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Union Calendar No. 564 

84th Congress, 2d Session ---.-.. House Report No. 1648 



JANUARY 11, 1956 

(Original release date) 

January 17, 1956. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House 
on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed 

Prepared and released by the 

Committee on Un-American Activities, U. S. House of Representatives 

Washington, D, C. 


United States House of Representatives 

FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 


JAMES B. FRAZIER, Jr., Tennessee DONALD L. JACKSON, California 


Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk 

Union Calendar No. 564 

2d Session \ \ No. 1648 


January IT, 1956. — Committed to the Committee of tlie Whole House on the 
State of the Union and ordered to be printed 

Mr. Waltkr. of Penn.sylvania, from the Committee on Tii- American Activities, 

submitted the followinj^ 


[Pursuant to H. Res. 5, 84th Cong.] 




Foreword- 1 

Communist Infiltration of Government 5 

Summer camps 8 

New York: 

Youth organizations 11 

Entertainment 12 

Neighborhood groups 16 

Newark, N. J. area 17 

Fort Wayne, Ind. area 20 

Milwaukee, Wis. area 22 

Los Angeles and San Diego, Calif 24 

Southern California Peace Crusade 25 

George Hugh Hardy man 26 

Korean Independence 27 

Seattle, Wash, area 28 

National Committee To vSecure Justice in the Rosenberg Case 29 

Reference Service 33 

Recommendations 35 

Appendixes : 

I. List of committee hearings and publications for 1955 37 

II. Excerpts from document, How the Communist International For- 
mulates at Present the Problem of Organization, by B. 

Vassiliev 38 

III. Affidavit of Ralph Vernon Long correcting his testimony before 

the committee on November 30, 1954 48 


Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress (1946), chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides : 

Be it enacted "by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 


17. Committee on Uu-Amerieau Activities, to consist of nine members. 

Rule XI 


(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American Activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a wliole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any 
necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 



House Resolution 5, January 5, 1955 

Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 
the following standing committees : 


(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 

Rule XI 


IT. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American Activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member, 




Investigations and hearino-s conducted by the Committee on Un- 
American Activities during 1955 miearthed important new evidence of 
Commmiist subversion in vital areas of American life. 

The committee submits the following report on its work last year, 
in accordance with Public Law 601 (sec. 121, subsec. q (2) ) and House 
Resolution 5 of the 8-lth Congress. 

This legislation empowers the coimnittee to investigate the extent, 
character, and objects of im-American propaganda activities in the 
United States, It also requires reports to the House of Representatives 
on the results of any such investigation, together with such recom- 
mendations as are deemed advisable. 

Machinations of the Kremlin's conspirators in this counti*y were 
revealed in the course of public hearings held in 1955 in New York, 
New Jersey, Illinois, Wisconsin, California, and Washington State, 
in addition to Washington, D. C. A total of 178 witnesses appeared 
at these hearings, the printed record of which comprises approxi- 
mately 3,160 pages. 

The committee obtained information from 36 of these witnesses. 
A majority of them were either one-time members of the Communist 
Party who had become disillusioned upon discovering the party's true 
purpose, or midercover agents within the party for Federal or munici- 
pal law-enforcement agencies. By their firsthand accomits of Com- 
mmiist efforts to undermine our most important democratic institu- 
tions, these witnesses made a major contribution to the Congress' 
understanding of the Communist problem and its ability to legislate 
wisely in the field of subversive control. 

The committee regrets to report that 142 other witnesses refused to 
provide the committee with the valuable information they are known 
to possess. In all but five instances, these witnesses invoked the priv- 
ilege of the fifth amendment. One of the exceptions was John T. 
Go jack, an official of the Commimist-controlled United Electrical, 
Radio, and Machine Workers of America, who refused to answer all 
committee questions on the gi-ound that they represented an uncon- 
stitutional invasion of his right of free speech. The House of Repre- 
sentatives has requested the Department of Justice to institute legal 
proceedings against Mr. Go jack for contempt of Congi-ess. 

In accordance with the committee's rules of procedure, all investiga- 
tions during the past year were instituted after approval by a majority 
of the membei-s of the committee. At the opening of each public 
hearing, the presiding chairman clearly outlined the purpose of the 
investigation and hearing. At no public hearing were there fewer 
than two members of the committee in constant attendance. Persons 
identified for the first time in public hearing as having subversive 
affiliations were notified of the fact by registered letter, where 

H. Kept. 1648, 84-2 2 1 


Wide-ranging investigations and hearings by the committee last 
year uncovered sucli evidence as the following : 

•Ten hitherto-undisclosed cells of Communists were found to have 
operated within the executive and legislative branches of the Gov- 
ernment at various times. Preliminary hearings held in Chicago in 
December centered on the testimony of individuals now living in that 
area who were identified as having been members of Communist cells 
while employed by the Government. Full-scale hearings on Commu- 
nist infiltration of the Government are scheduled to begin in February 

• Communists have attemi:)ted to indoctrinate and disaffect Ameri- 
can youth by means of Communist-operated summer camps. The 
Communist management of six camps in New York State and another 
in California was exposed by committee investigations and hearings. 
The camp in California, which was posing as a project for "under- 
privileged" children, ceased to operate in the sunnner of 1955 after its 
Communist character was revealed. 

•Communist activities among youth groups were exposed further 
when the committee subpenaed Hve young men who have been leaders 
in the Labor Youth League or other Communist Party youth activi- 
ties. Although the witnesses took refuge in the fifth amendment, 
evidence submitted at the hearings showed that the Communist Party 
considers its work among youth to be of "decisive" importance and 
the Labor Youth League continues to function as an ill-disguised 
youth section of the Communist Party. 

•Membere of the Communist Party are obtaining employment in 
New York City's entertainment industry. The reputations and finan- 
cial resources they obtain in that industry are then used in part to 
ftromote the Comnumist conspiracy. Such facts were obtained in the 
course of special investigations and hearings conducted in New York. 
The committee also identified leaders of a Communist clique seeking 
to spread Conununist influence within an important union for radio 
and television artists. Investigation of alleged "blacklisting'' in the 
industry exposed the fraudulent nature of a Communist-backed propa- 
ganda campaign on this subject. 

•The Communist Party has been spreading subversion in resi- 
dential communities in the New York City area through "neighbor- 
hood" Communist clubs. The first complete picture of these ground- 
level Communist operations was obtained through the testimony of 
Mrs. Mildred Blauvelt, former undercover agent for the New York 
City Police Department. The witness identified 44 "neighborhood" 
clubs of the party in Manhattan, Brooklyn, and the Bronx, as well 
as more than 500 individual party members in the area, 

• Organized Communist conspirators have been extremely active in 
the Newark, N. J. area. Their machinations, particulary in labor 
and professional groups, were unveiled in the course of a 4-day hear- 
ing in Newark. This was the committee's first comprehensive investi- 
gation into Communist activities in that locality. 

•Documented proof that a Communist-dominated union siphons off 
workers' dues for Communist purposes was produced in the course of 
committee investigations and hearings on District 9 of the United 
Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America. UE District 9 
supervises union locals in Indiana and Michigan from headquarters 


ill Fort. Wayne, Ind. These hearings were printed under the title, 
••Fort Wayne, Ind., Area." 

•Communist- front organizations in the Milwaukee, Wis., area be- 
came "stepping stones" into the Communist Party for niany young 
people, witnesses testified at the first hearings of the committee in that 
locality. These youths eventually advanced into adult party work. 
The main em^^hasis of this work was the infiltration of defense indus- 
try in the area. The committee also obtained further corroboration 
of its view that the increased "underground" operations of the Com- 
munist Party since the Smith Act prosecutions have diminished the 
party's ability to propagandize and to recruit new members. 

•Successes and failures of Communist strategy in the Pacific North- 
west over a 16-year period were described with a wealth of docu- 
mentation by Eugene Dennett, a former Communist Party official in 
Washington State and Oregon. The party achieved "tremendous" 
politiciil influence in the area by its control of organizations such as 
the Washington Pension Union, according to testimony received by 
the counnittee in session in Seattle, Wash. 

•Massive new evidence on Communist activities and membership in 
southern California from 1928 through 1954 was presented by a num- 
ber of former undercover agents at committee hearings held in Los 
Angeles and San Diego. Former agent William Ward Kimple re- 
viewed some 300 documents and identified more than 1,000 party 
members in the course of testimony on party activities in that area 
in the 1930's. Committee hearings also ripped away the various dis- 
guises that had been assumed by California branches of the subversive 
American Peace Crusade. 

• National Committee To Secure Justice in the Kosenberg Case and 
local affiliates throughout the country were exposed as Communist- 
front organizations. A series of hearings on the Rosenberg committee 
showed that it Avas created and directed by the Communist Party for 
the purpose of building party membership and finances, and providing 
a powerful new propaganda weapon. A separate comprehensive 
report on tlie organization and the hearings is being prepared for 

The foregoing investigations and hearings are described in greater 
detail in subsequent sections of this report. A complete list of all 
printed hearings and publications issued by the committee in 1955 will 
be found in appendix I. 

The committee conducted a number of extensive investigations in 
1955 which has laid the groundwork for a series of public hearings 
to be held in 1956. 

Communist activities in the State of North Carolina and in the 
Rocky Mountain area were included among the subjects of investiga- 
tion last year. 

The committee also devoted considerable investigative effort to the 
field of Communist propaganda aimed at the men serving in the 
Armed Forces of our country, and their families. A self-styled Save 
Our Sons Committee was created in 1952 to carry on a Communist 
propaganda campaign among xVmerican prisoners of war in Korea 
and their families. For that purpose, the organization callously 
exploited the sincere desire of many persons for an end to the Korean 


war and the return of American prisoners. The Save Our Sons 
Committee continues to operate with its propaganda keyed to more 
current issues. Hearings on the acti^dties of this group are scheduled 
early in 1956. 

Overlapping or duplication of investigations by the several con- 
gressional committees with authority in the same field was avoided in 
1955 by mutual agreement of committee chairmen. This understand- 
ing was reached at a meeting held at the beginning of the 84th Con- 
gress by the chairmen of the House Committee on Un-American Activ- 
ities, the Senate Committee on Government Operations, and the Sen- 
ate Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee To Investigate the Admin- 
istration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security 


The value of this agreement was demonstrated in the com-se of the 
House committee's investigation into alleged Communist infiltration 
of the Government. This committee, for more than a year, had been 
investigating Communist cells which have operated within Govern- 
ment agencies, including the National Labor Relations Board. Con- 
siderable evidence had been developed by the committee staff. The 
Senate Committee on Government Operations, meanwhile, had also 
collected information regarding Communist infiltration of the Na- 
tional Labor Relations Board. In conformance with the agreement 
reached by committee chairmen, information obtained by the Senate 
committee was turned over to this committee, and duplicate investi- 
gations and hearings were avoided. 

In the course of the past year, this committee prepared and printed 
a cumulative index to all hearings and reports of the committee from 
its inception in 1938 through 1954. Whereas earlier cumulative in- 
dexes issued by the committee were confuied to the names of individu- 
als, the new index for the first time contains not only individuals but 
also organizations and publications mentioned in hearings and re- 
ports from 1938 through 1954. 

This mammoth project was undertaken in the belief that it would 
be of inestimable assistance to the work of the committee's staff, the 
Congress, and the various Federal, State, and municipal agencies con- 
cerned with the problem of the Communist conspiracy. The recep- 
tion which the new index has already received completely justifies the 
undertaking. The committee would like to call attention to the warn- 
ing, clearly carried in the index, that the mere listing of any person, 
publication, or organization in the index constitutes no evidence of 
derogatory information in committee hearings and reports. Anti- 
Communists as well as Communist individuals and organizations are 
frequently mentioned in committee publications and both have been 
listed in accordance with customary indexing procedures. 

Members of Congress have continued to call upon the committee 
for information on subversive activities. The reference section an- 
swered more than 1,300 requests submitted by individual Members of 
Congress during the past year, in addition to its services for the com- 
mittee staff and various agencies of the executive branch of the Gov- 
ernment. To supply these services, the committee maintains com- 
prehensive information files dating back many years and constantly 
growing in volume and value. 



The committee obtained evidence during the past year that 10 Com- 
munist cells, never before publicly identified, have operated within the 
executive and legislative branches of the Government. Members of 
the^e cells Avei'e without exception employees of the Government. 

This evidence came to the committee in the course of examining 
allegations early last year that a Communist cell had functioned 
within the National Labor Eelations Board. Months of painstaking 
investigation bv the committee statf established that a Communist cell 
had indeed existed among emploj^ees of the NLRB and that, in all 
probability, more than one Communist cell functioned within that one 
Govermnent agency. Continued investigation eventually produced 
positive information regarding a total of not less than nine Communist 
cells which operated at different times within various departments of 
the executive branch of our Government and another which had 
operated within the staff of a committee of the United States Senate. 

Preliminary public hearings on this subject of investigation were 
held in Chicago December 13-15, ]955. In these sessions, the com- 
mittee confined itself to taking the testimony of 7 individuals who 
were identified as having been members of various Communist cells in 
Government and who today reside in the Midwest. 

These hearings were highlighted by the testimony of Herbert Fuchs, 
who was employed by the Federal Government from 1936 until 1948. 
His testimony formed the opening wedge in this new phase of the 
committee's investigation of Communists in the Government. 

Mr. Fuchs testified that he had joined the Communist Party in 
New York City in 1931 and that he remained a member of the party 
until 1916. At that time, he said, he broke completely with commu- 
nism, both as an organization and as an ideology. 

Mr. Fuchs' first Government employment in 1936 was as an attorney 
on the staff of the "Wheeler Committee" of the United States Senate. 
The T\nieeler Committee was the popular designation for the Subcom- 
mittee To Investigate Railroads. Holding Companies, and Related 
Matters of the Senate Committee on Interstate ancl Foreign Commerce. 

From 1937 until 1918. Mr. Fuchs was employed as an attorney by the 
National Labor Relations Board in Washington, D. C, with the ex- 
ception of a 3-year period when he was assigned to the National War 
Labor Board. 

AMiile on the staff of the Senate subcommittee, ^Ir. Fuchs was a 
member of a Communist cell which included two other employees of 
the subcommittee and a fourth individual who was employed elsewhere. 

When he obtained employment witji the. National Labor Relations 
Board in the next year, Mi\ Fuchs was instructed by the Communist 
Party to join tliree 'otlier lawyers employed by the Board in organizing 
a Communist cell within that agency! Tliis cell, according to Mr. 
Fuchs, eventually attained a maximum membership of 17, most of 
whom were attornevs. The cell later was split into separate units. 

In November 1912, Mr. Fuchs was transferred to the National War 
Labor Board office in Washington, D. C. and from January 1913 to 
December 1915, he \vorked in that agency's regional office in Denver, 
Colo. Mr. Fuchs testified that he became a member of a Communist 
Partv cell within the Denver office of the National War Labor Board 
and that the cell had a maximum of 13 members. The witness said 


he also knew of the concurrent existence of another Communist cell 
within the Board's Denver office. 

Mr. Fuchs resumed work with the National Labor Relations Board 
in Washington, D, C, in 1946, at which time he rejoined the Commu- 
nist cell within that agency. 

During his membership in the Communist Party group within the 
NLRB, JNIr. Fuchs served as the group's official contact with higher 
Communist Party echelons in Washington, D. C. For a considerable 
period of time, ]\Ir. Fuchs' contact was A-^ictor Perlo, whose leading role 
in the Communist Party's program to infiltrate our Government was 
first revealed in the testimony of Elizabeth Bentley before this com- 
mittee in 1948. Mr. Fuchs testified he Avas required to contact Victor 
Perlo whenever he needed advice or instructions from the Commmiist 
Party. Mr. Fuchs said that Arthur Stein eventually replaced Mr. 
Perlo as adviser to the NLRB Communist group. Mr. Stein was a 
Government employee who had supervised Mr. Fuchs' Commmiist 
work at the time of Mr. Fuchs' employment in the United States 

During his testimony, Mr. Fuchs named as Communist Party mem- 
bers a total of 38 individuals who had never before been publicly iden- 
tified before this committee as Commimists, as well as a number of 
others who had been named previously. Twenty-five of the thirty- 
eight had been employees of various agencies of the Federal Govern- 
ment, and four others, Henry and Jessica Rhine and Sidney and Julia 
Katz, were also believed by Mr. Fuchs to have been employees of the 
Government at one time or another. Those named for the first time 
in the Chicago hearings by Mr. Fuchs were the following: 

James Stasinos; Leah Robison ; Arthur Stein (WPA) ; James Gorham* 
(Wheeler Committee) ; Samuel Koenigsberg (Wheeler Committee) ; Ellis Olim 
(ICC) ; Margaret Bennett Porter (Wheeler Committee; NLRB) ; Eleanor Nel><on 
(Labor Department); Henry Rhine; Sidney Katz; Julia Katz; Janet Buck 
Gaines Stern; Jessica Rhine; Martin Kurasch (NLRB; WLB) ; Joseph Robison 
(NLRB); Lester Asher* (NLRB); David Rein (NLRB); Woodrow Sandler 
(NLRB) ; Jacob H. Krug (NLRB) ; Mortimer Riemer* (NLRB) : Ruth Weyand 
(NLRB) ; Allen Heald* (NLRB) ; Harry Cooper (NLRB) ; Frank Donner 
(NLRB); Edward Scheunemann (NLRB; OPA) ; Bert Diamond* (NLRB); 
Lillian Kurasch; Cecilia Scheunemann (WLB); Gerald Matchett (WLB); 
Margaret Matchett; Raymond LaA'allee (WLB, Denver); Corina LaVallee ; 
Dwight Spencer (WLB) ; Mary Spencer; Don Plumb; Arlvne Plumb (WLB) ; 
Selma Rein, Bernard W. Stern (NLRB). 

As a leader of his cell within the NLRB, Mr. Fuchs attended section 
meetings with leaders of other Communist cells within various Gov- 
ernment agencies. Thus, Mr. Fuchs was in a position to ascertain the 
existence of a number of heretofore unknown Communist cells 
operating within other Government departments. 

Mr. Fuchs' testimony is an invaluable contribution to the com- 
mittee's investigation into Communist infiltration of Government and 
the committee appreciates his courageous disclosures regarding the 
large segment of the Communist underground in Government with 
which he had extensive personal contact. 

At its hearings in Chicago, the committee also received testimony 
from Mortimer Riemer, a practicing attorney in Cleveland, Ohio, who 
had been employed by the National Labor Relations Board in Wash- 
ington, D. C, from 1940 to 1947. Mr. Riemer confirmed Mr. Fuchs' 

* These individuals have appeared before the committee and answered questions regard- 
ing their knowledge of the Communist Party and Communist Party activities. 



testimony regardino- Mr. Riemer's own membership in the Communist 
cell at the NLRB and provided important coiToborating evidence re- 
garding the membership and activities of that cell. Mr. Riemer also 
identitied a group of lawyers with whom he had earlier been associated 
in the Communist Party in New York City. Most of these individ- 
uals have not previously been identified as being party members. 

Another witness heard by the committee in Chicago was Ellis Olim, 
whom Mr. Fuchs had identified as a member of his Communist cell 
while both were employed by the AVheeler Committee of the United 
States Senate. Mr. Olim had been an employee of the Federal Gov- 
ernment from 1937 to 1952. 

Mr. Olim at first declined to answer all questions by the committee 
regarding Communist Party activities on the ground of possible self- 
incrimination. During the course of his testimony, he was asked by 
the committee whether or not he would answer questions regarding 
Conuuunist Party activity if the committee petitioned the courts to 
grant him immunity from prosecution and such petition were aj)- 
proved. After a recess and consultation with his attorney, Mr. Olim 
stated that he would answer all questions put to him by the committee 
if he were assured of immunity from prosecution. This is the first 
instance in which a witness before this committee has agi'eed to testify 
under the protection of the immunity statute (Public Law COO) 
enacted by the 83d Congress. 

The committee has scheduled extensive public hearings early in 
1956, at which time it intends to probe much more deeply into the 
activities of organized, disciplined Communists who attempted to sub- 
vert our Government from within its official ranks. 

The new evidence obtained by the committee in the past year was in 
a sense forecast in 1948, wlien the testimony of Whittaker Cham- 
bers and Elizabeth Bentley before this committee gave the Congi'ess 
and the American public their first insight into the Communist 
underground in Government. 

Whittaker Chambers in the early 1930's served as a liaison between 
foreign Soviet espionage agents and various United States Govern- 
ment employees who were willing to betray classified information for 
the benefit of the Soviet dictatorship. The Communists in our Gov- 
ernment with whom Mr. Chambers maintained contact have been 
designated as the "Ware-Abt-Witt group after its leading members. 
Alger Hiss served a jail sentence in connection with his part in this 
conspiracy exposed by Mr. Chaml)ers. 

Elizabeth Bentley operated as a go-between for two other groups 
of Communists Avho were working within and against our Govern- 
ment in the early 1940's. She identified the members and activities 
of tlie Perlo group and the Silvermaster group, as well as certain 
Communists not attached to any ])articiilar cell. William Remington 
went to prison as a result of tlie information de\'eloped by her 

The testimony of Mr. Chambers and Miss Bentley clearly indicated 
that tlieir activities involved only a small segment of the total Soviet 
espionage underground in Government. The committee has con- 
tinuously sought to uncover the rest of this traitorous operation. 
These investigative efforts scored a major success in 1955. 

As the record of this type of Conununist subversion continues to 
accumulate, the conunittee is aware that some critics may attempt to 


dismiss the seriousness of the evidence on the ground that these par- 
ticular cells no longer operate within the Government. The commit- 
tee hopes it will not find these critics also joining in the clamor for 
the removal or reduction of security measures now designed to keep 
members of the Communist Party and other subversive organizations 
from gaining Government employment. The conunittee believes that 
a total exposure of the activities and objects of Communists within 
the Government in the past will contribute to a determined effort to 
maintain and improve the safeguards that have been erected against 
such conspirators. Only thus can we be confident that what has hap- 
pened in the past will not happen again. 


The Communists' use of summer camps to indoctrinate and disaffect 
American youth was exposed by the committee as a result of a series 
of hearings held last year. 

The committee focused its attention on six summer camps in New 
York State catering exclusively to children or to both children and 
adults, and on a seventh camp for "underprivileged" children in 

Committee research and investigation over a considerable period of 
time had revealed that an unusual number of individuals positively 
identified in testimony as having been members of the Communist 
Party were engaged in the ownership or operation of summer camps. 
The committee was anxious to determine whether Communist Party 
purposes were being promoted through these camps, and whether the 
lure of a "vacation" would enlist unwary youth and adults in a cause 
they would not knowingly endorse. 

The committee's concern w\as more than justified by the testimony 
on July 25, 1955, of Pvt. Stanley A. Wechkin. Private Wechkin is a 
21-year-old New Yorker, who had vacationed at Camp Kinderland, 
located at Hopewell Junction, N. Y., in the summers of 1947 and 

"When I came to Camp Kinderland in 1947, 1 was no Communist,'* 
Private Wechkin testified. "I think that primarily through the in- 
fluence of Camp Kinderland and, more specifically, the influence of 
my counselor, Herbert Gutman, I did eventually become a Communist 
in succeeding years." 

Private Wechkin stated that the camp accepted youngsters up to the 
age of IG and that the children were fed Communist propaganda in 
informal "spontaneous" discussions rather than in any organized 
fashion. The capitalist system was constantly derided in apparently 
casual talks with camp counselors and other employees, the witness 
said, and heavy emphasis was placed on the production of political 
pageants and on the singing of Communist songs. Books by Commu- 
nist authors were recommended to Private Wechkin by his counselor, 
who also enrolled the youth in his first front organization, a Youth for 
Wallace Club later known as the Young Progressives of America. 

For years after his experiences at Cam]> Kinderland, Private Wech- 
kin continued to work with sections of these Communist-front organi- 
zations located in New York City. From these groups, he "pro- 
gressed" to membership in the Labor Youth League, which is the suc- 
cessor to the Young Communist League and American Youth for 


Democracy, and whi(^]i today servos as the youth section of the Com- 
munist l*art3'. His Communist-front activities led him to enroll in 
classes in Marxist theory at the Connnunist Jefferson School of Social 
Science. Private Wechkin testified that he even sought membership 
in tlie Communist Party and, to that end, arranged a meeting with a 
local party functionarj'. Due to a misunderstanding as to the time 
and place of this meeting as well as his own misapprehensions about 
the party, Private Wechkin said he never actually became a member. 

Herbert Gutman, Private Wechkin's counselor at Camp Kinderland 
and an admitted member of the Communist Party according to Wech- 
kin, was thereafter called as a witness before the committee. He in- 
voked the iifth amendment in refusing to answer questions regarding 
the camp or the Connnunist Party. 

The committee also summoned before it 10 individuals who have 
been identified as members of the Communist Party and wdio at the 
time of their appearance before the committee held key positions in the 
operation of T sunnner camps in Xew York and California. Every 
one of these witnesses responded to questions regarding the Com- 
munist Party by invoking the fifth amendment against possible self- 
incrimination. The camps involved in this questioning included : 

Camp Lakeland, located at Hopewell Junction, N, Y. Private 
"Wechkin's testimony described Camp Lakeland as a summer camp 
for adults which held joint activities with the adjacent Camp Kinder- 
land for children in l!)-t7 and 1948. Committee investigation into the 
subsequent status of the camps showed that a "Camp Lakeland, Inc." 
became the owner and operator of both the adult and children's camps 
at Hopewell Junction in 1951. Mortgages on the property were held 
by the International Workers Order, a subversive organization which 
has since been liquidated on orders of the superintendent of insurance 
of the State of Xew York. David Green, current manager of Camp 
Lakeland, Inc., was questioned regarding the present operators and 
financial backers of the camps. He admitted that the Camp Lakeland 
corporation, headed by President Sol Vail, was today offering vaca- 
tion acconnnodations to 320 children and 250 adults. A dummy hold- 
ing company by the name of Sylvan Lake, Inc., holds $90,000 in mort- 
gages on tlie property, he also stated. A third of this sum, he con- 
ceded, was supplied in 1955 by a Philadelphia local of the Communist- 
dominated International Fur and Leather Workers Union. 

Evidence in the hands of the committee shows that both David Green 
and Sol Vail have been active members of the Communist Party as 
well as of the now defunct International Workers Order. Mr. Green 
pleaded the fifth amendment, however, in response to all committee 
questions relating to the Communist Party, the IWO, and party 
personnel at the camps. 

Wingdale Lodge, at Wingdale, X. Y. Prior to 1955 it served 
as a notorious Communist rendezvous under the name of Camp Unity. 
A total of 191 children and adults were in attendance at this summer 
camp at the time the committee heard testimony of its general man- 
ager, Kenneth Friedman. Mr. Friedman told the committee that 
he had helped to organize the new Wingdale Lodge corporation in 
March of 1955. However, the Loujack Camp Corp. wliich owned the 
property when it was known as Camp Unity continues as owner of the 
property, according to Mr. Friedman's testimony. 

H. Kept. 1648, 84-2 3 


Wlien questioned regarding the Communist Party affiliations of 
himself and various camp employees, Mr. Friedman invoked the fifth 
amendment. Elliott Sullivan, entertainment director at Wingdale 
Lodge, was then called as a witness and similarly refused to answer 
questions about Communist Party activities on the ground of pos- 
sible self-incrimination. Both Mr. Friedman and Mr. Sullivan have 
been identified as Communist Party members in previous testimony 
before the committee. The committee is convinced that Wingdale 
Lodge is no less a Communist project than its predecessor, Camp 

Camp Woodland, at Phoenicia, N. Y. Current attendance is 160 
children under the age of 16, according to Norman Studer, director 
of the camp, who was subpenaed before the committee on July 28, 
1955, and invoked the fifth amendment in response to questions con- 
cerning his membership in the Communist Party. 

Camp Timberline, at Jewett, N. Y., with an enrollment of T8 
children between the ages of 6 and 13 at the time of the committee 
hearings. Mr. and Mrs. Elton Gustafson codirect this summer camp 
which is owned by Mrs. Gustafson. Mr. Gustafson refused to answer 
pertinent questions by the committee on the ground of self-incrimina- 

Straight Arrow Camp, a day camp serving 85 children between the 
ages of 6 and 15, according to the testimony before the committee of 
Morris Salz, director. Prior to assuming charge of this camp at 
Goklens Bridge, N. Y., Mr. Salz admitted serving as an instructor 
at the aforementioned Camp Lakeland. He relied on the fifth amend- 
ment in refusing to affirm or deny previous testimony before the 
committee identifying him as a member of the Communist Party. 

Briehl's Farm, near Wallkill, N. Y., advertised in the Communist 
Daily Worker as a resort center for both youth and adults. Fred 
Brieiil, operator of the farm, invoked the fifth amendment when the 
committee questioned him regarding his membership on the Farm 
Commission of the New York State Communist Party, and on political 
office he has sought on a Communist Party ticket. Committee investi- 
gation reveals that this farm has also been used by the Communist 
Party as a training school for party leaders. 

Ormsby Village for Youth, a summer camp offering rural vaca- 
tions in Topanga Canyon, Calif., to "underprivileged" city children. 
At sessions in Los Angeles the committee took testimony from the 
following camp officials who also have records of Communist Party 
membership: Raphael Konigsberg, executive director; Jean Wilkin- 
son, camp director; and Frank C. Davis, member of the board of 
directors. The three officers declined to discuss Ormsby Village or 
Communist Party activities on the ground of self-incrimination. 
Sylvia Schoenfield, an identified Communist then serving as presi- 
dent of the Fi'iends of Ormsby Village, also invoked the fifth amend- 
ment when called before the committee. The organization which she 
heads had been active in raising funds for the support of Ormsby 

The permanent office address of Ormsby Village is 2936 West Eighth 
Street, Los Angeles^the address of the First Unitarian Church, of 
which the Reverend Stephen H. Fritchman is pastor. The owner- 
ship of Ormsby Village property is vested in an Ormsby Hill Trust, 


which has enjoj'ed a tax-exempt status on the basis of its "charitable" 
work in behalf of underprivileged children. Trustees of the fund are 
George Hugh llardynian and his wife, Susan Hardyman. The com- 
mittee subpenaed INIr. Hardyman, who admitted he had been instru- 
Tiental in establishing the Ormsby Village for Youth and had made 
substantial Jinaiicial contributions to the project. Mr. Hardyman's 
testiinony is reported more completely in the Los Angeles section of 
this report; it should be noted, however, that Mr. Hardyman was 
questioned concerning speeches he had made in Red China and other 
Iron Curtain countries in which he accused the United States of con- 
ducting germ warfare in Korea. While he denied actual Communist 
Party membership, Mr. Hardyman betrayed himself as a stanch 
supporter of the party by repeating his heinous propaganda state- 
ments at committee hearings ; he resorted to the fifth amendment when 
questioned about the Communist background of Oraisby Village 

The committee hearings confirmed investigative information that 
the Ormsby Village for Youth was another example of an attempt by 
known Communists to indoctrinate and disaffect American youth. 
The project is even more reprehensible because of its fraudulent claims 
to be a charitable enterprise. The committee is gratified to announce 
that, as a result of its exposure of the true character of Ormsby Village 
for Youth, the camp failed to operate during the summer of 1955, 

That many other summer camps have continued to function under 
the iead( ".ship of identified Connnunists is the subject of grave con- 
cern to the committee. The subjection of the impressionable minds 
of hundreds of children to Communist influence represents a danger 
which cannot be minimized. The danger is increased by the fact that, 
according to committee investigations, Communist propaganda and 
purposes are conveyed with much iliore subtlety today than they have 
been in the past. The committee will continue to expose the character 
of such Communist training centers for youth wherever they may be 
found. It is of equal importance, however, that parents become alert 
to the need for thoroughly investigating the nature of camps to which 
they entrust their children during the summer. 

During the course of its investigation into Communist-operated 
summer camps, the committee was encouraged to learn of a forth- 
coming investigation into this field by the New York State Joint Legis- 
lative Committee on Philanthropic and Charitable Agencies. The 
House Committee on Un-American Activities agreed to make avail- 
able to the State body any information in its possession which might 
assist the local investigators. Subsequent to our own hearings, the 
New York committee held extensive public hearings regarding the 
operation of summer camps in New York State. 


The committee continued its inquiry into Communist activities 
among youth groups with a hearing held on March 16, IDSS, in Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Five New York youths who have held official positions in the Labor 
Youth League or other Communist Party assignments involving youtli 
groups were subpenaed as witnesses at this hearing. They were : 


Leon Wofsy, national chairman of the Labor Youth League and 
reputed leader of the Communist youth movement in this country 

Joseph Bucholt, New York State chairman of the Labor Youth 
League until March 1955, when he was released to take another assign- 
ment. When asked by the committee whether his new assignment was 
with the Communist Party underground, IMr. Bucholt refused to 
answer on the ground of possible self-incrimination. 

Robert Fogel, one-time officer of the student division of the New 
York Communist Party, who later served as student director for the 
Labor Youth League. He succeeded Joseph Bucholt as New York 
State chairman of the LYL last INIarch. 

Sam Engler, former educational director of the New York State 
Labor Youth League. 

Ernie Parent, who has held the post of youth director with the 
Communist Party of New York City. 

Evidence in the possession of the committee shows that the Labor 
Youth League has functioned as tlie youth section of the Communist 
Party in recent years. The organization was cited in 1950 by Attorney 
General J. Howard McGrath as '*the organization for young Com- 
munists" which "has taken the place of the two prior organizations, 
Young Communist League and American Youth for Democracy." On 
February 15, 1955, the Subversive Activities Control Board rendered a 
decision declaring the Labor Youth League to be a Communist- front 

The committee considers it of prime importance to expose the 
methods by which the Communist Party seeks to influence the youth of 
our country and the degree of influence the party has managed to at- 
tain. The five aforementioned witnesses were subpenaed in the sin- 
cere belief that they possessed valuable information on Communist 
Party tactics directed against young Americans. 

For example, Witness Robert Fogel had expounded on the value of 
youth work to the Communist Party in an article appearing in the 
Communist Party organ, the Daily Worker^ in July of 1954. In the 
course of this article, Mr. Fogel quoted the following revealing state- 
ment made by Robert Thompson, one of the party's national leaders : 

Work among youth is not just another important field of work for our party 
and for the progressive forces ; it is a decisive field of work. In all truth we can 
say that the forces that win the youth of our country will win our country. 

The youths subpenaed by the committee have not hesitated to place 
before the public their alien Communist ideologies. When questioned 
on the same subject by this committee of the Congress, however, the 
five witnesses exercised their constitutional privileges against self- 

The committee has maintained a standing invitation to anyone who 
feels that he was incorrectly identified as a member of the Communist 
Party by any witness before the committee, to come forward and tes- 
tify in his own behalf. This invitation — which has been given at 
public hearings and publicized by press and radio — still stands. 


The extent to which Communists have infiltrated the entertainment 
industry in New York City was the focus of committee investigations 
and hearings in that city last year. 


Investigation sought to determine whether or not members of the 
Connnunist Party have obtained employment in entertainment media, 
and Avhat methods they might use to exploit the limitless propaganda 
resources oll'ered by the legitimate theater, radio, and television. The 
committee's investigation established that — 

(1) Comnnniists have been successful in finding employment 
in the Xew York entertainment field ; 

(2) the Communist Party is cashing in on the talent, reputa- 
tion, and financial resources of these party members; 

(3) cliques of active Communists operate within the various 
entertainers' unions, and the committee has identified a number 
of the leaders of the Communist fraction within the New York 
local of the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists; 

(4) radio and television networks continue to use the talents 
of Communist Party members because of inadequate information 
and investigative facilities ; and 

(5) a Conmmnist-supported propaganda campaign against 
"blacklisting" has completely falsified the true hiring policies 
applying to entertainers. 

In the course of public hearings in Xew York City, the committee 
heard 21 witnesses connected with the entertainment field. All of 
them had been identified to the committee as having been members of 
the Communist Party and almost all of them had very recent em- 
ployment by major television and radio networks. 

From evidence obtained during preliminary investigations, the com- 
mittee learned that these 21 witnesses had been active in propagandiz- 
ing in behalf of the Communist conspiracy. All were found to have 
served as featured entertainers at affairs sponsored by Communist- 
front organizations. When they appeared before the committee, all 
but one refused to answer questions regarding their Communist Party 
membership and activities. 

George Hall, the single witness courageous and patriotic enough to 
answer questions propounded by the committee, told how he had been 
recruited into the Communist Party and how the party had exploited 
his entertainment talents by having him appear at Communist fund- 
raising parties and various Communist- front affairs. The committee 
was shocked to learn that other possible cooperative witnesses had been 
effectively dissuaded from coming forward by pressure exerted by the 

Sam (Zero) Mostel, another member of the entertainment industry 
in New York City, was called before the committee at a later date in 
California, He was identified as a Communist Party member in 
previous testimony taken by the committee. Mr. Mostel denied mem- 
bership in the Communist Party at the time of his appearance as 
a witness but invoked the fifth amendment in response to all questions 
regarding past party activities, even, it is interesting to note, as recent 
as the very day before his appearance. 

During its investigations in New York City, the committee deter- 
mined that strong fractions of Communist Party members existed 
within the trade unions representing individuals employed in enter- 
tainment media. The function of these fractions was to discredit the 
non-Communist leadership, in the hope that the Commmiist Party 
would eventually gain control. Investigation uncovered a militant 


Communist fraction within the local affiliate of the American Federa- 
tion of Television and Kadio Artists. The committee was able to 
identify many of the leaders of this Communist nucleus. 

The principal activity of Communists within the AFTRA local 
was a campaign against so-called "blacklisting." Through their 
propaganda, these Communists had falsely convinced many fellow 
entertainers that they are denied employment if they at one time 
imiocently supported a cause sponsored by the Communist Party. 
This campaign was adopted by the Communist Party to trick non- 
Communists into supporting the efforts of party members to infiltrate 
the field of entertainment. The propaganda campaign also attempted 
to discredit the present officers of the AFTRA local because these 
officers could not be compromised by the Communist Party members. 

Under the instructions of the committee, the investigators examined 
closely the question of blacklisting. They found that the major net- 
works do have a policy of not hiring 'entertainers who have been 
identified under oath as Communist Party members, or who themselves 
have appeared under oath and refused to answer questions regarding 
party membership. 

There are exceptions to the enforcement of this policy, however. 
For example, networks broadcast or telecast "package" shows. These 
are written, cast and directed under the supervision of advertising 
agencies. The networks have no control over the subject pre- 
sented or the entertainers used. The committee found that through 
these package shows, Con.imunist Party members and apologists have 
been sent into the living i-oom of the American home. Investigation 
suggests that use of Communist entertainers has resulted from the 
practice of certain advertising agencies to close their eyes to the ques- 
tion of Communist affiliations and activities of various performers. 

With respect to the networks, it should be noted that they are not 
equipped to make investigations which would determine the identities 
of entertainers who are members of or sympathetic to the Communist 
Party. Furthermore, information that an entertainer has been identi- 
fied as a Communist or refused to answer questions on the subject, does 
not always come to the networks' attention. For months, a network 
employed an entertainer who had served a jail sentence in Washington 
State, resulting from his membership in the Communist Party. An- 
other network has presented the writings of an espionage suspect who 
is now using an alias to cover his past activities. Most networks 
which have used entertainers who are members of the Communist 
Party have done so because they are unable to establish such member- 

Investigation shows that if an entertainer was not used by the 
networks, the reason lay in information wliich directly related to the 
entertainer's Communist Party membership or deliberate support of 
Communist causes. On the otlier hand, the networks properly do not 
deny employment to an entertainer who might have innocently become 
involved with a Communist-engineered activity. 

The value to the Communist Party of having members in entertain- 
ment media has been adequately proved. During the committee's 
hearings in California, former Communists who were employed in 
that State's great entertainment industry, testified that the party used 
them as propagandists. They also stated that they were required to 


make exorbitant financial contributions to the Communist Party in 
the form of dues and special assessments. One witness testified that 
his payments to the party over the period of his membership totalled as 
much as $20,000. 

There is no question that the Communist Party likewise levies its 
dues and assessments on party members employed in New York's enter- 
tainment field. The financial asset represented by these party mem- 
bers increases considerably in view of the party's practice of utilizing 
their names or talent to raise funds in other quarters. 

Tlie propafrandist role of a Communist entertainer in New York 
may be illustrated by one of the witnesses before the committee, Peter 
Lawrence, who was producing an industrial show for General Motors 
at tlie time he was subpenaed. This concealed member of the Com- 
munist Party tried to influence his union to join in the Communist 
Party's propaganda barrage against the Government's prosecution of 
Communist leaders under the Smith Act in 1949. Plis petition to 
union members is reprinted below to demonstrate one of the many 
advantages obtained by the Communist Party from its members who 
have infiltrated the entertainment industry: 

Dear Equity Memijer : 

Last week some 25 members who were among the signers of the 7-point program 
petition to council met, at council's request, to select volunteers to serve on union 

During the course of this meeting a discussion took place and a decision reached 
that a question of vital, immediate importance to all union members, the trial of 
the 12 members of the national committee of the Communist Party, deserved 
serious examination and wider understanding. 

The Equity members gathered that evening began to see that they had failed 
to miderstand the direct significance of this trial to their union. The question 
of the detention of President Derweut, for example, is linked with the trial. 
Equity's stand against discrimination is under examination at the trial. 

The attacks against the actors in "They Shall Not Die" and the singers at 
Peekskill cannot l)e separated from the basis of the trial in Foley Square. 

In the belief that as many Equity members as possible should discuss this 
matter, ask questions and arrive at fuller understanding through such procedure, 
we have undertaken to call a meeting on Thursday night, September 8, at 11 : 30 
p. m., at the Capitol Hotel, 51st Street and 8th Avenue, to hear speakers on this 

Chief speaker will be Mr. David Livingston, vice president, local 65, Wholesale 
and Warehouse Workers Union. Mr. Livingston has a fine backgroimd in trade- 
union action and principles and we know you will find him an exciting speaker. 

In closing, we need not remind you of the historical importance of such a meet- 
ing as regards our union. In addition to making certain that you attend, will 
you please make arrangements NOW to bring AT LEAST TWO EQUITY MEM- 
BERS WITH YOU? Both Chorus and Actors Equity members should attend. 

We cannot afford the luxury of an additional reminder, so we urge you to 
make a note now of the time, date, and place. 
Respectfully yours, 

Peter Lawrence (s) 

It will be noted that this letter attempts to obtain Equity support 
for the Communist Party by exploiting the respect of Equity members 
for Equity President Clarence Derwent, the desire of Equity members 
to eliminate discrimination, and other interests of the unionists. 
"VMien Peter Lawrence appeared as a witness before this committee, 
he was given an opportunity to disprove that his letter was a Com- 
munist propaganda vehicle. He refused to explain, defend, or deny 
his actions. Instead, he invoked the protection of the Constitution — 
the very instrument which he and his Communist cohorts would 



Communist Party operations on a neighborliood level were revealed 
with unprecedented accuracy and detail as a result of the testimony 
of Mrs. Mildred Blauvelt last year. 

Mrs. Blauvelt is a detective with the New York City Police Depart- 
ment, who was assigned by the department to act as undercover opera- 
tive within the Communist Party. She served in this capacity from 
April 1943 until November 1951. 

The committee held 4 full days of hearings to receive the exhaustive 
evidence which Mrs. Blauvelt had gathered during her many years 
as a member of various Communist Party clubs in Manhattan and 
Brooklyn. Mrs. Blauvelt had often held office in these clubs, serving 
at times as treasurer, financial secretary, press director, and chainnan 
of fund drives. She also had occasion to meet with various section 
leaders who supervised Communist Party activities in larger areas 
encompassing numerous local clubs. Mrs. Blauvelt made regular 
reports to the New York police authorities throughout her undercover 
assignment. Copies of these reports, plus numerous documents ob- 
tained from the Communist Party itself, provided a solid basis of 
fact for her testimony before this committee. 

This committee has never before received such a complete and au- 
thoritative picture of Communist activities on a community level. In 
the course of her testimony, Mrs. Blauvelt named and located a total 
of 44 neighborhood clubs of the Communist Party in Manhattan, 
Brooklyn, and the Bronx. She also positively identified approxi- 
mately 500 persons whom she had known as party members from 
1943 to 1951. 

A neighborhood club of the Connnunist Party is composed of persons 
who live in proximity to one another and who are not assigned to 
other party clubs organized on the basis of a member's place of em- 
ployment or profession. The main objective of these neighborhood 
clubs was to sow the poisonous seed of subversion among loyal resi- 
dents and organizations located in the club's vicinity. 

Club members sought to influence their non-Commmiist neighbors 
by distributing Communist literature ; soliciting subscriptions to open 
or disguised Communist publications; and collecting signatures or 
funds to be used in Coimnunist propaganda campaigns. The more re- 
ceptive residents of a comnimiit}^ often were deceived into joining front 
organizations of the party. Many were eventually recruited into the 
party club itself. 

Communists who operated from neighborhood clubs were instructed 
to join or to assist in establishing community organizations devoted 
to popular issues such as schools, nurseries, and rent control in order 
to gain a voice for the party in connnunity affairs. Communists were 
specifically ordered to be active in consumer and tenant councils, 
parent-teacher associations, political-action committees, and the 
YMCA and YWCA. The Communists were particularly anxious that 
their members enter rightwing, conservative organizations in an effort 
"to influence them to think along Cormnunist Party lines," Mrs. 
Blauvelt reported. 

The inner workings of Communist Party clubs in regard to such 
matters as fund raising, party discipline, and security measures were 
described in unusual detail by Mrs. Blauvelt. 


^lembers of Communist neighborhood chibs were continually con- 
tributing money as a result of annual fund drives and innumerable 
"emergency" fund drives which were held by the national organiza- 
tion ot the Communist Party. The quota of a single club could run 
as high as $3,000. "The comrades were just being bled," Mrs. Blau- 
velt said, yet there was no specific accounting to these local party 
members on the use of the funds. During one annual fund-raising 
campaign in which the Brooklyn quota was $185,000, Mrs. Blauvelt 
was able to determine that 10 percent of the money would be dis- 
tributed among local clubs, 10 percent would go to section leaders, 
1 percent to the front organization, the Civil Kights Congress, and 
the remaining 79 percent to unknown quarters. Some emergency- 
fund drives were held to meet the expenses of a political election cam- 
j^aign or the legal defense of Communist leaders facing prosecution 
under the Smith Act. 

For her outstanding services as an undercover agent, Mrs. Blauvelt 
has been awarded a police department citation for exceptional merit. 
This award is given for "an act of bravery intelligently performed 
involving risk of life," and Mrs. Blauvelt is the first woman in the 
Xew York City Police Department to receive such recognition. 

This committee is indebted to Mrs. Blauvelt for the vast amount of 
information given the committee in her detailed and meticulously 
prepared testimony. Her services to the committee add much to the 
already extensive information heretofore accumulated on the Com- 
munist conspiracy. The committee commends the New York City 
Police Department for its foresight in taking early cognizance of the 
Communist menace and assigning Mrs. Blauvelt to her undercover 


A detailed expose of Communist activities in the Newark, N. J., area 
resulted from on-the-spot hearings held by the committee May 16 
through 19, 1955. 

The committee hearings spotlighted for the first time in the Newark 
area Communist machinations directed against labor, education, other 
professional groups, and the NeAvark community in general. Vari- 
ous New Jersey officials of the Communist Party, as well as repre- 
sentatives of the party's most powerful front organization, the Civil 
Rights Congress, were called as witnesses to develop a rounded picture 
of Communist operations in that locality. 

The names of some 75 Communist Party members in Newark had 
been supplied to the committee by a former FBI undercover agent, 
who operated in the Newark area from 1942 to 1951. The identity 
of this operative within the Communist Party was withheld by the 
committee in response to a request from the executive branch of the 
Government. Further valuable information on the identity and de- 
signs of Communists in the Newark area was furnished in the course 
of public hearings by Ernst S. Pollock, Anthony DeAquino, and 
Julius Kolovetz, all former members of the Communist Party, who 
also held office in Newark locals of district 4 of the United Electrical, 
Radio, and Machine Workers of America. 

Evidence of the continued Communist domination of the UE was 
graphically presented by these witnesses. Their testimony was bol- 
stered by the appearance before the committee of 12 current officials, 

H. Kept. 1648, 84-2 4 


organizers or employees of the UE in the Newark area. The 12 con- 
sistently invoked their constitutional privilege against self-incrimina- 
tion in refusing to answer questions by the committee, despite previous 
testimony placing these individuals in the Communist Party. Top 
official among the 12 was James McLeish, Sr., president of UE District 
Council 4, who administers union affairs in southern New York and 
northern New Jersey from headquarters in Newark. 

The now familiar pattern of a handful of Communists wielding 
iron control over union locals composed of hundreds of members was 
outlined again at the Newark hearings. Witness Pollock had joined 
the Communist Party with the understanding that such membership 
was essential to his holding the positions of international organizer 
and local president in the UE. He described Communist Party 
caucuses at which 7 or 8 Communist Party members decided what the 
union would do at its regular meetings. Union funds were diverted 
to various projects of the Communist Party and its front organizations 
and to subscriptions to Communist publications under the guidance 
of this minority, whose rule was facilitated by failure of the majority 
of union members to attend union meetings. 

An extraordinary and courageous fight, waged by a handful of 
loyal American trade unionists against strongly entrenched Com- 
munist leaders of a UE local in Newark, Avas related to the committee 
by Anthony DeAquino and Julius Kolovetz. The two witnesses 
testified that, as members of UE Local 447 representing some 5,000 
employees, they were disgusted to find that Communists "owned 
the union, lock, stock, and barrel and treasury" and "did anything 
they wanted and how they wanted to do it." Mr. DeAquino and Mr. 
Kolovetz decided to join the Communist Party cell within the union 
in order to gather evidence for a showdown fight with the Communists 
for control of the union. While posing as Communists, the two men 
obtained firsthand lessons in totalitarian methods. They observed 
the Communists' complete disregard for union rules whenever the 
interests of the Communist Party came in conflict. They saw union 
funds drained off for Comnnmist Party campaigns and front organi- 
zations; they participated in a Communist-led strike involving no 
legitimate labor issue; and they obtained documentary evidence that 
worker seniority records w^ere tampered with in order to save the jobs 
of Communists at the expense of loyal employees. 

"Wlien this evidence was finally presented to the total membership 
of local 447, Communists were voted out of control. But not before 
the two witnesses suffered physical violence from Communist gangs 
as well as fantastic smear attacks. Mr. DeAquino was represented as 
a safe-robber to the union membersliip and diabolic attempts were 
made to break up his home. Furthermore, to circumvent Communist 
chicanery in the crucial union election which ousted the Communists, 
loyal unionists were required to go to the considerable expense of 
hiring the services of the Honest Ballot Association. 

This aggressive action by Mr. DeAquino and Mr. Kolovetz in fight- 
ing Communist domination of their union is without comparison in 
the record of this committee's hearings. The committee expresses its 
admiration of these trade unionists and hopes that their story may 
prove profitable to other loyal unionists who are still victims of a 
ruthless Communist leaderehip. The extreme difficulties, and indeed 


actual physical dangers, involved in the removal of Communists in 
control of unions, demonstrate the need for a speedy application of 
legislation enacted last year to curb Communist domination of unions. 
The legislation, which was recommended by this committee, will strip' 
unions of bargaining riahts before the National Labor Relations 
Board when the Subversive Activities ( ontrol Board has determined 
such unions to be Communist-infiltrated and controlled. 

In the course of the Newark hearings, the committee also inquired 
into the operation of a well-organized bail fund campaign of the 
Civil Rights Congress of New Jersey. Investigation had revealed 
that solicitation was successful among well-meaning New Jersey resi- 
dents who were unaware of the purposes of the bail fund. The parent 
organization, the Civil Rights Congress, has been raising bail money 
for Communist leaders convicted under the Smith Act and for other 
party purposes. The absence of Communist court cases in New Jersey 
raised the logical question of whether funds raised in that State were 
being transmitted to New York Communists. 

David Rocklin and Lewis Moroze, treasurer and assistant treasurer, 
respectively, of the bail fund in New Jersey, were sunnnoned before 
the committee but invoked the fifth amendment when asked whether 
or not the funds raised by the Civil Rights Congress in New Jersey 
had been forwarded to other States to be used as bail money for Smith 
Act defendants in those States. The two witnesses also invoked their 
constitutional privilege when questioned about Communist Party ac- 
tivities, although both individuals had been previously identified 
before the committee as members of the Communist Party. 

Evidence introduced at the hearing revealed that the bail fund 
campaign was patterned after a corporate financing system. In re- 
turn for a substantial donation, a donor received an official certificate 
of deposit bearing a number and a vaguely worded promise that the 
funds would be used for "bail for defendants in cases involving 
violation of civil rights." Wliile the donation was called a non- 
interest-bearing loan, there was actually no assurance that the money 
would be returned to the donor because the certificate stated the return 
was conditioned upon the "safety" of the individuals for whom bail 
had been posted. Both the disposition of the funds and the "safety" 
of returning the loan were left to the judgment of a 4-man board of 
trustees — 3 of whom have been identified as Communist Party mem- 
bers before this committee. 

The committee hopes that its exposure of the dubious character of 
the bail fund certificates and the subversive connections of fund of- 
ficials will serve to curtail the ability of this Communist- front organ- 
ization to reap financial support in Newark as well as other communi- 

Preliminary committee investigations had revealed the existence in 
Newark of highly secret Communist Party clubs composed of profes- 
sional persons. The committee subpenaed Estelle Laba, Perry Zim- 
merman, and Robert Lowenstein, Newark public school teachers, and 
Frances Ormond, director of a private nursery school in Irvington, 
N. J., in the hope that they would provide information on the objects 
and success of the Communist Party among teachers. These four 
individuals had been identified as members of the Communist Party in 
Newark. All took refuge in the fifth amendment to avoid answering 


questions of the committee. The teachers were subsequently suspended 
by the Newark Board of Education. 

The committee received a similar lack of cooperation from a doctor 
of medicine who, the committee knew, was in a position to offer ex- 
tensive information on the operation of a Communist Party club in 
Newark composed exclusively of members of the medical profession. 
Other witnesses who invoked the fifth amendment in the course of the 
hearings included Solomon Golat, a lawyer associated with the Civil 
Rights Congress of New Jersey, Charles Nusser, then executive secre- 
tary of the Communist Party of New Jersey, and Joseph Fisher, labor 
secretary for the New Jersey Communist Party. 


The committee's continued investigation into Communist-dominated 
unions last year produced documented proof that leaders of such unions 
have misappropriated workers' dues for Communist Party purposes. 

Proof was obtained in the course of preparations for committee 
hearings on the activities of District 9 of the United Electrical, Radio, 
and Macliine Workers of America. This district has headquarters 
in Fort Wayne, Ind., and supervises the affairs of local unions in both 
Indiana and Michigan. 

The national organization of UE was expelled from the CIO in 
1949 because of the union's flagrant subservience to the Communist 
Party line. The committee scheduled an investigation and hearing 
in 1955 to determine whether the district office which guides locals in 
two important Midwest States was continuing the discredited policies 
of the national UE and placing Communist Party objectives above 
union interests. 

Investigation preceding the hearings showed that District 9 of UE 
was in fact operating under the control of Communists and their 
apologists, with workers' interests only a secondary concern when 
party purposes conflicted. In the course of this investigation, the 
committee obtained the official minutes of various meetings of the 
executive board of UE District 9. These documents contained in- 
controvertible evidence that the leadership of District 9 had diverted 
workers' iniion dues to the support of the Communist Party. 

The minutes obtained by the committee covered meetings of the 
District 9 executive board held on December 16, 1950; Februarv 2, 
1952 ; March 28, 1952 ; September 10, 1952 ; and October 6, 1952. With 
the record of only five executive board meetings in its possession, the 
committee can document the appropriation of more than $2,000 to 
Communist causes. The committee finds this practice particularly 
reprehensible in view of the fact that this money came from dues 
paid by workers who sincerely believed they were strengthening legiti- 
mate labor objectives. Less than 5 percent of the workers represented 
by Communist union leadership are members of or sympathetic to 
the Communist Party. Therefore, 95 percent of the membership of 
such unions are loyal Americans unwillingly or unwittingly forced 
to help finance a subversive conspiracy whose ultimate aim would 
destroy the very concept of a free labor movement. 

Among the Communist oriranizations to which the district 9 execu- 
tive board diverted workers' dues are the National Negro Labor Coun- 
cil, which has been cited as subversive by the Attorney General, and 


the Prisoners' Relief Committee, which solicited financial help for 
Commnnist Party leaders arrested under the Smith Act. District 9 
also ''generously"' gave away workers' money to such notorious indi- 
viduals as Harry Bridges and Harold Christoffel. Harry Bridges 
had been seeking funds to fight deportation proceedings. Harold 
Christoffel was active with other Communists in the Allis-Chalmers 
strike, which attempted to sabotage war production during the Hitler- 
Stalin pact. He had sought funds to defend himself against a perjury 
conviction resulting from his appearance before the House Committee 
on Education and Labor. By no stretch of the imagination can these 
expenditures serve the interests of any worker or union. 

A number of present or former leaders in the afl'airs of UE Dis- 
trict 9 were summoned to appear before the committee in public hear- 
ing in order to explore more fully the Communist abuse of the concept 
of unionism. 

Witnesses heard by the committee included : John T. Gojack, presi- 
dent of UE District 9 ; David Mates, a UE international organizer 
assigned to district 9 ; and Julia Jacobs, former secretary to John Go- 
jack in Fort Wayne, Ind., and at the time of her appearance office sec- 
retary of UE Local 931 in St. Joseph, Mich. These witnesses refused 
to answer all questions put to them by the committee regarding Com- 
munist influences in their union. All but one invoked tlie fifth amend- 
ment when questioned concerning charges regarding their own mem- 
bership in the Communist Party. 

Mr. Gojack invoked the first amendment in abusive and contemptu- 
ous testimony before the committee, and the House of Representatives 
has formally requested the Department of Justice to institute legal 
proceedings against Mr. Gojack for contempt of Congress. 

The attitude of Mr. Gojack before the committee belied his profes- 
sions of concern for the rights of organized labor. So does his record 
of energetic support of the Communist Party over a period of many 

Julia Jacobs, the office secretary of local 931, St. Joseph, Mich., is 
a Communist servitor whom the Communists have moved about at will. 
"WHien she was identified as a Communist Party member in Ohio and 
her usefulness impaired, she was moved to Fort Wayne, Ind., where 
she became a secretary to John Gojack. ^^Hiien need for a militant 
Communist became vital in St. Joseph, Mich., she was again moved. Li 
St. Joseph, Mich., she devoted much of her effort to deceiving workers 
into believing that support of the Communist Party and its members 
was support of the trade-union movement as a whole. 


David Mates, the UE iiiteniatioiial organizer, lias been a Commu- 
nist Party functionary for years. Evidence in the possession of tlie 
committee indicates that he was chairman of the Labor Commission 
of the Communist Party for Michigan. Mr. Mates was responsible 
for the employment of many Communists in union local offices. In 
this manner, the Communist Party always had informers in the midst 
of the workers. 

The committee has been trying to determine whether or not these 
informers are utilized by the Communist Party for the purpose of 
industrial espionage. The three aforementioned witnesses possess 
important kiiowledge which could assist the committee in its investi- 
gation of this type of Commimist subversion. Their refusal to answer 
questions thwarted the legislative process to an extent only the wit- 
nesses themselves know. Fortunately, documents obtained during 
the investigation added much to the knowledge which the Congress 
possesses on the international Communist conspiracy as it relates to 
the labor movement. 


Communist strategy in infiltrating youth groups, adult community 
organizations, and defense industry in the Milwaukee, Wis., area was 
exposed by the committee in the course of public hearings which were 
held in that city on March 28, 29, and 30, 1955, and continued in Wash- 
ington, D. C, on May 3, 1955. 

Tactics used to recruit youth into the Communist Party were 
graphically described by James Eggleston and Michael Ondrejka. 
In the late 1940's, these two young witnesses had joined the youth 
section of the Communist Party in Milwaukee as undercover agents 
for the FBI. They subsequently worked with the adult leadership 
of the party, continuing such activity up to 1955. 

Mr. Eggleston testified that the primary objective of Communist 
Party youth was to infiltrate and gain control of various non-Commu- 
nist youth organizations in the conununity. Mr. Ondrejka added that 
this infiltration program extended to church organizations and that 
Communist youth were instructed to join Catholic, Jewish and Meth- 
odist groups. The young Communists operated in response to orders 
from adult party leaders in the area, the witnesses said. 

The Comnuniists' most eifective tool for recruiting additional young 
people into the party was the "front organization," which was created 
by the Communist Party but paraded as a legitimate community activ- 
ity, according to this testimony. Both Mr. Eggleston and Mr. 
Ondrejka held office in the Young Progressives of America, a front 
organization which they said became a "stepping stone" to the Com- 
munist Party foi- many youths. Any youth could join the YPA, 
which lured members by its social-activities progi-am. Communists 
in control of the organization, however, watched for likely candidates 
for Communist Party membership and pushed such youths into in- 
creasingly closer contact with the party. Members of the YPA could 
"graduate" into the openly Marxist Labor Youth League and even- 
tually into the party itself. Following is an excerpt from Mr. 
Eggleston's testimony on this recruitment process : 

Mr. ErTGi>ESTON. To classify these organizations into, say, steppin.cstones, the 
Young ProiiTestsires of America was at tlie bottom of the list. They would take 


in members who caiue in with a i-diiimo'i interest on any snh.ject. very broad. 
When yon came into Yl'A yon were just another member. You had no special 
(inalitications whatsoever. After staying in tliat orjianization for some time you 
eonkl eU^vate yourself to a Labor Youth Leai;ue and then from the Labor Youth 
Lea,i,'ue you would go right into the party. It was merely a training pro- 
gram * * *. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the nature of the training program that was offered? 

Mr. Eggi.eston. To tind out or a feeler to lind out how the individual felt on 
certain issues, as to whether they could work on peace petitions, whether they 
would go and pass out leaflets and so forth. If you could do all of those things, 
you automatically elevate yourself to these other organizations. 

The testimony of Mr. Eggleston and Mr. Ondrejka was dramatically 
corroborated by Merle Snyder, who bared his own tragic experience 
of devoting 4 years of his life to an organization which he finally 
realized was onh^ destroying his ability to be a loyal citizen. Mr. 
Snyder told the committee that he had been recruited into the Com- 
munist Party in the exact manner described by the FBI's undercover 
agents. His "steppingstones," he said, were the Young Progressives 
of America, and its adult counterpart in "Wisconsin, the People's 
Progressive Party. 

Michael Ondrejka testified tliat, as he advanced in years, he also 
advanced into the realm of adult Communist Party activity. He 
emerged from the youth section in 1951, when Communist Party units 
were reduced to a minimum of 3 or 4 members as part of security 
measures then rigidly enforced by the party. Mr. Ondrejka was 
employed at that time with the Allen-Bradley Co., a manufacturer 
of electronic equipment in Milwaukee. 

The Communist Party, in line with its long-standing policy of 
infiltrating vital defense industry, realized the value of having an 
active party organization within the Allen-Bradley Co. Mr. On- 
drejka and John J. Killian, a fellow employee, were assigned the 
task of forming the nucleus of this organization. At a later time, 
the two were joined by Mrs. Darina Rasmussen, an ofRceworker with 
the local union holding bargaining rights for Allen-Bradley employ- 
ees. Both Mr. Killian and Mrs. Rasmussen appeared before the com- 
mittee and invoked their privilege under the fifth amendment when 
questioned concerning the activities of this Communist cell. 

Testimony taken by the committee in previous years has shown 
that the Communist Party, as a result of the arrest and conviction 
of its leaders under the Smith Act, has ordered many functionaries 
to drop open-party activities and go "underground." The committee 
has been of the opinion for some time that this action of the party has 
served to defeat two of its major objectives: The recruitment of 
members and the dissemination of propaganda. A striking con- 
firmation of this committee view was produced at the Milwaukee 
hearings during the testimony of Sigmund Eisenscher, present State 
chairman of the Communist Party of Wisconsin. 

Evidence introduced in the course of his testimony showed that 
]Mr. Eisenscher was "absent from^ the State on official party business" 
from 1051 until the summer of 1954. It was apparent that INIr. 
Eisenscher was actually "underground" at the direction of the (^om- 
munist Party during that period. He returned to open-party work 
in Milwaukee in the summer of 1954, even though he ran the risk of 
prosecution under the Smith Act. Evidence in the hands of the com- 
mittee indicated that the purpose of his return was to "bolster the 


failing party organization in the State." Mr, Eisenscher invoked 
the fifth amendment in response to committee questions regarding his 
activities in the Communist Party. 


Vast new knowledge regarding the membership and activities of 
the Communist Party in southern California was obtained by this 
committee during 17 days of hearings in that State last year. A 
total of 38 witnesses w^as heard by the committee, which held its 
sessions in Los Angeles with the exception of a 2-day hearing in 
San Diego. 

More than 1,000 members of the Communist Party in Los Angeles 
County were identified by witness William Ward Kimple, former 
undercover operative within the Communist Party for the Los Angeles 
Police Department. Mr. Kimple also verified approximately 300 docu- 
ments exposing Communist Party objectives and activities in that 
area. This witness had worked within the Communist Party from 
July of 1928 until September 1939. 

I)ocumented testimony on Communist Party activities in Los An- 
geles County, with particular emphasis on southwest Los Angeles, 
was also presented in the testimony of Stephen Wereb. Mr. Wereb 
served as an FBI undercover agent within the Communist Party from 
October 1943 until the beginning of 1948. Anita Bell Schneider, who 
operated within the party for the FBI from August 1951 to December 
1954, brought the committee up to date on Communist leadership and 
objectives in both Los Angeles and San Diego. 

The testimony of William Ward Kimple provided the most de- 
tailed and documented evidence ever received by the committee on 
Communist operations in Los Angeles County during the 1930's. The 
committee held 9 days of hearings solely to receive the testimony of 
this former undercover police agent. 

Mr. Kimple had access to this evidence as a result of the position 
he attained as assistant to the membership director of the Los Angeles 
County Communist Party. It was Mr. Kimple's duty to keep Commu- 
nist Party membership records, to assist in the annual registration 
of party members and in the annual issuance of party membership 
books, and to facilitate the transfer of party members from one unit 
to another. This undercover agent was also required by the party 
itself to know the location of every party member and to observe 
whether each was properly carrying out various party assignments. 

The voluminous documentary material which Mr. Kimple reviewed 
in the course of his appearance before the committee was, in most 
instances, obtained by himself or by his former wife, Clara Osvald 
Kimple, deceased, also an undercover agent for the Los Angeles police 
authorities. Some of this material had been obtained by the committee 
from other sources. Included among these hundreds of documents 
were membership lists of Comnuuiist Party cells in Los Angeles, 
Orange, and San Diego Counties; original membership and dues 
books of various individuals in the party; applications for party 
membership ; and membership lists of Communist Party front organ- 
izations. One of the documents is the Communist Party's record of its 
registration of all party members in Los Angeles County in 1939, 
The material also involves various party directives as well as reports 


by official Communist bodies such as the Los Angeles County Disci- 
plinary Committee. 


In the course of its hearings in California, the committee made 
special inquiry into the nature and activities of the Southern Cali- 
fornia Peace Crusade, a propaganda group with headquarters in Los 

Anita Bell Schneider, undercover operative within the Communist 
Party for the FBI from 1951 through 1954, presented valuable testi- 
mony on the operations of this organization. Although she lived in 
San Diego, she traveled frequently to Los Angeles and other Cali- 
fornia communities on party business. Among the Communist Party 
members in Los Angeles with whom she worked was Peter Hyun, 
executive director of the Southern California Peace Crusade. Mrs. 
Schneider herself was assigned b}^ the Communist Party to work with 
the peace crusade, which she clearly labeled as a party project to dis- 
seminate prevailing Soviet propaganda. 

On the instructions of Peter Hyun, Mrs. Schneider was installed as 
chairman of the San Diego Peace Forum, a counterpart of the Los 
Angeles organization. While the San Diego group professed to be 
autonomous, Mrs. Schneider testified that she periodically visited Los 
Angeles to make progi'ess reports to Mr. Hyun and receive additional 
directions from him on the operations of the forum. She also attended 
executive board meetings of the Southern California Peace Crusade. 

Mrs. Schneider stated that the Southern California Peace Crusade, 
the Northern California Peace Crusade, and the San Diego Peace 
Forum were branches of a national organization known as the Ameri- 
can Peace Crusade. The American Peace Crusade was subdivided 
into these ostensibly autonomous local organizations in accordance 
with a strategy taught by the Chinese Communist leader Mao 
Tse-tung, Mrs. Schneider said. The value of this subdivision lay in 
the fact that the whole propaganda operation would not be jeopardized 
by the exposure of any single unit as a Communist front. 

" The secretary of the Southern California Peace Crusade, Mrs. Sue 
Lawson, was thereafter called to testify before the committee. Mrs, 
Lawson has been identified as a Communist Party member by a num- 
ber of witnesses in previous committee hearings. She invoked the 
fifth amendment, hoAvever, in response to all questions regarding the 
Communist Party and the peace crusade. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities cited the American 
Peace Crusade as a front organization of the Communist Party in a 
report issued on April 25, 1951. From evidence obtained tlirough 
investigation and testimony in 1955, the committee concludes that the 
same subversive intent which it found in the American Peace Crusade 
is inherent in its branches : the Southern California Peace Crusade, the 
Northern California Peace Crusade, and the San Diego Peace Forum. 
All of these misnamed "peace" organizations continue to have a com- 
mon objective: The dissemination of Communist propaganda aimed 
at discreditiuff the United States and promoting a dangerous relaxa- 
tion in the ideological and military strength of our country. 

Mrs. Schneider also described the efforts of the Communists to infil- 
trate churches in San Diego. Mrs. Schneider herself was instructed to 



infiltrate two local cliurclies on different occasions. The purpose of 
this Communist elTort was to obtain influence over the ministers, the 
members of the various congregations, and social action groups where 
such existed. Mrs. Schneider related that when the Communists were 
expelled from the San Diego First Unitarian Church by the pastor, 
Peter Samson, they set up a competitive organization, the Community 
Unitarian Fellowship. This was designed to operate as a "nonreli- 
gious" front organization, and a number of unsuspecting members of 
the First Unitarian Church w^ere duped into joining it, ]Nirs. Schneider 
said. Tlie Communist group was refused recognition both by the San 
Diego Unitarian Church and by the American Unitarian Association, 
the parent body of Unitarian churches in America. 


George Hugh Hardyman was questioned by the committee on June 
28 and 29, 1955, regarding a speaking campaign which he con- 
ducted in Iron Curtain countries and in the United States under the 
sponsorship of the aforementioned Southern California Peace 

Mr. Hai'dyman is a retired citrus rancher living in Topanga, Calif. 
A Britisher by birth, he immigrated to the United States in the early 
1920's and has since become a naturalized American citizen. 

Evidence introduced at the hearing showed that Mr. Hardyman was 
part of a 14-member delegation from the United States to an Asian 
and Pacific Peace Conference held in Peking, China, in November 
1952. The trip to China was sponsored by the Southern California 
Peace Crusade. In his passport application, which must be sworn to 
by the applicant, Mr. Hardyman had informed the State Department 
that he intended to travel to "Australia, Canton Islands, etc." for 
pleasure and to visit his brother. It was State Department policy at 
that time to stamp all passports "Not valid for travel in China." 

During the month preceding the conference in China, Mr. Hardy- 
man is known to have obtained from the Czechoslovakian Embassy in 
Paris a visa to enter that Iron Curtain country. By early November 
he had arrived in China where he was represented as being deputy 
director of the American delegation to the Asian and Pacific Peace 

Mr. Hardyman delivered a speech in China which was recorded for 
rebroadcast to other parts of the world. In it, he callously accused 
the United States of peipetrating a crime against mankind by waging 
germ warfare in Korea, among other charges. Typical of his speech 
is the following excerpt : 

The Conference condemned vigorously the actions by our Government, espe- 
cially the use of biological warfare for the spreading of disease in Korea and 
northeast China. A careful study of the report of the International Scientific 
Commission and the extensive collection of evidence on exhibition here, includ- 
ing the handwritten testimony of four of our pilots and the tape records of 
their voices, have left not the slightest doubt in the minds of any delegates to 
this Conference, including the 14 delegates from the United States, that our 
Government has used this revolting method of warfare on a wide scale, but the 
blame for this crime against mankind was never once placed on us, the American 

A similar speech was delivered later by Mr. Hardyman in Warsaw, 
Poland. ITpon his return to the United States, he was utilized exten- 


sively by the Soutliern California Peace Crusade for the purpose of 
propagating simihir Connnunist lies in this country. 

In his ap})enrance as a witness before the connnittee in June, Mr. 
Hardyman refused to answer all questions regarding his trip behind 
the Iron Curtain and his activities in Communist "peace" projects on 
the ground of possible self-incrimination. The witness has never been 
identified before the committee as a member of the Conmiunist Party, 
and he denied at the hearing that he has ever held such membership. 
Unfortunately, Mr. Hardyman at the same time took the opportunity 
to repeat his heinous and utterly ridiculous charge that the United 
States waged germ warfare during the Korean war. 

This committee was greatly disturbed to learn that our enemies 
obtained freely from jMr. Hardyman the same treasonous statements 
which they were simultaneously trying to force from American 
prisoners of war by brainwashings and other tortures. It is unfor- 
tunate that American soldiers can be prosecuted for cooperating with 
the enemy in such circumstances while persons like Mr. Hardyman 
escape punishment. 

The committee has submitted a record of Mr. Ilardyman's testimony 
to the Department of Justice, with the request that the Department 
analyze the evidence and determine whetlier or not this witness can 
be prosecuted for his treasonable activities behind the Iron Curtain. 
Tlie committee has also asked the Department of Justice to institute 
immediate legal proceedings against Mr. Hardyman for falsifying a 
sworn passport application. 


The Korean Independence., a bilingual Korean-English newspaper, 
has been published in Los Angeles since approximately 194:3. Inves- 
tigation conducted prior to the committee hearings in the past year 
established that the Korean Independence is exclusively a vehicle 
for Communist Party propaganda. The newspaper is circulated 
among persons of Korean descent for the purpose of popularizing 
the policies of the Soviet Union, the North Korean Government, and 
the Communist conspiracy in America. The Southern California 
Peace Crusade and similar Communist fronts have received strong 
support in the columns of this publication. 

The editor of the publication is Kim Kang. also known as Kim Dia- 
mond, an alien l>orn in Xorth Korea. Party documents in the com- 
mittee's possession indicate that the west-coast Communists of Ko- 
rean descent consider Mr. Kim's publication an "organ" of the Com- 
munist Party and that Mr. Kim's address has been used as a mail drop 
for communications between the Communist Government of North 
Korea and west-coast Communists. The documents also indicate 
that Mr, Kim himself has been in communication with the Govern- 
ment of North Korea. When questioned regarding this evidence, 
Mr. Kim invoked the fifth amendment to the T'nited States Constitu- 
tion, to which he neither owes nor has pledged allegiance and for 
which he cares naught. Mr. Kim was ordered deported as long ago as 
April 194?). Through a variety of legal maneuvers, however, he has 
been able to remain in this country up to the present time. 


The committee's hearings in Los Angeles and San Diego heard a 
number of other witnesses who were called in connection Avith a con- 
tinuing inquiry into Communist activities within the motion-picture 
industry, education, labor, and such front organizations as the Inde- 
pendent Progressive Party. The committee developed extensive in- 
formation on a Communist-operated summer camp near Los Angeles 
known as the Ormsby Village for Youth. This investigation is de- 
scribed in detail in a special section of this report dealing with summer 


Communist objectives and accomplishments in the Pacific Nortli- 
west were the subject of continued committee inquiry in 1955. 

The committee held sessions in Seattle, Wash., on March 17, 18, 
and 19, 1955, to take testimony of witnesses who could not be heard 
when the committee held its first hearings in that area in 1954. The 
committee also desired to explore additional evidence of Communist 
Party activities obtained through continuing staff investigations. 

Eugene Dennett, who rose to responsible posts in the party organ- 
ization of the Pacific Northwest during the period from 1931 to 191:7, 
gave the committee comprehensive, documented evidence regarding 
the successes and failures of Communist strategy in Washington and 
Oregon. Communist activities in both States were supervised by a 
district bureau of the Communist Party and a smaller secretariat 
within the bureau ; ]\Ir. Dennett had been a member of each of these 
im]^ortant Communist units. Throughout his membership in the 
party Mr. Dennett collected Communist directives and literature in 
such volume that the committee staff has not yet been able to complete 
an evaluation of the material. 

The testimony of Mr. Dennett bared 16 years of Communist duplic- 
ity directed against the population of the Pacific Northwest. He 
described the strategy and accomplishments of the party in using such 
front organizations as the Unemployed Councils and the Trade Union 
Unity League in the very early 193b's, the Workers' Alliance and the 
Washington Commonwealth Federation which appeared later, and 
the Washington Pension Union still operating in that locality today. 

How Communists seize and corrupt worthy organizations for their 
own unscrupulous purposes was illustrated by Mr. Dennett's testimony 
regarding the Washington Pension Union. Corroborating and elabo- 
rating on evidence produced at the 1954 hearings of the committee, Mr. 
Dennett stated that this Communist front developed out of a sincere 
movement by retired persons for improved pension benefits. The 
Communist Party concentrated on getting its members into positions 
of leadership in the Old Age Pension Union, as the movement was then 
designated. Although anti-Communists had headed the union, Mr. 
Dennett said that Communists obtained control by carrying on "a re- 
lentless struggle for better and more welfare assistance to the aged 
people so as to insure their loyalty and support" to Communist leaders. 
The purpose of this Communist control, however, was "to be certain 
that a large body of people became ardent supporters and friends of 
the Soviet Union so that it would be possible to defend the political 
policies of the Communist Party in that respect and to give assist* 
ance to the Communist program in this area." Mr. Dennett testi- 


fied that the Communist Party considered the pension organization to 
be a special prize because of the political influence it could wield. 
He said. 

* * * here was a potential group of people capable of doing enormous amounts 
of political work. Remember, please, their situation : They were retired ; they 
had ceased working daily on a job. Therefore, they had the leisure time to do 
Avhat they wanted to do in most instances * * *. The result was that some of 
these people could go out and peddle leaflets and knock on doors. They consti- 
tuted an enormous political strength. And the Communist Party conceived 
the idea that these people certainly would be the most able people to carry on 
political programs if they could be won to support such a program * * *. 

Subsequent testimony taken by the committee in Seattle showed 
that the Washington Pension Union, under Communist control, did 
achieve a "tremendous" influence witli political parties in the State. 

Communist miscalculations in the struggle for political influence 
were also related by Mr. Dennett. For example, in an effort to capi- 
talize on a certain popular issue, the Communists committed them- 
selves to support a legislative measure which was submitted to the 
voters in a statewide election. The Communists thereafter decided 
it "would be smarter politically" if the measure were not adopted. 
To resolve this predicament, the Communists embarked on a vigorous 
preelection campaign, in which they represented themselves to the 
voters as being in favor of the legislation but explained the measure 
in such a way as to convince listeners they should vote against it. The 
measure was defeated as a result of these tactics, Mr. Dennett said. 

An unusually important document which Mr. Dennett submitted 
into the record of the hearing exposes the Communist theory of or- 
ganization in a detail rarely seen by this committee. This document, 
entitled "How the Communist International Formulates at Present 
the Problem of Organization," was written by a Russian Communist, 
but it became law for local Communist Party leaders such as Mr. 
Dennett. Although the words were originally written in 1930, the 
committee observes a startling parallel between the theory laid clown 
in this document and the current practices of the Communist Party 
in America. The Soviet writer outlined a system of secret organi- 
zation and communications for Communist parties in countries where 
such activities are considered illegal; the system is applicable to the 
party in tliis country today. Methods of infiltrating industry and 
various community organizations were set down step by step in the 
document ; they match the actual experiences related by many former 
Communists who have appeared before this committee. 

This document deserves close study by anyone who seeks to under- 
stand the motivations and operations of the Conununist Party. There- 
fore, extensive excerpts from the document have been reprinted as 
appendix II to this report. 



Hearings on the National Committee To Secure Justice in the Rosen- 
berg Case, and its affiliates, held in Washington, D. C, August 2-5, 
1955, clearly established the fact that the organizations were created 
and directed by the Communist Party. 


Testimony relating to the major areas where the Rosenberg cam- 
paign was conducted disclosed that the leadership was tightly in the 
hands of Communist Party members, working through the party or 
through its auxiliaries such as the Civil Rights Congress. The na- 
tional committee had a concealed Communist as president, Louis 
ITarap, editor of the Communist magazine Jewish Life. Leaders of 
the Rosenberg organizations in Boston, Philadelphia, Washington, 
D. C., Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago, Milwaukee, and Los Angeles were 
all identified as Communist Party members. 

The testimony of various witnesses disclosed that the primary pur- 
poses of the organization — nominally created to "defend" the con- 
victed spies, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg— were actually: (1) to re- 
vitalize the Communist rank-and-file organization by recruiting count- 
less new dupes into the Communist conspiracy; (2) to provide a new 
source of funds for subversive activities; and (3) to discredit the 
United States and its system of justice, and to cloak purges and other 
excesses in process behind the Iron Curtain. 

The current campaign— aiming at the vindication of the Rosen- 
bergs and the release of coconspirator jSlorton Sobell, now serving a 
30-year prison term— is being conducted by the National Committee 
To Secure Justice for i\Iorton Sobell in the Rosenberg Case. This new 
name for the Rosenberg organization was adopted at a national con- 
ference in Chicago in October 1953. The Sobell committee has re- 
quested the Senate Judiciary Committee to investigate the supposed 
"injustices" in both the Rosenberg and Sobell cases. 

The purpose of the committee's hearings on the Rosenberg organ- 
izations was clearly enunciated by Chairman Walter at the opening 
session : '^ 

The committee has received numerous inquiries from Members of Congress and 
private citizens as to whether organizations established throughout the United 
States linown by various names such as "The Committee To Secure Justice in 
the Rosenberg Case," "To Secure Clemency for the Rosenbergs," and "To Secure 
Justice for Morton Sobell" are being exploited by the Communist Party for 
ideological purposes as distinguished from humane purposes, and inquiring as to 
the extent of Communist Party control or influence in the establishment and 
operation of such organizations. In response to these inquiries, and in dis- 
charge of the legislative duties placed upon this committee, the Committee on 
Un-American Activities has decided to hold hearings beginning today for the 
purpose of investigating the extent, character, and objects of Communist Party 
propaganda activities within such organizations. 

Analyzed as a whole, the hearings unmasked the Rosenberg cam- 
paign as one of the most fraudulent ventures ever foisted by the Com- 
munist Party upon the American people. Throughout the Nation, 
the national committee itself was able to collect some $300,000. With 
the funds raised by the various local organizations — numbering more 
than 40 at the peak of the campaign— a total can be estimated at 
least at a half million dollars. (The Internal Revenue Bureau has 
made a determination that the Rosen]>erg committee owes $124,121.96 
in back taxes and penalties. The organization is charged with de- 
ducting as operating expenses sums actually spent for propaganda 
purposes, and failing to prove its income was the result of "gifts.") 
Although these funds were spent for such specific purposes as fees for 
the lawyers of the condemned pair, the money in general served to 
finance the single Communist objective of discrediting America and 
its institutions in the eyes of the world, an4 disseminating the lie at 


home and abroad tliat the United States is a nation ruled by "depraved 
Fascists," bent on the annihilation of minority groups and the very 
idea of democracy itself. 

One of the most siiznilicant disclosures of the hearings concerned 
confidential memoranda in the handwriting of David Greenglass — 
a coconspirator and Ethel Rosenberg's brother — whose testimony pro- 
vided the overwhelming evidence of the Rosenbergs' guilt. In an 
affidavit given to this connnittee, Greenglass' lawyer, O. John Rogge, 
stated that the documents had been filched from his files. 

The documents were first published in the French press by the 
French Rosenberg committee on April 18, 1953, just after Joseph 
Brainin, chairman of the American Rosenberg connnittee, had made a 
stopoff in Paris in the course of a 10-day trip to confer with leaders of 
European Rosenberg organizations. (Mr. Brainin was excused from 
appearing before the committee on his physician's certification of 
illness.) The documents were subsequently widely disseminated by 
the Rosenberg organization in the United States. 

When asked whether he or other members of the national committee 
were involved in the theft of the documents, David Alman, national 
committee executive secretary, refused to answer on the ground of 
possible self-incrimination. 

James Glatis, a volunteer FBI undercover member of the Com- 
munist Party from 1949 until 1954, testified that the Boston Rosen- 
berg organization was created by the Communist Party of Boston 
and met initially at the home of Herman Tamsky, the regular meeting 
place of the East Boston section of the party to which Mr. Glatis 
belonged. Mr. Glatis identified both Herman Tamsky and his wife, 
Florence, as members of the party. Mr. Tamsky functioned as chair- 
man of the Boston Rosenberg organization. The executive secretary 
was Sue Koritz, also identified by Mr. Glatis as a Communist Party 
member. Her husband, Philip Koritz, also named by Mr. Glatis as 
a party member, aided the Rosenberg campaign in his capacity as 
chairman of the Boston Civil Rights Congress. A former organizer 
for various Communist-dominated unions in the South, Mr. Koritz 
was described by Mr. Glatis as being completely subject to Communist 
Party discipline. Other Communist Party members identified by Mr. 
Glatis as active in the Rosenberg campaign were Herbert Zimmerman, 
the party's educational director; and Edith Abber, another function- 
ary, both of whom were indicted by the State of Massachusetts for 
teaching and advocating the overthrow of the Government by force 
and violence ; and one Sid Rayden. Mr. Glatis said that he partici- 
pated in the Rosenberg campaign on the orders of x\nn Burlak, a 
member of the national committee of the American Communist Party 
and a ranking official of the party's New England apparatus. 

The purposes of the campaign, he testified, were these : 

First, the securinjr of financial assistance, or securing funds for the Commu- 
nist Party, and, secondly, there was the necessity of using this particular issue 
on a basis of propagandizing the fact that one of the reasons why the Rosenbergs 
were being executed was because they were Jewish. In other words, giving them 
a foundational basis for preaching there was anti-Semitism in the United States; 
and, third, and most important to the Communist Party, was the Sftct that there 
were anti-Semitic programs taking place within the Soviet Union. 

The Rosenberg organization, like all Communist-front groups, Mr. 
Glatis testified, further served "the basic purposes" of recruiting new 


members for the party and providing additional finances for general 
party work. 

As for the Rosenbergs themselves, the witness declared, "the Com- 
munist Party didn't give a hoot about [them] or about any of the indi- 
viduals whom they allegedly supported * * * and milked to the 
extent of whatever they could financially and from a propaganda 

Herman Tamsky and Philip Koritz, in their appearance before this 
committee, refused to answer any questions concerning the activities 
of the Rosenberg organization or about their Communist Party mem- 

The pattern of Communist organization described by Mr. Glatis 
was corroborated by the testimony of Herman E. Thomas, an under- 
cover member of the Lehigh Valley Communist Party apparatus; 
Anzelm A. Czarnowski, of Chicago; and Milton J. Santwire, of 

Mr. Thomas testified that the Rosenberg campaign in the vital 
Lehigh Valley area was supervised directly from the Communist 
Party district headquarters in Philadelphia and was carried out by 
party members locally. Rosenberg literature was brought from Com- 
munist sources in Philadelphia by local Communists and occasionally 
by district functionaries from the Philadelphia headquarters. "The 
Communist Party in Allentown," Mr. Thomas testified, ''undertook 
the responsibility of dissemination of that material." He identified 
the following as Communist Party members who were active in the 
Rosenberg activities in the Allentown area ; Irving Riskin, Adelaide 
Riskin, Michael Freedland, Sylvia Freedland, Ilarriet Karol, Billie 
Jane Lipsett, Ted Norton, and Maude and Scott Nichol. Ted Nor- 
ton, a former librarian of Lafayette College, and Miss Lipsett were 
in charge of the campaign in Easton, Pa. Mr, Thomas also described 
some of the techniques of Communist finances whereby funds raised 
by and for front organizations were in reality turned over directly to 
the party. Sylvia Freedland and Adelaide Riskin, from Allentown; 
Ted Norton, and Jean D. Frantjis, chairman of the Philadelphia 
Rosenberg Committee, who was also identified by Mr. Thomas as a 
Communist Party member, took refuge in the fifth amendment to 
avoid answering questions concerning Rosenberg activities and Com- 
munist Party affiliations. 

Mr. Czarnowski, another volunteer FBI member of the Communist 
Party, testified that Rosenberg literature in Chicago was obtained 
from the Communist Party bookstore. Some of it was published by 
the National Rosenberg Committee and some by the Communist Party 

Mr. Tavenner. What were you told to do with this material which you got 
from the Comnumist Party bookstore dealing with the Rosenberg matter? 

Mr. Czarnowski. We were supposed to distribute that to the public. Each 
member of the Communist Party was responsible to purchase many copies and 
then distribute them to the public. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that done in Chicago? 

Mr. Czarnowski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Santwire testified that it was through the Communist Party 
circles with which he was in contact, that he first heard of the prospec- 
tive Rosenberg activity in Detroit. Mr. Santwire's testimony dis- 
closed that the Rosenberg organization in Detroit was almost 


exclusively in the hands of party members and officials. One of these, 
identified by i\Ir. Santwire as an active Communist Party member, 
was Anne Shore, director of organization of the Michigan Civil Rights 
Congi'ess. Others were Ethel Jacobowitz, Gert Schatz, Philip Halper, 
Sol Grossman, Nelson Davis, Tom Crow, Art McPhaul, executive 
secretary of the Michigan Civil Rights Congress, Helen Travis, and 
Lydia ^Mates. The head of the Detroit Rosenberg organization was 
Mrs. Leo (Pat) Rush, who has been identified by Mrs. Bereniece 
Baldwin, in another hearing before this committee, as the former 
chairman of the North Dexter Communist Party Club in Detroit. 
Investigations by the committee have revealed that another leader 
of the Detroit Rosenberg organization was Eve Neidelman, who was 
employed at the time of her appearance before the committee by the 
United Automobile Workers in Detroit. Wrappers on Rosenberg 
literature found at meetings in Detroit show that the material was 
addressed by the national committee to Miss Neidelman. Mrs. Bald- 
win has identified ]\Iiss Neidelman as former chairman of the Detroit 
12tli Street Communist Club. Other information available to the 
committee indicates that Miss Neidelman was the private secretary 
to Elmer Johnson, State secretary of the Communist Party for Dis- 
trict 7 in 1943. In her appearance before this committee, Miss Neidel- 
man refused to affirm or deny Communist Party membership and 
similarly refused to answer all questions concerning Rosenberg 

Other witnesses at the committee's hearings were Don Rothenberg, 
Washington representative of the national committee ; his wife, Mil- 
dred Rothenberg, executive secretary of the Cleveland Rosenberg 
Committee; John B. Stone, and Ethel Weichbrod, leaders of the 
Washington, D. C, Rosenberg organization; Josephine Granat, ex- 
ecutive secretary of the Chicago Rosenberg Committee ; David Alman, 
executive secretary of the National Rosenberg Committee; his wife, 
Emily Alman, treasurer of the national committee and later executive 
secretary of the National Rosenberg-Sobell Committee — the name 
given the organization following the execution of the spies; Ruth 
Belmont of the Chicago Rosenberg-Sobell Committee ; Louis Harap, 
and John Gilman of the Milwaukee Rosenberg Committee. 

Don Rothenberg, John Gilman, John Stone, Ethel Weichbrod, and 
Louis Harap have all been identified in sworn testimony as mem- 
bers of the Communist Party. All refused to divulge any information 
on the nature and activities of that organization and on their own 
status as Communist Party members. Unanimously, they exhibited 
the same contempt and defiance that sealed the fate of the spies whom 
they championed so vocif erousl3^ 


The committee maintains a large collection of information on the 
subject of subversive activities covering, in general, the years 1938 to 
date, although there is a wealth of even older material on file. 

This valuable collection is maintained in order to furnish reference 
service not only to the committee's own members and staff for use as 
background material and actual exhibits in investigations and hearings 
but to every Member of Congress who submits a written request for 
information in this field. 


This reference service goes far beyond the ordinary type which 
simply points out the best sources of information to the person making 
inquiry. Whenever references to the subject under consideration are 
found in public source material, a written report of that information 
is furnished setting forth, point by point, what appears and where it 
appears, together with any pertinent citations by this committee or the 
Attorney General on every organization involved. 

Although the usefulness of this service cannot be judged entirely by 
statistics, the following figures do indicate that there is great interest 
in and need for the information. During 1955, more than 1,300 re- 
quests were received from the Members of Congress, necessitating a 
check of source material in the committee's public records, files, and 
publications for information on 4,325 individuals and 911 organiza- 
tions, publications, and more general subjects. In 3,181 instances, 
information was found in committee records and was com]:)iled into 
detailed reports sometimes as long as 12 to 15 pages on a single subject. 

The constant use of the collection by the committee's own employees 
can be only partially described by statistics. However, the reference 
section staff has supplied to other staff members written reports on 
1,272 individuals and 58 organizations over the past 12 months, has 
given verbal answers on 2,072 persons and 1,011 organizations, and 
has searched out and supplied copies of 800 or more exhibits for use in 
investigations and hearings. 

Still another service of the reference section is furnished to desig- 
nated representatives from various agencies of the executive branch of 
the Government, who are permitted, 4 days each week, to use the 
resources available here in making security checks. It has been neces- 
sary, because of comparatively limited space and facilities, to restrict 
the number of agents accredited for admission as well as the amount 
and type of reference service provided for them. However, the refer- 
ence section staff has continued to point out sources of information and 
to answer their questions concerning committee records on an average 
of 12 or more times daily. A total of 3,500 visits by properly accredited 
Government agents has been recorded for 1955, which in 37 percent 
of the cases extended over the entire working day. 

"\^niile the use of this collection grows continually, so does its use- 
fulness increase by proper maintenance and the careful processing and 
indexing of new additions. The care of such an extensive and varied 
amount of material is within itself a task, for such material does not 
become obsolete and available for discard or storage, but tends to 
become more valuable and to require more careful handling as it in- 
creases in age and volume. 

New material, in order to be properly incorporated into the col- 
lection, available for immediate use in a variety of circum- 
stances, and properly reported, must be exactly classified, thoroughly 
cross-referenced, and minutely indexed. Many thousands of orig- 
inal and microfilm or photostatic copies of periodicals, clippings, 
books, pamphlets, and other printed matter have been so processed 
and added to files in the past year. Among these, perhaps the most 
valuable were 215 rolls of microfilm which have for the first time 
provided a complete file of the issues of the Communist papers, Daily 
Worker^ Daily People's Worlds Midioest Record^ and Western 
Worker, as well as a number of other publications new to the com- 


mittee's periodical files. The acquisition of microfilm has, moreover, 
released a small but important amount of space for other records, 
affordin.g some temporary relief in the critical problem of housing a 
voluminous and ever-growing collection of material on a vitally 
important subject. 


The vast majority of the recommendations made by the Committee 
on Un-American Activities have been adopted or enatced into law. 
The committee notes, however, that no legislation in this field w^as 
completed during the first session of the present Congress despite 
certain measures which the committee believes deserve immediate 
attention and action. 

Until the courts have rendered a fhial determination on the consti- 
tutionality of the Internal Security Act of 1950, the committee does 
not believe it advisable for the Congress to undertake any broad new 
legislative action against the functioning of the Communist Party. 
The committee also prefers to observe the operation of the immunity 
statute enacted by the last Congress before making any further recom- 
mendations along this line. 

Nevertheless there are certain legislative and administrative steps 
which should be taken immediately in order to strengthen the hand 
of our Government in dealing with the Soviet conspiracy. Four of 
these measures have been ]:)reviously recommen.ded by the committee 
and are resubmitted with the urgent request that decisive action be 
taken before the conclusion of the Sith Congress : 

1. Information obtained through surveillance by technical devices 
should be permitted as evidence in matters affecting the national se- 
curity, with the provision that adequate safeguards are adopted to 
prevent any abuse of civil liberties. 

2. The unauthorized transportation in interstate commerce of 
Government documents falling within a top secret, secret, or confiden- 
tial classification should be made a criminal action. 

o. Persons bidding for a Government contract should be required 
to file an affidavit stating he is not now and has not been within the 
past 10 years a member of any organization advocating overthrow of 
the Government by force and violence. 

4. The statute of limitations on treason, espionage, sabotage, and 
other subversive activities should be amended. Bills introduced in 
the House and the Senate would amend the statute to permit prosecu- 
tions up to 15 years from the time of commission of a crime, instead of 
the 5 years now provided for. 

In addition, the committee urges the following legislative and ad- 
ministrative action in 1956 : 

5. The statute of limitations for violation of section 1001 or section 
1621 of title 18, United States Code, dealing with false statements 
in regarcl to subversive activities and connections, should be extended 
to 10 years from commission of the offense by employees of the United 
State's or any department or agency thereof, or any applicant for such 

6. The maximum penalty for seditious conspiracy, advocating over- 
throw of the Government^ and conspiracy to so advocate, should be 
increased to $20,000 in fines and 20 years imprisonment, in order to 
provide a more realistic punishment for crimes of such gi-avity. 


This cliang^e is embodied in H. R, 2854, which was passed by the House 
in 1955 at the recommendation of the House Judiciary Committee and 
now awaits action by the Senate. 

7. There is a need for prompt enactment of H. R. 3882, revising 
existing law to require the registration of persons with I^nowledge of 
or training in espionage, counterespionage, or sabotage tactics of a 
foreign government. The House approved this bill last year but 
Senate action on the measure is still needed. 

8. Procedures by which congressional committees seek legal redress 
against contemptuous witnesses should be streamlined in the manner 
proposed by H. E. 780. Court action frequently takes 1 to 2 years 
under the present cumbersome process which involves: Committee 
vote, a House resolution, formal application to the United States dis- 
trict attorney; grand jury indictment, and trial. Not only does the 
committee fail to obtain the information desired of the witness, but 
the witness often escapes punishment altogether. H. E. 780 pennits 
congressional committees, by majority vote, to refer a defiant witness 
directly to the courts. If the court determines that a witness has 
been in contempt and he so continues, the witness may then be ad- 
judged in contempt of the court itself. H. E. 780 has already been 
approved by the House and requires action by the Senate. 

9. Willfully contradictory statements made by a witness before 
Federal grand juries, Federal courts, or congTessional bodies should 
be punishable as perjury without the present requirement that the 
Government prove which of the statements is false. Although when 
two contradictory statements are made, one of them is obviously false^ 
the Government must now prove the falsity by testimony of 2 inde- 
pendent witnesses or by the testimony of 1 witness and corroborative 
evidence. Bills introduced in the House and the Senate would remedy 
this situation by requiring the Government to prove only that the 
statements of a witness are themselves contradictory — provided that 
they are willful, concern material matters, and are made within 3 
years of one another. 

10. Eecommendation is hereby made that the Attorney General 
continue his efforts for stricter enforcement of section 242 of the Wal- 
ter-McCarran Immigration and Nationality Act providing for the 
detention of aliens whose deportation has not been effected. Such 
action would prevent the anomaly of deportable Communists, such 
as Kim Diamond and David Hyun, continuing to remain at liberty 
and to engage in subversive activities while doing all in their power 
to obstruct the processes of law designed to rid the Nation of their 


Following is a complete list of committee hearings and publications 
for the 1st session of the 81th Congress : 

Investigation of Commiuiist Activities in tlie New York Area— Part 1 (Testi- 
mony of Jean Muir), June 15, 1953. (Released by committee May 25, 1955.) 

Invejstigatiou of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 2 (Youth 
Organizations), March 16, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 3 (Testimony 
of Mildred Blauvelt) , May 3 and 4, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 4 (Testimony 
of Mildred Blauvelt), May 5 and 6, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 5 (Summer 
Camps), July 25, 28, 29, and August 1, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 6 (Entertain- 
ment ) , August 15 and 16, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 7 (Entertain- 
ment ) , August 17 and 18, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 8 (Entertain- 
ment ) , October 14, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Fort Wayne, Ind., Area, February 
28, March 1, and April 25, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Milwaukee, Wis., Area — Part 1, 
March 28 and 29, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Milwaukee, Wis., Area — Part 2, 
March 29, 30, and May 3, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Seattle, Wash., Area — Part 1, 
March 17 and 18, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Seattle, Wash., Area — Part 2, 
March 18 and 19, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Seattle, Wash., Area — Part 3, 
d\me 1 and 2, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Newark, N. J., Area — Part 1, May 
16 and 17, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Newark, N. J., Area — Part 2, May 
18, 19 and July 13, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Ohio Area (Testimony of Keve 
Bray) July 13, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities — Part 1 (The Committee To Secure Jus- 
tice in the Rosenberg Case and Affiliates) August 2 and 3, 19-55 

Investigation of Communist Activities — Part 2 (The Committee To Secure Jus- 
tice in the Rosenberg Case and Affiliates) August 4 and 5, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 1, 
June 27 and 28, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 2, 
June 29, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 3, 
June 30, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 4, 
July 1 and 2, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 5, 
October 13, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 6 
(Testimony of William Ward Kimple) , April 18-21, 25-29, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the San Diego, Calif., Area — July 5 and 
6, 1955 

Investigation of Communist Infiltration of Government— Part 1, December 13, 



Investigation of Communist Infiltration of Government — Part 2, December 14 

and 15, 1955 
Cumulative Index to Publications of tlie Committee on Un-American Activities 

Annual Eeport of the Committee on Un-American Activities for the Year 1955 




(By B. Vassiliev) 

The Enlarged Presidium of the E. C. C. I. (February 1930), summing up the 
international situation, called upon all Communist Parties to fundamentally 
change the methods and pace of their work by concentrating their chief atten- 
tion on the problems of the prei)aration and the carryius out of mass REVOLU- 
TIOISARY ACTIONS OF THE PROLETARIAT— strikes, demonstrations, etc., 
while at the same time continuing as far as possible to pi'omote their agitational 
and propaganda work. Consequently, iu the present conditions, the Party appara- 
tus, in response to the demands which the direction of the Comintern puts forward, 
shovild in the first place be fitted for the organization of demonstrations, strikes 
and other mass actions of the proletariat. Party leaders who are not capable 
of organizing demonstrations and strikes do not answer to the demands which 
the circumstances of the class struggle are now placing before the Communist 
Parties, and therefore should be replaced by others who have shown these 
qualities in the course of the class battles of the most recent period. 

Why did the Enlarged Presidium put the question in this way? The political 
resolution of the Enlar.'ZPd Presidium stater- that the growing now economic » risis 
is hastening the process of upsetting capitalist stabilization (it has already led 
to the beginning of the collapse of capitalist stabilization) and the growth 
of class contradictions, thus accelerating the rise of a new revolutionary wave. 
The resolution further states that the working class movement in the period 
since the 10th Plenum of the E. C. C. I. had been raised to a higher stage. The 
revolutionary activity of the proletai-ian masses has grown stronger, the fighting 
capabilities of the Communist Parties have been heightened. The whole 
position of the class struggle has placed before the Commmiist Parties and the 
Communist International as a whole, a number of new fighting tasks. In the 
process of the growth of a new revolutionary upsurge there are present already 
in certain capitalist countries elements of a gathering political crisis and of a 
revolutionary situation, as for example, in Poland, Italy, Spain, partly in Ru- 
mania, in Yugoslavia, and in Greece. A deep political crisis is present in China 
and India, being the starting point of a revolutionary situation. In Germany 
the process of the i-adicalization of the masses of the working class is proceeding 
at a swift pace. In France, another country of powerful capitalism, the number 
of strikers grew from 222,000 in 1928 to 431,000 in 1929, whilst these strikes 
assumed a more and more clearly expressed political character and were char- 
acterized by the growing tenacity of the workers. In England, in spite of 
extraordinary diflicult conditions for the growth of a revolutionary movement, 
in spite of the extraordinary weakness of the Communist Party (on the 1st 
January 1930, 2,800 Party members and 120 members in the Y. C. L.), the number 
of sti'ikers in 1;»29 compared with 1928 grew from 124,000 to 534,000 comprising 
the most important sections of industry, such as mining and textiles. 

At the same time, the gigantic successes of socialist construction in the 
U. S. S. R. are sharpening in the most extreme way the contradictions between 
U. S. S. R. and the entire capitalist world and are forcing the leaders of 
the capitalist world to strengthen and hasten to the highest degree their military 
preparations of a new armed attack on the U. S. S. R. The 10th Plenum of the 
B. C. C. I. showed that the danger of new Imperialist wars and of new 
attacks of the imperialists on the U. S. S. R. never was so imminent from the 
time of the imperialist war of 1914-18 as it was at the moment of the 10th 
Plenum. By March 1930 that danger had increased still more. 

In these conditions of growing economic crisis and heightened threat of war 
against the U. S. S. R. all measures will l)e taken by the ruling classes of the 
capitalist countries to guarantee their rear liefore declaring war, that is. every- 


thing will ho douo hy them to weaken, disorganize and, as far as possible, liqui- 
date conipletoly all revolutionary proletarian orj?anizations, and in the first place 
the Communist Parties * * * 

Moreover, the elections themselves in illegal Parties must, as a rule, take place 
in such a way that even the members of the conference do not know who is electeiJ 
on to the Party Committee. At the present time two methods of electing leading 
organs in illegal Parties are practised. The first method. The Party Conference 
elects a special commission tor rounting the votes cast for candidates for members 
of the Party Committee. Then the candidates are named and the election of the 
Party Connnittee proceeds by secret vote. The commission checks the results of 
the voting, whilst it does not report to the conference as to the jjersonnel elected. 
Another method of election. The conference elects a narrow commission in which 
a representative of the higher Party Committee takes part and this narrow com- 
mittee ele' Is the new Party Committee. In strictly illegal Parties, as for ex- 
ample, the Italiana Communist Party, the latter method of election is the only 
one v.-hich more or less guarantees strict conspirative conditions. 

Self-criticism of the mistakes of the Party direction in illegal Parties must 
also be organized through narrow conferences and must take place in such a way 
that the names of the Party leaders and the functioning of the Party apparatus, 
do not lose their conspirative character. 


The most important element of successful working of the Party Committee — 
the one on which during the checking of its work the most serious attention must 
be concentrated — is the question of connections of the Party Committee with the 
higher and lower Party organizations, especially with the factory cells and the 
fractions of the mass non-Party organizations. This question now has a decisive 
imjiortance, especially in the legal and semi-legal Communist Parties. The illegal 
Communist Parties have already worked out a whole number of measures and 
methods in order to keep their communications with the lower organizations and 
with separate members of the Party, in spite of the severest police repression. 
But with the legal and semi-legal Parties there is bad work all the time along 
this line. In Austria during the last Fascist rising, the C. C. lost connection with 
the Vienna Committee, and the Vienna Committee lost connection with the enter- 
prises. In Paris on the 6th March l!»oO, the C. C. lost connection with the Paris 
organization for six days. Such a state of affairs is absolutely impossible and 
the most important task of each of our Party organizers, of every instructor going 
to the locals to check the work of the Party Committee is above all to check 
how the connections between the Party Committee and other Party organizations 
are organized, and especially these with the lower Party organizations, and the 
factory cells. It is perfectly clear that the Communist Parties will not be in a 
position to organize any mass actions of the Proletariat or mass strikes, or mass 
street demonstrations, if the Party Committees at sharp moments of struggle 
lose connection with the factory cells and mass non-Party organizations. 

Which are the most important methods of communication it is essential to 
foresee? It is essentially important to have a well-laid out live communication. 
Live communication is kept going by the help of the system of so-called appearing 
or reporting places. What is a reporting point. A reporting point is this : the 
Pary Committee establishes special addresses of flats or other places where on 
certain days and at certain times representatives of the cells and fractions of the 
mass organizations must appear. There also representatives of the Party Com- 
mittees appear. The representative of the cells and fractions makes reports on 
what has happened in the factory, what the cell has done, what it proposes to do 
and so on, and the representatives of the Party Committee, having received the 
report, advises the cell how it should act, passes on to it the directions of the 
higher Party organs and so on. This system of appearing places must without 
fail be established in all Parties without exception, legal and illegal whilst in the 
legal Parties a double system of reporting places must without fail be e.stab- 
lished — a system of legal and illegal appearing points. Legal reporting places 
in the legal premises at the Party Committee and illegal appearing places in case 
the legal premises of the Party Committee are closed, or a police ambush is sitting 
there, in order quickly to re-establish connection with the lower Party cell in 
another way through the illegal re|)orting place. For the latter, appearing 
points should therefore be prepared beforehand. In Germany, in P>elgium. in 
France, Party meetings in cafes were at one time very widespread. This is a very 
bad habit because there are always spies in cafes in numbers and it 


is difficult to get rid of them. It is necessary to go over more quickly to the 
establishment of appearing places in safer localities. If the Party has already 
more or less seriously and fundamentally gone over to undergroimd positions, and 
the shadowing of leading active Party members has begun, and Party members 
are being arrested in the streets, then it is very important that special signals 
should be established for the appearing flats, showing ; in the first place, the 
safety of the flat, second, showing that exactly those people have come who were 
expected and that these comrades who have come are talking with exactly those 
comrades whom the observer is coming to see. In order to show that the report- 
ing places are in working order, in Russian conditions, for example, a flowerpot 
was placed in the window, the comrade came, saw that the flowers are there, 
knew that it is safe, and entered. It is necessary to say that these reception 
signals were very quickly learned by the police and that they therefore, when 
visiting any flat, carefully searched for signals before fixing an ambush. If 
they saw that flowers are in the window and the person whom they have come 
to arrest has tried by all means possible to take these flowers away, the police 
insisted on putting them back in the place where they were. So, when arrang- 
ing safety signals for reporting places, it is necessary to arrange them in such a 
way that they don't strike the eyes of the police and that they can be taken away 
without being noticed by the police. 

For verifying those who come to the reporting places, a system of passwords 
is established. The comrade comes to the reporting place, aud he says some 
agi'eed-upon sentence. They answer to that agreed-on sentence by some other 
agreed-on sentence. So both comrades check each other. In Russian under- 
ground conditions very complicated passwords were sometimes used in the central 
appearing places. This was called forth by the circumstances that different 
workers passed through such reporting places ; rank and file workers from the 
cells, district and Central Party workers. Accordingly, one password was fixed 
for the rank and tile worker, a more complicated one for the district worker and 
still more complicated one for the central worker. Why was this necessary? It 
was necessary for conspirative reasons, since only certain things could be said to 
the rank and file worker while perhaps other things could be said to the district 
worker, whilst you could speak with full frankness about the whole work of 
the illegal organization to the representative of the Central Committee. There- 
fore, passwords were, as they used to say at that time of "three degrees of trust." 
This was done in this way. The first degree of trust : a comrade comes and says 
an agreed-upon sentence and is replied to by an agreed-upon sentence. The 
second stage; the comrade who has come in reply to the agreed-upon sentence 
spoken to him, says another agreed-upon sentence, in reply to which yet another 
agreed-upon sentence is spoken to him. The third stage of trust: to the second 
agreed-upon sentence the comrade replies by a third agreed-upon sentence. Then 
the keeper of the appearing place also replies to the third agreed-upon sentence. 

Besides flats for reporting points, connecting link flats are also needed for com- 
munication by letter, and these flats must in no case coincide. And finally, there 
must be flats for the sheltering of illegal comrades, comrades whom the police are 
looking for ; comrades who have escaped from prison, etc., etc. For all our legal 
Communist Parties the question of addresses and flats now plays a role of the 
first importance. Last year, on the eve of the 1st August, when it was clear 
that the leading workers would be arrested in a number of countries, comrades 
did not know where to go, there were no flats. In any case, when it was necessary 
to shelter comrades hiding from the police in Germany, Czechoslovakia and 
France very great difficulties occurred, especially in the provinces. It is essen- 
tial for all Parties to occupy themselves now in the most serious way with the 
solution of the "housing" problem. 

Concerning communications by letter. It is also necessary to give the most 
serious attention to the problem of the organization of letter communications. 
In checking the work of the Party Committee it is necessary to consider this 
question specially : Does the Party Committee have addi'esses for communicating 
by letter with the higher and lower Party organizations, and how are these 
comnumications put into practice? Now, even for the legal Parties, the firmest 
rule must be established that all correspondence concerning the functioning of 
the Party apparatus, must without fail go by special routes guaranteeing letters 
from being copied in the post. All kinds of general circulars, general informa- 
tion reports on the condition of the Party in legal parties can go through 
the ordinary post to legal Party addresses, but everything concerning the func- 
tioning of the Party Committee even in legal Parties, must now without fail go 
by special routes. In the first place, the use of special couriers must be foreseen, 


who will personally carry letters, not trusting these letters to the State post. 
Here the I'arties must make use of the connections which they have with post 
and telegraph and railway servants, connections with all kinds of commercial 
travellers for trading firms and so on. All these connections must be used in 
order that without extra expense responsible Party documents can be trans- 
ported. Further, every Party should take care that every letter, apart from 
whether it goes through the State post or by courier should be written in such 
a way that in case it falls into the hands of the police it should not give the 
police a basis for any kind of arrest or repression against the Party organization. 

This makes the following three requisites. The first requisite : the letter must 
be in code, i. e., all aspects of illegal work are referred to by some special phrase 
or other. For example, the illegal printing press is called "aunti" ; "t.vpe" 
is called "sugar" and so on. A comrade writes: "auntie asks you without fail 
to send her 20-lbs. of sugar;" that will mean that the press is in need of 20-lbs. 
of type or a comrade writes : "we are experiencing great difficulty in finding 
a suitable flat for our aunt." That means that it is a question of finding a flat 
for the illegal printing press. 

Second requisite : besides a code, as above, ciphers are used, illegal parts of 
letters being put not only into code but also into cipher. There are many dif- 
ferent systems of cipher. The simplest and at the same time most reliable system 
of cipher is the system of cipher by the help of a book. Some book or other is 
agreed upon beforehand and then the cipher is made in this way : simple fractions 
or decimals are ciphered. The first figure of the first fraction shows the page 
of the book. Then further comes the actual cipher. For the numerator of the 
fraction we must take a line counting from above or below ; for the denominator 
that counting from the left or from the right which it is necessary to put into 
cipher. For example, we need to put into cipher the letter "A". We look in the 
book and we see that this letter is in the third line from the top, the fourth letter 
from the left to the right. Then we cipher 3 over 4 ( % ) , that is the third line 
from the top, fourth letter from left to right. You can agree also on this method ; 
for example, counting the line not from above but from below, then the 3 will 
not be the third line from above but the third line from below. You can agree 
to count the letter in the line not from left to right but from right to left. 
Finally, for greater complexity in order to keep the sense from the police, you 
can also add to the fraction some figure or other. Let us say the numerator is 
increased by 3 and the denominator by 4. In this case in order to decipher, it 
will be necessary first to subtract in the numerator and denominator of every 
fraction. A whole number of similar complications can be thought out in order 
to complicate the cipher. The advantage of such a cipher is that it is not only 
very simple but also that each letter can be designated by a great number of 
different signs and in such a way that the cipher designation of the letters 
are not repeated. The book cipher can be used without a book. In place of 
a book some poem or other can be chosen, learned by heart and the ciphering 
done according to it. When it is necessary to cipher or decipher, the poem must 
be written out in verses and then the ciphering or deciphering done and the 
poem destroyed. 

The third requisite which is also recommended should be observed in cor- 
respondence, is writing in chemical inks, that is, with such inks that it is 
impossible to read them with special adaptations. If a secret Party letter falls 
into the hands of the police written in invisible ink they must first of all guess 
that it is written in invisible ink ; the open text of such letters must be made 
perfectly blameless, for example, a son is writing to his mother that he is alive 
and well and of the good things he wishes her. Not a word about revolution. 
The police must guess first of all that under this apparent innocent text there 
is a hidden text. Having discovered this secret the police tumble against the 
cipher. If they succeed in deciphering the cipher, they stumble up against a 
code and they have .still to decipher that code. But all this takes time in the 
course of which the police can do nothing. If the police succeed in reading it in 
the course of two or three weeks, then by that time the Party organization has 
been able to cover up all the consequences of the question which was written 
about in the letter. 

What kind of invisible ink should be used? Invisible inks exist in a very great 
number. They can be bought in any chemist's shop. Finally, comrades must 
use the latest inventions of chemistry in this direction. The simplest invisible 
ink which can be recommended and which can be found everywhere, is, for 
example, onion juice and pure water. 


Every Pai'ty Committee must have a definite plan of work for the period 
Immediately ahead. In the conditions of the capitalist countries Party Com- 
mittees cannot work out the same complicated calendar plans as the Party organi- 
zations of the C. P. S. U. The C. P. S. U. is a I'arty in power. Tlie plans of the 
C. P. S. U. regulate the whole social and political life of the country. In capitalist 
countries the Communist Parties are the parties of an oppressed class. The bour- 
geoisie in power uses the whole apparatus of the State power and the full help 
of the Social-Fascist and other reactionary organizations in order to smash the 
plans of the Communist Parties. In these conditions the committees of the Com- 
munist Parties must systematically reconsider and reconstruct the plans of their 
work ; accordingly, these plans must be very pliable. But plans there must be, 
without fail. Every Party Committee must have an approximate plan of its 
work for the period immediately ahead and must group the forces of the Party 
organization according to that plan, fit the forms of the Party structure to it 
and also the methods of Party work. The essence of the plan of work of the 
Party Committee is the adequate catering for the needs of the masses in the 
largest enterprises, playing a more important role in the territory of the given 
Party organization. The structure of the local Party organization must be sucb 
that the organizations can above all serve these big enterprises. That is to say, 
that in the first place the Party Committee must interest itself in questions of 
the work of the factory cells at these big enterprises, must help in the work of 
these factors cells, seeking to attain that these Party cells should become 
really strong political and organizational organs of the Party, that they should 
be in practice connecting organs between the Party and the masses of workers 
at these enterprises. This idea can best of all be made clear by a concrete 
example, say as follows : in a town there are two or three big enterprises ; 
railway workshops, a metal factory, a textile factory. _ Besides these three big 
enterprises there are two or three dozen small enterprises, and in addition 
scattered Party members, individual workers, artisans, representatives of the 
so-called liberal professions, — lawyers, writers, a doctor and so on, as well as 
a few students. The Party Committee of this town should interest itself above 
all in what is happening in the big enterprises — in the railway workshops, in 
the metal factory and the textile factory, how the factory cells are working there 
and in the first place help the factory cells of these enterprises by all and 
every means possible, concentrating all their attention and all their forces on 
this task. In the lawyer's office and the doctor's surgery there are no masses 
which the Party must win over and organize for revolutionary struggle. It is 
another matter with the big enterprises. Therefore the central question in the 
work of every Party Committee is the question of systematically coming to the 
assistance of the factory cells in the big enterprises. A Party Committee which 
cannot provide serious daily help to such factory cells, a Party Committee 
which cannot oi'ganize factory cells capable of working in the enterprises, is 
a bad Party Committee and the leading organs of the Party and the mass of 
Party members should hasten to draw from this state of affairs the necessary 
conclusions and as quickly as possible make a change so far as such a Party 
Committee is concerned. 


We must bear in mind with regard to the internal organization of the work of 
factory cells that in all countries some members of the Party working in the 
enterprises, do not wish to be members of factory cells and do not wish to carry 
on Party work in the factory. For example, in the documents of the Central 
Committee of the Czechoslovakian Party on the pi-eparation for the campaign for 
the 6th March 1930 there is information from all districts that when practical 
questions of the preparation for the demonstration for the 6th March were put 
before the meetings of factory cells, in many factory cells voices were raised to 
the effect that it was impossible to do any work in the factory, and at a place 
called Laza in Moravia, one responsible worker of a factory cell even put the 
question in this way : "If the Party will guarantee material help after I have 
been thrown out of the factory for taking part in the demonstration, but if the 
Party cannot guarantee my family and myself then I will not carry on Party 
work in the factory." Such moods among Communists working in the factory 
are to be observed on all sides. There are Party members who agree to pay 
membership dues, agi-ee to come to a meeting once every fortnight or once a 
month, in order to hear a report on the world proletarian revolution, and vote 


for the platform of the Comintern against the liquidators, the Trotskyists and 
all other renegades, but are not willing to carry on recruiting work among the 
workers of their enterprise, do not wish to prepare strikes in their own enter- 
prises, do not wish to call out the workers of their enterprises to demonstrations, 
and so on. Every Party Committee has to fight with such Party members in 
their enterprises. What should we do with them? The most important task 
of the Party committee consists in organizing all Party members working in 
enterprises into factory cells and drawing them into the day to day work of the 
factory. With regard to Party members who do not wish to take part in the 
work of factoi-y cells, the most attentive and stubborn explanatory work must 
be carried out. But if somebody or other all the same, categorically refuses to 
work in a factory cell, that comrade must be told that nobody is keeping him 
in the party. The Communist Party is a voluntary organization, but every 
worker who voluntarily joins the ranks of the Communist Party accepts iron 
party discipline. If that discipline seems very hard to him, even unbearable, 
then the Party should not shut its doors upon him. In this regard we must 
bear in mind that Party members who do not wish to work in factory cells are 
not necessarily traitors to the working class. In some organizations Party 
workers, proletarians, who have refused to carry out difficult tasks in their enter- 
prises, have been cleaned out of the Party as alien elements. There are alien 
elements in the ranks of the Communist Party, including direct provocators, 
agents of the police and the employers, who specially creep into the Party for 
the purpose of carrying on disruptive work in the ranks of the Party. The Party 
must strictly observe each one of its members, verify in the most careful way 
every suspicious Party member, and if it is established that he is an alien element 
and even more a provocative agent, then of course, there is absolutely no reason 
to beat about the bush with him. But in the ranks of the Communist Parties 
there are a large number of proletarians who sincerely sympathize with Com- 
munism but who at the same time are not strong enough to fulfill all the demands 
of Communist discipline. With regard to such proletarians, if they are not 
capable of being members of the Communist Party there is no need to keep them 
in the Communist Party, but at the same time there is no need to throw them 
out of the Party like a dirty rag: they must be organized round the Party as 
sympathizers as members of non-Party mass organizations, in the Red Trade 
Unions, in the I. L. D., the W. I. R. and so on. In these organizations no such 
discipline is demanded as in the ranks of the Communist Party and they can 
work here in a suitable manner. At the present stage of development of the 
Communist movement, when the Communist Parties are ceasing to be organiza- 
tions for propaganda and agitation of the Communist idea, and are turning into 
fighting organizations, preparing and leading revolutionary actions of the prole- 
tarian masses against the organized forces of the employers, police. State and 
Social-Fascists, some members of the Party are showing themselves incapable 
of fulfilling the new fighting tasks of the Communist Party. But without doubt 
such Party members can be useful to the Party as sympathetic elements, and 
even as leading active elements in different mass organizations, as for example, 
in the ILD, Tenants' Organizations, W. I. R., and so on. Factory cells must be 
composed of proletarians who are really the advance guard of the workers of a 
given enterprise, devoted to the cause of Communism, ready to carry out the 
directions of the Party, grudging neither health nor strength, nor life, not being 
afraid if Party interests demand it to carry out such work in the enterprise as 
may cause the employer to throw them out of the factory, perhaps the police to 
arrest them, and the courts to condemn them to heavy punishment. In fact, 
only factory cells composed of such proletarians can do great revolutionary 
work even though they be very small. In one of the mining districts of Czecho- 
slovakia in 1930 there was such a case. The Social-Democrats organized a meet- 
ing of miners. Only one Communist took part in the meeting. Different ques- 
tions which the Social Democrats brought forward were considered. After a 
discussion in which the Party member present at the meeting took the most active 
part, the meeting decided to join up in the Red Trade Union. The Czechoslo- 
vakian comrades will rememlier another case which took place in 1930 in Prague. 
When the famous social traitor Vandervelde came there, the Social-Democrats 
organized a big meeting at which about 30 active Party members were present. 
Vandervelde delivered a long speech pouring dirty water on the Communist In- 
ternational, the U. S. S. R., and the Czechoslovakian Communist Party, neverthe- 
less, not one of the 30 Party members present at the meeting and there were 
members of the C. C. amongst them, opened his mouth in protest against the 
counter-revolutionary speech of the Social-Fascist leader. It is perfectly clear 


that with activists like the "activists" of the Prague organization, who were 
present at Vandervelde's meeting, the Czechoslovakian proletariat will not win 
power but the Communist Party will be a shameful laughing stock in the eyes 
of the proletariat and the proletariat, quite rightly, will not listen to such 
"activists" and will not support Party organizations which keep such "activists" 
in leading Party work. 


The organization of a factory cell in a big enterprise in the present conditions 
is a very difficult affair, demanding very long and stubborn work by the Party 
members, both those working in the enterprise as well as those who are em- 
ployed elsewhere. It is the business of the Party Committee to secure the essen- 
tial co-ordination of the work of the Communists who are working inside the 
enterprise, with that of the Communists who are outside the boundaries of the 
enterprise. And here a very important question presents itself with regard to 
the form of organization of Party members who are not workers in enterprises ; 
artisans, housewives, etc. According to the decisions of the International Or- 
ganizational Consultations, and according to the constitution of the Communist 
Parties, such Party members are organized in street cells. But how should these 
street cells be organized? The practice of the Parties of the different countries 
shows that the street cells are often organized without any plan. Street cells 
are organized according to place of residence, those Party members who live in 
the territory of a definite district or around some street or other, being brought 
into the street cells. But what should these street cells do? The practice of 
street cells in many countries shows that as a rule they meet from time to time, 
discuss various general questions, but do not carry on any practical day to day 
work. Street cells as a rule come to life only during big campaigns at the time 
of various elections, etc., when they are called upon to distribute leaflets, collect 
signatures, canvass flats, etc. 

In future Party Committees must see to it that street cells are constructed so 
that in their day to day work they should help the Party Committee to strengthen 
its connection with the workers in big enterprises, strengthen the work of fac- 
tory cells and so on. This should be the fundamental practical rule for the 
organization and work of street cells. At the same time it must be firmly borne 
in mind that along with the development of the class struggle Party Committees 
must not fail to carry out changes in the composition and structure of the street 
cells which may become necessary, make a re-grouping of the forces of the 
members of street cells, in order at a given moment to have a concentration of 
forces on the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. For 
example, if some unrest should arise in a textile factory, the Party Committee 
must at once consider the possibility of developing that unrest into a strike 
inside the factory. But a strike can only be organized provided good prepara- 
tory work has been carried out. Who must carry it out? In the first place 
Party members and sympathizers working in the textile factory, but on the other 
hand, the Party Committee must organize the maximum assistance for 
comrades, drawing on Party members working in other factories, and also mem- 
bers of street cells. There can be all, kinds of combinations here. For exam- 
ple, it might be advisable and practicable that a Party member working as a 
fitter in a metal factory, a member of tlie factory cell of the metal factory should 
apply for a .job in the textile factory where a fitter may be needed. Everything" 
must be done in order by such means to strengthen the cell of the textile factory 
from within. Further, let us suppose that near the textile factory a street cell 
is working and that in this street cell there are, let us say, five more or less 
weak comrades living in the district. It is essential to strengthen this street 
cell liy including in it a number of other comrades who live nearby, or even at 
the other end of the town, in order with the help of this street cell to strengthen 
the agitation among the workers of the textile factory on their way to and from 
work, to strengthen through this street cell the distribiition among the workers 
of a textile factory paper, leaflets, and other literature which may be issued by 
the Party with the aim of preparing and organizing a strike, in this textile fac- 
tory. Let us suppose that after the strike is finished a movement begins 
in another factory; the Party Committee must at once regroup its forces 
in order to concentrate them again on another fighting sector of the Party 
work. And so all the time. It is impossible to regard the Party structure or 
any local orL^anization as something unshakahly firm and not lioble to undergo 
changes. The Party Committee must systemntically check the distribution of 
members between different cells, check the expediency of the organization of 


the cell, carry out regrouping of the members of the cell in order in each sep- 
arate case aTid at each concrete moment, to concentrate the best forces of the 
Party round the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. In 
this lies the fundamental art of the Party organizer. His general task consists 
in seeing that every Party member as well as sympathizer should be constantly 
drawn into day to day work, attention being concentrated upon the most impor- 
tant sectors of the class struggle. 


The practice of the T. C. L. has recently given rise to the method of so-called 
shock groups or brigades. This method of shock brigades could be usefully 
carried over into the practice of the Party. The term "shock brigade" is not 
in itself very good. Shock brigades are organized in the factories in the U. S. S. 
R., the Communists working in the factories organizing shock groups around 
which non-Party workers are gathered. But the Communist Party is the ad- 
vance guard of the working class, i. e., it is in itself the shock group of the work- 
ing class ; to create within this shock advance guard of the working class yet 
other shock brigades is of course at bottom not correct. But this is what IS cor- 
rect. In the Party organizations of capitalist countries, numbers of Party mem- 
bers are not drawn into the everyday work. Every Party member belongs to a 
cell, which meets once a fortnight or once a month, and in between these meet- 
ings Party members do not perform much Party work, in many cases, in fact, 
have no Party tasks at all. This happens because in the given cells at the 
given time, there is not much internal work, while other sectors of Party work 
may at the same moment have important militant tasks before them. It is for 
the Party Committee to keep on combining Party members into different groups 
for the concentration of forces upon the most important sectors. Having per- 
formed a given task such groups or brigades are broken up or reconstructed into 
other groups for taking up new work. The general aim in creating such groups 
should be the strengthening of Party work in the big enterprises of the most 
important sections of industry. Here, on this problem the full attention of the 
leading Party organs must be sharply directed in the near future. 


When we approach the study of the work of the factory cells in capitiilist 
co\mtries we are often struck by the great i>assivity of the members of tlie cell. 
A further examination of the reasons for this passivity will reveal, as a rule, a 
complete ignorance on the part of the Party members as to what they should do 
in the factory in their everyday work. The task of the Party organizer, his 
most important task, consists in teaching every Party member working in the 
factory what he should do every day. Every Party member working in the fac- 
tory should begin with workshop in which he is working, organizing the Party 
work there. He should first of all find out who his fellow workers in the shop are. 
That is his first Party duty. He should establish who is the Fascist agent In 
order to know whom to avoid, and in his presence not talk about Party affairs 
or carry on Communist agitation ; next he should find out which workers are 
so narrow-minded that they are not interested in jwlitics at all, either Commu- 
nist or Social-Democratic : he should know which of his neighbors in the shop 
is a member of the Social Democratic Party, but still an honest proletarian, 
capable of fighting for the interests of the working class even though against 
his Party leaders. Finally, what is specially important, every member of a 
factory cell should know which of his neighbors at the bench is revolutionary 
minded even though non-Party, and ready to take or has already taken, active 
part in strikes and revolutionary demonstrations. When a Party member work- 
ing in a workshop has a clear picture of what each worker there represents, 
it will be much easier for him to carry on his everyday work. He will then 
know whom he is to avoid, whom he will have to fight, with whom to become 
acquainted and establish closer relations with the aim of bringing them into 
active revolutionary work. As to the latter, he must have systematic chats 
with them in the intervals of work, preferably during working hours, also on 
the way to and from work, or arrange special walks with them in the town on 
holidays; he must patiently, unceasingly, from day to day, using every hour, 
every minute, agitate them into the spirit of Communism, of course not in a 
general abstract way, but on questions of everyday struggle in the given enter- 
prise and in the given workshop, organizing them around himself and thus 
creating a revolutionary kernel in the shop, and in consequence a workshop 


factory cell. Next, the most important everyday task of the comrade in tlie 
workshop is to carry on discussions with the Social-Democratic workers, win- 
ning over the Social-Democratic workers to his side, bringing the more revolu- 
tionary minded of them and members of reformist trade unions into every kind 
of action against the employer, against the Social-Democratic and reformist 
leaders. His third task should consist of getting the Fascist agents, police spies, 
etc., driven out of the shop and factory. This last task is forgotten most 
often of all. However, it is evident that so long as there are among the workers 
in the shop police agents who are following every movement of the revolutionary 
minded workers, and informing the boss about their actions every day, it will 
be very difficult to organize work in that shop. But if by pressure of the 
workers he should succeed in ridding the shop of these agents. Party vvoik will 
be greatly facilitated. Among those who should be thrown out it will now be 
necessary to include individual Social-Democrats who show themselves Fascist 
police agents, but the general line in relation to Social-Democratic workers must 
remain, i. e., they must be drawTi into the general class channel of the revolu- 
tionary struggle of the proletariat by means of the organization of the united 
front from below. 

Thus the foundation of the factory cell must definitely be the workshop of 
dept. cell. The general factory cell can work well only when it has strong support 
points in the workshops and separate departments. 


The most important task of the shop cell is to concentrate the non-Party active 
workers in the shop compactly around itself. To organize the shop, the dept. — 
this is the task of the shop cell, so that every shop of a factory may act as an 
organized force. How can this be done? It can be done only provided the shop 
cell works on the foundation of the defense of the everyday interests of the 
working class, that every Communist in every shop organizes the mass of the 
workers of that shop around every question of everyday struggle of the working 
class. For example, there is a foreman in the shop who behaves very roughly to 
the workers. The cell must organize the whole mass of the workers around the 
demand that this foreman should be dismissed. The cell should create a com- 
mittee of action, organize elections of shop stewards who should be delegate- 
representatives of all the workers in the shop, in order to effect the driving out of 
the foreman. Active Communists among these shop stewards should form the 
leading core, but non-Party workers who are resi>ected by the mass of the 
workers, should also be drawn in, including even individual Social-Democratic 
workers who have declared their readiness to fight for the removal of this fore- 
man, in spite of all orders and threats from their leaders. If the shop cells 
succeeds in creating such a directing center around concrete tasks affecting the 
interests of all the workers of the factory, then we can say that this shop cell 
has worked well : it has become the revolutionary leader of the workers of a given 
shop. A cell which is every day closely bound up with the working masses on 
questions of the defense of their closest interests and which enjoys the full confi- 
dence of the workers in the cause of the defense of their interest, will retain that 
confidence in the future, in more responsible actions and at most responsible 
moments of the struggle for power. 

The question of the creation of such support points for revolutionary class 
struggle in the shops and also on a general factory scale in the most important 
question in the work of our factory cells. In the first place the question of the 
so-called revolutionary shop stewards is bound up with this. This slogan was 
issued by the Communist Party of Gennany in 1929. At present it is extremely 
real for all capitalist countries. Revolutionary shop stewards — that means those 
workers elected by the revolutionary section of the workers of the factory at 
their workshop of general factory meetings, who are the organizers of the united 
front from below in the struggle for the defense of the closest interests of the 
workers of the given factory against the attacks of the employers and against the 
leaders of the Social Democratic and reformist trade unions. 

So the factory cell can only become a strong Party organization capable of 
acting efficiently, and connected with the masses, when it operated on the basis of 
strong shop cells. Therefore the strong shop cell is the most important organi- 
zational guarantee for the good working of the general factory cell. The shop 
cell in its turn will only work well when it is able to organize the whole mass of 
the workers of its shop around the issues of the class struggle, which are near to 
and understood by all the workers of the shop, including non-Party workers and 


members of the reformist unions and members of the Social-Democratic Party. 
Shop cells should carry on their mass work within tlie shop on the basis of the 
tactic of the united front from below through revolutionary shop stewards. Rev- 
olutionary shop stewards in their turn must include among their number the most 
active Communists, members of the shop cells, but in addition individual revo- 
lutionary-minded Social-Democratic workers and non-Party advanced workers 
must be drawn into this work who are ready not to listen to their leaders in the 
struggle against the employers and their agents. When the shop cell succeeds 
in creating the institution of revolutionary shop stewards leading their everyday 
struggle, then no police can drive tlie Party organization from the factory, then, 
in order to drive the Party organization out of the factory it will be necessary to 
shut the factory down, to dismiss all the workers and recruit a new staff of 


Mass organizations must be divided into two large groups : mass organizations 
supporting the Communist parties and other mass organizations fighting the 
Communist Parties. To the first category belong the revolutionary trade unions, 
ILD, WIR, etc. Organizations of the second kind are in their turn divided into 
two groups: 1) formerly non-Party mass organizations like reformist christian 
and other reactionary trade unions, sport organizations, etc. and 2 ) all kinds of 
organizations politically hostile to us, such as the Social-Democratic Party, 
various Fascist political imions, etc. 

In all non-Party mass proletarian organizations, such as trade unions, sport 
organizations, tenants' organizations, etc. the Party should form fractions em- 
bracing all Communists and sympathizers. There are thousands of decisions 
about fractions in mass organizations, but up to now the position in all Parties 
with regard to fractions is bad. In the first place fractions are far from being 
organized everywhere. In the second place, organized fractions in the majority 
of cases work without the direction of the Party Committee. So, the Party Com- 
mittees should before all find out whether fractions exist everywhere, where they 
should be established, and in the second place it is essential that Party Commit- 
tees should direct the work of the fractions and that the fractions should in the 
stricti-st way carry out all the directions of the corresponding Party Committees. 
In the constitution of the Communist Party it is laid down that a fraction has 
the right to appeal against the decision of a Party Committee. A Party Commit- 
tee Is bound to examine the protest of a fraction against its decision in the pres- 
ence of a representative of a fraction. The decision of a Party Committee is 
binding on a fraction and there is no appeal against it : it should be accepted 
without argument and put into life withoiit delay. At present in practice 
directions of the Party Committees are frequently not carried out by fractions. 
The task of the Party is to see that every fraction carries out these directions in 
the strictest way. With regard to fraction members who avoid carrying out 
directions, the most serious explanatory work must essentially be inidertaken 
and in case of necessity, the strictest Party measures should be taken even up to 
expulsion from the Party, for otherwise the Party will be completely unable to 
direct the work of a fraction. There may be cases when swift interference of the 
Party Committee is called for, while it may be impossible to convene a full meet- 
ing of the Party Committee to give out such a new direction. For example, some 
trade union Congress or other is being held. Before the congress the fraction 
meets, called together by the Party Committee and jointly works out instructions. 
But during the Congress questions may come up which have not been foreseen in 
the directions of the Party Committee. What is to be done? Should the commit- 
tee meet immediately V And how can this l)e arranged, when questions may arise 
at any moment which are absolutely unexpected and which must be reacted to at 
once? For such cases the Part.v Committee must nominate a special group of 
three comrades or a plenipotentiary representative, who should de<'ide in the 
name of the Party Comniittee. At the meeting of the fraction it should be ex- 
plained that for the leadership of the work of the fraction the Party Committee 
has nominated a group of three comrades consisting of such and such comrades, 
or such a plenipotentiary, and that the intervention of these comrades, their 
propositions, should he looked upon by all fraction members as official directions 
of the Party Committee and carried out without any argument. In this way un- 
interrupted guidance of the Party Committee is guaranteed in the work of the 
fraction * * * 




The following is a copy of an affidavit which has been submitted 
to the committee by Ralph Vernon Long for the purpose of correcting 
an error in his testimony before the committee on November 30, 
1954. The error is located on page 7363 of the committee's printed 
hearings titled "Investigation of Communist Activities in the State 
of Florida, Parti." 

State of North Carolina, 

Count If of Durham, ss: 

I, Ralph Vernon Long, being first duly sworn, depose and state that I ap- 
peared before the Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Rep- 
resentatives in Miami, Fla., on November 30, 1954, in response to a subpena ; 

That I did at the time and place above designated, testify concerning my 
experiences in the Communist Party and of my knowledge concerning the oper- 
ations of the Communist Party ; 

That I did at the time and place above indicated, identify one Grace Liv- 
ingston as being from New Orleans and connected with the Southern Confer- 
ence for Human Welfare in that city as being known to me as having been a 
member of the Communist Party and as having attended a Communist Party 
school in Poughkeepsie, N. Y., in June 1947 ; 

That some time subsequent to the date I so testified I realized I had made 
an error in the identification of Grace Livingston and that the name of the per- 
son I intended to identify and do so now identify is that of Grace Tillman ; 

That I make this aflBdavit solely for the purpose of correcting the error in 
identification and in order that the Committee on Un-American Activities of 
the House of Representatives may correct their record accordingly. 

( s ) Ralph V. Long, Affiant. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 24th day of September 1955 
[seal] Richard McDonald, 

Notary Public in and for the County of Durham, State of North Carolina. 

My commission expires July 31, 1957. 


Individuals p^ge 

Abber, Edith 31 

Alman, David 31, 33 

-Vluiaii, Emily (Mrs. David Almaii) 33 

Aslier, Lester 6 

Baldwin, Bereniece 33 

Belmont, Kutb 33 

Bentley, Elizabeth 6, 7 

Blauvelt, Mildred 2, 16, 17 

Brainin, Joseph 31 

Bridges, Harry 21 

Briebl, Fred 10 

Bucholt, Joseph 12 

Burlak, Ann 31 

Chambers, Wliittaker 7 

Christoft'el, Harold 21 

Cooper, Harry 6 

Crow, Tom 33 

Czariiowslvi, Anzelm A 32 

Davis, Frank C 10 

Davis, Nelson 33 

DeAquino, Anthony 17, 18 

Dennett, Eugene 3, 28, 29 

Derwent, Clarence 15 

Diamond, Bert 6 

Donner, Frank 6 

f]ggleston, James 22, 23 

Eisenscher, Sigmund 23,24 

Engler, Sam 12 

Fisher, Josepli 20 

Fogel, Robert 12 

Frantjis, Jean D 32 

Freedland, Michael 32 

Freedland, Sylvia 32 

Friedman, Kenneth 9, 10 

Fritchman, Stephen H 10 

Fuchs, Herbert 5-7 

Gilman, John 33 

Glatis, James 31, 32 

Gojack, John T 1,21 

Golat, Solomon 20 

Gorham, James 6 

Granat, Josephine 33 

Green, David 9 

Greenglass, David 31 

Grossman, Sol 33 

Gustafson, Elton 10 

Gustafson, Sarah (Mrs. Elton Gustafson) 10 

Gutman, Herbert 8, 9 

Hall, George 13 

Halper. Philip 33 

Harap, Louis 30, 33 

Hardyman, George Hugh 11,26 

Hardyman, Susan (Mrs. George Hugh Hardyman) 11 

Heald. Allen 6 



CJommunist Party : ^asc. 

Michigan, Labor Commission 22 

New York State, Farm Commission 10 

Wisconsin 23,24 

Community Unitarian Fellowship 26 

Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America, United 1 

District 4 17, 18 

District 9 2, 20, 21 

Local 447 IS 

Local 931 21 

First Unitarian Church (Los Angeles) 10 

Friends of Ormsby Village 30 

Fur and Leather Workers Union, International 9 

Independent Progressive Party 28 

International Workers Order 9 

Jefferson School of Social Science 9 

Labor Youth League 2, 8, 11, 12, 22, 23 

Loujack Camp Corp 9 

National Committee to Secure Justice for Morton Sobell in the Rosen- 
berg Case 30 

National Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case 3,29,30 

Local affiliates : 

Boston 30,31 

Chicago 30,33 

Cleveland 30,33 

Detroit 30, 32, 33 

Los Angeles 30 

Milwaukee 30,32 

Philadelphia 30,32 

Washington, D. C 30,33 

National Negro Labor Council 20 

National Rosenberg-Sobell Committee 33 

Nevp York State Joint Legislative Committee on Philanthropic and Charit- 
able Agencies 11 

Northern California Peace Crusade 25 

Ormsbv Hill Trust 10 

Ormsby Village for Youth 10, 11, 28 

People's Progressive Party 23 

Perlo group 7 

Prisoners' Relief Committee 21 

San Diego First Unitarian Church 2S 

San Diego Peace Forum 1_ 25 

Save Our Sons Committee 3,4 

Silvermaster group 7 

Southei'n California Peace Crusade 25-27 

Southern Conference for Human Welfare 48 

Straight Arrow Camp 10 

SulK'ommittee to Investigate Railroads, Holding Companies, and Related 

Matters of tlie Senate Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce 5-7 

Sylvan Lake, Inc 9 

Trade Union Unity League 28 

Unemployed Councils 28 

United States Government : 

Interstate Commerce Commission 6 

Labor Department 6 

National Labor Relations Board 4-6 

National War Labor Board 5,6 

Office of Price Administration 6 

WPA 6 

Ware-Abt-Witt group 7 

Washington Commonwealth Federation 28 

Washington Old Age Pension Union 28 

Washington Pension Union 3,28,29 

Wheeler Committee. (See Subcommittee to Investigate Railroads, Hold- 
ing Companies, and Related Matters of the Senate Committee on Inter- 
state and Foreign Commerce.) 



Wholesale and Warehouse Workers, Independent Local 65 15 

Win^dale Lodge 9, 10 

Workers' Alliance 28 

Young (Communist League 8, 12 

Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) 16 

Young Progressives of America 8, 22, 23 

Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) 16 

Youth for Wallace Club 8 


Jewish Life 30 

Korean Independence 27