  difficulties 
attending  the  work  of  students  in  Japan,  and  Doctor  Tenney,  replying 
to  a  question  from  the  chair,  explained  that  Chinese  historical  sources 
were  of  a  high  authentic  value,  owing  chiefly  to  the  scientific  spirit 
infused  into  the  students  from  the  study  of  Confucius. 


REPORT  OF  THE  CONFERENCE  ON  AMERICAN  CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY. 


At  the  beginning  the  chairman  of  the  conference  called  attention 
til  the  purpose  of  the  meeting,  which  was  to  consider,  in  the  most  in- 
formal way.  problems  of  interest  to  students  in  confititntional  history. 
The  object  of  these  conferences  was  to  give  those  interested  in  special 
branches  of  investigation  and  study  opportunity  for  exchange  of 
Tiews.  which  is  not  always  offered  by  the  more  formal  meetings  of 
the  association  in  which  papers  are  read. 

The  first  speaker  was  Prof.  William  MucDonald,  of  Brown  Uni- 
rersity,  who  considered  briefly  the  use  of  court  decisions,  particu- 
lirly  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in  instruction  in  American 
constitutional  history.  It  was  his  practice,  he  said,  to  require  of 
students  in  such  courses  the  reading  of  a  number  of  important  cases, 
Mich  as  Chisholm  i\  Georgia,  Marbiiry  r.  Madison.  McCuUoch  i: 
Maryland,  the  Dred  Scott  case,  the  Legal  Tender  cases,  etc. ;  the 
mses  being  chosen  not  only  for  their  importance  in  the  development 
of  coDstilutional  law,  but  also  because  of  the  interest  which  they  at- 
tracted or  the  political  discns.sions  which  they  stimulated  at  the  time 
ihey  were  rendered.  There  was  danger,  he  thought,  especially  at  the 
present  time,  of  overemphasizing  the  economic  and  social  aspects  of 
American  history  to  the  neglect  of  the  part  which  law  has  played  in 
determining  the  course  of  our  development.  Next  to  constitutions 
lie  course  of  public  opinion  in  matters  within  the  scope  of  govern- 
mental power  is  to  be  read  in  statutes,  in  treaties,  and  in  the  opinions 
of  tbe  courts:  and  the  courts,  particularly  those  of  last  resort,  not 
only  reflect  public  opinion  but  also  mold  it.  The  great  decisions  of 
the  Supreme  Court  are  more  than  technical  expositions  of  legal  doc- 
•fiae;  they  register  stages  of  social  progress  and  afford  points  of 
wparture  for  subsequent  action  of  government  and  people.  Since 
10  constitutional  question  capable  of  judicial  determination  may  be 
■^rded  as  settled  until  the  Supreme  Court  has  passed  upon  it,  a 
Knowledge  of  tlie  terms  and  character  of  such  settlement  is  of  funda- 
"'^tital  importance  for  the  historical  student,  and  should  be  got.  not 
'')■  being  told  what  the  court  decided  but  by  study  of  the  text  of  the 
^sion  itself,  exactly  as  any  other  historical  document  is  studied. 
Emended  legal  training  is  not  necessary  for  profitable  use  of  this 

70 


fc 


80  AMERICAN   TIISTOBTCAI,  ASSOCIATION. 

class  of  material,  although  an  elementary  knowledge  of  constitutional 
law  ought  lo  be  possessed  by  every  student  who  works  at  constitu- 
tional history.  On  the  other  hand,  care  must  be  taken  not  to  niake 
the  course  in  constitutional  history  a  course  in  constitutional  law. 
Another  feature  of  importance  is  the  valuable  historical  summaries 
which  the  decisions  of  the  higher  courts  often  contain,  e.  g.,  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  controversy  between  Georgia  and 
the  Cherokee  Indians.  As  to  the  number  of  cases  to  be  read  that  will 
naturally  depend  in  each  instance  upon  the  character  of  the  course. 
There  are  limits  of  time  to  be  observed  and  various  kinds  of  docu- 
ments must  be  examined.  In  a  course  occupying  three  hours  a  week 
for  a  year  Professor  MacDonald  said  he  had  found  it  practicable  to 
require  the  careful  reading  of  fifteen  or  more  representative  cases; 
The  principal  difficulty  he  found  was  in  obtaining  enough  copies  of 
a  case  to  accommodate  the  class.  A  collection  of  selected  cases,  chosea 
with  reference  to  their  usefulness  in  teaching  constitutional  history, 
would  prove  a  great  convenience. 

In  the  general  discussion  that  ensued  some  of  the  members  of  the 
conference  questioned  the  possibility  and  desirability  of  using  tbe 
decisions  of  the  courts  as  freely  as  Professor  MacDonald  seemed  te 
advise.  Id  so  many  cases  the  decisions  are  merely  formal,  and  in  a 
good  many  instances  the  language  is  so  technical  that  they  do  not 
seem  to  be  best  suited  to  the  purposes  of  the  class  room  where  the 
classes  are  largely  made  up  of  undergraduate  students.  Moreover, 
in  a  great  many  instances  a  careful  study  of  these  cases  from  tlie 
reports  seems  to  require  a  technical  knowledge  that  many  students  do 
not  possess.  This  phase  of  the  subject  was  discussed  by  Prof.  George 
W.  Knight,  of  Ohio  State  University,  and  Prof,  Theodore  C.  Smith, 
of  Williams  College, 

Prof.  William  E.  Dodd,  of  Randolph-Macon  College,  Virginia, 
raised  the  question  of  Blackstone's  intluenee  on  American  legal  and 
constitutional  thinking.  He  suggested,  mainly  for  the  sake  of  arous- 
■  ing  discussion,  that  the  almost  universal  substitution  of  "  Blackstone's 
Commentaries,"  which  appeared  in  America  in  1770,  for  "  Coke  on 
Littleton  "  as  a  text  in  the  law  schools  and  a  profound  influence  on 
men  like  Madison  and  Marshall.  He  called  especial  attention  to  the 
decidedly  "  divine-right "  tendency  of  Btackstone,  to  the  sharp  criti- 
cism iif  tlip  Oxford  professor  by  Bentham,  and  to  Jefferson's  frequent 
lumciil  Hint  "old  tory  "'  Blackstone  had  taken  the  place  of  the  more 
republican  Coke,  one  of  Jefferson's  motives  in  founding  the  Uni- 
versity of  Virginia  being  the  correction  of  this  abuse  and  the  teaching 
of  young  men  the  true  republican  faith.  The  speaker  insisted  that 
here  was  an  influentv,  hitherto  little  noticed,  which  contributed  much 
to  the  general  drift  away  from  the  radical  democracy  which  domi- 
nated ihe  early  llevolution  and  to  the  strong  movement  toward  u  real 


p 


AMERICAN   CONSTITUTIONAL   HISTORY.  81 

national  power  during  the  years  1781  to  178!) — iin  iiitluence  not  less 
important,  from  the  national  point  of  view,  in  directing  the  thought 
of  the  later  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  who  quoted  more  frequently  from 
Blackstone  than  any  other  authority. 

Mr.  Dodd  also  spoke  in  a  suggestive  and  entertaining  way  of  cer- 
tain political  conditions  in  Virginia,  in  the  years  before  the  Revolu- 
tion, which  appear  to  have  affected  vitally  the  development  of  the 
political  activities  of  Virginia  for  years. 

The  last  speaker  was  Dr.  Edward  S.  Corwin,  of  Princeton,  who 
considered  at  some  length  the  subject  of  "  Natural  law  and  constitu- 
tional decisions."  At  the  close  of  Mr.  Corwin's  talk,  the  subject  was 
further  considered  by  Prof.  Ernst  Freund,  of  the  University  of 
Chicago.    Mr.  Corwin  spoke  as  follows: 

"  What  is  the  scope  of  the  power  of  the  courts  to  review  legislation, 
particularly  the  legislation  of  the  States,  to  which  falls  almost  the 
entire  doman  of  private  rights  and  private  law? 

"  Cooley,  in  his  Constitutional  Limitations,  declares  that  a  court  can 
not  overturn  a  legislative  enactment  l»ecause  of  its  supposed  violation 
of  natural  rights,  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  or  the  spirit  of  repub- 
lican government.  He  has  in  mind  particularly  state  legislation.  A 
state  constitution,  he  says,  in  contrast  with  the  Federal  Constitution, 
(xmtains,  not  a  grant  of  power,  but  limitations  merely  upon  the  other- 
wise unlimited  power  with  which  the  state  legislature  was  vested  in 
its  creation.  Apparently,  however,  these  statements  do  not  moan  all 
in  I«w  that  they  do  in  English.  It  does  not  follow.  Cooley  warns  us 
in  (he  ensuing  paragraph,  that  in  every  case  the  courts  before  they 
can  set  aside  a  law  as  invalid  must  be  able  to  find  in  the  constitution 
[of  a  state]  some  specific  inhibition  which  has  been  disregarded 
*  •  *  prohibitions  are  only  important-  where  they  are  in  the 
nature  of  exceptions  to  a  general  grant  of  power,  and  if  the  author- 
ity to  do  an  act  has  not  been  granted  by  the  sovereign  to  its  repre- 
sentative, it  can  not  be  necessary  to  prohibit  its  being  done.  He  also 
dtcs  Justice  Nelson's  opinion  that  the  vested  rights  of  a  citizen  are 
held  sacred  and  inviolable  even  against  the  plenitude  of  power  in  the 
legislative  department.  The  truth  is  that  Cooley  is  attempting  to 
reconcile  two  lines  of  decisions  which  have  issued  from  the  American 

Bich  from  the  outset,  the  one  of  which  rests  upon  the  notion  of  leg- 
a  sovereignty,  the  other  upon  the  theory  of  natural  rights  and 
J  social  compact.  AVhich  opinion  has,  on  the  whole,  prevailed? 
The  sovereignty  view  has  forced  a  verbal  recognition  of  the  maxims 
with  reference  to  the  character  of  state  constitutions  and  the  limits 
of  judicial  power  above  quoted  from  Cooley.  The  other  view  has 
pven  us  most  of  our  whole  vast  system  of  constitutional  limitations. 


8S  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASBOCIATTON, 

"Judicial  review  was  itself  initially  devised  by  the  courts  to  beep 
the  legislature  not  within  the  limits  of  written  constitutions  but 
within  those  of  'common  right  and  common  reason.'  And  once  the 
power  was  established,  the  broader  view  of  it  was  subscribed  to  ex- 
plicitly by  Chase  and  Paterson,  of  the  early  Supreme  Bench,  and  by 
Hamilton,  Wilson,  Marshall,  Story,  Webster,  and  Kent.  An  inter- 
esting example  of  the  prevalence  of  this  view  in  the  early  decades  of 
our  constitutional  history  is  furnished  by  the  case  of  Wilkinson  e. 
Leland,  decided  by  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  in  1829.  Weh- 
ster  was  attorney  for  defendant  in  error,  '  If,'  says  he,  '  at  this 
period,  there  is  no  general  restraint  on  legislatures  in  favor  of  private 
rights,  there  is  an  end  to  private  property.  Though  there  may  be 
no  prohibition  in  the  Constitution,  the  legislature  is  restrained  from 
acts  subverting  the  great  principles  of  republican  liberty  and  the 
social  compact.'  To  this  contention  his  opponent,  William  Wirt, 
responded  by  virtually  accepting  it.  '  Who  is  the  sovereign  i '  he 
inquired.  '  Is  it  not  the  legislature  of  the  State  and  are  not  its  acta 
effectual  •  •  •  unless  they  come  in  contact  with  the  great  prin- 
ciples of  the  social  compact? '  This,  however,  he  proceeded  to  show 
to  the  court's  satisfaction  the  act  in  question  did  not  do.  Yet  even 
in  deciding  the  case  for  the  plaintiff,  Story  took  occasion  to  assert 
once  again  that '  the  common  principles  of  justice  and  civil  liberty ' 
of  themselves  comprise  an  enforceable  restriction  upon  legislative 
power. 

"  Not,  however,  from  the  study  of  isolated  decisions  in  which  the 
doctrine  of  natural  rights  is  more  or  less  determinative  can  one  ob- 
tain anything  like  an  adequate  impression  of  the  part  that  this  doc- 
trine has  played  in  the  history  of  our  constitutional  jurisprudence. 
The  great  importance  of  the  doctrine  lies  in  the  use  that  has  been 
made  of  it  by  the  courts  in  devising  new  limitations  upon  legislati^-e 
power.  The  doctrine  of  the  Dartmouth  College  case  rests  upon  this 
foundation.  Likewise  the  doctrine  that  the  power  of  eminent  do- 
main can  be  exercised  only  for  purposes  which  the  court  will  recog- 
nize as  public  purposes;  also  the  doctrine  that  a  fax  must  be  for  a 
public  purpose  and  that  the  courts  are  to  judge  of  whether  the  pur- 
pose of  a  given  tax  is  public  or  not.  The  doctrine  that  the  legisla- 
ture can  not  delegate  its  power  was  at  first  purely  a  legislative 
principle,  but  was  transformed  into  a  constitutional  limitation  by  the 
courts  by  the  aid  of  arguments  deduced  from  the  theory  of  the  social 
compact  and  the  idea  of  republican  government.  The  doctrine  that 
a  tax  must  be  for  a  public  jiurpose  rests  upon  an  extension  to  the 
power  of  taxation  of  the  analogous  limitation  upon  the  power  of 
eminent  domain.  The  power  of  eminent  domain  has  another  limita- 
tion also.  When  property  is  taken  under  it,  compensation  must  be 
rendered  for  it.    By  an  invocation  of  the  doctrine  of  the  social  wan- 


AMERICAN   CONBTlTUTtnNAL   HISTORY. 


88 


pact    and    natural    rights    this    liiiiitntion    was    extended    in    the 
IVynehamer  tuise  (13  N.  Y.)  to  the  police  power. 

"  The  doctrines  that  I  have  mentioned  were,  with  the  exception  of 
the  doetrine  of  the  Dartmouth  College  case,  all  inventions  of  the  State 
courts  and  were  contrived  before  18(10.  The  addition  of  the  four- 
teenth amendment  to  the  Constitution  some  years  later  made  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court,  it  eventually  transpired,  the  final 
bulwark  of  private  rights.  By  the  slaughterhouse  decision  and 
Munn  V.  Illinois,  that  court  declined  with  a  con.sidemble  show  of 
finality  the  new  field  of  jurisdiction  which  the  fourteenth  amendment 
opened  up  to  it.  In  1883.  however,  the  court  reversed  its  attitude,  in 
the  Butchei-s'  Union  v.  The  Crescent  City  Co.,  the  decision  in  which 
was  founded,  at  least  in  case  of  four  of  the  justices,  upon  a  novel  con- 
t-eption  of  the  phrase  'due  process  of  law,'  Originally  this  phrase 
ssignitied  simply  a  rule  of  law  o]>erative  in  futuro.  The  phrase  to-day 
seeius  to  signify  that  private  rights  constitute  contract  relationships, 
the  obligation  of  which  is  not  to  be  impaired  by  legislative  enactment 
without  good  reason.  The  logical  inference  from  this  doctrine,  the 
lineage  of  which  is  apparent,  is  that  the  court  and  not  the  legislature 
is  the  final  judge  of  sound  policy  in  legislation.  Hecent  decisions, 
for  example  in  the  case  of  Lochner  l:  The  People  of  New  York,  prove 
that  the  court  has  not  hesitated  to  make  the  deduction.  The  doctrine 
of  rensonable  rates,  which  was  invented  in  1890  to  check  railroad-rate 
iTgulatton  by  the  States,  rests  upon  the  same  way  of  thinking.  In 
this  case  the  court,  which,  in  Munn  «*.  Illinois,  had  classified  rate 
making  as  an  item  of  the  police  power,  now  subjected  it  to  the  limita- 
tions upon  the  power  of  eminent  domain.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
precedent  of  the  Wynehamer  case,  which  was  viewed  favorably  in 
Bartenieyer  v.  Iowa,  was  rejected  in  Mugler  c  Kansas. 

"Ab  an  illustration  of  how  firm  a  hold  the  idea  of  natural  rights  has 
upon  the  Supreme  Court  to-day,  its  decisions  in  the  Insular  Cases  are 
most  interesting.  On  the  one  hand,  the  court  was  reluctant  to  tie  the 
hands  of  Congress  in  dealing  with  newly  acquired  territory  by  the 
msny  specific  lindtations  that  would  become  applicable  were  the  ter- 
ritories in  question  admitted  to  be  parts  of  the  '  United  States,'  On 
I  the  other  hand,  the  court  could  not  entertain  the  idea  of  unlimited 
legislative  power  even  within  this  limited  field  with  any  degree  of 
toniplaceucy.  The  limitation  was  therefore  foimd  in  natural  rights. 
"So  much  by  way  of  summary  statement  of  specific  doctrines  that 
the  courts  have  set  up  as  constitutional  limitations  upon  the  founda- 
tioaof  the  natural-rights  theory.  Even  yet  perhaps  we  have  not  come 
In  the  most  important  phase  of  the  subject.  Each  one  of  these  doc- 
trines went  through  a  course  of  evolution.  Often  it  was  originally 
«t  lip  candidly  as  an  extraconstitutional  limitation.  But  there  was 
ilways  at  hand  the  conservative  jurist  to  frown,  if  only  through  the 


84  AMEEICAN   HTSTORTCAIj  AiSSOCIATION. 

medium  of  a  dissenting  opinion,  upon  such  contrivances.  The  result 
was  that  his  colleagueti  hastened  to  meet  his  views,  at  least  to  thi» 
extent:  they  brought  the  new-found  limitation  within  some  phras? 
of  the  written  constitution,  which  henceforth,  of  course,  bore  a.  much 
altered  significance. 

"  The  phrases  with  the  greatest  possibilities  seem  to  have  been  due 
process  of  law  and  legislative  power.  The  court,  confronted 
with  the  argimient  of  legislative  sovereignty,  in  the  absence  of  con- 
stitutional prohibitions,  raises  the  question:  Rut  what  is  legislative 
power?  No  answer  has  been  vouchsafed  to  this  oft-repeated  conun- 
drnm,  but,  practically,  legislative  power  to-day  is  the  power  of  the 
legislature  to  enact  laws  which  the  courts  approve  of.  The  notion 
strikes  hands  with  that  of  due  process  of  law,  as  above  defined. 
Other  terms  of  vast  latent  potentiality  are  liberty  and  prop- 
erty. Originally  the  former  meant  simply  the  right  of  freedom 
under  the  law  from  physical  distraint,  the  violation  of  which  gave 
rise  to  an  action  for  false  imprisonment.  To-day  it  means  freedom 
of  contract  within  the  limits  set  by  such  laws  as  the  courts  believe  to 
be  sound  in  policy.    The  term  property  has  been  similarly  extended. 

"  Perhaps  the  total  result  of  judicial  action  in  this  respect  can  best 
be  stated  hy  saying  that  the  courts  to-day  seek  generally  to  impose 
upon  legislation  the  common-law  restraints  upon  individual  action. 

"  The  position  of  the  courts  in  the  United  States  is  unique,  but  this 
position  represents  a  gradual  achievement.  The  doctrine  of  natural 
rights  and  the  social  compact  has  been  the  great  weaiwn  in  the  hands 
of  the  courts  in  effecting  this  achievement.  By  its  aid  the  power  of 
judicial  review  was  established  in  the  first  place,  and  by  its  aid  that 
power  has  Wen  given  ever-increasing  scope  till  legislative  power  finds 
itself  tjecoming  constantly  entangled  in  an  ever  more  baffling  network 
of  constitutional  limitations.  Recently  a  new  cry  for  state  rights 
has  been  raised.  There  is,  of  course,  no  conflict  between  the  legis- 
lative rights  of  the  States  and  those  of  the  nation.  The  issue  raised 
is  between  legislati^'e  and  judicial  power." 


REPORT  OF  THE  CONFERENCE  ON  UNITED  STATES  HISTORY  SINCE  1865. 


Thp  chairm&n  had  arranged  that  this  field  of  study  should  be  con- 
sidered both  from  the  stundjxjint  of  the  university  and  college  teacher 
and  from  that  of  the  investigator  and  historical  writer.  Various 
phases  were  mentioned  of  recent  development  in  America  that  might 
offer  attractive  rewards  to  the  historical  student  and  writer.  Among 
these  were  certain  aspects  of  the  labor  movement;  immigration;  the 
race  problems';  industrial  combinations;  problems  of  transportation; 
the  development  of  party  machinery;  foreign  and  diplomatic  rela- 
tions; progress  in  American  mining,  manufacturing,  forestry,  and 
irrigntion;  and  certain  notable  religious  movements  and  worthy 
organizations  and  influences  making  for  civic  betterment.  Some  of 
these  topics  and  others  were  discussed  by  those  who  took  part  in  the 
conference. 

Prof.  Amos  S.  Hershey,  of  Indiana  University,  read  a  brief  paper 

on  "  The  United  States  as  a  peace  power."     He  showed  that  America's 

influence  had  always  been  for  peace  from  the  time  of  Jay's  treaty 

to  the  Hague  conference.    But  in  recent  years  our  efforts  have  been 

btnore  notable  and  more  far-reaching.     The  efforts  of  the  late  Secre- 

Kitry  Hay  toward  preserving  the  territorial  integrity  of  China  and 

Rb  favor  of  the  "open-door"  policy  in  that  country;^ the  work  of 

"I'tesident  Roosevelt  in  favor  of  peace  between  Japan  and  Russia; 

the  important  part  played  by  the  United  States  at  the  Hague  con- 

fffence  in  advocacy  of  general  arbitration  and  the  erection  of  a  high 

rourt  of  justice  for  international  questions;  the  return  of  a  large 

part  of  onr  indemnity  to  China,  showing  a  worthy  freedom  from 

I     tluplicity  and  avarice;  these  were  discussed  as  marking  America's 

1     growth  as  a  peace  power. 

I  IVof.  Carl  Russell  Fish,  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  dealt  with 
I  the  period  from  the  standpoint  of  the  university  teacher.  He  consid- 
I  Mwl  it  a  profitable  field  for  class-room  work.  The  passions  engeu- 
I  ileted  by  the  civil  war  are  sufficiently  cooled  to  enable  students  to  ap- 
I  prosch  the  period  of  reconstruction  in  a  proper  historical  spirit; 
I  tile  spirit  of  fairness  and  of  the  historical  judicial  mind  may  l)e  culti- 
I  wted  by  studies  in  this  field,  and  the  undergraduate  may  find  many 
K  anitable  subjects  for  tlieses.  Professor  Fish  outlined  in  a  suggestive 
^h  *iy  various  methods  that  he  had  tried  in  the  teaching  of  this  period. 
^1  Prof,  Frank  H.  Hodder,  of  the  University  of  Kansas,  spoke  of  the 
^H  Jolmson-Grant  correspondence,  whose  deeper  significance  had  seemed 


86  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

to  escape  the  notice  of  liistorians.  Professor  Hodder  thought  that' 
the  quarrel  indicated  in  this  correspondence  was  the  most  important 
factor  in  inducing  General  (irant  to  cast  his  fortunes  with  the  Repub- 
lican party  and  to  accept  its  offered  nomination  to  the  presidency. 
Up  to  that  time  Grant  had  never  voted  any  other  than  the  Democratic 
ticket,  and  it  appeared  that  he  might  be  led  to  throw  the  gi-eat  weight 
of  his  influence  against  the  radicals  in  reconstruction.  The  quarrel 
with  Johnson  became  a  decisive  factor  in  the  coui'se  of  political  events. 

Prof.  John  H.  Latane,  of  Washington  and  Lee  University,  spoke  of 
America  as  a  world  power,  es^iecially  since  1898,  He  discussed  at 
some  length  the  later  aspects  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  and  its  applica- 
tions and  interpretations,  and  he  showed  that  our  diplomatic  history 
since  1865  is  one  of  the  richest  of  fields  in  easily  accessible  sources. 
Passion  and  prejudice  have  marked  our  internal  affairs  in  this  period, 
but  these  drawbacks  are  absent  in  the  study  of  i-ecent  foreign  relations. 

Hon.  William  Dudley  Fonike,  formerly  itf  the  United  States  Civil 
Service  Commission,  itpoke  of  the  begiimings  and  progress  of  civil 
service  reform  since  the  civil  war.  He  contrasted  the  patronage  and 
merit  systems  and  outlined  the  progress  of  the  reform,  in  spite  of 
obstacles  and  opposition,  since  the  passage  of  the  Pendleton  Act  in 
1883.  The  reform  had  become  fixed  and  final,  partly  through  the 
operation  of  this  law,  but  largely  because  successive  Presidents  who 
believed  in  the  cause  had  enforced  and  extended  the  application  of 
the  merit  system,  Mr.  Foulke  spoke  of  the  movement  for  civil 
service  reform  as  one  of  many  influences  in  recent  years  that  had  been 
making  for  the  betterment  of  American  civic  life,  and  ho  gave  a 
suitable  word  of  praise  to  President  Roosevelt  for  the  influence  of 
his  teaching  and  e.vample  in  this  direction.  Fields  of  civic  activity 
suitable  for  study  were  [lointed  out,  and  it  was  suggested  that  in  the 
matter  of  civil  service  reform  some  student  might  yet  do  for  this 
country  what  Mr.  Dorman  IJ.  Eaton  had  done  for  Great  Brifnin. 

In  the  discussion  that  followed  Prof.  Jes.se  Macy,  of  Iowa  College, 
spoke  of  the  field  as  a  rich  one  for  the  study  of  parly  practice  and 
the  development  of  party  machinery.  The  subject  of  party  politics 
and  the  nearness  of  the  field  to  our  present  life  ofl'er  all  the  greater 
opportunity  for  overcoming  prejudice  and  one-sidedness,  which 
should  be  the  constant  aim  of  the  historical  student  and  teacher. 
Professor  Caldwell,  of  the  University  of  Nebraska,  took  a  similar 
view,  and  he  gave  it  as  his  experience  that  in  the  study  of  recent  his- 
tory the  university  undergraduate  had  lieen  found  to  be*  teacliable, 
open  minded,  and  well  disposed.  The  problem  of  securing  historical- 
mindedness  has  been  found  to  lie  no  more  difficult  for  this  near-by 
period  than  in  the  study  of  earlier  times. 

The  conference  lasted  two  hours  and  a  half,  and  was  attended  ! 
from  30  to  50  persons. 


VI.  PROPOSALS  FOR  AN  INDIAN  STATE,  1778-1878. 


By  ANNIE  H.  ABEL, 
AmhAoU  Professor  in  the  Woman* 8  College  of  Baltimore, 


87 


Tlie  recent  admission  to  statehood  of  Oklahoma,  with  its  mixture 
of  red,  black,  and  white  inhabitaDtt^,  marks  the  detinite  abaiidoiiinent 
of  an  idea  that  had  previously  been  advocated  at  intervals  for  more 
than  a  hundred  years.     This  idea  was  the  erection  of  a  State,  exclu- 
sively Indian,  that  should  bu  a  bona  fide  member  of  the  American 
Union.     Its  first  appearance  dates  back  to  the  treaty  of  Fort  Pitt, 
negotiated  with  the  Oelawares  in  1778.     In  the  sixth  article  o£  that 
document"  commissioners  from  the  Continental  Congress  stipulated 
that  friendly  tribes  might,  with  the  approval  of  Congres.s,  enter  the 
Confederacy  and  form  a  State,  of  which  the  Delawares  should  lie  the 
head.     The  permission  thus  granted  was  entirely  a  matter  of  military 
expediency;  yet  it  was  never  acted  upon,  very  pri>bably  because  the 
bdians  had  no  adequate  conception  of  its  significance,  were  unpre- 
to  take  the  initiative,  and  the  white  men  disinclined  to  do  so. 
Seven  years  later  the  twelfth  article  of  the  treaty  of  Hopewell" 
led  an  arrangement,  somewhat  similar  in  its  ultimate  purpose, 
(or  the  Clierokees.  who  were  told  that  they  should  "  have  the  right 
to  Knd  a  deputy  of  their  choice  whenever  they  "  should  "  think  fit  to 
CongrejK."    The  commissioners  who  inserted  this  provision  laid  no 
9ress  whatever  upon  it  in  the  official  journal  of  their  proceedings," 
Kmsequently  we  are  obliged  to  infer  that  no  great  departure  from 
existing  practices  was  in  contemplation.     The  Indians  seem  not  to 
bve  thought  it  worth  while  to  make  any  at  all,  perchance  because 
tlif  arrangement  may  not  have  meant  anything  more  than  the  occa- 
Monal  sending  of  an  agent  to  represent  their  interests,  and  certainly 
*oiild  not  necessarily  liavn  elevated  tliem  as  a  community  to  state- 
hood but  only  as  individuals  to  citizenship,  a  condition  of  atfairs 
'W  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  proposition  of  the  woidd-be 
"State  of  Franklin  "  earlier  in  the  same  year.** 

In  1787  Alexander  McGilll\Tay,  a  half-breed,  a  chief,  and  decidedly 
llie  most  influential  man  among  the  Creeks,  originated  a  scheme  of 
™  own  for  effecting  a  change  in  the  political  status  of  his  people, 
H*  conununicated  it   to  James  White,  the  United  States  superin- 


hu 


r  Congrms.  IV:  628. 

Male  Papers,  tndlBD  AfTalrs.  I 

Htatwkal  lUTlew,  Vtll :  2S3. 


90  AMERICAN   HISTOHICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

teiidpnt  for  tlie  southern  district,  who  thought  it "  something  so  sineii- 
lar  '"  that  he  should  "  be  excused  for  relating  it  circumstantially  "  to 
General  Knox.  It  was  as  follows:  "*  Notwithstanding  that  us  the 
guardiaji  of  tlie  Indian  rights  I  prompt  them  to  defend  their  lands. 
yet  I  must  declare  I  look  upon  the  United  States  as  our  most  natural 
allies.  Two  years  I  waited  hefore  I  would  seek  for  the  alliance  I 
have  formed.  I  was  compelled  to  it,  I  could  not  but  resent  the 
greedy  encroachments  of  the  Georgians,  to  say  nothing  of  their 
scandalous  and  illiberal  personal  abuse.  Notwithstanding -which  I 
will  now  put  it  to  the  test  whether  they  or  myself  entertain  the  most 
generous  sentiments  of  respect  for  Congress.  If  that  honorable  body 
can  form  a  body  to  the  southward  of  the  Altamaha,  I  will  be  the 
first  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  thereto;  and  in  return  to  the 
Georgians  for  yielding  to  the  United  States  that  claim,  I  will  obtain 
a  regular  and  peaceable  grant  of  the  lands  on  the  Oconee,  on  which 
they  have  deluded  people  to  settle  under  pretense  of  grants  from  the 
Indians,  you  yourself  have  seen  how  ill  founded.""  Pi-esumably 
McGillivray  had  in  mind  an  Indian  State,  but  his  suggestion  proved 
just  as  futile  as  those  that  had  gone  before. 

The  basis  for  these  various  plans  and,  indeed,  for  some  that  pre- 
ceded and  for  many  that  followed  lay  in  a  tacit  acknowledgment 
of  Indian  sovereignty.  Each  European  nation  that  gained  a  foot- 
hold in  the  New  World  had  to  reckon  with  the  Indians,  and  often 
against  its  better  judgment  to  treat  with  them  as  independent 
entities.  The  only  way  to  insure  its  own  safety  and  its  own  advance- 
ment was  to  seek  their  alliance,  guarantee  their  integrity,  and  admit 
their  territorial  claims,  even  while  asserting  a  preemptive  right  of  its 
own.  The  yarious  projects  for  an  Indian  neutral  belt  from  1761  to 
1814  were  all  in  line  with  the  doctrine  of  Indian  sovereignty,  as  were 
also  the  several  schemes  of  Vergennes,*  Milfort,"  and  Bowles."*  More- 
over, in  those  years  when  the  Indian  tribes  could  figui-e  so  promi- 
nently and  effectively  as  friend  or  foe  their  rights  were  at  a 
premium,  especially  during  the  Revolutionary  and  Confederacy  eras 
and  during  the  critical  period  that  followed,  when  Spain,  France, 
and  Great  Britain,  taking  advantage  of  the  weakness  of  the  United 
States,  were  independently  intriguing  for  the  control  of  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley. 

With  the  final  settlement  of  that  question  as  determined  by  the 
purchasi^  of  Louisiana  came  a  new  suggestion  for  the  adjustment  of 
Indian  relations  with  the  United  States  Government.  This  compre- 
hended the  setting  aside  of  the  larger  part  of  the  Louisiana  territory 
for  Indian  occupancy,  involving  the  removal  and  colonization  o^ 

•  AmerJcaQ  State  Papers.  Indian  Affaln  1 :  21. 

•Atlandc  Monthly,  vol.  OH,  p.   800;  American  BlBtorlcal   KvvJew.  X: 

•AUaaUc  Montblr.  voL  SS,  p.  Stl. 


I  PROPOSALS  FOR  AN  INDIAN  STATE,  mS-lSTS.         91 

sU  the  eastern  tribes  that  could  be  induced  to  exchange  lands  and  to 
emigrate."  The  plan  of  colonization  was  not  a  new  one,  since 
General  Knox  had  formulated  it  years  before,*  but  that  of  renioval 
perforce  was,  there  having  previously  been  no  government  land  that 
could  be  used  for  the  purpose.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether,  in  thus 
providing  a  home  for  the  Indians,  Jefferson  had  in  mind  an  Indian 
Territory  of  such  a  character  as  would  develop  into  an  Indian  State. 
He  spoke  of  a  temporary  asylum  only;  yet  he  had  the  opportunity  to 
plan  a  great  State  since  the  objections  that  stood  in  the  way  of  any 
such  political  edifice  within  the  chartered  limits  of  the  old  Thirteen 
did  not  hold  in  the  West.  The  Federal  Government  could  do  as  it 
pleased  with  territory  that  it  had  btnight  with  federal  funds.  Not- 
withstanding this,  the  plan  came  to  nothing.  Even  if  it  had  been 
enthusiastically  advocated  by  the  party  in  power,  it  is  problematic 
whether  the  Indians,  as  strongly  intrenched  as  they  were  in  their 
ancestral  domains,  could  have  been  induced  to  move.  Some  of  them 
Bsked  instead  for  citizenship,'^  and  certain  statesmen,  notably  William 
H,  Crawford,''  supported  the  idea.  In  his  opinion  incorporation  was 
the  only  feasible  plan. 

During  Monroe's  second  term  Indian  affairs  in  Georgia  reached 
B  climax,  whereupon  the  administration,  as  the  best  way  out  of  a  most 
serious  difficulty,  revived"  the  old  plans  of  removal  and  colonization 
and  later  improved  upon  them  to  this  extent,  that  it  advised  the 
introduction  of  a  governmental  system.'  Taking  various  documents 
tt^ether,  departmental  reports  and  presidential  messages,  we  gather 
thtit  this  was  its  general  scheme,  the  formation  of  tribal  districts  with 
a  civil  administration  in  each  and  the  unian  of  the  whole  in  prospect. 
Eventual  statehood  was  not  specifically  mentioned,  but,  by  Calhoun  at 
least,  was  broadly  hinted  at,"  and  would  have  been  the  natural  out- 

•  Fori*  Jefleraon,  Vlll ;  241-24B, 

*  American  Slat?  Papera,  iDdlati  AITatra.  I;  S2-S4. 

■AmeiicnD  Sine  I>8peni.  ForelKQ   U«lBtloDa,  I:  Ti:  TLi«   Wrltlngit  al  Tlios.  Jeffpmoa. 
Ubrarj  «<)ltlun.  XVI :  434^35. 
•American  State  Paperii,  Indian  Affaira.  II:  27.  28. 
•8p«rlsl  Ueasage.  Uart-h  :iO,  18:14.  Klcbardson  11:234-2.17. 

'Asniutl    measaKe.    December  7,    1824.    Ihld.   261:   speclnl    mpHsngp,   Jsauary    ST,    ISSri, 

VA,  280-28:1. 

*~  ■      ■      ■.     Tbrre  ought   to  lie  the  strongest  anil   most  folemn   assurance    Ibat    tbe 

D  them  ftboiild  be  theirs,  aa  a  permBUeot  home  tor  tbemselvea  nntl  ttelr  poa- 

idt   being  dlaturbed   by    the  encroachments  of  our  I'ltltena.      To  aucb    aaaur- 

^  If  there  abould  be  added  a  ajratcm  bjr  which  the  goTernment,  nltbout  deatroflne 

r  iBdrpendrace.    would    gradual!}'    unite   )be   several    irlbes  under   o   simple    but    en- 

itoifd  ajatem  of  govemmenl.  and  laws  formed  on  the  principles  o(  our  own.  and  to 

•Ucb.  aa  their  own  people  would  parlike  lb  It.  the;  would,  under  the  influence  of  the 
nHilfmplBIed  ImproiemeDt,  at  no  dlataut  day.  become  prepared,  tbe  armngementa  which 
tart  (Men  proposed  would  proTe  to  the  Indians  and  their  poalerllj'  a  pcTmanent  bleastns. 
U  li  Wllered  that  If  they  conld  be  aisured  that  peace  and  friendship  would  be  mnln- 
liliwd  vaong  the  aeYeral  lrlt>ea;  thai  Ihe  advanlai^ea  of  education  which  thej  uuw 
'*)o>  would  be  eilcnded  lo  them ;  that  they  should  haTe  permanent  and  solemn  gusrant; 
■°'  tbdr  poaaesalunB.  and  receive  Ihe  counlenance  and  aid  of  tbe  government  for  the 
WlBii  estenaton  of  lea  prlellegeB  to  Ihem,  there  would  be  among  all  Ihe  Irlbes  n  dls- 
WloB  to  accord  wllb  the  views  oT  tbe  KOvernineDt  •  •  *."  (Oales  and  Beaton's 
^tMtr.  1.  Appendii.  pp   r.7-50, 1 


come.  Who  originated  the  idea  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  The 
chances  are  the  Rev.  Jedidiah  Morse  deserves  some  credit,  for  his 
observations  in  the  Northwest  and  his  investigations  into  Indian  con- 
ditions generally  had  led  him  three  years  before  to  say  most  posi- 
tively :  "  Let  this  territory  be  reserved  exclusively  for  Indians,  iu 
which  to  make  the  proposed  experiment  of  gathering  into  one  body 
as  many  of  the  scattered  and  other  Indians  as  choose  to  settle  here,  ta 
be  educated,  become  citizens,  and  in  due  time  to  be  admitted  to  all 
the  privileges  common  to  other  territories  and  States  in  the 
Union     *     •     *."" 

Congressional  action  along  this  same  line  is  rather  interesting  as 
showing  how  clearly  defined  was  the  idea  that  the  Indian  country  to 
the  westward  should  constitute  a  regular  Territory,  and  that  for  the 
red  men  only.  On  the  former  point  the  House  resolution  of  December 
27,  1825,"  was  especially  explicit,  and  on  the  latter,  an  earlier  one  of 
December  17,  1824."  There  was  no  mistaking  the  character  of  the 
.Territory.  It  was  to  be  "  of  the  same  kind  and  regulated  by  the  same 
*  rules  "  as  other  "  Territories  of  the  U.  S."  Inferentially,  then,  it  was 
to  be  a  State  in  embryo,  which  Smyth,  of  Virginia,  seems  to  hare 
deemed  constitutionally  impossible.''  Benton,  of  Missouri,  was  evi- 
dently of  a  different  opinion,  and  in  his  capacity  as  chairman  of  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs  applied  to  Calhoun  to  draft  a 
bill  that  should  accord  with  the  recommendations  of  the  Pi'esident. 
Calhoun  did  so,"  and  the  bill  passed  the  Senate  on  the  2Sd  of 
February,'  but  it  failed  to  meet  with  the  concurrence  of  the  House 
of  Representatives. 

Under  John  Quincy  Adams  the  matter  came  up  again,  and 
same  Senate  bill  was  taken  by  the  House,'  amended  by  its  Commil 
on  Indian  Affairs,  and  referred  to  Secretary  Barbour  for  sugges- 
tions.* Now  Barbour,  as  we  learn  from  Adams's  diary,  had  been. 
like  Adams  himself,  an  advocate  of  incorporation;  but  about  this 
time,  when  the  Creek  controversy  was  confronting  him,  he  changed 
his  views  and  henceforth  not  only  supported  removal  in  its  most 
extreme  form — i.  e.,  by  individuals  set  free  from  tribal  connections — 
but  also  the  establishment  of  a  great  territorial  government  west  of 
the  Mississippi.  In  cabinet  meeting  Adams,  Rush,  Southard,  and 
Wirt  all  expressed  doubts  of  the  plan,  but  all  finally  approved,  hav- 
ing nothing  better  to  propose.*  ~ 


•  Beport.  Apppndlj,  p.  314. 

*nouiw  Journal,   letb  Cong..   Ist  teaa.,  p.  m. 

•NIlen'B  RegUter.  rnl.  27.  p.  ■•11;  Boune  Journsl.  IHtli  Com 

•  .\br1di[meDC  ol  DebalCB,  VIII ;  221 :  Gales  and  Sealrm'a  Ri-i 
•Indian  Offlre  Utter  Books.  SerlPH  11.  No.  1.  pp.  a34-3ar,, 
'  Gales  and  Spaton'a  Beglsler,  I :  a:iU-fl45.  G-lll. 

'  Id..  XIII.  Part  2,  Appendix,  p.  GG. 

•  Mlli«pttaneouii    Fllea,    Indian    OOn    M8.    Ri-corda  i    Amtrlc 
Affalra.   II;  <l4e. 

'Diary  at  .T.  Q.  Adama,  Fcbruarr  7.   182tt. 


I 

Pa  pern,    IndlaBft 

u 


f  PBOPOSALS  FOR  AN   INDIAN   STATE,  m8-lS78.  93 

Bnrbonr's  suggestions,  in  answer  to  the  appeal  of  the  Hous«  coni- 
niittee,  took  Ihe  form  of  "a  project  for  a  bill,"  which  presented  an 
Indian  Territory  in  broad  outline  and  supplied,  what  earlier  measures 
had  lacked,  an  administrative  machinery,'  The  creation  of  the 
Territory  was  not  to  be  immediate,  but  discretionary  with  the  Presi- 
dent. In  due  time  John  Cocke,  as  chairman  of  the  committee,  re- 
jHirted  a  bill  embodying  all  the  essential  particulars  of  the  "  project," 
with  some  minor  additions,''  but  the  House  did  not  act  upon  it.  It  is 
worthy  of  mention  that  in  none  of  the  documents  was  there  any 
provision  for  a  Delegate  in  Congress,  although  we  know,  from  the 
correspondence  that  took  place  between  Barbour  and  Thomas  S, 
Hinds,  of  Kentucky,  that  the  subject  was  discussed." 

The  first  session  of  the  Twentieth  Congress  resumed  the  considera- 
tion of  the  plan  for  organizing  an  Indian  Territory,  but  never  got 
beyond  the  resolution-making  stage.  Southern  men  were  too  nnxious 
for  prompt  removal  to  care  to  dillydally  with  the  details  of  a  gov- 
ernmental system.  Yet  it  is  significant  that  the  one  resolution  that 
unmistakably  pointed  toward  an  Indian  State  came  from  a  southern 
man,  from  Representative  Mitchell,  of  Tennessee,  December  17, 1827." 
.Vnother  southerner,  however.  Wilson  Lumpkin,  of  Georgia,  took  ex- 
ception to  it  Ijecause.  as  he  remarked  when  arguing  for  a  substitute,  it 
looked  too  far  ahead."  The  administration  none  the  less  continued  to 
work  in  that  direction;  and  when  Porter  succeeded  Barbour  as  Sec- 
retary of  War  he  took  up  the  subject,'  but  with  an  interest  rendered 
somewhat  personal  by   local   considerations.     McKenney"  and   the 

•fiilM  and  Spaton't  RrKlnlpr.  II,  Part  2.  Appendix,  pp.  40-43;  American  State  Papern, 
iDtlu  Affaln.  II:  a4H-lt4» :  Mlm'a  KegiBler.  TOl.  2fl,  p.  431. 
•Krpnrta  of  Committees,  aafl  Cong.,  iBt  leis..  Vol.  IV.,  No.  474,  pp.  76-78. 
'TbomflB  8.   atais  la  Barbour.  February  Ti,   1826,  aad  March  9,   18Z6.   Ulscrllanrous 
MIh.  Indlim  Offli-e  MS.   Ret-ordu;   UcKennef   to  Hlods.  January  38.  1SS8,   Indian  Offlre 
Utitr  Books.   Series  II.  No.   4.  p.  2S8. 
'Ciles  and  Sealon'a  Register.  IV.  part  1,  p.  820. 
'Ibid.,    p.    1SS5. 

'Ibid..  VoL  V.  appendli,  pp.  7-10;  Nllea's  Register.  Vol.  36.  p.  243. 

•  A  letter  from  McKenney  to  Porter.  January  31,  1829,  reveals  somethluR  ot  the  plana 
«  the  two  men,  MeKenoey  and   McCoy  ; 

"■    ■     *     remarkH  on   former   grants   by   Treaty   to   Indiana     ■     •     •     and   to   Ibc 

•uUrti  (^Brnoteed  to  tbem.  to  irblcb  objections  are  taken,  would  be  applicable  If  those 

mnti  had  been  roade  tn  relation  to  a  Colony,  In  which  rplallon   UcCoy  consldern  Ihe 

•ttHrl.  hot   being  baited  on   the  eilstlne  relations  ol   (be   Indians   to   Ibe    V.   a.  and   to 

^-■T  BBother.  as   Tribes,    the  eitent   of  country    granted    to  each    Tribe,    was   no   less  a 

^DBUDd  of  theirs,   than  was  Ibe  outlets  bb  these  are  defined.      It  was  to  comply  ur  not 

BKm    the    object    of   Congress    In    providing    the    wajH    and    means    to    negotiate    those 

Hlhatln,     In  any  new  relations  which  It  may  be  thought  proper  to  adopt  for  the  organl- 

vauon  of  a  plan  salted  to   tbe  Improvement  of  those  Tribes  West  ot  Ihe  Miss,  or  who 

P  Ml  n  there,   the   eilstlng  geographical   relations   of  each   to   the  other   would   as   a 

■■Her  of  ronrse  have  to  be  so  arranged  as  to  fall   In  with  the  plan  ol  colonising  Ibe 

■W(.  and  Id  harmonize  In  all   respects  wllh   such   new   relations.      But   this  could  not 

^ttaeo  effected  nntll  the  aysiem  to  which  It  must  have  bad  reference  cilated.     It  does 

M  yd  erlaL 

"It  la  my  decided  opinion,  which  I  respectfully  fiiibmll.  thai  nothing  can  preserve  our 

.       liUua.  bat  ■  plan  well  matured  and  sullaMy  suBtalned.  In  which  they  ahsll  be  placed 

I      "Mtf  t  OoTerniiieDt,  ol  wblcb  they  aball  (orm  part,  and  in  a  Colonial  relation  to  Ibe 


94  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION. 

Rev.  Isaac  McCoy  ■  were  both  active  in  the  same  enterprise,  but  Con- 
gress was  unresponsive.  Indeed,  new  complications  arose  which  made 
it  almost  impossible  for  certain  sections  to  view  the  matter  judiciously. 
The  Cfierokees,  fully  alive  to  earlier  recognitions  of  Indian  sot- 
ereignty,  emphasized  their  own  independence  of  Georgian  jurisdic- 
tion by  establishing  a  republic  upon  the  model  of  the  American.  In 
1827  they  adopted  a  constitution."  They  hoped  that  progressive 
action  of  this  Mort  would  save  them  from  further  encroachments.  It 
really  hastened  their  downfall. 

During  Jackson's  presideiic}'  Indian  removal  became  a  prominent 
political  issue;  but  if  it  is  to  be  regarded  as  akin  in  any  sense  to 
colonization,  the  act  of  1830,"  which  made  it  a  part  of  the  national 
policy,  was  legislation  ill  advised,  ill  considered,  and  incomplete. 
Under  it  the  whole  body  of  eastern  Indians  were  to  be  taken,  if 
possible,  west  of  Missouri  and  left  there  totally  unorganized.  Each 
tribe,  it  is  true,  was  to  retain,  presumably,  its  own  native  govern- 
ment ;  but  had  not  that  government  already  proved  its  insufficiency 
by  revealing  traits  incompatible  with  economic  development  in  the 
United  States?  Professions  of  a  desire  to  civilize  the  Indians  neces- 
sarily presupposed  admittance  at  some  future  time  to  citizenship. 
The  Cherokees,  as  we  have  seen,  had  already  adopted  Anglo-Saxon 
institutions  and  nil  the  tribes  wight  be  induced  to  do  the  same.  No 
more  fitting  time  for  making  a  change  in  their  political  status  could 
have  been  found  than  this  when  a  change  of  homes  was  to  l)e  made 
and  the  old  associations  cast  aside.  Removal  was  in  itself  icono- 
clastic.   AVhy  not  have  gone  a  step  farther.* 

Dissatisfaction  with  the  chaotic  state  of  affairs  in  the  Indian 
country  in  the  West  eanie  largely  from  the  red  men  themselves. 
The  United  States  Government  had  been  so  untrue  to  its  promises  in 
the  past  that  it  was  obliged  to  give  strong  assurances  of  good  faith 
in  the  future.  Notwithstanding  this,  it  was  not  quite  ready  to  organ 
ize  a  regular  Territory  for  its  wanls  or  to  allow  them  a  Delegate 
in  Congress,  oven  though  the  Choctaws  in  negotiating  the  treaty  of 

UdUkI  Slates  •  •  *.  In  s  CoLoay.  of  coursp.  tbe  eiUtlnE  cUrlslnns  gntnag  Ihf 
TrlbH!  would  lie  supeniMled  by  a  npnerni  IJov't  for  tbp  whole;  ond  by  a  piircelUnR  ool 
of  tbo  IsQiIa  nmnng  tbe  famllleB  * 
In  Ihia  biialnesH  of  Colonization,  a  gen 


lands 


I   ItH 


dciet  appror  lu  lun  that  as  a  Qrsl  siEp 
i;etaeD(  abould  be  made  In  regard  to  the 
rm,  but  effective.  oxEht  to  be  eiteudfd 
*."     (Indian  O&ce  Letter  Books.  Serlo 


over  those  wbo  have  alread;  e 
II,  No.  5,  pp.  2S8-2fll.| 

■  Diary  ot  J.  Q.  Adams,  January  22,   1827. 

•NIIe»-B  Register.  Vol.  33,  p.  214;  D.  8.  Ei.  l>ocg.,  2lld  Cong.,  2d  sesa..  Vol.  Ill, 
Cherokee  Phoenix.  Pebruacf  28,  182S ;  Diary  of  J.  Q.  AdaoiB.  Pebroary  S,  1828. 
"Unltpd  States  Statutes  at  Large.  411-411^ 

■  Secretary  Eaton  seems  to  have  been  decidedly  in  favur  o1  establlsblng  an 
Territory.  8(h*  Report,  November  30,  182(1,  American  State  Papers,  Ulllury 
VOL   IV,  pp.  154-ieS. 


PHOPOSALS   FOR  AN   INDIAN   STATE,   mSl-lH78 


96 


Dancing  Rabbit  Creek  had  expressly  nsked  for  one."  Things  came 
to  such  a  pass,  however,  that.  Congress  was  obliged  in  1832  to 
atithorize''  the  appointment  of  a  commission"  to  investigate  inter- 
tribal disputes  and  to  take  the  sense  of  the  emigrants  upon  tho 
qnestion  of  their  own  government.''  The  commission  reported  in 
favor  of  oganization."  Then  began  an  interesting  scene  in  Congress. 
During  several  sessions  both  ITonscs  reported  bills  '  having  in  view 


LLe^e  of  n  IteJesa 


.  Art,  22.  The  r] 


UiFT  rnlgbt  hare  1 

eitvodMl  la  tbrm.  Tbp  commlsBliiae 
latlon.  accede  to  tbc  roqupst :  bul.  at 
may  contider  ot  and  decide  Ihe  ap 
ilramfnt  of  cession  and  removal  eti 
ciacatl;  arraDited  Ihprpln  for  tlielr  u 

vol.  no.  J 


Fp  sueseatnt  that  Ihelr  [)p"rlc  are  In  n  slitie 
mcnt,  aaH  bavu  exprexKPd  h  enllcltiidp  Itiat 
n  tbe  floor  of  the  Houae  of  RppreFwntnllves 
0  an!  feet  that  they  can.  under  a  treaty  atlpii 
Ir  desire.  preBpnt  It  In  the  treaty,  tbat  CongrcK* 
tlon.  -J.  The  Choetan-B  had  drawn  np  bd  1n- 
— tbat  la,  In  Ihe  spriaii:  of  1B30 — abd  bad  Bpe 
ate  admlllaDce  to  atatebood.      (Nllea'a  Ke^aler, 


of  Jiilf  14.  l^ns. 

■  C«»a  tn  recommendlDK  thin  emphsulied  the  policy  of  Belf-Eoyernnient.      (Report,  feb- 
nXTT  IS.  ISR^.  Indian  OOlce  Letter  Books.  Series  II.  No.  8.  pp.  204-291.) 
'  liutnictltina  to  tb«  commlBBloDcra,  July  14.  18.1&     <)bld..  No.  |i,  |ip,  32^1.) 
•  BaporS  of  Committee*.  23d  Cong..  Ist  seas.,  Vol.  IV.  No.  474,  pp.  79-103. 
fTbeVrle*  hecan   In   18S4  with  a  hill    (Honse  hill   No,   4(10)   drafled  by  the  commls- 
rtooera  of  1932.     This  bill  was  ably  diacusaed  Id  Ihe  House  of  Reprc-BentatlTCs  .liitie  Zo. 
im.  hut  met  witb  canalderahle  oppoalCloD  and  naa  eTenlnally  ponlponed   lo  tlie  next 
MSilnn  of  ConKTeBS.      (Nlles's  ReBlster.  vol.  46.  p.   SIT:   House  .Tournal,   aSd  Conj;.,    1st 
■a*,  p.  833;  Galea  and  Seatoc's  Register.  Vol.  X.  part  4.  p.  4T63  et  acq.)      II  naa  accotn- 
iul«d  upon  Its  iDtroductiim  Into  the  House  by  a  moat  elatiornle  report  ( Deports  of  Com- 
nlltwa,  a:w  Cong..   Isl  sess,.   Vol.   IV,   (Jo,  4741    which  bad  tieen   prepared  by   Hepreaea- 
Ullte  Horace   Everett,   of   Vermont,   and    la  a   mine  of  hlBtorlcal   and   alHIIatlcal    Infor- 
aitlan.    Tbe  bill  came  up  aealn  (he  next  aeaslon,  but  icna  lust  In  the  House.     Itiales 
«M  Sealnti"*  Reglater.  Vol.  X.  part  4,  p.  4T7B.) 

Ii  tS36  botb  the  Senate  and  the  House  considered  a  bill  covering  Ibe  aubjecl.  Tbat 
In  llw  Kenate  (No.  ISni  was  cbamploDPd  by  Tipton,  of  Ohio,  and  waa  accompanied  by  ■ 
ff't  sllgblly  leas  exhaustive  than  that  of  Everett  two  years  before.  (Senate  Docs.. 
Hit  Cong..  1st  seas..  Vol.  III.  No.  240:  Setiate  Journal,  p.  'i'M:  McCoy's  Annual  Res- 
Mtr  ol  Indian  AITalra.  1S37,  p.  6K.)  No  Important  action  wbb  lahen  upon  It.  however. 
•M  la  the  roltowlsK  December  Senator  Tipton  Introduced  snotber  bill  of  like  tenor  iNo. 
1S>,  which  met  with  a  like  fate.  ISeaate  Journal,  pp.  31.  42.  S9.  ISO.  23e.l  Tbe  Ilouw 
Nil  iSo.  Sflfi)  "tsa  reported  by  Everett  Fehrnary  10,  1S36.  It  differed  from  bis  earlier 
UU  la  one  very  Important  particular  by  making  the  prospective  delegate  simply  a  sort 
't  naMeat  sitent  Instead  of  tbe  equivalent  of  a  regular  lerrllorlal  Delegate.  C.  A. 
Rirrla.  the  CommlssloDer  ot  ladlaa  AITaIrs,  nobly  supported  Ibe  project  of  orsanlcallon. 
••  li  well  attested  by  bis  report  to  tbe  Acting  Secretary  of  War.  B.  F.  Butler.  December 
I.  ISM.     (ilalea  and  Sealon's  ReglBler.  XIII,  part  'i.  appendix,  pp.  .13-65.1 

In  IKXT  Ihe  Indefatigable  Kverett  Introduced  ■  third  bill  (No.  DOI|,  Ihe  principle  ot 
rtlrb  found  tlgorous  support  In  the  arguments  of  Representative  Cushlng  (House  Joiir- 
■<l,34ifa  Cooi!..  M  aess.:  Gales  atid  Seatona  Reglatar.  Vol.  XIII.  part  2.  pp.  1518,  IGSai. 
•m  In  I8XH  s  foiirlh  INo.  4(151  (House  Joiiroal.  ^Slh  Cong..  2d  sess..  p.  .1801.  In  Ibis 
'Ktsr  fear  tbe  Senate  also  showed  great  Interest  In  Ihe  matter  and  succeeded  in  passing 
tUII  (Na  79 1  touching  It.  "The  bill  was  sent  lo  the  Houae  for  Its  concurrence.  The 
'Htm  had  a  bill  of  11a  owq  before  It.  similar  In  Its  provisions  to  the  Senate's  bill.  Both 
N1I«  were  reporled  to  the  House  by  the  Committee  of  Indian  Atfaira.  having  passed  lo 
I^t  ilaxe.  when  Ihey  could  properly  be  called  up  for  tbe  flnal  consideration  and  action 
°ttbF  House.  In  Ibla  place,  iin fortunately  tor  tbe  subject,  the  bills  were  left  behind 
kl  llw  press  of  other  mailers.  From  the  large  majority  In  favor  of  the  bill  In  tbe  Ben- 
il>  It  Is  fair  to  Infer  tbat  had  a  decisive  vote  been  taken  In  the  House  It  would  have 
Woo*  a  law."  (McCoy's  Annual  Register  of  Indian  Altnirs,  IS38,  p.  II.)  For  a  history 
"No,  T5  Id  Its  various  stagea.  see  Nlles's  Register,  vol.  54.  pp.  123,  I5,\  156,  167.  172. 


).  ST.  367,  3TS.  SSO-.ISl.  383.  3S5:  House  Journal,  i 


^" ;  Senate  Joui 
U  Die  Ihlr^  a 

H  (  Mil  for  tbe  organlai 
-      4  No.  23  OD  the  IC 

|(  Psbmary.  183)1.     ,, _._  ,  . 

■  M.  I'mfieuioaal  Olobe,  p.  21S.)     The  Uouee  did  nothing  with  IC. 


a  at  tbe  Twenty-Hfth  Congreaa  Senator  Tlploi 
1   Indian  Territory   passed. 


tried  o 


947. 


of  December.  IRIS,  i 


t  was  paaaed  by  the  Seoat 


a  Beglster,  vol.  56.  ] 


96  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

the  establishment  of  an  Indian  Territory — M  failed.  The  trouble 
was  that  the  several  bills  were  regarded  as  administration  **  measures 
and  therefore  as  not  wholly  or  primarily  philanthropic.  The  earlier 
ones  wore  intended  mainly  to  lead  the  Cherokees  into  compliance 
with  the  policy  of  removal.*  They  were  supported  by  the  Georgia 
delegation  and  opposed  by  such  men  as  Clay,  Calhoun,  and  John 
Quincy  Adams.  The  chief  arguments  against  them  were,  that  they 
contemplated  military  rule  for  an  indefinite  period,  left  too  much  to 
the  discretion  of  the  Pi-esident,  and  by  holding  out  offices  to  principal 
men  only  catered  to  the  prejudices  of  chiefs^  who  feared  that  the 

o  In  the  earlier  years  of  hlR  preaidoncy,  Jackson  paid  little  or  no  attention  to  Indian 
terrltoriul  organization.  On  the  contrary,  he  rather  advocated  the  continuance  of  tribal 
conditions  In  their  entirety.  (Messa^^e,  December  8,  1829,  Richardson,  II:  458;  message. 
Decemlier  6,  18;U).  Ibid.,  p.  520.)  As  McKenney  confessed  to  II.  L.  White,  February  26, 
1830,  so  much  emphasis  had  been  placed  upon  "  removal  "  that  It  was  no  wonder  the 
public  had  got  the  Impression  that  the  policy  of  the  Government  was  **  merely  a  ques- 
tion of  removal."  (Indian  Office  Letter  Books,  Series  II,  No.  6,  pp.  292>204.)  As  a 
matter  of  fact.  It  was  not  until  after  the  commission  of  1832  had  made  some  investi- 
gations that  Jackson  advised  a  possible  reorganization  of  the  Indian  political  system. 
(Message,  December  3,  1833,  Richardson,  III:  33.)  Subsequent  events  showed  that  his 
main  objects  then  were  to  reduce  the  expense  of  the  Indian  service  (Message,  December 
1.  18.34,  Ibid.,  p.  114)  and,  by  the  formation  of  a  sort  of  Indian  confederacy  under  the 
control  of  the  United  States,  put  a  check  upon  intertrllml  quarrels  and  hostilities  (Mes- 
sage, December  7,  183.5,  ibid.,  pp.  172-173).  It  must  be  noted,  however,  that  Secretary 
Eaton  had  recommended  the  formation  of  an  Indian  Territory  very  much  earlier,  vix,  in 
his  report  of  1829. 

Van  Buren  naturally  succeeded  (Richardson.  Ill  :  391,  499,  500-501)  to  this  policy, 
advised  thereto  by  Secretary  Poinsett,  who  said.  In  his  report  of  December  2,  1837 : 

**  The  only  duty  of  the  government  which  remains  undischarged  is  the  formation  of 
a  suitable  territorial  government,  nud  their  admission  to  such  a  supervisory  care  in  the 
general  legislation  as  is  granted  by  the  laws  to  other  territories  of  the  United  States, 
and  for  the  exercise  of  which  they  appear  to  be  sufficiently  prepared. 

**  The  subject  is  confessedly  difficult  and  embarrassing :  but  the  hill  introdaced  into 
congress  at  the  last  session,  and  partially  acted  upon,  would  seem  to  offer  a  fair  prospect 
of  success,  and  to  secure  to  these  Indians  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  advantages  of  free 
government  which  the  necessity  of  stretching  over  them  the  protecting  arm  of  the  Gov- 
ernment will  admit     •     •     ♦."     (Nlles's  Register,  vol.  53,  p.  336.) 

^The  Cherokee  Nation,  divided  on  the  subject  of  removal,  was  also  divided  on  that  of 
territorial  organization.  One  faction  seemed  very  desirous  of  having  the  promise  and 
the  prospect  of  an  Indian  State  (Memorial  to  Congress,  1834,  Cherokee  Emigration 
Papers,  Indian  Office  MS.  Records),  and  most  probably  that  faction  was.  the  one  tliat 
secured  the  article  in  the  treaty  of  New  Echota,  which  provided  for  a  Delegate  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  Concerning  that  article,  John  Mason,  Jr.,  United  States 
special  agent  to  the  Cherokees.  1837,  said : 

"  There,  Cherokees,  In  your  new  country,  you  will  be  far  beyond  the  limits  or  Jarls- 
diction  of  any  State  or  Territory ;  the  country  will  be  yours,  yours  exculsively.  •  •  • 
There,  finally,  Cherokees,  to  give  permanency  to  your  Institutions  and  to  secure  tiie 
peace  and  prosperity  of  your  nation,  you  will  be  entitled  to  a  delegate  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States,  and  thus  be  considered  a  member  of  this  great 
confederacy,  with  a  full  right  to  its  protection  and  a  full  participation  In  all  its  advan- 
tages and  blessings."  (Ex.  Docs.,  25th  Cong.,  2d  sess..  Vol.  V.  No.  82,  p.  6:  No.  90, 
pp.  33-35.) 

The  sentiments  of  an  opposing  Cherokee  faction  were  communicated  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  by  Secretary  Poinsett  May  21,  1838.  with  the  following  indorsement 
from  himself: 

"As  the  delegation  [Messrs.  Ross,  Edw.  Gunter,  R.  Taylor,  Jas.  Brown,  Sami 
(runter,  Situwakee,  Elijah  Hicks,  and  White  Path]  expressed  their  fears  that  a  form 
of  government  might  be  Imposed  which  they  were  neither  prepared  for  nor  desirous  of. 
the  assurance  Is  hereby  repeated,  that  no  form  of  government  will  be  imposed  upon  the 
Cherokees  without  the  consent  of  the  whole  nation,  given  in  council,  nor  shall  tbetr 
country  be  erected  into  a  territory  without  such  previous  concurrence.**  (Bz. 
25th  Cong.,  2d  sees.,  Vol.  X,  No.  376.) 


abolition  of  ti'ibul  govoi'nmi^ut.s  would  ineun  a  diminution  of  their 
power.  Some  southern  men  took  issue  on  the  rolor  line,  announced 
themselves  as  opjKiriei;!  on  principle  to  a  prospective  Indian  State, 
and  declared  a  negro  State  would  be  just  as  projjer  and  to  them  just 
as  acceptable. 

The  title  of  these  several  bills — the  preservation  of  the  Indians  and 
tJie  protection  of  the  western  frontier — offers  a  possible  clue  to  tho 
uoderlying  motive  of  the  Government.  The  ijiotley  ci-owd  of  In- 
diiins,  predisposed,  by  reason  of  their  Iwing  iidvamwd  each  to  a  dif- 
ferent stage  of  civilization,  to  quarrel  ainong  themselves,  were  a 
menace  to  the  peace  of  adjoining  States."  Many  of  them,  lieJug  eu- 
ragpil  al'the  grievous  wi-ong  that  had  been  done  them,  were  suspected 
of  plotting  I'evenge.''  Remember,  these  were  the  yeasts  when  the 
Texas  que.stion  was  beginning  to  l)e  agitated.  Shonld'^war  with 
Mexico  come  on  this  or  on  any  other  pretext,  the  Indian  might  find 
his  opjjort unity.  Closer  military  supervision,  therefore,  under  pre- 
tense of  giving  training  in  i-epublican  self-government,  was  deemed 
thn  wisest  coui-se.  Strange  to  say.  certain  army  men.  consulted  as  to 
ways  of  fortifying  the  frontier,  declaimed  against  the  organization 
of  the  Indian  Territory  on  the  ground  that  the  tribes  would  i-ealize 
the  force  of  the  old  saying, '"  In  union  there  is  strengith."'' 

Action  outside  of  Congress  was  almost  as  persistent  as  within,  and 
slightly  more  successful.  McCoy,  who  surveyed  much  of  the  Indian 
land,  cooperated  with  the  commiasioners  of  1832,  and  for  years  and 
years  argued  and  pleaded  for  an  Indian  State.  He  it  was  who  sub- 
I  xnitted  the  congressional  measures  to  the  tribes,  anil,  in  n  majority  of 
ases,  secure  their  concurrence.''    So  interested  was  he,  forsooth,  that 

■  Ittim''  BrslnHr,   vol.  :•*,   p.  .1;   Ex.  Does.,   ar.tb  Cong.,  Ufl  bbhs.,   Vol.  VMI.  No.  :i78, 
IX.  N'<s.  311  anil  434. 

■  NIlMB  RCRlBlpr.  vnl.  5S,  pp.  340.  S8t. 
idillUua    lo  the  reimrlii  of  smi/  jaea.   there  Is  a  Bood  dcnl  nf  material   for  and 

iirganluiUuti  which  was  rollet'Ied  by  I..  K.  I.tnn  and  A.  C  IlnrHiHin  In  the  suiti- 
t  at  ISST.    U.  r,  Klomhury.  wrltlnit  In  the  former  of  thew  two  men  rrom  Knrt  foBw. 

!0.  18:!i.  aiKiii'd  for  n  ulngle  Huperlnlenc 
r,  and.  In  addltfon.  snld: 

a  irt  all  the  different  trll»-H  of  Indlaoa.     •      • 
rant  ev^nt  In  the  liven  of  the  Inilinnis. 
inlPDin  of  beliis  xerit  aa  delegatna  to  It.      ■      ' 
!   pailpf   at   (he  GoTemmeiil,    the;    i 


1.  which  would  »t>en  n  new  0«ld  of  amhltton  I< 
t  John  Uoui^erty  ilwi  reonmmmilvd  n  alnnle  aupprlnlei 
oruanlMllon.  "Tile  eipedlencjr."  sal< 
1  Territory  at  this  ttnie.  with  a  view  In  hrlnslns  the 
1  my  opUil.in,  very  doubtful :  before  tbia  ca 
end,  aod  write,  and  he  weaned  from  the  cba 
f  fbnawRt  would.  In  a  few  yean,  permit  t 


•     This  Krand  cnuorll  will  be  con- 

lud  tbeir  frlDFlpal  warriors  will  b« 

*     In  n  aliorl  time.  If  surb  should 

Keneral   council,  elect  delegates 


mmhle   of   fun 


reprea. 


l8i.  Ilora..  L!Bth  L 

ong.,  211  sesa..  Vol. 

'H^: 

Annual  Register  o 

'  Indian  Affalra.  IN 

■r-«.Me 

lllclMf«son.  Ill: 

Dl :  Uoa«  Rcporu, 

l»J.8. 

VIII. 


lent  and  had  p  ran  I  rally 

he.   *'  o(   oriraiiUlng  an 
rlld    Indiana   under   legal 


HL,  Vol.  III.  No.  TS6, 


■  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL,  ASSOClATIOl 

he  worked  in  advance  of  actual  instructions  and  so  far  anticipated 
matters  as  to  lay  off  a  federal  district,  beyond  the  State  line  of  Mis- 
souri, which  was  to  be  the  seat  of  the  future  Indian  government.  He 
claimed  to  have  done  tliis  under  the  known  sanction  of  Secretary 
Eaton."  It  would  seem  that  this  approached  the  confederacy  idea 
rather  than  the  territorial,  but  the  two  ideas  were  always  associated 
together  in  the  debate-s  of  the  time,  and  in  practice  could  be  only 
gradually  disassociated.  Both  McCoy  and  Eaton  must  have  reatizeil 
this,  for  both  had  a  practical  knowledge  of  the  Indians  and  knew 
perfectly  well  how  impossible  it  would  be  to  consolidate  widely  dif- 
fering tribes  without  going  through  preliminaiy  stages. 

When  the  fraudulent  treaty  of  New  Echota  was  negotiated  with 
the  Cherokees,  the  idea  of  a  Delegate  in  Congress  was  revived,*  but 
it  proved  only  an  empty  promi.se.  Removal  accomplished,  all  else 
■was  of  secondary  importance,  .so  that  as  far  as  entrance  to  the  Ameri- 
can Union  was  concerned,  this  leading  tribe  of  Indians  was  no  far- 
ther advanced  in  1835  than  it  had  been  in  1785.  It  had  now  two 
treaties  to  its  account,  in  one  particular  of  identically  the  sanif 
value,  for  both  made  representation  dependent  upon  congre-ssional 
action.  Fifty  years  showed  absolutely  no  progress  in  the  matter  of 
political  concession.s.    Van  Buren's  Administration  opened  and  closed 


B   iwhlloii   or 


retired  rrnm  office,  I 
a  fniplor,  i'l  spl  api 
priuted  Innds.  In  n  ccDtnil  linrt  of  Hie  conlemiilateil  l>rrl 
meat  af  Ihe  Territory,  abould  U  bd-atue  orRBBiiPd.  It  wan  thoiit:bt  n 
mllen  square  ahould  be  retiprved  frnoi  i-maloTi  lo  any  tribe.  In  wbleh 
trlbea  abould  hoTc  n  oommon  Inlercat.  on  wblcb  alioiild  lie  erected  all  piibllr  Inilldllis*. 
and  should  be  Beltled  nil  persona  wboEw  offlcEg  made  It  nei-pmiir)-  for  Ihem  to  realde  at 
or  near  Ihem,  •  *  >Nottilng  furtber  waa  done  in  relallon  lo  thin  matter,  iiiilll  18.17, 
when  orders  were  laaued  from  the  DeimrtmcDt  of  Indian  Affairs  to  the  Siiiierlnlendeiit 
of  Surveys,  to  select  aud  report  u  place  BUltable  for  the  above  objefla.  The  aelei^tloii 
was  accordingly  miide  of  a  valuable  trael,  nf  about  seTen  miles  aquare  on  the  Owgie 
BiTer.  It  Ih  nearly  eiiiii-dlslant  frotn  Ihe  Northern  and  Southern  exiremltles  of  Ibe 
Territory,  and  a  Utile  over  sltleen  miles  West  of  the  Stale  of  Mlesoiirl.""  lMcCoy"B 
Annual  Register  of  Indian  Affairs,  JK^IK.  p,  114,  i 

•The  iQHuenco  whicb  the  promise  of  cnnnresslonsl  repre.-enlatliin  had  upon  the  nego- 
tiation of  Ihe  treaty  of  New  Ecbola  may  be  inferred  from  Butler's  report  of  D«ein- 
ber  ?t.   1S3S.  which    rends  iis  follows: 

'■In  the  lale  tn-aiy  wllb  the  t'berokees  Bast  of  Ibe  Mlsslasliipl,  1i  It  eipresslv  tillpu- 
lated,  that  tbey  shall  be  entitled  le  a  delegate  In  the  House  of  Represenallres  nben 
ever  Congress  shall  make  proTlalon  tor  the  same.  It  in  not  to  be  doubted  thai  the  hnpea 
Ibui  held  out  to  Ihese  trllies  [Choctaws  and  Cherokees]  bad  an  Important  InHuenee 
In  determining  Ihem  lo  consent  to  emigrate  to  their  new  homes  In  the  West  *  •  • 
And,  at  as  early  a  day  as  el rru lasts nces  wilt  allow,  tbe  expeelatlone  authorised  hj  the 
passage  above  quoted  troni  tbe  treaties  with  Ibe  Cboctaws  and  Cherokees  sboald  be 
fulfllled.  Indeed,  from  tbe  tacts  stated  by  Ibe  Com tnlss loner,  II  Is  scarcely  to  be 
doubted  that  the  Choctaws  are  already  In  a  condition  lo  Jiialify  the  meaaure.  Tbe  dally 
preaencc  of  a  native  delegate  on  Ibe  flrmr  of  the  Houae  ol  Bepreaeniitllves  of  tbe  United 
States.  presPnllnK,  ns  oci'aslon  may  reqiiliv.  to  that  dignified  aaaemlily,  the  intereatt 
of  hie  people,  woald.  more  than  any  other  single  set.  alleat  to  the  world  and  lo  Ibe 
Indian  trlbea  the  sincerity  of  our  endeaiora  for  ihelr  preservallon  and  happlneas.  In 
Ibe  successful  Issue  of  Ibese  endeavora.  we  shall  Hnd  a  more  precious  and  durable  accea* 
sion  to  the  glory  of  our  country  than  by  any  triumph  we  can  achieve  In  aria  or  In 
arms     *     ■     *."     (Gales  and  Beaton's  Beglater.  Vol,  XIII.  pL  3,  appendix,  pp.  ll-2t.i 


PBOPOBALS   FOR   AN    tSDlAS    STATE, 


99 


I  with  nothing  lione  for  Indinn  statehood."  Friends  of  the  measure 
were  bitterly  disappointed.  The  Rev.  J,  F.  Schermerhom.  one  of  the 
commissioners  of  I83i  and  the  chief  negotiator  of  the  treaty  of  New 
Echotji.  voifetl  the  sentiment  of  many  when  he  made  in  1839  his 
pen^nal  plea  to  Poinsett,  virtually  saying  that  he  would  never  havo 
workfd  so  hard  for  removal  had  he  not  honestly  believed  that  terri- 
torial orgtinization  woidd  come  with  its  completion.'' 

Occasionally  during  the  next  three  decades  individuals  found  time 
and  opportunity  to  discuss  the  Indian  situation.  Meanwhile  the 
great  question  of  establishing  a  territori'  for  the  tribes  found  favor, 
or  would  have  found  favor  had  it  been  sufficiently  agitated,  with  at 

^ least  two  of  President  Tyler's  Secretaries  of  War,  viz,  John  C.  Spen- 
cer'^ and  William  Wilkins."  In  the  session  of  1845—46  Congress 
txtok  up  the  subject  again,  moved  thereto  by  a  stirring  memorial  from 
t  missionary  association.  On  that  occasion  the  House  Committee  on 
Indian  Affairs  went  so  far  as  to  reinirt  a  bill '  defining  such  a  terri- 
lory,  but  it  was  not  acted  upon.  In  1848,  the  safety  of  Texas  in  view. 
Representative  Mcllvane,  from  the  Indian  Committee,  made  an  ex- 
haustive report/  quite  on  a  par  with  Everett's  and  Tipton's  of  earlier 
years,  in  which  bo  urged  territorial  organization,  but  be  urged  in 
vain.  He  also  reported  a  bill  ■'  embracing  the  genera!  principles  of 
the  bill  of  1834."" 

In  IS'il  James  Duane  Doty  addressed  *  the  President  on  the  subject 
nf  making  a  very  neces-sary  cbangL'  in  the  Indian  political  status, 
but  Fillmore  was  most  likely  not  altogether  in  sympathy  with  the 
project,  for,  as  Representative,  he  bad  Iwen  uncertain  whether  to  sup- 
part  nr  to  oppose  one  of  the  territorial  organization  bills  <  and  now 
^^dlifted  the  resp<tnsibility  of  answering  Doty's  letter  tti  the  Secretary 

^f    •  Tan  Itarcn.  bowevpr.  did  In  hl«  Qrst  tn-o  annual  mpsHagM  rpcommcnti  iIif  pstihtlnb- 
f  ^ml   ot  Mime  KimLili:  [urm  ol  Koveraaivnt  for  the  rmlgrHal  Irllws.      See  RIvhardsuD  111  : 
SOI.  ■■Mil. 

•UlxvlUiu-oiiR  Vt\e*.  lf<»1)-IN41.  tndlBD  Office  U».  RoraTds :  AIipI,  "  IndUn  CoqimII- 
dBiInn  WmI  of  rti.-  MlivlKHli.pl  RIv.t,-  p.  3ft::.  not'  K 

'••Th*  plin  o(  KiimctlilaK  like  a  lerrltoriBi  govirnroenl  (or  the  ladllDH  hits  been 
enontnt.  Ttic  "lij"*'  I"  worthy  of  the  most  deHhpr«le  rnnsideralioo  ot  all  who  Iiik<^ 
iu>  lnl»r«t  In  the  fale  ol  Ibis  hapleioi  rare."  iReport  Nov.  ::«.  18*2.  Ei.  Dom,.  ^71b 
ronK  U  WW..  Vol.  I.  p.  ISII. 

•  Id  tb*  foolw  of  Ibe  progrpag  under  niir  moral  enterprliv.  for  Iheir  clyllliallnti,  they 
■Bust  riPDliiaUj  aUalD  ibc  Kuguelty  to  look  ooi  for  indlTldual  and  social  cighli,  and 
tb>l  iWrri?  ol  Kenernl  riileU1u<-acc  In  cotldp  them  tn  the  full  pxtension  of  all  thp  prlvi- 
l«lt«  of  American  clUEenB.  n'hen  Ibal  llm?  Hhall  arriie  there  will  be  no  ohBtide  to 
pallClrat  axaoclalloa  tij-  reaana  of  an;  natural  or  acquired  repuKOBDce  to  llie  blood  ot 
tlir  Arlslnal  Almrli-an. '        (Report  Nor.  30,  1844,  Ei.  Does..  281b  Cong.  2d  seBB.,  Vol.  I. 

Ilmnr  Journal,  :^nih  Cone.,   lal  aeas..  p.  im^. 

ttoam  B«porla.  30tb  Coiie..  3d  was..  Vol.  III.  No.  736. 

iMd..  ptk  It'll. 

■*•  Ml  IclMr,  printed  as  an  appendix  lo  IbiB  arlicle 
*^- «nll  Sealon'a  BeelBfr.   Vol    S,   port  J.  p.  1770;  NIIcb'b  Register,   sol.  *6.   p. 
*  JaUTDBl,  2Si  Cohe.,  -'d  Bess.,  p.  424. 


lUO  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL.  ASSOCIATION.  • 

of  tlie  Interior,*'  who  passed  it  on  to  the  Commissioner  of  Indian 
Affairs,  who  ignored  it.  Doty  argued  more  particularly  for  the  prop- 
f*rty  and  political  rights  of  the  individual  Indian  and  cited  the  expe- 
rience of  the  Brothertown  Indians  in  AVisconsin  to  prove  his  case.* 
Ill  1858  Schoolcraft  manifested  some  slight  interest  in  the  general 
Hiibject  of  Indian  welfare,  but  opposed  the  formation  of  a  Territory. 
Kiiicc,  like  Doty,  he  deemed  the  political  consolidation  of  the  tribes 
impracticable.*^  To  him  a  series  of  small  colonies*  from  the  Rockies 
to  the  Pacific,*  presumably  like  the  reservation  farms  of  California, 
would  he  a  better  solution  of  the  Indian  problem.  The  fact  is,  the 
time  was  not  propitious  for  oi^nization.  The  United  States  Gov- 
ernment was  even  then  breaking  away  from  the  rash  promises  it  had 
made  in  the  twenties  and  thirties:  for  it  was  looking  forward,  as 
was  evidenced  in  the  consideration  of  the  question  of  Wyandot  cit- 
izenship, to  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  to  the  passage  of  which  organi- 
zation along  the  original  lines,  i.  e..  southward  from  the  Platte, 
might  have  proved  an  insurmountable  obstacle. 

After  the  civil  war.  when  the  Federal  Government  was  calling  the 
Five  Civilized  Tribes  to  account  for  their  recent  alliance  with  the 
southern  Confederacy.'  it  made  a  desperate  effort  to  .force  territorial 
organization  upon  them:  but  they  stood  out  firmly  and  unanimously 

•  Alexandpr  II.   H.  Smart- 

» It  Is  well  to  r^nifmher  that  from  tbe  Tcry  esrlient  y<eftffi  of  tbe  United  States  Got- 
crnment  Indlvldoal  owD«*rffhJp.  '»r  allotment  In  i«eTeralt7.  had  been  often  anxgested  aa 
preemloentij  tbe  tmt  vaj  to  ttrlng  abnat  the  civilisation  of  the  Indians.  Naturally  it 
would  bav«>  InToIri^  incorp'^ratlon  nr  tbp  pxtonslon  of  State  laws  over  the  tribes,  since 
It  was  iisuallj  offered  as  tbe  altematiTe  of  remoTal. 

«" "  Tbe  cok>nizatIon  plan  of  |R2r»  f«  the  r»«»st  nnc  If  property  carried  out.  It  has  worlied 
well  and  la  only  at  faalt  because  It  la  not  from  character  of  Indians  fnlly  carried  out 
They  will  not  act  tos^^thfr.  Thfy  bate  union.  Th(*y  dlstmst  each  other.  They  cling 
to  tribal  por't— tb<»  r^ane  of  thfir  whole  system  from  first  to  last.**  (H.  R.  Schoolcraft 
to  Robert  McCI'rlland.  I^-VT— Schoolcraft  Unbound  Mlscellaneons  Papers.) 

'  "  I  thlnli  thf-re  i«  room  for  eight  states  Inclusive  of  Minnesota.  Oregon*  and  Wash- 
ington between  the  Miu.  and  tbe  Paclflc  &  each  of  them  should  I  think  have  an  Indian 
district  within  it  In  their  own  latitude  on  which  the  Indians  should  be  subject  to  our 
laws    dril    &    crimimat,    to    be    adminiatered,    however,    by    specially   appointed    Judges 

•  •     •.  *     (Sam*"  to  samf.  Ibid.i 

'  rp  to  the  time  of  tbe  Mexican  war  suggestions  were  quite  often  made  having  in  view 
the  surrendering  of  the  westf^m  territory  to  the  Indians.  Senator  DicliersoQ,  of  New 
Jersey,  once  said  that  "the  British  Government  would  probably  rpadlly  Join  with  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  in  any  measure  that  might  be  necessary  to  secure 
the  whole  territory  claimed  hy  both  pariies  West  of  the  Kocliy  Mountains  to  the  present 
possessors  of  the  soil."  f  I»ehate  on  the  Oregon  bill.  February  26.  1825.  Gales  and  Beaton's 
Register.  1 :  6d4-^5.)  About  two  months  before  Representative  Smyth,  of  Virginia, 
had  proposed  **  providing  for  two  tiers  of  States  west  of  the  Mississippi  and  ^ling  the 
Indians  an  unchangeable  boundary  beyond."  (Atwidgment  of  Debates.  VIII:  211.)  As 
a  matter  ot  fact,  though,  the  pioneers  had  decidedly  other  views  with  respect  to  the  occu- 
pation of  the  western  country.  Note,  for  instance,  the  following  extract  from  a  letter 
dated  St.  Ix>ui8.  June  16.  1841. 

••  •  •  •  Your  name  Is  well  known  In  tbe  mountains  by  many  of  yoor  old  friends 
who  would  be  glad  to  join  tbe  standard  of  there  country  and  make  a  clean  aweepe  of 
what   is  called  the  Orlgon   Teritory :  That   is  to  say  clear  It  of  Brttlah  and  Indiana 

•  •     •.  *     (Miscellaneous  Files,  Indian  Office  MS.  Records.) 

f  In  no  Instance  was  an  entire  tribe  in  league  with  the  seceding  States:  but  that  fact 
was  not  taken  into  account  when  the  question  of  conliscating  tribal  lands  came  u^ 


•  •  • . 
•  - 


r 


PBnPOSALR   FOR    AN    INniAX    STATE,    I^S-ISIS 


101 


ngninst  it."  y^t  in  their  iKJsition  as  conquered  n-bels  iwrforoe  had 
Hnally  to  arrept  ii  halfway  meaHiire  in  the  jshiiiie  of  a  general  i-oimcil." 
The  Indian  nndei-slandin^  of  this  was  well  expressed  in  1874  when 
territorial  bills  were  hefore  Congress  and  the  Indians  wore  nieniorisil- 
izingngainsl  (hem.  "WV  do  hereby  most  solemnly  and  eniphatically 
derlare  that  the  articles  of  the  treaties  of  1860,  rfo  not,  authorise  the 
formation  by  Congress  vf  a  Territorial  ffoiwrnment  of  the  Untied 
.StaffH  over  the  Indians  of  the  Indian  Territiyry.  On  the  contrary 
Iho  agreements  on  onr  part  in  assenting  to  the  establishment  of  suiil 
onnril  was  entered  into  for  the  very  pnrpose  of  obviating  the  alleged 
ssity  of  sucli  a  Territorial  government.  *  •  •  \\'e  lield  that 
tat  coimti-y  was  exclusively  an  Indian  conntry,  as  contradiRtin- 
pushed  from  a  Territory  of  the  United  Stales,  and  we  treated  npon 
that  basis  *  *  *.''''  The  general  council  indicated  was  orgnnizeil 
at  Oknuilgee,  in  the  Creek  country,  in  18(1(1.''  and  formed  of  itself  a 
ronstituent  assembly,  drawing  up  and  provisionally  adopting  a  con- 
j^iiliitiou,  which,  however,  failed  of  ratification  by  the  Indians. 

With  the  incoming  of  Grant  as  President,  no  time  was  lost  in  urg- 
ing territorial  government  for  the  Indians,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  several  treaties  of  ISOfi  had  stipulated  explicitly  that  the 
Irgislation  of  Congix*ss  in  the  direction  of  a  civil  administration  for 
ihe  Indian  counti^  shoidd  not  interfere  with  or  annul  tribal  organiza- 
tion, rights,  laws,  privileges,  customs.  The  exigencies  of  the  (imes 
<leiuHnded  a  change,  however,  and,  as  Grant  said  in  his  first  anniuil 
n»ssage,  economic  growth,  as  se^^n  in  the  building  of  large  railways 
llial  brought  the  while  .settlements  ever  nearer  to  the  red.  made  it  ex- 
p^ilient."  The  application  of  the  suggestion  to  the  country  south  of 
Knnsis  was  nut  specific  until  two  years  later  (1871),  when  Grant 
Peeommended  the  establishment  of  a  Territory  there  as  a  possible 


'ftolMt  at  Soulliern  CTPKk  DclvKatlun,  Mnrcb  IH.  IHHC 
L.Mcr  118,  OiiKvtis:  Bcntttor  niHureon'a  l(p|xirt.  FetiruBrj 
WJ^tU..  M  Mn..  Vol.   Iir.  No.  744. 

'ArUd*  VII,  SFmlniile  Treaty.  March  L>1.  iSOa.  14  United  »lalra  SlalulH  at  Idrcr. 
»  IM.  Article  VIII.  L'lioclBW  mid  ttilckusBur  Treaty,  April  ITS,  18(10,  Ibid.,  p.  772. 
*mde  X.  C«ek  Trenly,  June  14.  188(1.  Ibid.,  p,  780,  Arlkle  XII,  Cbenikm  Treaty.  July 
».  IIUW.  ttiia..  p.  Rft3. 
'Mmiarlal  (o  Pirsldrnl  (irnnt.  F»Hpu»fy  !>,  1S74.  Includwl  Id  Patterw>n-«  Report,  p.  .'i7H. 
'tVi  iDdlatiB  (-lutrcil  under  ibe  dflay  in  organlilne  llir  ei^tiernl  cmincll.  nii  Is  Indl- 
d  fay  rhe  rolloo'lne  lellrr  fnim  HiiiwrlDleodeal  I..  N,  Kolilosna  lu  rlie  Acting  C<im- 
r  at  Indian  AffBlra.  Charle*  K.  Mix.  September  "0.  \nm: 
("Time  I*  a  KPiicral  detilrc  on  tlw  part  at  the  Tarlaiin  irllvH  In  thin  Terrllory,  for  Iho 
ly  f<n»nlMtli>n  »f  \\ip  tienfm  Coiincn  provided  tnr  In  their  m-vi'ral  treaties  of  ISmi: 
b  Itnpatlcni'i'  1b  mantfratrd  at  Ihe  delay  or  Kuch  aruanlsBllon.  lode  the  pro  1 
Ihi>  Irnitlea.  Ihe  (^ensim  of  the  trlbn  having  lieen  cumpleled      ■  it   Is 

nuitainry  no  llir  so  perl  n  leaden  [  oF  Indian  ArTnlni  In  '  pu'illah  nnd  declare  o  ea  h  t  Ihe 
•'t  onmlier  of  memlwnt  \o  B'hlch  they  shall  he  entitled'  and  to  appoint  the  Icie  a  I 
'  »  tur  (b«  Ural  meeting  ut  said  cuiinctl. 
"11  to  lb*  sBBerally  eipretned  wlnh  ot  the  Tarlniia  Irllies  that  I  nhnll  mil  a  I  e^al  n 
ft;Bnl  on  the  llrtt  Monday  In  December  ni'il.  und  iliai  dale  mii  a  my  api  al 
(Boothprn  Supcrlntendency  Files.  18i!7-i>8.| 
.  VU  ;aa. 


..==*-  "LtnE'S: 


,. •    I  •• . 


iiiru?-uHi>  of 


£L 


-sCtSbldT 


>--'^-     .*».:-:    i    li.-i-i   '••^iTK     3ill:-   n    '  miiip'--  5ir  "iie  31«d« 
^"^     •   !    :^K^  .f*^ — :i<:i->  :it^  ii-»t-niiixr-i   iDn«e>iniiii  iciie  tiiiiaja>/ 

^  -<Lf><     t^  ir.jt  :i«  :r*fi*fL-^  vi?;-  -^^--r  ha^  ~3xc  '  .-kiaiujiiia  ▼*?  lo 

•    >t.r^.-r-   y  »:!i.nr  r*;j  iii*  iiiiirr^riit^  i  -«acuB  -^ssnfntT*  iss>  111  in- 
-/•  '    >*T^    f  ••*•  '.  :»iir._  Kill  -^1*  r^aHziiitiii:  -iBir^  if  i  aiiniireii  Tetrs 


JTV    titf 


'■''''     ■  *      "*»    '-^-TaTia    1-    ^-iHitfar    -irniir.   Tub?  -v   r^ni 

'-  .  ,  ^    J  .»      „vi      »^?        iij.    -t   *-^.     '  t..    ..:.   !«...   II'l  .    liii  ■■!.■    if  TTT   r.  BMik 

'^      *  /.o*^«     .  i*t  n.i    •  .ii-i.--      :»-*Ti.i»-  -I.    :•■":.   S-»t»  3«9MraL  •ftScb  i'im  ~  .  3d 
'    •  •'^'    '<-*    io    ■;"'•    >:      ii»*^Mttj»   ii"  X-.   aji  as-T-ia.:.  jc-je-.pti  •Tiitf  «C  the 

-    -    ^ .  •,    .*'  *    *m^  >  A^    :#■.#•■*     #.";-i  •   .aj;„  %t  «.-tfc.  V  lu  I.  Xj.  ^;i.  79L  1.  3 :  forUii 
'  .*'f:    y\^\'^    ,  vi  ^  .,^  .^  ,  v^-^^  .Vt-.iic  I»-r-ai.>r  i*.  1>TS.  CML :  promt 


APPENDIX. 


To  His  Rxi^eilfiii'F  Mil 


Sir. 


UE9  DOANE  Doty. 


House  op  RePKRSENTATivEs, 
IVanhJiwIi'n.  ■'nny  20'*.   1851. 


by  « 


The  gtieBtlon  of  the  necesaity  or  propriety  of  the  removal  of  the  Indians  now 
resldlDg  In  vnrlous  Beetiona  of  tlie  North  Wcsteru  States,  and  who  arp  partly 
or  tchatlg  ci\iU:id.  to  the  country  West  of  the  Mississippi  river.  Is  one  of  aiifh 
Importance  Id  them,  to  the  Goveniiuent,  and  to  hnmnnity  that  you  will  pnnlon 
mr,  t  hope,  for  nsklng  its  con  aide  ration  at  this  moment. 

For  aeverol  yi-ars  jiast  it  liae  been  held,  tbtit  the  presence  at  thnse  Indians 
who  are  clvlllz«l  In  the  Country  occupied  by  those  who  are  wild,  would  have  a 
l>«tieQc[al  effect  iiiKin  the  latter  In  civilizing  and  chrlstlanlzini;  them  also.  The 
facts  I  bellevo  dn  not  contirm  this  opinion. 

Onglit  we  not  therefore  now— If  not  heretofore — to  inquire  what  is  the  effect 
which  Ihla  removiil  has  upiin  themnvlvnf  My  observation  Iiqa  been  In  regiird 
In  tile  Northern  Iiullana  that  It  entirety  cbecka  their  fnrtlier  advancement  In 
the  arts  of  civlllEed  life,  and  lends  directly  to  return  them  to  the  Hunter  stjite. 

Ttip  white  miiii  has  ever  promised  this  race  aince  hla  first  occntiallon  of  this 
contiueiit.  that  when  they  bocunie  HKrlculturntlHla  ami  adopted  hiti  habits,  they 
Rbould  be  entitled  to  enjuy  the  aiinie  civil  and  iioiltlcai  rights  eqimlly  with  him- 
Helf.  The  power  to  confer  Iheae  rli;hls,  II  Is  supposed.  Is  with  the  (iovernment 
of  the  United  States;  and  bellevlni;  the  time  luis  arrived  wlien  their  condition, 
tf  not  our  own  honor,  demands  tht^  execution  of  this  |H>wer.  on  their  behalf  1 
would  res|iectful1y  apply  for  the  pre|mrutIon  in  the  proper  Deiuirlment  of  a  plan 
bj-  which,  under  the  authority  of  taw.  they  may  Indivldnatly  pnrcluiHe  and  hold 
.1  Estate,  their  bioo<I  be  made  heritable,  and  all  the  rights  of  Citizenship.  In 
le  fnrni  and  at  some  iierlod — de|iendlng  jiertiaps  upon  tlieir  progress  In  clviii' 

itloit — be  conferred  upon  them. 

They  have  justly  «>m|ilalned  that  under  the  present  system,  when  they  htive 
obtained  to  a  considerable  extent  the  knowledge  and  habits  of  the  Whites,  and 
have  lost  Ihe  art  and  taste  for  the  chase,  they  are  exclnded  from  tbo  miciety 
of  our  citizens  as  members  of  the  sniite  commonwealth,  and  are  not  permlthil 
iO  OBplre  to  an.v  of  the  slatlons  nnder  (iovemnient.  Life,  for  them,  has  nn 
iger  any  object:  they  have  no  social  or  itolltlcai  associations  with  us;  they 
ird  themselves  with  contenijrt,  as  they  are  regarded  by  those  who  eimtlnne 
the  Hunters  state;  and  they  sink  in  deajxindency. 

The  only  exception  to  this  view  wllh  which  I  am  acquainted  is  that  of  the 
:Iiertowu  Indians  In  Wisconsin,  who,  by  outhorlty  of  an  act  of  Congress 

Ivlded  the  land  which  they  hod  previously  beld  In  common  etjuolly  among  the 
inraiberB  of  the  Tribe,  ond  received  iiatents  Individually  therefor  from  the 
President,  became  Citizens,  and  have  since— and  now  exercise  all  of  the  rights 
uud  jirlvllegee  of  American  Cltlxens.    They  hold  olhces  in  the  Town  und  County 

lOS 


104 


AMERICAN    HISTDHICAI,  ASSOCIATION. 


under  tile  State  KOverniufUt.  aaiX  Hiiuit>  of  tlii^iii  liiive  lit^en  elected  members  of 
tb@  I>-gislBtuiv  and  served  in  iliul  t<tn|]un  vcHh  great  rredii.    Ten  sears  liav 
i-tai)B«i  Binte  this  Act  panwHl  luid  yet  there  ure  very  few  f^fea  nT  sales  of  thei 
land  to  white  men. 

The  ftillowltif!  are  the  tirovlHlrins  of  the  Cnnititttlion  of  the  State  of  Wfacotwl*, 
un  the  subject  ut  sufTrage  by  |>ergoiis  of  the  Indian  RIoimI  : 


I1<-  III 


It  has  been  proiwueti  to  pfttabllsb  nii  "Indian  Territory"  twyond  tUe  white 
setttementH  to  which  the  remuaotB  ot  the  uuiueroUB  Ti'ibes  in  tht>  North 
Western  Stales  luay  be  reniovtHJ. 

This  cuu  only  he  re^furded  us  aa  etTurt  to  preitervi.'  the  Iiidliins  ns  n  dlstlucf 
I'aee— a  continuation  ol  the  plan  now  piiritiied. 

The  country  lying  wi'it  of  the  Territory  at  Mlnnenola,  lietween  the  Cnlenu 
de  Prairie  and  Missouri  river,  iipiienrs  to  be  the  most  favorably  sltnateU  fi>r 
tUia  object.  But  even  there  to  iieruiiinently  Insure  tlielr  cIvillKatlou.  ii  will 
be  DecesHary  to  Rrant  the  rijthi  to  iudlvldnal  Indhins,  who  are  dls|K>»ed  to 
nettle  ns  agrlculturlBls,  to  ncquire,  and  to  trtinsniit  to  their  Iwlra.  the  ilili 
real  estiite.  There  citn  no  longer  be  a  doubt  auionii  niea  who  have  re«it 
nuiiiy  years  In  tlie  country  occu[iled  by  the  Xorthern  NatlouH  that  no  vi 
or  |)erDianent  Iniiirovemeiit  cuu  be  tuflde  In  the  cundltlou  of  ihese  [ipotilr, 
thia  (irovlelon  Is  made. 

We  cannot  of  course  contemplate  the  fortnntlon  rif  istich  n  Stair  without 
calculating  iis  nilvnutages  to  the  Indians,  and  lu  Ibe  whilt'  men:  as  alsu  IIm 
cost,  nnd  Its  future  relotlous,  to  this  guveruuieut,  and  to  ihe  other  tttates. 

The  question  Is  therefore  presenteil— whether  it  Is  best  lu  ]>ern)lt  tbew  tu 
remain  in  their  native  country  to  which  they  are  strongly  attached,  or  tin- 
country  where  they  now  dwell,  with  the  prOB|>ectlve  right  to  liecome  cltlsenH 
and  to  enjoy  the  same  civil  nnd  |>olitlcal  privileges  ua  ourselves;  or  to  oceui>y 
a  SXATK  by  themsclveH,  dlBconne<.'ied  with  Che  Whiles  If  iHisBible.  with  tlielr 
own  government  and  laws, — l)ut  de|)endent  n|ion  the  (Government  of  the  I'nlted 
Ktatea. — and  forming  a  community  which  must  he  coui|xised  of  Tribes  not  hero 
toture  friendly  with  each  other,  and  of  Individuals  some  of  whom  are  civUlxed 
and  others  not? 

The  inieresi  which  I  feel  in  the  welfare  and  improved  condition  of  these 
People.  nrishiB  itcrhapa  from  u  very  long  residence  and  ostenalve  iiersunal 
ncqiiulntauce  with  them,  must  lie  my  aiKilogy  for  the  above  sngsesllous 
I  have  ventured  la  make  upon  the  present  and  future  cimdillon  of  this  Ibice, 

With  great  reepecl.  t  have  the  honor  to  be. 
Your  Ex<*llency'8  Most  iJiwIlent  servant 

JAMKB    DlUPiE    IIOTtJ 

(MistvllaufouM  Fill's,  ISQl-XSM.   ludliin  UHlce  M.S.   Kecorils.) 


i 


VII.  THE  PACIFIC  RAILROADS  AND  THE  DISAPPEARANCE  OF  THE 

FRONTIER  IN  AMERICA. 


By  FREDERIC  L.  PAXSON, 
Junior  Professor  in  the  Vniversitij  oj  Michigan, 


105 


THE  PACIFIC  RAILROADS  AND  THE  DISAPPEARANCE  OF  THE  FRONTIER 
IN  AMERICA. 


» 


Within  recent  years  it  has  become  a  commonplace  in  American  his- 
tory that  the  influence  of  the  frontier  is  the  one  constant  to  be  reck- 
oned with  in  accounting  for  the  development  of  American  life  dur- 
ing its  first  century  of  independent  existence.  The  frontier  has  been 
defined  so  as  to  descrilie  the  line  dividing  a  western  urea,  chiefly  un- 
occupied by  whites,  and  an  eastern  region  given  over  to  an  increasing 
agriculture.  In  the  face  of  an  advancing  population  it  has  retreated 
rapidly  from  the  fall  line  to  the  semiarid  plains,  where  it  finally  dis- 
appeared in  the  decade  of  the  eighties.  Its  influence  did  much  in 
directing  American  life  during  its  period,  and  since  its  passing  new 
Rational  pi-oUlems  and  ideals  have  marked  a  change  in  both  jjeople 
and  government  of  the  United  States. 

The  passing  of  the  frontier  is  the  phenomenon  of  the  eighties,  now 
generally  accepted,  yet  like  most  matters  of  recent  history  not  really 
demonstrated.  Its  best  historian  remarked,  in  18!>3,  that  "  now.  four 
centuries  after  the  discovery  of  America,  at  the  end  of  n  hundred 
years  of  life  under  the  Constitution,  the  fnmtier  has  gone,  and  with 
its  going  has  closed  the  first  period  of  American  history." "  Its  pass- 
ing is  not.  however,  undemonst rated  because  of  ils  difficulty,  since 
the  facls  of  the  years  from  1880  to  1885  throw  themselves  naturally 
into  groupings  whose  logical  key  is  this  idea  of  the  completion  of 
the  first  period  of  national  growth. 

There  have  been  two  frontiers  in  the  United  States  that  have  con- 
trolled periods  of  national  thought  by  their  duration.  In  the  forties 
and  early  fifties  a  broad,  sparsely  settled  frontier  lay  between  the  old 
East  and  the  Missouri  and  Mississippi  settlements.  Wagon  roads  and 
canals  connected  the  distant  bonlers,  but  the  resulting  unity  was  so 
slight  that  the  completion  of  the  trunk-line  railroads  in  the  fifties 
worked  a  revolution  in  economic  and  intellectual  conditions.  .Tust 
how  fur  the  northern  spirit  that  maintained  the  Union  is  the  result 
of  these  developments  in  transportation  no  one  has  measured. 


L      •  r.  J.  Tuner,  Tbe  SlgDlttr'a 
H.«t  lb«  American  UUtarltaL  Ab 


n  HlBtor;.  in  AuiiuhI 


108  AMERICAN    HIRTORIOAL   ASSHCIATION. 

The  crossing  of  this  old  easterii  frontier  left  but  one  difHciiK  urea 
in  the  United  States.  From  the  western  boundary  of  Missouri. 
Arliansas,  and  Iowa  to  the  Pacific  States  stretched  the  great  Ameri- 
can desert  with  its  deficiencies  in  rainfall  atid  its  scanty  native  popu- 
lation." So  long  as  this  area  remained  intact  the  frontier  coiitimied 
to  exert  its  dominant  influence,  bnt  when  it  siieciimlwid  to  the  pressnK 
of  economic  advance  the  frontier  was  gone  forever.  The  years  from 
ISfiJi  to  1884  cover  the  final  period  in  the  life  of  the  last  frontier. 
The  l>eginning  of  the  end  comes  with  the  completion  of  the  Union 
and  Central  Pacific  railways  in  180!!;  the  ijeriod  closes  with  the  open- 
ing of  the  other  Pacific  railways  in  188-2-1884. 

The  great  American  de.sprt  l;>ecame  a  reality  in  frontier  life  as  early 
as  1819.  Until  this  time  the  edge  of  the  fi-ontier  had  been  east  of 
the  Mississippi  River,  and  its  people  had  depended  on  the  East.  But 
the  settlement  of  Missouri  bmnght  population  to  the  bend  of  the 
Mis-fouri  River  by  I81i),  and  within  the  influence  of  an  overland  trade 
that  beckoned  from  the  Spanish  towns  at  Santa  Fe„  This  Santu  Fi> 
trade  was  an  important  element  in  frontier  prosperity  from  tJw 
erection  of  Fort  Leavenworth  in  18^7  until  the  Mexican  war."  In 
these  years  the  route  across  the  plains  and  along  the  Arkansas  and 
Purgatory  rivers  was  worn  deeper  and  deeper.''  In  the  middle  of  tlie 
forties  thecal!  of  the  Northwest  drew  another  trail  from  Fori  Ijeaven- 
worth  along  the  Platte,  by  South  Pass,  and  down  the  Snake  River 
into  Oregon,  while  the  diggings  on  the  Sacramento  tempted  the 
Forty-niners  acniss  the  Nevada  desert  and  along  the  HumlKildt  into 
California.  When  the  Mexican  war  was  over  Congress  was  facing 
a  territorial  problem  on  the  Pacific  coast  that  was  made  more  diffi- 
cult by  the  existence  of  the  great  frontier  which  divided  the  centers 
of  American  life.  Yet  already  the  overland  trails,  inadequate  as 
they  were,  had  revealed  the  possibility  and  early  necessity  of  rail- 
road routes  extending  from  ocean  to  ocean. 

WTien  the  agitation  for  a  Pacific  Railway  commenced  there  were 
the.'se  two  beaten  tracks  connecting  the  Missouri  River  and  the  Pacific. 
Trappers  and  explorei-s  had  pointed  out  the  possibility  of  other  routes. 


•  rojiiilBr  IniBKlnBHnn  ('»BKE''rfllPii  thp  ipirrw 
ItHj.  SIvpliMi  II.  Lm\K,  wUd  vIhLImI  tjii'  Rocky 
was  "almugt  Wtliillr  naflt  far  ciiltlvnllan.  anil  01 
r  sHlmlmrnce." 


urldlry  ivhlrli  prpvallnl  In  rhe  iliwrrl. 
uitalns  [n  t8i;(i.  Riaiod  tbai  the  Kiva 
.imp  iinlnliiililtnblp  h;  »  iwoplp  duppiid- 
"     ThwaltPB,    " 


XIV.  20.)  The  Bcponntu  of  the  Ijinir  Pippditton  occupy  four  rolump"  In  TIhwUpb.  Thpir 
iiDfavorable  putlrnnle  brlped  to  Bhaiw  tlic  popular  ImaElDBtlon. 

'  OcrasloDBl  lrip»  lo  nnntn  Fp  jjbtp  way  about  ISLTi  to  fairly  rpgulnr  ttofllf.  Con- 
grewi  la  lasn  authorlied  Ihc  oaDsrrai'tloii  of  b  waKon  mad  for  Its  use.  Il[.  H.  Dan. 
cMtt.  Work*.  XVII.  saa:  .1.  W.  HIlliOD,  StBl«  Aid  to  EtallwayB  In  MlBBOiirl,  1.  2.)  A 
Billltary  poat  wna  eBlnbllsbed  In  1H2T  at  TanlonmeRt  Ijravetinartb,  from  wMrb  point  ttw 
Slitli  Infantry  oprrnlpd  as  eamrt  to  the  i-aravanB,  iltrpnrt  nf  the  Qiinrlermastcr-Oeneral 
to  the  Srarotarj'  of  War.  l»42T,  SOth  rung.,  lat  sena^.  8.  I)oc.  1.  p.  TB,  snd  p.  48,  Itiaerl 
"  d."     Bee  also  SpcrctBfy  Eaton's  Itppoct.   182!),  :;lat  Cung..   iBt  iwas..  S.  Uoc  1,  p.  30.) 

'  Joalah  Gregg,  Connnercc  of  thr  rralrlea,  or  the  Jonraal  of  a  Santa  Ve  Trader,  2  voli., 
Srw  York.  lH4n,  la  tbe  claaalr  account  of  Ibp  8iinta  Ke  IrnffiP.  The  tMok.  often  reprinted, 
la  In  ThwBllea.  Karly  Wealem  Tnvpli,  XIX,  XX. 


^"  PAriFlC    RAIUIOADS   ANI>    DISAPPEARANCE   OF    FRONTIEB.         lOft 

but  tlie  pressure  of  population  along  the  easiest  channels  of  communi- 
cation had  dexeloped  the  prominence  of  the  Missouri  bend,  Ijetween 
Independence  and  Council  BIufTs,  as  the  chief  eastern  point  of  de- 
parture." Hence  the  two  trails  fi-om  Fort  I^avenworth  by  the  Platte 
and  Arkansas  can-ied  uiowt  of  the  Pacific  traffic  that  journeyed  iiver- 
land.  IJy  18.iO  the  hTHteniutic  lobbying  of  Asa  Whitney  and  his  allies\ 
had  educated  the  public  to  an  acceptance  of  the  railway  idea,  but  the 
emet^nce  of  slavery  sectionalism  had  made  a  choice  among  par- 
ticular routes  impossible."  Until  after  1853  the  only  progress  made 
wa.s  the  su^^'ey  of  five  available  routes  ordered  by  the  army  appro- 
priation bill  of  that  year,'  and  until  after  the  elimii^ation  of  southern 
iiittiience,  in  I8(il,  no  further  step  was  taken.  In  all  these  years,  while 
the  old  eastern  transportation  frontier  was  in  process  of  demolition, 
the  rivalry  of  New  Orleans,  Vicksbiirg,  Memphis,  Cairo.  St.  Louis, 
and  Chicago,  and  their  hinterlands  kept  the  western  frontier  un- 
broken. 

In  the  history  of  the  frontier  the  Union  Pacific  Railway  marks  the 

^tieginningof  fheend.  Chartered  in  ISGH,"  reendowed  in  1864,'"  started 
<ui  its  race  for  lands  and  subsidies  in  1806,'  it  finally  completed  a 
through  track  across  the  continent  in  1869.  The  celebration  of  com- 
pletion at  Promontory  Point  on  May  10,  1869,  was  not  unnoticed  even 
ID  its  own  day  as  a  national  act."  The  public  was  generally  conscious 
that  a  great  event  had  taken  place;  cities  devoted  Ihenisch-es  to  open 
I' demonstration ;  lii-et  Harte  broke  into  song  under  its  influence.*  But 
reality  the  frontier  was  not  destroyed.  From  a  narrow  strip 
i  the  plains  Indians  had  l>een  pushed  to  one  side  and  another 
iid  a  single  track  had  crossed  the  mnuntain?i,  but  north  and  south 
?e8t  areas  remained  untouched,  for  the  demolition  of  the  frontier 
had  only  just  begun.* 

■  Tor  Hi'vpra]  jcarB   Fort  AtklnsDn.  at   Council   BlnfrH,  wax  Ibp  rMet  mllltarj'   piuit   on 

Hh-    hr   wFBlcm    trontipr      Tbp    prn'tlon    ot    Fort    Lcavpnworlli.    which    was    more    con- 

TCtilmllT  ■IIUBtrd  for  polklne  the  trnlls.   letisvnKI   Ira  Impnrlniirp.      In   JK25   (tiers  yr<m 

Utloii«<l  al    Kurt  Atklnaon  four  rompanlea  nf  tbe  First   Infnntrj'  and  ten  of  Ihe  Hlitli. 

^uCB^BTl  of  (I«nprBt  Brown  to  tbe  Secretarir  of  War,  1S;G,  lOtb  Cone.,  lat  bpbb..  S.  Dnc.  1. 

in.  Inaerl  "d."! 

*T1»  gninU  of  the  Pacinc   railway  tilea  la  traced  In  .1.   1'.  Davie.  The  mioii   I'aiirtc 
-no.  and  In  E.  v.  SmHiley.  Illstnr}-  ol  (he  Northern   Pnrlfic  ItallToad.  111:!. 
B  on  th«se  flurveja  nil  Eleven  InrRc  Tolnran,     They  were  pnhllBhed  aa  Kflil 
..  8.  Fi.  Doc  IS,     Of.  Table*  of  and  Anootaled  Index  to  the  l^mgresaloiuil 
■  of  roltvd  States  I'libUc  Documents.  Waahlncton,  ISWll.  ri.'il.  nole. 
1  United  KUtes  SUtuIea  at  Large,  480. 
I   Unllpd  8(aies  Statntea  at  Large.  :!Stl. 
I  CnllMl  StBtei  8ta(utea  at  I^rge,  TO. 

;  Volotx  Paelflc  Railway.  152:  J.  H.  Beadle,  Tbe  Undeveloped  West:  or.  Five 
I  to  tbe  Terrllnrlec.  Ihlladeliihla.  IST.1.  12H:  gldney  nitioa.  Tbe  Last  Rplke,  la 
■  Uasaalne.  XII. 'Jn-1-l>5n :  Samuel  Bow  leu.  Tbe  ParlBc  Kallrnnd  Open.  In  Aliunde 
mttilj.  XXIIl,  4B3-5n2.  «t7-«2n,  753-7H2;  H.  II.  Bancrofl.  Illatory  of  California, 
.t.  5TI);  Bock;  Moimlaln  Dliwlory  and  Colorado  Raietteer  far  ISTl,  IIT. 
•Br«t  Uarte.  What  the  KnglDvH  Said,  la  Poellcal  Worka.  188^,  :183. 
'V.  A.  Walker,  In  North  Anwrlcsn  BCTtev.  CXVl.  3H7, 


110  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION, 

Tile  effort  that  finally  deytroyed  the  continental  frontier  differed  ' 
from  all  earlier  movements  in  the  same  direction  in  that  it  was  self- 
conscious,  deliberate,  and  national.     "  The  frontier  reached   by  the 
Pacific  Railroad,  surveyed  into  rectangles,  guarded  by  the  United  v 
States  Army,  and  recruited  by  the  daily  immigrant  yhip,  moves  ( 
ward  at  a  swifter  pace  and  in  a  different  way  than  the   frontier 
reached  by  the  birch  canoe  or  the  pack  horse.""    The  idea  of  c 
munication  as  a  proper  public  charge  was  slow  in  growth.     Over  tl 
Cumberland  road  had  been  fought  a  great  constitutional  battle  i 
the  twenties.''    Subsequent  national  aid  had  been  granted   for  im- 
provement schemes  tlirough  the  several  States  involved.     But  in  the 
Pacific  railways  Congress  now  dealt  directly  and  immediately  with 
the  object  before  it."    The  financial  settlement  with  the  Pacific  rail- 
ways is  90  recent  that  the  land  grants  are  still  in  politics,  but  in  1862 
10  sections  of  land  and  a  loan  of  $1C,000  in  United  States  bonds  per 
mile  of  track,  did  not  tempt  capital  into  the  forlorn  scheme.     Con- 
struction could  not  be  financed  until  the  act  of  18fi4  had  doubled  the 
10  sections  into  20  and  allowed  the  railway  company  to  insert  its  own 
first  mortgage,  to  the  amount  of  the  government  subsidy,  ahead  of/j 
the  federal  bonds  as  a  lien  upon  the  property.     With  even  this,  i 
sponsible  builders  required  so  large  a  margin  of  profit  that  the  c 
struction  of  the  road  became  a  matter  of  noisome  public  scandi 
And  in  our  own  day  a  changed  financial  condition  has  made  il  diffici 
to  understand  the  reasonableness  of  the  original  terms. 

Wliile  the  Union  Pacific  was  under  construction   Congress  pro-'* 
vided  the  legal  equipment  for  the  annihilation  of  the  entire  frontier. 
The  charter  acts  of  the  Northern  Pacific,  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific, 
the  Texas  Pacific,  and  the  Southern  Pacific  at  onco  opened  the  \ 
for  some  five  new  continental  lines  and  closed  the  period  of  din 
federal  aid  to  railway  construction.    The  Northern  Pacific  receim 
its  charter  on  the  same  day  that  the  Union  Pacific  received  its  double  ' 
subsidy  in  1864."    It  was  authorized  to  join  the  waters  of  Lake  Supe- 
rior and  Puget  Sound,  and  to  receive  for  its  services  -20  sections  of 
public  land  in  the  States  through  which  it  ran  and  40  in  the  Tei 
tories.     No  bonds  were  granted  it,  the  Union  Pacific  experimrat  I 
maining  the  first  and  the  last  in  this  direction. 


'  J.  B.  Sanborn,  Coagresslonsl  OrontH  of  LbdiI  In  Aid  of  itallwnj'B.  la  L'Dlvenlt)> 
WliroDBln    BulletlQS,    No.   30.    1b  a    romprebcaslTe   study    of   th^p   ^-ranls.      Tbe    nilnola 
rpntral   grant  of   IS.V).   whlrh   Btnrted   Ihe  policy   of  land   grants   tor   raliwnr!!.    \B    thor- 
oughly Ireatpd  by  W.   K.   Ackprmnn.   UlBlorlral   SkPti^h  of  Ibc   UJIooIb  Central   Railroad, 
Cbkaeo.   ison. 

<  ThE  CoDtract  and  Flnaniv  CompaDy.  wbkb  nperali^  tor  ibp  rpnlral  PacISi^.  ei 
public  notice,  but  the  CrMIt  Moblller  of  tbe  Union  Parlfic  played  a  large  part  In  th< 
palgD  ot  18T2.     |J.  B.  Crawford,  CrMIt  Moblller  of  America  :  R.  Hnaard,  Cr«dlt  Uobll 
I.  Providence,  1881 :  J.  F.  Rhodea.  History  of  the  United  Stat 

•  1»  IJolWd  SUtw  BUtutea  at  Larse,  360.    


diraJJH 
■ei<r<9H 
louhle  ■ 
^>upe- 

ins  of 

nlt)>  £% 

"llnoto 
thor- 

'B|>e4:_ 

J 


r 


PAflFIC    RAILROADS    AND    DISAPPEAHAN<'E    OF    FROSTIE 


in 

In  the  sumer  of  1866"  a  third  continental  route  was  provided  for 
in  the  South  ahmg  the  line  of  the  thirty-fifth  parallel  siiivey.  The 
Atlantic  and  Paciiic  was  to  build  from  Springfield,  Mo.,  by  way  of 
Albuquerqne.  N,  Mex.,  to  the  Pacific,  and  to  connect  near  t!ie  eastern 
line  of  California  with  the  Southern  I'acific  of  California.  Its 
tiubsidy  of  public  lands  was  like  tliat  of  the  Northern  Pacific. 

The  Texas  Pacific  was  chartered  March  3,  1871,  as  the  last  of  the 
land-grant  railroads.  It  was  to  huild  from  the  eastern  border  of 
Texas  to  San  Diego,  Cal.,  and  was  promised  the  usual  grant  of  -20  or 
40  sections.  But  since  there  were  no  public  lands  of  the  United  States 
in  Texas  its  eastern  divisions  received  no  aid  from  this  source,  while 
its  more  vigorous  rival,  the  Southern  Pacific,  prevented  its  line  from 
passing  beyond  El  Paso,  As  usual,  the  Southern  Pacific  of  California 
htid  been  authorized  to  meet  the  new  road  near  the  Colorado  River 
and  had  received  a  20-section  grant.  It  did  better  than  its  federal 
charter  anticipated  and  organized  subsidiary  corporations  in  Arizona 
and  New  Mexico,  which  built  rapidly  and  met  the  Texas  Pacific  at 
the  Rio  Grande. 

To  these  deliberate  acts  in  aid  of  the  Pacific  railways  othei-s  in  the 
form  of  local  grants  were  made  between  18fj2  and  1871,  so  that  by 
the  latter  date  all  of  the  grants  had  been  made,  and  all  that  the  com- 
panies could  ask  for  the  future  was  lenient  treatment.''  For  the  first 
time  the  Federal  Government  had  taken  an  active  initiative  in  provid- 
ing for  the  destruction  of  a  frontier.  It  resolved  in  1871  to  treat  no 
longer  with  Indian  tribes  as  independent  nations,'^  and  used  the 
Regiilar  Army  so  vigorously  that  by  1880  "  the  majority  of  the  waste- 
ful and  hostile  occupants  of  millions  of  acres  of  valuable  agricultural, 
pasture,  and  mineral  lands  [had]  been  forced  upon  reservations 
under  the  supervision  of  the  Government  •  *  *  and  the  vast  sec- 
tion over  which  the  wild  and  irresponsible  tribes  once  wandered 
|»ere]  redeemed  from  idle  waste  to  become  a  home  for  millions  of 
pifljITPsaive  people." '' 

The  new  Pacific  railroads  began  to  build  just  as  the  Union  Pacific 
*Bs  completed  and  opened  to  traffic.  In  competition  with  uwire 
promising  enterprises  in  the  East,  they  were  slow  in  arousing  popular 
inierest.  There  was  little  belief  in  ft  continental  busintws  large 
*iioiigh  to  maintain  four  systems,  and  a  general  confidence  in  the 
desert  character  of  the  scmiarid  plains.  Their  first  period  of  construc- 
tion ended  abruptly  in  1873.  when  panic  brought  most  transportation 

'H  ODlted   Stateti  SlalutPS  ut  Vatge.   ^Dll. 

'<■.  W.  JalliD,  Our  Laod-CiraDt  Rallwaje  In  Cansreaa. 

^'Tlili  delpnitlnatloD   vat   reaolied   Id   a   pravlsa   I 

h  a.  IBTI.      (18  U.  8.  Slut,  at  L..  566.1 
'^B*ar4  of   Engag^cacntB  vlib   Bosille   Indium  within  tli»   Mlllurr   Dirlaloo   of  th« 
"  1   186S  to  1882.   Lfeat.  Oen.  P.  H.   Sheridan,  commuidlng,  Cbleaio,   1S82, 


<  Intemalloiia 


Bevtev.  XIV, 
tbf   iDdUD   appraprlUlMi  bill   ot 


112 


AMKRICAN    HISTimiCAL   ASSOCIATION. 


projects  to  an  inglorious  end  mid  forbaik  revival  for  at  least 
years. 

Jay  Cooke,  whose  Philailelphia  house  had  done  much  to  estal 
public  credit  during  the  war  and  had  created  a  market  nf  sidbU 
buyers  for  investment  securities  on  the  strength  of  United  .States 
bonds,  popularized  the  Northern  Pacific  iu  IHfl!)  and  1870."  Within 
two  years  he  is  said  to  have  raised  thirty  millions  for  the  construction 
of  the  road,  making  its  building  a  financial  possibility.  And 
although  he  may  have  distorted  the  isotherm  several  degrees  in  order 
to  picture  his  farming  lands  as  semitropical  in  their  luxuriance,'  he 
established  Duluth  and  Taconia,  gave  St,  Paul  her  opportunity,  anil 
had  run  the  main  line  of  track  through  Fargo,  on  the  Red,  to  Bis- 
marck, on  the  Missouri,  more  than  350  miles  from  l-ako  Superior, 
when  his  failure,  in  187.3,  brought  expansion  to  an  end. 

For  the  Xorthwesi  the  construction  of  the  Northern  Pacific  was  of 
fundamental  importance.  The  railway  frontier  of  1S()9  left  Minne- 
sota, Dakota,  and  much  of  Wisconsin  beyond  its  reach.  The  potwi- 
tial  grain  fields  of  the  Red  River  region  were  virgin  fore-st.  and  OH 
the  main  line  of  the  new  road,  for  2.000  miles,  no  trace  of  settled 
habitation  existed.  From  the  summer  of  1870  activity  around  the 
he^d  of  Lake  Sujierior  dates.  The  Lake  Superior  and  MissisMppi. 
Railway  was  started  to  connect  St.  Paul  and  the  lake  at  n  point 
which  '*  a  few  papers  signed  in  Philadelphia  have  made  a  great  n< 
Western  port  and  market  possible — nay  inevitable."" 

At  Thompson's  Junction  on  this  road  the  Northern  Pacific  made 
connection,  se<'uring  its  entrance  into  Duluth  by  buying  a  half  inte*" 
est  in  the  tracks  it  used  and  building  its  own  line  west  across  the  Mi^' 
.sissippi  River  at  IJrainerd.'*    The  statute  of  1804  made  Lake  S«i 
the  eastern  terminus,  but  the  logic  of  trade  brought  to  St.  Paul 
later  years  the  terminus  in  fact. 

The  panic  of  1873  caught  the  Northern  Pacific  at  Bismarck,  ml 
nearly  300  unprofitable  miles  of  track  extending  in  advance  of  th^ 
railroad  frontier.  The  Atlantic  and  Pacific  and  Texas  and  Pacifi*' 
were  less  seriously  overbuilt,  but  not  less  effectively  checked.  The 
former,  starting  from  Springfield,  had  constructed  across  southwest- 
cm  Missouri  to  Vinita.*  in  Indian  Territory,  where  it  arrived  in  tli^ 
fall  of  1871.'     It  had  meanwhile  consolidated  with  the  old  South' 


iissippi.  ' 
ointa^H 

iiade   « 


land." 


rn   PhcIHc.   1S1-177. 

D  or  Ihe  MIhboutL  dui] 
\f  "  The  RTrat  tnlddlt 


Cook",    Flnani-lpr 

i  by  Oen.  W.  B. 
VelMwstoDP.  La  IU 
reflon  of  the  fn 


War.    II,    T1-:!T7;    Sroalli-y. 

g  ft'iin  Fort  Bufnrd.  hI  lt>' 
?ta  RPTlew  |CXS.211,iiBd<f 
]  ItB  limited  Kptef  ol  ■rabi' 


1  Atluillc  Month);,  itiy.  1810,  60K, 


'  J,  T.  TrowhPldge,  A  Weelt  it 
'Smallej.   Norlhern    raclflc,    1S7.   SSI. 
'  BealUv.  wlio  Tiallfd  VIdIU  bdH  the  ladlao  lounlrf  In  1873.  taaa  a  plrtiiresquR  4 
Uon  of  ttilH  "  thlrty-nrtti  parallfl  route."    J.  H.  Beadle.  Utidereloped  WeM.  S61. 
(Foor,  litavtl  of  (be  BaUrgadi  et  Ibe  Dnlted  Htatn,  1876-70,  T41. 


PACIFIC    RAILIiOAUS    AND    UISAPPEAI 


;    OF    FHONTIEB. 


113 


west  Branch,  of  Missouri  ( i-eceiitly  ivtiained  the  South  Pacilic),  so 
that  from  Springfield  it  could  now  get  into  St.  Louiij  over  its  own 
tracks  for  most  of  the  way.  It  had  also,  in  1872,  leased  for  a  long 
(enn  tlie  Pacihc  of  Missouri,  with  its  dependencies.  But  the  panic 
forced  it  into  default,  the  lease  was  canceled,  and  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  itself  emerged  from  the  receiver's  hand  as  the  St.  Louis  and 
Sail  Francisco,"  Vinita  was  and  remained  its  terminus  for  several 
years,  and  the  completion  of  the  road  as  a  part  of  the  Pacific  system 
was  in  a  different  direction  and  under  a  still  different  control. 

The  Texas  Pacific  represented  Texas  corporations  already  existing 
when  it  received  its  land  gi-ant  in  1871.  It  shortly  consolidated  local 
lines  in  northoist  Texas,  changed  its  name  to  Texas  and  Pacific,"  and 
U^guii  construction  from  Texarkana  and  Shreveport  to  Dallas  and 
I'ort  Worth,  on  its  road  to  El  Paso,  At  the  former  points  it  caught 
its  eastern  termini,  as  did  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  iit  Springfield,  Mo. 
St.  Louis,  Iron  Mountain  and  Southern  ran  fi-om  Texarkana  to 
Loui»,  while  from  Shrcveport,  dftwn  the  Red  Kiver  to  New  Or- 
ins,  the  New  Orleans  Pacific  finally  undertook  the  construction  of 
lines.  This  boiderland  of  Texas,  Missouri,  and  Arkansas  thus 
ime  a  center  of  railway  development;  in  the  grazing  country  !»■- 
Ill  it  the  meat-packing  industries  sliortly  found  their  sources  of 
supply,  and  in  our  own  day  the  State  of  Oklahoma  is  its  concrete 
njemorial. 

The  failure  of  .lay  Co<ike  &  Co.  in  the  autumn  of  1873  started  the 
^uenil  financial  panic  of  that  year  and  deferred  for  several  years  the 
wlinction  of  the  frontier.'"  It  would  have  been  remarkable  had  the 
*'asle  and  speculation  of  the  civil  war  period  and  its  enthusiasm  for 
pfonomic  development  escaped  the  retribution  that  economic  law 
brings  ujKtn  inflation.  The  Granger  activities  of  the  years  immedi- 
"tely  following  the  panic  foreshadowed  a  period  when  the  frontier 
dettund  for  railways  at  any  cost  should  give  way  to  an  agricultural 
!nce  upon  regulation  of  railways  as  the  primarj'  need.  But  as 
the  frontier  remained  substantially  intact,''  and  until  its  railway 
leiii  should  be  completed  the  Granger  demand  could  not  be  trans- 
into  federal  activity.  For  nearly  six  years  after  1873  the  Pacific 
Iways,  like  the  other  industrial  establishments  of  the  United  States, 
remained  nearly  stationary. 

In  1879  the  United  States  emerged  from  the  confusion  of  the  crisis 
of  1873.    Kesuinption  marked  the  readjustment  of  national  cur- 


■Pwr,  UantMl.  187^-74,  a: 

'itt  of  Mi/  2.  I87t  27  Unltpil  Statt 
m:  18T11-77,  703:  1877-78.  n45. 

'K.  W.  Martin.  Uiiiiory  of  the  Or 
futir.  i«n, 

'f.  K.  Spuks.  .VaUonal  Dw^loimimt 
^wntm  like  dialHbuttQQ  at  iioiiutBUoii 

58803— vol.  1—08 S 


.877-78,  a2«. 


t  I^rsc.  DO;  Poor.  Manual,  1871-72, 
ent.    18T4.    184:    SEUulIcy.    Nurllicm 


|[arl*B  Axuorlca 


H4  AMERICAN    UlSTtmiCAI,   ASBOCIATION. 

rency,  reconstruction  was  over,  and  the  railways  entered  upon  the'' 
last  five  years  of  the  culminating  period  in  the  history  of  the  fron- 
tier. When  the  five  years  had  ended  five  new  continental  routes  were 
available  for  transportation  and  the  frontier  had  departed  from  tliK 
United  States. 

Although  it  had  no  continental  franchise  of  its  own.  the  Southeni 
Pacific  led  in  the  completion  of  these  new  routes  and  acquired  an 
interest  in  three  eastern  termini  as  a  result.  The  Northern  Pacific 
in  the  same  years  completed  its  own  main  line,  while  the  Burlington- 
Rio  Grande  combination  introduced  at  once  a  rival  to  the  Union 
Pacific  and  an  additional  continental  route. 

Tlie  Texas  and  Pacific  had  only  started  its  progress  across  Texas 
when   checked   by  the   panic   in  the   vicinity   of   Dallas.     When  it 
revived  it  consolidated  with  the  New  Orleans  Pacific  to  get  its  entry 
into  New  Orleans,"  and  then  proceeded  to  push  its  track  across  the 
State,  aided  by  a  state  land  grant  from  Texas,  toward  Sierra  Dlancx 
and  El  Paso.     Beyond  Texas  it  never  built.     Corporations  of  Ne* 
Mexico,   Arizona,   and   California,   all   bearing  the   same   name  of 
Southern  Pacific,  constructed  the  line  across  the  Colorado  River  and 
along  the  Gila  through  the  lands  acquired  by  the  Gadsden  pui-chase 
in  185,3. *    Trains  were  running  over  its  tracks  to  St.  Ixiuis  by  Jai"*- 
nary,  1882.  and  to  New  Orleans  in  the  following  Oclnljer.     In  t!i« 
course  of  this  Southern   Pacific  construction   connection   had   bee»' 
made  with  the  Atchison.  Topeka  and  Santa  Fo  at  IX'niing,  N.  Mes  — 
in  March,  1881.     But  lack  of  harmony  between  Ihe  roads  thus  niee*  ■ 
iiig  seems  to  have  mininjized  the  importance  of  the  through  rout* 
thus  formed," 

The  owners  of  the  .Southern  Pacific  ojjened  an  additional  Mn*" 
through  southern  Texas  in  the  beginning  of  188:1."  The  Galveston- 
Harrisburg  and  San  Antonio,  of  Texas,  was  the  earliest  road  char- 


•Poor.  Manual.   IS* 


The 


New  Oi-lnns  Paclflc  vrnt  the  axsl^rnee  of  the  N'Pi 
i;,  to  whli;h  a  land  grant  lind  l>rTn  mnOt  In  1S71. 
Erant  In   ISST.     Sanbora,  Congresalonal   aranli  sf 


C'DDBms  anouncd   n   [wrtlon   or 
Land  to  Aid  of  ttsUwafn.  12[i. 

'Tlif  Southern  I'BrlHi'  Belwil  the  Fort  Yuma  croaalnE  of  tlio  Colomdo  River  In  •pit* 
or  rcderal  and  Tciha  aiid  Paclflc  proteBts.  (4fith  Cong,,  2d  bCh.,  11.  Ex.  Hoc.  SS.i  li 
later  Induced  the  Teius  and  I'hcIBc  to  iraDsfer  In  It  tbe  land  granU  west  nt  El  l>n» 
pertaining  to  the  latter  rond.  and  Inslatvd  hefore  CnnemB  upon  Its  right  to  rpretva  tie 
landa  althougb  tbe  grants  were  roldablc,  tf  not  Told.  IxTauae  of  the  failure  at  the 
Teiaa  and  Padflc  lo  liulld  nlthln  the  time  limit  prescribed.  (481h  Cong.,  lat  aero..  8. 
Kx.  Doe.  ST.)  Canereaalonal  commlttE>ea  reported  adTenelj>  lo  tbli  claim  of  the  Sontbern 
Paciac.  USth  Cong..  Isl  seas.,  II.  Rep.  eH:  see  alao  the  reporU  to  the  Houae  In  ISTT, 
41tb  Cong..  2d  aeaa..  B.  Itep.  rtn,  pariB  1  and  2.  and  also  43d  Cong..  Sd  aeas..  H.  Mta. 
Doca.  B  and  30.1  On  February  2!>.  1SS5.  Congresa  declared  tbe  ivbole  Texas  Pflelfle  laD>t 
ermnt  fnrFclted.  ISanbom,  Con|:r''BBlon8l  Grants  ot  I.and  In  Aid  of  BallirayB.  123; 
23  D,  8.  Stat.  L.,  337.) 

Toor.  Manual.  1SS1.  8RT  l  rommerrlal  and  Flnaoclal  Cbronlde.  Mareh  12.  ISSI.  270. 

'Through  trains  to  Nev  Orleans  were  ninnlng  hy  Fi'linmry  1,     ICommerctal  and  Vim 
elnl  Chronicle.  Septemlier  S.  1883,  'MSi  Railroad  Uaiette,  .laonarf  9,  i»SS.  51,  a 


PACIFIC    RAJLBOADS   AND   DISAPPEARANCE    OF    FRONTIEE. 


115 


lereii  in  the  State."  Around  this  as  a  nucleus  other  lines  were  assem- 
bled." and  double  construction  was  begun  from  San  Antonio  west,  and 
from  El  Paso,  or  more  accurately  Sierra  Blanca,  east.  Between  EI 
Paso  and  Sierra  Blanca.  a  distance  of  about  !)0  miles,  this  new  line 
and  the  Texas  Pacific  used  the  same  track.  In  later  years  the  Texas 
Pacific  was  drawn  away  from  the  Southern  Pacific  by  its  St.  Louis, 
Iron  Mountain  and  Southern  connection  at  Texarkana  into  the  Mis- 
souri Pacific  System,  and  the  comhinHtion  route  thrmigh  San  Antonio 
and  Houston  became  the  main  line  of  the  Southern  Pacific. 

A  third  connection  of  the  Southern  Pacific  across  Texas  was  op- 
emtod  before  the  end  of  1883.  over  its  Mojnve  extension  in  California 
and  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  from  the  Xeedles  to  Albuquerque.  The 
old  Atlantic  and  Pacific,  chartered  with  land  grant  in  1866,  had  built 
to  Vinita  by  1871,  and  had  stopped  there.  It  had  defaulted  after  the 
panic,  gone  into  receivership,  and  emerged  as  the  St.  Louis  and  San 
Francisco,  But  even  after  its  emergence  it  refrained  from  construc- 
tion much  Ijeyond  its  Vinita  terminus. ■■  Meanwhile  the  Atchison,  To- 
ix-ka  and  Santa  Fe  had  reached  Albuquerque.  N.  Mex.  This  road, 
building  up  the  Arkansas  through  Kansas,  possessed  a  land  grant  as 
far  as  the  Colorado  state  line.''  Entering  Colorado,  it  had  passed  by 
Las  Animas  ami  thrown  a  branch  along  the  old  Santa  Fe  trail  to 
Santa  Fe  and  Albuquerque.  At  this  last  point  it  came  to  an  agree- 
ment with  the  St.  Liniis  and  San  Francisco  by  which  the  two  roads 
should  build  Jointly  from  Albuquerque,  under  the  Atlantic  and  Pa- 
cific franchise,  into  California,  and  rapid  construction  had  commenced 
in  the  period  of  revival.'  The  Southern  Pacific  of  California  had 
not,  however,  relished  a  rival  in  its  State,  while  the  Atlantic  and  Pa- 
cific charter  privilege  extended  to  the  Pacific,  Long  before  the  new 
road,  advancing  from  Albu'pierque.  reached  its  Colorado  crossing  at 
the  Needles  a  Mojave  branch  of  the  Southern  Pacific  was  waiting  at 
that  point,  ready  by  its  presence  to  force  the  invading  road  to  make 
terms  with  il  for  admittance.  And  thus  upon  the  completion  of  the 
Colorado  and  Rio  Grande  bridges  the  Southern  Pacific  obtained  its 
ibird  entry  into  the  East.  Pullman  cars  were  running  into  St.  Louis 
on  OctobeVai,  1883.' 

The  names  of  Billings  and  Villard  are  most  closely  connected  with 
the  renascence  of  the  Northern  Pacific.     This  line,  with  its  generous 


CTOM,    XCnf 


.  XVI, 


B  tbo  RuITbIo  Bayou.  Brains  uid 


e.  Maj  26, 

of  Kan  {ran. 


'  Com  mere  lal  and  nnaniliil  Cbrunlrtc  Auguit  SS.  ISS^I.  200. 

'  RBllnMd  Giiu>(l>\  May  II,  1S83.  301;  Conin)Gri.'lBl  and 
ISS.1.  5SJK 

'  tia  lO-cccllon  luiil  ftant  wni  haaed  uiHm  a  etsDI  Ii}  ConeresB 
Marrh  :i.  IHSa  (Report  ot  ilie  I 'omnilBBlonpr  or  RallroadB.  inn: 
rearhcd  .Albuquerque  lo  AprU.  ISSO.  and  Demlng  In  Marcb,  1881, 

'  Commrrclal   and   Financial   Chrookle.   Ooobrr  SO.    I8S3.  423 ;   11.   II.   Baacroft,    Call- 
fonii*.  VII.  Q13:  Railroad  OaieLle,  October  20,  1883,  TU. 


116  AMERICAN   HISTORTCAL  ASSOCIATION. 

land  grant,  had  stopped  Iwfore  the  panic  at  the  MJb.souri  River.    In 
Oregon  it  had  built  a  few  miles  into  its  new  (erniinal  city.  Tacoma. 
The  illumination  of  crisis  times  had  served  to  discredit  the  route 
which  Jay  Cooke  had  so  effectively  boomed  in  enrtier  days.    The 
existence  of  various  land-gi'ant  railways  in  Washington  and  Oregon 
made  its  revival  difficult  to  finance,  since  its  various  rivals  could 
offer  competition  by  both  river  and  rail  along  the  C<ilunibia  Valley 
below  Walla  Walla.     Under  the  presidency  of  Frederick    Hi]lin^^ 
construction  revived  about  187i>,  from  Mandan,  opposite  Bismarck, 
on  the  Missouri,  and  from  Walhila,  at  the  junction  of  the  Columbia 
and  Snake."     From  those  points  lines  were  pushed  over  the  Pend 
d'Oreille   and   Missi>uri   divisions  toward   the   Continental    Divide. 
Below  Wallula  the  Columbia  Valley  traffic  was  shai'ed  by  ngreenient 
with  the  Oi-egon  Railway  and  Navigation  Company,  which,  under 
the  presidency  of  Henry  Villard,  owned  the  steamship  and  railway 
lines  of  Oregon.'     As  the  time  for  opening  the  through  route  ap- 
proached the  question  of  Columbia   River  competition  increased  in 
serious  asjiect.     Villard  solved  the  problem  through  the  agency  of 
his  famous  blind   poo!,''  which  still  stands  remarkable  in   railway 
finance.     With  the  proceeds  of  the  pool  he  organized  the  Oregon  and 
Transcontinental  as  a  holding  company,  and  purchased  a  controlling 
interest  in  each  of  the  rival   roads.     With  harmony  of  plan  thn** 
insured,  lie  assumed  the  presidency  of  the  Northern  Pacific  in  1881., 
in  time  to  complete  and  ct'lehi'ate  the  opening  of  its  main  line  ir» 
1883.     lie  tried  to  give  to  this  event  a  national  asjiect,  but  Ihen^ 
were  now  four  other  through  lines  in  o]jeration,  and  a  keen  observer" 
remarked  that  the  "mere  achievement  of  laying  a  continuous  rail 
across  the  continent  has  long  since  been  taken  out  nf  the  realm  of 
marvels,  and  the  country  can  never  feel  again  the  thrill  which  th& 
joining  of  the  Central  and  Union  Pacific  lines  gave  it.  "■' 

The  land-grant  railways  completed  these  eastern  connections  across 
the  frontier  in  the  period  of  culmination.  Private  capital  added  an- 
other in  the  new  i-oute  through  Denver  to  Ogden.  controlled  by  th*? 
Chicago,  Burlington  and  Quincy  and  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande- 
The  Burlington,  built  along  the  old  Republican  River  trail  to  Denver^ 
had  competed  with  the  Union  Pacific  for  the  traffic  of  that  point  ir» 

°SiiiiillEj.  Northern  Piii^inc.  ::i!}l :  n^porl  of  the  CommlsBloner  of  RaUruada,  ISSS* 
las-m. 

'  tl.  VlLlanl.  MemoIrB  of  Henry  VJIIard.  .lournallat  imd  riniiDcler.  1835-lWO.  II,  284— 
£89:  Smaller.  Nnrtborn  I'ai^JIlf.  ^8. 

•VIHflnl,  Memoirs.  II,  20T :  Smalley,  2B8 ;  Henry  crewa.  TwMity-elght  Venra  of  W«II 
Street.  20K-214. 

■Tlie  Nation.  Seplemlier  lii.  188:1,  :!t5.  'MS.  The  cvlebraKon  was  on  SeiUemlier  S.  and 
waa  Krered  by  an  orallOB  by  W.  U.  Evurlt.  (Villard.  II,  Hll.l  Villard  nas  ftomorhat 
dtatruated.  iMor  remarlilng  that  much  of  the  popular  reluclani^e  to  buy  railroad  alock^ 
waa  due  to  hia  "visionary  a^rhpnipa  of  Immense  magnitude."  (Railroad  Uanual.  1884. 
Inlrod.  ill.  See  also  Railroad  tiaaetie.  tjeptember  14.  1881!.  <I06 :  rnmmerelal  and  I^nan- 
clal  Chronicle.  »ppteinber  20,  1B83.  S3l ;  Enslneerlng  Newa.'  Seplembpr  IS.  1883.  439; 
.  1.  W.  Jobnaton.  Railway  I..and  Rrants,  In  North  American  Review,  C\L,  280-289.)         ^^ 


F'SATUinADS  AND   DISAPPEAIiANCE   OF   FRONTIER. 


117 


June,  1882."    West  of  Denver  tlie  narrow  guiigu  of  tlic  Denver  untl 
Rio  Grande  had  been  advancing  wince  1870. 

Gen,  William  J.  Palmer  and  a  group  of  Piiilndelphia  capitalists 
had,  in  1870.  secured  n  Colorado  charter  for  their  Denver  and  Rio 
Grande,  Started  in  1871.  it  had  reached  its  new  settlement  and  health 
i-esort  at  Colorado  Springs  that  autumn,  and  had  continued  south  in 
later  years.  Like  other  roads,  it  had  progressed  slowly  in  panic 
years.  In  187C  it  had  been  met  at  Pueblo  by  the  Atchison,  Topeka 
and  Santa  Fe.  From  Pueblo  it  contested  successfully  with  its  rival 
for  the  grand  canyon  of  the  Arkansas.*  and  built  up  that  valley, 
through  the  (iunnison  country,  and  across  the  old  Ute  Reserve  to 
(irand  .runction.  From  the  Utah  state  line  it  had  l>een  continued  to 
Ogden  by  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  Western,  an  nliied  corpora- 
lion.  A  throiigli  M-rvice  to  Ogden.  inaugurated  in  the  smuuier  of 
1383,^  brought  to  the  Union  Pacific  for  the  first  time,  and  for  its 
whole  bu.siness,  a  competition  which  it  tried  to  offset  by  hurrying  its 
owti  bninches  from  Ogden,  the  Utah  Northern  and  the  Oregon  Short 
Line,  north  into  the  field  of  the  Northern  Pacific. 

The  continentiil  fronlier,  upon  which  the  first  inroad  had  been  made 
in  1860.  was  thus  completely  destroyed  in  1884.  Along  six  different 
litii's  Ix'twecn  New  Orleans  and  St.  Paul  it  had  been  made  possible 
lo  cross  the  sometime  American  desert  to  the  Pacific  States,"  No 
lunger  could  any  portion  of  the  Republic  be  considered  beyond  the 
reach  of  colonization.  Instead  of  a  waste  that  forbade  national 
Qoity  and  compelled  a  rudimentary  civilization  in  its  pre.senee,  a 
^usand  plains  stations  l»eckoned  for  colonists  and  through  lines 
id  the  nation  into  an  economic  and  political  unit.  That  which 
il  Sheridan  had  foreseen  in  lS8;i  was  now  a  fact.  lie  had 
itten:  "As  the  railroads  overtook  the  successive  lines  of  isolated 
fMniicr  posts  and  settlements  spread  out  over  country  no  longer  re- 
'li'irrng  military  protection,  the  army  vacated  its  temporary  shelters 
»ud  marched  on  into  remote  regions  iieyond.  there  to  re|>eat  and  con- 
ine  its  pioneer  work.  In  rear  of  the  advancing  line  of  troops  the 
litive  'dugouts'  and  cabins  of  the  frontiersmen  were  steadily 
hplaced  by  the  tasteful  houses,  thrifty  farms,  neat  villages,  and  busy 
towns  of  a  people  who  knew  how  best  to  employ  the  vast  resources 
"f  lie  great  West,  The  civilization  from  the  Atlantic  is  now  reach- 
ing out  toward  that  rapidly  approaching  it  from  the  direction  of  the 
Pacitlc,  Ihe  long  intervening  strip  of  territory,  extending  from  the 
Brilifih  posesBions  to  Old  Mexico,  yearly  growing  narrower;  finally 

"PMr,  UidubI.   1SS3,  694. 

r'hwr.  Manual.  ISSl.  7»U;  IWSM,  889:  J.  C.  Snilley,  lllatory  of  Denver,  007. 
K'atarMd  Claaplle.  Auguit  3.   IH83.  SIO :   tl.   U.    lUiiifrori.  Utah.  TSS :  Poor,   Manual, 


118  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

the  dividing  lines  will  entirely  disappear  and  the  mingling  settle- 
ments absorb  the  remnants  of  the  once  powerful  Indian  nations  who, 
fifteen  years  ago,  vainly  attempted  to  forbid  the  destined  progress 
of  the  age."  «  Within  two  years  after  this  utterance  the  frontier  had 
finally  disappeared,  and  with  it  had  ended  what  Professor  Turner 
has  called  "  the  first  period  of  American  history." 

The  significance  of  the  frontier  in  American  history  has  been  con- 
sidered at  length  in  recent  years.  After  1885  the  historical  problem 
is  tlie  significance  of  the  disappearance  of  the  frontier.  In  the  change 
of  epoclis  problems  change  as  well.  National  organization  replaces 
sectional;  state  activities  tend  to  give  way  to  federal;  corporate  or- 
ganization succeeds  individualistic;  public  regulation  supersedes  pri- 
vate initiative:  and  the  imperative  need  for  the  creation  of  material 
equipment  is  transmuted  into  an  equal  necessity  for  the  control  of  the 
activities  to  which  the  former  need  gave  birth. 

"  U<H'urd   of   EngaKt*ments  with    lIoHtilo   Indians   within   the   Military    DivlHion   of  t1t« 
MlRsouri.  from  ISGs  to  1S8*J.  Lieut.  Ceo.  P.  II.  Sheridan,  commaDdinK.  <'bicago,  1882,  120. 


DISCUSSION  OF  DOCTOR  PAXSON'S  PAPER." 


The  paper  on  the  Pacific  Railroads  and  the  Disappearance  of  the 
Frontier  describes  the  primary  waves  of  a  movement,  the  secondary 
and  tertiary  waves  of  which  are  still  in  progresH.  emanating  from 
the  advancing  railway  systems  like  waves  from  a  moving  steamship. 
It  is  well  known  that  analogies  do  not  walk  on  all  fours.  However, 
I  desire  to  suggest  an  analogy  in  the  hope  that  it  may  clarify  and 
enipliii^ize  what  I  have  in  mind.  The  institntions  of  this  country, 
taken  collectively,  may  be  represented  by  a  cable  sy.stem,  each  cable 
having  as  many  separate  wires  as  there  are  distinct  institntions. 
These  cables,  like  onr  institutions,  extend  through  niaTiy  States,  the 
niost  of  them  from  ocean  to  ocean  and  from  Gnlf  to  Lakes.  For 
reasons  which  ai-e  generally  recognized  and  which  need  not  be  recited 
here,  state  lines  are  convenient  if  not  necessary  boundaries  of  terri- 
torial units  for  investigation.  I  should  like  to  see  a  great  series  of 
monographs,  each  covering  one  institution  in  one  State,  correspond- 
"ig  lo  one  strand  in  the  cable,  for  every  State  in  the  Union,  which 
«)uld  be  turned  over  to  the  national  historian  of  our  economic  and 
Wher  institutions.  With  such  a  huge  collection  of  state  sections  of 
wires  Brid  cables  before  him,  the  national  historian  would  become 
tlie  grand  chief  cable-splicer,  and  he  could  present  to  nil  the  world 
'lie  completed  institutional  cable  system  as  it  has  developed  and 
wi-ls  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  United  States. 

I'oless  a  great  army  of  state  historians  will  prosecute  its  work 
'iiligently,  we  sliall  never  have  a  complete  national  history.  Railway 
history  illustrates  this  point.  In  a  general  way  it  is  known,  for 
'tistance.  that  the  inhabitants  of  certain  cities  opposed  the  physical 
"Tiioii  of  continuous  lines  of  railway,  during  early  epochs  of  railway 
development,  with  sledge  hammers,  pitchforks,  scythes,  and  similar 
"sapons.  The  grotesque  features  of  this  type  of  mob  opposition 
We  been  described  for  a  few  localities,  but  anything  like  a  complete 
•itwription  of  the  events  has  not  come  to  my  notice,  although  many 


120  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION.       '  ^^M 

States  doubtless  fiiniisli  ample  material  for  a  chapter  on  this  subject. 
The  historian  of  our  political  institutions  would  doubtless  not  con- 
sider it  beneath  his  dignity  to  devote  a  chapter  to  violence  at  the 
polls,  like  lassoing  voters  of  certain  persuasions  on  election  day  in 
western  New  York  during  Monroe's  administration,  but  to  the  his- 
torian of  our  railways  the  facts  referred  to  are  equally  interesting, 
although  neither  may  be  of  much  fundamental  importance. 

During  territorial  days  and  the  days  of  early  statehood  in  Wiss- 
consin  numerous  localities  on  Lake  Michigan  and  on  the  Mississippi 
River  vied  with  one  another  to  become  the  termini  of  the  proposed 
Milwaukee  and  Mississippi  Railway,  which  was  to  constitute  the  first 
link  in  the  great  transcontinental  chain.  Milwaukee,  the  present 
metropolis  of  this  State,  was  (hen  rebuked  for  arrogantly  assuming 
leadership  when  such  important  places  as  Belmont  and  Mineral 
Point,  not  to  speak  of  Kenosha,  Racine,  Sheboygan,  on  Luke  Michi- 
gan, Prairie  du  Chien,  Potosi,  and  Snake  Hollow,  on  the  Mississippi 
River,  had  equal  claim,  in  the  opinion  of  the  editors  of  those  places, 
to  the  distinction  of  lieing  leading  towns  in  Wisconsin.  The  ambi- 
tion of  those  days  was  not  always  limited  by  the  facts  of  geography 
and  HCtuat  possibilities  of  immediate  development.  A  primitive 
editor  of  Fond  du  Lac  held  out  to  his  reodei's  the  vision  of  teas  and 
spices  coming  directly  from  China  and  Japan,  which  he  regarde*!  as 
a  pait  of  the  West,  over  the  transcontinental  railway,  which  he  de^^ired 
to  have  constructed  along  the  northern  route.  The  real  rivalry 
among  our  southern,  middle,  and  northern  transcontinental  railways 
of  to-day  was  then  a  theoretical  rivalry  of  subjective  pos.si  bill  ties  of 
competing  localities  interested  in  their  respective  routes,  Horace 
Greeley  entered  into  the  discussion  of  the  relative  merits  of  these 
routes,  and  in  one  editorial  he  strikes  the  climax  of  his  argument  by 
practically  ignoring  all  others  except  the  fact  that  the  circumference 
of  the  earth  in  the  higher  latitudes  is  much  smaller  than  at  the 
equator  and  southern  latitudes,  and  that  therefore  any  man  with  the 
sense  of  a  schoolboy  might  know  that  the  northern  route  was  the 
most  desirable  one.  Incidentally  it  should  be  <tbserved  that  this 
early  dream  of  the  Milwaukee  and  Mississippi  Railway  being  a  link 
in  a  transcontinental  chain  is  being  realized  to-day  in  the  Pacific 
coast  extension  of  the  St.  Paul  System,  of  which  the  old  Milwaukee 
and  Missis-sippi  has  long  been  a  part.  During  the  present  month  of 
December  the  track  has  been  mai"ching  westward  at  the  rate  of  "2 
miles  and  over  per  day.  Secondary  waves  of  frontier  life  are  accom- 
panying this  march.  While  the  frontier  has  gone,  it  is  still  here. 
The  primary  frontier  has  disappeared.  The  secondary  frontier  i.'* 
the  wave  of  conquest  of  our  national  resources  on  whose  crest  the 
frontiersman,  of  a  different  type,  perhaps,  but  still  a  frontiersman, 
reigns  supreme.    That  frontier  still  exists  if  we  may  i-ely  upon  tho 


DISCUSSION    OF    DOCTflR   PAXSON   B   PAPER. 


121 


accounts  of  tlie  men  wlio  are  sharing  Ihat  life.  Those  of  our  honored 
members  who  come  from  the  ancient.  East,  which  once  was  the  United 
States,  and  which  for  some  years  thereafter  continued  to  play  u  pre- 
dominating role  in  our  national  life,  may  not  appreciate  that  this 
great  West  is  only  beginning  to  shake  off  the  spray  of  the  Atlantic. 
The  vast  empire  west  of  the  Mississippi  River  has  not  yet  been 
■^  scratched,"  and  even  here  in  old  Wisconsin  we  are  only  beginning 
to  lay  our  permanent  foundations.  The  rivalry  of  cities,  territorial 
groups,  and  transportation  routes  suggested  in  these  remarks  repre- 
sents cable  sections  which  are  waiting  for  the  state  historian,  who  in 
turn  must  dedicate  them  to  the  national  historian,  provided  he  him- 
self does  not  act  as  chief  cable-splicer.  Historical  accounts  of  events 
like  these  would  be  as  fascinating  as  the  greatest  novel. 

Another  illustration  is  found  in  the  rivalry  between  different  means 
of  transportation.    The  introduction  of  the  Conestoga  vvagon  was 
opposed  by  tlie  owners  of  pack  horses.     Both  of  these  interests  united 
with  the  interests  represented  by  plank  roads,  turnpikes,  and  canals 
iu  opposition  to  the  railway.     Moi-e  or  less  of  this  rivalry  has  coii- 
(inued  into  our  own  times.     Probably  every  State  in  the  Union  has 
material  for  a  chapter  upon  this  subject,  yet  in  scarcely  half  a  dozen 
of  them  has  it  been  collected  and  wrought  into  a  complete  and  accu- 
rate histoiy.     This  is  an  important  liistory— important  not  only  be- 
cause of  the  knowledge  which  it  affords  regarding  our  industrial 
develiipment,  but  also  becau.se  of  the  bearing  of  this  history  upon  con- 
temporary movements.     The  revival  of  our  inland  waterways  lias 
iilrendy  been  made  a  national  issue,     Before  we  enter  upon  a  scheme 
of  internal  improvements,  involving  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars, 
L-we  should  most  assuredly  inform  oui-selves  with  respect  to  the  luuita- 
Hi^ons  and  possibilities  of  that  scheme.    The  past  throws  valuable  side- 
Hfights  upon  this  subject,  both  in  the  United  States  and  in  Europe.    A 
Vtaiere  sentimental  appeal  to  waterways  as  a  regulator  of  railway  rates 
Htiiat  would  justify  undertakings  of  greatest  magnitude  is  nonsense, 
■    Waterways  never  have  regulated  railway  rates.     They  have  influenced 
them,  sometimes  to  the  extent  of  demoralization;  but  to  influence  is 
not  to  regulate.     At  no  time  in  the  history  of  internal  improvements 
in  the  United  States  has  it  been  more  vital  to  obtain  a  technical  basis 
for  our  projects  than  at  present.     First  of  all,  engineers  of  highe.st 
attainment  and  absolute  integrity  must  t^U  ns  whether  a  certain 
project  is  possible  from  an  engineering  standpoint,  and  as  accurately 
as  possible  what  it  will  cost  to  complete  it.     Next,  we  must  have  a 
careful  survey  of  tlie  commerce  of  the  country  with  a  view  of  deter- 
mining how  much  it  may  reasonably  be  expected  to  gain  from  the  con- 
templated improvement.    Finally,  having  these  facts  before  ns,  the 
people  of  this  country  may  be  left  to  decide  for  themselves  whether 
^^tiey  desire'  to  have  a  certain  improvement  undertaken  or  not.     Simply 


122 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION. 


to  proclaim  that  we  want  certain  improvements,  irrespective  of  the 
considerations  named,  is  like  wishing  to  ride  in  a  Pullman  coach  to  a 
distant  planet.  I  am  firmly  convinced  that  thb  country  has  never 
faced  a  more  critical  situation  with  respect  to  internal  improvements 
than  that  which  is  impending.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  State  and  na- 
tional historians  will  unite  in  bringing  to  the  citizens  of  this  country 
the  true  and  complete  facts  of  history.  Prophetic  vision  must 
utilized  not  only  in  arousing  enthusiasm  for  a  scheme,  but  also 
putting  into  proper  perspective  its  limitations. 

All  of  lis  could,  no  dnuht,  add  many  illustrations  of  special  studies 
which  must  be  undertalten  before  our  national  economic  history,  at 
least,  can  Ite  made  complete,  and  of  which  the  thi-ee  pai>ei-s  Iwfore  us 
are  excellent  illustrations.  I  desire,  therefore,  lo  repent  that  we  need 
special  intensive  study — monographs,  more  monographs,  and  many 
moit-  monographs — sections  of  cables  for  our  chief  cable-splicers. 
The  monographs  suggested  all  have  more  or  less  of  a  practical  bear- 
ing, but  it  should  be  needless  to  state  that  all  historical  research, 
whether  practical  or  not,  is  here  referred  to.  Those  sjiecial  studies 
which  partake  of  a  more  practical  nature  constitute  the  ground  upon 
which  the  academic  man  meets  the  executive,  judicial,  administrative, 
or  legislative  man.  I  assume  that  the  aim  of  our  efforts  is  to  learn 
to  know  the  real  world  of  the  past  and  of  the  present  in  order  that 
we  may  intelligently  giiide,  in  so  far  as  guidance  is  possible,  the 
future.  We  must  look  to  the  academic  man  and  the  scholarly  pub- 
licists not  connected  with  universities,  like  those  represented  in  the 
membership  of  this  association,  to  gather  the  many  threads  of  the 
various  phases  of  our  national  life  and  focus  them  upon  a  specific 
problem  of  to-day.  Only  in  this  way  may  we  hope  to  act  correctly 
regarding  current  questions.  "  The  point  of  departure  as  well  as 
the  aim  of  our  science  is  man  "  was  the  keynote  of  Roscher's  first 
course  of  lectures  at  the  University  of  Leipzig.  Roscher's  words  are 
still  the  best  touchstone  of  economic  study.  In  order  to  vitalize  our 
study  and  make  it  real  the  academic  man  and  the  man  of  affairs  must 
act  in  closest  cooperation  with  each  other  lest  there  be  reared  two 
independent  structures,  the  one  that  of  the  academic  man,  separate 
and  apart  from  the  real  world  in  which  we  live,  and  therefore  lack- 
ing vitality  and  intrinsic  worth,  and  the  other  that  of  the  man  of 
affairs,  unsymmetrical.  crude,  and  ill-adjusted  because  it  lacks  the 
touch  of  the  hand  of  full  knowledge. 


YIll.  THE  SENTIMENT  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  CALIFORNIA  WITH 

RESPECT  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


By  JOHN  J.  EARLE. 


123 


^SENTIHENT  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  GALIFORNIA  WITH  RESPECT  1 
THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


By  John  Jewkit  Easlk. 


^H     The  attitude  and  conduLi  of  the  guvcrnmetit,  the  press,  atid  the 
^Bpc^ople  of  the  State  of  CalifoniiR  during  the  monientou-s  epwh  of 
tHo  great  American  civil  wnr  is  a  theme  that  has  received  nieHger  and 
u»mleqiiote  tn?atment.     Thtise  writers  who  have  devoted  themselves 
to     narrating  the  story  of  that  conflict  have  found  ho  nineh  to  en- 
gp*jss  their  attention  in  the  events  which  transpired  in  those  States 
'n-liidi  were  the  actual  scene  of  strife,  at  the  national  capital,  and  in 
tike  great  commercial,  indnstrial,  and  financial  centers  of  llie  East 
t-Unt  they  have  overliKtked  the  less  piirteiitoiis  incidents  which  oc- 
*"urred  in  this  far  western  Commonwealth;  while  the  unnalista  of 
CTalifornia,  who  have  treated  no  exhaustively  the  Mie.sion  period,  the 
diacovery  of  gold  and  the  consequent  mining  excitement,  the  struggle 
for  order  and  the  days  of  the  vigilance  committees,  the  opening  of 
transcontinental  railroad  communication,  the  anti-Chines  agitation, 
and  the  development  of  the  wonderful   material   resources  of  the 
State,  seem  also  to  have  neglected  and  passed  over  as  of  little  con- 
sotjiience  what  may  lie  called  the  "  war  history  "  of  California.    And 
ye*  a  stndy  of  the  events  of  that  period  will  reveal  many  incidents  of 
interest  to  one  who  seeks  familiarity  with  the  history  of  this  State. 
Mid  a  few  episodes  which,  as  matters  of  national  concern,  may  not  be 
Craned  altogether  inconsequential.     It  will  afford  few  tales  of  vio- 
lence, very  few  of  bloodshed,  and  none  at  all  of  battles;  but  it  will 
•liaclosB  the  existence  of  bitter  partisan  hostility  between  the  sup- 
porters nf  the  National  Government  and  the  sympathizers  with  the 
Cwifederacy.  of  newspapers  indulging  in  scurrilous  abuse  and  vitn- 
I*ralioii  of  the  Government  at  Washington  and  those  intrusted  with 
'tssdiriinistration.  of  well-organized  secret  societies  with  aims  inim- 
'™l  lo  the  Union  canse.  and  of  plots  to  carry  the  Stale  out  of  the 
I'nioii,  either  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  an  independent  repub- 
lic ur  with  the  avowed  intention  of  uniting  with  the  Confederacy, 


rbaiH^B 
it  hfl^ 


126  AMERICAN    HISTORTCAL   ASSOCiATION, 

plots  which  were  frustraled  only  by  the  etema!  vigilance  of  the  ei 
authorities  of  the  State,  and  the  strong  arm  of  the  national  military 
forces. 

Such  intere-st  in  a  struggle  so  far  distant  over  issues  in  which 
California  wns  not  at  all  concerned  may  seem  remarkable.     Il  might 
be  expected  that  n  Commonwealth  separated  from  the  scene  of  cun- 
fiict  by  hundreds  of  miles  of  sparsely  settled  territory  and  two  grttt 
mountain   ranges,   receiving   scant,    frequently   delayed,   and   often 
unreliable  information  as  to  the  progress  of-the  war,  absorbed  in 
the  upbuilding  of  her  nascent  domestic  industries,  and  not  vitally  in- 
terested in  the  question  at  stake  in  the  contest,  would  have  held  herself 
aloof  from  the  sectional  animosities  which  were  agitating  the  other 
side  of  the  continent  and  would  not  have  permitted  the  disturbaof 
of  her  peace  and  tranquillity  by  dissension  and  strife  over  isa 
which  affected  her  not.     It  might  be  supposed,  moreover,  that  i 
State  where  slavery  liad  been  constitutionally  prohibited,  where  the 
propaganda  of  states'  rights  had  never  had  a  vital  significance,  whowr 
people  had  no  grievance  against  the  National  Govermnent,  and  whose- 
young  but  rapidly  expanding  interests  would  seem  to  have  demanded- 
stability  rather  than  change,  the  population  would  have  been  prac— 
tically  a  unit  in  loyalty  to  the  Union  cause  and  a  desire  to  maiutain — 
without  interruption  its  connection  with  the  Federal  Govonnnent— 
Yet,  in  spite  of  these  conditions  favorable  to  harmony,  the  peace  anA_ 
security  of  certain  sections  of  the  State  were  frequently  menaced  antK 
oiTasionally  disturbed  by  the  existence  and  nuichinations  of  individ — 
uals   and   organizations  in   open   and   avowed   sympathy   with    the? 
South;  and  the  presence  of  United  States  troops  was  found  at  all 
times  necessary  to  prevent  the  outbreak  of  more  serious  disturbances- 

The  explanation  of  this  seemingly  anomalous  situation  is  to  be 
found  in  the  cosmopolitan  character  of  the  popidation  of  the  State, 
Thi-ee  elements,  at  least,  combined  to  contribute  to  the  disorder. 
First,  the  immigrants  from  the  South,  who  brought  with  them  their 
proslavery  and  states'  rights  predilections,  their  love  of  their  former 
home,  and  their  prejudice  against  the  Sorth,  and  who,  while  realizing 
the  futility  of  attempting  to  reintmduce  slavery  into  California  so 
long  as  that  State  remainetl  a  part  of  the  National  Government, 
would  gladly  have  succeeded  in  effecting  her  secession  from  that 
Government  and  her  union  fo  the  proposed  slaveholding  Southern 
Confederacy.  Second,  the  adventurous,  lawless  element — the  gam- 
bler, the  cattle  thief,  and  the  desperado — men  who  had  been  attracted 
to  California  by  the  excitement  and  the  opportunities  of  the  "'  days 
of  gold,"  and  who  saw  better  facilities  for  the  pursuit  of  their  voca- 
tions in  times  of  commotion  than  in  an  era  of  peace.  Third,  the 
native  Califomians,  ignorant,  superstitious,  bound  l)y  no  ties  to  the 
Government  of  the  Union,  easily  swayed  and  led  by  demagogues  and 


CA1,IF(.1RN lA   AND  THK   CiVIL   ' 


127 


intripiers,  upon  whom  the  former  two  classes  operated  with  con- 
siderable success.  In  view  of  the  existence  and  numerical  strength 
of  these  elements  in  her  population,  it  is  not  surprising  that  Cali- 
fornia was  the  scene  of  numerous  plots  and  occasional  outbreaks  of 
disorder. 

The  manifestations  of  disloyal  sentiment  aaRiimed  two  distinct 
phases.    The  first,  having  its  origin  in  the  year  anterior  to  the  com- 
inencement  of  actual  hostilities  in  the  East,  was  the  advocacy,  in  the 
event  of  civil  war.  of  the  secession  of  California  from  the  Federal 
Union  and  the  establishment  under  her  leadership  of  an  independent 
and  soverign  Pacific  republic;  the  second,  a  later  development,  was  an 
open  and  avowed  sympathy  with  the  cause  of  the  Southern  States,  at- 
tended bv  occasional  overt  acts  expressive  of  such  sympathy.    These 
manifestations  fall  naturally  into  two  consecutive  periods,  the  former 
and  more  visionary  being  gradually  merged  in  the  latter  and  more 
itictti  as  its  futility  became  increasingly  appan^nt. 
iring  the  year  immediately  preceding  the  outbreak  of  the  war 
projeiit  of  the  creation  of  a  Pacific  republic  provoked  cousider- 
discusaion  in  the  press  of  the  State,  and  was  enthusiastically 
:aled   by   a    innnber   of   prominent   citizens,   including   United 
_  les  Senator  Milton  S.  Latham "  and  Hon.  John  C-  Burch  ''  and 
Hon.  Charles  L.  Scott.''  two  menilwrs  of  the  California  delegation  in 
the  National  Hou;«  of  Representatives.     \  number  of  uowspspers 
of  small  circulation  and  inconsiderable  influence''  gave  their  support 
'"the  propaganda  of  the  secessionists,'  but  overt  acts  on  the  part  of 
'fit  advocates  of  a  Pacific  republic  were  few  and  inconsequential  and 
oere  the  manifestations  of  individual  enthusiasm  and  not  the  con- 
i^rled  acts  of  organized  Imdies.' 

The  project  was.  however,  promptly  and  emphatically  condemned 
liythe  accredited  representatives  of  the  people  in  the  state  legislature, 
Iwh  branches  of  which  adopted  the  following  resolution : 

ftwJiril  hi/  the  trnalc,  ttie  a/scmblu  ronrurring.  Thnt  ILe  people  n(  CnU- 
fnmlu  arr  rttvoled  to  Ihe  GoiiHtltuIiim  and  Union  of  llie  t'lilted  StalM,  and  will 
M  run  In  lUlellty  and  Tenlt^  to  tbat  Oonstllullon  nud  Tnlon  now  In  the  hour 

'In  iiiverb  dellverfd  Id  Tnlted  SUrcR  SnniirD.  April  lit.  iMti.  (Sw  Cnngrptslnnil 
(■lobe.  l»50-«e,  p|i.  l-aSiJTW).)  A  lew  monlliB  later.  Senalor  I-alLani  receded  from  UIb 
r>«IIh>n   In   mti'OFBcr   of  Uie  cstabllshmcDt    ot   a    I'nrlDF    repabllc.      (8(v    Bm    Frnaclsco 


'In  Ifltfr  appearing  In  Snn  f'rnm'loro  Herald,  Jnnuarj  H.  ISltl. 

■  U  ninmanlraMiia  appearing  In  San   Franrrlaco  Herald,  January  IT.  ISGt. 

'AnoDg  otbtrs.  tbc  San   («andro  (iaielle.  tbe  Aubura  Signal,  and  the  Bom 


I  Demi 


'TW  armim"!! 
railfoniU'i  nhare 


n  racinr  reputatk  were  R^nerall;  based  upnn 
eleaaneaa  nf  tht  atrucKle.  Ihe  heavy  linrdeu  nt 
hare  of  tbe  eBornioiiB  eipenae  of  Ihe  conflict,  and  the  economic  advanlBBP 
ot  a  pusKIUD  or  neiilrallly  after  tbe  Siiucbern  States  uhiiDld  bave  succeeded 
IK    tbelr    Independence. 

plans,  for  eiamplc,  Stockton  and  El  Monte,  tbe  Bear  Flae  **>  railed  by 
[■nclflc  republic. 


1-2S 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION. 


of  trial  and  peril;  Uiat  Caiifornio  Is  ready  to  maintain  rhe  rights  aud  boaor  of 
the  National  Government  at  home  and  ahroad,  and  at  all  times  to  respond  to 
any  reQulalllon  that  may  tie  made  upon  her  to  defend  the  Reimbllc  against 
foreign  or  domestic  foes." 

But  many  jieople  were  not  content  that  the  popular  sentiment  of 
loyalty  should  be  expressed  only  by  their  representatives  in  the  legis- 
lature. They  desired  an  opportunity  that  they  might  themselves  give 
utterance  to  their  feelings  and  demonstrate  conclusively  that  the  groat 
masses  of  the  population  were  loyal  and  devoted  to  the  Union  and 
utterly  discountenanced  the  proposed  policy  of  secession.  This  feel- 
ing was  manifested  in  "  Union  "  mass  meetings  hpld  thmitghout  the 
State,  in  almost  every  city  or  town  of  any  consequence  and  in  many 
of  the  smaller  communities,*  at  which  assemblages  patriotic  speeches 
were  made,  national  flags  raised,  resolutions  of  loyalty  to  the  Govem- 
ment  adopted,  and  Union  clubs  organized.  The  sentiment  of  the  loyal 
majority  of  the  population  was  so  forcibly  e."ipressed  that  the  futility 
of  the  secession  movement  was  plainly  apparent,  and  within  a  f<*w 
months  after  the  outbreak  of  the  war  all  discussion  of  a  Pacific 
republic  censed  and  the  project  passed  into  oblivion.  Disloyalty 
was  neither  extirpated  nor  silenced,  but  its  expres.sion  assumed  a  now 
and  more  dangei-ous  form  in  the  manifestation  of  sympathy  with  the 
Southern  Stales  and  their  cause  and  the  formation  of  secret  societies 
pledged  to  aid  them  in  their  struggle. 

The  manifestation  of  disloyalty  appeared  in  many  phase.s.  It 
found  utterance  in  the  columns  of  a  nunilwr  of  newspapers;  it  was 
voiced  in  public  speeches,  in  toasts  proposed  in  barrooms,  in  prayern' 
offered  from  the  pulpit,  in  celebrations  of  Confederate  victories,  and 
oven  in  demonstrations  of  approval  of  the  assassination  of  President 
Lincoln;  and  it  took  the  form  of  the  organization  of  societies  in 
sympathy  with  the  rebellion,  and  of  open  attempts,  occasionally 
successful,  to  Join  the  forces  of  the  Soutliern  States. 

And  as  the  aspects  of  the  expression  of  unpatriotic  feeling  were 
many,  so  the  means  employed  for  the  suppression  of  disloyalty  were 
numerous  and  varied.  The  patriotic  newspapers  endeavored  to  create 
and  maintain  a  vigorous  public  opinion  on  the  side  of  loyalty;  the 
regular  judicial  tribunals  were  sometimes  called  upon  to  punish 
transgressors  of  the  laws  against  aiding  and  abetting  those  in  rebel- 
lion; occasionally  the  people  took  matters  into  their  own  hands  and 
discouraged   the   malcontents,   either    peaceably,   by    assembling    at 


•  StOtUtM   1 

of  CnllfornlB.  1R«1, 

p.   flSfl. 

'At   Bna   Frnnci™ 

nearly   K 

!.0W»    pers 

Union   metllnB   held 

on 

IBttl.     It 

WB8  esllm 

aled  that 

>t  a  second  mep' 

ling 

tipid 

M«J    11,    188 

1.  Bt  leas 

ttrnduipf.     lBt>c 

Sai 

1    FranclBco    Herald.    1 

t>b. 

la.  laei.  Bad 

May  13, 

iirlUE  nv> 

monlh  ot  May,  ) 

rhe  San  Franclnco  n. 

pai»™  fonlBJ 

ned   repor 

t8  of   Unli 

m  held  at  Onlili 

ind, 

Kan    I^andrn.    Ban   Ji 

MaryBiill«.  V 

aJleJo.  Bui 

rekn,  fiooo 

ira,  Lu.  A 

le.  Weaveryllle,  Napa.   Vm 

Ilia, 

•Dd  unmeroui 

)  imaller 

towoB  In  ' 

farloUB  paria  of  tbB  8Ute. 

OALIFOBNIA   AND  THE  CIVIL   WAB. 

Union  meetings  and  thus  manifesting  the  prevalence  of  a  patriotic 
sentiment  which  would  tolerate  no  disloyalty,  or  forcibly,  by  visiting 
their  displensiire  upon  some  particularly  audacious  advocate  of  the 
c»u&e  of  the  Southern  States.  But  by  far  the  greater  portion  of  this 
■«'ork  of  preserving  order  in  the  State,  restraining  the  expression  of 
hostility  to  the  National  Government,  and  frustrating  attempts  to 
ufford  (he  Confederates  encouragement  or  assistance  was  left  to  the 
execution  of  the  officers  of  the  United  States  Army,  who  dealt  with 
offenders  with  a  stern  determination  not  to  tolerute  disloyalty,  and 
«ho  were  not  embarrassed  in  their  proi^eedings  by  the  delays  neces- 

Crily  incident  to  the  administration  of  justice  in  courts  of  law. 
Sympathy  with  the  cause  of  the  Confederates  found  its  most  ex- 
bsive  and  notorious  expression  through  the  news  and  editorial 
ilumus  of  numerous  disloyal  newspapers  published  in  the  State.  It 
was  the  constant  endeavor  of  a  number  of  these  publications  to  justify 
the  Southern  States  in  their  attempt  at  secession;  to  demonstrate 
tlie  impo?i.*ibility  of  the  effort  to  suppress  the  rebellion;  and  to  render 
Ihe  war  odions  to  the  people,  by  belittling  Union  successes,  by  magiii- 
fying  Union  defeat^,  by  preferring  the  most  unfounded  and  absurd 
»ccusations  of  incompetence  and  dishonesty  again.st  the  commanders 
Hid  iifficei-s  of  the  Union  armies,  and  by  indulging  in  the  most 
vehement  and  bitter  denunciation  and  vituperation  of  the  President 
"i  the  United  .States  and  his  immediate  advisers."  These  utterances, 
tending,  as  they  did.  to  engender  distrust  in  the  National  Govern- 
ment, and  to  discourage  enlistments  in  its  armies,  finally  aroused 
thi-  indignation,  both  of  the  military  authorities  and  of  the  loyal 
|>eo|ile  of  the  State;  and  the  displea.sure  of  both  was  vi.«ited  upon  a 
number  of  such  papers.  The  editors  of  the  Visalia  Equal  Rights 
Expositor  and  the  Ix)b  ^Xjigeles  Star  were  arrested  and  detained  in 
custody  for  some  time  by  the  military  authorities  on  account  of  the 
pnhlicalion  in  the  columns  of  their  papers  of  objectionable  articles:  * 

■Tti»  Vtratla  Eiiua]  Rlgbls  Eipraltor,  September  6,  1SQ2,  reCerred  lo  "  Ibe  preuent  ruln- 

.  Ufl^itenns,  and  unholy  wnr;"  October  18.   1S6S,  ctiarai^lertied  rreBldent  Lincoln 

namtr-inlnclei]  blt;ot,  an  unprlDc]pI«]  demagogue,  and  a  drlveUlng.  tdlotle,  Imbe- 

alDre:"  Ilecember  1,1,   1802.  denounced  lUe   Preildcnt,  his  Cabinet,  and  CooitreM 

e  mot  tfraDDlcal  and  corrapt  crev  tbat  ever  polluted  Lhe  earib  witb  their  prea- 

"^;"  and.   referring   to   tbe  emandpalion  proclamation,  October  2S.   1862.  declared: 

"lb  vlll  put  a  torch  Into  tbe  hands  of  every  Bcrvnnl  to  burn  down  hla  master's  bouse. 

■  t'Oec  lb  tbe  grip  of  ererj  footboy  to  stab  (o  tbe  bearE  tbe  mistress  tbnl  has  gl*en 

Ud  (bod  and  ibeltcr.  a  knife  IdIo  tbe  ourae's  clutch  to  cut  the  throats  of  the  children 

'     •     '     Carry  the  war  not  Into  the  camp,  the  fortress,  tbe  riser,  and 

I  flmlde  and  the  kitchen :  teach  every  dependent  to  betray  bis  employer. 

tw  on  naaasalu.  every  footman  lo  become  ii  footpad."     Tbe  Mnrysvllle 

NltMl.  In  September.  ISItl,  referred  to  "  n  whining.  ruDDlDR  army  that  baa  disgraced  our 

■■M,  loweted  our   canae.  and   dlahooored   republican  chivalry   all   over  the  enrth."      The 

'  »  Jme  Trtbone.  In  October.  1861.  Inquired :  "  How  long  will  they   (the  American  peo- 

M  ibcnr  themselreg  Intenalble  to  tbe  galling  mllllar)-  despollam  tbat  now  tries  lo  sub- 

**  iiui  liberties  and  reduce  us  lo  a  bondage  more  intolerable  than  that  of  the  Byots  ot 

^  or  tbe  Boors  of  Indrla?"     Many  other  c]iiolnlloDa  night  be  given. 

'OfflclU  Secorda  ot  tbe  War  ot  Ibi;  Bebelllon,  Series  1,  VoL  I^  pi.  2.  p.  277. 


180  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

these  two  newspapers,  together  with  a  number  of  others,*  were  denied 
the  privilege  of  transmission  by  mail  or  express  within  the  limits  of 
the  Department  of  the  Pacific  by  General  Wright,  the  commander 
of  that  department,  on  the  ground  of  "  treasonable  utterances ;"  the 
office  and  equipment  of  the  Visalia  Equal  Rights  Expositor  were 
completely  destroyed  by  a  party  of  soldiers  who  had  been  exasperated 
by  the  persistent  support  given  by  that  paper  to  the  rebellion ;  ^  in 
San  Francisco  an  infuriated  mob,^  its  passions  aroused  by  the  intel- 
ligence of  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln,  attacked  and  de- 
molished the  offices  of  six  newspapers*  which  had  for  some  time 
advocated  the  cause  of  the  Southern  States,  opposed  the  policies  of 
the  Lincoln  Administration,  and  indulged  in  personal  abuse  of  the 
President;  following  this  attack,  General  McDowell,  commander  of 
the  Department  of  the  Pacific,  explaining  his  previous  toleration 
of  the  papers  on  the  ground  of  his  aversion  to  the  exercise  of  arbitrary 
militarv  authoritv,  caused  the  seizure,  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States,  of  the  offices  of  four  ^  of  the  publications. 

The  number  of  disloyal  newspapers  was  never  great ;  the  patriotic 
papers  were  much  more  numerous,  more  extensively  circulated,  and 
more  influential.  After  the  issue  of  union  or  disunion  had  been 
squarely  presented,  and  hostilities  had  been  actually  commenced, 
many  formerly  Democratic  organs  ^  gave  the  Federal  Government 
their  hearty  and  unwavering  support  and  equalled  the  Republican 
journals  in  unsparing  denunciation  of  the  disloyal  press. 

The  continued  and  persistent  publication  of  the  unpatriotic  news- 
papers, however,  in  spite  of  the  unmistakable  preponderance  of 
popular  feeling  in  condemnation  of  their  opinions  and  policies,  and 
their  wide  circulation,  notwithstanding  the  obstacles  which  the 
military  authorities  sought  to  interpose,  indicate  that  there  was  an 
extensive  demand  for  and  approbation,  of  the  expression  of  such 
sentiments  as  were  to  be  found  in  their  columns,  and  that  their  opin- 
ions were  approved  and  their  utterances  welcomed  by  those  who  sub- 
scribed for,  and  thus  encouraged  the  publication  of,  such  journals. 

Not  leas  intemperate  and  reckless  than  the  criticisms  and  strictures 
of  their  newspapers  was  the  speech  of  many  of  the  disloyalists.  A 
number  of  men  prominent  in  public  life  suffered  on  account  of  im- 
prudent remarks.  The  Rev.  Dr.  W.  A.  Scott,  pastor  of  Calvary 
Presbyterian  Church  in  San  Francisco,  shocked  many  of  his  congre- 

•The  Stockton  ArguK,  the  Stockton  Democrat,  the  San  Jose  Tribune,  and  the  Vlsalia 
Post.  See  Marjsvllle  Appeal,  March  1,  1862;  San  Francisco  Alta,  September  17,  1862: 
OfBclal  Records  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  Si'rles  I,  Vol.  L,  pt.  2,  p.  456. 

*  Official  Records  of  the  War  of  the  RelKillion,  8<«rl«?M  I.  Vol.  L.  pt.  2.  p.  341. 

^  See  full  account  in  San  Francisco  Alta,  April  10,  1865. 

'The  Democratic  Press,  the  Monitor,  the  Echo  du  Paciflque,  the  News  Letter,  the 
Occidental,  and  L'lJnion  Am^rlcaine. 

<■  The  first  four  named  in  note.* 

^  Among  others,  the  Napa  Reporter  and  the  Mariposa  Gazette,  the  latter  an  advo- 
cate of  the  election  of  Breckinridge. 


r 


CALIFORNIA   AND  THE  CIVIL   WAR.  131 

gafcion  and  offended  a!]  loyal  citizens  by  repeatedly  offering  prayer 
for  the  two  pi-eHidents  and  vice-presideiita  in  the  United  States,  and 
by  other  indiscreet  public  utterances  of  similar  import.    On  Monday, 
September  16,  1861,  at  a  meeting  of  the  California  Presbytei-y,  he 
delivered  an  exceptionally  offensive  speech;"  and  on  the  following 
Simday  there  occurred  a  popular  demonstration  of  disapproval  of 
fiuch  magnitude  and  of  such  threatening  aspect  '■  that  the  reverend 
gentleman  deemed  it  expedient  to  resign  his  pulpit  and  depart  from 
the  city,  in  which,  prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  he  had  com- 
manded univei-sal  respect  and  considerable  influence.     Judge  James 
II.  Hardy,  of  the  sixteenth  judicial  district  of  the  State,  comprising 
I     the  counties  of  Amador  and  Calaveras,  was,  in  1862,  impeached  by 
Ltlte  assembly  for  utterances  of  sentiments  of  disloyalty  and  hostility 
Bto  the  Government  of  the  United  States  and  of  sympathy  with  the 
VSoutheru  Confedei'acy; "  and,  after  a  protracted  trial  by  the  state 
senste,  he   was  duly  convicted   by   a   vote   of  24  "  Guilty "  to   12 
"  Not  guilty,"  the  penalty  imposed  being  removal  from  his  office,' 
Hon.  C.  L.   Weller.  chairman  of  the   Democratic  state  committee, 
Was  arrested  and  detained  in  custody  for  some  time  by  the  mili- 
tary authorities  on  account  of  an  incendiary  address  delivered  by  him 
*t  a   political    meeting  in   San   Francisco   during   the   presidential 
cumpaigii  of  1864;  he  was  the  most  prominent  of  a  large  number  of 
persons  who  were  similarly  treated  during  the  coui-se  of  the  war  for 

1  " itlferaoa  Dav[«,"  be  derlxr^d.  "In  nn  iiniiri>pr:  h(^  Is  na  murli  a  i'rCHldent  as  Abrn- 

I  btD  [JnnilQ  Is."     Again,  "There  Ih  du  bucIi  tbla^  bb  relwlllon  tn  tbiH  cnuaLr)'.  but  only 

1  Hithlfn!  rctulullon.-     Atnln,  '-  JeSenon  Itarla  IB  no  more  ■  traitor  thin  (iporse  Wnsb- 

L  li^ira  me  s  traitor."      (See  Ssq  FradclsFo  Altn  and  MsryBCllle  Appeal.  September  ID, 

^^^^'.lo  eOicT  bearluK  the  ItiBerlptloo  "Dr.  Scott,  the  Traitor"  was  banged  In  Ibe  vlcln- 

^^^P>  IM  cbmch.  and  blued  ind  booted  Doctor  Scott  as  be  entered  and  lett  the  edlDce. 
^^FBtl  (or  excellent  police  protection.  It  U  probable  that  be  would  hare  lieeo  roughly 
•p  trtand.  ISre  San  Frnotlsco  Herald.  September  ■^i.  ISOl,  and  San  Kmnclg™  Alia  ot 
~  r  "Bi  date.  I  Tbe  more  cunierratlve  element  of  Ihc  population  and  the  prcas  regrptted  the 
I      lacUCDt. 

I  'Thr  followlns  nre  the  object  loo  ahle  cxpressluns  referred  to  In  Ibe  articles  of  Impeaeb- 

I  MDt  >ad  Bupporled  by  efldence  at  Ibe  trial :  A  toaat ;  "  Here  Is  to  Jed  DbtIs  and  tbe 
I  lluiltitrn  Confederacy."  Nocturnal  "  Uuaiaa  "  for  JelT  t>aTlB.  A  reference  to  the  flag  of 
I  «•  L'nited  Slates :  "  That  la  an  i.ld  woinaD-a  rag,  and  ought  to  be  torn  down."  A  toaat : 
A  "KFTf  la  to  the  Stars  and  Stripe*  :  aa  to  tbe  Con  at  It  uti  on.  there  la  none:  tbe  Conatilu- 
■  Un  la  golH  ID  hell."  A  remark  ImmedlBIely  after  the  ndjoiirniuciit  of  bla  court :  "  My 
^^B  »itl  baa  adjourned,  and  I  am  nnir  otf  Ibe  hCDCb  :  my  mother  waa  born  In  the  South,  and 
^^VllBa  rebel,  and  1  dun't  care  a  damn  wbo  knowa  it."  A  toast:  "r.enllemen.  I  will 
^^Btftyou  the  perpetuation  of  a  Southern  confederacy,  and  tbe  aoTerelsnty  of  JeS  DbtU: 
^^PtMnay  hia  name  be  perpetuated  Id  Ibe  same  tiEbt  they  hold  tbe  Immortal  Waablngton." 
^P  iWMk  declaraiion:  That  he  waa  a  access  I  on  I  Bl ;  and  that.  If  a  forcisner  abuuld  come 
V  krfgrt  hUn,  boldlne  Ibe  aame  nentlmenta  that  he  entertained  aa  a  man  toward  tbe  CoDatl- 
I  'Hlun  and  OoTemment  of  the  United  States,  and  applied  for  cltlienablp,  be,  as  a  Jiidee, 
I  *n>M  nut  admit  him  tn  cltlienablp.  Must  of  these  rcmarka  were  made  while  Ibe  apeaker 
I         <M  oiDstderaMy   under  tbe  iDHoence  of  liquor. 

I  '"Huilij"    IT   ItepubllcanB,    7    Union    Democrula;    "Not   guilty"   5    Vnlon    Itemocrala. 

1  :  HrKW Bridge  Democrats.  Two  l.'nloo  Uemocrala  who  voted  "Guilty"  voted  agalnat 
I  nil  pnalif  ot  rrmoTBl  from  otBre.  A  full  report  of  tbe  Impeachment  proi-eedlnga  la  to 
I        t*  C»ud  tn  Appendix  te  JouroaU  oX  8ciMt«  and  Aaaembly,  1861^  tblrteenth  seaalon,  part  S. 


182  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION.  ^M 

the  manifestation  of  disloyalty  in  many  phases,  the  offense  most  ' 
frequently  charged  being  the  use  of  "treasonable  language."     The 
assassination  of  President  Lincoln  was  made  the  occasion  of  public 
rejoicing  by  disaffected  persons  in  various  parts  of  the  State,  and 
numerous  arrests  by  tho  military  authorities  followed." 

In  general,  the  punishment  of  such  prisoners  was  not  severe.  It 
consieted  of  a  short  confinement  in  a  military  prison,  the  adminis- 
tration of  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  National  Government,  and, 
sometimes,  the  exaction  of  a  bond  as  security  for  future  good 
behavior.  But  the  promptness  and  the  certainty  with  which  the 
penalty  was  inflicted,  together  with  the  possibility  of  tlie  exercise  of 
greater  severity,  were  universally  recognized  and  respected,  and 
undoubtedly  exerted  a  powerful  deterrent  influence  upon  many  sym- 
pathizers with  the  Confederates,  whose  feelings,  if  unrestrained, 
would  have  found  expression  in  treasonable  speech  and  conduct; 
and  the  interference  of  the  military  authorities  was  generally 
acknowledged,  alike  by  its  supporters  and  by  its  opponents,  to  have 
been  the  most  potent  factor  in  repressing  demonstrations  by  the  dis- 
affecte<l  and  in  preserving  peace  and  order  throughout  the  .State, 

Attempts  of  individuals  and  small  parties  from  California  to  join 
the  army  of  the  Confederate  States  occasioned  the  officers  of  the 
United  States  army  in  California  no  little  annoyance.  Such  at- 
tempts were  occasionally  successful,  notwithstanding  the  vigilant 
surveillance  of  the  officials,  but  a  number  of  such  efforts  were  frus- 
trated. The  most  important  instance  was  the  capture,  November  2fl. 
1861,  in  San  Bernardino  County,  by  Major  Rigg,  of  a  party  of  17 
armed  men,  commanded  by  a  notorious  and  violent  secessionist 
named  Dan  Showalter,  who  were  traveling  in  the  direction  of  Texas, 
presumably  with  the  intention  of  joining  the  Confederate  forces  in 
that  State,  No  positive  incriminatory  evidence  could  be  produced 
against  any  of  the  party,  however,  and  after  a  confinement  of  some 
months  its  members  were  released  upon  taking  an  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  United  States."  Showalter  subsequently  succeeded  in  reaching 
Texas  and  enlisted  in  the  Confederate  army,  in  the  service  of  which 
he  ultimately  attained  the  rank  of  colonel. 

In  March,  1863,  in  the  harbor  of  San  Francisco,  a  most  daring 
attempt  was  made  to  equip  the  schooner  J.  M.  Chapman  for  service 
as  a  Confederate  privateer.  A  large  quantity  of  cannon,  arms,  and 
munitions  of  war  was  secreted  on  board,  a  crew  of  twenty  men  was 
provided,  letters  of  marque  issued  by  Jefferson  Davis  were  obtained, 
and  an  effort  was  made  to  have  the  vessel  clear  for  Mexico  under  the 
pretence  of  conveying  a  cargo  of  machinery.     On  the  eve  of  her 

•ArrealB  wt^re  miide  al  Coluan.  Qrwn  Vnlli^]',  Sncramtula.  SIoTkton,  Sid  Jou.  8«d 
FriDclacu.   Ixit  AnEelea.  anil  niimeroua  other  plscei. 

be  RebellloD.  Serlee  1,  Vol.  L.  part 


CALITOBNIA    AND   THE   CIVIL    WAR.  133 

departure  the  suspicions  of  the  military  authorities  were  aroused,  the 
vessel  was  seized  and  subjected  to  a  rigorous  search,  and  her  true 
character  and  the  intentions  of  her  crew  became  at  once  apparent. 
Three  members"  of  the  party  were  subsequently  brought  to  trial  in 
the  United  States  circuit  court,  before  Judge  Field,  on  the  charge  of 
"  assisting,  aiding,  and  comforting  the  existing  rebellion  against  the 
United  States,"  were  duly  convicted  by  a  jury,  and  were  sentenced 
to  pay  a  fine  of  $10,000  each  and  to  suffer  imprisonment  for  a  term  of 
ten  years.''  After  a  few  months'  confinement,  however,  tliey  secured 
their  freedom  by  virtue  of  a  proclamation  issued  by  President  Lin- 
coln offering  pardon  upon  certain  conditions  to  certain  classes  of 
participiuils  in  the  rebellion.'' 

A  thorough  and  searching  inquiry  into  the  operations  and  pur- 
poses of  the  Vhiipman  conspirators  was  conducted  by  the  Federal 
authorities,  and  the  evidence  then  adduced,  corroborated  by  the  dis- 
coveries of  special  investigators  in  other  sections  of  the  State,  con- 
firmed widely  circulated  and  credited  rumors  by  establishing  con- 
clusively the  existence,  theretofore  strongly  suspected,  of  well- 
organized  secret  associations  of  enemies  of  the  National  Government 
and  sjTnpathizers  with  the  Confederate  States.  Two  of  these  bodies, 
the  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle  and  the  Knights  of  the  Columbian 
Star,  extended  their  ramifications  into  various  parts  of  the  State 
and  possessed  considerable  numerical  strength,  their  combined  mem- 
bership being  estimated  at  several  thousand  ijersons.''  Their  organi- 
zation was  complex,  there  being  small  local  lodges  in  various  cities 
and  towns,  and  a  representative  system  of  government  by  delegates 
for  larger  districts;  the  initiatory  ceremonies  and  the  system  of 
grips  and  passwords  were  elaborate;  the  oaths  were  impressive  and 
binding:  the  objects  were  hostile  to  the  cause  of  the  Union  and  in- 
imical to  the  intenial  peace  of  California.  In  certain  localities,  where 
the  popular  feeling  in  their  favor  preponderated,  they  were  a  con- 
stant menace  to  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order.  Such  associa- 
tions were  undoubtedly  responsible  for  many  of  the  disordei-s  and 
outbreaks  of  disloyalty  heretofore  noticed,  notably  the  Chapman 
episode.  But  they  wei-e  at  all  times  held  in  restraint,  their  projects 
were  rendered  abortive,  and  they  were  compelled  to  keep  their  pro- 
ceedings shrouded  in  secrecy,  in  most  places  by  the  prevalence  of  an 
overwlielming  public  sentiment  of  abhorrence  to  such  societies  and 

*  RldeJtj  (IrentbuiiM,  Anbury  Uarpeti<Ili 
•Dully  reporla  of  tbe  Irlal  were  publls 

2»  to  Oclobn  13.   1S03. 

•  UeMiii;n  and  Papers  of  Ibe  PresldealB.  Vol.  VI.  p.  21.t. 

'  INrtmllnl  dewrlptloD*  of  thm*  bodlra  uad  nrcoiials  of  tbelr  propredlngs  can  be  tonnd 
In  OlBclal  Becordi  of  tbe  War  of  Ibe  RebellloD.  Sprlvs  I.  Vol.  L,  iian  1,  pp.  *W.  .^Sfl,  029. 
TM.  8T»:  part  3.  pp.  lOT,  \m,  4G3,  e2l.  930,  9»S,  1019.  Tbe  oaths  are  given  In  full  at 
part  1.  p.  056,  and  part  2.  p.  838.     What  purport  to  be  oaths  subscribed  bj  membera  Of 

It  ct«w  were  publiabed  la  the  San  Franclico  AJU  oi  Matcb  IT,  1863. 


184 


AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 


their  aims,  and  in  the  few  places  where  sympathy  with  the  South 
was  in  the  ascendancy  by  the  constant  presence  and  the  unremitting 
diligence  of  the  military  authorities. 

With  reference  to  the  geographical  distribution  of  the  disloyal 
element  of  the  population  of  the  State,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the 
northern  counties  demonstrations  of  hostility  to  the  National  Govern- 
ment were  infrequent,  that  sucli  proceedings  of  the  disaffected  as 
were  reported  were  not  of  sufitcient  magnitude  to  create  alann.  and 
that  any  great  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  entertained  unpatriotic 
number  or  any  secret  organizations  of  unpatriotic  citizens  in  that 
section  of  the  State;  that  in  the  city  of  San  Francisco,  while  there 
were  occasional  expressions  of  disloyalty,  there  were  no  indications 
that  any  great  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  entertained  unpatriotic 
sentiments  or  approved  the  manifestation  of  such  sentiments  else- 
where; but  that  in  many  of  the  southern  counties  the  sympathizers 
with  the  Confederacy  constituted  a  large  and  important  part  of  the 
population,  amounting  in  some  sections  to  an  actual  majority,  and 
that  a  large  proportion  of  the  entire  population  of  southern  Cali- 
fornia was  permeated  with  a  spirit  of  hostility  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment and  of  devotion  to  the  Southern  States."  At  Visalia,  San 
Luis  Obispo,  Santa  Barbara,  and  Los  Angeles  the  numerical  strength 
and  activity  of  the  disloyalists  occasioned  much  disquietude  and 
alarm  among  the  patriotic  citizens  and  afforded  frequent  oppor- 
tunities for  interposition  by  the  Federal  troops,  while  San  Bernar- 
dino appears  to  have  been  the  principal  stronghold  of  the  secession- 
ists in  California. 

The  popular  vote  at  national  and  state  elections  always  indicated 
the  existence  of  a  substantial  majority  of  loyal  citizens.  In  the 
presidential  election  of  1860,  38,374  votes  were  cast  for  Lincoln,  38,023 
for  Douglas,  9.130  for  Bell  (a  total  Union  vote  of  85,89.3).  while 
Breckinridge  polled  33,97,5.  In  the  gubernatorial  contest  of  186X 
Stanford  (Republican)  received  56,036,  Conness  (Union  Democrat), 
30.944  (a  total  Union  vote  of  8C.980).  and  McConnell  (Breckinridge 
Democrat),  32,7.'il.  Two  years  later  the  vote  for  governor  stood:  Low 
(Union)  64,283  and  Downey  (Democrat)  44,622.  In  1864  Lincoln 
received  62,141  votes  for  President,  and  McClellan  43,838. 

Briefly  to  recapitulate:  The  position  of  California  as  a  State 
throughout  the  civil  war  was  one  of  loyalty  to  the  Union;  a  consid- 
erable majority  of  her  citizens  approved  of  the  course  of  the  Lincoln 
administration  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  in  the  measures 
adopted  to  insure  the  success  of  the  Federal  Government;  the  oppo- 
sition was  numerically  strong  in  some  localities,  especially  in   the 


CALIFORNIA  AND  THE  CIVIL   WAR.  185 

southern  counties,  and  was  well  organized  with  purposes  inimical  to 
the  Government  and  the  loyal  population ;  the  earliest  manifestation 
of  disloyal  sentiment,  the  Pacific  republic  programme,  was  promptly 
discountenanced  and  disavowed,  never  assumed  dangerous  propor- 
tions, and  was  soon  abandoned ;  the  later  expression,  appearing  in  the 
form  of  sympathy  with  the  Confederate  States,  was  much  more 
serious  and  occasionally  threatened  the  peace  and  security  of  the 
State,  but  was  effectually  restrained  by  the  preponderating  popular 
feeling  of  loyalty,  by  the  patriotism  of  the  state  officers,  and  by  the 
prompt  and  decisive  action  of  the  national  military  authorities. 
After  the  hostilities  in  the  East  had  ceased,  even  the  bitterest  op- 
ponents of  the  war  and  the  most  ardent  sympathizers  with  the  Con- 
federacy must  have  rejoiced  that  California  had  been  spared  the 
horrors  of  civil  strife ;  and  in  a  few  brief  years  all  sectional  animosi- 
ties were  put  aside,  the  bitter  enmities  of  the  war  times  were  forgot- 
ten, and  the  citizens  of  the  State,  Republicans  and  Democrats  alike, 
were  again  working  unitedly  and  harmoniously  for  the  development 
of  her  natural  resources  and  the  promotion  of  her  material  prosperity. 


IX.  THE  RELATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  TO  LATIN  AMERICA. 


By  BERNARD  MOSES, 
ProfeMor  in  the  llnivergtiy  of  Ckdifamia. 


137 


THE  RELATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  TO  LATIN  AMERICA. 


» 


The  relation  of  tlie  United  States  to  Latin  America  has  been,  to  r 
certain  extent,  oonditionefl  by  the  hereditary  antagonism  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  Spanish  peoples.  The  Englisli  consciousness  of  being  right, 
a  consciousness  that  has  characterized  all  dominant  nations,  has  made 
Englislinien  and  their  descendants  careless  of  the  ideals,  aspirations, 
and  social  forms  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese.  They  have 
wught  to  trade  with  them,  whether  iji  the  Peninsula  or  in  America, 
but  they  have  not  sought  to  understand  them.  Wlien  the  Spanisli 
colonist.s  went  toward  the  south  and  the  English  colonists  toward  the 
north  the  two  branches  of  these  peoples  moved  farther  than  ever 
upart.  Our  ancestors  here  in  the  north,  left  largely  to  themselves, 
became  absorbed  in  the  undertakings  of  their  new  circumstances. 
Their  horizon  shrank  to  the  limits  of  their  colonial  existence.  Their  , 
only  far  outlook  was  heavenward.  The  great  colonial  experiment  ' 
which  Spain  was  making  on  this  continent  lay  beyond  the  reach  of 
their  vision.  They  forgot  there  was  another  people  facing  a  practical 
problem  similar  to  that  which  stood  before  them.  Their  forgetful- 
ness  and  their  ignorance  of  their  neighbors'  plans  have  become  hered- 
itary and  have  descended  to  this  latest  generation.  We  have  studied 
the  history  of  the  English  colonies  and  of  the  independent  nation  that 
succeeded  them,  and  called  it  American  history,  apparently  forgetting  \ 
that,  under  this  programme,  half  of  American  history  was  neglected.   1 

In  the  isolation  of  our  colonial  or  frontier  civilization,  with  the 
mind  intently  fixed  on  the  political  organizations  that  were  taking 

ape  under  the  influence  of  the  essential  equality  of  our  material 

nditions,  it  was  natural  that  our  ancestors,  with  somewhat  of  the 
lental  narrowness  and  intolerance  of  successful  reformers,  should 
een  willing  to  leave  out  of  view  all  social  enterprises  but  their 
Thus,  as  a  nation,  we  became  advocates  of  a  limited  range  of 

ilitical  ideas  and  seemed  to  Iwlieve  in  the  universal  applicability 
and  universal  efficacy  of  those  ideas.  In  this  frame  of  mind  it  did 
not  seem  important  to  know  what  Spain  was  doing;  and  the  per- 
sisteoce  of  our  ancestors'  ignorance  has  been  a  principal  factor  in 
|et«rmining  the  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  republics 
the  south. 

189 


lounsnes 
thatOBj 


140  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOPIATION. 

Out  of  our  ignorance  have  sprung  false  and  unfriendly  judgments. 
We  have  scoffed  at  their  revolutions  and  made  sport  of  their  efforts 
to  maintain  republican  institutions.  We  have  had  a  certain  intolerant 
pride  in  comparing  the  political  results  attained  here  and  there,  with- 
out properly  estimating  the  difficulties  to  l«  overcome  in  the  two 
cases.  Our  traditions  derived  from  England  made  for  political  lib- 
erty. The  predominance  of  agriculture  as  the  common  occupation 
of  the  colonial  period  and  the  essential  equality  of  the  inhabitants  as 
to  their  wealth  made  democracy  and  democratic  institutions  not  only 
possible,  but  even  inevitable.  The  democratic  institutions  of  the 
colonies  and  of  the  United  States  in  the  early  decades  grew  out  of 
our  democratic  society  as  naturally  as  a  plant  springs  up  and  flourishes 
in  its  proper  soil ;  and  their  appearance  illustrates  the  fact  that 
form  of  the  society  practically  determines  the  form  of  govei 
that  will  be  maintained  in  that  society. 

In  sharp  contrast  with  the  English  colonies,  the  colonizing  Span- 
iards carried  to  the  New  World  the  traditions  and  even  the  form  of 
a  very  different  society.  Practically  all  the  forces,  military,  religious, 
political,  that  make  for  absolutism  had  operated  in  Spain ;  and  the 
King  sought  to  reproduce  in  -^\jiierica  the  society  of  Spain,  with  its 
titled  nobility,  its  rigid  hierarchy  of  ecclesiastics,  and  its  economic 
monopolies.  The  society  which  thus  took  form  was  not  democratic; 
it  was  a  monarchical  society,  a  society  adapted  to  a  monarchical  form 
of  government,  a  society  in  which  all  the  traditions  and  unconscious 
tendencies  went  to  the  perpetuation  of  some  form  of  monarchical 
rule.  The  English  colonists  moved  forward,  in  the  work  of  organiz- 
ing governments,  in  the  direction  pointed  out  by  their  traditions,  and 
created  a  government  adapted  to  the  form  and  spirit  of  their  society. 
There  was  no  conflict  between  their  conscious  purposes  and  the  inher- 
ent tendencies  manifest  in  the  life  of  the  colonies.  The  Spanish 
colonies,  on  the  other  hand,  under  the  influence  of  the  doctrine  and 
example  of  the  young  republic  of  the  north,  and  moved  by  the  "  riglita 
of  man  "  as  proclaimed  in  France,  formed  a  conscious  piu-pose  with 
respect  to  their  governments  directly  at  variance  with  the  form  whicli 
the  forces  involved  in  their  society  tended  to  produce.  They  con- 
sciously determined  to  found  and  maintain  republics  when  all  their 
traditions  urged  some  form  of  monarchy. 

The  political  development  of  the  United  States  has  generally 
ceeded  along  the  line  of  least  resistance.  Our  political  fate  has 
determined  by  our  inheritance  and  our  environment.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  southern  republics,  on  the  other  hand,  have  had  an  ideal  the 
i-ealization  of  which  was  not  furthered  by  their  inheritance,  their 
environment,  or  their  European  associations.  In  the  pursuit  of  this 
ideal,  they  have  made  a  series  of  efforts  to  erect  democratic  govern- 
ments on  the  basis  of  a  monarchical  society ;  and  for  two  generations 
they  have  carried  on  a  struggle  against  the  inherent  force  of 


tneir 
berafl 


pp 


^TION   OP   UNITED  STATES  TO  LATIN   AMERICA. 


141 

traditions.  In  the  course  vf  this  struggle  revolution  has  succeeded 
revolution,  often  resulting  in  the  establishment  uf  some  form  of  ahso- 
luto  rule;  and  the  people,  without  the  experience  necessary  for  suc- 
cessful self-government,  have  been  obliged  to  gather  around  one  leader 
after  another  and  submit  to  his  monarchical  authority.  Thus  while 
the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  have  been  carried  along  by  alt 
the  forces  of  their  society,  the  people  of  Latin  America,  in  approach- 
ing the  point  for  which  they  set  out,  have  had  to  swim  against  the 
current;  yet  through  all  the  political  storms  of  the  last  century  they 
have  persisted  in  the  heroic  determination  to  keep  their  states 
republics. 

The  fundamental  differences  observed  in  the  history  of  these  two 
peoples  constitute  the  ground  of  their  mutual  misunderstandings. 
They  are  mutually  repelled,  moreover,  by  their  unlike  manners.  The 
first  effect  to  be  noteJ  in  colonial  life,  as  compared  with  the  continued 
growth  of  the  parent  nation,  is  the  arrested  development  of  the  com- 
munity, which  lasts  until  the  colony  acquires  a  sufficient  population  to 
give  it  national  standing  and  a  distinct  social  individuality.  With 
this  idea  in  mind,  one  is  not  surprised  to  tind  in  some  of  the  less 
populous  Latin- American  States,  in  the  majority  of  them  in  fact,  the 
point  of  view  and  the  manners  of  Europeans  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
a  disposition  to  lay  gi-eat  stress  on  a  careful  observance  of  somewhat 
elaborate  forms  of  stM-ial  intercourse.  The  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States  have,  however,  advanced  beyond  the  period  of  colonial  stagna- 
tion, and,  with  a  certain  disregard  of  form  in  their  social  intercourse, 
they  find  it  difficult  justly  to  appreciate  a  people  that  emphasizes  tlie  - 
importance  of  the  ceremonious  side  of  conduct.  The  Latin- Americans, 
on  the  other  hand,  probably  fail  rightly  to  understand,  and  are  likely 
lo  underestimate,  a  people  to  whom  the  qualities  of  the  bully  and  the 
bluffer  are  especially  attractive. 

These  familiar  facts  indicate  some  of  the  grounds  of  the  unsympa- 
thetic relations  that  have  existed  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Latin-American  republics.  To  many  persons  it  has  not  seemed 
important  to  know  the  real  character  of  these  republics  or  to  inquire  by 
what  course  they  have  come  to  their  point  of  view.  Such  knowledge 
may  not  be  necessaiy  in  the  management  of  our  purely  domestic  af- 
fairs, but  in  all  acts  that  concern  the  inhabitants  of  Latiu  America  it 
is  desirable  to  know  that  they  approach  all  political  questions  with 
minds  on  which  many  features  of  eighteenth-century  thought  and  life 
stil!  exert  a  powerful  influence.  Coii-striousne^is  of  superior  strengtli 
miiy  dispose  lis  to  pursue  sliort  and  direi't  methods,  perhaps  in  some 
cases  abrupt  methods,  when  a  more  considerate  and  respectful  inter- 
change of  views  would  do  less  violence  to  their  sentiments  and  be 
«iually  effective  for  our  purposes,  in  fact,  an  understanding  of  their 
point  of  view  would  very  naturally  sugge-st  this  course  as  more  likely 


149  AMERICAN    HlSTORrCAL   ASSOCIATION. 

than  any  other  to  lead  to  the  desired  end.  If  u  diplomatic  representa- 
tive of  the  United  States,  in  the  presence  of  his  colleagues,  expre^o^ 
to  a  minister  of  a  small  La  tin- American  nation  his  contempt  for  him. 
as  has  been  done  recently,  war  wiU  not  ensue,  but  the  larger  natioo 
will  not  thereby  have  brought  itself  into  more  fi-ieiidly  relations  with 
its  weak  neighbor.  T wen tietli -century  abruptness  in  the  presence  of 
tlie  formal  politeness  of  the  eighteenth  century  does  not  make  for 
international  hannony. 

With  some  knowledge  of  the  inhabitants  of  Latin  America,  of  their 
view  point,  and  of  the  elements  of  conduct  on  which  they  are  inclinw] 
to  lay  stress,  one  may  easily  see  that  a  certain  careleasness  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States  officials  living  among  them  would  be  readily 
misinterpreted.  One  may  see,  moreover,  that  this  carelessness  would 
be  accepted  to  signify  a  lack  of  respect  for  the  sentiments  of  those 
around  them  or  an  indifference  that  might  be  attributed  to  a  conscious- 
ness of  representing  a  superior  power.  But  the  basis  of  misunder- 
standings like  this  is  merely  the  diiferent  attitudes  of  the  two  peoples 
toward  the  forms  of  social  intercourse. 

These  two  great  groups  have  Ix-en  kept  apart,  moreover,  by  the 
fact  that  as  colonists  their  interests,  economic  and  social,  have  run 
back  over  lines  along  which  they  or  their  ancestors  have  migrated. 
It  is  a  general  rule  governing  colonies  that  their  chief  foreign  rela- 
tions are  established  along  these  lines.  Individual  persons  refer  back 
to  me-nibers  of  their  families  in  the  mother  country.  Tradei-s  keep 
up  connections  with  the  producers  and  llic  merchants  of  their  own 
people,  Iwcause  their  customers  make  demands  for  wares  they  have 
habitually  used.  Colonial  trade  runs  naturally  along  national  lines 
and  not  readily  across  them. 

This  tendency,  in  the  instances  under  consideration,  has  been 
strengthened  by  the  use  of  different  languages  in  tlie  two  groups,  aiid 
especially  by  the  fact  that  neither  the  Spanish  nor  the  Portuguese 
language  is  either  a  language  of  diplomacy  or  a  language  in  which 
the  important  results  of  mo<iern  saientific  or  historical  investigations 
are  published.  Neither  is  a  language  that  we  have  to  know  in  order 
to  keep  ourselves  fully  informed  of  the  intellectual  activities  and 
progress  of  the  world.  The  traditional  prejudice  with  which  we 
started  has  been  intensified  in  the  course  of  the  history  of  civilization 
on  this  continent  until  at  last  a  real  practical  problem  has  appeared, 
tJie  problem  of  establishing  and  maintaining  better  relations  between 
the  United  States  and  Latin  America.  In  the  solution  of  this  prob- 
lem there  is  something  the  scholar  may  do.  Both  in  the  North  and 
in  the  South  he  can  render  an  important  service  by  helping  to  remove 
the  ignorance  of  his  countrymen  with  respect  to  their  neighbors,  spe- 
cifically by  contributing  to  the  publication  of  a  series  of  monographs 
on  topics  involving  phases  of  the  history,  politics,  or  social  conditions 
of  one  or  another  of  ihe  neighboring  countries. 


X.  LEGAZPI  AND  PHILIPPINE  COLONIZATION. 


By  JAMES  A.  ROBERTSON, 
Of  Madiwn^  Wis. 


143 


146  AMERICAN    UISTORICAL   ASSOCUTION. 

After  the  ill-fatefl  Villalobos  expedition  no  move  was  made  by 
Spain  to  explore  or  colonize  tlie  Philippine  Islands  until  the  prapu- 
ration  and  dispatch  of  the  Ijegazpi  expedition."  In  this  revived 
project  Felipe  was  impelled  by  the  hope  of  the  riches  to  be  awiuireil. 
by  the  glory  of  the  extension  of  the  Spanish  name,  and  by  the  exten- 
sion (to  use  the  phraseology  of  the  day)  of  the  only  true  faith.  The 
right  of  colonization  and  conquest  rested,  as  in  America,  on  the  bulls 
of  Alexander  VI."  These  bulls,  with  the  later  definitions  of  the 
Spanish-Portuguese  negotiations,"  empowered  Spain  to  explore  «nd 
colonize  any  heathen  lands  lying  within  its  deraarkation.  Tlie  only 
proviso  was  the  obligation  to  evangelize.  The  rights  of  the  natives 
were  not  considered.  The  fact  that  they  were  not  Christians  de- 
prived them  of  all  right.  The  lioon  of  the  gospel,  it  was  believed, 
far  outweighed  the  hardships  incident  to  their  conquest. 

The  colonization  of  the  Philippines  offers  w)me  parallel  to  thf 
Spanish-Portuguese  struggle  over  parts  of  Brazil  and  adjacent  terri- 
tory. It  was  the  colonization  by  Spain  of  territory  lying  within  th* 
demarcation  of  Portugal.*  Just  as  it  had  been  assumed  at  the  time 
of  the  Villalobos  expedition  that  the  Western  Islands  belonged  to 
Spain,  so  now,  in  the  final  instructions  given  to  Ijpgazpi,  the  Philip- 
pines were  assumed  to  lie  within  Spain's  demarcation,  notwithstand- 
ing Urdaneta's  protest  that  they  were  Portuguese  territory.'' 

New  Spain,  by  its  favorable  location  and  its  Atlantic  and  South 
Sea  ports,  naturally  became  the  fitting  out  place  for  the  expedition: 
and,   accordingly.   Felipe    II.   after   some   previous   correspondence 

•B,  Bnd  R..  II,  pp.  T7-100.  coEtnins  b  Tfanm(  nf  the  Le)ra<Iil  dwumenta  of  CiiL  Psf' 
Info.  I'll..  11  and  111.  See  also  U.  and  It..  II  and  111.  for  many  dociiDK'nU  imicblnK  Itir 
LPEAZpl  Dipvdltlon.  Thffli!  Inttpr  documpntfi  wnrp  tronalali'd  troin  dpeclBll;  nmdi?  inD- 
■CrlptB  ot  the  oTlBlaala,  wblch  Piist  for  tbe  moat  part  in  the  Archlvi.  Genpm  d?  IndlM^ 
The  preparntlona  for  the  Legazpl  expedition  extc^nded  rrom  September  2i.  1A30.  ont" 
tbt'  deparlurv  frum  Tiirrto  <te  la  Navidiid.  November  21,  ISIM. 

•Ad  EngllBh  transliUoD  of  these  hiillii  vDI  be  fnund  In  B.  and  R.,  I. 

'  Tbe  Trent;  of  TordeaiUas.  14»4 :  the  Compart  ot  H»5.      (See  II.  and  R.,  I.) 

*  Bee  Moaea,  Eatabllahmeat  of  Spnnlah  Rule  In  America  (New  York  nnd  London,  IMS). 
{ip.  30B-2IS.  In  the  negotiations  between  Spain  nnd  Portuital  in  ITTO  at  Paili  over 
Ibe  South  Amerleno  boiindnrlea  use  was  mnde  of  the  aecouDl  iit  the  negotiations  IwtKHO 
LegBipl  and  the  PurtUKuew  officer  I'erelra  OTer  Tebfl  and  the  r-hlUpplnra  In  1309. 
IB.  and  R..   n,  p,  T2f*.  note  115.1 

•See  these  Inatruelloaa  (September  1,  l.'tI4)  In  Col.  Doe.  loM.  I'lt..  II.  pp,  I4.VL>0C 
(■<rnopalzed  In  B.  and  R.,  It,  pp.  Sn-lWI).  The  lUBtrnelloas  arc  very  explicit  <p,  lAll  ■ 
"  Ilarela  vneatra  NnveKaelon  en  demanda  y  dPHcntirlmieDln  dp  Inn  talaa  del  t'onlento 
Ada  los  Matucos.  sin  que  pnr  via,  nl  manem  ulRuna  entrela  en  laa  lalss  de  lua  dlcho^ 
UalncoB  porque  no  ee  contrarenKS  al  nslcntn  que  Ha  Manestad  tiene  tornado  «>D  e' 
Borenlalmo  Key  de  I'ortugal,  si  no  en  otraa  lalaa  que  estdn  comnrcanaB  i  ellaa.  a»1  mm-' 
Bon  laa  Flllplnaa.  j  olras  que  eslAn  fiiem  del  ditho  aslento.  y  detilro  de  la  demarcs' 
don  de  S.  M.  *  •  •."  This  statempnt  was  made  notwlthalaninnc  Trdaneta'a  com- 
munication to  l-ellpe.  Way  ^S.  l-'.Bli,  that  "It  la  dear  nnd  evUlenl  that  the  FlUplW 
Island  [1.  e..  Mindanao!  la  not  only  wltbln  Ibe  terms  of  tbe  in.'iil.v  |of  Zaragoial.  but 
Ibe  point  running  eBBtward  from  this  anld  Island  lies  In  the  nierliUnn  of  the  Malucoa. 
and  the  greater  part  of  tbe  said  Islnnd  lies  farther  west  than  the  im-rldinn  of  Maluco." 
Conaequenlly.  the  only  excuse  of  tbe  Spanish  liret,  nccordlnft  to  Urdaneta.  (o  enter  th* 
waters  of  Mindanao  and  neighborlni;  Islands  waa  the  pious  reaaon  of  tbe  redemptlofi 
of  captives.  (B.  nnil  K.,  II.  pp,  81,  82.  See  also  Velaaeo'a  letter  to  Felipe,  of  May  3».' 
IBOO,  B.  and  K.,  II.  p.  79.)  


r 


I.EGAZPI    AND    PHILIPPINE    COLONIZATION. 


14V 

,  toiirhiiig  Uie  niattei'  of  i!X])li)rHtiiiii  and  lulnnizutiuii,  nrJered  Viceroy 
Luis  lie  Velascn.  in  ir>5!t,  lo  prepart'  ami  diwpatch  an  oxpcdilion  fop 
iht*  oxplorntion  iif  tlip  Western  Islands  toward  the  Miiliiwas."  As  in 
previiuiH  expeditions,  the  primarj'  motives  were  to  sUare  in  the  huge 
profits  of  tile  Hpii-e  trade  and  establish  the  retnm  route  from  the 
Orient,  in  order  that  communication  with  the  new  colony  to  Iks  cHtab- 
iished  niiifht  \m-  secure." 

The  appointment  of  tlie  Augustinian,  Andres  de  Ilrdaneta,  an 
chief  nnvigalor  of  the  expedition  was  in  every  way  suitable.  He  was 
a  trained  mathematician,  astronomer,  and  ooHniogr"pl»-r.  After  serv- 
ing with  distinction  as  captain  in  the  Italian  and  German  wars,  he 
had.  at  the  age  of  27,' and  ali'eady  esteemed  for  his  knowledge  in  the 
above  sciences,  accompanied  Ixiaisa's  exjwdition  of  152")  to  the 
Moluccas.'  Compelled  by  the  dlsastei's  that  overtook  that  exjwdi- 
tion  lo  remain  in  the  Orient  nntJl  ISSd.  he  had  actpiii-ed  a  knowledge 
of  eastern  waters  and  lands  in  advance  of  any  Spaniard  of  his  time. 
.Uthoiigh  offered  the  generalship  of  the  Villalohos  expedition  of 
1*42.  he  had  refn^^d  it,  and  ten  years  later  professed  as  an  Aiigus- 
tinian  at  the  convent  in  the  City  of  Mexico.'' .  His  appointment  by  the 
King  was  made  at  V'elasco's  suggestion;*  and  Urdaneta,  notwith- 
standing his  advanced  age  and  the  threatened  hardships  of  the  voy- 

'-,  accepted  the  post. 
KTbe  appointment  of  Miguel  Lopez  de  Legazpi  to  the  supreme 
Dimand  of  the  expedition  seems  to  have  Ijeen  largely  due  to 
Urdaneta's  influence.  Yelasco,  in  a  letter  of  February  9,  15(11,  says: 
".\s  leader  iiiid  chief  of  the  men  who  are  to  accompany  them,  *  *  • 
1  luive  appointed  Miguel  Lopez  de  IjCgazpi.  *  •  *  It  is  believed 
thil  none  other  more  suitable  and  more  to  the  liking  of  Friar  Andres 
lie  Htirdnneta.  who  is  to  have  charge  of  the  direction  and  guidance 
'  odhe  expedition,  could  have  been  chosen,  for  they  are  natives  of  the 
Imdip  place,  and  relatives  and  friends,  and  act  in  unison.' 

Like  Juan  Sebastian  del  Cano,  who  brought  the  sole  surviving  ship 
tf  the  Magalhaes  expedition  safe  home  to  Spain.  I>egiizpi  was  a  native 
t  the  smallest  of  all  Spanish  provinces,  Giiipfizcoa.  Fronting  on 
I  Bay  of  Biscay,  and  hemmed  in  by  the  Cantahrian  Mountains 
|ithe  south,  this  Basque  province,  by  its  very  nature,  is  fit  place  for 
[nc«  of  hardy,  courageous  men.  men  faithful  to  their  duty,  and 
]  of  the  determination  and  energy  demanded  by  great  deeds. 

•B,  «nd  R-.  II,  pp.  T9,  73. 
'Finm  Ihv  ODtaet.  the  colonlMtlon  of  the  Phlllpplnei  wai  n  slep  bejond  Ihe  Wen  of 
I*"*  «ini|iie*t.     It  was  s  dlBtlact  coliinlnllim  svheoi?.  provliUng  coDdlllons  proved  favor- 
>klt:  idJ  Ibe  InslructUtna  )o  Legiupl 
nlUmliuc  friendship  vlth  the  nntlvea 
\*l*e  Ibe  ■TDopsIa  of  ttrdnnMa'a  reli 
gaS-XS.     The  orlRlnal  relation  In  In 
^^■Dd  R,  II.  P-  79. 
nd  8„  II.  p.  80. 

'  Dec  InAt  I'll..  II,  pp.  11(1,  II- 


1  eatnbtlBbInK  trade  wilh  then 


148  AMERICAS    HtSTORKAL    ASSOflATlOS. 

Of  an  ancient  noble  family,  wtiifh  in  Spain  is  perhaps  equivalent 
to  saying  that  he  wbh  of  good  middle-class  stock,  Legazpi.  in  common 
with  many  of  his  immediate  fellow-countrymen,  is  said  (o  have  fol- 
lowed the  sea  in  his  early  youth.  If  Velasico  is  correct  in  his  letter 
iilxivo  cited,  Lcgazpi  went  to  Mexico  about  1532,"  some  ten  years 
before  the  departure  of  the  ill-omened  Villalobos  expedition,  and 
alwut  eight  befoi-e  the  final  departun-  of  Cortes  for  Spain.  Then- 
he  became  one  of  the  wealthy  landholders,  and  was  numbeivd  among 
the  foivmost  citizens,  becoming,  indeed,  chief  clerk  or  notarj'  of  the 
mimictpal  cabildo.  His  fidelity  is  commended  highly:  "  He  has  ac- 
quitted himself  well  of  the  duties  in  his  charge,  and  in  the  matters 
of  importance  entrusted  to  him."  Of  immense  advantage  to  him 
in  the  Philippines  nurst  have  been  his  acquaintance  with  the  early 
Andiencias  and  the  vice-regal  government  of  New  Spain.*  In  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  appointment,  iiis  acceptance  is  indicative  of  the 
man:  "Consequently,  in  the  service  of  Your  Maje.sty,  after  I  have 
wound  lip  all  my  nlTairs  in  this  country,  I  shall  ilo  what  is  orderwl  me 
with  the  care  and  fidelity  that  I  owe,  and  that  I  hope  for  from  (Jod 
oiir  Ijord," " 

Not  until  Novemlx-r,  15&4,  owing  to  ihe  many  delay*,  was  the  ex- 
pedition ready  to  sail,  and  even  then  it  was  inadequately  prepared. 
The  final  instructions  were  issued  Ijy  the  Audiencia  because  of 
Velasco's  death,""  To  this  bwly  is  due  the  fact  that  the  expedition 
was  directed  to  the  Philippines  instead  of  to  New  Guinea,  as  or- 
dered by  Velasco,  in  accon]rtn<«  with  lTrdaneta'«i  statement  that  the 
Philippines  lay  within  Portugal's  demarcation  and  could  Ix-  legsiUy 
entered  by  Spaniards  only  for  the  rans«>m  of  captives  anil  for  re- 
provisioning  the  fleet."     Had  a  colony  Iict'h  jtlanted  in  New  (iuinea 

■(.'nl.  Dor.  IBM.  lUt..  II,  p.  IIII,  snjn  r<r  [.cjcnipl :  "lie  Ih  rum,  iIp  liwnnn  iIp  bedail  ili< 
clnquentR  bHob  j  nmK  rtp  vr>jn(p  y  niifli*  f|iin  win  i-n  i-Mln  niiHm  pHpsitn."  NnTiiriTd'  In 
hia  Bihllotfva  Mnrnltna,  II.  p.  402,  Ufn  thiit  l«Ktix|>l  wnii  .Ml  ynrs  old  ut  Ih?  tine  ot 
the  departure  of  the  fleet  In  lillll.  Tlie  liilter  agr  Heeiua  rreTprnlile  In  IliB  fcrmrr  IB^' 
nt  the  time  of  ilepnrlnm,  ns  I.eK«ipl  had  adult  Brandrlilldren  at  Uie  lime  of  the  eiprdl 
thia  (namely  Fell|>e  nnd  .Tiian  rte  Halredo.  the  InlUr  of  wbom  OTeiran  much  of  LniAn 
and  adjaoent  lutmida  brfiire  bla  early  dnalli). 

•The  AudlenrlN  of  Mexleo  Was  created  Dewmber  13,  ISSI.  TIip  I'nminlfiBloii  of  Ihi- 
flrat  vlreroj'  wia  glTen  al  Banwlnna.  April  IT.  ItlftS. 

•(.V>1.  Dor.  InAI.  tJlt..  II.  p.  I»ll ;  nnd  B.  nnd  n..  II.  p|>.  «T.  HS. 

'He*  ante.  p.  14T,  note  *.     Velaaeo  died  Jul;  3t.  ISM. 

'  In  H  memorial  hy  Vrdnnrta  In  ITitil  on  The  ln-nt  roule  lu  Ih>  fullownl  Iii  the  eipedl 
Hon,  It  la  taken  for  i.-ranled  that  llie  lalnnd  of  New  (iulBOn  la  the  objective  (mint,  and 
elaborate  dlrectlonii  are  itIvpti  for  the  dlawvery  of  that  lalanil.  (Tol.  noc.  InM.  Fit.,  II. 
pp.  1.10-1:1^.)  The  Aiidlenr-ln  of  Mcxicn.  In  n  letter  to  FL<llr>e,  ^ptember  12,  1564. 
InformloK  him  of  the  t'ImnRe  In  route  Bays  t  "11  seemed  to  this  royal  Audiencia,  dla 
mine  In  tbln  reeard  with  peranns  of  eipi-rleDcc.  who  hare  been 
.,  that.  Blthoiigh  It  be  true  thai  the  disroverj  of  .New  Rntnea  would  tw 
Important,  enpeclally  It  the  rlrhea  aaaerled  ahonld  he  found  there.  11  Is  not  flttlnn  tbat 
the  Toynue  thither  be  made  notr—twth  b«-cflii«e,  as  It  Is  new.  It  haa  not  hitherto  be 
navlgaled  :  and  becaum-,  dolna  ao  now.  It  would  be  nereasary  to  devlole  widely  from  t 


LEGAZPl   AND   PHILIPPINE   COLON IZATIOS.  149 

it  is  not  beyond  iho  Ixiunds  of  [mibubilitv  lliiit  the  (rreat  suuthiTn 
island  continent,  the  Torra  Aiistralis,  wonlil  have  been  di.'icovercd 
and  perhaps  colonizeil  by  Spuniiii-ds." 

Tiie  fleet  of  four  vessely.  "  the  Itest  that  have  been  launched  on 
the  Suiitbern  Sea,  and  the  stoutest  and  best  equipped,"*  manned  by 
150  Meamen  and  200  soldiers,''  and  provisioned  for  two  years,  left 
Puerto  de  la  Navidad ''  early  on  the  morning  of  November  lil. 
Urdaneta,  in  addition  to  hits  official  position  in  the  fleet,  was  head 
of  his  four  brethren,"  who  wfre  going,  in  ucxordance  with  Spain's 
obligation,  to  convert  the  heathen.  It  was  doubtless  due  to  t'^rda- 
neta's  secular  position  in  the  fleet,  second  only  to  that  of  I^gnzpi, 
that  the  Augustintans  were  intrusted  with  the  missions  in  the  Philip- 
pines, of  which  they  retainetl  the  sole  charge  until  the  urrival  of 
the  first  Franciscans,  in  1577.'     Here  at  tbc  outset  of  tlie  colonization 


rniinr  l«  rmrli  Hi"  We«lern  [sIiiuiIh.  ami  flip  rftiiiu  vnfuef  irouW  Im  ileloj-<^ ;  and  U 
kohM  Ik-  riinnlDic  ■  errai  riok  lo  navlmir  lu  Bu  iiuknoivn  iviirw."  ruDtequvDU)',  tlie 
Audleurlit  "  UpMrmlned  tu  onlvr  thr  Keneril  In  uill  HlrnlitUlwHy  In  wanli  at  llie  KIII|ilDa« 
Iitaiulii.  and  Oic  oMif^r  Islanilii  i*oaliftiiu»a  tlirrFtu.  dy  tli»  iiaiup  nuttc  tuttea  1>y  Uuy  iMpet 
de  VUlBluUs."  (B.  nnil  K.,  II.  pli.  100,  101,1  The  olilet  "  iiCT«m  uf  esperlenc*  "  wa« 
Juuk  r*l>lD  de  t'arrlAn,  vlio  Imd  Ihwd  u]>|Hiliit«d  llnil  namlnil  nf  the  deKt.  htit  w1ii>.  ou 
■iTniiui  oF  dlBHKrvvinPOl  Willi  I'rdauflii.  was  Irfl  Orhlut).  In  H  lrlli>r  t<i  FelljiA.  I'lirrlftii 
derlans  Itnt  the  New  Guinea  ruiile  Is  liiiprai; (liable  and  llmt  llie  I'btl IpplBc  lalaDdi 
alKiiild  l»  Itw  ohjectlie  pulnl  uf  llie  ptixitllliin.     IB,  and  IL,  II,  pii.  101,  102,1 

•  lliininra  uf  AiiHlriitlii  dale  froLii  piirly  lij  thr  Chrlsllaii  r-rn.  It  flKurra  on  rurlugiieae 
DMIM  prior  lo  1S12,  hat  very  rotifiiapdly,  so  thai  Ha  lovalhiD  and  even  eilalent-e  appeara 
tD  hr  uiilr  UtUe  better  than  Rueiiawiirk.  In  1U1«  the  IHitcUmun.  Illrk  tlartUK.  anw  and 
tanded  on  'Austmllan  aoll :  anil  11  la  probiiblv  Hint  rortUKuexe  aiiilnra  had  aern  portlonn 
at  tile  I'lHiat  aa  esrir  as  l.l-IS,  Tiianian.  I'omtnlaaluneit  la  1042  to  explore  the  Routh  Seas, 
ttlacorered  New  Zaaland  and  Tumanla.  Bee  tlnsden,  Ulatory  or  Aualralla.  I,  Chap.  I  :  and 
Die  iDlrDduetliiQ  to  It.  II.  Major's  l^Inrly  Vujaf.'va  to  Auslrnlln.  In  the  Dnkluyt  Snckly 
I'ulillmEloBa. 

•Col.  IKK.  InM.  Vlt.,  IL  p.  HI  ;  and  B.  nud  It..  II.  r-  80.  There  were  two  Kallenns 
ftDd  twii  painfh™,     11  traa  ncceaitarj'  to  convey  the  artlUeiy.  Brma,  and  ommiinllliiu  tpom 

IfTcrarnia  by  mm  to  Coatiai-ujik'oa.  Iheni^e  by  rlrer  and  hind  to  Tebuaulepei-,  and  the  reat 

MC  Ifae  way  by  aea. 

*■  •  In  bla  letter  or  February  2,->.  IBtH  ICol,  Kof.  ln«.  nt..  IL  pp.  HI.  H^  :  B.  and  II.. 
tn.  p.  891.  Velaai-o  aaya  that  (be  craw  wnalalnl  ul  "  rilHI  apaniarda.  bair  sallora  and  hair 
twUlera.  picked  men."  Lfitupl,  In  bla  letter  tu  Kpllpe  rroni  I'lierto  de  Ja  Navldudi  Noveni- 
ttKr  1&.   15G4    il'ol.   iKrr,    tn«d.    I'll.,    tl.  p.  ;I12 -.  B,  and   K..   II,  p.    10;i),  glvai  the  ttmu- 


bnndnd  and  eiithty  per»,ina." 

of  Acapulifl.  and  Ita  iirefereoc-"  In 

Ikal  o(  Ilierlo  de  In  Navidad.      lie  eit.ila  It  a»  belnif  1 

leaLihler  and  bavlnB  more  Indiana 

In   (IK  nelKhlxirhood. 

•  In  addition  to   rrdnnela.  live  Aiisuatlulans  bad   lie 

en  appolDled.  lint  one  dl«l  tetorp 

kattat  port.      IB.  and  H,.  XII.  pp.   ITO.  INO,  noie  as  L 
'See  M.  and  R.,   XS.III.  pp.  23T.  228.     The  Jeaulta 

arrived  In   l;^SO  and  the  Dnmlnl- 

MM    IB    insi.       IB.    ond    S..    X^ltl.    pp.    22IU2ao.i 

Tba    drat    AiiKuatlnlan    Rei-olleeta 

Knrbfll  the  Utaoda  In  lOiM.      (B.  and  it..  XXI.  p.  112 

et  ae.|.l      The  tathera  of  St.  Via- 

Mrllnn  la  I!!U5  (B.  and  R..  XXVIII.  p.  S«8|  :  while 

the  iKspllnl  order  of  St.  Jobn  or 

e  tn  Ihi  mlaalou  and  rellsloua  lire 

Kuit  lalanda.     For  deoeral  relk-loua  rondltlon.  In  thi 

!  I'blllpplnea  al  vnrloun  limes,  ace 

lb*  aniendli   C.   B    and   U.,   XXVMt:   and   (lie  two  e<! 

(•JtLVl. 

150 


AMERICAN    HIHTORK'AL    ASaOCIATIOS, 


of  llic  Philippines  is  iimt  Ihut  pi'cnliin-  tenet  of  the  SpaniKh  coloniil 
theory,  namely  (to  paniphrase  a  well-known  expression),  that  "con- 
vei-siou  to  Chris-tianity  accompanies  the  flag."  While  it  iw  true  tint 
the  real  basis  of  Spanish  colonization,  notwithstanding  its  po« 
economics,  was  commercial,"  it  is  equally  true  that  the  conversion  of 
the  natives  was  made  the  chief  handmaid  of  the  system.  Conver- 
sion was  to  compensate  for  all  else.  The  laws  of  the  Indies — th»t 
mass  of  contradietofy  legislation— are  largely  ecclesiastical  in  lone,' 
United  so  indissoltibly  as  was  the  ecclesiastical  with  the  political,  it 
is  difficult  at  times  to  deteimine  where  religion  began  and  politics 
left  off.  The  ecclesiastical  patronage  acquired  in  the  beginning  o( 
the  history  of  the  Indies  by  Fernando  and  Isabel  was  most  zealously 
guarded  by  succeeding  monarchs,"  That  the  friars,  under  this  s}-*- 
lem,  were  able  to  soften  the  rigoi-s  of  the  conquest,  that  they  ^-ay 
frequently  intervened  to  save  the  native  from  the  greed  and  cruelty 
of  the  enconienderos,  there  is  no  doubt.  In  the  conquest  and  coloniza- 
tion, and  during  Spanish  occupation  in  the  Philippines,  especially 
during  the  earlier  years,  they  often  opposed  an  iiisnrmountabl6 
barrier  to  the  aggressive  and  illegal  acts  of  public  officials.  It  is  in 
some  measure  due  to  them  that  the  awful  destruclion  of  native 
peoples  witnessed  in  the  early  days  of  American  colonization  has 
no  parallel  in  the  Philippines.  Their  work,  although  limited  in  its 
scope,  was  permanent  and  enduring.  On  the  other  hand,  they  early 
displayed,  as  organizations,  an  inordinate  love  for  power,  which 
had  its  effect  on  their  spiritual  labors;  and  the  first  few  years  of  the 
Spanish  regime  were  to  witness,  together  with  the  blessings  intro- 
duced by  thejn,  many  acts  of  tyranny  quite  at  variance  with  the 
gentle  Christ  whom  they  jireached.'' 


nvlgntors. 


J 


line  evpu  cimortir  ttae  InvCractloos  1 

eipedltlon  II  he  (ulled  (o  tolonUe.  The  wot* 
A  <ie  ContratBclAn  was  In  tsi^nt  mpaxiir?  )hc  encouraspinrDt  or  trade  and  Inilui- 
Tuenle  j  Olea'a  Loa  Trabnjoa  OeOKriflcoa  de  la  Cnna  de  ronlralai-lrtn,  8«vl- 
The  niiiDeroui  laws  In  the  Recripllsdnn  de  Leyes  di>  Indlns  Irpaltni!  of  oom. 
bIbo  proof  of  the  Impcirtatirc  of  that  hruncti  of  hiiman  Industry  In  Ibe  KpBD- 
■H,  Tbat  Bpaln'ii  commeivlal  policy  wax  blghly  deteclivo,  wblle  tUe  Calbnlle 
ii»  I'lHlIcd  Willi  all  tile  Impetua  of  funallclsm.  In  no  wise  ailera  tlie  fuadameatHi 
I  rmxiK  of  Spaalab  mionliullnn. 

WB  of   the   Itidlea,   an  o   whole,   rcpreaent   rather   Spalu'a  s«id   ItitenllooA   then 
'B.     Many   of   tlium   were  often   openly   tranBgresBeil,   and   nllhouKb   iBHiiFd   tinier 
liy  the  dlfTerent  mounrchB.  remalnvd  lo  the  cdiI  only  <Icnd  leltera.     The  TUl — 
ire  111  dlKenled,  many  of  them  bclna  utterly  at  larlnnta  wllh  one  another.     IC= 

rs  on  Ibe  rolouhil  policy  of  Spain  liuve  at  tlmra  fBllrn  Inlii  error. 
H-tinieutx   reKiirdlng  (he  etrleBlaBtlenl   pulronnK 
•p.  ID-Tfl:  and  the  many  dovunienla  In  tbe  alio 
ie  Bei'nlar  and  eccleil ait  leal  eatateB. 

nnd  tl.,  eapeclulty  IX.  pli.  2T0,  STl,  and  }(.  pp.  T.'<-T(l.  The  other  aide  of  tb^ 
namely.  Ihnt  In  favor  of  tbe  rulijcloiiB  uud  their  work,  la  illBCUBsei]  In  mniiir' 
[u  H.  nod  K.  The  friar  inemurlnl  of  HKOS  lara  It.  and  B..  I.lt.  pp.  'JLT-SMlk 
L  romplete  vlndlcatlim  uf  llie  work  of  the  frlan  tu  tb^ 
t  tbat  could  he  bniueli>  vkdIubi  Ilieui. 


SQAZPI    AND    PUIUPPINE    COLOSIZATl 

In  accordance  witii  the  secret  orders  of  the  Ainiicncia  of  Mexico, 
which  Ijegaxpi  opened  when  on  the  high  seas,  the  course,  hitherto 
toward  the  sonthwe.st.  in  order  to  colonize  New  Oninea,  was  on 
Xoveniber  25  definitely  changed  toward  the  Philippines,  notwith- 
standing the  protests  of  the  religious,  who  complained  that  they  had 
been  dnped."  Four  days  later  the  fleet  was  crippled  by  the  desertion 
of  the  San  Lucas.''  The  remaining  three  ships,  however,  held  on 
their  course  until  the  Ladrones,  or  Robber  Islands  (so  called  by 
Magalliiies  because  of  the  thievishness  of  the  natives),  were  reached 
on  January  22,  1505."  Leaving  those  inhospitable  shores  on  Feb- 
ruary 3.  Legazpi  refusing  to  lend  ear  to  Urdaneta's  petition  to  settle 
in  Guam,''  although  formal  possession  was  taken  of  the  Ladrones  for 
Spain,  the  fleet  reached  the  Visayan  group  of  the  Philippines  on  the 
13th.*  The  succeeding  days,  now  that  the  goal  had  been  reached, 
were  ones  of  great  anxiety.  Provision.-i  l)egan  to  fail  and  hunger 
stared  the  Spaniards  in  the  face.  The  natives,  apparently  frii?ndly, 
proved  treacherous  and  hostile.  It  was  often  impossible  to  procure 
food,  for  the  natives  even  determined  to  cease  planting  in  order  that 
the  unwelcome  Castilians  might  be  forced  to  leave  their  shores.' 

In  this  crisis  Legazpi's  abilities  as  a  leader  shine  forth  strongly. 
Importuned  by  his  men,  and  with  the  ever-present  danger  of  mutiny, 
lie  would  allow  no  raids  on  the  nativef<.  If  food  were  taken  because 
of  actual  necessity,  money  or  its  equivalent  was  left  in  payment 
thereof.  His  one  idea  was  to  make  friendship  with  the  natives,  and 
thus  achieve  a  peaceful  conquest ;  and  to  this  end  he  bent  all  his 
energies.  His  own  words  are  a  high  eulogy  on  his  character:  "  My 
tciiief  intent  is  not  to  go  privateering,  but  to  make  treaties  and  to 
!  friends,  of  which  I  am  in  great  need.'"" 
The  Portuguese,  it  was  learned,  through  some  friendly  Moro 
raders,  were  the  cause  of  the  distrust  of  the  natives.     With  charuc- 

.  Doo.   IdAI.   Clt.,   II,  p|i.   •il(\,  230;  aai   B.  and   R..   II.   p.   105.     Tlip  log  ^^J  tbe 

,  EitCTDD  RiMlrlEues.  gives  Ihe  dale  of  llie  clianglas  or  iUe  caiiiae  Hb  Novombpr  20 

uniUj  Inslcnd  of  Saturdaj-     (Col.  Dnc.  InM.  Ult..  II,  p.  378.) 

:>uc.  lD<<d.  UIC  11.  pp.  -222,  3S3,  inil  III.  pp.  T-ivili,  1-Tfl :  and  B.  nnd  R..  II, 

95.  100,  sole  14.    This  Teis«I,  after  Us  deeertlon.  cruU«d  nmong  purt  of  tbe  Pbll- 

1,  and  was  thus  tbe  Bnl  of  the  eipedltlon  lo  reach  tbe  Orient. 

B  of  tlie  MUBuUiacH  eipeditloD  In  Die  LadronM.  aB  told  hj  Antonio 
pfetu.  In  Robcrt«oD*«  ri(;nretlB,  I.  pp.  01-99 ;  and  la  B.  and  R.,  XXXIII.  pp.  SO- 
~      Be*  >lao  Col.  Due    loM.  tit..  II.  pp.  2»3-25I. 

1  procf  of  t*BB«pi'»  Independence  of  mind  and  judRmenl.     See  Col.  Doc.  InM. 

p.  240,  where  Leeaipl,  la  DDHwer  lo  llie  reijiiest.  says.  "  qne  pobiar  alll  no  cum- 

1  lo  que  era  obllRado.  s  ee  le  habia  mandBdo  [>or  Instrucclou  de  Su  Mageatnd : 

J  qua  pur  nlDguna   via  deiaria  de  Ir  II  las  lalas  riMplDaa.  y  &  olraa  A   cllas 

mo    lo  era  maoilado.   y  auniiue  enlonces   bubo  otraa  repUcua  no  ae  tratfl 

il  mnnda  el  (ieneral  dar  prlas  eo  la  partlda  de  aijuel  Puerlu  para  proiw- 

■  nBTei^nclon." 

F*Aackar  wb*  flrat  cast  at  n  small  Island  Dear  CebQ  Id  Ihe  Vlsnyaa  t'roup. 
Vmui'  or  Ibe  dociiinentB  In  Vula.  II.  111.  and  XXXIV.  of  B.  and  R.  (eapcclQlly  III.  pp. 
RIOj,  dBun  Uie  gulferlaga  and  bardahlpB  of  Ihe  Spaniards. 
IS-,  II,  p.  207. 


152  AMERICAN    HISTOKICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

teristic  duplicity  thev  had,  some  time  before,  and  iuii)elled  thereto  by 
their  fear  of  Castilinn  expeditions  within  their  demarkatiou,  made  a 
descent  upon  the  Visayas  Islands.  In  one  of  them,  under  pretense 
that  they  were  .Spaniards  und  desired  trade  and  friendship,  ihey  bA^' 
killed  and  captnred  many  of  the  natives.'  This  act,  indeed, 
delayed  the  founding  of  Legazpi's  settlement. 

Not  until  early  May,  1565,  in  fact,  was  tlie  first  settlement  eff( 
and  that  settlement — the  site  of  the  native  village  of  Cebii- 
Irary  to  Legazpi's  hope,  it  was  necessary  to  found  on  violence, 
the  leader's  scniples  were  set  at  ease  by  the  si>eeious,  thongh  sincere, 
reasoning  of  the  friai-s  and  others,  who  asserted  thai  fon*  could 
lawfully  be  used  in  the  island  of  Cebu,  if  food  and  friendship  were 
refused  by  the  natives;*  for  the  Cebuans  were  the  people  formerly 
Christianized  by  Magalhaes,  and  their  later  treachery  and  apostacy 
from  the  faith,  together  with  ihe  allegiance  that  they  had  sworn  to 
Carlos  I,  placed  them  on  the  footing  of  rebels."  That  the  nuiral 
slandarils  of  the  day  were  in  no  wise  transgressed  by  this  reasoning 
is  apparent  by  the  readiness  with  which  I^gazpi,  a  mnn  of  true  con- 
science and  humanity,  adopted  it.  A  good  omen  for  the  new  colony 
was  the  finding,  on  the  day  of  the  attack  of  Cebu.  of  an  image  for- 
merly given  to  the  Cebuans  by  Magalhaes,  and  still  ignorantly 
revered  by  them;''  and  the  new  settlement  of  C*bu,  taking  name 
therefrom,  was  often  called  Santisimo  Nombie  de  Jesus  (Most  Holy 
Name  of  Jesus).'  The  same  name  was  also  applied  to  the  Augustin- 
ian  province  in  tiie  Philippines,  and  the  holy  image  still  aVndes  in 
the  Augustiuian  church  at  Cebli,  and  is  regarded  as  perhaps  the 
greatest  ecclesiastical  relic  of  the  Philippines.  Before  tlie  end  of 
the  century  the  new  settlement  with  its  so  humble  beginning  was 
become  the  seat  of  a  bishopric' 

With  the  founding  of  a  settlement  the  work  was  but  begun, 
gazpi,  undeterred  by  a  mutiny  that  threatened  the  exis-tence  of  the 
colony,*  immediately  sent  his  best  ship,  with  more  than  half  his  men. 

■B.  nnd  R..  11.  p.  1S4.  nnd  XXXIV,  pp.  201.  ail. 

* I'uiHieesluii  (or  Spula  liud  mireiidy  be«D  tukco  o!  Ihe  island  ot  C'lliabBo,  ill.  ami  It,. 
II,  pp,  108-171.)  For  the  delllwmtlotiE!  rtBnrdliiB  the  nmkloit  of  a  letUcineDl,  aee 
B.  and  R.,  It.  pp.  IIS,  110. 

•Oul-  I>oc.  IdM.  Ult.,  II.  pp.  .lin-3LJI  ;  nud  B.  and  R.,  II,  pp.  llB-121.  :!1I. 

<Roberlaon's  llffafellH,  I,  pp.  151-I(I»:  nnd  B.  nnd  R.,  KS\in.  pp.  IGS-IST.  8«P 
BlM  In  Ibis  connecHon  ILe  ciirloiiti  IpllPr  written  liy  fnrlm  lo  Uii-  Klnn  of  robO.  HxT 
2S.  152T  (B.  and  R..  II.  pp.  ;i9'41j.  In  whlcli  tbe  CcbDana  are  trwi  tram  all  reapoaBlblUtf 
[o  MagBlhaoi's  death, 

'  Rotieruon's  I'lHotetlR,  I,  pp.  ICS.  151);  nnd  B.  und  R..  11,  pp.  I'M,  aiO.  211,  XXXIII, 

pp.  isn,  ma. 

I  The  new  flcltlemenl  w.iB  nlxo  I'SllPd  Hnn   Ml^-xiel.      <Col.  Itoc.  iDfd.  Ult.,  II,  pp.  i 
aST:  and  B.  and  H.,  II,  pp.  lai,  136.) 

'  Founded  with  the  other  two  niiSraKBii  bUliopilon  uf  Niieva  SuKOvIn  and  Sae 
in  icon.     (II,  nnd  R.,  I.X.  pp.  150-1B3.I 

•Col.  Doc.  InM.  Ult,,  II,  pp.  9*S,  S<f>,  111,  pp,  Hi>.  150:  und  B.  uud  R„  II.  pp.  ] 
143-146,   118,  1S4. 


'4 


^•^  ^;-.^.,. 


LEOAZPI   ANIl   PIIILU'PINE   COLONIZATION. 


153 


to  discover  and  fliai"t  the  i-otiini  foutv  tu  New  Spain,  for  it  was  mnst 
ini[>ortaiil  that  (.-omrnunicHlioii  lie  kept  open  willi  the  niotlier  country. 
To  Legazpj  himself  was  left  the  hsrder  task  of  maintaining  his  settle- 
ment, of  exphiring  the  other  islands,  and  of  winning  over  the  still 
distrustful  and  timorous  nutive,s.  This  he  accomplished  with  infinite 
iHOt  and  patience,  harassed  on  the  one  side  hy  the  treachery  and  hos- 
tility of  the  natives,  and  on  the  other  liy  the  mntinoii»  spirit  of  his 
men,  who  were  angered  at  his  steady  refusal  to  allow  them  to  pillage 
and  enslave  the  natives,  and  because  of  the  restraints  placed  on  their 
lirtntiousness.  The  work  of  exploration "  was  puslied  rapidly,  one 
incentive  thereto  l>eing  the  necessity  for  food,  for  hunger  i-ontinued  to 
]tre^  the  colonists  severely.  And  if,  on  some  occasions,  the  rough 
fioldierj'  escaped  the  vigilance  of  I^gazpi  and  committed  acts  of  nitli- 
Irss  wantonness  and  violence,  still  mucU  was  very  slight  when  nmipared 
to  the  otfenses  rommilted  in  New  Spain."  The  firm  friendsliip  and 
alliance  Uiially  made,  after  many  fruitless  attempts,  with  the  most 
influential  chief  of  Cebii.  siud  the  baptism  of  his  niece  and  her  Kiihse- 
qiient  marriage  tii  one  of  I^gnzpi's  men,  won  the  natives  and  opened 
the  waj-  for  the  entrance  of  the  failh,  which  progressed  with  amazing 
rapidity.'' 

Added  to  Legazi>i's  trials  and  hardships  was  (he  mipurdonable 
it^leet  of  both  Spain  and  Mexico.  The  few  nmtinous  men  who 
arrived  in  lotifi  were  almost  woi-se  than  no  reen force m cuts.  Those  sent 
the  next  year  were  a  more  welcome  addition.''     But  the  neglect  to 


•  LfKaspI's  grtailaon,  i 
T«t<raii  Martin  dr  tin' 
.   [tp.  T8-IM    I 


r«i;urd  Ihp  priKlamHllan   IM 
I  the  fold  and  trennure  tok^n  from  tbe  t 
"fen  prlmnrllj'  In  ur 
e  elleet  In  decreaa 


ig  tUe 


III  (en dan  t 


•  t>!Kai|il'a  iiprlght  dcallnira  with  the  nnllrrK.  nod  Ihe  restralntH  placed  I17  bim  oil  liln 

1  dorlBK  Ihla  (rjrlng  jierloil.  wa?a  gr^ed.  lust.  Bud  InwleKsaeu  were  nalurRll^  iippcr- 

aa  Dill   be  tiK>  highly  pmlafl.      Sec  I'ul.  IMc,   ]n«d.   I'lt.,   III.  pp.  !U  tt  acq. ;  and 

d  K..  tl,  pp.  19!I-1'tU,     The  treaty  made  wllb  Chief  Tupaa  uf  (.'ebO,  among  other 

I.  bmiod  llie  nailiM  as  SjianiBh  vuBiile :  enjoined  mutual  aid,  Jiiallre  (in  liotli  aldea, 

I   mralabltis  "'   provialoi:H   nl    a    (air   prlw :   and    pruylded    that    Ihe    nallTea   were   to 

ny  no  mapona    Into  the  Sponlili    ramp.      The  nnllv^s   were   ulao    lo   be  exempt   froDi 


I  nriei  liai 
I  &i)Kll1«rat   lavadvr.     Tbp  huahand  »l 
This  DiarrUce,  celebrated  Wl 
n  winning  the  UBllvea.  nod 
■nen  of  Ih*  fleet  and  Ibe  natlre  womea. 

'ItM  (blp  arriving  tn  ISUll  wta  the  Kan 
■uttDT  In  which  both  the  caplnln  and  hla  hi 
tniot  Lope  Martin,  a  mulatto  uDd  fearleas  a 
1  Legaapl.  Al  (be  Iddmat 
le  ship  waa  brought  aafi^ly 
a  MOdlUai 


)  the  a 


lD«d.    1 


Andrea,    a    IJreek 

undoubted];  bud  ttreat 

lessening  tbe  Illicit  eommunlrntloii  tietweeu  Ihe 

(an  OrroBiiHo,  which  en  route  auSered  a  aeTere 
la  HOD  were  killed.  The  mutiny  waa  headed  liy 
as  aeauian.  who  had  fojmerty.  In  company  with 
niaea  n  fuunler  muUny  by  the  atlll  layiil  men 
riilllpplnee  (October  15 1.  although 
I  reenroreement  of  .300  men  reached 


t,  UO.  UH.  23C,  XXXIV,  pp.  Ml,  2iK 


I  B.  and  II 


REPORT  OF  THE  PUBLIC  ARCHIVES  COMMISSION. 

December  30,  1907. 
To  the  Executive  Council  of  the  American  Historical  Assodaiion: 

The  Public  Archives  Commission  begs  leave  to  submit  the  following 
report  of  its  work  for  the  year  1907: 

The  work  of  the  commission  during  the  past  year  has  been  more 
varied  than  ever  before.  Its  activities  may  be  grouped  under  four 
different  heads: 

First,  a  continuation  of  the  work  of  investigation  of  the  public 
archives  of  a  number  of  States  and  of  certain  local  divisions.     Several 
additional  members  have  been  added  to  the  personnel  of  the  com- 
mission, as  follows: 

Colorado,  Prof.  James  F.  Willard,  University  of  Colorado,  Boulder. 
Georgia,   Prof.   R.  B.  Brooks,   University  of  Georgia,   associate 
rxiember. 

Indiana,  Prof.  Harlow  Lindley,  Earlham  College,  Richmond,  also 
<:!  irector  of  Indiana  Archives,  State  Library. 

Illinois,  Mr.  F.  C.  Keeler,  University  of  Illinois,  Champaign,  asso- 
c^iate  member. 

Kentucky,  Miss  Irene  T.  Myers,  Kentucky  University,  Lexington, 
».<ljunct  member;  Mr.  Isaac  R.  Reid,  Kentucky  University,  associate 
^xieinber. 

Louisiana,  Prof.  Walter  L.  Fleming,  Louisiana  State  University, 
Baton  Rouge. 

Xew  Mexico,  Prof.  John  H.  Vaughan,  New  Mexico  Normal  Uni- 
versity, Las  Vegas. 

Xorth  Dakota,  Prof.  Orin  G.  Libby,  University  of  North  Dakota, 
Grand  Forks,  also  secretary  of  State  Historical  Society. 

Vermont,  Mr.  Edward  M.  Goddard,  assistant  librarian  of  State 
*^brary,  Montpelier. 

Special  work  has  been  in  progress  in  California,  Indiana,  Illinois, 

Louisiana,  Maine,  Missouri,  Virginia,  Washington,  and  West  Virginia. 

A  small  portion  of  the  results  of  this  work  was  ready  for  presenta- 

Uon  with  this  report,  but  as  space  was  not  available  these  reports 

^*ill  be  held  over  until  next  year,  when  it  is  hoped  that  reports  from 

several  other  States  in  which  work  has  been  in  progress  also  will  be 

completed. 

J  59 


160  AMEItlCAN    fllBTORlL'AL   ASSOCIATION. 

The  ciimmiaaiun  has  eiidcHvui-cd  tii  keep  in  touch  with  state  archives 
and  reconi  commissions  or  other  officers  in  charge  of  the  state  archives, 
with  a  view  to  cooperate  with  them  in  bringing  about  a  more  intelli- 
gent administration,  supervision,  and  preservation  of  archives  mate- 
rial. In  response  to  an  invitation  the  chairman  of  the  commisfdon 
met  with  the  PubHc  Record  Comniissi<in  of  Delaware  in  June  to  confer 
with  tliem  in  regard  to  the  framing  of  a  j)lan  of  work  in  that  Stale. 

A  second  \mdertaking,  wliich  has  been  in  progres.s  in  the  post  year, 
has  been  the  preparation  of  a  hst  of  the  local  published  archives 
throughout  the  countrj'.  This  work  is  being  ilone  under  the  super- 
vision of  Miss  Adelaide  H.  Hasse,  head  of  the  tlocumentary  division 
of  the  Public  Library  of  New  York  City,  and  will  supplement  the 
bibUography  of  the  published  archives  of  the  Thirteen  OriginaJ  States 
(hiring  the  Colonial  and  Revolutionary  Period,  which  was  also  pre- 
pared by  Miss  llasse,  and  was  presented  in  connection  with  our  report 
of  last  year.  Owing  to  the  magtutude  of  this  task  and  the  desirability 
of  securing  the  cooperation  of  experts  in  the  several  Stales,  it  has 
been  found  impracticable  to  publish  this  portion  of  our  work  at  this 

A  tliinl  feature  of  this  year's  work  has  been  tlie  8«^u^i^g  of  a  list  of 
the  journals  of  the  cimncils  and  assemblies  and  the  acts  of  the  thirteen 
original  colonies  in  America,  now  preserved  among  the  Colonial 
Papers  in  the  Public  Recoril  Office.  Fi-om  tliis  material  it  has  been 
possible  to  (jresent  a  record  of  the  sessifiiis  of  the  councils  and  assem- 
bhes  in  the  several  colonies,  indicating  the  material  in  each  case 
which  is  to  be  found  in  ihe  Rcconl  Office.  From  this  a  list  of  ses- 
sions might  be  drawn  more  complete  than  any  wliich  has  previously 
been  prepared.  This  matter  has  been  securetl  and  arranged  for  pub- 
lication by  Prof.  Charles  M.  Andrews  and  will  appear  in  a  later 
report. 

A  fourth  feature  of  the  work  has  been  the  continuance  of  the  supei^ 
vision  of  the  transcribing  of  documents  in  the  English  archives  for 
the  Library  of  Congress,  which  was  inaugurated  in  1902.  This  por- 
tion of  the  work  has  been  continued  under  the  direction  of  Professor 
Andrews,  chairman  of  the  subcommittee.  The  transcripts  thus  far 
received  by  the  Library  of  Congress  cover  the  documents  in  the 
British  Museum  and  the  Bodleian  Library  relating  to  American  liis- 
tory  and  a  verj'  considerable  number  of  volumes  from  the  Admiralty 
and  Colonial  Oflice  papere  in  the  Public  Record  Office.  The  docu- 
ments selected  for  transcription  are  now  nearly  all  copied,  and  from 
this  time  forward  the  work  of  the  transcribers  will  be  concentrated 
chiefly  upon  the  Public  Record  Office  material,  with  occasional 
excursions  into  the  field  of  the  minor  London  repositories. 

A  guide  to  the  matter  contained  in  the  seven  previous  reports  of 
the  commission  has  been  prepared  with  the  idea  of  showing  just  what 


REPORT  OF  PUBLIC  ARCHIVES   COMMISSION.  161* 

work  has  been  done  and  of  facilitating  the  ready  reference  to  the 
report  of  any  particular  State.  It  will  be  noted  that  thirty-seven 
reports  from  twenty-seven  different  States  and  from  the  cities  of 
New  York  and  Philadelphia  have  been  prepared.  Naturally  these 
reports  vary  in  thoroughness,  some  of  them  being  of  a  preliminary 
nature.  It  will  be  seen  by  a  glance  at  the  table  that  more  than  one- 
half  of  the  reports  are  fairly  comprehensive. 

The  lamented  death  during  the  past  summer  of  Mr.  Robert  T.  Swan,. 
a  member  of  this  commission,  and  for  nineteen  years  commit  sioner 
of  public  records  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  renders  fitting  a  brief 
mention  of  the  valuable  services  performed  by  him  in  organizing  and 
carrying  forward  the  work  of  supervision  of  the  records  of  that  Com- 
monwealth. His  work  in  connection  with  that  office,  especially  in 
the  efficient  supervision  of  the  local  records,  may  be  regarded  as  *a 
model  for  similar  officials  in  other  States.  In  this  connection  atten- 
tion may  be  called  to  the  summary  of  the  legislation  and  practices 
prevailing  in  the  several  States  and  Territories  for  the  collection, 
preservation,  and  supervision  of  the  pubUc  records,  prepared  by  Mr. 
Swan,  and  included  in  the  Commissioner's  Report  for  1906. 

This  valuable  summary  has  led  to  the  suggestion  that  in  connection 
-vnth  the  present  report  there  should  be  presented  a  brief  rfeumfi  of 
the  actual  situation  of  the  archives  in  the  several  States  or  of  the 
progress  made  therein  during  the  year  1907  and  also  that  any  pub- 
lication of  archives  material  should  be  noted.  As  a  result  of  com- 
munications which  have  been  received  from  the  several  representa- 
tives of  the  commission  and  others,  such  a  rfeumfi  has  been  prepared 
by  the  chairman. 

The  table  of  references  or  guide  to  the  previous  reports  and  the 
r6sum6  of  the  present  condition  of  the  archives  in  the  several  States 
immediately  follow. 

Respectfully  submitted. 

Herman  V.  Ames. 

Herbert  L.  Osgood. 

Charles  M.  Andrews. 

Dunbar  Rowland. 

Clarence  S.  Brigham. 

Carl  R.  Fish. 

588:^:1— VOL  1—08 11 


•162 


AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 


References  to  previoiis  reports  of  the  Commission  in  the  Annual  Reports  of  the 

American  Historical  Association, 


47-.59 
<)0-63 


Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Mississippi 

Nebraska 

New  Jersey 

New  York,  State  and  city I      67-250 

North  Carolina 251-266      345-352 

Ohio 


367-»i8 
309-376 


64-66 


Oregon 

Pennsylvania  and  PhiladcJphia. 


Rhode  Island 
Tennessee 


267-293 


337-355 


231-344 
(Phila.) 


475-478  I. 

! 

479-541    . 


603-627 


629-649 


543-4>44 


Texas 353-358       357-363    

Virginia ' ' (H.5-664 

Wisconsin 294-297  I 


377-419 


State.s. 

1900, 
Vol.  II. 

1901. 
Vol.  II. 

1902, 
Vol.  I. 

'  1903, 
Vol.  I. 

I 
1904. 

487-553 

1905, 
Vol.  I. 

1906, 
Vol.  II. 

Alabama. . . 

1 

Arkansas 

23-51 

Colorado - 

415-437 

1 

Conn<vti(Mit 

26-36 

52-127 

Delaware... 

129-148 

Florida 

339-352 

• 

353-366 

149-158 

Georgia 

439-174 

555-596 

159- UH 

Illinois 

Indiana 

37-38 
39-46 

Iowa 

Kansas 

597-^1 

165-196 


197-238 


The  second  volume  of  the  Annual  Report  for  1906  also  contained, 
pages  13-21,  a  summary  statement  of  the  present  condition  of  legis- 
lation of  States  and  Territories  relative  to  the  custody  and  super- 
vision of  the  public  records;  and,  pages  239-561,  a  bibliography  of 
the  published  archives  of  the  thirteen  original  States  to  1789. 


RESUME  OF  THE  ARCHIVES  SITUATIONS   IN  THE  SEVERAL  STATES  IN 

1907. 


Compiled  by  Prof.  Herman  V.  Ames,  Chainnnn  of  the  Commission, 


ALABAMA. 


Dr.  Thomaa  M.  Owen,  Director  of  Department  of  Archives  and  History,  adjunct 

member. 

In  Alabama  the  anticipations  involved  in  the  establishment  of  a 
State  Department  of  Archives  and  History  have,  during  the  year 
1907,  been  fully  realized.  This  department,  formed  by  a  legislative 
act  of  February  27,  1901,  is  charged,  among  numerous  other  duties, 
with  the  care  and  custody  of  the  state  archives.  The  duties  thus 
imposed  the  department  was  unable  to  meet,  except  in  a  constructive 
way,  until  the  enlargement  of  its  offices.  In  January,  1907,  an 
addition  to  the  capitol  building,  provided  by  legislative  appropriation 
of  1903,  w^as  ready  for  partial  occupancy,  and  the  department  moved, 
soon  thereafter,  into  its  new  and  commodious  rooms  in  this  section. 
Ijater  in  the  same  year,  on  the  groimd  floor  of  the  new  addition,  the 
state  record  room  was  completed,  and  the  work  of  assembling  in  one 
place  all  of  the  manuscript  public  archives  of  the  State  was  begun. 
It  took  several  weeks  to  segregate  the  current  from  the  noncurrent 
records  and  to  install  the  latter  in  their  new  quarters. 

Although  the  material  has  thus  been  brought  together,  only  a 
tentative  arrangement  has  been  adopted,  and  it  w411  be  some  months 
before  the  collection  can  be  thoroughly  and  systematically  classified. 
Plans  for  the  permanent  organization  of  the  record  room  are  now 
under  consideration.  Plans  are  also  being  worked  out  for  the  filing, 
binding,  and  restoration  of  the  whole  collection. 

In  their  present  condition  the  records  are  all  available  for  use, 
through  the  means  of  rough  finding  lists.  Already,  in  the  rearrange- 
ment incident  to  removing  the  records,  a  number  of  rare  and  inter- 
esting items  have  been  brought  to  light.  It  is  felt  that  Alabama  is  to 
be  congratulated  on  the  realization  of  the  ambitions  of  the  department 
for  the  assembling  in  one  place  of  the  entire  body  of  the  state  archives. 
The  organization  of  the  work  is  in  the  hands  of  Dr.  Thomas  M.  Owen, 
^*ho  has  been  the  director  of  the  department  from  its  establishment 
in  1901. 

163 


164  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

.    ARKANSAS. 

Prof.  J.  H.  Reynolds,  University  of  Arkansas,  adjunct  member. 

Archives  in  the  various  state  offices  of  Arkansas  are  very  well 
arranged,  and  for  the  most  part  m  a  good  state  of  preservation,  though 
some  papers  and  books  have  suffered  sorely.  The  basement  of  the 
capitol  has  been  for  years  the  dumping  groimd  for  the  overflow  from 
overcrowded  offices.  Such  papers  as  have  been  dumped  there  are 
in  bad  condition,  not  classified  at  all,  in  many  cases  have  been 
destroyed,  in  others  are  moulding  and  rapidly  disappearing.  The 
new  state  capitol  is  in  process  of  erection.  When  that  building  has 
been  completed  it  is  intended  to  classify  and  properly  arrange  these 
papers.  The  last  legislature  appropriated  $1,600  to  continue  the 
Arkansas  History  Commission,  part  of  whose  duties  is  to  publish 
such  of  the  archives  as  the  funds  at  its  disposal  will  permit. 

CALIFORNIA. 

Prof.  Clyde  A.  Duniway,  lieland  Stanford »  Jr.  University,  adjunct  member. 

The  archives  of  the  State  of  CaUfomia  are  in  the  custody  of  the 
incumbents  of  the  various  offices,  commissions,  etc.,  who  are  supposed 
to  preserve  all  records  of  their  predecessors.  The  only  features  of 
centralization  are  found  in  connection  with  the  office  of  the  secretary 
of  state.  Tie  preserves  all  materials  relating  to  the  proceedings  of 
constitutional  conventions  and  the  legislative  department,  together 
\vith  the  original  texts  of  state  laws  and  codes.  He  is  made  the  cus- 
todian of  numerous  categories  of  papera  in  connection  with  elections, 
official  appointments,  commissions,  bonds,  and  oaths,  the  laws 
regarding  coq^orations,  licenses,  etc.  By  custom,  more  or  less 
obsei-ved,  a  great  many  iiiiscellaneous  records  and  papers  of  boards 
and  commissions  have  been  deposited  in  the  vaults  of  the  secretary 
of  state.  The  general  result  has  been  the  accumulation  of  a  large 
amount  of  archive  material  only  partly  connected  with  the  business 
of  his  office. 

During  the  past  year  and  a  half  the  remodeUng  of  the  capitol  has 
made  the  examination  of  anything  but  current  business  records  in 
most  state  offices  virtually  impossible.  With  the  completion  of  the 
remodeling  operations,  expected  during  the  present  year,  the  various 
oflicei-s  will  be  able  to  make  use  of  enlarged  facilities  for  much-needed 
improvements  in  the  presei'vation  and  administration  of  their 
archives.  A  committee  of  the  Pacific  Coast  Branch  of  the  American 
Historical  Association  wdll  endeavor  to  assist  in  securing  the  best 
results  in  this  diiection,  as  well  as  in  advocating  necessary  legisla- 
tion to  establish  a  centralized  historical  archives  department  in  the 
state  library. 


;T   or   PUBLIC   .UlCEIVES   COMMISSION, 
COLORADO, 
Prof.  Jsmes  F.  Uillard.  iriiiveraily  of  CrJunidu,  mljuntt  luemlier. 

There  appears  to  be  verj'  little  that  is  new  to  reorrl  in  regard  to 
■  the  archives  situation  in  this  State  beyond  what  is  already  contained 
in  the  report  on  the  archives  of  this  State  which  was  presented  in  the 
commiesion's  report  for  1903.  There  is  no  state  archivist,  and  tlie 
manuscripts  and  printed  documents  are  pi-eserved  by  the  various 
departments  as  suit  their  convenience.  There  has  been  some  index- 
ing done  since  1903,  but  along  the  lines  laid  down  in  the  previous 
report.  As  to  publications,  there  liave  been  but  two.  The  state 
legislature  ordered  the  printing  of  the  "Journal  of  the  Constitutional 
Convention,"  which  baa  appeared  during  the  year.  A  second  volume 
of  interest,  published  by  the  State  Historical  Society,  bears  the  title 
"Colorado  Volunteers  in  the  Civil  War:  The  New  Mexican  Campaign 
in  1S62,"  by  William  C.  Whitford  (Denver,  1006).  The  Historical 
Society  is  considering  the  publication  of  some  of  the  earlier  records 
of  Denver. 

CONNECTICUT,.! 

In  1886  the  Connecticut  general  assembly  dire<^ted  the  secretary 
of  state  and  the  state  librarian  "to  make  inquiry,  or  to  procui'e  the 
same  to  be  made,  with  regard  to  any  ancient,  colonial,  or  state 
records  of  any  courts  now  or  formerly  existing;  also  of  any  colonial  or 
»tate  records  of  any  of  the  territorial  organizations  now  or  formerly 
existing  within  tills  State,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  measures  for  the 
preservation  and  indexing  of  said  rcx'ords."  This  report  was  made 
to  the  general  assembly  at  its  session  in  1880  and  reprinted  in  the 
record  comnussioner's  report  of  1004. 

In  1903  provision  was  made  for  a  record  commissioner,  whose 
report  of  1904  contains  a  list  by  towns  of  their  records  with  notes 
upon  the  same.  His  report  for  1906  contains  the  same  information 
relating  to  the  ecclesiastical  records  of  the  several  towns  of  the  State. 
Under  his  direction  more  than  one-third  of  the  towns  of  the  State 
have  purchased  new  safes  or  erected  vaults,  both  especially  con- 
structed to  answer  their  needs. 

Since  1900  much  progress  has  been  made  in  Connecticut  toward 
the  collecting,  preserving,  proper  custody,  safety,  and  making  access- 
ible of  the  public  and  semipubiic  records  and  files.  In  1902  the  state 
library  was  equijiped  with  metal  cases  and  special  safes  for  the 
historic  charter  and  the  Connecticut  archives  and  other  valuable 
papers  in  its  possession.  In  1906  several  vaults  with  steel  fittings 
were  constructetl  in  the  basement  of  the  capitol  for  the  proper  filing 
of  the  record.s  and  papers  of  the  several  departments, 

Many  volumes  of  records  in  the  office  of  the  secretary,  in  the  state 
library,  and  throughout  the  State  have  been  sulistantially  preserved  by 
means  of  the  silk  process  and  many  other  volumes  have  been  rebound. 


166 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION, 


The  genera]  assembly  of  1907  authorizpii  the  construction  of  a  new 
state  library  and  supreme  court  buiUling  with  complete  and  modem 
equipment,  in  which  proper  provision  lias  been  made  for  assembling 
its  arcliives  and  records.  A  law  was  passed  requiring  the  custodial 
of  public  records  to  maintain  these  records  in  proper  repair.  Sp« 
attentionisbeinggiven  to  the  matter  of  ink,  ribbons,  and  record  b 

The  reports  of  the  record  examiner  and  state  hbrarian  contain  du 
relating  to  the  records  of  the  State  to  be  found  nowhere  else. 

DELAWARE. 
Dr.  Eklgar  Dawaon,  Princeton  Univi-rsily,  adj unci  member. 
The  Division  of  Public  Reconls,  established  by  law  in  1905, 
organized  in  the  following  year  and  recently  ha.s  been  quite  active, 
A  preliminary  investigation  haa  been  made  both  at  the  state  capilol 
and  in  the  court-houses  of  the  three  counties.  Steps  have  be«n 
taken  to  provide  firepniof  vaults  in  the  several  county  court-houses, 
and  a  vault  was  installed  in  the  Newcastle  County  court-house 
during  the  summer.  An  examination  of  the  Kent  County  reconis 
has  been  made  under  the  direction  of  the  division,  as  a  result  of 
which  some  hitherto  lost  court  records  of  great  value  ajjd  interest, 
as  also  some  lists  of  soldiers  during  the  colonial  wars,  have  been  dis- 
covered. At  the  November  meeting  of  the  division  the  secretary 
was  authorized  to  prepare  an  appeal  asking  fur  the  contribution  or 
the  deposit  of  manuscripts  relating  to  the  early  history  of  the  State. 
This  has  been  issued  and  circulated  throughout  the  State.  The 
division  aims  to  collect  material  for  the  publication  of  a  series  of 
Delaware  archives,  anil  is  at  present  at  work  on  a  volume  to  coutai 
a  list  of  all  Delaware  men  who  fought  in  all  the  colonial  wars  s 
the  Reviikilionary  wtir. 

FLORIDA. 

As  noted  by  our  representative  in  last  year's  report,  the  secrets 
of  state  requested  the  legi-slature  tt»  make  pntvision  for  more  i 
and  employees,  with  a  view  to  a  proper  collection  and  classiiic&tiil 
of  the  archives,  hut  no  response  was  made  to  his  appeal, 
there  appears  to  he  nothing  of  interest  to  record. 


Pri)(.  Ulric^h  B.  Philliiw,  Univerniiy  of  Wi«coii.«iii,  Bdjimct.  member. 

Beginning  in  1904,  the  State  has  issued,  under  the  title  of  "Georgia 
Colonial  Records,"  by  A.  D.  Candler,  state  compiler  of  records,  the 
following  volumes: 

Vol.   1.  The  Journal  "f  the  Trustees  for  Kstabiishing  the 
of  Georgia,  1732-1752. 


REPORT   OF   PUBLIC   .UtCHIVES   COMMISSION. 


167 


Vol.  2.  The  Minutes  of  the  Commiin  Council  (i.  e.,  executive  com- 
mittee) of  the  Trustees,  1732-1752. 

Vol.  3.  The  General  Account  of  the  Monies  and  Effects  Received 
and  Expended  by  the  Trustees,  1732-1751. 

Vol.4.  The  Journal  of  William  Stephens  (secretary  of  the  province), 
1737-1740.  (In  this  publication  only  the  first  two  vohunea  of 
Stephens's  Journal  are  reprinted.  The  compiler  says  that  he  was 
unable  to  find  a  copy  of  the  third  volume,  and  expressea  a  doubt 
us  to  whether  any  copies  are  now  extant.") 

Vol.5,  Not  yet  issued. 

Vol.  6.  Proceedings  of  the  President  and  Assistants  of  the  0>lony 
of  Geoi^a,  1741-1754. 

Vol.  7.  Proceedings  and  Minutes  of  the  Governor  and  Council, 
1754-1759. 

Vol.  .S.  Proceedings  and  Minutes  of  the  Governor  and  Coimoil, 
1759-I7fi2. 

ILLINOIS. 


Prof.  ( 


c  W.  Alv..r«l,  Uii 


t-nmiy  of  Illinoia.  ailjiiriri  mpnilicr. 

On  the  recommendation  of  the  advisory  committee  of  the  Illinois 
State  Historical  Library,  appointed  in  the  fail  of  1905,  it  was  deter- 
mined that  the  Illinois  Historical  Collections  should  be  continued. 
During  the  year  1907  the  first  volume  published  under  this  new  plan 
has  appeared,  namely,  Viiginia  Series,  Cahokia  Records,  Vol.  I, 
I77S-1790,  edited  with  introduction  and  notes  by  Clarence  Walworth 
jVlvord  (Springfiehi,  1907).  It  is  the  intention  of  the  commission 
to  print  four  volumes  within  the  next  two  years.  The  first  of  these 
v()lumes  is  on  the  Lincoln-Dougias  Debates,  edited  liy  Prof.  Edwin 
Erie  Sparks.  The  second,  on  Early  Executive  Letter  Books,  is  to  be 
edited  by  Prof.  Evarts  B.  Greene.  The  third,  on  the  George  Rogers 
Clark  Papers,  is  to  be  edited  l>y  Prof.  James  A.  James;  the  fourth, 
the  Kaskaskia  Records,  is  to  be  edited  by  Prof.  Clarence  W.  Alvord. 
Doctor  Alvord  is  also  the  managing  editor  of  tlie  series,  and  has 
general  supervision  over  the  collection  of  the  archivps  material  witliin 
the  custody  of  the  Illinois  State  Historical  Librarj'. 

The  legislature  passed  an  act  May  2.'>,  1907,  amending  the  act  of 
1897,  providing  that  county  and  municipal  authorities  may  transfer 
official  documents  to  the  State  Historical  Society,  State  Historical 
Library,  State  University,  or  any  incorporated  historical  society. 
The  act  also  made  it  the  duty  of  officials  to  permit  search  for  papers 
of  historic  interest  and  empoweretl  local  authorities  to  make  appro- 
priation for  historical  purposes. ''     Another  act,  passed  by  the  same 


of  r'hurleston,  ^.  i'-,  reporla  tt 


»  Lbws  of  Ullnob.  lUuT,  p.  JT4. 


168  AMEK1CA.N    HISTOBICAL   ASSOCLiTiON, 

legislature  mi  May  2U,  eDipowered  counties,  cities,  towns,  and  ' 
luges  ti>  make  appropriations  for  publications  of  Jocumenla  auil 
marking  of  liistorical  sites,  etc.,  and  for  the  binding  and  sale  of  papere 
am!  documents."  ^^m 

INDIANA.  ^H 

ProF.  narlow  Lmdiey,  Earlham  Tollege,  ndjiinct  member,  ^^| 

The  first  systematic  effort  in  preserving  the  archives  relating  to 
the  state  history  of  Indiana  was  inaugurated  in  the  summer  of  1907 
a^  a  part  of  the  work  of  the  Indiana  State  Libraiy,  Prof.  Ilariow 
Lindley,  of  Eariham  College,  having  been  appointed  to  undertake 
this  work.  An  investigation  was  begim  in  regard  to  th^  publii' 
papers  on  file  in  the  oflices  of  the  various  state  ofiicials,  and  It  is  tlie 
intention  to  carry  forward  this  phase  of  the  work  until  all  have  been 
examined.  Outside  of  the  official  records,  official  visits  were  made 
to  a  number  of  the  leading  local  historical  societies  in  the  Slate,  and 
an  examination  of  the  Draper  Collection  of  manuscripts  belonging 
to  the  Wisconsin  State  Historical  Society  was  made  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  information  respecting  such  materials  of  early  date  con- 
tained therein  as  relate  primarily  to  Indiana.  The  same  general 
plan  of  operations  will  be  earned  out  during  the  summer  of  190S, 
when  it  is  hoped  that  the  work  will  have  become  sufficiently  recog- 
nized to  secure  some  specific  legislation  making  permanent  provision 
for  its  continuance, 

IOWA. 

Prof.  Bpnjaniin  F.  Khambaugh,  Blalc  University  of  Iowa,  adjunpt  member. 

In  an  important  report  on  the  pubfic  archives,  submitted  by  Prof- 
Benjamin  F.  Shambaugh,  September  18,  1906,  and  subsequentlj' 
approved  by  the  trustees  of  the  state  library  and  historical  depart- 
ment of  Iowa,  the  following  series  of  recommendations  was  made: 

First.  That  in  accordance  with  section  4,  chapter  1432  of  the  lawss 
of  the  thirty-first  general  assembly  the  executive  council  be  requesteil 
"to  provide,  furnish,  and  equip,"  as  soon  as  practicable,  a  room  or 
rooms  in  the  Historical  Memorial  and  Art  building  to  be  used 
temporarily  as  a  Hall  of  Public  Archives. 

Second.  That  steps  be  taken  to  examine,  classify,  and  remove  to 
the  Hall  of  Public  Archives  (1)  the  papers  and  documents  now  in 
the  office  of  the  governor,  and  (2)  the  papers  and  documents  now  in 
the  office  of  the  secretary  of  state. 

Third.  That  the  publication  of  a  gui<le  to  the  several  administra- 
tive departments,  offices,  boards,  commissions,  etc. ,  of  the  Territory  and 
State  of  Iowa  from  1838  to  1896  (now  in  preparation)  he  authorized. 


BEPOHT   OF   PfULR-   ABCHIVF.S   t'OMMISSMlN. 


169 


Fourth.  That  a  report  mi  the  public  archives  embodying  sucli 
inforination  and  recommendations  as  the  circumstances  may  suggest 
be  submitted  by  the  trustees  of  the  state  library  and  historical 
department  to  the  thirl j-second  general  assembly. 

Fifth,  That  the  thirty-second  general  assembly  be  a^ked  to  increase 
tho  appropriation  for  the  care  and  preservation  of  the  public  archives 
from  $2,000  annually  to  86,000  annually  for  the  biennial  period  end- 
ing June  30.  !!t09. 

Sixth.  That  plans  for  the  more  permanent  oi^anization  and  ad- 
ministration of  the  Hall  of  Public  Archives  be  considered  and  adopted 
whenever  in  the  judgment  of  the  trustees  the  financial  support  of 
the  Hall  of  -Archives  will  make  possible  an  adequate  organization. 

With  this  plan  of  organization  the  following  has  been  accomplished 
during  the  year  1907: 

First,  After  the  temporary  occupation  of  rooms  in  the  capitol 
building  a  more  permanent  location  has  been  assigned  to  the  Hall  of 
Public  Archives  on  the  third  floor  in  the  west  wing  of  the  new  His- 
torical Memorial  and  Art  building. 

Second.  A  beginning  has  been  made  in  the  sorting,  arranging,  and 
classifying  of  the  material  removed  from  the  office  of  the  governor, 
which  material  it  was  decidetl  should  be  the  first  portion  of  the  public 
archives  to  be  examined.     It  is  stated   that    experience  "thus  far 
amply  confirms  and  justifies  the  general  scheme  of  classification  and 
arrangement  outlined  in  the  (Iowa)  first  report  on  the  public  archives." 
Third.  The  work  of  preparing  a  guide  to  the  administrative  depart- 
ments, offices,  boards,  commissions  and  public  institutions  of  Iowa 
from  the  organization  of  the  Territory  in  the  year  1833  to  the  adop- 
tion of  the  code  of  1897  has  been  accomplished,  and  it  has  been  sub- 
mitted and  published   as  an  appendix  to  the  Second  Report  of  the 
Public  Archives  Commission  (Des  Moines,  1907).     This  report  of  the 
jerintendent  of  the  public  archives,  with  the  appendix,  makes  a  vnl- 
s  of  some  364  pages.     It  is  Ijelieved  that  the  "information  con- 
i  in  this  compilation  will  not  only  serve  as  a  guide  to  workers  in 
ftiB  public  arcliives  but  will  be  of  great  value  as  a  reference  to  stu- 
ilpnts  of  Iowa  history  and  administration."     The  compilation  of  the 
guide  Was  the  work  of  Mr.  John  C  Parish  assisted  bv  Miss  Katherine 
Hodge. 

Fourtli.  In  addition  to  the  first  report  of  the  superintendent  of  the 
public  archives,  previously  referred  to,  which  was  published  in  the 
mats  of  Iowa  in  the  January  number  for  1907  and  of  which  300 
ints  were  issued,  two  pamphlets  have  been  printed  and  distrit>- 
l,  one  of  four  pages  on  the  Story  of  the  Public  Archives,  and  the 
pond  of  eleven,  entitled  At  Work  on  the  Public  Archives  of  Iowa. 


w 


170  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Fifth.  In  accordance  with  the  recommendation  for  an  increase  in 
tlie  state  appropriation  for  the  care  and  preservation  of  the  public 
archives  a  bill  was  prepared  and  introduced  in  the  thirty-second  geti- 
eral  assembly  which  read  as  follows: 

A  bill  for  an  act  making  an  additional  appropriation  for  the  care  and  pennanentpto- 
ervatton  oE  the  public  archives,  additional  to  the  law  aa  it  appears  in  (chapter  one 
hundred  and  forty-two  (142),  laws  of  the  thirty-firat  geueral  ateetufaly. 
Be  ii  tnacted  by  Ike  general  assembly  of  the  Stale  of  Iowa: 

Section  1.  That  for  earrying  out  the  purposes  of  "An  act  providing  for  the  care 
and  permanent  preservation  of  the  public  archives  and  niaking  an  appropriatiOD 
therefor, "  there  be  and  is  hereby  appropriated  out  of  the  moneys  in  the  sUte  treaaory 
not  otherwise  appropriated,  and  in  addition  lu  the  eum  appropriated  in  the  said  Kt 
fur  the  care  and  preservation  of  the  ]>ublic  archivett,  the  nuni  of  four  thouaand  dolltts 
(J4,(K)0.00)  per  annum  for  two  years  to  be  expended  under  the  direction  of  the  board 
of  tnistees  o£  the  state  library  and  hinlorical  department.  I 

The  entire  sum  asked  for  in  this  ("  Ericson  ")  bill  was  appropriated     I 
in  "An  act  to  amend  chapter  142.  laws  of  the  thirty-first  general      ' 
assembly,  and  increasing  the  appropriation  for  carrying  its  purposes 
into  effect,"  which  was  approved  April  13,  1907. 

In  this  connection  attention  should,  perhaps,  be  called  to  the  fact 
that  the  act  of  April  10,  1906,  of  the  thirty-first  general  assembly 
was  very  materially  modified  by  the  act  of  April  13,  1907,  of  the  thirty — 
second  general  assembly,  increasing  the  appropriation.     The  act  o£ 
the  thirty-second  general  assembly  reads  as  follows: 
An  act  to  amend  chapter  one  hundred  forty-two  (142),  laws  of  the  thirty-fii«geneia.-B- 

asaembty,  and  iuereaaing  the  appropriation  for  carrying  its  purposee  into  eftecl  — 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  general  ateemblij  of  Ote  Slate  of  Towa: 

Skctios  1.  That  section  2  of  Maid  act  be  repealed  and  the  following  enacted  in  lieu* 
thereof: 

"Sec.  2.  Thai  the  several  slate  executive  and  administrative  departments,  officer^ 
□r  offices,  councils,  boards,  bureaus  and  commissioners  are  hereby  authorized  lo  traiiK — 
fer  and  deliver  to  the  executive  council  for  arrangement,  clatudfication,  labeling,  filing 
and  calendaring,  and  then  to  the  .'jtate  library  and  hiiitorical  department  for  preeer' 
vation  such  of  the  public  archives  a?  are  designated  in  section  one  (1)  of  thU  act  ext/ep*' 
such  as  in  the  judgment  of  the  executive  council  should  be  longer  retained  iit  thf? 
reepeclive  offices." 

Sec.  2.  That  section  3  of  naid  act  is  heri?by  repealed,  and  ihe  following  enacteil 
in  lieu  thereof: 

"Sec.  3.  That  the  state  library  and  hist4)rical  department  is  hereby  authorized  and 
directed  to  receive  from  the  executive  council  such  of  the  public  archlveH  an  are  dee- 
ignated  in  section  one  (1)  of  this  act  as  rapidly  as  the  same  are  properly  arrajiged, 
classified,  labeled,  filed,  and  calendared." 

Sec.  3.  That  section  5  of  said  act  in  hereby  repealed  and  the  following  enacted 
in  lieu  thereof: 

"Src.  5.  That  forcarryingout  the  purposesof  this  act  there  is  hereby  appropriated 
out  of  the  moneys  in  the  wtalc  treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated  the  sum  of  six 
thousand  dollars  ($C,000)  annually  for  two  years  beginning  July  1,  iB07,  tobeex] 
under  the  direction  of  said  executive  council." 

Approved  April  13,  A.  D.  1907. 


^  REPORT   OF   PUBLIC   ARCHIVES   COMMISSltfl 

Sixth.  Ill  Mnsetjucnre  of  tlie  foregoing  act,  the  wnrk  on  the  archives 
has  been  transferred  from  the  trustees  of  the  state  lihniry  iind  his- 
torical department  to  the  executive  council.  It  is  the  hope  of  the 
superintendent  of  the  public  archives  that  the  work  will  be  carried 
forward  in  the  spirit  of  the  recommendations  already  made  and  along 
the  lines   already   adopted. 

KANSAS. 

tPmf,  i'nrl  I..  Becker,  University  of  Kauaa*.  adjunct  member. 
In  the  year  1905  the  following  law  was  enacted  bv  the  legislature 


.^n  act  to  provide  (or  tho  rare  and  precervation  of  public  records. 


enacted  by  the  Ugiilature  o/  tht  Stair  of  Kantat: 
Bbction  1.  Tbat  any  Hiate,  county, oroi.herofficialishereby  authorized  and  empow- 
eied  to  turn  over  lo  the  Kansas  Slate  Historical  Society,  for  pennonent  preiiervfttion 
tbeTetn.  any  hoolc*,  records,  dociimetits,  original  papers,  or  manuscripts,  newspaper 
files  and  prints!  booka  not  required  by  law  to  be  kept  in  such  office  as  a  part  of  the 
public  records,  three  years  after  the  current  use  of  the  satne,  or  sooner,  in  the  discre- 
tion ol  the  head  of  the  department.  \Mien  ho  surrendered,  copies  therefrom  sball  be 
^nade  and  certified  by  the  secretar>-  of  the  Uislorical  Society  upon  the  application 
\y  party  interested,  which  certification  nhaJl  have  all  the  force  and  effect  as  if 
le  by  ilie  officer  originally  in  custody  of  Iheiu. 

2.  That  the  State  Historical  Society  is  hereby  required  to  make  a  reference 
le  manuscripts,  books,  and  papcn,  so  surrendered. " 

I  The  executive  coimcil  promptly  set  aside  a  small  sum  for  fitting 
p  a  room  in  the  cellar  of  the  capitol  building  for  the  care  and  pres- 
rvation  of  such  material. 

Tlie  report  of  the  State  Historical  Society  for  1906  states  that  "  the 
liepartment  of  archives  established  by  the  legislature  of  1905  lias  made 
some  progress,  enough  to  show  that  if  the  idea  is  carried  out  com- 
pletely it  will  l»e  the  most  valuable  feature  of  this  historical  work, 
Wause  all   the   material   embraced   is  official."     During   the  year 
-t  quantity  of  valuable  material  was  received  from  the  office  of  the 
Tetary  of  state,  much  of  it  dating  from  the  territorial  days.     Up 
8  the  close  of  the  year  1906  no  contributions  had  come  in  from 
Uities  or  municipal  divisions.     Sufficient  has  been  accomplished, 
FCTer,  to  "emphasize  the  value  of  wliat  the  State  might  have  had 
^?eonie  general  sy.ttem  of  keeping  manuscripts  hail  been  adopted  in 
■•we  beginning,"  and  to  demonstrate  the  "necessity  for  the  collection 
nf  the  arcliives  at  one  central  point  where  the  material  may  be  classi- 
fied and  located  and  be  at  all  times  accessible  to  students  and  the 
?pblic."» 


pUn  of  Kaata*  lor  lOOS.  eh.  Wi. 
dI  State  aialorical  Sodely  lo 


.  aw.    The  npor 


172  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

TUo  above  report  would  seem  to  indicate  that  much  still  remains  to 
l>o  vlone.  ^Vllile  the  arcliives  that  are  kept  in  the  state  capitol  are 
pn-wtu'veil  in  fireproof  vaults  in  the  different  state  offices,  most  of 
tho  documents  are  not  systematically  arranged  or  in  condition  for  use 
hy  the  student.  An  exception  should  be  made  of  the  records  in  the 
j;4>vernor's  office  and  those  in  the  office  of  the  clerk  of  the  court.  In 
Uu-^H  oflicres  the  archives  are  perfectly  arranged  and  kept  in  file  boxes. 
'^ht^  same  applies  also  to  the  office  of  public  instruction.  As  far  as 
can  be  learned,  no  further  legislation  is  at  present  contemplated. 

KENTUCKY. 
Miss  Irene  T.  Myers,  Kentucky  University,  adjunct  member. 

The  public  archives  of  the  State  have  overflowed  their  quarters  in 
tlu^  capitol  at  Frankfort  and,  in  consequence,  are  neither  well  pro- 
ttH'tml  nor  easily  accessible.  In  the  new  capitol  building,  which  is  in 
ooui'Hi^  of  constniction,  ample  provision  is  being  made  for  them.  It  is 
expected  tliat  by  next  summer  various  departments  will  be  installed 
in  the  new  capitol.  The  appropriation  for  the  benefit  of  the  Ken- 
tucky Historical  Society,  in  addition  to  defraying  the  expenses  of  the 
puk>lication  of  the  Register,  is  being  used  to  collect  the  portraits  of  the 
fliiit  Kentucky  governors.  Nine  such  portraits  have  been  secured 
during  the  past  year.  It  is  hoped  that  a  more  definite  report  in  reganl 
to  tlie  an'hives  situation  in  the  State  can  be  presented  by  next  year. 

LOUISIANA. 
IVtif.  Walter  L.  Fleminj^,  Louisiana  State  University,  adjunct  member. 

TKen^  has  ])een  no  legislation  in  regard  to  the  care  of  the  archives 
iu  {W\H  State  but  it  is  hoped  that  the  next  legislature  will  take  action 
mukuiK  provision  for  the  establishment  of  a  history  commission  or  a 
sK^MUiUHUit  of  archives  and  history,  similar  to  that  in  the  States  of 
Mubnina  and  Mississippi.  There  is  decided  need  of  legislation  in 
\^\\Wv  lo  improve  the  present  chaotic  condition  of  things. 

MAINE. 
Prof.  Allen  Johnson,  Howdoin  College,  adjunct  member. 

riuiNUiil  a<'tivity  was  sliown  l)y  the  legislature  during  the  year 
\\\\\;  b'irst.  the  foUowing  act  was  passed  creating  the  office  of  state 
In^loniiii: 

\\\  )\\\  <n  piicoimij^e  the  compilinj^  and  teachins:  of  hn^al  history  and  local  geography  in 

the  public  schools. 

Si.rn'»N  1.  The  governor,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  council,  shall  appoint 
\\  HtrtfiOuHloriiin,  who  shall  be  a  member  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society  and  whose  duty 
It  nhnll  be  lo  compile  historical  data  of  the  State  of  Maine  and  encourage  the  teaching 
of  \  h«»  wum»  In  t Ih'  public  schools.  It  shall  also  be  his  duty  to  encourage  the  compiling 
And  ptibllshiiig  of  tftwn  histories,  combined  with  local  geography.  It  shall  further  be 
\\\h  dutv  t'>  examine,  and  when  he  decides  that  the  material  is  suitable,  approve  his- 
ttiriiv  of  towns  compiled  as  provided  in  section  two  of  this  act. 


EEPUBT    Uf    PUBLIC    ARCHIVES    COMMISSION. 


H      8kc.  2.  Whenever  any  town  sboJl  prceoDt  \a  th«i  atale  historian  material  which  he 
fowisideniKuitAble  (or  publiration  aaahietoryof  the  ttiwii  presenting  the  e&me,  then  he 
may  approve  of  the  pubUcation  of  a  history  with  the  Uifal  geography  which  will  be 
s<iitAble  for  the  ufe  in  the  gramniar  and  high  school  grades  of  the  public  achoolx. 

Sec.  3.  Whenever  material  for  a  town  history  with  local  geography  has  beeu  ap- 
proved by  the  state  b.iHturian,  and  the  tiame  ban  been  published  by  the  town,' and  pro- 
visiot]  ha»  been  made  for  its  regular  use  in  the  public  echooU  of  aaid  town;  tb<'n  the 
st*te  treasurer  shall  pay  the  town  so  publishing  a  sum  not  cuceeding  one  hundrwl  and 
fifty  dollars,  provided  that  the  State  shall  not  pay  to  any  town  to  exceed  one-half  the 
aaiouut  paid  by  said  town  for  printing  and  binding  «aid  histories. 

Sec.  4.  The  superintending  echool  committee,  and  the  euperiDtcDdent  of  wlioole, 
tihall  elei't  some  citiien  ot  the  town  to  serve  with  them;  and  these  persons  shall  cousli- 
tulfl  a  board  to  compile  a  history  and  the  local  geography  of  the  town  in  which  they 
rEside.  Two  or  more  towns  may  unite  in  compiliug  and  publinbing  a  history  and  the 
loaU  geography  of  the  towns  forming  the  union.  It  shall  be  the  duly  of  the  suparin- 
tendent  of  schooLi  to  forward  two  copies  of  said  history  to  the  Maine  State  Library  and 
notify  theauperintendent  of  public  scboolsof  the  title  of  said  history. 

Sec.  5.  All  the  actual  cash  expenses  ot  the  said  slate  historian  incurred  while  in  the 
discbarge  of  his  official  duties  shall  be  paid  on  the  approval  and  order  of  the  governor 
■ndtHMincil.  and  shall  not  exceed  five  hundred  dollars  per  annum," 
Approved  March  20,  1907. 

The  governor  a|ipointetl  to  this  office  Henry  S.  Burragp,  D.  D.  it 
is  hoped  that  the  scope  of  the  office  will  be  enlarged  at  the  next  aession 
of  tjie  legislature  in  1909,  Further  appropriations  were  made  by  the 
legislature  for  the  care  and  publication  of  certain  documents,  as 
follows:  A  resolve  of  January  29,  1907,  authorized  the  purchase  of 
copies  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  volumes  of  the  York  depds,  when 
they  shall  have  been  edited  and  published  like  the  earlier  volumes 
under  the  direction  of  the  Maine  Genealo^cal  Society.  A  resolve  of 
February  12,  1907,  authorized  the  expenditure  of  $2,000  a  year  for 
two  years,  to  provide  for  the  preservation  of  the  enlistments  and 
muster  rolls  uf  the  regiments  which  served  in  the  civil  war.  These 
records  are.  now  on  fde  in  the  office  of  the  adjutant-general  at  Augusta. 
K  A  resolve  of  February  '2(1,  1907,  appropriated  $4,000  for  the  continua- 
^Etson  of  a  documentary  history  of  Maine  which  is  published  in  annual 
pTolumes  under  the  supervision  anil  editorship  of  the  Maine  Historical 
Society. 

There  have  been  two  serious  fires  at  the  court-houses  of  Wiscasset 
and  Portland.  It  is  not  known  to  what  extent  the  records  have  suf- 
fered. These  fires  are  sufficient  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  erect- 
ing fireproof  buildings  or  providing  fireproof  vaults  for  the  housing  of 
the  public  archives, 

MARYLAND. 

In  June,  1906,  the  Maryland  Archives  Commission  ejcpired.  At 
that  time  the  work  of  the  commission  was  incomplete.  No  publica- 
tion other  than  a  preliminary  report  has  been  issued.  Additional 
data,  however,  were  gathered  by  the  commission,  which  it  is  hoped 
nuiy  be  published.  As  far  as  known,  liowever,  there  is  no  movement 
t  present  to  revive  the  commission. 


174  AMEIUCAN    UISTOBIC'AL    ASSOCIATION. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

The  niDeteenth  report  on  the  "Custody  and  Condition  of  the  Public 
Records  of  the  Parishes,  Towns,  and  Counties"  was  published  early 
in  the  year.  This  proved  to  be  the  last  report  of  the  lat<>  Conimis^ 
sioner  Robert  T.  Swan,  who  had  served  first  as  secretary  and  after- 
wards for  many  years  as  commissioner  of  jjubUc  records.  Tlia  death 
occurred  July  26,  1907.  The  importance  and  influence  of  his  work 
have  been  referred  to  elsewhere. 

Mr.  Henry  E.  Wood  was  appointeti  by  the  governor  cominissionpr 
to  succeed  \Ir.  Swan  and  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office  August 
10,  1907.  In  his  report,  the  twentieth  report,  he  states  that  iluring 
the  year  the  reconla  to  1850  of  several  towns  have  been  printed 
under  the  provisions  of  t-hapter  470  of  the  acts  of  1902: 

An  B.i:t  relalive  to  the  rare  ul  Ibe  publii:  docutaeDls  by  L'ities  and  towne. 

Be  it  enaeUd,  etc.,  tu/olloim: 

Section  1.  Each  i;ity  and  town  Khali  provide  a  suitable  plaee,  to  be  approved  by 
the  commiBaioiier  of  public  roconls,  for  the  prpnervatioa  and  convenient  um  of  all 
books,  reports,  and  laws  received  from  tho  Commonwesltb;  and  for  every  month's 
ueglect  ao  to  do  ehall  forfeit  ten  dollaTB. 

Sec.  2,  Said  bookp,  reports,  and  laws  shall  be  in  the  custody  or  control  of  ihe  city 
or  town  clerk,  unless  tbe  city  council  or  selectmen  Hhall,  by  vote,  dfeignale  aome  other 
officer  or  person. 

Sec  3.  Section  twenty-seven  of  chapter  twenty-five  of  ihe  Bevieed  Laws  ie  hereby 
repealed. 

The  commissioner  states  that  to  find  "  a  suitable  place  for  conven- 
ient use"  of  all  the  various  books  which  have  been  distributed  and 
may  be  distributed  by  the  Commonwealth  is  proving  embarrassing 
to  many  towns,  particularly  where  the  town  hall  is  inconveniently 
located  and  not  often  open,  and  where  the  town  library  Is  unable  to 
find  room  for  the  volume.  An  option  as  to  receiving  the  series 
known  as  "Public  documents,"  where  the  inhabitants  of  a  town  do 
not  desire  them,  would  give  some  relief. 

The  importance  of  the  work  of  the  commission  in  requiring  fire- 
proof vaults  for  the  preservation  of  public  records  has  been  seen  dur- 
ing the  past  year  in  the  case  of  fires  in  the  town  halls  of  Halifax, 
Peabody,  and  Chnton.  Although  each  of  these  fires  either  totally 
deHtn)yed  or  seriously  damaged  the  building,  no  public  records  were. 
injured. 

MICHIGAN. 

The  only  item  of  importance  in  regard  to  the  archives  of  this  St&l 
U)  be  noted  is  the  adoption  by  the  legislature  of  an  act  of  April  25, 
1907,  providing  for  the  continued  publication  of  the  Collections  of 
the  Michigan  Pioneer  and  Historical  Society,  and  appropriating  S8,000 
to  be  expended  during  the  years  1908  and  1909  for  this  purpose." 


°  I'ulillslinl  MIS  ol  Ujohigui  lur 


l«^ 


BEPOKT   LU-'   PI'IJLIC   ARCHIVES   COMMISSION.  175 

MISSISSIPPI. 

r  It'wkDil.  director  <i[  Ihe  deparlitienC  i>f  nrrhivea  and  huiUiry,  niemljei 


The  Mississippi  departnient  of  archives  and  history  during  the 
year  of  1907  has  been  engaged  in  the  following  activities:  Classifying 
and  binding  in  chronological  order  the  historical  archives  of  the 
State  from  1699  to  1908;  adding  to  museum,  portrait  gallery,  and 
library;  collecting  transcripts  relating  to  Mississippi  history  from  the 
English,  French,  and  Spanish  archives;  preparing  and  publishing 
the  Mississippi  Official  and  Statistical  Register  for  1908;  preparing 
and  publishing  the  Military  Ilislorv  of  Mississippi,  1803-1898:  pre- 
paring the  annual  report  of  the  department  for  1907. 

Tiie  Militarj'  History  of  the  State  is  a  complete  narrative  of  the 
militarj-  service  of  Mississippiana  in  ail  wars  from  1S0.3  to  1898,  and 
the  work  is  possibly  a  pioneer  undertaking  in  state  historical  work. 
The  department  is  also  engaged  in  collecting  for  publication  the 
writings  and  speeches  of  Jefferson  Davis.  This  undertaking  has  been 
in  progress  one  year,  and  it  is  intended  that  the  collection  shall  be 
full  and  complete. 

The  State  has  appropriated  J16,000  for  the  support  of  the  historical 
work  during  11)08-9;  this  Includes  $2,400  to  aid  the  Mississippi 
Historical  Society  in  publishing  and  distributing  its  publications. 

The  department  of  archives  and  history  has  been  actively  engaged 
iu  its  work  for  six  years,  and  during  that  time  it  has  put  in  motion 
every  activity  set  forth  in  the  act  by  which  it  was  established. 

NEBRASKA. 

The  Nebraska  legislature  of  1 905  passed  an  act  making  the  Nebraska 
"  ato  Historical  Society  the  custodian  of  state  and  county  records 
ind  docuraenta.     The  text  of  this  act  follows: 

o  tnnko  the  Nebraska  State  Historical  Society  th?  custodian  of  records,  docu- 

IDcDls,  and  historic  material  froni  the  various  departments  of  state,  t<tate  institu- 

J  lione,  raun<boufiei<,  city  halls,  and  other  public  buildiogH,  and  departments  in  the 

■  £ut«  o(  Nebraska,  and  to  provide  tor  making  certified  copies  o(  the  same  by  the 

1  OffiL-en  of  the  Nebraska  Stat«  Historictil  Society. 

U-B*  i^  marUd  by  the  tr^laturr.  oftht  Slate  of  Sebnata: 

I  SKtmon  1.  (State  Uistoricai  Society— (Custodians  of  ancient  public  records.)  The 
jbranks  State  Historical  Society  is  hereby  made  the  cuslodiiui  of  all  public  recortla, 
,  relin;,  and  other  material  which  it  may  consider  of  historic  value  or 
It  and  which  are  now  or  may  hereafter  be  in  any  office  or  vaults  of  the  several 
le  of  state,  in  any  of  tbe  institutiona  which  receive  appropriations  of  money 
a  the  legieUture  of  Nebraska,  in  any  of  the  county  court-houses  or  city  halls  or 
T  public  buildings  within  the  State  of  Nebraska,  subject  always  to  the  following 
_  '  "  Band  conditions: 
i8»c.2.  (Records  subject  to  this  act— Receipts.)  That  such  records,  documents, 
IT  other  historic  material  shall  not  be  in  active  use  iu  any  such  department, 
T  building,  nor  have  bccu  in  active  use  tor  the  period  of  twenty  years 


176  AMERICAN    HlSTOIilCAL  At^SOClATlON. 

pTecediugtheirdeUverytothecuetoiiyofsiLid State  Hiatorical Society.  Thatsudii 
rial,  through  lack  of  proper  means  to  care  for,  at  safe  and  adequate  place  to  piceove.  ii 
liable  to  dajnage  and  deBlruction.  Thai  the  officer  or  board  having  the  care  ind 
management  of  Buch  department,  institution,  ur  building,  shall  consent  in  writing 
to  the  custody  of  such  documents,  records,  and  materials  by  said  State  Hisloriisl 
Society.  That  the  said  State  Bistoricat  Society  shall  cause  invoice  and  receipts  hi 
such  material  so  turned  over  to  be  made  in  triplicate,  one  copy  to  be  deposited  wiUi 
the  secretary  of  state,  one  with  the  olGcer  or  board  turning  over  such  material,  and  one 
retained  by  the  secretary  of  the  State  niftorical  Society. 

Sec.  3.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  every  officer  or  board  having  control  or  management 
of  any  state  department,  institution,  or  building  to  notify  the  secretary  of  the  State 
Historical  Society  whenever  there  are  records,  documents,  relics,  or  mateiial  in  lut 
or  their  care  coming  within  the  scope  of  this  act. 

Sec.  4.  (Cost  of  removal.)  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  State  Historical  Society  by 
its  officers  or  employees  to  examine  nuch  material  and  remove  and  receipt  for  such  u 
shall  seem  to  it  of  historic  value.  It  shall  transport  the  tuune  at  its  own  coat  to  its  mu- 
seum, and  shall  catalogue,  arrange,  and  display  the  same  for  the  free  use  of  the  public 

Sec.  5.  (Certified  copies.)  Certified  copies  of  any  record,  document,  or  other  mate- 
rial of  which  the  NebrBska.  State  Historical  Society  shall  bo  the  custodian  shall  be 
made  upon  application  by  the  secretary  or  curator  of  said  society  under  seal  and  oath. 
Such  certified  copy  shall  be  received  in  courla  or  elsewhere  as  of  the  same  legal  validitj 
ss  similar  certificatpa  from  the  original  custodian  of  such  record,  document,  or  olh«t 
material,  and  the  secretary  or  curator  of  said  Nebraska  State  Historical  Society  nhill 
be  entitled  to  the  same  fees  for  making  such  certified  copy  as  the  original  custodian.'^ 

Approved  March  30,  1905. 

Bflcauae  of  tho  lack  of  proper  facilities  in  the  way  of  room  and 
assistance  the  ptiwers  conferred  by  the  act  have  not  been  fully  em- 
ployed. The  Hiatorical  Society  receives  50  copies  of  each  document 
published  by  the  State  or  by  institutions.  No  work  has  as  yet  been 
done  on  the  county  records,  but  is  being  jilanned  for  and  will  be  coni- 
menced  as  soon  as  rooms  and  funds  are  available. 

The  year  of  1907  has  been  a  year  of  intensive  rather  than  extensive 
work  by  the  Historical  Society,  and  has  been  spent  in  arranging  and 
cataloguing  the  large  quantity  of  material  on  hand.  Some  few  collec- 
tions have  been  made  of  the  correspondence  and  books  of  some  of  the 
earlier  pioneers.  The  society  has  not  been  able  to  make  any  definite 
or  consistent  effort  in  obtaining  these  collections.  It  is  hoped  that 
this  work  will  be  taken  up  in  the  immediate  future. 

The  legislature  adopted  an  act,  April  10,  1907,  appropriating 
$25,000  for  the  construction  of  a  basement  story  of  a  building  for 
the  State  Historical  Society  and  legislative  reference  department, 
in  the  city  of  Lincoln. '' 

The  ollicial  papers  of  the  various  offices  of  the  State  are  as  a  rule 
iiled  in  the  respective  departments  in  which  they  originate.     It 
seem  that  adtlitional  legislation  and  appropriations  are  desirable. 

1  LsWB  o(  inos,  pp.  604-606. 
i  Laws  or  NebraakB,  1007.  ch.  IW. 
cThs  «iianU2alan Is  lDdcbt«d  to  ProL  H.  W.  C&ldH 
kbore  IntormatlOD . 


RKPOHT   OF   PUBLIC   ARCHIVES   COMMISSION.  177 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE." 

In  New  Hampshire  the  editor  of  Stale  Papers  has  issued  the  first 
vlume  of  the  provincial  probate  recoriis.  coverinf:  the  period  from 
lie  date  of  Capt.  John  Mason's  will,  1635,  to  1717.  The  volume  is 
WpD  octavo  of  874  pages,  well  indexed,  and  presents  not  only  wills  in 
full,  but  abstracta  of  all  other  probate  documents.  It  is  numbered 
volume  31  of  the  State  Papers  series,  and  volume  1  of  Probate 
Records.     Work  on  volume  2  is  progressing. 

The  card  indexes  to  the  provincial  deeds  and  probate  records, 
prior  to  the  organization  of  counties  in  1771,  have  been  completed 
in  the  office  of  secretarv'  of  state.  These  two  indexes  are  combined 
in  one  alphabet,  white  cards  being  used  for  deeds,  and  buff  cards  for 
the  probate  material,  so  that  all  information  in  regard  to  a  certain 
person  or  faniilj"  is  quicklv  available.  The  secretary's  force  is  now 
engaged  on  a  similar  index  of  the  files  of  the  courts  of  law  in  the  same 
period,  the  original  documents  being  now,  after  several  years  of 
labor,  collated  by  cases,  and  deposited  in  vertical  filing  cabinets. 

The  registrar  of  vital  statistics  has  completed  his  collection  of 
births,  marriages,  and  deaths  from  tiie  town  reconls  of  all  the  towns 
in  the  State,  beginning  with  the  earliest  records  in  every  case,  and 
continuing  down  to  the  present  time.  These  are  kept  on  cards, 
alphabetically  arranged,  and  jireserved  in  filing  cabinets^  and  now 
constitute  a  collection  of  about  1,100,000  records.  About  20,000 
new  records  are  added  each  year. 

Provision  was  made  by  the  legislature  of  1907  that  all  town  and 
city  clerks  should  be  required  to  send  copies  of  the  annual  reports  of 
the  t^wn  or  city  to  the  New  Hampshire  Genealogical  Society.'' 

The  legislature  also  appropriated  $200  to  provide  for  the  compiling, 
arranging,  and  annotating  of  the  charters,  the  commissions  to  the 
royal  governors,  and  the  state  constitution,  the  amendments  thereto 
to  he  furnished  to  the  editor  of  the  edition  of  the  charters  and  con- 
stitutions provided  for  by  the  Federal  Government.'^ 
NEW  MEXICO, 
Prol-  John  H.  Vaiighan,  New  Mexii-o  Normal  tJiiiversily,  adjunct  membiT. 

But  little  that  is  definite  can  be  said  at  present  about  the  archives 
of  New  Mexico,  They  are  of  various  kinds,  badly  scattered,  and 
difficult  of  access.  The  two  classes  of  chief  importance  arc  those  of 
the  Government,  to  be  found  at  Santa  Fe  and  in  Washington;  and 
those  of  the  Catholic  Church,  to  be  found  mainly  at  the  older  mission 
stations  in  different  parts  of  the  Territory.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
these  archives  of  the  church  are  somewhat  difficult  of  access  owing 


Tbewmplterl. 

Lam  of  1907,  eh 

58833-v. 

□du  obtiKMion 

107.  p,  ISO. 

I,  Dt  Uie  ttalr  llhnr;.  (or  milidi  of  tbe  data 


178  AMERICAN   HTSTORTCAL.  ASSOCIATION. 

to  the  fact  that  a  few  unscrupulous  historians  and  archaeologists 
have  taken  advantage  of  the  courtesies  granted  them  by  the  custo- 
dians and  have  actually  stolen  and  carried  away  old  and  priceless 
manuscripts.  The  official  archives  of  the  Government,  too,  have 
suffered  from  mere  vandalism.  One  governor  since  the  American 
occupation  of  the  Territory  sold  government  archives  for  wrapping 
paper  to  the  merchants  of  Santa  Fe. 

These  facts  are  enough  to  indicate  that  the  archives  of  New  Mexico 
are  in  a  very  chaotic  condition,  but  this  must  njjt  cause  us  to  lose 
sight  of  the  fact  that  these  are  still  among  the  most  valuable  historical 
archives  in  the  entire  Southwest  and  that  a  careful  cataloguing  of 
this  material  so  as  to  make  it  available  for  research^ would  be  a  service 
to  scholarship.     The  researches  that  have  been  made  in  different 
parts  of  the  Territory  show  that  there  is  scarcely  a  subject  connected 
with  the  Spanish  occupation  of  the  country  on  ^hich  much  light 
might  not  be  found  here  if  there  were  only  some  kind  of  a  guide  to 
the  desired  material.     But,  as  yet,  no  working  account  of  these 
materials  has  been  left  by  any  of  the  investigators,  and  the  historian 
finds  himself  in  a  wilderness  of  material,  with  no  roads  and  but  few 
trails  marked  out  by  his  predecessors. 

There  is  no  legislation  on  the  subject  of  archiires,  nor  has  any 
money  ever  been  appropriated  or  any  arrangements  made  by  the 
legislative  assembly  for  their  classification  or  preservation.  The 
Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico  is  doing  a  praiseworthy  work  in 
collecting  such  material  as  can  be  purchased  with  its  meager  funds. 
But  the  great  disadvantage  of  having  no  descriptive  catalogue  or 
finding  list  still  remains,  and  the  preparation  of  a  careful  report  of 
this  kind  would  bo  a  sei'vico  of  the  veiy  greatest  value  to  historical 
scholarship. 

NEW    YORK. 

Prof.  Herbert  L.  ()8g(x>d,  Columbia  Uuiversity,  member  of  commitwion. 

The  appointment  of  Mr.  Victor  Hugo  Paltsits  as  state  historian, 
July  24,  1907,  is  the  chief  item  of  interest  to  be  chronicled  in  connec- 
tion with  archive  matter's  of  this  State.  Historical  students  will 
unite  in  congratulating  the  State  of  New  York  upon  this  appointment. 
It  is  expected  that  under  his  direction  important  steps  will  be  taken 
toward  the  supervision  and  publication  of  the  rich  historical  material 
of  the  State. 

By  act  of  legislature  of  May  2,  1907,  authority  was  given  to  permit 
the  transfer  of  certain  records  from  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  state 
to  the  state  library.  These  consist  chiefly  of  papers  relating  to  the 
colonial  period  and  that  of  the  early  years  of  the  history  of  the  State, 
as  also  of  the  returns  and  tabulations  of  the  elections  from  1838  to 
1905  inclusive.** 


«  LftWB  of  New  York,  1007,  ch.  274. 


BEPORT   OF   PUBLIC   ABCHIVES   C0MMIS610K.  179 

NORTH   CAROLINA. 
Prot.  Charlev  L.  Raper,  Uuivewity  of  Ntirrli  Carnlina,  adjimct  member. 

'  Tlie  following  act  amending  llie  act  iif  Ihc  legislature  of  1903,  in- 
creasing the  duties  and  enlarging  the  powers  of  the  State  Historical 
Society,  was  adopted  by  the  legislature: 


aBCtloamendchapterII6o[  the  ReviMl  of  1905,  rekting  to  the  State  Historical  Com- 


Sbction  1.  That  chapter  ninety-eix  u(  the  R«vieal  of  one  thuusani]  nine  hundred 
and  five  be  amended  by  striking  out  all  after  the  word  "quorum,"  in  section  one,  line 
tliR«,  and  iDvertlng  in  Ueu  thereof  the  followinii;:  They  shall  be  appointed  by  the 
governor  on  the  fiiat  day  ot  April,  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  seven,  who  shall 
deragnale  one  member  to  nerve  For  a  term  of  two  years,  two  memtieiB  to  Berve  for  a  term 
li  (out  yean,  and  two  members  to  eerve  For  a  term  of  nix  years  from  the  date  of  their 
appointments,  and  their  succeesors  Hhal!  be  appointed  by  the  governor  and  shall  serve 
fur  a  term  of  sis  years  and  until  their  succeesore  are  appointed  and  qualiJied :  Provided, 
That  ia  taee  ot  a  vacancy  in  any  of  the  above  terms  the  person  appointed  to  fill  such 
vacancy  shall  be  appointed  only  for  the  unexpired  term.  They  shall  serve  without 
nlary,  but  shall  be  allowed  their  actual  expenses  when  artending  to  their  oflicial 
duties,  to  be  paid  out  of  any  Funds  hereiuaFter  provided  for  the  maintenance  oF  said 
commtarioD:  Provided,  Such  expenses  shall  not  be  allowed  for  more  than  (ourmeeliugs 
annually  or  for  more  than  four  days  at  each  meeting. 

Sec.  2,  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  eommission  to  have  collected  from  the  files  of  old 
newvpapois,  court  records,  church  recurdd,  private  collections  and  elsewhere,  historical 
data  pertAining  to  the  history  of  North  Carolina  and  the  territory  included  therein 
from  the  earliest  times;  to  have  such  material  properly  edited,  published  by  the  stal« 
pHnter  as  other  Gitate  printii^,  and  distributed  under  the  direction  of  the  commiteiun; 
toivp  for  the  proper  marking  and  preservation  of  battlefields,  houses,  and  other  places 
wlebnled  in  the  history  of  the  State;  to  diffuse  knowledge  in  reference  to  the  history 
wit  rewiurces  of  North  Carolina;  toencourage  theatudyof  North  Carolina  history  in 
thtiachools  of  the  State,  and  to  stimulate  and  encourage  historical  inveetigation  and 
""arch  among  the  people  of  the  State;  to  make  a  biennial  report  of  its  receipts  and  dis- 
txutcmcnl^,  its  work  and  needs,  to  the  governor,  to  be  by  him  transmitted  to  the  gcu- 
ml  aa^erobly;  and  said  commission  is  especially  charged  with  the  duty  of  cooperating 
TJtli  the  commiseion  appointed  by  the  governor  to  make  an  exhibit  at  the  Jamextown 
ExpoHtion  in  making  at  said  expoeition  an  historical  exhibit  illustrating  the  history 
of  North  Carolina  from  the  earliost  timeu. 

Bbc.  3.  Said  commiasion  shall  have  power  In  adopt  a  seal  for  use  and  official 
bwneas;  to  adopt  rules  for  its  own  government  not  inconsistent  with  the  pravisions  of 
^tet;  10  fix  a  reasonable  price  For  it:<  publications  and  to  devote  the  revenue  arixing 
km  tuch  nlee  to  extending  the  work  of  the  commission;  to  employ  a  aecretary;  to 
•"Blfol  the  expenditure  of  such  funds  as  may  be  appropriated  for  iis  maintenance: 
fnMd,  That  at  least  one  copy  of  ite  publications  shall  be  furnished  free  of  charge  to 
Wy  public  school  library  or  public  library  in  North  Carolina,  state  oSiceis,  and  mem- 
^  of  the  genera]  assembly  making  application  For  the  same  through  its  properly 
lusatituted  authorities. 

Sac.  4.  Said  commission  shall  have  an  ofiice  or  officee  set  a»ide  for  its  use  by  the 
)>wd  of  tnisteea  of  the  state  library  in  the  state  library  building:  Provided,  That 
ouil  tuich  office  or  offices  become  available  said  comnusdon  may  rent  an  office  or 
the  rent  U>  bo  paid  out  of  its  maintenance  fund. 

5,  Any  slate,  county,  town,  or  other  public  official  in  custody  of  public  docu- 

ly  anthorieed  and  empowered  in  his  discretion  to  turn  over  to  said  com- 

any  ulflcial  boolu,  records,  documents,  original  papers,  news- 


180  AMEKICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

paper  files,  printed  books  or  portraits  not  in  current  use  in  his  office,  and  said  commit 
sion  shall  provide  for  their  permanent  preservation;  and  when  so  surrendered,  copies 
therefrom  shall  be  made  and  certified  under  the  seal  of  the  commission  upon  applica- 
tion of  any  person,  which  certification  shall  have  the  same  force  and  effect  as  if  made 
by  the  officer  originally  in  chaiige  of  them,  and  the  commission  shall  charge  for  such 
copies  the  same  fees  as  said  officer  is  by  law  allowed  to  charge,  to  be  collected  in 
advance. 

Sec.  6.  For  carrying  out  the  purposes  and  objects  of  this  act  the  sum  of  five  thousand 
dollars,  or  so  much  thereof  as  shall  be  needed  over  and  above  all  of  the  funds  derived 
from  the  sale  of  the  publications  of  the  commission  and  all  the  fees  collected  under  sec- 
tion five  of  this  act,  is  hereby  annually  appropriated  out  of  funds  in  the  hands  of  the 
state  treasurer  not  otherwise  appropriated;  and  upon  order  of  the  commission  the  state 
auditor  is  hereby  empowered  and  directed  to  draw  his  warrant  for  this  sum  upon  the 
state  treasurer. 

Sec.  7.  This  act  shall  be  in  force  from  and  after  its  ratification. 

In  the  general  assembly  read  three  times,  and  ratified  this  the  8th  day  of  March, 
A.  D.  1907.O 

The  following  report  prepared  by  the  secretary  of  the  commission, 
Mr.  R.  D.  W.  Connor,  gives  a  brief  r6siim6  of  the  commission's  work: 

It  soon  became  apparent  that  if  the  work  expected  of  the  commis- 
sion was  to  be  done  properly  a  different  and  more  effective  organiza- 
tion was  necessary  than  that  provided  for  by  the  act  of  1903.  Accord- 
ingly the  passage  of  the  above  act  was  secured,  increasing  the  duties 
and  enlarging  the  powers  of  the  commission.  It  will  be  noted  that 
this  act,  besides  appropriating  $5,000  annually,  authorized  the  com- 
mission to  employ  a  salaried  secretar}^  and  to  equip  offices  in  the 
state  capitol. 

The  members  of  the  present  commission  are:  J.  Bryan  Grimes, 
Raleigh;  W.  J.  Peele,  Raleigh;  Thomas  W.  Bloimt,  Roper;  M.  C.  S. 
Noble,  Chapel  Hill,  and  D.  H.  Hill,  Raleigh. 

Tlie  commission  organized  May  20,  1907.  Mr.  Grimes  was  elected 
chairman  and  Mr.  R.  D.  W.  Connor  secretary. 

The  commission  found  plenty  of  work  at  hand.  Since  its  reor- 
ganization, its  main  efforts  have  been  directed  to  rescuing  from 
destruction  letters  and  other  documents  of  the  executive  department. 
This  correspondence  was  foimd  in  the  attic  of  a  rented  building  in  the 
business  section  of  the  city,  where  it  had  been  thrown  as  so  much 
trash.  A  vast  amount  of  it  has  been  removed,  classified,  and  arranged 
and  placed  in  temporary  files  in  the  document  room  of  the  commis- 
sion in  the  state  capitol.  This  work  has  not  yet  been  completed,  and 
still  occupies  the  attention  of  the  commission. 

The  commission  has  had  copied  for  pubUcation: 

The  Records  of  St.  Paul's  Vestry,  Edenton,  N.  C,  from  January 
3,  1714,  to  October  15,  1776. 

a  Public  laws  of  North  CaroUua  for  1007,  ch.  714,  p.  1031. 


REPORT   OF  PUBLIC   ARCHIVES   COMMISSION.  181 

The  Private  Letter  Books  of  Governor  Jonathan  Worth,  compiled 
and  edited  by  Dr.  J.  G.  de  R.  Hamilton. 

The  Official  Letters  from  the  Executive  Letter  Books  of  the  follow- 
ing governors:  Richard  Dobbs  Spaight,  1792-1795;  Samuel  Ashe, 
1795-1799;  William  Richardson  Davie,  1799;  Benjamin  Williams, 
1800-1802;  James  Turner,  1803-4;  Nathaniel  Alexander,  1805-1807; 
David  Stone,  1808-1810;  WiUiam  Hawkins,  1811-1814;  William  A. 
Graham,  1845-1849. 

The  commission  has  placed  in  the  Hall  of  History  various  pictures 
illustrating  the  history  of  North  Carolina;  and  appropriated  $100  to 
aid  the  history  committee  of  the  North  Carolina  Commission  of  the 
Jamestown  Exposition  in  making  an  historical  exhibit  at  the  James- 
town Exposition. 

The  commission  has  printed  the  following:  , 

Report  of  the  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission  to  Governor 
Charles  B.  Aycock,  1903-1905. 

Advanced  Sheets  of  Literary  and  Historical  Activities  in  North 
Carolina,  1900-1905,  Part  I,  relating  to  the  work  of  the  State  Liter- 
ary and  Historical  Association,  and  Part  II,  relating  to  the  reports  of 
Historical  Organizations  in  North  CaroUna,  both  parts  compiled  and 
edited  by  W.  J.  Peele  and  Clarence  H.  Poe. 

Five  Points  in  the  Record  of  North  Carolina  in  the  Great  War  of 
1861-1865.  The  report  of  the  committee  appointed  by  the  State 
Literary  and  Historical  Association,  1904,  to  reply  to  the  Chaiges  of 
Judge  George  L.  Christian,  of  Virginia. 

A  State  Library  Building  and  Department  of  Archives  and  Records. 
An  address  delivered  by  R.  D.  W.  Connor  before  the  State  Literary 
and  Historical  Association  at  Raleigh,  November  15, 1906..  Reprinted 
from  The  North  CaroUna  Booklet. 

Some  notes  on  Colonial  North  CaroUna,  1700-1750,  by  J.  Bryan 
Grimes.     Reprinted  from  The  North  CaroUna  Booklet. 

The  B^innings  of  English  America:  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  Efforts 
to  Plant  an  English  Colony  on  Roanoke  Island,  1584-1587.  By 
R.  D.  W.  Connor.  Prepared  for  distribution  at  the  JamestowTi 
Exposition. 

BuUetin  No.  I.  The  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission:  Its 
Creation  and  Organization;  Duties  and  Powers;  Plans  and  Purposes. 
Prepared  by  the  secretary. 

The  commission  has  the  following  in  press: 

Literary  and  Historical  Activities  in  North  Carolina,  1900-1905. 
Compiled  and  edited  by  W.  J.  Peele  and  Clarence  H.  Poe. 

Documentary  History  of  PubUc  Education  in  North  Carolina,  1 790- 
1 840.     Compiled  and  edited  by  Charles  L.  Coon. 


182  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

OHIO. 

Prof.  Robert  T.  Stevenson,  Ohio  Wesleyan  University;  Prof.  Isaac  J.  Cox,  University 

of  Cincinnati,  adjunct  members. 

In  regard  to  the  situation  in  Ohio  there  is  little  to  be  added  to  the 
report  submitted  in  1906.  Much  valuable  manuscript  material  is 
practically  inaccessible  through  lack  of  indexes  and  systematic 
classification.  The  Hon.  C.  D.  Galbraith,  state  librarian,  has 
recommended  in  his  annual  report  the  creation  of  a  state  archives 
department,  but  no  action  has  as  yet  been  taken  by  the  general 
assembly.  As  the  several  departments  are  crowded  the  great  need 
is  for  additional  room.  Many  of  the  state  departments  are  already 
occupying  rented  quarters  outside  of  the  capitol  building.  The  sub- 
ject of  the  erecting  of  a  new  building  is  now  under  consideration  and 
should  action  be  taken  to  that  end  it  is  believed  that  this  will  prepare 
the  way  for  the  establishment  of  a  separate  archives  department. 

OREGON. 

Prof.  F.  G.  Young,  University  of  Oregon,  adjunct  member. 

Nothing  has  been  done  recently  either  in  the  direction  of  the 
publication  of  archives  or  of  legislation  in  regard  to  their  care  and 
preservation.  The  secretary  of  the  Oregon  Historical  Society,  Prof. 
F.  G.  Young,  in  his  last  report,  urged  the  removal  of  the  location  of 
the  society  from  Portland  to  the  capital,  in  order  that  it  might  be 
intrusted  with  the  organization  and  conservation  of  the  archive 
material,  the  most  valuable  portion  of  which  is  found  there.  A  com- 
mittee of  the  society  was  appointed  to  consider  this  project,  but  w^ere 
unwilling  at  present  to  recommend  the  carrying  out  of  the  proposal. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Prof.  Herman  V.  Ames,  Univerbity  of  Pennsylvania,  chairman  of  the  commission. 

Five  different  laws  were  passed  by  the  legislature  during  the  session 
of  1907  relating  either  to  the  archives  or  to  matters  of  historical 
interest.  By  act  of  June  8,  the  membership  of  the  Advisory  Com- 
mission of  Public  Records  was  increased  from  five  to  seven.^  The 
chairman  of  the  Public  Record  Commission,  Prof.  Herman  V.  Ames, 
was  appointed  by  the  governor  a  member  of  this  advisory  commission. 

By  act  of  the  legislature  of  March  22,  the  publication  of  an  addi- 
tional series  of  archives,  not  to  exceed  1 5  volumes,  was  provided  for. 
The  edition  is  to  consist  of  2,000  copies.  The  state  librarian  was 
made  the  editor  of  the  series.^  An  appropriation  of  $1,500  was  made, 
authorizing  the  state  librarian  to  make  facsimiles  of  ancient  docu- 
ments.^    A  further  act  authorized  the  state  librarian  to  assist  the 


«  T-.aws  of  IViinsylvanIa,  liM)7,  oh.  .'U«i,  p.  4<)8. 
''  Laws  of  Pennsylvania,  1907.  cli.  :w.  p.  ',V2. 
c  Laws  of  Puimsylvaiiia,  1907,  ch.  4Wl. 


BEPOKT   OF   Pl'BLir   ARCHIVES   COMMISSION. 


183 


Pennsylvaniti  Fedcrutiun  (if  Ilisluricul  Soiietiea  in  the  preparation  of 
a  bibliograpliy  of  the  C'onuuonwealth ;  82,000  wus  appropriated  for 
this  purpose."  A  fifth  act  provided  for  the  purchas«  by  the  State  of 
400  copies  of  any  liistory  published  by  any  organization  of  Pennsyl- 
vania volunteers  and  for  the  distribution  of  these  copies.  An  appro- 
priation o[  $8,000  was  provided  for  this  purpose  for  two  years." 

The  Division  of  Public  Records,  since  its  creation  by  the  act  of 
1903,  has  made  great  progress  in  collecting,  classifying,  and  mounting 
the  older  documents  from  the  various  offices  in  the  cupitol.  Up  to 
the  close  of  the  year  1907  the  division  had  completed  295  volumes  of 
mounted  papers,  and  had  classified  and  sj's tenia  ticully  arranged  232 
filing  cases  of  documents.  All  the  papers  of  the  counties  formed 
prior  to  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  17!)0  have  been  carefully 
assorted,  and  si>eciiil  clasaifications  have  been  made  for  the  Asylum 
Company,  boundarj-  lines,  Connecticut  claims,  provincial  conmiissions," 
forfeited  estates,  French  emigrants,  lists  of  immigrants,  Indian  affairs, 
Indian  deeds,  letters  of  marque,  maps,  naturalization  pa|>ers,  oaths  of 
allegiance,  provincial  petitions,  roads  and  canals,  and  ship  captains' 
lists. 

The  department  has  received  and  answered  8,400  letters  and  issued 
nearly  1,500  certificates  of  military  service,  besides  copying  and 
certif>'ing  to  letters  and  petitions.  Upward  of  200  tracings  of  the 
signatures  of  emigrants  from  continental  Europe  were  also  furnished. 

The  division  now  has  a  catalogue  of  names,  events,  and  places  con- 
taining 240,()l>0  entries,  and  questions  concerning  the  early  records 
can  now  be  answered  in  a  few  minutes  which  formerly  might  have 
taken  weeks  of  research. 

In  addition  to  the  ordinary  work  of  the  division  an  effort  has  been 
made  to  convince  people  that  when  they  have  a  document  which 
shows  deterioration  the  division  is  willing  to  put  it  in  proper  and 
safe  condition  for  them ;  and  in  this  way  a  large  number  of  such  papers 
have  been  saved  from  dcslruction. 


RHODE   ISL.AND. 

n  nS  iIli>  lihudc  luluud  Hititoricikl  Swiety.  mombpr  nf  the 


Clawntp  >".  HriKliiii 


In  the  annual  report  of  the  state  reconl  commissioner  for  the  year 
entliiig  December  31,  1907  (Providence,  1908.  pp,  40),  the  commis- 
sioner, Mr.  It.  liammett  Tilley,  states  that  the  work  of  the  commission 
has  Iain  along  tlio  same  Unes  tis  in  preceding  years;  that  special  atten- 
tion has  been  paid  to  the  condition  of  the  vaults  and  safes  in  the 
county  and  district  courts,  and  that  the  work  of  preservation  and 
rebinding  the  records  has  been  continued  in  some  of  the  towns.     Tlie 


184  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

commission  has  continued  the  work  of  examining  the  records  and 
files  in  the  custody  of  the  secretary  of  state.  Special  appropriation 
was  made  for  the  preparation  of  a  list  of  Colonial  and  Revolutionary 
soldiers,  which  work  has  been  done  under  the  supervision  of  the 
commission.  The  report  presents  a  somewhat  detailed  account  of 
the  condition  of  the  court  records  and  provisions  for  their  safe- 
keeping, as  also  of  the  records  of  the  several  cities  and  towns  of  the 
State.  The  recommendation  that  an  archives  division  be  estab- 
lished is  renewed.  In  addition,  several  recommendations  are  made 
in  regard  to  the  enactment  of  laws  requiring  cities  and  towns  to  pro- 
vide fireproof  receptacles  for  their  records,  as  also  to  various  other 
matters  relating  to  their  care,  suggested  from  experience  in  Rhode 
Island  and  Massachusetts.  The  sum  of  $600  is  annually  appropri- 
ated by  the  State  for  the  record  commission,  and  in  recent  years  $500 
annually  has  been  appropriated  toward  defraying  the  expenses  of 
comfHling  the  commissioner's  report. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

Mr.  A.  S.  Salloy.  jr.,  eecretary  of  the  Historical  rommifiBion  of  South  Carolina,  adjunct 

member. 

Considerable  progress  has  been  made  during  the  past  year  in  clas- 
sifying and  publisliing  the  arcliives.  Prior  to  1865,  it  would  appear 
from  internal  evidence  that  the  records  must  have  been  kept  in  a 
condition  fully  abreast  of  the  best  methods  of  the  times,  but  upon  the 
approach  of  Sherman's  army  the  records  in  the  offices  of  secretary  of 
state,  comptroller-general,  and  surveyor-general  and  a  few  scattering 
records  from  other  state  departments,  were  bundled  off  to  a  place 
of  safety  bv  the  then  secretary  of  state,  Col.  William  R.  Huntt. 
When  they  were  bn>ught  back  after  the  war  they  were  dum{>ed  in 
vacant  rooms,  attics,  and  basements,  and  such  as  were  needed  for 
daily  use  were  shelyod  in  a  crude  way.  From  1905  the  beginning  of 
a  new  era  can  ho  dated.  Since  that  time,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Historical  Ci)niniission  i>f  S\>uth  Carolina,  then  created,  considerable 
progress  has  boon  made  in  classifyiuir,  sheKnng,  and  indexing  the  older 
records.  In  100(>,  $150  was  set  apart  as  a  publication  fund  with  which 
the  Journal  o\  i\u>  (leneral  Assembly  of  South  Carolina,  March  26, 
1776-April  11.  1770,  wa^^  published  (pp.  89).  In  1907  the  publica- 
tii>n  funtl  was  incroiusod  to  $500,  iis  a  result  of  which  during  the  past 
year  two  fragments  of  the  Journal  of  the  Gr«nd  Council  of  South 
Carolina  have  Ihhmi  published.  The  first  volume  covers  the  period 
fn>ni  August  25,  Uwl-June  24,  1680  (pp.  91),  and  the  second  covers 
the  ptM-iotl  from  April  11,  1692-September  26,  1692  (pp.  67).  These 
volunuvs  wiM'o  edited  by  the  secretary,  Mr.  A.  S.  Salley,  jr.  These  two 
fra^rmcnls  o(  the  Journals  of  the  Grand  Council  are  all  that  have  been 
fouiul  of  (ho  Journals  of  the  Council  for  the  entire  proprietary  period. 


REPORT  OF  PUBLIC   ARCHIVES   COMMISSION.  185 

It  is  hoped  that  journals  covering  the  other  periods  may  be  discovered 
in  England  among  the  papers  of  descendants  of  some  of  the  proprie- 
tors, inasmuch  as  these  latter  required  the  secretary  of  the  province 
to  furnish  them  with  duplicates  of  all  legislative  proceedings. 

In  addition,  two  volumes  of  the  Commons  House  of  Assembly  of 
the  Province  of  South  Carolina  have  been  published.  The  first  covers 
the  session  of  September  20,  1692-October  15,  1692,  comprising  the 
earliest  entries  in  the  extant  journals.  The  second  volume  contains 
the  journals  for  the  four  sessions  of  1693.  It  is  expected  that  the 
next  volume  published  will  include  the  two  sessions  of  the  year  1696.^ 

TENNESSEE. 

Prof.  St.  Geoni^e  L.  Siouasat,  University  of  the  South,  adjunct  member. 

The  legislature  of  the  State  has  provided  for  the  continuance  of  the 
present  provision  for  the  care  of  the  archives,  but  in  addition  it 
authorized  the  appointment  of  a  joint  legislative  committee  of  five 
to  examine  the  older  records  and  archives  of  the  State  and  report  as 
to  the  condition  in  which  it  finds  them,  and  what,  if  anything,  should 
be  done  for  the  preservation  and  care  of  the  same.  ^ 

TEXAS. 

Prof.  Eugene  C  Barker,  Univernity  of  Texaa,  adjunct  member. 

Under  the  law,  the  State  Library  is  the  custodian  of  the  historical 
archives  of  the  State.  The  report  of  the  state  librarian  and  archivist , 
Mr.  E.  W.  Winkler,  for  the  year  ending  August  31,  1906  (Houston, 
1906,  pp.  101),  consists  of  a  review  of  the  wcn'k  which  has  been  done 
on  the  archives,  together  with  a  statement  of  recent  acquisitions. 
Accompanying  the  report  is  a  calendar  of  the  manuscripts  contained 
in  a  volume  of  the  Ramo  de  Guerra  in  the  Archivo  General  y  Publico 
de  Mexico,  comprising  some  26  pages  of  the  report,  as  also  a  third 
calendar  of  Yoakum  Papers.  For  the  year  1907  no  report  of  the  state 
librarian  has  been  published,  and  for  the  time  being  the  work  on  tlie 
archives  has  absolutely  been  suspended. 

The  University  of  Texas  has  employed  a  cataloguer  who  is  working 
on  the  Austin  collection  in  the  custody  of  the  university,  and  it 
is  expected  that  before  another  year  work  will  also  begin  on  the 
Bexar  archives.  Attention  may  also  be  directed  to  the  publication 
of  the  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  edited 
by  Prof.  George  P.  Garrison,  of  the  University  of  Texas,  which 
appears  in  part  in  the  report  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commis- 
sion of  the  American  Historical  Association  for  the  present  year,  con- 
stituting Volume  n  of  the  annual  report. 

a  The  prasent  session  of  the  general  assembly,  February,  1908,  has  Increased  the  funds  available  for 
pai>IicatIon  by  empowering  the  commission  to  use  the  proceeds  from  tho  sales  of  its  publications. 
&Laws  of  Tennessee,  1907,  p.  *21R9.    Resolution  of  January  30, 1907. 


186  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCUTION. 

VIRGINIA.^ 

The  department  of  archives  and  history  in  the  Virginia  State 
Library  was  engaged  in  diversified  work  in  the  year  1907.  The 
department  was  organized  in  1906,  and  that  year  was  spent  in  arrang- 
ing and  classifying  certain  collections  of  papers  and  in  attending  to 
the  routine  work  of  communicating  maiiuscripts  to  students  and  of 
answering  correspondence.  In  1907  the  routine  work  grew  to  large 
proportions.  Boimd  manuscripts  were  issued  to  readers  about 
eleven  hundred  times,  and  more  than  three  hundred  letters,  some  of 
which  called  for  lengthy  research,  were  answered. 

The  arranging  of  the  manuscripts  was  carried  on  through  the  year 
but  was  greatly  interrupted.  The  legislative  petitions  were  selected 
in  1906  as  the  first  collection  to  be  filed  and  catalogued.  These 
papers  had  formerly  been  arranged  in  chronological  order  w^ithout 
any  other  classification.  As  they  are  of  especial  interest  in  regard 
to  local  affairs,  however,  and  as  the  signatures  attached  to  them  are 
very  valuable,  the  order  was  changed  and  the  papers  were  grouped 
in  a  classification  by  coimties.  About  two  thousand  five  hundred 
petitions  have  been  pressed  and  filed  in  filing  cases.  The  calendaring 
of  the  papers  has  been  kept  abreast  of  the  filing.  About  five  hundred 
abstracts  have  been  made,  but  as  some  of  these  were  made  by  tem- 
porary assistants  the  work  will  have  to  be  done  over  again  in  most 
cases. 

The  department  was  occupied  during  a  great  part  of  the  year  with 
the  Jamestown  Exposition.  As  soon  as  the  library  board  deter- 
mined to  send  an  exhibft  to  the  exposition,  plans  were  drawn  up  by 
the  department.  The  library  joined  the  Virginia  Historical  Society 
in  a  joint  exhibit,  and  tlie  Historical  Society  contributed  many 
valuable  and  interesting  papers.  The  collection  presented  a  docu- 
mentaiy  history  of  Virginia  and  her  institutions  from  early  times  tt> 
the  end  of  the  civil  war.  The  exhibit  occupied  twenty-eight  cases 
in  the  main  room  of  the  history  building  and  consisted  of  more  than 
seven  hundred  manuscripts.  A  collection  of  Virginia  maps  was  also 
shown.  The  archivist,  besides  being  employed  for  a  considerable 
length  of  time  in  preparing  the  exhibit,  was  called  upon  to  spend  a 
part  of  the  summer  at  the  exposition  looking  after  it. 

The  report  of  the  state  librarian  for  1906-7  shows  that  two 
additional  volumes  of  the  Journals  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  were 
published  during  the  year,  as  follows:  Journals  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses  of  Virginia,  1766-1769  (Richmond,  1906,  pp.  372),  Jour- 
nals of  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  1761-1765  (Richmond, 
1907,  pp.  383). 

a  The  compiler  is  Indo])ted  to  Dr.  IT.  J.  Kokenrode,  urohivist  of  tho  Virginia  State  Library,  lor  this 
statement  of  the  work  of  the  department. 


REPORT  OF  PUBLIC  ARCHIVES  COMMISSION.  187 

WEST  VIRGINIA. 
Viigil  A.  Lewis,  state  historian  and  archivist,  Charleston,  adjunct  member. 

Mr.  Lewis's  first  biennial  report  of  the  department  of  archives  and 
history,  dated  October  1,  1906  (Charleston,  1906,  pp.  271),  contains 
much  of  interest  relating  to  the  archives  of  the  State,  as  well  as  con- 
siderable historical  data.  The  department  is  installed  in  commodious 
quarters  on  the  third  floor  of  the  new  capitol  annex  building.  In 
addition  to  the  printed  collections,  it  possesses  more  than  2,000  manu- 
scripts, a  considerable  portion  of  which  belong  to  the  period  of 
reorganized  government  of  the  year  1862.  An  earnest  eflFort  is  being 
made  to  add  to  the  collections  of  the  department,  and  an  appeal  has 
been  sent  out  to  the  people  of  the  State  to  deposit  or  contribute  such 
matter  as  relates  to  the  history  or  archives  of  the  State. 

WISCONSIN. 

Prof.  Carl    R.  Fish,  University  of  Wisconsin,  Madison,  member  of  commission. 

As  stated  in  the  report  on  Wisconsin  in  1905,  the  archives  are  still 
in  charge  of  the  several  departments  in  which  the  documents  originate. 
This  has  led  to  less  diversity  of  methods  in  the  keeping  and  handling 
of  the  current  archives  than  might  be  supposed.  In  general  the 
departments  use  the  modem  card-index  and  filing  systems,  and  the 
materials  used  are  such  as  to  insure  permanency.  In  the  handling  of 
documents  not  absolutely  necessary  there  is  more  variety  and  less  to 
commend.  Some  departments,  where  there  is  frequent  call  for  docu- 
ments, as  in  the  supreme  court  and  the  land  office,  have  excellent 
arrangements.  In  other  departments,  certain  classes  of  documents, 
such  as  the  civil  war  accounts  in  the  treasury,  recently  overhauled  to 
support  the  State's  claim  upon  the  National  Government,  are  easily 
accessible.  Elsewhere  the  documents,  though  safe,  are  in  a  condition 
varying  from  difficulty  of  access  to  inaccessibility.  There  is  no  state 
supervision  of  local  records. 

The  last  legislature  passed  a  law.  May  8,  1907,  authorizing  the 
officials  in  charge  to  hand  over  documents  not  needed  for  current  use 
to  the  keeping  of  the  State  Historical  Society,*  and  this  probably 
foreshadows  the  storing  up  of  such  archives  as  have  a  direct  historical 
value  in  the  building  of  that  society,  where  they  will  be  convenient 
to  general  use.  It  is,  however,  possible  that  with  the  completion  of 
the  new  capitol  an  archives  department  may  be  created. 

a  Laws  of  Wisconsin,  1907,  ch.  88,  p.  777. 


XII.  FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  AND  THE  REVOLUTIONIZING  OF 

SPANISH  AMERICA. 


By  WILLIAM  SPENCE  ROBERTSON,  PH.  D., 
Asnstani  Professor  of  History  in  Western  Reserve  University. 

The  Herbert  Baxter  Adams  prize  of  the  American  Historical  Association  was  divided 
between  the  author  of  this  monograph  and  Dr.  E.  B.  Krehbiel*  author  of  a  monograph 
on  "  The  Interdict,  its  History  and  its  Operation,  with  especial  attention  to  the  Time 
of  Pope  Innocent  III." 


189 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  AND  THE  REVOLUTIONIZING  OF  SPANISH 

AMERICA. 

PREFACE. 

"  Francisco  de  Miranda  and  the  Revolutionizing  of  Spanish 
America  "  is  an  essay  in  a  comparatively  unexplored  field  of  history. 
It  was  originally  prepared  in  partial  fulfillment  of  the  requirements 
for  the  degree  of  doctor  of  philosophy,  and  as  a  dissertation  was 
awarded  the  George  Washington  Egleston  historical  prize  at  Yale 
University  in  1903.  It  has  since  been  considerably  modified  because 
of  the  discovery  of  additional  archival  material.  My  thanks  are  first 
due  to  the  late  Prof.  E.  G.  Bourne,  under  whose  direction  the  investi- 
gation was  begun,  for  helpful  suggestions,  especially  of  a  bibliograph- 
ical character.  Space  forbids  more  than  a  general  acknowledgment 
of  indebtedness  to  many  individuals  and  organizations  that  aided  me 
by  granting  access  to  books  and  manuscripts.  In  particular,  however, 
I  wish  to  express  my  sense  of  obligation  for  permission  extended  by 
the  governments  of  England,  France,  Spain,  the  United  States,  and 
Mexico  to  examine  their  archives.  I  am  grateful  to  the  officials  of 
these  archives,  especially  to  Hubert  Hall,  esq.,  of  the  Public  Record 
Office,  London,  England;  Senor  Don  Julian  Paz,  director  of  the 
Spanish  archives  at  Simancas ;  and  Dr.  Justino  Rubio,  director  of  the 
archivo  general  in  Mexico  City.  An  expression  of  gratitude  to  Prof. 
W.  R.  Shepherd,  of  Columbia  University,  and  Prof.  H.  E.  Bolton, 
of  the  University  of  Texas,  for  suggestions  regarding  material  in  the 
archives  of  Spain  and  of  Mexico,  respectively,  may  not  be  omitted. 
Many  thanks  are  also  due  to  those  who  read  the  essay  carefully :  Mr. 
S.  E.  Allen,  of  Williams  College;  Dr.  C.  C.  Arbuthnot  and  Prof. 
H.  E.  Bourne,  of  Western  Reserve  University.  Lastly,  I  must  express 
my  appreciation  of  the  advice  and  encouragement  so  often  given  by 
Prof.  Frederick  J.  Turner,  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  under 
whom  my  interest  in  Spanish- American  history  began. 

Mentor  Headlands,  Ohio,  Augtist  18^  1908. 

191 


CONTENTS. 

'hapter   I.  Some  historical  antecedents  of  Miranda 195 

II.  A  sketch  of  the  captain-generalship  of  Caracas 213 

III.  The  early  career  of  Miranda 227 

IV.  Miranda's  tour  of  America  and  Europe 247 

V.  Miranda  and  the  Nootka  Sound  dispute 266 

VI.  Miranda  in  France 288 

VII.  Miranda,  England,  and  the  United  States,  1797-1799 309 

VIII.  Miranda  and  the  English  ministry,  1799-1805 340 

IX.  The  expedition  of  1806 361 

X.  England  and  Spanish  America  in  1808 399 

XL  Miranda  in  retirement 415 

XII.  Miranda  and  the  founding  of  the  first  V^enezuelan  Republic 437 

XIII.  Miranda  as  dictator  of  Venezuela 460 

XIV.  Miranda,  a  prisoner  of  Spain 482 

ibliography 491 

A.  Secondary  accounts: 

a.  Books  and  pamphlets 491 

b.  Periodicals 496 

B.  Sources: 

a.  Published  material: 

1.  Books  and  pamphlets 497 

2.  Newspapers  and  periodicals 505 

b.  Manuscript  material 607 

3cumentary  appendix 512 

o8,S3a— VOL  1—09 13  193 


Chapter  I. 

SOME  HISTORICAL  ANTECEDENTS  OF  MIRANDA. 

The  dominant  motive  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  was  to  free  his 
native  country,  Spanish  America,  from  the  rule  of  Spain.  During  a 
large  part  of  his  remarkable  career  Miranda  tenaciously  clung  to  the 
belief  that  his  fellow-countrymen  could  achieve  their  independence 
only  by  the  active  aid  and  cooperation  of  one  or  more  of  the  great 
powers  of  the  world,  notably  France  and  England.  So  early  was  his 
activity  and  so  great  were  his  services  that  he  has  been  called  the 
apostle  of  Spanish-American  independence.  The  idea  of  severing 
the  whole  or  a  part  of  the  vast  dominions  of  Spain  in  America  from 
the  mother  country  was  not,  however,  first  conceived  in  the  fertile 
brain  of  Francisco  de  Miranda.  On  the  contrary,  this  idea  was 
present  in  the  minds  of  many  people.  Englishmen,  Spanish  Ameri- 
cans, and  Frenchmen,  long  before  the  plans  of  Miranda  were  fully 
formed.  Hence  it  will  be  the  aim  of  this  chapter  to  consider  briefly 
the  attitude  of  England  and  France  toward  Spanish  America  before 
the  advent  of  Miranda,  as  well  as  to  describe  some  of  his  forerunners. 

The  manifold  designs  of  various  European  powers  against  Spanish 
America  find  their  ultimate  origins  in  the  bitter  jealousies  and  ambi- 
tions that  were  the  accompaniment  or  the  outcome  of  the  work  of 
discovery  and  exploration.  The  desire  to  singe  the  Spanish  king's 
beard  did  not  by  any  means  die  out  after  the  defeat  of  the  great 
armada.  Hawkins,  Drake,  and  Raleigh  were  followed  by  men  of  a 
similar  type.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was  not  the  last  Englishman  to 
dream  of  retrieving  his  fallen  fortunes  by  founding  a  colonial  empire 
in  the  Spanish-American  dominions.  In  this  respect,  the  age  of 
Elizabeth  finds  its  parallelisms  in  the  Cromwellian 'era.  Ilakluyt's 
"  Discourse  on  Western  Planting  "  was  succeeded  by  Thomas  Gage's 
"A  New  Survey  of  the  West  Indies;  or  the  English  American,  his 
Travels  by  Sea  and  Land."  Thomas  Gage  had  lived  in  Spanish 
America  about  twelve  years,  mainly  in  Mexico  and  Central  America. 
His  book,  first  published  in  1748,  was  an  attempt  to  describe  these 
regions.  It  passed  through  several  editions  and  was  translated  into 
several  European  languages.  In  the  epistle  to  the  reader  Gage  said : 
**  To  my  countrymen  therefore  I  offer  a.  New  World  to  be  the  subject 


196  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION.  I 

I 

of  their  future  Pains,  Valor,  and   Piety."     After  discussing  the 
value  of  the  English  possessions  in  the  West  Indies  to  England,  he 
said  that,  as  the  Englishmen  had  become  inured  to  the  climate  of  these 
islands,  they  were  "  more  enabled  thereby  to  undertake  any  enter- 
prise upon  the  firm  land  with  greater  facility.    Neither  is  the  diffi- 
culty so  great  as  some  may  imagine ;  for  I  dare  be  bold  to  affirm  it 
knowingly.  That  with  the  same  pains  and  charge  which  they  have 
l)een  at  in  planting  one  of  these  petty  Islands,  they  might  have  con- 
quered so  many  great  Cities  and  large  Territories  on  the  main  conti- 
nent, as  might  very  well  merit  the  Title  of  a  Kingdom."    After  dis- 
cussing the  claims  of  the  Spanish  monarch  to  territory  in  the  New 
World,  he  waived  them  aside,  saying,  "  God  hath  given  the  earth  to 
the  sons  of  men  to  inhabit."  <•    This  book  must  have  suggested  to  the 
minds  of  many  the  idea  of  extending  the  English  dominions  in 
America  at  the  expense  of  Spain.     In  1654,  Gage  used  a  similar 
argument  to  incite  Oliver  Cromwell  to  attack  the  West  Indian  pos- 
sessions, as  well  as  some  of  the  continental  possessions  of  Spain  in 
America.     He   argued   that  the   task   would   not  be   difficult,   forV 
"  though  the  continent  bee  vast,  and  of  many  thousand  miles,  yett  it 
is  very  thinnely  peopled  by  Spaniards."    The  greatest  cities  lacked 
gims,  field  pieces,  walls,  and  castles.    The  Spaniards  themselves  were 
lazy,  sinful,  and  otherwise  unfitted  for  war.    The  mulattoes  and 
negroes  would  not  oppose  the  movement;  if  they  were  given  arms 
they  were  even  likely  to  turn  against  their  masters.    There  were 
many  factions  among  the  inhabitants.     The  Indians,  being  unarmed, 
could  not  resist  invasion.     Gage  also  discussed  the  various  points  of 
attack.     Of  all  the  islands  adjacent  to  the  continent,  there  was,  in 
his  opinion,  "'  none  like  unto  Hispaniola  and  Cuba."    There  was  no  >m 
place  easier  to  land  on  the  continent  than  "Honduras  in  Gulpho 
Dulce."    He  then  proceeded  to  point  out  how  Guatemala,  Nicaragua, 
Costa  Rica,  Panama,  the  South  Sea,  Peru,  Mexico,  Yucatan,  and 
Campeche  might  l>e  attacked.**    Thus,  a  comprehensive  scheme  of 
attack  on  this  "  fat  and  rich  country  "  was  sketched.     About  the  same 
time  Colonel  Muddiford  outlined  another  plan.     He  proposed  that 
the  English  forces  land  at  the  island  of  Barbados,  take  St.  Joseph, 
in  Trinidad,  and  then  proceed  to  disembark  on  the  Spanish  main. 
The  initial  attack,  he  believed,  should  be  made  at  the  Orinoco  River. 
Thence  the  conquest  of  St.  Thomas,  Margarita,  Cumana,  Caracas, 
Venezuela,  and,  if  advisable,  Carthagena,  could  be  undertaken.    He 
agreed  that  of  all  the  islands  Cuba  was  the  best,  for  it  was  the  "  back 
door  of  the  Indies."  ^    Whether  these  two  plans  had  any  great  in- 
fluence in  deciding  Cromwell  to  attack  the  West  Indian  possessions 

"  (ittf^o.  Now  Survey,  "  To  the  Reader.'* 
*ThurIoe,   State  Papers,    III,   59-62. 
*  Ibid..  62.  63. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MTRASDA. 


197 


at  Spain  in  1655  or  not,"  it  seema  that  this  expedition  was  only  meant 
as  a  preliminary  step  to  the  conquest  and  absorption  of  some  of  the 
continental  possessions  of  Spain  in  America.  In  a  letter  written  in 
October,  1055,  one  mouth  after  the  forces  had  departed,  Cromwell 
thus  voiced  what  was  probably  the  sentiment  of  many:  "  It  is  much 
designed  among  us  to  strive  with  the  Spaniard  for  the  mastery  of 
all  those  seas  •  *  *  to  restrain  and  suppress  the  tyrannies  and 
usurpations  of  the  King  of  Spain  in  all  those  countries  by  a  pretended 
donation  of  the  Poi)e,"  ' 

The  buci;aneers  who  preyed  upon  the  Spanish  settlements  inv'' 
oierica  during  the  seventeenth  century  were  doubtless  inspired  by 
^gioiis  and  international  jealousy,  as  well  as  by  other  motives. 
Dader  the  leadership  of  such  men  as  Mansveldt,  Morgan,  and  Do 
At,  these  corsairs  raided  and  plundered  Porto  Bello,  Maracaibo, 
iBrthagena,  Vera  Cruz,  Panama,  Guayaquil,  and  other  Spanish 
strongholds.  They  robbed  the  Spanish  galleons  of  pieces  of  eight 
wherever  they  could  find  them.  One  of  these  sea  n»ver«,  at  least, 
seems  to  have  thought  of  planting  a  colony  in  the  Spani.sh  Indies. 
The  entire  movement  is  to  an  extent  epitomized  in  the  career  of 
Morgan,  tlie  prince  of  buccaneers,  who  after  an  attack  on  Panama,  in 
1671,  in  which  he  carried  off  rich  booty,  abandoned  his  piratical 
DipHDions,  became  governdr  of  Jamaica,  and  was  later  knighted, 
b  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  trade  of  buccaneering 
ame  almost  extinct  in  the  West  Indies."  It  is  interesting  to  notice 
Ut  some  of  the  very  islands  in  the  groups  which  were  infested  by 
freebooters  afterwards  became  the  refuge  of  filibusters  and 
irolutionists,  who  plotted  how  to  attack  the  King  of  Spain  very 
much  as  did  their  buccaneering  predecessors,  whom  in  some  respects 
they  resembled.  Some  of  the  English  settlements  in  this  region, 
notably  the  plantation  on  the  Mosquito  shore,  were  the  outgi'owth  of 
^Beoii piratical  settlements. 

^H  The  eighteenth  century,  however,  was  the  era  in  which  designs 
^^toainst  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America  were  nmnerous  and  far- 
^^BBching.     After  the  failure  of  the  English  attack  on  Carthagena, 
^Bl  1741,  there  was  embodied  in  a  private  memorial  to  the  English 
^lOoremment  the  essence  of  the  idea  which  was  later  to  animate  many 
revolntionary  agitators.     The  writer  began  by  suggesting  that  many 
Britons  believed  that  English  success  at  Carthagena  would,  if  prop- 
erly   followed    up,    make    the    English    "masters    of    all    Spanish 
America."     This  he  deprecated.     The  dangers  of  English  conquest 
were  dwelt  upon;  it  was  pointed  out  that  to  maintain  possession  of 


■Hon  bit  H 


198  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Spanish  America  when  conquered  would  require  "  strong  garrisons 
and  colonies."  It  would  cost  treasure  and  raise  envious  neighbors. 
It  would  provoke  such  a  coalition  against  England  that  she  could  not 
maintain  her  hold.  The  solution  which  the  author  of  this  memoir 
suggested  was  to  open  all  the  ports  of  Spanish  America  to  trade. 
That,  in  the  existing  condition  of  affairs,  would  be  difficult  to  accom- 
plish. Hence  it  was  suggested  that  the  English  enter  into  an  alliance 
with  the  Spanish  Americans,  "  as  with  free  people,"  to  liberate 
their  country  from  the  rule  of  Spain.  England  would  then  have 
tlie  right  to  carry  on  the  war  in  behalf  of  her  allies.  "  It  well  becomes 
a  free  people  to  place  others  in  the  same  condition  with  themselves. 
To  deliver  so  many  nations  from  Tyranny  will  be  truer  Glory  than 
Alexander  gained  by  all  his  Victories  *  *  *  we  shall  thereby 
greatly  increase  our  own  Riches,  wch.  is  the  end  of  all  conquests: 
and  we  shall  do  it  without  raising  the  just  envy  of  our  neighbors, 
wch.  is  likely  to  make  our  happiness  the  more  lasting."  « 

It  was  only  natural  that  schemes  for  detaching  part  or  all  of  the 
Spanish  dominions  in  America  from  the  parent  country  should  have 
been  always  more  numerous  in  England  when  that  country  was  war- 
ring with  Spain  or  when  war  seemed  imminent.  Thus  in  1779,  when 
France  had  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  revolting  colonists  of 
England  in  America,  which  drew  Spain,  the  ally  of  France,  into  the 
struggle,  such  projects  multiplied.  In  that  year  the  English  minister, 
Lord  George  Germain,  informed  Governor  Bailing  of  Jamaica  that 
his  Government  had  decided  to  tegin  hostilitie^s  against  Spain.  Louis- 
iana and  the  province  of  Darien  were  deemed  the  most  feasible  points 
of  attack  for  a  small  force.  Accordingly  Dalling  was  ordered  to 
cooperate,  if  possible,  with  General  Campbell,  the  commander  of  the 
English  forces  in  West  Florida,  in  an  attack  on  New  Orleans.  The 
Mosquito  Indians  were  to  l)e  supplied  with  arms  and  ammunition 
and  ^icouraged  to  make  inroads  into  the  Spanish  territory.  It  was 
declared,  however,  that  England  did  not  then  intend  to  make  con- 
(juest^s  or  to  establish  colonies  in  Spanish  America,  but  that  her  pur- 
I)()se  was  to  annoy  Spain  and  to  deprive  her  of  a  considerable  portion 
of  her  most  profital)le  commerce.^  In  December,  1776,  an  interesting 
and  lengthy  scheme  to  ''  annihilate  universally  the  Spanish  dominions 
in  America  ''  was  forwarded  from  Pisa  to  Lord  George  Germain. 
(■ai)tain  Kaye,  the  author  of  this  scheme,  which  perhaps  was  not 
s(»riously  considered  by  the  English  ministers  until  1779,  suggested 
that,  in  case  of  a  war  with  Spain,  the  starting  point  of  the  attack 
should  l)e  on  the  Mosquito  shore.  England  was  to  aid  the  inhabitants 
of  Spanish  America  in  gaining  their  freedom  by  furnishing  fifteen 
or  t  \v(Mity  thousand  troops  and  a  fleet.    She  was  to  restore  the  govem- 


•Am.   nist.   Rov.,  TV,  326-328. 

»G«'rmaln  to  DalUng,  June  17.  177J»,  P.  R.  ().,  Jamaica.  16. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  199 

ment  of  the  Incas  of  Peru  and  to  allow  the  inhabitants  of  other  parts 
of  Spanish  America  to  establish  such  governments  as  they  should 
deem  suitable.  Until  the  end  of  the  war  of  liberation  the  revenues 
of  Spanish  America  were  to  go  to  England.  The  property  of  the 
Spanish  officers  who  did  not  join  the  revolutionists  was  to  be  divided 
among  the  English  forces  engaged  in  the  war.  In  return  for  the 
valuable  aid  furnished  by  England  that  country  was  to  enjoy  a  "  free 
and  exclusive  trade  and  commerce  "  with  Spanish  America  and  was 
to  be  insured  possession  of  all  the  seacoasts  of  that  country.  Captain 
Kay^,  who  had  served  on  the  coasts  of  Spanish  America,  believed  that 
the  native  inhabitants  would  readily  cooperate  in  the  plan.  "  What 
of  all  things  most  merits  attention,"  said  he,  "  is  a  Predilection  which 
the  Natives  of  Spanish  America  have  in  favor  of  this  Expedition, 
arising  from  a  Prophecy  of  Old  Date,  Universally  believed  and  Care- 
fully handed  down  from  one  Generation  t©  Another; '  That  a  far  dis- 
tant Nation,  Commanding  the  Sea,  Shall  Come  in  Ships  to  their 
deliverance,  and,  freeing  them  from  the  Yoke  and  Oppression  of  the 
Spaniards,  shall  Restore  them  to  the  possession  of  their  Liberty  and 
Country.'  This  may  be  used  to  the  best  advantage  both  in  Com- 
posing the  Manifestos  and  in  publishing  them  among  the  People."  ^ 
This  argument  for  an  attack  beginning  on  the  Mosquito  shore  was 
also  urged  in  a  somewhat  different  form  at  about  the  same  time  by 
Robert  AVhite.^ 

Other  suggestions  of  a  similar  nature  had  come  to  England  from 
Italy  through  Mr.  Hippisley,  who  had  been  brought  into  contact  with 
some  of  the  Jesuits  who  had  been  expelled  from  the  Spanish  domin- 
ions in  America  in  1767.  The  members  of  the  militant  Society  of 
Jesus  had  acquired  large  properties  and  influence  in  these  regions; 
hence  it  was  not  without  disgust  and  disaffection  that  some  of  th^m, 
when  banished  from  their  homes  in  America,  went  to  live  on  a  slender 
pittance  in  Europe.  A  few  of  them,  at  least,  were  anxious  to  avenge 
their  real  or  fancied  wrongs.  Hippisley  felt  that  they  would  be 
** essential  instruments"  in  revolutionizing  Spanish  America.^  In 
the  autumn  of  1779,  acting  on  the  advice  of  some  of  them,  Hippisley 
suggested  that  Mexico  could  easily  he  conquered  by  an  expedition 
from  the  West  Indies  aimed  against  Lower  California  and  by  an 
attack  on  Acapulco  and  Veracruz.  It  was  hinted  that  the  interior 
ot  the  country  be  left  to  native  control.  The  embittered  Jesuits 
could  be  used  as  emissaries  by  the  attacking  forces.**  These  proposi- 
tions attracted  the  attention  of  Lord  North  and  Warren  Hastings. 
Subsequently  Hippisley  seems  to  have  held  several  conferences  with 

•  Memorandam,  **  Respecting  a  War  with  Spain,"  P.  R.  O.,  Jamaica,  17. 

*  White  to  Sir  Archibald  Campbell,  October  25,  1790,  Chatham  MSS.,  120. 
'  Castlereagh.  Correspondence,  VII,  261. 

'Ibid.,  263-266. 


200  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Lord  North  on  this  subject.  Plans  for  an  expedition  to  South  Amer- 
ica by  way  of  India  seem  actually  to  have  been  laid  before  the 
English  cabinet  by  Lord  North  "  and  approved."  A  certain  Colonel 
Fullarton  appears  to  have  made  some  arrangements  for  the  execution, 
of  the  enterprise."  Whatever  mode  of  action  was  contemplated,  it 
was  not  carried  out,  however,  probably  because  of  the  peace  which 
was  concluded  by  England  with  the  revolutionary  American  col- 
onists and  their  allies. 

Other  suggestions  of  this  sort  are  found  in  the  literature  of  this 
period.    In  the  memorial  which  Governor  Pownall  drew  up  in  1780, 
he  declared  that  South  America  was  "  growing  too  much  for  Spain 
to  manage  "  and  that  it  would  become  independent  "  as  soon  as  any 
occasion  "  called  forth  its  power.    The  revolt,  in  his  opinion,  would 
not  be  like  that  which  occurred  in  North  America,  for  it  would  be 
carried  on  "  in  its  natural  progress,  by  the  spirit  of  some  injured, 
enterprising  genius  taking  the  lead  of  a  sense  of  alienation  and  of  a 
disposition  to  revolt  to  the  establishment  of  a  great  Monarchy."* 
In  August,  1783,  a  man  who  subscribed  himself  Jack  Hood  descanted 
on  the  value  of  the  Mosquito  shore  to  England.    "  How  easy  it  is," 
said  he,  "  from  this  kingdom  to  accomplish  one  of  the  greatest  enter- 
prises on  the  Globe  that  of  Liberating  Spanish  America  with  th^ 
assistance  of  those  friendly  and  brave  Indians  that  have  never  heemr" 
subdued ;  they  have  a  tradition  '  that  they  shall  Conquer  the  Span.  - 
iards  with  the  grey-eyed  People.' "  ^    But  Jack  Hood,  like  others,  wass:- 
little  heeded,  for  England  made  peace  with  France  and  Spain.     Th»^ 
same  topic  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  John  Adams,  then  repre  ^ 
senting  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  England.     In  178^^ 
"  The  Crisis  of  Europe,"  written,  said  he,  by  "  a  learned  BritisbJ 
knight,"  proposed  a  confederation  of  the  leading  European  powersr- 
to  check  the  overweening  ambition  of  the  Bourbon  princes  by  freein^s 
the  Spanish-American  colonies,  abolishing  the  restrictions  on  theis: 
commerce,  and  distributing  the  insular  colonies  among  the  cooperat  — 
ing  powers.** 

The  project  of  severing  the  American  colonies  of  Spain  from  the^ 
parent  country  was  also  entertained  by  other  persons  than  those  olC= 
English  birth  or  descent.  If  we  may  trust  a  memoir  presented  to  Gov — 
ernor  Bailing,  of  Jamaica,  in  1780,  at  some  time  between  1767  an(^ 
1771,  "  a  deputation  of  several  persons  of  wealth  and  distinction  from*^ 
Mexico  arrived  at  the  court  of  Madrid  to  represent  to  the  King  the^ 
intolerable  hardships,  oppressions,  and  cruelties  practised  by  the^ 
Spanish   governors  in   Mexico  over  the   Inhabitants  and   praying  "^ 

•  Castleroagh,   Correspondence.  VII,  268,  269. 
•Pownall.  A  Memorial.  26.  27. 

'Communication  dated  London,  August  1,  1783,  to  Grey  Elliot,  P.  R.  O..  Am.  and  W. 
I..  606. 

*  Sparks.  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  V.  124-. 


PKANCIBCO    DE    MIRANDA. 


201 


redrees.  but  the  King  governed  by  his  Ministers  rejected  their  Com- 
plaints." These  deputies,  said  the  author  of  the  memoir,  became 
angered  at  this  treatment  and  proposed  to  a  French  officer,  the  Mar- 
quis d'Aubarde,  "  a  plan  to  dispossess  the  Spaniards  of  this  fountain 
of  wealth  and  commerce."  A  number  of  banished  Jesuits  were  con- 
sulted and  many  conferences  were  hehl  at  which,  it  was  said,  "  the 
most  convincing  proofs  "  were  given  the  marquis  "  that  the  whole  tody 
of  the  peojjh?  of  Mexico  were  ready  for  a  revolt  and  to  put  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  the  British  Government,  if  a  proper  plan 
could  be  adopted  for  that  purpose."  After  lengthy  discussions,  the 
Mexican  leaders,  in  return  for  the  aid  of  England,  agi-eed  to  sur- 
render to  that  power  Veracruz  and  the  island  of  San  Juan  de  IJlIoa, 
England  was  also  to  enjoy  an  exclusive  monopoly  of  the  import  trade. 
Imnie<l lately  after  the  revolution  the  Mexicans  were  to  loan  England 
£20,000.000  at  3  per  cent  interest.  If  England"  should  become  in- 
volved in  a  war  on  account  of  the  aid  which  she  extended  to  the 
Mexicans,  the  deputies  agreed  to  instigate  a  like  revolt  in  Chile  and 
Peru.  WTien  independence  was  established,  the  Mexican.^  were  to  be 
sUowed  to  found  a  republic  under  the  protection  of  England  with 
Iheir  own  form  of  government  and  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion. 
In  return  for  his  services  in  forwarding  the  desired  end,  the  marquis 
was  to  receive  a  little  State  of  his  own  that  was  to  form  a  barrier 
between  the  English  posses.sions  and  the  "  Imperial  republic."  The 
e.xi>edition  was  to  have  I>een  compased  of  five  men-of-war  with  troops 
»nd  warlike  stores,  a  place  of  rendeJ'.vous  was  fixed  upon,  and  it  was 
proposed  to  have  tlie  uprising  take  place  simultaneously  throughout 
'Jic  Kingdom  of  Mexico.  It  was  affirmed  that  this  plan  had  been 
«id  before  the  English  Government  by  the  French  marquis  and 
givfii  favorable  consideration.  In  some  way,  however,  the  plot  came 
to  the  ears  of  the  French  minister  in  England,  who  with  the  Prince 
"f  Masserano  protested  against  such  proceedings  in  times  of  peace. 
Ibe  Earl  of  Shelbunie  left  office  and  the  scheme  was  dropped." 
Such  are  the  main  outlmes  of  a  story  told  to  Governor  Calling,  of 
J«niaica.  by  F.  E.  Cardinaux.  a  Swiss  officer,  who  was  seeking  eni- 
pWment  in  the  English  service  in  the  West  Indies.  While  the 
exact  amount  of  truth  in  this  account  is  difficult  to  determine.  Cardi- 
nanx's  communication,  which  was  duly  forwarded  to  the  home  gov- 
ernment, was  doubtless  intended  to  suggest  an  English  attack  on 
tfexico  in  1780,"     It  is  also  certain  that  in  1767.  or  therealwuts,  the 


Id  b  rommunlntlDii 

\.  P.  B.   n..  JamuicB.   ID. 

e  Onliiiini'B  "  ObmrvuUons 

■r^companjrloK  Uie  can 

nsoiiuitcatloiu  of  CirdtDBUX  I 


r  F.  L.  Cirdida 


0  GoverDDr  palling.  Februsrr  2 


on  Ibc  Kai^llUaUaG  >  Oeoeral   ReTolC   In   tbe  Gmptra 
aunlFntliiQ  of  February  20,  1T80.      Dallliie  farwHded 

Uertuio  un  Uarcb  3S.  1T8D.  P.  & 


202  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION, 

Spanish  GoveiTunent  had  reason  to  suspect  the  English  of  formulat- 
ing such  designs.  In  October  of  that  year  tlie  Spanish  envoy  in  Lon- 
don reported  that  he  believed  England  to  be  contemplating  an  ex- 
pedilion  against  that  part  of  Spanish  America  bordering  on  the 
Portuguese  possessions."  Almost  contemporaneously,  the  Spaniards, 
with  or  without  good  cause,  suspected  the  English  of  harboring  de- 
signs against  Peru,*  as  well  as  against  the  La  Plata  region.' 

Cardinaux's  story  Im  rendered  more  probable  by  the  fact  that  in  the  I 
middle  of  the  year  1786  an  emissary  named  Francisco  de  Mendiok 
arrived  in  England  ostensibly  from  Mexico.  The  Spanish  Goveni- 
ment  soon  became  aware  of  his  presence  in  London.  Consequently 
its  representative,  Bernardo  del  Campo,  was  instructed  to  wateb  the 
proceedings  of  Mendiola.''.  Accordingly  Campo  gathered  informa- 
tion regarding  the  agent  and  transmitted  it  to  Spain.  In  a  rough 
jotting  by  some  one  who  had  probably  met  him,  Mendiola  was  de- 
sci'ibed  as  "  a  short  thick  set  man — ^pitted  with  the  small  pos — ex- 
tremely brown — his  hair  and  eyebrows  black,  and  seemed  to  have  a 
defect  in  one  of  his  eyes — he  wore  a  blue  cnat."  He  was  about  30 
years  of  age."  Bernard  del  Campo  also  reported  that  Mendiola  had 
gone  to  see  "  various  persons  of  character."  among  them  Pitt  and  a 
prominent  banker,  Mr.  Robert  Hervey.  He  had  bi-oiight  with  him 
certain  projects.'  The  nature  of  these  was  disclosed  in  a  paper  ad- 
dressed to  the  King  of  England,  dated  Mexico,  November  10.  1785. 
and  apparently  signed  by  the  Count  of  Santiago,  the  Count  of  Torre 
Cassio,  and  the  Marquis  of  Guardiola.  It  was  declared  that  these 
men  were  the  repre-sentatives  of  the  city  and  the  kingdom  of  Mexico, 
who  had  commissioned  Mendiola  to  proceed  to  England  where  he 
was  to  negotiate  for  aid  fnim  the  English  Government  in  the  plan 
of  liberating  that  Kingdom  from  the  rule  of  Spain.  In  the  instruc- 
tions to  the  emissarj'  the  authors  declared  that  they  were  daily  op- 
pressed and  harassed  by  the  court  of  Madrid,  which  made  them  feel, 
by  all  sorts  of  imposts  and  evil  treatment,  "  the  tyrannical  despoli^i 
which  destroys  the  Constitution  of  Liberty  which  is  due  us;  and  puts 
us  in  the  Class  of  vile  Slaves  of  the  Coast  of  Guinea."  They  declared 
that  the  Mexicans  had  succored  the  Spanish  Government  during  tlie 
late  war  with  more  than  70,000  piasters  for  the  support  of  her  armies 
in  America  and  Europe,  but  because  of  their  oppressive  treatment 

•■•NoUda"  ot  MpIJo  dp  CaBtro,  Oclobcr  11,   1717.  A.  G.  B.,  Egtado.  fl9«3. 

*Oulll  J  Qoniagn  to  ArrlHgn  (copy).  NOTembor  18,  1767,  Ihld,,  6809. 

•Uasacruio  to  Grimaldl,  Juiuir;  26.  ITdS.  lliJd..  49118.  In  176T  tbc  PortUKU^iw  mIbd 
■Dapecf«l  the  EdsIIiIi  ul  barborlne  dcvlgaB  BRalnal  Latin  Amerlra  In  conjunction  with 
tbp  JmultH.      8alnl-I>rlPBt.  La  Cbut?  dua  JMullps,  Apppndli,  2S3-. 

■  Plorldnblanr'B  to  Campo.  December  32.  ITSG.  A.  <!.  S..  Eetado,  HUT.. 

•Campo  to  Fieri dablanca,   March  2D,    I7BT.  given  n  SpanlBli   irBimlatlon   of  thla  a, 
which  la  Jolted  on  a  Ictli-r  ot  Florldslilnui'a  dali-d  March  12.  and  addii  Ihe  agt,  ilild. 

t  Ibid.,  February  tC.  IT8T,  A.  0.  S.,  Bitado,  81«5. 


y 


tANCISCO   DE   MIBANDA.  205" 

they  felt  themselves  constrained  by  dire  necessity  to  cast  off  by  forre 
the  yoke  which  oppressed  them  and  to  secure  their  liberty. 

These  three  men,  who  styled  themselves  nobles,  declared  that  they 
were  in  possession  of  sufficient  treasure  so  that  at  the  first  signal  they 
would  be  able  to  place  40,000  men  under  arms.  They  lacked,  how- 
ever, arms  and  munitions  of  war.  Accordingly  they  asked  England 
(o  sell  them,  at  Jamaica,  a  supply  of  muskets,  powder,  balls,  and 
similar  stores.  For  these  articles  they  pledged  themselves  to  pay 
2,000,000  piasters.  Mendiola  was  to  solieit  the  powerful  protection 
of  the  King  of  England.  He  was  further  empowered,  so  declared 
this  instrument,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with 
Kngliind.  That  country,  it  was  declared,  would  draw  immense 
profits  from  the  valuable  conunercB  of  liberated  Mexico."  While 
the  position  and  the  character  of  the  three  alleged  Mexican  noble- 
men whose  names  are  appended  to  this  document  may  properly  be 
questioned,  the  conclusion  can  not  be  avoided  that  this  scheme  for 
the  emancipation  of  Mexico  from  Spanish  rule  with  the  aid  and 
>«cnuiivaiice  of  England  was  presented  to  that  Government  in  the 
;yenr  ITSti,  perhaps  by  an  agent  of  discontented  Mexicans. 

In  the  end  of  1TS3  and  the  beginning  of  1784  similar  advances 
T»ere  made  to  the  English  Government  by  a  mysterious  character 
known  as  Don  Juan,  This  personage  represented  himself  to  be  the 
deputy  of  a  secret  association,  including  both  Spanish  Creoles  and 
Indians,  which  had  ramifications  in  various  parts  of  Spanish  America, 
but  which  had  its  chief  strength  in  Chile.  According  to  Don  Juan's 
ry.  the  members  of  Ihe  club  had  been  preparing  the  way  for  a 
'olution  for  some  time.     Most  of  the  persons  who  had  sworn  to 

le  acts  of  association  were  represented  a.s  being  men  of  wealth  and 
inction  in  America.  The  chief  of  this  alleged  association,  Don 
Juan,  proposed  to  unite  Chile,  Tucuman,  Peru,  and  Patagonia  under 
government,  which  was  to  Iw  modeled  somewhat  on  the  govern- 

int  of  England.  The  chief  seems  to  have  lieen  fond  of  declaring 
t  the  monarch  was  to  be  the  only  slave  in  the  whole  dominion.';. 
The  mine,"  said  an  English  sympathizer,  Mr.  Bott,  "  is  laid  and 
irged;  nothing  is  wanting  but  a  train  to  set  fire  to  it." 

The  main  outlines  of  the  plot  appear  to  have  been  drawn  up  in 
America  about  the  end  of  the  year  1782.  The  chief  was  dispatched 
to  England  and  instructed  to  apply  to  the  Government  of  that  country 

r  succor.     At  first  he  appears  to  have  asked  for  a  supply  of  0,000 

,nd  troops  and  "  a  proportionable  squadron  of  ships  of  war."  Hav- 
ing obtainetl  these,  he  was  to  proceed  immediately  to  the  La  Plata 
River,  where  part  of  the  force  was  to  be  landed.     The  rest  of  the 


204  AMEBICAN  HISTOBIGAL  ASSOCIATION. 

armament  was  then  to  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Spanish  Grovem- 
inent  in  Peru.  Meanwhile  it  was  expected  that  the  forces  which 
had  been  left  at  Buenos  Ayres  would  have  conquered  Tucuman. 
The  conspirators  evidently  did  not  expect  that  Spain  thus  attacked 
would  be  able  to  make  a  sturdy  resistance. 

Before  Don  Juan  arrived  in  England,  however,  the  war  with 
Spain  had  ceased.  Consequently  he  was  forced  to  lower  his  demand 
for  aid  to  an  armament  of  6,000  soldiers  and  sailors.  This  request 
was  apparently  made  to  the  coalition  ministry,  probably  to  Fox. 
The  desired  succor  was  refused.  Don  Juan  seems  to  have  again 
lowered  his  demand;  he  now  asked  England  for  the  aid  of  1,800 
men.  To  this  proposal  no  attention  was  paid.  Negotiations,  if 
we  may  properly  dignify  these  proceedings  with  that  name,  had 
apparently  proceeded  thus  far  as  early  as  the  6th  of  September,  1783. 

Don  Juan  and  his  English  sympathizer,  Mr.  Bott,  now  retired  to 
the  country  to  meditate  upon  the  best  policy  to  be  pursued.  The 
Spanish-American  seems  to  have  resolved  to  hazard  the  attempt  if 
only  1,200  men  could  be  secured  from  the  English  Government. 
In  this  case  he  intended  to  direct  the  attack  against  Callao,  where 
he  believed  that  his  success  would  be  as  certain  though  not  so  speedy 
as  with  a  greater  force.  It  was  now  hoped  that  by  private  aid  an 
armament  of  six  ships  might  be  prepared.  To  meet  obvious  objec- 
tions it  was  suggested  that  the  ships  need  not  all  be  fitted  out  and 
manned  in  England,  but?  could  be  got  ready  at  different  ports  and 
under  various  pretexts.  They  could  be  timed  to  sail  at  different  dates 
to  rendezvous  on  the  coast  of  Patagonia.  Only  a  few  chief  officers 
were  to  bo  informed  of  the  true  destination  of  the  ships.  The  scheme 
was  to  be  gradually  broken  to  the  others  on  the  voyage,  who  were 
to  be  induced  to  adhere  to  the  enterprise  by  liberal  promises  of  pay 
and  advancement.  It  was  cleverly  pointed  out  that  the  encourage- 
ment of  the  project  would  not  necessarily  provoke  a  war  with  Spain, 
for  if  the  enterprise  failed  it  could  be  disavowed  and  the  men  who 
engaged  in  it  could  be  treated  as  pirates.  If  the  project  was  suc- 
cessful England  could  "laugh"  at  the  complaints  of  Spain,  for  she 
could  disavow  the  filibusters,  pretend  ignorance,  or  favor  the  revo- 
lution as  she  saw  fit.  A  ship  was  to  be  dispatched  from  the  South 
Sea  Iwaring  envoys  who  would  offer  to  England  for  her  support  a 
"  free  gift"  or  subsidy  of  £1,000,000  for  fifty  years  and  an  exclusive 
trn(l(»  from  England  to  South  America  for  ten  years.  England  was 
to  have  the  exclusive  trade  in  negroes.  She  was  to  be  allowed  to 
astahlish  factories.  She  was  also  to  be  offered  a  liberal  allowance  of 
hud  wherever  desired  and  the  occupation  of  the  port  of  Baldivia 
iluring  the  revolution.  It  was  declared  that  these  propositions  were 
to  be  made  the  basis  of  a  treaty  between  England  and  the  revolted 


-'FEANCISCO   DE    MtBAlT: 

colntiies.'  Although  tlic  minor  details  of  the  project  are  again  some- 
what hazy  and  iinwrtHin,  yet  the  iiiHin  features  as  described  by  Mr. 
Bott,  nn  English  advocate  of  the  scheme,  are  corroborated  by  reports 
of  tlie  Spatiish  minister  in  England  regarding  the  leading  conspira- 
tor.* Like  some  of  the  schemes  already  discussed,  this  resemblps  in 
some  respects  the  projects  later  presented  to  tlie  English  Government 
by  Francisco  de  Miranda. 

The  docnments  preserved  in  the  official  papers  of  William  Pitt 
raise  some  interesting  queries  regarding  the  identity  of  Don  Juan  and 
also  regarding  the  authorship  of  ihe  plan  of  emancipation.  Who 
vtas  Don  Juan  ?  Some  inkling  of  his  real  character  is  afforded  by  the 
intelligence  received  by  Campo  who  was  spying  on  the  actions  of  the 
agitator.  One  of  the  spies  who  was  gathering  information  for 
Campo  claimed  to  have  lived  with  Don  Juan.  This  spy,  called 
Chandia  or  Daumont,  declared  that  "the  shadowy  don  was  32  years 
of  age.  His  whole  body  was  of  a  swarthy  color,  except  his  hands, 
which  were  white.  It  was  asserted  that  Don  Juan  was  living  a  double 
life.  He  lived  in  one  house  under  the  name  of  Don  John  and  passed 
as  an  official  in  the  service  of  Spain,  In  another  house  he  posed  as  a 
master  of  languages  with  the  name  of  M,  De  la  Tour."  According  to 
the  information  received  by  Campo  from  Jose  de  Flagle.  an  ecclesi- 
astic who  had  insinuated  himself  into  the  confidence  of  the  alleged 
emissary,  the  latter  was  in  reality  a  Frenchman  by  birth,  named 
Duprfe.  He  called  himself,  however,  a  Spaniard  with  the  full  name 
of  Don  Juan  .\ntonio  de  Prado.  He  had  lived  in  Peru  for  some  time 
and  spoke  Spanish  like  a  native.  Animated  with  the  idea  of  freeing 
that  country  from  the  rule  of  Spain,  he  had  formed  a  plan  for  revo- 
lutionizing it  with  the  aid  of  his  Peruvian  friends.  Flagle  assured 
the  Spanish  minister  that  Don  Juan  cherished  the  idea  of  becoming 

1,  ITSS;  necemberHl.  1783, 

3S..  34  S. 

IRl.  and  iDctoaures.  dlBcnBs 

CbindlB  or  DaumuDt,    The 


•Tbl>  plan  lidewrllm)  In  thrm  dnrumeDln  dated  [)«ceiiil 
and  April  7,   I7S4,  and  sl^cd  liy  Edmund  Bod.  CriuThun 

*CftD]pa  to  FlorldablaDCB.  Februarj  Ij  and  imptnber  1 
lb<  iilauv  of  Don  Juan.  Time  reporia  are  bnscd  an  the  rt 
liUt  lh»  rooBptralDr.     One  of  (hego  «■■■  a  youth  rnlled  Mami" 


fFlealastlf.  Joai  de  Flagle. 
t^nrldahlanra.     Flagle  secured  bj  meana  of  "  un  r 
Juan,  wtilrh.  b>  Campo  esld  was  onlr  "  un  monlon. 
of  Don  Juod  lo  the  GnglJah  Govei 


these  were  Ihe  Damei  traDBmltted 
chiCD "   ■  pnrt  of   Ihe  papers 

was  evident]}-  a  fratcmenl  al 
iinatelr  too  frBEineiitBry 


iirh  phraua  as  "  ronjurija." 
"  ilpnitrr  pUn  ■  .  ■  n'eit  pss  molns  deelalf,"  "ADglals  de  me  ilonncr  tine  rouronne,"  "  alter 
rfsplrrr  Talr  de  la  Campagne."  It  concludea  irilh  Ibeae  worda :  "Mr.  Bolt  qui  B  eu  la 
tnole  de  at  ebargcr  de  dernier  reuort  colte  Important  affaire  arec  rcitrc  repnnae  declderB 

BttDn     al     Je     dola     realer     au      ■      •      •     deflnltlvement •      •      •     gvoir     le     bonIC 

•  ■  •  abreeer  le  plus  que  vouB  sera  poaalble.  mon  aejoiir  ea  En«letern»  ne  deTenant 
utile  qu'aulanl  que  vous  cmbrasseres  mea  Idwa  et  men  aenllmenta."  This  Is  signed 
"  D*.  Juaa  &£'."  This  aeeoQit)Bn[ea  the  letter  of  I>et¥mlier  II,  The  report  of  Chandia  or 
Danmont.  at  be  vnn  called,  is  wllb  Ibe  letter  of  Kebrunry  13.  A.  G.  S..  Uatado,  SI30. 

I  In  maklns  quotatlona  from  farelen  languages  Ibc  aecettla,  elc.  are  left  aa  found  In  Ihe 
orlctnala  ] 

*  Incloaurc  tn  a  letter  of  Campo  to  Florldablanca,  Februarr  IS,  1T84,  A.  O.  S.  Elalado 
8130. 


206  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

the  king  of  the  emancipated  territory,  which  was  to  be  made  tribu- 
tary to  Great  Britain.  The  intriguing  priest  had  schemed  to  get 
possession  of  the  papers  of  the  conspirator,  and  had  actually  suc- 
ceeded in  stealing  a  fragment  with  the  aid  of  Don  Juan's  servant 
boy.* 

These  extracts  from  the  gossipy  reports  of  the  Spanish  spies  prob- 
ably contain  as  much  information  regarding  the  real  nature  of  Don 
Juan  as  may  ever  be  revealed.  Judging  by  these  reports  and  by  the 
inherent  character  of  the  propositions  which  were  made  to  the  English 
Government,  it  is  very  probable  that  Don  Juan  was  a  man  who  had 
lived  for  some  time  in  Spanish  America  or  who  was  at  least  ac- 
quainted with  it.  It  could  not  have  been  Juan  Manuel  de  Cagigal, 
as  has  been  suggested,^  for  that  individual  was  well  known  to  the 
Spanish  authorities.  Moreover,  documents  in  the  Spanish  archives 
prove  beyond  doubt  that  Cagigal  was  at  this  time  in  Spain,<^  Neither 
can  it  be  shown  that  "  the  plan  of  campaign  "  proposed  by  Don  Juan 
was  "  dictated  by  Miranda  himself."  *  Beyond  the  general  re- 
semblance already  suggested,  the  wrifer  has  found  no-evidence  within 
or  without  the  Chatham  manuscripts  to  show  that  Miranda  had  any- 
thing to  do  with  the  scheme  that  was  proposed.  As  will  be  shown 
in  succeeding  chapters,  Miranda  was  at  this  time  in  America  and  had 
hardly  matured  his  plans.*  Don  Juan  therefore  was  a  precursor  of 
Miranda.  Although  the  English  ministers  may  have  given  encourage- 
ment  to  the  promoter  of  this  comprehensive  design,  the  Government 
did  not  try  to  carry  it  into  execution,  probably  because  of  the  con- 
clusion of  the  war  with  Spain  and  the  natural  disinclination  of  the 
Government  to  risk  such  an  attempt  in  times  of  peace. 

While  it  is  possible  that  Don  Juan  and  his  sympathizers  may  hav© 
intended  ultimately  to  include  all  Spanish  America  in  the  scope  of 
their  designs,  there  is  little  intimation  to  that  effect  in  the  documents 
at  hand.  There  probably  existed  a  similar  spirit  among  some  of  the 
inhabitants  in  the  northern  part  of  South  America.  In  March,  1783, 
two  Creoles  of  the  Kingdom  of  New  Granada,  who  described  them- 

«  inclosurc  In  a  letter  of  Campo  to  Florldablanca.  December  11,  1784,  A.  G.  8.,  Estado, 

8iao. 

<>Mr.  Hubert  Ilall,  in  an  article  in  the  Athenipum.  April  10,  1902,  suggested  that  Don 
Juan  might  •'  with  some  probability  be  Identified  with  "  Juan  de  Cagigal. 

«■  There  are  a  number  of  documents  In  the  Spanish  archives  relating  to  Juan  Manuel 
de  Cagigal  about  this  time.  He  was  in  Spain  awaiting  trial ;  sec  the  letter  of  Count 
O'Ueilly  to  Jo8<3  de  GAlvez,  August  22,  1783,  discussing  the  relations  between  Cagigal 
and  Miranda.  Count  O'Reilly  to  Jos<?  de  Gfllvez,  Cadiz,  September  16,  1783,  informs  him 
that,  according  to  the  order  of  September  6,  1783,  Cagigal  **  queda  desde  ayfer  tarde  en 
el  Castillo  de  Sta.  Catallna  de  esta  Plaza."  On  October  17,  1783,  Cagigal  addressed  a 
letter  to  Jos6  de  Clftlvez  from  the  Castle  of  Sta.  Catallna  remonstrating  at  his  imprison- 
ment. On  August  12,  17H8.  Cnglgal  drew  up  a  representation  of  his  case  in  which  he 
stated  that  he  had  Ix^en  detained  at  Cadiz  over  five  years.  These  and  other  documents 
relating  to  Cagigal  and  Miranda  are  found  In  the  Archlvo  General  de  Indias,  And.  de 
Santo   Domingo,   84-2- J). 

*  Mr.  Hubert  Hall,  in  the  article  in  the  Athensum,  April  19,  1902,  ascribes  this  plan 
to  Miranda. 

•Chapters  III,  IV,  and  V. 


selves  as  "'respected   and   wise,  firet   CJonerals  Ihat  suid   Kingdom 
nmni'd  in  its  disputes  with  Spain  in  the  year  1780,"  seem  to  have 
commissioned  an  agent  to  proceed  to  England  for  Ihe  purpose  of 
laying  certain  proposals  before  that  Government.     The  Creoles  de- 
clared, in  the  credentials  which  were  submitted  to  tho  English  minis- 
ters, that  the  proposals  came  "from  hearts  fuU  of  affection  to  his 
Britaniek  Majesty,  and  his  faithful  Subjects."     Like  Don  Juan  they 
besought  aid  in  delivering  themselves,  or  at  least  their  children,  from 
"  bondage."   declaring  that  such   aid   would   lie   received   with   the 
"  greatest  Veneration,  Silence,  and  a  Perpetuiil  obligation,"    They 
asked  for  10.000  muskets,  the  same  number  of  bayonets,  sabers,  and 
cartridge  boxes,  i!00  swivels,  600  blunderbusses  of  brass,  capable  of 
Iwing  tired   from  horseback,  swivel  balls,  musket  balls,  and  ■"JO.OOO 
pounds  of  the  finest  kind  of  powder.     The  instructions  stated  that 
these  supplies  would  be  paid  for  in  gold  on  their  delivery.     It  was 
suggested  that  they  be  shipped  under  the  "  Dutch  or  Imperial  "  flag 
dif^iised  as  another  cargo  to  the  island  of  Curai;ao.     Near  Baya 
Onda.  where  the  munitions  were  to  be  landed,  it  was  declared,  there 
were  a  large  number  of  Indians,  who  were  friends  of  the  disaffected 
Lfkud   who   had   never   been   subdued   by   the   Spanish   Government. 
Bnithin  twenty-four  hours  ten  thousand  Indians  would  he  assembled 
H'itb  great  ease  and  in  six  days  the  stores  would  be  safe  in  the  King- 
Mom  of  Santa  Fe,  which  was  the  "  Place  most  Convenient  to  give  the 
BrI  blow,"     It  was  further  recommended  that  stmie  English  officers 
irnrl  engineers  should  learn  the  Spanish  language  so  that  if  they  got 
''the  fire  lit  well "  in  the  Kingdom  of  Santa  Fe  they  might  send  for 
*OHie  of  these  officers  in  order  that  they  might  "  thro'  their  Good 
Counsels    •     *     •     enjoy  in  a  few  Years  being  Subjects  of  Great 
Britain."    The  instructions  also  gave  the  information  tliat  the  prov- 
iflofs  of  Maracaybo,  Santa  Marta,  Carthagena,  and  Lima  were  only 
»»aiting  the  example  of  the  people  of  New  Granada  to  take  part  in 
(lie  revolutionary  movement;    ''Spain  will  see  in  a  little  time  her 
(.ontinent  tlie  theatre  of  a  bloody  War."     In  return  for  the  aid  of 
England,  the  promise  was  made  that,  if  the  attempt  was  successful, 
"the  kingdom  of  Sta.  Fee,  The  Provinces  of  Maracaybo,  Sta,  Mnrta, 
and  Carthagena,  shall  be  deliver'd  to  His  Britanick  Majesty  without 
reserving  to  Ourselves  but  our  Rfligion.  and  the  same  Privilidges 
that  an  Englisli  Subject  is  entitled  to."    These  propositions,  which 
were  couched  in  terras  which  must  have  attracted  the  English  minis- 
ters, were  actually  laid  before  that  Government.     The  alleged  in- 
structions, preserved  in  the  official  papers  of  William  Pitt,  bear  the 
indnrsement  of  the  agent,  who  declared  himself  to  be  "  a  faithful 
friend  of  the  English  nation,     •     •     *     Ixmdon,  12th  May.  1784."" 


208  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCUTION. 

Here  again  the  system  of  espionage  maintained  by  the  Spanish 
representative  in  London  enables  us  to  supplement  the  account  given 
by  the  agent  himself.  This  time  Campo  secured  the  information 
through  a  young  Irish  priest,  who  was  friendly  with  some  of  the  men 
whom  the  alleged  agent  was  trying  to  induce  to  join  him,  a  certain 
Captain  Blumert  and  a  Mr.  Kennedy.  Through  this  medium  the 
ecclesiastic  secured  news  of  the  intrigue  and  documents  relating  to 
it  which  he  transferred  to  Campo.  The  copy  of  the  instructions 
which  was  secured  in  this  way,  and  which  otherwise  accords  with 
the  one  preserved  in  the  papers  of  Pitt,  gives  the  name  of  the  agent 
as  Don  Luis  Vidall.  The  two  generals  were  named  as  Vicente  de 
Agiar  and  Dionisio  de  Contreras.*  A  copy  or  the  original,  perhaps, 
of  another  communication  of  the  same  date,  by  Vidall  or  Vi  dalle,  as 
his  name  was  sometimes  spelled,  to  the  English  Government  pur- 
ported to  give  the  history  of  the  embassy.  It  was  declared  that  the 
two  generals,  after  considering  the  slight  notice  which  the  Spanish 
Government  took  of  "  the  threatening  evil,"  consulted  with  the  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  of  the  Kingdom  and  resolved  that  they  should  pro- 
ceed to  the  island  of  Curagao  and  thence  to  England  to  lay  their  in- 
tentions before  the  Government  of  that  country.  On  arriving  at 
Curasao,  however,  they  were  disappointed  to  learn  that  p>eace  had 
been  declared.  At  this  juncture  they  were  rejoiced  by  the  arrival  of 
Vidall,  to  whom,  in  March,  1783,  they  conmiunicated  their  designs, 
which  he  promised  to  transmit  to  the  English  Government.*  Some 
meager  details  had  been  gathered  regarding  Vidall  himself.  The 
latter  was  described  as  an  Italian  who  had  been  employed  in  the  West 
Indies  during  the  recent  war.^ 

At  first  Floridablanca  did  not  take  this  affair  seriously,  for  he  ex- 
pressed his  opinion  that  Vidall's  account  was  "  a  fiction."  *  Vidall 
did  not  succeed  in  his  designs  whatever  their  real  nature,  for  he 
shortly  left.  England.  He  soon  put  a  new  face  on  the  affair  by  direct- 
ing a  letter  from  Fecamp  in  Normandy  to  the  Spanish  Government 
in  which  he  volunteered  the  information  that  the  English  ministry 
was  laboring  in  secret  on  a  plan  to  raise  an  insurrection  in  Chile, 
Paraguay,  and  Peru  with  the  aid  of  three  Jesuits  who  were  then  in 

•A.  G.  S.,  Estndo,  8130.     This  document  Is  dated  Tendon,  May  12,  1784. 

*  See  the  copy  of  the  communication  of  Vidall  to  the  Bngllsh  Govcroment,  May  12, 
1784,   Ibid. 

«^  Campo  to  Floridablanca,  July  23,  1783,   Ibid. 

«*  floridablanca  to  Campo,  August  H,  1784,  ibid.  ThiB  Ir  an  extract:  "Los  ante- 
cedent es  qui  aqul  tenemos  de  la  conducta  de  ese  Kmesario,  que  es  conocido,  y  la  falsedad 
notorio  de  varios  hechos  que  se  slontan  en  estoa  Papeles,  con  las  noticias  que  hai  del 
pstado  de  las  cosas  en  los  raises  quo  se  suponcn  mas  dispuestos  A  tal  revolucion,  nos 
incllnan  A  creer  quo  todo  sora  una  flccion  diri^ida  ft  sacar  dinero  ft  ese  probiemo  :  pues 
esto  mismo  procur6  el  tal  Vidale  de  nuestros  penerales  en  America  en  la  fruerra  pasada, 
y  discurrlmos  procuraba  de  los  Injjlescs  al  mIsmo  tlempo :  y  aun  ba  pretendido  lo^n^arlo 
de  mi  dcsdc  la  Isla  de  Leon,  en  dondc  sc  hallaba  meses  pasados.'* 


FBANGISCO  D£   MIBANDA.  209 

(ondon.*  Nevertheless  the  Spanish  Government  considered  it  pru- 
ent  to  secure  the  person  of  Vidall,  and  when  opportunity  oifered 
lat  enterprising  and  designing  individual  was  captured.  When  last 
oticed  he  was  languishing  in  a  Spanish  prison.^  This  alleged  agent 
r  discontented  Creoles  in  New  Granada  was  probably  one  of  the 
ipe  which  is  willing  to  serve  whichever  side  offers  the  best  terms, 
r  perhaps  both  sides.    As  in  the  case  of  Mendiola  and  Don  Juan, 

is  at  present  impossible  to  determine  the  exact  nature  of  the  au- 
lorization  which  was  given  by  thd  inhabitants  of  Spanish  America, 
:  indeed  there  was  any  given  at  all.     But  again  the  fact  is  clear  that 

well-defined  plan  for  the  liberation  of  part  of  Spanish  America 
as  submitted  to  the  English  ministers.'^ 

The  schemes  described  were  not  the  only  ones  which  the  Spaniards 
eard  of  during  the  period  which  we  are  considering.  Early  in  1784 
ley  suspected  the  English  Government  of  having  dispatched  emis- 
iries  to  Caracas  and  to  other  parts  of  Spanish  America  for  the  pur- 
ose  of  fomenting  a  revolution.  The  Spanish  Government  took  no 
hances  and  immediately  dispatched  circulars  to  its  viceroys  and 
[overnors,  charging  them  to  be  on  the  watch,  and,  if  possible,  to 
apture  one  of  these  agents,  so  that  an  example  might  be  made  of  him.** 
5teps  were  also  taken  to  check  any  measures  which  might  have  been 
)ut  under  way  by  the  English  Government  as  the  result  of  the  machi- 
lations  of  Vidall.*  When  informed  of  the  intrigues  of  Don  Juan, 
he  Spanish  Government  again  took  precautionary  measures.^  Flori- 
lablanca  also  suspected  the  activity  in  London  at  this  time  of  two 
>ther  emissaries,  Juan  Bautista  Morales  and  Antonio  Pita.  Conse- 
luently  Campo  was  instructed  to  be  on  the  alert  and  to  transmit 
nformation ;  any  money  used  in  that  manner,  he  was  assured,  would 
>e  well  employed.^  If  then  any  confidence  is  to  be  placed  in  the 
ssurances  which  were  given  by  Floridablanca  to  Campo,  we  must 
onclude  that  an  expedition  which  the  English  might  have  dispatched 
gainst  the  Spanish  colonies  at  this  time  would  not  have  found  them 
3tally  unprepared  to  resist  attack.  In  spite  of  all  the  precautions 
iken  by  the  Spanish  Government,  however,  adventurers,  who  were, 
r  who  pretended  to  be,  agents  of  disaffected  Spanish  Americans, 

•The  commnnlcation  of  Vldall,  January  18,  1785,  is  Inclosed  In  a  letter  of  Florlda- 
anca  to  Campo,  February  19,  1785,  A.  O.  S.,  Estado,  8141. 

*  There  Is  a  large  amount  of  material  relating  to  Vidall  In  the  Archlvo  General  dc 
mancas,  Estado,  8139,  8141,  8157,  containing  the  most  important  documents. 

«  Campo  to  Floridablanca,  July  23,  1783,  speaking  of  Vidnll  said :  *'  Ha  tenido  algunas 
tnferenclas  con  Milord  Sidney,  Ministro  del  Departamto  interior  y  otras  muchas  con  el 
eneral  Dalling,"  ibid.,  8139. 
'  Floridablanca  to  Campo,  January  5,  1784,  Ibid. 

•  Ibid..  August  11,  1784,  ibid. 

r  Ibid.,  January  6,  1786,  ibid.,  8141. 
'  Ibid.,  August  11,  1784,  ibid.,  8139. 

58833— VOL  1—09 ^14 


210  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

continued  to  visit  Europe  and  to  appeal  for  aid,  especially  to  the 
Government  of  England. 

The  interest  exhibited  by  France  in  the  Spanish  dominions  in 
America  necessarily  bears  a  very  close  relation  to  the  colonial  plans 
and  fortunes  of  the  French  themselves.  When  they  were  in  the  pos- 
session of  Canada  and  Louisiana,  which  offered  ample  scope  for  their 
colonial  ambitions,  one  could  hardly  expect  a  keen  and  well-sustained 
interest  in  the  condition  of  Spanish  America.  But  even  before 
France  lost  her  immense  colonial  empire  in  America,  in  1763,  some 
interest  had  been  shown  in  the  condition  and  the  future  fate  of  the 
Spanish- American  dominion^.  Long  before  that  time  Frenchmen 
had  become  jealous  and  apprehensive  in  regard  to  the  ever-expanding 
interests  and  ambitions  of  England.  As  early  as  1749  a  memoir  was 
drawn  up,  evidently  by  a  Frenchman,  on  the  projects  of  the  English 
in  regard  to  establishments  in  the  South  Sea.  The  author  declared  • 
that  it  had  been  known  for  a  long  time  that  the  English  had  formed 
plans  for  planting  settlements  in  that  region.  The  story  of  Admiral 
Anson's  voyages  showed  that  England  was  constantly  laboring  on 
the  execution  of  these  designs.  At  the  same  time  it  disclosed,  he 
averred,  the  means  by  which  obstacles  might  be  cast  in  the  way  of 
the  execution  of  these  plans.  It  was  suggested  that  the  far-reaching 
colonial  designs  of  England  merited  consideration  from  Spain."  In 
1756,  a  M.  Bertrand  wrote  a  memoir  relating  to  that  part  of  the 
Spanish  possessions  included  within  what  he  called  "  the  occidental 
circle."  In  this  circle  he  included  all  that  part  of  the  Spanish  Indies 
stretching  from  Peru  to  Pensacola  and  from  the  Mississippi  to  Porto 
Rico.  He  traced  the  growth  of  English  commercial  interests  in 
Spanish  America  and  concluded  by  declaring  that,  if  remedial  meas- 
ures were  not  promptly  taken,  the  English  would  try  to  revolutionize 
a  great  part,  if  not  all,  of  His  Catholic  Majesty's  dominions  in  the 
New  World.*  Thus  at  least  as  early  as  the  opening  of  the  Seven 
Years'  war  the  French  Government  was  given  reason  to  suspect  that 
the  English  might  try  to  promote  an  insurrection  in  Spanish  America. 

After  the  close  of  the  series  of  wars  which  had  been  waged  between 
England  and  France  in  1763,  the  French  naturally  modified  their 
views  regarding  Spanish  America.  By  the  treaty  of  Paris,  England 
gained  the  title  to  all  the  continental  possessions  of  France  in  America 
except  Louisiana,  the  latter  being  transferred  to  Spain,  which  had 
been  the  ally  of  France  since  the  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  en- 
titled the  family  compact  had  been  entered  into  by  these  powers  in 

•  "  M^moire  sur  les  projets  des  Anglais  pour  des  ^tabllssements  dans  la  mer  da  Sud/* 
11  Xbre,  1749,  Affaires  fitrang^res,  M^moires  et  Documents,  Am^rlque,  9,  f.  126-. 

^  "  M^moire  cont^nant  toutc  la  costc  d*  Espagne  dans  le  cercle  occidental  de  L*  Am^rique 
remfs  par  le  sieur  Bertrand  le  p"'"  Fdvrier,  1750.  a  >Ion.  L'  ablHl  Frlchman  pour  lors  k 
Madrid  chargd  des  affaires  do  France,  qui  Ponvoya  i\  Monsr.  Roulll^,  et  que  ce  Alinistri^ 
remit  k  Monsr.  le  garde  de  Scenux.  ayant  Ic  depart^ment  de  la  marine.**  Affaires 
fitrang^res,  M^oircs  et  Documents,  Am^rlquc  (Colonics  Espagnoles),  33,  f.  15~. 


FBANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  211 

1761.  Before  long  the  French  looked  with  covetous  eyes  upon  I^ui- 
siana.  Conditions  in  Spanish  America  were  also  brought  to  the  atten- 
tion of  the  French  Government.  In  1768  Molina,  apparently  a  dis- 
contented Jesuit,  wrote  a  memoir  regarding  the  expulsion  of  that 
order  from  Spanish  America,  in  which  he  discussed  the  troubles  which 
had  resulted  and  the  plans  which  the  Jesuits  entertained.  This  ac- 
count was  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  French  Government.** 
Ill  1770  another  writer  forwarded  notes  on  the  Spanish  possessions 
in  Africa  and  America,  with  special  attention  to  the  latter.^ 

It  seems  to  have  been  a  little  later  that  a  rather  novel  scheme  was 
sketched  and  presented  to  the  Government  of  France.  The  author, 
who  is  unknown,  described  the  great  power  and  prestige  of  England, 
which  he  compared  with  that  of  Rome.  Whether  the  discontented 
colonies  of  England  in  America  remained  under  her  control  or  not, 
he  asserted,  that  nation  would  try  to  extend  her  dominions  at  the  ex- 
pense of  Spain  in  America.  Hence  the  American  colonies  ceded  by 
France  to  Spain  might  be  subjected  to  English  invasion.  Spain  could 
not  easily  put  these  territories  in  a  condition  to  reimburse  her  for  their 
immense  expense.  The  dangerous  proximity  of  the  English  would 
always  cause  trouble.  The  writer  queried  whether  it  would  not  be 
more  advantageous  to  Spain  and  even  to  France  that  this  immense 
domain  become  independent  and  thus  form  a  formidable  bulwark 
against  England, "  the  natural  enemy  of  commercial  nations."  It  was 
.suggested  that  the  territories  ceded  by  France  to  Spain  in  America  be 
formed  into  a  republic.*' 

A  little  later  another  memoir  with  a  somewhat  similar  theme,  in 
which  it  was  urged  that  the  Spanish  estates  in  America  could  only 
be  preserved  to  Spain  by  an  alliance  with  France  against  England, 
was  laid  before  the  French  Government.*  Other  memoirs  relating 
to  the  conditions  of  the  Spanish  Indies  were  also  submitted  about  this 
time.*  If  we  may  trust  a  memoir  suggesting  the  revolutionizing  of 
Louisiana,  submitted  to  the  French  Government  in  1792,  the  in- 
habitants of  Louisiana,  dissatisfied  with  their  condition  under  Spanish 
rule,  had  made  secret  proposals  to  the  minister  of  France  at  Phila- 
delphia looking  toward  their  release  from  the  Spanish  yoke  ever  since 
the  year  1779.^    Again,  when  Barb^-Marbois  had  an  interview  with 

•January  5,  1768,  Affaires  fitrang^res,  M^molres  et  DocumeDts,  Am^rique  (Colonies 
Espasnoles),  33,  f.  66-. 

*  **  Possessions  des  Espai^noles  en  Afrlque  et  en  Am^rlqne/*  1770,  Ibid.,  f.  71-. 

«  "  Projet  pour  former  en  R^publlque  les  Colonies  que  France  a  cM^s  fl  TEspagne  en 
Am4rlque,**  ibid.,  f.  80.  This  Is  undated,  but  probably  is  not  much  out  of  its  chrono- 
logical position  in  the  volume  of  memoirs,  where  It  follows  a  document  of  1772  and 
precedes  one  of  1774. 

^  *•  Vcritables  InttfrMs  de  I/Espagne.*'  Affaires  Etrangferes,  M^molres  ct  Documents, 
Am^rlque  (Colonies  Espagnoles),  33,  f.  127-. 

«  "  Reflexions  sur  les  Indes  Espagnoles,**  1776,  ibid.,  f.  01 ;  another  memoir  is  found 
on  f.  R8-.  Ibid. 

'Am.  lilst  Assn.  Rept,  1806,  I,  047. 


212  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCUTION. 

Francisco  de  Miranda  in  Philadelphia  in  1783  or  1784,  the  charge- 
d'affaires  of  France  appears  to  have  sent  a  dispatch  to  the  French 
minister,  Vergennes,  giving  an  account  of  the  conversation  which 
related  to  the  condition  of  Spanish  America.* 

Francisco  de  Miranda,  whose  name  has  long  been  identified  with 
the  idea  of  Spanish-American  emancipation,  was  then  not  an  in- 
novator. Schemes  for  the  separation  of  Spanish  America  or  parts 
of  that  domain  from  the  rule  of  the  parent  country  had  been  formed 
and  harbored  by  many  people  of  various  nationalities  long  before 
Miranda  ever  presented  his  full-fledged  schemes  to  the  consideration 
of  the  English  Government  in  1790.^  It  appears  to  the  writer  ex- 
tremely likely  that  other  plans  were  hatched  by  discontented  Creoles 
or  by  scheming  adventurers  than  those  which  have  been  discussed. 
As  early  as  this  period  also  there  was  the  realization  on  the  part  of 
some  Frenchmen  that  the  possessions  of  Spain  in  America  were 
threatened  by  England,  and  plans  were  drawn  up  for  their  preserva- 
tion from  English  encroachment,  which  involved  their  separation  at 
least  in  part  from  the  Spanish  monarchy.  The  ambition  of  France 
to  reestablish  her  colonial  glory  at  the  expense  of  Spain  was  not  bom 
during  the  French  revolutionary  epoch.  It  had  its  beginnings  in 
the  period  under  consideration,  in  which  may  be  discovered  the  origins 
of  what  developed  into  an  international  rivalry  between  France  and 
England  for  the  control  or  possession  of  a  part  or  all  of  Spanish 
America. 

'  Barb6-MarbolB,  History  of  Louisiana,  150.     Although  search  was  made  for  this  alleged 
dispatch,  it  was  not  found  In  the  French  archives. 
»See  Chapter  V. 


212  AMEBICAN   HISTOBICAL 

Francisco  de  Miranda  in  Philadelphi 
d'affaires  of  France  appears  to  have 
minister,  Vergennes,  giving  an  accn 
related  to  the  condition  of  Spanish  A 
Francisco  de  Miranda,  whose  nan 
the  idea  of  Spanish-American  em:» 
novator.     Schemes  for  the  separati 
of  that  domain  from  the  rule  of  tin 
and  harlx)red  by  many  l)eople  of 
Mininda  ever  presented  his  full-fl< 
of  the  English  Government  in  IT 
tremely  likely  that  other  plans  w. 
or  by  scheming  adventurers  thai 
As  early  as  this  period  also  theri 
some   Frenchmen  that  the  pos^ 
threatened  by  England,  and  plai 
tion  from  English  encroachment 
least  in  part  from  the  Spanish 
to  reestablish  her  colonial  glory 
during  the  French  revolution: 
the  period  under  consideration, 
of  what  developed  into  an  inl 
England  for  the  control  or  i 
America. 


*•  RarbC-Marlmls.  History  of  LoulHh- 
diRpatcli,  it  was  not  found  in  the  Tr 
>See  Chapter  V. 


[A  SKETCH  OP  THE  CAPTAIN-GENERALSHIP   OP  CARACAS. 

The  attempts  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  to  revolutionize  Spanish 
!&inenca  generally  had  as  Iheir  main  objective  point  the  captain- 
.l^eralship  uf  Caracas.  Here  Miranda  passed  his  early  years  as  well 
.«s  a  few  short  but  eventful  months  near  the  end  of  his  life.  In  the 
irrectionary  projects  which  Miranda  from  time  to  time  urged  upon 
ru-ious  European  cabinets  it  was  his  custom  to  reckon  upon  the  sub- 
stantial aid  of  the  inhabitants  of  his  native  land.  A  sketch  will  ac- 
cordingly be  made  of  conditions  in  that  part  of  the  Spanish  dominions 
in  America  in  the  period  of  Miranda ^s  activity,  about  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century  and  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century.  It  is 
ieved  that,  in  so  far  as  this  chapter  shows  what  w&a  the  general 

.aracter  of  the  Spanish  regime  and  indicates  what  was  the  attitude 
of  the  colonists  toward  their  Govermnent,  it  is  to  some  extent  ap- 
plicable to  other  sections  of  Spanish  America. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  dominions  of  Spain 
in  jVmerica  included  a  large  part  of  South  America,  Central  America, 
what  is  now  called  Mexico,  and  a  large  part  of  the  present  United 
States.  By  the  treaty  of  Paris  she  had  come  into  possession  of  French 
Louisiana,  and  of  East  and  West  Florida.  Spain  claimed  much  more 
territory  than  she  had  actually  settled.  Consequently  the  limits  of 
her  domain  wei-e  not  easily  located,  and  disputes  involving  boundaries 
arose  with  tlie  United  States  and  England.  In  its  greatest  extent 
the  Spanish  dominion  stretched  from  Cape  Horn  to  the  sources  of  the 


Lbeli 


Spain  controlled  this  vast  empire  by  governmental  machinery  in 
Spain  and  in  -;Vmerica.  In  the  Peninsula  the  main  institutions  were 
the  King,  the  casa  de  contratacion,  and  tlie  council  of  the  Indies.  In 
America  the  chief  in-stitutions  were  the  viceroys,  captains-general, 
audiencia.s,  and  intendants.  The  title  to  Spanish  ^Vmerica  being 
vested  in  the  King,  he  had  large  powers;  the  various  governmental 
officers  were  his  agents  and  the  church  was  subject  to  his  supervision. 
The  various  vice  royalties  were  considered  to  be  in  a  personal  union 
with  the  King,  rather  than  colonies  in  the  ordinary  sense.  The  casa 
de  contratacion,  or  house  of  trade,  appeared  early  in  the  sixteenth 


214  AMEBICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCUTION. 

century.  It  had  control  over  the  commercial  relations  between  Spain 
and  the  colonies  and  had  also  some  related  judicial  functions.  The 
council  of  the  Indies  was  formed  a  little  later  than  the  casa  de  con- 
tratacioYi.  It  managed  the  political  affairs  of  the  colonies.  The  casa 
de  contratacion  was  soon  made  subordinate  to  it.  The  council  had 
administrative,  legislative,  and  judicial  powers.  It  advised  the  King 
on  important  matters ;  it  made  laws  for  Spanish  America ;  it  was  the 
supreme  court  of  appeal  for  cases  arising  in  the  Spanish  Indies.** 

Before  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  Spanish  America  had 
been  partitioned  into  four  viceroyalties — New_Spain,  or,  as  it  came  to 
be  called,  Mexico,  including  all  Spanish  America  north  of  the  Isth- 
mus of  Panama ;  New  Granada,  or  Santa  F6,  including  the  northern 
part  of  South  America;  Buenos  Ayres,  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
continent,  and  Peru,  located  between  Buenos  Ayres  and  New  Granada 
and  including  the  rest  of  Spanish  South  America.  These  subdivi- 
sions were  governed  by  viceroys  whose  term  of  office  varied.  It  was 
generally  five  years,  but  might  be  longer  at  the  pleasure  of  the  King. 
The  viceroy  had  almost  regal  powers  over  his  district,  both  civil  and 
military.  The  extensive  powers  of  these  agents  became  curtailed, 
however,  in  various  ways.  One  by  one  the  more  distant  regions  were 
made  captain-generalships.  These  provinces  were  smaller  areas  than 
the  viceroyalties.  They  were  governed  by  captains-general,  who  were 
to  a  large  extent  independent  of  the  viceroys.'*  The  captains-general, 
as  well  as  the  viceroys,  were  limited  by  the  audiencias  which  were  cre- 
ated gradually.  In  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  were  audi- 
encias at  ilexico,  Guadalaxara,  Guatemala,  Lima,  Chile,  Santa  Fe, 
Quito,  Buenos  Ayres,  and  Caracas.  The  viceroys  and  the  captains- 
general  presided  over  the  audiencias  at  their  seats  of  government. 
These  bodies  had  executive  and  judicial  powers.*' 

When  the  term  of  office  of  an  important  Spanish  colonial  official 
had  expired  he  was  subject  to  a  process  called  the  "  re^idencia,"  which 
was  an  official  inquiry  into  his  administration.  On  being  appointed, 
a  commission  proceeded  to  the  seat  of  government  and  publislied 
the  intention  of  establishing  a  tribunal  to  investigate  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  departing  officer.  All  citizens  were  invited  to  lodge 
complaints.  The  length  of  the  residencia  varied;  in  case  of  a  vice- 
roy it  was  six  months.  The  report  of  the  residencia  was  forwarded 
to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  which  had  the  power  to  decide  any  dis- 
pute. Theoretically  this  was  an  admirable  check  on  the  officers,  but 
one  may  well  doubt  its  efficacy  in  practice.* 

By  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  viceroyalties  and  cap- 
tain-generalships had  been  divided  into  intendancies.     Over  each  of 

"  noume,  Spain  in  America,  221-227  ;  Dopons,  I,  257-260. 
'»Boume,  Spain  In  America,  229-231;  Depons,  I,  254,  255.  2(51.-. 
«•  DepoDK,  I,  254.  255,  270 ;  Bourne,  Spain  In  America,  232-235. 
«*Depon«,   I,  267-269;   Bourne,  Spain  In  America,  231,  232. 


FBANL'ISCO    DE    MIHANDA. 


215 


liese  smaller  divisions  was  placed  an  inteiidant,  who  controlled  the 
financiiil  administration  of  his  district," 

Thf  (■ap tain-generalship  of  Caracas  was  carved  out  of  the  vice- 
royalty  of  Sew  Granada.  In  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century 
it  extended  along  the  Atlantic  Ocean  from  Cape  de  la  Vela  on  the 
iioithwest  to  Cape  Paria  on  the  east.  On  the  south  and  west  it  was 
tmimded  by  Dntch  and  Portngiiese  Guiana  and  the  viceroyalty  of 
New  Granada,  Near  the.  center  of  this  area  was  the  province  of 
Venezuela,  the  district  of  Cunxana  was  on  the  east,  Guiana  on  the 
south,  Maracaibo  and  Harina.s  on  the  west,  and  the  island  of  Mar- 
"gsrita  on  the  northeast.  It  stretched  over  IS  degrees  of  longitude  and 
extended  fi'om  the  twelfth  to  the  eighth  degi'ee  of  north  latitude.* 

The  province  of  Venezuela  was  go^'emed  by  a  captain-general,  who 
was  in  charge  of  the  military  and  the  judicial  administration  of  the 
entire  captain -generalship.  He  was  couunissioned  to  punish  the  mis- 
deeds of  the  soldiers  and  to  take  what  steps  he  might  deem  nece,ssary 
to  promote  good  government  in  Venezuela.  The  officers  in  that  prov- 
ince were  ordered  to  oliey  the  commands  of  the  captain -general, 
whether  written  or  verbal,  without  objection  or  delay.  His  salary 
was  9,000  i>esoB  annually."  He  could  act  on  his  own  responsibility, 
but  generally  submitted  vital  questions  to  a  council  of  leading  military 
officers,  (he  "  Junta  de  Guerra."  As  the  representative  of  the  King 
of  Spain,  this  officer  had  control  of  political  relations  between  the 
captain -generalship  and  the  colonial  establishments  of  other  nations. 
In  Depons's  time  the  term  of  office  was  about  seven  years.''  Cumana, 
(iuiuna,  Maracaibo,  and  Margarita  had  governors  of  their  own,  who 
exorcised  authority  in  civil  affairs.  These  officers,  who  were  ap- 
pointed for  five  years,  took  cognizance  of  all  civil  and  criminal 
offenses  in  their  respective  districts.  They  super^nsed  military 
affairs,  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  captain-general.  The  governor 
of  Cumana.  at  least,  was  charged  to  keep  the  captain-general  in- 
formed regarding  the  defense  and  security  of  the  region  under  hia 
control.  The  annual  compensation  of  that  governor  in  1792  was 
g_4fiOO  pesos.' 

^^    In  the  la.'^  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  financial  adininistra- 
Piion  of  the  captain-generalship  of  Caracas  was  centered  in  an  intend- 
ant,  who  had  extensive  powers.     The  governors  of  the  various  dis- 
tricts were  his  deputies.     Tlie  intendant  formulated    the    financial 

-Depolw.    II,    103,    BtBtts   ihi 

Krti  Bancron.  Mexico.  HI.  ^: 
■Depons.  I.  fil.    roiidmi  pI 
•  A  dnft  of  the  commlBslon 
im."  la  (ouQd  In  the  A.  U.  S.,  OuMro.  7105. 
'D«(Km«,  I.  241,  ^(12,  266:  «%  aliio  rouili-nx  H 
Om  eatitalB-EFDFm. 

•  PttKnu,  t.  202 :  Biv  tbc  draft  of  ibr  niipolnimi 
■■  Jonlu  de  17»2,"  A.  li,  S.,  Guerra,  TlftS. 


•aracas    the    uffl™  ol 

InlftidiiDt   waa    iDsMliited   tn 

Ina  were  estiibUabed  In  ITSS. 

M^molre.  1.  Htiu>  give 

tbe  boundaries. 

o  rarbon.'ll  »  cnptal 

n-general  o(  Cuscaa,  "  Junio 

216  AMEBICAN  HISTORICAL  A8S0CUTI0N. 

regulations  for  the  captain-generalship,  audited  accounts,  and  had 
appointive  power.  Originally  he  judged  cases  relating  to  commeroe. 
In  1793,  however,  jurisdiction  over  commercial  cases  was  vested  in  a 
special  court  called  the  consulate,  of  which  the  intendant  was  made 
the  president.  The  salary  of  this  officer  was  the  same  as  that  of  the 
captain-general,  but  he  was  appointed  for  only  five  years,"  This  sys- 
tem naturally  lent  itself  to  abuse  *  and  provoked  jealousy  and  friction 
between  the  intendant  and  the  captain-general.*' 

The  audiencia  of  Caracas  was  established  in  1786.*  It  was  the 
supreme  court  of  the  captain-generalship  in  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
cases  and  had  power  to  settle  disputes  between  these  two  kinds  of 
courts.  The  audiencia  also  acted  as  the  advisory  council  of  the 
captain-general.  It  could  even  correspond  with  the  King  regarding 
important  governmental  matters.  In  case  of  a  dispute  between  the 
audiencia  and  the  captain-general  it  could  appeal  to  the  King.* 

A  most  important  local  institution  was  the  municipal  organization 
called  the  cabildo.  The  size  of  the  cabildos  varied.  They  were  gen- 
erally composed  of  alcaldas  in  ordinary,  who  were  the  chief  executive 
and  judicial  officers,  regidors,  who  composed  the  deliberative  body,  a 
syndic,  and  a  registrar.  In  towns  where  there  were  no  governors  or 
lieutenant-governors  the  alcaldes  had  jurisdiction  over  cases  which 
would  elsewhere  be  carried  before  these  officers.  Appeal  lay  from 
these  courts  to  the  audiencia.' 

The  authority  of  the  King  was  apparent  in  the  "  imposing  machin- 
ery of  the  church  establishment."  In  general,  the  only  religion  tol- 
erated in  Spanish  America  was  Roman  Catholicism.  But  the  popes 
could  communicate  directly  with  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America 
only  in  special  cases;  such  acts  as  bulls,  dispensations,  and  indulgences 
could  ordinarily  be  sent  to  the  American  provinces  only  after  being 
approved  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies.    A  share  of  the  ecclesiastical 

«Depon8,  II,  103-100;  Poudenx  et  Mayer,  M^molre,  10,  17,  25. 

*  SC'gur,    Memoirs   and    Recollections,    343,    344. 

<>  The  extract  of  a  dispatch  from  Carbonell  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  March  23,  179S 
(translation),  P.  K.  O.,  Spain,  45,  illustrates  this:  '*  I  determined  to  follow  In  every- 
thing  concerning  this  event,  the  opinion  of  the  Judges  of  the  Royal  Audiencia,  or  to 
speak  plainly,  that  of  the  UeKente  Don  Antonio  Lopez  Quintana,  whose  vote  gives  tbe 
Law,  and  to  yield  also  to  the  opinion  of  his  Friend  Don  Estevan  Fernandes  De  Leon,  in- 
tendant of  the  Army  and  Uoyal  Uevenue ;  Hence,  although  against  my  own  opinion,  I 
have  put  such  Commissions  as  have  l>een  necessary  into  the  bands  of  their  Favorites. 
People  who  have  used  every  Means  to  lower  my  authority  and  render  the  intendant  tb® 
only  Channel  through  which  I  could  Icarn  what  I  alone  should  have  been  informed  ot 
relative  to  the  dcsij^ns  of  the  insurgents  •  ♦  ♦."  Guillelmi,  captain-general  ot 
Caracas  spoke  of  the  ofllce  in  these  words :  "  Hace  ver  los  perjuicios  del  establicimieDto 
dc  Intendencia  de  Kxto  eu  aquellos  Provincias,  y  la  necesidad  de  reunir  este  ramo  a  ^* 
Capltanla  liral.  .  .  sin  una  absoluta  unidad  de  mando  era  Imposible  conservar  i^ 
tranquilidad,  buen  orden,  y  autoridad  nocesarios  para  asegurar  ft  S.  M.  estas  Posesion** 
on  tlcmpoB  crltlcos,  6  casos  desgraciados."  Guillelmi  (unaddressed).  May  30,  17^"^' 
A.   G.   S..   Guerra,   710r». 

•*  Blanco,  l>ocumento8,  I,  214. 

'  Depons,  I,  271.  276.    On  the  audiencia  in  general,  see  Bourne,  Spain  in  America,  232"' 

UX'pons,  I,  279-293;  Poudenx  et  Mayer,  M^molre.  16. 


i 


FRANCISCO   t)K   MIRANDA.  2l7 

leTenues  belonged  to  the  King,"  All  appointments  emanated  from 
the  King  and  all  problems  regarding  the  patronage  wei'e  decided  by 
the  Council  of  the  Indies.  In  the  captain-generalship  of  Caracas 
tliere  were  three  bishoprics,  which  were  located  at  Caracas,  Merida 
^e  Maracaibo,  and  St.  Thomas  de  Angostura.  The  church  courts 
took  cognizance  of  cases  relating  to  spiritual  matters  as  well  aa  those 
Affecting  such  subjects  as  legacies,  wills,  and  marriages,  but  their 
deci^ons  were  subject  to  review." 

Both  i-egular  and  secular  clergy  were  found  in  great  numbers.  The 
secular  clergy  conducted  religious  services  in  places  where  there  was 
a  large  Spanish  population  and  among  the  subjected  Indians.  The 
regular  ordens,  among  which  the  Franciscans  and  the  Capuchins  were 
perhaps  the  most  important,  were  mainly  engaged  in  Christianizing 
and  civilizing  the  mdependent  Indians.  There  were  many  convents 
and  monasteries,  which  often  held  large  properties.  Some  of  the 
monks  forgot  their  vows  and  showed  by  theii'  lives  that  they  had 
not  said  farewell  to  earthly  pleasures.''  The  ecclesiastical  establish- 
ment exercised  a  potent  influence,  which  was  generally  used  in  the 
support  of  the  existing  regime.  To  quote  an  instructive  memoir  on 
Caracas:  "Although  the  power  was  in  the  hands  of  the  military  and 
civil  authority,  the  real  chief  of  the  province  was  rather  the  arch- 
bishop than  the  captain-general."  As  the  religious  institution  pro- 
moted the  Spanish  conquest  of  America,  "  so  has  it  also  been  tlie  last 
bulwark  of  its  expiring  power."  * 

The  population  of  the  captain -generalship  of  Caracas  was  of  a 
mixed  character.  As  in  some  other  parts  of  Spanish  America,  the 
three  basal  elements  were  the  Spaniards,  the  Indians,  and  the  negroes. 
Because  of  the  poor  method  of  taking  the  census,  it  is  difficult  to  de- 
termine the  exact  number  of  people.  Early  in  the  nineteenth  century 
Depons  estimated  that  there  were  728,000  inhabitants."  Poudenx 
and  Mayer  estimated  that  in  1807  there  were  900,000  people  in  the 
captain-generalship.'  Society  was  divided  into  two  great  castes — 
freemen  and  slaves.  Whites  and  Indians  or  their  descendants  were 
free.  Negroes  and  their  descendants,  unless  they  had  been  freed, 
were  slaves.  It  has  been  estimated  that  three-tenths  of  the  entire 
population  were  slaves,  four-tenths  were  freedmen  or  the  descendants 


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SpiLDlBb  Ad 

erica 

'  FondMlI  e 

U.yE 

M^moire.  2S. 

26. 

•Dcpon*.   I 

108. 

'  IVNKlrtll  e 

Mayer 

M&uolr^.  U. 

Other  eslim 

t.-a  (■ 

ind  1 

Bla 

nco.  Dnr 

Dli-nlns. 

218  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCUTION. 

(if  fn»einen,  two- tenths  were  whites,  and  the  remaining  tenth  were 
IiKiians.'' 

'rh(5  colored  people  occupied  a  subordinate  or  dependent  position. 
l)<wpito  royal  ordinances  for  the  education  of  the  slaves,  they  were 
j(i»,norally  ignorant,  superstitious,  and  licentious.  They  sometimes 
piir(!hascd  their  freedom.  The  freedmen,  however,  were  subject  to  a 
number  of  restrictions,  such  as  exclusion  from  public  office.* 

TUi'i  Indians  in  Caracas  belonged  to  two  classes,  those  characterized 
HH  <!ivilized  and  those  called  independent.  The  civilized  Indians 
lived  in  villagas.  Wlien  these  communities  were  large  enough  they 
W(MH^  governed  by  Indian  cabildos,  with  the  aid  of  a  Spanish  official 
(ralltul  the  "  corregidor."  The  uncivilized  Indians  were  perhaps  equal 
in  number  to  those  civilized.  Some  of  them  were  governed  by 
their  own  chief,  who  was  called  "  cacique." ^^  These  Indians  were  a 
Hpecial  menace  to  the  Spanish  authority. 

The  white  inhabitants  of  the  captain-generalship  belonged  to  two 
main  groups,  the  European  Spaniards  and  the  Creoles.  Although 
numeri(;ally  the  least  important  part  of  the  population,  the  European 
Spaniards  took  precedence  of  the  other  classes  and  monopolized  the 
most-  important  offices.*  Creole  was  the  term  generally  applied  to 
poj'Kons  of  Spanish  descent  born  in  America.*  Proud  of  their  birth, 
th^^  <*reoles  often  looked  upon  the  European  Spaniards  with  great 
jealousy.  They  had  a  thirst  for  knowledge,  but  their  education  was 
generally  superficial  and  they  were  inclined  to  be  resentful  and 
litigious.^  Despite  a  prejudice  against  intermarriages,  there  was 
rciiihidernble  mingling  of  white,  negro,  and  Indian  blood.  There 
\v«*r«»  ni(»stizos,  the  offspring  of  Indians  and  whites;  sambos,  the 
rhildren  of  Indians  and  negroes;  mulattoes,  the  offspring  of  whites 
11  IK  I  nc^groos;  pardos,  the  children  of  whites  and  mulattoes.  From 
f  h«^  rrossing  of  these  groups  there  resulted  an  almost  infinite  number 
of  liliMids.*' 

Aniniig  the  Creoles  divisions  could  be  discerned.  They  were  com- 
powMl  of  nobles  and  non-nobles.  Those  belonging  to  a  certain  faction 
of  llin  noble  Creoles,  in  the  early  nineteenth  century  at  least,  were 
hlyliMl  **  inantuanos."  As  these  various  social  groups  sometimes 
(nihliMl  to  monopolize  certain  occupations,  they  furnished  a  basis  for 
fiH'lioniil  strife.* 


o'I'IiIh  Ih  (Iio  oNtiiiiato  of  DoponR,  I,  106;  compare  with  the  figures  for  1811  In  Blanco, 

|tlM  IlilMMlhlM.     II,     I'i'U. 

''hi'iMiiiH.   I.   100-100,  174,  175;  Blanco,  Documcntos,  II,  319. 

•  hiMMiiiH,  I.  'jn-iiar). 

•'  I'lXiilniK  ««t   Mayor,  Mtfmolre,  12. 

"  llilil ,  1 1,  '*  On  iloiinc  K<^n<^ralement  Ic  nom  de  cr^Ie  d.  tout  indlTidu  n^  dans  le  pays." 
Mill  I*  iir»i|M'ily  II  Im  roHlrlcted  to  those  of  Spanish  descent. 

'  HiM«  ilin  HhitciiKMitH  of  Doctor  Saenz,  quoted  by  Depons,  I,  117,  118;  see  also  Ibid.. 
TJU,  I  III  I  r.'.  UoJiiH,  Orijjenes  Venezolanos,  293-,  174-,  is  a  case  which  illustrates 
(lin  liMilitimv  hotwiMMi  the  Creoles  and  Ihe  European  Spaniards. 

'  I'uuiliiiv  »»t  Mayor,  M<»moIre,  11  ;  Depons,  I,  177-182,  emphasizes  the  mingling  less. 

*  I'tiiiddiit  v\  Mayer,  Mftmoire,  12,  13. 


FRANCISCO   DE  M1R.\NDA. 


219 


The  inhabitants  of  this  region  were  engageil  in  various  pursuits. 
On  the  plains  of  Caracas  people  tended  flofks  and  herds.  8ome  were 
engaged  in  hunting,  fishing,  trade,  or  conimerce,"  but  agriculture  was 
the  chief  occupation.  Scattered  over  this  region  were  many  planta- 
tions which  produced  cacao,  indigo,  cotton,  coffee,  sugar,  and  tobacco.* 
It  appears  that  these  estates  were  not  always  well  administered,  for 
they  were  often  managed  by  overseers,  while  the  proprietors  dwelt  in 
the  towns  and  cities  except  when  they  took  an  outing  on  their  planta- 
tions.' The  disdain  of  the  Creoles  for  agriculture  promoted  the  decay 
of  plantation  life,  manufactures  in  the  modern  sense  were  almost 
absent."  while  the  legal  and  the  clerical  professions  were  compara- 
tively crowded." 

The  troops  which  might  defend  Caracas  in  case  of  invasion  con- 
sisted of  regular  soldiei's  and  militia,  Depons  declared  that  when  he 
was  living  in  the  city  of  Caracas  there  were  stationed  there  about  900 
regular  troops.  In  the  other  ciiief  towns  there  were  also  troops  of  the 
line,  in  addition  to  some  companies  of  artillery,  which  were  mainly 
militia.'  With  certain  exemptions  all  freemen  from  15  to  45  were 
ordinarily  subject  to  duty  in  the  militia.  In  case  of  war  it  theoretic- 
ally included  "  all  ages."  According  to  Depons,  at  the  city  of  Caracas 
there  was  one  battalion  of  white  militia,  a  squadron  of  whites,  and  a 
battalion  of  people  of  color.  A  conservative  estimate  wouM  place 
the  total  number  of  troops  in  this  captain-generalsliip  in  the  beginning 
of  the  nineteenth  century  at  about  13.000.' 

The  city  of  St.  lago  de  Leon  de  Caracas,  or,  as  it  is  now  known, 
Caracas,  was  the  capital  not  only  of  the  province  of  Venezueln,  but 
also  of  the  entire  captain-generalship.  In  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
^century  it  was  the  seat  of  the  audieneia,  the  intendency,  and  the  arch- 
shopric  of  Venezuela.  In  1797  a  merchant,  who  had  lived  many 
!*rs  at  Caracas,  thus  described  it :  "  It  is  situated  about  5  Ivcagues  S, 
E  La  Guayra  from  which  il  is  divided  by  a  Mountain,  whose  per- 
ndicular  Height  from  the  Level  of  the  Sea  is  4200  feet.  Now  as  you 
<lllly  descend  about  half  the  Distance  on  the  Caracas  Side,  the  Plain  on 
which  the  City  stands  is  suppos'd  to  be  at  an  Elevation  from  the  same 
I^vel  of  2000  Feet,  which  accounts  for  the  Coolness  of  the  Climate. 

^_    •  rowlenx  ct  Mafer.  M^molrr.  12-24:  UcponB.   II.  -12-17. 
^^*De|Kiiu,  I.  SSff~188i  rondem  et  Mayer.  M^raiilre.  12. 

^B'  IMadcni  et  Uarer.  M^molre,  24.  12,  state 

^^banpo;  Depona,  I,  B9.  Htates  thai  there  were  siinie  a 

^^^en  Krc  alao  mentioned,  ibid.,  IH.  «5. 

^F^  *  See  (he  alateiaentii  o(  Doctor  SuEna,  c|uoIed  by  Dep. 

■ttot  it>ld.,  140-142. 

P^»D«pon«.   1.  308-310. 

*        'Deptni,  I,  310-317.    This  catliDste  \n  bclnw  the  number  glvra  by  an  oDclal  report  or 

April.  1787.  br  .Mcuuidro  O'Reilll.  In  which  hp  tranninttB  apvciilL-BUonB  ot  Ja8«|)h  Solano. 

•buwtDK  the  locatloD  and  the  number  of  tbc  dUTerenl  rampaulea  at  mlUtla.     A  total  of 

I0.4M    tnxipa   la   given   under   the    beading   "  Trim 

A.  G.  8..  Uuena.  710S.     Aoutber  report,  uodated,  » 


218 


AMERICAN    HISTORU-X 


of  fn»einen,  two-tenths  were  whiU'r. 
Indians." 

The  colored  people  occupied  a  i^y' 
Despite  royal  ordinances  for  the  v*^ 
generally   ignorant,  superstitions, 
purchased  their  frcM?dom.    The  fn 
numl^er  of  i-estrictions,  such  as  ex* ' 

The  Indians  in  Caracas  belonpi^! 
as  civilized   and  those  called   in' 
lived  in  villages.    AMien  these  cf 
were  governed  by  Indian  cabildr 
calle<l  the  "  corregidor."    The.  un* 
in   number  to  those   civilized, 
their  own  chief,  who  was  called 
special  menace  to  the  Spanish  n> 

The  white  inhabitants  of  th»» 
main  gi'oups,  the  Eun)pean  S 
numerically  the  least  importanf 
Spaniards  took  pre<!edence  of 
most  important  offices.*    Cn 
persons  of  Spanish  descent  I)' 
the  Creoles  often  looked  up( 
jealousy.    They  had  a  thirsi 
generally  superficial  and  tl 
litigious.^    Despite  a  prejii- 
considerable  mingling  of  \' 
were   mestizos,  the  oiTsprlt 
children  of  Indians  and  n< 
an<l  negroes;  pardos,  the 
the  crossing  of  tliese  grou . 
of  blends.^ 

Among  the  Creoles  div 
posed  of  nobles  and  non-:. 
of  the  noble  Creoles,  in    ^^ 
stvle<l   "  mantuanos."     ^r^ 
t<»nded  to  monopolize  c 


w 

-  -^  I 

^-  V 
>  -111  a 
. -.  -eni 

-  -"ruit, 
e  Str 

-  vaicl 

.  :he  I 

_   .-'.\I  hei 

—     ."-'liV  till 

^  %tio  livi 
jt'-.iy  of  C 
-•    Lind,  a 


xf 


factional  strife.* 


•  TlilH  iH  tho  ofitlmate  of 
nocumontos,  II,  8.'i4. 

M>rponR,  I,  lflr>-10»,  IT 
.'  I>opons.   I.  217-235. 

*  roii(]«>iix  ot  Mayer,  Bfi 

•  Ibid.,  11,  "On  <lnDDe 
Mon*  properly  It  la  n»» 

f  See  Uio  Ptatempntfl 
120.    140-142.     KoJhs, 
the  JcalotiRy  iHttwoen  t 

9  Poudonz  et  Mayer, 

*  l*0Qdenx  et  May«r 


^n?d  in  m 
^i-4l  ^.^»lollie^ 
:«.  iiMue  i^roi 
Miiiifactuiv. 
%tuMi  exp 
^,,   »tf  vviiduc 
^^   i!  Ivlween 
v>a*'ssions.'' 
..*^»   o  prohil) 
..,1^  .>f  peac< 

^:a.'\     IVIull 

.U-*   .*t  I  he  I 
^    :K'  iivatv 
^^^  »\    wliich 

.^.:i\  iheiv  > 
..*i%rioiU  aiu 

••;  ilic  mcr 


%^  %t  \S. 


vUvla? 


*»1  Uu\-.  2: 


o\^ 


^,- 


220  s^voi^  \^   Ai?SOCIATION. 

gltlio'  ^.    ,    -^    »     viTv  Man  from  tho  Interior,  it  was 

PI        i  .      ..i.'*nu:y   stird  a    Fozzatlvo  en  Lngar  de 

..y^^*    -    !te  Badness  of  the  Uonds,  everjihlns 
^'^***^"  :uit*  Backs  in   Pad^affes  of  two  hundred 

and   ^  ,.  ••ii   if  rhe  Sn^ar-Cane  to  any  Extent,  except 

QYiil  .  ^•■n  it  is  imiwssible  to  exapperate  how  little 

J,  1 1  j,  ^  ^*ai.  and  by  a  steady  System  of  Opjiressioiiln 

,  ,  ^  .     Independent  of  heavy  Taxes.  Trade, 

.'  .^    '.uj    lie  multl pi iefl  forms  of  the  Customs  Houses. 

^^'^''  .  ^    T  l*aiK*r  fnmi  each  rustoui  Ilonse  and  is 

SIh-  ^..nl  every  Time  It  passi^s  a  Gnard  House,  for 

^)l,  .        -^uia^tant  Repitition  of  those  Inconveniences 

fpi  •,».  lud  so  the  System  of  Corruption  and  opi>re»- 

.     .      ..*   Man  has  an  Eye  on  his  NeighlK>r,  I  mean  of 
"*  v  a  jrrent  many,  and  this  Is  a  new  Tax.    •    ♦    ♦ 

t?i»="  .   ;.i\e  StiK'k  on  board,  and  It  is  of  ever  so  great 

til-  H   wijrues  to  the  Eastward,  In  order  lo  make  your 

^1,.  .  ..4Martl,  you  must  In- general  clear  ont  at  the  regular 

..    ...d  '«>iH^  half  y(mr  Mnl<»s  by  not  l>elns  alltw'd  to 
'•Hvv.     Agitln,  a  Ship  bound  to  Spain  that  loads  at 
^.     i-  a^iinst  Wind  and  Currents,  to  clear  out  at  La 
*'■  a,i  :i'  l.iH^ward  and  losing  her  Voyage.     ♦     ♦     ♦    Ow 

■. .-i  UeihiHl  of  doing  Business  will  throw  a  great  Light 
1,  ...  si.  lago  re<inlres  about  six  thousand  Bis  of  Flour 

J  .    vu.  and  of  course  should  import  them  direct.    But  84) 

..iHuvus  Trinclples  of  Trade  In  Spain,  that  this  flour 

..    r\nu  AUH^rica  into  the  Mother-Country,  and  then  R<»nt 

^.    ac4.»uding  the  Inhabitants  wou'd  willingly  pay  all  the 

.t    M  \tv  Vt.  to  have  It  fresh  from  America.    Thus  when 

>  ^oaonilly  old.  and  often  unfit  for  Use." 

.I'iiirtin  oiTors,  but  it  is  probably  in  many  resjx^cts 

u  v'jK'nition  of  the  Sj>anish  fiscal  syst<»ni.    Depons, 

.  ,    ix    ii>v\»nti»iit  loss,  doscTibos  a  number  of  other  taxes 

,  cii  v»ii  llie  Indians  and  the  excise  duties,  and  de- 

.  ,.  a  :i  loss  to  detenninc  whether  he  ''should  most 

v...».u   ^>f  the  exchequer,  or  the  resignation  of  the 

^•..  wa>  also  at  times  a  source  of  dissension  and  dis- 

"*  \v    .i;i^    •^  t'^**  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  tri- 

^  'Uu\  OlKiv  had  Ix^en  established  at  Mexico  City,  Lima, 

llie  captain-peneralship  of  Caracas  was  at  that 

\   .lu'iMliction  of  the  inquisitorial,  tribunal  located  at 


.^1     I       Kor  II   inori'   favorablo   vl«»w   compnro   with    the  nrooimt    In 
<v  ««lk^'«*  '**'*'*  <*i>ipl>''t'*i''^  ti*  lidd  on  the  dlBoontent  caused  by  this  sys- 
s.     »  "'*«*k'«  »'f  So^nr.   MiMUolrs  iiiid  Ilocollootltms,   1.   ;{;;i.  ;t41.   34;i,  :U4. 


..»^.*uo  mUuri-  i)f  thr  system  is  indicated.     Kor  u  Kideli£;ht  on   con- 

'rv»  I'K  vli'i' royalty  of  New  <^rnnadn.  see  the  capitulations  proposed 

'^     V   ;   S^soiio  »nnl  the  other  towns  of  that  province  to  the  Spanish  <;ov- 

'^V     .  ^i.  III  whii'h  n  strong;  plea  Is  made  for  the  alleviation  of  the  economic 

'"  *.       .km»  the  people.     Hlauco,  l>ocumento8.  I,  162-. 
.    ^-    ■<•    ** 


FHANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 


223 


I 


Carthagena."  The  parly  operations  of  this  tribunal  were  devoted  to 
the  suppression  of  sort-cry,  witdRTiifl,  blasphemy,  luid  heresy."  As 
lime  passed  more  an<]  more  of  it.s  energie.s  became  engaged  in  internal 
dissensions  and  in  quarrels  with  other  authorities.'^  Edicts  prohiliit- 
ing  \x3oks  were  regularly  published,''  and,  as  the  revolution  ap- 
proached, attempts  were  made  to  check  the  circnlation  of  seditious 
literature.'  If  we  may  trust  Depons,  the  familiars  of  the  Inquisition 
were  active  as  censors  in  Caracas  during  his  residence  there.  lie  in- 
forms us  that  certain  books  could  circulate  only  when  expurgated, 
others  could  be  read  only  on  permission,  while  some  were  absolutely 
proscribed.  In  the  list  of  more  than  5,000  books  mentioned  as 
prohibited  are  found  the  works  of  Rousseau,  Voltaire,  Montesquieu, 
Diderot,  Hume,  Helvelius,  and  Addison.' 

The  secular  authorities  were  expected  to  respect  and  even  to  ex- 
ecutt'  the  judgments  of  the  Inquisition.  Segur  declared  that  the  gov- 
ernor informed  him  that  he  had  received  orders  to  place  his  troops 
at  the  disposal  of  the  Inquisition  whenever  requested  to  do  so  with- 
out being  allowed  to  inquire  the  purpose  of  such  a  step,"  Segur's 
recollections  of  the  remark  of  Prudon,  a  Spanish  officer  who  com- 
manded at  Vittoria,  may  point  the  maxim:  "Here  the  Inquisition 
does  not,  it  is  true,  order  any  nuto-de-fe,  nor  light  any  fires,  but  it 
endeavors  to  extinguish  every  ray  of  light.  *  *  *  I,  as  well  as 
several  of  my  friends,  bum  to  read  the  works  of  the  celebrated  writers 
of  Frimce:but  theintendant  forbids  their  importation  under  the  sever- 
est penalties,  as  if  they  were  infected  with  the  plague,"*  Through  the 
exercise  of  its  delegated  and  assumed  powers,  the  Inquisition  was 
undoubtedly  an  influential  factor  in  promoting  the  decline  of  the 
Spanish  colonies  '  and,  at  least  indirectly,  provoking  discontent  with 
(the  existing  regime. 

The  efforts  of  the  secular  and  the  ecclesias-tical  authorities  to  stifle 
free  thought  were  not,  however,  altogether  successful.  Segur  tells 
us  that  at  Vittoria  he  saw  a  physician  who  was  as  much  dissatisfied 
wth  the  administration  as  Prudon.  He  look  them  to  the  most 
secluded  part  of  his  house,  where  he  showed  them  "  with  infinite 
satisfaction  the  works  of  J.  J.  Rousseau  and  Raynal,  which  he  kept 

mcealed  as  his  most  precious  treasure  in  a  beam  scooped  out  for  that 
■pose,"'     French  revolutionary   documents   were   found   in    1797 


■L*a.  1 


,  467. 


e  InciulBltlon, 
*tljld.,  481-467. 
'  Ibid.,  407,  473-. 
'ma.,  470. 
•IbW,.  470,  471.  472, 
fDeponl.  I,  31S-32B. 
'  SCgur,  Memoirs  and  Rix-DlIcrtlonB.  I. 

*  Stfguc,  Memolrn  nDiI  IterciJIeclianH,  I 

•  Lpb,  Thu  InqulBlUon.  SIl-513. 

'  Secnr.  Memolni  and  BucoUectlons,  I, 


224  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

among  the  papers  of  the  Venezuelan  revolutionist,  Manuel  Gual." 
The  agitator  Picomell  was  busily  engaged  about  this  time  in  print- 
ing seditious  writings  for  distribution  in  the  province  of  Caracas 
and  other  continental  colonies.  Among  these  were  "  The  Kights  of 
Man,"  "  The  Citizen  Carmagnol,"  and  "  The  American  Song."  Of 
these  Pedro  Carbonell,  the  captain-general  of  Caracas,  informed  the 
Spanish  Government  that  "  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  poison 
they  contain,  nor  to  express  of  how  much  importance  it  is  that  all  the 
King's  Officers,  Civil  and  Military,  the  prelates  and  all  his  Majesty's 
loyal  subjects  should  be  vigilant  in  suppressing  such  papers."  Car- 
bonell declared  that  these  papers  had  been  printed  at  Guadaloupe, 
where  others  were  being  printed,  such  as  "  Hymns  of  Liberty  "  and 
"The  American  Constitution."^  The  alarmed  captain-general  in- 
formed the  Spanish  authorities  in  December,  1797,  that  Picomell  had 
printed  twelve  thousand  copies  of  a  certain  book  and  "  Carmagnole 
Songs,"  of  which  he  was  the  author,  for  the  purpose  of  circulating 
them  in  the  Spanish  continent  and  in  the  Kingdom  of  New  Spain.* 

Long  before  the  days  of  Picomell  and  Gual  there  were  those  who 
desired  to  promote  disaffection  in  the  American  dominions  of  Spain. 
About  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  there  were  indications  of 
revolutionary  discontent  in  Peru.*  In  1781  the  Indian  Tupac 
Amaru  had  led  an  uprising  in  Peru  against  the  Spanish  rule,  which 
he  declared  to  be  insupportable  because  of  the  diverse  taxes  and 
other  oppressive  measures  of  the  Government  The  revolution,  which 
created  considerable  consternation  among  the  Spaniards,  was  sup- 
pressed. Tupac,  who  had  perhaps  styled  himself  *  King  of  Peru, 
Santa  Fe,  Quito,  Chili,  Buenos  Ayres,  and  the  Continent '  (of  the 
South  Seas),  was  condemned  to  a  horrible  death.* 

The  fate  of  one  of  the  last  of  the  Incas  did  not,  however,  deter 
others  from  planning  or  attempting  insurrections.  In  April,  1781, 
the  towns  of  Socorro,  San  Gil,  and  the  surrounding  districts  in  the 
viceroyalty  of  New  Granada  arose  in  revolt  against  the  Spanish 
authorities.  These  revolutionists  declared  that  the  reason  for  their 
discontent  was  the  great  burden  imposed  upon  them  by  the  tobacco 
monopoly,  the  alcabala,  and  other  taxes.  The  insurrectionists  were 
well  armed  and  had  capable  loaders.  The  movement  spread  and 
extended  to  parts  of  the  captain-generalship  of  Caracas.'    In  June, 

« A.  G.  I.,  Audencia  dc  Caracas.  l.')3-.V4,  No.  36,  contains  a  number  of  these  docu- 
ments. 

*•  Extract  of  a  secret  dispatch  from  Carbonell  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  March  23,  1798, 
P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  45  (translation).  The  papers  of  Picornell  are  also  discussed,  A.  G.  I., 
Audiencia   de   Caracas,    133-3-4,   Nos.   34   and   35. 

'^  Extract  of  a  secret  dispatch  from  Carbonell  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  March  23.  1798, 
P.  R.  O.,  Spain.  45  (translation). 

"  Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  mstoria  dc  las  Guerras  Civiles  del  Peru  y  de  Otros  Sucesoa 
de  Las  Indias. 

•Blanco,  Documentos.  I.  146,  157,  158. 

^Abalos  to  the  Spanish  minister,  September  22,  1781,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  1;  Blanco 
Documentos,  I,  162-169. 


^^^^^H  FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  225 

1781.  however,  the  revolutionists  proposed  35  articles  of  capitula- 
tion to  the  Spanish  authorities,  in  which  they  demanded  the  abo- 
lition or  modification  of  the  multiform  taxes.  No  hijit  is  found  of 
a  desire  for  independence.  Repi-esentativea  of  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment agreed  to  the  requests  of  the  revolutionists  and  the  tumult 
was  stilled.*  The  promises  which  were  made  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  properly  observed,  and  fi'esh  signs  of  dis.satisfaction  were  soon 
manifested.''  In  January,  1782,  the  audencia  of  Santa  F^  condemned 
a  number  of  the  ringleaders  to  an  ignominious  death.'' 

There  were  other  uprisings  in  the  last  years  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury. In  1735  there  was  a  revolt  at  Coro,  in  Venezuela,  which  was 
rigorously  suppres.sed.  In  the  same  year  Antonio  Narino  and  several 
others  were  thrown  into  prison  in  New  Granada  for  having  published 
"  The  Rights  of  Man."  He  was  then  transmitted  to  Spain,  whence  he 
succeeded  in  making  his  escape.''  In  July,  1797.  a  conspiracy  was  un- 
earthed in  Venezuela,  which  had  many  ramifications.  The  chief 
leaders  in  the  plot  were  Juan  Picomell,  Jose  Espana,  Manuel  Cortes, 
and  Manuel  Gual.  Some  of  the  conspirators  were  seized  and  thrust 
into  prison,  but  Gnal  and  others  escaped,  leaving  behind  them  sedi- 
tious and  incriminatory  documents.'  On  March  23,  1798,  Carhonell 
informed  the  Prince  of  Peace  that  the  plotters  had  as  their  object  "  to 
subvert  the  province  and  erect  it  into  an  independent  republic."^ 
The  leaders,  who  had  escaped  to  the  West  Indies,  continued  to  plot 
against  the  Spanish  Government.  The  captain -general  was  much 
alarmed  and  requested  the  Spanish  Government  for  aid,  especially 
veteran  Enropean  troops,  engineers,  and  artillery  officers,  "  in  order," 
said  he,  "  to  insure  the  Tranquillity  of  these  Provinces,  on  which  I 
consider  the  safely  of  all  jVmerica  to  depend."''  As  was  customary 
in  such  affairs,  the  Spanish  authorities  made  a  very  lengthy  investi- 
gation.* According  to  Depons,  seven  of  the  ringleaders  were  con- 
demned to  death,  3G  were  condemned  to  the  galleys  or  impris- 
onment, and  32  were  sent  to  .Spain  and  "  placed  at  the  inercy  of 
the  King."'  Nothing  has  been  di.scovered  to  show  that  Miranda  in 
1    ■ny  way  promoted  this  revolt,'  but  we  know  that  in  1799,  if  not  enr- 

I  ■Bl«nca.  Docnmentos.  I.  162-ieD. 

I  'IWA.  170-173. 

•  iMd..  •ia»-se2. 

•  Ibid,  a85-287.  asa-. 

•Dlmoai.    1.    311-3111.      In    A.    '1.    I.,    Aurt.    -le    Carscua,    133-.1-2.    133-3-3,    133-3-1, 
133-3-S.  133-3-6.  133-3-7.   l.'ia-,1-H.   I.f3-,t-10.  there  ore  many  dopiimenu  on  thto  con- 

rextncl  itratiBlBttoni.  P.  R.  O.,  Rpiin.  4.-i.     Stm  also  I>pQni,  f.  ISO. 
.    vCnrboDtll  to  Ihp  i-rin«  of  I'eaee,  MsrcU  US.  ITOS  itr»D«latlon>.  P.  H.  O..  Spain,  45. 
Mm  irv  itiree  eitrncta  from  dlspatclipB  of  (bat  date  In  this  bundle. 
>A.   a.   I..  Aud.  dc  CnrBcaa,   l.ia-R-2,  and  rollowlng  a*  noted  above  ihow   Us   B<'ope, 

1.   IIO-ISS. 
«  OepOM  I.  1B2.  IBfl. 
/Tb«  lce«J«  citetl  111  notr  ,'  al-ove  were  exunilneil,  but  DulLIng  Invulvlni:  Mlrunda  naa 


J.     miT' 


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'.r,t.\  rr.  \^  Mi*  T  -r.*r  Mar  "Ut^  ir 


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iiiL  ir  "^-gyiHtfTT  jeniesced 


r*r»  'u*-;    •aj>i.-.ii*    ;f  --»if-iri'"=yniiii5in-  jf  jxiQecvfoiasce  j*i  been 
*•*-  ^^*f,.     7"u*r»  -^«iL-  jjT-j^  rias^ui  i:    fiincc  iijw»«»r-  ^as.  if  die 


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•w     SjAH^r^r       -II. 


Chapter  ITL 

THE  EARLY  CAREER  OF  MIRANDA. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  chapters  in  the  life  epic  of  Francisco 
de  Miranda  is  the  first.    His  early  career  has  been  long  enveloped 
in  mystery,  primarily  because  the  published  sources  of  information 
were  few  and  scanty.     Aside  from  the  unsupported  statements  of 
some  Spanish-American  writers,"  the  hazy  conjectures  of  a  few  of 
Miranda's  followers  in  his  various  enterprises,^  and  the  brief  epitome 
of  Chauveau  Lagarde  in  his  speech  defending  Miranda  before  the 
French  revolutionary  tribunal,*^  there  was  little  available  information 
besides  the  meager  items  in  an  article  in  the  Edinburgh  Review,  pre- 
pared probably  under  the  guidance  of  Miranda  himself.*    Research 
in  the  archives  of  England,  France,  Spain,  and  the  United  States, 
however,  has  revealed  a  store  of  manuscript  material  which  enables 
us  to  make  a  better  sketch  of  this  as  well  as  of  other  parts  of 
Miranda's  life.    As  a  result,  it  is  believed  that  some  traditions  have 
been  proven  to  be  facts,  while  others  have  been  damaged  or  shattered ; 
adventures  which  have  been  only  known,  if  indeed  known  at  all, 
through  vague  and  contradictory  rumors  can  now  be  viewed  in  the 
neutral  light  of  history.    We  are  able  to  follow  with  a  considerable 
degree  of  fullness  and  certainty  the  devious  path  of  the  South  Ameri- 
can before  he  entered  into  definite  relations  with  the  English  Govern- 
ment in  1790.    Fortunately  we  now  know  more  about  the  early  train- 
ing and  the  romantic  experiences  of  Miranda  than  we  do  of  the  many 
almost  nameless  adventurers  who,  like  Mendiola,  pleaded  for  Spanish 
America  at  the  court  of  London. 

It  is  not  at  present  possible  nor  perhaps  profitable  to  trace  the 
ancestry  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  very  far.  We  know  that  his  father, 
Sebastian  de  Miranda,  a  native  of  the  island  of  TenerifFe,  emigrated 
from  the  Canary  Islands  to  Spanish  America  some  time  in  the  first 
lialf  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  eventually,  if  not  at  once,  settled 

'Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  Ix-;  Becerra,  Vida  de  Miranda,  II,  311-349;  Mitre,  Ilis- 
toria  de  San  Martin,  I,  46,  47 ;  Mitre,  Historia  de  Belgrano,  I,  112 ;  Baralt  y  Diaz,  Vene- 
*^clt,  I,  15-17,  will  indicate  some  of  tbe  views  of  Spanish-American  writers  on  Miranda. 

*  Biggs,  279;  Sherman,  6-;  Rafter,  Memoirs  of  M'Gregor,  34-. 

'Chauveau  Lagarde,  Plaidoyer  pour  le  G^n^ral  Miranda,  1-;  Rojas,  Miranda  dans  la 
^*tolation  Francaise,  166-. 

*Ed,  Rev.,  XIII,  285-,  see  below,  p.  426,  note  a. 


228  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

in  the  captain-generalship  of  Caracas.*'  Sebastian  de  Miranda  was 
the  son  of  Gabriel  de  Miranda  and  Maria  Rabalo  de  Miranda.*  In 
1750  Sebastian  de  Miranda  married  Dona  Francisca  Antonia  Rodri- 
guez de  Espinosa  in  the  city  of  Caracas.*'  Several  children  were  born 
of  this  marriage.**  During  part  of  his  life  in  Spanish  America 
Sebastian  de  Miranda  was  engaged  in  mercantile  transactions  in  the 
city  of  Caracas,  where  he  was  viewed  with  no  small  favor  by  the 
Spanish  authorities.  In  1764  the  captain-general  of  Caracas  ap- 
pointed Sebastian  de  Miranda,  whom  he  described  as  a  subject  of 
"  quality,  valor,  and  military  experience,"  captain  of  a  militia  com- 
pany composed  of  natives  of  the  Canary  Islands  engaged  in  trade  in 
the  city  of  Caracas.  Sebastian  must  have  performed  his  duties  well, 
for  the  Spanish  captain-general,  Jose  Solano,  declared  that  the 
officer  had  discharged  his  functions  with  "  much  zeal  and  love  for  the 
royal  service."  ^  Captain  Miranda  seems  to  have  tired  of  the  service, 
and  in  1769,  at  his  own  request,  he  was  honorably  released  from  the 
captaincy  and  accorded  the  dignities  and  privileges  of  his  rank.^ 
The  ex-captain  soon  aroused  the  ire  of  the  Creoles  of  Caracas  by 
wearing  the  uniform  and  the  baton  of  captain  of  a  new  battalion  of 
militia  to. which  he  had  been  appointed  by  the  captain-general,  but 
in  which  he  apparently  had  not  served.  The  municipal  authorities 
questioned  the  right  of  appointment  and  went  so  far  as  to  persecute 
and  threaten  to  imprison  Miranda.^  This  led  to  a  heated  altercation 
between  the  ayuntamiento  of  Caracas  and  the  Spanish  Government, 
which  was  not  finally  settled  until  September  12,  1779,  when  the 
Spanish  King  issued  a  decree  addressed  to  that  council  declaring  that 
the  European  Spaniards  domiciled  in  Caracas  were  as  much  entitled 
to  engage  in  public  employment  as  the  Creoles;  that  Sebastian  de 
Miranda  had  the  right  to  all  the  prerogatives  and  exemptions  of  a 
retired  captain  in  the  new  battalion  of  militia  with  the  uniform  and 
insignia,  and  stating  that  as  all  previous  causes  of  complaint  had 
been  removed,  perpetual  silence  was  to  be  maintained  regarding  his 
quality  and  origin.* 

It  was  in  this  atmosphere  of  jealousies  and  bickerings  between  the 
Creoles  and  the  European  Spaniards  that  Francisco  de  Miranda,  as 

"  Itojas,  Orlgencs  Venezolanos,  ai)<?ndicc,   175,   170. 

*  Petition  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  to  the  Klnp  of  Spain,  Ix)ndon,  April  10,  1785,  note 
A.  A.  <}.  S.,  Estado,  8141.  This  petition  is  in  reality  an  autobiographical  sketch  of  the 
petitioner,  accompanied  by  copies  uf  many  illustrative  documents.  In  some  points  it  is 
(•orrol)orated  by  other  contemporary  sources.  Its  statements  of  fact  seem  to  be  In  the 
uuiin  trustworthy.  It  enllj^litons  us  reuardln^  many  hitherto  debatable  questions  and 
unknown  events  of  Miranda's  history.  It  often  falls  short,  however,  of  telling  the  entire 
truth. 

*"  Il)ld. ;   Blanco,   Documentos,    I.   78,   note. 

«*  Rlanco,   Documontos,   TI.   70.   71.   TV,   50,   note. 

'  Rojas,  Origenes  Venezolanos,  200;  petition  of  Miranda  to  the  King  of  Spain,  April 
10,  1785,  note  A,  A.  G.  S..  Estado.  8141. 

f  Rojas,  Origenes  Venezolanos,  201i. 

'Ibid.,  20.'i,  204,  ap^ndlce,  176. 

*Ibid.,  ap6ndlcc,  174-170. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  229 

he  generally  siibscrilwd  himself,  passed  part  of  his  early  life.  In 
later  years  Miranda  represented  himself  as  being  of  pure  descent 
and  the  scion  of  a  "  distinguished  family.""  As  in  the  case  of 
Columbus,  there  is  more  than  one  date  which  has  to  be  considered 
when  one  seeks  to  determine  the  yearof  hisbirth.  A  baptismal  certifi- 
cate published  by  the  indefatigable  collector,  Blanco,  gives  Miranda's 
name  in  full  na  Franci.sco  Antonio  Gabriel  Miranda,  and  states  that 
he  was  born  on  June  9.  17.')6.  in  the  city  of  Caracas.*  There  la  no 
doubt  that  Miranda  was  born  in  that  city;  his  full  name  is  probably 
as  indicated,  but  the  year  stated  does  not  agree  with  those  given  in 
other  sources  emanating  in  the  last  analysis  from  Miranda  himself. 
Whatever  tlie  exact  date  may  be.  these  other  statements  all  agree  in 
placing  the  date  of  birth  several  years  earlier  than  the  certificate 
indicate-s.  The  petition  which  Miranda  forwarded  to  the  King  of 
Spain  in  1785  declared  that  the  petitioner  was  in  the  twenty-first  year 
of  his  age  when  he  entered  the  Spanish  service  in  1772."  In  a  letter 
written  in  April,  178.^,  Miranda  said  that  he  was  then  30  years  of 
age.*  In  the  four  official  records  which  are  preserved  of  the  service 
of  this  Creole  in  the  Spanish  army,  a  number  of  statements  are  made 
regarding  his  age.  One  drawn  np  in  December,  1774,  is  obscure  or 
questionable  because  of  the  illegibility  of  the  document;"  another, 
made  in  December,  177(>,  states  that  he  was  then  24  years  old;'  u 
third,  dated  almost  a  year  later,  agrees  by  stating  that  he  was  then 
25;"  the  fourth,  drawn  up  in  October,  1783,  after  Miranda  had  left 
the  army,  sets  his  age  at  30  years.'  This  last  statement  certainly 
needs  to  be  discounted  somewhat,  as  the  information  was  probably 
not  derived  directly  from  Miranda. 

Tiie  cumulative  effects  of  Miranda's  own  statements  would  lead 
one  to  conclude  that  he  was  born  in  or  about  the  year  1752.  A  com- 
parative study  of  the  statements  summarized  above  will  show  that, 
according  to  his  own  reports,  it  is  still  possible  to  believe  that  Miranda 
was  born  in  the  month  of  June,  as  stated  in  the  certificate  publislied 
by  Blanco,  In  no  source  emanating  from  Miranda,  however,  has 
any  statement  been  found  regarding  either  the  day  or  the  month  of 
his  birth.  We  are  left.  then,  to  accept  Miranda's  own  statements 
regarding  his  age  or  to  fake  those  in  the  baptismal  certificate.  If  the 
last  authority  is  taken,  we  must  conclude  that  either  Miranda  did  not 
know  the  exact  date  of  his  own  birth,  which  in  view  of  the  manner 

•PrtllliiD  dI  Ulrsuda  lo  the  King  of  apalu.  -tprll  10.  Ufl.'>.  nod  dole  A,  A.  Q.  B.. 
budo,  Sill. 

*BUii«i.  I>ociitiiPnt<Mi,  I.  80.  note. 

•  rvllllvn  of  MlramlH,  etc..  A|iH1  10,  nwi.  A.  Q.  8.  Bilado,  HI41. 
'Mlrmdi   to  C"«1e»l.  April   1(1.   17H3   icopyl,  q.Hp  P.   No.  a,   Ibm, 

•  Tbis  iru  drnwQ  up  In   Ilie  eni  of  Iiei-ember.    1TT4.  A.  '1.   S.,   Uuerra,   30.13:  tha  tge 
^i«tated  mlsbl  be  2S  i>r  23. 

f  niliL 

'Nonmber,  1TT7,  ibH. 

»  IbKU  361S, 


230  AMERICAN    HISTORICAI^   ABSOCIATION. 

in  which  he  collected  documents  regarding  his  family  history  appear? 
to  the  ivriter  unlikely,  or  that,  being  aware  of  the  year  in  which  he 
was  born.  Miranda  deliberately  misstated  his  age.  perhaps  for  the 
purpose  of  increasing  his  ostensible  age  at  the  time  of  entering  the 
Spanish  military  service.  AVhatever  interpretation  is  given  or  what- 
ever the  motive  may  have  been,  the  writer  accepts  the  date  of  birlh 
as  given  in  the  authenticated  certificate." 

The  son  of  a  merchant  and  militia  captain,  for  such  Miranda 
was,  received  a  good  education,  judged  by  the  standard  of  his  place 
and  age.  He  was  given  what  he  later  characterized  as  a  "  classical " 
education  at  "the  College  and  Royal  University  of  Santa  Rosa" 
in  his  native  city.  Among  his  studies  were  philosophy  and  law.'' 
In  1784  Miranda  seems  to  have  declared  that  he  received  the  degree 
of  B.  A.  in  176T.  If  we  may  trust  the  information  which  Miranda 
later  gave  to  President  Stiles,  of  Yale  College,  the  young  student, 
on  completing  his  course  in  the  college  of  his  native  land,  "studied 
law  a  year  or  more  "  in  a  college  in  the  City  of  Mexico.'  However 
far  his  studies  may  have  progressed,  it  may  be  affirmed  with  rea- 
sonable certainty  that  Miranda  acquired  a  love  for  learning  which 
was  a  solace  throughout  life.*  Aj  present  we  know  almost  nothing 
of  Miranda's  associates  at  this  period,  but  it  is  probable  that  one 
of  his  youthful  companions  was  Manuel  Gual."  Doubtless  Miranda 
made  some  friends  and  perhaps  some  enemies.  Because  of  thf  mili- 
tary experience  of  his  father,  it  is  probable  that  Francisco  received 
some  training  in  the  niililury  art  as  well  as  in  the  Jjatin  cla.ssics/ 

It  JB  not  improbable  that,  bccau.se  of  the  mortif\'ing  treatment  to 
which  his  father  had  been  subjected  and  the  recognized  loyalty  of  the 
family,  the  sympathies  of  the  youthful  Francisco  were  enlisted,  not  on 
the  side  of  the  ci-eoles,  but  on  that  of  the  European  Spaniards.  It  is 
possible  that  his  departure  from  Caracas  was  caused,  or  at  least  hast- 
ened, by  the  prejudices  of  a  faction  against  his  father  or  himself. 

•Onlj  the  mosi;  slgnldcant  afatPmenlB  rcgardlriK  Miranda's  bbp  are  given.  OthfrH  mv 
be  founil.  In  hia  einmlnallon  In  France  In  179.1  Miranda  declernS  that  hla  age  wu 
tben  "quarsDte  aaa."  Arcblrea  Natlonalca.  W.  371.  No.  30.  t.  4ii.  Cbaurenu  Lagardc 
at  tbnt  lime  declared  that  MlmndH  wua  bom  In  1754,  Bojaa.  Mlranila  dans  la  IUt. 
Fr.  168.  Blgga,  writing  !n  1806.  declared  that  Ulranda  waa  tben  In  hlH  aftf-ucond 
Tear.  Blgga,  8,  B.  Iteceira.  Vida  de  Ml[u.iida,  II,  10,  II.  prints  nn  nulbcDlicalhiB 
or  the  baptismal  certlflcat?  In  the  parUti  rvelBler  oC  Caraco*.  Through  the  klDdneH  tit 
Mr.  W.  W.  Roagell.  mlnlater  aC  the  T'nlted  Btalea  to  VraeiuplB.  the  writer  tiad  tb« 
arcblvci  of  the  cathedral  of  Caracns  einmlDed  and  (be  ccrtlflcale  o(  baptlini  verllM. 

■  PeUtlon  of  Miranda  to  the  King  oC  Spain.  AprU  10.  1TS5,  A.  G.  B..  Estado,  8141. 

'8Uk>B*8  Diary,  111.  130.  131.  The  manuscript  diary  preserved  In  the  Ubrar7  of  Tale 
College  contiilnii  aome   iinpiibllahed  notea  on  MIrsnda'ti  cuDTeraalloDs  with  Stiles  rejcard- 


'The  BubaequenC  narratlTe  will  Bhow  thin.      In  bla  will.  Augu 

al  1,   1805.  Miranda  pm- 

Tided  that  la  caae  of  hla  death  the  Unek  and  Lntin  hooks  in  1 

B  library  were  to  be  the 

propertj  of  the  Unlrerslly  of  Caracas  aa  a   leatlmonlal  of  bis 

J 

,   1604,  baaed  evIdenUy  <i 


^B  FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  231 

^Derhaps  Miranda  became  embroiled  with  the  Mantiianos  and  nursed 
^Biroiigh  life  a  desire  for  i-evenge."  Certain  it  is  that  before  reaching 
B^turity  ho  decided  to  gu  to  Spain  with  the  design,  he  tells  lis  later, 
of  serving  in  tlie  army  of  the  Spanish  King.  He  passed  to  Madrid, 
where,  he  informs  us,  he  zealously  applied  himself  to  the  study  of 
mathematics  in  its  bearings  on  the  military  art  and  to  the  living  lan- 
guages of  Europe.  In  1785  he  informed  the  King  of  Spain  that  he 
expended  a  coasiderable  part  of  his  patrimony  in  bringing  from  other 
countries  the  books  which  were  necessary  for  the  advancement  of  his 
education."  We  are  even  asked  to  believe  that  the  eager  young 
student  had  masters  brought  from  beyond  the  bountlaries  of  Spain 
at  his  own  expense."  This  is  by  no  means  improbable,  and  perhaps  it 
is  also  true  that  his  zeal  for  learning  exposed  him  to  the  persecutions 
of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  and  his  books  to  the  flames,''  Before  long 
the  young  creole  succeeded  in  entering  the  Spanish  military  service. 
On  the  7th  of  December,  1772,  he  became  a  captain  in  a  battalion  of 
infantry  in  the  regiment  called  the  Princess.'  The  commission  was 
undoubtedly  purchased,'  in  all  probability,  by  money  furnished  by 
Aliranda's  parents,  who  appear  to  liave  possessed  property  at  Caracas.' 
The  young  captain  had  some  varied  experiences  in  the  Spanish 
anny  in  both  hemispheres.  He  soon  received  his  baptism  of  fire  on 
the  shores  of  Africa,  where  he  served  his  King  as  a  volunteer  in  the 
defease  of  Melilla  against  the  attack  of  the  Moroccans.*  If  wc  may 
trust  a  document  which  Miranda  later  forwarded  in  copy  to  the 
Spanish  King  to  promote  his  justification,  he  drew  up  a  plan  for  a 
(iaily  from  that  fortress  which  he  presented  to  the  commander,  Juan 
Sharlock,  on  January  20,  1775.'     There  is  nothing  to  show  whether 

•  Such  In  rb«  eiplnimtluti  otTcrpd  hy  Piuidpni  el  Maj'er  Ln  Ihcir  M-'molre.  pulillnh^  la 
laia,  31:  "Un  tnr-aBiwrlra  qui  hil  nireot  siisi'lt«es  par  les  rnmlllea  Haniuanes.  le  torcft- 
not  i  Hirtlr  de  aoa  pajs  : — 11  tmuerva  toujour*  dana  sod  earnr  ud  dtsir  ardeat  de  ae  veager. 
qhI  Joint  k  quvlqiivB  moUra  louables  bddI.  sana  Je  moladrp  doule.  I«  causes  den  tenlMtlvM 
qn*U  a  taltet  iruur*  readre  md  pays  [adfptadaal."  Becrrra,  VIda  de  Miranda,  II.  10. 
m>kF«  lbi»  alBtcment  abonl  Ulranda's  departure:  "  Segda  Iradlclonm  Ae  famllla  (|ae 
brinui  n-oogldu  de  buena  ruenle.  Miranda  sallC  de  CaracBs.  poco  tolla  0  menus  romo 
Aqulles  del  campo  Krlego.  Flalaba  j-a  en  Curaxaa  cuaodo  llegaron  S  alcanzarla  allf  cartas 
de  iTc»inpiidacl6ii  para  la  carte  y  letraa  de  giro  por  sumas  bantnnle  A  aoatener  «d  la 
IxalamtU   una   poslclOii,  do  sblo  decoroiia,  slno  bolgada  r  aun  opuleota.  para  el  Juven 

•Ulranda'a  peiJllon  to  the  King  or  Spain,  April  10.  17H5,  A.  U.  S..  BaUdo.  S141. 

■  UiliL:    Ed.   Rev..   XIII,  28.\   2Na. 

'lid.    RcT..   XIII.  2Se:   Stllra'ti   Diary,    III.   132. 

■  Such  U  the  ilate  glvpn  In  Ibe  varlona  reports  on  Mlranda'a  military  aervlcp  (A.  (•.  B., 
(Inerm,  2€3S.  2513),  separately  died  In  rollowlng  note*. 

I tMlranda'a  petition  to  the  King  of  8pnln,  April  ID,  1TB5.  aela  Ibe  price  at  8,000  peaos. 

■L  0.   S..  Eslado,  S14t. 

^B  ■  In  a  letter  to  Tilt,  September  S,  ITDI,  Miranda  apeaka  of  "  tny  estate  In  Routh  Atner- 
^■t,"  Am.  Ulst.  Bev-..  Vll.  71i'.  ncrnardu  del  Campo.  irlio  bad  evidently  derlred  hla 
^^■formmUon  frois  Jltranda,  In  a  letter  to  Floridablanca  lundutcd,  biit  evideoUy  written 
^Hl  April  or  Uay.  ITSni.  speaklag  of  Miranda,  said  :  "  Parece  qne  au  Padre,  eatablecldo  en 
Caracna.  «  bumbrr  de  hnclendaa."     A.  G.  3.,   Ealado.  iHl. 

'Report  of  December.   1TT6,  A,  Q.  8.,  Ouerfa,  2638, 

'HIranda'a  peUUon  to  tbe  King  of  Spain,    April   10.   ITHS.  note   H.  A.  li.  S..   Kalado. 


232  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

this  alleged  plan  was  acted  upon  or  even  considered.  We  gather  some 
interesting  information  regarding  the  young  captain,  however,  from 
a  report  made  in  December,  1774,  of  the  members  of  Miranda's  regi- 
ment. It  was  stated  that  Miranda  was  unmarried,  that  his  valor  was 
unknown,  that  his  application  and  capacity  were  great,  and  that  his 
conduct  and  health  were  good.®  Two  years  later  another  report  was 
made  which  furnishes  the  same  significant  testimony  regarding  the 
conduct  and  application  of  the  man,  and  which  states  that  he  was  of 
known  valor  and  undoubted  capacity.  The  instructive  comment  was 
added,  however,  that  he  needed  a  little  more  prudence.^ 

In  the  meantime  Miranda  was  becoming  weary  of  the  routine  duties 
which  his  company  was  performing  and  was  apparently  pining  for 
more  active  service.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  assiduous! v 
improving  his  knowledge  of  military  affairs;  he  even  appears  to  have 
had  opportunity  to  examine  the  fortress  of  Gibraltar.*'  In  the  summer 
and  autumn  of  1776,  Miranda,  to  judge  by  his  own  account  and  the 
documents  appended,  made  repeated  attempts  to  change  his  sphere 
of  activity.  While  stationed  at  Cadiz  he  seems  to  have  applied  to  the 
King  and  to  the  minister  of  marine  for  a  transfer  to  the  royal  navy 
as  lieutenant  of  a  ship  of  war.**  He  was  apparently  not  successful  in 
this,  for  about  a  month  later  he  seems  to  have  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
inspector-general  of  the  militia  describing  his  attainments,  expressing 
disgust  at  the  condition  of  inactivity  in  which  he  found  himself,  and 
asking  for  a  commission  in  the  militia  department.*  Evidently  he 
was  no  more  successful  in  this  endeavor,  for  he  soon  tried  another 
tack.  He  appears  to  have  asked  permission  to  join  an  expedition  that 
was  being  fitted  out  for  Buenos  Ay  res,  even  offering  to  serve  as  a 
vohuiteer,  but  was  again  rebuffed.^  It  seems  probable  that  this  per- 
sistent effort  to  secure  a  change  of  employment  was  due  to  some  other 
motive  than  the  mere  desire  to  become  more  active.  In  the  petition 
which  Miranda  addressed  to  the  King  of  Spain  about  nine  years  later 
he  declared  that  he  had  become  disgusted  with  the  refusal  of  the 
inspector-general  of  the  troops.  Count  O'Reilly,  to  secure  for  him  a 
royal  permit  to  pass  to  Prussia,  Germany,  and  other  European  coun- 
tries for  the  purpose  of  examining  their  military  systems,^  which  is 
a  plausible  explanation.  AMiatever  ma}'  have  been  the  relations  Ix?- 
tween  Miranda  and  O'Reillv,  it  is  clear  that  the  former  was  not 


«  Roport  of  I)ocoml)or,  1774,  A.  G.  S..  (luorra.  2638. 

**  Report  of  Dcct'mbor,  1770.  ibid. 

«•  Mirauda'H  petition  to  the  Kin^  of  Spain.  April  10,  1875,  A.  G.  S..  Estado,  8141. 
("nmpo  to  Florldablancn,  Marcb  IS,  1785,  Bpeakinf?  of  Miranda,  said:  "El  Genl.  Bold  qe 
le  trato  muobo  en  <tibraltar  en  tpo  dt>  paz,  me  ha  liablado  de  este  sujeto  y  sii  venlda.*' 
Ibid. 

•»  Miranda's  petition,  etc..  and  note  r,  No.  1,  A.  (J.  S.,  Efltado,  8141.     Ibid. 

'  Ibid.,  and  note  C,  No.  2,  Ibid. 

f  Ibid.,  and  note  I>,  ibid. 

'Ibid. 


PBAN0I8C0   DF.   MIRANDA. 


233 


^ 


neglecting  his  duties,  for  in  tlie  report  wliich  was  driiwii  up  regarding 
tJic  company  of  Miranda  in  llie  end  of  Novenibi'r,  1(77,  he  was  nuire 
highly  complimented  than  befoi*;  instead  of  criticising  Miranda  for 
lack  of  prudence.  Ilie  inspector  declared :  "  This  captain  performs  his 
duties  well,"  a  judgment  which  is  strengthened  by  a  comparison  cf 
the  report  on  Miranda  with  those  on  some  of  his  fellow-soldiers." 

At  times,  however,  the  conduct  of  Miranda  was  severely  attacked, 
on  his  own  admission.  About  four  months  before  the  last-mentioned 
report  he  had  apparently  been  censured  for  alleged  disregard  of  the 
regulations  and  actually  cast  into  prison.  The  officer  himself  at  a 
later  date  ascribed  the  arrest  to  the  instni  mentality  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion,' The  imprisonment  apparently  did  not  last  long.  Some  time 
ill  the  year  1778  Miranda's  baltalinn  was  transferred  from  Cadiz  to 
Madrid,  where  it  remained  until  after  Miranda  left  that  capital." 

li  was  during  this  period  of  his  military  career  that  Miranda  first 
bucame  acquainted  with  Juan  Mamiel  de  Cagigal,  who  was  for  a 
shurt  time  colonel  of  the  regiment  of  the  Prince-ss.  \s  the  career  of 
Cagigal  was  for  several  years  closely  interwoven  with  Miranda's,  it 
is  important  to  note  the  few  details  wiiich  are  af  hand  regarding 
him.  .\ccording  to  an  autobiographical  sketch  drawti  up  several 
,rs  later.  Cagigal  had  entered  the  Spanish  military  service  about 
tile  middle  of  the  century  as  cadet  iu  a  regiment  of  infantry.  lie 
BBT^'ed  in  a  campaign  in  Portugal,  anil  then  commanded  the  infantry 
raiment  of  the  Prince,  which  was  stationed  at  Oran,  in  Algiers. 
Here  he  was  severely  wounded.  He  Hien  -served  his  sovereign  as 
brigadier  in  America  under  Gen.  Pedro  Ceval los.*  Friendship,  not 
to  say  mutual  admiration,  soon  sprung  up  between  the  experienced 
cummander  and  his  young  but  ambitious  creole  captain.  Although 
C'4ig:igal  was  soon  transferred  to  another  post,  he  did  not  lose  interest 
in  tile  fortunes  of  Miranda.  The  latter  was  not  by  any  means  on 
such  gooil  terms  with  his  colonel,  Juan  de  Roca,  For  some  reason 
or  other,  a  violent  altercation  arose  Iwtwecn  Colonel  Roca  and  Cap- 
tain Miranda,  in  which  Cagigal  espoused  the  side  of  his  protege, 
,vhom  he  warmly  commended.'  The  trouble,  which  Miranda  later 
ibed  to  the  envious  disposition  of  Roca,  was  not  terminated  until 
Spanish  Government  issued  an  ordei-  transferring  the  young  cap- 
tain from  the  fii-st  battalion  of  his  regiment  to  the  second,  which  was 


6141 


■nita's  iwUtlun  to  < 


!  King  or  npnln.  .Vprll  10,   ITSn,  note 


'  IliM. 


•JuiD  MaDiWl  <IB  Cagigal  to  tbe  Kins  Ot  SeikId,  Aagant  22,  IT8S,  . 
Nanto  OoDlDgo,  ei-s-e. 

-  rHUlim  of  Ulranila  to  Ihe  KloB  or  Bpnin.  AprU  10.  ITS,'.,  and  Hole 
Ki>Ir  la  ■  cop}  or  n  tetter  or  raelgal  to  O'Belll;,  uailated.  In  which  C 
Ulrattda.      A.  O.  S.,  FMaHo,  8141. 


234  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

then  stationed  at  Cadiz.*'  On  March  20,  1780,  Miranda  apparently 
surrendered  the  regimental  property  intrusted  to  him  and  soon  after 
doubtless  left  Madrid  for  Cadiz.^ 

This  change  in  the  scene  of  his  activities  was  responsible  in  part 
for  some  experiences  which  were  not  altogether  to  the  disadvantage 
of  the  young  Spanish-American.  Soon  after  reaching  Cadiz  he  was 
given  the  opportunity  of  joining  the  Spanish  expedition  which  was 
then  gathering  in  that  port  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding  to  America 
and  participating  in  the  operations  against  the  English  possessions 
in  conjunction  with  the  French.  Miranda  could  not  afford  to  miss 
this  opportunity.  He  accepted  the  offer,  which  seems  to  have  been 
tendered  him  by  O'Reilly,  whom  he  later  characterized  as  a  perse- 
cutor.^ The  young  officer  bade  farewell  to  Spain  in  the  spring  of 
1780,  with  the  expedition  commanded  by  Victoria  de  Navia.**  In  a 
short  time,  if  not  at  once,  he  became  a  captain  in  the  regiment  of 
Aragon.^  He  was  undoubtedly  delighted  to  find  that  his  friend, 
Cagigal,  was  a  member  of  the  expedition ;  and  when,  on  the  arrival 
of  the  troops  at  the  islands  of  Dominica  and  Guadeloupe,  Miranda 
was  made  the  aid-de-camp  of  General  Cagigal,^  he  must  have  been 
happy  indeed.  In  this  capacity  Miranda  served  Cagigal  for  some 
time  and  also  continued  to  hold  the  position  of  captain  in  the  com- 
pany to  which  he  had  been  assigned. 

The  experiences  of  Miranda  in  the  West  Indies  were  much  more 
turbulent  than  those  in  Spain.  In  the  company  of  Cagigal,  he  aided 
in  the  disembarkation  of  the  Spanish  troops  at  Dominica,  Guade- 
loupe, and  other  places,  promoted  the  preparations  for  war  that  were 
made  in  Habana,  and  accompanied  the  expedition  which,  under  the 
command  of  Cagigal,  left  Habana  in  April,  1781,  to  reenforce  Ber- 
nardo de  Galvez,  who  had  undertaken  the  siege  of  Pensacola.  Mi- 
randa doubtless  participated  in  the  capture  of  that  place,  which  took 
place  early  in  the  summer  of  1781.^  The  young  aid-de-camp  per- 
formed his  various  duties  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  his  chief,  who 

«  Petition  of  Miranda  to  the  King  of  Spain,  April  10,  1785,  and  note  P,  No.  4,  which 
is  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Uuca  to  Miranda,  February  29,  1780,  informing  the  latter  of 
his  transfer  to  Cadiz.     A.  G.  S..  Estado,  8141. 

*  Ibid.,  note  F,  No.  5,  is  a  copy  of  the  report  of  the  transfer  of  regimental  properties  by 
Miranda.  Madrid,  March  20,  1780.     Ibid. 

«■  Potition  of  Miranda,  etc.,  ibid. 

*  Ibid.  Cagigal  to  Jos^  de  G&lvez,  January  6,  1782,  A.  G.  I^  Aud.  de  Santo  Domingo, 
84-2  9. 

«  Report  of  October  25,  1783,  A.  G.  S..  Guerra,  2513,  gives  the  date  as  June  20.  1780. 

r  Miranda's  petition  to  the  King  of  Spain,  April  10,  1785,  A,  G.  S.,  Estado,  8141 ; 
Cagigal  to  Jo86  de  Gftlvez,  January  0,  1782,  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  Santo  Domhigo,  84-2-9. 

n  Petition  of  Miranda,  etc.,  A.  (J.  S..  Kstado,  8141  ;  report  of  October  25,  1783.  A.  G.  S., 
Guerra,  2513  ;  Cagigal  to  Jos6  de  (iftlvez,  January  6,  1782,  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  Santo  Do- 
mingo, 84-2-0.  In  a  "  IMana  Mayor  del  Exerclto,"  of  the  Spanish  army  in  the  Add.  MSS., 
20-980,  f.  184b,  one  aid  of  Cagigal  Is  given  as  "  Dn.  Pedro  Miranda."  This  was  doubt- 
less Francisco. 


P" 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA, 


235 

subaeqiiently  praised  the  good  coDduct  of  Miranda  in  this  as  well 
»s  in  other  employ  men  Is."  It  was  probably  through  the  inflHence 
of  Cagigal  that  Miranda  was  bravetted  lieutenant-colonel  on  August 
23,  1781."  Because  of  this  rapid  rise,  on  account  of  the  estimation  in 
which  his  commander  held  hini,  or  for  other  reasons,  Miranda 
speedily  became  an  object  of  suspicion  and  attack  for  some  of  the 
Spanish  officers  in  the  New  World.  He  was  present  in  Hnbana  when 
Gen,  John  Campbell,  who  had  commanded  the  English  troops  at  Pen- 
PBCola,  tarried  there  on  his  voyage  to  New  York,  and  was  subse- 
quently accused  of  having  connived  at  the  inspection  of  the  fortifica- 
tions of  that  port  by  the  Engli.sh  general.  Evidence  has  yet  to  be 
discovered  which  will  show  (hat  Miranda  committed  such  an  act.  On 
the  other  hand  it  ought  to  be  noted  that  not  only  did  Miranda  per- 
sistently deny  any  complicity  in  the  matter  at  this  time  and  long 
after  leaving  the  .Spanish  service,  but  he  was  fully  exonerated  of 
blajne  in  the  affair  after  a  lengthy  consideration  by  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  in  1709." 

There  were  other  matters  in  which  the  judgment  and  the  good 

faith  of  Cagigal's  aid-de-camp  were  questioned.     On  February  12, 

1781.  Cagigal  was  made  commander  of  Cnba.^    lie  soon  decided  to 

intrust  Miranda  with  a  delicate  commission  to  the  island  of  Jamaica. 

The  ostensible  purpose  of  the  deputy  was  to  make  final  arrangements 

with  the  English  authorities  for  an  excliange  of  prisonei's  between 

Jamaica  and  Cuba,  but  the  full  scope  of  his  mission  can  only  be  de- 

-temiined  by  a  careful  study  of  his  actions."     Miranda  arrived  at 

vXingston,  Jamaica,  early  in  September,  1781.^    He  came  well  recora- 

lended  to  Eliphalet  Fitch,  a  well-known  merchant  of  that  port,  and 

onght  with  him  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  according  to  some 

roonts  $30,000  or  $40,000,  which  Miranda  at  first  apjiears  to  have 

ierted  was  to  be  used  in  relieving  the  needs  of  the  Spanish  prison- 

I  detained  at  Jamaica,  but  which  was  expended,  in  large  part  at 

ist,  in  an  entirely  different  way." 

■  Cielgal  (0  Joi«  dp  Gllrri.  Jaxiaarsr  23.  ItS'i.  A.  O.  t„  Aud.  iv  Banio  Domingo.  81-2-9. 
«Rrpnrt  it  Oclolwr  £5,   17S3.  A.  G.  S.,  Rurrrg.  201:1. 

•  The  nlnoieB  of  Uie  Council  of  the  Indies  reUIIng  lo  the  cme  o(  Miranda,  CsrIbbI,  and 
alfa«ra  ire  found  In  the  A.  Ci.  I..  Aud.  de  Santo  DomlDi.>u,  84-2-!),  The  decUlan  waa 
r«acbiid  on  February  7,  ITOIi.  An  eitraci  from  tbx  BeDtcnce  was  publlstied  vllh  aiiprnil- 
taate  correcinesi  Id  Antepara,  250.  2110. 

'  Uojral  order  of  that  dale.  A.  (i.  I..  Aud.  de  Santo  Domingo.  TtMI-2&. 

*  Cwlsal  to  Joa#  de  Gfllvex.  August  13,  1TB1.  recites  Miranda's  Inatruirtlona.  A.  G,  I.. 
And.  de  Saolo  Dcimlngo.  8-1-2-B. 

I  Dailtns  to  Germain,  flcptember  10,  ITRI,  P.  R.  C.  Jamaica,  2X 
C'Xuinlnatlon  of  Ellphalel   Fitch  before  Committee  of  OHeTeneeo.  Deoember  22,  1T84, 

^  R.  O..  Board  of  Trade.  Jamaica.  130 ;  "Anecdotes  Concerning  Mr.  Filch ,  a 

charges   drawn   up  aEalnal    Fitch  some   time  after   Ihe  events   look  place,   but 
I   Id   moat   respecU   by   the   copies   of  documeati   accompaDylDa   It,   t'.   B.   O., 


286  AMEBTCAN   HTSTORIGAL  ASSOCIATION. 

The  astute  young  aid-de-camp  soon  discovered  how  to  place  him- 
self on  good  terms  with  Governor  Dalling,  of  Jamaica.  On  Novem- 
ber 6,  in  response  to  a  demand  of  the  latter,  he  sent  to  Dalling  a 
detailed  and  comparatively  accurate  account  of  the  various  expedi- 
tions which  the  Spaniards  had  fitted  out  against  Pensacola,  giving 
the  number  of  vessels  employed,  the  names  of  the  conmianders,  the 
dates  of  sailing,  and  the  various  fortunes  of  the  attempts.  This 
information  Dalling  considered  of  sufficient  value  to  transmit  to 
the  home  authorities.**  A  comparison  of  this  report  with  other  acces- 
sible contemporary  accounts  of  the  Spaniards  leads  the  writer  to  con- 
clude that  the  description  was  as  reliable  as  could  have  been  expected 
and  that  it  was  apparently  not  concocted  to  deceive  the  English. 
Our  judgment  on  this  apparent  betrayal  of  his  country's  interests 
by  Miranda  ought  to  be  withheld  until  the  sequel  of  this  incident  is 
described. 

The  young  captain  and  Fitch,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  native  of 
Boston,  soon  became  close  friends,  and  began  to  cast  around  for 
means  whereby  the  designs  which  the  former  undoubtedly  enter- 
tained might  be  carried  into  execution.  It  probably  did  not  take  the 
observant  officer  long  to  notice  that  the  merchants  of  Kingston  were 
.well  supplied  with  canvas  and  cordage,  and  that  the  harbor  con- 
tained many  vessels  adapted  for  sailing.  The  Spaniards  at  this  time 
stood  much  in  need  of  l)oth.  Arthur  Bold,  a  Kingston  merchant,  in- 
fluenced in  all  probability  by  Miranda  and  perhaps  by  Fitch,  under- 
took to  supply  Habana  with  sliip  supplies.  Ijcss  than  a  week  after 
the  arrival  of  Miranda  in  Kingston,  Bold  cleared  out  the  vessel  Flora 
for  New  York,  which,  however,  went  to  Habana,  where  the  cargo  of 
ship  supplies  was  sold  to  the  Spaniards.  Tt  was  later  asserted  in 
Jamaica  that  without  these  supplies  Solano's  fleet,  destined  for 
offensive  operations  against  the  English,  would  not  have  been  able  to 
leave  Cuba  and  join  the  Fren(!li  fleet  at  Cape  Francois  in  April, 
1782.^ 

Miranda  and  Fitch  were  also  scheming  to  secure  possession  of  some 
vessels  for  Ca^ipil  under  the  ])r(»text  that  they  were  to  l>e  employed 

»  Inclosure  in  Dalling  to  Oermaln,  October  lO-November  15.  1781,  P.  R.  O.,  Jamaica, 
24.     Miranda's  note  (o  Dalling,  in  wliich  tlie  acoount  of  the  Spanish  expeditions  against 
Pensacola   was  Inclosed,   Is  as  follows  : 
*'  Mon  General. 

••  J'al  rhonneur  de  presenter  ft.  V.  E.  la  minute  adjolnte  que  mes  gens  ont  pft  former  Icl, 
sur  la  demande  que  V.  E.  eO  la  Iwnte  de  me  fa  ire  I'autre  Jour.     Je  youdrois  pouvolr  la 
donner  avec  tout  I'exactltude  et  ponctuallte,  avec  la  quelle  Je  suis  toujours 
"  De  V.  E.  lo  trcs  humble  ot  plus  obelssant  Servlteur. 

"  Fran  :  db  Mibanda. 

••  KInpston  le  G  Nov^  '81. 

"  Son  Excellence  Le  General  Dalling." 

*  "Anecdotes  Concerning  Mr.  Fitch."  and  document  B  accompanying  it,  copy  of  a  let- 
ter of  A.  Campbell,  November  10,  1781,  to  Dalling;  also  document  D,  a  copy  of  a  letter 
of  Mr.  Newland  to  D.  Campbell,  June  21,  1784,  P.  R.  O.,  Jamaica,  26.         « 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA.  237 

as  flags  of  truce  to  convoy  the  prisoners  of  wnr  back  to  Cuba,  This 
apparent  abuse  of  Dalling's  confidence,  which  Miranda  enjoyed,  at- 
tracted attention  and  provoked  criticism.  It  was  represented  to 
Gen.  A.  Campbell  in  such  a  light  as  to  induce  hiin  to  address  a  letter 
to  Governor  Dalling  on  November  13,  1781,  informing  him  that 
Miranda  and  his  associates  wore  purchasing  no  less  than  six  vessels 
which  had  been  "built  for  war.""  As  a  residt.  Fitch,  who  was 
m-gotiating  (hp  purchases,  was  directed  to  draw  up  bouds  to  the 
amount  of  £1,CMX)  for  each  of  the  brigs  in  question  to  the  effeet  that 
•*  lliey  should  not  be  employed  in  any  hostile  manner  against  the 
British.'"'  Fitch,  however,  attempted  lo  evade  the  responsibility  by 
filing  bonds  not  so  worded.  When  General  Caniplwll.  who  did  not 
by  any  means  implicitly  trust  Miranda,  became  governor  of  Jamaica, 
th«  bonds  were  examined  and  the  duplicity  was  discovered."  Hence, 
in  the  end  of  November,  1781,  Miranda's  three  vessels,  The-  Eagle, 
The  Porcupine,  and  The  Three  Friends,  that  were  on  the  point  of 
leaving  Jamaica,  were  prevented  from  clearing  out  until  Fitch  had 
filed  bonds  which  were  satisfactorily  worded."  These  bonds  were 
afterwards  declared  to  be  forfeited  because  evidence  was  presented 
that  two  of  the  brigs  in  question  had  been  used  against  the  British 
after  their  arrival  in  Cuba."  The  accounts  of  Fitch  showed  that  the 
three  vessels  cost  upward  of  £5,357,  Fitch  alsn  furnishe^l  Miranda 
with  provisions  amounting  to  £1,119.  \\Tien  we  add  to  this  an  out- 
standing account  on  November  21,  1781,  of  over  £7.800  it  will  be 
L,«een  that  the  transactions  wei-e  large.  To  what  extent  Miguel  Her- 
^rera,  who  figured  in  the  transaction  according  to  the  books  of  Fitch, 
f;»«s  an  active  partner,  it  is  difficult  to  say ;  but  it  is  possible  that  he 
I  merely  acting  on  behalf  of  Miranda  and  his  associates.'  Part 
'  the  cargo  that  was  loaded  on  the  vessels  appears  to  have  been 
^English  manufactures.  At  a  later  time  Fitch  declared  that,  so  far 
as  he  knew,  there  were  not  on  board  any  provisions  beyond  those  de- 
manded by  the  needs  of  the  prisoners.  He  also  declared  that  he  was 
a  loser  to  the  extent  of  upward  of  £2.000  by  this  transaction,  of  the 
jovery  of  which  he  had  "  little  hope."'    In  spite  of  such  assertions 

ernln«  Mr,  Kltch.  nnd  document  A.  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  A.  C»mp. 
'emtwr  l."!,  1781,  I'.  11.  O..  .Inia.iicn,  2I(. 

!"wliinrt,  Jimc  HI.  ITM.  to  U.  Cimpbell ; 

I-  King.  r.  K.  O..  JncDik-a,  ^d. 
t  E,  a  copT  of  a  letler  from  A.  DIron  tii  Pllch,  NoremlH-r  'il.  1781. 

*  Ibid,,  and  do<TUinpnlfl  D.  R.  and  (i.  ILld. 

•  Ibia.,  and  docuttiont  P,  iuiiiut''S  of  tlii'  counril,  July  n.  17S2,  Ibid, 
'Copy  of  the  scrount  ot  Mlraoda  Knd  Filch.  V.  It.  0„  Hoard  <if  Trndr..  Jimalca.  i:tO. 

n  o(  Fitch.  Ibid. 


238  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   A6SOCIATION. 

regarding  contraband  of  war,  the  authorities  at  Jamaica  wpre  in- 
formed that  Miranda  had  actually  carried  a  considerable  quantity  of 
it  to  the  enemy." 

The  many  entanglement*!  in  which  Miranda  became  involved  dur- 
ing his  brief  sojoitni  in  Jamaica  almost  obscure  the  ostensible  ohjtxi 
of  his  trip,  an  arrangement  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  of  war. 
A  cartel  was  drawn  up  on  Novemlier  18,  1781,  between  (lovemor 
Dalling  and  Sir  Peter  Parker,  on  the  one  hand,  and  Miranda,  as  tlia 
representative  of  Cagigal,  on  the  other  hand.  This  cartel  was  com- 
posed of  sixteen  articles.  It  was  provided  that  all  ofiicere  in  the  land 
and  naval  service,  ordinary  soldiers  and  sailors,  captain?^  of  vessels, 
including  privateersmen  with  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  in  fact 
almost  all  prisoners  of  war,  were  to  be  exchanged  at  Kingston  in 
Jamaica  and  at  Habuna  or  Batabano  in  Cuba  for  prisonei-s  of  equal 
rank.  There  were  a  nnmlwr  of  stipulations  regarding  the  quarters 
and  the  rations  of  prisoners  of  war,  passengers  on  captured  vessels, 
captured  slaves,  and  flags  of  truce.  It  was  provided  that  the  crews 
of  captured  vessels  not  regularly  commissioned  were  not  to  be  consid- 
ered as  prisoners  of  war,  but  were  to  be  treated  as  pirates.  It  was 
further  agreed  that  no  vessels  imder  8  guns  and  40  men  were  to  be 
authorized  or  coiimiissioned  as  privateers  by  either  Government ;  the 
crews  of  any  such  vessels  taken  on  the  coasts  of  Cuba  and  Jamaica 
two  months  after  the  date  of  the  cartel  were  to  be  treated  as  pirates. 
In  the  last  article  the  contracting  parties  promised  to  conform  to 
the  provisions  as  long  as  their  respective  courts  did  not  otherwise 
direct."  The  cartel  was  approved  by  Cagigal,'  although,  as  we  shall 
see,  it  was  not  favored  by  the  home  Government,  "UTien  Miranda 
returned  to  Cuba  he  carried  out  part  of  the  arrangement  by  taking 
with  him  over  100  Spanish  prisoners.* 

The  full  extent  of  Miranda's  "  secret  commissions,"  as  he  at  one 
time  called  them,  has  not  yet  been  disclosed.  Of  this  we 
more  fully  informed  by  a  letter  of  Miranda  to  Cagigal  sent  on  arrvd 
ing  at  Batabano  on  December  13,  1781,  In  this  letter  the  envoy  i 
clared  that  he  had  brought  with  him  exact  accounts  of  the  squadroiiS 
which  the  English  had  at  Jamaica  as  well  as  of  the  reeniorcemenls 
wliich  were  expected  from  Europe,  He  had  also  secured  similar 
notices  of  the  veteran  troops  and  the  militia  in  the  island  and  top< 
graphical  plans."  This  infoimation  iscorroborated  and  supplements 
by  the  testimony  of  Cagigal,  who  a  little  later  informed  the  SpaniM 
monarch  that  Miranda  had  brought  back  with  him  a  detailed  plai 


lenls 
nilar 

pla^" 


•AnccdolPB  Con^rnluu  Mf.  FXtrb,  and  documpnl  K.  apimBlUoE  ot  -lolin  Kills,  Scpleu 
er  4,  nsa,  P.  tt.  O.,  .lamnlcB.  26, 

•Cartpl  pntre  Iuh  \Mae  ae  Cuba  j  JamnlcB  (printed),  liaj-al  Institution  of  0t«i 
inula.    Am.    MSS..    178U,    10.    I.    125-. 

TaElRal  la  Gpn.  John  Camplwll,  April   18.   1T82.   Ibid.,  (.  DO. 

'  MlDinds  to  CasIiRl,  December  i:!,  1781,  A.  O.  I..  And.  de  Suita  Uoaiingo.  S4^2-B. 

•Ibid. 


FBASCI8C0   DB   MIBAKDA.  239 

of  the  island  of  Jsmaica  and  plans  of  the  harbors,  approaches,  sur- 
roundings and  fortifications  of  Antonio,  Kingston,  and  Port  Royal.''_ 
There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  one  of  the  main  reasons  for  the  trip 
to  Jamaica  was  the  desire  to  secure  information  regarding  the  mili- 
tarj'  condition  of  that  island,  on  which  the  Spaniards  were  contem- 
plating an  attack.  In  other  words.  Miranda  was  acting  as  a  spy. 
In  view  of  this,  it  is  possible,  and  perhaps  even  probable,  that  Mi- 
randa's action  in  giving  Calling  the  desired  information  regarding 
the  Spanish  attacks  on  Penaacola  was  taken  with  a  view  to  securing 
the  favor  of  the  English.  This  seems  to  the  writer  more  probable 
than  another  jKissible  interpretation  that  Miranda  was  spying  on  the 
Kngli.sh  Government  and  betraying  the  interests  of  the  Spanish 
monarch  at  the  same  time.  It  is  possible  that  Miranda  did  not  con- 
sider that  the  information  which  he  gave  Calling  would  injure  the 
Spanish  cause.  In  any  event  this  occuri-ence  must  have  brought 
Miranda  to  the  attention  of  some  English  officials  in  no  pleasant  light. 
This  is  not,  however,  the  whole  story  of  tlie  trip  to  Jamaica.  In 
his  letter  to  Cagigal,  Miranda  had  alluded  to  other  advantageous 
n^otiations  which  he  could  not  trust  to  writing.  This  probably  re- 
ferred to  the  goods  of  various  sorts  which  had  been  embarked  on 
board  the  vessels  on  which  the  prisoners  of  war  were  taken  to  Cuba, 
from  the  sale  of  which  Miranda  and  his  associates  doubtless  hoped  to 
reap  large  profits."  Mr.  Phillip  Allwood,  a  Kingston  merchant,  went 
on  tlie  return  trip  to  Cuba,  being  commissioned  by  Fitch  to  look  after 
his  interests  in  the  transaction.*'  The  goods  were  landed  at  Batnbano 
and  conveyed  to  Ilabana.  The  authorities  in  Spain  were  informed 
of  these  proceedings  and  concluded  that  they  were  unwarranted  and 
illegal.''  Hence  on  March  IS.  1782,  the  King  of  Spain  commissioned 
Juan  Antonio  de  Vrunuela,  oidor  of  the  royal  audiencia  and  chan- 
t  eery  of  Mexico,  to  proceed  to  Cuba  for  the  purpose  of  investigating 
Ltiiis  matter,  which  was  considered  one  of  illicit  and  contraband  trade. 
HVot  only  were  the  actions  of  Miranda  to  be  examined,  but  also  the 
Fidfflinistration  of  Cagigal.  who  was  KUS|iected  of  having  connived  at 
I  ttis  prohibited  traffic.  The  same  royal  cedula  denounced  the  alleged 
action  of  Miranda  in  allowing  General  Canipbpll  to  see  the  fortifica- 
''ons  of  Habana.  He  was  also  censured  for  having  agreed  to  article  7 
"f  the  cartel  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  between  Jamaica  and 
fuba.' 


?c«i««i  t 


tbe  Slug  o 


SpBln,  JBnuST}'  6,  IT82,  . 


.  And.  i 


SADtn  Dumi 


^^KlUmiila  to  CaglEsI,  Decpmbpr  13,  IT81.  A.  O.  I.,  AuJ.  de  Santo  Domingo,  84-2-9. 

^^KAltwood  to  Stonvy.  Derembor  2X  ITS3.  P.  R.  O..  »paln.  2. 

^^PBofft]  cMutan   to   the   Inteadant  snd  to   the  spcrctnry  of   IlBbona.   March   11,    IT82, 

*•    •!.  I.,  .Villi,  lie  Snntn  Domingo.  N-J-'J-D :  iilso  llie  Iniitriiftlona  to  VnmufU.  March  18, 

1^»-J.  llilU- 

*  Inatrnctlnn*  <□  Vrunuela.  Mari'li  18,  1T82,  .\.  U.  t„  Aud.  de  Sonto  Domingo,  84-^-0: 


:••    A.V    :II>T«»HKAL    ASSOCIATIOX. 

••..r-:!.    It  i<  cvidiMil  tliat  the  information  sont 

-  •  i*;-!  r:i»'  '-♦'(•rctarv  of  Ilahnii;)  rt'iranlinL^th'^ 

^-    ''.:r  :."ino  oflia-rs  to  l)lackli>t  him.'"     In  fad, 

v  V:-:r;iii*la  had  Ix'cii  char^rc^d  witli  the  inve>- 

>  iiad  1)0011  sont  to  Ilahaiia  that  Miranhi 

A-  this  had  not  l)oon  done,  a  roval  nr«Kr 

•::odiatcly  ariv>t(»d  and  ini])ri>oiH*(l  in  tli«' 

/.•'>ana.''     IVrhap^  the  dis>ati--l'ai.*lioii  whirii 

:  !l  at  tho  coiinoction  of  ('a*ri^al  ^^  itli  tin* 

::  in>actions  of  liis  ai<l-(U*-('ainp  liad  ^iin.'- 

^     •.  ii  of  a  roval  ordrr  on  March  11.  IT^J.  I'V 

« 

d  that  ho  was  rcliovcMJ  of  tho  ooinmah«l  i-f 

jilt  >orvo  in  tho  army  o|)oratiii«r  undor  lli«' 

lialvoz.'     In  any  c:aM',  thi.-  new  cu>niiiii--ioJi 

::t'-  for  the  tiroh'ss  activity  of  Kranci>rn  ili' 

.  :  iiol  lost  tlio  conH(h'nco  of  lii>  chi<d\  f<»r  i:: 

J  iral  had  transmitted  a  ju'tition  of  hi>  aid-«l»'- 

^•Miiu  ^vhic|l  solicited  promotion  to  the  rank 

..fantrv,  accom|)anvin<r  it  hv  a  ."-tronir  Iciiir 

which    the    vahiahlo    services    j)erfor]iieil   liy 

.^iniaica  wore  e>p(H*ially  praised.'' 

^.:rc  in  an  attack  on  th<'  Bahiima  Islands,  wliirli 

iiions  of  the  I'lvnch  and  tin*  Spanish  atraiiiM 

-  in  America.    On  May  <>,  17>>*J.  a  Si)ani-]i  iW\ 

•\  ships  from  the  insurp'nts  in  South  Carohna. 

•.^nce.  the  cliief  town   of  tlie    Bahama    I.-lan<K. 

.   .•••miandeil  l>y  Caiiiixal.     Accord inijf  to  the  re|)orl 

ander.   Colonel    Maxwell,   tin*    invest in<r    fon«' 

^  an<l  tiO  sM'!  of  tran-|)orts,  \vhi<'li  had  on  hoarl 

.'c.front    this    arrav.  .  Laxwell  had   a  >mall  aii'l 

» 

■   '.c  in\(»-tment    was  made,  and    in   a   shoi't    liiiw' 

•Jie    Kniili^h    to  >urren<ler   on    honoraiiK*   lenii-- 

',    coniu'il    id*    war,    com|)n-(Ml    of    the    |)!'incip:i' 

'  ilie  priini|)al   inliahitanls  of  (he  town,  and  th*' 

•v'd  thai  it  would  he  miw  i-(»  to  refn>e  to  entt-r  iiit<^ 

Spanish  commander  >»Mit  Miranda  to  Now  Provi  ' 

vlcr  >'//////^'.   heloiiirinir   to   the    American    -hi  I 

•   promote  the  e.i j)it ulation.'      On  May  S  the  t\v'  ^ 

,   »h    II.    ITS.'.    !••    ill.-.-   iin;..    A.    <:.    !..    .\i!«l.    «!.'    SM!it«i    I  ►.iiiii!.:-r  ' 
.:-,.r  ..:•   U;il.;Mi:i.    M;i;--  li    1  I.    !  7^:.'.    iM'l 

•;  :    M"'-  '!!ll';i!i;.      I    •'.    ['Jil-ll    ■•:"    C;i;:i_  i!    I.I   .],>-:.'    «1«'    ^I.'llV"/,    .l.MIH.M     « 

^     ;'..»ii    i:'.    "l-il'-'l     I'ii';i'>     *^  :    C.«..i::.i  ■-.    !-tt'r    i--    <la(«'«l    .l;inn:My         * 
.    s.iiit..    I»'>i.i  n.-...    >»l    •_'    '.I 
M.n    ••.  :\im1   M.i»    II.    IT^V.    I'.    K    o..    I'.-ilmnia-.    H». 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 


241 


iders  sp-eed  to  terms  of  capitulation  by  which  the  Bahamas 
v!ere  surrendered  to  Spain."  The  conduct  of  Miranda  in  this  affair 
again  was  not  above  suspicion.  Commodore  Gillon.  of  the  South 
Carolina  navy,  afterwords  expressed  his  opinion  that  it  was  because 
of  certain  misrepresentations  of  Miranda  to  Cagigal  that  the  latter 
neglecle<l  to  enter  into  a  written  compact  to  pay  South  Carolina 
CO.OOO  Mexican  dollars  for  services  rendered  in  the  conquest  of  the 
Bahamas.  The  odium  for  the  nonpayment  of  that  sum  was  conae- 
quently.  in  part  at  least,  cast  by  Gillon  upon  Miranda." 

Affairs  in  the  West  Indies  were  soon  to  reach  a  crisis,  so  far  as 
Miranda  and  his  associates  were  concerned.  Shortly  after  the  capture 
of  the  Bahamas,  the  aid-de-camp  of  Cagigal  was  sent  to  Bernardo 
de  G&Ivez  with  the  news  of  the  exploit.  Miranda  did  not  make  a 
favorable  impression  on  Galvez,  who  informed  the  home  Govern- 
ment in  November.  1782,  that  that  officer  was  becoming  every  day 
more  active  in  promoting  prejudices  and  in  spreading  jealousies 
among  the  Spanish  commanders."  Miranda  was  soon  arrested  by 
order  of  the  commander  and  sent  to  Habana.  The  officer  later  as- 
cribed this  action  to  jealousy  of  the  success  of  Cagigal  on  the  part 
of  GAIvez.  The  warrant  used  was  the  royal  order.*  When  the 
prisoner  arrived  at  Habana,  to  which  Cagigal  had  by  this  time  re- 
turned, he  was  liberated  and  again  protected  by  his  chief,  who  was 
willing  to  answer  for  Miranda's  good  conduct  to  the  court  of  Spain,* 
On  the  arrival,  however,  of  Luis  de  Unzaga  to  relieve  Oagigal  of  the 
command  of  Cuba,  conditions  were  not  so  favorable  for  the  liberty 
of  Miranda.  He  and  Cagigal,  according  to  Miranda's  later  account, 
now  seem  to  have  decided  to  leave  Cuba  for  Guarico  or  Spain,  but 
were  twice  prevented  by  unfavorable  weather.  At  this  interesting 
juncture  the  news  of  peace  between  England  and  the  allies  arrived, 
the  arrest  of  Miranda  was  again  undertaken,  and  the  latter  began  to 
wonder  how  he  might  now  escape  incarceration."  The  attempts  of 
Vrunuein,  the  commissioner  for  the  residencia  of  Cagigal.  to  imprison 
the  offender,  which  had  been  hitherto  unsuccessful,  largely  becauae 
of  the  protection  afforded  to  Miranda  by  the  good  will  of  the  power- 
ful Cagigal,'  now  promised  success. 

Vrunuela  gathered  evidence  regarding  the  activities  of  Cagigal 
and  Miranda.  In  the  autumn  of  1783  AUwood,  the  English  mer- 
chant, was  imprisoned  at  Habana  by  the  .Spanish  authorities  because 

at  cspltulatlon.  Ma;  S.  1TS2,  P.  R.  O.,  Bibamu,   10. 
ytftiarlia,  Diplomatic  Correnpondence,  VI,  333-334. 

T(iB«    de    OaiT«,  NoTcmbi-r  30.   ITSS.  A.   G.   I..  Aud.  de  Baiito  DomlniD, 


1.  April  19,  1T83.  A.  (!.  I.,  Aud.  de  Santo  DomlBga,  1 


B8838— VOL  1-^ 18 


242  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

cf  alleged  complicity  in  the  contraband  transactions  of  Miranda  and 
Cagigal.  In  December  of  that  year  judgment  was  pronounced  by 
Vninuela  against  AUwood  and  some  of  the  others  concerned.  The 
English  merchant  was  condemned  to  pay  a  fine  and  was  banished 
for  eight  years  to  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa.  The  three  vessels, 
with  the  goods  and  the  slaves  that  came  in  them,  were  confiscated  ^*  as 
contraband  and  illegal  commerce  coming  from  the  enemy  in  the  very 
heat  of  war."  Even  the  carts,  oxen,  and  horses  which  conveyed  the 
goods  to  Habana  were  confiscated,  and  Miranda,  in  common  with 
Herrera,  was  held  responsible  for  the  payment  of  their  value  to  the 
royal  treasury.  The  proceeds  of  the  contraband  taken  from  Cuba 
by  AUwood  was  likewise  adjudged  forfeited.  Miranda  was  further 
sentenced  to  pay  a  heavy  fine,  was  deprived  of  his  commission,  and 
was  banished  for  ten  years  to  Oran.  The  actions  of  Cagigal  were 
not  passed  upon  directly,  but  that  was  left  for  the  decision  of  the 
King.« 

The  matter  did  not  end  here.  AUwood  denounced  this  treatment 
as  unjust  and  appealed  to  his  Government.^  Miranda  ahd  Cagigal 
asked  for  a  hearing  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  The  latter  soon 
proceeded  to  Spain,  where  for  many  long  years  he  waited,  part  of 
the  time  in  prison,  persecuted  and  badgered  by  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment, for  the  final  decision  of  the  case.  In  none  of  the  numerous 
communications  made  by  Cagigal  to  the  Spanish  authorities  on  this 
affair  have  any  reflections  been  found  on  the  actions  of  his  aid-de- 
camp. On  the  contrary,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  disheartening 
treatment  to  which  Cagigal  was  subjected  was  due  in  large  part,  if 
not  entirely,  to  his  connection  with  Miranda,  the  former  remained 
the  stanch  friend  of  the  young  officer.^ 

The  explanation  of  the  contraband  transactions  given  by  Cagigal 
on  his  examination  at  Cadiz  affords  a  reasonable  interpretation  of 
the  affair,  namely,  that  he  permitted  contraband  goods  to  be  intro- 
duced into  Cuba  because  he  wished  to  use  that  as  a  pretext  in  order  to 
acquire  information  about  the  enemy  during  the  war.*  To  confirm 
this  the  fact  is  indisputable  that  in  1799,  presumably  after  a  thorough 
and  impartial  hearing  of  the  case,  Miranda  and  Cagigal  were  fully 
exonerated  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies,*  in  spite  of  the  knowledge 

•  AUwood  to  Stoney,  December  23,  1783,  Including?  a  translation  of  the  decree  of  the 
same  date,  P.  B.  O.,  Spain,  2.  Other  documents  relating  to  AUwood  are  found  in  P.  R.  O., 
Jamaica,  26. 

^Tbe  matter  was  finally  brought  to  the  attention  of  Floridablanca.  Ldston  to  the 
Marquis  of  Carmarthen,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  2. 

«  Cagigal  to  O'Reilly,  August  22,  1783;  Cagigal  to  the  King  of  Spain,  Augnst  22,  1783; 
Cagigal  to  Jos^  de  G&Ivez,  October  17,  1783.     ^V.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  Santo  Domingo,  84-2-9. 

'  *'  Declaraolon  quo  hlzo  en  Cadiz  Don  Manuel  de  Cagigal  ante  el  oidor  Valcarcel  acerca 
de  Don  Felipe  AUwood."  Egcrton  MSS.,  520,  f.  318.  See  also  the  letter  of  Cagigal  to 
the  King  of  Spain.  March  26,  1793,  A.  H.  N.,  Estndo.  3152. 

•Decision  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  Issued  on  February  20,  1799,  A.  G.  I..  And. 
de  Santo  Domingo,  84-2-9;  printed  In  part  and  with  substantial  accuracy  In  Antepara, 
259.  260. 


FKANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA. 


243 


t  the  part  of  (he  Spanish  aiithoritieis  that  Miranda  since  leaving 
1  had  been  conspiring  with  the  English  against  them.  In  1783, 
nd  subsequently,  Miranda  attributed  the  treatment  to  which  he  had 
been  subjected  by  the  Spanish  officials  in  America  to  jealousy  because 
he  was  a  creoIe;"  this  is  probably  a  partial  explanation.  The  con- 
traband operations  of  Miranda  were  so  large,  however,  that  objectors 
»rose  naturally.  Besides  it  is  not  clear  that  Miranda  did  not  exceed 
the  bounds  of  the  commission  intrusted  to  him  by  liis  commander. 
Perhaps,  as  in  later  years,  Miranda  was  trying  to  reap  a  private  gain 
irom  his  public  duties.  Lastly,  there  are  some  indications  that  there 
were  other  suspicions  regarding  Miranda's  conduct  at  this  lime  on 
the  part  of  the  Spanish  Government,  which  were  only  hinted  at  and 
not  fidly  voiced. 

In  the  sentence  against  Miranda  and  his  associates  the  judge  de- 
clared that  the  young  officer  was  condemned  "  in  absence  and  rebel- 
lion." Months  before  this  sentence  was  pronounced  the  prime 
offender  had  vanished.  In  at  least  one  of  the  numerous  orders  sent 
from  Spain  regarding  the  troublesome  officer  it  was  affirmed  that  he 
■was  enthusiastically  attached  to  the  English.*  According  to  his  own 
later  statement,  which  there  is  no  good  reason  to  doubt.  Miranda  had 
in  his  possession  at  this  time  a  colle<;tion  of  papers,  maps,  and  plans" 
relating,  doubtless,  to  the  Spanish  colonies.  Why  was  he  collecting 
them?  Hardly  because  of  the  mere  passion  for  collecting  them.  It 
is  very  likely  that  it  was  while  engaged  in  the  operations  against  the 
English  posses,sions  near  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  that  Miranda  felt  the 
dawning  of  the  idea  that  was  to  dominate  his  life.  As  was  suggested 
by  a  writer  in  the  Edinburgh  Review,  who  probably  got  his  infor- 
mation from  Miranda,  "  In  a  scene  where  the  cause  of  liberty  was  (he 
object  of  all  men's  zeal  and  enthusiasm,"  the  young  officer  would 
natunilly  be  induced  to  hope  that  his  own  native  land  might  acquire 
its  independence,*  According  to  later  declarations  of  Miranda  him- 
self it  was  about  this  time  that  he  first  received  representations  from 
the  "  aggrieved  provinces  "  of  Santa  F6  and  Caracas,  which,  he  said, 

•  Pptlllon  u(  Mlrnnda  to  the  King  or  Spnin.  April  10,  I7S6.  and  notp  P  annexed,  bolng 
a  copy  of  Mtmndo's  lettsr  to  raiffBiil.  April  IB.  178a.  A.  n,  8..  Eatado,  SHI. 

'Boyil  order  or  March  II,  ITS2.  to  Caglgal.  A.  O.  I.,  And,  de  8«nt<>  Domingo,  84~2-U. 
Id  a  roynl  order  nddreased  to  tliG  sorernor  ot  tiabsDn.  November  2,  ITSI,  Bfter  mentlon- 
lag  tbe  reporl  tbat  (General  CampbeU  and  other  KncUah  oOleecB  had  been  pernulltal  to  are 
tbe  fortlflcBtlDDS  ot  HaUniia.  these  words  are  used  -.  "  Sv  lea  permltio  ver  las  fortlflca 
clones  de  eSH  Plaza  a  Influio  y  en  rompujira  de  Don  Francbco  de  Miranda,  Capltan  del 
RirlmlcDto  de  ArnEon,  (jue  es  iin  eotiiBlBBta  npasloando  de  los  IngleBes."    Ibid. 

•  PctitlOD  ot  Miranda  to  the  King  or  Spain,  April  10,  1780,  A.  O.  8.,  Estado,  8141 ;  he 
mcDtions  tbe  Hliure  or  "  l.lbros.  Cartas,  Pianos,  papelea,"  b;  action  ot  the  Intendnnt  or 
nabana,  again  be  omitlaDa  "  Llliroa  (que  erin  baatanlea,  ;  excogidos)  aeales  I>esi>acboa. 
Planes.  &*."  A  dispatch  (undated)  ot  Cnmpo  to  Florldahlanca  in  1789.  shortly  atter 
HlraoAa'a  arrlTal  in  England,  ahows  [hat  the  RpaDish  minister  believed  thai  tbeae  papers. 


'  Edlnliurgh   Revlea 


e  »paD 
XIII 


iiutborsbl[i  or  tbe  a 


a  tHm  below. 


244  AMEBIOAN   HI6T0BICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

finally  terminated  in  "specific  propositions.""  This  was  evidently 
a  pivotal  period  in  the  career  of  Miranda,  when  his  attachment  and 
fidelity  to  Spain  might  well  have  been  doubted.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  conclude,  however,  that  he  had  determined  to  quit  the  service  of 
Spain  at  once;  he  may  have  been  merely  deliberating  regarding  his 
future  activity,  preparing  for  a  possible  contingency. 

On  April  16,  1783,  Miranda  wrote  two  letters  to  Cagigal  in  which 
he  conveyed  his  determination.  He  declared  that  he  was  disgusted 
with  the  treatment  which  he  had  been  accorded  in  the  Spanish  service. 
So  far  as  regarded  the  charges  against  him  he  was  "  more  pure  and 
innocent  than  Socrates."  Still  he  expected  arrest  and  dreaded  to 
trust  his  person  to  the  doubtful  justice  of  a  court  in  the  West  Indies, 
where  there  were  many  prejudices  against  him.  Consequently  he  had 
decided  to  go  to  Europe  by  way  of  the  United  States  with  the  inten- 
tion of  writing  thence  to  his  sovereign,  asking  for  a  safe-conduct  that 
he  might  proceed  to  Spain  to  vindicate  his  honor  before  "  a  council 
of  impartial  men  "  and  secure  formal  reparation  for  his  injuries. 
The  desire  to  escape  what  he  considered  an  unjust  persecution  was 
not  the  only  motive  which  animated  Miranda.  He  evidently  still  had 
in  mind  the  advancement  of  his  education  by  traveling.  He  ex- 
pressed a  desire  to  secure  the  royal  permission  to  travel  for  four 
years  in  England,  Holland,  France,  Germany,  Italy,  and  other  coun- 
tries, for,  said  he :  "  The  experience  and  knowledge  which  man  ac- 
quires in  visiting  and  examining  with  minute  attention  in  the  great 
book  of  the  universe  the  most  wise  and  virtuous  societies  which  com- 
pose it,  their  laws,  government,  agriculture,  commerce,  military  art, 
navigation,  sciences,  arts,  etc.,  is  the  only  thing  which  can  season  the 
fruit  and  in  any  manner  complete  the  great  work  of  forming  a  man 
of  solidity  and  profit."  ^ 

AYhen  Miranda  wrote  this  letter  he  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  the 
West  Indies  for  the  United  States.  Ten  years  of  service  in  the 
Spanish  army  were  closed  by  a  hasty  and  secret  flight.  On  October 
25,  1783,  the  regiment  of  Aragon,  to  which  Miranda  had  been  at- 
tached in  the  West  Indies,  was  inspected  at  Cadiz.  As  one  would 
expect,  the  report  on  Captain  Miranda  was  in  de<;ided  contrast  with 
those  of  the  company  of  the  Princess,  which  we  have  already  noticed. 

«  Popham'8  memorandum.  Am*.  lUnt.  Rov..  VI,  510;  In  a  memorial  addressed  to  WilUain 
Pitt,  March  18,  17JM).  Mirandu  declanKl  that  In  1782  he  entertained  proposals  from  the 
colonies,  PickerlnR  MSS..  XXIV,  f.  150-,  In  copy  as  sent  by  King  to  Pickering,  "  Le  tr^ 
Hon.  William  Pitt  salt  fort  blen  que  depuis  longtems  le  Soussign^  n'a  eu  pour  but  que 
de  servlr  son  pays ;  <*tant  charp^?  en  17S2.  do  soliciter  aupr^s  de  L*Angleterre,  Tindo- 
pendance  dos  Colonies  Illspano-nmorlcnlnes." 

*  Miranda  to  Cagigal.  Matnnzas,  April  10,  1783;  the  long  quotation  Is  from  the  letter 
marked  **  C'onfidoncial."  These  letters  con.stitute  note  I'  of  Miranda's  petition  to  the 
King  of  Spain.  April  10.  17S5  A.  (;.  S.,  Kstado.  8141.  The  writer  believes  them  to  be 
authentic  copies.  One  of  them  Is  doubtle.ss  referred  to  by  O'Reilly  in  a  letter  to  Jos^  de 
G&Ivez.  Cadiz.  August  22.  1783,  as  being  in  the  possession  of  Cagigal.  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de 
Santo    Domingo,    84-2-0. 


FBAKCISCO  DE  MIRANDA.  245 

A  brief  and  colorless  statement  was  made  of  the  captain's  service  in 
the  army  of  operations  in  America.  It  was  stated  that  he  had  ap- 
I>eared  for  the  last  time  at  muster  in  August,  1782.  The  colonel  of 
the  company  declared  that  he  was  ignorant  of  the  valor  of  Miranda, 
had  no  experience  of  his  application,  knew  nothing  of  his  capacity, 
and  that  his  conduct  was  bad.*» 

Such  were  the  stirring  experiences  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  during 
a  formative  period.  His  faculties  had  been  improved  at  schools,  by 
private  study,  and  by  diverse  activities.  He  had  received  a  valuable 
training  in  the  art  and  the  science  of  war.  The  young  officer  had 
gained  some  knowledge  of  the  continent  of  Europe  as  well  as  of  the 
continental  and  insular  possessions  of  Spain  in  America.  The  man 
who  was  destined  to  conspire  against  his  King  had  become  acquainted 
with  the  method  and  the  spirit  «f  Spanish  administration.  A  recep- 
tive youth  when  he  enlisted,  animated,  in  all  probability  by  a  deep 
attachment  for  his  King,  Miranda  had  been  shaped  by  galling  cir- 
cumstances into  a  resentful  man,  the  sincerity  of  whose  attachment 
might  well  have  been  doubted  by  the  Government.  It  is  in  this  light 
that  the  questionable  actions  of  Miranda  in  the  West  Indies  ought  to 
be  judged.  AVhether  he  was  deliberately  disloyal  to  his  King  or  not, 
he  had  been  gradually  forced  into  an  attitude  which  made  him  an 
object  of  suspicion.  We  may  never  know  what  Miranda's  actual  in- 
tentions were.  The  problem  is  essentially  a  psychological  one  for 
which  various  solutions  are  possible.  The  writer  thinks  it  probable 
that  during  the  latter  part  of  the  sojourn  of  Miranda  in  the  West 
Indies  he  was  in  a  vacillating  or  transitory  mood.  Although  it  ap- 
pears that  he  was  meditating  about  the  condition  of  the  Spanish- 
American  colonies,  it  was  several  years  after  leaving  Habana  before 
Miranda  openly  ventured  to  lay  his  revolutionary  projects  before  the 
Government  of  England.  He  was  destined  to  pass  through  other 
interesting  experiences  before  he  virtually  renounced  his  wavering 
allegiance  to  the  Government  which  had  honored  and  vindicated  his 
father. 

Francisco  de  Miranda  left  the  Spanish  service  in  disgrace.  The 
Spanish  Government  viewed  him  as  "  a  conspirator  of  state,"  ^  whose 
person  ought  to  be  secured.     Warnings  were  soon  sent  to  Various 

•A.  G.  S.,  Querra,  2153.  Notice  the  statement  made  regarding  the  military  service  of 
IClranda  by  Becerra,  Vlda  de  Miranda,  II,  315 :  "  Vanas  han  sido  nuestras  Indagaclones 
•obre  los  primeroB  servicios  mil  I  tares  de  Miranda.  Ign6rase  en  efecto  el  nombre  del 
reglmlento  en  que  principl6  su  carrera,  ast  como  el  de  las  plazas  en  que  estuvo  de  guar- 
nlcI6n.  El  Incendio  que  devord  en  1842  el  edlflcio  y  gran  parte  de  los  archlvos  del  mi- 
nlatro  de  guerra  espafiol,  destruyC  todo  lo  relativo  &  este  punto.**  Other  statements  are 
made  by  Becerra  about  Miranda's  early  career  which  would  have  been  modified  had  he 
made  a  careful  personal  examination  of  the  Spanish  archives  at  Seville  and  at  Simancas 
and  utillied  the  material  found  there  properly.  Ibid.,  311,  317,  Becerra  takes  the  view 
that  Miranda  did  not  take  part  In  the  attack  on  MelUla. 

» The  phraae  *'  reo  de  estado  "  is  used  in  a  dispatch  of  Floridablanca  to  Campo,  Sep- 
tember 13,  1784,  A.  G.  8.,  Estado,  8189. 


246  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Spanish  oflScials  directing  them  to  be  on  the  lookout  for  the  fugitive.® 
An  alleged  description  of  Miranda  was  sent  to  the  Spanish  agents  in 
Portugal.^  The  Spanish  minister  in  England,  Bernardo  del  Campo, 
was  urged  to  discover  the  abiding  place  of  the  recreant  officer  in  case 
he  should  arrive  in  that  country,  to  which  the  Spanish  Grovernmeni 
soon  suspected  that  he  was  directing  his  steps.*^ 

•  Florldablanca  to  Campo,  AuguRt  11,  1784,  ibid.  Josg  de  GAlves  to  FloridabUmca, 
August  7,  1783,  shows  that  a  warning  was  sent  to  Spanish  officials  in  Portugal.  A.  G.  I.. 
Aud.  de  Santo  Domingo,  84-2-0. 

^Jos6  de  Gfllvez  to  Florldablanca,  August  30,  1783,  Incloses  a  description  of  Miranda 
which  was  made  out.     A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  Santo  Domingo,  84-2-0. 

«  Florldablanca  to  Campo,  September  13,  1784»  A  O.  S.»  Estado,  8139. 


I*. 


Chapter  TV. 

MIRANDA'S  TOUR  OF  AMERICA  AND  EUROPE. 

TMiile  the  Spanish  Government  was  vainly  seeking  to  discover  the 
refuge  of  Miranda,  that  fugitive  from  justice  was  traveling  through 
the  United  States.  Unfortunately  there  is  very  little  contemporary 
jvidence  at  hand  regarding  this  trip.  Miranda  arrived  at  Charleston, 
3.  C,  in  the  spring  of  1783.*»  He  had  apparently  determined  to  make 
iis  visit  to  the  States,  which  were  just  emerging  from  the  disturb- 
mces  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  a  profitable  one,  for  in  May  of  that 
f^ear  Cagigal  forwarded  to  him,  probably  by  request,  a  commenda- 
:ory  letter  of  introduction  to  Francisco  Rendon,^  the  Spanish  repre- 
sentative at  Philadelphia,  and  another  recommending  him  to  General 
Washington  because  of  "  his  character,  information,  and  other  cir- 
cumstances." ^  The  traveler  must  have  spent  several  months  in  visit- 
ing the  Southern  States,  for  he  did  not  reach  Philadelphia  before 
the  end  of  the  year.  Here  he  speedily  ingratiated  himself  with 
Hendon,  who  did  not  know  that  Miranda  was  under  a  cloud,  and 
viewed  him  as  an  interested  and  inquisitive  traveler.  The  Spanish 
minister  admitted  him  into  his  house,  and,  according  to  his  own 
report,  introduced  him  as  Colonel  Miranda  to  the  ministers  plenipo-* 
tentiary  of  France  and  of  Holland,  the  superintendent  of  finance, 
and  other  persons,  who  entertained  the  tourist  with  dinners  and  balls. 
fn  a  short  time,  however,  word  reached  Philadelphia  that  the  visitor 
^os  a  deserter  from  the  Spanish  service.  This  put  Miranda  in  a 
decidedly  bad  light  in  the  eyes  of  Rendon.  The  latter  now  informed 
tie  quondam  colonel  that  it  was  not  fitting  that  a  fugitive  in  his 
J^itical  situation  should  reside  in  the  same  city  as  a  representative 
'f  his  Catholic  Majesty.  Perhaps  this  intimation  hastened  Miranda's 
^parture  from  Philadelphia.     Certainly  the  Spanish  Government 

^  Eustace,  Le  Citoyen,  6,  7 ;  Petition  of  Miranda  to  the  King  of  Spain,  April  10,  1785, 
■^^    ^.  S.,  Batado,  8141. 
^Antepara.  252,  253. 
•  Ibid..  261. 

247 


248  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

was  duly  informed  of  the  abiding  place  and  the  activities  of  the 
recreant  officer.** 

Other  information  which  was  transmitted  at  the  same  time  must 
have  caused  added  dissatisfaction.     In  the  same  letter  as  that  which 
told  of  the  arrival  of  Miranda  in  Philadelphia  news  was  conveyed 
regarding  his  plans.     It  was  intimated  that  because  of  bis  troubles 
with  the  Spanish  officials  the  refugee  had  assumed  a  venomous  and 
revengeful  attitude  toward  the  Spanish  monarchy.     It  was  asserted 
that  he  had  actually  confided  his  future  schemes  to  a  confidant  of  the 
Spanish  minister.    He  proposed  to  go  to  London  to  present  a  pro- 
ject to  that  court  for  the  capture  of  some  places  on  the  western  coast 
of  Spanish  America.^    This  was  not  improbable,  for  there  are  other 
reasons  to  believe  that  Miranda  was  now  entertaining  or  contriving 
some  designs  against  the  integrity  of  the  American  dominions  of 
Spain.     Beyond  doubt  it  was  at  this  time  that  he  had  several  con- 
versations with  Barbe-Marbois,  the  secretary  of  the  French  minister 
to  the  United  States,  who  described  him  as  "  a  young,  enterprising, 
and  bustling  creole  from  Caracas."    Miranda  informed  the  French- 
man that  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America  would  soon  experience  a 
revolution  similar  to  that  which  had  occurred  in  the  United  States. 
"A  wise  and  prudent  government  might  moderate  its  violence  or 
delay  its  effects.    But  such  warnings  only  offend  ministers.     They 
have  a  great  aversion  to  all  wisdom  except  their  own,  and  they  always 
make  their  advisers  who  are  too  well  informed  for  them  feel  their 
anger.     I  have  told  them  that  the  uprising  of  the  Mexican  Indians 
in  1778  was  a  warning  of  the  highest  importance.     I  have  spoken  of 

•  Kendon  to  Job6  do  G&Ivoz,  January  4,  1784,  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  Santo  Domingo*  84-2-9. 
After  Mirunda'B  arrival  in  Eng^Iand  from  his  trip  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  Bernardo 
del  Campo.  the  Spanish  minister  in  London,  wrote  a  letter  to  Floridablanca,  October  8, 
J789,  in  which  he  gave  an  account  of  Miranda's  travels,  which  was  evidently  obtained 
from  Miranda  himself :  "  Sabe  que  de  su  proceder  en  los  Estados  Americanos  ban  hecbo 
montaiias  sin  el  mas  leve  nl  remoto  fundamento  pues  bus  viages  y  sus  occupaciones  alll 
se  dlrijicron  a  adqulrlr  conoclmiento  de  aquel  Pais  y  de  aquella  Nacion  que  acababa  de 
hacer  tan  gran  papel.     En  prueba  de  la  sinceridad  con  que  procedia  hlzo  testigo  de  todo 
al  encargado  de  Espafla — Rendon  y  aun  aloJ6  en  su  casa  hasta  que  M'.  de  la  Lusemo 
lleno  a  aquel  agente  de  Espafia  la  cabeza  de  chismes  y  de  historlctas  tan  rldiculas  com(^ 
invero.simlles  en  perjuicio  suyo :   pero  que  forzaron  al  mismo  Rendon  &  separarse  de  €k 
sin  que  por  su  parte  hubiese  Jamas  tenido  cargo  alguno  que  hacerle."     A.  G.  8.,  Estado^. 
8146,  Documentary  Appendix,  No.  3. 

^F.  de   Quintana    to   Jos4   de    G&lvez,  January  12,  1784,  accompanying   the    letter   of 
Rendon  of  January  4,   A.   O.   I.,   Aud.  de  Santo  Domingo,  84-2-9 :  "  D».    Francisco  d^^ 
Quintana   da   cuenta   Sl   V.    E.   de   su   arrivo   a    Philadelphia   el   4   de   Diciembre   ultlm<^ 
♦     ♦     ♦.     En  esta  Ciudad  he  encontrado  al  Capltan  del  Regimiento  de  la  Prlncesa  gradu- — 
ado  de  Theniente  Coronel  D°.  Francisco  Miranda  de  cuio  indivlduo  me  consta  que  V.  EI— 
hfl  tenido  que  sentir  bastante  por  sus  hechurlas  en  la  Havana  durante  el  Goviemo  dc9> 
Theniente  General  Cagigal  en  aquella  y  fueron  vastantes  para  Indlguar  la  templada  y^ 
dulce  Indole  de  V.  E.  este  que  la  vitupera  en  terminos  que  manifesta  el  venemo  que  hm^ 
adquirido  por  sus  mlsmos  delitos  pretende  vengarla  con  la  mayor  villza  que  sua  terpen 
pensamientos  le  dlctan,  en  esta  Capital  ha  tenido  a  los  principios  alguna  aceptaclon  mien— 
tras  aquellos  ban  estado  en  el  sllencio  pero  tan  presto  como  se  ban  hecho  publicos  se  hft- 
visto  despreclado  dc  los  que  merecia  mas  favor ;  de  manera  que  esto  lo  h&  decldido  »- 
ausentarse,  me  h&  dicho  que  desde  eata  se  va  &  Londres  fl  presentar  un  proyecto  sobr^ 
tomar  algunas  Plasas  en  Nuestra  Costa  Occidental  de  America  que  a  V.  B.  le  serft  muy 
sensible,  y  a  la  Espafia  pemicioso    *    *    *." 


FBANCISCO   DE  MIRANDA.  249 

admitting  foreigners  into  all  our  colonies.  From  the  manner  in  which 
the  proposal  was  received  I  have  thought  it  prudent  to  fly,  as  if  I 
had  been  guilty  of  a  crime."  ^  Thus  apparently  did  the  young  creole 
explain  his  flight  to  Barbe-Marbois. 

Miranda  met  many  other  persons,  some  of  them  of  eminence,  at 
this  time.  He  probably  met  General  Washington  and  other  military 
ofBcers  of  the  United  States  at  Philadelphia  or  elsewhere.^  Accord- 
ing to  the  recollections  of  John  Adams,  the  South  American  in- 
terested Winthrop  Sargeant,  later  governor  of  the  Mississippi  terri- 
tory, with  the  "  ideas  of  wealth,  glory,  and  liberty,  which  the  in- 
dependence of  South  America  exhibited."  <^  As  his  career  shows, 
Miranda  acquired  considerable  information  regarding  the  campaigns 
and  battles  of  the  Revolutionary  war  and  the  politics  and  parties 
of  the  United  States.  In  the  absence  of  his  diary  or  journal,  it  is 
not  easy  to  fix  the  itinerary  of  his  journey,  but  it  is  probably  true 
that  he  visited  all  the  important  cities  and  all  the  great  battlefields 
in  the  country .^^  It  was  at  this  time  doubtless  that  Miranda  met 
Col.  W.  S.  Smith,  a  man  of  military  tastes  and  ambitions,  with  a 
talent  for  intrigue,  who  had  served  through  the  Revolutionary  war 
and  had  become  one  of  Washington's  aids.*  It  is  very  likely  that 
Miranda  confided-  to  Smith  his  schemes  regarding  the  future,  for 
Miranda  ever  after  looked  upon  him  as  one  of  his  sympathizers  and 
most  probable  cooperators.  WTiile  making  this  tour  Miranda  met 
another  man,  who  proved  to  be  interested  in  South  American  poli- 
tics. This  was  Stephen  Sayre,  who  was  thereafter  a  friend  of 
Miranda ;  in  fact,  he  later  declared  that  in  1783  he  loaned  Miranda 
money  "to  carry  him  to  Europe."^  Liberty-loving  Thomas  Paine, 
the  author  of  Common  Sense,  also  admitted  later  that  he,  too,  met 
Miranda  at  this  time.^  The  traveler  became  acquainted  with  Rufus 
King,*  a  rising  Massachusetts  man,  who  was  destined  to  become  one 
of  his  most  trusted  confidants. 

*  Barb^-Harbols,  History  of  Louisiana,   149,  150. 

^  Adams ;  Works  of  John  Adams,  X,  134-. 

•Ibid.,  136. 

'Petition  of  Miranda  to  the  King  of  Spain,  April  10,  1785,  in  which  he  describes  his 
trip  in  these  words :  **  Tuve  puntuales  avisos  de  sus  tramas  mas  secretas ;  y  me  embarqud 
COB  Mgaridad,  y  equipage  para  Charleston  en  la  Carolina  meridional :  fl  fin  de  substra- 
cnne  por  este  medio  de  una  Cabala  tan  poderosa :  y  aprobechAr  el  tiempo  al  mismo  paso, 
dando  prlncipio  A  mis  Tiages  por  los  Palses  mas  Civillzados  del  mundo,  que  lo  tanto  avia 
dcsetdo  *  *  *  y  asf  continue  ml  yiage  por  todos  los  Estados-Unldos  de  America; 
▼Ultando  principalmente  quantos  Puestos,  y  Campos  sirrieron  de  Theatro  &  las  mas  bri- 
Utntei  acetones  militares  de  la  ultima  guerra ;  y  combersando  despacio  con  los  Heroes, 

T  Sibios  que  executaron  aquella  obra  Immortal ! en  considerable  adelanto  de 

B^  instmccloiiv  y  experiencia."    A.  G.  S.,  Estado,  8141.     See  also  Adams,  Works  of  John 
AdiBi.  X,  184,  185. 

*IUd..  186. 

'fltyre  to  Jefferson,  November  15,  1806,  Jefferson  MSS.,  series  2,  LXXYII,  f.  13-. 

'  Utter  of  Thomas  Pahie,  March  20,  1806,  The  Aurora,  April  6,  1806. 
^King;  ConMpondence  of  Rufus  King,  III,  656. 


250  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

After  leaving  Philadelphia  Miranda  continued  his  journey  in  a 
northerly  direction.  He  could  hardly  have  omitted  a  visit  to  New 
York  City,  where  the  Spanish  Government  got  wind  of  him  in  June, 
1784.*»  In  July  he  visited  New  Haven,  Conn.  He  called  on  President 
Stiles,  of  Yale  College,  with  letters  of  introduction  from  several  men 
whom  he  had  doubtless  met,  among  them  Governor  Livingston. 
Miranda  attended  the  recitations  of  some  of  the  college  classes.  He 
imparted  to  Stiles  some  suggestive  details  regarding  his  devious 
career.  He  described  the  mode  of  education  in  Mexico  and  all  New 
Spain  and  characterized  their  learning  as  "  inferior,  trifling,  and 
contemptible."  There  were  no  "  great  Literary  Characters  '"*  there, 
he  said,  as  geniuses  dared  ''  not  read  nor  think  nor  apeak^  for  fear  of 
the  Inquisition."  Miranda  not  only  impressed  Stiles  as  being  too 
free-spoken  and  liberal  minded  to  reside  in  either  New  or  Old  Spain 
but  also  convinced  the  latter  that  he  had  a  "  perfect  acquaintance 
with  the  policy  and  history  of  all  Spanish  America."  On  July  30 
this  "  learned  Man  and  a  flaming  Son  of  liberty,"  as  Stiles  character- 
ized him,  left  New  Haven,  bound  apparently  for  Boston,  Piscataqua, 
Nova  Scotia,  and  England.^ 

It  was  evidently  some  time  during  the  autumn  of  1784  that  the 
traveler  visited  Boston.     More  than  twenty  years  afterwards  James 
Lloyd  declared  that  although  he  was  only  a  schoolboy  at  the  time 
still  the  impression  on  his  mind  was  as  "  vivid  "  as  though  he  had 
seen  Miranda  "  within  a  twelvemonth."    His  graphic  pen  picture  is 
worth  quoting.    "  He  appeared  to  me  as  the  most  extraordinary,  and 
wonderfully  energetic  man  that  I  had  ever  seen ;    *    *    *    to  this  hour 
I  recollect  very  distinctly  the  two  topics  of  his  conversation,  the  one 
doubtless  his  darling  theme,  was  the  prospect  of  revolutionizing  the 
Spanish  provinces  of  South  America ;  the  other,  an  expression  of  his 
disgust  at  the  degree  of  liberty  possessed  by  the  People  of  this 
Country,  and  the  abuse  of  it  which  he  had  witnessed  at  some  turbu- 
lent popular  election  in  one  of  our  Southern  Cities,  I  believe  at  Balti- 
more.    While  commenting  on  these  subjects  with  great  vehemence 
of  enthusiasm  and  severity  of  denunciation,  and  in  a  rapid  impas- 
sioned and  commanding  eloijuence,  with  his  whole  frame  in  motion, 
and  pacing  the  room  with  giant  strides,  he  presented  to  my  juvenile 
imagination   a   new   and   apparently   more  elevated  sample   of  the 
human  character,  and  seemed  capable  of  leading  a  People  impatient 
of  their  Government,  and  ripe  for  its  subversion  to  any  deeds  oi 
daring  to  which  his  ambitions  might  direct  them."  ^    Miranda  evi  - 
dently  made  many  acquaintances  during  his  stay  in  Boston.    He  seenr^^ 
to  have  met  Governor  Bowdoin ;  he  certainly  met  General  Kno^^^  * 

*  Florldablanca  to  Campo,  September  13,  1784,  A.  (J.  S.,  Estado,  8139. 

*  stiles'  Diary.  III.  130-132. 

'  James  Lloyd  to  John  Adams,  March  14,  1815,  Adams  MSS.,  General  Correspond 
of  John  Adams,  1813-1816,  f.  179-. 

*  Miranda  to  Knox,  February  9,  1785,  Knox  MSS.,  XVII.  f.  172. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  251 

Through  his  ardent  and  contagious  enthusiasm  he  undoubtedly  tem- 
porarily interested  many  people  in  the  cause  of  Spanish  America. 

In  1804  Miranda  appears  to  have  informed  Home  Popham,  an 
English  naval  officer  who- had  become  interested  in  his  designs,  that 
while  in  the  United  States  he  again  received  addresses  from  "the 
provinces  of  Santa  Fe  and  Caraccas  •'  and  "  laid  the  whole  before 
Grenerals  Washington,  Knox,  and  Hamilton,  who  promised  him  every 
assistance  and  gave  him  assurances  of  raising  troops  in  the  province  7 

of  New  England,  provided  he  could  persuade  Great  Britain  to  assist 
with  her  navy."«  As  already  indicated,  it  is  probable  that  Miranda 
met  General  Washington,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  South 
American  ever  disclosed  his  revolutionary  designs  to  Washington.^ 
On  the  other  hand,  it  can  not  be  said  with  certainty  that  Miranda 
did  not  do  so.  As  regards  Knox  and  Hamilton  there  is  a  little  more 
evidence.  To  judge  by  the  letters  which  Miranda  subsequently  sent 
to  Knox,  several  conferences  were  held  between  Miranda  and  this 
general,  which  probably  related  to  the  emancipation  of  Spanish 
America  from  the  rule  of  Spain.  Although  we  are  unable  to  say 
definitely  what  was  agreed  on  at  these  "  symposiums,"  as  Miranda 
later  characterized  them,  yet  it  is  possible  that  Knox  may  have  drawn 
up  some  estimates  which  related  to  the  projects  of  Miranda.*'  The 
later  attempts  which  Miranda  made  to  engage  Knox  in  his  schemes 
show  that  Knox  left  the  impression  on  Miranda  that  he  was  much 
interested  in  th^  matter.  Further,  when  Miranda  left  Boston  he 
apparently  left  with  Knox  a  copy  of  "  a  small  Cypher."  <* 

The  relations  of  Alexander  Hamilton  to  the  adventurous  traveler 
are  also  something  of  a  puzzle.  Miranda  certainly  met  Hamilton 
and  disclosed  his  views  regarding  the  liberation  of  Spanish  America. 
As  (fheir  subsequent  relations  will  amply  show,  Miranda  certainly 
believed  that  he  had  encountered  in  Hamilton  the  one  man  who  above 
all  others  in  the  United  States  would  cooperate  with  him.  Fourteen 
years  later  Hamilton  thus  described  his  attitude  toward  the  South 
American:  "  Several  years  ago  this  man  was  in  America  much  heated 
^ith  the  project  of  liberating  S  Am  from  the  Spanish  Domination. 
I  had  frequent  conversation  with  him  on  the  subject  and  I  presume 
expressed  ideas  favorable  to  the  object  and  perhaps  gave  an  opinion 

*Popluiiii*8  memorandnm,  October  14,  1804,  Am.  Hist.  Rev..  VI.  510. 
^The  pabllshed  correspondence  of  Washington  contains  nothing  on  this  topic,  neither 
^  the  calendars  of  the  unpublished  correspondence :  some  of  the  uncalendared  papers 
^  Wtshlngton's  correspondence  with  the  Continental  Congresii  were  examined  In  search 
^  lone  blftt  as  to  the  South  American,  but  nothing  was  found.     In  several  of  the  letters 
^  Mhanda  to  Knox,  the  former  asks  to  be  remembered  to  Washington ;  in  a  letter  of 
4,  1792,  Miranda  states  that  he  will  write  to  Washington  at  some  other  time. 
mW.  XXXII,  f.  176.     See  also  Miranda's  letter  to  Hamilton,  October   10,   1708, 
XX,  f.  220.     Documentary  Appendix,  No.  3. 
bi  Knox,  March  15,  1790,  Knox  MSS.,  XXV,  f.  178- :  Sayre  to  Knox,  June 
nn,  f.  76;  Miranda  to  Knox,  November  4,  1792,  Ibid.,  XXXII,  f.  176, 
»1. 

''VrtI  9,  1791,  Knox  MSS.,  XXVIII,  f.  119. 


252  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

that  it  was  one  to  which  the  U  States  would  look  with  interest."* 
Time  and  reflection  had  probably  cooled  Hamilton's  ardor;  hence 
these  observations  can  not  be  accepted  as  an  accurate  index  to  his 
earlier  attitude  toward  the  agitator.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable,  but 
rather  likely,  that  Knox  as  well  as  Hamilton  may  have  assured  Mi- 
randa that  they  would,  under  certain  circumstances,  aid  him  in  his 
self-imposed  task.'*  The  hypothesis  that  they  did  hold  out  sudi 
encouragement  goes  far  toward  explaining  why  he  persisted  in  cor- 
responding with  them  in  after  years.  "While  the  precise  nature  of  the 
assistance  that  may  have  been  promised  will  perhaps  remain  a  mys- 
tery, the  sequel  will  show  that  the  interest  of  Knox  and  Hamilton 
declined  when  the  magnetism  of  Miranda  was  withdrawn  and  when 
political  circumstances  changed. 

If  the  inquisitive  traveler  visited  Canada  he  did  not  spend  much 
time  there,  for  in  February,  1785,  he  wrote  to  Knox  informing  him 
of  his  arrival  in  I^ndon,  which  he  described  as  an  "  immense  capital" 
Miranda  was  profoundly  impressed  with  "  the  infinite  number  of 
different  objects  "  and  the  '^  multitude  of  people "  that  he  encoun- 
tered.^   Long  before  his  arrival  in  London  Bernardo  del  Campo  had 
been  informed  regarding  the  character  and  the  career  of  Miranda, 
and  instructed  that  if  the  man  should  be  found  in  England  he  was 
to  watch  his  conduct  and  keep  the  court  informed.*'    Miranda  did  not 
attempt  to  live  secretly  or  to  screen  himself  from  the  Spanish  min- 
ister, for  shortly  after  his  arrival  in  the  English  metropolis  he  called 
on  Campo,  but  did  not  find  him  at  home.     The  Spanish  minister  soon 
returned  the  call  with  similar  success.     The  Government  of  Spain 
was  soon  informed  of  the  event.**    Campo  speedily  took  measures  to 
spy  on  the  movements  of  Miranda  as  he  had  previously  done  on  other 
suspicious  charnctrrs,  for  in  a  sliort  time  he  made  the  first  of  a  series 
of  reports  on  the  suspect  to  tlie  Spanish  Government. 

« This  is   Hnmllton's  commeut  on   a   letter  of   Mirandu   to  himself  dated   February  7, 
1708.   Hamilton   MSS.,   XX.   f.   L»08,   20t». 

"The   supposed   negotiations  between   Miranda   and   Hamilton   and   Knox   later  b«H'Rme 
the  subject  of  correspondence  between  Miranda  and  James  Monroe,  see  below,  p.  305.    On 
April  2,  1797,  Miranda  thus  replied  to  a  request  of  Monroe  for  papers  relating  to  the 
affair:  **  Oe  n'est  que  dans  1«»  moment  que  je  re^'ols  votre  lettre  du  17  Mars.     M.  Provost, 
qui   me  I'envoie,   m'explique  ainsi   Tobjot  de  votre  solllcitud ;   'the  papers  alluded  to  in 
the   within    note    (votre   lettre)    are,  those   which    respect    a    negotiation   with   M,  Pitt, 
confided  to  M.  Miranda  some  time  since  by  messieurs  Hamilton  and  Knox,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  adopt  some  effectual  measures  to  liberate  South  America.*     Je  puis  voo8 
assurer,  monsieur,  qu'il  n'y  a  pas  un  mot  de  vrai  dans  tout  ce  rapport.     M.   Paine  de 
qui  vous  dites  le  tenir  s'est  assurC»ment  tromp4  en  prenant  pour  des  n^gociations  quelques 
notes,  peut-Otre.  quMl  a  vues  d,  ma  campagne  de  Mesnilmontant,  faltes  dans  le  terns  de 
mes  voyages  dans  les   Etats-Uuis,  et    qui   m'ont  ^t^  donn^es  par  ces  deux  respectables 
amis  quand  lis  n'^talent  que  de  simples  Citoyens.  bien  ant^rleurement  &  leur  mlnlst^re." 
Monroe  MSS.,  VIII,  f.  1010.     In  chapt«*r  VIII  It  will  be  seen  that  Miranda  later  made  an 
attempt  to  engage  both  Hamilton  and  Knox  in  his  designs  and  also  thought  of  hiterestlng 
others,  perhaps  even   Washington. 

«•  February  0,  1785,  Knox  MSS.,  XVII,  f.  172. 

««  Floridablanca  to  Campo,  August  11,  1784,  September  13,  1784,  A.  G.  S.,  Eatado,  8130. 

•Campo  to  Floridablanca,  March  18,  1785,  ibid..  8141.  Becerra,  Vida  de  Miranda,  U. 
320,  makes  this  statement  about  the  date  of  Miranda's  arrival  in  London.  **  •  •  • 
es  de  presumirse  que  su  arribo  &.  Inglaterra  occuri6  A  mediados  de  1784     •     •     •/• 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA.  253 

These  reports  are  »linost  th«  only  information  which  we  now  hsvo 
of  the  nctivities  of  Miranda  at  this  time.     They  are  also  valuable  be- 
cause they  enable  us  to  understand  the  attitude  of  the  Spanish  anthori- 
^tips  toward  the  refugee,     Campo  declared  that,  availing  himself  of 
HJBS  letters  of  introduction  which  he  had  brought  from  Jamaica  and 
^the  United  States,  Miranda  had  s^peedity  become  aequainted  with 
many  people  in  liondon.  Englishmen  and  persons  of  other  nationali- 
ties, making  no  mystery  of  bis  experiences  and  of  his  treatment  by 
the  Spanish  Government.     Those  who  visited  the  traveler  had  in- 
formed the  Spanish  minister  that  Miranda  was  a  man  of  much  talent, 
of  great  activity,  and  wilh  a  more  than  moderate  education,  but  that 
he  was  a  fanatic  in  maintaining  the  principles  of  liberty  against  all 
governments,     Besides  the  confidants  and  go-betweens  of  Campo,  he 
had  met  some  of  the  English  nobility.     Lord  Howe  and  other  persons 
bad  gone  to  visit  Miranda  in  bis  quarters,  and  the  latter  bad  actually 
^^ad   two  long  conversations  with   Lord   Shelburne.     Ijord  Sidney, 
^Benry  Pelton,  M.  P.,  and  a  former  lor(l  of  the  admiralty  were  also 
|%iterestcd  in  the  South  American. 

Miranda  had  other  attractions  beyond  those  of  his  personality  to 
draw  men.  He  had  charts  and  plans  of  the  Spanish  fortifications  in 
America,  notably  one  of  Habana,  showing  its  weaknesses  and  the 
t  point  of  attack.  Besides  these,  he  had  other  papers  of  the  great- 
t  importance;  his  own  instructive  memoirs  regarding  the  tnie  condi- 
tion of  various  provinces  of  the  Spanish  Indies,  plans  of  the  last 
npnigns,  and  the  correspondent*  of  the  .'Spanish  generals  and  those 
t  France  during  the  recent  war.  Three  trunks  were  filled  with  these 
npers.  Campo  attributed  Lord  Howe's  visit  to  Miranda  to  the  fact 
lat  the  latter  had  indulged  in  the  fantastic  fancy  ot  decorating  the 
rails  of  his  room  with  manuscript  maps  and  plans.  He  had  two 
clerks  in  constant  employment,  and  was  at  work  on  a  representation 
lo  the  Spanish  court,  having  resolved  not  to  set  foot  in  the  Spanish 
dominion.s.  The  news  evidently 'alarmed  Campo,  who  expressed  his 
belief  that  Miranda  was  a  man  capable  of  carrying  on  with  tenacity 
and  order  whatever  audacious  project  might  in  an  opportune  moment 
aid  the  enemies  of  Spain.  The  minister  was  convinced  that  the  mas- 
ter stroke  would  be  either  to  bum  all  these  cherished  papers  or  to 
rob  Miranda  of  them  before  he  succeeded  in  making  an  evil  use  of 
them.  This  would  be  most  delicate,  if  not  impossible  of  accomplish- 
ment, in  England.  Nevertheless  he  assured  Floridablanca  that  he 
would  leave  nothing  nndone  that  would  promote  the  happy  result." 


•Cumpu 

lo  rinrHaMnnoo.  .tndntnl,  hiit  imdouMcdlr  wrltlen  utter  April  2R,  ITSE,  rdiI 

Iwfore   Mny   3,    ITKu,    wbeo    FlDridaMiinca   acknowledcpd   the   pefelpt  of   this 

letter   whl< 

'Ii    Incloeed 'Mlrnndn'R    [leUtlon.    A.    1),    S..    Estadr).    HI-ll.      The    credibility    of 

C»m|«.',  r. 

Mlmndaa 
8141. 

awa  aUtciueiilE  In  hlE  peUtloh  to  tbe  Itlng,  April  lu,  ITHC,  A.  Q.  8.,  Ealwlo, 

254  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

On  April  26,  Miranda  called  again  at  the  residence  of  the  minister 
and  left  a  sealed  packet,  asking  that  it  be  forwarded  to  the  Spanish 
court.*    This  packet  contained,  in  the  first  place,  a  brief  letter  to  the 
Count  of  Floridablanca,  dated  London,  April  10,  1785,  stating  that 
because  of  the  position,  integrity,  and  royal  confidence  which  Florida- 
blanca enjoyed,  he  had  directed  a  petition  to  him  in  order  that  it 
might  be  placed  at  the  feet  of  his  Sovereign.    This  petition  was  ac- 
companied by  copies  of  a  number  of  documents  which  were  intended 
to  act  as  proof  of  the  statements  made  by  Miranda.     The  petition  was 
in  reality  an  autobiographical  sketch  of  the  petitioner.     In  it  empha- 
sis was  laid  on  the  long-continued  service  which  Miranda  had  per- 
formed to  the  King.     It  attributed  the  shabby  treatment  which  he 
had  been  given  in  the  Indies  to  the  undermining  influence  of  jealous 
enemies.    Miranda  said  that  he  had  heard  that  his  friend  Cagigal 
had  been  arrested  on  his  arrival  in  Spain,  and  that  he  was  to  remain 
in  that  plight  until  his  offending  aide  appeared.    He  was  also  aware 
that  sentence  had  been  pronounced  against  himself.     He  declared  that 
Cagigal  had  had  no  participation  in  his  withdrawal  from  Habana. 
The  charges  against  himself  were  declared  false.    His  greatest  dis- 
advantage, he  declared,  was  that  he  was  an  American  bom.     He  was 
tired  of  struggling  with  powerful  enemies,  inveterate  preoccupations, 
and  the  jealousies  of  all  classes,  for  the  triumphs  of  a  Creole,  however 
complete  they  might  be  in  theory,  would  never  repay  the  injuries 
which  they  occasioned  him  in  honor,  in  estate,  and  in  that  which  was 
the  most  precious  of  all,  time,  from  which  inestimable  advantages 
might  l)e  drawn,  if  it  wore  dedicated  to  the  solid  studies  and  useful 
occupations  more  suitable  to  his  genius.     Consequently  he  besought 
His  Majesty  to  dismiss  him   formally  from  the  royal  service  and 
reimburse  him  the  8.000  ]x?sos  which  the  captaincy  had  cost.    He 
declared  that  in  the  various  duties  which  had  been  assigned  him  he 
had  ever  proceeded  with  purity,  and  had  been  animated  by  the  lofty 
desire  of  advancing  the  service  and  glory  of  the  King,  without  allow- 
ing emulation,  pers(»cutions,  or  the  threatenings  of  chiefs  and  minis- 
ters to  distort  his  intentions  or  incline  his  mind  to  indecorous  sub- 
mission.^    In  view  of  the  suspicions  with  which  the  Spanish  regarded 
the  petitioner,  one  could  hardly  expect  that  the  petition  would  re- 
ceive   sympathetic    consideration    from    that   court.     Floridablanca 
characterized  it  as  being  aimed  solely  to  upbraid  and  to  defame  the 
persons  with  whom  the  petitioner  had  quarreled  or  against  whom  he 
entertained  resentment.^     In   fact,  the  Spanish  Government  would 
doubtless  have  made  a  formal  demand  upon  the  English  Government 

"  Ciimpo    to    FlorldiiblancM.    iindatod,    A,    (J.    S.,    Estailo,   8141. 

b  A.  li.  S..  Kslndo.  S141. 

f  FlorlUablancu  to  Campo,  May  lm;,  1785,  Ihid, 


FBANGISCO  DE  MIBANDA.  255 

for  the  person  of  Miranda  if  the  laws  of  the  country  and  the  attitude 
af  the  ministry  had  promised  success.** 

Campo  continued  to  maintain  a  system  of  espionage  in  regard  to 
^firanda.  On  May  27  the  former  told  his  court  that  he  could  not  dis- 
cover in  the  suspect  the  evil  designs  and  depraved  intentions  which 
other  persons  had  informed  him  were  entertained.^  On  June  17  an- 
other report  was  sent,  in  which  the  minister  reaffirmed  this  opinion 
EUid  transmitted  the  items  of  information  which  he  had  acquired  from 
his  spies.  The  two  amanuenses  were  still  busy.  Miranda  was  much 
engaged  with  such  important  personages  as  generals,  naval  men,  and 
engineers.  The  tentative  and  colorless  reply  to  the  petition  which  had 
been  sent  by  Floridablanca  for  the  purpose  of  soothing  Miranda  had 
been  communicated  to  the  latter  and  had  to  an  extent  satisfied  him. 
Campo  characterized  Miranda  as  an  educated  youth,  posses&ed  of 
great  activity  and  much  fire.  He  was  happy  in  expression,  and  his 
manner  and  personality  were  such  as  pleased  people.  He  was  only 
occupying  himself  in  such  a  manner  as  would  make  him  more  useful 
in  serving  his  King  and  country.  Nevertheless,  whatever  the  real 
intentions  of  Miranda  were,  Campo  declared  that  his  residence  in 
England,  his  conversational  powers,  his  knowledge  of  America,  and 
his  acquaintances  in  London  might  cause  Spain  the  same  evil  results 
as  though  he  was  actually  sold  to  England.  Probably  the  last  sug- 
gestion was  due  to  the  reports  which  Campo  had  from  his  spies,  who 
averred  that  when  Miranda  was  not  with  that  minister  he  at  times 
conducted  himself  differently,  declaring  that  once  retired  from  the 
service  of  one  sovereign,  there  would  be  no  harm  in  joining  that  of 
another,  that  he  would  not  return  to  Spain,  and  that  each  day  he 

*  Floridablanca  to  Jor^  de  GAlvcz,  May  18,  1785,  A.  G.  I.,  Audicncia  de  Santo  Domingo, 

M-2-9 ;  **  Hallandose  en  Londres  el  ten**.  Coroncl  I>°.  Francisco  Ant^.  dc  Miranda  me  ha 

dlrigido  la  adjnnta  representaclon  para  S.  M.  haciendo  demision  desde  grado  y  empleo. 

Me  la  incluye  D°.  Bern*'**,  del  Campo  en  la  carta  quo  tambien  paso  a  V.  E.  en  que  este 

Mlnlstro  de  S.  M.  trata  y  discurre  acerca  de  aquel  supeto  scgun  vela  V.  E.  bien  que  sin 

tener  conocimiento  del  contenldo  de  su  representaclon,  por  que  se  la  entreg6'en  pllego 

ctrndo.     V.  E.  tiene  completo  de  todo  lo  ocurrido  con  Miranda :  por  lo  que  espero  que 

baclendolo  todo  presente  al  Rey  me  dire  lo  que  he  de  responder  A  uno  y  otro  en  la  Intel  1- 

SOkda  de  qne  no  produciria  efecto  alguno  utll  al  serylclo  de  S.  M.  la  reclamaclon  quiese 

l^dcM  de  Miranda  en  Londres,  pues  las  leyes  del  Pais  no  permiten  su  entrega,  aunque 

l>QbieBe  en  el  Ministerio  Ingles  voluntad  de  hacerla,  de  que  no  debemos  lisongeamos." 

Acoompanying  this  is  a  minute,  unsigned,  from  which  the  following  extract  will  show  the 

conception  which  the  Spanish  Government  had  of  Miranda :  "  Que  enterado  S.  M.  de  todo 

^  bt  lervido  reaolver*  que  se  instruya  &  D°.  Bern****,  del  Campo  de  lo  que  representa 

Miranda,  soponidndose  agraviado  del  Ministerio  de  Indias,  y  de  los  Grftles,  EspaQoles 

cspedalm'*.  del  Conde  de  Galvez,  A  quien  devio  el  grado  de  ten*^.  Coronel  por  solo  el 

'itftixo  y  flolicitud  de  D".  Juan  Man<.  de  Cagigal,  su  ciego  protector.     Que  si  pareciese 

coDven^*.  al  Sr.  Florida  Blanca  se  envie  copla  &  Campo  de  la  representaclon  adjunta  de 

Miranda  advirtiendole  de  los  ezcesos  de  este  en  la  Jamayca.  contrabandos  q*.  hixo  con 

i^Ito  de  su  vlage  ft  ella  autorizados  por  Cagigal,  y  demas  manejos  criminates  de  dho. 

Miranda;  encargando  me.  todo  ft  aq'.  Mlnlstro  que  emplie  todas  su  activ<*.  y  eflcacia  en 

ortar  por  q*»«.  medios  sean  posiblcs,  y  a  qualq*.  preclo,  las  pomiciosas  ideas  de  scme- 

Mnte  hombre,  en  inteligen".  de  que  s{>re.  estuvo  notado  de  fanatlco  partldario  de  los 

^eses,  y  que  para   irse  ontre   ellos  dcsertA  del   servlcio  del   Rey,     •     ♦     •     f^o.   en 

20  de  Mano.** 

^Campo  to  Floridablanca,  May  127,  1785,  A.  G.  S.,  EsUdo,  8141. 


256  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

spoke  with  greater  enthusiasm  of  England  and  her  Grovemment 
Campo  accordingly  suggested  to  Floridablanca  that  Miranda  be  kept 
in  a  state  of  suspense.** 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  Spanish  foreign  minister  had  decided 
that  Miranda  had  lost  his  rank  and  office  in  the  army,*  the  court  con- 
tinued the  policy  of  dallying  with  Miranda.  On  May  26,  1785,  the 
Count  of  Floridablanca  had  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  petition 
of  April  10,  but  informed  Miranda  that  because  of  the  length  of  the 
representation  and  the  accompanying  documents,  he  had  not  been 
able  to  master  it  as  it  deserved.  As  soon  as  he  had  done  this  and  the 
King  had  reached  a  decision,  he  would  reply  through  Bernardo  del 
Campo.*'  On  July  18,  acting  probably  on  the  hint  given  by  Campo, 
Floridablanca  drew  up  another  "  ostensible  "  letter,  in  reply  to  one 
from  Miranda  dated  June  8.  In  this  the  excuse  of  the  previous  letter 
was  repeated,  and  it  was  added  that  in  order  to  proceed  with  im- 
partiality in  the  affair  it  was  necessary  to  secure  by  indirect  means 
information  which  was  not  subject  to  any  prejudice  or  resentment 
Miranda  was  again  assured  that  he  would  be  promptly  informed  of 
the  King's  decision.''  This  misleading  communication  was  soon  trans- 
ferred to  Miranda  by  Campo,  who  sought  to  delude  him  further  by 
exhibiting  a  pretended  dispatch  of  his  to  the  Spanish  court. 

According  to  Campo,  the  South  American  was  now  in  a  somewhat 
vacillating  state  of  mind.     lie  was  awaiting  with  anxiety  the  decision 
of  the  Spanish  court,  and  at  times  seemed  to  desire  restoration  to  the 
good  graces  of  the  King.    At  other  times  he  seemed  to  be  possessed 
by  opposite  ideas.     The  Spanish  minister,  however,  flattered  him- 
self that  this  uncertain  or  changing  mood  prevented  Miranda  from 
delivering  his  papers  or  engaging  his  person  to  the  English  Govern- 
ment.    Campo  reported  regretfully  that  thus  far  his  schemes  for  the 
seizure  of  the  much-coveted  papers  had  not  been  successful.     He  was 
hatching  new  plots,  however,  for  their  seizure  or  destruction.    If 
they  could  not  be  put  out  of  the  reach  of  the  English  Government  in 
any  other  way,  he  hoped  that  tlie  owner  might  be  detached  from 
them.     Miranda  was  contemplating  a  continental  trip  and  Campo 
fondly  hoped  that  the  precious  papers  would  be  left  behind.    They 
might  then  be  examined.     The  minister  even  suggested  that  if  on 
his  return  the  traveler  journeyed  through  Holland  or  Flanders  it 
might  be  possible  to  induce  him  to  pass  into  France,  where  nothing 
would  be   left   undone  to  compass  Miranda's  arrest,  which  would 
accomplish  the  desired  end.     In  the  meantime  the  apparently  unsus- 

"  Campo  to  Floridablanca,  Juno  17,  1785.  A.  G.  S.,  Estado,  8141. 

'>  Thi8  is  shown  b3'  a  minute  regarding  Miranda  dated  March  20,  In  which  this  etate 
ment  occurs :  "  Dho  Miranda  por  su  dcsercion  y  demfts  delitos  tlene  perdldo  el  empleo 
y  graduacion  aunque  estft  aun  pendte.  sa  causa  dc  contrabandos  en  el  consejo  de  Indiiu.** 
A.  G.  I.,  Audiencla  de  Santo  Domingo,  84-2-9. 

''Antepara,  248,  249. 

'  Ibid.,  249,  250 ;  a  copy  of  the  original  \a  foond  in  A.  Q.  B.,  Eatado,  8141. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  .  257 

pecting  Miranda  busied  himself  much  as  before,  bi>coming  more  and 
more  intimate  with  English  military  leaders,  visiting  the  notable 
sights  of  the  metropolis,  and  attending  the  debates  in  Parliament. 
He  had  fixed  on  Colonel  Smith,  who  was  the  secretary  of  John 
Adams,  the  minister  of  the  United  States  at  the  court  of  London,  as 
his  traveling  companion,  much  to  the  chagrin  of  the  Spanish  minis- 
ter, who  had  hoped  that  Miranda  would  select  instead  one  of  his 
confidants.® 

Miranda  must  have  aired  his  views  regarding  Spanish  America 
in  the  British  metropolis,  for  in  the  summer  of  1785  The  Political 
Herald  and  Review  declared  that  there  was  then  in  London  a  Spanish 
American  of  "  great  consequence  and  possessed  of  the  confidence  of 
his  fellow -citizens,"  who  aspired  ^'  to  the  glory  of  being  the  deliverer 
of  his  country.''  He  was  a  man  of  "  sublime  views  and  penetrating 
understanding,  skilled  in  the  ancient  and  modern  languages,  con- 
versant in  books  and  acquainted  with  the  World.''  This  "  distin- 
guished character ''  had  spent  many  years  in  the  study  of  politics, 
governments,  and  the  changes  in  political  societies.  He  had  pro- 
ceeded from  North  America  to  England,  which  he  regarded  as  ''  the 
mother  country  of  liberty,  and  the  school  for  political  knowledge."  ^ 
President  Stiles,  of  Yale  College,  was  doubtless  correct  when  he 
identified  this  description  with  Miranda.^ 

It  is  possible  that  Miranda  made  approaches  to  men  connected  with 
the  English  Government  at  this  time,  as  was  indeed  suspected  by 
Campo,  but  it  appears  improbable  that  definite  propositions  were 
made  to  the  Government  itself,**  for  Miranda  had  not  yet  given  up 
lope  of  reconciliation  with  Spain,  and  perhaps  still  counted  on  being 
reimbursed  the  cost  of  his  commission.  In  his  subsequent  addresses 
to  the  English  Government  Miranda  always  referred  to  the  year 
1790  as  the  one  in  which  he  first  entered  into  definite  relations  with 
it.  After  Miranda  left  London  a  certain  Captain  Brooks  informed 
Campo  that  the  engaging  tourist  had  been  employed  in  the  same 
occupation  as  that  which  had  engrossed  Vidall,  for  he  and  several 
others  had  been  plotting  against  the  integrity  and  tranquillity  of  the 

■Campo  to  Floridablanca,  AugUBt  G.  1785.  A.  O.  S..  Estado.  8141. 

*  Political  Herald  and  Review.  1785.  29,  30;  thlX  was  reprinted  in  the  London  Chron- 
icle. August  30-September  1,  1785.  LVIII,  112. 

«Stlle6*8  Diary,  III.  199,  200.  Ed.  Rev..  XIII.  280.  287,  note,  shows  that  the  author 
of  that  article  believed  this  to  be  Miranda.  The  latter  saw  flt  to  preserve  a  copy  of  this 
tocription  among  his  papers,  where  It  was  found  when  the.v  were  seized  during  his 
■ojoam  in  France.     Archives  Nationales,  W.  271,  /No.  30,  f.  29,  49,  and  53. 

*ln  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  1.  are  found  papers  which  may  have  been  submitted  to  the  Eng- 
lldi  mlDisters  by  Miranda  in  1785.  Imt  they  are  undated  and  may  not  have  been  submitted 
itttll  1790;  f.  29,  are  documents  dealing  with  the  revolt  In  New  Granada  In  1781  :  f.  77. 
7S»  is  a  copy  of  a  note  denouncing  the  "conduct"  of  the  Spanish  Government,  1781- 
1783,  In  regard  to  the  insurgents.  The  signature  to  this  "  Nota  "  was  hastily  scrawled 
tnd  appears  to  be  **  Miranda." 

58833— VOL  I— 09 17 


260  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

lijul  now  reached  London,  he  was  at  Naples.®  If  we  may  trust  the 
information  which  Smith  gave  the  Spanish  minister  in  London  a 
little  later,  Miranda  soon  determined  to  make  a  trip  through  Greece.* 
In  all  probability  he  did  tour  through  Greece  and  may  have  visited 
Egj'pt  and  Asia  Minor.<^  It  is  certain  that  late  in  the  autumn  of 
178()  the  active  creole  was  found  in  Constantinople  by  the  ever- 
vigilant  agents  of  Spain.  That  Government,  by  means  best  knowii 
to  itself,  also  learned  that  Miranda  was  contemplating  going  to  St 
Petersburg  bv  way  of  Cherson,  and  that  he  had  embarked  for  the 
Crimea  in  an  imperial  ship.** 

In  Russia  Miranda  and  the  servants  of  the  Spanish  Government 
were  again  brought  into  collision.    In  March,  178G,  Normandes,  the 
Spanish  minister  at  St.  Petersburg,  had  been  warned  by  Campo  to 
be  on  the  lookout  for  the  renegade  officer,  who  was  traveling  through 
Europe  contrary  to  the  intentions  of  the  Spanish  court,    Normandes 
was  instructed  to  watch  his  designs  and  actions.    Miranda  was  char- 
acterized as  a  man  of  education  and  talent,  with  an  inflamed  imagina- 
tion— a  great  partisan  of  independence.    The  Spanish  representative 
at  the  Russian  caj)ital  was  instructed  to  keep  Campo  as  well  as  the 
Spanish  court  informed  of  the  activities  of  Miranda.*    When,  there- 
fore, early  in  February,  1787,  the  latter  made  his  way  to  the  interior 
of  Russia,  and  was  found  between  Kiev  and  Cherson,  the  Spanish 
authorities  were  speedily  informed  of  his  whereabouts.    Miranda,  with 
his  faculty  for  nuiking  acquaintances,  appears  to  have  speedily  inter- 
ested some  of  the  dignitaries  of  the  Russian  court,^  among  them 
Prince  Potemkin.     Through  the  influence  of  the  latter,  said  Nor- 
mandes to  Floridablanca,  Miranda  was  able  to  pay  a  visit  to  the 
King  of  Poland  at  Canoff.^    It  was  probably  also  through  the  influ- 
ence of  that  prince  that  the  eager  traveler  was  introduced  to  the 
Empress.'*     He  soon  won  favor  in  the  eyes  of  Catherine,  who  was 
holding  her  court  at  Kiev.    It  was  reported  that  she  invited  him  to 
enter  the  Russian  service,  but  he  refused  an  offer  which  Normandes 
declared  had  ''  advantageous  conditions."  *     Later  Normandes  said 

"  Smith  to  OnndasquI  "  Saturday  Morning,"  Inclosed  in  Campo's  letter  to  Aranda, 
April   11,   178G,  A.  O.  S.,   Estado,  81^7. 

H'ampo  to  Florldablanca,  July  14.  1786,  Ibid.,  8143. 

'^  Chauvonii  I>siBHrde  dcfendlnj;  Miranda  before  the  French  reyolutionary  tribunal  in 
17!).".  corroboratos  some  of  the  stati'monts  In  the  Spanish  dispatches.  Rojas.  Miranda 
dans  la  Revolution  Frungalse,  171,  172:  In  his  will,  August  1,  1805,  Miranda  mentions  his 
JourucyH  and  Investigations  in  America.  Fiurope,  Asia,  and  Africa.  Blanco,  Documentos, 
II,  70.   71. 

<»  Florldablanca  to  Campo.  Dooember  ^22,  178«.  A.  G.  S..  Estado,  814r>. 

<•  Campo  to  Normandes.  March  28.   1786,  A.  O.  S..  E8tado,8156. 

'Normandes  to  Campo,  February  16,  1787,  Ibid.;  Normandes  to  FlorldaWnnca,  Feb- 
ruary 0.   17X7.  A.  II.   N..  Estado.  6120. 

*  April  o,  1787.  A.  11.  N..  Estado.  6120. 

*  .\nt('p»ra.  24r> :  Normandes  to  Florldablanca,  .Tune,  1787  (undati>d,  but  marked  N**- 
2S(;).   A.    II.   N.,   Estado,   6120. 

<  Normandt'K  to  Florldablanca.  May   ir,.   1787.  .V.  II.  N..  Estado,  6120. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  '  261 

that  Miranda  had  declared  on  declining  the  position  that  he  did  not 
like  the  governments  which  were  as  despotic  as  that  of  Catherine.** 
Perhaps  this  was  only  a  bit  of  court  gossip.  Apparently  Miranda 
was  still  high  in  the  favor  of  the  Russian  autocrat.  In  the  article  in 
The  Edinburgh  Review,  which  has  been  already  referred  to,  it  was 
declared  that  Miranda  disclosed  the  views  which  he  entertained 
regarding  his  native  land  to  the  Empress  and  that  she  ''  assured 
him,  in  case  of  his  success,  she  would  be  the  foremost  to  support  the 
independence  of  South  America."  ^  It  is  likely  that  Miranda  did 
express  his  views  on  this  his  favorite  theme  to  the  Russians,  although 
the  Spanish  advices  say  nothing  about  it  save  that  the  loquacious 
visitor  criticised  Spanish  affairs.*^ 

To  judge  by  the  reports  of  Normandes,  as  well  as  by  the  later 
statemtots  of  Miranda  himself,  Catherine  gave  him  signal  marks  of 
her  favor  before  he  left  Kiev  for  St.  Petersburg.  To  paraphrase 
Normandes,  Miranda  was  given  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  the 
ministers  of  the  Empress  in  foreign  courts  and  a  thousand  ducats 
of  gold  for  his  journey.*  The  letter  recommended  the  Russian  repre- 
sentatives to  afford  the  bearer  imperial  protection  and  assistance  in 
case  of  need.  They  were  even  authorized  to  offer  him  the  refuge  of 
their  embassy  as  an  asylum.  According  to  a  letter  printed  later 
under  the  auspices  of  Miranda,  Catherine  even  gave  the  fugitive 
from  Habana  the  distinctive  right  to  wear  the  Russian  uniform  as  a 
"  signal  proof  of  her  esteem."  «  The  general  impression  which  one 
can  not  help  getting  from  the  various  accounts  is  that  Miranda  had 
every  reason  to,  feel  flattered  with  his  reception  by  the  Russian  Queen. 
Stephen  Sayre,  who  conversed  with  Miranda  after  his  continental 
tour,  voiced  his  sentiments  thus:  "  But  seriously,  he  has  such  letters, 
to  all  her  Ambassadors,  as  no  other  man  ever  received  from  a  Crown'd 
Head.    They  command  everything  he  may  wish  or  desire."  f 

When  Miranda  arrived  in  St.  Petersburg,  however,  he  was  not  so 
fortunate.  That  city  was  the  scene  of  a  reprehensible  quarrel  between 
Miranda  and  the  Spanish  representati\'^  there,  Pedro  Macanaz.  The 
dispute  was  probably  in  large  part  due  to  the  embittered  attitude 

'Xonnandes  tq  Florldablanca,  June,  1787  (No.  286),  A.  H.  N.,  Kstado,  CI 20. 

*Bd.  Ber^  XIII.  287. 

'Xomandes  to  Florldablanca,  August  29,  1787,  A.  H.  N..  Estado,  6120. 

'Xoraundes  to  Aranda,  undated.  Ibid. :  **  D".  Francisco  de  Miranda  enta  aqul.  Ilabido 
■vl  diitlBguido  7  fayorecldo  de  la  Torte :  pero  ha  tenido  un  lance  con  D°.  Pedro  Macanaz. 
*  *  *  Se  habla  dlcho  que  tendria  cartas  de  recomendacion  para  los  Mlnistros  en 
cwtn  estrmnserofl  que  pasaria  por  Suecla  y  Dlnmarca  que  so  le  darfa  un  pasaporte  y  la 
^'•iiioii  d^  Correo  para  su  sef^rldad  ;  pero  nadu  de  esto  se  sabe  de  iwsltlvo.  •  •  • 
^'  I>.  He  aeaban  de  decir  de  buena  parte  q'.  a  Miranda  se  esta  ponienda  una  Carta  de 
wiMM  mlacloo  p*.  Io8*  Mros.  de  la  Emperatriz  en  cortes  extrangeros  y  que  se  le  da  ran  mil 
*««*»•  de  oro  p>.  su  viage."  See  also  Kd.  Rev.,  XIII,  287. 
'Aatrpara,  41. 

/■iHe  to  O^den,  June  29,  1789.  Knox  MSB.,  XXIV,  f.   70.     Besides  the  authorities 
tome  suggestions  on  Miranda's  vl<ilt  to  Russia  are  found  In  St^ir.  M^motres. 
ft  Aaecdotes,  II,  17.  18. 


262  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCTATION. 

which  the  Spanish  officials  had  been  goaded  into  toward  the  former 
servant  of  their  king.  Even  while  Miranda  was  at  Kiev  under  the 
powerful  protection  of  the  Empress,  the  Spaniards  had  been  schem- 
ing how  to  compass  his  arrest,  or  at  least  his  discomfiture.  They 
concluded  that  arrest  was  risky  and  impracticable  in  Russia.  On 
the  31st  of  March  Xormandes  had  decided  that  all  that  could  be 
done  was  to  remain  silent,  observe,  and  give  account.  Nevertheless, 
if  the  authorities  wished  to  hazard  an  attempt  at  seizing  Miranda 
there  was,  ho  declared,  time  to  send  word  to  St.  Petersburg,  whither, 
it  had  been  ascertained,  Miranda  was  soon  to  direct  his  footsteps. 
Xormandes  deemed  it  the  wisest  course,  however,  to  postpone  decisive 
steps  until  the  quarry  had  crossed  over  into  Sweden.** 

The  occasion  of  the  altercation  which  broke  out  between  Macanaz 
and  Miranda  was  the  wearing  of  a  dress  by  Miranda  which  was 
either  the  uniform  of  a  Spanish  officer  or  something  very  similar. 
If  Miranda  actually  wore  the  Spanish  uniform  the  Spaniards  could 
hardly  Ik*  bhimed  for  becoming  angry.  Perhaps  Miranda's  owu 
explanation  is  the  correct  one.  He  declared  that  finding  himself 
poorly  clad  and  finding  nothing  available  but  white  and  blue  cloth, 
he  w^as  seized  with  the  whim  of  having  a  dress  made  like  the  Spanish 
uniform.''  The  Spaniards  were  also  displeased  because  of  the  title 
"  Conde  de  Miranda,"  which  Miranda  was  using  or  which  was  being 
applied  to  him.  On  July  14,  1787,  Macanaz  addressed  a  letter  to 
Miranda  in  which  he  questioned  his  right  to  wear  the  Spanish  uni- 
form as  well  as  to  use  the  title  count.''  The  reply  could  hardly  have 
been  soothing  to  the  ruffled  temper  of  Macanaz.  Miranda  said 
haughtily  that  he  did  not  lack  means  to  satisfy  the  incredulity  or  the 
vanity  of  Macanaz,  if  the  request  had  been  made  in  a  more  proper 
or  decent  manner,  and  not  in  a  threatening  or  despicable  way.** 

Whatever  the  motive  for  this  response,  the  obvious  intimation  was 
that  the  writer  would  not  deign  to  justify  himself  to  Macanaz.  If 
th(»  astnte  Miranda  was  even  technically  in  the  wrong,  this  was  {xn*- 
haps  the  easiest  way  out  of  the  dilemma.  Perhaps  the  Spaniards 
were  simply  trying  to  discover  some  means  of  discrediting  Miranda 
and  seized  on  his  dress  and  the  title  applied  to  him  as  a  pretext. 
Whatever  the  merits  of  the  dispute  were,  this  tilt,  from  which 
Miranda  emerged  to  all  intents  and  purposes  victorious,  could  not 
elevate  the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  ubiquitous  agents 
of  Spain. 


"  Normandos  to  Floridablanca,  March  ;U,  1787,  A.  H.  N.,  Estado.  6120. 

''This  was  Miranda's  (-xphmatlon  to  Campo  :  "  Y  hallandoso  con  de^nudo  y  Rin  oncontrar 
I'll  cl  piiphlo  otra  cosa  (luo  pafio  bianco  6  azul  tuvo  que  haccrse  iin  vcstido  de  capricho  a 
rniincra  de  nnIform<?  ospafiul."  Campo  to  Florldablanca,  October  S,  17S0,  A.  G.  S..  B^tado. 
H140:   Documentary  Appendix.  No.   3. 

'  Anlcpara.  247.     A  copy  of  this  letter  and  of  the  reply  are  found  accompanying  a  l»'t 
ter  of  .\ornuindes  to  Florldablanca.  Aueust  29,  1787,  ia  A.  II.  X..  E.^tado,  6120. 

•'Antepara,  248. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  263 

The  Spanish  Government  did  not  lose  sight  of  Miranda  after  he 
had  left  Russia.  He  went  to  Sweden  as  the  Spaniards  had  expected. 
On  October  12,  1787,  Ignacio  de  Corrae  i  Aguirre,  the  Spanish  minis- 
ter in  Sweden,  wrote  to  Floridablanca  informing  him  that  the  man 
whom  they  were  trailing  was  at  Stockholm.  He  had  arrived  secretly, 
he  said,  at  the  house  of  the  Russian  minister  and  was  lodging  in  it 
under  the  name  of  Mi*.  Moreprovan.  He  had  already  traveled 
through  that  Kingdom  with  the  secretary  of  the  Russian  embassy, 
and  report  had  it  that  he  was  going  to  Copenhagen.  It  was  clear 
that  the  traveler  had  the  protection  of  the  Russian  Government 
and  was  sold  to  it;  consequently  he  had  decided  not  to  meddle  with 
him,  but  he  had  warned  the  minister  of  state  and  the  King  of  Sweden 
of  his  suspicions  regarding  the  man."  Two  weeks  later  another  re- 
port was  made  to  the  effect  that  the  supposed  Spanish  count  was  still 
in  Sweden,  but  that  as  a  result  of  the  conference  which  the  Spanish 
minster  had  had  with  the  Swedish  King  the  latter  had  formed  a  bad 
opinion  of  the  visitor.^  On  December  21  following  Corrae  i  Aguirre 
made  his  last  report  on  Miranda.  In  this  he  stated  that  the  latter 
had  left  Sweden  some  time  ago,  according  to  his  own  account  bound 
for  London  by  way  of  Denmark.*^  Perhaps  Miranda  also  visited 
Norway  and  Denmark  as  well  as  the  Hanseatic  cities,  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, and  Switzerland.** 

After  Miranda  left  Sweden  the  Spanish  Government  seems  to  have 
lost  scent  of  him.  France  and  especially  Paris  must  have  attracted 
the  curious  traveler  greatly.  The  Spaniards  were  conscious  of  this, 
and  had  busied  themselves  trying  to  perfect  a  scheme  by  which 
Miranda  might  be  captured  if  he  dared  to  go  there.  The  Spanish 
representatives  in  England  and  France  had  been  kept  informed,  as 
far  as  possible,  of  the  whereabouts  of  Miranda;  they  had  corre- 
sponded regarding  his  route  and  his  plans,  and  had  tried  to  set  a 
trap  to  catch  "him.  On  August  6,  1785,  Ilereida,  the  secretary  of  the 
Spanish  legation  in  Paris,  wrote  to  Campo  declaring  that  "  of  the 
history  of  Miranda  one  could  make  a  novel  *  *  *,  I  ^m  toiling 
like  a  negro  to  secure  him  *  *  *.''  *"  The  matter  had  been  brought 
to  the  attention  of  the  French  minister  Vergennes.^  As  early  as 
November  4.  1785,  Aranda  had  informed  Campo  that  the  police  of 
Paris  were  charged  with  the  task  of  discovering  and  arresting  the 


•A.   G.  8.,  Bstado,  6717. 

•Corrae  I  Aj?ulrre  to  Floridablanca,  October  26,  1787,  Ibid. 

'Ibid..  December  21.  17S7,  ibid. 

'  Chauyeau  I^garde  Uojas.  Miranda  dans  la  Revolution  Francaise,  174,  17.'S.  Campo 
to  Floridablanca,  October  8,  1708,  evidently  reporting  his  conyersatlons  with  Miranda. 
siiid  :  "  En  lo  restante  de  su  Jlro  por  el  Norte  y  otros  Pafses."  This  follows  a  discussion 
of  Miranda's  experiences  in  Russia.     A.  G.  S..  P'stado.  8140:  Oooumentary  Appendix,  No.  3. 

*•  Marked  "  copia."  A.  (!.  S..  Estado.  81.-7. 

'Ilereida  to  Campo,  August  2S,  1785;  Octob«>r  1,  1785,  ibid. 


/ 


264  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

man  if  he  ventured  within  reach.  In  response  to  a  request,**  Campo 
sent  a  description  of  the  recreant  officer  to  Aranda  which  read  in  this 
wise:  "  Miranda  is  more  than  thirty  years  of  age,  quite  well  formed 
and  of  more  than  medium  height:  his  face  is  inclined  to  be  round, 
his  features  are  regular  and  his  complexion  somewhat  swarthy  with 
hair  to  match:  *  *  *.  He  is  not  toothless,  but  his  teeth,  unless  I 
deceive  myself,  are  fine."  ^  Miranda  had  evidently  contemplated  a 
trip  to  Paris,  but  the  experiences  of  Colonel  Smith,  who  had  visited 
that  citv  on  his  wav  from  Vienna,  had  convinced  him  that  if  Miranda 
visited  Paris  he  would  be  in  danger  of  being  cast  into  the  Bastille. 
Consequently  Smith  wrote  to  Miranda  warning  him  that  Aranda  and 
his  minions  were  on  the  lookout  for  him.''  Perhaps  his  experiences 
in  Russia  may  have  roused  the  suspicions  of  Miranda  and  forced 
him  to  realize  that  the  capital  of  France  was  not  a  safe  sojourning 
place  for  a  proscribed  Spanish  American.  It  is  improbable,  then»- 
fore,  that  Miranda  visited  Paris,  although  he  may  have  rapidly 
traversed  the  southern  part  of  France.''  Fortunate  was  he  to  escape 
the  manv-nu»shed  net  that  had  been  woven  for  him  at  Paris  with  the 
sanction  of  the  Count  of  Floridablanca. 

Miranda   arrived  in  London  from  his  extended  continental  tour 
in  the  last  days  of  June,  1780.*'     He  must  have  profited  greatly  by 
his  journeying  in  America  and  Europe.     The  years  of  travel  with 
their  manifold  experiences  had  enriched  his  mind.    He  had  evidently 
studied  the  conditions  of  the  military  art  and  the  workings  of  the 
government  in  most  of  the  leading  nations  of  Europe.^    Observant 
by  nature,  he  had  acquired  a  superficial  acquaintance  with  the  polit- 
ical conditions  of  the   T'nited   States  and   a  more  or  less  intimate 
knowledge  of  various   P^uropean  courts.     He  had  become  a  better 
master  of  the  English  language.    His  grasp  of  the  French  language, 
which  was  afterwards  to  sta^id  him  in  such  good  stead,  had  doubtless 
bcH^n  much  strengthened.''    His  mental  horizon  had  been  widened,  his 
versatility  increas(»d,  and  his  circle  of  accjuaintances  extended.     In 
the   United    States  he  believed   that   Hamilton   and   Knox   at    least 


«  Iloroid.i  to  Cnmpo.  Aujnist  liH,   17Sr, :  Octohor  1.  17ftr».  A.  O.  S..  Estndo.   R157. 

"Novomber  1.'5,   ITSr..   Ibid. 

*-  Ant«'paia.  4^-48. 

•*  I'haiivcun  La^ardo.  Hojns,  Miranda  dans  la  Urvolutlon  Francalao.  17r>.  170:  In  a  letter 
of  Stephen  Sayre  to  Sainuol  (>Kd«*n,  June  '2\K  17S1),  he  said:  "Colonel  Miranda  dined  with 
mo,  two  days  sinro,  and  tlio  day  aftir  his  rotiirn  from  Paris.  Ills  prejudices  are  still 
the  same  against  the  French  nation  and  their  manners."  This  Is  the  only  refereoce  to 
a  visit  to  Paris,  however,  and  is  probably  not  correct.     Knox  MSS.,  XXIV,  f.  70. 

*•  Sayn*  to  0«dou.  June  iM>.  1789.  Knox  MSS.,  XXIV,  f.  70. 

M'opham's  memorandum.  Am.  Hist.  Ucv-.  VI,  510;  Miranda  to  Knox.  August  mi,  1789. 
Knox  MSS..  XXIV,  f.  ir,l    . 

*  Sayre  to  Opden.  .Tune  20.  1780.  speaklnir  of  Miranda  said  :  *'  He  speaks  French  well.*' 
Knox  MSS.,  XXIV.  f.  70.  Miranda  had  doul)tIess  had  some  knowledj^c  of  French  before 
leaving  the  Spanish  service.  In  a  letter  to  .To.s«^  de  Cftlvez.  August  l.*^,  1781,  Caglgal 
said,  speaking  of  Miranda  :  "  Ml  edecan.  cuya  capacldnd  r  instrucclon  reunldos  al  cono- 
clmlcnto  d«»  los  Idiomas  Kstrancoras,  que  pose^,  tongo  suflcientemente  exi>erimentada.** 
A.  (I.   1.,  Aud.  iW  Santo  Dominjjo.  84-2-0. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  265 

would  aid  him  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  grand  design  that  was 
soon  to  become  with  him  a  ruling  passion.  The  powerful  Empress 
Catherine  had  become  the  patron  and  protector  of  Miranda,  and 
scandal  soon  played  fast  and  loose  with  their  names.**  The  retentive 
niemorj^  of  Miranda  had  fastened  on  many  anecdotes  of  courts  and 
camps  that  were  no  small  addition  to  the  mental  equipment  of  the 
man  who,  as  we  shall  see,  was  to  devote  a  large  part  of  his  remaining 
days  to  a  persistent  attempt,  or,  rather,  to  a  series  of  attempts,  to 
interest  men  of  widely  different  tj^pes — statesmen,  politicians,  mer- 
chants, philanthropists,  adventurers,  vagabonds — in  his  conspir- 
acies against  the  peace  and  integrity  of  the  dominions  of  Spain  in 
America.  If  he  had  not,  indeed,  like  Hannibal,  pleaded  for  aid  at 
every  court  he  visited,^  he  must  nevertheless  have  interested  many 
I)eople,  for  some  fleeting  time  at  least,  in  the  cause  of  Spanish 
America.** 

*  Sayr«»  to  Ogden,  June  29,  1789,  Knox  MSS.,  XXIV,  f.  70. 

*  See  the  comparison  of  Emmet,  Trial  of  Smith  and  Ogden,  '202. 

*  I*laldoyer  de  Chauyeau  I^garde.  1,  und  note,  where  In  a  list  of  Miranda's  friends  or 
acqualntanc<'S  the  following  names  are  given  :   Francklln,   Uamsey.   Wasiungton,   Dlekhi- 
son,    Hamilton,  Greene.   Moultry.  T.   Paine,   S.   Adams,  LiTlugstou.     In  addition,   in  the 
manuscript  letters  of  Miranda  t<*  (General   Knox,  preserved  In  the  Knox  MSS.,  are  men- 
tioned Ihiar,  Baron  Steuhen,  and  (iovemor  Bowdoln  In  terms  that  would  indicate  that 
Miranda  had  met  them. 


Chapter  V. 
MIRANDA  AND  THE  NOOTKA  SOUND  DISPUTE. 

The  Spanish  Government  did  not  fail  to  hear  of  the  safe  arrival 
of  Miranda  in  London.  For  some  time  it  continued  to  watch  over 
his  conduct  and  to  consider  how  any  designs  which  he  might  be  con- 
sidering could  be  thwarted.  It  was  hardly  a  month  after  Miranda 
had  left  England  when  Floridablanca  sent  to  Campo  another  letter 
of  a  deceptive  character,  in  which  it  was  stated  that  Miranda's  letter 
had  not  been  answered  l)ecause  he  was  absent  from  England,  and  that 
his  affairs  at  court  recjuired  much  time  and  examination  for  settle- 
ment. Campo  was  directed  to  let  Miranda  see  this  communication 
if  he  saw  fit.^  Evidently  the  Spaniards  had  decided  that  if  Miranda 
succeeded  in  eluding  their  agents  and  returning  to  England  they 
would  still  try  to  keep  him  in  a  state  of  susj^ense. 

On  October  8,  1789,  Campo  made  a  lengthy  report  to  the  Spanisli 
court  about  the  returned  traveler.    He  had  decided,  he  said,  to  treat 
Miranda   as  before,  attempting  to  gain  his  entire  confidence,  and 
thus  penetrating  to  the  true  intentions  of  the  man.     He  declared 
that  he  could  not  detect  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  Miranda  to  deiil 
with  Englisli  ministers  or  generals.     Nevertheless  he  felt  that  the 
young  man   was  in  a   critical  position.     An  account  of  Miranda's 
adventures  Nvhile  traveling  in  America  and  Europe  was  transmittinl. 
From   the   conversations  and   confidences  of  Miranda,  Campo  had 
made  three  deductions:  First,  he  seriously  desired  to  see  his  con- 
duct  vindicated   and  his  honor  reestablished   in  Spain;  second,  he 
would  not  return  to  his  native  land  without  a  roval  safe-conduct,  and 
he  was  being  urged  by  Russia  to  enter  her  service,  and  all  the  Rus- 
sian representatives  in  foreign  courts  were  under  ordei-s  to  protect 
and  supi)ort  him;  third,  that  although  tluTe  was  no  doubt  that  he 
would  be  similarly  treated  by  England,  he  had  as  yet  not  dared  to 
make  any  proposition  to  it  nor  had  he  listened  to  any.    At  the  same 


•  Florldublanca  to  CamiK),  September  ,%  1785.  A.  (;.  S..  Estado,  8141  :  •*  Yo  no  tenso 
que  declr  &  V.  E.  8lno  repetlrle  lo  que  le  tengo  escrlto.  y  que  in  Francia  estan  prontos  A 
arrestar  &  Miranda  en  Ioh  terminus  que  V.  K.  proponsa  y  conclerte  con  el  embajador  de 
H.  M.  6  con  1>°.  iKnacIo  de  Ilerelda.  l»ero  Inrluyo  A  V.  K.  esa  otra  carta  ostensible  A 
Miranda,  pur  »\  V.  K.  neceslta  usair  de  ella.'  Tbe  inelosure  Is:  "No  respondo  en  esta 
ocaHlon  A  una  carta  dc  I»°.  Francisco  Miranda,  que  me  dlrlRir*  V.  K.  por  el  Kxtraord**.  de 
(i  di'  AKosto,  asf  por  que  le  reponp»  aun  fuera  ese  Pals,  corao  i)4)niue  sus  asuntoH  aqul 
conntan  de  lantoH  antecedentes.  que  piden  mxu-ho  tlenipo  y  exaraen  para  tomnr  al^rtn 
pariido  T)  n-solucbui.     Kl  Conde  de  Florida  HIanca  to  Sr.  l)».*nernardo  del  C^ampo." 


FHANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 


•2(i" 


i 


time  Campo  declared  that  the  object  of  his  study  was  n  changed  iiuii]. 
He  requested  Unit  when  Floridiiblauca  i-eplied  he  ^^hoidd  seiitl  him  a 
letter  which  lie  eoidd  sliow  tu  Miruudn,  so  that  the  latter  would  not 
withdraw  his  confidenee  from  biiii,  at  the  same  time  he  asked  to  be 
apprised  in  a  private  letter  of  the  measures  which  he  was  to  take. 
"  I  shall  rejoice  in  spirit ",  said  Campo,  "  when  I  see  this  lost  slieej) 
return  to  the  flock,  whether  through  rigorous  justice  or  as  a  resnlt 
of  the  benignity  of  our  sovereign.  Unless  this  be  done  I  shall  live  in 
constant  anxiety,  for  although  at  the  present  day  this  youth  does  not 
evince  the  desire  or  the  intention  of  engaging  himself  in  the  service 
of  another  power  against  his  King  and  his  country,  yet  circumstances 
niay  so  change  that  when  engaged  in  the  service  of  another  power 
h«  may  be  drawn  from  one  thing  to  another  into  measures  offensive 
to  8pain.  I  have  pictured  his  personality  before  today — exalted 
imagination,  accomplisliments  more  than  moderate;  fervour  and 
impetuosity  in  his  bearing,  and  above  all  an  extraordinary  activity. 
Witli  such  a  combination  of  qualities,  if  this  young  man  becomes 
exasiJerated  and  forced  lo  accept  the  piofit  of  foreign  service  I  believe 
that  be  will  always  prefer  action,  movement,  and  singularity  to 
following  a  quiet  and  indifferent  life."" 

It  is  probable  that  by  this  time  at  least  so  clever  an  intriguer  as 
Miranda  had  some  inkling  of  the  real  animus  of  the  Spanish  tiov- 
(^mmenl  regarding  himself.    If  he  had  not  already  attempted  to  play 

double  game,  he  was  soon  to  demonstrate  that  he  could  do  so  with, 
for  a  time,  [wrhaps,  more  secrecy  than  the  Spanish  Government. 
,The  favorable  tone  and  expres-sions  of  Campo  did  not  shake  the 
resolution  of  Florida blanca.  On  January  20.  1790,  the  latter  in- 
formed Campo  that  because  of  very  grave  reasons  it  was  not  possi- 
ble for  the  King  to  have  any  confidence  in  Miranda,  and  that  he  was 
(o  act  with  that  idea  in  mind.''  In  about  a  month  Campo  replied, 
asserting  that  all  his  efforts  had  been  aimed  to  promote  a  disposition 
that  would  Ite  least  injurious  to  the  interests  of  Spain.  He  again 
raskeil  for  a  few  written  words  which  he  could  use,  for  witiiont  this 
[hfb  would  be  compromised,  and  (he  man  might  imagine  that  he  had 
BOt  for^varded  his  representations,  but  had  been  tricking  him  all 
this  time.''  On  April  G  following.  Floridablancn  made  a  resi)onse. 
[e  declared  that  the  King  had  considered  what  Campo  had  written 
and  represented  on  various  occasions,  as  well  as  on  February  28,  in 

vor  of  Miranda,  but  as  the  latter  was  involved  in  a  suit  in  which 

was  necessary  for  him  to  appear  and  to  purify  his  condnet,  without 
action  His  Majesty  could  not  re-solve  to  utilize  bim.^ 

to  Fli.rldiihlinicii.  IH-l(il*r  1,  ITSn.   a.  r,.  H„   F.bIbiIo,  S140 ;  Hotnmentary  Ap- 


268  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Such  was  the  final  reply  of  the  Spanish  Government  to  the  petition 
of  Miranda  after  five  years  of  delay,  some  prevarication,  and  much 
deceit.  It  must  have  been  near  the  end  of  April  when  the  communi- 
cation of  Floridablanca  was  made  known  to  Miranda."  Campo  in- 
formed his  Government  that  when  the  decision  was  read  to  Miranda 
"  he  appeared  somewhat  surprised  and  extraordinarily  saddened/' 
He  asked  the  minister  for  a  copy  of  it,  which  was  easy  to  grant,  for 
the  letter  was  conceived  in  suitable  terms.  In  a  few  davs  Miranda 
returned  and  requested  the  minister  to  forward  a  packet  to  the  Span- 
ish court,  which  he  declared  contained  a  letter  to  Floridablanca  and 
a  humble  representation  to  the  King.  Campo  concluded  that  the 
object  of  his  study  no  longer  considered  himself  as  in  any  way  depend- 
ent upon  or  attached  to  Spain,  and  that  he  was  thinking  of  placing 
himself  at  the  disposal  of  some  other  power.  He  believed  that  hence- 
forward Miranda  would  avoid  him,  but  expected  that  he  would  be 
drawn  to  Russia.^ 

Miranda  never  seems  to  have  dreamed  of  proceeding  to  Spain  to 
answer  the  charges  against  himself  and  Cagigal.  Consequently,  the 
odium  still  rested  on  his  shoulders.  He  had  expatriated  himself. 
Moreover,  he  withdrew  from  the  society  of  the  Spanish  minister  after 
asking  him  to  return  a  life  of  Frederick  11,*^  and  giving  him  "a 
thousand  thanks  "  for  the  favors  which  he  had  wished  to  dispense  to 
him.*'  For  a  time  the  correspondence  from  the  Spanish  embassy  in 
London  relating  to  the  refugee  ends.  Miranda  did  not  immediately 
leave  London,  however,  for  befoi-e  Floridablanca  had  written  his  let- 
ter of  April  (),  the  man  who  had  l^en  petitioning  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment for  honorable  dismission  had  entered  into  definite  relations  with 
the  English  Government  and  gradually  unfolded  a  project  for  the 
lilH^-ation  of  Spanish  America  from  the  rule  of  Spain. 

The  circumstances  which  provoked  the  first  formal  presentation  of 
iriraiuhrs  designs  to  the  (lovernnient  of  England  were  the  outcome 
or  the  concomitant  of  that  international  controversv  known  as  the 
Xootka  Sound  dispute.     Xo  attempt  will  be  made  here  to  follow  th^^ 
intricacies  of  that  affair  further  than  to  furnish  a  background  io'^ 
the  schemes  of  Miranda.     Xootka  Sound  was  on  the  northw^est  coa^-'^ 
of   America.     It   was   claimed   by   both   Spain   and    England.     Tl"*^ 
S})anish  claim  was  based  uj)on  discovery,  exploration,  and  declara"*- 


"  Miranda  tp  Campo.  April  20  and  April  IM),  171>0.  A.  <;.  S..  Estado,  8148. 

»>  Campo  to  Floridablanca,  May  0.   1700.  Ibid. 

••Miranda  to  Campo,  April  26,  1700.  Ibid. 

•^  Ibid..  April  20,  1700.  ibid.  This  was  the  last  communication  of  Mlran  «-^ 
to  llu'  Spanish  (iovemment  rej^ardlnK  his  roquost  for  honorable  dismission:  **  \'a  ' 
Carta  consavldo  [uira  el  Conde  do  Floridablanca,  con  la  adiclon  dc  alpruna  otra  expresi  ■«- ' 
al  proposlto  d«'  lo  quo  V.  me  docla  osta  mariana,  con  lo  quul  ostarfi  mas  del  aj^rado  de  ^ 
Mil  jrracias  por  los  favores  quo  en  bondad  do  V.  ha  quorido  dlsp<>nsiirmo.  y  croa  sol  c*"* 
un  porfocto  roconoclraionto,  y  maior  rospecto  .  .  ."  The  packet  which  Miranda  askod  "^ 
1h'  forwarded  to  the  Spanish  (iovernment  has  not  been  found. 


I 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  269 

tion  of  the  right'?  of  possession,  rather  than  upon  actual  Rettleinfiit." 
The  English  claim  was  based  upon  discovery,  trading  voyages,  and 
actual  settlement.''  From  the  point  of  view  of  modern  in  vest  igsi  tors, 
in  1789  England  had  the  better  claim. "^  In  that  year,  however,  the 
matter  wa^  complicated  by  attempts  on  the  part  of  both  nations  to 
malif  or  rii  perfect  settlements.  The  viceroy  of  Mexico  sent  two 
vessels  to  the  sound  under  Estevan  Jose  Martinez  for  the  purp<)«e  of 
making  an  establishment.''  Capt.  James  Colnett  left  China  in  the 
.trr/oHtiut  under  the  auspices  of  an  English  company  with  the  aim  of 
making  a  permanent  seKlement  called  Fort  Pitt,''  .Vt  Nootka  Mar- 
tinez and  Colnett  met  and  soon  quarreled,  perhaps  because  of  a  faulty 
translation.  The  Spaniard  seized  and  imprisoned  the  Englishman, 
later  giving  as  the  reason  his  belief  that  Colnett  would  have  gone  to 
some  other  ]>oint  on  the  adjacent  coast  and  established  a  post.  The 
officei-fi  and  crew  of  the  Argonaut  were  also  seized  and  imprisoned. 
The  PrincfM  Royal,  another  English  vessel  belonging  to  the  expedi- 
tion, vAfi  seized  on  its  arrival.  The  vessels  and  the  prisoners  were 
taken  to  Me,tico.f  This  seizure  of  English  property  and  men  caused 
a  long  diplomatic  wrangle  between  the  Governmenf.s  of  England  and 
Bpain.  in  which  the  fundamental  question  was  the  right  to  the  terri- 
tory about  Nootka. 

The  controlling  influence  in  both  England  and  Spain  in  17i)0  was 
in  the  hands  of  strong  men.  In  England,  which  had  not  yet  recov- 
ered from  the  lo.ss  of  prestige  resulting  from  the  successful  revolt  of 
the  English  colonies  in  America,  the  head  of  the  cabinet  was  the  great 
prime  minister,  William  Pitt.  The  Duke  of  Ijeeds  was  in  charge  of 
the  foreign  office.  In  Spain,  which,  in  spite  of  external  signs  of 
power  and  glory,  was  Iwginning  to  suffer  from  decay,  the  chief  min- 
ister of  state  was  still  the  Count  of  Floridablanca.  Because  of  the  in- 
dustry, integrity,  and  genuine  ability  of  the  Spanish  minister  he  had 
enjoyed  the  confidence  of  King  Charles  III,  hut  after  the  death  of 
that  monarch  in  1788  his  position  was  less  secure,  as  the  other  noble-s 
were  jealous  of  him  because  of  his  humble  birth,  high  ambitions,  and 
power.'  The  position  of  Spain  among  the  nations  seemed  secure;  she 
was  hound  to  France  by  the  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  of  1701, 
known  as  the  family  compact:*     Floridablanca  was  negotiating  for 

•  .Maonlne.  Noorka  S«uud  ControTpnj'.  S^')-     In  this  monogTMph  a  «Krefu1  and  dctnltpd 
9  made  n!  Tbe  dllpute, 

»  ILia..    ^86-288. 

'  Ibid.,  ail. 

*  Floridablanca  lo  Campo,  June  i,  1700.  X.  G.  8.,  BitBdo,  8137.  See  also  Manning. 
Jtootka  BoiiDd  ControTerBf,  304.  for  tbp  Initructlonv  to  Martln«a. 

•  Manning,    Nootka    Sound   Controvprsy.    208-2BB. 
f  Ibid..  330-.1R0. 

#  TrstcbCFaky.  L"  Espagnc  &  I'^pofiue  dr  la  «v    tr,.  Key.  Hlat..  XXXI,  5, 

■tMuTtla  ;  Coilado.   Belnado  le  Carlos   111,   II.   108-,  kIvm   tbe   text  of   tb«   family 


270  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATIONS 

an  alliance  including  Spain,  France,  Austria,  and  Russia.*"  England 
on  the  other  hand,  was  allied  with  Holland  and  Prussia.  The  Nootka 
Sound  controversy  was  a  trial  of  strength  between  the  two  great 
powers.  Early  in  1790  accounts  of  the  events  at  Nootka  reached  both 
England  and  Spain.  These  distorted  reports,  based  mainly  upon 
Spanish  rumors,''  })roduced  much  excitement  in  England,  as  it  was 
some  time  before  English  accounts  of  the  event  arrived. 

The  diplomatic  contest  was  initiated  on  February  10,  1790,  by  the 
Spanish  (Tovernment.  On  that  day  two  notes  were  drawn  up  by 
Campo  and  addressed  to  Leeds.  In  one  of  these  a  complaint  was 
made  regarding  th(»  approach  of  English  vessels  to  the  Spanish  set- 
tl(»ments  at  Montevideo,  Arequipa,  and  Valparaiso.  It  was  affirmed 
that  these  vessels  were  reconnoitering  the  coast  under  the  pretext  of 
fishing.  The  English  King  was  requested  to  prohibit  such  occurrences 
in  the  future.'"  In  the  other  note  an  account  was  given  of  the  events 
at  Xootka,  which  was  not  altogether  correct.**  The  King  of  England 
was  requested  to  ''  punish  such  undertakings  in  a  manner  to  restrain 
his  subjects  from  continuing  them  on  these  lands,  which  have  been 
occupied  and  frequented  by  the  Spaniards  for  so  many  years.'- **  On 
Fel)rnary  2i\  the  English  minister  replied  that  all  discussion  of  the 
pretensions  set  forth  was  to  be  suspended  "  until  a  just  and  adequate 
satisfaction  shall  have  lieen  made  for  a  proceeding  so  injurious  to 
Great  Britain."  The  vessel  in  question  would  have  to  be  restored; 
"  the  details  of  the  ultimate  satisfaction  *'  would  have  to  await  fuller 
infonnation  regarding  the  details  of  the  occurrence.^  On  receiving 
this  response  Floridablanca  felt.  In^cause  of  ''  its  tone  and  disagrei»able 
conciseness,''  that  the  English  Government  wished  to  avail  itself  of 
the  dispute  as  a  pretext  for  a  rupture.^' 

AMiile  this  negotiation  was  being  carried  on  England  and  some  of 
the  other  countries  of  Europe  were  preparing  for  war.  In  Spain  an 
attempt  was  made  to  preserve  the  outward  signs  of  peace,  but  the 
ministers  gave  secret  orders  for  the  preparation  of  a  squadron  at 
Cadiz  and  at  oth<*r  stations  in  the  Spanish  Peninsula,  as  well  as  for 
the  strengthening  of  Honduras.  Trinidad.  Porto  Rico,  and  other 
points  in  the  Spanish  Indies/  On  April  29  Campo  presented  another 
note.  In  this  he  again  asked  England  to  prevent  her  subjects  from 
trespassing  upon  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America.     He  declared 

*  MnnninK.  Nootka  Sound  Controversy,  m\4. 

*  Ibid.,   ;?«'»,  :mr». 

<•  Draft  in  Fronch,  A.  (i.  S..  Estado.  8137. 

^  Manning,  Nootka  Sound  Controvprsy.  see  comments,  368,  369. 

'  Draft  in  F'rench.  A.  G.  S.,  Estado.  8137.  This  is  given  in  translation  in  Manning. 
Nootka  Sound  C^ontrovorsy.  'Mil.  30S.  from  the  French  archives.  Another  paragraph  is 
found  in  the  copy  at  Simancas. 

f  Manning.  Nootka  Sound  Controversy,  360.  370. 

» Floridablanca,  June  4.  1790  (copy),  evidently  an  inclosure  to  Campo,  A.  G.  S., 
Estado,  8137. 

*  Manning,  Nootka  Sound  Controversy,  372-375. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  271 

that  the  prisoners  had  been  released.  He  set  forth  what  he  character- 
ized as  "  the  incontestable  rights ''  of  Spain  "  to  exclusive  sovereignty, 
navigation,  and  commerce,  founded  on  the  most  solemn  treaties,  on 
the  discovery  of  the  Indies,  and  the  islands  and  the  continent  of  the 
South  Sea,  on  ancient  laws  and  on  immemorial  possession.''  No 
notice  was  taken  of  the  English  demand  for  satisfaction." 

At  this  juncture  the  English  were  spurred  to  more  vigorous  meas- 
ures by  tlie  receipt  of  further  notices  regarding  the  seizure.  Late  in 
April  the  English  cabinet  held  a  meeting,  in  which  it  was  decided 
that  orders  be  given  for  fitting  out  a  squadron  of  ships  of  the  line.^ 
Leeds  informed  Campo  that  England  could  never  agree  to  the  ex- 
tensive claims  of  Spain  to  the  territories  in  question  and  that  the 
negotiations  were  thenceforth  to  be  conducted  in  Spain.*'  The  ex- 
perienced and  skillful  diplomat,  Alleyne  Fitzherbert,  was  now  sent 
to  Madrid.  On  the  niglit  of  May  4  sailors  were  seized  in  English 
ports  and  pressed  into  service.''  On  May  5  a  message  from  the  King 
was  read  in  both  houses  of  Parliament,  in  which  he  discussed  the 
Xootka  Sound  affair  and  asked  the  Commons  for  the  necessarv  finan- 
rial  support.''  After  debate  the  address  was  carried,  and  a  vote  of 
credit  for  £1,000,000  was  made  '''  to  enable  His  Majesty  to  act  as  the 
exigency  of  affairs  might  require.'"^  Orders  were  issued  for  the 
preparation  of  a  fleet.  Public  opinion  was  enlisted  in  favor  of  an 
aggresive  policy.^  Extensive  preparations  were  made  to  fortify  the 
English  dominions  against  attack.*  Holland  and  Prussia  were  sum- 
moned to  fulfill  their  treaty  engagements  by  preparing  to  aid  Eng- 
land.' Well  might  the  French  minister  in  Enghind,  writing  on  May 
25.  say  that  if  "  one  judges  of  the  projects  of  tlie  English  Government 
by  the  preparations  which  it  is  making  on  all  the  coasts,  one  ought  to 
expect  a  war  of  the  greatest  length  and  seriousness."^  While  these 
and  other  preparations  were  being  carried  on  Miranda  was  developing 
his  schemes  and  urging  them  upon  the  English  ministry.  The  degree 
of  consideration  which  they  received  doubtless  fluctuated  according  to 
the  exact  state  of  the  negotiations. 

Francisco  de  Miranda  informs  us  that  his  designs  regarding  Span- 
ish America  were  first  made  known  to  William  Pitt  through  Governor 
Pownall.^'    X^e  overtures  of  Pownall  were  favorably  received,  and 

•  Manning.   Nootka  Sound  Controvorsy,  .'174,  J*.75. 

•  Dropmore  Pap<»r«.  I,  fi71>-. 

*■  Manning.  Nootka  Sound  TontrovorHy,  377. 

•  Report  on  Canadian  Archives.  1889,  281-. 
•Pari.  Hiat..  XXVIII,  764-. 

f  Ibid..  784-. 

9  Manning.  Nootka  Sound  Controversy,  383. 

*lbid.,   386. 

« Ibid.,  .386,  387. 

^  Sorel,  L'Europe  et  la  R^v.  Pr.,  II,  85. 

»  Miranda  to  Pitt,  September  8,  1791,  found  in  the  Chatham  MSS.,  Am.  Hlat.  Rev.,  VII, 
711-.  Unfortunately  Miranda  gives  us  the  only  detailed  information  which  we  have  of 
this  intrigue.  The  main  outlines  of  the  negotiations  as  given  are  prohal^Iy  correct ;  some 
of  the  inferences  of  Miranda  may  not  be. 


272  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

on  February  14,  1790,  Miranda  appears  to  have  met  Pitt  by  appoint- 
ment at  Hollwood.  Here  a  long  conference  was  held  and  the  general 
nature  of  Miraiuhrs  proposals  considered;  "  the  new  form  of  Govern- 
ment— intended  to  be  introduced  in  South  America,"  Miranda^s  "  per- 
sonal circumstances  and  actual  situation  ♦  ♦  ♦  were  fully  ex- 
plained." Pitt  seems  to  have  favored  the  scheme,  but  declared  that 
it  could  be  put  in  operation  only  in  case  of  a  war  with  Spain.  On 
the  5th  of  March  Miranda  forwarded  to  Pitt,  by  request,  a  detailed 
memorandum  of  the  conversation,  with  a  statement  of  the  total  prod- 
uce of  South  America,  its  population,  the  exports  and  imports  from 
Spain,  and  the  naval  and  military  forces  in  both  Spain  and  Spanish 
America.**  According  to  Miranda's  own  admission,  "  great  commer- 
cial advantages  "  were  promised  to  England  in  return  for  her  aid  in 
promoting  "  the  happiness  and  liberty  "  of  Spanish  America.*  Other 
conferences  were  held  later  at  which,  according  to  Miranda,  the 
English  preparations  for  a  war  with  Spain  on  account  of  the  Nootka 
Sound  affair  and  the  "  disposition  of  the  People  in  South  America 
towards  joining  the  English  for  their  independency  against  the 
Spaniards  "  were  discussed.  Miranda  seems  to  have  been  given  fresh 
assurances  that  his  phins  would  l)e  carried  out  if  there  was  a  rupture 
between  England  and  Spain.  There  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
Miranda  asked  the  minister  for  some  sort  of  financial  support,  but  in 
vain. ''  Pitt  doubtless  deemed  it  wise  to  keep  Miranda  in  leading 
strings. 

Some  time  afterwards  Miranda  presented  to  tlie  consideration  of  the 
prime  minister  the  system  of  government  which  he  "  thought  proper 
to  bo  introduced  in  South  America  according  to  the  principles  of 
Ftredotn  and  Independency ''  that  had  bec^n  agreed  upon  as  funda- 
mental/'   This  frame  of  government  was  intended  to  serve  as  the  con- 
stitution for  a  federation  including  all  Spanish  America.     The  pro- 
jected state  was  to  be  bordered  on  the  east  by  the  coast  line,  the 
boundaries  of  Brazil  and  Guiana,  and  the  Mississippi  River.     The 
northern  boundary  was  to  be  a  straight  line,  the  parallel  of  45®  north 
latitude,  drawn    from  the  source   of  the  Mississippi   River   to  the 
Pacific  Ocean.     On  the  west  the  Pacific  coast  line  was  to  form  the 


"Mininda  to  Pitt.  ScptomtuT  n.  1701,  Am.  Hist.  Rov.,  VII,  711,  712. 

"Antopnni.   220. 

*•  Miranda  to  Pitt.  Soptoinbcr  K.  1701.  Am.  Hist.  Kov.,  VII,  712,  7i:{ ;  Mlrandn  to  Titt, 
March  10.  1700  (('<)|)y»,  niakt's  the  following?  statement  regarding  his  relations  with  lM[t 
in  1700:  "Que  ce  fiit  en  fevri<;r  1700  (ju'il  eiit  L'honneur  dc  falie  sea  ouvertures  jl  Mr. 
Pitt:  Kt  que.  d'Mprt'^8  uno  discussion  t^^s  approfondio,  11  fut  stipultf  qn'il  Boiimettmlt 
par  Tocrit  tout  le  projot,  aveo  los  tableaux  polltiquos  et  commeroiaux  du  Tarja  (?)  qui 
devolcnt  rnccorapaKnor,  sous  la  promosse  solemnelle  que  ce  projet  Kerolt  cntreprls  sans 
fautt'  par  L'An^leterre,  en  cas  de  j,'uorre  avec  L'Espaune ;  et  unlquement  pour  leur 
Indopendance  absolue,  comme  I'avoient  obtenu  les  K.  V.  de  T/Am^rique ;  ce  qui  fut 
ponctuollenii'nt  execute,  et  reunir  fi  M*^.  Pitt  par  le  Sousslpn^  le  5  Mars  1790. — I>cpiil8 
cette  r*poque  le  soussif;n<?  continua  les  m^raes  communications  avec  le  {vhn  Hon**.  Minis- 
tre.  jus(|u'ft  la  convention  de  Nutka  Sound  avec  L'Espaj?ne.  ce  que  mit  une  terme  ind^finie 
Aux  Stlpulntions  ant<V<V1ontes  de  la  part  de  I/An^rleterrc."     Pickering  MSS.,  XXIV,  f.  150-. 

<*  Miranda  to  Pitt,  September  S,  1701.  Am.  ili.*«t.  Itev..  VII,  713. 


FRANUISCO   DE   MIRASDA.  273 

•oundary  wliii'h  was  to  (.'xtend  ns  far  south  «m  the  uttermost  point  of 
Cape  Iloni-  The  islands  situated  within  10°  of  the  western  coast 
were  to  be  included  within  this  imperial  domain,  but  on  the  east  Cuba 
alone  was  to  be  induded,  «s  the  port  of  Habana  was  "  the  key  to  the 
Gii!f  of  Mexico.''  It  was  declared  that  the  vast  continent  ought  to 
be  sufficient  for  a  purely  land  and  agricultural  {xtwer. 

The  executive  power  in  this  vast  state  was  to  l)e  vested  in  an 
inca,  who  was  to  be  styled  emperor.  His  jxiwer  was  to  im  hereditary. 
The  legislative  |>ower  was  to  be  placed  in  a  bicameral  legislature. 
The  upper  house,  or  senate,  was  to  be  composed  of  a  fixed  number  of 
senators  or  caciques,  who  were  to  \>e  chosen  by  the  inca  for  life  from 
citizens  who  had  honorably  occupied  the  first  offices  of  the  empire, 
such  as  general,  admiral,  chief  ju-stice,  and  qiiestor.  The  memlwrs 
of  the  lower  house,  or  "chamber  of  communes,"  were  to  be  chosen  by 
all  the  citizens.  They  were  to  hold  office  for  five  years  and  their 
persons  were  declared  to  be  inviolable  for  that  period,  except  in 
case  of  capital  crimes.  Reelection  was  possible.  The  members  of 
the  jndiciary  were  to  lje  chosen  by  the  inca  from  the  mast  distin- 
guished membei-s  of  the  judicial  corps.     These  federal  judges  were 

10  hold  office  fur  life  unless  deprived  of  their  jmsitions  bv  a  judg- 
ment of  forfeitui'c.  They  were  the  only  officers  mentioned  in  the 
constitution  regarding  whom  it  was  specified  that  they  were  to  receive 

11  salary. 

Provisions  were  also  made  for  the  choice  of  censors,  ediles,  and 
qiiestors  for  five-year  terms.  The  qiiestnrs  and  the  censors  were  to 
be  eligible  for  reelection.  The  two  wnsors.  to  l>e  nominated  by  the 
citizens  and  confirmed  by  the  inca.  wei-e  to  watch  over  the  morals  of 
the  senatoi-s,  of  the  youth,  of  ediicatoi's,  and  of  educational  iastitu- 
tions.  They  could  e,tpel  a  senator  from  the  legislative  body  if  they 
thought  sucJi  a  step  necessai-y  for  the  public  welfare.  The  ediles 
were  to  be  chosen  by  the  senators  and  confirmed  by  the  inca.  They 
were  to  be  intrusted  with  the  care  of  the  ports,  canals,  highways, 
public  monuments,  national  fea.sts,  and  similar  public  utilities.  They 
were  to  render  an  account  to  the  chamber  of  communes  for  the 
moneys  used  in  public  buildings,  and  to  the  senate  for  the  ships, 
monuments,  and  other  works  which  they  undertook.  The  questors, 
chosen  by  the  chamber  of  communes  and  confirmed  by  the  inca.  were 
to  lake  care  of  the  financial  interests  and  to  sujwrvise  the  financial 
agents  of  the  empire. 

BVarious  provisions  were  made  regarding  the  growth  of  this  consti- 
,     No  law  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  constitution  was  to  be 
The  fundamental  law  of  the  state  could,  however,  be  modified 
^mended  in  two  ways.     Proposals  for  the  amendment  of  "  a  con- 
tutional  law  "  could  Im>  made  bv  two-thirds  of  both  houses  of  the 


274  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

legislature  and  were  to  become  oi>erative  when  approved  by  three- 
fourths  of  a  council  composed  of  the  Emperor  and  the  judges  presid- 
ing over  the  high  tribunals  of  justice.  A  change  could  also  be  made 
if  proposed  by  two-thirds  of  this  council  and  approved  by  three- 
fourths  of  both  houses  of  the  legislature.  It  was  declared  that  the 
law  was  then  to  be  established  and  the  constitution  corrected.® 

This  frame  of  government,  for  which  Miranda  probably  deser\es 
most  of  the  credit,  is  of  a  composite  and  somewhat  artificial  type. 
As  was  stated  in  the  constitution  itself,  in  form  it  resembled  the  Gov- 
ernment  of  Great  Britain.  This  is  particularly  true  of  the  provisions 
for  a  hereditarj^  executive  and  the  regulations  regarding  the  upper 
house  of  the  legislature.  In  some  respects,  notably  in  the  mode  of 
amending  the  constitution,  this  sketch  shows  traces  of  having  been 
modeled  on  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  Miranda  had 
doubtless  embodied  in  this  proposed  plan  those  parts  or  principles  of 
governments  which  he  most  admired.  Such  provisions  as  those  re- 
garding ediles  and  questors  were  evidently  suggested  by  the  Roman 
constitution.  Almost  the  only  trace  of  Spanish-American  influence 
is  found  in  the  use  of  the  names  "  cacique  "  and  ''  inca."  One  of 
the  most  striking  features  about  Miranda's  proposed  constitution  is 
the  lack  of  any  attempt  to  utilize  the  local  institutions  which  existed 
in  Spanish  America.  The  cabildos  are  not  even  mentioned.  Tso 
provisions  were  made  for  the  local  government.  Nothing  was  sjiid 
about  the  rehitions  of  the  various  provinces  to  the  central  government. 

According  to  the  account  of  Miranda,  al)out  the  same  time  that 
this  constitution  was  pi'csented  to  the  consideration  of  the  English 
(lovernnient  he  made  furtlier  suggest i(ms  to  Pitt.     The  method  of 
carrying  on    tlie   war   was   discussed,   and    Miranda    was   probably 
requested  to  indicate  the  most  available  points  of  attack.     The  South 
AuKU'ican  suggested  that  some  of  the  embittered  Jesuits  who  had 
I)een  exiled   from  Spanish  America  should  be  invited  to  England 
from  Italy  and  employed  in  the  affair.     In  order  that  the  minister 
might  be  able  to  estimate  the  attitude  of  the  people  tow^ard  the 
Spanish  (lovernment,  Miranda  sent  for  {)erusal  his  papers  relating 
to  the  insurrections  of  1781  at  Lima  and  Santa  Fe,  which  showed 
the  force  of  the  militia,  the  small  number  of  regular  ti'oops,  and  the? 
course  of  the  insurrections.     He  appears  to  have  believed  that  theses 
papers  would  show  the  minister  ""  how  i-ipe  the  general  mass  of  th^ 
people"   were   for   '' eniancij)ation,   if   the   delicate   points  of  theii  - 
ReJif/ion  and  iiuhrpendency  ''  were  j)roperly  adjusted.     A  few  day?==^ 

«  "  rrojet  (\e  Constitution  pour  les  Colonics  hispano-ain^'rlcalnes,"  Chatham  MSS.,  345.-- 
Altliou;;li   undatcil  and  unsijjjned  this  ronstitntion  was  doubtless  a  part  of  the  plan  pro—" 
posed   in    17J>0   by   Miranda.   l>oinK  found   with   the  other   papers   relating  to   that  affair" 
amonir  the  oltieinl  papers  of  William   IMtt.     Miranda  may  have  had  help  In  framing  it    - 
Compare  with  his  later  plan.  pp.  417-420,  and  Documentary  Appendix,  No.  7.  below. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 


275 


t 


later  Miranda  appears  to  have  presented  his  plan  of  attack  and 
operations  and  elucidated  his  ideas  with  the  aid  of  maps  and  plans. 
The  plan  of  Habstoa  was  left  with  Pitt." 

About  this  time  a  proflamation  was  drawn  up.  which  was  appar- 
ently intended  for  distribution  among  the  Spanish  Americans  on  the 
landing  of  the  attacking  forces.  In  some  respects  it  supplements 
the  federal  plan  of  govcrumrnt  already  described.  It  consisted  uf 
sixtwn  articles  pn)viditig  for  the  establishment  of  a  provisional 
local  government.  Henceforth  all  officers,  civil  or  ecclesiastical,  were 
to  be  native  or  naturalized  citizens.  Ail  persons  desiring  to  leave 
Ihe  country  were  to  be  permitted  to  depart  in  peace  with  their  mov- 
able property.  They  could  sell  their  landed  property  or  retain  it 
under  government  protection.  A  "  Native  and  Noble  Citizen  of 
South  America  "  w^s  to  be  j)emiitted  to  assume  temporarily  the  jMJst 
vacated  by  the  Spanish  viceroy  or  governor.  The  power  of  this 
governor  was  declared  to  be  limited.  He  was  to  hold  his  office  for 
five  years  and  was  to  govern  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  a  council 
of  thirty-five  members.  Until  this  supreme  council  was  assembled, 
however,  the  governor  was  to  be  the  sole  civil  and  military  ruler  "  by 
and  with  the  advice  of  the  Corporation  of  the  CapitaL" 

Complicated  arrangements  wci-e  made  for  the  choice  of  this  su- 
preme council.  The  memliei-s  were  to  be  chosen  for  four  years,  not 
by  direct  election.  The  regidors  and  alcaldes  of  each  "district*' 
were  to  choose  two  deputies,  the  capital  district,  however,  was  lo 
choose  four.  These  deputies  were  to  meet  in  the  capital  and  to  elect 
twejily-five  of  their  number,  who  were  to  be  members  of  (he  supreme 
council.  On  being  notified  of  the  elections,  the  governor  was  to 
Assemble  the  council.  Twenty  members  wen?  to  constitute  a  quorum. 
A.  majority  of  those  present  was  required  to  approve  any  measure. 
~~    case  of  a  tie,  the  governor  was  to  have  a  casting  vote. 

Several  provisions  were  made  for  a  change  in  the  existing  order. 
'^Tbe  laws  of  the  Indies  were  to  hold  good  unless  altered  by  the  gover- 

ir  and  council.  The  right  of  jurisdiction  over  purely  ecclesiastical 
was  reserved  to  the  clergy,  but  the  Inquisition,  having  become 
unnecessary,"  was  to  be  "  forever  abolished."  The  tithes  and  the 
properties  of  the  church  were  to  be  preserved  as  before.  Taxes  and 
duties  were  to  be  levied  as  under  the  Spanish  regime,  bul  the  revenue 
accruing  was  to  l>e  the  "  pro|>erty  of  the  nation."  The  governor  and 
the  council,  who  were  to  be  in  charge  tif  the  local  finances,  were  to  try 

adjust  the  taxes  to  the  expend iture-s,  so  that  the  duties,  taxes,  and 
itributions  might  Iw  diminished.    All  monopolies  were  to  be  swept 

MlranclB  to  Pilt.  September  8,  1701,  Am.  HIM.  Kct..  VII,  713.  In  the  shoip  bunaie 
<S4fii  of  the  Chatham  MSB.  xa  Dial  La  vblcb  patierB  relating  to  PtIC  and  Mlmndn  were 
foau'l  There  trerp  niAci  iniiDiiBerlrtB  pertainlni;  to  (he  reraU  of  I7SI  In  Trru.  l'ccliD|i8 
Lbese  were  aubmltted  hj   Mlraadu  la   HDO. 


the 


276  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

away.    The  capitation  tax  on  the  Indians  was  to  be  *'  immediately 
abolished.'' 

It  was  declared,  in  general,  that  the  governor  and  coifhcil  were  to 
haye  all  the  powers  previously  exercised  by  the  royal  governor  or 
viceroy.    C4?rtain  of  their  powers  were  specifically  mentioned.    They 
were  to  have  the  power  to  appoint  members  of  the  civil  courts  and 
to  amend  temporarily  their  jurisdictions  and  proceedings.    They  were 
to  formulate  laws  for  organizing  and  disciplining  ^*'  the  land  and 
naval  forces."    They  could  grant  commissions  and  establish  courts- 
martial.     They  were  also  empowered  to  contract  with  any  foreign 
power  for  land  and  naval  forces.    They  could,  if  they  saw  fit,  nego- 
tiate a  **  Foederal   Alliance,  and  Treaty  of  Commerce  with  Great 
Britain  ""  and  with  all  such  powers  as  should  recognize  their  "  Sov- 
ereign Independency."     The  same  body  was  to  have  the  power  to 
issue  ordinances  and  decrees  that  were  to  have  the  force  of  laws  until 
a  ''  general  Representative  I^egislature  ''  should  lx»  formed  and  assem- 
bled.**   We  can  say  of  this,  as  of  the  plan  for  a  federal  government, 
that  it  was  probably  in  the  main  the  work  of  Miranda.    If  he  had 
followed  his  later  custom,  he  had  submitted  his  governmental  plans 
to  the  consideration  of  various  persons  and  adopted  some  of  their 
suggestions. 

Unfortunately  the  plan  of  attack  and  operations  which  Miranda 
apparently  drew  up  at  this  time^  has  not  been  found.  If  we  may 
judge  by  his  later  projects,  his  particular  point  of  attack  was  in  the 
northern  part  of  South  America.''  In  any  case,  it  appears  that  the 
revolution  once  begun  was  to  extend  over  all  Spanish  America.  Sir 
Archibald  Camj)bell  was  interested  in  the  aflFair,**  and  seems  to  have 
expected  the  command  of  an  armament  against  South  America  at 
this  time.  He  appears  to  have  consulted  Home  Popham,  an  English 
naval  officer  who  was  interested  in  Spanish  America,  with  regard  to 
cooperation  from  India.  To  judge  by  the  recollections  of  the  latt^er. 
Valparaiso,  Lima,  Panama,  and  Acapulco  were  considered  to  offer 
the  l)est  points  for  military  establishments  in  the  South  Sea.^ 

The  English  (Tovernment  had  other  information  and  other  plans 
than  those  derived  from  Miranda  and  Popham.  It  was  busily  gath- 
ering information  relating  to  such  important  places  as  Chagres. 
Panama,  and  Veracruz  in  Central  America  and  Mexico.  Intelli- 
gence regarding  strategic  points  in  thesi*  regions  was  transmitted  to 

•Chatham  MSS.,  345.  This  document  Ih  in  the  form  of  a  rough  draft  in  EogUsb. 
The  (»nl3-  part  of  the  inslrrraent  In  Miranda's  handwriting  is  the  indorsement,  "August 
3,  1790/'  Whether  It  was  exclusively  the  work  of  Miranda  or  not,  it  was  a  part  of  tli^ 
general  schemo.  It  may  have  1>een  a  translation  from  the  Spanish  made  for  the  peroffl 
of  Pitt  or  of  others. 

"Miranda  to  Pitt.  Soptomhor  8,  1701.  Am.  lliHt.  Kev.,  VII,  713. 

«•  See  l)elow.  pp.  .322,  323,  380-390. 

<«  Campbell  to  Pitt,  October  26,  1790.  Chatham  MSS..  120. 

M'astlereagh,  Corn'Hpondi'nct',   VU,  288,  289,  290. 


FRANCISCO   DF.   MIRANDA.  277 

the  governor  of  Jamaica,  as  well  as  a  list  of  "  men  of  tried  fiik'liiy, 
uttuc-hiiieiil.  and  enterprise"  fit  to  bo  employed  with  tin-  Mos([«iito 
Indians  in  any  operations  carried  on  "  against  the  Spaniards  "  on  the 
continent.  In  October,  1790.  a  squadron  was  dispatched  to  the  West 
Indies  to  rendezvons  at  BarbadoK."  In  the  same  month  steps  were 
taken  to  fortif>'  the  English  settlements  on  the  Mosqnito  shore 
against  attack  by  tho  Spaniards,"  The  plan  for  an  attack  on  (he 
Span isli- American  settlements  Iwjrinning  on  the  Mosquito  shore, 
which  had  been  drawn  up  in  177fi  by  Captain  White,  was  again  sub- 
mitted to  the  consideration  of  the  English  Government  through  Sir 
Archibald  Campbell.'"  A  plan  of  Major  Despard  for  an  attack  on 
Guatemala  was  also  pi-esented.*  About  the  same  time  the  cabinet  was 
considering  the  advisability  of  taking  possession  of  the  Fioridas  with 
the  aid  of  the  dissatisfied  and  adventurous  men  of  the  western  waters," 
of  attacking  the  city  of  New  Orleans.'  and  of  marching  an  army 
"  through  Savannahs  and  Forrests  "  from  the  mouth  of  the  Missis- 
sippi to  the  City  of  Mexico."  As  early  as  May,  1790.  measui-e-s  were 
taken  to  prepare  for  an  attack  on  the  west  coast  of  America  or 
Manila,*.  The  English  ministers  certainly  had  in  their  hands  the 
threads  of  many   far-reaching  designs,' 

In  the  spring  and  summer  of  1790  Miranda  perhaps  entertained  the 
hope  of  secnring  aid  from  the  United  States  in  support  of  his  schemes. 
Shortly  after  his  an-ivaJ  in  England  from  the  Continent  he  had 
written  to  General  Knox,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from 
that  general  and  asking  for  information  regarding  the  state  of  the 
f  Jovernment.  the  fate  of  the  colony  on  the  Ohio,  and  the  condition  of 
the  War  Department.^,  The  Secretary  of  War  of  the  United  States 
evidently  did  not  reply,  for  on  March  15,  1790.  Miranda  wrote  again, 
complaining  that  his  previous  communication  remained  unanswered. 
"Pray  what  is  the  mater,"  wrote  Miranda.  "  are  yon  in  want  of 
health t  are  yon  too  busy  about  the  settling  of  the  new  constitution? 
or  have  you  forgot  your  friends  and  promises?     *     •     •     no  I  sup- 

■Onri  or  dltpDti^hffi  to  Ihp  Flurl  or  £:tDii):haiu,  OL-1ob»r  23  and  2't.  ITno.  P.  R.  O., 
JamBlcM.  30. 

'  Drart  of  dUpalch 


HAlcb  abow  ibHc  n 

r    'IHd.,  716,  717,  71'S. 

•  Ibid.,  717, 

•  Mnnnlnjt.  Nootko  Sound  ControTersj.  385, 

•  Tbe  lack  ol  flppreL-Iatlan  still  shown  bj  bciidp  Kni;llsti  wrilprs  n'ltb  TiMippol  to  llip  dealitna 
wblrb  were  being  cronBldered  in  Euglaiid  In  regard  ti>  Stiaulah  Amerka  at  tlila  time  mn; 
be  mualraled  by  an  extract  rrom  Hunt.  Polltka!  tltatorj  or  EnKlnad.  nil),  wb^c  arirr 
itallOR  Ibat  the  SpanUb  minister  Plorldabtanta  believed  tbat  Kn^lund  wlabed  lo  eHlal) 
Mill  "  direct  commercial  communlcatlDii  "  with  tbe  Spa ninb- American  coioniea  and  (n 
■eparate  tbem  from  Spain.  Mr.  Hunt  sajH  of  Kturidabladca :  "  Ele  was  determined  to 
prevent  Ibeae  denlgns.  wblch  bad  no  eilalenre  In  England     ■     ■     *." 

K      'Miranda  to  Knoi.  .luguBI  -M.   1780.  Knoi  MSS.,  XXIV,   ■    ■■'  " 


278  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION, 

pose ! — But  for  god  sake  let  me  see  a  few  lines  from  you ;  and  then  I 
shay  communicate  you  the  progress  of  that  4  (?)  :  that  has  begun 
already,  about  88:  I  hope  the  new  form  of  your  Constitution,  will 
produce  all  the  favorable  effects  you  expects,  and  I  wish  for  amer- 
ica; — Do  me  the  favor  to  present  my  respects,  and  congratulation  to 
Genl.  Washington,  the  worthy  President — and  to  my  friend  Col: 
Hamilton — and  to  Col.  Duar — Chancelor  Livingston  &c.  &c*^° 

A  reasonable  and  certainly  a  possible  interpretation  of  this  letter 
is  that  it  was  a  reference  to  the  scJiemes  of  Miranda  which  were  then 
being  considered  by  Pitt.  Two  weeks  later  Miranda  wrote  again 
and  expressed  a  hope  that  he  would  receive  an  answer  by  the  "first 
opportunity."^  Miranda's  friend,  Stephen  Sayre,  was  also  in  Ix)n- 
don  at  this  time  and  appears  to  have  become  interested  in  the  scheme. 
On  May  10  he  wrote  to  Knox  and  chided  him  for  not  having  answered 
"our  common  friend  Colon — "^^  meaning,  mayhap,  Miranda.  On 
June  15  Sayre  wrote  another  letter  to  Knox  which  may  have  referred 
to  the  projects  of  Miranda ;  "  M.  must  have  wrote  you,  your  calcula- 
tions have  been  shown  the  537 — he  highly  approves  their  accu- 
racy." On  the  other  hand,  this  may  not  have  concerned  the  affairs 
of  the  South  American  at  all.**  The  interpretation  is  rendered  diffi- 
cult, if  not  impossible,  because  of  the  use  of  a  cipher  to  which  Knox 
evidently  possessed  a  key. 

-Knox  MSS.,  XXV.  f.   178. 

>  March  20,   1700,  ibid..  XXVI.  f.  10. 

*•  Ibid.,   f.   49. 

"  Ibid.,  f.  70.  The  ontiro  letter  is  such  that  tho  statement  may  be  interpreted  differently 
according  to  the  context :  "  I  have  done  myself  the  honor  of  writing  you  several  letters. 
but  still  have  to  regret  the  mortifying  neglect,  of  being  unanswered.  I  lament  It  the  more, 
l)eoause  you  do  me  a  sort  of  negative  injury,  that  must.  In  time.  Impel  you  to  wish  me 
no  longer  intitled  to  expect  It  •  •  ♦.  You  must  remember,  I  presume,  the  applica- 
tion 1  made  to  C'ougress  in  1785 — as  to  my  Improvement  in  ships  of  war ;  and  your 
friendly  advico  to  porsuo  the  Idea  no  farther,  till  thero  was  more  solidity  and  vigor  In  the 
federal  Government.  I  have,  by  this  conveyance  wrote  to  my  old  friends  Mr.  Isard  and 
Mr.  Floyd,  to  make  some  fresh  propositions.  I  trust  you  will  not  think  me,  in  any  degree, 
too  pressing,  when  I  request  you  will  learn  of  them,  my  present  wishes,  as  to  that 
object ;  and  lend  them  your  assistance,  so  fur,  as  you  can  do  It,  with  good  Will.  They 
may  not  tlilnk  propor  to  give  you  any  trouble  in  the  matter,  unless  you  are  kind  enough 
to  mention  It  to  them,  as  /  am  not  to  live  ahcayn  (if  I  may  form  my  opinion  by  the 
example  of  other  men,)  I  do  not  moan  to  lose  the  present  moment,  to  benefit  myself  by 
the  Invention — for  tho  America — I  mean  our  own  Country — may  not  be  immediately 
drawn  Into  the  war.  you  know,  I  presume,  thro  our  friend  Duer,  that  I  am  not  to  be 
idle.  When  I  had  the  honor  of  your  acquaintance  at  New  York,  I  did  not  think  myself 
at  liberty  to  ask  any  questions.  I  supposed  you  had  been  consulted.  I  now  know  it, 
from  the  only  person  who  has  a  right  to  mention  it — he  has  shown  your  estimates 
&c  &c  as  to  a  proposed  lTy'.\.  or  liOl.  in  L»5 — I  presume  you  have  a  key  to  those  flgares — 
if  not  Huer  can  furnisli  you  with  one.  1  mention  this  now.  because  the  present  moment 
makes  it  necessary.  You  oujjbt  to  know.  In  time,  the  solemn  covenant  made  by  the  party, 
that  Duer  and  myself  were  to  have  tb<»  exclusive  rl^fht  of  H16  Ing  the  58.  I  mean  along 
with  the  original  i>artles.  Now  If  anything  can  be  done  here,  so  as  to  double  the  benefit, 
1  conceive  the  original  projectors  are  all  to  share  an  e(|ual  benefit.  I  only  request  we 
may  set  out  on  the  fair  and  Just  principles,  orl^rlnally  settled  and  understood — you  may 
settle  all  points  with  Mr.  Duer,  as  to  how  you  wish  matters  to  stand  relative  to  your 
own  lnt«'rest.  M.  nnist  have  wrote  you.  your  calculations  have  been  shown  the 
r».'I7— he  hluhly  approves  their  accuracy.  I  hear  that  Mr.  Duer  has  resigned  his  Employ- 
ment -I  wonder  at  it — I  hope  be  lias  something  better  in  possession." 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  279 

Wliatever  Miranda's  plans  or  hopes  were  with  respect  to  Knox 
and  aid  from  the  United  States,  the  Secretary  of  War  had  no  im- 
mediate intention  of  entering  into  Miranda's  plans.  On  September 
5,  iTfK),  he  wrote  to  Miranda,  lie  declared  that  he  had  postponed 
answering  Miranda's  letters  because  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  com- 
municate anything  relating  to  the  Government  beyond  what  was 
published.  ''  But  notwithstanding  my  omissions  he  assured  that 
*  *  *  my  warm  friendship  for  you  is  still  undiminished  a  single 
particle  and  that  I  look  forward  with  pleasure  to  the  period  of  enjoy- 
ing your  Conversations  and  letters  with  pleasure.'""  Miranda  could 
hope  for  no  encouragement  from  Knox,  for  the  latter  had  declared 
in  August,  1790,  that :  *'  The  true  interests  of  the  United  States  dic- 
tate a  state  of  neutralit}^  in  the  affairs  between  Spain  and  Enghind."  ^ 
It  appears  that  Miranda  made  no  attempt  to  draw  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton, Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Washington,  into  his  designs.*' 
It  is  possible,  however,  that  Miranda  dreamt  of  bringing  the  United 
States  and  England  together  for  the  prosecution  of  common  ends.  A 
little  later  Miranda  again  met  his  friend,  Colonel  Smith,  who  was 
visiting  London,  and  they  apparently  discussed  at  length  the  re- 
establishment  of  •*  good  intelligence  l)etw^een  the  two  countries  for 
their  mutual  advantage."'' 

Despite  the  neglect  of  Miranda  by  Knox,  the  statesmen  of  the 
United  States  had  early  realized  the  significance  of  a  war  between 
England  and  Spain.  Some  of  them  speculated  on  the  advantages 
which  they  might  draw  from  such  an  occurrence  and  the  possibilities 
of  a  European  alliance.  Washington  expressed  the  opinion  of  many 
when  he  declared  that  the  true  policy  of  the  United  States  w-as  op- 
posed to  any  entanglements  in  the  "  crooked  politics  of  Europe,  want- 
ing j^oarcely  anything  but  the  full  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.'*'' 
On  the  assumption  that  war  between  England  and  Spain  might 
break  out,  Carmichael,  our  envoy  at  Madrid,  was  instructed  to  urge 
on  the  Spanish  Government  *'  w^armly  and  firmly  "  the  demand  for 
the  "*  immediate  and  full "  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  but  if  the 
dispute  had  been  adjusted  he  was  warned  to  press  the  matter  ''  more 

•  Knox  MSS..  XXVI.  f.  177,  draft  dated  September  5,  1791.  See  Drake.  Life  of  Knox. 
IHS,  180.  About  tbis  time,  however.  General  Knox's  brother,  WIIIiHm,  went  to  London 
charged,  among  other  thinc:H,  with  the  task  of  reporting  on  the  actions  of  Miranda  and 
Sajre.  W.  Knox  to  General  Knox,  October  29  and  November  .'{,  1700,  Knox  MSS., 
XXVII.  f.  38  and  f.  47. 

•Ford.  The  Unitt^d  States  and  Spain  In  1790.  104. 

'  No  indication  of  correspondence  on  this  topic  between  Miranda  and  Hamilton  at  this 
time  was  found  in  the  Hamilton  MSS. ;  on  the  other  hand,  a  letter  from  Miranda  to 
Hamilton.  April  5,  1791.  was  found  in  which  no  reference  was  made  to  any  previous 
letter  from  Miranda  to  Hamilton.  Hamilton  MSS..  XX.  f.  198 ;  In  part  In  Hamilton, 
Republic.  IV,  285. 
'.Miranda  to  Knox,  April  T).  1791.  Knox  MSS.,  XXVIII,  f.  8. 
•Ford,  The  United  States  and  Spain  in  1790,  20. 


280  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

softly." "  It  was  hoped  that  Spain  might  be  induced  to  cede  Louisi- 
ana and  Florida  to  the  United  States.  It  was  believed  that  in  case 
of  war  England  might  proceed  to  attack  the  Spanish  possessions 
near  the  United  States.  The  prospect  of  English  control  or  pos- 
session of  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas  as  the  probable  result  of  such 
a  conflict  alarmed  many  statesmen.  The  future  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley  was  felt  to  be  at  stake.  Our  representative  to  France  was 
instructed  to  influence  that  power  to  induce  Spain  to  cede  to  the 
United  States  "  a  port  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  with  a  circum- 
jacent territory  sufficient  for  its  support,  well-defined  and  extra-ter- 
ritorial to  Spain,"  leaving  the  idea  to  future  growth.* 

Washington  and  the  members  of  his  Cabinet  felt  that  the  United 
States  would  be  in  grave  danger  of  being  drawn  into  a  war  on  one 
side  or  the  other.  Consequently,  on  August  27,  1790,  Washington 
asked  the  Vice-President,  the  Chief  Justice,  and  the  members  of  his 
Cabinet  what  he  should  tell  the  English  authorities  if  they  should  ask 
for  permission  to  march  troops  through  the  territories  of  the  United 
States  from  Detroit  to  the  Mississippi  and  what  should  be  done  if 
such  action  was  taken  without  leave.*^  It  was  felt  that  the  attitude 
of  the  Administration  on  this  question  might  draw  the  United  States 
into  the  struggle.  Although  the  answers  differed  in  detail,  in  general 
they  argued  that  the  United  States  should,  if  possible,  avoid  any 
entanglements  in  European  politics  and  remain  neutral  as  long  as 
possible.*  It  will  be  seen,  therefore,  that  the  Nootka  Sound  con- 
troversy was  significant  in  its  l)earings  on  the  history  of  the  United 
States  because  it  influenced  some  leading  statesmen,  notably  Wash- 
ington, to  decide  that  the  best  interests  of  the  nation  dictated  a  policy 
of  strict  neutrality  in  regard  to  European  affairs.  Moreover,  it  forced 
Jefferson  to  meditate  regarding  the  future  of  tlie  Mississippi  valley 
and  to  formulate  a  policy  which  doubtless  influenced  him  at  the  time 
of  the  Louisiana  purchase.*^ 

The  United  States  was  not  forced  to  choose  between  the  Spanish 
and  the  English  as  her  European  allies,  nor  was  she  called  upon  to 
decide  what  her  action  would  be  if  the  English  attempted  to  march 
troops  across  her  territory.  AVhile  preparations  for  war  were  being 
made,  negotiations  for  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  difficulty  con- 
tinued. Early  in  June  Floridablanca  again  instructed  the  Spanisli 
minister  in  London  regarding  the  Spanish  contentions.  The  basis 
of  the  Spanish  claims  to  territory  on  the  northwest  coast  of  -LVmerica 
was  again  stated.     It  was  declared  that  the  viceroy  of  Mexico  had 

•  Work«  of  Joffcr«on,  VIII.  72.  73. 
Mbld..  80. 

••Ford.  Tho  T'nlt<»d  States  and  Spain  In   17l»0,  4.1.  44. 
*lbld..   45-. 

•Turner.  Th«»  Diplumatlc  Contest  for  tho  Mississippi  Valley.  Atlnntic  M.-.ntlily.  Xi'III. 
682,  mii. 


ANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 

decided  to  restore  the  vessels,  leaving  open  for  settlement  the  unes- 
lion  of  the  territorial  dispute.  The  seizm-e  of  the  vessels  had  been 
remedied  by  tlioir  restitution.  The  King  wished  to  establish  a  perma- 
nent and  solid  peace."  Fitzherlwrt  soon  reached  Madrid  and  laid  the 
demands  of  England  before  the  Spanish  Government.  On  June  13 
he  asked  for  the  restoration  of  the  vessels,  the  full  indemnification  of 
their  owners,  and  "a  jnst  iind  j^nitable  satisfaction  for  the  insult 
offered  "  to  the  English  flag.  If  the  Spanish  King  wonid  make  a  dec- 
laration to  that  effect,  the  English  King  would  make  a  counterdeclara- 
tion.*  Floridablnnca  i-eplieil  that  his  sovereign  wonld  make  the 
desired  declaration  if  the  English  would  agree  to  a  modification  of 
the  terms.  Three  amendments  were  offered,  one  of  which  the  Eng- 
lish were  to  choose. *■  To  ihis  the  English  would  not  agi-ee,  showing, 
said  Floridablanea  later,  the  lark  of  confidence  which  thev  had  in  the 
justice  of  their  cause.''  Ak  later  negotiations  more  fully  demonstrated, 
the  English  wished  to  destroy  the  Spani.sh  claims  to  the  territory, 
arguing  for  the  growing  principle,  now  generally  accepted,  that 
cliiini.-  lo  territory  to  be  valid  must  be  fortified  by  seftlement.s. 

As  the  negotiations  progressed  it  became  evident  to  both  England 
and  Spain  that  the  action  of  France  in  regard  to  the  family  compact 
would  be  to  an  extent  pivotal  and  might  incline  Spain  toward  peace 
or  war.  It  was  clear  that  if  Spain  could  count  on  the  whole-hearted 
support  of  France,  a  war  would  be  more  likely  to  take  place.  As  the 
secjue!  will  show,  the  French  were  far  from  unanimity  in  supporting 
the  family  compact.  This  was  probably  in  part  due  to  the  internal 
changes  and  disturbances  which  were  taking  place  in  France.  Early 
in  May  the  Spanish  minister  in  Pari.s.  the  Count  (if  Fernan  Nunez, 
held  lohg  conferences  with  the  French  foreign  minister,  Montmorin, 
regarding  the  method  of  making  an  attack  on  Englan<l  in  case  of  a 
rupture.'  But  as  early  as  May  21  Montmorin  made  evident  to  the 
Spanish  Government  that  France  favored  the  maintenance  of  jieacc 
between  England  and  Spain  and  that  the  French  Government  might 
not  be  able  to  carry  out  the  treaty  engagements  with  Spain  l>ecaiise  of 
the  alleged  popular  opposition  and  the  incalcnlable  difficulties  of  car- 
rying on  a  war  against  England,'     This  nnist  have  made  Florida- 


•  Florida  lilanca. 

June   4 

,    1700 

It-opyl, 

«Tldeot1)i 

Bn 

Indonire 

to   C 

■iinipo,    A.    (i.   R. 

E«lBdO.  ai3T. 

*  Quoted   Id  a  li 

ftter  of 

Valdea  i 

to   Fltihi 

erbert,  Ju 

ne  2 

1.   ITftU, 

lllld.. 

Anuual   tteelater, 

SXXll,  298.  2B». 

•  Quoted  In  a  \eUet  by  Valdea  to 

Campo. 

June  21. 

1700 

.  A.  n,  s 

..  Eatado,  8137. 

alado. 

3400. 

•  Fcman  Nun«si 

to  florl 

idablanca 

..  Maj-  11,  ITIH).  11 

!>1d.. 

-loas. 

r  ■■  Pour  nn«  rta 

■  rsmplli 

-  aeit  enKttgnnena 

imptr 

1      WD  'l-O 

iialn.  1 

le  plus  sincere  di> 

ta  part  du  Rot  de 

e  Ro 

^t  11  ne  remit  ei< 

crla  que  sulvre  le 

T«U    dl' 

son  MEl 

ir,  lea  loli  de  I'hc 

que  eilgB  I'lnterSt  blen 

lis  11  est 

poulble 

t  K«n«ra1 

le  BQll 

i-n  contradiction 

afec  cc  d&lr:  slo 

nbsolu  d-UKlr  -fl   ■ 

j|Hi'n  (.■!■.  1 

mipnosdnl  qne  te 

premier  obstacle  »■ 

lonW.  U'« 

dlffliult 

A.  a.-  In  . 

■0O<l.l 

:!t  de  la  ; 

■able  >ou9  tous  l« 

1  rappurta.  la  pall  done  i 

1  de 

lOUM    BOB 

wine. 

'■      M.inliiiurln  lo 

FlorldabliDca,  Ibid 

282  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

blanca  question  the  value  of  the  compact,  in  case  of  war.  To  render 
matters  less  favorable,  the  English  were  striving  in  various  ways  to 
isolate  Spain.  Earl  Gower,  the  English  minister  at  Paris,  was  in- 
structed to  notify  the  French  ministry  that  any  assistance  rendered 
by  France  to  Spain  would  compel  England  to  ''  adopt  such  measures '' 
as  would  be  ''  most  likely  to  render  that  assistance  ineffectual."  **  Hugh 
Elliot  and  W.  A.  Miles  were  sent  on  a  secret  mission  to  France,  prob- 
ably with  the  expectation  that  their  representations  would  influence 
Mirabeau  and  others  against  cooperation  with  Spain.* 

The  Spanish  Government  soon  decided  to  ascertain  more  definitely 
the  intentions  of  the  French  with  respect  to  the  alliance.  Accord- 
ingly, on  June  IG,  1790,  the  Count  of  Fernan  Nunez  addressed  a  long 
comnmnication  to  Montmorin  on  this  subject.  After  furnishing  ex- 
tracts from  the  diplomatic  correspondence  regarding  Nootka,  the 
Spanish  minister  passed  to  w^hat  was  evidently  the  main  object  of  the 
note.  The  assurance  of  the  "  exact  accomplishment "  of  the  family 
compact,  said  he,  was  "  a  necessary  preliminary  to  successful  negotia- 
tion." England  had  asked  for  aid  from  her  ally,  Holland.  Conse- 
quently, Spain  desired  from  the  King  of  France  a  declaration  in  ^'  the 
most  clear  and  the  most  positive  terms  "  which  would  prove  authen- 
tically to  all  Europe  that  the  new  order  established  in  France  woulJ 
not  alter  the  engagements  in  the  treaty  of  17G1.  Further,  Spain  aske<l 
for  the  successive  execution  of  the  agreements  embodied  in  articles  5, 
10,  12,  13,  and  16  of  that  treaty.^ 

The  attitude  of  France  toward  this  formal  demand  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  agreement  of  1761  had  already  been  foreshadowed  by 
speeches  in  the  national  assembly.  On  May  14  Montmorin  had 
informed  the  assembly  that  because  of  the  preparations  of  England 
the  King  had  ordered  14  vessels  of  the  line  to  be  equipped.  The 
assembly  judged  this  to  be  the  occasion  for  fixing  the  principles 
which  should  govern  French  diplomacy .*'  There  was  a  lively  debate 
in  which  many  Utopian  ideals  were  displayed.  Speeches  were  made 
by  men  who  favored  national  rather  than  dynastic  treaties.*^  On 
May  22  the  decision  was  reached  that  the  assembly  and  not  the  Kin<r 
was  to  control  negotiations  and  to  ratify  treaties.  It  was  decreed 
that  the  P>ench  nation  renounced  any  intention  of  making  war  with 
the  object  of  conquest  and  that  it  would  never  employ  its  forces 
against  the  liberty  of  any  people.^  On  July  29  the  comity  diplo- 
matique of  five  members,  headed  by  Mirabeau,  was  appointed  to 
consider  the  existing  French  treaties.     It  was  not  until  after  this 

•Ford,  The  United  States  and  Spain  In  1700,  27. 

*Ibld.,  27,  28;  Adams,  The  Influence  of  (Irenville  on  Pitt's  Foreign  Tollcy.  8.  1):  Smith 
Papers,  308;  see  also  Manning,  Nootlca  Sound  Controversy,  430.  431. 

«  A.  IT.  N.,  Rstado,  4038;  Sorel,  L'Kurope  et  la  R^v.  Fr.,  II,  9.1.  and  note  2. 

<Sorel,  L'Europe  et  la  R6v.  Fr.,  II,  85. 

•  Ibid.,  86-89. 

r  Ibid.,  89,  and  note. 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA.  283 

wimmittee  had  been  appointed  that  Montmorin  submitted  the  demand 
of  the  Spanish  Goveinnient  lo  the  assembly.  It  was  naturally  re- 
ferred to  the  coniite  diplomatique.  Mirabeaii  iiiciiiied  to  the  belief 
that  the  only  metho<l  of  preserving  the  treaty  was  to  revise  it  and  to 
replace  the  family  compact  by  a  national  agreement.  On  August 
25  Miralx'au  made  the  report  of  the  committee  to  the  assembly 
embodying  this  idea.  After  some  modification  it  was  adopted."  On 
September  1  Montmorin  informed  Fernaii  Nunez  of  the  decision  of 
Fmnce.  The  national  assembly  had  confirmed  and  recognized  only 
the  defensive  and  commercial  stipulations  of  the  family  compact. 
It  wished  that  the  bonds  betweeii  the  two  nations  be  strengthened 
by  a  national  ti-eaty.  It  had  asked  the  King  that  4.5  vessels  be  pre- 
pared for  service.  In  addition,  it  was  declared  that  the  King  hoped 
that  the  differences  between  Spain  and  England  wonld  not  cause 
war,  and  that  the  two  powers  wonld  consent  to  a  reciprocal  dis- 
armament. The  national  assembly  had  voted,  further,  that  a  copy  of 
its  decree  be  forwarded  to  the  court  of  I^ondon.''  \Vlien  Florida- 
blanoa  was  informed  that  France  would  not  liold  to  the  exact  terms 
of  the  compact,  he  could  not  fail  to  realize  the  import  of  that  deci- 
sion. The  attitude  of  France,  as  Pitt  had  perhaps  foreseen,  was  to 
an  extent  determinative.'" 

Even  before  the  family  compact  was  thus  in  effect  broken,  Florida- 
blanca,  realizing  in  all  probability  its  weakness  imder  the  existing 
circumstances,  had  taken  steps  for  the  amicable  s<.'ttlenient  of  the  dis- 
pute. On  July  24  a  declaration  and  counter  declaration  were  drawn 
up,  which  satisfied  the  English  demand  for  satisfaction  for  the  alleged 
insult,  but  which  left  the  vital  question  of  the  relative  claims  to  terri- 
tory unsettled.*  It  was  not  until  October  that  a  basis  of  settlement 
WHS  reached,  which  was  necessarily  more  satisfactory  to  England  than 
to  Spain.  It  was  provided  that  the  buildings  and  lands  of  which 
the  English  had  been  dispossessed  at  Nootka  were  to  be  restored. 
Reparation  was  to  be  offered  for  any  acts  of  hostility  or  violenra  "  by 
the  .subjects  of  either  of  the  contending  parties"  against  the  other 
since.  April,  1783.  The  English  were  confirmed  in  the  right  to  fish 
and  to  navigate  in  the  "South  Sea"'  at  a  distance  of  10  maritime 
iMgues  from  the  coasts  occupied  by  Spain,  but  they  were  prohibited 
^biu  engaging  in  "illicit  trade"  with  the  Spanish  settlfuients.  As 
Hnrds  the  eastern  and  western  coasts  of  South  America  and  the 
Hptcent  islands  "  already  occupied  by  Spain,"  England  was  nut  (o 
^■m  settlements  south  of  these,  although  her  subjects  could  land  and 

^Kaorel.  L'Europp.  vt  ]■  n«r.  Fr,.  It.  n.t.  04. 

^nt.  II.  N..  Esrado.  411.18. 

^^ord.  Tbe  rnltrd  SUtiw  and  apaln.   :.'9 :   UnniiLug,  N.Alka  Hitund  I'.inlniipnir.   4:U- 

^HtRnn-l.  L'RiiroiK'  pi  In  R^.  l-'r..  11,  114.  »T: 

^HlfanntitB.  Nootks  Sound  Cootravprii]',  4US.  4u<l, 


284 


IIISTORiCAT.   ASSOCrATION. 


make  tt'iiiporary  &tiuctiiiv&  for  llie  purpose  of  promoting  tlie  fish 
eries.  The  subjects  of  both  powers  eould  land  in  parts  '■  not  itlready 
occupied  "  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  commerce  or  of  mnking 
establishments.  The  subjects  of  both  powers  were  to  have  (he  right 
of  acL-ess  to  the  northwest  coast  of  North  America  north  of  the  parts 
"  already  oconpietl  by  Spain."  It  was  further  provided,  in  case  of 
any  infraction  of  the  convention,  that  the  two  courts  would  settle  the 
differences  in  "an  amicable  manner."" 

This  convention  was  significant  for  a  number  of  reasons.  It  gave 
England  the  right  of  access  to  a  large  strip  of  seacoast.  It  was  i 
formal  renunciation  by  Spain  of  her  exclusive  claim  to  the  American 
littoral  of  the  Pacific."  It  is  properly  held  to  mark  a  change  in  the 
diplomacy  of  Spain.  Pitt  had  broken  the  family  compact:  France 
was  isolated,  Spain  now  inclined  toward  England.^  It  was  the  first 
decisive  step  in  a  series  of  events  by  which  the  English-speaking 
people  in  America  extended  their  territory  and  their  sphere  of  influ- 
ence at  the  expense  of  Spain.  Of  much  le-ss  general  interest,  but  of 
moi-e  importance  for  the  subject  of  our  study,  the  project  of  attacking 
Spanish  America  was  openly  cast  aside  for  a  time  by  England. 

The  \ootka  Sound  convention  naturally  disgusted  Miranda,  who 
characterized  it  as  a  "  futile  convention."  It  would  never,  he  de- 
clait'd.  compensate  England  for  her  expenses  and  for  the  immense 
advantages  she  might  have  drawn  from  war."  He  expres.sed  his  con- 
viction that  England  was  pursuing  a  "strange  political  system.'"' 
Neither  the  Spanish -American  adventurer  nor  the  English  prime 
minister  immediately  or  willingly  relinquished  the  idea  of  revolu- 
tionizing Spanish- America.  Three  months  after  the  con\'ention  bad 
been  signed  Miranda,  aijxious  to  secure  some  settlement  of  his  finan- 
cial afi'airs.  applied  to  Pitt  for  an  interview.  On  the  request  of  that 
minister  he  drew  np  "  his  future  views"  and  his  "  terms  "  in  a  letter 
dated  January  28,  1791.'  In  it  Miranda  declared  his  willingness  to 
enter  into  some  "judicious  arrangements"  that  might  "bring 
to  maturity,  in  a  future  period,  the  same  generous  and  benevolent 
plan  •  •  •  for  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  South  Ajiierica; 
for  the  granileur  and  opulence  "  of  England.  He  again  broached  the 
subject  of  a  pension  and  affirmed  that  as  his  purpose  was  "  purely 
patriots- "  with  a  view  of  promoting  the  interests  of  Gi-eat  Britain 
and  Spanish  .\merica  as  "  perfectly  compatible,"  services  should  not 
be  required  of  him  against  Spain  "  with  any  other  motive."  MirandB_ 
declared  that  his  request  for  "  a  competent  annual  support  "  was 

•  Manning.   NootkB   Sound  rQrtrovere.T.  ■in4-tnn. 
Mbid.,  WI.  iOll. 

•  Sorel,  I.'Europ*  Pt  In  1W«.  Fr.   [I.  !)"■, 

•Ulrsniln  lo  Knox,  April  n.  ITfl.  Knox  MSB..  XXVIIl.  t.  B. 
•Ulmndn  In  lUmllton,  .Vprll  n.   ITSI.  Hnmlllcin  US8..  XX,  t.   108. 
'Am.  Ulil.  Rer,,  VII,  TM, 


'FRANCISCO   DE   MTHANDA. 

>  liis  "  personal  situation  •  •  *  being  deprived  for  a  long  time 
■om  receiving  any  income  from  Caracas.  Any  snms  of  money  that 
lay  be  granted  to  me,  on  any  account  wiiateoever,  either  for  services 

[one  or  expected  hereafter,  shall  be  repaid  by  me  at  the  time  I  may 
e  to  the  possession  of  my  property  in  South  America.""    In  reply 

Ntt  probably  assured  Miranda  that  his  plans  would  [■eceive  favor- 

He  consideration  in  case  war  broke  out  between  England  and  Spain." 
The  linancial  question  was  not  speedily  adjusted.  Miranda  seems 
to  have  been  fed  on  promises  and  requested  to  wait.  He  remonstrated 
at  till-  protracted  delay  and  declared  that  his  only  resource  lay  in  the 
magnanimity  of  the  Empress  of  Kiissia.  On  July  10,  1791,  Pitt 
seems  to  have  sent  Miranda  £;>00  and  to  have  promised  to  conclude 
the  other  arrangements  in  a  few  days.  In  spile  of  this  assurance 
ii»arly  in  September  following  Miranda  felt  compelled  to  make  another 
appeal  in  which  he  asked  for  the  payment  of  the  £500.  which  he  still 
considered  his  due,  as  well  as  the  grant  of  an  annual  pension  of  £1,200 
AS  a  loan  to  support  him  in  England."^  Although  Miranda  was  doubt- 
less given  many  hundred  pounds  by  the  English  Government  for  his 
wrvices  at  this  junctui-e,  yet  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  desired 
pension  was  granted ;  ■'  on  the  contrary,  it  is  likely  that  his  departure 
from  England  was  accelerated  by  the  failure  to  grant  the  desired 
pension. 

In  iJie  eventful  months  after  his  arrival  from  the  Continent 
Miranda  made  new  acquaintances  and  renewed  old  ones.  He  doubt- 
less met  Grenville'  and  other  Englishmen  of  greater  or  less  promi- 
nence.^ He  dined  frequently  with  a  Canadian,  General  Haldimand." 
who  found  him  every  day  "  more  interesting."  *  Stephen  Sayre  and 
Miranda  met  in  T^ondon  and  discussed  Miranda's  travels  and  doubt- 
less also  his  plans  against  Spain.'  Col.  W.  S.  Smith,  who  was  visiting 
London,  had  n  numlxT  of  confidential  talks  with,  Miranda  regarding 
Europe  and  America.^  in  which  we  may  feel  sure  the  favorite  theme 
of  the  latter  was  not  forgotten.    After  the  Xootka  Sound  affair  had 

•  AnlPpan.  220.  221. 

*aurb  was  Mlranda'n  Inlpr  contmtlm.   Miranda   to  nit.  JanuHrj-   16.    1TI>T.  Cbatbam 

..  »45  ;  Miranda  to  Pitt,  March  10,  USD  inipy).  rickfrlng  MSS..  XXIV.  I.  lOO-. 
•Ulnnda  to  nrt.  SpptcmlHT  S,  ITfll,  .\m.  Illst.  Rpv..  Vll.  714.  Tlfi. 
'Dropmorp  Pappni.   II.  310,  a  rpferiiniv  Is  madp  to  £MOU  whkh  MlrnndH  had  ri'celvcil 
llip  KngltHh  OorernmMiI  some  lltu*  before  Spptemhrr   IT.    ITOO;   perhapa  tills  was 
IBal   pajrmeDl  innd»  lo  Miranda  for  M»  MTilcra  In   1700.     In  1600  Tbamaa  Paine 
*  iMliml   that  while  he   was  In    Franre  he  saw  Home  eorreapiindence   which    had    [laased 
■■•IWRn  Pitt  and  Miranda  regarding  the  ^'oatka  Sound  affair  and  that  th»  content  of  one 
Mire  was  that  "  Pltl  comproniliicd  with  Miranda  tor  bin  scrvlcca  hf  eIvIds  biro  £1.200 
"wling."     Uttpr  of  March  20,  1806.  Tbc  Aurora,  April  \  1806. 
'Ulranda  to  Pitt,  SeptrmbT  8,  ITOl.  Am.   HIM.  Rev,.  VII.  712 

'  i'laldiijiT  dc  Cbauveaii  l.agardp.  I.  note,  mvntlona  as  the  trlrnds  uf  Miranda,  Price, 
"e'vlUr.   I'riestir}',   Foi,   PIgott. 

•  Rpporl   on  Canadian  Arrhlrea  (or  188ft.   2ffl),  201.  20.'!, 

'  Ibid,,  'jeti. 

'  »a]rrr  to  Ogden.  June  20.   17SD.  Knoi  MSS,.  XXIV,  I    7U. 
,.'  Miranda  in  Knoi,   April  n,  1701,   Ihld.,  X.WIl,   r    R;   Miranda   lu   Hamlllon,  April  fi. 


nillluu 


286  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

blown  ovei'  Miranda  appears  to  liave  encountered  Thomas  Paine  at 
the  house  of  Turnbull  and  Forbesi,  the  London  merchants,"  I'rotjnljly 
with  a  view  to  securing  aid  or  encouragement,  Miranda  continued  In 
correspond  with  Geiieral  Knox,  whose  brother  he  soon  met.'  On 
April  Ti,  17(11,  Miranda  wrote  to  Alexander  Hamilton  informing  him 
that  his  work  as  Secretary  of  the  TreUKury  had  merited  "  tlie  adniin- 
tion  of  persons  of  the  first  consideration  "  in  England  and  had  given 
"  the  highest  idea  of  the  new  Government."  Hamilton  was  asked  to 
send  Miranda  news,  if  his  activities  permitted.'^ 

While  the^ootka  Sound  controversy  throws  the  plans  of  Francisco 
de  Miranda  into  comparatively  clear  relief,  the  same  can  not  be  said 
regarding  the  designs  of  England.     Beyond  doubt  Miranda  aimed 
at  the  liberation  of  nil  Spanish  America  from  the  oppressive  rule  of 
Spain  through  the  aid  and  connivance  of  England.     In  return  for 
the  material  aid  which  England  was  to  give  she  was  promised  com- 
mercial  advantages   and   perhaps   territorial    possessions.'*     On   the 
other  hand,  we  do  not  know  exactly  what  was  in  the  mind  of  William 
Pitt,  but  we  are  aware  to  contemplate  an  attack  on  Spanish  America 
in  case  of  war  was  in  entire  harmony  with  previous  English  policy. 
It  is  unfortunate  that  no  material  has  yet  been  found  which  accu- 
rately conveys  Pitt's  ideas  regarding  the  South  American  agitator. 
The  writer  believes  it  extremely  likely  that  Pitt  cherished  other  de- 
signs than   those  of  purely  commercial   conquest.     If   he  did  not, 
it  is  evident  that  other  Englishmen  did  entei-tain  thoughts  of  terri- 
torial nctiuisition  in  Spanish  America.     If  the  contest  between  Eng- 
land and  Spain  had  been  precipitated  in  1700.  such  ideas  as  "mili- 
tary eslablishment-s  in  the  South  Sea,"  and  ''conquest  of  Florida" 
would  have  been  the  working  base.s  of  some  English  military  an<i 
naval  commanders.     The  very  natnre  of  some  of  the  designs  siib-     | 
mitted  to  the  English  Government  shows  that  the  idea  of  territorial 
aggrandizement  in  the  domains  of  Spain  in  America  had  a  firm  hold 
on  the  minds  of  Englishmen.     There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  soni^ 
of  tliese  schemes  would  have  been  submitted  to  the  English  cabinet, 
even  if  Miranda,  with  his  keen  vision  for  diplomatic  openings,  ha<3l 
not  opportunely  arrived.     There  is  every  reason  to  believe,  howe^-ecr^i 
that  the  representations  and  the  agitation  of  the  enthusiastic  Mirandas 
brought  the  problem  of  Spanish  American  emancipation  as  a  grea^  ^ 
make-weight  in  the  scale  of  European  politics  most  forcibly  to  min*^ 
and  were  to  a  considerable  degree  responsible  for  the  extensiveness^ 
of  the  preparations  that  were  made.     In  whatever  capacity  Pitt  in 

•  utter  uf  Tfinmas  Palnp,  Marrh  20,  180(1.  Tbe  Anrora.  April  S,  1B06. 

•Drake.   Life  of  Knnx.   1SH,   IWi;  th 
Id  tbe  Kddi  M8S.,  XXVII.  1T4. 

'Hamilton  MSB..  XX,  f.  1&8;   In  part  In  Hamilton.  Ri-imWli;,  1 

*Tb<>re  (B  a  hint  at  tbla  In  tbe  r?rer«ite  In  IbG  "granted  coMtH  o 
m  Ulranda'ii  letlor  ot  January  is,  ITDl,  to  I-UI,  Aniepata,  2'M,  -'21. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  287 

ed  to  employ  Miranda,  whether  as  agent,  commander,  guide, 
gator,  tlie  latter  would  have  found  it  as  difficult  perhaps  to  con- 

the  actions  of  the  English  Government  if  an  attack  on  the 
lish  dominions  had  once  begun  as  to  carry  into  successful  execu- 

his  visionary  scheme  of  establishing  a  vast  Spanish- American 
ration.  England  would  have  been  false  to  her  instincts  and  tra- 
ins had  she  willingly  relinquished  territorial  acquisitions.  After 
)rospect  of  a  war  between  England  and  Spain  had  faded  away, 
inda  did  not  despair  of  carrying  out  his  revolutionary  projects, 
[>vor,  and  he  soon  decided  to  go  to  France,  which  seemed  to  offer 

a  new  theater. 


Chapter  VI. 
MIRANDA  IN  FRANCE. 

Miranda  was  probably  attracted  toward  France  at  the  beginning 
of  the  French  revohition  by  the  hope  that  the  French  leaders  would 
adopt  his  schemes  in  regard  to  Spanish  America.  Several  years  later 
he  was  alleged  to  have  declared  that  he  had  received  letters  from  the 
South  Americans  residing  in  Paris  "  assuring  him  that  France  was 
well  disposed  to  countenance  his  project."  •  In  1799  he  informed  Pitt 
that  he  went  to  Paris  at  this  time  having  learned  that  the  French 
Government  was  thinking  of  promoting  and  protecting  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Spanish- American  colonies.''  AVhatever  were  Miranda's 
ideas  regarding  the  attitude  of  France  toward  his  native  country, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  he  must  have  been  influenced  by  the  ideas  of 
universal  liberty  entertained  at  this  time  by  the  French.  The  South 
^Vmerican  agitator  reached  France  at  an  auspicious  moment,  for  the 
revolutionary  enthusiasm  was  soon  to  be  transformed  into  an  appar- 
ent crusade  for  libertv. 

Miranda  was  in  Paris  in  the  middle  of  August,  1792.  By  letters 
of  introduction  or  by  other  means  Miranda  secured  the  recognition 
of  some  of  the  French  leadei*s,  among  them  Petion,  the  mayor  of 
Paris,  and  Brissot,  a  leader  of  the  Girondists.**  On  August  16 
Miranda  wrote  to  his  friend,  Mr.  John  TurnbuU,  of  London,  declar- 
ing that  his  friends  in  the  French  capital  had  made  him  "  very  ad- 
vantageous proposals '"  to  join  them  in  supporting  "  the  cause  of 
liberty."'*  He  was  evidently  deliberating  whether  or  not  he  should 
join  (hem.  On  August  20,  true  to  what  was  probably  a  long-estab- 
lished habit,  Miranda  began  to  write  his  "  journal  of  observations  " 
at  Paris.^    Urged  by  the  French  minister  of  war,  Servan,  as  well  as 


■  ropham'B  memorandum.  October  14,  1804,  Am.  Hist.  Rer.,  VI,  510,  611. 

<•  Miranda  to  Pitt,  Marcli  10,  1709  (copy),  Pickering  MSS.,  XXIV,  f.  150-.  See  below, 
p.  293,  note  c. 

''  Miranda  H  rch  Concltoycns,  2,  declares  tliat  lie  went  to  I*ari8  in  April,  1702 ;  Rojas* 
Miranda  dans  la  R^t.  Fr.,  7,  where  the  reference  is  doabtless  to  Potion  as  the  one  with 
whom  Miranda  has  left  his  papers. 

<  Smith  Papers,  aOO. 

'  In  the  report  of  the  exuminntion  of  Miranda*8  goods  and  papers  in  Paris  at  the 
time  of  his  trial,  April  22,  179:J,  this  is  found,  "  Item,  un  autre  llvre  •  •  •  *  Journal 
doH  olmcrvationH  a  I'arls  do  20  AoAt  1792.*  Kcrit  do  la  main  du  dlt  Miranda.**  Archives 
NationalcK,  W.  271,  No.  ;I0,  f.  87. 

288 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  289 

by  other  Frenchmen,®  Miranda  decided  to  enter  the  French  military 
service  as  adjutant-general  on  the  condition  that  when  peace  and 
liberty  were  established  the  Government  would  grant  him  the  military 
grade  merited  by  his  services  and  such  as  would  assure  him  an  honest 
existence.*  About  the  middle  of  September  Miranda  was  ordered  to 
proceed  to  the  army  of  the  interior  under  the  command  of  General 
Labourdonnaye.  He  presented  himself  to  General  Dumouriez,  who 
gave  him  command  of  a  division  of  the  French  army.^  Early  in 
October,  1792,  Miranda  was  appointed  lieutenant-general.*  The 
favorite  theme  of  Spanish  America  was  not  forgotten,  for  Miranda's 
papers  relating  to  the  Nootka  Sound  dispute  followed  him  to  Paris.* 
The  sentiments  of  Miranda  regarding  his  native  land  must  have  be- 
come known,  for  his  name  was  soon  connected  with  a  proposed  ex- 
pedition to  Spanish  America  which  some  of  the  French  leaders  had 
been  meditating  upon  before  his  arrival. 

The  attitude  of  France  toward  Spanish  America  was  due  largely 
to  the  policy  of  General  Dumouriez.  In  March,  1792,  as  minister  of 
foreign  affairs,  he  had  formed  the  plan  of  allying  France  with  Eng- 
land, and,  if  necessary,  with  the  United  Statas.  He  felt  that  such  a 
political  combination  might  render  Spain  hostile  to  France,  but  in 
that  coalition  he  saw  the  power  which  would  open  to  these  nations 
the  commerce  of  Spanish  America,  and  which  might  enable  them  to 
divide  the  New  World.'  An  attack  on  Spanish  America  naturally 
became  a  topic  of  great  interest  to  Frenchmen. 

Early  in  August  of  the  same  year  Admiral  Kersaint  projected  a 
scheme  to  be  put  into  execution  in  case  of  a  war  between  France  and 
Spain.  "  We  ought,"  he  said,  "  to  carry  on  an  active  and  offensive 
war  against  Spain.  It  is  necessary  that  Spain  be  the  basis  of  a  new 
political  system."  He  thought  that  an  alliance  against  Spain  might 
be  perfected  whereby  the  Spanish  possessions  in  America  might  be 
conquered.  He  proposed  that  the  French  troops  rendezvous  at  Santo 
Domingo,  which  co\ild  be  made  a  base  of  attack  against  Cuba,  Carta- 
gena, Veracruz,  and  Louisiana.  Kersaint  believed  that  the  French 
ought  to  employ  6,000  regular  troops,  4,000  volunteers,  and  6,000  col- 
ored troops.  France  was  not  to  operate  alone,  however,  for  it  was 
proposed  to  ally  France,  England,  the  United  States,  and  Holland  in 
the  enterprise.    It  was  suggested  that  if  this  quadruple  alliance  was 

'Rojas,  Miranda  dans  la  R^v.  Fr.,  251,  252,  255. 
^Ibid.,  252. 

*  Miranda  to  Seiran,  September  27,  1792,  Guerre,  Archlyes  AdmlnlstratlYes,   Dossier 
Aftnnda. 

^Ibid.,  October  9,  1792,  Ibid. 

*aoJas,  Miranda  dans  la  R6y.  Fr.  7.  Mlran'la^s  papers  are  referred  to  In  the  official 
^'^Port  on  his  belongings  on  the  occasion  of  his  trial,  Archlyes  Natlonales,  W.  271,  No. 
30.  f.  100—. 

'Borel,  L*Europe  et  la  R6y.  Fr.,  II,  422. 
58833— VOL  1—09 19 


290  AMEBICAN  HISTOBICAIi  ASSOCIATION. 

once  formed,  it  might  be  possible  to  induce  Prussia,  Sweden,  and 
Denmark  to  join  it.  Kersaint  believed  that  the  center  of  this  nego- 
tiation ought  to  be  in  London.  He  volunteered  to  go  there  if  the 
executive  council  approved  the  idea.  England  would  be  attracted 
to  the  plan  by  the  immense  commercial  possibilities  involved.  In 
addition,  she  was  to  be  promised  the  possession  of  Cuba.  France  was 
to  get  the  Spanish  part  of  Santo  Domingo.  Porto  Rico  was  to  be  given 
to  the  United  States.  Trinity  and  other  small  islands  along  the  coasts 
of  Caracas  and  Louisiana  were  to  be  the  reward  of  Holland.  There 
were  to  be  four  main  attacks  north  of  the  equator  and  three  south  of 
that  line.  The  attack  on  Louisiana  was  to  be  confided  to  the  United 
States,  aided  by  France.  The  attack  on  the  kingdom  of  New  Granada 
or  the  provinces  of  Caracas  and  Santa  Marta  was  to  be  carried  on  by 
the  Dutch,  aided  by  the  Prussians.  Cuba  and  Yucatan  were  to  be 
attacked  by  the  English  and  the  French.  The  French,  assisted  by 
the  English,  were  to  operate  against  Santo  Domingo  and  Mexico.  It 
was  also  proposed  that  the  English,  reenforced  by  the  French  and 
the  Dutch,  proceed  against  Peru,  Chile,  and  the  Philippines.  If 
Portugal  would  not  remain  neutral,  her  colonies  were  also  to  be 
attacked  and  to  be  declared  independent.  Kersaint  proposed  that  the 
commander  of  St.  Lucia,  Grinat,  be  given  charge  of  the  expedition.* 

Not  long  after  the  arrival  of  Miranda  in  Paris,  Brissot  picked 
him  as  the  best  leader  for  such  an  enterprise.    He  suggested  this  to 
Miranda  on  October  13.    Like  Kersaint,  Brissot  proposed  that  Santo 
Domingo  be  used  as  a  base.    He  suggested  that  ten  or  twelve  thou- 
sand soldiers  located  at  that  island  be  reenforced  by  a  body  of  eight 
or  ten  thousand  mulatto  troops  that  could  easily  be  raised  in  the 
French  colonies.     He  believed  that  the  French  squadron  at  Santo 
Domingo  was  strong  and  that  a  large  nimiber  of  valiant  soldiers,  who 
were  "  sighing  for  this  revolution,"  could  be  drawn  from  the  United 
States.     "  Your  name  and  your  talents  guarantee  success.     I  have 
presented  my  views  to  all  the  ministers;  they  have  recognized  its 
advantages.    They  have  consented  to  give  you  the  vacant  govern- 
ment of  Santo  Domingo  from  the  base  of  which  you  can  operate  this 
revolution ;  a  single  consideration  has  arrested  them."    That  was  the 
close  relations  then  existing  between  Miranda  and  his  commander, 
Dumouriez,  who  was  known  to  have  the  revolutionizing  of  the  New 
World  at  heart.* 

The  proposal  must  have  appealed  to  Miranda,  revolutionist  that 
he  was.  Early  in  November  he  entertained  high  hopes  of  success  in 
the  proposed  project.  He  wrote  to  his  old  friend,  Greneral  Knox, 
asking  to  be  heard  upon  an  important  occasion.  "  You  will  see  by 
the  oficial  communications  of  the  new  apointed  minister  of  France, 

«  AffalroR  fitranpfercs,  M<*molre8  et  Documents,  Espagne,  210.  f.  38. 
*  Rojas,  Miranda  dans  la  R6v.  Fr.,  7,  8 :  Antepara,  171,  172. 


PBANCIBCO   DE  MIBANDA. 


291 


■nd  the  information  our  friend  Col:  Smith  will  give  you,  how  thing* 
axe  coming  to  maturity;  and  the  Period  advancing  when  our  dear 
Country  America  sliail  become  that  glorious  part  of  the  Globe,  that 
nature  intended  her  to  be — and  that  those  schemes  our  patriotism 
BUl^ted  to  our  minds  in  our  Semposiums  at  Boston,  are  not  far 
£rom  being  realized    •    •    •    j  beg  you  to  present  my  best  compii- 
meuts  to  the  President  of  the  United  States     ■     *     •     in  another 
moment  I  sliall  take  the  liberty  of  writing  to  him  personally."* 
About  the  time  of  writing  this  letter  Miranda  conferred  with  IjC- 
brun,  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  regarding  (he  plan  of  promot- 
ing a  revolution  in  Spanish  .^jnerica.*     On  November  25,  Monge, 
the  Frencli  minister  of  marine,  wrote  to  the  minister  of  war  declar- 
ing that  Miranda  ought  to  replace  Thowenot  in  tlie  expedition  to 
the  colonies  and  that  a  prompt  embarkment  was  necessary  at  Dun- 
kirk,  Ostend,   or  Antwerp/     About   the   same   time  Monge   asked 
Dumouricz  to  allow  Miranda  to  become  governor  of  Santo  Domingo.'' 
It  was  in  a  letter  of  Brissot  to  Dumouriez  on  November  28,  1792, 
that  the  plan  of  employing  Miranda  in  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish 
America  was  most  fully  presented.     "  It  is  necessary,"  said  Brissot, 
"to  promote   this  revolution   in   European   Spain  and   in  Spanish 
America  at  the  same  time.     The  fate  of  the  latter  revolution  depends 
upon  one  man    *    '    *    that  is  Miranda.     Recently  the  ministers  have 
been  searching  for  some  one  to  succeed  Despurbcs  at  Santo  Domingo. 
A  ray  of  light  struck  me;  I  said  name  Miranda.     Miranda   will 
soon  quiet  the  miserable  quarrels  of  the  colonies,  he  will  soon  bring 
to  reason  the  whites  who  are  so  troublesome,  and  he  will  become  the 
idol  of  the  people  of  colour.     And  then  with  what  ease  will  he  not 
lie  able  to  revolutionize  either  the  islands  of  the  Spaniards  or  the 
American   Continent  which  they  possess?     At  the  head  of  twelve 
llioosand  troops  of  the  lino  which  are  now  at  Santo  Domingo  and  of 
ten  to  fifteen  thousand  brave  mulattoes  that  our  colonies  will  furnish 
him,  with  what  facility  will  he  not  be  able  to  invade  the  Spanish 
poffiessions,  having  besides  a  squadron   under  his  orders,  and  the 
S)>aniards  having  nothing  to  oppose  him?     The  name  of  Miranda. 
,    will  be  worth  an  army  and  his  talents,  his  courage,  his  genius  all 
promise  success.     But  in  order  to  insure  this  there  is  not  a  moment 
to  lose,     •     •     *     it  is  necessary  that  he  depart  before  Spain  dis- 
covers our  views,     I  know  well  that  his  nomination  will  strike  Spain 
with  terror  and  confound  Pitt  with  his  poor  dilatory  politics;  but 
Spain  is  impotent  and  England  will  not  move."     Brissot  assured 
I^mounez  that  the  ministers  had  all  agreed  to  the  choice  and  that 

•Not.  4.  n02.  Knox  MSS..  XXXU.  t.   17fl. 

•lebrun  lo  DumourtiM,  November  6,  1702.  flnrel,  L'Europc  cl  la  B*v.  Ft..  Ill,  IBT. 
•"rtnilt  to  Knoi.  KoTetnber  *,  1703,. had  this:  "  N.  B.  Write  me  under  ths  mlntatra  dea 
••"irn  etrangcrcB— a  Pari*."  Koni  M88,.  XXXI  I,  f.  ITS. 

'Cotrre,  Arcblvea  HlatoritiiieB.  Annfrii  du  Word  ft  den  Acdenneii,  Noverobre  IT92. 

'tfonsc  to  Ibe  mtnlater  of  onr.  N'ovember  27.  1702.  ibid. 


890 

once  f.  . 
Deniii  ■ 
tiatioi 
exwiu:' 

to   tilt 

additio 
to  get  I ' 

to  till-  I 

of  Can 
were  I';  ' 
that  lin 
Statr^.  ■ 
or  the  |-^ 
the  1)1  It 
Httackc'l 
theEiiir^' 
was  alsii 
the  I>ii1- 
PortupHi 
attackt-il  '^ 
comnini:' 

Not  I.W 
him  OS  il 
Miratidi)  • 
DominfTo  • 
sand  Mil.i 
or  ton  iji' 
French  , 
Domingo  • 
were  ''  si';! 
States.    • 
presciiU'iJ 
advniitnpi' 
ment  of  h; 
revolution 
close  vAul 
Diimoiu'ic/.. 
World 

The 
he  was. 
(he  pro] 
askiiif; 
the  nHi 


^     L-ru'^  iif  governor-general  of  Saiilo 
r-^.,     ..    ::»[  they  feared  that  he  would  not 

- -    iitr  Diimonrioz  Hcems  also  to  havs 

^  .-.,eii>!ve  possiltilities  of  the  design,  for 

.  ■[!    tvi-Iai-ing  that  the  mastery  of  tie 

...;..  .t   >i  the  United  States  "  in  the  execu- 

-iiieral  Mir-anda  "  would  make  Fniiiee 

i.„.i.u. '    Miranda  again  turned  toward  the 

^.•.-..it\  to  interest  his  friends  in  the  scheme. 

.»uiid  also  to  engage  Henry  Ijgo.  of  Vir- 

..L.   Smith,  who  was  in  Paris  at  this  time, 

V    111  lines  of  (he  scheme.     It  is  likely  (hat 

->^,ti,  Miranda  as  well  as  I^brim  hoped  to 

.  .  lie  statesmen  of  the  United  States  in  the 

planish    possessions.     In    Fehniary,    17M, 

.-..ssiii.  Sffretaiy  of  State  of  the  United  States, 

,.i.ivd   a   letter   from   Lebrnn    to   President 

..jivi.  involving  possible  coo|ieration  between 

.  ^;:ite>,  was  not  carried  out.    As  the  latter  part 

lu  ihv  enthusiasm  of  Jliranda,  if  it  had  ever 

,  ..li.    Dn  DecenilKT  IH  he  wrote  to  his  advocate 

.    •I'ui^'  the  commission  and  chantcterized  the 

..  iiiagnifioeiit  "  one.  but  declared  that  he  knew 

.(■  ;unial  condition  of  the  Frenrh  West  Indies, 

if  iie|mrture  fur  Santo  Domingo  would  be  a 

.   Miii'isof  Ijondon  and  Madrid,  which  would  thib 

^,■>il  iilteitftcles  in  the  way  of  his  clierished  plau>.' 

,iii  up,  however,  and  late  in  DecenilhT  Mir:n)(i» 

,:  wz,  to  <'onfer  with  Itriss<tt  on  the  matter.'  Then' 

>tiits   from  the  conference,  iiut  the  anxiety  of 

i^tte  with  Miranda  in  the  expedition  was  niani- 

V-  that  llie  pers<mal  ambition  of  Dumourie^  hail 

u'diii}^  the  development  of  (lie  plan.    In  January. 

Liimiauces  combined   to  cause  even   Brissot,  the    i 

lie  design,  temporarily  to  relin(piish  il.     The 

di.-^|Hise(l  to  execute  the  project  as  some  of  Iheii^ 

una  demonstrating  a  strong  tendency  lowar*^ 

Uiv.  Vt.,  2,  3. 
V,  n.,  lit.  ITS. 

Kiv.  V^.,  »:  >"V  also  tti"  li'OrT  ot  Miranda  (•>  Knoi.  \oifK^=* 
atU,  L1>1,  abOTC. 
!10,  217. 

t'l.,  s.  e. 


I    neul 


FBANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA. 


neutrality.  Above  all,  the  war  with  England,  which  was  threatening, 
engrossed  the  serious  thoughts  of  Brissot  iiimself,"  It  was  not  until 
January  12,  1793,  that  the  minister  of  marine  was  reluctantly  fortiod 
to  desist  from  his  well-settled  purpose  of  sending  Miranda  to  the 
French  West  Indies  because  of  the  appointment  of  that  general  to  the 
command  of  part  of  the  army  of  the  Republic  in  Belgium. *  Perhaps 
the  somewhat  half-fiearted  attitude  which  Miranda  himself  had  bm- 
sumed  had  something  to  do  with  the  retarded  development  of  the 
project.  Several  years  later  he  appears  to  have  declared  that  his 
hesitation  about  embarking  in  the  Brissotin  scheme  was  due  to  his 
apprehensions  regarding  the  radical  alterations  which  he  conceived 
were  taking  place  in  the  '•  principles  of  the  French  Govenunent."  ' 

The  discussions  provoked  by  this  propo-sal  to  revolutionize  Spanisli 
America  were  not,  however,  altogether  fruitless.  They  doubtless 
encouraged  other  schemers  to  formulate  and  to  present  their  plans. 
Although  the  plan  of  initiating  a  general  insurrection  in  Spanish 
America  was  at  least  temporarily  suspended,  yet  it  was  from  the  pro- 
posal to  employ  Miranda  in  such  an  operation  that  the  revolutionary 
mission  of  Genet  to  the  United  States  had  its  origin.  As  early  as 
Novemlier,  1792,  Lebrun  had  decided  to  dispatch  that  agent  to 
America  with  "the  secret  mission  of  fomenting  this  revolution,"'' 
Indeed  it  is  entirely  possible  that  the  plans  of  the  French  were  so 
all-embracing  that  at  one  time  they  contemplated  sending  Genet  to  the 
United  States  and  Miranda  to  Santo  Domingo  for  the  purjjose  of 
directing  simultaneous  operations  against  both  the  northern  and  the 
more  southern  part  of  Spanish  America,"  If  the  French  hud  lieen 
able  to  secure  the  aid  or  sympathy  of  American  leaders  like  Wash- 
ington and  Knox,  and  to  enlist  the  western  frontiersmen  in  the  cause 
as  well  as  the  mulattoes  and  the  adventurers  of  the  French  West 

•RoJ«H,  Miranda  dans  In  Rtv.  Ft..   10,  11. 

*  The  mlnlBlpr  ot  marine  to  (be  mlnialiT  iif  war,  January  12,  1793,  Querre,  Arcbtvea 
Admlnlnn-stlvea.  DfinaiPr  MIrandii. 

'  H^mornndnia  ot  Popham.  Oclnl)fr  14,   IS04,  Am.  Hist.  Kev.,  VI,  611.     See  also  Ante- 

'  Lebmn  to  Dumonrlei.  NoTember  fl,  1702,  Sorel.  I/Kurope  et  la  R^y.  Pr.,  Ill,  IBT. 

•  Uonge.  the  Frenrti  mlnlatcr  of  marine,  did  not  give  up  tlie  dealgn  of  rmploylnjE 
Miranda  until  Juiuarr  12.  1T93.  while  Genet  wbh  selected  aa  agent  to  the  United  Stalw  In 
Novemlier,  1T93.  Sorel.  L'Eorope  et  la  Ri<T,  Fr,.  III.  IGT.  Graet's  InBtruclIons  were  not 
nude  oat  nntll  December  ot  tlinl  year  and  were  supplenii'nted  liy  othcni  on  January  ot 

I  the  fonowlne  year.  Id  1790  Miranda  made  Ibla  explanation  ot  bla  relatloDa  wttli  the 
I  French  OoTemmeot  In  regard  to  the  revolutlonlzlDg  of  SpanlBh  America;  "Mala  le  SDUa- 
'  Bien^.  ayant  ipprls  ppu  <!(■  leros  aprta  que  le  flouyerupmeul  fran'^als  a'occupolt  il'ilTrir 
OH  appul  aux  Coloolea  Eapagnolea,  pour  lea  Invlter  ft  L'lnd^pendance  aoua  sa  protection, 
II  passa  ft  Parts  en  1702 ;  LA  U  tMuva  que  le  projet  «tolent  ellcctlvement  aur  Tapis,  et 
parvlnt  i  le  (site  afoumer  en  promcttant  de  cundulre  lul-mSme  I'entreprlae  dons  ua 
moment  plus  FaToiahle,  le  leul  motif  qui  occbbIodb  bod  entrfe  du  service  de  France : 
En  ScFVCtabre  1702.  11  fut  en  consftiuence  oomm^  par  le  OooTeruemenl  francala  Comman 
flaat  general  des  Isles  en  Am^rlque  pour  reifcution  de  te  projet;  mnls  II  flt  eocote  tout 
ton  poBsIble  pour  le  faire  remettre  ft  ane  aatre  ^poqup,  crolnnt  If  lUomtDt  pi^u  tni'oruMf'. 
et  cralgDBnt  qae  lea  princlpes  anarchlques  qui  fermentolent  dfJB  ne  fuasent  d'un  alulstre 
augnre  pour  1'entrrpclae,  ce  qui  probablemeot  sauTB  ainrs  les  Colonies  de  L'lnfluence  (atale 
de  de  Sliteme."     Plckerlns  MS8.,  XXIT.  {.  ISO. 


294  AMEBICAN  HISTOBICAIi  ASSOCIATION. 

Indies,  with  the  support  of  a  fleet  and  an  army  from  France,  then, 
indeed,  might  there  haveT^een  a  revolution. 

'Some  time  in  the  year  1792  an  anonymous  project  for  setting  on 
foot  a  revolution  in  Louisiana  was  also  presented  to  the  French  Gov- 
ernment.  In  this  communication  the  idea  of  engaging  in  a  revolution 
which  was  to  include  the  immense  expanse  of  territory  from  New 
Mexico  to  Chile  was  characterized  as  chimerical.  After  thus  dispos- 
ing of  what  was  perhaps  the  Miranda  project,  the  author  of  this  plan 
suggested  various  measures  to  promote  a  revolution  in  Louisiana 
where  he  believed  that  there  was  promise  of  a  "  more  immediate,  more 
certain,  and  less  expensive  success."  * 

In  the  same  year  Captain  Imlay,  an  American  living  in  Paris, 
made  some  proposals  on  the  same  theme  to  the  French  Government 
He  declared  that  many  of  the  westerners  living  on  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi  would  embrace  the  opportunity  of  attacking  Spain.  In 
addition  he  believed  that  a  small  army  could  be  raised  in  Louisiana 
which  would  be  strong  enough  to  overturn  Spanish  domination  in 
that  country.  It  was  pointed  out  that  the  French  and  the  American 
settlers  living  in  the  Spanish  territory  along  the  east  banks  of  the 
Mississippi  were  discontented  with  the  tyrannical  rule  of  Spain. 
The  troops  defending  the  territory  were  small  in  number;  some  of 
them  were  French.  Imlay  calculated  that  the  total  expense  of  sudi 
an  attempt  would  not  exceed  750,000  livres.* 

The  instructions  of  citizen  Genet,  drawn  up  at  a  time  when  Mi- 
randa's schemes  were  not  discarded,  directed  that,  if  he  was  not  suc- 
cassful  in  securing  a  treaty  with  the  United  States  that  would  estab- 
lish an  intimate  concert  between  the  two  .nations  for  the  extension 
of  the  empire  of  liberty,  guaranteeing  the  sovereignty  of  the  people, 
and  punishing  the  powers  that  maintained  an  exclusive  commercial 
system,  he  was  to  adopt  all  the  measures  in  his  power  to  spread  the 
principles  of  the  French  revolution  in  Louisiana,  Kentucky,  and  the 
other  provinces  bordering  on  the  United  States.*'  Grenet's  intrigues 
with  Moultrie,  the  veteran  of  the  Revolution,  with  Gteorge  Rogers 
Clark,  the  discontented  frontiersman,  with  the  French  naturalist, 
Michaux',  and  others,  as  well  as  his  relations  with  Washington  and 
Jefferson,  can  not  be  considered  here.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  after  much 
agitation  and  many  preparations  Genet  failed  to  execute  the  com- 
mission, largely  because  of  the  opposition  of  Washington.* 

Pereyrat,  a  French  officer,  Beaupoils,  and  Sayre,  who  was  now  in 
Paris,  dated  a  scheme  on  March  4,  1793,  for  fomenting  an  insurrec- 

•  Am.  Hist.  Assn.  Kept..  189C,  I,  946- 

»Am.    Hist.    Rev..    Ill,    491-. 

<-  Am.  Hist.  Assn.  Bept.,  1896,  I,  958,  968. 

<*0n  the  progress  of  Genet's  intrigues  in  the  United  States,  see  Tomer,  The  Origin 
of  Genet's  Projected  Attack  on  Louisiana  and  the  Florldas,  Am.  Hist.  Rey.,  Ill,  668-: 
Turner,  The  Policy  of  France  toward  the  Mississippi  Valley  during  the  Period  of  Wash- 
ington and  Adams,  Ibid.,  X,  261-^ 


FEANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA. 


295 


Bon  in  Spanish  America.  They  declared  that  a  general,  evidently 
1,  had  presented  much  more  extended  designs  on  the  same 
mbject,  which  cmild  not  be  carried  out  without  a  Heet  and  a  formid- 
ible  army,  which  were  not  available  at  this  time.  Their  scheme 
proposed  a  general  revolution  in  Lx>uisiana  to  be  effected  by  a  com- 
itively  small  land  and  navnl  foi-ce,  aided  by  the  settlers  of  Ken- 
JDcky.    This,  they  believed,  might  result  in   provoking  a  general 

iurrection  in  Spanish  America.     They  called  attention  to  the  fact 

ist  this  project  would  leave  the  Government  the  option  of  adopting 
the  more  comprehensive  plan  of  the  general,  whenever  it  thought 
best  to  do  so."  Lyonnet,  who  had  lived  in  New  Orleans,  also  pre- 
sented a  plan  for  an  attack  on  Louisiana.  He,  too,  declared  that  such 
an  enterprise  would  be  supported  by  inhabitants  of  the  western  part 
of  the  United  States.  He  described  the  condition  of  the  Spanish 
posts  on  the  east  hank  of  the  Mississippi  from  the  mouth  of  the  Oliio 
to  New  Orleans.  He  suggested  that  six  men  be  sent  to  the  United 
States  to  concert  with  the  French  minister  and  other  .suitable  per- 
sons the  best  means  of  e.\ecuting  the  attack.  A  general,  evidently 
Clfttk,  was  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  these  "  filibnsters  of  the 
woods."  The  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  hope  of 
seeing  Louisiana  part  of  the  United  States  were  to  l>e  attractions  for 
the  westeruei's  as  well  as  the  pleasure  of  Ulwrating  a  region  under 
the  government  of  a  rival  power." 

As  on  previous  occasions,  these  revolutionary  plottings  were  not 
altogether  imknown  to  the  Government  of  Spain.  In  July,  1793, 
Governor  Carondelet  of  New  Orleans  had  heard  rumors  of  a  French 
invasion  and  informed  his  Government  that  his  forces  were  inade- 
quate for  the  defense  of  that  region.''  The  governor  of  Florida, 
Juan  de  Quesada,  was  also  greatly  alarmed  at  the  preparations  for 
invasion  which  Genet  was  making,  of  which  he  had  been  warned  by 
Spanish  agents  in  the  United  States.  He  sent  word  of  the  threatened 
attack  to  the  captain-general  of  Cuba,  asking  for  military  aid.  The 
authorities  in  Spain  were  also  informed  that  Quesada  lacked  money 
and  other  essentials  for  defense.''  It  was  not  until  after  the  recall 
of  Genet  that  the  harassing  fears  of  Quesada  disappeared. 

These  multiform  schemes  which  were  presented  to  the  French  Gov- 
ernment in  the  years  1732  and  1793  .show  that  in  the  early  period  of 
the  French  revolution  the  French  people  and  the  French  Govern- 
ment were  alive  to  tlie  importance  of  reestablishing  their  colonial 


•Am.  HlBl.   Amb.   Bept..    1806.    1. 
•Am.  HUt.  Iter..  III.  tSO^. 
•Am.  Ulst.  A«Bn..  Rept..  18I)Q.  I. 
'  Qorsada  to  Campo  Alangv,  Jan 


I         wil  In  t 


A-  O.  8„  Oum,  72M.  It  la  Inters 
nU  probabnitj  Jum  Wllkluon,  (en- 
r  of  Febtuary  29.  ITM,  to  CaroDdelct, 


n 


296  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

power  and  belicvt'il  that  this  could  best  he  done  at  the  expense  of  tl» 
Spaniah  monarch  "s  dominions  in  America.  The  schemes  which  were 
entertained  by  tlie  French  minLsterM,  especially  those  with  which  the 
names  of  Miranda  and  Genet  were  associated,  vie  in  their  compre- 
hensiveness with  some  of  the  plans  submitted  at  different  times  to 
the  Government  of  England, 

WJiile  these  designs  were  being  presented  to  the  French  Govern- 
ment, Miranda  was  passing  through  some  interesting  experiences, 
which  will  only  be  briefly  considered  here,  as  they  are  not  directly 
connected  with  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America.  In  April, 
1792,  France  had  declared  war  upon  Austria.  As  Austria  was  allied 
with  Prussia,  the  latter  became  involved  in  the  war.  In  Septem- 
ber, 1792,  the  Prussians,  who  had  invaded  France,  were  defeated  »t 
Valmy.  The  French  followed  up  their  success  by  invading  Bel^um, 
whicli  was  a  part  of  the  Austrian  dominions.  On  being  made 
lieutenant-general  of  the  French  army  Miranda  declared  that  "  this 
inestimable  honor"  would  be  the  greatest  pleasure  to  him  if  hb 
talents  equaled  the  "zeal  and  the  inviolable  love  of  liberty"  whidi 
had  made  him  a  member  of  the  French  Republic,  to  which  he  "  wholly 
dedicated  his  life  and  his  feeble  powers." " 

On  November  26  Miranda  replaced  General  Labourdonnaye  in  com- 
mand of  a  division  of  the  army  of  the  north."  This  appointment 
was  due  to  the  influence  of  Dumouriez,'^  the  commander  in  chief  of 
the  armies  operating  against  Belgium.  On  assuming  command  of 
Labourdonnaye 's  troops  Miranda  vigorously  prosettutod  the  siege  of 
Antwerp,  which  capitulated  on  November  29.  On  that  day  the  com- 
manding general  issued  an  order  to  his  troops  declaring  that  when 
they  entered  the  citadel  "all  the  emblems  of  despotism  were  to  be 
replaced  by  those  of  liberty;  "  the  names  of  the  Spanish  leaders  en- 
graved on  the  bastions  were  to  be  replaced  by  those  of  Dumouriex, 
Petion,  Helvetius,  and  Rousseau.''  If  we  may  trust  a  documeiit 
printed  later  through  the  agency  of  Miranda,  before  leaving  Ant- 
werp, the  latter  gained  the  esteem  of  the  bishop  of  that  city,  who  pre- 
sented him  with  some  Spanish  and  Latin  classics  as  a  token  of  the 
"  homage  due  to  the  philosopher,  the  man  of  letters  and  science,  to 
the  great  military  character."* 

In  about  a  week  Miranda  left  Antwerp  to  rejoin  his  advance  guard 
at  Maeseyck  on  the  Meuse,'  His  next  step  of  importance  was  to  take 
possession  of  Austrian  Flanders  and  to  drive  the  enemy  out  of  the 

•  Miranda   to    Semn.    October   9.    ITSS,    Guerre,    Arcbivea    Ad  mla  Intra  Uvea.   I>om1b' 
Uiranda. 

■Miranda    to    Parhr,    N'oTumber   28.    1TB2,    Oui>rrv,    ArchiveH    UistorlqueH.    Arni«M  <>' 
Nord  e(  dM  Anl(>Dii«ij.  Novembre.  ITRZ. 

•Dumourlei  to  Pnohe,  No»ember  K3,  1TD2,  Ibid. 
'  MonltEur,   Occcmber  n,  1T02. 

•  Ajiti^ara.  '211. 
r  Miranda  to  Pacbi',  t>i>cc'iiibi'r  0,  1T92,  Ooerre,  Arvlilv^s  HIstorlqupB.  Arm^el  dD  B 

at  dea  Ardemii'S,  Oecunibrc,  1792. 


^cap 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIBANDA.  297 

capital,  on  December  11."  On  Decomber  15  Miranda  issued  a  proc- 
Ittmation  to  Iiis  troops,  informing  thorn  of  thp  praiHes  which  they 
had  been  given  for  the  capture  of  Ruremonde,*  More  than  once 
were  the  operations  of  the  commanding  general  praised  by  the 
iniaister  of  war,  Pache."  The  attempts  of  Miranda  to  raise  money 
from  the  inhabitants  of  the  conquered  territory  by  requisitions  and 
forced  loans,  however,  sometimes  met  with  protests  from  the  inhab- 
itants and  ci'iticisra  from  Pache.''  On  January  5,  1793,  Miranda 
was  intrusted  with  the  command  of  the  army  which  had  beon  man- 
aged by  General  Valence.^  On  February  11  Miranda  announced  the 
capture  of  Stevensweert,  which  he  believed  insured  the  control  of  the 
Meuse.  In  a  postscript  he  congratulated  the  new  minister  of  war, 
General  Beiimonville,  on  his  appointment,  declaring  that  there  was 
"absolute  need  of  a  man  of  the  profession."'  On  February  13 
Miranda  proclaimed  to  his  brothers  in  arms  that  war  had  been 
declared  against  England  and  Holland."  On  the  following  day  his 
troops  under  Champmorin  also  gained  possession  of  Fort  St.  Michel, 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Meuse.  In  the  dispatch  announcing  the  cap- 
ture of  that  place  Miranda  informed  Beiu'nonville  that  in  order  tliat 
their  contemplated  invasion  might  succeed  it  was  necessary  to  foment 
IX  revolution  in  Holland.*  Dumouriez  soon  promised  Miranda  that 
this  would  be  done.*  Miranda  was  not  to  have  the  pleasure  of  initiat- 
ing any  such  measure,  however,  for  his  dazzling  rise  to  position  and 
influence  was  soon  to  receive  a  disastrous  check. 

On  February  14  Dumouriez  ordered  Miranda  to  begin  speedily  the 
bombardment  of  Maestricht.'  The  latter  soon  took  steps  to  invest 
the  city.*  The  plan  of  operations  drawn  up  by  Miranda,  under  the 
directions  of  Dumouriez,  was  approved  by  the  minister  of  war.'  It 
was  arranged  that  after  the  capture  of  Maestricht  Miranda  was  to 
cooperate  with  his  superior  officer,  Dumouriez,  in  driving  the  enemy 
from  the  province  of  Utrecht.""  On  February  24  Miranda  summoned 
the  city  to  surrender."    On  the  following  day  he  reported  that  the 

clic  Dpccml 
t  dfi  Arden 

'T>achE  to  Miranda,  Docemlier  Ti  and  t>i>remb«r  T.  1TQ2,  ibid. 

leeember  19,  1T92.  an  ationfmouB  letter  was  addressed  to  tlie  minister  ol  war  from 

■  wblcb  dIsciiBsed  the  demniula  of  Miranda;  on  Derember  31.  na'2,  Ilie  proflalonal 

■  ■  •  of  Antwerp  sent  a  protest  to  Miranda  reBardlnR  hla  requlaltloua,  Ihid,     Pache 

a  January  i,  1703.  blames  bim  for  levying  a  forced  loan,  Ibid..  Janvier  1T93. 

to  Miranda,  lanuar;  G,  1763;  Paebe  to  Valence,  January  E.  1793. 

•inU..  Fevrier,  1703. 

■  Tbld. 

*  Kojas.  Miranda  dans  [a  RSv.  Fr..  00- 

•  Dumonrlel  to  Miranda,  February  H.  1703.  Guerre.  Archives  niBtorlnues,  Armfes  du 
Nord  ct  des  Ardennes,  FSvrler,  ni)3. 

I  Ibid. 

■  Ilild..  cacioiia  orders  by  Miranda  nbowln);  tbe  measures  taken :  aome  account  la  glvea 
(n  thP  dispatch  of  MlranilB  (o  BeumonvUle,  Februarj  17.  1793. 

■  BoJoB.  Miranda  dana  U  B6v.  Fr.,  77. 


298  AMEBIOAN  HISTOKICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

city  was  on  fire  in  five  differpnt  places,  and  that  he  calculated  on  being 
able  to  advance  from  Maeatricht  in  four  or  five  days,"  As  the  goF- 
emor  and  magistrates  of  the  city  refused  to  surrender,  Mintnda 
again  called  on  the  magistrates  to  deliver  up  the  city  on  February 
27.^  The  plans  of  the  French  were  frustrated,  however,  by  the  defeat 
of  Gteneral  Lanoiie's  troops  at  Aix  la  Chapelle.  On  March  2  Mirandi 
decided  to  raise  the  siege  of  Maestricht  in  order  that  he  might  join 
Valence  and  meet  the  advancing  enemy." 

In  spite  of  the  check  to  the  French  arms  Dumouriez  clung  to  his 
plan  of  campaign  in  Holland.''  Nevertheless  some  of  the  French 
leaders  were  at  times  in  dismay.  On  March  3  the  commissioners  of 
the  convention  wrote  that  everything  was  well,  again  that  the  atuii- 
tion  was  "  dreadful." "  General  Dumouriez  soon  took  charge  of  the 
united  armies  of  Valence  and  Miranda.  On  March  19  the  decisive 
battle  of  Neerwinden  took  place  between  the  French  and  the  Aus- 
triana.  In  this  engagement  Miranda  was  one  of  the  generals  in 
charge  of  the  left  wing  of  the  French  army  which  was  forced  to 
retreat  precipitately.  The  defeat  of  this  wing  by  the  Austrians  under 
the  Prince  of  Coburg  was,  to  say  the  least,  partly  responsible  for  the 
loss  of  the  battle.  On  the  same  day  as  the  battle  Dumouriez  wrote 
to  the  minister  of  war  declaring  that  the  defeat  at  Neerwinden  was 
due  to  the  ill-success  of  Champmorin  and  Miranda.' 

This  charge  was  followed  by  a  complete  change  in  the  relations 
between  Miranda  and  Dumouriez.  In  the  course  of  their  correspond- 
ence the  latter  had  frequently  made  expressions  of  esteem  for 
Miranda."  On  November  14,  1792,  in  a  fetter  to  Pache,  Dumouriei 
characterized  Miranda  as  "  a  brave  and  wise  general."  *  The  admira- 
tion seemed  to  be  mutual,  for  early  in  October,  1792,  Miranda  hud 
sent  two  telescopes  to  Dumouriez  "  as  a  proof  "  of  his  esteem.*  This  a 
also  shown  in  a  note  from  Miranda  to  Dumouriez.  January  28,  17flS, 
in  which  Miranda  assured  Dumouriez  that  he  could  count  upon  him 
with  all  the  power  of  his  body  and  mind  in  the  execution  of  his  ordei-** 
and  the  service  of  the  Republic.  "  I  do  not  like  the  idea  of  a** 
embassy  from  you  to  England;  but  am  much  pleased  with  the  plat^ 
of  a  conference  at  the  frontiers  of  Holland,  in  which,  like  Scipio  »-^ 

'  RojRB.  Miranda,  dans  1b  Sir.  Fr..  79. 

Mbld.,  88.  note. 

•Ibid..   02,    m;    Miranda    to  Valence.    Narcb   2,    1T93,    Ooern,    Archlvea 
AnnteB  du  Nocd  et  dca  Ardennes,  Motb,  1T&3. 

'  Dnmourlei  to  tbe  commlgBlonprB  of  tbp   oonventlon.  Uarch  3,    1T93,   Ibid. 
Miranda  dans  la  B«v.  Fr.,  86,  OS. 

•  The  Brst  letter  was  addreawd  to  th?  convention,  tbe  aecond  to  tbe  comity  d< 
(enfralv.  Guerro.  Arcblvea  Admin l8t rati ves,  Arm^e*  du  Nord  et  dea  Ardennes.  Han, 

I  Bolos.  Miranda  dans  la  Riv.  Pr..  135. 

>  Ibid,,  la.  3S,  83. 

*Oiierrp,  Archives  HIstoriqDes,  Armfen  du  Nord  et  des  Ardennca.  Novcmbre,  1TB3. 

'Miranda   to   Dumaurtei,    October   G    (1792),   Arcblvea   Natlonalea.    Polli      " 
Comlte  de  BOretf  uenerule.  F.'  4601.  t,  19-. 


^ 


FBANL'ISCO  DE   MIHANDA. 


299 


ZanLa,  you  will  decide  with  dignity  the  fate  of  the  Republic." " 
Miranda  replied  to  the  charge  of  Dumouriez  regarding  the  battle  of 
Neerwinden  by  denouncing  Dumouriez  and  declaring  that  the  latter 
had  proposed  to  march  upon  Paris  with  the  army.*  Dumouriez  soon 
took  refuge  with  the  enemies  of  France,  while  Miranda  stood  trial  at 
Paris. 

Two  days  aft«r  the  battle  of  Neerwinden,  which  forced  the  French 
to  evacuate  the  Netherlands,  an  order  was  issued  by  the  commissioners 
of  the  convention  directing  Miranda  to  appear  before  the  bar  of  the 
convention  without  delay  to  render  an  account  of  his  conduct  at  the 
battle  of  Neerwinden,  in  regard  to  which  complaint  had  been  made." 
On  March  24  the  convention  decreed  the  arrest  of  Miranda,  and 
instructed  Dumouriez  to  transmit  all  the  available  information 
regarding  Miranda  to  Paris.*  The  minister  of  war  directed  Dumou- 
riez to  execute  rigorously  the  decree  against  Miranda,"  The  com- 
plaint of  Dumouriez  was  not  the  only  one  that  had  been  lodged 
against  Miranda.  On  February  24  Liebaud,  one  of  the  national 
commissioners,  had  written  to  the  executive  council  complaining  that 
Miranda  had  left  (he  advance  guard  of  the  army  under  La  Marlifere 
very  weak.'  On  April  1  the  citizeness  Dubois  had  declared  that  the 
soldiers  of  Miranda  were  badly  equipped,  that  reproaches  were  made 
against  him  in  the  army,  and  that  if  the  commanding  general  had 
been  "  sincere  and  patriotic "  the  French  would  have  captured 
Maestricht."  Some  of  these  complaints  were  doubtless  considered 
before  the  accused  general  was  tried. 

Miranda  left  his  army  and  proceeded  to  Paris.  On  April  4  he 
wi-ole  to  the  president  of  the  convention  asking  that  he  be  heard 
in  bis  own  defense.'  On  April  8,  he  was  examined  by  the  committee 
of  war.'  He  was  soon  arraigned  for  treason  before  the  revolutionary 
tribunal.  Chauveau  Lagarde,  who  subsequently  defended  Marie  An- 
toinette, pleaded  eloquently  for  the  accused  general,  whose  conduct 
and  motives  he  lauded.^  The  defense  was  very  skillfully  conducted, 
and  on  May  16,  1793.  after  examining  Miranda  and  summoning  wit- 
nesses to  give  evidence,  the  jury  mianimously  declared  that  Miranda 
had  not  betrayed  the  interests  of  the  Republic  in  the  operations  at 


■Miranda    to   DnniniirliM.    Janimry   20.    ITOR,    ArchlTcii   NoIlannlfH,    1 
ComlU  de  SIlFete  O^D^rstp,  F.^  4689,  liiwe  a.  No.  41 :  tb«  quotalloa  Is  I 
iI>o  Chuquel.  La  Trnhleon  de  UuinourleB,  22. 
*  BojBB.  Miranda  dans  la  B^v.  Fr.,  163 :  Miranda  ft  iwa  Condtoyena.  Ul. 

•  Ibld„  137,  138. 

lj|>l(anlleur.  Uacch  25,  1TS3. 

pBeamaartll*  to   Dnmourlea,  Maicb   24,    1793,    Guerre,    Archlvw"   niM 
fMoid  et  del  Ardennes.  Mars,  1T93. 
gnud..  F«Trler,  1793. 
|«ATctllr«  NstlonalPB,  W.  271,  f.  G.  the  declaration  la  dated  April  1. 

P.'  4474",  f.  394. 
I*Ka]«B,  HttaodB  duns  In  R^v.   Pr.,  138-. 
UPlaldoyer  de  ChauTeau  Lagarde:  BoJ«b,  Miranda  daaa  la  Ufv.  Fr.,  1 


Spa  D  lab.      Hee 


irlquei.  Arm^ea 


300  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Maestricht,  Liege,  or  Neerwinden.**  When  the  decision  was  an- 
nounced Miranda  took  advantage  of  the  dramatic  moment  to  declare 
that  his  case  was  an  example  of  the  ease  with  which  calumnies  were 
credited.  In  the  words  of  the  Moniteur,  "The  people  applauded 
the  judgment  and  the  discourse  of  Miranda;  they  received  him  in 
their  arms,  carried  him  in  triumph,  and  crowned  him."  ^  In  spite  of 
this  apparently  triumphant  acquittal  the  general  was  still  suspected 
of  perfidy  by  some  Frenchmen,  as  subsequent  events  will  demonstrate. 
Others,  like  his  friend  Champagneux,  did  not  doubt  his  probity,  but 
believed  that  he  had  materially  contributed  to  the  inglorious  defeat 
at  Neerwinden  by  incompetency.^ 

Miranda  was  soon  forced  to  realize  that  he  was  not  above  suspicion. 
After  his  acquittal  he  took  up  his  abode  at  Belleville,  a  suburb  of 
Paris,  where  he  surrounded  himself  with  books,  engravings,  pictures, 
and  other  mementoes  of  his  travels.  According  to  his  own  account, 
he  proposed  to  busy  himself  in  arranging  his  correspondence  and 
writing  his  procCvSS.  Shortly  after  his  arrival,  however,  one  of  his 
servants  was  arrested.  At  the  same  time,  or  a  little  later,  Miranda's 
house  was  searched,  perhaps  because  of  suspicion  that  he  had 
smuggled  arms  and  ammunition  into  his  residence.  The  general 
declared  that  these  persecutions  were  provoked  by  the  personal 
enmity  of  Pache.*  Whether  Miranda  knew  it  or  not,  he  was  under 
close  surveillance  by  the  police  of  Paris.  As  a  result  of  the  gathering 
suspicions,  early  in  July,  1793,  Miranda  was  again  arrested  by  order 
of  the  committee  of  public  safety.  The  seals  were  to  be  placed  upon 
his  papers,  which  were  to  be  examined.**  On  July  9  he  was  thrust 
into  the  prison  of  La  Force.^  The  register  of  the  prison  states  that 
the  cause  of  the  imprisonment  was  "  not  explained."^  But  a  report 
on  the  activities  of  Miranda  declares  that  one  of  his  most  intimate 
friends  was  an  Englishman  called  Stone,  "  who  was  strongly  sus- 
pected of  being  an  agent  of  Pitt."  Petion  and  Montana  were  also 
declared  to  be  Miranda's  intimates.  The  valet  de  chambre  of  the 
retired  general  had  denounced  him  to  the  police  authorities.*  Per- 
haps Miranda  was  suspected  of  entering  into  a  royalist  conspiracy.* 

•Plaidoyer  de  Chauveau  Lagarde;  RoJaR,  Miranda  danfl  la  R6y.  Ft.,  210- ;  ArcKlTes 
Nationales.  W.  271,  coDtaloR  documents  relating  to  this  affair,  the  examination  of 
Miranda,  the  seizure  of  his  property,  etc. 

» Moniteur,  May  21,  1703;  Wallon,  Le  Tribunal  R^vohitionnaire,  I,  00. 

<*  Champagneux,  Madame  Roland,  406. 
*  'Miranda  to  the  convention,  July  13,  1703;  Moniteur,  July  16.  1703.  The  reports  of 
the  of&cers  who  sealed  the  papers  and  other  belongings  of  Miranda  show  that  he  had  a 
considerable  amount  of  property ;  one  box  of  "  marbres "  is  mentioned.  Archives  Na- 
tlonales,  ♦+  F.'  4474*^  f.  346.  Montana  said  "  J'al  trouvtf  chez  lul  une  Blbllothdque  Im- 
mense, composite  des  llvres  les  mieux  choisis  ct  Ics  plus  rares,  les  cartes  de  tons  les  Pays 
et  des  mellleurs  g^graphes  •  •  •  »•  (July  22,  1703,  to  "Citoyens  Repr^sentans,** 
ibid.,  f.  328-). 

•  July  7,  ( ?)  1703,  Archives  Natlonales.  A  F  ii.  22,  170,  No.  0. 
Ubid.,  ++  F.T  4474«,  f.  «18. 

9  Ibid.,  Alboise  et  Maqnet,  Les  Prisons  de  TEurope,  100. 
*Le  16  Vent6se,  Archives  Nationales,  ++  F.»  4474*',  f.  316. 

*  Cambon,  in  the  convention,  July  11,  1703 ;  Moniteur,  July  13,  1793. 


¥ 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  301 

The  prisoner,  however,  did  not  tamely  submit  to  this  treatment. 
He  demanded  jwrmission  to  appear  before  the  bar  of  the  convention. 
The  request  was  granted,  and  on  July  13  Miranda  harangued  the 
meiubei-s.  He  protested  vigorously  against  t!»e  way  in  which  he  had 
been  treated  since  the  dispatch  of  the  commissioners  to  Belgium. 
He  dechired  with  truth  that  the  authorities  of  Belleville  had  dis- 
missed all  suspicion  regarding  him.  Referring  to  his  unexplained 
imprisonment,  he  exclaimed:  "I  demand  revenge  for  this  infringe- 
ment on  liberty.  I  read  the  justice  of  my  cause  in  the  constitution; 
there  is  oppression  against  the  social  body  when  one  citizen  is  op- 
pressed. •  *  •  Yes,  citizen-legislators,  T  am  oppressed,  I,  who 
have  always  been  the  firmest  support  of  liberty."  Delacroix,  one  of 
the  commissioners  to  Belgium,  arose  to  defend  the  commission.  He 
said  that  they  had  received  numerous  complaints  of  the  conduct  of 
Miranda  at  Neerwinden.  "  He  complains  that  we  sent  him  to  Paris 
without  hearing  him;  but  how  could  we  speak  to  him  when  his  army 
had  Ijeen  searching  him  for  three  days!"  Miranda  demanded  a 
chance  to  reply  to  the  scathing  denunciation,  hut  the  order  of  the  day 
was  called  for.  and  he  was  sent  back  to  prison." 

The  life  of  Miranda  did  not  cease  to  have  its  interesting  incidents 
aven  when  he  was  imprisoned.  Many  men  of  rank  and  distinction 
Were  in  La  Force  when  Miranda  was  there.  There  was  Champa- 
gneux,  sent  from  his  post  under  the  minister  of  the  interior  inside 
those  "  terrible  doors."  It  is  from  his  recollections  that  we  get  a 
picture  of  Miranda's  life  in  the  prison.  Achille  de  Chatelet,  an 
ttrdent  scholar  and  lover  of  liberty,  was  languisliing  there  still  suffer- 
ing from  a  wound  received  in  battle.  The  sincere  republican,  Adam 
Lux.  the  deputy  from  Mayence,  had  also  been  thrust  into  this  prison, 
partly  at  least  l>eeause  of  his  expressed  admiration  for  Charlotte 
Corday.  The  deputies,  Valaze  and  Vergniaud,  were  also  there." 
There  were  many  other  prisoners,  but  it  was  with  this  group  of  men 
that  Miranda  became  especially  intimate.  Above  all  were  he  and 
Champagneux  attracted  to  each  other.  Miranda  seems  to  have  aided 
Champagneux  in  writing  a  history  of  France."^ 

Miranda  did  not  easily  resign  himself  to  prison  life,  however,  and 
on  August  12,  1793,  he  again  protested  against  his  imprisonment, 
denying  the  allegations  of  Cambon.''  Montanf ,  the  president  of  the 
revolutionary  tribunal,  praised  the  personal  qualities  of  Miranda,  de- 
nounced his  imprisonment,  and  asked  for  justice."  Nevertheless, 
Miranda  was  compelled  to  reconcile  himself  to  life  in  prison  and  to 
the  company  of  his  fellow -sufferers.     According  to  the  recollections 

•MonUeor,  July  15.  17f>3. 

■  Cbampii^eiii.  Madamo  Roland,  407:  Dauban.  Lea  Prlrana  dt  PbtIBi  45G~. 

'  CbampagnEiu.  Madam?  Roland.  407. 

'ArcblTGS  NaUonalea.  •*  F.'  447-"',  f.  382. 

•  Ibid.,  L  328,  Z29. 


302  AMEBIGAN  HISTOBIGAL  A880GIATI0K. 

of  Champagneux,  the  two  friends  held  many  conferences  on  the  art 
and  science  of  war,  in  which  Miranda  championed  the  rules  by  which 
such  generals  as  Turenne  had  gained  victories.  Champagneux  ex- 
pressed his  belief  that  Miranda  would  not  consent  to  win  a  battle 
except  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  Alexander  and  Caesar.*  In 
these  discussions  in  which  Champagneux  praised  the  tactics  of  the 
contemporary  French  generals,  Achille  de  Chatelet  seems  to  have 
often  acted  as  arbitrator.  Miranda  and  Champagneux  also  com- 
pared views  regarding  the  great  governments  of  the  world.  We  may 
well  believe  that  Miranda  displayed  a  strong  predilection  for  the 
Government  of  England,  declaring  that  the  English  constitution  was 
the  best  that  had  ever  existed,  for  in  England  alone  did  man  enjoy 
full  civil  liberty.  Miranda  praised  Pitt  and  denounced  Robespierre 
in  language,  said  Champagneux,  which  was  "  picturesque  with  choler 
and  indignation."* 

One  by  one  Miranda's  closest  companions  passed  from  the  confines 
of  the  prison.  In  October,  1793,  Lux  was  sunmioned  to  appear  before 
the  revolutionary  tribunal,  from  which  he  speedily  passed  to  the  exe- 
cutioner. Achille  de  Chatelet,  overcome  with  despondency,  com- 
mitted suicide  in  March,  1794,  bequeathing  some  of  his  property  to 
Miranda  and  Champagneux.  The  debates  between  Valaz6  and  Verg- 
niaud  had  been  cut  off  by  a  summons  from  the  dread  tribunaL® 
Happy  was  Miranda  that  he  escaped  such  an  invitation. 

According  to  Champagneux,  about  the  middle  of  July,  1794, 
Miranda  and  he  were  transferred  to  the  Madelonettes,  where  they 
were  crowded  into  more  narrow  and  uncomfortable  quarters  than  at 
La  Force.*  The  two  friends  were  not  able  to  study  undisturbed,  and 
the  time  passed  wearily.  Champagneux  depicts  only  one  of  their 
companions  in  that  prison,  the  architect-sculptor  De  Quinci.*  Mi- 
randa did  not  cease  to  protest  against  his  imprisonment,^  but  in  vain. 
News  from  the  outer  world  was  awaited  with  great  eagerness.  Alter- 
nate fits  of  hope  and  despair  possessed  the  prisoners,  according  to 
the  tenor  of  the  reports  which  filtered  through  the  walls  of  their 
prison.  The  report  of  the  fall  of  Robespierre,  said  Champagneux, 
was  greeted  with  great  rejoicings.^  It  was  in  August,  1794,  that 
Champagneux  bade  farewell  to  his  companion  in  captivity.*  It  was 
not  until  the  middle  of  January,  1795,  that  the  convention  decreed 

«  Champagneux,  Madame  Roland,  409-414. 
»Ibld.,  415,  416. 
"  Ibid..  416-421. 

^  Ibid.,  430,  432 ;  Albolse  et  Maquet,  Leg  Prisonii  de  I'Europe,  109. 
«  Champagneux,  Madame  Roland,  133. 

t  *'  Miranda  au  Comity  de  SQretd-g^^rale,  de  la  Convention  Nationale,  16  Vend^ialre, 
I'an  3»."  Archives  Nationales,  ++  F.^  4474«  f.  319. 
9  Champagneux,  Madame  Roland,  434,  435. 
» Ibid.,  437. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIBAXDA, 


303 


that  Miranda  be  set  free."  The  seals  were  soon  removed  from  his 
papers  and  effects." 

This  long  and  wearisome  imprisonment,  that  must  have  been  espe- 
cially galling  to  a  man  of  Miranda's  temperament,  had  not  caused  him 
to  forget  or  to  relinquish  his  plans  for  the  emancipation  of  his  native 
land.  In  about  two  months  after  his  release  he  wrote  to  General 
Knox :  "  I  take  the  pen  only  to  tell  you  that  I  live  and  that  my  senti- 
ments for  our  dear  Colombia  as  well  as  for  all  my  fi'iends  in  that 
part  of  the  world  have  not  changed  in  the  least.  *  *  *  Oblige  me 
by  conveying  my  sentiments  to  all  my  friends,  especially  to  Messrs. 
Hamilton,  Smith,  Duar,  Livingston,  etc.,  etc."" 

The  released  general,  who  had  been  praised  by  Pelet  to  the  conven- 
tion as  an  "  enemy  of  slavery  "  and  a  "  friend  of  liberty," "  was  not 
long  in  informing  the  people  of  France  what  he  thought  of  their 
political  condition.  Like  other  men  he  tried  to  formulate  a  policy 
and  to  frame  a  government.  In  July.  1795,  he  published  a  pam- 
phlet on  the  affairs  of  France  and  the  remedies  which  he  deemed 
appropriate  for  the  existing  evils.  He  declared  that  the  terrible 
convulsions  of  despotism  had  placed  France  on  the  borders  of  a 
precipice.  From  tliis  perilous  situation  only  the  intimate  union  of 
virtuous  and  capable  men  could  save  her.  Pence  and  a  government 
were  desired  by  all  and  were  in  a  manner  reciprocal. 

He  maintained  that  the  concentration  of  power  in  the  hands  of  one 
body  had  facilitated  revolutions.  It  was  only  by  a  wise  division  of 
the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  powers  that  stabilitj:  jiould  be 
imparted  to  the  Government.  Two  conditions  were  essential  for  the 
absolute  independence  of  these  powers.  "  The  Grst  was  that  the  source 
from  which  they  emanated  be  the  same;  the  second,  that  they  exer- 
cise a  reciprocal  supervision  over  each  other."  He  declared  that  the 
people  would  not  be  sovereign  if  one  of  the  ruling  powers  did  not 
emanate  immediately  from  them;  they  would  not  have  independence 
if  one  of  them  was  the  creator  of  the  other.  The  executive  and  not  the 
legislative  power  ought  to  appoint  the  administrative  agents  of  the 
State.  Each  of  the  three  powers  ought  to  watch  over  the  security  of 
the  State.  If  f)ne  of  the  departments  exceeded  the  powers  prescribed 
the  others  ought  to  give  the  alarm.  One  chamber  of  the  legislature 
ought  not  to  have  the  sole  power  to  propose  laws,  but  in  proposing 
and  sanctioning  laws  the  two  chambers  ought  to  be  on  an  equality. 

The  confidence  which  foreign  nations  would  have  in  such  a  govern- 
ment woidd  be  the  surest  means  of  opening  conferences  which  would 
give  peace  to  Europe  and  tranquillity  to  France.  Miranda  laid  down 
certain  principles  that,  in  his  opinion,  ought  to  guide  the  French 
nation.     The  glory  of  conquests,  said  he,  was  not  worthy  of  a  republic 


•Monlt™r.  Janaary  IT,  ITOG. 
•Minute  dated  12  riiivinsr.  Van  S.  A 
'  '£2  VeDtOw.  3<">  tmntK,  Knoi  MSS„ 


*  F.»  4*74".  t.  810. 


304  AMERICAN   HISTOKICAL  ASSOCIATIOK. 

founded  upon  the  respect  due  to  the  rights  of  man  and  the  sublime 
maxims  of  philosophy.  Territorial  acquisitions  would  augment  the 
embarrassments  of  the  Government,  France  ought  to  retire  within 
her  former  boundaries  defended  by  a  line  of  fortresses.  The  people 
between  the  Rhine  and  this  boundary  ought  to  be  declared  free  and 
would  then  serve  as  buffer  States.  The  free  navigation  of  the  rivers, 
such  as  the  Moselle,  should  be  insured  to  the  adjoining  nations.  A 
peace  founded  upon  such  a  basis  would  in  some  respects  make  amends 
for  the  manifold  evils  which  the  French  had  inflicted  on  humanity. 
A  government  animated  by  such  principles  would  reestablish  confi- 
dence and  restore  the  credit  of  France.*  This  was  indeed  a  compre- 
hensive programme. 

It  was  not  long  before  Miranda  again  fell  under  suspicion.  He 
was  denounced  to  the  convention  as  one  of  the  faction  which  had  pre- 
vented the  passage  of  the  Rhine.  Consequently,  on  October  21,  his 
provisional  arrest  was  decreed  in  company  with  Shomont  and  Aubrev, 
who  were  also  supposed  to  be  conspirators.*  Miranda,  ever  alive  to 
what  he  considered  attacks  on  his  liberty,  drew  up  a  petition  defend- 
ing himself  against  the  charges  which  had  been  made,  and  demand- 
ing either  the  recall  of  the  provisional  decree  or  a  trial.  After  the 
directory  had  deliberated  over  the  matter  and  it  had  been  considered 
by  the  council  of  five  hundred,*^  Miranda  was  arrested  on  November 
27,  1795.  His  papers  were  again  examined  and  he  was  cast  into  the 
prison  of  Plessis.  He  appears  to  have  been  arrested  in  virtue  of  article 
145  of  the  constitution,  which  was  aimed  against  conspirators.  This 
article  declared,  however,  that  in  case  of  arrests  on  suspicion,  the  sus- 
pect was  to  be  sent  before  a  police  officer  within  two  days.  It  was 
not  until  four  days  after  his  arrest  that  Miranda,  having  been  ex- 
amined, was  set  at  liberty,  because  nothing  had  been  adduced  against 
him.  On  liberation  Miranda  issued  a  protest  against  the  violation 
of  the  constitution  involved  in  his  imprisonment  beyond  the  constitu- 
tional limits  without  examination.^* 

Apparently  Miranda  was  suspected  of  engaging  in  new  intrigues 
or  was  distasteful  to  the  French  Government,  for  he  was  soon  ordered 
to  depart  from  the  soil  of  the  Republic.*'  The  duty  of  executing  this 
order  fell  upon  Champagneux,  who  had  regained  his  post  in  the  min- 
istry of  the  interior.  He  later  declared  that  he  yearned  to  crown 
Miranda  with  flowers  and  to  reward  him  with  praise.^  The  latter, 
however,  had  the  audacity  to  leave  the  escort  that  had  been  provided 

«  Opinion  du  G€n<?ral  Miranda  sur  la  Situation  actuelle  de  la  France  et  sur  lea  remMw 
convcnables   D.   ses   Maux. 

*  Monltciir,  0  Brumaire,  an  4  :  thp  arrest  was  decreed  by  the  convention  on  30  Vendf 
mlaire. 

«  Tbid..  2  Frimalre.  an  4  ;  the  letter  of  Miranda  was  dated  6  Brumaire. 

*  Rojn8.  Miranda  dans  la  H6y.  Fr.,  324-. 

«  M^^molres  de  Barras,  II,  36 ;  Champagneux,  Madame  Roland,  41C. 
f  Champagneux,  Madame  Roland,  416. 


B^Hii 


FRANCISCO   DB   MIRANDA. 


305 

r  him  and  to  return  to  Paris,  He  addressed  a  communication  to  the 
executive  power  declaring  that  lie  had  returned  to  adjust  his  affairs 
•nd  demanding  a  passport  that  he  might  go  to  Copenhagen.  He  also 
asked  that  the  Government  pay  him  the  sums  which  were  owing  for 
his  services  in  the  French  army  and  asked  for  time  that  he  might 
regulate  his  affairs."  Whether  because  of  the  public  sentiment  evoked 
by  this  bold  defiance  or  for  some  other  reason,  Miranda  was  per- 
mitted to  dwell  in  what  he  called  his  "asylum"  near  Paris  in  peace 
and  tranquillity  until  the  coup  d'etat  of  the  18th  Fructidor.  Septem- 
ber 4,  17i>7.  On  that  day  he  was  included  in  the  general  deportation 
with  Aubry,  Boissy  d'Anglas,  Barbe-Marbois,  and  many  others." 
Strange  though  it  may  seem,  Miranda  did  not  leave  France  at  once, 
however,  but  continued  to  live  in  retirement  near  Paris,  Although 
Miranda  often  praised  Anglo-Saxon  institutions,  it  is  evident  that  for 
some  reason  he  loved  French  soil  at  this  time. 

During  his  checkered  career  in  France  Miranda  had  doubtless  met 
many  j>eople.  Frenchmen,  Englislimen.  and  Americans.  As  has  been 
already  indicated  Colonel  Smith  visited  Miranda  in  Paris  and  they 
discussed  politics  together.  Stephen  Sayre  also  saw  the  South  Amer- 
ican again/  and  probably  drew  from  him  some  more  inspiration  on 
tJie  great  theme  of  Spanish-American  emancipation,  Miranda  also 
had  an  opportunity  of  becoming  better  acquainted  with  Thomas 
Paine,  who  appears  to  have  testified  to  his  character  before  the  revo- 
lutionary tribunal.''  It  is  likely  that,  as  Miranda  alleged,  the  two 
men  discus.sed  the  political  condition  of  South  j^jnerica.'  It  is  very 
probable  that  Miranda  met  many  other  Frenchmen  besides  those  who 
have  been  already  mentioned,  for  he  appears  to  have  had  many  ac- 
quaintances in  the  gay  French  capital.  During  his  abode  in  Paris, 
Miranda  also  met  James  Monroe,  who  then  represented  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  there.  The  South  American  was  not 
strongly  attracted  by  the  American  minister,  however,  for  on  being 
repeatedly  requested  by  the  latter  to  intrust  to  him  on  his  return  to 
the  United  States  certain  alleged  documents  of  importance  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  regarding  "  a  negotiation  with 
M.  Pitt,  confided  to  M.  Miranda  some  time  since  by  Messrs.  Hamilton 
and  Knox,  the  object  of  which  was  to  adopt  s(mie  effectual  measure 
to  liberate  South  America,"  he  finally  replied  that  Paine,  from  whom 
Monroe  had  evidently  derived  the  information,  had  been  mistaken.' 

•  Rojns.  Miranda  danB  la  R«v.  Fr.,  328-331  :  Monllcur.  Juiuar]-  i.  ITO(i. 

^HanltPur.  September  6.  17I)T. 

'Sa}-r(^  to  Jefferwn.  November  15,  IS06,  .letTcraDn  HSS.,  scrlcn  ::,  I.XXVII,  r  .13. 

'  ratter  or  ThomiB  Paine,  March  20.  1806.  Thp  Aurora.  AprtI  H,  1800. 

•Utranda  to  Monnw.  April  2.  179T,  Monroe  M88.,  VIII.  t.  ]0I0~. 

'  Ibid..  Monroe  (n  Miranda.  March  IT.  ITST  (cop; ),  FlamUton  MSS..  VIII,  201 ;  Provost 
to  Miranda  "  Diiodl."  Monroe  M89.,  VIII.  I.  1008.  The  qnotstion  la  from  tbe  letter 
dated  "  DuodL" 


806  AMEBIGAN  HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Further  Miranda  speedily  transmitted  copies  of  the  correspondence 
which  he  had  with  Monroe  and  his  secretary,  J,  W.  Provost,  to  his 
friend  Alexander  Hamilton,  informing  him  that  he  suspected  a  cabal 
or  an  intrigue  between  Paine  and  Monroe.* 

Though  internal  difficulties  and  foreign  wars  had  drawn  the  at- 
tention of  Frenchmen  for  a  time  from  Spanish  America,  yet  it  was 
not  by  any  means  forgotten.  It  was  a  fertile  topic  of  discussion  in 
the  diplomatic  negotiations  between  France  and  Spain  which  were 
carried  on  during  Miranda's  ,residence  in  France.  In  March,  1793, 
France  had  declared  war  on  Spain.  In  the  peace  negotiations  of  1795 
France  asked  Spain  to  cede  Spanish  Santo  Domingo  and  to  restore 
Louisiana  to  her.  The  instructions  declared  that  "all  the  efforts " 
of  the  envoy,  Barth^lemy,  were  to  be  directed  toward  the  acquisition 
of  Louisiana.  The  French  urged  that  this  transfer  of  territory  would 
be  of  "  immense  advantage "  to  Spain  as  it  would  place  a  buttress 
between  her  possessions  and  those  of  the  United  States.*  By  the 
treaty  of  Basel,  July,  1795,  however,  Spain  only  relinquished  to 
France  her  part  of  Santo  Domingo.    She  clung  to  Louisiana. 

Not  less  tenaciously  did  France  cling  to  her  colonial  ambitions. 
In  the  spring  of  1796  France  sent  General  Perpignan  to  Madrid  to 
arrange  an  alliance  with  Spain.  Again  the  cession  of  Louisiana  was 
urged.  It  was  argued  that  that  province  had  now  actually  become  a 
menace  to  Spain  because  of  the  advance  of  the  western  frontiersmen. 
It  was  declared  that  France  alone ."  could  trace  with  a  strong  and 
respected  hand  the  limits  of  the  power  of  the  United  States  and  the 
boundaries  of  her  territory.'"  ^  But  again  France  failed.  After  Spain 
declared  war  on  England  in  October,  1796,  France  renewed  her  efforts. 
She  now  offered  to  transfer  Portugal  to  Spain  for  Louisiana  and 
Florida.**  Again  France  was  unsuccessful.  While  these  negotiations 
were  being  curried  on,  France,  through  agents  in  America,  was  in- 
triguing with  the  Indians,  stimulating  discontent  among  the  west- 
erners, and  gathering  information  regarding  the  military  condition 
of  the  Mississippi  Valley.*'  To  judge  by  the  report  of  the  Spanish 
minister  in  Paris,  it  was  a  little  later  that  certain  Spanish-American 
agitators  as  Narino  and  Caro  appeared  in  Paris  and  vainly  appealed 

•Miranda  to  Hamilton,  April  1.  1797,  with  undated  postscript,  Hamilton  MSS.,  ^^> 
f.  204  ;  copies  of  the  letters  between  Miranda  and  Provost  are  found  Ibid.,  f.  201-. 

»8orel,  La  Dlplomatie  Francaise  et  I'Espagne  de  1792  k  1796,  Revue  Historique,  XHI. 
46,  72. 

•  Am.  Hist.  Assn.  Kept..  1897.  669. 

^Sorel.  La  Diplomatie  Frongaisc  et  TEspagne  de  1792  k  1796,  Revue  Historique,  SIII, 
274,  275. 

•  Turner,  The  Policy  of  France  toward  the  Mississippi  Valley  during  the  Period  of 
Washington  and  Adams,  Am.  Hist.  Bev.,  X,  270-273. 


FBANCIBCO   DB   MIRANDA.  307 

to  Franco  for  aid  in  inciting  an  insurrection  in  the  northern  part  of 
Spanish  America." 

The  policy  of  France  toward  Spanish  America  was  also  discussed 
in  various  memoirs  which  were  presented  to  the  French  Government. 
After  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  Basel,  the  Marquis  of  Poteratz 
criticized  it  and  declared  that  Louisiana  ought  to  be  secured.  In 
1796  another  memoir  was  presented.  After  considering  conditions  in 
the  French  colonies,  the  writer  pointed  out  the  value  of  Louisiana 
U)  France.  It  was  described  as  a  good  region  in  which  to  plant 
colonies;  the  inhabitants,  it  was  declared,  hated  Spain  and  viewed 
the  French  as  their  brothers.  The  acquisition  of  this  territory  by 
France  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  that  power  and  would  help  to 
conserve  the  rest  of  Spanish  America  to  the  mother  country.  It 
would  benefit  French  commerce  and  would  be  a  source  of  provisions 
lo  the  French  Antilles.  Hence  it  was  suggested  that  Louisiana  be 
secured  by  negotiation." 

In  the  following  years  similar  representation  was  made  by  Mass& 
He,  too,  praised  the  va.st  domain  given  by  France  to  Spain  in  17G3, 
described  its  productions,  and  called  its  cession  a  sacrifice.  The 
author  declared  that  tlie  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  coveted 
this  region.  If  they  secured  it  the  other  Spanish  possessions  in 
America  would  W  threatened.  It  was  therefore  declared  to  be  the 
interest  of  .Spain  to  cede  the  territory  to  France.  In  it  that  power 
would  form  a  colony  which  would  forever  remain  a  barrier  between 
the  English  in  Canada  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  Spanish  colonists  on  the  other.  A  scheme  for 
the  colonization  of  Louisiana  was  appended."  Frenchmen  and  the 
French  Government  then  had  not  relinquished  their  colonial  aspira- 
tions and  still  yearned  for  some  of  the  dominions  of  Spain  in  the 
New  World.  As  in  some  other  respects,  this  period  forms  a  prelude 
to  the  age  in  which  Napoleon  was  to  dominate  French  policy. 

Although  Francisco  de  Miranda  had  been  frequently  imprisoned 
and  remained  under  a  cloud  of  suspicion  during  much  of  the  time  that 
he  was  in  France,  despite  the  fact  that  he  was  not  paid  for  his  serv- 
ices in  liehaif  of  the  French  Republic,  and  even  though  his  schemes  for 
i  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America  were  laid  aside,  yet  his  resi- 
'  dence  in  France  was  not  altogether  unfruitful.     His  later  career  will 
amply  show  that,  willingly  or  unwillingly,  he  had  been  affected  by  the 
rontagion  of  the  French  revolutionary  philosophy.     His  knowledge 
I  of  European  politics  and  diplomacy  was  improved.     He  had  met 
liii  friends  and  made  new  ones.     He  had  received  valuable  training 

•AlTtrai  (n  the  cap  tain -gen  ersi  of  Cuba.  Auguot  21.  1T99.  quoting  tbn  ditpaCcb  nf  tha 
I  Itnlah  mlnlBtiT  In  Pnris  of  July.  1708,  Cuban  MSB.,  see  below,  p.  3:;g.  note  o. 

■ma  iD^moIrp  IB  signed  lo«cpb  ferge  ( ?),  AfTalrcB  Gtrang^reH,  M&noiFeB  et  Documents, 
LMrlgne  (Colonle*  EspagnolM).  US,  t.  304-. 
*IM«d  "U  Thermldor.  an  B."  ibid.,  t.  SOS. 


308  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

in  the  art  of  war  and  had  performed  notable  services  for  the  Frendi 
nation  which  were  later  signally  recognized.  In  1836,  at  the  order 
of  the  French  minister  of  the  interior,  the  name  of  the  South  Ameri- 
can general  was  inscribed  on  the  arch  of  triumph  of  the  iStoile  beside 
the  names  of  the  most  distinguished  generals  of  the  French  revolu- 
tionary and  Napoleonic  era.<»  General  Miranda  had  not  forgotten 
his  native  land ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  probable  that  his  purpose  of 
emancipating  Spanish  America  had  become  more  deeply  rooted  than 
ever.  He  was  beyond  doubt  the  moving  spirit  in  that  coterie  of 
adventurers  who  in  one  way  and  another  had  drifted  to  Paris  and 
who  were  more  or  less  interested  in  Spanish  America.  It  was  evi- 
dently during  the  last  part  of  his  sojourn  in  Paris  that  Miranda  was 
busily  engaged  in  preparing  the  propositions  for  the  revolutionizing 
of  Spanish  America  with  the  aid  of  England  and  the  United  States, 
with  which  he  appeared  opportunely  in  London  early  in  1798.* 

"  Thus  did   the  minister  of   the   Interior   inform  a  JournaUst,   July  6,   1883,  Guerre. 
Archives  Administratives,  Dossier  Miranda. 

^  Evidence  has  been  found  which  has  been  interpreted  to  mean  that  Miranda  made 
proposals  to  the  English  ministry  in  1796.  For  the  evidence  see  Popham's  Trial,  138; 
Castlereagh,  Correspondence,  VII,  284.  In  1812  Pavla,  a  friend  or  rather  a  fellow- 
conspirator  of  Miranda,  declared  that  when  he  was  in  New  Granada  in  1812,  *'  Narifio 
candidly  told  me  that  in  the  year  1706,  in  conjunction  with  Miranda,  he  used  every 
endeavor  with  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  to  induce  them  to  accept  a  plan  for 
the  emancipation  of  Spanish  America  *  *  ***.  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  140.  It  was  ia 
1797  and  1798  that  NarlQo  and  Miranda  urged  their  plans  rather  than  in  1796  (see 
the  following  chapter).  The  writer  does  not  believe  that  the  evidience  warrants  the 
conclusion  that  Miranda  presented  his  schemes  to  the  English  Government  in  1796. 
On  February  26,  1797,  Miranda  averred  that  he  had  not  been  outside  of  Paris  for  foor 
years.  Rojas,  Miranda  dans  la  U^v.  Fr.,  300.  Further,  in  the  various  reviews  wbidi 
Miranda  made  of  his  relations  with  the  British  Government  he  never  alluded  to  any  nego- 
tiations in  1796.  For  his  statement  in  1798  see  below,  p.  318.  The  Spanish  Government 
suspected  that  Miranda  was  to  be  sent  against  Spanish  America  in  1796,  for  on  Decem- 
ber 24,  1796,  the  following  warning  was  sent  to  the  governor  of  St  Augustine,  Florida: 
"  Ha  sabido  el  Rey  por  noticlas  dlrectas  de  Inglaterra  que  aquel  Goblemo  bavla  resuelto 
una  expedicion  contra  Nueva  Espafia  y  demAs  posesiones  de  S.  M.  en  la  America  Septri- 
onal  encargando  de  varios  Comisiones  relativas  &  esta  empresa  al  famoso  ESspafiol  Miranda 
que  Blrvi6  de  General  en  Francia  fl  los  prlnclplos  de  la  Guerra  y  ahora  se  balla  al 
sueldo  de  la  Inglaterra.  Aseguran  las  mismas  noticlas  que  ya  havia  sallda  de  aquellos 
Puertos  con  destino  d  Mexico.  Lo  participo  todo  &.  V.  S.  de  orden  de  S.  M.  afin  de  que 
est^  con  la  maior  vigilnncia  para  oponerse  A  una  sorpresa  de  los  Ingleses  y  procure  V.  8. 
prcnder  A  dicho  Miranda  si  llegase  A  este  pais."  A.  H.  N.,  Estado,  6565.  This  was,  so 
far  as  Miranda  was  concerned,  a  false  alarm. 


RANDA.  ENGLAND,  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1798  AND  1795. 

idea  of  separating  the  Spanish  colonies  in  America  from  the 
pther  country  had  not  by  any  means  lain  dormant  in  England  dur- 
j  Miranda's  romantic  experiences  in  France.    We  are  sufficiently 
bI)  informed  regarding  the  attitude  of  England  during  this  period 
?  assured  that  the  continuity  of  English  policy  remiiined  essen- 
y  unbroken.     Indeed  the  Nootku  Sound  convention  had  hardly 
I  signed  when  the  English  Government  was  again  considering 
it  might  extend  its  influence  and  territory  in  America  at  the 
>ense  of  other  powers,  not  excepting  Spain.     Early  in  January, 
H,  William  Augustus  liowles.  another  roving  adventurer  of  varied 
)eriences,  who  had  lived  with  and  become  attached  to  the  Creek 
dians,  appeared  in  England,  and  entered  into  negotiations  with  the 
I  ministry.    Bowles  had  acquired  much  influence  among  the  Indians, 
having  become,  lie  declared,  "the  adviser  and  the  leader  of  an  inde- 
pendent and  populous  Nation." "     As  the  representative  of  the  Creeks 
and  the  Clierokees  he  addressed  himself  to  Lord  Grenville,  hoping  for 
Llhe  acceptance  of  certain  designs. 

He  declared  that  if  the  Spanish  Government  did  not  accede  to  his 
nand  for  two  ports  on  the  coast  of  Florida  by  the  time  that  he  re- 
ined to  .Vmerica  he  would  at  once  attack  the  Spanish  forts  in  that 
He  flattered  himself  that,  in  the  short  space  of  two  months. 
Id  be  able  to  oust  the  Spaniards  and  secure  the  possession  of 
1  the  Floridas  and  the  lower  part  of  Louisiana  to  the  Creek  and 
e  Cherokee  nations.    That  done  he  would  invade  Mexico  and  might 
even  proceed  with  a  strong  force  into  the  interior  of  that  country. 
Thereupon,  in  conjunction  with  the  natives,  he  proposed  to  proclaim 
the  indejjendence  of  Mexico.    He  expressed  his  belief  that  the  project 
would  receive  the  substantial  support  of  the  American  frontiersmen 
to  the  extent  of  six  thousand  effective  men.    He  proposed  that  Eng- 
land enter  into  an  alliance  with  the  Creek  and  the  Cherokee  Indians 
for  commercial  and  political  reasons  and  tlien  he  would  apply  to  that 
,  Governnient  for  arms  and  munitions  of  war.''     As  the  basis  for  a 


310  AMEBIC  AN  HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

peaceable  adjustment  of  difficulties  had  been  reached  before  Bowles 
made  his  propositions,  his  suggestions  could  hardly  have  commended 
themselves  to  the  English  ministers  as  measures  capable  of  being 
executed  with  their  open  connivance  and  aid  in  the  immediate  future. 
Nevertheless,  the  English  Government  expressed  its  intention  of 
granting  the  Indians  admission  to  the  free  ports  in  the  English  West 
Indies,  and  thus  the  relations  between  England  and  these  Indians 
wg:e  more  closely  joined.*" 

After  the  treaty  of  Basel  Spain  could  once  more,  as  in  tbe  three 
decades  before  1790,  act  in  unity  with  France,  but  henceforth  Spain 
was  rather  in  the  position  of  a  dependent  than  of  an  equal.  Eng- 
land, being  at  war  with  France,  could  once  more  openly  consider 
plans  and  take  steps  for  attacking  the  Spanish  Indies,  while  Spain, 
and  in  time  France,  had  the  colossal  task  of  shielding  that  domain 
against  the  intrigues  and  the  designs  of  England.  England  did 
not  wait  long  before  indicating  her  intentions.  On  October  24, 1795, 
Lieutenant-Governor  Simcoe  of  Canada  was  sent  "  most  private  and 
secret "  instructions  to  promote  such  relations  with  the  adventurous 
settlers  in  the  western  part  of  the  United  States  as  would  enable 
England  to  secure  their  cooperation  against  the  Spanish  settlements 
in^North  America,  if  there  was  a  breach  between  England  and  Spain. 
He  was  also  to  ascertain  what  aid  might  be  expected  from  the 
southern  and  western  Indians  in  such  a  conjuncture;  and  was  asked 
to  gather  information  regarding  the  connections  between  Lake  Mich- 
igan and  the  Mississippi  River.  As  England  and  Spain  were  still 
on  a  peace  footing,  Simcoe  was  warned  to  be  cautious  lest  Spain 
become  suspicious;  he  was  to  avoid  committing  England  with  the 
United  States  Government  or  making  her  a  party  to  any  attacks  on 
the  Spanish-American  colonists  unless  circumstances  called  for  such 
steps.  Evidently  England  was  contemplating  an  attack  on  the 
American  dominions  of  Spain  from  the  base  of  Canada  with  the  aid 
of  the  men  of  the  western  watei's  and  the  Indians.^ 

Another  English  plan  for  a  more  extensive  attack  on  Spanish 
America  was  outlined  before  the  declaration  of  war  against  England 
by  Spain  was  to  precipitate  the  intrigues  of  Blount  and  his  fellow- 
conspirators  and  to  draw  Miranda  once  more  to  London  as  to  a 
magnet.  In  August,  1700,  the  same  month  in  which  Spain  and 
France  entered  into  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  Nicholas 
Vansittart  sketched  a  plan  of  an  attack  on  the  Spanish  colonies  in 
America  to  be  made  in  the  succeeding  year.  The  project  began  by 
stating  the  oi)inion  of  the  writer  that  the  previous  expeditions  which 
had  been  undertaken  against  these  dominion^  had  either  failed  en- 

"  Uoport  on  Canadian  Archlvos,  1890.  153. 

»  Portland  to  SImcoo.  Am.  Hist.  Uov.,  X.  575,  576.    See  also  Turner,  The  Policy  of  Prance 
toward  tho  Mississippi  Valloy  In  tht'  IVrliMl  of  WaHbington  and  Adams,  ibid.,  273.  274. 


PBANCISCO   DB   MIRANDA.  811 

tjrely  or  been  very  destnictive  of  life  because  of  the  unhefilthfulneaa 
of  the  regions  which  had  been  the  scene  of  action,  Terra  Firma,  and 
the  West  Indies.  This  section  was  neither  the  most  vulnerable  point 
of  attack  nor  was  it,  with  the  possible  exception  of  Habana,  the  sec- 
tion where  an  attack  would  most  injure  the  Spanish  jjower.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  climate  of  the  Spanish  domains  in  the  Pacific  Ocean 
was  "known  to  be  remarkably  temperate  and  healthy;"  an  attack 
could  be  made  there  with  "greater  ease,"  and,  if  successful,  would 
"  immediately  afford  a  very  considerable  revenue  and  great  com- 
mercial advantages."  Vansittart  expressed  his  belief  that  England 
might  get  such  aid  from  her  forces  in  India  as  to  "  render  the  success 
of  the  enterprise  almost  infallible." 

He  then  proceeded  to  outline  his  plan  of  operations.  Thirteen 
thousand  Indian  troops  might  be  drafted  from  the  battalions  at 
Madras  and  Bombay.  The  first  division  ought  to  leave  Trincomale 
JD  May  and  proceed  by  way  of  either  the  Philippines  or  the  Ladrones 
to  America,  under  the  escort  of  ships  of  war.  To  cooperate  with 
this  force,  a  naval  squadron  should  be  sent  from  England  bearing  on 
board  a  few  regiments  of  infantry  and  dismounted  light  horse  with 
K  detachment  of  artillery.  Buenos  Ayres,  Valdivia,  Valparaiso,  and 
La  Conception  were  to  be  successively  attacked  by  the  expedition  from 
England.  On  the  arrival  of  the  Indian  army,  the  English  having 
made  themselves  masters  of  Chile,  which  would  alTord  a  good  naval 
base,  were  to  attack  Caliao  and  Lima  with  the  combined  forces,  aided 
perhaps  by  some  of  the  Indian  tribes.  The  road  to  Mexico  was  to 
be  opened  up  by  an  attack  on  Acapulco.  A  feint  on  Habanu  and  an 
attack  on  Manila  were  also  suggested,"  A\niether  this  plan  was  ever 
submitted  to  the  English  Government  or  not,  it  is  of  interest  as  show- 
ing how  the  thought  of  Sp an isli- American  liberation  lived  in  the 
minds  of  Englishmen,  and  also  because  the  author  later  became  a 
warm  friend  of  Miranda. 

The  war  which  was  declared  by  Spain  against  England  in  October, 
17S6,  gave  fresh  life  to  the  idea  of  revolutionizing  Spanish  America. 
An  early  evidence  of  that  activity  was  the  so-called  Blount  con- 
piracy.  This  was  more  or  less  the  outcome  of  the  English  policy 
outlined  in  the  instructions  to  Simcoe  in  1795.  The  leading  figure, 
though  not  the  guiding  influence  in  this  conspiracy,  was  William 
Blount,  then  United  States  Senator  from  Tennessee,  who  was  a  large 
and  influential  landowner  in  what  was  then  the  debatable  land  on 
the  east  banks  of  the  Mississippi.  Tlie  scheme  was  concocted  in  1796 
and  1707  by  Blount,  Captain  Chisholm,  Doctor  Romayne,  and  others. 
American  frontiersmen,  aided  by  Indians,  were  to  attack  the  Spanish 
settlements  in  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas.    Dissatisfied  Tories  were 


312  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

expected  to  join  the  invading  forces.     England  was  to  send  a  fleet 
to  blockade  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  River,  and,  in  all  proba- 
bility, aid  was  to  be  sent  from  Canada.     Blount  even  seems  to  have 
made  attempts  to  engage  the  Indian  agents  of  the  United  States  in 
the  southwest  in  his  plan.    This  tangled  net  of  intrigue  was  dis- 
covered, however,  Blount  was  expelled  from  the  Senate,  and  the 
English  Government  attempted  to  disavow  any  connection  with  the 
design  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  her  minister  in  the  United  States, 
Liston,  had  been  acquainted  with  the  labors  of  Chisholm,  although 
there  is  no  evidence  at  present  to  show  that  he  or  his  Government 
knew  of  the  participation  of  Blount.*    Any  hopes  which  the  English 
Government  or  her  agents  might  have  entertained  regarding  the 
acquisition  of  the  Floridas  or  of  Louisiana  as  the  outcome  of  such 
an  enterprise  wore  of  course  shattered  by  the  degradation  of  Blount. 
Spain  was  not  by  any  means  ignorant  of  the  plots  that  were  being 
hatched   against  her   American   dominions.     Through   Gen.   Victor 
Collot  the  Spanish  minister  in  the  United  States  was  apprised  of  the 
scheme  which  Blount  and  his  fellow-conspirators  were  forming.*    By 
reports  from  England  the  Spanish  King  had  been  informed  that 
that  Government  had  not  only  considered  but  had  actually  decided 
upon  an  expedition  against  his  dominions  in  America.     The  warn- 
ing had  also  boon  transmitted  that  the  "  famous  Spaniard,  Miranda," 
had  been  charged  with  various  commissions  regarding  the  enterprise 
and  had  even  embarked  for  Mexico.     Consequently,  on  December  24, 
1790,  a  royal  order  was  sent  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  conveying 
this  intelligence  and  warning  him  to  exert  the  utmost  diligence  to 
capture  Miranda  on  his  arrival/    This  false  alarm  aroused  the  vice- 
rov,  for  in  June,  1707,  he  informed  his  Government  that  he  had 
secured  a  description  of  Miranda  from  an  official  in  Veracruz  who 
knew  him  and  that  steps  had  been  taken  to  distribute  this  means  of 
identification    throughout    the   province.     The   military   authorities 
had  been  admonished  to  watch  for  the  conspirator,  and  steps  had 
been  taken  to  fortify  New  Spain  against  surprise  by  the  English.** 
On  December  24,  171)0,  the  same  or  a  similar  order  had  been  sent  to 
the  captain-general'of  Yucatan.     In  June,  1797,  he  reported  that  he 
had  taken  measures  to  guard  against  surprise  by  the  English.*^    On 
December  21,  17i)G,  a  similar  warning  was  also  sent  to  the  captain- 

«Am.  Illst.  Rev.,  X,  574-;  soe  also  Turner,  The  Diplomatic  Contest  for  the  Mississippi 
Valley.  Atlantic  Monthly.  XCIII,  811»-815. 

*Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  X,  585- 

'A.  G.  M.,  Reales  CMulas.  165. 

<*  Marquis  d(i  Uranciaforte  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  June  30,  1797,  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de 
M<?jico,  7.  The  description  sent  to  Spain,  however,  was  not  of  Miranda,  but  of  a  suspect 
in  New  Spain,  for  the  original  "  Media  filiaclon  del  Hombre  sospechosa  '*  is  found  In  a 
letter  from  an  official  dated  Orizava,  June  10.  1707  (A.  G.  M.,  Historia,  415),  the  state- 
ment helnjr  made  that  the  conspirator  was  supposed  to  be  In  hiding  in  that  place. 

"  Arturo  O'Reilly  to  the  Prince  of  I'eace,  June  20,  1797,  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  M^ico,  16. 


FEANCISCO   DE   MIBASDA. 

Toi  Caracas."  It  is  very  probable  that  he  also  took  r 
to  protect  his  province  against  the  conspirator.  Although  the  warn- 
ings sent  regarding  Miranda  were  premature,  yet  they  iUuatrate  the 
apprehensions  of  the  Spaniards  regarding  his  designs.  If,  then,  an 
exp<'dition  had  been  undertaken  by  England  against  certain  parts 
of  Spanish  America  at  this  time,  the  Spanish  officials  would  not  have 
been  found  unprepared.* 

In  England  also  new  schemes  of  attack  on  Spanish  America  were 
formulated  ami  old  ones  modified.  In  March,  1797,  an  anonymous 
communication  was  sent  to  the  prime  minister,  William  Pitt,  suggest- 
ing that  an  attack  be  made  on  the  province  of  Nicaragua.  The 
author  of  the  plan,  who  amusingly  described  himself  as  "a  very 
young  man,  of  little  consequence  in  the  country,  only  having  just  left 
the  University,"  said  that  the  object  of  his  address  was  not  so  much 
to  possess  the  country  an  to  secure  "  a  lodgment "  in  the  Nicaraguan 
lakes,  which  would  separate  Mexico  and  Peru  and  furnish  a  general 
rendezvous  for  the  English  and  a  storehouse  for  English  vessels. 
The  enemy,  he  said,  should  be  seized  in  "  their  weakest  and  tenderest 
part  "  *  •  to  revenge  their  desertion  by  a  single  blow— to  force 
them  to  a  Peace  or  carry  on  the  war  with  advantage  to  ourselves."" 
This  communication  was  opportune,  for  the  English  ministei's  were 
thinking  seriously  of  severing  at  least  a  part  of  Spanish  ^Vmerica 
6xim  the  parent  country. 

In  this  plan  the  island  of  Trinidad,  that  had  been  recently  wrested 
from  Spain,  was  to  be  used  as  a  base.  The  military  commander  at 
Trinidad  at  this  time  was  Thomas  Picton,  who  became  very  much 
interested  in  the  condition  and  the  future  of  Spanish  America,  Pic- 
ton was  a  man  of  Welsh  birth,  who  at  a  very  early  age  decided  to 
follow  a  military  career.  In  1772.  at  14  years  of  age,  he  became  an 
ensign,  and  by  1778  he  had  become  a  captain.  He  had  seen  serrice 
in  the  West  Indies  under  Sir  John  Viuighn  and  Sir  Ralph  Aber- 
crombie.  On  the  capture  of  Trinidad  in  February,  1797,  by  the  Eng- 
lish, the  latter  commander  at  once  made  Picton  governor  and  com- 
mander of  the  island.'  In  April,  1797,  Henry  Diindas,  the  English 
secretary  of  war,  instructed  Picton  to  pay  particular  attention  to  the 

■  VnncoQceloB   to   the    Prince   of  Peace,   August    12,    ITUT,   A.    G.    I.,   Aud.    de   CamCBB, 

133-a-n. 

•  In  tlie  ylceroyaltj  ot  New  Spain  (»r-reacblng  mcHBorea  were  taken  to  checli  anj 
deslsns  ot  the  EogUsb  and  to  cspturc  Uiranda.  Tbc  Tlcero;,  Marquia  oC  BrSDcIatorte, 
docrlbei  tbEiD  tn  a  dispatch  tn  M,  3.  de  AianKS,  May  tlH,  1T98.  A.  G,  M..  CarrMpODden- 
cia  dc  los  Vlrrcjes.  A.  36 ;  In  Ihld..  HUiorla,  410,  Is  found  an  "  eipedlcnte  "  of  abuut  lilM 
[tacea  entllted  "  No,  164  Rcwrvado.  rroTldenclaa  para  el  cumpllmlento  de  R'.  orden  eipe- 
dida  par  el  MInlalerlo  de  Ealado  con  flia.  de  24  di-  Dliro.  de  17B6.  Hobre  dealgnloa  de  ioc 
IngleMU  contra  rite  Keyno  y  aoUcllud  dc  dracubrlr  ul  famoao  Miranda."  wblcb  conlalna  Ibe 
reports  of  local  offlclnla  In  New  Spain  evldeoclnn  the  alteiDpla  made  to  ferret  out  any 
■ospccled  coDaplralora,  A  certain  Manuel  MoQleelno  was  found  Id  Tomplco  and  actn- 
allj  auapeciHl  ot  being  Miranda. 

'Uarch  18.  ITST.  Cbalhoiu  M8S.,  'Mi. 
I,  UTe  ot  PlcloQ,  1,  1-36, 


314  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  A860CUT10N. 

method  of  conduct  "  most  adapted  to  liberate  the  people  of  the 
tinent  near  to  the  island  of  Trinidad  from  the  oppre^ive  and 
tyrannic  system '"  wliich  supported  so  rigorously  the  "  monopoly  of 
commerce  under  the  title  of  exclusive  regist«rs."  He  was  to  encour- 
age the  inhabitants  of  Trinidad  to  keep  up  the  communication  which 
they  had  had  with  Terra  Firma  before  the  capture  of  that  island  by 
the  British.  He  was  to  assure  the  Spanish  colonists  that  ihey  would 
find  in  the  island  a  commercial  emporium.  To  encourage  the  tradt 
between  Trinidad  and  the  adjacent  continent  the  port  of  Trinidad 
was  declared  a  free  port,  "  with  a  direct  trade  to  Great  Britain." 
Picton  was  to  assure  the  inhabitants  of  Spanish  America  that  when- 
ever they  were  disposed  to  resist  the  oppressive  authority  of  their 
Government,  they  would  receive  from  him  "  all  the  succors  to  be  ex- 
pected from  H.  B,  Majesty;  be  it  with  forces,  or  with  arms  and 
ammunition  to  any  extent ;  with  the  assurance  that  the  views  of  H.  B. 
Majesty  go  no  further  than  to  secure  to  them  their  independence, 
witliout  pretending  to  any  sovereignty  over  their  country  nor  even  to 
interfere  in  the  privileges  of  the  people,  nor  in  their  political,  civil  «r 
religious  rights."" 

On  June  26  of  this  year  Picton  issued  these  declarations  in  the 
form  of  a  proclamation  in  Spanish,  which  was  widely  distributed 
along  the  Spanish  main."  The  sentiments  expressed  in  this  proclamB- 
tion  became  widely  diffused  in  the  adjacent  continent.  The  Spani^sb 
Government  soon  became  aware  of  the  activity  of  Picton  as  a  propa- 
gandist." Almost  eighteen  years  afterwards  a  copy  of  this  proclama- 
tion with  some  similar  documents,  emanating  from  the  English,  was 
sent  to  the  English  Admiral  Douglas  by  two  representatives  of  the 
revolutionary  government  of  CartBagena,  who  declared  that  this  offi- 
cial declaration  of  the  English  attitude  toward  Spanish  America  was 
one  of  their  justifications  for  the  revolution,"  There  is  no  doubt  that 
the  wide  circulation  of  this  proclamation  of  English  policy  fostered 
the  revolutionary  spirit  in  the  Spanish  colonies  near  Trinidad;  it 
also  gave  the  inhabitants  of  these  colonies  good  reasons  for  believing 
that  the  English  Government  would  materially  aid  their  revolution- 
ary endeavors. 

Picton  soon  entered  enthusiastically  into  the  designs  of  the  Eng- 
lish Government.  Early  in  July,  1797,  he  was  instructed  to  avail 
himself  of  his  situation  to  acquire  information  regarding  the  dvil 
and  military  conditions  in  the  neighboring  Spanish  colonies,  "the 
nature  and  extent  of  their  Trade,  and  the  Laws  and  regulations  by 
which  it  is  conducted,  with  the  general  disposition  of  the  Inhabit- 

•  Walton.  SpanlHb  'America,  Appr>iidli.  daoamcnt  A. 
•Ibid.;  CorrCBpoDdence  oC  CHHttrKBgh.  Vll.  2H:i,  284. 

"  CDpleH  of  muny  of  the  docunienla  o Irciilnted  by  tbe  BngUah  on-  in  tlw  A 
de  CaracBB.  133-3-9,  13.<t-3-10. 

'Cavemo  and  Bobcnico  to  Douglai,  June  12,  1810,  P.  H.  O.,  Spain,  182. 


FHANCISCO  DE   MIBANDA.  315 

ants.""  Accordingly  on  September  18,  1797,  Picton  transiniittecl 
an  account  of  the  captain -generalship  of  Caracas  written  by  a  gentle- 
man who  had  lived  there  for  many  years,  accompanied  by  some 
supplementary  observations  of  his  own.  The  governor  of  Trinidad 
called  attention  to  the  strategic  location  of  the  city  of  Caracas.  The 
.  captain-general  was  old  and  had  only  one  regiment  of  regular  troops 
in  the  whole  province.  There  was  a  considerable  number  of  militia, 
but  they  were  not  supposed  to  interest  themselves  much  in  the  preser- 
vation of  the  existing  regime.  He  urged  upon  his  Government  the 
commercial  importance  of  the  Spanish  possessions  in  the  Orinoco 
Valley.  Either  St,  Thomas  de  Guyana  or  Barancas  was  eminently 
fitted  to  become  a  commercial  emporium.  The  Orinoco  could  be 
navigated  for  150  miles.  The  soil  was  fertile.  The  rivers  afforded 
access  to  the  Spanish  as  well  as  to  the  Portuguese  settlements.  The 
Spaniards  had  no  regular  troops  in  this  territory  nor  any  strong 
forts.  The  naval  force  was  "  very  inconsiderable,"  intended  merely 
for  revenue  purposes.  "A  temporary  Conquest  of  the  Country  in 
the  neighborhood  of  this  River  might  be  effected  without  much  diffi- 
culty and  with  a  moderate  Force,"  but  he  doubted  much, "  considering 
the  immense  extent  and  great  Population  of  the  surrounding  Prov- 
inces, whether  it  would  be  possible  to  retain  it.  The  only  certain 
Method  of  opening  an  extensive  Trade  with  this  Country  woVild  be 
by  bringing  about  a  Revolution,  which  might  be  easily  secured  by 
generally  arming  the  People." " 

Three  months  later,  divining  perhaps  the  intentions  of  the  minis- 
ters, he  took  occasion  to  inform  his  Government  that  he  considered  all 
ideas  of  territorial  acquisition  or  conquest  on  the  neighboring  conti- 
nent as  "  Chimerical  and  Ruinous."  He  believed,  however,  that  the 
inhabitants  were  "  generally  dissatisfied  "  with  their  government  and 
looked  "  forward  to  Independence."  Profiting  by  this  disposition, 
he  declared,  "  it  would  lie  no  difficult  matter  to  subvert  the  Spanish 
Government  in  the  Provinces  of  Cumana  and  Caraccas,  the  Example 
and  Effects  of  which  would  shake  their  Empire  over  the  whole 
Continent  and  would  open  immediate  as  well  as  immense  Commercial 
Advantages  to  Great  Britain." '  In  Novemljer  of  this  year,  in  spite 
of  the  hostilities  between  England  and  Spain,  Jamaica  and  the 
Bahamas  were  accorded  privileges  regarding  trade  with  the  Spanish 
colonies  similar  to  those  which  had  been  given  to  Trinidad.^  It 
seemed,  however,  as  though  an  attempt  to  promote  trade  might  only 
be  the  forerunner  of  designs  for  territorial  aggrandizement  on  the 
Spanish  dominions  in  America. 

■  Draft  ot  >upril<>aivtitiry  InKtrnrtlonii  to  Picton,  July  5.  l 
-•Plelon  lo  DuudoB,  September  18,  ITOT,  IncLoBei  bis  owi 
Inlulbltuit  of  Cnrecnn.  P.  tt.  O.,  Trinidad,  1. 
•tbld.,  DMembpr  IT.  1797.  Ibid. 
•lUnutn  ot  tbe  Board  ot  Trade,  Norember  3.  ITST.  duthua  MBS..  Mt>. 


316  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Some  Spanish  Americans  eagerly  seized  the  opportunity  offered  by 
the  war.  Early  in  February,  1797,  Pedro  Jos6  Caro  came  to  London. 
Some  Spanish  officials  thought  that  he  was  one  of  the  escaped  con- 
spirators from  Caracas.**  He  represented  himself  to  be  a  native  of 
Cuba,  owning  large  properties  there  and  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  who 
had  been  engaged  for  the  past  fourteen  years  in  traveling  through 
the  different  parts  of  Spanish  America  and  Europe  for  the  purpose 
of  concerting  the  best  means  of  procuring  liberty  for  Spanish 
America.*  His  attempts  to  engage  the  sympathies  of  the  EngUsh 
Government  at  that  time  were  without  result,  and  he  withdrew  to 
Paris  in  the  summer  of  the  same  year.  About  this  time  a  fugitive 
conspirator  from  Santa  Fe  made  a  similar  essay  and  failed  to  secure 
a  favorable  hearing.  This  was  Antonio  Narino,  who  many  years  later 
attempted  to  make  himself  the  autocrat  of  New  Granada.*'  It  is 
possible  that  both  these  emissaries  were  sent  or  directed  to  London 
by  Miranda.  It  is  also  possible,  as  stated  by  Miranda  later,  that  other 
alleged  agents  from  South  America  were  sent  to  London  while  the 
master  intriguer  remained  at  Paris.* 

Caro  certainly  had  recourse  to  Miranda  for  consolation  and  ad- 
vice.   From  his  retreat  in  or  near  the  French  capital  the  latter  wrote 
two  notes  introducing  Caro  to  men  in  England  whom  he  doubtless 
thought  would  be  of  aid  to  this  agitator.     One  of  these  was  dated 
September  27,  1797,  and  w^as  addressed  to  Joseph  Smith,  the  private 
secretary  of  William  Pitt.^    The  other,  addressed  to  John  Tumbull, 
an   English   merchant   whom   Miranda   had   interested   in   Spanish 
America,  declared  that  the  Ixnirer  was  charged  with  papers  "  de  haute 
Importance."    With  this  last  e])istle  Caro  sent  a  brief  note  requesting 
a  passport  to  come  to  Ix)ndon.     Turnbull  secured  tlie  required  per- 
mission and  Caro  soon  arrived  in  the  English  metropolis.    Here  the 
latter  soon  divulged  his  plans  to  Turnbull,  who,  on  October  18,  1797, 
communicated  the  propositions  to  Pitt.     These  were  apparently  a 
repetition  of  Caro's  previous  overtures.    Caro  declared  that  most  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Spanish  America  and  even  many  of  the  Spanish 
officers  stationed  there  were  dissatisfied  with  the  oppressive  Govern- 
ment of  Spain  and  "  on  the  Eve  of  a  general  Insurrection."    There 
were  fourteen  hundred  persons,  "  of  some  Fortune  and  Character," 
he  declared,  "  dispersed  over  Spanish  America  "  and  employed  "  in 

«  Alvarez  to  the  captain-general  of  Cuba,  August  21,  1798,  Cuban  MSS.,  see  below,  p.  326, 
note  a.  In  1800  a  conspirator  called  Caro  and  others  were  associated  with  Antonio  Nariuo 
by  the  Spanish  officials  In  an  Investigation  n»gardlng  the  publication  of  The  Ri^^hts  of  Man 
in  northern  Spanish  America;  a  report,  September,  0,  1800,  is  found  in  the  Add.  MSS., 
13,9S5,  f.  108. 

»  Turnbull  to  Pitt,  October  18,  1797,  P.  R.  0.,  Spain,  45. 

«^  Communication  of  Caro  (unaddressed),  Octol)er  19,  1797,  Ibid.  Alvarez  to  the 
captain-general  of  Cuba,  August  21,  1798,  Cuban  MSS..  see  below,  p.  320,  note  a. 

«*  Popham's  memorandum,  October  14,  1804,  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  VI,  511  :  see  also  Miranda's 
memoir  to  Pitt,  March  19,  1799  (copy),  Pickering  MSS.,  XXIV,  f.  150-. 

•  Smith  Papers,  271. 


FBANCISCO   DE   MTBAKDA.  317 

E^^^e  manner  with  him."  In  thp  province  of  Santa  Fe,  the 
ripest  for  insurrection,  there  weve  thirty  thousand  men  "  ready  to  rise 
in  Arms,  Money  in  Abundance,  and  Plenty  of  Gunpowder."  The 
position  of  this  province  admirably  adapted  it  to  be  the  starting  point 
of  a  general  revolution  which  could  ea.sily  be  extended  on  the  one 
hand  to  the  neighboring  provinces  of  Quito,  Chile,  and  Pern,  and  on 
the  other  to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  Guatemala,  and  Mexico."  Such 
was  the  highly  colored  picture  drawn  by  Caro  of  conditions  in  that 
region. 

■  The  system  of  government  had  been  already  meditated  upon.  The 
^■volutioniste  aimed  at  the  establishment  of  a  government  which 
Hould  be  absolutely  independent  of  the  rule  of  Spain  or  of  any  other 
power  whatsoever,  Cnro,  however,  solicited  the  beneficent  aid  and 
protection  of  the  British  Government.  He  wished  that  Govenmient 
to  send  a  naval  squadron  to  blockade  Carthageria  and  to  intercept  any 
succors  which  the  Spaniards  might  attempt  to  send  from  Habana  or 
from  Spain  to  Santa  Ft  He  also  asked  that  S.OOO  acclimated  troops 
be  sent  to  cuoperate  in  the  revolutionary  movements  by  seizing  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama.  He  requested  that  20,000  muskets  be  provided 
for  the  revolutionists  besides  20  small  fieldpieces,  a  few  cannon,  and 
all  the  necestsary  ammunition  except  gunpowder.  The  revolutioniats, 
said  Caro,  would  pay  for  this  aid  as  soon  as  the  new  independent 
iVnierican  Government  was  established.  No  special  commercial  or 
other  privileges  were  promised  to  England.  Ajinexed  to  the  peti- 
tion was  a  detailed  statement  of  the  veteran  troops  and  of  the  militia 
in  the  Kingdom  of  Santa  F6.'  If  Caro  had  made  alluring  promises 
of  commercial  advantages  or  territorial  acquisitions  he  might  have 
ritten  given  serious  attention  by  the  English  ministers.  Perhaps  Caro 
^ps  only  feeling  the  pnlse  of  the  English  Government.  Whatever  his 
HbI  intentions  were,  and  however  weak  an  authorization  he  may  have 
DAd  from  a  few  daring  revnlntionlsts  in  Spanish  America,  he  was 
only  a  forerunner  of  the  arch  conKpirator.  In  a  note  of  April  13  he 
informed  the  Engli.sh  Government  that  Miranda,  "  whose  reputation 
was  worth  an  army,"  was  laboring  on  the  plan  and  was  on  the  eve 
of  coming  to  England." 

It  is  clear  then  that  the  arrival  of  Miranda  in  England  early  in  the 
following  year  was  with  the  full  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  Eng- 
lish Government.''  Perhaps,  as  Miranda  later  alleged,  he  was  invited 
lo  reopen  negotiations  with  William  Pitt.''    Whether  urged  to  come 


pTurnhnll   to  Pitt.  Octobpr   18,   tT1>T :  alfxi  thp  comman  I  ration  i 
to,  p.  U.  O..  Spain.  45:  tlw  quoUtlflnH  an:  frum  the  cocarounlrallon 
pOommuD lent  Ion  nl  Caro  (tmniliirpsuedt,  October  IR,  t7B7.  P.  R. 
,  April  10.  ITtlT.  Ibid. 
C  CorrcBponduice  of  King.  II.  B&U.  111.  SS&.  S5S. 

o  Pitt.  Mareh  19,  1799  (copy).  Pickering  MBS..  XXIV.  t.  I50-. 


Cam,  Oclober  16, 
>f  Oclober  18,  1T97. 
..  BpalD,  4B. 


318 


AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCUTION, 


tin,  Ml^H 


to  England  or  not,  Miranda  could  not  neglect  the  favorable  oppor- 
tiinity.  It  was  probably  with  mingled  feelings  of  pleasure  and  regret 
that  Miranda  gave  up  his  life  of  seclusion  at  Paris  to  proceed  to  Ivoii- 
don.  As  on  other  critical  occasions,  Miranda  appears  to  have  traveled 
under  an  assumed  character.  To  judge  by  the  passport,  which  is  still 
preserved  in  the  French  archives,  Miranda  passed  from  France  as  a 
merchant,  "  Gabriel  Edouard  Leroux,"  who  was  going  from  Altona 
to  Hamburg  on  "  commercial  matters."  He  was  described  as  Iwing 
"  five  feet  four  inches  in  height,  with  black  hair  and  eyebrows,  large 
forehead,  nose  and  mouth  of  medium  size,  gray  eyes,  round  chin,  i 
oval  face."" 

By  January  16,  1798,  Miranda  had  crossed  the  Strait  of  ] 
and  arrived  in  London.  On  that  day  he  addressed  a  letter  to  William 
Pitt,  which  Ijegins  with  these  words:  "The  undersigned,  principal 
agent  of  the  Spanish -American  colonies,  has  been  named  by  the  junta 
of  deputies  of  Mexico,  Lima,  Chili,  Buenos  Ayres,  Caracas.  Santa  Fe, 
etc.,  to  present  himself  to  the  ministers  of  H.  B.  M.,  in  order  to  re- 
new in  favour  of  the  absolute  independence  of,  these  colonies,  the 
negotiations  begun  in  17i)0,  and  to  conduct  them,  as  quickly  as  pos- 
sible to  that  stage  of  maturity  which  the  present  moment  appears  to 
offer,  finishing  them  by  a  treaty  of  amity  and  alliance,  similar  {so 
far  as  the  different  circumstances  permit)  to  that  offered  by  France 
and  concluded  by  her  with  the  English  colonies  of  North  -Vmerica 
in  1778.  This  example  can  serve  as  an  apology  in  the  absence  of 
strict  legality  in  the  present  case.  •  •  •  The  spirit  of  frankness 
and  loyalty  which  animates  his  compatriots  and  which  attaches  them 
to  the  interests  of  Great  Britain  is  best  expressed  in  the  instrument 
which  serves  the  undersigned  as  powers  and  instructions  for  this 
important  commission,''  Miranda  declared  himself  happy  at  being 
able  to  claim  "  by  a  lucky  chance  "  the  "  protection  of  the  English 
nation  in  favour  of  the  independence  of  his  country  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  treaty  of  amity  and  alliance  mutually  useful  and  advan- 
tageous to  both  parties."  Miranda  expressed  his  regret  at  having 
been  separated  from  Pitt  since  the  beginning  of  hostilities  between 
England  and  Spain.  He  declared  that  it  was  the  tyranny  of  France 
which  had  prevented  him  from  having  sooner  approached  the  Eng- 
lish prime  minister.  "  full  of  confidence  in  the  importance  and  the 
reciprocal  utility  of  his  mission.  Convinced  besides  that  the  present 
moment  is  the  most  favourable,  for  a  violent  war  is  being  waged  by 
Spain  against  England,  an  epoch  which  the  very  honourable  William 
Pitt  has  always  stated  to  the  undersigned  as  one  for  the  beginning 
of  this  enterprise;  he  is  pleased  to  believe  that  his  compatriots  will 
not  long  languish  in  uncertainty.     It  is  only  these  motives  and  still 


FILLNCISCO    DE    MIBANDA. 

more  the  sacred  duty  of  a  citizen  whose  support  is  implored  by  his 
suffering  country,  which  have  torn  him  frooi  the  retreat  which  has 
served  him  as  an  asylum  and  made  him  resolve  to  risk  the  dangers 
which  encompassed  him  at  the  moment  of  his  departure  from  France, 
as  well  as  the  odd  chances  to  which  one  is  always  exposed  in  great 
enterprises."  " 

With  this  letter  Miranda  submitted  a  copy  of  the  instrument  which 
he  declared  served  him  as  instructions.  These  powers  purported  to 
be  articles  drawn  up  by  a  South  American  revolutionai-y  junta  and 
were  dated  Paris,  December  22,  1797.  This  junta  professed  to  be 
eomposed  of  deputies  from  the  principal  provinces  of  Spanish 
America  who  had  been  sent  to  Europe  to  concert  with  Miranda  a 
plan  for  the  liberation  of  their  native  land.  The  instructions  affirmed 
that  the  Spanish- American  colonies,  having  unanimously  resolved  to 
proclaim  their  independence  and  to  place  their  lilwrty  on  a  firm  basis, 
addressed  themselves  to  the  British  Government,  inviting  it  to  join 
them  in  the  accomplish  men  t  of  that  enterprise.  Spanish  America,  it 
was  declared,  agreed  to  pay  England  for  her  assistance.  The  aid 
demanded  from  England  was  not  to  exceed  27  ves.sels  of  the  line,  8,000 
infantry,  and  2,000  cavalry.  It  was  declared  that  a  defensive  alliance 
of  England,  the  United  State.s,  and  Spanish  America  was  the  "  only 
hope  which  remained  to  liberty  so  boldly  outraged  by  the  detestable 
maxims"  which  had  been  avowed  by  the  French  Republic.  It  was 
suggested  that  a  treaty  of  alliance  be  entered  into  by  England  and 
Spanish  America,  which,  although  not  granting  monopoly  privileges, 
was  to  be  conceived  in  the  most  advantageous  terms  to  Great  Britain. 
A  proposal  was  made  for  the  opening  of  navigation  between  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  by  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  as  well  as  by 
Lake  Nicaragiia,  and  the  freedom  of  such  transit  was  guaranteed, 
(hough  not  exclusively,  to  both  England  and  the  United  States.  It 
was  prorided  that,  after  independence  had  been  achieved,  deputies 
from  the  different  parts  of  Spanish  America  were  to  meet  in  a  repre- 
sentative body  to  make  general  regulations  for  internal  commerce. 
It  was  pointed  out  that  the  intimate  relations  which  the  bank  of 
London  would  be  able  to  form  with  the  banks  of  Lima  and  Mexico 
would  not  be  the  least  advantage  which  the  independence  and  the 
alliance  of  Spanish  America  would  insure  to  Great  Britain.  The 
thirteenth  article  intrusted  the  military  operations  on  the  American 
continent  as  well  as  the  arrangements  to  be  made  with  England  to 
Miranda.  It  ought  to  be  noticed  that  these  instructions  as  first  sub- 
mitted by  Miranda  to  Pitt  did  not  fix  the  amount  to  be  paid  to 
England  for  her  assistance;  they  did  not  draw  the  boundary  line 
between  the  United  States  and  a  liberated  Spanish  ^Vmerica;    they 

•L'hatliBiu  MSS.,  315, 


820  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

did  not  decide  upon  the  disposition  of  the  insular  possessions  of  Spain 
in  America.**  These  blank  passages,  Miranda  declared,  were  to  be 
considered  as  "  secret  instructions,"  which  were  to  be  filled  out  when 
by  subsequent  conferences,  "  the  principal  points  of  the  stipulation  *' 
were  agreed  upon.^ 

These  propositions  raise  the  interesting  and  difficult  question  as  to 
what  authorization  these  so-called  deputies  had  for  their  actions.    The 
instructions  bore  the  signatures  of  Josef  del  Pozo  y  Sucre,  Manuel 
Josef  de  Salas,  and  Francisco  de  Miranda.    With  the  exception  of 
Miranda,  very  little  is  known  of  these  men  beyond  what  is  stated  in 
the  document  itself.    It  declared  that  Miranda  was  to  act  as  commis- 
sioner with  Pablo  de  Olavide,  who  did  not  otherwise  figure  in  the 
affair,  so  far  as  our  knowledge  at  present  goes.    Many  years  after- 
wards John  Adams  scoffed  at  the  idea  of  his  acquaintance  Olavide 
being  in  any  way  connected  with  the  affair.*'    It  is  quite  possible  that 
Sucre  and  Salas  may  have  been  Jesuits,  as  suggested  by  John  Adams.' 
No  warrant  for  the  statement  that  they  were  authorized  agents  has 
yet  been  discovered.    Nothing  is  known  of  the  alleged  Spanish  junta 
which  was  to  take  cognizance  of  the  negotiations.    Nevertheless,  it  is 
possible  that  some  revolutionary  spirits  from  Spanish  America,  like 
Caro  and  Narino,  did  meet  in  Paris  and  discuss  a  plan  of  campaign. 
Europe  was  no  stranger  to  such  emissaries.    Caro  may  have  had  some 
loose  authorization  from  the  revolutionary  sympathizers  in  Spanish 
America.*    The  same  may  be  true  of  the  other  emissaries,  if  there 
were  any. 

AVhatever  authorization  there  was,  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  writer 
that  it  could  not  have  been  much  more  than  an  expression  of  the 
desire  of  a  very  small  minority  of  Spanish  Americans  to  free  them- 
selves from  what  they  considered  the  oppressive  rule  of  Spain.  Viewed 
in  this  light,  the  instrument  of  December  22,  1797,  did  not  even  have 
the  appearance  of  legality.  Furthermore,  it  seems  to  the  writer  cer- 
tain that  the  authorization  which  Miranda  presented  to  the  English 
minister  in  its  minor  features,  such  as  the  borrowing  of  money,  the 
appointing  of  agents,  as  well  as  in  its  more  general  propositions,  was 

«  Chatham  MSS.,  345.  Compare  with  the  form  of  completed  Instructions  presented  to 
Adams  later.     Adums,  Works  of  John  Adams,  I,  679-684. 

» Miranda  to  Pitt,  January  16,  1798,  Chatham  MSS..  345.  It  was  In  referring  to 
these  passages  that  Miranda  said :  "  Lcs  passages  indiqu^s  par  des  points,  devant  6tre 
consider^  com  me  des  Instructions  secrcttes,  seront  remplis  du  moment  od,  dans  les  con- 
ferences subsequcntcs,  on  seroit  convcnu  des  prlnclpaux  points  de  la  stipulation." 

•  Adams,  Works  of  John  Adams,  X,  142,  143. 

<Ibid.,  142. 

«The  secret  instructions  of  Miranda  to  Caro,  London,  April  6,  1798,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain, 
46,  suggest  this ;  see  below,  p.  325. 


I   ma 


fKAKLISCO    UJi    MIKA-SOA,  321 


mainly,  if  not  entirely,  the  pmboiliment  of  Mirandn's  ideas.    Miranda 
■was  probably  to  a  large  extent  a  self-wnsti tilted  iigenf." 

Miranda,  following  ont  the  plan  thus  outlined,  «oon  attempted  to 
get  into  touch  with  the  (lovenimenl  of  the  United  States.  He  first 
approached  Kufus  King,  the  minister  of  the  United  States  in  l«ndon, 
to  whom  he  was  drawn  partly  Iwcanse  he  knew  hiiu  to  be  a  close 
friend  of  Alexander  Hamilton.''  Miranda  made  a  beginning  on 
January  30,  I7fl8.  by  partly  disclosing  his  scheme.  The  South  Ameri- 
can declared  that  he  had  just  come  from  a  conference  with  Pitt,  with 
whom  ho  had  pone  over  the  whole  subject,  England,  he  said,  desired 
to  cultivnto  friendship  and  harmony  with  the  United  States.  If 
England  and  the  United  States  should  lie  driven  by  joint  operations 
to  o|ipose  France,  nothing  would  be  easier,  he  declared,  than  to  sepa- 
rate .Spanish  America  from  Spain.  The  population  of  the  Spanish 
settlements  on  tlie  continent  of  .Vnierica  n  as  ten  millions.  The  people 
were  civilized  and  "  eapahle  of  being  happy  as  raemliers  of  a  polished 
Society."  Everything  whs  "  ripe  for  the  completion  of  the  plan."' 
Commissioners  fnmi  Spanish  Americn  had  empowered  him  to  co- 
opernle  in  the  movement  for  independence.  There  were  no  possible 
grounds  of  disagreement  which  emild  arise  between  the  northern 
and  the  southern  "  departments,"  for  rhe  social  conditions  in  the  two 
areas  would  prevent  them  from  becoming  rivals.  The  Mississippi 
was  a  natural  boundary.  .Spain  had  already  given  to  the  United 
States  good  reasons  for  going  to  war  with  her.  "  I  have."  continued 
Miranda,  "  as  yet  taken  no  measures  to  develop  the  plan  to  the  Aineri- 
'Can  Government.  All  must  first  be  arranp'd  here  with  the  Briti.sh 
Govenmient."    King,  while  pleased  lu  learn  what  was  on  the  tapis 

•In  ISia  .Tohn  Adnma  hnd  o  cirrespondenw  wllli  rolnopl  Smllh,  his  Bin-ln-law.  In 
KSUd  lo  MlrDnda^s  plBiiH.  [□  rpplj-  to  ■  letter  of  AdaiiiB.  Smltb  aald  oo  FeDnmrT  24. 
laiG :  ■■  SrTptBl  LWputiPB  nnd  rommlBslonecs  from  Mexlto  and  other  principal  prov- 
ince* of  South  AniprlcB  mPt  >rirnTida  at  Paris  for  Ihp  piirpow  nf  mncprtlng  with  hito 
■be  meaaurps  «>  bv  ]iurKUt;d  tor  ui.'L'nmpllBhlnK  t>)<^  tmlrtiendinw  ot  Ibelr  CoUDtr;.  •  •  • 
-nw*«  dPTlded  Iir  ahould.  in  thplr  name,  agBln  rppiir  to  l^Ofiland.  and  make  snch  ottm  lo 
tt«  British  Government  an,  It  was  hoped,  might  Induce  it  lo  lend  thenJ  the  asslstioce 
nqnisltp  for  Ibo  ereal  objpct  of  their  wiahpB  *  *  *.  The  Inatrtimenl,  wblcb  war 
dniim  un  and  put  inin  the  handa  nf  Miranda,  aa  the  document  to  thf  Bcltlsh  OoTem 
ttirtit.  -jf  Ihe  proi>oral8  of  ihe  South  Americnna.  iB  a  remarkable  evidence  of  tbp  views 
and  plans  of  Ibe  Ifadlng  mombTS  o(  the  Ekiuth  American  communities,  these  nrtlrles  are 
»l»Tefi  111  nnmber,  the  doeiimeni  la  dated  Tarla,  Deer,  2i;  1707.  •  •  •  A  Propoaal 
Kas  made  10  Hr.  PHI.  for  Ihe  return  of  Miranda  to  EnKlnnd.  n-hlch  wna  acceded  to  wllb 
alacrity,   and   Mirnnda   had   a   conference  with   Mr.   Pitt   In   January  followln;.     It   ac- 

inrded  with  the  plans  of  Mr,  Pitt  at  that  time,  lo  enter  with  promptitude  Into  thi> 
Kbeme  proposed  for  Ibe  emancipation  of  Soalh  .America.  Ibe  oalllne  of  Ibe  proceeding 
»aa  fatly  agreed  upnn.  and  n  eommunlcatlnn  was  made  to  Gcnl,  Hamilton  dated  .Iprll  Olh. 
1194  a  eopr  of  which  I  have  fiimUhrd  you  with."  .^dama  MSB..  Torrespondenee  of 
lOhn  Adams.  1BI3-18I6,  f.  1138.  The  writer  haa  no  reagon  lo  believe,  however,  thai 
Bulth  had  an;  other  basis  for  these  alatements  than  the  informalion  derived,  directly 
M  Indlrecllr.  from  Miranda,  whom  Smith  mel  again  In  N'ew  Vork  In  IfiOG, 
•Ulranda  to  nsmllton,  February  T,  i71'8.  explains  in  Ibat  way  hla  conHdenCEB  (| 
Klnc-  tlamllton  M»S..  XX.  f.  =0S, 
58833  VOL  1—00 21 


820 


AMEBICAN   HISTOID 


(lid  not  decide  upon  the  disposi(i«.' 
in  America.**    These  bhink  pass.i 
considered  as  "  secret  instruct ion> 
by  subsequent  conferences,  "  ihf 
were  agreed  upon.* 

These  propositions  raise  thr 
what  authorization  these  so-cnl' 
instructions  bore  the  signal tM 
Josc»f  de  Salas,  and  Francis- 
Miranda,  very  little  is  kno^\ 
the  document  itself.    It  dr'«'^ 
sioner  with  Pablo  de  Ohw 
affair,  so  far  as  our  knc^v ' 
wai'ds  John  Adams  scolV 
being  in  any  way  connect 
Su(!re  and  Salas  may  li.i' 
No  warrant  for  the  stnt 
yet  l>een  discovered.    N 
which  was  to  take  coiri 
l)Ossiblo  that  some  n-^ 
Caro  and  Narifio,  did 
Europe  was  no  stra!'- 
loose  authorixatioii  ■ 
America.*'    The  sm" 
were  any. 

AMiatever  a  nth. 
that  it  could  nr**- 
desire  of  a  a»  i 


—   .lATION. 

Ill     •  ^^^^ 

•.    t  would  be  imp^^ 

•'minent."  ,//^ 

.••wi  the  Wsit.    ^iiveMT^      ,/ 

-«i  his  frame  of  gP^'^  ./ji*i 


'us.  so  far  as  can  l)o  fX^^     J^i 
-.iioied  the  plan  proposed  ^       -/; 
■   »n  the  east  side  of  the  !>'''  ^^x'' 
.  v.«4R)  infantry  and  2.000  ^'"^'^^^ 
^.■iridron  was  to  be  sent  from  ^^  ;^. 
T    .A  desired  from  the  United  St^^*- 
•lerstood  new  countries,  andhop^ 
iwrr?  of  the  Revohitionarv  war.  l*^ 
itisition,  as  many  of  the  l)e?t  troops 
.1  '.n  relieve  Manila.     Miranda  onter- 
.c4-?tcion  tvom  the  Spanish  force*«  ^ta- 
.^»  of  the  officei*s,  he  declared,  were  in 
..  .-  -u  the  stipulation  had  now  evidently 
..  ..I  -  mind  at  least,  for  he  declared  that 
,  tiii.iHK)  sterling  for  her  aid.    tlngland  an«l 
.,ov  the  future  trade  of  Spanish  America, 
aii  the  United  States  which  passt^d  over 
..er  tolls  than  those  of  other  i>()wei's.    As 
^^2<*«i   by   Spain   in  America,  the   Spanir'li 
^  ..-^nu  them  exc*ept  Cuba.^    The  propositions 
^limmla  was  now  in  the  main  rehearsinjr, 
,^t»   \.v   U*   divided   lx>tween   the   cooperating 


selves  from  ^\h 
hi  this  light,  i' 
the  ai)])eanii!!- 
tain  that  ili»*  . 
minister  in  '■■ 
a[)pointi]i 


•  r 


•»  ('lintliMTii 
Adams  liifu* 

»Mir:n.-! 
tlli'Si'    jiMSv;-. 
roiislil-rfs  I  ■ 

«■  Aciirp"-- 
■'  IhiO-    !  ' 

45,  sMi.".'i- 


-'I 


't.'. 


'N   *> 


..^  I  lie  impressions  of  King  regarding  the 
.^x..  I  lie  main  objective  point,  of  the  projected 
..>    uid  in  his  possession  at  this  time,  and  used 
.,»x  v'f  a  map  of  part  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama 
,    'i'  Spanish  America.    This  map  with  accom- 
j.ii'  Uvn  given  him  by  Caro,  who  informed 
u:»^  a   faithful  cop\'  of  one  made  in  178'i 
K*  viivrov  of  Santa  Fe  by  the  general  engi- 
ViKonio  de  Arevalo.     According  to  Caro'^ 
vviuivd  ti»  Ih'  based  on  a  paper  prepared  by  this 
.u    ^»bicct    was   to  consider   the  construction  of 
•w  ihi>  ivgion  in  order  to  prevent  the  frequent 
vx.ixi'iv'i^**!   Indians  upon  the  Spanish  settlements. 

\'ii»     \\\    r»."it».  r»r»7  :  :i  f**w  of  tho  worrlH  In  tin'  i]t]otati<)ns  ar'' 


V   •» 


%  V 


»••''     I  « 


«h.v.A*    'i  J»'tMi    \*l:lliii«.   I.  «»TS»-r»^l. 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA. 


323 


and  also  to  prevent  the  introduction  of  strangers  by  these  coasts  for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  on  contraband  trade  or  of  bringing  aid  to 
these  Indians.  On  the  map  the  rivers,  mountains,  bays,  islands, 
roads,  mines,  and  various  settlements  were  marked,  as  well  as  the 
location  of  the  Indian*.  The  strategic  points  and  lines  where  forti- 
fications could  be  profitably  made  were  pointed  out,  while  the  char- 
acter of  these  defenses  was  briefly  discussed  in  the  notes.  It  was  also 
suggested  that  the  IndUns  be  reduced  and  that  colonies  of  Spaniards 
be  planted  among  them  to  kei-p  them  in  subjection. 

If  the  document  and  the  map  ai-e  authentic,  they  go  far  to  show 
that  the  Spanish  Government  itself  considered  this  area  as  a  most 
vulnerable  point.  To  the  notes  is  appended  a  brief  paragraph  by 
Caro  to  Ihc  effect  that  very  little,  if  any,  of  the  project  bad  been 
carrivd  into  execution.  That  cautious  individual  declared  that  he 
did  not  venture  any  more  reflections  lest  by  chance  the  paper  in  other 
hands  might  serve  as  u  lantern  to  sleepers."  It  ia  very  likely  that 
Miranda  hoped  to  carry  out  the  plans  as  perhaps  outlined  by  tho 
Spanish  engineer. 

In  the  development  of  Miranda's  schemes  the  attitude  of  England 
and  of  the  United  States  was  all-important.  Miranda  appears  to 
have  viewed  the  attitnde  of  the  P^nglish  Government  as  favorable. 
He  was  certainly  in  a  state  of  expectancy.''  ^Vs  in  17iX),  we  have  no 
statement  emanating  from  Pitt  himself  which  might  show  his  real 
attitude  toward  the  agitator.  But  we  have  the  declarations  of  Lord 
Grenville.  which  arc  important  as  showing  the  attitude  of  the  Kng- 
lish  foreign  minister  toward  Miranda.  On  February  1.  1708. , that 
minister  expressed  himself  to  King  unfavorably  regarding  Miranda's 
character,  lie  stated  that  he  did  not  favor  the  plan  presented  by 
Miranda,  fearing  that  it  might  lead  to  "scenes  of  wretchedness"  on 
the  American  continent  like  those  which  had  characterized  the  French 
revolution.     The  revolution  in  .Spanish  America  could  not  be  long 


•A  wpy  of  thp  nolo  Is  In  the  lionimenliiry  Appcmllx,  ! 
panning  eiplanatlon  btv  (oaiid   In   tLe  Arclilvee  National 
TtiP7  WTv  Binani;  Ilie  ilocumenlB  taken  from  Miranda,  on 
Tl»lt  lo  France.     Mob!  of  tbe  pnpem  Wfr»  rcliirned,  hill 
MInUMli  dDled  "  24  VenlMe,  an  9,"  acknowledgea  tbe  receipt  o 
P.  8.,  ■■  mnnijiic  nne  Carle  geopraphlque  in  tine  M,  S. 
Notes  taken  on  the  papcm  nf  Mlrandn  aim  show  tl 
bis.  for  the  BtaleiDPnt   Is  mndp   that   the  other  plei 
rStlapliB  a  une  eipedltlon  projetlfc  par  L'Aimlelecr 
Ibe  exact  dale  when  these  come  Into  Miranda's  posi 
ered  lo  him  by  Cnro  before  the  latter  left  for  Spsnli 

'This  ran  he  satbered  fr-jm  Hie  courm:  cif  ev.-nli 
some  slnlemcnta  In  Mlraiida*s  memoir  to  I'ltt.  Mnr 
SXIV.  f    130-. 


iB5,   No.  5819.  f.    87-. 
it  dnrlng  a  aubiei|UenI 


le  riRtiu^  de  ruaamH.."  Ibl4,.  f,  B'l. 
t  the  mnp  and  the  description  were 
1  foiind  ■■  pronvent  que  eo  I'lan  w 
"  Ibia..  f.  6:1.  It  la  dineutt  lo  set 
Bslon.  but  they  were  probablj  dellT- 


nns. 


a  Riven 


324  AMERICAN    IIISTORTCAL  ASSOCIATION. 

delayed,  but  the  terrible  scenes  in  France  instilled  a  doubt  in  Gren- 
ville's  mind  whether  that  moment  was  the  best  in  which  to  consum- 
mate the  movement.'*  The  attitude  of  Grenville  then  did  not  augur 
favorably  for  the  acceptance  of  Miranda's  plans  at  once. 

As  early  as  the  middle  of  February  the  English  cabinet  had  reached 
apparently  a  definite  though  tentative  conclusion  upon  the  matter. 
Grenville  informed  King  that  they  had  concluded  to  keep  Miranda 
in  England ;  "  that  if  Spain  should  be  able  to  preserve  her  independ- 
ence and  prevent  a  Revolution  in  her  Government,  they  should  not 
enter  into  the  project  respecting  South  America ;  but  if  it  was  really 
to  be  apprehended  that  Spain  should  fall  l>eneath  the  control  of 
France,  then  it  was  their  intention  to  endeavour  to  prevent  France 
from  gaining  to  their  cause  the  resources  of  South  America.    In 
this  event  they  should  immediately  open  their  views  and  commence 
a  negotiation  u[)on  the  subject  with  the  United  Staters.     At  present 
they  deemed  it  impolitic  to  engage  in  the  plan  of  Miranda.-'    This 
attitude  of  P^ngland  toward  Spain,  with  which  she  was  nominally  at 
war,  led  King  to  conjecture  that  there  was  a  ''  secret  understanding*' 
between  the  two  powders.''    The  statements  of  Grenville  to  King  were 
made  Ln  confidence  apparently ;  there  is  no  indication  that  King  evor 
communicated  these  views  to  Miranda,  despite  their  intimacy. 

This  decision  of  the  English  Ciovernment  was  communicated  to  the 
Spanish  Government,  but  England  did  not  put  much  confidence  in 
the  ability  of  Spain  to  fulfill  these  conditions.  While  the  English 
ministers  declared  on  the  one  hand  that  they  would  aid  the  Span- 
iards to  resist  the  attempts  of  other  powers  to  revolutionize  Spanish 
America,'-  on  tlie  other  hand,  to  judge  by  the  information  received 
by  King,  England  made  preparations  for  a  South  American  expedi- 
tion, and  ''  correspondent  arrangements ''  were  made  at  Trinidad.^ 
On  April  G  King  informed  the  American  Secretary  of  State,  Picker- 
ing, who  had  been  kept  posted  on  the  doings  of  Miranda,  that,  if 
the  expedition  was  finally  decided  upon  England  would  at  Phila- 
delphia ask  the  cooperation  of  the  United  States.*' 

Meanwhile  iliranda.  who  was  apparently  kept  in  ignorance  of  the 
provisional  decisions  of  the  P^nglish  cabinet,  was  becoming  impatient. 
On  March  5,  1708,  he  asked  Pitt's  private  secretary  to  get  some  de- 
cision for  him.^  He  soon  decided  to  dispatch  one  of  his  associates, 
Caro,  to  the  United  States  with  papers  to  the  President,  a  plan  which 

«  King,   Corrrspondence  of  King,  III,  568. 

Mbid,  r>«l. 

>■  Ibid..  11,  653. 

"  Ibid..  6,5a,  654. 

•-  Ibid. 

^  Smith  Papers,  373. 


[ 


FR^xnscn  DE  MTRwrn.  3'2fi 

:Ii(l  not  clisoourage."  The  iii^itriicliciiin  wiiidi  Mirmuiu  inuije 
I  for  Caro  passed  inio  the  hands  nf  (lie  Kiiglisli  (lovenimfint. 
jigeiit  was  instructed  to  proc«)d  Jii'st  to  New  York,  where  he 
to  deliver  a  letter  to  Alexander  Hamilton  with  wlmrii  he  was  to 
iiss  the  scheme  in  conlideiice.  Thence  he  was  to  pass  to  Phihi- 
hin,  where  he  was  to  deJiver  letters  ft-oin  TiirnbuU  to  Thomas 
ling  and  Company,  who  were  to  supply  him  with  what  he  wanted, 
was  then  to  present  a  h-tter  from  King  to  Pickering  and  to 
icit  nn  imme<liate  audience  with  the  President  of  the  United 
Statm.  In  tins  nndience  wilh  Adams.  Caro  was  to  insist  on  a  speedy 
linswer  to  Miranda's  propositions;  at  least  lie  was  to  find  out  the 
President's  opinions.  l)n])licates  of  all  letters  were  to  be  kept  for 
Miranda. 

His  task  in  the  United  States  completed,  Miranda's  agent  was  to 
basU^'n  on  his  "most  important"  mission  to  Santa  Fe  in  which  he 
was  commended  to  use  "  Discretion.  Prudence,  Activity.  Caution, 
Kesoliition,  Audacity,  and  Courage."  lie  was  informed  that  he 
would  have  to  rely  largely  on  his  own  "  Talents  and  Patriotism."  He 
WHS  instructed  to  make  the  "  Chiefs  and  Principal  Persons  of  the  Coun- 
try •  *  •  feel  the  Necessity  of  Preventing  by  every  possible  Means 
the  Introduction  into  our  Country  of  a  Jacobin  System  or  Principles 
for  otherwise  Liberty  instead  of  a  Cradle  will  meet  with  a  Grave,  as  is 
proved  by  the  whole  History  of  the  French  Revolution.'"  Having 
been  informed  by  Qaro  of  the  state  of  Europe  and  the  favorable 
disposition  of  England  and  the  United  States,  they  were  to  "  en- 
deavor to  unite  themselves  in  one  Body  and  wait  with  Firmness  and 
Resolution  •  •  *  the  Moment  of  our  appearance  at  the  Points 
and  Places  agreed  upon  for  proclaiming  our  Independence  and 
Sovereignty  under  a  Form  of  wise,  just  and  equilibrated  Govern- 
ment," Some  "  i-esjiectable  and  capable  "  persons  wei-e  to  he  sent 
immediately  to  London,  Philadelphia,  and  Trinidad  to  promote  the 
a-henie  "  in  the  military  and  political  way."  * 

These  instructions  give  us  a  further  inkling  of  the  possible  ramifi- 
cations of  Miranda's  project.  Before  long  the  Spanish  Government 
became  aware  of  the  departure  of  this  minor  conspirator  for  Santa 
F^.  Ill  August,  1798,  the  message  was  sent  to  Cuba  that  Caro  had 
Ireaolved  to  introduce  himself  into  the  province  of  Santa  F^  cleverly 
disguised  as  a  negio  for  the  purpose  of  secretly  fomenting  a  rebellion. 
The  captain-general  of  that  island  was  warned  to  beware  of  disguised 

.   Alirll   0.    tl\>\    i:    II.    U.,    Mi.altv   iO. 


826  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

adventurers  and  to  check  any  turbulent  movements  which  Narino, 
Caro,  and  Miranda  might  incite  in  Terra  Firma." 

Before  the  departure  of  Caro,  however,  Miranda  modified  his  plan?. 
King,  who  was  developing  into  an  ardent  advocate  of  the  design,  fur- 
nished the  agent  with  a  letter  to  Pickering.  This  and  the  papers 
intended  by  Miranda  for  the  President  were  not  delivered  by  Caro,  for 
his  chief  suddenly  changed  his  plans  and  dispatched  the  emissarj'  di- 
rectly to  South  America.  The  agent  forwarded  the  letters  with  which 
he  had  been  intrusted  to  Pickering,  who  transmitted  them  to  Presi- 
dent Adams.^  In  the  letter  of  March  24  to  Adams,  Miranda  inclosed 
a  copy  of  his  instructions.  He  declared  that  his  proposals  had  been 
very  favorably  received  by  the  English  ministers,  who  evinced  much 
satisfaction  at  the  prospect  of  such  joint  action  with  the  United 
States.  He  expressed  his  opinion  that  the  exasperating  delay  of  the 
English  ministry  was  due  to  their  expectation  of  seeing  the  United 
States  break  definitely  with  France  and  to  their  desire  to  cooperate 
with  the  Ignited  States  in  achieving  the  '*  absolute  independence  of 
the  entire  continent  of  the  New  World."  Miranda  also  expressed  his 
fear  that  the  prospective  introduction  of  French  troops  into  Spain 
might  result  in  the  extension  of  the  *'  abominable  "  French  system  to  • 
Spanish  America.    He  hoped  that  the  six  or  eight  vessels  of  the  line 

«"  Alvarez  to  the  captain-general  of  Cuba,  Au^st  21,  1798,  gives  the  following  account 
of  the  intriii:ues  of  Curo,  Narifio,  and  Miranda:  "  Ei  Embajador  del  Rey  M.  8.  on  Paris 
con  fha.  de  Julio  ultimo  ha  particlpado  al  mlnisterio  de  estado  lo  siguientc     •     •     • 
El   aflo  pa.sado  8c  aparecio  aqui  un  cierto  Narifio  de   Sta.   Fe  en  America,  que  parece 
vcnia    huyondo   de   la   Justicia.     So    presento   A   c«to   govicmo   proponicndo    revoluclontr 
aqui'llos  I'aisos  y  moRtrando  las  conexlones  y  amlstados  quo  tenia  alii  con  varloM  sujeto?" 
truldoros    y   onomlgos    dol    Key   y    de    su    govlorno.     AquI    no   obstante    las    maxlmas  de 
propa;rar  la   l>omocrficla  no  le  dieron  oldos  y  so   fuo  a   Londros  proponlendo  a   Pitt  quv 
Hi  lo  nyudava  con  dinoro  munlciones  y  al^una  o«quadra  haria  levantar  todo  la  Provincia 
do  Tiorra-firmo.     Paroco  quo  dicho  Minlstro  no  hlzo  mucho  caso  do  el     •      •     •.     Pooo 
dospuos  romparocio  aqul  otro  avonturero  llamado  Caro,  quo  fue  complicado  en  la  conspira- 
olon  do  (,'uracns.     Esto  proposo  o\  mlsmo  proyccto  quo  Narifio  con  mas  medios  y  hnbilidad 
quo   rl   ptro   tampoco   fuoron   admitidas   las   proporolonos ;   y   siguiendo   los   pasos  do  su 
antecosor,    fuo    a    Londros    con    su    proyocto    do    Insurrocclon.     Como    sus    planes    eran 
mojor  coraontndos  admitio  ol  goviomo  Yngles  suh  proposicionos  y  rosolvlo  onviar  alguna.< 
fuerzus  navales  con  armns  y  auxillos  para  aprovecharso  de  los  movimlentoa  Internos  que 
procurrara  Caro  ;  pero  cuando  so  ostava  dosponiondo  fhta  expediclon  sucedio  lu  insurrec 
cion  do   la  Marina  Ynglesa     •     •     *.     Caro  bolvio  ft   Paris  y  converse  mucho  con  las 
cabozas  oxaltados  quo  aqul  abundan,  so  junto  con  Narifio  y  uno  y  otro  en  los  mcses  pasados 
ban  becho  varios  viajes  a  Inglaterra,  entendiendose  alii  con  el  famoso  rebelde  general 
Mlrauda  »juo  vivo  alll  do  ocutro  a  todos  los  coujurados  contra  Espafia     *      •     *.     Ciro 
ultimamente  fue  visto  aqul  on  l*arls  y  so  sabe  quo  ha  partldo  para   la  America  resuolto  & 
Introducfrse  en  el  Keyno  De  Sta.  Fe  con  un  dlsfraz  muy  singular.     Ha  encontrado  quleo 
le  ha  hecho  una  peluca  de  negro  tan  al  natural  que  Imita  perfectamente  la  lana  de  lo:> 
negros  y  so  ha  embarnizado  la  cara  y  el  cuerpo  del  mlsmo  color  con  un  ingrediente  tan 
tenaz  que  el  agua  nl  el  sudor,  no  lo  puedan  alterar.     Con  esta  rara  mascara  se  havrft  io- 
troducldo  en  su  Pats  predlcando  ocultamente  la  rebellon  y  me  suponen  que  tlene  iDfioltas 
intollgoncias  alll     •     •     •.     Lo  aviso  a  V.   S.  de  R.*  orfi  para  quo  haclendo  el  use  con 
vento.   do  estas   not  Idas  tome  las  precauclones  oportunas  contra   los  flngldoR  nepro*«  7 
las  provldonclas  que  le  dicte  su  zelo  A  ffn  de  precaber  qualquier  movlmiento  turbulcnt<> 
que  puedan  sucltar  en  esas  Provlncias  estos  aventureros,  sorprenderlos  en  sns  pervor*!' 
designlos  6  Impedir  las  funestas  resultas  que  pudiera  orlglnar  su  seduccion  y  los  infames 
medios  de  que  se  vallesen.     Ulos  que  ft   V.   E.  ms.  as.     Sn.   Yidefonso,  21  de  Agosto  d«* 
1708."      Cuban    MSS. 

*  Adams,  Works  of  John  Adams,  VI U,  5«:{,  584,  585. 


FHANl'ISCO    1)E    M[RANr)A.  327 

and  the  four  or  five  thousand  men  that  were  needed  to  commence  Iiis 
plan  would  be  easily  secured  in  England  and  in  the  United  States, 
Finally,  he  briefly  sketched  hin  proposed  plan  of  government."  On 
April  28  Miranda  addres.sed  a  second  letter  lo  Adams  in  which  he 
inclosed  another  copy  of  his  powers  and  of  his  letter  of  Murch  •M.'' 
It  was  doubtless  with  one  of  these  letters  that  Siliranda  inclosed 
"some  estimates,"  whicli  probably  gave  information  concerning  the 
population  and  resources  of  Spanish  America."" 

Miranda  Kas  not  content  with  this,  but  tried  to  interest  his  former 
friend,  Alexander  Hamilton,  in  his  schemes.  About  three  weeks  after 
arriving  in  I^ndon,  Miranda  wrote  informing  Hamilton  of  his  pur- 
pose in  coming  to  England.  Hamilton,  however,  was  not  by  any 
means  enthusiastic,  for  he  wrote  on  the  letter  when  received :  "  I  shall 
not  answer  because  I  consider  him  as  nn  intriguing  adventurer."'' 
Miranda  disclosed  his  plans  more  fully  in  a  letter  on  April  C>.  '"  It 
appears,"'  lie  said.  "  that  the  moment  of  our  emancipation  approaches, 
and  the  establishment  of  Liberty  over  all  the  continent  of  the  New 
World  is  contided  to  us  by  Pi-ovidence.  The  only  difficulty  which  I 
foi-esee  is  the  introduction  of  French  principles."  Hamilton  was 
informed  that  the  form  of  government  which  was  projected  was 
"  mixed,"  and  that  Miranda  and  his  compatriots  wished  to  have  him 
"  with  them  "  to  promote  the  accomplishment  of  their  design.s.  The 
hope  was  expressed  that  Hamilton  would  not  refuse  them  when  the 
moment  arrived:  "Your  greek  predecessor  Solon  would  not  have 
done  it  at  least,  I  am  sure,  and  it  is  possible  that  I  will  go  soon  to 
take  you  myself."  The  South  American  asked  Hnmilton  to  j)repare 
the  mind  of  (Jen.  II.  Lee,  of  Virginia,  for  advances  on  the  subject  of 
the  contemplated  enterprise.  Miranda  declared  that  Lee,  who  had 
asked  a  favor  of  him  in  1792,  would  not  refuse  him  when  it  was  a 
que^-tion  of  "  true  Liberty,  which  we  all  love  and  of  the  well  being  of 
L.^s  compatriots  of  Peru  and  of  Mexico."  As  regards  Knox,  Miranda 
KiQXpressed  himself  dubiously.  Hamilton  was  asked  if  Knox  would 
■ioome,  Miranda  declaring  that  such  a  consummation  would  charm 
■llitn,  but  he  feared  that  Knox  would  not  accede," 
^  Several  copies  of  this  letter  were  sent,  Miranda  evidently  being 
L  anxious  that  it  should  reach  its  destination.  On  June  7  Miranda 
added  a  postscript,  declaring  that  everything  was  preparing  for 
"  our  grand  enterpri?*  "  and  asking  for  a  response  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible, as  well  as  Hamilton'.s  advice  upon  everything  relating  to 
America.'     In  these  letters  to  Adams  and  Hamilton  Miranda  was 

■  Aanm-.  Worlw  of  .lohn  Adnnis.  Vlll,  -lilfl-r.TS. 

'Ailams  U8S..  (.'arreHiKDiltiiue  ot  Jobn  Adnms.  17DT-ITDS.  t.  tTEi. 

■Adam*.  Works  ol  Jobn  AdamK,  Vlll.  tliKI.      AJIhough  thrxe  tfEllnmlvH  werr  '^flilCDtly 
referred  id  later  by  Jobn  Adams,  Uiey  wer«  not  foand  In  Adam*  MSB. 

■  fUmlllon  USB..  XX,  f.  20!),  thf  ktter  la  dati-d  Februnry  7.  171'^t. 
•  Ibid..  -MO.  In  part  In  tbc  Ed.  Rfv.,  XIII,  S9J. 

■      r  iiiiiuiJi<'u  Mas.,  KX,  r  :;i4,  :.'is. 


?*2S  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

exaggerating  the  interest  which  was  taken  by  the  English  Govern- 
ment in  his  designs,  for  at  most  it  had  only  decided  to  initiate  the 
movement  if  Spain  was  absorbed  by  France.  Miranda's  sanguine 
disposition  may  have  caused  him  to  nourish  false  hopes,  or  he  mav 
liave  purposely  misrepresented  the  attitude  of  England  for  the  sake 
of  enlisting  American  sympathy.  Miranda  was  evidently  anxious, 
for  on  August  17  another  letter  was  written  to  Hamilton  in  which 
the  latter  was  informed  that  Miranda  was  awaiting  his  replv  with 
impatience." 

King  tried  to  stimulate  interest  in  the  subject.  On  April  2  he  sent 
a  cipher  dispatch  to  Pinckney,  Marshall,  and  Gerry  in  Paris  on  the 
general  subject.  This  dispatch  gives  the  clue  to  the  motives  which 
to  a  large  extent  dominated  King  in  this  affair.  He  informed  the 
men  who  were  negotiating  with  Talleyrand  that  if  England  did  not 
undertake  to  revolutionize  Spanish  America,  France  would  intro- 
duce her  system  there,  which  would  be  extremely  dangerous  to  the 
United  States.^  In  May  the  minister  of  the  United  States  in  London 
wrote  to  Hamilton  and  declared  that  nothing  but  "  vigor  and  energj' '' 
in  the  Government  would  save  the  United  States.*^  Two  months 
later  he  wrote  in  a  similar  vein  and  declared  that  as  a  result  of  the 
war  on  the  Continent  the  United  States  was  being  forced  into  a  war 
for  self-preservation.^  He  was  not  hopeful  of  success  if  a  purely 
defensive  system  was  followed.  A  "  bold  and  active  system  "  should 
be  adopted,  which  would  be  not  only  the  "  most  certain  means  of 
safety,  but  would  promise  the  acquisition  of  great  and  lasting  advan- 
tages.'* The  ''object''  of  offensive  measures  was  not  far  to  seek: 
"  The  Destiny  of  the  new  world,  and  I  have  a  full  and  firm  persua- 
sion that  it  wull  be  both  happy  and  glorious,  is  in  our  hands.  We 
have  a  right  and  it  is  our  duty  to  deliberate  and  act,  not  as  second- 
aries but  Principals."*' 

Hamilton  replied  that  he  had  acted  on  that  principle  since  the 
moment  that  it  had  become  "  unequivocal  "  that  they  would  have  a 
"  decisive  rupture  "  with  France.  The  results,  however,  could  not 
as  yet  be  known/  On  August  22  Hamilton  wrote  to  King  regarding 
Miranda's  scheme:  ''With  regard  to  the  enterprise  in  question,  I 
wish  it  much  to  be  undertaken,  but  I  should  \)e  glad  that  the  principal 
agency  was  in  the  U.  States — they  to  furnish  the  whole  land  force 
necessary.  The  command  in  this  case  would  very  naturally  fall  upon 
me — and  T  hope  1  should  disappoint  no  favorable  anticipation.  Tho 
independency  of  the  separated  territory  under  a  moderate  govern- 

«  Hamilton  MSS.,  XX.  f.  210. 

"King.    Cornspondenci'   of  KiiiK.    II,    '100. 

<■  Ibid.,  (jnt;. 

*  Ibid. 

'  Ibid..  (;r.7. 

Mbid. 


FRANClSrO   HE   MIRAN'D*. 


329 


mert,  with  the  joint  guarantee  nf  tlie  c-wiperaling  powers,  stipulating 
equal  privileges  in  commerce  would  he  the  sum  of  the  result-*  to  be 
accomplished.  Are  we  as  yet  mature  for  this  undertaking?  Not 
quite.  But  we  ripen  fast,  and  it  may  {I  think)  be  rapidly  brought 
to  ninturity.  if  an  efficient  negotiation  for  the  purpose  is  at  once  set 
on  foot  upon  this  ground.  Great  Britain  cannot  nlone  ensure  the 
accomplishment  of  the  object.  I  have  some  time  since  advised  certain 
preliminary  steps  to  prepan;  the  way  consistently  with  national 
character  and  justice."" 

Inclosed  was  a  letter  to  Miranda,  the  delivery  of  which  was  left  to 
King's  discretion.  In  this  epistle,  which  King  gave  to  Mirandn, 
Hamilton  u^ured  the  latter  that  he  nmld  have  no  participation  in 
the  scheme  unless  "  patronized  "  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  Such  aid  could  hardly  be  hoped  for  at  that  time.  The 
winter,  however,  might  mature  the  project  and  "an  etfectuai  co- 
operation ''  by  the  United  States  miglit  take  place.  Under  snch 
circumstances,  he  declared,  he  should  l)e  happy  in  his  "  official  station 
to  Iw  an  instrument  of  so  good  a  work."  .\.s  regards  plans,  Hamilton 
declared  that  there  ought  to  be  a  fleet  from  Great  Britain,  an  army 
from  the  United  States,  and  "  a  government  for  the  liberated  territory 
agreeable  to  both  the  Co-operatnrs."  He  advised  Miranda  that  in 
case  the  United  States  entered  into  the  design  his  presence  in  the 
United  States  would  be  "extremely  essential"  to  promote  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  plan.  In  conclusion,  he  informed  Miranda  that  the 
United  Stales  was  raising  an  army  of  about  12,000  men  and  that  he 
had  been  appointed  second  in  command.'' 

Miranda  and  King  grasped  eagerly  at  the  hope  of  cooperation  by 
the  United  .States,  which  was  suggef^ted  by  Alexander  Hamilton.  On 
October  20,  1798,  King  replied  to  Hamilton's  letter  of  August  22  as- 
suring bim  that  in  England  things  were  as  they  "  could  desire  "  and 
that  there  would  be  "  precisely  such  a  co-operation  as  we  wish  the 
moment  we  are  ready  *  *  •  your  outline  corresponds  with  what 
has  beeil  suggested  by  me  and  approved  by  this  govermnent."  He 
informed  his  correspondent  that  he  was  having  a  facsimile  of  the 
late.st  map  of  tbe  country  engraved  and  that  the  English  Government 
had  considerable  information  regarding  the  interior  of  the  country 
and  "  tile  condition  and  dispositions "  of  its  inhabitants.'^  On  the 
!nme  day  King  wrote  to  Pickering  and  informed  him  that  as  regards 
South  America  England  would  furnish  "  a  feet  and  mUttari/  utoi-eg" 
and  the  United  States  "should  furnish  the  army."''  Perhaps  King 
thought  that  England  had  entered  a  little  further  into  Miranda's 
He   felt  that  their  execution  was  now  largely  dependent 


330  AMKRK'AX    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION. 

upon  the  cooperation  of  the  United  States,  which  he  was  anxious  to 
secure. 

Two  letters  written  by  Miranda  at  this  time  strengthen  this  view. 
In  a  letter  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  Miranda  informed  him  that  the 
wishes  expressed  in  the  letter  of  August  22  were  in  some  measure 
fulfilled,  as  it  was  agreed  in  England  that  the  auxiliary  land  forces 
were  to  l>e  exclusively  American  while  the  naval  forces  were  to  be 
entirely  English.  "  All  is  approved,  and  we  await  only  the  "fiat  of 
your  illustrious  President  to  depart  like  lightning.  *  *  *  In  effect, 
the  moment  appears  most  favourable  and  the  last  events  seem  to  leave 
us  a  vast  and  trancjuil  field  in  which  to  act  to  our  entire  satisfaction. 
Let  us  profit  with  wisdom  by  the  nature  of  the  circumstances  and 
render  to  our  Country  the  greatest  service  that  a  mortal  is  capable  of 
offering  to  his  fellow  beings.  Let  us  save  America  from  the  frightful 
calamities  which  in  overturning  a  great  part  of  the  world  threaten 
the  destruction  of  the  parts  still  remaining  intact  *  *  ♦  l^t  us 
unite  ourselves  firmly  to  secure  the  health  of  our  dear  Comitry,  and 
perhaps,  in  rescuing  it  from  the  evil  which  threatens  it,  we  will  save 
the  entire  world  which  staggers  on  the  edge  of  an  abyss."  In  a 
postscript  Hamilton  was  requested  to  present  Miranda's  respects  to 
General  Washington,  whose  firm  and  wise  conduct,  he  declared, 
"  ought  to  contribute  essentially  to  save  our  country.'*  Hamilton  was 
also  asked  to  forward  a  letter  to  ''our  common  friend,"  Greneral 
Knox,«  which  in  all  probability  contained  sentiments  similar  to  those 
conveyed  to  Hamilton.^' 

Again,  the  revolutionary  ardor  of  Miranda  had  carried  him 
beyond  tlie  facts.  As  he  later  declared  to  Pitt,  he  was  waiting  for  a 
decision  at  this  very  juncture.'  The  contingency  of  the  absorption 
of  Spain  by  France  was  still  the  pivot  on  which  English  policy 
toward  Spanish  America  swung.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  the 
influential  fiat  of  President  Adams  might  have  facilitated  the  de- 
parture of  a  Soutli  American  expedition  from  England.  It  was 
perhups  this  hope  which  inspired  Miranda's  letters  to  America. 

The  propositions  of  Miranda  and  the  development  of  his  negotia- 
tions acquire  additional  significance  when  we  consider  that  Picton 
was  urging  the  English  Government  to  attack  the  Spanish  provinces 
near  Trinidad  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1798.  In  May  and 
June,  171)8,  he  gave  his  impressions  of  the  conditions  in  the  adjacent 
continent.  Industry  had  been  "  totally  annihilated  "  by  the  "  oppres- 
sions and  exactions  of  the  persons  entrusted  with  the  Government." 

«  Miranda  to  IlamiUoD,  October  10,  1798,  HamUton  MSS.,  XX,  f.  220 ;  lo  part  In  the 
Ed.  Rev..  XIII.  291,  292,  In  fuU  in  the  Documentary  Appendix,  No.  5. 

»Ed.  Key..  XIII,  292,  the  letter  was  not  found  in  the  Knox  M8S.,  but  it  was  probablj 
Bi>nt  and  afterwards  destroyed  or  lost.  Borne  lettem  of  slgntflcance  which  mast  hare 
paKsed  between  Ifirandr  v«av  mm  atrawnbr  abient  fMm  the  Knox  1C8S. 

•Miranda  to  Pttf  "«.,  XXIV,  t  l«K 


1  ^f^:^.^"'"-'" 

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I 


I'eottllnB  lo  H  rtnlr.m  (w(iii'iiily  fcillciiviKl  hy  Mini 


,««^.rly«...n.  ,-. 


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I 


The  (Tommercial  intercourse  between  the  inhabitants  and  Spain  had 
been  almost  destroyed  by  the  war.  They  were  dependent  upon  ihe  for- 
eigners for  manufactures,  and  all,  except  those  in  the  higher  admin- 
istrative offices,  looked  "  forward  to  a  deliverance  from  siinje  foi'eigii 
Hand  •  •  *  They  Iinve  not  yet  been  able  to  recover  from  the 
habitual  dread  of  a  sanguinary  (lovernment,  and  are  of  themselves 
incapable  of  an  independent  unassisted  Struggle  to  subvert  it.  Con- 
sicions  of  a  want  of  union  and  eneig.v,  weak  and  defenceless  as  they 
know  their  government  to  be,  they  acknowledge  themselves  incapable 
of  any  enterprise  against  it,  unl&ss  favored  by  the  Countenance  of 
some  foreign  Power." 

Picton  accordingly  presented  a  plan  for  an  attack  on  the  town  of 
Ciiniana  by  a  few  thousand  troops  and  a  small  naval  sqiuidnm, 
Arms  and  ammunition  were  to  be  furnished  for  distribution  among 
the  iidiabttants.  lie  expressed  his  belief  that,  if  in  case  of  such  mi 
attack  the  English  Government  should  issue  a  declaration  thai  it-^ 
intentions  wei'e  to  give  the  inhabitants  of  South  America  an  oppor- 
tunity to  assert  their  right  to  independence  and  free  trade,  tliey 
would  at  once  rise  and  foi-sake  the  venal  and  oppressive  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment. Vast  fields  would  thus  be  opened  for  English  commercial 
conquest.  Picton  felt  that  the  region  thus  attacked  might  become 
the  center  of  ji  general  movement.  If  such  an  expedition  were  under' 
taken  he  suggested  that  Miranda,  being  a  native  of  that  country  who 
had  •■  made  himself  a  good  deal  talked  of  *  *  *  might  fix  the 
attention  of  those  people  and  thereby  make  himself  serviceable.'' " 
Manuel  Gual  and  another  of  the  leaders  of  the  revolutionary  con- 
I  spiracy  that  had  been  thwarted  in  Caracas  took  refuge  in  Trinidad, 
I  where  they  were  sheltered  by  Picton,  who  expected  to  use  them  in 
case  England  should  decide  to  make  an  attack  on  the  Spanish  colo- 
nies. In  September,  1798,  Picton  again  urged  on  Dundes  an  attack 
on  either  Cumana  or  Barcelona.'' 

•  Itoblimnn.  M?mn]re  of  Pkcoa.  IT.  401.  The  cspltallistlon  follows  tli»  orlclnal  In 
f.  K.  O.,  Trinidad.  1.  The  letter  to  Cuj'ler  wbb  not  received  tij  bim.  but  was  Eorwiuded 
ro  DuttdM  b;  llclon  on  June  5.  ITOS.  Id  Ihe  dlflpnleb  of  thm  dute.  I'lrton  aalA  :  "  The 
EnFloseil  Letter  tn  Lieut.  Generii  Cuyler  waa  not  received  liy  tila  £xc>llencr  wbo  loft 
Ibli  Cautilr)>  oonner  than  I  vipecled :  but  as  It  was  Inlended  fur  Ihe  Inforinatloa  i>r  hl« 
Majealr's  Mlnliters  I  hove  Ihought  oeceBwirj  to  forward  it  by  this  occasioa.  It  ton- 
lain*  aucb  luforiDBClnD  rettpei'itng  thla  laland  sad  the  Nelghborintt  CoDtlnenl  an  I  Iboiii;hC 
Iniportaat  lo  furnish  his  Ext'ellenc)'  with  previous  tn  big  reluro  lo  Bneland.  1  hope  jou 
wiU  do  me  the  Jiutlce  lo  believe  tbal  no  moUiea  could  iadiire  me  lo  be  guilt;  of  an 
iBtcDtloiuil  UlgrepreaenlBlloa  •  •  •  The  wlBhes  of  blt>  Mnjesly's  MlnUlera.  I  pre- 
vnnie.  Br«  to  opeo  an  Ritenslve  Com muD leaf  Ion.  hj'  meaoa  oF  the  nelRbborlng  ProTlncea, 
With  lb«  Ulterior  of  8.  Amerlcii  and  thereby  create  a  new  and  advantagcoug  Market  (Or 
(ireal  Brltalo.  In  tlii>  eilallng  altiiallon  of  atfalra  In  Ihal  Couutrj 
:tena1vB  Nature  can  not  be  ealabllsbed  and,  I  i.'ODf.'el ve,  the  unij  mode 
of  affecting  II  la  tbst  1  have  the  HoDor  of  reeom mending  In  the  endoaed  Leller  •  •  • 
tbv  GmKraphlcal  Engineer  Mr.  Mollet  baa  Hnlsbed  a  eorrect  Marine  (.'barC  of  Ibia  lalaud 
and  tbe  tiulpb  of  Farla.  with  the  enlraoceH  Inia  the  lUvera  Oroumiiie  and  Uuarapli-he 
wblch  I  have  deposlled  with  Capl.  Dllkes  Oummondlns  bU  Majesty's  Ships  UD  tbis  Station 
4d  be  •'tnt  b;  a  aafe  opportunity  to  the  tjirda  Comnira,  of  the  Admlraltr."  Ibid. 
I     *Sept«iutwr  18.  ITOli,  r.  K.  O..   Iiluldad.  1. 


332  AMERirAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Tlie  alluring  project  which  had  enlisted  the  military  ardor  of 
Picton  and  had  interested  the  English  Government  was  not  so  favor- 
ably received,  however,  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
Pickering  made  no  response  to  the  repeated  suggestions  of  R1lfll^i 
King.  President  Adams  did  not  deign  to  reply  to  the  communica- 
tions of  Miranda.  On  August  17,  therefore,  the  latter  ventured  to 
address  Adams  for  the  third  time.  He  inclosed  a  copy  of  his  first 
letter  to  the  President,  and  declared  that  since  that  date  events  had 
become  still  more  favorable  to  his  designs.  England  had  decided  to 
cooperate  with  the  United  States  in  favor  of  the  object  in  hand.  As 
his  response  would  in  a  sense  decide  the  fate  of  Spanish  America, 
Miranda  prayed  for  an  immediate  reply.**  More  than  sixteen  years 
afterwards  Adams  ridiculed  the  propositions  of  Miranda,  and  likened 
him  to  the  immortal  knight  of  La  Mancha,  who  charged  again^st 
windmills.^  Contemporary  evidence  shows,  however,  that  Adams 
thought  more  seriously  of  the  proposal  than  he  later  admitted.  On 
receipt  of  the  third  communication  from  the  South  American,  Adains 
wrote  to  Pickering,  asking  him  to  ''  read  it  and  think  of  it.  A  number 
of  questions  and  considerations  occur.  We  are  friends  with  Spain. 
If  we  were  enemies  would  the  project  be  useful  to  us?  It  will  not 
be  in  character  for  me  to  answer  the  letter.  Will  any  notice  of 
it  in  any  manner  be  proper  ? "  ^  Pickering  remained  silent,  and 
Miranda's  applications  received  no  response. 

The  relations  of  Miranda  with  Hamilton  and  King  are  closely 
related  with  the  attitude  of  certain  leading  Federalists  in  the  United 
States  toward  the  adoption  of  a  more  vigorous  foreign  policy  by  the 
administration.  Long  lx>fore  Miranda  had  left  France  to  lay  his  pro- 
posals before  Pitt,  Hamilton  had  urged  upon  Washington  the  neces- 
sity of  putting  the  United  States  in  a  respectable  "  military  posture."'^ 
Early  in  1798  the  "dangerous  and  vast  projects  "  of  the  French  Gov- 
ernment, as  ho  characterized  them,  caused  Hamilton  to  recommend 
to  Pickering  the  adoption  of  measures  that  would  place  the  United 
States  in  a  position  to  defend  herself  more  readily  or  to  carry  on 
an  offensive  war  more  advantageously.^  These  suggestions  probably 
influenced  McHenry,  the  Secretary  of  War,  in  his  propositions  to 
President  Adams,  in  which  he  went  so  far  as  to  suggest  that  while  it 
would  be  wise  to  avoid  a  formal  treaty  with  England,  yet  that  Gov- 
ernment should  be  somided  as  to  cooperation  in  case  of  an  open  rup- 
ture, '"  pointing  to  the  Floridas,  Louisiana,  and  the  South  American 
possessions  of  Spain.''  f 

«  Adams.    Works  of   John   Adams,    VIII,   r>81.    582. 

«•  Ibid..  X,   141'. 

•-Ibid..   VIII.   000. 

«*  Lodgo,   Works  of  Hamilton,  VIII,  .'UG-.'nS. 

'  Ibid..   470-47S. 

'Adams,  Works  of  John  Adams.  VIII,  502.  note. 


-WlAHCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 

The  letters  from  Miranda  which  Hamilton  had  received  before 
August  22,  1798,  probably  stimulated  his  efforts  to  secure  the  adop- 
tion of  an  offensive  policy  by  the  Government  and  would  not  tentl 
to  lessen  his  military  ambitions.  It  was  doubtless  with  a  desire  to 
connet-t  Miranda's  schemes  with  those  that  he  wan  advocating  in 
America  that  he  wrote  the  notable  letter  of  August  22."  Alexander 
Hamilton  even  entertained  the  idea  of  an  attack  on  the  Spanish  do- 
minions in  jVmerica  as  late  as  June  27,  1799,  when  he  wrote  to 
McHeiiry :  "  Besides  eventual  security  against  invasion,  we  ought 
certainly  to  look  to  the  possession  of  the  Floridas  and  Louisiana,  and 
wc  ought  to  squint  at  South  America," '  The  outlines  of  the  great 
design  that  was  being  hatched  in  England  and  the  United  Slates  at 
the  instigation  of  Miranda  then  were  these:  England  and  tht'  United 
States  were  to  cooperate  in  revolutionizing  Spanish  America;  the 
first  because  of  her  desire  to  prevent  France  from  doing  so  and  influ- 
enced by  traditional  commercial  ambitions;  the  United  State.';  wa.s 
to  participate  as  a  measure  of  safety  against  France,  largely  because 
-  Hamilton,  who  was  trying  to  make  himself  the  power  behind  the 
presidential  throne,  was  interested  in  the  cause  of  Spanish  America; 
while  the  glowing  picture  which  Miranda  was  wont  to  sketch  of  the 
Spanish-Americans  shaking  off  the  bonds  of  their  masters  was  as 
alluring  and  elusive  to  some  Anglo-Saxon  statesmen  as  the  mirage 
to  thirsty  travelers  in  a  desert. 

Although  the  fiat  of  President  Adams  did  not  come,  Miranda  did 
not  utterly  relinquish  his  designs.  On  January  21,  1799,  he  applied 
to  the  English  (Jovernnient  for  a  passport  in  order  that  he  might 
leave  England  and  go  to  the  West  Indies.'  He  perhaps  entertained 
the  hope  of  launching  his  project  from  Trinidad,  where  some  fel- 
low revolutionists  were  awaiting  the  outcome  of  his  negotiations  with 
England.  Perhaps  he  thought  of  going  to  the  United  States,  a  move 
which  he  had  contemplated  more  than  once,''  King,  too,  still  hoped. 
It  was  probably  Miranda's  project  which  King  referred  to  in  a  letter 
written  to  Hamilton  on  the  day  when  Miranda  applied  to  England 
for  a  passport :  "  For  God's  sake,"'  said  King,  "  attend  to  it."  ■■ 

The  prime  mover  in  the  enterprise  embodied  his  views  in  a  memo- 
rial and  addressed  it  to  Pitt  on  March  19.  1799,     In  this  Miranda 

•  Ttils  roDclusloD  ipppnrB  to  «ie  n-rlter  a  safe  dedurtfoD  from  Ibp  prevlnun  xtlltude 
or  Bimiltoo  toniird  Sponlsh  America.  On  tlie  baili  of  a  draft  of  HamlltuD'H  letter  at 
AutvBt  £2.  ITOS.  Id  Mlrandn  tbls  roniiDeat  U  to  unit :  "  Tbis  noil  tbe  (olIoivlDe  letter 
were  roplrd  b;  me  ud  my  birthday  when  I  was  Bin  years  old — the  object  helng  (□  preBerve 
MCTecy  uDtll  clrcumBtBDceB  should  warrmit  publicity.  Jobn  C.  Hamilton."  Thp  next 
letter  la  the  ddc  of  thp  same  date  to  King,  tl  brarx  thin  comment:  "As  to  Miranda— 
8.  AtnpTlca  vben  H.  Inapr.  Geni."    llamlllon  M8E..  XX,  21T.  210. 

*  Hamilton,  WdfIib  of  Hamilton.  V,  283. 
'King,   Correapondence   nf  King,   tl,  6Sli,  (IS4. 

"Tbe  bmtructlons  of  Miranda   to  Cam,   April   rt,    1708.   provide  for   this  contingency. 
„  Spain,  IS.     See  also  Miranda^  letter  to  Hamilton.  April  S,  ITOB.  iiuoled  above 

of  King,   it,  516, 


334  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION. 

a^in  reviewed  his  previous  relations  with  that  minister.  He  declared 
thnt  the  sentiments  expressed  by  the  English  ministers  in  Parliameni 
on  the  attitude  of  the  Swiss  toward  the  destructive  principles  of  the 
French  had  inspired  him  with  sufficient  confidence  to  address  the 
Englif^h  Government  again,  for  the  principal  object  of  the  Spanish 
Americans  was  to  form  a  stable  government  on  principles  diametric- 
ally opposed  to  tlie  French  system.  He  declared  that  news  of  these 
transactions  had  been  forwarded  to  the  Spanish  Americans,  At  the 
same  time,  they  had  been  exhorted  to  await  the  outcome  patientlv 
and  strictly  to  exclude  from  their  country  any  agent  of  the  French 
revolutionary  syste.m,  while  the  prospect  of  coo]>eration  by  Kngland 
and  the  United  States  had  been  held  out.  He  hoped  that  a  deolnration 
.  of  war  on  France  by  the  United  State's  would  be  the  signal  for  the 
proclamation  of  Spanish-American  independence.  Caro  ha<i  by  tiiis 
time,  lie  alleged,  arrived  in  Spanish  America,  and  had  transmitted  his 
news  to  the  principal  agents  of  the  Spanish  Americans,  who  would 
scatter  it  throughout  the  continent.  Miranda  expi-essed  the  belief  that 
the  .Spanish- American  colonies  were  in  a  critical  situation,  as  the  de- ' 
signs  of  the  French  on  Spain  and  Portugal  had  l>eeu  delayed  merely 
until  the  proper  measures  had  been  taken  to  bring  the  Spanish  Amer- 
icans over  to  the  interent.s  of  France.  He  rejjeated  certain  reports  to 
the  effect  that  Spanish  agents  devoted  to  the  interests  of  th^  Directary 
were  about  to  leave  Paris  for  Spanish  America,  where  they  were  to 
prepare  the  way  for  a  general  invasion.  He  intimated  that  the  morti- 
fying refusal  of  England  to  engage  in  the  proposed  enterprise  of 
emancipation  might  throw  these  colonies  into  the  hands  of  the  French 
Directory,  which  would  caress  them  first  by  false  promises  of  liberty 
and  happiness  in  order  to  devour  them  afterwards,  together  with  the 
inhabitants  of  the  United  States.  Ho  declared  that  Caracas,  Mexico, 
and  other  Spanish-American  provinces,  temporarily  appeased  by  his 
reports  through  Caro,  were  now  ready  for  a  "  s|>ontaneous  and  gen- 
era! "  revolutionary  movement  as  soon  as  the  promised  succor  sbonld 
arrive  at  the  point  agreed  upon.  He  now  asked  for  only  six  war  ships, 
with  some  troops  and  artillery.  The  necessary  expen.ses  would  be 
amply  repaid.  The  feasibility  of  an  alliance  between  the  United  State-' 
and  England,  in  case  the  former  had  a  decisive  rupture  with  France, 
was  once  more  suggested.  It  was  again  pointed  out  that  the  immense 
Spanish  continent  offered  real  advantages  of  commerce  and  of  alli- 
ance to  England.  From  the  dubious  and  despondent  tone  of  this  peti- 
tion, it  would  seem  that  the  writer  did  not  entertain  strong  hopes  of  a 
favorable  response.  He  declared  that  he  had  on  that  day  learned, 
after  waiting  fourteen  months  for  a  decision,  that  England  was  not 
able  lo  give  him  the  "  least  hope  or  the  slightest  succor."  Although 
he  had  only  received  information  in  an  indirect  way,  it  was  the  only 
response  that  he  had  been  able  to  evoke  for  over  a  year.    Apparent 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  335 

le  did  not  wish  to  consider  this  as  final.  In  conclusion,  he  declared 
lis  intention  of  forwarding  any  response  which  the  minister  might 
leign  to  make  to  the  commissioners,  who  would  make  it  known 
throughout  the  provinces  of  Spanish  America.** 

Nor  had  Miranda's  friend,  United  States  minister  King,  altogether 
given  up  hopes  of  receiving  substantial  aid  from  the  United  States, 
for  in  spite  of  the  persistent  neglect  with  which  Pickering  had  treated 
his  enthusiastic  accounts  of  Miranda's  great  schemes,  on  March  22, 
1798,  King  transmitted  a  copy  of  this  memoir  to  the  American  Secre- 
tary of  State.^  Again  the  appeal  to  the  United  States  went  unheeded. 
If  any  response  was  made  by  the  prime  minister  of  England,  it  was 
doubtless  adverse  to  the  immediate  execution  of  the  comprehensive 
design. 

One  may  well  seek  to  determine  why  the  schemes  of  Miranda  woiv 
not  favored  by  the  Federalists.  The  explanation,  in  the  opinion  of 
the  writer,  lies  in  large  part  at  least  in  the  caution,  reluctance,  or 
aversion  with  which  some  of  them  looked  upon  the  project  of  an 
English  alliance.  In  March,  1798,  in  a  letter  to  Pickering,  Hamilton 
voiced  his  opposition  to  a  formal  alliance  with  England  because 
public  opinion  was  not  prepared  for  it.<^  Adams  was  a  vigorous 
opponent  of  war  with  France;  indeed,  many  years  after  peace  was 
made  with  France,  at  the  cost  of  alienating  some  of  his  fellow  Federal- 
ists, Adams  said  that  he  desired  no  other  epitaph  on  his  tombstont* 
than:  ''  Here  lies  John  Adams,  who  took  upon  himself  the  respon^si- 
bility  of  the  peace  with  France  in  the  year  1800."  <* 

On  April  2,  1798,  Pickering  informed  King  of  the  sentiments  of 
the  administration  on  this  matter.  "  In  the  first  place,"  said  ho, 
''  threatening  as  is  the  aspect  of  our  affairs  with  France,  the  President 
does  not  deem  it  expedient  at  this  time,  to  make  any  advances  to  Great 
Britain.  *  *  *  '\Mienever  this  event  (war)  shall  be  seen  to  be  in- 
evitable, we  trust  the  country  will  rouse  from  its  apparent  lethargy — 
that  it  will  make  strenuous  efforts  to  defend  itself  against  the 
a{ni)hUiou8  republic  aiming  at  universal  empire;  and  especially  to 
repel  its  attempts  to  gain  any  footing  on  the  territorj^  of  the  United 
States  *  *  *.  In  one  word,  being  forced  by  France  into  the  war, 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  will  have  a  common  interest  to 

•  Pickering  MSS..  XXIV,  f.  150-  (copy).  Although  this  has  not  yet  been  found  in 
any  English  archive,  it  is  doubUess  an  authentic  document. 

•  Ibid.,  f.  148.     The  letter  is  as  follows : 

••  U)NDOx.  Mar  22.   17!«). 

•  I»rlvate 

"The  enclosed  pa()er  relates  to  a  project  that  I  ought  to  abstain  from  discuKsinK,  as  I 
observe  a  guarded  silence  on  your  part.  It  has  however  appeared  to  me  proper  to  Nonrl 
rbia  memorial  to  you. 

"  Yrs  &c.  K  K. 

"  Colonel   PICKBBING." 

'  March  27,  1798,  Hamilton  MSS.,  XIX,  f.  14. 
'  Adama,  Worlcs  of  John  Adams,  X,   113. 


336  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION.- 

defeat  the  unjust  and  dangerous  enterprises  of  the  French  Republic 
*  *  *.  But  our  aflFairs  have  not  yet  risen  to  that  crisis  which  in 
the  public  judgment  would  require  the  President  to  propose  a  formil 
arrangement  with  G.  Britain  to  that  end.  *  *  *  'When  that  crisis 
arrives  what  should  this  arrangement  be  ?  1.  Should  a  treaty  be  pro- 
posed by  her  or  by  the  United  States,  to  regulate  their  joint  operation:) 
against  the  common  enemy?  *  *  *  1.  It  will  not  be  expedient 
to  engage  in  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive  with  Great  Britain. 
Stipulations  that  neither  of  the  contracting  parties  will  make  peace 
without  the  other  have,  in  experience  little  efficacy,  under  the  vicissi- 
tudes that  often  take  place  in  war.  If  we,  however,  got  once  earnestly 
engaged  in  the  war,  there  arc  abundant  causes  for  our  strong  resent- 
ments against  France;  which,  with  a  due  regard  to  our  future  security, 
would  probably  impel  us  to  persevere  in  the  contest  as  long  as  the 
respective  interests  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  should 
require  it.  Instead  therefore  of  general  and  permanent  stipulations, 
we  may  from  time  to  time  agree  on  such  operations  as  circumstances 
should  require:  but  the  remoteness  of  Great  Britain  demands  that 
her  minister  in  the  U.  S.  should  l>e  authorized  to  concert  with  us  such 
measures  of  cooperation ;  for  the  part  we  shall  take  in  the  war  will 
be  confined  to  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  The  safety  of  the  British 
colonies  on  the  Continent  may  depend  on  the  military  aid  of  the 
United  States."'' 

These  principles  stubbornly  clung  to  by  Pickering  perhaps  even 
more  than  by  Adams  were  the  rocks  on  which  Miranda's  hopes  of 
active  aid  from  the  United  States  were  shattered.  At  the  same  time, 
hinting  as  they  do  at  the  possible  cooperation  of  the  United  States 
and  England  against  France  under  certain  circumstances,  these  in- 
structions may  have  led  King  to  hope  that  if  sufficient  pre&sure 
was  brought  to  bear  on  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  President,  the 
end  which  he  and  Miranda  desired,  and  which  Pitt  was  perhaps  wait- 
ing for,  would  be  attained.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  stubbornness 
of  Adams  and  Pickering  the  United  States  and  England  might  have 
joined  hands  for  the  emancipation  of  Spanish  America  in  1798  or 
1799.^ 

A^^ult  was  the  attitude  of  France  toward  Spanish  America  at  this 
time?  On  July  10,  1798,  Talleyrand,  the  French  minister  of  foreign 
aflFairs,  presented  to  the  Directory  a  memoir  on  the  relations  of  France 
with  foreign  powers.  He  declared  that  the  court  of  Madrid  now 
clung  with  much  less  tenacity  to  the  idea  of  preserving  Louisiana. 

«  rickerlng  to  KInp,  April  2.  1708,  State  Dept.  MSS.,  Burwia  of  Indexes  and  Archlvw^. 
Instructions  to  Ministers,  4,  f.  259-.  Parentheses  in  the  original  have  been  omitted. 
The  later  comments  of  John  Adams  arc  found  in  Adams,  Works  of  John  Adams,  X.  145- 

*Klng,  Correspondence  of  King,  II.  511,  are  some  statements  by  King  in  his  dl8patcb<^* 
to  Pickering  which  may  refer  to  instructions  of  the  English  Government  on  this  aff&^^ 
to  Liston. 


I 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA.  337 

The  Spanish  no  longer  fenred  so  much  the  establishment  of  the  French 
in  America.  They  felt  their  impotence  to  defend  their  continentui 
possessions  in  North  America,  so  that  they  would  rather  nppo;-t! 
French  than  Spanish  forces  to  the  threatened  invasions  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  the  Ameripans.  Talleyrand  hoped  that  France  might  profit 
by  this  disposition  and  bring  to  an  end  the  negotiations  for  Louisiana." 
He  suggested  that  some  of  the  colonial  possessions  of  Portugal  might 
be  transferred  to  Spain  by  France  in  exchange  for  the  much-coveted 
Louisiana.*  But  again  the  efforts  of  the  French  were  not  crowned 
with  success. 

The  negotiations  of  Miranda  with  the  English  Government  in  17fl8 
and  17fl9  raise  the  interesting  problem  of  the  financial  relations  of 
the  South  American  with  that  Government.  Miranda  certainly  could 
not  afford  to  carry  on  his  intrigues  for  any  considerable  time  without 
any  means  of  support,  for  his  exertions  in  France  had  apparently 
yielded  but  little  if  any  return.  There  is  at  present  even  less  evidence 
here,  however,  on  which  to  base  any  conclusion  than  in  the  case  of  the 
Xootka  Soimd  dispute.  According  in  the  memoir  to  Pitt,  already 
cited,  Miranda "s  friend  Turnbul!  had  written  to  Mr.  Hammond,  an 
under  secretary  of  the  Englisli  state  department,  regarding  the  prob- 
ability of  some  reimbursement  which  might  continue  to  furnish  to 
Miranda  the  necessary  means  with  which  to  defray  the  expenses  con- 
nected with  the  negotiations  that  were  being  carried  on.  Lord  Gren- 
ville  responded  that  he  ct)uld  not  give  Miranda  "  the  slightest  hope  of 
such  support."'  It  seems  likely  that,  as  in  the  affair  of  Xootka,  the 
English  Government  had  furnished  Miranda  some  financial  aid  dur- 
ing the  progress  of  the  intrigue,  but  when  the  project  of  revolution- 
izing Spanish  America  was  again  suspended,  he  was  not  given  a 
pension.  It  is  possible  that  some  people  who  sympathized  with 
Miranda  contributed  to  his  support," 

It  was  about  the  time  that  Miranda  was  trying  to  link  together 
the  two  great  Anglo-Saxon  nations  for  the  attainment  of  a  common 
end  that  he  exercised  a  lasting  influence  on  at  least  one  young  Span- 
ish American  who  was  then  in  London.  It  was  then  that  he  met 
Bernardo  O'Higgins,  the  son  of  the  viceroy  of  Peru,  who  had  been 
sent  to  Europe  to  complete  his  education.'  Thirteen  years  later 
Bernardo  O'Higgins  declared  that  in  1798  Miranda  had  inspired  him 
with  an  imdying  desire  to  establish  the  liberty  of  his  native  land- 
Chile.  According  to  this  statement,  it  was  the  enthusiastic  Miranda 
who  gave  O'Higgins  the  inspiration  which  started  the  latter  on  his 


■  PbUsIj.,  I. 

MlnlKt&r.-  Af  Ta 

1°)^ 

If    .11 

,  313 

'IWd..   320 

321. 

-  Miranda  t 

Pitt.  Marcb  19, 

IT«» 

•  Antppara. 

J83. 

lamo, 

lOT,   108. 

338  AMEBICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCUTION. 

long  revolutionary  career."  On  disclasing  his  life  ntnbition  it>  tlie 
young  Chilean,  Miranifu  appears  to  have  a^iired  him  that  the  liberty 
of  their  conunon  country  was  decreed  in  the  book  of  fate,  but  tbal 
nmch  secrecy,  valor,  and  constancy  would  be  required  to  attain  thai 
end.*  The  biographer  of  O'Higgins  informs  us  that  when  the  latter 
left  London  he  carried  with  him  "  the  counsels  of  an  old  South 
American  to  a  young  compatriot  on  returning  from  England  to  hie 
native  land."*^  Miranda  also  entered  into  confidential  relations  with 
Pedro  Fermin  Vargas,  who  had  fled  from  Caracas  to  avoid  arrSFt 
for  complicity  in  a  revolutionary  conspiraej.''  The  abiding  place 
of  Miranda  must  have  been  a  rallying  ix)int  for  the  discontented 
Spanisli  Americans  who  visited  London.  He  also  kept  in  touch  with 
revolutionists  like  Gual,  Caro,  and  Isnardi.  who  took  harbor  in  Trini- 
dad.'' Judged  by  his  character  and  activities, '"  the  principal  agvot  of 
the  Spanish- American  colonies,"  as  Miranda  sometimes  styled  him- 
self, may  well  have  been  the  founder  of  a  revohitionary  club,  which 
later  developed  into  a  great  international  association  of  Spanish- 
American  revolutionists,  that  was  transplanted  by  the  leaders  to  th« 
different  partis  of  Spanish  America.' 

Miranda  then  fell  short  of  consunmiating  his  designs.  The  Eng- 
lish Government  evidently  was  not  anxious  to  undertake  the  colossal 
task  of  revolutionizing  a  vast  colonial  empire  in  addition  to  the 
strenuous  endeavor  which  she  was  making  to  stem  i-evolution  on  the 
European  continent.  The  danger  of  inaugurating  scenes  of  blood  nn 
the  American  continent  similar  to  those  which  had  characterized  tlie 
French  revolution  was  beyond  doubt  an  influential  factor  in  de- 
terring the  English  Government  from  entering  on  the  esecntion  of 


t  (be  Audlendi 
3  by  Arellnno.  kItIde  the  Vli-e  Buy  Information 
•  *  *.  The  young  men  wlio  bad  been  ar- 
5  ctiMf  thei  had  emhrnriid.  Tn  cibllgp  (hero  In 
J  to  have  recourse  to  Ibe  iTuel  practice  ot  Toi- 
,  7in  and  man;  others  were  arreateii  *  •  *.  Ai 
1  Uic  PaperB  ot  Narloo  liad  he*B 
Belied,  amonnat  which  were  a  Dumbpr  nf  minf  <not  [Hvorable  to  rsF  nl  euch  a  momeatl. 
I  came  to  the  rfBoliillOQ  of  Inatanlly  IcaTloB  the  Tounlrr  Ac."  This  la  found  arooog  a 
mass  or  papers  In  tlic  caae  of  The  King  v.  PIcton ;  U  wag  wnl  In  a  letter  by  Plct«D. 
June  30,  IgOg,  to  E.  Cooke,  enq..  P.  It.  O..  Trinidad.  21.  Tbla  extract  Is  Intcreatins  ti 
It  BhowB  tliBt  Ulraodu  In  1TDB  was  nclually  getting  Information  regardlns  the  VeueiuelU 
reTolt  of  1T9T  frout  one  of  the  escaped  revolutlonlBta,  Tbe  cross-eiamliiBtloD  abovri 
that  Vargas  ramo  to  England  and  paised  (or  a  time,  al  least,  under  the  Dame  of  Smith. 
*  I«nardl  is  mentioned  in  the  secret  Instmctlons  of  Miranda  to  Caro.  April  6,  ITIUl- 
P.  B.  O..  8paln.  45.  For  Miranda's  rclationa  with  Caro  and  Guaf,  bee  below,  Cb«pUr  IX 
'  A  number  ot  Spanish- A merlc^an  historical  writers  talte  Ibe  view  that  Miranda  wu 
Ibe  founder  of  ench  a  society,  but  Ibe  writer  bas  not  Been  evidence  to  irarranl  anrh  i 
coDcluslon.  althougb  It  Is  In  enllrc  harmony  with  the  rest  of  Miranda's  actlvit]'.  Sn 
Blanco,  DocumentOB,  III,  808;  Mitre.  Hlatorla  de  Belgraoo,  1.  113.  11.  £T2.  2T3;  MltT*. 
BlBTorla  de  San  Martin,  t.  IT, '121 ;  Becerra,  Vlda  de  Miranda,  II,  tOT-;  VIcufi*  Mu- 
kuna.  Vlda  de  oainlna,  92-. 


-Vie 

Qlln  Mackenns,  F 

OfitniclBroo,  m? 

►Ibid..  La   Comnn,  2 

'Ibid..   Vlda   de  Olllgglns,   OB-. 

•At\ 

extract  frnm  a 

eder  ot  Pedro   1 

17OT 

•     •     ■.     The   1 

resident   Immedla 

and  ar 

ented  fb..se  «lu. 

bad  b.'en  aceiisc 

of  the 

dangerous  stale 

of  the  Kingdom 

i-y  worthy  of  th 

declare 

their  BccomiiUce 

It  was  neceBsar 

Dd   In  coneequei 

cr  Narlnu,   Zea 

yit  no 

mention  bad  be 

en   made  of  my 

FRANCISCO    UE    MIRANDA.  339 

Miranda's  designs  at  once,  especially  as  those  views  were  entertained 
by  Grenville,  the  head  of  the  foreign  office,  who  wielded  a  potent  and 
perhaps  a  deternunative  influence  in  the  cabinet  councils."  The  fail- 
ure of  Miranda  to  interest  or  to  engage  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  in  the  matter  probably  furnished  the  hesitating  or  reluctant 
English  cabinet  a  convenient  excuse  for  tenijwrarily  abandoning 
the  scheme,  and  it  apparently  made  no  attempt  to  open  negotiations 
on  the  matter  at  Philadelphia  or  elsewhere. 

It  was  not  a  perpetual  abandonment,  however,  for  the  ministers, 
as  shown  in  the  sequel,  would  not  permit  Miranda  to  leave  England 
for  several  years.  The  English  Government  still  feared  the  era 
when  the  French  should  dominate  Spain,  The  vast  and  visionary 
character  of  Miranda^s  designs  doubtless  worked  against  their  adop- 
tion, at  the  same  time  that  it  enveloped  them  with  an  air  of  fascina- 
tion which  many  state.smen,  English  and  American,  were  yet  to  feel. 
Although  the  intrigues  of  Miranda  were  hedged  almut  with  enormous 
difficulties,  yet  there  were  political  and  diplomatic  circumstances 
that  encouraged  him.  The  Spanish-American  agitator  was  one  of 
(he  first  men  of  his  age  to  realize  the  important  relations  which  the 
Spanish  dominions  in  America  bore  to  the  struggle  which  was  lieing 
waged  by  England  against  France.  Like  King  and  Grenville.  he 
dreaded  the  introduction  of  French  revolutionary  principles  into 
Spanish  America  not  without  reason,  for  at  the  time  when  Miranda 
was  urging  his  schemes  Talleyrand  was  temporizing  with  the  com- 
missioners of  the  United  States  in  P'rance''  and  plotting  how  he 
might  make  the  fair  donniin  of  Louisiana  a  dependency  of  France. 
The  attempt  of  Miranda  to  include  the  United  States  in  his  gi-and 
alliance  indicates  that  he  had  properly  divined  the  leaning  of  some 
leading  American  statesmen  toward  European  alliances.  It  also 
shows  his  appreciation  of  the  fact  that  a  few  of  these  statesmen  had 
more  than  a  sympathetic  interest  in  Spanish  Anieric«.  The  propo- 
sitions of  December  22,  1797,  were  based  on  the  hypothesis  that  the 
United  States  was  not  yet  isolated  from  the  European  state  system. 
In  his  lively  imagination  the  enthusiastic  creole  [lerhaps  pictured 
dimly  the  significant  commercial  and  political  relations  that  were  to 
develop  between  the  English-speaking  peoples  and  a  liberated 
Spanish  iVmerica. 

■AdaniB.  Tlie  Intliienco  of  OrenTllle  on   Pitt's  Foreign  Poller,  main 
GreovIlJE  had  gained  no  neceDdiDc^r   1°  'be  EdsIIbIi  cabinet  aad  wie 
^Hk  PKt's  foreign  poUC)--    Tbia  luSnPDra  KHf  protuibl;  mslntalneil  nfli 
■I  •PalltiD,  Le  MlnlBtere  de  Tallejraod,  308.  309. 


Chapter  VTTT. 
MIRANDA  AND  THE  ENGLISH  MINISTRY,  1799-1805. 

Although  Miranda  had  failed  to  secure  the  cooperation  of  England 
in  the  execution  of  his  favorite  project,  yet  he  had  found  an  asylum 
in  that  country.  He  lived  in  London  during  a  great  part  of  the 
period  when  England  was  warring  with  France.  Until  the  middle 
of  the  year  1808  Spain  was  the  dependent  ally  of  France,  but  not 
always  actively  hostile.  Miranda  then  had  some  reason  for  entertain- 
ing the  hope  that  the  English  Government  might  embrace  his  design 
for  the  liberation  of  Spanish  America.  The  "guarded  silence"  which 
Pickering  and  Adams  had  maintained  regarding  the  propositions  of 
Miranda  probably  had  some  influence  in  determining  the  subsequent 
activity  of  the  agitator.  After  March,  1799,  neither  King  nor  Mi- 
randa made  any  attempt  from  London  to  interest  the  United  States 
Government  in  the  tripartite  alliance.  King  corresponded  with  per- 
sons in  the  United  States  regarding  Miranda's  plans,  while  Miranda 
strove  to  interest  the  English  Government.  It  was  not  until  the  expe- 
dition of  180()  was  being  contemplated  that  another  attempt  was  made 
to  engage  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  In  August,  1799,  it 
is  true,  King  made  another  attempt  to  secure  i^ermission  for  Miranda 
to  leave  P^ngland,  declaring  that  his  intervention  was  due  to  Mi- 
randa's "  pecuniary  embarrassments."  If  Miranda  had  l>een  per- 
mitted to  go  to  the  United  States,  as  he  desired,®  it  is  likely  that  he 
might  have  again  attempted  to  interest  that  Government.  But 
eventually  the  re^^uest  was  not  granted.  King,  who  had  written  a 
letter  introducing  Miranda  to  Colonel  Pickering  in  which  he  charac- 
terized him  as  a  widely  traveled  man  of  ''  unconmion  Talents  and  rare 
acquirements/'  on  the  18th  of  October  wrote  as  a  postscript :  "Miranda 
could  not  obtain  permission  to  leave  England  for  the  U.  S."'* 

On  October  4, 1799,  Miranda  wrote  what  was  perhaps  his  last  letter 
to  Alexander  Hamilton.     With  this  letter  Miranda  forwarded  a  num- 


"  Kin  jr.    Correspondence    of    Klntj,    II,    664.  *  Ibid.,    G64.    665. 

340 


ritANnsco  UK  mirandv.  ^41 

ber  of  copies  of  documents,  which  he  said  were  "  papers  of  great  im- 
|K)rtanoe  for  the  future  fate  of  my  country — and  very  interesting 
also  for  the  prosperity  of  yours."  These  were  Spanish  proclama- 
tions, memorials,  and  letteifs,  with  some  translations,  designed  to  show 
the  favorable  nttitude  of  the  inhabitants  of  Terra  Firma  toward  the 
revolutionary  designs  of  Miranda  and  the  alarm  of  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment at  the  activity  of  the  English  Government  in  that  respect. 
Hamilton  was  asked  to  gunrd  the  papers  with  suitable  secrecy  and  to 
inform  his  corresjjondent  confidentially  if  he  could  count  on  finding 
in  the  United  States  the  "small  succors''  which  were  needed  to  give 
the  "  first  impulse  "  to  the  enterprise.  Miranda  closed  by  beseeching 
a  response  without  delay."  No  reply  to  this  communication  has  been 
found.  Indeed  it  is  unlikely,  in  view  of  Hamilton's  other  interests 
and  activities,  that  any  response  was  ever  written.  Again,  in  the  face 
of  the  persistent  refusal  of  Adams  and  Pickering,  although  interested 

I  in  Spanish  America,  Hamilton  could  have  done  little  to  promote  the 

I  iscbeme. 

The  death  of  Hamilton  at  the  hands  of  Burr  on  the  banks  of  the 
Hudson  in  ISfti  removed  from  the  American  political  stage  one  whom 
Miranda  had  for  a  long  time  numbered  among  the  most  devoted  ad- 
herents to  the  cause  of  Spanish-American  emancipation.  Washington 
hail  nlrendy  passed  away.  Thus  two  of  the  triumvirate  to  whom 
Miranda  had  looked  for  help  could  no  longer  be  appealed  to.  Knox 
did  not  die  until  the  autumn  of  lt*Ol>,  but  there  is  nothing  to  show 
that  Miranda  ever  tried  again  strenuonsly  to  involve  him  in  his 
schemes.  Until  his  arrival  in  the  United  States  in  180r»,  the  agitator 
was  forced  to  confine  his  hopes  for  sympathy  and  aid  on  the  part  of 

■  citizens  of  the  United  States  mainly  to  Sayre,  Smith,  King,  and 

^'tbose  whom  they  might  induce  to  hearken  to  his  representations.    He 


Mllon 


:10.  tbe  documpnlH 


"LOKB 


5700. 


■■  Vokl  mon  dlirnp  Ami.  des  I'liijlers  d'line  Erandi 
pB-trli! — rt  tri«  InliTeBSantu  auasl  imur  la  proepirll*  di-  !■  Vuiri'.      Vuus  iiouwi  L'omplfr 
t  Itat  AuttntlcK^.  iiutsqtie  li^a  Orltilnaui  aont  clans  mnn  ponvolr. 

J>  TOUB  prii'  ill'   lc'»  EBrdir  avce  la  rrsorre  i-onvi>iia1)li'   -ct  dv  tar  din-  cunQapUvmi-nt 
e  ponrrols  en   lout   can  tronrer  chra  Toim  In  p*t1tB  flproiifs  ilonl   noiia  avom  linoln 
,r  dgtiD«r  I'linpulBloii  juvnili^re: 
"A  Dltu  mon  ChiT  -kml — i'htItpz  mol  BanH  drlar.  vt  Imijours  hods  rnri-lapt  ie  noire 
^iBvlnrl  ami  Mr.  Klntr." 

.,   Mflvember  ::i,   ITOH^  a  cupy  oF  llUBl's  niemorlal   I 
■  Windward  IsIhdJb.  May  21,  170(1:  n  copy  of  Oiiarii  letK 

n  Spulah  pturlaaiatloD.  MBrKBrlta,  Jauuar;  2H.  lilW.     Tliero  Is  doIIiIiik  to  abow 
I  HIrauda  cvnllnned  to  carreBpood  wllh  Knux  Immedlald}'  after  17DK,  hut  In  ■  l«tt«r 
ber  21,  180S,  to  Cure,  fruui  Mfw  Vork,  Miranda  incliwn]  u  Irtlcr  for  Knox  wUcb 
K^bt  dellTFFPd  or  not  at  Oore  wk  III.     Kins,  Cornipandeatv  of  King.  IV.  S2*. 


342  AMERICAS    HISTORICAI.   ASSOriATlON. 

also  kept  in  eommimication  with  Spanish- American  refugees  nmi  o 
sipirators  in  the  West  Indies,"  and  perhaps  with  others  elsewhert-. 

It  was  not  without  design  thnt  the  English  Government  declined  t9fl 
allow  Miranda  to  leave  England,  for  in  the  autumn  of  1799  the  revo- 
lutionizing of  Spanish  America  was  again  considered  by  the  cabinet 
of  Pitt.  On  September  30,  1799,  Miranda  had  addressed  a  note  to 
the  war  secretary,  Dundas,  on  the  subject,  inclosing  copies  of  some 
papers  relating  to  Caracas  that  had  lately  been  transmitted  to  him 
through  Picton,  and  intimating  a  willingness  to  meet  Duodas  in  con- 
ference. Two  of  the  documents  were  of  special  interest;  one  was  a 
memorial  of  the  Spanish-American  revolutionist,  Manuel  Gual,  to  the 
Britisli  commander  in  chief  at  the  Windward  Islands;  the  other  was 
a  letter  from  Gual  to  Miranda.  The  first  of  these  was  a  cogent  plea 
for  the  aid  of  England  in  the  liberation  of  Spanish  America.  The 
argument  of  Miranda  that  this  would  be  striking  a  blow  at  France 
was  skillfully  presented.  Spanish  America  was  described  as  really 
"  only  a  colony  of  France."  It  was  declared  that  because  of  the  con- 
ditions in  the  Spanisli  colonies  which  favored  the  enterprise  all  the 
aid  that  was  required  was  four  or  si.x  thousand  stand  of  arms,  the 
same  number  of  uniforms,  a  few  pieces  of  Held  artillery,  a  small 
quantity  of  ammunition,  about  two  hmidivd  regular  troops,  and  two 
frigates  for  a  few  days.  This  alone,  declared  Gual,  "  would  be 
sufficient  to  ensure  the  success  of  the  expedition  and  to  overturn  the 
colossal  dominion  of  the  Spanish  Government,  which  is  ready  to  fall 
from  its  own  weakness."  '■  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  number  of 
tn«ips  required  was  far  less  than  Miranda  habitually  asked  for. 
Gual'h  enthusiasm  had  led  him  further  astray  in  this  respect  than 
Miranda's  had  led  him.     The  second  of  the  documents  was  a  fervent 


■Dp  OrRulw)  to  Ih"  iHiitaCn  apncfnl  "'  ("nhn.  July  X  19011,  Cuban  MHS,.  bpb  twlow, 
p.  JiO,  nut«  B.  On  April  Si.,  17au.  tlclon  wral?  Bnotlier  Jitter  to  SecruUry  Dundaa  Is 
wlilrh  hr  ngilD  callpd  the  nitnitlon  at  Hie  OovprDDipnt  to  tbe  Importaoce  of  the  adjnocnt 
apanlsh  pusnenloiiE,  mpcclBlly  rrum  a  polttlcBl  ]hi1u(  vC  v\fw.  He  guggotiied  an  atlack 
by  the  BDB[lah  wbkb,  be  anld.  "would  probniily  bwoaie  tbe  centre  of  a  tieaerol  MoTe- 
ment."  IndepeDdeni-'e.  tie  thoiiRhl.  could  lie  easllj  effecteiL  "  1  have  Don  Manui-I  Uaal 
and  tttiotber  of  the  iirlticlpal  Actors  lu  tbe  projected  revolution  ut  Cni-aivuK.  1  empluj 
Ihem  at  prraent  Id  carrylUK  on  a  Carres[iuuJence  wlIJi  the  l-'outlni'UI  BUd  lu  readlnen 
fur  nny  mure  Brllve  eui|)loymeii(  •  ■  •.  The  LI  Oeni,  MIraada  inlebt  lie  iiHd  Id 
ctue  uDjIblng  abould  tie  iiiiderlBken.  Tbew  pcp'e  reyulre  an  eiallcd  lleuil  of  Uie 
kintl.  to  set  tbeni  In  moHon.  I  am,  however,  entirety  l^oranl  how  far  be  may  be 
trusted,  tin  carried  un  a  I'orrviiponilcnce  wtib  a  t^pantaril  la  Ur.  k.'arui  wbo  vanie  out  Id 
TrlDldad  with  hU  Grace  tbe  Duke  of  rurlland'a  Pawi  and  stronEljr  t«commeDded  by 
JhleMra,  Turnhnll  and  Forbeir.  This  Oentlemati  pretends  t<i  lie  enRnited  In  neenrlatlons 
wltb  the  leadlnjf  I'eaiile  of  Sama  Kee  resiieL'ttox  no  lalvnlluu  uf  ileclarlnit  tlicmw>lTe< 
ludupendenl :  but  tbere  appears  a  detiree  of  uiygter]-  aliuut  him  which  haH  created  con- 
alderahle  aiiaplclon  la  iiiy  mind  uud  I  shall  uol  fall  lo  waich  bim."  il'.  R.  O..  Trinidad. 
I.)  Tbe  uaaoclale  of  Oual  waa  probably  Juan  Uaniauarea.  for  be  n'aa  aaaoelaled  wltb 
Ouat  by  the  Spanish  Ouvernment.  nhlrh  was  aware  ut  Ihe  arll*lly  oC  tbe  cunsplratora. 
Id  Ibe  A.  U.  I.,  And.  de  Car.,  133-3-11.  there  are  documenu  relallQg  to  them:  "Tcall 
nionlo  de  tua  autos  acguldoa  contra  U°.  Manuel  EspaQe  Introductor  dc  papeles  rcTalu- 
clonarlos  dlspuestos  en  la  Isla  de  Trinidad  por  el  Orte  de  la  Subleraclon  Uatioel  Gnat 
y  su  aaoclado,  Jusn  Monuiaarva.  ba]a  la  protet^lon  del  Goberaador  InglAt  de  la  inlsniii 


Isla.* 


of  C 


faKli.  VII,  : 


FRANCIsrO    I>F.    M1RANn\. 


appeal  from  GnnI  beswching  Mirantln  to  become  the  deliverer  of  his 
nRtive  laiiii.  Glial  declureii  that  since  the  miscarriage  of  the 
attempted  i-evohitioii  in  CnrnciiH  in  1797  "  the  desire  for  independence 
has  only  inci-eused  *  *  '.  Miranda,  I  feel  no  other  ambition  than 
to  see  this  noble  enterprise  accomplished,  nor  desire  n  greater  honor 
than  to  serve  under  your  orders,  •  *  •  Do  you  be,  if  not  the  chief, 
at  least  the  agent  of  your  unfortunate  country,  in  carrying  into  effect 
the  majestic  work  of  its  deliverance;  which,  in  order  to  be  accom- 
plished, only  requires  to  be  begun.  You  need  not  entertain  a  doubt 
of  success.  The  smallest  assistance  at  the  outset  would  be  sufficient, 
and  it  might  be  obtained  in  these  islands  by  a  simple  order  from  the 
English  Ministers." " 

Tiiis  comnnmication  was  seriously  considered  by  the  ministry.  On 
OctolM?r  3  Diindas  drew  up  a  memorandum  for  the  eonsideration  of 
the  members  of  the  cabinet,  stating  that  he  wished  the  King's  servants 
to  consider  Miranda's  letter  and  its  incloaures.  Nobody,  he  said, 
could  wish  at  present  to  see  '•  any  part  of  the  habitable  world  set 
adrift  on  any  revolutionizing  system,"  but  they  ought  to  consider 
how  far  they  were  able  to  influence  the  circumstances  one  way  or 
another.  He  expressetl  his  iipprehensions  thai  the  anxiety  for  new 
markets  might  cause  the  United  States  to  overlook  even'thinjj  else 
and  promote  an  insurrection  in  Spanisli  America.  He  therefore 
desired  the  ministers  to  consider  whether  they  ought  to  let  this  move- 
ment "  take  its  course,"  or  to  what  extent  England  should  participate 
so  as  to  prevent  as  fur  as  possible  "the  whole  mischief"  that  might 
be  done  if  that  '^immense  empire'*  was  allowed  to  revolnlionize 
itself  "  without  guidance  or  conti-ol." '' 

Windham,  secretary  at  war,  expressed  his  "great  distrust"  of  the 
projects  of  Miranda  and  his  lack  of  confidence  in  those  of  the  United 
Slates.  But  because  of  his  dread  of  a  revolution  direcled  by  either  of 
these  parlies,  and  his  fear  that  such  un  attempt  wouKl  l>e  made,  he 
agreed  with  Dundas  in  holding  the  matter  well  worthy  of  considera- 
tion. Still,  he  did  not  support  the  plan  of  Miranda,  but  suggested  a 
compromise  couise.  He  asked  whether  the  danger  in  which  Spain 
was  placed  might  not  bo  used  to  prevent  the  threatening  evil  by  sepa- 
rating her  from  France  and  giving  to  the  colonies  of  Spain  in 
^Vmerica  u  constitution  under  the  Spanish  (Jrovernment  with  which 
they  sliould  be  Satisfied  and  which  England  might  guarantee.'' 

Lord  Orenville.  the  foreign  secretary,  emphatically  disapproved  of 
any  participation  by  England  in  the  projects  of  General  Miranda  or 
of  the  Unili'd  States.  As  in  the  spring  of  1798,  he  feared  the  results 
of  extending  the  revolutionary  spiiit  to  the  South  American  continent. 
9e  believed  that  England  should  engage  in  such  a  project  only  in  view 


344  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION.    • 

of  a  *'  very  clear  and  certain  prospect  of  good.''  *»  Once  more  the 
arguments  of  Grenville  triumphed.  Miranda  was  forced  to  see  his 
cherished  scliemes  again  laid  aside. 

It  is  possible  that  early  in  1800  the  English  Government  contem- 
plated an  expedition  against  the  northern  part  of  South  America  or 
New  Spain,  for  Rufus  King  believed  that  such  an  enterprise  was  on 
foot.  The  preparations,  he  declared,  were  being  made  "  with  great 
secrecy."  He  felt  that  it  was  probably  "  destined  to  assist  the  revolt 
of  the  Spanish  colonies  near  the  Isthmus  of  Panama."  He  conjec- 
tured that  12,000  troops  would  be  sent  to  the  West  Indies  to  replace 
seasoned  troops  who  would  engage  in  the  expedition.*  If  the  Eng- 
lish Government  did  seriously  meditate  such  an  attack,  it  doubt- 
less intended  to  use  Miranda. 

In  the  middle  of  that  year  the  South  American  was  thoroughly 
disgusted  with  the  tantalizing  treatment  which  he  was  receiving  at 
the  hands  of  the  English  ministers.  On  July  18,  1800,  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  his  fellow-conspirator,  Gual,  which  indicates  his  position 
at  that  time.  "  I  take  the  pen,"  he  said,  "  to  advise  you  that  the 
tyranny  of  the  Directory  is  completely  ended  and  that  the  Revolu- 
tion of  France  has  returned  to  its  original  principles  and  rests  today 
on  them.  In  this  country,  on  the  contrary,  every  promise  that  has 
Ikhmi  made  to  us  has  been  broken;  I  see  nothing  but  perfidy  and 
bad  faith.  Thus  all  our  Americans  who  were  here  have  betaken 
themselves  to  Paris.  I  have  demanded  with  vigor  my  passport  to 
leave  the  country  and  perfidiously  they  detain  me.  .  You  are,  alas, 
like  a  prisoner  or  an  instrument  that  they  will  presume  to  employ  in 
their  own  purposes.  May  God  not  permit  you  or  any  other  American 
to  think  so  despicably!  Providence  will  open  honorable  Eoads  for 
us  and  will  confound  the  evil  doers.  I  have  not  received  from  you 
even  a  single  letter — Probably  they  have  intercepted  them.  If  by  any 
chance  you  write  to  me,  let  it  be  under  cover  to  Mr.  King^  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America."^  This  letter 
nptly  illustrates  one  side  of  Miranda's  character,  as  it  shows  him 

"  Correspondence  of  Castlereagh,  VII,  285. 

^  King  to  l*lckering,  February  25,  1800 :  "An  ex|>e(Iitlon  is  preparing  In  this  Country. 
lind  according  to  my  information  is  near  ready  to  sail  :  the  destination  of  which  Is  mat- 
t«»r  of  earnest  Speculation  among  those  who  are  apprised  of  it :  for  the  Preparations  aro 
made  with  great  secrecy.  Tho'  I  do  not  positively  know  that  It  will  even  proceed,  I 
liave  some  reason  to  l)elieve  that  it  will :  and  that  it  may  be  and  pqpt>ably  Is  destined  to 
asHist  the  revolt  of  the  Spanish  colonies  near  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  The  Inhabitants 
of  Caraccas  and  Santa  fex  are  deeply  and  generally  disaffected,  and  If  aided  by  a  foreign 
lorce,  and  supplied  with  arms,  It  is  said  would  openly  throw  off  the  Spanish  dominion, 
if  1  am  founded  in  my  conjecture  the  twelve  thousand  troops  that  will  go  from  this 
country  will  he  chietly  distributed  in  the  British  West  India  Islands  to  relieve  the 
seasoned  troops  there  who  will  be  employed  in  the  exi>edition — this  circumstance  which 
can  not  pass  unobserved  will  enable  you  to  judge  how  far  this  speculation  is  well  founded 
for  it  is  really  nothing  more."  State  Dept.  MSS..  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives. 
I>e8patches  from  England,  h. 

'  Addressed  to  Manuel  Gual  Bourdon,  P.   K.  O..  Trinidad.  2. 


PRANCISrO    DK    MIRANDA.  ,'i4.'» 

anxiou.i  to  go  lo  France,  believing  Iliut  lie  would  meet  with  better 
treatment  there  thuii  he  ^vus  receiving  in  England. 

It  is  very  probable  that,  as  he  suggested,  the  English  authorities 
■were  intercepting  liis  correspondence  with  Guul  at  this  time,  for  this 
letter  was  seized  by  the  governor  of  Trinidad  and  transmitted  to  the 
home  authorities,  who  approved  of  the  step,  declaring  that  the  stinti- 
tnonts  disclosed  gave  '"sufficient  evidence"  of  the  disposition  of  "so 
suspicious  a  character  "  toward  the  English  Government."  Picton  had 
even  become  suspicious  of  Caro,  whom  Miranda  had  sent  to  Trinidad, 
He  declared  that  his  conduct  and  actions  had  given  him  "  great 
Keason  to  be  of  Opinion  that  he  was  an  Emissary  from  the  Court  of 
Madrid,  who  had  insinuated  himself  into  the  confidence  of  Miranda, 
the  better  to  discover  his  Projects  and  the  intentions  of  his  Majesty's 
Government  with  i-espect  to  the  South  American  colonies."  Conse- 
quently he  had  ordered  Caro  to  leave  the  island.''    Caro  now  vanishes. 

As  in  previous  yeani,  the  Spaniwrds  were  not  unaware  of  the  de- 
signs which  were  being  contemplated  against  their  possessions  in  the 
Xew  World."  So  well  understood  was  the  probable  action  of  Eng- 
land in  case  of  a  war  with  Spain  that  on  the  10th  of  February,  1800, 
u  memoir  was  drawn  up  for  the  Spanish  Government  in  which  a. 
counter  attack  for  the  purpose  uf  preserving  this  dominion  was 
proposed.  The  author  suggested  that  Spain  enter  into  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance  with  France  and  Holland  against  England. 
The  English  colonies  could  thus  be  attacked  by  virtue  of  the  strong 
iiaval  force  of  Ihe  allies.  England's  attack  on  the  Spanish  colonies 
might  thereby  be  deflected,  for  she  would  be  forced  to  send  troops  to 
America  and  India  for  defense.  Under  the  protection  of  the  Dutch 
fleet,  Spain  ought  to  recover  (Jibraltar.  Nootka  Sound,  and  Jamaica. 
Portugal  could  be  attacked.  Brazil  might  be  transferred  to  France. 
Nicolas  Perez  de  Sta.  Maria,  the  writer  of  the  memoir,  had  certainly 
formulated  a  novel  scheme  for  checking  the  English  designs.' 

•  Dr«ft  or  diapatcb  lo  Pleton,  NoTtrolwr  3U,  1800,  I".  R.  O.,  TrlnldBd,  2. 
'I'lctoQ  lo  DuDdoi,  SciitpoiLier  28,  1800:  "The  enclosed  I.«lter  hat  Jusr  rillen  Intu  mj 
IlkDila,  rmta  tUe  S|>anliinl  MJrauda.  with  whoH  wrltluK  1  am  ireil  ai-quslnted,   to  Doa 

lurint  sDiigbt  no  Asylum  uu  tlilii  lalanil.  atttr  uu  uDSUCreBbtuI  allempt  to  subvert  Ibe 
Spanlali  Uoveroment  Id  Ibe  I'rovlnoe  or  l.'araiH-as.  •  •  •  Tbe  wrller  of  thla  Letter, 
Mlrnnda,  about  two  yi-att  at:ii.  si'ut  a  Kpunliird.  oue  Ikja  .lune  i.'aru.  ii  [lersun  well  known 
to  HeasrL  Turnbul  Bad  Forbes,  with  a  aecret  CummliBiun  lu  tbla  laland,  but  bis  Conduct 
and  Ibe  Arcouat  be  gnve  of  blmflelF,  and  tbe  mlslerloufi  Object  of  bis  Voraxe,  reoderlog 
bim  an  ubievt  oC  suspicion  to  uie.  h«  was  ardensd  to  leave  the  iBlHod.  and  ■□  conaeqiien'.-ii 
relnrned  to  England.  Tbli  nian*B  I'onducI,  durlns  'be  nve  iir  all  Uonlhs  he  rmlded  »n 
Ibla  Island,  ^ve  me  great  Reason  to  be  ol  Oi>iDlaD  ibal  be  wan  hu  Koilssarr  tram  Ibe 
p  Court  of  Madrid,  who  had  liulausted  blmself  Intu  Ibe  ronftdeure  ul  Miranda  the  better 
discover  bla  I'rojects  and  the  iDlentlona  of  his  Uajesty's  Uovernmeut  wltb  rvHpei-t  tu 
t  South  American  Coloaleii  •  •  -  .'  |i,id. 
•On  JarnuTT  ST.  1800,  Coronel  sent  an  order  to  the  vleeroy  of  New  Spain,  P.  B.  de 
■a,  iraiumitliiie  inlurmatioD  resnrdlnK  an  alleged  projoci  tor  Joint  operatlona  by 
i  and  Russia  a(HlnsI  Ihe  Spaalah  posseaalona  In  CBiUornU,  A.  O.  M..  ReaiM 
.    170. 

I,  1800.  A.  H.  N.,   EsUdo.  4216. 


1146  AMKRH  AN    HISTORICAL   ASSCK'TATION, 

In  June,  1800,  Spain  was  warned  by  Simon  Onieta  thai  there  were 
emissarie?^  of  Peru  in  London  seeking  the  protection  and  aid  of  Eng- 
land in  their  desire  to  liecome  independent.  It  was  even  declared  that 
English  emissaries  had  been  sent  to  Peru  and  estimates  had  been  made 
of  the  ship.s,  troops,  and  munitions  of  war  necessary  for  the  revolu- 
tion." 'While  this  supposed  project  remains  as  yet  unconfirmed  by 
re-searches  in  English  archives,  the  conclusion  can  not  be  avoided  that 
the  Spanish  Government  had  been  given  reasons  to  suspect  that  its 
dominions  in  America  were  again  threatened  by  the  English.  Not  a 
scrap  of  evidence  has  been  found,  however,  to  indicate  that  Aliranda^ 
associate,  Caro,  ever  furnished  any  information  to  the  Spanish  Got- 
ernment  on  this  theme.  It  onght  to  be  noticed  further,  that  on  JoJy 
3,  1800,  the  Spanisii  King  issued  an  order  which  declared  thit 
Miranda  and  his  filibustering  associates  were  to  be  punished  by  death.^ 

Early  in  July,  1800,  the  Spanish  authorities  believed  that  the  Eng- 
lish Government  had  adopted  the  scheme  of  establishing  the  independ- 
ence of  Spanish  jVmerica,  perhaps  from  the  base  of  Trinidad,  They 
thought  that  Porto  Cavello  was  to  be  the  first  point  of  attack ;  then<* 
the  movement  was  to  be  extended  over  the  adjoining  regions  and.  if 
possible,  even  to  the  South  Sea,  The  Spaniards  held  that  the  '■  chief 
authors"  nf  the  design  were  Miranda  and  Pedi-o  de  Fermin  Vargas 
in  London,  Manuel  Gual  in  Trinidad,  and  a  certain  Iznardi,  who  was 
living  in  Terra  Firma  and  plotting  against  the  <iovernment.  They 
feared  that  Miranda  was  about  to  pass  to  Trinidad,  where  he  was  to 
direct  the  expedition  with  the  assistance  of  Gual.  Two  thousand 
troops,  it  was  believed,  were  to  be  gathered  for  the  attack.  Conse- 
quently, on  July  3,  1800,  the  captain-general  of  Cuba  was  strictly 
enjoined  to  use  the  greatest  vigilance  in  maintaining  the  integrity 
and  tranquillity  of  the  provinces  under  his  care.  If  possible,  be  wa& 
to  secure  the  persims  nf  the  di-eaded  conspirators." 

•  June  .t,  ISOO,  A.  H.  N.,  EbUcIu.  41:]!). 

•  Clled  (ly  VasconceloR  In  bin  iln-l«Lnii  nf  July  1'^,  IHOii,  A.  C.  1„  Aud.  ilp  Carsi-mn. 
13S-4-8. 

'lie  OcKulBO  to  Ihe  captsln-wnprBl  of  Culm,  July  3.   1800:  "El   27  6e  JiiUo  del  aflo 
ptuado  prevkne  fl  V.  K.  de  ordeD  dcJ  Hey  lo  roorailenlc  flobrt'  la  iiiedltuda  iDdependenfli 
dK   IB   Amerlim    Espuflulu    pur   VBrUis   naluralHS   dv   rila    ijiii-    Dombr^   en    la   mlecldn    HI. 
ordcn,      PoKlerlorcnenle   ban    11ei;Bdo   &   nollcia   de    B.   M.    las   Iram&i   de   las    ConJuradiH 
tncltando  al   Goblerno  BrllBnlco  il  llevar  si  catio  bub  IdeBs  envlando  vxprewmte.  [wra 
ello   una  expedU'Inn   di?Bde   la   IbIs   dp   la   Trinidad.      Cnn   eteeta.   pnrpee  nae   rl   risMnete 
tnglds  hB  Blirauido  con  calQr  Is  ludepeudvnclii  abaoluta  dv  lu»  domlulua  del  Sey  eu  cm 
Contlnenic,   empcKando  per  Puerto  Tnliello  y  slBuendo   despues  por  Us   Provincial  it      , 
CarBcBH.   rnmnna,   Maracaybn.  y  ncnpnndn  ciianto  pnednn   de  la  CosIb   del   Sxir,   y  qw      I 
eslfi  I'ikHi  n-BUclta.  una  expcdlclon  Ovidi-  la  mcnclunsdti  IhIo.     L.oa  prlnclpalcs  nulore*  St     j 
eHla   proyectsdn   Independencin   gon    Pn.   Franrlsco   Mlrnndo   c]ue   dirlee   Ins   planea  en      j 
LoDdres ;  Du.  Pedro  Fermin  de  VarjiBB,  nutural  de  Sta.  Vf  y  profnRO  de  loB  domlnlOB  d* 
8.  M..  c|ue  CD  JamaycB  y  Flladeltla  se  llBind  Do.  Ferinla  Sarmleuto,  cuanda  llegA  I  SSB.- 
tander  Dn.  Pedro  Orlbe,  y  ae  bays  actualmte.  en  Loudrea ;  Dn.  Manuel  Gual  qne  tItc  A* 
iDcoiciilto  en  la  lala  de  Gaepar,  ilcuuda  bajo  el  canon  de  la  Trinidad,  eon  el  norabre  ^Lj 
Mr.  BuuidOn,  tmpllcado  en  In  SublevBirlan  de  Caracal  y  que  maotlene  IntellEenclBs  Bi>r*^t- 
Terslvas  eon  aqiiellos  babltanres ;  y  nn    Ineenlero  de  profeaton   llamado  Yinardl  Mt«lK~Vle 
cldo  en  Tletta  Flrme  en  nn  pueblo  cuyu  numure  ea  Uulrfa  eo  el  Uulfo  Trlit*,  Jurlad.  .^9< 


FRANCISCO   HE   MIRAND- 

Although  Miraniln  must  have  been  ihagriiied  by  the  lemporiziiig 
policy  of  England  in  regard  to  his  native  land,  yet  he  must  have 
rejoiced  at  the  tidings  sent  by  his  old  comrade  in  arms,  Jniin  Manuel 
de  Cagigal.  Early  in  April,  1800,  he  received  a  letter  from  Cagigal 
informing  him  that  the  Council  of  the  Indies  had  at  last  decided  the 
contraband  cas*  in  their  favor,  Miranda's  old  commander  inclosed 
an  extract  from  the  sentence  which  declared  that  Miranda  was  "  a 
faithful  subject  of  his  Majesty  and  deserving  of  his  royal  favour."" 
He  invited  Miranda  to  join  him  at  Valencia,  Spain,  in  order  that 
they  might  journey  to  Madrid  to  enter  a  claim  for  damages  and  ex- 
penses as  adjudged  them  by  the  supreme  court  of  the  Spanish  Indies.'' 
Miranda,  however,  could  not  be  induced  to  risk  the  visit.  He  in- 
formed Cagigal  that  in  Spain  the  situation  of  an  honest  man  "  will 
'always  be  ver\'  precarious;  and  that  a  bad  man  generally  enjoys  with 
impunity  the  fruit  of  his  crime.s!  " '  The  prudence  of  Miranda  was 
wise,  for  his  exertions  as  a  revolutionary  conspirator  would  have 
furniiihed  the  Spanish  authorities  ample  grounds  for  his  seizure  and 
punishment  had  he  ventured  to  cross  the  frontiers  of  Spain. 

In  the  same  year  that  Miranda  declined  the  invitation  to  go  to 
Spain  he  paid  his  last  visit  to  the  capital  of  France.  His  hopes  of 
getting  to  France  were  not  always  thwarted  by  the  English  (lovern- 
nient.  for  whatever  reason.  In  some  manner  or  other  he  managed  to 
make  a  journey  to  France,  probably  with  the  hope  of  interp^^ling 
Bonaparte  in  his  schemes.-'  On  September  29,  ISOO,  Rufu.s  King 
drew  up  a  passport  charging  all  whom  it  might  concern  to  allow 
Miranda  to  pass  without  "  any  mole.station  or  hindrance,"  affording 
him  '*  all  requisite  assistance  and  protection  as  I  would  do  in  similar 
fircumstanees  to  all  those  who  might  lie  re<^omniended  to  me."    This 

condo  noticLis  de  tudu  i 
rrovlucia  dc  Cumana. 
TriDldnil  par*  dlrlxlr  1i 

mU  bumliri'B  qa«  nvfa  HaHvleDtc  pum  iipodprBr»(>  de  un  golpe  dv  mano  de  Puerto  CbLvIId, 
liKcli-nilo  Bill  un  punlo  do  npuyo  pars  sabkvsr  argon  ae  lo  prometpn  [□medlklamti'.  luda 
In  I"n>Tlncl«  de  CarBMUi  limfa  KaiinaH  j  Irm  LlsnoB,  Cumanfi,  Maracaybo.  y  otroH  imtageB. 
J  esil  coocertado  reUranie  )u  rxpedlclOn  &  la  referlda  Isln  ea  cnao  de  mal  Alto,  todo 
eilu  lleat  vbum  de  verdad  ,v  nun  casi  puede  asegflrarw  ea  clerlo,  ;  [wr  lu  taalo  eDCsrga 
>  v.  $1.  (■Irechamle.  8.  U.  la  major  TlKilancIa  en  la  eonseiraolon  y  trHnqiillldad  de  taa 
ItwrincUi  punlBB  fi  SD  ruldndo.  y  e*  au  Kl.  Tolunud  no  omlu  dlllgeDcIn  alKUiia  <iue 
le  auslera  au  aelo  j  amor  el  Rl.  SerTlelo  para  Btatar  loa  jM-r^ersog  dealKDiuB  de  aijuelloB 
irabldores  dmlealrK  i  BU  leitlrliiio  uoliiemo,  y  que  aiu-iture  aus  penHtnas  en  el  cud  de 
podrr  ser  hibldoa.  dando  cucnta  enn  pnntiTalldBd  y  fxaeHtad  de  quanto  oenrra  para 
DuUi:la  de  B.  !bl.  y  procnrando  on  aJarouir  nl  tomar  proyldeDelaa  vIoIbdUb  nl  ruldoraa 
■liC  eo  el  CBBo  de  ao  battar  lax  xuaTca  y  prudeates  para  mantener  fleles  al  ttey  lag 
iToTlnclaa  de  su  mando,  y  ffaardaado  el  algllo  que  eilge  1«  natiiraleaa  del  neEoda." 
Cuban  MSB. 
*  Anleparo.  3nT,  San. 


ijo  prefei 

Britaakii  y  lia  levantadu  ya  el  Piano  a  Maps  de  la 

upedltU 

a   de   acuerdo   con    Oiial  y    formar   ud   cuenm   de  doa 

348  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

bore  the  seal  of  the  legation  of  the  United  States  of  America  to  Great 
Britain  and,  in  one  corner,  the  word  "  gratis." «  On  October  6  fol- 
lowing, the  American  minister  wrote  Miranda  a  note  which  indicated 
that  the  latter  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  Liondon.  "  My  letters," 
said  King,  "  have  arrived,  but  are  of  very  old  dates,  and  tell  me  noth- 
ing. I  am  therefore  left  to  conjectures,  which  lead  me  to  hope  and 
expect  that  our  affairs  are  in  a  train  of  arrangement  at  Paris — ^three 
captains  of  ships  are  now  ready  at  the  time  *  *  *."*  Miranda 
proceeded  to  The  Hague,  where  the  news  of  his  arrival  was  soon  made 
public  and  thus  made  known  in  Paris.*'  He  soon  reached  the  scene 
of  his  former  triumph,  Antwerp.  It  was  fitting  that  he  should  have 
addressed  from  this  city  a  letter  to  Fouch^,  the  minister  of  police 
at  Paris.  In  this  letter  Miranda  declared  that  he  was  awaiting  a 
response  from  the  First  Consul  to  a  claim  which  he  had  forwarded 
to  him  through  the  senator,  Languinais. 

The  ex-general  of  France  besought  Fouche  to  treat  him  with  the 
consideration  deserved  by  a  man  ''  who  not  having  infringed  any  law 
nor  engaged  in  any  public  employment  of  which  he  has  not  rendered 
the  strictest  account,  and  one  to  his  advantage,  finds  himself  never- 
theless exiled  and  beggared  without  the  slightest  means  of  livelihood, 
while  the  Republic  possesses  the  only  remaining  fragment  of  all  that 
property  which  he  voluntarily  sacrificed  in  order  to  serve  it."  ^  In  a 
few  weeks  Miranda  appeared  in  Paris.  On  November  30  he  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  Fouche,  informing  him  that  J.  D.  Languinais  had 
conmiunicated  to  him  tlie  tacit  permission  of  the  First  Consul  al- 
lowing him  to  pass  to  Paris,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  his  affairs. 
He  declared  that  he  would  conform  to  the  wishes  of  the  Government 
Fo  that  public  order  would  not  suffer  in  the  least.  AVlien  his  affairs 
with  the  French  Government  were  settled,  he  said,  he  intended  to  go 
to  the  United  States.^ 

It  was  probably  Miranda's  intention  to  urge  upon  the  French  Gov- 
ernment his  claim  for  the  services  which  he  rendered  to  France  in 
1792  and  1793.  He  could  not  have  pushed  his  suit  very  far,  however, 
for  a  few  davs  after  his  arrival  Fouche  issued  an  order  that  Miranda 
be  arrested  and  his  papers  seized.^  The  papers  of  Miranda^  which 
were  in  a  large  portfolio  of  which  he  guarded  the  key,  were  again 
placed  under  the  seal.*'  The  South  American  was  cast  into  the  prison 
of  the  Temple.  His  friend  Languinais  protested  to  Fouche  against 
what  he  considered  his  illiberal  treatment.*     It  was  due  to  the  in- 


«  Archives  Natlonales,  PV  6285,  No.  5819.  f.  H.'J. 

*Ibid.,  f.  64. 

«•  Ibid.,  Minute  of  the  Paris  police,  undated ;  ibid.,  f.  77.  see  below,  p.  349,  note  d. 

••O  Brumal^-e,  Tan  V»,  Archives  Natlonales.  F.''  6285.  No.  5819.  f.  78. 

«  9  Prlmalre.  an  9,  Ibid.,  f.  66. 

1  Dunnole  (V)  to  Foucb€,  12  Prlmalre,  an  9,  Ibid.,  f.  65. 

9  Report  signed  by  Paques,  Miranda,  and  Sobry.  '*  quatorze  ventAse  Tan  neuf,"  !bld.,  f.  86, 

»  20  VentCse,  an  9,  Archives  Natlonales,  V?  6285,  No.  5819,  f.  84. 


I  FRANCISCO    VE    MIUANUA,  349 

^Huence  of  this  senutor  that  Miranda  wiim  oiiw  more  set  Ht  lilierly." 
^Ebe  latter  was  allowed  four  days  to  arrange  his  affairs  and  was  given 
^■.passport  for  Holland.''  The  movements  of  tlie  susisect  were  doubt- 
^ks  carefullj"  watched  during  tlie  rest  of  his  slay  in  Paris.  When 
^■e  designated  period  had  elapsed  he  was  forced  to  leave  that  city 
^pithout  having  accomplished  his  object.'" 

H  'NVliat  was  the  reason  for  this  persecution,  if  we  may  call  it  that,  to 

Hliich  MiratidiL  was  subjected  in  France?     The  minutes  of  the  Paris 

Bolice  cast  a  glow  of  light  upon  this  interesting  pn»blem.    As  soon  as 

^w  arrival  of  Miranda  in  Holland  beiyinie  known  to  llie  police  of  the 

Hb«ncb  capital  a  report  was  drawn  up  regarding  him.     It  was  de- 

^ured  that  the  ex-general  had  returned  from  E-ngland,  "  where  he 

Bid  been  employed  by  the  English  cabinet,  to  which  he  had  given  all 

^■e  information  and  advice"  that  he  supposed  would  be  the  most 

Hninous  to  France.     The  opinion  was  expressed  that  Miranda,  who 

Hb  his  first  appearance  in  Fiance  appeared  to  be  a  sincere  friend  of 

^Bierty.  had  conducted  himself  so  as  to  become  a  suspect ;  that  his  con- 

Huct  on  two  occasions  left  little  doubt  that  he  had  become  a  traitor  to 

nSio  Republic,  if  not  indeed  on«  in  principle.     Further,  some  persons 

worthy  of  credence,  who  had  known  Miranda  intimately  when  ho 

conducted  himself  as  a  zealous  partisan  of  lilterty.  did  not  now  doubt 

that  during  the  last  part  of  his  sojourn  in  France,  Miranda  was  in 

the  pay  of  England.     Further  it  was  declared  that  he  ought  to  Iw 

watched  l>e<'ouse  he  had  a  gi'eat  talent  for  intrigue  and  had  been  for  a 

long  time  in  the  confidence  of  ll»c  enemies  of  France.''     A  note  scrawled 

upon  the  margin  of  an  order  of  Fouche  for  the  deportation  of  the 

former  French  general  states  that  he  was  suspected  of  '"  maneuvers 

or  of  intrigues  contrary  to  the  interetits  of  the  French  government 

-  Koucli^  10  Dunnolp.  T2  VPnIftso.  an  0.  ArfhlvpR  Nallonal™,  F.*  8285.  No.  5810,  (.  81, 
•Dunnolr  lo  Foucb^.  !*  VpntlViic.  nn  0:  ■  ronform^mcnt  1  vntrp  ktlrn  ilalft-  ilu  21  do 
FT  molH,  rl  ••a  rifcutLon  d'  I'ardri-  ey^jolnt  J'Hl  fait  eitraltv  du  Temiilv  rl  ami-ti'T  a  la 
PrM«itun<  l>i-G6i$ral  Miranda,  aiintirl  it  a  Ot^  d^llvrf.  Ii?  ''X  unn  pafwcporl  iioiir  ae 
naire  en  lliillande.  ft  la  cbar^p  de  8ortle  de  Parli  naiin  (iriaCiv  Joura  '  '  '.  It 
T«ral  aurvelllw  Bon  diiiiart  ?t  J'sural  sola,  rltojea  UlnUlro.  de  vous  eu  rendre  comptt." 
Ibid.,  t.  82, 

'In  Ulranda'B  will,  drawn  up  Auguiil   1.  160S.  moillon   la  mado  <i(  the  dcht  owpd  by 
Ftaner  od  locounl  of  the  aerTlrea  of  Ulrand,i.     Blanco.  Itocumeatoi.  tt.  Tl. 

■"  ■■  Nole  pour  Ir  Mlnliitre  dc  la  police  gi'n^rale,      line  Ipltrp  de  la  Haji'  Ins^rSp  danii  I" 

pubtlclate  du  S  BrumalFe  annonce  I'arrlv^  de  rui-t^di^tal  Ulcanila  dana  cclte  TlUe.  el  son 

procbsin  depari  pour  Pocla,     •     •     •     Miranda  ravlent  d' Angle (erre.  od  it  a  (16  empiojj 

IHir  le  Calilnet  Anglalii.  auqiid  II  a  doom!  loua  leg  rcaaeisDemcDt  cc  loua  Ics  hvIb  qu'il  a 

•oppos*  devoir  autre  le  plua  &  reilatence  e(  1  rafenoisaenieiH  de  la   Rfpuliilque  Fran- 

caJae.     •     •     •     cat  homtne.  qui  paralt  d'abunle  parmi  noua  un  ami  tt}i  cl  ainctrc  de  la 

)lben«.  Bnlt  blentot  par  Be  condulre  en   homme  Buspeet :   ct    le  rflle  quUI  ■  Jou#  an    V.l 

Vmdeinalre  an  3,  au  18  Fructldor  an  B  tic  pcrmel  gatrt  de  douter  gu'Il  ne  eut  devenue 

Iraltre  4  la  r^publique,  al  mfins  11  ne  I'avajt  poa  616  dua  le  prlnclpe.      •      •      •      QuelquPS 

peraonnea  dlgnea  de  tni  (]u1  I'ont  connu    Intlnitoent   loregu'll   se   monlralt   parUsan   iflt 

da  la  Ubarltf,  ne  doulenC  pas  aujourd'hul  qui!  n'alt  ett  de  peDdanl  lea  derolers  lempa  de 

mfaa  XUsDr  en   France  k   In  eolde  du  guuvemcinent   Angluls.      *      •      •      Cet    bomme   ett 

HTBUUnt  piua  A   aurTeiller  iru'll   a  de  grands   IbIodb  pour   I'lnlrlBue.  e(   qu'll   «8t   depuls 

UkfUfV'  du*  '■  uonfldence  de  nos  eimemlB, — el  qu'il   a  pour  lul  qnalquea  appnrenccs 

^KMraMei   <ju*ll   fall   valolr   arec   bubiletf-"     Uadalcd,   "Minute   DItIsIod   Bureau,"    Ar- 

^Ejn*  KkUiMaIca,  F.*  6SH5,   No.  SBIO.  r.  TT. 


r 


I 


350  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

and  its  allies.""  Again,  as  has  been  noted,  Miranda's  name  wns  on 
the  list  of  proscribed  emigres.  This  nlone  would  have  afforded  the 
French  police  ample  reason  for  the  expulsion,  which  Miranda  later 
characterized  "  as  a  species  of  ostracism." '' 

Wlien  we  consider  Jliranda's  attitude  toward  England  before  leav- 
ing that  ciinntry,  it  seems  only  fair  to  the  South  Americitn  to  under- 
stand that  he  did  not  necessarily  enter  France  with  any  ulterior  aim, 
and  that  if  he  had  been  admitted  into  the  confidence  and  pay  of  the 
French  Government  he  might  have  served  it  as  faithfully  as  the 
English,  once  convinced  that  he  could  thus  forward  his  great  design 
of  emancipating  Spanish  America.  Still,  it  is  not  impossible  that 
Miranda  may  have  been  intrusted  with  some  secret  commission  by  the 
Government  which  he  had  been  serving.  Certain  it  is  that  the  in- 
digent soldier  of  fortune,  who  later  claimed  that  the  French  Govern- 
ment owed  him  10,000  louis  d'or  for  his  services  in  the  revolution,' 
left  French  soil  without  being  able  to  present  his  views  regarding 
Spanish  America  to  Bonaparte.  He  did  not  cross  the  French  frontier 
on  this  occasion  in  the  guise  of  a  merchant,  but  probably  traveled 
under  his  own  name.  On  April  23,  l.SOl,  an  official  of  tlie  English 
alien  office  sent  the  following  communication  to  a  trusted  under- 
secrelary  of  the  foreign  office:  "Mr  Flint  presents  his  compliments 
lo  Mr.  Hammond  and  begs  leave  to  inform  him  that  Genl  Miranda  is 
landeil  at  Gravesenil.  As  Mr  F  presumes  that  Mr  Hammond  knew 
of  the  general's  late  journey  to  France  he  will  thank  Mr  Hammond  to 
let  him  know  whether  he  should  receive  ]iermission  to  proceed 
Town."''  The  permission  was  granted,  for  Miranda  soon  made 
appearance  in  I^ndon. 

In  a  short  time  after  Miranda  retnmed  from  his  last  visit 
France  his  hopes  again  revived.  No  longer,  however,  could  he  count 
on  the  support  or  active  intere,st  of  the  great  prime  minister,  for  in 
March,  1801.  Pitt  had  resigned  because  of  the  opposition  of  the 
King  to  Catholic  emancipation  in  Ireland,  and  Adclington  had  suc- 
ceeded him.  It  was  about  this  time  that  Miranda  met  for  the  first 
time  Nicholas  Vansittart,  who  was  for  several  years  secretary  of  tlie 
treasury  and  who  noted  at  times  as  an  intermediary  between  Miranda 
and  the  English  ministers.''  Again  it  was  the  evident  intention  of 
the  English  Government  to  utilize  Miranda  and  Picton  if  Spanish 
America  was  attacked.  On  Jnne  29.  1801,  the  latter,  who  had  just 
been  made  civil  governor  of  Trinidad,  was  instructed  to  take  "  every 
Opportunity  the  Situation  of  the  Island  and  it's  Intercourse 
the  Spanish  Colonies  "  would  afford  him  to  get  information  " 


1  lO 

I 


•l."!  I':i    VentOs*.  nn  D.  Archlr-s  N'n 

Inniil-B,  F'  fl 

SH,   Xn.   5810. 

t    Rlt 

•  Ibia. 

•  r,  R,  0..  rrancr,  57, 

•  Vanilttart  to  HodttoD.  J«nu«rj  2 

-.   18H.  B«le 

r  Mas..  III.  r 

8-. 

w 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIHANDA.  351 

to  the  real  Stale  of  those  Colonies  ",  so  tliat  if  at  any  future  time 
England  should  decido  "to  act  again'-t  tUeni,"  it  could  do  so  "on 
Grounds  preTiously  ascertained  to  be  of  a  Nature  to  afford  a  reason- 
able chance  of  Success."  " 

In  England  Miranda  warned  the  Government  that  unless  measures 
were  quickly  taken  to  direct  the  revolutionary  spirit  in  South  Amer- 
ica the  French  would  pervert  it  to  tlieir  own  purpose  and  would 
exclude  Britisli  manufactures  from  that  part  of  the  world.''  lie 
and  Picton  furnislied  the  ministers  with  information  on  the  condi- 
tion of  the  South  American  provinces  situated  between  the  Orinoco 
and  the  Gulf  of  Venezuela.'"  Miranda's  plans  for  the  government 
of  the  liberated  territory  were  again  probably  considered.''  The 
general's  plan  for  the  military  operations  was  also  presented  to  the 
ministers.'  Rufus  King,  who  was  in  a  position  to  know,  later 
declared  that  when  the  pi-eltminaries  of  the  peace  of  Amiens  were 
signed  in  October,  1801,  the  expedition  was  ready  to  sail  to  Caracas/ 

But  even  after  the  peace  negotialiouK  had  proceeded  thus  far 
Miranda's  designs  were  not  totally  discarded.  They  were  cJirefully 
considered  by  the  cabinet  in  September.  1801.  The  information  col- 
lected by  Miranda  and  Picton.  showing  the  dispositioii  of  the  inhabit- 
ant" of  Terra  Firnia  to  shake  off  the  rule  of  Spain,  and  the  weakness 
of  the  military  forces  there,  was  laid  l>efore  the  ministers.  It  was 
sngge.s^ed  that  oi>erafionK  might  lie  executed  by  a  very  small  force 
whereby  a  severe  blow  might  be  wtnick  at  the  enemie,''  of  England, 
For  this  purpose  it  was  even  proposed  to  send  Miranda  to  the  West 
Indies  immediately  to  consult  with  General  Triggo  upon  the  meas- 
ures to  be  pursued  to  accomplish  this  object."  The  proposal,  however, 
was  not  adopted.  I^ord  Pelham.  the  home  secretary,  following  the 
estimate  in  a  plan  of  Sir  Ralph  .\berconibie,  an  experienced  military 
commander,  estimated  that  12,000,  rather  than  3,000,  men  were 
needed  for  such  an  enterprise.  He  declared  that  such  an  attempt 
would  be  so  far-reaching  in  its  effects  and  influence  that  he  could  not 
agree  to  it  without  '*  liuowing  the  principles  and  ulterior  views"  of 
those  with  whom  he  was  "  to  embark."  He  pointed  out  that  such  an 
attack  might  be  the  means  of  shutting  England  completely  out  of 
Europe  and  of  throwing  .Spain  still  further  into  the  hands  of  France, 
"  Is  it  impossible,"  he  asked,  "  to  support  the  independence  of  Old 
Spain:   and   be  admitted   to  a   participation  of  the  trade   in   New 

•  "Drmft.  P.  B.  O,.  Trlnldnd.  '1- 

* rorrrspondence  ot  CaaUereagL,  VII.  2S8. 

•  IWd,,  28-,  388. 
'Ed.   Bev..  XIII,   2S2 

•"Gcn'l  Miranda's  Plan  (or  tbf  mllltBr.v  optraUons  upnn  Terra  Nnera  ".  Mar  ^*-  1801. 
■  once  found  In  the  P.  B.  O..  Adm.  Sec.  tn  LsUera,  135:1,  Mr.   Iluberl  Hull  intornipd 
■•ler.  but  awirch  there  and  elsewhere  Uas  yel  faUed  to  locatt  !1.     Ed.  Rev,,  XIII.  2ii2. 
Correspondence  of  Kins,  IV.  2Q2. 


352  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Spain  ?  " "  In  all  probability  other  arguments  of  a  similar  nature 
were  offered. 

The  result  was  that  Miranda  was  compelled  to  linger  in  England. 
No  action  was  taken  to  push  the  expedition,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
Miranda's  efforts  were  again  ably  seconded  by  Picton,  who  on  Sep- 
tember 25  of  this  year  wrote  to  Lord  Hobart,  the  secretary  of  state 
for  war  and  the  colonies,  urging  an  attack  on  South  America  with 
G,500  troops  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Orinoco  River,  and  recom- 
mending that  if  it  was  decided  to  set  that  country  free  General 
Miranda  should  l)e  engaged,  whom  he  understood  to  have  "a  con- 
siderable Party  in  the  Province,"  and  whose  presence,  he  believed, 
would  "  greatly  contribute  to  the  Success  of  such  an  Undertaking/' 
Miranda,  said  Picton,  "  is  w^ell  qualified  to  Electrify  the  Minds  of 
his  Countrymen."  ^  Although  no  expedition  left  England  for  Trini- 
dad, yet  Miranda  had  some  consolatory  reflections,  for  it  was  evi- 
dently about  this  time  that  he  was  granted  a  pension  by  the 
Government  which  he  had  supplicated  so  long.*^  He  was  no  longer 
forced  to  depend,  as  he  had  informed  his  old  comrade  in  arms, 
Cagigal,  on  the  bounty  of  "  an  inestimable  old  friend."  ^ 

On  March  27,  1802,  the  definitive  treaty  of  Amiens  was  signed,  by 
which  peace  was  made  between  England,  on  the  bne  hand,  and  France 
and  Spain,  on  the  other  hand.  It  was  only  a  truce,  however,  and 
the  problem  of  Spanish  America  was  not  long  allowed  to  remain 
unconsidered.  The  ministers  of  England  were  apparently  contem- 
plating an  attack  on  the  American  dominions  of  Spain  in  the  late 
spring  and  early  summer  of  1803,  in  which  they  perhaps  calculated 
on  employing  Miranda.  At  least  the  prime  minister  informed  King 
(hat  if  war  broke  out  "  it  would  perhaps  be  one  of  their  first  steps 
to  occupy  New  Orleans."'  The  American  minister  promptly  informed 
him  that  the  United  States  looked  forw^ard  to  annexing  it.*  In  tlio 
end  of  May,  1803,  when  it  became  evident  that  peace  could  not  be 

•  Corrpspondoncp  of  Castlereagh,  Vll,  286,  the  order  of  the  first  two  words  in  the  qao 
tat  ion  has  been  reversed  to  correct  what  appears  to  have  been  a  misprint. 

»r.  R.  O..  Trinidad,  2. 

<■  King.  Correspondence  of  King,  IV,  208,  290,  shows  that  Miranda  was  in  the  posses- 
sion of  a  pension  a  little  later.     Am.  Hist.  Rev..  VI,  511. 

••Antepara.  263. 
^«King  to  Pickering.  April  2,  1003:  "It  is  my  firm  belief  that  if  the  War  brealc  out. 
tbut  Great  Britain  will  immediately  attempt  the  emancipation  and  Independence  of  Soutli 
America.  ♦  ♦  •  In  a  late  conversation  with  Mr.  Addington  he  observed  to  me,  that 
If  the  war  happen  It  would  perhaps  be  one  of  their  first  steps  to  occupy  New  Orleans. 
I  Interrupted  him  liy  saying  I  hoped  the  measure  would  be  well  weighed  before  It  shpiild 
be  attempted  ;  that  true  It  was  we  could  not  see  with  indilference  that  Country  in  the 
hands  of  France,  but  it  was  equally  true  that  it  would  be  contrary  to  our  Tiews,  and  with 
much  concern  that  we  should  see  it  in  the  possession  of  England  :  we  had  no  objection 
to  Spain  continuing  to  possess  It ;  they  were  quiet  neighbors ;  and  we  looked  forward  with 
impatience  to  events  which  in  ordinary  course  of  thTngs  must  at  no  distant  day  annex 
this  country  to  the  United  States.**  Addington  declared  that  England  did  not  !nttB<I 
to  keep  Louisiana  in  the  event  of  seizing  It.  but  wished  to  *'  prerent  another  power  from 
obtaining  it."  State  Dept.  MSS.,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  ArchlTei,  DUp«tch«a  from 
England,  10. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  353 

preserved  much  longer-  between  England  and  France,  the  Spanish 
Government  was  informed  that  England  had  been  entertaining 
designs  against  Spanish  America.  The  informant,  appearing  to 
quote  from  an  alleged  scheme  which  had  been  presented  to  the  English 
ministers,  averred  that  the  objective  point  was  to  have  been  the 
Floridas  and  Louisiana,  especially  New  Orleans.  Warning  w^as  given 
that  in  case  of  war  between  Spain  and  Pingland,  the  latter  w^ould 
attempt  to  execute  the  project.** 

Miranda  had  probably  occasion  to  hope  again,  but  in  the  latter 
part  of  August,  1803,  he  again  became  disgusted  with  the  treatment 
that  he  was  receiving  in  England  and  informed  King,  who  had  now 
returned  to  the  United  States,  that  the  conduct  of  the  English  ap- 
peared to  him  suspicious,  if  not  perfidious.  Miranda  declared  that 
he  had  decided  to  leave  England  at  once,  with  or  without  succor,  for 
Trinidad.^  In  the  end  of  August,  preparations  were  actually  made 
for  his  departure  from  England.  Miranda  was  to  renounce  his  pen- 
sion forever,  on  an  immediate  payment  of  the  amount  that  would 
have  accrued  to  him  in  five  years.  He  was  to  be  given  passage  to 
Trinidad,  where  he  was  to  "  take  his  people  "  and  go  wherever  he 
pleased.  Ever  conspiring  against  Spain,  Miranda  hoped  to  find  at 
that  island  two  vessels  from  the  United  States  with  men  and  military 
supplies.*^  Ho  renewed  the  application  which  he  had  already  made 
to  King  for  aid  in  carrying  out  his  plans,  inclosing  an  estimate  of 
the  cost  of  providing  5,000  men  and  supplies  for  one  year.**  The 
revolutionary  agitator  was  evidently  thinking  of  engineering  an 
attack  on  the  Spanish  possessions  without  the  aid  or  sanction  of  the 
English  Government  through  the  succor  of  friends  or  sympathizers 
in  the  United  States  and  in  Trinidad. 

The  tentative  arrangement  that  had  been  made  with  the  English 
ministers  was  not  carried  out,  however,  and  Miranda  still  lingered 
in  England.  It  was  probably  the  prospect  of  war  with  France  and 
Spain  in  October,  1803,  that  inclined  the  Government  of  England  to 
hearken  again  to  his  schemes.  Colonel  Fullarton,  who  had  long  been 
interested  in  Spanish  America,  appears  also  to  have  been  consulted 
in  the  matterl*  In  November  plans  were  drawn  up  for  a  comprehen- 
sive attack  on  South  America.  A  London  merchant,  Mr.  Davison, 
offered  to  furnish  a  fleet  of  three  or  four  Indiamen  for  the  enterprise 
if  the  Government  would  supply  a  vessel  for  bombarding  purposes 
and  secure  him  against  the  failure  of  the  expedition.  As  a  remunera- 
tion he  was  willing  to  accept  the  advantages,  doubtless  commercial, 

•  Anduaga  to  Cevallos,  May  24,  1803,  A.  G.  S.,  Estado,  8168. 
*King.  Correspondence  of  King,  IV,  517. 

•  Ibid.,  298,  299. 
*Ibid..  517,  518. 

•Ibid..  314.  .      , 

5883a— VOL  1—09 23  .,''';: 


354  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

which  General  Miranda  had  promised  him.  To  conduct  the  military 
operations  on  the  northern  side  of  Terra  Firma,  Miranda,  according 
to  Popham,  who  memorialized  the  Government  on  the  matter,  asked 
for  a  regiment  of  infantry,  "two  companies  of  artillery,  and  two 
squadrons  of  dismounted  cavalry." «  The  forces  led  by  Miranda 
were  first  to  be  directed  against  Caracas,  where,  he  informed  his 
would-be  cooperators,  he  could  collect  an  army  of  fifteen  to  twenty 
thousand  men,  which  w^ould  increase  in  numbers  as  he  proceeded  to 
the  Provinces  of  Santa  Fe  and  Quito.  He  aimed  ultimately  to  estab- 
lish a  fortified  post  on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  where  he  would  open 
communications  with  the  cooperating  forces  that  were  to  proceed 
from  India  to  the  Pacific  coast  of  South  America.* 

Capt.  Sir  Home  Popham,  who  had  become  warmly  interested  in 
the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America,  urged  on  the  Grovemment 
the  advantages  of  attacking  the  Spanish  dominions  at  Buenos 
Ayres.^  He  consulted  Miranda  and. held  conferences  with  several 
members  of  the  Addington  administration  regarding  an  expedition 
to  South  America.*  In  the  autumn  of  1804  Popham  declared  that 
"  a  great  proportion  of  the  articles  "  which  Miranda  "  required  were 
prepared  and  a  ship  ordered  to  be  purchased  which  order  w^as  as  sud- 
denly countermanded.''  ^  The  peace-loving  Addington  had  declined 
to  allow  the  expedition  to  proceed,  no  decisive  rupture  having  occurred 
between  England  and  Spain. 

Forced  by  adverse  circumstances  to  see  his  long-cherished  schemes 
again  suspended,  Miranda  was  deeply  disgusted  with  the  English  Gov- 
ernment. Again  he  planned  to  leave  England.  On  February  30, 1804, 
he  informed  King  that  he  had  again  made  arrangements  to  leave  for 
Trinidad.  His  associate,  Vargas,  was  soon  to  leave  London  to  prepare 
the  way.  In  a  month  Miranda  calculated  on  following  with  a  vessel 
carrying  the  arms,  ammunition,  and  supplies  that  would  be  required 
to  start  tlic  revolution.  According  to  this  story,  England  held  herself 
in  reserve  to  come  to  their  aid  afterwards.  Miranda  wrote  to  King 
asking  for  aid  in  procuring  20,000  good  muskets  with  bayonets,  artil- 
lery, ammunition,  steel  side  arms,  bar  iron,  and  sheet  lead.  He 
assured  King  that  when  these  supplies  were  landed  on  the  coasts,  i)ay- 
nient  would  be  made  for  them  at  a  great  advance  on  their  cost  in  the 
T'nited  States.  As  an  additional  inducement,  Miranda  declared  that 
vessels  bringing  a  certain  amount  of  the  desired  munitions  were  to  be 
charged  only  one-half  of  the  regular  import  and  export  duties  on  their 
cargoes,     ^Ir.  C  Gore,  with  whom  Miranda  had  become  acquainted 

«  Corn'S[)ondonco  of   Cnstlorcagh.    IV,    291,   202.      An   unsigned   copy   of  this   memorial 
of  rophain.  November  2G,  1803.  Is  found  In  the  Chatham  MSS.,  345. 
"  Convspondencc  of  Castlereagh,  VII,  291. 
«■  U>id. 

«'  Topham's  trial,  78,  sec  below,  p.  356,  note  d. 
•  A>a^-lli3t.  .Rev-.,  VI.  512. 


'    dnri 


FRANCISCO    PE    MIRANDA.  355 


during  his  stay  in  England,  was  also  appealed  to  for  aid  in  proniotiTiy 
the  entprprise."  Gore  was  evidently  in  touch  with  people  in  Boston 
who  were  inclined  to  engage  in  such  an  atTnir,  Inil  no  definite  steps 
were  taken,  partly,  at  least,  because  of  the  hesitating  attitude  of  the 
English  Government.''  The  outcome  was  that  the  prime  projector  did 
not  leave  London. 

In  May,  1804,  England  declared  war  tipoTi  Napoleon.  In  the  same 
month  William  Pitt  again  became  prime  minister.  The  subject  of 
Latin  America  was  not  long  neglected.  On  July  27  Pioton,  who  had 
been  deprived  of  the  command  of  Trinidad,  and  was  now  in  England, 
reminded  the  Government  of  his  fn-qiient  representations  on  the  mat- 
ter, and  called  the  attention  of  this  Administration  to  the  condition 
of  the  Spanish  colonies  near  Trinidad,  which  favored  their  separation 
from  the  parent  country  by  England.  He  declared  that  if  hostilities 
broke  out  with  Spain  "  a  fair  opportunity  "  would  be  offered  of  begin- 
ning with  a  measure  that  might  "eventually  deprive  her  of  all  her 
Continental  Colonies,  .She  holds  them  by  so  pi-ecarious  a  Tenui-e  and 
the  Principles  of  Combustion  are  so  thickly  and  widely  scattered],  that 
a  eingle  8park  woidd  communicate  the  Explosion  throughout  the 
whole  of  the  immense  Continent."'^'  On  August  14  Donald  Campbell 
addressed  a  lengthy  communication  to  Lord  Harrowby,  the  secretary 
of  state  for  foreign  affairs,  in  which  he  called  attention  to  the  re- 
sources of  the  Brazils."  In  October  William  Jacob  drew  up  "  Plans 
for  Occupying  Spanish  America,  with  Observations  on  the  Character 
and  Views  of  its  Inhabitants."  Unlike  Miranda,  he  did  not  consider 
Terra  Firma  a  favorable  point  of  attack,  but  believed  that  "  to  secure 
the  compleat  and  entire  Subjection  "  of  these  dominions  three  coop- 
erating expeditions  should  be  undertaken.  One  of  these,  he  declared, 
ought  to  proceed  from  Great  Britain  or  Ireland  to  the  La  Plata 
region;  the  second  should  leave  Madras  for  Chile;  the  third  should  be 
directed  froTn  the  West  Indies  against  the  Isthmus  of  Darien.  If 
Ijerchaiice  only  one  of  these  should  l>e  successful,  a  base  of  operations 
would  be  secured  for  future  attiicks." 

In  October,  1S04,  Spain  declared  war  upon  England.  The  designs 
of  Uie  arch  conspirator  were  again  selected  for  consideration.  Lord 
Melrilie.  Pitt,  and  Home  Pophain  were  deeply  interested  in  the  idea. 
the  latter  sending  all  his  papers  relating  to  the  Spanisli-j\jnei-icaii 

i schemes  to  Lord  Melville.'  On  October  14  Popham  prepared  a  mem- 
orandum on  General  Miranda  and  his  schemes.  At  the  same  time 
A  plan  for  an  attack  on  South  .America  was  arranged  by  Miranda 


*  King.  CorrPBiKaidr'ncP  ol 

'Ibid,.   4»2.   433, 

'  f.  R.  O.,  Trlnldmd,   II. 


356  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

and  Popham.  As  usual,  Miranda  entertained  high  hopes  of  coopera- 
tion from  the  Spanish  inhabitants  in  an  attack  on  Caracas,  Quito, 
and  Santa  Fe.  He  also  expected  aid  from  friends  of  the  movement 
in  Trinidad,  which  he  proposed  to  use  as  a  base  of  operations  a/ojainst 
that  part  of  Terra  Firma  between  the  Orinoco  River  and  Santa 
Marta.  To  carry  on  this  part  of  the  campaign  Miranda  wished  to 
have  at  his  disposal  2,000  infantry,  two  corps  of  dismounted  ciivalrv, 
and  two  companies  of  artillery,  seasoned  West  India  troops.  He 
also  desired  to  be  allow^ed  to  recruit  additional  troops  at  Trinidad. 
The  armament  was  to  be  accompanied  by  a  naval  force,  including 
a  frigate,  a  sloop  of  war,  and  three  transports.  A  list  of  the  military 
stores  needed  for  the  attempt  was  made  out  by  Miranda  for  Lord 
Melville.® 

As  in  1803,  Miranda  planned  to  make  his  preliminary  attack  on 
Caracas,  where  in  a  month,  so  he  assured  the  English,  he  hoped  to  be 
able  to  raise  20,000  men.     Thence  he  w^ould  proceed  to  the  interior, 
augmenting  his  forces  as  he  advanced  through  Santa  Fe  and  Quito  to 
the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  where  he  was  to  be  joined  by  a  naval  force. 
The  fortified  towns  on  the  coast  were  next  to  be  attacked.    Probably 
Miranda  also  contemplated  fortifying  the  Isthmus.    But  Caracas  was 
not  to  be  the  only  point  of  attack.    Three  thousand  troops  were  to  pro- 
ceed from  Europe  against  Buenos  Ayres.    Forces  from  India  and  per- 
haps Australia  were  to  invest  Valparaiso  and  Panama.^     Popham  did 
not  think  the  conquest  of  all  Spanish  America  then  possible,  but  be- 
lieved that  all  the  strategic  points  should  be  gained  so  as  to  detach  it 
from  Spain.    This  policy  would  promote  the  annihilation  of  the  Span- 
ish navy,  deprive  France  of  fifteen  millions  of  revenue,  and  increase 
the  power  and  influence  of  England.^    Popham  appears  to  have  been 
chosen  to  command  the  expedition  against  Buenos  Ayres.**     Indeed 

«Ain.   Hist.   Ilov..   VI.  r>1.'5,  514. 

Mbid.,  r)j5,  r>ir>. 

<^  Ibid.,  ni.*^,  515,  517. 

''  In   the  course   of  his  trial   for  attacking  Buenos  Ayrcs  without  orders.    Sir  Home 
ro[)ham  testiflpd  roj^arding  hl8  relations  with   Miranda  and   the  British   Government  In 
respect    to   an   expedition    asalnst   Spanish   America :  **  It   was   In   the   end   of  the  y^'ar 
1803,  that  I  fust  had  conferences  with  some  of  the  members  of  the  administration  then 
in   power,   relative  to  an  expedition   to  the  Rio  de  la   Plata,  and  which   was  combined 
with  one  proposed  by  (ieneral  Miranda.     I  had  also  frequent  communications  with  Gen ' 
oral   Miranda  on   the  subject :   and,   in  fact,   towards   the  close  of  that   administration. 
some   steps   were   taken    for   carrying   this   projected   expedition   into    effect      •      ♦     *•'" 
In  the  course  of  1804,  said  Popham  "Lord  Melville  then  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty, 
corresponded  with  me  on  the  subject  of  Miranda's  plan;  and  on  my  coming  to  town  in 
the  month  of  October,  hi  that  year   (at  which  period  the  probability  of  a  Spanish  war 
had   Increased)    his   lordship   directed    me   to   send  again   for   Oeneral   Miranda,   and  to 
digest    my    ideas   on    the   subjecit   of   an    expedition   against   the   Spanish   settlements  In 
South  America,  into  the  form  of  a  memoir     •     •     •     shortly  afterwards  I  was  directed 
to  attend  Mr.  Pitt,  in  order  that  he  might  converse  with  me  on  the  various  points  cora- 
prehended  in  that  memoir."     Popham's  Trial,  78.     On  December  1,  1804,  Lord  Melville 
wrote   to   Popham ;    "  General    Miranda    is   not   more   importunate   with   you   than  be  te 
wltli  me ;  but  he  unfortunately  supposes  us  at  war  with  Spain;  we  are  not  so     •    •    *• 
Ibid.  134. 


I 


■  FRANCISCO   DE   MTRaNDA.  357 

Ht  is  likely  that  Popliam  rather  than  Miranda  was  primarily  respon- 
^pblo  for  the  emphasis  given  at  this  time  to  that  part  of  the  plan. 
H   Miranda  and  Popham,  however,  did  not  lead  expeditions  against 
^ppanish  America,  for  the  attack  hung  fire.    As  in  previous  years,  the 
^Spanish  Government  was  not  left  totally  uninformed  of  the  machina- 
Hpons  of  England.     In  January,  ]805,  the  Spanish  minister  in  Eng- 
pistid  warned  his  court  that  one  or  more  expeditions  were  preparing 
I IQ  Englaud  against  the  Spanish  Indies.    The  point  of  attack  was  dilH- 
F  cult  to  determine.     Perhaps  it  was  an  expedition  to  the  South  Sea 
with  troops  from  India.     Perhaps  it  was  an  attack  on  New  Spain 
or  tlie  Isthmus  of  Panama  with  troops  from  the  West  Indies.    Per- 
chance it  was  an  expedition  against  Buenos  Ayres." 

On  June  13,  1S05,  Francisco  de  Miranda  addressed  what  was  per- 
haps his  last  letter  to  William  Pitt.  To  judge  by  this  epistle,  Miranda 
had  lost  the  confidence  of  that  minister.  In  it  Miranda  firi*  explained 
the  demand  which  he  had  made  through  Sir  Evan  Nepeau  that  he 
be  allowed  to  depart  immediately  for  Trinidad.  He  declared  that  his 
object  was  to  join  his  compatriots  in  that  island,  who  were  impa- 
tiently awaiting  liis  arrival  to  initiate  "  the  important  work  of  their 
emancipation."  They  were  ready  to  begin  this  by  themselves  as  the 
succors  promised  by  England  had  been  so  long  delayed,  while  they 
considered  that  moment  as  the  '■  most  propitlouB."  He  attributed 
the  delay  of  Pitt  not  to  any  lack  of  good  will,  but  rather  to  the  incon- 
siderate actions  or  "  perfidious  insinuations "'  of  some  of  his  own 
compatriots  or  acquaintances.  He  accordingly  offered  to  submit  his 
papers,  as  well  as  his  conduct,  to  an  e.xami nation,  which  he  believed 
wouhl  dispel  even  the  shadow  of  suspicion,  clear  his  name  from 
calumny,  and  reestablish  confidence  between  him  and  the  minister. 
He  Hssnred  Pitt  that  he  had  never  swerved  "  an  instant  from  the 
moral  and  political  principles  that  formed  our  first  political  liason  in 
1790."     Miranda  suggested  that  two  or  three  persons  in  whom  the 

•.\Di1iiiEii   1o  Cevstlnii,  .lonuarj'  G,  ISOB ;   "  Bon  Inn  nvrlog  los  oWeloa  ft  que  w  dkrti 
d«sUii*do>  loa  [ireparntivus  que  se  bncen  uqul  pum  una  6  mna  eipedlcioncs.  que  ta  mul 
dltlcll  dxifm  CD  qnulea  son  loa  TerdBderoB.      No  se  dads   que  aueatras  Americas  son  cl 
Uonco  Itf  IBS  mper'UlacloDea  de  loa  Brmadorea-ooincrclatiles.  eslo  es  de  hurgnea  imrllrnlnrra 
pTcparadoa  paca  bacer  trlllcu  dc  seDeros.  y  al  mlsmo  ticmpo  alamr  (It.  y  rotiar  ilondu 
•  Du  mcuimmn  raclllldad  para  el  traQco.     Sobrctodo  en  paroKi'H  remotos  como  el  Mar  del 
8ur.  ca  dK  tunir  que  oat  aucrda.  y  rjiii;  el  Golilerno  Kritanico  no  emplft.-  slno  poca  tropu 
en  Imgaes  sujob,  el  tamblen  loa  empleu  para  Iiaccr  carrerlas  en  aquetlas  costaa,     Aeaso 
Intentarn  nlguna  eiprdlolon  ea  el  Mar  dp]  Sar  con  trapa>  de  la  India,  pero  no  paruru 
proBaljlo      •      ■      •      En  quatiio  i  Nuuva  EHpauo.  aunque  ae  lia  tislilado  oiufbu  de  Mpxiro 
J  m  etecto  tenlcado  tropaa  en  Jamajca  j  otcaa  lalaa  padlecoD  bacec  una  I 
iBn  rnataa  de  nqiiel  nejno.  por  la  parte  de  I'orlDlieln.  mayDrmeute  al  Inlentaf 
>'l  litdu  dv  I'anama,  tanlu  cate  dealgnio  euoiu  vi  de  llegar  baata  Mexico,  not  dea 
A  detcmbarcojido  por  Veracrni  son  mny  arduoa,  ?  no  parece  probable  que  s 
OiBi  todo.  como  en  clerto  modo  ba  hecho  el  oaeTo  Mlnlalerlo  esperar  S  la  Nnelon  alKoni 
^^^Difulataa,  no  aeca  eitraSo  que  iDtenlaD  algunaa,  blen  que  es  mul  natural  que  sean  1 
H^ta  facllea.     Mo  pnedo  70  grBdnar  qnalea  aeran  eetaa,  pero  por  dei^aUdo  olgo  htM 
^pvue  nnft  npedlclon  1.  Buenos  Ajrea  no  aeria  de  dlUclI  cxlto."     A.  o.  8„  Ealado,  SITOO 


858  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

minister  had  confidence  be  named  for  the  purpose  of  examining  the 
charges  brought  against  him  or  his  compatriots  which  were  incom- 
patible '•  with  the  propositions  and  the  information  which  he  had  had 
the  honour  of  presenting  to  the  British  Govermnent  on  the  independ- 
ence and  the  emancipation  of  the  Spanish  American  colonies  at  various 
times."  If,  after  this  examination  was  made,  it  was  found  "  that  these 
accusations  are  destitute  of  foundation,  the  obstacle  will  certainly  be 
removed  and  mutual  confidence  reestablislied,  for  the  welfare  of  a 
considerable  part  of  the  civilized  world."  <» 

AVliatever  the  outcome  of  this  proposition,  whether  Pitt  and  Mi- 
randa were  thoroughly  reconciled  or  not,  in  the  autumn  of  1805 
Miranda  was  expecting  to  leave  England,  where  he  now  apparently 
despaired  of  gaining  succor.  He  aimed  to  proceed  to  some  point  in 
the  New  World,  perhaps  to  New  York  or  to  Trinidad.  Again  he 
informed  Rufus  King  of  his  intentions.^  On  August  1, 1805,  Miranda 
drew  up  a  will,  finding  himself,  he  declared,  on  the  point  of  embaHk- 
ing  for  America  with  the  intention  of  carrying  into  effect  the  political 
plans  which  had  occupied  a  great  part  of  his  life.^  This  will  is  an 
extraordinary  document.  In  it  Miranda  mentioned  the  various  items 
of  his  property;  the  paintings,  bronzes,  mosaics,  and  other  precious 
articles  which  were  in  Paris;  the  private  archives  containing  docu- 
ments relating  to  his  travels  in  America,  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa, 
and  his  official  correspondence  with  the  French  ministers  as  well  as 
the  papers  relating  to  his  negotiations  with  the  English  ministers 
from  1790  to  1805 ;  and  the  goods  which  he  left  in  his  home  at  27 
Grafton  street,  London.  The  debt  which  France  owed  him  was  not 
forgotten.  The  papers  relating  to  his  revolutionizing  activity  were 
to  be  sent  to  his  native  city,  if  the  country  became  independent  or  if 
its  ports  were  freely  opened  to  other  nations.  The  Latin  and  Greek 
classics  in  his  library  were  to  be  sent  to  the  University  of  Caracas. 
The  household  goods  were  left  to  one  whom  he  designated  ''  mi  ficl 
jima  de  Haves  S.  A."  In  case  of  the  testator's  demise,  the  latter  was 
also  to  have  what  might  be  left  of  £000,  which  were  left  in  the  hands 
of  Nicholas  Vansittart  and  John  Turnbull,  for  the  purpose  of  defray- 
ing housekeeping  expenses.  The  bulk  of  the  remaining  proi>erty  was 
left  for  the  education  and  use  of  Miranda's  son,  Leander,  who  was 

"  CorrespondoiicG  of  CasMoreaKh,    VII.   413-41G. 

"King,  Correspondonce  of  Kinp:.   IV,  454,  51 S,  510. 

*"  Blanco,  Documrntos,  II,  70,  71  ;  Hocorra  Vida  do  Miranda,  II,  400-  expresst^s  doubts 
leffardlnj^  tlie  authenticity  of  tliis  document.  The  writer,  however,  is  inclined  to  ac- 
cept the  document  as  aiithentic.  The  argument  that  Miranda's  wife  is  not  mentioned 
Is  not  proof  of  the  spurlousness  of  the  will ;  Miranda  may  not  have  been  married.  No 
evidence  has  been  found  for  the  marriage  which  Becerra  avers  took  place  between 
Miranda  and  a  Miss  Andrews.  The  failure  to  mention  Miranda's  youngest  son  Francisco 
may  have  been  due  to  the  fact  that  he  was  not  yet  born.  It  is  possible  that  Miranda's 
children   were   illegitimate. 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA.  359 

"  the  tender  age  of  18  months."  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  Miranda 
did  not  mention  his  wife,  unless,  indeed,  she  was  "  the  faithful  house- 
keeper S.  A."  <»  That  apparent  omission  is  one  of  the  puzzles  of  this 
will.^ 

It  was  evidently  before  leaving  London  that  Miranda  met,  among 
others,  Joseph  Pavia,  whose  life  to  an  extent  is  that  of  Miranda  in 
miniature.  Pavia,  according  to  his  own  account,  had  served  for 
some  time  in  the  viceroyalty  of  Mexico,  where  he  had  acquired  valu- 
able information  regarding  the  conditions  of  the  country  and  had 
made  some  connections.  Some  time  in  the  year  1804  or  1805  he, 
like  Miranda,  was  taken  under  the  protection  of  the  English  Gov- 
enanent,  because  of  his  knowledge  of  Mexico  and  the  expectation 
that  his  services  would  be  useful  if  England  undertook  the  emanci- 
pation of  Spanisli  America.*^  In  1819  Pavia  left  on  record  his  im- 
pressions of  Miranda  in  a  memoir  w^hich  he  addressed  to  the  English 
Government.  As  some  indication  of  the  light  in  which  a  possibly 
jealous  fellow-conspirator  regarded  Miranda  it  will  be  quoted  in 
part,  giving,  as  it  also  does,  an  interpretation  of  Pitt's  attitude 
toward  Miranda : 

"  Notwithstanding  his  knowledge  of  America  was  confined  to  some 
slight  acquaintance  with  the  Havannah,  Pensacola,  Jamaica  and  New 
York;  the  hatred  which  he  bore  the  Spanish  Govt,  and  his  extrav- 
agant ambition  made  him  form  the  design  of  ascending  the  Peruvian 
Throne,  in  order  thence  to  avenge  his  wrongs.  Impelled  by  such 
Quixotic  Notions,  he  traversed  Europe  and  part  of  Africa  with  intent 
of  acquiring  the  lights  and  information  by  which  to  effect  the  happi- 
ness of  his  people:  (an  expression  frequently  repeated  in  the  hearing 
of  the  writer  who  could  not  help  smiling  at  his  folly).  He  took-part 
in   the  French   Revolution,  particularly   from   a   desire   to   become 

•  Blanco,  Documcntos,  II.  70,  71. 

^Booerra  Vlda  de  Miranda,  II,  400,  discusses  what  be  considers  a  puzzle.  It  appears 
to  the  writer  that  one  of  the  main  reasons  for  the  doubts  which  Becerra  casts  upon 
the  authenticity  of  this  will  Is  due  to  his  desire  to  straighten  out  the  marital  relations 
of  Miranda.  After  testing  the  document,  the  writer  believes  that  It  Is  what  It  purports 
to   be. 

'  Pavia  to  Hamilton,  December  7,  1814  :  '*  I  beg  permission  to  inform  you  that  when 
Mr.  Pitt  in  1805  had  the  goodness  to  consider  me  under  the  protection  of  the  British 
Government,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  It  was  owelng  to  some  ideas  relative  to  Spanish 
America,  particularly  the  Kingdom  of  New  Spain,  from  whence  I  came.'*  P.  R.  O.. 
Spain,  170.  Pavia  to  Hamilton,  April  0,  1815 :  "  It  may  be  proper,  Sir,  for  me  to  men- 
tion that  it  is  now  eleven  years  since  I  was  first  honored  with  the  protection  of  the 
British  Government,  who,  always  looking  forward  from  that  time  to  the  probable 
Emancipation  of  the  Spanish  territories  In  America,  were  pleased  to  consider  that  my 
services  in  such  an  event  would  be  essentially  useful  to  the  Interests  of  this  Country." 
Ibid.,  181.  Pavia  to  Hamilton,  April  1,  1815 :  "  I  beg  leave  you  will  have  the  goodness 
to  allow  me  to  Inform  you  that  it  Is  at  the  present  date  eleven  years  that  I  have  the 
honor  of  being  protected  by  the  British  Government,  through  the  medium  of  Mr.  (^ookc 
under  Secretary  to  My  Lord  Castlereagh.*'  Ibid.  See  also  Correspondence  of  Castlereagh, 
VI.  368. 


360      f  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

familiar  with  the  mode  of  conducting  a  similar  enterprise.  Full  of 
Jacobinical  ideas  he  came  to  London  to  complete  his  preparations. 
Here  the  writer  (to  his  great  misfortune)  met  and  knew  him,  in  the 
midst  of  all  sorts  of  books  and  numerous  charts  and  maps.  He 
deemed  himself  an  adept  in  every  science  and  art ;  indeed  he  was  a 
specious  smatterer,  capable  to  impose  on  strangers.  Mr.  Pitt,  who 
knew  him  well  kept  a  strict  eye  upon  him,  but  granted  him  protec- 
tion from  no  other  motive  than  that  of  giving  uneasiness  to  the 
Spanish  Govt.,  who  were  always  afraid  of  his  freaks  and  plans  to 
revolutionize  America."  " 


""Mr.  Pavla'R  Memoir  on  South  America"  (translation)  concludes  by  giving  "  Soid« 
Account  of  Miranda  and  Mina,"  from  which  the  quotation  is  taken ;  the  memoir  is  pr^ 
ceded  by  a  letter  to  the  English  Government  dated  August  15,  1819.     P.  R.  O..  Spain.  '1:M. 


\ 


Chapter  IX. 

THE  EXPEDITION  OF  1806. 

n  the  end  of  the  year  1805  Miranda,  despairing  in  all  probability 
;eciiring  from  England  immediately  the  substantial  aid  which  he 
red,  succeeded  in  leaving  the  country  which  had  served  him  as  an 
lum  for  seven  vears  and  set  sail  for  the  United  States.  We  do  not 
present  know  exactly  what  his  parting  arrangements  with  the 
j^lish  Government  were,  but  it  seems  likely  that  Miranda  relin- 
ihed  his  pension,^  perhaps  in  return  for  some  inmiediate  monetary 
)mpense.  It  is  possible  that  Pitt  let  fall  some  assurances  which 
Miranda  to  believe  that  he  might  expect  the  countenance  of  the 
rlish  Government  in  case  he  succeeded  in  his  plan  of  attacking 
Spanish  dominions  in  America  by  an  expedition  from  the  United 
tes.'^  Some  of  Miranda's  quondam  friends  in  the  United  States 
7  have  urged  him  to  make  a  personal  appeal  to  that  Government 
succor  ^  at  the  time  when  there  was  a  public  expectation  of  an 
►ending  rupture  between  Spain  and  the  United  States, 
he  causes  for  disagreement  between  these  two  powers  were  not 
.  There  were,  in  the  first  place,  claims  against  the  Government 
•^pain  for  the  unwarranted  seizure  of  American  vessels.  There 
e  also  claims  for  losses  due  to  the  suppression  by  Spain  of  the 
iniercial  entrepot  at  New  Orleans  in  1802.  Above  all  there  were 
ded  differences  of  opinion  regarding  the  boundaries  of  Louisiana 
nirchased  by  the  United  States  from  France  in  1803,  a  transaction 
ch  some  Spaniards  considered  a  species  of  robbery.  These  differ- 
»s  were  intensified  by  the  yearning  of  many  statesmen  of  the 
ted  States  for  the  acquisition  of  the  two  Floridas,  as  well  as  Texas, 
rain  had  President  Jefferson  and  his  Cabinet  tried  to  adjust  the 
)utes  by  negotiation.  Spain,  influenced  by  the  French  diplomat 
leyrand,  had  declined  to  accept  the  ultimatum  presented  by  Mon- 
on  May  12,  ISOS.**    The  seizure  of  ships  belonging  to  the  United 

Correspondence  of  Castlereagh,  VII,  450,  451,  shows  that  Miranda's  pension  was  rees- 

sbed  in  June,  1808. 

Mich   suf^frestions   were   thrown   out  hy   Miranda,   Miranda   to   General   Bower,   June 

1806  (for  text  see  below,  p.  383,  note  c).    P.  R.  O.,  L.  and  W.  Is.,  22. 

Monthly   Review,  LVIII,  804.   805.     Becerra,  Vlda  de  Miranda   II,  496,  avers  that 

inda  left  England  provided  with  recommendations  from  the  English  Admiralty. 

idams.  United  States,  III,  23,  24;  34,  36;  Channing,  Jeffersonian  System,  140-149. 

361 


S62  AMfiRtCAiT   HlStOKtCAL  ASSOCIATlOlT. 

States  (lid  not  cease.  In  addition,  there  were  causes  for  friction,  due 
to  the  embittered  attitude  of  the  Marquis  de  Casa  Ynijo,  the  Spanish 
minister  to  the  United  States.  In  March,  1804,  Madison,  the  Ameri- 
can Secretary  of  State,  had  informed  Yrujo  that  the  President  did 
not  wish  "  to  shut  the  door  "  against  any  further  comniunications 
"  which  the  mutual  interests  of  the  two  nations  "  might  require,  but 
it  was  distinctly  stated  "  as  the  indispensable  condition  "  that  the 
Spanish  minister  should  not  again  forget  "  the  language  of  Decorum, 
and  the  deference"  due  to  the  Grovernment  of  the  United  States.* 
Another  of  the  assets  of  Miranda  was  the  sanguine  hope  of  coopera- 
tion from  the  Spanish  Americans. 

The  South  American  arrived  in  New  York  City  early  in  Novem- 
ber,^ bringing  with  him  a  letter  of  credit  in  favor  of  a  fictitious 
George  Martin  for  £800  sterling.*^    It  is  probable  that  he  also  brought 
with  him  some  money  in  bills.     He  soon  called  on  his  friend,  Rufus 
King,^  to  whom  he  speedily  imparted  his  intentions.    JVIiranda  also 
met  his   former   traveling  companion   and   bosom   friend,   Colonel 
Smith,  who  was  now  surveyor  of  the  port  of  New  York.     It  was 
probably  through  the  latter  that  he  met  Commodore  Lewis,  a  captain 
engaged  in  the  Santo  Domingo  trade,  and  Samuel  Ogden,  a  merchant' 
John  Swartwout,  who  also  held  a  post  under  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, became  acquainted  with  Miranda's  designs  Apparently  at  t-^ 
dinner  in  the  end  of  November  at  which  a  toast  was  drunk  to  the 
success  of  Miranda.*^    The  latter  was  soon  forced  to  conclude  that  it 
would  be  wise  to  attempt  to  interest  the  Government  of  the  United 
State  in  his  enterprise,  and,  acting  on  the  advice  of  King,  he  left 
New  York  on  November  28  to  consult  the  administration  regarding 
his  design/     About  the  same  time  an  agent  was  sent  to  Boston  to 
solicit  aid  for  the  projected  expedition.^ 

Neither  of  these  attempts  to  secure  aid  was  materially  successful. 
Although  Mr.  C.  Gore  at  Boston,  who  was  interested  in  Miranda's 
schemes,  declared  that  he  introduced  the  agent  to  those  in  that  city 
who  were  "  most  likely  to  enter  into  "  the  project  and  "  most  capable 
of  promoting  "  it,  they  declined  to  share  "  the  Hazard  of  the  Enter- 
prise," not  only  because  Miranda's  efforts  were  unsupported,  but  also 
because  of  theiV  alleged  misgivings  in  regard  to  the  character  of 
some  of  the  general's  associates.*  Long  before  Miranda's  visit  to 
Washington  a  knowledge  of  his  career  and  designs  was  in  possession 
of  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  whom  King  had  transmitted  parts  of 
his  correspondence  with  the  South  American,  including  a  letter  from 

«  Madison  to  Yrujo,  March  19,  1804,  Monroe  MSS.,  X,  f.  1258-1261  (press  copy), 

"  Kin^r,  Correspondence  of  Kini;,  IV,  578. 

••Trial  of  Smith  and  Ogden,  107,  xlx. 

''  King,  Correspondence  of  King,  IV,  578 ;  Trial  of  Smith  and  Ogden,  xz,  xxt 

''  Trial  of  Smith  and  Ogden,  115,  116. 

f  Kinp,  Correspondence  of  King,  IV,  578,  579. 

"  Ibid.,  469,  582. 

*  Ibid.,  407,  469,  582 


■  PRANCTSCO  DS  MIRANDA.  363 

^■ttnslttart  which  gave  an  account  of  Mtrandti's  rclntions  with  Eng- 
^■nd."  An  anonymous  correspondent,  who  signed  himself  "A 
^vriend,'^  warnej  Jefferson  of  the  arrival  of  Miranda  in  New  York, 
Beclaring  that  his  actions  formed  a  link  in  "  Burros  Manouevres." 
B^is  loiter  must  have  been  received  about  the  time  of  Miriinda's 
Hrrival  in  Wasliington.* 

B  Before  proceeding  to  that  city  Miranda  had  stopped  at  Philadel- 
BAiia^  where  he  visited  Benjamin  Bush,    Rush  was  sufficiently  inter- 
Heted  in  Miranda  to  give  him  a  lett«r  of  introduction  to  Madison,  in 
lirhich  ho  characterized  his  acquaintance  as  " the  friend  of  liljerty." ' 
It  was  in  Philadelphia  that  Miranda  met  Aaron  Burr  for  the  6rst 
and  last  time.    Burr  later  admitted  that  he  had  been  "  greatly  pleased 
with  his  talents  and  colloquial  eloquence,"  but  had  carefully  refrained 
from  affording  Miranda  an  opportunity  to  descant  on  his  favorite 
project,  fearing  that  his  own  designs  might  be  blasted  if  there  was 
any  suspicion  of  a  connection  between  them.    Thus  the  possibility  of 
cooperation  between  these  two  men  in  an  attack  on  the  Spanish  pos- 
sessions in  ISOtS  was  lost.     Miranda,  who  had  probably  heard  some 
whisijerings  of  Burr's  revolutionary  plottings,  appears  to  have  felt 
hurt  at  the  "coldness  and  reserve"  of  the  unscrupulous  and  astute 
American.'' 

Miranda  doubtless  met  Madison  soon  after  reaching  the  capital 
city.  The  Secretary  of  State  appears  to  have  written  to  Miranda  on 
December  3,  and  appointed  the  next  day  as  the  one  on  which  he 
should  call.  Tlie  latter  was  not  able  to  meet  the  engagement,  and 
hence wrotetothe Secretary  making  an  appointment  on  December  11." 
It  is  beyond  question  that  Miranda  met  Jefferson  and  had  more  tlian 
one  interview  with  Madison,  but  regarding  the  exact  content  and 
l>earing  of  these  interviews  there  are  conflicting  statements.  On 
Madison's  own  admission,  Miranda  "  disclosed  in  very  general  terms 
his  purpose  of  instituting  a  revolution  in  a  portion  of  Spanish  Amer- 
ica." '  The  visitor  probably  mentioned  Caracas  as  his  objective 
point.'  Accounts  emanating  from  Madison  and  Miranda  alike  agree 
that  it  would  have  pleased  the  revolutionist  to  get  "some  positive 

•  Ktog,  CorrPHpornlPnci-  of  King,  IT.  018.  622,  S2n. 

•The  Indorsement  read*  ■"  rocd.  Doc,  5.  ■OB,"  Jefferson  M8S.,  sori™  0,  XI.  No.  38, 

•  Rush  In  Uadlson.  Dceombrr  3.  ISOfl  ;  "  Tn  a  p<^ra<Hi  arqualnted  with  the  great  pvenla 
vlilrb  rbnracterlied  tbe  first  yvurs  at  tlic  FreDCb  RuvDlutlun,  II  mlgtil  be  sufflelent 
tarely  to  laji — (he  bearer  at  this  letter  Is  General  Ulrands.  But  macb  more  hmj  be 
Mia  or  blm.  Be  Is  ■Mil  tbe  friend  of  Hbert;,  aod  a  believer  In  Ibe  prsctleabllltr  ul 
eoTemmenls  that  aball  bave  (or  Ihcir  objecia  tbe  bapplness  of  DatlooB,  lantead  of  tbe 
crealnrsH  of  IndlTldnHls.     Tie  knows  joar  cbaracter.  and  longs  to  do  homage  to  ;aur 

!  will  repay  you  lor  your  dvltltleB  (o  bloi  by  streams  of  knowledge,  and 
in  all  BUbJectB."      Madison  MSS..  XXVIII.  f.  SO. 
DarlB.  Jauma]  of  Burr,  2S4. 
Ulraiiila  to  Madison,  December  10,  1600,  Modlxon  MSt^.,  XXVIII,  I.  St. 

Armstrong,  March    IS.    ISOO.    Stale  Dept.   MSS..   Bureau  of  Indeies   aiid 
ilMa.  InstruetloDa  to  Mlnlslers.  tl.      See  below,  p.  3fl4.  nntr  c. 
«le»  tinmwsDdnce  of  King,  IV,  STB. 


864  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATIOK. 

encouragement,"  *»  whether  ''  sanction  "  or  "  succour,'"  from  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States.  It  is  also  clear  that  Miranda  was  in- 
formed that  in  the  existing  state  of  affairs  with  Spain  the  Govern- 
ment could  not  materially  aid  him.^  Madison  later  declared  that  he 
took  occasion  to  warn  Miranda  that  his  Government  could  "  not  coun- 
tenance or  embark  insidiously  in  any  enterprise  of  a  secret  nature.''*' 
Contemporaneously,  however,  Miranda  put  a  different  interpreta- 
tion on  the  affair.  He  informed  his  intimate  friend,  Colonel  Smith, 
that  "  the  tacit  approbation  and  good  wishes "  of  the  Government 
were  for  the  expedition  and  that  there  were  no  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  private  citizens  of  the  United  States  promoting  the  enterprise,  pro- 
vided that  "the  public  laws  be  not  openly  violated."  Smith  was 
instructed  to  act  with  "much  caution  and  great  activity." <*  Accord- 
ing to  his  own  account,  Miranda  went  so  far  as  to  ask  that  Colonel 
Smith  might  be  given  leave  of  absence  from  his  post.  Miranda  in- 
formed Smith  that  Madison  declared  this  to  be  impracticable,  but 
suggested  that  Smith  could  take  the  responsibility  upon  himself/ 

"  Madison   to  Armstronp.   March   IfS,  1806,   State  Dept.  MSS..  Bureau   of   Indexes  and 
Archives,  Instructions  to  Ministers,  6,  f.  325.     See  note  c,  followhig. 

*  KinK.  Correspondence  of  King,  IV,  580. 

«^  letters  of  Madison.  II,  225;  RandaH's  Life  of  Jefferson,  III,  167;  Madison  to  Arm 
strong,  March  15,  1800.  State  Dept.  MSS.,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives,  Instruction:! 
to  Ministers,  0,  f.  325-    in  which  Madison  thus  described  his  relations  with  Miranda: 
"About  three  months  ago  Gen*  Miranda  arrived  in  the  United  States  coming  last  from 
England.     Soon  after  his  arrival,  he  made  a  visit  to  this  City,  where  he  was  treated 
with  the  civilities  refused  to  no  stranger  having  an  ostensible  title  to  them.     Whilst 
here  he  disclosed  in  very  general  terms  his  purpose  of  instituting  a  revolution  in  a  por- 
tion of  Spanish  America,  without  adding  any  disclosure  from  which  it  could  be  inferred 
that   his   project   had    the   patronage  or  support   of  any  foreign   Power.      Ills   communi- 
cation was  merely  listened  to,  with  an  avowal  at  first  on  his  part  that  nothint;  more 
was  expect  (Ml,     It  lK»camo  evident,  however,  that  lie  had  taken  into  view  the  possibility 
of  n  rupture  between   the  United  States  and   Spain,  and  that  some  positive  encourage- 
ment woiild   have  been  peculiarly   welcome  to  him.     He  was  expressly   told   that  altho' 
the  (jovornment  of  the   United   States  were  free  to  hear  whatever  he  might  choose  to 
Impart    to    it,    yet    that   as    they    were    In    amity    with    Spain    and   neutral    in    the  war, 
nothliiu:  would  be  done  In  the  least  Inconsistent   with  that  sincere  and  honorable  rcranl 
to  the  rules  inipose«l  by  their 'situation,  which  they  had  uniformly  preferred  and  observed; 
and  that   if  a  hostile  conduct  towards  Spain  should  at  any  time  be  required  by  her  con 
duct   tf)wards   the   United   States,   it   would   take  place  not  In  an   underhand   and  ijlkir 
way,   but  In   a  way  consistent  with   the  laws  of  war  and  becoming  our  national  char- 
acter.     He  was  reminded   that   It  would  be   Incumbent  on  the  United  States  to  punish 
any  transactions  within  their  jurisdiction  which  might  according  to  the  laws  of  nations 
involve  an   hostility  against   Spain,   and  that  a  statute  of  Congress  had  made  express 
provision   for  sucli   a  case.     This  particular  admonition   was  suggested  by  an  apprelun 
slon  that  he  ml^bt  endeavoiir  to  draw  into  his  enterprise  individuals  adapted  tor  it  l»v 
their  military  experience  and  personal  circumstances.      It  was  never  suspected  that  the 
enlistment  of  a  military  corps  of  any  size  would  be  thought  of.     As  to  the  exportation 
of  arms  on  the  occasion,  the  act  of  (^ongress  of  the  last  session,  was  considered  as  b«jtli 
effectual  and  j;olng  beyond  the  injunctions  of  the  law  of  nations.     It  was  at  the  same  time 
also  expected  that  a  bill  before  Congress  prohibiting  altogether  the  exportation  of  arm" 
from  the  I'nlted  States,  would  have  passed  aud  Ix-'en  put  in  force,  before  any  shlpniouis 
coiild  have  been  raad«  of  these  articles     •     •     ♦.     Under  the  effect  of  this  explanation 
wlilch  he  i)roft'ssed  to  understand  and  promised  strictly  to  keep  in  view,  he  left  Wa«h- 
iuKton    for    New   York      •      •      •." 

<«  Blpgs.   272.   27a,   note. 

"  Ibid. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIBANDA.  365 

Rufus  King,  Miranda's  old  confidant,  appears  to  have  been  informed 
that  although  the  Government  of  the  United  States  would  not  sanc- 
tion, it  would  "  wink  "  at  the  expedition.<»  If  we  may  trust  the  memo- 
randa of  King  drawn  up  a  little  later,  Miranda  even  outlined  to  Mad- 
ison the  measures  which  he  contemplated  taking  to  start  an  expedi- 
tion from  the  United  States  without  the  aid  of  the  Government.^  It 
is  very  questionable  if  this  took  place.  The  Spanish  minister,  Yrujo, 
informed  his  Government  that  Miranda  was  assured  bv  Madison  that 
the  administration  would  "  shut  its  eyes  on  the  doings  "  of  Miranda.® 

These  various  accounts  leave  room  for  doubt  regarding  the  precise 
content  of  the  conferences  which  were  held.  But  the  fact  is  obvious 
that  Miranda  disclosed  his  master  purpose  to  Madison  and  asked  for 
aid.  It  is  entirely  possible,  in  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  that  Madi- 
son impressed  Miranda  as  a  man  who  would  not  take  steps  to  check 
any  filibustering  designs  provided  that  they  were  carried  on  with  the 
proper  amount  of  secrecy.  Perhaps  Madison  was  not  unwilling  be- 
cause of  the  critical  condition  of  affairs  with  Spain,  the  President's 
belligerent  message  being  before  Congress,  to  allow  Miranda  to  carry 
away  that  impression.  Certain  it  is  that  Miranda  allowed  some  of 
his  confidants  to  understand  that  the  Government  was  not  entirely 
inimical  to  the  expedition  and  that  these  intimations  gained  rather 
than  lost  force  when  repeated  by  the  promoters  of  the  expedition. 

The  relations  between  the  filibuster  and  the  heads  of  the  Govern- 
ment had  another  important  effect,  in  that  they  gave  ground  for  the 
belief  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  did  actually  connive 
at  the  expedition,*  a  belief  which  became  very  widespread  and  had 
some  influence  on  the  steps  which  were  taken  to  punish  the  accom- 
plices of  Miranda  who  remained  in  New  York.  It  is  likely  that  the 
sanguine  disposition  of  Miranda  and  his  ardent  desire  to  secure  aid 
for  the  undertaking  caused  him  to  misinterpret  or  to  deliberately 
falsify  some  of  the  statements  made  to  him  by  Jefferson  and  Madi- 
son.* This  is  in  harmony  with  what  we  know  of  his  previous  activity. 
Although  there  wefe  rumors  from  time  to  time  that  the  Government 
of  England  had  some  connection  with  Miranda's  project,  yet  we  are 
absolutely  certain  that  the  former  pensioner  of  England  did  not  make 

«  King,  Correspondence  of  King,  IV,  530,  581. 

»Ibld..  580. 

^  Yrujo  to  Cevallos,  February  12,  1806 :  "  No  necesito  manifestar  los  sentimientos  que 
ha  excitado  en  ml  una  transacclon  tan  escandalosa.  V.  E.  los  hallar&  vestldos  en  mis 
cartas  al  Ministro  de  Francla,  y  en  mi  segunda  al  Secretarlo  dc  Estado.  La  coDivencia 
J  protecclon  secreta  dada  por  este  Govlerno  al  Traydor  Miranda  es  indubitable ;  y  la 
promesa  del  Secretarlo  de  Estado  de  que  el  Govlerno  cerrarta  los  ojos  sobre  las  opera- 
clones  de  Miranda  queda  reallzada  por  una  infinidad  de  clrcunstancias."  A.  U.  N., 
Estado,  5555. 

'King,  Correspondence  of  King,  IV,  530. 

« Adams,  United  States,  III,  191,  is  even  less  favorable  to  Miranda. 


366  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

the  slighte5;t  approach  to  the  consular  or  diplomatic  representa^Tes 
of  that  power  at  Washington  and  Philadelphia.* 

The  plot  that  was  being  concocted  against  the  int^rity  of  the 
Spanish  dominions  in  America  was  communicated  to  other  persons 
than  the  coterie  of  Miranda's  friends  and  acquaintances  in  the  city 
of  New  York.  Commodore  Truxtun,  an  acquaintance  of  Aaron 
Burr,  seems  to  have  learned  of  the  enterprise,  but  declined  to  become 
engaged  in  it.^  Doctor  Thornton,  of  the  State  Department,  a  student 
of  South  America,  was  made  aware  of  the  intrigue,  and  seems  to 
have  endeavored  to  induce  General  Eaton,  another  of  Burr's  satel- 
lites, to  enter  into  it.*'  Jonathan  Dayton,  ex-Senator  from  Xew 
Jersey,  was  also  admitted  into  the  select  circle  of  Miranda's  confi- 
dants. It  was  he  who  kept  the  Spanish  minister  posted  on  the  affair. 
Miranda  also  met  his  old  friend,  Sayre,*  who  later  declared  that 
Miranda  had  informed  him  that  the  English  Government  had  given 
the  filibuster  permission  to  make  his  rendezvous  at  Trinidad,  where 
he  expected  to  find  delegates  from  Caracas,  Santa  Fe,  and  Mexico.^ 

On  December  23, 1805,  Miranda  returned  to  New  York  from  Wash- 
ington.^ He  at  once  pushed  the  preparations  which  had  been  going 
on  during  his  absence.  Commodore  I-iCwis  soon  sailed  for  Santo  Do- 
mingo with  two  armed  ships,  the  Emperor  and  the  Indostan^  appar- 
ently with  instructions  from  Miranda  to  enlist  the  ser^aces  of  tlie 
mulatto  chief  Petion,  with  a  corps  of  people  of  color,  to  cooperate  in 
effecting  the  revolution  of  the  province  of  Caracas.^  It  was  ar- 
ranged that  Commodore  Lewis  was  to  join  Miranda  at  Santo  Domingo 
with  the  Emperor  and  such  additional  forces  as  he  could  gather.* 
Miranda  was  hard  pressed  for  funds  and  applied  to  King  for  finan- 
cial aid.  When  the  latter  declined  to  help  him  in  making  a  loan, 
Miranda  raised  £2,000  by  pledging  his  valuable  library  in  London.* 
No  written  contract  was  made  with  Ogden  regarding  the  remunera- 
tion which  the  merchant  should  receive  for  the  use  of  these  vessels, 
hut  the  merchant  agreed  that  should  the  expedition  fail  he  was  to 
'•  take  no  compensation ;  "  if  it  was  successful,  he  relied  on  the  honor  of 
Miranda  for  an  adequate  recompense.^ 

"  p.  R.  O.,  America,  48  and  50,  contain  a  number  of  letters  of  A.  W.  Merry  and 
r.  Bond,  which  discuss  the  actions  of  Miranda ;  Merry  to  Lord  Mulgrave,  January  3. 
February  2,  March  2,  1800 ;  Bond  to  Mulgrave,  February  25  and  March  15,  1806,  but 
there  Is  no  mention  of  a  visit  by  Miranda. 

"Davis,  Memoirs  of  Burr,  II,  386. 

*•  King,  Correspondence  of  King.  IV,  505,  50C. 

«»  Sayro  to  .Teflferson,  November  15,  1800,  Jefferson  MSS.,  series  2,  LXXVIII.  No.  13. 

«•  Letter  of  Sayrc,  March  1,  1800,  In  the  Connecticut  Journal,  April  17,  1808,  reprinted 
from  the  Richmond  Enquirer,  April  4,  1806. 

t  King,  Correspondence  of  King,  IV,  579. 

t>  Ibid.,  581. 

*  Correspondence  of  Castlcreagh,  VII,  417. 

*  King,  Correspondence  of  Khig,  IV,  581,  582. 
i  Correspondence  of  Castlereagh,  VII,  418. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIBANDA.  367 

Steps  were  at  onc€  taken  to  gather  recruits.  Colonel  Smith  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  recruiting  department.  Some  of  the  men 
were  engaged  by  him,  many  were  secured  by  his  subordinate  agents.* 
Few  if  any  of  the  men  engaged  had  any  knowledge  of  the  real  object 
for  which  they  were  employed.^  They  were  induced  to  enlist  un- 
knowingly in  Miranda's  service  under  a  variety  of  pretexts.  Fink,  a 
butcher  in  Bowery  Lane,  one  of  the  most  notorious  of  the  agents, 
seems  to  have  engaged  some  to  serve  on  the  "  President's  guard."  *' 
Besides  the  promise  of  regular  pay  which  was  made,  attractive  re- 
wards and  flattering  promises  of  advancement  were  held  out.** 
Many  joined  doubtless  because  they  hoped  to  mend  their  shattered 
fortunes.  Some  may  have  dreamt  that  they  were  destined  to  take 
possession  of  '"  gold  and  silver  mines."  One  deluded  mortal  seems  to 
hav^e  made  arrangements  with  a  friend  that  he  should  take  charge  of 
all  the  "  gold,  silver,  gold-ore  and  bullion "  which  he  should  send 
home.*'  A  few  of  the  recruits  were  naturally  attracted  by  the  love 
of  adventure  and  the  mystery  which  hung  around  the  undertaking. 
By  one  method  or  another  about  200  men  were  induced  to  join  the 
fortunes  of  a  leader  whom  few^  of  them  had  seen.' 

A  large  quantity  of  military  stores  was  carried  on  board  the  ship 
Leander^  which  Miranda  had  secured  through  Ogden,  who  had  used 
it  in  the  Santo  Domingo  trade.  Among  these  supplies  were  several 
thousand  pikes,  about  two  thousand  swords  and  cutlasses,  over  a 
thousand  muskets,  a  number  of  cannon,  tons  of  camion  balls,  and  a 
generous  amount  of  musket  balls,  powder,  and  military  clothing.^ 
The  contemporary  accounts  disagree  regarding  the  amount  of  public- 
ity which  attended  the  loading  of  these  stores.  Sherman  declared 
that  they  were  taken  on  board  in  a  "  manner  somewhat  clandestine."  * 
Several  of  the  witnesses  at  the  trial  of  Smith  and  Ogden  testified 
that  in  the  loading  of  some  of  the  stores  no  attempt  was  made  to  con- 
ceal the  nature  of  the  articles  that  were  taken  on  board  the  Leander.^ 
It  is  agreed,  however,  that  the  military  stores  were  purposely  kept 
out  of  the  captain's  manifest  so  that  the  customs  officers  could  be 
deluded.^ 


*  Sherman,  18 ;  Trial  of  Smith  and  Ogdon.  xxiii. 
^  Trial  of  Smith  and  Ogdon.  xxiii. 

«■  Ibid.,  147.  149,  151  :  MoRcs  Smith,  15,  10,  17. 

*  Moses  Smith,  15,  114 ;  Biggs,  1,  2,  5. 
»  Sherman.   1ft,  and  note. 

t  Various  estimates  are  given  of  the  number  of  men  enlisted ;  ibid.,  25,  says  nearly 
:^00  :  Moses  Smith,  24,  Axes  the  number  at  a  little  less  than  200 ;  when  they  were  at 
Aruba,  Captain  Wight  set  the  number  at  about  220,  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  VI,  519;  Biggs,  3, 
declares  that  there  were  almost  200.  Other  estimates  may  be  found.  Trial  of  Smith 
and  Ogden,  123,  125;  Ingersoll  in  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  Ill,  681. 

«  Sherman,  22,  gives  a  detailed  list  of  these  supplies. 

*  Sherman,  22. 

«  Trial  of  Smith  and  Ogden,  105,  109,  110,  111,  112,  116. 
3  Ibid.,  XX ;  Sherman,  15,  22. 


368  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

The  Leander  was  cleared  out  for  Jacmel  in  Santo  Domingo.  After 
she  had  received  her  articles  of  lading,  she  dropped  down  below  the 
city  some  distance  where  she  received  on  board  the  officers  and  men/ 
Ten  days  before  leaving  New  York  Miranda  mailed  two  letters  to 
Washington,  one  was  addressed  to  President  Jefferson,  the  other  to 
Secretary  Madison.  With  the  first  Miranda  transmitted  a  copy  of 
Molini's  history  of  Chile.  He  expressed  the  hope  that  if  the  predic- 
tion which  the  President  had  pronounced  on  the  destiny  of  Columbia 
was  to  be  accomplished  in  their  day  it  might  be  under  his  auspices 
and  "  by  the  generous  efforts  of  her  own  children."  *  As  Miranda's 
conferences  had  been  more  frequent  and  detailed  with  the  Secretary 
than  with  the  President,  so  was  his  letter  more  suggestive.  "  On  the 
point  of  leaving  the  United  States,"  said  Miranda,  he  wished  to 
thank  Madison  for  the  "  attentions  "  which  he  had  shown  him  during 
his  stay  at  Washington.  He  expressed  his  belief  that  the  important 
affairs  that  he  had  then  communicated  would  remain  "  the  most 
profound  secret  until  the  final  result  of  that  delicate  affair.''  Miranda 
declared  that  he  had  acted  on  that  supposition  at  New  York  by  *^  con- 
forming in  everything  to  the  intentions  of  the  Government,"  whicii 
he  hoped  to  have  apprehended  and  observed  with  exactness  and  dis- 
cretion. 

On  the  French  original  preserved  in  the  Madison  manuscripts  are 
interesting  notes  by  Madison ;  the  first  is  to  the  effect  that  the  import- 
ant affairs  referred  to  were  "'  what  passed  with  the  Brit.  Govt.,"  and 
the  second  states  that  in  declaring  that  he  had  acted  in  New  York  in 
conformity  with  the  intentions  of  the  Government  Miranda  had  stated 
what  was  "  not  true."  Following  the  signature  of  Miranda  is  a  third 
indorsement,  'Muly  *22,  1806."*'    The  exact  date  on  which  these  in- 

«  Am.   Illst.   Rev.,   Ill,  075. 

"  Klnp,  Corrospondcnci'  of  KInp,   IV,.  584. 

«■  The   Krenrh  original  which  Miranda  sent  is  in   the  Madison   MSS.,   XXVIII.  f.  97: 
Kln>r,  Correspondence  of  King,  IV,  583,  prints  an  English  translation  of  it.     The  letter 
Ih   as   follows : 
•'  Private. 

"  MoxsiEi'K  :  rormettez  quo  sur  Ic  point  do  quitter  lea  Etats-Unis.  je  vous  adres^*  Jpux 
mots  pour  vous  remercior  des  attentions  que  vous  avez  bien  voulu  me  temoigncr  pendant 
nioti  sfjoiir  j\  Washington.-  Ia>:h*  chosos  Importantos  quo  J'ai  tVi  i'honneur  d<*  vous  com- 
muniqiicr  alors.  rcstoront,  je  no  doute  pas,  dans  le  plus  profond  secret  jusqucs  au  resultat 
llnul  d«  ceite  dellcalc  affaire.  J'ai  agl  lei  dans  cottc  supposition,  en  me  conformant  en 
tout  aux  Intentions  du  Oouvernment,  que  J'espere  avoir  saisi  et  observtff  avec  exactitude 
et  discretion  : 

"  1.k1  lottre  cl-jointe  contlent  un  llvre  (lue  J'ai  promis  ft  Monsieur  le  President  de  E.  l'.. 
et  que  Je  vous  prie  de  lui  transmettre. 

*'  Ayez  la  bont<5  de  presenter  mes  rompllmens  resncctueux  k  Mad.*  Madison,  et  de  me 

croir*'  avec  estimo,  et  une  haute  consideration,  monsieur,  votre  tres  hum  <•  et  tres  obe«* 

serviteur. 

••  New  York,  or  T2  Jan'".  1806. 

Fbam:  de  Mzbaxda. 

"The  lion."  James  Madison,  Esq.*  &c.  &c.  &c. 

July  22.  1806. 

*  •  What  passed  with  the  Brit.  Gov*. 

•*  t  Not  true  " 

The  footnotes  are  at  the  foot  of  the  first  page  of  the  letter,  the  date,  July  22,  180^ 

is  on  the  reverse  side  of  the  sheet. 


FRANCISCO    DE    MTRANDA.  369 

dorscnients  were  made  is  not  certain,  but  it  is  probable  thnt  Ihey 
were  not  written  until  after  the  Administration  had  felt  the  un- 
pleasant effects  of  having  been  approached  by  Miranda.  Although 
there  is  no  evidence  that  the  officials  at  Washington  were  warned 
directly  that  an  expedition  was  being  prepared  at  New  York,  yet  it 
is  obvious  that  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  State  had  sufficient 
infortuation  regarding  the  activity  and  the  designs  of  Miranda  to 
have  been  on  their  guard  against  the  oquipm<.>nt  of  any  filibustering 
expedition.  In  this  respect,  at  least,  in  the  judgment  of  the  writer, 
the  attitude  of  tile  Administration  can  not  escape  censure. 

On  February  2  the  Lc/mder  put  to  sea.  The  affair  had  not  been  so 
adroitly  managed  that  it  did  not  soon  come  to  the  ears  of  the  Spanish 
minister,  who  was  in  a  mood  to  reap  the  fullest  possible  advantage 
from  the  event.  In  vain  had  intimations  been  given  him  that  the 
Government  to  which  he  had  been  accredited  would  be  pleased  to  see 
him  depart  for  Spain  at  once.  The  discussion  of  the  grievances 
a^inst  Spain  in  the  President's  annual  message  had  evoked  from 
Ynijo  a  letter  of  criticism.  Although  he  had  been  subsequently  in- 
formed that  his  presence  in  Washington  was  "  dissatisfactory  '"  to  the 
President,  and  the  intimation  conveyed  that  his  departure  from  the 
United  States  should  not  be  unnecessarily  delayed,  he  decided  to  re- 
side in  Washington  as  long  as  it  suited  himself  and  his  King." 

The  Spanish  minister  had  been  aware  of  tlie  presence  of  Miranda 
in  the  United  States  early  in  December.  1805.  On  December  23  he 
had  directed  the  Spanish  consul  in  New  York.  Henry  Stoughton.  to 
watch  the  movements  of  Miranda  and,  if  possible,  to  have  a  person 
of  confidence  in  the  same  house  to  spy  on  him."  On  the  last  day  of 
December  Yrujo  knew  something  of  the  conferences  between  the 
tilibiister  and  the  .Secretary  of  State,  for  he  informed  Cevallos,  who 
was  acting  as  head  of  the  Spanish  department  of  foreign  affairs, 
that  Miranda  had  returned  to  New  York  with  little  hope  that  the 
Government  would  adopt  his  projects.*^^  Immediately  after  the  de- 
parture of  the  motley  crew  from  port  the  irate  Spanish  minister 
realized  the  daring  of  Miranda  and  the  magnitude  of  his  designs. 
On  the  last  days  of  January,  1806.  the  Spanish  consul  in  New  York 
addressed  two  letters  to  Yrujo  apprising  him  of  the  expedition  which 
was  fitting  out.''    Dayton,  who  was  perhaps  a  confidant  of  Miranda. 

■AdaniB.  Tnlted  StntM,   Ml,   lS5-18a. 

'  Vrujo  10  Bloughton,  December  23.  180C  :  "Aca.l)o  de  Mbvr  ba  tlegBdo  &  onm  de  vutltn 
dr  WasblngtcHi  ei  General  MirnndB,  y  deb?  sakr  hoy  A  maflsna  para  v»a.  rrocurarfi  VSl, 
rlKlIar  bub  movlmlenloB  tnul  dp  cerca,  y  aun  al  poslble  tener  algunn  pemona  dc  conflania 
ni  In  mlamn  Cosa  >>n  (jae  vivr.  pura  ie  entv  modo  no  lolammte  sc  obHcrrcrn  kq  con- 
ducts aln  dar  aoipecbH  alBona.  bIqo  iBmbleu  se  podra,  quUBs.  saber  cl  teeuUada  de  sub 
otwdmlmloa,  6  preteoaUttiea  ea  WnshiD^Ioa  "   (copy).     A.  H.  N.,  GSSO. 


•  jBiiuai7  30  and  Jant 


I.  Decen 


.  Ibid, 


370  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

also  furnished  the  Spanish  minister  with  information  regarding  the 
affair.* 

These  reports  greatly  excited  Yrujo,  and  he  at  once  took  steps  to 
check  or  to  frustrate  the  designs  of  the  extraordinary  adventurer. 
According  to  his  own  account,  he  labored  the  entire  night  after  re- 
ceiving the  news  of  Miranda's  departure.     Within  twenty-four  hours, 
he  declared,  he  had  dispatched  an  account  of  Miranda's  doings  and 
probable  intentions  to  the  captain-general  of  Caracas  by  a  pilot  boat 
from  Philadelphia;  a  little  later  he  sent  a  similar  warning  from 
Baltimore.    Messages  of  similar  import  were  also  hurried  off  to  the 
governor  of  Veracruz,  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  the  governors  of 
the  Floridas,  the  governor  of  Cuba,  and  to  the  Marquis  of  Casa 
Calvo.    The  captain-general  of  Caracas,  being  near  the   supposed 
point  of  attack,  was  urged  to  spread  the  news  throughout  the  entire 
adjoining  region.     This  did  not  end  the  labors  of  Ynijo,  for  on 
February  12  he  sent  a  lengthy  and  heated  dispatch  to  Cevallos,  nar- 
rating the  proceedings  of  Miranda   and  the   preventive  measures 
which  he  had  taken.^    These  dispatches  gave  a  grossly  exaggerated 
idea  of  the  strength  of  the  expedition,  the  number  pf  men  being 
given  at  twelve  hundred.''    Cevallos  deemed  it  necessary  to  reenforce 
these  measures  with  other  warnings  addressed  to  the  Spanish  com- 
manders in  Florida,  New  Spain,**  Caracas,*  and  perhaps  with  others. 
These  startling  reports  of  Miranda's  revolutionary  acti\'ity,  widely 
disseminated  in  Spanish  America,  being  even,  sent  to  the  captain- 
general  of  Honduras,^  must  have  been  no  small  factor  in  influencing 
the  fate  of  the  expedition,  as  they  doubtless  nerved  the  Spanish 
commanders  to   make   preparations  for   defense  and   gave   them  a 
definite  idea  of  the  point  of  attack. 

Yrujo  was  also  active  in  other  ways.  On  February  4  he  addresseil 
a  letter  to  Madison  in  which  he  complained  of  the  equipment  and  the 
departure  of  the  Leander,     He  asked  that  the  Government  of  the 

"Yrujo  to  Cevallos,  Fohruary  13,  180G,  Adams  transcripts,  Spanish  Tapers,  Casa  Tnijo, 
'ISO  1-1 807. 

••A.   II.  N.   Estado.  555'). 

*•  Yrujo's  letter  to  Vasconceloa,  (he  captain-general  of  Caracas,  February  4,  ISOA.  and 
his  letters  of  February  4,  February  14,  and  March  4.  1806,  to  the  Marquis  of  Someruel(*. 
the  captain-general  of  Cuba,  were  found  In  the  A.  CJ.  I.,  Someruelos.  660;  an  extract 
from  one  of  the  dispatches  to  the  captain-general  of  Caracas  is  found  translated  in  Tb? 
Aurora,  June  \?>,  1806.  A.  G.  M.,  Corrcspondencia  dc  los  Virreyes,  B,  229,  f.  1001,  U 
a  letter  of  March  27,  1800,  which  shows  that  the  warning  of  Yrujo  had  been  receirod 
l)y  the  viceroy  of  Mexico  by  that  date.    See  note  /,  following. 

''  Cevallos   to   the   Secretary  of   War,   February  28,   1806,   A.   G.    I.,   Aud.   de  Caracas, 

'  Ibid..  May  13,  1806,  ibid. 

t  Ibid.,  February  22,  1806,  Ibid.  The  viceroy  of  New  Spain  Informed  the  Spanish 
Government  that  on  receiving  notice  of  the  designs  of  Miranda  from  Yrujo :  **sln  perdldo 
de  moment o  \\6  trastado  esta  noticia  interesante  A  los  gefea  de  las  Costas  de  este  Beyno, 
Com**  Gen*  do  ProvlnC  Intemas,  Capitan  Gen>  de  Campeche  y  Govemad*"  de  Tabasco  jr 
Presidio  de  Carmen."  A.  G.  M.,  Correspondencia  de  los  Virreyes,  B.,  229,  f.  1001,  J.  de 
Iturrigaray  to  J.  Cevallos  and  J.  A.  Caballero,  March  27,  1806, 


\ 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  371 

United  States  take  measures  to  frustrate  the  designs  of  the  traitor 
Miranda  and  declared  that,  if  such  steps  were  not  taken,  the  Govern- 
ment ought  not  to  be  surprised  if  her  citizens  engaged  in  the  enter- 
prise were  treated  as  pirates.**  This  letter  was  returned  to  the  Span- 
iard.* The  Spanish  minister  had  recourse  to  Turreau,  the  French 
minister  to  the  United  States,  to  whom  he  made  similar  representa- 
tions, with  the  request  that  he  act  as  his  exponent  to  the  Government 
of  the  United  States.^  The  French  minister  soon  had  an  interview 
with  Madison  on  the  subject  of  Miranda's  expedition.  He  gave  an 
interesting  account  of  this  to  Yrujo.  Turreau  declared  that  he  saw 
in  the  Secretary's  eyes  "  conviction  "  on  the  subject  of  their  fears.  It 
was  with  difficulty,  said  Turreau,  that  Madison  broke  silence  and 
explained  that  the  President  had  anticipated  his  representations  by 
ordering  steps  to  be  taken  against  the  accomplices  of  Miranda  who 
could  be  reached.* 

On  February  8,  1806,  Turreau  forwarded  to  Madison  on  behalf  of 
Yrujo,  a  formal  protest  against  the  attitude  of  the  United  States 
Government  in  regard  to  the  expedition  of  Miranda.*'  This  was  only 
the  prelude  to  the  correspondence.  On  February  10  Madison  in- 
formed Turreau  that  there  was  a  statute  in  the  United  States  "  for 
enforcing  the  law  of  Nations  in  such  cases,"  and  repeated  his  verbal 
assurance  that  immediate  steps  had  been  taken  by  the  President  to 

•  state  Dept.    MSS.,   Bureau   of   Indexes   and   Archives,   Notes   from   Legations,    Spain, 

1  (copy). 

•  Indorsement  on  the  above,   ibid. 

*•  Turreau  to  Madison,  February  8,  1806,  ibid.,  Notes  from  Legations,  France,  2  and  .'i. 
'  Adams,  United  States,  II,  194,  195.     A  copy  of  the  document  is  found  In  the  Affaires 
fitrangferes,  fitats-Unls,  59,  f.  209. 

•  State   Dept.   MSB.,  Bureau   of  Indexes  and  Archives,   Notes  from    Legations,   Franco 

2  and  3,  a  copy  is  found  In  the  Affaires  fitrang^res,  fitats-Unls,  59,  f.  118.     The  most 
important  part  of  the  dispatch   is  as  follows :  "  M.  le  Marquis  de  Casa  Yrujo,  envoy*'' 
extraordinaire  et  Mlnlstre  pl^nipotentialre  de  S.  M.  Cathollque,  m'lnstrult  *  que  un  Bailment 
Am^ricain,  arm4  de  dix-huit  Canons,  le  L^andre,  employ^  depuls  longtems  dans  le  com- 
merce odieax  de  St.  Domingue,  avait  regu  &  bord  beaucoup  des  Fusils,  des  Carabinos,  du 
Plombc,  de  la  Poudre,  de  Piques,  des  Selles  pour  Chevaux  et  d'autres  articles  de  munitions 
de  guerre.     Une  presse,  six  gargons  imprimeurs,  beaucoup  de  Marchandises  et  de  pro- 
visions.    Que  M.   Miranda   ^tait  &   bord,   ayant   avec   lul,   comme   offlclers   et   Aides   do 
camp  qnelques  Jeunes  gens  de  New  York,  parmi  lesquels  se  trouvalent  le  fils  du  Colonel 
William   Smith  et  un  autre  Jeune  homme  du  nom  d' Armstrong  et   parent  du    Ministre 
des  Etats-Unis  auprte  de  S.  M.  TEmpereur  Napoleon.*     •     •     •     M.  lo  Marquis  d'YruJo 
ajoute :    *  Le  Gouvemement,  dont  les  Agens  sont  tr5s  nombreuse  &   New  York  ne   pent 
Ignorer  nt   les  particularity  de  cet  armement,  nl   Tobjet  de  sa   destination  d<k!ld^  par 
tant  de  Circonstances  prtolables  et  auxillalres.     II  est  responsable  de  cette  violation  do 
la  Neutrality  de  son  territoire  et  des  cons^^quences  qui  peuvent  en  Hre  la  Suito,     Cost 
pourquoi  Je  crois  qu'll  est  de  sa  Justice  d'exp4dier,  sans  perte  de  tems,  une  ou  plus  des 
frigates,  qui,  d'aprte  le  rapport  de  M.  le  Ministre  de  la  Marine,  sont  en  6tat  do  mottr<> 
de  suite  k  la  voile,  pour  ramener  dans  les  Ports  des  Etats-Unis  ces  nouveaux  Fillbus- 
tlers.    Dans  rimposslbilit^,  moi  m6me  de  faire  les  r^lamations  convcnables,  Jc  vous  prio. 
Monsieur  le  General,  d'etre  mon  intcrprfete  aupr^s  du  Gouvemement  Amdricaln  et  de  lui 
dfclarer  que  si  les  effets  prompts  et  imm^iats  qu'on  dolt  espdrer  de  sa  Justice  ne  peu- 
vent empdcher  la  reussite  d'un  projet  incroyable  parmi  les  Nations  civillsdes.  los  citoyons 
Amfrlcalns  trouT^  les  armes  ft  la  Main  dans  cet  bande  de  Brigands,  seront  traits  comme 
d«  Pirates,* " 


372  AMERICAN   HI6TOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

prosecute  such  offenders  as  were  within  the  reach  of  the  law.*  On 
the  following  day  Turreau  replied  with  a  letter  in  which  he  asked  for 
a  ^'  frank  explanation  '"  on  the  subject  in  order  that  he  might  be  abk 
to  duly  inform  his  Government*'  Madison  then  repeated  the  pre- 
vious communication  with  what  he  declared  to  be  the  "  same  frank- 
ness,'' adding  that  the  steps  already  taken  would  be  followed  by  such 
others  as  might  be  suggested  by  the  proceedings.  In  conclusion,  be 
took  occasion  to  assure  Turreau  that  if  the  United  States  should  "  at 
any  time  find  it  necessary  to  engage  in  hostility  with  any  foreign 
nation,  it  will  be  conducted  by  their  Government  in  a  maimer  neither 
underhand  nor  unwarrantable.''  ^ 

At  the  request  of  Yrujo,  on  February  15,  Turreau  forwarded  a 
letter  from  the  former  which  doubtless  contained  a  fresh  complaint 
against  the  (iovernment  of  the  United  States.*  Madison  retmned  it 
with  the  statement  that  the  Spanish  Government  ought  to  have 
known  better  than  to  employ  the  "  writer  of  the  letter  as  its  organ.*' 
He  suggested  that  Spain  had  in  the  United  States  other  than  diplo- 
matic functionaries  whose  communications  if  sufficiently  urgent 
"  would  always  he  admissible  during  the  failure  of  the  diplomatic 
resource."*  Again  the  Spanish  minister  was  forced  to  employ  Tur- 
reau as  his  medium.  The  latter  informed  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  that  Yrujo  maintained  that  that  Government  had  had 
the  means  of  checking  "  the  scandalous  plan  "  of  Miranda,  and  that 
if  it  did  not  take  proper  measures  for  that  end,  he  would  inform 
the  commanders  of  the  Spanish  colonies  so  that  they  might  take 
measures  adapted  to  the  circumstances.^  This  was  not  by  any  means 
the  end  of  the  complaints,  for  Turreau,  inspired  doubtless  by  the 
indignant  Spanish  minister,  made  further  representations  to  Madison 

•  *•  I  havo  boon  duly  honorod  with  your  letter  of  the  8*^  Inst  on  the  nubject  of  an 
nllcdf^ed  exi>edltion  from  New  York.  In  an  armed  vessel  belonging  to  a  cltlsen  of  the 
rnltcd  States,  and  conveying  not  only  Military  stores,  hut  other  cltliens  engaged  for 
military  purposes,  the  whole  under  the  charge  of  Gen'  Miranda,  and  with  a  destination 
contrary  to  the  Neutrality  of  the  I'nited  States. 

"  It  will  be  sufficient,  sir,  to  observe  to  you  that  a  particular  Statute  exists  In  the  V. 
states  for  enforcing  the  law  of  Nations  In  such  cases ;  and  to  repeat  as  I  had  the  honor, 
two  dayn  ii;:;o,  of  stating  verbally,  that  the  proceeding  complained  of  was  no  sooner 
reported  to  the  (iovernment  than  instructions  were  given  by  the  lYesident  for  Imm^ 
diately  investigating  the  facts,  and  putting  In  execution  the  law  against  whatever 
ofTcndcrR  might  lie  within  its  reach.  If  the  representation  therefore,  which  in  some 
of  its  particulars  at  least  may  be  suspected  of  error ;  should  be  found  to  have  required 
the  interposition  of  the  Government  the  readiness  with  which  It  was  made  will  have  fur- 
nished n  fresh  proof  of  its  regard  for  those  rules  of  conduct  which  the  neutrality  of 
nations  impose  on  them."    Copy,  Affaires  £itrang6res,  iSitats-Unis,  50,  f.  119. 

*  State  Dopt.  M8S.,  Buroau  of  Indexes  and  Archives,  Notes  from  Legations,  France. 
2  and  .'{. 

'  MadiHon  to  Turreau.  February  12,  1806  (copy).  Affaires  fitrangtoes,  fitats-Unls.  50. 
f.  120,  121. 

'Turroau  to  Madison,  February  16,  1806  (copy).  Ibid.,  f.  121. 

«  Madiaon  to  Turreau,  February  17,  1806   (copy),  ibid.,  f.  121,  122. 

f  Turreau  to  Madison,  Fobruary  26,  1806,  State  Dept.  MSS.,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and 
Archives,  Notes  from  Legations,  France,  2  and  3. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 


373 


on  March  14."  Later,  on  behalf  of  Yrujo,  he  asked  repeatedly  that 
ineaKures  be  taken  to  prevent  the  departure  of  armed  vessels  which  he 
stipposed  were  preparing  to  join  Miranda."  The  French  Government 
Tvas  also  informed  of  the  expedition  of  Miriinda. 

That  enterprise  was  also  the  subject  of  diplomatic  correspondence 
in  Europe.  On  March  15.  ISOfi,  Madison  informed  Armstrong,  the 
minister  of  the  United  8tat«9  in  Paris,  of  the  Miranda  atfair,  in 
order,  as  the  Secretary  expressed  it,  that  he  might  Ije  "'  able  to  guard 
the  reputation  and  responsibility  of  the  United  States  against  any 
perverted  views."''  On  April  24  Armstrong,  fearing  perhaps  the 
effects  of  newspaper  reports  upon  the  Frencli  Government,  wisely 
took  the  initiative  and  directed  a  letter  to  the  French  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  in  which  he  denied  that  his  Government  had  had  any 
connivance  in  the  affair.''  A  short  time  afterwards  ho  transmitted 
copies  of  letters  which  had  passed  Iwtween  Turreau  and  Madison 
in  respect  to  the  expedition,  to  demonstrate  how  early  the  United 
States  liad  instituted  measures  against  the  accomplices  of  Miranda.* 

The  formal  representations  of  Mas.serano,  the  Spanish  repre.senta- 
tive  in  Paris,  were  thus  anticipated  and  to  an  extent  weakened.  In 
his  brief  to  Talleyrand,  the  latter  stated  that  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  had  accorded  support  and  favor  to  Miranda,  and  asked 
France  to  make  a  vigorous  complaint  through  her  minister  at  Wa.sh- 
ington.  The  occurrence  was  described  as  a  "manifest  violation  of 
neutrality  "  and  an  "  event  without  example  among  civilized  nations." 
It  wa.s  pointed  out  that  Ihe  interestw  of  France  were  affected,  as 
such  enterprises  would  weaken  Spain  when  France  needed  her  aid.' 
Such  appeals  placed  serious  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  negotiations 
which  Armstrong  was  attempting  to  conduct  in  Paris  for  the  adjust- 
ment of  disputes  between  Spain  and  the  United  States,  He  suc- 
ceeded, however,  in  inducing  the  French  Government  to  promote 
"amicable  adjustment"  with  the  United  States."  Tn  .Time,  1806, 
such  a  suggestion  was  made  by  Talleyrand  to  Masserano,  coupled 
with  the  advice  that  the  Spanish  Govenjment  ought  to  take  steps  to 
protect  its  possessions  in  America  against  invasions,'  Although  tbis 
did  not  end  the  appeals  and  the  complaints  of  the  Spaniards,  yet  it 
must  have  had  a  deterrent  effect  on  the  Spanish  Government  and 


.  NotPB  from  I.ogatIons.  fruice, 


>  Slate  D«pt.   MS8..   Bareaa  ot   IniJviPH  and 
3  Md  3. 

'  Turreaa  to  Hsdlson.  UdtcIi  18,  180S.  Marcb  23,  1806,  August  23.  1806.  and  January 
20,  1S07,  ma. 

'  Madison  to  Armstrong,  Marcb  IS,  180a.  lUid..  InsCnK^tlonB  lo  MlnlBlprs.  6. 

'  Armstrong  to  Madison,  Ajirll  JO,  1800,  IblJ..  Despati^hes  fruoi  MLnlaterB.  fronce,  10. 

*  ArmstrunK  to  THllefrand,  April  2B,  1806.  AllBlreB  CtrangftreB.  CtalB-L'nls.  SS.  f.  IIT. 

'Maawrano  to  Tallerrani],  May   10  nn(t  Jonu  10.   1808,   .Ufalri's   fitrangtrps,   fllals- 
Un)R,  S9.     Tbe  quotation  Is  from  the  note  of  May  10. 

'  AnoBtcons  to  Monroe.  July  B.  1806.  Monroe  MSB.,  XI,  f.  1382. 

*ErvIng  to  Monroe.   AukubI    11.   1800,   Ibid.,  t.   1391;  Talleynind   to  MasaerBno,   June 
M.  1806,  Adami  Transcripts,  Freocb  Papers,  III. 


v/ 


374  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

thus  operated  to  prevent  the  outbreak  of  war  between  Spain  and  the 
United  States. 

The  protests  of  Yrujo  and  Turreau  were  doubtless  influential  in 
inducing  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  push  measures 
against  the  men  who  had  aided  Miranda  in  fitting  out  the  expedition. 
Madison  and  Jefferson  perhaps  hoped  that  in  this  manner  they  might 
clear  themselves  of  the  gathering  suspicion  that  they  had  connived 
with  Miranda  by  permitting  the  expedition  to  depart.  Colonel  Smith 
was  removed  from  office  and  indicted  with  Ogden  for  participation 
in  the  affair.  In  his  examination  Smith  declared  that  he  had  pro- 
moted the  expedition  because  he  believed  that  it  was  being  prepared 
with  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  President  and  the  Secretary 
of  State.*  On  April  18,  1806,  Congress  was  memorialized  by  the  men 
indicted.  Thev  declared  that  officials  of  the  United  States  in  New 
York  had  been  aware  of  the  preparation  of  the  expedition,  yet  no 
measures  had  Iwen  taken  to  check  it.**  Allegations  of  a  similar  sort 
were  made  during  the  course  of  the  trial.  Public  sentiment  favored 
the  accused  men  and  many  believed  that  their  charges  against  the 
Government  were  true.<^  It  was  probably  largely  because  of  this 
feeling  that  Smith  and  Ogden  were  acquitted.  None  of  the  adminis- 
trative officers  were  brought  from  Washington  to  give  evidence.  The 
accused  men  were  jubilant.  Ogden  wrote  to  Miranda  and  informed 
him  that  they  had  triumphed  over  their  "  enemies  and  the  oppression 
of  the  Government."  ^ 

There  was  much  newspaper  comment  on  the  trial;  the  opposition 
j)ress  turnoil  the  Miranda  affair  into  ''  a  battery  against  the  admin- 
istration." Among  others,  the  New  York  Evening  Post  drew  up  an 
indictment  against  the  administration.  It  declared  that  the  trial 
of  Smith  and  Ogden  was  ''  the  most  wicked,  perfidious,  and  detest- 
able persecution  that  ever  disgraced  a  civilized  country.'"*^  The 
United  States  Gazette  characterized  it  as  "  Jefferson  and  Madison's 
trial."  It  intimated  that  the  real  point  at  issue  was  the  attitude  of 
the  administration  toward  the  expedition,  and  that  the  acquittal  of 
Smith  and  Ogden  convicted  the  Government  of  misconduct.^  In 
spite  of  the  defense  of  Jefferson  and  Madison  by  some  newspapers, 
they  must  have  squirmed  under  the  criticism.  The  former  wrote  a 
letter  to  the  Aurora  affirming  that  the  claim  that  Miranda's  ex|)edi- 
tion  was  "  countenanced  "  by  himself  and  the  Secretary  of  State  was 
"  an  absolute  falsehood."    "  To  know  as  much  of  it  as  we  could  was 


«  Trial  of  Smith  and  Offden,  XXIV. 

*The  Aurora.  May  28,  1800. 

<•  S.  L.  Mitcliell  to  Madison,  July  17,  1806,  Madison  MSS..  XXIX,  f.  10,  gives  the  sen- 
timent in  Now  York  City. 

«*  Corrospondcnce  of  (^astloronfih,  VII,  416. 

'  As  quoted  In  the  United  States  (iazette.  September  25,  1806.  A  defense  of  the  admin- 
istration is  found  in  the  Aurora,  March  14  and  July  7,  1806.  The  Columbian  Centinel. 
September  17,  1MU6,  takes  ground  against  the  administration. 

f  August  7,  1806. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIBANDA.  375 

our  duty,  but  not  to  encourage  it."  ^  After  the  trial  was  over  Madison 
wrote  to  a  friend  and  declared  that  a  full  "  disclosure  "  would  have 
to  be  ''  left  to  time,  which  alone  will  do  full  justice  to  all  parties."  ^ 

Many  interesting  comments  were  made  on  the  object  of  the  expe- 1. 
dition  of  Miranda.  It  was  suggested  that  he  was  engaged  in  a 
commercial  enterprise,  that  he  intended  to  make  a  raid  on  the  city 
of  Buenos  Ayres,  or  that  he  intended  to  "  seize  upon  the  treasury 
of  Peru."  ^  When  the  true  nature  of  the  expedition  became  known, 
sentiment  generally  favored  the  success  of  the  adventurer.  The 
Richmond  Enquirer  suggested  that  England  might  aim  at  the  con- 
trol of  Spanish  America.  It  pointed  out  that  if  Miranda  was  suc- 
cessful, Spain  might  "  tremble  for  all  her  possessions  in  South 
America."  "  A  new  confederation  of  States  might  start  into  exist- 
ence." Peering  into  the  future,  it  declared  that  the  people  would 
become  "freer  as  they  became  more  enlightened ;  "  the  United  States 
of  South  America  like  the  United  States  of  the  North,  will  repre- 
sent to  admiring  Europe  another  republic  independent,  confederated, 
and  happy."  It  accordingly  wished  success  to  the  man  who  desired 
to  give  freedom  to  his  native  land.**  The  Newark  Centinel  declared :  , 
"  We  are  among  those  who  wish  him  success,  and  who  would  gladly 
echo  his  triumphs.  Not  because  we  are  anxious  to  see  him  decorated 
with  the  ensigns  of  royalty  or  clothed  with  the  majesty  of  wealth, 
but  because  a  great  empire  would  be  open  to  the  enterprise  of  our 
citizens,  and  an  abject  and  miserable  people  would  become  a  nation 
of  freemen."*  The  Richmond  Enquirer  expressed  the  hope  that 
General  Miranda  might  become  "  the  Washington  of  South  Amer- 
ica." f  The  Western  World,  of  Frankfort,  Ky.,  classed  Miranda's 
expedition  with  the  various  attempts  that  had  been  made  to  separate 
the  western  country  from  the  United  States.  It  printed  a  series  of 
articles  on  "  The  Kentucky  Association,  Blount's  Conspiracy,  and 
General  Miranda's  Expedition."  It  declared  that  "  The  conspiracy 
of  Blount,  and  the  late  expedition  of  Miranda,  in  our  opinion  may 
be  traced  to  the  same  source,  and  are  only  similar  speculations 
planned  in  a  different  direction  *  *  *  the  projectors  of  the  first 
scheme  led  others  connected  with  them  to  the  adoption  of  the  two 
last."  ^ 

It  was  not  until  the  Leander  had  been  several  days  at  sea  that  the 
commander  in  chief  showed  himself  on  deck,  and  many  of  his  fol- 
lowers beheld  him  for  the  first  time.    "  His  mien  and  deportment  and 

•  Randall,  Life  of  Jefferson,  III,  167. 
»  Letters  of  Madison,  II,  226. 

<*  Richmond  Enquirer  in  Federal  Gazette,  March  4,  1806. 
'  Ibid.,  April  8,  1806. 

•  As  quoted  in  Federal  Gazette,  June  30,  1806. 

'  Richmond  f^nqulrer  as  quoted  in  Federal  Gazette,  March  8, 1806. 

'  Western  World,  as  quoted  in  Federal  Gazette,  August  13,  1806.     See  ibid,  for  August 
14,  August  25,  September  24,  October  11,  and  November  11,  1806. 


376  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAIi  ASSOCIATION. 

air  of  authority,"  said  Moses  Smith,  one  of  his  unsophisticated  fol- 
lowers, "distinguished  him  from  all  the  others.  He  had  on  a  red 
gown  and  slippers,  and  his  physiognomy  showed  that  he  was  not  of 
our  country.  It  was  whispered  about  that  he  was  a  great  general 
called  Miranda,  whose  name  had  been  celebrated;  but  it  was  new 
and  strange  to  me."  *»  By  this  time  it  had  become  apparent  to  some 
of  the  recruits  that  they  were  not  destined  to  become  members  of  the 
President's  guard.  Some  knew  or  suspected  that  the  real  object  of 
the  expedition  was  to  revolutionize  Caracas,  and  were  encouraged 
to  believe  that  the  Government  of  Jefferson  had  given  its  "  implied 
sanction  "  to  the  undertaking.^  It  was  also  intimated  that  the  "  coun- 
tenance and  cooperation  of  the  British  "  would  be  received.®  High 
expectations  of  success  were  based  on  the  alleged  disposition  of  the 
inhabitants  to  join  Miranda's  standard.® 

It  is  during  this  part  of  the  adventure  that  Miranda  is  presented 
in  the  most  favorable  light.  Even  according  to  the  account  of  Biggs, 
one  of  his  followers  who  later  became  prejudiced  against  him,  he 
was  courteous  and  conciliatory  to  his  followers.  Biggs,  who  wrote 
a  valuable  series  of  letters  on  the  expedition,  informs  us  that  Miranda 
conversed  with  the  young  men  on  literature  and  commended  the 
study  of  the  Spanish  language  and  mathematics,  as  skill  in  them  was 
a  sure  means  of  promotion  in  his  service.  He  entertained  those 
more  advanced  in  years  with  his  ideas  on  "  politicks  and  war,"  draw- 
ing illustrations  from  his  own  varied  experiences.  The  company 
was  impressed  with  his  iron  memory  and  his  marvelous  power  of 
"  colloquial  eloquence."  ^  Evidently  his  aim  was  "  to  sow  in  the 
minds  of  his  followers,  the  seeds  of  heroical  deeds;  of  liberty,  and 
revolution."  « 

On  February  12,  the  Leander  fell  in  with  His  Britannic  Majesty's 
ship,  Cleopatra.  About  a  score  of  the  Leander^s  crew  were  impressed 
by  the  lieutenant  of  the  British  vessel/  Not  until  Miranda  went  on 
board  the  CUopatra  and  submitted  documents  to  Captain  Wight 
showing  his  relations  with  the  English  governmental  officials,  thereby 
convincing  him  that  he  was  a  "  person  in  the  confidence  of  the  Minis- 
try," did  the  commander  of  the  Cleopatra  decide  to  allow  the  Leander 
to  proceed.^  When  Miranda  returned  on  board  his  vessel  he  brought 
with  him,  as  some  recompense  for  the  impressed  seamen,  a  number 
of  Americans  who  had  been  recently  captured  by  the  Cleopatra.^  In 
return  Miranda  seems  to  have  promised  the  English  captain  that,  if 
he  were  successful,  the  ports  of  Terra  Firma  were  to  be  opened  io 
English  conmierce.'    Wight  was  intrusted  with  a  letter  to  Admiral 

«  Moses  Smith,  19.  Mbld.,   10.   11. 

*  Biggs,  4.  0.  9  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  VI,  519  ;  Biggs,  12. 
Mbid.,  7.  '•Biggs.  13;  Moses  Smith,  21. 

«*  Ibid.,  8,  9,  10.  «  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  VI,  519. 

•  Ibid.,  9,  10. 


[ 


FBANC13C0   DE   MTRANDA.  377 

itcbell.  the  English  naval  commander  in  North  /\jnerican  waters, 
which  Miranda  asked  that,  if  it  was  not  inconsistent  with  Mitchell's 

istructions,  the  Cleopatra  might  be  pennitted  to  cooperate  with  the 
Leaitder." 

Miranda  soon  tried  to  organize  and  train  hiw  motley  following.  On 
February  14  the  officers  in  what  was  designated  as  the  "  Columbian 
army"  were  appointed.  The  recruits  were  separated  into  corpw  of 
engineers,  artillerymen,  artificers,  light  dragoons,  riflemen,  and  in- 
fantrymen.'' An  order  was  issued  establishing  a  fixed  and  distinctive 
uniform  for  each  class.'  Biggs  presents  a  vivid  picture  of  scenes  on 
shipboard.  Those  ignorant  of  military  tactics  busied  themselves 
studying  manuals  of  the  art.  The  armorer  was  engaged  in  mending 
the  "  old  muskets,  pointless  bayonets,  and  rusty  swords  "  that  had  been 
shipped.  The  carpenters  were  employed  making  staves  for  the  pikes. 
The  drill  sergeants  were  training  recruits  in  the  use  of  arms.  The 
press  was  at  work  printing  the  commissions  of  the  "  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Colimibian  Army  "  to  his  officers,  and  his  proclamation 
to  the  people  of  South  ^Vnierica.  On  Mai-ch  24  articles  of  war  wei"e 
subscribed  to  in  which  the  officers  of  Miranda  swore  to  be  "  true  and 
faithful "  to  the  free  people  of  South  America. •'  On  March  12  the 
Columbian  colors  of  red,  yellow,  and  blue  were  first  displayed.' 

In  the  meantime  the  Leander  had  arrived  at  Jacmel.  At  this  port 
s  bitter  dispute  took  place  between  Captain  Lewis,  of  the  Lemuhr, 
and  Armstrong,  one  of  Miranda's  officers,  in  which  Miranda  inter- 
fered and  espoused  the  side  of  Armstrong.  One  of  Miranda's  follow- 
ers declared  that  before  the  wrangling  was  over  the  military  com- 
mander appeared  "  more  fit  for  bedlam  than  for  the  command  of  an 
army." '  This  exhibition  of  passion  injured  Miranda's  prestige. 
Other  demoralizing  disputes  followed,  which  generally  originated 
over  some  point  involving  the  relative  jurisdiction  of  Captain  Lewis 
and  General  Miranda."  Captain  Lewis  and  Major  Smith  were  dis- 
patched from  Jacmel  to  Port -a  u -Pi- i  nee  to  inform  Commodoi-e  Lewis 
of  the  proximity  of  the  Leander''  and  to  invite  him  to  join  Miranda 
witli  the  Emperor,  as  had  been  agreed  upon.  But  the  commodore 
prudently  decided  not  to  follow  Miranda,  probably  because  of  the 
news  which  he  heard  of  the  trial  of  Smith  and  Ogden.*  Consequently 
Miranda's  expectations  of  aid  from  this  quarter  were  sadly  disap- 
pointed. After  more  than  a  month's  delay,  during  which  the  adven- 
ture was  in  constant  danger  of  being  spied  upon  and  reported  to  the 
Spanisli  main,  Miranda  decided  to  leave  Jacmel,  having  secured  two 

•Am.  Hl«.  BcT„   Vt.   f.ia,  'Ibid..  2S. 

*BtcS*.  IP.  Sn,  luid  aoXr.  'tbid..  211.  49,  50.  C2.  RS,  59.  00,  63, 

•Ibid.,  21.  Mlild..  J2,  as. 

*IMd,  2(t-2B.  42,  43.  '  Corresipiindence     uf     CHstlereaBli,     VII, 

•Ibid.,  as.  417,  418;  BiKg»,  33.  31). 


378  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

small  vessels,  the  Bacchus  and  the  Bee^  and  some  meager  reenforce- 
ments."  ^"^ 

In  spite  of  strenuous  objections  some  of  the  men  were  now  trans- 
ferred to  the  schooners,  where  they  were  soon  in  a  semimutinous  con- 
dition.^ On  leaving  Jacmel  is  seems  to  have  been  Miranda^s  intention 
to  steer  for  the  island  of  Bonair,  but  after  being  ten  days  at  sea, 
through  the  ignorance  of  the  pilot  or  other  mishap,  the  company 
found  themselves  70  miles  to  leeward  of  that  place,  with  the  current 
and  the  trade  winds  against  them.^  By  good  fortune,  however,  the 
naval  force  was  able  to  arrive  at  the  island  of  Aruba  by  April  11.*^ 
At  this  island  the  troops  were  disembarked,  accoutered,  and  drilled 
under  the  direction  of  Colonel  Kirkland.*^  On  April  16  the  ro\dng 
adventurers  proceeded  on  their  way,  accompanied  by  an  English  ves- 
sel, The  Echo^  which  soon  left  them/  On  April  24  the  squadron  left 
the  island  of  Bonair  and  headed  toward  the  coast  of  Ocumare.^  On 
the  next  dav  most  of  the  sailors  on  board  the  Leander  were  induced 
to  enlist  in  Miranda's  service.  The  total  fighting  force  now  amounted 
to  about  180  men.*  With  this  insignificant  force  Miranda  was  at  last 
on  the  point  of  striking  a  blow  at  Spain. 
-/  Because  of  the  warning  sent  by  Yrujo,  the  captain-general  of 
Caracas,  Guevara  Vasconcelos,  had  taken  measures  to  ioTi'xty  the 
province  against  attack.  In  particular,  the  commanders  of  the  Span- 
ish guarda  costas  had  been  enjoined  to  be  vigilant.*  The  delay  at 
Santo  Domingo  had  given  the  slow-moving  Spaniards  time  to  act. 
The  warning  had  been  passed  along  to  the  viceroy  of  Santa  Fe  and  to 
tlie  province  of  Santa  Marta.^  It  was  evidently  largely  because  of  the 
preventive  measures  which  had  been  taken  that  an  attempt  which 
was  made  to  land  near  Porto  Cavello,  in  the  captain-generalship  of 
Caracas,  on  the  night  of  April  27,  was  signally  thwarted  by  the  inter- 
ference of  two  Spanish  guarda  costas  that  had  been  hovering  near 
the  small  convoy  for  some  time.  The  two  schooners  that  had  become 
separated  from  the  Leander  were  fiercely  attacked  by  the  Spaniards. 
For  some  reason,  perhaps  because  of  the  excessive  caution  or  the 
cowardice  of  Miranda,  "  the  redoubtable  Miranda  and  the  Almiffhtv 
Lewis''^  fled,  leaving  about  three  score  men  on  board  the  unarmed 

«  P.iggs.  nS-40.  46,  48,  49  :  Sherman,  40-43. 

«•  Biggs.  47  ;  Mosos  Smith,  24. 

'•  Biggs.  53.  TA  ;  Mosos  Smith,  25. 

<*  Biggs,  55  ;  Sherman,  45. 

«  Ibid.  :  Am.  ITlst.  Rev..  Ill,  681. 

rpiggs,  56;  Am.  Hist.  Kev.,  Ill,  681. 

f  Biggs,  65  ;  Sliorman,  46. 

*  Biggs.  60  ;  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  Ill,  681. 

*  Minute  of  VasconceloH,  June  16,  1806,  shows  that  the  warning  of  Ynijo  had  be«i 
received  on  March  1.  A.  O.  I.,  Aud.  de  Caracas,  133-4-9. 

i  Yrujo  to  Cevallos,  April  16,  1806,  Inclosing  an  extract  from  a  letter  of  Vasconcelos. 
A.  H.  N.,  Estado,  5555. 

^'  This  is  the  phrase  applied  by  IngersoU,  one  of  Miranda's  followers.  Am.  Hist.  Bor.. 
Ill,  681. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  379 

schooners  to  defend  themselves  against  the  Spaniards.  The  men 
on  board  the  schooners  fought  manfully,  despite  the  fact  that  some 
of  them  had  been  on  the  point  of  mutinying,  but  being  outnumbered 
they  were  soon  overpowered  by  their  assailants  and  were  plundered, 
bound,  and  carried  in  triumph  to  the  Continent.** 

The  unfortunate  captives  were  buried  in  the  filthy  dungeons  of 
San  Felipe  at  Porto  Cavello.  They  lay  wounded  arid  suffering  in 
this  "  living  sepulchre  "  and  breathed  the  mephitic  air  until  sum- 
moned before  the  tribunal  of  Spanish  justice.  "  The  richest  powers  of 
imagery,"  said  Moses  Smith,  "  could  not  enhance  the  picture."  ^  The 
trial  was  held  in  the  house  of  their  imprisonment,  contrary  to  the 
first  intentions  of  the  Spaniards.  The  charge  was  "  piracy,  rebellion, 
and  murder,"  for  not  all  of  the  Spaniards  had  escaped  from  the 
exploit  with  their  lives.<^  There  were  several  judges,  with  clerks  and 
interpreters.  The  captives  were  subjected  to  a  rigorous  examination 
and  cross-examination.  Special  pains  were  taken  to  secure  informa- 
tion regarding  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Spanish  main  who  might 
be  in  the  confidence  of  Miranda.  Attempts  were  also  made  to  un- 
cover the  motives  which  had  led  the  filibusters  to  engage  and  to  per- 
sist in  the  expedition.  One  of  them,  at  least,  offered  the  truth  in 
evidence,  but  the  judge  apparently  could  not  credit  his  story .<* 

The  decision  was  pronounced  on  July  12  by  Vasconcelos,  the  pre- 
siding judge.  He  endeavored  to  graduate  the  punishment  according 
to  the  age  of  the  offenders  and  the  degree  to  which  they  had  actually 
promoted  the  expedition.  Ten  were  condemned  to  death  by  hanging. 
Fifteen  were  condemned  to  the  prison  of  Omoa  for  ten  years.  Thir- 
teen were  condemned  to  serve  for  the  same  period  in  the  castle  of 
Porto  Rico.  Sixteen  were  to  pass  eight  years  of  the  same  durance 
vile  in  the  castle  of  Boca  Chica,  near  Carthagena.  Three  of  the 
youngest  members  of  the  expedition,  who  were  little  more  than  boys, 
were  assigned  to  the  fortress  of  Carthagena  until  the  King's  pleasure 
might  be  inanifested.  The  attempt  of  the  filibusters  was  declared 
•  to  be  an  "  atrocious  crime."  Their  leader  was  characterized  as  a  "  per- 
fidious traitor."  The  judgment  was  to  be  carried  out  at  once.  The 
heads  of  eight  of  the  ringleaders  were  to  be  exposed  in  the  most  prom- 
inent places  of  La  Guayra,  Paparo,  Valencia,  Porto  Cavello,  and 
Caracas.  The  heads  of  the  two  luckless  men  who  had  landed  on  the 
coast  of  Ocumare  were  to  be  exhibited  in  that  region.  The  hangman 
was  to  burn  the  banner  of  Miranda  with  his  proclamation  and  por- 
trait.   The  inhabitants  of  the  province  were  prohibited  from  making 

•  Bisigrs,  70-78,  lays  the  blame  for  the  flight  primarily  on  Miranda  ;  Moses  Smith,  28, 
does  not  attempt  to  fix  the  responsibility ;  IngersoU  disagrees  with  Biggs,  Am.  Hist.  Rev., 
ni,  681,  682. 


i 


380  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

any  communication  with  Miranda  or  from  having  any  relations, 
direct  or  indirect,  with  the  traitor,  except  for  the  purpose  of  cap- 
turing him.  In  the  name  of  the  King  30,000  pesos  were  to  be  offered 
for  his  capture,  dead  or  alive,  even  by  a  slave,  who  in  addition  to  the 
financial  reward  was  to  be  given  his  freedom.* 

The  judgment  of  Vasconcelos  was  soon  carried  out.  The  men  con- 
demned to  death  were  executed  in  a  cruel  and  barbarous  fashion. 
Their  heads  were  severed  from  the  trunks  and  stuck  on  poles.*  After 
the  execution  the  tricolored  flag  of  Miranda,  with  the  uniforms,  com- 
missions, arms,  and  proclamations  that  had  been  captured  were 
burnt  in  derision.'^  Throughout  the  proceedings  of  the  Spanish  offi- 
cials  may  be  discerned  the  purpose  of  making  the  misguided  adven- 
turers a  terrible  example.  In  the  fascinating  account  of  his  adven- 
tures on  this  ill-fated  expedition,  Moses  Smith  makes  this  instructive 
comment :  "  In  the  mean  insults  and  sanguinary  triumphs  of  these 
Spaniards  we  read  Miranda's  apology."  * 

What  we  know  of  the  subsequent  history  of  the  hapless  prisoners 
is  cruelly  romantic.  Some  of  them  were  not  endowed  with  a  suffi- 
ciently strong  constitution  to  withstand  the  terrible  hardships  which 
they  were  forced  to  endure;  they  sickened  or  pined  away  and  died 
in  the  prison  or  in  the  hospital.*'  In  December^  1806,  about  a  score 
of  them  addressed  a  memorial  to  the  President,  the  Senate,  and  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  describing  their  evil 
state  and  asserting  their  right  to  protection  by  that  Government,' 
but  in  vain.^  The  friends  of  some  of  the  unfortunates  asked  Jeffer- 
son how  to  proceed  to  secure  their  deliverance.*  A  number  of  the 
men  succeeded  in  making  their  escape  to  the  land  of  freedom  after 
many  perils  and  hairbreadth  escapes;  many  lost  their  lives  in  the 
attempt.*  Capt.  Thomas  Sanford,  who  was  instrumental  in  pro- 
moting the  escape  of  several  of  the  captives,  formed  a  plan  for  the 
lilx^ration  of  the  rest  of  them  which  he  submitted  to  Jefferson,  asking 
for  $4,000  or  $5,000  and  the  sanction  of  the  Government  in  order  that 
he  might  proceed,^  but  without  avail. 

« A  report  of  tho  proceedings  In  this  trlnl  1b  found  In  the  dispatch  of  Vasconcelos 
to  the  l^rince  of  Peace,  August  2,  1800 ;  the  sentence  is  also  given  in  a  dispatch  of 
Vasconcelos  to  the  Prince  of  Peace.  September  30,  1800,  A.  CJ.  I.,  Aud.  de  Caracas, 
133—1-9.  The  accounts  of  some  of  the  captives  are  found  in  Moses  Smith,  42—47;  Am. 
Hist.  Rev.,  Ill,  082;  Sherman,  07-70. 

*»  Moses  Smith,  40-.^)l.  A  number  of  documents  showing  the  execution  of  the  decree 
accompany  the  dispatch  of  Vasconcelos  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  August  2,  1806,  A.  G.  I., 
Aud.  de  Caracas.  13;^-4-0. 

<•  Moses  Smith,  50 ;  Sliorman,  77,  78. 

«*  Mos(.*s  Smith,  51. 

'Ibid.,  120- ;  Sherman,  119-. 

/  Sh«'rman.  00-lH»,  note. 

>' Annals  of  Congress,  10th  Cong.,  2d  sess..  488,  492.  511,  896-898;  Ibid.,  11th  Cong., 
Ist  sess.,  101,  257,  200-315. 

*.Tohn  Rookes  to  Jefferson.  March  25,  1807,  Jefferson  MSS.,  series  2,  XVII.  f.  112. 

<  Mos«'S  Smith,  130-135;  Sherman.  7V*-120. 

i  Sanford  to  Jefferson,  December  23.  1808,  Jefferson  MSS.,  series  2.  LXXVII,  f.  5-. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  381 

Fortunately  for  a  few  of  the  men,  the  English  Government  was 
not  deaf  to  appeals  which  it  could  indorse.  Jeremiah  Powell  was 
set  at  liberty  by  the  Spanish  authorities  in  1807  after  representations 
had  been  made  by  England  to  Spain  at  the  request  of  his  father.*' 
Early  in  1609  the  English  Government  also  asked  for  the  release  of 
Henry  IngersolL^  About  the  same  time  it  requested  that  John  Moore 
be  set  free,  declaring  that  he  was  an  English  subject.*'  Influenced 
periiaps  by  the  desire  to  maintain  undisturbed  the  harmony  existing 
between  England  and  Spain,  who  were  then  allies,  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment soon  issued  orders  directing  that  these  two  men  be  set  at 
liberty.**  In  1810,  at  the  instance  of  a  merchant  at  C^rthagena,  most 
of  the  remaining  prisoners  seem  to  have  been  at  length  released.* 

The  capture  of  their  companions  had  a  depressing  effect  upon  the 
spirits  of  the  Lecmder^s  company.  The  loss  of  confidence  in  their 
leader  stimulated  disaffection  among  them.  Miranda,  however,  soon 
recovered  his  equipoise  and  decided  that  there  were  two  possible 
modes  of  procedure ;  the  first  was  to  proceed  at  once  to  Trinidad  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  aid  from  the  English  and  acquiring  informa- 
tion regarding  the  state  of  South  America ;  the  second  was  "  to 
attempt  an  immediate  landing  at  Coro."  A  council  of  war  decided 
on  the  first  as  the  best  mode  of  action.^  Accordingly  the  Leander 
sailed  toward  Trinidad,  attempting  to  avoid  every  strange  sail. 

On  May  23,  however,  she  was  overhauled  by  the  British  sloop  of 
war  Lily^  from  which  the  Leander  secured  some  much  needed  sup- 
plies.^ Captain  Campbell,  of  the  British  vessel,  characteris^ed  the 
"  Master  of  the  Leander  "  as  "  a  perfect  pirate  in  idea,"  and  declared 
that  the  "  crew  was  perfectly  disatisfied  and  nearly  in  a  state  of 
mutiny."  *  The  LUy  escorted  the  remainder  of  Miranda's  squadron 
to  the  island  of  Grenada.*  Here  they  were  very  hospitably  received 
by  Governor  Maitland,  who,  on  April  12,  1806,  had  written  to  Down- 
ing street  advising  that  in  case  of  Miranda's  success  it  would  be 
necessary  for  England  to  take  possession  of  the  islands  of  Margarita 
and  Curasao  for  commercial  purposes.^  The  condition  of  the  adven- 
turers at  this  time  was  little  short  of  desperate,  as  the  ship  was  almost 
without  provisions  and  water.  Miranda  soon  decided  to  proceed  to 
Barbados  to  consult  the  English  naval  and  military  commanders 

«  A.  H.  N.,  Estado,  5559,  are  a  number  of  documents  on  this  topic ;  see  the  statement 
of  the  case  of  Jeremiah  Powell  by  John  Hunter,  February  8,  1807.  Hunter  to  Ceyallos. 
June  10,  1807,  also  the  letter  of  W.  D.  PoweU,  June  6,  1807,  dated  at  Aranju6z. 

^Apodaca  to  Canning,  March  28,  1800,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  83. 

« Apodaca  to  Hammond,  January  7,  1800,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  83. 

<  Apodaca  to  Canning,  March  28,  1800,  ibid. ;  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  Ill,  608. 

•Moees  Smith,   136. 

'Biggs,  79,  81,  82. 

•  Ibid..  87,  92,  03. 

*  Am.  Hist  Rev.,  VI.,  523. 
« Biggs,  93. 

i  Maitland  to  Windham,  April  12,  1806,  P.  R.  O.,  Grenada,  35. 


382  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

at  that  island.  "  To  enable  "  him  to  get  there  Governor  Maitland 
supplied  him  with  "  ten  days  provisions  for  one  Hundred  and  twenty 
Men."  **  The  Leander  again  proceeded  on  its  devious  voyage,  con- 
voyed by  Captain  Campbell. 

The  Leander  arrived  at  Barbados  in  the  end  of  the  first  week  in 
June.^  The  leader  probably  entertained  great  expectations  of 
securing  aid  from  Cochrane,  the  British  admiral  stationed  there,  for 
as  early  as  April  5  the  latter  had  written  to  Miranda  informing  him 
that  if  he  was  "  acting  under  the  x^Luthority  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment," he  would  consider  it  his  duty  to  afford  him  "  every  assistance 
in  "  his  power.*^  So  plausibly  did  Miranda  narrate  to  the  sympathetic 
English  admiral  his  various  negotiations  with  England  that  on  June 
9  an  agreement  was  reached.  The  admiral  promised  to  support 
Miranda  with  such  a  naval  force  as  he  could  afford,  which  would  be 
at  least  "  a  sloop  of  war  and  two  brigs,  and  probably  a  frigate." 
He  also  promised  "  such  further  support "  as  he  could  occasionally 
give,  and  agreed  to  protect  the  expedition  from  a  Spanish  naval 
force,  if  any  should  arrive  in  that  quarter.  Cochrane  also  granted 
Miranda  permission  to  recruit  his  depleted  forces  at  Barbados  as 
well  as  at  Trinidad.  Miranda  engaged,  in  the  event  of  his  success, 
that  the  independent  Spanish- American  States  would  grant  special 
commercial  privileges  to  Great  Britain.  This  provisional  arrange- 
ment was  to  last  until  a  treaty  of  commerce  should  be  concluded 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  liberated  provinces.  British  citizens 
were  to  be  assisted  in  the  recovery  of  their  "  legal  and  just  debts."  * 

Admiral  Cochrane  sent  a  copy  of  this  compact  to  Earl  Spencer, 
suggested  that  5,000  men  be  sent  immediately  from  England  to  ''  com- 
pleto  the  business,"  and  urged  that  the  Government  take  immediate 
steps  to  secure  possession  of  Angostura,  which  would  serve  as  a  van- 
tage point  to  England  and  aid  the  designs  of  Miranda.  He  declared 
that  he  felt  justified  in  aiding  Miranda  and  in  recommending  this 
action  because  of  the  great  market  that  would  be  given  to  English 
manufacturers  by  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America.  "As  this 
vast  Country  both  by  its  Sea  Coast  and  Rivers,  offers  a  field  for  great 
commercial  speculation,  and  coupling  with  this  the  situation  of  Great 
Britain  is  now  placed  with  respect  to  the  Ports  of  Europe  which, 
except  Portugal,  are  shut  from  Venice  to  the  Baltic,  I  conceived, 
although  rather  out  of  my  province,  I  should  be  doing  my  Countrj* 
a  most  essential  Service  by  making  the  before  mentioned  agreement 
and  assisting  General  Miranda  as  far  as  Naval  co-operation  can  be 
carried,  with  the  small  part  of  the  force  under  my  command,  which 

"Mnltland  to  Windham,  May  29,  1806,  P.  R.  O.,  Grenada,  35. 
"HlRgs,   05. 

*■  Copy  in  P.  R.  O.,  Ad.  Sec,  In  Letters,  327. 

*  A  copy  iR  found   in  P.   R.  O.,  Ad.   Sec.  In   Letters,  327 ;  It  is  printed  In  Antepara, 
213-215. 


FKANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  383 

can  be  spared  from  the  attention  I  must  pay  to  the  Islands."  <»  He 
suggested  that,  if  Miranda  succeeded,  a  formal  treaty  should  be  con- 
cluded with  him.^  By  a  peculiar  coincidence  on  the  very  day  on 
which  Cochrane  and  Miranda  struck  this  unauthorized  bargain, 
the  London  Times  declared  that  a  British  admiral  would  scarcely 
commit  himself  so  far  as  to  offer  to  cooperate  with  a  man,  who,  if 
he  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  was  "  liable  to  be  treated 
as  a  buccaneer  or  pirate."  ^ 

Miranda  also  tried  to  induce  General  Bowyer,  commander  in  chief 
of  the  British  land  forces  at  the  Leeward  Islands,  to  cooperate  with 
him.  Two  long  conferences  appear  to  have  been  held.  On  June  10 
Miranda  embodied  his  views  in  a  note  addressed  to  the  British  gen- 
eral. In  this  the  implication  was  conveyed  that  the  British  Govern- 
ment had  decided  to  aid  Miranda  in  case  his  attack  was  successful. 
Accompanying  this  note  was  a  memorandum  asking  for  the  aid  of 
775  soldiers,  500  of  whom  were  to  be  "  Blacks  and  People  of  Colour." 
He  also  asked  for  500  sabers  or  side  arms,  1,500  muskets  with  bay- 
onets, 4  field  pieces  with  ammunition,  2  howitzers,  and  provisions  for 
200  men  for  three  months.^  On  the  following  day  Bowyer  replied 
that  although  aware  of  the  great  advantages  which  would  accrue  to 
Great  Britain  as  the  result  of  Miranda's  success,  he  was  reluctantly 
forced  to  decline  cooperating  with  him  "  not  having  had  the  least 

•  June  12,  1806,  P.  R.  O.,  Ad.  Sec,  In  Letters,  327. 

»  June  9,  1806. 

^  **After  the  confldential  statement  I  had  the  honor  to  submit  to  you  on  Sunday  last, 
relative  to  the  object  of  the  present  expedition  under  my  Command,  and  the  Tiews  of  the 
British  Government,  in  case  of  its  success ;  which  plan  was  previously  concerted  with 
His  Britanick  Majesty's  Ministers  before  I  left  England  in  September  last.  Considering 
also  the  unforseen  circumstances  that  have  compelled  me  to  call  at  this  Island,  and  the 
critical  situation  in  which  Great  Britain  has  been  placed  at  this  present  moment,  on 
account  of  the  most  extraordinary  Events  that  have  taken  place  lately  on  the  Continent 
of  Europe,  whose  results  may  bring  the  greatest  calamity  both  to  Great  Britain  and  the 
inhabitants  of  South  America,  who,  at  this  moment  look  for  their  Emancipation  under 
the  Auspices  and  Protection  of  Great  Britain,  which  positive  promises  have  been  given 
and  transmitted  through  me  to  those  Colonies. 

**  I  earnestly  request  you  to  give  us  the  assistance  that  may  lay  in  your  power,  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  into  immediate  execution  the  above  preconcerted  Plan  of  Inde- 
pendency for  the  Spanish  Colonies  of  South  America. 

**  I  know  that  you  have  received  no  orders  yet,  from  Great  Britain  to  co-operate  in 
this  important  Enterprise,  because  the  place  of  our  operations  was  to  be  in  a  distant 
quarter,  and  that  the  late  Ministry  was  to  receive  news  of  our  landing  on  the  Continent 
of  South  America  before  they  could  send  their  ultimate  Orders  for  the  purpose,  but  the 
unforseen  circumstances  that  have  retarded  my  Operations,  having  prevented  my  writ- 
ing to  them  before  I  could  execute  the  Plan  in  contemplation ;  I  think  it  my  duty  to  make 
this  application  to  you,  and  I  have  no  doubt,  that  the  assistance  which  you  may  be  able 
to  afford  us,  with  the  essential  support  which  I  have  already  received  from  the  British 
Admiral  on  this  Station,  also  from  the  Governor  of  this  Island,  and  that  of  Grenada,  will 
enable  us  to  accomplish  this  important  Enterprlze,  in  which  the  Commerlal  and  Polit- 
ical Interests  of  Great  Britain  are  so  deeply  involved. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  you  the  enclosed  Memorandum  of  the  Supplies,  and 
Forces,  some  of  which  are  essentially  necessary,  and  all  may  be  rendered  useful,  In  our 
Operations.'*  Miranda  to  Bowyer,  June  10,  1806  (copy),  P.  R.  O..  W.  &  L.  Is.,  22. 
This  Is  the  fullest  available  statement  of  Miranda  regarding  his  understanding  ( ?)  with 
the  British  Qoyemment  on  leaving  England  for  the  United  States. 


384  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

communication  or  orders  concerning  the  Expedition  in  questicm^ 
from  any  official  of  his  Government.  He  advised  Miranda,  however, 
to  wait  until  he  could  receive  instructions  from  England.*  Miranda 
also  made  an  effort  to  induce  Lord  Seaforth,  governor  of  Barbados,  to 
aid  him,  but  was  again  unsuccessful.* 

Meanwhile  the  Spaniards  had  not  been  altogether  idle.  The  nu- 
merous dispatches  sent  to  the  authorities  in  Spain  by  the  captab- 
general  of  Caracas  reflect  the  fright  which  he  had  been  given  by  the 
proximity  of  Miranda.  Even  before  the  encounter  of  Miranda  and 
the  guarda  costas,  Vasconcelos  had  voiced  his  alarm  in  a  dispatch 
to  the  Spanish  Government  in  which  he  declared  that  he  could  not 
imagaine  "  a  more  calamitous  situation."  The  territories  under  his 
control  were  very  extensive,  and  they  contained  a  large  number  of 
negro  slaves,  among  whom  the  spirit  of  disaffection  might  easily 
spread.*^  In  a  dispatch  of  May  2  the  captain-general  described  his 
situation  as  "  very  critical."  He  indicated  the  measures  which  he 
had  taken  for  the  purpose  of  defeating  Miranda;  two  spies,  Pondo 
and  Covachich,  had  been  sent  out  to  gather  intelligence;  the  various 
commanders  in  Cumana,  Margarita,  Coro,  La  Guayra,  Maracaibo, 
and  Guayana  had  been  urged  to  redouble  their  vigilance,  to  defend 
valiantly  the  province  if  attacked,  and  to  beware  of  false  alarms; 
steps  had  been  taken  to  strengthen  the  province  against  attack  by 
distributing  arms,  by  ordering  the  completion  of  batteries  and  forti- 
fications, by  stationing  troops  on  the  threatened  frontiers,  and  by 
endeavoring  to  animate  the  inhabitants  to  a  vigorous  defense.* 

Although  there  are  not  lacking  in  the  dispatches  apprehensions 
regarding  the  real  attitude  of  some  of  the  Spanish  Americans  toward 
the  filibuster,  vet  manv  of  the  inhabitants  in  Miranda's  native 
province  showed  a  commendable  fidelity  in  responding  to  the  calls 
made  upon  them.  Almost  a  thousand  of  them  made  contributions 
to  a  fund,*^  which  was  probably  used  to  defray  the  expense  of  pro- 
tecting the  province  against  the  threatened  invasion.  The  ayunta- 
niiento  of  Miranda's  native  citv  made  effusive  declarations  of  the 
loyalty  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  King.  Miranda  was  characterized 
as  a  "  traitor,"  and  a  "  conspirator,"  w^ho  had  committed  enormous 
crimes/  Early  in  May  this  council  initiated  measures  for  the  collec- 
tion of  subscriptions  to  a  fund  for  the  reward  of  anyone  who  might 
capture  Miranda,  dead  or  alive.  It  declared  that  all  the  inhabitants 
mortally  hated  him  and  washed  "  to  see  him  reduced  to  ashes.'*  ^ 

».Tuno  11.  1806  (copy),  P.  R.  O.,  W.  and  L.  Is.,  22. 

«'Bl»?g8,  95. 

*"  Vasconcelos  to  the  minister  of  state,  March  5,  1806,  A.  H.  N.,  Estado,  5555. 

*  Ibid..  May  7,  1806,  ibid.,  5546. 

•  Report    of    Vasconcelos,    April    3,    1807.    and    minute,    Madrid,    September    22,    1807. 
A.  rj.   I..  Aud.  de  Caracas,  133-4-9. 

TRojas.  Kl  General  Miranda,  179-183. 
'Ibid.,  184,   IHT). 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 


385 


^B  The  coDtagion  of  fear  also  affected  the  viceroy  of  Santa  Fe,  who 
^■sported  that  he  had  taken  military  precautions  for  the  purpose  of 
^■DHi'ding  the  territories  under  his  control.'  The  more  or  less  highly 
^Btlored  reports  which  the  on pta in-general  of  Caracas  i-eceived  from 
^nrious  quarters  regarding  the  activities  and  the  pernicious  designs  of 
^Kranda  naturally  made  him  more  and  more  apprehensive  regarding 
^Be  loyalty  and  the  safety  of  his  province.  On  June  3  he  a<ldressed  a 
^Hrolix  dispatch  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  in  which  he  presented  n  melan- 
^Htol}'  and  distressing  picture.  Conspirators  of  state  had  taken  refuge 
^K  Trinidad,  ami  were  plotting  with  smugglers  against  the  province. 
^Hhere  were  a  large  number  of  negro  slaves  and  other  peo])lo  of  color 
^Kio  were  prone  to  insurrection.  He  feared  the  genius  of  Miranda 
^Kd  "  the  name  and  reputation  which  he  had  among  his  countrymen." 
^Bie  forces  under  his  command  wei-e  inadequate.  He  was  inclined  to 
^BKstion  seriously  the  fidelity  of  the  militia.  The  treasury  of  the 
^Bovince  was  being  drained.  The  people  were  suffering  from  lack  of 
^BoTisions.  He  feared  another  attack  on  t!ie  country,  which  he  de- 
^pred  was  greatly  coveted  by  the  English  and  the  Americans.  Conse- 
quently. Vasconcelos  felt  forced  to  ask  for  additional  reenforcemente 
Htthe  e-ttent  of  at  leiiKt  four  battalions  of  infantry  and  also  for  a  sup- 
^ffj  of  munitions  of  war." 

After  completing  his  consultations  with  Cochrane,  not  l)eing  willing 
to  await  the  receipt  of  advices  from  England  by  General  Bowjer, 
Miranda  determined  to  make  another  attack  on  the  Spanish  posses- 
sions as  soon  as  possible.  Having  secured  the  addition  of  twenty-6ve 
or  thirty  volunteers,  chie%  of  a  vagabond  type,  on  June  20  the 
Z-earu/er  left  Barbados  accompanied  by  the  Lili/,  his  Majesty's  brig 
Srrpreig,  and  a  merchant  schooner.  The  Trimmer.'^  As  the  result  of  a 
disagreement  between  Miranda  and  Captain  Lewis,  the  latter  gave  up 
his  post,  and  the  guidance  of  the  ship  was  intrusted  to  one  whom 
Biggs  characterized  as  "  a  very  inexperienced  young  man."' "     Tlie 

•  Amnr  to  tbe  commnnder  In  chitt  by  land  and  aea.  M»y  10.  1908  :  "  Exmn  Scfior, 
Hor  S«Bor  Mra:  CoDSiRUlente  A  lo  que  be  InroTmado  &  V.  F..  en  iitlcl'i  no,  13  dp  T  del 
eorrlenle  lohre  Iob  rerfldoH  dMlKoIoa  del  rebelde  Miranda  contra  Irh  rnelni  dr  Vpuraurlo 
r  de  Ibb  ordenea  que  ja  habla  dado  por  mi  parte  A  toa  gobernndares  dc  i-sta  dcpendrni-lii 
pais  qae  se  ettf  con  rtgilBncIa  y  acuda  ft  In  dpieoM  de  cDulqiiler  tinraite  aniFDaitado  dp 
dirlsirw  contra  el  emprean  tan  fermeotlda,  acompafiA  II  V.  R.  cnpla  dn  las  prevenrloaea 
qoi?  huso  al  go&prnBdor  de  Cartagena  eiltando  bu  Eelo  y  conoclmlcntrn  ll  emplftnr  todns 
loa  recurwHi  ijur  Ilpne  ll  au  dlapnslclon  en  el  noonrro  y  n-Fii"ni<i  do  Joa  puntos  amcnaiadoa  de 
iDTmcloD  a  llD  de  desgradar  loa  estragoa  e  [nieraaclon  del  cttcmlso  at  llcgaae  rl  cnao  de 
Bproitmarse  A  Ina  co^bb  del  rtretntao  y  dandole  aalmlaniQ  aguellaa  iDstrucclonea  i|nn  me 
ban  pacceldo  oportunaa  para  le  defensa  de  la  mlama  plaza  de  Carlag^Da  j  »u  lerrltorto  eI 
rootra  ellOB  ar  dlrlgleaen  tan  deteatablea  projccloa. 

"  Espero  que  (ado  merexca  la  superior  aprotinclon  di  V.  E.  como  dlrlifldo  &  la  con- 
Mrrsclon  de  oalaa  preclosoa  dominioe  de  S.  M.  y  dictado  con  loa  mas  slnceroa  doMos 
da  draerapi-Elar  la  conflanin  qna  he  debldo  a  sii  aobcranla  de  Bar  au  anbslaiencia  t  mla 
dexreloa  j  conatanle  atnu  por  Pl  mcjor  real  aervldo."     A.  G,  I..  Aud.  de  Caracaa,  133-4-11. 

».*.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  faracaa,  lan-i-n, 

'  BUc».  »B.  ST. 

*ibid..  m. 


386  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

squadron  soon  arrived  at  Trinidad.  Here  Miranda  received  sympa- 
thetic treatment  from  Governor  Hislop.  The  latter  allowed  the  fili- 
buster to  gather  volunteers  even  from  the  ranks  of  the  local  militit 
to  serve  under  Colonel  Rouvray  and  two  other  British  officers,  who 
had  volunteered  their  services.®  Miranda  succeeded  in  gathering  a 
number  of  recruits,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  some  of  the  people  on 
the  island.  Some  were  decent  men,  but  the  greater  number  were  ad- 
venturers.^ Hislop  informed  his  Government  that  as  the  expedition 
was  "  sanctioned  by  the  protection  of  His  majesty's  Naval  force,'^  he 
had  aided  Miranda  by  trying  to  prevent,  so  far  as  possible,  any  com- 
munication between  Trinidad  and  the  Spanish  main.*' 

It  was  rumored  in  the  West  Indies  that  Minto,  an  alleged  com- 
patriot of  Miranda,  on  whom  he  depended  for  cooperation,  was  gath- 
ering a  large  force  in  Caracas.**  Before  leaving  Trinidad  Miranda 
increased  his  total  fighting  force  to  about  three  hundred  men,*  and 
secured  additional  "English  suppHes.'*^  On  July  24,  the  Leandn, 
accompanied  by  His  Majesty's  vessels  the  iiZy,*  Express,  AtteTUivtj 
Provosty  and  three  of  His  Majesty's  gunboats,  besides  the  American 
brig  Commodore  Barry j  and  the  English  schooner  Trimmrer,  left 
Trinidad.^  The  EngUsh  Government  vessels  "composing  the  expe- 
dition attached  to  General  Miranda,''  were  by  orders  of  Admiral 
Cochrane,  commanded  by  Captain  Campbell.* 

On  July  27  Miranda  landed  on  the  island  of  Coche,  where  the  com- 
pany remained  one  night  and  gained  a  few  additional  recruits.'  In 
the  night  of  August  1  the  squadron  arrived  in  the  Bay  of  La  Veli 
de  Goro.  The  intention  seems  to  have  been  to  station  the  vessels 
near  the  town  of  that  name,  but  by  some  error  they  were  placed 
about  7  miles  to  leeward  of  the  battery  to  be  attacked.^  This  disad- 
vantage  of  position  and  the  heavy  sea  rendered  the  disembarkation 
of  the  attacking  forces  so  difficult  that  the  first  detachment  of  the 
attacking  forces  was  not  landed  until  the  morning  of  the  3d.  This 
vanguard,  led  by  De  Rouvray,  Colonel  Downie,  and  Lieutenant 
Beddingfiold  of  the  royal  navy,  soon  swept  the  Spanish  forces  from 
the  beach  and  carried  a  battery  by  storm.*  With  the  aid  of  the  boats 
of  the  Bacchante  of  the  English  navy,  the  second  division  was  soon 
landed  and  the  Spanish  troops  were  forced  to  fly  "to  the  bush,''  loavinir 

a  Ed.  Rev..  XIII,  295,  note;  BigRS,  103,  104. 
bBigg^,  103;  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  VI.  520. 

c Hislop  to  Windham,  Juno  25.  1800,  P.  R.  0.,  Trinidad,  15. 
d  Letter  of  July  18,  1800,  from  Trinida*!,  Federal  Gazette".  Juno  21,  1806. 

*  Biggs,  112, 113.  not^»,  gives  the  total  at  291;  Marshall,  Naval  Biography,  X,  404,  gives  the  toUl  at  295, 
Including  75  royal  seamen;  Biggs  estimates  the  numlwr  of  the  latter  at  81. 
1  Biggs.  102;  Sherman,  113. 

^  Biggs,  108.  109;  London  Chronicle,  October,  1800,  331. 
h  Marshall,  Naval  Biography,  X,  404. 
i  Ibid..  404,  405;  Biggs,  112. 
y  Marshall,  Naval  Biography,  X,  405;  Biggs,  112. 
»  Marshall,  Naval  Biography,  X,  404,  405;  Biggs,  115, 116. 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA.  387 

the  invaders  in  possession  of  the  forts  witb  the  artillery  and  ammu- 
nitioD  as  weil  as  the  town  of  La  Vela  de  Coro.  The  royal  banner  of 
Spain  was  replaced  by  the  tricolored  standard  of  Miranda. " 

If  wo  may  trust  the  report  of  the  captain-general  of  Caracas,  this 
success  was  due  in  larpe  measure  to  the  weak  and  defenseless  con- 
dition of  Coro,  there  being  only  sixty  muskets  in  the  district.''  Most 
of  the  inhabitants  had  fled  precipitately  from  the  town,  takiDg  the 
{freattT  part  of  their  movable  property  with  thorn.  Miranda  now 
had  an  opportunity  to  test  his  theory  that  the  Spanish  Americans 
would  flock  to  his  standard  on  invasion.  "Flags  of  truce,  with  mes- 
sages of  peace,  and  assurances  of  protection  both  to  person  and 
property  were  immediately  dispatched  about  the  town  and  its  en- 
virons, soliciting  the  fugitive  inhabitants  to  return  to  their  homes; 
but  either  through  the  order  of  Government,  or  affright,  only  some 
old  women  and  a  few  men  could  be  induced  to  accept  the  invitation," " 

Miranda,  evidently  through  some  mishap,  did  not  participate  in 
tlie  attack,  but  landed  some  time  after  the  town  had  been  captureil. 
The  next  night  he  led  his  troops  against  the  town  of  Coro,  about  12 
miles  west  of  La  Vela.  This  place  was  found  to  be  almost  deserted, 
for  the  Spaniards  who  had  received  greatly  exaggerated  reports  of 
the  size  of  the  attacking  forces,  one  estimate  placing  the  number  as 
high  as  2,000  men,  had  deemed  it  the  better  part  of  valor  to  retire.'' 
Miranda  made  attempts  to  recall  the  inhabitants  similar  to  those  which 
had  been  made  at  La  Vela.  On  August  3  a  proclamation  was  i.ssued 
expounding  his  intentions;  every  ofEeial  acting  by  authority  from 
Spain  was  to  suspend  his  functions  at  once;  in  the  meantime  the 
ecclesiastical  and  civil  courts  were  to  exercise  the  functions  of  govern- 
ment: a  general  assembly  was  to  be  formed  of  deputies  from  the 
different  courts  meeting  in  the  capital  and  in  time  a  "general  and 
permanent"  government  might  be  formed;  all  citizens  from  theage 
of  16  to  55  were  summoned  to  the  army;  those  aiding  the  Spanish 
Government  were  to  be  treated  as  traitors ;  such  persons  as  forsook 
the  Spanish  employment  were  to  be  rewarded;  the  public  treasurers 
were  to  transfer  the  moneys  to  the  new  administrators;  the  standard 
of  "national  independence"  was  to  be  fixed  in  the  highest  and  most 
conspicuous  places  and  the  citizens  were  to  wear  a  cockade  in  their 
hats;  the  proclamation  was  to  be  fastened  on  the  doors  of  churches 
and  public  buildings.  A  "Letter  to  the  SpanishAmericans,"  written 
by  a  Jesuit,  Viscardo  y  Guzman,  was  also  distributed  and  the  in- 
habitants were  enjoined  to  read  it.  "The  pubUc  good,"  said  Miranda, 
"is  the  supreme  law."' 


<  Biggs,  U7. 

'  Raju,  SI  IjEDUi 

*  Blcp,  121^131. 


no;  Biggs,  117, 118. 


388  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

This  proclamation  of  policy  suggests  what  Miranda's  ideas  were 
at  this  time  regarding  the  government  of  the  emancipated  territory; 
it  illustrates  his  undying  confidence  in  the  cooperation  of  the  Spanish 
Americans;  and  it  shows  some  traces  of  French  revolutionarv  in- 
fluence.  But  Miranda's  endeavors  to  recall  his  fellow-countrvmen 
were  futile;  the  inhabitants  of  Coro  had  evidentiv  been  forced  to 
leave  their  homos  by  the  orders  and  threats  of  the  Spanish  command- 
ers and  the  exhortations  of  the  priests."  In  a  few  days  Miranda  dis- 
consolately marched  Kis  troops  back  to  La  Vela,  hoping  perhaps  that 
the  citizens  of  Coro  would  return  to  their  homes.* 

Although  Miranda's  hopes  of  obtaining  substantial  aid  from  his 
friends  and  fellow-countrymen  in  Caracas  were  misplaced  or  dis- 
appointed, yet  he  did  not  despairof  securing  help  from  other  quarters. 
On  August  8  he  dispatched  Captain  Ledlie  \^'ith  letters  to  Admiral 
Cochrane,  Admiral  Dacres,  the  EngUsh  naval  commander  on  the 
Jamaica  station,^  and  Sir  Ejtc  Coote,  governor  of  Jamaica,^  asking 
for  succor.  In  the  letter  to  Dacres  he  declared  that  the  people  of  the 
country'  were  "verj^  well  disposed''  to  join  him,  but  ''excessively 
shy,"  because  his  troops  were  so  few  in  number  that  they  might 
'*ultimatelv  be  driven  out  of  the  coimtrv,  and  leave  them  totallv  des- 
titutc  of  protection."  lie  declared  that,  if  the  British  reenforced  him 
vrith  one  regiment  of  infantrj',  one  or  two  squadrons  of  cavalry,  and 
one  company  of  artillerj',  ''the  whole  might  be  settled  in  a  few  days 
and  our  success  would  be  compleatly  obtained.  Send  me  the  rein- 
forcements I  mention  to  you  in  this  letter  and  we  shall  be  at  Caraccas 
before  the  month  expires."  In  conclusion,  Miranda  expressed  liis 
intention  to  hold  (m  to  the  coast  until  he  received  a  reply.* 

These  apj)eals  did  not  bring  any  additional  aid.  Coote  replied 
that,  not  having  received  any  **order  or  advice"  from  his  Govern- 
ment regarding  the  expedition,  it  was  utterly  impossible  for  him  to 
render  Miranchi  any  assistance,^  a  decision  which  the  EngUsh  minis- 
ters commended  ahnost  three  months  later.^  Admiral  Dacres  replied 
that  because  of  the  smallness  of  his  force  and  the  fact  that  he  had 
received  "not  the  slightest  intimation"  from  his  Government,  he 
could  not  render  the  slightest  assistance  beyond  attempting  to  guard 
the  exj)e(Iition  by  a  cruiser.'^     Admiral  Cochrane  still  continued  to 

oBiKKS,  123,  ILM.  l.t*-l.V). 

t>  Ibid.,  121;  Miirshall,  Naviil  IJioumphy,  X.  40ry,  Am.  Hist.  Hov.,  VI,  526,  527. 

<-Am.  Hist.  KoA'.,  \I,.')2ii. 

dMiramlii  to  (\x)te,  Viinnst  s.  1.s(M)  (copy),  P.  U.  ()..  Jiiiiialca,  aO. 

«Am.  Ui'il.  Rvw,  VI..VJ7. 

t  Coot*'  to  Miranda.  .\nj:ii.st  !•).  1S(H)  (copy),  P.  U.  <».,  Jamaica.  .'>8. 

t/Tlio  draft  of  a  dispatch  to  Coote.  Novcinl)cr  (\,  1N»»).  reads  xs  follows:  "  The  line  of  conduct  which  you 
piirsiie<l  on  nHoivim;  (Icn'  Miranda's  application  for  iis>istanco  from  you,  was  under  the olrcumslamt^ i».' 
the  Case  perfw-tly  i)roper.  Without  authority  given  to  you  for  the  purj)Os^  you  would  not  with  propriety 
have  compllwl  with  that  request."  P.  K.  ().,  Jamaica.  r»9.  For  the  contemporar>'  attitude  of  the  ¥.mi^^ 
admiralty  see  l.>elow,  p.  390,  note  b. 

A  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  VI,  .528;  P.  R.  O.,  Ad.  Soc..  In  Letters,  2.V).    The  word  "  Intimation "  is  fouml  In  tht 
manuscript  letter  instead  of "  information  "  as  printed  In  the  Am.  Hist.  Rev. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  389 

assist  and  protect  the  filibusters  with  the  small  squadron  under 
Captain  Campbell.  Before  Miranda  had  received  any  reply  from  the 
English  commanders  whom  he  had  asked  for  aid  he  had  deemed  it 
wise  to  leave  the  coast. 

This  retreat  was  in  large  measure  rendered  necessary  because  of  the 
preparations  which  the  Spaniards  had  been  making  to  resist  the 
dreaded  invaders.  Juan  de  Salas,  the  commander  of  Coro,  who  had 
evacuated  on  Miranda's  approach,  had  dispatched  messengers  to  the 
neighboring  districts  begging  for  aid.**  He  tried  to  station  his  troops 
so  as  to  prevent  Miranda  from  penetrating  into  the  hill  coimtry, 
where  he  believed  there  were  many  discontented  slaves  who  would 
flock  to  the  revolutionary  banner.'*  Gradually  the  Spanish  forces 
had  been  increased  by  the  addition  of  Indians  and  negroes,  archers 
and  fusileers,  infantry  and  cavalry.  Some  of  these  hasty  recruits 
were  armed;  others  were  not.  This  array,  even  more  motley  than 
the  following  of  Miranda,  by  August  8,  according  to  figures  of  the 
Spanish  commander,  nmnbered  at  least  fifteen  hundred  men.*' 

The  cautious  Salas  began  to  think  of  assuming  the  offensive,  and  fol- 
lowed Miranda  to  the  neighborhood  of  La  Vela,  where  his  small  army 
made  its  appearance  on  the  sand  hills  near  the  camp  of  the  invaders. 
The  Spaniards  now  seriously  harassed  Miranda's  forces  and  captured 
a  number  of  his  men,  including  Captain  Johnson,  who  had  succeeded 
the  unknown  young  man  in  the  command  of  the  Leanderfi  Follow- 
ing this  exploit,  the  Spanish  commander  appears  to  have  ventured  a 
further  advance.*  Great  exertions  were  made  to  collect  troops  and 
supplies  in  the  interior  of  the  country,  as  well  as  in  the  vicinity  of 
Coro.  According  to  one  observer,  all  persons  not  foimd  in  arms 
against  Miranda  were  to  be  considered  as  his  accomplices  and  pun- 
ished wdth  death./  Troops  were  sent  to  reenforce  Salas  at  Coro.  On 
August  12,  or  thereabouts,  the  captain-general  with  what  has  been 
described  as  a  ^'nmnerous  retinue  of  custom-house  officers,  priests, 
surgeons,  barbers,  apothecaries,  and  all  the  armed  force  of  every 
description,"  accompanied  by  a  long  train  of  mules  laden  with  pro- 
visions and  military  stores,  left  the  doleful  city  of  Caracas  to  form  a 
camp  and  to  establish  his  headquarters  at  Valencia,  a  point  well 
adapted  strategically  for  the  defense  of  the  province.^  One  Spanish 
official  declared  that  there  were  4,000  men  in  this  army  led  by  Vas- 
concelos.* 

a  Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  209. 

6  Ibid.,  211. 

elbid.,210,212,214,215. 

(<  Biggs,  140-143. 

«  Vasoonoelos  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  September  13, 1806,  A.  G.  I.,  And.  de  Caracas,  133-4-0. 

/  London  Chronicle,  1806, 342. 

Vibid..  444. 

ACaaas  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  August  26, 1806,  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  Caracas,  133-4-9. 


390  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  AS30CUTT0N. 

Evidence  may  be  gleaned,  however,  to  show  that  some  of  the  inhab- 
itants aet-retly  sympatliized  with  Miranda.  At  La  GuajTa,  said  one 
observer,  the  inhabitants  dared  not  express  any  other  opinion  than 
that  Miranda  was  a  "pirate,"  a  "plunderer,"  a  "villain."  He 
declared  that  this  was  due  to  the  measures  which  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment had  taken  to  poison  the  minds  of  tlie  people.  "It  lias  taught 
the  planters  that  hia  dcsitpi  is  to  liberate  all  their  slaves;  the  mer- 
chants that  he  has  come  to  plunder,  and  the  poor  to  oppress  them. 
Miranda  has  many  friends  in  the  countrj',  hut  they  dare  not  declare 
themselves,""  This  view  is  in  part  corroborated  by  the  statempnls 
of  Mr.  Murray,  who  at  the  time  of  Miranda's  attack  was  in  Cuniaua. 
He  declared  that  the  Creoles  were  only  restrained  from  expressing 
their  sentiments  because  of  the  small  fo!lowin{r  of  Miranda,  couplei! 
with  the  dread  of  the  certain  punishment  which  awaited  them  if, 
after  joining  the  revolutionists,  the  movement  should  fail  and  Miranda 
be  compelled  to  withdraw."  But  although  these  statements  illus- 
trate the  views  of.  some  of  the  inhabitants,  it  would  not  be  safe  to 
take  them  as  typical  of  the  general  attitude,  whith  for  whatever 
reason  was  in  favor  of  the  existfng  r^ime. 

The  guerrilla  warfare  of  the  enemy,  the  small  size  of  hia  force,  ihc 
fact  that  he  had  received  little  or  no  assistance  from  the  inliabitanl«, 
and  that  the  rainy  season  was  approaching,  probably  caused  Miranda 
to  change  liis  base.  He  suddenly  decideii  to  evacuate  C'oro  and  to 
await  at  Aruba  the  recnforcements  that  he  seems  to  have  expected 
from  Jamaica  and  Barbados. ■=  Although  this  deci.'Jon  was  con- 
demned by  some  of  his  followers,  it  was  a  wise  measure,  for  the 
Spaniards  had  collected  a  force  large  enough  to  overwhelm  utterly 
the  small  band  of  invaders.  On  Miranda's  departure  the  Spanish 
authorities  instituted  a  vigorous  inqui.sitory  process  for  the  purpose 
of  discovering  those  who  had  encouraged  or  harbored  the  "traitor."' 
At  the  island  of  Aruba,  Miranda  announced  in  a  pompous  declaration 
that  he  had  taken  possessicjn."  The  troops,  fatigued,  scantily  clad, 
and  illy  fed,  were  exercised  on  the  sandy  beach  of  the  islet.  Sick- 
ness broke  out.  Discontent  was  rife.  Miranda,  who  was  but  little 
affected  by  the  sufferings  of  his  men,  was  probably  made  to  feel  the 
loss  of  prestige  that  naturally  resulted  from  the  failure  of  his  attack.' 
The  arrival  of  Ledhe  with  the  disheartening  replies  from  the  British 
officers  was  soon  followed  by  advice  from  Admiral  (Cochrane  that, 
by  order  of  the  Government,  he  had  been  directed  to  limit  the 

ol*ll*rdalHlBeptamberl8,  ISOil,  (.^nUoil  Slates  GawllB,  September  22. 1S06. 

i>Noveml>ei«,  IS07.  (oMInuiUB,  Uontbl;  Review.  Lvm.307,3(S. 

'  l.etler  o[  Ledlle,  Seplcmber  28,  isna,  IxHidcm  Chnmicte.  lauS,  £08:  abo  the  ]«itrr  at  Cupta 
IbJd.,  GM. 

ii-'Testlnioiilo  He  [as  nutoi  (Drmados 
■    *    •",  August  ID  nnd  Aiigiisl  20.  IHDA. 

'Biggs,  ISl,  153, 

/Ibld.,15i-U«.IT4.17S. 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA.  391 

i  which  Miranda  was  to  receive  to  "protection  from  tlie  naval 
force  of  the  enemy,  to  prevent  succors  being  landed,  and  to  secure  hia 
reembarkation.  in  the  event  of  bis  being  obliged  to  leave  the  shore." 
Cochrane  added  that  he  bad  been  directed  "to  send,  by  a  fast  sailing 
vessel,  full  details  of  the  situation  in  which  the  continent  of  South 
America  now  stands,"  so  that  the  cabinet  might  "finaliy  decide"  on 
the  measures  to  be  taken." 

This  cautious  attitude  was  probably  due  to  the  fear  that  a  more 
active  participation  in  the  enterprise  might  retard  tbe  negotiations 
for  a  general  peace  that  were  then  going  on.  Again,  Pitt  had  died  in 
January,  1806,  and  Fox,  the  new  foreign  minister  of  the  Grenville 
ministry,  was  wary.*  Miranda,  however,  did  not  despair  of  resus- 
citating the  enterprise,  and  sent  to  England  a  number  of  intercepted 
dispatches  which  showed  the  apprehensions  of  the  government  of 
Caracas  respecting  hia  activity.'  But  on  September  22  Captain 
Duiidas  of  His  Majesty's  ship  Ele]}kant  warned  Miranda  that  if  he  did 
not  inmiediatcly  leave  Aruba  for  Trinidad  with  the  remnants  of  the  ■ 
expedition  the  protection  of  the  English  naval  force  would  be 
entirely  withdrawn,  and  that  no  more  provisions  would  be  issued 
than  those  that  were  necessary  to  carry  the  adventurers  "to  some 
port  of  safety."'' 

While  Miranda  wa-s  sojourning  at  Aruba,  Vasconcelos  remained  in  a 
verj'  apprehensive  state  of  mind.  He  continued  to  gather  informa- 
tion regarding  the  activitj'  of  Miranda  and  to  dread  another  attack. 
On  September  13  he  implored  the  Prince  of  Peace  to  send  over 
reenforcements  of  regular  troops  and  naval  forces  as  well  as  funds. 
If  the  countrymen  had  to  be  kept  under  arms  long,  he  declared  that 
it  would  result  in  great  damage  to  agriculture  and  "the  irreme- 
diable ruin  of  many  families."  Vasconcelos  did  not  deem  the  aid 
sent  by  the  French  from  Guadeloupe  adequate  to  his  needs.'  Long 
after  Miranda  had  withdrawn  from  Aruba,  the  captain-general 
besought  the  Government  to  send  him  reenforcements. J' 

According  to  the  dates  furnished  by  Bi^s,  the  Leander  left  Aruba 
on  the  morning  of  September  27,  accompanied  by  His  Majesty's  ship 
La  Seine,  on  board  of  which  were  General  Miranda  and  his  suite. 
It  arrived  at  Grenada  on  October  21.'  The  general,  however, 
proceeded  from  Grenada  to  Barbados,  where  he  probably  had  an 
interview  with  Admiral  Cochrane.''  The  former  was  naturally  not 
received  with  the  same  hospitality  as  on  his  previous  visit.     The 


'  CofiwpondeuCB  of  CMt]iTe«li.  \'ll,  121,  ea. 

•  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  lip  Cnracu,  ]33-t-«. 

I  \tvxmcir\os  to  tha  Pdnce  of  Peaoe,  Soplnnbti  3a  and  Norembcr  S9.  I§(M,  IbM. 

*BlKff.  Iff7,  IM. 

tLvHntioiii  BuboJos.  NovornliM  I,  UOB,  LotnlaDTIiiiis,  DcsembeiH,  UM. 


392  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

companions  of  Miranda  discarded  their  variegated  revolutionary 
uniforms  and  endeavored  to  find  employment.  Only  a  small  part  of 
the  wages  originally  promised  appear  to  have  been  paid  to  the  dis- 
banded filibusters,  who  frequently  appealed  to  Miranda  for  financial 
aid,  but  with  little  avail.  °  The  latter  was  now  less  prominent  in 
the  public  eye,  although  he  was  brought  to  notice  in  an  unpleasant 
fashion  by  being  made  party  to  a  suit  by  the  owner  of  the  Trimmer, 
who  desired  payment  for  the  use  of  the  vessel.*  Miranda  succeeded, 
however,  in  avoiding  or  evading  the  payment  of  some  of  his  debts. 
He  did  not  give  up  his  revolutionary  designs,  impecunious  though 
he  was,  for  he  dispatched  De  Rouvray  to  London  to  lay  his  views 
before  the  English  Government,  *"  while  he  busied  himself  gathering 
information  regarding  the  condition  of  the  province  of  Caracas 
and  the  attitude  of  its  inhabitants  toward  France  and  England.^ 
In  the  autumn  of  1807  he  appears  to  have  relinquished  hope  of 
making  an  immediate  attack  on  Terra  Firma,  for  the  Leander  was 
sold  and  the  few  followers  who  had  clung  to  the  fortunes  of  the  ship 
received  a  partial  payment  of  what  was  due  them.  Such  was  the 
end  of  the  expedition  of  1806. 

To  understand  more  fully  the  attitude  of  the  English  Govern- 
ment and  English  officials  toward  the  expedition  of  Miranda,  it 
will  be  useful  to  cast  a  passing  glance  at  the  operations  of  the  British 
forces  in  the  southern  part  of  South  America  in  1806  and  1807. 
About  a  month  before  Miranda  took  possession  of  Coro,  Captain 
Popham  with  a  few  British  ships  and  a  small  body  of  regular  troops 
under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Beresford  had  assumed  the 
responsibility  of  leaving  his  station  on  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and 
making  an  attack  on  the  La  Plata  region.^  Popham  believed  such 
a  move  advisable  because  the  reports  which  he  had  received  regard- 
ing the  defenseless  condition  of  the  Spanish  possessions  in  that 
quarter  had  convinced  him  that  such  an  attack  would  be  followed 
by  a  speedy  conquest  of  that  region,  which  would  be  of  great  advan- 
tage to  England's  commercial  interests.-^  On  June  26  the  small 
force  under  Beresford  was  landed  near  Buenos  Ajn'es,  which  was 
captured  on  July  28.  Popham  sent  word  of  his  achievements  to 
England  and  asked  for  speedy  reenforcements.  ^  In  reply  the  admi- 
ralty, while  approving  the  'judicious,  able,  and  spirited  conduct'' 
of  those  engaged  in  th  ^  expedition,  expressed  its  disapprobation 
of  the  enterprise  because  it  had  been  undertaken  without  instruc- 
tions  from    the   Government.'*     Popham   was   recalled   and   court- 

a  Biggs,  221-229.  234-. 

ftIbid..2(>D-21fi. 

fibld.,  232,  233;  Miranda  to  Ciistlereagli ,  June  10,  1807,  P.  R.  O.,  Trinidad,  18. 

d  Correspondence  of  Castlereagh.  VII,  408. 

f  Pophara's  Trial,  57^59,  72. 

/Ibid..  43-48. 

<^ Ibid.,  54-56. 

h  Ibid.,  69,  70. 


^H  FRANCISCO   DE   MrltANDA.  393 

martialeii  (or  having  left  his  station  without  orders.  Iii  defense  he 
pleaded  that  his  course  was  justified  because  of  the  designs  whirh  he 
knew  Pitt  had  previously  entertained  on  the  dominions  of  Spain  in 
Ameriea."  The  new  ministrj-,  however,  did  not  consider  itself  bound 
by  any  arrangements,  expressed  or  implied,  which  that  minister 
might  have  made  with  either  Popham  or  Miranda. 

Beresford  had  to  wait  months  for  reenforcements.  On  \[arch  5, 
1807.  General  Wliitelocke  was  instructed  to  proceed  with  a  body  of 
troops  to  redute  the  "province  of  Buenos  Ayrea  under  the  authority 
of  Hia  Majesty."  ''  On  the  following  day  he  was  informed  that,  if 
his  enterprise  waa  successful,  be  was  to  assume  the  office  of  civil 
governor  m  the  southern  provinces  of  America.'  The  designs  of 
England  were  not  confined  to  the  La  Plata  region,  for  in  the  end  of 
October,  1806,  General  Crawford  had  been  directed  to  proceed  to 
Chile  and  to  bring  that  country  "under  Ilis  Majesty's  protection  and 
government,"''  in  order  that  it  might  be  used  as  a  vent  for  English 
manufactures  and  as  a  base  for  future  military  operations.'  If 
successful,  he  was  to  impress  on  the  minds  of  the  Peruvians  the 
advantages  of  connection  with  England,^  and  to  concert  with  General 
Beresford  the  means  of  securing  ' '  by  a  chain  of  posts  or  in  any  other 
adequate  mumier,"  im interrupted  military  and  commercial  commu- 
nication between  Chile  and  Buenos  Ayres.'  These  arrangements 
show  clearly  that  the  English  Government  designed  the  ultimate 
conquest  of  a  large  part  of  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America.  In 
the  execution  of  the  plan,  however,  it  failed.  Had  it  acted  sooner 
and  also  aided  Miranda  witli  a  strong  body  of  troops,  the  face  of 
South  Ajiierica  would  probably  have  been  altered  profoundly  and 
perhaps  permanently. 

Long  after  Guevara  Vasconeetos  had  sent  his  last  dispatch  on  the 
expe*htion  of  Miranda,  that  topic  was  the  subject  of  diplomatic  rep- 
resentations between  the  United  States  and  Spain.  Mr.  Erving,  the 
representative  of  the  American  Government  at  Madrid,  was  repeatedly 

Bin  the  coane  of  tho  trlHl  Popham  sld :  "In  [I>e  moalh  ol  December,  laM,  the  Dladm.  1o  which  ship 
I  ma  appQlnteil.  wasputtnlofomiulssloti  for  the  express  purpCEp  of  my  proc«dlag  hi  herauthelnlmdad 
eipedllkiD  lo  South  .tmerita.  but  Tarlcnis  chiumstanpei  arose  to  retard  the  eneentloD  o[  the  project  al 
Uiat  llnw."  Pophun's  Trial,  79,  Popham  declared  that  when  tie  took  leave  ol  Pitt  In  Jul; .  ISDS.  be 
lUHlalaugeanTermlliinwIthlilm  "od  the  arlglnal  project  or  theexpedltlon  to  South  Amraini,"  Inlhecoiine 
DtwhlchPlttlnformcdhlaithil  bowiuaniiousto"dlYert"br  "(rlendly  negotlaUons"Spftln  from  PnuKe, 
but  l[  IblslBlkil,  "It  was  bis  imon  lion  lu  s«ahi  enter  on  Uio  original  project."  Ibid.,  90.  InooswerhiB 
qualion  of  Popbam,  Lonl  Uelrllle  said;  "F  dom-ullect  that  nbea  Sir  Home  Popham  wasiippolat«d  to 
(h*  Diadem,  the  objwt  then  Immediately  iQ  view  was  lo  eoopeiate  either  with  w  without  General  Mlr»nd4. 
In  auch  oh)ects  raentiooed  In  the  memorial  as  inl«hl  bethought  conducive  to  thelnlereslaof  Oreat  SrltalD." 
Ibid..  137.  The  memorial  rcleired  tu  vu  oni  drawn  up  by  Popham  hi  October.  1804.  regarding  dealgui 
on  Spanish  America.  Am.  nist.  Rev..  VI,SO»-.  See  alao  the  nqily  of  Lord  UeiviUe  to  a  quMtlOD  oT  tbt 
piHrideot  ot  tits  nnirc,  Popbam 'a  Trial,  13B. 

»  WhltdodiB'B  Trial.  I,  Appendix,  nil. 

<  Ibid.,  V. 

t  Ibid.,  iivii. 


394  AMERICAN    HISTORICAI-  ASSOCTATIOS. 

(■tilled  on  to  defend  it  against  the  arguments  and  the  insinuations  d[ 
Cevallos.  Aa  in  the  case  of  Armstrong,  Madison  tried  to  forearm  his 
agent  by  sending  copies  of  the  diplomatic  correspond ent'o  relating 
to  the  affair."  It  was  a  wise  precaution,  for  Erving  reported  that  in 
his  first  interview  with  Cevallos,  the  latter  "launched  out  into  ibe 
most  bitter  reproache-s "  B4;ainst  the  Government  of  the  Vniied 
States  for  "its  procedure  with  regard  to  Yrujo."  The  Spaoianl 
pointedly  connected  the  Miranda  affair  with  the  sudden  dismissal  of 
Yrujo  and  of  the  Marquis  of  ('asa  Calvo.'  In  this  interview,  Cevallos 
struck  the  keynote  of  many  of  his  subsequent  representations  to  th» 
legation  of  the  United  States/ 

He  went  further,  and  on  July  18,  1806,  informed  Erving  thai  "the 
expedition  of  pirates"  would  be  made  the  basis  of  reclamation 
against  the  United  States,  because  of  the  injuries,  costs,  and  preju- 
dices which  it  had  caused  to  Spain.  The  responsibility,  he  maintaioni, 
was  indubitable  because  of  the  mere  fact  that  such  an  expedition  had 
left  the  port  of  New  York.''  On  more  tlian  one  occasion  did  Erving 
repel  the  insinuations  of  Cevallos  regarding  the  treatment  of  Yrujo 
and  of  Casa  Calvo  and  their  connection  with  the  Miranda  affair. 
On  July  22  he  replied  to  the  demand  for  reclamation,  informing 
Cevallos  that  such  a  reclamation  could  not  "be  supported  on  ant 
known  principles;  that  to  attach  responsibihty  to  the  American 
Government  for  the  acts  of  Miranda,  it  will  be  necessary  to  show  that 
some  countenance  has  been  given  to  his  projects,  or  that  it  neglected 
to  arrest  and  defeat  them  after  hia  criminal  intentions  were  known 
and  proved."  If,  as  Cevallos  maintaine<l,  rumors  of  the  expedition 
were  spread  over  the  country  days  before  the  departure  of  Miraudit, 

<>  Uadlson  to  Eniag,  Fobruafy  30,  ison  (rap)'),  Sta(«  Dopt.  HSS.,  Dura*u  ot  lodeies  ud  Anhln^ 
Initrucdoiu  lo  UlnLsten,  Spain,  VI. 

'  Erving  lo  Uonroe.  June  IS.  IBOH,  Uonnw  USS.,  XI,  I.  1374. 

'  CavuUot  to  Erving,  June  2t,  180U  (oupyl,  flwta  Dupt.  MSS. 
•palchtHlrom  MiolsKcB,  Spain,  X.  AnoitiBctfromBnoleorJun 
will  sbow  how  the  lUiHoda  aSali  was  DS90Clah3d  wltb  the  treatmBnt  of  Yrujo  by  the  Govenunml  of  ttn 
United  States:  "  PeroiiilolniproprlodvegtopssaseiillUiden  lu  clrciuutanclBa  en  q-  so  feilflcd  »  bin 
mucbomaawnilbloUnaturale^AdelBgrQvio-  Era  prec]9anienl4i  a]  mlsme  tlempo  que  a]  Inidor  UlriAdt 
tm  coaocldo  p-  sua  eirenoa  revoluclDOBclos  «>  hallnba  en  New  Vetk  piepuando  sus  intrlei*  y  dlspenknda 
una  agraalon  contra  las  Posurlones  de  8.  U.  Se  eslaban  ealoDDes  ptupmndo  en  aiiuelptMrlo  deloaEMi 
1'ii'£  (nBjoniados  de  la  reddendade  su  Oovno.,  las  annas,  las  munldones  j  las  fondosoa  que  lubliDil* 
aallr  ImpunomiFnle  dentro  depocoa  dlaa  con  iscindalo  universal  p-  atiKar  ima  pane  de  loi  dmnlnlos  ddBij 
en  bnquos  AmcrlCBnoa,  con  trlputuclon  y  geate  da  guurta  Americana.  Uerando  i  sti  bordo  hl}ds  j  FiiImM 
de  pemnas  enipliodas  p '  el  Oovlemo  AmerlDono,  HBlKada  la  Impress  oon  capltalia  de  Culdades  Anaif- 
canos,  y  ■Hguradoa  loe  buquoa  en  oompaAlaa  de  seEuros  Amertcanas.  Li>s  nmtom  de  esta  expedtoig 
esDiDdalosasedlvulCBbBn  ya  p'el  ConUnente  de  los  Est>  Va:  Yaeste  Oeoipo  «  q'>*  II '  Hadlaun  Uxvp' 
ooDvenlentecorlar  toda  oomunlencliin  eon  el  minlstro  de  S.  U.  So  me  peimllR^  la  nus  pvqncAa  riAtW 
■obre  la  caincldencia  de  eslai  doB  elrcunstuncias,  nl  tantpoco  nncrar^  sqiil  en  el  p'  menai  aUuao  Vbo 
el  uunia  de  la  i-xpedli^lan  de  Illranda  p'  sec  osle  el  asunto  de  una  reidamadon  q-  Mtparadunt*  eono- 
pondeh«ceraoalOo\-"'>delo3  Est'  I'b*;  peroslej  muldcloaso  refcilr  aqul  que  resUludod  MlnlsUo* 
S.  U.  i  Philadelphia  pssi}  tuuta  Lrea  DotasalSee'  dnnslado  sahii<  Jos  dcilenDS  bosdlBs  de  Ulranda;  nm 
Ids  inedlas  do  eonlencrloi;  hu  dos  do  ellaa  p'  el  oonducto  del  Ulnlstro  de  Fruicia:  ;  que  todas  In*  »!• 
dpliulvliiron  en  la  mlEma  lOraia,  dos  p'  modlD  de]  odimo  ministro  y  U  terrera  aln  nbrlr  baxo  mia  FiiUiR* 
dalaSisretarlt  dp  Esljwlo."    (i:^py.  Ibid.] 

„  July  IS,  IBM  (eifpyl,  State  Dept.  MSa.,  Bureau  of  Indaies  and  ArEhlro,  UspatcbvAin 


FRANCISCO   HE   MIRANDA.  395 

■why,  asked  Erring,  did  the  minister  of  France  make  no  representa- 
tions on  tbe  subject  until  the  departure  of  the  Leanderf  In  con- 
clusion Erving  maintained  that  the  proceedings  of  the  United  States 
were  "calculated  to  satisfj-  most  effectually  the  demands  of  justice; 
at  once  to  vindicate  the  character  of  the  Government  and  to  mani- 
fest its  good  faith  and  friendly  disposition  towards  His  Catholic 
Majesty,""  As  Erving  suggested  in  a  dispatch  to  liis  Government, 
it  was  evident  that  the  Spaniards  were  ui^ng  this  claim  for  the 
purpose  of  having  something  with  which  to  offset  the  claims  of  the 
Uaited  States  against  Spain^  as  well  as  to  hinder  the  negotiations 
between  the  two  powers. 

The  Spaniards  did  not  readily  give  up  their  contention.  On 
August  7,  1807,  when  Valentin  de  Foronda  had  just  become  chat^6 
d'affaires  of  Spain  in  the  United  States,  the  latter  informed  Madison 
that  the  Spaniards  had  been  caused  great  expense  by  the  attack  of 
"the  traitor  Miranda."  Consequently  he  entered  a  most  solemn 
protest,  demanding  satisfaction  for  all  the  damages  and  prejudices 
which  had  resulted  or  which  might  result  to  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment or  its  subjects.  "^  In  an  interesting  letter  to  Madison  in  regard 
to  this  demand  for  satisfaction,  Jefferson  suggested  that  probably 
this  was  meant  as  a  "set-off"  against  possible  recriminations  by  the 
United  States  in  regard  to  the  western  intrigues  of  Spain.  He  ad- 
vised  that  nothing  be  said  of  these,  however,  but  that  when  proof 
was  secured  a  remonstran<^e  and  a  demand  for  satisfaction  should  be 
made.  If  Congress  approved,  reprisals  might  then  be  made  on  the 
Floridas,  "until  satisfaction  for  that  and  for  spohations  and  until  a 
settlemt.  of  boimdary.  I  had  rather  have  war  against  Spain  than 
not.  if  we  go  to  war  against  England,  our  Southern  defensive  force 
can  take  the  Floridas,  volunteers  for  a  Mexican  army  will  flock  to 
our  standards,  and  rich  pabulum  will  be  offered  to  our  privateers 
in  the  plunder  of  their  commerce  and  coasts,  probably  Cuba  would 
add  itself  to  our  confederation."'*  On  August  23  Madison  responded 
to  Foronda,  vindicating  the  "conduct"  of  his  Government  against 
the  charge  "of  not  taking  measures  to  prevent  the  expedition."" 
This   did    not   end    the    matter,    however,    for   in    February.   1808, 


•  C«T«llo»  to  Erring,  July  12,  i80«  icupy).  Slalc  Depl.  MaS.,  Bureou  ot  laiexet  sod  AfchlVB, 
DcspotclKS [roiD  Ulnlsten.  SpalB,  X. 

*  Erving  u>  HidlWD,  June  17,  1806;  "  Taking  all  ctrcumslaiKei  Into  constilantloa,  I  am  peniuidwl  tint 
tUt  allalr  put  in  (be  sfiape  Dia  (ormol  demuid  orsuUsCaiMor?  Mplauatloa  [rom  Dur  Gareramem.,  If  Id  tendnl 

HtBenac*.  u  nvll  as  to  Ihroir  wdBht  Into  the  Kalo  al  thdr  own  preluisloiu."  Ibid.  The  iiuuucllani 
qri.A.Caballero,  Augiui  8.  IS08,  lo  Ibe  vlcfirDy  of  (J»h  Spain  lo  ibfl  etteci  that  an  acconnl  should  be  kept 
oftbcoostgf  pnparlBg  for  an  aimrk  by  Ulranda,  show  tbeabjectot  theBpaniahaovenunentcImty .  A. 
O.  U.,  Kaaiet  C6du)u  y  drdeiMS.  IdT.  Oocumemar;'  Appendix,  No.  6. 

<  BUU  Depi.  11S3,,  Bureau  or  Indaies  and  Arcblves,  Notas  tram  Lf^gatloiu,  Spain,  U. 

<  Angufl  lA.  IMT.  JsRerson  MSB.,  seriea  1.  XU,  f.  332. 
'.S'ol«Dt'-L«tlenlnHniheSacntar)-o[StaIetoUi.FoTODda,CharK«d'A]IalrB3oiniaCatboUcUi]Mt7." 

Blale  Drpl.  MSS-.  Bureau  ot  Indeiea  and  Archives,  Notes  troni  Legation!.  Spidn,  II.  The  volmne  twn- 
«ABtt  the  oilsiula  ol  tbe  t« 


396  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Cevallos  again  urged  the  demand  for  indemnification  on  our  repre- 
sentative in  Spain.®  It  was  not  renounced  by  the  Spanish  Grovern- 
ment  until  the  treaty  of  1819  was  made  with  the  United  States. 

The  expedition  of  Miranda  against  Spanish  America  in  1806, 
although  originally  fitted  out  in  a  port  of  the  United  States,  was  in 
many  respects  more  of  a  British  than  an  American  enterprise.  It  is 
true  that  private  individuals  and  at  least  one  prominent  federal  official 
promoted  the  enterprise  in  various  ways.  It  is  clear  that  the  neglect 
of  the  Federal  Government  to  interfere  was  responsible  for  the 
departure  of  the  expedition  from  New  York.  But  a  large  percentage 
of  Miranda's  fighting  force  was  composed  of  men  who  had  fought 
under  the  English  flag.  At  the  time  of  the  attack  on  Coro,  more 
than  one-half  of  the  invading  force  was  composed  of  British  marines 
and  seamen,  or  men  recruited  in  the  British  West  Indies.  Without 
the  supplies  that  came  from  the  resources  of  the  British  West  Indies, 
frequently  drawn  from  the  stores  of  the  British  Grovemment,  the 
expedition  could  hardly  have  proceeded  on  its  way.  Without  the 
protection  of  the  British  naval  force,  an  attack  on  the  Spanish  con- 
tinent would  have  been  extremely  hazardous,  if  not  impossible. 
Without  the  support  of  the  Lily  and  other  British  vessels,  Miranda, 
if  indeed  he  had  even  succeeded  in  securing  a  foothold  on  the  Spanish 
domain,  would  have  found  great  difficulty  in  making  his  retreat.  An 
indication  of  this  is  the  fact  that  Miranda  was  compelled  to  relinquish 
temporarily  his  cherished  designs  when  the  active  support  of  the 
British  naval  ollicers  was  withdrawn. 

If  the  British  Government  did  not  order  its  representatives  in  the 
West  Indies  to  aid  Miranda,  and  no  evidence  has  been  found  that  it 
did  so,  it  is  nevertheless  indubitable  that  by  neglecting  for  a  time  to 
instruct  its  servants  in  the  West  Indies  to  withhold  the  aid  which  the 
Government  knew  some  of  them  were  afTording  Miranda,  that  Gov- 
ernment gave  its  "implied  sanction"  to  the  undertaking.  It  is 
hardly  enough  to  say  with  Lord  Castlereagh  that  ^'this  operation, 
unsupported  by  any  efFective  aid,  proceeded  from  a  British  port,  with 
just  enough  of  cooperation  on  our  part  to  mix  us  in  the  policy  and 
failure  of  tlio  effort,  but  without  any  adequate  prospect  of  rendering 
it  successful.  "^ 

The  main  reasons  for  the  failure  of  the  expedition  are  not  far  to 
seek.  The  (h^lays  of  Miranda  and  the  warnings  sent  by  Yrujo  hin- 
dered the  success  of  the  attacks  on  the  mainland  by  enabling  the 
Spaniards  in  Caracas  to  put  themselves  in  a  condition  to  repulse  the 
invaders.  Again,  it  is  very  evident  that  the  strength  of  the  expedi- 
tion was  woefully  inadequate  for  the  task  which  hkd  been  undertaken. 

n  Cevallos  to  Erving,  February  22,  1808  (copy),  State  Dept.  MSS.,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives. 
Dosi)atches  from  Spain.  X. 

<>  Correspondence  of  Castlereash,  VII.  315.  There  is  an  interesting  indorsement  on  the  letter  of  Admiral 
Cochrane  to  Mursden.  Aprill2,  1800  (Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  VI,  521),  "4  June.  Answer  ♦  ♦  ♦  andappw^® 
of  the  communication  he  has  made  to  M.  Miranda.''    Ad.  Sec.,  In  Letters,  327. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIBANDA.  397 

iranda  himself  was  to  an  extent  conscious  of  this;  witness  his 
^tempts  to  secure  aid  from  the  British.  In  1808,  so  good  a  judge 
)  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley,  who  had  devoted  some  time  to  a  study  of 
ihe  problem,  believed  that  the  revolutionizing  of  Terra  Firma  could 
ot  be  safely  undertaken  without  10,000  British  regulars."  If,  how- 
(ver,  Miraiiila  had  had  only  a  few  thousand  such  troops  he  would 
irobably  have  attained  a  degree  of  success,  as  there  were  a  number 
bf  disaffected  spirits  in  the  province  who  would  have  Joined  him  if 
i  had  had  a  stronger  support  from  the  English. 
In  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  however,  it  would  be  vain  to  ijuagine 
hat  Miranda,  whatever  bis  initial  successes,  could  have  established, 
_5»r  less  maintained,  the  independence  of  Caracas  and  the  adjacent 
.territories  without  a  strong  army.  For  whether  the  Minto  storj-  was 
entirely  a  fiction  or  not,  certain  it  is  that  Terra  Firma,  and  indeed  all 
Spanish  America,  contained  at  this  time  large  numbers  of  men 
fsnatically  devoted  to  the  reigning  Spanish  house,  who  would  not 
hsve  submitted  to  the  establishment  of  an  independent  government 
without  a  bloody  and  protracted  struggle.  As  later  liistory,  too, 
mourijfuMy  demonstrated,  those  Spanish  Americans  who  desired 
liberty  or  death  were  often  a  small  although  an  active  minority.  The 
expedition  of  1806,  while  it  exemplifies  the  sympathy  of  English  naval 
commanders  for  an  attack  on  Spanish  America,  demonstrates  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  captain-generalship  of  Caracas,  at  least,  would 
not  rally  to  the  support  of  a  feeble  invader.  If  this  were  a  fair  cri- 
terion, one  would  he  forced  to  conclude  that  Miranda's  working 
hypothesis  of  Spanish-American  cooperation  was  a  fallacy. 

Viewed  in  the  light  of  the  English  attacks  on  the  southern  part  of 
Spanish  America,  Miranda's   abortive   expedition   of   1S06   acquires 
greater  significance.     It  appears  very  hkely  that,  if  the  attack  of 
Miranda  had  been  so  far  successful  as  to  secure  for  him  the  firm  pos- 
session of  strategic  points  on  the  Spanish  mainland,   the  English 
Government  might  have  materially  aided  hun  in  connection  with  its 
designs  against  the  La  Plata  region.     The  lack  of  a  positive  policy 
toward  Spanish  America  might  have  been  changed  into  one  of  oppor- 
tunism by  the  ministry  of  "All  the  Talents,"  even  though  (ircnville 
was  the  prime* minister.     It  is  possible  that  Popham  and  Miranda 
■    may  have  had  some  secret  understanding  regarding  the  attacks  which 
H  they  directed  against  the  different  sections  of  South  America  at 
^(.Almost  the  same  time." 

^H  A  symbolic  design  on  a  handkerchief  of  English  manufacture  found 
^Bia  the  colonies  near  Miranda's  point  of  attack  in  the  spring  of  1807 
^FlUustrat'es  some  contemporarv  sentiment  on   the   English  attitude 

•  Wililngion,  Supplementary  Bespalfhes.  VII,  Si*. 

'luUwConnecilfut  Joumal,  DecembarK,  IS06,  IsalBtterfroni  Trinldnd.  Novemlwrln,  lane.  In  which 


I 


398  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

toward  Spanish  America  so  well  that  it  is  worth  a  brief  description. 
On  this  handkerchief  were  portraits  of  Sir  Home  Popham,  General 
Beresford,  Washington,  and  Miranda,  associated,  as  it  were,  to  obtain 
the  same  end,  or  because  of  the  similarity  of  their  undertakings,  with 
many  sketches  of  naval  battles  and  bordered  with  these  four  inscrip- 
tions: '*It  is  not  commerce  but  union;  Let  arts,  industry  and  com- 
merce flourish;  Religion  and  its  holy  ministers  be  protected;  Persons, 
conscience  and  commerce  be  at  liberty. "  The  apotheosis  of  Chris- 
topher Columbus  filled  the  center  and  English  colors  adorned  the 
sides.  England  was  depicted  as  goddess  of  the  seas,  the  lion  of  Spain 
at  her  feet.  A  youth  was  pictured  rolling  up  the  French  colors,  and 
poking  the  lion  with  the  hilt  of  his  sword.  On  the  handkerchief  was 
this  inscription:  ''The  dawn  of  day  in  South  America."*  The 
captain-general  of  Caracas  declared,  in  referring  to  this  handkerchief, 
that  the  rebel  Miranda  worked  in  connivance  and  with  the  support 
of  the  English  as  the  result  of  a  comprehensive  plan  of  Spanish- 
American  conquest  formed  by  that  Government.  ^ 

Such  was  the  Spaniard's  interpretation.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  designs  of  Pitt  in  regard  to  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America 
in  18Q5  and  1806,  it  is  evident  that  the  expeditions  of  Miranda  and 
Popham  in  1806  are  to  an  extent  the  projection  upon  the  map  of 
Spanish  America  of  plans  drawn  up  in  1803  and  1804  with  the  consent 
or  tacit  approbation  of  that  prime  minister.  These  expeditions 
afford  another  illustration  of  the  vitality  of  the  idea  of  Spanish- 
American  emancipation  in  the  West  Indies,  the  United  States,  and 
England. 

a  Vasconcelos  to  the  Prinoe  of  Peace,  April  1, 1807,  A.  O.  I.,  Aud.  de  Caracas,  133-4-9;  the  London  Chron- 
icle, 1807,  part  2.  449.  gives  a  summary  of  part  of  the  dispatch. 

f>  Ibid;  Rojas,  Kl  General  Miranda,  240.  Vasconcelos  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  April  1, 1807,  also  iUustratos 
this  conception  of  the  Spanish  captain-general:  "Con  cfecto,  serenisimo  se&or.  la  proycctadaindependeni-ia 
6  por  mejor  dooir  los  bastos  dcsignios  de  cstablecimientos  coloniales  que  oailtaba  la  amhidon  de  aqnella 
Potencia  eneniiga  bajo  unas  apuriencias  mas  lisongeras  para  los  pueblos  no  tenlan  otros  Ifmitos  que  las 
que  ha  puesto  la  naturaleza  d  los  dilitados  dominios  de  la  Am(^rica  Meridional.  Las  expedicioncs  contra 
Caracas  y  Buenos  Ayres  fueron  conccbidas  &  un  tiempo  simentadas  sobre  la  misma  base  y  executadas  casi 
en  una  misma  (!>i)ocu.  Aquellas  dos  tentativas  hubieran  sido  coadyubadas  por  otras  muchas  si  las  altera- 
ciones  politicas  de  la  Kuropa  no  hubieran  dado&  la  Francia  una  preponderancia  imprevlsta  que  oblig6  k 
los  inglescs  &  tener  sus  fuerzas  reconcentrados.  Se  aseguraba  el  <^xito  de  la  cmpresa  en  la  multlplicidad  de 
los  medios  y  se  creia  que  cl  impcrio  espaAol  de  la  America  representado  por  Miranda  como  inconsistent^ 
en  su  misma  graiideza  no  podrla  resist ir  &  la  impresion  simult4nea  dc  tantos  empujcs  dlferentes  y  que  su 
propio  peso  preclpitaria  su  calda    ♦    ♦    ♦.    "    a.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  Caracas,  133-4-9. 


ENGLAND   AND  SPANISH  AMERICA  IN   1B08. 

The  classic  description  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  was  written  by 
James  Biggs,  one  of  his  followers  in  the  expedition  of  1806.  "He  is 
about  five  feet  ten  inches  high.  His  limbs  are  well  proportioned;  his 
whole  frame  is  stout  and  active.  His  complexion  is  dark,  florid  and 
healthy.  His  eyes  are  hazel  colored,  but  not  of  the  darkest  hue. 
They  are  piercing,  quiirk  and  intelligent,  expressing  more  of  the  severe 
than  the  mild  feelings.  He  has  good  teeth,  which  he  takes  much  care 
to  keep  clean.  His  nose  is  large  and  handsome,  rather  of  the  English 
than  Roman  cast.  His  chest  is  square  and  prominent.  His  hair  is 
gray  and  he  wears  it  tied  long  behind  with  powder.  He  has  strong 
gray  whiskers  growing  on  the  outer  edges  of  his  ears,  as  large  as  most 
Spaniards  have  on  their  cheeks.  In  tlie  coutour  of  his  visage  you 
plainly  perceive  an  expression  of  pertinaciousness  and  suspicion.  Upon 
the  whole  without  saying  he  is  an  elegant,  wo  may  pronounce  him  a 
handsome  man.  He  has  a  constant  habit  of  picking  his  teeth. 
When  sitting  he  is  never  perfectly  still ;  his  foot  or  hand  must  be  kept 
moving  to  keep  time  with  his  mind  which  is  always  in  exercise.  He 
always  sleeps  a  few  moments  after  dinner,  and  then  walks  till  bed 
time,  which  with  him  is  about  midnight.  He  is  an  eminent  example 
of  temperance.  A  scanty  or  bad  meal  is  never  regarded  by  him  as  a 
subject  of  complaint.  He  uses  no  ardent  spirits;  seldom  any  wine. 
*  •  *  He  is  a  courtier  and  gentleman  in  his  manners.  Dignity 
and  grace  preside  in  his  movements.  Unless  when  angry,  he  has  a 
great  command  of  his  feelings;  and  can  assume  what  looks  and  tones 
he  pleases.  In  general  his  demeanor  is  marked  by  hauteur  and  dis- 
tance. When  he  is  angry  he  loses  discretion.  He  is  impatient  of 
contradiction.  In  discourse  he  is  logical  in  the  management  of  his 
thoughts.  He  appears  conversant  on  all  subjects,  Ilis  iron  memory 
prevents  his  ever  being  at  a  loss  for  names,  dates  and  authorities."" 

We  have  already  noticed  the  attitude  of  the  English  Government 
toward  Spanish  America  in  1806  and  1807  as  illustrated  in  the  treat- 
ment accorded  to  Popham  and  Miranda  and  by  the  instructions  to 
Generals  Crawford  and  Whitelock.  Other  propositions  were  under 
the  CO  na  id  e  rat  ion  of  the  Government  of  England  about  the  same  time 
which  will  be  briefly  considered  here,  as  they  form  an  introduction  to 


400  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

the  more  serious  consideration  of  the  subject  in  the  first  half  of  the 
year  1808,  after  the  arrival  of  Miranda  in  England  from  the  West 
Indies.  Again,  they  serve  to  show  how  strong  a  hold  the  idea  of  revo- 
lutionizing Spanish  America  had  on  the  minds  of  men  in  England. 

In  many  of  the^se  plans  the  attention  of  the  cabinet  was  called  to 
the  feasibility  of  attacking  Mexico  or  Buenos  Ayres.  On  February 
14,  1806,  William  Jacob  drew  up  a  plan  for  an  attack  on  Spanish 
America."  In  July  he  formulated  another  plan  for  an '  'Attack  of  Mex- 
ico from  the  Eastern  Side.''''  Such  projects  multiplied  as  the  suc- 
cesses of  the  French  arms  on  the  continent  increased.  It  appeared 
dangerous  to  an  increasing  number  of  people  that  an  enormous  com- 
merce with  Spanish  America  should  be  so  largely  in  the  hands  of  Spain, 
the  dependent  ally  of  France.  The  development  of  Napoleon's  con- 
tinental S3^stem,  which  aimed  to  exclude  English  goods  from  territory 
under  French  control,  rendered  it  more  and  more  necessary  for 
England  to  secure  new  markets  for  her  manufactures.  The  victories 
of  Napoleon  at  Jena  and  Friedland  and  the  peace  of  Tilsit  made  him 
to  a  large  extent  the  master  of  the  Continent.  England,  however, 
had  a  compensating  advantage.  Her  naval  strength,  made  supreme 
by  the  battle  of  Trafalgar  in  October,  1805,  placed  her  in  a  position  to 
more  easily  direct  an  attack  on  Spanish  America,  whenever  it  should 
seem  advisable  to  relinquish  or  to  relax  the  struggle  against  France 
in  Europe,  and  to  endeavor  by  counter  projects  to  prevent  that  power 
from  gaining  to  her  side  the  rich  resources  of  the  colonial  empire  of 
Spahi.  vSuch  was  still  the  contingency  on  which  English  attitude 
toward  Spanish  America  depended. 

Nineteen  days  after  the  battle  of  Jena,  Lord  Castlereagh,  who  had 
become  greatly  interested  in  Spanish  America,  submitted  to  the  con- 
sideration of  his  intimate  friend,  the  experienced  military  officer.  Sir 
Arthur  Wellesley,  a  plan  for  the  conquest  of  New  Spain.*=     Acting  on 
this  suggestion,  the  latter  drew  up  several  careful  and  detailed  memo- 
randa regarding  expeditions  against  Manila  and  New  Spain.*^     In  the 
end  of  1806,  or  early  in  1807,  the  English  Government  appears  to  have 
contemplated  an  attack  on  New  Spain  with  forces  led  by  Wellesley.' 
In  1S07  the  Duke  of  Orleans  presented  a  memoir  in  which  he  declared 
that  only  'the  timely  and  well-directed  interference  of  Great  Britain 
could  prevent  Spanish  America  from  falling  a  prey  to  Jacobinism." 
He  advised  that  "regular  monarchical  governments*'  be  established 
in  Spanish  America.     To  initiate  the  movement,  he  suggested  that  a 
Eur()j)ean   prince  be  sent   to  Mexico,  *'the  keystone  of  the  arch." 
When  this  was  removed  the  Empire  would  fall  to  pieces.-^    General    ■ 

n  r.  R.  O..  Spain,  90.  ^  | 

^  Correspondence  of  Castlereagh.  VII,  293-302.  *  j 

<•  Alison.  Lives  of  Castlereagh  and  Stewart,  I.  227-229.  i 

d  Wclllnpton,  Supplementary  Despatches,  VI,  35-. 
«  Correspondence  of  Castlereagh,  VII.  316. 
/  Ibid.,  332-344. 


FRANCISCO    PE    MIRANDA. 


401 


^^Bmouriez  seconded  this  plea;  in  one  of  his  communicatioDS  he  sug- 
^HBtcd  that  a  Bourbon  prince  be  made  King  of  Mexico,"  Mr,  Wright, 
Jpormer  English  naval  commander,  called  attention  to  the  Mosquito 
shore.  He  dilated  upon  the  rich  soil,  the  healthy  climate,  and  the 
good  harbors  of  that  region.  Its  numerous  products  were  called  to 
mind.  Only  a  small  force  was  needed  to  attack  it.  Success  in  that 
place  might  cause  Spain  "a  mortal  wound."  "Under  the  polishing 
hand  of  British  protection,"  he  declared  "that  resourceful  country 
would  soon  shine  forth  as  one  of  the  brightest  jewels  in  the  British 
diadem."* 

On  May  1 ,  1 807,  Castlereagh,  who  bad  become  secretary  of  war  and 
the  colonies  in  the  Portland  ministry  formed  in  March,  1807,  prepared 
a  memorandum  on  the  problem  of  Spanish  America.  After  referring 
to  the  lack  of  a  fixed  policy  on  the  part  of  the  preceding  cabinet  toward 
that  country,  he  asked  the  ministers  to  consider  whether  the  value  of 
an  "occupancy"  of  or  a  "connection"  with  Spani-sh  America  by  con- 
quest, "either  during  war,  or  upon  a  peace,"  would  compensate  for 
the  "drain  and  incumbrance"  it  would  be  upon  the  "other  military 
operations"  and  upon  the  population  of  England,  and  if  not,  "whether 
Bome  principle  of  acting  more  consonant  to  the  sentiments  and  inter- 
ests of  the  people  of  South  America"  could  not  be  adopted,  which 
might  relieve  England  "from  the  hopeless  task  of  conquering  this 
extensive  country,  against  the  temper  of  its  population."  Castle- 
reagh then  said  that  the  two  extreme  methods  of  procedure  in  respect 
to  Spanish  America  by  England  were  either  conquest  with  a  view  to 
permanent  possession,  or  an  attempt  to  revolutionize  that  country. 
He  expre-ssed  his  belief  that  it  was  indispensible  that  the  English 
should  not  present  themselves  "in  any  other  light  than  as  auxiliaries 
and  protectors.  In  order  to  prove  our  sincerity  in  this  respect,  we 
shoultl  be  prepared  to  pursue  our  object  by  a  native  force,  to  be  created 
under  our  countenance,  and  the  particular  interest  which  we  should 
be  understood  alone  to  propose  to  ourselves  should  be  the  depriving 
our  enemy  of  one  of  his  chief  resources,  and  the  opening  to  our  manu- 
factures the  markets  of  that  great  continent."''  A  policy  was  here 
outlineil  with  which  Miranda's  plans  might  harmonize.  . 

Perhaps  the  representations  of  Miranda's  agents  in  London  directed 
the  attention  of  the  English  officials  to  Terra  Firma.  In  tlie  middle 
of  February,  1807,  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley  proposed  an  attack  on  Terra 
Firma.  He  calculated  that  there  were  about  13.000  Spanish  troops 
in  Venezuela,  Maracaibo,  Guiana,  and  Margarita.  Accordingly  it 
was  Ids  opinion  that  an  attack  on  that  part  of  the  Spanish  dominions 
should  not  be  made  with  any  leas  than  10,000  men  beddes  artillery. 
■  This  force,  he   declared,   should  consist  of  6,000  British  infantry, 


1 


402  AMKKICAN    HtSTOBrcAL  AHBOCTATION. 

2,600  black  infantry,  and  1,400  British  cavalry.  WeUesIey  sug- 
gested that  the  force  should  have  ita  rendezvous  at  Barbados,  and 
that  the  attacking  troops  should  be  divided  into  thi-ee  corps;  on* 
was  to  attack  La  Guayra  and  the  city  of  Caracas,  the  second  was  to 
attack  the  province  of  Cumana,  the  third  was  to  ascend  the  Orinocn, 
seize  the  capital  of  Spanish  Guiana,  and  occupy  such  other  posts  on 
the  river  as  would  insure  control  of  its  navigation.  The  three  bodi« 
could  then  unite  and  complete  the  conquest  of  the  country. 

In  discussing  the  poUcy  of  undertaking  the  conquest,  Wellesley 
declared  that  although  these  territories  were  the  "most  fertile  in  the 
world,  and  might  turn  out  to  be  the  most  valuable  colony  that  Great 
Britain  or  any  other  nation  ever  possessed,"  that  as  the  slsve  trade 
would  have  to  be  abolished,  the  possession  of  the  territory  wouhl  be 
of  "  little  positive  advantage  to  Great  Britain, "  because  the  methods 
of  agriculture  could  not  be  then  improved.  The  commercial  a(]viut< 
tages  of  ownership  would  not  be  great,  as  "large  quantities"  of  Eng- 
lish goods  already  found  their  way  into  that  region.  Wellesley 
thought  that  the  direct  gain  that  would  accrue  to  England  from  \be 
possession  of  these  i;olonies  would  not  compensate  her  for  the  cost  of 
making  the  conquest  and  "the  inconvenience  of  maintaining  it." 
But  he  suggestetl  that  at  the  close  of  the  war  it  might  be  wise  for 
England  to  establish  an  uidependent  govermnent  in  Caracas  in  order 
to  prevent  the  French  from  establishing  themselves  in  this  area  so 
well  situated  for  commerce. " 

As  has  been  indicated  in  the  preceding  chapter,  Miranda  did  not 
relinquish  hope  (»f  British  assistance  when  the  support  and  protec- 
tion of  the  British  navy  was  withdraw  n  from  his  expedition  and  he 
was  forced  into  retirement  at  Trinidad.  The  envoy  who  had  beeu 
dispatched  from  the  West  Indies  apparently  wrote  to  Miranda  and 
announced  his  favorable  reception  by  the  ministry  of  All  the  Talents.* 
Miranda's  old  friend,  Jolm  Tumbull,  was  associated  with  De  Rouvray 
in  the  task  of  representing  the  revolutionist  at  the  court  of  London. 
From  these  agents  Miranda  appears  to  have  received  various  com- 
munications relating  to  the  state  of  the  negotiations.  On  hearing  of 
the  appointment  of  Castlereagh,  Miranda  brought  bis  views  directly 
to  the  consideration  of  that  minister. 

"The  present  situation  and  disposition  of  the  People  in  the  whole 
Province  of  Caracas, "  said  Miranda,  "  is  very  favorable  to  this  under- 
taking yet,  notwithstanding  the  terror  that  the  Government  tries  to 
in-spire  by  few  executions,  and  the  trememlous  pursuits  of  the  Inqtilsi- 
tion,  made  an  absolute  political  tool  on  this  occasion.  The  generikl 
Orders  given  to  the  Commandei-s  of  the  principal  Towns  in  this 
Province,  with  the  exception  of  La  Guayra  and  Puerto  Cahello,  is 

>  W«IUngtiHi,  SupplemBQtBry  Deapatohcs,  VI,  M-tl.  *  Blgp,  31 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 


403 


^Bo  evacuate  them  in  case  of  my  landing  with  any  subBtantial  force, 
^HkoH  tile  inhabitants  to  retire  into  the  Country;  but  these  have  sent 
^^hne  infnrination,  that  they  will  do  no  such  thing,  when  the  oppor- 
^^fcunity  arrives.  *  *  *  The  late  transactionsatBuenosAyreshave 
produced  no  good  or  favorable  impression  on  the  part  of  the  People 
of  South  America,  towards  the  British  Nation.  I  always  thought 
that  the  project  of  conquest  was  impopular  in  the  Cotmtry,  and 
impracticable  to  any  considerable  extent,  productive  of  much  mis- 
chief and  confusion  in  the  internal  parts  of  S,  A.,  an<l  the  most  odious 
that  could  be  presented  to  the  Priests  and  religious  People  of  the 
Country;  while  the  Independency  would  meet  with  the  approbation 
of  every  class  of  the  Society;  with  the  exception  of  the  Agents  of  the 
Spanish  Government,  and  some  wretched  or  desjiicuhle  contraband 
Traders  on  the  Coast,  and  in  the  Islands  of  Trinidad,  and  Jamaica. 
*  •  *  I  really  perceive  an  incalculable  mischief  in  the  delay  of  the 
proposed  operation,  for  if  we  do  not  substract  and  protect  the  Con- 
tinent of  South  America  now,  from  the  influence  antl  domineering 
ambition  of  France,  the  whole  will  be  very  soon  and  ultimately  bo 
absorbed  in  the  same  fatal  and  universal  domiiuon.  Some  of  their 
troops  are  already  in  the  Countrj',  and  although  their  exertions 
towards  converting  the  People's  minds  in  favor  of  France,  has  not 
produced  much  proselytism  in  the  Province  of  Caracas  until  now,  it  is 
doing  incalculable  mischief  already,  and  will  ultimately  succeed  in 
their  nefarious  views  and  intentions.  I  beseech  You  My  Lord,  on 
these  considerations,  to  take  some  prompt  and  definitive  measure  that 
may  put  a  stop  to  this  incalculable  evil;  or  release  the  American 
People  from  the  dangerous  exertions  in  which  they  are  embarked,  by 
opposing  the  French  and  Spanish  Governments'  views,  which  ulti- 
mately must  be  fatal  to  themselves,  if  not  efficaciously  supported  by 
the  Government  of  Great  Britain.  *  *  *  My  own  exertions  in  this 
Island  are  almost  at  an  End,  if  I  do  not  receive  the  promised  support 
from  G.  B.  I  have  been  keeping  here  at  my  own  Expence,  the  Ship 
L^xmSfT,  aa  well  as  the  Officers  and  Men  that  went  with  us  and  were 
tryed  in  the  latt-  Expethtion,  as  they  may  be  of  great  service  in  going 
again  over  the  same  ground,  possessing  besides  the  Language  and 
Knowledge  of  the  Country,  and  having  relations  and  friends  in  it."" 
Such  were  the  main  arguments  which  Miranda  directed  to  Castle- 
reagh  from  Trinidad  on  June  10,  1807."  During  his  stay  in  that 
island  Miranda  had  evidently  gained  the  confidence  and  good  will  of 
Governor  Hialop,  for  on  October  21  of  this  year  the  latter  wrot«  to 
Castlereagh  commending  Miranda's  devotion  to  the  interests  of  Eng- 
land and  informing  the  Government  that  the  South  American  had 
decided  to  leave  for  England  at  once,  believing  thai  his  speedy  arrival 
in  London  might  be  "of  consequence."  *     But  Miranda  did  not  leave 

!•  Coimpondtsioe  of  Castlern^h,  VU,  tl 


404  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

the  West  Indies  for  some  time;^  his  voyage  across  the  Atlantic  was 
stormy  and  long,  *  so  that  it  was  not  until  the  opening  of  the  next  year 
that  he  was  ready  to  bring  his  views  personally  before  the  English 
Government. 

On  January  3,  1808,  Miranda  addressed  a  letter  to  Castlereagh,  in 
which  he  informed  that  minister  of  his  arrival  in  London  and  inclosed 
letters  on  his  behalf  from  A.  Cochrane  Johnson  and  Governor  Hislop. 
He  asked  for  an  audience  with  Castlereagh,  declaring  that  he  had 
"some  important  communications"  to  make  to  the  ministers/  In 
less  than  a  week  The  London  Times  gave  what  it  declared  was  the 
substance  of  3^Iiranda's  proposals  to  the  Government.  A  British 
squadron  of  from  three  to  four  sail  of  the  Kne  was  to  be  sent  to  the 
Spanish  main  transporting  a  naval  force  of  about  seven  thousand 
men.  Upon  disembarkation,  it  was  proposed  to  declare  immedi- 
ately the  independence  of  the  Spanish  provinces  and  to  invite  them 
to  form  themselves  into  a  federal  repubUc  which  was  to  be  under 
the  protection  of  England  during  the  war.  That  power  was  to  pledge 
herself  to  secure  the  acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  this 
repubUc  when  a  general  peace  was  agreed  upon. 

The  Times  was  not  backward  in  pointing  out  some  grave  difBcuI-  ' 
ties  in  the  way  of  the  project.  England  must  either  force  or  persuade  . 
the  South  Americans  to  declare  their  independence.  Since  the 
fiasco  at  Buenos  Ayres,  the  former  was  an  almost  hopeless  enter- 
prise, the  latter  implied  a  claim  to  confidence  which  England  diii 
not  now  possess.  Miranda  had  no  title  to  the  confidence  of  either 
England  or  Spanish  America.  He  as  well  as  England  had  been 
'^  defeated  on  the  continent  of  South  America  *  *  *  and  past 
defeat  is  but  a  poor  pledge  of  future  success."  Would  not  the 
Spaniards  say,  with  ever^'^  appearance  of  truth,  that  England  was 
''attempting  to  subvert  by  treachery,"  those  whom  she  had  failed 
to  subdue  bv  force  ? 

Nevertheless,  although  the  object  of  General  Miranda  was  diffi- 
cult, it  was,  in  the  opinion  of  The  Times,  desirable  because  of  the 
designs  of  Napoleon.  '^ Buonaparte  has  got  the  continent  of  Europe 
in  his  hand,  he  sc^ueczes  it  at  pleasure:  when  its  resources  are  thus 
dried,  th(\y  may  be  again  replenished  from  the  foreign  settlements 
of  the  vassal  vStates.  To  divert  tliis  source  of  wealth,  is  an  object 
worth  attiMupting,  even  under  our  present  degraded  reputation  upon 
the  South-American  Continent.  For  ourselves,  we  should  in  the 
first  instance,  have  preferred  greatly  the  independence  of  the  Spanish 
settlements  to  the  poss(\ssion  of  them:  they  would  in  that  case  have 
been  laid  open  to  our  mercantile  speculations,  without  the  burthen- 

a  London  Times,  Jiiuuary  1,  1808,  sets  the  date,  of  Miranda's  departure  from  the  West  Indies  at  Novem- 
ber 17. 
b  Correspondence  of  Castlereagh,  VII,  403, 
c  Ibid.,  403-405. 


^H  FRANCISCO    DE    MIBANDA.  405 

^^Hne  expenc«  of  Curnung  ei^tablishiiieats  fur  them:  we  should  have 
^Bd  no  Governors,  Vice-Govemors,  Comptrollers  of  Customs,  Tide- 
^Hftiters,  ami  Searchers,  to  maintain,  grievous,  but  perhaps  necessary 
^Hils.  Moreover,  as  all  Europe  ia  now  enslaved,  it  may  be  better  for 
^H  to  have  free  States,  than  dependent  ones,  in  the  rest  of  the  world: 
^Kdiversifies  interests  and  abates  jealousy."  "  In  the  absence  of  a 
^^my  of  Miranda's  propositions,  we  can  say  that  this  brief  outhne  in 
^^■Deral  harmonizes  with  liis  designs,  while  ihe  comment  doubtless 
^Birly  presents  the  sentiments  of  many  EngUshnien. 
^H[On  January'  10,  >Iiranda  addressed  to  Castlereagh  a  long  letter, 
^H^ified  by  illustrative  documents.  He  declared  that,  according  to 
^^b  information  which  he  had  been  coUecting  at  Trinidad  during  the 
^^■Bt  year,  the  people  of  Santa  F6  and  Caracas  still  had  the  same 
^^nrorable  disposition  towani  independence.  Their  anxiety  had 
^Hen  much  increased,  however,  by  rumors  transmitted  from  both 
^H^iin  and  France  that  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  had  already  been 
^Bs^tty  ceded  to  France.  He  expres-sed  hia  serious  apprehensions 
^H  regard  to  the  prospective  cession  of  the  province  of  Caracas  to 
^Bance  in  return  for  Portugal.  The  inhabitants  of  Caracas,  seeing 
^^■encb  troops  at  the  capital  of  their  province,  would  naturally  sup- 
^^be  that  orders  would  soon  arrive  from  Spain  to  render  Ihem  com- 
^^Btely  subject  to  France.  In  this  alarming  condition  of  affairs,  as 
^^m  saw  fit  to  conceive  it,  Miranda  had  come  "to  claim  from  His 
^^■kjesty's  ministers  that  assistance  so  long  ago  and  so  repeatedly 
^^Bpmised  of  supporting  Iheir  independence."  It  was  his  jutlgment 
^Hkt  it  would  be  better  for  the  inhabitants  of  Terra  Fimia  to  come  to 
^^fcns  with  France  than  to  endeavor  to  establish  their  independence 
^a^ainst  the  united  efforts  of  France  and  Spain  without  "an  efficient 
maritime  and  land  support."  There  was  no  difference  of  opinion 
for  "emancipation,"  he  again  declared,  if  independence  was  fairly 
and  openly  offei-ed  to  them  and  "the  delicate  point  of  their  religion 
respectfully  attended  to."  Like  Castlereagh,  he  beUeved  that  the 
defeat  of  the  English  at  Buenos  Ajtcs  was  unfavorable  to  the  proj- 
ect. The  force  to  be  employed  should  be  larger  than  any  they  had 
yet  mentioned. 

The  extent  of  territory  and  the  number  of  the  inhabitants  justified 
the  establishment,  he  now  argued,  of  four  separate  governments  on 
the  "Colombian  Continent";  the  first  should  include  Mexico  and 
Guatemala,  the  second,  Santa  F6,  Caracas,  and  Quito,  the  third, 
Peru  and  Chile,  and  the  fourth.  Buenos  Ayres  and  Tucuman.  Mi- 
randa, who  had  apparently  modified  his  plans  for  the  government  of 
a  liberated  Spanish  America,  did  not  beheve  that  the  people  of 
Spanish  America  had  shown  a  leaning  toward  "any  particular  form 
of  government,"  their  ambitions  had  been   the  attainment  of  inde- 


406  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION, 

pendente  from  Europe  and  the  preservation  of  civil  liberty.  The 
point  of  government  would  be  easily  settled  b\'  peaceable  persuasioD, 
The  identity  of  language,  religion,  and  administration  would  greallv 
decrease  the  difficulty  of  changing  the  form  of  government  "without 
convulsions." 

Miranda  next  proceeded  to  a  discussion  of  the  plan  of  attack.  As 
of  yore,  he  wished  the  Dperations  to  begin  in  the  region  of  Caracas, 
Santa  F^,  and  Quito.  If  these  proved  successful,  and  the  regiilalinn.' 
introduced  were  "wise  and  acceptable  to  the  people,"  they  miglil 
expect  to  see  the  movement  imitated  in  a  short  time,  in  ^lexiro 
through  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  and  Guatemala,  in  Peru  through 
Quito,  and  at  Buenos  Ayres  through  Peru  anil  Chile.  He  beheveii 
that  a  force  of  10,000  men  and  a  competent  cooperating  naval  fon-c 
would  be  sufficient  to  execute  this  plan.  In  conclusion,  Mirantis 
took  occasion  to  repel  some  "illiberal  insinuations"  which  he  thouglil 
had  been  made  against  lus  character.  He  declared  tbat  when  he 
saw  the  Spanish- American  provinces  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  "rational 
civil  liberty"  under  a  "pennanent  form  of  government"  that  woulil 
"preserve  it  and  promise  them  happiness,"  his  "personal  views  am! 
interest"  would  be  "highly  gratified"  and  his  labors  "perfectly 
rewarded."  Then  he  would  be  satisfied  with  the  position  of  a  privatr 
citizen."  These  propositions  of  1808  are  similar  to  those  made  in 
previous  years  by  Miranda;  the  immediate  point  of  attack  is  about 
the  same;  the  same  sanguine  hopes  of  cooperation  by  the  inhabitants 
are  entertained;  but  more  Englisli  aid  is  required,  and  Miranda  has 
openly  abandoned  liis  scheme  fur  a  vast  Spanish-American  federa- 
tion, holding  that  four  distinct  States  should  be  formed. 

On  February  8,  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley,  who  by  this  time  had  cer- 
tainly conversed  with  Miranda  concerning  I  he  government  to  be  estab- 
lished and  the  plan  of  attack,  made  a  memorandum  on  the  policy 
of  "effecting  a  revolution"  which  was  "to  establish  an  independent 
government  in  a  part  or  the  whole"  of  the  Spanish  dominions  in 
America.  He  expressed  his  opinion  that  any  attempt  by  England 
to  conquer  Buenos  Ajtcs  would  fail  and  that  ihe  only  mode  of 
separating  it  from  Spain  was  by  a  revolution  which  would  e^tablisli 
an  independent  government.  He  felt  that  the  discontent  which  hsd 
been  evidenced  in  previous  revolts  still  existed.  He  did  not  believe 
that  Miranda's  failure  in  1806  showed  that  the  people  of  Terra  Fimu 
were  any  less  inclined  to  a  revolution  than  they  were  in  1796  and  1797. 
He  sagaciously  declared,  however,  that  he  had  not  seen  "any  proof" 
from  Miranda  that  there  was  a  disposition  to  revolt  against  ths 
Spanish  authorities,  but  he  believed  personally  that  the  inhabitants 
of  Terra  Firma  favored  a  revolution.  The  most  feasible  points  of 
attack  in  Spanish  America  were,  in  his  judgment,  Mexico  and  Terra 


FBANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA. 


407 


After  carefully  weighing  the  advantages  and  the  disad- 
ntages  of  these  two  regions,  he  inclined  in  favor  of  an  attack  on 
I  Firraa  with  a  land  and  naval  force.  This  decision  was  proba- 
1  large  part  due  to  Miranda's  arguments.  Wellesley  pointed  out 
lat  the  English  possessed  the  means  of  communicating  with  the 
habitants  through  Miranda.  In  case  the  attack  should  fail,  it 
jould  be  ea.sier  to  withdraw  from  Terra  Firma  than  from  Mexico. 
:  spite  of  Miranda's  opinion,  Wellesley  doubted  the  expediency 
I  making  the  attack  during  the  rainj-  season,  but  advocated  begin- 
l  operations  in  December.  He  thought  that  the  republican  con- 
BtutioQ  which  was  proposed  by  Miranda  was  "too  regularly  eon- 
iicted  over  to  answer  any  good  effect."  He  suggested  that  the 
rvemment  in  each  viceroyalty  should  be  a  monarchy  with  a  repre- 
Dtative  body  elected  perhaps  by  the  cabildos  and  certain  qualified 
jndowners.  A  superior  assembly  ought  to  be  instituted  composed 
"the  ancient  noblesse,  who  might  bo  named  by  the  king  for  life." 
B  old  institutions  should  be  preserved  and  amended  only  aa  "time 
Ikd  experience"  showed  the  necessity  of  modification.  He  affirmed 
lat  Miranda  did  not  "seem  disinclined  to  a  raonachy,"  but  asked 
whom  the  English  desired  to  establish  as  the  moDarch,  a  question 
which  Wellesley  could  not  answer." 

On  the  same  day,  the  latter  drew  up  two  other  memoraniia  supple- 
mentary to  those  which  he  had  prepared  some  time  before.  One  of 
these  discussed  a  plan  of  operations  against  Mexico  with  17,000 
troops  to  rendezvous  at  Jamaica,  in  case  the  Government  should 
decide  to  make  an  attack  in  that  quarter.*  The  other  elaborated 
a  plan  of  operations  against  Terra  Firma.  In  this  plan,  Wellesley 
suggested  that  an  attack  be  made  with  10,000  soldiers,  but  now 
favored  making  Grenada  rather  than  Barbados  the  place  of  rendez- 
vous. After  the  attack  had  succeeded  in  Terra  Firma  and  a  govern- 
ment had  been  organized  and  forces  raised,  they  "should  proceed  to 
the  further  conquest  of  Ihe  country  towards  Santa  F6  dc  Bogota."' 
Thi-"  resembled  closely  the  schemes  which  Miranda  had  so  often  urged. 
On  Muy  16  Miranda,  as  impatient  of  delay  as  ever,  again  took  up 
his  facile  pen  to  address  the  English  Government.  lie  pointed  out 
that  the  events  in  Spain  by  which  the  country  was  given  to  Napoleon, 
were  intimately  related  to  the  execution  of  their  plans  for  the  libera- 
tion of  Spanish  America,  that  if  they  did  not  avail  themselves  of 
"this  grand  and  providential  opportunity,"  they  might  afterwards 
"lament  it  forever,"  If  they  appeared  liefore  the  Spanish  Americans 
K,*'offering  them  assistance  for  emancipation,  rational  liberty,  and 
■lindependence,"  everything  favored  them,  but  if  the  French  arrived 
lere  first  with  some  "plausible"  scheme  and  "suitable"  intrigues, 
:  best  laid  plans  might  be  defeated  or  partly  thwarted.     He 


408  AMEEICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

therefore  asked  whether  it  would  not  be  wiser  to  leave  behind  s 
part  of  the  cooperating  force  to  join  the  expedition  later.  This  would 
anticipate  ihe  schemes  of  the  enemy  and  prevent  exposing  the  whole 
of  their  operations  to  defeat  by  "a  fatal  delay.""  As  regards  the 
execution  of  Miranda's  plans,  subsequent  events  were  to  demoa- 
strate  the  farsightedness  of  this  view. 

The  usurpations  of  Napoleon  by  which  he  aimed  to  secure  domi- 
nance in  the  Iberian  peninsula  affected  the  English  attitude  toward 
Spanish  America  profoundly.  In  the  spring  of  1808  Napoleon 
secured  possession  of  the  great  fortresses  in  northern  Spain.  In 
March  the  Spanish  king,  Charles  I\',  alxlicated  in  favor  of  his  son 
Ferdinand.  In  May  Napoleon  forced  botli  Ferdinand  ^TI  and  his 
father  to  surrender  their  rigiits  to  the  SpanLih  crown.  These  measures 
which  made  Napoleon  boaat  that  he  was  "master  of  the  situation  in 
Spain  as  in  the  rest  of  Eun>pe,"  stimulated  the  English  Government 
to  hasten  its  preparations  for  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America. 
Castlereagh  deemed  it  quite  possible  that  Napoleon  would  be  success- 
ful in  his  designs  on  Spain.  lie  accordingly  deemed  it  the  duty  of 
the  cabinet  to  "make  every  exertion  for  preventing  the  American 
provinces  of  Spain  from  falling  into  Ihe  hands  of  France  by  the  same 
'treacherj''  which  was  subjugating  Spain  itself." 

Hence,  on  June  4,  the  Duke  of  Manchester,  who  was  governor  of 
Jamaica,  was  instructed  to  communicate  confidentially  with  the 
governor  of  Cuba  with  a  view  to  defeating  the  ' '  criminal  usurpations  " 
of  France.  Manchester  was  to  transmit  to  the  Spanish  governor  o( 
that  island  accounts  of  the  actions  of  Napoleon,  and  was  to  take 
advantage  of  these  communications  "to  draw  the  Spanish  governor 
into  some  immediate  act  of  resentment  and  hostility  to  France." 
He  was  to  impress  on  the  mind  of  the  governor  of  Cuba  the  view  that 
England  was  the  only  power  which  could  either  be  "instrumental  in 
restoring  the  independence  of  Spain  and  the  rights  of  the  royal  family 
or  of  preserving  the  Spanish  provinces  from  becoming  the  plunder  of 
the  French  armies,"  Whatever  might  be  the  ultimate  solution  of  the 
present  difhculties,  the  primary  step  was  for  the  Spanish  colonial 
governments  to  adopt  immediately  "a  declaration  of  hostility  against 
France,  a  determination  to  resist  her,  and  a  cordial  cooperation  and 
union  witli  Great  Britain  in  the  means  of  resisting  her." 

If  the  governor  of  Cuba  was  disposed  to  enter  into  a  negotiation 
with  Manchester  for  preserving  the  Spanish  colonies  from  the  rule 
of  Napoleon,  the  latter  was  authorized  to  state  that,  in  whatever 
measures  England  might  take  to  preserve  these  provinces  either  to 
a  prince  of  Spain  or  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  independent  gov- 
ernments, she  formally  disclaimed  and  renounced  every  intentioiiQ' 
"conquering  any  of  these  provinces  or  of  subjugating  them  to  *" 

1  CDrraspoadaius  of  CAaUerwfb, 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  409 

crown  of  Great  Britain."  It  was  afErmcd  that  the  actions  of  Eng- 
land would  be  limited  to  defeating  the  designs  of  Napoleon  and 
maintaining  the  colonies  independent  of  France,  wliich  waa  "neces- 
sarj'  equally  to  their  own  honor,  freedom,  and  happino-ss  and  to  the 
security  of  the  British  Empire."  If  the  governor  of  Culm  acceded  to 
these  views,  the  duke  was  at  once  to  attempt  to  concert  measures 
to  prevent  the  introduction  of  any  French  forces  or  officers  into 
that  island.  The  English  governor  was  even  authorized  to  take 
such  other  measures  as  sending  a  detachment  of  1,000  men  to 
Cuba  to  support  what  was  described  as  "the  cause  of  the  general 
independence  of  the  world."  "  On  the  same  day  the  commander  of 
the  English  land  forces  in  the  Leeward  Islands  was  similarly  informed 
regarding  the  attitude  of  England  toward  Spanish  America.  He 
was  directcil  to  reenforce  the  Duke  of  Manchester  to  the  extent  of 
1,000  men  if  catted  upon.'' 

The  dispatch  of  June  4  was  brought  to  the  governor  of  Januiica 
by  Charles  Williamson,  who  was  sent  in  order  that  he  might  be  con- 
fidentially employed  by  Manchester  in  preventing  Spanisli  America 
from  falling  into  the  power  of  France,'  With  Williamson  was  sent 
Pavia,''  probably  with  a  view  to  his  use  in  Mexico.  Papers  were 
also  transraittecl  for  distribution  in  the  colonies  of  Spain  wliich  pre- 
senteil  her  conduct  toward  France  in  such  a  detestable  light  as  was 
calculated  lo  separate  them  from  the  parent  country.  Maniihester 
was  also  instructed  that,  if  the  Spanish  governors  of  Florida  or 
Habana  were  disposed  to  act  in  concert  with  him,  he  was  authorized 
to  "make  advances"  to  the  respective  governors  for  the  payment  of 
their  troops  fill  some  "arrangement"  could  be  made.'  In  spile  of 
"the  horror  of  revolutionizing"  Spanish  America,  which  conserva- 
tive Englishmen  had  often  avowed,  the  separation  of  the  Spanish 

"CorresponclBHi-eof  c-MOoredgli,  VI,  354-367. 

&"TlieUic  uDpanilleL'd  rrorwdlnts  in  Bp^aby  BonHporte  in  foirlnj;  Ihe  wliote  Royal  PamNy  of  fipdii 
taaMlisle  uiO  cenoiinM  Uielt  Rigbt  [o  the  ThrDDsand  ihe  Ueasumbe  Is  lokine  la  plan  tliitt  RiDedam 
■od  the  SpuilBh  American  Provinces  miliar  his  ImiasdlBle  Power  call  IDreviiry  Eiertlon  of  Uls  UnJeBty's 
OoTanuueal.  If  it  may  not  tw  Id  tbelr  Powvr  lo  pret-ent  tbe  E Seels  ol  bli  Meoiuna  In  Spain  liself  ilDuy 
ba  poaalbl*  lo  caunMracl  them  in  the  Spanish  American  Provinces.  Meacutes  an  preparing  lor  thai  pur- 
pan  wtiich  will  shortly  be  i-oniniimlcatai]  to  yoiL  I  have  wntten  fully  iipoo  this  Subject  to  the  Duke  at 
MatutuMer.  His  Malesty'g  (loveruor  of  Jamalm,  siul  it  be  ahal]  apply  lo  you  kir  a  Ileinforcenuinl  ol  One 
<l»in»wH  Uta  I  am  to  iljinlty  to  you  Uls  Uajesly'a  Commands  Ibut  you  do  Conrert  Ueasures  with  the 
Naval  CouuoiUMlei  on  the  Leeward  Island  Stallon  lor  hSTing  them  Inrwarded  to  Jomalnt, 

"  1  eadese  to  you  a  PubilcatloaconUunlngBomoawountaoI  what  has  pasjed  in  Spain  and  lam  lodailni 
you  wilt  have  Uu  paasaga  tuatked  translated  IntoBpuilsh  and  a  cousiderBbie  number  prinled  DDd  meu- 
iDva  taken  for  citculatla^  thorn  through  the  Spanish  Provinces  which  k(  Ijiconcelved  may  easily  beellecled 
Iron  tba  Free  Porta. 

"If  any  SpBUtsb  Ollitera  shall  he  (cut  ID  Barliadoas  by  Vii-e  Adtnlial  Puivls  with  a  view  to  ibeir  being 
confldentlally  sent  Into  the  Spanish  Ptovlnws  you  will  concert  with  the  Naval  Commander  on  the  Station 
the  best  means  of  sending  them  lo  thslr  DutlDBtion  and  BitabltshlQg  with  them  a  ConHrlEnilal  Corro. 
HMmdciice." 

la  the  letl  margin  ol  the  note  then  Is  written  "  L'Amblgu  Noi,  l  oadl,  3. 1,  sod  5."    Draft  ol  daepMeh 

tht  "Commandar  of  the  Forces  In  the  Leewaid  Islinda,"  ]une  i.  IStB,  P.  R.  O,.  W.  nml  L.  It.,  U. 
Consspoildellce  of  Qutlereagh,  VE.  3W. 
Ibid.,  am.  3iH;  Povia'snamelsipailodPavlorlnthapi 


410  AMERICAN    HISTOHICAL    ASBOt'IATION. 

(ioniinions  in  Ajiierica  from  the  mother  country  seeinptl  almost  deter- 
mined upon  by  England  because  at  last  Spain  was  actually  being 
absorbed  by  France." 

The  instructions  sent  to  the  Enghsh  governors  in  the  West  Indies 
were  evidently  sent  in  view  of  the  plans  which  the  English  Govern- 
ment was  contemplating;  in  the  be^nning  of  June.  At  that  time 
the  cabinet  had  under  consiiieration  oi>erations  whereby  a  corje  of 
about  8,000  men  was  to  bo  sent  from  Cork  to  join  General  Spencer 
on  the  coast  of  Spain.  If  cireumstances  did  not  promise  success 
there,  these  forces,  reenforced  by  General  Spencer's  corps  of  about 
5,000  men,  were  to  proceed  to  the  West  Indies  with  a  view  to  u 
attack  (in  the  Spanish  colonies  near  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  or  the  force 
was  to  be  divided  and  part  of  it  was  to  lie  sent  to  the  La  Plata  region 
and  part  against  the  province  of  Caracas.'"  Wellesley  drew  up  a 
detailed  memorandum  of  the  ordnance  and  stores  required  for  these 
proposed  expeditions.  The  part  relating  to  the  projected  expedi- 
tion to  Caracas  suggested  that  18.000  muskets  with  bayonets,  the 
same  number  of  pikes,  75,000  musket  Oints,  and  a, 000,000  ball 
cartridges  be  sent  at  once  to  the  West  Indies  with  the  troops  from 
Spain.  A  large  amount  of  additional  military  stores  was  to  be  sent 
from  England  a  little  later.  The  specifications  for  tliis  iDclude<l 
intrenching  tools  for  16,000  men.*^  Besides  this,  there  was  to  be 
sent  in  a  "list  of  the  ordnance  and  stores  required  for  the  use  of  the 
native  government  exix^cted  to  be  established  in  South  America," 
as  soon  as  "further  communication"  was  had  with  Miramla.'' 

Tho  cabinet  then  was  apparently  wavering  between  an  attack  on 
the  La  Plata  region  and  one  on  some  part  of  northern  Spanish  Amei^ 
ica.  It  is  quite  possible  that  if  political  circumstances  had  been 
favorable,  an  attack  woulil  have  been  made  in  both  of  these  r 


a  stanhope,  Notts  otCaaversitloiu  with  Ihe  Diilieor  WelllnKluo.  ug,  drives  WiiUeslcy'sihaiiKhtaaa  lUS 
topic  la  Ilt35.  Uanchestor  lo  CusUenagti  nn  July  111,  ism,  (hits  ilearrllws  Ui«  lunifiim  which  he  took  oa 
tb«Biii™l  d(  Pavis  and  WllllBmsoni 

"  ay  the  oirivaJ  at  the  Flfiat  FM  on  the  leih  lutanl,  nlth  Mr.  Wllllamxni  and  Ur.  PbvIb  od  heanl, 
I  h«d  the  hoaar  to  rw^ive  Your  Lonlshli)'^  Dlapatfhns;  and  I  lost  do  Oms  In  paying  them  M  Uw  AtlRi- 
tlon.  and  In  onylng  the  purpoit  of  them  Iniu  eieruuan,  with  all  the  Pmmptliiide  II  was  in  Taj  ptrmi 
to  give. 

"Bui  ibB  InielUKsnce  which  Ur.  Wllllanuian  leamt  durluK  his  slay  vtlh  Lord  Collinfrwood  off  CtSU. 
of  a  ieoeral  Insiirrectlan.  and  ludpesshill  Opposltlun  to  tho  Fnncb  in  Spain;  In  aome  dagrae  iDfluum] 
the  niocle  of  my  proceadlog— sod  Your  Lorddhlp  nill,  I  hope,  ayprove  of  my  heilag  regulaled  my  l^aiidnrl 
by  these  laler  Aivounli— at  ibe  giune  time  not  deporting  Inun  the  genenl  Prhwiples  oT  the  ImtRiniaiB  1 
hod  the  honor  to  receive  torn  your  Lonlshlp. 

"Connuving  Uiat  Ibe  Toaklng  the  Spaniards  In  Cuba  acquainted  with  the  Temper  and  Disp«lilan  cl 
their  Countrymen  In  Europe,  would,  In  the  Ont  Inatonee  be  the  most  likely  mode  to  forwarx]  Your  Lonl- 
ihlp's  view):  I  dlipatrhed  Captain  Foster,  in  whose  prudance  I  cuuld  perfectly  rely.  to(ethK  wlib  lb. 
Willlamwn,  and  Mr.  PavlB,  under  the  protertlon  o[  a  Flog  ol  Truie,  n-ith  Prisoneis,  directly  lor  the  Hina- 
nah;  with  d  lull  acvount  of  the  Informatian  1  had  received,  addressed  by  me  to  (he  ninnmii  amiiliil 
him  ol  lla  Aothentlclty.  lequtHtlug  his  attention  to  the  paelflD  dlspusKlon  o[  our  Mother  CoimtitM.  nd 
declaiiag  to  him  (be  mdlnesi  at  Oreat  Britain  to  old  any  attempt  he  might  tt  Indured  to  nukalKai 
preserVBtloD  of  his  Colony  [rom  the  Dominion  al  FraDw."    f,  R.  O..  Jiuaalcs,  M. 

>  WalUngUm.  Supplementary  Deipttcbea,  VI,  iis-70. 

« Ibid.,  TO. 


FRANCISCO   I)E   MIRANDA.  411 

tout  the  same  time.  The  weight  of  Wellesley's  influence  was  cast 
1  the  side  of  Mlranila's  favorite  veiiture.  He  was  selected  by  Caa- 
1  for  the  command  of  the  expedition,  or  at  least  a  part  of  it. 
1  a  memorandum  drawn  up  on  June  6,  Wellesley  indicated  that  he 
referred  an  attack  on  the  Caracas  region  even  to  an  attack  on  New 
He  believed  operations  ought  to  be  begun  there  for  four 
wns:  First,  the  "mihtarj-  difficulties"  were  not  ao  great  as  in 
I  the  gulf  tenitories;  second,  they  had  the  means  of  communicating 
nth  the  people  of  the  country  through  Miranda  and  of  explaining 
rtunely  the  object  of  the  operations;  third,  they  could  begin  their 
terations  there  earlier  in  the  year;  and  fourth,  success  in  Caracas 
jd  remove  many  difficulties  attending  their  operations  elsewhere 
and  there  would  be  less  difficulty  in  withdrawing  in  case  of  failure." 
A  memorandum  of  orders  for  the  board  of  ordnance  was  also  made 
by  Wellesley  about  this  time.  He  suggested  that  a  field  train,  ac- 
companied by  artillerymen  with  six  montlis'  provisions  and  a  lai^e 
amount  of  ordnance  and  militan,-  stores  be  embarked  and  in  readiness 
to  sail  from  Falmouth  or  Cork  on  the  succeeding  1st  of  July.  These 
stores  were  to  bo  "in  addition  to  thtrae  required  by  a  paper  given  in 
bj'  general  Miranda."  ''  Transports  were  to  be  ready  for  the  e<invey- 
ance  of  troops  and  six  montlis'  stores  and  provisions  on  June  20.  Bat- 
talions of  negroes  and  negro  pioneers  were  to  bo  gathered  in  the  West 
Indies.'  Miranda  later  alleged  that  supplies  were  actually  stored 
at  Trinidad  for  use  in  the  expedition.''  Downie  and  Roorbach,  who 
had  partaken  of  Miranda's  fortunes  in  1806,  appear  to  have  been 
induced  to  remain  in  England,  whither  they  had  come  in  the  ex- 
pectation of  being  employed  in  the  attack.'  Perhaps  Wellesley  also 
thought  of  employing  Thomas  Picton  in  the  enterprise  which  had  so 
long  enlisted  the  interest  of  that  stem  soldier.'  It  is  extremely  prob- 
able that  part,  at  least,  of  the  militar>'  and  naval  force,  amounting 
perhaps  to  9,000  men,''  which  was  gathering  at  Cork  in  the  early 
days  of  June.  1808,  would  have  been  sent  to  the  Caracas  region  under 
Wellesley  to  initiate  the  long-meditated  separation  of  Spanish  Amer- 
ica from  the  parent  country,  if  political  circumstances  had  not  sud- 
denly changed.  Miranda  would  doubtless  have  accompanied  the 
expedition  in  some  capacity,* 

But  the  English  Government  did  not  carry  out  the  plan.  The 
national  uprising  in  Spain  against  Napoleon,  which  began  about  the 

■  WeUinpon,  SuppleniBnury  Dfapilcli«,  Vi,  *4. 

<n>id..Ts. 

'  Mmunadinnut  Ulranda  lo  Uartiuls  Wellesley,  Septembt-r^a,  1810,  P.  R.  O.,  Spnlu.  104. 

T  CMrnpondence  a[  CuRlsieaeti ,  V 1 1 .  Ul . 

/Stanliape,  CoDrunllmu  wlih  the  Duke  ol  WellingUin.  «B. 

*  Mlpholie  V«i8jtl«rt  In  a  lellor  to  Uodsmn.  Jmiimiy  27, 1814,  eipreased  blnuelf  thus  retnif  ding  MlTsnila; 
''Onrot^Mtorlgliull;  vu  to  employ  him  In  South  America,  and  Lord  WaUiniftoa  was  actually  prepand 
lDlkkahbitban,irhmi  theSiKUiiita  RevoIuKon  brake  out  in  IWS."     Beder  If  BS.,  m,  L  9-. 


I 


412  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

time  that  forces  were  being  gathered  at  Cork  for  the  contemplated 
expedition,  put  a  new  face  upon  poHtics.  When  the  province  of  the 
Asturias  boldly  declared  war  on  Napoleon  and  sent  deputies  to  Eng- 
land to  appeal  for  aid,  the  English  Government  decided  that  although 
Spain  was  nominally  at  war  with  England,  yet  its  action  in  regard 
to  Napoleon  actually  made  Spain  the  ally  of  England.  The  English 
cabinet  soon  decided  to  send  the  forces  that  had  been  collected  at 
Cork  to  the  Spanish  peninsula  instead  of  against  Spanish  America. 
Perhaps  Miranda  was  apprehensive  of  this  step,  for  on  the  6th  of 
June  he  submitted  to  the  English  Government  a  memorandum  on 
his  financial  affairs."  If  Miranda's  later  allegation  is  true,  the  Gov- 
ernment now  offered  him  a  position  in  the  expedition  of  Wellesley 
which  was  now  destined  beyond  question  for  Spain  instead  of  for 
Spanish  America.  On  June  6,  also,  Miranda  sent  to  Castlereagh  a 
copy  of  his  note  of  January  28,  1791,  decUning  the  proposition  and 
repeating  the  request  which  he  had  made  to  Pitt  in  1791  that  services 
should  not  bo  requested  of  him  against  Spain  for  any  other  object 
than  the  emancipation  of  Spanish  America.* 

It  was  certainly  a  dramatic  moment  when  Sir  Arthur  Wellesler 
broke  the  news  of  the  change  in  England's  plans  to  Miranda.  Twenty- 
seven  years  later  the  Duke  of  WeUington  thus  described  the  scene: 
"I  think  I  never  had  a  more  difficult  business  than  when  the  Govern- 
ment bade  me  tell  Miranda  that  we  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
his  plan.  I  thought  it  best  to  walk  out  in  the  streets  with  him  and 
tell  him  there,  to  prevent  his  bursting  out.  But  even  there  he  was 
so  loud  and  angrj^,  that  I  told  him  I  would  walk  on  first  a  little  that 
we  might  not  attract  the  notice  of  every^body  passing.  When  I 
joined  him  again  he  was  cooler.  He  said:  'You  are  going  over  into 
Spain  *  *  *  you  will  be  lost — nothing  can  save  you;  that,  how- 
ever, is  your  affair;  but  what  grieves  me  is  that  there  never  was  such 
an  opportunity  thrown  away.'  ^'"^ 

Further  e\i(lence  Avas  soon  given  of  the  change  in  the  plans  of  the 
English  cabinet.  On  June  20,  the  Duke  of  Manchester  was  instructed 
to  alter  the  character  of  the  communications  to  the  governor  of  Cuba. 
Ho  was  to  transmit  to  him  an  account  of  the  negotiations  between 
the  English  ministry  and  the  deputies  from  the  Asturias.  He  vras  to 
inform  the  governor  of  Cuba  that  the  King  of  England  had  deter- 
mined 'Ho  cooperate  with  the  Provinces  of  Spain  in  rescuing  their 
Country  from  tlie  tvrannv  of  tlie  French,'^  and  that  he  entertained 

o  Correspondence  of  Cabtlor«.*aKh,  VII,  450,  451. 

f^  AiiU'imra.  220,  221.  Miranda  was  accustomed  to  display  this  letter  as  an  evidence  of  his  attitude  to- 
ward Spain  and  En>,'land.  It  was  sent  in  copy  with  other  documents  to  Spanish  America  in  1809,  P.  R.  0., 
Spain.  H9.  A  copy  of  Ihis  letter  was  also  among  the  documents  intercepted  by  Governor  Cockbum  of 
Cura<;ao  In  January.  1800;  it  was  prefaced  by  the  following  note:  "  Not«  delivered  to  Mr.  Pitt  on  hfe  request - 
desiring  to  know  what  were  D.  Franco  de  Miranda's  views,  soon  after  the  Convention  with  Spain  in 
1790  about  Nootka-Sound."    P.  R.  O.,  Curasao  Transmissions.  670. 

c  stanhope,  Conversations  with  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  09. 


¥ 


FRANCISCO    I>B    MIRANDA.  413 

the  hope  that  the  governor  and  the  people  of  Cuba  would  second  these 
efforts  "for  preventing  any  Attack  of  the  French  in  the  Spanish 
Pro\-inre9  and  for  assisting  Spain  by  the  Aid  of  her  Trans-Atlantic 
Provinces."  In  conclusion,  Governor  Manchester  wan  instructed  to 
"observe  a  similar  Ijne  of  Correspondence"  in  any  Communications 
he  might  be  able  "toopenwith  the  Governors  of  Mexico  and  Florida."" 
On  the  same  day  instructions  of  a  similar  tenor  were  sent  to  the 
English  commander  at  the  I^eewanl  Island.s.''  It  was  ordered  that 
the  inaurreclionary  papers  that  had  been  sent  out  were  lo  be  sup- 
pressed.'^  The  mission  of  Williamson  and  Pavia,  who  had  proceeded 
from  Jamaica  to  Cuba,''  came  abinjptly  to  an  end.  Shortly  after  the 
middle  of  June,  Welleeley  left  Ijondon  to  take  charge  of  the  detach- 
ment of  Ihe  British  army  at  Cork,  of  which  he  hud'  been  made  com- 
mander,' Olher  bodies  of  troops  were  added  to  those  that  had  been 
bivouacking  on  the  shores  of  Ireland.'  The  embarkation  of  the 
troops  was  speedily  begim,  and  on  July  12,  1808,  the  convoy  sailed 
from  Ireland  toward  the  Iberian  peninsula.^ 

What  of  Miranda  and  his  designs?  Miranda's  chagrin  must  have 
been  lessened  by  the  fact  that  the  Enghsh  Government  reestabhshed 
his  pension  and  made  a  provision  for  his  secretary,  Molini.  Evidently 
some  other  than  financial  subjects  had  been  alluded  to  by  Miranda  in 
liis  nttle  of  Juno  6,  for  Wellesley  informed  Miranda  that  these  would 
be  settled  after  "knowing  the  results  from  Spain."  Miranda  was 
also  informed  that  henceforward  he  was  to  continue  liis  coramunica- 
Uons  with  the  EngUsh  Government  through  the  medium  of  General 
tSteiwart  instead  of  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley.*  It  is  probable  that  the 
^other  subjects  referred  to  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America  and 
that  the  idea  which  in  so  many  varying  forms  had  been  in  the  minds 
of  Englishmen  for  so  long  was  not  at  once  banished.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  the  Enghsh  Government  thought  that  it  might  have 

•  ThB  disiBtrh  o[  Iiuw  4.  [ransmitUd  by  Mr.  WlUlBmsaD.  Is  Oat  retemd  to,  (hen  [he  reasoDS  lOr  Uib 
modlflatKiiu  of  ibivt  inatrurtiniLi  an  aUMd:  "  Slni:«  that  DUpatrb  •Has  written  Two  Mpullahave 
■nived  Imm  '&e  Slal«  of  the  IToTtnce  ol  Aalurlas  repreaenlliK  that  thli  Province  had  openly  rlasn  and 

~  Wu-ipHlDst  France,  bad  liwii  jolnwl  by  the  rioTlnceof  Lean&nd  vaain  BipecUtlon  a[  CiMtper- 
n  Oallldi,  abo  (hat  tnritutlons  btii  hmi  sent  to  all  the  other  Pruvitires  to  Join  in  ■  general 
ley  aplnst  Franoe  In  (nvor  ot  the  Legltlraalo  Race  of  [heir  Monairb*  aod  of  their  NotlOEsI 
lennt. 

"They  havs  lolldtBa  (he  Aid  ol  His  Uajesiy  In  funhnrancr  of  Their  nonoiahle  Eicrtloia  and  I  now 
Idoaoroptoot  the  ConiinunlcsUons  they  have  made  ami  of  the  Answers  whlth  fiaie  been  (risen  them  by 
^'jBIl  Ual«ty']  Cominiuid.    •    •    • 

a  theCimmutaana  hOKcverof  thisitntnnient  Your  OramwUl  an  lh«  propriety  at  alterlne(ho 
of  thaCocanmnleatlontobemadetolheOovemoroIthe  Uavannah.  Your  C.tact  wUl  tranimitto 
■pKb*  OoTamor  the  correspondence  I  have  enclosed  "  *  *."  Thentost  Importnnt  part  of  wlial  Ibllovale 
C^IHtMl  above.    V.  R.  0„  Jamaica,  61. 

•  CnrraapoodeiKe  ol  Castlertagh.  VI.  371.  Sia. 

•  Ibl4.3JS. 
«WjlliamaanBDd  Porter  U  Uaachester.  Augiul  I.  ISOS,  P.  R.  O.,  Jamaica.  U. 

mTlQiei,Jiinen.  ISnSiCuTwoad.  DespatcheaoIWelUngtoQ.tV,  n. 
m  Times,  June  52  and  July  13,  IS0§. 
m  Times.  July  IS.  I WB. 


V 


414  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

only  temporarily  suspended  the  execution  of  this  project,  pending 
the  outcome  of  operations  in  Spain.^  In  any  case  it  judged  it  wise 
again  to  form  a  definite  financial  attachment  with  Miranda  as  a 
reward  for  his  past  services  and  perhaps  because  in  some  future  con- 
tingency it  might  be  useful. 

Viewed  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  the  spirited  rising  in  the 
little  province  of  the  Asturias  was  fraught  with  great  significance. 
Although  there  were  still  men  in  England  who  dreamed  of  liberating 
Spanish  America,  the  Government  had  entered  upon  a  course  of 
action  which  made  such  intervention  in  the  Spanish  Indies  more  and 
more  an  impossibiUty.  England's  efforts  were  now  steadfastly 
turned  toward  the  preservation  of  the  integrity  of  the  Spanish  domin- 
ions in  both  hemispheres.  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley,  who  might  have 
been  the  initiator  of  a  great  movement  which  would  have  transformed 
viceroyalties  of  Spain  into  appanages  of  England,  became  engaged  in 
the  brilliant  military  exploits  which  were  to  thwart  the  ambitions  of 
Napoleon  and  to  win  for  himself  the  title  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 
The  alliance  which  the  English  entered  into  with  the  Spanish  patriots 
on  July  4,  1808,  proved  to  be  an  effectual  bar  to  the  execution  of 
Miranda's  favorite  design.  Francisco  de  Miranda  was  forced  to 
Unger  in  the  busy  EngUsh  metropolis,  the  scene  of  so  many  blasted 
ambitions.  Unwittingly  his  highest  hopes  of  English  cooperation  in 
his  hfe  purpose  had  sailed  away  with  the  soldiers  of  Wellesley. 

o  Correspondence  of  Castlereagh,,  VI,  375,  VU,  4^.  Historians  have  generally  neg^ectod  to  oonsl<ler 
the  plan  of  England  for  attacking  Spanish  America  in  1808.  Becorra,  Vida  de  Miranda,  II,  502,  503, 
and  Oman,  Peninsular  War,  I,  224,  briefly  suggest  it;  Broderiqlc  and  Fotheringham,  Political  History 
of  England,  and  Rose,  Napoleon,  I,  make  no  mention  of  it. 


MIRANDA  IN  RETIREMENT. 
Bitterly  <iisappointc(l  though  Miranda  was  hy  the  sudden  change 
I  the  destination  of  the  expedition  that  sailed  from  Cork,  yet  his 
opes  of  promoting  an  insurrection  in  Spanish  America  were  not 
ttterlyshatteretl.  They  seemed  destined  to  bloom  perennially.  De- 
■ed  from  presenting  to  the  English  Government  schemes  that 
med  at  the  subversion  of  the  authority  of  the  ally  of  Rnglan<l  in  Iier 
oierican  dominions,  he  lived  a  comparatively  quiet  life  in  London  in 
>  enjoyment  of  a  pension  from  the  English  Government,  and 
mployed  a  large  part  of  his  time  in  meditating  upon  the  future  of 
^ain   and  of  Spanish  jVmerica.     The  results  of  his  cogitations  he 

■ove  to  disseminate  in  England  as  well  as  in  Spanish  America. 
\  At  least  once  he  ventured  to  address  Castlereagh  on  the  "i>oliticaI 
ITairs  of  South  America."  On  August  19,  1808,  he  informed  that 
ninister  that  he  had  received  various  important  coramunicationa 
relating  to  the  province  of  Caracas.  Having  been  unable  to  consult 
Sir  Charles  Stewart  on  the  subject,  he  had  deemed  it  wisest  in  the 
present  juncture  of  affairs  to  advise  his  correspondents  to  open  a 
direct  communication  with  the  British  Government  by  authorized 
persons  "in  order  to  concert  with  it  such  measures  as  circumstances 
might  require"  without  listening  to  the  Spanish  juntas.  He  declared 
that  he  had  even  recommended  that  the  cabildos  of  Caracas  should 
themselves  assume  the  government  of  that  country."  This  was  only 
a  partial  statement  of  the  facts. 

About  a  week  after  the  forces  under  Wellesley  had  left  Ireland 
Miranda  had  directed. a  letter  to  the  Marquis  del  Toro  and  the  cabildo 
of  Caracas.  In  it  he  had  declared  that  the  circumstances  were  "  the 
most  critical  and  dangerous  for  America  that  ever  occurred  since  our 
ancestors  first  settled  there. "  He  pictured  the  perilous  condition  of 
Spain,  declaring  that  the  most  probable  though  least  desirable  result 
of  the  conquest  of  Spain  by  France  would  be  the  subjection  of  "the 
Colombian  Continent"  to  the  same  misfortunes  as  the  Spanish  Penin- 
sula. "In  supposition  of  these  events,"  said  Miranda.  "I  earnestly 
entreat  your  lordships  to  assume,  in  a  municipal  representative  body, 
the  govermnent  of  tlie  pro\-ince  into  your  own  hands;  and  to  send  to 
this  capital,  without  delay,  authorized  persons,  capable  of  managing 
affairs  of  such  magnitude ;  that  we  may  devise  with  tliis  Government 

B  Camopondeiice  oT  CasUenagl),  VU,  MS-. 


416  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

what  ought  to  be  done  for  the  safety  and  future  destinies  of  the  New 
World/'  He  advised  them  to  avoid  making  any  hostile  resolutions 
or  offensive  alliances,  and  declared  that  the  views  and  the  interests 
of  the  Spanish  juntas  were  incompatible  with  the  ''interests  and 
rights"  of  the  American  provinces.  He  requested  that  a  copy  of  the 
letter  be  transmitted  to  Santa  F6  and  Quito,  so  that  these  provinces 
BMght  take  similar  action.^ 

On  July  24,  1808,  Miranda  directed  a  letter  of  similar  import  to  the 
cabildo  of  Buenos  Ayres.  In  it  Miranda  praised  the  action  of  the 
inhabitants  of  that  part  of  Spanish  America  in  repulsing  the  British 
attack.  He  called  their  attention  to  a  number  of  official  documents 
of  the  English  Government  which  expounded  the  attitude  of  that 
Government  toward  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America  at  different 
epochs.  In  a  postscript  he  suggested  that  it  would  be  opportime  to 
send  this  communication  to  Peru,  Quito,  and  Chile.*  In  a  letter  to 
the  cabildos  of  Habana  and  Mexico,  dated  September  10,  1808,  he 
went  so  far  as  to  intimate  that  although  the  'Apolitical  plans''  of 
England  with  respect  to  Spanish  America  had  ''changied  their  direc- 
tion,'^  her  'Skews''  remained  the  same.  To  this  letter  was  appended 
copies  of  documents  showing  the  attitude  of  France  toward  Spanish 
America  in  1792  and  of  Miranda's  letter  of  June  6,  1808,  to  Castle- 
reagh,  stating  why  he  did  not  accompany  the  expedition  of  Wellesley 
against  Spain.*^ 

Tlie  most  important  of  this  series  of  letters  was  addressed  to  the 
Marquis  del  Toro  and  the  cabildo  of  Caracas  on  October  6  of  the  same 
year.  In  this  epistle  Miranda  expressed  liis  fear  that  a  fatal  conflict 
would  soon  be  precii)itated  between  the  Spanish  governors  and  the 
j)eoplo  of  Spanish  America.  He  declared  that  although  the  power  of 
a  State  resided  ossontially  in  the  people,  yet  if  they  lacked  in  obe- 
dience and  subordination  to  the  supreme  government  and  its  magis- 
trates, instead  of  j)reserving  the  State  they  would  destroy  it  by  anarchy 
as  in  France*.  Througli  lack  of  a  representative  organization  in  the 
beginning,  the  directors  of  the  present  revolution  in  Spain  were  com- 
pelled to  make  an  imperfect  form  of  government,  and  subsequently 
tli(\v  had  liardly  lime  to  concert  a  plan  of  defense  and  general  organiza- 
tion })cf()ro  t  hat  Kingdom  was  overrun  by  the  enemy.  That  Ids  fellow- 
count  ryjiien  might  be  forearmed,  he  sent  them  a  '^sketch  of  a  repre- 
scMitativc  organization  and  government  for  our  America,"  wddch  lie 
re('onnu(»Ji(lc(l  to  their  consideraticm  at  that  moment.  He  declared 
that  although  he  did  not  think  the  Spanish  people  capable  of  a 
rational  liberty, he  did  believe  the  Colombian  people  capableof  receiv- 
ing it  and  enjo\ing  it,  chiefly  because  they^  were  ''not  y^et  corrupted.^' 
Miranda  then  scathingly  denoimced  the  captain-general  of  Caracas. 

a  Antopara,  270-273;  Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  233,  234. 
b  Ant<'para,  273-275. 
clbid.,  276,  277. 


I 


FRANCISCO    DE   MIRANDA.  417 

I  if  the  rule  of  tlie  Prince  of  Peace  has  coverecl  Spain,  with  eternal 
'hat  shall  we  say  of  thia  province  beneath  the  yt)ke  of 

levara  Vasconcelos?"  He  made  some  melancholy  reflections  on 
fate  of  such  men  as  Gual  and  Espa&a,  who  had  sacrificed  their 

ea  for  the  revolutionary  cause.     He  then  adjured  them  to  amend 

leirevil  state,  to  follow  the  present  ^od  example  of  the  Spaniards, 
'hose  vices  they  had  servilely  followed  for  so  long,  by  reforming  their 

ivemment  and  claiming  with  dignity  their  '"liberties  and  independ- 
which,  in  Ids  opinion,  were  the  sine  qua  non.     Besiile.s  the 

>py  of  a  constitution,  he  appeniled  other  inflammatory  docuraenis 
;nlating  to  his  various  endeavors  in  England,  France,  and  the  United 
~itate8  to  emancipate  his  native  laml," 

The  plans  of  government,  provisional  ami  federal,  transmitted  by 

Iranda  to  Caracas  are  worthy  of  detailed  exanunatton,  embodying, 
they  must,  his  mature  ideas  on  the  government  of  independent 

lanish  America.  Perhaps  he  had  them  more  or  less  clearly  in  mind 
'hen  he  attacked  Terra  Firma  in  ISOO.  They  are  probably  in  essence 
plans  that  ho  liad  ready  to  take  with  him  in  the  projected  expedi- 

in  of  1808.*  They  are  the  plans,  or  the  basis  of  ihe  plans,  wliich 
ida  took  with  him  to  South  ,Ajnerica  in  1810  and  in  part  at  least 

ied  to  impose  upon  the  Venezuelans.       The  first  clause  in  the  pro- 

ional  scheme  declared  that  all  authority  emanating  from  the  Span- 
ish Government  was  ipso  facto  abolished.  AssembUes  were  to  be 
formed  of  certain  inhabitants  of  whatever  class,  bom  or  settled  in  the 
countrj',  21  years  of  age,  who  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
new  government  and  to  American  independence.  Xo  one  was  to  be 
a  member  of  these  assemblies  who  did  not  enjoy  an  annual  income  of 
50  piastres.  No  one  that  had  over  performeil  domestic  service  for 
hire  or  had  suffered  an  infamous  punishment  was  to  be  admitte<l. 
No  one  was  to  be  admitted  who  was  not  born  of  free  parents. 

The  Spanish  local  authorities  were  to  be  replaced  by  the  cahildos 
and  ayuntamientos  of  the  towns,  which  were  to  be  reenforced  one- 
third  by  members  chosen  from  among  the  Indians  and  the  people  of 
color  of  the  province.  All  were  to  be  confirmed  in  their  offices  by  the 
inimicipal  assemblies.  After  the  first  choice,  age  and  properly  quali- 
fications were  to  be  required  for  all  members.  Each  cabildo  was  to 
choose  two  alcaldes,  who  were  to  have  control  of  justice  and  police 
in  the  district.  The  extraordinary  cabildos,  chosen  as  describeil, 
were  to  select  from  all  the  citizens  of  the  district  one  or  more  mem- 
bers, according  to  the  size  of  the  city  or  town,  who  were  to  unite  to 
form  a  provincial  assembly  charged  with  the  general  government  of 
the  province  until  tlie  establishment  of  the  federal  government. 
These  provincial  assembfies  were  to  choose  two  citizens,  called 
"  curaeaa,"  who  were  to  be  intrusted  with  the  execution  of  tlie  provin- 
cial taws  during  the  war. 

«,  XIS-ISS;  aaju,  El  General  UlrandB,  13 


418  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

All  existii^  laws  were-  to  remain  in  force  except  those  imposing 
a  personal  tax.     Customs  duties  were  to  be  henceforward  at  the  rate 
of  15  per  cent  on  importations  and  20  per  cent  on  exportations.    AD 
rules  relating  to  the '^odious  tribunaP'  of  the  Inquisition  were  swept 
away.     Religious  toleration  as  a  '* principle  of  natural  right"  was 
to  be  permitted;     but  Roman  Cathohcism  was  to  be  the  national 
religion  of  the  Colombian  people.     During  the  war  all  the  armed 
forces  were  to  be  under  the  direction  of  one  citizen,  called  the  '*hatu- 
napa,"  who  was  to  be  nominated  by  the  general  assembly  and  con- 
firmed by  the  local  assemblies  of  the  province.     His  chief  duties 
were  to  be  the  organization  of  the  army  and  the  defense  of  the  coun- 
try.    He  was  to  nominate  all  the  ojfficers  to  the  assembly  for  sanction, 
and  was  to  be  assisted  by  a  council  of  three  chosen  by  the  assembly. 
Until  the  assembly  made  a  definitive  arrangement,  the  necessary 
funds  were  to  be  raised  by  requisitions  of  the  commander  in  chief, 
who  was  to  be  held  responsible  for  the  exercise  of  his  powers.     Dur- 
ing the  war  the  provincial  clergy  were  to  be  under  the  control  of  a 
vicar  chosen  by  the  assembly.     The  cur6s  of  the  province  were  to 
be  named,  or  at  least  confirmed,  by  their  respective  parishioners. 
In  general,  foreigners  not  settled  in  the  country  before  independence 
could  not  be  admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizenship  except  on  a  resi- 
dence of  six  consecutive  years  in  the  coimtry,  or  military  service 
during  three  campaigns.     Those  who  refused  to  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  new  government  were  to  withdraw  into  the  interior 
of  the  country  during  the  continuance  of  the  war.     Anyone  wishing 
to  leave  the  country  was  to  be  permitted  to  depart.     Those  who  vol- 
untarily took  up  arms  against  their  country  were  to  be  forever  ex- 
patriated.    Anyone  breaking  the  oath  of  fidelity  was  to  be  severely 
punished. 

The  most  significant  part  of  the  plan  was  the  sketch  for  a  federal 
government.  Citizenship  was  to  be  limited  to  persons  bom  in  the 
country  of  free  parents,  and  to  strangers  married  and  settled  in  the 
country,  who  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  government, 
or  who  had  served  for  more  than  three  campaigns  in  the  independent 
armies.  Assemblies  were  to  be  formed  of  all  citizens  21  years  of  age, 
possessing  at  least  10  arpents  of  cultivated  land.  Cabildos,  composed 
of  members  chosen  by  the  active  citizens  of  each  district,  were  to  fomi 
a  body  of  electors  for  the  national  election.  They  were  also  to  nom- 
inate the  members  of  the  provincial  assemblies  and  were  to  be  in- 
trusted with  the  internal  administration  of  the  towns.  The  provin- 
cial assemblies  were  to  supervise  the  administration  of  the  provinces. 
They  could  formulate  laws  which,  however,  were  not  to  interfere 
with  the  execution  of  the  federal  laws,  for  all  provincial  laws  had  to 
be  approved  by  the  general  legislative  assembly  before  going  into 
operation.     The  provincial  assemblies,  as  in  the  provisional  scheme, 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA.  419 

■were  empowered  to  choose  two  citizens,  called  "cunicas,"  who  were  to 
exercise  the  executive  power  of  the  province. 

The  provincial  assembhes  were  to  choose  the  members  of  the  gen- 
eral legislative  body  which  was  to  be  proportioned  to  the  population 
of  the  province.  This  "Colombian  coimcil,"  as  Miranda  desi^ated 
it,  was  to  make  laws  for  "tlie  entire  American  federation,"  As  in 
the  project  of  1790,  careful  provisions,  resembling  those  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  were  pntvided  for  the  amendment  of 
the  fimdamental  law.  Unlike  the  plan  presented  to  Pitt  in  1790,  in 
this  constitution  there  was  provision  for  only  one  legislative  chamber. 

The  supreme  executive  power  was  normally  to  be  vested  in  two 
persons,  chosen  by  the  general  legislative  body  for  ten  years  from 
all  the  active  citizena  of  the  empire  of  the  ago  of  40  years,  who  had 
previously  filled  one  of  the  great  offices  of  the  empire,  ami  who  pos- 
sessed at  least  200  arpents  of  land.  These  officials  were  to  be  called 
incas,  a  "name  venerable  in  the  country."  One  inca  was  to  remain 
constantly  at  the  capital  of  the  empire,  where  the  general  legislative 
body  was  to  meet.  The  other  was  to  traverse  the  different  provinces. 
They  were  to  watch  over  the  welfare  of  the  empire  and  were  em- 
powered to  defend  it  against  sudden  attack.  They  couUl  not  wage 
an  offensive  war,  however,  without  the  consent  of  the  council.  They 
could  appoint  censors,  ediles,  and  questors,  whose  functions  wert' 
much  like  those  of  the  corresponding  officers  in  tlie  plan  of  1790. 
The  incas  were  to  be  responsible  to  the  nation  for  the  proper  exercise 
of  their  powers.  In  extreme  circumstances,  the  legislative  coimcil 
was  to  decree  the  nomination  of  a  single  ruler,  clothed  with  all  the 
powers  of  a  Koman  dictator,  whose  terra  of  office  was  not  to  be  pro- 
longed beyond  one  year.  This  dictator  was  to  be  chosen  by  the 
incas  from  the  citizens  who  had  attained  the  age  of  at  least  45  years, 
and  who  had  already  filled  one  of  the  great  offices  of  the  empire. 

Careful  provisions  were  also  made  for  a  pnn-incial  and  a  national 
judiciary.  The  judges  presiding  over  tfie  provincial  courts  were  to 
be  appointed  by  the  provincial  assemblies  with  the  consent  of  "the 
inca."  If  he  disapproved  of  the  nomination,  imd  the  legislative 
council  confirmed  his  action,  a  new  election  had  to  be  made.  The 
judges  were  to  hold  office  for  life,  unless  convicted  of  misconduct 
before  the  high  national  court.  The  method  of  trial  was  to  be  by  jury 
as  practiced  in  England  and  the  United  States;  but  there  was  to  be 
f^stablisbed  a  special  jury  until  the  mass  of  citizens  were  more  "au 
fait"  with  hberty.  Federal  judges  could  only  be  removed  on  im- 
peachment by  the  supreme  national  court.  This  was  to  be  composed 
of  a  president  and  two  judges  chosen  by  the  executive  power  from 
the  national  judges.  It  was  to  have  jurisdiction  over  cases  relating 
to  the  law  of  nations,  those  arising  from  treaties  with  foreign  powers, 
and  the  misdeeds  of  federal  magistrates. 


of  our  sovereign  had  so  justly  inspired  the  Spaiiish  Nation."  C« 
bum  transmitted  the  pai'ket  to  the  English  authorities.  Ho  assuifd 
Admiral  Rowley  "that  Miranda,  so  far  fivim  being  enabled  to  aid  thu 
British  interests,  is  held  in  general  tletestation  on  the  Spanish  Main; 
and  I  firmly  believe  that  connection  with  liirn  would  not  only  inen- 
tably  prevent  the  success  of  any  Enterprise  in  wliich  he  might  l* 
employed,  but  would  tend  more  than  any  other  measure  whutst^ever 
to  overthrow  our  own,  and  effectually  re-establish  our  Enemy's 
cause,  in  those  important  regions  of  tho  .Vmerican  Oontinenl."  ' 
Cockbum's  conduct  ia  intercepting  the  packet  was  approved  by  the 
English  Government,  *■ 

With  the  packet  which  Cockbum  had  seised  were  sent  four  similar 
packets — two  addressed  to  Habana  and  two  addressed  to  the  City 
of  Mexico-'  Each  of  these  was  a  small  arsenal  nf  revolutionan- 
material  drawn  from  the  rich  stores  of  Miranda.  A  packet  addressed 
to  Habana  contained  copies  of  liis  letters  to  Caracas,  dated  July  20 
and  October  6,  1808,  and  of  those  to  Buenos  Ayrcs  date^l,  respec- 
tively, July  24  and  September  10,  1808.  It  held  copies  of  the  leltej^ 
of  Miranda,  Brissot,  and  Dumouriez  in  1792  and  1793  regarding  the 
revolutionizing  of  SpanishAmerica  from  the  base  of  Santo  Domingo. 
Copies  of  Miranda's  note  to  Pitt  of  January  28,  I79I.  and  of  Picton's 
inflammatory  proclamation  of  June,  1797,  to  the  inliabitants  of 
Terra  Finna  were  inclosed-  There  were  copies  of  the  Miranda- 
Cagigal  correspondence  of  1799-1800  relating  to  the  career  of  Miranda 
at  Habana.  A  copy  was  seQt  of  Alexander  Hamilton's  letter  of 
August  22,  1798,  giving  hia  views  on  Spanisli-Araerican  emancipa- 
tion.'' 

Miranda  did  not  confine  his  labors  of  propagandism  to  the  norlli- 
ern  part  of  Spanish  America.  As  early  as  April,  1S08,  he  had  been 
in  communication  with  Saturino  Pefla,  of  Buenos  Ayres.  On  July 
24  ho  had  addressed  a  letter  to  the  cabildo  of  Buenos  Ayrcs.  On 
tho  following  day  ^liranda  wrote  to  Pcna  and  to  tho  cabildo  of 
Buenos  Ayres  inclosing  his  scheme  of  government  and  copies  of 
papers  showing  the  attitude  of  the  English  toward  Spanish  America.' 
In  Januarj',  1809,  a  revolutionai^-  sympatliizer  appears  to  have 
addressed  a  letter  to  Miranda  from  Rio  de  Janeiro.'  It  is  possible 
that  one  of  his  correspondents  was  Philip  Contucclii,  who  in  (he 
autumn  of  1808  was  attempting  to  promote  a  change  of  govemmenl 
in  Buenos  Ayres,  supported  by  such  men  as  Nicolas  Porta  and  Manuel 

aCockburu  Ui  RowLej-,  February  11,  IBOB  (copy),  P.  R.  O,,  Ail.  See.,  Ia  l,i 

tDmrt  (oCackbum,  Junu  7, 1809,  [bid,.  Curacao  TrancnilMloM.  em. 

eRowley  to  Pole,  ApiU  11, 1800.  IWd..  Ad.  Sec.,  In  Latlera.  UM. 

<Inc1iwar«lii  Pole  to  Hainimmd,  AoguatSl.  IBOg.  P.  R,  O,.  gpaSn.Sl.  A 
atCun^iio,  lo  Lord  CuUsreagb,  Jtmuuj  3S,  1809,  UescilbeB  Ihe  nnuuna  Uln 
In  letter  wrltlnE.    Curasao  Tratumlidoiu,  670,  Documontuy  Appeudii  No.  (t, 

'  Ultra,  nislorla  de  BalgmDo.  I,  <S1. 
Aulcpant,  'JSi-'X!. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA. 


423 


lelgrano."     The  machinations  of  Saturino  Pe&a  wpre  detected  aud 

»  fled  to  Brazil,  but  Miranda  was  still  a  source  of  anxiety  even  in 

fcT-off  Buenos  Ayres,  for  it  was  su^ested  that  it  might  be  wise  to 

istitute  inquiries  at  Lima  to  discover  whether  or  not  he  was  extend- 

T  his  revolutionary  designs  to  the  province  of  Chile.'' 

I  Miranda  was  not  allowed  to  carrj-  on  tiis  insurrectionary  con*- 

Ktndence  with  Spanish  America  in  tranquillity.     Early  in  January, 

p09,    the   captain-general   of  Caracas   made   formal   complaint    to 

General  Beckwith,  governor  of  St.  Vincent,  regarding  tliis  activity,' 

had   also   duly  informed    the  central  junta  in  Spain  of  the 

litious  papers  sent   to  Toro.'*     The  Spanish  minister  in  London, 

dmiral  Apodaca,  was  accordingly  instructed  to  make  a  complaint 

)  the  British  Government.'     Hence  on  May  16, 1809,  Apodaca  pro- 

JBt«cl  against  the  activity  of  "the  traitor,"  Miranda,  "who  in  spite 

f  the  moat  sacred  laws  persistetl  in  pursuing  his  depraved  projects" 

through  Admiral  Cochrane.     He  suggested  that  appropriate  measures 

should  be  taken  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  actions  and  to 

repress  the  temerity  of  the  adventurer.^ 

•  Cootlnto  to  Sidney  SmlUi,  Noseinlier  17  and  NovBmlier  30,  1809,  Contuochl  to  ContJnto,  Noi-HmbM 
U,  laOB:  He  alw  the  repreKntBllon  of  Ihe  IntisMtanla  of  DumoB  Ayras  to  tbe  priDceie  of  the  Bmlls,  Sep- 
tember 30,  l»e  (trsjulatlons),  P.  R.  O.,  Orlgliu]  CarTespaadBiice,  War  Omce,  U;  Antciars,  JS!.  mS; 
Blkoco,  DocuineiitiH.  II,  2m. 

*lUtni,  niiloria  de  Belgnuo,  I,  tS)~tSL  In  Uw  copy  o[  the  lettei  of  Ulranda  ot  July  14,  IBOB.  to  the 
cabUdoof  BiHiM  Ayreslhentuueor'D.Uaaiiel  PsdillM"laEoiiiid.  P.R.O..Sp*ln.(».  This  Is  not  Ibund 
Id  the  iHtler  published  In  Antepora,  £73, 274- 

•  Caau  to  Beckn-ltll,  JonuBn-  20.  IBOS.  P.  R.  O..  I,,  ind  W,  Is..  Z7. 
4  Roju.  El  Gsneral  Uiranda,  213, 243,  244. 

•  Ibid..  246. 

/  Apodaca  lo  CuuiUig,  Uay  10.  ISOP,  P.  R.  O.,  Spahi,  S4 ;  amlDute  oflhli  Ljfoimd  hi  A.  □.  B.,  Eatado, 
Sl;^  ThedUpalch  reads:  "El  hibaadllo  Envlado  Eitraordlimriu  y  Hlubtra  Fteulpataiiclulo  da  S.  U. 
<Mr  Ferruuido  7:  yen  sii  R!  nomlire  de  la  Suprcnia  JUDta  QuvematlvB  de  EspaAa  #  Indlaa,  Uene  el  honor 
deeipooei&lacoiulileFiiclaii  del  S^Cacnlnt:.  primer  3ecralaiia  da  S.  11.  B.ea  el  I>epsrtameatode  nei{oclDB 
eitiBiigena,  que  el  Guvlemo  de  S.  U.  Cat;  hu  salildo  par  documealos  aiitAiUcoa  qiie  paian  en  tu  podet 
que  el  traidor  Francisco  de  Ulrandu,  nnlund  de  Caracas,  una  de  los  Domlnlosde  S.  11.  C.,Bprarecbiladon 
de  lai  cliconstaDClas  spiuadu  on  que  la  perOda  Inrnsloii  de  los  Eiancesei  anutltula  i  la  Espufla,  trutab* 
fan  ftptia  aedlclosai  icntiUdos  (jesde  esM  Capita]  aqualla  Pruvlucla.  de  nuslmher  dlcha  ColotUa  de  la 
Atiffifiuu-itin  del  Rey  su  amoydel  tiovlemoqueobraen  au  RL  nombie;  yesUt  desput^queyaestabadU^hu- 
samBile  ralnbkclda  la  pat  enlra  EipaOa  ^  InglaUrra  y  de  tiaber  declarado  S.  Jl.  R,  la  Integridod  shee- 
lals  <le  lea  Domhdos  delltey  CatdUco.  plies  eal£n  fechados  en  Londreai  S)  de  Julio  de  I80S. 

"  t<a  JimlB  Suprema  no  eitraRa  Isl  procedes  ea  sti  sii]eIo.  ocupodo  Ocloainente  ea  pnyscloa  nvolu- 
clooMtM.  <lii  mtrito  oi  coiuMenidau  aleuna  y  que  baio  otros  preleilna  nmueve  au  Infldenelu  oentni  su 
R*y  )r  Bnpatrla,aunqiieleefiBanLamentedoloreea  ser  amenaaada  la  trwiqhllldadpdbllDaen  ud  Cpoquees 
tan  Deamila  pan  obnr  en  imlon  contm  su  Implarrable  eaenilKa. 

'■  No  le  hn  sido  menos  lenalble  nl  puede  rnenot  de  ILunaisu  ataDolou  la  elrcuuslanolB  He  que  dktuaiMpelea 
■e  hayin  Imuportado  dcSlr  Alexandn)  Cobsue,  oQolol  al  survldo  deS.  II.  B.en  la  ^pocs  anus  referlda 
do  eat*  pulillcado  Crlliiuenle  la  pai  antre  amhas  puloaclas  y  dedamda  por  S.  U.  B.  ta  inUgrldad  de  lu 
poaalones  d>-  S.  U.  Cat*. 

-'EaiacimuulandaaDpttediiioenoadeinrlgualiDuateaiMUlhltiiS.  11.  B.  y  isu  llustiado  ODTlemoque 
(autaa  pruetiaa  atln  dando  do  lu  amlntad  y  buena  correipandcncla  a]  de  la  EipaAa,  coma  aaj  miama  que 
■Kode  ou  Csplul  pueda  d  [bvoIUisd  Mlianda  mnUtiuar  tnuiqutluuenle  >u>  manejoa  Uuldloios  tonlra  lot 


uNacioiKaiKi 


Jn  Fernando  7» 


loGoTianu) 


tejustacat 

d*  EspaDa  que  Dhia  en 

"Elinfnucrltotieiwdnlonadete(ep(inhaoeralde5.11.B.laa]uslaiidBmoDatraolonei;  l»  es  Iguolmonlo 
irfT^T*  qo"  teugB  aquel  Isn  deaaeradables  motlrag  de  amUinienlo,  como  que  no  pueda  obvlane  «1  csusarlos 
aJ  de  S.  U.  B.  (que  stn  duda  parte  loa  del  Rcy  CatdUco),  dindolc  conaclmleiilo  do  cilos,  par  la  neceeldad 
itr  poaet  temndio  t  niH»  acoalediaSeiilos  que  i  prlmera  Tlsla  preoentan  Coda  la  tranKendcnda  de  que  sod 
MiBcvpIllilai  CD  perjuldo  del  blen  comdn  de  los  Vasallos  de  S.  U.C.  tnnqullldad  de  lui  possloucs  y  finde 
■■  Juste  oauia  que  anibos  Sobennts  aprovwhane  de  eltos  y  aun  del  mlsmo  Ulianda  pan  oooseguli  «n 
ilenlOB&mtni  Biubosea -    _    -  .. 


424  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION.  . 

On  June  3  following  the  English  foreign  secretarj-,  Canning,  expressed 
to  Apodaca  his  ''most  perfect  confidence''  that  Cochrane  was  not 
aware  of  the  contents  or  of  the  source  of  the  letters  which  had  been 
sent  out  by  Miranda.  The  Spanish  minister  was  assured  that  the 
''most  positive  Orders"  had  "been  sent  out  to  Admiral  Sir  Alexan- 
der Cochrane  to  trace,  if  possible,  the  means  by  which  those  letters 
were  conveyed  to  his  hands,  and  to  be  particularly  on  his  guard  not 
to  suffer  any  others  to  pass  through  the  same  Channel."  Canning 
declared  that  the  letters  had  been  sent  "without  the  know^Iedge  of 
the  British  Government."*  Miranda  was  evidently  informed  that, 
if  any  "fresh  instance"  of  this  kind  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
British  ministers,  they  would  "feel  it  necessary  to  order  him  imme- 
diately to  quit  His  Majesty's  Dominions."''  Doubtless  the  Spanish 
Government  would  have  been  glad  of  any  occurrence  which  would 
have  cast  the  much  detested  and  much  feared  ^liranda  into  its 
power.  ^ 

Apodaca  also  attempted  to  spy  into  the  movements  of  ^Miranda. 
In  this  he  was  aided  by  Captain  Saenz,  ahas  Juanico,  who  arrived  in 
London  from  Venezuela  in  the  latter  part  of  June,  1809,  apparently 
charged  with  a  commission  from  the  Marquis  del  Toro  and  the  cabildo 
of  Caracas  to  Miranda.^  In  spite  of  the  suspicions  with  which 
Miranda  seems  at  first  to  have  regarded  him,  this  informer  sucxjeeded 
in  inveigling  himself  into  the  confidence  of  his  fellow-countryman. 
He  gave  to  the  Spanish  minister  the  names  of  some  of  the  alleged 
friends  of  Miranda  in  Caracas  and  assured  him  that  the  latter  was 
now  directing  his  designs  against  Brazil  and  Buenos  Ayres.  Saenz 
also  gave  to  Apodaca  some  revolutionary  lit<^rature,  wliich  iliranda 
had  intrusted  to  him  for  distribution  in  Caracas.^  Apodaca  accord- 
ingly, while  expressing  his  confidence  in  the  loyalty  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  that  region,  complained  to  Canning  that  Miranda,  forgetting 
the  sacred  obligations  of  a  subject  and  despising  the  intimations  which 
had  b(^en  given  him  by  the  British  Government,  was  now  directing 
his  revolutionan'  machinations  toward  the  southern  part  of  Spanish 
America/ 


rt  Canning  to  AixKlacJi,  Jiuic  3,  1809,  P.  K.  O.,  Spain,  SI. 

''  Draft  to  Coc'kbuni,  Juno  7,  1809,  P.  R.  O.,  Curasao  Transmissions,  670. 

<•  Uojas,  El  General  Miranda,  246. 

dibid..  2:39;  Blanco,  Docuniontos,  II.  2fiO,  261. 

'Rojius,  VA  General  Miranda,  2t0;  Blanco.  Dociimeutos,  II,  260,  261;  Apodaca  to  Garay,  July  17.  1509. 
n^ports  what  he  has  learned  of  Miranda  through  Sa«'nz,  wlioni  he  iastruclcd,  "&  verlP  y,  con  cautt^la  oxplo- 
rarse  sur  susj  intenciories  y  disposiciones:  lo  hizo  en  dos  oetisiones  ♦  *  •♦  &  resulta  que  aviendo  Ic  hecho 
varios  pn.'gtas.  sobri!  sugetosde  Caraciisfl''biis  en  la  adjuntalettc  (?)  le  contests  suparadcro.    ♦    ♦    ♦ 

"Xoticiadelas  iK'rsonasdoCanicasp'quienprgt"  Miranda:  P.  PorMato  Capita  rctirado  *  ♦  *  R.  Que 
quedadopreso en  Caracas.  P.  Por  el  doctor  Montilla  *  ♦  ♦  R.  Quo  avia  muortoelhijodo  4ste  q"  viario 
en  (fuardias  quedaba  pre,so.  P.  Por  D"  Ant«  Leon  *  *  *  R.  Que  se  avia  remitido  preso  &  Kspafta. 
P.  Por  el  Marq"  del  Toro  *    *    ♦    R.  Que  quedaba  bueno  en  Caracas."    A.  G.  S.,  Estado,  8172. 

/  Apodaca  to  Canning,  July  22, 1809,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  8-1;  Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  247,  24S,  prints  the 
communicatiwi  with  some  omissions. 


FRANCISCO  nr:  mibanda. 


425 


This  fresh  complamt  was  bruught  to  the  attention  of  Lord  Castle- 
reagh.  who  asked  Vansittart,  who  was  supposed  to  be  on  intimate 
t^rms  with  Miranda,  to  find  out  how  much  truth  there  was  in  the 
repn-sentation.  "I  should  verj'  reluctantly,"  said  he,  "adopt  any 
measure  of  unkindness  to  Alirantla;  but  connected  as  we  are  with 
Spain,  the  honor  of  the  country  and  the  Government  must  not  be 
compromised,  and  I  think  you  will  be  able  to  obtain  assurances  from 
Miranda,  so  distinct  with  respect  to  his  conduct,  as  to  justify  me  in 
continuing  to  lum  the  protection  which  he  now  receivea,""  In  reply 
Vansittart  declared  hia  confidence  in  Miranda's  "disposition  to  be 
quiet,"  and  assured  Castlereagb  that  he  would  try  to  strengthen  it/ 
Having  satisfied  Vansittart,  Miranda  bad  evidently  lulled  the  sus- 
picions of  the  English  ministry.  On  August  15,  1809,  Canjiing  sent 
a  note  to  Apodaca  in  which  he  stated  that,  according  to  the  investiga- 
tions that  he  had  been  able  to  make,  he  was  certain  that  the  actual 
conduct  of  ^liranda  was  not  such  as  coidd  inspire  the  least  disquietu<ie 
or  lack  of  confidence  on  the  part  of  Apodaca.'^ 

In  the  first  half  of  the  year  1S09  Aliranda  received  an  invitation 
from  Caracas  asking  liim  to  proceed  to  that  countrj'  at  once.  After 
consulting  with  Vansittart,  Miranda  decided  to  remain  in  England. 
He  WTot#  a  letter  to  Ids  countrymen  declaring  that  a  reunion  with 
them  at  that  time  would  be  neither  easy  nor  conducive  to  their 
emancipation."'  Wo  may  be  sure  that  this  decision  was  not  due  to 
any  change  of  heart,  but  was  probabh'  inspired  hy  the  firm  belief 
which  Miranda  entertained  that  either  Spain  would  be  soon  subjugated 
by  the  French  and  a  "separation  of  the  Colonies  under  British  pro- 
tection" would  then  take  plaa?  spontaneously,  or,  that  if  Spain 
should  be  able  to  keep  up  the  struggle,  she  would  be  "obliged  to  adopt 
a  more  liberal  policy  towards  the  Colonies  and  admit  them  to  a  full 
participation  of  liberty  and  civil  rights."'  It  is  very  likely  that 
the  English  Government  brought  some  pressure  to  bear  on  Miranda 
to  induce  him  to  remain  in  England,  fearing  his  inflammatory  influence 
in  the  American  possessions  of  its  ally.  The  ministers  were  certainly 
not  aware  of  the  fidl  scope  of  Miranda's  attempts  to  spread  discon- 
tent and  revolutionarj'  doctrines  in  Spanish  America  at  this  epoch. 
Several  years  afterwards  Vansittart  <leclareil  that,  aft#r  the  departure 
of  Wellesley  for  Spain,  the  English  officials  endeavored  to  make 
Miranda  " mstnimentat  in  composing  the  minds  of  his  countrymen 
and  preventing  dissentions  between  them  and  the  mother  country.'/ 

o  ComspondeDOs  ot  CsatloiBttgh,  VU,  «*. 

eRujBs.  El  Geaeral  Uiiaoda,  14S. 

d  tbid..  :3B:  AnUpaiB,  ffl9.  290, 

•ConeBpoDdamn  of  CasUiMraeli.  vn.  US.  «Mi. 

/Vinsltlanto  Bod^pn,  Juhuit?  37,  liu  (copyl,  Iirilcy  MSS.,  m.  I.  S-. 


426  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Evidently  some  Euglislimen  cherished  the  delu^on  that  the  notori* 
oils  filibuster  and  chronic  revolutiouist  might  be  transformed  intu 
a  pac^ificator. 

It  was  during  this  period  of  apparent  quiescence  that  Miranda 
sought  to  influence  public  opinion  through  the  press.  In  January, 
1809,  The  Edinburgh  Review  published  an  article  entitled  "South 
American  Emancipation  in  review  of  Viscardo  y  Guzman's  Jjetlre 
aux  Espagnols-Amfiricains,  The  writer  of  the  article,  who  drew  part 
of  his  information  and  his  inspiration  alike  from  Miranda,  took  iwca- 
sion  to  consider  at  length  the  struggle  for  supremacy  between  France 
and  England,  the  commercial  advantages  which  would  be  derived 
through  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America  by  England,  and  the 
persistent  efforts  of  Miranda  for  the  emancipation  of  his  native  land. 
The  English  people  were  taken  into  confidence  regarding  a  matter 
that  had  been  long  "almost  exclusively  the  nursling  of  ministem"' 

Some  time  in  the  following  year  there  was  published  in  Loin 
under  the  nommal  editorship  of  J.  M.  Antepara,  a  reprint  of 
article  in  The  Edinburgh  Review  in  a  book  entitled  "South  Amorii 
Emancipation,  Documents,  historical  and  explanatory,  showing 
designs  which  have  been  in  progress,  and  the  exertions  made  by 
eral  Miranda  for  the  attainment  of  that  object  during  the  last  tweai 
five  yeare."  The  iUuatrative  documents  which  were  published 
presented  in  a  style  that  was  typical  of  Miranda.  In  the  introdi 
tion  Antepara  stated  that  these  documents  had  been  selected  fj 
the  large  collection  of  over  sixty  volumes  preserved  by  Miranda  in 
his  private  archives,''  The  guiding  hand  of  the  latter  can  be  detected 
in  the  choice  of  these  papers,  which  were  evidently  selected  with  h 
view  to  rehabilitate  Miranda  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  as  well  as  to 
inform  the  public  of  the  true  scope  of  liis  designs.  Many  of  the 
documents  thus  published  were  those  which  Miranda  had  been  send- 
mg  in  copy  to  his  countrymen  in  Spanish  America  in  1808  and  1809. 
In  fact,  the  book  is  to  an  extent  an  illustration,  on  a  much  larger 
scale,  of  the  idea  which  dominated  tiie  letters  which  Miranda  had 
been  sending  to  his  more  or  less  willing  countrymen.  One  can  not 
avoid  the  conclusion  that  Antepara,  who  declared  liiniself  to  be  "a 
native  of  Guayaquil,"'  and  was  jicrhaps  an  expatriat><>d  Jesuit,  must 
have  prepared  the  book  under  the  immediate  direction  of  Miranda 

oEa,  Rev,,  Xlll,  2T;-;)13.  latamolcvlili'acelndloalcslhalMiruidiiruniUbadsinieiiilanTutloabitktt 
article.  Mulertal  waa  [irmmied  wtilcli  imiil  that  dale  had  iiat  hfcn  made  public:  tee  pp.  SOT,  US,  wbn 
lUnls  ol  Mlruida's  plin  of  eovenunpnl  ore  given;  291.  292,  un  found  (ntgDuali  of  impartanl  uopubUitnid 
letton.  Tbe  sketch  ol  Ulnuida' a  carl;  UTe  19  Id  mimyiuiniculBn  correct.  External  pTld«ice  points  In  Uh 
same  direction.  See  Ed.  An.  Reg.,  IV,  3§7;  Bunlham's  Worts.  U.  sai;  .^jnoniWgul.  BeUo,  Ice.  In 
response  to  an  Inquiry  br  tbe  writer,  UioodlloroCUiD  Edinburgh  Review,  Ur.  KUlol,  declared.  OotatierT, 
1902,  that  be  bod  no  InlomiBtlan  regudlng  Iho  mithorsblp  o[  Ihe  article  In  queatloa  beyond  Ibe  laci  Uul 
it  IsBtUlbutod  la  "  UUner.  uBlsted  by  Oeuerel  Uiraads,"  by  W.  A.Coplnger.  In  a  book  piloled  ptivntdy 
at  Minchosler  In  ISaa,  mUtled  "On  tbe  Authorship  ot  the  Klnl  Hundnd  Numben  o(  tha  Edln.  Kevlev." 

t  AnlBpora,  iireraos,  jv. 

etbld..  UUa-page. 


PHANCISCO   DB    MIRANDA.  427 

himself.  This  book  with  its  justificatory  documents  appeal's  to  have 
been  intended  for  circulation  in  Spanish  America  as  well  as  in 
England. 

Miranda  even  dii-ecled  his  superabundant  energy  into  the  jour- 
nalistic field.  A  Portuguese  journal  published  in  England  appears 
to  have  been  induced  to  favor  the  schemes  of  Miranda  as  "one  who 
was  to  be  the  Washington  of  the  southern  continent.""  In  the 
spring  of  1810  a  Spanish  journal,  EI  Colombiano,  was  founded  at 
London  under  the  auspices  of  Miranda.''  The  second  issue  of  this 
paper,  which  is  the  only  copy  yet  found  even  in  part,  dealt  with  the 
extension  of  French  domination  over  the  European  continent.  It 
began  with  a  brief  discussion  of  the  recent  French  triumphs  in  Anda- 
lusia. Under  the  rubric,  "Increase  of  the  Monstrous  Power  of 
Napoleon,"  Miranda,  for  he  was  evidently  the  editor  as  well  as  the 
sponsor  of  this  paper,  declared  that  Napoleon's  marriage  to  Maria 
Louise  of  Austria  had  "given  to  France  and  to  the  Confederation  of 
the  Rhine,  such  a  great  accession  of  force,  that  Every  Effort  to 
diminish  the  ascendancy  of  Buonaparte  will  be  useless  for  the  present, 
and  highly  dangerous  for  the  future."  Napoleon  was  sarcastically 
characterized  as  the  "Regenerator  of  the  human  Race,"  whose 
oppression  increased  in  the  same  ratio  with  I  lis  colossal  power. 
After  discussing  the  recent  decrees  regarding  such  subjects  as  the 
press  and  state  prisoners,  the  writer  concluded:  "Americana  judge 
from  these  terrible  and  notorious  facts,  what  lot  those  people  and 
nations  must  expect,  who  being  subjected  or  submitted  to  the  Influ- 
ence of  France  are  obliged  to  hve  under  such  laws!  The  most 
oppressive  System  wluch  could  ever  uIBict  Mankind!  May  Provi- 
dence, which  has  separated  you  from  Europe  by  the  Vast  Ocean,  pre- 
ser\"e  you  also  from  an  influence  so  pestilential  &  so  fatal-"''  Such 
were  the  sentiments  expressed  in  that  number  of  the  paper  wliich 
Miranda  presented  to  the  officials  of  the  English  Government  as  a 
sample  of  what  the  journal  would  be  like  if  he  were  permitted  to 
influence  it,'' 

It  is  clear  that  El  Colombiano  aimed  to  spread  a  hatred  of  Napo- 
leon and  of  the  French  among  the  Spanish  Americans.  At  present 
we  know  little  more  about  the  attitude  of  the  English  Government 


-  Ed.  An.  Keg..  IV.  M7.    I 

IMnlsli  Amrnoi.    e«i  Anlr 
t  Narrid  Ui  UiunllkHi.  Apnl 


roio  BraElUensfs  vhlcb  paid  h 


\9,  iftlO.iu^il:  "t  scud  ynu  Uie  lii  number  of  the  ColombluM  with  Ulnnda's 
'  course  of  which  1  took  occaalan  to  speak  la  him  about  the  prDduoUon.  wai 
lu  ICr  f  eiclvBl  which  luflldenlly  sxplalna  his  sen tlmmu  and  tbo  complexlaii 
'V  the  Columblaaa  U  ha  Is  pennitteil  to  Infliunoc  It."  P.  R.  0..  Sp^D,  102. 
>,  April  I,  ISig,  Ho,  2,  In  putimd  In  Inmslalion,  Ibid.  This  fiB(aQ«nt  of  tho  piper  pro- 
WTTBil  lit  tbv  English  ucblTCs  U  tile  onlr  direct  Indicatioo  which  we  btve  reipudlng  Iti  conlciits,  !at  no 
Mtipr  n>t>le$  of  thn  pa[iFr  havu  bwn  Coiind  flscwhere.  The  British  Uusmia  doos  not  contHln  acnpyot  tbe 
Cdomblnao. and  aa  yet  no  Irawof  II  huboealoundhi  Spanish  AmeHca.   Bnem.Vlda  da  Wmuda,  II,  UK. 

riNornstuKanillluu,  AtinlR,  1310. 1'.  II.  O..  Spain.  103. 


428  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCUTlnS. 

toward  this  journal  or  the  influence  of  Miranda  in  shaping  its  utter- 
ances. Thanks  to  the  sjrstem  of  espionage  maintained  by  the  Span- 
ish minister  in  London,  he  was  informed  of  the  nature  of  the  paper 
by  one  of  liia  omnipresent  agents,  who  subscribed  iiimself  as  Abela. 
The  latter  declared  that  EI  Colombiano  was  intended  for  cin-ulation 
in  Spanish  America.  It  was  described  as  "an  incendiary  paper,  sub- 
versive of  the  good  order  and  tranquilUty  and  union  wliieh  ought  to 
reign  in  those  dominions."  Abela  had  also  succeeded  in  ferreting 
out  the  editor,  Miranda."  If  the  later  advices  of  the  Spanisti  minis- 
ter are  equally  reliable,  Miranda  was  aided  in  his  e<litona)  duties  br 
Antepara  and  an  expatriated  Spanish  American  eaUetl  Cortes' 
Apodaca  considered  it  his  duty  to  complain  at  once  regarding  tills 
new  channel  into  wliich  the  um-esting  energy  of  Miranda  had  been 
turned.  The  English  Government  informed  the  Spaniard,  however, 
that  it  could  not  act  in  the  matter  because  the  pubUcation  was  per- 
mitted by  the  laws  of  England. 

Consequently  Apodaca  wrote  to  the  viceroy  of  Lima  about  the 
journal,  its  editors,  and  its  evil  reputation.  The  Spanish  minister  in 
the  United  States  was  also  adviseil  and  instructed  to  warn  the  Span- 
ish viceroys  and  gi)vemors.'' 

A  little  later  the  watchful  Apodaca  had  reason  to  believe  that  copies 
of  EI  Colombiano  and  El  Espanol,  a  paper  of  a  similar  type,  hail  been 
laden  on  board  a  vessel  bound  for  Veracruz  with  the  intention  of  dis- 
tributing them  in  New  Spain  to  foment  an  insur  recti  on.''  In  August, 
ISIO,  Miranda  even  addressed  some  number's  of  El  Colombiano  to  a 
sympathizer  at  Buenos  Ayres.'  This  agitator  was  indeed  &  veritable 
thorn  in  the  tender  flesh  of  the  Spaniards. 

While  Francisco  de  Miranda  was  busy  with  his  propagandist 
labors  in  England,  events  in  America  were  progressing  so  aa  to  favor 
his  plans  largely  because  of  the  ambitions  of  France.  The  designs 
of  the  French  on  Spanish  America  were  not  relinquished  when  Napo- 
leon came  into  power,  for  lus  policy  with  regard  to  tluit  region  was, 
in  some  respects,  a  continuation  of  that  of  Brissot  and  Talleyrand. 
He  secured  possession  of  Louisiana,  but  was  forced  to  transfer  it 
to  the  United  States  instead  of  making  it  a  military  colony  which 
might  expand  at  the  expense  of  that  power.^     In  Napoleon's  mind 

0  Abela  to  Apodaca,  Uuroli  27.  IBIU,  UiiudesailbcslhoputiMHorElCalamblBno:  "NopumTendlnnui 
eUiElDo  parBpalilu'leilnueitnu  AmAriou  exhanindolaA  lalndepandeocls  •  •  >  enua  pvriIlU■■l- 
darl07SUbTO^^vod''1btleaa^doDy  trknqiilUdad  y  union  quedebe  relnar  en  aquflUosdonilntoi;  jjtd  dM* 
luegD  lie  tornado  i  ml  cargo  rcspnuder  ^  dluho  pspoL  Mu  lodsvin  no  >e  conlfliitBb*  tun  esto  ml  Htoj 
bucn  desco,  y  a^  hn  prwuredo  cod  Iu  m&i  eiqiilsllos  dlllgcnelu  averiEuar  qulcn  (ueae  d  autoi  <]e  siiaBl 
papcl.  s  por  liD  he  coDseguida  saber  par  iBmlsmiiimprentAdelulgiielendODde  hnempnso.  quo  etaulat 
es  el  Ooneral  Miranda    ■    •    •  ".    A.  Q.  fl.,  Estndo,  8173. 

t>  Apodaca  to  IIonnMaa.  March  IS,  IStO,  lUd. 

lApodaca  to  Baidail,  Ua;  IS,  1810,  Ibid. 

4  Apodaca  to  Bardui.  May  ID,  tSlO,  A.  G.  H.,  Estado,  8)73. 

'  Antepara.  292. 

/Adonia.  Uiilled  States,  U,  C-10,  gins  thi'lnslrucllons  to  Ilje  inlllliiryoininianderot  tiuiilslotiatn  IWl 


^M  FRANCISCO  DE   MIHANDA.  420 

Bhe  revolulionizmg  of  Spanish  America  was  closely  related  to  the 
Htruggle  with  England."     At  the  very  time  when  he  intimated  his 
^htentton  of  calling  a  convention  of  Spanish  delegates  at  Bayonne 
^Be  expressed  his  pur])ose  of  sending  to  Spanish  America  vessels  laden 
^Kth  proclamations  and  muskets."     Orders  to  this  effect  were  sub- 
^pBquently  given/     Napoleon  perhaps  flattered  himself  that  he  might 
■  thus  secure  possession  of  that  part  of  America.''     When  he  had,  as 
he  thought,  seated  lus  brother  Joseph  on  the  throne  of  Spain,  Napo- 
leon sent  envoys  to  America  to  disseminate  the  news  of  the  dynastic 
I   change  and  to  establish  French  control  of  the  Spanish  Indies,     His 
I    envoys  fared  badly,  however.     De  Sassenay,  who  was  sent  to  Buenos 
Ayres  in  May,  ISOS,  was  thrust  into  prison,'  and  the  two  agents  who 
were  sent  to  Caracas  fled  from  an  infuriated  populace.'     Evidence 
has  been  found  to  show  that  Napoleonic  emissaries  were  busy  foment- 
ing insurrection  in  Spanish  America,^  when  the   inhabitants    were 
actually  taking  advantage  of  the  disturbed  condition  of  Spain  to 
establish  provisional  or  semiiudependent  governments. 

It  was,  in  fact,  the  interference  of  Napoleon  in  Spanish  affairs 
which  promoted  the  political  changes  in  Venezuela  and  other  prov- 
inces that  culminated  in  the  Spanish-American  revolution.  On 
April  18,  1809,  commissioners  arrived  in  the  city  of  Caracas  from 
Spain  with  orders  that  the  newly-established  regency  be  recognized. 
The  next  day  there  was  an  uprising,  the  captain-general,  Vicente 
Eniparan,  who  ha<I  been  appointed  by  Napoleon,''  was  deposed,  and 
the  government  was  vested  in  a  junta.*  The  leading  Spanish  ofB- 
cials  were  soon  deported.^  Although  the  Venezuelan  leaders  still 
professed  allegiance  to  Ferdinand,  this  movement  of  April  1!1,  1809, 

-CormpoDcIaiice  <1<  Niipot«iHi.  XVII,  17,  71. 176-179. 
»njHL,  76.77. 

*R>[d.,  Ids,  107,125,  IN.  217.  «a. 
4tbl<l..212,3ia,2U,317. 

(DeSusensT,  N'spali'xio  I-ct  La  Fon^DtloD  d«l>  It«lp.  Ar..  IM,  311,  2<8, 1S3,  W)-3e3. 
/  Qlinco,  DocumniltB,  II.  ia4-l«j,  1G0-;  Smjib.  Lite  ot  Bearer,  334-,  givra  ■  vivid  desciipUon  ol  Ih* 
mitlludeol  Ibe  people  of  Caraca.i  lovard  the  French  and  the  English  on  receipt  of  the  news  of  (he  ohiuigei 

fAIleeed  Uutnicliaiis  ot  Nspolecin  to  big  emlsoiles,  which  were  In  olrcnlalloD  la  1810,  a»  printed  t^f 
Wallon,  Dluentioai  oF  Spuiish  Amerlcs.  Appendli,  dacmuent  B.  A  copf  of  the  original  (Spuilsb)  li 
found  Bwompiuijlng  bIIsI  d(  conimlssionBra. "  Comislonados  del  Iter  'osd  Napoleon  en  las  dos  .VmaricBs." 
<capr).  In  P.  R.  O.  Cnmcaa  Tnuunnluloni.e'l.  Acopjol  alleged  lustiuctlcms  ol  Napoleon  to  D'.Ymbll- 
ment,  September  li.  IBID,  b  [Dund  in  F.  It.  O.,  Spuln,  111).  The  alarm  created  by  such  iDfonuntlon  Ij 
niiBlrated  by  iho  offer  made  by  ibe  government  In  The  CerBPCM  Gaiatle,  January  IS,  lSll,''o(  'one 
Uiausind  I'ollars'  Is  him  or  to  them,  who  shall  dlacovir  any  such  emlssarin  of  the  Tynuil.  o[  Europe. 
who  may  Im  luund  concealed  or  dl^uised  amoDg  us"  (translation),  F.  R.  0.,  Curacao  TrnnimissloDS,  CTS. 
Ttun  is  maferlal  In  the  Mulcan  archives  vhlch  shows  that  warnings  were  sent  to  viceroys  of  New 
Bpoln  ngitilBi  the  designs  oF  Joseph  Napoleon  on  Spanish  j\jnetlca  in  ISIO  end  even  in  IKIS  alter  Uie 
fvluni  ol  Napoieon  tnai  Elba:  Calleja  to  the  minister  ot  the  Indies,  September  30,  isti,  Documenluy 
Appraidll,  ,Vd.  U:  LarJItabiLl  to  Calleja.  Uay22,  iai5;nalaofCBlle|a,  September  fi,  1S15,  A.  G.U.,  Coma- 
pondMirla  de  tos  Vimycs,  B.,  2(U.  In  the  same  rolume  cui  lie  found  sotne  reports  at  loctki  oCBcials  la 
New  Spain  regardine  Uie  steps  taken  In  response  to  the  wunln^  sent  by  LardlWbBl  whicb  wta  tcoom- 
pulled  byn  printed  list  ot  the  French  sgen  la  lu  Spanish  America. 

*  Corrcspondaoce  de  NapolAn),  K  Vn.  ^W,  21T. 

•  Blanco ,  Docamenlos.  II,  301, 

t  LajMri  Id  UveipocA,  May  S,  UIO,  P.  R.  O.,  Cnn$iO  TranmilmlaiUi  fi7L 


430  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

was  in  some  respects  a  revolution  in  disguise.  Whatever  the  pre- 
texts or  excuses  ofTered  for  this  action,  it  is  evident  that  some  of  the 
leaders  had  dreamt  of  establishing  independence.^  The  provisional 
authority,  vested  in  a  junta,  at  once  characterized  itself  as  a  '*new 
government,''  ^  although  in  an  address  to  the  Spanish  regency  this 
junta  declared  that  it  would  be  dissolved  on  the  restoration  of  Ferdi- 
nand or  on  the  establishment  of  a  government  more  suited  to  exercise 
the  sovereignty  of  the  entire  Spanish  nation. *"  A  proclamation  to 
the  Spanish  Americans  was  drawn  up,  in  which  it  was  boldly  asserted 
that  Venezuela  had  placed  herself  in  the  ranks  of  "the  free  nations."** 
The  number  of  the  junta  was  soon  fixed  at  twenty-three.  The 
Marquis  de  Casa  Le6n  was  made  president  of  this  body,  which  was 
virtually  vested  with  the  supreme  power  in  the  province  of  Caracas. 
The  heads  of  various  departments,  as  foreign  affairs,  war,  and  the 
navy,  were  chosen.*'  On  April  27  an  address  was  issued  to  the 
cabildos  of  the  capitals  of  other  Spanish  American  States  asking  them 
to  join  the  movement  and  to  form  a  great  Spanish- American  con- 
federation.^ On  Jime  11,  1810,  elaborate  regulations  were  issued, 
which  provided  for  the  choice  by  secondary  election  of  deputies 
from  the  adjacent  provinces  who  might  create  "a  well  constituted 
central  power. ^'  ^ 

Before  this  time,  however,  it  had  become  apparent  that  the 
leaders  at  Caracas  were  not  to  have  undisputed  control  of  the  region. 
The  city  of  Coro  and  the  province  of  Maracaibo  had  refused  to  follow 
the  example  of  Caracas,  and  proclaimed  their  adherence  to  the  ruling 
Spanish  junta.'*  The  Marquis  del  Toro,  the  quondam  correspondent 
of  Miranda,  who  was  now  a  leader  of  the  radical  party,  was  soon 
intrusted  with  the  task  of  subduing  the  Corians.*  A  civil  war  was 
thus  begun.  About  tliis  time  other  Spanish-American  provinces 
took  measures  similar  to  those  taken  by  the  Caracians.  In  July, 
1810,  the  Spanish  regency  declared  the  province  of  Caracas  to  be  in 
a  state  of  blockade.-'  Affaii-s  drifted  until  Spain  and  Venezuela,  at 
least,  were  so  far  apart  that  they  could  only  be  reunited  by  a  war,  if 
at  all. 

Tlie  loaders  of  this  movement  in  Venezuela  evidently  hoped  to  secure 
aid  or  tMicounifi^oinent  from  foreign  i)owcrs.     In  April,   1810,  Juan 

a  '•  Noloson  tho  C'aracas,"  July,  ISIO,  V.  K.  O..  Spain,  KMl.  These  iioltvs  were  made  by  Marquis  Wellc>- 
Icy,  or  l)ysomc  oiw  under  hisdireolion.  and  suggest  the  inotiv&s  of  RoHvar  and  Mondez,  who  part  ioipaiet] 
in  the  movement.     Kojas,  Los  Homhres,  presents  the  thesis  that  this  was  a  premeditated  revohitiou. 

b  Blanco,  Documcntos,  II,  405. 

fibid.,  421. 

d  Car.icas  Gazette  in  the  London  Times,  July  2,  1810;  Larrazabal.  Vida  de  Bolivar,  1,  54. 

'Blanco,  Docunientos,  U.  406,  407. 

/Ibid..  407,  40S. 

I7ll)id.,  .^4-534. 

A  Ibid.,  428,  429,  4^  440,  480. 

tibid.,  490. 

jibid.,  571,  572. 


FRANCISCO   DE    MIllANDA. 


431 


^cent^  Boltvar  and  Tclesforu  i!e  Orea  were  iiiLniated  with  a  com- 
misainii  to  the  United  States."  They  proceeded  to  that  country  and 
made  representations  to  the  Government  without  any  apparent 
effect-  At  the  same  time,  however,  Robert  K.  Lowry  was  appointed 
marine  and  commercial  agent  for  the  United  States  to  the  province 
of  Venezuela.''  The  policy  of  the  United  States  then  toward  Vene- 
zuela was  not  such  as  to  greatly  encourage  those  who  thought  of 
securing  material  succor  from  that  quarter. 

Although  Engluml  did  not  at  this  time  appoint  an  agent  to  Vene- 
zuela she  was  kept  well  informed  of  the  progress  of  events,  especially 
through  Governor  Hodgson  of  Curasao  and  the  diplomatic  agents 
Sini6n  ile  Bi>lfvar  and  Luis  L6pez  Mendez,  who  were  sent  to  England 
to  plead  for  Venezuela.  These  envoys  arrived  in  England  on  July  10, 
1810,"  and  soon  met  the  English  secretary  of  state  for  foreign  aftairs, 
Marquia  Wellesley.  At  a  conference  the  marquis  informed  the 
coimnissioners  that  the  Englisli  Government  could  enter  into  no 
otiicial  relations  with  theni  because  of  the  alHance  of  July,  1808,  with 
Spain.  The  declarations  of  the  Venezuelans,  however,  that  they 
still  adhered  to  Ferdinand,  and  that  they  were  willing  to  aid  the 
parent  State  in  the  contest  with  France,  afforded  the  English  minister 
a  convenient  excuse  for  other  meetings. 

In  the  course  of  the  conferences  Wellesley  enunciat^fl  the  policy 
which  was  to  govern  the  attitude  of  the  English  Government  toward 
the  revolting  Spanish-American  colonies  for  many  years.  lie  urged 
the  Venezuelans  to  forget  temporary  grievances,  to  become  recon- 
ciled to  the  governing  authorities  in  Spain,  and  to  aid  the  mother 
country  in  the  contest  with  Franc*.''  Bolivar  and  Mendez  main- 
tained, however,  that  they  could  better  promote  the  cause  of  Fer- 
dinand VII  and  of  Spain  under  their  existing  organization  than  by 
a  reunion  with  the  Spanish  authorities."  England  finally  offered  her 
good  offices  to  promote  ''an  amicable  adjustment"  between  Vene^ 
zuela  and  Spain,'  After  the  Venezuelan  envoys  secured  a  promise 
from  England  that  she  would  protect  them  from  France  so  long  as 
they  did  not  break  with  Spain,"  the  conferences  ended.  The  policy 
of  England  then  was  one  of  neutrality  and  mediation  in  the  quarrels 
between  Spain  and  her   colonics  in  America,  a  policy  to  which  she 


■  Uiirtiii  Tbvdi'  Ponte  lo  Uie  BgoDUry  oF  forsign  aflaln  or 
MSS.,  Buimi  at  HoUs  and  Ubriiy.  t>apen  cdatlva  lo  tli 
AppenUli.  No.  9. 

■  IxnryUiSmltli.Julf  10,  tSlO.Jtme  9,  ISll.  Stale  [>ept.  MSB.,  Bonwi  of  Indexes  sad  An'tUvnSiCoiisulu' 


432  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL   ASSOCIATION. 

clung  tleapito  the  frequent  appeals  of  the  Spanish- American  revolu- 
tionists and  the  ulterior  suggestions  of  the  Spanish  authoriliM. 
This  fixed  policy,  in  strikii^  contrast  with  her  opportunistic  alti- 
tude toward  Spanish  America  on  many  earlier  occasions,  operated 
powerfully  against  the  early  recognition  of  the  struggling  Spaniab- 
American  republics  by  England. 

That  part  of  the  secret  inBtructions  of  Bolivar  and  Mendez  which 
related  to  Francisco  de  Miranda  was  typical  of  the  Venezuelan  position 
at  this  time,  as  it  could  be  interpreted  to  suit  the  convenience  of  the 
envoys.  Although  it  did  not  prohibit  the  commissioners  from  deal- 
ing with  Miranda,  yet  it  conveyed  the  impression  that  Miranila 
ought  to  be  viewed  as  one  who  had  rebelled  against  Ferdiaantl  Vll, 
whose  rights  the  governing  junta  of  Venezuela  at  that  time  professext 
to  represent.  Nevertheless,  it  was  stated  that  if  Miranda's  present 
situation  would  contribute  in  any  proper  manner  to  the  commis^oD 
he  was  not  to  be  despised."  Apodaca  soon  learned  that  Miranda 
had  visited  the  commissioners.* 

Bolivar  and  Mendez  did  not  hesitate  long,  if  at  all,  about  enteriiig 
into  cordial  relations  with  their  compatriot.  They  doubtless  called 
on  Miranda  in  hia  home  on  Grafton  street.  By  his  knowledge  of 
English  policy,  it  is  certain  that  Miranda  was  in  a  position  to  give 
valuable  hints  to  the  envoys  regarding  the  conduct  of  their  alTairs. 
The  general  was  kept  in  close  touch  with  the  negotiations  between 
the  Venezuelans  and  the  English  Government.  Important  in  its 
lasting  effects  was  the  fact  that  now,  tor  the  first  time,  Miranda  met 
Sm6n  Bolivar,  who  was  also  destinet!  to  achieve  a  lasting  reputation 
as  a  revolutionist.  It  would  be  only  natiu'al  for  the  professional 
conspirator  to  exert  a  powerful  influence  over  this  ardent,  self-willed, 
and  ambitious  young  man,  while  the  story  of  the  political  changes 
beyond  the  sea  must  have  fired  Miranda  with  the  desire  of  returning 
to  his  native  land. 

Events  were  soon  to  demonstrate  that  the  presence  of  the  envojB 
in  London  and  conditions  in  Venezuela  were  to  influence  the  fortunes 
of  Miranda  profoundly.  On  July  2.^,  a  few  days  after  the  Venezuelan 
commissioners  had  had  their  first  conference  with  the  English  secre- 
tarj'  of  foreign  affaus,  Miranda  informed  the  latter  that  the  events 
of  April  last  in  Venezuela  and  the  arrival  of  Bolivar  and  Mendez 
had    made    his    presence    in    England    "totally   unnecessary,"     He 

oAropyoJ  thalnatnictlonaichlch  cfbT  lo  Miranfla.dntwl  JiinoS,  ISIO,  Islound  In  P.  R.  O..Cur»(Ki 
TmuatlBlixu,  UTi.  The  piiit  iBlUinK  to  Uiiaoda  Ls  an  foLlowa:  "  MlntndB  el  ^neral  q>.  Ii»  de  is  FiUMIt 
nuqidDI)  (WDtra  Los  diue  do  la  Monatqulii  q-  tmUmca  de  C-oaien'iu',  y  si  aablema  de  Caracal  p  la>  tisa- 
taUvu  q>  tmatlM  ooatm  esia  I'rovlacluen  el  uAo  de  1306  pr.la  Casta  ile  Oflomunyp'.Ciiro  olnci^  SDJUII 
p<.  p'.su  Cabeto.  MmostRia  conaegOBates  en  niHBtnL  conducta  detiemos  mlrarlo  oomo  rat«lsda  coain 
PBTDsodo  7°.  f  huo  de  esla  latellg;  ai  eatuvltae  en  LoDdiw,  6  tn  otra  poite  de  laa  eaoolas.  6  ncaladia  dt 
los  oomislDdoB  ds  esia  dubvd  OoblerDO,  y  se  acercaae  i  elloa,  asblun  datiuie  coma  oorreapoiide  &  <sUB  priD- 
Olploa,  f  ii  Id  Inmimldad  del  tarrltorio  donde  !e  hallaise;  yBlsuscIualslliUKloapudlenoootrlbiikdaalEaa 
Doda  q*.  sen  deoetil«  i  it,  ComlJian.  no  seri  moncspieclodo." 
>  ApOdMO  to  Budul,  Jul;  IT,  ISIO,  A.  G.  8..  Estado,  8173. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  433 

delared  that  his  friends  and  relations  in  the  city  of  Caracas  had 
sent  ''most  pressing  solicitations"  for  his  ''immediate  return.''  He 
expressed  his  desire  to  be  permitted  to  return  "to  the  bosom"  of 
his  family  and  to  the  land  which  had  given  him  "birth  and  educa- 
tion." After  thanking  the  minister  for  the  long  hospitality  and 
friendship  of  the  English  Government,  he  asked  for  "the  due  per- 
mission" to  depart  from  England,  a  "definite  arrangement,  in  the 
pecuniary  allowance"  settled  upon  him,  and  "a  safe  passage,  in  one 
of  H.  M's  Ships  of  War  to  any  of  the  Forts  in  the  Province  of  Vene- 
zuela."**   Evidently  Miranda's  desires  were  neither  modest  nor  secret. 

The  request  went  unheeded.  Accordingly,  on  August  29,  Miranda 
again  addressed  Wellesley  on  the  same  theme,  "his  desire  and  inten- 
tion of  leaving  England  for  South  America."  He  said  that  he  had 
"received  new  intimations  from  the  Province  of  Caracas,  and  very 
pressing  solicitations  from  Dn.  Simon  de  Bolivar  to  the  same  pur- 
pose; which  circumstance  leaves  him  no  alternative  in  the  possi- 
bility of  remaining  by  choice,  any  longer  in  this  Coimtry.  If  the 
pecuniary  arrangements  he  mentioned  in  the  aforesaid  Letter,  should 
be  deemed  inconvenient  at  the  present  moment,  he  is  willing  to 
postpone  them  to  a  future  period;  or  even  to  relinquish  his  claim 
altogether,  (though  with  no  small  inconvenience  to  his  private  con- 
cerns) for  the  welfare  of  his  country  and  for  the  satisfaction  of  cooper- 
ating, united  with  his  countrymen,  to  the  salvation  of  South  America; 
and  to  the  support  of  Great  Britain."*  Miranda's  determination  had 
been  taken. 

The  English  minister,  thus  importuned,  was  apparently  in  a  quan- 
dary. Although  he  could  not  prohibit  Miranda  from  going  to  his 
native  land,  yet  he  was  loath  to  grant  the  request,  in  all  probability 
dreading  Miranda's  influence  in  Spanish  America.  On  September  9 
Wellesley  requested  the  pensioner  to  delay  his  departure  "for  eight 
or  ten  days  only."  The  latter,  however,  felt  that  circumstances 
made  his  departure  urgent.  On  September  24,  not  having  received 
any  further  communication  on  the  mooted  question,  Miranda  asked 
for  Wellesley's  kind  decision  and  commands  for  those  provinces, 
"Being  fully  persuaded  that  the  object  I  have  most  at  heart,  next 
to  the  preservation  of  my  native  country,  is  the  welfare  and  pros- 
perity of  Great  Britain."  He  declared  that  the  vessel  on  which  he 
proposed  embarking  was  to  sail  on  the  2d  of  October.*  The  next 
dav  Miranda  transmitted  this  memorandum  on  his  financial  relations 
with  the  English  Government:  "The  settlement  General  Miranda 
could  wish  to  be  made  in  his  pecuniary  concerns  would  be:  Either  to 
continue  the  payment  of  his  pension  of  £700  a  year  and  his  secretary 
Mr.  Molini  of  £200  in  the  hands  of  his  friend  the  Right  Honorable 

a  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  103.  b  ibid.,  104. 

6883a— VOL  I— 09 2S 


434  AMEBIGAN   HI6T0BICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Nicholas  Vansittart  or  to  give  three  or  four  years  purchase  once  paid; 
which  he  should  prefer.  He  also  leaves  to  the  consideration  of 
H.  M.  Ministers  if  the  losses  he  has  sustained  in  the  late  fire  at  the 
Island  of  Trinidad,  by  the  circumstance  of  retaining  there,  various 
articles  of  Clothing,  Arms,  and  Ammunition,  through  the  recom- 
mendation of  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley  (now  Lord  Wellington)  for  the 
purpose  of  being  used  in  the  Expedition  prepared  for  the  Coasts  of 
Caraccas  in  the  year  1808;  should  not  be  entitled  to  a  compensation. 
The  estimate  of  the  various  articles  consumed  he  computes  to  be 
from  eight  hundred  to  1000  Poimds  sterling."** 

Three  days  later  Miranda  apparently  received  a  verbal  response 
through  Mr.  Richard  Wellesley  to  the  effect  that  the  marquis  had  as 
yet  "no  decision  to  communicate."*  The  astute  Miranda  had 
probably  realized  by  this  time  that  this  temporizing  policy  had  as 
its  object  his  detention  in  England.  The  action  of  the  English 
minister  was  probably  influenced  by  the  desire  of  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment as  voiced  by  Apodaca.*  Miranda,  however,  held  in  his  own 
hands  the  solution  of  the  problem.  On  October  3  he  informed 
Marquis  Wellesley  that  not  having  been  informed  of  any  decision  in 
regard  to  his  departure  and  having  learned  that  conditions  in  Caracas 
''urgently  required"  his  presence,  he  had  "taken  the  resolution" 
which  he  had  previously  intimated.  '*I  hope,"  said  Miranda,  ''that 
this  step  will  not  be  deemed  precipitate  on  my  part,  and  that  the 
claims  stated  in  my  Memorandum  of  the  25***,  and  transmitted 
through  Mr  R.  Wellesley  to  your  Lordship,  will  receive  the  attention 
which  the  propriety  of  the  demand  may  deserve,  from  the  equity  of 
His  Majesty's  Ministers.  My  friend  the  Right  Honorable  Nicholas 
Vansittart  remains  charged  vnih.  my  powers,  and  will  do  me  the 
favor  to  make  the  necessary  appUcation  on  my  behalf."** 

This  was  only  carrying  out  a  decision  which  he  had  formed  early  in 
August,  for  on  the  3d  of  that  month  Miranda  had  written  to  the 
supreme  junta  of  Venezuela  intimating  that  he  was  on  the  eve  of 
severing  the  relations  which  had  existed  between  himself  and  the 
English  Government  and  of  responding  to  the  invitations  which  he 
had  received  from  his  fellow-countrymen  to  pass  to  his  native  land.' 
For  once  Miranda  was  destined  to  leave  the  shores  of  England  without 
a  financial  settlement  with  the  Government  which  had  sheltered  liim 


a  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  104;  a  copy  Is  found  In  ibid.,  171,  which  differs  slightly  from  the  original. 

h  Miranda  to  Wellesley,  October  3, 1810,  ibid.,  IftS. 

c  Apodaca  to  Bardajci,  November  26,  1810,  shows  that  the  former  and  Marquis  Wellesley  had  conferred 
in  regard  to  this  matter:  "  En  los  mismos  dias  e  sabido  q  Miranda  se  avia  ausentado  de  aqud  para  pasar  4 
Caraccas.  no  obstante  q  el  Marq*  de  Wellesley  nos  av^a  dicho  al  Duque  de  Albuquerque  y  4  mi  q*  avla  . 
estodo  barallaiido  con  t'il  para  q  no  lo  hiciese,  y  en  el  lo  qual  qued<3  accorde:  pero  el  mismo  s^  Marqs.  nos 
afiadio  q  2>i  se  obstinaba  en  l)cneflciar  su  partida  las  leyes  de  esta  Pays  le  daban  derocho  &  q  no  se  le  pusiera 
impedimentoysegimmeadichoelsegundoSecreto&quieay(?)averluegoq*supeestaoccurQDcia  *  *  V 
A.  G.  S.,  Estado.  8173. 

d  V.  R.  O..  Spain.  105. 

•  Blanco,  Documentos,  II,  580. 


FBASCISCO  DE   MIHANDA.  435 

for  SO  long,  and  without  its  consent.  The  argus-eyed  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment soon  became  aware  of  the  departure  of  the  notorious 
eonspirator  for  Caracas."  Several  years  afterwards  the  Spanish 
minister,  Cevallos,  blamed  the  Enghsh  Government  for  acquiescing 
in  the  departure  of  Miranda,  which  had  hail  a  ven'  disastrous  effect 
on  the  American  provinces,  iieclaring  that  the  life  of  that  man  had 
been  a  "tissue  of  crimes  and  prevarications"  and  that  his  existence 
was  "incompatible  with  repose  and  tranquilhty."*  Cevallos  was 
properly  informed  that  Miranda  had  actually  been  "induced  U) 
continue  in  England  for  a  considerable  period"  at  the  "instance"  of 
the  foreign  secretary  after  he  had  made  preparations  to  leave." 

The  private  life  of  Miranda  in  London  must  have  been  interesting. 
It  is  at  present  difficult,  however,  to  separate  his  private  affairs  from 
his  revolutionizing  activity.  Miranda's  home  life  is  to  a  large  extent 
shrouded  in  mystery.  The  South  American  certaiidy  had  a  ciiterie 
of  friends,  sympathizersj  reformers,  revolutionists.  As  in  previous 
years,  his  home  was  probably  a  gathering  place  for  discontented 
Spanish  Americans  like  Antepara.'*  We  know  that  some  prominent 
Englishmen  were  deeply  int«restet!  in  Miranda  and  Venezuela. 
The  philosopher,  Jeremy  Bentham,  was  a  wann  friend  of  the  agitator, 
at  whose  request  he  made  a  draft  of  a  law  for  establi.'shing  the  hberty 
of  the  press  in  Venezuela.  Bentham  even  seems  to  have  seriously 
entertained  the  thought  of  following  Miranda  if  conditions  appeared 
auspicious,  for  the  purpose  of  formulating  laws  fi)r  the  Venezuelans, 
which,  he  flattered  himself,  they  would  receive  "as  oracles."' 
Miranda  was  on  friendly  terms  with  William  Wilbcrforce,  who  found 
his  conversation  "very  entertaining  and  instructive,  but  used  God's 
name  verj"  hghtly,  else  all  his  sentiments  and  positions  just,  humane, 
and  even  delicate."  ^  BentJiam  declared  that  Wilberforce  "talked, 
half  jest,  half  earnest,"  of  paying  the  Venezuelans  a  visit.* 

a  ApodHa  10  Budiuil.  riovembs  21;,  IMO,  as  qn<il«l  bIkiv<<,  |i.  *34,  note  '.  BacerrB,  V'lda  de  Ulnuidk, 
H,  KB.  mata  thii  imsupporled  sutonicnl  aboul  Ihrj  ii<laUoiu  lietwmi  Uinuida  and  Ox  English  Gorcm- 
niait  JDSt  belDn:  Mlranda'a  dcputim  lor  Cuacu:  "  Como  m  dp  nspcnis,  el  OabluotH  brlUnico  retUBd 
pacDlOTismeDle  U  entrega  dc  mraadB.  pero  i  eteciD  de  InnqulUiardJiu  alUdo,  bubodBSomrleTApnucJAi 
U  omdui'la  del  asUado,  y  la  did  &  mlsma,  con  lo  cuil  lis  pastnros  vsrucrroi  do  Ulianda  huhltTDn  iln  vr 
rauy  discreUn  y  Umludo),  ti»M  cl  piwUi  do  Decedtar  unit  llcencla  especial  pan  embarcaiw  en  ISIO  con 

tCFnUasio  IlianT  WellealvT,  January  20,  ISIG,  P.  R.  O,,  Bpaln,  U3. 

'Honry  Wellesley  lo  Cevallos,  Februarj- 1.  ISIS:  ■■  The  nnut  complatnl  relau*  lo  Ihe  pwmisslon  which, 
In  dBfianfe  of  tbr  i¥pcat«d  proloiUand  rRpreaRnUUans  allheSpinlsb  ODvpnmHml,  It  Is  allDgiul  vrttgxHB 
M  GdDeral  Mlnmibi  U  lesvD  England.  OaD  Podro  4e  Cpvallos  euiDOi  be  Ignoiuii  Uial  Itu'  lav's  of  Omt 
Biluin  do  aol  admit  of  any  Individual  bdng  loidbly  dvlalnod  In  Ibc  Country  unlms  lie  shall  comnill  an 
t/OVae  which  shall  render  him  answerable  lo  thoaii  Lava.  Hut  It  luippenain  iblrteuc.^  that,  at  the  lOBlmca 
al  Um  Seci«tary  of  Slal?  lor  Fotelga  AOuln.  Gmeral  Mirandn  was  Induced  lo  conllnue  In  Eogland  for  ■ 
cmrtdentbte  period  alter  he  had  made  prepamlloni  tor  his  depariure,  and  nhen  be  did  depart,  n  lltUa 
.  waa  beawMDaged  by  the  Goveramenc  to  persevareln  bis  eiiterptl»,  Uul  upon  hlsarrlvnl  si  Cancu.  IM 
li  toMwn  to  have  exprossed  hli  dlaaUslaction  at  the  conduct  of  His  iia)esty'a  Ministers,  and  tohavepub- 
ttolj  stated  that  no  hopes  wero  to  hn  entertalnod  by  the  Insurgents  of  assistance  from  Grajit  Britain." 
(Oapjr).  Ibid. 

*  .UKV*n,  prtitDce.  Wllbeffotee,  Life  of  WllbertOrce,  YU.  VU.  and  Ed.  Rev..  XIX,  ai,  show  wmelhlng 
alUxitdBtloniolUtriindairlth  Spanish  Amerioani  In  London. 

•  Bawrlng.  Works  of  Benthwn,  X,  *W. 

/  WUbirlorce,  Ufa  ol  WUbtdae^  III,  <»1;  B«e«r»,  Vlda  Oa  lllnada.  O.  m. ^ 


436  AMEBICAN  HISTOBICAIi  ASSOCIATION. 

Miranda  was  still  doubtless  a  zealoas  student  ''of  the  arts  of  either 
war  or  peace."  Doctor  Thompson,  in  his  work  called  ''Military 
Memoirs/'  said:  "I  have  had  assistance  *  *  *  from  different 
quarters;  but  my  great  guide  and  assistant  was  General  Miranda,  a 
man  of  learning,  genius,  military  talents,  experience,  and  reputation.''* 
Miranda  and  the  envoys  from  Venezuela  doubtless  had  many  acquaint- 
ances besides  the  officials  of  the  English  Ciovemment;  apparently 
they  visited  the  ''Borough  school,"  established  by  Mr.  Lancaster, 
and  formed  the  resolution  of  sending  two  young  men  from  Caracas 
to  "be  instructed  in  the  principles  of  the  system."  ^  After  Miranda 
had  departed  for  his  native  land,  Jeremy  Bentham  informed  one  of 
his  friends:  "A  number  of  our  considerable  political  characters,  and 
even  women,  too,  are  already  looking  to  that  country  and  longing  to 
go  there.  Lady  Hester  Stanhope,  who  was  niece  to  Minister  Pitt, 
and  used  to  live  with  him,  promised  Miranda  that  if  he  found  things 
there  settled  according  to  his  wishes  she  would  go  over  to  him  and 
superintend  female  schools  for  him."  *"  It  is  evident  that  Miranda's 
residence  in  London  was  fruitful  in  promoting  interest  in  his  cause. 
As  on  a  former  occasion,  Miranda  bade  farewell  to  England  leaving 
his  family  behind  him,^  but  carrying  with  him  at  least  some  of  his 
cherished  papers. 

a  As  quoted  by  Burke,  Additional  Reasons,  65. 

»Ed.  Rev.,  XIX,20. 

cBowring,  Works  of  Jeremy  Bentham,  X,  458. 

'There  is  some  mystery  in  regard  to  the  &mily  relations  of  ICiranda.  It  is  asserted  by  Beoerra,  Vidads 
Miranda,  II,  492-494,  that  Miranda  married  Miss  Sarah  Andrews  shortly  belore  tt»  jtrnt  1803,  bat  no  antiKV- 
ity  is  cited.  It  is  certain  that  Miranda  had  two  children,  Leander  and  FraneiaDO,  one  of  whom,  at  letst, 
was  bom  ))eforr!  Miranda  left  England  to  engage  in  the  expedition  of  1806,  ibid.,  494;  Blanco,  Documentos, 
II,  70,  71.  Suggestions  have  been  made  that  these  children  were  illegitimate,  Beoerra,  Vida  de  Miranda, 
II,  499.  A  fleeting  reference  to  his  ^unlly  was  made  by  Miranda  in  a  letter  to  Vansittart,  May  21, 1814, 
"La  I-«ttre  Cijointe  est  pour  ma  gouvexnante,  dc  qui  j  a  grande  confirme,  et  jo  n'ai  pas  bosoin  de  vous  reoo* 
mender  ma  pctitte  fomillc,'*  Bexley  MSS.,  Ill,  f.  737.  The  lives  of  the  two  sons  of  Miranda  are  touched  oo 
by  Becerra,  Vida  dc  Miranda,  II,  499, 500  and  note,  527.  In  ibid.,  528,  is  mention  of  descendants  of  Miranda's 
son,  Leander.  In  a  letter  of  Miranda,  June  2, 1812, he  said:  "I  return  you  many  thanks  for  your  attention 
to  my  family  in  (Jrafton  street,  which  I  hope  you  will  continue  with  your  wonted  goodness."  P.  R.  0.. 
iSpain,  171;  the  letter  is  unaddressed,  but  was  evidently  meant  for  Mr.  Richard  Wellesley,  for  a  copy  of 
this  letter  is  addressed  to  him,  ibid.,  157. 


The  political  horoscope  liatl  rhangetl  ^atly  since  Miranda  had 
left  Caracas  for  Spain,  for  tlie  Venezuelana  had  taken  a  great  step 
toward  absolute  independence.  As  in  the  case  of  the  revolution  in 
North  America,  a  most  influential  factor  in  shaping  the  actions  of  the 
people  was  the  attitude  of  a  few  great  leaders.  Most  prominent 
among  these  from  1810  to  1812  were  Sim6n  de  BoHvar  and  Francisco 
<ie  Miranda.  The  return  of  these  men  to  Venezuela  at  the  same 
crucial  epoch  was  pregnant  with  significance.  Like  Miranda,  Bolivar 
had  profited  by  travel  and  study  in  the  Old  World;  he  was  now  27 
years  of  age,  steadily  growing  in  reputation  and  strength,  beeoming  a 
fanatic  in  the  cause  of  independence — decidedly  a  man  of  the  future. 

In  some  respects  Miranda  was  comparable  with  Bolivar,  in  others 
in  sharp  contrast.  Although  he  was  .54  years  old,  far  riper  in  judg- 
ment than  Bolivar,  Miranda  had  not  lost  his  youthful  enthusiasm 
for  liberty.  It  was  as  a  revolutionist,  who  had  ignominiously  failed 
in  his  attack  on  Coro  in  1S06,  that  Miranda  was  known  to  the  great 
body  of  inhabitants  of  his  native  land,  if  known  at  all.  In  the  eyes 
of  many  he  was  enveloped  in  the  glamor  of  a  conspirator  of  state. 
Nevertheless,  liis  abilities  were  sucli  that  he  was  destined  to  become 
the  focus  of  public  attention.  Miranda  was  grave  and  austere  in 
his  bearing,  persuasive,  aggressive,  ambitious,  confident  that  ho  car- 
ried the  prescription  for  some  Venezuelan  ills  in  his  portfolio  of  pre- 
cious papers.  This  son  of  Caracas  was  not  of  a  conciliatory  disposi- 
tion; he  inevitably  attracted  or  repelled  strongly.  The  many  severe 
trials  and  disappointments  which  he  had  experienced  had  perhaps 
rather  embittered  his  disposition  than  decreased  his  pertinaciuusness 
or  chastened  his  spirit. 

The  r61e  of  Miranda  was  rendered  doubly  difficult  because  he  was 
not  only  a  stranger  to  the  land  of  his  nativity,  but  it  was  in  many 
respects  strange  to  liim.     The  list  of  his  friends  and  acquaintances 

I  must  have  been  short,  while  he  was  only  imperfectly  acquainted  with 
conditions  in  Venezuela.  He  knew  perhaps  less  of  his  fellow-country- 
niPn  than  they  did  of  him.  Wliether  the  Venezuelans,  many  of  whom 
were  just  awakening  to  political  self-coiisciousm'ss.  hwked  upon 
lliranda  as  an  adventurous  soldier  of  fortune  or  a  gift  of  favoring 
<a7 


438  AMEBICAK  HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Providence,  it  soon  became  evident  that  his  arrival  was  destined  to 
influence  powerfully  the  fortunes  of  Venezuela  for  good  or  evil.  The 
man  who  for  many  long  yeaig  had  dreamt  of  kindling  a  revolutionary 
fire  in  Spanish  America  now  found  himself  with  some  of  the  materials 
of  combustion  ready  to  hand,  if  indeed  the  fire  was  not  already  lit. 

Miranda,  accompanied  by  his  secretary,  Molini,  left  England  on 
October  10,  1810.^  According  to  his  own  account,  he  arrived  at 
Curasao,  on  the  28th  of  November.*  Perhaps  he  again  traveled 
under  an  assumed  name.^  After  sojourning  for  a  few  days  at  the 
home  of  Col.  John  Robertson,  secretary  of  the  governor  of  Curasao, 
Miranda  departed  in  His  Majesty's  sloop  of  war,  ^von,  for  LaGuayra 
on  December  4.^  Whether  the  two  friends  had  purposely  arranged 
their  journeys  so  that  Bolivar  should  arrive  in  Venezuela  first  or  not, 
Bolfvar  was  certainly  given  an  opportunity  to  prepare  the  way  for 
Miranda.  To  take  again  the  date  furnished  by  the  latter,  he  arrived 
at  1  Ai  Guayra  on  December  11,'  several  days  after  Bolivar  had  landed. 

The  attitude  of  the  governing  junta  of  Venezuela  toward  the  long- 
exiled  Miranda  was  somewhat  dubious,  perhaps  vacillating.  No 
reply  appears  to  have  been  made  to  his  congratulatory  and  eflFusive 
letter  of  August  3.  On  being  informed  of  the  arrival  of  Miranda, 
however,  the  junta  took  steps  to  receive  him.^    On  December  11 

a  Miranda  to  Marquis  Wellesley,  January  7, 18U,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  125;  in  Spanish,  Rojas,  SImdn  Bolivar. 
34;  Layard  to  Liverpool,  December  10, 1810,  P.  R.  O.,  CoraQao  Transmissions,  674. 

b  Miranda  to  Marquis  Wellesley,  January  7,  1811,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  125;  in  Spanish,  Rojas,  Sim6n 
BoUvar,  34. 

e  Layard  to  Liverpool,  Decemtjcr  10, 1810,  reported  that  Miranda's  arrival  at  Coraigao  was  not  geno^ 
ally  known  until  the  departure  of  the  packet  on  which  he  came.  P.  R.O.,  Curasao  Transmissions,  67i 
see  note  /,  below;  Dueoudruy  llolstein,  Memoirs  of  Sim<3n  Bolivar,  24.  declares  that  Miranda  traveled  as 
Mr.  Martin. 

d  Layard  to  Liverpool,  Deoem])er  10,  1810,  P.  R.  O.,  Curagao  Transmissions,  074,  see  note  /,  below. 

«  Miranda  to  Marquis  Wellesley,  January  7,  1811,  P.  R.  0.,  Spain,  125. 

/  Layard  to  Liverpool,  Decein)jer  17,  1«10,  declares  that  the  Junta  appointed  a  committee  to  recei\'e  the 
voyagcrand  toexpress  its  pleasure  at  hisssife  arrival.  P.  R.  C,  Curasao  Transmissions,  674.  There  is  K)me 
ditTj'n'iu'*'!  of  opinion  among  Spanish- American  historical  writers  regarding  the  exact  date  of  the  arrival  of 
8hurtn  Uolivar  and  Miranda  in  Venezuela.  These  views  are  conveniently  massed  by  Beccrra.  Vida  de 
Mininda,  II,  90-101;  Torrente  holds  that  Miranda  and  Bolivar  returned  together;  Yanes  believes  that 
Mimiula  arrived  in  Novemlwr,  1810,  his  arrival  having  l>een  aimounced  by  Bolivar;  DIas  asserts  that  Bolivar 
ivturncd  In  October  bringing  Miranda  with  him;  Becerra  is  correct  when  he  states  that  Miranda  arrived  at 
rur:K'«w)  in  the  end  of  November,  1810(ibid.,  10);  he  sets  the  date  of  his  arrival  in  Caracas  as  December  13, 
an«t  states  that  Bolivar  arrived  at  Caracas  on  December  5,  but  references  are  lacking.  The  London  Packet, 
Manh  4  »'•,  1811.  prints  a  lettt»r  of  Sim6u  Bolivar  dated  Deceml)er  7, 1811,  In  which  he  announces  his  arrival 
i((  I  .i\  ( I  nayra  on  December  5.  According  to  Miranda's  own  statement  he  arrived  at  La  Guayra  on  Deccm- 
Ihm  II:  "In  consequence  of  my  written  and  verbal  communication  with  Your  Lordship,  about  the  political 
uluit*  of  South  America,  and  particularly  of  tlic  Province  of  Venezuela,  I  quitted  England  on  the  lOtn  of  Octo- 
Un .  lurtviHl  at  Barbadoe^  the  10th  of  Nov.,  at  Curagao  on  the  28  Ditto,  and  landed  at  La  Guajrra  the  llth  of 
m^-  \\\s\  *  ♦  ♦."  Miranda  to  Marquis  Wellesley,  January  7,  1811,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain.  125.  Layard  to 
|.i\tM|HHtl.  IKH-ember  10,  1810,  says:  "I  had  not  the  honor  of  receiving  any  despatch  from  your  lordship, 
i>\  (h«^  ttist  <  )ctol)er  packet,  which  arrived  here,  on  the  28th  ultimo,  and  proceeded  to  Jamaica,  on  the  30th 

-\tuuo(ul  MIninda,  with  his  Secretar>',  arrived  in  the  Packet,  but  it  was  not  publicly  known  here,  ujatil 
K\Wi  U%xi  dt^parture  for  Jamaica. 

■  t'Uo  \;ouonU  left  this,  in  his  Majesty's  Sloop  of  War— the  ^t'on— Captain  Fraser— Commander,  on  the4«*« 
UL^i4ui   M  l.a  (luayra. 

t  ho  \v*|0^ifr  sioopof  War,  with  Colonel  Bolivar,  on  board  (one  of  the  Caracas  Deputies,  from  London) 
.kiti^.  .1  ^i  1  a  Ouuyra  on  the  4«^  instant  ♦  ♦  ♦  ."  p.  R.  c,  Curagao Transmissions,  074.  Enough  cvi- 
^it.ii.  it  t»A«  tHioii  t^rtvMMited  to  show,  in  the  Judgment  of  the  writer,  that  Bolivar  arrived  in  Venezuela  several 
.U\^  i>vK4i»  Mimiulu. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIBANDA.  439 

Miranda  wrote  to  Roscio,  the  secretary  of  the  junta,  soliciting  per- 
mission to  proceed  to  the  capital,  and  announcing  his  intention  of 
spending  the  rest  of  his  life  as  a  private  citizen.**  Roscio  replied  on 
the  next  day,  informing  Miranda  that  the  junta  had  granted  him 
permission  to  pass  to  Caracas,  but  making  various  reflections  which 
indicate  that  it  was  done  with  some  misgivings.  Miranda  was  in- 
formed that  the  former  tyranny  had  been  replaced  by  a  government 
which  aimed  solely  to  secure  the  happiness  of  the  people  under  its  rule. 
Each  citizen  was  now  fully  persuaded  that  his  first  debts  were  duo  to 
society,  and  considered  in  all  his  actions  not  his  own  interests  but  the 
common  welfare.  "Go  then  to  increase  the  number  of  these.  As 
much  greater  as  have  been  the  advantages  which  have  bestowed  upon 
you  the  experience  and  the  knowledge  of  foreign  courts,  so  much  greater 
are  the  obligations  which  you  have  contracted  in  favour  of  a  country 
which  has  given  you  birth  and  that  now  receives  you.  Such  are  the 
hopes  with  which  the  people  of  Caracas  have  received  the  knowledge 
of  your  arrival;  and  Their  Highnesses  in  granting  you  the  permission 
that  you  solicit  to  come  to  this  city  believe  that  they  will  be  realized.''" 
Miranda  might  well  have  considered  his  reception  by  his  fellow- 
countrymen  as  a  triimiph.  The  inhabitants  of  his  native  city 
received  him,  in  the  words  of  The  Caraccas  Gazette  of  December  21, 
1810,  '*  as  a  citizen  of  Venezuela  whom  the  deserved  distinctions  and 
honors  contributed  by  impartial  Europe  to  his  merit  had  not  caused 
to  forget  his  native  land,  for  whose  happiness  he  has  made  very  fre- 
quent and  efficacious  attempts."**  On  December  25  the  cabildo  of 
the  city  of  Valencia,  influenced  probably  by  Madariaga,  publicly 
manifested  joy  over  the  arrival  of  Miranda.  The  incriminatory 
documents  relating  to  Miranda's  revolutionary  activity  which  had 
been  lodged  in  the  Valencian  archives  were  declared  by  the  cabildo 
to  relate  to  '*the  decorous,  irreprehensible,  and  wise  Patriotism''  of 
Miranda/  The  documents  which  had  been  filed  at  Valencia  and 
elsewhere  against  the  filibuster  were,  at  least  in  part,  collected  and 
destroyed.**  On  January  7,  1811,  the  municipal  assembly  of  San 
Carlos  congratulated  the  general  on  his  ** happy  return"  and  declared 

.  ■ 

a  Rojas,  Sixndn  BoUvar,  32, 33. 

b  P.  R.  O.,  CoraQao  Transmissions,  675;  this  extract  and  many  of  the  other  extracts  that  will  be  cited  are 
in  tnnslation. 

cCaraocas  Oasette,  January  18, 1811,  contains  the  address  of  the  cabildo  of  Valencia  to  Miranda,  dated 
December  25, 1810,  ibid. 

d  n>ld.,  Amon&tegui,  Vida  de  Bello,  96.  Miranda  was  evidently  pleased  with  the  action  of  the  Valencians 
in  collnrtlng  the  documents  which  had  been  fUed  against  him.  On  January  8, 1811,  he  wrote  thus  to  Pedro 
ICiguel  Landaeta,  representing  the  syndic  of  Valencia:  "With  Singular  Esteem,  I  have  received  the  Ofllcial 
Lettefi  which  by  Order  of  the  Illustrious  CavUdo  and  assembly,  you  have  communicated,  to  me,  dated 
the  25*^  December  last;  informing  me  that  by  an  act  of  said  day,  celebrated  by  the  same  illustrious  Body, 
it  had  been  ordered,  that  the  indecorous,  and  reprehensible  Documents  which  the  Power  and  Despotism  of 
the  Ancient  Oovemment  had  produced,  against  my  person,  should  be  collected,  cancelled  and  Transmit- 
ted to  the  Supreme  Junta  of  the  Capital;  and  as  I  always  believed,  that  the  most  honorable  title,  to  which, 
an  honest  man  can  aspire,  is  that  of  'a  good  Citizen  and  a  faithful  Servant  of  his  Country',  my  Joy  cannot 
be  ezi»peaaed  at  the  voluntary  act  of  the  Illustrious  City,  of  Valencia,  and  has  produced  in  me,  gratitude 
and  patriotic  Love,  towards  the  province  of  Venezuela   *    *    *."    P.  R.  O.,  Curasao  Transmissions,  675. 


440  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL.  ASSOCIATION. 

that  his  efforts  to  reUeve  the  sufferings  of  his  fellow-countrymen 
demanded  their  ''eternal  gratitude.  *  *  *  Receive,  thus,"  said 
they,  ''our  sincere  thanks,  from  the  deepest  recesses  of  our  hearts."* 

On  February"  4,  1811,  the  municipal  assembly  of  Miranda's  native 
city  made  extravagant  expressions  of  joy  at  his  return:  ** Venezuela! 
faithful  and  consequent  in  its  principles,  could  not  omit  manifesting 
to  your  excellency  the  sincere  expressions  of  her  gratitude,  without 
being  deaf  to  the  voic^  of  justice  and  humanity,  which  is  speaking  in 
your  favor — and  if  the  Huzzahs  and  acclamations  of  p.  generous 
People,  who  carried  you  in  triumph  to  the  heart  of  your  country  have 
clearly  shown  the  Jubilee  and  joy,  which  j'^our  Presence  afforded  in 
the  Country,  and  the  soft  and  sweet  pleasure,  which  they  were  experi- 
encing, in  pressing  you  in  their  Arms,  as  well  as  the  particular  interest 
they  took  in  giving  to  the  person  of  j^our  Excellency  all  the  honors 
and  dignity  wliich  belongs  to  you,  vindicating  your  noble  Character, 
against  the  Vexation,  with  which  an  arbitrary  and  despotic  Oovem- 
ment,  has  dared  to  blacken  your  patriotic  proceedings,  it  ^ill  not 
less  be  considered  as  an  august  testimony  of  the  esteem  and  regard 
toward  your  Excellency;  of  the  affectionate  sincerity  with  which 
they  still  lament  the  loss  of  your  Companions  victims  of  the  former 
oppressive  System,  and  of  the  injustice  with  which  a  shameful  pusi- 
lanimity  sacrificed  the  innocent  Blood  of  many  of  her  Children,  and 
brethren  of  your  Excellency  to  the  views  and  caprice  of  our  ancient 
Oppressors/'  ^ 

Even  the  junta  of  Santa  F6  caught  the  spirit  of  enthusiasm  and 
sent  a  con?:nituIat()rv^  addnvss  to  Miranda  in  which  it  declared  that  he 
would  ''purify  those  regions,  stained  by  the  blood  of  so  many  ^^ctiuls, 
ofFonMl  up  at  iho  shrine  of  despotism."  ^  If,  as  Roscio  assured 
Bello,  ^liranda  was  given  the  rank  and  pay  of  lieutenant-general,''  he 
had  causes  for  joy  ])erhaps  even  more  profound.  Whatever  the  real 
sentiments  of  the  junta,  Miranda  liad  been  welcomed  by  many  te 
his  native  land.  Tlie  Venezuelans,  however,  did  not  all  view  vdih 
pleasun^  or  ecjuanimity  the  advent  of  the  nmch-famed  adventurer. 
Many  years  afterwards  the  royalist  writer,  Diaz,  published  his  rec43l- 
lections  of  tlie  reception  of  Miranda  by  the  people  of  the  city  of 
Caracas.  He  declared  that  the  most  turbulent  youths  regarded  liim 
as  the  man  of  wisdom  and  the  only  one  capable  of  directing  the  st^te. 

"Caraocfks  (lazctto,  January  20.  1811.  P.  R.  O..  CiiraQuo  Transmissions.  675. 

^Caraccas  (]azolt<\  February  20,  isil,  ibid.  The  Ixjndon  Ta^'ket,  March  G,  1810,  contains  an  account  of 
Miranda's  rwt'ptlon  in  a  lotfcr  probably  from  Caracas.  The  Caraccas  Gazette,  January  29,  1811,  contains 
this  IntnrcslinK  note  in  roirard  to  the  reception  of  Miranda:  ".Vs  a  proof  of  the  Spontaneous  and  general 
satl.^factlon.  which  the  arrival  of  (W^neral  Miranda  has  caused.  In  these  Coimtries,  we  must  inform  the 
I'ublic.  (in  addition  to  what  they  aln^ady  have  read)  of  the  anxiety  and  patriotic  curiosity,  with  which  Don 
Jose  de  Alamo  came,  from  Barquisimeto,  in  his  old  aiic.  to  this  Capital,  only  to  have  the  satisfaction  to  see 
luid  to  lijiow.  before  he  will  leave  this  .Scene  of  life,  a  Man,  who  (in  spite  of  the  oppression  of  the  former  sys- 
tem) never  was  haled  by  his  Countrymen."     1*.  R.  (.).,  Cura^-ao  Transmissions,  676. 

r  London  I'lv-kct,  August  l(i-18,  iJsll. 

ti  .Vmunute-KUi.  Vida  de  Bello,  OS. 


FHANCISCn  DE   MTKAJTDA.  441 

)  contrary,  the  mora  moderate  aiul  those  of  less  tumultuous 
iiieas  began  to  see  in  Miranda  a  perilous  beinj;  and  one  capable  of 
overthrowing  the  state."  Although  this  is  perhaps  an  extreme  state- 
ment of  the  attitude  of  tlioae  who  for  somo  reason  or  other  feared  the 
effect  which  the  arrival  of  an  enthusiastic  revolutionist  like  Miranda 
might  liave  on  the  Venezuelans,  yet  it  probably  reflects  the  senti- 
ments of  some.  Roscio  certainly  soon  suspected  the  intentions  or 
wa-s  jealous  of  the  former  general  of  France.* 

Miranda  did  not  utterly  sever  his  connections  with  England.  On 
January  7,  1811,  he  informed  Marquis  Wellesley  of  the  "great 
applause,  friendship,  and  affection"  with  which  the  people  of  Vene- 
zuela had  received  liim.  He  declared  that  he  had  conmiunicated 
to  the  junta  the  "views  and  wishes  of  the  British  Government 
*  *  *  with  respect  to  the  safety  of  these  Provinces,  and  the 
support  they  were  al  the  same  time  boimd  to  give  to  the  Spanish 
cause  in  the  Peninsula,"  with  which,  he  declared,  the  sentiments 
of  the  Venezuelan  Government  were  "perfectlj-  in  unison."  He 
expressed  his  l»elief  that  the  Venezuelans  would  "continue  following  the 
Bame  moderate  course."  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  Miranda  had 
been  charged  with  any  message  whatever  by  the  English  Oovem- 
inent,  so  that  his  statements  to  the  Venezuelan  junta  could  not  have 
added  anything  to  the  information  given  by  Sira6n  BoUvar.  Miranda 
further  took  dcca-^iim  pointedly  to  remind  the  minister  of  the  pension 
memorandiun  which  he  liad  left,  and  asked  for  a  settlement,  declaring 
that  tlie  "Military'  charges  and  duties"  conferred  upon  him  by 
Venezuela  were  "incompatible  *  *  *  with  any  foreign  emolu- 
ments." '  Tim  makes  it  clear  that  Miranda  had  no  desire  to  remain 
financially  attached  to  the  Government  of  England. 

oDCu,  aecaerdix.sa,  31. 

'Amoni legal,  Vidad*  Bsllo,  M.  lit.  John  Rohnisan.  wbo  vlslUil  Maranibo  In  IhaBUtunui  of  UOBOD 
k  coa&deniliJ  rulsloii  trom  tbe  governor  ol  Cuntw.  Uia  report  dated  AuputJ.  1808.  nid:  "Tbc  max  id 
IQiands  ii  £«nen]1;  abhomd  and  detested,"  T.  R.  O.,  Cuia^ao  Transmlslani,  CuS.  BtMtTTB.  Vida  de 
lUmnda.  II,  lOo.  tltti  dlKtusiag  tli«  variom  viEWi  taken  by  Spiujlib- American  vrlton  mgaidlog  Itio  tttl- 
tod*  ol  the  Venamelaas  toward  Ulranila  ai  thli  epoch  oondudes  Uial  becsuw  Ulnnda  tbi  not  chosan  to 
Rpnaent  bis  hiUtb  cUj  Id  Coogres,  hn  was  not  received  In  tiiumpb  iij'  his  couutrTman  ol  La  Ouiyia 
and  Cancu-  Tba  lepiwsnUlicei  (Or  the  rJtj'  of  Caracas,  Kowever,  had  Inen  choswi  Iwlbn  Ulranda'! 
■rrlTalin  Veneniala  (no  balow,  p.  444);  Miranda.  IhemloTC,  could  not  well  have  bceniduHen  to npRHanttliat 
atf.  The  mltei  helleTBa  Ihal  the  leceptioo  of  Miranda  hj  bis  fellaW4>ouiitrynien  woi  trlumpbaat.  but. 
K  nQaited  io  the  laxt,  that  thei%  was  asmall  minority  which  viewed  him  with  aiispldon,  dkllle,  or hatiTtd. 
c  P.  R.  O..  Spain.  12,^;  In  Spanlth.  Rojos,  glmfin  Bolivar.  34,  3S.  The  complete  statement  made  bT 
Miranda  In  tbls  letl«r  ns  regards  the  nhitlatis  betwno  England  and  Veueiuelals:  "The  Oovemment  and 
the  People  of  Veneiuela  have  rcoelvpd  the  wltb  gnat  applause,  [rtmdshlp,  and  aflectloa,  conlerring  at 
the  same  time  civic  and  miUlary  rewards;  b;  which  means  I  shall  be  able  I  hope,  ID  have  Uw  InOuence 
leqalnd  for  tJic  purpose  ol  ptomotlag  the  InteresM  ot  Oreat  Britain,  as  perfectly  compatible  with  Uie 
wtilareanBialetrottluiie  Provlnca. 

"Od  my  arrival  at  this  capital  I  did  not  bll  In  oomumiUcatliiE  to  the  Oovemment.  what  the  views  and 
wUMorthe  Brltlih  Oovertmient  werr.  with  respect  to  tbe  raKly  ol  th««o  PioTtnMS.  and  the  rapport  thejr 
■nra  at  the  laiae  lime  hound  to  give  lo  the  Spanish  Cause  In  the  Peninsula.  I  hnind  their  sentlmenla 
pafaotly  In  uniion  with  Year  Lordship's  views  and  have  no  doubt  but  Qttj  will  continue  foUowicg  the 
feuxH  moderate  course;  notwithstanding  the  provocations  and  harsh  proceedings  of  the  Agents  of  iha 
fipanlsh  Regency  at  Puerto  Rloo,  without  which,  ho  dbturbance  would  have  occuired  at  Caro  or  Kara- 
Csibo,— nor  in  this  Capital,  where  their  plots  obliged  tbegDvenunenttn  lake  Dosdve  measures,  br  distant 
fnm  their  wishes,  and  the  conciliatory  iplrlt  they  wore  pursuing  ■  *  ■."  Compare  with  UUa  Uie 
totho  Spanish  ininlslsrCevaUos  by  BenryWellasley  on  February  (.  IHIS  (p.  us,  nots  e. 


442  AMERICAN  HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Vansittart,  whom  the  Venezuelan  had  empowered  as  his  attorney 
m  financial  matters,  kept  up  an  interesting  correspondence  with 
Miranda,  which  is  worthy  of  brief  notice.  On  March  7,  1811,  the 
ex-secrctarj^  of  the  English  treasury  wrote  to  Miranda,  congratu- 
lating him  upon  his  reception  by  the  Venezuelans.  He  urged 
Miranda  to  transmit  to  Mendez  ''frequent  and  detailed  accounts'* 
of  events  at  Caracas,  as  the  English  people  were  puzzled  by  the 
contradictory  and  perverted  reports  which  were  received.  He 
expressed  the  hope  that  Miranda's  influence  would  be  sufficient  *'to 
repress  any  violence  and  to  controul  any  spirit  of  persecution"  which 
might  appear.**  On  March  19  Vansittart  wrote  again,  informing 
Miranda  of  the  unfavorable  impression  which  the  news  of  the  arrest 
of  some  native  Spaniards  at  Caracas  had  produced  in  England.  He 
warned  liis  correspondent  that  **  nothing  would  more  indispose  both 
our  Government  and  the  public  here  to  any  connection  with  you 
than  an  appearance  of  severity;  or  so  njuch  unite  opinions  here  in 
your  favor  as  measures  of  mildness  and  conciliation  to  all  classes 
of  inhabitants  in  your  country."  He  advised  Miranda  that  it  would 
be  wise  to  establish  the  Venezuelan  representation  in  England  on  a 
firm  fuiancial  basis  by  regular  remittances.  If  this  was  not  soon 
done  Mendez  would  soon  be  in  embarrassed  circumstances.  * 

The  correspondence  was  not  one-sided,  for  although  many  of  the 
letters  seem  to  have  been  lost,  destroyed,  or  spirited  away,  we  know 
that  Miranda  wrote  to  Vansittart  as  well  as  to  other  persons  in  Eng- 
land.^ On  July  3  Vansittart  again  wrote  to  \Miranda  tendering 
friendly  advice.  Ho  informed  his  correspondent  that  the  matter  of 
the  pension  was  still  unsettled.^  As  late  as  August  19,  1811,  the 
English  ministers  had  not  seen  fit  to  settle  definitely  the  financial  claim 
of  ^liranda,  perhaps  not  without  design.  On  that  day  Vansittart 
again  wrote  to  Aliranda  informmg  him  that  he  had  taken  steps  to 
make  the  English  Government  aware  of  the  flourishing  condition 
of  the  city  of  Caracas.  lie  warned  Miranda  of  the  danger  of  ''indis- 
criminate arming"  among  a  people  composed  of  such  different  races. 
He  suggested  that  if  sufficient  financial  inducements  were  held  out 
experienced  Swiss  and  German  oflicers  might  be  obtained  in  England 
whose  services  would  be  useful  in  the  formation  of  a  good  military' 
force.  He  also  emphasized  the  value  of  a  system  of  education  as  a 
unifying  and  elevating  force/ 

Enough  has  been  said  of  thLs  correspondence  to  show  clearly  that 
Vansittart  was  acting  in  the  capacity  of  a  private  citizen  with  the 
public  welfare  at  heart.     He  was  doubtless  animated  by  a  sincere 

a  Bexley  MSS.,  II,  f.,  206.    This  and  some  of  tho  other  letters  to  be  referred  to  are  obviously  dnifts  or 
copies  of  letters  sent  to  Miranda  by  Vansittart. 
b  Bexley  MSS.,  II,  f.  212-. 

c  Vansittart  to  Miranda,  Julys.  IMll.ibid.,  Ill,  f.  73. 
dibid.,  f.  73-. 
elbid.,lI,f.2lG-. 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA. 


443 


» 


interest  in  the  fortunes  of  Miranda  and  the  Venezuelan  state.  The 
Englishman  was  endently  anxious  to  keep  in  touch  with  the  Vene- 
zuelan leader  because  of  the  possible  future  advantage  which  tliis 
connection  niiglit  be  to  England  politically  and  ospecially  toiu- 
mercially.  Not  a  particle  of  evidcnco  has  been  found  to  show  that 
the  English  Government  attotnpted  to  influence,  far  leas  to  control, 
Miranda's  actions  after  liis  departure  from  England,  although  tech- 
nically he  was  still  on  its  roll  of  pensioners.  The  writer  believes 
it  extremely  improbable  that  any  attempt  was  made  to  make 
Miranda  feel  that  he  was  even  subject  to  suggestion  from  the  English 
Government.  Such  action  would  have  been  inconsonant  with  the 
spirit  of  England's  enunciated  policy.  In  fact,  evidence  points  in 
the  other  direction,  for  in  June,  1811,  in  addition  to  the  verbal 
instructions  which  he  iiad  been  given,  Governor  Hodgson,  of  Curasao, 
was  warned  by  Lord  Liverpool  that  the  British  Government  was 
anxious  that  he  sliouhl  "abstain  from  any  engagements  or  corre- 
spondence" with  the  Venezuelan  leader  'which  might  induce  a 
suspicion  *  *  •  iJiat  General  Miranda,  had  been  abetted  by 
the  British  government  or  encouraged  by  its  connivance.""  Still 
it  is  worth  bearing  in  mind  that  if  political  circumstances  in  Europe 
had  again  changed  so  as  to  make  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish 
America  a  possibility  for  England,  the  unsettled  state  of  Miranda's 
pension  would  have  afforded  a  convenient  means  of  opening  negotia- 
tions with  the  revolutionist." 

By  dint  of  his  experience,  ability,  and  assertiveness  Miranda  soon 
folded  to  the  front  in  Venezuelan  aiTairs.  True  to  his  long-settled 
convictions,  he  at  once  tried  to  promote  the  movement  that  was  on 
foot  for  the  pohtical  union  of  the  province  of  Santa  F6  with  Vene- 
zuela.' He  was  one  of  the  most  influential  members,  if  not  one  of 
the  real  founders,  of  the  Patriotic  Society,  to  which  other  radicals 
like  Simdn  BoUvar  belonged.  This  was  an  association  in  the  city 
of  Caiacas  in  wluch  burning  political  questions  were  discussed.  As 
contrasted  with  the  restricted  discussion  under  the  old  regime,  this 
elub  must  have  seemed  a  veritable  seminary  of  sedition  to  the 
loyalists,    for   the   most    liberal   doctrines   were    proclaimed    in   it. 

lau,  p.  R.  0.,CunniiD,  I. 

ut  mlUimplcil  to  jet  Die  pnuluu  ol  UliHndii  nlUed  thiougli  Mr.  Richitil  Wellcilcy,  lun  of  tli* 
mtrqiils.  In  ft  letter  of  July  3.  1811,  lo  Ulninda,  VBiLslltnit  mwle  thli  stalemiiat:  "I  have  spoken  neviml 
limes  lo  Ut.  B.  W.  nopeotlng  your  pemlon.  He  In  iiol  sblo  lo  get  any  deeiiled  aluirM  (mm  hia  hlher 
wbUKcmsliowevermoTeiiicUiiecl  lo  reimtxiune  llie  pauion  in  the  nuuinei  desireU  by  you  than  tocontlnu* 
It.  I  bellere  11  will  tw  HtUed  ftt  last;  but  the  linu!  ia  luioertaln.  d:  It  cannot  be  leUed  on  aa  an  InuQHlfaW 
Taauttx."  BeileyUSS.,  in,  1. 7^.  On  August  IS,  ISlUVamlttiut  again  ipoke  of  the  peiulon  (oUlninda, 
■I  Mkrwi:  -I  have  had  several  eon  vetmtloni  about  your  peniion  with  Mr.  W.  who  appears  lobuve  the 
nuat  friendly  dlspoaition  towards  you,  but  he  has  not  been  able  to  get  hia  father  lo  deUfrmine  anytfilii£i 
llunigh  I  proposed  such  dd  arraDgenisoC  at  I  hoped  would  have  removwl  hli  dilBoultlea.  You  who  knaw 
by  eipedauca  how  dimcull  it  la  in  this  country  lo  get  any  builnm  done  out  otitic  oomnuM)  coune  will  not 
beiurprlsed  that  I  have  not  yet  auocoeded."    Ibid.,  II,  21D'. 

'Miranda  to  IbegovenunenlofCundlnlniarca,Iiinuary2J.|g|l(lraiulatlonj,  F.  K.  O..  C'un(;ait  Trans- 
miidiina,e7a. 


444  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

''The  Society/'  said  a  well-informed  inhabitant  of  Caracas,  ''spoke  to 
the  people  with  a  liberty  and  frankness  inspired  'by  an  ardent  love 
of  country,  and  a  solicitude  for  public  information;  they  assailed 
with  force  and  efficacy,  the  deception  of  prejudice,  the  illusions  of 
fanaticism,  the  silly  emptiness  of  nobility,  the  antiquated  staleneas 
"^^  *  "^^  of  servile  habits,  the  trammels  of  self-interest;  in  short  all 
the  vices,  errors,  and  monstrous  impediments  that  were  arrayed 
against  the  rights,  dignity,  and  elevation  of  Venezuela.  The  public 
mind  was  almost  ripe  for  the  revolution  and  the  time  drew  near  for 
rending  the  prudential  mask  which  had  been  thrown  over  the 
proceedings  of  the  19th  of  April  when  necessity  compelled  them  to 
act  in  the  name  of  Ferdinand  VII."**  •  From  some  points  of  view 
this  Patriotic  Society  may  not  unaptly  be  compared  ¥rith  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  committee  of  correspondence.  In  other  respects  it  is  com- 
parable to  the  French  Jacobin  club,  from  which  perhaps  Miranda  or 
others  had  borrowed  some  notions.  As  events  will  indicate,  it  was 
an  influential  factor  in  preparing  the  way  for  the  declaration  of 
independence  by  Congress. 

Before  the  arrival  of  Miranda  in  Caracas  most  of  the  members  of 
the  provincial  congress  had  been  elected.  The  six  representatives 
for  the  city  of  Caracas  had  been  elected  in  the  beginning  of  No- 
vember by  an  electoral  assembly  which  had  been  chosen  "by  the 
vote  of  all  the  free  men''  of  that  district.*  Miranda,  therefore, 
could  not  expect  to  represent  his  native  city  in  the  assemblage. 
The  congress  could  not  meet  at  the  prescribed  time,  probably 
because  of  the  nonarrival  of  many  of  the  delegates.  Hence  the 
junta  felt  compelled  to  postpone  the  date  of  meeting. *"  It  was  not 
until  the  beginning  of  March,  1811,  that  the  congress,  composed  of 
about  fifty  members  from  the  provinces  of  Caracas,  Cumana,  Marga- 
rita, Barcelona,  Barinas,  Merida,  and  Truxillo  met  in  the  city  of 
Caracas/  Eventually  Miranda  entered  the  congress  as  delegate  for 
the  district  of  Pao,  in  the  province  of  Barcelona. 

This  legislative  body  came  to  be  called  the  constituent  congress. 
It  had  several  important  matters  to  consider,  among  them  the  condi- 
tion of  the  finances,  but  preeminent  in  its  importance  was  the 
problem  of  the  precise  form  of  government  to  be  established.  This 
almost  necessarily  involved  the  question  of  independence.     Before 

« Irvine's  *'  Notes  on  Venezuela,'*  State  Dept.  MSS.,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives,  Consular  Letters, 
La  G  uayra.  I.  These  notes  were  drawn  up  by  Baptis  Irvine,  who  was  sent  to  Venezuela  in  1818  by  the  Gov- 
emmentof  the  United  Statesas  special  agent.  He  was  Instructed,  among  other  things,  tocollectand  trans* 
nilt  tothf'State  Department  "the  most  correct  information"  which  he  could  obtain  regvding  conditions  In 
Venezuela.  Acting  on  this  request,  on  his  return  Ir\'ine  made  out  the  notes  above  cited.  In  the  course 
of  this  a^'coimt  Trvin<i  makes  frequent  use  of  a  manuscript  history  of  the  Venezuelan  revolt  which  was 
written  by  a  native  of  C'arac^as  who  had  a  detailed  knowledge  of  the  facts  and  good  Judgment.  The  name 
of  the  writer,  however,  was  not  given.  It  is  the  statement  of  this  Camcian  that  is  quoted.  The  instruo- 
tions  to  Irvine  are  found  in  the  bureau  cited  alx)ve.    Despatches  to  Consuls,  II,  f.  93-. 

f>  Caracas  Gazette,  Novemljer  3,  1810,  Curasao  Transmissions,  674. 

fibld.,  February  5,  1811,  ibid.,  675,  contains  the  order  of  the  junta. 

rflbld.,  March  5, 1811,  P.  R.  O.,  Curasao  Transmissions,  676. 


FRANCISCO   DE    MIRANDA, 


445 


dJactisaing  this  issue,  however,  several  minor  matters  were  con- 
ai(ierecj  by  congress.  On  July  I  a  law  was  passed  to  encourage  the 
emigration  of  foreigners  to  Venezuela."  Because  of  this,  or  for  other 
reasons,  many  men  of  European  birth  came  to  the  country,  most  of 
them  being  of  an  adventurous  type.  Among  them  was  a  French- 
man called  Louis  Dolpech,  Gregor  Macgregor,  who  was  lat«r  to  gain 
notoriety  at  Amelia  Island,  and  Col.  John  Robertson,  at  one  time 
socretan,'  to  the  governor  of  Curapao.  Many  of  them  entered  the 
militajy  service  of  Venezuela. 

()n  July  3  the  president  of  the  congress,  Rodriguez  Dominguez, 
declared  that  the  time  had  come  to  treat  of  "absolute  independ- 
ence," As  this  opinion  was  supported  by  many  delegates,''  the 
assembly  at  once  procc^defl  to  consider  the  matter.  The  delegat«8 
who  debated  the  question  fall  into  two  general  classes;  the  radicals, 
who  uncompromisingly  favored  the  immediate  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, and  the  otratructionists,  who  opposed  it  by  favoring  its 
postponement  or  by  other  tactics.  The  first  group  included  Tovar, 
Yanes,  and  Miranda.  The  second  group,  which  was  not  constant, 
included  Cabrera,  Mayo,  and  Roscio. 

The  party  which  opposed  the  declaration  ufged  that  the  time  was 
inopportune  and  that  a  preliminary  declaration  should  bo  made  to 
prepare  the  minds  of  the  people."  It  was  ai^cd  that  confedera- 
tion ought  to  precede  the  declaration  of  independence.''  At  least 
oine  of  the  delegates  maintained  that  the  congress  lackeil  power  to 
declare  independence,  for  which  a  clear  and  specific  authorization 
was  necessary.  Mayo  de  la  Grita  also  declared  that  his  instruc- 
tions were  inconsonant  with  any  such  action."  One  of  the  most 
sensible  arguments  was  advanced  by  Roscio,  who  declared,  with 
apparent  sincerity,  that  although  he  favored  the  declaration  of 
independence,  he  believed"  it  was  advisable  that  the  Venezuelans  be 
first  united  in  caramon  action.  He  feared  that  an  immediate  decla^ 
ration  of  independence  would  repel  the  dissentient  |jeoples  of  Coro, 
Mar&caibo,  and  Guiana.^  These  were  not  all  the  arguments,  but 
they  were  among  the  weightiest  ones. 

The  strongest  pleas  made  in  favor  of  the  declaration  were  made  by 
Yanes  and  Miranda.  Unfortunately  Miranda's  harangues,  for  he 
made  two  on  the  3d  of  July,  are  not  accessible  in  full.  The  secretary 
of  the  congress  stated  that  he  was  unable  to  take  down  the  first 
speech  literally  because  of  an  "unforeseen  accident,"  but  that  Miranda 
supported  the  "necessity  of  independence  with  very  solid  ailments 
which    formed    an    energetic    and    lengthy    discourse,"     From    the 


•  p.  R.  O.,  Curasao  Tnuiamlssloni,  «77. 

t  BlaDOO.  DDCOiUBnios,  til,  1^ 

•IIM.,  125, 128.  the  arganiBit  of  Cftbrero  and  AUmo. 

'md.,  127,  IM,  the  u^umenl  of  neniBndeE. 


446  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

remarks  of  other  speakers  it  can  be  gathered  that  Miranda  reasoned 
that  the  formation  of  a  republican  government  was  inconsistent  with 
an  acknowledgment  of  Spanish  sovereignty,**  and  that  the  Venezuelans 
had  been  in  a  position  to  declare  their  independence  for  some  time.* 

Miranda's  argument  on  one  point,  however,  has  been  preserved, 
lie  declared  that  the  attitude  of  Venezuela  caused  ambiguity  in  the 
calculations  of  England  and  other  powers  capable  of  helping  them. 
The  European  powers  desired  to  know  the  exact  state  of  Venezuela's 
relations  with  Spain,  in  order  that  they  might  not  be  exposed  to  the 
risk  of  arming  the  Venezuelans  against  themselves  if  the  course  of 
events  should  induce  any  of  them  to  unite  themselves  with  Spain. 
''In  the  condition  in  wliich  we  find  ourselves,''  said  Miranda,  ''a 
nation  which  aided  us  would  not  be  able  to  count  with  security  on 
our  reciprocity,  if  it  should  require  aid  from  us  against  Spain  whose 
rights  we  have  not  yet  solemnly  disavowed.  We  ought  to  be  inde-  I 
pendent  to  run  the  risks  and  to  enjoy  the  advantages  of  it,  in  order 
that  the  European  powers  may  be  able  to  form  fiirm  compacts  with 
us  wliich  will  serve  us  b}^  engaging  directly  the  forces  of  the  enemy 
against  that  power  wliich  aids  us.  Otherwise  it  would  be  to  ask  that 
they  themselves  should  strengthen  the  hand  which  sooner  or  later 
may  turn  against  them  the  arms  which  they  themselves  have  given 
us.''« 

This  argument,  based  upon  the  diplomatic  possibilities  which 
independence  might  offer  to  the  nascent  state  came  fittingly  from 
the  mouth  of  this  orator.  The  suggestion  that  independent  Vene- 
zuela could  ally  herself  with  England  against  her  foes  doubtless 
appealed  strongly  to  the  Venezuelan  mind,  for  many  of  Mirandas 
compatriots  firmly  believed  that  Napoleon  would  ultimately  sub- 
jugate Spain.  In  case  the  English  were  successful  in  the  peninsula, 
Miranda's  reasoning  could  be  interpreted  to  mean  that  the  Vene- 
zuelans might  then  endeavor  to  enlist  the  sympatliies  of  Napoleon  in 
their  behalf.  In  the  existing  state  of  affairs,  when  the  future  fate  of 
Venezuela  hung  largely  on  the  outcome  of  the  great  struggle  in 
Europe,  Miranda's  clever  speech  must  have  exerted  great  influence, 
for  many  of  the  Venezuelans  were  timorous  in  regard  to  their  own 
power. 

Yane.s  began  by  complimenting  Miranda  on  the  "various  and 
weighty  reasons"  which  he  had  j^resented  and  declared  that  he  was 
unable  to  add  anything  to  demonstrate  the  **  justice,  necessity,  utility, 
and  convenience  of  the  proposition.''  lie  devoted  himself  to  a 
refutation  of  the  arguments  with  which  the  opponents  of  Miranda  had 
tried  to  weaken  or  to  elude  the  latter's  arguments.  He  pointed  out 
that  confederation  could  not  properly  precede  independence,  for  was 
not  a  confederation  an  association  of  free,  sovereign,  and  independent 

a  Blaoco,  Documcotos,  III,  128.  b  Ibid.,  129. 


I 


FRANCISCO    DE    MIRANDA.  447 

states.  Venezuela  must  strengthen  her  position  by  declaring  her 
independence  and  then  attempt  lo  form  a  confederation.  A  pre- 
liminary expreaeion  of  the  wish  of  the  people,  he  declared,  was  not 
necessary,  for  the  people  were  represented  in  the  constituent  congress 
and  the  decision  of  a  majority  of  that  assembly  was  the  general  law 
of  Venezuelii.  If  they  had  consulted  the  people  about  the  action  of 
April  19,  he  declared,  tliey  would  still  be  slaves.  A  postponement  of 
the  question  was  more  dangerous  than  immediate  action.  Rather 
than  take  a  backward  step  in  the  career  on  which  she  had  entered, 
Caracas  ought  to  bury  herself  in  her  own  ruins," 

Shortly  before  the  debate  closed,  Miranda  tried  to  sum  up  the 
arguments  by  boldly  declaring  that  almost  all  of  the  members  of 
congress  agreed  on  the  utility  and  the  advantages  which  would  accrue 
from  a  prompt  declaration  of  absolute  independence.  In  his  opinion 
the  argument  of  Mayo  on  confederation  had  been  refuted  by  Yanes, 
The  plea  that  the  congress  lacked  power  and  authorization  to  declare 
independence  was  more  sophistical  than  exact.''  But  in  spite  of 
Miranda's  prejudiced  statement,  un  immediate  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence was  still  hanging  In  the  balance. 

The  Patriotic  Society  tried  to  influence  congress.  On  July  4  a 
committee  of  that  organization,  acting  on  the  suggestion  of  Sim6n 
Bolivar,  appeared  in  the  halls  of  congress  and  declared  that  the  club 
had  discussed  the  matter  and  favored  an  immediate  declaration  of 
independence."  One  of  its  members,  Miguel  Peila,  was  permitted 
to  make  a  lengthy  address,  in  which  he  depicted  the  dilemma  in 
which  Venezuela  was  now  placed  and  urged  the  declaration.''  Con- 
gress now  decided  to  suspend  the  discussion  of  the  matter  until  the 
president  could  confer  with  the  executive  power  whether  such  action 
would  be  compatible  with  public  security." 

On  July  5,  congress  met  again  and  the  president  annoimced  that  the 
conference  had  decided  in  favor  of  the  declaration.'  Miranda 
arose  and  expressed  his  approval  of  tliis  decision.  He  urged  the 
necessity  of  immediate  action  because  of  the  state  of  political  affairs 
in  the  Peninsula.'^  There  was  now  less  open  and  decided  opposition 
to  independence  than  before.  Mayo  de  la  Grita,  a  priest,  still  argued 
that  his  instructions  would  not  permit  him  to  agree  to  a  declaration.* 
Two  delegates  tried  to  find  an  argument  against  the  declaration  in 
the  oath  of  allegiance  that  had  been  taken  to  Ferdinand  VII,*  but 
Roscio,  who  like  some  others  was  changing  his  mood,  met  this  argu- 
ment with  the  contention  that  this  oath  had  been  taken  for  their 
weal  and  not  for  their  woe/ 

The  latter  also  presented  a  strong  argument  against  the  proposed 
declaration.     He  declared  that  although  the  justice  and  the  neces- 


I  Blanco,  DocUDiei: 

ii«,ni.i»-i3i. 

-Ibid.,  139-1*3. 

■  Ibid.,  m. 

Ibid.,  13tl. 

^^^^^^m 

/lbi<i..iSB.iM. 

448  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

sity  of  the  measure  were  demonstraied,  publicists  might  well  doubt 
whether  Venezuela  had  the  ''necessary  stature  and  the  forces  ade- 
quate" for  such  action.  The  United  States  had  three  miUions  of 
inhabitants  when  independence  was  declared;  Venezuela  had  scarcely 
one  million.**  The  significance  of  this  plea  was  soon  recognized. 
Cabrera  pointed  out  that  smaller  and  weaker  States  than  VenezueU 
had  been  recognized  by  European  powers  before  the  French  revo- 
lution.** Miranda  enforced  this  argument.  He  declared  that  in 
1776  the  United  States  did  not  have  three  millions  of  inhabitants 
to  rely  upon,  for  the  slaves  amounted  to  over  four  hundred  thousand. 
Other  States  were  cited;  San  Marino  contained  scarcely  five  hundred 
thousand  inhabitants,  Geneva  had  played  a  distinguished  part  in 
history  with  no  more  than  a  miUion  of  inhabitants,  Switzerland  had 
only  two  millions,  and  Denmark  even  less.  A  few  provinces  of 
Holland,  containing  not  over  a  million  of  inhabitants,  had  success- 
fully contended  against  the  tyrant  Philip  II  and  the  Duke  of  Alva 
for  their  independence.** 

Mayo,  of  San  Felipe,  although  declaring  that  he  favored  inde- 
pendence, feared  that  the  declaration  might  cause  an  exodus  from 
Venezuela,  and  referred  to  the  emigration  from  France  as  a  case 
in  point.**  Miranda  arose  to  dispose  of  this  objection.  He  declared 
that  in  France  only  the  nobles  emigrated  when  a  republic  was  pro- 
claimed. In  regard  to  Venezuela,  the  orator  expressed  his  firm 
belief  that  only  a  few  undesirable  peninsulars,  with  whom  amalga- 
mation was  impossible,  would  leave.  Their  departure  would  have 
a  tranquilizing  effect.^  After  other  speeches  had  been  made,  the 
question  was  put  by  the  president  and  the  assembly  was  almost 
unanimous  in  favor  of  the  declaration,  the  only  open  dissenter  of 
whom  we  have  record  being  Mayo  de  la  Grita.** 

P^nough  has  been  summarized  of  the  debates  to  show  that  Miranda 
was  one  of  the  foremost  champions  of  the  declaration.  In  the 
words  of  Roscio,  who  was  critically  inclined,  Miranda  '^bore  himself 
well  and  debated  wisely.''*  Because  of  Miranda's  experience  and 
undoubted  prestige,  his  arguments  must  have  won  support  for  the 
declaration  both  in  congress  and  among  the  people.  It  was  indeed 
appropriate  that  the  man  who  had  dedicated  himself  to  the  eman- 
cipation of  Spanish  America  should  have  been  the  active  and  inde- 
fatigable leader  of  the  party  which  succeeded  in  having  adopted  the 
first  formal  declaration  of  independence  by  a  Spanish-American 
State. 

On  the  evening  of  July  5,  the  congress  took  supplementary  meas- 
ures. Roscio  and  Isnardi  were  appointed  a  committee  to  draw  up 
an  act  stating  tlie  reasons  for  the  declaration.     Another  committee 

a  Blanco,  Documentoe,  III,  150.  ^  Ibid.,  156. 

t>  Ibid.,  151.  >    e  Amun4tegui,  Vida  de  Bello,  Ul. 

c  Ibid.,  152. 


TRANCISCO    DE    MIRAKDA.  449 

was  appointed  to  formulate  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  gov- 
emxnent.  Generfll  Miranda  and  two  other  members  were  chosen 
to  select  the  design  of  the  national  flag  and  cockade."  This  commit- 
tee, dominated  doubtless  bj-  Miranda,  soon  decided  that  the  colors 
of  the  Venezuelan  State  were  to  be  blue,  yellow,  and  red.''  Thus 
the  colors  wliich  Miranda  had  displayed  at  the  masthead  of  the 
Leander,  and  which  the  Spaniards  had  burned  in  derision  when  the 
captured  filibusters  were  executed  in  1S06,  became  the  colors  of  the 
first  Venezuelan  State, 

In  the  act  declaring  their  independence,  which  waa  approved  on 
July  7,  the  Venezuelans  asserted  that  they  were  only  making  use  of 
their  rights  which  they  had  recovered  since  April  19,  1810,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  French  conquest  of  Spain  and  the  occurrence  at 
Bayonne,  Some  of  the  evils  m  the  Spanish  colonial  rSgime  were  indi- 
cated, hut  a  "veil  was  drawn  over  the  three  hundred  years  of  Span- 
ish domination  in  America,"  and  the  reasons  for  the  declaration 
were  based  primarily  upon  the  disordered  condition  of  the  Spanish 
peninsula,  which  had  intensified  the  evils  in  the  ultramarine  provinces 
and  called  America  to  a  new  existence.  Their  actions,  which 
resembled  those  that  had  been  taken  in  Spain,  had  been  character^ 
ized  as  revolutionary,  their  countrj-  was  blockaded,  and  war  declared 
against  them.  Their  representation  in  the  cortes  had  been  reduced 
to  a  mere  mockerj-.  From  this  position  of  "political  ambiguity" 
they  were  now  forced,  they  declared,  by  the  "hostile  and  unnatural" 
conduct  of  the  Government  of  Spain,  In  consequence  of  these 
reasons  and  because  of  the  alleged  "imprescriptible  rights"  enjoyed 
by  nations  of  "destroying  every  pact,  convention,  or  association" 
which  did  not  promote  the  end  for  which  governments  were  estab- 
lished, they  declared  that  the  United  Provinces  of  Venezuela  were 
and  ought  to  be  "by  act  and  right,  free,  sovereign,  and  independent 
States."' 

This  declaration  speedily  brought  matters  to  a  crisis.  As  a  state- 
ment of  policy,  it  relieved  Venezuela  from  some  of  the  difficulties 
connected  with  the  ambiguous  position  which  she  had  occupied 
since  April  19,  1810,  but  it  aggravated  others.  It  could  hardly  be 
otherwise  among  a  people  which  lacked  money,  allies,  and  a  stable 
frame  of  government,  without  much  real  national  spirit,"*  not  only 
lacking  a  strong  sense  of  unity  but  disintegrated  by  a  caste  system. 
Much  more  than  in  the  case  of  the  United  States,  is  it  possible  that 


t  On»  to  JKonnM,  November  fl,  1811,  inrormed  Ilonroe  ot  the  sdopllon  ol  Ibe  dwlarallon  of  indepUMl- 
ns  and  loclowl  n  coIothI  reprraeuUiUan  of  ihe  Veneiuelan  Hag.  StaW  D«p[.  MS8,,  Bunau  of  Ririli 
Bd  Ulmry.  i*BpBn  relHttng  lo  thn  R«Tollry1  Spanlsli  Colonlv.T.    Switlso  al^o  rondBtir  fC  Uayer,  U^molie, 

rBlum,  DocuinenLiu,  III,  l;0-173. 

«  Sm  Uu  niegtatlva  cornmiint  of  I'ouileni  ec  llajer.  U^moln!,  -M,  !'>. 
1—09 20 


450  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

the  declaration  of  independence  was  the  achievement  of  a  vigorous 
minority.  Even  if  it  was  not  so,  the  Venezuelans  lacked  utteriy 
experience  in  the  art  of  self-government,  so  valuable  an  asset  among 
Anglo-Saxon  peoples.  Had  the  conditions  been  propitious  in  even- 
other  respect,  the  lack  of  what  may  be  called  an  instinct  for  govern- 
ment would  have  been  a  serious  handicap  for  the  Venezuelans. 
The  appearance  of  a  party  corresponding  to  the  tories  or  the  loyalists 
of  North  America  was  one  of  the  gravest  dangers  of  the  situation. 

While  the  debates  on  the  declaration  of  independence  had  been 
going  on  the  supporters  of  Ferdinand  VII  had  not  been  idle.  In 
concert  with  the  Spanish  representatives  at  Porto  Rico,  they  had 
conceived  the  project  of  damaging  or  destroying  the  patriot  govern- 
ment. The  cities  of  Caracas  and  Valencia  were  the  centers  of  the 
conspiracy  or  movement,  as  one  chooses  to  call  it.  On  July  11  the 
discontented  Canarians  at  Caracas  rose  in  revolt.*  Their  rallying 
cry  might  well  have  been  "Death  to  the  traitors!  Long  live  the 
King  and  the  Inquisition.'*  **  The  plans  of  the  dissatisfied  Caracians 
did  not  succeed,  however,  for  they  were  soon  overpowered,  and 
many  of  the  partisans  of  Ferdinand  were  cast  into  the  prisons  of 
Caracas.*'  The  executive  power  issued  a  proclamation  declaring 
that  the  innocent  would  be  protected  and  the  guilty  punished.  **  A 
number  of  the  supposed  ringleaders  were  put  to  death.*  To  judge 
by  some  accounts,  the  heads  of  the  unfortunates  were  severed  from 
the  trunks  and  exposed  to  view  in  the  avenues  of  the  capital. 
Some  ascribed  to  Miranda  the  doubtful  credit  for  this  shocking 
treatment.^ 

The  insurrection  which  occurred  at  Valencia  was  not  so  easily 
checked.  This  important  city  contained  many  devoted  royalists, 
among  them  some  fanatical  ecclesiastics,  who  had  rallied  to  their 
cause  many  of  the  lower  classes.^  The  local  government  was  unable 
to  subdue  the  revolt.  Hence  on  July  13  the  Venezuelan  congress, 
convinced  that  the  nation  stood  in  peril,  issued  a  decree  declaring 
that  the  executive  power  was  for  the  time  being  empowered  to  take 
all  steps  which  it  might  deem  necessary^  for  the  public  good.*'  In 
accordance  with  this  provision,  Miranda  was  called  from  his  seat  in 
congress  and  placed  at  the  head  of  the  anny.  On  July  19  he  left  the 
city  of  Caracas  with  an  army  of  about  4,000  men.*     By  Miranda's 

a  Ix)WTy  to  Smith,  August  21,  1811,  Stat«  Dept.  MSS.,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives,  Consular  Let- 
ters, La  (hm>Ta,  I. 

fc  Larrazahal,  Vida  de  Bolivar,  I,  00. 

f  Poudenx  et  Mayer,  M (''moire,  47. 

d  lihmco,  Documontos.  Ill,  161. 

«  Lowry  to  Smith.  Au^ist  21,  ISll,  State  Dept.  MSS..  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives,  Consular  L<^- 
tfrs,  L;i  ( ;n;i>T:i.  I.  ^ives  tlie  numU'r  executed  as  fifteen;  Amiumtegui.  Vida  de  Bello.  1 11,  sets  the  nuinf^r 
a  little  lii;:lior. 

;  I'oudciix  et  Mayr.r,  Mt'dnoire,  47,4S. 

(7  Ibid..  40. 

h  Admiral  Fraser  to  Rowley,  July  21,  1811^  sets  the  number  at  4,000,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  123;  Poudenx  el 
Mayer,  M^moire,  40.  I 


FRANCTSCO   DE    MIRANDA,  451 

own  report,  he  arriveil  at  Maracay  on  the  21st,  where  he  established 
a  iiiilitaiy  liospital  and  made  other  preparations  to  attack  the  Valen- 
cians."  On  July  "22  several  distinct  propositions  for  capitulation 
were  submitted  to  Miranda  l)y  the  Valencians.  The  request  of  tlie 
besieged  that  they  he  allowed  to  treat  with  congress  during  an  armis- 
tice in  reEanl  to  accepting  indepen<lence  or  not,  was  rejected  by  the 
^neral,  wFio  declared  that  he  was  "fully  authorized  by  the  Supreme 
Government  of  Venezuela  to  conclude  on  the  matter."*  According 
to  the  report  of  Miranda,  some  of  the  Valencians  now  invited  him  to 
approach  the  city.  He  therefore  advanced  to  the  post  called  the 
Mono,  where  the  Valencians  opened  fire  on  his  troops.  Miranda's 
soldiers  captured  the  fort  and  pursuer!  the  garrison  inside  the  city. 
But  near  the  convent  of  tlic  Franciscans  they  received  a  bloody  check. 
The  commanding  general  now  dismissed  the  thouglit  of  effecting  a 
peaceable  settlement  with  the  Valencians  and  withdrew  his  troops 
from  the  interior  of  tlie  city.' 

Valencia  was  now  closely  invested.  The  surrounding  country  was 
subjugated  and  the  city  cut  off  from  supplies.''  Some  of  the  Valen- 
cians, who  were  suffering  severely,  deserted  the  royalist  cause  and 
joineil  Miranda,  while  the  most  resolute  defenders  of  the  city  prepared 
to  make  a  final  stand  in  the  great  squaiv.  The  main  outline  of  the 
rest  of  the  operatJony  is  had  from  Miranda's  last  report.  On  August 
12  a  general  assault  was  made  and  the  besieged  were  driven  to  their 
last  intrench  men  ts.  At  daybreak  of  the  following  day  the  attack 
was  resumed,  and  the  Valencians,  whose  supply  of  water  had  been 
cut  off,  proposed  tenns  of  capitulation.  Miranda,  pnifiting  by  expe- 
rience, <lemanded  as  a  preliminary  condition  that  his  opponents  first 
lay  down  their  arms.  The  Valencians  were  finally  forced  to  surrender 
at  discretion  and  Miranda's  troops  look  possession  of  the  city.  This 
was  soon  followed  by  the  surrender  of  the  flotilla  on  the  lagoon  of 
\'alencia.  In  the  dispatch  announcing  the  fall  of  the  city  Miranda 
declared  that  he  had  "either  subjugated  or  pacified"  nil  "the  Popu- 
lations and  Villages"  that  he  had  encountered  since  the  21st  of  July. 
Special  mention,  was  made  of  the  distinguished  sen'ices  of  Col.  Sim<in 
Bolivar.'  The  priests,  who  had  been  the  chief  fomentcrs  of  the  revo- 
lution, were  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison.  Some  of  the  other 
leaders  were  imprisoned ;  many  escaped  to  Coro./  The  executive 
power  of  VencT^iela  established  a  special  tribunal  for  the  trial  of  the 

■  lulyZI,  IHU,in"Eit»ctfrom  jSpiuiUIiOBnttii."Ciuwas,July  to,  lgU.P.B.O.,Ciincao  TniutDi»- 
»TbnaitU'lnDri:BpmitBtlonuvCDani]iiillicr(imruQBHtt«.Julr3D.lgll,  P.R.  O..Clll■cmoTnnBniB■ 
' Kp|»rtoruiranda.Iiily24.  ISll.  ln"EitnictIramaap»ilih  Guaile."  JulfOa.  1»1,  Ihld.;  Paudeniel 
Marvr,  Udmotn.  sn. 
'R[^  Ldsllonititffi,  IM,  lU. quoting Mlninda'iLnportaCAuieust  10,  mi. 

/faadMkUIta;i(,)UBistn,fi;iUMl9onUUT«ipaal,AH|u*tlg,lSU,f.  B.U.,Ciuaewi  Iruumt^ 


452  AMERICAN   HISTOKICAL  ASSOCIATIOK. 

delinquent  Yalencians^  of  which  Miranda  was  made  the  presiding 
oflScer.** 

In  spite  of  the  valuable  services  performed  by  the  conmiandmg 
general  in  this  campaign,  his  conduct  did  not  escape  biting  criticism. 
The  stringency  of  his  discipline  evoked  some  complaints.  It  was 
asserted  that  he  had  caused  an  unnecessary  effusion  of  blood.^ 
Within  and  without  congress  ^liranda's  military  o])erations  were 
attacked  with  great  animosity/  It  even  appears  that  Miranda  was 
ordered  to  dismiss  his  troops.**  Early  in  September  the  congress 
decided  to  summon  the  victorious  commander  to  give  an  account  of 
his  actions/  The  accused  general  appeared  before  the  bar  of  con- 
gress and  successfully  defended  himself  against  his  enemies  and  critics.' 
To  quote  Irvine's  notes,  which  probably  embody  some  Venezuelan 
impressions  worthy  of  credence:  '^ Miranda  was  forced  to  vindicate 
himself  before  the  congress,  when  he  ought  to  have  been  employed  in 
the  field.  His  friends  delight  in  descanting  upon  his  accomplish- 
ments *  *  *  and  ascribe  to  him  a  promptness  in  argument,  in- 
genuity in  debate,  and  an  eloquence  not  inferior  to  that  of  the  great 
Pericles,  when  he  liarangued  the  citizens  of  Athens,  and  moved  the 
multitude  by  his  irresistible  force  of  persuasion,  as  a  tempest  heaves  the 
billows  of  the  main.*'  ^  While  the  fact  that  Miranda  had  fallen  into 
an  ambuscade  at  Valencia  might  have  been  just  ground  for  criticism, 
the  campaign  had  important  effects  on  his  fortunes.  It  had  provoked 
and  intensified  the  opposition  and  the  jealousy  of  a  faction  opposed 
to  that  general,  yet  it  increased  his  popularity  with  some  of  the  lower 
classes  who  believed  that  he  had  military  talent.'^  It  hardly  required 
the  gift  of  prophecy  to  see  that  Miranda  was  the  man  of  destiny  who, 
if  circumstances  favored,  would  '^soon  be  at  the  head  of  the  govern- 
ment."* 

The  Venezuelans  had  not  forgotten  diplomacy,  M6ndez  continued 
to  act  as  the  head  of  their  embassy  in  England,  but,  in  the  fac^  of  the 
decided  policy  of  that  Government  with  regard  to  the  Spanish  Empire, 
the  Venezuelans  came  to  fasten  their  hopes  of  aid  on  the  Gk>vemment 
and  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Early  in  1811  Jos6  Kafael 
Revenga  was  made  commissioner  to  the  United  States  to  replace 
Juan  Vicente  Bolivar.  Orea  was  now  the  head  of  the  embassy.^ 
The  latter  addressed  various  coiuniunications  to  Monroe  in  regard  to 

n  Blanco,  Dociimentos,  Til,  200,  207. 

t>  Amun/ilcgui,  Vida  de  Bello,  111. 

f  Ibid.,  Poudenx  et  Mayer,  M<5moire,  r>^. 

li  Poudfinx  et  Mayer,  M<5iiioire,  .72. 

«■  Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  mCu 

f  Poudenx  et  Mayer,  M«''nioire,  .Vi, 

17  State  Dopt.  MSS.,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives,  Consular  letters.  La  rtuaym,  I. 

fi  Vawhuxoi  Mayer,  M«'anoire,  F,2,  .'i.'?;  AmunttteRui,  Vlda  de  Bello,  HI. 

i  Lowry  to  Smith,  August  21,  ISIl,  State  Dept.  MSS..  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  .\rchlves,  Consular  Ut- 
ters, La  (iuayra,  I. 

/  Escalona  to  the  secretary  of  foreign  relation.s  of  the  United  States,  March  18,  1811,  State  Dept.  MSS., 
Bureau  of  R0II9  and  Library,  Papers  relative  to  the  Revolted  Spanish  Colonies. 


H  FRANCmCO  DE   AIIRANDA.  453 

Mhf"  eommissioii.     He  voiced  what  he  declared  to  be  the  deslie  of  tlie 
Kkivemment  and  the  people  of  Venezuela  for  a  lasting  alliance  be- 
HWeen  the  United  States  and  Venezuela  and  for  commercial  treaties 
■iseful  to  both  powers,"     After  the  Venezuelan  declai'ation  of  inde- 
Hpendence,  Orea  and  Revenpa  became  the  first  diplomatic  represent- 
atives of  an  independent  Spanish  American  State,  or  one  formally 
nlaiming  independence,  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
■Drea  was  now  transfoniied  into  "  an  extraordinary'  agent  of  the  con- 
Hederation  of  Venezuela."''     He  again  addressed  Monroe,  including 
■the  Venezuelan  declaration  of  independence  and  tlie  design  of  the 
■national  flag.     In  this  letter  of  Niivember  6,  ISll,  the  envoy  ven- 
Mured  to  expn'ss  tlie  belief  that  the  United  States  would  recognize  the 
■Venezuelan  confederation  as  a  "fi-ee  and  independent  nation,"  which 
mronld  be  the  precursor  of  treaties  of  amitj'  and  commerce.'' 
B    On  December  19,  ISII,  Secretary  Mom-oe  informed  Orea  that  the 
Vresident  of  the  United  States  had  received  the  declaration  of  inde- 
fcendence  "'with  the  interest  which  so  important  an  event  was  calcu- 
Bated  to  excite."  =    Despite  this  colorless  response,  and  the  fact  that 
■he  relations  between  the  agents  and  the  Secretary  of  State  at  tliis 
Bime  were  always  imofTicial,  the  Venezuelans  kept  their  agent  in  the 
Puntted  States  and  continued  to  hope  and  plan  for  aid.     Early  in  1812 
the  leaders  of  the  national  movement  in  Venezuela,  losing  hope  of 
securing  aid  from  the  Government  of  England,  consulted  with  Ixiwry 
regarding  ways  and  means  of  getting  assistance  in  "arms  and  money" 
from  the  United  States  Government.     Some  of  them  probably  de- 
spaired of  attaining  their  independence  unaided.     Lowiy  certainly 
inclined  to  this  view.     In  February,  1812,  he  informed  his  govem- 
meint  that  the  success  of  the  revolution  depended  "in  great  measure 
on  succors  from  abroad."  ■* 

One  of  the  Venezuelans,  at  least,  thought  of  getting  aid  or  counte- 
nance from  France,  if  other  resorts  failed.  In  the  end  of  the  year 
1811  Orea,  feeling  the  need  of  more  encouragement  perhaps  than  was 
involved  in  the  phrase  "friendly  interest,"  made  approaches  to 
S^rurier,  the  French  minister  in  the  I'nited  States,  regarding  the 
attitude  uf  the  French  Government  toward  the  Venezuelans.'  Early 
in  December  of  the  same  year  Orea  actually  WTote  a  letter  to  Napo- 
leon, asking  whether  the  latter  would  receive  a  minister  from  Ven- 
ezuela in  Paris.'  Sfirurier  made  a  response  m  general  tenns,  not 
wishing  to  compromise  himself,  and  informed  his  Government  of  the 


1  tires  (u  MonnK,  lllulsI<^'],  marked  No,  9,  In  Slnle  Dppl.  USS.,  Bureau  ol  Bella  aul  Ubnrj.  P>p«n 
nsUalTeto  the  RoTOltedSpBiliih  Colonies, 
^rredrntlils  oI  Onu.  sIgMd  by  CrUtabBl  de  Mondoia,  J11I7  27, 18li.  Ibid. 

<  SlaU  Dept.  U3S.,  Bureau  of  Indens  and  ArclilVHS,  Notes  to  Foreign  LegmtioQi.  3. 

<  l.<iwiy  luUonnie,  AngoslZI,  IBIZ.  SUle  Dept.  USS.,  Bumuotlndeiesoad  Artlilves,  Conanlv  Leilan. 
l«i>UByrB.  I.  In  this  lettar  of  Auguit  31,  ISH.  lAirty  inlarmtd  Monroe  thai  [he  IndeptnideDlj  had  not 
mn  utmtUiitlKDd  Uiemselves  nith  IncaisDfaa  invulon  by  the  Bpanlsrdi. 

•SAniritv  loH.  B.  Uaret,  Nov.  10, and  Des.  R.ltlll,  A9BliB>6tnngfa^,  AtBtt-Cnli,  00,1.211, aw. 

1.  Ibid.,  f,  370.  ^^ 


454 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 


occurrence,"  Great  p<i9sihilities  were  involved  in  the  step  su^feslw) 
by  Orea's  action.  An  arrangement  by  which  Napoleon  wouM  have 
aided  the  Venezuelans  against  Spain  would  haveweakenetJ  that  pnwer 
and  encouraged  the  other  Spanish -American  colonies  in  revolt 
Although  material  difBcultiea  would  have  rendered  the  task  of  aiding 
the  Venezuelans  hard,  yet  even  moral  encouragement  would  haw 
been  valuable  at  that  time.  Whatever  was  Na)wleon'8  attitude  at 
this  time,  further  action  on  the  part  of  Venexuoia  was  made  impossiUe 
by  the  internal  dangers  wliich  Honn  threatened  the  very  existence  o( 
the  State.  S^rurier  soon  ceased  to  inform  his  Government  of  ci»- 
versations  with  Orea  and  discussed  instead  the  pressing  Venemielu 
problems. 

While  Orea  and  Mfindez  were  stniggling  with  their  peculiar  diffi- 
culties, the  congress  of  Venezuela  was  attempting  to  reorganize  tiw 
country  and  to  form  a  frame  uf  government  which  would  suit  the 
changed  political  condition.  The  problem  of  tlie  finances  was  am 
of  the  first  which  engaged  the  attention  of  the  legislat^irs.  Spem 
was  fast  disappearing  from  circulation.  Congress  tried  to  ameliorate 
comlitions  by  passing  a  law  late  in  August,  1811,  which  pnmded  for 
the  issue  of  $1,000,000  of  paper  money  in  not«s  or  tickets  of  the  valu? 
of  $1,  $2,  $8,  and  S16.  The  national  revenues,  especially  the  income 
from  the  tobacco  monopoh'  and  the  import  dues,  were  hypothecated 
for  its  redemption.  Provisions  were  also  made  for  the  punislinieiit  of 
counterfeiters  and  such  persons  as  might  refuse  to  accept  the  paper 
as  currency.* 

While  many  felt  that  the  necessity  for  this  measure  was  urg«it, 
there  was  much  opposition  to  the  policy  of  issuing  paper  prornbea  to 
pay,  and  the  results  were  unfortunate  and  detrimental  to  the  public 
welfare.  -  To  quote  briefly,  as  one  expression  of  sentiment,  the  native 
of  Caracas  already  referred  to:  "It  was  an  unfortunat*  law,  •  •  * 
calculated  to  disafTect  the  public  mind,  towards  the  revolution^  asA' 
to  exercise  a  malignant  influence  in  unhinging  the  State  *  *  J 
the  small  remnant  of  specie  instantly  vanished.  The  laborer  ynV 
could  not  procure  the  usual  quantity  of  provisions  for  his  money, 
began  only  to  curse  a  revolution  which  caused  so  unlucky  a  turn  in 
his  pittance,  and  which  requited  so  badly  the  sweat  of  his  brow. 
The  merchant  who  came  daily  into  collision  with  the  consumers  aixl 
cultivators,  who  felt  great  repugnance  in  receiving  money  without 
representation  or  surety,  sold  his  merchandise  at  a  loss  of  5  to  10 
per  cent;  for  such  was  the  discount  on  exchange  with  specie.  In 
short  it  fell  into  general  depreciation,  and  Congress  daily  received 
representations  against  it."'     The  amount  of  paper  seems  to  have 

a  TbB  naponw  Hi  Sfturkir  Ii  [lalcd  Drcanlnr  4,  IHll,  Allilra  Cltnngara.  ftuU-UaU.  M.tm. 

ft  A  IraosJsliloD  ol  Ihe  Ihw  Is  tauod  In  1'.  K.  O..  Curasao  Tnumulaalini,  HTT. 

'IrvlOH'ii  Noto,  SUU  Dept.  MSS.,  bunau  ul Indues  aiid  Arcblvm,  CwwiLu  LieUen,  L«a>wni,I. 


KKANCIBCt)   DE   MIRANDA.  455 

been  increased  by  subseqiiBnt  issiies,  while  the  evil  effects  of  the  policy 
did  not  decrease." 

The  formation  of  a  new  representative  system  of  government  had 
been  thought  of  before  the  return  of  Miranda  to  Venezuela.*  After 
the  (iec^laration  of  iniiependence  had  been  made,  the  congress  bad 
replaced  the  junta  by  an  administrative  body  known  as  the  executive 
power.  According  to  Roscio,  it  was  some  time  before  this  that  a 
committee  had  been  intrusted  by  the  junta  with  the  duty  of  forming 
"b  plan  of  constitution  or  bases  of  federation"  to  be  submitted  to 
congress.  This  committee  included,  among  others,  Ustariz,  Roscio, 
and  Miranda.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  latter  urged  that 
the  scheme  of  government  wliich  he  had  brought  with  him  be  adopted 
by  the  Venezuelans.  This  was  probably  the  plan  which  has  been 
described  m  a  preceding  chapter,  or  one  based  upon  it,  for  it  vested 
the  executive  power  in  two  incas.  But  the  other  members  of  the 
committee  would  not  approve  of  Miranda's  aristocratic  plan  of  the 
"two  Incas,"  as  Roscio  characterized  it,  and  recommended  that  a 
more  democratic  form  of  federal  government  be  adopted.  Miranda, 
being  a  man  of  great  pertinacity  of  purpose  and  havii^  settled  con- 
victions on  the  subject,  clung  desperately  to  his  own  scheme,  which 
he  fondly  believed  to  be  better  fitted  for  the  Spanish  Americans.  It 
is  entirely  possible  that,  as  Roscio  alleged,  Miranda  formed  the  design 
of  ridiculing  the  democratic  scheme  and  gathered  a  select  coterie  that 
undertook  the  task  of  criticising  it  and  comparing  it  unfavorably 
with  the  plan  of  the  two  incas." 

Perhaps  it  was  the  committee  appointed  by  the  junta  that  was 
considering  a  plan  of  government,  democratic  in  its  principles,  while 
the  constituent  congress  was  debating  the  declaration  of  independ- 
enco.**  In  any  case,  such  principles  prevailed.  There  is  nothing  to 
show  that  Miranda's  proposal  for  a  monarchical  republic  was  ever 
presented  to  the  assembled  congress.  Its  chief  advocate  seems  to 
have  contented  himself  with  urging  his  plan  on  the  committee  and 
expounding  its  merits  to  Ids  friends.  On  Sept«mber  2  Francisco 
Javier  de  Ustariz  laid  a  plan  of  government  before  the  constituent 
congress  for  its  consideration."  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  only  fleeting 
references  to  the  discusaions  over  this  constitution  arc  available.  So 
far  as  can  be  gleaned  the  majority  of  the  legislators,  influenced  by 

•  lUd..  Poudetll  pl  Mayiir,  Miimolrt-.  5i,  clwlnrrs  Hint  the  issue  wus  thiae  miLLloni.  Ugil^  la  UnrquU 
W^lailoy,  Mjueh  H,  IS12,  sinuks  nt  the  evil  eOvcU  uf  Uie  paper  money  Isuts  nhleb  bn  Ims  ti>»nl  litoM. 
P.  K.  O.,  Spaln.lSfl.    nodgmn  lo  Liverpool,  Dacember  2,lSll,dl3ciost3Ui»sauie  lople,    II.W..  Cimpio 

aa»,  sa. 

toflmlUi.  October  1. 1310,  SUIe  Dept.  MSS,.  BmcaaoIlDdeieBBiid  ArolilVH.  Coiuular  t.(ilten. 
s,I.  saldi'-luimltalloDDl  tlienmalllutloaoIUw  UoItMl  SUUa,  a  RppnvmUitlvv  (lorl.  »i»tiB 
bba  oeatanpUIfld  hrte:  buHrom  IhcDisconliuitiDiiIeiiBUof  whieh  tbe  population  b  txiraposnl  lu  wellu 
"l»  aitrauw  Ignoruicw  oltho  People.  It  will  prabatily  not  siilt  UiR  eountn'. 
iimilienl,  Villa  Oe  Bella.  •/»,  W.  Xm,  110;  Duooudriy  Balitdo.  Ueoialn  ul  .tluxia  Uolliiir.  34.  m, 
u  Ibe  oootranponiry  sloliqiu^ls  ol  HukIo  lu  aome  tetpeela. 
M,  ai.  137. 


456  AMERICAX    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

the  example  of  the  United  States,**  favored  the  adoption  of  a  federal 
form  of  government.  Some  of  the  more  thoughtful  and  experienced 
members,  notably  Miranda,  opposed  this  tendency  and  favored  the 
establishment  of  the  '* central  republican  system."  These  men 
argued,  and  this  was  probably  Miranda's  reasoning,  that  as  the  fed- 
eral system  was  the  most  perfect  type  of  a  republic,  it  ought  not  to 
be  established  among  a  people  that  had  been  deprived  of  their  rights 
for  over  three  himdred  years  and  had  only  recently  begun  to  prospr 
because  of  external  circumstances.  Outside  of  the  constituent  con- 
gress these  views  probably  received  the  ardent  support  of  Sim6n 
Bolivar,''  who  was  perhaps  already  '^convinced  of  the  impossibility 
of  applying"  a  constitution  like  that  of  the  United  States  to  the 
'* situation"  of  Venezuela. '^  The  supporters  of  federal  democracy 
triumphed,  however,  for  on  December  21,  1811,  the  congress  of 
Venezuela  adopted  a  federal  constitution  containing  228  articles. 

This  constitution  vested  the  executive  power  in  the  hands  of  three 
persons,  styled  the  supreme  executive  power.  The  legislative  power 
was  intrusted  to  a  senate  and  a  house  of  representatives.  The 
judicial  power  was  placed  in  one  supreme  court  and  other  inferior 
courts.  The  slave  trade  and  the  use  of  torture  were  prohibited.  In 
all  public  acts  the  '^ Colombian  era"  was  to  be  used.  With  the 
exception  of  the  officers  in  the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial 
departments,  the  only  title  to  be  appUed  was  that  of  citizen.  Many 
interesting  articles  were  devoted  to  a  statement  of  the  rights  of  man. 
Provision  was  made  for  the  admission  of  any  other  part  of  Spanish 
America  into  this  federal  union.  This  '^pacto  federativo"  did  not, 
however,  receive  the  unqualified  assent  of  all  the  members  of  the 
congress.  Article  180,  which  abolished  the  ^^fuero,"  apparently  an 
ecclesiastical  privilege  involving  the  exemption  of  the  clergy  from  the 
civil  courts,  was  strongly  opposed  by  several  deputies,  evidently 
priests.  Seven  members  of  congress  signed  the  constitution  protest- 
ing against  that  article.  The  vice-president,  Miranda,  signed  the 
instrument  wdth  certain  reservations.*' 


a  Poudenx  et  Mayer,  Mcmolre,  59. 

b  This  Is  based  on  tho  statements  of  LarrazAbal,  Vida  de  Bolivar,  I,  99, 100,  whoso  discussion  is  based  on 
El  Publicista,  which  gave  an  account  of  the  debates.  Blanco,  Docmnentos,  III,  422,  gives  Miranda's  reser- 
vations In  signing?  the  constitution. 

f  South  American  Indcixindcnce,  speech  of  Bolivar,  February  15,  1819,  14,  15:  "The  more  I  admire  the 
excellency  of  the  Federal  Constitution  of  Venezliela,  the*  more  I  am  convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  applv- 
ing  It  to  our  situation,  and  according  to  my  way  of  thinking,  it  is  a  miracle  that  its  model  in  North  America 
has  existed  with  so  much  prosperity,  and  not  been  thrown  Into  confusion  on  the  first  appearance  of  danger 
or  embarrassment." 

rf  It  Is  regrettable  that  no  full  and  clear  statement  of  Miranda's  reservations  in  signing  the  constitution  is 
at  hand;  Poudenx  ct  Mayer,  M(^molrc,  GO,  say :  "  Miranda  la  signa  avccdes  restrictions,  mais  il  ne  les  <^noD^ 
pas;  11  Indiqua,  par  cet  acte,  I'intention  oh  il etoit  de  se  mdnagor  des  rcssources  en  cas  d'f^v^emens  ult^rieurs, 
car  cette  majiifcre  d 'adherer  k  la  constitution  lul  facilltoit  les  moyens  do  se  rotracter  quand  il  le  jugoFoit  con- 
vcnable. "  Although  this  judgment  was  made  in  tho  light  of  subsequent  events,  It  may  be  the  correct  inter- 
pretation of  Miranda's  attitude  toward  the  constitution.  Macgregor  to  Percival,  January  18,  1812,  said: 
"  Tho  Constitution  as  drawn  up  by  tho  Congress  was  signed  by  all  the  members  on  Saturday  the21*t  Decem- 
ber and  immediately  signified  to  the  people  by  the  discharge  of  cannon  and  an  illumination  at  the  house 
of  Congress,  in  other  respects  there  was  little  appearance  of  rejoicing.    General  Miranda  protested  against 


^H  FRANCISCO  DE   MIEANDA.  457 

^VTliis  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  people  for  their  approval 
^ft  the  same  month."  Gregor  Macgregor,  a  Scotch  adventurer  who 
B^l  just  arrived  in  Caracas,  declared  that  the  signing  of  the  cousti- 
H|tioQ  was  "immediately  signified  to  the  people  hy  the  dischat^e  of 
^■knnoD  and  an  illumination  at  the  house  of  congress."*  This  con- 
^pitueut  congress  has  not  unaptly  been  compared  to  an  architect,  who 
^■whed  "to  construct  a  sumptuous  palace  without  having  at  his  dis- 
^beal  the  necessary  materials. "° 

^M  Long  before  this  federal  constitution  was  adopted,  signs  of  ijivil 
^■ssension  had  become  noticeable  among  the  independents  in  Vene- 
^nela.  For  this  tendency  Miranda  was  in  part  responsible.  He  was 
^kturatly  dissatisfied  because  of  the  rejection  of  his  cherished  form  of 
HoTernment.  lie  entered  zealously  into  certain  controversies  of  a 
Hbligious  character  provoked  by  the  publication  of  articles  bj'  an 
^Biahman,  William  Burke,  on  religious  toleration."*  The  jealousy 
^■faich  had  become  so  evident  at  the  time  of  the  Valencian  campaign 
Hjbd  not  died  out  but  had  rather  increased.  The  ambitious  character 
Htad  intriguing  disposition  of  Miranda  doubtless  promoted  the  discon- 
^■nt.  In  one  way  and  another  he  was  building  up  a  party  attached 
Ki  his  interests.  Madariaga  had  become  one  of  his  ardent  partisans.' 
^Bhe  family  of  Bolivar,  for  a  lime  at  least,  supported  Miranda. '  The 
^publication  in  The  Caracas  Gazette  of  parts  of  Antepara's  South 
American  Emancipation,  presumablj-  at  the  instigation  of  Miranda, 
won  favor  for  the  latter  among  some  people." 

The  most  serious  of  Miranda's  efforts  to  court  popularity,  however, 
was  his  attempt  to  gain  the  supjjort  of  the  colored  people,  who  had 
been  declared  free.  The  mantuana  party,  Miranda's  opponents, 
viewed  this  action  with  great  dissatisfaction,  a  circumstance  which 
Miranda  probably  used  to  his  advantage.     On  June  11,  1811,  Roscio 

ll  BtECTBlly.  snd  Ule  prlcsls  (wtiu  me  membiin)  agiilnst  the  ahollUoD  ot  Uiulr  priv-Ueges,  ttnnnj  lucros.  It 
ba  yei  lo  bo  prescnlfd  lo  th?  people  vho  vtlU  iHgaily  Uieli  appraboUan  or  displeasure  Uirough  Itav  moUiiiu 
otUielr  electors  •  *  *."  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  171.  On  tbe  olhei  bnnd.  Paudeni  eC  itaja,  lUmalTE,  M, 
dVtot  t>iA'  tbatputnl  tbeoinstltiitlou  abollsblag  tbc  (ueitia  wu  tlii>aa1y  putaubmlttad  Ibi  appromL 

In  nlullo'  to  Bella,  Rosdo  tbus  described  Miranda's  aUliudi-  lowaid  [he  sdopllon  ot  a  Irameol^vem- 
niBDl  by  Vvnoniels^  "La  Junta  le  did  comlsiaa  pais  que,  acompafladada  Ustirli,  de  Ponte,  de  Sani,  de 
Puil  I  de  BtBcIa,  lomiase  uu  plan  de  coTutltuclDD.  6  basis  do  ledencltm  que  ofrecu  al  concteso  si  dbi  de  lu 
Imtalaeloii.  QuluealoncBS  goo  prevolodeaeuD  plan  que  tra}a  da  alU.enciulramoeJwuUvo  debt  n'contOTltse 
AdCAlncaSn  1  su  dundon  ilebla  ser  le  dlia  aflos.  No  era  poslble  coadcflDendemnsemeJanteprfltfinalon.  nl 
(tdudrlo  a  wnTcnli  can  al  plan  que  ja  Uatod  babri  vlslo  Impnao.  DoaquI  nacliisu  prbner  icssntliiileiita. 
SppnpnsoUldesdeHdlcalliarniiestTDplaiiiliSn  hlto  sarni  deel  varliu  copUs.  Con  el  mlnaa  ob}eto,  se 
lonnAaiiaCfflniladeslatf  personas,qae.  slnser  ocnsorcs,  tomaron  Asocorga  la  eeusora  del  papal.  Cotfr 
Jido  con  el  de  Jos  Incas,  maredC  la  aprabadOQ  quo  Ustod  bahri  obserrado.  Ulranda  ]am4s  oxhlblA  el  suyo 
al gnbleffio.  nl  atroaleuna,  quel  loi  ihbdos pudleae recomendu 9U  tntbajo material "  .VmuniUf^,  VIda 
dcIMlo,96.9e.  IllsIheoplDloaarthoinita'thalitvBsUlranda'adiillkeQrUielannolgovernmentwhldi 
was  otabUihcd  Uiat  caused  hliu  1o  ilgm  tbe  GonsUlutloD  wlUi  resoTTaUDiu. 

a  Bbinai,  Socamentos.  Itt,  390, 

h  Uaceregor  to  Fcidval,  Janiiaiy  18, 1S12,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  171,  see  above,  p.  1M,  note  4. 

•  Foodeoi  et  Uayer,  Itdmolrv,  46. 

'Alatinltetnl.VldadeBeUD,  98-100;  Poudeci  el  llayu,  Utmolre,  58 

'KDjas.  losHotabrM,:*:  AmuuiUgui,  Vldado  Bello.  tOZ. 

/  AmimdUfiul.  Vlds  do  BeUo,  101, 103,  IN.  UQ. 


458  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

complained  to  his  friend  Bello  that  Miranda  was  seeking  to  form 
*'his  party"  among  the  colored  people  by  *' flattering  them  exces- 
sively with  his  views,  conversations,  and  words  expressive  of  the 
most  liberal  ideas.  "<*    By  the  time  that  the  new  Venezuelan  consti- 
tution had  been  adopted  comparatively  distinct  party  lines  had 
been  formed.     The  mantuanas,  composed  of  laz^e  landowners,  who 
appear  to  have  originally  favored  the  independent  movement,  hoping 
perhaps  to  enjoy  much  of  the  power  as  a  landed  aristocracy,  now 
began  to  coalesce  with  the  pro-Spanish  party,  sometimes  called  the 
'*godos,"  which  was  composed  of  the  uncompromising  opponents  of 
the  revolution.     On  January  18,  1812,  Gregor  Macgr^or  declared 
that  the  mulattoes,  partly  because  of  the  encouragement  given  to 
them  by  Miranda,  formed  a  *' formidable'*  party  within  the  State 
that  did  not  yet  realize  its  own  strength,  but  light  *' was  creeping  fast 
in  upon  them  every  day."     He  predicted  a  civil  war.* 

But  there  is  a  brighter  side  to  the  picture.  In  the  end  of  January. 
1812,  a  constitution  for  the  province  of  Caracas  was  completed  which 
vested  the  government  in  an  executive  power,  a  chamber  of  represent- 
atives, and  a  senate.*^  On  February  19  this  was  submitted  to  the 
people  for  sanction.**  Signs  of  prosperity  were  evident,  at  least  in  the 
beautiful  region  about  the  city  of  Caracas. 

The  unknown  Caracian,  whose  manuscript  history  Irvine  used, 
waxed  enthusiastic  over  the  prospect.     ''The  revolution  had  now 
assumed  a  grand,  brilliant,  and  imposing  aspect.     People  everywhere 
discoursed  about  their  rights  with  the  same  familiarity  that  they  used 
to  converse  about  God  and  the  King.     *     *     *    They  were  content 
and  tranquil,  vicing  with  each  other  in  learning  and  improvement. 
Religious  toleration,  tacitly  conceded  by  the  admittance  of  useful 
foreigners,  had  attracted  himdreds  of  them  who  were  engaged  in 
various  branches  of  industry.     Caracas,  above  all,  presented  the  idea 
of  an  immense  workshop;  her  population,  already  50,000,  annoimced 
what  she  was  to  be  in  the  course  of  a  few  revolving  years.     A  numer- 
ous and  sprightly  youth,  assiduously  imbibing  knowledge  by  educa- 
tion, gave  hopeful  promise  of  furnishing  future  pillars  to  the  State. 
From  four  to  live  periodical  works  issued  from  the  press;  two  of 
which  were  living  proofs  of  the  liberty  enjoyed.     *     *     *     Commerce 
took  a  surprising  spring  by  the  fostering  encouragement  held  out  to 
strangers  under  the  new  system,  and  by  the  profits  they  realized. 
Agriculture  was  enlivened ;  the  perfection  of  cultivation  by  the  gen- 
eral diffusion  of  information  was  about  to  become  the  foundation  of 
public  happiness.     Industry  revived;  manufactures  of  paper,  mus- 
kets, and  several  other  articles  were  already  in  operation;  the  arts 


a  AmundU>giil,  Vida  do  Bcllo,  102:  see  ol^  Poudenx  et  Mayer.  M^molre,  39,  40. 
b  Matrgrt'gor  to  Perclvul,  Januar>'  18,  1812.  P.  R.  0..  Spain.  171. 
c  Bianco.  Documentos,  III,  491-52G. 
d  Ibid.,  527. 


FBANCISCO  DE   MIBANDA.  459 

m 

received  a  new  stimulus;  the  police  had  traced  the  limits  of  streets, 
squares,  houses,  and  thus  improved  the  interior  economy  of  the  city. 
♦  *  *  Public  walks  were  laid  out;  bridges  and  sewers  constructed; 
roads  were  repaired;  and  the  lighting  of  the- streets  was  to  be  accom- 
plished in  a  few  days.  Public  instruction  made  rapid  progress. 
Schools  of  anatomy,  mathematics,  and  public  law  were  opened.''** 
Tliis  glowing  description  by  an  undoubted  sympathizer  of  the  inde- 
pMident  movement  is  in  some  respects  perhaps  too  highly  colored, 
but  it  indicates  the  improvement  which  was  taking  place  and  sug- 
his  hopes  for  the  future. 


•  InriiM's  notes.  State  Dept.  MBS.,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives,  Consular  Letters,  La  Guayra,  I. 
Foodenx  et  Mayer,  M^moire,  55-58,  also  describe  the  astonishing  prosperity  of  Caracas. 


Chapter  XIII. 
miranda  as  dictator  of  venezuela. 

The  federal  constitution  over  which  the  Venezuelans  had  pon- 
dered was  destined  to  remain,  so  far  as  many  of  its  provisions  were 
concerned,  a  paper  constitution.     This  was  due  in  large  part  to  a  cir- 
cumstance over  which  the  Venezuelans  had  no  control.     On  March 
26,  1812,  a  dreadful  earthquake  visited  certain  parts  of  Venezuela. 
At  Caracas  the  first  shock  occurred  at  a  little  after  4  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  of  this  feast  day.**    According  to  the  English  Captain 
Forrest,  who  visited  La  Guayra  shortly  after  the  earthquake,  only 
three  houses  were  left  standing  in  that  port.     The  forts  and  maga- 
zines were  either  totally  destroyed,  or  so  seriously  damaged  that  it 
was  impossible  or  hazardous  to  fire  from  them.     So  intensely  did  this 
calamity  affect  the  minds  of  the  people  that,  after  the  earthquake,  the 
soldiers  who  had  survived  refused  to  bury  the  bodies  of  the  dead, 
wliich  consequently  were  burned  on  funeral  piles.     Forrest  estimated 
the  loss  of  life  at  that  port  and  at  Caracas  to  be  between  15,000  and 
20,000  souls.     ^*In  short,''  said  the  Enghsh  captain,  *'this  is  a  death- 
blow to  Miranda  and  his  followers,  if  the  adherents  of  Ferdinand  the 
Seventh  do  not  lose  time  in  taking  advantage  of  the  effect  this  calami- 
tous visitation  has  had  on  the  minds  of  the  populace,  it  having  hap- 
pened upon  Holy  Thursday,  a  solemn  Festival,  and  while  they  were 
all  in  Church,  gave  a  degree  of  solemnity  to  the  calamity,  which  was 
truly  awful,  and  inspired  very  generally  an  Idea,  that  it  was  a  Judg- 
ment of  the  iUmighty,  upon  them,  manifesting  his  displeasure,  at 
their  defection  from  Loyalty  to  their  Sovereign."  ^ 

The  effect  upon  the  unfortimate  Venezuelans  must  have  been 
awful.  In  the  words  of  one  inhabitant  of  Caracas:  **A  multitude 
perished  in  the  churches,  whither  they  had  gone  on  this  festival,  to 
adore  the  supreme  Being.  No  pen  can  paint  the  dreaded  disaster  in 
half  its  multiformity  of  shapes.  Men  were  maimed  and  bruised; 
our  finest  youth  crushed  to  death;  streets,  temples,  houses,  bridges, 
public  edifices,  all  destroyed.  Every  form  of  wretchedness  passed 
in  tragic  review.  The  doleful  groans  and  lamentations  of  the  djnng, 
and  of  persons  imploring  succor  from  beneath  the  ruins;  horror 
depicted  on  every  coimtenance;  people  abandoning  their  homes, 
their  interests  and  dearest  objects  of  their  care ;  flying  in  crowds  to  the 
neighboring  mountains.  All  these  scenes  of  affliction  and  sorrow 
formed  an  assemblage  so  lamentable,  as  has  no  parallel  in  the  annals 

o  Rojas,  EI  General  Miranda,  fi20;  Poudenx  et  Mayer,  M^moire  62,  ti3. 
i*  Forrest  to  StirUng,  March  30, 1812  (copy),  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  139. 

460 


r 


FBANCISCO  DE   MrRANDA, 


461 


ol  Venezuela.  In  twenty  seconds  nil  was  overturned.  About  8,000 
souls  perished  in  Caraccas,  La  Guayra,  aud  Marycabo  suffered  in 
proporlion,  with  Merida,  Tmxilia,  Barquisimeto,  and  Tocuyo, 
Car6ra,  San  C&rlos,  San  Felipe,  and  other  districts  were  either  dam- 
aged or  laid  in  ruins."" 

The  clergy  were  not  slow  to  perceive  their  opportunity.  They 
now  openly  and  strongly  manifested  their  opposition  to  the  inde- 
pendent movement.  They  attempted  to  persuade  the  people  that 
the  earthquake  was  a  punishment  upon  them  for  having  renounced 
their  allegiance  to  Ferdinand,  They  boldly  declared  that  it  was  a 
signal  manifestation  of  the  divine  vengeance.  Many  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, influenced  by  the  fervent  and  fanatical  exhortations  of  their 
priests,  forsook  the  cause  of  independence  and  joined  the  royalist 
party.  >So  serious  .was  this  reaction  that  on  April  9  the  chamber 
of  Oaracas  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people  in  which  an  attempt 
was  made  to  counteract  the  teachings  of  the  priests  and  to  recall  the 
wavoiing  to  their  allegiance.''  The  federal  congresa  felt  compelled 
to  pasH  H  law  for  the  punishment  of  desertions  from  the  anny.  Despite 
this  «iactment,  desertions  "multiplied  in  a  scandalous  manner." 
Hence,  on  April  16,  the  executive  power  of  Venezuela  issued  a  decree 
punishing  desertions  with  death.  This  decree  provided  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  commissions  for  the  trial  of  deserters  throughout  the 
entire  province  of  Caracas.  It  was  stipulated  that  the  officials 
charged  with  the  execution  of  this  eflict  were  to  he  held  responsible 
with  their  Uvea  and  honor  for  its  proper  enforcement.''  Still  the 
exhortations  of  the  priests  did  not  cease.  Men  neglected  or  forsook 
their  ordinary  occupations  to  engage  in  "prayers  and  penitences." 
One  philosophic  obser^•pr  compared  the  country  to  a  "vast  camp" 
with  "caravans  of  pilgrims  tnxiping  to  Mecca,  or  hordes  of  inhabits 
ants  in  religious  frenzy."  Speaking  of  the  priests,  he  said:  "They 
exlkibited  in  their  hands  a  Jesus  on  the  cross,  but  in  their  hearts  were 
chains  of  slavery."  ■* 


»I«.  Slate  Dopt.  UES..  Diircn 
H>;iic,H<inii>lni.  «3.  ntlmBto  tha 
7  HWiiati  of  the  imOiquaJcc  ta 
,    In  ■  kttci  ol  Aleuindn  Seal 


'  wKh  •  danaUoli}  M 


u  Secretary ol  State  ot  tbc  Unlied  SUTea,  Not 

m  uicl  (Imrnhra  the  (arthqimiij  resulw  thus:  "So 
■utlH|iulce  w  l.a  Ouayn,  (hat  onJy  one  hoiuc  nmalaed,  and  Csraccu  v 
Not  Ibb  thaa  (lilny  Uuusand  p«noTU  ore  compuled  lo  bBTD  perished,  a 


>I  iDileic*  aniJ  Archies,  CooBular  Leilas,  La  Ouayra,  L 
»o[ilfeBtCancasat8,oa)aiiilMLaOuBynat3,Sca.  Othar 

w  CoUDd.    N'llca'  Kogistet,  11, 131,  121.  prlnli  wmn  aoony- 
"    le  t'nlltd  Stataj  who 


1 2 ,  he  npeala  the  ni  bsWKM 

mpleiolr  dstroyed  by  the 

Dqually  BO  hHii  ot  nilns. 

D  property  u 


•t  lour  mUUuiu  ul  cloUan.  The  desOiictloa  eilcniliHl  thro'aul  the  country  not  only  dwdllag  he 
Um  mOee  uiil  siiKar  milla  and  amrhitiery  being  eoUrrly  nilned.  L'nUirtunately  fat  the  IndepODilKnce  of 
Iba  (Wiiitry.  thf  Bamcla  ooutolnlng  tlie  troopt.  ocraslonal  by  their  til]  a  crsat  loss  ot  Uvea,  moat  af  lh« 
tama  bavluij  perldinl  imiler  the  ruliia.  Tha  paolr  anil  diatres  pnidii(»d  by  (hCK  disastcn,  (he  InllUBim 
ol  n  oorrupl  ['Idivy.  who  peniuuled  the  creduloiiH  iHvplo,  that  this  mlBlorlune  was  the  rai(«*aoe  d  Ftovl- 
dmrv  far  thnir  political  condnct.  produood  despondency  among  the  friend*  ol  tieedom.  and  Inspirad  th* 
i  LoTalUnirllh  renewed  ha]«  anil  niuni£i\"  Stule  ni'pI,USS..fl<in«ii  of  Indein  and  Archives,  Comulu' 
'  I.«tteis.  La  Ouayni.  1. 

t  Bojaa.  F.\  Oenenl  Miranda.  A 

rlbJd.,  S». 

*  ThB  1 


462  AMERICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

The  reports  of  this  calamity  naturally  evoked  expressions  of  sym- 
pathy from  various  quarters.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States 
passed  a  law  authorizing  the  President  to  purchase  a  quantity  of  pro- 
visions and  to  present  them  to  the  Government  of  Venezuela  in  the 
name  of  the  United  States.*  Alexander  Scott  was  intrusted  with 
the  delivery  of  the  provisions  to  the  Venezuelans.  He  arrived  at 
La  Guayra  on  June  27,  1812,  and  found  the  ''five  other  vessels  bring- 
ing the  donation,  at  that  place.'** 

The  undoubted  effect  of  the  earthquake  was  to  favor  greatly  the 
success  of  the  royalists,  who  had  maintained  a  stubborn  resistanoe  *t 
Coro  and  Maracaibo.  After  that  event  their  forces  made  great  head- 
way under  the  leadership  of  Domingo  Monteverde.  On  February  9, 
1812,  the  latter  had  been  given  charge  of  a  few  hundred  soldien  at 
Coro  by  Fernando  Mijares,  captain-general  of  Venezuela.*  Monte- 
verde took  advantage  of  the  consternation  and  disaffection  and  soon 
made  himself  master  of  several  towns  in  Venezuela.  Soon  after  the 
earthquake  he  got  control  of  Car6ra  and  Guanare.^  He  then  ad- 
vanced to  San  Carlos  where  he  defeated  the  independent  forces. 
Some  of  the  inhabitants  openly  deserted  the  independent  cause  and 
passed  over,  not  always  without  treachery,  to  the  royalist  camp.' 
This  transfer  of  interest  was  no  small  factor  in  contributing  to  tiie 
success  of  Monteverde,  which  startled  the  independent  leaders. 

The  Venezuelan  congress,  which  had  assembled  at  Valencia, 
attempted  to  take  measures  to  check  this  invasion.  This  body 
decided  to  intrust  the  military  operations  not  to  Miranda,  the  man 
best  fitted  to  command,  but  to  the  Marquis  del  Toro.  This  action 
was  probably  duo  t-o  the  bitt<?r  jealousy  with  which  Miranda  M-as 
regarded  ])y  many  of  his  fellow-countrymen.  Toro,  however,  was 
not  very  successful  in  recruiting  troops  and  preparing  for  the  in- 
vaders/ Hence  the  Venezuelans  saw  themselves  compelled  by  force 
of  circumstances  to  place  Miranda  once  more  in  supreme  control  of 
the  military  forces.  On  April  23  the  executive  power  of  the  Vene- 
zuelan confederation  appointed  Miranda  generalissimo  of  all  the 
armies  of  the  State.  The  general  was  invested  with  absolute  power 
to  take  whatever  steps  he  might  deem  necessary  for  the  salvation 
of  tlio  count^^^^  This  action  was  soon  confirmed  bv  the  authorities 
of  the  province  of  Caracas,  who  approved  of  the  ** ample  powers" 
whicli  liad  been  granted  to  Miranda,  because  of  his  **  well-known 

aAnnals  of  Conpross.  IJlh,  2,  137K. 

fcSiH)tt  to  Monroe.  Novrnihor  Ifi,  1812.  State  Dept.  MRS..  Biirpaii  of  ImlexM  and  Arrhlves,  ConsJlar 
Tetters.  La  (iiiaym,  I. 

r  Urquinuona,  Hesuinon,  '2'A,  citos  tho  rommisslon. 

drrquinaona.  Hesunipn,  21,  2a,  where  the  <llspatohos  of  Monteverde  of  Moreh  29  and  April  21.  1812, 
are  briefly  quot^'d. 

f  Poinlenx  et  Mayer,  Mi^nioire,  (17;  Lowry  to  Monroe,  June  .5,  1812,  State  Dept.  MSS.,  RuFDaii  of  Index** 
and  Archives,  Consular  Letters,  La  (Jiiayra.  I. 

/  Poudcnx  et  Mayer,  Mdinoire,  06-68. 

9  Ro)as,  £1  General  Miranda,  628. 


FBANCISCO   DE    MIRANDA.  463 

iitaiy  knowledge,  his  Valor  and  dmdod  Patriotism. ""  On  May  4, 
by  a  secret  order,  in  addition  the  commander  in  chief  was  given 
complete  control  over  the  national  funds  for  warlike  purposes.'" 

Miranda  at  once  took  steps  to  save  the  country.  Ho  gathered 
rec.niitii,  and  many  foreigners  enlisted  under  his  banner,  among  them 
Colniiel  Robertson  and  Gregor  Macgregor,  A  P'rench  legion  was 
Houn  oi^anized.'^  A  number  of  important  appointments  were  made, 
Manuel  Maria  de  las  Casas  and  Miguel  Pefta  being  placed  in  charge  of 
the  port  of  La  Guayra.  Miranda  placed  Sim6n  Bolivar  in  conmiand 
of  Porto  Cavello,  whifli  had  fallen  vacant.  Tlii-s  appointment  has 
been  eriticized  in  various  wa3'8.  It  has  been  pointed  out  that  it  was 
unsiiited  to  Bolivar's  active  temperament,  and  it  has  even  been 
intimated  that  Miranda  wished  to  remove  Bolfvar  {mm  tlie  scene  of 
action  because  he  dreaded  or  was  jealous  of  his  growing  reputation.'' 
In  the  ojiinion  of  the  writer,  this  may  be  imputing  motives  which  did 
not  exist,  and  which  certainly  do  not  comport  with  the  treatment 
which  Miranda  gave  Bolivar  after  the  fall  of  Valencia,  In  any  case, 
Miranda  could  hardly  have  given  Bolfvar  a  more  important  com- 
mand. Porto  Cavello  was  justly  considered  by  many  as  the  most 
important  fortified-  to^vn  in  the  State ;  it  afforded  a  valuable  and 
perhaps  an  indispensable  outlet  to  the  sea;  it  contained  lai^e  stores 
of  ammunition;  it  held  in  its  chief  fortress  many  devoted  loyalists. 
As  the  sequel  will  show,  it  was  largely  on  the  fate  of  Porto  Cavello 
that  the  fortunes  of  the  State  depended.  From  this  point  of  view 
the  appointment  was  a  mark  of  confidence. 

On  April  30,  Miranda  issued  an  address  to  his  fellow-countrymen: 
"Soldiers!  the  Country  tlireatoned  by  some  malevolent  individuals 
in^■^tes  you  to  the  field  of  battle.  It  expects  its  Salvation  from  your 
braverv'  and  patriotism.  You  may  be  sure  of  the  victory.  God  of 
Ilosts  ever  protects  the  cause  of  Justice.  *  *  *  Trust  in  your 
General  who  shall  always  lead  you  tlu-o'  the  Path  of  virtue  and  Honor 
to  the  enjo_\Tnent  of  your  Ijiberty."'  Thus  did  Miranda  from  hia 
head(|uarters  at  Caracas  call  the  Venezuelans  to  arms.  Although  no 
figures  are  at  hand,  it  is  likely  that  Miranda  increased  his  forces 
before  leaving  his  native  city  t<)  meet  the  invader. 

The  issue  lay  between  Miranda  and  Monteverde.  The  former  left 
Caracas  with  the  purpose  of  checking  the  march  of  Monteverde,  who 
was  directing  his  army  toward  Valencia,  which  waa  now  tlio  seat  of 
the   federal   government.     For   whatever  reason,  Miranda  did   not 

■  CarocGiu  aftwUe,  April  2S,  KU.  ¥.  R.  O..  riira^aa  TnnsiiilsslQiLi.  iliD. 

A  Rdju.  El  Crtnenl  Ulisnila,  WS.  629. 

c  P.  R.  O.,  CuiaQao  Tranunlmlons.  Un,  c?antaiRs  ampf  of  in  addrm  of  Colonrl  Diimylii  to  ■  dlvUlon 
of  FrBDTluDrn, "  who, voluo Menu)  Ilielr  nrvlcai  la  IlKht  tlie  EiramlHs  of  the  Indep«n>1en«>  nf  VeiKiiuaIn," 
l^nadiltrai  b'lHtpd  Hay  4, 1S12,  uid concludes:  "  Lntthu  Tree  ul  Ubeny  beplannd  liy  mat  'Com and 
Uaracsjbii.'    Vivat  the  Republic  o[  Vuneiuelii,  Vivat  ihn  GFncial  Ulrandn." 

'  LMTkitlul,  VIda  de  Ballvar.  I,  U3.  97,  W  ndle:  Blvico,  Dooumsnloa,  Itl,  Til,  (iTes  Uw  comiMDl  of 

I..  Curafoo  TruisinisBloiis,  an. 


464  AMEBICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

reach  that  important  city  until  it  had  fallen  into  the  power  of  the 
royalist  leader.  Monteverde  was  highly  elated  with  the  capture  of 
that  place.  He  informed  Cevallos  on  May  4  that  he  had  entered  it 
''in  the  midst  of  thousands  of  acclamations,  huzzas,  and  chimes."' 
Despite  his  successes,  Monteverde  was  not  anxious  to  take  the  offen- 
sive, but  was  apprehensive  of  an  attack  by  Miranda.  Hardly  had 
he  come  into  the  possession  of  the  city  when  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
the  governor  of  Coro,  urging  him  to  send  aid  to  Valencia  with  "the 
utmost  speed,"  as  his  position  was  ''very  critical."*  On  May  11 
Monteverde  wrote  again,  and,  after  picturing  his  deplorable  condi- 
tion and  informing  his  correspondent  of  the  various  attempts  which 
the  "astute  Miranda"  had  made  to  gain  possession  of  the  city,  he 
urged  the  governor  of  Coro  to  send  him  munitions  of  war  and  other 
supplies,  and  asked  that  reenforcements  should  double  their  marches. 
Monteverde  expressed  his  fear  that  Miranda  would  receive  heavy 
artillery  with  which  he  would  make  a  formal  siege  of  Valencia.  *= 

The  Venezuelan  general,  however,  was  no  more  anxious  to  assume 
the  offensive  at  once  than  his  opponent.     On  May  8  Miranda  issued 
a  proclamation  from  Guacara  in  which  he  adjured  the  Valencians  to 
cast  out  the  Corians  and  to  reunite  themselves  with  the  Caracians. 
He  asked  them  to  choose  "either  to  be  free  or  to  die,"  but  at  the 
same  time  he  declared  that,  as  in  his  previous  operations  against 
them,  he  loved  humanity.**    This  was  followed  by  other  proclama- 
tions of  a  similar  type,  which  evinced  Miranda's  reluctance  to  proceed 
to  extreme  measures.*    Several  engagements  took  place  between 
the  opposing  forces,  but  no  decisive  action  occurred.^     Monteverde 
was  evidently  content  to  wait  for  aid,  while  his  opponent  had  decided 
to  pursue,  for  the  time  being,  an  ahnost  putely  defensive  poUcy, 
having  established  his  headquarters  at  Maracay,  a  strong  position. 
It  is  at  this  juncture,  in  the  opinion  of  the  wTiter,  that  Miranda's 
condu(!t  as  a  general  is  deserving  of  criticism.     If  instead  of  adopting 
a  Fabian  policy,  Miranda  had  boldly  led  his  army  against  the  royalist 
invaders,  Monteverde  might  have  been  driven  from  Valencia,  and 
the  independent  cause  would  have  gained  at  least  a  temporary'  pres- 
tige.^   Miranda,  however,  preferred  to  gather  troops,  hoping  perhaps 
to  cow  Monteverde  by  a  show  of  strength  and  thus  avoid  a  sanguinarj' 
conflict. 


n  I'rqulnaona,  Resiimen,  25. 

t>  Blaiu'o,  Dociiinentos,  IV.  20. 

c  Ibi.i.,  21. 

d  r.  U.  O.,  C'nn^gao  Tmiismissions,  079. 

f  UndattMl.  ibid. 

'  See  tln^  exwrpts  from  the  buUetlas  of  war,  espwilally  those  of  May  12  and  May  14, 1812;  also  the  dispatch 
of  MaCRregor  to  Mimnda.  May  10,  1S12,  in  which  h«  rpports  his  tlefeat  by  the  royalists,  Ibid. 

0  Poiidenx  ««t  Mayer.  .M<'^rnoire,  53.  54,  mak«»  this  p»noral  criticism  of  Miranda:  ''SI  oet  homrae  avoit 
on  aiitani  <li'  counif^n  et  df»  fonnet/'  qn'il  avoit  d'ambition.  il  auroit  pu  alors  s'emparer  sans  resistance*  dfs 
r»'nes  «iii  pouverncment,  et  faire  le  l)onhcur  do  son  pays."  Becerra,  Vida  de  Miranda,  II,  234-,  comments 
on  the  Fabian  policy  of  Miranda  un&vorably. 


FBANCIBCO  DE   MIIIANOA. 


465 


If  Miranda  had  calculated  tliat  Im  own  power  wuuld  iiicrea 
the  adoption  of  a  dilatory  policy  he  was  not  mistaken.  The  e 
live  power  of  Venezuela,  in  whose  hands  congress  had  ypsted  the 
control  of  the  State,  resolved  to  take  further  measures  to  assure  the 
safety  of  the  imperiled  republic.  On  May  17  this  body  deputed 
Roscio,  one  of  its  members,  to  proceed  to  Maracay  to  confer  with  the 
military  commander  and  decide  on  the  political  and  military  meas- 
ures which  would  accelerate  the  success  of  their  amia,  as  well  a*;  upon 
the  steps  which  ou^ht  to  be  taken  with  respect  to  foreign  nations. 
It  also  suggested  that  action  be  taken  to  reestablish  the  force  of 
public  opinion,  which  had  been  destro^'ed  among  some  people  by 
fanaticism  and  superstition,  and  to  stimul&t«  the  spirit  of  patriotism." 
Jos^  Mercador  was  intrusted  with  a  similar  mission  on  liehalf  of  the 
Caracian  chamber  of  representatives.  Francisco  Talavera  was  sent 
by  the  executive  power  of  the  province  of  Caracas.'"  These  com- 
missioners met  Miranda  oji  May  19  at  Maracay.  Aft«r  consultation 
they  decided  that  the  fiiiantial  and  the  political  affairs  of  the  province 
of  Caracas  and  of  the  Venezuelan  confederation  were  in  dire  need  of 
regulation.  Feniindez  de  I^on  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  finances. 
Martial  law  was  decided  upon.  Henceforth  the  conm^iander  in  cliief 
was  to  have  the  exclusive  power  of  nominating  the  military  officers 
who  might  be  placed  in  charge  of  the  various  districts  of  the  union. 
Miranda  was  ex]iressly  empowered  to  negotiate  directly  vnth  Euro- 
pean and  American  powere  and  was  commissioned  to  appoint  envoys 
to  them  for  the  purpose  of  securing  means  for  the  defense  of  the 
State,"  It  is  very  Ukely  that  these  steps  were  in  accordance  with 
the  wishes  of  the  supreme  militarj-  commander,''  if  indeed  they  were 
not  dictated  by  him. 

Miranda  had  reached  the  climax  of  his  career,  for  he  was  now  vir- 
tually vested  with  all  the  powers  of  a  dictator  as  outlined  in  hia  project 
of  government.  The  idealist,  who  for  many  long  years  had  dreamt 
of  directing  a  revolution  in  Spanish  America,  was  made  the  chief 
organizing  force  of  the  independent  movement  in  his  native  land. 
One  of  the  first  measures  of  the  dictator  was  to  issue  a  high-sounding 
address  to  the  people  of  Venezuela  in  wliich  he  reviewed  the  series  of 
measures  which  had  bestowed  upon  him  "the  unlimited  and  dicta- 
tatorial  powers"  which  he  now  enjoyed.  He  declared  that  his  sole 
object  would  be  the  establishment  of  the  liberty  and  independence 
of  his  countrv'.  He  proclaimed  that  he  would  never  abandon  the  post  '- 
to  which  he  had  risen  until  he  had  avenged  the  injuries  of  the  Vene- 
zuelans and  reestablished  "a  rational  liberty  all  over  the  territory  of 
Venezuela."  Tlien  he  would  retire  to  become  again  a  simple  citizen 
I'Vlid  the  Republic  would  be  governed  by  its  own  constitution.     The 


466 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 


dictator  did  not  definitely  outline  his  policy;  he  expressed  his  opinion 
that  the  finances  ought  to  be  regulated  and  that  by  the  cooperation 
of  the  people  and  of  the  various  governments  a  republican  army 
would  be  mobilized  and  the  enemy  destroyed.*  It  is  evident  by  this 
pronunciamento  that  the  commander  had  decided  to  reorganize  his 
forces  at  all  costs  before  venturing  on  any  offensive  measures.  On 
May  29  Miranda  issued  an  impassioned  address  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  province  of  Caracas  in  which  he  summoned  all  men  able  to  bear 
arms  to  defend  their  imperiled  country  and  to  overthrow  the  roy- 
alists.'' On  June  19  the  federal  officials  proclaimed  martial  law  for 
a  term  of  six  months.  *"  On  the  following  day  the  chamber  of  repre- 
sentatives of  Caracas  published  a  decree  proclaiming  martial  law.^* 
On  June  19  the  legislature  of  Caracas  issued  an  act  providing  for  the 
conscription  of  a  thousand  slaves.*  If  Miranda  did  not  instigate 
these  measures,  it  is  very  probable  that  they  were  not  in  opposition 
to  his  desires. 

Animated  doubtless  by  his  never-dying^  hope  of  foreign  assistance, 
Miranda  soon  determined  to  exercise  his  extensive  diplomatic  powers. 
On  May  20  he  decided  to  send  a  representative  to  Santa  F6/  On 
May  29  he  commissioned  an  agent  to  proceed  to  the  English  West 
Indies  to  lay  the  cause  of  Venezuela  before  his  former  friend  Admiral 
Cochrane,  and  to  negotiate  for  cooperation  or  succor.^  Early  in  June 
he  decided  to  dispatch  envoys  to  Cundinamarca,  Carthagena,  Eng- 
land, and  the  United  States.^  On  June  2  Miranda  addressed  his  first 
letter  to  Governor  Hodgson  of  Curasao.  In  this  epistle  the  dictator 
informed  that  governor  of  his  recently  acquired  diplomatic  powers 
and  expressed  his  desire  ''  to  cement  the  present  union,  and  to  fomi  if 
possible  a  more  intimate  connexion  between*'  the  two  governments.* 
In  reply,  Hodgson  curtly  informed  the  independent  chief  that  he 
would  take  the  first  opportunity  of  transmitting  the  lett<?r  to  his 
Government.-' 

Thomas  Molini,  who  had  l)oen  the  trusted  secretary  of  the  com- 
mander in  cliief,  wtus  fitly  chosen  to  be  the  messenger  to  the  Court 
of  St.  James.  In  the  letter  of  instnictions  with  which  Molini  was  fur- 
nished, dated  June  2,  Miranda  addressed  Lord  Ctistlereagh,  w^ho  had 
succeeded  Wellesley  as  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  in  these  words: 
^'Having  within  these  few  (hiys  been  appointed  Generalissimo  of 
Venezuela,  with  full  Powers  to  treat  with  Foreign  States,  and  take 
such  other  steps  as  may  be  most  conducive  to  the  interest  and  security 
of  these  Provinces;  Being  always  animated  with  the  same  desire  of 
forming  a  close  and  intimate  connection  with  Great  Britain;  which  1 


a  Blanco,  Documentos,  III,  727. 

''  Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  634,  636. 

c  Ibid.,  TiliS-tm. 

d  Ibid.,  {\42,  M'A. 

«  Ibid.,  044,  645. 


f  Ibid.,  065. 

0  Blanco,  Documentos,  HI,  728. 

*  Rojas.  El  General  Miranda,  267. 

t  V.  R.  O..  Curasao  Transmissions.  679  (copy). 

i  June  27,  1812  (copy),  Ibid. 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIRANDA.  467 

lonceive  would  be  for  the  mutual  interest  and  prosperity  of  both 
t  Nations;  I  have  no  doubt  to  meet  with  a  similar  disposition  on  the 
part  of  H,  M,  Government,  in  order  to  form  if  possible,  an  indissoluble 
aion  between  both  countries.     The  Bearer  of  this  letter  is  my  Sec- 
[etary,  Mr,  Thomas  MoFini,  who  will  be  able  to  give  H.  M,  Ministers 
ivery  information  they  may  desire,  relative  to  the  actual  state  of 
'■  Provinces.""     This  letter   shows  clearl}-  Miranda's  object  in 
mding  Molini  to  England.     On  the  same  day,  a  letter  of  similar 
haracter  was  addressed  by  the  dictator  to  Mr.  Richard  Wellesley, 
I  which  it  was  suggested  that  he  promote  the  desired  end.''     On 
ft  Jane  2,  also,  Miranda  addressed  a  letter  to  his  friend,  Jeremy  Ben- 
ham,  in  which  he  said:  "I  hope  the  day  is  not  far  distant,  when  I 
lall  see  the  liberty  and  happiness  of  this  country  established  upon  a 
»Ud  and  permanent  footing.     The  appointment  I  have  just  received 
_   f  Generalissimo  of  the  Confeiieration  of  Venezuela,  with  full  powers 
to  treat  with  foreign  nations,  ttc,  will  perhaps  facilitate  the  means  of 
promoting  the  object  I  have  for  so  many  years  had  in  view.  " ' 

Ail  these  letters  indicate  that,  in  the  beginning  of  June,  1812, 
Miranda  did  not  despair  of  the  Repubhc.  There  is  no  trustworthy 
evidence  to  show  that  Miranda  made  any  attempt  at  this  time  to 
interest  the  Government  of  France  in  Venezuela.'*  Orca  was  still  in 
the  United  States,  but  made  no  progress  with  that  Government.  He 
made  no  further  approaches  to  the  French  Government,  hut  employed 
at  least  part  of  his  time  in  attempting  to  secure  supplies  and  muni- 
tions of  war  for  his  country.' 

Miranda  also  attempted  to  strengthen  the  independents  by  gather- 
ing forces  beyond  the  bounds  of  Venezuela.  Duca)"la  and  Delpech 
were  dispatched  to  the  West  Indies,'  while  Mr.  Martin  was  sent  to 
Santo  Domingo  for  that  purpose.  The  latter  was  commissioned  to 
gather  500  recruits  and  empowered  to  offer  as  an  inducement  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  Venezuelan  citizenship  after  three  campaigns 
and  a  grant  of  land  at  the  close  of  the  war.* 

Miranda  had  not  forgotten  Porto  Cavello.  On  May  21  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  Bolivar  urging  him  not  to  evacuate  certain  posts  in  the 
neighborh<Kid  of  Nii^ua,  for  when  the  Spaniards  were  driven  from 
Valencia  they  would  naturally  endeavor  to  retreat  by  way  of  Nirgua, 

■  r.  R.  O.,  SjHln,  171. 

"  Ibtd..  1ST. 

t  Bowling,  Works  nt  Dcntham,  X,  US. 

«  I^vls  vlilled  Tlem  Flmia  In  the  end  otlSUBiid  Ihe  beElnnlne  oriSlSHnd  on  bisictum  addresRiJn 
comtmniltttlon  to  tbe  English  ODvemiiieiil  In  wbtcti  lie  anerled  that  both  UlnuidD  and  Narifip,  who  ou 
K  Ifiadoroltliercvolt  IdNcw  Gruiada.  wrretn  the  French  Intemt.  bat  this,  FofUuUintndalsconeem^d, 
la  oiBUppoitHl  b}-  MIT  oOiet  evldeim.    PbvIb  Is  Poole,  .August  10,  IB13,  P.  R.  O..  Spain.  110. 

•  Sirurler  to  H.  B.  Uarel.  January  0.  tS12,  Aflalns  fitiangiiw,  fttits-rnls,  67, 1. 11$,  U"  131. 

'  Banbar  to  Rlbon,  Oclobra  19.  1813,  Henry  Will  Id  Castleieagb,  September  7.  1813,  P.  R,  O.,  Spain. 
■  «;  pDudcniel  Maya,  Uihncrin,  ?»:  Rojas,  El  Oenetal  Miranda.  SI6,  ,%S, 

«  Miranda  Id  Mania,  July  2,  IBll  (copy  o(  tnusltitjonl,  P.  R.  O.,  Cuiatao  TnuumlMoiu.  OSO. 


468  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

in  which  case  Bolivar  was  to  form  a  flying  camp  and  fall  upon  the 
retreating  enemy." 

But  this  partially  formed  plan  of  annihilating  the  army  of  Monte- 
verde,  like  the  diplomatic  missions,  never  bore  fruit. 

On  the  forenoon  of  the  30th  of  June  Francisco  Fem&ndez  Vinonv. 
one  of  the  independent  officers,  profiting  by  the  absence  of  the  com- 
mander, treacherously  hoisted  the  Spanish  colors  oyer  the  castle  of 
St.  Felipe  at  Porto  Cavello.     According  to  what  seems  to  have  been  a 
preconcerted  arrangement,  the  commanders  of  the  other  forts  fol- 
lowed this  example.     The  troops  in  the  garrison,  in  the  main,  acqui- 
esced in  this  change.     The  forces  of  Vinony  were  joined  by  the  roy- 
alist prisoners,  who  were  set  free.     Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town  appear  to  have  joined  the  uprising,  as  well  as  the  crews  of  some 
Venezuelan  vessels  in  the  port.     The  city  was  soon  summoned  to  sur- 
render, which  it  refused  to  do.*    The  royalists  then  opened  fire  on 
the  city,  which  Bolfvar  attempted  to  defend  with  a  small  body  of 
troops.     Many  of  the  inhabitants  fled  from  the  sc^ne.     Some  of  Boli- 
var's followers  deserted,  others  were  killed,  captured,  or  disabled. 
On  the  4th  of  July  a  body  of  Corians  arrived  to  aid  the  royalists. 
In  spite  of  his  endeavors,  Bolivar  was  ultimately  compelled  to  leave 
the  city,  as  he  expressed  it,  "  abandoned  by  all  the  world  and  followed 
only  by  eight  officers."*'    The  loss  of  this  stronghold  through  roy- 
alist intrigues  must  have  dejected  Bolivar;  in  a  letter  to  Miranda 
Bolivar  profoundly  regretted  the  loss  of  the  port,  expressing  his 
despair  that  he  had  not  been  left  lifeless  "under  the  ruins  of  a  city 
that  ought  to  have  been  the  last  refuge  of  the  liberty  and  the  glory  of 
Venezuela.' '^ 

The  news  of  the  fall  of  Porto  ('avello  must  have  broken  the  spirit 
of  Miranda,  who  had  withclra\vTi  from  Maracay  and  established  his 
heaflquartei>>  at  Victoria.  In  response  to  the  note  of  Bolivar  inform- 
ing him  of  the  state  of  the  port  on  July  1,  the  commander  in  chief 
infonned  Bolivar  that  he  was  awaiting  with  great  anxiety  any  fur- 
ther infomiation  on  that  subject.*  If,  on  the  receipt  of  that  notice, 
Miranda  had  dispatched  a  strong  force  to  the  aid  of  Bolivar  imme- 
diately, it  is  possible  that  Porto  Cavello  might  have  been  secured  by 
the  independents.  To  do  this,  however,  the  former  would  have  been 
compelled  to  divide  his  forces  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  or  to  have 
evacuat(»d  his  position  in  front  of  Valencia,  a  dangerous  proceeding. 
By  the  time  that  later  reports  reached  Miranda,  it  was  altogether  too 
late  to  send  anv  succor  to  Bolivar. 


I 


o  Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  669. 

^  Tstueta  to  Hodgson,  July  3,  1812,  gives  a  detailed  account  of  the  seizure  of  the  fort  by  the  ro3ralist8, 
P.  R.  O.,  Curasao  Transmissions,  679. 

<*  Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  660.  Ibid.,  649-^1,  Is  Bolivar's  account  of  the  oocumnoe.  Poadeiu  et 
Mayer,  M(^moire,  80,  81,  give  another. 

<i  Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  660,  661. 

<  Ibid.,  687. 


FRANCISCO   DE    MIRANDA. 


469 


lOn  March  11,  1813,  Delpech  thus  described  the  effects  of  the  fall 
t  Porto  <'aveIlo:  "It  was  tlie  capture  of  Porto  Cavello  that  caused 
!  the  evils,  put  the  climax  to  the  discouragement,  the  disorder,  and 
B  confusion,  at  the  same  time  that  it  increased  almost  ten-fold  the 
iodacity,  and  the  means  of  the  enemy,  who  at  that  moment  were 
rtuallr  without  any  kind  of  munitions  and  had  determined  to  make 
[eir  retreat  within  two  days;  but  scarcely  had  this  important  place 
sen  delivered  In  ihera  with  the  immense  magazines  and  munitions 
E  war  which  it  contained,  when  a  swarm  of  hostile  vessels  arrived 
I  carrying  Troops,  emigrfe,  and  Opponents  to  the  system  of 
fenezuela.""  The  dismal  report  of  the  fall  of  this  bulwark  might 
lell  have  evoked  from  Miranda  the  remark  which,  many  years  later, 
[todro  Gual  attributed  to  him:  "Venezuela  is  wounded  to  the  heart."'' 
he  news  of  the  fall  of  Porto  t'avello  certainly  had  a  most  dispiriting 
iffect  ou  the  independent  leaders.  It  was  followed  by  the  desertion 
f  a  large  number  of  soldiers  from  the  army.  Many  of  the  Vene- 
ptelans  now  enlisted  under  the  royaUst  standard-  There  was  at 
1st  one  uprising  of  the  colored  people  against  the  tottering  govem- 
^nent.'^ 

So  crucial  was  the  state  of  affairs  that  a  conference  of  Venezuelan 
leaders  was  held  at  Victoria.  On  this  occasion  Miranda  again  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  guiding  influence.  He  showed  the  members 
of  iho  federal  executive  power  and  a  few  other  Venezuelan  leaders  the 
disastrous  results  arising  fiom  the  loss  of  Porto  Cavello  and  the  occu- 
pation of  the  coast  of  Ocumare  and  Choroni,  "less  by  the  force  of 
arms,  than  by  the  influence  of  perfidy,  fanaticism,  and  fraud,  which, 
in  plai-e  of  diminishing,  were  inci-easing  and  offering  new  advantages 
to  the  enemy."  lie  also  declared  that  there  was  a  lack  of  arms,  that 
there  was  no  hope  of  foreign  aid,  and  that  at  least  two-thirds  of  the 
territory  of  Venezuela  was  occupied  by  the  royalists.  To  relinquish 
the  hope  of  foreign  aid  Miranda  must  indeed  have  been  in  despair; 
he  had  evidently  determined  to  end  the  contest.  Wliat  solution  did 
he  proposed  Miranda  proposed  an  armistice  and  negotiations  for 
peace  w^th  the  Spanish  commander  according  to  the  terms  of  the 
mediation  pmposed  by  the  English  Government.  All  the  Vene- 
zuelans present  agit-ed  or  acquiesced  in  the  propositions  of  Miranda 
and  left  to  him  the  problem  of  settlement.''  It  was  only  to  be  ex- 
pected that  Miranda,  who  kept  in  close  touch  with  England's  attitude 
toward  Spanish  America,  should  have  proposed  to  profit  by  the  pro- 
jected mediation.  This  lioes  not  necessarily  mean,  however,  that  if 
he  had  succeeded  in  having  his  plans  adopted  he  would  have  been 

sCominiinlisUaiiDlDeJpiiota,  FebmuyZJ.  lEID,  subnltwl  Ui  tbr  EngllKli  Oovemmenl  by  Moliul,  P.  R. 
O..  Spun.  IS1-  Poudinx  ct  Msrer,  Mdmalre,  81,  declare  Ihat  Itu  bll  of  the  pott  cast  muatarnstUin  iala  tba 
IndopciHlanl  liMHlqiiartna. 

*  Ttw  iULeiuEDl  attjibaled  lii  ICIrandft  man;  ynn  Later  by  rcdro  Ouol,  BUncn,  t>ocuiii«Dto&»  Ul.  750. 
*K<>)u.  El  GmFisI  Uiraada.  73«. 
^KilRojii,  El  Ocncml  MIrmndL  T3S,  739. 


470  AMERICAN    HISTORTCAI,   ASSOCIATION. 

content  tti  see  Venezuela  reunited  with  Spain.     TIihL  would  ban 
been  inconsistent  with  bis  character  antl  ambitions. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the.  conference  of  Venezuelan  leadets 
was  held,  July  12,  Miranda  proposed  an  armistice  tn  Monteverdc, 
declaring  that  he  was  anxious  to  avoid  the  bloodshed  and  other 
calamities  accompanying  an  obstinate  war.**  The  Spanish  com- 
mander also  declare<!  himself  desirous  of  avoiding  a  bloody  war,  but 
maintained  that  the  cessation  of  hostilities  ought  not  to  check  tlie 
progress  of  his  troops  that  were  moving  by  sea  and  land  in  front 
of  Caracas.^  To  this  Miranda  did  not  agree,  and  conuuissionnl 
Manuel  Aldao  to  consult  with  Monteverde  on  the  subject.'  This 
difference,  however,  was  not  considered  a  bar  to  the  continuance  ol 
negotiations.  On  July  17  Miranda  authorized  Aldao  and  Jos4  Sata  y 
Bussy  to  treat  with  the  Spanish  commander  regarding  means  of  con- 
ciliation between  the  two  parties.  These  agents  were  instructed  to 
propose  tliat  the  settlement  of  the  contest  be  left  to  the  mediators 
named  by  the  court  of  England,  who  were  then,  it  was  cledared, 
momentarily  expected.''  This  proposition  was  not  accepted  hy 
Monteverde.  Other  propositions  were  made  by  the  independent 
agents  which  were  unsatisfactory  to  Monteverde  in  whole  or  in  part. 

Miranda  had  evidently  resolved  to  capitulate,  for  on  July  22, 
although  he  declared  that  a  sanction  of  the  terms  proposed  by  Monte- 
verde was  almost  impossible,  yet  he  conmiissioned  the  Marquis  de 
<.'asa  lje6n  to  conduct  the  negotiations  with  the  Spaniards,'  a  choice 
which  was  afterwards  severely  criticised.  This  agent  made  terms  v 
the  Spanish  general  and  soon  passed  over  to  the  Spanish  camp. 
July  25  the  Venezuelan  dictator,  having  consulted  the  federal  exi 
tive  power,  agreed  to  the  treaty  arranged  by  \^^n  and  Montevei 
By  this  capitulation  it  was  agi-eed  that  none  of  the  stipulations  v 
to  exclude  the  Venezuelans  from  the  enjoyment  of  the  regulati 
of  the  Cortes  in  regard  to  America.  It  was  agreetl  that  all  pera 
in  the  unconquered  territory,  including  pardos  and  free  morenos, 
were  t"  be  considered  sacred  in  peraon  and  property."     Sata  y  Bussy 


■  RoJuK 
bIUd.,T4l 
rnMd..74Z. 


.Viler  Ulranila  und  AollviU'  lind  pmcenlMl  la  Vcnmi 

t  appoLnl«U  l>y  KngJafd  who  were  xa  ^ass  ta  Amvt 
KtiKlUb  comnilsilanvn  was  CtiarloB  Sttmn.  t 


fdrvarded  a  leitar  o 
perhaps  witb  Chp  oxp«ctatJiui  Ou 
UBS.,  II.  I.  23A-.  timrucllons  t 
but  lh«  attempt  failed  l»i|»<ly  lia 
proposed  mpdlatloD. 

'  liojas.  El  General  Mlnnila,  ; 

/Ibid.,  TG3. 


L.lhe)^nell£h<ii 

Jill  the  parent  counirf .    Tbne  tt 

1,  aocoinpanJed  hy  Spanish  omunl*- 


:uUiruailBaiidlnJonnedhlmTegaid(iieUlrandB'ii"<!hanotfTand  Fiews," 
It  would  aid  the  ncftDUallotu,    SliuulloVanslttiut,  Hay  H.  1812,  E 
nt  drawn  up  tor  the  EngUiti  conunlsslonMs  (1*.  K.  O.,  Spain 
■use  ul  ihp  gitlliide  o[  Spain  in  regard  lA  the  IncUitlan  el  V*W  fi| 


Three  ed^^ 
omunl*- 
'ahslitart 


FRANrlSCO  DE  mtranda,  471 

was  delefjftted  by  Miranda  to  make  the  final  arrangements  fur  the 
execution  of  the  treaty.  These  articles  of  capitulation  were  reported 
to  the  Government  of  Spain  by  Monteverde  on  August  18,  181-." 

To  judge  by  its  direct  and  indirect  effects,  the  capitulation  of 
Victoria  waa  one  of  the  most  momentous  events  in  the  history  of 
Venezuela.  By  it  a  Venezuelan  army  of  about  four  tliousand  five 
hundred  men'' surrendered  to  a  Spanish  army  probably  inferior  in 
numbere/  but  fast  increasing  in  strength  and  elated  with  success. 
It  is  certain  that  Miranda's  army  was  being  rapidly  decimated  by 
desertions.^  The  prestige  of  the  Venezuelan  dictator  had  greatly 
suffered  by  his  inactive  policy,  while  his  predilection  for  foreign 
ofTicers  had  increased  the  jea!ou.sy  and  the  suspicion  with  wliich  his 
conduct  was  regarded  by  some  of  the  independent  leaders.  Some 
were  doubtless  convinced  that  their  cause  was  hopeless,  others  enter- 
tained the  hope  that  by  a  sudden  coup  d'etat  the  Kepublic  might  have 
been  saved-  It  is  dear  that  not  all  agreed  in  the  wisdom  of  the  capitu- 
lation, and  there  is  oven  leason  to  suspect  that,  while  the  negotia- 
tions were  in  progress,  some  of  the  dissatisfied  followers  of  Miranda 
conceived  the  project  of  deposing  the  dictator  and  continuing  the 
war.'  Miranda's  aid-de-camp,  Leleux,  said  a  little  latex:  "The  sol- 
diers for  the  greatest  part  ilepositcd  their  arms  with  the  giratest 
reluctance,"'' 

Because  of  this  capitulation  Miranda  was  denounced.  The  fact 
that  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  were  not  generally  known  naturally 
made  the  conduct  of  the  general  appear  sii3j)iciou8.  Alexander 
Scott,  who  was  unfavorably  impressed  by  Miranda,  declared  that  the 
distinctive  qualities  of  the  latter  were  "ambition  and  cowardic*. 
•  *  •  Miranda  by  a  shameful  and  treaclieroua  capitulation  sur- 
rendered the  liberties  of  his  country."  He  characterized  the  inde- 
pendent general  as  a  "brutal,  capricious  tyrant  destitute  of  courage, 
honor,  and  abiUties,"^  After  the  capitiUation  had  been  agreed  to, 
Miranda  was  blamed  for  his  selection  of  the  ))erson3  to  whom  the  nego- 
tiations were  intrusted.  In  1813  Delpech  characterized  Le6n  as  '"a 
traitor."*     Of  this  there  is  some  proof,  for  the  latter  was  afterwards 


•  Tbcrapon  ludtbu  nut  bn-n  IDiinil,  but  it  is  niFOtloiicil  In  a  dlaiatch  aC  UonUvrrdtla  tbimcntar 
oftMle,  Oclobn  1. 1*12.  A.  0. 1.,  Aud.  de  Caracas.  133-3-12. 

•  Roju.  El  Ocneral  Miranda,  760,  thli  i>  the  esUmati  d[  Mlnuiilu  at  lounil  In  his  papers. 

'  BUnoo,  I>(KiuiienliH,  iV.JS,  qaatinKHouti-vpriri>'ail(ipulcbarAi«un4. 1813,  Ona  of  the  pvUaiu  i 
kontavndedNkmlatlbe  time  Ol  the  lull  of  I'orlaCBVrllo  that  the  CoriuDialoiw  hill  oTNlliltlcti  ilioi 
■Hul  men  (IitucU  tu  FfoOgsoo.  July  a.  1811.  P.  R,  O..  Coracao  Transminlmu.  070),  hut  thli  1i  evkd'ntl 
Ml  Euumtci]  eiUniRle. 

'  Eoiu.  El  Oenenl  Uiranda,  701. 

•  Pooilcni  et  Uarer,  U^moli*,  82. 

I  Ldeni  to  VBDSlltarl,  Auguit  X,  IBII.  I'.  R.  0„  Spain.  HI. 

fSoMttoMonnir,  Not-pinlrrM,  Iit12,  SIbIp  Drpt.  USS..  Buimioflndi'ii'ianil  Archives,  CwiiiiUr  Loi 
_  M>.  La  Goaiia,  I. 
^_^kOaiomunlcalluuot  IMpech.  Frbninry  L-7. 1S1.1,  i-.  it,  i>.,  Hpalii,  Ul. 


472  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

rewarded  and  honored  for  his  services  by  Monteverde."  But  noth- 
ing has  been  found  to  show  that  Miranda  selected  Le6n  as  commis- 
sioner because  of  this  pi-obnhlc  leaning  Inward  the  enemy. 

The  accusation  that  Miranda  betrayed  Venezuela  is  one  that  hingn 
mainly  on  Ids  relations  with  Le6n.  Although  Miranda  was  chai^ 
with  treachery  at  the  time,  it  was  not  until  the  year  1829  that  the 
royalist  writer  Diaz  pul>lished  the  atatenient  on  wbicli  most  of  the 
subsequent  charges  of  treason  have  been  based.  Diaz  declared  that 
the  dictator  was  influenced  to  capitulate  by  I^efin  after  the  latter  had 
promised  liim  a  thousand  ounces  of  gold  to  pay  his  expenses  to  Eng- 
land," Although  no  contemporary  confirmation  of  this  charge  has 
been  found,  it  is  possibli?  that  Miranda  was  influenced  by  IjBtn  to 
moke  terms  with  Monteverde.  But  even  Diaz  does  not  contend  that 
Miranda  entered  into  the  negotiations  because  of  the  money  offered 
by  Ije6n;  he  declares  that  Miranda,  influcTiced  by  Le6n,  declared  thut 
it  was  advisable  to  capitulate,  but  repri'sented  that  his  desires  were 
not  in  harmony  with  his  actual  situation.  The  marquis,  said  Diaz, 
profited  by  this  opportunity  to  offer  Miranda  the  gold. 

To  accept  tliis  story  at  its  face  value,  it  would  indicate  that  Miranda, 
having  decided  to  stop  fighting,  was  not  averse  to  securing  money 
which  would  aid  him  in  leaving  the  country'.  The  inference  may  of 
course  be  drawn  that  Miranda  might  not  have  agreed  to  the  surrender 
if  he  had  not  been  promised  the  gold,  but.  in  the  opinion  of  the  writer, 
the  course  of  events  which  has  been  followed  shows  that  it  was  almost 
inevitable  that  Miranda  would  have  capitulated  in  any  case.  But 
this  story  or  legend  rests  almost  entirely  upon  the  recollections  of  a 
royalist,  written  seventeen  years  after  the  war.  Certain  it  is  that 
after  Diaz's  recollections  wore  pubhshed,  the  Venezuelan,  Paul, 
declared  that  Le6n  gave  orders  on  Gerardo  Patruilo  to  Miranda,  wliicli 
the  latternever  cashed.'     In  the  absence  of  toutemporaiy  confirmation. 

<•  Monteverdu  lotbesMtnUiryolUiEbai^eDiIaalSpcdniinil  Iholniiln,  Augiutg.  I8U,  nCier  tlraejlbing  Um 
finUous  or  Cbaq  LefSn  during  tiie  rDToluUon  uiil  sbovln^  hla  royallat  leaulncv,  GAid:  "  Ta]  «  Ermo  acOorla 
Dondiicia  pdbllcadel  Uuquea  <3e  Dm  Leiinqiw  liiui  putalaKa  ml  doUcIb  1bi>  prnoiuu  de  mis  mmiiBiiJtt- 
clon  y  provldad  i  quieiwa  uk  be  illrlKido  en  asU  elinclan.  Kn  tu  vltta  y  liorrodat  qtuhaqiilcra  bnpuls- 
aloneiqiieliinullEiildndeteinird  iin  uwivlvo  vlD  pot  In  cairn  doS,  tl.  luywipodlila  aspurlr  detennlDt 
que  aombrsdo  IntoDdimtedeeieirlkiy  Roal  Hacienda  de  esUa  prnviuc-lus  Bu  encarmw  del  nun^o  oistnl- 
udon  6  par  mpjor  dmlr  cciacloD  do  una>  nnlaa  quv  no  bxIMdu  pnvlslanaliiHntu  y  basia  lanlo  qiw  eaMooD- 
clulilft  FstaobraiJ bails  tnnto que sra  del  Hrado  de  S.  U.    ■    ■    *"    A.  0. 1.,  .^ud.  ileCarwai.  111-1-20. 

I-  DIat,  Iteouordos.  U,  i1, 

'  BloDCo,  Documenloa.  IV.  12,  nou  lo  Uie  deluiiss  of  Ibe  bmlly  a[  Lob  Ciuas.  Uontevcrde  la  the  Kn»> 
tary  uf  tbe  iLaolenda  of  Sp«lu  luid  the  Indies,  AUfEUSl  9,  1S12,  aflpr  t«UlDg  of  tbu  Hppcrintment  of  Ciub  LHtai 
lt>  the  position  oC  iDtcndant  of  the  VeiKiiiiFlan  ananoa  by  Hlnada.  iiiild:  ''Qim  por  nete  dempo  taeiuD  dc 
uu  BOlpc  puiatoa  en  csdeitRs  todiM  lot  tspAfli>le«  fi  UleOos  restdfoilia  en  Mt*  oUidad  y  aiB  ooalonms  con  ka 
fines  mAd  Lilquos  y  que  au  ulvaFlon  w  dcbla  rul  cstluslvunctilo  d1os  liisnianta  y  arllvaa  dlllgnDClaB 
del  Uiirquos,  bablfiadosc  con  la  uuyor  valodOad  IruladAdoae  si  iiuelilo  de  la,  VlcbHit  psra  conseguliio 
de  Mlniuda. 

"  Que  en  cstaconCoTBiiola  dhj  piinclplo  t  la  obra  de  la  pacincaclan  drl  lfihIortuc|ue  sun  nstaba  &  Us  amaa 
demimundo  volvlendadecpiiAiideiailBprlnclpadaftlDCspllal:  pnnnisnteiKTHlordenpilbllcoy  salnula 
de  la  loin]  rulnBtn  qut  omrnjuabiui  s,  pullada  loa  costaa  que  In  componan  y  lotptwioide  imaley  muclal 
jr  de  Is  UbccUi  I  I   I  i  1  «pcirelnui]viidD>llnnda. 

'  UlUmart    i  liscadaconclua^ondefiiiobm  volvidAln  Vlctflriaendancleapmw. 

chlndoae  dFl  1  b<  u  nilcsmpo  del  cuul  novali-iefi  cslacludnd  bastaettarorupBila 

eon  inli  Imp  uU  laoijue  ilMoalia    •     •    •,  '    A.  U.  1,,  Aud.d«CoiiKas.lll-l-aOi. 

UonUrrardu  II  r>  i         i     iianater  of  gold  tnjin  LeAD  In  Ulrands  loprumole  thecapltul4i|g 


FRANCISCO   DE   MIBANDA.  473 

the  writer  is  inclined  U)  believe  that,  whether  Le<3n  gave  Miranda 
any  money  at  the  time  of  the  capitulation  or  not,  which  is  farfrpm 
being  historically  certain,  the  dictator  did  not  necessarily  surrender 
because  of  money  given  to  him  by  the  marquis.  What  seems  some- 
what inconsistent  with  the  stoiy,  wliich  may  be  a  fabrication,  is  the 
fact  tliat  US  dictator  of  Venezuela  Miranda  had  supervisory  control 
OYer  the  finances  of  the  State.  Why  then  should  he  have  bartered 
away  his  country  and  lus  own  honor  for  a  thousand  ounces  of  gold  t 

There  is  no  doubt  that  while  the  negotiations  for  the  surrender 
were  going  on  Miranda  had  directed  the  transfer  of  his  own  property, 
consiatinic  mainly  of  books  and  papers,  fmm  CarH<'as  to  La  Guayra, 
As  early  us  July  15  Le6n  informed  Miranda  that  Leleux  had  trans- 
ferred certain  papers  of  Miranda  to  La  Guayra,  and  that  he  had 
entered  into  some  understanding  with  Cusas,  the  commander  of  the 
port."  Leleux  placed  the  property  with  which  he  was  intrusted  on 
board  his  Majesty's  ship  Sapphire,  addressed  to  the  firm  of  Robertson 
&  Belt  of  Curasao,  with  whom  Miranda  had  hud  business  dealings.^ 
But  other  property  besides  Miranda's  books  and  papers  was  conveyed 
on  board  the  Sapphire.  On  July  18,  by  the  onler  of  Lefin,  10,000 
pesos  in  specie  from  the  state  funds  were  delivered  to  Geoi^e  Robert- 
son, an  English  merchant,  apparently  in  accordance  nith  the  desires 
of  Miranda. '^  About  the  end  of  July  12,000  pesos  in  addition  were 
likewise  transfeiTed  from  Casas  to  Robertson.'' 

It  is  possible  that  this  transfer  may  have  been  a  fictitious  one  and 
that  the  dictator  inteniled  the  specie,  which  was  placed  on  board  the 
Sapphire,  for  himself.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Miranda  was  direct- 
ing the  transfer  of  this  ti'easure  by  virtue  of  any  other  arrangement 
than  that  by  which  he  had  been  invested  with  the  supreme  power  of 
the  Venezuelan  State,  In  following  the  orders  of  Miranda,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  Le6n  was  doing  what  perhaps  he  had  a  right  to  do  in  virtue 
of  his  powers  as  director  of  the  finances.  When  Miranda  arrived  at 
La  Gunynt  he  ajUMiars  to  have  declared  that  he  had  carefully  avoided 
all  discussions  of  the  "floating  property"  of  the  State  with  Monte- 
verde.  and  that  he  intended  to  use  the  state  trea.sure  in  aiding  the 
patriots  to  emigrate  from  the  country,'  According  to  the  state- 
ments made  by  Pedro  Gual  many  yeai-s  afterwards,  Miranda  did  not 
propose  to  rehnquish  the  struggle  for  the  emancipation  of  his  native 
land  after  the  capitulations  of  Victoria,  but  only  intended  to  with- 
draw from  the  contest  temporarily  and  to  renew  the  attack  from  the 
base  of  New  Granada/  The  writer  liolds  tliis  to  be  an  entii-ely  cred- 
ible ip-iew;  certainly  it  is  in  harmony  with  the  career  and  character  of 
the  revolutionist. 

a  aijas,  El  GoniTSl  Ulnuidii,  mi. 

'  l«l«ui  lo  Vanaitlut,  August  36,  1812,  P.  K.  O.,  Spain,  HI. 

'  Blaucci,  DocuauiiiliM,  111,  737.  qiiaUd  Iram  an  nrUcln  by  Auslrla. 

'AOopyo(ilwm»lptlDrlhlstraiulet,  dated  July  30,  IBlI.il  luiuiil  In  P.  R.  O..  Sp«ln,  IGI. 

•  SUtom«ilDia«>rceHol»rlson,July31. 18U(aipyj,  P.  R .  O..  SfHln,  ISa. 

/  Blanra.  Daciuaenun,  ni,  7ltl. 


474 


AMERICAN    HISTOBICAI^  ASSOCIATION. 


Having  agree(i  to  tlits  proposals  of  Monteverde  of  July  25,  Miratiils 
next  intrustfd  the  final  arrangements  of  the  capitulation  to  Sata  y 
Bussy."  On  the  next  day  the  general  cautiously  withdrew  from  Vic- 
toria to  Caracas.''  If  we  may  believe  Miranda,  he  informed  tlw 
municipal  authorities  of  his  native  city  of  the  terms  mude  with  Mnnl^ 
verde,  who  sanctioned  but  did  not  publish  them,  awuiting  the  tenni- 
nation  of  the  arrangements  between  Monteverde  and  Snta  y  Bussy.' 
When  the  surrender  became  known  to  the  Venezuelan  soldiera  there 
was  some  disturbance  among  the  troops  at  Victoria — the  militaiy 
stores  were  scattered  and  destroyed,  and  many  of  the  soldiers  were 
scattered  over  the  country.''  This  disorder  evidently  interfered  with 
the  negotiations  between  Monteverde  and  Sata  y  Bussy  regarding  the 
delivery  of  the  territory  and  the  military  properties."  These  finid 
arrangements  were  apparently  not  transmitted  to  Miranda  until 
July  28.'  Because  of  developments  which  had  been  going  on  in 
the  meantime,  the^e  concluding  articles  were  in  all  probability  never 
ratified  by  Miranda.  In  any  case,  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  wei* 
not  generally  known.  Monteverde  soon  hauled  down  the  independent 
flag  in  the  city  of  Caracas  and  flung  to  the  brtteze  the  Spanish  hoi 
of  blood  and  gohl. 

In  a  valuable  and  very  suggestive  memoir  on  the  revolutionll 
the  cap  tain -generalship  of  Caracas  this  comment  is  mndeon  the  eapitl 
lation  of  Victoria:  "Miranda  lost  in  an  instant  the  fruit  of  thirty 
years  of  intrigues,  his  honour,  and  his  liberty.  Such  is  the  deplorable 
end  of  political  adventurers." '  Some  of  the  Venezuelans  were 
intensely  dissatisfied  with  the  policy  of  Miranda,  The  apparent 
mystery  surrounding  the  surrender,  the  sudden  departure  of  Miranda 
from  Victoria,  the  natural  dissatisfaction  of  some  of  the  leaders  with 
the  actions  of  their  chief,  bore  disastrous  consequences  to  tiim. 
Before  the  Spanish  soldiers  had  entered  Caracas,  Miranda,  who  was 
evidently  unwilling  to  trust  himself  to  their  mercy  despite  the  capitu- 
lation, had  left  that  city  for  La  Guayra,  where  the  Sapphire  was 
awaiting  him,  bearing  on  board  his  precious  papers  and  some  treasure. 
On  July  30  Miranda  informed  Captain  Haynes  of  the  Sapphire  tlrnt 
the  embaigo  which  he  had  laid  was  to  be  raised  at  La  Guayra.' 
Many  other  Venezuelan  leaders,  among  whom  was  Sim6n  Bolivar, 
arrived  at  tliia  port  about  the  same  time,  fleeing  before  the  advancing 
Spaniards  and  intending  perhaps  to  seek  safety  by  emigration.  On 
July  30  Captain  Ilaynes  urged  the  ex-dictator  to  embark  at  once, 


bann^^_ 

tioQl^H 
capi^^B 


FRANCI6C0   DE   MIRANDA.  475 

but  the  Utter  decided  to  remain  on  shore  for  the  night.  ^Vfter 
Miranda  had  retired,  a  number  of  liis  asaoeiates,  diagruntle<l  at  liia 
conduct,  fearful  of  their  own  safety,  anxious  to  secure  some  pledge 
that  Slonteverde  would  keep  his  pledges,  conspired  to  detain  tlieir 
chieftain  on  shtire. 

To  quote  the  account  of  Ijeleux,  Miranda's  confidential  aid-de- 
camp* who  was  at  La  Quayra  when  the  events  occurred:  "The  Gov- 
ernor of  Guayra  whose  name  is  Casas,  a  mean  man,  whom  the  Gl  had 
riaed  from  the  dust  and  loaded  with  favors  at  different  times;  had 
with  indifferent  coolness  considered  for  a  few  days  past,  what  line  of 
conduct  would  be  most  advantageous  to  him.  he  nevertheless 
appear'd  determined  to  follow  the  Gl,  if  he  shc*ld  order  four  thousand 
dollars  in  specie  to  be  given  to  lum,  out  of  twenty-two  thousand  the 
01  had  embarked  as  his  private  property,  this  was  declined  and  he 
was  only  offered  $800.  on  the  ground  thai  the  Gl.  having  to  provide 
for  a  great  number,  he  could  but  give  little  to  every  one.  Casas 
made  no  an-swer;  but  from  this  very  moment  determined  to  stay  and 
make  his  peace  with  Monteverde.  He  caballed,  intrigued,  the  very 
moment  the  Gl  went  to  bed,  with  some  other  malcontents  and  at 
three  oclock,  in  the  next  monung,  he  arrested  the  unsuspecting  Gl. 
who  was  quitely  sleeping  in  his  bed,  put  in  a  Castle;  gave  immediately 
advice  of  what  he  had  done  to  Monteverde;  ordered  by  his  own 
authority  those  Vessels  that  had  permission  from  Miranda  not  to  go 
out  the  harbour,  sunk  an  English  one,  that  attempted  it;  detained 
every  strangers  and  natives  on  Shore  till  the  enemies  entered  the 
town.  I  had  an  hour  after  the  good  luck  of  escaping  and  of  getting 
on  bi>ard  an  English  vessell,  where  I  kept  in  hay  with  mules  for  two 
days  &c  and  after  being  tossed  up  and  down  for  ten  days  arrived  at 
Curacao,"" 

This  story  tells  the  main  outline  of  events,  but  Leleux  did  not  know 
all  the  truth,  for,  on  the  authority  of  Monteverde,  Las  Casas  had  been 
in  correspondence  with  tlie  royalist  commander  for  some  time  before 
he  seized  Miranda  and  detained  other  Venezuelan  leaders.''  Again, 
Las  Casas  is  not  tlie  only  one  t»f  the  conspirators  deserving  of  special 
mention.  The  official  report  of  Monteverde  gives  valuable  informa- 
tion regarding  the  responsibility  for  the  betrayal  of  Miranda.  The 
Spaniiih  commander,  who  was  in  a  position  to  know  the  facts,  declared 
that  tlu'ee  men,  who  had  been  compatriots  of  the  Venezulean  leader, 
were  responsible  for  his  seizure  and  consequent  imprisonment.  They 
were  Manuel  Maria  de  Las  Casas,   the  military  commander  of  La 


>  Moiilevenle  W  ilodgson,  .^ueusI  IS 


makes  tMa  slftWm«ii:  "V»ty  hopplly  Ihp  MimaryCom- 
<  appolnu'd  by  Mlnndalii  LbrCDinniaiiilal  LiiGuiiy[>(liut 
■Imdy  ramEponilrd  with  me  knowing  Uial  I  nun*  to  lalre  pr«esslon  orsaldfUy  from  the  tuwn  of  Vlc- 
tortaj    *    ■    *."  P.  R.  (>.,  CuracuD  Tnuismlisloos.  liSO.     This  la  In  oppoBiUan  to  tlu-  sUtemiiDU  moile 

gt^tonanti;  tbls  1>  nprlntod  tjy  Dlanco,  DocumBiiUH,  IV,  itsi. 


476 


AMERICAN    HTSTriRlCAT.  ASSOCIATION, 


Guayra,  Miguel  PeAa,  the  civil  commander  in  that  port,  and  Sim^n 
Boltvar."  Las  Casas  was  evidently  a  traitor  to  the  cause,  Pefla  wm 
also  liisaiTeoted  and  probably  a  recreant.^  But,  as  regards  Bolfrtr, 
it  is  probable  that  there  ht  some  other  explanation  or  juatiiicatitHL 
If  we  may  trust  his  biographer,  Larraz&bal,  on  this  delicate  point, 
Bolivar  did  not  attempt  to  deny  participation  in  the  capture  at  )aa 
leader,  but  declared  that  he  had  seized  Miranda  not  to  serve  the  Kiag 
but  to  chastise  a  traitor  to  hLs  country'."  This  motive  may  well  have 
animated  the  ardent  and  self-willed  Bolivar,  who,  in  a  fit  of  resenl- 
ment,  had  probably  forgotten  his  own  contribution  to  the  disasters  of  1 
his  country  by  the  surrender  uf  Porto  Cavello,  an  act  which  more  than 
anything  else  precipitated  the  capitulation  of  Victoria.  It  was  this 
imprisonment  which  prevented  Miranda  from  accepting  or  rejecting 
the  supplementary  articles  of  surrender. 

Not  ah  the  inilepeudent  leaders  were  as  unfortunate  as  Miranda, 
Gregor  Macgregor,  Antepara,  and  others  sailed  to  Curasao  in  tlie 
Sapphire  with  the  books,  papei's,  and  other  belongings  of  Miranda.' 
Many  ,of  the  other  leaders  escaped,  either  to  the  adjoining  conti- 
nental territories  or  to  tlie  English  AVest  Indies.  The  signal  services 
of  Laa  Casos,  Peiia,  and  Bplivar  to  the  royalist  cause  were  not  for- 
gotten, for  their  persons  were  untouclied.  Bolivar  was  even  granted 
by  Monteverde  a  passport  to  leave  the  countrj.'  It  was  an  occur- 
rence in  some  respects  unique  in  historj-,  by  which  the  man  who  was 
destined  to  become  the  liberator  of  a  large  part  uf  Spanish  America 
purchased,  in  a  sense,  his  liberty  by  participating  in  the  seizure  of 
liis  great  precursor.  The  action  of  the  commander  of  the  Snpphirt 
in  carrying  off  the   treasure  and  some  of  tbe   revolutionists  from 


I.  O.  I.,Ai 


a  Uonlarerde  lolhessciftanrorSMle,  August  2d,  1812.  ii«st 
Jpor  medLD  de  aollTHr,  bab[apii«Caflniprislon&T  A.  ULiand&r' 
in  the  DooLunontory  Appendix.  No,  10. 

!•  In  Rojaa,  EI  ileneiaL  Ulranda.  471, 1>  l<>un<!  alelterln  wblc 
post  on  JlUy  2i:  "Ul  pormiuiniida  en  est«  pucrts  oomD  aomandnnle  polIUoo  j  nib<lKkeai]o  dr  hadrndl 
puedeur  pes&raa&  varlusdetu  quK  ya tlunen  pnpurulB su mnrcliB.  Eitotne  mucvr  A  supUcu  A  Via 
alrvB  n-niov«naB  Innipilliiliimfliila  del  eincorgo;  puM  do  otra  maDero,  Vd.  eonomml  cMtaUty  nor  Ma  am 
huni  piopordODac  miicboi  diagiutos  qa»  pii«dni  orltnTse  con  t\  biTor  que  pldo  ahon  i  Yd.  y  ft  qoe  eno 
aooodari  InmedlataJnenie." 

'  Lornu&bitl.  Vlda  do  BoUmr,  I,  lag.  Paudcnx  et  Unyer,  U^molre,  84,  Si.  doscdbe  ttw  batajil  al 
Mlnnfln  Inlti'ir  ririlr  "Titliiinin  irrrn  llti^  I  n  "iinj  rii  i  iiii  ii'iriiliiiiiiiii  i  n  iiiilt'iiiiliifniliiii  [iiiujiuMf 
gnolin:  maliommna  U  n'svollpliui  d'auloriUileaobi-binltltslmdalaplaiK  prDjvtAreattle  ■'oppossit  HA 
dApart,  I'll  DD  Tenolt  paa  muul  d'un  passe-port  do  UoDlvvordo.  l.'ci-g^n'nl  ^loit  dnu  unnafcaitU  !■(■ 
Ultn.  compianl  aur  k>  nrtldm  d«  bi  oapltiilatlon.  I^capltaitie  de  luoorVL-lliiaiiKbilH  la  imofaoll  dr  I'mi- 
barquer.  It  s'obstliuiiL  passer  la  uuKk  tiirTe,a(»oc<nicbaiaeu(  heum  duMlrduts  I*  malHu  de  no«R> 
Caaas:  malt  son  ropos  no  tut  pas  delonguo  Umio:  i  ooie  heurai,  iltutdTcllliS  pur  Slmdii  lluUnir.  LUiot 
aenunto  e[  Tbonua  KontlltB;  ceux-cl  I'lnvjtirant  k  Ids  aulTie  au  Ca«tiIIa-Colonidu.  roitnwH  da  cMli 
villa.  lis  lulsIgnlSiront  I'urdni  qu'lla avolenC  da  l'an4tiir.  sIgnA  parson  ami  Ca>u,  commandant  dii  la 
place,  obei  qulil  Otolt  iogi.    It  rests  dans  cetti]  prison  Ju«|U'At'anivfc  dca  Iroupes  npogoolrs. 

"Nous  Ignorousal  eon  arrestatlon  tut  Itlie  par ordre  de  Monleveidi.-,  ou  si  le  commaDdanl  de  LaCiutyn 
la  (It  de  son  propre  mouvcmenl.  pour  s«  lolre  un  m^dUi  aupr^  du  R^n^r^  aspognol.  Cu  qu'll  jr  a  da  cer-- 
tain.  o'osC  qu'i  I'lUTJv^  dratroupas  delu  mdlroiiole,  on  la  sortlt  de  sa  prlson.et  on  h-Jeta  duuun  dis|ilui 
BltrBuxcwjiotidB  Lb  iloayni    •    •    •    ". 

■iSao  the  list  o[  passpnger^  sIgniMl  by  Captain  naynes,  Augnstl),  IS12,  P.  R,  O,  Ci 

'  MoniPviTfla  lo  the  fflwrclnry  olSlM*,  August  'X,  b 


FBANC18CO   1 


477 


neziieta  caused  Montevcrde  great  dissatisfaction.     Conssequently 

nplained  In  the  governor  of  Curasao,  declaring  that  thfl  treasure 

pch  Miranda  Kad  laden  on  hoard  the  Sapphire  belonged  to  the 

I  of  Spain."     He  also  sent  a  complaint  to  the  English  naval 

bmiuider  at  Barbados,   and    informed  the  Spanish  Govoniment 

^  event.''     The  money  which  had  been  embarked  on  the  Sap- 

r  was  subsequently  claimed  bj   the  firm  of  Robertson  &,  Belt, 

I  alleged   that  it  properly  belongeil  to  them  because  of  debts 

ich  had  be*n  incurred  by  Miranda.*^     It  does  not  appear  that  the 

in  question  was  ever  transferred   to  the  Government  of 

,  although  the  Spanish  representative  in  England  was  directed 

ike  a  reclamation  on  that  Government.'* 

e  capitulations  of  Victoria  exi)ressly  stipulated  that  the  persons 
1  property  of  people  in  unc^nquered  territory'  shoulil  be  sacred, 
i  Monteverde  diil  not  see  fit  to  respect  tliis,  although  on  August  3 
J  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Caracas  announcing 
that  his  promises  were  sacred  and  his  word  inviolable.'  The  <lay 
after  Miranda  was  capt.ure<i  eight  other  Veneziielan  leaders,  among 
them  Rosciu,  Madariaga,  and  Isnanii,  were  seized  by  Monteverde, 
thrust  into  prison  by  his  orders,  and  soon  transported  to  Cadi^. 
The  only  discoverable  j u stifle atiun  wliich  Monteverde  ever  gave  for 
this  violation  of  the  treaty  was  that  these  men  were  conspiring  to  break 
it.'  In  the  autumn  of  1S15  the  Spamsh  Govermnent  alleged  tliat 
the  capitulation  had  no  force  because  it  had  not  been  ratified  by  the 
insurgents.*  Thus  did  the  Spaniards  attempt  to  justify  Monteverde. 
The  seizure  of  the  "eight  monsters,"  as  Monteverde  characterized 
thein,  was  followed  by  wholesale  arrests  of  the  Venezuelan  patriots 
or  rebels,  as  one  elects  to  call  them.  In  open  and  scandalous  viola- 
tion of  the  capitulation  of  July,  ISlli,  they  were  thrust  into  prison,* 


ro  Ibe  s-tTulary  Q( 


[ate  corrJed  off. 

1  (7),  AugiutT,  1812,  umexed  tnnhlcb  te  ■  copy  ol  hl5  h^ttet  to  the 
EngU&b  admlial  al  BaihiUim.  August  S,  ISU,  A.  G.  S.,  Bstado,  g1T4.  IfonleTprde  to  Uie  anrpUry  of 
the  hadenda  of  Spain  and  tbv  Ind<«,  Augusts.  1812.  dt«lu«i  Uiat  "El  Gde  dc  los  bcckeu  pi  nulrado 
Fnnctsca  Ulrandit  en  sii  hign  prf^medluda  bihto  unuRado  ouislgD  y  sus  compnAoroa  kn  resloa  ili^  una 
hBcl?t>d«  doHpedAUdA  auD  con  U  potu  plala  brulA  y  altaajas  de  laa  Igleflias  que  «tAhan  deposltadas  en 
conaeqiKncla  d«l  torvmoto  y  <\ue  pudo  teoer  4  nuuiDt  '  *  *"  A-  G- 1-,  Aud-  de  Cnraciia,  ]31-1'20. 
Inthewpyol  anofflclil  [fport  (undated),  han»v«t.mad'^  by  R.  B,  Ltayd and C.  A.  De  Lurey  at  Ciira^o, 
■tKn  the  properly  In  pert  al  ieMt  was  sriiad  because  11  wat  tended  dandartlnely,  the  only  silver  pitte 
wbicb  Is  mvnlloned  la  Trporlwl  as  hclne  round  In  two  trunks  markod  "Simeon  Bolivar"  and  "Bollvu." 
P.  B.  O..  CiDsfBO  Tncsmlssloai,  680,  No  mention  li  made  ot  any  olher  trsaiure.  Ndthei  does  Miranda 
mmtlOD  Jewels  or  p1at«  when  he  writes  to  his  friend  Vsnalltart  trom  prison  on  April  13,  IfllS:  "Qu'oii 
n*tiablie  pas  dc  nmaracr  mea  Paplers,  Livn-i,  i^qulpagu,  el  21000  plastrnt  i^n  numtntirv  qui  lurent  mmfs 
k  l>  malnn  aotfoliB  de  Robertson.  Belt  A  Co.,  L  Cungao  MoUnl  nmnota  tout  eeta;  et  Je  vous  al  dStalll4 
itelllin«pTdcMsntescetIeB9Blic,    *    •    •"  Beiley  U8S..  m,  2ST-. 

t  P.  R.  O..  Cuiafao  TranUDlsslons,  nsi,  683,  conulo  a  larfte  nunilHir  ot  documents  rnlailog  to  a  lawsuit 
eoBcertHag  this  property;  also  r.  R.  O.,  Spain.  Ii3,  In  which  sue  the  slatiment  ol  the  otBeMs  of  the  Sap- 
pUrc.  Hay  «,  ISIS. 
d  Labrador  to  Fenun  Kufloi,  Navember  73,  tsij,  A.  U.  S.,  Eiiado,  8174. 
•  Blanco,  Documentos.  Ill,  708;  Vrqulnoona,  Restbnen,  IS.  M. 
I  BtancD,  Documenujs.  m,  710,  7!1. 

rCVraUoa  t«  Vaughn.  September  10, 181K.  P.  R.  O.,  Spain.  178. 
I  J  Delpfch  to  Vanilttart,  February  71. 1S13,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  ISI:  Poudeni  el  Uayer.  M^moire,  S»,  00. 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 


478 

In  fact,  there  is  a  great  truth  in  the  lament  made  bj"  Miranda  in  his 
dungeon  that  the  only  article  of  the  citpitulation  which  Montevenle 
observed  was  the  "illegitimate"  one  whirh  he  had  not  sanctionwl, 
namely  that  the  Spanish  commander  was  to  be  the  sole  ruler  of  the 
surrendered  territory."  Great  were  the  lamentatinng  of  tlie  Vene- 
zuelans, for  their  siifTerings  were  accentuated  by  the  barbarous  treat- 
ment which  many  of  them  were  accorded  by  their  jailors.  Tbe 
agent  of  the  United  States,  Alexander  Scott,  thus  briefly  epitomized 
the  policy  of  Monteverde  towani  the  unfortunate  inhabitants:  "A 
system  of  proscription,  sequestration,  imprisonment,  ami  cruelty 
almost  imexampled,  has  been  adopted  and  practiced  towani  the 
unhappy  republicans.  Loaded  with  irons,  and  deprived  of  the 
net'essities  of  life,  many  have  fallen  victims  to  the  contaminated 
air  of  crowded  dungeons,  noxious  in  all  countries,  but  doubly  fatil 
in  a  climate  like  this,"* 

Partly,  at  least,  because  of  the  deplorable  results  which  flowed 
from  the  surrender,  contemporaries  and  historical  writers  have 
questioned  seriously  the  wisdom  of  that  step.  Manifold  and  diverse 
are  the  judgments  which  have  been  passed  on  Miranda's  conduct, 
varj'ing  with  the  conception  of  his  character.  Only  a  few  of  the 
estimates  may  be  noticed,  Bolivar,  in  his  manifesto  to  the  nations 
of  the  worlil,  characterizeil  Miranda  as  a  leader  "possessed  Ijy  ambi- 
tion and  violent  passions,  who  either  did  not  realize  the  risk  or  who 
wished  to  sacrifice  the  liberty  of  his  native  land  *  *  *."'  On 
the  other  hanil,  some  writers  have  denounced  the  part  acted  by 
Bolivar;  Spanish  historians  have  called  liim  "  an  ingrate  "  ami  "  false 

'  an,  1813,  A.  G.  1.,  Aad.  de  Cuacu.  ]»J-I£ 


■  Ulranrlu  to  Ihn  priaiilf  nt  of  the  Spanish  con™,  June  31 
Btcorra,  Vlda  ili?  Ulranda.  11,  3M.  3DS,  prints  this,  lull  not  wl 

«ecolt  U  Uontop.  Not-fmbKi  1(1.  1813,  Btnte  D>pl.  MSS.. 
Lett<?n,  Lh  Giuyrii,  I. 

•  Blanco,  DocuniBnlos,  IV,  11.  On  tho  othw  hunil,  rompi 
denlanilloD  dmted  Uadrid,  Jiin«  73.  Mb:  "  In  thn  FartrraaoK 
ol  W«r  with  th»  Bislstiitiw  of  mo,  the  Noury,  proreeilBi]  lo  Uii 
tl  he  ordovd  lo  mppvor  before  him  a  Uan  tlmrin  confined,  vl 
InlairDgahirIra  whleh  should  be  put  to  I 


I  ol  Indpies  and  Aichlns,  Oopailit 


ordlDuy  quetUons, 
thorlty  oteenOajod 
•    •    •    Being  quwU 


nuU  on  the  II  ■'  Febramrj  ISI*,  tbe  AuDlol 
prlndpsl  Ounr<l  of  this  plan,  uid  bebic  In 
a  having  promised  to  state  the  liuth  to  On 
the  following  examlnsUon.    To  Uh 


1,  that  he  nm  rolled  Don  Josef  rorto  Mndiirbigii,  thnt  he  we 
rhlll,  ftCanonof  theCalheilralrhiirehoK'araras,  uid  that  ho  was  l^reuiofv'. 
ned  amcemlng  the  cause  of  his  detention  In  (he  Oiurd-Uouni,  or  IC  he  hod  ■nyldai 
after  ttio  sufferings  of  nineteen  monlhswhlchhf  had  linen  under  arrest  Owlni:  M  tlx 
InfraoUonottlieConTontlonof  the  28"  June  ISlIrandiided  In  llienMneotBliratholle  UalealyDonl'B' 
nandn  7  (whom  Ood  preserve)  between  the  Commanding  Offlccr  of  the  Nallunal  Annies  Don  ItomlW 
Uonlevenle,  and  tbeUUitary  Chief  of  the  Revolted  Frovlnresol  Veneiuela  Doh  Frindsw  Miranda,  villi 
the  mnsen  t  of  tho  Diplomatic  Magistrates  of  thai  Coimtry  and  tho  universal  ^proval  ol  M  tho  tnhaMuaU. 
as  comprehended  Id  that  treaty  br  from  oblalnlng  Immunlly  lin  his  peixm  property  and  rlKhte  *  ■  *," 
marked  "Translation".    P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  17fl.    Vothing  Is  said  ol  treason  hy  Miranda, 

In  the  P.  R.  O..  Spain,  163,  IBB,  and  178.  are  found  other  communications  from  Mndartaga,  or  MadarUn 
and  hia  IrlEnds.  to  English  omdals.  In  nhleti  noUihig  Is  said  or  even  hinled  of  any  tmson  by  Miranda:  the 
only  auggesllon  of  any  Influence  upon  the  eapltnlullon  Is  that  of  the  proposed  medlaOan  of  tbe  EntUih 
Oovemiaent.  This  can  be  lUustralod  by  aa  citroct  Irom  a  letter  Irom  Uadarlagn  and  bis  trlends  to  the 
memben  of  the  Enidlsb  Parliament,  May  11,  1E14:  "Nowtnis  somas  loa  quatm  Indlvlduos  de  Caiwss, 
qua  hoyendo  de  la  oprtvdon'  Injustlslma,  que  sulrlamos  en  eate  pra^do  de  Couta,  sin  delito.  sin  coodana. 
nlproceao.  y  con  ialraecianDOtorla.de  las  rapllulaclonesoelebnuta  con  el  Ooblemo  espaflol  en  Wdslnllodc 
ISII  baxD  el  Influna  de  la  medlacion  propaesta  pr  la  Inglaterra  enlni  las  deavonaiclu  de  Amtrica  y 
Bqnfla.  Dosreluglamaiiiin  Qlbraltar    •    •    •".    P.  K.  O,,  Spain.  ITS. 


FRANCISCO   I 


479 


lend,"  and  intimated  that  his  piiiticipation  in  the  seizure  of  Miranda 
t  La  Guayra  was  due  to  a  ilesire  tn  ingratiate  lumself  with  Mmite- 
rde."  The  Venezuelans  have  not  agreed  in  their  judgments; 
ne  have  maintained  i)r  intimated  that  Miranda  was  a  traitor;* 
hers  have  declared  or  suggested  that  the  evil  fate  of  Venezuela 
)  due  to  Miranihi's  personal  quuhties,  as  ambition  or  timidity;' 
rticipante  in  the  soul-trving  events  have  published  their  recollec- 
'  the  (lest^endants  of  Laa  Casas  have  tried  to  brush  the  sligma 
'  treason  from  the  family  name;'  and  faint  echoes  of  the  great 
pntroversj'  may  bo  caught  at  the  present  day. 

I  A  recent  Venezuelan  biographer  of  Sim6n  Bolivar,  withal  a  student 
F  Miranda,  has  ascribed  Miranda's  capitulation  to  a  desire  to  save 
I  country  from  "unheard-of  misfortunes."'     It  is  the  opinion  of 
s  writer  that,  in  agreeing  to  the  surrender  of  Venezuelan  territory 
t  Monteverde,  Miranda  was  influenced  by  a  belief  that  such  a  step 
I  for  the  best  interests  of  the  Venezuelans.     The  succession  of 
hlamities  that   had  befallen  the  struggling  State  might  well  have 
sen  considered   ample   reason   fur  the  negotiation  of  a   treaty  so 
favorable  in  its  terms  as  that  agreed  upon.     As  has  been  already 
suggested,  it  is  probable  that  Miranda  did  not  mean  to  give  up  the 
contest  after  evacuating  Venezuela.     He  had  evidently  conchnled 
I  Uiat  it  would  be  wiser  to  allow  the  Spaniards  temporarily  to  gain  con- 
Kirol  than  to  initiate  a  war  to  the  death,  a  step  from  which  he  con- 
patitutionally  shrank.     One  may  condemn  the  comparative  inaction 
of  Miranda  before  the  fall  of  Porto  Cavello,  but  after  the  fall  of  that 
buttress,  in  view  of  the  decrease  of  Miranda's  army  and  the  constant 
increase  in  strength  of  Monteverde,  the  chances  of  victory  for  the 
independents  declined.     In  examining  the  sources  for  this  epoch  of 
Venezuelan  history,  one  can  not  avoid  the  conviction  that  a  multi- 
tude were  bitterly  opposed  to  separation  from  Spain;  some  of  the 
inhabitants  for  whom  Miranda  and  his  followers  were  vainly  endeav- 
oring to  insure  liberty  were  hardly  lukewarm  in  the  cause  of  inde- 
pendence; many  were  willing  or  even  anxious  to  be,  not  on  the  side 
of  liberty  and  independence,  but  on  the  side  of  victorj-. 

The  Venezuelans  were  not  ready  for  a  free  ami  independent  govern- 
ment in  1812  under  the  guidance  of  Miranda.  The  enthusiastic 
revolutionist  ought  to  have  felt  that  his  sanguine  hopes  of  Spanish- 
American  cooperation  were  to  an  extent  raisplace<i.  The  writer 
believes  that  there  b  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  the  concluding  remarks 
of  Delpech  regarding  the  tragical  climax  of  Miranda's  career:  "You 


•  Bdcon.  VlilB  ae  Uliwidii,  II,  2 
«B»rmIty  DIm,  VEneiuela,  1,96- 
'  S«n  Ibr  ■ccount  o!  Ppdro  Oual 


/  B<gu,  Simta  Bdivu.  a. 


480  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

know  all  that  they  have  said  about  the  general;  much  time  would  be 
needed  to  respond  to  the  calumnies,  the  sophistries,  the  outrages  with 
which  they  have  overwhelmed  him,  in  order  to  struggle  with  the 
multiform  hydra  of  imposture,  fanaticism,  and  ignorance.  Besides 
you  know  well  that  people  almost  always  judge  events  by  their 
results;  they  have  said  that  Miranda  was  a  traitor  because  the  villain 
Monteverde  infringed  the  Capitulation,  and  all  the  people  of  property 
have  been  delivered  up  to  the  assassinous  dagger  of  the  infamous 
Spaniards,  but  without  discussing  these  unfounded  assertions,  I 
venture  to  believe  that,  if  Miranda  had  been  a  traitor,  he  would  cer- 
tainly not  have  deceived  himself  by  partaking  of  the  fate  of  those 
whom  they  say  he  sold  to  Monteverde;  and  if  I  did  not  have  the 
conviction  that  he  was  incapable  of  such  a  base  action,  I  would  say 
that  it  is  impossible,  that  a  man  who  laboured  all  his  life  for  the 
independence  of  America  was  able  at  the  end  of  his  career  to  forget 
this  glorious  enterprise,  to  stain  his  white  hair,  and  to  dishonour 
forever  his  memory  in  descending  to  the  Tomb,  and  in  return  for  so 
much  ignominy  and  crime  to  receive  no  other  recompense  than  chains 
and  death/'^ 

Other  results  of  the  surrender  of  Miranda  were  significant.     Monte- 
verde extended  his  power  over  other  parts  of  Venezuela,  Cumana, 
Barcelona,  and  Margarita.  ^     He  soon  assumed  the  powers  of  captain- 
general,  claiming  to  be  the  pacificator  of  the  territory  and  refusing 
to  recognize  the  authority  of  Mi j ares.*'     At  the  solicitation  of  Monte- 
verde, the  regency  accorded  him  the  title  of  captain-general.**    He 
selected  the  Marquis  de  Casa  Le6n,  whose  fidelity  he  seems  to  have 
considered  proven,  as  intendant  of    the  royal    finances.'     All   for- 
eigners were  ordered  to  leave.     As  a  consequence,  Lowry  and  Scott 
were  soon  compelled  to  depart  from  Venezuelan  soil.^    The  Spanish 
authorities  themselves  disapproved  and  sometimes  even  denounced 
the  actions  of  Monteverde,^  who  did  not  treat  the  Veneasuelans  like 
brothers,  but  acted  on  his  theory  that  they  were  to  be  governed  not 
by  the  ordinarj^  law  but  by  the  law  of  conquest.*     Indeed  Monte- 
verde was  so  little  under  the  control  of  Spain  that  he  was  almost  an 
independent  ruler.     Not  the  least  important  result  of  the  wanton 
violation  of  the  treaty  of  Victoria  by  Monteverde  was  its  profound  and 
enduring  effect  on  many  of  the  Venezuelans.     It  incited  a  revenge- 

a  Delpech  to  Vansittart,  February  27, 1813,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain.  151.  This  was  transmitted  through  Molinl. 
who  intimated  that  Delpech  was  unfavorably  disposed  toward  Miranda;  on  the  other  hand,  we  know  that 
Delpech  was  one  of  Miranda's  lieutenants. 

b  Poudenx  et  Mayer,  M^moire,  90. 

c  Blanco,  Documejitos,  III,  687-692. 

d  Poudenx  et  Mayer,  M<^-moire.-  93. 

«  Monteverde  to  the  secretary  of  the  hacienda  of  Spain  and  the  Indies,  August  9, 1812,  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  d* 
Caracas,  133-1-20,  see  above,  p.  472,  note  a. 

/Scott  to  Monroe,  December  1. 1812,  Januar>'  4, 1813,  Stat*  Dept.  MS8.,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives, 
Consular  Letters,  La  Ouayra,  I. 

ff  See  the  statements  of  Mijares  and  Cevallos,  cited  by  Urquinaona.  ResAmen,  39. 

k  Monteverde  to  the  minister  of  war,  January  17, 1813,  Urquinaona,  Rest&men,  43,  and  not«. 


FRANCISCO   DE    MIRANDA.  481 

ful  spirit  toward  the  mother  country  and  was  cited  as  one  of  the 
main  reasons  for  the  war  to  the  death  which  subsequently  raged 
between  the  independents  and  the  royahsts."  In  1813  the  Toros, 
from  their  refuge  in  Trinidad,  sent  a  memorial  to  the  English  Govern- 
ment, in  which  they  not  inaptly  compared  Monteverde  to  a  ravening 
wolf.**  The  victims  of  the  broken  promises  or  unproven  accusations 
of  the  Spaniards  did  not  all  pass  the  rest  of  their  days  in  prison. 
Especially  is  it  noteworthy  that  Madariaga  and  three  of  the  other 
'*  monsters,''  who,  after  being  transported  to  Spain  were  imprisoned 
at  Ceuta,  succeeded  in  eluding  the  vigilance  of  their  keepers  and 
escaping  to  Gibraltar.  The  English  commander  at  that  fortress 
deemed  it  his  duty  to  return  them  to  the  Spaniards,  but  they  were 
in  time  released  at  the  request  of  the  Government  of  England.*^ 

The  closing  scene  of  Miranda's  efforts  to  establish  the  liberty  of 
his  native  land  is  a  tragedy.  The  revolutionist  of  revolutionists  failed 
in  his  purpose  because  of  an  unfortunate  combination  of  circumstances 
and  the  fact  that  the  Venezuelans  were  not  ready  for  liis  leadership. 
His  life  had  not  been  utterly  wasted,  however,  for  while  he  pined 
away  in  a  lonely  cell  the  struggle  in  which  we  may  well  say  that  he 
had  struck  the  first  great  blow  was  taken  up  by  other  hands. 

a  See,  for  example,  the  proclamation  of  BoKvar  and  others,  Urquinaona,  RcsAmen,  38,  39. 

b  March  5, 1813,  P.  R.  O.,  Spain,  153. 

ein  th£  English  Public  Record  Ofllcc,  Spain,  173,  176,  are  a  number  of  documents  relating  to  the 
fortunes  of  Madariaga  and  his  companions.  The  final  release  of  the  four  prisoners  of  state  was  due  to  the 
argument  of  the  English  Govomment  to  Spain  that  the  Knglisli  conunander  at  Gibraltar  ought  not  to 
have  returned  the  refugees;  see  Henry  Wellesley  to  Cevallos,  January  15, 1815,  ibid.,  173. 

5883»— VOL  1—09 31 


Chapter  XIV.  • 

MIRANDA,  A  PRISONER  OF  SPAIN.  . 

Although  immured  m  the  dungeons  of  La  Guayra,  Miranda  did  not 
despair.     The  rumor  was  soon  abrpad  that  he  was  being  subjecte<l 
to  an  examination  by  a  miUtary  commission.^    On  the  31st  of  July 
a  charge  had  been  drawn  up  against  Miranda  to  the  effect  that  he  was 
conspiring  to  leave  his  native  land  without  having  completed  and 
published  the  capitulation.     This  was  brought  forward  as  a  pretext 
for  his  incarceration.^     But  many  years  before  Miranda  had  been 
declared  a  traitor  by  the  Spanish  Government  and  worthy  of  death. 
A  reward  had  been  offered  for  his  capture,  dead  or  alive,  in  1806 
when  Vasconcelos  had  declared  judgment  against  Miranda  and  his 
filibustering  followers.     This  old   judgment  was  now  brought  up 
against  the  captive.*    A  legal  process  was  apparently  begun  against 
Miranda  in  the  city  of  Caracas  on  November  3,  1812,  but  no  attempt 
was  made  to  hasten  the  proceedings.     Monteverde  soon  indicated 
his  intention  of  having  the  prisoner  of  state  removed  from  Venezuela.* 
Early  in  1^13  Miranda  was  taken  from  La  Guayra  and  thrust  into  a 
castle  at  Porto  Cabello.*'     From  that  place,  where  some  of  his  un- 
fortunate followers  in  the  expedition  of  1806  had  languished,  on  March 
8,  1813,  Miranda  addressed  a  lengthy  memorial  to  the  audiencia  of 
Caracas  in  which  he  vigorously  protested  against  the  infractions  of 
the  capitulation  of  Victoria.''     Shortly  afterwards,  at  the  prisoner's 
request,  a  copy  of  this  protest  was  forwarded  to  the  authorities  in 
Spain/ 

The  Spanisli  Government  could  hardly  be  expected  to  listen  to 
these  complaints,  even  though  Miranda  now  declared,  apparently 
adjusting  himself  to  circumstances,  that  one  of  his  reasons  for  sur- 
rendering was  his  desire  to  reconcile  the  American  and  European 
Spaniards,  so  that  in  the  future  they  should  form  one  family.^  The 
Spaniards  were  doubtless  elated  at  having  at  last  in  their  clutches  the 
detested  conspirator,  who  had  succeeded  in  eluding  them  for  so  many 
years.  It  was  reported  in  Curasao  that  Miranda  was  still  confined 
in  irons  at  Porto  Cabello,  but  that  his  friends  were  allowed  to  furnish 
him  with  provisions  and  other  necessaries  of  life.     The  rumor  was 

o Hodgson  to  Bathiirst.  Septeinl)er  5.  1812.  P.  R.  O.,  Curasao  Transmissions,  680. 

fi  Fist'ar  to  the  minister  of  war.  June  5,  1813,  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  Caracas,  133-3-12;  Becerra,  Vida  de 
Miranda,  II,  203,204. 

cllodgson  to  Bathurst,  March  16,  1813,  P.  R.  O.,  Curasao  Transmissions.  681. 

dRojas,  El  (lenenil  Miranda,  764-773. 

«  Beoerra,  Vida  de  Miranda,  II,  294,  quoting  a  docimient  probably  from  the  Spanish  archives. 

/Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  766. 

482 


FBANCISCO  DE  MIBANDA.  483 

circulated  that  at  one  of  his  examinations  he  had  declared  that  he 
was  '^a  general  in  the  British. service  and  that  he  had  acted  under  the 
orders  of  that  (jovemment/'  assertions  which,  if  indeed  they  were 
made,  did  not  gain  credence.*  In  May,  1813,  his  condition  was  per- 
haps improved,  as  it  was  reported  that  his  irons  had  been  taken  off.* 

On  the  night  of  June  4,  according  to  his  own  statement,  Miranda 
was  suddenly  hiuried  on  board  a  small  vessel.*  This  precautionary 
measure  was  probably  taken  as  a  result  of  the  reverses  which  Monte- 
verde  had  suffered  from  the  independents,  who,  under  the  leadership 
of  Bolivar,  were  driving  the  royalists  back  on  Caracas.  As  it  was 
deemed  advisable  to  keep  Miranda  in  a  safe  place,  he  was  soon  trans- 
ferred to  Porto  Rico,  where  he  was  imprisoned  in  Morro  Castle.** 
Here  he  drew  up  a  representation  to  the  president  of  the  Spanish 
cortes.  In  this  address,  which  was  dated  June  30,  he  asked  that  the 
capitulations  of  Victoria  be  fulfilled,  that  impartial  chiefs  who 
would  not  themselves  infringe  the  capitulation  be  appointed,  and  that 
the  new  Spanish  constitution  be  put  in  force  throughout  the  whole 
extent  of  Venezuela.*  It  must  be  placed  to  the  credit  of  the  Vene- 
zuelan chieftain  that  he  did  not  at  this  time  emphasize  his  own  impris- 
onment as  a  special  ground  of  complaint.  On  March  19,  1814,  the 
former  dictator  repeated  this  protest/ 

Miranda's  friends  in  England  did  not  altogether  forget  him.  Molini, 
who  had  arrived  in  London,  submitted  papers  to  the  English  Govern- 
ment which  told  of  the  violation  of  the  treaty  of  Victoria  by  Monte- 
verde.  He  doubtless  asked  M6ndez  to  intercede  in  behalf  of  Miranda. 
On  October  14,  1812,  M6ndez  wrote  to  Castlereagh  pleading  that  Eng- 
land interpose  in  favor  of  the  conquered  Venezuelans  and  procure  at 
least  the  exact  fulfillment  of  the  capitulation.  He  declared  that  this 
intervention  in  favor  of  General  Miranda  and  his  compatriots  would 
be  of  great  value  in  reestablishing  order,  peace,  and  confidence,  in 
checking  the  horrors  at  Caracas,  and  in  increasing  the  popularity 
of  England  in  the  New  World.  The  only  notice  which  the  English 
Govemmeiit  appears  to  have  taken  was  to  write  on  the  back  of  the 
communication:  ''Requests  the  countenance  of  England  to  the  cause 
'of  Venezuela  and  Miranda's  person,"^  On  November  28  following, 
M£ndez  wrote  another  representation  to  Castlereagh,  on  the  back  of 
which  is  written  "further  applications  in  favour  of  Miranda  &c.''^ 

•Hodgson  to  Bathorat,  March  16, 1813,  P.  R.  O.,  Curasao  Transmissions.  681. 

^HodgBon  to  Batburst,  Hay  12,  1813,  ibid.  Rafter,  Memoirs  of  M'Gregor,  48,  note,  states  that  at  La 
Oaayim,  "Miranda  was  chained  in  a  dungeon,  where  he  had  nothing  but  straw  to  lie  upon,  and  where  he 
was  frequently  op  to  his  anldes  in  water. " 

«Minnda  to  the  president  of  the  Spanish  cortes,  June  30,  1813,  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de  Caracas.  133-3-12; 
BaeariB,  VIda  de  Miranda,  II,  303. 

'One  of  the  first  notices  of  this  is  an  unsigned  letter  from  St.  Thomas,  July  4, 1813,  P.  R.  O.,  Trinidad.  31. 

«  A.  O.  I.,  And.  de  Caracas,  133-3-12;  Becerra,  Vida  de  Miranda,  II,  300-907. 

/  "  Lista  de  los  ezpedientes  y  papeles  que  tratan  de  la  Revoludon  de  Caracas  . . . , "  A.  G.  I.,  Aud.  de 
GBiacas,  133-3-12. 

#P.  B.  O.,  Sptin,  ISI, 


484  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

But  England  as  the  ally  of  Spain  did  not  feel  disposed  to  interfere  in 
behalf  of  the  man  whom  she  had  pensioned  and  sheltered  for  so  many 
years.  Such  applications  would  undoubtedly  have  fallen  on  deaf  ears 
even  if  the  English  ministers  had  been  willing  to  depart  from  their  fixed 
policy  of  noninterference  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Spanish  America. 
Through  her  ministers  England  was  fond  of  declaring  that  she  would 
not  *  *  interfere  in  any  other  manner  than  with  a  view  to  reconcile  the 
differences  between  the  two  Parties  by  amicable  Negotiation."** 

Tlie  ex-dictator  must  have  languished  in  prison  at  Porto  Rico 
for  more  than  a  year.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1814  he  was 
taken  across  the  Atlantic  to  Cadiz.  Here  he  was  cast  into  the  prison 
of  the  four  towers  in  the  arsenal  of  the  Caracca  near  that  city.  Peter 
Tumbull,  a  son  of  Miranda's  old  friend,  who  had  perhaps  been  sent  in 
quest  of  the  state  prisoner,  at  last  found  Miranda  in  this  Spanish  dun- 
geon. This  young  man  wrote  to  England  declaring  that  unless  measures 
could  be  devised  to  effect  an  escape,  Miranda  would  probably  remain 
in  prison  the  rest  of  his  life.  Peter  Tumbull  also  addressed  a  note 
to  tlie  prisoner  informing  him  of  the  health  of  his  friends  in  England. 
The  Englishman  was  informed  through  what  he  considered  **  an  authen- 
tic channcr^  that  for  £1,000  the  prisoner's  liberty  could  be  effected. 
Miranda's  plight  was  soon  made  known  to  Vansittart,  John  Tumbull, 
and  doubtless  to  others  in  England.*  In  the  latter  part  of  May, 
1814,  Miranda  succeeded  in  smuggling  out  of  his  prison  a  letter  to 
Vansittart.  Again  he  complained  of  the  bad  faith  of  the  Spanish 
Government,  which  ho  declared  had  observed  the  capitulation  of 
Victoria  as  regarded  all  tlie  world  except  himself,  ''the  chief  author 
of  the  scene."  A  '^yqtj  powerful  friend"  was  now  needed  to  release 
him  from  the  "dutches  of  despotism."  ''England,  all-powerful 
today  in  Spain,"  said  Miranda,  "can  easily  render  me  tliis  service, 
by  demanding  through  the  mediation  of  Lord  Wellington  or  of  her 
ambassador  at  Madrid  that  they  fulfill  the  capitulation  in  my  respect 
as  they  have  fulfilled  it  with  the  others."  Miranda  also  asked  Van- 
sittart to  interest  his  friends  in  the  matter  as  well  as  Miranda's  friends. 
The  prisoner  besought  his  friend  to  care  for  his  papers,  books,  and 
money  whicli  he  tliought  safe  at  Curasao.  He  expressed  his  belief 
that  there  was  no  need  of  commending  liis  small  family  to  the  care  of 
Vansittart,  but  asked  tliat  Mr.  Taylor  remit  him  some  credit  to  the 
house  of  Duff  at  Cadiz.  <" 

Other  letters  passed  beyond  the  prison  walls.  No  complaints  have 
been  found  of  brutal  treatment  by  the  jailors.  Occasionally,  how- 
ever, the  prisoner  of  state  fell  into  a  despondent  tone,  for  in  addition 
to  the  irksomeness  of  captivity  he  found  it  diflBcult  at  times  to  lay  his 
fingers  on  the  precious  gold  which  he  hoped  would  bring  him  release. 

o Henry  Wellesley  to  Ccvallos,  February  14,  1815,  ,P.R.O.,  Spain,  173. 
6  John  Turnhiill  to  V'ansittart.  Decembers,  1814,  Bexley  MSS.,  HI,  f.  208-. 
e  Miranda  to  V- ansittart.  May  24,  1814,  ibid.,  f.  73-. 


FBANCISCO  D£   MIRANDA.  485 

On  April  13,  1815,  Miranda  exclaimed:  ''It  seems  that  adversity 
pursues  me  everywhere  and  in  every  possible  manner/'**  He  seems 
to  have  received  very  little  information  of  what  was  passing  in  the 
world;  in  one  of  his  letters  he  complained  that  his  jailors  did  not  even 
wish  him  to  read  the  gazette  of  Madrid.  '* It  is  fear,"  said  he,  ''which 
torments  the  spirits  of  these  barbarians/'''  A  miserable  life  this  must 
have  been  for  the  energetic  man  who  for  so  many  years  had  assid- 
uously studied  the  politics  of  the  leading  world  powers.  Finally, 
however,  Miranda  had  less  to  complain  of,  for  he  secured  some  Latin 
classics,  among  them  Horace,  Virgil,  and  Cicero,  besides  a  copy  of 
Don  Quixote  and  the  New  Testament.** 

The  chief  cause  of  complaint  and  anxiety  to  Miranda  was  the 
scarcity  of  money.  Often  did  he  bewail  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  it. 
Again  and  again  did  he  appeal  to  his  friends  in  England  for  financial 
assistance.  On  April  13,  1815,  he  asked  Vansittart,  who  appears  to 
have  been  his  great  hope,  for  he  called  him  ''mon  unique  ami,''  to 
send  him  through  Seliora  Flores,  Isla  de  Le6n,  credit  for  £200  on  a 
commercial  house  in  Cadiz.  This,  if  it  arrived  in  time,  was  the  only 
means  that  would  release  him  from  his  captivity.*'  On  May  15, 
Miranda  addressed  another  plea  of  this  sort  to  Vansittart.^  On 
August  15,  he  repeated  his  request  for  **a  little  money,"  declaring 
that  in  his  "misery"  £50  would  be  a  large  sum.«  He  did  not  rest 
content  with  his  appeals  to  Vansittart,  but  wrote  in  a  similar  vein  to 
Mr.  Taylor  of  London,*  evidently  a  banker,  to  Tumbull,  Ross  &  Co. 
at  Gibraltar,-^  and  to  P.  E.  Tumbull  in  London.^  Miranda  appears 
also  to  have  written  to  Wellington,*  perhaps  on  the  same  subject.  In 
the  autumn  of  1815  Miranda  seems  to  have  changed  his  medium  of 
communication,  for  he  then  desired  that  the  letters  of  advice  be  di- 
rected to  Seliora  Antonia  de  Salis,  Isla  de  Le6n.^  It  is  likely  that 
these  repeated  appeals  secured  some  money  for  Miranda,^  but  it  is 
hard  to  estimate  how  much.  In  February  and  March,  1816,  Miranda 
continued  this  correspondence  under  the  pseudonym  of  J.  Amindra.* 
Evidently  he  had  .friends  in  London  who  were  both  willing  and  able  to 
help  him,  for  about  this  time  Peter  Tumbull  made  arrangements  at 
Cadiz  that  Miranda  should  be  supplied  with  whatever  money  he 
desired.  The  latter  now  appears  to  have  entertained  hopes  of  a 
speedy  escape.' 

a  Miranda  to  Vansittart,  April  13, 1815,  Bexley  MSS.,  III.  f.  257-. 

h  Miranda  to  Vansittart,  August  15, 1815,  ibid.,  f.  334-. 

c  Ibid.,  f.  257-. 

dlb\d.,l2G^. 

t  Ibid.,  f.  334-. 

/  Rojas,  El  General  Miranda,  775,  776. 

9  Ibid.,  776. 

*  Miranda  to  Vansittart,  August  15, 1815,  Bexley  MSB.,  Ill,  f.  334-. 

<RoJas,  El  General  Miranda,  775,  776. 

i  Ibid.,  777. 

It  Ibid.,  778. 

I  PBter  Tumbull  to  Taylor.  April  8, 1816.  Bexley  MSB.,  IV.  f.  43. 


486  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Although  some  of  the  money  probably  reached  the  captive,  he  did 
not  get  outside  of  the  walls  of  the  Caracca.  In  March,  1816,  he  appears 
to  have  been  attacked  by  a  fever.*  After  his  recovery  Miranda  was 
agam  very  hopeful  of  gaining  his  freedom.  This  now  seems  to  have 
engrossed  all  his  attention.  His  plan,  so  far  as  can  be  determined, 
was  to  flee  to  Gibraltar  on  getting  beyond  his  prison  walls.  If  this 
course  was  out  of  the  question,  he  had  decided  to  direct  his  steps  to  a 
port  on  the  coast  of  Portugal  where  he  hoped  to  embark  on  some  ves- 
sel flying  a  friendly  flag.®  About  the  time  that  he  had  calculated  on 
making  his  escape,  however,  Miranda  felt  compelled  to  write  a  letter 
to  young  Tumbull  asking  him  to  forward  300  pesos  without  delay  so 
that  he  might  be  able  to  depart  within  three  days.*  It  is  very  likely 
that,  as  Peter  Tumbull  conjectured,  Miranda  was  being  deceived  by 
**some  artful  people     *     *     *     in  order  to  get  money  from  him."* 

It  is  also  possible  that  the  declining  state  of  Miranda's  health  hin- 
dered or  prevented  the  plan  for  escape  from  being  carried  out.  The 
robust  constitution  which  had  withstood  so  many  hardships  was  now 
rapidly  breaking  down.  The  aged  revolutionist  in  brooding  over  his 
past  was  perhaps  pained  by  the  thought  that  the  first  link  in  the 
chain  which  held  him  had  been  forged  by  his  own  compatriots.**  His 
troubles  were  soon  destined  to  be  over,  however,  for  on  the  night  of 
March  25  Miranda  was  seized  by  what  his  attendant  described  as  an 
apoplectic  fit,  which  threatened  to  cut  off  his  career  at  once.  He 
rallied  from  this  attack,  but  was  again  prostrated  by  what  was  de- 
scribed as  a  sort  of  putrid  fever,  which  reduced  him  to  the  last  extrem- 
ities. Several  conferences  of  physicians  held  out  no  hope  of  recovery 
to  the  devoted  servant,  Pedro  Jos6  Mor^n,  who  was  now  caring  for 
him/  Early  on  the  morning  of  July  14,  in  a  lonely  prison  in  Spain, 
the  cliief  of  the  apostles  of  Spanish-American  revolution  ^*gave  his 
soul  to  God,  his  name  to  history,  and  his  body  to  the  earth.^'^  On 
July  16  the  captain-general  of  Cadiz  forwarded  to  Madrid  the  news 
that  ''el  reo  Don  Francisco  de  Miranda"  had  died  a  '^natural  death.''^ 
Nevertheless,  it  was  afterwards  rumored,  even  in  far-away  Venezuela, 
that  the  Government  which  had  hounded  Miranda  in  life  had  perhaps 
used  foul  means  to  rid  itself  of  the  aged  conspirator.  Irvine  was 
doubtless  recording  current  sentiment  in  Venezuela  when  he  w^rote  in 
his  notes  in  1818  that  Miranda  had  died  ''whether  of  grief,  by  poison, 

a  Rojas.  El  General  Miranda.  7?.). 

6  Dated,  hoi,  JmHt's  (copy).  Bcxley  MSS.,  IV.  f.  4(). 

c  Peter  Turnbiill  to  VaiLsiltart.  April  7,  ISIO,  Bexley  MSS.,  IV,  f.  39. 

d  Such  are  the  sentiments  ascribed  to  Miranda  in  Becerra,  Vida  de  Miranda,  II,  513,  as  coming  from  Saiiri, 
alleged  to  have  been  a  fellow-prisoner  of  Miranda  at  this  time. 

e  Rojas,  El  (leneml  Miranda,  780. 

/  Becerra.  Miranda,  II,  518;  for  the  time  of  Miranda's  death,  see  the  letter  of  Mor&n,  Rojas,  El  General 
Miranda.  780,  781. 

g  Dispatch  of  the  captain-general  of  Cadiz  to  Cisueros,  July  16,  1816,  as  quoted  by  Becerra,  Vida  de 
Miranda,  II,  519. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  487 

by  secret  execution  is  not  certain.""     Whatever  the  cause  or  the 
asion  of  Miranda's  death,  one  can  not  doubt  that  the  news  was 
'elcome  to  the  Spanish  Government. 
The  faithful  friend  and  attendant,  Mor&n,  who  retained  possession 
a  few  papers  which  Miranda,  true  to  his  life-long  habit  had  aedu- 
ily  preserved,  declared  that  the  priests  and  friars  who  were  pre^nt 
lid  not  allow  him  to  pay  his  master  any  funeral  rites,  ' '  in  the  same 
idition  in  which  lie  expired,  with  matrass,  sheets,  and  other  bed- 
ithcs  they  seized  huld  of  liiin  and  carried  him  away  for  interment, 
ly  immediately  afterwania  came  and  took  away  his  clothes  and 
'erything  belonging  to  him  to  burn  them."'     Thus  ends  the  life 
ry  of  Miranda,  near  the  city  through  the  streets  of  which  he  had 
the  pride  of  early  manhood,  and  where  not  a  few  merchants  had 
enriched  themselves  by  a  jealous  commercial  monoply  of  those  col- 
onies, "excessively  oppressed,"  which  Miranda  labored  so  long  to 
#niancipate.     Perhaps  in  death  he  served  liis  family,  for  it  is  asserted 
nnth  confidence  that  the  Government  of  England  paid  a  pension  to 
his  son,  Ijcander,  for  many  years.'     We  are  to-day  not  certain  of  the 
last  resting  place  of  that  "restless  man,"  Francisco  de  Miranda,  who 
suffered  a  species  of  martyrdom  for  the  cause  which  he  loved. 

It  has  become  evident  that  in  his  public  career  Miranda  was  not 
always  consistent.  He  was  an  international  free  lance,  often  chang- 
ground  and  liis  point  of  view  to  suit  what  he  thought  were 
the  exigencies  of  the  occasion.  lie  was  a  clever  opportunist,  com- 
parable in  many  respects  with  Aaron  Burr.  Miranda  was  prone  to 
become  disgusted  with  men  and  with  nations  when  he  thought  that 
they  had  suspended  or  discarded  his  schemes.  In  some  cases  he 
38  one  as  a  person  who  would  not  scruple  at  means  to  gain  his 
end.  Miranda  was  a  man  of  an  unusually  active  disposition,  pos- 
td  of  unresting  energy,  and  dominated  by  a  powerful  will.  He 
was  of  a  sanguuie  temperament,  a  man  with  such  high  expectations 
that  he  was  sometimes  a  self-deluded  idealist.  One  of  his  charac- 
leristic  traits  was  a  perseverance  almost  unparalleled  in  the  annals 
of  fdibustering ;  he  was  almost  as  "  undeapairing "  as  the  great 
explorer.  La  Salle,  The  signal  success  of  Miranda  in  interesting  men 
and  women  of  such  diverse  stations  in  hfe  in  his  daring  projects  is 
testimony  to  his  versatility,  persuasive  power,  and  personal  mag- 
netism. His  life  is  in  great  part  a  aeries  of  intrigues,  frequently  of  a 
diplomatic  character.  Miranda  had  a  rare  keenness  of  vision  for 
diplomatic  openings  which  might  favor  his  darling  projects.     Like 


OoiTn,  1.    Sw  lUu  R 


Lh  Oept,  MSB.,  Bureau  of  Inde 
I  al  U'Orrrnr,  4H:  Becsna,  Vld 
!  uniiBlural  death,  although  hi 


La  Uiranda,  II,  ,M6.    It  wemi  to  the 
leatb  wu  probably  hulenei]  hy  Uie 


t  Rcju.  E]  Oemral  Mlnwla,  :S^  BobtIiii 
le  Kirandn.  11.  n».  allw 
tedealh  of  the  iBtter  In  18SG, 


488  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

some  other  Spanish-American  leaders,  this  general  was  doubtless 
possessed  of  much  personal  ambition,  which  became  especially  notice- 
able during  that  brief  period  when  his  career  almost  epitomized  the 
history  of  the  first  republic  of  Venezuela. 

Miranda  was  of  a  visionary  and  doctrinaire  type  of  mind,  far  less 
successful  in  the  practical  conduct  of  affairs  than  in  plotting  magnifi- 
cent schemes  on  paper.  A  master  of  the  art  of  war,  he  was  unsuc- 
cessful in  the  crucial  contests  of  the  great  struggles  in  which  he 
became  engaged.  His  conduct  at  Neerwinden;  on  the  occasion  of 
the  attack  on  the  schooners  in  the  expedition  of  1806;  and  his  sur- 
render at  Victoria,  lend  color  to  the  belief  that  he  had  a  streak  of  cow- 
ardice. Because  of  his  conduct  in  the  first  and  the  last  of  these 
exploits  he  was  actually  accused  of  treason.  In  the  first  instance 
he  was  acquitted  in  such  a  manner  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that  he  had 
been  unjustly  accused.  For  the  fateful  surrender  in  1812,  Afiranda 
has  been  roundly  denounced,  but  the  writer  feels  that  his  whole 
mature  life  gives  the  lie  to  the  accusation  of  deliberate  treason.  The 
writer  believes  that  while  Miranda  sometimes  deemed  prudence  the 
greater  part  of  valor,  and  may  even  have  been  a  coward,  he  was  not 
a  traitor  to  Venezuela.  But  it  is  at  the  same  time  possible  that  the 
man  who  was  rewarded  for  his  conspiracies  against  Spain  by  a  pen- 
sion from  the  Government  which  sheltered  him  so  long,  who  pledged 
his  valuable  library  to  promote  the  expedition  of  1806,  may  have 
attempted  to  profit  financially  by  the  capitulation  of  the  Venezuelan 
army  to  Monteverdo  in  1812.  This  interpretation,  however,  is  not 
inconsistent  with  the  view  that  the  independent  leader  was  acting 
with  the  welfare  of  Spanish  America  at  heart.  True,  Miranda  was  a 
man  with  niany  secrets,  some  of  which  search  in  hidden  archives,  or 
even  family  confessions,  may  never  fully  disclose. 

It  ought  never  to  be  forgotten,  in  attempting  to  judge  Francisco 
de  Miranda,  that  his  career  and  his  character  readily  lend  themselves 
to  misinterpretation.  With  him  the  hatching  of  revolutions  was  not 
only  an  enduring  and  a  ruling  purpose,  it  became  a  profession. 
Miranda  was  primarily  a  promoter  of  revolutions  and  must  be  judged 
as  such.  If  this  study  is  at  all  illuminating,  it  shows  that  he  was 
animated  during  his  mature  years  by  the  undying  hope  that  the  inde- 
pendence of  Sj)anish  America,  or  at  least  a  part  of  it,  might  be 
achieved  by  his  efTorts.  This  ambition  was  his  master  passion;  it 
was  as  the  very  cori)uscles  in  his  heart's  blood.  Miranda  was  not, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  i)urely  an  adventurous  soldier  of  fortune. 
Neither  was  he  of  unsullied  rei)utation.  In  character  Miranda  resem- 
bled his  compatriot  and  companion  in  arms,  Simon  Bolivar,  in  whom 
there  was  much  sordid  selfishness,  far  more  than  the  white-souled 
San  Martin,  who  was  without  fear  and  almost  without  reproach. 


FBANCI6C0  DE   MIRANDA.  489 

In  the  present  state  of  our  information  regarding  the  revolutionary 
epoch  of  Spanish- American  history  it  is  difficult,  perhaps  hazardous, 
to  venture  an  estimate  of  the  influence  of  Miranda.  Some  sugges- 
tions, however,  may  be  made.  The  writer  is  not  of  those  who  would 
characterize  Miranda  as  merely  a  shifty  adventurer,  neither  does  he  \ 
conceive  of  him  as  a  pure  patriot.  He  was  a  unique  personality;  he 
was  a  promoter  and  agitator,  a  professional  revolutionist,  possessing 
some  of  the  traits  of  both  the  needy  adventurer  and  the  exalted 
patriot.  As  has  been  indicated,  Miranda  was  one  of  the  fu^t  men  of 
his  age  to  point  out  and  to  emphasize  the  significance  of  the  political 
dependence  or  independence  of  the  colonies  of  Spain  in  America  to 
the  titanic  conflict  which  was  being  waged  between  France  and  Eng- 
land in  the  Old  World.  He  seized  every  possible  opportunity  or 
pretext  to  urge  the  cause  of  his  native  country  and  to  plead  for  aid 
in  the  revolutionizing  of  that  vast  domain.  The  persistent  and  long- 
continued  activity  of  Miranda  doubtless  stimulated  the  interest  of 
European  cabinets  in  the  Spanish-American  people.  It  probably 
had  some  influence  in  shaping  the  policy  which  has  given  to  England 
rich  fields  for  commercial  conquest. 

The  romantic  and  thrilling  exploits  of  Miranda  furnished  a  theme 
for  discussion  and  an  example  for  filibusters  and  revolutionists  in 
both  Europe  and  America.  Some  of  Miranda's  companions  indeed 
later  distinguished  themselves  in  revolutionary  enterprises.  Mada- 
riaga,  Gual,  Macgregor,  and  others,  who  had  endeavored  to  aid 
Miranda  in  his  ill-fated  attempt  to  establish  a  republic  in  Terra 
Firma,  subsequently  emerged  as  leaders  in  the  fratricidal  conflict 
which  so  long  devastated  the  northern  part  of  Spanish  America. 
Bolivar  caught  the  mantle  which  fell  or  was  torn  from  the  shoulders 
of  Miranda.  After  many  bloody  struggles  and  dismaying  defeats, 
he  became  the  so-called  ** liberator,'*  virtually  a  monarch  over  a  large 
part  of  Spanish  America.  He  in  part  successfully  consummated 
some  of  the  designs  which  had  been  originally  entertained  by  his  less 
fortunate  fellow-countryman.  In  the  judgment  of  the  writer,  Mi- 
randa must  be  ranked  below  Bolivar  as  regards  enduring  military  and 
|>olitical  achievements.  As  a  promoter  of  revolutions,  however, 
Miranda  occupies  a  niche  which  is  unique  in  Spanish- American  his-  V 
tory.  In  some  respects  he  is  comparable  to  Samuel  Adams,  the  man 
of  the  town  meeting;  in  others  he  is  incomparable.  Despite  the  enco- 
miums of  some  Spanish- American  writers,  who  have  placed  Miranda 
on  a  level  with  the  greatest  revolutionary  leaders  of  North  America, 
the  average  student  of  American  historj'  would  unhesitatingly  inscribe 
the  name  of  Miranda  far  below  that  of  Washington  in  the  Pan- 
American  temple  of  fame. 

The  Ufe  epic  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  is  not  a  mere  biographical 
sketch.  The  nimble  and  quick-witted  creole  represents  a  type.     He  had 


A 


490  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

forerunners,  associates,  and  successors;  men  like  Don  Juan,  Caro,  San 
Martin,  Bolivar,  William  Walker,  and  Lopez.  Miranda  is  the  incar- 
nation of  the  idea,  which  animated  many  early  Spanish-American 
revolutionists  during  at  least  a  part  of  their  career,  that  the  Spanish 
Americans  could  not  alone  successfully  reVblt  against  the  tyrannical 
Government  of  Spain,  but  that  the  aid  and  the  protection  of  one  or 
more  of  the  great  powers  was  imperatively  necessary.  The  power  to 
which  many  looked  longingly  was  England.  Beyond  doubt  Miranda 
embodies  the  aspirations  of  many  unknown,  nameless  or  almost  for- 
gotten, fellow-countrymen  who  desired  to  rid  themselves  of  the  rule 
^  ^  of  the  mother  country.  The  story  of  Francisco  de  Miranda,  the 
/  prince  of  fiUbusters,  the  chief  of  the  apostles  of  Spanish- American 
emancipation,  the  first  of  a  long  line  of  military  adventurers  that  has 
not  yet  ended,  is  a  fragment  of  the  history  of  the  attitude  of  some  of 
the  great  world  powers  toward  Spanish  America.  The  life  of  this 
notorious  and  distinguished  son  of  Caracas  is  also  an  introduction  to 
the  early  history  of  the  RepubUc  of  Venezuela,  which  still  cherishes 
his  memory  as  one  of  its  founders. 


I 


CRITICAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE. 

liography  is  not  exhauBtive.  It  does  not  even  include  all  the  books  or 
itaining  material  relating  to  the  general  theme  which  the  writer  has  exam- 
aerely  those  which  it  is  believed  would  be  found  helpful.  In  the  attempt 
scientific  classification  certain  books  or  articles  of  a  general  character  have 
ited  to  the  list  of  secondary  accounts,  which,  in  view  of  the  material  occa- 
ind  in  them,  can  sometimes  be  utilized  as  sources.  Again,  there  are  some 
laterial  which  partake  of  the  character  of  both  sources  and  secondary 

No  hard-and-fast  line,  therefore,  can  be  drawn  between  these  two  classes. 

no  critical  evaluation  has  been  made  of  standard  works,  for  the  writer  has 
is  comments  to  published  or  archival  material  regarding  which  he  believes 
lave  some  knowledge  that,  for  lack  of  a  better  term,  may  be  called  "  expert. '' 
>  books  or  pamphlets  or  papers  have  been  used  reference  is  given  to  at  least 
ory  where  they  are  available.  An  attempt  has  been  made  to  render  the 
f  the  preceding  text  less  cumbersome  by  the  use  of  abbreviations  for  both 
led  and  the  manuscript  material.  These  abbreviations,  both  general  and 
}  indicated  in  the  following  list. 

A.  SECONDARY  ACCOUNTS. 

a.  BOOKS  AND  PAMPHLETS. 

D.,  The  Influence  of  Grenville  on  Pitt's  Foreign  Policy,  Washington,  1904. 
,  History  of  the  United  States,  nine  volumes.  New  York,  1890,  1891,  vol- 
Adams,  United  States. 
.  M.)  et  Maquet  (A.),  Les  Prisons  de  TEurope.    Paris.    (British  Museum.) 

contains  a  small  amoimt  of  source  material  on  Miranda's  imprisonment  in 
!  during  the  Revolution. 

Archibald,  Lives  of  Lord  Castlereagh  and  Sir  Charles  Stewart,  the  Second 
lird  Marquesses  of  Londonderry,  with  Annals  of  Contemporary  Events  in 
they  bore  a  Part,  from  the  Original  Papers  of  the  Family,  two  volumes, 
argh  and  London,  1861.  (Briti^  Museum.)  Alison,  Lives  of  Castlereagh 
ewart. 

li,  M.  L.,  Vida  de  Don  Andres  Bello,  Santiago  de  Chili,  1882.  (British 
m.)    Amundtegui,  Vida  de  Bello. 

lis  biography  are  printed  some  letters  which  relate  to  conditions  in  Vene- 
vhen  Miranda  returned  to  that  country. 

3.  H.,  History  of  Mexico,  three  volumes,  San  Francisco,  1883.  Bancroft, 
). 

M.),  y  Dfaz  (R.),  Restimen  de  la  Historia  de  Venezuela  desde  el  afio  de 
Bista  el  de  1850,  two  volumes,  Paris,  1841.    Baralt  y  Dfaz,  Venezuela, 
contains  a  very  suggestive  account  of  Miranda's  career  and  character,  but 
ire  very  few  references  to  sources. 

bois,  History  of  Louisiana,  particularly  of  the  Cession  of  that  Colony  to  the 
I  States  of  America;  with  an  Introductory  Essay  on  the  Constitution  and 
iment  of  the  United  States,  translated  from, the  French  by  an  American 
(W.  B.  Lawrence),  Philadelphia,  1830.  Barb^-Marbois,  History  of 
ma. 

contains  Barb^-Marbois's  recollections  of  Miranda's  visit  to  the  United 
after  the  American  Revolution. 

491 


492  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Bassett,  J.  S.,  The  Federalist  System,  1789-1801,  New  York  and  London,  1906. 
This  is  volume  11  in  the  American  Nation  series  edited  by  A.  B.  Hart. 

Becerra,  R.,  Ensayo  Hi8t6rico  Documentado  de  la  Vida  de  Don  Francisco  de Miranda, 
General  de  los  Ej^rcitos  de  la  Primer  Republica  Francesca  y  Generalffdmo  de  loe 
de  Venezuela,  two  volumes,  Caracas,  1896.  (Library  of  Yale  University.) 
Becerra,  Vida  de  Miranda. 

This  is  by  far  the  most  exhaustive  study  of  Miranda  yet  made  by  a  Spanish 
American.  The  writer  has  been  told  that  Becerra  was  subsidized  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Venezuela.  He  appears  to  have  used  all  the  material  available  in  Vene- 
zuela. Some  documents  were  also  secured  from  the  Spanish  archives.  A  few 
of  these  are  printed,  as  well  as  a  large  amount  of  source  material  very  accessible 
in  the  United  States  in  English.  The  work  is  unscientific,  for  there  are  many 
errors  in  it  and  it  is  almost  devoid  of  footnotes,  but  it  is  suggestive  and  helpful 
although  at  times  very  prolix  and  digressive. 

A  Biographical  Memoir  of  the  Right  Honorable  William  Huskisson,  derived  from 
authentic  sources,  London,  1831.    (British  Museum.) 

Bourne,  E.  G.,  Spain  in  America,  1450-1580,  New  York  and  London,  1904. 
This  is  volume  3  of  the  American  Nation  series,  edited  by  A.  B.  Hart. 

Broderick,  G.  C,  and  Fotheringham,  J.  K.,  The  History  of  England  from  Adding- 
ton's  Aministration  to  the  Close  of  William  IV*8  Reign,  1801-1837,  London,  New 
York,  and  Bombay,  1906. 

This  is  volume  11  of  the  Political  History  of  England,  edited  by  W.  Hunt  and 
R.  L.  Poole. 

Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library,  No.  6,  Calendar  of  the  Correspondence 
of  Thomas  Jefferson,  Washington,  1894. 

Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library,  No.  8,  Calendar  of  the  Correspondence 
of  Thomas  Jefferson,  Washington,  1895. 

Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library,  No.  10,  Calendar  of  the  Correspondence 
of  Thomas  Jefferson,  Washington,  1903. 

Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library,  No.  5,  Arrangement  of  the  Papers  of  Mad- 
ison, Jefferson,  Hamilton,  Monroe,  and  Franklin,  Washington,  1894. 

Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  I^ibrary    *    *    *     ^  No.  4,  Calendar  of  the  Cor- 
respondence of  James  Madison,  Washington,  1894. 

Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library    *    *    *     ^  No.  2,  Calendar  of  the  Cor- 
respondence of  James  Monroe,  Washington,  1893. 

Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library    *    *    *     ^  No.  3,  Arrangement  of  the 
Washington  Papers,  Washington,  1894. 

In  these  bulletins  of  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library'  of  the  Department  of 
State  of  the  Ignited  States  are  found  guides  to  the  large  amount  of  unpublished 
material  in  the  j)apers  of  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Monroe. 

Channing,   E.,  The  Jeffersonian  System,  1801-1811,  New  York  and  Ix)ndon,  1906. 
This  is  volume  12  of  the  American  Nation  series  edited  by  A.  B.  Hart. 
^Chuciuet,  A.,  La  Triihison  de  Dumouriez,  Paris.     This  is  volume  5  in  Les  Guerres 
(le  la  Ri'volutiun. 

Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  sixth  series,  volume  8,  Historical 
Index  to  the  Pickering  Papers,  Boston,  1896. 
A  guide  to  the  mauuscrij)ts  of  Timothy  Pickering. 

Danvila  y  Collado,  Manuel,  Reinado  de  Carlos  III,  six  volumes,  Madrid,  1894-1896. 
This  is  part  of  the  Ilistoria  General  de  Espana  issued  by  the  Royal  Academy  of 
History  under  the  direction  of  Antonio  Canbvas  del  Castillo.     Dan\ila,  Reinado 
deCarios  III. 

Dauban,  C.  A.,  Les  Prisons  de  Paris  sous  la  Revolution,  Paris,  1870.     Dauban,  Les 
Prisons  de  Paris. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  493 

De  Sassenay,  Le  Marquis,  Napoleon  I*''  et  la  Fondation  de  la  R^publique  Argentine. 
Jaques  de  Liniers,  compte  de  Buenos-Ayres,  vice-roi  de  la  Plata  etle  Marquis  de 
Saasenay  (1808-1810),  Paris,  1892.  De  Sassenay,  Napol^n  1^'  et  la  Fondation 
de  la  R^p.  Ar. 

This  is  a  study  of  the  attitude  of  Napoleon  I  toward  Argentina.     In  the  appen- 
dix are  printed  some  illustrative  documents. 

Drake,  F.,  The  Life  of  Major-General  Henry  Knox,  Memorials  of  the  Society  of  the 
Cincinnati  of  Massachusetts,  volume  1,  Boston,  1873.  (Library  of  Yale  Uni- 
versity.)   Drake,  Life  of  Knox. 

This  sketch  of  the  life  of  General  Knox  contains  some  brief  excerpts  from  his 
papers. 

E^uemeling,  J.,  The  Buccaneers  of  America,  with  an  introduction  by  Henry 
Powell,  London,  1893. 

Ford,  W.  C,  The  United  States  and  Spain  in  1790.  An  episode  in  diplomacy 
described  from  hitherto  unpublished  sources,  Brooklyn,  1890.  (Library  of 
Harvard  University.) 

This  is  one  of  the  earliest  attempts  to  direct  attention  to  the  Nootka  Sound 
dispute.     Illustrative  documents  are  printed  in  the  appendix. 

Friedenwald,  H.,  A  Calendar  of  Washington  Manuscripts  in  the  Library  of  Congress, 
Washington,  1901. 

In  this  calendar  is  a  list  of  some  of  the  Washington  manuscripts  in  the  Library 
of  Congress.    Unfortunately  there  is  a  large  mass  of  material  yet  uncatalogued. 

Ga3rangoe,  P.  de.  Catalogue  of  the  Manuscripts  in  the  Spanish  Language  in  the  Brit- 
ish Museum,  two  volumes,  London,  1875-1877. 

This  is  an  excellent  guide  to  the  material  in  the  various  collections  of  Spanish 
manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum. 

Lee  G^n^raux  de  la  Revolution,  Le  G^n^ral  Miranda,  Paris  and  Limoges,  1890. 

In  this  pamphlet  attention  is  focused  mainly  on  Miranda's  military  career  in 
France. 

Hamilton,  J.  C,  History  of  the  Republic  of  the  United  States  of  America,  as  traced 
in  the  writings  of  Alexander  Hamilton  and  of  his  contemporaries,  seven  volumes, 
Philadelphia,  1857-1864,  volumes  4  and  7.     Hamilton,  Republic. 
Miranda  is  mentioned  only  incidentally  in  this  work. 

Hunt,  W.,  The  History  of  England  from  the  Accession  of  George  III  to  the  Close  of 
Pitt's  First  Administration  (17(50-1801),  New  York  and  Bombay,  1905.  This 
book  is  volume  10  in  The  Political  History  of  England  edited  by  W.  Hunt  and 
R.  L.  Poole. 

Lallement,  M.,  HistoirQ  de  la  Colombie,  Paris,  1826. 

Larrazdbal,  F.,  La  Vida  y  Correspondencia  General  del  Libertador  Sim6n  Bolfvar, 
enriquecida  con  la  insercion  de  los  manifiestos,  mensages,  exposiciones,  pro- 
clames,  A.  &.,  New  York,  1878.  Larrazdbal,  Vida  de  Bolivar.  (Library  of 
Congress.) 

Two  volumes  of  this  life  were  announced,  but  only  one  has  appeared.     It  is 
a  very  helpful  though  not  always  accurate  study  of  Bolivar. 

Latan^,  J.  H.,  The  Diplomatic  Relations  of  the  United  States  and  Spanish  America, 
Baltimore,  1900. 

Liea,  H.  C,  The  Inquisition  in  the  Spanish  Dependencies,  Sicily-Naples-Sardinia- 
Milan-The  Canaries-Mexico-Peru-New  Granada,  New  York,  1908.  Lea,  The  In- 
quisition. 

Loo,  H.  Van,  Voor  Oud  en  Jong.  Een  Edel  Driemanshap.  (Bolfvar,  Sucre  en 
Miianda.)    Amsterdam,  1888.    (British  Museum.) 


494  AMEBIGAN   HISTOBICAL  AS600IATI0N. 

McCaleb,  W.  F.,  The  Aaron  Burr  Conspiracy,  New  York,  1903. 

A  careful,  well-written,  and  popular  study  of  the  conspiracy  which,  however, 
emphasizes  only  one  of  the  projects  which  Burr  may  have  entertained. 

Manning,  W.  R.,  The  Nootka  Sound  Controversy;  American  Historical  Aasociation 
Report,  1904,  Washington,  1905.    Manning,  The  Nootka  Sound  Controversy. 
A  valuable  scientific  monograph  on  this  dispute. 

Marshall,  J.,  Royal  Naval  Biography;  or  the  Memoirs  of  all  the  Services  *  *  *. 
twelve  volumes,  London,  1823-1835,  volume  10.    Marshall,  Naval  Biography. 

This  contains  source  material  on  the  assistance  given  by  the  English  navy  to 
the  expedition  led  by  Miranda  in  1806. 

Mier  Noriega  yGuerra,  J.  S.T.de,Historiade  la  Revoluci6ndeNueva£spafia  *  *  *, 
two  volumes,  London,  1813.     (Library  of  Congress.) 

Mitre,  B.,  The  Emancipation  of  South  America.  Being  a  condensed  translation  by 
William  Pilling  of  the  History  of  San  Martin  by  General  Don  Bartolom^  Mitre 
*    *    *    London,  1893. 

Although  not  without  errors,  this  is  one  of  the  best  brief  accounts  of  the  Span- 
ish-American revolution  at  present  available. 

Mitre,  B.,  Historia  de  Belgrano  y  de  la  Independencia  Argentina,  three  volumes, 
Buenos  Ayres,  1887.    Mitre,  Historia  de  Belgrano. 

This  and  the  following  work  are  among  the  best  pieces  of  historical  writing 
yet  done  by  a  Spanish- American  historian.  It  is  not  always  accurate.  There 
is  some  valuable  material  in  the  appendices. 

Mitre,  B.,  Historia  de  San  Martfn  y  de  la  Emancipati6n  Sud-Americana,  four  vol- 
umes, Buenos  Ayres,  1889,  1890.    Mitre,  Historia  de  San  Martfn. 

Moses,  B.,  The  Establishment  of  Spanish  Rule  in  America,  New  York,  1898.  Moses, 
Spanish  Rule. 

Nougarct,  P.  J.  B.,  Histoire  des  Prisons  de  Paris  et  des  D^partemens,  contenant  des 
M^moires  rares  et  pr^cieux  *  ♦  ♦^  four  volumes,  Paris,  1797.  (British 
Museum.) 

Oman,  C,  A  History  of  the  Peninsular  War,  volume  1,  1807-1809,  Oxford,  1902. 
Oman,  Peninsular  War. 

Pax8on,  F.  L.,  The  Independence  of  the  South  American  Republics,  a  study  in 
recognition  and  foreign  policy,  Philadelphia.  1903. 

This  is  a  valuable  but  necessarily  incomplete  study  of  Spanish- American  inde- 
pendence, in  which  is  printed  a  considerable  amount  of  material  from  the  Pub- 
lic Record  Office. 

Pownall,  T..  A  Memorial,  Mast  Humbly  Addressed  to  the  Sovereigns  of  Europe,  on 
the  Present  State  of  Affairs,  between  the  Old  and  New  World,  London,  17S0. 
Pownall,  A  Memorial. 

In  this  Pownall  throws  out  some  suggestions  regarding  the  future  state  of  Span- 
ish America. 

Rafter,  M.,  Memoirs  of  Gregor  M'Gregor;  Comprising  a  Sketch  of  the  Revolution  in 
New  Granada  and  Venezuela,  with  Biographical  Notices  of  Generals  Miranda, 
BoHvar,  Morillo  and  B.ot6,  and  a  Narrative  of  the  Expeditions  to  Amelia  Island, 
Porto  Bello,  and  Rio  de  la  Hache,  interspersed  with  Revolutionary'  Anecdotes, 
London,  1820.  (Library  of  Harvard  University.)  Rafter,  Memoirs  of  M*Gregor. 
This  contains  material  regarding  one  of  Miranda's  associates  in  the  Venezuelan 
revolt  and,  by  way  of  introduction,  devotes  some  attention  to  Miranda's  career. 

Randall,  II.  S.,  The  Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  three  volumes.  New  York,  1858. 
Randall,   Life  of  Jefferson. 

Restrcpo,  J.  M.,  Historia  de  la  Revoluci(5n  de  Colombia,  ten  volumes,  Paris,  1827, 
third  volume.     (Library  of  Yale  University.) 

This  is  a  general  history  of  the  revolution  in  the  present  States  of  Venezuela 
and  Colombia,  which  pays  very  little  attention  to  Miranda. 


FBANCI8CO  D£   MIRANDA.  495 

Robinson,  H.  B.,  Memoirs  of  Lieutenant-General  Sir  Thomas  Picton,  G.  C.  B.  &c., 

including  his  correspondence,  from  originals  in  possession  of  his  family,  two 

volumes,  London,  1835.    (British  Museum.)    Robinson,  Memoirs  of  Picton. 
Some  good  source  material  is  printed  in  the  appendix  in  the  second  volume. 
Rojas,  A.,  Historia  Patria,  Esttidios  Hist<5rico6,  Origenes  Venezolanos,  volume  1, 

Caracas,  1891.     (British  Museum,  Library  of  Congress.)    Rojas,  Origenes  Vene- 
zolanos. 
Some  valuable  documents  relating  to  Miranda's  father  are  printed  in  the 

appendix. 
Rojas,  A.,  Los  Hombres  de  la  Revoluci6n,  1810-1826,  El  Can6nigo  Jos^  Cortes  Mada- 

riaga.  El   General    Emparan,  Caracas,  1878.    (British   Museum.)    Rojas,   Los 

Hombres. 
This  is  reprinted  from  La  Opini6n  Nacional,  Caracas,  October  28,  1878.     It  is 

a  rare  study  of  the  Venezuelan  revolt  by  a  Venezuelan,  in  which  is  printed  some 

source  material  not  otherwise  available  at  present. 
Rojas,  A.,  Leyendas  Hist6rica8  de  Venezuela,  Historia  Patria,  segunda  serie,  Caracas, 

1891.    (British  Museum.) 
In  this  Miranda  is  treated  in  a  patriotic  fashion. 
Rose,  J.  H.,  The  Life  of  Napoleon  j    *    ♦    ♦    two  volumes,  London,  1902.     Rose, 

Napoleon  I. 
Saint-Priest,  Le  C**  Alexis  de,  Histoire  de  la  Chute  des  J^uites  au  XVIII*  sik^le 

(1750-1782),  Paris,  1844.    Saint-Priest,  La  Chute  des  J^suites.    (Library  of  Yale 

University.) 
There  are  interesting  documents  in  the  appendix. 
Salomon,  F.^  William  Pitt,  Erster  Band.    Bis  zum  Au^gang  der  Friedensperiode 

(1793).    Erster  Teil.    Die  Grundlagen,  Leipzig,  1901. 
This  part  contains  nothing  on  Miranda. 
Schryver,  Simon  de,  Esquisse  de  la  Vie  de  Bolivar,   Bruxelles,   1899.    (British 

Museum.) 
Shepherd,  W.  R.,  Guide  to  the  Materials  for  the  History  of  the  United  States  in 

Spanish  Archives,  Washington,  1907. 
Smyth,  W.  H.,  The  Life  and  Services  of  Captain  Philip  Beaver,  late  of  His  Majesty's 

Ship  NisuSj  London,  1829.    Smyth,  Life  of  Beaver. 
Sorel,  A.,  L'Europe  et  la  Revolution  Frangaise,  eight  volumes,  Paris,  1893-1904, 

volumes  1  and  2. 
(South  American),  Outline  of  the  Revolution  in  Spanish  America;  or  an  Account  of 

the  Origin,  Progress,  and  Actual  State  of  the  War,  Carried  on  between  Spain  and 

Spanish  America;  Containing  the  Principal  Facts  Wliich  Have  Marked  the  Strug- 
gle, New  York,  1817. 
Stanhope,  P.  H.,  fifth  Earl,  Life  of  the  Right  Honorable  William  Pitt,  two  volumes, 

London,  1861. 
Stanhope,  P.  H.,  fifth  Earl,  Notes  of  Conversations  with  the  Duke  of  Wellington, 

1831-1851,  New  York,  1888.    Stanhope,  Conversations  with  the  Duke  of  Well- 
ington. 
Tooke,  H.,  Life  of  Catherine  II,  Empress  of  Russia,  three  volumes,  London,  1800. 

Tooke,  Life  of  Catherine  II. 
Urquinaona  y  Pardo,  P.  de,  Resdmen  de  las  Causas  Principales  que  Preparon  y  Dieron 

Impulso  d  la  Emancipacion  de  la  America  Espailola,  Madrid,  1835.    Urquinaona, 

Resdmen.    (Library  of  Congress.) 
A  rare  study  of  the  Venezuelan  revolt,  especially  valuable  when  based  on 

Spanish  archival  material,  which  is  often  quoted. 
Van  Tyne  (C.  H.)  and  Leland  (W.  G.),  Guide  to  the  Archives  of  the  Grovemment  of 

the  United  States  in  Washington,  Washington,  1907. 


496  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL.  ASSOCIATION. 

Velasco  y  Rojas,  el  Marqu^  de,  Sim6n  BoHvar,  Paris,  1883.    (British  Museum, 

Library  of  Congress.)     Rojas,  Simdn  BoHvar. 
A  sketch  of  Bolfvar  by  a  Venezuelan,  in  which  are  published  some  diplomatic 

documents  from  the  Public  Record  Office. 
Vicufia  Mackenna,  B.,  El  Ostracismo  del  Jeneral  D.  Bernardo  O'Higgins  escrito  solwe 

Documentos  In^ditos  i  Noticias  Aut^nticas,  Valparafso,  1860.     Vicuna  Mackenna, 

EI  Ostracismo.     (British  Museum.) 
Vicuna  Mackenna,  B.,  La  Corona  del  H^roe,  Recopilacion  de  Datos  i  Documentoe 

para  perpetuar  la  Memoria  del  Jeneral  don  Bernardo  O'Higgins,  Mandada  publicar 

por  el  Ex-ministro  de  la  Guerra  don  Francisco  Echdurren,  Santiago  de  Chili,  1872. 

Vicufia  Mackenna,  La  Corona.     (British  Museum.) 
Vicuna  Mackenna,  B.,  Vida  del  Capitdn  Jeneral  de  Chile  Don  Bernardo  O'Higgin?, 

Brigadier  de  la  Repiiblica  Argentina  i  Gran  Mariscal  del  Perii,  Santiago  de  Chili, 

1882.     Vicufia  Mackenna,  Vida  de  O'Higgins.     (British  Museum.) 
These  three  books  by  the  Chilian  historian,  Vicufia  Mackenna,  tell  the  story  of 

the  encounter  of  Miranda  and  O'Higgins  in  London,  and  print  some  documentfi 

relating   to   the   revolutionizing  of  Spanish   America.    They   frequently  lack 

references. 
Villanueva,  C.  A.,  Paris,  Paris,  1897. 

This  contains  a  brief  sketch  of  Miranda,  pp.  188-208. 
Wallon,  II.,  Ilistoire  du  Tribunal  R^volutionnaire  de  Paris  avec  le  Journal  de  see 

Actes,  tome  premier,  Paris,  1880.     Wallon,  Le  Tribunal  R6volutionnaire. 
Wilberforce,  R.  I.,  and  S.,  The  Life  of  William  Wilberforce,  five  volumes,  London, 

1839.     Wilberforce,  Life  of  Wilberforce. 
This  contains  a  very  small  amount  of  material  on  Miranda. 
Winsor,  J.,  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  eight  volumes,  Boston  and 

New  York,  1889,  volume  8. 
The  fifth  chapter  is  by  Clements  R.  Markham  on  the  Colonial  History  of  South 

America  and  the  Wars  of  Independence.     It  is  followed  by  a  very  helpful  critical 

essay  on  the  sources  of  information. 

b.  PERIODICALS. 

Bcllo,  A.,  "Documentos  Relativoa  a  la  Biografia  del  Jeneral    Francisco  Miranda," 

Miscelanoa   I lispano- Americana  de  Ciencias,  Literatura  i  Artes,     *     *     *     vol- 
ume  4,    London,    1829.     The    name    El    Repertorio   Americano    is    sometimes 

applied  to  this. 
Fortesciie,  J.   W.,   "The  Expedition  to  the  West  Indies,"  Macmillan's  Magazine, 

volume  69,   Loudon  and  New  York,   1894.     Fortescue,  Macmillan'a  Magazine, 

LXIX. 
Gannicrs,  A.  de,  '*Le  ManVhal  de  Luckner  et  la  Premiere  Campagne  de  Belgique  en 

1792  d'aj)r^s  les  Documcntis  du  Dc^'pot  de  la  Guerre,"  Revue  des  Questions  Wib- 

toricjuos,  vfjlumc  63,  pages  437-,  Paris,  1898. 
"General  Miranda's  Expedition,"  Atlantic;  Monthly,  volume  5,  ]>age8  589-,  Boston, 

1860.     The  article  is  attributed  to  F.  Sheldon. 
Hall,  11.,  "Pitt  and  General  Miranda,"  The  Athenieum,  London,  April  19,   1902. 

(No.  3886,  pages  498,  499.) 
This  article,  on  the  relations  between  Pitt  and  Miranda,  is  by  a  scholar  who 

has  long  been  a  student  of  both  men. 
Lavergne,  R.,  "Les  Emigres  au  Sie^e  de  Maestricht  en  1793,"  Revue  dee  Questions 

Ilistoriques,  volume  63,  pages  516-,  Paris,  1898. 
Ortiz,  P.  P.,  "  El  Jeneral  Miranda  y  Hamilton,"  La  Revista  de  Buenos  Aires,  volume 

6,  pages  74-,  Buonos  Ayrcs,  1865. 
This  is  based  largely  on  Randall's  Jefferson  and  the  article  in  volume  13  of  the 

Edinburgh  ReVicw. 


FRANCISCO  DE    MIRANDA.  497 

Sloanei  W.  M.,   *' Napoleon's  Plans  for  a  Colonial  System/'  American  Historical 

Review,  volume  4,  pages  439-,  New  York,  1899. 
Sorel,  A.,  **  La  Diplomatie  Frangaise  et  TEspagne  de  1792  k  1796,"  Revue  Historique, 

volume  13,  pages  41-,  241-,  Paris,  1880. 
This  is  a  valuable  discussion,  which  indicates  the  attitude  of  France  toward 

Spanish  America,  1792-1796. 
Strong,  F.,  "The  Causes  of  Cromwell's  West  Indian  Expedition,"  American  Historical 

Review,  volume  4,  pages  228-,  New  York,  1899. 
Tratchevsky,  A.,  "L'E^pagne  k  I'Epoque  de  la  Revolution  Frangaise,"  Revue  His- 
torique, volume  31,  pages  1-,  Paris,  1886. 
Tiumer,  F.  J.,  "The  Diplomatic  Contest  for  the  Mississippi  Valley,"  Atlantic  Monthly, 

volume  93,  pages  676-,  807-,  Boston  and  New  York,  1904. 
This  is  a  fine  description  of  the  European  plots  for  the  control  of  the  Mississippi 

region,  which  were  terminated  on  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  by  the  United  States. 
Turner,  F.  J.,  "The  Origin  of  Genet's  Projected  Attack  on  Louisiana  and  the  Flor- 

idas,"  American  Historical  Review,  volume  3,  pages  650-,  New  York,  1898. 
This  is  an  excellent  account  of  the  origin  of  Genet's  project,  which  shows  its 

relations  to  the  plans  of  Miranda  and  its  ramifications  in  America.     It  was  based 

largely  on  material  secured  in  the  French  archives. 
Turner,  F.  J.,  "The  Policy  of  France  toward  the  Mississippi  Valley  in  the  Period  of 

Washington  and  Adams,"  American  Historical  Review,  volume  10,  pageB  249-, 

New  York,  1905. 
This  emphasizes  the  French  side  of  the  intrigues  described  in  volume  93  of  the 

Atlantic  Monthly  by  the  same  writer,  and  furnishes  references  not  there  given. 

B.     SOURCES. 

a.  PUBLISHED  MATERIAL. 

1.  Books  and  Pamphlets. 

Adams,  C.  F.,  The  Works  of  John  Adams,  Second  President  of  the  United  States: 
with  a  life  of  the  Author,  Notes  and  Illustrations,  ten  volumes,  Boston,  1856, 
volumes  1,  8,  and  10.    Adams,  Works  of  John  Adams. 

In  these  volumes  can  be  found  some  contemporary  material  relating  to  Miranda 
and  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America  and  also  the  ideas  which  John  Adams 
had  of  the  projects  of  Miranda  in  later  years. 
Adams,  H.,  The  Writings  of  Albert  Gallatin,  three  volumes,  Philadelphia,  1879, 
volume  1. 

A  small  amount  of  material  can  be  found  relating  to  the  expedition  of  1806. 
American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  Volume  III,  Washington,  1832. 
Annual  Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association  for  the  year  1896,  volume  1, 
Washington,  1897,  Am.  Hist.  Assn.  Rept.,  1896. 

This  volume  contains  some  important  documents  from  the  French  archives 
illustrating  the  attitude  of  France  toward  Spanish  America,  1792,  1793. 
Annals  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  Ninth  Congress,  two  volumes,  Wash- 
ington, 1852. 
Annals  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  Tenth  Congress,  three  volumes,  Wash- 
ington, 1852,  1853. 
Annals  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  Eleventh  Congress,  First  Session,  Wash- 
ington, 1853. 
These  have  material  on  the  expedition  of  1806. 

k,  J.  M.,  South  American  Emancipation,  Documents,  historical  and  explana- 
tary»  shewing  the  designs  which  have  been  in  progress,  and  the  exertions  made 
by  General  Miranda,  for  the  attainment  of  that  object  during  the  last  twenty-five 

5883a— VOL  1—09 32 


It.:::'  AN     HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

•Liiefiara.     ( Britit^h  Museum,  Librar)' of  Conjrrew*.  Libran- 

-  .  ■**• 

-..-..    .ii«i»-r  the  ilinx'tion  of  Miranda,  i.-»  one  of  the  mopl  valuable 

-  -      .i..:j-^   vith  him.     It  couHists  mainly  of  a  reprint  of  the  review 

4.  ;mi:  -  l.t.'ttre  aux  EspapnoLs  Ammcains  in  volume  13  of  the 

■  .*.    wih  .s.ime  justificatory  (l(K;umentf<.     The  writer  ,te8»te<i  all 

.,►  11-  -  iH  •••ukl  test  and  found  them  authentic  in  evcr>'  cafe.     They 

<.iki-u  :r'm  Miranda's  an-hiven.     The  comments  on  these  d^x^u- 

.     ip'  -iiinetimes  misleadinji;.     Further,  documents  which  would 

i«  A    »i  Miranda  than  that  desired  are    not    printed.     The   brink 

I  ..^'Ufut  of  the  Debates  of  (.'ongress,  sixteen  volumes,  New  York, 
-t..         .a ..lit  •»  .J  anil  4. 
•-.^  '   iw  ox{)edition  of  1806. 

■^•■rN  ..if  Don  Francisco  de  Miranda's  Attempt  to  effect  a  Revolu- 

--...;'    viiurica,  in  a  series  of  letters    ♦    ♦    *    by  a  gentleman  who  wa5 

•    .     .i.;»  r  'hat  ■;:eneral,  to  his  friend  in  the  United  States.     To  which  aro 

.  N.    ^;iMi«n>  '.>t  the  Life  of  Miranda  and  Geographical  Xotet»  of  Caracciu*. 

■^  .       '^.'       '.iiuj;!*. 

'. .:     .-.    1  \»'ral  t^ilitions  of  this  book  an<l  the  author's  name  does  not  always 

I.    :iile-j«ge.     The  author  was  one  of  Miranda's  followen*  in  the 

..    .     sn;      The  account  of  BigKs  is  the  best  single  source  onthoexi)0- 

.-. '.'.■■luU  it  btromes    [>rejudiced  against  Miranda  as  it  procee<ls,  yvl. 

iiuiiUMTipt  and   printed  material,   it  is  generally  trustworthy.     As 

....    1. 1  V  uptunnl  by  the  Siianiards,  his  narrative  is  much  more  comj)lei»» 

: .      .    iihcr  Sherman  or  Smith. 

♦vvumentos  para  la  llistoria  de  la  \'ida  Publica  del  T-ibcrtador  dc 

.   ...i,    P»ra   y    Bolivia,  publicados  por  disposicion  del  General    Guzman 

•     •     •    fourteen  volumes,  Caraciw,  1875-1877.     (Wisconsin  Ilistoricul 

. ». »       iniL-^h   Museum,    Librarj'  of  Congress,   Library  of  Yale   University! 

'  A   irju'tllos. 

.   ■.  >■  \  aluabl<M'()lkH'tion  of  d(H"unn'nts  relating  to  the  Spanish-AnuTJiaii 
...  \  va.     Soino  of  the  material  found  in  the  tirst  four  volume.'*  relatirrj 
.   .   .    ^ -.1 'I  olhiTwise  accos.<iblo. 

N,   ,i'-\     Vnu'rican    Independence,    speech     *     *     *     on   the   installati"ii 
.  ..     .':;.;!rv'  of  VencvAicla,    15   February,    1819,    London,   1819.     ^ British 

...        :i  'livar.  South  American  hKb'pcndcncc. 

.  ....i!i>  a  hint  of  Bolivar's  ideas  regarding  the  application  of  the  t'onstitu- 

K   I  Miit'd  States  to  Venezuela. 
I'u-  Works  of  Jeremy   Benthani,  eleven  volumes,  Edinburgh,   1S|;>, 
.   .,     ■•      l*M»\\ ring.  Works  (jf  Benthani. 

,.1  .I'lis  a  small  amount  of  material  r(»gariling  Mimnda's  relations  \\iih 

»     vv  ;»ie  during  the  latter  part  of  his  career. 

\   ^I'l  'ual  liea.-^nns  for  our  Immediately  Emancipating  Spanish  Ameriea: 

...      ••!!i  the  Xt'W  and  Kxtraortlinary  Circum.stances  of  the  Pre.'^ent  Crisi-; 

,    '■■t.:  valuable  information,  respecting  the  late  important  events.  l>o»h 

.   ...  ..    \\re.>,  and  in  the  (araccas;    as  well  as  with  respect  to  the  present 

.  ,         .t    viid  views  of  the  Spani.^h  Americans;    being  intende<l  ai«  a  supple- 

V'luli    American    Independence,    London,    1808.     (British    Museum.) 

■v  .    V  'x'.'.uonal  Reasons. 

.»»„    .-  ilie  emancipation  of  Spanish  America  by  England;    Miranda  to  be 

■.:en\e  his  c<)iintrymen.     A  .sketch  of  Miranda,  which  is  not  without 

.    .^  \x*n  ami  a  ju>tificatory  aet'ount  of  the  expedition  of  1806.     The  latter 

s..  ^^     .'.  ^yirl  on  the  account  in  the  Annual  Register  for  1807.     Perhaps  the 


FRANCISCO   DE    MIRANDA.  499 

moet  valuable  material  in  this  pamphlet  is  the  translation  of  Viscardo  y  Guzman's 
Lettre  aux  Espagnols  Am^ricains.    The  treatment  of  Miranda  is  sympathetic 
^  and  partial. 

Burke,  W.,   Derechoe  de  la  America  del  Sur  y  Mexico    ♦    ♦    ♦^    Caracas,   1811. 

(Library  of  Congress.) 
Burke,  W.,  South  American  Independence;  or,  the  Emancipation  of  South  America, 
the  Glory  and  Interest  of  England,  London,  1807.     (British  Museum.) 

This  is  an  argument  for  the  emancipation  and  independence  of  Spanish  America 
by  England  which  incidentally  refers  to  Miranda. 
Caracas,  La  Universidad  de,  La  Intolerancia  Polltico-Religiosa  Vindicada.  6  Refu- 
tacion  del  Discurso  que  en  favor  de  la  Tolerancia  Religiosa  public6  D.  Guillermo 
Burcke  en  la  Gaceta  de  Caracas  del  martes  19  de  febrero  de  1811,  niimero  20, 
Mexico,  1826.     (Library  of  Congress.) 
Catalogue  of  the  Valuable  and  Extensive  Library  of  the  late  General  Miranda:  Part 
the   First,  London,  1828.     (Lenox  Library.)     Catalogue  of  Miranda's  Library. 
This  is  a  catalogue  of  some  of  Miranda's  books  which  were  advertised  to  be 
sold  at  auction  by  a  Mr.  Evans  in  London  on  July  22,  July  23,  and  July  24,  1828. 
The  collection  of  books  is  quite  miscellaneous;   the  chief  classes  are  histories  of 
European  countries,  masterpieces  of  European  literature,  voyages  and  travel  in 
various  parts  of  the  world,  books  on  art  and  art  galleries,  and  "A  Fine  Collection 
of  Spanish  Books,  particularly  relating  to  North  and  South  America."  " 
Cbampagneux,  L.  A.,  (Euvrcs  de  J.  M.  Ph.  Roland,  tome  second,  Paris,  An  VIII. 
(British  Museum.)     Champagneux,  Madame  Roland. 

With  this  is  printed  an  account  of  the  experiences  of  Champagneux  and  Miranda 
in  the  prison  La  Force. 
Chauveau  Lagarde,  Plaidoyer  pour  le  General  Miranda,  Accus^  de  haute  trahison  et 
de complicite  avec  le  G^n^ral  en  chef  Dumouriez,  Paris.  (1793.)    (British  Museum.) 
Plaidoyer  de  Chauveau  Lagarde. 

In  this  defense  is  given  sopae  information  about  Miranda's  early  life  which  is 
not  entirely  correct.     It  is  probable  that  this  information  was  derived  in  part 
from  Miranda  himself. 
A  Collection  of  the  State  Papers  of  John  Thurloe,  Esq.,  secretary,  first,  to  the  Council 
of  State,  and  aften^'ards  to  the  Two  Protectors,  Oliver  and  Richard  Cromwell, 
seven    volumes,    London,    1742,    volume    3.     (Wisconsin    Historical    Librar>\) 
Thurloe,  State  Papers. 
Coleccion  de  Documentos  relativos  d  la  Vida  Publica  del  Libertador  de  Colombia  y 
del  Peru,  Sim6n  Bolivar,  para  servir  d  la  Historia  de  Independencia  del  Sur^ 
am^rica,  tomo  primero,  Caracas,  1826.     (Librar>'  of  Yale  University.) 
There  is,  ver>'  little  in  this  relating  even  indirectly  to  Miranda. 
Copie  de  la  Lettre  du  G6n6ral  Miranda  aux  Commiesaires  d^put^s  dans  la  Belgique, 

1793.    (British  Museum.) 
Correspondance  de  Napoleon  T^,  publi^e  par  ordre  de  I'Empereur  Napol</on  III, 
thirty-two  volumes,  Paris,  1858-1869,  volume  17.     Correspondance  de  Napoleon. 
Some  dispatches  are  found  which  show  in  [)art  Napoleon's  designs  with  regard 
to  Spanish  America  in  1808. 
Correspondance  du  G6n^ral  Miranda  avec  le  General  Dumouriez,  les  Ministres  de  la 
Guerre,  Pache  et  Beumonville,  depuis  Janvier  1793,  Paris.    (1793?)     (British 
Museum.) 
These  relate  to  Miranda's  military  career  in  France. 
DaviB,  M.  L.,  The  Private  Journal  of  Aaron  Burr,  during  his  residence  of  four  years 
in  Europe;  with  selections  from  his  correspondence,  two  volumes,  New  York, 
1858.     Davia,  Journal  of  Burr. 


a  Title-page. 


500  AMEBICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Davifi^  M.  L.,  Memoirs  of  Aaron  Burr  with  MiBcellaneoufi  Selections  from  his  Corres- 
pondence, two  volumes,  New  York,  1837.    Davis,  Memoirs  of  Burr. 

Depone,  F.,  Travels  in  Soutii  America,  during  the  years  1801,  1802,  1803,  and  1804; 
containing  a  description  of  the  Captain-Generalship  of  Caraccas,  and  an  account 
of  the  discovery,  conquest,  topography,  legislature,  conmierce,  finance,  and 
natural  productions  of  the  country;  with  a  view  of  the  manners  and  customs  of 
the  Spaniards  and  the  native  Indians,  translated  from  the  French,  two  volimies, 
London,  1807.     Depons. 

There  is  more  than  one  English  translation  of  this  work.  A  copy  of  the  French 
edition  is  in  the  Library  of  Congress.  When  tested  by  material  in  the  Spanish 
archives  this  remains  the  best  printed  source  on  conditions  in  present  Venezuela 
at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  and  the  b^;inning  of  the  nineteenth  centuries. 
Depons  was  an  agent  of  the  French  Government  in  Caracas  for  several  years  and 
had  exceptional  opportunities  for  observation.  Depons,  however,  is  sometimes 
lenient  in  judging  the  Spanish  colonial  regime. 

Dexter,  F.  B.,  The  Literary  Diary  of  Ezra  Stiles,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  President  of  Yale 
College,  three  volumes.  New  York,  1901.    Stiles'  Diary. 

This  is  one  of  the  few  contemporary  sources  noting  Miranda's  visit  to  the  United 
States  at  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  war. 

Diaz,  J.  D.,  Recuerdos  sobre  la  Rebeli6n  de  Cardcas,  Madrid,  1829.  (Library  of 
Congress,  Library  of  Yale  University.)    Diaz,  Recuerdos. 

These  are  the  recollections  of  a  royalist,  suggestive,  inclined  to  trust  tradition, 
and  naturally  prejudiced  against  the  independents. 

Duruy,  G.,  M^moires  de  Barras,  Membre  du  Directoire,  public  avec  une  Introduction 
g6n^rale,  des  Prefaces  et  des  Appendices,  four  volumes,  Paris,  1895  and  1896, 
volume  2.    M^moires  de  Barras. 

Eustace,  J.  S.,  Le  Citoyen  des  Etats-Unis  d'Am^rique  *  *  *  ^  ses  Fr^res 
d'Armes,  Paris,  1793.    Eustace,  Le  Citoyen.    (British  Museum.) 

In  this  pamphlet  an  attack  is  made  on  Miranda.  Some  of  his  statements  are 
criticized  and  some  allusions  are  made  to  Miranda's  experiences  in  America. 

Extrait  du  Proc^-verbal  des  Deliberations  du  Comity  de  la  Guerre,  stance  du  limdi 
8  avril,  huit  heures  du  soir.  Interrogatoire  du  G^n^ral  Miranda,  Paris.  (Biblio- 
th^ue  Nationale.) 

Ford,  W.  C,  Writings  of  George  Washington,  fourteen  volumes,  New  York  and  London, 
1889-1893.     Ford,  Writings  of  Washington. 
No  hint  of  Miranda  can  be  found  in  any  of  these  volumes. 

Ford,  P.  L.,  The  Writings  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  ten  volumes.  New  York  and  London, 
1892-1899.     Ford,  Writings  of  Jefferson. 

A  few  of  these  volumes  contain  material  on  Spanish  America  during  the  period 
under  consideration. 

(jage,  T.,  A  New  Survey  of  the  West  Indies:  or  the  English  American,  his  Travels  by 
Sea  and  Land    *    ♦    *,  London,  1677.    (Wisconsin  Historical  Library.)   Gsge, 
New  Survey. 
This  is  a  discussion  of  the  West  Indies  and  of  the  adjacent  Spanish  continent. 

Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  P.,  Historia  de  las  Guerras  Civiles  del  Perd  (1544-1548)  y 
de  Otros  Sucesos  de  las  Indias,  three  volumes,  Madrid,  1904,  1905. 
An  account  of  one  of  the  earliest  disturbances  in  Spanish  America. 

Gurwood,  J.,  The  Despatches  of  Field  Marshal  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  thirteen 
volumes,  London,  1834-1839,  volume  4.    Gurwood,  Despatches  of  Wellington. 

Hamilton,  S.  M.,  The  Writings  of  James  Monroe,  including  a  collection  of  his  public 
and  private  papers  and  correspondence  now  for  the  first  time  published,  four  vol- 
umes, New  York  and  London,  1898-1900. 

Holstein,  H.  L.  V.  Ducoudray,  Memoirs  of  Simdn  Bolivar,  President  Liberator  of 
the  Republic  of  Columbia;  and  of  his  Principal  Generals;  secret  History  of  the 


FRANCISCO  DE    MIRANDA.  501 

svolution,  and  nt  the  events  which  preceded  it.  from  1807  to  the  Present  Time 

BoBton,  1S29.     Ducoudray  Uolatein,  Memoirs  uf  Sinuin  Bolfvar. 
In  these  memoirB  ore  given  some  suggeslive  reminisce ac^s  and  Ir&ditiont<  of  th« 
Ifiranda  era.     It  ia  more  valuable  for  the  period  of  BoUvar'a  activity. 

aji  Sfcei  Eustace,  He  disanl  Citoyun  dea  fitata-Unis  d'Am^rique.  et 
Wn^ral  de  Brigade  dee  Annies  FrancoiBss,    (British  Muaeum.) 
This  pamphlet  is  a  reply  to  Eustace  which  defends  Miranda.     Some  data  OK 
1  which  indicates  that  perhaps  the  writer  had  access  to  Miranda's  papers. 
It  is  Htnii^Iy  prejudiced  in  favor  of  Miranda, 
jtemer,  J..  Das  Bilderbuch  aua  meiner  Knabenzeit,  Erinnerungen  aua  den  Jahreo 

1786  bis  1804.  Stuttgart,  1886, 
Cing,  R.,  The  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Rufus  King,  comprising  his  letters,  private 
and  official,  his  public  documeots,  and  speeches,  six  volumes.  New  Y(irk,  1894- 
1900,  volumes  1,  2.  3,  and  4.  King,  Corresfxindenee  of  King, 
_  This  is  line  of  the  moat  important  sources,  1798-1806,  for  Rufus  King  was  a  very 
^LcGonAdential  friend  ot  Miranda,  and  when  minister  of  the  United  States  to  England 
^B'was  also  on  good  terms  with  the  English  minister.  At  times,  however.  King 
l^flhowed  an  enthusiastic  leaning  toward  Miranda's  designs. 

Enters  and  Other  Writings  of  Jamee  MadtHon,  Fourth  President  of  the  United  States, 

in  tour  volumes,  published  by  order  of  Congress,  Philadelphia,  186,5,  volume  2. 

Letters  of  Madisim. 

There  is  a  small  amount  of  material  relating  to  Miranda  in  this  cotlectioD, 

complete  publication  of  Madimn  papers  edited  by  G.  Hunt  has  not 

tiyet  reached  the  Jitlranda  period  of  1806. 

e  du  G^nfral  Miranda  •  •  "  Au  quartier  genera!  d'Anvers,  le  4  d^emkre 
fl792,  I'an  I"  de  la  r^publique  fran^aise  «  •  •  (1792?).  (Biblioth^ue 
[Rationale.) 

hiC-Tal  Miranda  h  la  representation  natiunale,  &  la  Force,  lee  13  et  15  NivOae, 
_i"  Paris.    (BibliothSque  Nationale.) 
Liettne  dee  G^n^raux  Miranda,  d'Ari.'OU,  et  Valence  au  Ministre  de  la  Guerre;  Impri- 

m^es  par  ordJe  de  la  Convention  nationale,    (British  Museum,) 
Lodge,   H,  G.,  The  Works  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  nine  volumes.   New  York  and 
London,  1885-1886,  volume  8.     Lodge,  Works  of  HamiltoQ. 

Some  documents  are  printed  showing  Damilton'R  attitude  toward  Spanish 
America, 
tbniiscripts  of  J.  B.   Forteecue,   Esq.,  preserved  at  Dropmore,  (British]  Historic^ 
I  Manuflcripts  Commission,  Thirteenth  Report,  Appendix,  Part  III;  Fourteenth 
~tepon,  Appendix.  Part  V;  Report  on  the  Manuscripts  of  J.  B.  Fortescue^  Esq,, 
rved  at  Dropmore;  London,  1892,  1896,  18B9,    Dropmore  Papers,  I,  11,  IIL 
This  publication  consists  of  some  of  the  papere  of  Lord  Grenville  which  illus- 
tiBte  English  policy.     It  contains  very  little  relating  to  Miranda.     It  is  not  com- 
plete and,  unfortunately,  the  owner  of  the  manuscripts  refuses  to  allow  historical 
students  access  to  them  because  of  the  personal,  private,  and  confidential  chaf' 
acter  of  many  of  the  papers. 
If^moires  du  G^n^ral  Dumouriez,  avec  une  introduction  par  M.  Fr    Barri^re.  two 
volumes,  Paris,  1862,  1863.    These  are  part  of  the  BJblioth^ue  des  MSmoiice 
r«Iatifs  il  I'Histoire  de  France  pendant  le  18'  SiMe,  avec  avant-propos  et  nol«a 
par  M.  Fr.  Ba/ritre. 
Uier  Nori^ia  y  Guerrn,  J.  S.  T.  de.  Carta  de  un  Americano  al  EspaQol  sobre  su 

ntimeroXIX,  London,  18U.  (Library  of  Congress.) 
Uinutea  of  a  Court  Martial,  holden  on  board  Mis  Majesty's  ship  Gladiator,  in  Forts- 
H  Slouth  Harbor,  on  Friday,  the  6"^  day  of  March,  1807.  and  continued,  by  adjourn, 
^■bent,  till  Wednesday.  March  II.  following,  for  the  trial  of  Capt.  Sir  Home  Pop- 
^^mam,  including  a  complete  Copy  of  his  Defence,  taken  from  the  Original,  Lon- 
^Bbm,  1807.    (Library  of  Yale  University. )    Popham'a  Trial. 


502  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL.  ASSOCIATION. 

This  report  of  the  trial  of  Capt.  Sir  Home  Popham  for  attacking  Buenoe  Ayres 
is  valuable  as  indicating  English  policy  toward  Spanish  America,  1806,  1807. 

Miranda  i  ses  Concitoyens.     Discours  que  je  me  propoeois  de  prononcer  h.  la  Conven- 
tion Nationale,  le  29  Mars  dernier,  le  lendemain  de  mon  arriv^  k  Paris  (1793). 
(British  Museum.) 
In  this  Miranda  defends  himself  against  certain  charges. 

Miranda  aux  repr^^cntants  du  Peuple  Franyois.    (Biblioth^que  Nationale.) 

Morris,  A.  C,  The  Diary  and  Letters  of  Gouvemeur  Morris,  Minister  of  the  United 
States  to  France;  Member  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  *  ♦  ♦^  two  vol- 
umes. New  York,  1888. 

Opinion  du  G^n^ral  Miranda  sur  la  Situation  Actuelle  de  la  France,  et  sur  Ite  remMes 
convenables  k  ses  Manx,  Paris,  an  troisi^me  de  la  R^publique  Fran^aise.  (Brit- 
ish Museum.) 

In  this  pamphlet  Miranda  presented  his  ideas  regarding  the  French  Govern- 
ment. 

Pallain,  G.,  Le  Minist^re  de  Talleyrand  sous  le  Directoire,  Paris,  1891.  (library  d 
Harvard  University.)    Pallain,  Le  Minist^re  de  Talleyrand. 

In  this  diplomatic  correspondence  of  Talleyrand  can  be  found  some  indica- 
tions of  his  attitude  with  respect  to  Spanish  America. 

The  Parliamentary  History  of  England  from  the  Earliest  Period  to  1803,  volume  32 
(1789-1791),  London,  1816. 

This  volume  contains  the  debates  in  the  English  Parliament  on  the  Nootka 
Sound  dispute. 

Poudenx  (XL),  ot  Mayer  (F.),  Memoire  pour  servir  k  I'Histoire  de  la  Revolution  de 
la  Capitainerie  Gen^rale  de  Caracas,  depuis  I'abdication  de  Charles  IV  jusqu'au 
mois  d'aoQt  1814,  Paris,  1815.  (Library  of  Harvard  University.)  Poudenx  et 
Mayer,  M<' moire. 

A  very  rare,  valuable,  and  suggestive  memoir  on  the  early  Venezuelan  revolt, 
but  somewhat  prejudiced  against  Miranda. 

The  Proceedings  of  a  General  Court  Martial,  held  at  Chelsea  Hospital  on  Thursday, 
January  28,  1808,  and  continued,  by  adjournment,  till  Tuesday,  March  15,  for 
the  Trial  of  Lieut.  Gen.  Whitelocke,  Late  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Forces  in 
South  America.  Taken  in  shorthand  by  Mr.  (Jurnoy,  With  the  Defence.  *  ♦  * 
also  all  the  IkK'uinent.s  j)ro(hice(l  on  the  Trial,  two  volumes,  London,*  1808.  (Li- 
brary of  Yale  ruiverflity.)     Whitelorke's  Trial. 

This  account  of  the  trial  is  esjwcially  valuable,  as  it  contains  in  the  ap|x^ndix 
the  instruct ion.s  given  by  the  English  Government  to  its  military  commanders 
regarding  Spanish  America  in  1807.  Another  edition  found  in  the  Library  of 
Congres.s  tlo(»8  not. 

.  Proclamation  du  General  Miranda,  portant  ordre  k  tons  les  commandants  temporaires 
de  donner  assistance  an  citoyen  (^h(^»py,  agent  de  la  republique  fran(,*aise  dans  la 
Belgique,  et  commencant  par  ces  mots  *  *  *^  Bruges.  (BibliothtHjue  Na- 
tionale.) 

Reponse  k  une  AlKche,  si^nee  le  Baron;  pour  le  G(5n(5ral  Laboiu*donnaye.     (British 
Museum.) 
This  contains  some  material  on  the  siege  of  Antwerj). 

Report  on  Canadian  Archives  by  Douglas  Brymncr,     *    *    *^  Ottawa,  1889. 

Report  on  Canadian  Archives  by  Douglas  Brymner,     *    *    *^  Ottawa,  1890. 

There  are  some  fleeting  references  to  Miranda  in  the  diary  of  General  Haldi- 
mand  found  in  the  rojwrt  for  1889. 

Robinson,  W.  I).,  A  Cursory  \'iew  of  Spanish  America,  i)articularly  the  neighboring 
Vice-Royalties  of  Mexico  and  New  Grenada,  chiefly  intended  to  elucidate  the 
jiolicy  of  an  Early  Connection  between  th(»  United  States  and  those  countries?, 
Georgetown,  1815.     (Library  of  Yale  University.) 


FRANCISCO  DE    MIRANDA.  503 

Robinson  had  considerable  knowledge  of  conditions  in  the  northern  part  of 
Spanish  America;  his  argument  is  directed  against  England,  but  he  is  prejudiced 
against  Miranda. 

Kojas,  A.,  Miranda  dans  la  Revolution  Fran^aise,  Recueil  de  Documents  authen- 
tiques  relative  ^  I'histoire  du  G^n^ral  Francisco  de  Miranda  pendant  son  s^jour 
en  France  de  1792  k  1798  *  *  .  *,  Caracas,  1889.  (Library  of  Yale  University.) 
In  the  preface  to  this  collection  of  documents,  published  by  the  order  of  the 
Government  of  Venezuela,  can  be  found  some  Venezuelan  appreciations  of 
Miranda  made  in  the  centennial  year  of  the  outbreak  of  the  French  Revolution. 
The  volume  also  contains  some  favorable  judgments  of  historians  on  Miranda's 
career  in  France.  It  contains  many  of  the  documents  in  pamphlets  which  are 
mentioned  separately  in  this  bibliography.  Some  material  was  evidently 
reprinted  from  Antepara.  The  text  of  some  of  the  documents  does  not  always 
agree  in  minor  details  with  the  originals  which  are  preserved  in  the  French 
archives.  The  book  is  important  for  the  study  of  Miranda's  career  in  the  French 
revolution. 

Rojas,  A.,  Miranda  en  la  Revolucion  Francesa,  Coleccion  de  documentos  aut^nticos 
referentes  a  la  historia  del  general  Franci'^co  de  Miranda  durante  su  permanencia 
en  Francia  de  1792  a  1798  *  *  *,  Ed ici6n  Castellano,  Caracas,  1889.  (Hiblio- 
teca  Nacional  de  Mexico.) 

This  Spanish  edition  of  the  work  of  Rojas  contains  a  small  amount  of  source 
material,  evidently  taken  from  Antepara,  which  is  not  found  in  the  French 
edition. 

Rojas,  El  Marques  de,  El  General  Miranda,  Paris,  1884.  (Library  of  the  University 
of  Chicago.)     Rojas,  El  General  Miranda. 

This  volume  is  very  valuable.  It  consists,  first,  of  a  sketch  of  Miranda's  activ- 
ity, by  the  editor,  which  is  somewhat  eulogistic  in  tone,  and  second,  of  an  important 
collection  of  documents.  Some  of  these  are  merely  translations  from  the  French, 
but  there  are  many  important  papers,  not  elsewhere  accessible,  dealing  with 
Miranda's  activity  in  180C  and  1810-1816.  A  friend  of  th(^  editor  informed  the 
writer  that  Marquis  Rojas  secured  the  originals  from  a  son  of  Francisco  de 
Miranda,  who  was  given  the  papers  by  the  English  Government. 

(Sherman,  J.  11.,)  A  General  Account  of  Miranda's  Expedition,  including  the  trial 
and  execution  of  ten  of  his  officers,  and  an  account  of  the  imprisonment  and 
sufferings  of  the  remainder  of  his  officers  and  men  who  were  taken  prisoners, 
NewYork,  1808.  (Library  of  Congress,  Library  of  Brown  University.)  Sherman. 
Sherman  gives  an  account,  in  part,  of  the  Miranda  expedition  of  1806.  He 
was  one  of  the  oflBcers  who  was  captured  by  the  Spaniards.  Sherman  is  not 
much  prejudiced  against  Miranda. 

S^ur,  (M.,)  Count,  Memoirs  and  Recollections  of  Count  Segur,  Ambassador  from 
France  to  the  Courts  of  Russia  and  Prussia,  &c.  &c.,  translated,  Boston,  1825. 
(Library  of  Yale  University.)    Segur,  ^lemoirs  and  Recollet^tions. 

S^ur  gives  some  recollections  of  his  visit  to  the  present  state  of  Venezuela 
about  the  beginning  of  1783. 

S^ur,  M.  le  Comte,  M^^moires,  Souvenirs  et  Anecdotes;  Correspon dance  et  Pens^es 
du  Prince  de  Tiigne,  two  volumes,  Paris,  1859.  Segur,  M^moires,  Souvenirs  et 
Anecdotes. 

This  contains  some  material  on  Miranda's  visit  to  Russia  in  1787. 

Smith,  M.,  History  of  the  Adventures  and  Sufferings  of  Mosas  Smith,  during  five 
years  of  his  life;  from  the  beginning  of  the  year  1806,  when  he  was  betrayed  into 
the  Miranda  expedition,  until  June,  1811,  when  he  was  nonsuited  in  an  action 
at  law,  which  lasted  three  years  and  a  half,  to  which  is  added  a  biographical 
sketch  of  General  Miranda,  Brooklyn,  1812.     (Boston  Athenseum.)    Moses  Smith. 


504  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

There  L*  more  than  one  edition  of  thb  book.    It  i^  a  veiy  interestine  accoimt 
of  the  expehencet*  of  one  of  Miranda'^  un:!ophif^icated  follower?  in  the  expedi- 
tion of  1800.     It  ifl  free  from  undue  prejudice. 
Smith  Papers,  [Bhtii<h]  Historical  Manuscripts  Commisioa,  Twelfth  Report.  Appoh 
dix,  Part  IX,  London,  1891.     Smith  Paper?. 

Theee  are  publL-hed  from  the  papers  of  the  private  eecjretaiy  of  William  Pitt 
and  contain  a  very  few  brief  references  to  Miranda. 
Sparki«,  J.,  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  from  the 
signing  of  the  Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace,  10th  September.  1783,  to  the  AdoptioD 
of  the  Present  Constitution,  seven  volumes*,  Washington,  1S33.  IS34,  volumes  5 
and  6.     (Library'  of  Yale  University.)    Spark.-*,  Diplomatic  Correspondence. 

In  these  volumes  there  are  a  few  references  to  the  activity  of  5uppoeed  Span- 
ish-American  agitaton<  in  Europe.  There  is  also  a  small  amount  of  materiil 
relating  to  Miranda's  participation  in  the  Spanish  attack  on  the  Bahama  Islande 
during  the  American  Revolution. 
The  Trials  of  William  S.  Smith  and  Samuel  G.  Ogden,  for  Misdemeanors,  had  in  the 
<'ircuit  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  New  York  district,  in  July,  1806  *  *  *, 
New  York,  1807.     ( Library-  of  Yale  University.)    Trial  of  Smith  and  Ogden. 

Thb^  is  a  report  of  the  trial  of  Smith  and  Ogden  on  the  charge  of  promoting  the 
exf>edition  of  Miranda  which  left  New  York  City  in  Februarj-,  IS06,  to  attack 
Spani.sh  America. 
Vane,  C.,  Marquess  of  Londonderry',  Memoirs  and  Correspondence  of  Viscount  <?astle- 
reagh,  Second  Marquess  of  Ix)ndonderrj-,  twelve  volumes,  London,  1848-1853, 
volumes  G,  7,  and  8.     Correspondence  of  Castlereagh. 

There  are  many  valuable  official  pa{>er8  printed  in  this  collection  showing 
England's  policy  toward  Spanish  America,  1806-1809. 
(Viscardo  y  Guzman)  Ix^ttre  aux  Espagnols  Am^ricains.     Par  un  de  leure  compa- 
triotes.     A  Philadelphie,  1799.     (Library  of  Columbia  University.) 

This  rare  tract,  which  argues  for  the  independence  of  Spanish  America,  was 
written  by  an  expatriated  Jesuit  who  died  in  Ix)ndon.  It  was  published  poet- 
humouHly,  pc*rhapH  under  the  influence  of  Miranda,  who  later  circulated  it  in 
Spaiii.-h  America. 
Walton,  W.,  An  Expose  on  the  Dissentions  of  Spanish  America  *  ♦  ♦,  London, 
18 J4.  (Library  of  <'ongress,  Library- of  Yale  Uuivensity.)  Walton,  Di:y>ention:» 
of  Spani.'ih  America. 

Walton  wroto  this  with  a  view  of  inducing  England  to  mediate  between  Spain 

and  tho  revolting  colonieH.     In  the  appendix  are  printed  some  rare  documents. 

Walton,   W.,  Jun.,    Present  State  of  the  Spanish  Colonies;  including  a  particular 

Hej)ort  of  Ilispaniola    *     *     *,  two  volumes,  London,  1810.     (Library  of  Yale 

University.; 

The  appendix  is  especially  valuable.  Document  D,  Volume  II,  is  an  English 
translation  of  Viscardo  y  (Juzman's  Letlre  au.\  Espagnols  Am^ricains. 
Wellington,  Duke  of,  Suj)plementary  Desi)atches,  Corresjxjndence,  and  Memoranda 
of  Field  Marshal,  Arthur,  Duke  of  Wellington,  K.  G.,  London,  volume  6.  Well- 
ington, Supplementary  Despatches.  (Library'  of  Harvard  University,  Library' 
of  Congress.; 

This   is  an   important  collection  of  documents  which  supplements  the  dis- 
patches edited  by  Gurvvot>d.       It  contains  documents  showing  the  attitude  of 
the  English  Government  toward  Spanish  America  just  before  the  national  up- 
rising in  Spain  against  Napoleon  1. 
The  \\  ritings  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  twenty  volumes,  Washington,  1903. 

There  are  a  number  of  documents  relating  to  Spanish  America  in  this  set; 
those  relating  to  the  Nootka  Sound  period  are  in  volume  8. 


FRANCISCO  D£  MIRANDA.  505 

2.  Newspapers  and  Periodicals. 

Newspapers. 

Note. — ^There  is  a  good  deal  of  illustrative  material  in  the  newspaper  files.  Its 
chief  value  lies  in  the  letters  occasionally  printed,  and  in  the  reflection  of  public 
sentiment  with  regard  to  Miranda  and  Spanish  America.  A  few  of  the  files  were  not 
complete  for  the  years  examined.  In  making  citations  the  writer  has  adopted  the 
practice  of  referring  uniformly  to  the  date  of  the  paper. 

The  Aurora,  1805-1807.     (Wisconsin  Historical  Library.) 

The  Connecticut  Journal,  1806-1808.     (Library  of  Yale  LTniversity.) 

The  Federal  Gazette  and  Baltimore  Daily  Advertiser,  1806-1808.     (Library  of  Yale 

University.) 
The  London  Chronicle,  1785,  1786;    1806-1808.    (Library  of  Yale  University.) 
The  London  Packet,  1811,  1812.    (Wisconsin  Historical  Library'.) 
The  London  Times,  1806-1812.     (British  Museum.) 

This  is  exceptionally  valuable  as  showing  at  times  the  English  attitude  to- 
ward Spanish  America. 
Le  Moniteur,  1792-1798. 

A  great  quantity  of  material  is  found  here  on  Miranda's  activity  in  France. 
PoulBon's  American  Daily  Advertiser,  1811,  1812.     (Wisconsin  Historical  Library'.) 
Relf's  Philadelphia  Gazette,  1811.     (Wisconsin  Historical  Library.) 
The  Richmond  Enquirer,  1806.     (Library  of  Congress.) 

A  very  incomplete  file  of  this  was  examined. 
The  Western  American,  1806.    (Wisconsin  Historical  Library.) 

Only  a  very  few  numbers  of  this  were  found. 
The  Western  World,  1806,  1807.     (Wisconsin  Historical  Library.) 

Some  scattered  numbers  were  found. 
The  United  States  Gazette,  1806-1808.    (Library  of  Yale  University.) 

Periodicals. 

The  material  found  in  periodicals  is  of  two  kinds,  first,  documents  secured  from 
archives  and  published  in  such  a  periodical  as  the  American  Historical  Review, 
and,  second,  sources  found  in  contemporary  magazines. 

American  Historical  Review,  volume  2,  pages  474-,  Carondelet  on  the  Defence  of 
Louisiana,  New  York,  1897. 

This  document,  published  by  F.  J.  Turner,  is  a  translation  of  a  copy  of  a  dis- 
patch from  Carondelet  to  the  Duke  of  Alcudia  secured  from  the  Spanish  Archives 
located  at  that  time  at  Alcald  de  Henares.  It  shows  the  apprehensions  of  the 
Spaniards  with  regard  to  the  project  of  Genet  and  the  steps  taken  to  guard 
against  it. 

American  Historical  Review,  volume  3,  pages  490-,  Documents  on  the  Relations 
of  France  to  Louisiana,  1792-1795,  New  York,  1898. 

These  documents  are  prefaced  by  an  introductory  note  by  F.  J.  Turner.  They 
were  secured  by  him  from  the  Minist^re  des  Affaires  fitrang^res  for  the  Historical 
Manuscripts  Commission  of  the  American  Historical  Association.  They  are  im- 
portant and  are  supplementary  to  those  published  in  the  report  of  the  American 
Historical  Association  for  1896,  volume  1. 

American   Historical   Review,  volume  3,  pages  674-,  Diary  and  letters  of   Henry 
Ingersoll,  1806-1809,  New  York,  1898. 

,  These  were  published  by  E.  E.  Sparks,  who  wrote  an  introductorj'  note.  There 
are  also  notes  by  J.  F.  Jameson.  Ingersoll  was  one  of  Miranda's  followers  in  the 
expedition  of  1806  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  His  diary  takes  the 
same  course  as  those  of  Moses  Smith  and  John  Sherman.  The  letters  deal  mainly 
with  his  life  in  prison. 


506  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCUTION. 

American  Historical  Review,  volume  4,  pages  323-,  Santiago  and  the  Freeing  of 
Spanish  America,  1741,  New  York,  1899. 

These  papers  were  evidently  secured  by  J.  F.  Jameson  from  the  Vemon-Wager 
Navy  Papers  in  the  manuscript  division  of  the  Library  of  Congress.  Their  nuun 
interest  for  this  essay  is  that  they  show  English  sentiment  toward  Spanish  America 
in  1741. 
American  Historical  Review,  volume  6,  pages  508-,  Miranda  and  the  British  Ad- 
miralty, 1804-1806,  New  York,  1901. 

These  are  important  documents  illustrating  the  connection  between  the  English 
Admiralty  and  the  Miranda  expedition  of  1806.  They  are  not  always  accurate 
copies  of  the  papers  found  by  the  writer  in  the  Public  Record  OflSce.  Of  especial 
value  is  the  memorial  drawn  up  by  Popham  in  October,  1804.  There  are  some 
helpful  bibliographical  notes  on  Miranda  by  J.  F.  Jameson,  by  whom  the  docu- 
ments were  secured. 
American  Historical  Review,  volume  7,  pages  706-,  English  Policy  toward  America 
in  1790-1791,  New  York,  1902. 

These  are  valuable  documents  secured  from  English  archives  by  F.  J.  Turner, 
accompanied  by  a  bibliographical  note.    Of  especial  value  on  Miranda  is  his  let- 
ter of  September  8,  1791,  to  William  Pitt  from  the  Chatham  Manuscripts.    This 
is  the  first  installment. 
American  Historical  Review,  volume  8,  pages  78-,  English  Policy  toward  America, 
1790-1791,    New  York,  1903. 
This  is  the  second  installment. 
American  Historical    Review,  volume  10,  pages  574-,  Documents  on  the  Blount 
Conspiracy,  1795-1797,  New  York,  1905. 

These  documents  were  secured  by  F.  J.  Turner  from  American,  English,  and 
French  governmental  archives,  and  illustrate  the  designs  of  Blount.    They  are 
accompanied  by  a  bibliographical  note. 
The  Annual  Register,  or  a  View  of  the  History,  Politics,  and  Literature,  1790,  volume 

32,  London,  1808. 
/  This  contains  material  on  the  Nootka  Sound  dispute. 

^  The  Annual  Register,  or  a  View  of  the  History,  Politics,  and  Literature  for  the  Year 
180G,  volume  48;    1807,  volume  49;    1808,  volume  50,  Ix)ndon,  1808,  1800,  1810. 
These  volumes  contain  some  material  relatinp;  to  the  .Miranda  expedition  of  1806. 
The  Edinburp:h  Annual  Register,  1808-1811,  volumes  1  to  4  inclusive,  Edinburgh, 
1810-1813. 

In  the  first  and  fourth  volumes  especially  is  found  some  material  relatLnj?  to 
Spain  and  Spanish  America. 
The  Ed  inbur<i:h  Review,  or  CriticalJoumal,  for  October  1808    *    *    *    January.  1809, 
volume  13,  pages  277-312,  a  review  of  **Lettre  aux  Espagnols  Ara<^ricains,  par 
un  de  leiirs  Compatriotes,"  Edinburgh,  1809. 

This  review  is  one  of  the  most  important  printed  sources  on  the  career  of  Miranda. 
It  was  doubtless  prepared  by  him,  or  under  his  direction  (see  above,  p.  426,  notea  •. 
It  illustrates  Miranda's  activity  as  a  propagandist,  it  contains  excerpts  from  his 
correspondence,  and   it  gives   a   resum6   of   Viecardo  y  Guzman's  Lettre   au\ 
Espagnols  AmcSricains. 
The  Edinburgh  Review,  or  Critical  Journal,  for  November,  1811     *    *    *     February, 
1812,  volume  19,  Edinburgh,  1811. 
This  contains  a  few  references  to  Caracas  and  to  Miranda. 
^  The  Monthly  Magazine,  or  British  Register,  volume  27,  London,  1809. 

There  is  an  article  in  this  regarding  Miranda,  signed  R.,  pages  113-121.  It  con- 
sists of  a  series  of  excerpts  from  Sherman  (pages  57-111),  with  but  little  modifica- 
tion except  when  necessary  because  of  the  omissions  of  parts  of  Sherman's 
narrative. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  507 

The  Monthly  Review,  or  Literary  Journal,  Enlarged,  volume  58,  London,  1809. 

There  is  an  article  in  this  journal  on  the  expedition  of  Miranda  in  1806.     It  is 

a  reply  to  Biggs,  and  was  evidently  written  by  one  who  was  prejudiced.     Biggs 

is  criticized,  Miranda  defended,  and  Spanish- American  emancipation  advocated. 

Some  new  material  is  printed,  and  the  account  of  Biggs  is  unjustly  characterized 

(page  306)  as  "a  whimsical  assemblage  of  exaggerations  and  contradictions." 
The  Political  Herald,  and  Review,  or,  a  Survey  of  Domestic  and  Foreign  Politics; 

and  a  critical  account  of  Political  and  Historical  Publications,  volume  1,  London, 

1785.    (British  Museum.) 
This  is  one  of  the  few  printed  sources  giving  evidence  of  Miranda's  visit  to 

London  in  1785. 
The  Weekly  Register,  edited  by  II.  Niles;    volumes  1  to  4,  Baltimore,  September, 

1811-September,  1813.     Niles'  Register. 
There  is  a  small  amount  of  material  in  these  volumes  relating  to  conditions  in 

Spanish  America. 

b.     MANUSCRIPT  MATERIAL. 

Note. — By  far  the  most  valuable  material  for  this  monograph  has  been  found  in 
archival  collections  in  America  and  Europe.  With  a  very  few  exceptions  the  search 
has  been  made  by  the  writer  personally,  which  has  enabled  him  to  make  the  examina- 
tion of  the  archives  more  thorough  than  would  otherwise  have  been  possible.  An 
attempt  has  been  made  to  simplify  the  method  of  citation  and  yet  not  depart  too  far 
from  the  style  most  commonly  used.  In  general,  unless  otherwise  stated,  the  number 
first  cited  in  the  footnotes  is  that  of  the  volume,  bundle,  dossier,  carton,  or  legajo. 
In  the  case  of  references  to  the  Archive  General  de  Indias,  however,  the  first  number  is 
the  estante,  the  second  the  caj6n,  and  the  third  the  legajo,  except  in  a  few  cases  where 
references  can  only  be  given  to  the  legajo. 

Adams  Manuscripts,  General  Correspondence  of  John  Adams.    These  were  in  the 
custody  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Boston.     Adams  MSS. 

This  collection  contains  many  important  documents  on  American  History, 
but  very  little  relating  to  Miranda. 

Archivo  de  la  Catedral  de  Santa  Iglesia,  Caracas,  Venezuela. 

The  certificate  of  baptism  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  is  found  in  this  reposi- 
tory. So  far  as  the  writer  was  able  to  learn  there  is  not  any  unpublished 
material  relating  to  Miranda  in  Venezuela.  The  agent  who  examined  the 
cathedral  archives  confirmed  statements  from  other  sources  when  ho  said: 
"There  are  not  any  unpublished  documents  relating  to  Miranda  in  Caracas. 
Everything  that  could  be  had  in  our  archives  is  published  in  Becerra's  book. " 
It  appears  that  in  the  course  of  the  numerous  wars  and  revolutions  mu(*h  of 
the  material  relating  to  the  early  revolutionary  history  of  Venezuela  has  been 
burned  or  otherwise  destroyed. 

Collections  of  the  British  Museum,  London: 

1.  Bexley  Manuscripts.    This  correspondence  and  papers  of  Nicholas  Vansittart, 

later  Lord  Bexley,  is  classified  among  the  "Additional  Manuscripts."     Bex- 
ley  MSS. 

The  material  consists  mainly  of  letters  dealing  with  the  last  part  of  Miranda'.^ 
career.  Other  papers  which  the  writer  feels  must  have  passed  between 
Miranda  and  Vansittart  are  noticeable  for  their  absence. 

2.  Additional  Manuscripts.    Add.  MSS. 

This  collection  contains  some  miscellaneous  documents  relating  to  Spanish 
America  besides  those  cited  as  Bexley  MSS. 

3.  Egerton  Manuscripts.    Egerton  MSS. 

In  this  collection  are  found  many  manuscripts  relating  to  Spanish  America. 


508  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Archives  of  the  English  Government,  Public  Record  OflSce,  London.     General  abbre- 
viation, P.  R.  O. 

1.  Admiral's  Despatches. 

a.  Admiralty,  Secretary,  In  Letters.    Ad.  Sec,  In  letters. 

b.  Admiral's  Despatches,  Leeward  Islands. 

These  admiralty  papers  contain  documents  relating  to  Miranda's  activity, 
180S-1810,  and  to  the  expedition  of  1806. 

2.  Board  of  Trade,  Jamaica. 

In  this  series  are  foimd  papers  dealing  with  Miranda's  visit  to  Jam&ica  in 
the  autumn  of  1781. 

3.  Colonial  Office  Correspondence. 

a.  America  and  West  Indies Am.  and  W.  I. 

b.  Bahamas Bahamas. 

c.  Curasao Curasao. 

d.  Grenada Grenada. 

e.  Jamaica Jamaica. 

f.  Trinidad Trinidad. 

g.  Windward  and  Leeward  Islands W.  and  L.  Is. 

The  Colonial  Office  contains  nimierous  docimients  of  prime  importance 

on  Spanish  America  and  many  on  Miranda.  In  the  files  of  Jamaica,  Grenada, 
^  Leeward  and  Windward  Islands,  and  Trinidad  were  foimd  manuscripts  on 
the  expedition  of  1806.  In  Bahamas  were  found  papers  relating  to  the  Span- 
ish attack  on  those  islands  diuing  the  revolution.  The  most  valuable  single 
file  was  Trinidad,  which  was  examined  from  1797  imtil  1813.  After  1810, 
however,  the  Curasao  correspondence  became  of  great  importance. 

4.  Colonial  Office  Transmissions,  Cura9ao.    Curasao  Transmissions. 

This  file  was  extremely  rich  in  material  on  the  Venezuelan  revolt,  1809-. 

5.  Foreign  Office  Correspondence. 

a.  America America. 

b.  France  France. 

r.  Prussia. 

d.  Russia. 

o.  Spain Spain. 

Scattered  through  the  Foreign  Office  corre8p)ondence  there  is  an  enormous 
amount  of  valuable  material  relating  to  the  affairs  of  Spanish  America. 
Many  important  documents  are  found  regarding  Miranda,  especially  in  the 
files  on  Spain.  All  the  volumes  on  Spain,  1776-1823  (282  volumes),  were 
examined  which  dealt  with  the  period  of  Miranda's  activity  in  England, 
the  United  States,  and  Venezuela.  The  search  was  carried  beyond  1816 
in  the  hope  of  finding  missing  papers.  The  other  files  were  only  examined 
at  periods  when  the  writer  deemed  it  probable  that  material  would  be  found 
there.     Nothing  whatever  was  found  in  Russia  and  Prussia. 

6.  Original  Correspondence,  War  Office.     War  Office  Intelligence. 

Here  some  scattered  documents  are  found  relating  to  Miranda  and  to  Latin 
America. 
Chatham  Manuscripts.     These  are  in  the  custody  of  the  Public  Record  Office. 

In  these  papers  of  the  Pitt  family  there  is  an  immense  amount  of  historical 
material,   some  of  which  deals  with  America.     There  are  some  imp>ortant 
documents  on  Miranda  and   Spanish   America. 
Archives  of  the  French  Government,  Paris: 

1.  Archives  du  Minist^re  des  Affaires  Etrang^res.     Affaires  fitrang^res. 

In  these  archives  are  some  documents  on  Miranda  and  Spanish  America- 
Search  was  made  in  the  files  on  Am^rique,  fitats-Unis,  Angleterre,  and  Es- 
pagne.    The  method  of  citation  is  the  same  as  that  used  in  referring  to  the 


FRANCISCO   DE    MIRANDA. 


5(19 


Public  Record  Office  papers.  There  are  many  diplomatic  dQcuinerits  re- 
lating to  tbe  expeditioD  of  1806.  Especially  to  be  noticed  are  Ihe  copies  of 
Uadison'fi  correeponttence  with  Turreau,  which  are  miffing  from  the  Stale 
Department  at  Washington.  A  number  of  intereBting  memoirs  and  dispatchee 
relating  to  Spanish  America  are  also  found. 

2.  Archivee  du  Miuistfere  de  la  Guerre,  aection  hiatorique.    Guerre. 

a.  Archives    AdtniniBtratives.     Archives    Adminiatrativea. 
Thie  containa  one  small  bundle,  "DoBsier  Miranda." 

b.  .\rchive8  Historiques.     Archives  Hiatoriquee. 

Most  o(  the  material  in  this  department  dealR  with  Miranda's  military  serv- 
ice in  France,  1792,  1793.  Some  of  it  has  already  been  published  in  the 
Moniteur  and  in  Rojas,  Miranda  dans  la  Revolution  Fran^ise.  There  are 
a  few  papers  relating  to  the  propoeed  attempt  to  revolutionize  Spanish  Amer- 
ica in  1792.  The  documents  are  divided  into  two  great  claeee*,  "cartons," 
containing  the  originals  of  the  correspondence,  and  "r^istree,"  containing 
the  eopice  or  calendars  of  ministerial  orders.  The  "cartons"  are  arranged 
chronologically  and  according  to  armies.  The  "cartons"  examined  were 
ihoee  on  "LesArm^esdu  NordetdesArdennes,"  October.  1792-Marrh,  1793, 
inclusive.    This  leeearch  was  done  by  an  agent. 

3.  Archives  Nationales.    ArcbiveN  Nationales. 

This  material  is  of  a  somewhat  miscellaneous  cbaiacter,  but  the  bulk  of  il 
pertains  to  Miranda's  activity  in  France,  In  some  respects  these  archives 
supplement  those  of  the  War  Department,  as  the  documents  regarding  the 
trial  of  Miranda  appear  to  have  been  transferred  to  this  repository.  The  most 
important  documents  on  that  incident  have  been  published.  There  are 
interesting  reports  on  the  belongings  of  Miranda,  which  were  seized  more  than 
once.  There  are  a  few  valuable  documents  illustrating  Mimnda's  desiRns 
on  Spanish  America.  The  papers  examined  were  principally  those  relating 
to  Miranda  and  to  his  relations  with  Dumouriez  and  Briesot. 
KhiOX  Manuscripts.  These  are  in  the  cuBtrxly  of  the  New  England  Historic  Genea- 
logical Society  at  Boston,  Massachusetts.     Knox  MSS. 

They  contain  some  of  the  correspondence  which  passed  between  Miranda 
and  Knox,    Unfortunately  some  of  the  letters  which  must  have  passed 
between  the  two  men  are  not  found  in  these  manuscripts. 
Is  &laauBcripts.    These  are  in  the  possession  of  the  Duke  of  Le«ds,  Leeds  Castle, 
England. 

Th(?y  were  examined  for  me  by  an  official  of  the  Public  Record  Office, 
but  nothing  was  found  relating  to  Miranda, 
ctioos  of  the  Library  of  Congress,  Division  of  Manuscripts,  WashingtOD,  D.  0. 
1.  Cuban  Manuscripts.     Cuban  MSS. 

These  are  a  miscellaneous  collection  of  manuscripts  evidently  taken  by 
somebody  from  the  Cuban  archives  and  bought  by  the  library  from  a  New 
York  dealer.  Only  a  few  documents  pertain  in  any  way  to  Miranda  and  the 
revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America.  The  apent  of  the  Deimrtnient  of  Histor- 
ical Research  of  the  Carnegie  Institution  who  forwarded  the  two  documents 
relating  to  my  theme  declared  that  they  were  the  only  documents  which  he 
had  encountered  in  Cuban  archives  on  that  subject. 
.  Hamilton  Manuscripts.     Hamilton  MSS, 

These  contain  some  important  unpublished  documents  showitag  the  rela- 
tions between  Alexander  Hamilton  and  Miranda,  17S3-I79S. 
\  3.  JefFerson  Manuscripts.     JeSersonMSS. 

These  contain  some  unpublished  documents  relating  to  Miranda  and  the 
expedition  of  1806. 


510  AMEBICAN    HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

4.  MadiBOD  ManuBcriptfl.    MadiflonMSS. 

Among  these  are  found  some  interesting  papers  bearing  on  Madison's  cod- 
nection  with  the  expedition  of  1806. 

5.  Monrr*  Manuflcriptf*.     Monroe  MSS. 

Here  a  few  documents  are  found  regarding  the  relations  between  Mi^da 
and  Monroe  in  1797.  A  small  amount  of  material  was  also  found  on  the  expe- 
dition of  1806. 

6.  Wsuihington  Manuscripts.     Washington  MSS. 

Some  of  the  numerous  volumes  of  imcatalogued  manuBcripts  of  George 
Washington  were  examined,  but  nothing  was  found. 
Archives  of  the  Mexican  Government,  "Archivo  General  y  Publico  de  la  Nacion." 
Mexico  Citv.     A.  G.  M. 

In  this  repositor>'  is  found  part  of  the  official  archives  relating  to  Mexici> 
and  also  material  pertaining  to  other  parts  of  Spanish  America.  It  is  to  be 
presumed  that  here  may  be  found  most  of  the  archival  material  in  Mexico 
relating  to  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain.  Part  of  the  documents  have  been 
arranged  in  '^ramos, "  or  branches,  by  methods  which  unfoitanately  were 
not  uniformly  systematic.    The  following  *'ramoe"  were  examined: 

1.  Correspondencia  de  los  Virreyes. 

This  consists  mainly  of  letters  sent  to  the  authorities  in  Spain  by  the  \'ice- 
roys  or  governing  authorities  of  New  Spain.  Much  material  can  be  found 
on  the  revolts  in  the  country  and  a  relatively  small  amount  on  Miranda.  As 
arranged,  the  papers  fall  into  three  series:  Those  designated  as  "muy  reeer- 
vada"  (A),  those  not  so  designated  (B),  and  papers  not  included  in  either 
of  the  above  groups. 

2.  liiBloria. 

This  is  an  extensive  miscellaneous  collection  of  documents  relating  chiefly 
to  the  history  of  Mexico.    Miranda  material  was  foimd  in  only  one  volume. 

3.  Ilistoria  de  Operaciones. 

This  branch  contains  a  large  collection  of  documents  dealing  with  the  revolt 
in  New  Spain,  1810-1821.  There  are  some  documents  relating  to  the  revolts 
in  other  part^  of  Spanish  America. 

4.  ProviiuiaH  InternaH. 

This  is  a  large  and  miscellaneous  ma^s  of  manuscript*?  pertaining  mainly 
to  the  internal  provinces  of  New  Spain,  especially  Texas.  Nothing  was 
found  on  Miranda. 

5.  Reales  (Y'dulas  v  Ordenes.     Reales  Cedulas. 

These  an;  the  volumes  containing  the  royal  orders  to  the  viceroys  or  govern- 
ing; authorities  of  New  Spain.     A  small  amount  of  material  pertaining  to 
Miranda  was  found  in  this  di\'i8ion. 
Pickering  -\hinuscripts.     These  are  in  the  custody  of  the  Ma^^^chusetts  Historical 
Society,  Boston.     Pickering  MSS. 
Only  a  few  of  these  documents  relate  to  Miranda. 
Archives  of  the  Royal  Institution  of  Great  Britain,  London,  American  Manuscripts- 

These  contain  a  few  documents  relating  to  Miranda  and  Cagigal. 
The  Literary  Diary  of  Ezra  Stiles.     A  few  unpublished  portions  of  this  diary  are  fouti^ 
in  the  manuscript  diary  in  the  library  of  Yale  University. 

One  of  these  contains  some  items  on  Miranda's  discussions  with  Preside^ ^^ 
Stiles  regarding  Mexico. 


FRANCISCO  DE    MIRANDA.  511 

Archives  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  Department  of  State,  Washington, 
D.  C.    State  Dept.  MSS. 

1.  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives. 

This  contains  the  instructions  to  and  the  reports  from  the  diplomatic  and 
consular  agents  of  the  United  States  in  foreign  countries.  Here  is  found 
much  unpublished  material  relating  to  Spanish  America.  The  documents 
relating  to  Miranda  deal  mainly  with  the  diplomatic  side  of  the  expedition 
of  1806  and  with  conditions  in  Venezuela,  1810-.  Search  was  made  in  the 
papers  relating  to  England,  Fmnce,  and  Spain  and  in  the  "consular  letters" 
and  instructions  relating  to  early  Venezuela.  The  same  method  of  citation 
is  used  aa  in  the  case  of  the  Public  Record  Office. 

2.  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library. 

This  contains  a  volume  of  interesting  papers  relating  to  the  early  Spanish - 
American  revolution  and  to  the  attempts  made  by  agents  to  get  recognition 
or  aid  of  some  sort  from  the  United  States. 
Adams  Transcripts.     These'^Sire  in  the  custody  of  the  Bureau  of  Roils  and  Library 
of  the  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 

These  are  the  copies  of  documents  from  the  archives  of  F'rance,  Spain, 
and  the  United  States  secured  by  Mr.  Henry  Adams  in  prejxiring  his  History 
of  the  United  States.    They  contain  papers  regarding  the  expedition  of  1806. 
Archives  of  the  Government  of  Spain. 

1.  Archivo  General  de  Indias,  Se villa.     A.  G.  I. 

A  large  mass  of  material  on  Spanish  America  can  be  found  in  this  archive. 
The  d(X"uments  found  relating  io  Miranda  deal  mainly  with  his  early  career 
in  the  West  Indies,  with  the  expedition  of  1806,  and  with  conditions  in  Vene- 
zuela, 1810-1812.  Papers  were  sought  for  under  the  following  inventory 
classifications:  Indiferente  General;  Papeles  de  Estado,  America  en  General ; 
Papeles  de  Estado,  Mejico;  Porto  Rico,  Someruelos;  and  in  the  Audiencias 
of  Caracas,  Buenos  Ayres,  M^'jico,  and  Santo  Domingo. 

2.  Archivo  General  de  Simancas,  Simancas.    A.  G.  S. 

In  the  castle  of  Simancas  can  be  found  some  material  on  Spanish  America. 
There  are  a  number  of  very  important  sc'attered  documents  relating  to  Mi- 
randa's early  career..  A  special  search  was  made  in  the  Secretario  de  Estado, 
Embajada  en  Inglaterra,  and  in  the  Secretario  de  Guerra,  Compaufa  de  la 
Princcsa,  and  Comi>afifa  de  Amgon. 

3.  Archivo  Historico  Nacional,  Madrid.     A.  H.  N. 

A  good  deal  of  scattered  material  relating  to  Miranda  and  Spanish  America 
is  in  this  archive  in  the  Secretario  de  Estado.     Most  of  the  Miranda  documents 
are  of  a  diplomatic  character  and   relate   to  the  expe<lition  of  1806  and  to 
Miranda's  tour  through  Europe-. 
Archives  of  the  University  of  Texas,  Austin,  Texas.     Bejar  Archives. 

These  papers,  now  among  the  historical  records  of  the  University  of  Texas, 
formed  a  part  nf  the  "Bejar  Archives"  at  Bejar,  Texas.  They  relate 
primarily  to  Texas  during  the  SpanL*h  regime.  At  prt^ent  these  papers  liave 
been  indexed  to  the  year  1800,  but  beyond  that  are  grouped  only  according  to 
years.    There  is  very  little  in  them  relating  even  indirectly  to  Miranda. 


DOCUMEXTARY   APPENDIX. 

Document  1. 

A  proposal  for  the  revoltUionizing  of  Mexico  presented  to  the  Government  of  England  in 

1786  by  Francisco  de  Mendiola.<' 
Sire. 

C'est  au  nom  de  la  Ville,  et  du  Royaume  du  Mexique,  dont  nous  Bomes  lee  repre- 
sentants,  que  nous  avons  prendre  la  Libert^  d*implorer  votre  puissante  Protection: 
Opprim^s  et  vex^s  par  la  Cour  de  Madrid,  Elle  nous  faire  sentir  JoumellemeDt  par 
toute  sorte  d'impots,  et  mauvais  traitements,  Le  despotisme  tiranique  qui  bouleverse 
la  Constitution  de  la  Libert^  qui  nous  est  du§;  et  nous  met  dans  la  Ca^e  des  vih 
Esclaves  de  la  Cote  de  Guinea. 

Telle  est  Sire,  la  Conduite  que  TEspagne  tient  k  notre  Egard,  et  la  reconnoissance 
des  tons  et  Loyaux  services  que  nous  avons  toujours  rendus  a  TEspagne;  Nous  qui 
I'avons  toujours  rendus  a  TEspagne;  Nous  qui  Tavons  securrie  dans  la  demiore 
Guerre,  avec  plus  de  Soixante  et  dix  Millions  de  P*'®'S.  poiu-Tentretien  deses  Arme^, 
tant  en  Amerique,  qu'en  Europe,  et  pour  toute  Reconnoissance,  elle  nous  m'est  dans 
la  dure  necessity  de  secouer  le  joug  qui  nous  opprime,  par  la  force. 

D'apres  c^t  Expos^,  Sire,  nous  nous  voyons  forc^  k  prendre  des  me^ures  Conve- 
nables  pour  nous  procurer  la  Libert^  dont  on  nous  prive,  a  I'effet  de  quoy,  nous  avons 
des  tresors  Susdisants,  et  au  premier  signal,  nous  pouvons  m^tre  sur  les  Armes,  Qua- 
rante  Mille  hommes,  et  nous  rendre  maitres  de  tout  ce  Royaume. 

Nous  manquons  d'Armes  et  d'autres  Munitions  de  Guerre,  necessaires  pour  cette 
grande  Entreprise:  La  proximity  de  L'Isle  de  la  Jamayque,  avec  ce  Royaume,  nous 
m6t  k  m^me  de  nous  y  pourvoir  de  fusils,  Balles,  Poudre,  et  autres  objets  dont 
nous  avons  besoin;  mais  outres  que  nous  avons  craint  qu41  n'y  en  edt  sufisamment, 
pent  dtre  que  le  Gouvemeur  General,  auroit  fait  de  dificulties  de  nous  en  vendre,  ne 
sachant  pas  nos  veri tables  Intentions;  Nous  avons  en  Consequence  pris  le  sage  party 
d*Envoyer  aupres  de  V.  M.  Monsieur  D°  francisco  de  Mendiola,  au  Nom,  et  repre- 
sentant  ce  Rojiaume.  En  vertu  des  pleins  pouvoirs  que  nous  luy  avons  donn^  pour 
traitter  cette  affaire,*  et  en  m^mc  temps  pour  nous  assurer  do  votre  puissante  Protec- 
tion, et  faire  un  trait6  d'Amite,  et  Commerce  avec  I'Angleterre. 

Les  avantages  qu'il  en  resultera  pour  I'Angleterre;  et  son  Commerce  eont  incon- 
cevables;  Ce  Royaume  Consomme  annuellement.  pour  plus  de  30  Millions  de  Pia.«tres 
en  Marchandises,  que  nous  tirerons  de  I'Angleterre,  par  prefference;  La  Richesv«e  de  nos 
Mines,  et  les  fruits  precieux  que  produit  ce  vaste,  ct  riche  Royaume,  dont  le  Cnm- 
merco  pent  etre  pous86  au  plus  haut  degre  dedommageront  TAngleterre  de  la  perte  do 
r Amerique,  et  Retablironl  son  Commerce  danw  son  ancienne  splendeur. 

Nous  approvonn  d'avance  Sire,  tels  arrangem''  que  noire  Envoy^  M^  de  Mediola 
prendra,  au  Nom  de  ce  Royaume,  avec  votre  Majeste  et  ses  Ministres;  et  aussitot  que 
nous  aurons  un  Reponce  favorable;  nous  fairons  passer  soudain,  deux  Millions  de 
Ptros  d  la  Jamayque,  pour  nous  procurer  les  armes  dont  nous  avons  besoin. 

Nous  y  Enverrons  un  agent  (lui  sera  charg^  de  nos  affaires;  et  qui  servira  pour  faire 
incessam^  paser  notre  correspondance,  sans  nous  exposer  (ju'elle  soit  Intercepet^  par 
la  Cour  d'Espagno. 

Nous  avons  I'honneur  d'Etre  avec  le  plus  profond  Respect. 

Sire 

De  V.  M. 

Les  tres  humbles  et  tres  obeissantes  serviteurs, 

El  Conde  de  la  Torre  Cossio 
El  Conde  de  Santiago 

Mexico  10  Nov^'*'  1785.  El  Marq"  de  Guardiola 


a  Chatham  MSS.,345. 
512 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  513 

Document  2. 

A  proposal  for  the  revolutionizing  of  New  Granada  presented  to  the  Government  of 

England  in  1784  by  Luis  Vidal  or  Vidalle.ft 

Proposals  made  by  D°  *  *  *  and  D"  *  *  *  Inhabitants  Creoles  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Santa  Fee,  or  New  Kingdom  of  Grenada,  wealthy,  being  respected  and 
wise,  first  Generals  that  said  kingdom  nam'd  in  its  disputes  with  Spain  in  the  Year 
1780  to  Don  *  *  *  in  the  Month  of  March  and  in  the  year  1783  in  the  Isle  of 
Cura^oa,  that  in  their  and  in  the  Name  of  the  Principal  Inhabitants  of  Said  kingdom, 
ehou*d  make  to  the  Noble  English  Ministry. 

1"*  That  The  English  Ministry  pardon  the  proposals  made,  as  they  flow  from  hearts 
full  of  affection  to  his  Britanick  Maj^ty,  and  his  faithful  Subjects,  and  since  it  is  to 
her  that  we  implore  with  a  Profound  respect,  and  the  most  exalted  veneration  to  grant 
us  an  Assistance  (which  Is  so  just,  and  no  Offense  to  her)  observing  the  secret  Aid  that 
the  Royal  House  of  Bourbon  gave  in  the  time  of  Peace,  to  the  North  Americans  Sub- 
jects to  Great  Britain  n  ham  (?)  without  any  proper  Motive  lifted  arms  against  the 
Mother  Country,  rendering  themselves  free  and  Independents,  owing  to  the  Succors 
given  by  the  Royal  House  of  Bourbon,  and  relieve  from  so  much  bondage  (at  least 
over  the  Children)  in  our  many  years  sufferings,  and  this  Aid  shall  be  received  with 
the  greatest  Veneration,  Silence,  and  a  Perpetual  obligation,  Promising  under  the 
most  solemn  Oath,  that  if  at  any  time  we  should  Conquer,  Our  almost  sure  projects 
the  kingdom  of  S^'  Fee,  The  Provinces  of  Maracayo,  S**  Marta  and  Cartagena,  shall  be 
delivered  to. His  Britanick  Majesty  without  reserving  to  Ourselves  but  our  Religion, 
and  the  Same  privilidges  that  an  English  Subject  is  entitled  to,  and  both  Religions 
as  well  Catholic  as  the  Protestant  Shall  have  equal  Privclidges  without  distinction 
"whatever. 

2*'y  That  England  shall  dispatch  for  us  directly  under  the  Dutch  or  Imperial  Flag, 
Ten  Thousand  Muskets  with  their  Bayonets,  and  Cartridge  Boxes,  Ten  Thousand 
Sabres,  Two  Hundred  Swivels,  Six  Hundred  blunderbusses  of  brass,  to  fire  on  horse- 
back. Swivel  Balls,  likewise  Muf?ket  balls,  and  Thirty  Thousand  Poimds  of  the  finest 
Sort  of  Powder. 

3***'  Said  Arms  and  Ammunition  of  War  shall  be  Sent  to  the  Isle  of  Curasao,  under 
the  disguise  of  Another  Cargo,  as  Salt  Beef,  Butter  &c  &c  and  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
the  Isle  of  Curasao  is  the  proper  Place  since  it  is  a  very  Short  distance  from  the  Coast 
of  Baya  Onda,  which  is  in  possession  of  Indians  whom  Spain  never  Cou'd  Subject, 
nor  have  ever  allowed  any  Spanish  Vessels  to  trade  with  them,  or  ever  Visit  their 
Shore,  Said  Indians  are  Our  friends,  and  it  is  at  said  Baya  Onda  that  said  Arms  are  to 
be  unloaded,  by  reason  that  in  Twenty  four  hours  Ten  Thousand  Indians  will  assemble 
with  Great  ease,  and  in  six  day's  March,  the  Arms  and  Ammunition  Stores  will  be 
found  safe  in  the  kingdom  of  S^*  Fee  the  Place  ma«^  Convenient  to  give  the  first  blow, 
and  Sure  in  a  short  time  on  the  City  of  S**  Fee  de  Bogota,  where  we  are  sure  to  take 
to  Ourselves  all  that  belongs  to  the  Spanish  Government,  and  send  all  the  Judges  and 
Spanish  Officers  to  deliver  the  tidings  in  Spain. 

4***  That  Said  Arms  and  Warlike  Ammunitions  shall  be  Ship'd  for  the  Isle  of  Curayao 
with  a  swift  sailing  Brig  and  when  we  are  there  it  will  appear  in  the  mean  time  that 
we  sell  the  Cargo  of  Said  Brig  but  D"  *  *  *  will  send  an  express  to  D"  *  *  * 
that  he  may  take  Shipping  Immediately  for  the  Isle  of  ( -uracao,  in  order  to  dispose  it 
all  with  such  Justice  and  Secrec^y  as  Such  an  Important  Subject  requires,  and  as  Soon 
as  everything  is  so  done,  the  Brig  shall  be  sent  to  Baya  Onda  with  D"  *  *  *  and 
J>>  L  ♦  ♦  *  themselves,  to  the  end  that  the  Arms  and  Ammunition  may  be 
expeditiously  landed,  and  then  Said  Brig  shall  Continue  her  Voyage  for  Jamaica. 


a  Chatham  MSS.,  351. 
58833— VOL  1—01) 33 


514  AMERICAN    HISTORICAIi  ASSOCIATIOIJ. 

5^**  Said  Arms  and  War  Ammunition  we  beg  humbly  also  to  the  Noble  English  Gov- 
ernment to  allow  us  to  Pay  them  at  the  rate  of  One  Ounce  of  Gold  pr  Musket  Balls 
at  6  Dollars,  Sabres  at  One  Dollar,  Swivels  at  20  Dollars  Blunderbussee  at  8  DoUan  and 
the  Powder  at  One  Dollar  pr  Pound,  Said  Articles  will  Amount  to  the  Sum  of  222800 
Dollars  which  Sum  shall  be  deliver' d  to  the  Commissionary  on  his  delivering  Said 
Arms  at  Baya  Onda. 

6^  That  the  Correspondence  is  to  be  by  way  of  Curasao,  being  a  Short  distance 
from  those  Places,  Said  Correspondence  shall  be  held  between  !>»♦♦«  m^l 
j)n  L  «  ♦  ♦  Tj^g  latter  shall  be  in  the  Isle  of  Cura9ao  under  the  disguise  of  Mer- 
chant, and  to  have  a  very  Swift  Sailing  Boat  that  may  be  dispatched  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  Jamaica,  at  any  time  required,  according  to  the  Advice  of  D"  *  *  *  in 
order  that  the  English  Government  may  be  Informed  of  the  Minutest  thing  that 
Passes. 

7^^  That  we  earnestly  [ask]  the  English  Ministry  to  prevent  all  Manner  of  PeraooB 
employed  in  Loading  the  Brig  with  Said  Ammunitions  or  any  Person  or  Peisons  that 
made  Said  Arms  to  Come  on  board  Said  Brig  after  it  be  Loaded,  as  it  is  conveniency 
that  a  Subject  of  so  much  Consequence  shou'd  be  divulged,  nor  that  Nobody  know 
j)n  L  «  *  #  j^(j  ii^^  Commissionary,  that  the  English  Government  shall  be 
Pleaa'd  to  appoint. 

8^**  That  we  kindly  desire  of  Great  Britain  that  Some  Officers,  Engineers  and  Troop 
Officers  may  learn  the  Spanish  language,  by  reason  that  if  Once  we  have  the  fire  lit 
well  in  the  kingdom  of  S^*  Fee,  we  shall  beg  of  Great  Britain  to  send  us  Some  of  Said 
Officers,  which  will  be  received  with  Veneration,  and  sent  without  any  risk  to  our 
Encampments,  that  thro'  their  Good  Counsels  we  may  enjoy  in  a  few  Years  being 
Subjects  of  Great  Britain,  what  is  Certain,  is  that  the  kingdom  of  Lima  is  only  Wait- 
ing our  first  Motion  in  order  immediately  to  take  up  Arms  and  the  Same  Provinces  of 
Maracayo,  S*'  Marta,  and  Cartagena  these  will  follow  Our  dictates  when  we  find  it 
Convenient,  Spain  will  see  in  a  little  time  her  Continent  the  theatre  of  a  bloody  War, 
we  only  beg  the  hight  and  Royal  English  Crown  and  Nation  may  Command  us  in 
Money  or  Produce  that  or  Lands  afford,  that  they  shall  find  us  faithful  Subjects  ready 
to  serve  her  with  Submission  and  regard. 

I  certify  under  Oath  of  a  faithful  friend  of  the  English  Nation  that  Said  Proposals 
are  the  Same  I  wa.s  Charged  with,  and  received  by  D"  *  *  *  and  D"  *  ♦  ♦ 
that  in  their  Name  I  should  Communicate  them  to  the  English  Ministry. 

London  12*»»  Mav  1784- 

Authentic  <'opy. 

Document  3. 

Despatch  of  Bernardo  del    Campo  to  the   King  of  Spain,  October  8,  J'^89,  regarding 

Miranda/^ 

Ya  ha  tiempo  que  avia(5  a  V.  E.  cl  reji^reso  de  Don  Francisco  Miranda.  Ahora 
anadie  que  habiendolc  heoho  observar  mui  de  cerca  con  todo  la  vigilancia  posible 
no  se  le  ha  descubierto  ni  en  sus  discursos  ni  en  sus  pasos  ni  en  sus  conexiones"  y 
trato  de  Gentos  cosa  alguna  que  no  sea  mui  regular  y  mui  correspondiente  a  un  joven 
viagero  que  desea  instruirse  y  no  pasar  una  vida  frivola.  Sobre  todo  no  se  ve  la  minor 
aparencia  de  trato  directo  6  indirecto  con  Personam  del  Ministerio  ni  la  concurrencia 
de  Gcnerales  y  otros  hombres  curiosos;  bien  que  acasa  este  ultimo  y  procederii  de  que 
en  estos  Meses  se  halla  la  Ca[)ilal  despoblada. 

Desde  luego  nie  propose  tratarlc  como  antes,  y  a  proporcion  que  se  ha  ido  observando 
lo  dicho  arriba  me  he  afirmado  mas  en  mi  plan  aspirando  a  lograr  toda  su  confianza  y 
por  este  medio  penetrar  el  verdadero  fondo  de  sus  intentos;  puea  por  un  lado  media 

aA.G.S.,  Eslado,  8146. 


LANCISCO   DE    MIRANDA. 

o  del  Rei  y  de  la  Patria  y  por  otro  el  dewo  <le  eviiar  todo  errado  concepto 
e  fusdado  en  falsaa  apariencias  y  afOHo  en  equivocadofl  o  exagerados  informal  pudierft 
lina  de  este  joven. 

:?oniplicacion  de  coeae  me  he  valido  y  me  valgo  de  aquella  eagacidad  que 
i  mu  experiendao  y  de  mi  nana  intencion. 
a  para  exponer  a  V.  E.  todo  lo  que  rainprehendo  me  ven  embaraiado  porque 
necesario  entrar  en  una  lar^e  y  fastidtopa  narrativa  y  me  (?ont«ntan^  con  [orroar 
len  de  las  varioe  eporan  y  diveri'aH  fituat^iones  en  que  Miranda  ee  ha  hallado  y 
lodo  en  que  i\  explica  cada  una. 

F>u  conducta  en  la  Havana  jura  y  proteeta  que  anteo  de  llegar  al 

TOO  de  retirar^  huyendo  de  una  vinlenta  penecucion  probi^  quanUia  medios  le 

1  dables  para  Binceraise  con  el  defunto  Sefior  Moro  Galvez:  Se  remite  a  las 

ts6papaleeque?epat<arond  V,  E.  antefdetialir^ldenquialaitiguacnu  Perenuaa 

B  como  el  General  Cagigal,  el  intendante  Saavedra  y  nlrw  de  consideration  que 

n  testigoa  oculai'efl  y  flnalmente  am^ura  que  el  miamo  General  Galvez  se  do  lie 

o  de  debef  poner  en  egecucion  las  edtrechaa  ofdenea  que  le  iban  de  la  Ctorte  y  a 

uida)  permnalmente  le  hirio  mucho  una  expreeioo  del  citado  Mnro  en  carta 

ifidencial  en  que  reprehendia  a  su  M^brino  jior  baber  empleado  cerca  de  hI  en  tanta 

a  iin  vaaallo  nacido  en  laa  indias.     Sabe  que  de  «u  piwcder  en  los  Estadne 

te  ban  hecho  montanee  sin  el  mas  leve  ni  remof)  fundamento  pues  eus  via)^ 

acionea  alii  se  dirijieron  a  adquirir  cooocimieuto  de  aquel  Pais  y  de  aquella 

e  acababa  de  hacer  tan  gran  papel.    En  pnieba  de  la  sinceridad  con  que 

B  hixo  tcstiKC  de  todo  al  Encorgado  de  E^spana  Rendon  y  aim  aloj6  en  eu  cana 

Ir  de  la  Lusema  lleno  a  aqiicl  Agen1«  de  Espaiia  la  rabeza  de  chismea 

«  hisUiriotaa  tan  ridiculas  como  inveri^imilee  en  perjuicio  BUyo;  pero  que  forzaron 

imo  RendoQ  il  separarne  de  ^1  "in  que  por  fii  parte  hubiese  jamaH  lenido  cargo 

A  que  hacerle. 

lo  a  InKlatcrra  con  indeciblea  deseos  de  ver  y  esaminar  este  Pais  con  admiracion 
HUya  enipez6  a  hallar  su  casa  llenado  Generales  y  otrne  Percnuagee;  atribuyandolo  en 
parte  a  curiosidad  puee  el  ser  indiano  y  su  eepecie  de  fuga  baetaban  para  haeeree 
Uffloso;  en  parte  a  las  especiee  lisonjenw  para  ^1  quesujetoede  los  Americanos  Unidna 
habian  escrilo  i  vii»  correponsales  aqui,  en  parte  al  movimiento  que  el  mismo  se 
dalia  para  adquirir  Libros,  papeles,  mapaa,  y  todo  genero  de  conocimienloe  y  por 
ultimo  que  mirandole  d  6\  como  un  oflcial  jiiven.  quejoen  y  ofcndido  w  figurarion  ucawi 
algunoe  podria  y  querria  suministrarlos  noticias  mui  importanlee  6  prestaree  a 
No  deja  de  creer  que  enire  loe  muchos  que  se  le  eutxemetian  habria 
empleoa  del  MiniBl«rio  pero  que  ningunose  le  oiplicii  jamas 
CD  calidad  de  comleionado  con  propoeicionea  ni  olerta^  de  ninguna  naturaleza.  El 
mismo  ce  hace  cargo  que  este  tropel  de  visitas  podria  habeise  hecho  reparable  (aun 
que  inocentisimo  cnai)  siendo  lo  peor  quea  ^1  leera  ya  imposiblc  negaim?  a  las  Gentee, 
pero  acaeo  esto  mismo  le  acab^  de  determinar  a  vtajar  por  el  CoDtinente. 

De  aqui  i<ali<3  rnn  earla  mia  para  Rerlin  en  donde  «e  le  tianquearon  otras  hasla 
Viena;  y  como  alii  cay6  en  la  t«ntacioD  de  pasar  al  Egipto  y  E^todon  Otomanos  aun 
nuestroe  mismos  Nacionales  le  aconsejaron  de  surtirso  por  preferencia  de  pasaportes 
y  reromendacionea  imperialee  y  ue  Iuh  ajenciaron:  de  suerte  que  de«de  aquet  punto 
incx^nliiiimamento  dejd  en  muchas  partes  de  moatraise  como  eepafol  tsnto  mas  que 
Uegaba  A  parages  en  donde  6  no  habia  representacion  de  Espana  6  el  no  le  llevaba 
carta  de  que  le  resultaron  algunoe  embaraioA, 

Deques  de  varios  jiros  fue  a  parar  a  *  *  *  en  donde  enlaba  el  General  Ruso 
"  •  •  (y  con  ^1  nneetro  Principe  de  Nassau)  preparando  una  expedicion.  Alii 
(u^  indispensable  preaentarse  a  aquei  GeFe  quien  le  agasaj<i  a  terminoe  de  aJojarle  en 
BU  easa  y  en  el  mismo  Quarto  con  Nassau.  De  este  principio  reHuelt^  que  por  (ueraa 
le  Ilevaron  a  la  prewencin  de  la  Emperatriz  y  hallandopc  con  desnudo  y  sin  encontrar 
otn  cosa  en  el  pueblo  que  paiio  bianco  uazul  tubo  que  haceise  un  vestidodecapricho 


516  AMERICAN    HISTORICAIj  ASSOCIATION. 

a  manera  de  uniformo  espafiol.  De  hu  presentacion  a  la  Soberana  y  de  loe  infonnes 
dadoB  por  el  General  resulto  asimismo  que  fuese  extraordinamente  distinguido  por 
Su  Magestad  I,  y  por  todoe  bus  Ministroe  con  grandisimo  bochomo  suyo  y  con  eor- 
presa  y  disgusto  de  lo8  Ministros  oxtrangeros  que  se  hallaban  preeentes  sin  que  de 
parte  de  Miranda  hubiese  havido  diligencia,  solicitud  ni  aun  deeeo,  aunque  no  podia 
menos  de  entar  mui  reconocido  a  tales  finezas. 

Siguiosc  a  esto  continuar  su  viage  a  Petersburgo  y  consiguientemente  que  apareciese 
alii  como  Persona  intimamentc  introducida  en  la  Corte  sin  que  hubiese  sido  por  Canal 
de  los  Ministros  de  Espafia  6  Francia.  *Este  Ic  produjo  un  lance  dasagradable  con  el 
nuestro  y  la  Emperatriz  y  sus  Ministros  tomaron  pie  de  ello  para  asegurarle  eeria 
admitido  a  aquel  servicio  con  distincion  y  ventaja  si  se  hallaba  en  circunstancias  de 
deber  retirarse  de  Espana.  El  lo  ha  rehusado  reiteradmente  aunque  mostrando 
supremo  rcconcimiento. 

Ademas  de  lo  dicho  ocurrio  otra  cosa  de  bochomo  para  61  pero  que  por  mas  efugios 
que  U86  no  pudo  precaver.  Es  notoria  la  generosidad  que  la  Emperatriz  egercita 
con  Nacionales  y  cxtrangcros  con  el  mas  leve  motivo.  Para  usarle  con  41  lo  tomo 
S.  M.  I,  sobre  si  misma  hablandole  de  que  por  le  gran  perdlda  que  se  experiment 
en  la  moneda  Rusa  fuera  del  Pais  nadie  la  saco  y  todo  el  Mundo  se  surte  de  Ducadoa 
de  Holanda,  que  no  sicndo  regular  los  tubiese  61  despues  de  un  jiro  tan  lazgo  en  que 
Camina  tan  a  la  ligera  era  preciso  accptase  ahora  una  leve  expresion  de  parte  de  dicha 
Soberana  en  testimonio  del  gusto  que  habia  tenido  en  conocerle  y  del  aprecio  quel 
hacia  de  su  merito.  Pero  que  d  fin  de  no  herir  la  delicadcza  que  6\  tubiese  en  mi 
modo  de  pensar  podia  asegurarle  no  se  desdeilaba  el  Ministro  de  Inglaterra  (como  tambien 
otros  muchos)  en  admitir  igual  favor.  En  fin  agosajado  por  este  medio  tan  inevitable 
ha  visto  despues  con  dolor  esparcida  la  voz  de  que  estaba  empefiado  en  cl  servicio 
de  la  Rusia  y  de  que  era  Pensionado  suyo. 

En  lo  rostante  de  su  jiro  por  el  Norte  y  ostros  Paises  no  tiene  cosa  que  merezca  deciree. 

Esto  cs  lo  principal.  De  sus  convereaciones  y  confianzas  conmigo  pueden  dedu- 
cirse  los  puntas  siguientes:  P.  Que  desea  seriamente  ver  su  conducta  sineerada  y  su 
honor  restablccido  on  Espafia  aunque  ya  no  muestra  anhelo  por  premios  y  ascen^sios  y 
mucho  moiKw  on  lo  niilitar.  2".  Quo  no  bolveria  a  la  Patria  sino  con  la  mas  solemne 
Hoguridad  dada  hajo  palabra  real  <fe*.  Que  aunque  no  tiene  empeno  con  Rusia  le 
inntan  y  solicitan  y  se  hallan  todos  las  Minintros  de  aquella  Soberana  con  ordenes 
reservadas  de  favnrecerle,  j)rc)teierle  y  sostenerle  en  (jualquier  Pais  que  sea  y  del  m<xio 
que  el  misnn^  cn^yere  necesitar:  3".  Que  aunque  no  duda  seria  igualmente  agosajado 
por  la  Inglaterra  para  tomarle  por  espantajo  ni  se  han  atrevido  a  ha<^'erle  propo^icion 
alguna  ni  jamas  daria  el  oidos  a  ninguna:  Finalmente  que  parece  otrohombre  del  que 
[)arti()  aqui  quatro  anos  ha:  cuya  eircunstaneia  confunde  y  hare  recelar  haya  jKnlido 
haber  alpo  (l«»  mali^nidad  6  de  exajcracion  en  ciertas  jxjrsonas  sobre  cosas  que  era 
im]iosible  })resenoiase  yo  mismo. 

De  esta  narrativa  que  ha  salido  mas  larga  de  lo  cjue  crei  y  de  lo  que  el  mismo  Miranda 
escribe  en  la  adjunta  comparada  con  los  demas  informes  que  ahi  se  tubienm,  formara 
V.  K.  el  roiieepto  que  (»xija  el  asunto  y  obrani  como  mejorconvenga;  pert)  niego  a  V.  E. 
que  (juando  llegue  el  caso  de  contestarme  sea  poniendome  Carta  que  pue^ia  mostrar 
d  Miranda  (para  que  no  se  retire  su  ronfianza  do  mi)  y  en  otra  reservada  las  preven- 
ciones  que  requierau  till  precaucion. 

C'elebrarp  en  el  alma  ver  que  sea  en  terminos  de  rigorosa  justicia  6  por  efecto  de 
la  benignidad  de  nuestro  Soberano  huel  ve  a  eutrar  en  su  rebano  est4X  oveja  descarriada. 
Sino  fuese  asi  siempre  vivire  con  inquietud  pues  aunque  en  el  dia  no  descubra  esie 
joven  (leseoH  ni  infencion  de  emplearse  contra  su  Rei  y  su  Patria  puedan  de  tal  mtxlo 
variar  las  circunslancias  de  los  tiempos  que  empleando  en  servicio  de  otra  Potencia 
le  vayaii  arrastran<lo  de  una  cosa  en  otra  a  medidas  ofensivas  a  la  Espafia.  Antes  de 
ahora  ten^o  pintado  su  caracter,  imaginacion  exaltada:  luces  y  conocimientoa  mas 
que  mcdianos;   fervor  y  vehemencia  en  su  exterior  y  sobre  todo  una  actividad  extra- 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  517 

ordinaria.  Con  tal  conjunto  de  calidades  si  eate  joven  en  llegara  a  verse  exa8[>erado 
y  reducido  a  abrazar  el  partido  de  scrvicio  extrangero  creo  que  preferira  siempre  todo 
lo  que  sea  accion,  movimiento  y  singularidad  al  seguir  una  vida  quieta  y  indiferente. 

Quedo  de  V.  £. 

Londres,  8  de  Octubre  1789. 


Document  4. 

Note  on  Miranda^ a  map  found  in  the.  National  Archives.^ 

Extracto 
Miranda 

El  Virrey  de  Santa  Fe^  pid6  informe  al  Yngeniero  General  de  aquel  reyno  y  de  la 
plaza  de  Cartagena  de  Indias,  k  cerca  do  la  const ruccion  de  diferentes  fortificacionea 
proyectadas  en  varioe  puntos  del  Ismo  de  Panama  por  la  parte  de  asi  al  Darien,  para 
contener  las  frecuentes  imipciones  de  los  Indios  contra  las  poblaciones  espailoles;  y 
la  introduccion  de  loe  estrangeros  por  kquellos  coetas  ya  &  hacer  el  Contrabando,  ya  ^ 
prestar  auxilioH  \  los  mismos  Indios. — 

El  Ingeniero  responde  con  pleno  conocimiento  y  como  hombre  capaz  y  de  muchos 
afio0  de  reeidencia  en  el  pais;  haviendo  hecho  un  reconocimiento  general  del  Ismo  por 
orden  de  la  Corte  de  Madrid,  y  visto  leido,  y  examinado  lo  mas  importante  de  el  y 
aserca  de  el;  propone  primeramente  y  como  vara  principal  se  lleve  h,  ^fecto  la  con- 
quista  6  reduccion  de  los  Indios  que  havitan  las  costas  y  golfo  del  Darien,  para  obrar 
de  una  vez  la  continua  cruel  guerra  que  hacen  aquellas  naciones,  y  en  precaucion  de 
maiores  daiios  que  son  de  tener  puedan  executar  un  dia  sobre  las  provincias  de  Carta- 
gena y  Antioquia,  las  del  Choc6  y  Panama,  cuyo  govemador  de  esta  ultima  D9  Pedro 
Oarbonel  dice  en  una  representacion  (la  qual  cita  cl  Ingeniero  como  un  testimonio 
aiithentico)  que  de  pocos  afios  ^  esta  parte  ban  parado  k  Cuchillo  los  Indios  ^  todan  los 
havitantes  de  diez  y  seis  poblaciones  y  quince  haciendas  de  aquella  jurisdiccion ; 
sin  entrar*en  esta  Cuenta  los  franceses  que  se  havian  colonado  en  diferenten  puestos 
del  Ismo  y  fu^ron  tambien  degollados  todos  por  los  Indios  en  el  presente  siglio;  ni 
otras  muertes  mas  recientes  y  hostilidadcs  de  no  menai  consideracion. 

Detalla  las  fortificaciones  y  poblaciones  que  corabiene  hacerse  en  donde,  como,  y 
ix>r  que  razones.  Descubre  6  presenta  el  mejor  y  mas  6portun5  paso  (ill  su  juico)  de  la 
mar  del  norte  k  la  del  Sur  que  es  por  el  punto  de  Caledonia  entrando  por  el  rio  que 
desagua  en  el,  Uamado  Sasardi  hasta  el  fuerte  y  poblacion  de  del  mismos  nombre  que 
eetablece  en  B.  contintiando  desde  alii  por  el  camino  que  atraviera  la  Cordillera  hasta 
Chueti  C.  y  de  aqui  entrando  en  el  gran  rio  Chucanques  o  Chuclimaque  que  en  su 
curao  toma  diferentes  nombres,  siendo  mui  caudaloso,  y  (aunque  tortuosa  su  corriente) 
todo  navegable  hasta  salir  al  golfo  de  S?  Miguel  en  la  mar  del  Sur. 

El  transito  del  Sasardi  k  Chileti  por  la  montaiia  6  cordillera,  esta  diseilado  por  un 
camino  en  el  mapa,  que  segun  su  escala  parece  no  son  mas  de  quatro  leguas  facilmente 
practicables. 

Es  mas  apreciable  la  observacion  sobre  fortificar  la  Isla  de  Boca-Chica  L  ilia  desem- 
bocaduro  del  rio  Chucanques  en  el  mar  del  Sur,  cuya  sitiiacion  constituye  este  punto 
en  calidad  de  puerta  al  propuesto  paso:  y  en  un  recodo  que  forma  el  mismo  rio  ha- 
ciendoensucursounaespeclederetrogradacion  llamado  aquel  parage  el  Salto,  propone 
tambien  una  fortificacion. 

Habla  del  famoso  Rio  Atrato  y  su  facil  y  iitil  navigacion  para  la  prosperidad  del 
Comercio  de  las  provincias  del  Choc6;  re^vilitaclon  del  lavorlo  de  sus  ricas  minas; 
fomento  de  las  poblaciones  que  pretende  se  establecen  en  la  Costa  del  Suerte  del 
golfo  del  Darien  marcadas  en  el  mapa  D.  E.  A.  V.  asi  como  las  6tra8  que  propone 
G.  H.  K.  Indicando  algunas  medios  simples  de  atraher  pobladores;  uno  de  ^llos  el  de 


a  Archives  Nationales,  F.'  G285,  No.  5819,  f.  87. 


518  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

repartir  loe  cacagiialee  que  plantaron  los  fr&nceses  en  diferentes  posecdonee  del 
Ismo  y  quidaron  ^lli  valdlos  quando  el  deaastre  referido  de  aquelloe  colonoe:  Siguando 
BU  plan  Gate  Ingcnerlo  k  venir  k  dar  en  la  necesidad  de  la  Conquista,  reduciendo  las 
Indios  a  poblacion;  estableciendo  6tras  de  espafioles  para  sngeeion  de  iUiuelloe,  con 
fortificaciones  bien  Hituadas;  y  al  de  prevenir  la  introducclon  de  las  naciones  de 
Enropa  que  continuamente  travasan  k  kbiiee  el  paso  al  mar  del  Sur;  &cilitandolo  con 
la  execuclon  de  este  projecto  al  Comerclo  de  loe  eapafioles  por  la  indicado  Angostun 
de  la  Calidonla  al  fuerte  Sasardi,  continuando  el  camino  a  Chueti,  y  deede  ^i  por 
el  Rio  Chucanques  o  Chucanque  hasta  el  golfo  de  S?  Miguel:  aiguyendo  de  nuda 
politica  el  embaraso  de  la  navegacion  del  rio  Atmte  tan  util  y  ventajosa;  y  en  fin 
mirando  al  intento  de  asegurar  con  el  con  junto  de  estae  providenclae  la  posecioii  de 
las  costas  de  norte  k  sur  del  Ismo  y  del  Golfo  del  Darien  baxo  el  dominio  eepafiol; 
kai  como  las  riquesas  de  aquel  precioso  terreno  k  sus  pobladores,  y  de  consiguente 
un  recurso  al  comefclo  en  general  de  la  misma  nacion  espailola  que  puede  disfnitar 
incalculables  ventajas;  al  paso  que  es  el  unico  medio  de  deeterrar  el  clandestine  y 
tan  lucrativos  que  por  diferentes  entradas  hacen  los  estrangeros,  sefialadamente,  y, 
citando  exemplares  recientes,  por  los  mismos  puntas  dados  del  Rio  Atrato  k  cuya 
entrada  6  boca  estk  la  Isla  de  Gandelaria  con  puentos  mui  capaces  y  seguroe  para 
estacionar  embarcaclones  de  todas  portes:  y  seguros  para  estacionar  embarcacioneB 
de  todoe  portes:  y  por  la  Calidonia  el  mismos  de  Sasardi  6  puerto  escondido. 

Este  extracto  parece  suficiente  para  la  inteligencia  del  mapa  que  lo  acompana; 
haviendose  tirado  de  ima  relacion  6  informe  del  referido  Ingenlero  que  consta  de  24 
paginas,  y  que  es  lastima  no  tener  con  el  todoe  los  documentos  que  sita  y  aqui  se 
reflera;  pero  que  en  substancia  es  aqui  todo  su  contenido,  6  quanta  puede  importamos 
k  nuestros  ide^:  con  prevenclon  de  que  las  poblaclones  y  fortificaciones  proyectadas 
se  marcan  de  color  amarillo-tostada:  las  que  ay  de  antiguo  establecimiento  son  de 
encamada,  algunas  de  ellos  sin  nombre  por  que  son  mas  bien  haciendas  6  corralee  que 
no  lugares,  pero  de  todos  modes  son  poblacicmes.  *  La  CostA  k  la  mar  del  norte 
lavada  de  amarillo  claro,  cs  la  estencion  que  ocuparon  escocesas  quando  se  colonaron 
^lli  dandole  el  nombre  de  Calidonla  6  Calcedonia  el  ailo  de  1698  de  donde  fueron 
desalofadoM  el  siji^t*  Y,  ea  por  estas  immedlaciones  junto  k  Sasardi  mismo  (dice  el 
Ingenerio)  que  Vasco  Xufiez  de  Balb6a  primer  deacubridor  de  la  de  la  Angostura  del 
lamo,  fundo  la  Ciudad  que  nombr6  Ada  6  Acala,  (de  que  no  h^  quedado  ni  el  ' 
nombre)  k  donde  haviendo  ik)co  deapues  venido  per  Govemador  de  ella  pedraria^, 
ahorca  k  Balvoa;  y  para  subatraerae  de  ser  enjuiciado  por  la  Audiencla  de  St?  Domingo 
teniendo  el  castigo  de  aemejante  aaesinato,  abandon6  la  Ciudad  y  se  p>aso  al  Sur 
donde  fund6  la  antigua  Panama;  sin  que  jamas  loa  eapafioles  hayan  vuelto  k  hacer 
caao  de  repoblar  la  mejor  poaecion  quiaa  del  Ismo;  opinando  nuestro  lugenlero  q*  en 
este  neclo  abandono  han  consiatido  todo  los  males  experimentadoe  hasta  hoy 
con  la  ^bstiiiacion  de  aquellos  Indioa  fomentada  por  las  nacionea  estrangeros;  laa 
gucTPaa  quo  ae  han  subcitado  k  causa  del  Contrabaudo;  el  saqiieo,  abrigo,  y  danos  de 
los  piratas  y  facilidad  con  que  paaaban  del  norte  k  aur  &.  &. 

Tambien  insigna  5tra  facil  paso,  que  es  entrando  por  el  Rio  Mandinga  6  por  el  de 
Puerto  Soriban  (entre  cuyos  dos  brazos  cortan  en  Isla  un  pedaso  de  terreno  hasta  la 
puenta  de  S?  Bias)  y  navigando  en  Cailoas  por  qualquiera  de  loe  dos  lados  hasta  casi 
al  pie  de  la  rnon tafia;  aiguiendo  deapues  un  corte  camino  de  solo  tres  legi^,  se  encuen- 
tra  el  rio  Caniiaaa,  que  cntra  en  el  rio  Chepo  6  Bayano,  todo  navegable  hasta  el  Sur: 
eate  tranaito  v^  en  el  mapa  eac^rito  con  tinta  encarnada  que  dice  Buen  jmso  de  norte 
k  aur. 

La  fecha  del  papel  orfginal  ea  en  Cartegena  de  Indias  25  de  Septiembre  de  1782 
y  firmado  Antonio  de  Arevalo. 

Parece  que  nada,  o  mui  jx)Co,  de  este  pn)jecto  se  hk  puesto  en  planta.  No  quiero 
aventurar  mia  reflecciones  aque  si  por  acaao  Ja  este  papel  en  otras  manos  sirban  de 
lintenia  a  loa  durmientes:    Vfli  no  h^  meneater  mi  telescopio.     V.  e. 

Caro 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  519 

Document  5. 
Letter  of  Miranda  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  October  19,  1798,<^ 

fit  avec  bien  du  Plaisir,  mon  ires  cher  G^n^ral,  que  J  'ai  reyu  hier  votre  Let- 
u  22.  Aout  dernier.  Vos  souhaits  sont  d6ja  en  quelque  sorte  remplis,  puisque 
t  convenu  ici  que,  d  'un  Cot^,  on  n'employera  point  aux  operations  terreetres 
^upes  Anglaises,  vu  que  les  forces  auxiliaree  de  Terre  devront  6tre  uniquement 
icaines,  tandis  que,  de  I'autre,  la  Marine  sera  purement  anglaise.  Tout  est 
ini,  et  on  attend  seulement  le  fiat  de  votre  illustre.  President  pour  partir  Conune 

air En  Effet,  le  moment  parait  des  plus  favorables,  et  les  demiers  Ev^ne- 

semblent  nous  laisser  un  Champ  Vaste  et  tranquille  pour  agir  k  notre  enti^re 
[action.  Profitons  avec  sagesse  de  la  nature  des  Circonstances,  et  rendons  k 
Pays  le  plus  grand  Service  qu'un  Mortel  soit  capable  d'offrir  a  ses  semblables! 
ons  I'Am^rique  des  Calamity  affreuses  qui,  en  bouleversant  une  grande  partie 
onde,  menacent  de  la  Destruction  les  parties  intactes  encore, 
n  Compatriote  D.  Pedro  Caro  qui,  eftectivement,  avait  du  ^tre  le  porteur  de  ma 
e  du  6.  Avril  dernier,  n  *a  pas  pu  se  rendre  alors  k  New- York,  un  accident  impr^vu 
tyant  empech^;  II  dirigea  sa  Route  en  Droiture  vers  le  Continent  meridional  de 
•rique,  dont  une  partie,  press^e  de  .secouer  un  Joug  justement  odieux,  et  ne  vou- 
Das  attendre  plus  longtems  les  secours  des  Puissances  Co-operatrices,  se  disposait 
a  effectuer  un  Mouvement  insurrectionnel  qui,  pour  n  '^tre  que  partiel,  aurait 
lire  aux  Int^r^ts  de  la  Masse  enti^re.  Heureusement  qu  'ils  ont  consenti  ^  ajoumer 
D-marches.  Les  Renseignemens,  que  nous  avons  d*ailleurs  sur  la  situation 
nte  des  Choses,  sont  du  plus  heureux  Augure.  M.  Caro  repart  dans  ce  moment 
iir  la  m^me  Destination  par  la  Voie  de  1  'Isle  de  la  Trinity,  afin  que  tout  soit  dis- 
conform^ment  aux  Plans  arr^t^s,  lesquels  j  'aurai  1  lionneur  de  vous  soumettre 

IS. 

vous  prie  de  remettre  la  Lettre  ci-jointe  k  notre  ami  commun  le  General  Knox, 
la  nomination  dans  1  'arm^e  me  fait  aussi  le  plus  grand  Plaisir.  Continuez  toujours, 
cher  ami,  d'etre  le  Bienfaiteur  du  Genre  humain  qui  jamais  n'a  eu  autant 
n  de  tels  appuis.     R^unisons  nous  tous  bien  fermement  pour  op^rer  le  Salut  de 

ch^re  Patrie,  et  peut-^tre,  qu  'en  1  'arrachant  aux  Malheurs  que  la  menacent, 
sauverons  le  monde  entier  qui  rhauc^le  au  Bonl  de  1  'abime. 

k  Vous  bien  sincerement  F.  de  Miranda, 

idres  le  19.  Octobre  1798. 

ez  la  bonte  d'offrir  mes  Respects  au  General  Washington — dont  la  conduite 
>,  et  Sage,  attire  dans  ce  moment  les  hommages  de  tout  le  monde;  et  doit  contri- 
esentiellement  ^  sauver  notre  pais. 
x)ndres  ce  10  Nov?,  1798. 


Document  6. 

wnish  royal  order  regarding  the  Miranda  expedition  of  1806,  August  8,  1806^  addressed 

to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  & 
"a. 

:xmo  S°' 
N9  82. 
gor  Dw  Pedro  Cevallos  en  29  del  proximo  anterior  me  dice  lo  que  sigue. 
un  quando  no  resulte  probada  legalmente  la  conni  vencia  del  Goviemo  Americano 
afectado  disimulo  sobre  loe  designios  del  trahidor  Miranda  contra  las  Poeesiones 


a  Hamilton  MSS.,  XX,  f.  220.  *»  A.  O.  M.,  Reales  Cddulas,  197. 


520  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

de  S.  M.;  el  mero  hecho  de  haber  salido  de  un  puerto  de  loe  Estados  Unidoe  una  ex- 
pedicion  de  Piratas  en  buques  Americanoe,  armada  y  iripulada  por  Ciudadanoe  Ame- 
ricanos contra  las  Posesiones  de  una  Nacion  Amiga,  constituye  al  Goviemo  de  los 
EstadoH  Unidos  en  una  responsabilidad  indubitable  k  satisfacer  k  la  Espafia  el  importe 
de  loe  gastoe,  daiios  y  perjuicios  que  con  motivo  de  la  indicada  expedicion  puodan 
haberse  ocasionado.  En  esta  inteligencia  ha  rceuelto  S.  M.  que  por  el  Ministerio  del 
cargo  de  V.  E.  se  pasen  las  ordenes  correspondientes  al  Oapitan  General  de  Caracas, 
k  los  Virreyes  de  Santa  F^  y  de  Nueva  Espafia,  y  ^  loe  Govemadores  de  Puerto  Rico 
y  de  la  Isla  de  Cuba  p?  que  cada  uno  de  ellos  remita  por  triplicado  una  cuenta  de  los 
gastos  que  puedan  haberse  ocasionado  a  la  Ri  Hacienda  6  ^  los  particulares  con  moti>'o 
de  la  expedicion  de  Miranda  y  por  razon  de  los  preparatives  que  se  han  hecho  en  di- 
ferentes  puntos  de  aquellos  Dominios  para  ponerse  en  estado  de  Defensa  contra  loe 
designios  del  citado  trail idor;  incluyendose  asimismo  en  la  indicada  cuenta  el  importe 
de  los  dafios  y  perjuicios  que  la  mencionada  expedicion  pueda  haber  causada  en  algun 
pimto  de  aquellos  Dominios.  Por  mi  parte  encargo  con  esta  fha  al  Ministro  de  S.  M. 
en  Philadelphia  me  remita  una  cuenta  de  lo  gastado  con  motivo  de  loe  diferentes 
avisos  que  expidi6  en  buques  fletados  para  dar  noticia  k  los  Gefes  y  Comandantee  de 
las  Posesiones  Espafiolas;  de  los  designios  hostiles  de  Miranda.  Reunidas  todas  las 
partidas,  se  dispondrd  por  el  Ministerio  de  mi  cargo  el  hacer  la  correepondiente  re- 
clamacion  al  Goviemo  de  loe  Estados  Unidos  para  su  abono;  y  como  loe  Americanoe 
tienen  varias^reclamaciones  contra  la  Ri  Hacienda  por  el  importe  de  los  dafloe  y  per- 
juicios irrogadoe  k  su  Comercio  por  nueetros  Corsarios  y  tribunales  durante  la  guerra 
pasada  y  la  actual  con  Inglaterra;  nos  seriL  facil  establecer  el  priucipio  de  compen- 
sacion  hasta  la  cantidad  k  que  asciendan  nuestras  reclamaoiones  contra  ellos. " 

De  rl  oHi  lo  traslado  k  V.  E.  para  su  cumplimiento.    *    *    *    S?  Ildefonso  8  de 
Agosto  de  1806. 

Caballero. 

S".'  Virrey  de  Nueva  Espafia. 


Document  7. 

Miranda^  8  plans  for  a  government  in  ASpaniah  Ain/rica,  1S08-1809.<^ 

NM. 

Esqiiise  de  tiouyeriioment  Provisoire. 

Toutc  autorit^  ^*nian<!'*  du  Gouverii(»ineiit   Kspaguol  est  ipso  facto  ubolie:  Les  lioix 
existantes  rtvsterout  cependant  cm  force  a  ri^xroplion  de  celles  d^nomm^s  ci  dct-r^U}*. 

Comicen. 

\jGa  comiccs  Heroiit  formes  par  tons  les  Habitaiis  nt's  ou  ^tablis  deja  dans  le  pay?, 

de  (luelqiie  Caste  qu'ils  puissont  etre,  pourvu  (ju'ils  ayent  Tage  de  21  Ans,  qu'il^ 

ayenl   prete  sormeiit  k  la  nouvelle  forme  du  Gouvernomcnt,  et  a  T Independence 

americaine;  qu'ils  ayent  un  reveiiu  annuel  (%\i\  i\  50  Piastres;  qu'ils  ayent  nes  de 

Pere  el  Mere  libres;  qu'ils  u'exercent   j)as  un  service  de  Domestiques  ii  gages;  et 

qu'ils  n'ayent  soufferl  uno  j)eiue  diffanianlc. 

« 

Cabildos. 

A  la  place  des  aneiennes  autorites  sont  substitu^s  les  (^abildoes  y  Ayuntamientoa 
des  differcmtes  Villes.  (,'eux  ci  ajouteront  a  leur  nombre  un  tiers  de  ses  membres 
pris  parmi  les  Indiens  et  les  (iens  de  Couleur  de  la  province;  et  tons  devront  etre 
confirmes  par  les  Comices  Municipaux.  Aucun  Membre  ne  jxmrra  avoir  moins  que 
35  Ans,  ni  une  propri^te  moindre  quede  20Arpens  de  terre  cultiv^s.     Les  Indiens 

«!'.  H.  O.,  Curagau  Traii.siiiissioii.s,  G70. 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA,  521 

et  lee  Gens  de  Couleur  seront  dispense  de  cette  dernier  circonstance  pour  oette 
premiere foisseulement.  LesCabildos  choisiront,  parmi  eux  et  tousles  Citoyensdu 
district,  deux  qu*on  nommera  Alcaldes,  et  qui  (comme  par  le  pass^)  seront  charg^^s 
d' administrator  la  justice,  ainsi  que  la  police  du  district  pendant  la  guerre  actuelle. 
On  aura  soin  que  ce  choix  tombe  sur  des  Citoyens  d'une  probity  reconnue,  dont  I'age 
Boit  au  dessus  de  35  Ans,  et  qu'ils  ayent  un  revenu  annuel  de  300  Piastres  pour  le 

moins. 

Asembl^es. 

Lee  Cabildoe  nommerent,  parmi  eux  et  tons  les  Citoyens  du  district,  un  ou  plusieurs 
membres  (selon  la  population  de  la  Cit^  qu'ils  representent)  qui  formeront  une  Assem- 
blee  provinciale,  charg6  du  gouvemement  general  de  toute  la  province,  jusqu'ili  ce 
que  le  Gouvemement  Federal  soit  etabli. 

L'age  requis  dans  ces  Membres  ne  sera  pas  moindre  que  de  35  Ans;  et  im  revenu 
annuel  de  400  Piastres.  Cette  Assembl^e  nommera  deux  Citoyens,  parmi  eux  ou  ceux 
de  la  province,  avec  la  denomination  de  Curacas,  qui  seront  charg^  d'activer  et 
fadre  executer  les  loix  provinciales  pendant  la  guerre:  ils  auront  Tage  de  40  Ans  et 
un  revenu  annuel  de  500  Piastres. 

Lee  loix  existantes  subsisteront  comme  par  le  pass^  jusqtl  k  la  formation  d'autres. 

Seront  cependant  abolies  ipso  facto,  les  suivantes. 

P  Tout  impdt  ou  taxe  personelle  tant  pour  les  Indiens  que  pour  lea  autres  Citoyens. 

2*  Tons  les  Droits  sur  les  importations  et  les  exportations  du  pays,  et  restera  seule- 
ment  un  droit  de  15  P  %  sur  les  importations  et  20  P%  sur  les  exportations.  L*Entr^ 
de  toute  manufacture  et  marchandisc  seront  permise,  ainsi  que  la  sortie  des  pro- 
ductions du  pays,  de  quelque  ^pk;e  qu'elle  puissent  6tre. 

3°  Toutes  les  loix  qui  regardent  le  Tribunal  odieux  de  T Inquisition.  Et  la  tole- 
rance r^ligieuse  etant  un  principe  de  droit  naturel  elle  sera  g^neralement  permise; 
le  Peuple  Colombien  reconnoissant  toujours  la  Religion  Catholique  Apostolique  et 
Romaine  comme  sa  religion  Nationale. 

Milice. 

La  Milice,  ainsi  que  toute  la  force  arm^e,  sera  mise  sous  la  direction  d'une  Citoyen, 
que  sera  nomm6  par  Passemblee  et  confirm^  par  le  Comices  de  la  Province.  II 
portera  le  titre  d'Hatunapa  (Generalissimo)  des  armies  Colombiennes,  et  son  autorit^ 
ne  durera  que  pendant  la  guerre,  ou  jusqu'k  la  formation  du  gouvemement  federal. 
Son  devoir  principal  sera  Porganisation  de  rarm^e  et  le  defense  du  pays;  et  ii  cet 
effet  il  proposera  tons  les  officiers  h  la  sanction  de  I'Assembiee. 

Celle  ci  nommera  trois  Personnes  avec  lesquelles  il  puisse  consulter  sous  le  secret, 
les  affaires  appartenantes  k  sa  charge  et  lui  tenir  lieu  de  Conseil. 

Les  fonds  necessaires  pour  I'entretien,  le  mouvement,  et  le  logement  de  Tarm^e 
seront  pr^lev^s  par  requisition  du  Gen!  en  Chef,  jusqu'^  ce  que  TAssembiee  puiase 
faire  un  arrangement  definitif  sur  cet  Objet.  L'Hatunapa  reste  responsable  de 
PAdministration  de  tous  ces  interet.s,  ainsi  que  de  I'employ  qu'il  fera  de  ses  pouvoirs: 
le  gouvemement  ayant  le  droit  de  ne  faire  rendre  Compte  k  la  sortie  de  sa  charge. 

Clerge. 

Le  Cleig^  sera  pendant  la  guerre  sous  la  direction  d'un  Vicaire  General  et  Apos- 
tolique, qui  sera  nomm^  par  Tassembl^e;  les  Cur^s  de  toute  la  Province  seront  auasi 
nomm^s,  ou  confirm^s  au  moins,  par  leurs  paroissieus  respectift*. 

R^glement . 

Tous  les  etrangers  qui  ne  sont  pas  etablis,  ou  mari^s  dans  le  pays  avant  la  declara- 
tion de  notre  Independence  ne  pourront  pas  jouir  des  droits  des  Citoyens  americaines. 


jlmesican  histobical  association. 


— —  4iM  t»  3ii<e  one  residence  de  6.  ann^  consecutives  dans  le  pays,  oa  de 

>..••*    .*•»  •  impMipirn  dans  lea  arm^  americaines.     La  Legislature  pouna  cepea- 

^h.     oils-    vt»  Lat»  particuliers,  accorder  ces  droits  en  iaveur  de  ceux  qu'dlele 

jujk  ;«»  HabitaD:}  de  toute  espece,  qui  refuseront  de  preter  le  serment  de  fid^t^, 

^<*Mu  ettutf  de  ;«  recirer  dans  I'interieur  du  pays,  au  lieux  designee  par  le  gouveme- 
•wui.,  '^Modaat  la  guerre  seulement.  Et  ceux  qui  demanderont  k  sortir  du  pays, 
toxvui  la  pennision  sans  delai.  La  Propri^t^  fonci^re,  ou  autre,  qu'ils  pouiront 
;ite«er  :wfa  ddeiement  administr^  pendant  leur  absence,  sauf  ii  deduire  les  frais  aim- 

:.>«w>  vi*:idministration,  ainsi  que  Pimpdt  g^n^ral.  A  la  Paix  ils  seront  libres  d'entrer 
biu^  le  payis  en  qualite  d 'Strangers,  et  seront  mis  en  possession  de  leurs  biens.    Ceux 

i^ui  auitHit  porte  les  armes  volontairement  contre  leur  patrie,  en  seront  exclus  k  per- 

^Kfiuite. 
Tout  Citoyen  qui  ayant  pret^  le  serment  de  fidelity  au  pays,  ait  eu  le  malheur  de 

le  vtoler,  :«ra  poursuixn  par  devant  les  Magistrats,  et  puni  s^verement  confcHine  aux 

K»ix  de  Tetat. 

Esquise  de  Gouvemement  Federal. 

^iHMit  Cituyeus  Americaines,  P  tons  ceux  qui  sontn^  dans  le  PaysdePere  etMere 
librvfii:  2**  tous  leijt  etrangers,  qui  etant  etablii*  et  mari^  dans  le  Pays,  preteront  serment 
vie  Kidelite  au  nouveau  Gouvemement;  ou  qui  n* etant  pas  mari^s  feront  plus  de 
troicit  Oampaguetf  pour  I'independence  americaine:  Autrement  ils  resteront  dans  k 
obkwe  detraugers.  I^  I^slature  pourra  cependant,  dans  des  Cas  particulien, 
iux-order  ces  Droits,  k  ceux  qu*elle  le  jugera  k  propos. 

Comices  Americains. 

Oci  Ansemblees  seront  compos^es  de  tons  les  Citoyens  Americaines,  qui  aurant 
iHiir^  lei)  quality  requises  par  la  Constitution  un  propri^t^  territoriale  de  10  Arpens 
dv  lerre  cultiv^  pour  le  moinn;  et  ^tre  ag6  de  plus  de  21  Ans.  Le  Gouvemement 
.iuta  ^nn  de  disitribucr  k  chaque  ludien  (qui  n'aura  pas  de  propriety  sufHsante)  dix 
iijK-iu-x  vie  lerre  iH>ur  ceux  qui  sont  maries  et  cinq  dit^  aux  celibatairen. 

*.'i'a\  vies  i'iii>yens  il  qui  nianqueront  cen  qualit^H  ue  pourrout  pas  voter  dana  les 
v'auK'eh.  uiaisils  ne  jouiront  pas  moiiiH  den  aiitres  droit «,  restant  dans  la  Classe  des 
r^ioxHi."*  j»ii>»sifs. 

Corps  Munieipaux  (CabildoH). 

I  In  Aoix'iii  iormet*  par  un  certain  nombre  de  Citoyens  choisis  par  ceux  du  district; 
.\  K»uiK'iv»ni  uu  i\>rp  d'Electeurs  pour  la  representation  Nationale. 

I  V  ui  Jesoirs  principaux  sont,  la  police  et  administration  interne  des  Villes;  aiusi 
^.41  'u  iiv»imuaiion  dt^  membres  qui  doivent  former  Assemblages  provinciales.  L'age 
■iv-  ;n'umu  ^Kk-*  iMn»  au  dessous  de  35  Ans,  et  ils  doivent  avoir  un  revenu  annuel  de 
i<V  ^Sut^iu'rt  |K>ur  le  moins. 

Assembli^^es  Provinciales. 

v»».    V«.vaibU'Hv  w)nt  compaMc^'cs  d'un  certain  nombre  de  Membrc^,  choisis  parmi 
\v.  \  Mv'>v'a.-i  Av'iifs  de  1' Empire  Americain. 

„:   .Ivvoir  s%'rtt  de  veiller  au  salut  et  ^  I'administration  des  Provinces.     A  cet 

K^  sJw.  iK'urivut  (aire  des  Jajix  administratives,  que  ne  s'etendent  au  del^  de  la 
.V  v.u. v\  vi  vjuidans  aucun  cas  ne  pourrontpaa  eutraver  la  marche  des  Loix  gene- 
•,  \..     V  xv'i'  vAU'i  elles  seront  soumises  au  Corps  Legislatif,  qui  sans  retard  et  pendant 

y...^,   ^lv\*«*  K*  rtnourner  avec  sa  sanction  pour  toe  mises  k  execution;  ou  lea 
v»» .. .  .,-     .4itxmotlant  aussi  l(\s  motifs  qu'ont  donn^'  lieu  au  rejet. 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  523 

Hb  nommttfont  panni  tous  les  Citoyens  americaines,  ceux  qui  doivent  compoeer  le 
CorpB  legislatif I  et  auront  le  droit  de  Petition  envers  ce  m^me  Corpe.  Leur  age  ne  sera 
paa  moindre  que  de  30  Ana,  et  ils  auront  une  propri^t^  fonci^re  de  100  Arpens  de  terre 
au  moins. 

La  dur^  de  cee  autorit^  sera  d'un  Lustre,  ou  cinq  Ans.  Ceux  ci  eliront  QgalemBnt, 
deux  Citoyens  panni  ceux  de  P  Amerique,  qui  exerceront  la  charge  de  pouvoir  executif 
dans  la  Province,  pendant  cinq  ans.  Leurs  titre  sera  Curacas,  Tage  requise  sera  au 
desBUB  de  40  Ans,  et  ils  devront  avoir  une  propri6t^  fonci^re  pas  moindre  que  de  150 
Arpens  de  terre  cultiv^. 

Corps  Legislatif. 

Le  Corpe  legislatif  sera  compose  de  representans  nomm^  par  les  di£FerenteB  Assem- 
blies provinciales,  (Amautas)  en  nombre  proportionel  k  celui  de  la  population  de  la 
Province.  Ils  seront  choisis  parmi  tous  les  Citoyens  de  la  province  qui  les  envoie: 
Ils  devront  avoir  une  propri^t^  fonci^re  de  150  Arpens  de  terre  au  moins,  et  Page  de  35 
Ans.  Cette  Assemble  s'appellera  le  Concile  Colombien  et  aura  seule  le  faculty  de 
{aire  des  Loix  pour  toute  la  federation  Americaine. 

Ces  Loix  passeront  k  la  simple  majority  des  suffrages;  mais  elles  devront  6tre  sanc- 
tionn^  par  le  Pouvoir  Executif,  qui  aura  le  droit  de  renvoyer  le  projet  de  loi,  en 
ajoutantses  observations;  et  si  apres  ceci,  le  Concile  vote  la  m^me  loi  k  une  majority  de 
deux  tiers  de  ses  membres,  le  pouvoir  executif  sera  tenu  de  se  conformer;  et  la  faire 
mettre  k  execution  sans  delai,  comme  loi  gouvemative  de  T Empire. 

Si  les  deux  tiers  du  Concile,  trouve  qu'unc  loi  constitutionelle  quelconque  doit  6tre 
reform^,  ou  chang^,  le  pouvoir  executif  sera  tenu  de  la  faire  transmettre  au  diffe- 
rentes  Assemble  Provinciales  pour  prendre  leur  Assentiment,  et  si  les  trois  quarts  de 
ces  Assemble  la  sanctionent,  elle  sera  approve  et  mise  k  execution.  Les  Assemble 
vice  vena  pourront  avoir  Tinitiative,  et  dans  ce  Cas  si  les  trois  quarts  du  Concile  Tap- 
prouve,  elle  deviendra  loi  Constitutive  egalement,  et  sera  mise  en  Activity. 

Pouvoir  Executif. 

Ce  Pouvoir  sera  nomm^  par  le  Concile  Colombien  qui  choisira  parmi  tous  les  Citoyens 
de  PEmpire,  deux  Citoyens,  qui  ayent  un  age  au  dessus  de  40  Ans,  une  propri^t^ 
fonci^re  de  200  Arpens  de  terre;  et  qui  ayent  exerc^  deja  une  des  grandes  charges  de 
TEmpire  pour  le  moins.  La  chan^  durera  pendant  deux  Lustres,  et  la  m^me  personne 
ne  poiura  pas  6tre  re-elu  qu*apr^  un  int«rvalle  de  dix  ans. 

Leiu"  titres  sera  Incas,  nom  venerable  dans  le  Pays. 

Un  des  Incas  restera  constamment  aupr^  du  Corpe  legislatif,  dans  la  Ville  Federale 
tandis  que  Pautre  parcourra  les  Provinces  de  TEmpire. 

I^es  Incas  nommeront  egalement  deux  Citoyens  pour  exercer  la  charge  de  Questeurs, 
ou  Administrateurs  du  Tresor  Public;  deux  autres  pour  celles  de  Edilee,  qui  seront 
chaig^  principalement  de  la  confection  et  reparation  des  grandes  routes  de  T Empire 
&ca;  et  six  autres  avec  le  titre  de  Censeurs  qui  seront  cha^^g^s  de  faire  prendre  le  Cen- 
sus de  PEmpire,  de  veiller  k  Pinstruction  publique,  et  au  maintien  des  Moeurs.  L' Age 
requise  pour  ces  charges  sera  de  45  Ans  pour  lee  Censeurs  et  de  40  pour  lee  autres  et  la 
dur^  d'un  Lustre  seulement. 

n  y  aura  plusieurs  Questeurs  dans  les  Provinces  et  aux  Armies  qui  seront  absolument 
charg^  de  la  perception  du  revenu  public,  du  payement  des  Arm^  &ca,  le  tout 
conformement  aux  Loix  et  aux  reglemens  de  PEmpire. 

Dans  toutes  les  Provinces  il  y  aura  aussi  d'Ediles,  qui  comme  ceux  de  la  Capitale 
seront  charg^  du  soin  des  Villes,  des  Edifices  publics.  Temples,  Aqueducts,  Cloaquee, 
Aca,  ainsi  que  des  Marches  publics,  des  Poids  et  Mesures  Acs,  reviseront  egalemente  lee 
Pieces  dramatiquee,  avant  d'etre  represent^,  et  aiuront  seuls  la  direction  des  Jeux  et 
F^tee  publiquee. 


524  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Lee  Censeurs  auront  aussi  des  subdel^u^s  dans  les  Provinces  qui  Reront  chaig<% 
d'enrdler  tous  les  Citoyens  selon  la  forme  prescrite  par  ceux  de  la  Capitale.    Et  ce 
Census  etant  transmis  ponctuellement  tous  les  cinq  Ans,  le  Gouvemement  aura  un 
Etat  exact  de  la  Population  de  tout  rEmpire.     lis  examineront  en  outre  si  un  Ciloyen 
ne  cultive  pas  bien  sa  terre,  si  on  vit  trop  long  temps  sans  so  marier,  si  on  s'ert  com- 
port <^  avcc  Courage  h  la  Guerre  &c  &c. 

Les  Incas  seront  responsables  k  la  Nation  pour  tous  les  Actes  de  leur  Administration; 
et  malgr^  que  leurs  Personnes  soient  sacr^  et  inviolables  pendant  le  temps  de  la 
Magistrateur;  ils  pourront  cependant  Stre  recherche  apr^,  par  devant  la  haute  Cour 
nationale. 

Le  Pouvoir  Executif  est  esBentiellement  charg^  de  veiller  d  la  surety  de  T  Empire. 
II  pourra  par  consequent  faire  la  guerre  defensive  en  Cas  d'attaque  centre  un  Ennemi 
quelconque;  mais  ne  pourra  pa^  la  continuer  sans  TassentimeDt  du  Concile.  II  ne 
pourra  dans  aucun  Cas  declarer  la  guerre  que  par  la  Volenti  du  Concile;  ni  etant  de- 
clare la  porter  hors  du  territoire  de  TEmpire  qu'en  prenant  I'Assentiment  du  Concile. 

Dans  des  Cas  extremement  difiiciles  le  Concile  decretera  la  nomination  d'un  Dicta- 
teur  (avec  la  m^me  puissance  qu'il  avoit  k  Rome;  et  la  charge  cxpirera  au  bout  d'un 
An,  8^1  n'a  pas  donn^  sa  demission  avant  ce  tems)  et  les  Incas  nom^ront  la  Personne 
qui  doit  exercer  cette  Charge  eacr^,  il  aura  45  Ans  pour  le  moins  devant  avoir  deja 
exerc6  une  ou  plusieurs  des  grandes  Charges  de  T  Empire. 

Pouvoir  Judicaire. 

Ce  Pouvoir  sera  compost  des  Juges  charges  de  presider  les  differens  Tribunaux  de 
Provinces.  lis  seront  nommes  dans  les  Cornices  des  Provinces  respect ives,  et  au 
nombre  que  le  Pouvoir  Executif  jugera  convenable,  en  se  concertant  j)our  eet  effet 
avec  les  Assembles  provinciales  pour  savoir  le  nombre  des  Tribunaux,  qu'il  eeroil 
necessaire  d*etablir  dans  chaque  Province.  L'Inca  donnera  son  Assentiment,  ou  reje- 
tera  la  nomination  des  Juges  par  les  Cornices;  et  dans  ce  dernier  Cas  il  renverra  son  rejet 
au  Concile,  qui  le  confirmant,  alors  les  Comices  doivent  faire  une  nouvelle  election. 
Si  le  Concile  ne  confirme  pas  le  rejet,  le  Juge  reste  legit imement  <51u,  et  sera  mis  en 
possession  de  sa  Place:  Les  Juges  avoir  les  quality  d*un  Citoyen  actif,  et  Page  de  40 
Ans  au  moins. 

Ces  Charges  sent  inamovibles  et  k  Vie,  k  moins  qu*il  n*y  ait  pas  prevarication;  et  alora 
ils  seront  accuses  par  devant  le  Concile;  qui  ayant  examine  les  Charges  pourra  seul  les 
porter  par  devant  la  haute  Cour  National  (seul  Tribunal  competent  pour  en  Juger) 
ou  rejet  era  I'accusation  comme  insuffisante. 

I^  forme  des  Tribunaux  et  les  Sentences  par  Jury,  sera  conforme  en  toute  k  ceux  de 
I'Angleterre  et  des  E.  U.  de  I'Amerique.  On  nommera  d'abord  un  Jurj'  especial, 
jusqu  k  ce  que  la  masse  des  Citoyens  soit  plus  au  fait  de  la  Lil)ert^. 

Toute  affaire  Civile  ou  Criminelle,  sera  jiig^  par  eux  seulement. 

Le  Pouvoir  Executif  nommera  la  haute  Cour  Nationale,  qui  sera  compost  d'un 

President  et  deux  Juges,  pris  parmi  les  Juges  nationaux.     Cette  Cour  servira  it  juger 

les  affaires  qui  tiennent  au  droit  des  Gens,  au  trait^s  avec  les  Puissances  ^trangeres,  et 

finalement  jugera  tous  les  Magistral s  et  autres  qui  eeroient  accuses  de  pre\'arication,  ou 

de  tout  autre  crime  d'Etat. 

Culte. 

La  Religion  ("atholique,  Apostolique  Romaine,  sera  la  Religion  Nationale;  et  la 
hyerarchie  du  Olergi''  Americain  sem  regime  par  un  Concile  Provincial  qu'on  con- 
voquera  k  cet  effet.  La  parfaite  tolerance  etant  admi.»ie  par  le  Constitution,  aucun 
Citoyen  ne  sera  jamai.s  inquiete  sur  ses  Opinions  religieuses. 

Les  Pretres  et  Ministres  de  I'Evangile,  ne  pourront  |)as  ^ire  aucunement  trouble 
dans  I'exercice  de  ses  fonctions,  et  seront  k  cet  effet  exclus  de  toute  fonction  Ci^'ile 
ou  Militaire. 


i 


FRANCISCO  DE    MIRANDA.  525 

La  m^me  exemption  devra  s'appliquer  aux  Agens  du  Pouvoir  Judicaire,  n'etant 
pas  mollis  necessaires  qu'utiles  dans  I'exercice  de  ses  fonctions. 

Aind  tout  Notaire  public,  Procureur,  ou  Avocat  seront  excluB  de  tout  service 
Militaire,  ou  fonction  Civile  quelconque. 


Ceux  qui  alieneront  sea  Terrep,  perdront  le  droit  precieux  de  Citoyen  jusqu'^  ce 
qu*ils  acquierent  la  Portion  requise  pour  le  devenir^  Ceux  qui  negb'geront  la  Culti- 
vation pendant  I'espace  de  deux  ann^ea  consecutivea,  seront  egalement  punis  par  les 
Magiatrata  conformement  aux  Ix)ix. 


La  Ville  Federale  sera  batie  dans  le  point  le  plus  central  (peut-^tre  dans  I'lsme  de 
Panama)  et  portera  le  Nom  August e  de  Colombo,  k  qui  le  Monde  doit  la  decouverte 
de  cette  belle  partie  de  la  Terre. 


Document  8. 

Letter  of  Governor  Cockburn  of  Curasao  to  Lord  Castlere.aghy  January  28,  1809,  regarding 
the  RevoltUionanj  Correspondence  of  Miranda  ttnth  iS panish  America.f^ 

Confidential  Gov't  House  Curasao 

28' »»  January  1809.   • 
My  Lord: 

I  feel  it  my  duty  to  lose  no  time  in  informing  your  Ix>rdship  that  on  the  23'*  Inst. 
Capt°  Fyffe,  comdg.  His  Majesty's  Naval  forces  at  this  Island,  waited  upon  me  with  a 
packet  addressed  to  the  Marquis  del  Toro  at  Caracas;  which  he  had  that  morning 
received  by  the  Favorite  Sloop  of  War  from  Jamaica,  with  advices  from  the  Admiral 
desiring  him  to  forward  it  by  any  opportunity  which  might  occur.  (>apt°  Fyffe 
however  being  aware  of  certain  discussions  which  have  lately  taken  place  at  Caracas, 
in  consequence  of  which  the  Marquis  Del  Ton)  and  many  principal  inhabitants  have 
been  put  under  arrest,  thought  proper  to  apprize  me  of  the  receipt  of  the  packet,  and 
to  solicit  my  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  of  forwarding  it  in  the  present  situation  of 
affairs  upon  the  Main. 

The  occurrences  detailed  in  my  despatch  to  Your  Lordship  of  the  1"^  Dec'  recurring 
to  my  mind,  and  sensible  of  the  persevering  and  intriguing  spirit  of  Gen'  Miranda,  I 
was  immediately  led  to  surmise  that  the  papers  were  from  him,  and  of  a  similar  nature 
probably  to  those  already  submitted  to  your  Lordship  in  my  letter  above  mentioned — 
a  conjecture  which  was  strongly  fortified  by  the  appearance  and  seal  of  the  packet 
itself.  I  in  consequence  instantly  made  known  my  suspicions  to  Captain  Fyffe;  who 
entirely  coinciding  "^nth  me  in  estimating  the  fatal  consequences  likely  to  result, 
under  existing  circumstances;  to  the  Nobleman  whose  address  they  bore,  (it  being 
death  to  hold  correspondence  or  communication  with  Miranda)  and  the  ruinous  effects 
which  would  inevitably  ensue  to  the  British  interests  should  the  packet  prove  to  be 
of  the  nature  suspected,  we  determined  to  open  the  envelope,  in  the  hope  of  fmding 
some  interior  cover  which  might  lead  to  a  knowledge  of  the  source  from  whence  it 
came,  but  no  second  cover  existing  we  immediately  perceived  the  signature  of  Miranda 
affixed  to  an  address,  of  which,  together  \^'ith  its  enclosures,  I  have  now  the  honor  to 
transmit  a  copy.  Under  all  the  circumstances  we  have  not  hesitated  to  detain  the 
originals,  and  I  have  great  satisfaction  in  reflecting  that  the  prudence  and  judgment 
of  Capt°  Fyffe  has  thus  effected  the  interception  of  a  document,  which  in  the  actual 
state  of  public  feelings  might  have  sacrificed  the  life  of  a  most  respected  Nobleman, 
and  would  have  tended,  more  than  any  other  event  whatsoever,  to  destroy  the  British 
and  re-establish  the  French  influence. 


a  P.  R.  O.,  Cura^a  TransmissiooB,  670. 


526  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

The  Admiral  not  ha\ing  been  given  the  slightest  intimation  on  the  subject,  we  are 
not  aware  of  the  channel  through  which  this  packet  may  have  reached  him,  but  after 
the  most  attentive  consideration  of  the  papers  contained  in  it  (some  of  which  Your 
Lordship  will  perceive  are  emanations  from  the  early  leaders  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion in  the  moments  of  its  wildest  fury)  and  comparing  their  contents  with  His  Majesty's 
gracious  declarations,  and  the  communications  which  I  have  already  been  honored 
with  from  Your  Lordship  relative  to  our  alliance  with  Spain,  I  cannot  persuade  myself 
that  they  have  been  submitted  to  His  Majesty's  Ministers,  or  that  their  sanction  cm 
have  been  obtained  to  such  an  attempt  to  dismember  the  dominions  of  His  Catholic 
Majesty  in  America,  whilst  Great  Britain  is  so  nobly  struggling  to  support  His  Empire 
in  Europe.  Should  it  however  be  even  possible  that  these  projects  of  Gen^  Miraiidi 
are  really  in  unison  with  the  views  of  His  Majesty's  Government,  I  beg  to  assure  Your 
Lordship  that  with  the  information  I  possess  of  the  present  state  of  the  Province  of 
Venezuela,  I  should  equally  feel  it  my  indispensible  duty  to  withhold  the  papen. 
as  an  act  of  Justice  to  the  Marquis  del  Toro,  and  of  strict  attention  to  the  character 
and  interests  of  my  Nation,  which  could  only  be  involved  in  ruin  and  disgrace  by  an 
attempt,  which  at  the  present  moment  the  wildest  spirit  of  enthusiasm  could  not 
hope  to  succeed — and  I  anxiously  and  confidently  trust  therefore  that  my  conduct 
may  be  honored  with  Your  Lordship's  approval. 

Of  General  Miranda,  and  his  means  of  influencing  the  Spanish  Main  I  have  already 
presumed  to  submit  to  Your  Lordship  my  humble  opinion,  but  I  cannot  in  honor 
omit  to  press  upon  Your  Lordship's  attention  the  dangers  to  which  the  Marquis  Del 
Toro  must  be  unjustly  exposed,  by  the  further  continuiince  of  Gen'  Miranda's  addresses, 
against  which  the  Marquis  has  so  strongly  protested  in  his  letter  to  the  Captain  General 
of  the  25^*^  Oct',  already  transmitted  for  Your  Lordship's  perusal.  I  venture  therefore 
to  suggest  to  Your  Lordship  the  propriety  of  instructing  Gen^  Miranda  accordingly, 
should  his  enterprise  be  upheld  by  His  Majesty's  Government;  or  of  strictly  enjoining 
him,  should  his  measures  not  be  so  sanctioned,  to  abstain  entirely  from  attempts, 
which  in  that  case  can  produce  no  possible  advantage,  and  must  be  pr^:nant  with 
ruin  to  the  individuals  who  may  be  misled  by  him  upon  the  Main,  and  with  destruc- 
tion to  the  character  and  cause  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

By  H.  M.  S.  Tweed,  which  sailed  the  night  before  last,  I  have  not  failed  to  apprize 
the  Admiral,  of  the  stepH  which  have  been  purnued,  and  the  motives  which  have 
influenced  our  determinations;  should  he  thort»fore  be  in  possession  of  any  official 
instructions  on  the  subject,  I  doubt  not  he  will  speedily  communicate  to  me  such 
information,  as  may  enable  me  to  shape  my  future  conduct,  as  far  as  circumstances 
will  admit,  agreeably  to  His  Majesty's  intentions. 

Having  incidentally  mentioned  the  arrest  of  some  of  the  principal  personages  on 
the  Spanish  Main,  I  imagine  it  may  be  satisfactory  to  Your  Lordship  to  be  informed, 
that  the  disputes  which  led  to  that  measure  were  in  no  manner  connected  with  the 
interests  of  Great  Britain,  but  originated  solely  in  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the 
internal  arrangements  and  more  especially  (he  establishment  of  a  Junta  similar  to 
those  already  assembled  in  the  Mother  Country.  The  tranquillity  of  the  I^rovincea 
has  never  been  seriously  interrupted,  and  the  points*  at  issue  have  been  referred  to 
the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Government  in  Europe.  I  take  the  opp)ortimity  also  of 
enclosing  the  translation  of  a  paper  upon  this  subject,  which  made  considerable  sen- 
sation at  the  moment,  but  which  has  since  been  suppressed  under  the  severest  penal- 
ties; conceiving  that  Your  Lordship  may  possibly  hear  of  its  publication,  and  that 
the  possession  of  it  may  consecjuently  be  desirable. 

********* 

Jaa.  Cockbm-n 
Govt,  and  Comdr.  in  Chief. 


FBANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA.  527 

Document  9. 

Letier  of  Martin  Tovar  Ponte  to  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  United  States^ 

April  28,  lS10,a 
I>uplicado. 
ExiS&o  Sefior. 

Caracas  Abril  28  de  1810. 

Si  la  violenta  imipcion  de  los  Franceses  en  la  parte  meridional  de  la  IDspatia  ha 
hecho  desaparecer  le  Gob"**  q"  con  el  titulo  de  Junta  Suprema  Central  representaba  y 
conservaba  los  df^  soberanos  del  Sefior  D.  Jemando  7°  la  parte  meridional  del  con- 
tinente  americano,  esta  Provincia  de  Caracas  signiendo  constantemente  la  16  qt  le 
pfometi6  desde  el  15  de  Julio  de  1808,  ha  erigfdo  en  19  del  corriente  otra  Junta  conserva- 
torift  de  BU  Boberania  en  todo  el  territorio  de  Venezuela;  y  no  pudiendo  yd  depend 6r 
de  la  Espafia  ocupada  pr  otro  Monarca  extrangero,  ni  esper&r  de  alii  expediciones 
morcantiles,  debe  estrechdr  mas  bus  relaciones  de  amistad  y  comercio  con  las  Naciones 
amigas,  6  neutrales.  Esos  Estados  unidos  se  hallan  comprehendido  en  esta  Clase. 
El  nuevo  Gobiemo  de  esta  Prov?  suplfendo  la  falta  del  q?  ha  sido  disuelto  en  la  penin- 
sula de  Espafia,  y  la  amencia  de  su  Rey  todavia  cautivo  en  la  Francia,  aspira  d  estrcchdr 
mas  los  vinculos  de  su  alianza  con  los  habitantes  del  Norte  de  America.  A  este  objeto 
tenninan  todas  las  letras  q?  entregard  d  V.  £.  cl  Caballero  D.  Juan  Vicente  Bolivar, 
6  D.  Telesforo  Orea,  vecinos  de  esta  Capitdl  y  destinados  d  esta  comision.  Por  este 
medio  quedard  el  Gobiemo  de  los  Estados  Unidos  de  America  instruido  del  nuevo 
sifltema  establecido  en  Caracas  y  de  las  ventajas  reciprocas  q?  tendrd  su  Comercio  con 
noBotros.  Esperan  pues  nuestros  Puertos  con  los  brazos  abiertos  a  todos  los  Extrangeros 
pacificoB,  q?  vengar  d  Cambiar  pr  nuestros  frutos  las  producciones  de  su  industria  y 
comercio.  Y  nosotroB  como  Presidente  de  la  Junta  Gubemativo  tenemos  el  honor  dc 
comunicar  a  V.  E.  esta  noticia  y  de  ofrecemos  d  sus  ordenee  como  sus  mas  adictos 
Servidores  y  Amigos 

Q.  B.  S.  M. 

Exchio  Sefior,  Martin  Tovar  Ponte, 

Pre 
Eifi!faio  Sefior  Secret®  de  relacion*  exteriores  de  los  Estados  Unidos  de  America. 


DoCl'MKNT  10. 

Despatch  of  Domingo  de  Montcverdc,  commander  of  the  Spanish  troops  in  Venezuela, 

August  26 y  1812 y  describing  the  Betrayal  of  Miranda,  f> 
No.  7. 
Efttio  Sefior 

Si  los  que  en  medio  de  las  turbacioncs  de  Caracas,  y  del  acti  vo  contagio  de  la  rebelion, 
se  ban  conservado  ilesos,  mantenido  el  amor  de  su  Soberano,  sufrido  en  sus  personas  y 
bienes,  y  detestado  la  usurpacion,  mereccn  de  8.  M.  un  premio  correspond icnte  al 
m^to  6  intensidad  de  sus  acriones;  lo  que  fueron  contagiados;  pero  de  algun  modo 
obraron  opuestamente  k  la  maligna  intencion  de  los  facciosos,  deben  ser  perdonados 
de  BU  extravio,  y  aun  tenerse  en  consideracion  sus  acciones,  segun  la  utilidad  que 
haya  rcBultado  de  ellas  al  servicio  de  S.  M. 

En  esta  clase,  Exmb  Sefior,  se  hallan  D?  Manuel  Maria  de  lasCasas,  D.  Miguel  Pefia, 
y  D.  Simon  Volivar.  Casas  y  Pefia  eran  los  q?  estaban  encargados  del  Gobiemo  de  La 
Guayra;  el  primero  de  lo  militar,  y  el  segundo  de  lo  politico,  quando  los  facciosos  de 


a  State  Dept.  MBS.,  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library,  Papers  Relating  to  the  Revolted  Spanish  Colonies. 

t  A.  O.  I.,  Aud.  de  Caracas,  133-^12,  in  the  margin  of  the  dispatch  is  found  this  indorsement:  "Kl 
Coinand¥  Oral  de  b  Exlo,  de  8.  M.  en  Venezuela 

"  Pone  k  la  consideracion  de  V.  E.  el  servicio  hecho  pr  D.  Simon  Bolivar  y  D.  D.  Miguel  Pefia,  y  el  de  D. 
Manuel  Maria  de  las  Casas  en  la  prison  de  Frani<9>  Miranda  pldlendo  lo  que  expresa." 


528  AMEKICAN   HISTOBICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

eeta  provincia  trataron  de  escaparse  por  aquel  puerto  con  su  Dictador  Miranda,  llevan- 
doee  consigo  loe  restos  del  erario  dc  S.  M.  en  los  dias  q.  inmediatamen^  precedieroo 
k  la  entrada  de  mi  exercito  en  Cardcas. 

En  el  momento  q.  pis^  esta  Ciudad  di  las  ordenes  mas  perentorias  para  la  detencion 
de  aquellos  en  la  Guayra;  pero  afortinadmente  quando  llegaron  aunque  dirigidas  cod 
la  mayor  rapidez,  ya  Casas  con  el  consejo  de  Peiia,  y  por  medio  de  Bolivar  habia  puesto 
enprisiones  k  Miranda,  y  asegurado  k  todas  las  colegas  q.  se  encontraban  alll.  Opera- 
cion  en  que  Casas  expuesto  su  vida  q.  habria  perdido  si  se  hubiese  eludido  su  orden; 
del  mismo  modo  q.  habrian  corrido  un  riezgo  Pefia  y  Bolivar. 

Casas  complet6  su  obra  de  un  modo  mas  satisfactorio.  Anteriormente  habia  deso- 
bedecido  las  ordenes  del  D^spota  dadas  para  poner  en  un  ponton  los  europeoB  h 
Islenoe  de  aquel  vecindario  y  echarlos  a  pique  al  menor  movimiento:  las  dirigidas  i 
no  exigir  recibos  de  las  cantidades  q  se  embarcasen;  y  las  demas  q.  fueron  hu  coiue- 
quencia;  pues  con  respecto  a  las  primeras  notorio  es  q.  no  lo  hizo:  con  relacion  a  las 
segundas  exigio  recibos  de  los  22000  p?  entr^adoe  al  comerciante  Robertson,  con  cuyo 
paso  proporcionolos  reclamos  q.  he  hecho  al  Gob"'  de  Curazao;  y  por  lo  que  toca  i  las 
demas,  sus  pasos  y  contcstaciones  en  el  embargo  y  clausura  q .  hizo  del  puerto,  y  con  el 
capitan  de  la  Frag^*^  de  Guerra  Inglesa  la  Zafiro,  dc  que  he  dado  cuenta  k  S.  M.  son  los 
mejores  comprobantes. 

Yo  no  puedo  olividar  los  interesantes  servicios  de  Casas,  ni  el  de  Bolivar  y  Pefia,  y 
en  virtud  no  se  ban  tocado  sus  personas,  dando  solamente  al  segundo  sus  pasaportes 
para  paises  extrangeros;  pues  su  influencia  y  connexiones  podrian  ser  peLigrosas  en 
esta  circunstancias.  Espero  que  V.  E.  ponga  en  el  consideracion  del  Supremo  Consejo 
de  Regencia,  esta  mediada  p?  su  soberana  aprobacion,  y  para  q?  si  lo  tiene  abien,  mani- 
fieste  su  beneficencia  k  los  importantes  servicios  de  Casa. 

Dioe  que  &  V.  E.  m.  a  Carac^  26  de  Agosto  de  1812 

EjWio  S6r. 

Domingo  de  Monteverde. 
Exmo  Seftor  Secretario  de  Estado 


Document  11. 

Letter  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spairij  Felix  M.  Calleja^  to  the  minister  of  the  Indies ,  Septem- 
ber SOt  1815^  in  regard  to  the  designs  of  Joseph  Napoleon  on  Spanish  America.^ 

No  41  Reservada 
Ef&o  Sr. 

Mi  antecesor  el  M.  R.  Arzobispo  D.  Francisco  Xavier  Lianza  circul6  en  estas  provin- 
cias,  k  consecuencia  de  los  avisos  que  dio  desde  Filadelphia  el  Ministro  Plenipoten- 
ciario  del  rey  nK)  Sr.  D.  Luis  dc  Onis,  una  lista  nominal  de  los  emisarioe  cnviadoe^ 
ellas  para  rebolucionar  por  el  intruso  Jose  Napoleon  Bonaparte;  la  misma  que  se 
reciv6  posteriormente  por  el  Supremo  Ministerio  dc  Estado,  gobemando  esta  Audiencia 
en  el  afto  de  1810,  segun  aparece  de  los  documentos  que  he  hallado  sobre  esta  materia, 
aunque  sin  ronstancia  de  las  providencias  que  se  tomaron  en  vista  de  la  Real  Orden 
que  la  acompafio.     Y  llcgado  k  mi  poder  la  que  V.  E.  se  sirva  comunicarme  con  fha 
de  22  de  Mayo  ultimo,  incluyendo  otra  lista  igual  k  las  expresadas  y  &  la  que  poco  antes 
me  habia  dirigido  desde  Margarita  el  tcn**^  Gener!  D.  Pablo  Morillo;  le  ha  circulado  ik 
todas  las  autoridades  a  quienes  tocar  pueda  su  inteligencia  y  observancia,  para  que 
oada  qual  por  su  parte  vigile  sobre  la  aprenrion  de  dlios  emisarios  y  de  qualquiera  que 
80  haga  fiospechoso  do  nerlo;  y  procoderi^'  con  arreglo  k  la  misma  Real  orh.  para  que 
tongan  rumplido  efecto  las  soberanos  intonrionoa  de  S.  M.     Sep*".*'  30/815. 

Exmo.  Sr.  Mro.  Universal  do  Indias. 


a  A.  0.  M.,  CorrespondencJa  de  los  Virreyes,  B.,  268.  On  the  margin  is  found  this  indorsement:  "El 
Virrey  de  N.  E.  Felix  M.  Calleja  (:k)ntesta  a  RI.  6^  eon  quo  le  reraitio  lista  de  emissaries  exiTiadoB  JK 
Napoleon  para  la  revolucion  de  las  Am«^»." 


INDEX  TO  MIRANDA. 


nble.  ffir  RaJph,  313. 

S. 

>.19».  179.311. 

MAcala. 

i.  333. 336,  330,  340,  3 


[bqucI.  470. 

.  rblUlp.  23B,  2' 

ake  or,  4W. 

307,326. 


ra(V'cnciuela),  382.  M8. 

a.  I.  M..  428.  428,  43S.  4S7,  470. 

Ja,  province  o[,  517. 

(Port],  239. 

},  301,297;  eieeeal,  206. 
^  Admiral.  423,  424,  425,  418,  432,  434. 

reglmeiit  of.  234. 244. 

Countof,  201,203,  264. 


I  Aiutrlui  Flmdera,  296. 

Aiutrlaiu,  29B. 

Amn.iSi. 
I  Auuuw.  It.  J.  de.  31S. 
I  Batehanu,  386. 
r,  .  £iioAh,  378. 

I    LWiiiiiia  Mind'!.  240, 341,315. 

BtllnM.  Vuco  NuAa  da,  518. 
I  BaldlTla,portiil,204. 


BaldlTla,portiil,2r 


•,338. 


□  <U.  B.  inlnlslcr  to  Krance).  3 


>),3I5. 


BarlDHiKVeiienieUi),  21S,  347,  4 
Bviiiiisimeta  (VeDenwIs),  401, 
borUiiflmj'  [Pmn^ls],  300. 
Uasol,  tmlS'  of,  300. 307. 
ButHbano  (Cubo),  HA,  239. 


Hoya 


■|ir,Sl«. 


Beaupolls,  294. 
Beckwltli,  Oen.,  423. 
BeddlDElleld,  LlauL,  380. 


I..  392,  390,31 


Berlnnd,  U.,  IID. 

BcumonvlUe,  0«n.,  297. 

Biggs,  James,  370,  37T,  385, 391 ,  399. 

Blacka-    Sie  N^nna. 

Blanco,  J.  F.,  229. 

Blount,  WUllam,  310, 311,  312;  oooaplrao}'  ot.  37 


<4. 

Bolivar.  Simtfn  de,  430,  431,  432,  433,  437,  438.  441, 

.siMdot.  367,  378,  3911 

391. 

443.  447,  451.  456,  403.  467,  408,  474,  478,  478,  4^^ 

oor,  280. 

483,  488,  489,  490. 

i,provlnc«of,412,413 

414. 

Bolivar,  tamily  of,  457. 

Bmalr,  Island  ot,  378. 

^J86. 

!.MaK[Ul»d',201. 

Bonaparte.  N^wleon,  307,  347,  348,  350,  35*,  371, 

Francois,  304,  305. 

400.  404.  407.  408.  409,  41t.  412,  414,  4Zr,  4%  429, 

Has, 214. 

440,  453,  454. 

His  (newspaper),  374 

Bond,  Phlneas,  360. 

Borough  school,  436. 

259, 270, 290. 

Boston,  236, 250, 351, 255,  291, 362. 

629 

530 


INDEX  TO   MIRANDA. 


Bott.  Mr..  203.  204.  205. 

Bourbon,  Prince.  200.  401;  house  of,  513. 

Bourddn.  Mr.  (pseudonym  of  Manuel  Oual).  346. 

Bowdoln.  Gov.  [James],  250,  265. 

Bowles,  William  Augustus.  309,  310. 

Bowyer,  Gen.  [lly.],  383, 385. 

Brandaforto,  Marquis  of,  313. 

Brazil,  272,  345,  355.  424. 

Breslau,  259. 

Brissot,  Jean  Pierre,  de  WarviUe.  288. 290.  291.  422. 
428. 

Brooks,  Capt.,  257,  258. 

Buccaneers.  197. 

Buenos  A3rres.  204.  214.  232,  258.  311,  318,  354,  356, 
357.  375.  392.  393.  397.  398.  400.  403.  404.  405.  406. 
416.  422.  423,  424,  428,  429. 

Burke.  William.  457. 

Burr,  Aaron,  341, 363,  366. 487. 

Caballero.  J.  A.,  395. 

Cabildo,  216, 218. 

Cabrera  (member  of  Venesuelan  Congress),  445, 448. 

Cacique.  218. 

Cadiz.  206.  231,  233,  234,  242.  244.  270,  477.  484.  485. 

Cagigal,  Juan  Manuel  de.  206.  233,  234,  235,  236,  238. 
239,  240.  241.  242.  244.  247.  254,  255.  268.  347.  352, 
422,  515. 

Calcedonia.    See  Caledonia. 

Caledonia,  Cape,  517,  518. 

California,  345;  Lower.  199. 

Callao  (Peru),  204. 

Calleja,  Felix  M.,  528. 

Cambon,  Joseph,  301. 

Campbell,  Sir  Archibald,  237, 276,  277. 

Campbell,  Gen.  John,  198,  235,  238,  239  343. 

Campbell.  Capt..  381, 382,  389. 

Campbell.  Donald.  355. 

Campcchc.  196. 

Campo,  Bernardo  del,  202,  205,  208,  "W.  231,  232, 
243,  246,  248,  252,  253,  255,  256,  257.  258,  262,  264. 
2r)(>,  207,  270,  271,  514. 

Canada,  252,  307,  310.  312. 

Canarians,  450. 

Canary  Islands,  227. 

Candelaria,  island  of,  518. 

Canning,  George,  424,  425. 

CanoITC Poland),  200. 

Captain-generalship,  214. 

Capuchins,  217. 

Caracas,  early  proposals  for  conquest  of,  196;  Eng- 
lish plans  against,  209,  290,  342,  346,  347,  351,  354, 
35(),  402-411;  captain-generalship  of,  description, 
213-220,  315;  city  of,  description,  219,  220,  45S,  459; 
insurrection  of  17SI,  224;  Miranda's  father  in,  228; 
Miranda  born  in,  229;  departure  from,  230;  return 
to,  43.3,  435,  43.S,  439,  440;  representations  to  Mi- 
randa from,  243,  251;  captain-general  of,  warned 
against  Miranda,  313;  deputies  of,  in  South  Amer- 
ican junta,  31S;  conspirators  in,  320,  338,  345;  de- 
clare<^l  to  l»e  ready  for  revolution,  334,  344;  univer- 
sity of,  358;  Miranda's  expedition  of  1S0(>  against, 
363-398,  520;  Miranda's  letters  to,  415,  416,  417, 
421,  422,  423,  525;  commission  from  cabildo  of,  to 
Miranda,  424;  invitation  from,  to  Miranda,  425; 
revolution  of  1809,  429,  430;  arrival  of  Bolivar  in, 
438;  Gazette,  439,  440,  457;  representatives  of,  in 
Venezuelan  congress,  441,  444;  correspondence  of 
Miranda  and  Vansittart  respecting,  442;  Patriotic 
Society  of,  443,  414,  447;  counter  revolution  in, 


450;  constitution  for  provlnoo  of,  458;  earthquake 
of  March  26,  1812,  460,  461;  province  of,  oonflnns 
absolute  powers  given  to  Miranda,  462;  head- 
quarters of  Miranda  at,  463;  conunlssloBen  from, 
consult  with  Miranda,  465;  address  of  Miranda  to. 
466;  martial  law  proclaimed,  466;  movemoit  of 
Monteverde  against,  470;  transfer  of  Miranda's 
property  from,  473;  recovery  of,  by  Monteverde, 
474;  proclamation  of  Monteverde  to  inhabitants 
of,  477;  legal  process  against  Miranda  in,  482; 
horrors  at,  483.    See  aUo  Venezuela. 

Caraoca,  arsenal  of  the  (Cadiz),  484,  486. 

Carbonell,  Pedro,  215, 216, 224, 225. 

Cardinaux,  F.  L.,  201, 202. 

''Carmagnole  Songs,"  224. 

Carmarthen,  Marquis  of,  242. 

Carmichael,  William,  279. 

Caro,  Pedro  3os6,  306,  316,  317,  320,  322,  323,  Si 
325, 326,  334,  338,  345,  346,  490, 519. 

Carondelet,  Baron  de,  295. 

Cardra  (Venezuela),  461,  462. 

Cartagena,  see  Carthagena. 

Cartel  of  November,  18, 1781, 238, 239. 

Carthagena,  196,  197,  258,  289,  317,  385,  466,  518; 
province  of,  222,  513,  514,  517;  inquisition  in,  222. 
223;  revolutionary  government  of,  314;  fortress 
of,  379. 

Casa  Calvo,  Marquis  of,  370,  384. 

Casa  de  contrataci6n,  213, 214. 

Casa  Ledn,  Marquis  of,  430,  470,  471,  472, 473, 480. 

Casas,  Juan  de,  421,  423. 

Casas,  Manuel  Maria  do  las,  463,  473,  475,  476, 479, 
527,528. 

Castillo-Colorado,  476. 

CasUereagh,  Lord,  396,  400,  401,  402,  403,  404,  405, 
408,  411,  412,  415,  416,  425,  466,  483,  525. 

Catherine,  Empress  of  Russia,  260,  261,  265, 285, 
515,  516. 

Censors,  419,  420. 

Central  America,  195,  276. 

Ceuta  (Morocco),  481;  fortress  of>  478. 

Ccvallos,  Pedro,  233,  357,  369,  370,  394,  396,435. 464, 
470,  519. 

Chagres  (Panama),  276. 

Champagneux,  300,  301,  302,  304 

Champmorin,  297,  298. 

Chandia,  Manuel,  205. 

Charles  111,  King  of  Spain,  269. 

Charles  IV,  King  of  Spain,  408. 

Charleston,  S.  C,  247,  249. 

Ciiatelet,  Achille  de,  301,  302. 

Chauveau  Lagarde,  227,  260,  299. 

Chepo,  river,  518. 

Cherson  ( Russia),  2(i0. 

Cherokee  Indians.    See  Indians. 

Chile,  337,  416;  plans  for  revolution  in,  201,  203, 208, 
294,  317,  424;  audiencia  in,  214;  proposed  attacks 
on,  290,  311,  355,  393;  deputies  of,  31S:  history  of. 
by  Molini,  3<i8;  proposed  government  in,  405. 

Chisholm,  Capt..  311,  312. 

Choc6,  province  of,  517. 

Choroni,  coast  of,  469. 

Chucanques.  river,  517,  518. 

Chucllmaque,  river.    See  Chucanques. 

Chueti,ol7,  518. 

Cicero,  485. 

"Citizen  Carmagnol,  The,"  224. 

Clark,  George  Rogers,  294,  295. 


INDEX  TO   MIRANDA. 


531 


08,476. 

376,  377. 

>,  403,  418,  420,  451, 456,  461, 521, 524. 
9  of,  298. 
)f,386. 

niral,  382,  383,  385,  386,  388,  300,  301, 
166. 

oes,  412, 421, 422, 525, 526. 
l.ord,  410. 

312. 
s.  269. 
ny,  377;  continent,  405,  415;  people, 

419;  era,  456. 
:i,  427,  428. 

n  of  Spain,  213,  214,  215. 

)f.    See  Negroes. 

Qtinel,  374. 

ristopher,  398. 

natique  (Assembl^Nationale),  282, 

),  203,  214,  216,  219,  220,  222,  271,  272, 
307,314,  315,317,  322,331,  339,376,381, 
453,  458, 512,  517,  518,  520,  527. 
)ublic  safety  (Convention),  300. 
trry,  the,  386. 

United  States;  Venezuela. 

See  Government;  Venezuela. 

stem,  400. 

ade,  220, 221 ,  239, 242, 243, 283, 323, 403, 

nisio  de,  208. 

iUp,  422. 

),  260. 

rt  for  commercial  cases),  216. 

rench  Revolution),  299, 301, 302, 304. 

1],359. 

8,388. 

63,305. 

>17. 

,410,411,412,413,415. 

la),  225,  381,  384, 387,  388, 389, 390, 396 

445,  451,  462,  464. 

!«,  Ignacio  de,  263. 

I,  225,  428. 

>. 

hundred,  304. 

Indies,  213,  214,  216,  217,  235, 242,  347. 

the  18th  Fructldor,  305. 

0,384. 

.,  393,  399. 

See  Indians. 
7, 209, 212,  218, 219,  228,  513. 

)pe.  The,"  200. 

rev,  190, 197. 

ra,  195. 

-,258. 

,  322,  395,  410;  plans  for  conquest  of, 

;  Cagigal  made  commander  of,  235; 

3  sold  to  Spaniards  in,  236;  arrange- 

.'hange  of  prisoners  of  war  in,  238, 239; 

red  of  command  of,  240, 241 ;  Quesada 

tary  aid  from,  295;  warnings  against 

325;  rumored  designs  of  English  on, 


346;  warnings  against  Miranda  sent  to  governor 
of,  370;  rumored  cession  of,  to  France,  405;  plans 
to  prevent  France  taking  possession  of,  406,  409, 
412,  413;  orders  to  governor  of,  respecting  Miran- 
da's expedition,  520. 

Cuchilla,  517. 

Cumana  (Venezuela),  196, 215, 315, 331, 346, 347, 384, 
390,  402,  444,  480. 

Cundinamarca,  466. 

Curasao,  207, 206, 381, 412, 421, 431,.438, 441, 443, 446, 
466,  473,  475,  476,  477,  482, 513, 514, 528. 

Curaca,  417. 

Cuyler,  Lieut.  Oen.,331. 

Dacres,  Admiral,  388. 

DalUng,  John,  198, 200, 201, 209, 236-239. 

D'Amblimont,  429. 

Darien,  province  of,  198;  isthmus  of,  322,  355,  356 
518;  gulf  of,  517, 518. 

Daumont.    See  Chandia,  Manuel. 

Davison,  Mr.,  353. 

Dayton,  Jonathan,  366, 369. 

De  Graaf,  197. 

Delacroix  [  Charles],  301. 

De  la  Tour.    See  Don  Juan. 

Delpech,  Louis,  445, 467, 469,  471, 479, 480. 

Denmark,  261, 263, 290, 448. 

De  Orgulso,  346. 

Depons,  F.,  215, 217, 222, 223, 225. 

De  Quinci,  302. 

De  Rouvray,  392, 402. 

Detroit,  280. 

Desparbte,  291. 

Despard,  Maj.,  277. 

De  Sassenay,  429. 

Diadem,  the,  393. 

Diaz,  440, 472. 

Dickinson, ,  266. 

Diderot,  223. 

Dilkes,Capt.,331. 

Directory  (French  Revolution),  304, 334, 336, 344. 

Diron,  A.,237. 

"  Discourse  on  Western  Planting,"  195. 

Dominguez,  Rodriguez,  445. 

Dominica,  234. 

Don  Juan,  203-206, 209,  490. 

Don  Quixote,  485. 

Douglas,  Admiral,  314. 

Downie,  Col.,386,  411. 

Duar.    See  Duer,  Ck)l.  Wm. 

Dubois,  citizeness,  299. 

Ducayla,  Col.,  463,  467. 

Duer,  Col.  [Wm.],  265,  278,  303. 

Duff,  banking  house  of,  484. 

Dumouriez,  (}en.,  289,  290,  291,  292,  296,  298,  299, 
401,422. 

Dundas,  Capt.,  391. 

Dundas,  Henry,  221 ,  313, 331 ,  342, 343, 345.    See  aUo 
Lord  Melville. 

Dunkirk,  291. 

Dunnoie,  349. 

Duprte,  205.    See  Don  Juan. 

Dutch  navy,  292. 

Eagle,  the,  237. 

Earthquake  of  March  26, 1812,  460. 

East  India  troops,  311. 

Eaton,  Gen.,  366. 

Echo,  the,  378, 


532 


INDEX  TO   MIBANDA. 


EdUes,  419,  420. 
Edinburgh  Review,  the,  426. 
Egypt,  260,  615. 
Elephant,  the,  391. 
EUiot,  Hugh,  282. 
^migr^,  350. 

Empar&n,  Vicente,  215,  429. 
Emperor,  the,  366, 377. 

England,  policy,  designs,  plans,  etc.,  respecting 
Spanish  America,  195,  196-209,  259,  276,  286,  309, 

310,  313-316,  324,  330,  331,  342,  344,  345,  351,  353, 
355,  399-401,  404,  406-413,  416,  512,  513;  Mendiola 
in,  202;  Don  Juan  in,  203-205;  Vidal  in,  208; 
Morales  and  Pit4  in,  209;  relations  of,  with 
France,  198,  210-212,  241,  281,  289,  290,  292,  293, 
297,  310,  333,  339,  352,  353,  355,  400,  408,  409,  412, 
489;  Miranda  in,  244,  252-257,  264-287,  317-348, 
350-360,  400-436;  relations  of,  with  Miranda,  257, 
268, 271,  272, 274, 276, 284-287,  318-321, 323-325, 337, 
340,  343,  34»-351,  353-355,  361,  365,  368,  376,  377, 
381-386, 388, 390, 391, 402-407,  412-415, 421, 422,  424, 
425,  427,  433-435,  441,  443,  466,  467,  483,  484,  526; 
relations  of,  with  Spain,  268-271, 279-287,  306,  310, 

311,  352,  355,  412,  421,  423,  425,  452,  477,  526;  Sayre 
in,  278;  Bowles  in,  309;  Blount  conspiracy,  311; 
Caro  in,  316;  O'Higgins  in,  337;  Pavia  in,  359; 
intervention  of,  in  behalf  of  filibusters,  381;  rela- 
tions of,  with  Venezuela,  431,  446, 452, 453, 466, 467, 
469,  470;  Bolivar  and  Mendes  in,  431;  memorial 
of  the  Toros  to,  481 ;  pension,  from  to  son  of  Mi- 
randa, 487.  See  also  Castlereagh,  Fox,  Pitt,  Port- 
land. 

Erving,  G.  W.,  393,  394,  395. 

Espafia,  Jos^,  225,  417. 

Espafia,  Manuel,  342. 

Espafiol,  EI,  428. 

Espinosa,  Francisca  Antonia  Rodrfgues  de,  228. 

Express,  the,  385,  386. 

Falmouth,  411. 

Family  compact,  200,  281-284. 

Federalists,  335. 

Federation,  Spanish-American,  proposed,  272,  273. 

Ferdinand  VII.,  4a8,  429,  431,  432,  444,  447,  450,  460, 

527. 
Ferge,  Joseph,  307. 
Filibusters,  107,  204,  205,  340,  365,  366,  369,  370,  302, 

439. 

Fink. ,  307. 

First  Consul.    Sec  Bonaparte,  Naix>Ieon. 
Fitch,  Eliphalet,  235,  236,  237. 
Fitzherbt>rt,  AUeyne,  271, 281. 
Flaglo,  Joso  do,  20ry. 
Flanders,  250. 

Flint, ,  350. 

Flora,  the,  230. 

Florets,  Seftora,  485. 

Florida,  West,  198;  English  plans  for  taking  the 

Floridas,  277,  312,  3.53;  alarm  of  Spanish  governor 

of,  295;  Franco  tries  to  secure,  from  Spain,  306; 

threats  of  Bowles,  309;  projects  of  Blount,  311, 312; 

United  States  and,  332,  361,  39.');  warnings  against 

Miranda  sent  to,  370;  English  cooperation  with 

governor  of,  400,  413. 
Floridablanca,  Count  of,  202,  2a5,  208,  209,  231,  232, 

242, 243, 246, 248, 253, 254, 255,  256, 258, 262, 263, 264, 

266,  267,  268,  269,  277,  280,  281,  283. 
Floyd, ,  278. 


Flying  Fish,  the,  410. 

Forbos.    See  Tumbull  and  Forbes. 

Foronda,  Valentin  de,  395. 

Forrest,  Capt.,  460. 

Fort  Pitt,  269. 

Foster,  Capt,  410. 

Fouch^,  Joseph,  348, 349. 

Fox,  Charles  James,  204, 391. 

Fullarton,  Col.,  200, 353. 

France,  attitude,  designs,  proposals,  etc.,  respecting: 
Spanish  America,  195,  211,  212,  28^-296,  307,  336 
337,  403,  408,  409,  428;  alliance  with  Amciican 
colonies,  198;  relations  of,  with  England,  20(X  352, 
353,  355;  Miranda  desires  permission  to  travel  in. 
244;  Spanish  plans  to  arrest  Miranda  in,  256, 258, 
263, 264;  relations  of,  with  Spain,  269, 270, 281. 282, 
283, 306, 310, 324, 330, 339, 340. 343,  345, 351, 410, 415. 
431;  Miranda  in,  288-^308.  347-350;  in  European 
war,  29&-299;  history  of,  by  Champagneox,  301; 
Miranda's  views  on  government  fuid  aflairs  of,  303, 
304;  relations  of,  with  United  States,  326, 328, 332, 
333,334,335,336;  lo6sofrevenaeof,356;  Miranda'5 
expedition  of  1806,  373;  attitude  of  Caracas  to- 
ward, 392;  rumored  cession  of  Cuba  and  Porto 
Rico  to,  405;  relations  of,  with  Venezuela,  453, 45i 
467. 

Franciscans,  217;  convent  of,  451. 

Francisco  (son  of  Miranda),  436. 

FranQois,  Cape,  236. 

Francklin  [Franklin,  Benjamin],  26S. 

Fraser,  Capt.,  438. 

Frederick,  King  of  Prussia,  258. 

Freedmen,  217. 

French  fleet,  236. 

French  legion,  463. 

French  Revolution,  295,  323,  338,  344,  359, 363, 3S8, 
525,  526. 

Frichman,  Abb^,  210. 

Friedland,  battle  of,  400. 

Fyfe,  Capt.,  421,  525. 

Gage,  Thomas,  lft5, 196. 

Oallicla,  413. 

G&lvez,  Bernardo  de,  234,  240,  241,  5151?]. 

Gdlvez,  Jos6  de,  206,  235,  244,  246. 

Caspar,  island  of,  346. 

Genet,  Edmond  Charles,  293,  294,  295,  296. 

Geneva.  448. 

Germain.  Lord  George,  198,  236. 

Germany,  244. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  328. 

Gibraltiu-,  232,  345,  481,  485,  486. 

Gillon,  Commodore,  241. 

Girondists.  288. 

Good  Hope,  Capo  of,  392. 

Government,  of  Spanish  colonies,  213-215;  of  Cara- 
cas, 215-223;  form  of.  proposed  by  Miranda,  272- 
274,  322,  351.  417-421,  520-525;  of  V'enezuela,  454- 
455. 

Gore.  C,  354,  355,  362. 

Gower,  Earl,  282. 

Gravesend,  350. 

Great  Britain.    See  England. 

Greece,  260. 

Greene  [Nathanael],  265. 

Grenada,  island  of.  381,  391,  407. 

Grenville,  Lord,  285,  309,  323,  324,  337,  339,  343, 344, 
391,  397, 


INDEX  TO   MIBANDA. 


533 


ommander  of  St.  Lucia),  290.       • 

yo  de  la,  445,  447,  448. 

Venezuela),  464. 

ara  [Guadalajara],  214. 

pe,  224. 

pe,  island  of,  234,  391. 

luel,  224, 225, 226, 230, 331, 338, 342-347, 417, 

iTO,  469,  473. 
[Venezuela),  462. 
le,  river  of,  331. 
i.  Marquis  of,  202,  512. 
>41. 

a.  214,  277,  317,  405,  406. 
384.    See  also  Guiana. 
11, 197. 
rar,  390. 
15,  272,  401,  402,  445.    See  also  Guayana. 

. ,  216. 

enezuela),  346. 
»uloe,  196. 

234,  235,  236,  238,  239,  240,  241,  243,  245,  248. 
,  258,  273,  275,  311,  317,  359,  409.  410,  413. 
,515. 
ho,  348. 
id,  Gen.,  285. 
)ert,  206,  351. 

,  Alexander,  251, 252, 264, 265, 278, 279, 286. 
306, 321, 325, 327-330, 332, 333, 335, 340, 341 , 
,  427,  519. 
.  John  C,  333. 
d  [George],  337,  350. 
cities,  263. 
r,  Lord,  355. 
250. 

Warren,  109. 
I,  418. 

See  Habana. 
1.    See  Habana. 
)apt.,  474,  476. 
,223,296. 

,263. 

figuel,  237,  242. 
tobert,  202. 

, ',  199. 

lomas,  386,  403,  404. 
A,  196. 
ord,  352. 

,  411,  431,  443,  456,  466. 

!44, 256, 258, 271, 282, 289, 290, 297,  296,  345, 

516. 

,  196,  270,  370. 

k,200. 

15. 

«,  213, 273. 

rd,253. 

ivid,  223. 

259. 

jhn,  381. 

)f  Liberty,"  224. 

minsula,  408,  413. 

e.    See  Contraband  trade. 

pt.,294. 

lent,  of  Miranda,  300-303, 304, 348, 349, 475, 

483-186. 

Tves  of  Peru,  199;  title  of  officials,  419, 455. 


Independence,  Spanish  Americans  not  ready  for, 
226;  adjustment  of,  274;  movement  for,  321;  Ham- 
ilton's views  respecting,  328;  war  between  France 
and  United  States  to  be  signal  for  proclamation 
of,  334;  Picton's  views  respecting,  342;  England 
and  Spanish  American  independence,  346,  352, 
404;  army  necessary  for  maintenance  of  independ- 
ence of  Caracas,  397;  people  of  province  of  Caracas 
in  favor  of,  403, 405;  urged  by  Miranda,  in  letter  of 
October  6, 1808,  417;  Bolivar  and,  437;  discussion 
of,  in  Venezuelan  Constituent  Congress,  444-448; 
declaration  of,  by  Venezuela,  449, 450, 453;  falling 
off  in  support  of,  461;  proclamation  of  Miranda, 
465. 

India,  200,  276,  311,  345,  354,  356,  357. 

Indians,  unarmed,  196;  Mosquito,  198,  277;  Don 
Juan  represents  himself  as  deputy  of,  203;  muni- 
tions of  war  carried  to  Santa  ¥6  by,  207, 513,  reli- 
gious services  held  for,  217;  classes  of,  in  Caracas, 
218;  taxes  imposed  upon,  222;  Mexican,  248;  plan 
to  abolish  capitation  tax  on,  276;  intrigues  of 
agents  of  France  with,  306;  Creek,  309;  Cherokee, 
309;  plans  to  attack  Spanish  America  with  aid 
of,  310,  311;  plan  to  prevent  aid  being  carried  to, 
323;  Spanish  forces  increased  by  addition  of,  389; 
provisions  r^pecting,  in  Miranda's  plans  for  gov- 
ernment, 417, 520;  Central  American,  517. 

Indostan,  the,  366. 

Ingersoll,  Henry,  378, 381. 

Inquisition,  222,  223,  231,  233,  250,  275,  402,  418,  521. 

Intendancies,  214. 

Intendant,  216. 

Irvine,  Baptis,  444,  452,  458,  486. 

Ireland,  413,  415. 

Isnardi,  338,  448,  477. 

Italy,  244, 259. 

Izard,  Mr.,  278. 

Iznardl,  346. 

Jacmel,  368,  377, 378. 

Jacob,  William,  355,  40a 

Jacobinism,  400. 

Jamaica,  200, 359,  403, 406, 413, 513, 514, 525;  Morgan 
becomes  governor  of,  197;  contraband  trade  be- 
tween Spanish  continent  and,  220;  Miranda  in, 
235,  237,  239,  255;  arrangement  for  exchange  of 
prisoners  of  war  in,  238;  letters  of  introduction 
brought  from,  by  Miranda,  253;  information  re- 
specting Spanish  America  brought  to  governor  of, 
277;  privileges«egarding  trade  with  Spanish  col- 
onic accorded  to,  315;  plans  for  recovery  of,  by 
Spain,  345;  Miranda  requests  aid  from,  388;  Mi- 
randa awaits  reenforoements  from,  390;  plans  to 
attack  Mexico  from,  407;  dispatch  of  June  4  to  gov- 
ernor of,  409;  munitions  of  war  to  be  furnished 
from,  512. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  280,  292,  294,  361,  363,  366,  308, 
369,  371,  374,  376, 380, 395. 

Jena,  battle  of,  400. 

Jesuits,  199,  201,  202,  206,  211,  259,  274, 320, 387,  426. 

Jews,  217. 

Johns[t]on,  A.  Cochrane,  404. 

Johnson,  Capt.,  389. 

Juanico.    See  Saenz,  Capt. 

Junta,  de  Guerra,  215;  of  South  American  deputies, 
318, 319;  of  Spain,  415,  416, 423;  of  Venemela,  420, 
430, 434, 438, 439, 441;  of  Santa  F^  440. 


534 


INDEX   TO    MIRANDA. 


Kayc,  Capt.,  198, 199. 

Kennedy, ,  208. 

Kentucky,  294;  association,  375. 

Kersaint,  Admiral,  289,  290. 

Kiev  (Russia),  200, 201,  202. 

King,  Rufus,  249, 321-320, 328, 329, 332, 333, 335, 339, 
340,  341,  344,  347,  348,  351-354,  358,  302,  305,  366. 

Kingston,  (Jamaica),  235, 238,  239. 

Klrkland,  Ck)l.,  378. 

Knox,  Gen.  Ileniy,  250-252,  204,  265,  277-279,  286, 
290-293, 303, 305, 327, 330, 341,  519. 

Knox,  WUliam,  279. 

Labourdonnayo,  Oen.,  289, 290. 

La  Ck)noepcion,  311. 

La  Force,  prison  of,  300, 301, 302. 

La  Quayra,  219, 528;  heads  of  filibusters  exposed  in, 
379;  warnings  to  commander  of,  384;  attitude  of 
inhabitants  of,  toward  Miranda,  390;  plan  for  con- 
quest of,  402;  Miranda  in.  438;  earthquake  of  March 
26, 1812,  460,  461;  Alexander  Scott  In,  462;  Miguel 
Pef^  placed  in  charge  of  port  of,  463;  transfer  of 
Miranda's  property  to,  473;  Leleux  in,  475;  cap- 
ture of  Miranda  at,  479;  Miranda  imprisoned  at, 
482;  government  of,  527. 

La  Marll^,  299. 

Lancaster  [Joseph],  430. 

Landaeta,  Pedro  Miguel,  439. 

Languinais  [Lanjulnals],  J.  D.,  348. 

Lanouo,  Gon.,  298. 

Lardizabal  [Manuel],  429. 

Larraz^bal,  F.,  476. 

La  Seine,  391. 

La  V'ela,  cape  of,  215;  bay  of,  386;  town  of,  387  3S9. 

La  Vela  de  Coro.    See  La  Vela. 

Layard, ,  438. 

Leander,  son  of  Miranda,  358,  436,  487. 

Leander,  the,  367-371,  375-37R,  381,  382,  385, 386,  389, 
391,392,395,403.449. 

Ix^bnm,  Charles  Francois.  291,  292. 

Lodlio.Capt.,  ;«8,  390. 

IxH?,  Henry,  292.  327. 

Leeds,  Duke  of.  209,  270,  271. 

I^eewani  Islands,  383,  409,  413. 

lA'Ieux  (ald-de-oamp  of  Miranda),  471,  473,  475. 

lA'on,  Antonio,  424. 

Leon,  Estevan  Fernandez  de,  210. 

ho6n,  Fernandez  de,  465. 

Leon,  island  of,  208,  485. 

Leon,  province  of,  413. 

IxToiix,  Gabriel  Etlouard,  alias  of  Miranda,  318. 

I^wis,  Capt.,  377.  378,  385. 

Lewis,  Commodore,  362,  306,  377. 

Lianzu,  Francisco  Xavier,  528. 

Library  of  Miranda.  3(>0. 

Liebaud  (French  national  commissioner),  299. 

Li^K'e.  300. 

LUy,  the,  381,  385.  aSO,  390. 

Lima,  province  of.  ready  for  revolution.  207,  514; 
audiencia  of.  214;  inquisition  in.  222;  Miranda 
sends  letter  to,  2oS;  insurrections  of  1781  at,  274; 
proposed  military  establishment  at.  270;  propost^d 
attack  on.  311;  deputies  from,  in  South  American 
junta.  318;  bank  of.  319;  propose<i  inquiries  at,  re- 
specting Miranda.  423. 

Liston.  Sir  Rob<»rt.  242,  312. 

Liverpool.  Lord.  438,  443.  455. 

Livingston, .  205,  303. 


Livingston,  Chancellor,  278. 

Livingston,  Governor,  250. 

Llanos,  347. 

Lloyd,  James,  250. 

Lopez,  Narciso,  490. 

London,  248,  252,  253,  255,  257,  258, 2S0, 263, 2M,  a», 
268, 278, 270, 285, 286, 290, 308, 310, 316y  318, 32S,32S, 
327, 337, 338, 340, 346, 348, 350, 355, 358, 350, 3S),  966, 
392,  401, 403, 413,  427,  428,  432,  435,  436,  485;  bank 
of,  310. 

London  Times,  the,  383,  404. 

Louisiana,  290;  England  plans  attack  on,  108;  Spain 
given  possession  of,  210;  designs  of  France  on,  211. 
306, 307, 336, 337, 330;  attitude  of  United  States  re- 
specting, 280,  332;  France  plans  attack  on,  2». 
plan  to  start  revolution  in,  204, 205;  Bowles  plms 
to  take  possession  of,  300;  Blount's  con^incy 
In,  311, 312;  attitude  of  England  toward,  352, 3S3; 
difference  regarding  boundaries  of,  361;  tnuufer 
of,  to  United  States  l^y  Napoleon,  428. 

Low  countries.  263.    See  also  Holland. 

Lowry.  Robert  K.,  431.  453.  455.  480. 

Lux,  Adam.  301. 302. 

Luteme,  de  la,  248. 515. 

Lyonnet,  205. 

Macanas,  Pedro,  261, 262. 

Macgregor.  Oregor,  445. 457, 458, 463.  476. 489. 

McHenry,  James,  332, 333. 

Madariaga,  Josef  Cortes.  430.  457,  477.  478.  481, 489. 

Madellonettes,  prison  of,  302. 

Madison.  James,  362-^65. 368-375. 304. 395. 

Madras,  355. 

Madrid,  233. 234.  271, 347. 

Maeseyck,  206. 

Maestricht.  297, 208, 200, 300. 

Maitland.  Governor  Frederick.  381, 382. 

Manchester.  Duke  of,  408. 409. 412, 413. 

Mandinga,  river  of,  518. 

Manila,  277,  311,  322,  400. 

Mansveldt,  197. 

Mantuanos,  218,  231,  458;  party  of,  457. 

Manzanares,  Juan.  342. 

Maracaibo,  197.  207,  215,  346,  347.  384,  401.  430.  441. 
445,  461,  402. 

Maracay,  451,  465.  468. 

Maracayo,  province  of,  513,  514. 

Margarita.  190,  215.  381,  384,  401,  444.  480,  52S. 

Maria  Louise,  427. 

Marquina,  F.  B.  de,  345. 

Marsden,  [William],  396. 

Marshall.  [John],  328. 

Martial  law,  46(k 

Martin. ,  407. 

Martin,  George  (fictitious  person).  362. 

Martinez.  Estevan  Jos^,  200. 

Marycabo.    See  Maracaibo. 

Mass<?, ,  307. 

Masserano.  Prince  of,  201,  202,  373. 

Mato,  Capt.,  424. 

Maxwell,  Col.,  240. 

Mayo  de  la  Grita.    See  Grita,  Mayo  de  la. 

Melilla  (Morocco),  231. 

Melville,  Lord,  355,  356,  393.  See  also  Dondas, 
Henry. 

Memorial,  of  captured  filibusters  to  Government  of 
United  Stat«,  380. 

Mendez.  Luis  L<5pez,  430,  431.  432,  442,  432.  454, 483. 


INDEX   TO   MIEANDA. 


585 


mcisco  de,  203,  203,  209,  512. 

,366. 

^.465. 

zuela).  444,  461. 

racaibo,  217. 

296,297. 

213,  214,  313,  327;  plans  for  conquest 
290,  309,  311;  deputies  of,  at  court  of 
i;  people  of,  ready  for  revolt,  201,  334; 
or  aid  from  England,  202,  203;  Inqulsi- 
of,  222;  city  of,  230,  277;  commissioner 
to  Cuba  to  investigate  actions  of  Mi- 
Miranda  describes  mode  of  education 
oners  carried  to,  2R9;  gulf  of,  273,  410; 
orcd  to  England  by  viceroy  of,  280; 
respecting  Miranda  in,  312;  plans  for 
9lution  in,  317;  deputies  of,  in  South 
unta,  318;  bank  of,  319;  independence 
itemplated  attack  on,  by  England, 
,  407;  Pavia  as  viceroy  of,  359;  delegates 
>et  Miranda,  366;  Dumouriec  suggests 
on  prince  be  made  king  of,  401 ;  plans 
lent  of,  4a5;  Miranda's  plans  for  attack 
igns  of  England  on,  409;  plans  of  Eng- 
rent  attack  of  France  on,  413;  letter  of 
cabildo  of,  416;  letters  of  Miranda  to 
Mendiola's  proposal  for  revolutlonlz- 
Sre  also  New  Spain, 
drd],  294. 
ko.  310. 
ando,  462,  480. 
282. 

s.   See  Munitions  of  War. 
28,  521. 
,426. 

SCO  Esiwzy],  360. 
,  386.  397. 
5,  283. 

)riel  de,  228. 
-ia  Rabalo  de,  228. 
astlan  de,  227,  228. 

iver,  210,  213,  272,  277,  279,  280.  294, 
,312.  321:  valley.  280, 306. 
niral,  377. 
-,211. 

las,  413,  433,  438,  466,  467,  483. 
ry  of  Chile,  368. 
,331. 

ml,  291,  292,  293. 
,300. 

iS,  252,  305,  306,  361,  449,  452,  453. 
esident  of  French  revolutionary  trl- 
,301. 

'anuel,  313. 
.223. 

Domingo,  462,  463,  464,  468,  470-480, 
$. 

270. 
,424. 

)mas,  470. 

Vrmand-Marc,  Comte  de,  281,  282,  283. 
381. 
0,528. 

1  Bautista,  209. 
)  Jos«3,  486,  487. 
Mr.  (pseudonym  of  Miranda),  263. 


Morgan  (buccaneer),  197. 

Moroccans,  231. 

Morro  Castle  (Habana),  258;  (Porto  Rloo),  483. 

Moselle,  river,  304. 

Mosquito  shore,  197, 198, 199,  200, 277, 40l. 

Moultrie  [William],  265, 294. 

Muddlford,  Colonel,  196. 

Mulattoes,  196,  218,  291,  293,  366,  458;  txx>op8  of,  290. 

Munitions  of  war,  207,  354, 367,  371, 372, 389, 394, 410, 
411,  512,  513,  514. 

Murray, ,  390. 

Naples,  260. 

Napoleon.    See  Bonaparte,  Napoleon. 

Narmo,  Antonio,  225,  306,  306,  316,  320,  338,  467. 

Nassau,  Prince  of,  515. 

Navia,  Victoria  de,  234. 

Neerwinden,  battle  of,  298, 299, 300, 301, 488. 

Negroes,  196, 204, 217, 218, 219, 366, 383, 384, 385, 389, 
411,  417,  457,  458,  520. 

Nepean,  Sir  Evan,  357. 

Netherlands,  299. 

Newark  (Sentinel,  the,  375. 

New  England,  251. 

New  Granada,  Creoles  of,  send  agent  to  Englaxid, 
206,  209;  vice-royalty  of,  214,  215;  conditions  in, 
222;  revolt  in,  224,  257,  467;  proposed  attack  on, 
290;  Pavia  in,  308;  to  be  used  as  base  by  Miranda, 
473;  Vidal's  proposal  for  revolutionizing  of,  513. 
See  al90  Santa  F^. 

New  Haven,  250. 

Newland, ,  237. 

New  Mexico,  294. 

New  Orleans,  198,  277,  295, 352, 363, 361. 

New  Providence,  240. 

New  Spain,  vico-royalty  of,  214;  viceroy  of,  warned 
against  Miranda,  312, 370, 520;  English  attacks  on, 
357,400,411;  revolutionary  papers  to  be  distrib- 
uted in,  428.    See  alto  Mexico. 

New  Testament,  485. 

New  York ,  236, 250, 321 ,  325, 358, 359, 362, 363, 365, 366 
368,369,372,394,396. 

New  York  Evening  Post,  374. 

Nicaragua,  province  of,  313;  lake,  319. 

Nirgua,  467. 

Nootka  Sound,  controversy,  268,270,271,272,280, 
282,285,286,289,337;  convention,  260,283,284,412 
recovery  of,  by  Spain,  345. 

Normandes,  260, 261, 262. 

Norris, ,  427. 

North  America,  200. 

North,  Lord,  199,200. 

Northwest  coast,  see  Nootka  Sound. 

Norway,  263. 

Nova  ScoUa,  250. 

Nufiez,  Feman,  0>unt  of,  281, 282, 283. 

Ocumare,  378, 379, 432, 460. 

Ogden,  Samuel,  264,362,366,367,374,377. 

O'Higgins,  Bernardo,  337,338. 

Ohio,  colony  on  the,  277. 

Olavide,  Pablo  de,  320. 

Omoa,  prison  of,  379. 

Onis,  Luis  de,  528. 

Oran  (Algiers).  233,242. 

Orca,  Telesfbro  de,  431,449,452,453,454,467,627. 

O'ReiUl,  Count  Alexandro,  206, 219, 232, 233, 234, 244. 

Oribe,  Pedro,  346. 

Orinoco,  valley,  315;  river,  362, 356, 402. 


536 


INDEX  TO    MIRANDA. 


Orleans,  Duke  of,  400. 

Oronoque,  river,  331. 

Orueta,  Simon,  346. 

Ostend,  291. 

Ottoman  Empire,  515. 

Pache,  Jean  Nicolas,  297,  298, 300. 

Pacific  coast  of  South  America,  354. 

Pacific  Ocean,  272,284,311. 

Paine,  Thomas,  249,265,285,286,305,306. 

Panama,  plans  for  attack  on,  196,  276,  344,354,356, 
357, 406;  raided  by  pirates,  197;  Isthmus  of,  part 
of  New  Spain,  214;  proposed  revolution  in,  317; 
proposed  canal  across  isthmus  of,  319;  map  of, 
322,323,617,618;  proposed  site  for  ''federal  city," 
420. 

Pao,  district  of,  444. 

Paparo,  379. 

Paper  money,  454. 

Papers  of  Miranda,  243, 263, 256, 258, 288, 289, 300, 304, 
323, 341, 348, 426, 436, 476, 477. 

Paraguay,  208. 

Pardos,  218. 

Paria,  Cape,  215;  gulf,  331. 

Paris,  258,259,263,264,288,290,294,299,300,305,306, 
316,318,320,321,334,344,348,349,358. 

Paris,  treaty  of,  210, 213. 

Parker, ,  258. 

Parker,  Sir  Peter,  238. 

Parliament,  English,  257, 334. 

Patagonia,  203, 204. 

Patriotic  Society,  443,  444,  447. 

PatruUo,  Oerardo,  472. 

Paul, ,  472. 

Pavia,  Joseph,  308,  359,  409,  410,  413,  467. 

Pelet,  Baron,  303. 

Pelham,  Lord,  351. 

Pelton,  Henry,  253. 

Pofia,  Miguel,  447,  463,  476,  527,  528. 

Pefia,  Nicolas,  422. 

Pefia,  Saturino,  422,  423. 

I*ensacola,  210,  234,  235,  236,  239,  359. 

Pension,  of  Miranda,  272,  284,  285,  361,  413,  433,  441. 
442,  443,  488;  of  son  of  Miranda,  487. 

Percival, ,  427. 

PerejTat,  294. 

Perpignan,  Gen.,  306. 

Peru,  375,  405;  hostile  or  revolutionary  plans  re- 
si)ecting,  19<),  199,  201-205,  208,  290,  313,  317,  322, 
327,  393,  406;  memoir  by  Bertrand,  210;  vice- 
royalty  of,  214;  uprising  under  Tupac  Amaru,  224, 
275;  emissaries  from,  in  London,  340;  letter  of 
Miranda  to,  410. 

Pdtion,  Alexandre,  306. 

Petion  de  ViUeneuve,  288,  296,  300. 

Petition  of  Miranda  to  King  of  Spain,  228,  229,  232, 
233,  234,  240,  243,  249,  254,  268. 

Philadelphia,  247-250,  324,  325,  303, 306, 370,  394,  520, 
528. 

Philip  II.,  448. 

Philippines,  290. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  324,  325,  32(),  329,  332,  335.  330, 
340,  341,  344,  352.  i 

Pieomeil,  Juan,  224,  225. 

Plcton,  Thomas,  220,  221,  313,  314,  330,  331,  332,  342,   ! 
345,  350,  351,  352,  355,  411,  422. 

Pinckiiey  [Charles  Cotesworth],  328. 

Piscataqua,  250. 

Pita,  Antonio,  203. 


Pitt,  WiUiam,  202,  205,  207,  208,  244,  260,  2n,  272, 
274,  275,  284-286,  288,  291,  300,  302,  305,313,317, 
318,  320,  321,  323,  333,  342,  350,  355-360,  391,  398, 
420,  422,  436. 

La  Plata,  river,  202,  203,  355,  356,  382,  393, 397, 4ia 

Plessis,  prison  of,  304. 

Poland,  King  of,  260. 

Political  Herald  and  Review,  257. 

Pondo,  384. 

Ponte,  Martin  Tovar,  527. 

Pope,  the,  197, 216. 

Popham,  Sir  Home,  251,  276,  354-357,  392,  383, 387, 
398,399. 

Porcupine,  the,  237. 

Port-au-Prince,  377. 

Portland,  Duke  of,  342. 

Portland  ministr>%  401. 

Porto  Bello,  197. 

Porto  Cabello.' 347,  402, 4S2.    See  dUo  Porto  C&Tello. 

Porto  Cavello,  346, 378, 379, 463. 467, 468, 469. 471, 476, 
479.    Sfe  also  Porto  Cabello. 

Porto  Rico,  memoir  by  Bertrand,  210;  strengthoKd 
by  Spain.  270;  to  be  given  to  the  United  States, 
290;  castle  of,  379;  rumored  cession  of,  to  Fraooe. 
405;  agents  of  Spanish  regency  in,  441,  450;  Mi- 
randa imprisoned  in,  483, 484;  governor  of,  warned 
against  Miranda.  5i20. 

Port  Royal.  239. 

Portugal,  233,  246.  306,  334.  337. 345, 382, 405,  Itt. 

Portuguese,  202. 

Potemkin.  Prince,  260. 

Poteratz.  Marquis  of,  307. 

Powell,  Jeremiah,  381. 

Powell.  W.  D..  381. 

Pownall.  Governor,  200,  271. 

Poso  y  Sucre,  Josef  del.  320. 

Prado,  Juan  Antonio  de.  205. 

Press,  liberty  of,  435. 

Priests.    See  Clergy. 

Prince  of  Peace,  216,  224,  225,  380,  385.  391  398. 417. 

Prince,  regiment  of,  233. 

Princess,  regiment  of,  231,  233. 

Princess  Royal,  the,  209. 

Providence,  island  of,  258. 

Provost,  the,  380. 

Provost,  J.  W.,  300. 

Prudon, ,  223. 

Prussia,  250,  270,  271,  290,  290. 

Prussia,  King  of,  259. 

Puerto  Soriban,  518. 

Purvis,  Vicc-Admiral,  409. 

Quesada,  Juan  de,  295. 

Que^tors,  419,  420. 

Quintana,  Antonio  Lopez,  216. 

Quintana,  F.  de.  248. 

Quito,  214.  317,  354,  350,  405,  406,  416. 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter.  195. 

Ramsey,  [David],  265. 

Ra>Tial,  Abb<^,  223. 

Recognition  of  Spanish- American  Republics.  432. 

Regency,  Spanish,  429,  430. 

Religion,  210,  274,  400,  418,  420,  513,  521,  524. 

Rendon,  Francisco,  247,  248,  515. 

Residencia,  214. 

Revenga,  Jos&  Rafael,  452,  453. 

Revolutionary  tribunal  (French),  299,  301.  302. 

Rhine,  river,  304. 

Rhine,  confederation  of  the,  427. 


INDEX  TO   MIRANDA. 


537 


tlehmond  Enquirer,  the,  375. 

RIChts  of  ICan,  The/'  224. 

ilo  de  Janeiro,  422. 

lobertson  &  Belt,  firm  of,  473, 477. 

iobertson,  Qeorge,  473. 

iobertson.  Col.  John,  438, 441, 445, 463. 

Elobespierre,  302. 

Eloca,  Joan  de,  233, 234. 

Etomayne,  Doctor,  311. 

Rome,  250. 

Roorbflch, ,  411. 

Ro9cio  (member  of  Venezuelan  congress),  430,  440, 
441,  445, 447,  448,  455,  465,  477. 

Rouilld  [Antoine  Louis),  210. 

Rousseau,  Jean  Jacques,  223, 206. 

Rouvray,  Col.,386. 

Rowley,  Admiral,  422. 

Roremonde,  capture  of,  207. 

Rash,  Benjamin,  363. 

Russia,  263, 264, 266, 345, 516. 

Saenx,  Capt.,  424. 

Saavedra,  intendant,  515. 

St.  Felii>e,  castle  of,  468.    See  San  Felipe. 

St.  Joseph  (Trinidad),  106. 

St.  Lucia,  bland  of,  200. 

St.  Michel,  fort,  207. 

St.  Petersburg,  260, 261, 262, 516. 

St.  Thomas,  106. 

St.  Thomas  de  Angostura,  217. 

St.  Thomas  de  Guyana,  315. 

St.  Vincent,  423. 

Salas,  Juan  de,  380. 

Salas,  Manuel  Josef  de,  320. 

Salis,  Antonla  de,  485. 

Sambos,  218. 

San  Bias,  cai>e,  518. 

San  Carlos,  430, 461, 462. 

San  Carlos  de  la  Oabana,  castle  of,  240. 

San  Felii>e,  dungeons  of,  370;  district  of,  461.  See 
aUo  St.  Felipe. 

Saniord,  Thomas,  380. 

San  QU,  224. 

San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  island  of,  201;  castle  of,  242. 

San  Marina,  448. 

San  Martin,  Jos^  de,  488,  400. 

San  Miguel,  gulf  of,  517. 

Sta.  Catalina,  Castillo  de,  206. 

Santa  F^,  plan  for  revolution  in  kingdom  of,  207, 
513;  vice-royalty  of,  214;  insurrection  of  1781, 224, 
225, 274;  representations  to  Miranda  from  province 
of,  243, 251;  letters  of  Miranda  to,  258, 416;  revolu- 
tionary sentiment  in,  317, 344, 405;  deputies  from, 
in  Spanish- American  junta,  318;  map  made  under 
direction  of  viceroy  of,  322, 517;  mission  of  Caro  to, 
325,  326,  342;  Miranda's  plan  for  attack  on,  354, 
356,  406;  delegates  from,  to  meet  Miranda,  366; 
viceroy  of,  warned  against  Miranda,  378,  520; 
alarm  of  viceroy  of,  385;  to  be  included  in  empire 
proposed  by  Miranda,  420;  junta  of,  congratulates 
Miranda,  440;  movement  for  union  of  province  of, 
with  Venesuela,  443;  Miranda  sends  a  represen- 
tative to,  466.    See  also  New  Oranada. 

Santa  Fe  de  Bogata,  407. 

Sta.  lago  de  Leon.    See  Caracas. 

Sta.  Maria,  Nicolas  Peres  de,  345. 

Santa  Marta,  province  of,  207, 200, 356, 378, 513, 514. 

Santa  Rosa,  College  and  Royal  University  of,  230. 


Santiago,  Count  of,  202, 512. 

Santo  Domingo,  280,  200, 201, 203,  306, 366,  367,  368, 
378,  467,  618. 

Sapphire,  the,  438,  473, 474, 476,  477,  628. 

Sergeant,  Winthrop,  240. 

Sarmiento,  Fermin,  346. 

Sasardi,  river,  517,  518. 

Sata  y  Bussy,  Jos4, 470, 474. 

Souri,  486. 

Sayre,  Stephen,  240,  261,  264,  278,  270,  285,  204,  305 
341,366. 

Scott,  Alexander,  461,  462, 471, 478,  480. 

Seaforth,  Lord,  384. 

S<;gur,  Comte  de,  223. 

S^rurier,  J.  M.  P.,  Comte,  453, 454. 

Servan  de  Oerbey,  Joseph,  288. 

Sherlock,  Juan,  231. 

Shelbume,  Earl  of,  201, 253. 

Sherman,  J.  H.,  367. 

Shomont,  304. 

Sidney,  Lord,  200, 253. 

Simcoe,  Lieut.  Qov.  J.  Q.,  310. 

Slaves,  217,  218,  384,  300. 

Slave  trade,  402, 456. 

Smith,  Joseph,  316. 

Smith,  Maj.,  377. 

Smith,  Moses,  376, 370,  380. 

Smith,  Col.  William  S.,  240,  257-260,  264,  270,  285 
341,  364,  367,  3n,  374. 

Smugi^Ung.    See  Contraband  trade. 

Socorro,  222, 224. 

Solano,  Jos^  [Joseph],  210, 228. 

Solano,  fleet  of,  236. 

Someruelos,  Marquis  of,  370. 

South  C^olina,  240;  navy  of,  241. 

South  Carolina,  the,  24a 

douth  Sea,  106.  204.  210.  271.  276,  283,  346.  357. 

Spain,  nearly  every  page.    See  England,  relations 
with  Spain;  France,  relations  with  Spain. 

Spanish- American  confederation,  430. 

Spanish  Indies.    See  West  Indies. 

Spanish  main,  106. 

Spanish  Peninsula,  441,  447.    See  oi«o  Iberian  Pen- 
insula. 

Spencer,  Earl.  382. 

Spencer,  Greneral,  410. 

Stanhope.  Lady  Ilester,  430. 

Steuben.  Baron,  265. 

Ste\'ensweert.  207. 

Stewart,  Sir  Charles.  415. 

Stiles.  Enra.  230.  250.  257. 

Stockholm,  263. 

Stone  (friend  of  Miranda).  300. 

Stoughton.  Henry,  360. 

Stuart,  Charles,  470. 

Surpriie,  the^  240. 

Swartwout,  John,  362. 

Sweden,  261, 263,  290. 

Swiss  officers,  442. 

Switzerland.  263,  448. 

Talavera.  Francisco.  465. 

Talleyrand.  328.  336,  337,  330.  361,  373.  428. 

Tampico,  313. 

Taxes,  221.  222.  224,  225,  226.  275.  512,  521. 

Taylor, ,  484,  485. 

Temple,  the,  prison  of,  348, 349. 

Tenerifle,  island  of,  227. 


538 


INDEX   TO   MIRANDA. 


Terra  Firma,  unhealthfulness  of.  311;  Trinidad  en- 
couraged to  keep  up  communication  with,  314; 
plans  to  check  revolutionary  movement  in,  326; 
attitude  of  inhabitants  of,  toward  revolutionary 
movement,  341,  351,  397;  Iinardi  in,  340;  Mi- 
randa's plans  respecting.  3.'>4.  356,  392,  405;  not 
considered  favorable  point  of  attack,  355;  ports 
of,  to  be  opened  to  English  commerce,  376;  WeUes- 
ley  proposes  attack  on,  401,  406.  407;  Miranda's 
expedition  of  1S06,  417;  Picton's  proclamation  to 
inha1>itants  of,  422;  Pavia  in,  467;  filibusters  aid 
Miranda  in  attempt  to  revolutionize,  488. 

Texas,  301. 

Thompson,  Doctor,  430. 

Thornton,  Doctor,  306. 

Thowenot  [Thouvenot,  Qen.  Pierre],  291. 

Three  Friends,  the,  237. 

Tilsit,  peace  of,  400. 

Tocuyo,  461. 

Tories,  311. 

Toro,  Marquis  del,  415, 416, 421, 423, 424, 430, 462, 525, 
526. 

Toros,  the,  memorial  of,  481. 

Torre  Cassio,  Count  of,  202,  512. 

Tovar  (member  of  Venezuelan  congress),  445. 

Trade.    See  Commerce. 

Trafalgar.  400. 

Treaty,  of  1713,  222;  of  1819,  396.  See  also  Basel, 
treaty  of;  Family  compact;  Nootka  Sound,  con- 
vention of;  Paris,  treaty  of. 

Trigge,  Oen.,  351. 

Trimmer,  the,  385,  386,  392. 

Trinidad,  220, 226, 270, 313, 314 ,  315, 324, 325, 330, 338, 
345, 346, 347, 350, 352-358, 366, 381, 385. 386, 391, 402, 
403,405,411,434.481. 

Trinity,  Island  of.  290,  519. 

TruxiUo,  444,  461. 

Truxtun,  Commodoro,  366. 

Tuciiirmn.  203,  204,  40o. 

Tumbull  and  ForlK\s  ( London  merchants),  2W>,  345. 

Tumbiill.  John,  2SS,  316,  325,  337,  358,  402. 

Turnbiill,  I'oter.  4S4,  4S5,  4K6. 

Tumbnll,  P.  E..  485. 

Tuml)ull,  Koss  A:  Co.,  485. 

Tnrreau.  Louis  Mario,  371,  372,  374. 

Tuifd,  the.  520. 

United  States.  Minuida  in,  247-251,  204, 301-308, 515; 
Goveniment  of.  27-1;  relations  of,  with  Miranda, 
277.  279. 30.'),  .30S.  'M2;  Conpre.ss  of,  278, 374,  420;  de- 
mands free  navigation  of  Mississippi.  279;  neutral- 
ity of.  as  to  Spain  and  England,  280;  proposed 
allianees  against  Spanish  America.  289.  2i)2.  319- 
330,  3:{<);  Genet  in,  293,  294;  boundaries  of,  m\; 
mission  of  Lieut.  (Jov.  Simcoe  In,  310;  mission  of 
Caro  in,  324-32.=);  avows  intention  of  aimexlng 
Ix)uisiana.  352;  relations  of.  with  Miranda's  expe- 
dition, 302-370.  39.3-390,  520;  Gazette,  374;  memo- 
rial of  filibusters  to  (iovernment  of.  380;  Constitu- 
tion of.  419,  450;  polley  of,  toward  Venezuela,  431; 
repres<>ntativ('s  from  Venezuela  to,  452,  453.  407; 
Venezuela  desires  aid  from,  453;  provisions  pn»- 
sented  to  Venezu«'la  by,  402;  relations  with  Vene- 
zuela, 527. 

University  of  Caracas,  220,  358;  of  Santa  Rosa,  230. 

L'nzaga,  Luis  de,  241. 

Ustariz,  Fraueisco  Javier  de,  455. 

Utrecht,  pro\ince  of,  297. 


Valaz6  (French  deputy),  301, 302. 

Valdlvia,  311. 

Valence,  Gen.,  297,  298. 

Valencia,  468;  heads  of  filibusters  to  be  exposed  in, 
379;  captain-general  of  Caracas  establishes  head- 
quarters at,  389;  attitude  ot  people  of.  toward  Mi- 
randa, 439;  counter  revolution  in,  450;  Miraodi 
takes  possession  of,  451;  Miranda  In,  452;  Umte- 
verdo  urges  governor  of  Coro  to  send  aid  to,  46i 
Venezuelan  congress  assembled  at.  462;  Mlraoda 
attempts  to  check  Monteverdc's  march  toward, 
463;  Spaniards  to  be  driven  from,  467. 

Valencia  (Spahi),  347. 

Valmy,  battle  of,  296. 

Valparaiso,  270,  276,  311,  356. 

Vansittart,  Nicholas,  310,  311,  350,  358, 303.  411, 425, 
434,  442,  443,  470,  484,  485. 

Vargas,  Pedro  Fermln,  338, 346, 354. 

Vasconcelos,  Guevara,  370, 378, 379, 380, 384, 385, 38Q, 
391,393,398,417,482. 

Vaughn,  Sir  John,  313,  470. 

Venezuela,  Gage's  proposal  for  conquest  of.  196; 
government  of,  as  Spanish  province,  215;  capital 
of  province  of,  219;  revolt  of  1795  in,  225;  Mi- 
randa's designs  against  the  coasts  of,  385;  Spanish 
troops  in,  401;  to  be  part  of  Miranda's  proposed 
empire,  420;  political  changes  In,  429;  Independ- 
ent movement  In,  430,  437;  foreign  relations  of. 
431,  432,  436.  442,  446,  452-454,  466-409;  Miranda 
desires  to  go  to,  433;  Miranda  writes  to  junta  of. 
434;  liberty  of  press  in,  435;  arrival  of  Miranda 
in,  438;  constituent  congress  of,  444;  debate  on 
independence  of,  445-448;  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence by,  449;  plans  of  government  for.  454. 
455;  finances  of,  454,  465;  federal  constitution  of. 
456,  457;  civil  dissensions  in,  457;  earthquake  in. 
460-462;  Miranda  made  generalissimo  of  armies 
of.  402;  Miranda  made  dictator  of.  4C>5;  surrender 
of  army  of,  471 ;  resumption  of  Spanish  power  in. 
480:  Miranda  removed  from,  482.   4KV,  state  of 
province  of  (1809),  520.    See  also  Canicas. 

Veracruz,  197,  199.  201,  270,  289,  312,  357,  .370,  428. 

Vcrgennes,  Comte  de,  212,  20,'i. 

Vergniaud  (French  deputy),  301.  302. 

Viceroy  allien,  214. 

Victoria,  408.  409;  capitulation  of,  470-478,  4SCM84, 
488. 

Vidall.  Luis.  208,  209,  257,  513. 

Vienna,  259,  515. 

Vinony,  Francisco  FemAndez,  408. 

Virgil,  485. 

Viscardo  y  Guzman,  387,  426. 

Vittoria,  223. 

Voltaire,  223. 

Vnmuela,  Juan  Antonio  de,  239.  240.  242. 

Walker.  William,  490. 

Washington,  city  of,  .302,  363,  300,  368,  3tV9. 

Washington,  George.  247,  249,  251,  265,  278.  279.  2S0. 
292,  293,  294.  .330,  332,  341,  398. 

Wellesley,  Sir  Arthur,  397, 400.  402, 40<^,  407,  410-414. 
410,  420,  425,  434.    See  also  Wellington. 

Wellesley.  Ilenrj',  4'A^. 

Wellesley,  Richard,  Marquis,  430,  431,  433,  434,  430, 
441,443,400,407. 

Wellington,  Ix)rd,  484;  Duke  of,  485.    See  also  Wel- 
lesley, Sir  Arthur. 

Western  Worid,  the,  375. 


INDEX  TO   MIRANDA. 


539 


West  lodieS,  English,  196, 190, 201, 310, 313, 333, 342, 
344.  351.  3S5.  306,  404,  410,  476;  Spanish,  197,  208, 
225,  244,  245.  270,  271,  311,  357,  398,  400,  414,  420; 
French,  292, 293. 

"  West  Indies,  A  New  Survey  of,"  195. 

White,  Robert,  199, 277. 

Whltelocke,  Gen.,  393, 399. 

Wight,  Capt.,  367,  370. 

Wnberforoe,  William,  435. 

WlUdnson,  James,  295. 

Wni  of  Miranda,  358. 

Waiiamson,  Charles,  409,  410,  413. 


Willing,  Thomas,  and  Company,  325. 
Windham,  William,  343. 
Windward  Islands,  342. 

Wright, ,  401. 

Yale  CoUege,  250. 

Yanes  (member  of  Venezuelan  congress),  445,  446, 

447. 
Yrujo,  Marquis  de  Casa,  362,  305,  360,  370,  371,  372, 

373,  374,  378,  394,  396. 
Yucatan,  196, 290,  312. 
Zea,  Francisco  Antonio,  338. 


Errata. 

Page  291,  for  Thowenot  read  Thouvenot. 

Page  304,  for  Aubrey  read  Aubry. 

Page  461,  for  Tmxilla  read  Truxillo. 

Page  105,  Letters  of  Madison.  At  the  time  of  completing  the  essay  the  edition  of 
Madison's  letters  by  Mr.  Hunt  had  not  reached  the  year  1806.  It  now  (1909)  extends 
beyond  that  date,  but  without  presenting  any  new  material  respecting  Miranda. 


GENERAL  INDEX  TO  VOLUME  I. 


flbur  C,  22, 30. 
ieH.,23,31,34,89. 

r. 

149. 

larles  Francis,  12, 13,  24. 

arles  K.,  13. 

)hralm  D.,  25,  41,  60,  70. 

«rge  B.,  11, 14, 15,  25,  48. 

;nry,  11, 13. 

jrbcrt  Baxter,  14,  25. 

lin  Qulncy,  92,  96. 

ory  of,  72,  73. 

Department  of  archives  and  history  of, 

rchlves  of,  53, 163;  coast  of,  61. 

ue,  N.  Mex.,  HI,  115. 

Edwin  A.,  15,  26. 
,  Nathaniel,  181. 
VI,  Pope,  146. 
liam  F.,  14. 
River,  90. 

Garcia  Descalante,  145. 
irenco  W.,  29,  54,  62,  167. 
mnty,  Cal.,  131. 

I  Acta  Sanctonim,  The,"  address  by  J.  F. 
,22. 

Antiquarian  Society,  51. 
Association  for  Labor  Legislation,  21. 
Bconomic  Association,  21. 
Historical  Association,  twenty-third  an- 
etlng,  proceedings  of,  21-28;  meetings  of 
B  council  of,  24;  programme  of  exercises, 
esent  activities,  31-32. 
Historical  Review,  21,  32. 
Library  Association,  32. 
I  Magazine  for  European  History,  An," 

C.  A.  Beard,  69. 

Political  Science  Association,  21, 22,  29. 
Revolution,  the,  39,  80,  81;  in  the  upper 
ley,  55;  Sons  of,  55;  records  of  soldlera  in, 

Sociological  Society,  21. 

man  V.,  15, 25, 26, 31, 34, 157, 161, 163, 182. 

aster,  153. 

FrankM.,  23,  31. 

ArthurL,  30,  71. 

:harlesM.,  12, 14, 15,24,25,26, 157,160, 161. 

nesB.,  11, 13. 

vilization,  history  of,  72. 

1,  advocacy  by  United  States  of,  85. 

oreign,  22, 57-63;  Mexican,  23, 185;  pueblo, 

ch,  54,  57,  59,  61,  175;  English,  57^59,  160, 

aish,  57,  59,  60;  Office  of  Indian  Affairs, 

)O-104;   published    archives    of   original 

30.    See  also  Cahokia;  Denver;  Kaskas- 

it  County;  Public  Archives  Commission; 

es  of  States. 


Arellano,  153. 

Arizona,  HI,  114;  proprietary  towns  of,  23. 

Arlcansas,  113;  archives  of,  164;  historical  society  of, 
51;  history  conunission  of,  164. 

Arkansas  River,  108, 109, 115;  grand  cafion  of,  117. 

Asakawa,  Kan-Ichi,  30,  75,  76,  77,  78. 

Ashe,  Samuel,  181. 

Asia  Minor,  history  of,  72,  73. 

Asiatic  history ,  study  of,  incoUegesand  universities, 
71-77. 

Assyria,  history  of,  73. 

Asturias,  Felipe,  Prince  of,  145.  See  also  Felipe  II, 
King  of  Spain. 

Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  railway,  114,  115, 
117. 

Atlantic  and  Pacific  railway,  110,  111,  112, 113, 115. 

Auburn  (Cal.)  Signal,  The,  newspaper,  127. 

Audiencia  of  Mexico,  148, 149, 151. 

Augustinians,  149;  church  of,  at  Cebu,  P.  I.,  152. 

Austin  collection,  Texas,  185. 

Australia,  149. 

Aycock,  Charles  B.,  181. 

Ayer,  C.  W.,  63. 

Ayer,  John  F.,  29. 

Babcock,  Kendric  C,  23,  31. 

Baldwin,  Simeon  E.,  12, 13. 

Babylonia,  history  of,  73. 

Bacon,  Thomas  R.,  40,  74. 

Baker,  E.  D.,  39. 

Bancroft,  George,  13. 

Bancroft  Library,  40. 

Barbour,  James,  92, 93. 

Barker,  Eugene  C,  185. 

Barrows,  Harlan  H.,  29,  47. 

Bartemeyer  vs.  Iowa,  83. 

Baton  Rouge,  La.,  60. 

Bay  State  Historical  League,  63, 64. 

Bear  Flag,  the,  127. 

Beard,  Charles  A.,  30, 60. 

Becker,  Carl,  74, 171. 

Bell,  John,  134. 

Belmont,  Wis.,  120. 

Bentham,  Jeremy,  80. 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  92. 

Bibliographical  Society  of  America,  32. 

Bibliography,  committee  on,  15, 25, 26, 30, 32;  of  pub- 
lished arcliives  of  thirteen  original  States,  160;  of 
Pennsylvania,  183. 

Biblioth^ue  Nationale,  Paris,  57. 

Big  Black  River,  61. 

BUlings,  Frederick,  115, 116. 

Biloxi,  Miss.,  60. 

Bingham,  Hiram,  77. 

BIrge,  Edward  A.,  29. 

Bismarck,  N.  Dak.,  112,  116. 

Black  belt,  47. 

541 


542 


OENEBAL    INDEX. 


Black  laws,  38. 

Blackstone,  Sir  William,  80, 81. 

Blount,  Thomas  W.,  180. 

Bodleian  Library,  160. 

Bolton,  Herbert  E.,  23,  31. 

Bourne,  Edward  0.,  14. 

Bourne,  Henry  E.,  15,26. 

Bowdoin  papers,  54. 

Bowen,  Clarence  W.,  11, 14,  25,  26. 

Bowles,  William  A.,  60, 90. 

Bowman,  J.  N.,  41. 

Brainerd,  Minn.,  112. 

Braxton,  Allen  C,  15,  26. 

Brazil,  146. 

Breckinridge,  John  C,  130, 131, 134. 

Bretz,  Julian  P.,  29,  63. 

Brigham.  Clarence  SI,  15,  26, 157. 161, 183. 

British  Musetun,  57, 160. 

Brockwell,  C.  A.  Brodie,  73. 

Brooks,  R.  B.,  159. 

Brothertown  Indians,  100, 103. 

Brown,  James,  96. 

Brown  University,  73. 

Bryan,  Joseph  B.,  15,  26. 

Bryant,  WiUiam,  102. 

Bucknell  University,  75. 

Buffalo  Bayou.  Brasos  and  Colofsdo  railway,  115. 

BuiTalo  Historical  Society,  51. 

Burch,  John  C,  127. 

Burdinot.  John  O.,  14. 

Burgess,  John  W.,  14. 

Burlington-Rio  Grande  railway,  114. 

Burr,  George  L.,  14. 15,  22,  26,  29,  30,  32,  46.  47,  67. 

Burragc,  Henry  8.,  53, 173. 

Butchers'  Union  vs.  The  Crescent  City  Co.,  83. 

Butler.  B.  F.,  95, 98. 

Byzantine  history,  73,  74. 

CabeU,  J.  Alston,  15,  26. 

Cahokia  records,  54, 167. 

Cairo.  Miss..  109. 

Calaveras  County,  Cal.,  131. 

Caldwell,  Howard  W.,  25.  86. 

Calctt.  Francis.  60. 

Calhoun.  John  C.  91.  92,  96. 

California,  111,  114, 115;  disabilities  of  negro  in,  pa- 
per by  C.  A.  Duniway,  38;  sentiment  of,  respect- 
ing the  civil  war.  paper  by  J.  J.  Earlo.  38, 123-135; 
Mexican  period,  documentary  material  on,  40; 
University  of,  72,  73,  74,  76;  legislature  of,  127: 
Presbytery  of,  131;  State  Library  of ,  164;  archives 
of,  164.  See  alto  Newspapos;  Civil  war;  Confed- 
erate States;  Democratic  State  Committee;  Elec- 
tions. 

Caliphates,  history  of,  72,  73. 

Calvary  Presbyterian  Church,  San  Francisco,  130. 

Candler,  A.  D.,  166. 

Cannon,  Henry  L.,  37,  38. 

Cano,  Juan  Sebastian  del,  147. 

Capuchins,  149. 

Cameplo  Institution  of  Washington,  56,  57, 62,  63. 

Carondolet,  Baron  de,  60. 

Carri(5n,  Juan  Pablo  do,  149. 

Cosa  Calvo,  Marquis  of,  60. 

Casa  d«  Contrataci6n,  150. 

Cass,  Lewis,  9.'». 

Catholic  Church,  records  of,  in  New  Mexico,  177, 178. 

Catholics,  treatment  of,  by  Elizabeth,  paper  by 
R.  B.  Mcrriman,  22. 


Catterall,  Ralph  C.  H.,  30, 69. 

Cebu,  P.  I.,  146, 151, 152, 154;  chief  of.  153. 

Central  Pacific  railway,  108, 116. 

Chapman,  the.    See  J.  M.  Chapman,  the. 

Chase,  Samuel,  82. 

Chattahoochle  River,  61. 

Cherokee  Indians,  80, 89, 94,  96,  98, 102. 

Cheyney,  Edward  P.,  14, 15, 26, 32. 

Chlcacha  Indians,  60. 

Chicago,  109;  Historical  Society,  51;  University 

63, 72,  73. 
Chicago,  Burlington  and  Quincy  railway,  116. 
Chlcasa  Indians.    See  Chlcacha  Indians. 
China,  history  of,  75,  76,  77,  78;  policy  of  Uni 

States  respecting,  85;  trade  between  Phllippin* 

and,  154. 
Chippewa  tribe,  46. 
Chisholm  vs.  Georgia,  79. 
Choctaw  Indians,  60, 94, 95, 98, 102. 
Christian,  George  L.,  181. 
Christofelsmeier,  Professor,  69. 
Cibabao,  island  of,  152. 
Civll-servlce  reform  in  United  States  since  1 

paper  on,  by  W.  D.  Foulke,  86. 
Civil  War,  sentiment  of  California  respecting,  pa] 

by  J.  J.  Earle,  38, 12^-135. 
Clark,  A.  Howard,  11, 14, 15, 25, 26. 
Clark,  George  Rogers,  54, 167. 
Clark,  Olynthus  B.,  76. 
Clark  pai)ers,  55. 
Clay,  Henry,  48, 96. 
Clinton,  Mass.,  174. 
Coatzaooalcos,  Mexico,  149. 
Cocke,  John,  93.  i 

Coffin,  Victor,  15,  26  32. 
"Coke  on  Littleton,"  80. 
Colestock,  H.  T.,  75. 
College  entrance  examination  board,  24. 
Colonial  office  papers,  public  record  office,  Lon- 
don, 160. 
Colonization,  of  Indians,  100;  by  England.  139, 140; 

by  Spain,  130,  140;  of  the  Philippinos,  143-155. 
Color  line.  97. 
Colorado,  115;  Historical  Society,  165;  archives  of, 

165;  Journal  of  Constitutional  Convention  of,  165. 
Colorado  River.  1 14. 
Colorado  Springs,  117. 

"Colorado  Volunteers  in  the  Civil  War,"  165. 
Colimibla  University,  24,  72,  75. 
Columbia  Valley,  116. 
Colusa,  Cal.,  132. 
Commission  on  documentary  historical  publications 

of  the  United  States  Government,*  23. 
Commission  to  investigate  disputes  among  the  In- 
dian tribes,  95. 
Committees  of  American  Historical  Association  15. 

26. 
Compact  of  1495,  Spain  and  Portugal,  146. 
Conestoga  wagon,  121. 
Confederate  States  of  America.  100;  sympathy  with, 

in  California,  125, 126, 127, 128;  army  of,  132. 
Confucius,  study  of,  78. 
Congress  of  United  States,  83, 108, 110;  Indian  affairs 

in,  89-104. 
Connecticut,  State  Library,  51,  166;  Historical  So- 

ciety,  54;  archives  of,  165,  166;  claims  of,  183. 
Conness,  John,  134. 
Connor,  R.  D.  W.,  180,  181. 


QENEBAL   INDEX. 


543 


CoxssUtution,  the,  81, 83, 127, 131. 
OozistitutloDal  history  (American),  conforenoe  on, 

7V84. 
Gkmtinenta]  Congress,  89. 
OoDtract  and  Finance  Company,  110. 
Cooke,  Jay,  112, 113, 116. 
Cooley,  T.  M.,  81. 
OooUdge,  Archibald  Cary,  30,  74,  75. 
Coon,  Charles  L.,  181. 
Cornell  University,  72,  73;  library  of,  89. 
Cortds.    See  Cortex. 
Cortes,  Hernando,  148, 152, 155. 
Co'win,  Edward  8.,  30, 81. 
Coteau  de  Prairie,  104. 
Cotton  belt,  47. 
Coimcll  Bluffs,  Iowa,  109. 
CoimcU  of  the  Indies,  155. 
Coac,  E.  M.,  40. 
Coac,  Isaac  J.,  182. 
Craig,  James  A.,  76. 
Crawford,  WlUIam  H.,  91. 
Cr^It  Mobilier,  110. 
Creek  Indians,  60,  89, 92, 101, 102. 
Crusadrs,  history  of,  73. 
Cumberland  road,  110. 
Cixxry,  J.  L.  M.,  14. 
Clashing,  Caleb,  95. 
X>aUas,  Tex.,  113. 
I>akota,  Territory  of,  112. 
X>«yK;ing  Rabbit  Creek,  95. 
I>anish  West  Indies,  41. 
X>artmouth  College  case,  82, 83. 
I>aullgny,  Francis,  60. 
X>aup)iine  Island,  60. 

I>avio,  WilUam  Richardson,  181. 

Bavls,  Jefferson,  131, 132, 175. 

t>aw8on,  Edgar,  106. 

Deane,  Charles,  14. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  the  West  and,  paper 
by  Max  Farrand,  39. 

De  La  Torre,  00. 

Delaware,    public    record    commission    of,    160; 
archives  of,  166. 

Delaware  Indians,  89. 

Demarcation,  line  of.  146, 152. 

Doming,  N.  Mex.,  114. 

Democracy,    inevitable    in    United    States,    140; 
struggle  for,  in  Spanish  America,  140, 141. 

Democratic  newspapers,  130. 

Democratic  Press  (Cal.),  the,  newspaper.  130. 

Democratic  stotc  committee  of  Callfomiu,  131. 

Democratic  vote,  1848, 47. 

Dennis,  Alfred  L.  P.,  72,  74,  T.'i,  77. 

Denver,  Colo.,  116, 117;  records  of,  IW. 

Denver  and  Rio  Grande  railway,  116, 117. 

Denver  and  Rio  Grande  Western  railway,  117. 

Desert,  Great  American,  108, 117. 

Des  Moines  College,  75. 

Deutsch,  Gotthard,  71. 

Dexter,  Franklin  B.,  11. 

Dickerson,  Mahlon,  100. 

Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  Republic  of  Texas, 
185. 

Diplomatic  history  of  United  States  since  18()5,  86. 

Documentary  historical  publications  of  the  United 
States  Government,  commission  on,  23. 

Dodd,  W.  E.,  15,  26,  30,  80,  81. 

Doty,  James  Duane,  99, 100, 103 


Dougherty,  John,  97. 

Doughty,  Arthur  0.,  29. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  134. 

Douglas,  W.  B.,  29. 

Dow,  Earle  W.,  15,  25,  26,  30,  68. 

Downey,  — ,  candidate  for  governor  of  Cali- 
fornia, 134. 

Downing,  W.  F.,  73. 

Drake  University,  76. 

Draper  collection  of  MSS.,  168. 

Dred  Scott  case,  the,  79. 

Duluth,  Minn.,  112. 

Dunlway,  C.  A.,  25,  37,  38,  41, 164. 

Dunning,  William  A.,  14, 15,  24,  26,  32. 

Earle,  John  Jcwctt,  38, 41, 123, 125. 

Eastern  Christendom,  history  of,  74. 

Eastern  Islands,  145. 

Eastern  question,  history  of,  74. 

Eaton,  Dorman  B.,  86. 

Eaton,  John  II.,  98. 

Echo  du  Paclflque  (Cal.),  the,  130. 

Eckenrode,  11.  J.,  186. 

Eckhart,  Professor,  70. 

Edenton,  N.  C,  180. 

Edict  of  Nantes,  22. 

Egcrton,  H.  E.,24. 

Eggleston,  Edward,  13. 

Kgyptf  history  of,  72,  73. 

Elections,  presidential,  of  1848,  47;  presidential,  of 
1800  and  1864,  in  Cal..  134;  gul)ematorial,  of  1800 
and  lS(i2,  in  Cal..  134. 

P21izabeth,  Queen  of  PIngland.  22. 

EUery,  Eloise,  34. 

El  Monte,  Cal.,  127. 

El  Paso,  Tex.,  Ill,  113,  114, 115. 

Elzas,  B.  A.,  167. 

Emancipation,  proclamation  of,  129. 

Emerton,  Ephraim,  14. 

Eminent  domain,  power  of,  82. 

Encomlcnda  system,  155. 

England,  archives  of,  57-59,  160;  colonization  in 
America  by,  139, 140;  political  parties,  22. 

"Ericson"bIll,  170. 

Espelata,  60. 

Eureka,  Cal.,  128. 

Everett,  Horace,  95. 

Far  East,  history  of,  76,  77. 

Fargo,  N.  Dak.,  112. 

Fammd,  Max,  12,  14,  2.'>,  39,41. 

Felipe  II,  King  of  Spain,  145, 146, 148, 149. 

Fernando  V,  150. 

Fcnton,  W.  1).,  37,  39. 

Field.  Stephen  J.,  133. 

Filhnore,  Millard,  99,  10:<. 

Fish,  Carl  R.,  15,  'H\,  30,  85,  157, 161, 187. 

FLshcr.  r.twge  P.,  11,  14. 

Fleming,  Walter  L.,  159, 172. 

Flick,  A.  C,  08. 

Fling,  Fred  M.,  30,  69. 

Florida,  State  College,  72,  75;  archives  of,  166. 

Folch,  Gov.,  60. 

Fond  du  Lac,  Wis.,  120. 

Force  bill.  48. 

Ford,  Guy  Stanton,  30,  69. 

Ford,  Worthington  C,  12, 14,  15,  24,  25.  2ti,  63. 

Fort  Atkinson,  Iowa.,  109. 

Fort  Charlotte,  60. 

Fort  I^a  von  worth,  Kans.,  108, 109. 


544 


OENEKAL   INDEX. 


Fort  Pitt,  treaty  of,  89. 

Fort  St.  Louis,  GO. 

Fort  Tombecbe,  60. 

Fort  Worth,  Tex.,  113. 

Fort  Yuma,  Cal.,  114. 

Foster,  Herbert  D..  15, 22,  26, 30. 

Foulke,  WUlJam  Dudley,  30,  86. 

Fuller,  Melville  W.,  14. 

France,  archives  of,  54,  57,  59, 61. 

Franciscans,  149. 

Franklin,  state  of,  89. 

French  emigrants  in  Pennsylvania,  183. 

French  Revolution,  69. 

Freund,  Ernst,  81. 

Friars.    See  Religious  orders. 

Frontier,  declaration  of  independence  by  men  of, 
39;  western,  protection  of,  97;  American,  disap- 
pearance of.  paper  by  F.  L.  Paxson,  105-118. 

Fryer,  John,  76. 

Fugitive  slave  case,  23. 

Furgerson,  William  S.,  73. 

Fur  trade,  46. 

Gadsden  purchase,  114. 

Galbraith,  C.  D.,  182. 

Gallaudet,  Edward  M.,  14. 

Galveston,  Ilarrisburg  and  San  Antonio  railway, 
114. 

Galvez,  Bernardo  de,  GO. 

Garrison,  George  P.,  14, 185. 

Garvin,  I.  L.,  102. 

George  W^ashington  University,  74. 

Georgia,  47,  80;  relations  with  Indians,  90,  91,  94, 
96;  archives  of,  166, 167. 

Geography,  relation  of  history  and,  conlierence  on, 
22,43-48. 

Gila  River,  114. 

Godard,  George  S.,  165. 

Goddard,  Edward  M.,  159. 

Good  Uope,  Cape  of,  145. 

Goode,  George  B.,  14. 

Gotthell,  R.  J.  n.,  72. 

Government,  study  of,  40. 

Goiti,  Martin  de,  153. 

Graham,  William  A.,  181. 

Grand  Jtmction,  Colo.,  117. 

Grand  Pr^,  Carlos  de,  60. 

Granger  movement,  113. 

Grant,  Ulysses  8.,  85,  86, 101, 102. 

Great  Britain.    See  England. 

Greathouse,  Ridgiey,  133.. 

Greeley,  Horace,  120. 

Green  Valley,  Cal.,  132. 

Greene,  Evarts  B.,  15, 25, 26, 29, 32, 61, 63, 167. 

Greene,  M.  Louise,  34. 

Gregory  the  Great,  67. 

Griffin,  A.  P.  C,  15, 26. 

Grimes,  J.  Bryan,  180, 181. 

Gross,  Charles,  15, 26, 32, 34. 

Guam,  island  of,  151. 

Guinn,  J.  M.,41. 

Guipi^zcoa,  Spain,  province  of,  147. 

Gunnison  countrj',  117. 

Gunter,  Edward,  90. 

Gunter,  Samuel,  96. 

Hague  Conference,  the,  85. 

Halifax,  Mass.,  174. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  82. 

Hamilton,  J.  G.  de  R.,  181. 


Harding,  Samuel  B.,  30, 68. 

Hardy,  James  A.,  131. 

Harpending,  Asbory,  133. 

Harris,  C.  A.,  95. 

Harrison,  A.  G.,  97. 

Hart,  Albert  BoshneU,  11, 14, 15, 24, 25. 

Harte,  Bret,  109. 

Hartford  Theologjcal  Seminary,  72, 74. 

Hartog,  Dirk,  149. 

Harvard  University,  73, 74, 75. 

Haskins,  Charles  H.,  11, 14, 15, 21, 25, 26, 30, 67. 

Hasse,  Adelaide  R.,  160. 

Hawkins,  William,  181. 

Hay,  John,  85. 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,  14. 

Hazen,  Gen.  W.  B.,  112. 

Hebrew  history,  74. 

Hebrew  Union  CoU^ge,  74. 

Henderson,  J.  B.,  jr.,  15, 26. 

Henry,  William  Wirt,  13, 14. 

Hershey,  Amos  S.,  30, 85. 

Hfcks,  EUjah,  96. 

HIU,  D.  H.,  180. 

Hinds,  Thomas  S.,  93. 

Historic  sites,  marking  of,  in  niinois,  168. 

Historical  manuscripts,  collections  of:  Thoa.  O.  La^ 
kin ,  41 ;  relating  to  southwestern  history,  52;  Bow- 
doin  papers,  54;  Jonathan  Law  pai>ers,  54;  Mar- 
gry  papers,  54;  Henry  R.  Schoolcraft,  54;  Temple 
papers,  54;  Clark  papers,  55;  letters  of  Hlinois 
governors,  55;  Draper  collection,  76;  records  of 
Catholic  church  in  N.  Mex.,  177, 178;  Austin  col- 
lection, 185;  Yoakum  papers,  185.  See  also  Ar- 
chives. 

Historical  Manuscripts  Commission,  15, 26, 31. 

Historical  museums,  organization  of,  22, 63. 

Historical  societies,  state  and  local,  conference  on 
work  of,  22,  49-64.  See  aUo  under  names  of  so- 
cieties and  of  States. 

History,  problems  in  southern  economic,  23;  in  sec- 
ondary schools,  23;  inherent  difficulties  in  study 
of,  37;  teaching  of,  40;  text-books,  40, 70;  relation 
of  geography  and  conference  on,  43-48;  media^vaI 
European,  conference  on,  67, 68;  modem  Euro- 
pean, conference  on,  60, 70;  Oriexital  history,  oon^ 
ference  on,  71-78;  American  constitutional,  con- 
ference on,  79-84;  of  United  States  since  1865,  con- 
ference on,  85-86;  of  American  economic  institn- 
tions,  119;  of  railways,  120. 

Hoar,  George  F,  13. 

Hodder,  Frank  H.,  12, 14, 15, 25, 26, 30, 85, 86. 

Hodge,  Katherine,  169. 

Holman,  F.  V.,  41. 

Homochitto  River,  61. 

Hopewell,  treaty  of,  89. 

Homer,  James  B.,  75. 

Houston,  Texas,  115. 

Howe,  Agnes  E.,  40. 

Hudson,  Richard,  75. 

Hull,  Charles  H.,  15,  26,  32,  34. 

Huntt,  WlUIam  R.,  184. 

Il)crvine  River,  61. 

Illinois,  Historical  Society,  51,  52,  167;  State  Li- 
brary, 51,  53,  167;  letters  of  governors  of,  55;  ar- 
chives of,  167,  168. 

Illinois  Central  Railway,  110. 

Illinois  country,  I778-I790,  54. 

Immigrants,  Pennsylvania.  183. 


GENERAL   INDKX. 


545 


Xxnpeachment  of  J.  II.  Hardy,  by  California  legis- 
lature, 131. 
Independence,  Mo.,  109. 
Xiidependcnct>,  Declaration  of,  and  the  West,  paper 

by  Max  Farrand,  39. 
Xndia,  history  of,  73,  75,  76. 
Xndia  House  of  Trade,  l.'W.    See  also  Casa  de  Con- 

tratacldn. 
rndiana.  archives  of.  1(58;  State  library,  168. 
Indian  Affairs,  archives  of  office  of,  92, 93,  94, 95. 94i, 

99.100,101.102.103,104. 
Indians,  trade  witli,  46;  material  relating  to  in  for- 
eign archives,  58,  59;  In  Mississippi,  60;  treaties 
with,  89,  93,  96,  98,  99;  neutral  belt  for,  90;  sov- 
ereignty of,  90;  relations  of.  with  Georgia,  90, 91, 
94, 96;  Commission  to  investigat<>  disputes  among, 
95;  Five  Civilized  Tribes.  100;  effect  of  Union 
Pacific  Railway  on,  109;  confined  to  reservations, 
111;  remnants  of,  118;  near  Acapulco,  149;  records 
relating  to,  in  Pennsylvania,  183.  See  also  names 
of  tribes. 

Indian  state,  proposals  for,  paper  by  A.  II.  Ab<'l. 
23,  89-104. 

Indies,  archives  of.  Seville.  60;  demarcation  of,  14.'); 
laws  of.  150;  council  of,  155. 

Inland  waterways,  121. 

Insular  cases,  83. 

Iowa,  Historical  Society  of,  51, 55;  historical  build- 
ing, 52;  archives  of,  53, 168-171;  Biographical  Se- 
ries, 55;  State  Library,  168, 169. 

Iran,  history  of.  73. 

Isabel  I,  150. 

Islam,  history  of,  72,  73. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  94, 96. 

Jackson,  A.  V.  WUllams,  75. 

James,  E.  J.,  53. 

James,  James  A.,  167. 

James  River  Valley,  48. 

Jameson,  J.  Franklin,  12, 13, 14,  l."),  21, 22. 24, 25, 2(i. 
29,31,32,63. 

Jamestown  Exposition,  181,  186. 

Japan,  history  of,  75,  76.  77,  78;  peace  l)etwoen  Rus- 
sia and,  85. 

Jay,  John,  13. 

Jefferson.  Thomas,  80,  91. 

Jesuit  missions,  material  relative  to,  in  French 
archives,  59. 

Jewett,  James  Richard,  ?2,  73. 

Jews,  History  of,  74. 

J.  M.  Chapman,  the,  132. 

Johnson,  Allen,  172. 

Johnson,  Andrew.  85, 86. 

Johnson,  Carman  C,  74.' 

Johnston,  R.  M.,  70. 

Journals  of  councils  and  assemblies  of  original  states, 
160. 

Judson,  Frederick  N.,  22,  29. 

Juniata  College,  74. 

Kanawha,  valley  of,  48. 

Kansas,  101;  Historical  Society,  ."il,  171;  University 
of,  74;  railroads  In,  115;  archives  of,  171,  172. 

Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  100. 

Kaskoskia  records,  5.),  167. 

Keeler,  F.  C,  l.>9. 

Kellogg,  Ix>uise  Phelps,  34. 

Kclsey,  R.  W.,  41. 

Kenosha,  Wis.,  120. 

Kent  Coimty,  Del.,  archives  of,  166. 

58833— VOL  1—09 35 


Kent,  James,  82. 

Kentucky,  47;  archives  of,  172;  Historical  Register 
172;  Historical  Society,  172. 

Kingsbury,  G.  P.,  97. 

Kingsbury,  Susan  M.,  15, 26. 

Klein,  Julius,  41. 

Knight,  George  W..  80. 

Knights  of  the  Columbian  Star,  133. 

Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  133. 

Knox,  Gen.  Henry,  90, 91. 

Koran,  courses  In  the  study  of,  72,  76. 

Krehblel,  Edward  B.,  25, 34. 

Kulturgesclilchte,  63. 

Ladrone  Islands,  151, 153, 155. 

Lake  Superior  and  Mississippi  railway,  1 12.  * 

Lane.  WlUiam  C.  15,  26. 

Lanzas,  60. 

Larkln,  Thomas  O.,  letters  of,  41. 

Latan^,  John  II.,  15,  25,  26,  30,  32.  S6. 

Latin  America,  relation  of  United  States  to,  paper 
by  Bernard  Moses,  37, 137-142. 

Lathan,  Milton  S.,  127. 

Law,  Jonathan,  papers  of,  TA. 

Lea,  Henry  C,  12, 13. 

Legal  Tender  cases,  the.  79. 

Legazpi,  Miguel  Ix)per  de,  and  Philippine  coloniza- 
tion, paper  by  J.  A.  Robertson,  22.  143-155. 

Legler,  Henry  E.,  29. 

I^mos,  Manuel  (tayoso  de,  60. 

I^wls,  Virgil  A.,  187. 

Libby,  O.  0.,  22,  29,  46, 159. 

Library  of  Congress,  57, 62, 78,  lliO. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134. 

Lincohi- Douglas  debates,  memorial  volume  on,  55, 
167. 

Lincoln,  Nebr.,  17r». 

Llndlcy,  Harlow,  150.  IW. 

Linn,  L.  K.,97. 

Loalsa,  expedition  of,  1525, 147. 

Ivochner  vs.  The  People  of  New  York,  83. 

Locke,  Mary  S.,  34. 

Long,  Major  Stephen  H.,  108. 

Las  Animas.  115. 

I^  Angeles,  Cal.,  128, 132, 134. 

Los  .\ngeles  Star,  the,  129. 

Los  Nogoles.    See  Walnut  Hills. 

Louisiana,  48, 60;  territory  of,  00;  archives  of,  172. 

Tx)w,  Frederick  F.,134. 

Ix)well,  A.  Lawrence.  14. 

Lumpkin,  Wilson,  93. 

L' Union  Am^ricaine  (Cal.),  newspaper,  l.W. 

Luzon,  P.  I.,  148, 153, 154. 

McCarthy,  Carlton,  15, 26. 

McCarthy,  Charles,  34. 

McCleUand,  RolK>rt,  100. 

McConnell , ,  candidate  for  govern :)r  of  Cal. ,  134. 

McCoy,  Rev.  Isaac,  93, 94, 97, 98. 

McCrady,  Edward,  13. 

McCtilloch  vs.  Maryland,  79. 

.MocDonald,  William,  12, 14,  25, 30.  TO,  SO. 

McDowell,  General,  130. 

McGIll  University,  73. 

McGlllIvray,  Alexander.  W,  89, 90. 

Mcllvane,  A.  R.,99. 

Mcllwaine,  H.  R.,  15, 26. 

McKenney,  Thos.  L.,  93,  96. 

McLaughlin,  Andrew  C,  14, 15,  24,  2(i,  30, :«,  79. 

McMasU'r,  John  B.,  12, 13, 14. 


546 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


MacNaul.  WUlard  C,  75. 

Mttcy,  Jfsse.  S6. 

Madison,  James,  80. 

Madison,  Wis,  21, 25. 

Madrid,  59;  archives  in,  58. 

Magalh&es,  expedition  of,  147. 

Magellan.    See  Magalh&es. 

Mahan,  Alfred  T.,  12, 13, 24. 

Mahometanism,  154.    See  also  Islam. 

Maine,  Uistorical  Society,  52,  172,  173;  state  histo- 
rian, 62,  63, 172, 173.  State  Library,  172. 

Manchac,  La.,  60. 

Mandan,  N.  Dak.,  110. 

Mandan  Indians,  46. 

Manila,  P.  I.,  154. 

Mann,  Charles  W.,  15, 26. 

Manning,  WUUam  R.,  34,  74. 

Manuscripts.  See  Archives,  Historical  manu- 
scripts. 

Marbury  vs.  Madison,  79. 

Margry  papers,  54. 

Mariposa  (Cal.)  Gazette,  the,  130. 

Marquette  College,  73. 

Marshall,  John,  80, 81,  82. 

Marston,  Oliver  J.,  75. 

Martin,  Lope,  pilot,  153. 

Maryland,  47;  Archives  commission  of,  173. 

MarysvlUe,  Cal.,  128. 

Marysville  (Cal.)  Appeal,  the,  129. 

Mason,  Edward  O.,  13. 

Mason,  John,  jr.,  96. 

Masson,  John,  177. 

Massachusetts,  Historical  Society,  54;  local  histor- 
ical societies  in,  63,  64;  Bay  State  Historical 
League,  63, 64;  local  records  in,  174. 

Meany,  E.  S.,  75. 

Medina,  characterization  of  Legazpi  by,  153. 

Memphis,  Tenn.,  109. 

Mendoza,  Antonio  de,  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  l-to. 

Merriman,  Roger  B.,  22,  30. 

Mexico,  97,  100,  108,  132,  155;  archives  of,  2."^  1S.5; 
Legazpi  goes  to,  148;  audiencia  of,  148,  149.  151; 
neglect  of  Legazpi  by,  153. 

Mexico,  City  of,  147. 

Mexico,  Gulf  of,  61. 

Meyer,  B.  H.,31. 

MicWgan,  Pioneer  and  Historical  Society,  52,  54, 
174;  University  of,  75,  70:  archives  of,  174. 

Michigan,  Lake,  120. 

Milfort, ,  90. 

Milwaukee,  Wis.,  120. 

Milwaukee  and  Mississippi  railway,  120. 

Mindanao,  P.  I.,  146. 

Mineral  Point,  Wis.,  120. 

Mlnist^re  de  la  Marine,  Paris,  57. 

Minnesot4i,  100, 104, 1 12;  Historical  Society  51, 52, 5.'). 

Minor,  Kate  Pleasants,  !.'>,  26. 

Minor,  Stephen,  60. 

Miro,  Estavan,  60. 

Mississippi,  Department  of  Archives  and  History, 
51,  52, 163, 175;  Historical  Society,  51, 175;  archives 
of,  54,  57,  175;  Military  History  of,  175;  OfUcial  and 
Statistical  Register,  175. 

Mississippi  River,  23,  (30,  61,  92,  98,  100,  103, 108,  112, 
120. 

Mississippi  Valley,  25,  90;  Historical  Association,  21, 
63, 64;  material  relating  to,  in  French  archives,  59; 
historical  societies  of,  63;  settlements  in,  107. 


Missouri,  94,  98, 113;  Historical  Society,  51. 

Missouri  Pacific  system,  115. 

Missouri  River,  46,  1Q2,  104,  106,  109, 112. 

Missouri  settlements,  107, 106. 

Mitchell,  James  C,  93. 

Mitchell,  Edwin  Knox,  72,  74. 

Mitchell,  S.  C,  15,  26. 

Mix,  Charles  £.,  101. 

Mobile  River,  61. 

Mohammed,  courses  on  the  life  of,  72, 76. 

Mohammedanism.    See  Islam. 

Mojave  extension  of  Southern  Pacific  railway,  115^ 

Moluccas,  the,  islands,  145, 146, 147. 

Monitor  (Cal.),  the,  130. 

Monroe  doctrine,  86. 

Montague,  A.  J.,  15,  26. 

Moore,  Frederick  W.,  15,  26,  31. 

Moro  traders,  151. 

Morse,  Rev.  Jedldiah,  92. 

Moses,  Bernard,  37, 137, 139. 

Moslem  rule,  history  of.    See  Islam. 

Mugler,  vs.  Kansas,  83. 

Munn  vs.  Hlinois,  83. 

Munro,  Dana  C,  30, 67,  73. 

Munro,  Wilfred  Harold,  73. 

Muskogee  Indians,  102. 

Muzzey,  David  S.,  34. 

Myers,  Irene  T.,  159, 172. 

Napa,  Cal.,  128. 

Napa  (Cal.)  Reporter,  the,  130. 

Natchez,  Miss.,  60. 

National  Commercial  Convention  at  St.  Louis,  1<^> 
102. 

Natural  Law  and  Constitutional  Decisions,  I»T^ 
by  E.  S.  Corwin,  81-84. 

Natural  rights,  doctrine  of,  82,  83,  84. 

Nebraska,  Historical  Society,  51,  52,  175.  176:  ar- 
chives of,  175, 176. 

Needhara.  C.  W.,  15,  26. 

Needles,  Cal.,  115. 

Negroes,  38,  47,  97. 

Nelson,  Justice  Samuel,  81. 

Neuva  C4ceres,  suffragan  bishopric  of,  152. 

Ncuva  Segovia,  suffragan  bishopric  of,  152. 

Newcastle  County,  Del,,  166. 

New  Kchota,  treaty  of,  96,  98,  99. 

New  England,  46. 

New  Guinea,  148,  151. 

New  Hampshire,  archives  and  records  of,  17T;  Oe"** 
alogical  Society,  177. 

New  Mexico,  111,  114:  Historical  Society.  ITS:  ar- 
chives of,  177,  178. 

New  Orleans.  109, 113,  114, 117. 

New  Orleans  Pacific  railway,  113,  114. 

New  Orleans,  Baton  Rouge  and  VIcksbuff  ruil- 
way,  114. 

News  letter  (Cal.),  the,  130. 

New  Spain.  145.  146,  153.  155. 

Newspapers,  of  California  during  Civil  War.  !-'•• 
128,  129, 130. 

New  York,  Historical  Society.  52:  State  historian. 
52, 178;  State  Library,  178;  archives  of,  178- 

New  York  City.  24. 

New  Zealand,  149. 

Noble,  M.  r.  S.,  180. 

North  Carolina,  47,  48;  Historical  Commission,  5-- 
.53,  179-181;  historical  publications  of,  54;  archives 
of,  179-181;  Historical  Society,  179. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Pigaletln,  Anlonio.  lil. 
FIu«rvlUe,  Cal..  128. 
PtantEtlon  srstero,  47. 
riBlte  RivpT.  100.  lOS. 
Plum,  nairy  G.,  68. 
Poe,  ClatenMH.,  181. 
Potnselt.  Jwl  R..g6.  W. 


POIIC)-,  S5. 

Portland,  Oreg,.  182. 

108,  11&  Historical  Sodely,  il,  IW; 

Portugal,  treaty  vl  IS2g,  villi  Epaln,  145;  Ucrltocr 

tllunil  CMege,  75. 

marcatiOQ  ol,  148. 

ay  and  Naviwllon  rompwiy.  Uii. 

I'otaninf,  \-alIevat,  48. 

Potosi.  Wli..  120. 

Prairie  du  Chlen,  Wis.,  laa 

98. 

TTeal.ylery  oJ  Calitomia.  131. 

erl  h.,  15,  M.  157. 101. 17S. 

PrasJ<ieQlia1<Tiinpiilenoll»l4, 131. 

ks,liEswrj-ot,73.7< 

Tnvvt'-oHnpil(Kni:lani1).r»psieraoI,  24. 

is,  108, 10». 

I'riws  of  Amwl™n  lllswrleal  Aaoflation.  23.  24, 

13M.,I5.25,Z6,M.1.0. 

Promonlory  Point,  lOB. 

Rraneh  of  Araetwim  llislorlcal  Affio- 

1997, 157-187. 

irl  or,  2.S:  prowp(iln(!sol  fourth  annual 

Public  Hecoid  Ofll«.  I-ondon,  57.  lia 

issouil  railway,  113, 

PueWo.Colo,    17 

lie.  127,  128,  lis. 

l-ucrlode  laKBvl<lBd.  146, 149. 

s  W..  15,  26. 

Fugct  Sound,  no. 

a. 

PuUni»ncaEB,llB. 

WmjamJ.,117. 

Purgatory  River  lOS. 

srll.    15,20.52,178. 

Puritanism,  SI, 

Putnam  HctIhtI,  14. 

Rofine,  WL...  120. 

Railroads.    .^rribimKatraiHraada. 

c,  23. 31.  lie. 

PaDon,  105-11  a. 

I.  Mlss.,i.U. 

Raleigh,  Sir  AValtnr.lSl. 

Ramo  de  Oueira.talondarofdKiimenls  from,  18S. 

i.  p..  1.V  2n. 

Roper  Chafleal..,IT9. 

,31. 

RecOTda.    5m  Ar(-hlvEi. 

eHtkL..23.:il,l(&10G. 

ss..  174. 

Roi  Rlvtr  46,112, 113;  valley  of.  «l. 

Kttonnation,  period  of  (he.  OB. 

ISO,  181. 

fteLLlmaf  h.l.W 

cili vision  of  Nortliernl'acLnc railway, 

Reinsch,  l>aul  S.,  30. 

ReliEion  In  .Vmerlcan  social  development,  22. 

UellBluTi^  ..vdi.r;  In  tho  Philipptnes.  149, 150. 

„   IIistori«il   Soeirty.   51;    AdvUory 

Reprr^oiUJ>iM-  Government,  The  Future  ol,  ail- 

1  of  I'ubltc  Reconli.  IW:  arcbh-cs  ol. 

dre?.'  |.y  F.  \.  Judson.  22. 

taphy  ot,  183;  Division  oI  Puhlle  Rec- 

■Hicrotioii  or  llirtorical  Societies,  183: 

Republican  party,  80. 

jjranls  In,  H3. 

Republican  River  trail,  110. 

yor,7S. 

lli'volulionmy  perio.1  In  Kuropeon  hislory.  B9. 

Rhode  lalnnd,  BicUvisof,  183-IH. 

Hhort«i,Ji.miBiF    11,13. 

ilandi,  oolon:ulioii  ol.  I>>-  Legaipl, 

RIgg,  Ualor.  132. 

Riley,  F.I,.,  15,20. 

Rio  Grande.  111,115. 

M,y4.i. 

Ripon  CoUege,  75, 

550 


GENERAL   INDEX. 


Wisconsin,  Historical  Society,  25,  51,  52,  55,  187; 
archives  of,  63, 187;  University  of,  72-75;  Indians 
in,  100. 103, 104;  railroads  in,  112, 120. 121. 

Wise,  U.  A.,  48. 

Wood,  Henry  E.,  174. 

Woodburn,  James  A.,  15.  2(i,  30.  85. 

Worth,  Jonathan,  ISl. 

Wri6ht,  General,  130. 


Wyandot  Indians,  100. 
Wynehamercase,  83. 
Yale  University,  72,  75.  76.  77.  78. 
Yazoo,  60;  River,  61. 
Yoakum  papers,  185. 
York,  Me.,  deeds,  173. 
Young,  F.  G..  15, 2(1  IW. 
Zaragoza,  treaty  of  1529, 146. 


o